ARTES
1837
SCIENTIA
VERITAS
LIBRARY
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
BUS UNUM
PLURIBUS
TCEBOR
51-QUERIS PENINSULAM
AM-AMENAM
CIRCUMSPICE


1168
A16
CH








AN
ABSTRACT
OF THE
EVIDENCE
DELIVERED BEFORE A
SELECT COMMITTEE
OF THE
3
30
HOUSE OF COMMONS
IN THE YEARS 1790, AND 1791;
ON THE PART OF THE
PETITIONERS
FOR THE
ABOLITION.
OF THE
SLAVE TRADE,
200
LONDON:
PRINTED BY JAMES PHILLIPS, GEORGE YARDA
LOMBARD STREET.
M.DCC,XCI.
HT
1162
A16
TOHO
JA

PREFACE.
N confequence of the numerous Petitions which
IN
were fent to Parliament from different Counties,
Cities, and Towns of Great Britain, in the year 1788,
for the ABOLITION of the SLAVE-TRADE, it
was determined by the Houfe of Commons to hear
Evidence upon
that fubject.
The Slave-Merchants and Planters accordingly
brought forward feveral perfons as witneffes, the firſt
in behalf of the continuance or Slave-trade, the latter
in defence of the Colonial Slavery. Thefe were heard
and examined in the years 1789 and 1790.
Several perfons were afterwards called on the fide of
the petitioners of Great Britain, to fubftantiate the
foundation of their feveral petitions, and to invalidate
feveral points of the evidence which the others had
offered. Theſe were examined in the years 1790,
and 1791.
2 2
This
508499
iv
PREFACE.
This Abstract then is made up from the evidence of
the latter, in which little other alteration has been made
than that of bringing things on the fame point into one
chapter, which before lay ſcattered in different parts of
the evidence; and this has been done to enable the
reader to fee every branch of the ſubject in a clear and
diftinct fhape.
The evidence for Africa and the Middle Paffage, on
the fide of the Petitioners of Great Britain, is given by
perfons, who have been to almoft all the confpicuous
parts of Africa, from the River Senegal to Angola.
Many of them have had great opportunities of infor-
mation, from having been refident on fhore, or having
been up and down the different rivers, or from having
made each of them feveral voyages. Among thefe, as
well as among thoſe who have only had the opportunity
perhaps of a ſingle voyage, are to be reckoned feveral
refpectable perfons of education, obfervation, and leifure,
and it is to be obſerved, that the information of the
whole goes to things at different periods from the year
1754 to 1789. The evidences again for the Weſt
Indies and America are numerous and refpectable.
Many of them have had the advantage of being refident
there for years, and the information which they have
given, extends to things as they were at various times
from 1753 to 1790. Of all thefe it muſt be faid, that
they are totally difinterested perfons, and therefore can
have had nothing to biafs them either one way or the
other in the evidence they have given. The editor, on
the
PREFACE.
the other hand, feels it incumbent upon him to acknow-
ledge, that fome of them came up as evidences, from a
fenfe of duty, and this against their own apparent interest,
and under the threats and profpect of fuffering confiderably
for fuch a conduct.
Of the Evidences, on the other hand, brought for-
ward by the flave-merchants and planters, there are few
indeed who are not deeply interested in the teftimony they
have given, and the event of the decifion. In the African
part of the queftion, all but two are immediately con-
cerned in the flave-trade, and in the Weft-Indian, the
Admirals only can be fairly excepted. And of what
does their information confift but of round and general
afſertions, without any ſpecifick facts? Theſe affertions,
however, are in behalf of the planters, and tend to
prove the comforts and happineſs of their ſlaves.
We have no right to fuppofe that perfons of their
character had any intention of miſleading the publick in
a queftion of fo much importance to the intereſts of
mankind; but we may fuppofe, that in their fituation
they had little or no opportunity of obſerving the treatment
of the faves; and this is actually the fact. The Admirals,
when on fhore, were almoſt entirely in the towns. Now
all the evidences for the petitioners of England are una-
nimous in afferting that the flaves in the towns appear
to be better treated than thoſe in the country. Hence
the Admirals may have been in ſome meaſure warranted
in faying what they have done, but they ought to have
obferved
vi
PREFACE.
obſerved that their evidence related to but a partial and
not the general body of the flaves, and that their opportu-
nities of information were exceedingly limited and confined.
When, however, they went into the country, their
fituation again precluded them from getting the fame in-
formation as other men. Mr. H. Roſs, examined among
others, fays that as to the information which may have
been gotten by thofe holding high commands in the
Weft Indies, he cannot ſpeak decidedly; but if it be
meant to know whether fuch, on occafional vifits to
eftates, were likely to obtain a thorough knowledge of
the treatment of flaves, he thinks they could not. He has
often accompanied Governors and Admirals in their
tours there. The eftates vifited, belonging to perſons
of diftinction, might be fuppofed under the best manage-
Befides all poffible care would be taken to keep
every difgufting object from view, and on no account by the
exercife of the whip or other puniſhments, to harrow up
the feelings of perfons of fuch distinction.
ment.
The above accounts fhew that the rank and fituation
of the Admirals precluded them from feeing as much as
others, or in other words, that their opportunities of in-
formation were not as great as those of other men. Many
other circumftances may be cited to prove the fame
thing. Among thefe are the preambles and clauſes of
certain laws, and extracts from the Weſt Indian publick
prints. To begin with the former.
Bahama
PREF A CE.
vii
Bahama Ilands.-So lately as in 1784, it was enacted
there, that "if any flave fhall abfent him or herſelf
"from his or her owner, for the ſpace of three months
"fucceffively, fuch flave ſhall be deemed an outlaw,
❝and, as an encouragement to apprehend and bring to
"juſtice ſuch runaways, any perſon or perfons who fhall
"apprehend any fuch runaway, either alive or dead, fhall
"be paid out of the publick treaſury twenty pounds, for
every flave fo apprehended and taken," &c. *
((
St. Chriftopher's." An act to prevent the cutting
"off or depriving any flaves in this iſland of any of their
"limbs or members, or otherwife difabling them,"-
paffed March 11th, 1784."
<c
"Whereas fome perfons have of late been guilty of
"cutting off and depriving flaves of their ears, which
"practice is contrary to the principles of humanity and
"difhonourable to fociety; for prevention whereof in
"future, be it enacted by the Governor, &c. That if
LL
any owner or poffeffor of any negro or other flave in
"this iſland, fhall wilfully and wantonly cut or difable,
"or cauſe or procure to be cut out or difabled the
“
tongue; put out, or cauſe or procure to be put out,
ແ an eye; fit the nofe, ear, or lip, or cut off a noſe,
((
ear, or lip, or caufe the fame to be done; or break
"or cauſe to be broken, the arm, leg, or any other limb,
or member of any negro," &c. The penalty is 500l.
currency, or about 300l. fterling, and fix months
"impriſonment.†
Privy Council's Report, part III.
+ Ibid.
Barbadoes.
viii
PREFACE.
Barbadoes" An Act to prevent diftempered, maim-
"ed, and worn out negroes, from infefting the towns,
"ftreets, and highways of this iſland." Paffed Jan. 18,
1785.
“Whereas it has, for fome time paſt, been the cruel
"practice of fome perfons poffeffing negroes, who, from
"their old age and infirmities, are incapable of further
"Service to their inhuman owners, to drive them from
"their plantations to beg, fieal, or farve, which faid
"unhappy objects are daily infefting the publick ſtreets
"of the feveral towns in this ifland," &c. The penalty
to fuch owner is 51. currency, or about 31. 12s. fter-
ling; and the act ordains that thoſe unhappy objects
fhall be taken home to their maſters*.
Grenada, 1788-"Whereas the laws heretofore
"made for the protection of flaves have been found
infufficient; And whereas humanity and the intereft
"of the colony require that falutary and adequate re-
CC
gulations and provifions fhould be adopted for ren-
"dering their fervitude as limited and eaſy as poffible,
"and for promoting the increaſe of their population,
" as the moſt likely means of removing, in the courſe
"of time, the neceffity of further importations of negroes
"from Africa; And whereas thefe defirable ends cannot
"be fo effectually obtained as by prefcribing reaſonable
"bounds to the power of mafters, and others having
Privy Council's Report,
the
PRE F A C E.
ix
the charge of flaves, by compelling them fufficiently and
*properly to lodge, feed, clothe, and maintain them," &c.
As to the extracts from the Weft Indian publick
prints, the following, among many others, may fuffice:-
From the Jamaica paper, called the Cornwall Chro-
nicle, of December 29, 1787, it appears, That an ad-
dition to the Confolidated Slave-law was propofed in
thefe terms:-
"Whereas the extreme cruelties and inhumanity of
"the managers, overfeers, and book-keepers of eftates,
"have frequently driven flaves into the woods, and oc-
"cafioned rebellions and internal infurrections, to the
ct
great prejudice of the proprietors, and the manifeft
"danger of the lives of the inhabitants of this ifland;
"for prevention whereof, be it enacted," &c. "And
"whereas alfo, it frequently happens, that flaves come
"to their deaths by hafty and fevere blows and other
"improper treatment of overſeers and book-keepers, in
"the beat of paffion, and, when fuch accidents do hap-
the victims are entered in the plantation-books,
as having died of convulfions, fits, or other caufes not ta
"be accounted for, and to conceal the real truth of the
“cauſe of the death of ſuch flave or flaves, he or they
"is or are immediately put under ground," &c.
<<
pen,
The member (Mr. Gray) who introduced the above,
premiſed, "That to his own certain knowledge, very
unnatural punishments were often inflicted on negroes;
b
"and
PREFACE.
"and that, in feveral inftances, he had been obliged to in-
"terpofe as a magiftrate, to prevent actual rebellion
" from fuch inhuman treatment."
In the Jamaica paper, called the Gazette of St. Jago
de la Vega, dated October 11, 1787, we number 97
runaway flaves advertiſed, viz. 45" branded" and 52
without" brands." Among the former is "William
"marked on the right fhoulder R A, heart and dia-
"mond between, and on the left RA, heart at top,"
alfo "Batty on both fhoulders HP in one," and
"Guy marked, on the right fhoulder W D, and on
"the left I H."-In the fame Gazette, dated Novem-
ber 8th, 1787, there are notified 23 runaways marked,
and 44 unmarked. Among thofe marked is " Apollo
"W S, on his face and breaſt,"-Robert R P on each
"cheek, and Kingfton marked YORKE on each
"fhoulder and breafts."-We find, in the Cornwall
Chronicle, of Jamaica, dated December 15, 1787,
"84 runaways advertiſed 13 of whom only are brand-
"ed." Among theſe are "Pompey, a creole negro man,
"marked on both fhoulders and breafts M L, diamond
"on top," James a carpenter" branded on both
"cheeks," and Billy belonging to the King, marked
"broad arrow, on the fhoulder."-In the Kingſton
Morning Poft, of April 8th, 1789, feven runaways,
from one owner are advertiſed, namely "a fiſherman,
ແ
a taylor, a ſhipwright, a ſempſtreſs, and three other
"wenches." In the fame paper we find "
an old
"grey headed Coromantee man," a runaway; alfo
another
PREFACE.
xi
►
another taylor "marked on both fhoulders IT, and
❝right ſhoulder R G."-In the Cornwall Chronicle
of Oct. 10, 1789, a runaway is advertiſed named
"Prince, branded on the back, with a cattle mark
"TH.” In the Kingſton Morning Poft of Nov. 4,
1789, we find again, feven runaways from one pro-
prietor, viz. " an old woman with her two fons and
two daughters, one of them very big with child,"
alſo a field negro and a carpenter. In the fupple-
ment to the Cornwall Chronicle of Nov. 7, 1789, there
are 135 runaways advertiſed, viz. 48 with, and 87
without brands. Of the former fome have two, three,
and four brands on the face, breasts, and shoulders.
One in particular is "marked DE on both cheeks and
" left ſhoulder." Among thofe not branded is " a
woman with a wooden leg." One man is diſtin-
guiſhed by having "both ears cropt,” and another by
"his nofe and ears being cut off."- In the Jamaica
Daily Advertiſer of Feb. 11, 1791, we find fix run-
aways advertiſed by one owner, viz. two men and four
women, hefidco a girl child of one of the latter. Both
the men and two of the women are of one family, be-
ing an old woman, her brother, her fon, and her
grand nephew (marked RDC) and who abfented
themſelves at different times.-An advertiſement in the
Jamaica Daily Advertiſer of Feb. 24, 1791, begins
thus:-" Feb. 22, 1791, Eſcaped on Sunday laft with
"a chain and collar round his neck, a negro man of the
"Mandingo country, marked TY 4 on top," &c.
b 2
In
PREFACE.
In the Barbadoes Gazette of Jan. 14, 1784, the
reader will find this advertiſement-
"Abfented herſelf from the fervice of the fubfcriber,
"a yellow fkin negro wench, named Sarah Deroral,"
whofe perfon and furmifed place of concealment, be-
ing very particularly deſcribed, the advertiſement
ends with theſe words "Whoever will apprehend the faid
"wench ALIVE or DEAD, fhall receive two moidores
"reward from
JOSEPH CHARLES HOWARD."
The claufes, preambles, and advertiſements juſt cited
will, it is preſumed, without any farther extracts, bring
additional conviction to the mind of the reader, that
the Admirals could have known little or nothing about
the treatment of the flaves during their refidence in the
inlands for they fhew, firft, that the flaves have been
infufficiently fed, lodged, and clothed; that they have
been under the power of the maſter and overſeer to an
unreaſonable degree; that they have been often turned
adrift, when incapable of labour, "to beg, fteal, or ftarve;"
that their ears and noſes have been flit and cut off;
that they have been alfo otherwife disfigured as well as
deprived of limbs and members; that they have been
fuddenly murdered and buried; and that in ſome caſes
where they have run away, rewards have been offered to
indifferent perfons to bring them to their owners alive or
dead. They fhew, fecondly, that theſe different cir-
cumſtances have happened, and that many of them
mult
PREFACE,
xin
muſt have been notorious (or why were laws introduced
by the coloniſts themſelves for their prevention?) fince the
gear 1783, for the dates of the ſeveral acts or adver-
vertiſements are in 1784, 1785, 1787, 1788, 1789,
and 1791. But if they muſt have been notorious fince
the year 1783, it is clear (the treatment of the flaves
having improved though not kept pace with the im
provement of the age) that they must have been equally no-
torious previous to the year 1783, that is to fay, at the very
time the Admirals were in the different iſlands with
their respective fleets. Now the Admirals are as fi-
lent about theſe notorious facts in their evidence,
as if they had never exifted at all. If they knew them
and concealed them (which we cannot believe)
their evidence is unworthy of refpect upon this occa-
fion; and if they did not know them, it only con-
firms what has been faid before, that they had not the
fame opportunities as other men, and that they were
therefore incompetent as evidences upon fo great a
queſtion,
""
The Admirals again have fhewn themfelves egregi-
oufly ignorant of a most notorious law, a law too, which
exifts at the preſent day, namely," that the evidence
of a flave is not valid against any white man.' Had
they been acquainted with this, they would have per-
ceived inftantly that it was in any mafter's power to
* torture or even murder his flave with impunity, and
this
Though the reader has feen laws enacted to prevent mafters from
sutting off the ears and noſes of their flaves, and being guilty of other
cruelties,
Xiv
PREFACE.
this in the fight of a thouſand black fpectators, provided
he only took care that no white perfon beheld him.
Had they known this, they would have perceived the
unprotected ſtate of the flaves, and would never have
fpoken as they have. It is impoffible therefore that
they could have become acquainted with this law, and
this only brings us to the fame conclufion as before, viz.
their incapacity as evidences on the fubject of the treatment
of the flaves.
Before the Preface is clofed, it may be neceffary to
anticipate, that fome one may aſk the Editor, why he
has given in this Abſtract the Evidence on the part of
the Petitioners only, and omitted that which has been
adduced on the other fide. To this the Editor might
reply, that it is the buſineſs of the Slave-merchants and
Planters, if they think their cafe defenfible by the
evidence they have produced, to do it, but he would
rather wiſh to reply, THAT IT IS UNNECESSARY: for
admitting the witneffes on the part of the Slave-mer-
chants and Planters never to have jeen among them all
even one fingle inftance of enormity, either in Africa, or
on the Middle Paffage, or in the Weft Indies, (which
none of them will pretend to affert) this negative evidence
can make nothing againſt the numberless pofitive and
eruelties, he is not to imagine that the mafter cannot do them now as
heretofore; for it is clear, that while a flave's evidence is not ad,
miffible against a white man, he may do them with impunity at the
prefent day.
Specifick
PREFACE.
XV
Specifick facts mentioned in this Abſtract to have fallen
under the eyes of the witneffes on the other fide. Theſe
pofitive and ſpecifick inftances must therefore ftill ftand
uncontradicted and true. They muft ftill ftand as having
pofitively happened: and if but a ſmall part of them only
did ever happen, this ſmall part would be a fufficient
reafon for the Abolition of the Slave-Trade.
5
AN
ALPHABETICAL LIST
THE
NAMES OF THE WITNESSES
IXAMINED BY THE
Select Committee of the House of Commons,
ON THE PART OF
The Petitioners of Great Britain
FOR тні
Abolition of the Slave Trade.
BAILLIE (George, Efq.) refided 25 years in South
Carolina and Georgia, first as à merchant, after-
wards as a planter, and then as Commiffary General
of Georgia. He was in Jamaica alfo from about
December, 1778, to February or March, 1779.-
[HI. * 181.]
BEVERLEY, (WILLIAM, Efq. Lincoln's Inn) was born
in Virginia, and lived there the first 16 years of his
life: he returned in 1786, and refided afterwards
above two years in different parts of America.-
[IV. 215.]
* The Evidence, according to the method in which it was printed for
the House of Commons, is divifible into four Parts: the Roman Capitals
therefore fhew the part in which the Evidence of the perfoh is to be found,
and the Figures the Page where it begins.
BOTHAM,
[ xviii]
BOTHAM, (HENRY, Efq.) went to the Weſt Indies in
1770, and, in about two years, vifited all the
iflands, Engliſh and French, and was employed by
Government in Grenada. He directed a fugar
eftate for a fhort time in the West Indies; but he
carried on fugar works many years at Bencoolen in
the Eaft Indies.-[IV. 241.]
BOWMAN, (Mr. JOHN) was in the African employ,
from 1765 to 1776, moftly on the Windward Coaſt,
as third, ſecond, and chief mate. He was alfo eight
months refident as a factor at the head of the River
Sierra Leon, and feventeen or eighteen months at
that of the River Scaffus in Africa.-[IV. 112.]
CLAPHAM, (JOHN, Efq.) was upwards of twenty years
in Maryland.-[IV. 249.]
CLAPPESON, (Mr. THOMAS) was at Jamaica in 1762
and 1763, and from 1768 to 1778, and from 1786
to 1789. For the first two years he was in the
feafaring line, but the reft of the time as wharfinger
and pilot. [IV. 207.]
-
CLAXTON, (Mr. ECROIDE) failed in the Garland, for
Africa, in 1788, as furgeon's mate, and there, on
the Bonny Coaſt, commenced furgeon to the Young
Hero flave-veffel.—[IV. 23.]
Cook, (Captain) of the 89th regiment, was in Barba-
does, St. Lucia, St. Kitt's, &c. in 1780 and 1781.
[IV. 199.]
COOK, (Mr. MARK) arrived in Jamaica in 1774, and
left it 1790; was three years in the planting bufi-
nefs; the rest of the time as clerk and ſchoolmaster
there.-[IV. 889.]
COOR, (HENRY, Gent.) was in Jamaica fifteen years,
ending in 1774, as a mill-wright, chiefly in Weft-

moreland,
[ xix ]
moreland, but did buſineſs in three other pariſhes.
[IV. 69.]
CREW, (ROBERT, Efq.) is a native of Virginia, and
always refided there till 1783.-[IV. 250.]
DALRYMPLE, (HENRY HEW, Efq.) was lieutenant in
the 75th regiment, in garrifon at Goree, and on
various parts of the coaft, from May to the end of
September, 1779. He was, on his paffage to the
West Indies, in a flave-yeffel two months. He
was three times in the Weſt Indies; in 1773 at
Grenada fix months; in 1779 and 1780 at Anti-
gua, Barbadoes, Tobago, St. Lucia, and St. Chrif-
topher's; and, in 1788 and 1789, at Grenada,
Cariacou, St. Vincents, and Tobago. [III. 291.]
-
DAVIES, (The Rev. Mr.) refided at Barbadoes fourteen
years, the three laſt learning the management of a
fugar eftate; he left it 21 years ago.-[IV. 185.]
DAVISON, (BAKER) lieutenant of the late 79th regi-
ment was in Jamaica from the middle of 1771 to
the end of 1783, except a few months on the Spa-
nish Main. He alfo practifed furgery in Jamaica.
[IV. 150.]
DOVE, (Mr. WILLIAM) was, in 1769, a voyage to the
Coaft of Africa for flaves. From 1774 to 1783
he refided at Bofton and New-York. [III. 100.]
DOUGLAS, (Mr. JOHN) boatfwain of the Ruffel man
of war, was one voyage to the Coaft of Africa for
flaves in 1771. [IV. 121.]
DUNCAN, (Mr. WILLIAM) was in Antigua from
January 1785 to July 1789, first as clerk in a ſtore
for fix or eight months, afterwards as overfeer for
about two years and a half. The reft of the time
he kept a ftore for himſelf.-[IV. 141.]
ELLISON,
£ 2
[ xx ]
ELLISON, (Mr. HENRY) gunner of the Refiſtance man
of war, was in the flave-trade from 1759 to 1770.
He has been in many Weft India Iſlands, particu-
larly Barbadoes and Jamaica. He has alfo been
many voyages to Virginia and Maryland, and often
on the tobacco plantations while the flaves were at
work. [III. 361.]
FALCONBRIDGE, (Mr. ALEXANDER, furgeon) was four
voyages to Africa for flaves, from 1780 or 1781 to
1787. In the firſt he was taken at Cape Mount in
the Tartar. The other three were regular voyages.
[II. 581.]
FITZMAURICE, (Mr. WILLIAM) was in Jamaica from
June 1771 to March 1786, as overfeer the laſt ten
years, but the former part of the time book-keeper,
except for the first fix months when he was clerk
to a ftore in Kingſton. [IV. 205.]
FORSTER, (Mr. ROBERT) was in every Britiſh iſland,
except Jamaica, in all about fix years, ending in
1778; the first four years he was apprentice in a
ftore in St. John's, Antigua, the reft of the time a
midshipman and ſecond mafter and pilot of the
King's brig Endeavour. He lived among the town
flaves, and often went to collect debts, and vifit
managers in the country. When in the King's
fhip, he spent much of his time among them.
[IV. 129.]
GILES, (Mr. JOHN) farmer, near Hay, Brecknockshire,
was in Montſerrat from 1757 to 1762, in Grand-
terre in 1763, in Grenada 1764 and part of 1765,
in North America the reft of 1765, in St. Croix
from 1774 to 1778.-[IV. 74.]
GILES, (Captain) of the 19th regiment of foot, was
in Barbadoes, Antigua, St. Lucia, and Jamaica,
from
( xxi )
from June 1782 to April 1790, except about 14 or
15 months in England.-[IV. 103.]
HALL (Captain) of the Royal Navy, was at Barbadoes
and the Leeward Iſlands from 1769 to 1773, and
from 1780 to 1782 at thofe places, and at Jamaica
and St. Domingo.-[IV. 99.]
HALL (Captain JOHN ASHLEY) now in the Weft
India trade from London, was in the African trade
from 1772 to 1776 inclufive. He made two voy-
ages to Africa for flaves as third, fecond, and chief
mate.-[II. 513.]
HARRISON (M. D.) was upwards of ten years in
Jamaica, from 1755 to 1765, and in America
from 1765 to 1778, and in the medical line in both
~[IV. 44.]
HILLS (Captain JOHN) of the Royal Navy, was at
Goree and up the Gambia, as commander of his
Majefty's floop Zephyr, at the end of 1781 and be-
ginning of 1782, in all about fix months.-[III.
176.]
How (ANTHONY PANTALEO, Efq.) was in Africa
in 1785 and 1786, chiefly on the Gold Gold, in
the Grampus man of war, employed by govern-
ment as a botanift.-[III. 219.]
JACKSON (ROBERT, M. D.) went to Jamaica in 1774,
and refided there four years, chiefly at Savanna-la-
Mar, where he practifed medicine. His profeffion
led him daily eight or ten or more miles into the
country. He has occafionally been in moſt parts
of the island. He went alfo to America to join
his regiment (the 71ft) in 1778, with which he
went through all the fouthern provinces.-[III.54.]

JEFFREYS
( xxii)
JEFFREYS (Mr. NINIAN) Mafter in the Royal Navy,
was at Jamaica in 1773, Tobago 1774, Jamaica
1775, Grenada 1776, Tortola 1779, as mate of a
Weft Indiaman, and employed in taking off fugars
from the different eftates, but in 1782 Antigua,
and St. Kitt's 1783, and at Jamaica a few days in
1784, in the Royal Navy.-(III. 231 )
KIERNAN (JAMES, Efq.) was in Africa in 1775, 1776,
1777, and 1778, to learn the nature of the trade,
to carry it on. He refided on the R. Senegal.-
[IV. 237.]
LLOYD (Captain THOMAS) in the Royal Navy, was
in the Weft Indies in 1779. He commanded his
Majefty's fhip Glaſgow, and was burnt out of her in
Montego Bay, Jamaica.-(IV. 147.)
MILLAR (Mr. GEORGE) gunner of his Majeſty's fhip
Pegafe, has been in Africa. His laft voyage was
to Old Calabar in 1767, in the fhip Canterbury,
Captain Sparkes.—[¡II. 385.]
MORLEY (Mr. JAMES) Gunner of his Majefty's fhip
Medway, made fix voyages to Africa, the firft in
1760, the laſt in 1776. He has been ever fince in
the King's fervice. He has vifited moft parts of
Africa from the beginning of the Gold Coaſt të
Angola. [III. 149.]
-
NEWTON (the Rev. JOHN) Rector of St. Mary, Wool-
noth, made five voyages to Africa; in the laſt in 1754
he was mafter of a flave fhip. He lived on fhore
about a year and a half, chiefly at the iſland of
Plantanes, at the mouth of the R. Sherbro.
[III. 137.]
NICHOLLS
( xxiii)
NICHOLLS (the Rev. ROBERT BOUCHER) Dean of
Middleham, Yorkſhire, was born in Barbadoes,
and refided there fome years in his youth, and two
years after he was of age, from 1768 to 1770,
when in holy orders. In his laft refidence, he lived
on a very large plantation, and obferved the ma-
nagement of that and the furrounding eftates.-
[III. 326.]
PARKER (Mr. Iſaac) fhip-keeper of the Melampus fri-
gate, failed in 1764 to the R. Gambia, and in
1765 to Old Calabar. He lived five months on
fhore, at New Calabar. He has been more than
once in the Weft Indies, in Jamaica, Barbadoes,
Antigua, the Grenades, &c.-[III. 122.]
ROOKE (Major General) was in Africa, at Goree, from
May 6, to Aug. 16, 1779.-[III. 45.]
REES (the Rev. THOMAS GWYNN) arrived at Bar-
badoes in the end of 1782, as Chaplain of his Ma-
jefty's fhip Princeſs Amelia. During the fix
weeks he was there he vifited the plantations with-
in four or five miles of Bridge-town. He was be-
tween two and three months alfo at St. Lucia.-
[III. 247.]
Ross (HERCULES, Efq.) refided from 1761 to 1782
chiefly in Jamaica, and occafionally in Hifpaniola,
He was in every pariſh in the former ifland.
[IV. 252.]
Ross (Captain ROBERT) was from 1762 to 1786 in
Jamaica. He was for three years and a half a
book-keeper, and afterwards an overfeer on three
eftates. He then commanded a company of
Rangers for fix years. In 1775 he fettled a pro-
perty of his own, and refided on it from 1781 to
1786.-IV. 63.)
SAVAGE
( xxiv)
SAVAGE (JOHN, Efq.) refided in Carolina from 1729
to 1775.-IV. 247.]
SCOTT (Captain ALEXANDER) of the Royal Navy,
was from Senegal to C. Coaft in his Majeſty's
fhip Merlin, in 1769. He has alſo been in the Weft
Indies. [IV. 178.]
-
SIMPSON (Lieut. JOHN) of the Marines, went out in
his Majeſty's fhip Adventure, and was on the Coaſt
of Africa, chiefly from Settra Crue to Accra, in
1788 and 1789.-[IV.40.]
SMITH (Captain JOHN SAMUEL) of the Royal Navy,
was in the Weſt Indies in 1772, 1777, and 1778,
for above a year altogether.-[IV. 136.]
STOREY (Lieut. RICHARD) in the Royal Navy, was
from 1766 to 1770, on every part of the Coaſt
from S. Leone to the R. Gabon.-[IV. 3.]
STUART (the Rev. JAMES) vifited many of the Weſt
India iflands, Engliſh and French, in 1778 and
1772, when he returned to America. He had a 20
year's acquaintance with the condition of flaves
upon that continent.-[IV. 175.]
TERRY (Mr. JOHN) was in Grenada from 1776 to
1790, the firſt ſeven or eight years as an over
feer, then a manager *.-[IV. 107.]
TERRY (Mr. MATTHEW) was four years in Domi
nique as book-keeper and overfeer, one at Tobago
as land-furveyor, in the King's fervice, and feven
in Grenada, ending in 1781, as a colony furveyor.
IV. 82.1
The chief perfon who fuperintends a fugar eftate, is called in Jamaica
the overfeer, and in the Windward Iflands the manager, where the driver
is often called overfeer.
THOMPSON
[ XXV ]
THOMPSON, (Captain THOMAS BOLTON) of the Royal
navy was fecond lieutenant of the Grampus in 1784,
1785, and 1786, and commanded his Majefty's
fhip the Nautilus in 1787, in carrying out the Black
Poor to Sierra Leon, where he was from the be-
ginning of May, to the end of September.-
[III. 167.]
TOTTENHAM, (Major-General) went out to the Weſt
Indies in 1779, with four regiments under his com-
mand. He was about twenty months in Barbadoes,
and ſome time at St. Lucia, St. Kitts, and St.
Euftatius.-[III. 125.]
TOWNE, (Mr. JAMES) carpenter of his Majeſty's fhip
Syren, made two voyages in 1760 and 1768 to the
Inles de Los, and Grand Cape Mount. In the first he
was between ſeven and eight months on the coaft as
a boy; in the ſecond, as carpenter, he ftaid more than
fix months [IV. 15.]
TROTTER, (THOMAS, M. D.) furgeon in the Royal
navy, was a voyage in the African flave-trade, from
Liverpool, in 1783, as furgeon of the Brookes,
Captain Noble. He was ten months on the coaſt.
[III. 80.]
WADSTROM, (CHARLES BERNS, Efq.) Chief Direc-
tor of the Affay Office in Sweden, was in Africa.
near three months, in 1787 and 1788, with Doctor
Spaarman, engaged by the King of Sweden to make
difcoveries.[III. 18. & 19.]
WILSON, (Captain THOMAS) of the Royal Navy, was
between five and fix months in Africa, between
Cape Blanco and the River Gambia, in 1783 and
1784, as commander of his Majefty's fhip Race-
horſe he was fent out to embark the troops and
ftores from Goree.—[III. 3. & 4.]
d
WILSON,

