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J. WILCOCKS, Eſq;
Barton-Segrave, near Kettering,
Northamptonshire.
THIS BOOK
FORMS PART OF THE
ORIGINAL LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BOUGHT IN EUROPE
1838 TO 1839
BY
ASA GRAY
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7
THE
Primitive Dzigination
O F
MANKIND.
CONSIDERED AND EXAMINED
According to
The Light of Nature.
WRITTEN
By the Honourable Sir MATTHEW HALE
KNIGHT:
Late CHIEF JUSTICE of His MAJESTIES
Court of KING'S BENCH.
ה
LONDON,
Printed by WILLIAM GODBID, for WILLIAM SHROWSBERY
lƆc
at the Sign of the Bible in Duke-Lane. clɔ ɔc LXXVII.
TO THE
READER.
HE ſubject Matter of this Book is a free Dif-
quifition, according to the Light of Nature and
Natural Reaſon, touching the Primitive Origi-
nation of Mankind, confifting principally of
theſe Parts and Affertions.
T
I. That according to the Light of Nature and Natural
Reaſon, the Mundus afpectabilis was not Eternal, but had a
Beginning.
II. That if there could be any imaginable doubt thereof,
yet by the neceffary Evidence of Natural Light it doth appear
that Mankind had a beginning, and that the fucceffive Gene-
rations of Men were in their Original Ex non genitis.
III. That this Truth is evident by Reaſon and Arguments
demonſtrative, or at leaſt little leſs than apodeictical.
IV. That there are Moral Evidences of the truth of this
Aſſertion, which are herein particularly expended and exa-
mined; and how far forth they are concludent, and how far
not: which I have impartially delivered.
V. That thofe great Philofophers that afferted this Origi-
nation of Mankind Ex non genitis, both ancient and modern,
that rendred it by Hypothefes different from that of Mofes, were
miſtaken: Wherein the feveral Hypotheses of Ariftotle, Plato,
Empedocles, Epicurus, Avicen, Cardanus, Cifalpinus, Beregardus and
others are examined, and the abfurdity and impoffibility
thereof detected.
VI. That the Mofaical Syftem, as well of the Creation of
Man as of the World in general, abftractively confidered
without relation to the Divine Inſpiration of the Writer, is
highly confonant to Reaſon, and upon a bare rational account
highly preferrible before the Sentiments of thofe Philofphers
that either thought Mankind Eternal, or fubftituted Hypothejes
of his firſt Production different from the Moſaical.
VII. I have
1
1
4.
}
To the READER.
VII. I have concluded the whole with certain Corollaries
and Deductions, neceffarily flowing from the things thus af-
ferted, as well touching the Exiftence, the Wiſdom, Power,
Providence of Almighty God, as touching both the Duty and
Happineſs of Mankind.
Though this may feem a laborious Work to little purpoſe,
fince the generality of Chriftians, among whom I write, do
generally believe this Truth of the Origination of the World
and Mankind, as it is delivered in the Holy Scriptures; and
thus to write in proof of a Truth generally received, doth
rather create Doubts in Mens Minds of what they already
believe, than any way advantage or confirm their belief.
I Anſwer, 1. That for my part I think Atheiſm fo unrea-
ſonable a thing, ſo abhorrent to the Light of Nature and Sen-
timents of Conſcience, that I cannot think there is ſo much
fpeculative Atheiſm abroad in the World as many good Men
fear and ſuſpect: But if there be but one quarter of that
Atheiſm in the World, I do not know any better Cure of it,
or Preſervative againſt it, next to the Grace of God, than thế
due Confideration of the Origination of Mankind. 2. Again,
though the Creation of Man be generally acknowledged by
Jews and Chriftians, yet we muſt likewiſe confider that many
take it up only as a part of their Education, and not upon any
ferious, deep Conviction of the truth of it: and had fuch Men
but an Education in fuch a Place or Country where it is not
believed, or where it is doubted, they would be at leaſt ſce-
ptical and doubtful in the belief of it. 3. The beft of Men,
and foundeſt believers of Divine Revelations, may be better
confirmed by the acceffion and fuffrage even of Natural Evi-
dences of the Verities they already believe; but howſoever,
it better enables them to convince fuch Gainfayers as will be
governed in their Judgments by no other Light than the Light
of Nature and Reaſon, and many ſuch there may be met
withal in the World.
And upon that account, my whole Difcourfe is bottomed upon
Natural and Moral Evidences fuited to theſe Mens Principles
or Motives, by which they are guided and governed; yea
when I make uſe of the Sacred and Infallible Scriptures, I do
uſe them abſtractively from their Divine and Infallible Au-
thority, and only as Moral Evidences of the Truth I afſert:
for
To the READER,
for any Man may eaſily foreſee, that an Atheiſtical Spirit that
denies or queſtions the truth of the Fact therein delivered,
will not be convinced by the Infallibility of that Scripture which
delivers that for a Truth, which he denies or queftions.
This whole Book as thou now ſeeft it, was written by me
ſome Years fince, and hath lain ever fince in my Cheſt, and
furely therein ſhould have lain ftill, but only for Three
Reaſons: 1. Becauſe that ſome Writings of mine have without
my privity come abroad in Print, which I never intended; and
this might have had the fame fate, if not in my Life time,
yet after my Death. 2. Becauſe poſſibly there hath ſome more
care been uſed by me in the Digeſting and Writing hereof, than
of fome others that have gone abroad in publick. 3. That
although I could never be brought to value the Writings of
mine that are publiſhed, as worthy of the publick view, yet
I find them well accepted by many, which encouraged me to
let this Book come abroad under my own Name; wherein
I uſed more care than in thoſe leffer Tractates, although I
have not yet confidence enough to ſay that this may deſerve
any great acceptation: though there be many things in it
which may not pleaſe, yet I do think there be many things
uſeful, and fuch as will not diſpleaſe Judicious Readers.
If there be any Faults or Miſtakes in Quotations, in Syntax,
in Tranſlations, in Tranſcriptions, or if there by any Errours
(as poffibly there may be ) in my Deductives, Inferences, or
Applications; or if the Language be in fome places either
improper or obfcure, or if the Expreffions or Words which
we fometimes uſe be not fo full, fo fignificant, or proper, or
delivered from Amphibologies, yet I muſt defire the Reader
to take this Apology for it.
1. It was written at leifure and broken times, and with
great intervals, and many times haſtily, as my buſie and im-
portant Employment of another nature (known to the World)
would give me leave; which muft needs make fuch Breaks,
and Chaſms, and Incoherences, that poffibly a continued, un-
interrupted ſeries of writing would have prevented, and carried
on the Difcourfe with a more equal Thred.
2. A long indifpofition of Health hath much hindred and
interrupted me in a ftrict revifing and amending of what pof-
fibly might have been requifite to be done.
3. A
}
To the READER.
3. A Man whoſe ſcope, and intent, and drift is at fome one
thing, and hath his Eye and Defign fixed upon it, many times
is not fo folicitous nor fo curious, nor fo exact in the choice of
his Words, eſpecially in Expreffions of collateral things, not being
the principal Subject of the Diſcourſe, which though they may
lye in his way, yet are not much under his ftrict advertence;
but he thinks it is enough if he dreſſeth his Diſcourſe ſo that it
tend to what it principally aims and drives at. And hence
}
it is, that in Chronological Computations, which I fometimes
make uſe of, I content my felf with a more lax and common
Computation, without any great curioſity or exactneſs, becauſe
it equally ferves my purpoſe as if my Computations were
more critical and exact, even ufque ad minutias Chronologicas; and
fo in ſome other mentions of Names and Times of Authors,
and the like and likewife in the choice of Words or Expref-
fions, wherein poſſibly I may ſometimes be too lax and free,
uſing ſuch as come next into my Mind, without a curious or
critical choice; which is more excufable in a Difcourfe of
this nature, than in fome Polemical and Controverſial Dif-
courſes of other natures, where Men ufually catch at Words
and Expreffions, and it is the greateſt part of their Buſineſs.
4. I muft alfo defire my Readers pardon, in that in my
Tranſcripts of ſome entire Texts out of Ariſtotle, Plato, Plutarch
and others, I uſe the Latin Tranflation, and not the Original
Greek, wherein the Authors wrote: I was a better Grecian in the
16th, than in the 66th Year of my Life; and my application to
another Study and Profeffion, rendred my skill in that Lan-
guage of little uſe to me, and fo I wore it out by degrees.
And thus thou haft this Book prefented to thy view, I wish
thee as much Contentment in Reading as I had in Writing it:
If there be any thing therein that may be uſeful to thee (as
I ſuppoſe there may be) there is matter for my Contentment
and thy Benefit; if all be not answerable thereunto, and to
thy expectation, the former Confiderations give thee reaſonable
Motives of Charity to excuſe it.
The
1
The Contents.
SECT. I.
CA P. I.
THE Introduction, declaring the Reason of the Choice of this
Subject, and the Method of the intended Difcourfe.
CA P. II.
Touching the Excellency of the Humane Nature in General.
CA P. III.
A brief Confideration of the Hypotheſes that concern the Eternity of
the World.
CA P. IV.
Concerning the Origination of Mankind; and whether the fame were
Eternal, or had a Beginning.
CA P. V.
Concerning the Suppofition of the firft Eternal Existence of the common
Parents of Mankind, and the production of the fucceeding Individuals
from them.
CA P. VI.
Certain Objections against the Truths formerly delivered, and against
the Reafons given in proof thereof, with their Solutions.
SECT. II
CA P. I.
The Proofs of Fact that feem with the greatest Moral Evidence to
evince the Inception of Mankind; and firſt, touching the Antiquity
or Novity of History.
CA P. II.
Concerning the first Evidence, the Antiquity of Hiftory and the Chro-
nological Account of Times.
b
CAP.
<
The CONTENT S.
1
CA P. III.
The Second Evidence of Fact, namely, the apparent Evidences of the
first Foundation of the Greateſt and Ancient Kingdoms and Empires.
CA P. IV.
The Third Inftance of Fact, proving the Origination of Mankind,
namely, the Invention of Arts.
CAP. V.
The Fourth Inftance of Fact, feeming to evince the Novity of Man-
kind, namely, the Inceptions of the Religions and Deities of the
Heathens; and the deficiency of this Inftance.
CAP. VI.
A Fifth Confideration concerning the Decays, especially of the Humane
Nature; and whether there be any fuch Decays, and what may be
collected concerning the Origination of Man upon that Suppofition.
CA P. VII.
The Sixth Evidence of Fact, proving Novitatem generis humani,
namely, the Hiftory of the Patres familiarum, and the original
Plantation of the Continents and Iſlands of the World.
CAP. VIII.
The Seventh Evidence of Fact proving the Origination of Man, namely,
the Gradual Increaſe of Mankind.
CA P. IX.
Concerning thofe Correctives of the Evils of Mankind, which may be
thought to be fufficient to reduce it to a greater Equability.
CA P. X.
The farther Examination of the precedent Objection.
CA P. XI.
The Confequence and Illation upon the premiffes against the Eternity
of Mankind.
C A P. XII.
The Eighth Evidence of Fact proving the Origination of Mankind,
namely, the Confent of Mankind.
SECT.
1
}
The CONTENTS.
SECT.
CA P. I.
III.
The Opinions of the more Learned part of Mankind, Philofphers and
other Writers, touching Man's Origination.
CA P. II.
Touching the various Methods of the Origination of Mankind.
CA P. III.
Touching the Second Opinion of thofe that affert the Natural Pro-
duction of Mankind ex non genitis, or the pofsibility thereof.
CA P. IV.
Concerning Vegetables, and especially Infecta Animalia; whetber
any of them are sponte orta or ariſe not rather ex præexiſtente
femine.
CA P. V.
If it be fuppofed that any of those Infects at this day have their Ori-
ginal ex non genitis, or fpontaneè; whether yet the fame may be
Jaid a Natural or Fortuitous Production.
C A P. VI.
}
Suppofing the Production of Infects were totally spontaneous, equivocal,
and ex putrido, whether any Confequence be thence deducible for
the like Production of Perfect Animals, but especially of Men.
CA P. VII.
Touching the Matter of Fact it felf, whether de facto there hath been
any fuch Origination of Mankind, or of any Perfect Animal, either
Natural or Cafual.
SECT.
CA P. I.
IV.
Concerning the last Opinion, attributing the Origination of Mankind to
the immediate Power and Will of Almighty God.
C A P. II.
The Mofaical Hiftory touching the Production of the World and of
Mankind, and the Congruity and Reaſonableness of the Mofaical
Hypothefis.
b 2
CAP.
1
The CONTENT S.
CA P. III.
Concerning the Production and Formation of Man.
CA P. IV.
The Reasonableness of this Hypothefis of the Origination of the World,
and particularly of the Humane Nature, and the great Advantages
it hath above all other Hypotheſes touching the fame..
CA P. V.
Concerning the Nature of that Intelligent Agent that first formed the
Humane Nature, and fome Objections against the Inferences above
made, and their Anſwer.
CA P. VI.
The Reasonableness of the Divine Hypothefis touching the Origination
of the World, and particularly of Man, and the preference thereof
before all the other precedent Suppofitions.
CA P. VII.
A Collection of certain evident and profitable Confequences from this
Confideration, that the first Individuals of Humane Nature, had
their Original from a Great, Powerful, Wife, Intelligent Being.
CAP. VIII.
A farther Enquiry touching the End of the Formation of Man, fo far
as the fame may be collected by Natural Light and Ratiocination.
De
1
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dë dë dë
DE HOMIN E.
6 33 38
CAP. I.
The Introduction, declaring the reafon of the choice of this Subjecł¸
and the Method of the intended Difcourfe.
I
י
T is an admirable evidence of the Divine Wiſdom and Providence
that there is that futable accommodation and adaptation of all
things in Nature, both to their own convenience and exigence,
and to the convenience, ufe, and exigence of one another; which
evidenceth, 1. That all things are made, governed, and difpofed
by a moft intelligent, and wife, and powerful Being. 2. That that
governing Being is but one, and that all this accommodation, and adapta-
tion, and mutual fubfervience of the things in Nature are the product of
one moſt wife decree, counfel, and purpoſe of that one moft wife, intelli-
gent, and foveragin Being.
It is not here ſeaſonable to make a large profecution of the particular
inftances of that accommodation of things in Nature, nor of the neceffity
of the former confequences arifing from it. The inftances thereof, that
are futable to the Deſign meant in this Difcourfe, fhall be only theſe two,
which I fhall but ſhortly touch: 1. The admirable accommodation of
Senfible Faculty to the Objects of Senfe, and of thoſe Objects to it, and
of both to the well-being of the Senfible Nature: 2. The admirable
accommodation of the Intellectual Faculty in Man to Intellectual Objects,
and of thoſe Objects to it, and of both to the well-being of the Humane
or Rational Nature.
Touching the former, the Senfible Nature in its complement and
integrity hath five exterior powers or faculties, that are accommodated
to all thoſe motions or impreffions of natural bodies, and their accidents
which are uſeful to it; and by theſe five ports or gates all thofe impreffions
which are uſeful for the perception of the Senfible Nature are communi-
cated to it, namely, the five exterior Senfes. It is not only poffible,
but very likely, that there may be fuch motions or qualities of Bodies,
that make not any impreffion upon any of thoſe Senſes; but if there be
fuch, they are fuch as are not of uſe for the perception or convenience
of the Senfible Nature. But for fuch as are neceffary for fuch perception
of the Senfible Nature, there is no motion, quality, or operation of
external Bodies, but what hath accommodated to it a Faculty in Senſe
receptive of it: Is there fuch a motion or objectiveneſs of external Bodies
which produceth light or colour, figure, vicinity, or diſtance? the
Faculty of Sight is fitted to receive that impreffion or objectiveneſs, and
B
that
2
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
1
that objectiveneſs fitted and accommodate to that Faculty. Is there that
motion or objectiveneſs that cauſeth founds the Faculty of Hearing is
fitted to be receptive of it, and that objectiveneſs or motion (or what
ever it is) fitted to make an impreffion upon that Faculty. And fo for the
other Senfes. And by this adaptation and congruity of theſe Faculties to
their ſeveral proper Objects, and by the fitneſs and proportionateneſs of
theſe objective Impreffions, Qualities, or Motions, upon their reſpective
Faculties, accommodated to their reception, the Senfible Nature hath
fo much of perception and reception of things as is neceffary for its fenfible
Being. I fpeak not here of thofe other interior Senfes of Difcrimination
of the Objects of Senfe, Phantafie, Memory, Appetite, and the reft,
for they are not at prefent to my purpoſe.
II. And what is thus excellent and admirable in the accommodation
between the ſenſitive Faculties and their Objects, is to be obſerved in the
intellectual Faculty, though the Faculty and Object are far more noble
and excellent than that of Senfe. As there is an accommodation between
the viſive Faculty and its Object, and as there is an accommodation
between the Faculty of the Tafte and the Object, the Object fitted to
make an impreffion upon the Faculty, and Faculty fitted to take the
impreffion from the Object; fo there is an accommodation, and futable
adaptation, between the intellective Faculty and the intelligible Object,
the Object as it were thrufting it felf into the Faculty, and the Faculty
receiving and perceiving the Object.
The means of derivation, and immediate union of theſe intelligible
Objects to the Underſtanding, are various: Sometimes divine and fuper-
natural, as by immediate irradiation or revelation; fometimes artificial
and inſtituted, as by diſcourſe and inftituted ſigns, and thus Intelligibles
are conveyed from one man to another by words or writing; fometimes
natural, and that ſeems to be by three kinds of means, 1. by the mediation of
Senfe, which is ordinarily the firſt baſis of all humane intellectual know-
ledge; 2. by ratiocination or diſcourſe of the Mind, whereby even from
fenfible Objects the Intellect receives a farther profpect of other Intelli-
gibles, not immediately prefented by or to the Senfe, but by confequences,
deductions, and conclufions deduced from things more obvious to Senfe,
and perchance at firſt repreſented by it; 3. there feems to be a third
means, which is a kind of intuition; there are fome truths fo plain and
evident, and open, that need not any procefs of ratiocination to evidence
or evince them; they feem to be objected to the Intellective Nature when
it is grown perfect and fit for intellectual operation, as the Objects of
Light or Colour are objected to the Eye when it is open, they are
underſtood and affented unto quafi per faltum & intuitum; and though theſe
truths are ſuch as are alfo deducible by_ratiocination and rational procefs,
yet the connexion between the premiffes, and the conclufion in them,
are fo clear, and the tranfition from the premiffes to the conclufion is fo
fwift, fhort, and clear, that it ſeems to be in a moment, and the affent
to them and evidence of them is inftantaneous; fuch are many conclufions
of moral and intellectual truths, which feem upon this accompt to be
congenite with us, connatural to us, and engraven in the very frame
and compages of the Soul, becauſe they are Intelligibles of that nature
that preſent themſelves, and thruft themfelves into the Underſtanding
imme-
>
Cap. 1.
13
De Homine.
!
immediately, and many times without the mediation of Senſe or Ratio-
cination. There is that primitive congruity between theſe Intelligibles
and the Intellectual Faculty, that they are immediately united as I faid
by a kind of intuition, and though they are deducible by ratiocination,
as conclufions from premiffes, yet in refpect of their ſwift tranfitus in the
Underſtanding they feem to be principles.
Now this excellent Faculty of the Underſtanding, though it ſeems to
be paſſive in relation to its reception of its Object, yet it is not barely a
paſſive Faculty, it hath an activity about that Object that it receives, and
it actively trades upon it to its farther improvement.
And therefore according to the nature of this excellent Faculty the
Underſtanding (which as it hath been faid is partly active and partly
paffive) there are two things that do much improve and enrich this
Faculty.
First, It is improved by its Exerciſe and Employment, the very Faculty
it felf will degenerate, and grow fluggiſh, dull, and rufty by idleneſs":
The exerciſe of the Intellective Faculty makes it agil, quick, and lively,
yea though the object about which it is exerciſed be poor, little, and low,
yet a Man hath this advantage by the exerciſe of this Faculty about it,
that it keeps it from ruft and torpidneſs, it enlargeth and habituates it for
a due improvement even about nobler Objects.
Secondly, It is enriched by the nobleness and worth of the Object about
which it is exerciſed, when the Object is noble, generous, uſeful, and
futable, at leaſt in a convenient degree to the worth of the Faculty :
Diligence and Induſtry, and exercife of the Intellective Faculty therein,
doth not only exercife, imploy, habituate, and enlarge the Faculty, but
enrich and enable it by the worth of the Object wherewith it is furniſhed.
There is fo great variety of Intelligibles in the World, fo much objected
to our Senfes, fo much deducible from them by Ratiocination and
Diſcourſe, and every feveral Object fo full of fubdivided multiplicity and
complicatene's: And on the other fide, the life of Man fo fhort, and the
approaches of the Underſtanding to the knowledge of things, is for the
moft part fo flow, and gradual, and difficult, that it is not to be hoped
that a Man fhould ever attain the full comprehenfion even of any fmall
inconfiderable Infect, with all its connexions, dependences, relations,
deductions, and confequents; much lefs can it be expected, that any Man
ſhould ever attain the full knowledge of that ftupendious multiplicity and
variety, that appears in all or any confiderable part of thofe Objects of
our Senfes that occur in that mundus afpectabilis which every day we behold:
And yet even the World we fee is the fmalleft part of that which we
neither do nor can ſee.
Therefore it ſeems to be worth the care of a Man, that hath a defire to
improve thoſe two great Talents that God hath lent us, namely, his Time
and his Faculties, that he not only exerciſe his Faculty to keep him from
floth and idleneſs, but out of this great multiplicity of Objects to chuſe
fome fuch for the exercife of his Faculties, that by their worth and value
may improve and advance them; and fuch as may be profitable for this
ule and excrcife, and in fome meaſure attainable with competent certainty
and fatisfaction.
There be certain qualifications that do much commend an Object to a
Man's Enquiry, which are principally theſe :
First,
В 2
4
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
1
Firſt, the nobleness and worth of an Object: Secondly, the uſefulneſs
of this Object being known, or of the knowledge of it: Thirdly,
fufficient certainty touching the Object, or of the knowledge of it:
Fourthly, that the Object be fuch as may be large enough to fatisfie the
Intellective Faculty, and yet not diftract it through its multiplicity,
vaftnefs, or extent. Something I fhall fay of each of theſe.
I. The firſt qualification in the choice of an Object is, that it be noble
and worthy of the Faculty that is employed about it. There is not only
a congruity herein between the nobleness of the Faculty and the Object,
but alſo the Faculty is enriched and advanced by the worth of the Object.
It was the reproach of Domitian a great Emperour, that he bufied himſelf
in hunting of Flies: Yet I do not blame the purfuit of the Works of
Nature, even in the Contemplation of the ſmalleſt Works thereof; for
though the things themſelves are comparatively low, and inconſiderable,
yet even in the ſmalleſt Vegetable or Animal, even in the very little
Infects, there appears the excellent Work of the Divine Wiſdom, and
therefore there is a worth and excellency in the Contemplation of them,
eſpecially when that Contemplation is directed to the fearch and admi-
ration of the great Wiſdom and Skill of the great Creator, who in many
fmall Infects, that in reſpect of their minuteneſs almoſt eſcape the Sight,
hath placed and digeſted as great a variety and excellency of Organs
Faculties, and Inftincts, as in the Whale or Elephant: And therefore
the Labours herein of Ariftotle, Fortunius Licetus, Muffetus, Aldrovandus,
Goddart, and others, that have written whole Volumes concerning the
generation, production, alteration, and variety, even of fmall Infects:
Flies and Worms are not without their worth and uſe, ſeeing in the leaſt
of theſe the curious Wiſdom, Skill, and Power of the great Maker of
all things is confpicuous; and though they are but little Rills, yet if they
be cloſely followed, they are and may be Manuductions to lead us to that
Ocean of Wiſdom, Power, and Goodneſs of the God of Nature, from
which they had their original.
>
II. The fecond qualification that commends an Object, or Subject of
Enquiry, is the uſefulneſs of its knowledge. It is true, that there is
fcarce any kind of knowledge of any Object but is grateful and uſeful in
ſome meaſure to the Underſtanding: But among the Scibilia or Intelligibilia
in the World, there are feveral degrees, fome are not only uſeleſs to be
known, but ſeem to be meer impertinencies; as for inftance, many
Grammatical Criticiſms, and how this Word was written by one Author,
how by another, what faſhion Cloaths the Roman Officers, Military, Civil
or Sacred uſed, and very many Curiofities relating to Languages: It is
true, ſo far forth as Words and Languages are means to derive unto us
the memory, relation, or underſtanding of the things contained under
them, fo far the knowledge of them is uſeful in order to that end, but
Languages fimply in relation to themſelves are but a narrow piece of
fpeculation, and confequently thofe great expences of time and ftudy
that ſome have taken about little uſeleſs Criticiſms, and trifles of that
nature, hath been an improvident expence, and mifemployment of their
time and faculties. Again, fome things there are which are yet of more
value, but yet but of little ufe, they are known only that they may be
known, or inquired into only for the exercife of Wit, Invention and
Subtilty:
Cap. 1.
5
De Homine.
1
Subtilty: What great pains hath been taken concerning the Quadrature
of a Circle, and the Duplication of a Cube, and ſome other Mathematical
Problems? And many Men have ſpent much time, and written great
Volumes touching thofe matters, which yet were they attained, the
knowledge refts in it felf, and is never applicable to any uſe anſwerable
to the pains of their acqueft. Again, there be many things touching
Matters Phyſical, which though they are full of contentation to be known,
and have their uſe thus far, that they are an inquiry and diſcovery of
things that are the Works of God, and of his Wifdom, and ſerve to
explain many Phanomena in Nature, yet they are otherwife of little ufe to
Mankind; as concerning the degrees of acceleration of Motion, the
gravitation of the Air, the exiftence or non-exiſtence of empty ſpaces,
either coacervate or interfperfed, and many the like, which have taken
up the thoughts and times, and exerciſed the Wits, and even the Paffions
of Men in Diſputes concerning them; and yet though the knowledge of
them is curious, and contenting in it felf, yet it is not much ordinable or
applicable to the ufe and benefit of the Man that knows them, or of
others: And therefore though the knowledge of theſe Objects be com-
mendable unto us upon an account of their contentation and curiofity,
yet they do not commend their knowledge to us upon the account of their
uſefulneſs and beneficialneſs.
Again, fome Objects there are that are not only noble in themſelves,
but they have alfo at leaſt a mediate and preparatory uſefulneſs to Mankind,
though perchance in themſelves and immediately they have not that
commodation, Thus the knowledge of divers parts in Natural Philo-
fophy, and the rules, motions, and variety of Qualities and Operations
of divers Natural Objects, the connexion of Caufes and Effects, the
obſervation of the Order of things in Nature, are of fingular ufe to carry
the Mind up to the acknowledging and admiration of the Great Efficient
and Governour of the World, of His Wifdom, Power, Goodness,
Bounty, and conſequently to raiſe up the Heart to veneration of Him.
dutifulneſs and gratitude unto Him, dependance upon Him, and a deep
impreffion of Natural Religion towards Him, and of all thofe confe-
quents that ariſe in the Mind and Life from this habit of Religion: So true
is the Saying of an excellent Naturalift of our own, A little knowledge
in Philofophy may perchance make a proud empty Man an Atheist, but it is
impoſſible that Atheism can lodge in a Mind well ſtudied and acquainted with
Natural Philofophy.
And as thus the knowledge of Nature is uſeful to Mankind, to bring
him to and confirm him in the knowledge of the Glorious God, ſo it is
preparatively uſeful, and indeed neceffary to many uſeful things in this
Life, as to make a Man a good Phyfician, ubi definit Philofophus ibi incipit
Medicus, where the Philofopher ends the Phyfician begins; which next
to the knowledge of Almighty God is of great neceffity and ufe to
Mankind.
And touching Geometry, Aftronomy, and Arithmetick, though in the
knowledge of them there be many things that are nice and curious, and
not fo much in order to uſe as to ſpeculation and exercife of Wit, yet
they are fuch Objects, the knowledge whereof is in many things very bene-
ficent to Mankind, as we fee in the conſtruction of all Mechanical Engins
in
6
Cap. I.
De Homine.
+
1
in the meaſuring of Bodies, Superficies, and Diſtances, in the Rules and
Exerciſe of Architecture, Fortifications, and ordering of Battalia's,
Computations and Reckonings in Contracts and Merchants Affairs, in
Navigation, in the Meaſure and Computation of Time, and the right
knowledge of ſeveral Seaſons, theſe Mathematical Subjects and Sciences
have great uſe in relation to humane affairs and concerns.
And as thus thofe more curious Sciences have their ufe in the Affairs
of Mankind, and are commended unto us, not only upon the account
of the nobleness, but alſo of the uſefulneſs thereof; fo the knowledge
of Hiftory, of Humane Laws, of Moral Philofophy, and of Political
and Oeconomical regiments of the various Modes, Temperaments, and
Qualifications of Governments, with their Appendages, are upon the
account of their uſefulneſs to Humane Society, and the Peace, Tran-
quillity, and Order of the World, and of the particular Societies, Rela-
tions, and Perfons therein commended to our knowledge and contem-
plation, as things without which the World of Mankind would foon
be in diforder and confufion. And although thefe Studies are not
ſo pleaſing and grateful to the Underſtanding, as thoſe other more
curious Contemplations either Phyſical or Mathematical, yet they recom-
pence it with the excellency and neceffity of their uſe, in relation to the
nobleſt viſible Creature, Man, and in relation to his nobleſt and moſt
uſeful poſture and ſtation in this World, namely, a ftate of regulated
Society and Government.
Now according to the kind or degree of the uſefulneſs of the Objects
to be known, fo the knowledge thereof is more or lefs commended unto
us, upon the account of the various degrees of uſefulneſs: Some Objects
and their knowledge are of greateft value, becauſe their ufe is of more
univerſal concern and important neceffity, and fuch is the true know-
ledge of Almighty God, His Greatnefs, Power, Wiſdom, Goodneſs,
and Will, eſpecially as He hath revealed Himfelf in His Word, and
thoſe noble habits that upon that account are ingenerated in the Soul, as
Religion, Gratitude, Obedience, and Tranquillity of Mind, Regularity
of the Soul and Life.
And upon the fame account there is a great value in knowledge of
Morals, and of thoſe Duties that we owe to our felves and others, and
a conformity of Minds and Lives to the Dictates of Religion and Morality.
And the excellence of their uſe, and confequently the commendation
of that knowledge upon that account is evident in theſe particulars :
1. The right and true knowledge of thoſe things do not only perfect our
Souls and Natures by the excellency of the knowledge it felf, but they
perfect our Souls and Natures with Goodneſs: They do not only perfect
the Intellectual Faculty, but they alfo perfect the Volitive Faculty; they
make the Man not only more knowing, but more wife, and they allo
make him the better, more juft, fober, temperate, religious: A Man
may know very much in Mathematicks and Natural Philofophy, and yet
be a bad Man, but a Man truly acquainted with the knowledge of God,
and with the due fenfe of his Duty to Him in matter of Religion, and
his Duty to others in points of Morality, which is a part alfo of the
Divine Will, is not only a knowing Man, but becomes alſo a good Man
(if indeed his knowledge be found and true).
Again,
}
Cap. I.
7
De Homine.
Again, 2. All other knowledge meerly or principally ferves the concerns
of this Life, and is fitted to the meridian thereof: They are fuch as for
ought we know will be of little ufe to a ſeparate Soul, at leaſt we do not
know whether the Soul in its ftate of ſeparation will be much concerned
in the knowledge of Phyſical or Mathematical Learning, or the Rules
or Methods of Political Regiment: But this we are or may be fure, that
the Soul will carry with it into the other World that knowledge of God
which it acquires here, and receive an unfpeakable improvement thereof
by a nearer union to Him; and it will carry with it thofe improvements
and advances of Piety, Goodnefs, Righteoufnefs, Holiness, thofe Habits
and Graces that it began here; and as the Soul is improved and made the
better in this Life by this knowledge, and thoſe effects and meliorations
that it here acquired by them, fo it will carry along with it thofe advan-
tages to the next World; for there is a connaturality and congruity
between that knowledge and thoſe habits, and that future eftate of the
Soul. So that this kind of knowledge is not only ſerviceable and uſeful
for the preſent Life in via, but is proportioned to that ſtate that is in
patria.
And as touching the knowledge of things that are meerly accommodate
to the preſent Life, they receive their dilparity of value in this reſpect,
according to the diſparity or different degrees of uſefulneſs. Some are
uſeful for nobler ends, fome for lower and more inferior ends; ſome are
in a greater degree uſeful for the fame ends than others; and according
to the varieties of ends, uſes, and their degrees, the knowledge of them
(as in reference to this part of the commendation of an Object, namely,
uſefulneſs) is more or lefs eligible. But this is too large a Subject particu
larly to proſecute in this place.
III. The third commendation of a Subject of Contemplation, and that
renders it eligible, is Certainty. Where the Subject is uncertain, and
the evidences touching it doubtful, although perchance the fpeculation
that it affords be very high and fublime, yet fuch a Subject is not in this
reſpect fo eligible as what is more certain, for it leaves an impartial and
ferious Mind full of doubt and diffatisfaction; and where it meets with
a Man of a bufie phantafie, felf-conceited, and partial to himſelf and his
own thoughts, and that would be thought to know beyond the common
ftandard of other Mens Reafon, it puts him upon the confident framing
of Hypothefes built meerly upon Imagination, and from thefe weak
foundations he deduceth Syftems of Confequences and Conclufions
which being built upon meer fanciful and inevident Suppofitions, fall
to nothing but duft and ſmoke as foon as their evidence is impartially
examined. Some Subjects are ſo remote from us that we are ſtrangers to
them, and our knowledge concerning them is meerly conjectural, and
thofe very conjectures for the moſt part wanting competent media to
make them tolerably probable. Concerning the Extent of the Univerſe,
the Plurality of Worlds, the State of Heavenly Bodies, whether they
are inhabited, and with what kind of Inhabitants, whether they are
animate Bodies, whether they are moved by Intelligences, or by their
own Forms, or by the motion of the Body of the Ether, or thofe ima-
ginary Vortices wherein they are placed? Thefe and many fuch Specu
lations touching things at this diſtance may gratifie the Imagination, but
never
8
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
:
never ſatisfie the Mind. Again, fome things though they are or may
be near unto us, yet are of that fubtilty that they eſcape our Senfes, and
thereby we cannot make our approaches to their diſcovery. As con-
cerning the Nature of Spirits, their ubi, motus, the manner of their
Intellection and mutual communication of Notions; by what means
or in what manner actual Intellection is effected in the Soul, how the
Species, Order, and Circumſtances of things are preferved in the Memo-
rative Faculty or Organ, or where elſe theſe and many other hidden
parts of Nature, even of a far lower form, are unacceffible to us.
The Contemplation of the Univerſe, and of the Natural Cauſes and
Effects therein, is indeed an excelleut Contemplation: For, firft, it
exerciſeth the Intellectual Faculties, keeps them in motion and employ-
ment, and thereby perfecteth them. Secondly, It is full of delight and
contentation to the Mind. Thirdly, Although the Underſtanding attains
not a perfect diſcovery of what it fearcheth after, yet many times un-
defigned and unthought of diſcoveries of many excellent things recom-
penceth the lofs of the principal intention; as thoſe that have bent their
endeavour to attain the Philofophers Stone, though they never attain
their end, yet in their process towards it do many times light upon
excellent diſcoveries which they never thought of or defigned, which
in a great meaſure recompenfeth their difappointment in the Particular
fought after. Fourthly, It gives a great diſcovery of the admirable
Wildom and Power of God in framing and ordering of the World, and
fo becomes a manuduction to the knowledge, acknowledgement, and
adoration of Him.
But yet when we confider how ſhort and weak our beſt diſcoveries are
in the moſt acceffible, obvious particulars, and narroweft Integrals of
the Univerſe: When we confider how many things in Nature eſcape our
Senfes, and the diſcoveries thereof; and yet how much we ftand in need
of the diſcoveries of Senfe, and fenfible and experimental obfervation,
to bottom any found conjecture concerning the Nature, Caufes, and
Effects of the things in Nature, and how uncertain, fanciful, and ima-
ginary our Suppofitions are without it, whereby it comes to pafs, that
we many times frame fuppofitions and conclufions concerning things
ſuppoſed to be in Nature, before we have any certain evidence, whether.
in truth the very things about which we frame our fuppofitions or con-
clufions have at all any real exiftence; or if they have, yet for want of
a clear, and ſenſible, and experimented obfervation of them, our pofitions
and conclufions touching their Caufes, Effects, Order and Methods of
their procedure are but fictions and imaginations, accommodated to our
Inventions rather than to the things themſelves, and fuch as we rather
project we would have them be, if we had the making of them, than
what in truth they are. And laftly, if we confider the vaſt extent and
multiplicity of the whole Compafs of the Univerſe, and the things therein
contained, the many parts thereof, that either in reſpect of their tenuity
or diſtance eſcape the reach of our Senfes, the infinite complications and
combinations of feveral concurrences, caufes, and contributions to the
conſtitution and operation of almoft every Integral in Nature; the fhort-
neſs of our Lives, and the many neceffary diverfions that we have, and
muſt neceſſarily have from thoſe Contemplations. Ifay, when we confider
theſe
Cap. 1.
9
De Homine.
theſe things, it feems a thing utterly to be deſpaired of to attain a full,
certain, evident knowledge of the whole Univerſe, or of any confiderable
portion thereof.
And hence it is, that if we confider the various Hypothefes of the an-
cient and modern Philofophers, touching the general Syfteme of the
World, and thoſe more Univerfal and Cardinal Solutions of the com-
mon and great Appearances in Nature, we ſhall find them or the grea-
teſt part
of them, to be little elfe than excogitated and invented Mo-
dels, not fo much arifing from the true Image of the things themselves,
or reſulting from the real Exiſtence of them, as certain inftituted and
artificial Contrivances of mens Wits and Fancies. And thefe Suppo-
fitions being thus invented, they diftort, ftretch and reduce the Orders of
things in a conformation to thoſe pre-conceived Suppoſitions; and then
by the Inventers of them, and thole that are their followers, and would
feem to be men of quicker fight than others, and not to come too short
of the perceptions of their Leaders, they are in a little time magnified into
the true Solutions of the Arcana Natura, and then all or moſt of their Ar-
gumentations, Pofitions, Superftructions and Conclufions, are founded
upon, and conformed unto, and deduced from theſe excogitated Hypo-
thefes, as if they were the true, and only and real frame and conftitution
of things, when they have as little reality, and leſs evidence than the
imaginary folid Spheres in the Heavens, or their Mufick, the Horfes of
the Sun, or any other Poetical Fictions.
And if at any time fome one Phanomenon of Nature appears, that
croffeth any of theſe Suppofitions or Hypothefes, or fuits not with them,
or is not falved by them, preſently great pains is taken to fupply that
Defect with fome fubfidiary Suppofition, that may ftop that Leak, and
piece up the Hypothefis, which muſt be preſently granted to be true, not be-
cauſe there is any evidence of it from the things themſelves, but becauſe
it ſuits with that artificial and precarious Hypothefts which was before ta-
ken up and made much of.
This we may eaſily obſerve to be true; if we ſhould examine all the
various Suppofitions of leading men in their feveral Sects.
The Chymical Philofophers make their Tria prima, Salt, Sulphur and
Mercury, the great conftituent Principles of all Bodies; others add two
more: And their evidence that they are fo, are, becauſe they find by their
folutions by Fire, fome things which they call by theſe Names, to be that
whereinto Bodies are diffolved; when, for ought can be evidently made
out, many of thefe are not fo much really in the conftitution of the Bo-
dies themſelves, as the very alterations or changes of them by the force
and energy of that active Element, or at leaft, though after their folu-
tion, they affume the fhapes of Salt, Sulphur and Mercury, yet there are
even in thoſe Confiftences very various Contextures, differing extream-
ly in each Body from other, though they ſeem to affume fome analogy of
fhape: And poffibly there may be a thouſand Conftituents of different
Natures from any of theſe fuppofed Principles in Bodies, both before and
after their folution by Fire or Heat.
The Ariftotelians have excogitated another fort of Suppofitions of Prin-
ciples, Matter, Form and Privation. And yet it is very difficult to con-
ceive that any fuch thing ſhould be as Matter, undetermined by fomething
C
called
*
IO
Cap. 1.
De Homine,
}
(
called Form; and as difficult to conceive what many forts of theſe Forms
are (which they call fubftantial) whence they ariſe, what becomes of
them, whether fome of thoſe they call Subftantial, are any other than the
various Modifications of Matter; whether others of them are not ſome
middle Nature, neither Bodies nor Accidents, but Powers of a different
nature from Bodies, Accidents, or Qualities, or Subſtances, though not
ſo obvious to our perception: This Hypothefis therefore ſeems for the moſt
part, to be a kind of artificial contrivance, not wholly taken from the na-
tures of things, but fitted to give ſome kind of explication of them; and
for the moſt part an Engine to guide our Conceptions, as
the Figures in Logick, or the artificial Schemes for the finding out a Me-
dium uled by them; Barbara, Celarent, Darii, &c. Napcas, Cipinis vel
Nipis.
Again, if we look upon the Suppofition of Epicurus, and his Explica-
tor, Lucretius, and his Advancer, Gaffendus, how many things muſt be ta-
ken for granted, that are not only perfectly inevident to our ſenſe, but al-
together improbable? The multitude of phyfically indiviſible Atoms,
their ſtrange Figures acommodated to their Motion, Adheſion, and Coa-
gulation, their declined Motions, and the means of their Coalition': And
when all this will not ferve to contain things within any poffible certain-
ty or ſpecifical determination, to patch up that defect, certain Molecula
Seminales muſt be ſuppoſed to make up that Defect, and to keep the
World and its Integrals from an Infinitude and Extendleſneſs of excur-
fions every moment into new Figures and Animals, and
yet made
up
meerly by chance, and by the contexture of thofe Atoms which have nei-
ther quality nor energy, nor any thing elſe beſides their ſmall and imper-
ceptible Moles, to make them operative, and that Local Motion which
they there have; but they teach us not from whence they have
it.
Again, If we look upon Des Cartes his Suppofition, who was not alto-
gether content with the former, but gave it fome Correctives, though
the main Subftratum be of Epicurus; what colour of evidence have we
of the various Configurations of his Atomes, the grinding of them round
by their mutual attritions, the coalition of the Globular Atomes into the
Heavenly Bodies, the filling of Chinks and Interſtices by the Ramenta of
the greater, whereby a Materia Subtilis is diffuſed through the Univerſe,
which is invifible, performs moſt of thoſe motions that we fee in things,
that the Animals are only Engins, and actuated by the mobility of this
fubtil matter? Theſe, and infinite more artificial Inventions of his there
are, that neither Senfe nor Reaſon could ever acquaint him or us with;
but they are an ingenious Creature of his own fruitful Invention, wittily
framed to explicate not fo much the Nature of things, but thofe Concep-
tions he entertained thereof, and to reduce and range them into an Order
contrived by him, not by Nature.
This Excurfion I have used to fhew how great a difficulty there is for a
man to have a fuitable conception of the great Fabrick of the World with
any tolerable certainty, whereby it hath come to pass that the
readieſt and moſt exerciſed Wits have fallen into fo great varieties of
explication thereof, and yet all of them fo full of unevidence and
incertainty, fo full of precarious and imaginary Poftulata, fo
full
1
1
1
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
full of unreaſonableneſs, and improbability, and impoffibilities in them-
felves, and one with another, that a man that is not impofed upon by the
Veneration of the Authors, or his own Phantafie, cannot tell how to fix
in any of them but muſt cry out upon them with the Comedian, Probè fe-
ciftis, incertior fum nunc quàm dudum: Ye have mended the matter well;
I am now more in doubt than before: Neither are we ever likely to
attain any certain or fatisfactory knowledge in the Phyſical Cauſes, Ef-
fects and Appearances in their largeſt extent and latitude.
4. The fourth commendation of an Object of Knowledge is, that if
it be meerly Phyſical or Mathematical, it bears fome proportion to the
Intellective power, neither too narrow, and circumfcribed into a ſmall
compaſs, nor yet too full of multiplicity: The former ſatisfies not the
Underſtanding; for it foon exhaufts all that is in it, and leaves the Un-
derſtanding no work to exerciſe it felf withal. The latter furchargeth
and oppreffeth the Underſtanding with its multiplicity. And upon this
latter account it is, that although the whole Univerſe and every part
thereof are Objects full of excellency and worth, yet the multiplicity
thereof is fo great and various, that the Underſtanding falls under a
kind of defpondency of getting through fo great a Task: and thoſe
that have undertaken the full fpeculation of all the parts of the vifible
World, have done it but fuperficially, lightly, and in Generals; the
time of Life and the Intellective faculty, that moves but gradually and
fucceffively, have not been fufficient for an exact account of all things
vifible: And therefore they that have defigned exactneſs and deep fcrutiny
into things, have taken fome one part of Nature for that purpoſe, and
even in thoſe ſingle Objects there is moft commonly a connexion of fuch va-
rious Appendances or Incidents that they that have fet themſelves upon
ſuch ſeemingly narrow Enquiries, have found it a buſineſs enough to
take up a greater portion of Time and Enquiry than our fhort Lives will
afford us; as may eafily appear by the great and large Tractates of them
that have written concerning the little Organ of the Eye, or the Vifive
Faculty, the Magnetick Motions and Variations, or fome other fingle
Organ or Faculty of the Reaſonable or Senſitive Nature.
Among the many Objects of Knowledge, there feem to be two efpe-
cially, which upon the moft part of the before-mentioned accounts,
moft commend themſelves to our contemplation and enquiry; namely,
the knowledge of the ever-glorious God, and the knowledge of our
felves and the Humane Nature. Almighty God is the higheſt and moſt
excellent and foveraign Object of the Intellectual Faculty: It is true,
he falls not under the laft qualification. Though he is but one, and one
moſt ſimple uncompounded Being, yet his Nature and Perfections, his
Power, Wiſdom, Goodneſs, and all other Excellencies are infinite and
incomprehenfible by any intellectual Nature but himſelf, and therefore
he is an Object infinitely too large for the comprehenfion of any created
Understanding: He is a Light too bright for our Intellective eye to fee,
but by reflexion, or through the Vail of his Word or Works. The more
we know of him, and the more we draw near unto him by ferious' and
humble contemplation, the more we difcover an endleſs and unfearchable
Ocean and Perfection in him, fo that we muſt not, cannot expect to
find out the Almighty to perfection; his ways are unfearchable and paft
C₂
finding
11
12
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
ł
finding out, and much more his Effence and Perfections; ſo that though
he be the moſt natural, and the moſt deſirable Object of created Under-
ftandings, he is an Object infinitely too large for it.
But although in respect of the meature of his Perfection, he be an Ob-
ject unproportionate to a created Underſtanding, a Light too bright, and
an Ocean too large and too deep for it, yet there is fo much of his know-
ledge attainable by us, as is fufficient for ule, nature and everlaſting
happineſs and the knowlede of Almighty God, fo far as it is attainable by
our narrow created Underſtanding, highly advanceth the humane Under-
ſtanding upon all accounts and infinitely excels the knowledge of any other
Object in the world, upon thefe entuing accounts among many others.
:
First, It is a knowledg of fuch an Ooj:& that hath the greateft and
moſt convincing certainty in the world, a certainty that he is, and in a
good meaſure a certainty what he is; for though it be impoffible for any
or all the created Beings in the world, to attain a diftinct, perfect and
full Idea of the Divine excellencies, in their full, adequate, distinct per-
fections; yet that Image that he hath given of himlelt, in the adinirable
Frame of fo much of the world which we know, doth with all imagina
ble certainty evince, That he is, that he is but one, one moft intelligent,
wife, powerful, free, good, fimple, eternal, infinite and moft perfect
Being, the Fountain of Being, and the firſt Cauſe of all things, though
we cannot attain the full comprehenfion of that perfection: And truly
it is no ſmall evidence of the Divine Wisdom and Goodness, That that
great and important Truth of the being and perfection of Almighty God
(the Principle and Object of the greatest importance in the world to the
good of Mankind, and for the advance and perfecting of humane Na-
ture) ſhould be written in fuch plain, clear and evident Characters in
the Works of Nature, and evinced by Evidences riſing from thence, as
are obvious to any person that hath but the common ufe of Reaton, and
the honeſty to uſe and exerciſe it fincerely.
Secondly, It is the moſt noble and excellent Object in the world, and
that may and doth moft enoble and advance the intellective Faculty;
he is the Fountain of all Being, and of all Perfection: Thofe Excellen-
cies that are in the nobleft created Natures in the world, are but fha-
dows of that perfection that is in him: Though a created Underſtand-
ing can never take in the fulness of the Divine Excellencies, yet fo much
as it can or doth receive thereof, is of greater extent, ufe and value,
and doth more advance and enrich the Faculty, than any other Object
in the world, though that other Object were fully and adequately
known.
Thirdly, Although the Underſtanding can never fearch out the Al-
mighty to perfection, by reafon of the infinite exceſs of this Object, be-
yond the capacity of a created Faculty, yet there is that congruity be-
tween this Faculty and this Object, that connatural ordination, as it
were, of Intellective Faculty to this Object, as if it were (if not only,
yet principally) lodged in the humane Nature for the fake of this Ob-
ject; fo that though there is no commenſurableneſs between this Object
and a created Underſtanding, yet there is a congruity and connatura-
lity between them: And hence it is, that fo much as we do or can
know of God, is delightful and grateful to the Underſtanding. And
though
'
Cap, 1.
De Homine.
13
though this abyſs of excellency be infinite, yet it doth not confound, nor
diforder, nor overwhelm the Underſtanding in its modeft and due fearches
into it: And beſides, although the perfection of his Effence, and ma-
ny of his Attributes, as Infinitude, Immenſity, Indivifibility, &c. do
dazle our underſtandings, yet fome of his Attributes, and the Manifefta-
tions thereof, are not only highly delectable to the Intellective Faculty, but
are futable and eaſily conceptible by us, becauſe apparent in his Works,
as his Goodneſs, Beneficence, Wiſdom, Power, &c. if we attend
to it.
And certainly it was the great Goodneſs and Condeſcention of the
Glorious God unto his Creature Man, that when he knew all his own
Excellencies were too great and too bright for us to fee, he hath been
pleaſed to diſcover fo much of himſelf as was fit and neceffary for us
to know, by means that our Faculties might ule without diffipation,
diſtraction, or too great aftonishment; namely, firft, By his Works, re-
flecting his Greatneſs and Goodneſs. Secondly, By his Word, by Divine
Revelation diſcovering his Goodnes, Mercy, Power and Truth. Third-
ly, By his Son, through the Vail of our Flesh; by all which that
Brightneſs and Splendor of the Divine Excellence, that by an immedi-
ate intuition or exhibition would have overwhelmed our Intellective
Faculty (as it ftands united to our Bodies) is prefented to us more pro-
portionately to our Capacities and Faculties, by a kind of refraction,
and a more eaſie and familiar manifeftation.
•
Fourthly, It is the most useful Object of our Knowledge that can be;
and in compariſon of this, all other Knowledge is vain, light and imper-
tinent; and indeed all other knowledge is valuable upon this fingle ac-
count, by how much it gives us a manifeftation of the Divine Excel-
lencies, and leads and conducts to the knowledge of Almighty God and
his Attributes. If I confider my felf in this Life, there is not a moment
which I live, or wherein I have any contentation, or comfort, or conve-
nience, but all this I have from his Influence and Bounty; and certainly
it concerns me highly to know my Benefactor, from whom I receive
my Good, that I may depend upon him, be thankful unto him, propi-
tiate him, and make my applications to him for what I want. Again, the
wifeft men that have fearched after happinefs in this Life, though they
have miffed of the place where it is to be found, have with great rea-
fon placed the beſt happineſs that can be found on this fide Death, ei-
ther in Virtue and the exerciſe thereof, or in Tranquillity of mind, or
in both, for they are rarely afunder. Now I may be an excellent Ma-
thematician, a man well feen in Natural Caufes and Effects, an excellent
Stateſman and Polititian, and yet be without that Goodnels that may de-
nominate me juſtly a good man, and without that tranquillity of mind
that may make me a happy man: but the true knowledge of God, fe-
riouſly and really dwelling and digefted in the Soul, makes a man a good
man, and a happy man; it makes a man to love,fear, honour and obey him
that he thus knows. A man cannot truly know him, but he muſt know
that in him, which by a moral neceffity raiſeth in a man thoſe Habits and
Difpofitions, namely, of Religious Piety towards God, Juftice and Righ-
teouſneſs to men, Sobriety in relation to himself; for in knowing this
God, he knows that theſe things are well-pleafing to him, and the con-
་
trary
1
.
14
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
t
trary diſpleaſeth him, and he knows him to be a God that knows all
things in the world, and that is a bountiful Lord to them that love and
obey him, and a juft Judge of them that deſpile or forfake him. And as
thus it makes him good, fo it makes him happy, by giving him the high-
eſt and moſt firm Tranquillity of Mind that can be; for he knows that
this moſt gracious and powerful God orders and governs all the things
in the world with irrefiftible power, exquifite and infinite wildom, and
abundant goodneſs, and that he is well pleafed with them that love, fear
and obey him; and upon all theſe accounts a man rejoyceth in his Favour,
depends upon his Power, Goodneſs, Wiſdom and All-fufficiency, re-
fignes himſelf to his Will, is contented and patient under all conditions,
and ſo doth enjoy perfect tranquillity of Mind.
But this is the loweft portion of the uſefulneſs of Divine Knowledge.
There is another Life after this, a Life of eternity, and the influx of the
knowledge of God in relation to this everlafting Life, is infinitely of
more moment; it fills the Soul with a capacity of it, with a futableneſs
and ſtate of congruity to it, with thofe preparations, difpofitions and ha-
bits that are neceffarily pre-requifite for it, and gives him the fruition
and perfect enjoyment of it: That meaſure of the knowledge of God
that we attain, is the beſt happineſs we enjoy in this Life, and the per-
fection of our happineſs in the Life to come, where we ſhall have a more
perfect intellectual Viſion of the Glorious God, and as full a fruition of
the Goodness of God, as that elevated Nature which we ſhall then
have, can be capable of: Then that meaſure of the knowledge of God
which we here acquire, fhall be refined and advanced to a degree of per-
fection futable to the advance that this Intellective Faculty fhall then re-
ceive; and that meaſure of goodneſs that by the means of that know-
ledge is wrought in the Soul in this Life, fhall then be improved to a
higher degree of excellence, and rewarded with a weight of
Glory.
This Knowledge therefore of all other Knowledge is to be preferred:
And in all our bufie inquifitions touching other things, we muft remem-
ber our felves, as our Lord remembred Martha in the Gofpel. We are
bufie about many things, and trouble our felves with many Enquiries;
but there is one thing, one Object, and the knowledge thereof neceffa-
ry, namely, the knowledge of the glorious God: This is life eternal, to
know thee the only true God, and Jefus Christ whom thou haft fent, John 17.3.
Whatever therefore we endeavour to know, it must be with fubordina-
tion to the endeavour after this knowledge: And as far as is poffible,
all other knowledge, and defire thereof, fhould be directed to the im-
provement of this Knowledge, or in order to it, and to the end acquira-
ble by it.
The ſecond profitable and uſeful Object of our Knowledge, is, the
the Knowledge of our felves: And next to the Knowledge of Almigh-
ty God, and his Will, and his Son, this Knowledge of our felves, feems
moft worthy of our endeavour: And therefore I have chofen this Sub--
ject for my fearch and examination at this time: For in this Subject we
Thall find all thofe Qualifications or Requifites before-mentioned, that
commend any Subject to our Enquiry or Knowledge.
Of any one viſible Subject in the compaſs of created Nature, there is
none
2
Cap. 1.
15
De Homine.
*
;
none that we know and are acquainted with, that hath more worth and
excellency next to the great Creator of all things, and the holy Angels;
and that which ſeems to be moſt noble, the Image of the glorious God;
namely, the Univerſe, as it comprehends the Syfteme, Order and Excel-
lencies of all created Beings, digeſted into their ſeveral Ranks and Or-
ders, and collected and put together into that glorious Frame of the Uni-
verſe: But as it is impoffible for us, at leaſt in this Life, by any means to
be acquainted with all the Integrals of that glorious Structure, fome are
in their nature imperceptible by our Senfe; namely, the Spiritual Beings,
yea, and the more refined parts of material Exiftences, which by reafon
of their fubtilty, efcape our perception : Other parts thereof are fo re-
mote, that although they might in their own nature be perceived by Senfe,
yet they are at that remote diftance from us, that they eſcape our Sight,
though the moſt active Senſe we have. And again, the vaft extent of the
Univerſe is ſuch, that though we might fucceffively fee the parts of it,
yet it is not phyfically poffible to fee it at one view; and confequently im-
poffible to fee at once that beautiful and glorious Image of the more beau-
tiful and glorious God in its full complement repreſented in the entire
Frame of the Univerſe.
Again, we cannot but fuppofe that there are divers Ranks of created
Beings intermediate between the glorious God and Man, which far fur-
paſs man in perfection of Nature and Operations; as the glorious Angels,
and created Intelligences; may poffibly there may be material Beings of a
more refined fubftance, and endued with more advanced Forms than ours.
Who knows whether the Stars are not furniſhed with intellectual Crea-
tures more excellent for their Subſtance and Forms, than we Mortals?
Yea, and for ought we know, the Stars themſelves may have Forms ap-
propriate to them, of a more excellent frame than ours, though, as I
have before faid, this exceeds our determination.
;
But although theſe things may be, yet we know not that they are
and if they were, yet we are unacquainted with their natures and kinds ;
only the reality of exiſtence of Angelical Creatures, and created ſeparate
Intelligences, and the poffibility of Nobler Creatures or Natures than
ours, refiding in fome parts of the Univerſe, may teach us not to be fo
over-prizing and over-valuing our felves, as to think that there are no
other Creatures intermediate between God and Man, of a greater per-
fection than Man. We fee a multitude of Creatures between us and the
loweft rank of Animals ſpecifically and gradually one below another; and
doubtless there are, or may be, many ranks of Beings intermediate between
the glorious God and Mankind, that have ſpecifical gradations one above
another.
But whatever may be faid touching theſe, yet certainly of all the vifi-
ble Creatures that we are acquainted with, Man feems to have a very
great Prerogative of excellence. And though he may not bear fo fair and
fo noble an Image of the Divine Glory as the Univerſe in its full Syfteme
and Order, or as thofe nobler Beings that are of a Rank and Nature above
him, yet certainly he bears a greater meaſure of the Divine Image, than
any one viſible Creature we know; and fo far forth as we know: God
himſelf affirms thus much of Man, that he created him after his own
Image; which he fayes not of any of the Celeſtial Bodies themſelves;
Gen.
16
Cap. I.
De Homine.
Gen. 1. Man therefore is a Creature, that of all viſible Creatures that we
know, is the nobleft.
We may obferve in the Creatures of a fubordinate rank to us, how
the more inferiour and ignoble bear ſomewhat of the Image of the fuperi-
our, a kind of ſhadow or adumbration of thoſe perfections that in the fu-
periour are more perfect, not only by a gradually, but fpecifically differing
perfection. We fee in fome Metals an Analogical reſemblance of thoſe
vital effects of Vegetables, growth, digeftion and augmentation that is
more perfectly in Plants and perfect Vegetables: We fee in Vegetables a
reſemblance of Appetition, Election, Generation, and in fome of them
an imperfect Image of that univerfal fenfe of Feeling which we find more
perfectly in Animals: We find in Animals, eſpecially fome of them, as
Foxes, Dogs, Apes, Horſes and Elephants, not only Perception, Phan-
tafie and Memory (common to moft, if not all Animals) but fomething
of Sagacity, Providence, Difciplinableneſs, and a ſomething like unto a
Difcurfive Ratiocination, bearing an analogy, image or imperfect refem-
blance of what we find, though in a degree, ſpecifically more excellent
in the humane Nature, infomuch that Porphiry, Plutarch, Sextus Emperi-
cus, Patricius, and fome others have been bold to make reaſonableneſs
not the ſpecifical difference of the Humane Nature; and fome latter per-
fons would not have the Definition of a man to be Animal Rationale,
without the addition of Religiofum; wherein he feems particularly to ex-
ceed the Brutal Nature: Although in truth that which ſeems to be Rea-
fon in the Brutes, is nothing elſe but the Image and Analogical repreſen-
tation of that true Reaſon that is in Man, as the Water-gall is the Image,
Shadow, or weak Repreſentation of the Rainbow.
And we have reafon to think that that intellective and volitive power
which is in Man, bears an Image and Repreſentation of the like power
that is in Angels and feparate Intelligences, though neither of equality to
that perfection that is in them, either in degree or kind.
And although it were too great prefumption to think that there is
any thing in any created Nature, that can bear any perfect reſemblance
of the incomprehenfible perfection of the Divine Nature (very Being it
felf not predicating univocally touching him and any created Being and
Intellect, and Will, as we attribute them to God, are, as we may reafo-
nably think, not only of a Perfection infinitely tranſcending any created
Intellect and Will, but of another kind and nature from it) yet though
we are not able to comprehend the excellence of the Divine Nature, we
cannot frame unto our felves a conception of him without the notion
of Intellect and Will, though infinitely perfect: It feems that thoſe
two great Faculties in us, bear a weak Analogy with, and Reprefenta-
tion of the Divine Nature. And therefore in that refpect, Man is the
Image and Repreſentation of the Glorious God, though the difproporti-
on between him and this his Image, be infinitely more than the diſpro-
portion between Cefar and his Image upon his Coin, or the Sun in the
Heaven, and the Shadow of him in a Bafon of Water.
And in this reſpect, the Humane Nature is a worthy and noble Object
of our Enquiry and Knowledge, becauſe here is the beft vifible Image
of Almighty God that we can fully acquaint our felves with, next to
him that was the Brightneſs of the Fathers Glory, and exprefs Image
of his perſon, Chrift Jefus our Lord.
And
Cap. 1.
17
De Homine.
And befides this relative confideration of the Humane Nature, with
relation to thoſe Beings that are above him, Man is an excellent Object of
contemplation; fo if we look upon him either abfolutely in himſelf, or
with relation to Creatures of an inferiour nature, he is a worthy and
noble object of our contemplation.
If we confider him abſolutely in himſelf, he is an Object worthy of our
contemplation, he is admirable in excellent compofure and figuration of
his Body, and in every part apart, and in the whole ftructure put toge-
ther, admirable in the Nature, Faculties, and Excellence of his Soul, ad-
mirable in the conjunction of both together, admirable in all the opera-
tions of Life, Senfe, Intellect and Will, which he exerciſeth in this ftate
of conjunction and union, admirable in his production and generation,
and admirable as to the condition of his Soul in its ftate of dilunion and
feparation. The fpeculations concerning him, are all full of great va-
riety, curiofity and worth, becauſe the Subject it felf is fuch.
If we confider him with relation to other created Beings of an infe-
riour nature; Firft, he comprehends all the excellencies that are in the
inferiour ranks of Being, and that for the moſt part in a more excellent
and perfect manner: The Life that is in Vegetables, and the operations of
that Life; the Life and Senfe that is in Senfibles, and the excellent operati-
ons of them, all Senfation, Perception,Memory, Phantafie, Nutrition, with
its ſeveral proceſs, the faculties of Appetition, Paffion, Generation; The dif
pofition of Parts and Organs that are beft in any Animal,are to be found in
the difpofition, order and texture of the Body of man; and wherein it differs,
it differs with much advantage and prelation over the ſtructure of the Bodies
of Animals; fo that the knowledge of Man gives us a full account of
the excellence of others, either Animals or Vegetables: He that well
knows Man, knows whatſoever is excellent in the Animal or Vegetable
Nature. Secondly, Befides theſe Excellencies common either to the Ve-
getable or Animal Nature, and Man, there are certain excellencies fu-
peradded to the Humane Nature, certain fpecifical prelations in his Body,
the Structure, Pofture, Beauty and Majefty thereof, certain ſpecifical ex-
cellencies and uſefulneſs in ſome of his Organs, the difpofition of his
Hand, Brain, Nerves and other Integrals: Again, the fpecifical Excel-
lencies of his Soul in thofe great and admirable Faculties of Intellect and
Will; Of all which in their due time: So that he that is well acquainted
with, and knows Man, knows whatſoever is excellent in the Vegetable
and Animal Nature, and much more.
So that upon the whole account, we have a Noble and Worthy Ob-
ject of our Contemplations, in the contemplation of Man.
2. In the contemplation of Man we have an Object that doth not over-
much confound us with its exceffive multiplicity; and yet it doth not ſa-
tiate, nor proves ingrateful for want of fufficient variety: Touching
the former of thefe, it hath been before obferved, that he that goes about
to make the whole Univerte and all the feveral parts thereof the buſineſs
of his Enquiry, as he shall find that there are many things therein that he
cannot come at, or make any diſcovery of, fo among thofe parts of the
Univerſe that are objected to a greater difcovery of our Senfes, the mul-
tiplicity is fo great, that a man of the moft equal and firm conftitution,
muſt deſpair of Life enough to make a fatisfactory, particular and deep en-
D
quiry
18
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
quiry into them: But the Object in hand is but one, it is Man, and the
Nature of Man.
I confeſs it is true, that he that ſhall make it his buſineſs to take in as it
were, by way of a common place, all thofe things that may be taken up
under this confideration, and follow all thofe Lines that concenter in this,
or almoſt any other the moſt ſingle piece of Contemplation, will make
this Subject large enough, and upon that account may be drawn in al-
moſt all things imaginable: We find in the confideration of the Humane
Nature, a Subftance, a Body, a Spirit: We find the feveral Objects of
his Senfes, Light, Colour, Sound, and infinite more:
He that upon
this account will take in the diftin&t and large confiderations of theſe
and the like Appendices to Humane Nature, in their full amplitude, will
have a large Plain, that will more than exhauſt his Life, before he come
to the Subject it felf which he defignes. Again, there is an infinite mul-
titude of collateral confiderations that yet are relative to man, hither
comes all the confiderations of Theology, Phyfick, Natural Philofo-
phy, Politicks, the confiderations of Speech, Government, Laws, of
Hiftory, Topography, of Arts, of thofe Sciences that relate to the
Senfes, of Opticks, Mufick, and infinite more; for all theſe have a rela-
tion to Man, and are like fo many Lines drawn from feveral Objects that
fome way relate to him, and concenter in him; and he that fhall make it
his buſineſs to follow all thofe Lines to their utmoft, fhall make the con-
templation of Man almoft as large as the contemplation of the whole Uni-
verſe.
When I fay therefore the contemplation of Man is the contemplation
of a fingle Object, I mean, when it is kept into thofe fingle bounds of
Man in his own fpecifical Nature, and under the phyfical contemplation
of his Nature, Parts and Faculties, as they are appropriate unto him.
And then it is a Subject that we may poffibly make fome progreſs in its
contemplation and conception within the period of the time, that by the
ordinary time of Life, and the permiffion of neceffary avocations, a man
may employ in fuch a contemplation.
And yet fecondly, though in this reftrained notion, the Subject ſeems
to be reſtrained and fingle, we ſhall find it no very narrow Subject; but
there will be buſineſs enough in it to employ our Faculty, and to take
up
that time, which either more neceffary, or more imporunate thoughts or
employments will allow us; and variety enough to entertain our thoughts
with delight, contentation and uſefulneſs.
3. The Third Commendation of this Object to our contemplation, is
this, that therein we have more opportunity of certainty and true know-
ledge of the Object enquired into, than we can have in any other Object,
at leaft of equal ufe, worth and value: Many excellent things there are
in Nature, which were very well worth our Knowledge, but yet, as
hath been faid, either by reafon of their remotenefs from us, unacceffible-
neſs to them, fubtilty and imperceptiblenefs to us, either are not at all
ſuſpected to be, or are not fo much as within any of our Faculties to ap-
prehend or diſcover what they are; or in cafe we have any conception
that there may be fomething of that kind, yet our Notions touching
them, are but products of Imagination and Phantafie, or at beft, very
faint, weak, ungrounded and uncertain conjectures, and fuch as we
can
Cap. 1.
19
De Homine.
1. It ei-
can never prove to the fatisfaction of others or our
our felves.
Our Senfe is the beft evidence that we have in Nature, touching
the exiſtence of corporeal things without us, and where that is not pol
fibly to be exerciſed, we are naturally at a great uncertainty whether
things are, or what they are. Now the Underſtanding perceives or un-
derftands things by the affiftance of Senfe in a double manner.
ther perceives them immediately, as being immediately objected to, and
perceptible to the Senfe, as I perceive the Sun and the Stars by my
light; I find that there is a Body hard or gentle,or hot or cold, by my Touch;
and accordingly my Underſtanding judgeth of them: Or fecondly, though
the Senſe perceive not the Object immediately, yet it doth reprefent certain
fenfible effects or operations; and though by thoſe effects or operations the
Underſtanding doth not immediately conclude any thing elſe to be, but
what the Senſe thus feels or fees; yet the Underſtanding fometimes by rati-
ocination,and ſometimes by the Memory doth infer and conclude fomething
elfe to be befides what the Senſe immediately repreſents either as the caule
or the concomitant of it, and doth as forcibly and truly conclude the thing
to be, and alſo ſometimes what the nature of that cauſe or concomitant
is, as if it were ſeen by the Eye, or felt by the Hand.
I do not fee, nor by any Senfe perceive the quiet, undisturbed Air;
yet becauſe I do fee that a Bladder, that was before flaccid, doth fwell by
the reception of that which I fee not, I do as truly and certainly con-
clude that there is ſuch a ſubtil Body which we call Air, as if I could fee
it as plain as I fee the Water: I do not fee the Animal or Vital Spirits, nei-
ther can they, by reaſon of their fubtilty and volatilenefs, be difcovered
immediately to the Senfe; yet when I fee that forcible motion of the
Nerves and Mufcles, I do as certainly conclude, there are fuch Inftruments
which the Soul uſeth for the performance of thoſe motions, as if I faw
them: I come into a Room where there is no vifible or tangible Fire,
yet I find by my Senſe the Smoke afcending, I do as forcibly conclude
that Fire is or hath been near, as if I faw it; becauſe my fenfible experi-
ence and memory tells me they are concomitant. Upon the fame account
it is, that when my Senſe and fenfible experience fhews me that theſe and
theſe effects there are, and that they are fucceffively generated and cor-
rupted, though my eye fees not that God that first made thofe things, yet
my Senfe having fhewed me theſe fenfible Objects, and the ftate and vi-
ciflitude of them, my Underſtanding doth truly conclude that all this
viciffitude of things must terminate in a firſt cauſe of things, with as
great evidence and conviction, as if my Senfe could immediately fee or
perceive him: So that in the ordinary way of Nature, and without the
help of divine Revelation, all our certainty of things natural, begins at
our Senſes; namely, the immediate fenfe of the things themselves, or the
fenſe of thoſe effects and operations which after by the help of the Under-
ftanding are carried up to the diſcovery of things not perceptible by Senfe
immediately.
Now there may be many things in Nature unto which we can have nei-
ther of theſe acceffions of Senſe: How many Stars are now diſcovered
by the Teleſcope, which were never before known, becauſe not percei-
ved by Senfe? And how many more there may be, which are not vi-
fible to us by that help, we cannot yet know till that difcovery: We
D 2
cannot
20
I.
De Homine.
1.
Cap. cannot know what the extent of the Univerſe is, whether there be any
Worlds without the compaſs of this; whether the Heavenly Bodies are
inhabited, and with what Creatures: We cannot know the Nature, Con-
ftitution, Faculties of created and feparate Intelligences, nor the manner of
their Ubi, Motion, Intellection, mutual Intercourfe, or detection of their
Minds: Theſe things are out of the reach of our Senſe either mediately,
or immediately; and confequently without the help of Divine Revelation,
we can never upon a natural account, come to any certainty in them;
or the moſt we can otherwiſe know, is by confidering the reflexed acts of
our Underſtanding, whereby we know many acts of our own minds and
Soul, which are not perceptible to our external Senſes; and upon
that ac-
count, we may think that there their perception may be fomething ana-
logical: But Man is an Object of greateſt vicinity to himſelf, and hath
thereby, and by other contributions, the beft opportunity to know and
underſtand himſelf with the greateſt certainty and evidence.
And yet it cannot be denied, that notwithstanding this great proximity
of Man to himſelf, yea, and notwithſtanding the many and great
Elfayes, Attempts, Enquiries and Obfervations that have been made in
all fucceffions of Ages, by men of excellent Parts, Learning and Induftry,
we ftill remain, and are like ftill to remain ignorant of many things of
importance concerning our felves: The great and wife God whofe Glo-
ry it is to conceal a matter, having lodged many things in the Humane
Nature, and Fabrick, and Conſtitution thereof fo fecretly and ſo cloſely,
that notwithſtanding the Experience and Obfervation of near 6000 years,
and the ſearch and induſtry of the beſt Judgments in all Ages, and the
cloſe proximity of Man to himſelf, there are very many things in our
Nature, whereof we neither can, and probably never ſhall be able to
give any account to our felves or others, with any evident, nay with any
tolerable certainty, as if the Divine Wiſdom meant hereby to give to
the Children of Men an inftance to keep them humble, that cannot find
out the certainty of what they hourly moft intimately converfe withal;
and an indication of his own profound and infinite Wiſdom, that can
thus keep fecret thofe things, which in regard of their proximity to us,
we have great opportunity to know.
And of this nature are many things which we know to be, but we
cannot give our felves any fufficient explication of the manner or reafon
of them. We are certain we have a vital, active Principle in us, by
which we fee, underſtand, remember; which we call the Soul. But
whence that Soul comes, or how, and when, and in what manner it is
united to the Body, whether it be extended with the Body, or indivifi-
ble, and in every point of the Body, how and in what manner it exer-
cifeth its nobler acts of Intellection and Volition, or how far forth it
ftands in need of the Organs actually to exert any of thofe operations; or
how far forth it doth or may exert them without it: how or by what
means the species not only of fenfible Objects, but even of Notions of the
Mind are preſerved in the Memory without confufion and diffipation,
notwithſtanding lapfe of time, and intervention of infinite variety of
Objects: whether it be the fame individual principle that exerciſeth the
acts of Intellection, and likewife of Senfe and Vegetation; and if it be,
what become of theſe Faculties fubfervient to a temporal Life, in the ſtate
of
Cap. 1.
21
De Homine.
of feparation of the Soul: where it is that the exerciſe of Senſe is perfor-
med; whether in the Brain, or by the Soul, by the mediation of the Spi-
rits in the extremity of the Nerves; and if the former, how the Species
of Viſibles are carried through thoſe dark Caverns between the Organ and
Cerebellam, fuppofed to be the Seat of the common Senſe. Theſe and
many more difficulties, fcarce explicable with any fufficient certainty,
do occur in the little Shop of the Fabrick of Humane Nature. We
muft not therefore think, that becauſe of this nearness to our felves, all
the Phenomena of our Nature can be rendred as evidently explicable as we
do or may underſtand the Fabrick of our Hand by Anatomical Diffection.
But though this vicinity of our felves to our felves, cannot give us
the full profpect of all the Intrigues of our Nature, yet we have thereby,
and by other opportunities, much more advantage to know our felves,
than to know other things without us, and by that opportunity of know-
ing of our ſelves, to know the truth or falfhood, or analogy of very ma-
ny things without us, which otherwiſe could not be fo well known or ex-
plicated.
1. We have hereby an opportunity to know the Conftitutions, Frame
and Order of our Bodies: It is true, the great advance of the practice
and skill of Anatomy hath laid open to ocular inſpection the Fabrick of
the Bodies, as well of Brutes and Birds, as Men; and therein they ſeem
to be equally obvious to our knowledge: But a Brute or a Man are ano-
ther thing, when they are alive, from what they are when dead: Ana-
tomy can give us the Pofition, Frame, Situation, Figure and connexion
of all the feveral Integrals of the Body of Man or Beaft; but it is the living
Mans obſervation of himſelf, that muſt give account of thoſe Vital mo-
tions that are in the Body when living; as the Pulfations of the Heart,
the Circulation of the Blood, the Communication of the Parts, the Con-
gruity or Difagreement between my Nature and other things variouſly
qualified: The Humor that feparates, divides, attenuates and digefts
the Nourishment, the feveral exertions of the feveral Organs relating to
their ſeveral Functions, the things that impede or advance the vital or
fenfible operations in a man, what impreffions are made upon the Blood
and Spirits by the feveral paffions of the Mind, what things increaſe or
advance the Spirits, what diſorder or difcompoſe them, the immediate
and agil ſubſervience of the Spirits to the Empire of the Mind or Soul.
Theſe and infinite more touching the Body, are difcoverable by Obſerva-
tion, and by no other Obfervation, fo well as by a mans Obſervation
of himſelf.
3. We have hereby an opportunity to know much more of the Na-
ture, Operations and other things relating to our Souls, than we can
touching other things or Natures. There hath been much Difpute
among Learned men, concerning the manner of the Intellection of
Spirits and Intelligences; and by others, touching the knowledge of
Brutes, touching their remembring Faculty, whether they have a kind
of Difcurfive Faculty, which fome call Reafon; whether they do pre-
ſcind or abſtract touching their Voyces; how far they are fignificant,
and whether they intentionally fignifie by them, how far their Animal
motions are ſpontaneous, or meerly mechanical, and which are of one
kind, which of another; or whether, as Des Cartes would have it, all are
purely Mechanical.
Many
22
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
Many vain things have been afferted by men that would be counted
eminent Wits; but without debating in this place the truth of any
of
theſe things, it is no marvel if we are to feek what are the manner of
thefe operations of abſtract Spirits or Brutes; we cannot know them, unleſs
we were in them, fo as to be acquainted with their inward motions, or at
leaſt, unleſs they had fome fuch way of communicating their Perceptions
and Phantafms unto us, as we have to our felves, or one to another: But
whatever can be known of them, we may eaſily by infpecting and obſer-
ving our felves, know much concerning our own Souls and the operati-
ons of them: We may know that we have a principle within, which
we do, as it were, feel diftin&t from our Bodies, whereby we think, and
we know we think; whereby we do difcurfively, and by way of ratioci-
nation deduce one thing from another; whereby we abſtract, divide and
define, whereby we have notions of things which were never derived
to us by Senſe, as the Subftance or the Subftratum of thoſe Accidents of
things which are derived to us by our Senfe; whereby we do correct the
errors of our Senſe, and judge other wife touching things repreſented, than
the Senſe repreſents them. The Senſe repreſents the Sun no bigger than
a Buſhel; there is fomewhat within us tells, and that truly, that it is
bigger than the Earth, becauſe we find Diſtance diminiſheth the appea-
rance of Bodies: Our Senfe tells us that the repreſentation in the Looking-
Glaſs, hath all the motions, the bulk, figure, colour of that corporeal
Moles it reprefents, and repreſents the fame under all the renditions of a
Body, as it doth the thing it ſelf reflected; but there is that within tells us,
and that truly, that it is but a meer fhadow, and no real Subftratum under
that appearance of any ſuch corporeal Moles: We do moft certainly
know that there is that within us, that doth exerciſe a rational Empire
over our paffions and fenfual appetite, that believes, hopes and acts in
order to ends that reſpect another Life than that of Senſe, We do find,
as it were, the principal feats of theſe operations, we feel our felves to
underſtand in our Head, and that we will, and refolve, and love, and hate,
and pity in our Heart, almoft as plainly as we find our felves fee with
our Eyes, or hear with our Ears: I feel the propenfions and inclinati-
ons of my Mind as really as I feel my Body to be cold or warm. I find
in my
ſelf that this inward principle doth exert many of its actions inten-
tionally and purpoſely; I refolve and caft about to remember things that I
would remember; I caft about for all circumſtances that may revive my
Memory or Reminifcence: When I command any Muſcle of my moſt
remote Limb to move, it doth it in an inftant; in the moment I will it;
and hereby I underſtand the motions of my Mind are no way Mechani-
cal, though the motion of the Mufcle be fuch; I move, ride, run, or
ſpeak, becauſe I will do it, without any other phyfical impulſe upon me,
and when I fee many analogal motions in Animals, which though I
cannot call them voluntary, yet I fee them fpontaneous; I have reafon
to conclude that theſe in their principle are not fimply mechanical, al-
though a Mouſe-trap, or Architas his Dove moved mechanically, from
an artificial principle. And becauſe I find that the remoteſt Muſcle in my
Body moves at the command of my Will, and fince I fee the energy of
my Soul in every particle of my Body, though not ufing intellectual
actions in every part, yet uſing fome that are imperate, as Local Motion;
fome
Cap. 1.
23
De Homine,
I
fome that are natural and involuntary, as the Pulfe of my Heart, the Cir-
culation of my Blood, my Digeftion, Sanguification, Diftribution, Aug
mentation: And becaufe at the fame time I underſtand, confider, deter-
mine, ſpeak, walk, digeft, and exercile, as well intelectual, imperate
and involuntary actions, and all from the fame vital Principle, though
operating differently in feveral Faculties and Operations: Itherefore ex-
perimentally feel that my Soul, though it hath the refidence of the exer-
cife of his nobler Faculties in my Head and Heart, yet it pervades my
whole Body, and exercifeth Vital Offices, proportionate to the Exigences
or Uſe of every part, the Fleſh, the Bones, the Blood, the Spirits, Nerves,
Veins, Arteries, Seminal Parts; and this I feel to be through my whole
Body, and if I find any part of my Body be fo mortified as it becomes
like a rotten Branch of a Tree, whether it be Nerve or Joint, whereby
that principle cannot communicate it felf to it, it putrifies and corrupts,
and is not participant of the motion or influence derived from my Soul,
becauſe it is now no longer in it to quicken it. And as I find my whole
Body the Province or Territory of my Soul, in which it univerfally acts
according to the different organization and ufe of every part, fo I find
that my Soul, as to its fubftantial exiftence, is confined within the pre-
cincts of it, and doth not phyfically act without it; and by all this I learn,
that my Soul, if it be a Spirit, may be circumfcribed within the compafs
of a determinate fpace, that though it be a Spirit, yet its operations while
it is in the Body, may be, if not altogether, yet in a great meaſure, or-
ganical. I underſtand, remember and reaſon better in my health, than in
my fickness; and better in my riper years, than when I was a Child, and
had my organical Parts lefs digefted and inconcocted: And though it be a
Spirit, yet I find it is no inconvenience to have fome analogy, at leaſt of
co-extenfion, with my Body. And although it may be a fimple Spirit,
and univocally and effentially the fame, as well in my Toe, as my Head,
yet according to the variety of the difpofition and organization of the ſe-
veral parts of my organical Body, it exercifeth variety of operations;
the fame Soul that underſtands in the Brain, and fees in the Eye, and hears
in the Ear, neither underſtands, nor fees, nor hears in the Fingers, but
moves and feels.
Theſe and many fuch Perceptions I have touching that principle of Lite,
Senfe and Intellection within me; and of theſe I have as great a certainty
as poffibly I can have of any thing in the world. First, Although I cannot
immediately have any immediate fight of my Soul, or of its inmediate
operations, or internal actings, yet I fenfibly fee and feel the effects there-
of with as great an evidence and demonftration that it is fuch, as if I faw
the Principle it felf, and its immediate operations. I fenfibly fee and feel
that my Hand or Foot moves upon the command of that principle within
me: And when that principle is removed by a total deprivation, as
Death; or by a partial deprivation, as in a mortified Limb or Member;
or by a temporary fufpenfion, as in an Apoplexy or Deliquium Animi; I am
fure there is no fuch motion, becaufe that principle is ablent in Death,
or its operation fufpended in cafe of fuch Difeafes: It was therefore a
principle that was within, diftinct from my Body, that while it was
there, exerted this Empire, and was obeyed in it. Secondly, In thole
actings of my Soul, which are not in themfelves perceptible by any fenfi-
ble
24
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
ble effect, yet I have as firm and certain an evidence that they are fuch,
as if I had a fenfible perception of them: When I think, or underſtand,
or remember, or abftract, or divide, or define, or purpoſe, or will, it is
moft certain theſe effects or intrinfick operations of my mind are not pof-
fibly perceptible by my fight, or hearing, or tafte, or fmell, or feeling;
they are objects of fuch a nature, that fall not under any perception of
any of thoſe Senſes; yet I am as certain, if not much more certain, that
I do think, or remember, or abftract, or reaſon, or refolve, or will, as
that I hear, or fee, or feel; and I do as certainly know before I write,
what I am now writing, that I think or reaſon touching the things I am
writing, or that I refolve or purpoſe to write them, as I am certain that
I have written them when I have written them; for the motions of my
mind are as certainly obvious to a perception in me anfwerable to them
(which I call the reflex act of the Soul, or the turning of the intellectual
eye inward upon its own actions) as the motions or rather paffions of my
Senſe are certainly obvious to my Senfe, I fee the Object, and I perceive
that I ſee it: And therefore though he was a little too pofitive that ſaid,
Ego cogito, was, as it were, the primum cognitum, yet certainly herein he
was irrefragably true, that there cannot be any thing more certain and
evident to a man that thinks, than that he doth think; and yet that Think-
ing is not perceptible by any of our five Senfes. Thirdly, But there is
yet a farther opportunity of very much certainty in that knowledge that
a man may have of himself, and of thofe things concerning himself;
by that conversation, by the help of ſpeech or figns that he hath, or may
have with other men. Man only, of all vifible Creatures, having this
priviledge of communicating his thoughts and conceptions by inftituted
ſigns of fpeech or writing, and by this a man acquires a threefold fuper-
added certainty of what he may or doth know concerning himſelf :
Namely,
1. He thereby knows that there is a ſpecifical Identity between him and
other men, and that they agree in one common rational Nature; for by
mutual ſpeech we find that we have both alike an intellective, difcurfive
Faculty, as I do reaſon, ſo doth he, as I divide, define, abftract, pur-
poſe, determine, will, fo doth he ufe the like operations of his Mind;
and although oftentimes intereft and miſapprehenfion make us differ in
our conclufion, yet he endeavours to maintain his Conclufion by the
like method of Reaſon and diſcurſive Ratiocination as I do, and moſt
times when prejudice and miſapprehenfions are removed, that which
ſeems reaſonable to him, feems fo to me; whereby it appears that we
concenter in one common Nature, and that the Principle of Reaſon and
Reaſonable Soul is common to us both, and that we meet in one common
rational Nature.
2. He likewiſe knows that as they concenter in one common rational
Nature, fo every one of that species, hath yet an individual Principle of
his own, that individuates, and perſonally diſcriminates one from ano-
ther: For till we mutually communicate our thoughts by inſtituted
figns, he knows not what I think or purpoſe, nor I what he thinks or
purpofeth.
3. This adds a certainty to me that I am not deceived in thoſe re-
flections that I make upon my ſelf, and the collections I make from
them;
Cap. 1.
25
De Homine.
them; for as I do find I think, I reaſon, abftract, divide, define, purpoſe,
fo I find by the help of Speech and Signs that he hath the very like in-
ternal operations; and as I do find that thofe do ariſe from a principle
different and diftinct from that moles Corporea which I have, fo I find that
he hath the fame perception of the original of theſe internal operations,
and attributes them to a Principle in him diftinct from the Body: So that
if I might have any imaginable doubt of thoſe reflexed perceptions which
I have touching thofe appropriate operations of my own Mind, I am
confirmed in them, becauſe I find the like perceptions in all the men
I converſe with. And thus far touching the third Commendable in the
fearch of our felves, namely, Certainty and Evidence.
4. The fourth advantage of this fubject and the knowledge thereof is,
the profit and uſefulneſs thereof: Next to the knowledge of Almighty
God, and our Bleſſed Saviour, and the Sacred Scriptures, there is not any
fubject in the World that is more neceſſary and uſeful to be known than
the Humane nature, with thoſe incidents that do neceffarily fall into
that confideration; and of all the knowledge that relates to man, there
is nothing of greater moment or ufe to be known than Man under the
Phyfical notion of his Body and Soul, and both united together. And
the uſefulneſs of this Confideration diftributes it felf into theſe two
kinds; Uſefulneſs in reference to Speculation or Knowledge, and Uſe-
fulneſs in relation to Practice or Exerciſe.
1. Touching the Speculative Uſefulneſs there is this to be faid, that
there is in the contemplation of Man a means of diſcovery and explication
of very great and momentous truths. And although poffibly the very
fame truths may be elicited, and in fome meaſure explicated by parallel
Phanomena in the contemplation of Animals, yet they are more clearly
and eminently evidenced in the contemplation of Man, who, by how
much the more excellent and noble a Creature he is above Brutes, and
by how much he is the more obfervable to himſelf than they can be, by
fo much the more uſeful and excellent is the knowledge of himſelf.
Now theſe Speculative truths which I fhall chule to inftance in fhall
be theſe.
1. The due contemplation of the Humane nature doth by a neceffary
connexion and chain of Cauſes, carry us up to the unavoidable acknow-
ledgement of the Deity; becauſe it carries every thinking man to an
original of every fucceffive individual thereof by a courfe of generation,
till it come to a common Parent of the whole species, the immediate
workmanship of the Glorious God.
2. Confèquently, it gives every confidering man a found and full con-
viction that the efficient of this firft Parent of Mankind, is a moft wife,
molt powerfuland beneficent Being. For the true profpect of the Humane
Fabrick in its effential and integral parts, in the fabrick of his Body, and the
faculties and operation of his Soul muſt needs convince any man of ordi-
nary reaſon, that can obſerve but clear and evident confequences, that
the Efficient that firft made this firſt root of Mankind was not only an
intelligent Being, but a Being of moft admirable Power, Wiſdom, and
Goodnels; for fuch this effect doth neceffarily declare its Efficient to be.
3. As the contemplation of the Origination of the Species of Mankind
gives us an affurance of the Exiſtence of the firſt Cauſe, and of his Attri
E
butes
i
26
Cap. I.
De Homine.
•
bute of Wiſdom, Power, and Goodness; fo the contemplation of the
fecondary origination of Mankind, or the production of the Individuals
by generation gives us an evidence of the like power, wiſdom, and good-
nels of God, and a little Emblem of the Divine Power in the Creation
of the World. Any man that attentively confiders the progress of the
generative production of mankind, will find, that this goodly and noble
Creature called Man hath its gradual formation and complement from
a ſmall, almoſt imperceptible vital principle, which by the Divine inſti-
tution is endued with fuch a regular, orderly, and unerring power, that
from moſt inconfiderable and unlikely materials builds up gradually the
goodly frame of the Body, cloaths it felf with it, and exercileth an admi-
rable Oeconomy over it: And this it doth not by fuch a kind of choice,
deliberation and forecaſt as the Watch-maker makes his Watch; for as
yet this vital rational principle doth not exercife an actual ratiocination
or difcurfive deliberation, neither hath thoſe organs of Heart, and Brain,
and Spirits, and Veffels (by the help of which we exercife our Acts of
Reaſon) till it hath made and framed them. And yet this admirable
Frame is immediately wrought by this little particle which we call the
Soul, and moulded, formed and perfected with an incomparable and uner-
ring dexterity, skill, elegance, and curiofity more and greater than the
moſt exquiſite Artiſt can fhew in the moft polished piece of Artificial
work.
Now if this little ſpark of Life that in this work of generation and for-
mation is Vicarius Dei, the Inftrument of his power and wiſdom; if this
little imperceptible Archeus is endowed by the Divine power, wisdom,
and inſtitution with this admirable, regular, and effective power out of
fo ſmall, inconfiderable and unlikely materials to mould up and faſhion
the goodly Fabrick of Humane Nature, and to perfect it for a complete
habitation for it ſelf, wherein to exerciſe its moſt excellent œconomy and
operations; if this Pufillus divine lucis radius, ex tantilla & tam improbabili
materia particula mirandam naturæ humane fabricam tam affabrè, eleganter,
& inerrabundè formaverit. If we find in fo fmall a particle of a created
Being this admirable energy, why fhould we make a queſtion whether
that God that at firft gave this admirable energy to the Soul to frame fo
goodly a piece out of matter ſo near to nothing, ſhould not have power to
create a World of matter out of nothing.
2. Again, fince I do fee as plainly as I fee my Paper that I now write
upon, that this fabrication of the Humane Body is the immediate work
of a Vital principle that prepareth, difpofeth, digefteth, diftributeth and
formeth the firft rudiments of the Humane nature when it is no bigger
than a little Bean; that afterwards gradually augmenteth and perfecteth
it to the goodly complement of a Man: And the fame thing I fee in the
firſt rudiments of all generations as well vegetable as animal. It doth
give to me (notwithstanding all the bold confidence and conjectures of
Epicurus, and thoſe that follow him as far as for ſhame they durft) I fay
it doth give me not only an undeniable evidence, but an exemplar in ana-
logy and explication, that the coalition of the goodly frame of the Univerſe
was not the product of chance, or fortuitous concourſe of particles of
matter, nor the fingle effect of matter and motion; but of the moſt wife
and powerful ordination of the moſt wife and glorious God, who thus
ordered
J
"
Cap. 1.
27
De Homine.
ordered the World, and inſtituted that Rule, Order, or Law which we call
Nature to be the Law of its future being and operation; if I fee that the
Coagmentation of a Man, nay of a Chicken or a grain of Wheat is not
by cafualty, but the wife and powerful God hath committed the Coag-
mentation, Difpofition, and Formation thereof to their Seminal Princi-
ples, tanquam Vicariis & fubftitutis Divini Numinis Inftrumentis, as it were
to Vicegerents and fubfervient Inftruments of the Deity: I have no
reafon to think that the goodly Frame of the Univerſe was the production
of Chance, or Accident, or bare Matter, or its cafual motion or modifi-
cation thereof; but that the fame was the Contrivance and Work of the
Great, Wife, and Glorious God, as a Work in a great meaſure anfwerable
to the Excellency of fuch an Efficient.
3. Again, I find a fort of Men that pretend to much ſeverity of Wit,
and would be thought too wife to be impofed upon by Credulity, where
they think they have not evidence enough of Senſe or Reaſon to convince
them; that would be thought to be Men above the common rate; theſe
have gone about, as far as they durft, to exclude God out of the World,
and pity thofe Men as troubled with Credulity, and of weak Parts, that
believe the Regiment of Divine Providence, a buſineſs that they think,
or pretend to think may be made ufe of to impofe upon the weaker
of Mankind, think it a Fiction, and fuch as is utterly inexplicable to the
fatisfaction of a reaſonable and impartial judgment. Now the due con-
templation of the Humane Nature, and that Oeconomy that the Active
Principle in it ordinarily called the Soul doth exerciſe therein to my Un-
derſtanding, gives me both a reaſonable evidence of the Divine Providence
governing the World, and a fair explication of it to me.
part
I mean not in this place to examine the truth or falfity of the Plurality
of Subordinate Forms, or whether there be two or three diftin& Sub-
ſtantial Forms or Souls in Man, whereby he is Vivens, Sentiens, & Intel-
ligens; for they are proper for a farther Examination in their proper place:
But at preſent I do fuppofe, that that one Soul, whereby Man is conftitu-
ted in Eſſe Hominis, is the fingle Principle of all his operations of Life,
Senſe, and Intellection; becauſe, as to this purpoſe which I am now upon,
it comes all to one whether there be a Unity or Plurality of Subordinate
Forms, or of Souls in the Humane Nature.
I fay therefore, in the Humane Fabrick we may obſerve two kinds of
Forms, if I may fo call them; the one, the Forma Corporis, as fuch where-
by it hath thoſe Properties or Operations which are common to Bodies
of the like make or compofition; whereby it is weighty and deſcends as
other Bodies, it is figured, it hath dimenfions and qualities common to
other Bodies, it hath in it ſome parts more active and fiery, others more
paffive and waterish, or earthy, it hath its tendencies to corruption and
diffipation: And though after the feparation of the Soul from the Body,
it perchance loſeth fome of thoſe particular Qualities, Figurations and
Properties that it had before, yet it retaineth many of them, for many of
theſe Proprieties of a Body as fuch, do not depend upon the Specifical Form
of the Humane Nature as fuch: Again, there is in this Body a certain
Active Specifical Form, whereby it is conftituted in Effe Hominis, which
hath in it, and doth communicate to the Body certain operations fpecifical
to it; by this he exerciſeth thofe operations which either flow from or
E 2
are
28
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
are communicated by that Form, as Life, Senfe, Intellection, Volition,
and the like: And though Life and Senſe be common to Man and Brutes,
and their operations in many things alike, yet by this Form he lives the
Life of a Man and not of a Brute, and hath the Senſe of a Man and not
of a Brute: For there is no fuch thing as Animal, or Vivens, not deter-
mined unto fome particular Species, as there is no fuch thing as a Man not
determined in fome individual: For Univerſals are but Notions and
Entia Rationis, having their exiſtence only in the underſtanding power,
and not in reality.
And theſe Operations and Faculties of Humane Life, Humane Senſe,
and Humane underſtanding and Volition flow not from the corporeal
Moles, but from fome other active regent Principle that refides in the
Body, and governs it whiles it lives, which we call the Soul. And therefore
although the corporeal Moles after fome kinds of Deaths retain the ſame
bulky Integrals, the fame Figure, Colour, and many other accidents; yet
the Soul being removed, the Faculties and Operations of Life, Senſe,
and Intellection ceafe from that Moles corporea, and are no longer
in it.
This Principle of Life, Senſe, and Intellection in Man called the Soul,
hath the Body as its Province and Diſtrictus, wherein it exerciſeth theſe
Faculties and Operations: and we ſhall find the Actions which are per-
formed by it in the Body are of three kinds or natures; 1. Some are im-
manent, and not terminated immediately in any external or corporeal
action. 2. Some are tranfient and fpontaneous, terminating in the Body,
or fome parts or motions thereof. 3. Some tranfient, but involuntary,
and exerciſed and terminated in or upon the Body.
Theſe ſeem to be the ſeveral kinds of Actions of the Soul, at leaft
relating to the Regiment and Oeconomical Government of the Soul upon
the Body.
1. The internal and immanent Faculties and Acts of the reaſonable
Soul (beſides thoſe of Common Senſe, Phantafie, Memory, Paffion and
Appetite, common to Men and inferiour Animals) are Intellect and Will,
and the proper Acts of the Intellect are Intellection, Deliberation, and
Determination or Decifion: The proper Acts of the Will are Volition,
Nolition, Choice, Purpoſe or Refolution, and Command in relation to
Subordinate Faculties: And although there be many actings both of the
Intellect and Will that are relative to other things or objects than what
immediately concern the Microcofm it felf; yet the principal part of that
analogical Providence that the Soul exerciſeth in relation to the Micro-
coſm or Humane Compofitum are Intellection, Deliberation, and Determi-
nation in the Underſtanding; and Choice, Volition, Nolition, and Pur-
pofe in the Will, and thefe do or ſhould regularly precede all thofe impe-
rate Acts of the Soul that relate to the Compofitum: Before I write, or ſpeak,
or go a journey, or eat, or any the like action, there is the deliberation
of the Underſtanding, whether I fhall do this action; the deciſion of the
Underſtanding, that it is fit to be done; the choice of the Will to do it,
the purpoſe of the Will that it ſhall be done: And although many times
the diftinction of theſe feveral procedures of the Soul do not always appear
diftinct, eſpecially in fudden or ordinary actions, which feem to have but
one act antecedent to the thing done, namely, the willing of it to be done,
yet
Cap. 1.
29
De Homine.
yet in actions of weight and importance all theſe have their diftinct order
and procedure. For although in the moſt incomprehenſible and perfect
Will of Almighty God there is no fuch fucceffion of procedure, yet in the
operations of the rational Soul that is linked to the Body, there is ordi-
narily that fucceffive procedure of thoſe immanent acts of the Soul that
relate to any thing to be done. This therefore is the firſt part of that
analogical Providence that the Soul exerciſeth in relation to the Body,
namely, deliberation or counfel, and decifion in the Intellect; and choice
and purpoſe in the Will.
2. The next Act, which immediately fuccceds Purpofe, is the Command
that is given by the volitive Faculty of the Soul, and the Execution there-
of: and herein are confiderable, First, The Power commanding, which
is the Will, now determined by purpoſe or reſolution. Secondly, The
things to which theſe commands relate, or the Object of them, which
in relation to the Body is in effect nothing but motion of the Spirits,
Nerves, Muſcles, parts of the Body, or the entire Compofitum; by virtue
of this command the Muſcles, the Hand, the Eye, the Tongue perform
thoſe imperate commands of the Will, I do not digeft, fanguifie, nor my
Heart move, nor my Blood circulate, nor my Meat digeft by any imme-
diate command of my Will, but I eat, I drink, I move my Eye, my
Hand, my Muſcles, my whole Body in purſuance of this command of my
Will. Thirdly, The executive Inftrument of this command mediately
are my Nerves and Muſcles, but immediately thofe fubtil, invifible and
forcible Engins which we call the Animal Spirits, theſe being the moſt
fubtil parts
parts in Nature, and parts of matter fubtilized, next in degree of
purity to that Soul that commands them, are in their nature proper, fit,
and fuitable to be the firſt recipients of the Empire of the Soul; they are
the nimbleft, agil, ſtrongeſt Inftruments, fittelt to be executive of the
commands of the Soul, they are a middle nature between the Soul and
the Body, the nexus anima to the Body; and thefe fubtil Meffengers
ſpeedily diſpatch themſelves through the Nerves to the Mufcles, which
are by theſe Spirits and the native Indoles that is in them and the exact
texture of them fitted to move thoſe Integrals of the Body to which they
ſerve; and as the Spirits fhot through the Nerves are the firſt and im-
mediate Inftruments of the Soul in its imperate acts, fo the Muſcles are
as it were the Inftruments of the Spirits, or the remote Inftruments of
theſe imperate motions: And by this means the Soul hath the actual
imperium and command of all thoſe motions of the Body which are (pon-
taneous or capable of being commanded by the volitive Power of the
Soul, 'tis by this the Eye-lid opens or huts, the Eye is converted to this
or that object, the Lungs are intended or remitted, the Tongue fpeaks,
the Hand ftrikes or moves, the Foot walks, the Mouth opens or huts, and
all thoſe ſpontaneous motions fubject to the Empire of the Will are per-
formed: And though I chufe my Inftance in the fubject in hand, yet
the like imperate motions are in Brutes and Animals, though not by the
Empire of Will, which they have not, yet by a Faculty that moves
in many things fpontaneouſly in fome analogy and adumbration of the
Empire of the Will in Man, but incomparably below it both in perfection
and freedom.
3. Again, there be very many Operations, that although they flow
from
30
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
}
from this active Principle, yet they are not acts that are imperate by
the Will, but they are in a manner natural and unvoluntary; and there-
fore I call them fometimes Involuntary, fometimes Natural, and they
are very many and various; fuch are many of the acts of Senſe, eſpecially
the external. Though I do by the Empire of my Will direct the Motion
or Acies of my Organ to this or that Object, yet my Eye, my Ear, my
Touch, my Smell, my Taft exercife their office of perception upon the
Object duly applied to them, without any act of my Will commanding
them fo to do when they are joyned to their Object: So my Heart
moves, my Blood circulates, my Meat digefts, my Body is augmented,
without any intention of mind to affift their actings. So if there be an ill
humour in my Body, or a wound in my Hand or Leg, the Vital energy
of my Soul thrufts out the Balfamical humour of my Blood to heal the
latter, and uſeth all that Oeconomy that is proper for the expulfion or
fubduing of the former; fometimes by puftula or eruptions in the fleſh,
fometimes by ſweat, fometimes by urine, fometimes by feige; and all this
it doth in the moft congruous way imaginable; fo that the beſt Phyſicians
have not better direction ordinarily in their applications, than to follow
Nature in thoſe motions. And all this is done moft exquifitely, and yet
without any deliberation or rational decifion of the Underſtanding or
Empire of the Will in relation to thofe Natural motions. I hall only
therefore obſerve concerning theſe Involuntary motions, 1. That though
they are without any dictamen Rationis, yet they are done in a way of as
great congruity to its end, as if they were directed by the wifeft coun-
fel of the wifeft Soul; and it is reafon good it fhould, for it is a ſtanding
and moft wife Law of exerciſe planted by the moft wife God in this Vital
Principle for the regiment of the Body: And therefore though it be not
directed by deliberation of the Humane Intellect, or choice of Humane
Will, it is fetled, contrived, implanted and directed there by a higher
Wiſdom, even the Wiſdom of the moſt wife God: And this indeed is the
reaſon of that Excellency that is ſeen in Inftincts, even of Brutes, and
the Formative procefs in generation; that they fo aptly and excellently
attain their Ends: namely, becauſe theſe Inftincts and Powers are the
immediate Impreffions, Signatures and Energies placed in them by the
Great and Glorious God, whofe very foolishness, as the Apoftle tells
us (namely the ſeemingly vileft and loweft Impreflions of his Wiſdom)
is wifer than men. 2. The ſecond thing to be obſerved herein, is, That
thoſe Natural and Involuntary actings are not done as the former, by
deliberation and formal command, yet they are done by the virtue,
energy, and influx of the Soul, and the inftrumentality of the Spirits as
well as thoſe Imperate acts before ſpoken of; wherein we fee the immediate
empire of the Soul: That Soul that moves my hand, my tongue, my foot
by way of expreſs command and empire; digefts, fanguifies, carnifies,
excerns and doth all thoſe Involuntary operations by it influence and
pre-
fence: remove but the Soul, there is no more digeftion, fanguification,
or any other acts of that kind, than there is ſpeech in the tongue.
tongue. And
although in fome Infects there appears a palpitation of the Heart for fome
little ſpace after it is fevered from the Body; and in Chicken and other
Fowl, after the feparation of the Head from the Body there is a motion
of the parts divided, yet it lafts not long, and they are but the irregular
and
{
7
Cap. 1.
31
De Homine.
and convulfive motions or itruglings of thoſe Spirits which could not ſo
haftily diſmiſs themſelves from the veffels wherein they were inclofed.
I would now obſerve ſome generals in relation to this Adumbration
of Providence and analogical Oeconomy of the Soul in the Body, which
are thefe: 1. That this analogical Providence of the Soul in relation to
its Province the Compofitum or Microcofm is univerfal to every part of it,
there is not the moſt inconfiderable particle of Flefh, Bone or Artery,
not the fimalleſt Capillary Vein but it is prefent with, and auxiliary to it,
according to its uſe and exigence, and the congruity of its conftitution;
it accommodates it felt to the Eye for ſeeing, to the Ear for hearing, and
though it accommodate not it felf to the Finger in thofe exertings of
thofe Senſes of Seeing or Hearing, yet it equally accommodates it felf to
thoſe remote and fmall Organs as perfectly in relation to Feeling, and to
thoſe motions that are ſuitable to them. 2. That even thoſe Exertions
of the active Energy of the Soul that feem moft remote from the delibe-
ration of the Underſtanding and immediate active Empire of the Will,
are guided and directed with all imaginable congruity to their feveral
Ends and Uſes. 3. That this very fame individual Soul may, and often-
times doth exert all thofe operations at the fame time without any difficulty
or confufion: At the fame time I think, I deliberate, I purpoſe, I com-
mand: in inferiour Faculties; I walk, I fee, I hear, I digeſt, I fanguifie,
I carnifie, my Lungs move fwifter or flower by the empire and command
of my Will, my Heart moves naturally by the motion of Palpitation,
my Blood by the motion of Circulation, Excretion, Perfpiration; my
Guts by the motion of Vermiculation, my Stomach and Inteſtines di-
geft, the good ejects and expulſes the bad, my Diſeaſe is reſiſted and
expelled, my Wound cured, and a thouſand more concurrent, coincident
Motions, and all theſe performed at the fame time by the Power, Energy
and Oeconomy of one individual Soul, and yet all this done eafily, and
fweetly, and perfectly; without either laffitude, confufion, or pertur-
bation.
And all this done by a little ſpark, of Life, which in its firſt
appearance
might be inclofed in the hollow of a Cherry-ftone; yet this little active
Principle as the Body increaſeth and dilateth, evolveth, diffufeth and
expandeth if not his Subftantial Exiſtence, yet his Energy and Virtue; to
the utmoſt confines of his little Province and every particle and atom
thereof, yea and it is of that abfolute neceffity that it fhould do fo, that
without it the Compofitum would be diffolved, and the Body diffipated into
corruption and firft principles, as we fee it falls out fuddenly after the
feparation of the Soul from the Body: As the Body could not be reduced
into that orderly frame in which it is conftituted, without the Plaftick
and Formative power of the Soul, fo it could never be upheld in that
ſtate of Order and Convenience without the continued Influence of the
Soul: The latter is as abfolutely neceffary for its continuance and confer-
vation, as the former for its conftitution.
I eafily foreſee two Objections againſt the Method propofed; 1. That
the Hypothefis it felf is not fufficiently evidenced: How do we know that
this Oeconomy is the effect of a Power, or Nature, or Being diſtinct from
the Body and why may it not be the refult of this Difpofition, Harmony,
or Contemperation of qualities or parts of that Matter that conftitutes
the
32
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
the Body? 2. And if it be, what need we magnifie the Humane Nature
as the great Inftructer in this bufinefs; fince we may with a little obſer-
vation find very much the like in Brutes as well as Men? For there we'
find a fenfible Perception and Phantafie anſwering the Intellect in Man;
an Eſtimative or Judicial faculty, an Appetition or Averſation and Loco-
motive faculty anſwering the Will; and the very Oeconomy of the
animal Soul or Spirits managing as well their fpontaneous actions as
theſe natural or involuntary exertions of Digeftion, Egeftion, Cir-
culation, and the reft of thofe Motions called Involuntary or Na-
tural.
•
To the Firſt of theſe I fay, That this is not the place for a large reduction
of theſe Operations to the regiment of the Soul as a diftinct active Faculty,
diftinct from the Corporeal Moles and its contemperation, that ſhall,
God willing, in its due place be at large difcuffed, which I am not here
willing to anticipate. In the mean time, let the Objector but honeftly
and impartially examine and obferve Himſelf, and he will need no other
evidence of this truth but his own experience te fatisfie him, that all
thoſe effects proceed from an active, regnant Principle within him, diſtinct
from the Moles corporea, or the contemperation thereof. The diftemper
of the humours of the Body caufe fometimes fuch fickneſs as diforders the
Phantafie and Reafon; but fometimes though it diftempers the Body, the
Intellective faculty and operations are nevertheleſs free and found, as
Experience fhews. If this Objector was ever under a Sickneſs or Diſtem-
per of the latter kind, let him give an account what it is that gives him
under fuch a Diſeaſe the uſe of his Reaſon.
To the Second I need not fay more than what I have before obferved,
namely, 1. That although the Inferiour Natures have a kind of Image
of the Humane Nature, yet it is lefs perfect, and therefore no equal
Inftance in order to the explication of what I herein defign. 2. As it
is less perfect, ſo it is more diſtant and leſs evident to us, than our felves
are or may be to our felves; the Regiment and Oeconomy of our own
Souls in our Bodies and of them are more evident to us and percepti-
ble by us, than that Regiment and Oeconomy that the Souls of Brutes
exerciſe in them, and therefore fitter to be made our Inftance of that
which I go about thereby to illuftrate; namely, the poffibility, nc-
ceffity and explication of the Divine Providence in the governing
and influencing of the Univerſe and all the parts thereof; which I fhall
in the next place profecute in the Analogy that this fmall Regnant Prin-
ciple bears within its little Province to the Divine giment of the
Univerſe.
>
Sic parvis componere magna.
I come therefore to the illuftration of the Divine Providence, and
Regiment of the World by the foregoing Emblem thereof.
1. By this ſmaller Inftance of this Regiment of this leffer World by
the immediate prefidency of the Soul, it ſeems evident that it is no way
impoffible but that the greater World may be governed by the Divine
Wiſdom, Power, and Providence. It is true, there are theſe two diſpa-
rities between thefe, namely, the greater World and the leffer: The
greater
Cap. 1.
33
De Homine.
greater World is of a more vaft extent, and again, the Integrals and Parts
thereof are of greater multiplicity and variety; but neither of theſe are
any impediment, becauſe the Regent thereof is of an infinite immenfity
more than commenfurate to the extent of the World, and ſuch as is
moft intimately prefent with all the Beings of the World, and of an infi-
nite Underſtanding, Wiſdom, and Power that is able to apply it felf to
every created Being, and therefore without any difficulty equally able to
govern the whole and every part thereof: This we fee in Natural agents;
that little ſpark of Life, the Soul, that exercifeth its regiment upon an
Infant of a fpan long, when the Body is grown to its due ftature, and
together with the extenfion of the Body this little Vital particle evolves
and diffuſeth it felf to the extent of the enlarged Body, governs it with
the fame facility as it did before that extenfion. And the fenfible Soul of
a vaſt Whale exerciſeth its regiment to every part of that huge ſtru-
cture with the fame efficacy and facility as the Soul of a Fly or a Mite
doth in that ſmall and almoft imperceptible dimenſion to which it is con-
figned. For the Soul is expanded and evolved, and prefent to every part
and the uttermoft extremity of the greater as well as the leffer Animal.
And therefore if my Soul can have its effectual energy and regiment upon
my Body with eaſe and facility, with how much more cafe and facility
can a Being of immenſe Exiſtence and Omniprefence, of infinite Wif
dom and Power govern and order a great but yet a finite Univerſe, and
all the numerous yet not infinite parts thereof?
2. As there is a poffibility of Tuch a regiment of the Divine Wiſdom,
Power and Influence in the Government of the World, fo there is a
neceffity of it. It is not enough for the Soul of the Humane Nature to
form and mould its Corporeal Vehicle, if it gave over its work when that
were done, it would foon diffolve, diffipate and corrupt. There is the
fame neceffity for the Divine Influence and regiment to order and govern,
conferve and keep together the Univerſe in that confiftence it hath re-
ceived, as it was at firft to give it before it could receive it: The inter-
miffion of that Regiment and Divine Providence and Influx but a moment
after the conſtitution of this World would have diffolved its order and
conſiſtence, if not annihilated its Being.
And indeed, he that obferves the great variety of things in the World,
the many junctures and contributions of things that ferve to keep up
its confiftence, the want of any of which (as the diforder of a little
Nerve, Vein, or Artery in the Body) would bring it into a great dif-
order;
the continual ftrife between contrary qualities, the ftrange
activity of the active Fiery Nature that involves it, or at leaſt is diffemina-
ted up and down in it; the vaft and irregular concretions of Meteors
and thoſe ſtrange and various Phenomena that are in the World, which
as they proceed from or are found in the Integrals of the Universe,
are devoid not only of Reaſon but of Senfe. And he that after all this
fhall fee the World upheld without any confiderable decay or defect, in
the ſame ſtate and order as it hath been for many Thoulands of years,
will upon a due and impartial fearch find that it were far more impoffi-
ble that this could be without the Wiſdom, Power, and Influx of a
moft Infinite, Omniprefent, Omnifcient and Omnipotent Fixed Being
than for the Humane Body to be kept without diffolution and putre-
faction,
F
2
1
34
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
faction, being deſtitute of the influx and regiment of its Vital Principle the
Soul.
And therefore fome of the Ancients that were willing to folve the
Phenomena of the World, have (though erroneously) thought that the
World was Animate, and that all thefe Operations in the World pro-
ceeded from that Anima Mundi, as the Operations in the Bodies of Men
proceeded from that Anima Humana that lodged in it, and at length
finding fo great effects that are and may be done by this fuppofed Anima
Mundi, according to their Hypothefis, have at laft proceeded in plain terms
to determine that this Amma Mundi was, in truth, no other than the Glo-
rious God; whereas they might with much more eafe and truth have
attributed all the great Oeconomy of the Univerſe to the moſt Glorious
God, without diſhonouring him into the exiſtence of a Forma informans,
or a conftituent part of that World which he made.
Others to amend that abſurdity, and yet out of a piece of mannerlineſs
and reſpect, as they think, to God, though they deny this Univerſal Soul
or Form informing of the whole Univerſe, yet without any fufficient
ground have deviſed ſeveral Syſtems of the Univerſe, and affigned ſeveral
Souls to each Syftem or Vortex at leaft, which ſhould be the immediate
Regent in every fuch Syftem, as the Soul is in the Body: This, as it
ſuppoſeth ſomething without evident ground, fo it doth without any
neceffity: For the Divine Wiſdom and Power is fufficient for the ma-
nagement and government of the whole Univerfe; and if fuch Anime
Syftematum ſhould be granted, yet ftill there muſt be fome one common
Regent of all theſe Syftems and their reſpective Souls, or otherwiſe dif-
order would follow between the Syſtems themſelves.
But thus far even thofe fuppofitions bear witness to the neceffity of a
Providential Regiment of the parts of the Univerſe; that bare Matter,
Motion, and Chance cannot perform this buſineſs, but that there is a
perfect neceffity of a Regent Principle befides it, which may govern and
diſpoſe it as the Soul of Man doth his Body: And even that fuppofed
regiment of theſe particular Souls of every Syftem, as they muft needs
have it, if they had it at all, from the inftitution and efficiency of the
Wife God, fo they are all continually influenced from him, and the
whole College of them governed, guided and ordered by him as their
fovereign Regent.
3. The Third thing that I deſign is this, That although it is impoſſible
for any
Created Being, or the Operations thereof, to hold a perfect Ana-
logy or adequate Repreſentation of the Divine Wiſdom, Power, and
Providence in the governing of the World; becauſe the Wiſdom and
the Ways of Almighty God are unfearchable and paft finding out; they
are of fuch a perfection that no Created Being or Operation thereof can be
a juſt Parallel or adequate Reſemblance of them; yet there feems to be
fuch an inftance in the regiment which the Humane Soul exerciſeth in
relation to the Body, that with certain correctives and exceptions may
give ſome kind of Explication or Adumbration thereof, whereby though
we can never get a complete idea of the Divine Regiment, yet we may
attain fuch a notion thereof as may render it evidently credible, and in
ſome kind explicable.
1. The firſt act of the Divine Nature relating to the World and his
admini-
}
35
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
adminiſtration thereof is an immanent act: The moſt wife counſel and
purpoſe of Almighty God terminated in thoſe two great tranfeunt or
emanant acts or works, the works of Creation and Providence.
The Divine Counſel relating to the work of Creation, is that whereby
he purpoſed to make the World, and all the ſeveral Integrals thereof,
according to that moſt excellent Idea or Exemplar which he had defigned
or chofen, according to his infinite Wiſdom, in thoſe ſeveral ranks and
methods, and in that order and Itate wherein they were after created
and made.
The Divine Counſel relating to his Providence, or Regiment of the
World, feems to confift in theſe two things: 1. A purpofe of commu-
nication of an unceffant influence of his power and goodneſs for the fup-
port and upholding of things created, according to the feveral effential
ftates and conditions wherein they were made; fome being created more
durable, fome lefs; fome in one rank of being or exiftence, fome in
another. 2. A purpoſe of inftituting certain laws, methods, rules
and effluxes, whereby he intended to order and rule all the things he had
made with the greateſt wiſdom and congruity, and according to the
natures and orders wherein he had created them.
>
And this is that which I call the law, rule, and regiment of Divine
Providence, and ſeems to be of two kinds, namely, general Providence
and ſpecial Providence.
The general Providence I call that whereby every created Being is gover-
ned and ordered,according to that effential, connatural, implanted method,
rule,and law wherein it was created. And thus the ftate and ſeveral motions
and influences of the Heavenly Bodies is that general providential law
wherein they were created, and according to which they are governed; and
the ſuſceptibility of thoſe influences, and the effects thereof, and of that mo-
tion, is the general providential law, whereby other phyfical Beings are
governed in relation thereunto; the activity of the active Elements,and the
pafliveneſs of the paffive, the methods and viciffitudes of generation and
corruption,the efficacy of natural caufes,and the proper effects confequential
to them, the natural properties or affections of Bodies according to their
ſeveral conftitutions, as motion, alteration; afcent of light, defcent of
heavy Bodies. Theſe and the like are the general providential Laws
relating to them. Again, that things indued with fenfe fhould have a
fenfible perception, and certain inftincts connatural to them, that rational
and free Agents ſhould move rationally and freely. Theſe and infinite
more are the ſtanding and ordinary Rules and Laws of general Providence,
and the wife God, who fees all things from the beginning to the end,
and therefore can neither be diſappointed nor overſeen in any of his
Counſels, hath with that great and admirable Wiſdom ſo ordered theſe
Laws of his general Providence, that he thereby governs moft excellently
the World; and they are never totally changed, and but rarely altered
in particular, and that only to moft wife ends, and upon moft eminent
occafions.
And the reaſon is, becauſe the Infinite Wiſdom of God hath fo inftituted
and modelled thofe natural Laws, that they are ad omnem eventum fitted
to the ordinary adminiſtration of the World, When the wifeft Counſel
of Men in the World have with the greateſt care, prudence and forefight,
F 2
made
1
ļ
:
}
36
Cap. I.
De Homine.
made Laws, yet frequent emergencies happen which they did not, nor
could forefee, and therefore they are neceffarily put upon repeals, cor-
rectives, and ſupplements of fuch their Laws: But Almighty God by one
moft fimple forefight forefaw all Events in Nature, and could therefore
fit Laws of Nature that might be proportionate to the things he made,
and not ſtand in need of any change in the ordinary adminiftration of his
Providence.
The ſpecial Providence of God is fo denominated either in relation to
the objects which are ſpecial, or in relation to the acts themſelves.
Special Providence in relation to the objects, is that Providence which
Almighty God exerciſeth either to Man or Angels in relation to their
everlaſting ends, fuch as are Divine Laws and Inftitutions, the Redem-
ption of Men by Chrift Jefus, the Meffage of the Gofpel, and the like.
Special Providence in relation to the acts themselves, are thofe fpecial
actings of the Divine Power and Will, whereby He acts either in things
natural or moral, not according to the Rules of general Providence, but
above, or befides, or againft them: And thefe I call the Imperate Acts
of Divine Providence; whereof in the next place.
2. Analogal to the imperate acts of the Soul upon the Body are the
imperate acts of Divine Providence, whereby with greateſt wiſdom and
irreſiſtible power He doth mediately or immediately order fome things
out of the tract of ordinary Providence. For although the Divine Wiſdom
hath with great ſtability ſettled the Laws of his general Providence, fo
that ordinarily or lightly they are not altered, yet it could never ftand
with the Divine Adminiſtration of the World', that He ſhould be eter-
nally mancipated to thofe Laws he hath appointed for the ordinary admi-
niſtration of the World. Neither is this, if it be rightly confidered
an infringing of the Law of Nature, fince every created Being is moſt
naturally fubject to the Soveraign Will of his Creator; therefore though
He is fometimes pleaſed by extraordinary interpofition, and pro imperio
voluntatis, to alter the ordinary method of natural or voluntary Cauſes
and Effects, to interpofe by his own immediate Power, He violates no
Law of Nature, fince it is the moſt natural thing in the World that
every thing ſhould obey the Will of him that gave it being, whatever
that Will be, or however manifeſted.
Now the Inftances that I fhall give touching theſe actus imperati of
Divine fpecial Providence fhall be, 1. In things fimply natural: 2. In things
voluntary or free Agents.
In things natural we have theſe Inftances of the actus imperati of the
Divine Providence, namely, firft thoſe that are real and alſo appearing
Miracles, as Mofes his Rod turned into a Serpent, our Saviours miraculous
curing of all forts of Diſeaſes, and raifing the Dead, and the like: Again,
there are other things, that though they are natural effects, and not in
themſelves apparently miraculous, yet are in truth the actus imperati of
the Divine Providence, Winds and Storms, Hail and Thunder, and
many the like, are things that are in themſelves natural, yet when they
are in ſuch a ſeaſon and fuch a juncture, they may be and are, and
poffibly more often than we are aware, actus imperati fpecialis providentia:
The Eaft Wind that brought the Locufts, and the Weft Wind that
carried them off from Egypt, Exod. 10. 13, 19. The Eaſt Wind that
divided
{
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
divided the Red Sea, Exod. 14.21. The Hail that flew the Canaanitish
Kings, Fob. 10. 12. The Rain and Drought, 1 Kings 18. Amos 4. 7.
Thunder and Lightning, 1 Sam. 13. 18. Yea the very Blaſting, and
Mildew, and Caterpiller, and Palmer-worm, Amos 4. 9. are fent by
God. The ravenouſneſs of a Lion or Bear are natural to them, yet the
miffion of them upon an extraordinary occafion may be an actus imperatus
of Divine Providence, 1 Kings 14. 24. 2 Kings 2. 24. And although
we often attribute as well miſchiefs as deliverances to accidental natural
Cauſes, yet many times they are actus imperati of the Divine fpecial Pro-
vidence, as much and as really and truly as the motion of my Pen is the
actus imperatus of my Will at this time.
And if we enquire how theſe things are effected, though it may be
they be fometimes effected by the immediate Fiat of the Divine Will, yet
I have juſt reaſon to think they are moft ordinarily done by the Miniftra-
tion of Angels, as the deſtruction of the Hoft of the Affyrians, and divers
other great Exertions of theſe imperate acts of Divine Providence. Pfal.
103. His Angels that excel in ftrength, that do his commandements, heark-
ning to the voice of his word, That as the more refined and efficacious
Matter, which we by way of analogy call Spirits, are the executive In-
ftruments of the actus imperati of our Will, fo theſe true and effential
Spirits are ordinarily the immediate Inftruments of the imperate acts of
Divine Providence.
And therefore although many times Effects purely natural, that have
their Originals meerly by the ordinary courſe of Providence, are ordered
by fpecial Providence unto great and wonderful Events, yet it ſeems to
me very plain, that there be many natural productions that it may be in
the immediate Cauſe, or ſecond, or third, may be purely natural, yet
at the fartheft end of the Chain there is an Agent that is not fimply
natural (as we ufe to call natural Caufes) but voluntary, fometimes in
the first production, fometimes in the reftriction, fometimes in the
direction of them, for otherwiſe we muft of neceffity make all fucceffes
in the World purely natural and neceffary, and Almighty God would be
mancipated to the Fatality of Cauſes, and to that Natural Law which he
gave at firſt, and Prayers and Invocation upon Him in cafe of any cala-
mity would be unuſeful and ineffectual.
every
And therefore though Almighty God do not create a Wind for
emergent occafion, but the Wind is a Vapour breaking out of the Earth,
yet the Miniſtration of an Angel may reftrain, open, excite, direct or
guide that Vapour to the fulfilling of thoſe imperate acts of Divine fpecial
Regiment. And it is obfervable, that although the regular part of Nature
is feldom varied, but ordinarily keeps its conftant tract, as the Motions of
the Heavenly Bodies, yet the Meteors, as the Winds, Rain, Snow,
Thunder, Exhalations, and the like, which are in themſelves more un-
ftable, and leſs mancipated to ftated and regular motions, are oftentimes
employed in the World to very various ends, and in very various methods
of the ſpecial Divine Providence.
And hence the Winds and Storms are ftiled in a peculiar manner, winds
and ſtorms fulfilling his will, Pfal. 148. And, He bringeth his winds out of
his treasury, Pfal. 134. And again, Hath the rain a Father, and who begot
the drops of dew Job 38.28. And again, Can any of the vanities of the
Gentiles
37
1
38
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
1
Gentiles give rain? Jer. 14. 22.
Thus the wife God, who doth nothing
vainly or unneceffarily, nor infringeth the more conftant Laws of Nature,
when thoſe parts thereof that are more anomalous, and more eafily appli-
cable to his imperate acts and ends of Providence may ſerve, more
ordinarily chuſeth thoſe parts of Nature to execute his ſpecial Providences,
that may do it without any great fracture of the more ftable and fixed
parts of Nature, or the infringment of the Laws thereof.
Again, as the Empire of the Divine Will doth exerciſe its imperate
acts in the Methods of fpecial Providence upon things fimply in themſelves
natural, ſo it doth upon Agents or Natures intellectual and free: Some-
times immediately by Himſelf, fometimes by the Inftrumentality of Angels
or propoſed Objects.
This Exerciſe of the imperate Acts of the Divine Providence may be
upon the Underſtanding or Will.
Upon the Underſtanding principally theſe ways, 1. By immediate
afflatus, or impreffion, as anciently was uſual in prophetick Inſpirations.
2. By conviction of fome Truths, and this may be either by a ftrong and
over-bearing preſenting of them to the Underſtanding with that light and
evidence, that it is under a kind of neceffity of believing them, which
was often ſeen in the primitive times of Chriftianity, wherein God was
pleafed many times irrefiftibly, and by immediate overpowering the
Underſtanding by the powerful impreffion of the Object or Truth pro-
pounded, to conquer as it were the Underſtanding into an affent. Or,
2. By advancing and enlightning the underſtanding Faculty with a fuper-
added light and perception, whereby it was enabled to diſcern the truth
of things delivered: For as the Understanding receives fome Truths
propoſed by reafon of the congruity between the Faculty and the Object,
as the Eye fees fome viſible Objects by reaſon of the congruity between
it and them; fo the reaſon why it perceives not all Objects of Truth is
becauſe of ſome defect of the Faculty, whereby it holds not a full and
perfect congruity with them, either by reafon of the remoteneſs or ſub-
limity of the Object, or fome deficiency of light in the Faculty, which
is aided by the Collyrium of the Divine Affiftance, Rev. 2. Orelle, 3. By
fome extraordinary concomitant moral evidence; fuch was that of the
Miracles of our Saviour and his Apoftles, the Seals and Credentials of the
Truths they delivered: And as thus the imperate acts of the Divine ſpecial
Providence are exerciſed upon the Underſtanding, fo they are exerciſed
upon the Will, and that either immediately or mediately.
Immediately, 1. By an immediate determining of the Will: For al-
though the Will be naturally free, yet it is naturally and effentially fubject
to the imperium divine voluntatis, when He is pleafed to exercife that
empire upon it: This although he rarely doth, yet he may do it, and
fometimes doth it irrefiftibly, determining the Will to chufe this or that
good, and yet this without any fuch force or violence as is fimply contrary
to the nature of it; becauſe as there is no Power in the World but owes
moft naturally an obediential fubjection to the Lord of Nature, fo even
the Will it felf is naturally and effentially fubject to the determination of
the Lord and Author of it. 2. By immediate inclining and inflecting it to
determin of it felf: This is that fecret ftriving of the Spirit of God with
the Will, inflecting and perfwading it to this or that good: It differs from
1
the
1
Cap. 1
39
De Homine.
the former way becauſe that it is irreſiſtible, this though potent yet in its
own nature reſiſtible by the Will of Man, though it many times prevails
by its efficacy. V. Gen. 6.3. Eph. 4. 30.
Again, 2. Sometimes it is done Mediately more humano, and yet not
without the mediate fpecial Empire and Regiment of the Divine Will:
and thus it is done two ways, viz. 1. By an irreſiſtible, or at leaſt
power-
ful conviction of the Underſtanding that the thing in propofal is fit and
neceffary to be done or omitted; for although fome think that the Will
hath a power of choofing or refufing or fufpending, notwithſtanding
the final decifion of the practical Underſtanding, yet certain we are that
ordinarily and when the Will acts as a Rational faculty, it is or ought
to be determined by the laſt decifion of the practical Underſtanding; and
2. By propofing Moral objects that do more humano guide the Will to
determine it felf accordingly, and theſe are various, fometimes Inter-
vention, Perſwaſion, or Examples of others, and fometimes even the
junctures of Natural occurrences. For, as I fhall have occafion to fhew,
and is partly touched before, even the Natural occurrences of things
are under the guidance and conduct of the Divine Providence, even when
to us they ſeem to be either Accidental, or to be the meer product of
Natural Caufes.
And furely if we fhould deny the intervention of Imperate Acts of
Divine Providence in relation to actions Natural or Moral that appear
in the World, we ſhould exclude his Regiment of the World in a great
meaſure, and chain up all things to a fatal neceffity of Second Caufes,
and allow at moft to the glorious God a bare profpect or prefcience of
things that are or fhall be done, without any other Regency of things
but meerly according to the inftituted nature and operations of things.
And thus far of the Imperate Acts of the Divine Providence. Only this
farther I muſt ſubjoyn as a certain truth, That neither the Empire of the
Divine Providence, or his mediate or immediate determinations, per-
fwafions or inflexions of the Underſtanding or Will of Rational Creatures
doth either naturally, morally, or intentionally deceive the Underſtanding,
or pervert the Will, or neceffitate or incline either to any falfhood or
moral evil.
par-
3. The third Analogy that is between the regiment of the Soul over
the Body and the Divine regiment of the Univerfe, is in relation to the
acts of general Providence, or that ordinary Law wherein Almighty God
governs ordinarily the Univerſe and the things in it, without the
ticular mixture of thofe that I have called the Imperate Acts of fpecial
Providence, which feems to confift of two parts: 1. The inftitution of
certain common Laws or Rules for all created Beings, which (without a
ſpecial intervention of his Will to alter or change) they thould regularly
obferve, as that the Heavenly Bodies fhould have fuch Motions and In
fluences, that the Inferiour or Elementary World ſhould have its ſeveral
Mixtures and Tranfmutations by the application of the active principles
and particles in it to Paffives, and by the virtue of the Heavenly Mo-
tions and Influences: That there ſhould be viciffitudes of generations
and corruptions; that Vegetables fhould have the operation of vital vege-
tation, increaſe, duration and productions according to their feveral
kinds; that Senfible Natures ſhould enjoy a life of Senfe, and thoſe ſeveral
powers
40
I.
De Homine.
.
Cap. 1powers or faculties of Senſation, Phantafie, Memory, Appetition, Di-
geftion, Local Motion, Generation, and thoſe ſeveral inſtincts whereby
they ſhould be managed and governed according to the conveniencies of a
fenfitive nature: That the Rational Nature ſhould have thofe Faculties of a
Senſitive Nature, and fuperadded to it the Faculties of Intellect, Reaſon and
Will, whereby it might govern it ſelf as a reaſonable free Agent, and
determine it ſelf to this or that action. And theſe are the inftituted Laws
of the Divine common Providence.
2. A continued influx of the Divine Goodness, whereby things are
upheld and continued in their ſtate of being according to this Law of their
Creation: And by virtue of both theſe acts of common divine Provi-
dence all things are enabled to act and operate according to the Laws of
their being, without the neceffity of any new individual concurrent act
of ſpecial Providence producing, directing, or determining their ſeveral
operations. And hence it is that the Will of man by the inftituted Law
of his Creation, and the common Influence of the Divine goodneſs and
power is enabled to act as a reaſonable Creature, to determine it felf, and
to govern its proper actions according to the Law of his Creation, with-
out any particular, fpecificating, concurrent, new imperate act of the
Divine fpecial Providence to every particular determination of his Will :
Even as the continued influx of the reaſonable Soul enables thofe Facul-
ties which we call Natural or Involuntary, without new deliberation,
purpoſe or counſel to every new act thereof: And by this means the World
is in an ordinary courſe of Providence governed according to thofe ftanding
fixed Laws given to the Univerſe and the feveral parts thereof by the Di-
vine Will, wherein it is fupported by the common influx and preſence of
the Divine power and goodneſs.
And this is that which being duly confidered extricateth that Queftion
which hath ſo much troubled the World, concerning the ſinful acts of
men, and how far forth the glorious God is at all concerned in them.
Certainly the imperate acts of his Bleffed Will have nothing to do to
enforce or neceffitate the Will of man to any fin, it is far from the purity
of his Glorious Nature: But the general Law of his Providence is only
thus far concerned in it, That he hath made Man an intelligent and free
Agent, put him into the power of his own Will, but yet fub graviore
imperio, to reftrain its actings, if he pleaſe, by his fpecial Providence;
and Man in this ftate of his liberty, when he doth fin, fins from the
Empire of his own Will, and not from a determination of the Divine
Regiment.
But though the contemplation of the regiment of the Soul over the
Body hath given fome analogical explication of the Divine Providence
in the Government of the World, yet as this Analogy is but imperfect,
the Divine Regiment of the World is infinitely more wife, more power-
ful, more perfect than the regiment of the Soul over the Body, fo in
many things this Analogy by no means holds: For instance, The Soul
doth what it doth in the Body, though by a kind of efficiency, yet it is
but a ſubordinate efficient, and vicarious and inftrumental in the hands
of the Almighty; who as it hath endued the Soul with this energy, fo
the Soul is but his fubftitute in this regiment of the Body; but Almighty
God is the ſupreme Rector of the World, and of all thofe fubordinate
provinces
L
Cap. 1.
4.I
De Homine.
provinces and parts thereof; Secondly, in the imperate acts of the Souls
regency of the Body and the Compofitum: She cannot in the Body work
immediately without the inftrumentality of the intermediate animal and
vital Spirits: But in the imperate acts of the ſpecial Divine Providence
though we may juftly think he doth moſt ordinarily uſe the miniftry of
thoſe noble natures called Angels, yet he may and oftentimes doth by the
immediate Fiat of his own Will exercife thefe imperate acts of Ipecial
Providence, for his Power is infinite, and all Beings are in an immediate
obedience and ſubjection to it.
3. The Soul cannot by its own Will exercife any immediate imperate
act upon thoſe natural and involuntary operations which yet are exer-
ciſed by an influx from it, indeed it may ftarve and deftroy the Body by
its Empire, and thereby confequently impede and determine thoſe natu-
ral and involuntary operations, yet it cannot by its Intention or Empire
prohibit or fulpend their exercife, the natural means being allowed and
prefent; it cannot effectually prohibit the Heart not to move, or the Blood
not to circulate, or the Ventricle not to digeft: But it is otherwiſe with
the Regent and regiment of the World; even thofe things wherein he
hath fet a fixed Law, which by virtue of the common influence of the
Divine Power and Goodness they obferve and follow, are fubject to
the Empire of his fpecial Providence and the imperate acts thereof. And
this is evident in that Adminiſtration of ſpecial Providence which is
miraculous, he commanded the Fire not to burn, ftopped the mouths
and appetites of Lious, and prohibited the natural operation and agency
of Natural Cauſes. 2. In all the ſpecial Providences that are exerciſed
in the World, though they do not vifibly appear to us to be miraculous,
yet they moft certainly are governed by the imperium of fpecial Divine
Providence, whereby it fometimes excites fecond Caufes to production
of Effects which being thus excited they naturally produce; fometimes
impeding them, fometimes diverting them, fometimes directing them
fometimes by contemperation, or uniting other more active or contrary
Caufes allaying or enforcing them: and although it may be the interpo-
fition of the Divine imperium or fpecial Providence be not immediately
the immediate antecedent Cauſe, but it may be the third, the fourth, the
tenth, the twentieth Caufe diftant from the Effect. Nay though poffi-
bly the conjunction of the immediate imperium Providentie be with the
First Mover in Nature, the Heavenly, Ethereal, or Fiery Influx, yet the
regiment of the Divine Providence is as full and infallible in relation to
the imperate regiment of the Effect, as if it were immediately joyned to
the defigned Effect: So that the Moral of that Poetical fiction, that the
uppermoft Link of all the feries of fubordinate Caufes is faftned to Jupi-
ter's Chair, fignifies a ufeful truth; Almighty God doth as powerfully
govern and direct when he pleaſeth, and how he pleafeth, all fubordinate
Caufes and Effects, as the Soul governs the motion of the Muſcle or Limb
by thofe ftrings of the Nerve which are rooted in the Brain.
?
4. Again, the regiment of the Soul over the Body is the regiment of
the more active part over the more paffive, though both making one Com-
pofitum; but the regiment of Almighty God over the World is not as a
part of it, or as a Form or Soul informing it, but as a Rector or Go-
vernour, diftinct, feparate, and effentially differing from it, his regiment
G
of
>
42
Cap. 1.
De Homine.
of the World in this refpect not ſo much reſembling the regiment of the
Soul over the Body, which together with it make one compounded Na-
ture; as the regiment of the Mafter or Rector over the Ship, or the
regiment of a King over his Subjects.
And thus I have gone through the Speculative confideration of the
Divine Providence refulting from the contemplation of a Souls regi-
ment of the Body, wherein I have been the longer, becauſe the contem-
plation of the Divine Providence is a Subject that delights me, and I am
contented to dwell upon it as much as I may, and to take up this or any
the like occafion to lead me to the contemplation of it.
And thus far touching the Uſefulneſs of the Contemplation of the
Humane Nature, in relation to truths Speculative.
II. The Uſefulneſs of it in relation to matters Practical, wherein I
ſhall be ſhorter. This Contemplation hath thefe uleful Advantages,
namely, 1. Physical; 2. Moral; 3. Theological or Divine.
1. For Phyfical, by which I mean that practical part of Phyſical know-
ledge that is called Medicinal. The due confideration and knowledge
of the ſtructure, fabrick and parts of the Humane Body is neceffarily con-
ducible to that excellent Faculty for the preſervation of life and health,
no one thing being more conducible to the advance and perfection of that
Science or Faculty than the knowledge of the Humane Body, wherein
the Experience of Anatomy and diffection, and the Obfervations of the
ancient and modern Phyſicians hath given a large evidence and tefti-
mony.
2. The Moral Practical confequences deducible from the knowledge
of the Humane nature are many and uſeful. For inſtance, when I con-
fider the admirable Frame of the Humane Nature, made by the Wiſdom,
and according to the Image of the Glorious God, 1. How careful fhould
it make me that I do not injure that goodly Structure in others, by
offering violence to the life of another, or to corrupt him either by evil
example or evil counfels? 2. How careful ſhould it make me in relation
to my ſelf, not to embafe that excellent Frame either of my Body or Soul,
or both, into the image of a Brute by fenfuality, luxury, or intemperance,
or into the image of a Devil, by malice, envy, or irreligion? How care-
ful ſhould it make me to improve and ennoble thofe excellent and com-
prehenfive faculties of my Underſtanding and Will with fuch Objects as
are worthy to be known and defired? The intellectual Faculty is a goodly
field, capable of great improvement, and it is the worst husbandry in
the world to fow it with trifles or impertinencies, or to let it lye fallow
without any feed at all.
3. The Theological uſes that arife from the knowledge of our felves are
great and many. When I confider the admirable Frame of my Body,
made up in that elegant, ftately, and uſeful compofure; and when I con-
fider the uſefulneſs, amplitude, and nobleneſs of my Faculties, an Under-
ftanding capable of the knowledge of all things neceffary for me to know,
accommodate and fitted to the perception and intellection (though not
to the full comprehenfion) of a World full of variety and excellency, of
a God full of all conceivable perfection and goodnefs; a Memory able to
retain the notions of what I underſtand; a Will endued with freedom,
whereby I am a fubordinate Lord of all my actions, and endued with a
con-
1
Cap. 1.
43
De Homine.
7
;
connatural propenſion and appetite unto rational good; Reafon and Con-
ſcience to guide and direct me in all the enquiries and actions of my life
and befides all this, a Soul, the ſtock and root of all thofe Faculties,
endued with immortality, and capable of everlaſting bleffedneſs: When
I confider that this Soul of mine is not only endued with faculties admi-
rably fitted to the life of Senſe which I enjoy in this World, but find in
it certain fecret connatural rudiments of goodneſs and virtue, and a con-
natural defire and endeavour after a ftate of immortal happineſs. And
when I confider that this Frame both of Body and Soul had its primitive
origination immediately from the great Creator of all things; and al-
though my own immediate origination was from my Parents, yet that
very productive virtue was implanted in the primitive Nature by Al-
mighty God, and the derivation of the fame fpecifical Nature to me
was by virtue of his original Inftitution and Benediction, and by virtue
thereof that excellency and perfection of Humane Nature in its effential
which was firſt formed by the glorious God, is handed over to me, abating
only thoſe decays which Sin brought into my nature: I fay, when I
deeply and intimately confider thefe things, I cannot but be fenfible
that that Being from whom I thus derive this being, and ſuch a being,
is a moſt wiſe, powerful and bountiful Being, that could thus frame the
Humane Nature, and thus freely beftow and confer this conftitution
upon me. 2. And upon this fenfe of his Wiſdom, Power and Goodneſs,
I muſt needs entertain it with all imaginable admiration of it, and with
all poflible gratitude, for fo great and lo free a gift. 3. And confequently
I cannot chooſe but exerciſe the choiceft affections I have towards him,
of reverence and fear of his Greatneſs and Majeſty, of dependance and
reft upon his Power and Goodneſs, of love to the excellency of his Ef-
fential Perfection and Communicative Goodneſs and Beneficence. 4. And
confequently of entire fubjection unto him that upon all the rights ima-
ginable hath the moft juft fovereignty over me. 5. And conſequently
of all due inquifitivenels what is the Will and good pleaſure of that God
that I owe ſo much gratitude, love and fubjection to, that I may ſerve
and pleaſe him. 6. A refolved, entire, hearty obedience of that Will
of his in all things; thereby to teftifie to him my love, gratitude, and
fubjection. 7. An external manifeftation to Men and Angels of that
internal love and gratitude I owe him by continual praiſe and thankf-
giving to him, invocation of him, reverence of him, and all thoſe
acts of Religion, Duty and Obedience which are the natural Proceed of
that internal frame of my Soul towards him. 8. A conftant defire of
my Soul to enjoy as much of this bountiful glorious bleffed Being, as it
is poffible for my nature to be capable of. 9. And becauſe my eftate and
condition in this life is but a ftate of mortality, and a temporal life, an
earneſt endeavour to have my everlafting Soul fitted and qualified to be
an everlaſting partaker of his prefence and goodneſs in a ſtate of nearer
union to him and fruition of him, in that future life of glory and im-
mortality. 10. And confequently abundance of circumfpection, care
and vigilance that I fo behave my ſelf in this ftate of probation here
that I neither lole his favour from whom I expect this happineſs, nor
render my ſelf unworthy, unfit, or uncapable to enjoy it.
And thus this deep, ferious, and comprehenſive Confideration of our
G 2
>
felves
44
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
felves and the Humane Nature in its juſt latitude, doth not run out barely
into Notions and Speculations, but is operative and practical; teacheth
a man Virtue and Goodneſs and Religion and Piety, as well as Know-
ledge, and is operative to make a man fuch as it teacheth him to be; per-
fects his nature, enricheth it with practical as well as fpeculative habits,
and fits and moulds and accommodates a man to a conformity to the End
of his being.