[ xxvi ]
WILSON, (Mr. ISAAC) furgeon in the navy, made one
voyage to Africa in the Elizabeth, Smith, from
London. He failed the 10th of May, 1788, and
returned 6th December, 1789.-[II. 561.]
WOODWARD, (GEORGE, Efq.) is both an owner and
mortgagee of property in Barbadoes, where he re-
fided in 1782 and 1783, and was alſo there in
1777 [IV. 233.]
WOODWARD, (Mr. JOSEPH) was in Barbadoes in
1788, 1789, and 1790.-[IV. 236.]
WOOLRICH, (THOMAS, Efq.) was in the Weſt Indies
from 1753 to 1773; but in the interim took three
trips to England, and two to America; he was in
the mercantile line, chiefly at Tortola. He was
alfo occafionally at Barbadoes, Antigua, and St.
Kitts. [III. 264.]
YOUNG, (Sir GEORGE) captain in the Royal navy,
was four voyages to Africa, in 1767, 1768, 1771,
and 1772, from Cape Blanco to Cape Lopez,
including every Engliſh ſettlement, and fome Dutch.
[III. 205.]
CHAP. V,
CHA P. İ.
The Enormities committed by the Natives of Africa on the
Perfons of one another, to procure Slaves for the Euro-
peans-proved by the Teftimony of fuch as have vifited
that Continent, and confirmed by Accounts from the
Staves themselves, after their arrival in the Weft Indies.
ΤΗ
Slaves from
HE Trade for Slaves, (fays Mr. Kiernan) in the Manner of
River Senegal, was chiefly with the Moors, on making
the Northern banks, who got them very often by war, the River
and not ſeldom by kidnapping; that is, lying in wait Senegal to
near a village, where there was no open war, and feizing the rer
whom they could.
He has often heard of villages, and feen the remains
of fuch, broken up by making the people flaves.
That the Moors ufed to cross the Senegal to catch the
negroes was ſpoken of at Fort Louis as notorious; and
he has feen inftances of it where the perfons fo taken
were ranſomed.
General Rooke fays, that kidnapping took place in the
neighbourhood of Goree. It was ſpoken of as a com-
mon practice. It was reckoned difgraceful there, but he
cannot ſpeak of the opinion about it on the Continent.
He remembers two or three inftances of negroes being
brought to Goree, who had been kidnapped, but he could
not diſcover by whom. At their own requeſt he imme-
diately fent them back.
A
Mr. Dalrymple
Gambia.
( 2 )
Manner of
making
Slaves from
the River
Senegal to
the River
Gambia.
Mr. Dalrymple found that the great droves (called
Caffellas or Caravans) of flaves brought from inland,
by way of Galam, to Senegal and Gambia, were pri-
foners of war. Thofe fold to veffels at Goree, and near
it, were procured either by the grand pillage, the leffer
pillage, or by robbery of individuals, or in confequence
of crimes. The grand pillage is executed by the king's
foldiers, from three hundred to three thouſand at a time,
who attack and fet fire to a village, and feize the inhabitants
as they can. The fmaller parties generally lie in wait
about the villages, and take off all they can furpriſe;
which is alſo done by individuals, who do not belong to
the king, but are private robbers. Theſe fell their prey
on the coaft, where it is well known no queftions as to
the means of obtaining it are aſked.
As to kidnapping it is fo notorious about Goree, that
he never heard any perfon deny it there. Two men
while he was there offered a perfon, a meffenger from
Senegal to Rufifco, for fale, to the garrifon, who even
boafted how they had obtained him. Many alfo were
brought to Goree while he was there, procured in the
fame manner.
Thefe depredations are alfo practifed by the Moors:
he faw many flaves in Africa who told him they were
taken by them; particularly three, one of whom was a
woman, who cried very much, and feemed to be in great
diftrefs; the two others were more reconciled to their fate.
Captain Wilfon fays, that flaves are either procured
by inteftine wars, or kings breaking up villages, or
crimes real or imputed, or kidnapping.
Villages are broken up by the king's troops furround-
ing them in the night, and feizing fuch of the inhabi-
tants as fuit their purpofe. This practice is moft com-
mon when there is no war with another ftate.
It is univerfally acknowledged that free perfons are fold
for real or imputed crimes, for the benefit of their judges.
Soon after his arrival at Goree, king Damel fent
a free man to him for fale, and was to have the price
himself. One of the king's guards being asked whether
the man was guilty of the crime imputed to him,
anſwered,
(3)
the River
anfwered, that was of no confequence, or ever inquired Manner of
making
into. Captain Wilfon returned the man.
Slaves from
Kidnapping was acknowledged by all he converfed the River
with to be generally prevalent. It is the first principle Senegal to
of the natives, the principle of felf-prefervation, never Gambia.
to go unarmed, while a flave veffel is on the coaft, for
fear of being ftolen. When he has met them thus
armed, and inquired of them, through his interpreter,
the reafon of it, they have pointed to a French flave-
veffel then lying at Portudal, and faid their fears arofe
from that quarter. As a pofitive inftance, he fays, a
courier of Captain Lacy's, his predeceffor, though a
Moor, a free man, and one who fpoke the French
language fluently, was kidnapped as he was travelling on
the Continent with difpatches on his Britannick Majeſty's
account, and fold to a French veffel, from which he,
Captain Wilſon, after much trouble, actually got him
back.
When he prefided in a court at Goree, a Maraboo
fwore, with an energy which evinced the truth of his
evidence, that his brother, another Maraboo, had been
kidnapped in the act of drinking, a moment known to be
facred by their religion, at the inftigation of a former
governor, who had taken a diſlike to him. This was a
matter notorious at Goree.

Mr. Wadftrom knows flaves to be procured between
Senegal and Gambia, either by the general pillage or by
robbery by individuals, or by ftratagem and deceit.
The general pillage is executed by the king's troops.
on horſeback, armed, who feize the unprepared. Mr.
Wadftrom, during the week he was at Joal, accompa-
nying one of thofe embaffies which the French governor
fends yearly with prefents to the black kings, to keep up
the flave trade, faw parties fent out for this purpoſe, by
king Barbefin, almoft every day. Thefe parties went
out generally in the evening, and were armed with bows
and arrows, guns, piftols, fabres, and long lances.
The king of Sallum practifes the pillage alfo. Mr.
Wadftrom faw twenty-feven flaves from Sallum, twenty-
three of whom were women and children, thus taken.

A 2
He
( 4 )
Manner of
making
Slaves from
the River
Senegal to
the River
Gambia.
He was told alfo by merchants at Goree, that king
Damel practifes the pillage in like manner.
Robbery was a general way of taking fingle flaves. He
once faw a woman and a boy in the flave-hold at Goree;
the latter had been taken by ftealth from his parents in
the interior parts above Cape Rouge, and he declared, that
fuch robberies were very frequent in his country; the
former, at Rufifco, from her huſband and children.
could ftate feveral inftances of fuch robberies. He very
often faw negroes thus taken brought to Goree. Ganna
of Dacard was a noted man-ftealer, and employed as
fuch by the flave merchants there.
He
As inftances of ſtratagem employed to obtain flaves,
he relates, that a French merchant taking a fancy to a
negro, who was on a vifit at Dacard, perfuaded the
village, for a certain price, to feize him. He was accord-
ingly taken from his wife, who wifhed to accompany
him, but the Frenchman, had not merchandize enough to
buy both.
Mr. Wadftrom faw this negro at Goree,
the day he arrived from Dacard, chained, and lying on
the ground, exceedingly diftreffed in his mind.
The king of Sallum alfo prevailed on a woman to
come into his kingdom, and fell him fome millet. On
her arrival, he feized and fold her to a French officer,
with whom Mr. Wadftrom faw this woman every day
while at Goree.
Mr. Wadftrom was on the island of St. Louis, up
the Senegal alfo, and on the continent near the river, and
fays, that all the flaves fold at Senegal, are brought down
the river, except thofe taken by the robbery of the Moors
in the neighbourhood, which is fometimes conducted by
large parties, in what are called petty wars.
J
Captain Hills faw while lying between Goree and the
continent, the natives, in an evening, often go out in
war dreffes, as he found to obtain flaves for king Damel,
to be fold. The reafon was, that the king was then
poor, not having received his uſual dues from us. He
never faw the parties that went out return with flaves,
but has often feen flaves in their huts tied back to back.
He remembers alfo, that fome robbers once brought him
a man
( 5 )
Slaves from
a man bound on board the Zephir, to fell, but he, Capt. Mamer of
Hills, would not buy him, but fuffered him to efcape. making
The natives on the continent oppofite to Goree all go the River
armed, he imagines for fear of being taken.
Gambia.
Senegal to
When in the River Gambia, wanting fervants on board the River
his fhip, he expreffed a with for fome volunteers. A
black pilot in the boat called two boys who were on fhore,
carrying bafkets of fhallots, and afked Capt Hills if they
would do, in which cafe he would take them off, and bring.
them to him. This he declined. From the eaſe with
which the pilot did it, he concludes this was customary.
The black pilot faid the merchantmen would not refuſe
fuch an offer. He apprehends thefe two boys were free
people, from the pilot's mode of fpeaking, and from his
winking, implying, it was an illicit thing.
A boy, whom he bought from the merchants in the
fame river, had been carried in the night from his father's
houſe, where a ſkirmiſh had happened, in which he believes
he faid both his parents, but he well remembers, one were
killed. The boy faid many were killed, and ſome taken.
Mr Ellifon ſpoke the Mundingo language, in confe-
quence of which he has often converfed with flaves from
the Gambia, to which river he made three voyages, and
they univerfally informed him, that they had been ſtolen
and fold.

Slaves from
The natives up the river Scaffus informed Mr. Bow- Manner of
man, that they had got two women and a girl, whom making
they then brought him, in a ſmall town which they had the River
furprized in the night; that others had got off, but they Gambia to
expected the rest of the party would bring them in, in the End of
two or three days. When thefe arrived, they brought ward Goaft.
with them two men whom Mr. Bowman knew, and had
traded with formerly; upon queftioning them, he difco-
vered the women he had bought to be their wives. Both
men and women informed him, that the war-men had
taken them while afleep.
The war-men ufed to go out, Mr. Bowman fays, once
or twice in eight or ten days, while he was at Scaffus.
It was their conftant way of getting flaves, he believed,
becauſe
(6)
the River
to
Gambia
the End of
the Wind-
ward Coaft.
Hav-
Manner of becaufe they always came to the factory before ſetting
making
Slaves from out, and demanded powder, ball, gun flints, and ſmall
fhot; alfo rum, tobacco, and a few other articles. When
fupplied, they blew the horn, made the war cry, and ſet
off. If they met with no flaves, they would bring him
fome ivory and camwood. Sometimes he accompanied
them a mile or fo, and once joined the party, anxious to
know by what means they obtained the flaves. Having
travelled all day, they came to a ſmall river, when he
was told they had but a little way farther to go.
ing croffed the river, they ſtopped till dark. Here Mr.
Bowman (it was about the middle of the night) was afraid
to go farther, and prevailed on the king's fon to leave
him a guard of four men. In half an hour he heard the
war cry, by which he understood they had reached a
town. In about half an hour more they returned, bring-
ing from twenty-five to thirty men, women and child-
ren, fome at the breaft. At this time he faw the town
in flames. When they had re-croffed the river, it was
juft day light, and they reached Scaffus about mid-day.
The prifoners were carried to different parts of the
town. They are uſually brought in with ftrings around
their necks, and fome have their hands tied acroſs. He
never faw any flaves there who had been convicted of
crimes.
He has been called up in the night to fee fires, and
told by the towns people that it was war carrying on.
Whatever rivers he has traded in, fuch as Sierra Leon,
Junk, and little Cape Mount, he has uſually paffed burnt
and deferted villages, and learned from the natives in the
boat with him, that war had been there, and the natives
had been taken in the manner as before defcribed, and car-
ried to the hips.
He has alfo feen fuch upon the Coast: while trading
at Grand Baffau, he went on fhore with four black
traders to the town a mile off. In the
In the way, there was
a town deferted, (with only two or three houſes ftanding)
which feemed to have been a large one, as there were
two fine plantations of rice ready for cutting down. A
little further on they came to another village in much
the fame ftate. He was told the firft town had been
taken
( 7 )
taken by war, there being many ships then lying at Baffau: Mamer of
the people of the other had moved higher up in the making
Slaves from
country for fear of the white men- In paffing along to the River
the trader's town he ſaw ſeveral villages deferted; thefe Gambia to
the natives faid had been deftroyed by war, and the people the Wind
the End of
taken out and fold.
ward Coaft.
Sir George Young found flaves to be procured by war,
by crimes, real or imputed, by kidnapping, which is
called panyaring, and a fourth mode was the inhabitants
of one village feizing thoſe of another weaker village,
and felling them to the fhips.
He believes, from two inftances, that kidnapping was
frequently practifed up Sierra Leon River. One was
that of a beautiful infant boy, which the natives after
trying to fell to all the different trading fhips came along
fide his, (the Phoenix) and threatened to tofs overboard,
if no one would buy it; faying they had panyared it with
many other people, but could not fell it, though they
had fold the others. He purchafed it for fome wine.
The fecond was, a captain of a Liverpool fhip had
got, as a temporary miftrefs, a girl from the king of
Sierra Leon, and inftead of returning her on fhore on
leaving the coaft, as is ufually done, he took her away
with him. Of this the king complained to Sir George
Young very heavily, calling this action panyaring by the
whites.
The term panyaring, feemed to be a word generally
ufed all along the coaft where he was, not only among
the Engliſh, but the Portugueſe and Dutch.
Capt. Thompfon alfo fays, that at Sierra Leon he has
often heard the word panyaring; he has heard alfo that
this word, which is ufed on other parts of the coaft,
means kidnapping, or feizing of men.
Slaves, fays Mr. Town, are brought from the coun-
try very diftant from the coaft.
The king of Barra
informed Mr. Town, that on the arrival of a fhip, he
has gone three hundred miles up the country with his
guards, and driven down captives to the fea-fide. From
Marraba,
(8)
the River
the End
Manner of Marraba, king of the Mundingoes, he has heard that
making
Slaves from they had marched flaves out of the country fome hundred
miles; that they had gone wood-ranging, to pick up
Gambia to every one they met with, whom they ftripped naked,
of
the Wind- and, if men, bound; but if women, brought down
ward Coaf. loofe; this he had from themfelves, and alfo, that they
often went to war with the Bullam nation, on purpoſe to
get flaves. They boafted that they fhould foon have a
fine parcel for the fhallops, and the fuccefs often an-
fwered. Mr. Town has feen the prifoners (the men
bound, the women and children loofe) driven for fale to
the water-fide. He has alſo known the natives go in
go in gangs
marauding and catching all they could. In the Galenas
River he knew four blacks feize a man who had been to
the fea-fide to fell one or more flaves. This man was
returning home with the goods received in exchange for
theſe, and they plundered and ftripped him naked, and
brought him to the trading fhallop, which Mr. Town
commanded, and fold him there.
He believes the natives alfo fometimes become flaves,
in confequence of crimes, as well as, that it is no un-
common thing on the coaft, to impute crimes falfely for the
fake of felling the perfons fo accufed. Several refpectable
perfons at Bance ifland, and to windward of it, all told
Mr. Town that it was common to bring on * palavers
to make ſlaves, and he believes it from the information of
the flaves afterwards, when brought down the country
and put on board the fhips.
Off Piccaninni Seftus, farther down on the Windward
Coaft, Mr. Dove obferved an inftance of a girl
being kidnapped and brought on board by one Ben
Johnfon, a black trader, who had fcarcely left the ſhip
in his canoe, with the price of her, when another
canoe with two black men came in a hurry to the
fhip, and inquired concerning this girl. Having been
allowed to fee her, they hurried down to their canoe,
and haftily paddled off. Overtaking Ben Johnfon, they
brought him back to the fhip, got him on the quarter-
An African word, which fignifies conferences of the natives on any
publick fubject, or as in this place, accufations and trials.
deck,
( 9 )
deck, and calling him teefee (which implies thief) to the Manner of
making
captain, offered him for fale.-Ben Johnſon remonſtrated,
Slaves from
afking the captain, "if he would buy him whom he the River
knew to be a grand trading man;" to which the captain Gambia to
the End of
anfwered, "if they would fell him, he would certainly the Wind
buy him, be he what he would," which he accordingly ward Coaft.
did, and put him into irons immediately with another
man. He was led to think, from this inftance, that
kidnapping was the mode of obtaining flaves upon this
part of the coaft.
Lieutenant Storey fays, that flaves are generally ob-
tained on the Windward coaft by marauding parties,
from one village to another in the night. He has known
canoes come from a diſtance, and carry off numbers in
the night. He has gone into the interior country, be-
tween Baffau and the River Seftus; and all the nations
there go armed, from the fear of marauding parties, whoſe
pillages in theſe countries are termed war.
The
At one time in particular, while Mr. Storey was on
the coaft, a marauding party from Grand Seftus came
in canoes, and attacked Grand Cora in the night, and
took off twelve or fourteen of the inhabitants.
canoes of Grand Seftus carry twelve or fourteen men,
and with theſe go a marauding among their neighbours.
Mr. Storey has often feen them at fea out of fight of
land in the day, and taking the opportunity of night to
land where they pleaſed.
Mr. Falconbridge fuppofes the flave trade, on theſe
parts to be chiefly fupplied by kidnapping. On his fecond
voyage, at Cape Mount and the Windward Coaft, a
man was brought on board, well known to the captain
and his officers, and was purchaſed. This man faid he
had been invited one evening to drink with his neigh-
bours. When about to depart, two of them got up
to feize him; and he would have efcaped, but he was
ftopped by a large dog. He faid this mode of kidnapping
was common in his country.
In the fame voyage, two black traders came in a
canoe, and informed the captain there was trade a little
B
lower
( 10 )
the River
Manner of lower down. The captain went there, and finding no
making
Slaves from trade, faid he would not be made a fool, and therefore
detained one of the canoe-men. In about two hours
Gambia to afterwards a very fine man was brought on board, and
the End of fold, and the canoe-man was releaſed. He was informed
ward Conft. by the black pilot, that this man had been furrounded and
ſeized on the beach, from whence he had been brought
to the ſhip and fold.
the Wind-
Manner of
Lieutenant Simpſon ſays, from what he ſaw, he believes
making
Slaves on the the flave trade is the occafion of wars among the natives.
Gold Coaft. From the natives of the Windward Coaft he understood
that the villages were always at war; and the black
traders and others gave as a reaſon for it, that the kings
wanted flaves.
If a trading canoe, along-fide Mr.
Simpſon's fhip, faw a larger canoe coming from a village
they were at war with, they inftantly fled; and fometimes
without receiving the value of their goods. On inquiry,
he learned their reafons to be, that if taken they would
have been made flaves.
Mr. How ftates, that when at Secundee, fome or-
der came from Cape Coaft Caftle. The fame after-
noon ſeveral parties went out armed, and returned the
fame night with a number of flaves, which were put
into the repofitory of the factory. Next morning he faw
people, who came to fee the captives, and to requeſt Mr.
Marfh, the refident, to releaſe fome of their children and
relations. Some were releaſed, and part ſent off to Cape
Coaft Caftle. He had every reaſon to believe they had
been obtained unfairly, as they came at an unſeaſonable
time of the night, and from their parents and friends
crying and begging their releaſe. He was told as
much from Mr. Marſh himſelf, who faid, he did not mind
how they got them, for he purchafed them fairly. He
cannot tell whether this practice fubfifted before; but
when he has gone into the woods he has met thirty or
forty natives, who fled always at his appearance, although
they were armed. Mr. Marfh faid, they were afraid of
his taking them prifoners.
The
( II )
1
The fame Mr. Marſh made no fcruple alfo of fhewing Manner of
making
him the ftores of the factory. They confifted of different Slaves on the
kinds of chains made of iron, as likewife an inftrument Gold Coast.
made of wood, about five inches long, or an inch in
diameter, or leſs, which he was told by Mr. Marſh was
thruſt into a man's mouth horizontally, and tied behind
to prevent him from crying out, when transported at night
along the country.
Dr. Trotter fays, that the natives of theſe parts are
fometimes flaves from crimes, but the greater part of the
flaves are, what are called prifoners of war. Of his
whole cargo he recollects only three criminals; two fold
for adultery, and one for witchcraft, whoſe whole family
fhared his fate. One of the firſt ſaid he had been decoyed
by a woman who had told her huſband, and he was ſen-
tenced to pay a flave; but being poor, was fold himſelf.
Such Stratagems are frequent: the fourth mate of Dr.
Trotter's fhip was fo decoyed, and obliged to pay a flave,
under the threat of ſtopping trade. The laft faid he had
had a quarrel with a Cabofheer (or great man) who in
revenge accufed him of witchcraft, and fold him and his
family for flaves.
Dr. Trotter having often aſked Accra, a principal
trader at Le Hou, what he meant by prisoners of war,
found they were fuch as were carried off by a fet of ma-
rauders, who ravage the country for that purpoft. The
bufh-men making war to make trade (that is to make
flaves) was a common way of fpeaking among the
traders. The practice was alfo confirmed by the flaves
on board, who fhewed by geftures how the robbers had
come upon them; and during their paffage from Africa
to the Weft Indies, fome of the boy-flaves played a
game, which they called flave-taking, or bufh-fighting;
fhewing the different manoeuvres thereof in leaping, fally-
ing, and retreating. Inquiries of this nature put to wo-
men, were anſwered only by violent bursts of forrow.
He once faw a black trader fend his canoe to take
three fiſhermen employed in the offing, who were im-
mediately brought on board, and put in irons, and about
a week afterwards he was paid for them. He remembers

В 2
another
( 12 )
Manner of
making
Slaves
another man taken in the fame way from on board a
canoe along-fide. The Jame trader very frequently fent
on the Gold faves on board in the night, which, from their own infor-
Coaft.
mation, he found, were every one of them taken in the
neighbourhood of Annamaboe. He remarked, that flaves
fent off in the night, were not paid for till they had been
fome time on board, left, he thinks, they fhould be
claimed; for fome were really restored, one in particular,
a boy, was carried, on fhore by fome near relations,
which boy told him, he had lived in the neighbourhood
of Annamaboe, and was kidnapped.
There were many boys and girls on board Dr. Trot-
ter's fhip, who had no relations on board. Many of
them told him they had been kidnapped in the neighbour-
hood of Annamaboe, particularly a girl of about eight
years old, who faid fhe had been carried off from her
mother by the man who fold her to the ſhip.
Mr. Falconbridge was affured by the Rev. Philip
Quakoo, chaplain at Cape Coaft Caftle, on the Gold
Coaft, that the greateft number of flaves were made by
kidnapping.
He has heard that the great men on this part of the
coaft, dress up and employ women, to entice young men to
be connected with them, that they may be convicted of
adultery and fold.
Lieutenant Simpfon heard at Cape Coaft Caftle, and
other parts of the Gold Coaft, repeatedly from the black
traders, that the flave trade made wars and palavers. Mr.
Quakoo, chaplain at Cape Coaft Caftle, informed him,
that wars were made in the interiour parts, for the jole
purpofe of getting flaves.
There are two crimes on the Gold Coaft, which feem
made on purpoſe to procure flaves; adultery and the re-
moval of fetiches.* As to adultery, he was warned a-
gainst connecting himfelf with any woman not pointed
out to him, for that the kings kept feveral who were fent
* Certain things of various forts, to which the fuperftition of the
country has ordered, for various reafons, an attention to be paid.
out
( 13 )
out to allure the unwary, and that, if found to be connect- Manner of
making
ed with theſe, he would be feized, and made to pay the Slaves
price of a man ſlave. As to fetiches, confifting of pieces on the Gold
of wood, old pitchers, kettles, and the like, laid in the Coast.
path-ways, he was warned to avoid difplacing them, for
if he fhould, the natives who were on the watch, would
feize him, and, as before, exact the price of a man ſlave.
Theſe baits are laid equally for natives and Europeans ;
but the former are better acquainted with the law, and
confequently more upon their guard.
the River
Mr. Ellifon fays, that while one of the ſhips he be- Manner of
longed to, viz. the Briton, was lying in Benin river, making
Slaves from
Capt. Lemma Lemma, a Benin trader, came on board to
receive his cuftoms. This man being on the deck, and Benin to the
happening to ſee a canoe with three people in it, croffing River Ambris
the river, difpatched one of his own canoes to feize and
take it. Upon overtaking it, they brought it to the fhip.
It conta ned three perfons, an old man and a young man
and woman. The chief mate bought the two latter, but
the former being too old, was refufed. Upon this, Lem-
ma ordered the old man into the canoe, where his head
was chopped off, and he was thrown overboard. Lem-
ma had many war canoes, fome of which had fix or eight
ſwivels; he ſeemed to be feared by the reft of the na-
tives. Mr. Ellifon did not fee a canoe out on the river
while I emma was there, except this, and if they had
known he had been out, they would not have come. He
diſcovered by figns, that the old man killed was the fa-
ther of the two other negroes, and that they were brought
there by force. They were not the fubjects of Lemma.
At Bonny, fays Mr. Falconbridge, the greateſt num-
ber of flaves come from inland. Large canoes, fome
having a three or four pounder lafhed on their bows, go
to the up country, and in eight or ten days return with
great numbers of flaves: he heard once, to the amount
of twelve hundred at one time The people in theſe
canoes have generally cutlaffes, and a quantity of muſ-
kets, but he cannot tell for what ute.
Mr.
( 14 )
Manner of
making
Slaves from
Mr. Falconbridge does not believe that many of theſe
flaves are priſoners of war, as we understand the word war.
the River In Africa, a piratical expedition for making flaves, is term-
Benin to the ed war. A confiderable trader at Bonny explained to
River Ambris him the meaning of this word, and faid, that they went
in the night, fet fire to towns, and caught the people as
they fled from the flames. The fame trader faid, that
this practice was very common.
Mr. Falconbridge fays alfo, that in his third voyage,
which was to Bonny, a woman was brought on board
big with child. As fhe attracted his notice, he aſked her,
by means of the interpreter, how fhe came to be fold.
Her reply was, that returning home from a vifit, fhe was
feized, and after being paffed through various hands, was
brought down to the water-fide, and fold to a trader, who
afterwards fold her to the ſhip.
In the fame voyage an elderly man brought on board
faid (through the interpreter) that he and his fon were
ſeized as they were planting yams, by profeffed kidnap-
pers, by which he means perfons who make kidnapping
their conftant practice.
On his laſt voyage, which was alfo to Bonny, a canoe
came along-fide his veffel, belonging to a noted trader in
flaves, from which a fine ftout fellow was handed on
board, and fold. Mr. Falconbridge feeing the man ama-
zed and confounded when he difcovered himſelf to be
a flave, inquired of him, by means of an interpreter,
why he was fold. He replied, that he had had occafion to
come to Bonny to this trader's houſe, who aſked if he
had ever ſeen a fhip. Replying no, the trader faid, he
would treat him with the fight of one. The man confent-
ing, ſaid he was thereupon brought on board, and thus
treacherously fold. All the flaves Mr. Falconbridge
ever talked to by means of interpreters, faid they had
been ſtolen.
Mr. Douglas, when afhore at Bonny Point, faw a
young woman come out of the wood to the water-fide
to bathe. Soon afterwards two men came from the wood,
feized, bound, and beat her for making reſiſtance, and
bringing her to him, Mr. Douglas, defired him to put her
on
( 15 )
River Ambris
on board, which he did; the captain's orders were, when Manner of
any body brought down flaves, inftantly to put them off making
Slaves from
to the fhip.
the River
When a fhip arrives at Bonny, the king fends his war Benin to the
canoes up the rivers, where they ſurpriſe all they can lay
hold of. They had a young man on board, who was
thus captured, with his father, mother, and three fifters.
The young man afterwards in Jamaica having learnt
English, told Mr. Douglas the ftory, and faid it was a
common practice. Theſe war canoes are always armed.
The king's canoes came with flaves openly in the day;
others in the evening, with one or two flaves bound, ly-
ing in the boats bottom, covered with matts.
Mr. Morley ſtates, that in Old Calabar perſons are
fold as flaves for adultery and theft.
On pretence of
adultery, he remembers a woman fold.
He has been told alfo by the natives at Calabar, that
they took flaves in what they call war, which he found
was putting the villages in confufion, and catching them as
they could. A man on board the fhip he was in, fhewed
how he was taken at night by furpriſe, and ſaid his wife
and children were taken with him, but they were not in
the fame ſhip. Mr. Morley had reaſon to think, from
the man's words, that they took nearly the whole village,
that is, all thoſe that could not get away.
Captain Hall fays, when a fhip arrives at Old Cala-
bar, or the River Del-Rey, the traders always go up in-
to the country for flaves. They go in their war canoes,
and take with them fome goods, which they get previ-
oufly from the fhips.
He has feen from three to ten canoes in a fleet, each
with from forty to fixty paddlers, and twenty to thirty
traders and other people with mufkets, fuppofe one to
each man, with a three or four pounder lafhed on the bow
of the canoe. They are generally abfent from ten days to
three weeks, when they return with a number of flaves
pinioned, or chained together.
Captain Hall has often afked the mode of procuring
flaves inland, and has been told by the traders, that they
have
( 16 )
Manner of have been got in war, and fold by the perſons taking
making
Slaves from
the River
Benin to the
River Ambris
them.
Accor-
Mr. J. Parker fays, he left the fhip to which he be-
longed at Old Calabar, where being kindly received by
the king's fon, he ſtaid with him on the continent for
five months. During this time he was prevailed upon
by the king's fon, to accompany him to war.*
dingly, having fitted out and armed the canoes, they
went up the river Calabar. In the day time they lay
under the buſhes when they approached a village, but at
night flew up to it, and took hold of every one they
could fee; theſe they handcuffed, brought down to the
canoes, and fo proceeded up the river till they got to the
amount of forty-five, with whom they returned to New-
town, where ſending to the captains of the ſhipping, they
divided them among the fhips.
About a fortnight after this expedition, they went a-
gain, and were out eight or nine days, plundering other
villages higher up the river. They feized on much the
fame number as before, brought them to New-town, gave
the fame notice, and difpofed of them as before among
the fhips.
They took man, woman and child, as they could catch
them in the houſes, and except fucking children, who
went with their mothers, there was no care taken to pre-
vent the feparation of the children from the parents when
fold. When fold to the Engliſh merchants they lament-
ed, and cried that they were taken away by force.
The king at Old Calabar was certainly not at war with
the people up this river, nor had they made any attack
upon him. It happened that flaves were very flack in the
back country at that time, and were wanted when he
went on theſe expeditions.

The reader is earneftly requested to take notice, that the word war,
as adopted into the African language, means in general robbery, or a ma-
rauding expedition, for the purpose of getting flaves. Two noted black tra-
ders are found themſelves to have explained the term to two of the Evi-
dences (Trotter, p. 11. Falconbridge, p. 14.) and it appears decidedly
by the accounts of Wadftrom, Town, Bowman, Storey, Morley, and
J, Parker, that the catching of men is denominated by the Africans to
be war.
Mr.
( 17 )
Mr. Falconbridge thinks crimes are falfely imputed, Manner of
for the fake of felling the accused. On the fecond voy-laves from
making
age at the river Ambris, among the flaves brought on the River
board was one who had the craw craw, a kind of itch. Benin to the
He was told by one of the failors, that this man was fith- River Ambris
ing in the river, when a king's officer, called Mambooka,
wanted brandy and other goods in the boat, but having no
flave to buy them with, accufed this man of extortion in the
fale of his fifh, and after fome kind of trial on the beach,
condemned him to be fold. He was told this by the
boat's crew who were afhore when it happened, who told
it as of their own knowledge.
Befides the accounts juſt given, from what the above
witneffes faw and heard on the coaft of Africa, as to the
different methods of making flaves, there are others con-
tained in the evidence, which were learnt from the mouths
of the flaves themſelves, after their arrival in the Weſt-
Indies.
Some of theſe have informed feveral of the witneffes
on this occafion, that they were taken in war, (Hall and
Woolrich) others, that they were taken by ſurpriſe in
their towns, or while at work in their fields, (Hall) or as
they were ftraggling from their huts, or cultivating their
lands, (Dalrymple) or tending their corn: (Woolrich)
others, that they were taken by armed canoes up the
rivers, (Douglas) others, by ftratagem, (Cook) or kid-
napped, (Rev. Mr. Davies, Dean of Middleham, Mr.
Fitzmaurice) which kidnapping prevailed in the inland
parts at a great diſtance from the fhore, (Dr. Harriſon)
and was with fome a profeffed occupation, and a com
mon practice (Falconbridge and Clappefon.)

C
CHAP.
( 18 )
CHA P. II.
Europeans, by means of the Trade in Slaves, the occafion of
thefe Enormities.-Sometimes ufe additional Means to
excite the Natives to practise them.-Often attempt
themselves to steal the Natives, and fucceed.-Force
Trade as they pleafe, and are guilty of Injustice in their
Dealings.
HE Moors (fays Mr. Keirnan) have always a
Brocas of T ftrong inducement to go to war with the negroes,
Τ
Europeans,
by Means
the Trade in
Slaves, the most of the European goods they obtain, being got in exchange
Occafion of for faves. Hence defolation and wafte.
thefe Enor-
mities,
Sometimes
Means to ex-
Mr. Town obferves, that the intercourfe of the Africans
with the Europeans, has improved them in roguery, to
plunder and ſteal, and pick up one another to fell.
Dr. Trotter afking a black trader, what they made of
their flaves when the French and Engliſh were at war,
was anſwered, that when ships ceased to come, flaves ceafed
to be taken.
Mr. Ifaac Parker fays, that the king of Old Calabar
was certainly not at war with the people up that river,
nor had they made any attack on him. It happened that
flaves were very flack in the back country at this time,
and were wanted when he went on the expeditions, de-
ſcribed in a former page (p. 16)
Mr. Wadftrom fays, that king Barbefin, while he,
rife additional Mr. Wadftrom, was at Joal, was unwilling to pillage his
cite the Na- fubjects, but he was excited to it by means of a conſtant
tives to prac- intoxication, kept up by the French and Mulattoes of the
tife them
embafly, who generally agreed every morning on taking
this
( 19 )
Means to ex
this method to effect their purpoſe. When fober, he Sometimes
always expreffed a reluctance to harrafs his people. Mr. ufe additional
Wadſtrom alſo heard the king hold the fame language on cite the Na-
different days, and yet he afterwards ordered the pillage tives to prac
to be executed. Mr. Wadftrom has no doubt, but that tife them.
he alfo pillages in other parts of his dominions, fince it is
the custom of the mulatto merchants (as both they and
the French officers declare) when they want flaves, to
go to the kings, and excite them to pillages, which are
ufually practifed on all that part of the coaft.
The French Senegal company alſo, in order to obtain
their compliment of flaves, had recourfe to their uſual
method on fimilar occafions, namely, of bribing the Moors,
and ſupplying them with arms and ammunition, to feize
king Dalmammy's fubjects. By January 12th, 1788,
when Mr. Wadftrom arrived at Senegal, fifty had been
taken, whom the king defired to ranfom, but they had
been all diſpatched to Cayenne. Some were brought in
every day afterwards, and put in the company's flave-
hold, in a miferable ftate, the greater part being badly
wounded by fabres and muſket balls. The director of
the company conducted Mr. Wadftrom there, with Dr.
Spaarman, whom he confulted as a medical man in their
behalf. Mr. Wadftrom particularly remembers one
lying in his blood, which flowed from a wound made by
a ball in his fhoulder.

Mr. Dalrymple underftood it common for European
traders to advance goods to Chiefs, to induce them to ſeize
their fubjects or neighbours. Not one of the Mu-
latto traders at Goree ever thought of denying it.
Mr. Bowman having fettled at the head of Scaffus
river, informed the king, and others, that he was come to
refide as a trader, and that his orders were, to fupply them
with powder and ball, and to encourage them to go to war.
They answered, they would. go to war in two or three
days. By this time they came to the factory, faid they
were going to war, and wanted powder, ball, rum and
tobacco. When theſe were given them, they went off
C 2
to
( 20 )
Sometimes
to the number of from twenty-five to thirty, and in fix or
ufe additional feven days, a part of them returned with three flaves.
Means to ex-
cite the Na-
tives to prac-
tife them.
In 1769, (fays Lieut. Storey) Captain Paterſon, of a
Liverpool fhip, lying off Briſtol town. fet two villages at
variance, and bought priſoners, near a dozen, from both
fides.
Mr. Morley owns, with fhame, that he has made the
natives drunk, in order to buy a good man or woman
flave, to whom he found them attached. He has feen
this done by others. Captain Hildebrand, commanding
a floop of Mr. Brue's, bought one of the wives of a man,
whom he had previously made drunk, and who wifhed to
redeem her, when fober next day, as did the perfon he
(Mr. Morley) bought the man of, but neither of them
was given up. He ſuppoſes they would have given a
third more than the price paid, to have redeemed them.
Sir George Young fays, that when at Annamaboe, at
Mr Brue's, (a very great merchant there) Mr. Brue
had two hoftages, kings fons, for payment for arms, and
all kinds of military ftores, which he had fupplied to the
two kings, who were at war with each other, to procure
Llaves for at least fix or seven ſhips, then lying in the road.
The prifoners on both fides were brought down to Mr.
Brue, and ſent to the ſhips.
Mr. J. Parker has known prefents made by the Cap-
tains, to the black traders, to induce them to bring flaves.
Captain Colley in particular gave them fome pieces
cannon, which he himfelf faw landed.
of
Frequently
On the fubject of Europeans attempting to carry off
attempt them the natives, General Rooke fays, that it was propofed to
felves to carry him by three captains of Engliſh flave fhips, lying under
the fort of Goree, to kidnap a hundred, or a hundred and
fifty, men, women and children, king Damel's fubjects,
who had come to Goree in confequence of the friendly
intercourfe between him and Damel. He refufed, and
was much ſhocked by the propofition. They faid fuch
off the Na-
tives, and
fometimes
fucceed.
things
( 21 )
things had been done by a former Governor, but the chief Frequently
Maraboo at Rufiſk did not recollect any fuch event.
attempt them-
felves to carry
off the Na
Mr. Wadſtrom was informed at Goree, by Captain tives, and
Wignie, from Rochelle, who was juft arrived from the fometimes
river Gambia, that a little before his departure from that fucced.
river, three Engliſh veffels were cut off by the natives,
owing to the captain of one of them, who had his cargo,
being tempted by a fair wind, to fail away with ſeveral
of the free negroes, then drinking with the crew. Soon
afterwards the wind changed, and he was driven back,
feized, and killed, with all his crew, and thoſe of the two
other veffels. Mr. Wadftrom has, by accident, met
with the infurer of two of theſe veffels in London, who*
confirmed the above facts.
Captain Hills fays, a man at Gambia, who called him-
felf a prince's brother, had been carried off to the Weſt
Indies, by an Engliſh fhip, but making his caſe known
to the governor, was fent by him to Europe. Captain
Hills was adviſed not to go on fhore at Gambia, by the
merchants there, for fear of being taken by the natives,
who owed the Engliſh a grudge for fome injuries re-
ceived.
Mr. John Bowman fays, that when a mate under
Captain Strangeways, the fhip then lying in the river
S. Leon, at White Man's Bay, ready to fail, he was fent
on fhore to invite two traders on board. They came
and were fhewn into the cabin. Mean time people were
employed in fetting the fails, it being almoſt night, and
the land breeze making down the river. When they
had weighed anchor, and got out to fea, Mr. Bowman
was called down by the captain, who, pointing to the
fail-cafe, defired him to look into it and ſee what a fine
*The editor faw, in the month of April, 1791, in St. Thomas's hof-
pital, a young lad, the only one of the three crews that was fuffered to ef-
cape upon this occafion. After having been for months in confine-
ment up the country, he was brought off by accident, by an English
ship.
prize
( 22 )
off the Na-
Frequently prize he had got. To his furprize, he faw lying faft
attempt them- afleep, the two men who had come on board with him,
felves to carry the captain having made them drunk, and concealed
them there. When they awoke they were fent upon
deck, ironed, and put forward among the other flaves.
On arriving at Antigua they were ſold.
tives, and
Sometimes
fucceed.
The Rev. Mr. Newton has known fhips and boats cut
off at Sherbro, ufually in retaliation.
Once when he was on fhore, the traders fuddenly
put him into his long-boat, telling him that a fhip juſt
paffed had carried off two people. Had it been known
in the town, he would have been detained. He has
known many other fuch inftances, but after thirty-fix
years, he cannot ſpecify them. It was a general opinion,
founded on repeated and indifputable facts, that depre-
dations of this fort were frequently committed by the Eu-
ropeans.
Mr. Newton has fometimes found all trade ſtopped,
and the depredations of European traders have been
affigned by the natives as the caufe, and he has more than
once or twice made up breaches of this kind between the
ſhips and the natives.
He believes ſeveral captains of flave ſhips were honeſt
humane men; but he has good reaſon to think, they
were not all fo. The taking off flaves by force has
been thought moſt frequent in the laft voyages of cap-
tains. He has often heard mafters and officers exprefs
this opinion. Depredations and reprisals made to get
them were fo frequent that the Europeans and Africans were
in a spirit of mutual diftruft: he does not mean that
there were no depredations except in their laſt voy-
ages. He has known Liverpool and Briſtol fhips ma-
terially injured from the conduct of fome fhips, from the
fame ports, that had left the coaft. It is a fact that fome
captains have committed depredations in their laſt voy-
ages who have not been known to have done it be-
fore.
Mr. Towne was once prefent with part of the crew of
his ship the Sally, at an expedition undertaken by the
whites
( 23 )
whites for feizing negroes, and joined by other boats to Frequently
receive thoſe they could catch. To prevent all alarm, attempt them-
they bound the mouths of the captives, with oakum and felves to carry
off the Na-
handkerchiefs. One woman fhrieked and the natives tives, and
turned out in defence. He had then five of them tied in fometimes
the boat, and the other boats were in readineſs to take fucceed.
in what more they could get. All his party were armed,
and the men of the town purfued them with firſt a ſcat-
tering, and at length a general fire, and feveral of the
men belonging to the boats, he has reafon to believe,
were killed, wounded, or taken, as he never heard of
them afterwards. He was wounded himfelf. The
flaves he had taken were fold at Charleſtown, South Caro-
lina. The natives had not previoufly committed any
hoftilities againſt any of the fhips, whofe boats were
concerned in this tranfaction. They owed goods to the
captain, for which he refolved to obtain flaves at any
rate. He has had ſeveral ſhip-mates, who have themſelves
told him, they have been concerned in fimilar tranfac-
tions, and have made a boaft of it, and who have been
wounded alfo.
Mr. Falconbridge was informed by Captain Gould
of the Alert, that he had carried off a man from Little
Cape Mount.
Mr. Storey believes the natives of the Windward
Coaft are often fraudulently carried off by the Europeans.
He has been told by them, that they had loft their friends
at different times, and fuppofed them taken by European
fhips going along the coaft. He has himself taken up
canoes at fea, which were challenged by the natives,
who ſuppoſed the men in them had been taken off the
day before by a Dutchman.
When once at an anchor, in his boat, between the
river Seftus and Settra Crue, he prevented the crew of
a long-boat, belonging to a Dutchman then lying off
fhore, from being cut off by the natives, who gave as
a reafon for their intentions, that a fhip of that country
fome days before had taken off four men belonging to the
place.
Afterwards
( 24 )
Frequently
attempt them-
felves to carry
off the Na-
tives, and
Sometimes
Succeed.
Afterwards, in 1768, being in a boat, with two other
white perfons, the natives attacked them. Both the
former were killed, and he himſelf, covered with blood
and wounds, was only fuffered to eſcape, by conſenting
to give up boat and cargo, and to go to Gaboon. The
The reafon the natives gave for this procedure was, that
a fhip from Liverpool (one Captain Lambert) had,
ſome time before, taken a canoe full of their townfmen,
and carried her away. He heard the fame thing con-
firmed afterwards at Gaboon.
Mr. Douglas ftates, that near Cape Coaft the natives
make ſmoke as a fignal for trade. On board his ſhip
(the Warwick Caftle) they faw the fmoke and ftood in
fhore, which brought off many canoes. Pipes, tobacco,
and brandy, were got on deck, to entice the people in
them on board. The gratings were unlaid, the flave-
room cleared, and every preparation made to feize them;
two only could be prevailed on to come up the ſhip's fide,
who flood in the main chains, but on the feamen ap-
proaching them they jumped off, and the canoes all made
for fhore.
.
The Gregfon's people, while at Bonny, informed Mr.
Douglas, that in running down the coaft, they had kid-
He faw flaves on
napped thirty-two of the natives.
board that fhip when ſhe came in, and it is not customary
for fhips bound to Bonny, to ftop and trade by the way.
Mr. How fays, that abreaſt of Cape La Hou, feveral
canoes came alongſide of his Majefty's fhip Grampus,
and on coming on board informed the captain, that an
English Guinea-trader a fortnight before had taken off
fix canoes with men, who had gone off to them with pro-
vifions for trade. On coming to Appolonia he was alſo
told by Mr. Buchanan, the refident there, that a Guinea-
man, belonging to one Griffith, an Engliſhman, and a
notorious trader and kidnapper, between Cape La Hou
and Appolonia, was then in that latitude.
Captain Hall was told by Capt. Jeremiah Smith, that
in 1771, a Captain Fox had taken off fome people from
the Windward Coaft,
He
( 25 )
He fays alfo, that the boat's crew of the Venus, Frequently
Captain Smith, which had been fent to Fernandipo for
attempt them
felves to carry
yams from Calabar, enticed a canoe to come alongſide off the Na-
that had about ten men in her. As foon as ſhe got near, fives, and
the boat's crew fired into her, on which they jumped ometimes
fucceed.
overboard: fome were wounded, and one was taken
out of the water, and died in leſs than an hour in the
boat: two others were taken up unhurt, and carried to
Old Calabar to the fhip. Captain Smith was angry at
the officer for this procedure, and fent back the two men
to the bay, from whence they had been taken. Imme-
diately after the boat had committed this depredation,
Captain Hall happened to go into the fame bay in his
own fhip's long-boat, and fending on fhore two men to
fill water, they were ſurrounded by the natives, who drove
three fpears into one of the men, and wounded the other
with a large ftick, in confequence of taking away the
two men juſt mentioned. It was faid that the crew had
diſputed with the natives on fhore when trading with
them for yams, but the former had not done any of the
boat's crew any injury.
Mr. Elliſon knew two flaves taken from the iſland of
Fernandipo by the Dobfon's boat of Liverpool, and car-
ried to Old Calabar, where the fhip lay. He went to the
fame ifland for yams, a few days after the tranſaction,
and fired, as the ufual fignal, for the natives to bring
them. Seeing fome of them peep through the bushes,
he wondered why they would not come to the boat. He
accordingly ſwam on fhore, when fome of the iſlanders
came round him: an old man fhewed, by figns, that a
fhip's boat had ftolen a man and woman. He was then
foon furrounded by numbers, who prefented darts to him,
fignifying they would kill him, if the man and woman
were not brought back. Upon this, the people in the
boat fired fome fhot, when they all ran into the woods.
Mr. Ellifon went to Calabar, and told Captain Briggs he
could get no yams, in confequence of the two people
being ftolen; upon which Captain Briggs told the captain
of the Dobfon, there would be no more trade if he did
not deliver up the people, which he at length did.
D
As
foon
( 26 )
tives, and
Frequently foon as the natives faw their countrymen, they loaded
attempt them-
the boat with yams, goats, fowls, honey, and palm-wine:
felves to carry
off the Na- and they would take nothing for them. They had the
man and woman delivered to them, whom they carried
away in their arms. The Dobfon did not ſtay above
eight, ten, or twelve days. This was the last trip her
boat was to make, when they carried off the two flaves.
fometimes
fucceed.
Mr. Morley fays, that when off Taboo, two men
came in a canoe, along-fide his veffel. One of them
came up, and fat on the netting, but would not come
into the fhip. The captain at length, inticing him, in-
toxicated him ſo with brandy and laudanum, that he fell
in upon deck.
deck. The captain then ordered him to be put
into the men's room, with a centry over him. The
other man in the canoe, after calling in vain for his
companion, paddled off faſt towards the fhore. The
captain fired ſeveral muſket balls after him, which did not
hit him. About three or four leagues farther down, two
men came on board from another canoe. While they
were on board, a drum was kept beating near the man
who had been ſeized, to prevent his hearing them, or
they him.
He fays again, in ſpeaking of another part of the
coaft, that Captain Briggs's chief mate, in Old Calabar
River, lying in ambuſh to ſtop the natives coming down
the creek, purſued Oruk Robin John, who, jumping on
fhore, fhot the mate through the head.
He fays alfo, of another part of the coaſt, that a Mr.
Walker, mafter of a floop, was on board the Jolly Prince,
Captain Lambert, when the king of Nazareth ſtabbed the
captain at his own table, and took the veffel, putting all
the whites to death, except the cook, a boy, and, he
believes, one man. Captain Walker, being afked why
the king of Nazareth took this ftep, faid, it was on
account of the people, whom Matthews had carried off
from Gaboon and Cape Lopez the voyage before. Walker
efcaped, by knowing the language of the country.
Mr. Morley failed afterwards with the fame Captain
Matthews to Gaboon River, where the Chiefs fons
came on board him to demand what he had done with
their
( 27 )
their fons, and the boys he had carried off, (the fame as Frequently
Walker alluded to) and told him, that if he dared to
come on fhore, they would have his head.
attempt them
felves to carry
off the Na-
fometimes
fucceed.
As a farther corroboration, that fuch practices as the tives, and
above take place, it appears in evidence, that the natives
of the coaft and iflands are found conftantly hovering in
their canoes, at a diftance, about fuch veffels as are
paffing by, fhy of coming on board, for fear of being
taken off, [Hall, Falconbridge, Claxton, Bowman, &c.]
But if they can diſcover that fuch veffels are not in the
flave trade, but are men of war, they come on board
readily, [Sir George Young] or without any hesitation,
which they would not otherwife have done, [Mr. Howe]
and in numbers, [Lieutenant Simpfon] and traverſe the
fhips with as much confidence as if they had been on shore,
[Captain Wilfon.]
Mr. Ellifon fays, when he was lying at Yanamaroo, Europeans
in the Gambia, flaves were brought down. The traders force trade as
they think
raiſed the price. The captains would not give it, but proper on the
thought to compel them by firing upon the town. They Coast, and
fired red hot fhot from the ſhip, and ſet ſeveral houſes on are guilty of
great injuftice
fire. All the fhips, feven or eight, fired.
Mr. Falconbridge heard Captain Vicars, of a Briſtol dealings with
ſhip, ſay at Bonny, when his traders were flack, he fired
a gun into or over the town, to freſhen their way.
Captain Vicars told this to him and other people there
at the time, but he has feen no inftance of it himſelf.
Mr. Ifaac Parker fays, the Guinea captains lying in
Old Calabar River, fixed on a certain price, and agreed
to lie under a £.50 bond, if any one of them fhould
give more for flaves than another; in confequence of
which, the natives did not readily bring flaves on board
to fell at thoſe prices; upon which, the captains ufed to
row guard at night, to take the canoes as they paffed the
fhips, and fo ftopping the flaves from getting to their
towns, prevent the traders from getting them. Theſe
they took on board the different fhips, and kept them
till the traders agreed to flave at the old prices.
D 2
Lieutenant
in their
the Natives
there.
( 28 )
Europeans Lieutenant Storey fays, that Captain Jeremiah Smith,
force trade as
in the London, in 1766, having a difpute with the natives
they think
proper on the of New Town Old Calabar, concerning the ftated price
Coast, and which he was to give for flaves, for feveral days ftopped
are guilty of
great injuftice every canoe coming down the Creek from New Town,
in their and alfo fired ſeveral guns indifcriminately over the woods
dealings with into the town, till he brought them to his own terms.
the Natives
there.
Captain Hall fays, in Old Calabar River there are two
towns, Old Town and New Town. A rivalship in trade
produced a jealouſy between the towns; fo that through
fear of each other, for a confiderable time, no canoe
would leave their towns to go up the river for flaves. This
happened in 1767. In this year feven fhips, of which
five were the following-Duke of York, Bevan,-Edgar,
Lace,-Indian Queen, Lewis,-Nancy, Maxwell,—and
Canterbury, Sparkes,-lay off the point which feparates
the towns, Six of the captains invited the people of
both towns on board on a certain day, as if to reconcile
them at the fame time they agreed with the people of
New Town to cut off all the Old Town people who
fhould remain on board the next morning. The Old
Town people perfuaded of the fincerity of the captains
propoſal, went on board in great numbers. Next morning,
at eight o'clock, one of the fhips fired a gun, as a
fignal to commence hoftilities. Some of the traders
were fecured on board, fome were killed in refifting, and
fome got overboard, and were fired upon. When the
firing began, the New Town people, who were in ambuſh
behind the Point, came forward, and picked up the peo-
ple of Old Town, who were fwimming, and had eſcaped
the firing. After the firing was over, the captains of
five of the fhips delivered their prifoners (perfons of con-
fequence to the New Town canoes, two of whom were
beheaded alongſide the fhips. The inferior prifoners were
carried to the Weft Indies. One of the captains, who
had ſecured three of the king's brothers, delivered one of
them to the chief man of New Town, who was one of
the two beheaded alongfide; the other brothers he kept
on board, promifing, when the ship was flaved, to deliver
them to the chief man of New Town. His fhip was


foon
( 29 )
the Natives
foon flaved on account of his promife, and the number of Europeans
prifoners made that day; but he refufed to deliver the force trade as
they think
king's two brothers, according to his promife, and car- proper on the
ried them to the Weft Indies, and fold them. It hap- Coat, and
are guilty of
pened in procefs of time, that they efcaped to Virginia,
great injuftice
and from thence, after three years, to Briftol, where the in their
captain who brought them, fearing he had done wrong, dealings with
meditated carrying, or fending them back, but Mr. Jones
of Bristol, who had fhips trading to Old Calabar, and
hearing who they were, had them taken from the fhip,
(where they were in irons) by Habeas Corpus. After
inquiry how they were brought from Africa, they were
liberated, and put in one of Mr. Jones's fhips for Old
Calabar, where Captain Hall was, when they arrived in
the ſhip Cato, Langdon.
So fatisfied were the people of Old Town, in 1767,
of the fincerity of the captains who invited them, and of
the New Town people, towards a reconciliation, that the
night before the maffacre, the chief man of Old Town
gave to the chief man of New Town, one of his favour-
ite women as a wife. It was faid that from three to four
hundred perfons were killed that day, in the fhips, in the
water, or carried off the coaſt.
The king eſcaped from the fhip he was in, by killing
two of the crew, who attempted to feize him. He then
got into a one-man canoe, and paddled to the fhore. A
fix pounder from one of the fhips ftruck the canoe to
pieces; he then fwam on fhore to the woods near the
fhips, and reached his own town, though clofely purfued.
It was faid he received eleven wounds from musket fhot.
Captain Hall, in his firft voyage on board the Nep-
tune, had this account from the boatfwain, Thomas
Rutter, who, in 1767, had been boatfwain to the Can-
terbury, Captain Sparkes, of London, and concerned in
the faid maffacre. Rutter told him the ſtory exactly as
related, and never varied in it. He had it alfo from the
kings two brothers, who agreed exactly with Rutter.
Captain Hall alfo faw at Calabar, in the poffeffion of
the king's two brothers, their depofitions taken at Brif-
tol, and of Mr. Floyd, who was mate of one of the fhips
when the tranfaction happened, but he took no copy.
Mr.
there.

( 30 )
they think
Europeans Mr. Millar fays, that a quarrel happened between the
force trade as people of Old and New Town, which prevented the ſhips
proper on the lying in Calabar river from being flaved. He believes
Coaft, and in June 1767, Captain S. Sparkes, (captain of his ſhip,
are guilty of the Canterbury) came one evening to him, and told him
great injuftice
in their that the two towns, fo quarrelling, would meet on board
dealings with the different fhips, and ordered him to hand up ſome
the Natives fwords.
there.
The next day feveral canoes, as Sparkes had before ad-
vertiſed him, came from both of the towns, on board the
Canterbury, Mr. Millar's own fhip, and one of the per-
fons fo coming on board, brought a letter, which he gave
Sparkes, immediately on the receipt of which, he, Sparkes,
took a hanger, and attacked one of the Old Town peo-
ple then on board, cutting him immediately on the arms,
head, and body. The man fled, ran down the ſteps lead-
ing to the cabin, and Sparkes ftill following him with the
hanger, darted into the boys room. Mr. Millar is fure
this circumftance can never be effaced from his memory.
From this room he was however brought up by means
of a rope, when Sparkes renewed his attack as before, on
him, who, making for the entering port, leaped over-
board.
This being concluded, Sparkes left his own fhip to go
on board fome of the other fhips, then lying in the river.
Soon after he was gone, a boy belonging to Mr. Millar's
fhip, came and informed him, Mr. Millar, that he had
diſcovered a man concealed behind the medicine cheft.
Mr. Millar went and found the man. He was the per-
fon before-mentioned to have brought a letter on board.
On being diſcovered by Mr. Millar, he begged for mer-
cy, intreating that he might not be delivered up to the
people of New Town. He was brought on the quar-
ter-deck, where were fome of the New Town people,
who would have killed him, had they not been prevent-
ed. The man was then ironed, and conducted into the
room of the men flaves.
Soon after this tranfaction, the captain returned, and
brought with him a New Town trader, named Willy
Honefty. On coming on board, he was informed of
what had happened in his abfence, and Mr. Millar be-
lieves,