And theſe be the Reaſons that have eſpecially put me upon the fearch
and enquiry into this Subject, MA N.
I am not without excellent helps and patterns in this Inquiry, nor
without the due fruits and effects that it hath had upon the Minds of them
that have been exerciſed in it.
Galen, though he ſpoke darkly and doubtfully of the Soul, being deſti-
tute of much of that light which we now have, yet upon the bare con-
templation of the ftructure of the Body and the parts thereof, in that
excellent Book of his De Ufu Partium, refolves the whole Oeconomy
thereof into the Power, Wiſdom, Goodneſs, and Efficiency of the Glorious
God; and is tranſported both with the admiration of the Divine Wiſdom
appearing therein, and with indignation against the perverſneſs and ſtupi-
dity of Epicurus and his diſciples, which would attribute this one Pheno-
menon to Chance.
And had he, or ſhould any elſe apply himſelf to the fearch of that
Intellectual Principle in Man, his Soul, he will find a greater evidence
of the Divine Wiſdom, Goodneſs and Power; as will eafily appear in a
little confideration thereof.
A
CA P. II.
Touching the Excellency of the Humane Nature in general.
Lthough I intend a more diftinct Confideration of the Humane
Nature, and the Faculties of the Humane Soul, and the Parts of the
Humane Body, yet it may be neceffary before we come to the difcuffion of
the origination of Mankind, to premife fomething concerning the Nature
of Mankind, and its preheminence and excellence above all other fublu-
nary Creatures, that we may have a little taft touching that Being whoſe
origination we inquire. This Confideration will be of uſe to us in the
enquiry touching the origination of Man; to evidence, that neither
Chance nor furd or inanimate Nature could be the Efficient of fuch a
Being, but a moſt Wife, Powerful, and Excellent Author thereof.
I shall not at large diſcuſs thoſe Faculties and Organs which he hath
in common with Vegetables and Brutes, but thoſe only that belong to him
ſpecifically as Man, and thoſe alfo but briefly.
The Corporeal Beings of this lower World are divided into theſe two
ranks or kinds; fuch as are Inanimate or not living, and fuch as are
Animate or living.
Life, according to Aristotle in 1. De Anima, cap. 1. is deſcribed by its
effects,
Cap. 2.
45
De Homine.
effects, viz. Nutritio, & auctio, & diminutio que per feipfum fit; and the
lowest rank of fuch things as have life are Vegetables: for though Mi-
nerals have a kind of analogical nutrition and augmentation, yet it is fuch
as ordinarily non fit per feipfa, but rather by acceflion and digeſtion from
external Principles and coagmentation.
The Principle from whence this Life flows in all Corporeal Natures
that have it, is that which they call Anima, or at leaſt vis Animaftica.
The Faculties or Operations of this Anima vegetabilis are theſe; 1. At-
tractio alimenti: 2. Fermentatio & affimilatio nutrimenti fic attracti in
fuccum fibi congenerem: 3. Digeftio, vel difperfio alimenti fic affimilati in
diverfas partes individui vegetabilis: 4. Augmentatio individui vegetabi-
lis, ex unione & confolidatione fucci vegetabilis diverfis partibus individui.
5. Conformatio hujufmodi particularum unitarum fpecifica nature ejufdem in-
dividui cujus est augmentatio; ut in trunco, ramis, cortice, fibris, foliis,
fructu, &c. 6. Seminificatio & propagatio ex femine vel partibus femina-
libus. I.
Attraction of aliment: 2. Fermentation and affimilation of
the nouriſhment fo attracted, into a juice of the fame kind with it ſelf:
3. Digeftion, or difperfion of the aliment ſo affimilated into the divers
parts of the vegetable individual: 4. Augmentation of the vegetable
individual, from the union and conſolidation of the vegetable juice to
the divers parts of the individual: 5. The conformation of thefe united
particles, to the ſpecifical nature of the fame Individual, which is aug-
mentation; as in the trunk of a Tree, the bark, fibres, leaves, and fruit:
6. Seminification and propagation from the feed or feminal parts. Theſe
feem to be the procefs of the Vegetable Nature, Soul, and Life.
2. The next rank of living Creatures is that which hath not only a
vegetable life, and a vegetable principle of life, but hath alfo fuperadded
a life of fenfe, and a fenfitive Soul or Principle of that life of Senie,
which nevertheleſs as one fpecifical Principle exerts the acts as well of
the vegetable as ſenſitive life.
And this nature 1. Includes all thofe powers and faculties of the
Vegetable Nature, as Attraction, Affimilation, Digeſtion, Augmen-
tation, Conformation, and Propagation or Seminification.
2. It includes them in a far more curious, elegant, and perfect manner,
at leaſt in the more perfect Animals. As for inftance, the firft affimi-
lation of the attracted nourishment in Vegetables converts it into a watry
humor or juice; but the affimilation thereof in Animals rectifies this
alimental juice into Chyle, and then into Blood: The propagation of
Vegetables is without diftinction of Sexes, but that of Animals uſually
with diftinction of Sexes; and many more fuch advances hath the animal
nature above the vegetable in thofe faculties or operations which for the
main are common to both.
3. It fuperadds a greater and higher perfection to the animal nature,
by communicating to it certain effential Faculties and Powers that the
vegetable nature hath not: And thofe are thefe;
1. Senfe. It is true, that Campanella in his Book De Senfu rerum, and
fome others that have written de Perceptione fubftantiæ, attribute a kind
of Senſe to all created Beings, and therefore much more to thoſe that have
a vegetable life: And in fome Vegetables we fee fomething that carries
a kind of analogy to Senfe; they contract their leaves against the cold,
they
46
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
t
they open them to the favourable heat; they provide teguments for them-
felves and their feeds againſt the injury of the weather, as their cortices,
ſhells, and membranes; they feem to be carried with a complacency in
the propagation of their kinds as well as Brutes, and therefore many of
them being impeded therein, they germinate again, though later in the
year: And fome Plants feem to have the fenfe of Touch, as in the Sen-
fitive Plant and fome others; which feems to be an advance of the Vege-
table Nature to the very confines, or a kind of contiguity to the loweſt
degree of thoſe Animals that are reckoned in the rank of Senfibles.
But this notwithſtanding we deny a real and true fenfe to Vegetables;
indeed, they have a kind of umbra Senfus, a fhadow of Senfe, as we fhall
hereafter obſerve, that Senſibles have a kind of umbra Rationis, a ſhadow
of Reaſon, but it is only a fhadow thereof. 2. There are alfo in their
natures by the wife God of Nature implanted even in their vegetable
natures certain paffive Strictures or Signatures of that Wiſdom which
hath made and ordered all things with the higheft reafon, even the leaft
inconfiderable Herb; and theſe Signatures are bound to their natures by
certain connatural inftincts planted in them; but ftill they want the
active principle of Senſe in them.
Now this Senſe or Senfitive Faculty in Animals is of two kinds; the
external Senſes, and the internal. The external Senfes are five, all which
belong to the more perfect Animals; and that of the Soul to all Animals,
viz. Seeing, Hearing, Tafting, Smelling, and Touching.
And it is admirable to confider that the great Lord of Nature hath fo
diſpoſed of ſenſible Beings, that although (for ought we know) there
may be many more impreffions or motions of external Bodies that we
know not by their communication unto Senſe, becauſe we have not Fa-
culties receptive of them. Yet the Faculties of the five Senſes are ade-
quate and proportioned to all thoſe impreffions of Objects from with-
out that are conducible to the ufe and well-being of Animals in a fenfible
ftation or nature.
•
The internal Senfes are of two kinds, viz. 1. Such as concern per-
ception of Objects: 2. Such as concern the motion to them as ufeful, or
from them as noxious.
Thoſe of the first fort have fome adumbration of the Rational Nature,
as Vegetables have of the Senfible, and they feem to be thefe; the Com-
mon Senſe, the Phantafie, the Eftimative Faculty, and the Memory.
The Common Senſe, or Commune Senforium, which receives the ſeveral
reports of the ſeveral Senſes by their feveral Nerves into that common
receptacle or feat of this uſeful office, the Brain, where it diftinguifheth
the Objects of the feveral Senſories.
-
The Phantafie, that in a way unfearchable unto us, 1. Creates the
the Images of the things delivered from the feveral Senſes to the Commune
Senforium: 2. Compounds thofe Images into fome things not unlikė
Propofitions, though confuſedly and indiftinctly: 3. Makes particular
applications of them one to another, though ftill darkly and confuſedly,
whereby it excites the Appetite either to profecute their attainment, or
fly from them.
The Eftimative Faculty, which is indeed no other than the laſt ope-
ration or compoſition of the Phantaſie before-mentioned, whereby it
concludes
Cap. 2.
47
De Homine.
concludes that this is a fenfible good or a fenfible evil, that it is attainable or
feaſible, or not attainable; that though it be good, yet ſometimes it is not
fafe to be attempted by reafon of the impendence of a greater fenfible evil.
This ſeems to be the dark and confuſed fhadow of the decifion of the
practical Intellect in Man.
The Memory, which is an impreffion of the Image of fome fenfible
Object made by the Phantafie, which remains fome time after the im-
preffion, and by the return of a like Object again is fometimes revived
and reinforced But how this Image is made, where it is imprinted,
how conſerved, are things we cannot at all attain the knowledge of;
they are wonderfull, though common effects of a most wife and ftupen-
dious Wiſdom and Power that hath thus conftituted even the Faculties
of the Animal Nature: Only it ſeems to me that theſe Images are not
made in the Brain it felf, as the Pencil of a Painter or Engraver makes
the Image in the Table or Metal, but are imprinted in a wonderfull me-
thod in the very Soul it felf: For it is plain that Sounds and Voices are
remembred, and yet no real configurations are poffible to be made thereof
in the Brain; for what Image can there be of a Sound?
Now as to that Faculty or thofe Faculties that concern the purſuit or
flight of what is thus propounded by the Phantafie or Eftimative Faculty,
they are generally two: The Appetitus naturalis, which bears fome
analogy to the Will in the Reaſonable Nature; and the acts thereof are
either proſecution of the Senfible Object propounded, if prefented by the
Phantafie and Eſtimative Faculty as good; or elfe averfation from it, if
prefented as evil.
This is the Faculty of Empire or Command, for in conformity to the
determination of the Appetite the motion of the Body follows.
The other Faculties that concern purſuit or averfation, are the Paf-
fions, the Satellites appetitus, ferving either in the profecution of the good
propounded, as Love, Defire, &c. or in oppofition of the evil prefented,
as Anger, Revenge, &c.
And thus far touching the Senfes in Animals, both External and In-
ternal.
2. The ſecond fuperadded prelation of the fenfible nature above the
vegetable is the faculty and exercife of animal and local motion, whereas
Vegetables have naturally no other motion but that which is determined
and natural, and what is within it felf; as the motion of Attraction,
Digeſtion, Nouriſhment, Augmentation and Increaſe. Animals have the
faculty and power of animal motion; which hath theſe acceffions, 1. It
is or may be ſpontaneous; for though the object moves objectively, yet
the faculty or power moves ab intrinfeco, and fpontaneoufly. 2. It moves
the parts ſpontaneouſly, the Leg, the Eye, the Ear or any other part,
which cannot be done by Vegetables. 3. Again, it can move the whole
Compofitum from one ubi to another (at leaft in all Animals except thoſe
that are almoſt in the nature of Plants, called Zoophyta or Plantañimalia )
which cannot be done by Plants, who are mancipated and fixed to the
place of their ftation or growth, unless removed by an extrinfecal
agent.
3. The third fuperadded advantage of Animals is their Inftincts. It
is true, Vegetables have their inftincts radicated in their nature, as we
have
48
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
{
have before obſerved; yea even things Inanimate have certain fimple in-
ftincts, as in the motions of afcent of light bodies, and defcent of heavy
bodies: But the inftincts of Animals are fenfible inftincts of a more
noble kind and nature than thoſe of Vegetables, and ſuch as ſeem to
favour more of an active principle; as fagacity of Brutes in taking their
prey, defending themſelves, providing againft the inclemency of the
weather, care for their young, building their nefts, and infinite more,
which are too long to name.
Theſe are the fuperadded Faculties of the Animal Nature; and pro-
portionate and accommodate to their faculties are their organizations of
their Bodies. And in as much as there is great varieties in the tempera-
ments, diſpoſitions, faculties and uſes of ſeveral Animals of ſeveral kinds,
their organizations are not only fitted to the common natures, ufes and
powers of fenfible Creatures, but every feveral Species hath its feveral ac-
commodation as well of his Organs as of his Faculties to the exigence,
uſe and convenience of his proper fpecifical nature.
Thus the ranks of the vegetable perfections are not only included
within the rank of fenfible Beings, but thefe have greater perfections in
what is common to both, and fuperadditions of other more noble Facul-
ties and Organs not communicable to the former. The Vegetable Nature
is indeed like a curious Engin, but it hath but fome fimple and ſingle
motions, like a Watch that gives the hour of the day, or a Trochea
with one Wheel: But the Animal Nature is like an Engin that hath a
greater compoſition of Wheels, and more variety of motions and ap-
pearances, as one of the compound Engins of Archimedes, or as a
Watch, that befides the hour of the day gives the day of the month, the
age of the Moon, the place of the Sun in the Zodiack, and other curious
Motions wrought by multiplication of Wheels.
Now touching the Senſitive Natures, there have been two extreme
opinions, both of them extremely contrary one to another, and yet both
of them, as they are delivered by their Authors, untrue.
1. That Opinion that depreffeth the natures of ſenſible Creatures below
their juft value and eſtimate, rendring them no more but barely Mecha-
niſms or Artificial Engins; fuch as were Archytas his Dove, Regiomon-
tanus his wooden Eagle, or walchius his iron Spider: that they have no
vital Principle of all their various Motions but the meer modifications of
Matter, or at leaft the elementary Fire mingled with their other Matter;
that they have no other form or internal principle of Life, Motion, or Senſe
but that which is relative and refults from the difpofition, texture, orga-
nization and compofition of their feveral Limbs, Members or Organs:
This fancy began by Des Cartes in his Fundamenta Phyfica, and hath been
followed and improved by fome of his admirers, and particularly much
favoured by Honoratus Faber in his Book De Generatione Animalium; and
herein they think they have given a fair folution to all the Phanomena of
the Senſitive Nature, and given a fair prelation to the Soul of Man, which
they agree to be a fubftantial Principle of humane actions: But in both
theſe they have been diſappointed, for this fuppofition as it gives not at
all a tolerable explication of the Phenomena of fenfe and animal motions,
fo if it did, it would eaſily adminiſter to a little more confidence and bold-
neſs, a temptation to reſolve all the Motions of the reaſonable Soul into
the
1
7
Cap. 2.
De Homine.
the like fuppofition, only by advancing the Engin or Automaton huma-
xum into a more curious and complicated conftitution: For he that can
once ſuppoſe that the various modifications of Matter and Motion, and
the due organization of the Bodies of Brutes can produce the admirable
operations of Senfe, Phantafie, Memory, Appetite, and all thoſe inftincts
which we find in Brutes; is in a fair way of refolving the operation of
the Reaſonable Nature into the like fuppofition, only by fuppofing the
organization of the latter fomewhat more curiouſly and exactly difpofed
and ordered as much above that of Brutes, as theirs is above that of Ve-
getables. It is true,the organization of the humane and animal Body, with
accommodation to their feveral functions and offices, is certainly fitted
with the moſt curious and exact Mechaniſm imaginable; as appears by
the ſtructure of the Heart, the Lungs, the Brain, the Tongue, the Hand,the
Nerves, the Muſcles and all other parts, and the feveral orders and methods
of their motions and adaptations to their feveral offices, and the exerciſe
by them of thoſe Faculties to whofe fervice they are configned: This
muft needs be acknowledged by every man that obferves them, or that
takes the pains to read the Tracts of thoſe that have written of them;
and eſpecially Galen his divine Book De Ufu Partium, Des Cartes and Fa-
britius concerning the ftructure of the Eye, the fame Fabritius and Steno
De motu Mufculorum, and divers others.
But that the Principle that ſets on work theſe Organs, and worketh
by them, is nothing elſe but the modification of Matter, or the natural
motion thereof thus or thus pofited or diſpoſed, or the bare conformation
of the Organs, or the incluſion and expanſion of any natural inanimate
particles of elementary Fire, is moft apparently falfe, even to the view of
any that obſerves or confiders impartially.
It is impoffible to refolve Perception, Phantafie, Memory, the fagaci-
ties and inſtincts of Brutes, the fpontaneouſneſs of many of their animal
motions into thoſe Principles, nor are they explicable without fuppofing
ſome active determinate power, force, or virtue connexed to, and inherent
in their Spirits or more fubtil parts, of a higher extraction than the bare
natural modification or texture of Matter, or diſpoſition of Organs, or,
as they are often pleaſed to ftile them, their plexus partium.
Again, it is vifible to the Eye, that that power, or virtue, or principle,
whatever it is, that in the generative process firft immediately formeth and
organizeth the parts of the Body, is that which guides, orders and governs
all the animal motions of it after: That power which firſt forms the
Brain, the Heart, the Liver, the Eye, is that which afterward increa-
feth, augmenteth, exerciſeth and employeth them after: And no man
living can force himſelf to imagin that that Principle which forms, or-
ganizeth, difpofeth, and modifieth the parts, is any thing that relults
from the organization or modification of thofe parts which are not yet
moulded or framed, but must have its modification from that Principle
which is antecedent to any manner of organization or texture of parts
into an animal compofition: No man therefore that hath not abjured
his Reaſon, and fworn allegiance to a preconceived fantaftical Hypothesis,
can undertake the defence of fuch a fuppofition, if he have but the
patience impartially to confider and look about him.
2. The other extreme Opinion feems to advance the Animal Nature
H
too
49
50
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
་
too high, at leaft without a due allay of their general expreffion; namely,
thoſe who attribute Reafon and a reafoning faculty or power to Animals
as well as to Men, though not altogether in the fame degree of perfe-
ction: fo that they will not have Reaſon to be the ſpecifical or conftitutive
difference of the Humane Nature, but common to them and Brutes:
This Opinion feems generally to be favoured by the Pythagoreans, that
held Tranſmigration of Souls; by Plutarch, in Grillo, and his fecond
Oration De Elu Carnium; by Sextus Empiricus, Contra Mathematicos; by Por-
phyry, Lib.3.de Abftinentia ab Eſu Animalium; which he endeavours to prove
and illuftrate by divers reafons and inftances; and among the latter by
Patricius in his fifth Book de Animis irrationalibus; but above all by the
ingenious and learned De Chambre in his Book of the Knowledge of
Beaſts, wherein he afferts not only the fimple apprehenſion of Beafts by
phantaſms or images wrought by the Phantafie, but the conjunction of
images with affirmations and negations, which make up Propofitions,
and the conjunction of Propofitions one to another, and illation of Con-
clufions upon them, which is Ratiocination or Difcourfe: And that in
farther evidence thereof there is a certain kind of Language whereby
Beaſts or Birds, eſpecially of the fame Species, communicate their con-
ceptions one to another; only this difcurfive Ratiocination of Brutes he
calls Ratio imaginativa, and differenceth it from Ratio intellectualis which
belongs properly to Men, principally in this, That the imaginative or
brutal Ratiocination keeps ftill in particulars, and within the verge of
particular propofitions and conclufions; but intellectual Reafon hath to
do with univerfals, and for the moft part grounds and directs its Ratio-
cination by them.
Touching the thing called Reaſon, we muſt conſider that it hath a
double acceptation: 1. It is taken for every conduct of any thing by
fitting means to fitting ends, or the due and convenient ordering and
adapting of one thing to another; and this again feems to be of three
kinds, viz. Active, Paffive, or Mixt: 1. That I call Active Reaſon
which from an inward intellective principle orders and difpofeth; as
the Watch-maker contrives, orders, and diſpoſeth the ſeveral parts of the
Watch, ſo that it excites a regular and uſeful motion: 2. The Paffive
Reaſon (which is more properly Reaſonableneſs) is that order and con-
gruity which is impreffed upon the thing thus wrought; as in the Watch
I fee every thing moves duly and orderly, and the reafon of the motion
of the Ballance is by the motion of the next Wheel, and that by the
motion of the next, and that by the motion of the Fufee, and that by
the motion of the Spring; the whole frame, order and contexture of the
Watch carries a reaſonableneſs in it, the paffive impreflion of the Reafon
or intellectual Idea that was in the Artift: 3. The Mixt fort of Reaſon
ſeems to be when a thing concurrs actively and from an internal prin-
ciple, and (in things that have life) vitally, to the production of a reaſon-
able effect; but yet per modum inftrumenti, and in the virtue of a ſuperiour
direction of a reafonable agent: Thus when I plow my ground, my Horſe
is harneſſed and chained to my Plough, and put in his track or furrow,
and guided by my Whip and my Tongue, and fo draws on my Plough,
and this reaſonable work is performed actively and vitally by my Brute
in the virtue of my direction. And certainly this kind of latter Reafon
is
Cap. 2.
De Homine.
!
is evident not only in the brute Beaſts in their inftincts and operations,
but alſo in Vegetables, and almoſt in all things in Nature; for they are all
indued with a certain inherent activity, which is nevertheless implanted,
directed, ordered and determined by the great Creator in the Laws of
their ſeveral conſtitutions: The proceſs of nutrition and generation not
only in Animals but even in Vegetables is done with the higheft Reafon,
exceeding the imitation of the Humane Reaſon, the Birds making their
Nefts, ordering their Eggs and moving them in incubation, feeding and
diſciplining their young, is done with the moſt exquifite reafon and con-
gruity thereunto,beyond the artifice of the moſt ingenious man. And it muſt
needs be fo; for though they concur actively from an internal Principle
to the production of the effect, yet they are determined therein and there-
unto, and their track ordered for them and to them by the Laws of their
nature inſtituted and imprinted on them by the unimitable Wiſdom of
the higheſt intellectual Being. This mixed or inftrumental Reaſon, as
I may call it, therefore all muſt agree to belong not only to Brutes,
but almoſt to all things in Nature, and herein differs from Reaſon or
Reaſonableness which I before call fimply paffive, in that it immediately
proceeds from the internal active Principles implanted by God in their
natures.
2. But there is another kind of Reafon which we call Ratiocination,
or Difcurfus rationalis, which confifts principally in theſe three things,
though the two former without the latter make not up a compleat Ratio-
cination : 1. The fimple apprehenfion of things themſelves, which is
done by images or repreſentations thereof, made either by the Intellect,
or by the repreſentations made thereunto by the Phantalie: 2. The com-
pounding of the images or reprefentation of things with an affirmation
or negation; this makes a Propofition: 3. The compoſition of ſeveral
Propofitions among themfelves, and drawing from them Conclufions;
and this is called Syllogifmus, Ratiocination or Diſcourſe.
But though this be the analysis of Ratiocination into which by a care-
ful attention it may be refolved, we are not to think all fort of reaſoning
or ratiocination, even in Men themſelves, is preſently by way of explicit
or formed Syllogifms, or artificial Moods and Figure. Some confecutions
are fo intimately and evidently connexed to or found in the premiffes,
that the conclufion is attained quafi per faltum, and without any thing of
ratiocinative procefs, and as the Eye fees his object immediately and
without fo
any previous diſcourſe, ſo in objects intellectual many evident
truths or principles are primo intuitis affented unto: as in objects of Senſe
the action is elicited per faltum; as many times when a Horfe is hungry
and comes to a good pafture, he falls to his food immediately without
forming Mr. Chambre's Syllogiſm,
है
ས
This green is grafs,
This graẞ is good to eat,
Therefore this green is good to eat.
But the tranfitus from the Senſe to the Phantafie, and from that to the
Appetite, and from that to the motion of Eating is immediate, momen-
taneous, and per faltum.
H 2
In
52
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
In brief, as the vegetable nature, as hath been obſerved, hath a kind
of ſhadow of the fenfible nature, fo the fenfitive nature hath a kind of
ſhadow of the truly rational nature; their Reaſon is but a low, obfcure
and imperfect ſhadow thereof, as the Water-gall is of the Rain-bow; and
proportionable to their imaginative Reafon is their animal Language,
which though it be a kind of natural fign of their Imagination and Paf-
fions, yet it is infinitely below the perfection of humane Language: For
we ſee that thofe Birds who by reafon of the analogy of their organs by
uſe are taught ſome words or fentences, yet they never proportion thoſe
words to an explication of any diſtinct conception fignified by them, nor
can uſe or apply thoſe words they learn to the things they fignifie, nor
can they connex their words or fentences in coherence with the matter
which they fignifie; and commonly have recourſe to their wild natural
notes when they would exprefs their imaginations or paffions, which
notes are at the beft but like natural interjections, framed by Nature, not
by Art, to diſcover their paffions or impreffions; and their artificial lan-
guage or notes are no other than impreffions upon their fenfitive Memory
by iterated uſe, and drawn out from them upon the ſtrength of fuch
impreffion, or by repetition of Objects that excite that Memory.
Thus much I thought good to premiſe concerning the vegetable and
fenfitive natures, which may be of fome uſe in the confideration of the
rational or humane nature; partly to inftance what this latter includes,
namely the whole perfection of the vegetable and animal faculties, and
partly to diſcover the preference that the Humane Nature hath above
the Animal Life in theſe moſt perfect faculties of Intellect, intellectual
Reaſon, and Will.
I fhalt not here diftinctly and fully examine the nature of Man in the
whole compaſs and extent thereof, but fhall reſerve it to a fuller inquiry;
I fhail only inftance in fo much thereof in this place as may be appofite
to my purpoſe, namely, to fhew that he is a Creature of moſt admirable
conftitution, and ſuch as deſerves our inquiry, and ſuch whoſe firſt com-
poſure and origination requires a higher and nobler Conftituent than
either Chance or the ordinary method of meer Natural cauſes and con-
currences; and that it is ſuch a piece as in its firft conftitution and ordi-
nation requires an Efficient of infinite Power, Wiſdom and Goodneſs:
This is the end and ſcope of my prefent Inquiry.
Now to give a brief Inventory of the Exccllence of the Humane Nature,
I ſhall obſerve as near as I can this order.
Firſt, I will briefly confider thoſe Excellencies that he hath in common
with the vegetable and fenfible nature: Secondly, I fhall confider thoſe
ſpecifical or appropriate Excellencies that he hath above the former, both
vegetable and animal nature.
Under the Second general I fhall confider Man ſingly with relation to
himſelf, and then with relation to other things without him.
In relation to himſelf I fhall briefly confider theſe particulars: 1. The
excellency of his Soul or intellectual nature in its nature, faculties, acts
and habits; 2. The peculiar excellency of his Body; 3. The peculiar
excellency of the Compofitum, confifting of both his former effential parts.
In relation to things without him, I fhall confider him with relation
1. To God, 2. To Mankind, 3. To the other integrals of the World,
and
1
1
1
*
Cap. 2
De Homine.
2. Of
and theren 1. Of their ſerviceableneſs and accommodation to him, 2.
his dominion and foveraignty over them, and the means and inftruments
thereof
This is the brief Scheme that I intend of thofe fpecifical and appropriate
preheninences that the Nature of Man hath above other vifible Crea-
tures
Fift therefore, touching thofe Excellencies that the humane Nature
hatlabove the vegetable and animal Nature, I fhall fubjoin theſe enſuing
Pofions.
1
There is no excellent vegetable or animal Faculty in the vegetable
or nimal Nature, as fuch, but it is found in the humane Nature; fuch
astre attraction, nutrition, digeftion, conformation of parts digeſted,
prportionable augmentation, generation, fenfible perception, common
fele, eftimative faculty, fenfible appetite, locomotive faculty, and
aimal motion: I meddle not herein with all thoſe ſmaller fort of Fa-
alties, which are peculiarly appropriate to Vegetables or Animals, as
wiftneſs, fagacity, ftrength, and ſpecial artifices, which belong not to
nem in the common nature of Vegetables or Animals, but by certain
pecifical Inſtincts or Faculties, becauſe though it may be fome of them
re not found in the fame kind and degree in the humane Nature, yet
hey are fuch as are abundantly recompenfed by that art and ingeny which
ppropriately belongs to the humane Nature.
2. There are no Organs in the fenfible Nature (which yet are more
perfect than thoſe of the vegetable Nature) fubfervient to the Faculties
of Life and Senfe, which are wanting in the conftitution of the humane
Body, at leaſt in fubftance and equivalence.
3. Thoſe very Faculties and Organs fubfervient unto them in the vege-
table or fenfible Nature, which are found in them, are lodged in the
humane Nature in far more excellency and perfection than they are in
the vegetable or animal Nature: So that if the Faculties or Organs fub-
fervient to the vegetable or animal Life in Man, do differ in their ftate
or compofure from thofe of Brutes, it differs for the better, as obtaining
a more exquifite perfection, uſefulneſs, beauty, and contexture, than
thofe of Brutes, as may appear in the Hand of Man compared with the
Foot of Beafts or Birds; the Foot, the Leg, the Thigh of Man, with
thoſe of Beaſts, and the like. It is true, the conftitution of fome Faculties
and Organs of Senfibles, is more accommodate to their fabrick and uſe
than the like Organs of Man would be to the ufe of Brutes; but fimply
comparing one with another, the Organs of the humane Body are more
curious and excellent than the Organs of the bare animal Nature. And
from hence it comes to pafs, that the full knowledge of the humane
Faculties and Organs, fubfervient to the animal Life in Man, compre-
hends in effect all the like Faculties and Organs in the animal Nature,
though differing in fome particular textures and pofitions, with a pro-
portionable advance by the acceſs of excellence of the humane Nature.
2. As to the fpecifical or appropriate Excellencies of the humane Na-
ture above the moſt perfect Animals, they come next to be confidered.
It is true, that Animals in proportion to the length of their Life attain
their complement of their fpecifical perfection fooner in proportion than
the humane Nature: The animal Soul fooner expands and evolves it ſelf
to
4.
B
54
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
7
to its full orb and extent than the humane Soul: Therefore the Horſe
that lives naturally about thirty years, comes to his full growth and
and per-
fect exerciſe of its animal Faculties in four years; but Man, that lives
not ordinarily above ſeventy yeas, comes not to the ripeneſs of hs Intel-
lectual Life 'till two and twenty or three and twenty years at leat, nor
even to his full growth 'till nineteen or twenty: So that what ve fay
concerning Man, in relation to the actings of his Mind, muſt be applied
to that ftate and age wherein his Soul hath fully as it were evolved t felf,
and its Organs fully mature and diſpoſed for the actings of his Sou: He
is long ripening, but then his maturity, and the complement theeof,
recompenſeth the flowneſs of his maturation.
Now the Excellencies appropriate to the humane Nature are, as beɔre,
obferved of two kinds; 1. fuch as immediately concern the humanea-
ture it ſelf; or 2. fuch as are extrinfecal, but yet relating to it.
Thoſe things that are immediately refiding in, or part of the humne
Nature, come firſt to be confidered: And they are three: 1. His Sol,
or intellectual and volitive Principle. 2. His Body, or corporeal pat.
3. The Compofitum or Coalitum of both thoſe Principles, which comple
the humane Nature.
The Soul comes firſt to be confidered, and therein theſe four thing:
1. Its Conſtitution or Nature. 2. Its Original. 3. Its Faculties. 4. b
congenite Habits or rational Instincts.
1. Touching the Conftitution of the Intellectual Soul of Man, Iſha
not in this place enter into a large diſcourſe concerning it, but reſerv
that confideration to its proper place, only in general it is 1. An active
principle; 2. It is a ſubſtantial principle; 3. It is not corporeal or material
It is not corruptible or mortal.
4.
2. Touching its Original, whether it be by traduction, or creation,
or participation, I ſhall not here difpute, but reſerve it to its proper place
for a fuller difquifition. But whether the one way or the other it had its
original, there is no inconfiftency but that it hath thoſe effential qualifi
cations above-mentioned.
3. Touching its Faculties, they are two, the Understanding and the
Will: And here I fhall not concern my ſelf in the Inquiry, whether the
Faculties are the fame with the Soul it ſelf, or the fame one with the
other, and only diſtinct in notion whether the Will be any more than
the complete or ultimate act of the Underſtanding determined? It is
fufficient, that the acting of the Soul as it relates to perception and
decifion, and as it relates to choice and purſuit, or averfation, are diftin-
guiſhable to us, and thoſe notions ferve to explicate what we mean in
the things we diſcourſe of, as the fuppofed Circles in the Heavens ferve
to explicate the appearances thereof. The Underſtanding or the Intel-
lective Faculty (the fhadow whereof only is the Phantafie in Brutes,
it is but a fhadow of this of Intellect) is a Faculty that not only gradually
but effentially differs from and exceeds the perceptive Faculty in Brutes.
but
Three things there are that give us the beſt notion we can have of the
humane Intellect, and the diſcrimination thereof from the animal per.
ception and imagination: 1. The Objects thereof: 2. The Acts thereof
And 3. The Habits thereof.
1. The Object of the humane Intellect is omne intelligibile, which is o
a far
$
Cap. 2.
55
De Homine.
$
a far larger extent than the Object of fenfible perception or imagination,
which as it exceeds not the province of fenfible Objects, fo it is in order
to the convenience of a ſenſible Life. For inftance: When a Brute fees
a Man, it fees his colour, figure, motion, bulk, and by the advantage
of Memory or Inftinct it comes to him, or flyes from him, as it hath
received, or thinks it like to receive good or evil by him, but it per-
ceives not fubftance. Thefe Objects, among many other that might be
inſtanced, fall under the perception of the Intellective, which feem not
to be within the verge of Imagination or fenfible perception: 1. The
Notion of a Spirit, or fubftance void of corporeity. 2. Univerſals, or
conception of things as conjoined in one common nature or notion,
abftracted from the Individuals thereof, 3. Abftracted conceptions, as
entity, corporeity, &c. 4. Though Brutes may be able to apprehend
multitude, as things more than fingular, yet they cannot have a diftinct
notion of Number. 5. Though they may have a confuſed imagination
of ſomething as paſt, or future, yet it is without diftinction of Time,
or the notion of it. 6. The truth of confequence in or from the ante-
cedent. 7. The actings of the Mind or Imagination it felf, by way of
reflection or introſpection of themſelves, are diſcernible by Man diftinctly,
but at least not diftinctly by Brutes. 8. The truth and evidence of Geo-
metrical Demonftration. 9. The reaſon or juſt eſtimate of connexion
of things to their Caufes. 10. The moral goodneſs and congruity
evilneſs, unfitnefs, and unfeaſonableneſs of moral or natural actions,
which falls not within the verge of a brutal faculty, 11. The Notions
of a Deity, and the reſult thereupon, namely, Religion, is not to bẹ
found in Brutes, but ſeems connatural to the humane Nature, as ſhall be
fhewn.
2. The Intellectual Acts, and they are many:
or
1. Intellectual Perception, which greatly differs from imaginative or
ſenſitive perception, as far above it: For in thoſe things where the root
of intellective perception is in the fenſe and phantafie, the perception intel-
lective oftentimes departs from and correas the report of the phantafie,
as in the apparent bigness of the Sun, the apparent crookedneſs of the
Staff in a double medium of Air and Water, though this kind of Intel-
lective Perception be not without the help of Ratiocination.
2. Intellective Ratiocination, which infinitely exceeds that imagina-
tive Ratiocination which fome have attributed to Brutes. 1. It is diſtinct,
and with a diſtinct knowledge of the terms, which in Brutes is confuſed.
2. It is founded for the most part in Univerſals, which is not compatible
to imaginative Ratiocination. 3. The thread and train of Confequences
in intellective Ratiocination is often long, and chained together by divers
Links, which cannot be done in imaginative difcourfe or ratiocination
by fome attributed to Brutes, which if the tranfitus from the premiſſes to
the concluſion be not very ſpeedy and ſhort, that imperfect Ratiocination
is loft in Brutes.
And here I shall again a little reſume the former Confideration touching
the imaginary Reaſoning of Brutes, which I have before called the Image
of Reaſon, and not truly Reaſon, for it is not a diſtinct reaſoning, but
performed in a phyfical moment: And though we fuppofe Subject, and
Predicate, and Copula, and Propofitions, and Syllogiftical Connexions
in
56
Sect. I.
De Homine.
in their Reaſoning, there is no fuch matter, but the entire buſineſs is at
the fame moment prefent with them without deducing one thing from
another, though we form them into notions of diftinct acts; and this
acting of the fentient Phantafie is performed, 1. By a preſence of ſenſe,
as the Horſe is under the fenfe of hunger, and that without any formal
Syllogifm preffeth him to eat the fire burns the Cats foot, and therefore
it pulleth it away becauſe the immediate fenfe of pain enforceth it. 2. By
the preſence of Memory; the Dog hath been beaten for taking the meat
out of the dish, and the next time he fees it there, though he be hungry
yet he dares not venture, for his imaginative Memory makes the paſt
ftrokes as preſent to him as if he felt them. 3. By the preſence of In-
ſtinct, which puts him upon thoſe motions that are moſt evidently as
reaſonable as any thing can be, and yet without the intervention of
Ratiocination. For inftance, Every Creature almoft hath certain Inftru-
ments for its defence, and the offence of its enemies, exactly fitted for their
uſe, and they have that fingular dexterity in ufing them that the moſt
difciplined Fencer cannot equal: The Cock, for inftance, hath his Spurs,
and he ftrikes his Feet inward with fingular ftrength and order, and it
is not poffible he ſhould ufe his Spurs with greater reaſon for his advan-
tage, yet he doth not this by any fyllogiftical method, or by Ratioci-
nation, but is meerly tutored to it by Inftinct, which is prefent with him,
and at hand without any difcurfive Reaſoning. And this appears, becauſe
while it is yet a Chick, and hath no Spurs, nor cannot hurt by it, nor
yet hath feen the like motion before to imitate or learn it; yet he readily
practiſeth it. And to theſe three preſent impulfes of Senfe, Memory, and
Inſtinct, moſt if not all the fagacities of Brutes may be reduced without
the help of true Ratiocination or difcurfive Reaſon; though witty men
by Analytical refolution have Chymically extracted an artificial Logick
out of all their actions.
3. Intellective Memory, which I call an act of the intellective faculty
becauſe it is wrought by it, though I do not inquire how or where,
becauſe it is not ſolvible: The fpecifical preferences that it hath above the
fenfible Memory are thefe; 1. That it remembers and retains fuch things
as were never at all in the Senfe, as the conceptions, enuntiations and
actions of the Intellect and Will; the conviction of truth or falfhood of
propofitions or reafonings; the conceptions of univerfals: whereas the
fenfitive Memory retains nothing but fenfible Objects, or their Images
wrought by the Phantafie. 2. In that it is more complicated and com-
plex than the ſenſitive Memory, retaining the ſeries of propofitions,
argumentations, and a long tract of hiftorical narratives. 3. In that it
is more diftinct and unconfuſed than the fenfitive Memory. 4. In that
it is firmer, and more fixed and permanent than the fenfitive Memory.
5. In that it can refuſcitate and ttir up it felf to remember and call toge-
ther other Images or media to retrive what it once remembred; which
is Reminiſcence, an act of intention, which therefore Ariftotle in his
Book De Memoria & Reminifcentia makes an act peculiar to Man; whereas
the Memory of Brutes is either conferved by the Images impreffed by the
Imagination, and there continued, or revived and reinforced by the oc-
currence of external Objects bearing an identity or reſemblance to the
Images at firſt impreſſed by the Phantafie.
4. Deli-
-
1
Cap. 2.
De Homine.
4. Deliberation; a ftaid and attentive confideration of things to be
known and their media, and of their ſeveral weights, conclufiveneſs, or
evidence; and of things to be done and their media, their congruity,
fuitableneſs, poſſibility and convenience, and of the feveral circumſtances
aptly conducible thereunto, which is an act far above the animal actings,
which are fudden and tranfient, and admit not of that attention, mora,
and propendency of actions.
5. Judgment; either concerning things to be known, of the weight
and concludency of them and ends in decifion; or of things done or to
be done, of their congruity, fitnefs, rightneſs, appofitneſs: and this if it
refers to things to be done, ends in determination or purpoſe; if in re-
lation to things already done, then in fentence of approbation or difap-
probation: And hither that which we call Confcience is to be referred,
namely, if by a due compariſon of things done with the rule, there be a
confonancy follows the fentence of Approbation; if difcordant from it,
the ſentence of Condemnation.
And this act of the Judgment in relation to things to be done, and the
determination thereupon, is that which is uſually ftiled the laft decifion
of the practical Underſtanding immediately antecedent to the decree of
the Will, which it must follow by a kind of moral neceffity, when it acts
as a reaſonable Faculty, and in the due ftate and order of its nature;
though by its liberty and empire it fometimes fufpends its concurrence.
And thus far concerning the Acts of the Underſtanding.
3. Concerning intellectual Habits or the genuine effects of theſe acts
in the underſtanding Faculty, and they are divers and diverfiy expreffed
by thoſe that have treated thereof.
1. Opinion, when the affent of the Underſtanding is fo far gained by
evidence of probability, that it rather inclines to one perfwafion than
to another, yet not altogether without a mixture of incertainty or
doubting.
2. Science or Knowledge effected by fuch evidence, cui non poteft fubeffe
falfum; as in cafe of demonftrative evidence.
3. Fides, or Faith, or Belief, which refts upon the relation of another
that we have no reaſonable caufe to fufpect; and upon this account we
believe Divine Revelation when we are fufficiently convinced that it is
Divine Revelation; we alfo believe our Senfes, becauſe we have the
greateſt Moral evidence that we can reaſonably have of the truth of their
reports, when they are not controlled by apparent Reaſon, impoffibility,
or improbability: We believe good and credible perfons, and this prin-
cipally referrs to matter of fact, which we cannot or do not controll by
our Senſes or other weighty evidence; as that there was ſuch a man as
Julius Cafar, that there is fuch a place as Rome, though we never faw the
one or the other; becauſe delivered over to us by credible perfons, and
fuch who could probably have no end to deceive us.
!
4. Wiſdom, which is a complicated habit referring to all things to be
known and done, the due compariſon of things and actions, and the
preference of them according to their various natures and degrees.
5. Prudence; which is principally in reference to actions to be done,
the due means, order, ſeaſon, method of doing or not doing.
6. Moral Virtues; as Juftice, Temperance, Sobriety, Fortitude,
Patience,
I
57
58
Sect. I.
De Homine.
4
Patience, &c. for thefe begin in the Intellect, though their exerciſe belong
principally to the faculty of the Will.
7. Arts Liberal or Mechanical; for though the exerciſe of thoſe (in
which the formal nature of an Art confifts) be external, yet the Ideal
notion and habit of them begins in the Understanding, and a man
is firſt a Geometrician in his Brain, before he be fuch in his Hand.
And all theſe habits of the intellectual Faculty are far advanced above
what is found in Senſible Natures; take the laſt for inftance. It is true,
we find a rare dexterity in the Spider and Silkworm in framing of their
threads, but this proceeds not from any Intellectual principle in them,
but from an Inſtinct connatural to them, and whereunto they are deter-
mined by the Law of their nature; again, we find in the Fox, the Hawk,
and other Animals admirable fagacities, wiles and fubtilties in getting
their prey and in defending themlelves: But when we confider the faga-
city of the Humane Underſtanding, although the particular Inftincts of
fome Animals are ſcarce imitable by it, yet it exceeds them in other things
almoſt of the ſame nature, and fo by way of equivalence, or rather pre-
lation in thoſe very Inftincts, witneſs the Arts of Painting, Tapeſtry,
Fortification, Architecture, the Engins whereby noxious and ſubtil Ani-
mals are fubdued, and infinite more arifing from the fruitfulneſs of the
Underſtanding and the dexterity of the Hand. And thus much touching
the Intellective Faculty, the feat of intellective Perception and Counſel :
I come to confider of that other Faculty, the Will, the feat of Empire
and Authority.
The Will therefore is that other great Faculty of the Reaſonable Soul,
and it is not a bare appetitive power as that of the fenfual appetite, but
is a rational appetite, and is confiderable, 1. In its Nature, 2. In its
Object, 3. In its Acts.
1. The Nature of this Faculty is that it is free, domina fuarum actionum,
free from compulfion, and ſo ſpontaneous, and free from determination
by the particular Object, wherein it differs from the fenfitive appetite,
which though ſpontaneous, becauſe moving from an inward principle,
yet is, if not altogether, yet for the moſt part determined in its choice
by the external Object. But how far forth the Will is determined by the
laft act of the practick Underſtanding, or how far fuch a determination
is, or is not confiftent with the effential or natural liberty of the Will,
is not ſeaſonable here to difpute. This liberty of Will, together with
that other Faculty of Underſtanding, is that which renders the humane
Nature properly capable of a Law, and of the confequence of Law
Rewards and Punishments; which doth not properly belong to the animal
Nature, becauſe deftitute of theſe two Faculties.
2. The Object of the Will is not confined to a ſenſible Good, but is
much larger, namely, fuch a Good as is compatible to an Intellectual
Nature in its full latitude, fuch as are moral and fupernatural Good.
3. The Acts of this Faculty are generally divided into Volition, No-
lition, and Sufpenfion: That divifion that herein better fuits with my
purpoſe are theſe, Election and Empire.
1. Election or choice, and this in reference both to means and end;
for though the Schools tell us, that Electio is only mediorum & non finis,
this is to be intended of the general end or good at large, and in its uni-
verfal
1
Cap. 2.
De Homine.
verfal conception, for when feveral particular ends are in propofal, there
is belonging to the Will a power of Election of thefe, as well as of the
means to attain them.
2. The Imperium voluntatis over the Body and the Faculties: We may
obferve in the humane as well as the animal Body two kinds of motions
or exertions of Faculties; fome are ftiled natural or involuntary, fuch is
the motion of the Heart, the Circulation of the Blood, the perception
of the Senſes; when the Organs are open, and the Obje& applied, theſe
natural, though vital Faculties and Motions, are not under the com-
mand of the Will immediately, for whether I will or will not, while I
live, my Heart beats, my Blood circulates, my Ventricle digefts what
is in it, my Eye fees when open. But there be other Motions in the
humane, and alfo in the animal Nature, that are fubject to the command
of the Will in Man, and to the appetite in Brutes, as local motion
which in Animals is under the regiment of the Appetite, in Man under
the regiment of the Will.
Now this Imperium voluntatis may be confidered in relation,
1. To it felf: It can fufpend its own acting, either of electing or re-
jecting.
2. To the Underſtanding: Though it cannot fufpend its perception,
omnibus ad percipiendum requifitis adhibitis, yet it may fufpend its decifion
or determination, or at leaſt its obfequium to fuch decifion.
3. The Paffions, which are as it were the Satellites voluntatis, and
follow the command of the Will, where the Will acts according to its
power and authority.
4. To the animal Spirits, and the Veſſels in which they are received
when defigned to Motion, namely the Nerves and Muſcles, theſe are all
fubject to the Empire of the Will, as to Local Motion of the whole
Body or any part thereof, when the Spirits, Nerves and Muſcles are in
their due and natural ftate.
5. To the fenfual Appetite: And indeed herein is evident both the
Empire and Sovereignty of the Will, and alfo the vifible difcrimination
between the Humane Nature and the Animal or Brutal Nature, and its
preference before it. In the animal Nature it is evident, that the fenfual
Appetite is that which hath and exerciſeth the fovereignty and dominion
over the fpontaneous actions of the animal Nature, that commands the
Foot to go, the Mouth to eat, and all other the fpontaneous motions in
order to a fenfible good: But in Man the fenfual Appetite is Regimen fub
graviore regimine, the government of the Appetite is under the govern-
ment of the Will and controlled by it, at leaft where the reaſonable Fa-
culty is not embaſed and captived by ill cuſtom or diſorder. And this
appears two ways:
1. Sometimes the very motion of the Appetite it felf is reftrained by
the Empire of the Will, fo that a man doth not appetere that fenfible
good which otherwife he might or would, becauſe he will not, and
this is the moſt natural and noble regiment of the Will over the fenfual
Appetite.
2. Though it may fall out that the fenfual Appetite may appetere bonum
fenfibile, yet the Will may and doth controll the empire of the Appetite
in the execution of that appetition: As for inftance, A man fees delicious
I a
fruit,
59
60
Se&t. 1.
De Homine.
fruit, and he defires it; in ſo much, that were there not a controll over the
empire of his Appetite, it would command the Hand to reach it, and
the Mouth to eat it: But the contrary command of the Will fuperfedes
the command of the Appetite, the Appetite defires it, but the Hand is
forbidden by the Will to reach it.
Now if any man ſhall ſay this contradiction appears, not only in the
reaſonable Nature, but even in the fenfible: The fenfible Appetite is
checked in its execution oftentimes by fenfual Fear, as in Dogs and
Horſes, and other Brutes, yea fometimes by the remembrance of a former
fuffering for the like attempt to gratifie his fenfual Appetite; and yet they
are deftitute of any fuperior faculty of Will to interpofe a prohibition
upon the Appetite. I anfwer, this is true, for in fuch caſes the impen-
dent Fear is either preſent or in memory, and fo expected; and it being
of a ſenſible evil, hath the fame influence upon the fenfual Appetite as
the preſent good; and therefore if the evil feared or impendent be a
greater fenfible evil than the good, it over-rules the Appetite to aver-
fation; as the Fiſh that loves the bait, yet feareth the hook, which it
difcerns as a greater ſenſible evil, the very Appetite is thereby determined
to averfation.
But the controll of the Will upon the Appetite in the reaſonable Na-
ture, is many times, and indeed moft often done, not upon the account
of a fenfible evil felt or feared, which of it felf were fufficient to deter-
min the Appetite; but fometimes upon the account of fuch hopes or fears
as fall not under a fenfitive notice, as of the command or prohibition by
God; yea many times upon a bare Moral account of the indecorum, un-
reaſonableneſs, unfeaſonableneſs or utter unfitneſs of the thing it felf, with-
out any other motive of fear either of a prefent or future fenfible incon-
venience thereby; which Moral confideration can no way move the
fenfible Appetite, were it not for the Will, which being a rational Faculty
is moved by it.
And this is all that I fhall fay touching the two great Faculties of the
Soul, the Underſtanding and Will: Iſhall not add any thing here touching
Paffions or Affections of the Mind, 1. Becauſe they are but a kind of
appendices to the Will, the Satellites voluntatis; thofe of the concupifci-
ble kind being as it were the flowers of the motion of Volition, thoſe of
the irafcible kind the flowers of the motion of Averfation. 2. Becauſe
the Paffions for the moft part are found in the fenfible Nature, namely
thoſe of love, hatred, delight, grief, expectation and fear; and therefore
I fhall not here treat of them.
3. I come now to confider of thoſe rational Inftincts as I call
them, the connate Principles engraven in the humane Soul; which
though they are Truths acquirable and deducible by rational confequence
and argumentation, yet they feem to be infcribed in the very crafis and
texture of the Soul antecedent to any acquifition by induſtry or the exer-
ciſe of the difcurfive Faculty in Man, and therefore they may be well
called anticipations, prenotions, or fentiments characterized and engraven
in the Soul, born with it, and growing up with it till they receive a
check by ill cuſtoms or educations, or an improvement and advancement
by the due exerciſe of the Faculties. I fhall fhew firft what they are:
Secondly, what moves me to think that ſuch are connatural.
1. Touching
Cap. 2.
61
De Homine.
1. Touching the former, I think thofe implanted and connatural anti-
cipations are theſe, namely, That there is a God; that he is of greateſt
Power, Wiſdom, Goodneſs, and Perfection; that he is pleafed with good,
and diſpleaſed with evil; that he is placable; that he is to be feared,
honoured, loved, worshipped, and obeyed; that he will reward the good,
and punish the evil; a fecret fentiment of the immortality of the Soul,
or that it ſurvives the Body to be capable of rewards and puniſhments
according to its deportment in this life; certain common notions of Moral
good and evil, of decorum and turpe; that faith and promiſes are to be
kept; that a man muſt do as he would be done by; that the obſcene
parts and actions, though otherwiſe natural, are not to be expoſed to
publick view, obvelatio pudendorum; that a man muſt be grateful for bene-
fit received: Theſe, and ſome ſuch common notions or intimate propen-
fions ſeem to be connaturally engraven in the Soul antecedently to any
difcurfive Ratiocination; and though they are not ſo diſtinct and expli-
cite, yet they are fecret Byaffes inclining the humane Nature primarily
to what is uſeful and convenient for it in proportion to the ſtate of an
intellectual Nature: That as we fee in Brutes, befides the exerciſe of
their Faculties of ſenſitive Perception and Imagination, there are lodged
in them certain fenfible Inftincts antecedent to their imaginative Faculty,
whereby they are pre-determined to the good and convenience of the ſen-
fible Life: So there are lodged in the very crafts and conftitution of the
Soul certain rational Inſtincts whereby it is pre-difpofed, inclined, and
byaffed to the good and convenience proportionable to a rational and
intellectual Life; a certain congenite ftock of rational Sentiments and
Inclinations which may go along with him, and fairly incline him tỏ
ſuch a trade and way as is fuitable to the good of his Nature; fo that he
is not left barely to the undetermination, incertainty, and unſteadineſs of
the operation of his Faculties, without a certain fecret and gentle pre-
diſpoſition of them to what is right, decent, and convenient for their
manage and guidance by theſe common anticipations, inclinations, and
2. And that which in-
connatural Characters engraven in the Soul.
clines me to believe this, is not only the congruity of the fuppofition to
the convenience of the humane Nature, and the inftance of the fenfible
Inftincts in the animal Nature proportionate to their convenience, and
the great importance of them to the convenience thereof: But alfo that
which is obfervable in the attentive confideration of the manners of Man-
kind in general, which ſeems to have thoſe common fentiments in them,
and to accord in them in a very great meaſure; and though evil Cuſtoms
and Education much prevails among men, yet it doth not wholly obli-
literate theſe ſentiments, at leaſt from the generality of Mankind.
It muſt be agreed that theſe rational Inftincts, as I call them, are not
always fo vigorous and uniform in their actings as the animal Instincts
of Brutes are in their kind, which partly proceeds from that liberty of
Will that is in the humane Nature which many times fufpends or inter-
rupts their energy and operation, partly from that mixture of the fentient
Appetite with the actings of the reaſonable Soul, which oftentimes tranf
port it: Even the more fimple and uncompounded any Nature is, the
more uniform are its motions and actings; the natural Inftincts and Pro-
portions even of things inanimate (as of heavy Bodies to defcend) are
more
62
Sect. I.
De Homine.
more uniform than the very Inftincts of Brutes, who have a more com-
plicated form or nature: But as this accidental interruption of rational
Inſtincts doth not difprove their exiftences, fo Man hath a greater advan-
tage by the exercife of his Reafon and intellective Faculties, to remove
thofe interruptions, and improve thoſe connatural Sentiments or rational
Inftincts to his fingular ufe and benefit, which abundantly recompenceth
thoſe Interruptions.
And if any ſhall fay that there are or may be other means of propa-
gation of thoſe motions and inclinations in Men, namely, 1. A Tra-
ditional traduction of them into the World; and 2. The Exerciſe of the
humane Intellectual Faculties upon the occurrence and obfervation of
external Objects and Events: I answer,
1. As touching Traditional communication and traduction of thoſe
Truths that I call connatural and engraven, I do not doubt but many
of thoſe Truths have had the help of that derivation: But, firft, fuch
a Tradition poffibly hath not been without interruptions by evil Edu-
cation, and yet thefe Sentiments have obtained almoſt in all Ages and
Places, though not without interfperfion of certain corrupt additaments,
obtained likewiſe by evil Cuſtom or Education. But fecondly, it can-
not reaſonably by ſuppoſed that a Tradition could fo conftantly and uni-
verfally prevail and obtain among Mankind, unleſs there were fome com-
mon confonancy and congruity of fomewhat inherent in Nature which
ſuits, correſponds and fuffragates to that Tradition, and cloſeth with it,
and accepts it.
2. As to the other, concerning the Exerciſe and Actings of our Intel-
lectual Faculties, it muſt needs be agreed that thofe that I call Conna-
tural Principles are in themſelves highly reaſonable, and deducible by a
ftrong process of Ratiocination to be moft true and moft convenient,
and confequently the high exerciſe of Ratiocination or intellective Dif
courſe might evince their truth and excellency, though there were no fuch
originally infcribed in the Mind: But this no more concludes against the
fuppofition, than it would conclude against the fuppofition of implanted
Inftincts in Brutes; which as they are in themſelves highly reaſonable
and uſeful to their ends, and evincible by true Reafon to be fuch, as it
may be any thing we know: So alfo many, though not all the actings of
thofe Inftincts might poffibly in the Brutes themfelves be elicited by a
ftrong intention and exerciſe of their Phantafie and fenfible Perception,
Ratiocination, and Connatural Implantation, are but feveral means or
diſcoveries of the fame thing which in it felf is moft highly reaſonable;
only the latter is for the moſt part lefs difficult, and readier at hand. But
to the Objection.
"
1. Let
any man but duly confider how few men there are in the World
that are capable in reſpect of the meanness of their Parts and Education,
to act and improve their Intellects or Faculties to fo high a ftrain as the
eliciting of thoſe that I call Connatural Principles by the ftrength of
their Intellectual Operation; this requires very choice Parts, great at-
tention of Mind, fequeftration from the importunity of Secular employ-
ments, and a long advertent and deliberate connexing of Confequents;
which falls not in the common road of ordinary men, but of Philofo-
phers, Metaphyfical heads, and fuch as have had a more refined education,
which
Cap. 2.
63
De Homine.
which is not the thousandth part of Mankind: Other men require a
more eafie and familiar access to theſe Truths and Inclinations; and
yet we ſee that theſe Sentiments are not confined to the Literati of man-
kind,
2. Again, I appeal to the moft knowing men in the World that have
but had the leiſure to think ſeriouſly and converſe with themſelves, and
that have kept their Minds free from the fumes of intemperance and
excels, paffion and perturbation; whether next under Divine Revelation
their beft and cleareft fentiments of Morality at leaſt have not been ga-
thered from the due animadverfion and inſpection of their own Minds,
and the improving of that ſtock of Morals that they there find, and the
tranfcribing of that Original which they found firft written there: It is
true, that it is with the connatural Principles infcribed in our Minds
as it is with our Faculties, they lye more torpid, and inactive, and inevi
dent, unless they are awakened and exercifed, like a fpark involved in
afhes; and being either fuppreffed or neglected they ſeem little better than
dead, but being diligently attended, infpected and exercifed, they expand
and evolve themſelves into more diftinction and evidence of themfelves.
And therefore it was not without fome kind of probability that fome of
the Ancients thought that Science was little elle than Memory or Re-
miniſcence, a diſcovery of what was in the Soul before. But whatever
may be faid of other matters, certainly the first draughts and ftrictures of
Natural Religion and Morality are naturally in the Mind,
And hence fome thinking men have thought that the ſpecifical dif
ference of the humane Nature is Propenfion to Religion, and therefore
define Man to be Animal religiofum, which could not be from any habit
barely acquifite by the exercife of Faculties, unleſs the fame were
radically engraven in the very texture of his Soul,
I fall add but this one thing more: It is plain that the exiſtence of
a Deity as a Being of infinite Perfection, and conſequently of infinite
Goodnels and Juftice to reward and punish, and of infinite Power and
Wildom, is a truth that is highly rational and demonftrable by the exer-
cile of intellectual Faculties upon the confideration of the Univerſe and
its feveral parts; and poffibly the Immortality of the Soul is evincible by
very great reaſon: But thele great truths are not communicated barely
by one kind of means, and it is needful, in refpect of their uſe, they ſhould
all have all contributions, and not only Brains to purfue a long train of
confequences. And yet we ſhall find in the generality of mankind (elpe-
cially when death begins to draw towards them) a very quick and active
demonſtration of theſe convictions, and poflibly many times more vi-
gorous and active than that rational conviction that is wrought by Spe-
culation and Syllogifins, which evidenceth that thefe Principles of the
exiſtence of a moft righteous and powerful God, and a ftate of rewards
and punishments after death, are more univerfally engraven in the Crafis
of the Soul by Almighty God in its natural conftitution than barely by
the exerciſe of Faculties in Speculation and Ratiocination.
And herein it must be remembred that I am in this Difcourfe ftill in
the outward Court of the Gentiles, difcourfing only as a reaſonable
Man, and not taking in the affiftance of the Chriftian Doctrine and thofe
fubfidia divina gratia that relate thereunto,
There-
64
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
Therefore to conclude this point, There feems to be two means of
communicating and preferving in the Soul and Confcience theſe great
fpeculative and moral Principles whereof I have even now treated, viz.
1. That which I here call Connatural, or a certain rational Inftinct en-
graven in the very Make and conftitution of it: And as thoſe that write
of Confcience tell; us it hath three offices or acts, Synterefis, Syneidefis,
and Epicrifis; fo thofe Principles are lodged in that Cheft of the Con-
fcience called Synterefis.
2. A fecond means of attaining and keeping and improving thefe
connatural Sentiments or rational Inftincts both fpeculative and moral,
is that admirable adaptation of the Faculties of the humane Soul to thoſe
Principles and Sentiments, that as the Eye difcerns light and colour by
a congruity between the vifive Faculty and the viſible Object, and as the
Palate tafts and relifheth its meat by the congruity between the Faculty
and the Object, whereby it judgeth of what is good and embraceth it,
and what is evil to it, and rejects it: So in the humane Faculties, thofe
of his Intellect and Will there is a proportionating of the Faculties to the
Object, whereby the former difcerns truth from falfhood, and moral
good from moral evil, honeftum & decorum from indecens & turpe; and
accordingly the Will, when it acts regularly and as it fhould, accepts or
rejects it: But as the eſtimative Faculty in Brutes is nevertheleſs con-
fiftent with their connatural Inftincts, which latter have ftill excellent
uſe in the ſentient Province; fo this adaptation of the Faculties in Man
to their Objects doth not exclude thoſe connatural, implanted, rational
Instincts in the humane Nature, but both confiſt together, and are of
admirable uſe to the humane Soul.
And thus far concerning the Soul of Man, its Faculties and In-
ftincts.
I come now to confider of the ftructure and fabrick of the humane
Body, and that not at large, for that will be for another place, but briefly
and fummarily to give an acccount of fome of thofe appropriate and dif-
criminating notices wherein it differs from and hath preference above
the moſt perfect brutal Nature: And they are fuch as either concern the
entire Fabrick of the Body, or fuch as concern fome ſpecial Parts or Inte-
grals thereof: but I fhall mingle them together as followeth.
1. There is in the humane Fabrick a greater Majefty and Beauty than
in any Animal in the World befides; and that appears, 1. In the erect-
nefs of his poſture; all other Animals have tranfverfe Bodies, as. Birds.
and Beafts, and though fome do raiſe themſelves upon their hinder legs
to an upright poſture, yet they cannot endure it long, it is unnatural and
uneafie to them, neither are the figures or junctures or order of their
Bones, Nerves, and Muſcles fitted to fuch a pofture. And it is obſer-
vable, that the ftructure of Man's Body is with that equilibration (not-
withſtanding divers prominences therein) the compofure of his Nerves
and Muſcles for the due motion of his Spirits, the ftructure of his Feet
are fo fingularly accommodated; that he maintains this erect pofture
ſtanding or walking, though his Feet, the Bafts of the Pillar of his Body,
be much narrower than the latitude of hisBody. 2. In the Majefty of his
Face and Eyes. 3. In the Beauty of his Face: Beauty confifts principally
in theſe things, Figure, Symmetry, and Colour. No Bird, or terreftrial
Animal
1
V
1
Cap. 2.
De Homine.
Animal exhibits its Face in the native colour of its Skin but Man; all
others are covered with Feathers, or Hair, or a Cortex that is obduced over
the Cutis, as in Elephants and fome fort of Indian Dogs, and though in
the torrid Climates the common colour is black or fwarthy, yet the
natural colour of the temperate Climates is more tranfparent and beau
tiful.
2. There is no Animal hath any Organ of equal ufe to the Arm and
Hand of a Man, that Organum organorum, an Organ accommodate to all
the uſeful motions, operations, arts and ufes of his life; Man is born with
out any offensive or defenfive weapons like to thofe of other Animals,
but by the uſefulness and accommodation of this Organ and his Intelle
ctive faculty he maketh weapons and ufeth them, he forgeth and mouldeth
Metals, builds Houſes and Ships, makes his Cloaths and Ornaments, and
exerciſeth all Arts for ufe and ornament.
3. There is no Creature that I know of, hath the like ftructure of
his Leg and Foot; the former being only two to fupport his Body, have
greater and larger Muſcles than any Animal of no greater proportionable
bigness; and the latter being the Bufis of thofe Pillars, are admirably fitted
by their length and figure for his greffus progreffivus.
4. Since the Brain is the great Organ of Intellection in Man, and of
Imagination in Brutes, which are the two nobleft Faculties of either
Nature, it will not be amifs to examine the differences between the Brain
of either, and the Nerves proceeding from either, wherein none that
I know hath given more light than Doctor willis in his Anatomy of the
Head; all therefore that I fhall do herein fhall be to gather up the most of
thoſe obſervable differences that lye difperfed in that Book.
1. The humane Brain is in proportion to the Body much greater and
larger than the Brains of Brutes, having regard to the fize and proportion
of their Bodies, and fuller of anfractus or finuations, and fo more capa-
ble of greater diverfity of employments and uſes in the Perceptive Fa-
culties.
2. There are in the Brain certain portions called protuberantia annularis,
nates, & teftes; and that in thoſe Brutes wherein this protuberantia annu-
laris is largeſt in proportion, thofe Brutes are of greateft fagacity and fub:
tilty, as Foxes, Apes, &c. that though in Man thofe prominences called
nates and testes are the leaft, yet the protuberantia annularis is greater in
proportion in Man than in any Animal, the ftructure of this Organ being
fitted to a greater degree of natural fagacity.
3. That whereas in Brutes the only communication of the Brain withi
the Heart is by the nervus paris vagi derived fromthe Cerebellum, and
fpreading its branches into the Muſcle of the Heart, in Man there is not
only the fame communication of that Nerve, but a ramification of the
nervus intercoftalis is alſo inferted into the Muſcle of the Heart, whereby
a greater communication between the Brain and Heart is maintained in
Man than in Brutes.
4. That other ramifications of this nervus intercoftalis are derived into
the Cheft and Diaphragma, whereby principally that peculiar affection of
Laughter is excited, more appropriate to Man, together alfo thofe others
of Sternutation and other natural actions common to Men and Beafts are
excited, but not from the like communication of that Nerve in Brutes.
K
And
65
66
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
And thus much shall ferve to be ſpoken of the peculiarities of the Hu-
mane Body, though what I before laid touching the Faculties of the
Animal Nature in Man muſt alſo be remembred touching the organical
parts of his Body: There is no Organ in the Brutal Body fubfervient to
the Animal Faculties, which is not found in the Humane Body, with
fuch variations and additions as render them more curious, perfect, uſeful,
and admirably accommodate to his Animal Life and Faculties: But of this
more fully hereafter.
>
3. I fhall now fubjoin a Confideration of Man in his whole Compofitum
confifting of both his effential parts of Body and Soul, and of the aggre-
gation of the Faculties and Organs belonging to either, fo far forth as
they evidence his appropriate and fpecifical Excellency above the Animal
Nature.
The appropriate or ſpecifical acts of the humane compofitum, are the
capacity and faculty of inttituted Signs, expreffive of the inward con-
ceptions of the Mind, which are of two kinds : 1. Audible, 2. Viſible
Signs.
The Audible Signs are inftituted Speech or Language, the formal nature
whereof confiſts in two things: 1. Articulate Voice; 2. The accommo-
dation of the Articulate Voice to the rendring or expreffing of the inward
thoughts or intentions of the Mind: And herein is the great preference
of the language of Man above that of Brutes or Birds, who though they
have audible figns that exprefs fomething of their Imaginations or Appe-
tites, yet they extremely differ from humane fpeech: 1. They are but
ſhort and tranfient, like Interjections in fpeech, whereby though they
expreſs the fudden motions of their Phantafie, Appetite, or Paffions,
yet they carry not with them any diftinct feries or long train of their
Imaginations; they are ſhort and fudden, fomewhat like Sighs or Eju-
lations in Man. 2. They are not articulate, nor orderly, but ſhort, natural
and broken. 3. When Birds, eſpecially by the fabrick of their Tongue
and Palate, are taught to uſe articulate words, yet they underſtand not
their import, nor do render any conceptions of their Phantafie by them
nor can anſwer a question by them, but uſe them infignificantly, as the
Organ or Pipe renders the Tune which it underſtands not.
>
And by the help of fignificant and articulate fpeech, one Man expreffeth
the notions or conceptions of his Mind to another, inftructs another,
mutual commerce and fociety is maintained, which could never be without
inſtituted figns.
And this Act of inftituted figns, eſpecially thofe of Speech or Lan-
guage, proceeds from the entire compofitum, the Mind inftituting the
figns, and communicating its notions and defires by it, and the Palate,
Larinx, Tongue, and Lips, forming the Voice according to fuch infti-
tution, whereunto they are moſt admirably accommodated by their Aper-
tures, Nerves, and Muſcles.
2. The inftituted viſible Signs, are Writings, Geftures, Tears, Motions
of the Eye, Mouth, and Face, which were long to enumerate: By
means of writing, former Ages tranfmit the Memorials of ancient times
and things to pofterity; Men underſtand the fentiments, purpoſes, and
defires of one another, though abfent, and the living converfe with
thoſe ancient Philofophers, and others, that are long fince dead.
And
Cap. 2.
67
De Homine.
And now in this compofition of the humane Nature, we have theſe
things obſervable ;
1. That in this contexture of the Humane Body and Intellectual Soul we
have a Creature made up, that is, nexus utriufque mundi, intellectualis
feilicet & corporei, The next Range of Beings above him are the pure and
immaterial Intelligences, the next below him is the fenfible Nature. Man
is as it were the Comes limitaneus of each Nature, participating of both.
And we may obferve, that in the proceſs of Natural Beings, there ſeem
fome to be Creatures placed as it were in the Confines of feveral Pro-
vinces, and participating fomething of either; as in things that have
life and that have not; there is placed the Minerals between the inanimate
and vegetable Province, participating fomething analogical to either:
Between the vegetable and fenfitive Province there are Plant-animals, and
fome kind of Infects arifing from Vegetables, that ſeem to participate of
both: Between the animal and rational Province, there feem to be fome
Animals that have a dark Image or reſemblance of the Influxes of Reaſon.
So between the corporeal and intellectual World, there is conſtituted
Man, participating much of both Natures: Ita quod non tranfitur ad extrema
nifi per media.
,
2. That Man in his conftitution feems admirably fitted to the conve-
nience of his Nature, a little World accommodated with Faculties and
Organs admirably convenient to it felf, a kind of entire State, King-
dom or Republick within himſelf, fitted with all accommodations and
requifites for the due Regiment of himself, as a Senfible and Intellectual
Being: He hath the Council or Senate of his Intellect, and her ſubſer-
vient Acts and Faculties to adviſe him, the Empire and Regiment of his
Will to command the Satellites and Minifters of his Paffions and Animal
Spirits to execute his Conſcience for his Tribunal: There wants nothing
within this little Circle of himſelf, which may be requiſite to order that
little compacted Province for its Political Regiment.
And thus far concerning Man, as relating to himſelf, his Parts, Fa-
culties, and entire Compofition: It remains, that we take a little furvey
of him, as he ftands in relation to things without him; which is the laſt
Confideration that I promiſed in this brief Inventory of the Humane
Nature and Excellencies.
The Humane Nature, thus fitted with theſe Faculties, is admirably
accommodated to a threefold relation to ſomewhat without him, namely,
To Almighty God: To the reft of Mankind: And to this mundas afpecta-
bilis wherein he lives.
1. To Almighty God; for being a Creature endued with an Immortal
Soul, endued with thoſe great Faculties of Underſtanding and Will, and
thoſe Facultates Ancillares of his Affections, he is rendred into a capacity,
1. Of knowing Him: 2. Of knowing his Will, and what is acceptable to
Him; for it is in a great meaſure infcribed in his Soul: 3. Of being a fit
Subject to Him, and to obey Him: 4. Of loving and trusting in Him:
5. Of glorifying of Him, cipecially in the Contemplation of His Works,
which are propoſed to his Senfe and Underſtanding: 6. Of Invoking and
Worshipping: And 7. Finally, to enjoy the Bleſſed Vifion of Him, by
reafon of the congruity of his Immortal and Intellectual Nature to fuch a
fruition. And thus we have him in his Duty, Religion; and in his
Happineſs, Immortal Life,
K 2
2. To
68
Sect. 1.
De Homine.
2. To the reſt of mankind he is accommodated with Moral principles
inherent in his Nature, and improvable by the exercife of his Faculties,
as is before fhewn; he is accommodated with Speech and Intellectual
figns to maintain intercourfe and mutual communion and commerce, and
his very difpofition and the mutual neceffitudes of humane Nature ne-
ceffarily maintain mutual offices and correſpondence between them; and
the accommodations of Government and Laws are the fruit and pro-
ductions of his Intellectual nature, and the fupport of ſociety.
3. To the reſt of the viſible World; there is an admirable accommo-
dation of the humane Nature and Faculties to the Mundus afpectabilis, and
of the feveral parts of it, and of them to it.
1. Of the Faculties of the humane Nature to the vifible Univerſe,
eſpecially the vegetable and animal Natures, which by means of the ad-
mirable advantage of his Intellect, and that fingular Engin of the Hand,
he hath skill and power to fubdue and bring under, whereby he exer-
ciſeth dominion over them and protection of them, as the Vicegerent
and Deputy of Almighty God.
2. Of the Univerſe and parts thereof to the humane Nature and Fa-
culties, which were infinite to enumerate; I fhall only infert fome of
them.
1. A kind of awful fubjection and fear of the greateft part of the ani-
mal Nature, of him and to him; and though fome be ſo hardy and unruly
fo
as to refift him, yet he wants not power by the advantage of his Under-
ftanding and Hand to fubdue and mafter them.
2. An accommodation of moſt of the things within the compaſs of
the viſible Univerſe to his uſe and convenience, which though I cannot
fay it is the only or the prime end of their being, yet they are fingularly
accommodated to the ufe, delight and benefit of mankind, as might eafily
appear by an enumeration of particulars: The light, motion, and in-
fluence of the Sun and Stars; the nature, poſition and frame of Elements ;
the variety and concurrence of the Meteors, the fertility of the Land
the poſition of the Ocean; the interfperfion of the Rivers; the various
Minerals, Vegetables and Animals, fome ferving for his food, fome
for his clothing; fome for his labour and travel, fome for his delight;
the whole compafs of Nature affording infinite variety of Inftances of this
kind.
;
3. An admirable accommodation of all the things in the World to his
Faculties, and for their delight, advancement and improvement. He
hath the perception of Senſe, to which all the viſible Objects of the
World are prefented, and he hath the light and fearching Faculty of his
Underſtanding, which as it is qualified for fuch an employment of Con-
templation, fo it hath a fruitful exhibition of Objects of great variety
and excellency, the knowledge whereof doth not only delight and enrich
his Faculties, but are ſo many manuductions to the knowledge and admi-
ration of the infinite Wiſdom, Power and Goodneſs of the Creator and
Upholder of them.
And thus I have given a ſhort and brief eftimate of the peculiar
Excellencies of the Humane Nature: I did not deſign a large or exaét
enumeration or deſcription of them: There is not any one particular
above-mentioned but would take up the bufinefs of a juft Volume, and
I am
Cap. 2.
69
De Homine.
I am eaſily conſcious that I have omitted many things that poffibly might
be of as great importance as any that I have mentioned: But this brief
Inventory I have here given as preparatory to what follows, and to
pre-poffels the Reader, . That a natural Indagation according to the
light of natural Reaſon touching the Origination of fuch a Creature as
this, is no contemptible or unworthy enquiry; 2. That furely fuch a
Creature as this thus accommodated could not have his Origination
from any less than an Intellectual, moſt Wife, Powerful and Beneficent
Being, the great God, Creator and Governour of Heaven and Earth:
And this is the ſcope and end of my buſineſs in this Tract, the ſhort Sy-
nopfis whereof is as followeth.
There are two grand Opinions among the Ancients touching the
Origination of Man: The firft is, That Humane Species had no beginning,
but was Eternal; the feçond, That it had a beginning.
In the first place, I examin the fuppofition of the Eternity of Mankind
in their fucceffive Generations; And in order thereunto I take up the
confideration of the Eternity of the World as it is now conftituted, and,
whether it be in Nature poffible that it should be fo: I then defcend to
the particular confideration of the Eternity of Mankind, whether al-
though there fhould be a poffibility of an eternity of fome permanent
created Beings, whether yet there be a poffibility in Nature, or any proba-
bility of evidence that Mankind can be eternal à parte anțe, or without
beginning,
This I oppoſe by Arguments of two kinds; 1. From the very re-
pugnancy in Nature of fucceffive Beings to be without an inception, or
eternal, and upon theſe kind of evidences I do indeed lay the principal
weight and ſtreſs of my Conclufion, becauſe though thefe kind of
Arguments may feem more obfcure, yet upon a due confideration of
them they are highly confequential and concludent to my purpoſe.
2. The fecond fort of evidences are Moral evidences, wherein I take
into confideration moft of thoſe Moral evidences that have been collected
by others or thought of by my felf against the Eternity of Mankind :
Whereupon I do conclude, 1. That fingly and apart many of them are
ſubject to exception, yet collectively they make up a good moral evi-
dence touching a temporary inception of the humane Nature: 2. I do
confider the particular deficiencies of thoſe moral evidences taken fingly
and apart: 3. I fubftitute other moral evidences that even fingly and
apart have each of them a great moral and topical evidence of this truth,
and are not capable of any confiderable Objection againſt them, though
taken figillatim and apart.
But when all is done, I lay the great ſtreſs of my Conclufion upon
the firſt fort of Evidences natural, or metaphyfical, which feem to me
no leſs than demonftrative; and therefore if no other moral evidences
were added thereunto, or if thoſe moral evidences fhould be capable of
exception (as fome of them are) yet the truth of the Conclufion againſt
the eternity of Mankind is fufficiently fupported by thofe that I offer in
the first place, which I call Phyfical and Metaphyfical.
2. Again, I then come to confider that Opinion which fuppofeth an
Inception of the Humane Nature.
I confider the various Hypothefes that the Ancients entertained touching the
manner
↓
70
Sect. 1.
Touching the Origination
manner of that Origination, and ſhew the abfurdity of them in their
feveral orders.
I then confider the Mofaical Hypothefis, and the great reaſonableness
thereof upon a bare Natural or Moral accompt, without taking in the
Infallibility of Divine Revelation.
In order to that, I confider the whole Mofaical Syfteme or Hiſtory of
the Creation of the World, the admirable congruity it hath, both with
it felf, and with a due and unprejudiced and confiderate Reaſon.
And lastly, I deduce certain Corollaries or Confequences from the
whole Diſcourſe, both Theoretical and Moral, and this is in effect the
whole Method of what theſe Papers contain: Wherein I proceed meerly
upon an account of Natural Reafon and Light, becauſe in this Diſcourſe
I deal with fuch as are either only or moft commonly guided and governed
by ſuch Sentiments, and therefore I do not call in to my affiftance the
Authority of Divine Revelation, though that of it felf doth and ought
to carry the full and unquestionable Affent of all good Men that are
acquainted therewith.
1
CA P. III.
A brief Confideration of the Hypotheſes that concern the Eternity of the
World.
Lthough I intend not a large Diſcourſe touching their Suppofitions
that hold the Eternity of the World, yet it will be convenient à
little to confider it, for the better application of what follows in the
enfuing Diſcourſe, touching the Eternity of the Succeffions of Mankind,
and the poffibility or impoffibility thereof.
The Suppofition of the Eternity of the World is confiderable under a
double relation: 1. With relation to the Notion of Eternity: 2. With
relation to the Subject it felf, which they would have eternal, namely,
the World, either wholly or in fome
parts thereof.
In relation to Eternity it felf, two things are to be premifed: 1. What
it is; 2. What its Kinds are. 1. As to the former, in all this Diſcourſe
I call that Eternal which is without beginning, or eternal à parte ante.
2. Things thus ſuppoſed Eternal may be of two kinds, either ſuch as have
an Eternity fimply independent upon any thing without it, or from which
it ſhould derive that Eternal Being, as we and all good Men fay that
Almighty God is Eternal: Or elfe, fuch an Eternity as yet fuppofeth its
dependence upon Almighty God as its Caufe. And they that attribute
the firſt kind of Eternity to the World, muſt do it upon one of theſe two
grounds, viz. That there is no other firft Being, no firft Caufe, no God,
upon whom the World ſhould depend, or from whom it fhould derive
this its Eternal Exiftence: And this is the groffeſt and moſt irrational
Suppofition, as well as the fouleft Atheiſm, that can be imagined. Or
elfe, That although there be in truth fuch a Being as God, yet the
World had not this its Eternal Exiftence by any derivation or influx from
1
Him,
A
Cap. 3.
71
of the World,
Him, but hath it abfolutely and independently. This is the Epicurean
Atheiſm, which though it oppofe the Eternity of the World in that
confiftency that now it hath, yet it afferts the Eternity of thoſe ſmall and
infinite particles of Matter, and the coalition of them into that ſtate
wherein they now are in process and fucceffion of time and motion, yet
without any dependence of the one or the other upon Almighty God,
whom he totally fecludes from the concerns of the World.
›
Others there are again, that attribute an Eternity to the World, but yet
withall acknowledge Almighty God, and alfo Him to be the Efficient
thereof: And therefore though they attribute an Eternity to it,yet it is but a
dependent Eternity, and fo though it be Eternal, yet it is but an Eternal
Effect of an Eternal Cauſe. Theſe are much more tolerable than either
of the former, for they affert a God, and likewife the dependence of the
World in its Eternal Exiſtence and Duration upon Almighty God, as the
Cauſe and Root of that Being of the World.
But among thoſe that thus affert this dependent Eternity of the World
upon Almighty God as its Cauſe or Efficient,there feems to be two Parties,
namely, 1. Such as fuppofe Almighty God the Neceffary Cauſe of the
World as his Neceffary Effect.2.Such as fuppofe Him meerly the Voluntary
Cauſe of the World and of its Eternity. Of the former fort, that fuppofe
Almighty God the Neceffary Cauſe of the World and of its Eternal
Exiſtence, there ſeem to be theſe two Parties or different Opinions.
1. Such as ſuppoſe the World a meer natural and neceſſary Emanation
from God as its neceffary Cauſe, without any manner of intrinfecal free-
dom in Himſelf to do or be otherwiſe, and confequently it being a
neceſſary and connatural Effect of the firſt Cauſe, it muſt be neceffarily
as ancient as Himſelf, and if Almighty God be (as He is) moft neceffarily,
ſo upon the fame neceffity He is the Caufe of the World, and the World
a neceffary, and confequently Eternal, Production neceffarily flowing
from the fame, as if the Sun be Eternal, his Light, which neceffarily
flows from the Exiſtence of the Sun, is likewife neceffarily Eternal. This
feems to be the Opinion of Ariftotle, and fome others that follow him.
2. Again fome there have been, who will not have Almighty God to
be a meer natural and neceffary Caufe of the World, but fuch a Cauſe
as is a free Agent, agens per intellectum & voluntatem, and that the World
was an Effect of Him, not as a natural or neceffary, but as a voluntary
and free Agent: And yet the World was neceffarily Eternal, though
freely willed to be Eternal. For they do fuppofe, that in as much as God
Almighty is neceffarily Good and Wife, and it is part of his Perfection to
will what is beft, and always to will it, therefore the Divine Will was
always determined, even eternally, to will the Existence of the World
as a thing eternally confonant to the Perfection of his Nature, to will and
always to will what is beft: And there was never, in all the vaft and
boundleſs Period of Eternity, any one moment wherein he willed not
to communicate his own Benignity and Bounty to fomething without
Him, and therefore though he freely willed the World to be, as a free
Agent, yet that freedom of his Will was from all Eternity determin'd,
by the Perfect Goodneſs and Beneficence of his Nature, ever to will what
He once willed, and confequently to will the World to be Eternally:
Herein confounding the Divine Goodneſs with the Divine Beneficence
and
E
72
Sect. 1.
Touching the Origination
and Benignity, the former being indeed neceffary, but the latter under
the Conduct and Guidance of his Free Will, indetermined by any thing
but it ſelf.
Others there are that attribute the Being of the World to the meer be-
neplacitum voluntatis divine, neither determined as a meer Natural cauſe,
nor determined by any intrinfecal obligation of his own Goodneſs, but
only that he willed it becauſe he willed it, though most wifely and boun-
tifully: Many of theſe do not indeed conclude the World to have been
eternal, but in conformity to the truth of the Sacred Scriptures conclude
it to be created in the beginning of time, but yet do again conclude
that there is nothing in the nature of the thing either on the part of
Almighty God, or on the part of the World it felf, or on the part of
the manner of its Creation which is inftantanous and per modum ema-
mationis; but that fuch parts of the World at leaſt as have a permanent
exiſtence, and are not in a flux of fucceffion, might have been not only
in fome period antecedent to that point of time wherein de facto it was
created, but alſo that it might have been thus eternally created if the
Divine beneplacitum had fo pleaſed: And therefore many of thoſe do not
conclude that it was fo, but that it might have been fo eternally created,
yet freely and voluntarily without any of the two foregoing neceffities.
Thus Aquinas, Suarez and ſome others.
And thus having confidered thefe various fuppofitions touching the
divers qualities or qualifications of this eternal Exiſtence of the World,
I ſhall now confider the ſubject Matter which men would thus have to
be eternal, or at leaſt poffible to be fuch, namely the World. And
herein even many of the affertors of the Eternity of the World, or the
poffibility thereof, have (and not without cauſe) faln into divers conclu-
lions.
By the World therefore we muſt underſtand either the Matter of the
World fimply in it felf, without being determined to this determinate
Fabrick wherein it is; and thus it fhould feem that all thoſe ancient Phi-
lofophers that have afferted the Eternity of the World, as Ariftotle, and
before him Otellus Lucanus: or, that have afferted novitatem mundi in hac
conftitutione, have agreed; thus Epicurus, that afferts the coalition of Atoms
into this Fabrick that we fee, was of later edition than Eternity, yet
afferts that theſe Atoms were eternal: and thoſe Ancients mentioned by
Ariftotle in the 8th of his Phyficks, that held that the World was made,
and unmade and made again by eternal viciffitudes of Amor & Inimicitia,
yet
held the conftituent Matter thereof eternal. And this feems to be the
moft comprehenfive acceptation of the World.
>
2. Again, by the World we may underſtand the World as it is now
framed the viſible World in that form and conftitution as it now is:
And thus it ſeems, Ariſtotle and thoſe others that hold it proceeds necef-
farily from God as a neceffary cauſe, or as a caufe determined by his intrin-
fick Goodness, have held the World to be eternal; but yet we muſt not
reft here. The World is like a goodly Palace, a fair large Building;
but as in fuch a Palace there is firft the cafe or fabrick or moles of the
Structure it ſelf, and befides that there are certain additaments that con-
tribute to its ornament and uſe; as various Furniture, rare Fountains and
Aqueducts, curious Motions of divers things appendicated to it, as
Clocks,
}
Cap. 3
73
of the World.
Clocks, Engins, &c. fo in the goodly Univerſe there are the great Stru-
&ture it felf, and its great integrals the Heavenly and Elementary Bodies,
framed in fuch a pofition and fituation, the great Sceleton, as I may call
it, of the World: But befides this there are very various and curious
furnitures and accommodations of the Univerſe, as for inftance, in our
inferior World various Animals, Vegetables, Meteors, Minerals, Mix-
tures, and Men and in the Heavenly Bodies various Motions and
Alpects.
;
Now it will be neceſſary for him that afferts the Eternity of the World
as now it ſtands, or the poffibility of fuch an eternity, to confider whe-
ther he applies his affertion to the whole World, as confifting not only
of the greater integrals whereof it confifts, as the Heavenly and poffibly
the Elementary Bodies; but alfo of that furniture thereof confifting of
Men, Animals, Vegetables, Meteors, Minerals, and thofe accommodations
that are to it, as the Motions of the Heavenly Bodies, or whether hẹ
intends only fome parts of it which feem more capable of an eternal
exiſtence, as being more fixed, and in themſelves permanent, and ſo
more able to ſuſtain an eternal and confequently an immutable exi-
ftence.
And upon examination we shall fhall find either of thefe choices full
of incurable difficulties, if not utter impoffibilities, in relation to an
eternal exiſtence of the World or any parts thereof.
And this I thall in the order of this Difcourfe evince againſt all thoſe
former fuppofitions of Eternity; namely, 1. Againſt thoſe that affert
an independent eternal exiſtence of the World: 2. Against thofe that
affert an eternal but dependent exiftence thereof upon Almighty God,
as a meer natural and neceffary Caufe thereof: 3. Against thofe that
affert an eternal exiſtence of the World dependent upon God as a free
intellectual and voluntary Agent, but yet determined in his external
emanations by the neceffity of the Goodneſs and Beneficence of his nature:
4. Againſt thoſe that affert at leaſt a poffibility of an eternal exiſtence of
the World, but dependent upon the freedom of the Divine Will unde-
termined by the neceffity of his Beneficence.
Firſt therefore concerning the fuppofition of the Eternity of the World
in general; I fhall not in this place difpute whether there be an utter
impoffibility of any material Being to be either independently or depen-
dently eternal; enough may be faid againft it from the incapacity of any
material Being to fuftain ſuch a kind of duration à parte ante,
and yet
without any derogation to the Divine Omnipotence or Goodneſs, which
though infinite, yet cannot communicate fuch a duration to that which
in its own intrinfick nature is not capable of it: Nor fecondly, fhall I
diſpute whether there be any fuch material or corporeal Being or Beings
within the compafs of the Univerfe, that hath or may have fuck a kind
of permanence or fixedneſs in being that may be capable of an eternal
exiſtence à parte ante, either dependently or independently upon Al-
mighty God; admitting by way of argument, but not granting it pof-
fible, that in the nature of the thing fome material or corporeal Being may
be of fuch a fixed, permanent confiftence as may fuftain fuch an eternal exi-
ftence; and I here omit this difpute not becauſe I make the leaft doubt
of the beginning thereof by Creation, but becauſe theſe are matters that
require
L
I
+
74
Sect. 1.
Of the Origination
require a longer and ftricter process of enquiry and debate than I intend
in this place: and therefore I fhall defcend to things that are more plain
and evident, and yet ſuch as will abundantly ferve my deſign in the in-
quiry in hand.
And therefore for the prefent I fhall gratia argumenti admit or fuppofe,
1. That there are or may be fome corporeal things in the compafs of the
Univerſe that may poffibly be of fuch a fixedneſs, ftability and permanent
nature that may fuftain an eternal exiftence, at leaft dependently upon
the fupreme Caufe. 2. And that poffibly Matter it ſelf undetermined
to any particular form, or under any particular conftitution, the Heavenly
Bodies, the Elementary Bodies, and fuch as feem to have a fimple nature;
and poffibly their figure, pofition, and fituation may be fuch as might
have this eternal exiftence, as the Sun, the Stars, the Ether, the four
Elements; we will, for avoiding difpute touching it for the preſent,
admit them to have been, or that poffibly they might have been of that
nature, quality, diſtance each from other eternally as now they are, like
the great integrals and contignations, figure and concamerations of a
goodly Palace: Theſe things I fay, though in themſelves moſt certainly
untrue, I fhall for avoidance of difficult difputes admit at prefent. Yet
I farther fay, that though all theſe things were admitted, yet there are
fome great and confiderable parts and integrals, and appendications unto
the Mundus afpectabilis that we fee, that are purely impoffible to be eternal,
and do de facto appear fo to be; and confequently it is apparent that the
World in its full latitude and comprehenfion cannot be eternal.
And herein I ſhall not fix upon little or inconfiderable things, but
upon fuch as highly contribute to the excellency, beauty and uſefulneſs
thereof; neither ſhall I fix upon individuals which are apparently tranfient,
and neceffarily have their beginning, duration and end in certain known
determinate portions of time, as is evident in the individuals of all
kinds or fpecies of mixed, fublunary Natures: But I fhall apply my felf to the
fpecies themſelves, which moft that affert the eternity of the World affert
to be eternal, or to ſuch individuals as are the ſingle Conſervators of their
own ſpecies.
And in this debate I fhall take my meaſure from things in Nature as
I find them; and it is reaſonable I ſhould do fo, efpecially confidering that
this Diſcourſe concerns principally the Judgments or Opinions of thofe
inen that are the great affertors of Nature, and the eternity of thoſe Laws,
Rules, Orders, or Methods of Nature which they now find and obferve
in it: And it were a great vanity and raſhneſs eſpecially for ſuch men to
reject thoſe reaſons which are drawn from the nature of things as now
they appear, or for them to go about to anſwer thoſe reaſons by ſuppo-
fitions of a variety in things from what they now appear. If there-
fore the ſtate and method of things to be inftanced in, as they now appear,
do involve a repugnancy to an eternal exiftence, the Arguments drawn
from that Suppofition must be concluſive, at leaſt to thoſe great Prieſts
and Venerators of Nature and its appearances.
Thoſe things therefore that I would inftance in, as in their own nature
uncapable of eternal exiſtence à parte ante, are theſe :
1. All things that are of all hands agreed to be concreted of other
things, and neceffarily in their own nature require a pre-exiſtence of
thoſe
Cap. 3.
75
of the World.
a
thole more fimple Bodies out of which they are concreted, and a pre-
exiſtence of fome preparatory antecedent motion for their coalition,
mixtion and concretion; as Animals, Vegetables, Minerals, Meteors, and
regularly all mixt Bodies.
2. All things that are in their own nature fucceffive, as all Motion,
Alteration, Generations, Corruptions, and all things that in their own
conftitution have as it were intrinfecally annexed to them, or at leaſt
neceffarily belonging to them in reſpect of their fituation and poſition,
and juxt¹-poſition to other things, a neceffary ſubjection to alteration or
corruption.
3. All things that do not, nor (their nature conſidered) cannot perſiſt
in one immutable ftate, but have variety in the nature and manner of
their exiſtence neceffarily by the laws of their nature annexed to
them.
Theſe things conftituted and being in that ſtate we find them, cannot
without a total alteration of their nature and being from what in truth
they are, nor in the ſtate of nature wherein they are placed, can they be
eternal or without beginning: And theſe are very confiderable and mo-
mentous parts or appendices of the World, and if it had been eternally
without theſe, it had been a very lame and defective World, and ſuch
as the wifeft man under Heaven could hardly underſtand for what uſe
it would be, or why it ſhould have continued in ſuch a defective con-
dition from the endleſs period of Eternity: Or at leaſt if it had its uſe and
beauty, certainly it had not had the fame uſe that now it hath, nor the
fame beauty that now it hath.
And the confequence thereof is of great moment and importance,
viz. If theſe great acceffions to the World, whereof I am (peaking, could
not be eternal, and yet without them the World would have been greatly
deficient from what it is, the greateſt Arguments for the Eternity of
the reft of the World will neceffarily fall off: for the fame reaſon that
concludes for the neceffity of an eternal exiſtence of the World, would
as effectually conclude for the eternal exiſtence of that which highly con-
duceth to the beauty, ufe, and ends of the Univerſe, which yet we ſhall
find cannot be eternally exifting, as it concludes for the eternity of fuch
integrals of the World which poffibly might be eternal. Again, if it be
inconfiftent with the nature of many of thoſe things eternally to be,
which yet contribute much to the glory, beauty, ulefulneſs and excel-
lency of the World, as mixt Bodies, motion, and alteration; how can
we think that there is a neceffity in the Divine Nature to have made that
Cafe or Sceleton of the World from eternity which ſhould have been in
fo great a meaſure uſeleſs, and wanting that beauty, order, uſe and per-
fection which it obtains from the contribution of mixt Bodies, motions,
and alterations? And what could be thought a fufficient motive to have
had an eternal Carcass of an Univerſe wherein the materials and pofitions
of it were eternally laid together, and to confift infinite millions of
Ages, and yet that which gives it its beauty and ornament and uſe, at
leaft in a great meaſure, muſt be brought to a beginning five, or fix, or
ten thousand years fince, and not before? The nearness or novity there-
fore that is neceffarily required in theſe great contributions to the beauty
and uſe of the Univerſe is a great evidence of the novity of all the reft:
La
And
76
Sect. 1.
Touching the Origination
;
And therefore although the Houſe muſt be built fome time before it be
furniſhed, and the Watch muſt be made, the materials formed, adapted and
fitted, and the whole put together before it be put in motion; yet it
were unneceffary and vain to fuppofe the Cafe or Fabrick of the Houſe,
or the Fabrick and Compofition of the Watch, were an infinite time
before its furnishing and fetting into motion.
But to the buſineſs it felf, and the Inftances above given :
1. It ſeems inconfiftent with the Nature of mixed Bodies that they
ſhould be eternal, for then they muſt be as ancient as thofe fimple Bodies
out of which they are taken.
That there are in our inferior World divers Bodies, that are concreted
out of others, is beyond all difpute. We fee it in the Meteors; the
Clouds are attracted out of moift and watry, and alſo earthy Vapours;
Stones and Minerals do grow and ariſe in the Earth, out of the fuccus
terreftris digeſted by the heat of the Sun: Divers Vegetables, and ſome
Animals, fponte nata, arife from the temperament of the terreftrial and
watry Matter, the infinuations of the Æther and Air into it, and the
influence of the Sun : Other Animals, and fome Vegetables, have a more
regular production from Seed, as fome of the perfecter fort of Vegetables,
and the nobler Animals, and Men; which feminal Principle is a mixture
of the divers particles of Matter and Spirits, derived and elicited from
the Plant or Animal.
And as it is apparent, that there are fuch mixt Concretions, fo it is
apparent, that before the actual concretion of theſe mixt Bodies there
mutt be pre-exiſtent to it: 1. The Matter, or more fimple Bodies out of
which they are concreted: Again, 2. There muſt be antecedent to it that
Ethereal or Solar heat, that muſt digeft, influence, irradiate, and put
theſe more fimple parts of Matter into motion and coalition: And 3. Be-
fore the full and perfect formation of this concrete, there muſt be a pre-
paration, and digeftion, and formation of this Matter, before it come
into a perfect Concrete, be it of what kind ſoever; and this preparation,
digeftion, and formation, requires a competent mora, or time, antece-
dent to its complete and full conftitution. All theſe are evident, in a
more ſpecial and eminent manner in the production of Animals and Vege-
tables, but I fhall at preſent take the Inftance, that is obvious every day
in our Gardens, in the production of a common Flint or Pebble: Firſt,
there is the more fimple Matter, out of which it borrows its ſubſtance,
namely, the Earth, and the Water or Moiſture; then there is the heat
of the Sun, that digefts and concocts both; then there is the conjunction
and coheſion of the Matter into a more looſe, or indigefted and fofter
confiſtency like Mortar or Clay, and thereby it is prepared to the con-
crement of a Pebble or Flint, which poffibly in a week or a month it
perfectly obtains. Every Man muft needs fee, that in the natural courſe
of things this Pebble doth fuppofe, as pre-exiſtent to it, the more fimple
Matter out of which it is defumed, the heat, and influence of the Sun,
and the due preparation of the Matter, which takes up a competent time,
and that neceffarily, before this Pebble had its complete Being: And
confequently, in the courfe of Nature, it is impoffible that any Pebble
was eternal, for it neceffarily required theſe things to have been before
it could be, and yet if it were eternal, it muſt have been as ancient as
that
Cap. 3.
77
of the World.
that Earth, and that Water, which was its material conftituent, and
as that Sun, whoſe heat digefted it, or coagulated it, or as that prepa-
ration which preceded its confiftence.
And though this Inftance be of one Individual, and that of the baſeſt
nature, yet the very fame reaſon holds in all mixed Bodies, as in Meteors,
Comets, Minerals, Vegetables, Animals, their Seeds and Productions.
The conſequence of this is, that it is impoffible that mixed or compounded
Bodies can be eternal, becauſe there is neceffarily, according to the Rules
of Nature, a pre-exiſtence of the fimple Bodies out of which they are
defumed, and an antecedence of their conftitution preceding the exiſtence
of mixed Bodies.
If any Man fhall object against this Reaſon, and fay, That it deftroyeth
my own Foundation, which fuppofeth a creation or concrement of thoſe
very Bodies which I fuppofe to be mixed, as Animals, Vegetables, &c.
without all this preliminary proceſs, or orderly antecedency of fuch cir-
cumftances, as are now in the courfe of Nature, as it ftands fettled,
neceffary to their production: And that, as I do ſuppoſe, all created Beings
had at firſt their primitive production by the Fiat of the Divine Will and
Power, fo in the defence of that Suppofition 'or Conclufion, I muſt
ſuppoſe another method of production of mixed Bodies, than what we
now find in Nature as it ftands fettled.
I anſwer, That it is true, I muft and do fuppoſe another kind of
method in the firſt and primitive Conſtitution of things by Creation: But
it ſtands and confifts with, and is confonant to my whole Suppofition,
and indeed my general Suppofition cannot poffibly be or confift without
a Suppofition allo, That the first conftitution and coalition of mixed
Bodies was quite of another frame or method, than what now obtains in
fettled Nature.
But the Objector must confider againſt whom and what kind of Opi-
nators the Reaſon above given is levelled, who take all their Meaſures
from things as they now fee them in fettled Nature, and do thereupon
affert, That the order and method of the existence and production of all
things was eternally the fame as now it is. And therefore certainly this
Reaſon is fully concludent againſt thofe perfons that would fuppofe an
Eternity in all things in the World, independent upon the firſt Cauſe and
Efficient: For certainly thoſe of their Principles do and muft needs fup-
poſe, that things had no other method of their production than what we
now fee they have, and therefore they muſt (if they hold to their Prin-
ciples) agree that they had their production always as now they have:
The neceſſary conſequence whereof is, that if fuch a kind of production
of mixt Bodies cannot in the nature of the thing be eternal, they cannot
have an eternal production.
But it is true, that this doth not anſwer the Suppoſition of thoſe, that
though they fuppofe an Eternity in mixt Bodies, do attribute even that
Eternity to an eternal Creation, and therefore to another kind of pro-
duction than what we now fuppofe to be natural, and confequently as
they ſuppoſe, at firſt in an eternal moment Almighty God created fimple
Bodies, as the Heavenly or Elementary Bodies, fo in the fame inftant He
might and did create other Bodies, which though in their conftitution
they were or might be compoſed of fuch particles, as had they been afunder
and
78
Sect. 1.
Touching the Origination
+
and divided, might have been of the fimple nature of thofe fimpler Bo-
dies, yet they were in the fame eternal moment or inftant created and put
together without any priority of exiſtence in thoſe fimple Bodies whereof
they might otherwife confift; nor were fuch mixt eternal Bodies fuccef-
fively defumed or compounded out of the pre-exifting fimple Bodies, but
con-created and put together in the fame eternal and indiviſible moment
or inſtant: ſo that a Mineral for the purpoſe might be created in the ſame
moment wherein the elementary Earth was created. And although
after the completing of the whole Frame of Nature in that eternal, indi-
vifible, intelligible moment, the production of mixt Bodies either by
fpontaneous or contingent coalition of various particles of Matter, or
by an univocal generation, the courfe that is now held in Nature might
be obſerved, and that Priority of particles of fimple Matter, Influx of
the Heavens, and Preparation of Matter might be antecedent and pre-
cedaneous not only in order but in time to their ordinary productions;
yet at firft it might be, and was otherwife in the primitive conftitution
of fuch mixt Bodies as had their original by Creation.
I do confeſs this Suppofition may evade the illation made upon the
Natural production of mixt Bodies, but then we must remember that
this quite departs from the method of things as they now ftand in the
courfe of Nature; neither can any man conclude that it was or could be
fo from the obſervation of the Order or Caufe of Nature, or any rational
deduction from the fame, but muſt have recourſe either to bare Notion
or Conjecture, or elſe to Divine Revelation; the former feems fomewhat
too light, foundly to ground any Hypothefis; and the latter, namely, Di-
vine Revelation, though it doth difcover unto us that things had their
production in a different way in their firft Conftitution or Origination,
namely, by the almighty Power of God creating them, yet withall it
informs us that that origination was not from Eternity, but in the begin-
ning of Time, which wholly overthrows the Hypothefis of an Eternal
Creation of the World: If therefore they will appeal to Revelation
for their Creation, they muſt be concluded by it, not to ſay it was
eternal.
2. My fecond Reaſon is this, Becauſe all things that are in their na-
ture fucceffive muſt have a firſt beginning of their being, and cannot be
eternal. But there are in the World many things of great note and mo-
ment (and without which the Order and Uſefulneſs of the Univerſe
would be deficient) which have a fucceffive nature; and therefore ſuch
things cannot be eternal or without beginning: And this reafon con-
cludes forcibly as well againſt that independent Eternity fuppofed by fome
of the Ancients, as that Eternity dependent upon Almighty God, whe-
ther as a neceffary Caufe, or as a free voluntary intellectual Caufe deter-
mined by the neceffary Goodneſs and Beneficence of his nature; or as a
perfectly free Agent, determining his Will by his own beneplacitum thus
eternally to produce the World.
The Affumption or minor Propofition, That there are many things in the
World of great moment and importance to it that are in their own nature
fucceffive, is apparent ; fuch are all the Individuals of Species of corruptible
things, that yet notwithstanding have a continued fucceffion in their in-
dividuals, as Vegetables, Animals, and Men, that fucceffively propagate
their
:
+
Cap. 3
79..
of the World.
their kind. 2. All kinds of Motions to which all natural Bodies are in
fome kind or other fubject, as the motions of Generation and Corruption,
Augmentation, Diminution, and Alteration that are unceffantly incident
to all fublunary Bodies, and they muſt change their nature and ceaſe to
be what they are, before they can ceafe to be actually fubject to alterations;
fuch is alfo Local motion, communicable not only to the inferior and
fublunary Bodies, but alſo to celeftial Bodies, and this motion even of
the Heavenly Bodies themſelves feems to be partly continued and uninter-
mitted, as that motion of the First Moveable; partly interpolated and
interrupted, as fome affirm of that Motus trepidationis; fometimes of
acceſs and recefs, as the Annual motion of the Sun, wherein ſome have
thought there is a fmall, though impeceptible, reft in the very point of
returning, which we call Solſtices.
The major Propofition, namely, that fuch fucceffive things cannot
be eternal, includes two Affirmations, viz. 1. That the motions or fuc-
ceffions themſelves cannot be eternal or without beginning: 2. That
the things that have neceffarily and infeparably thefe motions or alte-
rations annexed to their nature cannot be eternal, fo long as we ſuppoſe
them neceffarily accompanied with theſe alterations: The former of
thefe is confiderable in this place, the other is confiderable under the next
Reaſon.
Now touching the impoffibility of the eternal fucceffion of the Species,
whether of Men, Animals, or Vegetables by natural propagation or pro-
femination, the fame and the Reaſons thereof shall be fully delivered
when we come to the particular confideration of the Origination of Man-
kind, and the neceffity of fixing in fome common Parents of the indi-
viduals of Mankind, and thither I shall refer my felf.
,
As touching the eternity of any kind of Motion, eſpecially even of that
of the Heavenly Bodies, I fhall fay fomewhat briefly in this place which
will be eaſily reducible to any other of the motions in the World as
namely the motions of Generation, Corruption or Alteration, all which
are in ſome reſpect but the effects of Local motion of one kind or ano-
ther.
And there ſeem to be two ſpecial Reaſons even from the intrinfecal
nature of the things that encounter the poffibility of an eternal fucceffive
duration in them: The firſt concludes againſt all imaginable eternity of
Motion of the Heavenly Bodies, whether independent or dependent upon
Almighty God, the latter indeed principally concludes againft the pof-
fibility of the created or dependent eternity thereof. And they are
theſe :
1. If the circular motion of the Sun or Heavens were eternal, then
there muſt be two circulations of the Heavens immediately fucceeding
on the other Eternal; the conſequence whereof yet would be, That the
one of thofe circulations would be neceffarily before the other by the
fpace of twenty four Hours, which would be impoffible, for then the
next fucceeding circulation would not be fo ancient as the firſt, and
both fhould be eternal, which is impoffible and repugnant.
yet
This Reaſon a late Philofopher hath made ufe of, in fubftance, but in
a different method, namely, That if the circular Motion of the Heaven
were eternal, then of neceffity there must be granted fome one circulation
of
९
"
80
Of the Origination
Sect. 1.
of the Heaven to be diftant from us by an interpofition of infinite Circu-
lations: This confequence muft needs be true, and yet it would perfectly
deſtroy infinite Circulation of the Heaven; for it would neceffarily from
hence follow that all the intermediate Circulations were finite, and de-
terminate on both ends; at this end with that Circulation that is pre-
fently in motion, and à parte ante with that Circulation that is fuppofed
to be infinitely diſtant from us, which excludes any poffibility of infini-
tude in Motions intermediate. And if it be faid that the firſt of theſe
intermediate Circulations is like wife infinitely diftant from this, then
it ſhould be infinitely diftant and yet the next precedent Circulation fhould
be before it, which deftroys the very nature and reaſon of infinitude.
And if it fhall be faid that that next fucceeding Circulation after that
which is fo fuppofed infinitely diftant from what is now currant is
diſtant from us by a finite interval, and not infinitely, then that one
Circulation which preceded it, and muft neceffarily be like ours, and
confequently ablolved in the ſpace of twenty four Hours, fhall by its
acceffion to a finite number of Circulations, or confequently to a finite
interval of duration, make up an infinite fucceffion and an infinite du-
ration; the addition of that one antecedent Circulation fhall make the
intermediate finite Circulations infinite, and the addition of a period of
twenty four Hours (the uttermoft extent of one Circulation) fhall make
a finite time or interval infinite, which are intolerable abfurdities, and
yet neceffary conſequences upon the fuppofition of the eternal Motion of
the Heaven or Sun; or if you will, of the Earth, as the Copernicans will
have it.
,
2. A ſecond Reaſon is this, which though it be but a different and
farther explication of the former, yet it renders it clearer and in more
perfpicuous terms, which is this: Whatſoever once was and now is
not, as it is now paft, fo it was once prefent, and before it was fo pre-
fent was future: Take it in the former Inftance; It is not poffible that
there could have been any Revolution of the Heaven that is now paſt,
but that the fame was once prefent; as whatſoever now is, is neceffarily
whiles it is fo; whatſoever hath been, was neceffarily whiles it was; in
præteritis non eft contingentia.
The confequent whereof is, that whiles it is impoffible but that the
remoteft Revolution of the Heaven once was prefent, That Revolution'
when preſent, was neceffarily the Epocha, the terminus from whence all
other fucceeding Revolutions took the courfe or journey,
and yet
this
remoteft Revolution could not be of a greater period than 24 Hours, which
was not fufficient to make it eternal, yet all the fucceeding Revolutions
took their riſe and journey from it; and muft needs be cloſed within
two bounds, namely, the moft remote and the prefent Revolution.
Again, if it be impoffible that there can be any Revolution now paft
which was not once prefent, then the moft remote was once prefent, and
at that time when it was fo preſent had none before it or more ancient
than it; and that Revolution being fuch as now we have, must necef-
farily have its beginning within the space of twenty four Hours, before
which it was not, and confequently when it was fo preſent could not
be eternal; and confequently all the Revolutions that fucceeded came
after it, was terminated by it, and by fuch a Revolution that when it
was
Cap. 3.
81
of the World.
,
was preſent had a beginning and could not be eternal, nor conſequently
all the Revolutions that hapned fince that firft, which are utrinque claufa,
namely, with that which is remoteft, and with this that now is in
motion.
3. Whatſoever bodily Being is created eternally, muft neceffarily be
created in fome certain fitus or difpofition, and muft of neceffity remain an
eternal duration in that fitus or difpofition wherein it was fo created. For
inſtance, if we ſhould ſuppoſe the Sun created eternally, we muſt necef-
farily ſuppoſe 1. That he was created in fome determinate ubi or fitus,
for that is undifpenfably neceffary to every created individual Body;
and therefore if he were eternally created we muſt ſuppoſe him created
in tali vel tali plaga mundi, fuppofe we to be above our Horizon, or
below it. 2. It muſt neceffarily be, that in that bi where he was fo
created, that he muſt by an eternal ſpace or duration abide in that fitus or
ubi where he was fo created; and he muft (it is true) have a diſpoſition
to motion, but he must be in difpofitione tantum ad motum by an infinite
tract of duration: For if we shall fuppofe that he ftaid in his fitus of his
Creation but an hour, or a day, or a moment, and then fet out to move,
that moment of his exiftence before he moved would terminate and
bound the duration of his motion, which could not be eternal becauſe it
had an antecedent moment before it, which fecludes it from eternity:
Neither can we fuppofe him to be eternally created in motion, for he
muſt be before he can move, and muſt alſo have a terminus motus à
дно.
But ſuppoſe we might imagin him to be in the very firft eternal ima-
ginable inftant of his eternal being put into motion, yet the terminus of
that motion muſt neceffarily be that ubi and fitus wherein he was created,
which would neceffarily be the antecedent circumfcription of the line
of his motion; and if the line of his motion hath neceffarily a terminus
of its inception, it muſt of neceffity have a terminus of its duration, and
cannot be infinite in duration à parte ante: And as to this purpoſe there
will be no manner of difference between a circular motion and a ftreight
motion, if we could fuppofe in the vaft abyſs of imaginary infinite ſpace
there were fome one determinate point from whence a direct local motion
ſhould be ſuppoſed to begin its motion, the line that fuch a freight
motion ſhould make would be finite, and confequently an infinite time
could not poffibly be confumed in fuch a motion. And upon the fame
account if the Sun were created in any point of the Hemiſphere, and
then preſently took his ftart or motion to the Weft, and fo onward in his
circular journey, it were impoffible that the line of that motion ſhould
be of an infinite extenfion, but being drawn out at length like a clew
of thred wound off from a bottom, it would be of a finite extenſion,
and confequently the period of that motion could never be infinite. For
Ariftotle tells us truly, that an infinite time can never be drawn out
in a finite motion, nor an infinite motion be abfolved in a finite time:
This Reaſon the acute and judicious Suarez, 2. Metaph. difp. 29. sect. I.
borrows from Antonius Ruvio, and though according to the opinion of
Aquinas he be a stiff affertor of the poffibility of the Eternal Creation
of the World, ibid. difp. 20. yet he frankly confeffeth and maintaineth
that Motion is of fuch a nature as is not capable of an eternal duration
à parte ante; and thereupon concludes, Propter hanc ergo caufam existime
M
J
Æternita-
م
82
Sec. 1.
Touching the Origination
1
t
Æternitatem repugnare Motui, & Motum includere repugnantiam cum quadam
immutabilitate, quam includit Eternitas: Ideoque de facto motum non folum
non eſſe aternum, verum neque effe poffe. Igitur ex motu aterno colligi non poteft
Motor eternus vel immaterialis.
And now let any Man confider what is gained by the Suppofition of an
Eternity of the Bulk or Carkaſs of the World, when yet it cannot hold with
it in confort an Eternity of Motion: 1. That we muſt ſeparate from Bodies
that which is moſt connatural to them, eſpecially the Heavenly Bodies, and
this for an eternal period, 'till put in motion within the limits of time.
2. We ſhall hereby feparate from the Body of the Univerſe for an eternal
period that which renders it moſt uſeful, and moſt beautiful: To fuppofe
an Eternal World, and yet eternally deftitute of Motion, were to ſuppoſe
the whole Univerſe deftitute of Life, and all Vegetables, Animals,
Meteors, the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, the whole Furniture at
leaſt of this inferiour World, to be none but dead, liveleſs, ftupid Beings,
for fuch it certainly would be, if the Heavenly Bodies ſhould be deftitute
of their Motion.
And therefore it ſeems wholly diſagreeing to Reafon, that the World
fhould be eternal, when it is evident, that Motion (which as Ariftotle
truly tells us is, Vita quædam omnium mobilium) cannot be eternal, and ſo
there fhould be an eternal uſeleſs Carkaſs of a World from all Eternity,
without that life of it, its Motion.
And on the other fide, it ſeems more confonant to Reaſon, that the
Fabrick of the World did not long antecede its Motion, and that fince
Motion is not, cannot be eternal, fo neither is the Fabrick of the World,
but they both began at leaſt very neer together, and the World was not
made from Eternity to lye fallow and uninhabited during that infinite
abyſs of its pre-exiſtence to its firft putting forth into any Motion, for
fuch it muſt be, if deftitute of Motion. And confequently the evincing
of an impoffibility of an eternal fucceffive Motion, doth not only evince,
that the whole World, with all its confiderable Appendices, was not
eternal, but doth with great evidence enforce, that the great Integrals
of the World it ſelf were not eternal, which had been imperfect without
Motion.
And this doth falve two Objections at once, viz. 1. That drawn from
Gods Omnipotence, that could have made the World eternal, if He
pleaſed. The Anfwer is: That whatever could have been done in refe-
rence to the Reft of the World, yet as in reference to fucceffive Motion
the fame could not have been made eternal, and yet without derogation
to the Divine Power or Omnipotence, but becauſe the nature of the
thing could not fuftain or bear fuch a duration.
And likewiſe this anfwers the Argument for the Eternity of the World,
drawn from the Divine Benignity and Goodneſs, whereby He is fuppofed
to be under a kind of intrinfick neceffity of doing all the good He could,
and confequently to make the World eternally. I answer, 1. That as
before the World, in its complement and perfection with the advantage
of Motion, though there was no determinate time, point, or period,
but God might have made it fooner if He had pleaſed, yet (with all due
reverence to His Majefty) it could not have been in its complement and
perfection eternal, becauſe its fucceffive Motion could not be eternal, nor
con
Cap. 3.
83
of the World.
conſequently all that glory, beauty and uſefulneſs which accrues to the
Univerſe by that fucceffive Motion. 2. That although the Divine Will
be determined by the Divine Perfection neceffarily to will his own im-
menfe Goodneſs, yet he is not determined by his own Benignity necef-
farily to will any thing without himſelf, his own effential Goodneſs he
wills, and that neceffarily, and ad ultimum poffe; but his Benignity is
meaſured out ad beneplacitum voluntatis, and not by an abfolute neceffity
ad ultimum poffe: And therefore although it were admitted that he could
have eternally made the World, or made more Worlds or better Worlds,
yet he was not bound to it, becauſe the emanations of his Benignity
are not neceffary, but governed in their extent and meaſure juxta volun-
tatis beneplacitum. 3. And upon the fame account alfo, though he could
have made the World fooner than he made it, yet he was not bound to
it, but to make it when and how he pleaſed, though all his Works carry
the impreffion of tranfcendent Wiſdom and Goodneſs.
And therefore as theſe Reaſons ſeem ſtrongly to conclude 1. Againſt
the very poffibility of an eternal duration of thofe things that gave the
principal ornament, beauty and uſefulneſs to the Univerſe, namely, Va-
riety and Succeffion of Individuals and Species, and Motion, fo they dɔ,
at leaſt de facto, evidence that if the reft of the Univerſe were able to
fuftain an eternal duration, yet they did not, becauſe theſe would be very
defective without thoſe that cannot hold that ftate of Eternity with
them.
2. Againſt the truth of that Reaſon and Affertion, That Divine Good-
neſs did intrinfecally ncceffitate his Will to create things in their beſt
ftate from Eternity, fince it ſeems evident that the condition and ſtate
of many things in the Univerſe that give it much of its uſefulneſs, per-
fection and beauty, namely Motion, and Succeffion of Generations and
Corruptions, of Animals, Vegetables and Men, are impoffible to be as
ancient as that intrinſick Goodneſs of the Divinę Nature, which is as
eternal as his own most perfect being.
3. I come now to the third Reaſon againſt the Eternity of confiderable
parts of the World, which is this; Sublunary Bodies, whether fimple or
mixt, are by the neceffity of their nature fubject to alteration and cor-
ruption: But whatſoever is fubject thus to alteration or corruption, is
incapable of ſuſtaining an eternal duration à parte ante, and confequently
fublunary Bodies are not capable of fuch an Eternity.
The firſt of theſe Propofitions, namely, That all fublunary Bodies
are ſubject neceffarily to alteration and corruption: This naturally hap-
pens to fublunary Bodies upon both or one of theſe accounts, 1. From an
intrinfecal Cauſe, which is principally ſeen in mixt Bodies, in which
the band and ligament between Matter and Form, nor of the parts of
Matter themſelves is not ſo ftrict and tenacious, but that they muft ne-
ceffarily in proceſs of time fall aſunder. Befides, by the continual con-
teft between thoſe contrary qualities bound up together in them, there
do ariſe unceſſant alterations, and at laſt final diffolution of them, even
from within themſelves 2. From extrinfecal Caufes: For the very
neceffary compofure and pofition of things in the World is fuch, that
there is a vicinity between Agents and Patients, and contrary diffenting
active Qualities, that the one inceffantly invades the other, and alters,
M &
changes,
84
Sect. I.
Touching the Origination
changes, intends, remits and corrupts the other; which perpetual lucta
is feen daily not only in the mixed and compounded Bodies, but even in
the more fimple elementary Bodies, which daily invade, change, alter,
and corrupt one the other according to their various degrees of activity,
contrariety and vicinity each to other.
And if the World had been eternal, we muſt ſuppoſe it eternally con-
ſtituted of fuch natures fo placed and difpofed in fuch fituation and con-
ftitution as now they ftand, or otherwife, we do not reafon ad idem,
the World otherwife ſhould have been of another make, conftitution and
pofition than now it is; things corruptible muft have been incorruptible,
and the vicinity, activity, contrariety and pofition of things and their
natures and qualities muft otherwiſe have been quite different, and fo
our debate would be transferred quite to another World of another
nature and conftitution from that touching whofe Eternity we now
diſpute.
The fecond Propofition is this, That whatſoever is fubject to fuch
alteration or corruption cannot poffibly be eternal, at leaft unleſs we
fhall wholly remove from it by an infinite duration that corruption
or alteration to which it is thus neceffarily ſubject, and fo make it ano-
ther thing than what indeed it is.
And becauſe the due and clear explication of this Truth renders the
Affertion plain in it felf, I shall diftinctly eximin it; and becauſe we
have fuppoled that the corruption of things corruptible, and the alte-
ration of things alterable depends, as before, upon a double Principle,
viz. That intrinfecal defectibility of the connexion or union of the parts
of things corporeal, which is rooted in the very Nature of the things
themielves; and 2. From the vicinity of other contrary active Princi-
ples endued with contrary active Qualities which mutually invade one
another; which pofition (confidering the Frame and Conftitution at leaſt
of this inferior World, is abſolutely neceffary, unleſs we ſhall make the
World another thing, and of another Fabrick than what it is) as the
moiſture of the Water is contiguous to the dryness of the Earth, and
the heat of the Sun is contiguous to the coldness and moiſture of the
Water, and cannot be otherwife in the Conftitution of the World as
now it ſtands, and confequently one muft neceffarily work an alteration
in the other: I ſhall therefore purſue the fame method, and firlt confider
fuch Bodies as ſeem to have an intrinfick principle of alteration or cor-
ruption from the diffolubility of their parts, and the coadunition of ſeveral
particles endued with contrary and deftructive qualities each to other;
or ſuch as at leaſt tend to a gradual alteration. And ſecondly, I ſhall
confider fuch parts of the Univerſe as do mutually act one upon another,
and thereby induce corruption or alteration of one by another, according
to the prevalency and activity of the one or the other.
But before I come to either of the particulars I fhall premiſe fome
things which will be of uſe in all that follows, viz. 1. That preceda-
neous to all Generation of any material Being, according to the courſe
of Nature which we fee, there must be a gradual preparation and alte-
ration of the matter before there is a complete generation of
complete generation of any thing:
This we ſee in the cafual production of Infects and Vegetables, and in
the natural production of Minerals or Meteors, and in the regular pro-
duction
Cap. 3.
of the World.
85
duction of Animals and Men. 2. That in things which yet hold their
effential conſiſtency, yet there are very many alterations, not only acci-
dental, as where things are rarified or condenſed, or made hot from
being cold, or cold from being hot, but alſo fuch as feems connatural to
the Species: Thus we fee in a Man, firft he is a weak little Infant, then
a Youth, then a Man, then he becomes an Old Man, and yet continues
ſtill a Man till his diffolution; and to theſe various ftates of his Age there
ſeem to be various alterations accommodate, as difference in ftature
bigness, ftrength, activity, underſtanding; and the fame is obfervable
in proportion to their capacities in Animals, Vegetables, Minerals, and
the like. 3. That theſe alterations are neceffarily fucceffive and gradual,
whether they be ſuch as are preparative to Generation or Corruption of
Beings, or fuch as confift with the Exiftence of the being they have (as
thoſe alterations incident to the ſtate of things in their confiftency) yet
they are not inftantaneous, but fucceffive and gradual; nay thofe very
alterations that are wrought in things by an external contrary Agent,
yet they are not in a moment, but gradual and fucceffive, which is partly
by reaſon of the refiftence in the Patient, and partly becauſe the Agent
works upon the Patient by a certain local motion of it felf or parts, or
of its virtue and activity, which cannot be inftantaneous and tota fimul,
but gradual and fucceffive: Thus the Sun reduceth the Clay to its final
degree of hardneſs, and the Wax to its final degree of foftnefs fuccef-
fively and gradually, the Fire affimulates the Stubble, and converts it
into Fire, not in an inſtant but by degrees, though ſooner or flower ac-
cording to the vicinity of each, and the precedaneous preparations of
congruity of the Stubble to be wrought upon by the Fire. 4. That theſe
alterations that are thus fucceffive and gradual, as they cannot be per-
fectly inftantaneous, fo it is impoffible they can laft or continue for an
infinite or eternal duration. The reafon is, becauſe as they muſt have
an inception of their motion, fo they muft of neceffity arrive to their
complement within the compals of time, and can never hold out in
their progreſs to an infinite duration: Let us fuppoſe the Fire and the
Stubble to have been created eternally contiguous one to another, the
Fire could never have held an infinite duration in confuming that Stubble,
for then it could never have been confumed; for that which had been
burning an infinite time could never be burnt, no not ſo much as any
part of it; for if it had burned part after part, the whole muſt needs be
abfumed in a portion of time: neither need we labour this, for we ſee
that the Fire confumes Stubble or other combuftible matter in a fhort
portion of time; and fince if we talk of an Eternity of the World, or
of any thing in it, we muft in common reafon fuppofe it to be fuch
as now it is, we muſt neceffarily allow the like properties, activities,
natures and operations to things as we find them now have. And fince
we ſee that all bodily alterations are effected in certain portions of
meaſured duration or time, we cannot upon, any reaſonable account
allow to thoſe alterations an infinite antecedent duration; but if any
Body or Thing in that imaginary period of Eternity allotted to it had any
fuch alterations as we fee now are incident to them, they could not pof-
fibly be of an eternal duration no more than they are now, for that were
wholly to alter the ſtate of the World and of thoſe things that are in it.
5. And
86
Sect. i
Touching the Origination
5. And confequently whatſoever thing it is that hath or can have an
eternal being à parte ante, muſt perſiſt in that eternal being without any
change, alteration or corruption; or if it have any alteration or cor-
ruption, the firſt alteration, change or corruption that it can have, muft
be in time, and after an eternal, unchanged, unaltered eftate precedaneous
to fuch alteration; for if we ſhould ſuppoſe it to be eternal, then of
neceffity that alteration or corruption which it hath, muſt be ſubſequent
to that eternal ftate which it had before it was altered or corrupted, and
confequently muſt have had a perfiftence in that unaltered, uncorrupted
eftate infinite Ages before fuch alteration or corruption: If it were eter-
nally altered, or eternally corrupted, then it was eternally, and eternally
was not; it was eternally without alteration, and eternally altered: The
thing muſt be before it can be altered or corrupted, and confequently
its alteration and corruption muſt be ſubſequent and after that exiſtence
which it had unaltered or uncorrupted; and confequently the alteration
and corruption muft needs be younger than that eſtate which it had un-
altered or uncorrupted, and confequently cannot be eternal.
Again, we cannot by any means fuppofe that any commencement of
alteration in the first moment or degree of it could be coeternal to it;
for (as is before evident) then that alteration would of neceffity be per-
fected within the like portion of time as the like alteration is perfected s
Now fuppofe it were a corruptive alteration, it may be that is perfected
in the ſpace of three or fix or months from its firft inception, the conſe-
quence whereof would be, that the like alteration of that eternal altera-
ble or corruptible Body, if it began with the thing it felf, would be per-
fected in the like ſpace, viz. fix months: And ſhould that perfected
alteration fall within the compaſs of Eternity, or out of it? If it ſhould,
then the thing was eternally unaltered and uncorrupted, and was yet
eternally altered or corrupted; was eternally, and yet that Eternity was
but a ſpace of fix months, for fo long only it had its being uncorrupted:
If the alteration or corruption was not eternally perfected, but perfected
in time, then an addition of ſix months the more of that alteration added
unto a finite duration or time fucceeding after fuch alteration, fhould
make it infinite and eternal. 6. And yet the fuppofition of an eternal
ſtate of any corruptible or alterable Being, in a ſtate of incorruption or
unalteration, were utterly to change the very nature of things; and
to give them an eternal ftate, we muſt be forced to gratifie them with
nature not only preter-natural to what they had, but quite of a diſtinct
nature: For the purpoſe, That man that is even upon the intrinſick
conſtitution of his nature diffolvible, muft by being in an eternal du-
ration continue immortal, unalterable, and not for a year, or a million
or two of years, but for an eternal duration antecedent to his diffolution:
Nay, it is inconceptible how any fuch man that hath ftood the ſhock of
an eternal duration without corruption or alteration, ſhould after be
corrupted or altered: from any internal principle of corruption or alte
ration it could not be, for then he could never have ridden out an eternal
period; but it muſt be, if at all, by the power of a more powerful
Being than himſelf, that muſt violently de novo introduce his change and
diffolution. The Suppofition therefore of an eternal exiftence of any
thing corruptible, is to alter their very nature, and make that to be
a
incor-
r
Cap. 3.
87
of the World.
•
incorruptible which is corruptible. And to fuppofe that imaginary eter-
nal ſtate of things corruptible, to be utterly of another nature, kind,
and condition than what we now fee them to be, which is an unreaſon-
able Suppofition, unworthy of an admirer of Nature, which ſhould be
conftant in his Suppofition, and yet is the neceffary confequence of the
granting of an Eternity of corruptible Beings. But particular Inftances
of the feveral kinds of alterations and corruptions of things either ab in-
trinfeco or ab extrinfeco, will make the thing more plain.
1. Touching things alterable or corruptible from an intrinfecal Cauſe,
as Vegetables, Animals, Men. If any Vegetables were eternal, as an
Oak, or an Elm, then fome Oak was eternal, if it were, then if it
were of the fame nature as Oaks are now, it was firſt a ſlender Plant, and
then gradually grew to his juft dimenfions, perhaps in two hundred
years, and in about two hundred years more decayed, and was corrupted
to duft, ſo that his duration exceeded not four hundred years, and in
that period of time he grew perchance from an inch in diameter to fix
foot in diameter, and from a foot high to a hundred foot high: Theſe
alterations and augmentations were gradual and fucceffive; he was not
in the fame moment one inch and fix foot in the diameter, nor in the
fame moment was a Plant and diffolved and turned to duft, and yet if
this Oak were eternal in all this portion of his duration, he muſt be
eternally one inch in diameter, and yet eternally fix foot in diameter,
eternally one foot high, and yet eternally a hundred foot high, he muft
have eternally been a Plant, eternally a Tree, and yet eternally corrupted;
his duration muſt have lafted but four hundred years, and yet he muft
be eternal, though his firft being were but four hundred years before
utter diffolution: And yet it is moſt certain that this Tree could not
have been eternal; for being but of four hundred years ſtanding, ſome-
what muſt have anteceded that period, and fo fomewhat more ancient
than what had been eternal.
But let us fuppofe this eternal Oak had not been bound to the laws
of duration of other Oaks, but to have lafted eternally, and probably
would have lafted to this day, had not external force either violently or
accidentally corrupted or deſtroyed him; yet did this Oak ever grow
bigger or taller than what he once was, or did he put off his leaves in
the Winter, and gather others in the Spring? Did he put forth new
branches, which before he had not? If he did none of theſe things,
furely he was not a vegetable Being, he was not like thofe Oaks that are
now growing, but quite of another nature, and we have nothing to do
with him, he is a perfect ftranger to this World: If it did grow from
leffer to greater, and did put forth new branches, certainly the increment
could not be eternal, but must be done gradually and fucceffively, and
from one degree of bigness to another; and fince that augmentation could
never be of an infinite procedure, but being fucceffive, we muſt come
to the beginning of that increafe within the meaſure of fuch a portion of
time as we now find fufficient for fuch a production or increaſe, it may
be two or three hundred years, which being but a finite duration can
never be eternal: And this neceffary Suppofition of a fucceffive alteration
or increaſe, utterly deftroys the poffibility of an eternal duration in any
thing capable of fuch alterations; 1. Becauſe it neceffarily ſuppoſeth
fome-
88
Sect. 1.
Touching the Origination
fomewhat precedent to that ftate wherein it is, namely, a precedent
alteration of it, whereby it is now become what it now is, and what
before it was not; fo that it had fomewhat before its prefent ftate which
ftateth it to be what it now is, namely, that alteration or augmentation
which ſo preceded its preſent ſtate, and confequently that prefent ftate
wherein it is, could not be eternal, for it had fomewhat before it,
2. Becauſe that very alteration that anteceded that ftate which it hath
cannot poffibly be eternal, but must be perfected within a certain portion
of time deftined to it, and confequently muſt have beginning within
the compaſs of a determinate time, and cannot be eternally moving to
its accompliſhment.
And as this Inftance gives the impoffibility of an eternal Exiſtence
in any thing effentially alterable or corruptible, fo it would be poffibly
more confpicuous in the Contemplation of the Humane Nature: If we
ſhould ſuppoſe a Man to have been eternal, Was that Man ever an Em-
bryo, a Child, a Youth, a ripe Aged Man? Did he grow from a ſmaller
ftature to a greater, had he viciffitudes of temperaments and diftempers,
did he eat, digeft, &c. If he did not, then thoſe eternal Men were not
of the fame Make with the Men that are now, but quite another thing,
which we know not what it was, or where to find it: But if he had all
thoſe changes he could not be eternal, he should be eternally a Child
and eternally a Man, eternally young and eternally old, yea eternally
living and yet eternally dead, for all theſe muft fall within the compaís
of Eternity.
2. But let us now confider how the Cafe falls out in relation to alte-
rations and corruptions occafioned ab extrinfeco, and we shall find,
1. That as the World is framed, and as thoſe that ſuppoſe it eternal,
muſt ſuppoſe it to have been always fo framed, there muft neceffarily
be inceffant mutations, alterations, generations, and corruptions by the
invaſion and juxta-pofition of contrary Natures, Agents, Patients, Qua-
lities, Motions; the Earth naturally dry is moiftned by the vicinity of
the Water, and again dryed by the heat of the Sun, the Earth obſtructs
the fluidity of the Water by mingling its groffer parts with it; all things
as it were in continual motion and agitation, and mutual preying as
it were one upon another; which as neceffarily occafioneth mutations,
alterations, generations and corruptions, as the very intrinfecal diffolu-
bility of the natures of mixt Bodies. 2. And as we find this now, fo we
muſt ſuppoſe that this hath been always fo fince the World had a being;
unless we ſhall ſuppoſe, as I have often ſaid, another kind of World
than what we fee: And although we are not acquainted with the ftate
of things out of, or beyond this fublunary World, in which we fee this
viciffitude of alterations, yet whether there may not be ſome ſuch_mu-
tations in the Ethereal World, we know not; but there may be ſuch,
though we cannot certainly know them. 3. And yet it is moft certain,
that it is impoffible that any thing that is capable of theſe mutations and
changes can be eternally under them, but muft of neceffity, if it were
eternal, conſiſt in ſuch a ſtate of fixedneſs and permanency that were not
obnoxious to theſe changes. 4. And fince it is not poffible, for the infe
rior World at leaft, to be de facto one moment of time without theſe
changes and variations, alterations, generations and corruptions, which,
as
Cap. 3.
89
of the World.
as before, are not at all confiftent with an eternal duration à parte ante,
of that that is ſo fubject to changes, we have juſt reaſon to deny and
diſeſteem this imaginary Eternity can belong at leaſt to the fublunary
World. The late Author of a Book De Atate Mundi hath given us
an Inſtance herein, that if it would hold, we need not go farther, namely,
That the great Rocks in the Sea are yet many of them eminently vifible
to this day, and yet daily experience fhews us that thofe Rocks are gra-
dually diminiſhed by the beating of the Sea againft them; which had
they been fo dealt with from Eternity, though they loſt but one grain in
a million of millions of years, they would not have been, but would
have been conſumed an indefinite time long fince elapfed: But the Sup-
pofition fails, becauſe it may be that theſe Rocks have at leaſt viciff-
tudes of increaſe and diminution by the very alluvion of the Sea, or,
which ſeems far more eafily fuppofed, that the Earth and Seas might
notwithſtanding have been eternal, but yet the Sea might not have kept
the fame Channel where theſe Rocks now are, from eternity, but gained
it in time, the Ancients telling us that the great Atlantick Sea was for
the moſt part of it anciently a Continent, or at leaft a great Ifland as
big as Europe and Asia, and after ſwallowed up and corroded into that vaſt
Sea called the Atlantick Ocean, leaving behind it only thofe reliques
now called the Canary Iflands: I will therefore take my Inftance in fome
other things.
1. It is evident that divers Minerals are bred in the Earth from an
earthy conſiſtence, by the heat of the Sun and other concurrent caufes
fucceffively, as may appear to any man's obfervation touching Coals,
Rocks, eſpecially of Stone, which from a fandy kind of Earth gradually
concoct into Free-ftone, when they were before Earth, as may be feen
in many Quarries by thofe pieces of unconcocted Earth not yet perfectly
digefted into Stone: If the Body of the Earth were eternal, either thefe
concretions were alſo as eternal as the Earth gradually and fucceffively
digeſted into theſe concretions, or elfe the Earth must have had an eternal
permanency in that ftate of fimple natural Earth, without any fuch con-
cretions or alterations in it: If we ſhall ſay the latter, we make the Earth
another thing than what in truth it now is, which by the aid of the
Sun hath theſe concretions and alterations even by a kind of neceffity of
Nature wrought in it: And befides, if in that portion of eternal duration
wherein the Earth and Sun were in that very fame natural ftate wherein
they now are; the one active, piercing, and digeftive by its heat; the
other paffive, receptive, and ſtored with materials for fuch a production.
What ſhould hinder but that there fhould be fuch production gradually
and fucceffively prepared, and at length generated by the conjunction of
theſe active and paffive Principles.
And yet if it be duly confidered, fuppofing the Sun and the Earth to be
both eternal, the Earth and its parts muſt of neceffity perfift in an eternal
unchangeable ſtate in that period of Eternity antecedent to the firſt al-
teration thereof to any fuch production: For if the production of thefe
Minerals ſhould be eternal, and confequently infinitely diftant from us,
the productions must be eternal, and yet there muft neceffarily ante-
cede thoſe productions a fucceffive and gradual alteration of thofe parts
of the Earth which were to be moulded in fucceffion of time to Coals,
N
of
90
Sect. I.
Touching the Origination
or Stone, or Minerals: And though perchance that alteration might
take up a long preparation and difpofition, yet it could not be eternal,
but muſt be abfolved, though in a long, yet in finite time; and confe-
quently the Earth, if eternal, muſt be before that preparation or alteration,
and muſt have continued in an eternal ſtate, deftitute of fuch alteration
or preparation, and in an eternal difpofition thereunto; which yet had
been to ſuppoſe the Earth in that eternal period quite deftitute of that
mutation that upon the Suppofition of the agency of the Sun had been
connatural to it. So that upon the whole matter it, feems plain, That
neither fucceffive natural Beings, nor corporeal Beings,that are corruptible
or neceffarily ſubject to alteration, either from an intrinſick Principle or
from an extrinfick natural Caufe neceffarily contiguous or approximate
to it in fituation or virtue, cannot be eternal; which will deprive the
greateſt part of the fublunary World at leaſt of that poffibility, and muſt
leave only ſuch parts of the viſible Univerſe as are incorruptible, unal-
terable, and unfucceffive (if any fuch be) capable of this priviledge of
the very poffibility of an eternal exiſtence à parte ante: And confe-
quently the whole Univerſe cannot be eternal.
It remains then, they who affert the Eternity of the World muft content
themſelves with fuch parts thereof as are capable of that duration. And
accordingly there feem to have been three Opinions, which although
they affume not the Affertion of the Eternity of the whole World, yet.
they endeavour to come as near to it as they can; which I ſhall diftinctly
fet down and examin.
1. The firſt Opinion is of fuch, that although they ſuppoſe the ſub-
lunary World not to be eternal in its Frame and Conftitution, yet they
affert the Matter thereof eternal, though undigested, and not perfected
till afterwards: But yet the Celeftial or Ethereal World, the Stars and
Planets they will have eternal, and that theſe were uſed as the great
Engins in the ſubſequent formation of the inferior or fublunary World.
Touching the Eternity of Matter, whether Celeſtial or Sublunary,
I mean not in this place to meddle; but as to the Suppofition of the
eternal exiſtence of the Celeftial or Ethereal World, this fhall be all
I fhall fay: 1. We are not acquainted with the Conftitution of them,
and whether they are in their nature corruptible or fubject to alterations;
if they are fuch, they are as equally uncapable of an eternal exiſtence
as the fublunary World. 2. But fuppofe them to have a radical incor-
ruptibility and immutability in their natures, yet their Motion cannot
be eternal upon the Reaſons before given. 3. And therefore though
they are a goodly Fabrick, yet they are not in a ſtate of Permanency of
fo great ule, beauty and perfection, as in a ſtate of Motion, which is
a great part of their excellency, and that which accommodates the ſeveral
parts thereof one to another, and all to the advantage and good of the
inferior World; and therefore it ſeems not probable that they ſhould have
an eternal exiſtence in Reft and Permanence, and afterwards in a proceſs
or period of time be endued with that which is their great perfection,
namely their Motion, which neither was nor could be eternal: It rather
ſeems more agreeable to the nature of the thing,and to the Divine Wiſdom,
whofe Works are full of wiſdom, excellence, and perfection, to refpite the
Fabrick till it were capable of its moſt uſeful and beautiful perfection,
namely
t
[
1
Cap. 3.
91
of the World.
namely Motion, which muft either be natural to them, and then it were
marvellous they fhould yet enjoy an infinite duration deftitute of what
was natural to them, and yet not capable to be enjoyed by them in an
eternal duration à parte ante: Or if it were adventitious from the
immediate power of God, or by the inftrumentality of Intelligences, yet
furely it was foreſeen by him that knew all his Works from the beginning:
and therefore was not likely to ordain an eternal confiftence of thoſe
Bodies to which he intended to give Motion, their great perfection, not
fooner than time: And therefore though the Heavenly Bodies were
admitted capable of an eternal Permanency, yet it is not probable
they had their Being before, or at least not fo long before their Mo-
tion.
2. The fecond Opinion is of thoſe that although they allow not the
Mundus afpectabilis to be eternal, yet do fuppofe that befides that Eternal
Generation of the Second, and the Eternal Proceffion of the Third Perſon
of the Sacred Trinity, Almighty God eternally created a World of Intel-
ligences, whereunto he might and did communicate the emanations
of his Bounty and Benignity, and that in the beginning of Time he
Created this Mundus afpectabilis which we fee, for the farther commu-
nication of his Bounty and Goodneſs; and this they fuppofe more con-
genious and fuitable to the Order of things, and of his own Goodneſs
and the communication thereof, than to ſuppoſe the Creation of a ma-
terial World either eternally or quafi per faltum, or at the fame time
with the Creation of thoſe purer Beings, who had a greater fimilitude
and proximity to his own moft Divine and Spiritual Nature. This
though it might poffibly be fo, yet we are without any fufficient Evi-
dence that it was fo, and fuch Conjectures of things without our know-
ledge, or thoſe media that we are capable to exercife for the acqueſt
thereof, are uncertain and endleſs: Upon fuch conjectural Congruities
the Platonists had their Dii ex Deo, the Manichees their ones, and
Origen his Mundus Animarum: and therefore I leave it as a Conje-
cture.
3. The third Opinion is of thoſe who though they fuppofe the World ·
not to be eternal, and perchance think with reafon enough that the
duration of Eternity à parte ante is ſuch as is only competible to the Eter-
nal God, and not communicable to any Created Being, at leaſt fuch as
is in its own nature either corruptible, alterable, or compounded: yet
to the end that they may carry the Communication of the Divine Good-
nefs and Benignity as far as is poffible, are not contented to ſuppoſe the
World to be fempiternal or eternal à parte post, or to be as ancient as
the Sacred Scriptures inform us, but will carry up the Creation of the
World to an immenfe antiquity, long before Six Thouſand years, and
thereby they think they do at once falve the large Accounts which the
Babylonians and Egyptians and Chineſes give of the duration of their own
Kingdoms and Hiftories, and alfo do, as they think, ſatisfie at leaſt in a
great meaſure that immenfe Benignity of the glorious God, whom they
declare not only infinitely Good in himſelf, but neceffitated by the
per-
fection of his nature to comunicate his Goodneſs ad ultimum poffe to things
ad extra.
This Suppofition of theirs feems to be grounded upon two matters
N 2
which
92
Sect. 1.
Touching the Origination
1
which are as I think miſtakes, or at leaſt do no way appear to be evi-
dently true; namely, 1. That Almighty God, though he be by them
admitted a free and intellectual Agent, is neceffitated ab extrinfeco from
the Perfection of his nature to do good ad extra, ad ultimum poffe, which
ſeems untrue. 2. And it ſeems likewiſe untrue, that if he were under
that intrinfecal neceffity, yet he were thereby bound to make the World
fooner than we fuppofe he made it: For as to the fabulous protractions
of the age of the World by the Egyptians or others, they are uncertain
idle Traditions, whereof they have no evidence but from the Impoftures
of their fabulous Priefts.