( 31 )
"
lieves, in the hearing of Willy Honefty, who imme- Europeans
diately exclaimed, “Captain, if you will give me that force trade as
they think
man, to cut off his head, I will give you the best man proper on the
"in my canoe, and you shall be flaved the first ship." Coast, and
The captain upon this looked into Willy Honefty's ca-
great injuftice
nɔe, picked his man, and delivered the other in his ftead, in their
when his head was immediately ftruck off in Mr. Mil- dealings with
lar's fight.
Mr. Millar believes, that fome other cruelties, befides
this particular act, were done, becauſe he faw blood on
the ſtarboard fide of the mizen-maft, though he does not
recollect ſeeing any bodies from whence the blood might
come; and others in other fhips, becauſe he heard feve-
ral mufkets or piſtols fired from them at the fame time.
This affair might laſt ten minutes. He remembers a
four-pounder fired at a canoe, but knows not if any da-
mage was done.
As to other acts of injuftice on the part of the Eu-
ropeans, fome confider frauds, (fays Mr. Newton) as a
neceffary branch of the flave trade. They put falfe heads
into powder caſks; cut off two or three yards from the
middle of a piece of cloth; adulterate their ſpirits, and
fteal back articles given. Befides thefe, there are others
who pay in bottles, which contain but half the contents
of the famples fhewn (Wadftrom), ufe falfe fteelyards
and weights, (Bowman) and fell fuch guns as burſt on
firing, fo that many of the natives of the Windward
Coaſt, are without their fingers and thumbs on this ac-
count, (Lieut. Storey) and it has become a faying,
"That theſe guns kill more out of the butt than the
❝ muzzle,” (Falconbridge).
Mr. Dalrymple, while at Goree, remembers a fhip
attempting to fail out of the bay with a number of flaves,
without paying for them, but ſhe was ſtopped by the guns
of the fort.
are guilty of
the Natives
there.
CHAP.
( 32 )
CHA P.
III.
Enslaved
Africans
come dejected
on board
Caufe of this
Dejection.
The enslaved Africans come dejected on board-Cauſe of this
Dejection-Methods of confining, airing, feeding, and
exercifing them-Mode of flowing them, with its bad
Confequences-This Mode and its Confequences confirmed
by another Species of Proof-Incidents on the Paffage-
Manner of felling them when arrived at their deftined
Ports-Deplorable Situation of the Refufe or Sickly Slaves
-Separation of Relations and Friends-Mortality on the
Paffage, and frequently after Sale- Causes of this Mor-
tality-Opinions of feveral of the Evidences on the Trade.
TH
HE Natives of Africa having been made flaves
in the manner defcribed in the former chapters,
are brought down for fale to the European ſhips.
On being brought on board, fays Dr. Trotter, they
fhew figns of extreme diftrefs and defpair, from a feeling
of their fituation, and regret at being torn from their friends
and connections; many retain thofe impreffions for a long
time; in proof of which, the flaves on board his fhip be-
ing often heard in the night, making an howling melan-
choly noiſe, expreffive of extreme anguifh, he repeat-
edly ordered the woman, who had been his interpreter,
to inquire into the cauſe. She diſcovered it to be owing
to their having dreamt they were in their own country
again, and finding themſelves when awake, in the hold of
a flave fhip. This exquifite fenfibility was particularly
obfervable among the women, many of whom, on fuch
occafions, he found in hyfteric fits.
The
( 33 )
7
The foregoing defcription as far as relates to their de- Methods of
jection when brought on board, and the cauſe of it is confining,
airing, feed-
confirmed by Hall, Wilfon, Claxton, Ellifon, Towne, ing, and ex-
and Falconbridge, the latter of whom relates an inftance ercifing them.
of a young woman who cried and pined away after being
brought on board, who recovered when put on fhore,
and who hung herſelf when informed fhe was to be fent
again to the fhip.
Captain Hall fays, after the firſt eight or ten of them
come on board, the men are put into irons. They are
linked two and two together by the hands and feet, in
which fituation they continue till they arrive in the
Weſt Indies, except fuch as may be fick, whofe irons
are then taken off. The women however, he fays, are
always loofe.
On being brought up in a morning, fays Surgeon
Wilſon, an additional mode of fecuring them takes place,
for to the fhackles of each pair of them there is a ring,
through which is reeved a large chain, which locks them
all in a body to ring-bolts faftened to the deck.
The time of their coming up in the morning, if fair,
is defcribed by Mr Towne to be between eight and
nine, and the time of their remaining there to be till four
in the afternoon, when they are again put below till the
next morning. In the interval of being upon deck they
are fed twice. They have alfo a pint of water allowed
to each of them a day, which being divided is ferved out
to them at two different times, namely, after their
meals.
Theſe meals, fays Mr. Falconbridge, confift of rice,
yams, and horfe-beans, with now and then a little beef
and bread. After meals they are made to jump in their
irons. This is called dancing by the flave-dealers. In
every fhip he has been defired to flog fuch as would not
jump. He had generally a cat of nine tails in his hand
among the women, and the chief mate, he believes, ano-
ther among
the men.
E
The
( 34 )
Methods of
The parts, fays Mr. Claxton, (to continue the ac-
confining, count on which their fhackles are faftened, are often
airing, feed-
ing, and ex- excoriated by the violent exerciſe they are thus forced to
reifing them. take, of which they made many grievous complaints to
him. In his fhip even thoſe who had the flux, ſcurvy,
and fuch oedematous fwellings in their legs as made it
painful to them to move at all, were compelled to dance
by the cat.
He fays alſo that on board his fhip they fometimes
fung, but not for their amuſement. The captain_or-
dered them to fing, and they fung fongs of forrow. The
fubject of theſe fongs were their wretched fituation, and
the idea of never returning home. He recollects their
very words upon thefe occafions.
*
The above account of fhackling, meffing, dancing,
and finging the flaves, is allowed by all the evidences
as far as they ſpeak to the fame points, except by Mr.
Falconbridge, in whofe fhips the flaves had a pint and
and half of water per day.
Mode of
On the fubject of the ftowage and its confequences,
flowing them
with its bad Dr. Trotter fays, that the flaves in the paffage are fo
Gonfequences. crowded below, that it is impoffible to walk through
them, without treading on them. Thofe, who are out of
irons, are locked fpoonways (in the technical phrafe) to one
another. It is the firft mate's duty to fee them ftowed
in this way every morning; thoſe who do not get quick-
ly into their places, are compelled by a cat-of-nine-tails.
When the fcuttles are obliged to be fhut, the gratings
are not fufficient for airing the rooms. He never him-
felf could breathe freely, unleſs immediately under the
hatchway. He has feen the flaves drawing their breath
with all thofe laborious and anxious efforts for life,
which are obferved in expiring animals, fubjected by experi-
ment to foul air, or in the exhausted receiver of an air pump.
He has alſo feen them when the tarpawlings have
inadvertently been thrown over the gratings, atempting
to heave them up; crying out in their own language,
"We are dying" on removing the tarpawlings and
*The neceffity of exerciſe for health is the reafon given for com-
pelling the flaves to dance in the above manner.
gratings,
( 35 )
with its bad
gratings, they would fly to the hatchway with all the Mode of
figns of terror, and dread of fuffocation. Many of them owing them,
he has ſeen in a dying ſtate, but ſome have recovered by Confequences.
being brought hither, or on the deck; others were ir-
recoverably loft, by fuffocation, having had no previous figns
of indifpofition.
Mr. Falconbridge alfo ftates on this head, that when em-
ployed in ftowing the flaves he made the moſt of the room
and wedged them in. They had not ſo much room as a man
in his coffin either in length or breadth. It was impoffible
for them to turn or fhift with any degree of eaſe. He
had often occaſion to go from one fide of their rooms to
the other, in which cafe he always took off his shoes, but
could not avoid pinching them; he has the marks on
his feet where they bit and fcratched him. In every
voyage when the ſhip was full they complained of heat
and want of air. Confinement in this fituation was ſo
injurious, that he has known them go down apparently in
good health at night and found dead in the morning. On
his laft voyage he opened a ftout man who fo died. He
found the contents of the thorax and abdomen healthy,
and therefore concludes he died of fuffocation in the night.
•
He was never among them for ten minutes below
together, but his fhirt was as wet as if dipt in water.
One of his fhips, the Alexander, coming out of Bonny,
got aground on the bar, and was detained there fix or
feven days, with a great fwell and heavy rain. At this
time the air ports were obliged to be fhut, and part of
the gratings on the weather fide covered: almoſt all the
men flaves were taken ill with the flux. The laft time
he went down to fee them it was fo hot that he took off
his fhirt. More than twenty of them had then fainted, or
were fainting. He got, however, feveral of them hawled
on deck. Two or three of thefe died, and moſt of the
reft before they reached the Weft Indies.
He was
down only about fifteen minutes, and became fo ill by
it that he could not get up without help, and was difabled
(the dyfentery feizing him alfo) from doing duty the reft
of the paffage. On board the fame fhip he has known
E 2
two
( 36 )
Mode of
with its bad
two or three inftances of a dead and living flave found in
flowing them, the morning fhackled together.
confequences. The crowded state of the flaves, and the pulling off the
foes by the furgeons as deſcribed above, that they might
not hurt them in traverfing their rooms, are additionally
mentioned by Surgeons Wilfon and Claxton. The
flaves are faid alfo by Hall and Wilfon to complain on
account of heat. Both Hall, Towne, and Morley, de-
fcribe them as often in a violent perspiration, or dew
Sweat. Mr. Ellifon has feen them faint through heat,
and obliged to be brought on deck, the fteam coming up
through the gratings like a furnace. In Wilfon's and
Towne's fhips fome have gone below well in an evening,
and in the morning have been found dead, and Mr. Newton
has often feen a dead and living man chained together,
and to uſe his own words, one of the pair dead,
This mode
and its con-
Jequences con-
firmed by
To prove that this ftowage, and of courfe that the
confequences of it, muft unavoidably be as deſcribed by
another fpe- the Gentlemen above, the following fpecies of evi-
cies of proof dence and calculation may be reforted to.
Captain Parrey of the Royal Navy was fent by Govern-
ment in the year 1788, to meaſure fuch of the flave vef-
fels as were then lying at Liverpool, and to make a report
of the fame to the Houfe of Commons. In this Re-
port are mentioned the names of the different veffels,
and their refpective dimenfions as taken by him. The
firſt of theſe, as delivered in by himſelf, is the Brookes,
and as fome one fhip muft be taken to make out the
proof intended, it will be lefs objectionable to take the
firft that comes than any other. The dimenfions then
of the Brookes as reported by Captain Parrey will be
found as in the annexed Plans.
DIMENSIONS

K
FIG. 1.
X
K
K
N
Ꮓ
L
M
Z
P
LIF
F
D
H
※目​で
​I
A
G
E
C
FIG. III.
N
M
N
O
FIG. II.
H
G
H
BAD
C
DA
B
B
O
0
O
O
L
FIG. VI.
X
M
O
D
C
Haly
P
A
X
L
N
FIG. VII.
Z
Z
N
恩​見
​M
X
[To face Page 37.]
X

A
FIG. IV.
FIG. V. ►
A
H
H
F
G
H
G
Store Room
IXIII
Store Room
66666
E
C
F
੧੫
E
B
88
D
C
D
C
વિચારો ની હો સંવા
Ꮐ
E
B
C
A
A


( 37 )
DIMENSIONS OF THE SHIP,
Length of the Lower Deck, gratings and bulk-}
100
25
heads included at AA
Breadth of Beam on the Lower Deck infide, BB
Depth of Hold, 000 from cieling to cieling
Height between decks from deck to deck
Length of the Mens Room, CC on the lower deck 46
Breadth of the Mens Room, CC on the lower deck 25
Length of the Platforms, DD in the mens room 46
Breadth of the Flatforms in the mens room
on each fide
Length of the Boys Room, EE
Breadth of the Boys Room
1
Breadth of Platforms, FF in boys room
Length of Womens Room, GG
Breadth of Womens Room
1
Feet Inches
O
This mode
and its con-
4
fequences con-
ΙΟ
O
5
8
firmed by
ansther fpe-
cics of proof.
o
4
o
} 6
O
13
9
25 0
6 O
28 6
23 6
28 6
6
10 6
12
-
33 6
19
14
6
62
16 6
Length of Platforms, HH in womens room
Breadth of Platforms in womens room
Length of the Gun Room, II on the lower deck
Breadth of the Gun Room on the lower deck
Length of the Quarter Deck, KK
Breadth of the Quarter Deck
Length of the Cabin, LL
Height of the Cabin
-
Length of the Half Deck, MM
Height of the Half Deck
-
1
Length of the Platforms, NN on the half deck
Breadth of the Platforms on the half deck
Upper deck, PP
6
2
16 6
6 0
Let it now be fuppofed that the above are the real
dimenfions of the fhip Brookes, and farther, that every
man flave is to be allowed fix feet by one foot four inches
for room, every woman five feet ten by one foot four,
every boy five feet by one foot two, and every girl four
feet fix by one foot, it will follow that the annexed Plan
of a flave-veffel will be precifely the reprefentation of
the fhip Brookes, and of the exact number of perfons
neither

( 38 )
and its con-
ics of proof
This mode neither more nor lefs, that could be ftowed in the dif
ferent rooms of it upon thefe data. Thefe, if counted,
Sequences con-
firmed by (deducting the women ftowed in Z of Figures VI. and
another fpe- VII.) will be found to amount to four hundred and fifty-
one. Now, if it be confidered that the fhip Brookes is
of 320 tons, and that fhe is allowed to carry by Act
of Parliament four hundred and fifty-four perfons, it is
evident that if three more could be wedged among the
number repreſented in the plan, this plan would contain
precifely the number which the Act directs; and if it
fhould be farther confidered that there ought to be in
each apartment in the plan one or more tubs, as well as
ftanchions to fupport the platforms and decks, for which
no deduction has been made, in order to give every pof-
fible advantage in ftowing, then the above plan may be
confidered as giving a very favourable reprefentation of
the ftowing of the negroes even fince the late regulating
Act. The plan therefore abundantly proves that the
ftowage of theſe poor people as well as the confequences
of it muft have been as defcribed by the Evidences
above; for, if when four hundred and fifty-one flaves
are put into the different rooms of the Brooks, the floors
are not only covered with bodies, but thefe bodies actual-
ly touch each other, what muft have been their fituation,
when fix hundred were ftowed in them at the time al-
luded to by Dr. Trotter, who belonged to this fhip, and
fix hundred and nine by the confeffion of the flave-
merchants in a fubfequent voyage t.

Incidents on
To come now to the different incidents on the paffage.
the pallage. Mr. Falconbridge fays, that there is a place in every ſhip
By the late Act of Parliament the ſpace Z, which is half of the half-
deck, M Z is appropriated to the feamen.
The fituation of the flaves must be dreadful even on the prefent re-
gulated plan; for their bodies not only touch each other, but many of
them have not even room to fit upright; for when every deduction has
been made, the height above the platform D F H, Fig. I. and below it
CE G, is in the Brooks but two feet feven inches. The average height
in nine other veffels meafured by Captain Parrey was only five feet, two
inches; and in the Venus and Kitty the flaves had not two feet above
or below the platforms. The flaves immediately under the beams muft
be in a ftill more dreadful fituation as is feen by the plan; for in Fig. I.
under the upper deck PP, and lower deck A A, theſe beams are repre-
fented by thaded fquares, as alfo they are introduced in Fig, II, and III.
for

( 39 )
for the fick flaves, but there are no accommodations for Incidents on
them, for they lie on the bare planks. He has feen fre- the Paffage.
quently the prominent parts of their bones about the
fhoulder-blade and knees bare.
He fays he cannot conceive any fituation fo dreadful
and diſguſting as that of flaves when ill of the flux: in
the Alexander, the deck was covered with blood and mucus,
and refembled a flaughter-houfe. The ftench and foul
air were intolerable.
The flaves, fhackled together, frequently quarrel. In
each apartment there are three or four tubs placed for
their convenience: thofe however at a diftance find it
difficult to get over other flaves to thefe tubs: fometimes
if one wants to go to them, his companion refuſes to go
with him; if relaxed, he exonerates while difputing over
his neighbours. This caufes great difturbance.
He has known feveral flaves on board refuſe ſuſtenance,
with a defign to ftarve themselves, Compulfion was uſed
in every fhip he was in to make them take their food.
He has known alfo many inftances of their refufing to
take medicines when fick, becauſe they wished to die. A
woman on board the Alexander, was dejected from the
moment fhe came on board, and refufed both food and
medicine: being afked by the interpreter what ſhe wanted,
fhe replied, nothing but to die and fhe did die. Many
other flaves expreffed the fame wifh.
The fhips, he fays, are fitted up with a view to prevent
flaves jumping overboard; notwithſtanding which he has
known inftances of their doing fo. In the Alexander two
were loft in this way. In the fame voyage, near twenty
jumped overboard out of the Enterprize, Capt. Wilfon,
and feveral from a large Frenchman in Bonny River.
In his first voyage he faw at Bonny, on board the
Emilia, a woman chained to the deck, who, the chief
mate faid, was mad. On his fecond voyage, there was
a woman on board his own fhip, whom they were forced
to chain at certain times. In a lucid interval fhe was
fold at Jamaica. He afcribes this infanity to their being
torn from their connections and country.

Doctor
aud
( 40 )
Incidents on Doctor Trotter, examined on the fame fubject, fays,
abe Pallage. that the man fold with his family for witchcraft, (of which
he had been accufed, out of revenge, by a Cabofheer, p. 11)
refuſed all fuftenance after he came on board. Early
next morning it was found he had attempted to cut his
throat. Dr. Trotter fewed up the wound, but the fol-
lowing night the man had not only torn out the futures,
but had made a fimilar attempt on the other fide. From
the ragged edges of the wound, and the blood upon his
finger ends, it appeared to have been done with his nails,
for though ftrict fearch was made through all the rooms,
no inftrument was found. He declared he never would
go
with white men, uttered incoherent fentences, and looked
wifhfully at the fkies. His hands were fecured, but
perfifting to refufe all fuftenance, he died of hunger in eight
or ten days.
He remembers alfo an inftance of a woman who perished
from refufing food: fhe was repeatedly flogged, and vic-
tuals forced into her mouth, but no means could make her
fwallow it, and fhe lived for the four laft days in a ſtate
of torpid infenfibility.
A man jumped overboard, at Anamaboe, and was
drowned. Another alfo, on the Middle Paffage, but he
was taken up. A woman alſo, after having been taken
up, was chained for fome time to the mizen maft, but
being let loofe again made a fecond attempt, was again
taken up, and expired under the floggings given her in
confequence.
Mr. Wilfon, fpeaking alfo on the fame fubject, relates,
among many cales where force was necessary to oblige the
flaves to take food, that of a young man.
He had not
been long on board before he perceived him get thin.
On inquiry he found the man had not taken his food, and
refufed taking any. Mild means were then ufed to divert
him from his refolution, as well as promifes that he ſhould
have any thing he wifhed for: but ftill he refuſed to eat.
They then whipped him with the cat, but this alfo was
ineffectual. He always kept his teeth fo faft, that it was
impoffible to get any thing down. They then endea-
voured to introduce a SPECULUM ORIS between them:
but
( 41 )
but the points were too obtufe to enter, and next tried Incidents on
the Paffage
a bolus knife, but with the fame effect. In this ftate he
was for four or five days, when he was brought up as
dead, to be thrown overboard; but Mr. Wilfon finding
life ftill exifting, repeated his endeavours though in vain,
and two days afterwards he was brought up again in the
fame ftate as before. He then feemed to wish to get up.
The crew affifted him, and brought him aft to the fire
place, when in a feeble voice, in his own tongue he aſked
for water, which was given him. Upon this they began
to have hopes of diffuading him from his defign, but he
again fhut his teeth as faft as ever, and refolved to die,
and on the ninth day from his firft refufal he died.
Mr. Wilfon fays it hurt his feelings much to be
obliged to ufe the cat fo frequently to force them to take
their food. In the very act of chaftifement, they have
looked up at him with a fmile, and in their own language
have faid, "prefently we shall be no more."
In the fame ſhip a woman found means to convey below
the night preceding fome rope yarn, which fhe tied to the
head of the armourer's vice, then in the women's room.
She faftened it round her neck, and in the morning was
found dead, with her head lying on her ſhoulder, whence
it appeared, fhe muft have uſed great exertions to ac-
compliſh her end. A young woman alfo hanged herſelf,
by tying rope-yarns to a batten, near her ufual fleeping-
place, and then flipping off the platform. The next
morning fhe was found warm, and he ufed the proper
means for her recovery, but in vain.
In the fame fhip alfo, when off Annabona, a flave on
the fick lift jumped overboard, and was picked up by the
natives, but died foon afterwards. At another time, when
at fea, the captain and officers when at dinner, heard the
alarm of a flave's being overboard, and found it true, for
they perceived him making every exertion to drown him-
felf. He put his head under water, but lifted his hands up;
and thus went down, as if exulting that he had got away.
Befides the above inftance, a man flave who came on
board apparently well, became afterwards mad, and at
length died infane.
F
Mr.
( 42 )
Incidents on
Mr. Claxton, the fourth furgeon examined on thefe
the Pallage points, declares the fteerage and boys room to have been
infufficient to receive the fick; they were therefore ob-
liged to place together thoſe that were, and thofe that were
not diſeaſed, and in confequence the difeafe and mortality
fpread more and more. The captain treated them with
more tenderneſs than he has heard was ufual, but the
men were not humane. Some of the moft difeafed were
obliged to keep on deck with a fail fpread for them to lie
This, in a little time, became nearly covered with
blood and mucus, which involuntarily iffued from them,
and therefore the failors, who had the difagreeable taſk
of cleaning the fail, grew angry with the flaves, and
uſed to beat them inhumanly with their hands, or with a
cat. The flaves in confequence grew fearful of commit-
ting this involuntary action, and when they perceived
they had done it, would immediately creep to the tubs,
and there fit ftraining with fuch violence, as to produce
a prolapfus ani, which could not be cured.
Some of the flaves on board the fame fhip, fays Mr.
Claxton, had fuch an averfion to leaving their native
places, that they threw themſelves overboard, on an idea
that they fhould get back to their own country. The captain,
in order to obviate this idea, thought of an expedient,
viz. to cut off the heads of thoſe who died, intimating
to them, that if determined to go, they muft return
without their heads. The flaves were accordingly brought
up to witneſs the operation. One of them feeing, when on
deck, the carpenter ftanding with his hatchet up ready to
ftrike off the head of a dead flave, with a violent exertion got
loofe, and flying to the place where the nettings had been
unloofed, in order to empty the tubs, he darted overboard.
The fhip brought to, and a man was placed in the main
chains to catch him, which he perceiving, dived under
water, and rifing again at a diſtance from the fhip, made
figns, which words cannot defcribe, expreffive of his hap-
piness in eſcaping. He then went down, and was feen no
more. This circumftance deterred the captain from
trying the expedient any more, and therefore he refolved
for the future (as he faw they were determined to throw them-
felves overboard) to keep a ftrict watch; notwithſtanding
which,
( 43 )
which, fome afterwards contrived to unlooſe the lashing, Incidents on
the Paffage.
fo that two actually threw themſelves into the fea, and
were loft; another was caught when about three parts
overboard.
All the above incidents, defcribed as to have happened
on the Middle Paffage, are amply corroborated by the
other evidences. The flaves lie on the bare boards, fays
furgeon Wilfon. They are frequently bruifed, and the
prominent parts of the body excoriated, adds the fame
gentleman, as alfo Trotter and Newton. Their being
linked together, their quarrelling, and the difficulty of getting
to their tubs, are additionally mentioned by Hall and
Newton. They have been feen by Morley wallowing in
their blood and excrement. Claxton, Ellifon, and Hall
defcribe them as refufing fuftenance, and compelled to eat
by the whip. Morley has feen the pannekin dafhed
againſt their teeth, and the rice held in their mouths, to
make them fwallow it, till they were almoft ftrangled, and
they have even been thumbscrewed with this view in the
fhips of Town and Millar.
The man alfo, fays the former, ftolen at Galenas
River, (p. 8.) refufed to eat, and perfifted till he died.
A woman, fays the latter, who was brought on board,
refufed fuftenance, neither would fhe fpeak. She was
then ordered the thumb-fcrews, fufpended in the mizen
rigging, and every attempt was made with the cat to com-
pell her to eat, but to no purpofe. She died in three or four
days afterwards. Mr. Millar was told that ſhe had faid
the night before fhe died," She was going to her friends."
As a third fpecific inftance, in another veffel, may be
mentioned that related by Mr. Ifaac Parker. There was
a child, fays he, on board, of nine months old, which
refuſed to eat, for which the captain took it up in his
hand, and flogged it with a cat, faying at the fame time,
*To fhew the ſeverity of this punishment, Mr. Dove fays, that while
two flaves were under the torture of the thumb-fcrews, the fweat ran
down their faces, and they trembled as under a violent ague fit, and Mr.
Ellifon has known inftances of their dying, a mortification having taken
place in their thumbs in confequence of thefe fcrews,
F 2
«Damn
C

( 44 )
Incidents on
"Damn you, I'll make you eat, or I'll kill you." The
the Paffage. fame child having fwelled feet, the captain ordered them
to be put into water, though the fhip's cook told him it was
too hot. This brought off the fkin and nails. He then
ordered fweet oil and cloths, which Ifaac Parker himſelf
applied to the feet; and as the child at mefs time again
refuſed to eat, the captain again took it up and flogged
it, and tied a log of mango-wood eighteen or twenty
inches long, and of twelve or thirteen pounds weight
round its neck, as a puniſhment. He repeated the flogging
for four days together at mefs time. The last time after
flogging it, he let it drop out of his hand, with the fame
expreffion as before, and accordingly in about three
quarters of an hour the child died. He then called its
mother to heave it overboard, and beat her for refuſing.
He however forced her to take it up, and go to the fhip's
fide, where holding her head on one fide to avoid the fight,
She dropped her child overboard, after which he cried for
many hours.
Befides inftances of flaves refufing to eat, with the view
of deftroying themſelves, and dying in confequence of it,
thofe of their going mad, are confirmed by Town, and of
their jumping overboard, or attempting to do it, by Town,
Millar, Ellifon, and Hall.
Other incidents on the paffage, mentioned by fome of
the evidences in their examination, may be divided into
three kinds.
The first kind confifts of infurrections on the part of the
flaves. Some of thefe frequently attempted to rife, but
were prevented, (Wilfon, Town, Trotter, Newton,
Dalrymple, Ellifon,) others rofe, but were quelled,
(Ellifon, Newton, Falconbridge,) and others rofe, and
fucceeded, killing almost all the whites: (Falconbridge
and Town).-Mr. Town fays, that inquiring of the
flaves into the cauſe of theſe infurrections, he has been
afked, what bufinefs he had to carry them from their country.
They had wives and children, whom they wanted to be with.
After
( 45 )
After an infurrection, Mr. Ellifon fays, he has feen Ineidents on
them flogged, and the cook's tormentors and tongs heated the Paſſage.
to burn their flesh. Mr. Newton alfo adds, that it is
ufual for captains, after infurrections and plots happen, to
flog the flaves. Some captains, on board whofe fhips he
has been, added the thumb-fcrew, and one in particular
told him repeatedly that he had put flaves to death after an
injurrection by various modes of torture.
The fecond fort of incident on the paffage is men-
tioned by Mr. Falconbridge in the inftance of an Engliſh
veffel blowing up off Galenas, and moſt of the men-flaves,
entangled in their irons, perifning.
The third fort is defcribed by Mr. Hercules Rofs as
follows. One inftance, fays he, marked with peculiar
circumftances of horror, occurs: About twenty years
ago, a fhip from Africa, with about four hundred flaves
on board, ftruck upon fome fhoals, called the Morant
Keys, diftant eleven leagues, S. S. E. off the Eaft
end of Jamaica. The officers and feamen of the fhip
landed in their boats, carrying with them arms and pro-
vifions. The flaves were left on board in their irons and
fhackles. This happened in the night time. The
Morant Keys confift of three fmall fandy iflands, and he
underſtood that the fhip had ftruck upon the fhoals, at
about half a league to windward of them. When morn-
ing came, it was difcovered that the negroes had got
out of their irons, and were bufy making rafts, upon
which they placed the women and children, whilft the
men, and others capable of fwimming, attended upon
the rafts, whilft they drifted before the wind towards the
ifland where the feamen had landed. From an appre-
henfion that the negroes would confume the water and
proviſions which the feamen had landed, they came to
the refolution of deftroying them, by means of their
fire-arms and other weapons. As the poor wretches
approached the fhore, they
and four hundred of them.
thirty three or thirty-four
Kingfton, where Mr. Rofs
actually deftroyed between three
Out of the whole
Out of the whole cargo only
were faved, and brought to
faw them fold at public
vendue.
( 46 )
Incidents at vendue. This fhip, to the beft of his recollection, was
be Pallage configned to a Mr. Hugh Wallace, of the parish of St.
Elizabeth's.
Manner of
when arriv-
Mr. Rofs fays, in extenuation of this maffacre, that
the crew were probably drunk, or they would not have
acted fo, but he does not know it to have been the cafe.
When the fhips arrive at their deftined ports, the
felling them flaves are expofed to fale. They are fold either by
ad at the ſcramble or by vendue, (i, e.) publick auction, or by
defined ports. lots. The fale by fcramble is thus deſcribed by Mr.
Falconbridge. "In the Emilia, (fays he) at Jamaica,
the fhip was darkened with fails, and covered round,
The men flaves were placed on the main deck, and the
women on the quarter deck. The purchaſers on ſhore
were informed a gun would be fired when they were
ready to open the fale. A great number of people came
on board with tallies or cards in their hands, with their
own names upon them, and rufhed through the barricado
door with the ferocity of brutes. Some had three or
four handkerchiefs tied together, to encircle as many as
they thought fit for their purpofe. In the yard at Gre-
nada, he adds, (where another of his fhips, the Alexander,
fold by fcramble) the women were fo terrified, that feveral
of them got out of the yard, and ran about St. George's
town as if they were mad. In his fecond voyage, while
lying at Kingston, he faw a fale by fcramble on board the
Tryal, Captain Macdonald. Forty or fifty of the flaves
leaped into the fea, all of which, however, he believes,
were taken up again." This is a very general mode of
fale. Mr. Baillie fays, it was the common mode in
America where he has been. Mr. Fitzmaurice has been
at twenty fales by fcramble in Jamaica. Mr. Clappefon
never faw any other mode of fale during his refidence
there, and it is mentioned as having been practifed under
the inſpection of Morley and of Trotter.
The flaves fold by publick auction or vendue are
generally the refuse, or fickly flaves. Theſe are in fuch
a ftate of health, that they fell, fays Baillie, greatly
under price. Falconbridge has known them fold for
five
( 47 )
five dollars each, Town for a Guinea, and Mr. Hercules
Rofs as low as a fingle dollar.
The ftate of fuch is deſcribed to be very deplorable by Deplorable
General Tottenham and Mr. Hercules Rofs. The for-fituation of
mer fays, that he once obferved at Barbadoes a number the refuse or
fickly flaves.
of flaves that had been landed from a fhip. They were
brought into the yard adjoining the place of fale. Thoſe
that were not very ill were put into little huts, and thofe
that were worſe were left in the yard to die, for nobody
gave them any thing to eat or drink; and fome of them lived
three days in that fituation. The latter has frequently feen
the very refufe (as they are termed) of the flaves of Guinea
fhips landed and carried to the vendue-mafters in a very
wretched ftate; fometimes in the agonies of death; and
he has known inftances of their expiring in the piazza of
the vendue-mafter.
Mr. Newton fays, that in none of the fales he Separation of
faw was there any care ever taken to prevent fuch flaves relatives and
as were relations from being feparated. They were fepa-friends.
rated as ſheep and lambs by the butcher. This feparation
of relations and friends is confirmed by Davifon, Trotter,
Clappefon, and Town. Fitzmaurice alfo mentions the
fame, with an exception only to infants; but Mr. Fal-
conbridge fays, that one of his captains (Frazer) recom-
mended it to the planters never to feparate relations and
friends. He fays he once heard of a perfon refufing to
purchaſe a man's wife, and was next day informed the
man had hanged himself.

frequently
With refpect to the mortality of flaves in the paffage, Mortality on
Mr. Falconbridge fays, that in three
the paffage,
he
voyages pur-
chafed 1100, and loft 191; Trotter, in one voyage, after fake.
about 600, and loft about 70; Millar, in one voyage,
490, and loft 180; Ellifon, in three voyages, where he
recollects the mortality, bought 895, and loft 356.
one of theſe voyages, fays the latter, the flaves had the
fmall-pox. In this cafe he has feen the platform one
continued ſcab: eight or ten of them were hauled up dead
In
in
( 48 )

Mortality on in a morning, and the flesh and fkin has peeled off their
the paffage,
& frequently wrists when taken hold of.
after fale.
Mr. Morley fays, that in four voyages he purchafed
about 1325, and loft about 313. Mr. Town, in two
voyages, 630, and loft 115. Mr. Claxton, in one
voyage, 250, and loft 132. In this voyage, he fays,
they were fo ftreightened for provifions, that if they had
been ten more days at fea, they muft either have eaten
the flaves that died, or have made the living flaves walk
the plank, a term in ufe among Guinea captains for making
the flaves throw themfelves overboard. He fays alfo, that
he fell in with the Hero, Captain Withers, which had
loft 360 flaves, or more than half her cargo, by the
fmall-pox.
The furgeon of the Hero told him, that
when the flaves were removed from one place to another,
they left marks of their fkin and blood upon the deck, and it
was the moſt horrid fight he had ever ſeen.