Touching the firſt of theſe, namely, the Intrinfick Neceffity of Al-
mighty God to do good ad extra, ad ultimum poffe, this is that Opinion
upon which ſome have built their Hypothefis of the Eternity of the World,
and others, driven from that Hypothefis by the abfurdities that accompany it,
build their imagination though not of the Eternity, yet of a prodigious
Antiquity of the World. But it feems to me, That although Almighty
God being infinitely and effentially Good, is neceffarily carried to will
and delight in that his own infinite Goodness; yet in his acts of Be-
nignity ad extra he is not neceffitated by his own Perfection to act ad
ultimum poffe, but although his own Nature be Benign and Boun-
tiful, the ſeaſons, degrees and meaſures, and other circumftances of
its Emanations are guided and directed by the freedom of his own
Will.
And the reaſon thereof is evident, namely, Becauſe all the Good
that is without, or that is poffibly communicable by him to any thing
without him, is finite, and cannot be infinite; and therefore he cannot be
carried to it by an infinite defire and intention, and yet fuch it muſt be,
if it be ad ultimum poſſe.
And if it ſhould be ſo, there would be infinite abfurdities follow which
cannot be folved, as for inftance, That either this preſent World muſt
be actually of an infinite extenfion, or that there muſt be either infinite
Worlds, or at leaſt as many Worlds as is poflible to be by the power of
Omnipotence. That he hath made fome Beings of that perfection, that
Omnipotence it felf cannot make them one grain perfecter, that they
are but in the very next degree of perfection to himfelf, and cannot have
the addition of one grain more to the excellence of their nature; that
the Univerſe is ſo perfect, omnibus numeris, that it is not poffible for Omni-
potence it ſelf to add to it, no nor to alter it in one jot or tittle, either
to make it better or worſe, or otherwiſe than it is; nay he cannot, pro
arbitrio or dominion make one ſpire of Graſs, or one Fly, or one Worm
more or leſs than he hath made, becauſe he hath made it as good as is
poffible to make it, and he is under the neceffary obligation of his own
indiſpenſable Perfection to make and keep it juſt as he hath made it:
That the whole Ocean of Omnipotence and infinite Goodneſs is already
exhaufted in the Work of the Univerſe, and hath nothing of good left
that he can do more. Theſe are the confequences of this Pofition, That
the Divine Will is neceffitated by the Perfection of his Nature to do good
ad ultimum poffe.
And as theſe abſurdities evince the untruth of the Affertion, ſo it is
apparent in the very Frame of the Univerſe it ſelf and the integrals thereof,
that
Cap. 3.
93
of the World.
that it is untrue: For upon this Suppofition admitted, there could not
be a diſparity in the Natures of things, but every thing fhould be con-
ftituted in that ſtate of being that might be capable of as much of the
Divine Beneficence as it were poffible for God to communicate. And
if it be faid that this diſparity of things in their degrees of ſpecifical or
individual perfection contributes to the beauty and convenience of the
Univerſe, which is the primary Object of the Divine Beneficence, this
falves not the Objection; becauſe it is poffible that many things might
have a greater meaſure of ſpecifical Perfection with great advantage to
themſelves and to the Univerſe alſo. But fuppofe this inequality of de-
grees of fpecifical or individual Perfection might nevertheleſs contribute
to the advantage of the Univerſe conſidered collectively, yet do we not fee
that daily there are many deficiencies even in individuals, which might
have been ſupplied with exceeding benefit to themſelves, and with ad-
vantage to the Univerſe? Are there not among men fome that want the
integrity of their Limbs, fome that want their Senfes, Memories, Un-
derſtandings, ſome that are extremely vicious, and unjuſt, and degene-
rate even from the common Principles of Humanity, many that are dif
eaſed and infirm, many good men of fhort and difficult lives; and might
not all theſe have the integrity of their Bodies and Minds proportionate to
the perfection of their fpecifical Nature; be virtuous, found, long-lived,
with advantage to themſelves and mankind, and yet without detriment
to the Univerſe? And therefore ſurely fuch they would have been, if the
glorious God were neceffitated to be Beneficent ad ultimum poffe, unleſs we
ſhould prefumptuoufly affert an impotence in him to rectifie theſe things.
2. But if we thould fuppofe this to be true concerning the Divine
Obligation or Neceffity, let us now examin what the making of the World
a million of years elder than it, is would do in the buſineſs.
1. It is true, though we ſay the World is not, cannot be eternal à
parte ante, yet it is certain that either upon the nature of the thing or
the part of the Almighty and the abfolute power of God, without relation
to the determination of his Will, there can be no determinate moment,
or tempus fignatum imaginarium, within the bounds or limits (if I may fo
fpeak) of antecedent infinite duration, but God might have made it
fooner than he made it, and if a year fooner than he made it, he might
have made it a thouſand years fooner than that.
any
2. Confequently, if the World be not eternal, it is impoffible to affign
time for its making it which anſwered the ultimum poffe of Almighty
God for the making it; and therefore if we ſhould fuppofe the World to
have been made as many millions of years before it was made, as there
have been minutes fince it was made, it could not anſwer the ultimum
poffe of Almighty God, nor anſwer that imaginary Obligation or Ne-
ceffity of his nature to do good ad ultimum poffe, for ftill it might have been
made before any hora fignata.
3. Confequently the time of the Creation of the World, if it were
on this fide an eternal period, could neither be determined by his want of
Power, nor by his neceffitated Benignity agere ad ultimum poffe, for in that
indefinite time within the limits of Eternity no time can be affigned before
which he could not have made the World, though it be admitted it could
not be eternal.
4. Con-
94
Sect. I.
Touching the Origination
4. Confequently there could be nothing that could determin the time
or period wherein the World was to have been made, but the abſolute
Divinum beneplacitum; there could be nothing without him to determin
it, for nothing was till he made it, nor any thing but his own Will
within him that could determin it: for his power and goodneſs were un-
determined to do it fooner or later, fince no time could be affigned for
the doing of it but it might be done fooner.
And when all is done, his Beneficence, nor the good which the created
Beings might receive from that Beneficence, had had no imaginable
advance or enlargement, if the World had been created millions of
millions of years before it was; and that upon theſe plain evident
Reaſons.
1. Becauſe though the World had indeed been at this hour ancienter,
and lafted longer, if it had been created a million of years fooner, yet
the future Eternity or Sempiternity of the World being of all hands ad-
mitted, though the Eternity à parte ante be denied, there will be a future
infinity for the emanation of the Divine Goodneſs and Beneficence to his
Creatures.
2. Confidering the nature of the Beings themſelves that partake of the
Divine Beneficence, there is no advance at all to them by receiving it
fooner or later: If Plato had been a million of years before he in truth
was, and had lived his proportion of eighty years, he had tafted no more
of the Divine Beneficence than if he had lived as he did about two thou-
fand years fince.
3. Neither is there any difference in refpect of the ever-glorious God,
for he received no accefs of happineſs by the Creation of the World,
nor ſtood at all in need of it: "And if he might be imagined to have
received any contentment in it, yet he had an eternal profpect of all things
as if they had been really made eternally: And befides, if the World
had been myriads of millions of years fooner than it was, yet it was ftill
infinitely ſhort of an eternal duration; Almighty God had been an infinite
duration before without that World, which had it been made millions
of years before it was, yet had not held any proportion to that infinite
duration that preceded.
And whatſoever hath been formerly ſaid againſt the Eternity of this
World doth equally conclude againſt an eternal being of any World ante-
cedent to this, much more againft an eternal fucceffion of infinite
Worlds, either of which can have no certainty, nor have any evidence
or probability, ſo that as there cannot be attributed an eternal duration
à parte ante to any one fuch fuppofed pre-exiſting World, fo much leſs to
a fucceffion of Worlds.
The very fame Arguments that conclude against the poffibility of
eternal Motion, or the eternal fucceffions of Generation and Corruption,
or of fucceffive Individuals of Mankind do as effectually conclude againſt
an eternal fucceffion of infinite Worlds, and therefore I fhall fpare the
repetition of them.
The Arguments which I have before uſed are fuch, as though at the
firft view they ſeem intricate, yet they have ftrength of evidence in
them, and fuch as are accommodate to the nature of the thing which
requires Arguments of ſuch a nature; and thoſe Arguments that are
more
Cap. 3.
95
of the World.
1
more experimental and obvious to fenfe, though they are more eafie to
be apprehended, yet are more eaſie to be evaded by the Affertors of the
Eternity of the World.
In the before-mentioned Book De Atate Mundi two experimental
Arguments are brought againſt the Eternity of the World, upon which
the Author lays fome weight.
1. That if the World were eternal, by the continual fall and wearing
of Waters all the protuberances of the Earth would infinite Ages fince
have been levelled, and the Superficies of the Earth rendred plain, no
Mountains, no Vallies, no inequalities would be therein, but the Su-
perficies thereof would have been as level as the Superficies of the
Water.
2. That if this World had been eternal there would have been no
Rocks appearing in the Seas above the Water, whereof there are very
many viſible; for the motion and agitation of the Water doth wear and
eat off gradually the roots and other parts thereof, as is viſible to our
obſervation; fome whereof have their roots fo corroded by the Water,
that they are ready to fall, and others have apparently by that means
been either waſted or decayed, that now they are not extant which in
ſome mens memory have been ſtanding; and if the bredth of a Barley-
corn had been confumed in a million of years, there had been nothing
of them left.
That theſe things are true in fact, and that the reaſon why many of
theſe effects are apparent to us to be as they are, is becauſe that theſe
Rocks and theſe Protuberances have not been eternal, may be well attri-
buted to that novitas effendi, that finite period wherein they have con-
tinued, is very probable and evident to him that is fatisfied otherwiſe,
that the World had a beginning, I eafily grant: But he that afferts the
Eternity of the World will find out eafie evaſions of theſe fenfible Argu-
ments: They will tell us, and with truth enough, that in a great tract
even of a finite duration the Earth muſt have and hath had great mu-
tations: That by the eruption of Bituminous and Sulphureous Vapours,
and the firing thereof, theſe protuberances of Mountains and Hills may
be made, and have been made in many parts: That as Warts or Wenns
growing in our Hands are thruſt up by the humors miniftred by the extre-
mity of the orifice of fome Capillary Vein, and increaſe; fo in the great
Body of the Earth fuch protuberances may be thruft out and gradually
increased, though not fo eafily perceptible in one Age, and by this means
there may be a continued fupply of what is fucceffively abraded from them
by decurfion of Waters: That Matter is never loft or annihilated: That
what is decayed by that decurfion of Waters is in fome meaſure ſupplied
by the terrene faces which that Water brings with it: That by continued
viciffitudes the Earth is repaired by the infenfible defcent of Atoms of
Matter raiſed in others places, the Atmoſphere being evermore filled
with little particles and concretes of Matter which are unceffantly dif
charged upon the Earth, and as unceffantly again fupplied in the Air by
the more grofs and terreftrial parts of thofe Vapours that are raiſed prin-
cipally from the Sea and watriſh places, by means whereof the Water
juſtly pays in proceſs of time what is borrowed from the Earth by a per-
petual circulation. And that hence it comes to paſs that in proceſs of
time,
96
Sect. I.
Touching the Origination
time, even to our view, Channels that were deep and broad, yet by a
little time of drynefs grow narrow and fhallow; that thofe Mountains,
whofe chief fubftance is Rock, become cloathed with a fuperficial Mantle
of Earth and Mould, that thofe places, which were formerly filled with
Wood, have buried the fallen Trees three, four, or five foot deep in the
ground, by an accretion or cover of Earth, derived to them fometimes
by Alluvions or Floods, fometimes and moft ordinarily by the defcent of
thoſe Terreſtrial Particles, that are drawn up together with watry Va-
pours, and either together with thofe Waters, or after arefaction
thereof in the Air, dilcharged upon the Earth, which doth reparaTE
deperditum.
And as to thoſe Rocks in the Sea, they will alſo tell us, that the
viciffitudes of the Sea and Land in a long proceſs of time, much more in
an eternal duration, are very many and various: Sometimes that becomes
Land which was once Sea, as appears in that part of Egypt thorough
which Nilus runs, long fince obferved by Ariftotle, and before him by
Herodotus; and even in our memory great quantities of Land are now firm
and habitable, where Ships anciently rode; and on the other fide many
parts are become Sea, which were once firm Land: They inftance in
that traditional vaſt Iſland in the Atlantick Ocean, which is drowned, and
hath left no Remains of it ſelf, but thoſe Iſlands called the Canary Iſlands ;
but whether that tradition be true or not, it is very probable, that by
particular Inundations the Face and State of the Terreftrial Globe, by
great viciffitudes, is much changed. And therefore though they fuppofe
the Terreftrial Globe Eternal, yet the Earth and Water hath not eternally
kept the fame pofition or fite that now it hath: And therefore the Sea,
ſo often (at leaſt in an Eternal Period) fhifting its Channel, hath not
eternallywaſhed the fame Rocks that now it doth, but after an indeter-
minate and vaft uncertain Period, it may be of ten or twenty thousand
years, leaves that Channel which before it had, and gives thofe Rocks
that it waſted opportunity to recruit again, and then perchance after a
like vaft Period of Time vifits the fame Channel again; and therefore
though the World might be Eternal, the alluvion of the Sea upon thofe
Rocks might not be eternally continued, but interpolated. And though
the Earth be not animated with a Senfible Soul, yet it is poffible that it
may be a great Immortal Vegetable, which may reproduce or increaſe
Rocks or Mountains in various viciffitudes of vaft Periods of Duration.
And this they think very probably to be collected by the obſervation of
things, and yet if it be not to be proved to be thus, yet thus poffibly it
may be, which is fufficient to elude the force of thoſe fenfible Argu-
ments.
And the truth is, theſe Solutions do evade the edge and concludency
of thoſe Phyſical Arguments, and therefore much weight is not be laid
upon them, but upon thoſe of another nature, whereof in the foregoing
part of this Chapter.
And there is no way to encounter the Solutions that theſe Men do, or
may give of theſe two laft Arguments, but to have recourſe to what
hath been before ſaid, namely, that fince the Solutions are grounded upon
a Suppofition of Eternal fucceffive Motions, whereby by viciffitudes of
long uncertain Periods of the Decays and Reparations of the inferior
World,
>
Cap. 3.
97
of the World
World, and by eternal viciffitudes of the tranflation of the Earth and
Seas to feveral fites either by interpolated, or fucceffive Motions. And
fince by what hath been before proved, there is an utter impoffibility in
Reaſon and Nature of any Eternity à parte ante of continued or interpo-
lated Motion, there is likewiſe an impoffibility in Nature that there
ſhould be this eternal viciffitude of decays and repairs of the Earth, or
ſhifting of ſtations between the Earth and the Sea. And thus we are at
laft driven to refort to thoſe though more obfcure yet more concludent
Arguments againſt the Eternity of the World which are mentioned in the
beginning of this Chapter, or fuch as are of the like nature, fome whereof
will be hereafter farther conſidered.
,
pro-
>
Averroes, who was a ftrong Affertor of the Eternity of the World,
infifteth upon a Reafon which is witty, but upon a miſtake of the nature
of eternal duration, viz. That if the World were not eternal but
created in fome certain Epocha or Period, it could never have been at all,
becauſe an eternal duration muſt neceffarily have anteceded the firft
duction of the World; and that Suppofition excludeth the poffibility of
fuch its production, and is contradictory to that fuppofed novitas effendi
of the World; for, infinitum non potesť pertranfiri, “an infinite duration
pre-exiſting to the Worlds production could never be paffed through,
fo no poffible acceffion to the firſt exiſtence of the World through the
vaft compaſs of a pre-exifting infinite duration.
But this reaſoning of his is infufficient, becauſe it takes in but a portion
of Eternity which is à parte ante, whereas that Maxim is to be applied
to the full and entire compaſs of Eternity or Infinitude. For if that
Argument ſhould hold, neither Averroes nor Plato, nor any man elſe
could have been born in the World, but muſt have had an eternal exiſtence
upon the very
fame reaſon that Infinitum non potest pertranfiri; for it is
certain that as well an infinite duration anteceded the Birth of Plato or
Averroes, as it muſt do the production of the World if admitted to have
novitas effendi.
And thus much touching this preparatory Difquifition concerning the
Eternity of the World in general.
CA P. IV.
Concerning the Origination of Mankind; and whether the ſame were
Eternal, or had a Beginning.
1*Eternity of Mankind went inteles,
F the World it ſelf were not eternal, this Difquifition touching the
Eternity of Mankind were needlefs, becaufe decided in that de-
cifion.
Therefore our Inquiry touching the Origination of Mankind, and
whether it had or had not a Beginning, is in this place by way of Sup-
pofition or Admiffion, namely, Whether admitting the great Integrals
at leaſt of the Univerfe, the Heavens and Heavenly Bodies, the Elemen-
tary World were or at leaſt might be eternal, whether yet Mankind
ཅ
O
were,
98
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
were, or might be eternal? And the Queſtion poffibly will be much of
the fame kind, with relation to other at leaſt perfect Animals and Vege-
tables, yea and all mixed or compound Bodies; for we shall eafily find,
that admitting thoſe greater Integrals of the World were eternal, yet
whatſoever is faid againſt the Eternity of Mankind will bear as hard
againſt the Eternity of perfect Animals, and almoft of all compound
Bodies.
And although for the more orderly difcuffion of this Enquiry con-
cerning the Original of Mankind, I muft gratia argumenti, and ac-
cording to the Method propofed, admit the Eternity of the great Integrals
of the World, yet it will appear upon a due examination to be fuch an
Admiſſion as muft in a great meaſure be contradicted in the debate of
what is propounded to be proved, and the particular Reaſons againſt
the Eternity of the Humane, Animal, or compounded Bodies will necef-
farily infer an impoffibility, or intollerable abfurdity in the thing admitted.
For inſtance:
To ſuppoſe an eternal exiſtence of the Heavenly Bodies and of the
Elementary Bodies in the fite and poſition in which they are, and to
ſuppoſe them in an eternal reſt and unactivity, and without motion,
action, paſſion, or perfection of the leſs noble by the more noble, were
to ſuppoſe them eternally kept in a uſeleſs, needleſs, imperfect ftate, for
an immenſe, eternal duration, till the first moment of their being put into
Motion.
Again, to ſuppoſe the Heavenly Bodies and their Motions and In-
fluence, the Fiery Nature diſperſed through all the Sublunary World,
with its activity and motion; and the Paffive Nature of the more paf-
five Elements to have been eternally in the World, and in all that eternal
duration not to have produced mixed and compound Bodies in that eternal
duration until ſuch a determinate point of it, were a thing ftrangely
repugnant in Nature, unleſs Almighty God were pleaſed to uphold their
being, and yet ſuſpend their activity for an immenfe eternal period.
And yet to fuppofe that the compofition of Bodies out of the Elements
(by virtue of the activity and influx of Motion, out of Matter that muſt
by that influx be prepared for compoſition) ſhould be as ancient as thoſe
Heavens, or that Motion, that Fiery active Principle that muſt compound
them out of thoſe fimpler Bodies out of which they muſt be compounded
(as all this muſt be, if they are eternal) is as impoffible as any thing that can
be thought of.
Again, if we ſhould refolve the Eternity of the World into the Di-
vine Will, which being neceffitated by his goodneſs to do all the good
he can, even ad ultimum poffe, and upon that account made the World
eternal, it were a ftrange Suppofition to imagin that this God ſhould
give the great Integrals of the World an eternal being in eternal reſt
without Motion, which is their perfection; or if together with Beings
he gave or indeed could give an eternal Motion, it were a ſtrange Sup-
pofition that he ſhould fufpend the efficacy of that Motion or Activity
of the active Principles upon the paffive (which both exifted) for an
infinite ſpace, and then after took off that fufpenfion: And yet farther,
Suppoſe Almighty God did or could give an eternal being to thoſe Active
or Paffive Natures, and an eternal production of all mixed Bodies for
an
Cap. 4.
99
the Origination of Mankind.
an eternal duration but only Mankind (that is the nobleft of all fublunary
Natures, and apparently the glory of the fublunary World, and the very
end of much of what is produced) I fay, it is ftrange that the inferior
World thould be moved, agitated, and mingled into various mixed
Bodies, and thus continue during the immenfity of an eternal duration
without Mankind in the World, if Almighty God were neceffitated by
the Benignity of his nature to do the uttermoft good he could; and if
he could produce Man eternally, there was an equal neceffity for him
to do it as to produce a Tree or a Stone eternally.
All this tends but to this, That if in the debate of this matter we can
find that Man either could not be, or was not eternally produced, we
have the fame reaſon to believe that no compound Nature was produced
eternally, that no local Motion or corporeal Action was or could be from
Eternity; and confequently, that the Heavenly or Elementary Bodies
were not from Eternity: The very ſingle clearing of this one thing,
that Man was not eternal, breaks the whole Hypothefis of the Eternity of
the World, cuts afunder all the connexion of evidence that is for it,
renders the moſt confiderable perfection of the World, its Motion, Action,
and Operation impoffible to be eternal, and the exiſtence of the Bulk,
Pofition, and Fabrick thereof (unufeful, imperfect, and deficient without
its Motion, Activity, and Operations) improbable to be eternal. So that
the Pofition which I endeavour to prove, namely, the Non-eternity of
Mankind, doth in truth deſtroy the Suppofition of the Eternity at leaſt
of the inferior World. But this I only fubjoyn by the way.
Concerning the Origination of Mankind, Cenforinus in his golden
Book de Die Natali, cap. 4. gives us the ſhort ſtate of the Queſtion, and
the feveral Authors that hold either way; viz. Alii, femper homines
fuiffe, nec unquam nifi ex hominibus natos, atque eorum generi caput exor-
diumque nullum cxtitiſſe; alii, fuiffe tempus cum homines non effent, & his
ortum aliquando principiúmque natura tributum. Of the former Opinion he
reckons Pythagoras Samius, Ocellus Lucanus, Archytas Tarentinus, Aristotle,
Theophraftus, Plato, Xenocrates, Dica archus, and others.
But for the more clear ftating of the Inquiry, I fhall refume ſomewhat
which hath been before ſaid touching the Queftion before-going of the
Eternity of the World, and ſome other things I fhall add thereunto.
First, it is to be obferved, that the Queſtion is not here, Whether the
fucceflive Individuals of Mankind may or fhall be eternal à parte post,
perpetuated to everlafting by fucceffive generation. For although whe-
ther that fhall be or no, depends upon the Divine Beneplacitum, yet there
is no intrinfecal repugnance ex parte rei, but that as the World, and
the Generations of Men in it have been thus long continued by the
communication of the Divine Influence and Providence, fo both the
one and the other by the fame Influence and Providence may be conti-
nued without end: And the reaſon is, becaufe fuch a duration, and fuch
a fucceffive multiplication of Individuals imports only a potential infini-
tude, and fuch as never fhall nor can be completed into an actual infinitude
of duration or number: So that as Number is potentially infinite by
addition of new parts to it, which yet never ſhall nor can ariſe to a num-
ber actually infinite, becauſe after every period thereof there ftill may be
a farther acceffion of a farther period, yet it never will nor can be actually
infinite,
O 2
i
1
100
Natural Evidences touching
Sect. I.
infinite, becauſe ſtill there will or may be farther additional periods of
duration to that which went before.
The Queſtion therefore reſts only as to that part of the imaginary Line
of the duration of fucceffive Individuals that anteceded any given mo-
ment, or, Whether Mankind had any beginning of being, or were eter-
nal or without beginning.
And touching this, there have been fome that have affirmed Mankind
to be without beginning or eternal; others that have affirmed that Man-
kind had a beginning.
Touching the latter of theſe, and the various Conjectures touching the
manner of it, I shall write hereafter; at prefent I fhall confider and examin
the former.
Again, of thoſe that have affirmed Mankind to be without beginning,
and that maintain not only the Eternity of the reſt of the World, but alſo
of Mankind; they are of two forts, viz. 1. Such as have affirmed that
the fucceffive Generations of Men have been eternal, not only without
any beginning, but without any firft Parents of Mankind, and that they
have been always geniti ex genitis. 2. Thofe that have ſuppoſed that
there were fome firft Parents of Mankind, which by a natural and uni-
vocal generation multiplied their Species, but yet that thoſe firſt Parents
of Mankind were eternal Individuals, having an eternal exiſtence in their
individual nature, and in relation to them the reft of Mankind were
geniti ex non genitis.
As to the former of theſe Opinions, they feem to be divided into theſe
enfuing Parties or Opinions.
1. Such as think the fucceffive Generations of Men were eternally ſo,
and independent upon any Efficient, and neceffarily by the eternal efta-
bliſhed courſe of Nature independent upon Almighty God, or any firſt
Efficient of the Species.
2. Such as think the fucceffive Generations of Men were eternally ſo,
but dependently upon Almighty God, yet as a neceffary Effect produced
by Almighty God as a neceffary or natural Cauſe, as the Light is a co-
exiftent Effect of the Sun.
3. Such as think the fucceffive Generations of Men were eternally fo,
but dependently upon God as an efficient voluntary Caufe of them by
eternal Creation, yet ſuppoſe that Will intrinfecally determined to ſuch
an eternal Creation of Mankind by the indiſpenſable benignity and good-
nefs of his nature.
4. Such as though they take Almighty God to be under neither of
the former neceffities, but an Agent purely voluntary, and determining
his own Will by it felf only, and that deny the eternal fucceffions of
humane Generations as to the fact; but yet affirm it poffible that Al-
mighty God might, if he pleaſed, have created the World and Mankind
eternally.
Having thus ftated the Opinions of the Affertors of the Eternity or
Beginning of Humane Generations, I fhall purſue this Method 3 I. In
this Chapter I fhall confider the poffibility or impoffibility of eternal
Generations of Mankind, with relation to the four preceding Suppofitions
that affert it. 2. In the next Chapter I fhall confider the poffibility or
impoffibility of any one Man or Woman eternally exifting, from whom
Mankind
•
A
Cap. 4.
the Origination of Mankind.
Mankind had their production by univocal generation. 3. I fhall after-
wards confider of thofe evidences of fact and probability, that de facto
may feem to prove that Mankind had their beginning in time, and the
Objections against it. 4. I fhall then deſcend to the Confideration of the
various Suppofitions of thoſe that have fuppofed a temporary Origination
of Mankind.
At the preſent therefore I ſhall propound thoſe Reaſons that to me ſeem
concludent, that although it might for Arguments fake be ſuppoſed that
fome parts of univerfal Nature, namely, fuch as are permanent and
fixed, and not in fluxu, might be eternal, yet it is fimply impoffible that
the Generations of Mankind can be eternal in any of the four foregoing
ways.
And before I come to give my Reaſons, I fhall premiſe two things.
1. In relation to the four foregoing Opinions, there feems to be this
implyed in them: 1. The two former do moft clearly take up the entire
collection of Mankind and the Generations of them to be a meer natural
Effect or Work, with this odds, that the former acknowledgeth no Effi-
cient at all, the latter acknowledgeth God the Efficient or firft Cauſe
of the eternal World and the Generations of Mankind as a natural Cauſe :
And confequently they muft needs hold, that as Man is now generated,
fo he was eternally fo; and as he is now, fo he always hath been; and
the meaſure that we take of him now will fit to all thoſe innumerable
Men that have been within the vaft compaſs of Eternity: As Man is now
a compound Body of the four Elements, fo he always was, as he is now
nine Months in utero matris, fuch was the method and the mora of every
Man's production; for the Effect is a natural uniform Effect, whether
independent upon God as the Efficient thereof, or dependent upon Him
as a Natural Effect. And therefore whatſoever is impoffible to be attri-
buted to Peter, or John, or any other individual Man, is incompetible to
every Man in all this infinite Collection within the unlimited extent of
Eternity.
But the two latter, though both ſuppoſe an eternity of Generations,
and though in Eternity there cannot be fuppofed well a firſt, yet do
what they can, if they fuppofe a production of Man by eternal Creation,
they cannot deliver themſelves from theſe confequences; 1. That there
muſt be ſome Man or Men that had his or their beginning in fome other
way then other perfons had it, namely by Creation, for although
Creation be an inftantaneous act of the Divine Will and Power, it muſt
of neceffity be terminated in fome individual determinate Perſon, and
it cannot be quid vagum; the confequence whereof muſt neceffarily be,
That if there were an eternal Creation of any Man or Men, they that
were thus created had their production (if we may fuppofe fuch a pro-
duction) by a different way from the production of thofe that had their
being by generation, and herein this Suppofition of the Origination of
Humane Nature differs from the two former Suppofitions. 2. And con-
ſequently, that if the Creation of Man and of the reft of the World muſt
be in the fame point, as I may call it, of Eternity, the reft of the World
or any part thereof could not be precedent to the Creation of Man
for then they have loft what they contend for, namely, an eternal
Creation of Man: If it were but one imaginable moment after, then the
+
World
..
101
斧
​102
Natural Evidences touching.
Se&t. 1.
World might indeed have had an eternal exiſtence, but it would be im-
poffible for Man to have had that eternal exiftence by Creation, unleſs
in the fame firſt imaginary conceptible moment of Eternity (an expref-
fion improper enough I confefs) Man and the reft of the World were con-
created: The confequence whereof, as I before ſaid, is, that thoſe Men
muft not as the former fuppofe all Individuals of Mankind had the fame
natural manner of production, for among the whole Collection fome
one or more had a fupernatural manner of production, namely, by
Creation.
2. This being premiſed concerning the different ftates of the two
former and two latter Opinions, fomewhat I shall fay in general touching
the Reaſons I uſe againſt all theſe Suppofitions: 1. In general, That that
kind of reaſoning which reduceth the oppofite Conclufion to fomething
that is apparently impoffible or abfurd, is as much a Demonſtration in
difaffirmance of any thing that is affirmed as can poffibly be in any cafe, if
the Conclufion of the affirming party doth neceffarily inferr an impoffi-
bility or abfurdity in the nature of the thing affirmed, it is a Demon-
ftration, Argumentum cum contradictione conclufionis; and fuch will thoſe
be which I ſhall bring. 2. Becauſe the former Suppofitions touching
the Eternity of Mankind, though they conclude in the fame Affertion,
yet becauſe they do it by ſeveral Suppofitions, the Arguments that I ſhall
uſe ſhall be of three natures; 1. Such as oppofe in fpecial the two firft
Affertions: 2. Such as eſpecially oppoſe the two laft: 3. Such as in com-
mon oppoſe both.
1. The Argument that I uſe againſt the two firſt Suppofitions is this,
That it is evident to Experience and the Conceffions of thofe very men,
that the Body of a Man and all other compounded Bodies confift not only
of Matter antecedent to their Compofition, but alſo of fuch a Matter
as is digeſted from thoſe more fimple Bodies which we call the four Ele-
ments, Fire, Air, Water, and Earth: And therefore of neceffity, and
according to the Principles of theſe very men, before the exiftence of
any compounded Body there must be of neceffity, 1. A pre-exiſtence of
thofe fimple Bodies out of which this compounded or mixed Body is com-
pounded: 2. A pre-exiſtence of thoſe more active Principles in Nature
that are neceffarily pre-requifite to the mixing of theſe particles of Ele-
mentary Bodies, and to the difpofition of them to the Union and Confti-
tution of that mixed Body whereinto it is to be formed, namely, the
Motions and Influx of the Heavens, the Activity of the fiery Nature,
fubduing the more paffive parts of Matter to the fufception of that Form
wherein it is to be brought. 3. A mora, or due space of time intervening
between the firſt coagulation of Matter and the first inftant of the dif
pofing thereof, and the complement thereof in its determinate Species,
which according to the degree of its ſpecifical perfection is fometimes
longer, and fometimes fhorter; as the Statuary ftrikes more ftrokes upon
that piece of Marble that is completed into the Statue of Cæfar than into
the Cube or Pedeſtal whereon he ftands: all theſe muft precede, not
only in nature, but in time, before the complement of any compounded
Body in its ſpecifical conftitution. And therefore fince all mixed Bodies
require neceffarily the antecedence of thefe fimple Bodies, this action of
the more active Principles, this mora in the full difpofition and digeftion
of
&
1
Cap. 4.
103
the Origination of Mankind.
of them into their complement of a mixed Being, it is fimply neceffary
that there muſt be a pofteriority in time of every compounded Body, elpe-
cially the Body of Man, to thefe more fimple Bodies out of which it is
conftituted, and thofe fucceffive and gradual actions,and of the more active
Nature by which it is difpofed and completed in its being: And if once
wę admit a priority and pofteriority, it is impoffible the latter can be
eternal, becauſe it hath neceffarily fomething that actually preceded it.
2. The Argument against the Eternity of Mankind upon the two latter
Suppofitions is thus; If Man were eternally created, or con-created with
the rest of the World, it is of abfolute neceffity that that Creation muſt
be terminated in that individual Perfon that was thus created, For
whether Creation be eternal or not eternal, it must neceffarily be termi-
nated in ſome individual Being that is fo created, And it is neceffary
alſo that that created Perfon were created in fome determinate ftate, and
in a ſtate anſwerable to the nature of theſe Men that we now fee; and
though his Life were longer than ours, yet it would be certain that he
lived as we do, one day, one month, one year after another, and that
thoſe firſt created Perfons did generate their kind by the conjunction of
Sexes, as is done in the World. And therefore if both Sexes were created,
yet fooner or later they propagated their kind, as is now done; for though
they themselves had a differing manner of production from thofe that
fucceeded them, we muſt conceive that their Conftitution was the fame,
otherwiſe we ſhall not ſo much ſuppoſe an eternal Creation of Man, as
of fomething elſe of a nature effentially differing from Man; which is
contrary to the Hypothefis it felf: And if this be fuppofed, we shall never
deliver our felves from intollerable difficulties and abfurdities. For,
1. There would of a neceffity be a firſt Man, which cannot be confiftent
with the attribution of Eternity to Mankind. Again, 2. That firſt Man,
if created eternally, muft needs be diftant from us by a lefs portion of
duration after he had lived a year or two, and confequently the duration
from his age of two years could not be eternal, for it is fhort of the pe-
riod of his Creation by two years, and therefore not eternal, neither
could his Creation be eternal, for then the adding of two years to a
duration lefs than infinite ſhould make it infinite, which is abfurd and
impoffible. Again, 3. Was the generation of the first born Man at an
infinite diſtance from us, and eternal, or no? If it were, then it muſt
be of the fame antiquity with the Creation of the firft Man; and ſo
the first born Man was eternal, and was confequently before he was
born; and his Eternity fhould be ten, twenty, thirty, or forty years short
of the Eternity of his Father, yet both eternal: If the Birth of that Man
were not eternal, then confequently the Generations of Mankind are
neither infinite nor eternal, nay confequently the Creation of the first
Man could not be eternal nor an infinite diftance from us, for there muſt
neceffarily be a determinate Period between the Creation of the first Man
and the Birth of the ſecond, and that time muft neceffarily be finite, and
the addition of a finite duration to a finite duration can never make an
infinite duration.
Eternity therefore, and a duration actually infinite, cannot be applied
to fucceffive Beings: The abfurdities and incongruities that arile upon
fuch an application are infinite and uncurable, and not to be attempted;
Nothing
*
104
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
F
Nothing but an infinite and indiviſible Being is able to ſuſtain an infinite
and eternal duration, it will never fit other things, it is too great for
them.
3. I now come to confider thofe Reaſons that are applicable indiffe-
rently to all the former four Suppofitions, and render them all alike vain,
abſurd, and impoffible. I ſhall reſume ſome of thoſe that I uſed before
againſt the Suppofition of the World's Eternity, and I fhall fubjoyn fome
others more particularly applicable to the condition of Man.
1. If the fucceffive Generations of Mankind were eternal, then of
neceffity fome one Man among them that preceded us was infinitely diftant
from us that are now living in point of duration, and infinite numbers
of Men have intervened between us and him; this is plain and un-
deniable.
If fo then, if this Man lived to the ordinary age of man, for the pur-
poſe, till thirty years old, and then had a Son, and after this he lived to
feventy years old, and died: Was this Son of his diftant from us an infinite
duration, an infinite period of years; or were there infinite Perſons that
intervened between this Son and us his remote defcendants or no? If
there were, then the duration from his Father, which was thirty years
before his Son, muſt be thirty years greater than the duration of the
Son, and yet the Son as eternally exifting as his Father: if not, then
thirty years added to the finite duration from the Son to us muſt make
it infinite. There were infinite Perfons in the interval between us and
his Father, and but finite between us and his Son, and yet the odds
between both muſt be but one. The Father's Death muſt be eternally
diftant from us as well as his Birth, and yet his birth ſeventy years before
his death.
2. I ſhall here alſo reſume the Argument above-given against the Eter-
nity of Motion (which yet is no other but a different kind of application
of the Argument laft mentioned.) Whatſoever is now paft and gone,
was moſt certainly once prefent; therefore the moft remotely diftant
Man in that vaft Period of Eternity was certainly once actually exifting,
and though he be now paft, yet thofe Attributes and Conceptions that
were applicable and affirmable of him when preſent, are now affirmable
and applicable to him though paft, (abating only the relations of paſt
and prefent,) if when he was prefent and actually exifting he could not
be eternal, fo neither can the addition of all the fucceeding myriads of
Men by fucceffive procreation make any one day of that Man's age to be
infinitely diftant from us, for it could not be fo when he was preſent and
exifting. That Man whereof we ſpeak was ſuch a Man as we are, lived
fucceffively as we do, and though poffibly he might be longer-lived than
us, yet his age was meaſured by days and years as ours is, and could ne-
ver be without beginning; and confequently this Man, when exifting,
was the Radix of all that fucceeded him, the terminus claudens of all his
fucceeding Generations, which bounds and terminates à parte ante all the
fucceeding Generations; as that Man when preſent was not eternal, fo
neither can the addition of fucceffive Generations produce a Line of
duration of infinite extent, for that duration is utrinque claufa, namely,
with that Man which was once preſent, and that Moment wherein I now
write.
3. My
Cap. 4.
105
the Origination of Mankind.
3. My third Argument (which though it be common, is
is this:
very evident)
It is impoffible, ex natura rei, that any multitude can be actually infi-
nite, or, (which is all one) fo great that there cannot be a greater, or,
multitudo omnium maxima: But if we ſhould ſuppoſe an eternal fucceffion
of Generations of Men, or an infinite Series of fucceffive individual
Men, there would neceffarily follow an infinite multitude, or a multi-
tude than which there could not be a greater. And therefore ex im-
poffibili, there could not be fuch an eternal fucceffion of Generations.
The firſt Propofition, namely, That it is impoffible there fhould be an
infinite multitude, or (which is all one) a number actually infinite, is
evident by thoſe many contradictions, abſurdities, and intollerable incon-
gruities that would follow upon fuch a Suppofition.
It muſt needs be granted that an infinite multitude is the greateſt mul-
titude that can be, there can be no greater; if there can be a greater,
then the former was not infinite. For when we have to do with any
thing whoſe very effence, as I may call it, confifts in being greateft, there
majus and minus do alter the very effence of the thing, and is identical
with magis and minus: A greater or larger Line, or Superficies, or Body
is not magis linea, fuperficies, aut corpus, than a fhorter, narrower, or leſſer
Line, Superficies, or Body, becauſe they agree in the fame common nature,
the one as well as the other is a Line, Superficies, or Body. And ſo of
other things.
But when the very Effence of the thing confifts in a certain effential
difference of major or miner, there major or minor vary the kind.
And therefore a Line of two foot long (with relation to that extent)
effentially differs from a Line of a foot long, which under that notion
is effentially greater or more extended than a Line of a foot long, and it
is impoffible that a Line of a foot long ſhould be as long as a Line of two
foot long, as it is impoffible that a part ſhould be equal to the whole.
And yet upon the fuppofition of an infinite multitude, it muſt neceffarily
follow that one infinite multitude muſt be greater than another, and
yet both infinite; upon the fuppofition of infinite Generations of Men,
there muſt have been an infinite multitude of antecedent Individuals and
Generations of Men a million of years fince, and yet neceffarily by the
addition of thoſe Individuals that have accrued fince in that great Period
of a Million of years, there muſt needs be an acceffion of a vaſt number
to that multitude that was before, whereby it muſt neceffarily be greater,'
and yet both ſuppoſed infinite, that is, fuch than which there can be
nothing greater. Again, the multitude of the individual Men muſt be
infinite, and yet the multitude of theſe Mens Eyes muſt be double to the
number of Men, and yet both be infinite. And it is but a vain thing
to ſay, that though the collection of Men be antecedently infinite, yet
it is claufa and finita in the prefent extreme: as if a Line fhould be ex-
tended infinitely from the point A, the Line would be finite at the point A,
though infinite towards the other part; and the appofition of the accef-
fional number of Men is to that part that is finite: For though the Ge-
nerations of Men are limited towards the extreme that is next us, or at
the Period of a Thouſand years before us: and though the appofition of
the acceffional number be towards this hithermoft extreme which is claufa
P
or
A
106
Se&. I.
Natural Evidences touching
;
or finita, yet the appofition is to the whole number or multitude, and the
collection thereof, and therefore the abfurdity of the Suppofition of an
infinite pre-exiſting multitude, which is more enlarged by the increaſe,
is equally evident, as if we could ſuppoſe an appofition of the number
to any other part; for the ſcope of the Argument is to prove the incom-
poffibility of Infinite and Multitude, becauſe no Multitude can be greater
than Infinite, yet fuch would it neceffarily be, if we ſhould fuppofe the
multitude now greater than it was a thouſand years before: And to render
it yet more plain, ſuppoſe on the other fide we ſhould take the other
Operation of Arithmetick, namely, Subduction: If out of that ſuppoſed
infinite multitude of antecedent Generation, we ſhould by the Operation
of the Underſtanding fubduce Ten, whether we fubduct that Number
of Ten out of the laft Generations of Men, or out of Generations a
thousand years fince, or indeterminately out of the whole Collection,
certainly the reſidue mult needs be leſs by Ten than it was before that
Subduction made, and yet ſtill the Quotient muſt be as great as before,
which is ftill infinite.
Again, the incongruity of the Suppofition of an infinite multitude
appears in this, that the part muft be as infinite as the whole: It is the
Inftance of Algarel, in his Dialogue with Averroes; the Number of 4
multiplied into it felf produceth the Square Number of 16, and that
again multiplied by 4 produceth the Cubick Number of 64. If we
fhould fuppofe a multitude actually infinite, there muſt be infinite Roots,
and Square and Cubick Numbers, yet of neceffity the Root is but the
fourth part of the Square, and the fixteenth part of the Cubick Number.
The Inftance of Algarel, in his firft Difputation with Averroes, which
Averroes endeavours to anſwer (but tyres himſelf in vain to do it) may
explain this Confequence: The Sun paffeth through the Zodiack in one
year, Saturn paffeth through it in thirty years; fo that the Revolution of
Saturn to the Revolution of the Sun is as one to thirty, and confequently
as one Revolution of Saturn contains thirty Revolutions of the Sun, fo
two Revolutions thereof muft contain fixty Revolutions of the Sun, and
fo if we ſhould ſuppoſe their Revolutions infinite, yet the proportion of
the Revolutions muſt neceffarily hold the fame, namely, in all the whole
Collection, the Number of the Suns Revolutions must be thirty times
as many as the Number of Saturns Revolutions, and confequently the
Revolutions of Saturn can be no more than one thirtieth part of the
Revolutions of the Sun, and yet both being fuppofed infinite, the part,
namely, the thirtieth part, muſt be as great as that whereof it is the
thirtieth part, which is impoffible.
And this impoffibility holds in all other things that have fucceffion or
extenfion, as in quantity, motion, fucceffive duration of things, in
their nature fucceffive. But it is more plain and confpicuous in difcrete
quantity, or different Individuals, which are already meaſured by Num-
ber, without any breaking the continuity that is in things that have con-
tinuity, as continued quantity and motion. And therefore they that
go about to demonftrate the impoffibility of Eternal Motion, à parte ante,
or infinite extenfion in a Body, Line, or Superficies, do firft break it into
parts to meaſure them, and reduce them to difcrete quantity, becauſe the
demonſtration is more clear and fenfible thereby, and therefore they break
the
2
Cap. 4.
107
the Origination of Mankind.
the Meaſures of Motion into Hours, Days, Years, or fuch like Meaſures,
or into Periodical Revolutions, and fo they break continued Quantity
into Palms, Feet, Perches, or the like; becaufe though the repugnancy
of Infinitude be equally incompetible to continued or fucceffive Motion,
Duration, or continued Quantity, and depends upon the incompoffibility
of the very nature of things fucceffive or extenfive with Infinitude, yet
that incompoffibility is more confpicuous in difcrete Quantity or Multitude,
that arifeth from parts or Individuals already actually diftinguiſhed: But
the reaſon of both is the fame, eſpecially if broken and divided into real
or imaginary parts.
But in the Matter in queftion, namely, Multitude of fucceffive Men,
or fucceflive Generations of Men, there is already a feparate, divided,
difcrete multitude, without any antecedent work of my Underſtanding,
or otherwife, to reduce it into parts or difcrete multitude; and ſo the
Inftances of the Abfurdities that arife by an infinite multitude of Indi-
viduals and diſtinct Generations, is made more plain and open to view;
And he that is defirous to profecute theſe Afyftata of Infinitude and Mul-
titude, let him refort to the Prelections of Faber, collected by Monfuerius,
in his Metaphyfica demonftrativa de infinito,
And to lay the truth, there are none of the Ancients that have any
weight in them, that do not agree, that it is impoffible that any Quantity,
either diſcrete or continued, fhould be actually infinite, but only poten-
tially, either by addition of fuppofed parts to either, or by divifion of
Quantity continued into parts infinitely divifible: But the greater diffi-
culty reſts in the Affumption, which is next to be confidered.
The ſecond Propofition is this, That if Eternal Generations of Men
were admitted, there would be this abfurd Conlequence, that a multitude
given might be actually infinite, which remains to be proved.
The Objection that ftands in the way feems to be this, That there is
no repugnancy that Multitude might be poffibly infinite, for as we may
without any inconvenience fuppofe, that the Generations of Mankind
might be fempiternal or eternal, à parte poft, fo there is no inconvenience
to ſuppoſe them eternal, à parte ante, for they never co-exist, but are
fucceffive, and fo do not conftitute any multitude co-exifting actually
infinite, which is indeed impoffible; but there is no implication or
repugnancy that there might be an infinite fucceffion of Generations,
for they are not together, but one Generation paffeth and another fuc-
çeedeth.
And hence it is they fay, that in moventibus vel caufis per fe fubordinatis,
there cannot be proceffus in infinitum, but we must neceffarily fix in a Firſt
Mover, between whom and the laft Motion or Effect there cannot be
a feries of Infinite Caufes for two Reaſons: First, Becauſe if there were
Infinite Movers or Cauſes, moving per fe to the fame effect or motion,
the motion would be infinite, and fo would the time wherein that motion
would be abfolved, for infinitus motus non fit in finito tempore, Secondly,
And again, there would be an actual Infinitude of co-exifting Caufes,
which is impoffible, and therefore for the purpoſe, to the production of
this generation of an Infect by putrefaction, there is not an infinite ſeries
of Cauſes per fe co-operating to its production, but the ſeries of Caufes
is finite, for the active qualities of the Elements move the Matter, and
the
P 2
4
108
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
the Heat and Influence of the Heavens agitate and move, it may be, the
Elementary Body, and the Intelligences move the Heavenly Bodies, and
Almighty God the Primum Movens moves the Intelligences, and theſe
are finite in number: But in caufis aut moventibus accidentaliter fubordinatis
there may be an Infinitude or Eternity, thus the Father may beget the
Son, and the Grandfather begat the Father, and fo backward to Eternity,
and fo in the fucceffive productions of all Animals ex femine. For though
the Individuals fucceffively exifting from all Eternity, muft needs be infi-
nite, yet they do not coexift, but as one Generation comes another
decays, and fo make no infinite multitude, and confequently, that all
the abfurdities that are heaped upon the Suppofition of infinite multitude
or numbers, conclude nothing to the matter in queftion, becauſe there
is no infinite multitude, becauſe no infinite Individuals or Generations
of Mankind coexifting: And though this cannot at all, according to their
fuppofition, any way admit the poffibility of an infinitely extended Body,
Line, Superficies, or Place, becauſe that would be an actual infinitude in
extent; yet as to fucceffive continued things, as fucceffive Motion, as
that of the Heavens, and fucceffive Duration, as that of Motion which
we call Time, there is nothing of inconvenience according to their Sup-
pofition, if they be infinite, eternal, and without beginning; becauſe
though they confift of infinite Parts, yet they are not altogether, or co-
exifting, without which there is no real Multitude.
So that the Queftion will be hereby reduced to this Point, Whether
in this fucceffion of Generations and Individuals of Mankind there be fuch
a Multitude produced that is confiftent with Infinitude therein.
I shall not here lay hold of that Suppofition of the Immortality of the
Souls of the feveral Individuals of Mankind (which if fuppofed, would
make an infinite multitude actually coexifting of feparate Souls) becauſe
ſome of thoſe that maintain the Eternity of Mankind, deny the Immor-
tality of the Soul; others deny the Immortality of the Soul in its indi-
viduation, fuppofing it to refolve into a certain common Element of
Souls, and others, as the Pythagoreans, though allowing the Immortality
of Souls in their individuation, yet fuppofe a finite number of Souls
might fupply the infinite Succeffions of Men by Tranſmigration of theſe
in their due time: This I lay afide, becauſe it would neceffarily occafion
other Diſputes with Men of thoſe Perſwaſions.
I do therefore fay, That upon the Suppofition of the Eternal Suc-
ceffion of the Generations of Men, and the infinite fucceffive Individuals
thereby ariſen, there doth ariſe ſuch a Multitude as is equally inconfiftent
with Infinitude, as if the Individuals had been all coexifting, and that
all thoſe foregoing Afyftata that render any number or multitude of co-
exifting Individuals impoffible to be infinite, render the multitude of
fucceffive Individuals impoffible to be infinite, abating only the excre-
ſcence of infinite coexifting Men to an infinite moles, which inconve-
nience indeed falls not upon the fucceffions of Individuals, fome by death
and corruption making room for new Succeffors.
And to make good what I ſay, I ſhall deliver theſe enſuing Conclu-
fions.
1. That as in things that are preſent, while they actually are, they alſo
neceffarily are; fo in things that have been, they have been while they
were,
Cap. 4.
109
the Origination of Mankind.
were, actually and neceffarily: It is as certain that my Father and Grand-
father once actually were in rerum natura, as it is certain that I now
actually am; for though in things that are yet to come, they are only in
poffibility, and not in act, yet in things that have already been, they
have been as actually as what now is, in præteritis non datur poffibilitas;
and it is as certain that what is paſt, once was actually prefent and
exifting, as what now is, is actually prefent and exifting. This I fay
to prevent that Objection, That things paft and things to come are of
the fame nature in relation to their exiſtence, and that only our manner
of apprehenfion is that which makes things future only inter poſſi-
bilia.
2. That things that once exifted and are now paſt, do as really con-
ſtitute a multitude (if many) as things that are coexifting: It is as evi-
dent that the Grandfather and Father and Son did as really make up a
multitude, that is, one man, and one man, and one man, (which mul-
titude we call artificially three, though the Father and Son were both
Pofthumi) as if they all had or did all now exift together; and it is as true
a Predication to ſay that theſe were many, as it were in cafe they had all
coexiſted, or were now coexifting: And thofe three Revolutions of the
Firſt Moveable that were paft three days fince, are as really a multitude
of Revolutions, as the three Stars that this hour coexift in Heavenly Con-
ftellation are a multitude of Stars: and when I fpeak of a multitude, I
mean more than one.
3. That although number, or the digeſting things under this or that
number, whether Collective, as three, fix, nine; or Ordinal, as the fe-
cond, third, or fourth, be but an operation of the Underſtanding only,
yet antecedent to any act of the Underſtanding, and without the help of
it, unum and multa, and of thoſe multa, plura, or pauciora have a reality:
Plato is one, and Plate and Ariftotle are multi, or more than one; and
Plato and Aristotle and Tully, are a greater multitude than Plato and Ari-
stotle, antecedently to any operation of the Underſtanding.
4. That antecedently to any act of the Underſtanding, even in thoſe
things that have a fucceffive existence, and are not all together, there is
as real an unity or multiplicity as in things coexifting. For inftance,
The Revolution of Heaven that was diſpatched the firft Natural day of
the laſt week, was as really, as that Revolution which now is in con-
cluding really is; and as it really was, fo it really was but one: And
the Revolutions that followed in the two next Natural days were really
more than one, and therefore multa; and the Revolutions of the three
next days after, was a multitude greater than the Revolutions of the two
former days; and all thoſe fix Revolutions were really a greater multi
tude of Revolutions than any one of the former multitudes, and this
without and before any operation of the Understanding, though indeed
the Underſtanding gives them their numeral diftinction of one, and two,
and three, and fix.
5. That the incompoffibility of Infinitude with Multitude, or the
impoffibility that any Multitude fhould be infinite, doth not arife either
upon the exiſtence or non-exiſtence of the Subjects of that Multitude to
gether at this or any other determinate time, but from the very nature
of Multitude it ſelf: So that whether the multa were prefent, or paſt,
Of
110
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching, &c.
or fixed, or fucceffive, yet the very fuppofition of Multitude doth exclude
the poffibility of its infinitude: For 1. It fuppofeth a difcrete Quan-
tity, and any Quantity muſt needs be limited. 2. It fuppofeth a con-
fiftence of many Unities into which it muſt neceffarily be refolved, as
the conftituent Subject or Matter of them. 3. It ſuppoſeth a Term
which cannot be the greateſt: It is impoffible that any Multitude can
be ſo great but that a greater may be given: So that as although there
were no Man in the World to take notice of it, every Triangle would
contain three angles equal to two right-angles, though no Man were in
the World to diſcover or affent to it; fo though there were no things
in the World exifting to be denominated multa, and no Underſtanding in
the World to form the conception of it, it would be an eternal Truth,
That what confifteth of many Unities, as all Multitude neceffarily doth,
cannot be Infinite, nor confequently any Multitude arifing by fucceffion
cannot in the nature of the thing be Eternal.
Upon the whole matter therefore, I conclude that it is impoffible that
the Generations of Men or their fucceflive Individuals can be Eternal,
that a Multitude doth as well ariſe by fucceffive as by coexiſting Indivi-
duals, that if the Generations of Men and their fucceffive Individuals
were Eternal, there would neceffarily follow, that the multitude of ſuch
Individuals were infinite as well as if they were all coexifting, and that
it is equally repugnant to the nature of multitude, whether of fucceffive
or of coexifting Individuals to be infinite: Therefore there could not be
fuch an eternal fucceffion of Individuals or Generations.
And that this Suppofition, That multitude of coexifting Individuals,
or of Cauſes or moventes per fe, cannot be infinite; but that fucceffive In-
dividuals or Cauſes and Effects per accidens might be infinite and eternal,
is in truth a Suppofition not fitted to the truth of things, or grounded
upon any rational difference between the things, but a Suppoſition fitted
merely to ferve that other precarious Suppofition which Ariftotle and his
followers had taken up touching the Eternity of the World.
And theſe ſhall be all the Reaſons that I ſhall trouble my ſelf withall
againſt the Eternity of Mankind, or the fucceffive Generations and Indi-
viduals thereof; having willingly declined thoſe many other Ingenious
Reaſons given by others (as of the Impertranfibility of Eternity, and the
impoffibility therein to attain to the preſent term or limit of antecedent
Generations or Ages; the neceffity of every pofterius to have a prius, that
there be an equal number of priora and pofteriora) which either are fo many
various Explications of the Reaſons going before, or at leaft are not fo
evidently concludent, or are fubject to Exceptions in fome particulars.
The Objections both againſt the Reaſons before given, and againſt
the Suppoſition it ſelf, I fall take up after the next Chapter, wherein
I fhall examin the other Suppofition before mentioned, namely, The
eternal exiſtence of fome firſt Man and Woman, and the fucceffive Gene-
rations from them, wherein, becauſe it is touched before, I ſhall be
brief.
CAP.
Cap. 5.
111
the Origination of Mankind.
САР. V.
Concerning the Suppofition of the first Eternal Existence of the common
Parents of Mankind, and the production of the fucceeding Individuals
from them.
I
Come to that other Suppofition, namely, of the Exiſtence of fome
one Man and Woman the common Parents of Mankind eternally,
and the fucceffive multiplication of the Race of Mankind from them
by the ordinary courfe of generation. And although this Suppofition
carries with it the clear evidence of its abfurdity, and therefore may
ſeem to be ſcarce worth the pains of a Confutation; yet becauſe it lyes
in my way, and the Obfervations upon it may be uſeful for other pur-
poſes, I fhall fay fomewhat concerning it.
This firſt eternal Pair we cannot conceive to have an exiſtence by a
bare courſe of Nature, without an eternal Creation of them by Almighty
God, and an unintermitted Influence from him to fupport them in a
ftate of Incorruptibility through the vaft abyſs of Eternity: For he that
will fuppofe things purely under that courfe of exiſtence that is proper
to them by the courfe of Nature, muft needs fuppofe the Individuals of
the humane Nature to have been always fuch, and of ſuch a Frame as
now they are, that is, mortal and corruptible Beings; and though their
Ages might anciently be of a longer continuance than now they are, yet
(upon a bare natural account) they could not be conceived immortal,
incorruptible, immutable, no more than they are now.
Therefore fince the great admirers of Nature do therefore frame their
Hypothefes of an eternal Succeffion of Men, becauſe they think themſelves
bound to think that all things have ever been as now they are, and
becauſe they will not fubftitute other Hypothefes of the Origination or
Exiſtence of things in any other manner than they now fee them. Cer-
tainly as to theſe, and ad hominem, it is an Evidence beyond contradi-
ction, that there never was any fuch pair of Man and Woman that eter-
nally exiſted, but that all Men and other perfect Animals, if they were
eternal in their Species, were eternally produced ex prius genitus as now
they are, and that there was no one firſt individual of Man or Beaſt that
had an eternal Exiſtence, becauſe fuch a Suppofition equally croffeth that
courſe of the nature of things which now they fee, which therefore they
make the ftandard, and their meaſure of things that are paft.
They therefore that muſt ſupport an exiſtence of the first individual
Parents of humane Nature, and that thoſe Individuals had an eternal
exiſtence, muſt neceffarily fuppofe that they had that exiftence by an
eternal Creation of Almighty God, and an eternal Influx and Support
from him in that incorruptible eftate through all the vaft extent of an
eternal duration.
And by this means they do think, and that truly, that they affert a
dependence of the Species of things upon Almighty God, which cannot
poffibly be ſuppoſed to be dependent upon him, unless they had in their
indivi-
112
Natural Evidences touching
Sect. I.
individual nature their exiſtence from him; fince it is impoffible there
can be any Suppofition of the exiſtence of any Species (as for inftance,
the Species of Man) unleſs it be ſuppoſed to exift in Individuals; nor con-
fequently a dependence of the Species of Mankind upon God as its Caufe,
unleſs there were a dependence of the firft Individuals thereof upon him
in fieri as their Caufe: And they likewiſe hope (but vainly) hereby to
avoid the inconveniences of fucceffive eternal Generations without any
firft Caput or Radix of thoſe Generations, though they fall hereby into
the fame difficulties, and others that are equally intricate and inexpli-
cable.
And although in this Suppofition we must admit the first pair that
were the Roots of Mankind did herein differ from the ſtate of Mankind
now, that whereas now Men live ordinarily feventy or eighty years, and
are fubject to Death, yet thoſe firſt radices humani generis were by the
Influence of the Divine Power immortal, and not confined to the age
incident now to Mankind, but were able to endure the immenfe du-
ration of an eternal being; yet we muſt alſo fuppofe that in other refpects
they were of the fame Make with thefe individuals of Mankind that are
now: For otherwiſe inſtead of a fuppofition of an eternal being of the
firſt individual Man and Woman that had their being by eternal Creation,
we ſhall fall into a ſuppoſition of ſomething that was not in truth Man.
And therefore, as according to the Doctrine of Mofes and the Truth,
Adam the firſt created Man, though confifting of a compofition intrin-
fecally diffolvable, had he continued in Innocence, fhould or might have
held by the continued Influx of the Divine Will and Power a ſtate of
immortality and indiffolubleneſs of his Compofition; yet as to the Eſ-
fentials of his nature, and the Integrals thereof, he fhould have been and
continued like other Men.
And therefore thofe firft imaginary eternal Individuals, the Root of
Mankind, fhould have confifted of Flesh and Blood and Mind and Soul
and Body as other Men do, they muſt have the ſupport of their Lives by
receiving of nourishment, by digefting thereof according to the various
proceſs of Digeftion as we do, they muft draw in their Breath or Air
and emit it again as we do, they muſt have had the like fucceffive motion
of the Heart and the like circulation of their Blood as we have, the
like local motion of their Bodies, the like variation and fucceffion of
Thoughts as we have, and though the fuppofed Eternity of them ſhould
have excluded from them corruption or diffolution in that vaft Period
of Eternity, yet even that duration of his muſt be in this reſpect like
ours, that it was a fucceffive duration, a duration that was meaſured
out by the ſuppoſed coexiftence of the eternal fucceffion of days, and
months, and years: And fuch a duration, as though there had been no
fuch collateral or coextended extrinfick meaſure, yet it was intrinfecally
fucceffive, and not indivifible, becauſe he was in his nature a corporeal
fucceffive Being as well as we; and as we in the very Conftitution of
our Automaton have certain fucceffive gradual marks and figns and ope-
rations, whereby though there were no external fucceffive meaſure, by
compariſon whereto the fucceffion of our duration might appear, as the
Motion of the Heavens and Heavenly Bodies, and the like; yet by thoſe
connatural fucceffive marks and ſigns our beings and durations would
be
Cap. 5.
113
the Origination of Mankind.
be meaſured, and the fucceffions thereof would appear, as the viciffi-
tudes of Reſpiration, the Pulfes, Palpitations of our Hearts, the variety
and fucceffion of acts of Senſation, the fucceffion of our Thoughts and
Cogitations; whereby it is apparent we have not only intrinfecal marks
and diftinctions of our fucceffive duration, but alſo that our operations
are various: I do, I think and ſpeak that to day which I did not yeſter-
day, the number of my Refpirations or Pulfes were thus many yeſterday,
and as many to day, and it may be more, upon the variety happening in
my Body by local motion, repletion, or any cafual perturbation. And
as all this I find in my felf and other men, fo I muft needs conclude
the
very like was in theſe firſt Individuals that are ſuppoſed to be eternal:
For though they had (ex fuppofitione) an immortality and prefervation
from putrefaction or corruption by the eternal and continued influx of
the Divine Goodneſs and Power, yet they were not in a ſtate of perfect
immutability in their actions, operations, or exiſtence: For then we muſt
ſuppoſe them not to have been Humane Creatures, but Gods, or at leaſt
Angels; which nevertheleſs are not wholly exempt from their degrees
of mutability and variation, at leaſt in their intrinfick operations: it
being the fovereign Prerogative of Almighty God only, to be without
variableneſs or fhadow of change.
And now I fhall not inquire what are become of thofe eternal pair
of firſt Parents, where they are, or if they are dead, how it came to
paſs they could weather and ſtand the ſhock of an eternal duration, and
yet be at any time fubject to a diffolution. It may be faid they were
tranflated into Heaven, or poffibly they may be fince dead, the Divine
Beneficence fubducting in this or that point of time that Influence which
it communicated from the time of their firſt Creation, whereby they
were kept in a ſtate of immortality till that moment of the fubduction
thereof wherein they began to undergo the common Laws of Diffo-
lution.
But I do ſay that there is the fame impoffibility that any corporeal
Individual of fuch a Make and Conſtitution as Man is, fhould be eternal
in hoc individuo, as there is in the eternal fucceffion of feveral Indivi-
duals: Such a kind of duration cannot be fuftained by fucceffion of
Humane Individuals, much leſs can it be fuftained by any fingle Indivi-
dual of Humane Nature.
1. The fame abfurdities and impoffibilities would follow upon the
admiffion of the Eternity of one fingle Humane Individual as of fuccef-
five; becauſe that Individual hath neceffarily a concomitant fucceffion
of interpolated Motions, namely, the Pulfes of the Heart, and the fuc-
ceffive Motions of Reſpiration, and divers others. All which will pro-
duce multitudes uncapable of Infinitude, as much as the feveral indi-
viduals of Mankind.
And among all thefe Pulfes and Refpirations fome one will be necef-
farily, infinitely, actually diſtant from fome other Pulſe within the limits
of time, whereupon all thofe former heaps of incongruities and impof-
fibilities before obſerved will be confequential.
2. It is impoffible that any Being can be eternal with fucceffive eternal
Phyfical changes, or variety of ftates or manner of exiſtency naturally
and neceffarily concomitant unto it. But if we ſhould ſuppoſe any one
Man
114
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
!
one Man eternal, yet he muft in the very conſtitution of his being ne-
ceffarily have Phyſical changes and variety of ſtates and manners of
exiſtence accompanying him, or elſe we muft unman him, and make him
another thing: Therefore no individual Man can be eternal. The Ma
jor Propofition is evident to any that confider it. For let us fuppofe the
firft Man created eternally in a ſtate of Childhood, Youth, or Reft, it is
neceſſary that he continue eternally in that ftate, and the firſt moment
he moves or alters that ftate, muft be on this fide the uttermoft limits or
compaſs of Eternity, namely, within fuch a compaſs as is finitely diftant
from this hour, for two Caufes: Becauſe Reft muft needs be antecedent
to his Motion, his Childhood antecedent to his Youth, and that to his
Manhood; and therefore if his Reft, Childhood, or Youth were eternal,
his motion or alteration of his ftate cannot be eternal, for then this con-
tradictory Propofition fhould be true, That Man did eternally reſt and
eternally move, or which is all one, eternally move and eternally not
move, for Reft in Bodies is but an abfence or privation of Motion:
That he was eternally a Child, eternally a Youth, and eternally a grown
Man.
But let us fuppofe that it were poffible that he might be created eter-
nally in a ſtate of Reft, or yet in fome determinate point within the
extent of Eternity he fhould begin to move, that interval that anteceded
his Motion must be either in a finite or infinite diftance from us: If
we ſhould fuppofe it infinite, we contradict our felves; for we fhall make
the firſt Motion eternal, and confequently infinitely diſtant from us; and
yet to have a beginning, and fuch a beginning that was infinitely later
than the Eternity of Reft. And if we fhall fuppofe the interval between
the first imaginary beginning of that Reft and the beginning of that
Motion, finite, (fuppofe for the purpoſe, the time of a Month) then we
fhall
upon the very fame account make the beginning of that Motion to
be leſs than eternal, becauſe begun a Month after what was eternal; and
conſequently alſo we fhall make the beginning of that Reft to be not
eternal, becauſe that firft Motion having a beginning after Eternity, could
not be eternal; nor confequently the beginning of that Reft could not be
eternal, for, ex fuppofitione, it is but a Month ancienter than that Motion,
which was not eternal: and a finite duration added to a finite duration
cannot make an infinite duration: Therefore if Man, ex fuppofitione, were
created in any ſtate whether of Motion or Reft, Childhood, Youth, full
grown Age, or whatever other ftate it be, he muſt neceffarily fo perfift
an infinite duration, and if he undergo any alteration from that ſtate, that
alteration muſt be in time, or of a puifne date to Eternity.
The fecond Propofition is this; That Man in his very Conftitution is
fuch, that there is unceffantly and naturally concomitant with him Phy-
fical changes, and a variety of ftates and real changes, without which
he would be in vain, and indeed he could not be what he muſt be fuppofd
to be, namely, effentially a Man.
It hath been heretofore fhewn what great variety of Motions and Alte-
rations do neceffarily accompany his very Conftitution, and let any Man
but think with himſelf what a kind of thing Man would be during all
that immenſe abyfs of his firft being, if he be fuppofed eternally and
unchangeably reſting, unchangeably moving, eternally and unchangeably
a Child',
Cap. 5.
115
the Origination of Mankind.
a Child, a Youth, a full grown Man, or any other determinate unchange-
able ftate. As we have before obferved, though we ſhould admit a
poffibility of an eternal Creation of Man or of any created Being what-
foever, we muft fuppofe him created under fome of the conditions
which are incident to an individual nature; he muſt be created in fome
determinate «bi, and in ſome determinate fitus and ftate; he muſt be
created in Reft or in Motion, a Child, or a Youth, or a full grown Man:
This Man, unleſs he put off his nature, muft in fome finite or limited
time at leaſt after the eternal imaginary moment of his Being move
locally, or with the Motions of alteration, augmentation, growth or
decay. Theſe and the like Motions are, upon the account of his Con-
ftitution, neceffarily incident to him within certain ordinary Periods, and
are connatural to his very Conſtitution.
And therefore it is irrational, and indeed impoffible that this created
Man ſhould eternally be in a ftate of Reft without Motion, without
Alteration, Augmentation, Diminution; and yet thus he must be con-
ceived to be, if he were eternally made: If once we admit a variation
from the ſtate of his Creation, that variation muſt be neceffarily after
an eternal and infinite duration, and therefore within the compafs of
Time: If this Man fhould be conceived to move or alter his condition
within a year, nay a million of years after his Creation, his Creation
could not be eternal, becauſe his Creation would be antecedent to that
firft alteration but a finite time, and that firft alteration could not be
eternal, but within the compafs of a finite time; and confequently his
Creation anteceding that firft alteration by a finite time could not be
eternal, or of an infinite diſtance from the time wherein I write: And
confequently this Creation of Man is not, cannot be eternal, becauſe
Man in his very Conftitution hath the neceffary concomitants of thofe
alterations that are inconfiftent with an eternal duration, and fuch as
he cannot be without, according to the very intrinfick fabrick of his na-
tive Conſtitution one Week, much leſs an eternal duration.
any
Again, the truth is, the very Suppoſition of eternal Creation of
Being effentially diftinguished from Almighty God is a perfect contra-
diction in it felf: That which is eternal, is that which is without begin-
ning, that which is created, hath neceffarily a beginning, although by
Creation.
But I shall not profecute this any farther, the Suppofition of any in-
dividual of Mankind eternally created is fo abfurd that it deferves not
half the words that have been uſed about it: But I have not been fo
prolix in it for the fake of the Suppofition it felf, but rather becaule it
gives a fair opportunity of clearing of fome things which could not be
fo aptly done otherwife.
And upon all this that hath been faid, although it ſhould be admitted
that there were an eternal being of a firft Man and a firſt Woman, yet
it were impoflible in Nature that the Generations of Men ſhould be in-
finite; and this appears upon the Reaſons here given, and likewiſe upon
the former Confideration of the impoffibility of the Eternity of Mixed
Bodies. For it is abfolutely neceffary that there be an interval be-
tween the first exiſtence of the firft created Parents of Mankind and the
production of any deſcendent from them by ordinary courſe of
Q 3
pro-
creation
116
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
}
>
creation or generation: For fuch a production cannot by any poffibility
be as ancient as the producents; though Creation may be inftantaneous,
yet Generation in its first inception, complement and perfection, cannot
be inftantaneous. Ideóque neceffe eft ut primus homo per procreationem five
naturalem generationem productus, per novem menfes integros poft primam con-
ceptionem in utero lateat, & demum post ejufdem in lucem editionem,
per
omnes gradus infantie, pueritia, juventutis, ad complementum maturioris
ætatis deveniat: unde etiam necefle est ut primus homo per generationem
pofterior fit primis hominibus per creationem, per fpatium ad minus novem men-
fium. Unde fi daretur primos humani generis parentes extitiffe per aternam
creationem, impoffibile est primos homines ex iifdem prognatos extitiffe per
æternam generationem; parentum enim exiftentia pracedere debet exiftentiam
filii, aliter filius per generationem & pater in fuis pofitivis existentiis erunt
aquè antiqui, utrique aterni: Et fi detur exiftentia patris (licet non fub ea
relatione) ante exiftentiam filii, filii exiftentiâ principium habeat neceffe eft
pofterius exiſtentiâ patris, & fic non aquè antiquum, & confequenter nec ater-
num.
Upon the whole matter, I do conclude, That although the Creation
of the common Parents of Mankind might be de facto a very long time
fince, nay although there can be no imaginable time nor imaginable
point wherein the Creation of the Individuals might not have been by
the Divine Power, nor no imaginable point but that the Creation of
the World or Mankind might have been fooner, if the Divine Will had
been ſo pleaſed, (for that denotes only a poffibility of pre-exiſtence
fooner than it was, if the infinite Agent had fo pleaſed, and not an actual
Eternity) yet it is not poffible in the nature of the thing that Mankind
or any other created Being, that hath fucceffion either continued or dif
crete neceffarily accompanying it, ſhould ſuftain an actual, eternal, and
confequently infinite duration.
CA P. VI.
Certain Objections against the Truths formerly delivered, and againſt
the Reafons given in proof thereof, with their Solutions.
TH
Here are certain confiderable Objections againſt thoſe things that
are delivered in the precedent Chapters, and againſt the conclu-
dency or evidence of thoſe Reaſons, thefe I have delivered over to this
Chapter.
The First Objection is thus: That Eternity, and Infinite, and the
notions thereof are too large for our Understanding, and we are loft
when we go about to frame Conceptions of them; and all our Argumen-
tations touching them are inevident and unconcludent, becauſe our
Underſtanding being but a finite power is capable only of finite Objects,
and that the media whereby we go about to evince any thing muſt needs be
finite, or otherwiſe they are not comprehenfible by us, and therefore
wholly diſproportionate to frame Concluſions touching an Object that
of
Cap. 6.
117
the Origination of Mankind.
of all hands is agreed to be infinite, our Faculties are proportionate to
thoſe Objects that are derived to us by the help and inftrumentality of
Senfe, either immediately, or at leaſt mediately, and therefore are not
proportioned to the nature of Eternity and Infinitude. And therefore
our Reaſoning touching theſe matters is as if he that were born blind
fhould Philofophize touching Light or Colours, whereunto he hath not,
nor never had a Faculty accommodate.
I answer, It is true that there is fomething which I may call Pofitive
in the conception of Eternal or Infinite, which the Underſtanding cannot
maſter. But fince it is very plain that all things in the World come under
the diſtribution of finite or infinite, or that which hath a beginning,
or that which hath not a beginning and is confequently eternal; If
I can (as moſt certainly I may) have a conception of what is finite, and
what are the Laws and neceffary Connexions of it, I can by that Notion
conclude that whatſoever is finite, or that muſt be under the Laws and
Rules of finite Beings, cannot be infinite: I have a Globe in my Hand,
though I know not the Eternity, yet I know that whatſoever hath or
muft neceffarily have limits or fines, is not, cannot be infinite, and there-
fore this Globe cannot be infinite: And if I can find in any other thing
a parity of Reaſon, I do and may remove infinitenefs from it as reaſonably
and evidently as I do from this Globe I hold, or this Hour I write, or
this Life I live: I do therefore certainly know that whatſoever is limited
or bounded by fomewhat that neceffarily anteceded it, cannot be eter-
nal.
I do not determin what Eternal or Infinite is in the Pofitive nature
of it, only I reinove Infinitude from what I find to be neceffarily finite;
and determin, that whatſoever hath bounds or limits to it, is quid finitum,
and not quid non finitum; and whatſoever hath neceffarily a beginning is
quid temporale, and not quid æternum: And all my endeavour hath been
to fhew that the things before difputed are and needs muſt be of fuch
a nature as comes under the notion of what I know, namely, finitum or
temporale; and not under the negation thereof, namely, infinitum, or
non finitum, or fine principio.
2. Object. That by denying the poffibility at leaft of Eternity to
created fucceffive Beings, I put a reſtraint to the infinite Goodneſs of
God, who thereby is ftraitned in the communication of his Goodneſs,
coeternal to his being, which is part of his Divine Perfection; and alfo
to the extent of his Power and Omnipotence: which is too bold and
adventurous.
I anfwer, Touching the Goodnefs of God, and the neceffity of his
communication thereof, I have before faid enough in the Second Cha-
pter, I ſhall not repeat it: But as touching the other reftraint upon his
Omnipotence, I fay, the denying of Power in God to make a Creature,
eſpecially a fucceffive created Nature as ancient as himſelf, is no more
a derogation from his Power, than to deny him Power to make a Crea-
ture as great, and as good, and as powerful as himſelf: The Infiniteneſs
of his Duration is a part of the Divine Perfection (in my judgment)
incommunicable to any created Being, and it is part of the eminence,
and excellence, and tranſcendence of that Divine Perfection, as well
as others that are not communicable to any created Being. But fecondly,
Suppoſe
118
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
Suppoſe that Eternity might be communicated to any created Being, as
for the purpoſe, to the more pure Mental Natures, yet I do not difpa-
rage the Omnipotence of God when I fay it is not communicable to a
fucceffive Being that is in fluxu; not for want of Power in God, but for
want of Capacity in the nature of the thing to ſuſtain ſuch a duration
upon the intrinfecal difcongruity of the one to the other: It would not
be a derogation to the Divine Omnipotence, to deny that the Diagonal
of a Square ſhould be commenfurate in length to the Sides; for the nature
of the thing will not bear it.
3. Object. But a late Author hath with oftentation enough produced
an Argument whereby all thoſe Reaſons and Inftances concerning the
impoffibility and abfurdity of infinite Generations, infinite Individuals,
and infinite Motion ſuppoſed to have actually exifted, are eaſily dif
charged; and therefore he concludes, that notwithſtanding all that hath
been faid, the Generations of Men might have been actually eternal,
and that there may be infinite numbers of fucceffive Men, Generations
and Revolutions, and that confequently it is not repugnant that infinite
may be greater than infinite; that there be infinite Days, and Years,
and Men, and yet in that infinite 365 times more Days than Years, yet
both infinite; the number of Men infinite, and yet the number of their
Hands or Eyes double to the number of the Men: That the Suppofition
that theſe are contradictions, are but miſtakes and delufions of our Under-
ftanding not able well to digeft the buſineſs of Eternal, Immenſe, or
Infinite. And this he thinks he proves by two principal Inſtances which
he thinks are unquestionable.
1. That there is and would be fuch a thing as Duration, and that
duration would be fucceffive though there were no being in rerum natura,
which he calls tempus æternum.
2. That there is unquestionably an infinite Space actually: And yet
all theſe imaginary confequences and abfurdities follow upon that Sup-
pofition, which are urged as the Reaſons againſt the fucceffive eternal
duration of Individuals above mentioned: For in that infinite ſpace there
are infinite Miles and infinite Leagues, and yet thrice fo many Miles as
Leagues: The extent at both the extremes of Eaft and Weft infinite; yet
each extreme divided, infinite: and many fuch the like Inftances, which
yet notwithſtanding avoid not the truth of an infinite extenſion,
To this I anſwer briefly in this place, (for I have elſewhere examined
at large the truth of both theſe Hypothefes) I do in the first place premiſe,
That as the exceſs (as I may call it) of Being, namely Infinitude, is
difficult to apprehend; fo the defect of Being, namely Nothing, is very
difficult to apprehend: When we go about to apprehend fimple No-
thing, yet our Imagination clothes it with fomething like Exiſtence,
and gives imaginary being to Nothing, before we can come to fhape a
thought concerning it.
And certainly Duration and Space are in themſelves relative to fome-
thing that doth durare, and fomething that is fpatiatum, namely, fome-
thing extended: And if any (thing I cannot fay) but if any Conceptible
is more nothing than another, Duration without a thing that dureth, and
Space without a thing that is extended in it, is the verieft, the abſo-
luteſt Nothing that can be: While they are in conjunction with the
thing
Cap. 6.
119
the Origination of Mankind.
thing that ſuſtains them, they are the meaneft Being that is, for they
are but modes of being; and therefore when the things that muſt ſuſtain
them are not, they are the pureft nothing that can undergo the notion
of Nothing.
To fay there is a duration, whether fucceffive, or permanent, or in-
divifible, when there is nothing that doth fuftain that duration, is a
Phantaſm of Nothing under the notion of Something: For it is moſt
apparent to any man that will but lay afide the Phantafm, That the
duration of every thing is diverfified in relation to it felf, according to
the nature of the thing that endures; and though it coexifts with a
thing that appropriates another kind of duration, as fuitable to its being,
yet it retains ſtill its own duration, as appropriate to it felf. Thus the
duration of the glorious God is another kind of duration than that of
Motion or Bodies, and yet it coexifts with that duration. Nay poffibly
the duration of a permanent Being (we will take it, a piece of Gold)
hath another kind of duration than that of Motion, that is ſucceffive :
So that all the notion that we have of Duration without relation to
fomething that endures, is a fiction that the Underſtanding takes up, and
the Image whereby it conceives it, is partly by the fucceffiveness of its
own operations, and partly by thoſe external meaſures that it finds in
Motion, rendred a fucceffive Nature, and pars poft partem: And thus the
imaginative Underſtanding dreffeth up a Nothing, namely, Duration
without a thing that endures, and then attributes to it what he finds
in her felf, and the things the converfeth with, namely Succeffion; when
really there is no fuch thing as duration or fucceffive duration, unleſs
there is fomething that doth fo endure.
And that this is nothing elfe but a creature of the Imagination appears
by this: No man alive can fuppofe that there is any exiſtence of duration
that is to be a thousand years hence, it refts meerly in poffibility; yet the
Imagination will drefs up that future duration under certain proportions
that it borrows from the things it fees and converſeth with.
And what is faid of Duration without a Body that dures, is in truth
to be faid of Space without a Body to which it relates, and therefore well
called fpatium imaginarium.
The juft apprehenfion of Space feems to be this; That wherefoever
there is a Body actually exifting to which Space relateth, there is an
actual ſpace: And therefore if we ſhould fuppofe nothing to be beyond
the convex Superficies of the laft Heaven, yet the immediate contiguity
of that convex to nothing were a real ſpace, becauſe it denotes a true
relation to that which is, namely, the convex Superficies of the higheſt
Arch of being: Nay, if we fhould fuppofe
that the Univerſe were perfectly ſpherical,
and another Univerſe of the fame dimenſion
and figure were created contiguous to it,
as A and B, though they were conti-
guous only in the point of contingency, yet
their two imaginary Poles C and D would
have really a ſpace between, which would
D
A.
B
be commenſurate to the Semidiameter of both Spheres, for ftill there is
a real diftance between the parts of two Bodies, and from that relation
arifeth
120
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
arifeth a real ſpace: So if the Air within a concave Sphere or Cube were
annihilated or not there, yet there would be a real space between
the fides of the Cube or Sphere though no Body intervened, becauſe ſtill
there remained the ambient fides, to which that ſpace may as well relate
and be commenfurate, as if the vacant ſpace were full of Air.
But without relation to fome Body, there can be no actual Space; for
Space is a term meerly of relation to fomething that is fpatiatum.
But then comes in the Author, and brings Lucretius with him, and
tells us, that before the World was there was Space, or otherwife how
could there be room for the Univerſe unleſs there were ſpace to receive it:
and ſuppoſeth that if an Archer were upon the convex Superficies of
the Heaven there would be ſpace for him, and if he ſhot his Arrow
upward, there would be ſpace for that Arrow to fly, or elſe the Arrow
would not move from the ftring.
And all this is very true, and yet it proves nothing of real Space beyond
the confines and relation of Bodies.
pro-
But as in relation to the infinite active Power of God, nothing had
(as it were) a paffive potentiality to be fomething, to be a Body, to be
a World; fo confequently nothing had a potentiality, as I may call it,
to become Space when the World was made, and together with the
duction of Body there was a production of Space: As if at this day in
the funfhine there fhould be produced an opacous Body, together with it
the ſhadow would be produced: and as the fhadow, though really no-
thing when there was no opacous Body, had a kind of potentiality to be,
upon the exiſtence of that Body; fo this abyſs of Nothing had a kind of
potentiality to be Space, when fomething was produced to which it might
have relation, as quid fpatiatum.
And the fame Anſwer is moſt clearly evident, as to Lucretius his
Archer.
There was nothing, and therefore no ſpace, till the Archer came to
the convex of the uppermoft Heaven, but only a potentiality, if I may
fo call it, to receive him when he was there; and when he fhot up his
Arrow, that ſpace that really was not before, but only potentially to ferve
a Body when it comes there, now becomes fpace for the flight and re-
turn of his Arrow; but when it was returned, now the ſpace no more
exiſted for the Arrow, nor for the Archer after his coming from the con-
vex of the higheſt Heaven: ſo that though nothing may be ſpace when
it hath a Body to which it may relate, yet till that relation it is not ſpace,
but nothing.
And certainly that which impofeth upon perfons to affert an infinite
Space, is this: Their Imagination and Phantafie doth firft create a
Phantaẩm, that doth fubire vices corporis, and they fill an imaginary ſpace
or an imaginary extenſion with that Phantafm, and then indeed they
have got an imaginary ſpace; I fay, their Phantafie and Imagination
follows the conception of the imaginary ſpace with an imaginary exten-
fion, either fuppofing the World infinitely extended, or elfe fancying
the Archer and the Arrow, and when that is handſomly fancied, the
Phantaẩm it ſelf doth effectually in the Imagination ferve the turn to
make up a relation between a Body and it, though really there be neither
infinite Body, nor infinite Space, till the Body comes to give it its relation.
And
Cap. 6.
121
the Origination of Mankind.
And if men will needs be concluding, that becauſe I cannot deliver
my ſelf from the apprehenfion of ſpace ultra pomaria cæli, therefore it
muſt be ſuppoſed really to be; we fhall find another imagination hardly
able to deliver it ſelf from the apprehenfion of fomething beyond the laft
Heavens, and again fomething beyond that, becauſe it cannot frame
to it ſelf an apprehenfion of nothing, or of any ſpace to be without a
Body in it; and fo upon the fame reaſon prove the World infinitely
extended.
And yet I appeal to the Phantafie of thefe very men which either
fuppofe an infinite empty Space, or an infinite World, whether they can
bring their Imagination to fuch a diſcipline as to ſuppoſe this Infinitude
all together, but are fain to go on from one ftep to another, and to
think firſt of a ſpace larger than the Heavens, and then of a ſpace larger
than that, and fo gradually; fo that if Imagination ſhould be a fufficient
medium to prove a real exiftence, it would only prove an indefinite ſpace
or extenfion, not a ſpace or extenfion actually infinite; for Imagination
will never be able per faltum to conceive actually Infinite, nor without
an Image of Exiſtence to conceive that which actually is not.
Therefore it ſeems to me to be too precarious an Argumentation againft
the ſtrong evidence of Reaſon, to prove the exiſtence of an infinite Space
or infinite Body, barely by bold affirming it; or becauſe a man's Phan-
tafie, or Imagination, or Intellect being accuftomed to the knowledge
only of things extended and real ſpace, cannot deliver it felf from the
thought of an imaginary ſpace or extent, though there were nothing in
the World to ſuſtain it.
And upon this account a late Excellent Author hath uſed a very in-
congruous medium to prove a moft certain and important Truth, namely,
the exiſtence of God, becauſe there was really a Space before the World
was created: Whereas first of all, there could be no Space without a
Body; and ſecondly, if there could be fuch a Space, it were of a diviſible
exiſtence, which could hold no proportion with the indivifible nature
of the glorious God; Space being quid extenfum, and diviſible; but the
Effence of God purely (piritual and indivifible, and equally immenfe,
whether there were a World or no World, Space or no Space.
4. The Fourth Objection is this: That it feems that it is not incon-
fiftent that one Infinite ſhould be larger than another, and yet both infi-
nite: Inftances may be given of two kinds, 1. One Infinite in Intenfion
may be larger than another; there are degrees of perfection in Created
Natures, a Brute is more perfect than a Vegetable, and a Man more per-
fect than a Brute; and an Angel more perfect than a Man, and one Angel
more perfect than another, at leaft gradually, and confequently the Per-
fection of Almighty God muft more infinitely exceed the perfection of
a Man than it doth of an Angel, and more infinitely exceed the
per-
fection of an Angel of an inferiour Order than an Angel of the fupremeſt
Order, and yet He infinitely exceeds the perfection of the most perfect
Angel. 2. In Extenfion, or fomewhat analogal to it: Certainly the
the Eternal God had an eternal duration the firft moment that he had
Created the World as he hath now, and yet with Humility and Reve-
rence in fo great a Myftery, we may fay, and that truly, that he hath
endured at this day above five thousand years longer than he had endured
R
26
122
t
i
Natural Evidences touching
Sect. I.
at the Creation of the World: fo that it is not repugnant to the nature
of Eternity to be longer or fhorter.
I anfwer, That for the obviating of this difficulty I have willingly
declined that Inftance against the eternal fucceffion of Mankind that
purely confifts upon the account of additional acceffions to the latter end,
as I may call it, of Eternal Duration.
But first, I fay that this anfwers not at all the Reaſon given, the ſtreſs
whereof refts not upon the incompetibility of an exceſs of one Infinitude
above another either in Intenfion or Extenfion, but the incompetibility
of any multitude to be infinite; becauſe it is impoffible that any number
or multitude can be infinite if there can be another multitude or number
given that exceeds it, which will fall out in the fucceffive Individuals
and Generations of Men: But the glorious God, as he is moſt ſimply and
indiviſibly One, and all his Perfections effentially and indivifibly the
fame with his moft One and indivifible Being; fo the infinite exceffes
both of his Effential Perfections and of his Eternal Duration beyond all
other Beings, are not meaſurable by multitude or number of degrees or
fucceffive moments, which would in it felf imply either parts or divi-
fibility, but exceeds them all by an infinite interval that neither hath nor
can have any bounds or limits: As his Perfection is infinitely greater
than the perfection of a Man, fo it is infinitely greater than the perfection
of an Angel; and were it not infinitely greater than the perfection of
an Angel, it could not be infinitely greater than the perfection of a Man,
becauſe the intenſive diſtance between the perfection of an Angel and
of a Man is but finite: And therefore though that interval between an
Angelical and a Humane perfection be fubducted out of the extent of the
Divine Perfection, ftill the extent of the Divine Perfection is infinite;
for what is ſo fubtracted or fubducted out of the extent of the Divine
Perfection, leaves ſtill a Quotient, if I may fo call it, Infinite.
Secondly, That which gives a clear Anfwer to the Inftance is this:
The Perfection of Almighty God is a Primitive Effential Perfection,
antecedent to all created perfection; and all created perfection is a per-
fection indeed given by the glorious God, according to fuch meaſures and
degrees as he is pleaſed to beftow: But as it is a derivative perfection,
fo it is a diſtinct kind of perfection from that which is in God, and of
another nature, and makes no alteration in the Divine Perfection, nor
borrows any of it: The glorious God was equally perfect before a Brute,
or a Man, or an Angel, or a World was created, as he was after; and
the production of Creatures of various degrees of effential perfection con-
tributes nothing to it, nor takes any thing from it, nor makes any
alteration in it: only it gives a new or farther relation from the Creature
new created unto the Creator, and that in thoſe various ranks or degrees
of perfection is indeed diverfified by diſparity in the Creatures themſelves,
and in that comparative preference that one hath above another but
ftill it is without and below the effential infinite Perfection of God, and
doth no way affect or alter it. Take this Example in fome meaſure to ex-
plain my meaning; I have a Rod of fix foot long in my Hand, I take ano-
ther Rod of four foot, another of two foot long, and apply them to my
Rod of fix foot long; I thereby find that my Rod of four foot takes up
a greater ſpace upon my Rod of fix foot than that of two foot, yet it
;
makes
Cap. 6.
123
the Origination of Mankind.
}
makes no alteration in my Rod of fix foot, but that continues of the
fame length as before, only by the application of the ſhorter Rods to it
there ariſeth a new relation, or rather variety of compariſon between
the Rod of fix foot and the other Rods. Thus the Divine Perfection is
primitive, abfolute, unchangeable; and when a Man is created, there is
a Creature made that hath a perfection greater than a Brute, and when
an Angel is created, he hath a perfection greater than a Man, and thereby
comes in a nearer degree or likeness of perfection to the Divine Excel-
lence than a Man doth; but yet it doth not at all alter that Perfection
that is primitively and effentially and infinitely in Almighty God, but is
a perfection of quite another kind as well as degree.
And upon the fame account it is, that although the extent of the
Divine Duration is now greater than it was five or ten thousand years
fince, yet the duration of the Divine Exiſtence was no lefs infinite ten
thousand years fince than it is now; becauſe the duration of ten thouſand
years is but finite, and therefore though taken out of an infinite duration,
leaves ftill the duration infinite; for finite taken out of infinite, leaves
ftill that which remains infinite.
Beſides, the duration of the glorious God is the duration of fuch a
Being as is indivifible, and as he hath no divifibility in himſelf, ſo nei-
ther is his Eternal Duration diviſible into parts.
It is true, that when his own Power hath produced a World, and
with Motion, he coexifts with that Motion and fucceffive Duration of
created Being, which is little elſe beſides a relation to the things exifting :
And therefore he cannot be faid now to coexift with that which yet is
not, but ſhall be, becauſe the coexiſtence with any thing imports an
exiſtence of both the terms of that relation: And although by reaſon of
that relation to Beings that are fucceffive and have fucceffion of parts,
as Local Motion, or fucceffive Generations; it ſeems to us that he hath a
kind of fucceffion in his duration, yet moft certainly the exiſtence of
a divifible fucceflion in created Beings doth no more make his duration
fucceffive than if nothing had been befides himſelf: As the unfucceſſive
duration of Almighty God with relation to himſelf, which is the modus
exiftentia divina, doth not communicate unto Motion or other created
Being the fame manner of duration which is appropriate to the Divine
Exiſtence; ſo neither doth the exiſtence of Motion or created Beings
transfer to the Divine Being fuch a kind of duration as is proper to them,
namely, a diviſible fucceffive duration confifting of fucceffive and innu-
merable parts: For, as I before have observed, the duration of every
thing, which is only the mode of its exiſtence or permanentia in ſuo effe;
is diverfified according to the nature of the
exiſtence thereof. And though by reaſon of the
coexiſtence of one thing with another there
arifeth a various relation or connotation be-
tween them, yet it alters not that intrinfecal
manner of duration that is appropriate to the
Effences of the things themfelves.
If we ſhould fuppofe the Circle ABC to
move about a fixed unmoveable Center at D,
whereby the part that is now in A, an hour
R 2
A
B
D
hence
124
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
hence will be at B, and an hour after that at C, and thereby is gained
fucceffively different relations of fite or pofition between the fixed or ftable
central Body at D, yet it is without any variation either of fitus or motion
in the central Body at D, which all this while refts unmoveable, and
keeps the fame unaltered fite or poſition in it ſelf: So it is in the coexi-
fience of fucceffive Beings with the indivifible, fixed, permanent ftate of
the glorious God.
But in all this there is nothing that answers or weakens the Reaſon
before given against the Eternity of fucceffive Generations or Individuals,
which is not upon this account, that that which is eternal cannot be
extended to a greater extent at the hithermoft and concluding extreme,
as I may call it, for at the hither end it is quafi quid finitum; but that
thoſe Beings that muft by their fucceffive exiſtence excrefcere in mul-
titudinem five numerum, cannot be eternal upon a certain intrinſick in-
congruity between Multitude and Number of the one part, and Infinite
of the other part: But in the eternal duration of the glorious God there
is neither Multitude, nor fo much as Succeffion. And this is my fecond
Anſwer.
3. My third Anſwer is this: That although it may be, and certainly
is confiftent with an eternal duration, that it may be shorter, or it may
be longer upon the hither end thereof, namely, that extreme wherein it
is finite, as is before fhewn; yet it is impoffible to be confiftent with the
very notion of an eternal duration to be longer or fhorter, à par ante,
in the extreme or remote part thereof, as I may call it, for upon that
Suppofition it ſhould be utrinque claufa, terminated in the moment
wherein I write, and terminated or limited by an antecedent being or
duration of fomething elſe: (With Reverence be it ſpoken) If any thing
in the compafs of Nature might bear an eternal Creation, yet if that
Creation were but a moment after the Divine Exiftence, that created
Being could not be eternal becauſe it had a pre-exiſtence of the Divine
Being before it: Nay, though I uſe the expreffion of an antecedent mo-
ment to render my conception, yet that very imaginable moment muſt be
an infinite duration antecedent to that created Being; and it could not pof
fibly be otherwiſe, for if it were poffible to be otherwife, it would confe-
quently deny the Eternity of God himſelf: for that created Being being im
poffible to be eternal, fince it muft,ex fuppofitione,have a pre-exiſting moment
of the Divine Exiftence, if that mora pre-exiftentia divine were not eter-
nal, but a moment, or any limited duration leſs than eternal and infinite
it would be but an addition of a limited time to a limited or non-eternal
time; and therefore cannot be eternal (and here by the way, the Eternal,
Incomprehenfible Generation of the Son,and Proceffion of the Holy Spirit
are no way concerned in this Difpute, which are not created Beings, nor
diftinct from the Divine Effence, or effentially diftin&t from one another,
but One Incomprehenfible God Bleffed for ever) though under a per-
fonal diftinction.
This therefore being the true ftate of the matter, the Reaſon herein
given doth not at all infirm the important Reaſon againſt the Eternity
of Mankind, becauſe neceffarily there would upon fuch a Suppofition
follow an Eternity that had a beginning, an Eternity that was puifne
to ſome other thing or fome other Eternal: And that although that
duration
Cap. 6.
the Origination of Mankind.
125
duration which is infinite in one extreme, namely, à parte ante, and
finite at another extreme, namely by the preſent time, may have an in-
creafe, acceffion, or addition in that part in which it is finite; yet it is
impoffible that it ſhould have any thing before it in that extreme wherein
its Infinity and Eternity confifted. This is the chief ſtreſs of the former
Debate, which is no way impugned by the Inftance here given, for the
glorious God and his Eternal Exiſtence is fuch, that it hath not, cannot
have any thing antecedent to it; neither is it meaſured by fucceffive
parts, but is fimply eternal, infinite, before all things, without begin-
ning of Being or Duration as well as without end; and ſuch a Duration,
as it is impoffible to ſuppoſe any thing before it, or any thing equally
ancient to it; but ever was, and ever had Being or Exiftence, that is,
eternally and immutably the fame; what once he was he ever was, ftill
is, and ever ſhall be.
5. A Fifth Objection is this: That becauſe we have formerly fuppofed
that nothing can poffibly be eternal, and together with it have variety
of Operations. The glorious Eternal God hath variety of Operations
in all the Works of Creation and Providence, his emanant Actions; and
alſo in the Counſels and Determination of his Will,his immanent Actions
And therefore the Pofition feems to be derogatory to the Eternity of Al-
mighty God.
I had not inſerted this Objection but for the fuller vindication of the
Truth, and to fhew, that it no way in the leaft imaginable degree
derogates from the Truths concerning God.
I therefore anſwer, that when we are fpeaking of alterations of
changes, it may reaſonably be fuppofed to be one of theſe kinds.
1. An alteration that with it carries a change of the Nature or Eft
fence of a thing; and thus in a large fenfe generation or corruptions
or the effential change of any thing or Being into another thing, thus
corporeal Matter under any determinate form is changeable, and fuch
a mutability is impoffible to be confiftent with Eternity: and it is thus
impoffible for the glorious God to be fubject to any change, for he ne,
ceffarily and therefore eternally exifts, and muſt ever exift.
7
2. An alteration of ftates or conditions of any Being, which yet as
to its effential condition perfifts as before: thus Bodies are every moment
changed, fometimes in quality, as from hot to cold, fometimes in figure,
fometimes in dimenfions, as the motions of augmentation and dimi-
nution: a Child grows unto the ftature of a Youth, and then of a Man,
and fuch Beings as theſe cannot fuftain an eternal duration, à parte ante;
and in this reſpect the ever-glorious God is perfectly unchangeable,
without fo much as a fhadow of change, but eternally and immutably
the fame.
3. A change of the internal and immanent acts of the Underſtanding
and Will in a Being endued therewith, as to know that which before
it knew not, to will, purpoſe, or determin what before it willed not or
purpoſed not. The Schoolmen are indeed many of them a Generation
of Men that think they can give an eftimate of the manner of the Di-
vine Operations, even thofe that are immanent, when yet God knows
tis more poffible for the Infant of a ſpan long to diſcern and underſtand
and
126
Sect. I.
Natural Evidences touching
J
and define and determin the moſt fublime and abſtruſe Notions of the
moft Seraphical Doctor, than for ſuch a Doctor to give an eſtimate of the
hidden Operations of the Divine Intellect and Will: And therefore they
are too bold to adventure upon fuch determinations touching theſe Ope-
rations of the glorious God; and in the upſhot arrive at nothing touch-
ing them but prefumptuous, uncertain and dangerous Speculations:
and it muſt needs be fo, for as the Heavens are higher than the Earth,
fo and much more are the thoughts of the unfearchable God higher than
our thoughts. The more fober and weighty part of the Schoolmen do
conclude this Queſtion in the negative, and affert, That Almighty God
by one eternal act knew all things from all Eternity, and by the like
eternal act willed from all Eternity what he any way willed, and though
the termination of that Will reſpected Objects that neither were nor
could be eternal, yet his Knowledge and Will was eternally the fame as
ever; and he begins not to know any thing which he did not eternally
know, nor to will any thing which he did not eternally will, though
the execution of that Will refpects things to be done in time and futu-
rity. And certainly as this is the moſt probable Opinion, fo it takes
away the pretence of the Objection; the immanent Acts and Operations
of the glorious God being eternal and without change.
It is true, fome late Schoolmen, and after them Clara in his 4th Problem
ſeems to affert, that, Divina voluntas potest velle aliquid novum fine mu-
tatione fui.
But fuppofe that this Suppofition were admiffible, yet this would not
any way be inconfiftent with the Eternity of the Divine Nature and
Effence: 1. This is no Phyſical change in Almighty God, but a volun-
tary and free operation of his Will, which poffibly was fo at firft willed
by him to be changed according as he faw cauſe in his infinite Wiſdom.
2. That this which is here called a change of his Will, is not in truth
a change of his Will, but a change in the Object, which only feems to
make a diverſification of the Will, but indeed is the fame Will diverfi-
fied only in the habitude to the Object. The Will of God is like a ſtraight
unalterable Rule or Line, but the various comportments of the Creature
either thwarting this Rule or holding conformity to it, occafions ſeveral
habitudes of this Rule unto it. We need no better explication hereof
than that of the Prophet Ezechiel, Chap. 33. from the twelfth to the
twentieth Verſe.
>
4. A change of Actions and Operations in relation to fome external
Object, or terminated therein; and fuch a change as this is confiftent with
an Eternal Being, though the change happen in any given portion of
Time: Thus the Almighty and Eternal God created the World by his
Power and Will in the beginning of Time, and orders, governs and
diſpoſeth of the things by his Providence in all the Periods of Time
and yet without any Phyſical or real change in himſelf. And thus he
began to be a Creator, when before he was not a Creator; and began to
be a Governour of the World after it was made, and exerciſeth divers
external acts of his Providence daily which before he did not. For
thoſe various acts of his are terminated in fuch Objects as neither were
nor could be eternal, namely, the World and the Government thereof:
And although he thereby gain a change of relation or relative denomi-
nation,
}
!
1
Cap. 6.
the Origination of Mankind.
nation, yet it is no real or Phyfical change in himſelf. For all relations
arife from the ſuppoſition of exiſtence of both the terms of relation, as
between the Creator and the thing created, and the Governour and
thing governed, and therefore although one of the terms of that relation,
namely, the Eternal God, had an eternal exiſtence in his own abfolute
nature; yet the World, that was the other term of relation, had no
eternal exiſtence, but was created in the beginning of Time, and the
relation of a Creator or Governour muft neceffarily therefore arife in
Time, and not from Eternity, becauſe one of the terms of the relation,
namely the World, had not any exiſtence before Time began.
But in the eternal Generation of the Son and Proceffion of the Holy
Spirit, the termini relationis were all eternal, and confequently the re-
lation of Paternity and Filiation between the Firſt and Second Perfon,
and the relation between the Sacred Perfons of the Trinity and the de-
nomination thereof muft needs be eternal, becauſe the terms of relation
between whom that relation arifeth were eternal: But it is not fo be-
tween the Eternal God and a temporary World, for the relation could
not ariſe till the World had an exiftence; and a change or acqueſt of a
new relation is not at all any real change in God, but is an accident
reſulting from the exiſtence of both the termini, and can be no ancienter
than the coexiſtence even of the lateft and neweſt of thoſe terms, which
if began in time muft neceffarily produce a new relation, yet without
any real change in the pre-exifting and eternal God.
And thus I have done with thoſe Phyfical and Metaphyfical Evidences
of the Inception of the World and of Mankind, and againſt the Eter-
nity of both. And although I fhall defcend in the enſuing Section to
Moral Evidences of probability ſtrongly perfwading the fame Truth,
yet I lay the principal weight and ftrefs of this Argument upon what is
faid in the preceding Chapters of this First Section, which though per-
chance they may have fomething of obfcurity, as being bottomed upon
and fetched from the true nature of the things themſelves, and therefore
not ſo obvious and plain to all Capacities, yet they have a concludency
in them not inferior, or at leaſt little inferior to Demonftrations,
127
1
SECT.
128
Se&. II.
Moral Evidences touching
!
;
SECT. II.
CA P. I.
The Proofs of Fact, that feem with the greatest Moral evidence to
evince the Inception of Mankind: And first, touching the Antiquity
or Novity of Hiftory.
Have now done with thofe Evidences that in my Understanding
feem, quafi ab intrinfeco, to evince the Inception of Mankind from
that intrinfecal incompoffibility and inconfiftency that the Sup-
poſition of the eternal exiſtence thereof bears with his Nature: I
now deſcend to the examination of thoſe Evidences of Fact, which do
or may ſeem to contribute to the proof of what is defigned, namely,
Novitatem generis humani.
And although that Evidences of Fact of things remote from our
Senſe cannot be faid infallible and demonftrative, becauſe the nature of
fuch matters of fact (fimply as they are matters of fact) is not capable
(as fuch) of Demonftration; yet they may be Evidences of high cre-
dibility, and ſuch as no reaſonable Man can with any juſt reaſon deny his
affent unto them.
That which hath been, hath as certainly and infallibly, yea and as
neceffarily been, as that which is: Omne quod eft, dum eft neceffariò eft,
& omne quod fuit, cum jam preteriit neceffariò fuit quando fuit, & in pre-
teritis non eft contingentia. Only that which is, and is obvious to Senſe,
hath this advantage of evidence which that which hath been wants,
namely, the immediate evidence of Senfe, wherein though it is not uni-
verfally impoffible but that Senſe may be deceived, yet becauſe it is the
beſt evidence that we have of matters of fact, we give credit to it as a
ſenſible evidence, and we have reaſon ſo to do.
But of things tranfacted before our time, and out of the immediate
reach of our Senfe, we may have fuch an evidence as in reafon we ought
as reaſonable Men to acquiefce in, though the evidence be ftill in its
own nature but moral, and not fimply demonſtrative or infallible: And
the variety of circumftances renders the credibility of fuch things more
or lefs, according to the various ingredients and contributions of credi-
bility that are concentred in fuch an evidence.
It is impoffible to demonftrate by evidence infallible (or which is all
one, by evidence that is impoffible to be falſe) that there was ſuch a Man
as Julius Cæfar or Auguftus, that there was fuch a Man as william the
Conqueror, or King Henry the Eighth, or that fuch a Man was his Father,
or fuch a Woman his Mother; or that there is fuch a City as Venice, or
Rome, (to me that never faw it,) for all theſe I have but by relation from
others, and it is not impoffible but thoſe Hiftories or informations or
relations by which I am informed of theſe things may be falfe: And
they
Cap. 1.
129
the Origination of Mankind.
1
they are fuch matters as have in them a lefs evidence than my own Senſe
of Sight, for the evidence of my Senſe is fimple and immediate, and
therefore I have but a ſhorter cut thereby to the affent to the truth of the
things fo evidenced: But in things that I have by relation from others,
my evidence is of greater diftance; for first, I fee them not by my own
Eyes, but it is others that muſt firſt ſee the thing they relate; and fecondly,
though I ſhould think that whatſoever might be believed, if obvious to
the Senſe of others, might have as great a credibility as if obvious to my
own, yet I muſt have a ſecond poftulation that must have an ingredient
to elicit my affent, namely, the veracity of him that reports and relates
it. And hence it is, that that which is reported by many Eye-witneſſes
hath greater motives of credibility than that which is reported by few;
that which is reported by credible and authentick witneſſes, than that
which is reported by light and inconfiderable witneffes; that which is
reported by perfons difintereffed, than that which is reported by perfons
whoſe intereſt it is to have the thing true, or believed to be true; that
which hath the concurring teftimony of real exifting monuments, than
that which is without them; and finally, that which is reported by
credible perfons of their own view, than that which they receive by
hear-fay from thoſe that report upon their own view: So that it is not
with Evidences of Fact as it is with Logical or Mathematical Demon-
ſtrations, which ſeem to confift in indiviſibles, for that which thus is
demonftratively true is impoffible to be falfe; but Moral Evidence is
gradual, according to the variety of circumftances. Yet fuch a man
would be exploded as an irrational man, that will not believe there was
fuch a man as Julius Cæfar, becauſe the Hiftorians that write of him
might poffibly conſpire to deceive the World with a Romance, or that
the Books may be fuppofititious or corrupted; or will not believe that
ſuch a Man was his Father, or ſuch a Woman his Mother, becauſe he
might be fuppofititious; or will not believe there is ſuch a City as Rome,
which he never faw, becauſe Travellers are wont to love to tell ftrange
things, and fo-may many as well as one.
!
So that as cternal Truths may have one kind of certainty by Logical
Demonſtration, and as Mathematical Conclufions have an infallible
. certainty by Mathematical Demonftration, and as matters objected im-
mediately to our Senfe have another kind of certainty by fenfible evi-
dence, fo matters fimply of fact not objected immediately to our Senfe
have another kind of certainty, though not altogether equal to the former,
nor fimply infallible, yet fo highly credible that may juftly elicit the
affent of reaſonable men, and fuch as is proportionate to the nature of
the thing, and therefore more cannot be reaſonably expected for the proof
of the fact.
In the purſuance of this Argument, namely, Evidences of Fact touch-
ing the Origination of Mankind, I must therefore fay that the Evidences
thereof are not of an infallible certainty, and fo much the rather becauſe
it relates to a matter that at the neareſt that can be ſuppoſed is near fix
thouſand years diftant from us, and ſome ſuppoſe more therefore the
Evidences of Fact are as it were percolated through a vaſt Period of
Ages, and many very obfcure to us. And therefore all Proofs of this kind
except that of Divine Revelation (which though true, and infallibly true,
S
WO
130
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
we muſt not by the Laws of Argumentation bring in here, becauſe at
one word it determins the Queſtion) will ariſe to no higher than Moral,
and therefore fallible in their own nature. We reft upon what hath
been before ſaid for Evidences and Reaſons, that to me feem demon-
ftrative.
But yet the Evidences of Fact which we ſhall produce muſt be confi-
dered alſo with thefe Advantages for their credibility.
1. They are fuch as bear a great congruity and confonancy with, and
fubfervience to thofe former Arguments that ex natura rei and intrinfecè
prove an impoffibility of an eternal duration of Mankind, à parte ante,
which though it doth not, cannot evince that Mankind muſt have their
Origination or Beginning in hac vel ifta hora, yet they do evince that
Beginning it muſt have, and the evidences of fact are as fo many teftes,
conteftes, or fuffragiales, that bear witneſs to that Truth that the former
fort of Arguments do plainly evince.
2. Though thefe Evidences of Fact taken fingly and apart, are not
without their Objections that may feem to weaken them, yet juncta ju-
vant: That evidence at Law which taken fingly or apart makes but an
imperfect proof, femiplena probatio, yet in conjunction with others grow
to a full proof, like Silurus his twigs, that were eafily broken apart, but
in conjunction or union were not to be broken.
Truths (eſpecially of Fact) are not made Truths by Arguments or
Evidence: If there were once fuch a man as Cefar, it is moft certainly
true that he was, though no Hiftorian ever mentioned him; and there-
fore if there were ten thouſand Authors that mention him kept facredly
and inviolably in certain Archives unto this day, all this evidence doth
not make him to be, but only gives us a light and evidence of great
probability that he was: The Stars in the Milky-way, and thofe Affecla
Jovis are not therefore in the Heavens or Ather, becauſe the Teleſcope
hath diſcovered them, for they were there before; but the pofition of
thoſe Glaffes preſent them to our perception, and evidence their being,
which cannot be diſcovered without them.
And ſo it is with Evidences of Fact, they do not make the thing to
be, but evidence them to be; and becauſe if to any one quafitum of fact
there be many but probable evidences, which taken fingly have not per-
chance any full evidence, yet when many of thofe evidences concur and
concenter in the evidence of the fame thing, their very multiplicity and
conſent makes the evidence the ftronger; as the concurrent teftimonies
of many Witneſſes or many Circumſtances even by their multiplicity and
concurrence make an evidence more concludent.
Now theſe Evidences of Fact I fhall caft into theſe ranks.
1. We have no authentical Hiſtory of former Ages extant, but what
hath been written within the compafs of four thousand years.
2. The fubje& matter of thofe Hiftories give us no account of the
Original of great Monarchies, Kingdoms, or Commonwealths, but what
appear thereby to have begun within the compaſs of about five thousand
years.
3. The original Invention and Inventors of moſt confiderable Arts had
their Origination, as far as we can find, by Monuments of ancient times,
within the compaſs of about fix thousand years.
4. The
Cap. 1.
131
the Origination of Mankind.
4.
The Original of the Apotheafes of moſt of the Heathen fictitious
Deities appears by the ancient Monuments of former times to have had
their beginning within the compafs of five thousand years,
5. The moſt authentick Hiftories and Monuments of Antiquity give
us an account of the firſt Fathers, or Capita familiarum, and of the Plan-
tation of the known Parts, Continents and Iſlands of the World within
the compaſs of five thousand years.
6. The Inhabitants of the World do,daily increaſe, and their incre-
ment furmounts daily their decreaſe; which could not be, unleſs the
World of Mankind had their original within fome proportionate time,
and could not conſiſt with ſuch a vaſt exceſs of duration which fome
would affign, much less with an eternal duration, or fuch as never had
a beginning.
7. There hath in all Ages, and among all People been a conftant tra-
dition retained and believed, touching the Origination of Mankind ex
non genitis vel per generationem propagatis,
Theſe are the Heads of thofe Evidences of Fact which I fhall ufe in
this Argument touching the Origination of Mankind, whereunto pof
fibly other occafional Topicks of the like nature may be added,
And touching thefe Evidences of Fact, this I fhall fubjoyn.
1. That I do not lay the weight of this Argument upon thofe Evi-
dences of Fact, becauſe they have or may have their feveral allays and
fallibilities, which I fhall impartially fubjoyn to every particular To-
pick,
But I lay the weight of the Argument upon what hath been before
faid, which to me feems to be little less than demonftrative, drawn from
the intrinſick nature of the thing, and from that abſurdity which would
arife upon the Suppofition of the Eternity of Mankind, and the incom-
poffibility of an eternal duration, à parte ante, to fucceffive Natures.
2. That although fingly and apart thefe Evidences of Fact are not fo
concluſive but have their allays and exceptions, yet they have theſe ad-
vantages that advance their evidence, as very credible; 1. In that the
Suppofition which they are produced to prove, is not impoffible to be true:
2. That there is nothing of probability of Reafon or Inftance that can
be produced against the truth of that Suppofition which is contended to
be proved by them: 3. They have fo much the more weight and evi-
dence, in that they do fuffragate and bear witneſs to the truth of that
Suppofition (namely, the Inception of Mankind) which holds fo great
a congruity with the intrinfick reaſon and nature of the thing, the con-
trary whereof, namely, the Eternity of Mankind, is apparently contra-
dictory to a ſtrict and true reafon.
3. That although thefe Evidences of Fact, taken fingly and apart,
poffibly may not be fo weighty, yet the very concurrence and coinci
dence of fo many Evidences that contribute to the Proof of the thing
defigned, carries with it a great weight, even as to the point of Fact:
it is not probable that that Suppofition ſhould be falfe which hath fo many
concurrent Teftimonies bearing witneſs to it: And therefore although
I shall impartially fubjoyn thofe Allays and Abatements which may be
brought againſt the ſeveral Inftances, whereby if fingle, they might feem
of leſs weight and moment; yet I do not thereby take off that Evidence
S 2
which
132
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
which in confort and conjunction they give to the truth of the Suppo-
fition intended to be proved by them.
4. That it cannot be expected in an Argument of this nature, which
is touching a matter of Fact, that Evidences of Fact can be no more
than topical and probable; and therefore though there may be Allays and
Abatements that may take away a neceffary or infallible concludency in
thefe Evidences of Fact, yet it is fufficient that they be probable and
inductive of Credibility, though not of Science or Infallibility. Ariftotle,
as I remember, in the beginning of his Politicks tells us that all Truths
have not the fame kind of Evidence, neither indeed can have, and there-
fore it is unreafonable to expect fuch an Evidence as the thing cannot
poffibly bear, though it be a real Truth.
5. That among theſe Evidences of Fact, though all contribute to the
Proof of the Suppofition, yet the three laft feem to be of that nature
that they are of greateſt weight, and lefs fubject to exception.
6. That in as much as in this Argument I defign only the uſe of
Reaſon and Reaſonable Evidence, and endeavour to make my Suppo-
fition evident to Reaſonable Men as fuch; I do not therefore make uſe of
the divine and irrefragable Authority of the Holy Scriptures: For they
that ſubſcribe to the Infallibility and Divine Authority of them, need
none of this Method of Ratiocination that I uſe to prove this Suppofition
of the Origination of Mankind, which is fo plainly and diftinctly deli-
vered in the Holy Scriptures; and therefore where I have recourſe to the
Holy Scriptures, I uſe it but as a Moral Evidence, a Hiſtory highly
credible, and I demand of my Readers this equal Juftice, That he would
at leaſt give it that credit that the Antiquity, Congruity, and Moral
Evidence of it deferves, which certainly would be much more than
what the moſt do ordinarily allow to the Hiftory of Thucydides, Herodotus,
Livy, Tacitus, Manethon, Xenophon, Cteftas, or Berofus.
7. Though in this large Difcourfe I may feem to lofe time by proving
of that which is not queftioned by fober Men, that in a laborious Dil-
courſe of this nature I do rather raiſe a Queſtion that would be at quiet
if let alone, at leaft I lofe time, and, magno conatu nihil efficiam; yet
I hope in the Conclufion it will be of uſe to confirm our Faith, to mag-
nifie the value of the Holy Scriptures, and to give ſome ſtop to thoſe
Atheistical and Epicurean Opinions that begin more than formerly to
obtain in the World.
CA P. II.
Concerning the first Evidence, the Antiquity of Hiftory, and the Chro-
nological account of Times.
BUT
before I begin, I fhall prefix a fhort Chronological Scheme of
Times, to which I fhall have occafion oftentimes to refer; wherein
I ſhall not be over-follicitous for great curiofity or exactnefs. For al-
though there is ſcarce any one Chronological Writer that differs not
from another in the precife connexion of Times and Things, yet there
will
Cap. 2.
133
the Origination of Mankind.
will be certainty enough for my purpoſe, if I take ſo much out of them
wherein they do in fubftance agree, though they differ in their particular
Account.
And although the Account of the Years of the World according to
the Seventy, do ſeem more uſeful to the folution of fome difficulties in
Chronology, who affign 2262 years from the Creation to the Flood
and from thence to the Birth of Abraham 1132 years, whereas the Jewish
Account affigns for the former Period 1656 years, and for the latter 292
years. So that according to the Seventy, from the Creation to the Birth
of Abraham were 3394, but according to the Jews only 1948 years;
yet I ſhall rather chooſe to follow the Jewish Account, and take Helvicus
Abſtract for my little, fmall Chronological Table.
ASSYRII. | ARGIVI. ÆGYPTIĮ. ]ATHENI-
Anni JUDAICI. ASSYRII.
Mundi.
1656 Diluvium.
HISTO-
ENSES.
RICI.
8171
1771
1823
1870
Belus.
Ninus,
Semiramis.
Ninus.
Sardanapa
Lus.
1948 Abraham
natus,
2093
2123 Abrahami
2149
2200
2210
mors.
Inachus.
Phoroneus,
Regnante in
Attica Ogy-
gc, & intra
annos Phoro-
nei, diluvium
|Ogygium,
Apis.
Ægyptio
rum dyna-
ftia: The-
mofis.
2220 Jofeph in
Egypto,
2235
2300
}
2373 Mofes natus.
Argus.
Promethei
feculum.
Auni
134
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
Anni
Mundi.
JUDAICI. | ASSYRII. | ARGIVI.
ÆGYPTII. ATHENI- HISTO-
2430
ENSES.
Athenien-
RICI.
fium dynastia
prima:
Cecrops.
Deucalionis
diluvium,
2450 Exitus ab
Ægypto.
Danaus.
6-
2475
2490 Joshua dux.
2573
2660
2710
2750
2850
2905 David Rex
Ifraelis.
3000
3060 Athalia &
Foas.
3175 Uzziah.
3195
3325
}
Cadmus è
Phoenicia in
Graciam
migravit.
1
Ganymedis
raptus.
Hercules
Amphitryo-
nis filius.
Argonau
tarum expe.
ditio.
Bellum Tro-
janum, &
Troja exci
dium.
Reditus He-
raclidarum.
Ionica mi.
gratio.
Homeri atas,
Lycurgus
legiflator,
Olympiades
incepti.
Roma con-
dita.
Solon & Se
ptem Sapien.
F
3391
tes.
Pythagoras,
Cyrus.
Having premiſed thus much touching the Chronological Account of
fome Times and Things paft, without confining my ſelf to the exactneſs
of Years, and with omiffion of many things happening in theſe Pe--
riods; I fhall now proceed with the firft of my Inftances, namely,
rouching the Hiftories of former Ages, and their Antiquity, referving
the
Cap. 2.
135
the Origination of Mankind.
the matter of their Hiftories, and what may be collected from them, to
the enfuing Chapters.
Thofe Nations whofe Hiftorians put fair for the greateſt Antiquity, are
the Romans, Grecians, Perfians, Affyrians or Babylonians, Egyptians, and the
Jews: of all theſe there is fomething extant.
As touching the Chinefes and their long derived Annals, there is
much ſpoken by report or relation, but nothing authentick thereof is
extant to the common view but fome ingenious yet uncertain Collections
out of Martinius by Mr. webb in his Eſſay touching the Primitive Lan-
guage; offius, and fome others: and therefore I fhall ſpare any thing
touching them.
Firſt touching the Romans, though there were many Monuments of
Antiquity preſerved in writing among them, as appears by their Laws
of Twelve Tables, their Fafti Confulares, the Tranfcripts whereof are
extant to this day; yet we cannot expect ſo much Antiquity of Hiſto-
rians and Writers among thefe, as we may among other People of
greater Antiquity; fince the firſt Foundation of their City was ſome
time after the Olympiads began, viz. in the 7th Olympiad, and about the
year of the World 3190.
The Grecians, whole Monarchy preceded that of the Romans, have
more ancient Hiſtorians than the Romans: And not to reckon up their
Philofophers and Poets, that applied not themſelves to Hiftory, I fhall
only mention theſe that follow: Xenophon, that lived about the 97th or 98th
Olympiad; Thucydides and Herodotus, who lived about the 85th or 88th
Olympiad; but he among them of greateſt note and antiquity was Homer,
who wrote the Hiftory of the Trojan War; touching the time of his
life and writing the Chronologifts agree not, fome making him 200
years after the Deftruction of Troy, fome more, fome lefs; but all placing
him before the firſt Olympiad, and after the Deſtruction of Troy, thoſe
two famous Epoche among the Greeks.
This is the ancienteft Poetical Hiftorian that is extant among the
Greeks, although it is not unlike that many were more ancient among
them, as is mentioned by Tatianus in Eufeb. præparationis lib. 10. as Linus
the Tutor of Hercules, Amphion, Orpheus, Mufeus, and fome others; yet
we have little extant of them but Poetical Raptures and Fictions, and
thoſe alſo but in fragments and pieces traditionally preſerved in ſubſe-
quent Authors.
Among the Perfians, though their Monarchy were more ancient than
that of Greece, yet we have lefs extant of Hiftorical Writings con-
cerning them; the ancienteft that I have heard of is that of Xenophon,
though a Grecian, and Ctefias, who is fuppofed to have lived contem-
porary with Xenophon; Megasthenes, a Perfian Hiftorian about the 120th
Olympiad, out of whom Abydenus that wrote touching the Aſſyrians and
Babylonians extracted many things relating to the Perfians, as appears by
his Fragments cited by Eufeb. lib. 9. Prapar. fect. 41.
Touching the Chaldean or Babylonian Hiftorians, though that Monar-
chy be extended to a vaft Period by fome of their ancient Hiftorians, yet
the ancienteft credible Hiftorians that we have concerning them are,
Berofus who lived about the 130th Olympiad, and Abydenus before men-
tioned only it is reported by Simplicius out of Porphyry, that Calisthenes
one
136
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
year of
one of Alexander's Captains brought to Aristotle from Babylon a relation
of their ancienteft Aftronomical Calculations, 1903 years before the
Taking of Babylon by Alexander, which is ſuppoſed to be in the
the World 3620 according to the Septuagint; which gives a probable
conjecture of the Inception of the Babylonian Monarchy to be about 200
years before the Birth of Abraham.
Touching the Phenicians, from whom it is fuppoſed that not only
Learning but Letters themſelves were brought into Greece by Cadmus;
the first and ancienteft Hiftorian is fuppofed to be Sancuniathon, who is
related by Philo Biblius according to Eufeb. prapar. lib. 1. fect. 9. to have
been before the Deftruction of Troy, and very near the time of Mofes,
and to have written a Hiſtory à prima Univerfi molitione, and that he
fearched many Monuments of Antiquity: The Writings of Mercurius
Trismegiftus whom the Egyptians call Thoth, and the arcana Ammoneorum
volumina, purged the Hiftory of former times from Fables, and gave a
full account of former Ages, whofe Writings Philo Biblius tranſlated
into Greek, and digefted into nine Volumes, he gathered much from
Hierombal the Priest of Jao, whom Bochart upon very probable reaſons
fuppofeth to be Gedeon called Ferubbaal; and having fet up an Ephod in
his City, might be fuppofed a Prieft, and from the intercourſe between
them the Idol Baal-berith was brought from Berith the City of Sancunia-
thon, into Judca.
Touching the Egyptians, they pretended to the greateſt antiquity both
of Government and Learning; the latter they principally derived from
Hermes, ftiled by fome Mercurius Trifmegiftus, and by the Egyptians Thoth;
the Phenicians made claim to this man as theirs, attributed to him the
Invention of Letters, of Navigation, of the Virtues of Herbs, Eufeb.
lib. 1. Præparat. fect. 10. de Phanicum Theologia; he is fuppofed more an-
cient than Mofes, but we have nothing authentick exifting which he
wrote: The ancienteft Hiftorian of the Affairs of Egypt was Manethes
the Egyptian Prieſt, who lived about, or as ſome think, before the time
of Alexander, he carries up the Res Egyptiacas to an exceffive Antiquity,
and yet with great particularity and pretended certainty: fome account
him fabulous, becauſe he carries up the Egyptian Dynafties before the
Flood, yea and long before the Creation; others affert the probability of
the Egyptian Dynafties to over-reach the univerſal Flood, but falve that
prodigious exceſs of their numerous Years by reducing them to Months,
or Anni Lunares, which were anciently fo accounted among the Egy-
ptians.
The Egyptians have had other Writers of their Hiftories, but of a
later date, as Ptolemeus Mendefius, mentioned fometimes by Eufebius; and
thoſe Arabick Hiftorians mentioned by Kircher in that Book that delivers
the Hiſtory of the fucceffion of their Dynaſties.
Laftly, I come to the Jewish History begun by Mofes, and continued
down in a clear fucceffion and feries of times till their return from the
Babylonish Captivity and this Hiftory hath a juft prelation above all the
Writings of other Hiftorians in theſe enſuing reſpects.
1. It hath the greateſt and moſt particular certainty, and far beyond
of the Hiftorians before mentioned, it contains the certain Periods
of Times, Names, Men, Places, Actions, and all Circumſtances requirable
any
in
Cap. 2.
137
the Origination of Mankind.
in a Hiſtory to inform, it is not involved in Myſtical expreffions or
Mythologies, but is plain, familiar, and intelligible.
2. It hath the greateſt evidence of Truth that can be expected by a
reaſonable man, namely, Evidence from it felf, the particularity and
circumſtances of the things it relates; Evidence from the ancienteſt
Heathen Authors, especially Sancuniathon, Berofus, and Abydenus before
mentioned; Evidence from the feveral parts thereof, the Book of one
Age bearing witneſs to another; as the Books of Joshua to thoſe of Mofes,
the Books of Kings to thofe of Mofes and Fofbua, though written in ſeveral
Ages, Evidentia rei, or facti, there cannot be greater Evidence than the
Regiment of a People for fo many Ages according to the Laws given ·
and recorded by their firſt Hiftorian Mofes, and the enjoyment of their
Poffeffions according to the diſtribution of their next Hiftorian Jo-
fbua.
3. It is no broken Piece, or Hiftorical Fragment, but it is carried
down from the beginning of Time to all the enſuing Ages of the Jewish
State, without any chasma or interval.
4. It hath the evidence of the higheſt credibility that any thing of
that nature is capable of, That the Books of Mofes eſpecially, which are
the Ciput Hifloria Judaica, were written by that Man Mofes, and that he
lived in that Age wherein he is fuppofed to write: 1. The conſtant
uninterrupted Tradition of that Kingdom and Nation from it firſt coa-
lition, even to this day. 2. The atteftation of all the fucceding Writers
of that Hiftorical Series of the Jewish Affairs. 3. The inviolable Ob-
fervation of thoſe Laws given by Mofes and recorded in that Hiftory,
as of the Laws given by him. 4. The Suffrage of all Heathen Authors
both modern and ancient, that have occafion to mention the concerns
of that People.
5. It is a Hiftory that contains matters of far greater moment and
antiquity than any other Writers but fuch as in probability made their
Collections out of it, namely, of the Tranſactions from the firft Creation
of the World until the Univerſal Flood, and from thence to the time of
him that first wrote it, namely Mofes.
*
6. It is a Hiſtory that was really written by Mofes, who was far more
ancient than all the Heathen Writers above mentioned (excepting
only Trismegistus, of whofe Writings we have nothing extant) and
more ancient than moſt of thoſe Things or Notes recorded by thoſe moſt
ancient Heathen Writers which for the most part filled their Books:
He wrote 540 years before Homer; 200 years before Sancuniathon, ac-
cording to Bechart's account; 300 years before the Expedition of the
Argonauts; 350 years before the Trojan War; and a confiderable time
before the Apotheofes or Inaugurations of many of the Heathenish Deities.
So that as the Matter of his Hiftory, fo the Time of his writing is far
more ancient than the writing of the most ancient Heathen Hiftorians
that are at all extent. Much of this I fhall have occafion to refume and
enlarge in the enſuing Chapters, yet this was neceffary in this place.
The Inference that is made from hence is, That probably if the World
of Mankind had been Eternal, or if it had any ſuch vaft diſtance from
its Beginning as ſome ſuppoſe, we ſhould have had Hiſtorical Monuments
and Writings long before the Age of Mofes.
T
But
138
Sect. 11.
Moral Evidences touching
But for all this, I muſt needs ſay, this Confideration fingly (I ſay
fingly) taken and weighed, maketh not much againſt an eternal or at leaſt a
vafter Epocha of the firſt Origination of Man than is ordinarily fuppofed;
I ſhall therefore ſet down thoſe allays that make againſt the ſtrength of
the conſequence drawn from this Topick.
$
1. It is evident that the ufe of Letters and Writing were far more
ancient than the time of Mofes; the Egyptians and Phenicians carry up the.
original of the invention thereof to Mercurius Trismegiftus, which is
ſuppoſed long before Mofes: And although Cadmus is fuppofed to have
brought the ufe of Letters out of Phenicia into Greece fome time after the
Age of Mofes, according to Polydore Virgil, lib. 1. cap. 6. out of Pliny, Hero-
dotus and others; yet it appears by what is before mentioned, that there
were in Phænicia very ancient written Volumes called Volumina Amme-
næorum long before the time of Sancuniathon. And if we believe the
Tradition of Jofephus, the Pillars of Seth were extant in his time; and
according to Tertullian fome Fragments of the Writings of Enoch were
traditionally extant in his time: But howsoever Mofes (if he be the Au-
thor of the Hiftory of Job, whom ſome think to be contemporary at leaſt
with Jacob) mentions Books and Writings to have been common things
in the time of Job, Job 19. 23. Fofephus lib. 1. cap. 3. Tertull, de Habitu
Mulierum.
2. Surely if Writing were fo ancient, it is probable that many Hi-
ftories might be before the time of Mofes which were loft in fucceffion
of time, as it muſt be agreed that most of thoſe ancient Monuments that
in the granted Period of the World were extant before Mofes time are
fince luft, and many millions of Books that have been written fince
Mofes time have by the injury of Time and Men been loft, much more
thofe Books which were written antecedent to Mofes time: And the
truth is, the preſervation of the Books of Mofes entire unto this day, when
fo
many of a far later date are loft, is to be attributed to the ſpecial
Providence of Almighty God.
2. Again, they that affign the fhorteft time between the Origination
of Mankind and the Writings of Mofes, allow it to be fomewhat above
2460 years: So that although Mofes were admitted the firft Hiftorian
that ever wrote, it would very near as ftrongly conclude against the an-
tiquity of 2460 years before his writing as againſt an eternal exiſtence
of Mankind: if it ſhould be an Argument againſt the latter, it would be
fuch alſo againſt the former.
3. Confidering the many mutations and cafualties of Wars, Tranf
migrations, eſpecially that of the General Flood, there might probably
be an obliteration of all thofe Monuments of Antiquity that immenfe
Ages precedent at fome time have yielded. Cecrops was contemporary
with Mofes, and Belus and Ninus were before him; yet we have no
Monuments extant of the Affyrians fo ancient as Belus, or of the Athe-
nians ſo ancient as Cecrops, but fuch as are Traditions, and written long
after their times. So that although I have mentioned this concerning the
known Periods of Hiftorical Writers, yet I think we are to be careful not
to lay too great a ſtreſs fingly on it, and it is the leaft of all that follow in
weight or evidence: And yet this was fit to be mentioned, becauſe it is ne-
ceffary for the more clear diſcovery and application of that which follows.
1
CA P.
.
Cap. 3.
139
the Origination of Mankind.
1
САР.
ÇA P. III.
The Second Evidences of Fact, namely, the apparent Evidences of the
firft Foundation of the greatest and ancient Kingdoms and Em-
pires.
I
Come to my Second Evidence of Fact, which is the ſubject Matter
of Hiſtories, and principally concerning the Evidence arifing from
them of the firſt Original of the moſt confiderable Monarchies in the
World
Touching the great Monarchies of the World, their Original is fo
well known, and delivered down to us from Authors of unquestionable
truth, that there need little be faid touching them; for they have their
confeffed Epocha within certain and known Periods. As the beginning
of the Roman Monarchy under Romulus, which gives the Epocha Urbis condite
in the 7th Olympiad; the beginning of the Grecian Monarchy, which hath
its Epocha in Alexander about the 111th Olympiad; the beginning of the
Perfian Monarchy, which had its Epocha in Cyrus about the 55th Olympiad,
though the fame were not eſtabliſhed in the beginning of Cyrus, but
completed in Cambyfes his Son about the 62 Olympiad. And the like might
be obſerved concerning feveral ſmaller Kingdoms, whofe originals are
delivered over to us in Hiftories.
And although it is true that theſe Beginnings of theſe ſeveral Monar-
chies and Kingdoms do not fo begin as if thofe Men that founded theſe
Monarchies were the natural Fathers of all thofe Perfons that did coalefcere
in Regnum vel Monarchiam ; or as if thoſe Monarchies were derived from
the Heads or Roots that gave them this denomination, as all Men are
derived from the common Parent of Mankind, or as poffibly fome other
of the ancient Monarchies, which we ſhall have occafion hereafter to
mention, were derived: For many times the beginning of Monarchies
and Kingdoms was by the coalition of many Perfons, it may be of feveral
Nations, into an Army, as they did under Cyrus, or into a City, as they
did under Romulus, or by tranfmigration of Perſons from one Countrey
to another, as the Ifraelites did.
f
And therefore we are not to take it that theſe Originations of Monar-
chies were the Origination of all the People that were joyned in it; for
they had their exiſtence oftentimes before, and took their denomination
from the Dux Exercitûs or the Rector Civitatis, under which they were as
it were lifted in their Civil or Military coalition.
And therefore the Argument is not thus neceffarily that the Roman
Monarchy or the Grecian Monarchy had not its beginning before fuch at
time, therefore thoſe Men that were the conftituent parts thereof had no
exiſtence before that time; but that the Civil Society under the Prince;
Rector or form of Government then began to be formally fuch in fuch
a ſpecial Conſtitution.
But thofe Monarchies that pretend to the greateft Antiquity are prin-
cipally,
T 2
1. The
$
མི
J
140
Moral Evidences touching
1. The Affyrian or Babylonian Monarchy.
2. The Egyptians, and their Dynafties.
3. The Grecians.
4. The Chineſes.
Theſe I fhall examin in order.
Se&t. II.
1. Touching the Affyrian or Babylonian Monarchy, we do with the beſt
authority both of Sacred and Prophane Writers ſuppoſe,
1. That it had its beginning fince the Univerſal Deluge from Ham
the youngeſt Son of Noah.
2. That the Reaſons and Authorities againſt that Suppoſition are not
of weight enough to evince the contrary.
Before I come to my Reaſons for this Affertion, fomething I fhall pre-
miſe touching the Affyrian Empire, and how it ftood in relation to that
of the Babylonian.
It feems that Babylon was at firft the Seat of the Affyrian Empire, the
building whereof fome attribute to Belus, fome to Ninus his Son, fome
to Semiramis his Wife, and fome to others: but afterwards the Caput
Imperii of the Affyrians was Ninive, built upon the River Tigris.
It alſo feems, that in proceſs of time the Affyrians either new built or
repaired Babylon that had lain long neglected, and the fame was peopled
with thoſe People on the South of Affyria called Caldeans: That which
gives me light of it, and indeed of the whole Hiftory of the Babylonian
Monarchy is Iſaiah 23.13. Behold the land of the Caldeans, this people was
not till the Affyrian founded it for them that dwell in the wilderneß: They fet
up the towers thereof, they raised up the palaces thereof. It feems therefore
that Babylon formerly neglected, by this favour of the King of Affyria
profpered into a petty Kingdom, and growing powerful did fet up for
themſelves in the time of Ahaz the King of Judah who was contemporary
with Tiglah Pilefer, 2 Kings 16. 10. And poffibly the firft divided King
of Babylon was that Nabonaffar that gave the original of the Æra Nabo-
naſſaris that began about the beginning of King Ahaz, in the beginning
of the 8th Olympiad, about four years after the Building of Rome.
It ſeems that either the fame Tiglah Pilefer, or his next Succeffor Salma-
naffar King of Affyria that carried away the People of Ifrael in the ninth
year of Hofeah, about four years after the death of Ahaz, 2 Kings 17.6.
did afterwards re-take Babylon; for certainly he was poffeffed of it at or
ſhortly after the deportation of Ifrael; for he brought Men from Babylon,
from Cutha, from Ava, Hamath and Sepharvaim, to put into Samaria,
2 Kings 17.24.
It ſeems that moſt of theſe places from whence People were tranf-
planted to Samaria,were places conquered by the Affyrian Monarch, who did
as Victors uſe prudently to do, tranſplant the conquered into other places;
and the fame feems evident for fome of theſe places at leaſt, and as pro-
bably for Babylon alfo, 2 Kings 18. 24. Ifaiah 10. 10. particularly for
Hamath, Sepharoaim and Avah: And accordingly he tranſplanted the
conquered People into Gozan and other places, 2 Kings 18. 11. which
were won by Salmanaffar from the Medes by Conqueft. 2 Kings 19. 12.
Senacherib fucceeded Salmanaffar, and came up againſt Hezekiah in the
fourteenth year of his Reign, where he received that great blow of 185000
Men,
{
1
J
Cap. 3.
141
the Origination of Mankind.
Men, which fent him back to Nineveh where he was flain, and Ezar-
haddon his Son reigned in his ftead. 2 Kings 20. 35, 36, 37.
This gave opportunity to the new ufurped Kingdom of Babylon again
to break the Yoak of Affyrian Monarchy; for it evidently appears that
Berodach-Baladan the Son of Baladan was King of Babylon, and ſent to
complement Hezekiah when there was another King of Affyria, 2 Kings
20.12. Hezekiah having reigned 29 years dyed, and Manaffeh his Son
fucceeded him.
Manaffeh reigned 55 years, and towards the latter end of his Reign
he was carried Captive to Babylon by the King of Affyria, 2 Chron. 33. 11.
whether the King of Affyria had regained Babylon, or whether the King
of Babylon had overcome the Affyrian, and fo held the ftile of that Mo-
narch, appears not, though the latter ſeems probable by comparing the
reprehenfion of Ifaiah, 2 Kings 20. 17.
Ammon fucceeded, and reigned 2 years.
Fofiah fucceeded, and reigned 31 years.
Fehoahaz 3 months.
Fehoiachim 11 years.
Jehoiachin 3 months.
Zedekiah 11 years; the laſt year
with the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar.
of whoſe Reign was contemporary
Now putting all the years together from the firft of Ahaz to the laft
of Zedekiah are about 155 years and 6 months; out of which fubducting
19 years for the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar, there remains from the firſt
of Abaz to the firſt of Nebuchadnezzar 136 years, which comes very near
to the Æra Nabonaſſaris; for according to the common Calculation the
firſt of Nebuchadnezzar hapned in the 138th year of Nabonaffar, which
began about two years before the first year of Ahaz; or in the ſecond
year of the 8th Olympiad.
And that in all probability, Baladan who was the Father of Merodach-
Baladan that fent to vifit Hezekiah, might be that Nabonaffar whoſe Ara
is fo much celebrated.
After the beginning of the Reign of Nebuchadnezzar the entire Affyrian
Monarchy was tranflated to Babylon, and Nebuchadnezzar the King thereof.
Herodotus in his Firſt Book tells us that Cyaxares the Grand-child of Dioces
first attempted the taking of Niniveh, but was repulfed by the aid of the
Scythians; and that afterwards he took it, and became Maſter of all Af-
Syria, Excepta Babylonica quadam portione.
But according to the Hiftories of Tobit and Judith, Niniveh was taken
by Affuerus and Nebuchadnezzar, and afterwards entirely poffeffed by Ne-
buchadnezzar, Tobit 10. 17. Judith 11. But this is obſcure, becauſe it
hath been conceived that Nebuchadnezzar was a common Name uſed
amongst the Babylonian Kings, as Pharaoh among the Egyptians; only it
may not be impoffible that Nebuchadnezzar who was certainly contem-
porary with Cyaxares the Mede, might be an affiftant in the Deftruction
of Niniveh with Cyaxares, called it may be by Tobit, Affnerus; but how he
came to be fole Poffeffor after in the time of Judith, is hard to un-
riddle.
This Nebuchadnezzar made Babylon the Seat of his Empire, and fo
far enlarged it that it ſeemed as new built, as his own arrogant and
vain-
142
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
1
vain glorious expreffion witneſſeth; Is not this great Babel that I have
built? Dan. 4. 30.
Upon all this that hath been faid, it feems plain:
1. That Babylon or Babel was the firſt or ancient Seat of the Affyrian
Empire.
2. That the fame was firſt built by Belus, or Ninus, or Semiramis, as the
Heathen Writers tell us, or by Nimrod, as the Holy Hiftory tells us, who
poffibly might be the fame with Belus.
3. That afterward the Seat of the Affyrian Empire was tranſlated to
Nineveh the great City of that Empire.
4. That afterward Babylon was again either repaired or enlarged by
the Affyrian Empire, and was the Metropolis of that part of Affyria
called Caldaa, the Inhabitants whereof were greatly addicted to the Ce-
leſtial Obſervation, and became fo famous for it, that a Caldean and an
Aftrologer were terms equivalent in common appellation.
5. That afterward the Babylonians or Caldeans obtained or ufurped a
divided Kingdom from the Affyrian Empire.
6. That the firft King of that divided Kingdom was called Nabonaffar,
which give the original to the Æra Nabonaſſaris, beginning about the 8th
Olympiad.
7. That about 140 years after the beginning of that Kingdom it grew
fo potent, that it acquired the whole Allyrian Monarchy, and became the
Seat thereof under Nebuchadnezzar.
8. That Nebuchadnezzar again enlarged the City of Babylon with
Buildings and Walls of incredible ftrength and glory.
This being premifed, I now come to thofe Reaſons that ſatisfie me
that the Affyrian or Babylonian Monarchy was not of that great Anti-
quity that the Babylonians and the favourers of their Tradition pretended,
but had its known Original or Epocha from whence it began.
1. The Authority of the Heathen Authors allow not above 1400 years
at moſt for the continuance of the Affyrian Monarchy, and lodge the
Original of it in Belus the Father of Ninus, the beginning of whofe Reign
is by computation to be caft in the 153d year after the Flood, according
to the Jewish Account. Vide probationes indè Petavii doctrina temp. l. 9. per
totum. The Account, according to Diodorus Siculus, runs thus, The Af
fyrian Monarchy beginning with Ninus lafted 1360 years unto the fall of
Sardanapalus by Arbaces the Mede, after which that Monarchy fell in with
the Mede: it continued there until Pul became the Head of the Affyrian
Monarchy, and after him Tiglah Pilefer, and then Salmanaffar, and after-
wards Senacherib: The Proof they add to this Supputation is this; That
from the Fall of Sardanapalus to the Taking of Babylon by Alexander are
accounted 543 years, which added to the former number gives 1903
years, the Epocha of the Caldean Aftrological Calculation brought by
Calisthenes to Ariftotle at the Taking of Babylon by Alexander; which cafts
the Beginning of the Affyrian Monarchy under Belus, or at leaſt under
Ninus his Son, to be about the year of the World 1717, about 60 years
after the Flood, according to the Jewish Account; though others, fol-
lowing alſo the Jewish Account, caft the fame to be about 104 years after
the Flood.
But Africanus, and others that follow the Account of the 70 Interpreters,
tell
Cap. 3.
143
the Origination of Mankind.
I
tell fus of ſeven Kings of the Caldeans, and fix Kings of the Arabians that
were antecedent to Belus in that Empire, that fucceffively reigned in
Babylon 440 years; that Belus obtained by Conqueft the Kingdom, and
reigned 55 years, and by this Account the Beginning of the Affyrian
Kingdom under Ninus was 631 years after the Flood, and one Age after
the Confufion of Languages in the time of Phaleg: But which way
foever we take, yet we find a Beginning of the Affyrian Empire, though
they that fuppofe it 440 years before Belus, thruſt the Deluge and the
Creation farther back than the Jewish Account.
2. The Authority of the Holy Scripture by the Pen of Mofes gives us
the Original of the Babylonian or Affyrian Monarchy in Nimrod, which
poffibly may be the Name in Hebrew of Belus the first Founder of it. And
here I do not take advantage of the Divine Authority of the Sacred
Scripture, but make uſe of it only as a Hiſtory, and fingly upon that
account hath greater evidence of its truth than any Heathen Hiftorian
whattoever. 1. The Writer thereof was moſt certainly nearer the times
of the firſt Foundation of that Monarchy by above 800 years than any
other Hiſtorian that gives us the account of the Affyrian and Babylonian
Monarchy, which is a great advantage in point of evidence touching
the truth of any Hiftorical Relation. Again, 2. He was not very far di-
ſtant from .he Place or Seat of that Monarchy, the Wilderneſs and Palestine
being not for diſtant from Affyria. 3. He was defcended from him that was
the native of that Country, namely Abraham, who was born and lived
many years in the Caldean Country, and doubtlefs did bring along with
him and tranfmit to his Pofterity a fair Tradition of that Empire, being
contemporary with Peleg, in whofe time the famous diffipation of Man-
kind and diſtinction of Languages hapned. 4. He was educated in
Egypt, the people whereof were greatly learned, eſpecially in Chrono-
logical Computations. 5. The coherence and fynchroniſm of all the
parts of the Mofaical Chronology, eſpecially after the Flood, bears a moft
fingular teftimony to the truth of his Hiftory and Computation: for
although he draws not down the lineal Defcendents of Ham and Japhet
down to his time, but only mentions their Children and Grand-children
for two or three Generations at moft, yet he draws down the lineal
Pedigree from Sem in the Sacred Line down to his very Age, together
with their Births and Ages, which are a great evidence of the probability
of the reſt of his Account. So that if we take the Hiftory of Mofes upon
a bare Moral account, abftracted from the Authority of Divine Reve-
lation, he hath greater evidence of the truth of what he relates than
Hiſtorian whatſoever that takes upon him the narrative of the Anti-
any
quity of Kingdoms or Empires, the ancienteft of which Hiftorians were
above 1000 years later than Mofes. But this I fhall have occafion farther
to improve hereafter.
The Objections againſt this late Original of the Affyrian or Babylonian
Monarchy (for it had its fucceffive tranflation into thefe denominations)
are principally theſe :
1. That it appears by the Account of ancient Hiftorians, that the
Caldeans (in whom the Aprian Monarchy began and ended) at the
Taking of Babylon by Alexander had preferved Altronomical Calculations
for about 400000 years; thus Diodorus Siculus, lib. 3. cap. 8. Quadringenta
tris
7
144
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
tria annorum millia ufque ad afcenfum Alexandri numerant; and Tully in
his ſecond Book de Divinatione mentions the number to be greater, Qua-
dringenta & feptuaginta millia annorum, in periclitandis experiendifque Pueris
quicunque effent nati, Babylonios pofuiffe.
2. That it ſeems impoffible, that if their Monarchy began but in Nim-
vod, or ſo ſhort a time after the Univerfal Deluge, that in the time of
Ninus, by fome fuppofed the firft, by fome the fecond King of the Af
fyrians or Babylonians, the Empire could have grown fo populous as to
build that vaft City of Babylon, and that of Nineveh, whofe ftate and
magnificence and amplitude were of incredible greatnefs; or that his
Widow Semiramis could at once bring into the field againſt Zoroaftres an
Army of 1700000 Foot-men, 500000 Horſe-men, 100000 Chariots,
2000 Ships, as Diodorus Siculus out of Ctefias, l. 3. cap. 5. And therefore
as well Mankind as the Empire of Affyria muſt have had a longer conti-
nuance to have ſet out fuch an Army, than the fucceffion of an Empire
for two or three Governours at moft, or the fucceffions or propagations
of Mankind within ſo ſhort a time as this is fuppofed to fucceed the Uni-
verfal Deluge, could afford. To the first I anſwer:
1. That fome will have theſe Years to be but Months, which they
ſuppoſe to be accounted Years by the ancient Babylonians and Egyptians:
But as we have no certain evidence that they uſed to account a Month
a Year, but if we had, yet that reduction will not ſerve; for that num-
ber of Lunar Months reduced to Solar Years will ariſe to above 40000
Years, which will over-reach the Creation of Mankind.
2. Therefore we may with the fame Tully and Diodorus Siculus pronounce
it to be an incredible and fabulous Account warranted by no credible
evidence, but meerly their own fancy or impofture; that becauſe they
held the World eternal, would gratifie their people with a fucceffion of
an incredible Antiquity. And it appears to be fabulous, 1. For that in
all this time they would probably have gotten the perfect Theory of the
Planetary Motions and Poſitions, which it is plain they did not, if we
believe the fame Author; for they were at a lofs touching the true diſ-
coveries and periods of the Eclipfes, eſpecially of the San. 2. For that
Calisthenes, who was very curious in fearching the famous Periods of the
Babylonian or Caldean Celeftial Obſervations, at the very time when they
pretended fo great an Antiquity, namely, at the Taking of Babylon by
Alexander, upon a ftrict enquiry found their Aftronomical Obfervations
not to be above 1903 years old, which he accordingly reported to Aristotle,
that employed him ſpecially in that Enquiry, as Simplicius reports in his
Commentaries upon the Book of Ariftotle de Celo. The prodigious
Accounts therefore of the Caldeans of the Times paſt deſerve as little cre-
dit as their Predictions of things to come, who, as the fame Tully there
obſerves, flattered both Cefar and Pompey with long Lives and happy and
peaceable Death; both which fell out in the ſucceſs, to both extremely
contrary.
2. I come to the ſecond Objection, namely, That it ſeems altogether im-
poffible that the General Flood fhould put a period to all former Govern-
ments, and indeed to the whole Race of Mankind except eight perfons, and
yet that from theſe in ſo ſhort a time fuch vaft and powerful Monarchies,
eſpecially as that of the Babylonian or Syrian ſhould ariſe.To which I anſwer:
1. That
Cap. 3.
the Origination of Mankind.
145
1. That if we ſhould admit the Computation of the Seventy, now
much magnified by Voffius and others, it would eafily deliver us from that
difficulty; for whereas the Hebrew Computation gives the Univerfal
Flood to be but 1656 years after the Creation of Mankind, the Septuagint
gives it to be 2262 years: and whereas the Hebrew Account gives us about
300 years from the Flood to the Birth of Abraham, and conſequently about
104, and according to fome only 58 years from the Flood to the begin-
ning of Ninus the Son of Belus, the Septuagint gives us from the Flood
to the Birth of Abraham 1132 years; and confequently the beginning of
Ninus though admitted to have been about 250 years before the Birth of
Abraham, would yet have hapned near 800 years after the Flood, which
would not only give a competent time for Mankind to grow to that great
multitude that is fuppofed, but would ſatisfie thoſe preceding thirteen
Kings in Babylon that are ſuppoſed to have worn out 440 years before the
the beginning of Belus the Father of Ninus.
2. But the Objection needs not that help, neither doth enforce us to
defert the Hebrew Account to fatisfie that or the like Objections. For
confidering the long Life of the Ancients that lived within 300 years
after the Flood, and confequently their coexiſtence with thofe that de-
ſcended from them; we may without the help of a miraculous fertility
find that in 104 years Mankind defcended from Noah and his three Sons
and their Wives, might arife to a ftupendious multitude by that Arithme-
tical Progreffion that would be found in their Generations. I shall not
need to fet down the proceſs of the Computation or the product, it is
excellently done to my hand by Temporarius in his fecond Book Chronolo-
gicarum demonftrationum, and out of him by Petavius his Doctrina tempo-
rum, lib. 10. and out of both by Kircherus in the firſt Book of his firſt
Tome of his Oedipus Ægyptiacus, where he undertakes, that in the pro-
greſs of 200 years after the Flood the multitude of the coexifting People
might be fo great, that if they were caft into a fquare Battalia, allowing
to every perſon but one fquare foot of ground, the fide of that Square
would be 372 Aftronomical miles, or 25 Heavenly degrees. And thus
far touching the Original of the Affyrian, Caldean, or Babylonian Monar-
chy.
2. Touching the Egyptians, they maintained the Origination of Man-
kind, and that the fame was not Eternal, as it feems by Diodorus Siculus
in his fecond Book; for they ſuppoſed, in reſpect of the fruitfulneſs of
their foil and the convenience of their ſituation, that the firſt Original
of Mankind was among them, and that the Egyptians were the an-
cienteft People in the World.
But though they admitted the Origination of Man, yet they pretended
to a very great antiquity of their Nation and Government; and becauſe
they would exceed all others, they ſuppoſe their firft Governours were
Gods: Diodorus tells us, that in the 180th Olympiad they pretended
a fucceffion of Government of 33000 years, whereof the firft 18000
years they were governed by Gods and Heroes, and the laſt 15000 years
by Men.
Manetho, that wrote the Hiftory of the Egyptians about the beginning
of the Grecian Monarchy under Alexander, with very great pretence hath
carried up their Government to an incredible diſtance before the Creation
V
of
1
146
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
of Mankind; for he digefted the fucceffive Governments of the Egyptians
into 32 Dynaſties, and to each Dynafty a great number of Governours
and Years, whereof 15 exceeded the time of the Flood, and therefore are
omitted by Africanus and others that yet are fond of the credit of Ma-
netho: the other 17 Dynaſties are ſuppoſed to be extended unto the begin-
ning of the Grecian Empire for about 1694 years after the Flood.
But 1. This Account, even of Diodorus Siculus, is very uncertain; for
it appears by Cenforinus, de die Natali, cap. 19. that the ancient Egyptian
year was bimeftris, and after that trimestris, and after that, in latter
time, of 13 months and 5 days: And fome tell us, that yet their moſt
ancient year was but one month, namely, one revolution of the Moon
through the Zodiack; which if it should be admitted, may fhorten their
Account of 33000 years to 3600 years or thereabout. But yet this An-
fwer ferves not, for in all probability their years continued to be 365
days ever fince the time of the Jewish Exody at leaft, which will carry up
the Account far beyond the Creation of Man, though their former
ſhould be ſuppoſed menftrui or bimeftres.
years
Therefore it ſeems either a plain Impofture of Manetho, out of an
emulation of the pretended Antiquity of the Babylonian Monarchy, or at
leaſt a very plain miſtake, by reckoning all theſe 32 Dynafties or Prin-
cipatus fucceffivè, when it feems they were all contemporary, and that
after Mene, which is ſuppoſed the firſt Head of theſe Dynafties, the Re-
giment of Egypt was divided into ſeveral Principalities, and each had his
Dynafty, but the particular Regiment of each feveral Principality, Mene
being the Head to them all, which is fo well evinced by Voffius in his
little Tract de Ætate Mundi, out of Eratofthenes contemporary with Ma-
netho, Herodotus and others, that nothing can be added to it, or reaſonably
objected againſt it; though Kircherus in the firft Book of his Egyptian
Antiquities endeavours to carry on the 17 laft Dynafties in continued
fucceffion from Cham to the diffolution of the Egyptian Monarchy by
Alexander; and ſuppoſeth the first 15 Dynafties to have incurred before
the Flood, and the traditional memory thereof derived down by Cham
to his Pofterity. But of this alfo more hereafter.
Touching the Grecians, it is true, the Grecian Monarchy had its
known Epocha in Alexander about the 114th Olympiad: but they were a
People long before, though divided into fmaller Kingdoms or States;
but the Memorials of the Babylonians and Egyptians were far more ancient
than thoſe of Greece, which derived much of its Learning from the
Egyptians. Cenforinus in his golden Book de die Natali gives us out of
Varro a threefold Period of the Grecian Hiftories or Monuments or Times,
Cap. 21. namely, 1. "Aduhov or incognitum, from the firft Origination of
Mankind (if it had an Original) ad cataclyfmum priorem, or the Ogygian
Flood: 2. Mutinov or fabulofum, from the Ogygian Flood to the first Olym-
piad: 3. Hiftoricum, from the firſt Olympiad until his time. For the firſt
of thefe times, Sive femper fuit, five habuit initium, certè quot annorum fit
non poteft comprehendi: for the fecond; Non planè quidem fcitur, fed creditur
effe annos circiter mille & fexcentos, though he reduceth it by his account
to a fhorter time, namely, 400 years from the Ogygian Flood to Inachus,
and from him to the firft Olympiad according to fome 400, according to
others 395, 407, or 417: I ſhall not trouble my felf with the curious
enquiry
Cap. 3.
147
the Origination of Mankind.
enquiry into the number, or the different Account of Chronologers touch-
ing it: But within the compaſs of this tempus venov, or Periodus fabulofa,
hapned many of thofe Relations of the Greeks; namely, the Age of
Prometheus, the Flood of Deucalion, fhortly after the beginning of the
Dynaſty of the Athenians, in the time of Cretopus King of the Argives;
Incendium Ida, Cadmus and Europa, Ganymedis raptus, Phaetontis incendium,
Hercules Amphitryonis filius, Expeditio Argonautarum, Bellum Trojanum
Reditus Heraclidarum, Ionica migratio, and many other fine Stories that
have furniſhed ſome of the Poetical Hiftorians of after Ages.
But however Cenforinus makes his Computation, Inachus, who was
the firſt King of the Argives, though he were about 375 years after
the beginning of the Affyrian Monarchy, and contemporary with Ifaac,
yet he began his Reign about 100 years before the Ogygian Flood, which
hapned in the latter end of Phoroneus the Son of Inachus and fecond King of
the Argives. So that Inachus was about 100 years before the Ogygian Flood,
and about 1070 or 1080 years before the first Olympiad upon this account.
This then being, as it ſeems, the ſtate of thefe Periods, there ſeem two
Nations of the Grecians that pretend to greateſt Antiquity, namely, the
Argivi and the Attici.
The former had their beginning with Inachus, whether before or after
the Ogygian Flood it will not be much of moment, but at leaft within
1070 years before the firſt Olympiad, which is the higheſt time that the
Grecians pretend unto.
Touching the Attici, the Grecian Memorials give us no higher Account
than of Ogyges, in whoſe time it is ſuppoſed the Ogygian Flood hapned
in that part of Greece called Attica, and takes its name from him, namely,
Diluvium Ogygium.
Out of this Kingdom aroſe the Dynaſty of the Athenians, about 200
years after the Ogygian Flood, wherein Cecrops was the firft Governour
contemporary with Mofes; he firft fet up the Worship of Jupiter, as fome
report. And fo we have the Original of the Government of the Argives
in Inachus, of the Athenians in Cecrops.
>
It is true, the Egyptian Prieft under the name of Timaus in Plato tells
us a large Story of the Inland of Atlantis far bigger than Afia, and that
although now that goodly Ifland be loft and fwallowed up in the Sea
yet the Athenians were a kind of Colony tranſplanted from that Ifland
into Greece about 7000 years before Solon's time. But this is one of thoſe
Poetical Fictions wherewith Plate plays, mingling more ferious things
with it in the following part of his Difcourfe, and the Story hath no
footsteps of any evidence for it, unless we ſhall fuppofe that Atlantis
to be an Iſland that was before the Univerſal Deluge, and deftroyed by it.
4. Concerning the Seres or Chineſes, a People whofe Cuftoms and
Hiftories were ſtrangers to Europe till of late times, wherein fome Tra-
vellers have lately given us fome account of thofe great Periods both of
their Hiſtories and Government. Voffius in that little Book de Atate
Mundi, tells us by relation from others, That by their Hiftories and Mo-
numents their Empire hath lafted 4505 years in the year of Chrift 1658,
which reacheth fome Ages beyond the Flood according to the Hebrew
Account, but according to the Septuagint the beginning thereof falls in
the time of Phaleg, 531 years after the Flood, which he brings as an
V 2
Argu-
148
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
Argument for the Authority of the Septuagint: But the truth is, we are
ſtill ſtrangers to the true ftate of Chronology of the Seres or Chineses,
what we have touching it, is by broken relation of fome few Travellers,
and what they had, poffibly may be gathered up from the vulgar Tra-
ditions of that People, upon which little of found conclufion can be
made touching their Antiquity. But be it true or not, which we have
from theſe Relations, yet their longeft Period gives them a Beginning
and reacheth not fo high as the pretended Epoch of the Babylonians or
Egyptians, much lefs is there any thing in them that gives any colour of
Evidence of an Eternal Duration.
And thus I have gone through the Examination of thoſe Kingdoms
and Monarchies which pretend to greateſt Antiquity, the Babylonian or
Aſſyrian, the Egyptian, the Grecian, and the Seres or Chineſes; upon all
which we may oblerve,
1. That though many of them pretend to a very great Antiquity, yet
there are none that give us any fufficient Evidence of an Eternal Dura-
tion; for what are thofe Periods of the Egyptians or Babylonians to Eter-
nity? Nay many of theſe Nations that pretend to the longeſt conti-
nuance, as the Egyptians and Grecians, yet diſclaim an Eternal Succeffion;
pretend themſelves to be Aborigines, and to be the first People, but yet
not to be Eternal. Indeed their vaft continuance, if admitted, would
feem to contradict the Authenticalnefs and Authority of the Mofaical
Hiftory, which contains a Relation of the Beginnings of Mankind within
the compaſs of about 5660 Years, according to the Hebrew Account,
and about 7240 Years, according to the Septuagint; but doth not ſo much
as ſuppoſe an Eternity thereof.
2. That notwithſtanding theſe great pretenfions of Antiquity, yet
upon a true examination their great pretended Antiquity is fabulous; and
the Origination of their Monarchies began fome Ages after the general
Deluge; and fo the truth of the Holy Hiftory concerning the Inception
of Mankind, and the Inception of all the Monarchies in the World after
the Deluge that happened under Noah, 1656 Years after the Creation of
Mankind, is not at all weakened by thofe Fabulous Antiquities of the
Babylonians, Egyptians, or Grecians.
3. That this Inception of the Notable Empires and Kingdoms of the
World, even of thoſe that pretend greateft Antiquity, and the termi-
nation of the uttermoft Extent of the Hiftories of the Babylonians,
Egyptians, and Grecians, within the compaſs of the Extent of their pre-
tended Monarchies, is an Evidence againft the Eternity of Mankind;
for had Mankind been Eternal, they had infinite Ages fince arrived to
all the perfection of Political Government, and to all thofe Means and
Arts for the preferving the Memorials of things paft, as they have now
attained unto; there would have been no tempus adnAcv, or obfcurum, among
the Grecians, but there would have been as fair Monuments and Hifto-
rical Narratives of things paft, before the Olympiads or the Ogygian Flood
(which was not univerfal) as after. I fhall conclude therefore with
Lucretius, lib. 5.
Preterea, fi nulla fuit genitalis origa
Terrai & Cali, femperque aterna fuerunt;
Cur
|
Cap. the Origination of Mankind.
•33.
•
149
!
Cur fupra bellum Thebanum & funera Troja
Non alias alii quoque res cecinere Poeta,
Qui tot facta virum toties cecidere, neque ufquam
Æternis fama monumentis infita florent?
Verùm ut opinor habet novitatem fumma, recenſque
Natura eft mundi, neque pridem exordia cepit :
Quare etiam quadam nunc artes expoliuntur,
Nunc etiam angefcunt, &c.
}
7
>
But yet
this Confideration touching the Antiquity of Monarchies, their
Inception, and the Narratives and Hiftorical Monuments of things, hap-
pening within the Periods of their Commencement and Continuances
are not of that weight that we can lay the ſtreſs of this Hypothefis of the
Inception of Mankind upon: And therefore this Confideration muſt be
taken with its allay, I fhall therefore fully fet down thoſe Inſtances that
do give this Confideration its due abatement.
1. It is no Conſequence, That becauſe a Monarchy or Kingdom had
its Beginning, that therefore the People that conftituted the Moles of that
Kingdom had its Beginning: Kingdoms, Monarchies, and States, often
change their Governours, and the Forms of Government, and their
Stiles and Denominations, as the Silk-worm doth his fhape, and yet the
People in a continued fucceffion the fame. Rome took its Name from
Romulus, but the People were a Farrago, collected and gathered out of
the neighbouring Nations. Greece fell into one Monarchy under Alexan-
der, yet the People (that were the Stuffing, as it were, and Materials of
that Monarchy) were exifting before in other Forms of Government,
and under other Governours. And though it is by fome ſuppoſed, That
the Affyrian Monarchy began in Ninus, yet Diodorus out of Crefias tells us,
That he made up that great Structure of the Affyrian Monarchy by the
Conqueft of divers People, who thereby were added to it, as the Egyptians,
Phenicians, Syria, Cœlicia, Pamphilia, Lydia, Caria, Phrygia, Myſia, and
many more, mentioned by him,4. 3. cap. 1.
England began not to be a People, when Alfred reduced it into a
Monarchy, for the Materials thereof were extant before, namely, under
the Heptarchy. So that the finding out of the Head of a Monarchy is
not like the finding out the Head of a River in the Fountain, or the Head
of a Family in one common Parent: The ancienteft Monarchy might
have a Beginning, and yet the People, that are the material conſtituent
of it, might exift long before, under other Forms or Vicillitudes of
Governments.
2. All Nations do not always begin their Hiftories, or the Matter, of
the fame Antiquity with the People touching which they write; but fome
earlier, fome later, according to the variety of their Opportunities,
Educations, and Difciplines.
The Ifraelites were certainly the moft knowing People of the World,
began early to record the Memorials of their own Times, and of thoſe
that anteceded them, delivered down by Tradition from the Patriarchs :
Thus did Mofes; and the Annals of that People are carried down to the
diffolution of their Government. The Phenicians began their Hiſtorical
Monuments after them, the Grecians after them. The Pelafgi and Attici were
very
a Peo-
150
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
a People long before Homer wrote. England was doubtless Inhabited before
Cafar came over, yet we have few Monuments of Britain more ancient
than Cafar gives us; and from him, except Beda, we have few Authenti-
cal Hiftories by any known Hiftorian before the Conqueft by King wil-
liam; but they have been all written fince, or very near his time; and
many of the things which they have put together touching the Britains,
Picts, Danes, yea and the beginning of the Saxons, have been collected
out of broken Monuments in Monafteries, and Tradition, and digefted
into feries and order of times by thofe that have written long fince
the things done; by men that lived fince the Normans came in, as Henry
of Hantington, William of Malmsbury, Roger Hoveden, Matthew Paris, and
others.
3. A third difficulty is this: That in thoſe elder times there were not
thofe means of preferving the Monuments of things paft, as after times
afforded; for whatever antiquity the World may be ſuppoſed to be,
it is plain that Arts have increaſed and grown: Printing is a new In-
vention, and although Letters and Writing were ancient among the
Phenicians, and from them derived to the Greeks, yet we muſt ſuppoſe
they were not ſo perfect or fo common in the elder Ages as in thofe that
fucceed them. And therefore thoſe that contend for an Eternal fuccef-
fion of Men in the World, do fuppofe that by a kind of circulation or
rotation Arts have their fucceffive invention and perfection and tradu-
&tion from one People to another; and confequently though fome might
be early able to deliver over Hiftorical paffages, as being better inftructed
in Letters and Writing, and more civilized than others, yet others at-
tained it later: As the Europeans had their Learning from the Afiaticks,
ſo the Americans have it from the Europeans, and yet the People of Europe,
Afia, and America may be of equal Antiquity.
Beſides all this, there have been many viciffitudes and changes whereby
ancient Monuments and Hiftories have been loft: As 1. The Variation
of Languages, or at leaſt of the Characters wherein they were written,
many things written in former Ages being fcarce legible in after Ages,
and ſo neglected. 2. Wars and Defolations hapning thereby, which
obliterate many ancient Monuments. If by a kind of common ftipulation
or pact as it were, Monafteries had not had a kind of common Protection
in the viciffitudes of the Conquefts of England by the Picts, Danes, Saxons
and Normans, we had had very little extant of ancient things. 3. Tranf-
migrations of People from one Country to another, whereby they left
their ancient Monuments behind them, which were neglected by them
that fucceeded them. 4. Floods and Inundations, eſpecially in the parts
of Afia, which ſwept away many ancient Monuments.
Theſe are the Allays that are to be given to this particular touching
the Epoche and Original of Monarchies, Kingdoms, and States, and the
Monuments and Hiftorical Relations of them or hapning in them, and
to the weight of thoſe confequences deduced or deducible from them,
in order to the Argument in queftion touching the Origination of Man
kind.
1
CAP.
Cap. 4.
151
the Origination of Mankind.
CA P. IV.
1
The Third Instance of Fact proving the Origination of Mankind,
namely, the Invention of Arts.
I
Come to the Third Inftance of Fact, namely, the Diſcovery and Per-
fecting of Arts, and the new Diſcoveries that later Ages have made
of things that were not formerly known.
And this Topick confifts principally of theſe parts; 1. That there
have been fuch Diſcoveries of Things and Arts not formerly known:
2. That confequently the World, elpecially of Mankind, is of a far
later Edition than Eternity.
Touching the former of theſe, it is very evident both by the Tradition
of the Ancients, and alfo by our own unquestionable Experience, that
very great Diſcoveries have been in feveral Ages made of Things and
Arts that were hidden and unknown unto precedent Ages. I fhall not
trouble my ſelf with thoſe large Catalogues of profitable Inventions
which have been fucceffively diſcovered, when before they were not known,
at leaſt for onght appears to us; as the ufe of Husbandry, the making of
Wine and Oyl, the diſcovery of the Letters of the Alphabet in fucceffive
Ages, Mufick, Military and Civil Difcipline, Engins of War, and Navi-
gation: Theſe and infinite more have been by the Induftry of former
Writers reduced to their feveral Epoche and Authors of their Diſcoveries,
and ſome of the Authors have had therefore divine Honour given to
them by the admiring Heathen. Theſe ſeveral Inventors and Inventions
are regiſtred by Diodorus Siculus in his firſt ſix Books, by Clemens Alexan-
drinus in the firſt Book of his Stromata, by Pliny 1.7.cap. 56. and ex pro-
feffo by Polydore Virgil in his eight Books de Rerum Inventoribus: In which
and other Collections of that kind, although poffibly there be many
things that are fabulous, or grounded upon a very light and uncertain
tradition; yet there are many things that are true or very credible,
eſpecially fince the Monuments of ancient times give us an account of the
moſt remote Ages of Men; Rudes primùm & incuria filveftri non multùm
à ferarum afperitate diffimiles, Macrob. in fomnio Scipionis, l. 2. cap. 10. fee
the elegant deſcription of the elder Inhabitants of the World, Lucret. l. 5.
Nec commune bonum peterant ſpectare, neque ullis
Moribus inter fe fcibant neque legibus uti.
With which deſcription of the elder World agrees Plato in his Politicks
Nudi enim & fine fragulis magnam partem foris & fub dio vitam colebant;
and the fame Plato in his third Book de Legibus fuppofeth, that thoſe relicks
of Men that eſcaped the ancient Deluges by flight into the Mountains
became perfectly ignorant in proceſs of time of thoſe Arts and conve-
niences of humane Life, which poffibly their Progenitors might have
been better acquainted with.
But we need not go fo far for a full conviction of that admirable Dif
covery and Improvement of Arts and other things, eſpecially fuch as
are neceffary for humane Life.
>
la
152.
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
In matters Aſtronomical we have a far greater light than what was
two thousand years fince; for we find the old Hypothefts of the Heavenly
Syftem called fince in queſtion by Copernicus, Galilæus, and Kepler; the
folidity of the Orbs detected to be untrue, by the plain difcovery of
Tycho Brahe and others; the new diſcoveries of Stars and Afteriſms,and their
figures, by the help of the Teleſcope, demonftratively and to the fenfe.
In matters Philofophical many new Diſcoveries have been made by
Experiences, whereunto the Ancients never attained: And although the
Bodies of Men, Animals and Infects have been theſe many thouſands of
years expoſed to the view and ſearch of diligent Phyſicians and Anato-
mifts, yet it is a wonder to fee what new Diſcoveries have been made in
Anatomical Diffections and Obſervations, which feem wholly hidden to the
Ancients; as thofe of the Circulation of the Blood by Doctor Harvey; the
Vene lacted by Afellius; the Repofitorium Chyli of Pecquet, with the method of
its deduction into the Vena cava; the proceſs of Generation and of the For-
mative actions, the curious Diſcoveries of the Parts and Faculties of ſmall
Infects, by the help of the Microfcope, rendred by Malpighius and others.
Again, the great Difcoveries that have been made by the means of
Pyrotechny and Chymiftry, which in late Ages have attained to a
greater height than formerly.
Again, in matters Mechanical, although it be true that this latter
Age hath not arrived to that incredible skill of Archimedes, yet Mecha-
nical powers have been ftrangely improved, as we fee in the late im-
provement of the late difcovery of the Motion of the Pendulum, whereby
the portions of Time are not only meaſured with an incredible exactneſs,
but the uſe thereof tranflated unto Watches, Clocks, and other Engins;
ſo we have high advancement of Dialling, Clocks, Pumps, Fountains
and other Motions beyond the acquefts of former Ages.
And although the Art of Navigation hath been very ancient, and the
uſe of the Mariner's Needle, which fome carry up to Amalpes an Arabian
in the year
of Chrift 1360; others to the Chineſes, and by them diſcovered
to Paulus Venetus; others carry it up to King David: yet the Art of Na-
vigation hath been fince greatly improved, and many excellent Diſco-
veries in relation to the Inclination and Variation of the Magnetick
Needle. To theſe we may add the ufe of Guns, Gunpowder, and
Printing, which though by fome afferted to be of long uſe in China, yet
in this Weſtern part of the World the original of the Invention hath its
known Epocha.
By theſe and many more Inftances of the like kind it may appear, That
many Inventions and Diſcoveries of things not only of curiofity but of
uſe and convenience to Mankind have had their known and certain
Epoche, or a fufficient evidence of times when they were not uſed or
known in the World.
2. The confequence of this Suppofition feems to be this; That in as
much as theſe had their diſcoveries within known Periods, it is not
ſuppoſable that the fucceffions of Mankind could have been without a
Beginning, but rather that they had a Beginning within a reaſonable
time: for it is not conceptible that in an infinite, or indeed in a very
long period of Revolutions of Mankind, thoſe or any things of this kind
diſcoverable would have been of ſo late and puifne a diſcovery: This is
the
Cap. 4.
153
the Origination of Mankind.
the Argument of Lucretius, who though an Afferter of the Eternity of
Matter and Motion, yet together with his Mafter Epicurus afferts a Be-
ginning of this World which we now behold, Lib.
5.
Quare etiam quædam nunc artes expoliuntur,
Nunc etiam augefcunt; nunc addita navigiis funt
Multa, modo organici melicos peperere Sonores;
Denique natura hac rerum ratióque reperta
Nuper
And upon the fame account Macrobius 1. 2. cap. 10. in Somnium Scipionis ;
Si enim ab initio, imò ante initium fuit mundus, ut Philofophi volunt, Cur per
innumerabilem feriem feculorum non fuerat Cultus quo nunc utimur inventus?
Non Literarum ufus quo folo memoria fulcitur Eternitas? Cur denique multa-
rum rerum experientia ad aliquas gentes recenti atate pervenit? ut ecce Galli
vitem vel cultum olea, Roma jam adolefcente, didicerunt; alia verò gentes
adhuc multa nefciunt quæ nobis inventa placuerunt. Hæc omnia videntur æter-
nitati rerum repugnare, dum opinari nos faciant certo mundi principio paulatim
fingula quaque cœpiffe.
But although this Argument at the firft view may feem to have much
of evidence in it of the Origination of Mankind, yet it ſeems too weak
to lay any great weight, at leaft fingly, upon it, as will appear by what
follows; though in confort with other Inftances it hath its uſe and
weight.
The Diſcovery or Invention of things may feem to be upon theſe, or
ſome of theſe Methods.
2. It ſeems to me that fome things have been diſcovered unto Mankind
by a more immediate interpofition of the Divine Providence, or the
miniſtration of Angels; as for inftance, the Medicinal Virtue of ſome
Herbs, Vegetables, or Minerals, that lye not in the ordinary road of
Experience, or analogical collection from Circumftances, Signatures, or
Obfervation.
2. Some things were diſcovered experimentally, though perchance
not intentionally, or by defign in the firſt diſcovery: And thus probably
the Virtues of ordinary Simples came to be diſcovered; for the Food of
Mankind being anciently Herbs and Fruits, or at leaſt of ſuch of Mankind
who either through choice, cuſtom or neceffity were driven to that abſte-
mious Diet, there did doubtless occurr the experience of various tem-
peraments and operations of thoſe Herbs; fome purgative, fome emetick,
fome fudorifick, fome aftringent, which gave Men opportunity of di-
gefting them into ſeveral ranks and uſes.
3. Some things were diſcovered ex prænotis, & per viam rationalis dif
curfus: Thus probably Men by the Signatures, Tafts and Colours of
Herbs, bearing analogy to other things they knew, concluded fairly
touching their Nature and Ufe, which by Tryal and Experience they
improved into more fixed and ftable Theorems and Conclufions: And
upon this account alfo many Practical Arts, eſpecially relating to Num-
bers, Weight, Meaſure and Mechaniſm had their production; for the
Rudiments of Proportion being lodged in the Mind, they feem to have
grown intentionally and ex industria into thofe various practices of
X
Arithme-
154
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
·
Arithmetick, Geometry, and Mechanicks refulting from thoſe princi-
ples per media proceffus rationalis; and thus thofe practices of the Rules
of Proportion, Mechanical Motions, Staticks, Architecture, Navigation,
Meaſuring of Diftances and Quantities, and infinite more did arife.
4. Some things in their firſt diſcovery feem purely accidental, and
although poffibly the operation of Reafon and Tryal and Experiment might
or may carry on the Invention into farther Improvements and Advances,
yet in the very firſt primo primum of the Diſcovery it may be accidental:
The old, whether true or fabulous Diſcovery of Fire may ferve to explain
my conception; wherein it is fuppofed, that one fitting upon a Hill and
tumbling down Flint ftones, upon the collifion thereof he obſerved fparks
of Fire, which nevertheleſs he after improved by adding combuftible
materials to it; and doubtless upon fuch and the like occurrences many
Chymical and other accidental Diſcoveries have been made, beſides and
beyond and without the intention of the Operator: And I well knew
a Perſon that had not capacity enough to deduce any thing of curiofity
per proceſſum rationalem, yet by accidental dealing with Water and ſome
Canes did arrive to a moft admirable excellence in fome Mechanical
Works of that nature, though he never had the Wit to give a reaſon
of his performance of them.
5. Some things have been found out by a kind of neceffity and exi-
gence of Humane Nature; fuch as Clothes, Societies, Places of Defence
and Habitation, and poffibly much of the plainer fort of Tillage and
Husbandry, Venter magifter artis, ingeniique largitor: and commonly
theſe were the earliest Inventions, becauſe Nature ftood early in need of
them. And hence it came to paſs, that they who had Calum clementius,
that afforded them neceffaries without the affiftance of confiderable In-
duſtry, continued longeft rude and uncultivated. And therefore if the
Husbandry of Ceres or Triptolemus came late into the World, it was
becauſe thoſe Eaſtern Countries then inhabited abounded with plenty
of Fruits, which fupplied the defect of Husbandry till the World grew
more difperfed and fuller of Inhabitants, and tranſmigrated into parts of
leſs natural fertility.
6. Some things have been diſcovered not only by the Ingeny and
Induſtry of Mankind, but even the inferior Animals have fubminiftred
unto Man the invention or diſcovery of many things both Natural and
Artificial and Medicinal, unto which they are guided, and in which
they are directed by ſecret and untaught inftincts, which would be infinite
to proſecute. The Fable or Hiftory of Glaucus obferving Fishes to leap
into the Sea, upon tafting an Herb by the fhore; the Weaſel ufing Plan-
tane as an Antidote; the wounded Stag uſing Dittany to draw out the
Arrow, (if true) and divers others, give us fome Analogical In-
ſtances.
And theſe are ordinarily the Methods of Diſcoveries. The Things or
Objects diſcovered are principally of two kinds; viz. 1. Such things as
are already lodged in Nature, as Natural Caufes and Effects, and thoſe
various Phenomena in Nature, whereof fome lye more open to our Senſes
and daily obſervation; others are more occult and hidden, and though
acceffible in ſome meaſure to our Senſes, yet not without great fearch and
ſcrutiny, or ſome happy accident; others again are fuch as we cannot
attian
་་
t
+
&
Cap. 4.
155
the Origination of Mankind.
attain to any clear fenfible diſcovery of them, either by reaſon of their
remoteneſs, diſtance, and unacceffibleneſs, as the Heavenly Bodies and
things cloſed up in the bowels of the Earth, or by reafon of their fubtil
and curious texture, eſcaping the clear and immediate acceſs of Senſe,
as Spiritual Natures, the Soul and its various Faculties and Operations,
and the Reaſons or Methods of them, wherein for the moft part our ac-
queſts touching them are but Opinion and Conjecture, wherein Men
vary according to the variety of their Apprehenfions and Phantafies, and
wherein (becauſe they want that manuduction of Senſe which is our
beft and fureft Guide in the firft Inftance in matters Natural) Men range
into incertain, inevident, and unſtable Notions.
2. Such things as are Artificial, wherein fome Diſcoveries are fimply
new, others are but acceffions and additaments to things that were
before mentioned: Some things are of convenience, utility or neceffity
to Humane Nature or the condition of Mankind; fome things are of
curiofity: fome things are found out cafually or accidentally; fome things
intentionally, and out of thofe Principles or Notions that ſeem to be
lodged originally in the Mind.
Now upon theſe Confiderations premiſed, it ſeems that the late Dif-
covery of many things in Nature, and many Inventions in Art are not
a fufficient Evidence of the Origination or late Origination of Mankind,
at leaſt taken fingly and apart.
1. In things Natural the variety is fo great, and the various combi-
nations therein fo many, that it ſeems poffible that there ſhould not have
been a full diſcovery of the whole ſtate of things Natural unto the Minds
of Men, although there were ſuppoſed an eternal duration of Mankind.
We may give our felves a Specimen hereof, if we look but back upon
that one Piece of Nature with which we have reaſon to be beſt ac-
quainted, namely, our felves; which by reafon of our vicinity to our
felves, our daily converſation with our felves and others of the fame
Species, our daily neceffities and opportunities of inquiring into our ſelves,
and the narrowness of our own nature in compariſon of the vaſt and
various bulk of other things, feems to render us a Subject capable of
being very fully diſcovered. And befides all this, the more inquifitive
and judicious part of Mankind have induſtriouſly ſet themſelves for many
Ages to make the beſt diſcovery they could of the nature of Man. Hip-
pocrates the Father of Phyficians, who lived in the 82 Olympiad, and
above 2000 years fince bufied himſelf much and profoundly in this En-
quiry; and a fucceffion of induftrious, obferving and learned Phyficians
and Naturalifts have purlued the Chafe with all care and vigilancy, and
by the help of Anatomical Diffections have ſearched into thoſe various
Meanders of the Veins, Arteries, Nerves and Integrals of the Humane
Body: Yet for all this, in this fenfible and narrow part of Humane
Nature, the husk and fhell thereof, how much remains after all this
whereof we are utterly ignorant? So that notwithſtanding all the
Diſcoveries that have been made by the Ancients, and thofe more
curious and plentiful Diſcoveries by the latter Ages, there ſtill remains
fo much undiſcovered that leaves ftill room for Admiration and In-
duftry, and gives us a powerful conviction of our Ignorance, that
the things we know in this little narrow obvious part of Nature the
X ?
Body
156
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
F
Body of Man is the leaft part of that we know not touching the
fame.
But when we yet confider how ſmall a part of the Humane Nature
is that which is the Corporeal part; and how little we know with any
tolerable certainty touching the more noble Parts, Acts and Operations
of the Humane Nature, the Principle of Life, Senfe, and Intellection,
we have ftill reafon to conclude that this little, narrow, near Subject
of our Knowledge is yet very difficult for us actually and fully to com-
prehend, and furnisheth our fearch with more Materials than we are
poffibly able to exhauft with all our Induftry, Care, Study, and Ob-
fervation. When I confider thoſe difficulties that occurr touching the
Production of that we call the Soul, whence it is, what it is, what
power it is that performs the proceffus formativus that digefts, difpofes,
models the prima ftamina nature humana that acts with moſt admirable
skill, dexterity, infallible order, and in the moft incomparable way of
Intelligence, and yet wholly deftitute of thoſe Organs whereby we
exercife the operations of Life, Senfe, and Intellection. That incom-
parable accommodation of all parts and things fitteft for uſe, for time,
for convenience: Again, when I confider thoſe various powers of the
Senfible Nature, that Regiment that it performs and exerciſeth by the
Spirits, Nerves, and Muſcles; the admirable powers of Senfation, of
Phantafie, of Memory, in what Salvatories or Repofitories the Species of
things paſt are conferved: Again, when I confider the ftrange powers
of Intellection, Ratiocination, Reminiſcence, and what that Thing or
Nature is that performs all thofe various operations: And when I con-
fider how little, how incertain, how contradictory thofe Sentiments of
Mankind have been touching theſe things, wherein nevertheleſs they
have ſearched and toyled Age after Age, I muft needs conclude, That
if we had no other fubject of our fearch and enquiry befides our ſelves,
we ſhould have for ought I know for infinite Ages a continued ftock for
our diſcovery; and when we had learned much, yet ftill even in this
narrow Subject there would be ſtill ſomewhat to be learned; and we ſhould
never be able actually to overtake the plenary diſcovery of what would
remain ;
Sic rota pofterior currit, fed in axe fecundo.
And if this one ſmall near piece of Nature ſtill affords new matter for
our diſcovery, where or when ſhould we be ever able to ſearch out all
the vaſt Treaſuries of Objective Knowledge that lyes within the compaſs
of the Univerſe? So that the new Diſcoveries that have been made in
Natural things is not a ſufficient evidence of the newneſs of the exiſtence
of Mankind, becauſe of that inexhauſtible Magazin of Natural Cauſes
and Effects which poffibly will ftore Mankind with new Diſcoveries unto
an everlaſting continuance.
2. And the fame that is ſaid for the redundance of matters intelligible
and cognofcible in things Natural, may be alfo applied to things Artifi-
cial. There are theſe things that render Artificial Inventions prodigiouſly
fertil and various: 1. The variety of the materials of things that may
be applied to Artificial ends and uſes; as we have Iron, Brafs, Wood,
Stones, Sounds, Light, Figuration, Tactile qualities; fome things of a
more
臂
​Cap. 4.
157
the Origination of Mankind.
5
more active, ſome things of a more paffive nature; fome things diverfified
in degrees of heat, cold, drynefs, moiſture; various Elements, Meteors:
and infinite variety of theſe Materials we have, which may be the material
conſtituents or ingredients into Artificial Structures, Engins, Motions, or
Effects. 2. The variety of the Apprehenfions and Fancies of ſeveral
Men in the deſtination and application of things to ſeveral ends and uſes
and this ariſing in them partly by the various texture and frame of their
very temper of their Brains, Blood, and Spirits, partly by variety of Edu-
cation, partly by Neceffity, partly by Accidental Emergency: by this
means poffibly the fame Material is variouſly managed into various Arti-
fices, according to this variety of Phantafy or Imagination. As take the
fame Wool, for instance, one Men felts it into a Hat, another weaves
it into Cloth, another weaves it into Kerſey or Serge, another weaves it
into Arras; and poffibly theſe variouſly ſubdiverſified according to the phan-
tafy of the Artificer: For it is moſt certain that there is not greater variety
in the figures and complexions of Mens Faces and Features, and in the
contemperations of their natural Humours, than there is in their Phan-
tafies, Apprehenfions and Inclinations. And hence it is that, for in-
ftance, the texture of Zeuxes or Apelles inclines him to the invention or
improving of Painting, Archimedes to Mechanical Motions, Euclid to
Geometrical Conclufions: and hence it muſt neceffarily come to paſs,
that according to the variety of Men that either cafually or induftrioufly
apply themſelves to Artificial Diſcoveries or Inventions, there will enfue
variety of Inventions. That Invention that did ariſe from the Genius
or temperament of the Phantafie or Imagination of Apelles, would pro-
bably never in the fame individual Invention have been found out before
him, though the World of Men had lafted millions of Years before
him; becauſe perchance in that long Period no Man had ever the fame
Syntax of Phantafie or Imagination that he had, and confequently though
fome Artificial Inventions are as it were of that common congruity to
the general Phantafies of Men; or feem to arife upon a common futable-
neſs to the uſe or exigence of Mankind, as digging, planting, ploughing,
fowing, making of Apparel and Houfes; yet fome have that particular
reſpect or cognation to the Phantafie of this or that particular Man, that
they would never have been found out till ſuch a Man had had his being
in the World, and confequently the Invention was not found fooner,
becauſe the Man to whofe Phantafie this Invention was accommodate
was not born nor lived fooner.
3. The variety of Application and Combination of ſeveral Materials
of Artificial things in their feveral Artificial Complements: For it is
very plain, that even where things are finite and determinate in their
number, yet they arife to a ftrange and prodigious multitude, if not
indefinitude, by their various Pofitions, Combinations, and Conjunctions:
The Letters of the Alphabet, which arife from the ſeveral apertures and
conjunctions of the Tongue, the Teeth, the Palate,the Lips,the Throat, are
but 24 in number, yet various combinations of theſe Letters are the formal
conftituents of all the Words and Languages in the World: And yet all the
Words and Languages in the World do not amount to the hundredth
part of thoſe other articulate Languages that might be made out of the
remaining combinations of the Letters of the Alphabet, which are not
in
158
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
in uſe in any or all the Languages of the World. The general divifion
of Lines in Geometry is into ftreight and crooked, but the various com-
binations and pofitions of theſe two forts of Lines would make more
Figures of Superficies than all the Ages of the World could poffibly col-
lect or defcribe.
And from this variety of Materials, variety of Phantaſies and Imagi-
nations, and variety of Combinations or Junctures of things, we may
rcaíonably conclude that the multitude of Artificials is inexhauftible; and
that although there be many new Inventions diſcovered daily which were
not diſcovered before, yet that alone is no fufficient Argument of the
Novity of Mankind; for this Magazin of Artificials is fo fruitful, vaſt,
and indeterminate, that if the World ſhould laſt millions of Ages there
would be a ftore and fupply for immenfe Ages, Et femper aliquid ultra.
It may be poffibly objected, That although the variety of Materials
are great, and poffibly indefinite and indeterminate, and fo alſo of the
Fancies of Men, and confequently thoſe various combinations of things
that are conſtituents of new Inventions, yet they are not Infinite: For
although the combinations of the 24 Letters of the Alphabet are a pro-
digious number, yet if inſtead of 24 Letters there were 24 millions, as
thoſe 24 millions are a finite number, fo would all the changes and
combinations thereof be finite, though perchance not eafily computable
by Arithmetick, in refpect of the huge excefs of the number; and confe-
quently, in an infinite Period of Time, though one of theſe combinations
fhould be exhibited in a million of Years, the whole number of combi-
nations had been infinite Ages fince exhaufted, and no combination left
to make up the material or formal conftituent of a new Invention.
I answer, It is true, the combinations of things finite exiſting muſt
needs be finite as well as the things themfelves. But, as I have before
fuppofed, the Invention of Arts doth not only depend upon the exiftence
of the Materials of things Artificial, no nor fingly upon the various
combinations of thoſe Materials; but upon the Phantafie, Deſign and
Deſtination of Man, which is various, according to thoſe various Tem-
peraments that have ingredience and influence into him: yea and poffibly
alſo upon certain junctures and concourfes of things that might never
before befall any other. And therefore, as if upon a fuppofed Eternal
Succeſſion of Mankind we ſhould find but one individual Socrates or
Plato, ſo it is not impoffible to ſuppoſe that Socrates or Plato ſhould confiſt
of ſuch a Temperament and Conftitution, fuch a Phantafie and Ima-
gination as never any man before had exactly the like; and conſequently
he might be the diſcoverer of fome fuch Invention as never before was
diſcovered. Or if we ſhould be fo hardy as to fuppofe a Man pre-exiſting
in all things exactly like to Socrates, both in his Temperament, Body
and Mind, yet poffibly thoſe accidental Occurrences which excited the
Imagination of "Socrates to the diſcovery and compofing of fuch an In-
vention might not fall in with that Man that is fuppofed of a perfect
parity with Socrates.
For although perchance exifting Individuals may not be actually Infi-
nite, yet certain it is that the potential gradation of things may be po-
tentially Infinite, and fo may the junctures of Occurrences be potentially
Infinite; whereby it may come to paſs, that though an Eternal Succeffion
of
Cap. 4.
159
the Origination of Mankind.
of Men were admitted, yet in ista bora a Man might be produced that
had never parem omnibus gradibus & numeris: And fuch junctures of Oc-
currences might happen in ifta hora that had never an exact parity of all
Circumſtances, and the fame exact weight and number of Occurrences
in any antecedent portion of Eternity.
And hence it may very eafily come to paſs, that as any one Invention
had not its exiſtence in a portion of a thouſand, two, ten, twenty
thout
fand years before, fo, if the Ages of Mankind were infinite, it might
never have pre-exiſtence before, though the whole Race of Mankind
had been induftriouſly addicted ad ultimum poffe to have diſcovered or im-
proved Artificial Inventions.
3. The third Allay to the concludence of this Argument is this: That
Mankind have been, and in many places are very remiſs and unactive in
improving their knowledge and diſcovery of things Natural and Arti-
ficial; and that which befalls one Man, or Age, or Place in this kind,
may befall another: This may happen by lazineſs and floth, by an evil
cuftom, or by overflowing barbarouſneſs and want of improvement by
Education: And upon this account we find a great want of Arts and
Inventions in the Weſtern World, in Africa, and even nearer hand
among the Irish: And if now by the acceffion of Planters of better
Education, or by the advanced Induſtry of fome Inhabitant of thoſe
barbarous Countries there should be derived among them the Inventions
of profitable or curious Arts, we could not with any fufficient reafon
conclude that the World lately began in thoſe Countries, becauſe the
Original of thofe Arts and Inventions was but lately begun among them.
If therefore thoſe People by reaſon of their Barbarous courſe of life might
be ſtrangers unto Arts and Inventions for the ſpace of five hundred or
a thousand Years, why not for a much longer time? why not eternally?
Since the very fame fupineneſs and negligence might as well poffefs thoſe
Parts and Inhabitants for many Ages, as well as few; and for interminate
Ages, as well as certain: and if at this day they fhould diſcover and
practiſe new Arts and Inventions, it were no greater Argument againſt
the Eternity of their Succeffion, than against their Continuance for
thoſe many thouſand Years, which probably they have had in that un-
known Weſtern World.
4. The fourth Allay of this Obſervation ſeems to be this: That as in
Kingdoms and Empires, fo in Diſcoveries of Arts there feem to be very
great viciffitudes and circulations, which ftrangely vary the Faces of
Things and Countries; and this principally done, 1. By Wars and
Victories: 2. By Floods, Inundations, or Epidemical Diſeaſes and
Plagues.
The Inftances of the former are various. The Romans were a People
civilized and improved into great Knowledge in Arts and Sciences, and
in Civil and Military Government; and where they prevailed in Con-
queſts and Victories, they did together with their Victories tranfmit
Arts, Sciences, and excellent Methods of Government among even Barba-
rous Nations, which quite altered oftentimes the former Face of thoſe con-
quered Countries, and by that means thofe Arts which were not known
before in thoſe Places, became in uſe and requeſt in thoſe Countries
wherein before they were ftrangers: not as if they then began, for they
had
160
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
had their Practice and Ufe long before among the Romans, though their
tranfmiffion and derivation into thofe Countries that were conquered
ſeemed new.
Again, fome Countries were benè morati, well diſciplined in Learning,
Arts, and Knowledge, but poffibly by the Irruption of numerous Armies
of Barbarous People, thoſe Countries were quickly over-grown with
Barbariſm and defuetude from their former Civility and Knowledge, and
degenerated into the Ignorance and Barbarim of their Conquerors; fo
that in a reaſonable Period of time much of their ancient Knowledge and
Arts was forgotten, as if they never had it. This was the condition of
Greece the Learned Part of the World after their fubjugation by the
Tarks, and this poffibly may be the condition of China in a few years
after the great Irruption and Devaftation by the Tartars; wherein poffibly
if an Age or two hence the ftate of things fhould be judged according
to the preſent appearance, it would be looked upon as if it had never
been the habitation of thoſe Curious Arts which fome time dwelt there:
and poffibly the ſetting on foot fome of thoſe very Arts that were once
well known in thoſe parts, would be looked upon as the Natales of thoſe
Arts, or the firft Inchoation of them, Wars and Defolations having
obliterated the Monuments of their former practices; which yet neverthe-
leſs would be in truth but the reviving of thofe Arts which were
long before practiſed, though intermitted and interrupted by the viciffi-
tudes of Wars.
And upon the fame account are thofe alterations that have hapned in
the condition and ſtate of People by other accidents, as Inundations,
Epidemical Diſeaſes, Corruption of the Air in fome Parts and Conti-
nents, either by fome eruption of pernicious Vapours, or other Incle-
mency of the Heavens. Plato in his third Book de Legibus, in the begin-
ning, though he fuppofe an interminate Beginning of Mankind, and
that there were fucceffively Cities, Laws, and Arts; yet he fuppofeth
that upon theſe and the like Occurrences, thofe that eſcaped theſe com-
mon Calamities betook themſelves to the Mountains, kept Sheep, and
preſerved the Species of Mankind; but moft of thoſe Arts and Sciences
which formerly were common, became difufed and forgotten among
them: But after Mankind multiplying, they defcended into the Vallies,
and by degrees, mutual converfation, the neceffity of their condition,
and the due confideration of things did gradually revive thofe Arts which
Men had formerly loft by long intermiffion. For fuch is the indoles of
the Humane Nature, where it is not ftrangely over-grown with Barba-
rouſneſs, that it will by a kind of Natural Sagacity difcover things,
eſpecially neceſſary for the uſe of Humane Life and Society, as Huf-
bandry, Laws, Government, Architecture, Clothing, and the like; as
Bees or Ants provide for their common habitation and ſupply.
Upon all which it may ſeem that we are over-hafty when we conclude,
That becauſe Arts or Sciences do perchance diſcover themſelves first to
our view in fuch Places or Ages, that therefore this was their firſt and
primitive production, or that they were never before. For it may very
reaſonably be, that thofe or the like Arts might have been either in other
places, and by a kind of migration or circulation be tranſmitted to thoſe
new places either by Armies or Colonies deduced hither; or that even
among
|
Cap. 4.
161
the Origination of Mankind.
?
among the fame People or Nation thefe Arts were fometimes flourishing,
though poffibly having received fome intermiffion by great Accidents and
Occurrences, they again do repullulare and revive upon the opportunity
of Peace, Trade, Commerce and Popular Increafe. Nay many times
it comes to paſs, as is before obferved, That when People are multi-
plied, fo that their places grow ftrait and narrow, and their ſupplies
not proportionable to their number, neceffity and exigence, it gives
an edge to their Induſtry and Invention, and produceth new Diſcoveries
of things that were either not known before, or forgotten: And even
this one thing hath advanced the Dutch to that eminence of Manufacture,
Induſtry and Arts, that they exceed the reſt of the World therein.
We may
have an Inftance of this Circulation of Arts even in this
Kingdom of England in that which is our great Manufacture, namely,
Woollen Cloth: It appears very plainly by thofe ancient Gilds that were
fettled in England for this Manufacture, as at Lincoln, York, Oxford and
divers other Cities, that in the time of H. 2. and R. 1. this Kingdom
greatly flouriſhed in that Art: but by the troubleſom Wars in the time
of King John, H. 3. and alſo in the times of E. 1. and E. 2. this Manufa-
cture was wholly loft, and all our Trade ran out in Wools, Wool-fells,
and Leather carried out in fpecie; and the Manufacture, during thoſe
Warly times, held its courle in France, the Netherlands, and the Hans
Towns; but by the Wiſdom and peaceable times of E. 3. and his fair
treating of forein Artifts, which he invited and entertained in this King-
dom, he regained that Art hither again, which for near one hundred
Years had been for the moft part intermitted, which hath hitherto con-
tinued to the great Wealth and Benefit of this Kingdom.
So that we are not to conclude every new appearance of any Art or
Science is the firft production of it, but as they fay of the River Tigris
and ſome others, they fink into the ground, and keep a fubterranean
courſe, it may be 40 or 50 miles, and then break out above ground again,
which is not fo much a new River, as the continuation and new ap-
pearance of the old: So many times it falls out with Arts and Sciences,
though they have their non-appearances for fome Ages, and then feem
first to diſcover themſelves where before they were not known, it is not
fo much the first production of the Art as a tranfition, or at leaſt a refti-
tution of what poffibly was either before in another, or in the fame
Country or People: And thus fome tell us that Guns and Printing,
though but lately diſcovered in Europe, yet were of far ancienter ufe in
China.
So that notwithſtanding this Conſideration of the late Invention of
Arts, or Diſcoveries of things Natural or Artificial, Mankind might
have had an infinite fucceffion, or at leaft fuch a continuance as furmounts
all thofe Accounts which the moſt prodigal Computations have given :
and that Saying of the Wife Man may be verified, Ecclefiast. 1. 9. The
thing that hath been is that which ſhall be, and that which hath been done is
that which shall be done, and there is no new thing under the Sun : Is there
any thing whereof it may be ſaid, See, this is new? It hath been already of old
time before.
I fhall here add a farther Confideration, becauſe it hath a cognation
with the Subject of this Chapter.
Y
There
162
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
}
There feems to be very probable Conjectures made touching the Ori-
gination of Mankind, becauſe there feems to be one Radical Language
from which all others have their derivation, though fome carry in them
more, ſome leſs Memorials of their Original, as they were more or leſs
remote in their Inception.
The Languages of the World may be aptly enough divided into the
Primo prime, the Primo fecunda, and the Secundo fecunde.
The Language which I call Primo prime muft needs be but one, if the
Original of Mankind were but two common Parents of either Sex, as the
Holy Scriptures teach us; and this one Language they muſt needs learn
either from a conformation of Voices by the Angels, fuch might that vocal
Language be between Almighty God by the miniftration of Angels, and
Adam, whereof we read in the firſt and ſecond Chapters of Genefis; or it
muſt be an inſtituted Language, chofen by Adam in Paradife, by which he
gave the ſeveral Beaſts their names, and maintained diſcourſe with GOD,
and the Woman with the Serpent: For although it is as natural to Man-
kind to express their Defires, Paffions, and Conceptions vocally, as it is for
Brutes to uſe their natural vocal Signs, though of a more fimple and im-
perfect kind; yet the forming of Languages into this or that particular
fashion or mode, whereby Conceptions may be rendred intelligible to
others, is a buſineſs of Inftitution, Difcipline, Intention and Confent. But
what this firft Language of our firſt Parents was, is difficult for us to de-
termin: ſome think it was the Hebrew, and from thence they derive other
Languages; others think that the Chineses Language was the Original,
becauſe it is the moft fimple, confifting moft of monofyllables, the moſt
natural, fitting the apertures and flexures of the Lips and Tongue with
the greateſt eaſe, and yet having the greateft multiplicity and variety
of Words; others again contend for the Scythian Language as the Primi-
tive: all founded upon conjectural Reaſons.
But when we confider how foon Languages are changed, and what
a tract of time there was between the Creation and the Flood, and from
thence to Moſes, it may be difficult to fuppofe that that Language conti-
nued fo long in its purity and integrity; poffibly if in any Line it con-
tinued in its integrity, it might be in the Line and Family of Noah, and
fo down to the Confufion of Languages at the Tower of Babel.
But it is hard to determin what that Primitive Language was: the
Hebrew or Samaritan bids faireſt for it, 1. In reſpect of its Antiquity;
2. In refpect of many Languages, eſpecially of the Eaft, that feem to be
derived from it, as the Caldee, Egyptian, Phenician, Syriack, Arabick, which
have a great cognation with it, and derivation, as it ſeems, from it.
And though poffibly in thoſe Elder times, as in the time of Abraham,
theſe ſeveral Languages might be but as ſo many ſeveral Dialects of the
fame Language, whereby it came to paſs that Abraham, though brought
up in Caldea or Affyria, held conference with the King of Gerar and
the Children of Heth, that were Canaanites, and as fome think, ufed the
Hebrew Language; his Servant also readily conferred with Laban the
Syrian: Ifaac allo had conference with the Philiftims and Egyptians, yet
it is apparent that in proceſs of time they grew into diftinct Languages,
unintelligible each to other: The Sons of Jacob understood not the
Egyptian Language when they came down for Corn, Gen. 42.23. neither
did
Cap. 4.
163
the Origination of Mankind.
did they afterward underſtand ordinarily the Syrian Language, 2 Kings
19. 26. nor the Caldean Language, Jer.5.15.
But although it be commonly thought the Hebrew Language was the
common Language of the Canaanites, yet it feems hard that the Holy
and fuppofed Primitive Language fhould be preferved only in the Po-
fterity of accurfed Canaan, and from them derived to the Pofterity of
Abraham the Holy Seed.
As touching the Language of the Seres or Chineſes, thoſe that fup-
poſe it to be the Primitive Language, do fuppofe that Noah's Ark firſt
refted upon the bordering Mountains of China, and that Country firft
peopled by the defcendents of Noah; that they were not at the building
of Babel. But this feems to be but a novel Conceit.
2. The Languages that were Secundo prima, were thoſe that hapned
upon the Confufion of Tongues, which the Jews fuppoſe to be 70 or 72,
from that place Pfal. 78. verl. 55. He hath divided the Nations according to
the number of the Princes of Ifrael, or the Sanhedrim; but whether they
were ſo many, or more, or lefs, is not. poffible to determin.
Some ſuppoſe thoſe Languages which are ordinarily called Lingua matri-
ces, were fome of thofe Languages that arofe at the Confufion of Tongues,
and are called Matrices, becauſe divers other, eſpecially of the European,
ſeem to be much derived from them, namely, the Greek, Latin, Teutonick,
Sclavonick, Scythian, Hungarian, Finnick, Cantabrian, Irish, British, Arabick,
Friſick, Illyrian, and Farygium.
But though theſe are taken to be Lingue matrices, yet much of their
Languages feem to be borrowed from Hebrew and Phenician Language;
and though they ſuppoſe thoſe Lingua matrices might arife at the Confu-
fion of Tongues, yet they were not totally eftranged from that common
Language which univerfally obtained before that Confufion, which fome
think as before, was the Hebrew; fome relicks of which Primitive Lan-
guage were notwithſtanding that Confufion retained as Indications and
Monuments thereof, as Bochart in his Phaleg, and out of him Mr. Gale
in his Book called The Court of the Gentiles, endeavours largely to
prove.
3. The third fort of Languages, which I call Secundo fecunde, are thoſe
that have either been derived from thoſe that were Primo fecunde, or that
have been compounded out of other Languages, or taken up de novo of
later times, or by all of thoſe ways have obtained in feveral parts of the
World, as the French, Italian, Spaniſh, Daniſh, Engliſh, and divers
others.
Now if it can be well deduced that there was fome ancient Primitive
Language that by reaſonable Evidence can appear to be the common Root
of all other Languages, it is reaſonable to conclude, That furely there
was fome one common Head that was the Beginning of Mankind; for
without this Suppofition it is hardly poffible that there ſhould be a common
Language at any time in the World, from which as from a common Root
all the Languages of the World ſhould in proceſs of time be derived.
But this Evidence alfo taken fingly, lyes open to fome Objections that
weaken it upon theſe Confiderations.
1
1. We have not clear Evidence enough of any fingle Primitive Lan-
guage, nor what that Primitive Language was if fuch there hath been:
Y 2
there
164
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
there might be in procefs of time a thousand fucceffive Languages, and
many that went before have been loft, and fucceeded by others.
2. Thoſe fimilitudes of Words of one Language which are found in
another, give us no fufficient Demonftrations which of them was Pri-
mitive, the reſemblances of words fignifying the fame thing in the Hebrew
and Greek Language prove no more that the Hebrew was before the Greek,
and lent Words to them, than that the Greek was before the Hebrew, and
lent the fimilitude of Words to them.
3. If we conſider almoſt any Language not before-hand or by fome
after means mancipated to Rules, we ſhall fcarce find any that contain
themſelves in the fame Articulation, Accent or Pronunciation for the
ſpace of three or four hundred Years, but are infinitely varied in proceſs
of time from what they formerly were. The English Language that was
common and ufual three or four hundred Years fince, is fcarce now intel-
ligible by us; yea and the Greek Tongue, though a regular Language,
and reduced to a Grammatical Canon, yet a good Grammatical Grecian
can hardly underſtand a Native Grecian, nor a Native Grecian the other
at this day: yea we are told by Quintilian, as I remember, that in Rome
it felf in proceſs of time the Latin Language was ſo altered, that the
Prieſts could not readily underſtand the Hymns compoſed for their Idol-
Service by the ancient Prieſts of Rome.
4. As fucceffion of Ages, fo variety of places in the fame Country
and Nation gives fuch variety of Dialects in the fame Language, that
one fide of a Kingdom ſcarce underſtands the other: witness the four
Dialects of the Greek Language, and the ſeveral Pronunciations of the
French in ſeveral parts of France, and the various Dialects of the Engliſh
in the North and Weft that render their Expreffions many times unintel-
ligible to the other, and both ſcarce intelligible to the Midland: various
Provinces of the fame Kingdom, and that at firſt uſed the fame Language,
in proceſs of time ufe various manners of Pronunciation, which in time
alſo alter the ſtructure of the Words as they are ſpoken or written, which
in farther proceſs of time alters the Language into feveral Dialects, as it
did in Greece and other places.
5. Every Nation hath a certain humour or difpofition appropriate to
it, which by a kind of Natural neceffity frames the very Air of Words,
Speech and Accents accommodate and fimilar to that Natural humour or
inclination;
Mufa loqui
Graiis dedit ore rotunde
In the very frame of the Speech of the Spaniard, Italian, French, Dutch,
welsh, English we may find a kind of Image of their Complexions and
Tempers, fuiting and framing their Speech, Accents, Tone, Pronuncia-
tion: Vowels conform thereunto, no leſs than in their Gate and Geſture;
and this very Account would in a little time diverfifie one and the fame
Language in the Mouths of feveral Nations, fo that in a little ſpace they
would not be the fame.
6. Commerce and Trade with forein Nations gives great alterations
in Languages, each Country borrowing fome Words, Accents, or Ex-
preffions from the other, whereby in a little time it is quite altered, and
becomes
Cap. 4.
165
the Origination of Mankind.
becomes a mixt confuſed Language, made up of the Ingredients of ſe-
veral Languages.
7. As in Clothes, fo in Words, Phraſes, and Expreffions there com-
monly grow new Faſhions, whereby it comes to paſs that the fame Words
and Phraſes that were not uſed, or fcarce underſtood in former Ages,
become in Faſhion, Reputation and Vogue in another Age; and this
obtains fometims from the Courts of Princes, wherein a Word a little
in requeſt foon grows in faſhion with the Gentry, and from them at the
third hand paffeth over to the Tradeſman or Countryman.
8. Many times the Literati and Scholares coyn new Words, and fome-
times in common Speech or Writing in their Native Language, give
Terminations and Idiotiſms futable to their Native Language, unto Words
newly invented or tranflated out of other Languages; which is fome-
times done out of Affectation, fometimes out of Neceffity, by reaſon
of the want of fufficient fignificancy in their own Language; and when
fuch Phraſes or Words come abroad in printed Books, in Sermons or
Orations, they become more general, and incorporate into the Native
Language.
9. Many Languages of Countries are greatly altered and mingled,
and ſometimes totally eradicated and loft by Invaſions and Victories, or
by tranfmiffion of Colonies by Forein Princes of a different Language.
Thus by the chacing the Britons out of England into wales, their Lan-
guage was wholly exterminated from hence with them, and by the fuc-
ceffive Incurfions and Invafions of the Saxons, Danes and Normans, the
English Language grew a kind of mixture of them all, which yet in pro-
cels of time hath been fo much varied, that the English that was written
in the time of H. 1. is not now intelligible.
It is true that thofe Languages that are not now Native, though fome-
times they were, but are preſerved in Writing or Rules or Canons, have
long kept their fimplicity, as the Hebrew, Greek and Latin, which have been
indeed preferved from being loft by vulgar ufe, but when a Language
once becomes of vulgar ufe, it foon lofeth its integrity; thus the Latin
degenerated into the Italian, and the very Hebrew and Greek more bar-
barous by much where they are popularly uſed, than in the ancient
Writings, wherein they have been preſerved and kept to their ancient
integrity.
Confidering therefore the great inftability of Languages, the great
variations and changes to which they are fubject, the great alterations
that they have had, the great difficulty of finding any Language which
(upon grounds barely of Reaſon, without Divine Revelation) we can
fafely call Original, and the great difficulty of deducing other Languages
entirely from it: It is hard for us fingly to lay any weight upon this In-
ftance, to prove the Origination of Man upon a meer Moral Account
or Topical Ratiocination thereof:
САР.
166
Sec. II.
Moral Evidences touching
}
CA P. V.
The Fourth Inftance of Fact feeming to evince the Novity of Mankind,
namely, the Inceptions of the Religions and Deities of the Heathens,
and the deficiency of this Inftance.
Religion
as and
Eligion ſeems to be as connatural to Humane Nature as Reaſon,
poffibly a more diftinguiſhing property of Humane Nature than it :
For almoſt in all fenfible Creatures, eſpecially thoſe of the more perfect
kind, a certain Image or weak Adumbration of ſomething like Reaſon
appears, yet we find in no Creatures below Mankind any thing like
Religion, or Veneration of a Deity: And thoſe faint Conjectures touching
fomething analogical to Religion obferved in Elephants, are too weak
to give any reaſonable admiffion thereof in them.
Religion therefore feems as ancient as Humanity it ſelf, at leaſt of ſome
kind of dreſs or faſhion or other: therefore if we can arrive at the Inception
of Religion, Veneration of a Deity, and thofe Rites, Adorations, and
Services that refult from thence; we have reaſon to conjecture that the
Inception of Mankind was not long before.
And becauſe the Inception of Mankind is not doubted by Jews or
Chriſtians, who acknowledge the Truth and Divine Authority of the
Scriptures, that reveal and difcover the Origination both of Mankind
and the World, but the doubt only refteth among thoſe of the Gentile
World; it hath been thought a reaſonable Argument to convince the
Heathen World of the Origination of Mankind, by diſcovering the Ori-
gination not only of the Religious Worſhip of the Heathens, but even
of thoſe very Deities which they celebrated and venerated, and paid that
Religious Worship unto.
And this Diſcovery of the Origination of their Heathenish Deities hath
been endeavoured by two Methods: Firft,by following the ancient Hiftories
of the Phenicians, Egyptians, Grecians, and Romans; by which means they
have traced
up moft if not all their Heathenish Deities to their Original,and
their firſt Inauguration into Deities; whereas they were in their original
for the moſt part but Men of great Note and Merit or Power in the
Ancient World, or fuch, who outgoing the ordinary rate of Mankind
by fome fignal Excellence, Learning or Induftry, were by the admiring
inferior fort of Men tranflated into the Opinion and Veneration of Gods:
and then there wanted not Poets and Prieſts to derive from them a Race
and Progeny of Gods, which fwelled into great Numbers, Pedigrees,
and Genealogies of Gods and Heroes, Theogonia, which filled the fuperiour
World as Men filled the inferiour World by fucceffive Generations: And
thoſe Authors that have given us an account of the Apotheofes, the Inau-
guration of the Heathenish Deities and their fucceffions, are many
efpecially, Diodorus Siculus in his firſt fix Books; Eufebius in his first and
fecond Book De Preparatione Evangelii, out of the Ancient Monuments
of the Phenicians, Egyptians and Grecians; and Clemens Alexandrinus in
lib. 1. Stromat. who gives us an account of the Apotheoſes of Bacchus, Her-
cules, Æfculapius, Ifis, Ceres, Serapis, Apis and others, many of them, if not
all,
}
Cap. 5.
167
the Origination of Mankind.
1
J
}
1
all, having their being and tranflation into Deities after the time of
Mofes; and from the various Denominations of thoſe Heathenish Deities,
ſome had one Name among the Egyptians, another among the Phenicians,
another among the Syrians, another among the Grecians; though poffibly
the Perſons themſelves were for the most part the fame.
Secondly, By carrying up the Original of moſt of the Ancient Deities
of the Heathens, and refolving them into Noah, and his Sons and De-
ſcendents, deducing by very probable Arguments that Noah was Saturn,
Chronos, &c. that Japhet was Neptune, Ham Jupiter, Shem Pluto, Canaan
Mercury, Nimrod Bacchus, Magog Prometheus: vid. Bochart, in Phaleg, l. 1.
Voffius de Idololatria origine & progreffu, l. 1. and others that have followed
thofe Learned and Ingenious Authors.
But this Inference of the Recentnefs of Mankind from the Recentneſs
of theſe Apotheoses and Origination of Gentile Deities, feems alfo too
weak to bear up this Suppofition of the Novitas humani generis.
1. Becauſe although poffibly ſome of their Heathenish Deities might
have been of a late Edition, yet there might be many more that might
be ancienter, who either were antiquated and forgotten, or they were
tranflated to other Names and Succeffors; it faring with Idol Gods as it
doth with Words or Languages,
Cecidere cadéntque,
Que jam funt in honore vocabula.
The luft of Mens Fancies in Propagation of Deities was endleſs and
unfatiable. We are told out of Varro that there were no less than thirty
thouſand Heatheniſh Gods and Deities of all forts, which were known
in his time; and how many more there might be whoſe Names and Wor-
ſhip were long before that time antiquated, we cannot eafily conjecture:
only in all probability they were far more than thoſe that ſurvived. And
therefore poffibly there might be a Race and Succeffion of Apotheofes
long antecedent to thofe whofe Originals we have given us in Ancient
Hiftories. We fee how eafily the Roman Calendar fwells with new
Confecrations of Saints, and to what a multitude they have grown within
leſs than the compaſs of one thouſand Years; and poffibly had the World
continued many thouſand years before it is fuppofed to have began, there
might have been an interminate fucceffion of imaginary Deities, though
many or moſt of their Names are now unknown, or the times of their
Confecrations forgotten.
2. But yet farther, if we ſhould ſuppoſe that this courfe of Idolatry
began even ſhortly after the time of Noah and his three Sons, yet it is
granted of all hands that the World had ſtood above 1600 Years before
the invention of this kind of Idolatry: So that ex confeffo this was not
the firft Religion in the World, neither did this Religion tread upon the
Heels of the Origination of Mankind if Mankind was, and was 1600
Years before thofe Deities were found out; and ſo this Religion cannot
pretend to be coeval with Mankind, nor give us any fufficient Indication
of the Recentneſs of Mankind.
3. But yet farther, it is very apparent that this Veneration of Men
Confecrated into Deities was not the ancienteſt Idolatry, much leſs the
ancienteft
1
168
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
ancienteft Religion of the World: The Worshipping of the Hoft of Hea-
ven, the Sun, Moon, and Stars was an Idolatry that way far more ancient
than this of the Heathen Gods made of Men: and this is an Evidence of
the antecedency of that Idolatry of the Stars and Heavenly Bodies, in as
much as when theſe new confecrated Deities were made, they did as it
were incorporate and affix them to that more ancient Idolatry,transferring
the Names of moft of their Gods to the Heavenly Bodies or Afterifms;
as Saturn to the Star of Saturn, Mars, Venus, Mercury, Jupiter to the
ſeveral Planetary Bodies; and to the Sun and Moon a prodigious number
of Deities, as to the Sun, Phœbus, Apollo, Ofyris, Horus, and many more;
to the Moon, Diana, Hecate, Venus, Aftarte, and many others: So that
although we ſhould allow the firſt Origination of thoſe Heathenish Dei-
ties to have been when Hiftorians give us an account, and not before;
yet the Idolatry performed to the Heavenly or Elementary Bodies, the
Sun, Moon, Stars, Fire, Æther, &c. might have had a long practice among
Men before the Invention of theſe later Deities.
4. But yet farther; in as much as Truth is certainly more ancient
than Errour, we have reafon to think that even before the ancienteft
Form of Idolatrous Worſhip in the World, even that of the Heavenly
and Elementary Bodies, there was a True Worship of the True GOD,
which might continue many Ages before any fort of Idolatry prevailed
in the World. So that it would be too rash to conclude, That becauſe
many of the Heathenish Deities had their known Original, that therefore
no other Religion anteceded it, or that that Religion foon followed the
Origination of Mankind.
the
5. Befides all this there ſeems in the World, or at leaſt it is very poffible
to ſuppoſe certain viciffitudes or relations not only in Arts and Sciences,
as is before obſerved, but even in the Religions profeffed, which may
obtain fucceffively both in Places and Ages according to feveral viciffi-
tudes: We ſee that in the Country of Palestine fhortly after the Flood
Idolatry obtained among the Canaanites and the defcendents of Ham ;
after that, the Knowledge and Worſhip of the True GOD among
Ifraelites for many Ages, and after that, a degeneration of the greateſt
part thereof to Idolatry again in the Country of the Ten Tribes, and in
a great part among the other Two Tribes: after that a Reformation and
Reftitution of the true Worship of God, in the return from the Captivity
until Chriſt came; then the moft found and perfect Religion, namely
Chriſtianity, obtained for fome time; then the return of Paganiſm, under
perfecuting Roman Emperours; then the prevalence again of the Chriftian
Religion, under Conftantine and fome that fucceeded him; then Popish
Superftition; after that Turcifm and Mahumetanifm, eſpecially in the
parts of Greece, Palestine, Egypt and other parts of Afia and Africa. Thus
various Profeffions of Religion have had various Viciffitudes, Revo-
lutions and fucceffive Alterations in Places and Ages.
Albertus Magnus, as I remember, with fomewhat too much curiofity,
and ſomewhat tranſported with too much fancifulneſs towards the In-
fluences of the Heavenly Motions and Aftrological Calculations, fup-
poſeth that Religion hath had its fucceffive Alterations and Seaſons ac-
cording to certain Periodical Revolutions of the Planets: to the first
Ages of the World he affigns the Preſidency of Saturn in matters of
Religion,
Cap. 6.
169
the Origination of Mankind.
Religion, and fo downward, according to ſeveral fucceffive affigned
Periods. Theſe are vain Conjectures, but they ferve to explain what
I mean, namely, That there may be fucceffive Alterations and Changes
in the profeffed Religion of the World in fucceffive Ages, and fucceflively
in the fame and other places of the World; whereby it will be hard to
determin the Epocha of the Commencement of Mankind by any one Form
or Shape of Religion profeffed in the World; for there may be fome
Religion antecedent to that which to us in this Age appears to have been
the ancienteft; but ftill with this probable Conclufion, That fince Truth
is more ancient than Errour, it ſeems, that if there were any Religion
that was Primitive in the World, it was the true Religion and true
Worship of the true God, and not Idolatry, or worshipping of Men or
Idols, or the Works of Nature: and confequently, that although we had
no Monuments extant of any Religion ancienter than Idolatry, yet we
had no reaſon to conclude that that Idolatrous Religion was the moſt
ancient, or coeval to the Origination of Mankind: but rather, that
Mankind had an Exiſtence in the World much antecedent to fuch Ido-
latrous Worship, wherein the true God was for many Ages and Gene-
rations truly worshipped; and that partly by the ſubtilty of the Enemy
of Mankind, partly by the apoftacy and corruption of Humane Nature,
and partly by the gradual decay of that true and ancient Tradition of
the true Worſhip of the true God, Idolatry and Superftition prevailed
and obtained in the World..
So that although it be a moft certain Truth that Mankind had an Ori-
gination, and was not without Beginning, yet the Evidence of the
Origination of their Idolatry and Idolatrous Deities, is no fufficient
Proof or Evidence of the Origination of Mankind.
CA P. VI.
A Fifth Confideration concerning the Decays especially of the Humane
Nature, and whether there be any fuch Decays; and what may
be collected concerning the Origination of Man upon that Suppo-
fition.
His Argument hath been excellently handled by Dr. Hakewell,
I ſhall therefore be the ſhorter in it, yet ſomewhat I shall fay con-
cerning it.
Some of thoſe that have been inquifitive into the Nature of Man have
obferved two things, which if they were true, would certainly give us
an irrefragable Argument against the Eternal Succeffion of Mankind,
viz. 1. That the Ages of Men grow gradually shorter and thorter :
2. That the Quantity of Humane Bodies was ordinarily heretofore much
larger than they are now, and by a kind of gradual decay of that Na-
tural Vigour and Strength they decline to a ſmaller Stature. Thus Plu-
tarch inter placita Philofophorum tells us out of Empedocles, Nostræ ætatis
homines prifcis comparatos infantium instar effe; and yet Empedocles lived
Z
'
upon
170
Sec. II.
Moral Evidences touching
upon the point of 2000 Years fince, and Plutarch near 1500 Years fince:
and Pliny in the 7th Book of his Natural Hiſtory, cap. 16. tells us the ſame,
In plenum autem, cuncto mortaliam generi minorem indies fieri propemodum
obfervatur, rarófque patribus proceriores, confumente ubertate feminum ex-
uftione, in cujus vices nunc vergat avum; and fome Inftances are given
there and by the Additional Notes thereupon, of the great Sceletons of
Mens Bodies found in ſeveral Ages, and that, Jam ante annos mille vates
ille Homerus non ceffavit minora corpora mortalium quam prifca conqueri.
And indeed if this natural Decreaſe of the Ages of Mens Lives and
their Bodily Statures had held fuch a proportion, it would not only avoid
the poffibility of an Eternal Succeffion of Mankind, but would alſo give
us a very late Epocha of their firft Origination: For a very ancient Ori-
ginal, accompanied with fuch a natural Decreaſe of Age and Stature
by reafon of that infenfible but unintermitted decay of the ftrength and
ftature of Nature, would have long fince reduced Mankind to be but
Ephemeraes in duration, and little other than Infects in extent, or rather
wholly determined, and put a Period to the whole Species infinite Ages pafſt.
But it seems that theſe are miſtaken complaints both of Empedocles and
Homer; for furely in fo great a Period as 2000 or 1500 Years elapſed ſince
the death of thoſe Men the experiment of that Decreaſe would have been
much more obvious and obfervable than we find it at this day. And
although the nature of Mankind and of other Creatures fubject to cor-
ruption, if left to it felf without the continued Subfidium and Influence
of the Divine Providence, 'would foon have faln into diffolution
per fal-
tum, and without the inceffant and corroding invafions of fo long a
time; yet that fame Power that firft gave Being to things, hath fup-
ported their fucceffive Generations in the fame ftate and natural vigour
that it ever had, abating thoſe accidental occurrences that Sin, Excels,
and other occurrences have brought into things.
Firſt therefore as touching the Decays of the Age of Man's Life, we
do indeed learn from the Sacred Scripture (for no Humane Hiſtory
reacheth ſo high) That the Lives of the Ancients were very long, efpe-
cially before and for fome time after the Flood; and this the Divine
Wiſdom, Providence and Goodneſs ordered for moft excellent Ends,
namely, the Peopling of the New World, and that without any other
means than his own Will, or at leaſt by means unknown to us: in Ar-
phaxad the Son of Shem the great Age of the Ancients was cut to halves,
namely to 440 Years; and in his Grand-child Peleg it was again cut to
halves, for he lived but 242 Years; and it is alfo true that afterwards
gradually to the days of Mofes the Lives of Men became ſhorter and ſhorter,
till they fixed in that common Period of the Life of Man of 70 or 80
Years: and although it be true that the Hiftories of former times give us
ſome account of longer Lives of Men, as the Lives of Mofes, Aaron,
Phinehas and fome others, and thoſe mentioned by Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 48.
and fome in our own Experience; yet Mofes himſelf ſtates the ordinary
Standard of the Life of Man to be 70, or at moft 80 Years. Pfal. 90. 10.
2 Sam. 19. 32, 35. And this we ſhall find true upon the confideration
of the Chronological Account of the Years of the ancient Patriarch
and Kings that fucceeded Mofes; as likewife of the time that the Ifractive.
lived in the Wilderneſs, all which that were twenty Years old and up
wards
Cap. 6.
171
the Origination of Mankind.
wards at the coming into the Wilderneſs when the Spies were fent into
Canaan, which was fhortly after their coming thither; all thefe I fay,
except fofbus and Caleb, dyed within the 40 Years Peregrination in the
Wilderneſs: and at this ſtay the ordinary Age of Men hath been for theſe
4000 Years, abating thoſe caſualties either of Diſeaſes or other Accidents
that have fhortned the ordinary complete Ages of Mens Life.
2. As touching the Stature of Men, it muſt be agreed that in former
Ages there have been Giants and Men of extraordinary Stature: fome
Inftances we have in the fame Pliny and other Heathen Authors, and
many more in the Hiftory of the Old Teftament: But theſe were out of
the ordinary and regular courfe of Nature.
But it feems that ordinarily in all Ages the Statures of Men have little
differed from what they now are, though according to the difference
of Climates and fituations there hath been ordinarily and regularly a diffe-
rence in the Stature of Men; many times Marth-Countries, and thoſe that
are of a temperate heat, producing Men of a larger fize than Mountainous
or thoſe Parts that are nearer the Sun, as fome parts of Spain and G4-
licia.
And that the ordinary Stature of Mens Bodies is much the fame now
as anciently in the fame Places or Regions appears by undeniable Expe-
rience: 1. The Bodies of the Egyptians that have been exficcated into
Mummy, and lain fome thouſands of Years, are found to have the ſame
Stature or very little differing from what they now have, neither could
they ſhrink into a fhorter dimenſion by the length of time, confidering
that the Bones of all parts are joyned in their extremities, and could not
become ſhorter without putrefaction, which occurrs not in thoſe exfic-
cated Bodies.
2. As the firſt practical Rudiments of Arithmetick were taken from
the Parts of the Humane Body in the Numeri primarii or Digitales, fo in
Geometry it is evident that the firſt notation of Meaſures was taken from
the Parts of the Body of Man, and very ancient both among the Hebrews,
Greeks and Romans, and theſe hold ftill the fame proportion as they did
anciently.
Theſe Meaſures according to the Jewish, Arabian and Egyptian Account
are as followerh.
I
6 Barley-corns make 1 Digit.
An Inch confifted of 8 Barley-corns, or which is all one, one Digit
and of a Digit.
The Palm confifted of 3 Inches, or 4 Digits, or 24 Barley-corns,
mentioned Exod. 25.25.
Spithama, a Span confifted of 9 Inches, or 12 Digits; the half of a
Cubit, namely, the utmoſt extent between the extremity of the Thumb
and the little Finger extended to their greateſt dimenfion. This was the
Meaſure of Aarons Breaft-plate. Exod. 28. 16.
A Foot confifted of 4 Palms, or 12 Inches, or 16 Digits, or 96 Barley-
corns.
A Cubit, the interval between the Elbow and the extremity of the
longeſt Finger, this was the ordinary Cubit, it confifted of 6 Palms,
which allowing 3 Inches to a Palm is 18 Inches, or a Foot and a half;
vid, Kircher in Oedipo, Tom. 2. Claſſ. 8. where writing of the Egyptian
Z z
Cubif
Cap. 6.
173.
the Origination of Mankind.
}
:
Step, the Fathom of the fame extent and dimenfion now as anciently, and
the ordinary eſtimate of a tall Man 6 Foot now as then: Witneſs our Old
Statute called Compofitio Ulnarum & Perticarum; Tria grana hordei ficca &
rotunda (viz. in length) faciunt pollicem, duodecim pollices faciunt pedem,
tres pedes faciunt ulnam, quinque ulna & dimidium faciunt perticam, qua-
draginta pertica in longitudine & quatuor in latitudine faciunt acram. Where-
by we have very plain reafon to conclude that Empedocles and Pliny were
miſtaken touching the gradual diminution of Humane Stature, fince
thoſe Meaſures that took their denomination and extent from the Parts
of Men held anciently that extent and length that the very fame Parts in
Men hold in theſe times,
And truly if we look upon the progreflive Growth and Periods in
Humane Nature, as alfo in all other perfect Animals, they hold regularly
the ſame ſtate and order as they held in the moſt remote Ages whereof
we have any Memorial in Ancient Writings or Hiftories. The fame time
for the Formative proceſs of the Humane Embryo now as is recorded to
have been uſual in the times of Ariftotle and Hippocrates, viz. ordinarily
in the beginning of the tenth Month, Ariftot, Hift. Animal, cap. 3, & 4.
Hippocrat, de Carnibus, in fine.
The proportion of Stature the fame now as anciently, they bred
Teeth at 7 Months, Ariftot. Hift. Animalium, l. 2. cap. 10. hedding and
new breeding of Teeth at 7 Years, Cenforinus de Die Natali, cap. 14. and
again breeding of the noviffimi maxillares or genuini dentes at 20. Arift.
Hift, Animal, l. 2. cap. 4. At 5 Years of age in an ordinary growth the
procerity is half of that which will be attained at full age, Ariftot. de Ge-
nerat. Animalium, l. 1. cap. 18. though Pliny l. 7. cap. 16. affigns that pro-
portion to trimates or 3 Years of age, but mistakenly, as it leems.
The ordinary Period of the Humane Procreative Faculty in Males 65,
or at moſt 70; in Females 45, or at moſt 50. Arif, Hift, Animal, 1.5.
cap. 14.
The feveral Periods of the Ages of the Life of Man according to Hip-
pocrates divided into 7, viz, at 7, at 14, at 22, at 35, at 42, at 61, and
from thence to the end of Life, which at moft is 81 or 84, upon the greateſt
ordinary Account. Vide Rhodogin. l. 19. cap. 21.
་
So that although the Humane Nature, as to that part of it that is Cor
poreal, is fubject to changes and corruptions, and not of fo firm and ftable
a confiftence as the Heavenly Bodies, and confequently not ſo capable of
a permanent and fixed conftancy and continuation as they, yet by the
conftant and unintermitted Influx of the Divine Providence this cor-
ruptible and mutable Nature of Mankind, yea and of the other perfect
Animals, is admirably preferved in the fame meaſure of extent, regular
procedure, and length of duration, as it hath been many Thousands of
Years fince, Indeed it may be poffibly true, that Accidents, accidental
Occurrences, Intemperance, ill and noxious Effluvia from the Earth,
Waters, and intemperature of the Air, and other Accidents may in thefe
latter Ages of the World produce fome fuch Diſeaſes and accidental Dif-
orders as may poffibly more infeft Mankind, and occafion more Mortality
than in former Ages. But as to the regular and ordinary courfe of Na-
tural procedure and ftate of things with Mankind, yea and other Animals,
there feems to be little or no decay or variation from what hath been
formerly.
1
172
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
4
་
"
Cubit, Habet autem omnis Cubitus fex Palmos, & Palmus quatuor digitos,
& Digitus fex grana bardei. This was the ufual Mofaical Legal Cubit
which they uſed in Meaſures of Building, the length of Ehud's Dagger,
Fudges 3.16. and that meaſure whereby the dimenfions of the Ark are
meaſured: though befides that common Cubit they had among the Jews
and Egyptians two larger forts of Cubits, one called Cubitus Regius, which
was 3 Inches longer than the ordinary Cubit; and the other called Cu-
bitus Geometricus, which was double to the common Cubit, viz. 3 Foot,
or according to others, 6 common Cubits, viz. 9 Foot.
}
Theſe Meaſures according to the Roman or Latin Account are as fol-
loweth.
4 Barley-corns breadth make 1 Digit.
An Inch [Uncia] confifted of 5 Barley-corns and of a Barley-corn,
or which is all one, the breadth of the Thumb, or, 1 Digit and‍ of a
Digit.
The Palm confifted of 3 Inches, or which is all one, of 4 Digits, or
16 Barley-corns.
Spithama, the Span confifted of 3 Palms, or 9 Inches, or 12 Digits,'
or 48 Barley-corns.
Pes, a Foot confifted of 4 Palms, or 12 Inches, or 16 Digits, or 64
Barley-corns.
Cubitus, a Cubit confifted of 6 Palms, or 18 Inches, or 24 Digits,
or 96 Barley-corns.
(
виых.
Greffus, a step, two Foot and a half; in Greek вйµα.
1
Paffus, a Pace, confifting of 2 Steps, or of 5 Foot according to the
Roman Account, but according to the Greek Account 6 Roman Feet and 4
4 3
fo that the Grecian Pace was longer than the Roman by a Foot and
quarter.
Orgya, or a Fathom, the diftance between the extremities of the Fingers
of each Hand, the Arms being extended, which very near anſwers the
length of any perſon from Head to Foot; and to reduce it to a certainty,
the ufual eftimate thereof is 6 Foot. Vide de hac re Danielem Angelo-
cratorem de Ponderibus & Menfuris.
The ufual Computation according to a medium or proportion of the
height of a Man is 6 Foot, or a regular Fathom, or 4 Cubits: So vi-
truvius, Pes eft fexta pars altitudinis corporis, Cubitus quarta: with this
agrees Kircher, ubi fupra; Altitudo humama è quatuor communibus Cubitis
Egyptiacis, unus quoque Cubitus fex Palmis, Palmus quatuor digitis. So that
the ordinary height of a Man is 96 Digits which the ancient Egyptians
eftimated to be equal to that Myſtical Cubit among them ftiled Paffus Ibidis,
or the Trigon that the Ibis makes at every ftep, confifting of 3 latera,
each 32 Digits, amounting in all to 96 Digits, the common Meaſure of
the procerity of a Man, or 4 common Cubits.
K
Theſe were the very ancient eftimates of diftances taken from the Parts
of a Man, and their extent; namely, the Finger, the Thumb, the Span,
the Cubit, the Fathom, the Foot, the Step; and theſe were the eſtimates
and reduction of them to known and certain Meaſures, and theſe Pro-
portions are ftill, even in our Age, in Men that are of an ordinary fta-
ture: The Fingers breadth now as anciently 6 Barly-corns breadth; the
4 Fingers or Palm about 3 Inches, the Span, the Cubit, the Foot, the
Step,
174
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
1
formerly (abating that Concuffion which the Perfection of the Humane
Nature fuffered by the firft Fall, and the ſhortning of Mens Lives, which
is of another Confideration.)
And therefore I am not ſo apt to attribute that firm Confiſtency of the
Heavenly Bodies, their conftant uninterrupted and invaried Motion,
and thoſe other Indications of Permanency and Perpetuity, barely or
fingly to the fingular and indiffoluble Texture of their Nature or Com-
pofition, as to that inceffant Influx and unintermitted Caufality of the
Divine Power and Providence, which I fo plainly fee conferves almoſt
an equal regularity in the Motions, Proceffes, Succeffion, and Condition
of poor, frail, Sublunary Bodies, which in their little Period belonging
to their ſpecifical and individual Nature, have the fame regularities and
orders now as formerly, and in the whole Syfteme of their ſpecifical
Nature preſerved in the fucceffive Individuals for many thouſands of
years, obtain the fame regularity, order, and method of Exiſtence, with-
out decay, as it hath always held.
This Suppofition therefore of the gradual decay of the ſtate of Humane
Nature, though in hypotheft it would ſtrongly infer a late Origination of
Man, yet it is falfe in theft, and fo concludes nothing touching the Argu-
ment in hand, namely, the Origination of Mankind in ſome determinate
Point of Finite Duration.
An Ingenious Perfon, in a new Effay of Natural Philofophy, Entituled,
New Principles of Philofophy, Part. 2. Cap. 22. tells us: That the Sun or
Fiery Region gains gradually upon the Inferior Elements, fo that the
greateſt Declination of the Sun in the time of Hipparchus and Ptolemy was
obſerved to be 23 deg. 52 min. but is fince found to be reduced to 23 deg.
30 min. or 28 min. which is a neceffary Confequent of the Suns gradual
approximation towards the Earth: And if that fhould be fo, it were a
neceffary Argument of the Origination of the World, and with it of
Mankind, within a certain Period of Time. But we must not be over
hafty in allowing of that Pofition; for every Day gives us Inftances how
difficult it is exactly to find out the Diſtances of the Heavenly Bodies,
Lines, and Motions, eſpecially when we come to meaſure them by Mi
nutes, or Parts of Minutes, which cannot be effected but by Mathe-
matical Inftruments, which can never reach to a perfect exactnefs in this
nature.
CAP.
VII.
The Sixth Evidence of Fact proving Novitatem generis humani,
namely, The Hiftory of the Patres familiarum, and the Original
Plantation of the Continents and Islands of the World.
N Profane Authors and Hiftorians we may find the Roots and Founders
Profane
of many Kingdoms, Monarchies, and States, either by Victories,
or by Emigrations, or by Inteftine Commotions, or by common Confent
of the People or Inhabitants: Thus we find the Foundation of the later
States or Monarchies in that Conftitution at least wherein they now ftand,
or
Cap. 7.
175
the Origination of Mankind.
>
or in ſome former Ages flood: As the Foundation of the English Monarchy
in the Norman Conqueft, and before that, the Foundations of the Saxon
and Daniſh Monarchies in this Kingdom, in the old Hiftories of Hoveden,
William of Malmsbury, and others. The like might be found for the
Foundation of the French, Spanish, and Danish Kingdoms, the Empire
of Germany, of the Grand Seignior, and others. And ancienter Hiftories
give us an account of the Foundation of the Roman Empire in Romulus;
of the Grecian in Alexander, of the Perfian in Cyrus, of the Babylonian
in Nabonaffar, of the Affyrian in Belus, Ninus, Semiramis. But yet, as
is formerly obſerved, the Diſcovery of thefe Originations of Civil Cod-
litions into Kingdoms and Empires, do not lead us up to the Origination
of Mankind, in the material Conftituents of thefe Kingdoms and Em-
pires; for the Men that made up thefe Civil Bodies, or at leaſt their
Anceſtors, had a Being before, though perchance under a different form
of Civil Government, or under fome other Names or Governour: As
the feveral States of Greece, before their coalition into one Kingdom
under Alexander, or Philip his Father, ſubſiſted in ſeveral ſmaller Prin-
cipalities or Commonwealths. For theſe kind of Hiftories, though they
afford us the Inception of new Governors or Governments, the Capita
Regiminum, yet they
, yet they give us not the Capita Familiarum: For though
Romulus, for Inftance, laid the Foundation of the City and Monarchy
of Rome, and became as it were the Parent of that City and State, yet
he was not the Parent of the Men that were the material Conſtituents
of it, for they were a Farrago, or Collection of many people that had
their Exiſtence long before in themſelves or their natural Progenitors.
And upon the fame account it is, that although many Hiftories, as
Diodorus Siculus, Thucidides, Herodotus, and others, do give us fome true
and ſome fabulous Derivations of the Names of Places or Countries, from
the Men that ſeemed to be the Heads or Roots of thoſe Denominations,
yet though they ſhould be all admitted to have truly given thofe Deno-
minations to thofe Countries, it doth by no means follow, that they
were the Parents of the Inhabitants thereof; but they were fuch, as
either by War, or Power, or Election of the People, prefided in thoſe
places, and gave them thereupon their denomination. Thus they tell
us, That Helen gave the denomination to that part of Greece which was
called Helenica, and thoſe Grecians were called Helenifte. Pelagus was he
that gave the denomination to the Pelafgi, another part of Greece. Latinus,
to Latium and the Latins. Danaus, to another Cept of the Grecians. Tenes,
the Son of Cygnus, to Tenedos. Cretas, to Creta and the Cretians. Italas,
as fome fay, to Italia and the Italians. Romulus, to Rome and the Romans:
And infinite more fuch Allufions of Denominations of Countries and
People, from the Name of him that prefided either in the Army, or
Colony, or Countrey unto which fuch Denominations were after given:
And yet Latinus, nor Pelafgus, nor Cretas, nor Helen, were any more
the Natural Parents of all thole perfons that were called Pelafgi, or
Cretenfes, or Helenifte, or Latini; than Romulus was the Natural Parent
of all thoſe people that were the firft Inhabitants of Rome, or of thofe
that were after Incorporated and Infranchiſed into that Name, City,
or Government. Indeed theſe were fuch perfons, as perchance were
the Captains of thoſe Armies or Colonies that were commanded by them,
or
176
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
or were fuch as were the Heads or Founders of the Monarchies or King-
doms that they thus founded; or fuch as did fuftinere nomen & perfonam
totius communitatis, and thereby had the Power and Priviledge to give a
Denomination to thofe Countries or People they governed, calling them
after their own Names: But they were not the Natural Roots, or com-
mon Natural Parents of all them that bore their Denomination, though
it may be very likely they had fome Children of their own which might
participate in that common Denomination.
This therefore fingly confidered, namely, the Denomination of Peo-
ple from fome one Perfon, is not fufficient to affure us that all thoſe
Perſons that bore that Denomination were derived by Natural Propa-
gation from him whofe Name they fo bear; but though it may be true
that fuch a Denomination may be communicated to fuch only, as de-
ſcended by Natural Propagation from him, as I fhall hereafter inftance,
yet it may be otherwiſe Therefore I have no reaſon to conclude, That
wherefoever I find a Society of Men bearing the Denomination of one
Man, that that Man was the Natural Parent of thoſe that bear that
Denomination, unleſs I have fome better Evidence than Alluſion of
Names, fince it is apparent in thefe Hiftories that it is otherwife.
Upon this Reaſon it ſeems plain, that it will not be poffible from any
Prophane Hiſtory to find the Original Parents of any one Kingdom,
much leſs of Mankind. It is very evident indeed, that by help of a
continuation of Prophane Hiftories or other common Monuments well
kept together, the Genealogies and Ramifications of fome fingle Families
even to a vaſt and numerous extenfion may be preſerved. But that will
not do the buſineſs that I intend. For it is rare, and beyond Example
in any Author that I know, that the entire and complete Pedigree of
the whole Deſcendents of any particular Family is deduced down through
the ſpace of a thousand Years laft paft; whereas fuch Inftances as muft
ſerve my turn muſt be ſuch as are at leaſt five thousand Years old, or
otherwiſe I ſhall fail in the application of this Topick now in hand to
the Matter in queſtion.
It remains therefore that for Inftances of fuch Antiquity uſeful to my
purpoſe I muſt reſort to the ancienteft Hiftory, namely, the Hiftory of
Mofes, which as it is a Hiftory of the ancienteft Times and Occurrences
in the World, fo it is a Hiftory that was written at the greateſt diſtance
from this Time, and neareſt to the Times and Things whereof he writes;
no Hiſtory in the World being fo ancient as this by near eight hundred
Years, for ſo long lived Mofes the Author of this Book before Homer the
firſt Prophane Hiftorian that is extant.
And if any Man ſhall object againſt the competency of this Inftance,
1. Becauſe the fame Mofes whom I ufe in this Topick is the perſon that
afferts the thing de quo ambigitur, namely the firft Production of Mankind,
and therefore that he is incompetent in this Cafe: 2. Becauſe all that
urge the Teftimony of Mofes urge him as infallible, divinely inſpired,
and ſo whatſoever he faith muft not be contradicted, and upon fuch a
Suppofition there were a compendious way of evincing the Queftion
in hand of the Inception of Mankind, by telling us that Mofes who
wrote by an infallible Spirit and Inspiration, tells us that Mankind
was Created by GOD about 6669 Years ſince according to the Seventy ;
and
-
Cap. 7.
the Origination of Mankind.
and ſo there needs no farther Reaſon, nor can be any farther Controverſie
touching it.
To this I hill fay thefe things: That although it is certain that Mofes
was Inspired by an Infallible Spirit in what he wrote, and that he dotli
in plain terms tell us that Man was at firft Created by Almighty God,
and therefore to me or any elfe that is fatisfied of the Infallible Authority
of the Holy Scripture, this is fufficient to fatisfie that the truth is as
Mofes hath informed us, and there weeds no other Argument to fupport
my
Faith of the truth hereof: yet becaule I am writing of thoſe Natural
and Moral Evidences of this Truth that may be of strength enough to
evince the truth of this Affertion, upon the apparent Moral Evidences of
the credibility of the Writings of Mofes, I fhall here urge the Authority
of 44oses for the Proof of the Matters of Fact in queftion as I would urge
Herodotus or Livy to prove a Matter of Fact alledged by them; and at
this time and in this Difpute shall only uſe his Teftimony as a Moral Evi-
dence of the Truth he afferts, as an Evidence of Credibility. And as I
ſhall not exact a Subfcription to the Truths he delivers upon the account
of his Infallibility, fo it is not reafon to deny that Credibility of what
he relates, which would be allowed to a Prophane Author, eſpecially
when it carries with it fingly, without the contribution of the Suppofition
of a Divine Authority, as great an evidence of truth as any Hiſtory in
World befides,
177
And as to that which is faid, That the Suppofition of the truth of
what Mofes allerts, is to fuppofe the thing controverted, becaufe Mofes
afferts the Creation of Mankind: I fay, 1. That I fhall not at all inftance
in that Affertion as to determin the Queſtion, but only ſo far forth as it
is a Moral Evidence of the truth of it, namely, That this was a thing
believed near 4000 Years fince by Wife Men, fuch as Moſes was, and
by them that were much nearer to the time wherein the Origination of
Mankind and thofe other Matters of Fact that are contributory to the
Proof thereof was tranfacted, and therefore in common Realon mult
needs have a clearer Tradition and Evidence of the truth in this matter
than the Ages fo many thousand Years after; but this I shall referve to its
proper place. 2. In this place I shall not at all infift upon the Tradition
of Mofes touching the Creation of Man, but only upon thoſe Hiſtorical
Narratives delivered by Mofes relating to fuch Matters of Fact that werę
nearer his time, and fuch as he might very reaſonably know and deliver
as an Hiftoriographer; namely, the Propagation of Mankind after the
Flood, and the Reduction of moft of the confiderable Nations of the
World to their ſeveral Roots or Parents by Natural Propagation, and the
credibility of his Relation touching it: Though even the credibility of
this Relation of his gives a great Evidence and Atteftation, even upon a
Moral account,to what he writes touching the Creation of Man, and thole
parts of the Hiſtory antecedent to the Flood.
The Sum therefore of the Mofaical Hiſtory that I fhall in this place
make uſe of, is this;
1. That a Univerfal Flood was brought upon the Earth in the Year
1656 after the ſuppoſed Creation of Man according to the Jewish Account,
although the Septuagint allows a longer Period between the Creation and
the Flood,
A a
2. That
A
1
1
178
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
}
2. That by that Univerfal Flood all Mankind were deftroyed except
eight perfons, namely, Noah, his Wife, his three Sons, Shem, Japhet,
and Ham, and their Wives.
3. That all the Race of Mankind after this Flood, were derived by
natural generation from theſe three Sons of Noah and their Wives.
4. That the particular Defcendents from theſe three Sons of Noah,
are truly deſcribed and fet forth in the 9th, 10th, and 11th Chapters of
Genefis by their feveral Names, and drawn down from that Root to
the filling and peopling of the whole Earth: Gen. 32. These are the Fa-
milies of the Sons of Noah, after their Generations, in their Nations;
and by these were the Nations divided in the Earth after the Flood.
5. That after the Flood, in the time of Phaleg, the Languages of the
World, especially of the Families of Cham and japhet, were confounded,
and the Nations proceeding from theſe Families difperfed.
6. That the Family of the Ifraelites was deduced through theſe enfuing
Patriarchs, viz.
Sem.
Arphaxad, born two years after the Flood, Anno mundi, 1658.
Salah.
Heber.
Peleg.
Reu.
Serug.
Nahor.
Terah.
Abram.
Ifaac.
Jacob marries Rachel and Leah, Anno mundi, 2192.
Levi, and the Twelve Patriarchs.
Kohath.
Amram.
Mofes, born in the Year of the World, 2373.
So that from the Flood to the Birth of Mofes the Defcendents from
Jacob grew into a great Nation, for in the 80th Year of Mofes Life the
Males of the Children of Ifrael, that were above 20 Years old, were
above 600000, befides the Levites, and beſides Women, and Children
that were under 20 Years old, Numb. 2. 32. and this great Increaſe of
this People happened within the compaſs of about 260 Years. And thus,
according to the Jewish Account in the Holy Text, the Period between
the Flood and the Exitus of the People out of Egypt was about 800 Years:
But indeed the Account of the Septuagint, partly by the Interſection of
Cainan in the Genealogy, and partly by adding 100 Years to that Techno:
gonia of the Patriarchs before Abraham, have made the Period larger
by 884 Years. So that according to that Account, the Exitus ex Egypto
was at leaſt 1684 Years after the Flood.
Now this Hiftory of Mofes of the peopling of the World by the Poſte
tity of Noah, doth theſe two things:
1. It gives us an Account of the Original of all the Nations in the
World, not from bare allufion of Names, nor from bare Coalitions into
Civil Societies in which they were formed, as Romulus was the Founder
of
Cap. 7.
179
the Origination of Mankind.
of the Populus Romanus, and Pelafgus of the Pelafgi; but it gives us the
Account of their Origination by Propagation from the Natural Roots
and Parents of them. 2. Although notwithſtanding this Inſtance, it
may be poffible, that though the Natural Derivation of all Mankind was
from Noah and his three Sons, yet the Progenitors or Anceſtors of Noah
might have no Original, but might be Eternal, according to the Hypo-
thefis of Aristotle: yet when I find the fame Author that gives me an
Account of the Derivation of all the World from Noah and his three
Sons, and that with moſt clear evidence and credibility, it gives me a
very great Moral Evidence of the truth of his Relation touching the first
Origination of Man by Creation: For doubtless both were derived to him
by a conſtant Tradition from thofe from whom he was deſcended, and it
is not reaſonable to fufpect the truth of the one, fince we have a ſtrong
Moral Evidence for the truth of the other; namely, the General Flood,
and the preſervation of Noah and his Family, and the derivation of all
Mankind from him and his Sons: He that hath fufficient reaſon to believe
the Hiſtory touching the latter, will have little reaſon to doubt the truth
of the Relation touching the Origination of Mankind; which as in it
ſelf it ſeems reaſonable, and no other poffible Suppofition to compaſs it
but by a Supernatural Production, fo it hath a moft excellent congruity
with the fubfequents of the Holy Hiſtory touching the Defcendents from
the first Man, the Flood, and the Re-peopling of the World from Noah.
Now the Moral Evidences of the credibility and truth of this Hiftory
are theſe :
1. Mofes that wrote it, had the beft opportunity that could be to give
a true Narrative of this Fact touching the Flood, and the Productions of
Mankind by Generation from the Children of Noah: For, 1. It is evi-
dent by the Writings of this Man that he was a very Learned knowing
Man, inquifitive after all fort of Learning; a Man in great Power and
Efteem in the Court of Egypt, and after that a great Governour of a very
great People, which he governed with admirable Wiſdom; and by this
means had opportunity to furnish himſelf with all Monuments and Evi-
dences of Antiquity that might be conducible to the Diſcovery of former
things, and his Learning, Judgment and Ability to make an excellent
uſe of theſe helps was alfo remarkable. Again, 2. He lived not far
remote from the tranſaction of theſe things that he wrote, in compariſon
of the Writers or Hiftorians of after Ages: He dyed above 500 Years
before Homer lived, which yet is the ancienteft Hiftorian that Greece af
fords, and he lived within the Period of 800 Years after the Flood and
the divifion of the World among the Pofterity of Noah. Livy and other
Hiftorians give us an account of the Affairs of Rome for above 600 Years
before they were born, and many other Hiftorians for a much longer
time, and we give them credit; and certainly fuch an Occurrence of ſuch
remark as the Univerfal Flood and the Re-peopling of the World muft
needs be freſh in memory for fuch a Period of about 800 Years; eſpecially
confidering that the Peopling of the World was a gradual and fucceffive
buſineſs, that muſt needs preſerve its Memory even upon its own account,
for it was ftill current, and many were concerned in it in the prefer-
vation of the laying the firft Foundations of their States and Republicks.
3. As the Period or diſtance of time was not great, fo if we confider
A a 2
the
1
180
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
the longevity of Mens Lives in thoſe times, the Period was not much
longer than three Generations, and fo the Tradition of things might be
preſerved freſh and certain unto the time of Mofes without any great
difficulty: For Shem that was an Eye-witneſs of the Flood was contem-
porary with Abraham, Abraham was contemporary with Jacob, Cobath
the Son of Levi was contemporary with Jacob, and with Amram the Fa-
ther of Mofes and Son of Cohath: So that the Tradition of the Flood,
and all that fucceeded, might be handed from Shem to Abraham, from
Abraham to Jacob, from Jacob to Cobath, from him to Amram, and from
him to Mofes. 4. Beſides all this, without any more Hands in the deli-
very of it over, it appears that Abraham, Isaac, Jacob were great Men,
had great Families and Wealth, were Men of great Note and Obſer-
vation for their Learning and Knowledge, Men that had great Expectations,
having a Promiſe of that Land to be given to their Pofterity; and al-
though they kept Sheep and Cattel according to the custom of thoſe
Eaſtern Countries, yet they were great Princes, and Men of excellent
Education: doubtleſs Abraham inftructed his Son in all the Knowledge
that he had received by Tradition from his Anceſtors, the like did Ifaac,
and after him Jacob. And therefore it might very reaſonably be thought
that the Traditions of former things were kept fresh and pure in this Line
of Men.
And though we have no Writings extant ancienter than Mofes, yet
probably in his time there might be Books, or at leaſt Monuments and
Infcriptions of things done before his time, which might preferve the
Memory of things paft as well as our Books do now: For it is not to be
doubted but Writing was much ancienter than Mofes his time, Fob
ſpeaks of Writing as a thing in ufe in his time, Job 19.23,24. and Jofe-
phus tells us of certain Pillars erected by Seth, wherein the Monuments
of Learning and Hiftory were preſerved, Jofeph. 1. 1. Antiquitat. cap. 2.
and Mefes mentions Books written by others, either before or in his
time.
I very well know that Mofes had a greater means to know all thoſe
things that to a Few or a Chriftian are of greater weight than all theſe;
namely, the Infallible Conduct, Revelation and Infpiration of the Divine
Spirit: But the truth is, we are faln into an Age of many Chriſtians in
Name and Profeffion, that yet think it below them to believe
upon that
account without fome farther Evidence that may fatisfie their Reaſon;
I have therefore fubjoyned thefe and the following Confiderations to
make it appear, That upon the bare account of Moral Evidence more
is to be faid for the truth of the Hiſtory of Mofes than may be faid for the
truth of any other Hiftory of things tranfacted before the life of the
Hiftoriographer.
2. Again, we uſually allow fuch an Hiftorian to be worthy of belief,
even in thoſe things whereof we have no other Evidence than the Credit
of the Hiftorian, if we find many things delivered by him to have fo
great an Evidence of Truth that they cannot well be doubted by any
reaſonable Man. I will admit that Mofes delivers many things that were
antecedent to him, and can have now no other Evidence than the Credit,
Prudence, and Fidelity of the Hiftorian himself; as touching the De-
rivation of the Nations of the Earth from the ſeveral Sons of Noah, and
though
Cap. 7.
181
the Origination of Mankind.
any
though poffibly when he wrote there was a vigorous and authentical
Tradition or other authentick Evidence of the Truth of them, which
it
may be is now fo loft that we have no other Evidence thereof but the
bare Relation of Mofes (this I do for the prefent admit, though in the
fequel it will appear that there are other concurrent or collateral Evi-
dences that affert and atteft it) yet it is plain that the fame Mofes writes
many things that have fo undoubted and fo folid a Tradition afferting it,
that no Man can doubt it that will not firft deny his own Reaſon. As
for instance, Can there be any doubt but that the Family of the Ifraelites
were derived from Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and the 12 Patriarchs; that
they were brought out of Egypt under the Conduct of Mofes; that they
lived in the Wilderneſs forty Years, and were there miraculouſly fed by
Quails and Manna, fince this was written in that very Time and Age
that could and would have contradicted it, if falfe? Can there be
any
doubt but the Hiſtory of his making the Ark and the Tabernacle were
true, fince both continued for many hundred Years after? Can there be
doubt of the Hiftory of the Fiery Serpents, and the Cure of their Biting
by the Brazen Serpent, which continued in the Wildernefs until the time
of Hezekiah, which was many hundred Years after, with an unquestionable
Tradition of the reafon of its Making? Can there be any doubt whe-
ther he divided the Land of Canaan, in ſuch manner as is ſet down, in his
life time, namely, to the two Tribes and a half on the farther fide of
Fordan; and his Preſcripts for the future dividing of the reft, fince it
was enjoyed according to thofe Prefcripts for many hundreds of Years
after, and part of it until the coming of Chrift? Can there be any doubt
that he gave thoſe Laws Moral, Judicial and Ceremonial recorded by
him, fince thoſe very Laws have been for the space of near two thouſand
Years the very Rule and Model by which the Sacred and Civil Concerns
of that People were always ruled and governed, and that in contem-
plation of the fame Law that was given by the Hand of Mofes, and fo
recorded in his Books of Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers and Deuteronomy?
I fay we have not greater Evidence that there was ſuch a Man as Alfred,
Edward the Confeffor, or william the Conqueror; or that there were fuch
Laws of the Confeffor, fuch a Survey of England called Doofday made
by william the Conqueror, fuch an Abbey founded by him in Memory
of his Victory in Suffex called Abbatia de Bello; fuch Laws made by H. 1.
as are tranſcribed in the Red Book of the Exchequer under that name;
ſuch a Charter of King John made at Reningmead, or fuch a Charter as
Magna Charta made by King H. 3. than we have that there were fuch
Laws, fuch Diftributions of the Land of Canaan, and fuch things done
in Egypt and the Wilderneſs as are recorded by Mofes. The Moral Evi-
dence that ariſeth from this Confideration is this; That fince in theſe
things that are capable of an incomparable Evidence of Credibility in
reſpect of the time wherein they were done (though very ancient, and
exceeding the Age of any other Author) we find fuch indifputable Evi-
dence of Truth, we have reaſon to give credit to the fame Author re-
lating the Derivation and Beginning of Nations from the Sons of Noah,
though in reſpect of the greater Antiquity thereof we have not any
other concurrent Teſtimony but that of Mofes: And the rather, though
we have not thoſe other Evidences thereof, yet Mofes might have as
unque-
182
Sec. II.
Moral Evidences touching
unquestionable Evidences of the things tranfacted between his time and
the Flood, which at the greateſt Account was not above 1600 Years,
but by the Jewish Account about 800 Years before his time, as we now
have of thoſe things which were tranſacted in the time of Mofes, which is
above twice 1600 Years diftant from our time.
3. Befides the Relation of the Traduction of the ſeveral Nations of the
World from the Sons of Noah, delivered by Moſes in that ſhort Pedigree
or Extract, Gen. 10. we have very many probable Evidences of the con-
fent of all fucceeding Ages to that Genealogy of the World; as, 1. The
common Tradition of thofe Ages that fucceeded fhortly after Mofes, which
commonly eſteemed them fo defcended: 2. The Analogy of their feveral
Names of the Countries wherein Mofes fuppofed the first Fathers fixed, as
Canaan, Mifraim or Egypt, Chittim, Affur or Affyria, and infinite more of
this kind which are not needful here to be remembred, fince Bochart and
thoſe that have tranſcribed out of him give us abundant Inftances. Nei-
ther is it reaſonable to object againft this that which is before obferved
in relation to other Allufions of this kind, namely, That thoſe Deno-
minations of Places might not be fo much from the Roots of thoſe
Nations or Families, or from the Captains or Governors that gave Names
to thoſe Countries they conquered; becauſe the Hiftorian Mofes gives
us in expreſs terms the reafon of the Denomination to be from the very
Parental Roots of thoſe People or Families: and 2. Becauſe thoſe Heads
of Countries or Nations who were nearer to Mofes time gave the De-
nomination to the Countries which in effect they peopled, as Edomites
to the Pofterity of Edom, Moabites and Ammonites to the Pofterity of
the two Sons of Lot, Madian to the Pofterity of Abraham by Keturah,
and many more: And we have as great reaſon to ſuppoſe that theſe grew
and increaſed into great Nations in the time of Mofes, fince the People
of Ifrael who defcended from a later Stock than any of theſe within the
fpace of little more than 200 Years, increaſed into fo great a People, that
in their going out of Egypt their Males of above 20 Years old amounted
to 600000, whereof ufe will be made hereafter.
The late Diſcovery of the vaft Continent of America and Ilands ad-
jacent, which appears to be as populous with Men, and as well ftored
with Cattel almoſt as any part of Europe, Asia, or Africa, hath occafioned
ſome difficulty and difpute touching the Traduction of all Mankind from
the two common Parents fuppofed of all Mankind, namely Adam and
Eve; but principally concerning the ſtoring of the World with Men
and Cattel from thofe that the Sacred Hiftory tells us were preſerved in
the Ark. And the Objection runs thus :
It ſeems apparent by all Geographical Defcriptions of this lower
World, that the whole Continent of America and the adjacent Ifles
thereof are no way contiguous to any parts of Afia, Europe, or Africa,
but disjoyned from the fame by huge and vaft Oceans; divided from the
Weſtern Coaſts of Europe and Africa by the vaft Atlantick Ocean; from
the North parts of Europe by the great Frozen Seas lying between it and
Greenland, which feems to be the Northern Coaft of America; from the
North-eaft part of Afia, Tartary and Cathay by the Fretum Anian; from
the Eaft parts of China and the Philippine Islands by the Oceanus Pacificus
of above 2000 Leagues breadth, and is divided from the great lately
dif-
Cap. 7.
183
the Origination of Mankind,
+
diſcovered Ifland del Fogo by the Straits of Magellan, and that Ifland again
divided from the uttermoft Southern Continent (if any be) by a great
Sea, which though not formerly known to the Europeans and Afiaticks,
being divided from Afia and Africa by the great Indian Ocean, yet hath
been lately diſcovered by Le Maire.
It is allo evident that this vaft Continent and the greateſt part of the
Iſlands near adjacent to it are well ftored with Men, and Beafts of all
forts: Laetius in his Difquifition touching the Original of the Ameri-
cans, in his 8th Obfervation gives us an account of above thirty Millions
of Americans deftroyed by the Spaniards in thofe Parts of America that
they have usurped to their own Dominion, which is not the hundredth
part of that great Continent.
The Inhabitants of this Continent as they greatly differ among them-
felves, ſo they extremely differ from the Afiaticks, Europeans and Africans
in their Language and Cuftoms, they recognize no Original from theſe
Parts: it is true, they have fome reſemblance of the Scythians or Tartars
in ſome of their barbarous Cuftoms, and fome Words they have which
feem to carry a congruity with Words of other Nations: But thele are
but flender Evidences to prove their Traduction from Aha, Africa, or
Europe, eſpecially fince no Monument is extant that gives an account of
their Traduction or Migration thither, and the rather, becauſe it was
a World wholly unknown to the Europeans, Africans and Afiaticks, till the
Diſcovery thereof made by Americus Vespatius and Chriftopher Columbus
which is but of late time.
Again, Acofta tells us in his 4th Book, Cap. 36. there are divers perfect
Animals of divers kinds in America which have none of the fame kind
in Europe, Afia or Africa, as their Pacos, Guanacos, and Indian Sheep;
and on the other fide, many species of Birds and Beaſts in theſe Countries
which are not found in America,
And upon theſe Premiffes they thus argue:
That fince by all Circumftances it is apparent that America hath been
very long inhabited, and poffibly as long as any other Continent in the
World, and fince it is of all hands agreed that the fuppofed common Pa-
rents of the reſt of Mankind, Adam, Noah and his three Sons, had their H1-
bitations in fome Parts of Afia, and ſince we have no probable Evidence
that any of their Deſcendents traduced the firſt Colonies of the American
Plantations into America, being fo divided from the reft of the World,
the acceſs thither fo difficult, and Navigation the only means of fuch
a Migration being of a far later perfection than what could anfwer fuch
a Population of lo great a Continent; That confequently the Americans
derive not their Original either from Adam, or at least not from Neah; buț
either had an Eternal Succeffion, or if they had a Beginning, they were
Aborigines, and multiplied from other common Stocks than what the
Mofaical Hiftory imports.
And although their Traditions in America be mingled with fome things
fabulous, yet they feem to favour this Conclufion. Some of them ac-
knowledge the Creation of all things by God, and that He fixed certain
Arrows in the ground, and from thence the Original of Mankind came,
de Laet, de origine gent, Americanorum, Obfervat. 6. Many of them have
a Tradition of a Flood, at leaſt in the Continent of America, which
1
dif
1
184
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
{
diſpeopled all the Countrey, and that out of the Lake Tilocaca the
great God created at feveral places the common Parents of Mankind;
ut videre est apud eundem, pag. 115, 105. or that certain Men leapt
out of a Cave called Picare Campo, or Tampo, and were the firft Parents
of Mankind; and therefore they hold the Tambi the moft ancient of
Mankind.
Befides, if we could fuppofe that either ex induftria, or by accident
ſome might paſs the Seas from Africa, Afia or Europe into America, yet it
is not eafily conceptible how Beafts, eſpecially of prey, fhould be tranf
ported into America through thofe large Seas after the Deluge; neither
is it poffible to fuppofe that all the Beaſts of America, which are many
of them wholly different in kind from thofe of Europe, Afia or Africa,
ſhould be conducted over the Seas to be preferved in the Ark, and after
be tranſported again thither: and the improbability thereof is fo much
the greater, becauſe many of the perfect Animals found in America have
none of the fame kind in Europe, Afia or Africa, and è converfo, but are as
it were appropriate to their proper Regions, though fome there are that
are common to America and the other Countries on this fide. And there-
fore either the Flood was not univerfal, or new Creations of Animals
proper to America hapned there after the Flood,
I anſwer to theſe difficulties: The Author of the Book called Præadamite
hath ſet down certain Suppofitions, which though they falve the diffi
culties, yet they croſs the tenor of the Mofaical Hiſtory, viz,
1. That Mofes in the Hiſtory of the Creation of Man doth not fet down
the Original of Mankind, but only the Original or common Parent of
the Jewish Nation: that Adam was not the firft Man that was created,
but there were very many Ages of Men before him that peopled the
greater part of the World long before the Creation of Adam? And con-
fequently, though Adam was the common Parent of the Inhabitants of
Palestine and many of the Countries adjacent, yet thofe that peopled the
far greater part of the World, eſpecially the Parts of America, were not
defcended from him.
2. That the Flood in Noah's time, though it drowned the Defcendents
from Adam and the Countries inhabited by them, namely, Palestine and
fome of the adjacent Countries, yet it was no Univerfal Deluge, but
the far greater part of the World and the Inhabitants thereof were free
from that Deluge; and confequently that Noah and his three Sons were
not the Capita familiarum of the whole Earth, but only of thofe Families
and Nations that were Inhabitants in Palestine and fome of the adjacent
Countries; and confequently that many of the Countries of Europe, Asia
and Africa, and the entire Continent and Iſlands of America were not
overwhelmed with this Deluge, though poffibly they might have their
particular Deluges, as hapned in Greece and Theffaly under Deucalion and
Ogyges: and in favour of his Opinion alledgeth the long Computations
of the Egyptians, Babylonians and Chinefes; the vaft Armies of Ninus, Se-
miramis, Zoroafter and others, and the great extent of their Monarchies
fuddenly after the Flood, which could not, as he fuppofeth, be fo fud-
denly propagated from Noah and his three Sons: But eſpecially infifts upon
the greatneſs of the Continent of America and the Iflands thereof, the
populouſneſs and great ſtore of Men and Animals, which could not be
i!!!
Cap. 7.
185
the Origination of Mankind.
I
I
in any tolerable probability tranſported from Countries divided by ſuch
great Seas from it.
And likewife he infifts upon the Antiquity of the Egyptian Compu-
tations, and upon that fond Reafon of the Egyptian Prieft in Plato's Ti-
maus, That Egppt is the moſt ancient of the habitable World, becauſe
neither fubject to Total Inundations by reaſon it hath no Shoars, nor
to Conflagration becauſe of the Inundation of Nilus: That confequently
Palestine and the Countries adjacent were only drowned, but the upper
Afia from whence the Dove fetched his Olive-branch was never thereby
totally overwhelmed. This is the principal Subject of his 4th Book of
what he calls his Syftema Theologicum.
If there were no other fault in this Author, there is this one that renders
him inexcufable; In that he in all places of his Book pretends to own
and maintain the Truth and Sacred Authority of the Mofaical Hiſtory,
and ſeems to maintain fome of his Tenets by Scriptural Suffrage, and
yet ſubſtitutes ſuch Aſſertions as any Man, and much more the Ingenious
Author himſelf could not, cannot chooſe but fee, that if they were true
would neceffarily not only weaken but overthrow the Authority and
Infallibility of the Sacred Scriptures; at leaft where it ſeems to cross the
Fabulous Traditions of the Egyptian and Babylonian Antiquity, to which
Fables he gives more credit than to the Holy Scriptures, and fubmits the
Authority of theſe to the Authority of thofe and while Judas like he
ſeems to kiſs theſe Sacred Oracles, he perfidiouſly betrays their Authority,
and draws their Truth as much as he can into fufpicion. Such a Dif
courſe had better become a plain profeffed Infidel, and is fo much the
worſe, in that it is done flily, and by invidious Infinuations, fub Amici
nomine: If he durft have spoken out, he would have told us roundly
and plainly that the Eleven firft Chapters of Genefis were but Fables,
That Genefis 3. 20. where Eve is faid to be the Mother of all living;
That Gen. 7. 19, 20. where it is faid, that all the high Hills that were
under the whole Heavens were covered; That Gen. 7. 23. where it is
faid, that every living fubftance was deftroyed which was upon the face
of the Ground, both Man and Cattel and Creeping things and the Fowls
of the Heaven, and Noch only remained alive and thole that were with
him in the Ark, That Gen. 10.32. where it is faid, that theſe were the
Families of the Sons of Noah after their Generations in their Nations,
and by theſe were the Nations divided on the Earth after the Flood, are
not to be believed, and are but meer Fictions: This had become a Man
of his Principles; but he durft not speak out.
I shall not in this place undertake a particular Anſwer of all that this
Man hath faid, it is befides my intention in this place to make fo large
an excurſion, and many others have done it to my hand: only I may lay
thus much, That a Man that gives fo much credit to the Egyptian, Caldean,
and Grecian prodigious Traditions, in derogation of that very Scripture
which this Man in Complement at leaft feems to venerate, might have
remembred, That the Tradition of the Univerſal Flood hath obtained
in all places, even among the Americans themſelves, and that the Race of
Mankind was thereby deſtroyed, except fome few that were preſerved:
That the moſt ſevere and obferving Sect of the Philofophers, namely the
Stoicks, have conftantly held viciffitudes of Deftructions of Mankind
B b
by
{
186
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
by fucceffive Deluges and Conflagrations, and a new Peopling of the
World fucceffively by the Power of God: That Ariftotle himself infi-
nuates thoſe great Viciffitudes, efpecially of Deluges in thofe Periodical
great Winters which he fuppofeth to have hapned, and for the future to
happen in this lower World. But of this hereafter.
And although this Author in his 8th Chapter of his 4th Book gives us
a computation of a declivity of 600 Perches from the Fountain of Da-
nubius until its fall into the Pontus Euxinus, and ſuppoſeth the higheſt
Mountains of Armenia, whereof Ararat where the Ark refted was the
higheſt, doth not exceed the perpendicular height of one Mile above the
plain of the Earth; and therefore that an exceſs of 15 Cubits above
Ararat would not reach the Head of Danubius, or at leaft the upper Plains
of the Upper Afia; yet he might have remembred, That though it were
admitted, that uſually the heights of moſt Mountains do not exceed a
Mile in perpendicular height above their Bafis, yet many Mountains are
fituate in the more elevated parts of the Earth, and have the advantage
thereby of the height of their Bafis: and poffibly it will be found that the
Baſis of the Mountains of Armenia is fituate in higher ground than the
Fountain of Danubius or Euphrates. So that an excels of 15 Cubits
above their height muſt in all probability cover the Plain of the Upper
Afia.
Again, he might have remembred that Egypt, that from the Authority
of the Fable of the Egyptian Prieft is favoured by him with an immu
nity from Inundation, lyes much lower than the Plains of Paleftine, yea
than the Superficies of the Red Sea it felf: And therefore the Water (that
naturally keeps its level, neither without a Miracle can lofe it) which
overflowed the whole Continent of Palestine, even to 15 Cubits above its
higheſt Mountains, muft of neceffity overflow Egypt, which Ariftotle by
impregnable Evidences concludes to be one of the loweft Countries in the
World, and the very Production and Accretion of the Slime of Nilus:
fo that if the Flood covered Palestine, nothing but a Miracle could
protect Egypt from it.
The Author of the Differtation De Ætate Mundi, cap. 12. though he
reprehend the Praadamita, and confutes the extravagancy of their Opi-
nion, yet he feems to mince the Univerfality of the Flood: Nullum ita-
que relinquitur dubium, quin unum tantum fuerit diluvium, idque univerfale,
cujus apud omnes penè gentes extat memoria: Verùm hic minime probo corum
fententiam qui totum terre globum ita aquis tectum fuiffe exiftimant, ut nulla
prorfus extaret ejus portio; ad hoc efficiendum multa debuiffent concurrere mira-
cula. Cum enim univerfa orbis aqua non fufficiant ad obruendam tam altè
terram, etiamfi omnia maria ficcentur; debuiffent vel plures aqua creari, vel
dicendum cum aliquibus, iftam aquarum molem ex aliis cali orbibus decidiffe,
& demum finito diluvio ad fedes fuas revolaffe: Verùm hoc est piè nugari, Deus
non facit miracula fine caufa: Quid opus erat mergere terras ubi nec olim fuere
homines, ac ne nunc quidem funt? Stultum eft putare ante diluvium adeò mul-
tiplicatum fuiffe genus hominum, ut omnes terre angulos pervaferit, &c. Ut
verò diluvii inundationem ultra orbis habitati termines producamus, nulla jubet
ratio, imo prorfus abfurdum eft dicere, ubi nulla hominum fedes, illic etiam
viguiffe effectus pæne folis hominibus inflicta.
This indeed falves the neceffity of drowning America and the greateſt
part
*
1
1
Cap. 7.
the Origination of Mankind.
part of the New habitable World, when it extends the Flood no farther
than there were Mankind inhabiting, and confines thofe Habitations
poffibly within the Circle of Syria and Mefopotamia. And fo all the
Brutes that poffibly in their firſt Creation were produced ſparſim through
all the parts of the habitable World, as well in America as Afia or
Europe, were fafe and untouched; and all thofe Birds and Fowl that were
within 40 or 50 Miles of the Circulus diluvii might eafily preferve them-
felves by fight out of the extent of it, yea and the Brutes and Birds
which were out of that fuppofed narrow extent of Syria and Mefopo-
tamia where the Flood prevailed, might eaſily refurnish the fame Conti-
nent after the ſubfiding of the Flood, without the wonderful and diffi-
cult including of their kinds within the Ark for their prefervation, which
if this Suppofition hold, feems a needlefs Inftitution and Miracle by the
wife God. Gen. 7. 1. Therefore, I confeſs, I am no way ſatisfied with
this Gratification of that Author to the Pre-Adamite.
For first, although I take this Flood to be fomewhat more than Na-
tural, and a thing inftituted by the Will of God, yet do I not efteem
it a thing purely Supernatural or Miraculous, neither do I fuppofe thoſe
Waters created de novo, nor fent out of the Orbs of Heaven to drown
the Earth: I do not think the Face of the Earth and Waters were
altogether the fame before the Univerſal Deluge, and after; but poffibly
the Face of the Earth was more even than now it is, the Seas poffibly
more dilate and extended, and not fo deep as now, the Waters poffibly
more than now, and in thoſe reſpects more capable of diffuſion over the
dry Land. For though there be many great variations in proceſs of
time in the Sea and Land, yet it feems that ad plurimum the Seas grow
deeper, and eat lower into the Earth, and confequently more dry Land
is daily acquired, and the Seas grow narrower and deeper.
Now to deliver this Suppofition of an Univerfal Deluge from thoſe
difficulties, and that neceffity of multiplication of Miracles, which that
Author hath ſubſtituted, we are to confider:
1. That we are not to make our eftimate of the quantity of Waters
meerly by the Superficies of the Sea, but by its vaft depth, which in
fome places is unfathomable, and by thoſe vaft fubterraneous Receptacles
of Water which pour themſelves out in feveral great Ebullitions and
Marine Springs: Neither is it altogether improbable that the Waters of
the Sea, naturally tending downward, and being of a fluid fearching
confiftency, might in procefs of time have worked themfelves even
almoſt to the Center of the Earth, and there refiding in great and vaft
quantities, and poffibly have in a manner undermined much of the ap-
pearing Continent of the Earth: fo that that which the Prophet fpeaketh
may be true literally, Pfal. 24. 2. He hath founded it upon the seas, and
eftablished it upon the Floods: So that there are greater Store-houfes of
Water than appear viſible to the World. If we could fuppofe that the
incumbent Superficies of the Earth fhould fubfide and preis upon thofe
Store-houſes of Water within its bowels, it might afford a competent
ftore to drown the Earth without a new Creation.
2. Again, we may eafily compute that the quantity or extenſion of
the Body of the Air, even that which is commonly called the Atmosphere,
which at the loweſt account extends feven Miles in height, might by
Bb z
con-
187
188
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
condenſation into Water afford a competent ftore for the drowning of
the World, and yet be again rarified into the fame dimenſion and con-
fiſtence which before it obtained: for there is that vicinity of Nature
between those two Elements, that we daily fee confiderable proportions
of the one by condenſation changed into the other.
3. When we confider thoſe immenfe Inundations that are Annually,
and with fome conftant equality occafioned by great Rains, as for In-
ſtance, in the River Nilus, which by the Annual Rains in Ethiopia is raiſed
almoſt every Year twenty Cubits, and overflows a confiderable part of
Egypt yearly between the Months of June and October; and the like Inun-
dations yearly hapning by Periodical Showers in the great River of
America called Orenoque, between May and September, whereby it riſeth
upright above 30 Foot; fo that many of the Iſlands and Plains at other
times inhabited, are 20 Foot yearly at that time under Water. And
when we ſee that even the Ocean it felf in its daily Tides, eſpecially thoſe
that happen about the Equinoxes, caufed, as the Copernicans fay, by the
Interfections of the Annual and Diurnal Motions of the Earth; we
need not have recourſe to a new Creation of Waters to perform this
Office of the Divine Providence and Juſtice; He might by a ſtronger
elevation of Vapours, or by an extraordinary motion of the Seas perform
his purpoſe, which though probably it might not at the fame time
drown Afia and America, yet by the fucceffive peragration of theſe Wa-
ters they might drown the whole Earth, as the Inundation of Nilus by
the Showers of Ethiopia make the Flood there a Month fooner than it
happens in Egypt.
2. As to the Second Objection; I do confefs it to be most true, that
the Univerſal Deluge was a Judgment upon the Old World for their
intolerable degeneration from their Duty to God: But I do not think
that was the only Reaſon thereof; for the Infinite Power of God might
have deſtroyed thofe Evil Men by a Peftilence as well as by a Flood,
without detriment to the harmless Brutes or Birds: But as God Almighty
is of Infinite Wiſdom, fo it is the high Prerogative of that Wiſdom to
have variety of Excellent Ends in the fame Action. I do really think
that this Univerfal Deluge was not only an act of his Vengeance upon
Evil Men, but poffibly an act of Goodneſs and Bounty to the very Con-
ſtitution of this Inferior World, though the particulars thereof be hid
from us. And if as ſome would have it, it ſhould be coextended only
to the places that were then inhabited, and fo the Flood particular, yet
moſt certain it would be, even in ſuch a particular Flood, many great
Spots of Ground would be neceffarily drowned where never any Men
were, or inhabited.
3. And it ſeems it is too haftily concluded, That in the Period of
1656, or as the Septuagint, whom he follows, 2256 Years between the
Creation and the Flood, that only Palestine, Syria or Mefopotamia were
inhabited For confidering the longevity of Mens Lives in that Period,
a fmall skill in Arithmetical Calculation will render the Number of
coexiſting Inhabitants of the Earth more than fix times as many as would:
have hapned in 5000 Years, when Mens Ages were abridged to that
ordinary dimenſion which now they have: and the ſtrait bounds of Syria
and Mefopotamia would not have held one fortieth part of the Inhabitants ;
all
Cap. 7.
the Origination of Mankind.
189
all Europe, Asia and Africa were not more than fufficient for them: So
that as the World grew full of Sin, fo it grew full of Men and Beaſts, and
ſtood in need of a Deluge to make room for its future Inhabitants.
And this is as much as I fhall fay in this place, for the Vindication of
the Poffibility and Reaſonableness of the Univerfality of that Deluge
recorded by Moſes.
And if any fhall doubt of the Capacity of the Ark of Noah for the
Reception of Brutes, Birds, and the Family of Noah, with the neceffary
Proviſions of Livelihood for them; let him but confult Mr. Poole's Synopfis,
and he will find that which may reaſonably ſatisfie him touching it.
And now I fhall briefly confider the Method and Means and Manner
of the Peopling of America, and ftoring that vaft Countrey with Men
and Beafts and Birds, ſo far forth as we may reaſonably conjecture.
And herein I muſt confeſs that I only make an Abſtract or brief Col-
lection of what hath been done to my hands by thoſe that had better
Opportunities and Abilities to do it; as namely, Grotius, Laetius, Breer-
wood, Hornius, Jofephus Acosta, Mr. John Webb, Martinius and others, who
have profeffedly written, De origine gentium Americanarum.
First therefore, I fhall confider the Manner of Traduction of Men into
America.
Secondly, The Manner of Traduction of Brutes into America.
Touching the Traduction of Mankind into America, I do ſuppoſe theſe
things following:
1. That the Origination of the common Parents of the Humane Na-
ture hapned in ſome part of Afia.
2. That though the Origination of the common Parents of Mankind
were in Afia, yet fome of their Deſcendents did come into Ame-
rica.
3. That fuch Migration into America by the Deſcendents from Adam,
was not only poffibly, but fairly probable, notwithſtanding all the ob-
jected Difficulties.
4. That the Migrations of the Defcendents of Adam and Noah into
America, was fucceflive, and interpolated.
5. That although we cannot certainly define the Time or Manner of
all thefe Migrations, yet many of them were long fince, or, as we may
reaſonably conjecture, fome Thouſands of Years fince; but yet after the
Univerfal Deluge.
The Means of Tranfmigration of the Children or Defcendents of
Adam and Noah from Afia into America muſt be either by Land or by Sea,
or by both; and if by Sea, then it must be defigned, and ex propofito, or
cafually.
I think it probable it may be all of theſe ways, but eſpecially by
Sea.
Touching the Tranfmigration by Land, it ſeems very difficult, becauſe
though it may be poffible that there may be fome junctures between the
North Continent of America and fome part of Tartary, Ruffia, or Muscovy,
yet none are known, unless the Frozen Seas in thofe Parts might be a
means to tranſport Men thither, which is difficult to fuppofe, thoſe
Parts being unpaffable by reaſon of the great Snows that happen fo far
Northward: though fome have thought that Groenland is one Continent
with
190
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
with America, and that in its fartheft North-east extent it is joyned to
the Continent of Afia about Japan or Cathay; fo that a Land-paffage
might be out of Afa into Groenland, and thence into America. But this
is only conjectured, and not fully diſcovered to be ſo.
But however the Cafe now ftands with the three known Parts of the
World, in relation to its contiguity with the Continent of America ;
it is not impoffible, but in that long tract of 4000 Years at leaſt, which
hath hapned fince the Univerfal Deluge, there hath been great alterations
in the fituations of the Sea and Earth: poffibly there might be anciently
Necks of Land that maintained paffage and communication by Land
between the two Continents. Many Inftances of this kind are remem-
bred by Pliny, not only of the great Atlantick Ifland mentioned by the
Egyptian Prieſt in Plato's Timeus, of a great bigneſs, almoft contiguous
to the Weſtern parts of Spain and Africa, yet wholly fwallowed up by
that Ocean to which it hath given its Name of the Atlantick Ocean;
which if true, might for ought we know afford a Paffage from Africa
to America by Land before that Submerfion; but alfo many more In-
ftances of the like Variations: thus he reports that Sicily was anciently
divided from Italy, Cyprus from Syria, Eubea from Baotia. Vide Plin. l. 2.
cap. 88, 89, 90, 91.