Mr. Wilfon ftates, that in his fhip, and three others,
belonging to the fame concern, they purchaſed among
them 2064 flaves, and loft 586. He adds, that he fell
in with the Hero, Captain Withers, at St. Thomas's,
which had loft 159 flaves by the fmall-pox. Capt. Hall,
in two voyages, purchafed 550, and loft 110. He adds,
that he has known fome fhips in the flave trade bury a
quarter, fome a third, and others half of their cargo.
is very uncommon to find fhips without fome lofs in their
flaves.
*
It
Befides thoſe which die on the paffage, it muſt be no-
ticed here that feveral die foon after they are fold. Six-
teen, fays Mr. Falconbridge, were fold by auction out
of the Alexander, all of whom died before the fhip left the
Weft Indies. Out of fourteen, fays Mr. Claxton, fold
from his ſhip in an infectious ftate, only four lived; and
though in the four voyages mentioned by Mr. Wilſon no
leſs than 586 perifhed on the paffage out of 2064, yet
*Total purchaſed 7904, loft 2053, exclufive of the Hero, being above
one-fourth of the number purchaſed. The reader will obferve, that Mr.
Claxton fell in with the Hero on one voyage, and Mr. Wilfon on another,
220

( 49 )
220 additionally died of the fmall-pox in a very little
time after their delivery in the river Plate, making the total
lofs for thofe fhips not lefs than 836, out of 2,064.
The cauſes of the diforders which carry off the flaves Causes of the
in fuch numbers, are afcribed by Mr. Falconbridge to a mortality.
difeafed mind, fudden tranfitions from heat to cold, a putrid
atmosphere, wallowing in their own excrements, and being
fhackled together. A difeafed mind, he fays, is undoubt
edly one of the cauſes; for many of the flaves on board
refuſed medicines, giving as a reaſon that they wanted
to die, and could never be cured. Some few on the
other hand, who did not appear to think fo much of their
fituation, recovered. That fhackling together is alfo
another caufe, was evident from the circumftance of the
men dying in twice the proportion the women did; and
fo long as the trade continues, he adds, they must be
fhackled together, for no man will attempt to carry them
out of irons,
Surgeon Wilfon, examined on the fame topick, fpeaks
nearly in the fame manner. He fays, that of the death of
two-thirds of thoſe who died in his fhip, the primary cauſe
was melancholy. This was evident not only from the fymp
toms of the diforder, and the circumftance that no one who
had it was ever cured, whereas thofe who had it not, and
yet were ill, recovered, but from the language of the
Alaves themſelves, who declared that they wished to die, as
alfo from Captain Smith's own declaration, who faid, their
deaths were to be ascribed to their thinking fo much of their
fituation. Though feveral died of the flux, he attributes
their death primarily to the caufe before affigned; for,
fays he, their original diforder was a fixed melancholys
and the fymptoms lowness of fpirits and defpondency.
Hence they refufed food. This only increafed the fymp--
toms. The ftomach afterwards got weak. Hence the
belly ached, fluxes enfued, and they were carried off.
Mr. Town, the only other perfon, who ſpeaks of the
cauſes of the diſorders of the flaves, fays, "they often fall
fick, fometimes owing to their crowded ftate, but mostly
to grief for being carried away from their country and

Ꮐ
friends.
J
( 50 )
Opinions of
friends." This he knows from inquiring frequently
(which he was enabled to do by underſtanding their
language) into the circumſtances of their grievous com-
plaints *,
As the trade may be faid to end on the delivery of the
feveral of the flaves in the Weft Indies, it may not be improper to
Evidences on ftate the opinion of fome of the Evidences concern-
ing it.
the Trade.
Mr. Wilfon ftates, that his reafon for quitting his
late employment was, that he did not like to continue
in a trade, that did not perfectly coincide with his ideas,
and was not to his fatisfaction, being obliged to make uſe
of means for the prefervation of the cargo, contrary to his
feelings, and fenfe of humanity.
Mr. Falconbridge declares, that in his firft and fecond
voyage he reflected but little on the juftice or injuftice
of the trade. In his laft voyage he reflected more, and
the more he did fo, the more he was convinced it was an
unnatural, iniquitous, and villainous trade, and he could
not reconcile it to his confcience. This was the reaſon
for his leaving it. He adds, that he believes at the time
he left it, he could have gone again with Capt. Frazer,
if he had chofen it, and he was afterwards repeatedly fo-
licited to go to the Gold Coaft by Captain Thompſon.
Captain Wilfon declares from the whole of his ex-
perience, as an impartial man, he has long fince formed
an opinion, (which each fucceeding day's experience has juf-
tified and confirmed) that it is a trade evidently founded
on injuftice and treachery, manifeftly carried on by oppreſs-
fion and cruelty, and not unfrequently terminating in
murder.
*It is evident from hence, that no Regulation of the Trade can heal
the evils in this branch of the ſubject. It can never cure melancholy or a
difeafed mind. It can never prevent an injured people from rifing if out of
Brons, nor can it take away corrupted air, unlefs it reduce the number
to be carried fo low, as not to make it worth the while of the flave-
merchants to tranſport them.
Captain
( 51 )
Evidences on
Captain Hall makes a declaration alſo, that when he Opinions of
left the trade he could have obtained the command of feveral of the
a fhip in it, which command at that time would have the Trade.
been a very lucrative one, but that he quitted it from
a conviction that it was perfectly illegal, and founded in
blood.
G 2
CHAP. IV.
( 52 )
CHA P.
IV.
Africans,
when bought,
their general
ment.
Africans, when bought, their general Eftimation and Treat
ment-Thefe become either Plantation or In-and-Out-
door-Slaves-Labour of the Plantation Slaves in and out
of Crop-Their Days of Reft-Food-Clothing-Houfes
-Property-Situation of the In-and-Out-door Slaves-
Ordinary Punishment of the Slaves by the Whip and
Cow-fkin-Frequency and feverity of thefe Punishments
Extraordinary Punishments of many Kinds-The Con-
cern which the very Women take in thefe Ordinary and Ex-
traordinary Punishments-The different nominal Offences
mentioned in the Evidence, which Occafion them-Ca-
pital Offences and Punishments-Slaves turned off to
Steal, beg, or starve, when incapable of Labour-Slaves
have little or no Redress against ill Ufage of any fort
Laws lately enacted, but not with an Intention to ſerve the
Slaves, and of little or no Ufe.
THE
HE natives of Africa, when bought by the Eu-
ropean Coloniſts, are generally esteemed, fays
Eftimation Dr. Jackfon, a fpecies of inferiour beings, whom the right
and Treat of purchafe gives the owner a power of using at his will.
Confiftently with this definition we find the evidence aſ-
ferting with one voice, that they have no legal pro-
tection againſt their maſters," and of courſe that" their
treatment varies according to the difpofition of their
Mafters." If their maſters be good men, fays the Dean of
Middleham, they are well off, but, if not, they fuffer.
The
( 53 )
upon their general
when bought,
Mr. Eftimation
ment.
The general treatment, however, is defcribed to be very Africans,
fevere. Some fpeak more moderately than others
it, but all concur in the general ufage as being bad.
Woolrich, examined upon this point, fays, that he never and Treat
knew the beft mafter in the W. Indies ufe his flaves fo
well as the worst mafter his fervants in England; that their
ftate is inconceivable; that it cannot be defcribed to the
full underſtanding of thofe who have never feen it, and
that a fight of fome gangs would convince more than
all words. Others again make ufe of the words,
"ufed with great cruelty,-like beafts, or worfe:" and
the Dean of Middleham, after balancing in his mind all
his knowledge upon this fubject, cannot fay, (fetting
afide on one hand particular inftances of great feverity,
and on the other hand particular inftances of great hu-
manity) that treatment altogether humane and proper
was the lot of fuch as he had either obferved or heard of.
To come to a more particular defcription of their Become ei
treatment, it will be proper to divide them into different tion, or in-
ther planta-
claffes. The firft may be faid to confift of thofe who and out-door
are bought for the plantation ufe. Thefe will be arti-Лlaves.
ficers of various defcriptions, and the field flaves.-
The fecond will confift of what may be termed In-or
Out-door flaves. The former are domefticks both in
town and country, and the latter porters, fishermen,
boatmen, and the like.
The field flaves, whofe cafe is the firft to be confidered, Labour of the
are called out by day-light to their work. For this field flaves
pur- out of Crop
poſe the ſhell blows, and they hurry into the field. If
they are not there in time they are flogged. When put
to their work, they perform it in rows, and without ex-
ception under the whip of drivers, a certain number of
whom are allotted to each gang. By thefe means the
weak are made to keep up with the ftrong. Mr. Fitz-
maurice is forry to fay, that from this caufe
them are hurried to the grave, as the able,
many of
even if
* Among theſe are again included watchmen, drivers, and head-
negroes.
placed
( 54 )
Labour of
the field
Alaves out of
Crop.
placed with the weakly to bring them up, will leave
them behind, and then the weakly are generally flogged
up by the driver. This, however, is the mode of their
labour. As to the time of it, they begin, as before ſaid,
at day-light, and continue, with two intermiffions, (one
for half an hour in the morning, and the other for two
hours at noon) till fun-fet.
The above defeription, however, does not include the
whole of their operations for the day, for it is expected
that they hall range about and pick grafs for the cattle.
It is clear, from the different evidences, that the cuſtom
of grafs-picking varies, as to the time in which it is to
be done, on different eftates, for on fome it is to be done
within the intervals of reft faid to be allowed at noon, and
on others after the labour of the day. It is complained of,
however, in either cafe, as a great grievance, inaſmuch
as it lengthens the time of work; as alſo becauſe, par-
ticularly in droughts, it is very difficult to find grafs, at
all, and becauſe if they do not bring it in fufficient
quantities, they are puniſhed. Grafs-picking, fays Capt.
Smith, is one of the most frequent cauſes of puniſhment.
He has ſeen ſome flogged for not getting fo great a
quantity of it as others, and that at a time, when he has
thought it impoffible they could have gotten half the quantity,
having been upon the ſpot.
Hard cafe of It is impoffible to pafs over in filence the almoſt total
the Women want of indulgence which the women flaves frequently
flaves.
experience during the operations in the field. It is
afferted by Dalrymple, that the drivers in ufing their
whip never diftinguifh fex. As to pregnant women, and
fuch as had children, Mr. Davies believes they were allow-
ed to come into the field a little later than the reft. They
did little work after they were four months gone with
child, in the experience of Mr. Duncan. Dr. Harriſon
alfo has known fome overfeers allow complaining preg-
nant women to retire from work, but he has feen them
labouring in the field, when they feemed to have but a
few months to go: they were generally worked as long
as able. Much the fame work, fays Mr. Cook, was


expected
( 55 )
expected from pregnant women as others. He has feen Hard cafe of
them holing till within a few hours of their delivery, and the Women
has known them receive thirty-nine lafhes while in this Лaves.
ftate. Mr. Woolrich thinks the pregnant women had
fome little indulgencies, but it was cuftomary for them
to work in the field till near their time. The whip was
occafionally uſed upon them, but not fo feverely as upon
the men. Mr. Rees obferving the gangs at work, faw
a pregnant woman rather behind the reft. The driver
called her to come on, and going back ftruck her with
the whip up towards her ſhoulders. He aſked another
pregnant woman, if fhe was forced to work like the reft,
and fhe faid, Yes. Sir G. Young adds, that women
were confidered to miſcarry in general from their hard
field labour; and Captain Hall fays, that, where they had
children, they were fent again after the month to labour
with the children upon their backs, and fo little time af-
forded them to attend their wants, that he has feen a wo-
man feated to give fuck to her child, roufed from that fi-
tuation by a ſevere blow from the cart whip.*
The above accounts of the mode and duration of the Their labour
labour of the field flaves, are confined to that feafon of in the Crop
the year which is termed, "Out of Crop," or the time Seafon.
in which they are preparing the lands for the crop.. In
the crop feafon, however, the labour is of much longer
duration. Weakly handed eftates, fays Mr. Fitzmau-
rice, which are far the moft numerous, form their negroes
in crop into two fpells, which generally change at twelve
at noon, and twelve at night. The boilers and others
about the works, relieved at twelve at noon, cut canes
from hell-blow, (half paft one) till dark, when they
carry cane-tops or grafs to the cattle penns, and then
they may reft till twelve at night, when they relieve the
fpell in the boiling-houfe, by which they themſelves had
been relieved at twelve in the day. On all eftates the
boiling goes on night and day without intermiffion: but
*In ſome eftates, it is ufual to dig a hole in the ground, in which
they put the bellies of pregnant women, while they whip them, that they
may not excufe punishment, nor yet endanger the life of the woman or
child. (Dr. Jackfon, Lieutenant Davifon.)
well
( 56 )
Their labour well handed eftates have three fpells, and intermiffionis
in the Crop accordingly.
Scafon.
Mr. Dalrymple, fpeaking alfo of their labour in time
of crop, fays they are obliged to work as long as they can,
which is as long as they can keep awake or ftand on
their legs. Sometimes they fall afleep, through exceſs
of fatigue, when their arms are caught in the mill, and
torn off. He faw feveral, who had loft their arms in
that way.
Mr. Cook ftates, on the fame fubject, that in crop-
time they work in general about eighteen hours out of
the twenty-four, and are often hurt through mere fatigue
and want of fleep. He knew a girl lofe her hand by the
mill while feeding it, for being overcome by fleep, fhe
dropped against the rollers. He has heard of feveral in-
ftances of this kind.

Their days of To this account of the labour of the flaves, both in
rest.
and out of crop, it must be added here, that on fome
eftates, it appears by the evidence, they have Sunday and
Saturday afternoon out of crop to themſelves, that is, to
cultivate their own grounds for their fupport; on others,
Sunday only; and on others, Sunday only in part, for
fome people, fays the Dean of Middleham, required
meat for the cattle on Sundays to be gathered twice in
the day; and Lieutenant Davifon fays he has known
them forced to work on Sundays for their mafters. It
appears again, that in crop, on no eftates, have they
more than Sunday for the cultivation of their lands.
The Dean of Middleham has known them continue
boiling the fugar till late on Saturday night, and in one
inftance remembers it to have been protracted till fun-
rife on Sunday morning and the care afterwards of
fetting up the fugar-jars muſt have required feveral
hours.
*
It appears, that they have three or four holidays in the year, but the
days are not ſpecified.
The
( 57 )
The point, which may be confidered next, may be Their Foods
that of the flaves food. This appears by the evidence
to be fubject to no rule. On fome eftates they are
allowed land, which they cultivate for themſelves at the
times mentioned above, but they have no proviſions al-
allowed them, except perhaps a fmall prefent of falt fish
or beef, or falt pork, at Chriftmas. On others they are
allowed provifions, but no land: and on others again
they are allowed land and provifions jointly. Without
enumerating the different ratios mentioned to be allowed
them by the different evidences, it may be fufficient to
take the higheft. The beft allowance is evidently at
Barbadoes, and the following is the account of it. The
flaves in general, fays General Tottenham, appeared to
be ill fed: each flave had a pint of grain for twenty-four
hours, and fometimes half a rotten herring when to be
had. When the herrings were unfit for the whites, they
were bought up by the planters for the flaves. Mr.
Davis fays, that on thofe eftates in Barbadoes where he
has ſeen the flaves allowance dealt out, a grown negro
had nine pints of corn, and about one pound of falt fish
a week, but the grain of the Weft-Indies is much lighter
than wheat. He is of opinion, that in general they were
too fparingly fed. The Dean of Middleham alfo men-
tions nine pints per week as the quantity given, but that
he has known mafters abridge it in the time of crop.
This is the greateft allowance mentioned throughout the
whole of the evidence, and this is one of the cafes in
which the flaves had provifions but no land. Where, on
the other hand, they have land and no provifions, all the
evidences agree that it is quite ample to their fupport, but
that they have not fufficient time to cultivate it. Their
lands too are often at the distance of three miles from their
houſes, and Mr. Giles thinks the flaves were often fo
fatigued by the labour of the week as fcarcely to be capable
of working in them on Sunday for their own ufe. It is alfo
mentioned as a great hardship, that often when they had
cleared theſe lands, their mafter has taken them away for
canes, giving them new wood-land in their ftead, to be
cleared afrefh. This circumftance, together with the

H
removal
( 58 )
Their Food. removal of their houſes, many of them have fo taken to
heart, as to have died.
Whether or no their food may be confidered as fuf-
ficient in general for their fupport, may be better ſeen
from the following than the preceding account. Mr.
Cook fays that they have not fufficient food. He has
known both Africans and Creoles eat the putrid carcafes
of animals, and is convinced they did it through want.
Mr. J. Terry has known them, on eftates where they
have been worfe fed than on others, eat the putrid carcafes
of animals alfo. Dead mules, horfes, and cows, fays
Mr. Coor, were all burnt under the infpection of a white
man. Had they been buried, the negroes would have
dug them up in the night to eat them through hunger.
It was generally faid to be done to prevent the negroes
from eating them, left it fhould breed diftempers.
Befides thefe, there are proofs of a different nature.
Giles, Coor, Captain Giles, Captain Smith, Davifon,
Duncan, Harriſon, and Dalrymple, agree, that many of
the flaves in the Weft-Indies were thieves, but they all
agree alfo in afferting, that they ftole in confequence of
hunger, or being ill fed. The ufual objects of their theft
are faid by Terry, Clappefon, Duncan, Harriſon, and the
Dean of Middleham, to be provifions or food. Where
they were well fed, on the other hand, fay Davifon and
Captain Giles, they † did not ſteal, and, where they were
ill fed, fay Terry and Duncan, they ftole at the very
hazard of their lives. The Dean of Middleham and
Harriſon confirm this, by ftating that feveral in confe-
quence of attempting to fteal provifions, have been
*All thoſe born in the islands, are called Creoles. Some have attributed
the eating of the putrid carcafes of animals to the vitiated tafte of the flaves,
contracted in their own country, but the circumftance of thofe eating them,
who are born in the islands, totally difproves the allegation, and points
out the real caufe as affigned above.
+ There is a faying in the Weft Indies, " that you never fee a negro
but you fee a thief;"-a faying which has a tendency to hurt the negroes
in the estimation of thofe who hear it, but which it is eafy to explain
from the above accounts.
brought
( 59 )
brought home wounded, and almoſt cut to pieces, by
the watchmen.
The
On the fubject of their clothing, there is the fame Their
variation as to quantity as in their food. It depends on
Clothing
the difpofition and circumftances of their maſters.
largeft allowance in the evidence is that which is men-
tioned by Dr. Harrifon. The men, he ſays, at Chriſtmas,
are allowed two frocks, and two pair of Ofnaburgh
trowſers, and the women two coats and two fhifts apiece.
Some alfo have two handkerchiefs for the head. They
have no other clothes than thefe, except they get them by
their own extra labour. Woolrich and Coor agree, that
as far as their experience went, the mafters did not expend
for the clothing of their flaves more than half a crown
or three fhillings a year; and Cook fays that they are in
general but very indifferently clothed, and that one half of
them go almost naked in the field.
With refpect to their houſes and lodging, the accounts Their Houses.
of the three following gentlemen will fuffice.
Mr. Woolrich ftates their houfes to be fmall fquare
huts, built with poles, and thatched at the top and fides
with a kind of bamboo, and built by the flaves themſelves.
He deſcribes them as lying in the middle of thefe huts
before a ſmall fire, but to have no bedding. Some, he
fays, obtain a board or mat to lie on before the fire.
A few of the head-flaves have cabins of boards raiſed
from the floor, but no bedding, except fome, who have
a coarſe blanket.
The Reverend Mr. Rees, defcribing their houfes nearly
in the fame manner, obferves that their furniture confifts
of ftools and benches, that they had no beds or bedding
in the houſes he was in, but that fome of them flept on
the ground, and others on a board raiſed from it.
Some of the new flaves, fays Dr. Harriſon, have a few
blankets, but it is not the general practice: for in general
they have no bedding at all.
H 2
Of
( 60 )
Their
Property.
Of the property of the field flaves, (the next article
to be confidered) the following teftimonies will give a
fufficient illuftration.
Many field flaves, fays Mr. Woolrich, have it not in
their power to earn any thing, exclufive of their maſter's
work. Some few raife fowls, and fome tew pigs, and fell
them, but their number is very few.
Mr. Dalrymple does not fay, that flaves never become
poffeffed of much property, but he never knew an inftance
of it, nor can he conceive how they can have time for it.
The Dean of Middleham obferves, that the quantity
of ground allowed to field flaves for raifing provifions
does not admit of their frequently poffeffing any confider-
able property. It is not likely they can fpare much of
their produce for fale. Sometimes they poffefs a pig, and
two or three fowls, and if they have alfo a few plantain
trees, thefe may be the means of fupplying them with
knives, iron pots, and fuch other conveniences as their
maſters do not allow them.
The greatest property Mr. M. Terry ever knew a
field flave to poffefs was two pigs, and a little poultry.
A field flave has not the means of getting much property.
Mr. J. Terry has known the field flaves fo poor as not
to be able to have poultry. They were not allowed to keep
fheep on any eftate he knew. On fome they might keep
two or three goats, but very few allowed it. Some keep
pigs and poultry, if able to buy any.
To thefe teftimonies it may be added, that all the
evidences, to whom the queſtion has been propofed, agree
in anſwering, that they never knew nor heard of a field
flave ever amaffing fuch a fum, as enabled him to purchase
his own freedom.
With refpect to the artificers, fuch as houfe-carpenters,
coopers, and maſons, and the drivers and head-flaves,
who
( 61 )
who form the remaining part of the plantation flaves, Their
they are defcribed as having in general a more certain Property,
allowance of provifions, and as being better off.
out-door
Having now deſcribed the ſtate of the plantation, it Situation of
will be proper to fay a few words on that of the In-and- the In-and-
Out-door flaves The In door flaves, or domeftics, are Slaves.
allowed by all the evidences to be better clothed, and lefs
worked than the others, and invariably to look better.
Some, however, complain of their being much pinched
for food, and the women often fo as to be driven to
proftitution, but the general account is that they are
better fed than the field flaves. Their life, however, is
deſcribed to be often wretched by being continually under
the eye of their mafters and miftreffes, and therefore
continually fubject to be teized and mortified at their
caprice, fo that Forfter, (as will be explained hereafter)
thinks their ſituation even harder in this refpect than that
of the field flaves, and Coor has known many of them
wifh to be fent into the field.
With refpect to the Out-door flaves, feveral perfons,
who have a few flaves, and little work, allow them to
work out, and oblige them to bring home three or four
bits a day. The fituation of theſe is confidered to be
very hard, for they are often unable to find work, and to
earn the ftated fum, and yet, if they fail, they are feverely
puniſhed. Mr. Clappefon has known them fteal grafs,
and fell it, to make up the fum required.
In this deſcription may be ranked fuch as follow the
occupation of porters. Theſe are allowed to work out,
and at the end of the week obliged to bring home to their
maſters a certain weekly fum, Their fituation is much
aggravated by having no fixed rates. If, fays + Forfter,
on being offered too little for their work they remonftrate,
they are often beaten, and receive nothing, and fhould
Some give them one, two, or three bits a week to maintain themſelves
upon, but the mode of feeding them, as well as their allowance, is ſubject
to no rule.
+ Mr. Forfter ſpeaks of Antigua.
they
( 62 )
Situation of they refufe the next call from the fame perfon, they are
the In-and- fummoned before a magiftrate, and punished on the
parade for refufal, and he has known them fo puniſhed.
out-door
Slaves.
To the fame defcription belong thofe unhappy females,
who have leave to go out for proftitution, and are obliged
to bring their owners a certain payment per week.
Handfone women are expected to bring home more
money than the ordinary. They are punished if they
return without the full wages of their proftitution.
Ordinary Having now defcribed the labour, food, clothing, houſes,
Punishments
of the Slaves property, and different kinds of employment of the plan-
by the Whip tation, as well as the fituation of the In-and-out-door
Cowfkin. flaves, as far as the evidence will warrant, it may be
proper to advert to their puniſhments; and, firft, to thofe
that are inflicted by the cowfkin or the whip.
In the towns many people have their flaves flogged upon
their own premiffes, in which cafe it is performed by a
man, who is paid for it, and who goes round the town
in queft of delinquents. But thofe, fays Mr. H. Rofs,
who do not chufe to difturb their neighbours with the
flaves cries, fend them to the wharfs or gaol, where
they are corrected alfo by perfons paid. At other times
they are whipped publickly round the town, and at others
tied down, or made to ſtand in fome publick place, and
receive it there.
When they are flogged on the wharfs, to which they
go
for the convenience of the cranes and weights, they
are deſcribed by H. Rofs, Morley, Jeffreys, Towne, and
Captain Scott, to have their arms tied to the books of the
crane, and weights of fifty-fix pounds applied to their feet.
In this fituation the crane is wound up, fo that it lifts
them nearly from the ground, and keeps them in a
Atretched posture, when the whip or cow-fkin is uſed.
After this they are again whipped, but with ebony bushes
(which are more prickly than the thorn bufhes in this
country) in order to let out the congealed blood. Captain
Scott, defcribing it, fays, that he faw a white man
purfue
(
63)
63 )
purfue a negro into the water, bring him out, and take Ordinary
him to the wharf, where he had him hung up to a crane punishments
by the hands, which were tied together, and weights tied of the Slaves
to his feet. When thus hoifted up, but fo as ftill to & Cowskin.
by the Whip
touch the ground, another negro was ordered to whip
him with a prickly bufh. He walked away from the
difagreeable fight. The next day he faw the fame ne-
gro lying on the beach, and, with the affiftance of
another, taking the prickles out of his breech, feem-
ingly fwelled and bloody. The negro affigned as a
reafon for the whipping, the wharfinger thought he had
ftaid too long on an errand.
Refpecting the whippings in gacl and round the town,
Dr. Harriſon thought them too fevere to be inflicted on
any of the human fpecies. He attended a man, who
had been flogged in gaol, who was ill in confequence five
or fix weeks. It was by his mafter's order for not coming
when he was called. He could lay two or three fingers
in the wounds made by the whip.
On the other mode General Tottenham obferves, that
he was at a planter's houfe when the Jumper came. He
heard him afk the mafter, if he had any commands for
him. The Mafter replied, No. The Jumper then
afked the Miftrefs, who replied, Yes. She directed
him to take out two very decent women, who attended
at table, and to give each of them a dozen lafhes. Ge-
neral Tottenham expoftulated with her, but in vain.
They were taken out to the publick parade, and he had
the curiofity to go with them. The Jumper carried a
long whip like our waggoners. He ordered one of the
women to turn her back, and to take up her clothes
entirely, and he gave her a dozen on the breech. Every
ftroke brought flesh from her. She behaved with
aftoniſhing fortitude. After the punishment, fhe, ac-
cording to cuftom, curtefied and thanked him: the other
had the fame puniſhment, and behaved in the fame way.
The puniſhments in the country by means of the
whip and cow-fkin appear to differ, except in one in-
ftance,
( 64 ).
Ordinary pu-ftance, from thofe which have been mentioned of the
nishments of
the flaves by
the Whip
and Coufkin.
town.
It is ufual for thoſe, fays Mr. Coor, who do not come
into the field in time to be punished. In this cafe a few
ſteps before they join the gang they throw down the hoe,
clap both hands on their heads, and patiently take ten,
fifteen, or twenty laſhes.
The mode of puniſhment, as feen by Captain Smith
and feveral others (and which is the general mode) was
as follows:-A negro was ftretched on his belly on the
ground, with a flave to hold each hand and leg, or each
hand and leg was faftened to a ſtake. The puniſhment
was inflicted by a negro with a long whip tapering from
the fize of a man's thumb to a ſmall laſh.
At every
ftroke a piece of fleſh was drawn out, and that with
much unconcern to the director of the puniſhment.
There is another mode defcribed by Mr. Coor.
About eight o'clock, fays he, the overfeer goes to break-
faft, and if he has any criminals at home, he orders a
black man to follow him; for it is then ufual to take
fuch out of the ftocks, and flog them before the over-
feer's houſe. The method is generally this :-The de-
linquent is ſtripped and tied on a ladder, his legs on the
fides and his arms above his head, and fometimes a rope
is tied round his middle. The driver whips him on the
bare ſkin, and if the overſeer thinks he does not lay it on
hard enough, he fometimes knocks him down with his
own hand, or makes him change places with the delin-
quent, and be ſeverely whipped. Mr. Coor has known
many receive on the ladder, from one hundred to one
hundred and fifty lashes, and fome two cool hundreds, as
they are generally called. He has known many return-
ed to confinement, and in one, two or three days,
brought to the ladder, and receive the fame compliment,
or thereabouts, as before. They feldom take them off
the ladder, until all the fkin, from the hams to the
ſmall of the back, appears only raw flesh and blood, and
then they wash the parts with falt pickle.
pickle.
This ap-
peared
( 65 )

Ordinary pa
nifhments
peared to him, from the convulfions it occafioned, more
cruel than the whipping, but it was done to prevent mor- of the
tification. He has known many after fuch whipping fent Slaves by the
to the field under a guard and worked all day, with no Whip and
Cowfkin.
food but what their friends might give them, out of their
own poor pittance. He has known them returned to the
ftocks at night, and worked next day, fucceffively. This
cruel whipping, hard working, and ftarving has, to his
knowledge, made many commit fuicide. He remem-
bers fourteen flaves, who, from bad treatment, rebelled
on a Sunday, ran into the woods, and all cut their
throats together.
In fpeaking of the puniſhments of the flaves by means
of the whip and cowfkin, it is impoffible to pafs over
the frequency and feverity of them as defcribed in the
evidence, as well as the lengths to which fome of their
owners go, upon thefe occafions.
On the frequency of thefe puniſhments fomething may be Frequency
and feverity
deduced from the different expreffions which the different
of thefe Pu-
evidences adopt according to their different opportuni- nifhments.
ties of obſervation. Many of the field flaves are faid by
Duncan, Dalrymple, Fitzmaurice, and Rees, to be
marked with the whip. A great proportion of them is the
term uſed by Captain Wilfon. That they are marked
commonly or generally, or that the generality of them are
marked, are the expreffions agreed in by the Dean of
Middleham, Lieutenant Simpfon, Captain Rofs, Captain
Hall (navy) Captain Giles, Captain Smith, and Lieu-
tenant Davifon. The greater part of them, fays Jeffreys,
moft of them, fay Coor and Woolrich, bear the marks of
the whip. Theſe marks again, fays Giles, you will find
on almost all the weaker part of the gang; and Falcon-
bridge, General Tottenham, and Towne, agree in fay-
ing, either that they hardly ever faw any, or that very
few were to be feen without fcars or other marks of the
whip.

With refpect to the feverity of thefe puniſhments, it
may be fhewn by defcribing the nature of the inftru-
I
ment
( 66 )
Frequency
and feverity
ment with which they are inflicted, and the power it
of thefe Pu- has, and the effect it produces wherever it is ferioufly
nishments. applied.