Strabo alfo in his firft Book feems to referr the Straits or Apertures of
the Euxin and Mediterranean Seas to the like feparations made by the force
of the Sea, and attributes thoſe great Floods and Inundations to the ele-
vation and ſubſiding of the Moles terreftris, in theſe words; Restat ut
caufam adfcribamus folo, five quod mari fubest, five quod inundatur; potius
tamen ei quod mari fubeft: hoc enim multo eft mobilius, & quod ob humiditatem
celerius mutari poffit. Spiritus enim, hujufmodi omnium rerum caufa, ibi eft
copiofior. Sed, ficuti dixi, caufa horum efficiens accidentium eft, quod eadem fola
alias attolluntur, alias fubfidunt: and he reſembles the ordinary Elevations
and Depreffions whereby the ordinary Fluxes and Refluxes are made, to
the Exfpiration and Refpiration of Animals; but thoſe greater and extraor-
dinary Elevations and Depreffions of the Earth to the greater Accidents;
Nam diluvia, terramotus, eruptiones flatuum, & tumores fubiti terra in mari
latentis, mare quoque extollunt; fubfidentéfque in fe eadem terræ, faciunt ut
mare dimittatur. And it is no new or feigned Obfervation, That as the
Volcans in the Land, as Atna and Vesuvius, raiſe
raiſe up thoſe great Protu-
berances which feem Natural Mountains; fo the like Volcans or Fiery
Eruptions happen fometimes in the Land ſubjected to the Sea, whereby
great quantities of Earth together with Fire are thrown up, and grow
into Iflands. De quibus videfis Strabonem & Plinium in locis citatis. And
if we may give credit to the Conjectures of Verftegan, the Countries of
England and France were formerly conjoyned, and after ſeparated by the Ir-
ruption of the Sea between Dover and Calais. And therefore, although
may be that at this day there is no Land-paffage from this Elder World
unto that of America, yet within the tract of 4000 Years fuch there
might have been, whereby both Men and Beaſts, efpecially from about
Tartary or China might pafs; or between Norway or Finland and the
Northern part of the American Continent.
it
But we need not go fo far from home, nor refort to the Ages of ancient
times for the evincing the great Changes that have been between the
Sea
Cap. 7.
191
the Origination of Mankind,
Sea and Lands, fometimes by tempeftuous Winds, fometimes by Earth-
quakes, fometimes, and that moft commonly, by the working of the Sea,
by cafting up Silt and Sand, and by exaggerations thereby wrought;
elegantly deſcribed by Qvid, 15. Metamorph,
Vidi ego quod fuerat quondam folidiffima tellus
Elle fretum, vidi factas ex æquore terras;
Et procul à pelago concha jacuere marins,
Et vetus inventa eft in montibus anchora fummis.
Quódque fuit campus, vallem decurfus aquarum
Fecit, & elavie mons eft deductus in aquor,
Eque paludofa ficcis humus aret arenis.
The Inftances of latter Difcoveries which make evident this various
ftate of the Globe of Earth and Water, thus deſcribed by the Poet, are
among others thoſe that follow.
1. Some Towns that were anciently Havens and Ports where Ships
did ride, are now by exaggeration of Sand between thofe Towns and
the Sea, converted into firm Land 2, 3, 4 Miles diſtant from the Sea;
fuch was St Omer in Flanders, Old Rumney in Kent, Rye in Suffolk : vide
Mr. Dugdale his Hiftory of Draining, pag. 173. and the Authors there
cited by him.
2. Some whole Countries, as well as the Egyptian Delta, recovered to
be dry Land, partly by the exaggeration of Sand by the Sea or the out-
falls of great Rivers; thus the whole Country of Holland feems to be
an Accretion partly by the Sea, partly by the River Rhine. Dugdale ibid,
P. 12.
3. Some great Continents and Tracts of Ground were anciently firm
Land, and full of great Woods that could not have leſs time than 500 Years
continuance, and yet were afterwards reduced again into the Dominion
of the Ocean, and after all that re-reduced into firm Land; leaving
the infallible Signatures of theſe ſeveral Changes, though the precile
times thereof exceed the Memory of any Men alive: Inftances whereof
are as follow.
In the great Level near Thorny, feveral Trees of Oak and Firr, fome
fevered from their Roots, others joyned to their Roots which ftand in
firm Earth below the Moor, and in all probability have lain there hun-
dreds of Years, till covered by the inundation of the freſh and falt Waters,
and the Silt and Moorish Earth exaggerated upon them: and the like
monuments of great Trees buried in great quantities in the Ifle of Ax-
holm about 3 Foot, and fome 5 Foot under ground, whereof there are
multitudes; fome Oaks of 5 Yards in compaſs, Firr-Trees of 30 Foot
long. Vide Dugd. ubi fupra, pag. 141, 171.
Mr, Ray in his Ingenious Obfervations upon his Travels in the Nether-
lands, &c. pag.6. gives us the like account of great quantities of fub-
terraneous Woods, lying to and 20 Ells below the Superficies of the
Ground, proftrate towards the Eaft, which are fuppofed to be anciently
thrown down by the irruption of the Sea and ftrong Weſtern Winds,
which yet now, and for all the time of the Memory of Man or Hiſtory
extant, are firm Land, namely, Bruges in Flanders,
Bur
t
192
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
the
But that one Inftance is inftar omnium, remembred by Mr. Dugdale, ubi
Supra, pag. 172, but of known and notorious truth, the Sceleton of a
great Sea-fif above 20 Foot long found in the Downs or Uplands of
Cammington in Huntingdonshire, very far diftant from the Sea; which is
an unquestionable Evidence that the Sea was fometime Mafter of that
Tract of Ground.
4. Touching the Concha marina of feveral forts, it is moft unquestiona-
ble; I referr my felf herein to the Relation of Mr. Ray, ubi fupra, pag. 114.
&feqq. wherein he gives us an account of theſe Petrified Shells found in
great quantities within Continents at a vaſt diſtance from the Sea; and
Home Shells that are found in the Continent, which are ftrangers in the
Ports of the Sea conterminous to thofe Continents.
There are two Opinions concerning the Origination of theſe Pe-
trified Shells; 1. Of thoſe that have thought (and with great proba-
bility) that theſe were left in thoſe places by the Sea, either by the Uni-
verfal Deluge, or that really the Sea did poffefs thofe places where it left
thefe Relicks and Memorials of it felf upon its recefs to a more ſetled
Channel. And certainly if this be fo, we muſt needs ſuppoſe anciently
another Face of the Sea and Earth than what now is; poffibly many of
theſe Vallies and lower grounds might be entirely Sea, and the Hills
and Mountains, and other Prominences of the Earth where theſe Petri-
fied Shells are often found, being the Shoars of that great Ocean in thoſe
elder times, thoſe Shells were there caft up, as they are at this day upon
the Shoars.
The fecond Opinion is of thoſe that think that thefe Conche or Petri-
fed Shells were no other than the Lufus nature, the Effects of the Pla-
ftick power of the Earth; 1. Becauſe they are found at fuch great
diſtances from the Sea: 2. Becauſe they are many times of fuch a kind
of Fabrick as are not to be found in thoſe parts of the Sea that is con-
terminous to thoſe Continents where they are found, fome are found in
the middle of Germany, 200 Miles diftant from the Sea at the neareſt;
Scallop-fhells are found in the Ditches of Antwerp, and yet they are rarely
to be gotten on the Sea or Sea-fhoar nearer than Gallicia in Spain: 3. Be-
cauſe theſe Shells are ordinarily filled with Stone fuitable to the Stone of
thoſe places where they are found. Thefe and the like Reaſons, though
not evidently concludent againſt the former Suppofition, yet have in-
duced many Learned Men to attribute theſe Phanomena to the Plaftick
power of the Earth.
For my own part, I have ſeen fuch apparent Evidences in and near
the place where I live of things of this nature, that I am fatisfied that
many of them are but the Relicks of Fish-fhells left by the Sea, and there
in length of time actually Petrified; and the Inftance of the great Fish-
fceleton found at Cammington feems an undeniable Evidence thereof. And
I remember in my youth, in the Lifne of a Rock at Kingscote in Glocefter-
fhire, I found at least a Bushel of Petrified Cockles actually diſtinct one
from another, each near as big as my Fift: and at Adderly, mentioned by
Mr. Cambden, about 40 or 50 Years fince thoſe Configurations of great
Shells in Stones were frequently found, and for their curiofity, as many
as could be found were taken up by feveral perfons and carried away;
fince which time, for above 20 Years laſt paſt, there are none, or very
few
Cap. 7.
the Origination of Mankind.
193
few found; which nevertheleſs if they had been the Product of the
Plaftick power of the Earth, would have been Annually re-produced.
,
And yet I do think that all theſe Petrifications are not always necef-
farily the Monuments of the Sea poffeffing thoſe places as its conftant or
uſual Seat, but that many of thofe Shells arife de novo, not barely from
the Plaſtick power of the Earth (as fome Infects and Vegetables ariſe
fpontaneouſly) but from certain Seminal Ferments brought thither
which are as it were the Seminium of their production. And thefe Seminal
Ferments were firſt in the Sea and Sea-Waters, and might by many means
by brought into thoſe new parts of firm Land, 1. By the Univerſal
Deluge; 2. By the various mutable ſtations of the Land, and fluxes of
the Sea; 3. By elevation of thofe Seminal Ferments from the Sea or fome
deficcated places thereof, by the heat of the Sun, and diſcharging them
by Rain upon ſeveral parts of the dry Land, and where poffibly thoſe
Seminal Ferments might be digefted and ripened gradually into theſe
Configurations. But touching theſe kinds of Seminal Ferments, and
their Energy, more will be faid hereafter.
By this digreffion I mean but thus much, namely, That we can by
no means reaſonably ſuppoſe the Face, Figure, Pofition and Difpofition
of the Sea and dry Land to be the fame anciently as now, but there might
then be Sea where there is now dry Land, and dry Land where there
is now Sea; and that there might have been in former times Necks of
Land, whereby communication between the parts of the Earth, and
mutual paffage and re-paffage for Men and Animals might have been,
which in long proceſs of time within a Period of 4000 Years may have
been fince altered: That thofe parts of Afia and America which are now
dis-joyned by the interluency of the Sea, might have been formerly in
fome Age of the World contiguous to each other; and thofe Spots of
Ground, namely, the Philippine Iflands, and others that are now crum-
bled into fmall Islands, might anciently have been one entire Continent.
And if in places that have been long inhabited, and obferved by Men,
theſe mutations have happened as are apparent to our very Senfes,
› yet
the precife Times, Manner and Circumftances thereof are wholly loft to
us, as in divers parts of Europe is apparent: much more the like Changes
may happen in thoſe remote and vaft Marine Tracts which have been long
unknown and unobſerved, and ſcarce poffible to be oblerved by Mankind,
as in the Scythian, Atlantick, Pacifick, and other Northern and Southern
parts of the Seas.
Touching the Second Means, namely, the Paffage by Sea; It feems
very probable that the greateſt and readieft means of the migration of
Colonies or Plantations into the Weſtern World from the Eaftern, was
by Sea, and the help of Navigation; whereof much might be caſual, by
Tempefts or contrary Winds, but fome and the more principal might be,
ex inftituto & induftria.
Navigation, and the ufe of Ships is of that great Antiquity, that it is
difficult to affign when it began to be in uſe.
It ſeems probable that it was not unknown to the Old World before
the Flood, and yet not in that perfection that it was after, their Veffels
being not reduced to that perfection as to endure a wide Sea, fuch as the
Univerfal Deluge was, neither were they probably fitted with fuch Stores
Cc
as
194
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
1
as might be requifite for ſo long and unexpected a Navigation as the
Flood lafted.
But the Ark of Noah was certainly a moſt exact piece of Architecture,
and might give a Pattern or Inftruction for Veffels of great burthen, and
very probably fince that time the skill of Making and Navigating of Ships
was much ripened and improved.
If we confult the Heathenish Hiftories, we fhall find Navigation very
ancient among the Grecians, but eſpecially among the Phenicians, Tyrians,
and Carthaginians.
Polydore Virgil, de Inventione Rerum, l. 3. cap. 15. and before him, Pliny
in his Natural Hiſtory, lib. 5. cap. 57. gives us an Account of the feveral
Inventors of the various forms and appendants of Shipping and Navi-
gation, but yet the thing it felf they carry up to higher Memorials; the
Navigation of the Argonauts to Colchis for the Golden Fleece, being one
of the famous Epoche of the Grecian Computation, happened in about the
1100 Year after the Flood according to the Jewish Account; and above
200 Years before them Danaus failed out of Egypt into Greece, Shipping
being there in ufe long before.
That although we find not exprefs mention of the Pyxis Nautica or
Magnet for many Years after mention of the Ufe of Navigation, yet the
fame Author tells us that the Phenicians ſteered their Courſe by the Obſer-
vation of the Stars.
But we have a better and ancienter Account of the uſe and frequency
and antiquity of Navigation in the Sacred Scriptures: Jacob died about
600 Years after the Flood, mentions Ships and Havens for Shipping as
things well known, and particularly Zidon, as a great Port of Shipping,
where Zebulon's Lot was to be caſt, Gen. 49. 13. Balaam alfo in the time
of Mofes mentions the Ships of Chettim or Greece as a known thing, Numb.
24. 24. again, in the Reign of Solomon, the Tyrians are taken notice of to
be expert Sea-men; that Solomon had a Navy upon the Coaſt of the Red
Sea, that from thence he with the Tyrians made long and great Voyages
to Ophir and Tarſhiſh (places, as it ſeems moft probably, in the Eaft India,
not in Africa or America, as fome have thought) and thence brought
Gold and other Commodities once in three Years. 2 Chron. 8. 18. 9.21.
And how fedulous and induſtrious all Maritim Coafts were in ad-
vancing of Navigation, in multiplying of Shipping, in Merchandizing
and Trading, in fearching out and fubduing Forein Countries, when
either they were afflicted at home by War, or grew over-populous, the
Hiſtories of all fucceeding Ages of the Grecians and Perfians, of the Ty-
rians, Phenicians and Carthaginians, of the Romans and Egyptians, of the
Seres or Chineſes; and in later times, of the Venetians, Sicilians, Rhodians,
Spanish, Dutch, French and Engliſh give us a large Account.
And therefore as later Years, have given us of this Age witneſs, of
the Tranſplantations to America from Spain, France, Portugal, England,
Scotland, Holland, and fome Ages before that have given Inftances of
Tranſplantations from Norway into Groenland and Iceland; fo it ſeems not
only poffible, but very probable, that either by Caſualty and Tempeſt,
or by Intention and Deſign, either out of lucre of Gold, or for disbur-
thening of the Countries furcharged with multitude of Inhabitants, or
by greatness of Mind, affecting Noble Undertakings, or by reafon of
Hard-
Cap. 7.
195
the Origination of Mankind.
ways,
Hardſhip, Oppreffion and Wars at home, or by fome or all of theſe
feveral parts of this great Continent at feveral times have been planted
with Inhabitants, which in proceſs of time have multiplied into thoſe
many Nations, and have forgotten their Original, and the Manners,
Religion or Cuftoms of thofe People from whom they were derived in
Europe, Afia, or Africa. And furely we have reaſon to believe that we
of this Iſland are not Aborigines, but came hither by Migrations, Colo-
nies, or Plantations from other parts of the World, yet were it not for
the help of Hiftorical Monuments, we fhould have forgotten who inha-
bited this Ifland fix or feven hundred Years ago: yea, and notwithstanding
all theſe Hiſtorical helps, we have no Authentick Tradition that can
give us any tolerable Account before the time of Julius Cafar, much leſs
of the firft Plantation of this Iſland: for as to the Story of Brute and his
Company, we have but little evidence of the truth of it, and if it were
never ſo true, yet it doth not prove it uninhabited before.
Now thofe Countries in Afta or Europe that with greatest probability
firſt peopled America, feem to be 1. The British; 2. The Norwegians;
3. The Tartars or Scythians; 4. The Phenicians and Carthaginians;
5. The Chineſes or Seri. I do not at all mention the late Migrations of
the Spanish, French, Portugals, Dutch, English, or Scottish, but thoſe of a
more ancient Edition.
1. Touching the British Migration, recorded by Dr Powel, fub anno
1170, who tells us, That Madec one of the Sons of Owen Gwenith went
over twice into the Northern Coaſts of Americe, and made there a Britiſh
Plantation, who though in process of time much degenerated from
their Nature, Language, Cuftoms and Religion, yet retained fome
Monuments of all. This is at large profecuted by Laetius in his fecond
Obfervation, who gives us many Refemblances in fome principal Words
between the Language of them and the Cambro-Britains.
2. Touching the Migration of the Norwegians, Hugo Grotius hath made
fome confiderable Obfervations, which though not altogether approved
by Lactius, yet he willingly grants that Iceland, and fome part of Groen-
land were viſited and planted by Ericus Ruffus, fub anno Chrifti 982, and
the Chriftian Religion there planted, and probably from thence Colonies
were traduced into the Northern parts of America,
3. Touching the Migration of a confiderable number of Tartars and
Scythians into the North-eaft part of the Continent of America, over the
Fretum Anian, Laetius feems to lay much ſtreſs upon it, partly in reſpect
of the eaſineſs and fhortness of that Paffage from Nova Zembla and the
fartheft North-east part of Tartary over that narrow Sea; and partly by
reafon of the congruity of the Barbarous Cuftoms of the Americans and
Scythians, and fome other Indications of that kind.
4. Touching the Migration of the Phenicians and Carthaginians, eſpe-
cially into the South-eaft part of the Continent of America, as Mexico
and Brafil, Hornius thinks it probable upon many accounts: 1. Upon the
great skill and long practice of Navigation, and the multitude of
Shipping of the Phenicians and Carthaginians, 2. Upon the Accommo-
dation of the part of Carthage and other African Ports bordering upon the
Mediterranean Sea, to make their Voyages Weftward, and the great ad-
vantage of the conſtant Eafterly Wind, that makes the Voyage to Mexico
Cc z
and
196
Se&. II.
Moral Evidences touching
and Brafil more eafie. 3. Upon fome ancient Hiftories intimating the
progress of the Phenician and Carthaginian Fleets into fome Iflands and
Continents in or near the Atlantick Ocean. 4. From the Analogy of many
Words, and Names of Places with the Carthaginian Language; all which,
and much more to this purpofe may be feen in the Book of George Horne,
de Originibus Americanis. 5. And lastly, much of the Origination of
the Americans feems to be attributable to the Migrations of the Seri or
Sinenfes from the Eaftern parts of China and the Philippine Iſlands, from
the Iflands of Borneo, and the Molucca's, and Japan, through the Mare
Pacificam into the Weſtern part of the Continent of America; which
though it be a large Ocean of above 2000 Leagues, between the Philip-
pine Iftands and the Weft of the American Continent, and the paffage
thither difficult in refpect of conftant Eafterly Winds between the Tro-
picks, yet many Reafons feem to induce a likelihood of Plantations from
thence, 1. In refpect of the Antiquity of the Peopling of China, which
if we believe My vebb was the first peopled after the Univerſal Deluge;
that the Ark there firft refted upon that tract of Mountains that environ
a great part of China; that Sem the Son of Noah firſt ſetled there, that
it is the molt Ancient and Primitive Language; that by means of the
Antiquity and Serledneſs of this Monarchy, having continued in its
entirenels ever fince the Univerfal Deluge, it is moft probable that the
Weſtern Continent was peopled from thence. 1. Becauſe they were the
greate& Mafters of Shipping, and beft skilled in Navigation of any part
of the World, that the Pixis Nastica was there known and uſed long
before the knowledge thereof in Europe. 3. The many Iflands on the
South-eaft and South part of China, as Borneo, Java, Gilolo, Celebes and
other the Equator are dis-joyned but by very narrow Seas, not
much broader than thofe between England and France, from the Neck
of Land called Terra des Papos of Nova Guinea; and Nova Hollandia,
which is now diſcovered to be at leaſt in fome parts disjoyned from the
more Southern Continent by a great Sea, but thought to have been
anciently part
of the Southern Continent, and poffibly fo it may com
tinue in fome parts thereof.
Upon theſe and the like probabilities it may feem reaſonable to con-
clude, 1. That the Americans had their Original from the Inhabitants
of Europe, Asia and Africa, that tranfmigrated into that Continent either
intentionally, or cafually, or both. 2. That thofe Migrations were not
of any one fingle Nation or People, but from many or divers Nations.
3. That theſe Migrations were not altogether, or at one time, but fuc-
ceffively in feveral Ages, fome earlier, fome later. 4. That therefore
it is impoffible to determin the Time or firft Epocha of fuch Migrations,
but only that they were all fince the Univerſal Deluge, which is now
above 4000 Years fince: Some Migrations might be within two, three,
or four hundred Years after the Flood, fome later, according to various
Accidents; but it is no way probable that the earlieft Migration thither
was lefs diftant than 1000 Years from this time. 5. That if we fhould
admit that the first Migration thither were above 2000 Years fince, of
an hundred Pairs they might eafily propagate a number competent
enough to people all that vaft Continent. 6. That it ſeems that fince
the last of theſe ancient Migrations, fuppofe that of Madoc and his
Britons,
Cap. 7.
the Origination of Mankind.
197
Britons, until our late Migrations by the Spaniards, French, English, Datch
and Scotch, there probably interceded an interval of at leaſt four or five
hundred Years, in all which interval the Commerce and Communi-
cation between Europe or Afia, and America, hath as it were flept, and
been forgotten both by them and us. 7. That in that interval of 500
Years or thereabouts in all Parts, but in fome Parts far greater, there
muſt in all probability happen a great forgetfulness of their Original,.
a great degeneration from the Primitive Civility, Religion and Cuſtoms
of thoſe places from whence they were firft derived; a ferine and ne-
ceffitous kind of Life, a converfation with thoſe that having been
long there were faln into a more barbarous habit of Life and Manners,
would eaſily affimilate at leaſt the next Generation to Barbariſm and
Ferineneſs. It is true, where a Colony comes and keeps it ſelf in a
Body, as the Roman Colonies anciently, and our Plantations in Virginia
and New England do, and the new Acceffions incorporate and joyn them-
felves unto that Body, Cuftoms both Religious and Civil, and the
Original Language are long kept entire: But where the Acceffions are
but thin and Iparing, and ſcattered among the Natives of the Country
where they come,
and are driven to conform themſelves unto their
Cuſtoms for their very fubfiftence, fafety and entertainment, it falls out
that the very firſt Planters do foon degenerate in their Habits, Cuftoms
and Religion, as a little Wine poured into a great veſſel of Water lofeth
it felf: But if they eſcape a total Affimulation to the Country where
they thus are mingled, yet the next Generation in fuch a mixture is
quickly affimulated to the corrupt Manners and Cuſtoms of the People
among whom they are thus planted: So that it is no wonder, if in
fuch kind of ſmall Acceffions fucceffively from one and the fame or ſeve-
ral Countries, the third Generation forget their Anceſtors, and the
Cuſtoms, Religion and Languages of thofe People from whom they
were firft derived, and affume various temperaments in their Language
and Cuſtoms, according as the places of their Habitation and the Com-
pany among whom they live, obtain. And if any man confider but the
ftrange contemperation and production of our English Language out of
the combinations and mixtures of the Danish, Saxon, British French, Dutch,
and other Countries, he may eafily perfwade himſelf, that out of the
Mixtures of People there may arile as great diverſities of Language,
Rites and Cuftoins, as there may Temperaments of Qualities by the
various combinations and mixtures of the prime Qualities, or varieties
of Words by the various appofitions of the 24 Letters in the Alphabet :
and even theſe Cuftoms and Languages fubject to infinite fucceffive
alterations and variations, according to the variety of Forein Mixé
tures, Commerce, Victories, Wars, Credit and Opinion of Factions or
Parties
And thus far touching the Peopling of America with Mankind;
I fhall fubjoyn ſomething touching the ftoring of it with Brutes and
Birds.
It ſeems in the original Creation of things that Vegetables and In-
fects, elpecially thofe that by their nature may fponte oriri, or by equi-
vocal Generation, had as large and univerfal production as the habitable
parts of the Earth or dry Land; as Fishes, for the moft part, had their
firft
1
2
198
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
firſt created production as univerſal and ſparſim, in the whole extent of
the Seas or Waters.
But whether the primitive production of the more perfect Animals
both Brutes and Birds, that have ever fince had their production by
univocal Generation, were diffuſively created over the habitable or dry
Ground as Vegetables were; or whether there were only certain Capita
Specierum perfectarum utriufque fexus, created in a certain determinate di-
Strictus near to the place of the firft Origination of Mankind, viz, in
or near the Garden of Eden; and that the whole Progeny of fuch Brutes
and Birds were propagated after fucceffively through the whole World
from theſe Capita fpecierum, feems an Inquiry of more difficulty to de-
termin.
Some Obſervations feem to favour the former Conjecture, eſpecially
confidering that many Species of Brutes and Birds are as it were appro-
priate to their feveral Countries, as Elephants, Camels, Lions, and
divers other Brutes; Parrots, Oftriches, and other Fowls which are not
found in other Countries.
But eſpecially the fame Opinion is inferred from the Beaſts and Birds
which are found in America, which have not the like in the other parts.
of the World: Acofta in his 36th Chap. of his 4th Book faith, that beſides
the Beaſts called Guanaco's and Paco's, there be a thouſand different kinds
of Birds and Beaſts of Foreſt in America which have never been known
neither in shape nor name in other parts of the World; whereof no
mention is made, nor names given in Greek or Latin, or other Eaftern
Language of the World.
And in his 34th Chapter of that Book he tells us, That though the
Spaniards in their firft Plantation found certain Beafts, Birds, and other
things in America common to thofe of Europe, Asia and Africa; yet fome
Beafts and other things they brought thither which were unknown there,
and for which they had no Names but what the Spaniards brought along
with them. So that one of the beſt Indications which they had to know
thoſe Beafts which were originally brought with the Spaniards out of
Europe in their firft Plantation, was, in that the Indians had no other
Names for fuch but Spanish Names.
And again, fince America, as is generally fuppofed, is divided on
every fide from Afia, Africa and Europe by confiderable Seas, and no
known paffage by Land, fo that all the poffibility there could be for
traduction of the Brutes into America from the known World, could only
be by Shipping: Though this might be, and certainly was a method ufed
for the traduction of uſeful Cattel from hence thither, yet it is not
credible that Bears, Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and Foxes fhould have fo much
care uſed for their tranfportation.
And upon the fame account they feem to inferr, That the Beafts and
Birds preſerved by Noah in the Ark could only be fuch as were appro-
priated to Afia, but not thofe that were of the American kinds, for how
Thould they come from thence to the Ark? Or if it be fuppofable that
they could be brought thither, why did none of the kinds which are found
commonly in America leave fome of their Kind or Race here?
On the other fide, it hath been the more received Opinion, That
the Capita ſpecierum perfectarum of perfect Terreftrial Animals and Birds
were
Cap. 7.
199
the Origination of Mankind.
t
were created near unto the place of Adam's Creation, and that from
theſe, and theſe only the Race of perfect Animals, Birds, and Brutes were
propagated and traduced over the face of the whole Earth; and that
the American Brood was traduced from theſe, and from thofe Couples
of theſe that were preſerved by Noah in the Ark: And that upon theſe
Inſtances, whereof fome are of Divine authority, others are Phyfical.
1. All the Beaſts and Fowls were brought to Adam to give them their
Names, Gen. 2. 19,20. which could not have been, if the feveral kinds
of them in their firft Creation had not been within fome reaſonable and
approachable diſtance.
2. All the Beaſts and Birds had their kinds preſerved in the Ark, and
the reſt were drowned by the Univerſal Deluge. Gen. 7.23.
3. Although the Continent of America was in the firft Spanish Plan-
tations thereof ſtored with wild Beaſts, as Lions, Tigers, Bears, &c.
yet thoſe Iſlands that were remote from the Land, though large and
fruitful, had not any of theſe Beaſts then in them, as Cuba, Hispaniola,
Jamaica, Margarita : this is verified by Acofta, upon a ſtrict examination,
Lib. 1. Cap. 21. & alibi, and the fame hath been found true in other new
diſcovered Iflands by other Navigations: Whereby it appears that the
Brutes were not Aborigines, for then they ſhould have been found in thoſe
Iſlands as well as in the Continent, as well as Infects and Vegetables;
and that therefore in the Continent it felf, the firſt ſtoring thereof was
not from it felf, but by fome means of acceffion from other Parts, for
otherwiſe they might have been found as well there as in the Continent.
The two great Obftacles are, 1. The difference of the Brutes and
Birds of that Continent from thofe of Afia, Europe and Africa: 2. The
difficulty of finding a commodious paffage from Afia, Africa, or Europe
for fuch Beafts and Birds from hence thither, admit they were all of the
fame kind. And touching both theſe I fhall fay fomething.
1. Touching the diverſity of Brutes and Birds of this and the Weſtern
World; the difficulty from thence is but fmall, for there are divers
Accidents even in the Eaſtern World, Europe, Asia, and Africa, that
afford us Inftances of that kind, though, excepting fome Iflands, it be
one common Continent: I shall inftance only in fome Accidents of this
kind: 1. This Variation may happen by Mixtures of feveral Species in
Generation, which gives an anomalous Production, as we fee ordinarily
by the mixture of Pheaſants and Hens, Chickens are produced partaking
of both in colour and figure, which yet renders them different from
both: And it is obferved by many that the Cauſe of that great variety
of Brutes in Africa is by reafon of the meeting together of Brutes of
ſeveral Species at Waters (which in thofe dry Countries are ſcarce)
and the promiscuous couplings of Males and Females of feveral Species,
whereby there ariſe a fort of Brutes that were not in the firft Creation.
This was long fince obferved by Ariftotle, fo that it grew a Proverb alſo,
Semper aliquid novi Africa affert. De generat. Animal, lib. 2. cap. 5. and fo
continues to this day. 2. The Percolation, as I may call it, of Vegeta-
bles by Proſemination will alter their Nature, Colour and Shape, as
Tulips, or Carnations riſing from Seed will differ in Colour from what
thoſe were that yielded thofe Seeds. 3. Culture will improve Wild
Flowers in bignefs and beauty; and want of Culture will fometimes
make
200
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
make Vegetables degenerate. See for thefe Tranfmutations Sir Francis
Bacon, in the 6th Century of his Natural Hiſtory. I have often obferved,
that River-Fish, as Trouts and Flounders, and others, will alter their
figure, fome for the better and fome for the worſe, being put into Ponds.
Again in Animals; the Learned Doctor Harvey in the end of his laſt
Book de Generatione Animalium, delivers an Opinion which at the firſt
view ſeems wonderful ſtrange, viz. That the Conformation of the Proles,
both in Men and Brutes, to their feveral fpecifical Shapes and Configu-
rations, is by a certain fpecifical operative Idea in the Phantafie or Ima-
gination of Animals, fixed and radicated in them, and conformable to
their ſeveral Species; and that monftrous or anomalous Productions are
by ſome diſturbance or difcompofure of that ſpecifical Idea, by fome other
inordinate Idea. And conformable hereunto feems the Opinion of Marcus
Marci, in his learned Book de Ideis formatricibus. Whatever the truth
of this Opinion be, it is not here properly examinable; yet it ſeems beyond
queſtion, that as to fome external Signatures, as Colour, Shape, Fi-
gure, &c. the Phantafie or Imagination of the Females as well Animals
as of Mankind, eſpecially in momento conceptus and for fome time after,
hath a great Influence: Some there are that think that Jacob's change of
the colour of Sheep and Goats by peeled Rods, Gen. 30. 37. was partly
at leaſt upon a Phyfical account, and he that reads Fienus de Viribus
Imaginationis, and Sir Francis Bacon in the latter end of his Natural Hi-
ftory, will find fuch Changes by the ftrength of Imagination as are very
remarkable. It is probable, that in the great plenty of Birds and Fowls
in uninhabited Woods of the Weſtern World, even the feveral aſpects
of their Figure and Colour in their feafons of Copulation may make
various Configurations and Colours in their Broods. 5. But that which
is more to my purpofe, and of greater evidence, is this; Variety of Soils
and Climates makes admirable and almoſt ſpecifical Variations even of
the fame Species of Vegetables, Animals and Men: In Vegetables, a fruit-
ful Soil or Climate improves in Beauty, Bignefs and Virtue, a barren
Soil or Climate impairs them: among Animals, the Indian Elephants
are larger than the African; the English Maftiff degenerates in his cou-
rage and fierceneſs, at least in the first fucceffion by generation, when
brought into France; the Barbary Horfe is of a finer Spirit and Make than
the Flanders Horſe, yet degenerates in a great meaſure in the firſt or
fecond generation, when removed from Barbary. Nay let us look upon
Men in feveral Climates, though in the fame Continent, we ſhall ſee
a ſtrange variety among them in Colour, Figure, Stature, Complexion,
Humor; and all arifing from the difference of the Climate, though the
Continent be but one, as to point of Acceſs and mutual Intercourſe and
poffibility of Intermigrations: The Ethiopian black, flat-nofed and crifp-
haired; the Moors tawny; the Spaniards fwarthy,little,haughty,deliberate;
the French (pritely, fudden; the Northern people large, fair-complexioned,
ſtrong, finewy, couragious: nay we may fee in more conterminous
Climates, even in thoſe of ours, great variety in the People thereof; the
Up-lands in England yield ſtrong, finewy, hardy Men; the Marth-lands,
eſpecially about Somerſetſhire, Men of large and high ftature; the wellb
that inhabit the Mountains, commonly fharp-vifaged. And there is no
lefs difference in the Humors and Difpofitions of People inhabiting feveral
Cap. 7.
201
the Origination of Mankind.
Climates, than there is in their Statures and Complexions. And it is
an evidence that this arifeth from the Climate, becauſe long continuance
in theſe various Climates affimilate thofe that are of a Forein extraction
to the Complexions and Conſtitutions of the Natives after the fucceffion
of a few Generations.
And upon this account there may be great variety in the Colour, Fi-
gure and Make of divers Birds and Animals in America from thoſe in the
Eaſtern World, and yet both have the fame original extraction; for
there is no leſs variety in the Brutes and Birds of Africa from thoſe of
Europe or Afia, and yet nothing impedes their mutual commigrations,
being the fame Continent, though differing Climates.
And therefore although Acoſta and others tell us of Brutes and Birds
in America that are not found in Europe or Afia, it doth not at all enervate
the Sacred Hiſtory; it is poflible there may be the like in Africa, or fome
Parts of Afia which yet cofta never travelled. 2. But if not, they
might arife by an anomalous Mixture of Species. 3. Poffibly they may
be of the fame Species with the Primitives, but received fome accidental
Variations in procefs of time; as the various kinds of Dogs here in
England, Mastiffs, Spaniels, Hounds, Greyhounds, &c. might in their
Primitives be of one species; the like may be faid of various kinds of
Apes, Baboons, Monkies; of Elks, Buffalo's, and Cows; the like of
feveral forts of Parrots, which primitively might be but one Species,
and receive accidental Variations in proceſs of generations, by fome of
the means above mentioned: and thus Crows, Daws, Rooks might be
but a baſtard kind of Raven; the Royston Crow and the Cornish Daw,
though they have accidental differences from thofe among us,
ſeem yet
to be of the fame kind with ours, and fo poffibly might the Sheep of
Peru, called by Acofta Pacos and Guanacos, be primitively Sheep, but dif-
ferenced by their long abode in fucceffive generations in Peru; the Auza's
and Poulaffes mentioned by Acofta, lib. 4. cap. 37. may be but a species of
Ravens, though by the Climate accidentally altered in bigneſs and
Ahape.
Theſe things I mention, that it may appear, That even in the fame
Continent, wherein a mutual tranſition may be without difficulty, yet
the very Climate may as it were appropriate fome Brutes to certain Coun-
tries, which yet might without any great difficulty be at firft Creation
of them contained within nearer bounds, and might upon the occafion
of the Common Deluge be drawn together into the Ark, and afterwards
by their wandring farther, and inuring themſelves to a certain Continent
or part thereof, be accidentally changed, and as it were appropriate to it:
And alſo to ſhew, That Animals even of the fame Original, Extraction
and Species, be diverfified by accuftomable refidence in one Climate, from
what they are in another. Therefore poffibly as little Confequence may
be drawn againſt the common Original of the Capita fpecierum Animalium
in Afia and America, as may be drawn from the diverfity of fome kind of
Animals inhabiting in divers parts of Europe, Afia or Africa, which not-
withſtanding is one common Continent. I do therefore conclude, That
the variety of the Brutes and Birds in America from thoſe in Afia, where
the Ark was made, is no Argument against their Original from thoſe
that were preſerved in the Ark: Becauſe that it doth not yet appear,
Dd
that
}
་
202
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
that thoſe that are now known in this World do differ any more than
accidentally from thofe in the Weſtern World, viz. either by the
Couplings and Mixtures of Animals of feveral Species, or by reaſon of
the Variety of the Climate, or Temperament thereof; which Variations
might be acquired by a diſperſion of them as well into America, as other
parts of Europe, Africa or Afia, after the Univerfal Deluge.
As to the Second, namely, The difficulty of the firft Migration of
Brutes and Birds from Afia where the Capita fpecierum were firft created,
and after in the Ark preferved; I fhall firſt deliver my felf from the leffer
difficulties of the Objection, and afterwards confider the greater.
1. It feems but little difficulty touching the tranflation of Birds
from hence thither for although without the fuppofition of Plato's
Atlantis, or fome number of ſmaller Iflands in a convenient diftance in
the Atlantick Ocean, it is hardly poſſible to ſuppoſe that any Fowls could
maintain a flight from Spain or Africa, cross the Atlantick Ocean into
America; yet there are other Seas between fome parts of Europe and Afia,
and the Northern parts of America, where Fowls by flight might pafs
from hence thither, as the Fretum Anian, and the Sea bordering upon
Norway and Finland.
2. As to the Water-Fowls, the difficulty is lefs, for they can and do
Tupply the wearinefs of a long flight by taking Water, and infinite num-
bers of them are found in Iflands far remote from any Continent, and
even in the main Ocean.
3. As to Domeſtick-Fowl, as Hens, Geefe, Turkies, &c. and tame
Animals for uſe, delight, or food, as Horſes, Dogs, Hogs, Sheep, Goats,
Deer, Apes, Monkies, Peacocks, Parrots, &c. of which America is
furnished; there is as little difficulty but they might be tranſported by
thipping either for uſe or commerce, eſpecially by the Africans, who had
ftore of them; and even Peacocks and Apes were an ancient part of
commerce, 2 Chron. 9. 21. and Acoſta, lib. 4. cap. 33. tells us that the Dogs
and Cattel transported not much above 20 Years before his coming thither
from Spain, were in that ſpace ſo exceedingly multiplied in St Domingo
and other Iſlands poffeffed by the Spaniards where there were none for-
merly, that they became wild, and filled all the Country, that they were
forced to uſe what means they could for the deftruction of the Dogs, and
killed infinite numbers of Cows, meerly for their Skins.
9.21.
4. The only difficulty that fees to remain, is touching thoſe ferine, no-
xious, and untamable Beaſts, as Lions, Tigers, Wolves,Bears,and Foxes with
which that Continent abounds: for it is not probable that theſe fhould be
transported by shipping; no Men would probably be at that charge and
hazard with fuch Beafts that would do more harm than good: And
although poffibly the frozen Northern Seas might be a Bridge for their
paffage, yet that feems unlikely in refpect of the great Snows that ac-
company fuch Frofts, and the impoffibility of a ſupply of food in fo
great
and troubleſom a Journey: And as to Swimming, though it hath been
obferved that Bears have fwimmed into Iſlands many Leagues from the
Continent to prey upon Fowls, and to return again; and though the
Seas between Tartary and Cathay and fome parts of America be not fo
wide as the Atlantick or Pacifick Ocean, yet they are too large to afford
a paffage by Sea, eſpecially for Tigers and Lions, which are not fo apt to
take
<
Cap.8.
the Origination of Mankind.
take the Water. And it is not yet certainly diſcovered, though con-
jectured, that there is any Neck of Ground, or paffage by Land from
any part of Europe or Afia into any part of the Continent of Ame-
rica.
There remains therefore nothing that I can reaſonably conjecture to
accommodate the difficulty, but to fuppofe what I have formerly inti-
mated; That although it ſhould be granted that there is now no fuch
Land-paffage extant, yet within the compaſs of 4000 Years elapfed fince
the Flood there have been fome fuch Junctures or Land-paffages between
the Northern parts of Afia or Europe, and fome Northern parts of the Con-
tinent of America, or between the South-eaft parts of China or the Phi-
lippine Iſlands, and the Southern Continent (though lately there be
diſcovered an interpofition of Sea between the Ifland del Fuogo and that
Southern Continent) whereby either from Afia to Groenland in the North,.
or from China to Terra auftralis incognita on the South a Land-paffage
might be from Afia to America for Men and Brutes, though for fome
Ages paft either by the violence of the Water, or by Floods or Earth-
quakes, which hath made great alterations in the Globe of the Earth
and Seas, that Bridge or Line of Communication be now broken and
obliterated. And truly he that obſerves the infinite company of Iſlands
lying between the Continent of China and Nova Guinea, almoft contiguous
to each other, hath probable reaſon to believe that theſe were all formerly
one Continent joyning China and Nova Guinea together, though now
by the irruption of the Sea crumbled into many ſmall Iſlands.
CA P. VIII.
The Seventh Evidence of Fact proving the Origination of Man,
namely, The Gradual Increaſe of Mankind.
I
Come to the Seventh Evidence of Fact, which feems with much
ftrength and clearness to evince the Origination of Mankind, and
that within ſuch a Period of Time as the Sacred Scriptures propound,
namely, The Gradual Increaſe of Mankind upon the Earth.
And becauſe I mean throughly to examin this Confideration, I ſhall
propound to my Enquiry thefe enfuing Particulars.
1. Whether according to the ordinary courfe and procedure of Nature
in the Generations of Mankind, there be not a gradual and confiderable
Increaſe of Mankind upon the face of the Earth, unleſs fome collateral
Emergency or Occurrence interrupt or correct that Increaſe.
2. What Correctives there may be fuppofed that may check and
reſtrain that Increaſe of Mankind, that otherwife according to the ordi-
nary courſe of Nature would have obtained in the World.
3. Whether thofe Correctives or collateral Occurrences which have
been, or may be ſuppoſed to have been in the World, have fo far prevailed,
as totally to ſtop that Increafe of Mankind, which upon a Natural
account, without the intervention of fuch Correctives would have
obtained.
D d z
4. Whether
203
204
Sec. II.
Moral Evidences touching
4. Whether notwithſtanding all thefe Correctives of the Increaſe or
Exceffes of Generations, yet if ftill the numbers of Mankind have in-
creaſed, it be not a fufficient Argument to fatisfie a reaſonable Man that
Mankind had an Inception, and that within ſuch a period or compaſs
of Duration as is not of a vaft or prodigious Excefs.
I ſhall begin with the first of theſe, and I ſhall ſuppoſe, and I think
clearly evidence, That without the intervention of fome accidental or
collateral Corrective, Mankind muft needs increaſe upon the Earth, and
that the Generations and Productions of Men and Woman in an ordinary,
regular and conſtant courſe of Nature, do very much exceed the Decays
of Mankind by Natural courfe of Mortality, allowing into the Ac-
count thoſe common Decays of Mankind by ordinary, uſual and common
Diſeaſes incident to Individuals.
The Laws, eſpecially of the Romans and others, have determined the
Legal Ages of Matrimonial Conjunction of a Man to be 14, of a Wo-
man to be 12; Prudential Confiderations have protracted it longer.
Plato in his Third De Legibus allows and determins the Age of the
Woman ſhould be between 16 and 20, of the Man to be between 30 and
35: we will ſuppoſe the medium to be for the Man 26, for the Woman 20.
Ariftotle determins the extreme time for Generation in the Man to be 70,
for the Woman 50; the medium to be 65 for the former, 45 for the latter:
we will take a fhorter medium for both, and fuppofe the extreme term
for Procreation for Man to be 55, for the Woman to be 40 Years; upon
this account the terminus or periodus procreative to be 20 Years: And
although within that Period there is a poffibility of procreation of 20
Children, yet confidering that all Pairs are not of that fertility, we will
take the medium to be less than a third part, viz. 6.
↑
And becauſe upon a due Obfervation of the Sexes of Mankind, efpe-
cially by fuch as have curiouſly obſerved the Regiſters and Calculations
of Births and Burials, there is fome, though not very confiderable exceſs
of Males above Females, viz. as 14 to 13, or in fome places, as 16 to 15
(an evidence of the wife Providence of God, to bring the number of
each Sex to ſo near a parity) yet allowing a redundance to the Males,
to fupply thoſe many Caſualties whereunto Males are fubject by Wars,
Navigations, and other Occurrences that more exhauft the numbers of
Men than Woman. Therefore we will allow to Productions of five
Couples, about 16 Males and 14 Females; which though not exactly an-
fwering either of thoſe proportions, yet comes near to them, namely,
16 Males to 14 Females.
And becauſe partly through the weakneſs of Infancy, and thoſe Dif-
eaſes that happen to Youth either by reafon of intemperance, indiſ
cretion, want of of care, and the ebullition and fermentation of Blood,
more dye before 20 Years than between that age and 50, we will fuppoſe,
of thoſe fix Procreations only two attain to the ftate of future Nuptials
and procreation of fucceeding Generations; therefore we will allott only
two of theſe fix to attain to the ftate of Men and Women, and confe-
quently in an ordinary courfe of Nature live to the common age of Man-
kind.
And although the common age of Mankind, when they are paffed the
danger of Childhood and Youth, is 70 Years, yet becauſe I would have
my
Cap. 8.
205
the Origination of Mankind,
:
my Suppoſition as eafie and general as may be, I fhall allow 60 to be that
ordinary Age, abating great Caſualties and Epidemical Difeafes.
And upon this account we may juſtly ſuppoſe theſe things; 1. That
these two Children may be coexifting with their Parents for near 30
Years; for if the eldeſt be born at 27 Years of the age of the Father,
and the other at 30 Years of his age, and live till the Father be 60 Years
old, the youngeſt is 30 Years old at the extremity of his Father's age,
which we ſuppoſe 60 Years: and 2. Theſe two Children by Inter-
marriage may have likewiſe two, three, or more Children by that time
the Father attains 60 Years: So that in the compaſs of about 34 Years
the number of two, namely the Father and Mother, is increaſed to the
number of eight, namely, the Father and Mother, their two Children,
and four Grand-children; fo that in 34 Years they become increaſed in
a quadruple proportion, and all coexifting: and although by that time
we fuppofe the Father and Mother dye, yet in the like Period of thirty
four by a Geometrical Proportion their Increaſe is multiplied proportio-
nable to the Exceſs of their number above Two.
But if we ſhall ſuppoſe that the Technogonia began fooner, as at 17 or 18
Years, and continued longer, viz. until 65, and that the Ages of Mens
Lives were protracted generally to 70 Years, the Increaſe would be very
much greater.
And upon this account it is, that confidering the long Lives of the
Ancients fhortly after the Flood, and the long continuance of their
ftrength of Procreation, Petavius in his 9th Book De doctrina Temporum,
cap. 14. and before him, Temporarius in his Chronology gives us a plain
Demonftration, That within the compaſs of 215 Years after the Flood
the Sons of Noah and their Defcendents might without a Miracle increaſe
to prodigious and incredible multitudes. The number of coexifting
Individuals is by one of theſe Authors with very clear evidence com-
puted to 1219133512, deſcended from one of the Sons of Noah. And
therefore, that allowing the beginning of the Syrian Monarchy to have
been about 153 Years after the Flood, it might ſhortly after the begin-
ning of Ninus his Empire, which is ſuppoſed to have been about 215
Years after the Flood, have grown to that greatneſs, that might eaſily
render credible the mighty Cities that were built by him, and the great
Armies that he raiſed, and the Battles that he fought, and vaft Slaugh-
ters that he made and ſuffered: But if we fhould follow the Account
of the Septuagint, which gives us a far greater Period of Time from
the Flood to Abraham, the advantage of the Increaſe would be fignally
greater; although the common Account of the Jews render the Increase
cafily credible, without the help of a Miracle.
And becauſe that there can be no greater evidence of this Truth of
the Increaſe of Mankind than Experience and Obfervation, neither can
there be any Obfervation or Experience of greater certainty, than the ftrict
and vigilant Obſervance of the Calculations and Regiſters of the Bills
of Births and Deaths; and becauſe I do not know any one thing rendred
clearer to the view, than this Gradual Increaſe of Mankind, by the curious
and ftrist Obſervations of a little Pamphlet, entitled Obfervations apon
the Bills of Mortality, lately printed, I ſhall not decline that light or evidence
that this little Book affords in this matter; wherein he plainly evinceth,
1. That
!
206
Sect. It.
Moral Evidences touching
*
1. That the number of Males to Females is regularly as 14 to 13, of
as 16 to 15. Cap. 8.
2. That fuppofing the number of breeding Couples to be 48000, in
about the ſpace of 7 Years, in a healthy time, or in 8 Years, if there be
Plagues, the great City of London, which is not fo healthy as the Coun-
trey, will double, without the help of the acceſs of Foreiners: and
therefore Adam and Eve doubling themſelves every 64 Years, would in
the Period of 5610 Years, the fuppofed diftance from the Creation of
Man, produce a far greater number of Mankind than are now in the
World. Cap. 11.
3. That in the Countrey, which is generally more healthy than London,
upon a medium of Obſervation of 90 Years, there are five Births for four
Burials, fometimes three to two, and feldom in any Year theſe Burials
equalled or exceeded the Births, or if they did, yet the fucceeding Years
ballanced it to that proportion of 5 to 4; for in the ſpace of 90 Years
1059 were Born in one Pariſh more than were Buried. Cap. 12.
4. That this Redundance did not much increaſe the place or Pariſh
it felf, becauſe by tranſmigrations to London, to Forein Plantations, and
other places of Trade, they disburthened the proportion of their in-
creaſe, and added to the greatnefs and amplitude of other places, eſpecially
London.
5. That confidering the fmall exceſs of the number of Males above
the number of Females, and confidering the redundancy of the num-
ber of Males is only fufficient to make good that decay of Males
above Females, by Wars and Navigation, and other Accidents more
incident to Males than Females, there is very near a parity of Males and
Females in the World, to keep it in a confonancy and congruity to the
firſt inſtitution of Matrimonial fociety between one Man and one Wo-
man.
6. That confequently Polygamy doth not in the general conduce to
the Increaſe of Mankind, becaafe the natural or ordinary proportion
between the number of each is equal. But in as much as by reafon of
the great Conſumption of Males among the Turks, by divers Accidents,
eſpecially that of their great Wars between them and the Perfians, Tartars,
Christians and Moors; whereby there is, or at leaſt in fome Ages was,
a great redundance of the number of Woman above the number of Men:
The uſe of Polygamy allowed among them, gives a greater increaſe of
People than otherwife would be; becauſe of the excess of the number
of Women above the number of Men, by fuch Accidents.
Theſe are ſome of thofe plain and evident Obfervations of the
feemingly inconfiderable Pamphlets; which give a greater Demon-
ftration of the Gradual Increaſe of Mankind upon the face of the Earth,
than a hundred notional Arguments can either evince or confute, and
therefore I think them worthy of being mentioned to this purpoſe.
Upon all which, and much more that might be faid, it is evident,
That according to the ordinary courſe of Nature, though thofe common
and ufual Accidents of common Sickneffes, ordinary Cafualties, and
common Events are incident to Humane Nature, the number of Man-
kind doth and muſt neceffarily increaſe in the World, and the Natural
Supplies of Mankind are greater, and more numerous than the Decays
thereof.
!
Cap. 9.
thereof. I now therefore come to the Second Confideration, namely,
The Examination of the extraordinary or more univerfal Correctives of
the Multiplication of Mankind, which becauſe it will be large, I fhall
allow unto it a diftinct Chapter.
the Origination of Mankind.
CA P. IX.
Concerning thofe Correctives of the Excess of Mankind which may be
thought to be fufficient to reduce it to a greater Equability.
I
Come now to the Second premiſed Confideration and Inquiry, viz.
Whether there may not be found fome extraordinary Occurrences
and Correctives, that may reduce that otherwife Natural and ordinary
Increaſe of Mankind to an Equability: And I call them Extraordinary,
not fimply in reſpect of themselves, but in oppofition to thofe daily and
ordinary Caſualties which happen to Humane Nature, and in reſpect of
thoſe great Diſtances and Periods, whether certain or cafual, wherein
they may be ſuppoſed to happen: And I shall improve this Objection
against the Increafe de facto of Mankind, with the greatest impartiality
and advantage that may be.
It is certain that the Increaſe of Brutes, and other Animals which are
perfect and univocally generated, is very great in the World: Ariftotle,
that inquifitive Searcher into Nature, in his 4th Book of the Hiftory of
Animals hath given us an Account touching moft Animals, of the length
of their Lives, times of their Breeding, intervals of their Birth; wherein
though poffibly there may be variation in feveral Climates, yet his
Account may give a near eftimate, proportionable alfo to other
places.
For Inftance, the Cow breeds in the ſecond Year, brings forth the
tenth Month, lives 15 or 20 Years: the Mare breeds the third Year,
brings forth in the twelfth Month; lives 25, 39, and ſometimes 40 Years:
the Sheep and Goat bear in the fecond Year, bring forth in the beginning
of the fixth Month, fometimes two, ordinarily but one; lives 10, 12,
or 13 Years: Sows breed in the fecond Year, bring forth after four
Months, their Young numerous: Bitches breed in the latter end of the
firft or beginning of the fecond Year, bring forth after threescore Days,
or in the ninth Week; their Young many, 5, 6, or ſometimes 12; they
live 10 or 12, fometimes 15 or 20 Years: Wolves breed and bring forth
as Dogs, only their number fewer, fometimes 2, ſometimes 3, fome-
times 4: the Doe brings forth after eight Months complete, but one, and
fometimes two; and live long: the Fox breeds 4, the Cat 5 or 6; and
lives 6 Years, many times more: the fpeedy and numerous increaſe of
Mice is prodigious; Ariftotle mentions 120 produced of one Female in
a very little time; Pliny in his 11th Book, Cap. 63. hath in effect transcribed
Ariftotle herein.
By this it appears, That the Natural Increaſe of theſe Animals is much
greater than of Men, yet their numbers have not arrived to that great
excels,
207
}
208
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
A
)
F
excefs, becauſe thoſe that are for food have their reduction by their ap-
plication for that purpofe; thofe that are domeftical, and not for food,
as Cats and Dogs, are kept within compafs by drowning or deftroying
their Young; and thoſe that are noxious, as Wolves and Foxes, are
reduced by that common deftruction that Men purſue them with.
Touching Birds, their Increaſe feems to be much greater than of Men
or Brutes, but they have thoſe reductions that bring them to a fair.
equability, unless it be in thofe Iflands and Rocks in the Sea unacceffible
by Men, where Sea-Fowls breed. Firſt, their number is reduced by Man
for food: 2. For deftruction, as in Birds that are noxious: 3. By the
natural fhortness of the Lives of many that are yet numerous breeders:
4. By the mutual deftruction of the weaker by Birds of prey; whereof
more particularly hereafter: 5. By the Winter cold, which ſtarves
very many, either for want of heat or food; and of this more here-
after.
Fishes are infinitely more numerous or increafing than Beafts or Birds,
as appears by the numerous Spawn of any one Fish, though ordinarily
they breed but once a Year; and if all theſe fhould come ro maturity, even
the Ocean it ſelf would have been long fince over-ftored with Fish.
Now the Correctives and Reductions of theſe are very many. 1. Ari-
stotle obſerves in his 6th de Hiftoria Animalium, cap. 13. Thofe Eggs that
are not ſprinkled, afpergine feminis genitalis maris, prove unfruitful; a
great part are devoured by the Male, and much more by other Fish: fome
of their Eggs are buried in the flime, and corrupted. 2. Many are
taken by Men, and employed for food. 3. As among Birds and Beaſts
they are Beafts and Birds of prey, which are leſs numerous than others,
fo eſpecially among Fish: And though the Wiſdom of Providence hath
given certain Expedients to Animals, efpecially Fishes of the weaker
nature, to escape the voracious; as fwiftnefs to fome, fmalnefs to others,
whereby they eſcape to Shallows and Shoars unacceffible to the greater:
and to thoſe that are not able to move, or at leaft not to move ſwiftly,
the protection of Shells, as Oyſters, Eſcalops, Crabs, Lobſters and other
Shell-fiſh; yet a very great number are devoured by the voracious kind.
I do remember, that a Friend of mine having ſtored a very great Pond
of 3 or 4 Acres of ground with Carps, Tench, and divers other Pond-
fish, of a very great number, and only put in two very little fmall Pikes,
Pikeş;
at 7 Years end, upon the draught of his Pond, not one Fiſh was left, but
the two Pikes grown to an exceffive bigneſs, and all the reft, together
with their millions of Fry devoured by thofe pair of Tyrants. 4. Birds
alfo of prey, as Storks, Herons, Cormorants, and other Fowl of that kind
deftroy many both in the Sea, Rivers, Ponds and Lakes. 5. Extreme
Froft, eſpecially in Ponds and Lakes, make a great deftruction of Fiſh,
partly by freezing them, partly by the exclufion of the ambient Air, which
infinuates it felt into the Water, and is neceffary for the prefervation of
the Lives of thoſe watry Inhabitants. 6. By great Heats and Droughts,
not only drying up Lakes, Ponds, and Rivers, but alſo tainting the
Water with exceffive heat, and though these two do not fo much concern
Sea-fiſh, who have more fcope and room, yet they have agreat influx
upon Rivers, Ponds, and Lakes.
Again, to fay fomething of Infects, whether aiery, terreftrial, or watry;
they
J
Cap. 9.
209
the Origination of Mankind.
they ſeem to be more numerous than the common forts of univocal Ani-
mals, who have an univocal production. For firft, their firft production
is ftrangely numerous, out of Putrefaction and much Moifture, influenced
by Hear. Hence Diodorus Siculus in his firft Book tells us of the numerous
productions of Mice after every Inundation of Nilus, fenfibly and viſibly
growing out of the flime, Juxta Thebaidem, cum Nili ceffavit inundatio,
calefaciente Sole limum ab aqua relictum, maltis in locis ex terra hiatu mul-
titudo Murium oritur: which Ariftotle alſo obſerves, as frequent in other
places, lib. 5.de Hiftor. Animal, cap. 37. Locis enim compluribus tam inaudito
modo oriri folent, ut parum ex univerfo frumento relinquatur. And in my
remembrance, after the drayning of the great Level in Northamptonshire,
and other Shires, fuch an innumerable company of Mice did upon a fudden
in the Summer time arife, as it were immediately out of the flimy Earth
warmed by the Sun, that they were conftrained to cut their Banks to
drown the Lands, and fo cure one Inundation with another.
The like numerous production of Frogs happens in fome Years, which
Ariſtotle in the first Section of his Problems, and Sir Francis Bacon out
of him makes a Prognoftick of a fickly Year; becaufe fuch Productions
are the effect of a great degree of Putrefaction in the Elementary Bodies.
And we read, that in Norway there was not long fince fuch innumera-
ble company of Field-Rats of a new Make produced, fomewhat larger
than Rats, that they threatned a general Confumption of all their Fruits,
but by ſome extreme hard weather they were deftroyed; yet ſo as the
multitude of their Carcafes produced a noyfom Contagion in the Coun-
trey. And the like numerous production every Year gives us, though
ſome Years more than others, of divers other kind of Infects, as Flies,
Locufts, Worms, Caterpillars, and divers others, which in fome Countries
fo abound, that they cover the face of the ground, eſpecially in the parts
of Africa: quod vide, in the 9th Book of Leo his Hiftory of Africa, and
thofe additions out of Paulus Orofius and Alvarez in confirmation thereof.
2. As this original fpontaneous production is very numerous, fo the
multiplication of theſe Infects by their Eggs or Seeds is infinitely more ;
their Lives are ſhort, fome dye within the compaſs of one Summer, as
the Silk-worm: yet a curious Obſerver of that Infect, namely Mal-
pighius, hath given us an account of the number of Eggs of one Silk-
worm in one Year to be above 500; though all poffibly prove not fruit-
ful, yet preſerved carefully from the injury of the Winter, many of them
come to perfection the next Spring: And it is apparent that the Eruca,
Caterpillars and Worms we fee upon Hedges and Leaves, multiply their
Seeds to a very great excefs; and this is much more vifible in the Spawn
and production of Frogs, and alfo in the multiplication of Mice, the
blowings of Flies, and almoſt all kind of Infects; though their Lives
are fhorter, yet their productions are more numerous and frequent in
the ſhort Period of their Lives, than the perfect Animals. So that if there
ſhould not be fome Corrective of the exceffes of their Productions, the
whole Atmoſphere, Earth and Waters would be crouded with their
numbers: The contrary whereof is nevertheleſs apparent, for the mul
titudes of one Summer are for the moſt part exhaufted, and inviſible by
the next Spring.
The Correctives therefore of the numerous Excefs of Infects feem to
E e
be
.༨
210
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
1
be principally thefe: 1. The Industry of Mankind, in deſtruction of
noxious Infects. 2. The Wife Providence hath placed a certain Antipathy
between ſome Animals, and many Infects, whereby they delight in their
deftruction, though they uſe them not as food: As, the Peacock deſtroys
Snakes and Adders; the Weafel, Mice and Rats; Spiders, Flies; and
ſome forts of Flies deftroy Spiders. 3. The common fort of Infects are
the ordinary food of divers Animals, as well Infects as others: The
Spider and all forts of fmall Birds, eſpecially the Swallow, feed upon
Flies; the Mole feeds upon Worms; Ducks and divers Water-fowl upon
Frogs; the Cat and Owl upon Mice: and thus Infects become the prey
of other Animals, which correct their excels. 4. As the hot and moiſt
temperament of the Air and Earth produce and increaſe Infects, fo that
temperament of the Air, Earth, and Waters that ſeems moſt oppoſite to
Putrefaction, either deftroys many of the Individuals, or at leaft renders
their numerous Eggs and Seeds unfruitful, and refifts as well the ori-
ginal Production of them from Putrefaction, or abates the Prolifick
power of their Eggs or Seeds. 5. Great Rains, and Showers, and In-
undation of Waters drowns oftentimes many forts of Infects, and renders
their Seeds and Eggs unprolifick, or deftroys them. 6. But eſpecially
the Winter Cold, Froft and Snow do kill many Inſects, and their Eggs
and Seeds, and renders them unfruitful. The Cold and Winter feafon
is a great Enemy not only to Infects, but to many forts of Birds, Beaſts
and Fiſhes and therefore Ariftotle moft truly obſerves in his 8th Hift.
Animalium, cap. 13, 14, 15, 16, &c. that to avoid the feverity of the
approaching Cold, many of them retire into the clofeft and warmeſt
Caverns they can get; wherein fome lye for many Months without the
benefit of Food, and if they eſcape the ſeverity of the Cold, they as it
were revive the next Spring. For inftance, Serpents hide themſelves
4 Months, Swallows betake themſelves all the Winter to low Vallies and
Caverns, Tortoises cloſe up themſelves in Holes and Earth all the Winter,
as is obvious to daily Experiences; Et Infect a penè omnia conduntur, præter ea
que vitam in domiciliis cum hominibus agunt, quaque prius intereunt quam
omnino tempus excedunt. And therefore Bees keep themſelves clofe in their
Hives, ab ortu Vergiliarum, till the next Spring. And yet, though Nature
hath given Infects this Sagacity to avoid the Winter Cold, yet they are
not always fucceſsful in it, but the feverity of the Winter finds them out,
and deftroys them: But as for their Seeds or Eggs, which in the pre-
cedent Summer are laid up and down upon Leaves, and in other places,
they are for the moſt part deftroyed by the Winter, except fuch as
cafually by the Wind or otherwiſe are difperfed, and lodged in fafer Re-
ceptacles, and thereby furvive the inclemency of the Winter, and yield
a new Production or Increaſe the next Spring.
A
And thus we have feen the Methods and Correctives, that by the
Divine diſpoſition of theſe ſmall and inconfiderable pieces of Nature are
uſed, whereby at once there is a prefervation of the Kind of thofe little
Animals, and yet a prevention of that Excels and Redundance which
would happen by their numerous Increaſe, to the detriment and furcharge
of the inferior World.
In all this Confideration of the Reduction of Exceffes and Increaſe of
Animals and Infects,two things are obfervable in a ſpecial manner, namely;
1. That
Cap. 9.
211
the Origination of Mankind.
[
1. That in the ſtate of Animals and Infects, we may fee fomething
that is analogal to the ftate of the Elementary and mixed Inanimate
Bodies; that there are fome more active and vigorous Qualities, that feem
continually to exerciſe a Sovereignty, and Tyranny, over the more paffive
and weak Natures; and prey upon them: Thus Heat, and alfo in fome
degree Cold, are always perfecuting and foyning at the weaker and
more unactive parts of Nature: So among Brutes, Birds, Fishes, Infects
there is a continual invading and prevalence of the more powerful,
active and lively, over the more weak, flegmatick, and unactive Crea-
tures; the Bear, Lion, Wolf, Dog, Fox, &c. purfue the Sheep, Oxen,
Hare, Coney, &c. and prey upon them: the like is evident among Birds
and Fishes, and generally Infects, being the weaker and more inconfi-
derable parts of Nature.
2. That the viciffitudes of Generation and Corruption are by a kind
of ftanding Law in Nature fixed in things, and the Notions and Qua-
lities of Natural things are fo ordered, to keep always that great Wheel in
circulation; and therein the Acceffes and Receffes of the Sun, the Influxes
of the Heat thereof and of the other Heavenly Bodies, and the mutual
and reſtleſs Agitation of thoſe two great Engins in Nature, Heat and
Cold, are the great Inftruments of keeping on foot the Rotation and
Circle of Generations and Corruptions, eſpecially of Animals and Ve-
getables of all forts.
3. That yet theſe Motions of Generations and Corruptions, and of
the conducibles thereunto, are fo wifely and admirably ordered and con-
temperated, and fo continually managed and ordered by the wife Pro-
vidence of the Rector of all things, that things are kept in a certain due
ftay and equability: and though the Motions of Generations and Cor-
ruptions, and the Inftruments and Engins thereof are in a continual
courſe, neither the exceſs of Generations doth oppreſs and over-charge
the World, nor the defect thereof, or prevalence of Corruptions doth
put a Period to the Species of things, nor work a total Diſſolution in
Nature.
And upon this feemingly impertinent Diverfion touching the Re-
ductions and Correctives of theſe inferior Animals, there may feem to
be collected reaſonably an analogical Inference of the like means of the
Correctives of the Generations of Mankind; and that although in an
ordinary courſe of Humane Productions the Increaſe furmounts the De-
cay, yet there may be reaſonably fuppofed fuch Periodical Corrections
as might fairly keep the ftate of Mankind in a mediocrity and equability,
although it should be fuppofed the Generations of Mankind had been
Eternal.
And although theſe Correctives may not happen every Day, or every
Year in the ordinary courſe of things, and therefore may be called extra-
ordinary, becauſe they are leſs ordinary than the common Caſualties of
Mankind, as Sickneſs or Accident that happerts to this or that individual
Perſon promiscuouſly, yet they are in truth no more extraordinary,
than a cold Winter is extraordinary, which although it is not every
Day, nor doth it happen every Year poffibly in an equal Degree, yet it
is no extraordinary thing in Nature, if it happens once in 5, or to, or 20
Years.
Ee 2
Having
212
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
Having therefore confidered thefe Correctives in the inferior Animal
Nature, I fhall now fearch out what may be thofe Correctives, that may
be applicable to the Reductions of the Generations of Mankind to an
Equability, or at leaft to keep it within fuch bounds as may keep it
from furcharging the World; whereby if in the Period of 2, or 3, or
4000 Years it may grow too luxuriant, yet it may in probability be fo
far abated, as may allow it an Increaſe of the like number of Years to
attain its former proportion. So that by theſe Prunings there may be
a confiftency of the Numbers of Mankind, with an eternal fucceffion
of Individuals.
Thoſe Reductions that may be fuppofed effectual for thefe Ends, and
fuch as the courfe of Mankind ſeem to have had great Experiences of, are,
1. Plagues and Epidemical Diſeaſes: 2. Famines: 3. Wars and Inter-
necions: 4. Floods and Inundations: 5. Conflagrations.
1. Concerning Plagues and Epidemical Diſeaſes, the Hiſtories of all
times give us Accounts of the great Devaftations that they have made
in many places and fometimes it hath been, it is true, only in ſome
particular Regions or Cities, but at other times it hath been more uni-
verfal; and although at the fame time, in fome Seafons, it hath not
univerſally prevailed, yet it hath gradually and fucceffively moved from
place to place.
The ancient Plagues of former Ages in Forein Parts have been very
terrible, and cut off multitudes of People: See a Collection of fome of
them by Dr Hakewill, lib.2.fect.3. as, namely, That Plague in Ethiopia, and
alſo in moſt parts of the Roman Empire, in the Year of Chrift 250; which
continued 15 Years, and left not fo many People in Alexandria as there
were formerly aged Men: that under Juftinian, in Conftantinople, and the
parts adjacent; wherein there dyed 10000 in a Day: that in Africa,
whereby according to Procopius, in the Country of Numidia there dyed
800000 Perfons: that in Greece, under Michael Duca; which fo prevailed,
that the living were not fufficient to bury the dead: and that in Italy,
in the Year 1359, whereby there were not left ten of a thoufand; this
poffibly may be the fame mentioned by walfingham, but referred to the
Year of Chrift 1349; that prevailed over the World, beginning in the
Northern and Southern parts, that the living were not able to bury the
dead: Exiftimabatur à pluribus, quod vix decima pars hominum fuiffet relict a
ad vitam: and preſently after followed a great Murrain of Cattel; fo
that he concludes, Tanta ex his malis miferia fecuta eft, quod mundus ad
pristinum ftatum redeundi nunquam postea habuit facultatem. Vide Lipfium
de Conftantia, lib. 2. cap. 23.
And if we look upon our own Country, befides thoſe great Plagues
that have been in a manner univerfal, there have been very many fuch
in England; fometimes more general, fometimes more circumfcribed to
particular Cities or places: As that Plague in the North parts of England,
mentioned by walfingham in the beginning of R. 2. that in a manner
depopulated thofe Parts: that mentioned by the fame Author, Anno 7
H. 4. whereby there dyed in one Year 30000 in London (which was
confiderable then, confidering the narrowness of the City in thofe days,
comparatively to what it now is) befides the great defolation it made
in the Country.
If
Cap. 9.
213
the Origination of Mankind.
1
If we come to latter Years, both in England and in Forein Parts, the
Obfervator of the Bills of Mortality before mentioned hath given us the
beſt Account of the Number that late Plagues have fwept away; for
Inſtance,
In London, Anno Dom. 1592, of the Plague-11503
Anno Dom. 1593
Anno Dom. 1603
Anno Dom. 1625
Anno Dom. 1636
Anno Dom. 1665
10662
·30562
35400
10400
68596
We have alfo Accounts of the great Devaftations made by the Plague
in late Years in Forein Parts:
In Amsterdam, between 1622 and 1664-
·84564
And in the Year 1664-
24148
Anno 1637 at Prague
·30000
Anno 1652 at Cracovia
37000
Anno 1656 at Naples
30000
•
Anno 1657 at Genoa
70000
Anno 1619 at Grand Cairo in to Weeks --73500
And Leo in his Hiſtory of Africa, tells us, that the Peftilence is ſo hot
fometimes in that City, that there dye 12000 almoſt every Day; and
Pliny in 7. Nat. Hist. cap. 50. faith that the Southern Plagues happen
moft in the Winter, and move Weftward, according to the courſe of the
Sun; which fome have obſerved alfo in the Northern, that it ſometimes
held a gradual Motion, and for the moſt part Weftward; as in 1652
at Cracovia; 1653 at Dantzick; 1654 at Copenhagen; 1655 at Amfterdam,
and other Towns in the Netherlands; 1656 at Naples and Rome; 1657 at
Genoa. And I have fomewhere read, that in Alexandria in Egypt the
Plague is Anniverſary, beginning with the Rifing of Nilus, which is about
the 17th of June, and continueth rifing 40 Days, fometimes 12, fome-
times 15 Cubits, and in its greateft exceſs to 18 Cubits, and as many
Days decreaſeth; fo that the Plague lafteth 80 Days, and then perfectly
ceaſeth with the full Ebb of Nilus.
So that upon the account of Plagues, and extraordinary Epidemical
Diſeaſes, there feems to be a great Corrective of the Redundance and
Increaſe of Mankind.
2. Let us a little take notice of Famines, which though they have
not been of late times much obferved, partly becaufe of the great In-
duſtry of Mankind, improving and increafing the Fruits of the Earth;
partly by thoſe Supplies that have come by Sea to thofe Countries that
are in want; but principally by the goodness of God, in leading the
Children of Men ſeaſonable Weather, and fruitful Seafons, and profperous
Influences: yet in former times they have been very grievous, and de-
ftroyed multitudes of People.
walfingham in the Life of E. 2. tells us of fo fevere a Famine in England,
that they were enforced to eat Dogs and Horſes, yea and tole Children
and eat them; viz. 9 E. 2. And divers other Inftances our own Hiftories
give us of other great Famines in this and other Countries.
Ordina-
214
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
Ordinarily a Famine and a Plague anciently went together, or the
former followed upon the heels of the Plague, by reaſon of ſome of theſe
means: 1. Commonly the fame diftemperature of the Air that occa-
fioned the Plague, occafioned alfo the infertility or noxiouſneſs of the
Soil, whereby the Fruits of the Earth became either very fmall, or very
unwholfom: As it happened in that Famine under E. 2. above mentioned,
in ſo much that the Hiftorian tells us, that Medicinales herba, que lewa-
men languidis conferre folebant, per Veris intemperiem & Elementorum ina-
qualitatem, contra naturam effecta degeneres, virus pro virtute reddebant.
2. Commonly the Plague among Men was accompanied or followed
with a Rot or Murrain among Cattel, whereby the flesh of Beafts was
wanting, or noxious to thofe that uſed it. 3. Commonly by a great
and general Mortality or Plague the Husbandmen and Labourers were
fo diminished, that there wanted People to gather in the Harveſt, or
Till the Ground, whereby there neceffarily enfued a Famine: And
oftentimes by a kind of neceffity Famines were durable, the Stock being
exhauſted one Year, left little for the ſupply of Tillage, Husbandry, or
Increaſe for the next.
And as Famine was anciently the Concomitant or Confequent of
Plague, fo both Plague and Famine, eſpecially the latter, were the ufual
Confequents of War, which bring with it Devaſtation and Deſtruction,
and a general intermiffion of that Husbandry and Care that ſhould
fupply it.
*
The terrible Effects of Famine, and the great Confumption of Man-
kind that is occafioned, was principally 1. Of the Poor, who upon the
bare increaſe of the Price of Victuals, and wanting wherewith to buy,
muft needs occafion their ftarving, or a tumultuous gaining it by force,
where they could not get it; which was but a hort and temporary
Relief, and made more want after, by the ſpoil and diſorder occafioned
thereby. 2. Of numerous Armies, who being brought into places of
want or ſcarcity without due Conduct or Provifion, are oftentimes de-
ftroyed in a Week, eſpecially in cloſe and long Sieges, as it happened
in Samaria when befieged by the Affyrians, and Jerufalem when befieged
by the Romans, wherein more dyed by the Famine than by the Sword.
So that Famines as well as Plagues ſeem to give a great Reduction to
the Numbers of Mankind.
3. A few words may ferve concerning Wars, which are fo frequent,
and bring ſo great a Defolation upon Mankind, that it feems to equal
that allay of the Exceffes of Brutes, Fishes, Birds, and Infects, by the
other Beafts, Birds, or Fiſhes of prey; and the rather, becauſe many if
not all the confiderable Parts of the World are fome Years at it, though
it may be fome Ages free from Peſtilences and Famines (other than fuch
as are conſequences of War) but in no Age nor Year of the World hath
it been quiet from Wars, and thoſe calamitous confequences thereof, at
leaft in fome confiderable parts of the World.
It would be endleſs, and indeed Morally impoffible, to give an Ac-
count of the Numbers of People and Armies that have been cut off by
Wars, eſpecially on the fide of the Conquered. Some few Inſtances may
give ſome kind of Eſtimate herein.
Diodorus Siculus in his third Book tells us, that Ninus in his Preparation
againft
i
Cap. 9.
215
the Origination of Mankind.
Į
againſt the Bactrians gathered an Army of 1700000 Foot-men, 200000
Horſe-men, 10600 Chariots that Zoroastres his Army confifted of
400000, who in the firft Conflict prevailed, and killed
40000, but were
afterwards wholly deftroyed; fo that probably in that War there fell no
lels than 400000 Men: Darius Hyftafpis in the Battel of Marathron, whi-
ther he came with an Army of 600000, loft in one Battel 200000: his
Succeffor Xerxes went into Greece with an Army, according to fome,
confifting in the whole number of it and its Appendices, of five Millions,
thoſe that ſpake moſt ſparingly, of above one Million; all which within
the fpace of five Years were in effect wholly loft. Vide Lipf. de Constant.
lib. 2. cap. 21, 22, 24. Alexander deſtroyed the Army of Darius, confifting
of a Million of Men, the greateft part whereof fell by the Sword: and
Pling in his 7th Book of his Natural Hiftory, Cap. 15. tells us, that Julius
Cafar, and his Armies in the time of his Command, killed 1192000
perfons, befides thoſe that he flew in the Civil Wars: And if by the
Eſtimate of that one Man, we might make a Calculation of thoſe that
were flain by the Affyrian, Babylonian, Perfian, and Grecian Monarchies,
by Cyrus, Darius, Aftyages, Alexander and his fucceeding Captains; by
Marius, Sylla, Pompey, Vefpafian, and the fucceeding Roman Emperors; by
Tamberlane and the Scythians; by the Goths, Vandals, Turks, Tartars, Maf
covites, Perfians, Moors, and Chriftians; by the Wars in this little Spot of
England; by the late Wars in France, Spain, Germany; by the Spaniards
in the west Indies, the numbers of Internecions and Slaughters would
exceed all Arithmetical Calculation.
So that it ſhould ſeem, there needed no other Reductive of the Num-
bers of Men to an Equability, than the Wars that have happened in
the World.
And although Wars are in a great meaſure accidental, or at leaſt
proceed in a great meaſure from the Wills of Men, their Pride, Am-
bition, impatience of Injuries, affectation of Dominion, mutual jealou-
fies and Fears of the Potency of each other, and oftentimes accidental
Emergencies and Occurrences; yet it feems, that abftracting from all
theſe Occafions, Wars feem to be in a manner a Natural Confequence
of the over-plenitude and redundancy of the Number of Men in the
World: And fo by a kind of congruity and confequence, morally ne-
ceffary when the World grows too full of Inhabitants, that there is not
room one by another; or that the common Supplies which the World
fhould afford to Mankind begin to be too few, too ftrait, or too narrow
for the Numbers of Men; that natural propenfion of Self-love, and natu-
ral principle of Self-preſervation will neceffarily break out into Wars and
Internecions, to make room for thoſe that find themselves ftraitned or
inconvenienced.
So that as when the Channel of a River is over-charged with Water
more than it can deliver, it neceffarily breaks over the Banks to make it
felf room; or when the very Brutes or Animals find themſelves oppreffed
and ſtraitned in their provifions and fupplies, by the redundance of their
numbers, one neceffarily preys upon another, or deftroys another to
preferve it felf: So Wars among Mankind are a kind of neceffary Con-
fequence of Redundance of Mankind, and will by a kind of Natural
neceffity make it ſelf room, and give it felf cafe by the deſtruction of
others,
216
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
others, if it can get power and opportunity to do it: And confequently
there ſeems to be no fear of the furcharge of the World with Mankind,
becauſe there is this natural and neceffary Remedy at hand; the very
Redundance it felf of Mankind feeming by a natural confecution to yield
and fubminifter this Remedy, for its Reduction and Equation. As in a
redundance of Humors in the Body, the moſt lively and active do natu-
rally thruft out thofe that are weaker or noxious, to make room for
themſelves: or as Bees fwarm to get new habitations, when they are fo
increaſed that their Hives will not hold them.
4. Concerning the Fourth, and alfo, inclufively the Fifth Corrective
of the Excels of Mankind, namely, Inundations and Conflagrations.
Thoſe that have been Obſervers of things in Nature and Hiſtories of
former times, have given us Inftances of two kinds of Mutations in this
Terreftrial Globe of Earth and Waters: fome that are more ordinary,
and of lefs moment, and of fuch various have been in the World; fuch
are thoſe mentioned especially by Pliny in his Natural Hiftory, lib.2.cap.85.
& feqq. fome places fevered from the Continent by the interruption of
the Sea; thus he tells us that Sicily was divided from Italy, Cyprus from
Syria, Eubea from Baotia, Atlantis and Macris from Eubea, Bosticum
from Bythinia; and fome have thought, though perhaps upon very ſmall
evidence, that England and France were fometimes one Continent, and
divided by the interruption of the Sea; and Spain from Africa. Again,
fome Cities and Countries fwallowed up by the Sea, as Pirrha and Antiffa,
Elis and Buta, half the City of Tyndaris in Sicily, and 30 Miles of the
Iſland Cea, with a great deſtruction of Men and Cattel: fome Countries
wholly fwallowed up and drowned in the Sea; as Acarnania, Achaia,
part of Europe and Afia in Propontis: but above all, that great Iſland of
Atlantis, fuppofed by Plato in his Timans to be greater than Lybia and
Afia, fwallowed up in the Atlantick Ocean, to which it gives its de-
nomination: but Plato is oftentimes fo Poetical, that we can hardly tell
where he means in earneſt.
But on the other fide, many times the Sea by a certain recompence
makes new room for the Inhabitants of the World, fometimes by pro-
ducing notable Iſlands; thus the fame Pliny tells us that Delos, Rhodes,
Anaphe, Nea, Thera, and Terefia, Hiera, Automate, Thia were produced.
Again, the Sea hath deferted vaft Tracts of Ground in divers places,
and left them dry Land, as is related by Aristotle in the fecond of his
Meteors, Cap. 14. and by Pliny in a great meaſure, out of him and Hero-
dotus. Thus confiderable quantities of Land were left by the Sea at
Ephesus, at Ambracia and other Parts; and that a very great part of
Egypt, namely, that called Delta is but the accretion of Nilus, and was
fometime covered with Water: and according to the conjecture of He-
rodotus, the Sea poffeffed Memphis and a great part of Egypt, to the Moun-
tains of Ethiopia. But theſe are but Conjectures of the Hiftorian, of what
might be in fome thousand Years before he was born. Ariftotle indeed
ſuppoſeth, that the City Thebes and the adjacent Parts, were all that were
habitable in Egypt in the time of Homer, becauſe he makes no mention of
Memphis.
But theſe ſmaller Viciffitudes, and mutual borrowings and payments
between the Earth and Sea, are not thofe Mutations which ſo much
f
contri-
Cap. 9.
217
the Origination of Mankind,
contribute to the Reduction of Mankind; partly, becauſe they are gradual
and give Men opportunity to efcape; and partly becauſe they are not
fuch Devaſtations as may be pares huic negotio (unless we believe that
wonderful ſwallowing up of the vaft Ifland, or rather Continent of
Atlantis,) and partly becauſe the Sea, which commonly gives in one
place what it takes in another, and fo makes room for the Inhabitants of
the World in compenfation of what it takes.
2. Therefore I come to thole greater ſuppoſed Correctives, namely,
1. Floods and Inundations: 2. Incendia, Burnings; and again, both,
or either of thoſe are alfo varied, according to the Opinions of fome of
the Ancients.
1. They are either fuch as were all at one time, and did wholly over-
whelm and confound this lower World: or 2. They are fuch as did
not wholly diſſolve the lower Word, or put a period to all things living
therein.
Again, the former Opinion that held thefe Cataclyfms and Empy-
rofes univerfal, was fuch, as either held that it put a total Confummation
unto things in this lower World, efpecially that of Conflagration: Or
elfe fuch, as though it quite for the prefent confounded the Face of things,
eſpecially in this inferior World, yet it was but preparative to a new
Formation of things, wherein all things would be put into better Order,
till in proceſs of time they again degenerate, and fo were to receive
another Purgation by Fire or Water, according to the fatal Viciffitudes
to which the World is fubject: And they fuppofe, that theſe fucceffive
unmaking and making again of the World (not unlike the Suppofitions
of Anaxagoras or Empedocles) were Eternal, and ſhould eternally con-
tinue in this Viciffitude; that the laſt Deſtruction of the World was
by Water, and that which is to fucceed is by Fire: And this was for the
moft part the Opinion of the Stoicks, whereof Lipfius in his fecond Book
de Phyfiologia Stoicorum, cap. 21, 22, &c. hath given us a large Account,
out of Seneca elpecially, and others which are not neceffary to be re-
peated; and the rather, becauſe they do fuppofe that Mankind is neither
Eternal nor Perpetual, according to the courfe of Natural Generation:
For theſe mighty Concuffions of Nature, especially that of the Univer-
fal Conflagration, puts an end to all the Race of Mankind and all living
Bodies, though in the Redintegration of the World after thefe Deftru-
ctions there is alſo a Re-production of Mankind, but not by the ordinary
method of Propagation as now.
Again, as to thoſe others that held alſo certain Periodical Cataclyfms
and Conflagrations, yet they held them not to be Univerfal, nor any
Univerſal Diffolution or Deſtruction of the inferior World thereby;
but they were fuch as were great and notable Devaftations, fometimes in
one part of the Earth, fometimes in another; either by certain Rotations,
or at leaſt in ſome places more than in other, acocrding to the accom-
modation or difaccommodation of them to fuch Calamities: As the
Vallies and lower grounds were more fubject to devaftation by Floods,
fo the more Mountainous parts were more fubject to the defolations by Fire
and Conflagrations.
Plato, who feems very uncertain and unfetled in his Philofophy,
feems yet to agree with this partial kind of exhaufting the num
Ff
bers
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1
:
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218
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
bers of Men and Brutes, by fuch partial Floods and Conflagrations.
In his third Book of Dialogues, de Legibus, he gives us an Account
of various Methods of the Declinations of Civil Societies, and of thofe
Laws and Cuſtoms, Arts and Sciences in feveral parts of the World:
and again, how and by what degrees they have been repaired and reco-
vered, the means whereof he affigns not only to be Wars and Epide-
mical Diſeaſes, but great Floods and Conflagrations, which, together
with thoſe of Ariftotle relating thereunto, I fhall tranſcribe out of the
Latin Tranflation, becaufe perchance more fignificant than the English,
though not fo fignificant as the Language wherein they wrote. And
this I do intend to tranſcribe more largely, becauſe they ſeem to contain
the full declaration of the Inftances of this nature.
He tells us therefore in the beginning of his third Book de Legibus;
Multos hominun interitus ex diluviis, morbis, aliifque permultis, olim accidiffe,
ex quibus pauci homines fuperftites fuerunt. Again: Eos qui cladem tum
evaferunt (fcilicet ex diluviis) montanos quofdam paftores fuiſſe, in montium
cacuminibus pauca femina ad propagandum genus humanum confervata: atqui
neceffe eft eos aliarum artium fuiffe expertes, campestres autem & maritima
urbes funditus illo tempore perierunt. Inftrumenta igitur omnia, & quæcunque
artium five ad difciplinam civilem five ad facultatem aliam pertinentium, ex-
tabant inventa, concidiffe illis temporibus. And afterwards: Ex ea itaque
devaftatione magnam terribilémque humanis in rebus defolationem tunc accidiffe
arbitramur ; fertilium agrorum magnitudinem defertam, caterifque animalibus
corruptis, vix boum caprarumque genus, & illud quidem rarum relictum fuiffe,
quibus pafcendis tunc homines vitam agebant; civitatis verò & difciplina
civilis & legum memoriam quidem nullam fuiffe putamus. Tempore igitur
progrediente, &c. genere hominum multiplicato, ad cum quem nunc videmus
habitum provecta omnia funt.
Again, the fame Plate though in his Timaus he gives us an Account
of the Origination of Mankind, yet he fuppofeth that a vaſt Period in-
terceded between that Origination and the Age wherein he lived; and
within the compaſs of that Period, that there happened very great and
very many viciffitudes of Floods and Conflagrations in this inferior
World, whereby the ftate of things here was varioufly altered, and the
Numbers of Mankind and Animals corrected and reduced at ſeveral
times to ſmall proportions, only fufficient to replenish the World, until
fuch time as its Excefs and Increaſe received again a like Correction
or Reduction, by the like Revolutions of Floods and Conflagrations,
though ſtill without a total deſtruction of the Species.
In this Book he gives us a perfonated Difcourfe between Solon and an
Egyptian Prieft, who after fome difcourfe of the Antiquity of Athens, the
Prieft tells him; Vos Graci femper pueri eftis, nec quifquam è Græcia fenex;
quia juvenis femper vobis eft animus, in quo nulla eft ex vetuftatis commemo-
ratione prifca opinio, nulla cana fcientia: Nam quod apud vos fertur Phaetontem
quondam Solis filium currus afcendiffe paternos, nec patris aurigatione fervata,
exuffiſſe terrena, ipfumque flammis cæleftibus conflagraffe; quamvis fabulofum
videatur, verum quodammodo effe putandum est: Fit enim longo temporis inter-
vallo cæleftis circuitus permutatio quedam, quam inflammationis vaftitas ne-
ceffario fequitur: tunc hi qui edita incolunt loca magis perennt quam mari
fluviifque vicini. Nobis prorò Nilus cum in plerifque rebus nobis falutaris eft;
tum
...
Cap. 9.
219
the Origination of Mankind.
1
tum hujufmodi à nobis arcet exitium. Quando verò Dii aquarum colluvione
fordes terrarum diluunt, paftores ovium atque babulci qui juga montium habitant,
periculum illud evadunt; veftræ autem civitates in planitie fita, impetu flumi-
Hum ad mare rapiuntur: Sed in noftra regione neque tunc, neque
alias unquam
aqua in agros fupernè defcendit; contra verò furfum è vifceribus terra fcaturit :
quamobrem antiquiffimarum rerum apud nos monumenta fervantur. Proinde,
ubicunque nec imbrium tempeftas nimia, nec incendium ingens contingit, licèt
alias plures, alias pauciores, femper tamen homines funt. Quæcunque verò five
à noftris, five à vestris, five aliis nationibus gefta funt memoratu digna, modo
ad aures noftrorum pervenerunt, noftris in templis defcripta fervantur. Apud
vos quidem & alias gentes res geste nuper literis monumentiſque traduntur,
fed certis temporum curriculis illuvies immenfa cœlitus omnia populatur; ideo
qui faccedunt, & literis & Mufis orbati funt: quo fit, ut quaſi juvenes iterum
fitis, & rudes, præteritarum rerum omnium prorfus ignari. Nam & ea ipfa
que modo ex veftris hiftoriis recenfentur, à fabulis puerilibus parum diftant;
primò, quod unius tantum inundationis memineritis, cum multe præcefferint;
deinde, quod genus majorum veftrorum in regione veftra clariffimum ignoretis:.
ex quo, tu, & Athenienfes cateri nati eflis, exiguo femine quondam publice
cladi fuperftite: quod propterea vos latuit, quia fuperftites illi corúmque pofteri,
literarum ufu multis feculis caruerunt. Then he tells him of the Building.
of Athens by the Goddeſs Athena, 9000 Years fince, ex terra & Vulcano,
accipiens femina: the great Wars between them and the Inhabitants of
the vaſt Iſland Atlantis, greater than Lybia and Afia: the fwallowing up
of that Iſland by an Earthquake, Fugique unius diei & noctis illuvione. After-
wards Timus begins, and proceeds with his Narrative touching the Pro-
duction of the Univerſe, and therein particularly of Mankind, which
I fhall have occafion hereafter to mention.
Thus this great Mafter feems to countenance the Suppofition of the
viciflitudes of Conflagrations and Floods, eſpecially of the latter, certi
temporum curriculis; and thereby the exceffive multiplication of Mankind
corrected, and the viciffitudes of Arts and Laws interrupted, loft, re-
ftored, and repaired: Only he fuppofeth Egypt free from thofe Floods
and Conflagrations; though it ſeems neceffary, that if Inundations
prevailed in Greece and thole upper Countries, Egypt, that ſeems to lye
much lower, could not eafily elcape them, though they have no Rain
that might occafion them. But the Prieft mingles fome ftrange and
improbable Stories with his Suppofition of thoſe Viciffitudes.
Ariftotle the Scholar of Plato differed much from his Maſter:
1. In his manner of writing, which was much more fteady and fevere
than the Writings of Plato, who mingled Poetical Fancies with the
things he delivered, and feems very uncertain and unreſolved in moſt
things of great importance. 2. In his Pofition; for Plato ſeems not to
hold at leaſt the Elementary World Eternal, though very Ancient: But
Ariftotle, following rather the Opinion of Ocellus Lucanus, and not being
able to digeſt thofe many difficulties he found in the Hypothefes of the
Inception of the World, fuppofeth it Eternal, and an eternal confiftency
in the ſtate it now ftands; but not without fome partial, fucceffive and
periodical Changes in the Elementary World.
And therefore in this Suppofition of the fucceffive partial Floods or
Inundations, and Conflagrations, whereby great Changes happen,
Ff 2
and
220
Sect. 11.
Moral Evidences touching
quoque telluris
and a fair Corrective and Reduction of the Exceſs of Mankind, he much
agreès with Plato. And he gives us a large and learned Account of his
Judgment herein, Lib. 1. Meteor. cap. 14. in thefe Words; Eadem terræ
loca neque femper fluida, neque femper arida funt, fed pro fluminum ortu ast
defectú, faciem mutant fuam: Quamobrem diverfitas inter Mare & Continen
tem exiftit, nec perpetuo alia pro Continenti, alia pro Mari habentur ; fed ubi
terrà aliquando patuit, mare fuperfunditur; & ubi nunc mare, terra exaggera-
batur. Sufpicarique debemus, hac omnia ita fieri ordine quodam & ambitu;
borum autem principium caufáque exiftit, quod interiores
partes,
perinde atque animantium plantarúmque corpora, juventutem atque fenectutem
habeant. Verum iftis hæc per partem fubire nequaquam contingit, fed fimul
totum juvenefcat aut feneftat neceffe eft: Terra particulatim hec idem ob frigus
& calorem accidit; hæc igitur accrefcere fimul ac decrefcere propter Solis calo-
rem converfionémque affolent. Then he proceeds to fhew, how that fuccef-
fively fome parts of the Earth grow moorifh or watrish, others dry,
where it becomes barren; Fountains and Rivers decay, and fometimes
break out in other places, that this makes Changes in the Sea and Land.
At quia omnis que circa terram fit generatio non nifi fucceffione & tempore,
respectu vita noftræ quam longo, fieri folet, ifta nobis haudquaquam advèrten-
tibus fiunt. Atque prius univerfa gentes intereunt pereuntque, quàm horum
mutatio ab initio ad finem ufque memoria teneri queat: Maximas itaque
celerrimáfque clades prælia advehunt, alias morbi, nonnullas fterilitates; & he
quafdam ftatim magnas, quafdam lentas adeò, at talium quoque gentium tranf-
migrationes nos lateant, propterea quod alii regionem deferant, alii eo ufque
fuftinent, quoad nullam amplius multitudinem alere regio queat. Inter primam
igitur noviffimámque loci derelictionem, tempora interveniant adeò longa par
eft, ut nemo meminiffe poffit; imò incolumibus etiamnum hifce qui remanferint,
longi temporis injuria oblivio irrepferit. Eodem autem modo latere exiftiman
dum eft quando primùm finguli populi, qua permutata effent & arida à paluſtri-
bus aquofifve facta, inhabitare cœperint. Then he gives Inftance in Egypt ;
Etenim locus ille totáque regio, que fluminis tantum invectu nata eft, femper
aridior fieri videtur: That all the Oftia Nili, except one, were made by Art,
and not by the River: That anciently Egypt was no more but the City
of Thebes; which he proves out of Homer; fhews, that in the time of
Troy that part of Greece inhabited by the Argivi was Marish, and had but
few Inhabitants, but now become fruitful and populous: That
part of
Greece inhabited by the Miceni was fruitful and populous, now become
barren. Quod igitur in ifto loco, qui parvus, accidit, hoc idem etiam circa
loca magna accidere cenfeamas oportet. That there is no cauſe to conceive
the Sea leſs than formerly, for though fome places fometimes covered
with Water, are added to the Continent, yet in other places the Sea
hath gained upon the Land. Attamen hujufce rei caufa ad mundi gene-
rationem haudquaquam referenda; ridiculam enim foret ob parvas brevésque
mutationes Univerfum moveri afferere. Porrò, Terræ moles atque magnitudo
ad totum Cælum nihil profectò eft. Verum horum omnium caufam exiftimemus
oportet, quod ut elapfis certis temporum fpatiis, inter anni tempora hyems;
ita magno quodam circuitu hyems magna, & imbrium exceffu fieri folet: at
hic non femper eifdem in locis efficitur, fed perinde ut vocatum diluvium quod
tempore Deucalionis accidit; etenim hoc circa Graciam maximè, & eam po-
tiffimam partem quam antiquam Hellada vocitant, factum eft, &c. Cum autem
·
neceſſe
J
Cip. 9.
221
the Origination of Mankind.
neceffe fit quandam mutationem effe Univerfi, non tamen ortum & interitum;
fiquidem ipfum maneat neceffe eft non femper eadem loca mari, aut amnibus
humectari atque ficcefcere, quod reipfa que fieri folet liquidò constat. And
concludes, That Egypt, Cujus homines antiquiffimos effe diximus, is nothing
but a Production of the River Nilus, that is lower than the Red Sea; and
therefore that Sefostris and Darius gave over that Attempt of cutting
the Neck of Land between the Red Sea and Egypt, for fear of drowning
that Country: That the Lake Maotis is fhallower, and not able to bear
Ships of that burthen as it did 60 Years before, by reafon of the Slime
carried thither, which will in time dry it up: That Lakes grow by the
exaggeration of Sand by the Sea, which Lakes in time grow dry: That
Tanais or Nilus and all other Rivers were fometime dry Land, and did
not run where now they do. At verò fi amnes habent ortum & occafum,
nec femper eadem terræ loca ſcatent aquis, ipfum quoque mare fimili modo mutar i
oportet, quod cum affiduè alia deferat, alia invadat, patet universe terra
tractus eofdem hos Mare, illos Continentem non effe, fed tempore caneta per-
mutari.
I have mentioned thefe places of thefe Mafters of Learning and
Reaſon the more at large, not only becauſe they herein give the tharpeft
Objections againſt the neceffity of a Temporary Beginning of Mankind,
by applying theſe Suppofitions as Correctives or Reductions of the excels
of the Generation of Men and Animals; but alfo they do difcover herein
ſome things that are uſeful in this Inquiry: For Inftance, 1. It
1. It appears
hereby that the Inventions of Arts, Sciences, and Laws might be far
more ancient than thofe times that Hiftorians gave for their Invention:
for they might be in other Places or Ages, and either by a fucceſſive
rotation brought from one place to another; or if they were loft, yet
fucceffion of Ages might retrive new Diſcoveries of them again. 2. We
have a plain detection of the means whereby poffibly the American
People might have their deduction from the Europeans or aftaticks; be-
caule it is not impoffible but the Continents might be in fome Ages or
other contiguous, though now disjoyned by the mutations of the
fituations of Seas; though the certain times of thofe Changes are not
tranſmitted by Hiſtory to our Age. 3. That the ancient Hiſtories:
of things, by Depopulations, Wars, Famines, Inundations, Tranfimi-:
grations of People, and other Accidents may be loft in after Ages, which
poffibly in former Ages might be known, and fome Monuments thereof
then extant, which are now obliterated and forgotten.
Thus far concerning thefe Reductives by Inundations and Confla-
grations, out of the Princes of the Academical and Peripatetical Philo-
fophers: We shall find the like Suppofitions frequently among the Stoicks,
Seneca may be an Inftance for all that Sect, only thefe vary from the
former: for although they do with the former admit and inftance in
temporary and partial Inundations by Earthquakes and other Accidents,
de quibus vide Senecam, l. 3. Nat. Quaft, de Terra motu: yet theſe go farther,
and ſuppoſe Univerſal Deluges and Conflagrations, which will quite
alter the whole Frame of this lower World, and the whole Face thereof.
See the Rhetorical Deſcription thereof, Senec, in fine lib. 3. Nat. Quest.
Qua ratione inquis? Eadem qua conflagratio futura eft; utrumque fit cum Dea
viſum ordiri meliora, vetera finire, Aqua & ignis terrenis dominantur ; ex
hii
7
222
Se&t. I.
Moral Evidences touching
his ortus, ex his interitus. And out of Berofus affigns the Times and Pe-
riods of theſe Univerfal Deluges and Conflagrations: Arfura enim
terrena, quando omnia fidera que nunc diverfos agunt curfus in Cancrum con-
venerint, fic fub eodem pofita vestigio ut recta linea exire per omnes omnium
poffit: Inundationem futuram cum eadem fiderum turba in Capricornum conve-
nerit; illic folftitium, hic bruma confinitur. But yet he fuppofeth a Reftitution
of the World after theſe Deſtructions: Nec ea femper licentia undis erit,
Sed pera&to exitio humani generis, extinctifque pariter feris in quarum homines
ingenia tranfierant, iterum aquas terra forbebit; natura pelagus ftare, aut
intra terminos furere coget, rejectus è noftris fedibus in fua fecreta pelletur
Oceanus, antiquus ordo revocabitur: omne ex integro animal generabitur, dabi-
túrque terris homo infcius fcelerum, & melioribus aufpiciis natus: fed illis quoque
innocentia non durabit nifi dum novi funt, citò nequitia fubrepit; virtus diffi
cilis inventu est, rectorem ducémque defiderat; etiam fine magistro vitia
difcuntur.
I thall ſpare mentioning any more to this purpoſe, though many more
Inftances may be given out of the Philofophers of all Sects, and Poets,
as Ovid and others.
Only I fall fubjoyn theſe two Inquiries, and fo conclude this Ob-
jection.
1. Whence it is that theſe Ancients had theſe Conjectures touching
thefe Floods and Conflagrations, fo as to frame them into an Hypothefis
either for the Caftigation of the Exceffes of Generation, as Ariftotle and
Plato; or to the total Diffolution thereof, as the Stoicks; and the means
that wrought this Perfwafion feem to be thefe:
1. The things that ſeem to prevail with the Academicks and Peripate-
ticks for theſe Partial Floods and Conflagrations, feem to be thofe dark
and obfcure Hiſtories of the things of that nature which had twice before
happened in Greece: Namely, for Floods, the Tradition of the Diluvium
Ogygium, or Diluvium antiquius, which is fuppofed by Chronology to be
under Ogyges King of Attica, about 1000 Years before the firft Olympiad ;
about 248 Years before the Flood of Deucalion in Theffaly; about 532
after the General Flood in the time of Noah; and about the 2951 Year of
the Julian Period, and of the World 2187, though there is fome va-
riation among the Computations of Chronologers. This was a Partial
Flood, as it feems, in Attica, part of Greece. 2. Diluvium Deucalionis,
which was alfo Partial, and about 248 Years after the former, in the
time of Cecrops firft King of Athens, or as others, in the time of Cranaus
his Son: This is that mentioned by Plato and Ariftotle, that drowned a
great part of Greece, only fome faved by Deucalion by bringing them to
the top of Parnaffus. And out of the Hiftory of Mofes touching the Uni-
verfal Flood, and the Hiftory of Deucalion, Cvid made up his firft Book,
attracting in a great meaſure to the latter what was written of the former
by Mofes.
And for Conflagrations; they had two traditional Conflagrations in
and near Greece, which might give fome countenance to this Perfwaſion:
namely, 1. That of Phaeton, Incendium Phaetontis, which feems not to
be long after the Flood of Deucalion, though much of the Relation thereof,
as the Grecians, and Ovid after them made, was a Poetical Fiction; yet it
ſeems it had ſomething of reality, in it, as is obſerved by Plato, ubi fupra.
2. Ide
Cap. 9.
223
the Origination of Mankind.
2. Ide Incendium, which was no great buſineſs, but an Eruption of Fire
out of the Hill Ida, as now in Etna: this was about 73 Years after the
Flood of Deucalion.
2. As to the Stoicks, who held Univerfal Inundations and Confla-
grations, poffibly they might have the former of theſe from the Traditio-
nal Relation of the Univerfal Flood of Noah, which Relation they be-
lieved, and upon that founded their Suppofition of the like Inundations;
being acquainted with the Hiftory of the Flood, but not with the Cove-
nant that God made never to bring a Flood again. 2. As to that of the
Univerſal Conflagration of the World, it feems it was a known, ancient
and received Tradition among the Jews before our Saviour's time, re-
inforced by him and his Difciples: This feems to be implied in that Pro-
phecy of Enoch, Jude 14. and by ancient Tradition, either from Noah or
the ancient Jews this Perfwafion might be Traditionally derived to the
Gentiles, and believed by the Stoicks.
2. It appears by what hath been before tranfcribed, That thefe Philo-
fophers fuppofed thofe Inundations and Conflagrations to be at great
diftances of times, and yet to be in fome fort Periodical, and with a
kind of ſtated Revolutions. Plato ſuppoſeth his Floods to be certis tempo-
rum curriculis: Ariftotle fuppofeth his Floods to be alfo Periodical, Hac
omnia fieri ordine quodam & ambitu; and again, Magno quodam circuita
hyems magna & imbrium exceffus fiunt,bearing fome proportion to our Seafon
of the Solar Year. Therefore it may be fit to confider what kind of Year
this muſt be wherein this Hyems magna is ſuppoſed to happen.
Seneca as before hath given us out of Berofus fome defcription of the
Periods, namely, when all the Planets fhall meet in one ftreight Line
drawn from the Center of the Earth to the Tropick of Cancer, then the
great Conflagration fhall happen; and again, when they meet in the like
pofition under the Tropick of Capricorn, then the Univerſal Deluge ſhall
happen. So that thele two Conjunctions divide that Annus magnus into
two parts, and the Summer-Solſtice thereof fhall be for Conflagration,
the Winter-Solſtice for the Inundation, or that Magna hyems which ari-
stotle hath affigned for his Periodical Inundations. But what is that
Magnus annus wherein thefe Revolutions must happen, or what number
of Solar Years it contains is uncertain, fome affigning a Period that feems
too ſhort, lome a Period of a wonderful length.
Cenforinus, de Die Natali, cap. 10. fpeaking of this Magnus annus whereof
Ariftotle's Winter ſeems to make the Conclufion, gives us feveral Eftimates
of the fame, fome making them 2484 Years,others 5552 Years,others 10224
Years, others 100020, others 360000 Years, and others fuppofing it
Infinite, and that fuch a Conjunction will never happen.
Macrobius in Somn. Scipionis, lib. 2. cap. 11. both deſcribes and determins
this Magnus annus to be when all the Heavenly Bodies fhall return to the
fame pofition as they were in any time given, which he refolves to be
15000 Years, in which all the Heavenly Bodies fhall be in the fame
poſition as they were 15000 Years before. So that if we should affign the
Caput anni to be be this Day and Year wherein I write, at the end of
15000 Years all the Heavenly Bodies will be in the fame pofition that
now they are; this he calls Annus mundanus.
Fofephus, lib. 1. Antiquitat. cap.4. in fine, determins that the Magnus annus
i's
224
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
is 600 Years, and yet the Flood happened not till 1656 Years from the
Creation; which according to the Suppofition therefore of Ariftotle ſhould
be the Magnus annus, and that Year the Winter-Solſtice thereof.
Plato fuppofeth that the Magnus annus animarum is 12000 Years, for
in that Period the Soul hath run through all the Spheres and Dances of
the Gods and Demons, and returns to its firft Station; and the Annus
magnus mundanus confifts of three of thofe Periods, namely, 36000 Years,
wherein the Soul of the World hath performed its great Circuit, or one
Revolution of the eighth Sphere: vide Marfil. Ficin. prolog, in lib. 10.
Platonis de Republica: and then not only all the Heavenly Bodies will be
juft in the fame pofition in which they were 36000 Years before, but all
Humane things will be in the fame ftate as they were.
que
vehet Argo
Alter erit tum Typhis, & altera
Dilectos heroes; erunt itidem altera bella,
Ad Trojámque iterum magnus mittetur Achilles.
The Egyptians had their great Apocataftafes; viz. 1. Apocataftafis die-
rum, which was 1461 Days: 2. Apocataftafis annorum aquabilium, which
was 1461 Years: 3. Their Apocatastasis magna, confifting of 25 Apocata-
štafes annorum, which amounted to 36525 equable Years; which was
their Magnus annus canicularis, whereunto Manetho accommodates his
fabulous Egyptian Dynafties.
There ſeems to be another Annus magnus, viz. the Motion of the
ninth Sphere or Chryftallin Heaven, from Weft to Eaft; which though
fome to make it agree with the Magnus annus Platonicus fuppofe to be
1 Degree every 100 Years, in all performing its Revolution in 36000
Years, according to the great Platonick Year; yet Alphonfus allows a
greater number of Years to that Revolution, viz. 49000 Years and
others I think more. But I think that we ſhall not be able to fit the Seaſons
of this Year to the Magna hyems Ariftotelica, or his Winter-quarter;
becauſe
1. We know not whether any of thefe, or any other that can be found,
will fuit with theſe Inftances upon which it may be thought he grounds
his Suppofition; for the Incendium Phaetontis and the Flood of Deucalion
happened very near one the other, as alfo the Incendium Ida: and be-
fides, if that Flood of Deucalion had faln within the Winter-quarter of
any of theſe Anni magni, it would have had a longer Influence upon the
World, and extended at leaſt fucceffively to all the feveral Parts thereof.
For the Winter-quarter of the Magnus annus Platonicus, if it had any
thing of proportion to our Seaſons, muſt have been a fourth part of that
Magnus annus; and then it had lafted above 8000 Years: But howsoever
it muſt upon the loweft Account have lafted a thirty fixth part, viz. 1000
Years; and then the Effects thereof would certainly have been more
permanent and extenſive than to one or two Floods in Greece. 2. Again,
could we know the extent of this Magnus annus, yet we can never find
the Caput anni, when it begins, and confequently cannot poffibly affign
any probable Period for the Seaſons of it; unless we fhall fondly with
Virgil ſuppoſe it began with the Birth of his Patron Pollie's Son,
Fam redit & virgo, redeunt Saturnia rona.
Again,
Cap. 10.
225
the Origination of Mankind.
1
Again, theſe muſt needs be meerly Conjectures, and can have no
poffible Evidence becauſe meerly depending upon Fact and Experience:
it is not poffible that any Man, or any Age of Men can give us any
Account of any one Revolution of this Magnus annus, which amounts tɔ
36000 Years.
Therefore it ſeems difficult, and utterly uncertain to ſuppoſe thoſe
Inundations and Conflagrations to be Periodical in any proportion to
any ſuppoſed time or duration.
And thus far touching the urging of this Expedient for the Reduction
or Correction of the Exceffes of the Generations of Men or Animals, by
Periodical Floods or Conflagrations; which though the Generations
of Men were ſuppoſed Eternal, might Regulate and Reduce their Num-
bers when beginning to be immoderate, as our annual Winters correct
the excreſcence of Infects, whofe multiplication is far more exceffive
than that of Men, and would apppear ſo, if we had a perpetual Summer
yet are reduced to a mediocrity and due equability by the viciffitudes of
Winter Cold and Rain.
1
1
t
I'
CA P. X.
The farther Examination of the precedent Objection.
Have been the longer in the Explication and Inforcement of the for-
iner Objection, becauſe as the neceffary and fenfible Multiplication
of Mankind upon the face of the Earth by the ordinary courſe of Natural
Generation, ſeems to be the moſt fenfible Evidence of Fact againſt the
Eternal Succeffion of Mankind; fo the Reductives mentioned in the fore-
going Chapter ſeemed with moft Evidence of Senfe to weaken the Infe-
rence upon that Obſervation, and by the Suppofition of thoſe continual
or interpolated Correctives to render the poffibility of an eternal con-
fiftence of Propagations of Men, yet without an over-charging of the
World with a multitude inconfiftent with its reception.
I fhall now deſcend to the Examination of theſe fuppofed Correctives
of the excess of the number of Mankind, and how far the fame may be
true; or if true, how far the fame may be, or hath been effectual to that
end.
Wherein, first I fhall fet down what is to be agreed touching the fame,
and wherein we differ from that Suppofition of the efficacy, or available-
neſs, or accommodation, or fuitableneſs of theſe Reductives to the end
propoſed, namely, to the containing of the Generations of Mankind in
fuch an equability and proportion as may be confiftent with an Eternal
Succeffion of them.
Touching the firft of theſe things it muſt be agreed, 1. That there
have been great Devaftations and Decrements of Mankind by all or many
of the Means mentioned in the former Chapter, namely, Plagues and Epi-
demical Diſeaſes, Famines, and Sterilities of great parts of the World;
Wars and Internecions, not only in Battels and Fights, but even in Per-
G g
fecutions
1
1
r
226
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
}
1
fecutions and Maffacres, witneſs the great cruelty of the perfecuting
Emperours against the Chriftians, the cruelty of the Spaniards among
the Indians, the violent bloodsheds of the Papifts upon the Proteftants,
as the late and former Inftances abundantly teftifie: And alfo by Floods
and Inundations, eſpecially that Univerfal Deluge in the time of Noah,
which probably did ſweep away as great multitudes of Mankind as are
now exifting upon the Earth, confidering what a Product might arife in
the compals of 1656 Years, the interval between the Creation and the
Flood upon the ſhorteſt Account, though the Septuagint render it much
longer and it is not eafie to judge to what a Sum Mankind might ariſe
to in fuch a Period, confidering the great longevity of Man's Life in thoſe
times, only it is plain that it muſt needs arife to a greater proportion than
thrice fo long a Period would yield, when Mens Ages were reduced to
leſs than a tenth part of the fame longevity.
2. It is certain, that were it not for fuch Reductives as theſe above
mentioned, though we ſhould fuppofe that the Capita humani generis were
only Noah and his three Sons, and that the Generations of Mankind
began fince the Univerfal Flood, yet the multitudes of Mankind would
in this Period fince the Flood have risen to fuch an excreſcence, that
according to the ordinary method of Propagation (though the Lives of
Men were no longer than now they are) that the Earth would not have
been able to have received its Inhabitants.
3. It is alfo therefore evident, that the moſt wife and glorious God
hath uſed theſe Means above mentioned for moſt wife and excellent Ends.
For it is the high Prerogative and Advantage of his infinite Wiſdom, to
bring about complicated and various excellent Ends in one and the fame
act of the difpenfation of his Providence, by Plagues, Wars, Earthquakes
and Floods (all which are at leaſt permitted if not inflicted, but how-
foever moſt wifely and infallibly governed by him) he punisheth the Sins
and Enormities of Mankind, and reduceth the World to fuch a due
proportion as may be confiftent with their convenience and reception in
this Earth: And for this caufe, while the World was but thin and
empty of Inhabitants, the Ages of Mankind were longer, and more
accommodated to the peopling of the World, and as the World grew
by that means fuller, fo their Lives were fucceffively reduced to a shorter
fcantlet, till they came to that ordinary Age and time of Life which now
they have, and for near 4000 Years have held.
4. Therefore alfo it must be granted, that the apparent Multiplication
of Mankind upon the face of the Earth fingly confidered, is not any
Demonſtration or Apodictical Argument against the Eternity of Man-
kind: Since, as it is moft evident, that there is a moft wife and powerful
God, who hath a care of the Inferior World as well as the Superior, and
whoſe Providence (notwithſtanding the contrary Sentiments of Ariftotle)
reacheth below the Moon, and governs the World with much more
Accuracy and Wiſdom than a Gardiner orders his Garden: I fay, fince
the Regiment of the World, and eſpecially of Mankind, is ſo actually
under the Care, Wiſdom, and Power of Almighty God, he that for near
6000 Years by thofe Methods of his Providence above mentioned hath
kept the World of Mankind in a due proportion and equability, which
otherwiſe would have grown too great for its reception; could have
inter-
:
Cap. 10.
227
the Origination of Mankind.
interpofed with the like Correctives for twenty thousand Years as well
as fix, and for a million or other interminate duration for the time paſt
or to come; and fo have prevented that enormous excreſcence of Man-
kind, that in an infinite time or duration would have long ſince ſurchar-
ged the World, and upon a Suppofition of a future Sempiternity would
produce the fame difficulty, without fuch interpofition of the Divine Wif
dom and Providence.
But all this while it muſt ſtill be remembred, that this Suppofition
ftill takes in the Wiſdom, Providence and Regiment of the glorious
God for without an intelligent Rector of the World, that ex intentione
thus orders the Affairs of Mankind, thefe Reductives either barely, as
accidental, or contingent, or periodical and neceffary, were not equal
nor competent Reductives of the Generations of Men, but would be too
much or too little, or unfeaſonable in time, place, meaſure, or other
Circumftances for fuch a Bufinefs, as fhall be fhawn.
We therefore are not enquiring what the wife and glorious God might
or could do in order to the equable Reduction of the World, upon a
Suppoſition of an Eternal Duration; but we are upon a Queſtion of Fact
indeed, namely, What he hath done, and whether upon the Suppofition
of all thoſe Reductives inftanced in the former Chapter, at leaſt without
the wife and intelligent Regiment of God, they have been, or well could
be: confidering the nature and courfe of things of that efficacy to cor-
rect the increaſe and exceſs of Mankind, that may render it competible
with an Eternal Duration.
two;
}
I therefore ſhall now come to the things I oppofe, and they are theſe
viz. 1. That theſe Means confidered fimply in themſelves (without
the Conduct and Guidance and Interpofition of the mighty God) are
in themſelves incompetent and unfuitable to the Ends propofed: and
2. That de facto they have appeared to be fo; and notwithſtanding their
admiffion, yet de facto the World hath in all Ages increaſed.
Touching the former of theſe, the Incompetency of theſe Expedients
to the End propofed (confidered fingly in themſelves) this will beſt appear
by induction of particulars.
For Famines, they are de facto incompetent to thefe Ends: for 1. There
was never yet known a Univerfal Famine, but the defects of one Country
fupplied by another, as Canaan was by Egypt. 2. It is ordinarily not fudden
but gradual, and foreſeen before felt in the extremity, which gives People
opportunity of tranfmigrations. 3. Though the ordinary fupplies fail,
yet neceffity makes Men ingenious and hardy, and if they have but Land-
room or Sea-room, they find fome fupplies for their hunger which they did
not before think of or ufe, though it be otherwife in a clofe Siege, but that
is but a narrow compafs, and not of moment to be compared to the mul
titudes abroad.
2. Plagues are indeed a fharp and fpeedy Vifitation, yet it hath thefe
Allays: 1. Many there are that are able to efcape it by Flights, fome by
Phylick, and ſome by their Age and Complexion. 2. It is not ordinarily
of long continuance, the ftrength of the Diſeaſe feldom continuing
longer than a Year. 3. Though the Defolation be terrible while it laſts,
yet it rarely confumes one half of the Inhabitants. The late Compu-
tation of the Number of the Inhabitants, Men, Women and Children in
Gg 2
the
228
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
the City of London and the 16 and 10 Out-Pariſhès are eſtimated at
384000, and about, fix Millions in the whole Kingdom of England. 2. The
greatest Plagues in our remembrance have not fwept away above 100000
at moft in London and the Suburbs: Indeed that before mentioned by
Walsingham, which was in a manner Univerfal, and fucceffively in feveral
places of the World lafted about 15 Years, is faid to be fo
great, that
great,
Icarce a tenth part of People ſurvived it, yet if it left a tenth part, fup-
poſe in England, it left near a Million of People, which in a little time
would and did recover and increaſe confiderably, as fhall be ſhewn.
4. Again, fuppofe the Devaftation by Plagues greater than Hiftory gives
us an Account, yet it is for the moſt part a Diſeaſe that reigns in fome
times and fome places, it may fall in thofe places where the numbers are
already too fmall, and need an Increaſe. And fo taken fingly by it felf,
is incompetent and unfuitable to the Excefs, unleſs managed by the wiſe
Conduct of Almighty God.
are.
}
3. Touching Wars and Internecions. It is true, it hath been a great
Confumption of Mankind, but yet it is not an equal Corrective of the
Excels of Generations: 1. Though fuch have happened, and frequently,
yet they ſeem againſt the nature and difpofition of Mankind, ordinarily
and in a courſe of Humane Conftitution: Naturally Mankind is a fociable
Creature, and more than Bees, as the Philoſopher obferves; and though
fometimes Paffions, Jealoufies and Politick ends produce Wars, yet na-
turally Man is not a Creature of prey upon others, as Lions and Tigers
2. Ordinarily, though Wars are by one Kingdom or State upon
another, yet they preferve their own Societies with increaſe under Forein
Wars, and therefore Civil Wars as they are more deſtructive, ſo they
are more rare, becauſe they are more unnatural and deftructive to that
which Men uſually are careful to preſerve, namely, their own Societies.
3. It feems an improper and unfuitable Corrective, becaufe Accident
and the Wills of Men have fo great an Influence in the production of
Wars, whereby it may fall out that Wars may happen in thoſe Ages,
Times or Places, and confequently, Devaftations upon them where or
when they need not to correct. And though it be true, that a Plethory
or Excels of Numbers of Men, fometimes by a kind of Natural or at
leaſt Moral Confequence caufe Wars, yet we have hardly known any
produced fingly upon that Account; though it hath oftentimes occafioned
Tranfmigrations, deductions of Colonies, and new Plantations; and the
World hath been never yet fo full, but a weaker or oppreffed Party have
found room to retreat from the violence or infolence of their Oppreſ
fors.
4. Touching Floods and Conflagrations. It is true that Almighty
God as he manageth the forementioned Reductives by his Wifdom and
Providence, fo he hath done theſe eſpecially in that Univerfal Deluge:
But as they are inftanced in by the Philofophers as Natural or Periodical
Events whereby Mankind is reduced to an equability, we have no reaſon
to believe them. Therefore I fay, 1. That there doth not appear, either
in Hiſtory or in the Obfervation of Nature, any fuch Periodical Floods or
Conflagrations; thoſe that we have Relations of happened indeed near
together, and in the fame Country, viz. in Greece, had they been Periodical
or Natural, probably either by a continued Circulation or Rotation, or
elle
Cap. 10.
229
the Origination of Mankind.
}
elfe by the interpofition of fome reaſonable intervals, the like would
have happened before in Perfia or fome Eaſterly parts of Afia, or fince in
Italy or Germany, or fome other Weſtern parts of the World, which we
have not obſerved to be. And therefore this Suppofition of the Hyems
magna, whereby parts of the Earth ſhould be fucceffively drowned, feems
to be only an Imagination, or at leaſt it cannot be known with any
tolerable certainty; in as much as the Periods are ſuppoſed to be vaſt,
and not happening within any competent time to give us an Obfervation
or Proof thereof. And therefore although we yearly fee a reduction of
the numerous increaſe of Infects, by the Winter Froft and Storms yearly
happening; we have no warrant from thence to imagin that great Win-
ter that must make the like reduction of Men and Brutes; for every
Year gives us Experience of the one, but never any Age gave us any
reaſonable Obſervation, upon which to Build an Hypothefis of the like Perio-
dical Revolution of the other: and the fame I fay touching Conflagrations.
Indeed there have been accidental and particular Inftances of both, but
not any Periodical Return or Revolutions thereof, quaſi in quodam ambitu
& circuitu naturali. 2. If fuch were ſuppoſed, yet unleſs they were very
fudden, and very general, they would not be fufficient to make the Cor-
rection: Men would efcape Floods by running up to Monntains and Hills,
and though ſome might perish through improvidence, or though the
fuddenneſs of a Deluge, many would eſcape. 3. Natural and Periodi-
cal Floods or Conflagrations would not be futable nor commenfurate to
the Increaſe, which depending either upon Accidents or the Wills of
Men, would poffibly be more in one place than in another: The Country
of Palestine would be more peopled than the Sands and Defarts of Arabia,
Egypt than the Mountains of Ethiopia; and fruitful Countries, or Countries
open to Trade, and ſafe from Incurfions and Invaſions; more populous
than barren Countries, or ſuch as are out of the way of Trade, or fubject
to Inroads: But Natural and Periodical Floods or Conflagrations would
probably keep ſome conftant or ordinary Tract or Courſe, either from
Eaſt to West, or from North to South; and poffibly keeping in fuch a
Climate or Latitude, poffibly in another; whereby poffibly theſe Plagues
might be more fierce in thofe places or Continents where the World
wants People, and leſs vehement in thoſe places where there needs a
Corrective for their exceſs: If theſe ſhould be Univerfal, they would
deſtroy the Race of Mankind; if Partial, they would be perchance weak
and infignificant Reductives of the excefs of Mankind.
When all therefore is done, though it be plain that theſe and the like
Calamities are certain Reductives of the excess of Mankind, yet they are
incompetent of themſelves, and upon a bare Suppofition of Natural or
Accidental Effects. But it is true, as they are either brought and in-
flicted, or managed and governed by a moft wife and intelligent Being,
they are uſeful, and wifely applied to this End among others.
But in the whole management and conduct of thefe Events and Oc-
currences whereby Mankind hath been reduced and corrected, we ſhall
obſerve very easily that Mankind hath ftill increaſed, and the World
grown fuller, even to manifeft Senfe and Experience, which was the
Tecond thing I propofe to be confidered.
2. Therefore I do affirm, That notwithſtanding all theſe Ordinary
and
1
1
230
Moral Evidences touching
Sect. II.
nd Extraordinary Occurrences that have afflicted Mankind, as ſhortneſs
of Life, divers Caſualties and common Diſeaſes, lofs of Men by Naviga-
tion, the Intemperance and Luxury of Mankind, the Weakneſſes and
deſtructive Sickneffes incident efpecially to Infancy, Childhood, and
Youth, Abortions voluntary or accidental, and all thofe ordinary Cafual-
ties incident to our nature. And notwithſtanding alſo thoſe
great and
vaft Conſumptions by Famine, by Peftilence, by ftrange and Epidemi-
cal Diſeaſes, by Wars and Battels, Sea-fights, Internecions, Maffacres
and Perfecutions, Earthquakes, Floods, Inundations, Conflagrations,
or what other extraordinary or terrible and univerfal Accidents that
have happened to Mankind in any or all the Ages paft fince the Flood
of Noah; Mankind hath notwithſtanding all theſe increaſed and grown
fuller, the Generations of Mankind have exceeded their Decays.
And becauſe this is an Affertion of Fact, it is impoffible to be made
out but by Inſtances of Fact.
'
1
And although it be impoffible for any Man to give an Account of all
the Nations of the World collectively, and fo to make out the Fact;
yet if the Inftance can be made out in one or two Nations, whereof
a true and clear Account may be given, it will be more than a common
probability that the fame may be concluded concerning the generality of
Mankind.
And therefore I ſhall fingle out the Inftances of two Nations, touching
whom the cleareſt Account of their Original and Increaſe may be given,
and ſuch alſo as had as great an Experience of the fevereft of theſe Cor-
rectives, and poffibly much greater than any determinate People or Nation
in the World befides.
The firſt Inſtance I fhall give is the Nation of the Jews, and I chooſe
this People for my Inftance, 1. Becauſe their firft Original, and the time
wherein it began is moft clearly, evidently, and unqueftionably known,
and the time wherein it was. 2. Becauſe their ſeveral Increaſes and
Abatements and Succeffions, with the feveral times thereof, even down
to the laft Diffolution of their City under Titus, is moſt clearly by a
continued Hiſtory plainly and authentically diſcovered. 3. Becauſe by
the ſtrange and admirable Providence of God, even fince the Diffolution
of their State and Republick they have been to this day continued a fepa-
rated People from the reft of the World; notwithſtanding their re-
markable diſperſion among all Nations, among whom they have yet
remained diftinct as a fignal Monument of the Divine Truth and Juftice,
and for what other fecret ends and purpoſes, is beſt known to the Divine
Wiſdom. 4. Becauſe this People hath been in all Ages exerciſed with as
many Plagues and Slaughters and Devaſtations of all forts, as ever any
People under Heaven were. And 5. Becauſe the particulars of theſe
Devaſtations, and the feveral Times and Ages wherein they happened,
and oftentimes the Numbers cut off thereby are Recorded by the feveral
Authentical Hiftories of that People, which are extant to this day.
And 6. Becauſe their Increaſe even at this day, as in their ſeveral ante-
cedent Periods, is fignat and evident to all the World. So that what is
verified touching the Increaſe of that People, may in all congruity of
Reaſon be affumed and determined much more touching any other People,
and all the People in the World: fince none had ever greater Inftances
of
Cap. 10.
231
the Origination of Mankind,
1
of Abatements or Correctives of the Excefs of their Number than this
People. Laftly, Becauſe there can be no pretence that their decays or
diminutions by thofe Occurrences were fupplied by the acceffion and
conjunction of others of other Nations to them: Since it was their Pri-
viledge in which they gloried, and which they ftrictly and religiouſly
observed, To keep themſelves feparate and diftinct from the reft of
Mankind.
I ſhall not be ſcrupulous or curious in the Chronological niceties
touching their feveral Periods, becauſe in this and other Computations
that I have uſed I do not aim at curious or precife Computations, but
only to thew the Order and Series of Things for the difcovery of what
I intend, and therefore fhall take the Account of Helvicus, as being
plaineſt and readieſt at hand for my purpoſe.
Ifaac and Rebecca were the two next immediate Parents of all the Fa-
milies of Efau and the Edomites, and Jacob and the Ifraelites.
In the Year of the World 2108 were Jacob and Efau Born: I fhall leave
the Families of Efau, and carry down that of Jacob.
In the Year of the World 2238 Jacob goes down into Egypt, having then
70 Perfons deſcended from him; which Increaſe was in the compafs of
about 130 Years after the Birth of Jacob, and about 70 Years after his
Marriage with Leah. Gen. 46. 27.
The Ifraelites increaſe in Egypt, yet not without a great deftruction of
them by their fevere Bondage, and by the Slaughter of their Males.
Exod. I.
In the Year of the World 2453 the People of Ifrael came out of Egypt,
which was about 215 Years after the going down of Jacob to Egypt.
In a fhort time after the Migration of the Ifraelites out of Egypt they
were numbred, and the Number of their Males that were above 20 Years
old then amounted to Six hundred and three thoufand, five hundred and
fifty, beſides the Levites; from a Month old amounting to 22000. Numb.
1. 46. and 2.32. and 3. 39. and if we ſhould take into the number of
the Eleven Tribes Women, and Children under 20 Years old, we ſhould
reaſonably have more than triple the number, viz. above two Millions.
From this time to the time of Phinehus we have no certain eſtimate
of their Numbers, yet in this Interval they had very great Abatements
and Diminutions, as will appear by theſe Inftances.
That all this number of People above 20 Years old, except Foshua and
Caleb, died in the compaſs of their 40 Years wandering in the Wilderneſs,
Num. 26.65. yet fome of them could not exceed 60 Years of age.
Of the Plague 34000 in the Wilderneſs, befides the Complices of
Corah: Numb. 16.49. and 25.49. befides thoſe that died of Fiery Ser-
pents. Numb. 21.
After the death of all that were before numbred, they were again
numbred all except the Levites; and the Number of all the Males from 20
Years old and upwards, were Six hundred and one thoufand, ſeven
hundred and thirty among theſe was the Land after divided by Jeshua.
Numb. 26. 51,53.
I do not remember any Numeration of the People from this time till
the time of King David, and in that Interval that People fuffered very
great detriments.
1. By
232
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
1. By the Wars with the Canaanites under Joshua, wherein though
they were victorious, yet it could not be without great lofs of Men.
2. After this they endured in the time of the Judges great diminutions
under the Kings of Mefopotamia, Canaan, the Midianites, the Philistims,
the Ammonites, befides about 65000 Men flain in the Civil Wars with
the Benjamites.
3. The Wars in the time of Saul, wherein though he was often victo-
rious, yet at laft he fuffered a great Slaughter by the Philiftims.
4. The Wars of David, both with Foreiners and the Rebellious in his
own Kingdom; wherein though he were victorious, yet thoſe Victories
could not be obtained without great Loffes: In the Buſineſs of Abfalom
40000 of the Ifraelites flain and loft in one Battel, 2 Sam. 18. 7. in the
latter end of the Reign of David, about the Year of the World 2925,
which was 435 Years after the Numbring of the People by Mofes and
Eleazar, David again Numbers the People, and then the Account of the
People of Ifrael was 800000 valiant Men that drew the Sword, and of
Fudah 500000 valiant Men, 2 Sam. 24. 9. in all 1300000 fighting Men :
and if we fhould take in Women, Children, and Aged, it is probable
they were above five Millions.
So that in the ſpace of 435 Years, notwithſtanding all theſe Decrė-
ments they were increaſed about three Millions.
The next Account of the Numbers of the Tribes of Judah and Ben-
jamin only under Jehofaphat, 2 Chron. 17. 14. and though in the interval
between David and Jehofaphat theſe two Tribes received confiderable
Allays by Wars, Plagues, and Famines, yet the Number of the mighty
Men of valour of Benjamin was 380000, and of the Tribe of Judah 780000
mighty Men of valour. The Increaſe of Judah between that and David's
Numeration was 280000 fighting Men; and therefore the Increaſe of
Women, Children, and Aged not fit for War, muft needs be much
greater and more confiderable; and yet this was in a Period only of thoſe
Years that intervened between David and Jehofaphat.
After this the ten Tribes were carried away Captives by Salmanaffer,
2 Kings 17. and only Judah and Benjamin remained: fo that now all our
Account muſt run upon theſe two Tribes, the reft being carried away,
and probably confounded and mingled among the Gentiles. And if we
confider what Calamities theſe two Tribes endured by Wars and Capti-
vities from the time of Hezekiah until their deportation into Babylon, we
may reaſonably fuppofe that they had as great a Reduction as ordinarily
could befall a People: Manaffeh carried Captive to Babylon, which pro-
bably was the iffue of fome great Siege or Battel; Jofiah flain in Bartel
by Pharaoh King of Egypt; Jerufalem taken by Nebuchadnezzar in the 8th
Year of Jehojachim, 2 Kings 24. 12. again in the 9th Year of Zedekiah
the City again befieged, and after two Years Siege and great Famine
and Slaughter, taken. Jer. 39. 12.
Theſe fevere Adminiſtrations of War could not be without great
Defolations, Slaughters and Mortalities, though their Number is not
recorded.
The People were carried away Captive to Babylon in the Year of the
World 3362 or thereabouts, which was about 437 Years after the Reign
of David; feventy Years after the Captivity, viz. about the Year of
the
Cap.10.
233
the Origination of Mankind.
the World 3420, there was a Return of the Jews under Cyrus, which con-
tinued in Partial Remigrations for fome time after.
The numbers of thole that returned firſt with Ezra were 42360, Ezra
2. 64. this feems to be the greateſt number: there were other Remi-
grations in the time of Darius and Artaxerxes, both in the 27th Year,
though the certain number be not mentioned. We will therefore take
fcope enough, and fuppofe them in all 100000 Perfons; which is more
than double to thofe that came up with Ezra.
Theſe continued in a troubled condition from the time of the ceffation
of the Perſian Monarchy until the time of Chrift, and rarely without
Wars, as the Hiftory of the Maccabees gives us an account; efpecially
under Antiochus Epiphanes, who made great flaughter of them.
After that, Pompey by Arms took Jerufalem and ſubdued Syria in general,
not without great bloodshed; and as they were naturally an unquiet
People, fo the Hiftories tell us that the Romans and their Governours
exerciſed great feverity and bloodshed among them.
And yet for all thefe Correctives and Decrements of this unquiet
People, Jofephus tells us, that Nere willing to take fome Account and
Eſtimate of them by their great convention and concourſe in their Paſchal
Solemnity, found their number to be Seven and twenty hundred thouſand
Perſons, Jofeph. de Bello Judaico, L. 7. pag. 968. where Strangers might
not be mingled with them in that Solemnity.
The Deftruction of Jerufalem under Titus and Vefpafian is fuppofed to
be under the 66th Year after the Birth of Chrift, about the Year of the
World 4006 which was about 586 Years after the Return under Cyrus :
Jofephus gives us an Account of thoſe that were flain at the Siege of
Ferufalem, viz. 110000, and Prifoners taken 90000, Jofeph. lib. 7. cap.
penult. befides the multitudes flain in Cyrene, Alexandria, and other places
not eaſie to be remembred.
By which we may reaſonably conclude, That in the Period of about
600 Years this Nation of the Jews increaſed to 27 times more than when
they returned under Cyrus; for then we allow the number of them that
returned to be 100000, but now they were increaſed to 2700000.
It is true, fome of the Jews efcaped this Slaughter and Captivity,
ſuppoſe we the number of thofe that eſcaped were a Million of Jews,
fuch I mean as held rigorously to their Jewish Law; for many became
Chriſtians, and left much of the Jewish strictneſs, and poffibly mingled
with other Nations.
But if we ſhould now examin the multitude of the Jews in Europe, Asia
and Africa, we fhall find vaft numbers of them in all the Trading Cities
and Countries except England, France, Spain, Portugal, Naples and Sicily,
from whence they were formerly banished; yet even in thoſe Countries
from whence they have been banished, they are in great numbers, but
yet under the diſguiſe of other Names and Nations: But if all the Jews
(I mean thoſe deſcended from the Reduces captivitatis Babylonica) which
are in Germany, Bohemia, Poland, Lituania, Ruffia, Venice, Rome and other
parts of Italy; in the Dominions of the Turks, Perfia, Arabia, India,
Africa, at Alexandria and other parts of Egypt, were collected into one
Body, they would exceed in number any one of the greateſt Nations of
the World, and yield an irreſiſtible Army, if they had Weapons and
Hh
Cou-
234
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
Courage in any meaſure proportionable to their Wealth, Craft, Subtilty,
and Numbers.
So that notwithſtanding all the Abatements and Decrements they
have had by Wars, Oppreffions and Internecions, Plagues, Famines, and
other Calamities, we find the Product of one Nation derived from only
two Perſons, Ifaac and Rebecca, in the compals of about 5000 Years fwoln
into incredible numbers of Millions of Perfons now exifting, and known
to be of that Linage and Defcent, and ftill continuing unquestionably
in that Diſtinction, befides thofe multitudes derived from the Line of
Efans, and the ten Tribes, which are as it were left and confounded,
without any diſtinction among other Nations. And thus far of the firft
Inftance, concerning the Multiplication of the Nation of the Jews.
The next Inftance that I fhall give ſhall be nearer home; the Kingdom
of England: I shall not give any Inſtance touching it before the Con-
queſt, becauſe thoſe times are dark, and befides, the Viciffitudes and
Succeffions of various Nations in this Kingdom renders the diſcovery of
the Progress of Generations of Men, or the Increaſes thereof, difficult;
as Britons, Romans, Picts, Saxons, and Danes.
The ancient Inhabitants were the Britons, the Body of which People
hath been in a great meaſure ſhut up and contained within the Country
of wales; but what by the tranfplanting of many of the welsh into Eng-
land, and by tranfplanting of the English into wales, it is not poffible to
ſay that all the Britons are confined to the Country of wales, or that
none but Britons are there: and therefore there can be no particular or
evident Conclufion made touching their Increaſe or Multiplication. But
I ſhall take a ſhorter Period or Compaſs of Time, namely, the laſt 600
Years or thereabouts fince the Norman Conqueft.
And although it may be true, that many Perſons of Forein Countries
have come into England and planted themſelves here, fo that the whole
Increaſe of this Kingdom cannot be fingly attributed to thoſe that were
either Natives, or fuch as came in with the Conquerour, but many
Scotch, Irish, Dutch, but efpecially French, either by Naturalizations or
Tranſmigrations have increaſed the Inhabitants of this Ifland; yet con-
fidering that probably the Migrations of the English into Scotland, Holland,
France and other Countries, have made amends for their Migrations
hither: We may make a reaſonable Conjecture, that the Defcendents
from thoſe that inhabited this Kingdom in the time of the Conquerour,
have increaſed exceedingly above what they were in that time.
And the Evidence thereof is this: King william the Firſt, after his
Victory over Herald, did in the 16th Year of his Reign over England
cauſe a Survey to be made of all the Cities, Towns, Mannors and in-
habited Lands in England, Northumberland, Cumberland, Durham and North-
Wales.
}
This Survey was finiſhed in the 20th Year of his Reign, and the Book
it ſelf preſerved to this Day among the Records of the Exchequer, not
only a Tranſcript or Copy, but the very Original Book it ſelf, and is
called Doomsday: In this Book are entred the Names of the Mannors or
inhabited Townships, Boroughs and Cities, and the Owner of them,
the Number of Plough-Lands that each contains, and the Number of
the Inhabitants upon them, under the feveral Names appropriate to thoſe
Places:
!
1
Cap.10.
235
the Origination of Mankind.
1
Places; As for Inftance, Ibi 12 Burgenfes, 5 Villani, 5 Bordarii, 5 Na-
tivi, 5 Radiminches, 5 Cotterelli, and the like, according to the quality
or condition of the Inhabitants: So that this Book in effect gives an
Account not only of the Manurable Lands in every Mannor, Town, or
Vill, but alſo of the Number and Natures of their feveral Inhabi-
tants.
1
To make a Calculation of the Number of Plough-Lands and Inhabi-
tants through all England, as they are recorded, and to make therewith
a Comparilon unto the prefent State and Number of Inhabitants at this
Day throughout England, is a laborious piece of work, but it is not
difficult to be done in any one County; I have tryed the Compariſon in
the County of Gloucester through fome great Boroughs, as Gloucefter it ſelf,
Thornbury, Tetbury and other places, and in effect through the whole
County; and I do find,
#
}
1. That there are very many more Vills and Hamlets now than there
were then, and very few Villages, Towns or Parishes then, which con
tinue not to this Day, but now there are as many as then, and many
more. The 5th of March, 9 E. 2. there iſſued Writs to the Sheriffs of
the feveral Counties, to return the Names of the feveral Vills and Land-
Owners in their ſeveral Bayliwicks, which was accordingly done, and
remains of Record in the Exchequer under the ftile of Nomina Villarum ;
and the Sum of the Vills of Gloucestershire, together with the five Bo-
roughs of Gloucester, Bristol, Berkley, Durfly, and Newenham amounted to
234, which I take it are more than are in Doomsday, and yet not to many
as are at this day; and thofe that continue to this day, are far more popu-
lous than they were at the taking of either of thoſe Surveys.
2. That there is much more Tillage, and more Plough-Lands now than
there were then, which happens by the reduction of many great Wafts
and Commons into Tillage, or Meadow, or Paſture, which then were
only Wafts, and therefore not particularly furveyed becauſe of no con-
fiderable Value, and not taken notice of in that Survey.
3. That the number of Inhabitants now are above twenty times more
than they were at that time, as well in particular Towns, Bóroughs,
and Mannors, as in the general extent of the County; and yet that
Survey, even as to the number and quality of thoſe that refided in thoſe
Towns or Mannors, at least as Houfholders, is very precife and particular:
I have not yet made an exact particular Calculation of the Number re-
corded in that Book (through the whole County, but I will give a few
Inftances of particular Towns, which may give an eftimate touching
the whole,
Glouceſter is now a very great and populous City, formerly before the
time of H. 8. a Borough: In the Survey of Doomsday it is furveyed diftinct
from the Bertun of Glong: the grols of the Borough is furveyed together
in the beginning of the County, but there are fome other particular
Burgages thereof mentioned under the Titles of particular Mens Pof-
feffions; as, Terra Rogeri de Lacy, Terra Elnuffi de Helding, &c. The
whole concretion of the City of Gloucester confifts partly of what was
the ancient Borough, partly of acceffions from the Mannors or Villages
adjacent, as Barton and fome others: I fhall therefore caft up the whole
Number of all that were in Glouc' or Barton.
Hh 2
In
}
と
​236
Se&t. II.
Moral Evidences touching
-
In the Survey of Gloucester there are reckoned 23 Burgages and Houlès,
16 that were demolished for the building of the Caftle, 14 that were
wafted, and fome that belonged to Osbertas Epifcopus, not numbred, but
yielded the yearly Rent of ro Shillings; which according to the ufural
rate of the Houfes in Gloucefter at that time, which was at 54 or 64 a
Houſe, might produce 20 Houſes, in toto,
$
73.
Befides theſe, there are furveyed under the Titles of feveral Owners of
Lands parsim through the Book, as under the Title Terra S. Dionyfii,
Ecclefia S. Martini, and others, according to my beft Computation and
Obfervation,
82.
Beſides theſe under the Title of the Poffeffions of St Peter of Glouc', there
are reckoned up as many Burgenfes as yielded the Abbot anciently the
Kent of 19 and 5ª, and 16 Salmons; but at that time 16 Salmons and
50s Rent, without any certain number of Burgeffes; but if we allow
64 for a Burgeſs, we may fuppofe them to
The Total
100.
255.
The Mannor of Barton, or the Barton of Glouc', fome part whereof hath
been taken into the Suburbs of Glonc', was of two Owners; part was
the King's Lands, 'part belonged to the Abbey of St Peters, but the whole
number of the Houtholders inhabiting the whole Barton, with its members,
Tuffly, Barnwood, &c. were as followeth,
•
Villani
Bordarii
56
39
}
Servi
19
Molini
04
Liberi homines
10
128
In toto.
And the Total of the whole, Account of the City of Glouc', the Barton
with its members; Brewere, Upton, Merwin, Barnwood, Tuffly, Norwent,
amounted then only to
383.
And the fingle City of Gloucester within the Walls contains at this day
near 1000 Houfes and Houſholds.
Again, the Borough and Mannor of Barclay, with the members thereof
enumerated in Doomsday, viz. Alkington, Hinton, Cam, Gofington, Derfiloge,
Cowly, Ewly, Nimsfield, wotton, Simondshall, Kingfcote, Beverfcote, Ofelword,
Almondsbury, part of Cromhall, Harefell, wefton, Elberton, Cromale, Erling-
ham, Efcelword are furveyed to contain in the whole to 590 Families,
whereas at this time there are near 5000 Families in this Precinct, the
Parish of wotton yielding upon the point of 2000 Comunicants, and that
of Derfilege above 500 at this day.
Again, Tetbury and the Hamlet of Upton belonging to it, the Survey
of Doomſday gives us an Account of about 73 Families of all kinds be
longing to it: But now I believe there are little less than 1500 Commu-
nicants in that Parish.
Sodbury:
Cap.10.
237
the Origination of Mankind.
!
Sadbury: the Survey gives us an Account, of about 46 Families of all
forts; they are now near twenty times fo many.
Thornbury, with the Hamlets thereunto belonging: the Account of
Domfday is of 105 Families of all forts, there is now near fix times fo
many.
Aderly, a little Village at the time of making of that Survey, confifting
not of above 17 Families of all forts; now above twice as many.
The like Inftances might be produced, with the like evidence of very
great Increaſes in the Towns of Cirenceſter, Minchin, Hampton, Teuxbury,
Campden, Winchcomb, Avening, westbury near Bristol, and generally through
the whole County of Gloucester; which I do not without just reaſon
ſuppoſe hath more than twenty times the Inhabitants which it had at the
time of the coming in of william the Firft, which is not now above 604
Years fince.
And if we ſhould inftitute a later Compariſon, viz. between the
preſent time and the beginning of Queen Elizabeth, which is not above
112 Years fince, and compare the numbers of Trained Souldiers then and
now, the number of Subfidy-men then and now, they will eafily give
us an Account of a very great Increase and Multiplication of People
within this Kingdom, even to admiration.
And let any man but confider the Increaſe of London within the com-
paſs of 40 or 50 Years, we ſhall according to the Obfervations framed to
my hands find, That the In-Pariſhes until the late Fire in that time bave
increaſed from 9 to 10, or a 19th part, and that the 16 Out-Parishes have
in that time increaſed from 7 to 12, and yet without any decrement or
decay of the rest of the Kingdom,
By which, and infinite undeniable Inftances that might be given, it is
apparent, that within the compafs of the laft 600 Years this Kingdom hath
increaſed mightily in its number of Native Inhabitants,
And yet it is moſt apparent, that it hath had as great Allays and Abate-
ments of the Multiplication of Mankind in it, as any Kingdom in the
World. For Inftance,
1. In respect of the nature of its Situation, which is all Maritim, and
confifts much in Navigation, which exhauſts abundance of People by
Diſeaſes and Caſualties at Sea.
2. It hath been as often vifited with fore Peftilences, Epidemical Dif-
eaſes, and Mortality by reaſon thereof, as any Country: the experience
of the laſt 60 Years gives us abundance of Inftances thereof, and former
Ages were as frequently vifited in this kind as later.
3. Forein Wars, both at Sea and Land, have devoured great multitudes
of our Inhabitants; as thofe formerly with Scotland, France, Spain, and
lately with the Netherlands and French.
4. No Kingdom in Europe hath had greater Experience of Civil Wars,
nor greater Conſumption of Men thereby, than England hath had fince
the time of william the First: For not to inftance in our Wars with the
Welsh and Irish, let any man read but the Hiftories of the Wars here in
England between King Stephen, and H... and his Mother, King Jehr and
his Nobles, King H.3. and the Nobility, between King E. 2. and the Earls
of Lancaster and Mortimer; the Wars between the two Houfes of Yerk
and Lancaster, and their Partizans, from the time of H. 4. unto the
begin-
*
238
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
beginning of H.7. in one Battel between H. 6.and E. 4. killed of one ſide
30000; the Rebellions in the times of H. 7. and others the Kings and
Queens that fucceeded him, and the loſs of many lives that happened by
the fuppreffion thereof; the late cruel Wars within thefe
30 Years latt
paft in England; there cannot be Inftances given in any one Kingdom of
greater Abatements of the Increaſe, by Wars and Internecions, than may
be given in England.
5. Let us alfo confider the vaſt Evacuations of Men that England hath
had by Forein Affiftances lent to Forein Kingdoms and States, by Volun-
teers and Auxiliaries; as, to Scotland in the late Queens time, to France',
to the Netherlands, to Germany.
6. To theſe alfo add the vaft numbers of Men that have tranfplanted
themſelves not only into France, Holland, and our neighbour Nations, but
allo to Virginia, Maryland, New England, Barbadoes, Bermudas, to Amboyná
and other places in the Eaft India, and laftly, into Jamaica; we fhall find
upon thefe and other Accounts, that England hath had as great Corre-
ctives of the Exceffes of their Generations within theſe laft 600 Years,
as any Peoplein the World.
Add to theſe the great Famines and Peftilences which have happened
within the compaſs of 600 Years, recorded in Hiſtory, and obvious to
our own Experience.
And therefore, if notwithſtanding all theſe Correctives the number of
Men have continually increaſed, and that in fo vaft and obſervable a
degree above their decreaſe; we have as much reaſon to conclude a parity
in the reſt of Mankind: and poffibly were we as well acquainted with
the Concerns of other Kingdoms or States, eſpecially of the Netherlands
and France, the Inftances of this Increaſe would be as much, and poffibly
more confpicuous than among us.
Upon the whole matter therefore I conclude, That as the Correctives
inſtanced in the laſt Chapter are not in themſelves likely to be fufficient
and futable to the Reduction of the Increaſe of Mankind to an Equability,
eſpecially in an infinite fucceffion of Eternal Generations: So by plain
Experience it is apparent, and fenfible, that de facto they have not done
it in a finite limit of Ages, but Mankind have notwithſtanding them
increaſed every Age, and the multitude of them that are born and live,
over-ballance the number of them that dye, communibus annis; or being
taken upon a medium, though poffibly fome one Year gave the advantage
of Number to the Defcendents, yet it is not common hor ordinary, but
more than two or three Years for one give the advantage of Number to
them that are born and live.
CA P. XI.
The Confequence and Illation upon the Premiffes, against the Eternity
of Mankind.
He great Affertors of the Eternity of the World and of Mankind,
have certainly gathered their Opinion principally from this, That
they find that Mankind is propagated by ordinary courfe of Generation,
*
and
Cap. 11.
239
the Origination of Mankind.
and this they fee by Experience: And as they do fo now, fo they did à
hundred or a thousand Years fince, and as far as thoſe Hiftories they credit
give them account, it was fo in thofe times, and in the times before them,
as far as Tradition could inftruct them. And although thofe various
Occurrences of Wars, Peftilences, Migrations, Floods, Changes of
Religion and Languages have obfcured the Hiftories, Relations and Tra-
ditions of former times before thoſe Hiſtories that are extant; yet they
think it becomes them, as reaſonable Men, to believe that things have been
always ſo as now they are; and that it were a fondneſs to ſuppoſe or
believe things to be otherwiſe than they have appeared in the tract of all
Times or Ages.
And upon the fame ground that theſe Men affert the Eternity of the
World, the Inftance and Argument now produced of the plain and ex-
perienced Increaſe of the numbers of Men upon the face of the Earth,
feems much more forcibly to conclude againſt that fuppofed Eternity of
Mankind. For it is plain and evident to Senſe, that the World grows
every day fuller than formerly, notwithſtanding all thofe Correctives and
Reductives thereof: And we have reaſon to think it is fo in all places,
at leaſt one with another, and in all Ages, and among all People as we
find it in England for theſe 600 Years, or among the People of the Jews
for above 2000 Years: For among thefe People, and in theſe Periods of
Time there have been as many and as great Diminutions and Abatements
as ever were in fuch Periods of Time: and yet though perchance in
one Age they have diminished, yet they have not been fo diminished,
but that in the compafs of four or five hundred Years their Increaſe
above what they were before fuch Diminution, is upon a medium always
exceeding their Decay.
:/
And fince we have reaſon to believe what we fee, namely, the Exceſs
of Generations above their Decays, we have reafon to believe it was fo
always; and if it were fo always, it is not poffible the Generations of
Mankind could be eternal.
For if we ſhould fuppofe the Eternity of the World, an Increaſe of
but one Man in the Period of Millions of Years would have filled more
space than all the Earth or the Concave of Heaven could receive: For
in as much as in a Duration that never had a Beginning there muſt-
needs be infinite Millions of Years, the Increaſe of one Man in every
Million above what was before, muft needs produce an infinite coexifting
number, and an infinite moles of Mankind; much more if the Increase
were in any meaſure proportionable to what our daily Experiences give
us Inſtances of. Whereby we find, that although it be poffible that
ſeveral Families may be wholly extinct in a Kingdom in the Period of
or 600 Years, and though poffibly in fome one Age there may be a dimi-
nution of the People of a Kingdom from what they were in the Age
before, yet in the fucceffion of a very few Ages they again increaſe be-
yond the diminution, and neither fucceffively decreafe, nor hold an
equality, which we may reaſonably ſuppoſe to be the common condition
of the World.
And as to that Suppofition, That even upon a Natural account, when
the World grows too full of Inhabitants, they muft break the Bonds
of Society and Peace, and fo diminish each other by Internecions and
Wars,
240
Se&. II.
Moral Evidences touching
3
Wars. As Air compreffed, or expanded beyond the meaſure of the Veſſel
containing it, breaks the Veffel wherein it is compreffed to give it felf
room. I fhall only ſay, that although the Pride and Ambition and In-
folence of neighbouring Princes or People, or the ſenſe of too much
Oppreffion and Hardship hath many times raiſed Wars, yet we never
knew Wars to grow meerly upon the account of the Fulneſs of any
Country: indeed that Plethory hath many times occafioned Emigrations,
and Tranſplantations, and Navigation, and increaſe of Trade or Manu-
factures and other induftrious Employments; but Wars have always
grown upon other Occafions: though, as I before obſerve, the great,
wife, and intellectual Governour of the World hath by his over-ruling
Conduct of the Paffions of Men, brought about ends for the convenience
and benefit of Mankind in this reſpect alſo, as well as to puniſh their
Exceffes and Enormities.
CA P. XII.
The Eighth Evidence of Fact proving the Origination of Mankind,
namely, the Confent of Mankind.
,
Come now to the Eighth and laft Evidence of Fact proving the
Origination of Mankind, namely, The general Confent of Mankind
in that Perfwafion; wherein I ſhall purſue this Order:
First, to confider the more Popular or Vulgar Opinion of Nations in
all or moſt Places and Ages of the World, agreeing in this Sentiment or
Perfwafion, and what may be reaſonably concluded of the truth, or at
leaſt great probability of the truth of that Suppofition of the Origination
of Mankind, upon the Suppofition of fuch a Confent. Secondly, to
confider the more reftrained Perfwafion of the Learned and more confi-
derate fort of Men, that guided themſelves in their Sentiments not barely
upon Popular or Vulgar Opinions, but fearched deeper into the Reaſons
and Evidences of things; namely, the learneder Tribe of Men, Phyfio-
logifts and Philoſophers: And then I ſhall alſo confider the ſeveral Sup-
pofitions of thoſe that agreed in that Perfwafion touching the feveral
Manners and Methods of fuch Originations, and wherein their ſeveral
Suppofitions ſeem to be deficient, infufficient, or untrue.
Firſt, touching the National or Popular Opinions touching the Ori-
gination of Mankind.
There hath prevailed among the generality of Mankind a common
Perfwafion, that Mankind had an Original ex non genitis; and thoſe
Nations that pretend to the greateſt Antiquity, fuppofe themſelves to be
Terrigene, or at leaſt by fome other Method than the ordinary courſe of
Generation.
Kircherus in his Oedipus Ægyptiacus, Syntagm. 3. Cap. 1. out of Mai-
monides gives us an Account of the Zabei, defcended from Cub, and inha-
biting the Coaft of the Red Sea; that though they held the World eternal,
yet ſuppoſed the firſt Man Adam to be begotten in the Moon, of a Father
and
Cap.12.
241
the Origination of Mankind.
and Mother, and from thence he came into this lower World, and was
called Apoftolus Lune, and taught Men to worship the Moon: and for this
he cites Maimonides, l. 3. cap. 29. though the late Tranflation mention
nothing of his proceeding from the Moon, but of his coming out of India
into Babel, and teaching Men the Worſhip of the Moon: this Fable the
Rabbi confutes. Diodorus Siculus gives us an Account of the Opinion of
the Egyptians, lib. 1. cap. 2. who though they pretend a vaſt number of
Years to have paffed fince the Origination of Mankind, yet they ſuppoſe
it had an Original; Et ab orbis initio primos homines apud fe creatos: and
they inferr it from the Fertility of their Soil by the Inundation of Nilus,
which at its recefs leaves fo fruitful a Tincture, that thereby and by the
heat of the Sun, Animals have their vifible production, part after part:
And yet both Ariftotle, l. 2. Meteoron, and Herodotus in Euterpe do with
great probability evince that the fruitfulleft part of Egypt, namely, the
part
called Delta where the Nile overflows, is an Exaggeration, or Ground
gained by the Inundation of Nilus.
Herodotus, ubi fupra, tells us, That in the time of Pfamaiticus fometimes
King of Egypt there was a Competition between the Egyptians and Phry-
gians, who were the firft People, or the Terrigene, and that by the Expe-
riment of the Education of two Infants which should not be inſtructed,
by their Natural Speech in the Language of Phrygia; the Phrygians car-
ried the priority. The thing is fabulous, all the ufe that is to be made
of it is, That there was a common Opinion in the Nations of the World,
that there was fome Inception of Mankind otherwife than by the way
of Natural Procreation.
Laertius, in Proœmio, fuppofeth the Grecians to be the firſt Men, A quibus
nedum Philofophorum, fed hominum genus initium habuit.
The above named Diodorus Siculus, lib. 4. cap. 1. tells us that the Ethio-
pins claim a greater Antiquity than the Egyptians, who borrowed many
of their Laws and Cuftoms and Religion from them: that as Ethiopia
was the fittest and moft congruous place for the first Production of Men
and Beaſts, in reſpect of the vicinity and conftancy of the Sun; ſo, de
facto the Ethiopians were the first Men that were on the Earth, and Ter-
rigens. Ferunt, Ethiopes primos hominum omnium creatos effe; cujus rei con-
jecturam ferunt, quod non aliunde homines in eam accefferunt, fed in ipfa geniti
meritò Indigetes omnium confenfu appeilentur. Et quidem verifimile est eos
qui fub meridie habitant primos è terra fuiffe homines geaitos; nam Solis ar-
dore terram qua humida erat arefaciente, atque omnibus vitam dante, decens
fuit locum Soli propinquiorem primò naturam animantium tuliffe.
De Laet in his Hiſtory of the Original of the Americans, pag. 178. tells
us of the Perſwaſion of divers of the Americans, that held there is one
God; Qui omnia creavit, dein plures in terram defixerat fagittas, è quibus
hominum ge
genus ortum & propagatum fuit: though they alſo held other infe-
rior Deities: And Pag. 106. Alii narrant, è quadam ſpecu per feneftram
exiliiffe fex aut nefcio quot homines, cófque initium dediffe humano generi in
qui ob eam caufam dicitur Pacari tampo; atque ideo opinantur Tambes effe
horeinum antiquiffimos. Vide Acoft. l. 1. cap. 25. ad idem.
loco qui
Thus it ſeems there hath been in all Nations, that have had any manner
of Order among them, a common Opinion of the Origination of Man-
kind; though they have dreffed up the Suppofition with various Fictions
I i
and
242
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching
and Imaginations no lefs vain than the Poets, who fuppofed Men to
grow of the Serpents Teeth fown by Cadmus, or the Stones thrown over
their Heads by Deucalion and Pyrrha.
This perfwafion and opinion of Mankind of their Original, might be
conveyed to the generality of Nations by fome of theſe ways:
,
1. By fome Tradition, derived down unto them from thoſe that lived
before them; but then if we look after the original or firſt head of this
Tradition, it may be hard pofitively to define from whence it began,
but it ſeems probable, that it was from thoſe firſt Parents of Mankind
and fo the Tradition founded in the Truth of the Fact, and originally
delivered by them that perfectly knew it to be fo: It is true, there are,
and have been very many things entertained as true by Traditional Deri-
vation, which either have not any fufficient evidence of their Truth, or
may be fome things that do oppoſe the credit of it, and it were a piece
of vain credulity to believe every thing, that either vulgar Tradition
or the Artifices of Men, have impofed upon over credulous fucceeding
Ages and Perfons: And we fee, that as the Origination of Man hath
been traditionally received, fo thofe Adjuncts and Fables with which it
hath been dreſſed up, have been alfo received and believed with it. But
to this I fay:
it
1. That the Origination of Man, as a Matter of Fact, could hardly
be thought of, but either by very confidering and thinking Men, whereof
hereafter; or by fuch, as being the firft Parents of Mankind, knew their
Original. And if it be faid, they could no more know their Original
than a Child new born: It is true, if the Production of Mankind were
ſuch at firſt as it is now, or as fome of the miftaken Heathen thought it,
(viz. in Infantia) it may be fo: But we ſhall fee, that if Mankind had
their Original ex non genitis, (as moft certainly they had) then the For-
mation of Mankind was in his full and perfect Conftitution, and not by
a gradual progreſs from Infancy as now.
2. That the Tradition of the Origination of Mankind feems to be
univerfal, but the particular Modes or Methods of that Origination,
excogitated by the Heathen, were particular, and not common; and
therefore, though theſe be fabulous and deſerve not our credit, yet they
do not abate the credibility of the univerfal Tradition. The common
Tradition and confent thereunto of the Existence of a Deity, carries in
it a great moral Evidence of the Truth thereof, although the particular
fuperadditions and multiplications of Deities, by the Fancies and Tra-
ditions of particular Ages or Nations, are fabulous and untrue: Quod ab
omnibus ubique & femper creditum eft pro veritate habendum eft, though the
various particular Modes, and Methods, and Hypotheses, are or may be
fabulous.
3. That Mankind had an Original might be known naturally, and
without a Revelation to the firft Individuals of Humane Nature, and
conſequently might with evidence and certainty enough, even upon a
moral account, be communicated by them to others, and fo pafs into
an univerfal Tradition: But the Manner of the first Production of Men,
what gradations were antecedent to it could not poffibly be known to
the firſt Parents of Mankind without Divine Revelation, becauſe it muft
needs be antecedent to their Being, and therefore the particular Manner
thereof
Cap.12.
243
the Origination of Mankind.
thereof could not, upon a bare natural or moral account, be any true
Root or Foundation of fuch a Tradition, as according to the Mofaical
Hypothesis of the Origination of Mankind, whereby we underſtand that
Adam was created out of the Duft of the Ground, and then had an In-
tellectual Soul put into him; Adam might upon a natural account know
that now he was, and that before he was not; and he might upon a
rational account know, that fuch a Production of fuch a Being as he found
himſelf to be, could never have been effected without the agency of a most
powerful and wife Being, which we call Almighty God: And this
Tradition, both that he was made when before he was not, and that he
was created or made by Almighty God, he might with as great evidence
and certainty traditionally communicate to his Defcendents, as any
other matter of fact, or rational deduction: But he could never know
the manner of his own Production, or the particular Preparations ante.
cedent to ſuch his Being, without Revelation from God, or fome intelli-
gent Being that faw or knew the antecedents to his Conftitution; neither
could he without fuch Revelation or Difcovery, deliver the fame over
traditionally with any certainty of truth to his Defcendents. And con-
fequently, the general Tradition of his Origination hath a Root of
Credibility in it, to fuch a Man as will believe that any matter of Fac
may be true that he fees not; though the particular manner of his Ori-
gination is not with any certainty credible to him, that either belleves
not there is any Divine Revelation, or that believes not the particular
Method propounded is in truth a Divine Revelation.
So that the general Tradition that Man had his Origination ex nam
genitis, is a greater Evidence that it was true, than that he was made out
of Arrows ftuck in the Ground; or, ex folliculis terra innafcentibus, as
fome Philofophers.
2. The Ground of this Perfwafion hath fprung from fuch of the Phi-
lofophers, and other confiderate Men, who upon a ftrict Enquiry and
Examination have found it impoffible that the fucceffive Generations of
Mankind could be Eternal, and confequently Infinite, and therefore have
concluded with very great evidence of Reaſon, that it muſt needs have
ſome other Origination in fome one Period of duration, than what is
now natural and common. But then being deftitute of Divine Reve-
lation, or at leaſt not giving due credit thereunto, and being greatly in
the dark, and not knowing well how to determin what that Method
of the Origination of Mankind ſhould be, fome took up one Fancy, fome
another, to falve the Phanomenon, according as their Imaginations led
them. And hence it was, that fome thought their Origination was not
altogether unlike the fpontaneous Production of Infects, only theſe being
Annual, required no great contribution of Heavenly Influxes; but that
of the Production of Men or more perfect Animals, Non fine magna cæle-
stium corporum conjunctione five mutatione: Others again, more foberly
attributed it meerly to the Power and Wiſdom of the glorious God':
Others, to the efficiency of Angels; whereof in the next Chapter.
And this Contemplation of fuch Philofophers and knowing Men
coming abroad into the World, the generality of Mankind fubfcribed to
the truth of the grand Hypothefis it felf; namely, That Mankind had at
one time or other, or by fome means or other an Origination differing
Ii 2
from
4
244
Sect. II.
Moral Evidences touching, &c.
from the ordinary and natural method of Propagation now obſerved :
And finding that the fame held a fingular congruity to the nature of
things, and the general Conception and Reaſon of the Humane Under-
ſtanding, the generality of the World entertained, and by Tradition
tranfmitted this Hypothefis to their Pofterity.
But finding the Philofophers and Wife Men fo uncertain and dif
agreeing, de modo, and unable to give any fatisfactory Refolution thereof;
every Nation, and almoſt every Perfon took up what particular Hypothefis
pleaſed them for the Method or Manner of fuch Origination; and herein
the Wantonneſs of Poets, and the Crafts of their Heathenish Prieſts
and Hierophants abundantly gratified the Fancies of the People with
Superftructions and Inventions of their own.
And indeed it is obfervable, that all thoſe ancient Traditions of things
that were truly done, and fo delivered over and received by Mankind,
as they have for the fubftance and main of them been preſerved by the
ſtrength of this Tradition; fo where the Holy Scriptures have not been
taught or known, theſe Traditions have been admirably dreffed by So-
phiftications and Superadditions, introduced by the Phantafies of Poets
or the deceits of Heathenish Prieſts, or by the gradual corruptings of the
Traditions themſelves. Thus the Hiftory of the Creation, of the Flood,
of the Tower of Babel, of Noah and his three Sons, many of which are,
for the ſubſtance of them, preferved among the Barbarous People of the
East and west Indies at this day, as appears by thoſe that have written the
Relation, eſpecially of the Americans, as Acofta and De Laet, have never-
theleſs been covered over with divers fabulous and deviſed Additions
and Stories: and fo it happened alfo among the ancient Heathenish
Writers, as hath been at large demonftrated, eſpecially by Bochart in his
Phaleg.
Now as touching the Opinion of the Learned Tribe, which, as before
is fhewn, fell into two Parties: The one holding the Eternal Succeffions
of Mankind; whereof in this Second Section: The other holding a Firſt
Inception of Mankind, Ex non genitis.
The latter Opinion far out-ballanceth the former, both in the reaſonable-
neſs thereof, and the multitude and great Learning of thoſe that ſo
afferted it, and ſhould, according to the propounded Method, be here
declared.
But becauſe I intend in the next Section to examin the various Sup-
pofitions of thoſe of the latter fort, touching the Manner of the Origi-
nation of Man, I fhall reſerve that Buſineſs to the next Section; wherein
I ſhall at once confider the Learned ancient Authors that hold the Ori-
gination of Mankind, and ſhall alſo deliver and examin their ſeveral
Suppoſitions touching the fame.
;
SECT
Cap. 1. Of the manner of the Origination, &c.
245
SECT. III.
CA P. I.
The Opinions of the more Learned part of Mankind, Philofophers and
other Writers, touching Man's Origination.
Have in the former Parts of this Enquiry fhewed, that there have been
among Philoſophers and other Heathen, and ſome modern Writers
Two great Opinions touching Man's Origination: 1. Thoſe that
thought it indeed to be without any Origination, but Eternal; and
this Opinion they took up principally upon two Reafons: 1. Becauſe the
Medium or Clew by which they guided themſelves, was the common, con-
ftant Method of Productions by fucceffive Generations; and they thought
it more futable to take their Meaſures, and make their Conclufions confo-
nant to the courſe of Nature, which they faw and obferved, and judged to
be always uniform, and like it ſelf, which could not be fuch, if Mankind
had any other Method of Origination than now it hath: And in Natural
Appearances, Caufes and Effects, they thought it not becoming the
Genius or Spirit of a Philofopher to call in any other Affiftant or Pro-
ducent than what was and is the ordinary Rule, Courſe, and Law of
Nature as they now find it. And by this means they thought that they
proceeded confonantly both to Nature, and to themſelves. 2. Becauſe
that among thoſe ancient Philofophers that either fuppofed the Origi-
nation of Mankind to be either calual, as Epicurus, Democritus, &c. or to
be natural, from the Earth, and conjunction of the Influences of
Heavenly Bodies in fome Periodical Afpects; or partly natural, and partly
fortuitous, or at leaſt ſpontaneous, as Infects arife: I fay, in and among
theſe various Suppofitions of an Origination of Mankind (yea and per-
fect Animals) ex non genitis, they found fo much incertainty, improbabi-
lity, and repugnancy, that they threw them all afide, together alfo with
the Beginning or Origination of Mankind; and took up that more com-
pendious, and more futable, as they thought, to the Laws which they
obſerved in Nature; and concluded, That the Generations of Mankind
and of perfect Animals were without beginning, but always obtained
in the fame manner as now they are. Of this Opinion was Ocellas Lu-
canus, and likewife Ariftotle, though in fome places he ſeems to be doubtful,
and although Plato in his Timeus feems to affert an Origination of Man-
kind, yet in ſome other places his Expreffions are doubtful: and therefore
Cenforinus in his golden Book de Die Natali, reckons as well Plato as
Ariftotle, Ocellus Lucanus, Architas Tarentinus, Xenocrates, Dicearchus, Pytha-
goras, Theophraftus, to be Affertors of the Eternity of Mankind.
And this Opinion I have examined in the Chapters of the Second
Section of this Book, and offered Reafons Phyfical, Metaphyſical and
Moral againſt it. The laft Moral Reafon which I offered was, The
received
A
246 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
received Opinion of Mankind afferting the Origination of Man, and
that as well of the common fort of People as of the Tribe of the Learned
Philofophers.
The former I diſpatched in the laft Chapter, but the Suffrage of the
Gens literata I referved to this Section, becauſe thereby at once I may
with the fame labour fhew the Opinions of Learned Men among the
Heathen, afferting the Origination of Mankind, and what their feveral
Sentiments were concerning the manner of it: And therefore I fhall be
conſtrained herein to mention the Opinions of fome of thofe Learned
Philofophers above-mentioned, and to add fome others of the contrary
Perfwafion, which out-ballance the former.
2. The fecond general Opinion, was of thoſe Learned Philofophers
that held an Origination of Mankind ex non genitis; and the Reaſon
moving them to this Perfwafion was, not only the great Tradition that
obtained generally in favour of it, and the great reaſonableneſs of the
Suppofition it felf, but alfo the many abfurd Confequences, and indeed
irreconcilable Contradictions that they found in the Hypothefts of an
Eternal Succeffion of Humane Generations without beginning: Infomuch
that the Affertors themſelves of Eternal Generations were doubtful of
the truth of their own Perfwafions, as will hereafter appear.
And thoſe of this latter fort were even Epicurus himself, Anaximander,
Empedocles, Parmenides, and Zeno Citicus the great Founder of the Sect of
the Stoicks, with thoſe that followed or favoured it. But above all, the
great Law-giver Mofes, who was divinely inspired; and yet if he had not
that advantage of Divine Infallibility, but ftood barely upon the great
credibility both of his Perfon, his Learning, and the Hypothefis it ſelf
which he delivered, he hath as great a weight, even upon a natural,
moral, and rational account as any, or all the reft put together. But
becauſe I intend a particular Explication of the Hypothefis Mofaica, I fhall
not mingle this among the other Opinions, but reſerve it for the next
Section.
The Heathen Philofophers that held the Origination of Mankind ex
non genitis, have theſe things in general wherein they agree one with
another, and with the Truth it felf, and fome things wherein they differ
among themſelves, and in fome things from the Truth.
1. They herein agree both among themſelves, and with the Truth,
and with that excellent and divine Relation of Mofes, Gen. 1. That Man-
kind is not Eternal, but had a Beginning ex non geritis.
2. They herein alfo agree among themſelves, and with the Truth,
That it is moſt abſolutely neceffary (if Mankind had a Beginning or Origi-
nation) it muft needs be in a differing kind and manner from that common
courſe whereby Mankind is now propagated. This is afferted by thoſe
that hold the Origination of Mankind by the Efficiency of Almighty God
(confonant to the Mofaical Hypothesis) either immediately, or partly by the
Inftrumentality of Angels, as Zeno Citicus, Plato and others: it is allo
afferted by them that hold the Origination of Mankind to be at firft for-
tuitous, as Epicurus and Democritus. And therefore as to theſe Perſwa-
fions and Suppofitions, it is not only neceffary that they ſhould ſuppoſe
a differing manner of the firft Origination of Mankind from what now
obtains; but it is confonant alfo to their Principles, and the grounds of
their
་
Cap. 1.
247
according to the ancient Philofophers.
1
1
their Suppofition that it must be fo: This is alſo afferted by thoſe that
ſuppoſe the Origination of Mankind to be purely natural, and according
to the conftituted Rule of Nature. But yet this Suppoſition, though
moft neceffarily true where an Origination ex non genitis is once fuppofed,
yet it ſeems less futable to the Principles of thofe Men that affert fuch a
natural Production of Mankind as is by them afferted, becauſe they
mancipating all Productions and Effects to the Laws of Nature, and
governing their thoughts, and taking their meaſures barely by it, have
no reaſon to think or believe any other Method of Production of Mankind
to have at any time been any otherwiſe than as they fee it now to be
which, as is before fhewn, was the reaſon why Ariftotle inclined to the
Opinion of the Eternity of Humane Generations, becauſe Nature is pre-
fumed to be conſonant to it ſelf, and always to have been what once it
was.
3. But in the Explication of the Cauſe and Manner of this Origination
of Mankind, therein they differed very much among themſelves.
This difference confifted principally in two great Confiderations;
1. In the true ſtating of the efficient Cauſe of this Origination of Man-
kind: 2. In the Manner, Method, and Order of fuch Origination.
As to the difference touching the Cauſe of ſuch Origination, and the
nature of that Cauſe thereof:
1. Some affigned a bare fortuitous Caufe of the firſt Origination of
Mankind, as Epicurus, and his Explicator Lucretius; for although in fome
places they are driven to affert ſome determinate Semina of Mankind and
perfect Animals, to avoid that indefinite and unlimited excurſion of
Atoms; yet they that fuppofe theſe Semina, do fuppofe a fortuitous Coa-
lition of Atoms to the Conftitution of theſe Semina, and ſo upon the
whole account it is fortuitous.
2. Some affign a natural determined Cauſe of the firſt production of
Mankind, namely, the due preparation of the fat and flimy Earth after
a long incubation of Waters, and fome admirable Conjunction of the
the Heavenly and Planetary Bodies, in fome certain Period of Time at
a long diſtance from us; which as naturally and neceffarily produced the
firft Couples of Mankind, and likewife of other perfect Animals, as
neceffarily and naturally as the return of the Vernal Sun produceth divers
forts of Infects, which though they are called fponte orientia, yet they
arife meerly from a Connexion of Natural Caufes, and the various Fer-
ments and Difpofitions of the Elementary, and Pofitions and Influxions
of the Heavenly Bodies: Thus fome of the Ancients, and alſo Avicen,
Cardanus, Cefalpinus, Berogardus.
3. Some of the Ancients, that moſt truly affign the Origination of
Mankind to the moſt High, Intelligent, Powerful, Beneficent Being, viz.
Almighty God, and the Beneplacitum and Fiat of his Omnipotent Will;
as Zeno Citicus. And thus their differences aroſe touching the Cauſe of
this Origination.
As to the fecond, namely, the different Manner of the Origination
of Mankind, Cenforinus ubi fupra, Eufeb. prapar. Evang. lib. 1. cap. 7,8,9.
and others give it as followeth.
1. The Opinion of Anaximander: Videri fibi ex aqua terráque calefa-
tos, exortos effe five pifces, five pifcibus fimillima animália, in his homines
creviffe,
?
!
248 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
1
ereviffe, fatúfque ad pubertatem intus retentos; tum demum ruptis illis, viros
mulieréfque qui jam fe alere poffent, proceffiffe.
2. The Opinion of Empedocles and Parmenides: Primò, membra fingula
ex terra quafi prægnante edita, & deinde coiffe, & effeciffe folidi hominis ma-
teriam, igni fimul & humori permixtam.
3. The Opinion of Democritus and Epicurus: Ex aqua limóque primùm
homines procreatos; viz. uteros limo calefacto radicibus terra cohærentes pri-
mùm increviffe, & infantibus ex fe editis ingenitum lactis humorem, natura
ministrante, prebuiffe, quos ita educatos & adultos genus hominum propagaffe.
4. The Opinion of Zeno Citicus, the Founder of the Stoical Sec:
Principium humano generi ex novo mundo conftitutum putavit, primófque bo-
mines ex folo adminiculo divini ignis, id eft, Dei providentia, genitos.
Ovid, though he were a wanton Poet, and his Metamorphofis full of
Fictions, yet in the Deſcription of the Creation he hath out-done many
of the more ferious Philofophers; and I believe was not only acquainted
with the Mofaical Hiftory, but with moſt of thoſe Writings that were
extant in that time, containing the Origination of the World and Man-
kind; though he mingle his own Fancies with what he fo learned: He
gives us an account of the Origination of Man, Lib. 2. Fab.z. and of other
Animals, Ibid. Fab. 8. Of the former,
Natus homo eft, five hunc divino femine fesit
Ille Opifex rerum mundi melioris origo,
Sive recens tellus, feductaque nuper ab alto
Athere, cognati retinebat femina cali;
Quam natus Iapeto miftam fluvialibus undis
Finxit in effigiem, moderantum cuncta deorum.
Touching the latter, the Origination of other Animals after the De-
luge, he gives an elegant Defcription, and from the Inftance of the
Productions after the Inundation of Nilus;
Ex eodem corpore fape
Altera pars vivit, rudis eft pars altera tellus.
So, after the Flood, by the moisture of the Ground and heat of the
Sun,
Tellus latulenta recenti
Solibus æthereis, altóque recanduit aftu,
Reddidit innumeras ſpecies.
As to the Origination of brute Animals, he ſeems to afcribe the fame
in effect as happens in the equivocal production of Infects.
But as to the Origination of Man, he ſeems to agree with the Stoicks,
but gives thereof a fuller Explication; namely, 1. That it was a Semi-
nal Production, and not fo fortuitous as that of Animals. 2. That
theſe Semina humana nature were either the immediate Productions of
the great Opifex rerum, or at leaſt were left in the Earth by the Celeſtial
Nature, while it ſtood mingled therewith in maffa Chaotica: By which
means, it ſeems, he thought not that the production of Mankind was
by
་
3
+
Cap. 1.
249
according to the ancient Philofopbers.
1
by a gradual process and maturation in the Earth, and from it, like
the ordinary courſe of the Formative proceſs in utero matris, in the ordi-
nary courſe of Generation; but by a fhorter and more compendious Me-
thod: For, according to the ancient Mythology, Japetus fignified the
Heaven, and Fapeti fatus, or Prometheus the Son of the Heaven, the Di-
vine Providence which Almighty God exerciſed by the inftrumentality
of the Heavenly Motions: And the Ancients attributed the Formation
or Configuration of the humane Body in its firſt original to this Divine
Providence, whereby thoſe Seminal Particles before deſcribed being taken
and included in convenient Elementary Matter, the whole Compofition
was by the Divine Providence moulded up into the humane Shape and
Conſiſtency in its firft Origination. This was that Notion that divers of
the Ancients, and Ovid out of them had concerning the firft Origination
of Mankind; vide Calium Rhodogin. l. 7. cap. 19, & 20. and feems to have
fome analogy with that Hypothefts of Plate in his Timaus, hereafter men-
tioned.
•
Thus we have an account of the Opinions, 1. Of the Pythagorean
Philofophers: 2. Of the old Academicks: 3. Of the Peripateticks, all
feeming to agree in the Suppofition of the Eternity of the World: 4. Of
the Epicureans, under which I include that of Anaximander and Empedo-
cles, differing only in the modus: 5. Of the Stoicks, which give a true
Account both of the Origination of Mankind, and of the Manner of it;
where I have been the longer, becauſe it is a Key to all that follows, and
gives us a Scheme of it.
Theſe ſeveral Opinions, and the Authors and Affertors thereof, I fhall
here farther illuftrate and examin.
1. Touching the Opinion of the Pythagoreans, becauſe we have nothing
extant of his writing, I can fay little more touching his Opinion; though
ſome ſuppoſe, he was not of Opinion that the World or Mankind was
Eternal.
2. Touching Plato, it is true, he feems very various and Poetical in his
writing; and by reafon of the Method of his Difcourfes, by way of
Dialogues, it is hard to determin what his Opinion was concerning the
Eternity of the World, or of the Generations of Mankind.
In the beginning of his third Book de Legibus, but especially in the
middle of his fixth, under the Perſons of Athenienfis hofpes, and Cliniaș,
he intimates his Opinion of the Eternity of the World and Mankind:
Athen. Scire omnes oportet, hominum generationem vel nullum prorfus unquam
initium habuiſſe, neque terminum habitarum, ſed fuiſſe omninò ſemper & fore;
aut fi cœpit, inestimabili ante nos temporis magnitudine incepiſſe. Clin. Planė.
And again, in his Menexemus, under the Perfon of Socrates commending
the Country of Attica; Altera ejus laus erit, quod eo tempore quo tellus omnia
animalia omnigena producebat, feras & armenta omnia; tellus duntaxat noftra
ad hoc fterilis erat, agreftibúfque animalibus vacua, propriè verò ex omnibus
animalibus hominem genuit, qui cateris intelligentia prastat, folúſque jus ac
deos colit. And again, in his Timaus, in the Perfon of Timeus he gives us
an Account of the Original of Mankind, and the manner of it, to this
effect; That when Almighty God had made and fet in order the great
World, and endowed it with a living Soul, and thereby it became a great
Animal, and had alſo made a fort of inferior Deities (dii ex Dee) and
endowed
Kk
1
',
250 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
1
endowed them alſo with Immortality, he brings in the great God be-
ſpeaking theſe inferior Deities; Accedite vos fecundùm naturam ad anima-
lium generationem, ita ut vim imitemini meam, qua in ortu veftro fum uſus.
Atque ejus quidem animalis quod in ipfis tale futurum eft ut cum immortalibus
appellatione conveniat, divinúmque vocetur, principatúmque teneat, & juftitiam
fimul ac vos ultro colat: Ego vobis femen & initium tradam, vos cætera exequi
par eft, ut immortali naturæ mortalem attexentes, faciatis generetifque ani-
malia, fubminiftrantéfque alimenta augeatis, & confumpta rurfum recipiatis.
Hac fatus, in eodem cratere in quo mundi totius animam permifcens temperavit,
fuperioris temperationis reliquias mifcendo perfudit, &c. Satis autem & quafi
fparfis animis, per fingula fingulis convenientia temporum inftrumenta, fore ut
animal nafceretur, quod omnium animalium maximè effet divino cultui de-
ditum.
Thus he now gives us an account of the Creation of Man, namely,
of his Soul by the great God. Therefore Plato ſeems not to be reckoned
among the firm Affertors of the Eternity of Mankind, nor of the World;
and accordingly his follower Proclus herein agrees with his Mafter.
3. Touching Ariftotle, and the Peripateticks that were his followers, as
Simplicius, Averroes, and others (except Philoponus) their Opinion ſeems to
be for the Eternity not only of the World, but of Mankind, and of the
perfect Animals: fo that in l. 3. de Generatione Animalium, cap. 1. he deter-
mias, Quod non fuit primus leo, &c. and in his way of reafoning follows
Ocellus Lucanus, who was a more ancient Philofopher, and tenaciouſly
afferted the Eternity of the World.
Yet Ariftotle himſelf feems not to be over-confident of this Opinion,
but holds it as a Problem, and in fome places feems to give Intimations to
the contrary. 2. Politic. cap. 6. Putandum est primos homines five ex terra
geniti fuerunt, five ex corruptione aliqua fervati, ignaros fuiffe, &c. and in his
3ª de Generatione, upon the various Productions of the Earth and Water,
Ut anime quodammodo plena funt omnia: and in his 10th Problem, fect. 15.
Qui de natura differunt, animantia in principio orta effe dicunt ingenti aliqua
mundi universique mutatione: and in his 64th Problem of his 10th Section,
Quam ob caufam animantium alia non folum coitu fed etiam fponte naturæ pro-
creantur, alia ex coitu duntaxat proveniunt, ut Home & Equus, etfi non ob
aliam caufam, tamen quod aliis gignendi tempus breve ftatutum eft. Itaque
fieri non poteft ut tempus quod vim obtinet generandi amplificetur prorogeturque,
fed temporum viciffitudine prorogationéque, ut prorogetur contingit; aliis multò
generatio ampliari folet: etenim vel anno vel decem menfium fpatio confici
affolet, quo pacto vel nullo pacto, vel ex coitu procreari illa neceffe est. So that
he attributes the reafon of the new production of Men and great Animals
only to the time that they are to be perfected in utero. And l. 1. Topicor.
cap. 11. he ftates the Queftion, whether the world had a Beginning, or not?
to be a Problem; wherein probabilities are on either fide.
1. Be-
By theſe paffages of Ariftotle himſelf, he ſeems not to be fo pofitive in
his Opinion touching the Eternity of Mankind at leaft; but rather inclines
to that for the Eternity of Generations, upon theſe Reaſons:
cauſe he was not willing to ſuppoſe any other ſtate of things in the World
than what he found, and fince he never found any production of Man-
kind, or the perfect Animals, ex non genitis, he therefore concluded them
to have been ever produced in that method that he found them in the
ordinary
}
Cap. 1.
25!
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
1
1
ordinary and fetled courſe of Nature. 2. Becauſe, as he was not fatisfied
with the ſtrange and improbable Hypothefes of Empedocles, Anaximander,
and Democritus touching the Production of Mankind; fo he could not
excogitate any of his own which had any clearness or certainty to him,
being utterly unacquainted (for ought we know) with the Mofaical
Hypothefts. 3. Becauſe he being a great admirer of Nature, and the
ordinary proceeding thereof, he was not willing to entertain any fuch
Suppofition as was not evident, according to the ordinary method of
Nature, which he fo much venerated, eſpecially fuch as might ſeem dif-
fonant to his great Hypothefis of the Eternity of the general Frame of the
reft of the Univerfe.
And therefore, lib. 3. de Generatione Animalium, cap. II. upon a Sup-
pofition of a firſt Production of Men or Animals, he conforms his Thefis
concerning them to his general Doctrine: Quamobrem de prima hominum
atque quadrupedum generatione (fi quando primum terrigend oriebantur, ut
aliqui dicunt) non temere exiftimaveris altero, de duobus his, modo oriri; aut
enim ex verme constituto primum, aut ex ovo: quippe cum aut intra fe ha-
beant cibum ad incrementum neceffe fit, qui quidem conceptus vermis eft; aut
aliunde accipere, idque aut ex parente, aut ex parte conceptus. Itaque fi alterum
fieri non poteft ut effluat ex terra, quomodo cæteris animalibus ex parente, relin-
quitur neceffario, ut ex parte conceptus accipiatur. Talem autem generatio-
nem effe ex ovo aut verme fatemur. Ergo fi initium ullum generationis omnium
animalium fuit, alterutrum de his fuiſſe probabile effe apertum eft. Sed minus
rationis eft, ut ex ove prodierint; nullius enim generationem animalem talem
videmus; fed alterum tum fanguineorum que diximus, tum exanguium, qualia
funt infectorum nonnulla, & ea quæ tefta operiuntur, de quibus agitur. Non enim
ex parte aliqua oriuntur, ut ea que ovo nafcuntur. Thus he conforms his
Pofition to his general Doctrin, upon a Suppofition of the ipontaneous
Origination of Animals.
4. I come to the general Doctrine of the Epicureans, under which I in-
clude that of Anaximander and Empedocles, who though they differ fomething
in the manner of their Hypothefis, yet they agree in the main for a kind of
ſpontaneous production out of the Earth. 1. Empedocles feems to think
that the Limbs or Members of Men grew here and there fcattered and
diftinct, and that they were after concrete together by Heat and Moi-
fture, into the ftature, as it ſeems, of a full grown Man. 2. Anaximander
thinks that they grew into the full ftature of Men and Women in the
involucrum of fomething like Fishes, and then brake out into the World,
as it ſeems, in their perfect ftature. And that near unto this was the
Opinion of Anaximander, appears by Plutarch, in Placitis Philofophorum,
1.5.cap. 19. Prima animalia in humore nata corticibus contenta fpinofis, adul-
tiora autem facta ad ficcitatem defciviffe, ruptóque cortice non multum temporis
fupervixiffe. Only in the recital of his Opinion by Cenforinus and Plutarch,
they both feem to agree in this, that they were of full growth when
they thus broke their Prifons. 3. Democritus and Epicurus feem to think
that they were hatched in theſe Folliculi or Terreſtrial Excrefcences, and
then nouriſhed by a Juyce of the Earth, until they were able to ſhift for
themſelves. Lucretius hath given us the Doctrine of Epicurus in Verſe,
in his fifth Book, Pag. 665. which is rendred in Profe by Gaffendus, in Syn-
tagmate Philofoph. Epicur. fect. 2. cap. 4.
K k z
Tum
252 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
1
Tum ubi terra dedit primum mortalia fêcla,
Multus enim calor atque humor fuperabat in arvis ;
Hinc ubi quæque loci regio opportuna dabatur,
Crefcebant uteri terra radicibus apti;
Quos ubi tempore maturo patefecerat ætas,
Infantum fugiens humorem, auráfque petiſſens
Convertebat ubi natura foramina terræ,
Et fuccum venis cogebat fundere apertis :
Confimilem lactis ficut nunc femina queque
Quum peperit dulci repletur lacte, &c.
And again, Lib. 2. Pag. 265.
Denique cælefti fumus omnes femine oriundi;
Omnibus ille idem Pater eft, unde alma liquentes
Humorum guttas mater cum terra recepit.
Fæta parit nitidas fruges, arbustaque l'ata,
Et genus humanum, &c.
And afterwards, in the fame Book, Pag. 281. he gives us the reaſon
why the Earth gives not the fame Productions now.
Fámque adeo fracta eft atas, effœtaque tellus,
Vix animalia parva creat, qua cuncta creavit
Sécla, deditque ferarum ingentia corpora partu.
But although Epicurus and his followers fuppofe that fmall and imper-
ceptible Atoms of Matter are the firft Principia of all Corporeal things,
yet he doth fuppofe that theſe Principia are firft moulded into Semina, or
Seminales molecule, which were the immediate Conftituents of all com-
pleat Bodies, whether animate or inanimate; whereby all things are
contained and determined within certain Species. Vide lib. 1. pag. 35.
At nunc feminibus quia certis quidque creatur,
Inde enafcitur, atque oras in luminis exit,
Materies ubi ineft quoiufque & corpora prima.
Atque hac re nequeunt ex omnibus omnia gigni;
Quod certis in rebus ineft fecreta facultas.
Which Gaffendus thus renders, Sect. 2. Cap. 4. in Syntagmate Philofophie
Epicuri, having given us an account of the Concretion of the Heavenly
and Elementary Bodies, he thus determins out of him concerning the
ſmaller Parts of Nature: De minus præcipuis & veluti partium particulis,
videtur in prima illa commiftione effecta fuiffe generabilium & corruptibilium
rerum, varia ſemina ex quibus res varia & conformate tum fuerunt, & dein-
ceps magna ex parte propagari etiam potuerint.
And this cafual Production of Mankind at firſt was not only the Sup-
pofition of Epicurus, but alſo of the Egyptians and Phenicians.
Touching both, Calius Rhodog. lib. 2. cap. 11. Phænicum quidem & Ægy-
ptiorum theologia, cafu homines & reliqua animantium genera prorepfiffe è
terra
Cap. 1. according to the ancient Philofopbers.
253
ક્
1
terra affeverebatur. And Diodorus Siculus, lib. 1. gives us a large Relation
of the Opinion of the Egyptians, very like to that of Epicurus and Anaxi-
mander; wherein, after fome declaration of the Manner of the firſt Se-
paration of the Elementary and Heavenly Bodies, he proceeds to tells us,
Terram verò lutofam evafiffe, & omninò mellem: Hec primum cum Solis ardore
denfior evafiffet, ejus poftmodum fuperficie vi caloris tumefacta, multis in locis
humores effe concretos, in quibus putredines tenui contecta pellicula fint excitata ;
quemadmodum in paludibus & stagnis Ægyptiis adhuc videmus accidere, cum
frigidam terram fubitò æftus aeris calefacit. Cum verò in humidis calore ad-
hibito generatio fiat, & noctu quidem circumfufus aer humorem praftet, qui
die Solis virtute confolidetur: tandem putredines ille ad fumraum perducta,
adveniente veluti partus tempore, excutis confractifque pelliculis, omne genus
educunt animantium: quorum ea que majorem fortita calorem funt, in fuperio-
rem regionem volatilia effecta abierunt; quæ verò plus terra continebant, fer-
pentia, aliáque terreftria evaferunt animantia. Naturam aquofam nacta in
fui generis elementum delata funt, & appellati Pifces: Terra deinde cum Solis
ardore, tum ventis deinceps arefacta, à gignendis majoribus animalibus defiit.
Sed quæ generata erant, mutua commixtione alios animantes procreaverunt,
Hac & Euripides Anaxagore Phyfici difcipulus fentire videtur, cum in Mena-
lippo cælum & terram mixta olim fuiſſe tradat, feparata poftmodum generaſſe
fingula, arbores, volatilia, feras, aquatilia, & omne mortalium genus. De prima
terræ generatione quamvis præter opinionem nonnullis effe videatur, tamen ea
que nunc fiunt teftimonium his videntur afferre. Nam juxta Thebaidem
Ægypti, cum Nili ceffavit inundatio, calefaciente Sole limum ab aqua relictum,
multis in locis ex terra hiatu multitudo murium oritur: quod argumentum est
ab ipfo orbis primordio animantia fimiliter omnia generata effe. Eodem modo
quoque & homines à principio genitos, in agris paftum quærentes vixiffe. And
again, in his fecond Chapter of that firft Book: Tradunt Ægyptii ab
orbis initio primos homines apud fe creatos, cum bonitate fœlicitatéque foli, tum
propter Nilum qui & multa generat, & fuapte naturá que genuit facillime
nutrit: nam arundinum radices præbet, & loton & Ægyptiam fabam, myltá que
præterea ad hominum victum expofita. Prima animantia apud fe effe orta sa
utuntur conjectura, quod nunc etiam in Thebaidis agro certis temporibus multi
& magni generantur mures; quâ ex re plurimum ftupent homines, cum videant
anteriorem ufque pectus & priores pedes murium partem apimatam moveri
pofteriori nondum inchoata, fed informi. Ex hoc perfpicuum fieri aiunt, ab ipfo
orbis ortu primos homines Ægyptum protuliffe. In nullo enim orbis parte accidit
eo modo animalia creari. I have tranfcribed it at large, as Eufebius did
before me,
Lib. 1. Præpar. becauſe it contains a large and full Expofition
of the Hypothefes of thofe Philofophers that thus fuppoſe an Origination
of Mankind, and that by a ſpontaneous Production.
In theſe precedent Opinions of Anaximander, Empedocles, Epicurus, and
the Egyptians, there is fomething that agrees with that Truth that I have
afferted, namely, The Origination of Mankind ex non genitis. And
for this purpoſe theſe Inftances are eſpecially given by me. But there is
fomething that I fhall in what follows impugn, namely, The Method or
Manner of fuch Productions, which according to thefe Mens Opinions
is either purely Cafual, as Epicurus and his followers held, or at leaſt
Natural and Neceffary, às Anaximander, Empedocles, and fome of the
looſe paffages of Ariftotle feem to import, viz. by fome great Conjunction
of
254 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.III.
¡
of the Heavenly Bodies, and fome great Natural Mutation in the Ele-
mentary World.
5. I now come to the farther Examination of the Hypothesis of the
Stoicks, who alfo agree in this main Truth, That Mankind had an Ori-
ginal ex non genitis: and the Founder of that Sect hath given a rational
and true Method thereof, namely, That this Origination was by the
Power and Will of Almighty God: But when thole of this Sect came
to give a more particular Explication of the Manner of this Production,
they feem to differ.
Tully was generally well inclined to the Stoical Sect, yet fometimes
he is a stoick, fometimes an Academick, fometimes an Epicurean, and
indeed in ſome of his Difcourfes which he hath digefted in Dialogues,
he feems to be every thing.
In his firſt Book de Legibus he hath this paffage touching the Origi-
nation of Man: Nam cum de natura omni queritur, difputari folent nimirum
ifta: perpetuis curfibus, converfionibus cæleftibus extitiffe quandam materiam
ferendi generis humani, quod ſparfum in terras, atque fatum, divino auctum
fit animorum munere. Nam quod aliquibus coherent homines, è mortali genere
fumferunt, que fragilia effent, & caduca: animum effe ingeneratum à Deo:
ex quo verè vel agnatio nobis cum cæleftibus, vel genus vel ftirps appellari poteft.
Itaque ex tot generibus nullum est animal, prater hominem, quod habeat
notitiam aliquam Dei; de ipsisque bominibus nullagens est neque tam immanfueta,
neque tam fera, que non, etiam fi ignoret, qualem habere Deum deceat, tamen
habendum fciat. Ex quo efficitur illud ut is agnofcat Deum, qui unde ortus fit,
quaft recordetur ac nofcat. By this he fuppofeth that there might be as it
were a Proſemination of the Humane Fabrick by the Converſion of the
Heavens, and then the fame were ſtored with Souls immediately produced
by Almighty God.
Seneca, following the received Opinion of the Viciffitudes of the De-
ftruction of the inferior World by Floods and Conflagrations, and the
Reftitutions thereof by the Power of God, though he feems to admit
Eternal Viciffitudes of fuch Making, and Unmaking, and Reftitutions
of the inferior World, in the latter end of his third Book of Natural
Queſtions, before cited, Sect. II. Cap. 9. fpeaking of the Deftruction of
the World by Univerfal Floods: Qua ratione inquis? eadem qua conflagratio
futura eft; utrumque fit cum Deo vifum ordiri meliora, vetera finire: aqua &
ignis terrenis dominantur; ex his ortus, ex his interitus. And in the end
of that Book: Nec ea femper licentia undis erit; fed peracto exitio generis
humani, extinctifque pariter feris in quarum homines ingenia tranfierant,
iterum aquas terra forbebit: natura pelagus ftare aut intra terminos fuos fu-
rere coget, & rejectus è noftris fedibus, in fua fecreta pelletur Oceanus; antiquus
ordo revocabitur, omne ex integro animal generabitur, dabiturque terris homo
infcius fcelerum, & melioribus aufpiciis natus; fed illis quoque innocentia non
durabit, nifi dum novi funt.
And with this feems to accord the Judgment of Plutarch, 2. Sympoſiac.
queft. 3. and out of him, Macrob. in 7. Saturnal. cap. ult. where in the
differtation of that feeming ludicrous Queſtion, Ovúmne prius an Gallina?
the Diſputant for the latter concludes, Natura primum fingula animalia
perfecta formavit, deinde perpetuam legem dedit ut continuaretur propagatione
fucceffio. And Plutarch, Probabile eft primum ortum ex terra temporis per-
fectione
Cap. 2.
255
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
1
7
fectione abfolutum fuiffe, nihilque indigentem hujufmodi inftrumentis, recepta-
culis, & vafis qualia nunc ob imbecillitatem natura parat & machinatur parien-
tibus.
This was the Sentence and Judgment of the Stoical Philofophers
touching the Origination of perfect Animals and Men.
Upon all which foregoing Difcourſe it ſhould ſeem, That the gene-
rality of the Learned World rather fuppofed an Origination than an
Eternity of Mankind; and this upon two great Motives.
1. A Tradition which feems generally to have been derived unto
Mankind from the firft Parents thereof, and fo generally believed and
entertained.
2. A great congruity of Reaſon that attended this Hypothefis, and an
extrication thereby of the Minds of confidering Men from infinite diffi-
culties which the Suppofition of Eternal Generations doth neceffarily
produce.
I ſhould now come to thoſe Philofophers and Learned Men of later
Ages, Avicen, Cardan, Pomponatius Cifalpinus, Berogardus, and others;
which nevertheleſs I ſhall referr to the next Chapter to be examined to
another purpoſe.
$
CA P. II.
Touching the various Methods of the Origination of Mankind.
H¹
;
Itherto I have endeavoured to fhew thofe Evidences both of Reaſon
and of Fact, which feem to affert the Origination of Mankind
and I have concluded with that laft in the two precedent Chapters,
namely, The Opinion and Perfwafion of the Unlearned and Learned
part of Mankind that have fuppofed fuch an Origination of Mankind,
the weight or authority of which refts in the confideration of thoſe
Means whereby this Opinion or Perfwafion hath been ingenerated in
Mankind: For the Opinions or Perfwafions of Men, concerning eſpecially
a Matter of Fact, have their weight or authority in argumentation from
that Principle or Motive of fuch a Perfwafion: and this I have reduced
to one or both of thefe:
1. Some Tradition that hath been derived, and derived in probability
from the firſt Parents of Mankind, that beft knew their own Inception,
which hath fince accordingly prevailed almoſt in all Places and Ages.
2. The congruity of fuch a Suppofision to Reaſon, and the Solution
of thofe Difficulties which muft needs arife from an Eternal Succeffion
of Mankind. And this Motive of this! Perfwafion, though it began
with the more thinking and confidering fort of Mankind, yet from them
hath been infinuated and derived unto the reft of Mankind, and by them
entertained, as confonant to the common Realon of Humané Naturel
I have laid the weight of my reaſoning touching the Origination of
Mankind upon the Reafons first given in the beginning of this Tract:
and I have only ſubjoyned thoſe Reaſons of Fact that might probably
bear teſtimony to the truth of the Suppofition, and I have endeavoured
to
256 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.III.
to ſhew where the ftrength, and where the deficiencies of thoſe Evidences
of Fact do reft, and which are moſt concludent, and which not.
I have concluded all theſe Evidences of Fact, with this concerning
the common or general confent of the greateſt and learnedft part of Man-
kind therein; and I have concluded with this Evidence of Fact, not as
if this were entertained by all: for 1. It is not without Oppoſers, as
Ariftotle, Ocellus Lucanus, and the Pythagoreans: and 2. Common Opinion
or Perfwafion of Mankind, eſpecially touching Matter of Fact, is very
fallible and unſtable 3. In this very Matter in queſtion, there are by
common perfwaſion of many of theſe Men, fuperadded certain fabulous,
incredible and untrue Surmifes touching the Manner and the Methods
of this Origination, appearing in fome of the Opinions delivered in the
former Chapter.
But the reaſon why I conclude with that Inftance touching the Opi-
nions of Men, is, becauſe it lets me in to that which is the Second prin-
cipal Part of this Diſcourſe, namely, The various Hypotheses of thoſe
that fuppofed, admitted, or believed this Origination, which are in effect
all contained in the former Chapter, which I intend in the following
Diſcourſe to examin.
Therefore, having thus partly out of the common Perſwaſion of Man-
kind, but principally by the other foregoing Reaſons made my Conclufion,
That Mankind had a Beginning, now, as I think, delivered what may
be faid for the proof of this Propofition, That Mankind had their Ori-
ginal ex non genitis, and in fome good meaſure eſtabliſhed that Suppofition;
I now proceed to examin the truth or probability of thofe feveral Sup-
pofitions which are before delivered, touching the Means, Method or
Manner of this Origination.
And not to examin every particular Adjunct or Explication of theſe
ſeveral Methods, I fhall divide theſe general Suppofitions of the Ancients
touching the Origination of Mankind into theſe three.
1. The Opinion, That the production of Mankind was ex non genitis,
was fortuitous or cafual, fuch was the Opinion of Democritus, Epicurus,
and fome others: the manner of the Explication thereof I fhall hereafter
confider.
1. The Opinion, That the production of Mankind was ex non genitis,
was natural, and was founded upon a natural concourfe of Caufes, efpe-
cially the difpofition of the Earth and Water, and the Influx of the Heaven.
This was the Opinion of ſome of the Antients, but much improved by
fome later Philofophers.
3. The Opinion, That the production of Mankind ex non genitis was
by the immediate Power, Wiſdom, and Providence of Almighty God,
and his meer Beneplacitum. This was the Opinion of the Stoicks, and
differs but very little from the Divine Truth touching Man's Creation,
as it is delivered by Moſes.
And that which is faid either for or againſt theſe Methods of the pro-
duction of Mankind, will be alfo applicable to the production of the perfect
Animals that have their ordinary production ex conjunctione maris &
famine, and not otherwife; though what is faid concerning theſe Animals
will be more evident touching Man, which is a far more perfect nature
than other Animals,
First
}
Cap. 2.
257
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
}
Firſt therefore I begin with the Opinion of the Epicureans, which was
in fubftance this; That there were eternally an infinite number of fmall
imperceptible Bodies, that floated up and down in a vaft infinite Iname;
and theſe were the Principia of all other Beings beneath Almighty God:
theſe they call Atoms. That thofe Atoms were eternally and cafually
moved in this infinite Vacuum, and by their mutual percuffions the great
Syftems of the Heavenly and Elementary Bodies were framed and con-
creted: That beſides that concourfe of Atoms that conftituted the greater
Integrals of the World, there was a certain coalition of Atoms that
conſtituted certain Semina or Seminal Bodies, for the ftoring and fur-
niſhing the greater Integrals of the Univerſe, eſpecially the Earth and
Seas: That though the coalition of thoſe Semina were cafual, and by
an accidental or fortuitous aggregation of fome Atoms; yet theſe were
the immediate, primitive, productive Principles of Men, Animals, Birds
and Fiſhes, and that determined them in their ſeveral Species: That
thoſe Primordial Seeds thus fortuitoufly coagulated out of the Prima
principia, or Atoms, were ſcattered by their Motion into the Earth and
Seas: That by reaſon of the ftrength of the newly coagulated Bodies of
the Earth and Water, and the heat of the Sun, theſe Semina did bring
forth Man, and Brutes, and Birds, and Fishes; but that by the decay of
the ftrength of the Earth and Waters, that Method of production of
Men and perfect Animals is ceafed, and their production now delegated
ordinarily to Propagation: though in fome places, and at fome times,
eſpecially between the Tropicks, fuch a Pullulation of Men and Beaſts
may be ſuppoſed to be: That yet to this day the fpontaneous production
of fome fort of Vegetables and Infects continues ftill in force, the
Earth and Waters being furniſhed with a fufficient ſtore of ſuch Semina
either of old or daily production; and with a fufficient ftrength, by the
help of the Solar or Ethereal Heat, to perfect their productions: That
the firſt ſpontaneous production of Men and the perfect Animals was in
certain Folliculi or Bladders, excreſcent from the Earth; and the growth
of theſe Men and Animals gradual, being firft Embryones, then grown
ripe for Birth, then breaking out of thole Folliculi, and furniſhed with
nouriſhment from the Earth, inftar lactis, till they were able to ſhift for
themſelves.
Touching this Suppofition, although it contain in it that Truth that
I have hitherto contended for, namely, That Mankind had an Original
ex non genitis; or, That the Generations of Mankind in that order which
now it holds, was not Eternal: yet the Manner or Method of this Epi-
curean Origination of the World, and particularly of the perfect Animals,
but eſpecially of Mankind, is meerly fictitious, untrue, and impof-
fible.
1. The Principia or Atoms of infinite number floating in Vacuo infinito,
is a thing meerly invented, and hath neither truth, nor evidence, nor
probability in it.
}
2. The Motion of theſe Atoms in this great Facuum, unleſs firſt excited
or put into Motion by ſome intelligent active Principle, is fabulous and
incredible.
3. The Coalition of theſe Atoms by fortuitous ſtrokes or motions,
and their Coalition into that admirable Order and Conſtitution which
LI
We
}
258 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
we ſee in the Univerſe, or greater Integrals of this Mundus afpectabilis,
is utterly incredible, and indeed impoffible. But theſe things being
beſide my preſent purpoſe, and deſerving a large proſecution, I ſhall
difmifs.
4. Touching theſe Semina, and the Coagulation of them by the for-
tuitous coalition of Atoms, they were driven to this Suppofition, be-
cauſe they found themſelves at a lofs, if they ſhould have fuppofed, that
per faltum their Atoms had been the immediate Conftituents of Men and
Animals; they could never have falved that ſpecification of things in
their ſeveral kinds, and the continuation of them in that conftancy and
order which is evidently found in the natures of Men and Animals; but
either there would be an utter incertainty in the firft Conftitution of
them, quidlibet ex quolibet; or at leaft it were impoffible that they ſhould
continue their Propagation of their kind, but the conftituent Atoms
that ſhould make up a Man, might have fallen into the Conftitution of
a Horſe, or a Lion. Lucret, ubi fupra.
Atque hac re nequeunt ex omnibus omnia gigni,
Quod certis in rebus ineft fecreta voluntas.
And again, Lib. 2.
Non tamen omnimodis connecti poffe putandum eft
Omnia: nam vulgò fieri portenta videres,
Semiferas hominum fpecies exiftere,
Quorum nil fieri manifeftum eft, omnia quando
Seminibus certis certa genitrice creata.
And again, it were never explicable by the various concourfe of Atoms,
that there could be ſuch an orderly, conftant, and admirable accommo-
dation of the parts of the Body to their ufe, or one to another. It is
truly faid by Galen in his 9th Book De Hipp. & Platonis decretis, l. 9. Quippe
cum artem raro fine fuo fruftrari, fortunam raro eundem affequi, nemo fit qui
nefciat; quocirca temerariam & fortuitam, neque artificialem caufam fabrice
noftri corporis exiftimare, abfurdum. And again, in that divine Book De
Ufu Partium, but especially Lib. 11. that excellent Philofopher fhews the
groſs abfurdity and impoffibility that any happy concourſe of Atoms can
ever fit and fettle that congruity in the Parts of the Humane Body that
is there. There needs no other Confutation of the vanity of that Opi-
nion, than that excellent Expoftulation in that Book, fit for the matter,
but too long for the tenth of it to be here tranfcribed.
And therefore to avoid that infuperable abſurdity, they have ſubſtituted
a Medium between the Atomical Principles and the conftitution of the
fpontaneous Birth of Men; namely, thefe Semina, made up to be the
immediate Principle of theſe ſpontaneous Productions of Mankind, as
alſo of perfect Animals in their first production.
What Semina there were in the firſt Conſtitution of Mankind, I ſhall
have occafion at large to examin in the next Chapter: But at prefent
it fhall fuffice to fay and prove, That there is as great an abſurdity and
impoffibility to fuppofe a cafual production of fuch Semina, as there is to
fuppofe
Cap. 2.
259
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
i
•
1
ſuppoſe an immediate caſual production of any Man or Animal omnibus
numeris perfectum.
For this Seminium humana naturæ must have in it the Vital Nature, the
power of attracting to it felf that fubftance which muft ferve to make
up the Individual: It must have the power and energy of that formative
act, whereby the Matter is conformed to its fpecifical Nature; it muſt have
potentially at leaft the whole Syfteme of Humane Nature, or at leaſt that
Ideal Principle or Configuration thereof, in the evolution whereof the
complement and formation of the Humane Nature must confift, and
beſides this, it muſt have in it at leaſt potentially all the Faculties of the
Humane Soul, not only the vim altricem, but the vim fenfitivam & intel-
lectualem, and all this drawn from a fortuitous coalition of fenfelefs and
dead Atoms. Whereby theſe two grand Abfurdities would enſue:
1. That a fort of dead, fenfelefs, unintelligent Particles of Matter,
ſhould by their Coalition be advanced into a Being, that at leaft potentially
hath all the Faculties of Life, Senfe, or Intellect, and fo arife to a per-
fection beyond the Sphere and Circle of their own Nature or Power.
2. That though it might be poffible, that by skill and the wife conduc
of an Intelligent Being, thefe Atoms might be fo marshalled or qualified,
that they might advance to be a fit Seminium of a reaſonable Creature,
yet it is not poffible to fuppofe, that meer Chance or Fortune ſhould make
up thefe Seminal Rudiments of the Humane Nature, becauſe the Actions
of this Seminal Principle muſt be ſo noble and high, and yet fo various
and complicated, fo curious and choice, that it is never poffible for
Chance to make it up, and yet if the leaft ftamen of this Compofition
be out of order, the whole office and ufe thereof is diſappointed: And
therefore the fame Galen makes the proceſſus formativus fœtus to be no leſs
admirable than the goodly ſtructure of the Humane Body, and as im-
poffible to be the work of Chance as the other: And therefore in his Book
de formatione fœtus he faith, Ego vero, ficut fabricam noftri Corporis oftendi
fummam Opificis & fapientiam & potentiam pra fe ferre; ita demonftrari à
Philofophis velim, utrum is Opifex Deus aliquis fit, & fapiens & potens, qui
& prius intellexit quale uniuscujufque animalis corpus effet fabricandum, &
deinde quod propofuerat potentia fuerit affecutus ; an Anima aliqua à Deo divierfa.
Neque enim natura que appellatur ſubſtantia, five corporea five incorporea ea fit,
ad fummum fapientia dicent perveniffe, quam ne ulla fapientia effe preditam
inquiunt, unde eam tam artificiofe in fatuum formatione fe geffiffe credendum
non eft: Hoc enim ab Epicuro aliifque qui fine providentia omnia fieri opinantur
audientes, nullam fidem adhibemus. And in the Conclufion of that Book
he as well blames the Platonicks, Dicentes Animam mundi fœtus formare:
nunquam tamen adduci potui ut crederem Scorpiones, Phalangia, Mufc.ss,
Culices, Viperas, Vermes, Lumbricos, Pytalus ab eadem fingi & formari,
prope ad impietatem accedere hanc opinionem ratus. So far was he from
thinking it poffible for the Nobler Natures of Mankind, or perfect
Animals, to be the work of the Anima mundi (much lefs of Fortune)
that he could not ſuppoſe it a fufficient. Cauſe of the Generation of
Infects.
And befides all this, although a Man that hath received the Principle
of Believing, that Almighty God might indeed ad beneplacitum mould
up certain femina humane nature, and endue them with that admirable
LI 2
For-
260 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&t.III.
Formative Power: Yet furely for a Man that (as Epicurus did) pretends
to be guided by the Conduct of Nature only, to ſuppoſe a thing fo ftrange
to the nature of things, as they now appear, that there fhould be another
kind of ſemen humanum or animale than what is moulded in the Bodies
of Men or Animals, and elicited from them by a coincidence only of
ftupid, dead, and ſenſeleſs Atoms, feems below the Genius of a Philo-
fopher. Oportet enim Phyficam fimiliter fe habere in omnibus.
5. And as his Suppofition of theſe Semina, thus cafually produc'd,
feems unconſonant both to the Reafon and Courſe of Nature, fo his
Suppofition of the Manner of the Generation, and Production, and
Nouriſhment of this Fatus, feems a Fiction utterly inconfonant to the
whole Method of Nature, in relation to Mankind: For what Perfon,
or what Age or Country, ever faw any fuch kind of Production as this?
any ſuch folliculi humani fœtus? Or that ever credibly heard of any Man
conceived nifi in utero muliebri? abating fome of thofe Fables that Forts
nius Licetus delivers in his First Book, cap. 28. or ſuch as have been begotten
by an abominable conjunction.
Again, how is it poffible, that an Infant, whofe Nature cannot be
kept alive one moment fine calore uterino, fhould be preſerved in Bladders
adhering to the cold Earth? Or that that Infant, who by the very courſe
of Nature cannot be fupported without the care and overſight of others
for divers Months, nay fome Years after his Birth, fhould be able fub die
& Fove frigido to preſerve it felf: Again, who ever faw, or credibly
heard of thoſe vene lactea arifing in the Earth, and yielding a futable
nutriment to a new born Fatus? Theſe Suppofitions muſt withall ſuppoſe
a total Inverſion of the Courſe and Nature of Things quite from what
they now are, and in all Ages have been, which, though it is true, thofe
that admit a higher Principle than Nature, do and may with fufficient
warrant and confonancy to their Hypothefis admit, yet is utterly unrea-
ſonable for ſuch a Philofopher, who not only with fome of the ancient
Peripateticks excludes any Divine Providence below the Moon, but wholly
exterminates it, ultra flammantis mania Cæli.
And this is all I fay at prefent, touching that Opinion which fuppofeth
a meer caſual Production of Mankind. There will be fomething in the
enfuing Chapter, which though it be applied to the Imaginary Hypothefis
of the Natural Production of Mankind, yet will be of ufe in relation to
this Hypothefts of the Caſual Production of Mankind.
CA P. III.
Touching the Second Opinion of thofe that affert the Natural Production
of Mankind ex non genitis, or the pofsibility thereof.
He ſecond Opinion is, that by a certain kind of natural Connexiɔn
of Cauſes, Mankind not only may be, but in their firſt Origination
were produced ex non genitis: Which though for diftinctions fake from
the ordinary courſe of Generation we may call fpontaneous or accidental,
yet the fame, if it were true, were truly natural, and deduced by a
certain
Cap. 3.
261
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
certain Chain of Natural Caufes; as the yearly production of Infects,
ex patri materia, or, as the Mice or Rats in Egypt are fuppofed by Diodorus
Siculus to be produced after the decreafe of Nilus in Egypt.
This feems to be the Opinion of fome of the Ancients, that yet fub-
ſcribed not to the Hypothesis of Epicurus touching the cafual production of
things by the uncertain concourſe of Atoms as of Anaximander and
fome others, which I fhall not need here again to repeat; and the fame
Opinion hath been afferted by others, but with these two Correctives.
1. That the fame is no cafual and fortuitous Production, by the meer
caſual conjunction of Atomical Bodies, as Epicurus would have the firſt
Semina, at leaſt of Men and Animals, to be made up; but by an ordinary,
natural, and neceffary connexion of Natural Cauſes and Effects.
2. That yet many of them blame the Ancients, as being too venturous
in telling us the particular Method or Order of theſe Productions out of
Folliculi, or Cortices fpinoft, or Fiches, becauſe that is not a thing diſcoverable
by Experience, or Natural Light; yet herein they agree, That this
Production may be, and bath been a Natural Production ex non genitis,
though the particular Manner of it is not fo eafie to be certainly ex-
plained.
Hippocrates the great Phyſician ſeems to have inclined to this Perfwafion;
for, Sect. 3. de Carnibus, he writes to this purpofe; Quod Calidum vocamus,
id mihi immortale effe videtur; sunctáque intelligere, videre, & audire, fen
tiréque omnia tum præfentia tum futura, cujus pars maxima cum omnia pertur-
bata effent in fupremum ambitum feceffit, quod mihi veteres videntur Ethera
appellaffe: altera pars locum infimum fortita Terra quidem appellatur, frigida
& ficca, multafque motiones habens in qua multum fanè calidi inest : tertia
verò pars medium aeris locum nacta est, calidum quid exiftens: quarta pars,
terra proximum locum obtinens, humidiſſima & craſſiffima. His igitur in orbem
agitatis, cum turbata effet calidi pars magna, alias in terra relicta eft, partim
quidem magna, partim verò minor ; & alias etiam valde parva, fed in multas
partes divifa, & temporis fucceffu reficcata terra ifta, in ea tanquam in mem-
"branis contenta circum fe putredines excitans, & longo tempore incalefcens,
quod quidem ex terra putredine pinguedinem fortitum eft ; & minimum humidi
habens, id citiffimè offa produxit: And then affigns the Methods of con-
formation of the Nerves, Veins, Arteries, and the reft of the Body in
conformity to this Suppofition. So this great Phyfician and Naturalift
delivers his Opinion. Wherein we may obferve, that he takes the Hot
or Fiery Nature to be God, knowing and underſtanding all things, which
feems to be the ancient Error of the Eaſtern Countries, eſpecially the
Perfians.
Yet this is obfervable, 1. That he fuppofeth an Origination of Man-
kind after the Formation of the World. 2. Though the Formative
Proceſs of Mankind feems in his Opinion to be in a fort Natural, yet he
fuppofeth it not purely fo, but a Production by thoſe fiery Particles which
were Particles of a Divine Intelligent Nature. And though he be
miſtaken in the Method of the Origination of Mankind, as fhall be fhewn,
yet he fuppofeth it, Opus intelligentis Natura agentis per fcientiam.
Avicen in the ſecond, Book of his Metaphyficks, cap. 15. delivers his
Opinion; Poffibile effe hominem generari ex terra, fed convenientiùs in ma-
trice: which Opinion Averroes his Country-man perftringeth with fome
indigna-
262 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.III.
indignation, Commentar. 8. Phyficor. cap.5. ifte fermo ab homine qui dat ſe
fcientia, eft valde fatuus: his Reafons, I confefs, are fuch as may not be
admitted; for being a rigid Affertor of the Eternity of the World in the
ftate it now ftands, he formeth his Reaſons against the Opinion of Avicen
principally, if not altogether, upon that Hypothefis.
Cardanus, in his ninth Book, de Animalibus que ex Putredine generantur,
difcourfing about Locufts, hath this paffage; Et non folum e'a minuta, fed
majora animalia è putredine, ime omnia credendum est originem ducere ;
cum jam de Muribus conftet, & Pifces in aquis recentibus fponte generentur:
but his ſevere Corrector, Julius Scaliger, in Exercit. 193. calls it, Illa impia
& nefaria vox; St Bos aliquando ex putri ortus eft, cur poft hominum mem's-
riam ex ejufmodi procreatione nullus exftitit? Cafalpinus, in his fifth Book
Queftionum Peripateticarum, cap. 1. undertakes an entire Defence of the
Polition of Cardanus, and contends not only that it is poffible, but
that de facto it is true. The fum of his Opinion ſeems to be this,
That although the Soul of Man be of a higher nature and extraction,
yet the Body, and thefe Powers or Faculties of Life and Senfe may be, and
have been formed ex putredine, without the conjunction of Sexes; as
Weeds, Vegetables, and Infects.
And that he meaneth ſuch a Production to be by an ordinary courſe
of Nature, he largely infifts upon that Axiom of Ariftotle, Sol & homò
generant hominem; which he underſtands in fenfu divifo, and that there
is in the heat of the Sun an active, generative Principle, which in Matter
prepared for its operation, commonly called Putrefaction, produceth a
Seminal Formative Seed, fufficient of it felf for the production of the
Humane Nature, as alſo of the nature of other Animals.
That the Species of Animals are eternal, not upon the account of an
eternal fucceffion by ordinary propagation, but by that fucceffion that
would arife in certain great Conjunctions of the Heavens, and the heat
of the Sun, which would be productive of the Individuals of the ſeveral
Species; though all the Species of Animals were deftroyed by Floods or
other accidents, as poffibly they might be.
That although the ordinary Method of preferving the Species of Men
and Animals by ordinary Generation, be fitted for the ordinary conti-
nuation of the Species; yet without this Method of production out of
prepared Earth, Nature were defective, and wanted a fufficient Expe-
dient for the preſervation of Species upon great Occurrences.
That although this production of Men and perfect Animals ex putri
be not obvious to our ordinary Experience, it is not becauſe the Sup-
pofition wants truth, but becauſe 1. Every place is not fit for fuch a
production, but where there is a conftant and fufficient heat, duly to
prepare and digeft the Matter. But the likelieft place for fuch production
is fome unknown place between the Tropicks, where the heat is
great and conftant. 2. Becauſe the maturation and ripening of fuch
Productions require longer time than that which is fufficient for the
production of Infects: for we fee greater Animals, even with all the
advantages of the calor uterinus, require a longer time for their formation
and maturation; as, a Man nine months, an Elephant two years; and
confequently, their productions without this auxilium uterinum muft
require longer time.
Then
Cap. 3.
263
according to the ancient Philoſophers.
Then he gives us a large account touching Infects, that arife ex pu-
tredine, and yet are of the fame species with thoſe that are produced per
coitum; and that when they are produced ex putri materia, yet they pro-
pagate fucceffively Individuals of the fame kind: and that if greater
Animals were thus produced, they would be of the fame Species with
the like Animals propagated per generationem ordinariam, and would
accordingly propagate their kind, as many Herbs and Trees ariſe ſpon-
taneouſly, yet are of the fame Specics with others that are per feminationem,
and produce Seed, and thereby continue their Species as well as others that
arife per profeminationem.
This I take to be the effect of his Poſition and his Reaſons, which are
very learnedly and ſmartly refuted by Fortunius Licetus, in his firſt Book
de Spontaneo Ortu.
But yet there was one difficulty which Cafalpinus doth not at all, as
I remember, obviate, which yet renders his Suppofition utterly inexpli-
cable; namely, fince the Heat and Influences of the Heavens, even in
their fuppofed extraordinary Conjunctions, muſt needs be uniform at thoſe
times, and in or near thofe Climates wherein they happen, how comes
it to paſs that the fame univocal Heat doth produce at that time any
variety of Animals? why fhould it not produce only Men,' as the beft of
Animals, rather than Horfes, Tigers, Lions, &c. Again on the other
fide, fince the difpofition of all the parts of Terreftrial Matter is fo divers,
and qualified with infinite combinations of Qualities and Particles, how
it comes to paſs, that in theſe great Conjunctions there are not infinite
varieties of things produced, but they are determinate in certain Ranks.
and Species of Being; whereas the modifications of the Matter are fo
various and infinite, that the Species of things would be infinite, irregular,
Humano capiti cervicem equinam. So that there feems neceffary fome
fuperintendent Intellectual Nature, that by certain election and choice
determined things in thoſe determinate Ranks, and contained them
within it: For the heat and influence of the Heavenly Conjunctions and
of the Sun being common and univerfal, and the various Particles of
the Earth variouſly modified and qualified, there could never only by
theſe means be any determining or containing the Species of Animals
within any determinate conftant figures or bounds: And this we fhall
hereafter find neceffary, when we come to confider the determination
of Infects alfo in their ſeveral Species.
Again, he gives us not any reaſonable Explication by this Hypothefis
how the difcrimination of Sexes happens, how all things thus produced
come to propagate their kind, and to contain their Productions within
the fpecifick limits of the natures of fuch Animals; all which were
neceffary to be done, to render his Suppofition of this natural production
of Men or Animals ex putredine to be any way tolerable.
Beregardus therefore in his 10th Circulus Pifanus hath refined and recti-
fied this Hypothefis of Cafalpinus, and of Pomponatius that went before him;
and though he can never make out the truth or probability of his Sup-
pofition, yet he hath rendred it more tolerably explicable, eſpecially in
relation to the forementioned deficiencies; I will give the fum of his
Suppofition briefly, as I underſtand it: And it feems thus ;
That the Calidum innatum is that Altrix anima, and Principium feminale
fine
264 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
•
fine quo
nihil gignitur, and is the Bafis of Life in all things that have it,
but yet it is never fingle, and by it ſelf, but is the firft Rudiment of Life,
and determined by the particular Species of Life in every Individual that
hath Life: for there is no vivens that is not either Equus, or Canis, or
Vitis, or fome other determinate Vegetable or Animal.
That there are three kinds of this Life wherein it is fpecifically deter-
mined, viz. Vegetable, Senfible, and Rational.
That at leaſt the two former (he means the latter alfo, if he durſt
fpeak out) are raised out of certain Seminal Principles, whereby the
Calidum innatum is fpecifically determined to this or that Specifical Life:
That theſe Semina are not eternal, becauſe made up of things or Prin-
cipia that are pre-exifting: this feems perfectly to agree with the Doctrine
of Epicurus before mentioned, whofe Patronage he ſeems to take in the
Perlon of Ariftaus; yet with fome Correctives, as is hereafter fhewn.
That there were in Nature various kinds of Calida, or Fiery Particles,
or Spiritus ignei, and various kinds of Humida and Frigida; theſe were
eternally floating up and down in ſmall Particles, and variouſly agitated
and mingled, which made up by this mixture the conftituent Semina of
Vegetative and Senfitive Natures.
That in this Conftitution of the various kinds of the Spiritus ignei
were the conftituent Anima vegetabilium & fenfibilium, and the various
kind of Humores were the Oleum and Balfamum vita; and according to
the variety of theſe Spiritus ignei, which were as it were Seminium natura,
were the various Species of theſe Semina, and the various ſpecifical pro-
duction of Vegetable and Senfible Natures aroſe from them.
That the Compofition of theſe Semina was not meerly fortuitous, as
Epicurus, but he gives us a more gentle Explication thereof; Precipua
verò & planè divina est permiftio ifta, que in particulas diffringuntur minu
tiffimas, & quantum fatis est ad componendum femen misti alicujus aptiffimé
coagmentantur, ut non magis quam par eft, neque minus illud efficiant; quippe
funt nature ad hoc determinate.
That theſe are the Seeds of all living things, and they were ſcattered
up and down in the Earth and Waters; and that therefore every living
Being had its proper Semen for his Origination there lodged.
That yet till the Matter wherein theſe Seeds were lodged were con-
veniently prepared, there would be no production of Animals by theſe
Seeds.
That the Semina of Mankind, and of the greater Animals required a
greater and more effectual preparation of the Matter, or a Menftruum for
their production out of thofe Semina, and therefore required the greater
Conjunctions of the Heavens for their production; though ordinary
Conjunctions ferve for the production of Infects and Vegetables, namely,
the regreſs of the Sun.
That by theſe Semina of all living Beings, though the World were
eternal, there might be fucceffive Supplies and Reparations of Animals
and Men'; and though the whole Species of Men and Animals were de-
ftroyed, yet upon the returns of theſe great Conjunctions and Poſitions
of the Heavens requifite for a due preparation of the Menftruum in the
Earth for theſe Semina, their Species would be reftored out of theſe
Semina
That
Cap. 3.
according to the ancient Philofophers.
265
1
7
That the Terrigene might either be produced adulti, and ſo able to ſhift
for themſelves; or elſe be furniſhed with a convenient nouriſhment from
the Earth; or that they might be in their first production not like Infants
new born, but able to get their livelihood, as fome young Brutes are.
Thus we have the Suppofition of this witty Man alfo, who by the
fuppofition of theſe antecedent Semina, made up of the divers Spiritus
ignei and Humores, hath fupplied what was wanting in Cefalpinus, or at
leaſt better explicated it; and by fuppofing this mixture of theſe Spiritus
ignei and Humores in their ſeveral proportions, by fomething more than
a fortuitous means, hath fomething rectified the exorbitancy of Epicurus ;
though ftill he ſuppoſe thoſe Spiritus ignei, which were as it were the
various Souls of thofe various Seeds, and afterwards of the ſeveral Ani-
mals produced by them, were natural and eternal.
That which ſeems to have given the original ground-work of all theſe
Opinions, hath been,
1. Some Expreffions that fell from Ariftotle, which are before mentioned,
that ſeem to give countenance to this Opinion.
2. A proud vanity in Men of Wit, to refolve all things into Nature
and pure natural and neceffary Cauſes, unwilling to recognize the inter-
pofition of Almighty God, and his Beneplacitum in the Origination of
things, and yet finding too many abſurdities accompanying the Hypothefis
of Eternal Generations of Mankind, ex fucceffivis genitis.
3. But principally the Obfervation of the fpontaneous production of
Infects and little Animals ex putri materia, whoſe ſtructure nevertheleſs is
as admirable as the ftructure of greater Animals; and that they alſo being
thus originally produced, yet propagate their kind by fucceffive Gene-
rations, have diftinction of Sexes and Faculties: This, it feems, princi-
pally gave ſtart to this Opinion touching the like Origination of Mankind
and greater Animals by a natural ſpontaneous production.
And becauſe this Inftance of the natural production of Infects is that,
which as it probably gave the riſe to this Opinion for the like production
of Mankind or other Animals, and ſeems to be the only experimental
Inſtance that is given to affert the poffibility or probability of the other,
I fhall confider it largely under theſe ſeveral Examinations.
1. Whether there be any fponte orta among Vegetables and Infects, but
eſpecially the latter.
any
2. Admit there be, yet whether thoſe ſponte orta do ariſe meerly from
natural or accidental Cauſe.
3. Admit they may arife from any natural or accidental Caufe, yet
whether there be any confequence of a like poffibility in the Origination
of perfects Animals, but eſpecially of Mankind.
4. Admit it may be poffible in Speculation, yet how far forth de facto
the fame hath happened without the interpofition of the Divine Power;
which renders it a fupernatural, not a natural production.
M m
САР,
266 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.III.
CA P. IV.
Concerning Vegetables, and especially Infecta Animalia; whether any
of them are fponte orta, or arife not rather ex præexiftente
femine.
T
Here are feveral Ranks of Being in this inferior World, which have
various fpecifical Degrees or Ranks of Perfection one above an-
other.
The firft divifion of them is into things Inanimate, and things that
are Animate; wherein the latter have another, and a nobler Form, or
(if that Word be diſliked) Nature than the former.
Of things Animate there are three diftinct natures, the latter ex-
ceeding ſtill not only in degree but in kind, perfection, and excellence
of nature the former, namely, things vegetable, that have fimply Life,
with thoſe operations incident to Life. The fecond fenfible, that have
not only a Life of vegetation, but a Life of fenfe, and faculties, and
operations correſponding to it. The third rational or intellectual, that
hath not only a Life of vegetation and ſenſe, but an intellectual Life,
and faculties and operations fubfervient and fuitable to that Life.
Among Vegetables, as to the purpoſe in hand, there ſeem to be two
kinds or degrees: Some are the more perfect, which do not ordinarily
arife but from Seminal Particles immediately derived from the Vegetable,
either the Root, or the Branch, or the Semen formatum of theſe Vegetables;
as an Apple-tree, or a Roſe, &c.
Others feem to be leſs perfect, becauſe they ſeem oftentimes to ariſe
equivocally neither from Seed, Root, or Branch of the fame Species, as
well as from it.
But even in all theſe there are none but ariſe from a vegetable Prin-
ciple, and not barely from what is inanimate, and for the moſt part, if
not altogether, from a vegetable Principle or Semen of the fame kind.
1. It ſeems that the upper fuperficies of the Earth at leaſt, is plainly
a Vegetable Nature; and that it is no more forcible Argument to fay
that the Graſs of the Earth, Nettles, Docks,Thiftles, and fuch like common
excreſcences are no more fpontaneous productions in the Earth, than
the Feathers upon Birds, or the Hair upon Beafts or upon the Heads of
Men are a ſpontaneous production: for though theſe are excrementitious,
and not really parts of the Bird, Animal, or Man, but growing in the
Pores of the Skin, and having the Roots there as the Grafs or the Thiftle
hath in the ſuperficies of the Earth, yet they grow, and are nouriſhed
from that vegetable power that is in the nature of Animals: fo that they
are but vital Excrefcences from a vital portion of the Earth, namely,
its Superficies.
2. Again, it ſeems that there is ſcarce, if at all, any Vegetable that is
in the Earth, but it ariſeth ex præexistente femine specifico.
The Semina of Vegetables are of two kinds, according to their feveral
natures; fome are formally Seeds, thoſe Molecula feminales, that are the
choiceft fpirituous parts of the Vegetable moulded up into a ſpecifical
Seed:
↑
#
Cap. 4.
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
Seed: And hence it is, that fome ſmaller forts of Herbs that yield a
naturali Seed dye the Winter after they have produced, partly, becauſe
they have as it were performed their truft that Nature committed to
them for the preſervation of their kind; but principally, becauſe they
have delivered up into the Seed that Vital Particle which maintained
their own Life when they had it: And therefore fuch Herbs, if their
femination be prevented by being cut, furvive to the next Year.
times very
And theſe Seeds are very numerous and various, and many times
fmall, whereby they are many times accidentally tranfplanted into great
remote diſtances: for Inftance, fometimes by Floods of Water and ſome-
times by Winds, fometimes by Birds, fometimes by Beafts, who taking
them in among groffer nutriment, and by reafon thereof, and of their
fmalneſs, eſcaping without maceration, they retain their feminal nature
in their very Dung; and fometimes by Exhalations, for the Exhalations
will fometimes lift up things of fome bulk, together with the watry
Vapours: we have feen it rain little grains like Rye, which upon fearch
have been found Seeds of Ivy: and therefore thofe fmall Molecula, that
are almoſt imperceptible, may with much more eaſe be raiſed, and tranf-
planted as it were by the motion of the Clouds into other places or
Countries, which may be conjectured to be fortuitous, and yet are truly
and really univocal. This Pliny witneffeth, lib. 19. cap. 3. of the Herb
Laferpitium, whofe Seed was tranfported; and ſowed in a ftrange Country
by a ſtorm of Rain.
Again, there be fome Seminal Parts of Herbs and Trees which produce
their kind, though without that formal Seed whereof we have spoken;
and commonly fuch Seminal Parts are either of the more imperfeet forts
of Herbs or Trees, or elſe a very great coacervation of the Parts of thoſe
that otherwiſe require a more regular Seed.
367
There is ſcarce any Tree but theſe three parts are actually prolifick of
of its kind, 1. The Seed: 2. The Root: 3. The Branch or Buds, with
incifion into another Tree or Stock: the Branch of an ordinary Apple
will not grow being fet in the ground, but the Branch of a Willow,
Codling-Tree, or Vine will take root being fet in the ground. The Oak
will not ordinarily grow but by the Seed or Root implanted; but com-
mon experience fhews us that a woody ground of Ósk, or any other
Wood which hath ſtood long, and is after felled, will run to Oak again,
though the Root be dead; a great quantity of the Leaves, Wood, Cortex
or Rind putrified in the ground will leave a Seminism in it, which will
after turn to a Wood of Oak again. And many Plants have all their
Parts Seminal, though not fo vigorous as the regular Semen of thoſe
Plants; the Branches and Leaves, nay if we believe thofe that pretend
to have tryed it frequently, the Decoction, Infuſion, Afhes of fome Herbs
fcattered in good Mould and well watered, will produce their proper
Species. Vide Kircher, in Mundo fubterraneo. And I do perfwade my felf,
that the common Dew exhaled from fome forts of Herbs or Weeds, but
eſpecially from the common Grafs, carries with it the Seminal Tincture
of the Herb, which being again defcended by Dews or Rain upon the
bare and naked Earth, re-produceth the fame Species: and hence it is
that Graſs, which is the ordinary fruit of the Earth, and therefore moſt
vifited with the Dew of Heaven, and re-exhaled again, doth moſt
Mm 2-
ordina-
268 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.III.
ordinarily re-produce Grafs. And therefore Virgin-Earth taken out of
the bottom of a Well and kept in a Houſe, will, if at all, be very long
before it will gain that Vefture; but expofed to the Air, where the Dew
or Rain falls, it will foon be green, as thoſe that have tryed it affirm:
Sir Francis Bacon, Nat. Hift. Cent. 6. pag. 117. and upon the fame reafon
it is, that (as the fame Author there obferved) forein Earth will incline
to bring forth Herbs of the fame Country whence it was brought, becauſe
probably impregnated with the Seminal Particles of the Country whence
it came.
It is true, many times Plants and Herbs, though arifing by a fpecifical
Seminium of their own Herbs or Plants, will feem to change their figure,
and become of another kind; as by tranſplanting wild Flowers or Herbs
into Gardens where the mould is better, or è converfo, the poorneſs
or richneſs of the Soil varies the fhape or extent: Thus fome fay Corn
will degenerate into Tares; Fruits will degenerate, being fown: And
again, mixture of Seeds, or Seeds impregnated with Tinctures of other
Seeds or things may change their ſmell, colour, taft, or figure. But in
all theſe Tranfmutations, whether for the better or the worſe, ſtill the
Seminal Specifical Principle remains.
So that it may feem that we are too hafty and inconfiderate, in con-
cluding that all Trees and Herbs not produced ex femine formato, are
therefore ſponte nata: for there be infinite means of tranſplantation of
real Seeds, and very many Seminia or Seminal Particles of Vegetables
that we know not. I do remember, many Years fince, I found in a
Ground that had no Oaken Trees in it, nor very near it, yet every Year
abundance of young Oaks growing up fome two, fome three Inches
high; and I thought them to be all ſponte nata, and concluded an Oak
to be of another nature than I formerly thought: But Obfervation cor-
rected my miſtake; for I found the Crows fetching the Acorns from a
Wood not far off, and when they had eat what they pleaſed, they hid
the reſt for their future fupply, but forgot them, and the next Spring
they proſpered into young Oaken Plants. We are not therefore pre-
fently to conclude every Vegetable fponte natum, becauſe we fee not its
proſemination.
But the Confideration of Infects is that which is of more congruity to
this preſent purpoſe, becauſe they are fenfible Beings, and have in their
little Model almoft, if not altogether, all the Organs and Faculties of
the greater Animals; yea and Phantafie and Imagination, and Memory,
as appears especially by Bees and Ants, who find their ways home from
a great diſtance. But yet we muſt ſay, that their Faculties and Organs,
though admirable, yet are not of equal perfection with thofe of the
nobler kind of Animals, as will appear more hereafter.
They alſo that ſeem to have their Origination ex putrido, or ſponta-
neoufly, yet it is evident to Experience that they do propagate their kind;
contrary to what was thought by Ariftotle in his Book de Gen. Animal,
lib. 1. cap. 1. who fuppofeth, At verò que non ex coitu fed ex putri materia
oriuntur, ea generant quidem, fed genus diverfum.
yer
And touching theſe Infects, though they feem to be ſponte orta,
there is much may be faid that their Original is not fpontaneous, but
that even thoſe Infects that feem fponte orta, arile one of theſe ways:
1. Either
f
Cap. 4.
269
according to the ancient Philofopbers.
1. Either immediately, ex femine prioris Infecti ejufdem fpeciei; 2. Or
mediately, ex hujufmodi femine; Or, 3. ex vivo animali diverfe fpeciei;
Or, 4. ex mortuo animali diverfe ſpeciei, feu cadavere : For fome think that
it is not eafily grantable, that a Being endued with Senfe can by the
courſe of Nature arife from a Being without Senfe, or at leaſt without
Life. Vide Kircher. l. 12. Mundi fubterranei; Fortunium Licetum, de In-
fectis.
Touching the first of thefe, many of thoſe Infects that ſeem to be sponte
orta, do indeed immediately arife from the Semina of Infects of the fame
kind for theſe Infects for the moſt part ex coitu do produce an innume-
rable multitude of little Eggs or Semina, that ſometimes in the fame Year
grow to Animals of the fame kind; and fometimes their Semina are de-
pofited in fome Cranies or Coverts of the Earth, or Trees Leaves, or
other Receptacles that ferve for the Seminium or Store of the next Spring.
Malpighius, that hath made a curious difquifition touching the Silk-
Worm, tells us, that the uſual product of that Worm in one Year is
never less than 300, but most often 500 Eggs, most of which are fœcunda ;
and the like is vifible in Caterpillers, Flies, Worms, Frogs, Locufts,
Wafps, and all other Infects.
It is true, the Winter deſtroys moſt of theſe Infects, and many of their
Semina, and therefore the colder the Winter is, the leſs the next Spring
is infeſted with them: But many of theſe Semina are preſerved till the
next Spring, and then they affume their ſpecifick Life by the heat of the
approaching Sun.
Thefe Semina being very ſmall and light, are many times diſperſed
into other places by the Winds, fometimes carried away to other places
by Waters and Floods, fometimes exhaled into the Air with the grofs
Vapours drawn up by the Sun, and poured down by Rain again on other
places. And this multitude of theſe little Semina thus difperfed, af-
fuming in the Spring their natural kinds, give Men occafion to think
them ponte orta; whereas in truth they do as really arife ex femine ſpe-
cifico, as the greater Animals.
And therefore credit is hard given to the Story of Diodorus Siculus, or
of the Poet out of him, concerning the Mice arifing in Egypt, out of the
Slime of Nilus: ;
Altera
a pars vivit, manet & pars altera tellus.
Neither to the confident Helmont, in his Tract De Imagine Fermenti im-
pregnante maſſam Seminis, pag. 113. who tells us, that if a foul Shirt be
put within the mouth of a Veffel where there is Wheat, that in the
Ipace of 21 days it will turn the Wheat into Mice; nor that other
Relation of his in the fame place, that the Herb Bafil being bruiſed, and
expofed to the heat of the Sun fome days, will breed Scorpions.
And as concerning the productions of Infects out of Vegetables, viz
thoſe little Animals that are bred in Flowers and Herbs, there are ſome
that think they are not the natural production of the Vegetables, but
that they are the fmall Semina of thoſe Flies that are lodged in the cavi-
ties of them; fuch as are in the Leaves of Elms, or in the Leaves or
Fruits of other Herbs or Trees, as in the Oak-apple, the Hafel-nut, and
fome others.
And
+
1
1
*
270 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.III.
And befides theſe formal Seeds, the feveral parts of Infects have allo
their Seminal Nature in them, and produce often Infects of the fame kind:
fee for this the whole Tract of Kircher in his Mundus fubterraneus, lib. 12.
cap. 1.&feqq. wherein he gives us the Solution of the ortus fpontaneus of
the Barnacles in the Orcades and other Parts, by the Eggs of the Sea-
Fowls that are driven upon this Shore; and many Inftances of the Arti-
ficial production of Infects out of the macerated Materials of Worms,
Frogs, Locufts, Shell-Fish, Scorpions: whereby it appears that all their
Parts are feminal, though not fo active and formative as their Formal
Seeds are.
2. As to the mediate production of Infects, yet out of the Seminal
Natures of others of the fame Species: Thus out of the Fimeta of Horſes,
Oxen, and Sheep arife Scarabei or Beetles, and according to Kircher, ubi.
fupra, Bees have their production out of the Stercus Bovis; which yet he
attributes to thoſe Molecula feminales depofited in thoſe Flowers where-
upon Cows do feed, but not fo macerated in the digeſtion but that they
retain their primitive Seminal Nature; though perchance this may be
too remote and laborious a reduction, and poffibly it were better to be
reduced to that which follows, namely, from the Animal vivum; upon
which account he fuppofeth, that Ants are Humane urine proles.
3. Therefore the third Original of Infects is from the living Body of
another Animal, whofe excrementitious parts do naturally breed Infects,
as Lice, Fleas, Worms, yea and according to the Author's Obfervation,
there is ſcarce any noyfom Diſeaſe in the Body but it breeds Worms:
yea and according to a late curious Anatomift, Kirkringius, there are
ſcarce any vifcera of the Body of Man, but hath many forts of Worms in
it. And the Solution of thefe Productions feem to be thus:
That the Senfitive Nature being diviſible, communicates it ſelf in
various degrees unto all that is united to the Body; the Chyle, the Humors,
nay the very Excrementitious Parts, the natural Excrements, the Urine,
the Hair, the excrementitious Sweat and Evaporations carry along
with them the mean and low Effluvia of the Senfible Nature or Animal
Spirits.
That theſe Effluvia, when they are cloſed up in any viſcous Continent
that may contain and keep them together from being preſently diffuſed
and wafted, affume the form of an Animal, though not of the fame
nature, nor worth, nor excellence, nor perfection of the Animal it felf
that produceth it: for the meaneft and baleft Effluvia of the Animal Soul
accompany theſe mean and bafe connexa of the Animal Body, namely, the
foul Humours and Excrements. And hence it is, that thofe nafty Pro-
ductions, as Lice, Fleas, Cimices, the Worms in the Inteftines or Ventricle,
nay in the Heart, Liver, Ears and other parts of Men are bred: and from
this participation of thoſe baſer Effluvia of the Animal Spirits, the Hairs
of Horſes lodged in ſtanding Water will gather life, and the form of an
Infect.
4. As the Animal vivum thus communicates a Senſible Nature to In-
fects produced from it, fo doth the Cadaver or dead Body: Hence come
generally Worms, which in the heat of the Sun fometimes turn into
Flies; and according to the Tradition of the Ancient and Moderns, Bees
grow out of the dead Bodies of Cows, Wafps and Hornets of Horfes;
which
+
Cap. 4. according to the ancient Philofophers.
271
}
which nevertheleſs fome attribute to a refiduum of thoſe Seminal Particles
of the very Infects which thefe Beafts devour, with the Flowers and Herbs
where they are lodged.
And to maintain that general Suppofition before infifted upon, That
Viva & fentientia non generantur ex non vivis & fentientibus; they fay,
That even in the Cadaver there remain certain Animal Spirits, tanquam
in vaſe, which ſerve for the production of Animal Natures of this baſe
and low allay.
And fo in all thoſe productions of Infects ex animale vivo vel cadavere,
the Semen of that Inſect is a Vital and Animal Principle, though it be not,
immediately at leaſt, of the fame kind.
And becauſe theſe Productions are not immediately of the Seminal
Particles of the Infect, but of a living nature of another kind, therefore
always the Productum or Infect is of a different, bafer, and more imperfect
nature than the Producent.
And this is the Sum of what is obferved by Licetus, de Sponte ortis, and
Kircherus, ubi fupra, viz. Lib. 12. Mundi fubterranei.
But yet though much of this be very true, and that Infects are not
therefore sponte nata, as people think, yea they are never fponte nata ex
non viventibus; yet I do doubt that it may be found by experience, that
ſome ſorts of Infects do arife from Vegetables, at leaſt of a very exalted
nature: for the truth is, that ſome ſort of Vegetables ſeem to be in the
next degree to the loweft fort of Infect Animals, as may appear in the
Plant called the Senſitive Plant and fome others: And therefore it is not
impoffible but fome fort of Infects may arife immediately out of fome
fort of Vegetables, as the Gurgulio, that arifeth in the Wheat; the Wivel,
that riſeth in the Malt; and the Hippuris or Horſe-tail, and the Liburnus
or White Vine, that Kircher himſelf mentions in the fame 12th Book, Sect. I.
Cap. 9. to grow into an Infect in the Water; and thoſe Inſtances in the
fame Chapter of Francifcus Corvinius, that in every Vegetable had obſerved
a proper Infect bred in it, and living upon it; and the experience of
the growing of Moths out of the Seeds of Lavender, and Worms in Roſe-
Cakes: thele experimented Obſervations fem to correct the univerfality
of the Affertion, that Non nafcuntur Infecta animalia ex non animalibus;
though I think it may be univerfally true, that they are not produced
ex non viventibus, they are always the production of the Semen or Seminal
Particles of an Infect, or of the Parts of an Animal or Cadaver animalis, or
of that which is or was vegetable.
Yet fome there are, that think that theſe Infecta animalia that ſeem to
be produced immediately ex herbis, ftirpibus, arboribus, & vegetabilibus,
or Animals of another kind, yet the first Seminium of theſe Infecta are
either the Semina, or the Seminial Particles of Infects of the fame Species,
percolated through the various parts of Vegetables or Animals: In ſo
much that Gaffendus that inquifitive Naturalift ſeems to think, that the
very Lice and Fleas and Worms in a Man, are but the Productions of the
feveral Seeds of Animals of the like kind; Cum in eodem homine ex fordibus
capitis Pediculi, ex fordibus barba Ale, inguinis Ricini, ex intercutaneo humore
Cyrones oriantur, & ita de cateris; quonam alio id referamus quam ad diverfa
femina que à diverfis five plantis five animalibus proliciantur, & fefe ad diverfas
partes quatenus congruunt, recipiant, accommodántve inter nutriendum?
I do
}
272 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.III.
1
I do not here take upon me a diftinct and exact Diſcourſe touching
production of Infects, it is one of the moſt abftrufe, curious, and various
Inquiries in Nature: There be many that have bufied themſelves on
purpoſe in it, to which any one may have recourſe, as Cardanus in his Book
de Subtilitate, and Scaliger his Animadverfions thereupon; Gaffendus in
Phyficis, fect. 3.1. 4. cap. I. Kircher. l. 12. fect. 1, & 2. Aldrovandus, per
totum; Fortunius Licetus, his Book De Ortu Sponte nafcentium; Voffius, De
Origine Idololat. lib. 4. cap. 65. & feqq. All that I fhall fay farther in it,
is but this:
Firſt, that it is moſt certain that many of thoſe productions of Infects
which Men ordinarily take to be fpontaneous, are yet in truth univocal
from Infects of the fame Species, their formal Seeds or Seminal Particles.
Secondly, that it is not certain that any production of Infects is fpon-
taneous, or not from the Seed of other Animals that were of the fame
Species: for we are not certain, but that the Seminia or Seminal Particles
of theſe Infects may be percolated or derived by divers Meanders and
long obſcure paffages into or through the Bodies of Vegetables or Ani-
mals of another Species:
}
Thirdly, that it is very probable that they are fo traduced by theſe
experimental Affays that have been either experimented by Obfervation,
or by Art, whereby it is rendred evident to Senſe, that their production
at this day may be, and often is of the Semina or Seminal Particles of
Infects of the fame kind.
3
The Conſequence whereof is, That the production of all theſe little
Particles of Senfitive Life, as well as of the greater Animals, though at
the firſt it were ex non genitis, by the Power and Fiat of Almighty God
yet fince that time it may be probable they have their propagations uni-
vocal, Ex femine vel feminio pexiftentis Infecti ejufdem fpeciei, vel formato
vel analogo.
This Confideration may affure us, That the production at leaſt of the
generality of Infects which feem to be ſpontaneous, is truly feminal and
univocal; though poffibly upon a fevere difquifition it may be found, that
fome are meerly ſpontaneous and equivocal Productions ex putri, whereof
I ſhall give a farther account in fomething that follows, eſpecially in the
next Section.
I
CA P. V.
If it be fuppofed that any of those Infects at this day have their Origi-
nal ex non genitis, or fpontanee, whether yet the fame may be
faid a Natural or Fortuitous Production.
-
T Come now to the Second Particular, which is this; That admit-
ting there were any fuch production of Infects at this day, whether
the fame were purely Natural: Wherein I shall briefly ſay,
1. That it ſeems very probable, that the Species of Infects were at firſt
in their firſt Creation determinate and certain; and although fince partly
by
Cap. 5. according to the ancient Philofopbers.
273
E
by degeneration, partly by various mixtures their Species are changed
and multiplied, even as the perfect Animals in Africa are by a mixture of
Species, yet they were at firft determinate.
2. That it ſeems the production of the firft Infects was like to that of
perfect Animals: they were not produced ex femine, or per proceſſum ſe-
minalem, whether ex Ovo or ex Verme, but were produced in the com-
plement of their ſpecifical and individual exiſtence. For it is much more
fuitable to Reaſon, and to the nature of things, that the Animal ſhould
have an antecedence to the Seed, and that the Semen thould be rather
the effect of an Animal at first than an efficient, or according to Plu-
tarch's Diſcourſe, that the Hen fhould be before the Egg, rather than the
Egg before the Hen.
3. That yet if we ſhould ſuppoſe that in the first production of Infects
at leaſt, they ſhould arife ex praexiftente femine, or that at this day they
fhould ariſe de novo; yet bare Matter were not poffibly fufficient for its
production, without fome Seminal Principle that might determin the
Infect to its kind, and advance in it that formation and organization of
Parts, and effect thofe admirable Faculties of Senfe and Imagination
which we ſee in them: For it were exceedingly above the bare activity
of Elementary qualities, though the moft active, as that of Heat, to raile
fo curious and admirable a Fabrick as the Bodies of thoſe little Animals,
much leſs the Faculties of Life, Senſe, and Imagination. And if it were
poffible that fome of the qualities and difpofitions, or modifications, or
temperament of Matter could arrive to the production of any fuch little fen-
fible Being, yet it could never be contained, nor contain it felf within any
determinate species or kinds, but as the modifications, temperaments and
qualities of Matter are infinite and various, according to its various
Mixtures and Combinations, fo the Productions would be ever irregular,
monftrous, and never colligated or contained in any certain fpecies.
It remains therefore that in the firft production of Infects, whether at this
day, or in the firſt eduction of their fpecies, if they were not produced
in the complement of their individual and fpecifical nature, they muſt
neceffarily be produced ex aliquo femine congruo, & determinante mate-
riam..
And certainly the Conftitution of fuch a Semen is, as I have befo:e
obferved, a work of great Wiſdom, Intelligence, and Power, no way lefs
than fuch a Power that must have made an Individual of the fame kind
in his complete exiftence. For the Semen of every thing contains in it
the ſmall idea of that Nature which it is to produce, which is as it
were minted and ftamped upon it, and contains an admirable power of
evolving and dilating it felf, and bringing forth that admirable Fabrick,
and that fingular Conformation of Parts, and thofe wonderful Faculties
of Life, Senfe, and Imagination, and the feveral Organs and Operations
belonging to it. :
Some there are that have faid, and with very great truth, That
the finalleſt Animal in the World fets forth the Wildom and Excellence
of the great Architect of the World more confpicuoufly than the Fabrick
of the greateſt Whale or Elephant: as the fmaller an excellent Watch is
(if it have all its parts, motions, order, and conftancy) it more fets forth
the skill of the Artift than a greater Fabrick. When a Man fhall fee in
that
Nn
274 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
that Animal that well near eſcapes his fight by reaſon of its ſmalneſs, as
the Acarus, the Cyro or Hand-worm, yet he thall plainly by the help of
a Microſcope behold in it all the conformation of its little Limbs ufeful
for its being; all the Operations of Senfes and Organs thereof; the feveral
Faculties, Offices, and Parts fubfervient to it, the feveral vifcera that
ſerve for the exercife of Life and Senfe, it muft needs render the Skill
of the Author thereof admirable. But yet again, when poffibly the
Seminal Principle of this little Animal bears it may be as fmall a pro-
portion to it as the Infect it felf doth to greater Animals, it may be a
little imperceptible Egg; and yet in that little Body all the Ideal parts
of this Animal and that Principle that immediately conforms the ſeveral
Faculties and Organs of this little Animal: The Power and Wiſdom
that conforms fuch a little Semen is no lefs wonderful, than if it had
immediately conformed the Animal without the intervention of fuch a
Seminal Particle.
And therefore moft certainly the Conformation of thefe little Mole-
cula feminales, if any be antecedent to the production of theſe Infects, is
a work of intelligence, choice, election, defign, and that of a moft wife
and intelligent Being; and cannot be the production either meerly of
Chance, as the Epicureans would have it; nor of that which little differs,
namely, an ignorant, unknowing, unelective Principle, for fuch is barely
Nature, unleſs they that uſe that denomination mean by it Almighty God.
And when I affért that theſe Molecula feminales antecedent to the pro-
duction of any living or fenfible nature, if there be any fuch, are produced
by Almighty God; it is not my meaning, that they are therefore imme-
diately created, or immediately put together or compounded (by the
immediate Finger of God) if I may uſe that Expreffion to render the
fenſe I intend: But it is fufficient, that the great and fupreme intelle-
Qual Being having in his infinite Wiſdom the Proſpect of all things, hath
fo fet and ordered the Motion of Second Cauſes, to bring together and
mingle the conſtituent Materials of theſe Semina, and he by his Almighty
Fiat hath annexed to fuch Compoſitions, and imprinted upon them the
ftamp and efficacy of a Seminal Principle; it will be equally the Work
of Almighty God if theſe Compofitions be brought together by the
Motion and Heat of the Sun, or by the powerful Motion and Determi-
nation of various kinds of Ferments; fome poffibly originally created,
and diſperſed in the Earth, Air, and Waters; others accidental, arifing
from the corrupted and mingled Matter of diffolved Animals and Vege-
tables, whereof I fhall in due time, God willing, give a more diftinct
Account; as if they were immediately created out of nothing: But the
Mint, the Stamp, the Signature, the Seminal Efficacy of this Molecula
feminalis is the Intention, Election, and Fiat of the glorious God, and can
never be the bare production of a furd unintelligent nature. So that
although it ſhould be granted, that the excrefcence of thoſe infecta ani-
malia is not at this day from the Semina infectorum, but that both in the
firſt production of them in Nature, and the yearly or daily production of
them now, they were ex feminibus, non ex infectis decifis; yet thofe Seminia
or Seminales molecule were not meerly natural, as Nature imports a furd
production of things, but were the Work and Intention of the great and
glorious God of Nature.
V
So
Cap. 5.
275
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
1
So then we may hereby fee what would be purely natural in theſe Se-
mina, what not. 1. It were thus far natural that the material Parti-
cles thereof poffibly might have an exiftence in Nature before their
Compofition; whether thefe Particles were partly thofe Ignei piritus,
and partly thoſe Humores primogenii that were interfperfed in Nature, or
poffibly the conftituent Effentials both of the Semina themselves and of
the Individuals produced by them. Again, 2. They might be thus far
natural, that the immediate Inftruments of the conjunction of theſe
Particule feminales might be the Heat, or Influence, or Motion, or Agi-
tation of the Heavenly Bodies, or what other natural Inftrument the
Divine Power might employ in their Coagmentation. 3. They would be
thus far natural, that when thefe Particula feminales were conjoyned toge-
ther, and made up into their Molecula feminales, and when they had
received their Signature, their Energy by the Divine Fiat, they would
naturally produce their Effect, viz. the production of an Infect, when
they had obtained a convenient Menftruum to lodge it, and the kindly
Heat to ripen them; this would be as natural as any Operation of Heat
or Cold, or other things are natural; which though they had their firſt
exiſtence by the Supernatural Power and Will of God, yet when they
are in their exiftence they move and act according to that nature
which is put into them, which is the Law of their Being, given them by
Almighty God.
1
But the Virtue that gives thefe Molecula feminales their Energy of
Productiveneſs, of Life and Senfe, their Determination in their feveral
Species and Ranks, that mints and ftamps them as it were with their
Effe fpecificum feminale, is the Inftitution and Fiat of the Divine Will and
Ordination.
1.
So that if there be at this day any Semina of Infect a animalia ex non infectis
which gives them their feveral determinate peties and natures, though
I am not of the mind of Scotus, that they have an immediate Creation
by God, yet I am not of the mind of Beregardus, who thinks they are
meerly natural, and made up and put together without the Pre-difpo-
fition, Ordination, or Signature of the God of Nature; as the firft power
communicated to the primogenial natures of Animals and Men, to have
å Vis Seminativa and Prolifica was in the firft Creation of Mankind com-
municated to them by virtue of the Divine Inftitution and Benediction,
though the way of exerting that Power, when produced, was natural.
But poffibly much of what is in this Chapter is needlefs, if in truth
the individual natures of Infects were at firft created by God, without
any pre-exiſting Semen (as we are fufficiently taught, Gen. 1. 20, 25.) and
that the Seminal and Prolifick Power was given to them as other Ani-
mals, and conſequently the Seminia viventium were fubfequent, and not
antecedent to the firft Inftitution of the Animal Nature, and an effect
thereof.
Nn 2
CAP.
#
276 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.III.
I
CAP. VI.
Suppoſing the Production of Infects were totally fpontaneous, equivocal,
and ex putrido, whether any Confequence be thence deducible for the
like Production of perfect Animals, but especially of Men.
T is true, that Infects, and thofe equivocal Generations, have an ad-
I
ade
mirable perfection in their kind, not much unlike to thofe that we
find in the more perfect Animals, and indeed they are fo much the more
admirable, becauſe their little and almoſt imperceptible moles ren-
ders their diſtinction of Faculties and Organs the more curious and
artificial.
They have their ſeveral Faculties, the Senfes of Sight, Hearing, Touch
and Tafte; they have the digeftive, egeftive, and other parts of the
Nutritive Faculty, and though their individual production may feem
equivocal, and of no univocal Seed of the fame kind, yet they have
the Generative Faculty, and propagate their species as well as perfect
Animals, and have therein diftinction of Sexes, as appears by fre-
quent experience, notwithſtanding the doubt or contrary Opinion of
Ariftotle; and although their Phantafie is more lubricous and fickle
than perfect Animals, yet it is evident that they have a Phantaſie, as
appears by their Motions and little Operations; and as they have
Phantafie fo they have Memory, as appears by the Returns of Bees
and Piſmires to their homes from great diftances: And as they have
thefe Faculties of Life and Senſation, fo they have Organs accom-
modate and admirably fittted to thoſe ſeveral Faculties, namely, to Nu-
trition, Augmentation, Generation, Senfe, Local Motion, Phantafie,
Appetite, which are fo far from being contemptible, in reſpect of the
ſmallneſs and petiteneſs of theſe little Animals, that indeed in fome refpect
they are the more admirable, as a ſmall Watch is an evidence of greater
skill and artifice than a greater, or as a ſmall Picture drawn to the Life
commends the skill of the Painter fometimes more than a great Draught..
But for all this, we must not think that theſe little Animals are of
an equal perfection with the greater and nobler: Cafar's Image drawn
upon a Cherry-ſtone is a piece of great curiofity, but not of an equal
perfection to his lively Statue in Brafs, or that a Fly is of an equal per-
fection with an Eagle. Therefore I fhall not fetch Arguments againſt
the like ſpontaneous Productions of the greater Animals from any con-
temptible valuation of theſe ſmaller, and theſe little Models of ſenſible
Life; for certainly they are curious and elaborate automata, in reſpect of
their admirable minuteneſs and accuracy: But yet upon other Reaſons it
ſeems utterly inconſequential, that becauſe theſe ſmaller Particles of
fenfible Nature may be thus fpontaneoufly produced, therefore theſe greater
Animals may be fo; for it is apparent, that in things of an equality of
perfection, there is by the Laws and fixed Rules of their feveral Natures
feveral manners of their productions. If we fhould compare Vegetables
among themſelves, fome will arife ex furculo as well as ex radice or ex
femine, others will not; if we compare Senfible Natures among them-
yet
felves,
Cap. 6.
277
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
1
felves, that feem to have an equality of perfection, as fome forts of
Brutes and Birds, it will be hard to fay which have the perfecter Nature,
yet the production of the latter are ex ovo, the former ex verme; the
former oviparous, the latter viviparous in the ordinary courfe of their
natural production; and as at this day the former is not producible ex
Ovo, fo the latter not producible without it. The feveral natures of
things have diſtinguiſhed them, as in their kinds, fo in the manner of
their production; and whatſoever the perfection of Inſects ſponte orientia
may be, there is no Confequence to be drawn from the fame to other
more noble Animals.
But again, as there is no Confequence to be drawn from the one to
the other, ſo there is in the very nature of the one kind and the other, and
in the natural order of their production a great diſparity and difproportion :
fo that in truth by the very Conftitution and Frame of their Natures,
the perfect Animals that we fee only produced by the conjunction of
Sexes and univocal Generation, cannot by any courfe or confiftency in
Nature (without the Suppofition of Divine Power and Ordination)
ariſe ſpontaneouſly: And that appears 1. In the diſparity of the natural
Productive Principle of the one and the other; 2. In the difparity of
the natural Method of the perfecting of the one and the other; 3. In the
diſparity of the Natures of the Animals of the one kind and the other,
having arrived to their complement and perfection.
Firſt, touching the difparity of the natural Productive Principle of
the one and the other; although it be admitted that Infects and ſpontaneè
orta, do er may ariſe from a Semen or Principle that is not univocal or
formal; yet it muft needs be agreed that the Natural Principle of fuch
their production muſt be ſome analogal Semen, or fome Seminal Principle
that is fuitable to fuch a Production, otherwife quidlibet orietur ex quo-
libet; there muſt be fomething that muft determin the Matter to be an
apt Seminium for fuch a Production, or elſe the Matter muſt determin it
felf; either there muſt be ſome determinate Vital or Spiritual Principle
that is determined in it felf, and determins the Matter (which Paracelfus
feems to hold, that Bodies were firſt Spirits; and Ariftotle feems to inti-
mate, when he tells us, that Animarum omnia plena, and when the Matter
is fitly prepared, there is an illapfe of this Vital, Formative, Spirital
Principle into it) or elfe the inherent qualities or difpofitions of Matter
it felf muſt be of force to mould it felf up into thefe, Molecula feminales,
the Formative Principles of thefe fponte orta, (I ſpeak in the Language
of thoſe that erroneouſly hold no higher Principles but fuch as are purely
Natural.) But although fuch Seminal Particles as thefe may be fuffi
cient for the production of Infects, yet they are not naturally accommo-
dated for the perfection of the perfect Animals: For the Semen prolificum
for the production of perfect Animals muſt receive its fpecifical con-
forming Principle, either by the Supernatural Power of Almighty God,
or from the Specifical Nature of the Individuals of both Sexes, and if
we could ſuppoſe an Anima vaga of the Senfible Nature, not confined to
any Individual of the fame nature, nothing could be a Matter fitly
prepared for its reception but the Materia feminalis ex individuis elicita':
neither is there any Matter, extra compofitum animale, capable to advance
it ſelf to the nature of fuch a perfect Animal; for if either of theſe could
be
278 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Seat.III.
be done, we had as much reaſon daily to expect the like fpontaneous pro-
ductions of Horfes and Sheep, as we find of Frogs and Worms.
Again, the Vis conformatrix and Seminal Particles of Infects is moſt
plainly in Infects not confined to the femina formalia utriufque fexus com-
mixta, for we ſee almoſt all their parts are feminal, and will by putre-
faction advance to the production of their kind: Their productive power
is not ſo ſtrictly and feverely bound to the femen utriufque fexus: Many
have told us by experience and obfervation, that the Excrements of Flies,
without any mixtion, will produce immediately Flies, that the Refolution
or Maceration of Frogs and Worms will reproduce Individuals of the
fame pecies, as Kercher, lib. 12. Mundi fubterranei, tells us.
But there are no parts of perfect Animals that are productive of their
fpecies, but the fame is confined by the Laws of their Nature to a femen
formale ex utroque fexu decifum. It is true, that their parts corrupted,
as their Blood, Fleſh, or Veins, will produce Infects and living Crea-
tures of a different and baſer kind than themſelves, as Worms, Lice, Fleas,
Flies, but they can never advance to the production of their own kind.
And the Reaſon is, becauſe there is not poffibly any tranfmiffion of
that ſpecifical vital formative Principle to any other part but the femen
formale of the Individuals of that species, and that Vis formatrix activa
vitalis & fenfibilis muſt be communicated either by virtue of a partici-
pation of all the parts of the Producents, or by a kind of a ſpecifical
Idea, naturally produced by that Nature from whence it is derived,
which evolves and expands it felf being produced, or (which is more
intelligible and probable than either of the former) by a participation of
the vital and fenfible Soul to the femen prolificum from the Producents, and
there is no way of communication thereof in perfect Animals, but only
to that natural and genuine Semen conftituted, mixed, and ordered
according to the Law of its Being; fo that we cannot fuppofe any feminal
Principle of perfect Animals, but this femen prolificum utriufque parentis
unless we ſhall gratis, and without either Reafon or Example, wholly
invert the natural order of things, and ſubſtitute a Semen contrary to
the nature of the things that muſt be produced, or admit that which
thoſe great Affertors of Nature think below them to grant, and will rather
ſuppoſe a thouſand Abſurdities than admit, namely, the Interpofition
of the Divine Power.
And 2. As the Semen formativum of perfect Animals is greatly differing
from that of Infects, and therefore not capable of a fpontaneous pro-
duction as theſe, fo it is apparent, that at leaft in animalibus viviparis it
is impoffible to be preſerved, fine receptaculo natura congruo, fcilicet utero
famineo. The vital particles thereof are more fiery and volatile, and
higher advanced than that semen that is or may be fufficient for Infects,
& fine convenienti receptaculo avolabunt ſpiritus vitales, & ex interventu vel
minimi frigoris mortuum & infœcundum evadet; but the Semina of Infects
are more viſcous and lefs volatile, in fo much that their Semina will
remain all the Winter in caverns and holes, and yet be fruitful the next
Spring.
3. Again, the Semen Infecti being fo fmall a Particle, and having as
I may ſay ſo ſmall a portion of Soul in it, is foon formed and brought to
maturity: We may learn this in their univocal productions, or ex coitu.
Scaliger
Cap. 6.
279
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
1
Scaliger tells us, Exercitat. 191.. 2. that the Gloworm brings forth his
Eggs poftridiè poft coitum ; Malpighius in his curious Difquifition touching
the Silkworm tells, that quarto post coitum die the Female brings forth
ordinarily above 300, fometimes above 500 Eggs, and theſe will lie all
the Winter, and with the warm heat of the Spring and fome other
affiftance will prove vital, the next Spring; and Ariſtotle, Hift. Animal.
1.5.cap. 27. tells us, that Aranea statim poft ova parta incubant, & triduo
peragunt, & quatuor feptenis diebus jufta accipiunt incrementa; & ibid. l.6.
cap. 37. tells us, that Mures fi falem lambunt pariunt fine coitu, and that
even their young have been found with young before they faw the light.
By all which it is evident, That although thefe little Molecula feminales
will retain their fecundity longer than the Eggs of Birds, even a whole
Winter, and poffibly longer; yet when they have obtained a convenient
Matrix, and the warm cherishing heat of the Spring, the formation, pro-
duction, and maturation of Infects, and of that Semen prolificum which
they univocally yield in their regular production is fpeedy and hafty;
and confequently, that fpontaneous Seed by which they may be produced,
and the ſpontaneous production it felf is foen diſpatcht and perfected,
a ſmall portion and continuance of heat and time may perfect the whole
proceſs.
But it is otherwife in the perfect Animals, eſpecially in thoſe that are
Vivipara, a long time is required for their formation and maturation,
notwithstanding the great advantage of the place, and heat, and ſupplies
of their formation and fupport, namely, the Uterus faminews. Thus
the fame Aristotle, lib. 6. Hiftor. Animal, gives us an account, whereof
fome go above 18 Months, as the Elephant; fome 10 Months, as Cows
and Mares fome
;
5 Months, as Sheep and Goats; the leaſt about a
Months, as Dogs and Wolves: and this is one Reaſon that Ariftotle,
Problemat. ubi fupra, gives, why theſe perfect Animals are not producible
Spontaneè, nor fine conjunctione maris & fœmina, vel fine utero fœmineo. Theſe
Mteri terreftres fabled by Lucretius would never be warm or clofe enough
for the production of thoſe Animals who naturally are producible in
utero famineo, and the intervening Winter would foon make them abor-
tive, eſpecially on either fide of the Tropicks, where the heat and cold
have their viciffitudes: And therefore it was providently, though ficti-
tiouſly ſuppoſed by Cifalpinus, that Ethiopia must be the only native Country
for ſuch ſpontaneous productions of the greater Animals and Men.
F
4
4. As the Earth was not a fit or competent Arvum genitale for vivi-
parous Animals, fo the nourishment, increafe, and fupport of thefe vivi-
parous Animals, dum in uteris morentur, according to the very exigence
and formation of thefe Embryones, cannot confift with any fuch fponta-
neous Productions: for befides the foft and warm involucra of the
Chorion and Amnies, we know the very fabrick of their nature hath given
them a means and Inftrument of Nutrition, per venans umbilicalem fan.
guinem maternum attrahentem & dirigentem: This could never be fupplied
from any Terreftrial Veins, unless we should fuppofe that Succus nutritius
of the Earth to become menftruous, and converted into Blood or other
fuitable confiſtence for the nourishment of the Embryo, or without any
Reaſon or Experience warranting it, fo fuppofe that fome other way of
nouriſhment fhould be in Embryonibus terrigenis,
5. Again,
280 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&.IH.
5. Again, poft partum viviparorum, præcipuè generis humani, it is evident
that naturally the fatus is weak, unable to ſupport it ſelf without the
fupplemental helps, care and fuperintendence of their Dams or Parents:
fome are blind, as Whelps or Kitlins; fome are deftitute of thoſe tegu-
ments that are neceffary to defend them againſt the cold, as many kinds
of Birds, that ftand in need of the hovering of their Dams Wings for
a confiderable time after they are hatched, and are utterly unable to pro-
vide their own food, but are hourly fupplied by their Dams, without
which they must neceffarily perish: and generally all viviparous Animals
that are of univocal production are for a long time fed by their Dams
Milk, without which, or fome other artificial provifion fubminiftred
to them by the help of others, they could not fupport themſelves after
their production; as young Horſes, Dogs, Calves, Lambs: But this is
much more confpicuous in Humane Infants, who from the time of their
Birth for many Months can neither go nor ftand, nor procure their own
food, but ftand in need of the care of others to keep them warm, provide
them covering, and preſerve them from being deftroyed with their own
Excrements. But on the other fide, thoſe ſmall Animals which are
ſuppoſed to be ſpontaneouſly produced, ſtand in need of no other means
for their preſervation, being produced, but that heat and circumjacent
menftruum by or in which they are produced: and although theſe ſpon-
taneous productions, being produced, feem to propagate their Species
by the coition of their Sexes, yet for the moft part thefe generated In-
dividuals, Mice excepted, retain ftill that natural indoles to preſerve
themſelves, without any other fupervenient affiftance than what was
at first fufficient after their equivocal production; this we daily fee in
the Eggs of Silkworms, of all forts of Flies, Caterpillers and Worms,
which though in their fecondary productions by Generation, yet being
ripen'd to fœtation by the heat of the Sun, they live upon Leaves and
Grals, and take their food without the care or affiftance of thofe Parents
that produced them; and carry along with them the indication of that
Method of Life, which might be confiftent with the condition of a
fpontaneous production, which is no way competible to the condition
of greater Animals after their production.
6. Again, though the Faculties and Organs of a ſenſible as well as a
vegetable Life appear in the fmalleft Infects, yet it is but a weak and
imperfect Life of Senfation, and very little advanced above the Vege-
table Nature. And this appears by very many Inftances, as namely, in
their generation many Infects do feem to arife from Vegetables without
any other production; and they feem to be little elfe but the Flos veze-
tabilis nature, the more pure, active, lively Effluvia thereof; as the Flies
that grow in the little vesicule of the Leaves of Elms and Currants, the
Worms in the Galls of Oaks and the Burrs of Wild Rofe, the Worms
and Flies which grow in the husks of Burrs; yea many times the Parts
of Vegetables divided from the Stock will turn into Animals, as the
Seeds of Lavander kept a little warm and moift, will turn into Moths;
the Plant called the Horſe-tail laid into Water, will grow into an Infect.
2. This also appears, that as the feveral parts of Vegetables, the Leaves,
the Branches as well as the formatum femen, are feminal, and productive
of their Species; fo many times the parts of Infects carry with them a
Seminat
Cap. 6.
281
according to the ancient Pbilofophers.
I
Seminal Nature effectual enough to produce their Species, as hath been
afferted by the Experience of many; which no way happens in perfect
Animals. 3. This allo appears in the manner of their Life; for we often
fee in Infects divided each part keeps its motion, as the ſeveral parts of
Vegetables keep their animation; a Fly or Wafp whofe Head is cut off,
yet the refidue of his Body will live a confiderable time; Flies that ſeem
dead either with Water or Cold, and continue ſo for fome confiderable
time, by the Heat of the Sun or warm Embers will revive and return
to Life and Motion; as a Branch torn from a Tree, that hath been ſevered
from it three or four days or more, will refume Life by re-implantation
and the Solar Heat: And whereas the Eggs of a perfect Animal, as of
Hens, Geeſe, &c. will lofe their Animatick Faculties being frozen or con-
crete with Cold, or being kept two Months or thereabouts: the Seeds
of Infects will continue fruitful a whole Winter or more, and poffibly
as long as the Seed of Corn, Oaks, or other Vegetables; as is apparent
in the Eggs of Flies and Silkworms, which though excluded in the laſt
Summer will remain fruitful, and produce the Infect this Spring, and
poffibly fome time after; fo that they are in the next degree above Vege-
tables, and have a nature very analogal to them. But theſe things are
not fo in greater Animals of an univocal generation; this alfo appears in
the great diſparity of thefe degrees at leaſt of perfection in the perfect
Animal, above that of Infects of a fpontaneous production: For though,
as before is faid, thefe little Animals have Faculties conformable to the
Senfitive Life, fo that we may plainly diſcover, at leaft in many of them,
the Faculties as well as the Organs of Senſe, Phantafie, Memory, Common
Senfe, Appetite, Paffion, Local Motion; yet the more perfect and uni-
vocal Animals have greater ftrength and perfection in theſe Faculties,
their Phantafie and Memory more exact, their Appetite more perfect and
free; if I may fo call it, they are capable of Diſcipline, which thefe (maller
Animals are not: There is greater variety, complication, and curiofity
in the ſtate, frame and order of their Faculties, and a greater diftinction
and variety of operation in them than in the ſmaller Pieces of Nature.
There are more Wheels, more variety and curiofity in their motions,
more variety of ingredients into the Conftitution of the Automata of the
more noble Animals, than in the Infects that are fponte orta: fo that for
the Conſtitution of their Souls (the Principle of their Faculties and
Motions) there is required a more curious, elaborate, and elevated
Compofition and Fabrick than in theſe minute Animals. And hence it
is, that though it be not only poffible but frequent that theſe Infects
and minute Animals may thus fpontaneoufly ariſe, yet it hath never
been known fo according to the fetled Laws and Order of Nature: It
is impoffible theſe greater and nobler Animals can ariſe ſpontaneouſly,
nor otherwiſe naturally than by the mixture of both Sexes, and a Semen
formatum and prolificum, received and united in utero fœmineo, and im-
pregnated as it were with that Specifical idea and Formative Power derived
from the Parents, and thoſe other acceffions which may elaborate, rectifie,
and advance the Soul and its Faculties, and the Body and its Organs to
their due proportion and perfection. And therefore there is no parity
Reafon in the production of Infects and perfect Animals, nor any Con-
fequence to be drawn from the fpontaneous production of one, to the
O o
like
4
1
}
282 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&t.III.
like production of the other in any natural courfe, without the inter-
vention of a Supernatural free Caufe effecting the fame befides and out
of the road and courfe of Nature. And what may be faid upon this
account againſt the Confequence of the fpontaneous production of other
Animals from the fpontaneous production of Infects, may with much
more advantage be ſaid againſt the Confequence of the production of
Mankind by any natural fpontaneous production; becauſe the perfection
of his nature, and the fpecifical excellence thereof, doth exceed the
greateſt excellence of other Animals far more than the nobleft Animals
exceed the Infects. And therefore as the fpontaneous production of
theſe Infects no way concludes the like production naturally poffible in
greater Animals, fo if it were naturally poffible, and de facto true that
the greater Animals themfelves were fponte producibilia & producta, it
were not at all conclufive, nor deducible from thence that Mankind were
producible naturally upon the like account. The nobleness of the
Itructure of the Humane Body, the great curioſity and uſefulneſs of
moſt of his Organs, eſpecially of his Tongue and Hand; the curious and
uſeful configuration and difpofition of his Nerves and Brain, the admi-
rable variety and quickneſs of his Phantafy, the great retentiveneſs of
his Memory, but eſpecially the admirable power of his Intellect, Reafon
and Will give him a far greater fpecifical perfection above the moft per-
fect Brutal Nature, than that hath above the meaneft Infects: And there-
fore certainly, according to the ordinary Obfervations in Nature, and
the Rules and Methods obfervable therein, requires the nobleft and moſt
advanced Method to produce it that Nature can afford.
But against thefe Reaſons it may be, and is urged, That all theſe
Obſervations and Inferences are bottomed upon the ftate and courſe of
Nature, wherein we fee things are in the ftate of things already fetled;
but in the first production of things it might be otherwife, and muſt
be otherwiſe, if we admit an Origination of Mankind ex non genitis.
And though in the ordinary courfe of Nature, as now things are con-
ftituted, the production of Mankind is ex femine formato ab utroque parente
decifo, that his nouriſhment is per venam umbilicalem, that it cannot be
otherwiſe now but in utero fœmineo, that the ftate of Infancy now re-
quires thofe adventitious helps that are above remembred: Yet in the
firft ftate of Humane Production all theſe Suppofitions must be laid afide,
as unaccommodate to that ftate; another Seminal Principle, another
method of Nutrition, another ftate and habit of the Fatus, muſt be and
may be ſuppoſed in the firft production of Mankind than now is to be
found in the World, wherein the order of things is ſetled in a regular
Method. If it ſhould be fuppofed that a Mouſe or a Rat were produced
ex putri, we cannot fuppofe any fuch Semen, or Vena umbilicalis, or that
it lived upon the Dams Milk; all which are notwithſtanding fuppofable
and neceffary, when that equivocal Animal afterward propagates its
kind.
I anſwer, That as it is true that Mankind and other Animals had an
Original, and an Original in quite another way than now it is, and ex
non genitis; ſo it is unquestionably true, that thofe Proceffes, Principles,
and Methods which now ferve in the production of Humane Nature or
other perfect Animals, are no way conceptible, or applicable unto the
first
Cap. 6.
according to the ancient Philofophers.
283
first production of Man or Animals. And therefore I muſt not only
grant that theſe Modes of Production, Nutrition, &c. are utterly inef
fectual and unapplicable to the firſt Origination of Humane Nature: But
I muſt fuppofe quite contrary, that in truth it is impoffible they fhould
be the Modes or Order of that firſt Origination.
But it muſt be remembred whom it is that I am here contending
againft, namely, not against thofe that do, and that truly referr the
Origination of Man to the Divine Power and Will, and a Supernatural
production but against them that are the great Venerators of eſtabliſhed
Nature, that think it below their Gravity and Wiſdom to recognize any
other Efficient but what they find in Natural Caufes and Effects; nor
any other Rule of things but what they fee, that take their Meaſures
of their Conceptions and Sentiments from what is obvious to Senfe, and
the common Obfervation of things as they now appear, and for the
moſt part frame all their Conclufions accordingly. And therefore that
which I herein contend for by theſe Arguments is this, That a Man
that duly confiders the natures of things, and makes the courſe of Nature
and the Obfervation thereof to be the Rule and Guide of his Sentiments,
though he be drawn by the neceffity of Reaſon, to grant and conclude
that Min muſt needs have an Origination, and that in another way than
now he hath, namely ex non genitis; yet it is not reaſonable for him to
conclude that he had this Origination upon a bare natural account, as
the Infects and sponte orta have, becauſe it quite thwarts and croffes all
the appearances of Nature, and is wholly incongruous to the nature
of things as they now ftand.
And a Man that makes fuch a Conclufion muſt needs offer violence
to his own Reaſon and Experience, and depart from thoſe Laws and
Rules of Nature, which he makes his Guide, and the Compaſs by which
he fteers his Judgment touching things; and fuppofe that natural which
is wholly different from what it ſeems: And confequently, if the reafon
and nature of things compel a Man to affert that Mankind had their
Origination another way than that in which it now is, the fame reaſon
and nature of things duly and impartially confidered, muft needs evince
that it had not its Origination from any either cafual or meer natural
courſe of things: But by the Power and Will of a moft wife, intelligent,
bountiful, free, and powerful Being; who according to his Wiſdom and
Goodneſs firſt gave being to Man, yea and all other things, fecundùm
intentionem & beneplacitum fue voluntatis. And fince it is apparently
neceſſary for any Man that will admit the firft production of Mankind
to be totally in another Method than now, and fince they that will
ſuppoſe a natural production of Man at firſt, muſt neceffarily ſuppoſe a
different production from that which now obtains: And fince no more
is afferted by thoſe that ſuppoſe its Origination by the Will, Power, and
Inſtitution of Almighty God; this latter Suppofition is much more
reaſonable and explicable than theirs that fuppofe the firſt Origination
natural, yet totally different from what now it is, which is the great
thing I intend in this long proceſs touching the Origination of Man.
Oo 2
森
​CAP.
1
284 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect. III.
}
CAP.
VII.
Touching the Matter of Fact it felf, whether de facto there hath
been any fuch Origination of Mankind, or of any perfect Animal ;
either Natural or Cafual.
His I propounded as a diftinct Inquiry at the firft, namely, Whe-
ther or how far forth we have any Evidence of Fact touching any
ſuch caſual or natural production of perfect Animals, but especially of
Man. But the truth is, that this is but an Appendix to the former Cha-
pter; for if there be any credible Inftance of any fuch Production, all
or any reafoning against the poffibility thereof is but vain; for what
hath been naturally or cafually, may be again.
But on the other fide, if in all the Succeffions of the Ages of the
World there hath not been any Experience or credible Inftance of any
fuch Production; but contrarywife, fince Mankind was firft upon the
Earth, both Mankind and all perfect Animals have had their being by
natural Procreation and Generation, by conjunction of Sexes; it is a
frenzy for any Man that pretends to Reafon, to fuppofe a natural poſſi-
bility of that to be either from a caſual or meer natural Caufe; which
neyer had any Inftance of its being or exiſtence in fuch a manner.
The World hath now upon the ſhorteſt Account lafted above 5600
Years, and within the compaſs of theſe Ages of the World there have
been in many Nations, eſpecially among the Egyptians and Grecians, Men
of great Wiſdom and Underſtanding, and fingular Induſtry to ſearch into
the Hiſtory of Nature, and many of them have had great opportunities
to know very much therein: and fince their times, efpecially the gene-
rality of the wiſer and more inquifitive fort of Men being allarmed by
the Writings of thoſe that went before them, have made it their bufinefs
to fearch yet farther, and the Learned in all Ages have left the Effays
of their Learning, Reaſon and Obfervation to fucceeding Ages, and if
any Prodigy or confiderable Production hath happened in their times,
they have lent us the News of it: But never in all the Ages of the World
fince thoſe 5600 Years hath there been any credible Relation either of
the caſual or natural production of a Horfe or a Dog, much leſs of a
Man or a Woman happening within the compals of that time, abating
fome Poetical Fictions and Fables that have no colour of any Authentick
Hiſtory or Authority: And therefore Scaliger well faith, Exercit. 193.
Si bos aliquando ex putri orius, cur poft hominum memoriam ex ejufmodi pro-
creatione nullus extitit? and therefore Ariftotle, the wifeft Pagan Philo-
ſopher that ever wrote, and the ftricteft obferver and fearcher into
Nature, even upon the account of Experience and Reaſon tells us, Lib.
de Gen. Animal, cap. ult. that there never hath been, nor can be, according
to the Rules of Narure, any fuch Production; though by way of Sup-
pofition that it fome times had been, he gives us that Hypothefts of it
that ſeemed to him moft likely: And upon this very account, and partly
becauſe he was not acquainted with the Truths of God, or at leaſt
because he was not willing to acknowledge any other Original of things
3.
but
}
Cap. 7.
285
according to the ancient Philofophers.
J
1
but by Nature, he took up the Opinion of his Predeceffor Ocellus,
touching the Eternity of the World," and of Mankind in it, and ſo ab-
folved the difficulty of the Manner of the Origination of Mankind by
denying it.