The whip, fays Woolrich, is generally made of plaited
cowfkin, with a thick ftrong lafh. It is fo formidable
an inftrument in the hands of fome of the overſeers, that
by means of it they can take the fkin off a horfe's back.
He has heard them boaft of laying the marks of it in a
deal board, and he has feen it done. On its application
on a flave's back he has feen the blood fpurt out imme-
diately on the firft ftroke.*
+ Nearly the fame account of its conftruction is given
by other evidences, and its power and effects are thus
defcribed. At
At every ſtroke, fays Captain Smith, a piece
of flesh was drawn out. Dalrymple avers the fame thing.
It will even bring blood through the breeches, fays J. Terry;
we
aud fuch is the effufion of blood on thofe occafions,
adds Fitzmaurice, as to make their frocks, if immedi-
ately put on, appear as ftiff as buckram; and Coor ob-
ferves, that at his firft going to Jamaica, a fight of a com-
mon flogging would put him in a tremble, fo that he did not
feel right for the rest of the day. It is obferved alfo by Dr.
Harrifon and the Dean of Middleham, that the incifions
are fometimes fo deep that you may lay your fingers in the
wounds. There are alfo wheals, fays Mr. Coor, from
their hams to the fmall of their backs. Thefe wheals, cuts,
or marks, are defcribed by Captain Thompſon, Dean of
Middleham, Mr. Jeffreys, and General Tottenham, as
indelible, as lafting to old age, or as fuch as no time can erafe,
and Woolrich has often feen their backs one undiftin-
guifhed mafs of lumps, holes, and furrows.
*The military whip, fays General Tottenham, cuts the skin, whereas
that for the negroes cuts out the fleth.
+ Dr. Jackfon and others mention another kind of whip in ufe, which
they defcribe to be like what our waggoners ufe, and to be thrown at the
distance of three or four paces, which the former obferves greatly increafes
the weight of the lashes. To this whip Captain Cook alludes, when he
fays, a dextrous flogger could ftrike fo exactly as to lodge the point of the
lafh juft within the fleth, where it would remain till picked out with his
finger and thumb.
As
( 67 )
As farther proofs of the feverity of theſe puniſhments Frequency
by the whip or cowfkin, the following facts may be ad- and feverity
of these Pu-
duced. Duncan and Falconbridge have known them nishments.
fo whipped that they could not lie down. Fitzmaurice has
often known pregnant women fo feverely whipped as
to have mifcarried in confequence of it. Clappefon alfo
knew a pregnant woman whipped and delivered on the
fpot. Davifon was once fent for to a woman flave,
who mifcarried from fevere flogging, when both he and
the child died. He knew alfo a new negro girl die of a
mortification of her wounds two days after the whipping
had taken place. A cafe fimilar to the laſt is alſo men-
tioned by Mr. Rees. Finding one day in his walks
a woman lying down and groaning, he understood from
her that he had been fo feverely whipped for running
away, that fhe could hardly move from the place where
Her left fide, where fhe had been moft whip-
ped, appeared in a mortifying ftate, and almoft covered
with worms. He relieved her, as fhe was hungry, and
in a day or two afterwards going to vifit her again,
found he was dead and buried. To mention other in-
ftances: a planter flogged his driver to death, and even
boafted of it to the perfon from whom Mr. Dalrymple
had the account. Captain Hall alfo (of the navy)
knows by an inftance that fell under his eye, that a
flave's death may be occafioned by fevere puniſhment. Dr.
Jackfon thinks alfo fevere whippings are fometimes the
occafion of their death. He recollects a negro dying un-
der the lafh, or foon afterwards; and Captain Rofs avers,
that they often die in a few days after their fevere puniſh-
ments, for having but little food, and little care being
taken to keep the fores clean after the whipping, their
their death is often the confequence.
fhe was.

Having now collected what is faid on the punishments Extraordi-
by the whip and cowfkin, it will be proper to mention
nary punish-
thoſe other modes with which the evidence prefents us. ments of many
Thefe, however, are not eafily fubject to a divifion from
the great variety of their kinds.

1. Captain Cook, fpeaking of the towns, fays, he
has been fhocked to fee a girl of fixteen or ſeventeen,
a domeftick
I 2
kinds.
( 68 )
Extraordi- a domeftick flave, running in the streets on her ordinary
nary punife- bufinefs with an iron collar, having two books projecting
ments of many feveral inches both before and behind.
kinds.
Captain Rofs, fpeaking of the country, has known
flaves feverely punifhed, then put into the flocks, a cattle
chain of fixty or feventy pounds weight put on them,
and a large collar about their necks, and a weight of fifty-
fix pounds faſtened to the chain when they were drove
a-field.

Mr Cook ftates that, when runaways are brought in,
they are generally feverely flogged, and fometimes have
an iron boot put on one or both legs, and a chain or collar
round their neck. The chain is locked, the collar faſ-
tened on by a rivet. When the collar is with three pro-
jections, it is impoffible for them to lie down to fleep: even
with two, they must lie uneasily. He has feen collars with
four projections. He never knew any injury from the
chain and collar, but feverely galling their necks. He
has, however, known a negro lofe his leg from wearing the
iron boot.
2. Mr. Dalrymple, in June 1789, faw a negrefs
brought to St. George's, Grenada, to have her fingers
cut off.
She had committed a fault, and ran away to
avoid puniſhment; but being taken, her mafter fufpend-
ed her by the hands, flogged and cut her cruelly on the
back, belly, breaft, and thighs, and then left her fufpend-
ed till her fingers mortified. In this ftate Mr Dalrymple
faw her at Dr. Gilpin's houfe.
3. Captain Rofs has feen a negro woman, in Ja-
maica, flogged with ebony bufhes (much worse than our
own thorn-bufhes) fo that the skin of her back was taken
off, down to her heels. She was then turned round and
fogged from her breast down to her waist, and in con-
fequence he faw her afterwards walking upon all fours, and
unable to get up.
GI L
4. Captain
( 69 )
4. Captain Cook being an a vifit to General Extradi-
Frere at an eſtate of his in Barbadoes, and riding one ments of many
nary punish
morning with the General and two other officers, they kinds.
faw near a houſe, upon a dunghill, a naked negro nearly
fufpended, by ftrings from his elbows backwards, to the bough
of a tree, with his feet barely upon the ground, and an iron
weight round his neck, at leaft, to appearance of 14 lb.
weight: and thus without one creature near him, or ap-
parently near the houſe, was this wretch left expofed to
the noon-day fun. Returning a few hours after, they found
him ftill in the fame ftate, and would have releaſed him, but
for the advice of General Frere, who had an eſtate in the
neighbourhood. The gentlemen, through difguft,
fhortened their vifit, and returned the next morning.
5. Lieutenant Davifon and Mr. Woolrich men-
tion the thumb-fcrew, and Mr. Woolrich, Captain Roſs,
Mr. Clappefon, and Dr. Harrifon, mention the picket,
as inftruments of puniſhment. A negro man, in
Jamaica, fays Dr. Harriſon, was put on the picket fo long
as to caufe a mortification of his foot and hand, on fufpicion
of robbing his mafter, a publick officer, of a fum of
money, which it afterwards appeared, the mafter had taken
himself. Yet the mafter was privy to the puniſhment,
and the flave had no compenfation. He was puniſhed
by order of the mafter, who did not then chufe to make it
known that he himself had made ufe of the money.
6. Jeffreys, Captain Rofs, M. Terry, and Coor,
mention the cutting off of ears, as another fpecies of pu-
niſhment. The laft gentleman gives the following in-
ftance in Jamaica. One of the houfe-girls having broken
a plate, or fpilt a cup of tea, the doctor, (with whom Mr.
Coor boarded) nailed her ear to a poft. Mr. Coor re-
monftrated with him in vain. They went to bed, and
left her there. In the morning fhe was gone, having
torn the head of the nail through her ear. She was foon
brought back, and when Mr. Coor came to breakfaſt,
he found fhe had been very feverely whipped by the doctor,
who in his fury, clipped both her ears off clofe to her head,

with
( 70 )
Extradi- with a pair of large fciffars, and fhe was fent to pick
mary if feeds out of cotton, among three or four more, emaciated
kinds. by his cruelties, until they were fit for nothing elſe.
Tents of many
7. Mr. M. Cook, while in Jamaica, knew a run-
away flave brought in, with part of a turkey with
him, which he had ftolen, and which, Mr. Cook thinks,
be bad ftolen from hunger, as he was nothing but fkin and
bone. His mafter immediately made two negroes hold
him down, and with a hammer and a punch, knocked out
two of his upper, and two of his under teeth.
Mr. Dalrymple was informed by a young woman flave,
in Grenada, who had no teeth, that her miftrefs had,
with her own hands, pulled them out, and given her a
fevere flogging befides, the marks of which the then
bore. This relation was confirmed by feveral town's
people of whom he inquired concerning it.
8. Mr. Jeffereys has feen flaves with one of
their hands off, which he understood to have been cut off
for lifting it up against a white man. Captain Lloyd alfo
faw at Mrs. Winne's at Mammee Bay in Jamaica, a
female flave, with but one hand only, the other having
been cut off for the fame offence. Mrs. Winne had
endeavoured to prevent the amputation, but in vain, for
her indented white woman could not be diffuaded from
fwearing that the flave had ftruck her, and the hand was
accordingly cut off.
9. Captain Giles, Doctor Jackfon, Mr. Fitzmau-
rice, and Mr. M. Terry, have feen negroes whofe
legs had been cut off, by their master's orders, for running
away, and Mr. Dalrymple gives the following account:
A French planter, fays he, in the English ifland of Gre-
nada, fent for a furgeon to cut off the leg of a negro who
had run away. On the furgeon's refufing to do it, the
planter took an iron bar, and broke the leg in pieces, and then
the furgeon cut it off. This planter did many fuch acts
of cruelty, and all with impunity.

10. Mr.
( 71 )
10. Mr. Fitzmaurice mentions, among other in- Extrawdi-
ftances of cruelty, that of dropping hot lead upon negroes, ments of many
nary punifh
which he often faw practifed by a planter of the name of kinds.
Rufhie, during his refidence in Jamaica.
II. Mr. Hercules Rofs, hearing one day, in Jamai-
ca; from an incloſure, the cries of fome poor wretch
under torture, he looked through, and faw a young fe-
male fufpended by the wrifts to a tree, fwinging to and fro.
Her toes could barely touch the ground, and her body was
exceedingly agitated. The fight rather confounded him,
as there was no whipping, and the mafter was just by feem-
ingly motionleſs; but, on looking more attentively, he faw
in his hand a flick of fire, which he held fo as occafionally
to touch her about her private parts as the fwung. He
continued this torture with unmoved countenance, until
Mr. H. Rofs, calling on him to defift, and throwing ftones
at him over the fence, ftopped it.
12. Mr. Fitzmaurice once found Rufhie, the Ja-
maica planter before mentioned, in the act of hanging
a negro. Mr. Fitzmaurice begged leave to intercede, as
he was doing an action that, in a few minutes, he would
repent of. Rufhie, upon this, being a paffionate man,
ordered him off his eftate. Mr. Fitzmaurice accord-
ingly went, but returned early the next morning, before
Rufhie was up, and going into the curing-houfe, beheld
the fame negro lying dead upon a board. It was notorious
that Rufhie had killed many of his negroes, and deſtroyed
them fo faft, that he was obliged to fell his eftate.--
Captain Rofs fays alfo, that there was a certain planter
in the fame ifland, who had hanged a negro on a poft, clofe
to his houfe, and in three years deftroyed forty negroes,
out of fixty, by feverity.* The reft of the conduct of
this planter, as defcribed by Captain Rofs, was, after a
debate, cancelled by the Committee of the Houſe of
Commons who took the evidence, as containing cir-
cumſtances too horrible to be given to the world: and
*It is not improbable, but that Captain Rofs, and Mr. Fitzmaurice,
allude to the fame perfon.




therefore
( 72 )
Extraordi- therefore the reader will find their places fupplied by
nary puni afterifks, in the evidence at large.
ments of many
kinds.

13. On Shrewsbury eftate, in Jamaica, fays Mr.
Coor, the overfeer fent for a flave, and in talking
with him, he haftily ftruck him on the head, with a fmall
hanger, and gave him two ftabs about the waift. The
flave faid, " Överfeer, you have killed me." He puſhed
him out of the piazza. The flave went home, and
died that night. He was buried, and no more faid about
it.-A manager of an eftate fays, Mr. Woolrich, in Tor-
tola, whofe owner did not refide on the ifland, fitting at
dinner, in a fudden refentment at his cook, went directly
to his fword, and ran the negro woman through the body,
and fhe died upon the floor immediately, and the negroes
were called in to take her away and bury her.
14. Mr. Giles recollects feveral fhocking in-
ftances of puniſhment. In particular, on the eftate
where he lived, in Montferrat, the driver at day-break
once informed the overfeer, that one of four or five
negroes, chained in the dungeon, would not rife. He
accompanied the overfeer to the dungeon, who fet the
others that were in the chain to drag him out, and not
rifing when out, he ordered a bundle of cane-trafh to be
put round him, and fet fire to. As he ftill did not rife,
he had a ſmall foldering iron heated, and thrust between his
teeth. As the man did not yet rife, he had the chain
taken off, and fent him to the hofpital, where he languished
fome days and died.

15. An overfeer, on the eftate where Mr. J.
Terry was in Grenada, (Mr. Coghlan) threw a flave
into the boiling cane-juice, who died in four days. Mr. J.
Terry was told of this by the owner's fon, by the car-
penter, and by many flaves on the eftate. He has heard
it often.
16. Mr. Woolrich fays a negro ran away from a
planter in Tortola, with whom he was well acquainted.
The overfeer having orders to take him dead or alive, a
while
( 73 )
""
while after found him in one of his huts, faft afleep, in Extraordi
the day time, and ſhot him through the body. The negro nary puniſh
ments of many
jumping up, faid, "What, you kill me afleep; and kinds.
dropped dead immediately. The overfeer took off his
head, and carried it to the owner. Mr. Woolrich knew
another inftance in the fame ifland. A planter, offended
with his waiting man, a mulatto, ftepped fuddenly to his
gun, on which the man ran off, but his mafter hot him
through the head with a fingle ball.

very women
From the above accounts, there are no less than fixteen The part
forts of extraordinary puniſhments, which the imagina- which the
tion has invented in the moments of paffion and caprice. take in thefe
It is much to be lamented, that there are others in the punishments.
evidence not yet mentioned. But as it is neceffary to in-
fert a new head, under which will be explained the concern
which the very * women take, both in the ordinary and
extraordinary puniſhments of the flaves, and as fome of
the latter not yet mentioned are infeparably connected
with it, it was thought proper to cite them under this
new divifion rather than continue them under the old.
It will appear extraordinary to the reader, that many
women, living in the colonies, fhould not only order, and
often fuperintend, but fometimes actually inflict with their
own hands fome fevere puniſhments upon their flaves, and
that theſe ſhould not always be women of a low order,
but frequently of refpectability and rank.
In the inftance of whipping, mentioned by General
Tottenham, (p. 63) we find the order for it given by
the wife of a planter, whom the General was vifiting,
though the husband had declined it on his part. A lady
is reprefented by Mr. Cook as having her domeftics
flogged every Monday morning. Capt. Cooke repreſents
a woman of refpectable condition as fending her fervant to
*The Editor feels a reluctance in mentioning women on this occafion,
but when he confiders how much the explanation of their conduct will
thew the iniquity of the fyftem of flavery, and its baneful influence on
thofe moft difpofed to benevolence and compaffion, he feels it a duty to
proceed in the narration without any farther apology.
K-
be
( 74 )
The part
which the
very women
be flogged for a mistake only.
pu-
Lieutenant Davifon has
often known the miftrefs fend her domeftics to be
take in thefe nifhed, and without telling them for what. He has feen
puniſhments. a flave alfo, both whofe noftrils had been flit by ber mistress's
order, who was of fome confequence, being the wife of the
Chief Engineer of the ifland, and he alfo remembers a
new negro girl, flogged by the order of her miftrefs, who
died in two days afterwards of her wounds.
Lieutenant Davifon, Captain Smith, and Dr. Jackfon,
all agree, that it was common for ladies of refpectability and
runk to fuperintend the punishments of their flaves. Con-
formably with this, we find Dr. Harrifon ftating to the
Committee, that a negro, in Jamaica, was flogged to
death by her miftrefs's order, who ftood by to ſee the
puniſhment. Lieutenant Davifon alfo ftates, that in the
fame ifland, he has feen feveral negro girls at work with
the needle, in the prefence of their miftreffes, with a
thumb-ſcrew on their left thumbs, and he has feen the
blood gufh out from the ends of them. He has alſo ſeen
a negro girl made to kneel with her bare knees on peb-
bles, and to work there at the fame time; a fort of puniſh-
ment, he fays, among the domeftics, which he knows to
be in common uſe.



On the fubject of women becoming the executioners
of their own fury, Doctor Jackſon obferves, that the firſt
thing that ſhocked him in Jamaica was a creole lady, of
fome confequence, fuperintending the punishment of her flaves,
male and female, ordering the number of lashes, and, with
her own hands, flogging the negro driver, if he did not
punish properly.
Capt. Cook relates, that two young ladies of fortune,
in Barbadoes, fifters, one of whom was difpleafed at the
pregnancy of a female flave belonging to the other, by
the fon of the furgeon attending the eftate, proceeded to
fome very derogatory acts of cruelty. With their own
garters they tied the young woman neck and heels, and
then beat her almoft to death with the heels of their fhoes.
One of her eyes continued a long while afterwards in
danger

( 75 )
danger of being loft. They after this continued to ufe The part
her ill, confining and degrading her.
Captain Cook which the
came in during the beating, and was an eye witness to it take in thefe
himſelf.
Captain Cook ftates farther, that he faw a woman,
named Rachel Lauder, beat a female flave moft unmer-
cifully. Having bruifed her head almoft to a jelly, with
the heel of her fhoe, fhe threw her with great force on
the feat of the child's neceffary, and then tried to ftamp
her head through the hole, and would have murdered her,
if not prevented by two officers. The girl's crime was
the not bringing money enough from on board fhip,
where fhe was fent by her miſtreſs, for the purpose of
prostitution.
Lieutenant Davifon ftates, in his evidence, that the
clergyman's wife at Port Royal, was remarkably cruel.
She uſed to drop hot fealing wax on her negroes, after
flogging them. He was fent for as furgeon to one of
them, whofe breaft was terribly burnt with fealing wax.
He was alſo once called in to a woman flave, who had
been tied up all night by her hands, and had been abuſed
with cayenne pepper, by the fame mistress, and in a way
too horrid and indecent to mention. He lived next door,
he ftates alfo, to a waſher-woman at Port Royal, who
was almoft continually flogging her negroes. He has
often gone in and remonftrated against her cruelty, when
he has feen the negro women chained to the washing-tubs,
almost naked, with their thighs and backs in a gore of blood,
from flogging. He could mention various other capricious
puniſhments, if neceffary.
Mr. Forfter, examined on the fame fubject, fays he
has known a creole woman, in Antigua, drop hot fealing
wax on a girl's back, after a flogging. He and many
others faw a young woman of fortune and character
flogging a negro man very feverely with her own hands.
Many fimilar inftances he could relate if neceffary. They
are almoft innumerable among the domeftick flaves.
K 2
If
very women
punishments.



( 6 )
The offences
If it fhould be afked for what offences the different
Said to occa- puniſhments now cited have taken place, the following
fion the fame answer may be given.
The flaves appear to have been puniſhed, as far as can
be aſcertained from the evidence under the head of ordi-
nary puniſhments, for not coming into the field in time,
not picking a fufficient quantity of grass, not appearing
willing to work, when in fact fick and not able, for ſtaying
too long on an errand, for not coming immediately when
called, for not bringing home (the women) the full
weekly fum enjoined by their owners, for running away,
and for theft, to which they were often driven by hunger.
Under the head of "extraordinary puniſhments," fome
appear to have fuffered for running away, or for lifting
up a hand againft a white man, or for breaking a plate,
or fpilling a cup of tea, or to extort confeffion. Others
again in the moments of fudden refentment, and one on a
diabolical pretext, which the mafter held out to the
world to conceal his own villainy, and which he knew to be
falfe.
Under the head of "the part which the very women
take in theſe punishments," a female flave is puniſhed for
being found pregnant; another for not bringing home the
full wages of prostitution; another for jealoufy on the part
of her miftrefs; others again from an opinion that flaves
could not be managed without feverity; and others in the
moments of paffion, without even the allegation of a fault.
In fhort, it appears that they are often puniſhed as caprice
and paffion dictates, and to fuch lengths do people go
whofe minds are depraved by the exerciſe of unlimited
power, that we find an inftance in the evidence, related
by Dr. Harriſon, (who knows alfo others of the kind) of
a man buying a negro, who belonged to another man,
but who mimicked him, for the purpoſe of gratifying his
After having bought him, he ordered him to
be puniſhed, and the confequence was, that the flave cut
bis own throat.

revenge.
On
( 77 )
On the fubject of capital offences and puniſhments, a Capital Of
man and a woman flave are mentioned to have been fences and
Punishments
hanged, the man for * running_away, and the woman
for having fecreted him. The Dean of Middleham faw
two inftances of flaves being gibbetted alive in chains,
but he does not fay for what, only that this is the puniſh-
ment for enormous crimes: and Mr. Jefferys, the only
other perſon who fpeaks on this fubject, fays, that he
was in one of the islands, when fome of the flaves mur-
dered a white man, and deftroyed fome property on the
eftate. The execution of theſe he deſcribes as follows:
He was prefent, he fays, at the execution of feven
negroes in Tobago, in the year 1774, whofe right arms
were chopped off: they were then dragged to feven
ſtakes, and a fire, confifting of trafh and dry wood, was
lighted about them. They were there burnt to death.
He does not remember hearing one of them murmur,
complain, cry, or do any thing that indicated fear. One
of them in particular, named Chubb, was taken in the
woods that morning, was tried about noon, and was
thus executed with the reft in the evening. Mr. Jeffreys
ftood cloſe by Chubb, when his arm was cut off. He
ftretched his arm out, and laid it upon the block, pulled
up the fleeve of his fhirt, with more coolness than he,
(Mr. Jefferys) fhould have done, if he had been to be
let blood. He afterwards would not fuffer himfelf to be
dragged to the ftake, as the others had been, but
got
upon his feet, and walked to it. As he was going
to the ftake, he turned about, and addreffed himself to
Mr. Jeffreys, who was ftanding within two or three
yards of him, and faid, " Buckra, you fee me now,
"to-morrow I fhall be like that," kicking up the duft
with his foot. (Here Mr. Jeffreys folemnly added in
his evidence the words "So help me God.") The
impreffion this made upon his mind, Mr. Jeffreys de-
clared, no time ever could erafe. Sampfon, who made
the eighth, and a negro, whoſe name Mr. Jeffreys does

but
*Slaves running away are punifhed varioufly, but on abfenting them-
felves for a certain time, they may be punished with death.
not
( 78 )
Capital Of not recollect, was prefent at this execution. Sampfon,
fences and
next morning, was hung in chains alive, and there he
Punishments, hung till he was dead, which, to the beft of his recol-
lection, was feven days. The other negro was fen-
tenced to be fent to the mines in South America, and,
he believes, was fent accordingly. Neither of thofe
two, during the time of the execution, fhewed any marks
or concern, or difmay that he could obferve. A ftronger
inftance of human fortitude, he declared, he never faw.

Slaves turned
off when in-
apable of
Labour.
423
Having now ftated the fubftance of the evidence
on the fubject of offences and puniſhments, we come
to a cuſtom which appears too general to be paffed over
in filence.

Dalrymple, Forfter, Captain Smith, Captain Wilfon,
and General Tottenham, affert that it is no uncommon
thing for perfons to neglect and turn off their flaves when
paſt labour. They are turned off, fay Captain Wilſon,
Lieutenant Davifon, and General Tottenham, to plunder,
beg, or starve. Captain Cook has known fome take
care of them; but fays, others leave them to farve and
die. They are often defired when old, fays Mr. Fitz-
maurice, to provide for themfelves, and they fuffer much.
Mr. Clappefon knew a man who had an old, decrepid
woman flave, to whom he would allow nothing. When
paft labour, the owner did not feed them, fays Giles; and
Cook ftates that, within his experience, they had no food
but what they could get from fuch relations as they might
have had. This is the account given by the different
witneffes; and accordingly we find fome of the fuper-
annuated flaves on the different eftates, who wanted every
thing (Harrifon); others begging (Rees); others digging in
the dunghill for food, (Dalrymple); and others lying, mi-
ferable objects, about the wharfs and beaches, and in the
roads and ftreets (Jeffreys, J. Woodward and Cook).
General Tottenham has often met them, and, once in
particular, an old woman, paft labour, who told him that
her maſter had ſet her adrift to shift for herself. He faw
her about three days afterwards, lying dead in the fame
place. This cuftom of turning them off when old and

helpless
( 79 )
helpleſs is called in the iflands (Captain Wilfon and Slaves turn
Captain Lloyd) "Giving them free."
As a proof how little the life of an old flave is regarded
in the Weſt Indies, we may make the following extract
from the evidence of Mr. Coor. Once when he was
dining with an overfeer, an old woman who had run
away a few days, was brought home, with her hands tied
behind. After dinner, the overfeer, with the clerk,
named Bakewell, took the woman, thus tied, to the
hot-houſe, a place for the fick, and where the ftocks are
in one of the rooms. Mr. Coor went to work in the
mill, about one hundred yards off, and hearing a moft
diftrefsful cry from that houfe, he afked his men, who
and what it was. They faid they thought it was old
Quafheba. About five o'clock the noife ceafed, and
about the time he was leaving work, Bakewell came to
him, apparently in great fpirits, and faid, "Well, Mr.
Coor, Old Quafheba is dead. We took her to the
ſtocks-room; the overfeer threw a rope over the beam;
I was Jack Ketch, and hauled her up, till her feet were
off the ground. The overfeer locked the door, and took
the key with him, till my return juft now, with a flave
for the ftocks, when I found her dead." Mr. Coor faid,
"You have killed her, I heard her cry all the after-
noon."
He answered, "D-n her for an old b-h,
fhe was good for nothing; what fignifies killing fuch an
old woman as her." Mr. Coor faid, "Bakewell, you
fhock me," and left him. The next morning his men
told him, they had helped to bury her.
But it appears that the aged are not the only perfons
whoſe fate is to be commiferated, when they become of
no value; for people in youth, if difabled, are abandoned
to equal mifery. General Tottenham, about three
weeks before the hurricane, faw a youth, about nine-
teen, walking in the ftreets, in a moft deplorable fitua-
tion, entirely naked, and with an iron collar about his neck,
with five long projecting Spikes. His body, before and be-
hind, his breech, belly, and thighs, were almoft cut to pieces,
and with running fores all over them, and you might put
your
ed off when
incapable of
Labour.


( 80 )
Slaves turn- your finger in fome of the wheals. He could not fit down,
ed off when owing to his breech being in a state of mortification, and it
incapable of
Labour, was impoffible for him to lie down, from the projection of
the prongs. The boy came to the General and afked re-
lief. He was shocked at his appearance, and afked him
what he had done to fuffer fuch a punishment, and who in-
flicted it. He faid it was his mafter, who lived about
two miles from town, and that as he could not work, he
would give him nothing to eat.

Have little or
no redress a-
gainst ill
fage of any
fort.
If it be poffible to view human depravity in a worſe
light than it has already appeared in on the fubject of the
treatment of the flaves when difabled from labour, it
may be done by referring to the evidence of Capt. Lloyd,
who was told by a perſon of veracity, when in the Weſt
Indies, but whom he did not wifh to name in his evi-
dence, that it was the practice of a certain planter to
frame pretences for the execution of his old worn out flaves,
in order get the island allowance.
ifland allowance. And it was fuppofed
that he dealt largely in that way.
*
Having now cited both the ordinary and extraordi-
nary puniſhments inflicted upon the flaves, it may be
prefumed that fome one will afk here, whether, under
thefe various acts of cruelty, they are wholly without
redrefs? To this the following anfwer may be given-
That, with respect to the ordinary puniſhments, by the
whip and cowfkin (where they do not terminate in
death) the power of the mafter or overfeer is under little
or no controul.
Firft, Becauſe, as we have already feen, they can
order or inflict puniſhment for any, even imaginary, of-
fences.
Secondly, Becauſe the law of thirty-nine laſhes (the
greatest number allowed to be given to a flave, at any one
time) is a mere farce, and never attended to by maſters
*The iſland allowance in Jamaica to the mafter is 401. currency for
any one of his flaves if executed for a breach of the laws.
or
( 81 )
or owners, if they fhould think it proper to inflict more; Have little o
for, Woolrich fays, that the chief whipper lays on their back no redress
forty, fifty, fixty, or more lafhes, at the pleasure of the owner against ill
ufage of any
or overfeer. Captain Rofs has known negroes receive two fort.
hundred lafhes, where the law would give only thirty-
nine. Mr. Cook has known a field flave receive two
hundred lafhes, by order of the overfeer, and a domeftick
fifty, by order of his mistress. Mr. M. Terry alfo ob-
ferves, that the law was reftricted to thirty-nine, but it
was not in the leaft attended to during his experience,
He has, in fhort, feen it broken repeatedly. The fame lan-
guage is alfa fpoken by others.
Thirdly, Becaufe, if there fhould be fome, who bear
the law in their minds, at the time of puniſhing, they
evade it by various means. Whipping, fays Mr. Fitz-
maurice, was underſtood to be limited to thirty-nine
lafhes; but it was often evaded, by putting the negro into
the ftocks, and giving him thirty-nine for the fame offence,
next day. We find alfo, by Captain Rofs's account, a
magiftrate, and of courſe, a guardian of the laws, evading
it in like manner, for that gentleman has feen John
Shackle, Efq. a magiftrate in Jamaica, flogging a negro
three times in one day, namely at breakfaft, dinner, and at
fix in the evening: but the negro was in the ftocks between
the floggings. Captain Cook alfo exprefsly fays, that
the law may be evaded by splitting a crime into many,
and, by intervals, dividing the times of punishment, and of
this, where flaves are puniſhed at home, he fays there are
daily inftances. Returning home one evening late with
Major Fitch of the 90th regt. they heard moft dreadful
cries, and, on approaching the fquare at Bridge-town,
found they proceeded from the houſe of a man that fold
liquor, and heard the repeated lafhes of a whip, on a crea-
ture whom they conceived to be dying. On their re-
quefting admiffion, the cruelty feemed to be wantonly in-
creafed, which fo provoked them that they broke open
the door, and found a negro girl of about nineteen chain-
ed to the floor, almoft expiring with agony and lofs of
blood. The man taking refuge behind his counter from
their indignation, and thinking himſelf free from the


L
law,
( 82 )

against ill
usage of any
fort.
Have little law, immediately cried out with exultation, that he had
or no redrefs only given her thirty-nine lafhes at one time, and that only
three times fince the beginning of the night. He then
threatened them for breaking his door, and interfering be
tween him and his flave, whom he would flog to death for
all any one, and he would give her the fourth thirty-nine
lafhes before morning, which muft have killed her, as
fhe feemed then to be dying. In fhort, to ufe the lan-
guage of the different evidences, it appears that the flaves
have no legal redrefs, in the cafe alluded to, against their
mafters and miftreffes, the latter of whom, even when
they become the executioners on fuch occafions, are not
received for it the worse in fociety. Perhaps, fays Dr.
Jackfon, "fuch a one might be called a termagant, but he
was not the lefs refpected. It was indeed thought neceffary
for an induftrious wife to be rigid in the punishment of her
flaves. It is impoffible to omit mentioning here that
Lieutenant Davifon was fo hurt at the fevere and fre-
quent whippings of one of thefe women, that he com-
plained to a magiftrate, who faid he had nothing to do
with it.



at 2nd nerasiteg
With refpect to the overfeer, whom we have ſeen
alfo exercifing a difcretionary power, he is certainly fub-
ject to the controul of the mafter, if he refides, and in
cafe of his non-refidence, to that of the attorney of the
eftate: but then, fays J. Terry, the flaves, if feverely punifh-
ed for trifling faults, dare not complain of him to the maſter
for fear of worſe treatment. J. Terry has known them
punished by their mafter for fo doing, and fent back to
the plantation, though their complaints were juft. Mr.
Cook alfo has known flaves punished for complaining to
the mafter, and, in his abfence, to the attorney against the
overfeer, for ill ufage. If again, fays Coor, the flaves
complain to the attorney, and the attorney liftens, the
overfeer fays he will leave the eftate. He has alfo feen
the attorney wink at the oppreffion of the flaves, becauſe
he has a per centage on the crop, and the more the over-
feer puſhes them, the more the attorney gains. The
fame per centage on the crop is acknowledged alfo by
Lieut. Davifon. Captain Rofs nevertheleſs ftates that


overfeers
( 83 )
overfeers are often turned away for fevere whippings, Have little
but he is the only one of the evidences who fays fo, and or no redrefs
it appears that there must be frequently great obftacles against ill
to this; for it is obferved by Davifon, Fitzmaurice, and fort
usage of an
Cook, that fome attornies live thirty, forty, or fifty miles
from the eftate, and of courſe that the flaves cannot go
to complain, and that the fame three gentlemen, together
with Coor, J. Terry, and Duncan, ftate that on ſome
eftates one perfon holds the office of attorney and
overfeer at the fame time, where his power is of courſe
under no controul.
As to fuch of the extraordinary puniſhments before
mentioned as did not terminate in death, fuch as picket-
ing, dropping hot fealing-wax on the flesh, cutting off
ears and the like, it appears that flaves had no redreſs
whatever, for that thefe actions alfo on the part of the
mafters were not deemed within the reach of the law.
In the inftance cited of the Doctor clipping off the ears
of a female flave, no more notice was taken of it, fays Coor,
than if a dog's ears had been cut off, though it must have
been known to the magiftrates. In the dreadful inftance
alfo cited of a planter's breaking his flave's leg by an
iron bar, to induce the furgeon to cut it off, as a puniſh-
ment, Mr. Dalrymple obferves that it was not the pub-
lick opinion, that any punishment was due to him on that
account, for though it was generally known, he was equally
well received in fociety afterwards as before; and in the
cafe alfo mentioned of the owner torturing his female
flave by the application of a lighted torch to her body,
Mr. H. Rofs ftates, only that this owner was not a
man of character: with refpect to his fuffering by the
law, he obſerves that he was never brought to any trial
for it; and he did not know that the law then extended to
the punishment of whites for fuch acts as thefe.
With refpect to fuch of the puniſhments as have ter-
minated in death, the reader will be able to collect,

* If a flave fhould be feen any day except Sunday wandering about,
and even then without a ticket, he would be taken up, put into gaol, and
advertiſed as a runaway.
L 2
what

( 84 )
Have little what power the mafters and overfeers, and what pro-
or no redres tection the flaves have had by the law, from the follow-
against
ufage of any ing accounts.
fort.
ill
There are no lefs then feven fpecifick inftances men-
tioned in the evidence, in which flaves died in confequence
of the whipping they received, and yet in no one of them
was the murderer brought to an account.
One of the per-
petrators is mentioned by Mr. Dalrymple as having
boafted of what he had done; and Dr. Jackfon fpeaks of
the other in theſe words. "No attempts, fays he, were
made to bring him to juftice: people faid it was an unfortu-
nate thing, and were furprized he was not more cautious,
as it was not the first thing of the kind that had happened
to him, but they dwelt chiefly on the proprietor's lofs."
In fuch of the extraordinary puniſhments, as termi-
nated in death, there are no less than feven fepecifick in-
ftances alfo in the evidence. In one of them viz. that of
throwing the flave into the boiling cane-juice, we find
from Mr. J. Terry, the overfeer puniſhed, but his pu-
nifhment confifted only of replacing the flave and leaving
his owner's fervice. In that of killing the flave by light-
ing a fire round him and putting a hot foldering iron into
his mouth, the overfeer's conduct, fays Mr. Giles, was
not even condemned by his mafter, nor in any of the reft
were any means whatſoever uſed to puniſh the offenders.
In the three mentioned by Mr. Woolrich he particularly
fays, all the white people in the island were acquainted with
thefe facts. Neither of the offenders, however, were called
to an account, nor were they fhunned in fociety for it, or con-
fidered as in difgrace.
In going over the evidence we find three or four other
inftances, not yet cited in this chapter. The first is that
of an huckſter in Antigua, who murdered his woman
flave with circumftances of the most atrocious barbarity.
This man however was tried, convicted, and-fined.
He is repreſented by Mr. Forfter, as having been uni-
verfally blamed, but he was dealt with as ufual in the
course of trade.

At
( 85 )
or no redres
At Grenada in the town of St. George, a mafon, Have little
named Chambers, killed a negro in the middle of the day, against ill
and Mr. Dalrymple believes in the church yard, but no ufage of am
notice was taken of it.
Two flaves, fays Captain Cook, were murdered and
thrown into the road during his refidence in Barbadoes:
yet no legal inquiry ever took place that he heard of.
He was repeatedly informed by the inhabitants that
they did not chufe to make examples of white men there,
fearing it might be attended with dangerous confe-
quences.
Going over the evidence we come at laft to an in-
ftance (and the only inftance of the kind mentioned) of a
white man being hanged for the murder of another's flave;
and it is very remarkable, that he fhould be repreſented
as having been hanged more becaufe he was an obnoxious
man, than that the murder of a flave was confidered as a
crime for Mr. Dalrymple ftates that the Chief Justice
of the Iſland (Grenada) told him, he believed if this
murderer, whofe name was Bacchus Prefton, had been a
man of good character, or had had friends or money to
have paid for the flave, he would not have been brought to
trial. He was of a very bad character and had been
obliged to leave Barbadoes upon that account. At Gre-
nada he had been a Bailiff's follower, and, from his rigour
in executing his office and bad character, he was particu
larly obnoxious to the inhabitants of the town of St. George.
fort.
Such appears to have been, in the experience of the dif
ferent evidences cited, the forlorn and wretched fituation
of the flaves. They often complain, fays Dr. Jackſon,
that they are an oppreffed people; that they fuffer in this
world, but expect happiness in the next; whilft they de-
nounce the vengeance of God on the white men their op-
preffors: if you ſpeak to them of future puniſhments they
fay, "Why Should a poor negro be punished; he does no
wrong; fiery cauldrons, and fuch things, are referved
for white people, as punishments for the oppreffion of flaves."

If
( 86 )
Have little
or no redress
If it fhould be afked here, whether fome new laws have
against ill not lately paffed the legislature of fome of the iſlands
usage of any with a view of amending the fituation of the flaves, it
fort,
muſt be anſwered in the affirmative. The firft is the
celebrated confolidated act of Jamaica, and the other is
an act of the affembly of Grenada, entitled " an act for
the better protection and promoting the increafe and po-
pulation of flaves." Thefe acts, however, the evidence
obliges us to obferve, never originated in any intention to
ferve the flaves, and are in reality of little or no ufe.
Captain Giles, who was in Jamaica both before and
fince the paffing of the confolidated act, gives his evi-
dence without any diftinction of this epoch, and as if no
difference had happened in the treatment of the flaves.
Mr. Cook, long refident alfo in the fame iſland, and
fince the paffing of the act, knows of no legal protection
that flaves have against injuries from their masters.
Mr. Clappefon, examined exprefsly on the fubject,
fays that he was in Jamaica when the affembly paffed
the confolidated law. He has often heard it was paffed
becauſe of the ftir in England about the flave-trade. He
never heard that any regard was paid to it, flaves being
ftill treated as before: nor did he ever hear of any profe-
cution for fuch difregard. He recollects an inftance of
difregard to it, which came under his eye. The owner
of an old and decrepid female flave would allow her nei-
ther victuals nor clothing; upon which he adviſed a fon
of the woman to complain to a magiftrate, who would
perhaps order her to be taken care of, if he regarded
the law; but he believes he was deterred from fear of pu-
nishment, as that owner treated his flaves very harfhly in
general.
With refpect to the other act, namely that paffed in
Grenada, Mr. J. Terry fays, that the opinion there upon
paffing it was, that it never would have the intended effect.
He did not obferve it make any difference, except in the
half days in the week. The clergyman of the parish
where
( 87 )
where he refided, never performed the duty the aft
or no redrefs
impofed Have little
on them, and he never heard of any complaints against against ill
them for the non-performance of it.
Mr. Dalrymple ftates he was in Grenada, in 1788,
when the act was paffed. The principal objection, and
which he repeatedly heard, to its paffing was, that it
might make the flaves believe, that the authority of their
mafters was leffened: but otherwife, many thought it
would be of little ufe, as it was a law made by themselves
against themfelves, and to be executed by themselves: they
obferved befides, that fuch laws were unneceffary for the
protection of negroes who were treated well; and that
others had fo many opportunities of evading the law (the
evidence of negroes not being admitted) that it would be of
no ufe. At the time of paffing the faid act, the propofal
in the British Parliament for the abolition of the flave-
trade was a matter of general difcuffion in the iſland:
and he believes was a principal reafon for paffing it. Mr.
Dalrymple believes it will prove ineffectual: becaufe, as
no negro evidence is admitted, thofe who abuſe them will
fill do it with impunity; and people, who live on terms
of intimacy, would diflike the idea of becoming fpies and
informers against each other.
All the facts having been now cited, and the obfer-
vations made, which it was intended to introduce into
this chapter, it may be concluded in the words of the
Rev. Mr. Stuart, and General Tottenham.
ufage of any
fort.
The former fays, he his warranted in declaring the ne-
groes an oppreffed and much injured race, and in no
better eftimation than labouring cattle, and every de
fcription of their treatment he has met with falls fhort of
their real ftate. He read Mr. Ramfay's Effay in manu-
fcript at. St. Kitt's, and comparing it on the pot with the
treatment of the flaves, he thought it too favourable.
The latter ftated to the Committee, that he thought
the flaves in Barbadoes were treated with the greatest bar-
barity, and that he was very pofitive that the impreffion
concerning
( 88 )
Have little concerning their treatment was made on his mind at the
no redres time and on the fpot, for he repeatedly told the people of
against ill
uage of any Bridgetown, that he hoped to live to fee the unfortunate
fert.
fituation of thefe poor wretches taken up by fome Mem-
ber of Parliament, and that fhould fuch an event take
place, he should look upon it as his duty to offer a volun-
tary declaration of what he knews of the matter.
evilla to philoda orh
Dabili
M
CHAP. IX.
( 89 )
CHA P.
V.
Whether the Natives of Africa, thus procured, tranfported,
and enflaved, are not equal to the Europeans in Capacity,
Feeling, Affection, and Moral Character, and whether if
Individuals fhould be found inferior in Moral Character,
it be not owing to their Connection with the latter, or to
the Trade in Slaves.

MRhe
to the
R. WADSTROM thinks the underſtandings of Natives of
the natives of Africa capable of equal improvement Africa equal
with thofe of the whites, and, as a proof, he ftates feveral Europeans in
of the manufactures, which they carry on from the River capacity.
Senegal to the River Sallum.
Proved by
The natives, fays he, are particularly fkilful in manu- fuch as have
facturing gold and iron. The art of working the former, feen them in
he believes, they derived from the Moors, but they are their own
now almoſt the fole artifts themſelves, having never feen country
but one Moor working in that branch. They are equal
to any European goldfmith in filagree or trinket work,
and even in other articles, fuch as buckles, except in the
chaffes, tongues, and anchors, which they do not manu-
facture fo well. The iron which they forge is on anvils
of a remarkable hard and heavy wood, when they cannot
get ftone for the purpoſe.
M
They
( 90 )
Proved by
fuch as have
feen them in
their own
country.
Alfo in
Feeling and
Affection
They manufacture alfo cloth and leather with uncom-
mon neatnefs. The former they dye alfo blue, yellow,
brown, and orange. The cloth is made beft at Sallum.
The latter they tan and work into fandals, and into a
variety of uſeful and ornamental articles.
Befides the above, they are fkilful in making indigo and
Soap. They make alfo pottery ware, and prepare falt for
their own ufe from the fea water.

They make alfo canoes, but as wood of a fufficient
clofe texture is feldom found on the fea fhore, they make
them principally in the interior parts. Here they fhape,
but do not hollow them. When fhaped, they are dragged
by a number of the natives for weeks together (each
village generally undertaking to drag them to the next,
and receiving in return partly European merchandize, and
partly fish and falt) till they come to the fea fhore. The
ropes, with which they drag them, are made of a kind
of aloe, growing abundantly in the country, and when
well made by the natives, they are exceeding ftrong and
good.
Mr. Wadftrom offered to produce, if neceffary, fpe-
cimens of feveral of the above manufactures, which he
had brought with him from the coaft.
Nearly the fame accounts are given of their manufac-
tures by Dalrymple, Kiernan, and Captain Wilfon: and
Hall, Newton, Surgeon Wilfon, Sir George Young,
Falconbridge, Captain Thompson, and Towne, (without
enumerating many of their manufactures like the former)
declare their capacities, either to be good, or equal to thofe
of the Europeans.
With refpect to their feeling and affection one inftance
may be taken from Mr. Falconbridge. Being fent to
chooſe fome flaves out of a yard at Cape Coaft Caftle,
he objected to one that was meagre, and put him afide.
Mr. Falconbridge obferving a tear fteal down the man's
cheek, which the man alfo endeavoured to conceal,
inquired
( 91 )
inquired of him the reafon,-upon which he ſaid he was lo in
going to be parted from his brother.
As a fecond inftance, Surgeon Wilfon fays, that at
Bonny, one of the people called Breechies, of the higher
clafs, was brought on board. He feemed to take his
fituation to heart, and became ill; but from indulgencies,
which none of the reft had, he partly recovered. When
he was convalefcent, a young woman was alfo brought
on board, who proved to be his fifter. On their firft
meeting, they ftood in filence, and looked at each other
apparently with the greateſt affection;-they rufhed into
each others arms-embraced-feparated themſelves again,
and again embraced. Surgeon Wilfon perceived the
tears to run down the female's cheeks. The man had a
return of his former complaint, and his fifter attended
him with the greatest care. The first thing fhe did of a
morning, was to come to Surgeon Wilfon, and afk how
her brother did. He at length died-on the news of this,
his fifter wept bitterly, tore her hair, and fhewed other
figns of diftraction. They carried her fafe to South
America, and there delivered her as a flave,
As a third inſtance, that mentioned by J. Parker may
be introduced, (page 44) of the poor woman turning her
head on one fide, when obliged by the whip to drop her
dead child overboard, and weeping afterwards for many
hours.
Mr. Wadftrom is clearly convinced, that the natives
of Africa actually furpafs in affection fuch of the Euro-
peans as he has known.
Feeling and
Affection.


On the moral character of the natives, Mr. Wadftrom Alo in
fays, that they are very honest and hofpitable. He has Moral
often paffed days and nights alone with them without the
leaſt fear, and was treated with all civility and kindneſs.
Captain Wilfon calls them grateful and affectionate.-
They treated him moft kindly, he fays, when many miles
up their country, and unprotected, vying with each other
Character.
M 2
in
( 92 )
Also in
Moral
in entertaining him, and numbers fhed tears at his
Character. departure.
Moral Cha-
racter altered
as they be-
came
Captain Thompſon, in fpeaking of them, calls them
harmless and innocent. Storey, Dalrymple, Howe, Towne,
and Bowman, join in the epithets of " Friendly and hof-
pitable;" to which the latter adds, " juft and punctual in
their dealings ;" and they are deſcribed by Hall to be as
capable of virtue as the whites.
Such appears to be the moral character of the Africans
when they have but little intercourſe with the Europeans,
or the trade in flaves: but as they become connected with
acquainted thefe, it appears by the evidence, that it becomes propor-
Europeans tionably changed.


with the
or the Trade
in Slaves.
In proof of this, Mr. Newton obferves, that the
natives are often friendly, and may be trufted, where not
previously deceived by the Europeans. He has lived in
fafety among them when the only white man there. The
beft people he ever met with were on the River Gaboon
and at Cape Lopez. Theſe had then the least intercourfe
with Europe, and he believes no trade in flaves, for their
trade was ivory and wax, and he has heard them fpeak
in emphatick terms against the other.
Dr. Trotter fays, they are fufceptible of all the focial
virtues, and he has feen no bad habits, but among thofe
(one inftance excepted) who were engaged in trade with
the whites.
Lieutenant Storey fays, that they are more honeft ix-
land than upon the fore.
They are alfo defcribed by Mr. Towne to be in general
hofpitable and kind, but to differ as our own people in
character. Thofe, who live inland, are innocent: thofe
on the coaft learn to be roguish, which he afcribes to their
intercourfe with the Europeans.
The
( 93 )
after their
The fame accounts are alfo given of them after their This Equak
arrival in the Weft Indies. Giles and Woolrich obferve proved by
others, whe
their intellects to be good, and Harrifon, Jackſon, Duncan, have seen
Stuart, Cook, the Dean of Middleham, and Rees, to be them
equal to thofe of the Europeans. The fame equality to arrival in
the whites is mentioned by Harrifon, Cook, Duncan, the Weft
and Davies, to hold good with refpect to their difpofitions Indies.
alfo. Generofity, fidelity, and gratitude, are allowed them
by Stuart. Thefe virtues Dr. Jackfon enumerates, and
adds charity to all in diftrefs, and a ftrong attachment on
the part of the parents to their children. Baillie infifts on
the fame, of which he gives fome inftances, and Wool-
rich, after ſtating that he knows of no exception to their
poffeffing the focial affections as ftrongly as the whites, fays,
that he never knew an African, who could exprefs him-
felf, but allowed of a Supreme Being.

群
​

To this account may be added the words of Captain
Smith, who fays, he always confidered them as a keen,
fenfible, well-difpofed people, where their habits were not
vitiated by cruel ufage on the part of the Europeans.

hop
CHAP. VI.
( 94 )
Productions
Africa.
CHA P. VI.
Whether the Natives of Africa have not many and valuable
Productions in their own Country, in which they could
offer a Trade to the Europeans in the Place of the Trade
in Slaves.
A
Elupo odwr
ebrow of ho
MONG the Productions of Africa, mentioned by
the different evidences, may be reckoned millet of
various forts, pulfe, Indian corn, and rice.* Of the laft
of theſe articles it appears to have been proved often by
experiment, that it is much heartier and better than the
Carolina.
In the next claſs may be reckoned cotton, indigo, tobacco,
and the fugar cane. Dalrymple fays of the cotton, that it
is efteemed far fuperior to that from the Weft Indies. He
fays the fame of the fugar cane, and as to the indigo, it
is confidered to be equal to that from Guatimala.
In the next claſs may be mentioned black pepper, the
fame as from the Eaft Indies, long pepper, Malaguetta,
or grains of Paradife, red pepper of various forts, but
particularly the Cayenne, a fpecies of ginger, cardamums,
wild nutmegs, and cinnamon. Mr. How fays of the cin-
namon, that one fort of it is not inferior to that imported
from the East Indies. Some of the former brought to
The African rice has a red hufk, but is beautifully white when the
hufk is taken off.
England
( 95 )
England fetched a better price than the latter. He has Productos
feen the real cinnamon both at Bombay and Cambay, of Africa.
brought there as prefents from Ceylon, and fays, that the
bark, leaves, and whole ftructure of the tree are alike in
Africa and the East Indies. He has no doubt whatever
but that *fpices in general might be cultivated with
great fuccefs in the African foil and climate.
In the fourth clafs it may be mentioned that there are
gums of various kinds, but particularly the gum copal.
Affafoetida alfo is to be found in Africa, and Mr. Wadftrom
afferts, that the celebrated Dr. Spaarman, his fellow-
traveller, among nearly three thouſand plants, which he
collected there for the Cabinet of Natural Hiſtory of the
Royal Academy at Stockholm, found a great part, if not
the whole, of the Materia Medica, as well as drugs for
various manufacturing ufes.
In the fifth clafs may be included woods and roots.
Among theſe are mentioned iron, wood, bar-wood, cam-
wood, and ebony: alfo various woods, roots, and vegeta-
bles for dying: the root of a plant called Fooden, dyes
fcarlet, and the ftalks of it a beautiful yellow. There
are alfo orange and brown dyes produced from vegetable
productions, which grow in fuch abundance, fays Mr.
Wadſtrom, in the dominions of Damél, that his whole
army is dreffed in cloth that is dyed from theſe. The
fame gentleman mentions alfo a kind of bean, in his
poffeffion, which is alfo ufed in dying, and carried on
camels for this purpoſe, in quantities, to Morocco. There
are alfo timber trees. Of the latter a fpecies of the
Ticktonia grandis is found in plenty all over the Gold
Coaft. This wood is confidered as the beft in the world
for fhip building, the worm neither touching, nor the iron
corroding it. Sir George Young fays, in addition to
this, that he has found a great deal of fine timber fit for
fhip-building on other parts of the coaft, and he once
faw a veffel actually built of the woods of Sierra Leon.

*Captain Thompfon only heard of the wild nutmegs being there,
whereas the other articles have been both feen and collected.
Befides

( 96 )
Productions Befides thefe, it is afferted by feveral of the evidences,
f Africa. that there are beautiful woods for cabinet work, and Mr.
How ftates, that there are many parts of Africa, where
the foil is the fame as that in the Province of Guzzerat
in the Eaſt Indies, where he found the real fandal-wood.
To the productions above may be added, in a fixth
clafs, wax, honey, palm-oil, ivory, and gold; and in a
feventh, plantanes, yams, fweet potatoes, eddoes, caffada,
cocoa nuts, bananas, pine apples, oranges, limes, wild grapes
and all other tropical productions.

olyam, dels
dud gint
CHAP. VII,
( 97 )
T
CHA P. VII.
Woodr
Whether the Natives of Africa have not a fufficient fpirit
of Commerce, as well as a fufficient Portion of Industry
as
among them, to embark in a new Trade in the Produc-
tions of their own Country; but whether the Slave-trade
be not an infuperable Impediment thereto.

R. WADSTROM obferves of the natives of Natives have
M'Africa, that they have an extraordinary genius for Indybry and
Spirit of
commerce, and that their induftry is in all regards pro- Commerce
portionate to their demands.
Confiftently with this idea, we find fome of them not
only cultivating fufficient provifions for themſelves, but
an overplus for certain towns (Kiernan, Wadftrom,
Wilſon, and Howe); others cultivating corn and rice
for the fhipping that come among them, (Kiernan,
Falconbridge, Dove, Bowman, Wadftrom, Hall, New-
ton); others bringing large bundles of rice on their
heads of forty or fifty pounds weight from the inland
country to the fea thore, and then travelling back loaded
with European goods, (Hall, Storey, Bowman); others
going in armed bodies even a month's journey inland
with various articles for trade, (Storey); others wooding
and watering the fhips, (Falconbridge); and others hiring
themſelves out to the Europeans to work at a low price
both in boats and on the fhore, (Newton, Sir George
Young, and Thompſon.)
In fhort, fays Hall, they were never indolent when
they could work to advantage. They were willing to do
any thing, fays Morley, for which they had a profpect of
N
being
fufficient for
a new Trades


( 98 )

Natives have being paid. They were always induftrious, fays Dal-
Industry and rymple, where there was a demand. Bowman believes
Spirit of
Commerce they would have put more land into cultivation than
fufficient for they did when he was there, had a greater fupply of rice
a new Trade. been wanted by the fhipping-they told him that they
But the
Slave
diment
thereto.
fhould like to trade more in their own produce; and
Falconbridge is fo fure, that, if properly encouraged, they
would make any change the Europeans pleafed, that he
is himself going again to Africa to make the experiment.
Mr. Kiernan fpeaks in the fame terms. They culti-
vate, fays he, cotton, indigo, and tobacco, but this they do
for themfelves only; for though they are never backward
when encouraged, yet the Europeans have encouraged
them only to raiſe provifions, and never the other articles.

It is evident then, from the above accounts, that the
Trade infu- want of encouragement is at leaſt one reaſon why the na-
perable impe- tives of Africa do not eſtabliſh a trade in the productions
of their own country, as enumerated in the laft chapter.
Now this want of encouragement we trace from Wad-
ftrom finally to proceed from the trade in flaves, for fuch
conftant encouragement he obferves is given by the mer-
chants to the flave trade, and the minds of the natives
are in confequence fo wholly occupied in it, that little or
no encouragement remains for the other.
Sir George Young, and Lieutenant Storey, both come
to the fame conclufion; and Lieutenant Simpfon avers,
that on repeatedly afking the black traders what they
would do if the flave trade were abolished, he was re-
peatedly anſwered that they would foon find out another
trade.
Mr. Wadftrom alfo mentions the flave trade as an
impediment to a trade in the natural productions of the
country, not only becauſe it diminishes the encourage-
ment of the latter, as juft explained, but becauſe it ſub-
jects the natives, who might be willing to follow it, to
be made flaves, for, as he obferves, they dare never go
But into the fields unless well armed.

Mr.

( 99 )
Mr. Wadftrom is fupported in this fecond circum- But the
ftance as a caufe by Captain Wilfon, who, in giving a Slave-
Trade infu-
reaſon why the flave trade obftructs the civilization and perable
commerce of the natives, fays, they will not for a tem- Impediment
porary gratification rifque the being kidnapped, and carried thereto.
into perpetual flavery.
That the flave trade then, either by diminiſhing the
proper encouragement to the natives, or endangering
their perfons, or by doing both, is the real caufe why
they do not or cannot exert their induftry in cultivating
the various articles, which their country has been proved
to produce, can be afcertained from facts; for Mr. Dal-
rymple has remarked, that in thofe parts of the coaft
where there is little or no trade for flaves, they are actually
more induftrious than in thofe places where the trade is
carried on.
Captain Hall fays alfo, that he found cultivation in by
far the highest ftate at the island of Fernandipo, fo that
the yams, which were the principal produce there, were
made to run up like vines upon fticks. But here he
obferves, firft, that the natives had great encouragement,
for all the fhips from Calabar, Del Rey, and the Came-
roons, fent their boats there for thefe articles, as to the
regular market, and, fecondly, that they had no trade in
flaves.
Mr. Falconbridge alfo has occafion to obferve, that at
Bonny, the moft confiderable place for flaves, there was
a time in the late war when the flave trade was fo inter-
rupted, as to cease to be carried on, and that on his aſking
the black traders what they had done during this interval,
they answered they had been obliged to cultivate the earth
for their fupport.
Mr. How adds, that he has been almoſt upon every
fettlement, that belongs to the English, on the coaft of
Africa, and that he found the culture always in a higher
degree, where there was but little of the flave trade, and
just the reverfe where the flave trade was carried on more
at large.
CHAP. VIII.

N 2
( 100 )
CHA P.
VIII.

Lofs of Sca-
men in the
Slave Trade
while in the
Service of
their refpec-
tive Ships.
Whether the Slave-Trade be not a Grave for the Seamen
employed in it, and whether a Trade in the Natural
Productions of Africa would be the fame.
TH
HE ftatements, made by the different evidences of
the lofs of feamen while on board their respective
fhips, unquestionably prove the flave-trade to be the
grave of our marine. but as an account has been fince
made for the Houfe of Commons exprefsly upon this
point, taking all the flave-fhips promifcuoufly from the
ports of Liverpool and Briftol for a number of years
back, and made up from the mufter rolls of each fhip,
it will be more proper to quote from fo general and
extenfive an account, than from the teftimony of a few,
even the beſt informed, individuals.

ABSTRACT of fuch of the Mufter-rolls of Liverpool
and Briftol Slave Ships as were returned into the
Cuſtom-Houfes there, from September, 1784, to
January 5th, 1790.


PERIOD S.
Brought
No. of Original Died of Home of
Grews. original Original
Veffels.
Crews Crews
From 1784 to 1785,
74
2915 615
1279
From 1785 to 1786,
62
2163 436
944
From 1786 to 1787,
66
2136 433
1073
From 1787 to 1788, ——
From 1788 to Jan. 5, 1790,
Total and
68 2422 623 114
80 2627 536 1350
350 12,263 2643 5760.
It
( 101 )
men in the
It appears firft then, that if we look at the feamen Lofs of Sca-
while employed on board their respective fhips, and judge Slave Trade
of them from the above accounts, we fhall fee the de- while in the
ftructive nature of the flave trade, for it appears that in Service of
their refpec-
350 veffels 12,263 feamen were employed, out of whom
tive Ships.
2643 were loft, that is to fay, that more than a fifth of
the whole number employed, or more than feven in every
fingle voyage perifhed.
If again we look at fuch of them as are diſcharged or
defert in the Weft Indies, where the mufter-rolls ceaſe
to take an account of them, (for fo fyftematical does the
management of the trade appear by the fecond and fourth
columns, that nearly one-half of those who go out with the
Ships are conftantly left behind) and judge of them by
what the different evidences have to fay of them there,
we fhall fee great reaſon to apprehend another very fevere
lofs befides that already flated to happen among them while
on board their reſpective ſhips.
*
To fhew this in the most unquestionable manner, we
may begin with Captain Hall (of the merchants fervice).
The crews of the African fhips, fays he, when they
arrive in the Weft Indies, are generally (he does not
know a fingle inftance to the contrary) in a fickly, debilitated
ftate, and the feamen, who are difcharged or defert from
thofe fhips in the Weft Indies, are the most miferable
objects he ever met with in any country in his life. He
has frequently feen them with their toes rotted off, their
legs fwelled to the fize of their thighs, and in an ulcerated
ftate all over. He has feen them on the different wharfs
in the islands of Antigua, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, par-
ticularly at the two laft iflands. He has alfo feen them
lying under the cranes and balconies of the houfes near
the water-fide in Barbadoes and Jamaica expiring, and
fome quite dead. He met with an inftance laft July (1789)
of a dead feaman lying on one of the wharfs in Bridge
Town, Barbadoes, who had been landed out of an African
Ship.
* Some of theſe are again taken up by other Guinea-men, but very
few. When a veffel bas once fold her flaves, the requires but few feamen
to bring her home.