And therefore we have no reaſon to believe any ſuch thing, fince we
find nothing in any Authentick Hiftory of any Man, or perfect Animal,
fince the firſt Being of Man upon the Earth hath been thus produced,
abating the Fables of Poets touching the production of Men and Women
out of Stones, by Deucalion and Pyrrha, caft over their heads; the Ser-
pents Teeth fowed by Cadmus, the production of Caftor and Pollux out of
an Egg, and thofe forlorn Fables of Beregardus; of the Green Man found
in England in the Den of a Wolf 500 years fince; the Blew and Red Men
of Rabbi Elcha, that came out of the Mountains of Armenia: And there-
fore for want of any credible or particular Inftances of any ſuch pro-
ductions, Cafalpinus fuppofeth, that they are in fome unknown Moun-
tains between the Tropicks, where the Heat of the Sun is more conſtant,
fervent, and equable, than in Climates remoter from the Equinoctial;
though he neither doth, nor can give any Inftance of fuch a production
there or elſewhere. To excufe this unexperienced Notion, and the diffi-
culty of affigning any Inftance thereof, they allude theſe enfuing Apo-
logies.
1. That theſe Productions cannot be but under fome notable Con-
junction or Poſition of the Heavenly Bodies, which may be accommodate
to fuch Productions; which Pofitions or Conjunctions not happening but
after vaft and, diftant Revolutions, the Experiment it felf can rarely
happen, and by length of time, before the like Revolution return, it is
forgotten.
2. That thofe Productions could not be but in Matter excellently pre-
pared and fitted for this production, which could not be but after fome
great and long continuing Flood or Inundation, that might prepare and
diſpoſe the Matter for the Activity of that great Revolution, and if theſe
fhould not meet together, or in fome convenient nearness, the production
of Mankind and perfect Animals would be fruftrated.
3. That in as much as provident Nature hath had for many Ages, and
yet
hath a fufficient Seminium and ftock, for the preſervation of the Specics
of Men and perfect Animals raiſed by propagation and the mutual con-
junction of Sexes, Nature is not neceffitated to have recourle to this
extraordinary way of peopling and furnishing the World, and therefore
it cannot be expected but after fome vaft devaſtation, that may endanger
at leaſt the extinguishing of the species of things.
To theſe things I fay firft in general, That if Men ſhall upon fuch a
Method of Arguing go about to eſtabliſh a Suppofition, that neither they
nor any elſe have ever known or experimented, and make a Conclufion
of a thing as natural, upon fuch Suppofitions as never any Man knew
or heard, to produce fuch effects, Men may affume any thing to be natural,
which yet hath not footſteps in Nature bearing any analogy to it. But to
the particulars :
As to the first, it is unreaſonable to make fuch a Suppofition, for fince
it is not poffible for any Man to know whether there be any fuch Influence
of the Heavens to effect fuch productions, unleſs by Experience and
Obfer-
+
286 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect.111.
Obfervations of fome Men, or fome other way the notice thereof were
given to Mankind, it being a Matter of Fact, that can no other way be
known but by Experience or Revelation; and fince the bare beholding
of thoſe Heavenly Bodies, being of that diſtance, can never without
Obſervation of Events give us any natural eftimate of their Effects,
what they are, or may be; and fince it muft needs be granted, that
fuch imagined Conjunctions, as may be effectual for fuch productions
are at vaft unknown diſtances, and fuch as no Age before hath, or indeed
can leave us any Memorial of; it muſt needs be a vain and precarious
affumption, to attribute any natural Efficacy to any Conjunction what-
foever for ſuch a production. The Ancient and Divine Hiftorian Mofes
gives us indeed an account of the Origination of Man, and all other
Animals, but not upon any natural caufation or activity of the Heavens
or Heavenly Bodies; but as he gives us the Hiftory of the Things, fo he
gives us the true Refolution of the Cauſe, not a natural but a fupernatural
Cauſe, namely, the Intention and Volition of the Great and Wife God
and to exclude any imagination of a natural or neceffary Cauſe of theſe
productions, doth not only tell us in exprefs terms, that the production
of them was by the Energy of the Divine Fiat, but alſo that the pro-
duction even of Vegetables themſelves, that ſeem to have the greateft
dependance upon Celeſtial Influences, was antecedent to the Conftitution
of thoſe Heavenly Bodies. 1. As the Suppofition of ſuch a Natural
Caufality in the Heavens is meerly precarious, fo it feems even to our
Senſe apparently falſe; for we fee every year,
for we ſee every year, without any other than an
ordinary Conjunction by the Accefs of the Sun, Infects and Plants, fponte
nafcentia, do ariſe; and we know, that ordinarily in the compaſs or
revolution of 800 or 1000 years, very great and confiderable mutations
happen in the Pofition and Conjunction of the Heavenly Bodies; and we
know, that within the compafs of Authentick Hiftory thefe Revolutions
have happened above thrice, and fince the latest Epocha of the Worlds
Inception above five times; yet none of theſe great Revolutions have
for any thing we ever knew or heard produced any one Horfe, or Lion,
or Wolf, much leſs any one Man, as a Terrigena. And therefore Expe-
rience (the beſt means to fettle fuch an Hypothefis) doth not only not war-
rant it, but is evidently contrary to it, and denies it.
2. As to the ſecond, the Mofaical Hiftory gives us an account of an
Univerſal Deluge, about 4000 years fince, which lay long upon the whole
Earth; and the Grecian Hiftory gives us an account of two very great
Floods, namely, the Ogygian and the Deucalian Floods; and every Year
gives us an account of the Inundation of Nilus in Egypt, a moft fruitful
Continent, and near the Sun, whereby the Soil is made admirably fruit-
ful, and there is fcarce any Age but fome great portions of Land are laid
dry, by the recess of fome parts of the Ocean, which had lain covered
for many thouſands of years before with the fea. And as the univerſal
Deluge was as great a preparation of the whole Earth, fo theſe particular
Inundations and Receffes of the Sea left particular Spots of Land as well
prepared for fuch productions as can well be imagined; and yet in no
Age have we any Inftance of any fuch production, abating the Story of
the Egyptian Mice which concrete after the recefs of Nilus, which
yet of
moſt hands are agreed to be Infects, and ſponte nafcentia ex putredine. In-
deed
Cap. 7.
287
according to the ancient Philofophers.
deed Beregardus tells us, ubi fupra, out of Camerarius, that about Cayro,
after the reflux of Nilus there are often feen divers Limbs or Parts of
Mens Bodies; whether this be true or no, or if true, whether they are
not only relicks of fome Bodies ſwept away by the Inundations of Nilus
out of their Graves or Sepultures, and torn alunder by the furious Ca-
taracts of Nilus, is not clearly evident: But be they what they will, or
whether the Lufus nature, yet they make nothing to this matter, unles
Camerarius or fome other had feen thoſe divulfa membra come together,
and configured into an humane Shape, and animated with a humane Life,
which neither he nor any other have yet affirmed or pretended.
3. As to the Third, I fay, 1. If by Nature they intend the
great and
glorious God, that moſt wife, intelligent, powerful Being, they do
indeed in effect affirm what I have defigned to prove, but do not make
good their Suppoſition of ſuch a Natural Caufe as they declare in their
Hypothefis, wherein they mean only that natural connexion and feries of
Cauſes whereby Natural Effects are naturally produced. And if they
intend by Nature that unintelligent feries or order of Natural Cauſes,
or the blind and determinate Cauſe of Natural Productions; How comes
that Nature to know when and where this neceffity of Spontaneous Pro-
ductions doth happen, or in what proportion, meaſure, limits or place
it is neceſſary to be done? Such a proviſional care requires a knowing
and perfectly intelligent Being, that operates ex cognitione, intentione, &
voluntate; which is not to be affirmed of Agents purely natural, who
do therefore act according to a Law of neceffity and determination, 203
ex confilio & cognitione. 2. It is plain, that Infects and Vegetables ſponta-
neouſly produced,are produced every Year,and their production is as natural
as the acceſs of the Sun and the conſtitution of the Earth: Theſe are
procured every Year, whether there be any need of them or not, and
poffibly fometimes in greater numbers than is convenient for this inferior
World. And although it be true, that the Divine Power doth intend,
or remit, or manage thefe Productions fecundùm regimen & confilium vo-
luntatis, yet it is moſt evident thefe Productions are ordinary, animal,
and natural, without choice or deſign in inanimate Nature: If therefore
theſe Productions be natural and periodical every Year, why ſhould there
not be as well productions of Men or perfect Brutes, if it were purely
natural, as well as Frogs and Flies; fince the former may be of more
uſe, eſpecially in many defolate places, than always the latter?
many great and vaft Iſlands and Continents are there, eſpecially in Ar-
menia, which have no confiderable number of Inhabitants, if any at all
to people them? In Ireland there are great ftore of Wolves, and to
there were anciently in England, till they were deftroyed by the Industry
of the Inhabitants: in Ireland their increafe is by propagation, without
any new production; in England they cannot increafe by propagation,
becauſe here are none: How comes-it to pass that Nature doth not pro-
duce new Wolves in England, as well as Frogs, Adders, Hornets and
Wafps If it be ſaid, that Nature neglects it becauſe they are noxious ;
as this is to make Nature an intelligent Agent, fo it anfwers not the
difficulty: For why doth the then not deftroy the Species in Ireland upon
the fame account? But this is but a vanity: Nature as well intends the
exiſtence of a Wolf as of a Sheep, where the means of its production is
How
equal,
€
288 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Se&t. III.
equal, though Mankind prefer the latter, as more uſeful to him. If any
thing therefore of this deliberative nature be to be found in the voluntary
and intentional Regiments of things of this kind, it is to be attributed
to the great and fupreme Rector of the World, who doth work ac-
cording to Counſel, Wiſdom, and Will.
Upon the whole matter therefore I conclude, That as well by the
reaſon of the thing, and upon true natural congruity, as alſo de facto
and upon experimental Obfervations, Mankind, no nor the perfect
Animals are not produced, nor producible by any meer natural Cauſe, as
at this day, or in any Age or Time fince their firft Creation, otherwiſe
than by a natural production, which is the Truth afferted by the Great
Verulam, in his 9th Century, in fine.
÷
As for the Heathen Opinion, which was, That upon great Mutations
of the World perfect Creatures were firft ingendred of Concretion, as
well as Frogs, Worms and Flies, and fuch like, we know it to be vain
but if any fuch thing fhould be admitted (difcourfing according to Senſe)
it cannot be, except you admit a Chaos firft, and a commixture of Heaven
and Earth: for the Frame of the World once in order, cannot effect it
by any Exceſs or Caſualty.
And as thus neither Caſualty nor bare Nature cannot originate Man-
kind or any perfect Animal ex putri, fo much leſs can Art. The Chymiſts
tell us, that by re-union of ſeparate Principles of Vegetables they will in
a Glaſs revive a Vegetable of the fame ſpecies at leaſt in figure and effigies,
this hath been pretended, but I could never hear any Man ſpeak it that
faw it done.
But never was any fo mad, except Paracelfus, that could ever pretend to
make up a Senfible Being, much less the Humane Nature: Paracelfus vainly
and falfly pretended to the raifing of an Homunculus, but yet not without
the help of thofe Naturales genitura utriufque fexus; wherein notwith-
ftanding he lyed, as he did in many things elle, which he never could effect
notwithſtanding his vain boafting of his Skill.
Upon the whole Matter therefore I conclude, That the Origination of
Mankind, or of the inferior perfect Animals, neither was nor could be
the Effect of Humane Art or Skill, as Paracelfus; nor of Chance or Ca-
fualty, as Epicurus; nor of Nature, as Cardanus, Cefalpinus, and fome other
Recreants in Religion and Philofophy: But it was the free, powerful, and
wonderful Work of the God of Nature, who made all things by his
Power and Wiſdom, and having made them, lodged in them and for
them that pre-ordained Law of their Creation and Exiſtence, which we
commonly call Nature: That Nature indeed is the Law or Rule inſti-
tuted and implanted by the wife and glorious God in things when made;
but in the first Effection of Mankind God Almighty, not Nature, was
the Author. As in my Watch, the Law and Rule of its Motion is the
Conſtitution and Pofition of its Parts by the Hand and Mind of the
skilful Artiſt, but the Author or Efficient of my Watch is the Artiſt
himſelf, and not that Motion that is as it were the Law or Rule of the
Engin.
SECT.
Cap. 1.
289
Of a true Origination, &c.
SECT. IV.
CA P. I.
Concerning the last Opinion, attributing the Origination of Mankind to
the immediate Power and Will of Almighty God.
I
N the foregoing Section and Chapters I have performed theſe things:
1. I have removed the Suppoſition of an Eternal Exiſtence of the
Humane Species, as altogether incredible, and indeed impoffible.
2. I have eſtabliſhed confequently this Truth, That the Species
bumana had a beginning; and this I have done principally upon natural
Evidence of the incompoffibility of an Eternal Exiftence of fucceffive
Generations. 3. I have confidered thofe Evidences of Fact, or Moral
Evidences of the Inception of Mankind, and removed fuch as feem more
fallible and leſs concludent, and ſubjoined ſuch as ſeem to be of greater
weight. 4. Among thefe of the latter fort, I have confidered the general
Tradition thereof, both of the unlearned and learned part of Mankind,
wherein among others I have confidered the Opinion of thofe Famous
Sects of Philofophers, the Platonists, Epicureans, Peripateticks, and Stoicks.
5. Though I have made ufe of their common Suffrage, in order to the
Proof of the Origination of Mankind, yet I have not allowed all their
feveral Notions, or Hypothefes, touching the Method or Manner of their
admitted Origination of the Humane Nature. And therefore, 6. I ha-
ving thus eſtabliſhed the Thefis in general, I have defcended to the Exa-
mination of the particular Hypothefes, taken up by various Philofophers
touching the fame Origination: And thoſe I have diftributed into theſe
three Ranks; 1. Thofe that fuppofe an accidental or cafual Production
of Mankind, which was principally the Opinion of the Epicureans: This
Opinion I have examined, and rejected as vain. 2. Thoſe that ſuppoſe
this Production to be Natural, or by the bare Concurrence of Natural
Caules, as Avicen, Cardan, and fome others; which I have likewife
examined, and rejected as utterly inevident and falfe. 3. There remains
therefore the third Opinion, that attributes the Origination of Mankind to
the immediate Power and Beneplacitum of the Supreme Intellectual Being,
namely, Almighty God; and this was the Opinion of divers of the
Platonists and Stoicks.
I.
>
This Opinion is in the general true, and agreeth not only with the
Divine Doctrine of Mofes, but with the exacteft Meaſure and Rule of
Reaſon, and the Light of Nature it ſelf, and as it is utterly impoffible,
that Mankind ſhould be without a beginning, fo it is utterly inconceptible,
that he should have any other Original but this.
But although this general Suppofition, be thus confonant to Truth
and the Light of Reafon, yet fince the Manner of this Origination of
Mankind by the Power of God depends meerly upon His own Benc-
Pp
placitum,
290
Se&t. IV.
Of a true Origination of
placitum, which might put forth and exert this Act of His Power, Wiſdom,
and Goodneſs, in the production of Mankind according to His good
Pleaſure, and the Arbitrium of His own Will. And fince Mankind,
having their Exiſtence after this production, could never by his own Senſe
perceive or underſtand perfectly the Manner of his own production, and
confequently the particular Method or Manner thereof could neither be
attained by Humane Experience nor Ratiocination; we muft neceffarily
either be utterly ignorant of the Manner and Order of the Divine Proce-
dure in the Origination of Mankind, or we muſt know it only by Divine,
or at at leaſt Angelical Revelation, and not otherwife. So that though
the general Thefts of the Origination of Mankind by Almighty God, be
a Conclufion deducible by Reafon, partly by the remotion of all other
means as incompatible and infufficient for fuch a production, and partly
by the obſervation of the Events and Effects in Nature; yet that this
production of Mankind was in this or that particular manner, is a Truth
diftinctly cognofcible only by Revelation.
And hence it came to paſs, that thoſe great Searchers into Truth among
the Heathens, being either not acquainted with the Hiftory of Mofes,
or not acquainted with the Divine Authority by which it was written,
either delivered their Thefis generally, that Almighty God produced Man-
kind by His Power and Will, not explicating the particular manner
thereof; or if they attempted a particular Explication of the manner,
they ran out into very uncertain, various, and contradictory Explications
thereof, which muſt neceffarily be the confequence of fuch particular
determinations, where Man hath not fufficient light to guide and direct
him. Zeno Citicus,the Founder and Prince of the Sect of the Stoicks,a wife and
a good Man, contented himſelf with this general Affertion touching this
matter, as it is delivered us by Cenforinus, in Die natali, cap. 4. Zenon
Citicus Stoica fect a conditor, principium humano generi ex novo mundi confti-
tutum putavit, primofque homines ex folo adminiculo Divini ignis, id eft, Dei
providentia, genitos. Plato, as far as we can collect his Opinion out of
his Timeus, attributes the Origination of Mankind to the immediate
Caufality of an Intelligent Nature: But going further into particulars,
falls into conjectures, attributing the Effection of the Soul unto the Great
God, but the Fabrication of the Body to the Dii ex Deo, or Angels, it
ſeems according to the Tradition of the Egyptians. And this hath been
ordinarily the unhappineſs of Mankind, without the light and guidance
of Divine Revelation, that if they have at any time happened upon
found and fubftantial Truth, they commonly fix unto it Explications and
Additions of their own, which many times, by their inevidence, abſur-
dity, or incongruity, draw in queſtion the Truth it ſelf to which they
are appendicated: Therefore to ſettle, and fix, and quiet the Minds of
Men touching their own firſt Origination, and the Origination of this
World, it hath pleaſed the Divine Wiſdom and Goodnefs by the Hand of
Mofes to reveal unto Mankind, not only that the World and Mankind had
their Original, and that they had their Original from Almighty God,
as its Efficient both of the Matter and Form thereof; but allo he hath
therein declared the Series, Order, and Method of the production of all
Things.
fome
It is true, the two former, namely, That the World had an Inception,
and
Cap. 2.
291
Mankind and the Univerſe.
and had an Inception from God, is a Truth that by the diligent Improve-
ment of natural Light and Reafon is attainable; but the Manner and
Order of this Effection is, as before is faid, diſcoverable only by Divine
Revelation: But yet though the Manner thereof is not difcernable barely
by the light of Nature or Reaſon, without the help of Divine Revelation;
yet that Method and Manner once revealed, as it ftands fo revealed to us
by Mofes,carries a very great congruity to Reafon ; which though it cannot
at firſt diſcover the Method or Order, yet it cannot chooſe but fuffragate
to the reaſonableneſs and convenience thereof, being ſo diſcovered.
I ſhall therefore in what follows do theſe things; 1. I shall give an
Account of that Method of the Formation of all things, and particu-
larly of Mankind, as it is rendred to us by Mofes. 2. I fhall fhew the
reaſonableneſs and congruity of the Scheme of Mofes touching the Effe-
ction of Mankind, both in the general and particular notion thereof,
and the prelation that it juſtly hath above all other the Hypothefes of other
Men. 3. I ſhall deduce from the whole certain evident and neceffary
Conclufions, againſt thofe that deny the Exiftence and Providence of
Almighty God. 4. I fhall alfo deduce fome Conclufions evincing the
Reaſonableneſs of an intended End for Mankind, or the Deſign of Al-
mighty God in his Creation, and, what may be reaſonably concluded
touching the fame.
}
CA P. II.
The Mofaical History touching the production of the World and of
Mankind, and the Congruity and Reasonableneß of the Mofaical
Hypotheſis.
N that fhort yet admirable Hiftory of the Creation delivered by Moſes
in the first Chapter of Genefis, he gives us an exact Account of the
Origination both of Mankind and of the whole World, and therein and
thereby he reſolves all the Doubts and Difficulties which troubled the
Heads of the wife and learned Heathen touching the fame, and refolves
and extricates all thoſe inconveniences and perplexities under which the
various Hypothefes of the Heathen World infinitely laboured.
1. He refolves us, That the World in that Conftitution as now it is,
was not Eternal, no not that part to which the Ancients attributed
Eternity moft, namely,the Heavens, whereby all the Foundations of Ari-
Stotle, Ocellus Lucanus, and others touching the fame, and all their fubtilties
and ftruglings to fupport that Eternity, and to deliver themſelves from
thoſe inconveniences that attended that Suppofition are in a few words
rendred vain and frivolous.
2. He refolves us, That as the World in its preſent form and ſtructure
was not eternal, fo neither was the matter thereof eternal; which trou-
bled Plato fo much, who though he fuppofed an inception of the for-
mation of things into their prefent order, yet could not digeft an origi-
nation of Matter.
Pp 2
3. He
!
292 Of the manner of the Origination of Mankind, Sect. IV.
A
3. He gives us an account, That Time or fucceffive Duration was
not eternal, but had a beginning, and that Motion, whofe Meaſure
Time was, had a beginning, before which it was not; becauſe no Mobile
was more ancient than the beginning of Time.
4. He gives us an account of a kind of production that the learned
Philofophers knew not, a production ex nihilo, by Creation, by the Al-
mighty God, which breaks and tears in pieces all thofe petite Axioms
and fuperftructions thereupon, which they had been long time in weaving,
and by which they formed much of their Philofophical Speculation:
As the neceffity of eternal Matter, becauſe nothing is made of nothing
the neceffity of eternal Motion, becauſe every Motion muſt have ſome
Motion anteceding the nature of poffibilities, which, and many more
being defumed from Generation as it ſtood in the fetled courſe of Nature,
and fitted and appropriated to it, are no way applicable to the firſt Ori-
gination and Production of Being by Creation.
;
5. He gives us the true Efficient of Being, and the manner of his
Operation, namely, Almighty God, a moft wife, intelligent, and free
Efficient, and one that in the first production of things did not work
per modum natura, or neceffarily, or as a natural or neceffary Caufe, as
the Sun produceth Light; but per modum intentionis, volitionis, & electionis ;
for he was before he created his Creation of the World, was in the be-
ginning, namely of Time, and created Nature, but he was before that
beginning, namely, without all beginning. But to purfue a little more
diſtinctly the order of the Creation of things pofitively, and not barely
negatively, the Mofaical Hiſtory touching the Creation feems to be as
followeth.
1. That in the beginning, the firft Apex of Time which began with
the Being of Matter, Almighty God created in one indivifible moment
the first and common Matter of all this Mundus afpectabilis, the Heaven
and Earth. Verf. 1.
2. That in that firſt Creation, and for fome continuance of time or
duration after this common Matter of all things lay indiftinct and con-
fuſed together, without any order or diftinction, expreffed by thoſe
words, Gen. 1. 2. And the earth was without form and void, and darkneß
was upon the face of the deep: And in this common Maſs and Chaos were
contained the conftituent Matter of the Celeftial and Elementary World.
Which falves the Diſpute touching the diſparity of the Matter of the
Heavenly and Elementary World, which appears here to be the
fame in kind.
3. That this common Matter had theſe deficiencies in it, in and for
fome time after its production.
I. It was without Form and Order:
2. It was without Light:
3. It was without Activity, Life, or Motion: and
4. All that Superficies which it had, bore the greateſt analogy to
Water, though in that vaſt Abyſs there was a confuſed mixture of other
Matter.
4. That the Spirit of God moved upon the face of this great Abyſs,
[incu-
Cap. 2.
293
according to the ancient Philofopbers.
;
[incubavit fuper abyff faciem:] What this Spirit of God was, whether
the effential Spirit, the Third Perfon in the Holy Trinity; or whether it
were a created Spirit, the Spirit of Nature, or as fome will have it, the
Anima mandi, created by God to digeſt, inſpire, and communicate an
active nature to this confuled Moles, as fome earneftly contend; or whe-
ther this Spirit of God were any other than the emanation of his Power,
I shall not determin: But whatever it was, this Motion of the Spirit
upon the face of this Abyls had theſe great Intentions and Effects upon
this confused Moles: 1. It derived into it motive Powers or Energies,
whereby the parts of it were agitated or moved, or at leaſt rendred more
obfequious to the agitation and motion of that active nature which was
afterward created, namely, Light or Fire. 2. It did gradually digeft
and ſeparate its parts, whereby they became more capable of difpofition
and order, according to their feveral defigned and deftined places, pofi-
tions, and uſes. 3. It did transfufe into this ftupid,dead,and unactive Moles
certain activity and vital influence, whereby it did in general affect
that which Aristotle calls the common Life of Bodies, namely, Motion
and the feveral parts thereof were impregnated with feveral kinds of
vital influence, varied and diverfified according to their ſeveral parts and
uſes: As the gentle heat of the Hen feems to communicate a vital in-
fluence to the Egg, only with this difference, that the heat of the Hen
feems to excite a pre-exifting vital principle in the Egg, rather than to
give it But the incubation of this Spirit of God did not fo much excite,
as give a new vital power to the feveral parts of the Chaos; as the vital
Soul in Nature communicates vitality and activity to the Seminal Par-
ticles: And this gives us an account how Activity and active Forms,
Powers or Qualities were derived into Matter, namely, not from Matter
it felf, or fuch which is meerly unactive and paffive; but from another
Principle, namely, the vigorous influx of this Spirit that moved upon
the face of the Water. Whereby it is apparent that the Vis, Vigor,
Activity or Energy that is in Natural Bodies and in the Univerſe, as it
came from no other Principle than Matter, fo it is an Entity of a di-
ſtinct nature from Matter or material Subftance fimply as fuch, and indeed
an Entity of a nobler extraction and nature than bare Matter or material
Subſtance. So that in this Deſcription hitherto containing the firft
Stamina or Rudiments of the Univerſe, we have 1. The Efficient there-
of, Almighty God: 2. The manner of his efficiency herein, namely,
Creation ex non preexiftentibus: 3. The Matter of the Univerfe thus by
Creation produced, the confufed Moles, containing in it felf the Matter
of all things: 4. The difpofition, or rather indifpofition of this Matter,
dark, ftupid, and unactive: 5. The plaftick, formative, digefting
Principle that pervaded it, the Spirit of God moving upon the face of
the Waters.
Totófque infufa per artus
Mens agitat molem.
The first Rudiments of the World being thus laid, and thus prepared
and influenced by the powerful Energy and Incubation of this Spirit of
God; this divinely inspired Hiftorian gives us in the next place the next
fucceeding order of Almighty God, producing and effectually raiſing
· out
294
Sect. IV.
*
Of a true Origination of
}
out of this Matter the greater Integrals of the Univerſe, namely, the
Etherial and Elementary Nature. Verf. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10.
pro-
As in the order of Reafon, it was but fit and convenient that the
duction and influencing of the Matter fhould precede the divifion, and
diftribution, and orderly difpofing thereof; fo it was equally reaſonable
and convenient, that the greater and more extenfive parts thereof ſhould
be firſt laid out and diſpoſed into their ſeveral ſtations and orders, before
the ſmaller and leffer portions of Nature ſhould be either produced or
fetled; and that the fimple parts of this great Chaos fhould be first ex-
tracted, before the mixed and compounded Exiftences fhould be fetled.
For as the Chaos and common Lump of Matter was as it were the firſt
Matter of all things, fo the more fimple and uncompounded parts
thereof, the Etherial and Elementary Natures were as it were the Ma
teria fecunda, or proxima of the enfuing Productions, and in conformity
to this firſt Divine Ordination of things, the inftituted nature of Cor-
poreal Beings, he did obſerve the fame method or order ftill in the
Generation of things. Wherein we may obferve, that the greater and
more comprehenfive Rudiments and Stamina are laid, and in fome good
meaſure formed, before the leffer and derivative parts are formed and
compleated; as we ſhall have occafion to obferve when we come to con-
fider the proceffus generationis of Man and Brutes.
And now to come to thoſe greater Productions, which are principally
theſe, the Light, the Ether, the Air, the Water, the Earth. Firſt
therefore touching the Light, Verf. 3. And God faid, let there be light,
and there was light; and God divided the light from the darkneß, and the
light he called day, and the darkneß he called night: and the evening and
the morning were the first day.
Herein it might be fit to examin, 1. What this Light was: 2. How
it was produced: 3. How it was difpofed or ordered: 4. In what order
and character of time it was fo produced and ordered.
Touching theſe briefly, and first touching the nature of this Light.
We may obferve in Fire two great operations or effects, first, Heat,
fecondly, Light: It fhould feem that active Element, as it is commonly
called, or rather, that powerful, vigorous Entity, or Vis ignea lucida &
calefactiva was produced by the Incubation of the Spirit of God upon
the face of the Abyſs, and diffuſed through the confuſed Particles of
the Materia Chaotica; and that it was the great Inftrument which that
Spirit did both communicate and ufe for the preparation, digeſtion, and
agitation of that Matter: but this fiery nature being mingled and dif-
perſed through the Matter, though it had one of its uſeful effects, namely,
Heat, yet it neither had nor could have Light, at leaſt till it were in
fome meaſure difintangled and fevered from the Moles of grofs Matter,
with which it was confounded and mingled; and till the lucid and
flammeous particles, or rather Vis ignea & lucida were lodged in a fit
Vehicle for its emiffion. So that in the work of this day Light was not
created, but only a confiderable part thereof feparated from the groffer
Matter, and difpofed into an apt Vehicle to contain it. 2. And this
anſwers partly the fecond Inquiry, namely, How it was produced: not,
as it ſeems, by Creation, but the powerful Fiat of Almighty God called
the Light out of Darkness, that is, feparated and fevered the moſt lucid
fiery
Cap. 2.
295
Mankind and the Universe.
}
fiery nature, and inveſted them with fit Vehicles defumed out of the
Materia Chaotica, whereby great part of that flammeous and lucid fiery
nature which was created by the Incubation of the Spirit of God, was in
a great meaſure diſcharged from the bond and incumbrance of the groffer
Matter, and rendred uſeful for the beauty and fervice of the Univerſe;
but yet ſo, that there remained ſtill in the parts of the Moles a fufficient
ſtock of connatural Fire and fiery Particles for the heating, agitating,
and digefting of their feveral parts for their feveral ufes and ends. As
to the Third, it ſhould feem, that 1. This luminous nature was lodged
in a ſuitable Vehicle to derive its Light and Influence to the exteriour
Superficies of this Moles Chaotica. 2. That it was put into a circular
Motion, whereby in the ſpace of a Natural Day it vifited the whole
Expanfam by fucceffive rotation; fo that as by its preſence in any part
of the Chaotical Horizon it made Day, fo by its abfence there-from it
cauſed Night, as the Sun doth at this day. And this diurnal Rotation
of this luminous Body was really fuch, becauſe there could not be other-
wiſe that which the Text fuppofeth, viz. feparation of the Light from
the Darkneſs, and thereby the diſtribution of Day and Night, fo it was
convenient, for the better digeftion and preparation of the remaining
indigeſted parts of Nature. For doubtless that Light was of a very great
and penetrating Influence, being as it were the Flos and Elixir of that
moſt active and powerful Element. 4. The Time and Order wherein this
production of Light was, is faid to be the firft Day: what portion of
duration the diſorderly Chaos had before this firft production is utterly
uncertain, becauſe not revealed; poffibly it might be a very long time,
but the perfecting of the World in its formal order and conftitutum feems
to be in the compaſs of fix Natural Days, and the firſt Days Work is
this of Light.
And although we muſt finally reſolve the ordering and methodizing
of all things to the Divinum beneplacitum, whofe Wildom and Ways are
unfearchable and paſt finding out, farther than he is pleaſed to reveal
them; yet it ſhould ſeem to be very confonant to the reafon of things,
that this eduction and circulation of the Light fhould begin and be con-
tinued at leaſt for the first three Days of the World, without parcelling
or diftributing into thofe Luminaries of the Sun and Stars: For doubtleſs
the collection of this lúcid, fiery, active nature into fo great a Body as
probably it was, had even naturally a moft forcible energy, influence and
penetration into the fubjected Chaos, and ftrangely prepared it for its
enfuing offices and ufes. Although we muſt ever with all humility
acknowledge, that the Great and Omnipotent God needed not the fubfi-
diary Inftrumentalities of Nature to compleat his Work, but could do
all things immediately, as he did moft evidently in many of the pro-
ductions of Nature; yet if he were pleaſed to uſe this order in things,
we have reaſon to believe, that though he needed it not, yet when we
fee it done, it was certainly fo done with most exquifite Wiſdom and
Reafon: He could in the first moment have produced the whole World
compleat in all particulars, but he chofe not fo to do, but did things in a
fucceffive order of fix Days, and in fuch a Method as was moſt agreeable to
his good pleaſure and infinite Wiſdom. What became of this Fiery Lumi-
nous Nature and Body, we shall fee in the fourth Days Work.
2. The
}
"
296
Of a true Origination of
Sect. IV.
2. The Second great Integral feems to be that great and vaft Body,
confifting of the Air and Ether, called the Firmament; Verf. 6. And
God faid, Let there be a firmament in the midst of the water, and God made
the firmament, and divided the waters which are above the firmament from
the waters
that are under the firmament, and it was fo; and God called the
firmament heaven: and the evening and the morning were the fecond day.
This word that is tranflated in our English [Firmament] is rendred by
Linguifts underſtanding the propriety of the word, to be Expanfum or
Expanfio; and much controverfie hath been, what is meant by the Waters
above the Heavens, fome fuppofing a real exiftence of Waters above the
Starry Heavens, to cool the heat contracted by them or their rapid mo-
tion; others conjecturing it to be the Clouds, which are above the
middle region of the Air: both improbable enough, the former a meer
imagination, the latter little more; for, at this time, it is apparent there
were no Clouds, neither had it rained upon the Earth. Gen. 2.6.
It ſeems therefore that this Expanfum, rendred here Firmament, is
nothing elſe but that limit or boundary between the more refined, liquid
nature which we ufually call Air and Ather, and the groffer or fluid
Element properly called Water. So the Firmament was nothing elſe but
that Expanfum of Air and Æther that are contiguous to the Superficies of
the Water. The Reaſons that induce me fo to think (which alſo expli-
cate the Notion of the Suppofition) are theſe:
1. Becauſe frequently both in the Language of the Holy Scripture,
and of divers of the ancient Heathen Authors, the whole Diaphanum of the
Air and Ather is in one common appellation called Heaven; which is the
denomination here given to this Expanfum, (God called the Firmament
or Expanfum, Heaven :) thus we have frequent mention of the Fowls of
the Heavens, the Clouds of Heaven, which yet are fituated in that
part of Heaven, which is the Aiery Region. And again here, Verf. 14.
the Sun and Moon are faid to be great Lights placed in the Firmament
of the Heaven, which are yet placed in a Region of the Ather, though
above the Atmoſphere and the region of the common Air, yet are far
below that liquid region of the Ather wherein the Stars move: and
Verf. 20. the Fowls habitation is faid to be in the open Firmament of
Heaven, which yet fly no higher than the lower region of the Air. So
that the Heaven, and the Expanfum here called the Heaven, feems to
be that great Expanfum of the Diaphanum including the more fublime
and pure part thereof called the Ether; and the groffer and lower part
thereof called the Air, and the Waters above the Firmament were that
refined, rarified, liquid Matter, which was Ather and Air; and the
the Waters below the Firmament were thoſe grofs and fluid parts of
Nature called ordinarily Water.
2. Becauſe it appears, Verf.9. that the Waters which were gathered to-
gether in the Conftitution of the Air, were the Waters under the Heavens,
Waters that were next contiguous to that common Expanfum confifting
of Air and Æther called Heaven, there was nothing interpofed between
that fluid Water which conftituted the Sea, and that common Expanfum
called Heaven, conſiſting of Air and Æther.
3. It ſeems that the great Moles Chaotica was in its appearance and
external conſiſtency of a waterish nature; for it is faid that the Spirit of
God
F
Cap. 2.
297
Mankind and the Univerſe.
1
God moved upon the face of the Waters, which though it contained the
confuſed Maſs of all things, as well thoſe that grew into a more ſolid
conſiſtence, as the more reformed or fubtil Matter; yet in its firſt defor-
med exhibition of its appearance it had the ſhape of Water, and therefore
Plutarck, de placitis Philofophorum, lib. 1. cap. 3. tells us, that Thales Milefius
held that Water was the common Principle of all things; which Po-
fition he learned partly by the Analogy that he found therewith in
things exifting, whofe firft Rudiments and laft Refolution feems to be
a watry or fluid fubftance; and partly by Tradition from the Egyptians,
or rather from the Hebrews, whofe first habitation was in that Country.
And the manner of the refolution of this Aqueous appearance into
Æther and Air feems to be this: This great aqueous Chaotical Mafs
contained in it Particles of various natures, fome more feculent and grofs,
as the Earthy Particles, which floated up and down in it till they were
driven down by the Fire and Heat, or otherwiſe by fome diſpoſition or
or agitation of that Incubation of the Spirit of God, were difpofed and
fubfided in the middle of this Aqueous fubftarice, which became in time
the Moles terrestris: Other parts lefs feculent than theſe refided in a
Region or Circle next to that groffer and more feculent Sediment; but
by virtue of the Divine Difpofal the Incubation of the Spirit and the
Energy and Efficacy of that great circulating Fiery Nature, which was
maintained in a continued rotation about the Maſſa Chaotica, called
Light, and that internal, hot, and fiery Nature that ſtill refided within
the Body of the Maffa Chaotica, the more fubtil and pure particles of
this Watriſh Matter were feparated, divided, and exhaled from it, and
conſtituted that Confiftency that is called the Air and Æther, here called
Heaven.
And this diaphanous Body of the Air and Æther thus extracted from
the Water varied in degrees of Subtilty or Rarity, according to the de-
grees of its elevation; the more high and elevated parts being more
pure, according to the degrees of their afcent; and the lower more fecu-
lent and thick, and filled with more grofs Exhalations and Vapours
arifing from the contiguouſly ſubjected parts; and therefore it is faid,
Gen. 2.6. There went up a mist from the earth, and watered the face of the
ground.
And I am farther induced to think, that thoſe Waters above the Fir-
mament or Expanfum were no other than this Æther and Air raiſed and
ſeparated from the Maffa Chaotica, upon theſe Reaſons; 1. Becauſe there
feems to be a great congruity between the Water and the Air, in their
quality of liquidity or moifturę. 2. Becauſe there feems to be a more
connatural Tranfmutation of either into other; the Air, and for ought I
know,theÆther, which is but a purer fublimated Air,by condenſation eafily
re-affuming the nature of Water, and the Water by heat and rarefaction
eafily affuming the nature of Air, and by the continuance and conftancy of
that heat containing it ſelf in that confiftency. And from hence it is that
the Waters were the common material Principle of both the Fiſhes and
Fowls. And if we may conjecture, that great Inundation, Gen. 7. 1.
was not by a new Creation of Water, but by the wonderful and powerful
Condenſation of the Region of the Air; which feems to be that opening
of the Windows of Heaven, whereby great portions of the Aerial and
Etherial
Qq
298
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
1
L
Etherial Matter diſcovered themſelves to be Water. 3. Becauſe we have
no other part of Holy Hiftory that gives us an account of the production
of that vaft Continent of the Air and Æther out of the Chaotick Mafs
but this place. And here we muft obferve once for all, That there was
no Creation of Matter after the Beginning, it was all created in that
moment of Beginning. 2. That from that Creation till the firſt Day,
wherein Light was produced, there was that continued preparation,
impregnation, difpofition, and agitation of Matter by the Spirit of God.
3. That all the Productions of the Six Days (except the Creation of the
Soul of Man, and Angels) were not by any new Creation, but by fepa-
ration of the parts of that pre-exifting Matter, formation of them, and
compofition and effection of Beings out of the firft created, difpofed,
and ordered Matter, by the Power of Almighty God, and the influencing
them with thoſe active Principles which we ufually call Forms, Energies,
and Active Qualities.
3. The Third great Integral of this lower World, eſpecially in the
Work of the third day, was the dividing of the Earth and Waters, Verf.9.
And God faid, Let the waters under the beaven be gathered together, and
let the dry land appear, and it was fo; and God called the dry land earth, and
the gathering together of the waters he called feas.
The Divine Hiftorian herein brings us to the Formation of this lower
Globe of Water and Earth, and the diſtinction thereof.
This portion of the lower World ſeems to be the whole refidue of the
viſible Chaotical Maſs, which by the former Rectification was reduced
to a ſmall portion, like the Caput mortuum after Diſtillation; for out of
it had been before drawn thofe two mighty and large portions of Matter,
namely, the Fiery, and Flammeous, and Lucid Nature imbodied in a
Vehicle fufficient to contain and receive it in the Work of the firſt day;
and ſecondly, the Expanfum, the vaft Body of the Air and Ether in the
Work of the ſecond Day.
So that this Elementary portion of Earth and Water ſeems to be as
it were the ſediment and relique of the Maffa Chaotica.
And thoſe other two vaft Extractions being drawn from it, it ſeems
this lower Region of Nature confifting of an aggregation of Water and
Earth by the Divine Difpofition of things, either immediately, or partly
by the inftrumentality either of the ambient Fire, or by the implanted
tendency of the groffer Particles to one common Center of 'this refidue
of a Chaotick Mafs, the grofs Terreſtrial parts ſubſided into the middle
of the Water; and though it was in bulk far greater than the Water,
yet it had there two concomitants with it: 1. The Water by reaſon of
its fluidity and penetration mingled it ſelf, as far as it could at leaft, with
the fuperficies of the Terreftrial Sediment, to fome confiderable depth
into it, fo far as it could pierce, until it were excluded by the denſer
coagulation of the Earth. 2. The Water did encompaſs the whole
Terreſtrial Globe to fome proportionable depth or thickneſs, though not
equal to the quantity of the Earth. So that as the circular Scales of a
Pearl incompaſs one another, fo did the ſeveral extrracted great Integrals
cover one another.
The firft extracted Nature was the Light, the Fiery or Luminous Body,
which muſt needs be uppermoft, becauſe firſt drawn off from the Chaotick
Mafs.
1
T
Cap. 2.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
299
+
1
Maſs. The ſecond, the Ether and Air drawn off, encompaffing the re-
maining part of the Chaotick Mafs. The third, the Watry Confiftence, left
in a circular fubfiftence by the ſubfiding of the Ball of Earth into the
common Center of the Univerſe.
And by this means the Earth was not at all confpicuous, but involved
in an involucrum of Water; fo that it muſt neceffarily be, 1. That hereby
the whole Superficies of the Earth was covered with Water.
the upper part of it muſt needs be a moift muddy fubftance, fluid and
lubricous, like Slime or Mud.
>
2. That
The appearance therefore of the dry Land was by the excavation of
certain Sinus and Tracts of the Earth, and exaggerating or lifting_up
other parts of the Terreftrial Matter, and by this means the Water ſub-
fided into thoſe Caverns aad Valleys prepared for its reception: Whether
this excavation of the Terreſtrial Body or elevation of other parts
thereof whereby the Water fubfided, were immediately by the immediate
Power of God, or whether he did it by the inftrumentality of the Water,
working room for it felf in the more foft and penetrable part of the Earth,
and exaggerating and raiſing Iſlands and Continents in other parts by
fuch exaggeration, as we fee is done at this day by the Ocean, producing
Iſlands, and enlarging Continents: Or whether by the inftrumentality
of the Fire, either fubterraneous or ambient, raiſing up the Earth, or
what other immediate way it was done; moft certainly it was done by
the Will, Direction, and Regiment of the Divine Wiſdom and Power:
fo that it is truly faid, Job 38. 10. He brake up for it its decreed place:
Prov. 8. 28. He gave the fea its decree, that the waters ſhould not paß his
commandment.
Hitherto the Divine Hiſtory hath given us an account, 1. Of the Ma-
teria prima of all Corporeal Beings, the Maffa Chaotica: 2. The Materia
proxima or fecunda of all other Corporeal Beings being the fimple Ele-
ments, and the next Matter of all Mixtions or Compoſition : 3. The
Natura ignea; calefactive, lucid, and penetrating the Elementary Matter:
4. The Natura etherea and aerea, the Expanfum: 5. The Natura aquea,
or the Water: 6. The Natura terreftris, or the Earth. And then he
proceeds to thofe mixed or compounded Natures, drawn out of thoſe or
fome of thoſe fimpler Exiſtences, the Furniture of the Earth and Heaven.
I fhall therefore now proceed to his Deſcription of the Production of
Mixt Natures and Vegetables, in part of the third day; Celeſtial Bodies
in the fourth day; Fish and Fowls in the fifth day; Brutes and Man in
the fixth day.
1. Therefore touching the production of Vegetables, Verf. 11. And
God faid, Let the earth bring forth graß, the herb yielding feed, and the fruit-
tree yielding fruit after her kind, whofe feed is in it felf upon the earth; and
it was fo.
Here we have the beginning of the Vegetable Nature; and mark,
what I ſay concerning this, will be applicable with fome variation to the
Brutes and Fiſh. We have three forts of Vegetables here defcribed,
1. Some that ſeem to be of the loweſt rank, and fuch as we do find often-
times fponte orta, the Grafs. 2. Thoſe Herbs that are of a more per-
fect nature, which as they bear Seed, fo they do not uſually ariſe but
by it. 3. Trees bearing Fruit and Seed, being the nobler fort of Trees;
Q9 2
but
1
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}
300
Sect, IV.
Of a true Origination of
辈
​but this includes all kind of Vegetables, as well Trees that bear not Fruit
or Seed, as thoſe which do.
In the production of theſe Vegetables, theſe things are obfervable:
1. The Supreme Efficient, the Word of Command of the Divine Will
was that which was the Supreme productive Efficient.
2. The fubordinate Inftrument (germinet terra] wherein we have theſe
two great Truths delivered. 1. That the Earth yielded the Matter of
Vegetables. 2. That the Earth was now impregnated to be an active
Inftrument to this production, and concurred therein, at leaft inftru-
mentally, with the Supreme Efficient, and that Activity that was in the
Earth did not ariſe meerly from the Matter, for that in the beginning
was purely paffive, but 1. by the Fecundating Principle, the Spirit of
God moving upon the Face of the Chaotick Matter, 2. by the powerful
Energy of the Fiery and Luminous Principle, that partly refided in the
Earth, partly incompaffed it; 3. but principally by the Efficacy of the
Word of the Divine Command, which was no other but the determi-
nation of His Efficacious Will.
3. But though the more folid Matter of theſe Vegetable Productions
was the Earth, yet it was the Earth conjoined with that vigorous Fire,
which was mingled with that active Air or Ather that was interfperfed
in it, and that fruitful Water which remained conjoined with it.
4. That this Production was not by any formed antecedent Seed
diſperſed in it, but immediately, the Vegetable Individuals were ante-
cedent to any Semina that might be productive of it; and according to
the true Method of Exiſtence of Things in their firſt Origination, the
Herb and Tree were the Cauſe, the Original of the Seed, the Seed was
not the Original of the Herb or Tree, though in the fecondary production
by generation the Semen precedes the thing generated, according to the
Order ſettled after the firft production of things, which doth reaſonably
folve the Diſpute of Plutarch, Whether the Hen were before the Egg,
or the Egg before the Hen?
And as the Suppofition, that the firſt Principle in the Origination, either
of Vegetables or Senfitives, to be ex præexiftente femine ſeems incongruous
and unreaſonable, I mean as to perfect Vegetables or Animals, fo it is
idle and needlefs: For certainly the fame Infinite Power, that could form
a Semen univocum, to be the immediate Principle of an Animal or Vege-
table, in the primordial Origination of them, could with equal facility
form perfect Individuals of the feveral Species, and endue them with a
prolifick power of propagation of their kinds, by feminal Principles
decifed from them; and no leffer Power and Wiſdom was required to
mold up a ſpecifical operative Semen, than to frame the Individual or
Species to be produced by it.
5. The Supreme Power of the Great Efficient of Vegetables, as well
as Animals, was feen in this, in that it determined their Species, which,
Matter alone, nor any Univerſal Caufe purely natural, could never have
done, in reſpect of their univerfal common indeterminate Nature, which
could never fix nor fettle in any determinate fpecifick production. There-
fore, in that the Individuals of Vegetables, Fish, Fruits, and Birds,
as well as Men, were made after their kinds, it aſcertains us, that this
Origination of things was by a Wife, Free, Intelligent Being, full
of
Cap. 2.
301
Mankind and the Universe.
}
of Power and Wiſdom, acting fecundum intentionem electionem, & volun-
tatem.
6. By virtue of this Divine Intention, Ordination, and Command,
theſe three things were fettled touching Vegetable Natures, (which is alfo
true concerning Animals, as to the two latter of them at leaft) 1. The
Earth was endued with prolifick vital Energy, whereby it was enabled
with the vigorous affiftance of the Fiery Nature included in it, and
accompanying it, to put out many fpontaneous productions of fome ordi-
nary Vegetables, and probably of fome Infects, and to exhibit a fuccus
nutritionis to fupport all kind of Vegetables and many Animals in their
vital exiſtence, 2. The Individuals of Vegetables of all forts, as alſo
of Animals, Fishes, Fowls, Infects, and Man, were in a moment of
time produced in their full and perfect complement, laden with their
Fruit and Seed, without ruining the natural gradual proceſs of Matu-
ration, which was to enſue in the courſe of future Generations; and this
could not be done, either by force of any natural fecundity that was then
in the Earth, or the bare ftrength of the formed natural accommodation
of Light or Heat; for though it be true, that the natural fecundity and
heat of fome Climates, and alfo artificial fecundations of Matter, may
conduce much to the acceleration of Maturity, yet it is not imaginable,
that theſe could be ripened into the full growth and burden of Fruit in
the period of a Day, but by virtue of a fupernatural Efficient and Power,
namely, the Energy of the Divine Command, [Germinet terra, &c.]
3. The third admirable Demonſtration of the Immediateness of the
Divine Power, Wiſdom, and Ordination, is this, That Vegetables,
as alſo Animals and Mankind, were endued with a Power, Faculty
and a certain Law fixed and radicated in them, to tranfmit their ſpecifical
Nature to fucceeding Individuals by propagation and feminal traduction
whereby their species might be preferved, and this was done by force
of the Divine Institution and Benediction; the Vegetables were produced
with their various Semina in them, ready formed for their feveral
ſpecifical productions, in their full and perfect ftature, quafi per faltum,
and endued with a prolifick power of multiplication of their kind, by
virtue of that Soveraign Inftitution and Commiffion [Be fruitful and mul-
tiply, and replenish the Earth,] Gen. 1. 22, 28.
>
2. I come now to the Fourth Days Work, Verſe 14, 15, 16, [And God
made two great Lights, the greater Light to rule the Day, and the leffer to
rule the Night, and he made the Stars alfo.] It is true what I before ob-
ferved, that firſt Matter of all things corporeal was made, and this only
was properly Creation or making out of nothing, and all corporeal
things, that were made within the compafs of the Six Days, was Crea-
tion only per analogiam, for it was only feparation and diftribution of that
Matter which before exiſted in the Materia Chaotica, or elſe an elevation
or rectification of fome parts of that Matter, or a compofition out of it
or of ſome parts of it; it was effectio or creatio fecunda, not creatio prima ;
and though the Word [Create] be applied to fome things that were thus
effected, as Verf. 21. yet it is not purely creatio prima, or ex nihile, but
creatio fecunda ex praexiftente materia.
1
Now, What was the Matter of theſe Heavenly Bodies, the Sun, the
Moon, the Stars, for in this Fourth Day all the Matter of the Chaos was
before
f
*
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}
302
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
before diftributed into theſe four Simpler Natures, Light or Fire, Air or
Ether, Water, and Earth?
The firft Matter of thefe Heavenly Luminaries therefore was the com-
mon Chaotica materia; but the Materia proxima out of which they ſeem
to be conſtituted, were principally thofe two great Natures which were
feparated from the Chaos the firft day, viz. The Fiery Nature imbodied
in a fuitable Vehicle, and the fecond day the Ether or Aery part: theſe
two great Integrals of the firſt Univerſe were far greater than all the
reft of the Chaotick Matter, and therefore might very well fubminifter
the principal and predominant Matter for thoſe great and vaft Lumi-
naries the fixed Stars, the moſt whereof are far greater than the Globe
of Earth and Water: But to the Conftitution of the Planetary Bodies,
which ſeem to be more groſs than the Stars, there was a greater pro-
portion of more grofs and feculent Matter added to the Fiery and Aerial
Particles in their coagulation, though in fome of them more, in fome
lefs, according to the various degrees of fubtilty and grofnefs of their
conftitution.
And theſe goodly Bodies being formed and molded, it ſhould ſeem that
that great and mighty flaming Light which was made or produced the
firſt day, and for the two enfuing days had rolled about the reſt of the
Chaotick Maſs, was by the Glorious God diftributed into thoſe ſeveral
Heavenly Veffels of the Sun and Stars, who fucceeded unto, and as it
were inherited that primitive Light now divided among them, ac-
cording to their feveral meaſures and uſes.
:
,
For although the Almighty Wiſdom and Power could have made all
this Fabrick of the World in its full complement and perfection in one
moment, and although he produced and perfected Vegetables, Brutes, and
Man in one moment without the gradual procedures through thoſe
ſeveral ſtations and degrees which Nature now obſerveth, and ſo he
could have done in the production of all other the Integrals of the Uni-
verfe; yet he ſeems in fome parts of this Proceffus formativus of the
Univerſe to uſe fometimes fuch Methods, Means, and Inftruments, and
fuch Times, Periods, and Orders as might ſeem to bear in fome meaſure
a congruity to a Natural Procedure; thus he ufed that Motion or Agi-
tation of the Spirit for the ripening and influencing of the vaft Mals,
he first begins with the production of thofe more fimple conftituent
Particles of Matter which might yield Matter fuited and prepared to
Mixt Natures.
And it is not unreaſonable for us to think that this great flaming Light in
the first three days of the Creation was uſed as a moſt ſuitable Inftrument
for the Rarefaction, Digeftion, Separation, and Diftribution of the
remaining part of the Chaotical Matter in thofe greater Agitations
that it had in the production of the Ether, the feparation of the Water,
and the arefaction of the Earth; which Proceffes required a more ſevere
and violent, active Inftrument than was neceffary, or indeed fuitable
to thoſe ſmaller Mutations which were after made; and probably if that
piercing and great Lucid Nature had continued its Revolutions about
the World, it would have been too ftrong and violent either to the pro-
duction, or conſervation of thoſe Animals and Mankind that were now
to be produced.
And
}
1
X
#
Cap. 2.
303
Mankind and the Univerſe.
And fo the diffufed Light that circulated about the Universe, is now
this fourth day distributed into thefe feveral Heavenly Bodies, 1. Be-
cauſe now its uſe in that former ftate and method of its exiftence ceaſed.
2. It was now for the ufe of the Univerfe to have it diftributed and
ordered into thoſe ſeveral Veffels, the Sun and Stars, that might with
a gentler and better regulated Heat and Motion influence the World.
3. It was now more for the Beauty, Order, and Ornament of the Uni-
verſe, for the Glory and Honour of the Divine Wiſdom, Power, and
Goodneſs to diſtribute this Light into feveral Veffels, and according to va-
rious meaſures and proportions, and accommodated with ſeveral Motions;
than to keep it in one vaft and terrible Body circulating the Univerſe,
which unrefracted might have been too penetrating and violent to the
other parts of Nature.
And this feems to be the Method of the Origination of the Heavenly
Bodies: For though the firſt Verſe tells us, that In the beginning God made
the heavens and the earth, we have no reaſon to ſuppoſe that the Etherial
Bodies and the Heavenly Luminaries were completed in the moment
of Time, (whatever may be conjectured touching the Calum Empyreum ;)
for it is evident that Light the firſt-born of the Univerſe was not made
till the firſt day; the Expanfum or Æther till the ſecond day; nor the
Heavenly Hoft, the Planetary and Fixed Stars till the fourth day.
I fhall not here contend much touching the Syftem of the Univerſe,
whether the Earth be the Center thereof, or the Sun, whether it confift
of ſo many ſeveral Syſtems or Vortices, whether every Fixed Star hath
its Vortex, and the Sun the Center of the Planetary Vortex; only thus
much I ſhall fay, 1. That this Divine Hypothefis delivered to us by the
hand of Mofes feems wholly to contradict the Suppofition of Solid Orbs,
and ſtrongly concludes that the Heavenly Bodies are moved in liquide
Æthere. 2. It ſeems rather to countenance that Syftem of the Univerſe
that ſuppoſeth the Earth to be the common Center thereof, than the
the imaginary Hypothesis of Copernicus, Galileus, Kepler, or Des Cartes.
3. That it utterly contradicts the Hypotheſis of Ariftotle and Ocellus, and
the Pythagoreans touching the Eternity of the World, or of the Heavens;
and likewiſe the Fiction of Democritus and Epicurus of the caſual Coalition
of the Univerſe by the motion or interfering of Atoms.
3. I come to confider of the Fifth Days Work, touching the pro-
duction of Fiſh and Fowls; Verf. 20. And God faid, Let the waters bring
forth abundantly the moving creature that hath life, and fowl that may fly
above the earth in the open firmament of heaven; and God created great whales,
and every living creature that moveth, which the waters brought forth abun-
dantly after their kind and every winged fowl after its kind; and God faw that
it was good.
The great Engin of the Heavenly Bodies being now conftituted in
that excellent ftate and order for the use and confervation of animal Life,
God Almighty proceedeth in a moft exquifite order for the production
of Animals; and becauſe the Waters were in themſelves a more ductile,
and poffibly a more fertil Body than the Earth; and alſo, becauſe cæteris
paribus, the Fowls and Fishes are not of an equal perfection in their
natures to the Brutes or Terreftrial Animals; for thefe have certainly a
more digeſted conftitution, greater variety and curiofity in their bodily
texture,
4
304
Of a true Origination of Sect. IV.
1
texture, and a higher Spirit and Soul, of nobler Inftincts, and more
capable of Diſcipline than the Fowl or Fiſhes. Therefore, as the pro-
duction of Vegetables anteceded the production of Animals; fo the
fo the pro-
duction of Animals aquatil and volatil preceded the production of terre-
ftrial Animals.
What may elſe be ſaid in relation to this Days Work, I ſhall deliver
in the Confideration of the next firft Part of the fixth Days Work.
Therefore,
4. The first Part of the fixth Days Work comprized the production
of Terreſtrial Animals; Verf. 24. And God faid, Let the earth bring forth
the living creature after his kind, and cattel, and every creeping thing and
beast of the earth after his kind; and it was fo.
The Reaſons why Terreftrial Animals had their production after the
Fowls and Fiſhes, have been partly before intimated, and ſhall be here
ſomewhat farther confidered: And they are theſe
>
1. Although Almighty God be not bound or Atraitned in his Operation
to the fequacioufnefs of the Matter, yet it is not improper for us to
ſuppoſe that he may purſue the Laws of his own making, where it conſiſts
with his deſign and intention: The production of Vegetables by the
Earth was indeed earlier; but then the energy of his Inftrument the
Light, perchance was ſtronger than after the diftribution thereof into
the Receptacles of the Heavenly Luminaries.
2. Ad plurimum, the nature of Terreftrial Animals was a more refined
nature than that of Fowls and Fiſhes, and therefore as the Matter might
reaſonably expect a longer mora for its Concoction, fo the Method of
Creation, cateris paribus, proceeded from the lefs elaborate Integrals of
Mixt Bodies to the more elaborate, concluding with Man.
And this preference of the Brutes above Fowls and Fiſhes, appears
1. In the manner of their natural procreation, the Brutes being ad plu-
rimum vivipara, the others arifing ad plurimum ex ovo. 2. In the great
variety of their bodily compofure; the texture of the Bodies of Brutes
being far more curious, and fuller of variety than others. 3. Ad pluri-
mum, the animal Faculties of the brutal Soul are far more perfect than
thoſe of others, their Phantafies and Memories refined, they have greater
and more lively Images of Reaſon, and more capable of Difcipline than
either Fowls or Fishes.
Now touching the production of Animals, whether Terreſtrial, Aqua-
til, or Volatil, we may obferve that they are in the ordinary courſe of
Nature of two kinds: Some, which arife among us no otherwiſe, nor
in any other manner than ex femine, which we ufually call perfect Ani-
mals, and ariſing by univocal generation; others there are that be im-
perfect, arifing ſpontaneouſly in the Earth, Air, and Water, as Worms,
Flies, and fome fort of fmall Fiſhes and watry Infects.
This being premiſed, I fhall now fet down fome Suppofitions which
feem to me truly to explicate the production of theſe Animals, which are
theſe that follow.
1. Although the predominat Matter in the conftitution of Fowls and
Fiſhes were Water, and in the conftitution of Terreſtrial Animals were
Earth, yet that Water nor that Earth were not ſimply ſuch, but were
mixed and impregnated with the other Elementary Principles.
2. That
1
Cap. 2.
305
Mankind and the Univerſe.
2. That all the Species of perfect Animals of all kinds were conftituted
in their ſeveral Sexes in the fifth and fixth day of the Creation, but yet
we muſt not think that all thoſe kinds which we now fee were at firſt
created, but only thoſe primitive and radical Species: How many forts
of Animals do we now fee, that yet poffibly are not of the fame Species,
but have accidental diverfifications, as we may obſerve in the ſeveral
Shapes and Bodies of Dogs, Sheep, Pyes, Parots? which poffibly at firft
were not fo diverſified; fome variation of the fame Species happen by mixt
Coition, fome by diverfity of Climates, and other accidents.
3.
That the firſt Individuals in their diftinction of Sexes were not
produced according to thofe Methods of Nature which they now hold,
nor ex aliquo praexiftente femine, but by the immediate efficiency of
Almighty God, out of the Matter prepared or defigned for their Confti-
tution.
4. That they were made in the firſt inftant of their Conſtitution in
the full perfection and complement and ftature of their individual and
fpecifical nature, and did not gradually increaſe according to the pro-
cedure of animal augmentation at this day: and the reafon is, becauſe
thofe gradual augmentations arife from the Seminal Principle which
gradually expands it felf to the full growth; but here they aroſe not from
any fuch Seminal Principle, but the Hen was before the Egg.
5. There was no mean portion of Time between their Formation and
Animation, but both were together, they were living Beings, and living
Souls, and living Creatures as foon as they were formed.
6. That confequently the Formation of the Body of theſe Animals was
not as now it is, by the Formative Power of the Soul, which muſt needs be
gradual and fucceffive, as we fee it is, and muſt be at this day in all natural
Generations; but the Formation and Information of them was by virtue of
the immediate Fiat, Determination, or Ordination of the Divine Will.
7. That in their Origination, the Species of theſe Animals were deter-
mined neither from the Matter, nor from the univerſal Cauſe, the Cele-
ftial Heat; but by the Divine Intention and Ordination.
8. That by the fame Divine Ordination and Intention, the Faculties
ſpecifically belonging to every Individual were annexed and alligated
to it, especially the power, conficiendi femen prolificum, & fpeciei propa-
ganda ex mutua utriufque fexus conjunctione.
9. That although by the Divine Power and Ordination all theſe
perfect Animals did arife from the Earth, yet that Prolifick Power of
propagating of them was never delegated or committed to the Earth,
or any any other Caſual or Natural Caufe; but only to the Seminal
Nature, derived from their Individuals, and diſpoſed according to that
Law of propagation of their kind, alligated as before to their ſpecifical
and individual nature.
And therefore it its perfectly impoffible that any of theſe perfect Ani-
mals can be cafually, or naturally, or accidentally produced by any
Preparation of Matter, or by any Influence of the Heavens, without
the miraculous interpofition of Almighty Power; becauſe the Earth,
or thoſe Influences have not this power concredited to them,
but their production is irrefiftibly alligated to the Semen innatum
Rr
and
A
306
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
and conjunction of Sexes; the Earth can as naturally produce a
Sun or a Star, as it can a Man, or a perfect Animal.
10. Whether thofe imperfect or equivocal Animals were created or
no, it is not altogether clear; poffibly fome might be then produced,
whoſe kinds were likewife producible ſpontaneouſly after; but it ſeems
beyond contradiction that all were not.
11. As by virtue of that general Commiffion or intrinſick Prolifick
Power given to the Earth to produce fpontaneous Herbs, as Grafs, &c.
it doth naturally produce fuch Herbs, fo by virtue of that common
Commiffion given by Almighty God to the Earth and Water, and to
that Spirit of Nature diffuſed in it, it doth naturally produce thoſe equi-
vocal infect Animals which arife out of them.
The fame Law of the Creator that hath eternally excluded, or rather
not committed to the Earth or Water the power of producing per-
fect Animals, hath given and committed to them by concurrence
of that Vital Heat of the Sun and the common Spirit of Nature
refiding in them, a Productive Power of fome equivocal infect
Animals in Matter fitly prepared.
Touching therefore the Origination of Infects I fhall declare my
thoughts as followeth; 1. That by virtue of the Divine Fiat the Earth
at firſt did produce fome Individuals of feveral kinds, which is imported
under the words [Every creeping thing after its kind.] 2. That as I have
before ſhewn, the greateſt part of the Infects that are commonly produced,
and ſeem to be ſpontaneous productions, are yet the univocal and feminal
productions of Infects of the fame kind. 3. That yet it is a certain
Truth, that fome Infects are, and have an Origination fince the first
Creation without any formal, univocal, feminal production; fome out
of Putrefaction, fome out of Vegetables, fome by very ftrength and
fracedo of the Earth and Waters quickned by the vigorous Heat of the
Sun, which infuſeth into fome Particles of Matter well prepared and
digeſted a kind of Vital and Seminal Principle.Some have thought the very
Sun and Earth are endued with a Vital, yea and with a kind of Senſitive
Nature, and thereby enabled as it were to fpin fome prepared Matter
into vital and fentient Semina for thoſe infect Animals: But we fhall not
need to trouble our felves with that incertain Speculation; we are fure
that the greateſt part of the Superficies of the Earth being daily and
hourly impregnated with the corrupted and diffolved Particles of Vege-
tables and Animals, is at leaſt highly prepared for the ſpontaneous pro-
duction of Infects and Vegetables of fome kinds; and the benevolent
Heat of the Sun hath a great influence thereupon to be the Inftrument
of Almighty God in theſe Productions: but it is his Sovereign Infti-
tution that committed to the Sun, the Earth, and the Waters and their
Particles to produce fome infect Animals, and therefore they produce
them, as Worms, Flies, Frogs; but he hath not concredited or com-
mitted to them that primitive Productive Power of perfect Animals,
nay not of fome noble Vegetables, fine præexistente femine univoco.
Thus we have confidered the Hiftory of the Worlds production, and
the
Cap. 2.
307
Mankind and the Universe.
།
the reaſonableness thereof. Now to the production of Terreftrial Ani-
mals, (for of the Creation of Man I fhall fpeak in the next Cha-
pter.)
F
It is true that there are two forts of natural Integrals whofe Hiftory
is here omitted, and yet that omiffion not without great reafon; becauſe
it ſeems their production was in a manner accidental and ſpontaneous,
depending upon the various mixture of Materials formerly created,
namely, Meteors and Minerals: the former confummated in the Aery Re-
gion by the appofition and mixture of divers Excretions and Exhalations
of the other parts of Nature; for we neither find, nor have any cauſe
to look for Clouds, Comets, or Meteors in the compaſs of the firft fix
Days. The latter feem to be Concretions and Digeſtions in the Bowels
of the Earth, either altogether or for the most part begun and perfected
after the Six Days Work, by the energy of the external, and Celeftial,
and internal, and connatural Fire and Heat.
Some Jews and Cabalifts there have been that have ſuppoſed thoſe fix
Days to be of different length and extent from theſe Natural we are
acquainted with, and that thofe fix Days, eſpecially the three firft and
three laft thereof, differed exceedingly one from another, and that as
the three laft were of a far greater length and extenfion than our ordinary
day or night; fo the three former were exceedingly larger than the three
latter of the fix, and the computation of the whole by Six Days was
only by a kind of Analogical Expreffion to give Mankind a diſtinction
of the Order of Production; and they fuppofe, 1. That the Divine
Author by this diftribution of Days did not intend any determinate
portion of Time, much leſs days or times conformable to the length of
our days, but certain Myſterious Numbers of Times; and therefore
Philo fudens in his firft Book Allegoriarum Legis, tells us, Rufticana fim-
plicitatis eft putare fex diebus aut aliquo certo tempore mundum conditum, com-
plevit fexto die opera, intelligere non debes de diebus aliquot, fed de fenario
perfecto numero; and then takes a great deal of pains in illuftrating the
Myſtery of that Number. 2. Becauſe they would willingly introduce
a kind of natural production of things according to a natural method,
and gradual and fucceffive procedure, without the Suppofition of an
immediate concurrence or interpofition of a Supernatural Influx or
Caufation, and therefore becauſe the feparation of Light, the firſt Days
Work, naturally required a great time, as alfo the rarefaction and fepa-
ration of the Expanfum, the feparation of the Bodies of Earth and
Water, and likewife the maturation and production of Vegetables out
of it might require a longer time than fome of the fubfequent days Works,
therefore the three firſt days were much longer than thofe that follow:
And again, ſince each of theſe great Works attributed to the three latter
days were great Works, required great digeftion, and feparation, and
maturation of the Matter for the Heavenly Bodies; as alfo for the matu-
ration of living Animals, and their production: that even thofe days
might be conceived of a dimenfion or computation much larger than
our Days, and poffibly than our Months, or Years, or Ages. But thefe
feem to be vain Conjectures, introduced meerly to exclude an inter-
mixture of a fupernatural concurrence in the fpeedy production and
formation of things, and not warranted by the Holy Hiftory, but contra-
Rr 2
dicting
1
308
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
;
dicting it: For we have no reaſon to imagin that the fixth day was of
any other dimenſion than the ſeventh day, wherein God Almighty reſted
nor the fifth any longer than the fixth; neither was it at all neceffary
the days fhould be protracted to that length of time for two Reafons:
1. Becauſe if we ſhould be fo vain as to fuppofe a long proceſs, ſomewhat
futable to what we now fee in Nature, for the feparation, difpofition,
and production of the Six Days Work; yet certainly there was a time
intervening between the firſt Creation of the Materia Chaotica and the
very inception of its complement into that Order that the Six Days
Work exhibit to us; and although that time is not determinately fet
down, yet we may juſtly think it a long time: And again, in that long
interval there was a powerful Agent fubacting, difpofing, and influ-
encing the Maſſa Chaotica, expreffed by the Spirit of God moving upon
the face of the Waters; whereby if it were neceffary to have fuch a
preparatory proceſs towards the formation of the World antecedent to
fuch formation, it was not wanting here, and every Particle might
thereby be fo ripened and prepared that they might fucceffively give
their apparences in thoſe portions of time wherein they are ranged by
the Sacred Hiſtory. 2. Although in the Creation of the World and
the Integrals thereof, Almighty God feemed fomething to conform to
the reaſonable Order of Caufes futable or congruous to Effects, and did
not put forth fuch an immediate Activity in the Production of things
as he did in their firft Creation; this being done in an inftant, that fuc-
ceffively, gradually, and yet per moram: Yet he was not bound to obſerve
all the Ceremonies and Formalities of Natural Effects; neither did he,
but by his own immediate Power gave a greater expedition to the firſt
production of things, than that which he inftituted for the ſtanding,
fixed, and ordinary Method of future production and maturation of
things to be generated after their firft Origination: And as it was im-
poffible without the appofition of a Supernatural Being and Caufation,
that the Matter of things fhould be created out of nothing; or being
fo created, could without the Operation of a Supernatural Intelligent
Being raiſe it felf up to the admirable Fabrick wherein it was finally
perfected; fo it is not reaſonable to deny to fuch a Supreme, Supernatural,
and Infinite Power an effectual maturation and compleating of things
in thoſe portions and orders of times that beſt pleaſed him, and which
his Wiſdom judged moft agreeable to his Works and Ends. We find
every Command of the Divine Will in the Creation of things anſwered
by an immediate obfequium in the created Matter: If He fay, Let there
be Light; Let the waters be gathered into one place; Let the Earth bring
forth, &c. the obfequious Matter preſently answered the Command with
a Fuit ita, It was fo. Not as if there were any Vocal Command given
out to the Matter, but the fecret Command and Determination of the
Divine Will governed the Matter into an immediate conformable Pro-
duction, according to the Idea refiding in the Divine Underſtanding;
He ſpake and it was done, be commanded and it stood faft. This beft be-
came the Majeſty and Sovereignty of the Lord of all things.
CA P.
Cap. 3.
309
Mankind and the Univerſe.
CA P. III.
Concerning the Production and Formation of Man.
Aving taken the former brief Survey of the Hiftory of the Creation
and Formation of the reft of the Universe, I fhall now proceed
to what I principally intended in the diſcuſſion of that Hiſtory, namely,
the Formation of Mankind, Gen. 1. 26. And God faid, Let us make Man
in our own image, after our likeness, and let him have dominion over the
fifb of the fea, and over the fowl of the air, and over all the earth, and over
every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth; so God made man in his
own image, in the image of God created he him, male and female created he
them; and God bleſſed them, and faid unto them, Be fruitful and multiply,
and replenish the earth and fubdue it, and have dominion over the fishes.
Touching the Creation of Man I fhall obferve theſe things.
1. The Efficient of this firft Production of Mankind was Almighty
God, by the counſel and determination of his own Will: The Creation
of Man is ushered in with a Prologue unlike the Creation of other
things, viz. by a kind of deliberation; not as if the Divine Wiſdom ſtood
in need of counfel, advice, or concurrence of others, or of a mora delibera-
tiva with himself; for known unto him were all his Works from the begin-
ning, and by one fimple, inftantaneous, and indivifible Ad he foreſees
what is fit to be done, and judgeth and determineth the fame: but it is
added as a Mark of Attention, and an Elogy of Prelation of this Work
of the Creation of Mankind above the reſt of the viſible Creatures.
Some of the Ancients have thought this Deliberation was real, and
to have been made with the fuperior World of Heavenly Intelligences;
Nec (fifas fit ita loqui) Deus quicquam fecerit, donec illud expenderit in fa-
milia fuperiori: and it ſhould ſeem that the Opinion of Plate in his Timeus,
That Almighty God did adviſe with the Dii ex Diis, or the Intelligences
or Angelick Natures, and uſed their affiftance in the Creation of the
Bodies of Men, though he himself formed their Souls; feems to be
derived from the inſpection of the Mofaical Hiſtory or Tradition of it,
whereof he gave us his Senfe or Expofition, that this [faciamus hominem]
was by the concurrence or fubordinate cooperation of Angels.
Others, with far greater evidence, do think it was the Deliberation
and Conclufion of the Three Perſons of the Holy Trinity.
And fome again interpret it to be only a Majeſtick Expreſſion touch-
ing Almighty God, more regali, in the Plural Number, but touching
theſe Conjectures I fhall fay no more but only this, That the firft Ori-
gination and Production of Man was by the immediate Efficiency of
Almighty God, not as if God Almighty uſed any Manual or Phyfical
Plaſmation of a Man, as the Statuary makes his Statue, or as the Poets
feign Prometheus moulded up his molle latum into the Humane Shape,
and animated him by diffufion of Fire into him fetcht from Heaven
but by the Word, or Determination, or Fiat of his Omnipotent Will
Man was formed and made.
2. The conftituent Components out of which he was made were of
two
310
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
two kinds, 1. His Corporeal and Animal Nature was the fame with
the Matter of other Terreftrial Animals, namely, the Elementary Matter,
whereof Earth was the predominant. 2. His Spiritual Conſtituent as Í
may call it (though in union with the Senfible Power it be his conftituent
Form) was a Spiritual Subftance, created and infufed by Almighty God,
Gen. 2.7. And God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into
his noftrils the breath of life, and man became a living foul. This Text gives
us briefly, 1. The Matter of his Corporeal and Animal Conftitution,
the Duft of the Ground, or as elfew here, Red Clay. 2. The Nature or
elſewhere,
Kind of this other conftituent part, the Breath of Life, a Vital, Spiri-
tual, Intellectual Subftance or Nature. 3. The Union thereof to the
Body, and Animal Nature breathed into him. 4. The refult from that
Union, Man became a living Soul, the whole Compofition taking deno-
mination from his nobler effential Conftituent. And this fhort Hiftory
gives us the best account that can be of the true Nature of Man, namely,
that he confifts of two effential conftituent Parts, 1. His corporeal and
animal nature, which though it were not only gradually but fpecifically
different from,and advanced above the Brutal Nature both in the Elegance,
and Uſefulneſs, and Majefty of his corporeal Fabrick, and in the excel-
lency and perfection of his animal Faculties, as in due time ſhall be ſhewn:
Yet in his effential part he feemed to have a nature in fome way common
with them, both being material, and both their Faculties of the Animal
Nature directed and fubfervient to a Life of Senfe, and therefore cor-
ruptible and mortal in it ſelf. 2. His Intellectual Nature, which is
ſpiritual, immortal, created immediately by Almighty God; that as in
his Animal Natures he was the higheſt of living, corporeal, and viſible
Creatures, fo in his Soul or Intellectual Nature he feems to be conſtituted
in the loweſt rank or range of Intellectual and Immaterial Beings, by
this means he ſeemed to be Nexas utriufque orbis.
.I have before obferved in the Order of Natural Beings with which
we are acquainted, that there feems to be an admirable gradation in
things, and the lower rank of Natural Exiftences have fome rough
draughts, and ftrokes, and fhadows of thofe perfections which are in
the fuperior: Minerals are a degree below Vegetables, yet they ſeem to
have fome ſhadow of the Vegetable Life in their growth, increafe, and
fpecifick configurations. The loweft degree of Life feems to be the
Vegetables, yet in many of them and their Faculties, they ſeem to have
fome kind of rough ftrokes or draughts of the Senſitive Nature, and
the higheſt advances of the Vegetable Nature feem to come up to the
confines and borders of the loweft Form of Senfible Beings, and to par-
ticipate of fomewhat of Senfe; which appears not only in the natural
production of Infects out of the fineft parts and effluxes of moft Vegeta-
ble Natures, but alfo that fome fuch things there are that feem in their
very nature of Plants to have a kind of lower connexion of the Animal
Nature in them; as appears in the Senfitive Plant or Planta modesta,
and thoſe Canes in the Kingdom of Angola, that are filled with a Worm
growing from and continuous with it, called Trombe. Again, in the
Animal Province there are divers ſenſible Infects, both aquatil, volatil,
and terreftrial, that feem to be in the very next Rank of Nature to
Vegetables and again, fome of the fuperior fort, efpecially of Terreftrial
Animals
Cap. 3.
311
Mankind and the Univerfe.
"
Animals have quandam imaginem & umbram rationis, and are advanceable
by Induſtry and difciplinable Acts to a great perfection, and feem to be
the next rank of natures below the animal nature of Man, as Elephants,
Horſes, and fome others; but the nature of Man, though in the animal
part of him he is the higheſt rank of vifible Animals; yet in his intel-
lectual nature he feems to participate of the angelick nature, and is
next below them in the ſpecifical exiftence of Soul, Pfal. 8.5. He was
made a little lower than the Angels, and participates of the highest degree
of Animals and the lowest degree of Intelligences; participating of
both natures, to keep as it were a continuity between the upper World
and the lower, and to maintain a communion with them and between
them.
3. We have here alfo the Idea or Model according to which the Hu-
mane Nature was framed, namely, after the Image and Similitude of
God; wherein we are to take in Man conftituted in his full and compleat
nature, namely,in the union of his two Effential Parts, his Animal Nature,
and his Intellectual. What this Image and Similitude of God was, or
wherein it confifted, is variouſly diſputed, I fall firft confider what it
was, and then what it is and was.
1. It was not not any corporeal Similitude or Image; for the Divine
Nature is incorporeal and invifible, and therefore hath no Image or
fimilitude of that kind.
2. It was not any Image adequate to the Divine Perfection and Ex-
cellence, as the Impreffion in the Wax is the adequate Image or Repre-
ſentation of the Seal, and as large as it: for God's Perfections are infinite
both in extention and intention, and no finite Being can be an adequate
Image of an infinite Being or Perfection.
3. It was not an Image that takes in all the reſemblance of the Parts
of Divine Perfections or Excellences, as the little Image upon Cefar's
Coyn reſembled Cafar's Effigies, or a new born Infant reſembles a full
grown Man; for neither the Perfections nor the Being of God do con-
venire in uno aliquo genere univoco, with thofe of Man: the Perfections of
God are not reprefentable by any created Being in a true propriety of
their nature, no more than in their degree of intention or perfection.
4. Neither do I take it, that this Image or Similitude is only meant
of that Idea of the Humane Nature in the Divine Underſtanding, con-
formable to which Man was made; for though this be true, yet it is not
all it fays, nor all that is meant; becauſe it would give Man no greater
preference than the very Vegetables that were made the Third Day,
which were made according to the Ideal Image thereof in the Divine
Intellect.
5. Neither do I think it was meant of the Second Perfon in the Trinity,
who was the exprefs Image of the Father, the brightneſs of his Father
and the expreſs Image of his Perfon; for although Chrift affumed Hu-
mane Fleſh, yet it was many Ages after: and in the Language of the
Scripture and the Ancients, in the Creation Man was made like unto
God, but in the Work of Redemption the Son of God became like unto
Man: Phil. 2.7. Made in the likeneẞ of Man.
6. Neither do I think that the Image of God here meant was the
greater World, the Univerfe, which though it be an excellent Image of
the
312
Se&. IV.
Of a true Origination of
the Divine Excellency, namely, of his Majefty, Power, Wiſdom, and
Goodneſs, and ſets it out far more than any fingle created Nature can;
eſpecially if we take the Univerſe in its full comprehenfion both of the
viſible and intellectual World. And though it be true that Man is a
kind of Abridgment, a little Abſtract of that greater World in his Intel-
lectual Nature, reſembling in his Soul the Mundus intelligibilis of created In-
telligences, and in his Animal Nature bearing an admirable Analogy to the
Mundus afpectabilis; and fo in both Natures conjoyned, being the little
Image or Portraiture of the great and univerfal World: for though this
is a Truth, yet it feems it was not the Truth intended:
7. Neither do I think it was intended of that reſemblance which in
his Intellectual Part he bore to the good Angels, who of any particular
Greated Natures beft refemble Almighty God; being pure, immaterial,
intellectual, powerful, immortal, wife, and benevolent Beings: though
this be alſo a Truth, that the Soul of Man feems to be the loweft rank
of Angelical Natures, yet it feems not the Truth that is here intended:
for it is plain that the Image of God here meant, is ſpoken with reſpect
to the intire Humane Nature, and of the whole Compofitum, as appears
in the reaſon after given by God, upon the interdiction of Murder, Gen.
9.6. which had been an improper reafon if applied to the Soul, which
is immortal, and uncapable of death.
But the meaning of this Image of God feems to be this: That as all
Excellency comes from that moft Excellent Author of all Beings, in
whom all Excellencies are lodged formally, or effentially, or virtually; fo
this Excellent Author did theſe things in relation to the Humane Nature:
viz. 1. He gave him a capacity greater than any other vifible, fingle,
created Being to receive the nobleft Excellencies: 2. That he gave him
as great a Capacity as poffibly might be confiftent with fuch a nature to
receive Divine Excellencies: 3. That he filled that Capacity with all
thoſe Excellencies that he was thus capable of, faving only that of a
neceffary immutability in the fruition of all thoſe Excellencies.
Now theſe Excellencies with which the Humane Nature was filled,
and which made him, as much as was poffible for fuch a created Being, to
reſemble his Maker were theſe :
1. In the ſtructure of his Body and Animal Nature, moft fingular
Majefty, Beauty, Strength, and Uſefulneſs.
2. In his Soul a whole Conſtellation of Divine Excellencies, viz. in
the Nature of it, Immortality and Spirituality, in the Faculties of it,
a light and clear Intellect, a free and incoacted Will: in all which he
highly reſembled the moſt intellectual and freeſt Being in the Habits of
it, Knowledge in the Underſtanding, enabled by the nobleft Object,
God himſelf, and all other Objects of uſe and conveniency to him: in
his Will, rectitude.
3. In his whole Compofitum, perfect fruition of all that futable good to
his nature, wherein he confifted in Happineſs, Immortality, or a poffible
perfevering in Life without dying, Power and Authority over this in-
ferior World and all things therein, as God's Vicegerent upon Earth,
in which refpect Governours are faid to be Gods: a fufficient power
and ftrength as well in the Frame of his Animal Life, as in the faga-
city and advantage of his Underſtanding, to exerciſe that Dominion
and
i
Cap. 3.
313
Mankind and the Univerſe.
and Sovereignty; and laftly, a due Order, Subordination, and Regiment
of all his Faculties.
Of theſe Perfections fome were accidental or adventitious to the Hu-
mane Nature by the Benignity of Almighty God, and concredited there-
unto upon condition of his Obedience to the Command of God; and
upon the breach of that. Condition were either utterly loft, as the in-
diffolubility of the Union of the Compofitum, by one Man's Difobedience
Sin entred into the World, and Death by Sin: Others were abated, as
the Excellency of his Knowledge, Righteouſneſs, the fruition of Hap-
pinefs, the Perfection of his Sovereignty over the Creatures, the Glo-
riouſneſs and Beauty, and much of the Vigour of his Body, the exquiſite
Order and Subordination of his Faculties; but his Effentials, the Im-
mortality of his Soul, the Faculties of Intellection and Will, and the
Natural Beauty and Uſefulneſs of his Body remains, notwithſtanding
that terrible Concuffion; whereof fomewhat more hereafter.
4. We have the Method of this Production of Man; it was not by
or from any meer Natural Caufe, but by the immediate Command of the
Divine Will, Wiſdom, and Power: it was not from any Semen naturally,
accidentally, or intentionally formed, and fo by a gradual maturation and
growth ex uteris terreftribus, or as the fatus humanus is perfected at this
day: For it was not poffible that any fuch Seminal Principle ſhould be
formed cafually, or by any meer Natural Caufe, as hath been already
fhewn: And although the Divine Power could have perfected all, as
well Man as the other Animals, by firſt forming fuch a semen, and
giving it either a gradual or ſpeedy production, as Infects are at this
day produced; yet 1. It was utterly fuperfluous to have ufed fuch a
proceffus formativus ex femine, becauſe it required no less than an Almighty
Power to have moulded and fashioned, or actuated fuch a semen as to
have produced Man by an immediate Supernatural Formation and Pro-
duction: and therefore fince the fame Power was requifite in both, it
is not at all neceffary nor reaſonable to ſuppoſe ſo long a proceſs as firſt
to form a Semen, and by a Seminal Procefs to have perfected the Humane
Nature, and the Holy Hiſtory exprefly imports the contrary. 2. If we
fuppoſe a Semen prepared by the Divine Power, that Production that
muft arife thereupon muft either be immediate and ſudden, if not abſo-
lutely inftantaneous; or it muſt be gradual, and paſs through all theſe
fpaces of Time, gradual Formation, and acceffion of Growth and Increaſe,
as we fee in embryone & fatu nuper nato: We cannot fuppofe the former
but we muſt fuppofe it to be otherwife than natural, and call in the
Divine Power to effect it, as much as in an inftantaneous formation,
fine præcedente femine: And we cannot fuppofe the latter, becauſe it is
exprefly contrary to the defcription of the Humane Production, for it
was done within the compaſs of the Sixth Day; and the formation and
perfecting of the Humane Nature was immediately finished after the
Omnipotent Command and Determination of the Will of God, it was
no fooner faid [faciamus hominem, &c.] but it was done.
It is true, in that ordinary Law which Almighty God hath inftituted
in Nature already eſtabliſhed by him, there are regular, and fucceffive,
and gradual procedures, and it is convenient it fhould be fo: and it is
true alfo, in this ſhort period of the Six Days Work, within which the
s f
Universe
314
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
Univerſe was finished, Almighty God obferved a certain convenient
Order, making that to precede which was fitteft and moſt uſeful to pre-
cede in order to the production of things, but as to the fpeed and dispatch
of Productions, the Almighty God uled the Majefty that became the
Excellency of his Greatnels, and obfequious Matter prefently yielded
to the Power of his Command, Fiat, & factum eft; Pfal. 33.9. He ſaid
and it was done, be commanded and it stood fast.
*
Therefore although now in fettled Nature, and according to the
ftanding Laws of the Divine Wildom Man is first conceived ex feminė,
then lodgeth 10 Months in utero muliebri, wherein during that time he
is gradually formed and perfected, and then after his Birth gradually
increaſeth, paffeth through the impotency of Infancy, the weakneffes of
Childhood, and the follies of Youth before he comes to a ripe and full
age, yet it was not fo here; in the fame moment the Body is formed in
its full and perfect nature, and the Animal Soul and Faculties together
with it and the Rational Soul infufed in the fame moment, without any
priority of Time, but only of Order and Nature: So that Man was at
the very fame moment a perfect Organical Body, with all his Nerves,
Veins, Viscera, Bones, and Parts conformed, a Vital and Senfitive
Nature joyned with it, and a Rational Soul infufed, without firft living
the Life of a Plant, then of an Animal, then of a Man; the whole
Scene was performed in one moment, and fo it became both the Greatneſs
of the Divine Majefty and Power; and fo it was neceffary to be in the
first production of Man, although in the fucceeding procedure of natural
Generations it muſt be and was otherwife, bedaufe the fupreme Wiſdom
and Will judged it ſo.
And although to any Man that will duly confider almoſt any thing,
there muſt of neceffity be another Rule or Law for the firft production of
things, than there is or may be in the ordinary regiment and governing
of Generations when Nature is once eftabliſhed; yet the want of this
Confideration hath bred all thofe vain Errors of thofe Philofophers that
afferted the Eternity of the World; and of thofe others, who being not
fatisfied with that Hypothefis, but driven by a kind of neceffity of Reaſon
to acknowledge an Origination of Mankind, yet could not deliver them-
felves from fancying that Humane Productions muſt needs be as like
thoſe they now know, as they could well frame them: And therefore
according to thefe Men the Earth must be conceited to be Mater, and
the Sun vice Patris, and the Earth muſt have her Uteri and Succus nutri-
tius, and the Increaſe of Mankind muſt be by fome fuch gradual proceſs
as we fee in natural productions or fponte nata; and they cannot eafily
bring their Minds to believe the inftantaneous production of Man by
the immediate Power of God, becauſe it hath a gradual procefs in ordinary
natural Generations: and yet the fame Men can give themſelves leave to
imagin, Howinem oriri poffe ficut blitum; though never Experience of
former Ages fince the exiftence of Men upon the Earth give us any
Example of it, bating only the Fictions of fome Poets.
Maimonides, lib. 2. cap. 27. hath obferved this Miftake, and fingularly
confutes it, by evincing, That if Men go by this Rule of Judgment the
nature of things in their Original, as they find them in their Conftitution,
being conftituted, they will disbelieve the moft certain Truths. Neque
argu-
•
Cap. 3.
315
Mankind and the Univerſe.
argumentari licet ullo modo à natura rei alicujus poft illius generationem &
firmam fubfistentiam in perfectione fua ad naturam ejus eo tempore quo move-
batur ad generationem ; quod fi verò his erras, plurima tibi orientur dubia és
abfurda, ut pro falfis habeas ea que vera funt, & vice versa pro veris ea que
falfi funt; and gives this Example, Suppoſe a Child of a ready Wit,
whole Mother died fhortly after his Birth, fhould go alone with his
Father into fome uninhabited Ifland, where he was bred up without the
fight of any Beaſt or Woman, and there ſhould inquire of his Father,
Quomodo & qua ratione facti fumus, exiftentiamque noftram accipimus? cui pater,
Unufquifque noftrum generatur in ventre cujufdam individui fpeciei noftra, nobis
fimillimi, quod fæmina vocatur; in ventre autem exiftentes exiguum admodum
primo corpufculum habemus, movemus, nutrimur, & paulatim crefcimus, &
vivimus donec ad certam quandam magnitudinem venimus; tum aperitur in-
ferius in ventre porta quedam, & eximus; nec tamen poftea crefcere definimus,
ufque dum ad hanc circiter quam vides quantitatem pervenimus: Puer ille
orbus ftatim iterum quaret, dum ibi parvi fuimus, ibi viximus & nos movi-
mus & crevimus, an quoque comedimus & bibimus, ac per nares refpiravimus
an excrementa ejecimus? refpondetur ei quod non: ipfe fine dubio hoc incipiet
negare, & demonftrationes extruere, ex impoffibilibus argmentando ab ente
perfecto, & dicet, quilibet noftrum fi per unicam horam careat refpiratione,
mori cogimur; quomodo credi poteft aliquem in utero claufo per tot menfes vivere
poteft? And fo goes on with the young Man, forming very ſtrong Argu-
ments against this moft certain Truth, meerly by the mifapprehenfion
of Inferences from the nature of things in their perfect Exiſtence, to the
nature of things in their Original.
It is true, Men muſt be wary and confiderate before they conclude
againſt the Frame and Order of things as they appear in Nature, becauſe
otherwiſe Men may take liberty to conjecture any thing, which is cer-
tainly unbecoming a Philofopher, eſpecially who pretends to govern
himself by the Phenomena of Nature, and it is that which we have
before condemned. But on the other fide, to fuppofe that impoffible in
the Origination of things which we find not in things already fetled,
is too hafty and rafh a Conclufion; eſpecially when we are driven to
confeſs another kind of Origination of Mankind than now is, and do
not find any ſo probable and fo free from abfurd Confequences, fo ancient,
fo convincingly delivered, as that by the Divine Hiftorian Mofes.
And this is fo much the rather credible, becauſe it is impoffible to
conceive that Man could have his firſt Origination but from an intelli-
gent, moft wife and powerful Efficient, unless a Man fhall offer violence
to his own Reafon; and certainly to fuch an Efficient fuch a Production
is not only poffible, but futable to be fuppofed.
5. We have here prefcribed and determined the Law and Means of
the natural production of the Individuals of Mankind in their future
production, according to that Method and Mode which hath in all Ages
ever fince by the courfe of Nature been obſerved, namely, by Propagation
by mutual Conjunction of their Sexes, though this could not be the
Method of their first production.
And this Prolifick Power of production of Mankind by fucceffive
natural generation, was by the Virtue and Efficacy of the Divine Infti-
tution and Benediction given to Mankind in his firft Creation, and by
Sf 2
virtue
1
316
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
virtue thereof that Power and Faculty is continued in them, and tra-
duced to the ſucceeding Individuals to this day; and accordingly, Virtute
divinæ ordinationis & inftitutionis uterque fexus appetitum illum procreandi
innatum habent, membra & vafa huic facultati fubfervientia hucufque obtinent,
& diverfitate fexuum cidem officio neceffaria gaudent, quod non vel vasu, vel
stupida & cæca natura obtinere potuerunt, fine ordinatione, appropriatione,
inftitutione fummi & fapientiſſimi numinis, ejúfque volitionis & determinatio-
nis: And as this Law of future Generations was thus given to Mankind,
and quafi alligata to them, fo it is exclufive of any other either caſual or
natural way of Generation, except it be by Miracle; and therefore we
muſt now ſuppoſe a poffibility of an utter abrogation of this natural
Law, if we ſhould fuppofe any other kind of natural production of
Mankind ſhould after this firft production of the Humane Nature be
poffible: We may with as fair a Suppofition imagin that a Man ſhould
be produced by the natural conjunction of Sheep or of Lions, or a Star
be produced ex putri materia terreftri, as to fuppofe a Min to be produced
accidentally, caſually, or naturally in any other Method than this Divine
Law of Nature fixed in the Humane Nature by the Divine Inftitution
hath determined, unleſs as great a fupernatural Miracle fhould happen
by the Divine immediate Power, as did in the Conception of the
Meffias.
6. As fubfervient and neceffary to this Law of future Generation, we
have here the diftinction of Sexes, [Male and female created he them.]
This diſtinction and conjunction of Sexes in order to the propagation
of Mankind, was part of that Law and Order that the Wife God infti-
tuted for this end.
1
And certainly there needs not any clearer Argument that the produ-
ction of Mankind was not a Work of Chance or blind neceſſary Nature,
but a Work of a moft Wife, Intelligent, Powerful Being, that adapted
the diſcrimination of Sexes to the propagation of Mankind, either Sex
without the other being in Nature utterly unprofitable and unuſeful to
that end, without which the fucceffion of Mankind muſt have been deter-
mined in the firft Individual.
And it is no lefs evidence of the continual active Providence of that
Great and Wife God, that the fucceffion of both Sexes is continued in
that equal proportion, as that there is no grand diſparity in the propa-
gation of Individuals of either Sex.
This diverſity of Sexes was not in the fame Individual, as if Adam
had been Androgyna, or one double Perſon conjoyned or continued, con-
fifting of both Sexes (till they were after divided and ſevered') as Plato
in Sympofio, and many of the ancient and modern Jews have thought;
but the firſt Creation of Adam in virili fexu being perfected, the pro-
duction of Eve ex latere Adami was the very fame Day of his Creation
miraculouſly performed by Almighty God, for the Words [Male and
female created he them] referr to the whole entire complement of the
Creation of Man, which was not till the Formation of Eve. There
may be fomething myfterious in this buſineſs of the Manner of Eves
Formation which may be hard to unriddle.
It is enough, that God Almighty before the end of the Sixth Day
formed both Sexes of Mankind in order to the common help of each
other,
Cap. 3.
317
Mankind and the Univerſe.
other, and the propagation of the future Generations of Mankind: the
Hiſtory therefore of the Formation of Eve, though mentioned in the
ſecond Chapter, and after the Benediction of the Seventh Day, muſt
neceffarily be referred to the Sixth Day, wherein it is exprefly affirmed
that both Sexes in diſtinct Perſons were then created, [Male and female
created he them;] and fuch tranfpofitions are not unuſual, neither in the
Holy History nor in other Hiftories.
The first Chapter gives the brief and orderly Relation of the whole
Series of Times, and Things done in them; and the ſecond Chapter is
only a fuller and more explicit Declaration of fome things that are briefly
and compendiouſly delivered in the firſt Chapter, as appears not only
by the Relation of the Formation of Eve, but divers other paſſages re-
lating to what was tranfacted in the first Chapter.
7. The Formation of Man was the laft Work of the Creation, the
laft Work of the laft Day; and the Reaſons of this Order ſeem to be
theſe; 1. Becauſe in the Method of the Creation of Sublunary Natures
Almighty God proceeded from the lefs to the more perfect and curious
Parts of the vifible Creation: as firft he made Vegetables, then Fishes
and Birds, then Brutes, and Man in the laft place, as the most perfect,
and containing not only the Faculties of Vegetables and Animals, and
that in a more perfect nature, but alſo a fuperadded, intellectual, ſpiritual
Soul. So he was the nobleft part of the Creation, at leaſt of this lower
World. 2. Becauſe Mankind fhould be furnished to his hand with all
things convenient and uſeful to his exiſtence and operation, as the Grafs
was provided before the Brutes were created, fo before the Creation of
Mankind Fruits of the Earth were provided for his food and delight, a
Paradife for his entertainment and employment of his Senfes and Indu-
ftry, Idleneſs being not indulged even in Paradife; and the goodly Fur-
niture of the viſible World both Celeftial and Sublunary, to raiſe his
Admiration, Contemplation, and Delight. 3. Becauſe God Almighty in-
tended him a liberal Patrimony, which he would furnish and compleat
in all its numbers before Man was created, and as foon as he had created
him, gave him this inferior World, as his Ufufructuary and Steward
at leaft; but yet withall gave him a fubordinate dominion of that
whereof he made him his Steward: and this great Benefactor prepared
this Gift of this inferior Terreſtrial World to be ready for his Creature
Man's reception as ſoon as he had a Being, and accordingly gave it him
with all its Furniture. Gen. 1. 28, 19.
8. That Man was by Almighty God in his firſt Creation in a ſtate of
perfect Felicity and Immortality, but under a condition of Obedience
to the Divine Will, Command, and Law, that he had implanted in
his Mind and Confcience certain Principles of Moral Goodness and
Righteouſneſs, which are the Original of thole common Notions of Good
and Evil, as fo many fecret Byaffes and Inclinations to the obſervance
of the Good and avoidance of the Evil. And as even the inferior Ani-
mals have implanted in them fecret Instincts and Tendences for the
preſervation and advance of their fenfible, individual, and fpecifical na-
tures; fo theſe implanted Notions and Moral Inclinations in the Mind
of Man, were therein lodged to guide and lead him in a conformity to
his excellent Conftitution, and for the attainment of an intellectual
and
318
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
and eternal Good; and thefe, though the vigour and brightneſs of them
were much abated by his Fall, yet were tranfmitted with his nature to
his Deſcendents.
And this is the Original of thofe common Notions which yet remain
in the Humane Nature, though refracted and abated by the Fall of Man;
this is that common Light and Law of Nature which to this day in fome
meaſure prevails in the generality of Mankind, to the Acknowledgment,
Adoration, and Reverence of a Deity and Moral Righteouſneſs, this
is that Law of Nature mentioned by the Apoſtle, Rom. 1. written in the
Hearts of Men, wherby they do by Nature the things contained in the
Law: But of this I fhall write. fomewhat fuller in the enfuing Cha-
pter.
9. Beſides this Moral inſcribed Law, God Almighty for the tryal of
Man's Obedience, gave him a pofitive Law prohibiting the eating of the
förbidden Fruit, under pain of temporal and eternal Death and Curfe;
and Man was left in the hands of his own liberty, to obey or difobey it.
10. That Man being left to the free liberty of his own Will, though
furniſhed with fufficient abilities to have obeyed Almighty God, yet
by the temptation of Satan, his own fenfual appetite, and ambitious
affectation, violated his Maker's Law, and broke that Condition upon
which much of his Perfection and Happineſs was conferred upon him;
and although he retained his Effentials, namely, his Effential Conſti-
tution, this Spirituality and Immortality of his Soul, his Faculties of
Underſtanding and Will, he thereby incurred thefe unhappy depri-
vations.
1. A loſs of the immortal ſtate of his Compofition, being now ob-
noxious to the ſeparation of Soul and Body.
2. A very great abatement of that temporal Felicity he had in this
Life, and obnoxious to the everlaſting ſeparation from God, with the
Death of the Soul.
3. An abatement and diminution of thofe Habits of Knowledge and
Rectitude of Soul, and a great weakning and decay of the vigour and
activity of connatural implanted Notions or Inclinations.
4. A great diſorder in the due fubordination of his Faculties, and a
great confufion and corruption prevailing upon his noble Faculties, and
weakning, difordering, and abafing them.
5. An impair of that Sovereignty and Dominion over the Creatures,
who rebelled againſt Man as ſoon as he forfook his Maker.
6. Diſeaſes, Diſorders, Weakneſſes, Sickneffes, Harbingers and Fore-
runners of Death attaquing his Bodily Conftitution.
7. A tranfmiffion of thefe Hereditary Imperfections and Decays to his
Poſterity.
And herein and hereby we have an Account of that great Quæfitum
among the Learned Heathen, (where yet for want of this Dilcovery
by the Holy Scriptures, they could never attain the full knowledge
and reafon) namely, the Original of Sin and Evil, and thofe many
Corruptions, Defections, and Miſeries of Mankind.
And thus much concerning the Divine Hiftory of the Creation and
Defection of Man.
CAP.
F
Gap. 4.
Mankind and the Universe.
CA P. IV.
A
The Reasonableness of this Hypothefis of the Origination of the World,
and particularly of the Humane Nature, and the great Advantages
it hath above all other Hypothefes touching the fame.
That
Hat the World had a beginning of its Being, at leaſt in that order
and conſiſtence that it now holds, I have thewed in the beginning
of this Book: Again, if there could be any imaginable doubt or queſtion,
whether the great Integrals of the World were eternal, and without
beginning, yet I have fhewed, that Mankind, or the fucceffive Gene-
rations thereof, ex ante genitis, is in Nature and Reafon impoffible, and in
Fact and Experience apparently improbable, and therefore that there were
fome common Parents of Mankind, who had their beginning of exiſtence,
and that in fome other way than they are now produced.
All that have fuppofed an Origination of Mankind ex non genitis, have
admitted fomething either of Matter analogous to it, out of which Man-
kind hath had fuch his Origination (which we alfo admit as to all his
Conſtituents at leaft, but his Soul) and therefore the great Debate hath
been touching the Efficient, or that Being, or Nature, (or whatever
we ſhall call it) that firft compounded, formed, and conftituted the first
Parents of Mankind in that effential and individual ftate, confonant to
that ſpecification of Humane Nature which we daily now fee.
Every thing that hath a beginning of Being, muft either have it from
it felf, or from fome other active, efficient, and conftituent Power or
Nature, antecedent to it in time, or at leaſt in Nature; or both.
To ſuppoſe that the Humane Nature at firft conftituted it felf, were
to luppole it to have a propriety of exiſtence to it felf, which were a
palpable abfurdity and contradiction, for then it fhould be before it was.
Therefore it is neceffary, that the firft Origination of Humane Nature
fhould be from fome other beginning or caufe antecedent to it, befides
the Matter out of which it was conftituted.:
And whatſoever the Being or Caufe originating Humane Nature was,
it muſt be in nature of an Efficient, namely, fomething that did actively
put together the conftituent parts thereof, and formed it into that con-
fiftence and exiſtence whereby he became Man.
We cannot by any means fuppofe any fuch Efficient or Being, or thing
that did fubire rationem efficientis, but one of thefe four: 1. An uncertain
cafual conflux of Particles of Matter that cafually compounded a Semen
bumane nature, and fo though the immediate Semen, thus conftituted, may
obtain the Name or Notion of the immediate Efficient, yet the true
Efficient of that Semen (if we may be allowed to call it by that name) was
Chance or Fortune. 2. An implanted blind determinate fomething,
which we call Nature, which by a fatal and neceffary connexion of ſurd
and irrational Caufes and Effects produced the firft Parents of Mankind;
as the like Nature by the like neceffity produceth yearly Worms and Flies,
and other Infects that have not their exiftence by univocal Seed: Both thefe
two Suppoſitions have been before examined and rejected, as impares huic
negotio.
1
319
t
320
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
1
1
negotio. 3. The illapfe of fome pre-exiftent or animating formative
Principle, which we may well call the Soul or Anima, that as in the
Generation of Mankind by ordinary procreation we fee the formative
power is fome refined active Spirit or Soul in femine delitefcens, that
fashions the Matter, and actuates it with vital fenfible Faculties and Ope-
rations; fo the illapfe of fome fuch active fubftance or powerful Being
illapfing into Matter and united to it, might form it into that conftitution
which it enjoyed. 4. and Laftly, Or fome fuperior, powerful, wife, and
intellectual Being, that did form, fashion, actuate, and conftitute the
firft Parents of Mankind.
The two former being as before laid afide, I fhall ufe a few words
touching the third Suppofition, of which little hath been before ſaid,
and fo paſs to the fourth and laft and true Suppofition of the First Efficient
of Humane Nature.
}
3. Therefore touching the third Suppofition, concerning the pro-
duction of Mankind by virtue of fuch Illapfe of Forms, we may fuppofe
it to be intended one of thefe two ways: 1. Either that with Origen we
fhould imagin a Mundus animarum that had real and individual Subfi-
ftences: Or 2. that there were fome common Element of animate Exi-
ſtence, not divided into individual Exiftences, but one common rational
and vital Nature, whofe Particles illapfing into Matter might produce
fuch firft Exiſtences of Mankind, and fo though in their union to Matter
they do fubire rationem forme, yet they do likewife fubire rationem efficientis,
as to the formation of Mankind, as the vital Principle in the Egg be-
comes not only the form of the Chick, but alfo in the firft formation
thereof is the difpofer of its Organs and exercife of its Faculties, and fo
doth ſubire rationem efficientis immediati in the formation of the Fatus.
As to both theſe in general, I fay, 1. That they are precarious Sup-
pofitions, without any juſt reafon to evidence, either that there were
fuch pre-exiſting individual Souls, or a common reaſonable Spirit. Again,
2. The Suppofition that theſe ſhould be the immediate Efficients of the
Humane Nature, is likewife precarious and inevident. 3. Even they
that ſuppoſe either fuch an individual or common pre-exitting Nature
muſt be forced to fuppofe them eternal independent Beings, and this will
have as many difficulties in it as the Eternity of Mankind, or clfe if they
be ſuppoſed created Beings, yet ftill there will be a neceffary recourſe unto
an infinite uncreated eternal Being that must create them. And 4. con-
fequently the Framers of theſe Suppofitions do with much more difficulty
and laboriouſneſs form intermediate Principles of the Origination of
Mankind, which with lefs difficulty and greater congruity may be refolved
into the immediate Efficiency of Almighty God, according to the Divine
Hiftory. 5. And befides all this, if Men will needs fuppofe a Formation
of Man by the illapfing of Souls into prepared Matter, becauſe they fee
this is the Method of Formation in the ordinary courfe of Generation now,
they muſt alſo ſuppoſe the progrefs of the Formation and Maturation of
the Humane Nature: This way muft be gradual and fucceffive, which
will be attended with all thofe difficulties which are before obferved in
the Suppofition of cafual or natural production of Man in his firft Origi-
nation. But in particular to thoſe feveral Suppofitions, and Firſt,
touching the firft of thefe: The Opinion of the pre-exiftence of Souls
of
i
བ༣.
"
Cap. 4.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
of Men, and their defcent into Bodies, though it hath been countenanced
by Plato and fome that follow him, hath chiefly as it ſeems been enter-
tained by fome of the Jews, and fome few Chriftians, both recognizing
the true God, the Immortality of the Soul, and future Reſurrection:
For the ancient Jewiſh Opinion vide wisdom 8. 19, 20. [For I was a witty
Child, and had a good spirit, rather being good I came into a Body undefiled.]
Among Chriftians, Origen much afferted this Opinion. But whatever
may be faid touching the truth or falfhood of the Opinion it ſelf, it can
no way ſupport the primitive Origination of Mankind by the illapfing of
fuch Souls into elementary Matter.
Firſt, It exceeds the power and activity of fuch imagined, pre-exiſtent
Souls, to form and animate Matter into the confiftence of a Man without
the intervention either of the immediate power of God, or at leaſt with-
out that inftituted Method fixed by God in the Generation of Mankind
ex femine.
And that it doth fo exceed the activity of Souls thus to do, appears in
this, that although there is according to that Suppofition of a Mundus
animarum a fufficient ſtock of existing Souls, and if there were not, yet
thoſe that once informed humane Bodies furvived after the diffolutio com-
pofitis, and yet we never heard fince the first formation of Man that any
fuch new formation hath been made, nor any illapſe of any fuch Soul
into any other Fatus, but what hath been formed according to the eſta-
bliſhed Law of the fucceffive production of Mankind ex mixtione feminis
atriufque fexus. Nay the more confiderate Pythagoreans, and thoſe Jews
that held the Tranfmigration of Souls, never fuppofed any tranſmigra-
tion into any ſpontaneous production of Man or Animal, but only into
fuch as proceeded ex univoca generatione; and what hath never been
done, yea never fuppofed to have been done, we have no reafon to fup-
pofe poffible to be done by any natural and finite Efficient, for fuch theſe
Souls muſt be whether they pre-exifted or not.
And therefore though in the Refurrection the feparated Soul is fuppofed
to reaffume his own Body again, yet this feems not to be by any natural
power refiding in the Soul to form the Body and reunite it felf to it,
but muſt be attributed to that Almighty Power of the Glorious God, and
to the working of His Mighty Power, whereby he is able to fubdue all
things to himſelf, and by the very felf-fame excefs of power, whereby
he first created Man upon the Earth, fhall he form, raife, and reunite
the Humane Nature in the Refurrection, vid. 1 Cor. 15.1 Theff. 4. Mat. 13.
Mat. 24. Chrift the Son of God raiſed himſelf, but in the Reſurrection
the Dead ſhall be raifed by the Power and Command of the Glorious God.
Secondly, It is not fuppofed by thofe, that the Souls of perfect Brutes
had any exiſtence antecedent to their firft production, for their Souls
are not of a ſelf-fubfifting nature, they cannot exift out of them, but
begin with them, and dye with them; fo theſe in their first production
could not arife by any fuch illapfus animarum into elementary Matter, but
we muft attribute their primitive Formation or Creation to the Command
of the Divine Will; and fo if we give them any Origination, we ſhall
this Suppoſition give them a nobler Origination, and by a more
immediate interpofition of the Divine Power and Will, than to that of
Man, which ſeems unreaſonable.
upon
321
رند
322
Se&t. IV.
Of a true Origination of
As to the Second, It is true the Platonists attributed an Univer fal Soul
to the Univerſe, the Anima mundi, which though they ſometimes ſuppoſe
it a created Intelligent Nature, yet in other places we shall find them
attributing fo great power and energy to it, that it ſeems they made it
to be no other than God himſelf. But when they held their Suppofition
of an Anima mundi as a created Exiſtence fubordinate to Almighty God
although they attribute many of the great Appearances of Nature, both
in their production and government to this Univerſal Spirit, yet they
dare not affert unto it the Efficiency of the firft Original of Humane
Nature by it; and if they ſhould, yet this their Suppofition would have
this flaw in it, that they take greater pains, and run the hazard of more
difficulties, by fuppofing the Origination of Man from this Anima mundi,
than if they should with us fuppofe the immediate Origination by the
Divine Power; neither do they gain any thing by it. But this I may
poffibly refume again hereafter.
But the Suppofition whereof we took notice before is this, That there
is a threefold created Univerfal Nature, viz, a Natura mentalis, common
to Men and Angels, a Natura fenfitiva, common to Animals; and a
Natura ignea, which is the common Principle of Vegetation.
And therefore as the communis natura ignea is difperfed through the
Univerſe, and by participation thereof to particles of Matter gives an
exiſtence to the Vegetables of feveral natures, fo the communication of
the communis natura fenfitiva might at firſt give an original to perfect
Senfitives, as perchance it now doth to infecta fponte nafcentia; fo the
participation of the Natura mentalis to fome portions of elementary
Matter may also give the origination of the firſt Men and Women in the
World.
Two things I ſhould ſay to this:
First, Although it be true, that the abftraction of the Underſtanding,
ranging the Souls of living things under thefe Diftinctions and generical
Notions, hath given us the Notion of one common Mentalis natura, and
one common Senfitiva natura, and one common Ignea natura; yet it will
be hard to prove, that there are any fuch real common Natures really
exifting, but in the Individuals thereof. We have the common Notion
of Natura animalis, and yet never any Man could make out, that there
was any Animalis natura but what exiſted in the Individuals, or that here
ever was or can be really exiſting any Animal with it, not determined
in ſome more contracted exiſtence than an Animal.
Secondly, I muſt needs confefs there is a fair probability of Reaſon
offered by many Learned Men of this triplicity of exifting common Na-
tures, and it carries a great analogy with many other Phanomena in
Nature, and therefore I dare not generally deny it, though the explication
of the manner of their Exiftences, their particular Natures and Ufes, be
difficult: But if it be admitted (as poffibly it may be) that there is fome
common Element of Mental Nature, another common Element of Sen-
fitive Nature, and another common Element of Ignea Natura, and that
the ſeveral Ranks of Beings, Rational, Senfitive and Vegetable, parti-
cipate of thefe refpective Natures, as their common Store or Element
from whence they are derived, and therefore for inftance the Rational
Soul in Man were a participation of that common Element or Stock of
the
Cap. 4.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
323
}
the Mentalis natura; yet ſtill we muſt go higher for the Origination of
Mankind, for this would be no other than as it were the Materia prima or
communis of the Souls of Men.
1. Either this Natura mentalis is indivifible, and communicated in-
tirely without any diftribution of feveral divided parts of it to all Men,
as the common Heat of the Sun is communicated to a thouſand Men toge-
ther, and then all Men will have one common Soul, and there will be
no individuation nor principle of individuation between Mankind, for
the fame univerſal indivifible Soul reaſons and wills in every Man, which
would be unintelligible and abfurd.
2. Or to uphold Individuation in the Perfons and Souls of Men, this com-
mon Natura mentalis muſt be either truly feveral divided Souls, with Origen's
Mundus animarum; or elfe, though this common Nature be actually one at
firſt, yet it is diviſible, and potentially many: and fo the feveral Souls of
ſeveral Men muſt be fo many feveral Particles or Ramenta of this Univerfalis
natura; and either this portion thereof muſt be by the fuperior Activity of
Almighty God, or elſe it muſt have a kind of natural divifion of it fſelf,
according to the divifion of Matter qualified and organized to receive it :
If the former, ftill there is dignus vindice nodus; for God Almighty muft
be called in to diftribute and participate the portions of this Mental
Nature if the latter, then what fhall become of the Individuation of
the Soul after Death? It will return back, and be drowned as it were
in the Natura mentalis, or be annihilated; and if it keeps its Individuation,
it muſt be by the Power and Interpofition of Almighty God.
3. But be it what it will, fuppofe it be the common Matter as it were of
the Souls of Men, and therefore now in the ordinary courſe of Propagation,
by a kind of fetled Law in Nature may communicate it felf or any portion
of it felf, to the natural productions of Mankind; yet where do we find,
that either it ever did, or can of its felf form a Body out of Elementary
Nature, and unite it ſelf unto it? Or how could that be done without the
ordinary method of Generation, to difpofe and organize the Recipient or
organized Body, or the interpofition of a fuperior Intelligent Nature, that
muft form and unite it; and if it ever did, or could do the fame by its own
immediate Activity, why do we not fee the fame thing done daily without
the courſe of ordinary Generation ex Semine, fince this commune Elementum
mentale ftill is fuppofed to exift, and of the fame efficacy as ever it was?
4. It is obfervable, that in all theſe kinds of Suppofitions either of one
Mundus animarum individualium with Origen, or of a common Elementum
mentale, whether divifible or indiviſible, nothing can be done without
taking in the Power of an Omnipotent God, either in the firft Creation of
theſe Souls or Elements, or in the direction,ordering and governing of their
illapfes into Matter,or of the preparing and organizing of Matter in the first
Origination of Men,or in the feparating or individuating of thefe Elements,
or in the uniting of them to Matter, or in giving the Law, and Rule, and
Inftitution of their future Regiment, or indeed in all of theſe: And ſo Men
have needlefly, and without fufficient evidence multiplied Entia, and yet
fuch as are not effectual to the folution of the Phenomena, nifi Deus interfit;
and all this plainly expedited with the fame eaſe, and lefs perplexity and
multiplicity, by the immediate Command of the Divine Will and Power
in the first production of Things, according to the plain, explicable, and
intel
Tt 2
324
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
intelligible Syftem given us by God by the hand of Mofes, namely, an
immediate Formation of Man, an immediate Creation of an Immortal
Intellectual Soul, and an immediate Union of both Parts of the Com-
pofitum by Almighty God.
5. Indeed if it be fuppofed that one common Mental Nature
may be
ſpecifically appropriate to the Humane Nature, (not taking in the An-
gelical) the difficulty of the fpecification of Humane Nature by that
common Mental Principle may be removed, because the Humane Na-
ture is but one Species; yet the Suppofition of one common Senfitive or
Vegetable Nature, as the common Conftituent of Animals and Vegeta-
bles, leaves us under this perplexity and difficulty, namely, How from
that common Senfitive Nature there arifeth diverſity of Species of Ani-
mals and Vegetables; or fince the Principles are but of one kind, how
comes the species to be feveral: And on the other fide, if the variety
of Species arife from the different modification or qualification of the
Matter, How comes it to paſs that there is any fixedneſs and determi-
nation of the Species of Animals or Vegetables, or that they are con-
tained and conſerved in the fame Species; fince the modifications and
qualifications of Matter are various, and irregular, and infinite, neither
do they keep in one fixed modification or qualification, but the fame is
hourly changed. It remains therefore, that although we fhould admit
fuch a Natura fenfitiva or ignea, either in fome common Maffes, or inter-
fperfed and diffuſed through the whole Mafs of Elementary mixed
Matter, we muſt be fain to fuppofe fomething elſe that muft determin
theſe common and Homogeneal Principles into determinate Species; or
at leaſt, that there are as many Senfitive Natures fpecifically diftin&t
as there are species of Animals in the World. Theſe Suppofitions there-
fore are not fufficient to explicate the firſt productions of perfect Ani-
mals, at leaſt without multiplication of inevident and unexplicable
Suppofitions.
6. I therefore come to that true, and plain, and neceffary Conclufion,
That the first production of Mankind, yea and of perfect Animals, was
wrought immediately by the Efficacy of an Intelligent, Wife, and
Powerful Being, diftinct from the things produced: and this is the
great Truth that in all this Difcourfe I aimed at, and am now arri-
ved at.
And I fhall not need go any farther for the evidence of this Truth,
than the Contemplation of the Thing it felf, (Man,) in which we ſhall
find fo many clear Evidences of an Intelligent Efficient, that we need
no other, and the common Inftances will evidence the Reaſonableneſs
of fuch a Confequence. If I should behold a Houſe with ſeveral Rooms
and Stories, excellently contrived with all Offices and Conveniences for
Uſe, Doors, Windows, Chimneys, Stairs, and every thing placed and
digeſted with Order, Uſefulneſs, and Beauty, a little Logick will induce
me to conclude that it was the Work of an intelligent and skilful Archi-
tect, though I did not fee him building or finiſhing it. If I fhould fee
rious Watch, curiouſly wrought,graved, and enameled, and ſhould obferve
the exact difpofition of the Spring, the String, the Wheels, the Ballance,
the Index, and by an excellent, orderly, regular Motion defcribed, dif
covering the Hour of the Day, Day of the Month, and divers other
a cu-
regular
Cap. 4.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
325
regular and curious Motions: Or if I fhould fee fuch a goodly Machina
as fome afcribe to Archimedes, whereby in diftinct Spheres or Orbs the
fituation of the Elementary and Celeſtial World were repreſented, and
all theſe
put into their ſeveral Motions, confonant to that we fee in the
Heavenly Bodies, by the means of Springs or Weights artificially placed,
I ſhould moſt reaſonably conclude, that theſe were neither Caſual nor
fimply Natural Productions, but they were the Work of fome intelligent
curious Artiſt, that by defign, intention and appropriation wrought and
put in order and motion theſe curious Automata,
And certainly, if I or any Man of Reafon fhould in this moment be-
hold a parcel of red Clay, and in a moment ſhould fee that arife into
the Figure of a Man, full of Beauty and Symmetry, endued with all
thoſe Parts and Faculties which I fee in my ſelf, and poffibly far more
glorious, exquifite, and beautiful; and I fhould obferve him preſently
after this Formation ufe all the Operations of Life, Senſe and Reafon,
and this kind of production never ſeen before: That common Reaſon
which should tutor me to think that that Watch, that Machina before
mentioned was the Work of an Intelligent Nature, would much more
enforce me to believe that this admirable and ftupendious production of
fuch a Nature unexampled before, would enforce me to believe and
confess that this were the immediate Work not only of an Intelligent
Being, but of a moſt Wiſe and Powerful Being, that could thus in a
moment frame, animate, and endow fuch an excellent Creature as
this.
And yet certainly the firſt created Parents of Mankind were conftitute
in a Nature ſpecifically conformable unto that Nature which Mankind
now hath, and as we have no reafon to believe they were any way
inferior to the prefent Perfection of Humane Nature, fo we have very
great reaſon to ſuppoſe them conftituted in a greater degree of Beauty
and Perfection than the moſt perfect Man that hath been ever fince their
Formation, (except the incarnate Son of God.)
Although I do not intend in this place to take a large Survey of the
Perfection of the Humane Nature, becauſe it is in part done already,
and I ſhall reſerve it, God willing, for its proper place and feafon; yet
becauſe my Scope here is to evince, that the Suppofition of the first
production of Mankind is an unquestionable Evidence of the Existence
of a moft Wife and Intelligent Being; and that the ftrength of that
Evidence reſts in the due Contemplation of the Excellence of the Hu-
mane Nature and Faculties, and thoſe other Appendices thereunto; and
that it is not poffible to conceive any other but an Intelligent Efficient
(working by Choice, Wiſdom, and Appropriation) fhould be the first
Producent, Former, and Conftituent of fuch a Nature. I fhall take a
hort Survey of the Humane Nature, Perfections, and Appendices, which
may give any Man a handle to improve it farther to the fame end;
leaving the fuller Difcourfe of the Humane Nature as a Referve, allo
whereupon a fuller Improvement may be made of this Confideration and
Conclufion.
2587
And upon the diligent Obfervation of this Argument it will evi-
dently appear, That the modelling, framing, compounding, ordering,
and endowing the first Prototype and firft Copy of the Humane Nature
was
J
326
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
was neither an Act or Event of Chance, or of a Surd, Inanimate, Unin-
telligent Nature, but was a Contrivance and Work of Defign, Skill, and
Intention, a Tranſcript of that Idea which refided in an intelligent Being, a
Work of a wife and powerful Being; yea fuch a Work as could never
have been made by any less than the moſt intelligent, wife, and powerful
Being, exceeding the more fingle Wisdom and Activity of any created
Intelligence at leaſt, unleſs acting in and by the Commiffion, Virtue, and
Strength of the Almighty God.
Now theſe Excellencies in Man that demonftrate an Intelligent Effi-
cient are of two kinds, 1. Such as immediately concern his nature:
2. Such as are diftinct from it, but relating to it.
1. Therefore concerning thofe Excellencies that concern immediately
his Nature; and theſe diſcover themſelves and the Wiſdom of their
Efficient. And theſe Excellencies are confidered either fimply in them-
felves; or 2. Compofitè, and with the feveral Subferviences and Accom-
modations to their Ends and Uſes.
As to the firſt Confideration, there are many Excellencies in the
Humane Nature which manifeſt a far more eminent Excellency in his
firft Efficient.
The Symmetry, Beauty, Majefty, and admirable Compofure of his
Body, to which there can be nothing added, nor detracted, without a
blemiſh to it.
The admirable Faculties of his Soul, thoſe that concern him in his
loweſt rank of Life, the Faculty by which he is nourished; thoſe that
concern him in his middle rank of Life, Soul and Senſation, Memory
and Appetite; thoſe that concern him in his fupreme rank of Life, In-
tellect and Will; thoſe that concern him in his whole Compofitum, the
Generative Faculty.
The admirable Union of his Soul to his Body, whereby he becomes
one Intellectual Being, though confifting of Principles of differing
natures.
Theſe and fuch as theſe would be largely profecuted, for they do
evidence an intellectual, moſt wife Efficient, that could thus erect, and
thus endow ſuch a Fabrick. But that which I moft reckon upon, is
that admirable Accommodation that is found in the nature of Man,
which doth moſt undeniably demonftrate an intellectual and wiſe Effi-
cient, working by Intention and Deſign: for inftance, It is indeed a
very great evidence of an Artiſt that can make the Wheel of a Watch,
or the Spring, or the Ballance, but the deſtination of the Spring to
the String, and the String to the Fufee, and the accommodation of
every Wheel, and their poſition and fabrick one to another, and the
Ballance to correct and check the excess of the Motion, and the Index
to the Table, and to fit the Table with Diviſions ſuitable to the Hours,
and to put all into fuch a regular Motion as demonftrates the Hour of
the Day: This adaptation of things of various and feveral Natures and
Structures one to another, and all to fome common End or Defign, is
ſo great an evidence of an Intellectual Being that works by Intention,
by Election, by Deſign and Appropriation, that nothing can be oppoſed
against it: And therefore I rather chooſe to profecute this compound
Confideration of the Humane Nature, the adaptation and appropriation
of
}
Cap. 4.
327
Mankind and the Univerſe.
of things therein one to another, and to common Ufe, which is the moſt
evident Argument of fuch an Efficient as I have before deſcribed in the
firft Fabrication of Humane Nature.
It were the buſineſs of a Volume to purfue all the Particulars of this
kind, I fhall only inftance in fome.
1. The admirable accommodation of the feveral Parts of the Hu
mane Body to make up one Continuum, yet confifting of divers Parts
diſtinct in their individuals and kinds, the mortifing of the Bones one
into another, the binding them together by Nerves and Mufcles and
Tendons, the Veins and Arteries for the carrying of the Blood diffuſed
by ſeveral Ramifications from their Roots to the uttermoſt extremities
of the Body, their differing Coats, Anastomoses and means of Commu-
nication for the Circulation of the Blood, the diftributions and ramifi-
cations of the Nerves; indeed the whole Frame of the Humane Body
is an Engin of moſt admirable contrivance and mutual accommodation
of Parts, which is fo much the more admirable, becauſe many of the
Parts are diftinct not only in the Roots and Numbers, but in their
Nature and Conftitution; yet make up one moſt beautiful Continuum,
by the mutual accommodation and admirable contignation of the ſeveral
Integrals thereof.
2. The admirable accommodation of Faculties to the convenience
and ufe of Humane Nature, for Inftance, the Digeftive Faculty to pre-
ſerve Life, the Generative Faculty to preſerve the Species; his Faculties
of Senſe are accommodated to a Senfible Being, for as much as he is to
converſe in a Corporeal World, and with Corporeal Beings, there is no
one quality of Corporeal Nature that he hath occafion to uſe or converſe
with, but he hath a Faculty by one of his five Senſes to receive and
diſcern. Again, in his Intellective Faculty it admirably ſerves him for
the Ends and Ufes of his Being; he was appointed to govern, direct,
and rule other Animals, and therefore he hath the advantage of a ſupe-
rior Faculty above them, whereby he is able to exerciſe that Direction
and Government: He was made to be the Spectator of the great Work
of God, to confider and obferve them, to glorifie and ferve that God
that made them, and he is accordingly furnished with an Intellective
Faculty anſwerable to his condition.
3. The admirable accommodation of Faculties with fubminiftring
Faculties, and Organs fubfervient, appropriate, and convenient for their
exercife: For Inftance, Local Motion is neceflary to Mankind, and ac-
cordingly he is furnished with Animal Spirit, Nerves, Mufcles, Tendons,
and Limbs admirably contrived, and deftined, and fitted to Local Motion.
The Intellective Faculty is furniſhed with the organical Fabrick of the
Brain, and the ſubordinate Power of Senſe, Phantafie and Memory, to
affiſt it in its exerciſe while it is in the Body: Facultati generative & pro-
lificæ fubministrans facultas feminificationis, ac organa eidem defervientia,
appetitus naturalis, voluptas quædam alliciens organa generationi dicata, &
diftinctio fexuum, fine qua juxta legem in natura post primam humane nature
formationem infitam, hujufmodi fpeciei propagatio fieri nequivit. The Dige-
ftive Faculty, furnishing the Blood, the Blood increafing the Body, and
fupplying the Treaſuries of the Spirits, the Spirits again fupplying and
maintaining the Offices of the Faculties. So that not only the Blood,
I
but
328
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
}
but the whole Corporeal and Animal Nature is in continued motion
and mutual fubferviency.
I might be endleſs in this Contemplation, but becauſe it is evident
to any Man that confiders, and I defign a larger difcuffion of this Bufinefs
when I come to confider the Parts and Faculties of the Humane Nature,
I fhall not give farther Inftances therein.
And the Uſe that I make of it is this, That although it might be
fuppofed poffible, that either Chance or Nature might in fome fimple
narrow things produce very curious Appearances, as the Configurations
of Afterites, of Cryſtals, of Salts in their ſeveral ſhapes; yet when in
fuch a complicated Nature as Man is, confifting of fo many various
Parts, various in their poſition, nature, and uſe, there fhall be found
fuch an exact adaptation of every thing one to another, as to ferve the
whole and every part; this in the primordial Conftitution and Formation
muft needs be the Work of a moft wife, intelligent, powerful Being, that
operates fecundùm intentionem, appropriationem, & intelligentiam.
P
2. Let us come then to thofe Appendices and relative Refpects of other
things to the Humane Nature, we fhall eafily find in it this Confideration
alfo, the Footſteps and Evidences of an Intelligent Nature in the Con-
ftitution of him, by that admirable accommodation of things without
him of different nature from him, to his uſe and convenience.
In the Operations or Works of Intelligent Agents we may eafily fee,
that according to the degree or perfection of fuch Intelligence there is
variety in their Work or Production: An Intelligent Agent that is but
of a narrow Intelligence, as his Proſpect is commonly fhort and weak,
ſo his Work feldom attains more than a narrow and fingle End. But if
the Agent be of a large and comprehenfive Intelligence and Wildom,
his ends are great, and moft times various and complicated, and the fame
Operation or Work may have many and divers Ends and Uſes.
Almighty God therefore being of infinite Wiſdom and Power, fore-·
fees and effects great and various Ends in one and the fame Work or
Operation: Take for Inftance that goodly Creature the Sun, What a
complication of excellent Ends and uſes there are in that glorious Body?
It is the Fountain, communicating Light to the Earth, the Air, and all
the Planetary Bodies; it is that which derives Heat, and is the great
Inftrument of deriving Fruitfulneſs and Fertility to the inferior World;
it diſtinguiſheth Times and Seaſons by its Motion; it raifeth, and di-
gefteth, and diſtributeth the Watry Meteors for the benefit of this infe-
rior World, and infinite more advantages of this kind. And therefore
it is the narrowness of our Underſtanding, that when we fee one excel-
lent End or Uſefulneſs in any thing, to conclude, that God Almighty
intended no other.
And therefore it is too hafty and vain a Concluſion, to think that
the glorious Bodies of the Celeſtial Hoft were made meerly for the fervice
of Man, and it is alfo folly and preſumption to conclude, that even the
things of this inferior World, though principally defigned for the ufe
of Man, were meerly and only deſtined for the fervice of Man: Almighty
God hath the Glory of his own Greatneſs, and the Communication of
his own Goodneſs, as the great End of all his Works: Yea and we have
reaſon to think, that even in theſe inferior Beings of this lower World
which
Cap. 4.
329
Mankind and the Universe.
which are delivered over to the uſe and ſervice of Men, God Almighty
had other Ends that poffibly we know not, nay poffibly in the Effection
of the leaſt minute Animal Almighty God intended a Communication
of fo much of his Goodneſs and Beneficence to it, as might give it a
kind of complacency and fruition ſuitable to the capacity of its Exiſtence,
though ſubordinate to other Ends.
And yet not only in theſe inferior Exiftences of this lower World, but
even in the Fabrick, Order, and Oeconomy of the fuperior World there
is to be found an admirable accommodation of them one to another,
and to this Steward and Tenant of Almighty God of this inferior World,
called Man.
1. If we look upon the Celeſtial World, we have an admirable ac-
commodation thereof to the convenience of Mankind; it prefents to
his View, and thereby to his Underſtanding, the moſt noble Spectacle of
the Celeſtial Bodies, their Order, Beauty, Conftancy, Motion, Light,
conducting to the knowledge and acknowledgment of the Power, Wif
dom and Goodneſs of God: it gives him an account of the progreſs,
and parts, and fucceffion of Time; theſe are advantages that no Irrational
Nature can make uſe of.
But the Influence of the Heavens are a common Benefit to Man and
all Sublunary Natures; but yet the inferior World feems in a great
meaſure directed for the benefit of Mankind; fome in common to him
and the Brutes, as the Air for Reſpiration, the Fire for Warmth, the
Water for Drink, the Earth for Fruit and Habitation.
But in this lower World there feems many things directed to the ſpecial
ufe of Mankind; for befides Domeſtick Animals eſpecially allowed for
his Food, there are fome that ferve for his Employment, Motion, Exer-
ciſe, and Food, as the Tillage and Planting of the Earth for his Food;
fome for his Medicine, as Herbs, and Gums, and Minerals; fome for his
Clothing, as the Furrs, Wool, and Skins of Beaſts; fome for his Habi-
tation, as the Timber and Stone; fome for his Fewel, as Wood, Coals,
and Turf; fome for his Defence and Manufacture, as Iron and Steel;
fome for Commerce, as the Metals of Silver, Gold, Copper, the very
Situation of the Seas, the Magnes; fome for his Ornament, as Silk and
Jewels; fome for his Journey and Labour, as Horfes, Oxen, Camels;
fome for his Neceffity, fome for his Delight: Infinite more Inftances
may be given, whereby it will evidently appear that this lower World is
accommodated to the uſe and convenience of Mankind in a ſpecial and
remarkable manner; whereby it may be evident to any confiderate Man,
that the Formation of the World and of Mankind was by the fame wife
and provident Power; and that as the Humane Nature is accommodated
to it ſelf, fo this World is accommodated to the exigence and convenience
of the Humane Nature.
When I have confidered the admirable Congruity of all the Parts of
Chriſtian Religion, and how it correfponds, and is adapted to the con-
venience and condition of the Humane Nature, and how thofe antece-
dent Prophefies, Promiſes, and Directions of Religion in the Old Teſta-
ment, bear an admirable congruity to the Model of Religion in the
New Teſtament, notwithſtanding the vaft diftances between the mani-
feſtations of them, and how all the Scheme of Divine Difpenfations
V v
from
330
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
from the beginning of the World bear an admirable accommodation each
to other, and to the Evangelical Doctrin; it gives us a ftrong Moral
Evidence that the fame one God was the Author of this Religion, that
although there ſeem a diverfity and variety in the Adminiſtrations, yet
when I look upon them together, compare the congruity of what goes
before to what follows, it ſeems one moſt beautiful Piece, fitted and
accommodated in every part to the other; and hereby I fatisfie my felf
that it is the true Religion, that it is all of one piece, and one common
Author of it, namely, the God of Truth.
And fo when I confider the Humane Nature, and the admirable ac-
commodation that one part thereof hath to the other, and alſo look
upon the Mundus afpectabilis, eſpecially this lower World, wherewith we
are by reaſon of its vicinity beſt acquainted, and obferve how admirably
the fame is accommodated to the Animal Life of Man: And although
the Parts thereof are diſtinct, various, diſtant, yet there are drawn from
it Lines of Accommodations and Communication to the Uſe of the Hu-
mane Nature, ſo exactly and appofitly, that I cannot chooſe but acknow-
ledge one common Author both of the greater and leffer World, and
fuch an Author, as made and diſpoſed all things by the higheſt Wiſdom
and the wiſeſt Choice. If there had been divers Authors of the greater
and leffer World, there could never have been an accommodation of
things ſo diſparate one to another, unleſs both had acted in ſubordination
to one common third Being, or by one common Counſel.
Again, it was not poffible that Caſualty or Chance could have accom-
modated things of various kinds one to another: If Chance could make
a Beam of a Houfe, and could have made Tenents at either end, yet it
is not poffible to conceive that Chance could caft it to be juſt of a fit
length to anſwer the congruity of its contignation to another piece of
Timber, or fit the Mortiles of other pieces of Timber to thofe Tenents,
or fit the particles and ſcantlets to anſwer juſt one another; this muſt of
neceffity require a Workman that works by Underſtanding, Choice, and
Appropriation, becauſe it requires accommodation of feveral things of
feveral kinds to one End by feveral Means.
Thus therefore when I ſee the admirable accommodation of Humane
Nature to its own exiſtence and conveniences, the admirable accommo-
dation therein of things of different natures one to another, as Organs
to Faculties, Sinews to Bones, Nerves to Mufcles, Spirits to Nerves;
when I fee the excellent accommodation of this lower World, efpecially
to the Humane Nature, although they are in themſelves feveral and hete-
rogeneal, I cannot (without violence to my own Obſervation, Expe-
rience, and Reaſon) I ſay I cannot but attribute the firſt Formation of
Humane Nature, yea and of all the Univerſe, to one moſt Wiſe, Intel-
ligent, Powerful Being; who did all things according to the counſel of
his Will, after the moft wife and excellent Idea of his unſearchable
Underſtanding.
CAP.
Cap. 5. Mankind and the Univerſe.
331
:
CAP. V.
=
Concerning the Nature of that Intelligent Agent that first formed the
Humane Nature; and fome Objections against the Inferences above
made, and their Answer.
HA
Aving in the foregoing Chapter reduced the Origination of Man-
kind to an Intelligent Efficient, effecting it per modum efficientis
voluntarii, & per intentionem, I fhall in this place inquire what kind of
Intelligent Efficient this was, for among Intelligent Beings there is one
Primum, the Glorious God, whoſe Underſtanding, Power, and Good-
neſs is infinite; there are alfo acknowledged by the Heathen, Intelligentia
à primo, thofe which Aristotle calls by the Name of Separate Intelli-
gences, Plato calls Dii ex Diis, and we commonly call Angels, very
glorious and powerful Creatures, which Plato takes into the Buſineſs of
the Creation of Man, as to the Corporeal Frame.
And it ſeems to be, that the Effection of the Humanë Nature in any
part thereof, is not attributable to the Angels, neither as inftrumental,
much leſs as principal Cauſes.
1. As to the Soul of Man it feems beyond difpute, for that was a
created Subſtance, and Creation of any new Subftance being an infinité
Motion, is not within the power of any Finite Nature: the Pretence
therefore refts only as to the Corporeal, or at leaſt Animal Nature:
2. Therefore I fay that the Formation of the Bodily, much leſs the
Animal Nature of Man, in order to the reception of the Soul, was nei-
ther coordinately nor inftrumentally the Work of Angels. And the
Reaſons that ſeem fufficient to make out this Truth, are theſe:
1. It ſeems utterly above an Angelical Power to organize the Body
of the Humane Nature: for though it is true, that in the eſtabliſhed way
of Generation, the Parents, who are inferior in nature to Angels, do
organize the Body, at leaſt mediante femine, yet that is done in the
virtue and ſtrength of the Ordination and Inftitution of Almighty God :
So that as well Man as the Semen genitale are the Inftruments deputed by
Almighty God in virtue of his Supreme Power to propagate the Humane
Nature. And therefore fince the firft Formation of the Humane Nature
was a new Formation, not according to the Laws eſtabliſhed after in
Nature, the firſt Production of Mankind was immediately by the Al-
mighty Power, and not by the Power of any fubordinate Intelli-
gence.
2. Again, it could not poffibly be, but that the Humane Nature muſt
be completed in an inftant: For how is it conceptible, that firft there
ſhould be Corpus formatum, with all the Organs, Veffels, Blood, and Spirits
difpofed and ordered in their ſeveral Cells and Motions, unleſs Man had
been then at the fame time animated as well as organized? For the
outward ſhape or ftature of a Man is no more a fit Receptacle of an
Animal, much lefs of a Rational Life, than a Statue of Wax or Stone.
The fame Hand therefore that animated, formed and faſhioned alſo the
fame
V v z
1
332
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
fame Humane Body in the fame moment, by virtue of the Volition,
Determination, or Faciamus of the Divine Will.
3. As we have no manner of evidence of the Angelical concurrence
or inſtrumentality in the Formation of Man or of any of the lower Ani-
mals, fo there is no neceffity at all of fuch a Suppofition. And we are
not to multiply Caufes without neceffity, for as the bare determination
of the most powerful and efficacious Will of God was fufficient to bring
Being out of Nothing, ſo the like determination of the fame Will was
fufficient to form Man out of the Duft of the ground, without taking in
a fubordination or inftrumentality of Angels.
Again, if we ſhould fuppofe the cooperation of Angels in the For-
mation of the Body of Man, it must be in the ftrength, virtue, and
efficiency of the first Cauſe, which as it gave the Angels their Being,
ſo it muſt give them the efficacy, power, and virtue to be inftrumental in
this Formation; which as we have no warrant, fo we have no probable
reaſon to admit, fince the firft Cauſe was all-fufficient for this Effect
without their affiftance.
4. The admirable Structure of the Body of Man, the accommodation
of it to Faculties, the furniſhing of it with Faculties accommodate to it,
even as its Animal Nature (though we take not in the reaſonable intel-
lectual Soul) imports in it a Wifdom, Power, and Efficacy above the
Power of any created Nature to effect: If it ſhould be in the power of
an Angel, by applying actives to paffives, to produce an Infect, nay a
perfect Animal, yet the Conftitution and Frame of fo much of that in
Man that concerns his Animal Nature were too high a Copy for an
Angelick Nature to write, unless thereunto deputed and commiffionated
by the Infinite God, which Commiffion we no where find, and I am
very ſure a bare Naturalift will not ſuppoſe.
2
5. Again, there is that neceffity of a fuitableness and accommodation
of the Parts of the Body to the Faculties of the Soul, and è converfo, that
any the leaſt diſproportion or diſaccommodation of one to the other would
fpoil the whole Work, and make them utterly unferviceable and unap-
plicable one to the other. It was therefore of abfolute neceffity that the
ſame skill and dexterity that was requifite to the firft Formation of the
Soul, muſt be uſed and employed in the Formation of the Body; and if an
Angel were unequal to the making up and ordering of the Soul, he
could never be fufficient to make a fit organical Body exactly ſuitable
to it.
+
Upon the whole matter I therefore conclude, That not only the Soul,
but the very Animal Nature in Man, and not only that, but the For-
mation and Deſtination of his Bodily Frame, was not only the Work
of an Intelligent Being, but of the Infinite and Omnipotent Intelligent
Being, who in the fame moment formed his Body, and organized it with
immediate Organs and Inftruments of Life and Senfe, and created his
Intellectual Nature, and united it to him, whereby Man became a living
Soul.
And this, as the neceſſary Evidence of Reaſon, doth firſt drive us to
acknowledge a Being, or firft Formation of the Humane Nature ex non
genitis; and ſecondly, to acknowledge that this firft Formation of the
Nature of Man was not by Chance, Caſualty, or a meer Syntax of
Natural
24
覚える
​}
Cap. 5.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
Natural Cauſes, but by an Intelligent Efficient; fo we are upon the very
fame and a greater Evidence of Reafon, driven to acknowledge that
Itelligent Efficient to be the Great and Wife and Glorious God, no other
Cauſe imaginable being par tali negotio.
very
And indeed, if once we can bring Men but to this one Conceffion,
That the original Efficient of the Humane Nature was an Intelligent
Being, any Man pretending to Reaſon will with much less difficulty
admit that Efficient to be the Almighty God, than any other invifible,
intelligent Efficient, which we ufually call Angels or Intelligences: And
the Reaſons are theſe, 1. Becauſe though we that are acquainted with
the Divine Truths do as really believe that there are Angels as well as
Men, yet the Natural Evidences of the Exiſtence of Almighty God are
far more evident and convincing, even upon a Rational and Natural
account, than that there are Angels; for the former being a Truth of
the higheſt moment and importance to be believed by all, hath a pro-
portionable weight and clearneſs of evidence, even to Natural Light,
more and greater than any other Truth: And hence among the Jews the
Sect of the Sadduces believed the Exiſtence of God, yet denied or doubted
the Exiſtence of Angels or feparated Intelligences. 2. Becauſe the
Suppoſition of an Angelical Nature doth neceffarily ſuppoſe the Exiſtence
of a Supreme Being, from whom they derive their Exiftences. 3. Be-
cauſe the great occafion of Infidelity in relation to Exiſtence of Almighty
God is, that fenfual Men are not willing to believe any thing whereby
they have not a fufficient Evidence, as they think, to their Senfe: The
Notion of a Spiritual and Immaterial Being is a thing that they cannot
digeſt, becauſe they cannot fee or by any Senſe perceive it, nor eaſily form
to themſelves a Notion of it. He therefore that can ſo far mafter the
ſtubborneſs of Senfe, as to believe fuch a Spriritual Intelligent Being
as an Angel, hath conquered that difficulty that moſt incumbers his beliet
of a God, and we that can but fuppofe or admit the former, cannot long
doubt of the latter. He therefore that can once bring his thoughts to
carry the firſt Origination of Mankind to the efficiency of an Angel, muſt
needs in a little time fee a greater evidence not only to believe a Supreme
Deity, but to attribute the Origination of Mankind and of the goodly
Frame of the Univerſe to the Supreme Being; as neceffarily beft fitted
with Power, Wiſdom, and Goodness to accomplish fo great a Work,
and that without the help or intervention of Angels or created Intel-
ligences, who must needs derive their Being, Power, and Activity from
him.
There remains two or three Objections against the force of the Con-
ſequence of the Exiſtence of Almighty God, and his Efficiencies in the
production of Mankind in their firft Individuals, which I ſhall propound
and anſwer.
1. Object. What need there be laid fo great a ftrefs upon the Primitive
Formation of Man, as that it could not be done but by the Power and
Wiſdom of an Almighty Intelligent Being? fince every day's experience
lets us fee, that by the mixture and coition of Man and Woman, Et ex
femine ab utroque decifo, in utero muliebri per fpatium decem menfium ad pluba
rimum producitur hujufmodi natura humana, quem tot elogiis magnificamus;
that which we every day fee to be an effect of finite Creatures in the
daily
333
T
334
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
daily production of Individuals of Humane Nature: Why muſt we
needs call in no less than the Wiſdom and Power of God himſelf, to
be the immediate Efficient of the first Formation of the Individuals of
that nature, which we fee every day produced by the common efficacy
of Nature and efficiency of the Parents; vel ad minus, feminis utriufque
fexus in utero fœmineo conclufi?
{
In Anſwer hereunto, I fhall not at this time or in this place enter
into the diſpute how far the Divine Efficiency concurrs immediately in
the ordinary Generation of Mankind, nor how far the entire Humane
Nature, as well his Rational Soul as his Body and Animal Nature, is
attributable to Parental Generation, theſe will be proper for another
place: but for a full Anſwer hereunto I fay, 1. That there is not the
ſame meaſure to be taken of the competency or fufficiency of an Efficient
in the production of the Humane Nature, as it ftands now eſtabliſhed,
and in the first formation of the firft Individuals of that nature ex non
genitis.
It is true, it is in fetled and eſtabliſhed Nature, within the compaſs of
the immediate efficiency of both Sexes, & feminis prolifici ab eifdem decifi,
to form the Humane Nature in that gradual procefs and method that
is now confonant to Nature; but if all the Men on Earth and Angels
in Heaven ſhould now go about to form the Humane Nature ex non
genitis, either out of the Elementary Material, or by the help and dire-
ction of the Celeſtial Influences, or by any Irradiation even from an
Angelick Nature, it could not be done: It was therefore a vain piece of
madneſs in Paracelfus to pretend to the formation of a Homunculus, when
by all his pretended Skill he could not protract his own Life, being
already conftituted to the common period of an ordinary old age. But
2. This Poteftas generativa in the Humane Nature is part of that admi-
rable Efficiency which Almighty God exerciſed in the firſt Formation
of Mankind and of other perfect Animals; and this Faculty is performed
in the Humane Nature, and traduced from one to another by the im-
mediate efficacy, virtue, and energy of that first Divine Efficiency. In
this Generative Faculty therefore though the Parents are not fimply
paffive Inftruments, the Semen prolificum is not meerly a paffive Inftru-
ment in the production of Humane Nature, yet both are Inftruments,
and Efficientes vicaria & fubordinate, in refpect of Almighty God; and
the activity that either of theſe Inftruments have, they have from that
God that firſt formed the Humane Nature, and implanted and alligated
this activity to them. In the first formation of the first Individuals of
Humane Nature this vis prolifica was immediately conftituted in them
by Almighty God, with power not only to produce their kind, but to
tranſmit this vis prolifica to theſe they fo produced: and although the
immediate production now feems to be by the immediate efficiency of
the Parents, and their prolifick Semen, yet it is done by virtue, and in
the power of the firft efficiency of Almighty God; Qui cum hanc indidit
primis individuis in eorum prima formatione, ac perpetua quadam lege fuccef-
fivis individuis quafi alligavit & connexit. So that as when I behold a
Man at this day, his corporeal Figure, his Faculties, I fee but as it were
a Copy or Tranſcript of the firſt created nature of Man in the firft Indi-
viduals, I mean as to their Effentials; fo I look upon the fucceffive
Gene-
Cap. 5.
335
Mankind and the Univerſe.
Generations of Mankind, to be but a continuation of that first generative
Faculty concreated with the firft Man, and protracted or extended unto
all fucceeding defcendents from him: And therefore I have all the
reaſon imaginable, when I behold the fucceffive Generations of Men,
and the actuating of that Faculty, retro trahere ad primam originem; and
to acknowledge it to be no less the Efficacy of the Divine Efficiency
in the thouſandth Generation from Adam, than it was in Adam himſelf:
Juſt as if I ſhould take a Wedge of Silver of one Inch ſquare, and gild
it over with Gold, and ſhould after draw it by Art into a Wire as fmall
as a Hair, to a Mile in length, every Inch of that filver Wire hath the
very fame tincture which the firſt Wedge had: Though this refem-
blance holds not in all things, it ferves to explicate what I mean,
namely, the Facultas generativa, which was by God Almighty given to
the firſt Parents of Mankind, and was bound to their Species. And
though it be now at a remoter diſtance from its firft efficiency, yet it
hath its continuance and efficacy by virtue of that First Efficiency, and
the Inftitution and Ordination of that moft Wife and Powerful Being.
So that even at this day the univocal generation of Man (yea and of all
perfect Animals) is no lefs the Efficiency of Almighty God than it was in
the first production of it, though it be more remote in reſpect of the
intervenience of more fucceffive inftrumental Caufes. And therefore
we are miſtaken, if we think that the generation of Men or Animals is
purely by virtue of the inftrumental Caules, without regard to the firſt
Efficiency of Almighty God; which though it perpetuates it in a fetled
regular way, now called therefore Natural, yet it is by the Force, Virtue,
and continuing Energy of the first wife, powerful, and efficacious Infti-
tution of Almighty God. And fo nothing is gotten by this Objection, but to
re-mind us to acknowledge and admire the admirable Wiſdom, Power,
and Goodneſs of God, in the firſt eſtabliſhment and continued protraction
of this Law of Seminal Propagation.
And this is the true reafon of the conftancy and fixedneſs of the Me-
thods of Generation, and why they do not tranfire ultra limites; why
thoſe Animals that are produced per ovum, do not, cannot produce vivi-
parous, as Birds, and fome forts of Fishes; and why thofe that produce
vivipara, or per vermem, do not produce per ovum; why without extreme
accidents all perfect Animals produce Individuals conformable to their
own fimilitude, and ſpecifick nature and likeness; namely, this is the
true reaſon, In the first formation of the Individual of thele Species, the
moſt Wiſe God, who forefaw what was moft fit and convenient, did
engrave
theſe ſeveral Laws and inviolable Conſtitutions in the natures
of the things firſt produced, and chained and connected them to their
Species by an inviolable Law, not regularly changeable by any Power
but by his Power that Enacted them: And therefore it is not in the
power of an Angel to alter the eſtabliſhed Method of the Generation of
things, becauſe it is a Law inftituted by the Supreme Lord. And although
Monstrous Births may cafually arife, as in due time may be observed, yet
the production of vivipara per ovum, or of ovipara per vermem, or of Men or
perfect Animals, aliter quam per conjunétionem maris & fœmina, are pro-
hibited by the fetled and fixed Laws eftablished by the God of Nature in
the first formation of Individuals.
2. Object,
336
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
!
2. Object. You lay much ſtreſs upon the admirable Fabrick not only
of Man but of perfect Animals, the regular and excellent order and com-
poſure of their Parts, the accommodation of their Organs to their Fa-
culties, and of their Faculties to the convenience of their Nature: and
yet there is ſcarce the ſmalleſt Infect but hath the fame Faculties and
Organs as exquifitly accommodated to their ufe as the greateſt Animal,
nay they are to much the more curious, and the Art of the Artificer fo
much the more commendable by how much the ſmaller they are.
If a
Flea or a Fly hath as exact a fymmetry, organization, and diverfity of
Faculties as an Oftridge or an Elephant; the curiofity of the Art is more
admirable by the fmalnefs of the Volume: And yet thefe do every day ariſe
fpontaneouſly, and it may be propagate their kind after their fpontaneous
production, or it may be have only the exiſtence of a Day, neither is it
reaſonable to think that all theſe Infects thus fpontaneouſly ariſing, were
first produced in the fifth or fixth Day; or that the Semina formata ọf
every Worm or Fly that hath ariſen this day or yeſterday, were created
in the firſt Creation of things, and lay concealed and unactive for above
5000 Years; and yet in theſe fponte nata we fee no neceffity nor evi-
dence of any immediate Divine Efficiency, for fome are every day pro-
duced ex putri, fine præexiftente femine. Why therefore is fo much
weight laid upon the firft Origination of Man or perfect Animals, as if
it muſt needs require the immediate interpofition of Almighty God,
when we are content to referr the Origination of Works poffibly of as
wonderful a fabrication as many at leaſt of perfect Animals, to a lower
Cauſe?
I Anſwer, It is true that there is a great curiofity in the Texture and
Faculty of Infects, and that there are very many that arife not ex pra-
exiftente femine, but either of Vegetables, or of that which we ufually
call Materia putris; and it will be too hard a task for any to maintain that
all Infects do ariſe of univocal Seeds derived from their own Species, or
that all the Species of Infects were created the fifth or fixth Day; neither
fhall I with Scotus affirm that the Forms of fuch Infects are derived from
Heaven, and diffuſed into Matter, whereby they mould themſelves into
their diftin&t Exiftences.
But as the God of Nature gave a feminal prolifick power to perfect
Animals and unto Men, and did bind and connex this Method of their
future Generations unto their Nature, without which though they had
been conſtituted otherwiſe in a moft perfect Conftitution, they could
never have multiplied their kind. So as to the production of many
Infects, Almighty God hath given ſuch a prolifick nature to the Earth
and Waters, in a certain due mixture irradiated and influenced by the
Sun to produce divers forts of Infects by virtue of theſe two great Bene-
dictions given to the Water, Gen. 1. 20. and to the Earth, Gen. 1. 24.
as the two great prevailing Elements in fpontaneous generations; and
as by virtue of the Divine Benedictions given to Animals and Men,
[Increaſe and multiply, and repleniſh the Earth and the Waters ;] Gen.1.22,28.
fo virtue of that firft Command to the Waters and Earth, [Let the
Waters bring forth abundantly the moving creature that hath life; and let the
Earth bring forth the living creature after his kind, and the cattel and creeping
thing, and the beast after his kind. ] The fpontaneous propagation of
Infects
1
Cap. 5.
337
Mankind and the Univerſe.
Infects by the Earth is by virtue of this Command as effectual, and in
its kind as natural by virtue of this eſtabliſhed Law, as the production
of Animals per mixtionem, though not fo perfect.
And from the Efficacy of this Divine Inſtitution it comes to pass,
1. That their Textures and Faculties are curiouſly diſpoſed; for the
Elementary Nature in conjunction with the Heavenly Influence doth
produce them as Inftruments, and in the virtue of the first Inftitution
of the Glorious God. 2. That though there is a great variety and
multiplicity in their Species, yet they are not infinite, but determinate.
3. That according to the variety of Climates and various difpofition of
Matter, Infects are varioufly produced: this Climate produceth that
Infect that another doth not; and this Herb, this Wood, this Fleſh, that
Inſect that another doth not; and the fame is obferved in Herbs and
fpontaneous Plants.
And hence it is, that all the Art in the World can never make the
meaneſt Inſect out of any other Matter, or any otherwiſe diſpoſed, or
any otherwiſe irradiated, than what would of it felf naturally produce
an Infect of that kind: But this fhall be farther illuftrated in the Anfwer
to the next Objection.
But although it be true that theſe little Infects diſcover the wonderful
Wiſdom and Power of God, in their vicarious productions by the
commiffionated and influenced Elementary Nature, yet they come
exceedingly ſhort of thoſe perfect Animals who have a nobler and more
elaborate production by univocal generation, and infinitely fhort of the
excellency of the Humane Nature: And therefore there is no parity of
Inftance in the first formation of an Infect ex non genitis, and the firſt
formation of the Humane Nature: Every Year gives us Inftances of a
new ſpontaneous production of Infects, and this by virtue of that pri-
mitive commiffion and vital vigour thereby concredited to the Earth and
Waters irradiated by the Sun. But never any Age gives fo much as a
ſhadow of an Inftance of the production of any perfect Animals, much
lefs of Man by any fuch fpontaneous Method; and that the latter gives
a greater and more eminent Specimen of a Divine Power in its primitive
formation, than the former in its ſpontaneous production.
3. Object. It is evident that the malignant Spirits have power to pro-
duce Infects, as appears by the Magicians producing of Frogs in Egypt
by their Enchantments, Exod. 8.7. and therefore the refolution of the
fpontaneous productions of Infects into the Energy of the Divine Com-
mand ſeems unwarrantable. And if he may produce thofe which are
really endued with an Animal Life, why not thofe Animals that have
their ordinary production by univocal Generation, and why not alfo Man-
kind.
And the Satyrs and Fauns whereof ſome of the Ancients write, feems
to be productions out of the common road of humane production.
I Anſwer, 1. Touching the ſuppoſed Fauns and Satyrs, they were
either Fables or Illufions, and no credit to be given to the Hiftories of
them. 2. Admitting it fhould be within the power of good or evil
Angels to produce Infects, yet it would be no confequence from thence
to their efficacy of producing perfect Animals, much lefs Humane Na-
ture, which is in another fuperior rank of Being above the nobleſt
Xx
Brutes,
338
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
Brutes, and exceffively above the rank of Infects: We might as well
conclude, becauſe a Man can make a Candle he can make a Star. But
3. As to the efficacy of good or evil Angels in effecting of Infects, 1. It
is of no great difficulty to fuppofe that good or evil Angels may bring
or tranſport the Semina or Spawn of Infects to other places, and poffibly
thus it might be done by the Egyptian Magicians. 2. It is very true,
that the Angelick Natures have a very great knowledge of Natural
Efficacies and Virtues, and a great power of tranſporting, uniting,
and applying Actives to Paffives; whatfoever therefore is effectible by
the moſt congruous and efficacious application of Actives to Paffives, is
effectible by them. And fince there are many Infects that arife by the
connatural efficacy of Elementary Matter, and by the due preparation of
the fame, and by the due application thereof unto the incidence of
Celeſtial Heat and Influxes; it may be in the power of theſe knowing
and active Spirits, by a tranſportation and application of fuch Matter,
and by the pofition of them in fuch an Influence as is natural for their
production, to be inftrumental not only to the acceleration of fuch pro-
ductions, but to the productions themſelves: But though ftill the efficacy
of the production is not applicable to the efficiency of theſe Spirits,
but to the natural vigour of thofe Natural Actives and Paffives that are
by them brought together, and they cannot produce a Fly or a Frog
beyond the activity and efficacy of Elementary Matter and Celeſtial
Heat: (And hence it was, that the Egyptian Enchanters could produce
Frogs out of the Rivers of Egypt by the affiftance of evil Spirits, becauſe
the Waters and temperament of the Soil and Climate was able to have
done it, if thofe parts thereof were tranfported and united unto one
place, where being brought they would probably without the help of
a Magician have been formed into that Infect :) Yet when the fame Artiſts
were trying to produce Lice out of Duft, a Matter fimply unſuitable for
ſuch a production, they could not effect it, but acknowledged it was
the Finger of God: Exod. 8. 18, 19. We fee that Man by his little nar-
row skill and power, by applying Actives to Paffives, may do things
of not unlike a nature, as the acceleration of the growth of Seeds by
Mineral Preparations, the production of Mites in Cheeſes by infufing
Wine; and many tell us of a ſtrange production and multiplication of
ſome Infects by the juxta-pofition of feveral Aſhes and Solutions of In-
fects, and by other means: none of which ways are eſtranged from the
knowledge of thoſe experienced Spirits.
But it ſeems utterly beyond the power of any Created Nature to pro-
duce any Infect, but by the juxta-pofition and application of that Ele-
mentary Body and Celeſtial Heat that is natural and proper for ſuch a
production and much more is it impoffible for any Created Power to
produce any Animal, though never fo fmall or inconfiderable, whoſe
production is by the ſtanding and fixed Laws of Nature mancipated and
chained to that common Method of Production fetled in Nature, by the
Conjunction of Sexes.
And therefore, though an evil Angel may produce a Frog or Snake by
the due application of Actives to Paffives, as before is declared, yet he can-
not with all his power and skill produce a Dog or a Cat, or any other Crea-
ture that by the Laws and Inftitution of Nature is only producible by the
Conjunction of Sexes.
And
Cap. 6.
339
Mankind and the Univerſe.
J
And the reaſon is, becauſe thefe Laws which are inftituted and
fetled in Nature when it is fixed and eſtabliſhed, are no other than the
Laws of the Sovereign Lord of Heaven and Earth; and although he may
diſpenſe with, alter, or fufpend his own Laws, yet no created Being
bath that power of it felf to fufpend or alter thefe Laws fetled by the
God of Nature, no not in any one individual thing; and therefore it is
not poffible for Angel or Devil, without the immediate Commiffion from
the God of Heaven, to make any fpontaneous production of fuch an
Animal as by the eſtabliſhed Law of Nature is to be produced by natural
propagation, and not otherwiſe.
But herein I do not underſtand, 1. Such Infects as though producible
by Propagation, yet are naturally likewife producible ex putri, as Frogs,
and many other Infects; for Nature hath allowed them both ways of
production. 2. Neither of Incubation; for many Animals that are ovi
para, and cannot produce ovum fæcundum fine utriufque fexus natura, yet
may be excluded by artificial Incubation as well as natural; this is not
only within the power of Angels, by applying an artificial Heat, but even
of any elfe. The Eggs in Egypt are hatched in the Sun, or by the heat
of Ovens or warm Afhes.
CA P. VI.
The Reasonableness of the Divine Hypothefis touching the Origination
of the World, and particularly of Man, and the preference thereof
before all the other precedent Suppofitions.
Pon a diligent Obfervation of the various Suppofitions and ſpecial
Methods of the ancient Philofophers, touching the Origination of
Mankind and of the Univerſe in general, theſe improbabilities of their
truth and fufficiency will appear to any confiderate Man. First, They
are deſtitute of any fatisfactory Evidence, to any perfon that is not ftrangely
and impotently engaged to them, either becauſe they are his own Con-
ceptions, or the Conceptions of fome perfons of whofe Learning or Wit
their Diſciples or Followers are too fond admirers. There are com-
monly two Ingredients that make Men fond of a pre-conceived Opinion:
1. Self-love and admiration, when a Man hath fashioned a Fancy or
Imagination to fome height, he falls in love with it becauſe it is his
own, and is with great difficulty drawn from it. 2. Affectation of
Eſteem, which hath a double effect upon Men, namely, the affectation
of Praiſe and Vain-glory, as having found out fome Conception fingular,
novel, or that may give a Man a name of a high Mercurial Wit; and
on the other fide, a fhame and diſdain to retract that which he hath once
publickly afferted.
The truth is, that many of the feveral Hypotheses of the Aristotelians, Epi-
cureans, and of divers of the other Ancients touching the original or funda-
mental ſtate of the Univerſe and Mankind, are meer Inventions and Fan-
cies, having no other foundation or evidence of their truth, than meerly
XX 2
Xx
their
340
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
#
their own Fancies and Conceptions. And it is not reaſonable to think
it ſhould be otherwife; for fince the Manner of the Origination of Things
muft in common Reaſon be thought to be of fome other Mode or Order
than what we ſee now in Nature, and fince the particular Manner or
Method of this Origination of Things is ſuch a Matter of Fact as can-
not poffibly lye in the compafs of humane difcovery meerly by the
ftrength of Ratiocination or a bare humane Tradition, (for it is a Mat-
ter of Fact that precedes the fuppofed exiſtence of Memory, at leaſt of
any Man) it muſt neceffarily be that Mankind muſt be ignorant of it,
unleſs it be revealed unto him by fome that might certainly know the
Fact it felf; and therefore the Conceptions of Men touching it muſt
needs be as confuſed, roving, uncertain, and inevident, as the Dif
courſes or Conceptions of a blind Man that never faw, touching Light
or Colours.
But the Medium of the diſcovery of the firft Formation of things deli-
vered by Moſes, is that which can only give us a true Notion of them,
namely, Revelation to a Man that converſed with Almighty God face
to face, and the Communication thereof to Mankind by this Man di-
vinely inspired, and informed touching this Fact by him that alone
could give him the true account thereof, namely, God himſelf. Al-
though I do not doubt, but befides this Divine Revelation to Moſes,
there was a Divine Manifeftation thereof to the firft created Man in that
fulneſs of his firſt illuminated and perfect ftate of created Nature, and
from him that Tradition was derived, and preferved in that Line of the
Patriarchs in which the moſt important Divine Truths were conferved,
and traduced from Adam to Mofes.
That which may illuftrate my meaning, in this preference of the
revealed Light of the Holy Scriptures touching this matter, above the
Effays of a Philofophical Imagination, may be this: Suppofe that Greece
being unacquainted with the curiofity of Mechanical Engins, though
known in fome remote Region of the World, an excellent Artiſt had
fecretly brought and depofited in fome Field or Foreſt ſome excellent
Watch or Clock, which had been fo formed, that the original of its
Motion were hidden, and involved in ſome cloſe contrived piece of Me-
chaniſm, that this Watch was fo framed that the Motion thereof might
have lafted a Year, or ſome fuch time as might give a reaſonable Period
for Philofophical Conjectures concerning it, and that in the plain Table
there had not been only the deſcription and indication of Hours, but the
configurations and indications of the various Phafes of the Moon, the
Motion and Place of the Sun in the Ecliptick, and divers other curious
indications of Celeſtial Motions; and that the Scholars of the feveral
Schools of Epicurus, of Aristotle, of Plato and the reſt of thoſe Philoſo-
phical Sects, had cafually in their walk found this admirable Automaton,
what kind of work would there have been made by every Sect, in giving
an account of this Phenomenon? We should have had the Epicurean Sect
have told the by-ftanders according to their pre-conceived Hypothefis,
that this was nothing elſe but an accidental concretion of Atoms, that
haply faln together had made up the Index, the Wheels, the Ballance,
and that being haply faln into this pofture, they were put into Motion.
Then the Cartesian falls in with him, as to the main of their Suppofition,
but
Cap. 6.
341
Mankind and the Univerſe.
but tells him, that he doth not fufficiently explicate how this Engin is
put into Motion; and therefore to furnish this Motion there is a certain
Materia fubtilis that pervades this Engin, and the moveable parts con-
fifting of certain globular Atoms apt for Motion, they are thereby and
by the mobility of the globular Atoms put into Motion. A third, finding
fault with the two former, becauſe theſe Motions are fo regular, and do
expreſs the various Phenomena of the diftribution of Time, and of the
Heavenly Motions; therefore it ſeems to him, that this Engin and Motion
alſo, ſo analogical to the Motions of the Heavens, was wrought by fome
admirable Conjunction of the Heavenly Bodies, which formed this
Inftrument and its Motions in fuch an admirable correſpondency to its
own exiſtence. A fourth, difliking the Suppofitions of the three former,
tells the reft that he hath a more plain and evident Solution of the Pha-
nomenon, namely, the Univerfal Soul of the World, or Spirit of Nature,
that formed ſo many forts of Infects with fo many Organs, Faculties,
and ſuch congruity of their whole Compoſition, and fuch curious and
various Motions as we may obferve in them, hath formed and fet into
Motion this admirable Automaton, and regulated and ordered it with all
theſe congruities we fee in it. Then fteps in an Ariftotelian, and being
diffatisfied with all the former Solutions, tells them, Gentlemen, you
are all miſtaken, your Solutions are inexplicable and unfatisfactory, you
have taken up certain precarious Hypothefes, and being pre-poffeffed with
thefe Creatures of your own Fancies, and in love with them, right or
wrong you form all your Conceptions of things according to thofe fan-
cied and pre-conceived Imaginations. The fhort of the bufinefs is, this
Machina is eternal, and ſo are all the Motions of it; and in as much as
a Circular Motion hath no beginning or end, this Motion that you fee
both in the Wheels and Index, and the fucceffive indications of the
Celeſtial Motions, is eternal, and without beginning. And this is a
ready and expedite way of folving the Phenomenon, without fo much ado
as you have made about it.
And while all the Mafters were thus controverfing the Solution of the
Phanomenon in the hearing of the Artift that made it, and when they
had all ſpent their philofophizing upon it, the Artift that made this
Engin, and all this while liftened to their admirable Fancies, tells them,
Gentlemen, you have diſcovered very much excellency of Invention
touching this piece of Work that is before you, but you are all miferably
miſtaken, for it was I that made this Watch, and brought it hither;
and I will ſhew you how I made it, firft, I wrought the Spring, and
the Fuſee, and the Wheels, and the Ballance, and the Cafe, and Tables
I fitted them one to another, and placed theſe feveral Axes that are to
direct the Motions of the Index to diſcover the Hour of the Day, of the
Figure that diſcovers the Phafis of the Moon, and the other various
Motions that you fee; and then I put it together, and wound up the
Spring, which hath given all thefe Motions that you fee in this curious
piece of Work: and that you may be ſure I tell you true, I will tell you
the whole order and progress of my making, difpofing, and ordering
of this piece of Work, the feveral materials of it, the manner of the
forming of every individual part of it, and how long I was about it:
This plain and evident diſcovery renders all theſe excogitated Hypothefes
of
1
342
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
of theſe Philofophical Enthuſiaſts vain and ridiculous, without any great
help of Rhetorical Flouriſhes or Logical Confutations.
And much of the fame nature is that diſparity of the Hypotheses of the
Learned Philofophers in relation to the Origination of the World and
Man, after a great deal of duft raiſed, and fanciful Explications and
unintelligible Hypothefes. The plain, but Divine Narrative by the hand
of Mofes, full of fence, and congruity, and clearness, and reaſonableneſs
in it felf, doth at the fame moment give us a true and clear diſcovery
of this great Myſtery, and renders all the Effays of the generality of the
Heathen Philofophers to be vain, inevident, and indeed inexplicable
Theories, the creatures of Phantafie and Imagination, and nothing
elſe.
1. This therefore is the firft Advantage of the Mofaical Hypothesis of the
Origination of things above the Philofophical Theories touching the
fame, the latter are inevident, conjectural, and indeed apparently falſe;
the former contains an Evidence of it felf, by its confonancy, to the only
manner that can be fufficient for fuch a Diſcovery, and the plain, evident,
and congruous relation of it.
2. All the Philofophical Theories (except that which carries the
Origination of things up to Almighty God) are full of infinite intangle-
ments, difficulties, and inconſiſtencies, that ever and anon break out
and diſcover themſelves; whereby they are enforced by a continual fub-
ftitution of new Suppofitions, to piece up and mend the breaches that
ariſe upon fuch inconſiſtencies, and fo avoid thoſe intollerable abfurdities
that their Suppofitions do neceffarily occafion. And again, fometime
are fain utterly to lay afide fome of their former Pofitions, as utterly
undifciplinable and ungovernable by any ſubſidiary Explication, by
reafon of their grofs ablurdities and apparent impoffibilities. This ap-
pears by fome of the former Debates touching the Epicurean and Aristote-.
lian Suppofitions, and many more may be given in this matter.
But the firft Chapter of Genefis, as it is perfectly confonant to it felf,
fo it labours under no difficulties or abfurdities, but all parts thereof are
eafily and apparently reconcilable one with another, and with the
common reaſon of the things delivered upon the account of that com-
mon Suppofition upon which the whole is bottomed, namely; the Effi-
ciency of the moſt Wife and Powerful Intelligent Being.
Since therefore it is evident that Truth is ever confiftent with it ſelf,
and that which contains any irreconcilable abſurdity or contradiction
with it ſelf or any other Truth, can never be true: we have all the reaſon
imaginable to give the preference to the Mofaical Hypothesis, as confonant
to it ſelf, and to all other Truths that are; and on the other fide, to reject
the Epicurean and Ariftotelian Theories in this matter, each of which
contains irreconcilable difficulties in themſelves, and contradictions to
evident and demoftrable Truths.
3. The third obſervable is this, That the Holy Hiftory gives us fuch
an Efficient, and fuch an Efficiency of things that gives us a plain, and
clear, and evident Solution of all thoſe admirable Phanomena that we ſee
both in the Univerſe, in the Motions, Orders, Pofitions, Influences, and
Conveniences of the whole Univerſe, and of the feveral great Integrals
thereof, and likewife of that admirable Beauty, Order, Symmetry, Ufe-
fulneſs
1
Cap. 6.
343
Mankind and the Univerſe.
L
fulneſs of Parts, and Organs of Faculties and Powers that are to be found
in Animals, and eſpecially in Man: of thefe admirable congruities of
Powers, Motions, and Inftincts not only in the Animal and Vegetable
Province, but alfo in the very inanimate Bodies; by giving us the Al-
mighty, moſt Wife, moſt Bountiful God to be the firit Author of the
World and of Mankind, and to be the Contriver and Inftitutor of that
Law in things created, which we ufually call the Law of their Nature,
which is nothing else but the Will, the Rule, the Inftitution of the moſt
Wife, Powerful, and Intelligent Being. And let Men toyl themſelves
till their Brains be fired, and ftudy and invent from Age to Age, to give
us any other Explication of moft of the obſervable Phenomena in Nature,
they will toyl in vain, and ſubſtitute unto us nothing but empty, watriſh,
and unfatisfactory Solutions, or meer Whimfies, Chimera's, and Falfities,
inſtead of Truth and Reality: And this is the admirable preference of
the Divine Hiſtory of the Origination of Things, that it gives us a folid,
plain, evident, congruous Solution of all the admirable Phanomena in
univerfal and particular Beings, wherein our Minds may reft, and quiet
themſelves; which thofe Philofophers neither do nor can do, that uſe
any other Method of the Origination of Things. What reafon can there
be affigned of the pofition of the Elementary and Heavenly Bodies in
that moft convenient poſition and fituation, the uſefulneſs, order, and
regularity of their Motions, Heat, and Influence? Why the Motions of
every thing are directed with the moſt ſuitableness to the convenience
of the Univerſe, and to its own? Why a Stone or a Bar of Iron moves
downward, what is within it, or without it, that excites or directs it?
What reaſon can there be affigned of that admirable accommodation of
Meteors, the Wind and Rain, nay the very Thunder and Lightning, to
the uſe and benefit of the Elementary World? What reafon can be
affigned of the admirable Fabrick of the Body of Man, that fingular
beauty, deſtination, and ſymmetry, and convenience of Parts and Organs,
that admirable conftitution and ordination of his Faculties, eſpecially
that of his Intellect? What reaſon can be affigned of the wonderful
order and procedure of the generation of Men, yea and of common
Animals: All done with that order and uniformity, with that con-
venience and regularity, that it exceeds the imitation, and even the
the comprehenfion of the wifeft Man in the World? Touching theſe and
infinite more of theſe admirable Appearances in Nature, the firſt of
Genefis gives us a plain, reaſonable, evident Explication, by letting us
know that theſe were the Works of the moft Intelligent Being, the
Works of the moſt Wiſe and Glorious God: And the reaſon why they
are fo admirably, wifely, and excellently framed and ordered, is becauſe
they were made and ordered by the great Skill, Wiſdom, Power, and
Deſign of the Glorious God.
But now if we come to demand of theſe wife Philofophers a Solution
of the admirableneſs of theſe Phenomena, we fhall have fuch Solutions
as muſt make us firft unreafon and unman our felves, before we can
ſubſcribe to them, or at leaſt we ſhall have ſuch a Solution as no way
countervails the value of the Work, or elfe fhall give a Solution of Idem
per idem, or elfe by fomewhat else that is utterly unintelligible.
Ask Democritus and Epicurus, and by their favour, fome of their late
fry
344
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
fry the Atomifts will tell us, that all or the greateſt part of this is by
chance, cafual poſition, and mode, and motion, and figure, and texture
of Atoms: and he that believes this whiles he hears it or fays it, is in
a full capacity of believing any thing, though never fo unreaſonable.
Let any Man but ask his own Reafon fairly, whether he can believe this
that he thus faith, I appeal to that Man, whether he doth or can really
believe himſelf when he fays it. Ask another fort of Philofophers for
their Solution of it, they will tell you that Nature is the Cauſe, and a
fufficient Solution of all theſe things: But what is that Nature, where
is it, is it the nature or difpofition of the things themſelves? Then it
explicates it no otherwiſe but thus, That things have this excellency
and order, becauſe it is their nature to be fo, or, they are ſo becauſe they
are fo: But if by Nature they mean fome ſeparate Exiſtence, what then
is it? Is it a Body or Spirit, is it a reaſonable, an intelligent Being, or
is it a furd and ftupid Exiſtence, or elſe is it a Law or a Rule felf-
fubfifting? If it be a reaſonable, intelligent Existence, we differ but
only de nomine; that which I call God they will call Nature, at leaſt
unless they ſuppoſe it an inferior intelligent Being, and then the diffi-
culty is only made fomewhat more; that a fubordinate intelligent Being
was able to produce fuch Effects which appear to all Men to be Works
of the greateſt Power and Wiſdom imaginable. On the other fide, if
they ſuppoſe it to be a meer furd unintelligent Being, how comes it to
paſs that they carry in them the greateſt evidence imaginable of the
moft perfect, and confequently of the moſt intelligent efficient Agent?
Again, will they fuppofe it a Norma, Rule, or Law of a moſt excellent
frame and order, (and indeed in fo conceiving, they conceive truly that
Nature is ſuch a Law or Rule) but ftill this doth not explicate the Pha-
nomena of Nature, without fuppofing fomewhat more: A Law or Rule
is not in it ſelf effective or active, neither can it ſubſiſt or exiſt without
an Agent that either gave it, or works by or according to it. The Laws
of a State are the Rules of its Government, but this Law muſt be given
by fome Power, and fome Power there must be that muft act according
to it, otherwiſe a Law is a ftupid, dead, unactive, and unconceivable
thing: And therefore a Law or Rule fingly explicates not any the Phe-
nomena of Nature without a Being that gives this Law to things, or
acts, or makes things act according to it; and then we are in a great
meaſure where Mofes brings us, only with this difference, the Law by
which this great World was made, was no other but the Determination
and Beneplacitum of the Divine Will, determined or qualified (if we
may uſe that improper word) with the higheft and moft fovereign
Wiſdom and Power: And the Law by which things thus made were for
the future to be governed, was that inftituted Rule and Order which
this Sovereign Lord contrived and placed in created Beings; and thus
indeed, Opus natura eft opus intelligentia. Nature therefore may have theſe
various acceptations, viz.
1. As it fignifies that Principium activum that gave every thing its
Being; and thus it imports no other than Almighty God, that Supreme
Intelligent Being, though improperly called Nature; viz. Natura na-
rans.
2. As it imports the Things or Effects principated or effected by this
intelli-
Cap. 6.
345
Mankind and the Universe.
;
intelligent active Principle, or the Effects or Creatures of God, or Na-
tura naturata, and this hath a double import, viz. 1. For the firft and
immediate Productions of that Principle, namely, not only created
Matter, which was the Productum primo primum, but alfo the things first
produced in their ſeveral kinds or natures, or Product a fecundo prima, aș
the firſt Vegetable, Animal, and Humane Individuals or 2. For thoſe
Mixtions and Productions which afterwards had their productions in
the World by fucceffive mixtions and generations, which include all
Productions, which though in relation to their dependence and firſt
production of their kind, are ftill the Creatures of God; yet in relation
to their immediate Cauſes, are productions of ſecond Caules.
3. As it imports the Law and Rule and Method and Order, of the pro-
duction and government and procefs of created Beings; and this of
two kinds, 1. The Law and Rule of the firſt Creation or Production of
Beings; as the production of the firft Individuals of Animals, Vegeta-
bles, and Men: and herein though Almighty God proceeds with admirable
Wiſdom and Order, yet he uſed no other Law or Rule than the immediate
Determination of his own moft wife and perfect Will, fuitable to the
Buſineſs he had in hand, wherein there was neceſſary and fit another
kind of Regiment and Order than was afterwards inftituted. 2. The
Laws or Rules inſtituted, and appointed by the fame molt wife God to
things already conſtituted; this is the common and ordinary and regular
Law of inftituted Nature: and theſe two Laws or Rules were different,
and neceffary that they should be fo. In the firft Conftitutions of Beings
God Almighty proceeded by a Law fuitable to that Work, namely,
according to the wife Counſel of his own Will, that was beſt and fitteſt
for that Work; he proceeded more fuddenly, and by the immediate
înterpofition of his own Power the Vegetables conftituted in a moment,
or very ſpeedily, and within the compals of a Day came to their full and
perfect maturation and growth: fo alfo did the Fowls, and Fishes, and
Brutes, and Man, without any confiderable mora between their firſt for-
mation and complement or individual perfection: But the Law inſtituted
for things already formed and fetled was of another kind; Vegetables,
Animals, and Men are in the Laws of their future exiftence to pals
through thoſe gradations and ſteps and methods which we fee now in
ufe, for the formation, production, increaſe, and perfection thereof.
Again, in the firſt production of things, though fometimes the wife
God ufed in fome meaſure the order of fecond or inftrumental or effective
Cauſes, yet he bound not himſelf to that Rule, though, as we have
formerly obſerved, the inftrumentality of Heat might be uſed in fepa-
rating the Expanfum, and the arefaction of the Earth, and the production
of Vegetables; and though the inftrumentality of the perfected Cele-
ftial Bodies might be fome way inftrumental towards the maturation of
Nature, towards the production of Animals: and though he uſed the
Matter which he had created to be the fubftratum of the Corporeal Na-
tures, even of Man himself; yet the great Energy and Power whereby
he compleated all things, was above and beyond the activity of ſecond
Caufes; yea when he uſed the inftrumentality of fecond Caufes, his
own Powerful and Omnipotent Hand was engaged in the advancing
of the efficacy of the fecond Caufes, which he ufed beyond their natural
ftrength
YY
346
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
* ftrength and efficacy, there was much that was fupernatural and mira-
culous, as well in the firft feparation, diftribution, and formation of
things, as in the firft Creation of the Corporeal Matter out of nothing.
But in the fucceeding proceſs and procedure of created Nature he fixed
and eſtabliſhed certain powers and activities in things, and a certain
order and connexion between them and their effects, and governed and
regulated the motions and productions of things according to thofe im-
planted powers and connexions; and this we call the inftituted Law of
Nature, namely, the activities and powers placed in created Beings,
and the mutual connexions and concatenations of things to fuch activi-
ties and powers: which Law was at firft inftituted by the God of Nature
to be the common and ſtanding ordinary Rule for things, fetfed and
fixed in their created ftation. And therefore we are far from denying
a Law of Nature or Calling in the immediate efficiency of the great
God, or a miraculous interpofition in all the ordinary procedures of
things already fully fetled and ftatuminated by the firſt Divine Efficiency.
That which we only fay in relation to Nature already fetled is but this, that
1. The primitive and fundamental powers and activities of things were
placed in them by the immediate Will and Efficiency of God; it is this
that gives the power to Heat and Fire to diffolve, diſſipate, rarifie, and
confume; to Cold to condenfe; to heavy Bodies to defcend; to all the
Çeleſtial Bodies their Motions, Influences, and Poſitions; that gave the
Generative Faculty to Men, to Brutes, to Fishes; the Productive Faculty
to the Earth and Waters; the Receptivity to Semen and Intellection, &c.
2. That he by a continuing Influx doth fupport and preſerve all things
in their being, order, and activity. 3. That this which we call the Law
of inftituted and ftatuminated Nature, is his Law and his Inftitution,
and the connexion of natural Effects to their natural Caufes is his Infti-
tution, his Law, his Order.
And therefore we do neither deny a Law of Nature, or a connexion
between natural Caufes and Effects, but that which we juftly blame in
theſe Men that pretend themſelves to be the great Priefts of Nature, and
admirers and adorers of it, is, 1. That they do not fufficiently confider
and obſerve, that this which they and we call Nature, and the Law of
Nature, and the Power of Nature, is no other but the wife inſtituted
Law of the moft wife, powerful, and intelligent Being, as really and
truly as an Edict of Trajan or Juſtinian was a Law of Trajan or Juftinian;
Sic parvis magna: and 2. That they do not warily diftinguish between
that first Law, in rebus conftituendis; and this fecond Law of Nature, in
rebus conftitutis: but inconfiderately mifapply that Law and Rule and
Method which is ordinary and regular, conftituted, and fitted, and ac-
commodate to Nature already fetled; as if the fame were and.ought to
be neceffarily the Rule and Law in the firſt formation and fetling of
things: which is an Errour that proceeds from the over-much fixing of
our Minds to that which in the preſent courſe of things is obvious to
Senſe, and not adverting, that the first Conftitution and Order of things
is not in Reaſon or Nature manageable by fuch a Law, which is moft
excellently adequated and proportioned to things fully fetled.
Therefore, befides that Law which the Divine Wildon, Power, and
Goodneſs hath fixed in Nature fully ftatuminated, we muſt alſo ſuppoſe a
Law
'
Cap. 7.
347
Mankind and the Universe.
1
Law and Order of the Divine Wiſdom, not rigorously bound either to
fecond Caules or prefent ftated Methods in the firft production of things.
And this the due Confideration of the different nature of the ftate of
things in fieri and in facto effe, will eafily perfwade, that the moſt wife
God that hath eſtabliſhed a fixed, regular, ordinary Law in things already
fetled, which he rarely departs from; yet uſed another kind of order,
namely, the regiment of his own Will and Wiſdom, and if I may with
humility ſpeak it, a dictatorian power, more accommodate to the firſt
production of things. And thus much for the compariſon between the
Mofaical and Philofophical Theories touching things, and the great
advantage and preference of the former, as moft fuitable to the true
nature, ftate, and reafon of things. And now I draw towards a con-
clufion of this long Difcourfe, and fhall therefore in the laſt place give
an account of thoſe Confectaries, Confequences, and Corollaries which
are evidently deducible from this Confideration of the Origination of
Mankind by the immediate Efficiency of this Supreme Intelligent Being,
Almighty God and indeed, principally for the fake of theſe Confe-
quences and Corollaries hath all been written that precedes in this Book,
and it is the Scope, End, and Ufe of the whole Book, which I fhall
abſolve in the next Chapter.
CA P. VII.
A Collection of certain evident and profitable Confequences from this
Confideration, That the first Individuals of Humane Nature had
their Original from a Great, Powerful, Wife, Intelligent Being.
Now come to that upon which I had my Eye from the firft Line that
was written touching this Subject, namely, the Confequences and
Illations that ariſe from this great Truth contained in theſe Conclu-
fions.
1. That Mankind had an Original of his Being ex aon genitis.
2. That this Origination of Mankind was neither cafual, nor meerly
natural.
3. That the Efficient of Man's Origination, was and is an Intelligent
Efficient of an incomparable Wiſdom and Power.
Firſt therefore, we have here a moft evident, fenfible, and clear
conviction of a Deity, and a confirmation of Natural Religion, which
confifts principally in the acknowledging of Almighty God to be a moſt
perfect Eternal Being, of infinite Wifdom, Goodneſs, and Power, and
à due habitude of Mind, Life, and Practice, arifing from that Prin-
ciple.
a
It hath been commonly obſerved, that the particular or inftituted
Religions fince the Creation have had their Proofs by Miracles, which
were as it were the Credentials to fubdue the Minds of Men to affent
to it. Thus the inftituted Religion of the Jews, given by the hand of
Mofes, was confirmed by the great Miracles done by God by the hand
Yy 2
of
}
348
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
of Moſes, in Egypt and in the Wilderneſs: and the Chriftian Religion had
its Confirmation by the Miracles of Chrift and his Apoftles, who did
wonderful things, beyond the reach and power of created Agents or
Activities, which were therefore Miracles; fuch as were governing of
the Winds and Seas, healing of the Sick by a touch or word, railing
the Dead, &c.
But it is farther faid, That Almighty God never used Miracles to
evidence the truth of his own Exiſtence, Power, Wiſdom, Goodness;
or for the eſtabliſhing of Natural Religion, or the confuting of Atheiſm.
96
But I take it, that there are really as many Miracles for the evincing
of the truth of Natural Religion, viz. the Exifting of Almighty God,
as there are Works in Nature: For although it be a great truth, that
the Laws of Nature, as the Pofitions of the Heavenly and Elementary
Bodies, their Motion, Light, Influence, Regularity, Pofition, propagation
of Vegetables, Animals, Men, and the whole Oeconomy of the Univerſe
is by the Divine Wiſdom, Power, and Goodneſs fetled in a regular courſe
ſo that now we call things Natural, and Works and Laws and Order
of Nature; and being fo fetled and fixed, ceafe to be Miracles: yet in
their firſt Inſtitution and Conftitution, they were all, or many, Miracles,
Works exceeding the activity of any created or natural power, and
accordingly ought to be valued, and really are fo; and it is nothing elſe
but their commonneſs, and our inadvertence and grofs negligence, that
hinders the actual eſtimate of them as great and wonderful Miracles:
As I have often faid, if at this moment all the Motions of the Heavenly
Bodies ſhould ceaſe, or there fhould be a general ftop of the Propagation
of Animals, Vegetables, or Men, if Men's Reaſon fhould generally fail
them, and for the moft part they ſhould become like Brutes, if the Light
of the Sun were darkned, or the great Luminous or Planetary Bodies
ſhould bulge and fall foul one upon the other, or that diſorder or con-
fufion fhould generally fall upon the Works of Nature, and break that
excellent Order that now obtains among them, we fhould be full of
admiration of ſuch a Change, and account them Miraculous: And the
reaſon is, becauſe the fenfe of the Change is at prefent incumbent upon
us, and we cannot chooſe but take notice of them as ftrong, unuſual,
miraculous Prodigies: When all this while Natures courſe holds regularly,
the Wonder and Miracle is ten times greater in the ftate of things as
they now ftand, than it would be in fuch a difcompofure of Nature. The
Motion, and Light, and Poſition, and Order of the Heavenly and Ele-
mentary Bodies is a greater Evidence of the Divine Power that put
them and keeps them in Motion, than if they all refted. And it is a
greater Miracle that a Man was conftituted upon the Earth, that he
hath a power given him to propagate his kind, that he lives ordinarily
fuch a portion of time in the World, that he hath the uſe of Reaſon and
Underſtanding, I fay there is more of Miracle in it, than in the want
of it: Only there are theſe three things that abate the value of it among
Men, 1. The commonnefs of the benefit and wonder renders the Ob-
ſervation thereof little. 2. Mankind is negligent in improving his
Obfervation, he never rubs the Corn out of the Ear, and fo by inadver-
tence, fupineness, and negligence, fuffers things of this nature to flip
away without notice. 3. We rarely carry things to their Original, but
}
take
1
Cap. 7.
349
Mankind and the Universe.
take them as we find them; whereas if we did as by a Clew follow the
Works of Nature to their Original, we ſhould find the Divine Omnipo-
tence and infinite Wiſdom at the upper end of the Chain, and the Worms
themſelves no other than Miracles in their first conftitution. He that
confiders the admirableneſs of the Frame of Humane Nature, eſpecially
of his intellectual power, and that is but acquainted with himſelf, will
without arrogance or vain-glory conclude that Man is the moſt admi-
rable Creature that this lower World affords, a Creature to which all
the viſible Creatures of this lower World feem in a great meaſure to
point at, as their End. And therefore if the firſt Individuals, the com-
mon Parents of Mankind were at fome one time conftituted, there was
a very great deal of Power, Wiſdom, and Intelligence employed to the
making up of fuch a Piece as this: If we fee an excellent Picture to the
Life, or a Statue, there will not need much Rhetorick or Logick to
perfwade or evince, that furely it was not done without an excellent,
knowing, and intelligent Artift. And certainly that Efficient, who
ever he was that did at firſt compofe and make up the admirable Stru-
&ture of the Humane Body, all the Organs, Nerves, Veins, Arteries,
Vifcera, Bones and other Integrals thereof; that endowed it with the
Faculties of a vegetable and fenfible Nature, that gave him a reaſonable,
intellectual ſelf-moving Soul, with all its fubordinate Faculties; that fo
ftrangely and ftupendioufly united two fuch different Effentials of a
reciprocal and intellectual nature, was fome intelligent Being, and fuch
an intelligent Being that was not only of a far more admirable Wiſdom
and Power than Man, now the beſt of the viſible Creatures, appears to
be; but of fuch an exceſs of Wiſdom and Power,as cannot be found in any
known Being, befides him that we call Almighty God.
And if any Man ſhall fay, as needs he muft, that furely it muſt be
granted, that he was of a Power and Wiſdom far more excellent and
perfect than that Work he thus made; but how are we fure that he
muſt be God? May it not be fome Being that admirably furpaffeth the
perfection of Humane Nature, and yet may it not be fomething less than
infinite, fomewhat inferior to God, may it not be fome Angel, fome
ſeparated Intelligence? To this I fay, 1. That Man that can be forced
by this Work to acknowledge an Intelligent Being tranſcendently beyond
the Power and Wiſdom of a Man, a Power that he never faw, but
only collected from the eminence of an Effect which furpaffeth the activity
of any Being that he hath ever feen with his Eyes; a Being that acts by
choice, election, and intention: I fay, that Man that can once admit
an invifible Being of an efficiency equal to fuch a Work, hath broken the
ftrength of Atheiſm; fince whatſoever can be alledged to evince fuch
an Exiſtence, as the Objection fuppofed doth, may be alledged efficaciouſly
to prove
the Exiftence of a God; fince all that can be ſaid for the Exiſtence
of the former, that and much more may and muſt be faid and granted
for the Exiſtence of the latter, namely, God. 2. But again, fince the
meaſure of any Man's conception touching the infinite, fovereign ex-
cellence of an Efficient muft needs be the excellence of the Work; if
therefore a Man doth not, cannot know any more admirable created
Exiſtence than himfelf, he cannot expect a greater Evidence of a more
tranſcendent Power, Wisdom, or Goodnefs, than he that was the
Efficient
350
Se&t. IV.
Of a true Origination of
Efficient of ſuch a Being as himſelf is: 'Tis poffible he may ſuppoſe ſome
more excellent Inhabitants of the Heavenly Bodies than he himſelf is,
but this is more than he knows; and 'tis true the Sun and Stars are
goodly beautiful Bodies, but he doth not know that they are any more
than fiery Balls, that naturally give light and heat: but as he hath no
evidence, fo he hath no evident reaſon to fatisfie, that they are animate,
much less intellectual; and confequently, for any thing a Man knows he
himself is incomparably a more excellent Being than they: it is true,
they laft longer, and fo doth a piece of Marble, I ſpeak not to diſparage
thoſe beautiful Beings, but to enforce the Argument ad hominem; that
to the firſt formation of a living Intelligent Nature there is as great a
Power requifite and confpicuous, as to the formation of the nobleft
Creature that we fee or know: And I ſhould not queſtion, but that that
Power and Wiſdom which were equal to the firſt formation of the Rea-
fonable Nature, were equal to the formation and efficiency of the Sun
or the brighteſt Star in Heaven. Since therefore I can judge of the
meaſure or exceſs of the Power and Wiſdom of any Efficient by the
nobleneſs and value of the Effect, and I know not any fenfible Being of
greater worth, value, and wonder than Man; I have reaſon to believe
that he that firft formed Man is a Being of the greateſt and moſt tran-
ſcendent Power, Wifdom, and Goodneſs that is imaginable; and that
Being which I have reafon to believe to be of the greateſt Power, Wil-
dom and Goodneſs, I have reaſon to believe to be Almighty God, who is
Optimus Maximus. And if it be faid that the conviction by this Argu-
ment is ſo much the more infirm, becauſe I ſee daily that Man begets
a Man, and fo the efficiency no more proves the Exiftence of God, than
it proves
the Father to be God that begets a Son of his own likeneſs and
fpecies; I fay the Inftance is fo far from weakning the Inference, that it
rather enforceth it: For the firft formed Parents of Mankind were alſo
endued with this generative power, by virtue of that firft efficiency upon
the firſt individual pair of Mankind, fo that the generative power in
Man is but an effect of that redundance of Power that was in the firft
Efficient of the Humane Nature: Indeed if any Man, or all the Men in
the World could conftitute a Man in any other way than by natural
propagation, it were an Inftance that would fufficiently confute the In-
ference. But the generative power and faculty being but a part of that
admirable effect that was wrought in the formation of the Humane
Nature, it rather advanceth, than any way depreciateth the Power and
Wiſdom of the firſt Efficient of Mankind, that he was formed together
with ſuch a power of propagating his kind.
2. From hence we learn not only that there is a God, but in fome
meaſure we learn what he is. As this Work, the primitive Effection of
the Humane Nature, could never be effected but by an Intelligent Being,
fo when we ſee ſuch a Work as this, we cannot chooſe but acknowledge
that he is tranſcendently wife, tranfcendently powerful, tranfcendently
good; that fuch was his Power and Wiſdom, appears by his Work, and
that fuch was his Goodneſs, appears, in that freely without any motive.
or advantage to himſelf he formed this excellent creature Man; it was
but to communicate his abundant Goodneſs, and to give Being to an
Intelligent Nature that might be capable of the participation of his
Good-
Cap. 7.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
351
峥
​Goodneſs and Bounty commenſurate to his nature. We alſo learn, that
as he made an Intelligent Being, fo he is a Tranſcendent Intelligence;
He that made the Eye, bail he not fee? It is very true, the perception of
Senfe is the loweft kind of perception, and the perception of rational and
difcurfive Intellection is of a higher rank than the perception of Senſe;
the Intuitive perception is nobler than that of Ratiocination; but the
perception, if I may ufe that word, in Almighty God is of a tranfcendent
perfection above all theſe, and includeth them all, but not under thoſe
allayes that render other kind of perceptions leſs perfect: He fees and
hears and knows, without an Eye, without an Ear, without an Object.
He that could create an Intellectual Being, doth moft perfectly underſtand
and know, for he could not be deftitute of any perfection whereof an
incorporeal Being could be capable; and fince he made a Being capable
of Intelligence, certainly he had a greater and more perfect Intelligence.
And here I cannot chooſe but re-mind fome things again that I have
formerly intimated, viz. 1. That thofe that go about to attribute the
Origination of Mankind to a bare Order or Law of Nature, as the pri-
mitive Effector thereof, fpeak that which is perfectly irrational and
unintelligible: for although a Law or Rule is the Method and Order by
which an Intelligent Being may act, yet a Law or Rule or Order is a
dead, unactive, uneffective thing of it felf, without an Agent that uſeth
it, and exerciſeth it as his Rule and Method of Action. What would
a Law fignifie in a Kingdom or State, unless there were fome Perſon or
Society of Men that did exerciſe, and execute, and judge, and determin,
and act by it, or according to it? And therefore Ariftotle, in the Books
de Mundo attributed to him, though in the deſcription of God as to the
conftancy of his working, he ftile him Nóos Lex aquabiliter in nos fufa,
nec tranfpofitionem nec correctionem ullam recipiens, prestantior & firmior
omnibus que in tabulis defcripta contineantur. Yet he refts not in that de-
ſcription, but tells us that he is a Being that acts by Empire and Com-
mand and Will: Quod in navi gubernator, in curru auriga, in choro precen-
tor, in civitate lex, in exercitu imperator, hoc idem in mundo Deus. So that
to the effecting of the Humane Nature a bare independent Law is in-
competent, but there must be an Intelligent Being, whofe Will that
Rule and Law which we call Nature is. 2. That although the Manner
and Method that the Divine Power and Wiſdom ufed in the firft for-
mation and effecting of the Humane Nature, is not cognofcible by the
Light of Nature, without Divine Revelation, becauſe none but Al-
mighty God was acquainted with or prefent at that Work, and his Power
and Wiſdom might uſe various Orders or Methods in its firft effection:
yet the Conclufion, that this Work, whatever particular Method, it had
for its effection, was the Work of a moft powerful, intelligent, wife
Being, acting by Intellection, Will, and Intention, is a Truth apparently
evident to the Light of Nature and Reaſon, and as infallible a Demon-
ftration of a Deity, as if a Man could have been preſent and feen the
Work done, as I do moft rationally conclude an excellent Watch or
other Automaton was the work of an intelligent Artift, though I do not
know the particular manner how he made it, unless I am particularly
informed thereof by him.
5
3. From hence we learn, that the Divine Providence extends to this
lower
f
352
Of a true Origination of
#
Sect. IV.
lower World and all the things therein, and is not only confined to
things above the Moon, as Ariftotle would have it.
He that condeſcended to the effection not only of Man, but of all the
Animals of this lower World, certainly had a regard to them, and would
not leave them without the regiment of his Providence, which were
the Works of his own immediate Power and Will.
It is true, the ordinary regiment of the Divine Providence in things
natural is ordinarily managed by this regular and ordinary Law of Nature
whereof we have ſpoken before. But yet he deals not by the World,
as I deal by my Watch; when I have wound it up I take no more care
of it, but it moves according to the regular compofure of it; but he
communicates a general Influence to it, whereby it is fupported in its
Being and Order; and as he manifefted a more fpecial care in the fa-
fhioning of Man, fo he affords him a ſpecial Providence in his regi-
ment.
4. From hence we learn, not only the Original of thoſe admirable
Faculties in Man, eſpecially of the light of his Underſtanding and the
liberty of his Will, whereby he reſembles his Maker; but alſo from
whence he had that Intellectual Soul, not out of the Matter whereof his
Corporeal and Animal Nature was conftituted, but of a higher and
nobler extraction, namely, by Creation he breathed into him the breath
of Life.
5. From hence we learn to be confirmed not only in the Notion of
the Immortality of the Soul, but in fome meaſure the reaſon of it: It
was a created Spiritual Nature, infuſed into him by the Almighty effi-
ciency and infufion of God.
6. From hence we learn, that Mankind is of kin to both Worlds, the
Celeſtial and Elementary, nexus utriufque mundi, capable of a felicity
beyond the extent of this inferior World.
7. From hence we alfo learn from whence theſe common Notions,
eſpecially of the Exiftence of a God, and theſe anticipations of fome
Moral Principles of the Veneration of God, Righteoufnefs, and Juftice
are evidently to be found in the generality of Mankind; (but where they
are impaired by corrupt Cuftoms or Education) from whence thole
Operations of the natural Confcience are difcernible in moft Men ante-
cedent to any Inftruction or Education, the original of thoſe common
Notions that more immediately concern the Intellective Faculty, and
Moral Inclinations that more immediately concern the Volitive Faculty,
feem to be two; the firft more primitive and radical in the Soul, the
fecond not altogether fo radical and primitive, yet fuch as have alſo a
natural connexion with and to the Soul. Firft therefore as to the firſt
of theſe: The Soul of Man, as it came out of the hands of the Glorious
God, ſo it had engraven in it theſe Impreffions and Characters of fome
great and intellective Principles and rational Propenfions, that ferve
fecretly to direct and incline him to theſe common Notions and Senti-
ments. So that whether the Souls of the Defcendents from Adam
were traduced from him, or whether they are immediately crea-
ted and infuſed by God, (a Diſpute not ſeaſonable in this place) yet
thoſe real Characters, Impreffions, and rational Noemata and Inftincts
(though weakned by the Fall, and the contracted Corruption of Humane
Nature)
1
Cap. 7.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
353
Nature) are brought with us into the World, and grow up with us;
whereby Mankind hath not only thofe great excellencies of his Facul-
ties, Underſtanding and Will, but a certain congenit ftock of Rational
Tendencies and Sentiments engraven and lodged in his Soul, which if
duly attended and improved, are admirable helps to the perfecting and
advancing of a Rational Life. And therefore, as the Divine Goodneſs
did not only give the Faculties of Senſe and Perception to the Senfitive
and Animal Nature, but alfo lodged in their fenfitive Souls certain con-
natural and congenit fenfitive Inftincts (not acquired by Experience,
but congenit with them) whereby they are directed and inclined to what
is conducible to the fenfitive good of their Senfitive Nature; fo the
Rational Nature is furniſhed with certain congenit Notions, Inclinations,
and Tendencies born with him, but improved and perfected by the
exerciſe of Reaſon and Obſervation, whereby he is inclined and directed
antecedently to the good of a Reaſonable Life or Nature.
Theſe differences feem to be in thoſe congenit Inclinations and In-
ftincts of Animals and Men, 1. In the nature of them, thoſe antici-
pations that are in Animals are meerly fenfible; thoſe in Men intellectual,
moral, and ſuitable to the Operations of a reaſonable Being. 2. In their
end, thoſe of Animals are only in order to a fenfible good, and the regi-
ment of a fenfual Life; thofe in Men are directed to the ufe and benefit
of a rational Life, and not only fo, but in order to the acqueft of a
fupernatural and eternal Life. 3. In as much as the Senfible Nature is
not endued with Intellection and Will, and therefore not properly capable
of a Law in the true and formal nature of a Law; therefore thoſe In-
ftincts that are lodged in their nature, are meerly Inclinations, or natural
Propenfions, or Biaffes: But the Humane Nature being endued with
Intellection, Reaſon, and Liberty, and therefore capable of a Law in its
true propriety and formal nature; thofe rational Propenfions and Incli
nations in the Humane Nature, are lodged in him by the great Governour
and Law-giver of Heaven and Earth, per modum legis obligantis; and the
infition and engraving of thofe Notions, Propenfions, and rational Ten-
dencies are in nature of a promulgation of that Law, the infcription
thereof in their Hearts, and means, helps, and affiftances to their ob-
ſervance thereof. And herein lies the true Root of the Obligation of the
natural Law and natural Confciences, fo excellently decyphered by the
Apoſtle in the two firſt Chapters of the Epistle to the Romans; and this
I call the primitive and radical Infition of the Law of Nature in the Soul.
2. But befides this primitive Infition, there is a fecondary yet natural
Infition of the Law of Nature in the humane Soul, which expands and
improves it felf as the exercife of Reafon increaſeth; which is a certain
congruity between the Faculties of the Soul, the Intellect and Will,
and thofe Truths of indiſputable importance in the Underſtanding, efpe-
cially that of the Exiſtence and Regiment of Almighty God, and thoſe
moral Sentiments of Good and Evil that in their diſcovery concern
immediately the Underſtanding or Synterefis, but in their exerciſe concern
more immediately the Will: That as we fee by a certain connatural
congruity between the vifive Faculty and the viſible Object, and as we taft
by a connatural congruity between the Faculty and the Object of Taft;
fo there is a connatural congruity between the intellective and volitive
Faculties
Z z
354
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
Faculties in the Soul, and thoſe communia noemata of theſe great impor-
tant Truths both intellective and moral, whereby the Soul perceives, and
reliſheth, and tafteth true and good, and inclines to it.
8. From the Confideration of this Effection of Man by the Power
and Goodneſs and Wiſdom of the glorious God, we have the diſcovery
of that infinite obligation of Duty, Love, and Gratitude of all Mankind
unto Almighty God. To give a benefit to a Being already exifting,
carries in it an Obligation of the perſon benefited to his Benefactor, juxta
modum & menfuram beneficii. But God Almighty is the Benefactor of Man-
kind in the greateft imaginable amplitude and comprehenfion: he gave
him Being, the vaſteſt and moſt unlimited Gift, and he gave him fuch a
Being, ſo advanced, fo excellent, and perfect, and accommodate with
all the conveniences that his nature was poffibly capable of; and al-
though Man wilfully threw away a great meaſure of his Happineſs, yet
he hath ſtill ſo much left as binds him to an eternal Gratitude and Duty
to God, both as his Maker and as his Benefactor: and the Pofterity of
Adam hath ſtill continued upon them the fame reaſon of Duty and
Gratitude: I ſhall not here, as I faid, enter into the Confideration of
the propagation of the Humane Nature. If the Soul of every perfon
propagated be created and infuſed by God, then every perſon ſeems
related unto Almighty God in a way little different from that of the firſt
formed Man: But if the Soul be alſo propagated as Light or Fire from
Fire or Light, by a kind of Irradiation from the Soul of the firſt Man,
yet ftill we are all his Off-ſpring, every Man owes more of his Being to
Almighty God than to his natural Parents, whoſe very Propagative
Faculty was at firſt given to the Humane Nature by the only virtue,
efficacy, and energy of the Divine Commiffion and Inftitution, and the
Parents of our Nature are but vicaria inftramenta Numinis, in the propa-
gation and formation of our Nature.
9. From hence we learn the true Foundation, and Root, and Extent
of that Subjection that the Created Nature owes to Almighty God,
namely, on the part of Man there is depende ce upon God, as the root
and fupport of his exiftence, there is the obligation of love, gratitude,
and duty, as to his greateſt and moſt ſovereign Benefactor: But this is
not all the foundation of Subjection on the part of Man, and Authority
on the part of God, but there are certain radical foundations of the
Divine Authority and Sovereignty over Man; namely, 1. A right of
Propriety, nothing can be more a Man's own than that which he gives
a Being to: But the propriety that any Man can have in what he makes,
is ftill limited and qualified; firft, becauſe he is not himſelf his own,
he owes his Being to God, and therefore without the help of Divine
Indulgence his acquefts are like the acquefts of a Servant, acquirit domino.
And befides, the Matter is not his own, whatſoever he makes, he makes
out of that Matter that was not his own: But the propriety that Al-
mighty God acquires in his Creatures is abſolute, becauſe he himſelf is
a Supreme and Sovereign Efficient, none is above him; and becauſe the
Matter out of which he effected Man and all Corporeal Exiftences was
perfectly his own, it was Matter of his own making. 2. A right of abfolute
Dominion and Sovereignty over his Creature, where the property
circumfcribed, limited, or qualified, the dominion is fo too; but an
is
abfolute
}
Cap. 7.
Mankind and the Universe.
abfolute fovereign property carries with it an abfolute fovereign domi-
nion in the Proprietor. 3. An infinite irreſiſtible power to exert the
right of his Dominion according to his Will: The two former Confide-
rations give him a fovereign authority over his Creature, a right, jus
difponendi; but authority or right being divided from power to execute
that authority and exact obedience to it is lame, but the glorious God
hath not only an abfolute right of propriety and dominion over his
Creature; but an infinite irrefiftible power to rule, order, and diſpoſe it
according to his Will: Almighty God tells us, Jerem. 18. that as
the Clay is in the Potter's hand, fo are Mankind in his hand, yea
and in a far greater fubordination and ſubjection to his Power; the
power of the Potter over his Clay is a finite limited power, we ſee in
the fame place it refifted and diſappointed his intention by its untractable-
nefs: But the power of God over his Creature is an infinite power, he
that by his power made him in an inſtant, can in an inſtant diffolve
or annihilate him: And yet this infinite Power of God is under the
management of a moft wife, and holy, and pure, and gracious Will; and
therefore though his Propriety be abfolute, his Dominion boundleſs, his
Power infinite, yet the exerciſe of his Dominion and Power is full of
Goodneſs, ſuitable to the moſt perfect nature of God: I am God, and not
man, therefore ye fons of Jacob are not confumed. Here therefore we have
that great Queſtion among fome of the Ancients fatisfactorily anſwered,
namely, What is the Root of all Obligation in Mankind, whence comes
the Obligation in the Confciences of Men, what is it that binds Men
to keep their Faith, their Promifes? It is the Law and Command of
him that hath ſovereign Authority to command, and infinite Power to
exact Obedience, and to puniſh the want of it; all other foundations
of Obligation are but weak and deficient without this, or in compariſon
to it.
355
10. In this Hiſtory of the primitive ftate of Man, and his defection,
we have the Solution of that great Quafitum that troubled the ancient
Philofophers, eſpecially the Stoicks, namely, Whence or how came it to
paſs, that not only that great diſorder happens in things of this World,
eſpecially in the nature and practices and cuftoms of Mankind, fome
would have it from Matter, fome from one thing, fome from another;
we ſee here a plain Solution of the Quere, That it came not from God,
no nor from Matter, but by the defection and diſobedience of the firft
Man, which brought Death into the World, and Sin and Corruption
and Depravation and Diſorder into the Humane Nature, and brought
diforder and difcompoſure upon the greateft part of this lower World;
which as it was principally made for the ſervice of Man, ſo it ſuffered
a great Concuffion and Breach by the Difobedience and Apoftacy of
Man and from this unhappy root arifeth all the Diſorders and Confu-
fions in the humane World; for although the Fall of Man did neither
alter the effential Conftituents of Mankind, nor wholly raze out the
Engravings of thofe common Notions, Sentiments, and rational In-
ftincts that were in them; yet it did in a great meaſure impair and
weaken them, and brought in a very great deordination and diſcom-
pofure, fetting up the lower Faculties in rebellion againſt the ſuperior;
fo that the wiler and more morate part of Mankind were forced to fet up
Zzz
Laws
356
Of a true Origination of
Sect. IV.
Laws and Puniſhments, to keep the generality of Mankind in fome
tolerable order.
#
J
or
11. This reaſonableness, congruity, and confonancy to common Light
and Reaſon in the Hypothefis of the Formation of the World and Mankind,
and the great preference that it hath above thoſe Inventions of the ancient
Philofophers touching the fame, the admirable Solution of many of
thoſe difficulties which are hereby folved, doth give a very great valuation
and eſteem to the truth and Divine Authority of the Scriptures. It is
true, their Authority is above the contribution of Humane Reaſon
any Supplies it can bring either to its Truth or Authority: but yet when
a Man fhall fee ſo great a clearness and plainneſs and reaſonableneſs in
the Holy Scripture touching this great Truth, fo many difficulties and
abfurdities thereby avoided, fo great a fuffrage and atteftation of Reaſon
and common evidence bearing witness to this Truth, and to fuch a
Truth as could never be at firft particularly diſcovered without Divine
Revelation, yet being diſcovered, carries in it nothing of abfurdity,
but a fingular congruity both to it ſelf in the ſeveral parts of it, and to
the common Reaſon.
It is true, a great though a Minifterial and Humane Suffrage to the
truth and excellency of the Holy Scriptures, ftrengthens our Faith, which
God knows ftands in need of all the contributions that may be, to bear
up our Souls againſt that root of Infidelity that is in us; and may be
inftrumental and preparative to bring thoſe to the belief and veneration
of the Scriptures who are without, and hardly perfwadible, but by thoſe
media that bear a congruity to their natural Light and Reaſon.
12. And therefore we have infinite reaſon to blefs and magnifie the
gracious God, that hath lent us his Holy Scriptures to inform us in
things to be believed and to be done, and to contain and preferve us infra
cancellos certitudinis. The Lord knows, and we cannot chooſe but daily
obſerve in our ſelves a ftrange mobility and inftability in our Imagina-
tive and Intellective Faculty, roving after every thing and in many things
that we know, and much more in things we know not, framing ftrange
Chimara's, finding out many Inventions, was the firft effect of the
departure of Mankind from a revealed Truth, and ſearching after un-
known and forbidden Knowledge.
And this hath been the courſe and walk and diſeaſe of our reſtleſs,
moveable, unſtable, Mercurial Brains ever fince in matters of Philofophy,
in matters of Religion: The merciful and wife God therefore, to keep
in and regulate the extravagant and witleſs Spirit of Man, and to give.
us the clear knowledge of things neceſſary and uſeful, and to preſcribe
and fix bounds, and banks, and limits to our moveable, unſtable, and
unfixed Minds, hath given us theſe Sacred Oracles both to enlighten and
inform us, and to fix and contain us within the bounds and limits of Truth
and Sobriety.
13. I have before touched fomething concerning a common Tradition
that might obtain in the generality of Mankind, concerning the Origi-
nation of the World and Man; and here we may find a reaſonable diſcovery
of fomething touching the root of this Tradition, namely, the Holy
Scriptures, especially that of Genefis; for we find very much, among
the ancient Heathen eſpecially, touching the Creation of the World, the
Obfer-
Cap. 7.
357
Mankind and the Univerſe.
Obfervation of the Seventh Day, the Flood, Noah and his three Sons,
though by other Names; and divers other things, wherein though they
mingle fome of their own wild Notes, yet they bear a great analogy to
the Relations in the Scriptures, and feem borrowed from them, or from
the Hebrews, to whom that great Treaſure of the Scriptures was com-
mitted. And if a Man confider how many Opportunities there were for
the communication of the Jewish Learning to the reft of Mankind, even
in the ancient times, efpecially to the Egyptians, with whom they long
dwelt, and with whom Solomon was joyned in affinity; fo the Babylonians
and Chaldeans during their Captivity there to the Grecians, by the inter-
courſe they had with them after the breaking of the Perfian Monarchy:
it will render it an eafie Suppofition, that much of the Jewish Learning
was derived to many of the learned Heathen, though they oftentimes
mingled with it fome Conceptions of their own: Plato and divers other
Grecians borrowed much of their traditional knowledge from the
Egyptians and they from the Hebrews. Vide Selden, de Jure Gentium, &c.
lib. 1. cap. 2.
14. Since Man in his firſt Original is the Work of the moſt wiſe
intelligent Being, it is evident that Almighty God in this effection of
Man did intend an end and ſcope of this Work: an intelligent Agent
acts ex intentione & volitione, and therefore propoſeth in his Work an
end or purpoſe in it, and the defignation of an end in working is the
great perfection of an intelligent Agent: Agents that are fimply Natural,
or that are directed but by implanted Inftincts, act by a kind of neceffity
of Nature, their activity and vigour putting it ſelf forth not by choice
or election, but driven by the activity of their nature. And although
it is viſible that all, even the moſt neceffary operations of unintelligent
Cauſes in the World, are directed unto certain excellent ends, yet the
election of and direction to theſe ends is not in thofe neceffary and
natural Cauſes themſelves; but is in that intelligent Efficient that in-
tended and defigned that end, and endowed the natural Agent with
thoſe active Faculties or Powers which might be proper and ferviceable
to ſuch ends, and mancipated or bound to them certain Inftincts and
natural Motions fubfervient to thofe ends. As in things that are artifi-
cial, my Watch gives me an account of the Hour of the Day, that is the
end thereof; but it is an end not defigned or intended by the Watch,
but of the Artiſt that made it.
And although in fenfible Creatures there feems to be an Image of
Intelligence, and they move more perfectly to their feveral ends of their
feveral operations; as in choice and eating of their food to preferve their
individual nature, in generation to preferve their ſpecifical nature, yet
the truth is, thoſe defignations of the ends of thefe operations, and the
furniſhing them with inftincts in order thereunto, is due ftill to that
Intelligent Being, namely, the glorious God, which hath by his Wildom
determined theſe fenfible Creatures to theſe ends, and by theſe means, in
the first inftitution of their natures.
15. And upon the ſame reaſon it follows, That fince Almighty God
is the Maker and Efficient of Man, it is not only reaſonable and juſt,
but natural, and in a manner neceffary, that the defignation of Man to
his end ſhould belong to him that was his Efficient. And therefore
although
Į
}
358
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
}
although the ſupreme intelligent Being, that Efficient of Mankind hath
made Man an intelligent Being, endued him with Will, whereby he is
in a manner Dominus fuarum actionum, and a kind of Image of his
Maker, yet he is not the Lord and diſpoſer of his own end, for though
Man be made an intelligent and free Agent, and therefore in thoſe
actions that move from himſelf he hath the priviledge of an intelli-
gent Agent, and propounds his end to himſelf in thoſe actions: yet he
was not the Efficient of himſelf, and therefore cannot proportion to
himſelf the end of his Being, but that belongs only to that intelligent
Efficient that gave him his Being; and therefore that Efficient can only
be the Propounder of that end which is commenfurate to his Being.
16. Since Almighty God is not only an Intelligent Agent, but the
higheſt, moſt wife, powerful, and perfect Caufe, and fince it feems to
be moſt ſuitable to fuch a wife Being to proportionate the ends of his
Works in fome meaſure ſuitable to the worth and value of the Work.
And fince Man is the work and effection of God, and nobleft work of
his that we ſee in this inferior World, we have juft reafon to conclude,
That Almighty God made Man for fome end, and for fome fuch end as
may bear a proportion to the nature, condition, and quality of the Work
it felf.
There ſeem to be but two ways to know the end that an intelligent
Agent propounds in any action or work, 1. The firft is plain, explicit,
and clear, viz. When that Agent reveals and diſcovers what is the
end he intends in the work he doth: and thus it hath pleaſed the glo-
rious God to acquaint us in the Holy Scriptures, that his intent in making
Man was his own Glory, and to make Man a Veffel of everlaſting
Happineſs. But becauſe in this place we are only making natural de-
ductions from the effection of Man by God, I fhall refer the confideration
of the former to its proper place. 2. Therefore the fecond is by col-
lection of natural and reaſonable Confequences from the nature of the
Efficient, and the worth, value, or condition of the Effect; and this
medium though it be not fo clear, particular, and explicit as the former,
yet it doth give us fome account touching the nature and kind of the
end that is probably propounded by the Efficient: but touching the ſame
in the next Chapter.
CAP. VIII.
A farther Enquiry touching the End of the Formation of Man, fo far
as the fame may be collected by Natural Light and Ratiocina-
tion.
VVE in
may eaſily obſerve in general in the Works of Nature, and
every particular thereof, three kinds of admirable Ac-
commodations.
The firft is, the Accommodation of every thing to the common beauty
and integrity of the Univerfe: As in a curious piece of Landskip there
are
Cap. 8.
359
Mankind and the Univerſe.
1
are orderly interſperſed Clouds, and Trees, and Flowers, and Rivers,
and Houſes, and Arches, and Ships, and Fiſh playing, and Birds of
feveral kinds, fome flying, fome fwimming, fome perching, yea various
Flies and Worms and Infects, and all contribute to the beauty and orna-
ment and variety of the entire piece, though each hath a particular
beauty of its own: So in this great and glorious Frame of the Univerſe
not only the Celeſtial Bodies, but all the Animals and Vegetables, even
to the leaſt Fly, or Worm, or Flower, or Herb, contribute to the beauty,
glory, ornament, and variety of the whole, and make up one common
demonſtration of the admirable Wiſdom of that great God, that made
it valde bonum.
And certainly under this Confideration it is apparently evident, that
Man contributes no fmall portion of beauty and ornament to this goodly
Frame of the Univerſe: For if we ſhould fuppofe that all the Integrals
of the inferior World were as now they are, only deftitute of the Crea-
ture called Man, it would foon appear that it wanted much of that
beauty, and comeliness, and perfection which it now hath by the accef-
fion of this excellent Integral of the Univerſe, which though it hath its
refidence in the lower region thereof, yet in the common compute and
eftimate of the whole it contributes to its beauty and integrity.
The ſecond Accommodation of every thing, is to fome other part or
parts of the Univerſe; and this though it may be fingle, or a refpect
only between ſome one fingle part and fome other fingle part of Nature,
yet for the moſt
part we ſhall find every thing in Nature hath an accom-
medation unto very many other things; the Wiſdom of Almighty God
being multifaria fapientia, hath admirably evidenced it felf, in giving
almoſt every thing in its nature a complexed and complicated accommo-
dation to various other things of differing kinds and natures. This is
more eminently confpicuous in the Heavenly Bodies; for Inftance, the
Sun is accommodated to the uſe and convenience of the Planetary Bodies,
and of this inferior World and of every part thereof, by his Pofition, by his
Light, by his Heat, by his Motion it procures Generation for the reple-
nishing of the Earth, raiſeth Clouds and Vapours to irrigate and water
it, it occafioneth Winds to move and communicate thofe Irrigations,
it gives variety of Seaſons, meaſures of Times, and infinite more accom-
modations to other things. If we come lower, to the Elementary
World, the Air is accommodated as a fit medium for the derivation of
Light and Influence from the Celeſtial Bodies; it is the vehicle of the
Meteors, the means of Reſpiration, the food and life of the vital and
animal Spirits, and many the like accommodations. If we confider of
Animals, we fhall find admirable accommodations in them one to ano-
ther, and eſpecially to Man: the Horſe, high-fpirited, yet very docible,
fitted for ſwiftneſs, carriage, and agility, by the make of his Body, his
Neck, his Mouth, his Back, his Hoof, the Ox patient, painful, ftrong,
fitted for draught; the Camel fitted for ftrength, and a natural Saddle
for Burthen; the Cow for yielding Milk; the Sheep for Cloathing; the
Beaſts and Birds of greateft ufe being most commonly made tame, and
affecting a ſpontaneous fubjection to Man: among the Vegetables fome
are for Food, fome for Medicines, fome for Smell, fome for Taft: nay
that feemingly moft abject part of Nature, the Infects, even the worst
as
1
?
1
360
Of a true Origination of
Sect. IV.
as well as the beſt of them, have their accommodation to other things;
fome for Food to the more perfect Animals, as Flies, Worms, &c. fome
for Medicines both for Men and Animals; nay the very venemous Infects
are accommodated to the falubrity of the Earth and Waters, collecting
the unwholfom Juyce of either into their own confiftency; and many
that are poiſonous and hurtful, yet carry with them Antidotes and Re-
medies, as Vipers, Scorpions, and divers others.
Although in the lower World there are various accommodations of
things one to another, yet the chief and ultimate accommodation of
things feems principally to terminate in Man. The Grafs of the Field
is accommodate to the uſe of Animals for their food, and ſo are the
Infects for the food of Fiſh and Fowl, but theſe in their laſt particular
accommodation are for the food or other uſe of Man. On the other fide,
Man is accommodate to the convenience and uſe of the Vegetables and
Animals, but not in a way of Subfervience or Service, but in a way
of Regiment, Order, Empire, and Protection, which he is enabled to
exerciſe over the Creatures of greater ftrength and bodily force, by the
advantage of his Faculties wherein he exceeds them: Thus he is accom-
modate to the Vegetable Nature, by Planting and Husbandry; to the
Animal Nature by fubduing the unruly and hurtful, by the difeiplining
and managing the docible; by protecting the domeftick, by providing
for their wants.
The accommodation of Brutes to Men is an accom-
modation of an Inferior to a Superior; the accommodation of Man to
Brutes is an accommodation of a Superior to an Inferior, an accommo-
dation of Regiment and Protection.
The third fort of Accommodation is of every thing unto it felf; either
in relation to its proper Species, by propagation of its kind; or in relation
to its individual nature, which is that which I principally mean to ſpeak
of. We may obſerve at leaſt in every Animal, 1. An accommodation
of Faculties fuitable to his nature, ufe, and convenience, which are
principally theſe, Cogitation, Senfation, Phantafie or Imagination,
Appetite and power to Move it felf, though in various degrees of per-
fection. 2. That all thefe Faculties are terminated in a fenfitive Life,
or Life of Senſe, and go no farther. 3. That all thofe Faculties are
exactly fitted with Organs proportionate to their Faculties, and the fpe-
cifical perfection of them: the Organs fubfervient to the Faculties of the
meaneft Infect, are as exquifitly accommodated and fitted thereunto, as
the Organs of a Horfe or an Elephant are accommodate to the fpecifical
Faculties of that Animal. 4. That the wife God hath proportioned
Objects of the Appetites of every Animal exactly ſuitable to thoſe Appe-
tites, and a connatural profecution and dexterity in the affecution of
them: ſo that no natural Defire or Appetite is in vain, or notional only,
but really fitted and accommodated with an Object proportionable to it.
5. That every Animal hath its higheft complacency and contentment
in the attainment of the ſuitable Object of its Appetite, and this is its
commenſurate Happineſs; the Fox, or the Lion, or the Otter hath no
greater dexterity in the getting of his Prey, nor greater contentation
in his acqueft; than the Bee hath in getting Honey, or the Spider in
catching his Fly.
Theſe things being thus premifed, we have therein generally included
the
Cap. 8.
361
Mankind and the Universe.
the natural Method whereby we may by the Light of Nature ſearch out
the true and ſpecial End for which we have reaſon to believe the great
and wife Efficient made Man.
It is true, that fome things Man hath in common with the rest of
created viſible Beings, as that he is a corporeal Being, hath Life and
Senſation, and is a beautiful Piece of the Furniture of this lower World.
In theſe things therefore, or by them, we are not to ſeek that ſpecial End
for which man was made; becauſe under theſe and the like Confiderations
he ſeems to have a common parity with other created Beings.
per-
But our ſearch muft be, 1. Whether there be not fome peculiarities
in the Humane Nature, fome Faculties and Powers, fomething in his
Conſtitution, and fome adaptations and appropriate accommodations
therein peculiar to his nature, and of a far more advanced uſe and
fection than thoſe of the beſt of other inferior Animals: For if we find
fuch in Man, we have juſt reaſon to believe that the moſt wife Efficient
of the Humane Nature, as he raiſed Man to a greater eminence not
only of gradual but of ſpecifical perfection above the common Animal
Nature, fo he defigned a more excellent and noble End for this more
excellent and noble Work: For thus it became the greateſt Wiſdom, to
deſign a more noble End to that which he conſtituted a more noble Being.
2. We are alſo to fearch wherein this excellency and preference of the
Humane Nature above the Animal confifts: For as the former Confi-
deration gives us a general Conclufion, That becauſe the Humane Nature
is more excellent than the common Animal Nature, therefore the End
or Defign of the Conſtitution of the former is of a nobler kind than the
Defign of the Conftitution of the latter: So this particular Confide-
ration of the excellencies of the Humane Nature above the Animal,
gives us fome Eſtimate, Crifes, or Indications what thoſe Ends may be
which the wife Creator intended in the making of Man, namely, fuch
Ends as hold proportions to thofe eminencies and excellencies wherein
the Humane ſpecifically exceeds the Animal Nature.
Plato, though a great Affertor of the Creation of Man by the Wiſdom
and Power of Almighty God, yet in his 7th Book De Legibus feems to
have too light an Expreffion concerning the End of the making of Man,
and of thoſe many excellencies in the Humane Nature, namely, Homi-
nem Dei ludo effe fictum, atque id verè ipfius optimum effe. It is below the
Dignity of the Divine Wiſdom, to think that he made Men, and
endued them with thofe excellent Faculties, only to behold them as a
Play or a Scorn; or as the inconfiderate part of Mankind pleaſe them-
felves with beholding of Interludes, or Cock-fighting, or Bear-baiting:
the Comical part of the Lives of Men are too full of Sin and Vanity,
and the Tragical part thereof too full of Sin and Miſery to be a delightful
Spectacle unto the pure and wife God, who certainly propounded more
ferious Ends than fuch for fo noble a Structure.
The Saying therefore of Plato muſt be underſtood only analogically,
and Epictetus may be his Scholiaft, who wisheth every Man to remem-
ber, Te effe actorem talis fabulæ qualis Magistro probata fuerit; fi brevis,
brevis; fi longa, longa: fi mendicum agere te volucrit, fac eam quoque perfonam
ingeniofe repræfentes; ita fi claudum, fi principem, fi plebeium: hoc enim tuum
eft, datam perfonam benè effingere, eam antem eligere, alterius. Teaching
A aa
US
362
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
1
us by the fimilitude, that every Man's Station is fubject to the Divine
Providence, and every Man's Duty is to be contented with it.
But to return to the Confideration of the ſpecifical Excellence of the
Humane Nature above the Animal Nature, and the deduction of thoſe
Ends which we may from thence reaſonably conclude to be ſpecifical to
him, and intended by his wife Creator.
1. It is apparent that Man is the nobleft of all the viſible Creatures,
at leaſt of this inferior World, the Complement and chiefeſt Ornament
thereof, without which it would be deftitute of the moſt glorious Integral
thereof: that all the vifible Creatures of this inferior World as it were con-
center in him, and are directed to him or his uſe, as their immediate
End: that he is an Abſtract or Compendium of the greater World, as
might eaſily be evidenced by the induction of particulars: that he hath
complicated in him all the excellencies of the Elementary, Vital, and
Animal Natures: that he hath fuperadded thereunto a fingular beauty,
and majefty, and uſefulneſs in the Structure of his Body, the admirable
Faculties of Intellect, Reminiscence, and Ratiocination, the Faculty of
Speech, inftitution of Signs to exprefs his inward Conceptions, Prin-
ciples, and Habits, Intellectual and Moral liberty and empire of Will,
whereby he may, if he pleaſe, govern his fenfitive Appetite, Paffions,
and inferior Faculties: So that he is nexus utriufque mundi, the common
Angle wherein the higheſt and nobleſt of Material and Corporeal Nature
is joyned to the Spiritual and Intellectual. By all which, and many more
Perfections, he is the nobleft Inftance of the Divine Power, Wiſdom, and
Goodneſs in this inferior World.
The Univerſe indeed is the great and goodly Type and Image of the
Excellency and Glory of its Creator, but it is a vaft and comprehenfive
Volume, not comprehenfible by any Underſtanding but his that made it:
But this leffer World Man is a more compendious Abridgment, nearer
unto us, and more diſcoverable by us; and though yet it hath exerciſed
the inveſtigation of moft induſtrious Minds and Searches without a full
and perfect diſcovery of the leaft part of all its Eminencies, yet in
reſpect of its vicinity and obviouſneſs to Obſervation it yields a diſtinct
and perceptible Evidence to us of the Wiſdom of its Maker. Thus the
Humane Nature objectively and paffively exhibits unto intelligent
Beings a wonderful and admirable manifeftation of the incomparable
Wiſdom, Goodneſs, Power, and Excellency of him that firft created it;
and this was one End of Almighty God in the Creation of Man. And
although it be true, that fuch is the Self-fufficiency and Happineſs of
Almighty God, that it is not capable of any acceffion by all the Inftances
of his Wiſdom and Goodneſs in the Works he hath made, nor by any
Glory or Praiſe that from them can return unto him; yet it is not an
End unworthy of the moſt perfect Being, to render his Magnificence
and Goodness confpicuous, and to receive that deferved Honour and
Praiſe of his Works that is the juſt Tribute due unto him.
2. The Divine Effential and Eternal Goodneſs is infeparable from
him, and this is the root of the Divine Beneficence, which latter though
in its effluxes and emanations it be under the regiment of his own moſt
holy and wiſe Will, yet it is diffufive and communicative. That the
World was at all made, is the Effect of this Divine Beneficence, which
when
Cap. 8.
363
Mankind and the Univerfe.
when it had nothing befides it felf unto which it might communicate
it ſelf, it made all things, that according to their different natures and
receptivities might participate of the Divine Beneficence: To things
vegetable he hath given the Faculty of Life, Vegetation, and Growth;
this is one participation of the Divine Goodneſs, per modum effe viventis:
and again, he communicates to theſe Faculties fuitable Objects anſwering
thoſe Vital Faculties; to Senfitive Nature his Beneficence hath com-
municated thofe Faculties of Senfe as well as Life, and then communi-
cates to them a farther efflux of his Beneficence, by communicating to
them the Objects grateful and uſeful both for Life and Senfe: thus his
Beneficence is communicated to them per modum boni fenfibilis; but to
Man his Beneficence is communicated not only per modum boni vitalis &
fenfibilis, which yet he enjoys as other Creatures, but per modum boni
intellectualis & voliti.
Firſt, by giving him thoſe nobler Faculties of Intellection and Will,
and then by communicating to thoſe Faculties Objects ſuitable to thoſe
Powers or Faculties, namely, Intellectual Truths to his Underſtanding,
and Moral, Rational, and Divine Good to his Will; and among all thoſe,
vera & bona, that are communicated to theſe Faculties by the Divine
Beneficence, God himſelf, his Goodneſs, Truth, Will, Perfection, are
the chiefeft verum and the chiefeft bonum. So that no Creature below
Man is capable formally to know, to love, to enjoy God, as the chiefeft
Truth and chiefeſt Good: And this alfo ſeems to be another End of the
Creation of Man, that being made a Creature endued with Under-
ſtanding and Will, he might be receptive of the Effluxus of the Divine
Beneficence in a nobler way than the other viſible Creatures of this lower
World.
3. As under the firſt Confideration Man is more eminently an objective
manifeftation of the Divine Glory, than other viſible Creatures; and
as under the ſecond Confideration Man is more receptive of the Divine
Beneficence than other viſible Creatures: So upon farther examination
we fhall find, that Man was made in a capacity to be a more active
Inftrument to ſerve and glorifie his Maker than other vifible Creatures,
which was another End of his Creation fpecifically different from the
End of other viſible created Natures, which will appear by the farther
confideration of thoſe two great diftinguiſhing Faculties, his under-
ſtanding and Will.
I ſhall not go about to make a large Deſcription of thoſe Faculties,
or the Operation, but only obferve fo much touching them as may
reaſonably evidence the preference that Man hath therein above the
inferior Animals, and the Inferences that ariſe thereupon touching the
End of Almighty God in the making Man.
And firft for the Intellective Faculty: As in Animals the Faculties
of Senfe internal and external, eſpecially the Vifive Faculty, placeth
Animals in a rank of Being far above the infenfible Creatures, and ac-
commodates them exquifitly to a Life of Senfe; fo the Intellective Faculty
placed in Man puts him into a rank of Beings far above the moft perfect
Animals, and accommodates the Humane Nature to an Intellectual
Life. And the preheminence of this Faculty above the Faculty of Senfe,
will appear if we confider the Operations thereof; I fhall inftance but
Aaa 2
in
*
364
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
!
in two, namely, intellective Perception and intellective Ratiocination
or Difcourfe: 1. For the intellective Perception; the Underſtanding
perceives many things which are not perceptible by Senſe or fenfitive
Phantafie or Imagination; for Inftance, it hath the perception of Sub-
ſtance or Being abftracted from all fenfible qualities: it hath the per-
ception of the truth or falfity of a Propofition, it perceives the Conclu-
fion and the Evidence thereof in the Premifes, and many more intel-
lectual Objects which never did nor can fall under the perception of
Senle or Imagination: And although we cannot clearly underſtand all
the Operations of the Brutal Phantafie, becauſe we are diftinct from them,
and they have not the inftrument of Speech intelligible by us to expreſs
their perceptions; yet we may know that this is true by our felves, for
we may perceive that we do perceive theſe Objects not to be perceptible
by our Faculties of Senfe, but by fome other Faculties diftinct from that
of Senſe or fenfitive Imagination. Again, in thofe Objects that are
objective to Senſe, the intellective perception diſcovers fomewhat that
is apparently unperceived by the Senſe or fenfitive Imagination; for
Inftance, the Heavenly Bodies, the Sun, Moon, and Stars are equally
objected to the view as well of Animals as Men; but yet by the help of
intellective perception Man perceives that in thoſe Objects which neither
the Brutes, no nor Man himſelf by the bare perception of Senſe or ſen-
ſitive Phantafie doth not, cannot perceive: The perception of Senſe
gives us the Sun no bigger than a Bufhel, and the Stars than a Candle,
cannot diſcover an inequality of their diſtance from us; judgeth the body
of the Moon to have as many changes in figure and quality as it hath
various Phaſes or Appearances, the Sun really to fet, the Limb of the
Heavenly Horizon to be contiguous to the Earth: but the intellective
perception finds the quantity of the Sun and Stars bigger than the Earth,
and by the Parallaxes and Eclipfes finds the Stars more diſtant from us
than the Sun, and that than the Moon; perceives diftinctly their ſeveral
Motions, Orders, Pofitions, and makes diftinctions and computations
of Time and Duration by them, and over-rules and confutes the perce-
ption of Senfe and Imagination by another kind of perception, above the
perception of Senfe. 2. Touching Ratiocination or Difcurfive Operation,
the precedure thereof is above the reach of the fenfitive Phantafe, though
this feems to carry fome weak and imperfect Image thereof: For In-
ftance, fometimes not only the media difcurfus and the proceffus difcurfivus
are out of the reach of Senſe, but the very fubjectum difcurfus is imper-
ceptible to Senſe: fuch are that proceffus difcurfivus of the Underſtanding
touching complexed Notions or Univerfals; touching the abſtracted
Notions of Being, Subftance, Entity, and tranfcendents in Metaphyficks;
fuch are alſo the difcurfives of moral good and evil, juft, unjuft, which
are no more perceptible to Senſe than Colour is to the Ear; and yet
touching theſe Subjects the Intellect forms Difcourfes, deduceth Illations
and Conclufions. Again, in matters Mathematical and Phyfical, though
in the concrete, and in their fubjects they are objective to Senfe, yet
the media and proceffus difcurfivus whereby the Underſtanding makes Con-
clufions, and Inferences, and Illations touching them, are of a range
and kind quite above the range of Senſe or fenfitive Imagination; thus
upon certain data or poftulata in Geometry, the Intellect forms Conclufions,
which
Cap. 8.
365
Mankind and the Univerſe.
which though Mechanically and Experimentally true, yet are elicited
by a Proceffus difcurfivus, quite above the activity of fenfitive Phantafie.
And though matters Phyfical, Bodies, and Tangible qualities, and their
feveral powers, manner of production, and divers other things relating
to them are fenfible Objects; yet the Intellect uſeth a Proceffus difcurfivus,
whereby it inveſtigates Truths, and draws Conclufions that are quite
above the ſcantlet of Senfe or Phantafie, afcending up from the Effect
to the next Cauſe, and thence to the next, and thence gradually to the
First Cauſe of all things. So that though oftentimes the foot or root
of the Diſcarfus intellectivus be bottomed in ſome ſenſible Object, perchance
of no great moment and importance, yet by this Proceffus difcurfivus the
Intellect rifeth higher and higher, and quickly taketh a flight out of
the ken or reach of Senfe, in Confequences, Difcurfive Inferences, and
Conclufions; and follows the Chain higher and higher, till it come to
the uppermoft ring thereof, faſtened, as the Poets wittily feign, to
the Throne of Almighty God,
And thus far of theſe two excellent Operations of this Intellective
Faculty, namely, Intellective Perception and Diſcourſe. But befides
thefe operations and active exertions of the Underſtanding, there ſeems
to be two kinds of accommodations to it, which are admirably ſerviceable
to the improving and perfecting of its operations; the one internal, the
other external.
The internal is this; As we find in the Senfitive Nature certain
congenit or connatural Inftincts, whereby they are fecretly and power-
fully biaffed, and inclined, and carried to their proper fenfitive Good,
either individual or ſpecifical; ſuch as are their inclination to that Food
that is ſuitable for them, their Appetitus procreativus, their care for their
Young, and infinite more; fo there feems to be lodged in the Intellective
and Rational Nature certain Rudiments and Tendencies, whereby they
are carried to the good of an intellectual Life, certain communes notitie,
lodged and connaturally implanted in the Intellect, which ferve as a
kind of connatural inward ftock for the Underſtanding to work upon,
and alſo as a fecret biaſs and inclination to carry him on to the good of
an intellectual Life: Such as are a ſecret inſcribed Notion that there is
a God, that he is to be worshipped, honoured, ferved, and obeyed; and
certain infcribed common Notices of Moral Good and Evil, that make
him propenſe to Juftice, Honefty, to do as he would be done by, and
the like. And although evil Cuſtoms, and the prevalence of the fenfual
Appetite may in a great meaſure weaken and impair thoſe common
Notions when they come to particulars and particular applications, yet
it is evident in all Ages and Nations, by a kind of connaturality Mankind
hath ever retained theſe two great, and noble, and difcriminating deno-
minations, namely, firft to be Animal religiofum, ariſing from the energy
of thoſe infinite notitie relating to God; and to be Animal politicum &
fociale, arifing from theſe infite notitie of Moral Good and Evil, and thoſe
connatural infitions of Morality implanted in his nature, which are the
great and chief ſupport of humane Society.
The external accommodation of the Intellective Faculty, is that admi-
rable Wiſdom and Goodness of God, that hath fo ordered things, that
first of all Mankind is accommodated with thofe Faculties of Senfe,
eſpecially
366
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
it
eſpecially that of Sight, whereby he may perceive all fenfible Objects
that arrive within the diftance of their activity: And fecondly, in
that he hath expofed a very confiderable part of his admirable Works
to that Senſe of his. Had Man been born blind, though his intellective
Faculty had been excellent, yet that Faculty had been very unactive,
in this Life at leaft, becauſe the Bafis or Root of much of its operation
depends upon the reception of fenfible vifible Objects: and had he been
endued with Senfe, yet if the excellent Works of God had been at fo
great a diſtance that they had not been perceptible by him, he had wanted
a great contribution to the perfecting of his intellective Faculty. The
Divine Wiſdom and Goodneſs hath fo ordered things, that he hath not
only that receptive Faculty of Senſe, eſpecially that of Sight, but hath
alfo prefented to his view a great and confiderable part of the Univerſe
with great advantage, beauty, and clearness, the inferior or Elementary
World with all its variety and ftore, and the profpect of the goodly
Celeſtial Bodies, their pofitions, motions, beauty, order, and excellence.
And this goodly Apparatus of the Univerſe thus objectively derived to
his underſtanding, furnifheth it with an outward Stock, upon which
may trade and exerciſe it felf with great delight and advantage; viz.
1. The knowledge of things Phyſical and Natural, the State, Order,
and Oeconomy of Nature; the Virtue, Efficacy, and Energy of Second
Cauſes, and their Effects: herein he hath a vaſt extent of the Inferior
and Celeſtial World to exerciſe himſelf in, and certainly this bare know-
ledge is a thing of excellent improvement and contentation of the In-
tellect, and far exceeds all fenfible Delights; in fo much that many
wife and knowing Men have chofen to fequefter themſelves from the
common Employments and Contents of Mankind, for the ſake of a Life
of Philofophical Speculation: But this is the lowest part of that know-
ledge that is hereby acquirable, there is yet a more noble and excellent
knowledge acquirable hereby, that advanceth and improveth the In-
tellectual Nature to a very great and high perfection. 2. Therefore that
knowledge that is hereby acquirable is the knowledge of the Glorious
God, the first Creator, and great Conferver and Governour of all
things. I have before ſaid, that the Goodness of God had lodged an
inward Stock in Man whereby to improve his Intellectual Nature, namely,
thoſe communes notitia of the Exiſtence of a God, and that he is to be
worſhipped, ſerved, and obeyed, the common Root of Religion in
Mankind; theſe are in him like the firft Rudiments of the Fatus, the
Embryo of Religion, or the Egg as it were out of which it is hatched.
The contemplation of the admirable Works in the World doth ex-
ceedingly fortifie and improve thoſe firſt Rudiments of Natural Religion,
digeſts them into their juft formation. In theſe we fee, and admire, and
glorifie the Power, the Wiſdom, the Goodneſs, the Prefence of God; from
theſe we learn his Unity, his Eternity, his Immenfity, his Providence, his
Juftice, his Mercy: And as thus afcendendo we learn to know God by
his Works, fo again defcendendo we learn our duty to praile, glorifie,
magnifie, honour, love, fear, and obey him, to depend upon him, to
delight in him: and by this means Natural Religion arrives to a great
advance, and the Intellectual Nature mightily perfected and improved;
and Man becomes not only a paffive, a receptive Inftrument to glorifie
his
Cap. 8.
367
Mankind and the Univerſe.
his Maker, but an active Inftrument of his Glory; which was, as is
premiſed, another End of Almighty God in the making of Man, namely,
That he might be an active intellectual Inftrument to glorifie God, and
in glorifying him, the more fully to enjoy him, and his favour, love,
and goodneís.
4. As thus the Intellective Faculties render Man fit actively to ferve
and glorifie his Maker, fo alſo that other Faculty of his Will contributes
alfo in like manner to render him fit for that employment. We ſhall
for this purpoſe only confider theſe two Properties in the Will.
1. The liberty of the Will, whereby it hath power to determin it
felf, and is free from all force and coaction; and upon this account,
namely, that Man is not only an intellectual Creature, but alſo hath
liberty of Will, he becomes a Creature properly fufceptive of a Law,
and capable of Rewards and Puniſhments: that which acts out of
coaction, as bare Inftruments, or out of neceffity, as bare Natural
Cauſes, or a determined Inftinct, as Brutes, are not properly capable of
a Law but only analogically, and what they do is not properly an act
of Obedience, becauſe they cannot ordinarily do otherwife. Therefore
as his Intellective Faculty gives him the power to know his duty, fo the
liberty of his Will is that which gives him the power truly to obey.
2. The fecond property of the Will is, that it is moved and drawn
to that which is good, or at leaſt what appears to be fo. The ſen-
fitive Appetite is a power fubfervient to a fenfitive Nature, and carried
to a fenfible Good, but the Will is a rational Faculty, a Faculty of an
intellectual Nature, and carried to an intellectual Good as its proper
Object, and therefore with moſt earneſtneſs, to the moſt noble and
fupreme Good, which is Almighty God. So that as by the liberty of his
Will Man is capable to be an active Inftrument to ferve and obey his
Maker, fo by this property of his Will he is by a juft fuitableneſs drawn
to will and defire, and in enjoyment to delight in God as the chiefeft
Good, the moſt noble and ſuitable Object of its choice and motion: And
we may obſerve, that the Divine Goodneſs and Wiſdom, to promote
and advance this act of the Will, in choofing and loving Almighty God
as his chiefeſt Good, hath exhibited himſelf unto Mankind in all the
manifeſtation of Goodneſs and Beneficence imaginable, hath made him
Lord of this inferior World, provides for him, fupplies him, and endears
him to himſelf with all thofe manifeftations of Mercy, Goodneſs, and
Bounty that his nature is capable of, whereby he may be won to love
God not only as the chiefeft Good, but alſo as his chiefeft Benefactor.
And thus by the due confideration of both thefe Faculties of Under-
ftanding and Will, we may reaſonably conjecture, that the End of
Almighty God in creating Man, was to make fuch a Creature as might
actively know, ferve, glorifie, love, and obey his Creator, and in that his
Service, and Obedience, and Love, enjoy the Love and Favour of that God
whom he thus loves and obeys, becauſe we find his Faculties admirably
fitted for fuch an end and ufe; and certainly the wifeft Agent muft needs
be ſuppoſed to deſign ſuch an End to any Work as is fuitable and com-
menſurate to the thing he makes: And theſe ſeem to be thoſe Ends for
which the wife God created this noble Creature Man, which do more
ſpecially relate unto God.
5. I shall
1
368
Se&t. IV.
Of a true Origination of
!
5. I ſhall now confider the Ends of Man as they mutually relate onc
to another. There are theſe particularities in the Humane Nature that
fingularly commend Man each to other; namely,
1. A great love and propenſity to Communion and Society; Ari-
stotle fomewhere in his Politicks tells us, that among Animals Bees feem
to be the moſt ſociable, but that Man is by nature more fociable than
Bees.
2. That there are implanted certain connatural tendencies, or moral
Principles that do moft naturally fuit with humane fociety; fuch as the
firft Rudiments of natural Juftice, Charity, and Benignity, without
which it is impoffible that humane fociety can be upheld. And this
appears hereby, that though it is apparent that evil Educations and
Cuſtoms have much defaced and weakned the Principles of Morality
among Men, yet they could never extinguiſh it, but even among the
Briars and Thorns the Rudiments of natural Juſtice and Morality have
ariſen, and all the Order, and Government, and common Regiment of
Societies have been maintained and preſerved by it:
Naturam expellas furca licet, ufque recurret.
3. That the benefit of Speech, and thoſe other inftituted Signs pecu
liar only to Mankind are of great and principal ufe in maintaining and
upholding Society and Communication between Mankind: by theſe
cach Man communicates his Thoughts and Conceptions to another;
each Man inftructs, directs, and adviſeth another, and makes another
partaker of his own Knowledge, Wiſdom, Counfel, and Advice; by
this, Contracts and mutual Commerce are upheld, the mutual Faith of
each other given and taken, and infinite other advantages: by all which
particularities and accommodations of Humane Nature fubfervient to
mutual Society and Love, it ſeems reaſonable to conclude, That the
wife God intended as one of his Ends of the Creation of Man, that Man
ſhould be beneficial to Man, ſhould be inftrumental for the good of
humane Society.
4. There appears in Man, befides the fpeculative power of his Intel-
lect, a certain admirable ingeny and dexterity in difcovering and per-
fecting divers Arts as well Mechanical as Liberal, for the benefit, delight,
and convenience of the Humane Nature: The great Arts of Govern-
ment Political, Civil, and Oeconomical, the Arts of Husbandry, and
Improvements of Nature for Food, Clothing, Medicine, the Arts of
Geometry, Arithmetick, and artificial Meaſuring and Partition of Time;
the Arts of Architecture, Navigation; the Art of contriving Letters,
Writing, Printing; the Arts of Mufick, and Obfervations of the Laws,
Orders, and Rules of the Motions and Pofitions of the Celeftial Bodies,
or Aftronomy; and infinite more, which by the Ingeny and Induſtry
of Man have been invented, diſcovered, or perfected in all fucceffion of
Ages, for the uſe, benefit, and delight of Mankind.
And although we may obferve an admirable fagacity and dexterity
in many Animals, in certain kind of artifices convenient for their uſe
and the uſe of Mankind, as in the nidification of Birds, Bees, Silk-
worms, and divers others, yet Man hath ftill the prelation; 1. In
reſpect of the variety and multiplicity of his Artificial Inventions and
Effections:
Cap. 8.
369
Mankind and the Univerſe.
Effections: commonly the Artifices of Irrational Natures are ſingle and
determinate, but the Arts invented and effected by Man are multifarious,
various, and almoft infinite. 2. Befides, his rational Faculty is more
excellent and perfect than the Faculties of other Creatures in relation to
Arts, and more fruitful in it. 3. That one Inftrument his Hand, which
Ariftotle well calls Organum organorum, is admirably fuited and fitted to
all variety of Artificial effections more than any of the Organs of other
Creatures, as our own Experience without the induction of many parti-
culars may eaſily demonftrate and evince. By all which, and many
other peculiar and diftinguiſhing adaptations and accommodations of
the Humane Nature, we may reaſonably conclude, That the wife God
in lodging of theſe particularities in the Humane Nature, had one End
and Deſign to make Humane Nature beneficent and uſeful to Mankind
and to humane fociety. And therefore that Precept ſo often inculcated
by Chriſt and his Apoftles of Love, Charity, and Beneficence from Man
to Man, was no other than the re-enacting of that old Commandment,
and directing Man to one of thoſe Ends for which he was made, and
which hath to many Indications of it felf by the peculiar Conftitution,
Make, and Accommodations of our Faculties.
6. But yet farther, the Creation of Man feems to have a farther End
even in relation to this inferior World, and the Animals and Vegetables
themſelves, which deferves to be obſerved.
First, We may eafily obferve among the Creatures of this lower World
inferior to Man, that there are feveral Ranks of Beings, like fo many
feveral Provinces, but eſpecially the Animal and Vegetable Province.
Among Animals fome are fierce, ftrong, and untameable, as Lions,
Tigers, Wolves, Foxes, Dragons, Serpents; and theſe ſtand in need
of fome coercive power over them, that they deſtroy not the Species of
more profitable, and yet weaker Animals. Again, there are fome
Animals that are more uſeful and ferviceable to Man, which are more
obnoxious to be preyed upon and depredated, and their species to be
utterly deftroyed by the invafion of the more fierce, voracious, and
unruly Animals, as Sheep, Cows, and divers others, which ftand there-
fore more in need of protection and prefervation; and thofe of the more
voracious and fierce nature are lefs fubject to be difciplined, tamed, and
brought into ſubjection; the other are by their very nature more domi-
table, domeftick, and fubject to be governed: and the like we may obferve
in many kinds of Fowls, as there are Beafts of prey fo there are Birds
of prey, and others more manageable and obnoxious to injury.
Again, if we look into the Vegetable Province, fome Herbs and
Plants are more tender and delicate, and ftand in continual need of
cultivation, and their very Seeds ftand in need of a more than ordinary
care both in reference to their prefervation and profemination, without
which in a little time their very Species would be loft, or at leaſt ſtrangely
degenerate; fuch are many forts of Fruit-Trees, Herbs, and choice
Flowers. Again on the other fide, there are multitudes of ſpontaneous
productions of Vegetables, or ſuch as are fo hardy and prolifick, though
leſs profitable or uſeful, that without a fuperintendent induftry to cor-
rect their excels, would ufurp the whole face of the Earth, and make
it a Wilderneſs, as fome forts of hardy Trees, Weeds, Thorns, Briars,
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and
370
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
and other more unprofitable excrefcences; nay the very Superficies of
the Earth without a fuperintendent Cultivation would grow either
marſhy and boggy by the defluxion of Waters, or altogether weedy and
over-grown with exceffive excrefcences: And though much of this
either infertility or unprofitable excrefcence might be the fruit of the
Sin of Man, yet the Wife God that forefaw this Sin and the Effect
thereof, was not wanting in providing a fit provifional Remedy againſt
it; that fo this part of the Work of his Creation might retain its beauty
and uſe. And though after the Fall of Man this difficulty of this Em-
ployment was greater, by reafon of the Curfe that thereby befell the
Earth, yet even before the Fall the nature of his Employment was the
fame: He put the Man into the garden of Eden, to dreẞ and to keep it.
Gen. 2.
In relation therefore to this inferior World of Brutes and Vegetables,
the End of Man's Creation was, that he ſhould be the Vice-Roy of the
great God of Heaven and Earth in this inferior World; his Steward,
Villicus, Bayliff or Farmer of this goodly Farm of the lower World, and
reſerved to himſelf the fupreme Dominion, and the Tribute of Fidelity,
Obedience, and Gratitude, as the greateſt Recognition or Rent for the
fame, making his Ufufructuary of this inferior World to husband and
order it, and enjoy the Fruits thereof with fobriety, moderation, and
thankfulneſs.
And hereby Man was inveſted with power, authority, right, domi-
nion, truſt, and care, to correct and abridge the exceffes and cruelties
of the fiercer Animals, to give protection and defence to the manſuete
and uſeful, to preferve the species of divers Vegetables, to improve
them and others, to correct the redundance of unprofitable Vegetables,
to preſerve the face of the Earth in beauty, uſefulneſs, and fruitfulneſs.
And furely, as it was not below the Wildom and Goodneſs of God to
create the very Vegetable Nature, and render the Earth more beautiful
and uſeful by it, fo neither was it unbecoming the fame Wiſdom to
ordain and conftitute fuch a fubordinate Superintendent over it, that
might take an immediate care of it.
And certainly if we obferve the ſpecial and peculiar accommodation
and adaptation of Man, to the regiment and ordering of this lower
World, we ſhall have reaſon, even without Revelation, to conclude
that this was one End of the Creation of Man, namely, To be the Vice-
gerent of Almighty God, in the ſubordinate Regiment eſpecially of the
Animal and Vegetable Provinces.
1. The Earth, and Vegetables, and Animals ftand in need of fuch a
Superior Nature to keep them in a competent order: an ordinary Ob-
ſervation lets us fee how foon thofe Regions uninhabited by Mankind
become rude Forefts and Wilderneffes, how deftitute they are of thoſe
manfuete Animals, being expoſed without a protector to be the prey of
ſavage Beaſts.
2. Man, by the advantage of his intellectual fagacity and contrivance,
is fitted for this Regiment: For although there be many Beafts much
ftronger than he, as Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and others, yet he is by
the advantage of this Faculty enabled to avoid, and over-match, and
fubdue them, and by the advantage of this Faculty hath power to reclaim
thoſe
Cap. 8.
371
Mankind and the Univerſe.
thoſe that are reclaimable, though of greater ſtrength than himself; as
Horfes, Elephants, Camels, and to protect and provide for the fafety
and food of thofe that are either by Art or Nature rendred manfuete,
as Horſes, Sheep, Oxen, and to make them fubfervient to his ends and
uſes.
3. Though of all other viſible Creatures Man ſeems the leaft provided
with natural offenſive Organs, yet by the advantage of his intellectual
Faculty and that admirable Organum organorum his Hand, he is infinitely
advantaged with artificial helps to defend himſelf, and fubjugate the moſt
contumacious and furious Brute: The Lion, the Bear, the Tiger, the
Wolf, the Horfe, the Elephant, the Bull are furnished with natural
offenfive and defenfive Munition; but by the advantage of the Hand,
Man is able to provide himſelf more ferviceable Artillery, as Swords,
Pikes, Arrows, Darts, Nets, Trapps, Toyls, and to uſe them with greater
fecurity and advantage.
4. We may alſo obſerve a kind of connatural neceffity impofed upon
Man to exerciſe this Oeconomy and Regiment over Animals and Vege-
tables, for his own prefervation and defence; without the exercife of
this Regiment he would be over-run with favage and noxious Animals,
he would want the speed of the Horſe, the induſtry of the Ox, the
Clothing of the Sheep, the Milk of the Cow: without this Regiment
he would be without Corn to feed him, Wine to refreſh him, Medicine
to recover him, the Earth would become a barren Foreft or Wilderneſs,
over-run with Bryars and Thorns. And it is obſervable, That as the
wife God hath put all things in motion and action, the Heavenly Bo-
dies, the Elementary Natures, the Meteors, the Animals; fo it is his
Wiſdom to preſerve Man alfo in bodily as well as mental motion, and
by a kind of neceffity driven him from floth and idleness; if he will
live he muſt eat, and if he will eat he muft labour. Though by the
Fall of Man his labour is fuller of toyl and vexation, yet labour and
induſtry was part of his duty and employment in the very ſtate of Inno-
cency.
As he hath a bufie office and employment committed unto him,
namely, to be God's Vicegerent and fubordinate Officer in the Regiment
of the Vegetable and Animal Provinces, fo he is under a neceffity for
his own prefervation, and under an advantage for his own profit and
convenience, induſtriouſly and vigilantly to exercife the Province corn-
mitted to him.
Thus the infinite Wiſdom of Almighty God chains things together,
and fits and accommodates all things fuitable to their uſes and ends.
5. And yet farther, there feems to be found in the Humane Nature
certain Affections that carry it on effectually to this employment, his
love to himſelf, his fafety, his convenient fupplies, wealth, and plenty,
invite induſtry and pains, and a complacency and delight attends the
acqueſts of honeft induftry and pains.
2. Hitherto we have feen this part of the End of Man's Creation,
namely, to be a fubordinate Rector of this inferior World, a Tributary
King thereof by Inveftiture from God himſelf, which Inveftiture was con-
ferred upon Man in his firſt Creation, Gen. 1. 29. and again renewed
after the Fall and Flood, Gen. 9. 3. Pfal.8.6. Thou haft made him to have
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dominion
}
372
Sect. IV.
Of a true Origination of
dominion over the works of thy hands, thou hast put all things under his feet.
But there is yet another Office, another End in the Creation of Man,
with relation to this inferior World and the Furniture thereof.
Almighty God in the goodly Frame of this World hath manifeſted
the exceeding greatneſs of his Wifdom and Power, as in the Heavenly
Bodies, the Sun, the Moon, the Stars, the Elements, the Meteors,
the Minerals, the Vegetables, the Animals, they all make up a moſt
magnificent and ftately Temple, and every Integral thereof full of
wonder, and bears the Infcription of the infinite Wiſdom, Goodneſs,
and Power of the Glorious God; yet ftill all theſe are but paffive, re-
ceptive, and objective reflections of the Goodneſs and Glory of God:
there is not a Grafs in the Field, not a Tree in the Foreft, nor the
ſmalleſt infect Animal, the Fly, the Worm, but bear an Infcription of
the incomparable Wiſdom, Power, and Goodneſs of the Glorious God.
But yet theſe cannot actively glorifie their Maker, they underſtand
not their own original nor their own excellence; the nobleft Cedar in
the Field, nor the vafteft Elephant in the Indies, nor the goodlieſt
Whale in the Ocean have not the fenfe of their own excellence, nor
from whom they had it, nor can actively and intentionally return Praiſe
and Glory to their Maker, for they want an intellective Principle to make
thoſe diſcoveries or returns.
6. The Glorious God therefore ſeems to have placed Man in this goodly
Temple of the World, endued him with Knowledge, Underſtanding,
and Will, laid before him theſe glorious Works of his Power and Wif-
dom; that he might be the common Procurator, the vicarious Repre-
fentative, the common High Prieſt of the inanimate and irrational World,
to gather up as it were the admirable Works of the Glorious God, and
in their behalf to preſent the Praiſes, Suffrages, and Acclamations of
the whole Creation unto the Glorious God, and to perform that for
them, and as their common Procurator, which they cannot actively,
intellectually, and intentionally perform for themſelves. It is true, the
whole Creation doth objectively and according to their feveral capacities
fet forth the Honour and Glory of their Creator, and cry, Bleffing, ho-
nour, glory, and power be unto him that fittteth upon the throne, and unto the
Lamb, for ever and ever; Revelat. 5. 13. and the Pfalmift, Pfal. 148.
calls upon them all to perform that duty: But Man above all vifible
Creatures is able to perform that duty intellectually and intentionally,
and fitted to be the common Procurator and High Prieft of unintelligent
Creatures, intelligently on their behalf to prefent all their Praiſes and
Acclamations to their common Creator, Lord, and Sovereign.
I have now done with thofe Ends for which we may reaſonably con-
jecture Man was made; Firft, in relation to Almighty God; that he
might actively Know, Love, Serve, Honour, and Obey Him: Secondly,
in relation to others of Mankind; mutual Beneficence, Juftice, and
Charity: Thirdly, in relation to the inferior Creatures; to be their
fubordinate Regent under God, and to be the common Prieſt for the
reft of the viſible Creation, to preſent their Recognitions and Praiſes to
their Maker.
I now come to confider what we may reaſonably conjecture might
be the End of the Wife and Glorious God in the Creation of Man in
relation
I
:
}
Cap. 8.
Mankind and the Univerſe.
relation to himſelf. The former Ends were fuch as were terminated
without him, either to God, the reſt of Mankind, or the unintellectual
Creatures; but this Enquiry is touching that End that is terminated in
himſelf, the former were Ends of Office or Duty, this of Fruition or
Enjoyment.
And in this Enquiry I fhall firft proceed Negatively, to fhew what
this End is not; and then Affirmatively, as far as the Light of Nature
and natural Reaſon will dictate (for in this Difcourfe at preſent I go no
farther) what it is, or may be reaſonably concluded to be.
As to the former, or Negative Procedure,
1. Therefore I ſay the proper, peculiar end of Man in point of fruition
is not a fenfible fruition, or a Life of Senfe, but fomewhat that is
higher, nobler, and of another nature. It is true, that as Man agrees
in the animal Nature with other Animals, and confequently hath a
Life of Senſe as well as they, therein they participate of one common
end: but that which we are enquiring concerning, is, the fpecifical
peculiar End of Man, appropriate.to, and defigned for him as fuch;
and therein it is that we affirm the end of his fruition is not the end of
a fenfible Being, but of a Nature fpecifically and vaftly different from it.
And this I ſhall prove, and alfo illuftrate by theſe following Reaſons and
Conclufions.
1. As I have before obſerved the Method of fearch and enquiry into
the fpecifical or peculiar end of any Exiſtence, is by obferving the fpe-
cifical and peculiar exiftence of Faculties of that Being; for we have
reaſon to think, that the fpecifical and peculiar end thereof is fomewhat
that bears a fpecifical proportion to thofe Faculties and Excellencies :
thus we reaſonably conclude, That fince the Animal Nature hath a
fpecifical and peculiar excellence and faculty above Vegetables, namely,
the faculty of Senſe, that therefore its proper end of fruition is not a bare
fruition of a vegetable Life or the commenfurate Good thereof, but a
Good that is fuperior, and accommodate to the Life of Senfe. And
upon the fame account we may conclude, That fince the Excellence and
Faculties of the Humane Nature are of a higher Make and Order than
that of Senſe, namely, an intellectual Faculty; therefore the peculiar
end of the Humane Nature is not terminated in a Life of Senfe, or a
fruition of that Good which is not only proportionate or accommodate
to a ſenſible Life or Nature, but in a fruition of fomething anſwerable
to the eminence and nature of an intellective Faculty. Now it is ap-
parent to any confiderate Man, that the Operations, the Objects, the
Delight of the intellectual and rational Faculties of Underſtanding and
Will, lyc higher than the Faculties of Senfe, and have little communion
with them: The very contemplation of natural Caufes and Effects, if
we went no higher, are not in order to a fenfitive Good, but often
deprive us of it: the contemplation and action of moral Virtues are above
the reach of Senſe; tranquillity of Mind, peace of Confcience, perce-
ption and fruition of the favour and love of God, the fatisfaction of the
Underſtanding in that contemplation, the motion and tendency of the
Will towards it as its chiefeft Good: Thefe are things that delight and
pleaſe the Intellectual Nature, (if not bafely and grofly immerfed in,
and proſtituted to the Animal Nature) are more grateful, fapid, and
delightful
373
374
'
Of a true Origination of
Sect. IV.
delightful to the Mind, than the beſt Apparatus or Proviſions of a ſenſible
Good.
2. Again, it is apparent that the very excellency and preference of
the Intellectual Nature doth render the fruition of the Good of Senſe
lefs good, lefs fatisfactory, than it is to the Brutes: the Good of Senfe is
fo far from being the fpecifical or peculiar end of Man, that the very
Make, Texture, and Order of his nobler Faculties renders it not only
incomplete, but deficient, and lefs competent to him, than if he had
not this excellency of Faculties which are ſpecifical to his Nature. And
therefore certainly it can never be that Good that is the appropriate end
of fruition in Man, for it is lefs good to the Beafts, and that even upon
the very account of the excellencies of his Faculties: I ſhall give many
Inftances hereof.
The fruition of the delights of Senſe in the Beafts are more entire,
fimple, and unallayed than they are in Men; becauſe it is apparent, that
in the Intellective Nature there is fomething that checks, controls, and
fowrs the fruition of Senfe, namely the Confcience, which hath often-
times a contrary motion, and checks the inferior Faculties of Senfe, even
when it oftentimes cannot control it, it chides and allays the contentation
of fenfual Delights; fo that even in Laughter the Heart is forrowful:
but the Brutes have no fuch correction of their Delights in fruition of
Senſe, but are entire in their enjoyments.
Again, it is a great perfection of the Humane Nature, that it hath a
more fixed, ſtrong, and compact memory of things paft than the Brutes
have: A Brute forgets his fruitions when they are paft, hath not the
fenſe, much leſs the memory of any faults or follies committed by him;
and therefore his prefent fruitions are not fowred with the remembrance
of thoſe better ſeaſons of delight that he once had: But Man hath ever
a remembrance of what is paft, he remembers his faults and follies,
and what ſenſible advantages he loft by this or that inadvertence, over-
fight, or folly; if his profperity or fruition were formerly greater, it
depreciates his prefent enjoyment: fo that the excellence of his memo-
rative Faculties makes his prefent enjoyment faint, weak, and taſt-
lefs.
Again, Man hath a more exquifite fenfe of prefent incumbent evils
than the Beaſts have: as his fruition of the ſenſible Good he enjoys is
not ſo entire as the Beafts, fo his fenfe of any incumbent evil is more
fharp, quick, and galling than that of the Beafts, and thereby his pre-
fent fenfible contentations are fowred and allayed. When Haman had
all the fenfible Honours, Wealth, Affluence, that the Court of the
greateſt Monarch in the World could yield him, yet the want of a
bow from Mordecai fowred all his enjoyments, and made him fick for
the want of it. And when Abab had all the Honours and Provifions
that a Kingdom could afford him, yet the want of Naboth's little Vine-
yard rendred all his enjoyments taftlefs. And this Confideration is
eaſily improveable, if we confider that the very ſtate and condition of
our fenfible Life hath many more diftaftful and ſharp ingredients than
the brutal Life hath; and the greateft fenfual Contentments in Man are
commonly haunted with more than one of theſe difpleafing Guefts: The
Beaſts have no fenfe of reproach, difhonour, difgrace, which yet fit
cloſe
Cap. 8.
375
Mankind and the Univerfe.
I
1
3
I
cloſe upon Men, eſpecially of great Spirits and Enjoyments. The Dif
eaſes and Diſtempers in Man are ten to one more in number, and ſharper
or longer than in Beaſts: and any of theſe render the beſt ſenſual Enjoy-
ments either taſtleſs or vexing.
Again, and moſt principally of all the reft, the Brutes have little
profpect to the future, if any at all, their proviſions for things to come,
as for the Winter, for their Young, and the like, feem not fo much
acts of diſtinct knowledge or forefight of the future, as certain conna-
tural Inftincts alligated to their nature by the wife and intelligent difpo-
fition of their moſt wife Creator. And hence it is, that they have no confi-
deration or fear of death till they feel it; and if they have a good Pafture
at preſent, they are not folicitous how long it will laft, or what they
ſhall do after they are not tormented with fears of what may come,
becauſe they have no anticipations or fufpitions of what may be in the
future, and by this means their enjoyments are fincere, unallayed with
fears or ſufpitions, they fear not death, becauſe they are not ſenſible of
their own mortality till they feel themſelves dying: But the cafe is quite
otherwiſe with Man, the excellency of his Faculties, and the impreffion
of Experience and Obfervation gives him a forefight of many things
that will come, and a ſtrong fufpition of many more that may come;
and
by this means he anticipates Mileries, and becomes twice miferable: firſt,
in fears, pre-apprehenfions, and anticipation, and then again in the actual
undergoing of it; and if thoſe fufpected and feared evils never overtake
him, yet he is equally if not more miferable than if they did: For his
pre-apprehenfions and fufpitions renders them as fharp as if they were
felt, and many times fharper, by the appofition of the moft hideous
and aggravating circumftances that his thoughts and fears can faſhion.
And this very advantage of anticipation and forefight, which is a per-
fection and excellence in Man above the Brutes, faddens his Joy, galls
and frets his fenfual Contentment, and upon the very account of his
own excellency and perfection renders the fruition of a fenfible good
utterly incompetible to be that end of fruition which the wife God de-
figned for him: Thus when he hath Wealth and Plenty he is under a
thouſand cares and fears, fometimes of falfe Accufers, fometimes of
Thieves and Robbers, fometimes of Fire and Caſualty; and while he
is rich and plentiful in fruition, he is poor and miferable by anticipation:
If he be in Health and Strength, whereby fenfual Goods have their
proper guſt and relish with him, yet he is under the fear of Sickneſs,
Pain, and Difcompofure, which fear renders the Diſeaſe in a manner
preſent before it comes, and fo gives a diftaft and difreliſh to even his
preſent fruition.
And now if it be faid, That as this fagacity and forefight fometimes
gives a diſadvantage under Enjoyments by the Paffion of Fear, fo it
makes an amends under fenfible Inconveniences by the Affection of
Hope: I anfwer, It is true, it doth make fome amends, but yet it is
not answerable.
For first, the anticipations of Fear are ever more vigorous than the
anticipations of Hope. 2. The objects, means, and occafions of our
fears in relation to fenfuals, are ever more and greater than the objects
of our hopes; becauſe we are obnoxious more to dangers, and thoſe of
divers
376
Sec. IV.
Of a true Origination of
1
divers kinds, than we are to deliverances and recoveries from ſenſible
evils. 3. But that which is inftar omnium is this; Death puts a period
to all fenfual Comforts, and this Death is certain will overtake us, and
we know not how foon; and this forefight of Death is a certain fore-
fight, and a continual object of certain fear. And this fear of Death,
and the anticipation thereof is always prefent with us, and we cannot
deliver our felves from the fear and forefight of it, no more than we
can deliver our felves from the thing it felf, and commonly the antici-
pation and fear of Death is more terrible, and dreffed up in a more
hideous proſpect than Death it felf. And this one proviſion and antici-
pation of Death, is that which makes all ſenſual Goods utterly incom-
petible to be a fuitable end of fruition to a Man, upon theſe two ac-
counts, viz. First, that this prefenfation and anticipation of Death doth
fadly allay all ſenſible enjoyments, makes them weak, and renders them
ungrateful. The Expreffion is excellent, Heb. 3. 15. who through fear
of death were all their life time fubject to bondage: the delicacies of a Man
in Bondage loſe their taft and relish. Again fecondly, it prefents all our
enjoyments as determined or determinable in a fhort time, which takes
off the value of any fenfible enjoyment. It muſt needs be, that ſenſual
enjoyment must be abated, when he that enjoys it doth in the very
enjoyment thereof know it muſt not last long: a Beaſt enjoys his full
Pafture with greater contentment, that yet fhall be taken from him, or
he from it to morrow; than any Man can enjoy the fweeteft Provifion
for his Senſe, while he is under the actual fenfe that he muſt dye to
morrow. The advantage of the anticipation of Death is that which
renders it impoffible that a fenfual good can be the ultimate good of
fruition to Man, fince it is by that very advantage rendred a lefs good to
him than to the Beaſts that perish.
The Proof of the Immortality of the Soul of Man belongs to fome of
the following Difcourfes, I fhall not now launch out into that Deep.
But to me this very Confideration, that the very excellence of the hu-
mane Faculties, eſpecially that whereby he hath a proſpect and confi-
derate anticipation of Death, renders the good of Senfe lefs good, delight-
ful, and pleaſant to this excellent Creature Man than it is to the very
brute Beafts; hath been a ftrong Moral Evidence, that there is an immor-
tal Soul in Man, for which an immortal Good is reſerved: Becauſe it
ſeems not ſuitable with Divine Wiſdom and Oeconomy, that the Brutes
ſhould have a greater felicity than Man; yet fo it must be, if the end
of Man's fruition were only a fenfible Good, or a Good ſuited only to
the Life of Senſe.
2. And furely if the good of Senfe be not the adequate end of humane
fruition, then much lefs can thofe things be the end of fruition intended
for Man, which are but provifional and fubfervient only to the good
of Senſe; and fuch are Honours, Grandeur, Power, and Wealth, they
are but fo many fubfervients to the acquiring or performing of the good
of Senſe, or the fruition of a ſenſible Life to him that hath them, and
therefore lower and leſs valuable than thoſe things for whoſe fake and
uſe they ſerve.
And thus far I have gone in the Negative, whereby I have endea-
voured to evince that the good of Senfe, the fruition of thofe good
things
Cap. 8.
377
Mankind and the Univerfe.
things that ſerve for a fenfible Life, Meat, Drink, Clothing, the Plea-
fures and Delights of the Senfes, the expletion of the Faculties of the
Senfible Nature; their motions are not the peculiar end of fruition de-
figned by the wife God to the Intellectual Nature of Man. I come to
confider it Pofitively, That there is an end of Fruition, and what we
may reaſonably conjecture it may be.
That Man was created for an end of fruition appears, 1. From the
nature of the Efficient: It is, as before is obferved, the property of
every intelligent and wife Efficient in all his Works and Actions to
intend an End, and an end ſuitable to the value of the work, but that
is not always an end of fruition to the work it felf; it is fufficient, that
there is an end in the work: Many times a wife Agent produceth a
work or effect in order to fomething elſe, an inftrument ſubſervient to
ſome other thing; and thus he might have made Man only to ferve,
glorifie, and honour his Maker, as a Man makes a Saw or a Watch as
an Inftrument for his own ufe, without any communication of a Good
of fruition to the thing thus made. But as Almighty God is a moft
wife Efficient, fo he is a moft benign and bountiful Efficient; He made
all things not only for the glory of his Wifdom, but for the communi-
cation of his Goodness to the things He thus made, according to the
meaſure and capacity of their participation. He made the inferior
Animals for the glory of his Wiſdom and Power, and for the fervice
of Man, and yet he communicated to them fo much of fruition and
enjoyment, and of fuch a Good as was fuitable to their nature, namely,
a fenfible Good. There is not the meaneft Infect in the World but hath
a Good of fruition proportionate to its nature, namely, of a fenfible
Good in which it delights, and which it endeavours to preferve. And
thus as the Wiſdom of this great Efficient made Man the moſt excellent
of Viſible Natures, for an end, and fuch an end as was fuitable to the
excellence of the Nature he thus made, namely, actively to ſerve and
glorifie his Maker; fo the Goodneſs and Beneficence of this bountiful
Efficient defigned an end of fruition to this Creature, and deſigned unto
him alſo ſuch a fruition, and of fuch a good as is proportionate to the
excellence of that Nature he thus made: And otherwife he ſhould have
been proportionally lefs beneficent to the nobleft of fublunary Creatures,
than he is to the meaneft of living Animals, which together with the
end defigned in them in ordine ad aliud, have an end of fruition of fuch
a Good as is proportionate to their being, nature, and capacity.
2. And as thus the contemplation of the Efficient, and his Beneficence
to other created Beings, induceth us to conclude an end of fruition
defigned to Man, fo the contemplation of the Work it felf concludes
the fame. Man hath in the peculiarity of his nature theſe two great
Powers and receptive Faculties, whereby he is rendred amply capable
of a great enjoyment, namely his Underſtanding, whofe proper Object
is Truth, and the nobleft Truth that is, and its proper action is directed
to that Object, namely, Intellection and Will, whofe proper Object is
Good, and the greater and more fovereign the Good is, the more
fuitable it is to this power, and the proper act of this power is to reach
after, and defire, and embrace, and delight in its Object: and the filling
of theſe two receptive powers with the chiefeft intellectual Truth, and
Ccc
with
378
Se&t. IV.
Of a true Origination of
}
with the chiefeft and intellectual Good, is that which perfects, advan-
ceth, and enableth theſe Faculties or Powers.
And this doth lead us to a juſt diſcovery of what that end of fruition is,
for which Man was defigned by his beneficent Creator, namely, fuch as is
ſuitable, anſwerable, and proportionate to thoſe Powers or Faculties in
Man whereby he excells all inferior Animals, his Underſtanding and his
Will; and herein confifts his happineſs, his end of fruition or enjoy-
ment.
1. As to his Underſtanding, the great and general fruition of Good
therein is Knowledge: Now I fhall diftinguish thefe Objects of Know-
ledge or Scibilia into two kinds; 1. The Scibilia fubordinata, which
being united to the intellective Power by that act or habit which we call
Knowledge, do advance and perfect this Power or Faculty in a fubordinate
way, meaſure, or degree; fuch is the knowledge of Natural Cauſes and
Effects of Arts Liberal or Manual, of Rules of juftum and decorum, of Mo-
ral Truths, and the like: this gives a fubordinate perfection and fruition to
this Power varied and diverſified according to the worth of the Objects,
and the perfection or clearness of their perception. 2. The Scibile fupre-
mym, which is the ever-glorious God, his Perfection, Attributes, Wiſdom,
Power, Goodneſs, his Will, and Commands, fo far forth as that infinitely
perfect Being is cognofcible by our finite Underſtanding: This is the
fupreme Truth, the higheft fruition of the intellective Power, and the
greateſt perfection of an intellective Nature as fuch.
2. Again, as to the power of the Will, it hath likewife Objects of
Good anſwerable to the former diftribution. 1. The fubordinate Good of
Moral Virtues, Honefty, Sobriety, Juftice, Temperance, and all the train
of Moral Virtues; theſe being united to the Will in their acts and con-
ftant habits, the Will enjoys a great Moral Good, tranquillity of Mind,
complacency and delight. 2. The Sovereign Good, which is the glorious
God, reached after by the Will as the chiefeft Good, and enjoyed in the
manifeftations of his Love, Favour, Prefence, Influence, and Beneficence:
this fills the vaſteft motions of the Will, fills it with Peace, Contentation,
and Glory, and keeps it nevertheleſs in a perpetual motion, by returns of
Gratitude, humble Love, Obedience, and all imaginable extenfion of it
felf for the Service, Honour, and Glory of that God that hath thus boun-
tifully given to the Soul a power in fome meaſure receptive of his Infinite
Self, and fitted that power with a proportionate Good, even the Goodneſs
and Bounty of the ever-glorious God.
And now becauſe Man hath a double ftate, namely, a ftate in this Life in
conjunction of the Soul with the Body, naturally diffolvible, and a ſtate of
Immortality after this Life, either in the Soul alone, or in the Soul in con-
junction with an immortal Body, as fhall be fhewn in its due time: there-
fore proportionable to this double ſtate is that fruition which Almighty
God deſigned for his End.
1. In this Life, the proportionable fruition of Man is that which is
compatible to the ftate he hath here, namely, the knowledge of God and
his Works in a meaſure ſuitable to the intellectual Capacity in this Life,
the fenfe of the Divine Love, Favour, Goodneſs, and Protection, the
fenfe of his own Duty to God, to Man, to himſelf, with a cheerful endea-
vour to obſerve it: And from theſe ariſe dominion over his Paffions and
inferior
I
379
Cap. 8.
Mankind and the Univerfe.
inferior Faculties, and the due placing, ordering, and moderation of them;
a refignation of his Will to the Divine Will, and a dependance upon his
Goodneſs, Power, and All-fufficiency: and from all theſe arife
peace of
Conſcience, contentation and tranquillity of Mind, in which even the
wifeft of Heathens placed the greatest Happineſs acquirable in this Life.
2. After this Life an immutable ſtate of everlaſting Reft and Happi-
nefs in the Beatifical Viſion of God, and fruition of fo much of his
Goodneſs and Beneficence as a glorified Soul is capable of: for it is rea-
ſonable that the end of fruition of an Immortal Nature ſhould be an ever-
lafting Good, commenfurate in its intention and duration to fuch an Im-
mortal Nature.
And now if any Man fhall enquire if this be the End of Almighty God
in the Creation of Man, How comes it to pafs that all Men attain not
this End, or how comes it to paſs that Almighty God comes to be fruſtrated
of the End which he thus defigned, as well in relation to his own Glory,
as the Good of Mankind
I Anſwer, firſt in general, That this Enquiry belongs to another way
of Examination, namely, herein we muſt have the affiſtance of Divine
Revelation, both to anſwer this Enquiry and to guide us in it, which in
this place is not defigned to be profecuted.
2. Yet more particularly thus much I fhall fay, 1. That the wife God
hath as it were twifted his own Honour and Glory with Man's Felicity
and Happiness; if Man decline to honour, glorifie, love, and obey his
Maker, and cafts off the primary and chief End of his Being, it is juſt
and neceffary that he be deprived of the End of his own Fruition and
Happiness, which is the Reward of his Duty. 2. The Liberty of the
Will was the great Prerogative of the Humane Nature, and Almighty
God having furnished that Nature with all conducibles to enable him to
obey, and to continue him in that Obedience, Man by the abuſe of his
own liberty deprived himſelf of his own felicity: When we ſpeak there-
fore of the End of Man we fpeak of it as God made him, not as Man
made, or rather unmade himfelf.
But of this End of the means of his Reftitution by Chriſt, and the
admirable Syſtem and Connexion of the Divine Providence in relation
to Man in his Redemption, belongs to another Difcourfe: We are in this
preceding Difcourfe but in the outward Court of the Temple, where
the Gentiles came, or might come by natural Light or Ratiocination.
Therefore to conclude all,
Almighty God out of his abundant Wiſdom, Goodness, and Benefi
cence as he hath made Mankind, fo he hath fitted him for a double End,
namely, to glorifie his Maker, and everlaftingly to enjoy him, and in
order hereunto hath given him a double ftation, and in each of thefe a
differing kind of fruition of his Maker, viz. a ftation in this lower
World, and a ſtation in the glorious Heavens.
His ftation in this lower World, is during the time of his mortal Life
here below; and in this ftation the glorious God hath furnished Man-
kind with all conveniencies and accommodations fuitable to it, as the
comfortable Accommodations of his fenfible Life, the Comforts of hu-
mane Society, the Ufe and Dominion of his Creatures, the admirable
Faculties of his Mind, the Books and Inſtructions of his Word and
Cec 2
Will,
380 Of a true Origination of Mankind, &c. Sect. IV.
Will, the goodly Works of Creation and Providence, the Tenders and
Ayders of his Grace and Guidance, the Effluxes and Manifeſtations of his
Favours and Love, the Anticipations and Hopes of Eternal Happineſs;
theſe and many more fuch as theſe, the Bountiful God affords to Mankind,
even in this ſtate of Mortality, which may and do render it in a great
meaſure very comfortable.
But withall he lets us know, and we muſt know, That theſe are but
as ſo many Bounties to render our paffage through this Life the more
eafie and convenient to our felves, and the more ferviceable to our great
Lord and Maſter: This is not to be the place of our reft or final happineſs,
but a place of exerciſe and probation, a place of preparation for our future
and more durable ftate; we are here as it were but put to School to learn
our Duty and our Leffons, we are but as young Plants planted in a
Nurſery, till we come to a convenient fize and fitneſs to be removed, and
then we are to be transplanted into another and a richer Soil. In this
World we are as it were Seeds ripening upon the Trees or Stalks till
they are fully digefted and ripe, and then as the Seeds drop into the
Ground and become the Seminary of a new Plantation: fo by Death
we drop into Eternity, and become the Children, the Embryones of the
Reſurrection, and then we come into that fecond and bleſſed ſtation,
the Country of our Reft and Happineſs, our Home, and the End of our
Being; where we ſhall ever behold the Glory of the Glorious God, and
glorifie him for ever, where we fhall have the perpetual, fenfible, vi-
gorous, fatisfactory Manifeftation and Influences of his Love to all Éter-
nity, and enjoy that Bleffedneſs which Eye hath not feen, nor Ear heard,
neither hath entred into the Heart of Man to conceive: And this is the
great End of the Glorious God in making this great goodly Creature
called Man, whofe Body is but the Husk, the Shell of that vital, immor-
tal Beam of Light, Life, and Immortality, that Seminal Principle of
Eternal Life, the Soul, irradiated and influenced by the Sacred Spirit of
Life and Love, and if God lend me Life and Strength, ſhall in my next
be handled.
1
FINIS.
BOUND
7 1935
ICH.
LIBRARY
SHEJUNIU
ARTES
LIBRARY
1817
VERITAS
LUHURIAITMENIN-
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
TCEHOR
SI QUER:S-PENINSULA
CACUMSPOL
BRAUNIAINMIDIMEUMINAI
1