To
( 102 )

Lofs among
To confirm the affertion of Captain Hall, of the mer-
fuch as are chants fervice, that the crews of Guinea-men generally
difcharged or
defert in
arrive at their deftined ports of fale in a fickly, debilitated
the Weft
ftate, we may appeal to Captain Hall, of the navy, who
Indies-
borrid Rate of afferts, that in taking men (while in the Weſt Indies)
them there. out of merchant fhips for the king's fervice, he has, in
taking a part of the crew of a Guinea fhip, whofe number
then confifted of feventy, been able to felect but thirty,
who could have been thought capable of ferving on board
any fhips of war, and when thofe thirty were furveyed
by order of the admiral, he was reprimanded for bringing
fuch men into the fervice, who were more likely to breed
diftempers than to be of any ufe, and this at a time when
feamen were fo much wanted, that almost any thing would
have been taken. He adds alfo that this was not a fingular
inftance, but that it was generally the cafe; for he had
many opportunities between the years 1769 and 1773 of
feeing the great diftreffes of crews of Guinea fhips, when
they arrived in the Weſt Indies.
We may appeal alfo to Captain Smith, of the navy,
who afferts that though he may have boarded near twenty
of thefe veffels in the Weft Indies, for the purpoſe of
impreffing men, he was never able to get more than two
men. The principal reaſon was the fear of infection,
having feen many of them in a very difordered and ulce-
rated ſtate.
The affertion alfo of Captain Hall, of the merchants
fervice, relative to their fituation after their arrival at
their deſtined ports of fale, is confirmed by the reſt of
the evidences in the minuteft manner; for the feamen
belonging to the flave-veffels are there deſcribed, as lying
about the wharfs and cranes, or wandering about the
ftreets or iflands full of fores and ulcers, by Jeffreys,
Dalrymple, Ellifon, Morley, Davifon, Baillie, Towne,
Bowman, H. Rofs, Douglas, Simpfon, Thompfon, and
Forfter. The epithets alfo of fickly, emaciated, abject,

It is afferted by the evidences, that they never faw any other than
Guinea feamen in that ftate in the Weft Indies.
deplorable
( 103 )
Lofs among
Indies-
deplorable objects, are applied to them. They are men-
tioned again to be deftitute, and starving, and without the fuch as are
difcharged or
means of fupport, no merchantmen taking them in becaufe defert in
they are unable to work, and men of war refufing them the Weft
for fear of infection. Many of them are alfo defcribed to horrid flate of
be lying about in a dying ftat; and others have been them there.
actually found dead, and the bodies of others have been
feen carrying by the negroes to be interred.
As a farther proof, and that an undeniable one, that
the above deſcription of perfons is notorious in the iſlands,
it appears by the evidence, that they are marked by a
peculiar and cant-name, according to the fort of place
which they uſually haunt. When they are feen lying
about the cranes and wharfs, they are termed wharfingers,
when on the beach, and where there are no wharfs,
Beach-Horners, and they are known by the appellation
of Scowbankers at Dominique.
It may be remarked here, that this difeafed and forlorn
ftate of the feamen is fo infeparable from the flave trade,
that the different evidences have not only witneffed it at
Jamaica, Antigua, and Barbadoes, (the places mentioned
by Captain Hall) but wherever they have feen Guinea-
men arrive, namely at St. Vincents, Grenada, Domini-
que, and in No. th America alfo.*
ſtate

Having now traced the bad effects of the flave trade as Effects of the
Trade vifible
vifible among the feamen, while employed in it, and on their Con-
among thofe alfo who leave it at the port of delivery, it flitution, even
may be proper to add, that they are perceptible among after they
many of them, even after their return to their native
country: for Mr. Falconbridge fays, that he was a pupil
*The reafons why fuch immenfe numbers are left behind in the
Weft Indies, as are found in this deplorable ftate, are the following.
The feamen leave their fhips from ill ufage, fays Ellifon. It is ufual
for Captains, fay Clappefon and Young, to treat them ill, that they
may defert and forfeit their wages. Three others ftate, they are left
behind purpofely by their Captains; and Mr. H. Rofs adds, in thefe
emphat cal words, "that it was no uncommon thing for the Captains to
fend on thore, a few hours before they fail, their lame, emaciated, and
fick feamen, leaving them to perish."
in
return bome.

( 104 )
flitution, even
Effects of the in the Briftol infirmary for twelve months, and that
Trade vifible the greatest part of the difeafed feamen there, in that
on their Con- time, were feamen who had belonged to the flave veffels,
and though thefe generally went out of the infirmary
return home. better than when they came in, yet their health appeared
to be fo far deftroyed as never to be able to be perfectly
reſtored.


after their
in the natural
Grounds of
As to the queftion, whether the trade in the natural
Prefumption, productions of Africa would be equally deftructive to the
that a Trade feamen employed in it as the trade in flaves, there cannot,
Productions in the nature of things, be that fort of pofitive evidence
of Africa as in the former cafe There are, however, three fpecies
would not be of prefumption, from whence fome conclufion may be
fuch a Lofs. drawn.

attended with
The firft is the following. Captain Thompfon, when
on the Coaft of Africa, lay for feveral weeks near a
veffel, which traded in wood, ivory, and gum, (which is
a cafe in point) and he had the beft accounts from his
officers of the healthinefs and good order of this fhip.
This, however, is the only veffel of the kind, which any
of the evidences have ſeen.
A fecond fpecies of prefumption is to be entertained
from the opinion of thofe, who have vifited the Coaft of
Africa. The fame Capt. Thompſon ſays, that he does
not think a trade in the natural productions of Africa
would be fo detrimental to the health of the feamen as
the flave trade, for they would not be liable to fo much
unpleaſant and hard work, or fuch expoſure to dew's and
weather. Mr. Newton afferts alfo that fuch a trade
might be carried on without much expoſure to weather
and ill treatment, the natural attendants of the ſlave
trade and Sir George Young is of opinion, that a
trade in the natural productions of Africa would not be
attended with more inconvenience to the health of the
It is evident, that infurrections and contagious diforders from the
flaves must be natural caufes of mortality to feamen in flave thips, which
could not exist in fhips in the other trade.
feamen
( 105 )
feamen employed in it than the preſent * Weſt India Grounds of
trade.
prefumption,
that a Trade
in the natural
of Africa
The third fpecies confifts in certain veffels going to productions
the fame coaft, viz. men of war, which do not expe- would not be
rience the fame proportion of loſs.
Captain Scott, of the Merlin, which carried 100
men, loft eight, of whom only four died of the diſorders
of the country.
Sir George Young, in the fhip he commanded, which
had 100 men, loft two, who were fickly when they left
England, and a boy by accident.
Capt. Thompson, of the Nautilus, out of 100 buried
one, who died by his own neglect.
Captain Hills, of the Zephyr, out of 90 buried none.
And Captain Wilfon, of the Race-Horfe, out of 100,
did not loſe a man. Thus, out of 490 in the fhips of
war, only twelve were buried. +
It was formerly urged by the enemies of the abolition, that the
Weft India trade was as deftructive to feamen as the Slave trade, but by
an account made up for the House of Commons, from the Mufter-Rolls
of Weft Indiamen, it appears, that out of 462 veffels, carrying 7640
feamen, only 118 were loft, or about one in 65.
+ It must be remarked, that when Captain Scott loft eight out of 100,
it was in the year 1769, fince which great improvements have been made
for the health of the feamen; and the Editor knows, that the men of
war, now going to Africa, feldom lofe a man.
le a m
attended with
fuch a Lofs
CHAP. IX.
( 106 )
CHA P.
IX.
Whether the Seamen employed in the Slave-Trade be not
barbarously used in general, and whether fuch barbarous
ufage be not peculiar to, or fpring out of the very nature
of, this Trade.
Barbarous
Usage of the
Seamen
THA
HAT the Seamen employed in the flave trade are
worse fed, both in point of quantity and quality of
employed in provifions, than the feamen in other trades, is allowed
the Slave- by moft of the evidences, and that they have little or no
Shelter night or day from the inclemency of the weather,
during the whole of the Middle Paffage, is acknowledged
by them all.

Trade.
With respect to their perfonal ill ufage, the following
extracts may fuffice.
Mr. Morley afferts that the feamen in all the Guinea
men he failed in, except one, were generally treated with
great rigour, and many with cruelty. He recollects
many inftances: Mathews, the chief mate of the Venus,
Captain Forbes, would knock a man down for
any fri-
volous thing with a cat, a piece of wood, or a cook's
axe, with which he once cut a man down the ſhoulder,
by throwing it at him in a paffion. Captain Dixon
likewife, in the Amelia, tied up the men, and gave them
four or five dozen lafhes at a time, and then rubbing
them
( 107 )
Seamen
them with pickles made ufe of certain vulgar expreffions. Barbarous
Mr. Morley alfo himſelf, when he was Dixon's cabin- Ufage of the
boy, for accidentally breaking a glafs, was tied to the
tiller by the hands, flogged with a cat, and kept hanging the Slave
for fome time.
Mr. Morley has feen the feamen lie and die upon deck,
They are generally, he fays, treated ill when fick. He
has known men afk to have their wounds or ulcers
dreffed; and has heard the doctor, with oaths, tell them
to take their own dung and dreſs them.
Mr. Ellifon alfo, in defcribing the treatment in the
Briton, fays, there was a boy on board, whom Wilfon,
the chief mate, was always beating. One morning, in
the paſſage out, he had not got the tea-kettle boiled in
time for his breakfaſt, upon which, when it was brought,
Wilſon told him he would feverely flog him after break-
faft. The boy, for fear of this, went into the lee fore
chains. When Wilfon came from the cabin, and called
for Paddy, (the name he went by, being an Irish boy) he
would not come, but remained in the fore chains; on
which Wilfon going forward, and attempting to haul
him in, the boy jumped overboard, and was drowned.
Another time, on the Middle Paffage, the fame Wilfon
ordered one James Allifon, (a man he had been conti-
nually beating for trifles) to go into the women's room
to fcrape it. Allifon faid he was not able, for he was
very unwell; upon which Wilfon obliged him to go
down. Obferving, however, that the man did not
work, he aſked him the reaſon, and was anſwered as
before," that he was not able." Upon this, Wilfon
threw a handſpike at him, which ftruck him on the
breaft, and he dropped down to appearance dead.
Alliſon recovered afterwards a little, but died the next
day.
Mr. Elliſon relates other inftances of ill ufage on
board his own fhip, and with refpect to inftances in
others, he fays, that in all flave ships they are moſt com-
02
monly
employed in
Trade.


( 108 )
Seamen
employed in
the Slave-
Trade.
Barbarous monly beaten and knocked about for nothing. He re-
Usage of the collects that on board the Phoenix, a Bristol fhip, while
lying on the coaft, the boatswain and five of the crew
made their eſcape in the yawl, but were taken up by the
natives. When Captain Biſhop heard it, he ordered
them to be kept on fhore at Forje, a fmall town at the
mouth of Calabar River, chained by the necks, legs,
and hands, and to have each a plantain a day only. The
boatswain, whoſe name was Tom Jones, and an old
fhipmate of his, and a very good feaman, died raving
mad in his chains there. The other five died in their
chains also.
Mr. Towne, in fpeaking of the treatment on board
the Peggy, Captain Davifon, fays, that their chefts were
brought upon deck, and ftaved and burnt, and themſelves
turned out from lying below; and if any murmurs were
heard among them, they were inhumanly beaten with
any thing that came in the way, or flogged, both legs
put in irons, and chained abaft to the pumps, and there
made to work points and gaſkets, during the Captain's
pleaſure; and very often beat juft as the Captain thought
proper. He himself has often feen the Captain as he
has walked by, kick them repeatedly, and if they have
faid any thing that he might deem offenfive, he has im-
mediately called for a ſtick to beat them with; they, at
the fame time, having both legs in irons, an iron collar
about their necks, and a chain; and when on the Coaſt
of Guinea, if not releaſed before their arrival there from
their confinement, they were put into the boats, and
made to row backwards and forwards, either with the
Captain from fhip to fhip, or on any other duty, ftill
both legs in irons, an iron collar about their necks, with
a chain locked to the boat, and taken out when no other
duty was required of them at night, and locked faft
upon the open deck, expofed to the heavy rains and
dews, without any thing to lie upon, or any thing to
cover them. This was a practice on board the Peggy.
He ſays alfo, that fimilar treatment prevailed on board
the Sally, another of the fhips in which he failed. One
of
( 109 )
upon
Trade.
of the feamen had both legs in irons, and a collar about Barbarous
his neck, and was chained to the boat for three months, Seamen
Ufage of the
and very often moſt inhumanly beaten for complaining employed in
of his fituation, both by the Captain and other officers. the Slave-
At laft he became fo weak, that he could not fit
the thwart or feat of the boat to row, or do any thing
elfe. They then put him out of the boat, and made
him pick oakum on board the fhip, with only three
pounds of bread a week, and half a pound of falt beef
per day. He remained in that fituation, with both his
legs in irons, but the latter part of the time without a
collar. One evening he came aft, during the Middle
Paffage, to beg fomething to eat, or he fhould die. The
Captain on this inhumanly beat him, and uſed a great
number of reproaches, and ordered him to go forward,
and die and be dainned. The man died in the night.
The ill treatment on board the Sally was general.
As another particular inftance, a landman, one Edw.
Hilton, was in the boat watering, and complained of his
being long in the boat without meat or drink. The
boatswain, being the officer, beat him with the boat's
tiller, having nothing elfe, and cut his head in feveral
places, fo that when he came on board he was all over
blood. Mr. Towne afked him the reafon of it. Hilton
began to tell him, but before he could properly tell the
ſtory, the mate came forward, (by order of the captain)
the furgeon and the boatswain, and all of them together,
fell to beating him with their canes. The furgeon ftruck
him on the fide of his eye, fo that it afterwards morti-
fied, and was loft. He immediately had both his legs
put in irons, after he had been fo beat, that he could
not ftand. The next morning he was put into the boat
on the fame duty as before, ftill remaining with both
legs in irons, and locked with a chain to the boat, until
fuch time as he became fo weak, that he was not able to
remain any longer there. He was then put on board the
fhip, and laid forwards, ftill in irons, very ill.
allowance was immediately ſtopped, as it was the fur-
geon's opinion it was the only method of curing any one
of them who complained of illnefs. He remained in


His
that
( 110 )
Seamen
employed in
the Slave
Trade.
Barbarous that fituation, after being taken out of the boat, for fome
Ufage of the weeks after. During this time, Mr. Towne was obliged
to go to Junk River, and on his return he inquired for
Hilton, and was told that he was lying before the fore-
maft, almoſt dead. He went and fpoke to him, but,
Hilton feemed infenfible. The fame day Mr. Towne
received his orders to go a fecond time in the fhallop to
Junk River. After he had gotten under weigh, the
commander of the fhallop was ordered to bring to, and
take Hilton in, and leave him on fhore any where. He
lived that evening and night out, and died early the
next morning, and was thrown overboard off Cape
Mezzurado.
Mr. Falconbridge, being called upon alfo to fpeak to
the ill ufage of feamen, ſays that on board the Alexander,
Capt. McTaggart, he has feen them tied up and flogged
with the cat frequently. He remembers alſo an inſtance
of an old man, who was boatfwain of the Alexander,
having one night fome words with the mate, when the
boatswain was feverely beaten, and had one or two of his
teeth knocked out. The boatfwain faid he would jump
overboard; upon which he was tied to the rail of the
quarter-deck, and a pump-bolt put into his mouth by
way of gagging him. He was then untied, put under
the half-deck, and a centinel put over him all night-in
the morning he was releaſed. Mr. Falconbridge always
confidered him as a quiet, inoffenfive man. In the
fame voyage a black boy was beaten every day, and one
day, after he was fo beaten, he jumped through one of
the gun-ports of the cabin into the river. A canoe was
lying along-fide, which dropped aftern, and picked him
up. Mr. Falconbridge gave him one of his own fhirts to
put on, and afked him if he did not expect to be de-
voured by the fharks. The boy faid he did, and that it
would be much better for him to be killed at once, than
to be daily treated with ſo much cruelty.
Mr. Falconbridge remembers alfo, on board the fame
fhip, that the black cook one day broke a plate. For
this he had a fifh-gig darted at him, which would
certainly

( III )
Trade.
certainly have deftroyed him if he had not ſtooped or
Barbarous
dropped down. At another time alfo, the carpenter's Seamen
Ufage of the
mate had let his pitch-pot catch fire. He and the cook employed in
were accordingly both tied up, ftripped, and flogged, but the Slave
the cook with the greateſt feverity. After that the cook
had falt water and cayenne pepper rubbed upon his back.
A man alfo came on board at Bonny, belonging to a
little thip, (Mr. Falconbridge believes the captain's name
was Dodfon, of Liverpool) which had been overſet at
New Calabar. This man, when he came on board, was
in a convalefcent ftate. He was feverely beaten one
night, but for what caufe Mr. Falconbridge knows not,
upon which he came and applied to Mr. Falconbridge
for ſomething to rub his back with. Mr. Falconbridge
was told by the captain not to give him any thing, and
the man was defired to go forward. He went accord-
ingly, and lay under the forecaſtle. Mr. Falconbridge
vifited him very often, at which times he complained of
his bruiſes. After this, he had a return of his flux, and
died in about three weeks from the time he was beaten.
The laft words he ever ſpoke to Mr. Falconbridge were
(after fhedding tears) "I cannot punish him," (meaning
the captain)" but God will." Thefe are the moſt re-
markable inftances which Mr. Falconbridge recollects.
He fays, however, that the ill treatment was fo general,
that only three in this fhip eſcaped being beaten out of
fifty perſons.
To thefe inftances, which fell under the eyes of the
evidences now cited, we may add the obfervations of a
gentleman, who, though never in the flave-trade, had
yet great opportunities of obtaining information upon
this fubject. Sir George Young remarks, that thofe
feamen, whom he faw in the flave-trade, while on the
coaft in a man of war, complained of their ill treatment,
bad feeding, and cruel ufage. They all of them wanted
to enter on board his fhip. It was likewife the cuſtom
for the feamen of every fhip he faw at a distance, to
come on board him with their boats; moft of them quite
naked, and threatening to turn pirates, if he did not take
them. This they told him openly. He is perfuaded, if
he
( 112 )
Ufage of the
Scamen
employed in
the Slave-
Barbarous he had given them encouragement, and had had a fhip
of the line to have manned, he could have done it in a
very fhort time, for they would all have left their hips.
He has alfo received feveral feamen on board his fhip
from the woods, where they had no fubfiftence, but to
which they had fled for refuge from their reſpective
veffels.
Trade.
This Usage
That the above are not the only inftances of barbarity
peculiar to or contained in the evidence, and that this barbarous ufage
Springing out
of the very
is peculiar to, or fpringing out of the very nature of the
Nature of the trade in flaves, may be infifted on from the following
Trade in
Slaves.
accounts:
Captain Hall, (of the merchants fervice) believes the
feamen are in general treated with great barbarity in the
flave-fhips, and he does not know of their being ill
treated in any other fervice.
Captain Thompfon concludes, from the many com-
plaints he received from feamen, while on the coaſt, that
they are far from being well treated on board the flave-
fhips. One Bowden fwam from the Fiſher, of Liverpool,
Captain Kendal, to the Nautilus, amidft a number of
fharks, to claim his protection. Kendal wrote for the
man, who refuſed to return, faying his life would be
endangered. He therefore kept him in the Nautilus till
fhe was paid off, and found him a diligent, willing,
active feaman. Several of the crew, he thinks, of the
Brothers, of Liverpool, Captain Clark, fwam towards
the Nautilus, when paffing by. Two only reached her.
The reft, he believes, regained their own fhip. The
majority of the crew had the day before come on board
the Nautilus in a boat to complain of ill ufage, but he
had returned them with an officer to inquire into and
redreſs their complaints. He received many letters from
feamen in flave-fhips, complaining of ill ufage, and de-
firing him to protect them, or take them on board. He is
inclined to think, that ships trading in the produce of Africa,
are not fo ill used as thofe in the flave-fhips. Several of his
own officers gave him the beft accounts of the treatment
in
( 113 )
in the Iris, a veffel trading for wood, gums, and ivory, near This Usage
which the Nautilus lay for fome weeks.
Lieutenant Simpfon fays, that on his firft voyage, when
lying at Fort Appolonia, the Fly Guineaman was in the
roads. On the return of the Adventure's boat from the
fort, they were hailed by fome feamen belonging to the
Fly, requesting that they might be taken from on board
the Guineaman, and put on board the man of war, for
that their treatment was fuch as to make their lives
miferable. The boat, by the direction of Capt. Parry,
was fent to the Fly, and one or two men were brought
on board him. In his fecond voyage, he recollects, that
on firſt ſeeing the Albion Guineaman, fhe carried a prefs
of fail, feemingly to avoid them, but finding it imprac-
ticable, fhe ſpoke them; the day after which the Captain
of the Albion brought a feaman on board the Adventure,
whom he wished to be left there, complaining that he
was a very riotous and diforderly man.
The man, on
the contrary, proved very peaceable and well-behaved,
nor was there one fingle inftance of his conduct, from
which he could fuppofe he merited the character given
him. He feemed to rejoice at quitting the Albion, and
informed Mr. Simpſon, that he was cruelly beaten both
by the captain and furgeon; that he was half ftarved;
and that the furgeon neglected the fick feamen, alleging
that he was only paid for attending the flaves. He alfo
informed Mr. Simpſon, that their allowance of provifions
was increaſed, and their treatment fomewhat better when
a man of war was on the coaft. He recollects another
inftance of a feaman, with a leg fhockingly ulcerated,
requesting a paffage in the Adventure to England;
alleging that he was left behind from a Guineaman. He
alleged various inftances of ill treatment he had received,
and confirmed the failor of the Albion's account, that their
allowance of provifions was increaſed, and treatment
better, when a man of war was on the coaft. During
Mr. Simpfon's ftay at C. Coaft Caftle, the Adventure's
boat was fent to Annamaboe to the Spy Guineaman; on
her return, three men were concealed under her fails,
who had left the flave-fhip-they complained their treat-
P
ment
peculiar to or
Springing out
of the very
Nuture of
the Trads in
Slaves

(114)
This Ufage ment was fo bad, that their lives were miferable on
peculiar to or board-beaten and half ftarved.-There were various
Springing out
f the very
other inftances which efcape his memory. Mr. Simpſon
Nature of fays, however, that he has never heard any complaints
the Trade in from Weft Indiamen, or other merchant ships; -on the
Slaves. contrary, they wished to avoid a man of war; whereas,
if the captain of the Adventure had liftened to all the
complaints made to him from failors of flave-fhips, and
removed them, he must have greatly diftreffed the African
trade.
Captain Hall, of the navy, fpeaking on the ſame ſub-
ject, afferts, that as to peculiar modes of puniſhment
adopted in Guineamen, he once faw a man chained by
the neck in the main top of a flave-fhip, when paffing
under the ftern of his Majefty's fhip Crefcent, in King-
fton-Bay, St. Vincent's; and was told by part of the
crew, taken out of the fhip, at their own requeſt, that
the man had been there one hundred and twenty days. He
fays he has great reafon to believe, that in no trade are
Seamen fo badly treated as in the flave-trade, from their
always flying to men of war for redrefs, and whenever
they come within reach; whereas men from Weft Indian
er other trades feldom apply to a fhip of war.
*
The laft evidence, whom perhaps it will appear ne-
ceffary to cite on this occafion, is the Rev. Mr. Newton.
This gentleman agrees in the † ill ufage of the feamen
The circumftance of feamen in the Slave-trade being defirous of
leaving their fhips, and of thofe in other trades ftaying by them, when
in fight of men of war, is confirmed alfo by Captains Smith and Wilfon,
of the navy.
+ It will be proper to mention here, that feveral fpecifick facts of the
ill treatment of feamen in the Slave-trade have been omitted in thefe
accounts, as well as that this ill ufage is confirmed by more of the wit-
neffes, viz, Trotter, Dove, Parker, Storey, and Forfter; on the other
hand, about feven captains may be traced, three of whofe names only
are mentioned, (viz. Butler, Smith, and Frazer) who have had the merit
of going against the current of bad example in the abuſe of ſeamen in this
trade. If it fhould be aſked how it happens that feamen enter for flave-
veffels, when fuch general ill ufage there can hardly fail of being known,
the reply must be taken from the evidence," that whereas fome of them
enter voluntarily, the greater part of them are trepanned, for that it is
the bufinefs of certain landlords to make them intoxicated, and get them
into debt, after which their only alternative is a Guineaman or a gaol."

alluded

( 115 )
alluded to, and believes that the flave-trade itſelf is a 7 his Ufage
great cause of it, for he thinks that the real or fuppofed peculiar to or
neceffity of treating the negroes with rigour gradually Springing out
of the very
brings a numbness upon the heart, and renders moft of thofe Nature of
who are engaged in it too indifferent to the fufferings of their the Trade in
fellow-creatures; and he fuppofes there is no trade in
which feamen are treated with fo little humanity as in
the African flave-trade. He has himſelf feen the failors,
when fick, beaten for being lazy, till they have died under
the blows.

Slaves.
P 2
CHAP. X.
( 116 )
CHA P. X.
Slaves well
ufed
rica.
Whether it be true, as fome fay, that the Natives of Africa
are happier in the European Colonies than in their
own Country.
F there be any of the flaves happier in the colonies.
Wied in dif- than they were at home, they must be fuch as wees
formerly flaves in their own country; and if fo, the Af-
rican muſt be fhewn to be more oppreffive than the co-
lonial flavery.
This, however, is fo far from being the cafe, that, as
Mr. H. Rofs obferves, though on another occafion,
any compariſon between the ftate of the two is an * in-
fult to common fenfe. The flaves in Africa are men-
tioned by Mr. Towne as never ill ufed by their own
people. They are treated, fays Mr. Keirnan, as Eu-
ropeans treat people of their own family. They are de-
fcribed again by Hall and Dalrymple as eating and drink-
* Some have even gone fo far as to fay that they are happier than the
labouring poor of this country: but it has been moft amply refuted by
Woolrich, Captain Wilfon, Jeffreys, Rees, Dean of Middleham, and
H. Rofs, the latter of whom, though he compared the different circum-
ftances in their refpective fituations at the requeft of the Committee, pre-
faced it by faying, that any comparifon between the ftate of the two was
an infult to common fenfe.
ing
( 117 )
ing with their Mafters. Captain Wilfon fays alfo they Slaves well
live with their masters, and are not diftinguishable from ca.
ufed in Af-
them. Mr. Falconbridge never faw any whom by their
treatment he could fay were flaves. Mr. Wadftrom fpeaks
of them as well ufed, and Mr. Morley as treated with
kindness, and better than in the West Indies.
Now, if the lives of the flaves in Africa fhould be fo
much happier (as may be feen by comparing the above
accounts with thofe in Chap. IV.) than the lives of the
flaves in the European colonies, it will not be doubted
that freemen in the former parts of the world muſt be
happier than flaves in the latter.
Though the obfervations already made might be fuf-
ficient (both with refpect to fuch as having been origi-
nally freemen, and fuch as having been originally* flaves
in their own country, are fent to the European colo-
nies) to difprove the affertion infinuated in the title to
this chapter, yet as there are other very ftrong proofs
in the evidence, it would be unpardonable not to cite
them in the preſent cafe.

country, but
Mr. M. Cook has often heard Africans in the Weft Africans love
Indies exprefs their praife of their own country and their their own
regret at leaving it. Lieutenant Davifon obferves it is
deftroy them-
common for fick Africans to fay, with pleasure, they are felves in the
going to die, and are going home from this Buccra (or colonies.
White man's) country. It is alfo notorious that the Afri-
cans, when brought into the colonies, frequently deftroy
themſelves. Dr. Harriſon, Coor, M. Terry, Cook,
Fitzmaurice, Clappefon, Baillie, Dalrymple, Davifon,
Dean of Middleham, Captain Rofs, and Woolrich, all
agree in this fact. The caufes of it are defcribed in ge-
neral to be ill treatment, the defire of returning home, and
the preference of death to life when in the fituation of

Very few flaves in the Weft Indies are fuch as have been flaves in
Africa, for fays Dalrymple and Wadftrom, there are very few flaves in
Africa at all, and thofe who have them, fays Morley, do not like to fell
thema.
Llaves,
( 118 )
their own
Africans love
flaves, all of which are fo many proofs of their fuperiour
country, but happiness in their own country. It is alfo very remark-
defroy them-able, as we find from Mr. Coor, that thefe acts of def-
felves in the peration fhould have been fo frequent as to have occa-
Colonies.
fioned it to have paffed into an obfervation," that the
Gold Coaft negroes, when driven to defpair, always cut
their throats, and thofe of the moſt inland country mostly
hang themſelves.
To give a few extracts from the evidences on this
occafion. A negro boy of his, fays Dr. Harriſon, de-
tefted flavery ſo much that he refused all fupport, which
brought on a dropfy that killed him. Another negro,
who had been a great man in his own country, refuſed to
work for any white man, and being therefore puniſhed
by the overfeer, he defired him to tell his mafter that he
would be a flave to no man. His mafter ordered him to
be removed to another eftate. His hands were tied be-
hind him, and in going over a bridge he jumped into
the water and appeared no more. Thefe are two facts
of Dr. Harrifon's own knowledge, out of a great many
which he cannot now recollect.

Mr. Fitzmaurice has known too many fuicides,
among new negroes efpecially, both by hanging them-
felves and dirt-eating, which they knew to be fatal. He
loft one year twelve new negroes by it, though he fed
them well. On his remonftrating they conftantly told
him they preferred dying to living. A great proportion
of the new negroes that go on fugar eftates, die in this
way.
A planter, fays Mr. Woolrich, purchafed fix men
flaves out of a Guinea fhip, and put them on a ſmall
ifland to plant cotton. They had a white man with them
as overfeer, who left them of a Saturday night. There
were no white inhabitants on the ifland. On the Mon-
day following the overfeer returned, when he found all
the fix hanging near together in the woods. Mr. Wool-
rich often inquired of the moft fenfible negroes what
could
(
119 )
could be the caufe of fuch actions, and the anfwer was,
"that they would rather die than live in the fituation
they were in."
each other's
funerals in
As the laft proof in the evidence, and that an irre- Great joy at
fragable one, how much happier the Africans are in
their own country than in the colonies, may be ad- the Colonies,
duced the great joy which is diſcovered at their funerals but lamenta
by their fellow-flaves, and which joy is faid to proceed
from the idea that the deceaſed are returning home.
Mr. Douglas faw three funerals of Guinea flavés in
the Weft Indies. At thefe funerals, fays he, they fing,
and are merry, and, naming the deceafed, fay, he is gone
to Guinea.
Great rejoicings, fays Cook, are made by African
negroes at the funerals of each other, from a belief
that the deceaſed are gone to their own country again.
African negroes, fays Forfter, fhewed the most ex-
travagant joy at their friends funerals, from believing
the deceaſed gone back to their country.
Captain Wilfon confirms the above by ſtating, that
he never faw any figns of happiness among the imported
flaves, except at their funerals, when they fhew extra-
vagant joy, from a perfuafion that the deceafed is efcaped
from flavery to his own country. Captain Wilfon, how-
ever, does not ftop here, for he goes on to declare, that
in Africa their funerals are attended with the most mourn-
ful cries.
tions at home.
It is impoffible to conclude this chapter better than by Mr. Dal
an extract from the evidence of Mr. Dalrymple.- rymple's
That gentleman fays, he might have had the means of words upon
this fubject.
putting his eftate in Grenada under cultivation, as he
might have had flaves from the houfe of Backhouſe and
Tarlton, but having had an opportunity, when on the
coaft of Africa, of knowing how happy the negroes
were

( 120 )
Mr. Dal-
rymple's
words upon
shis fubject.
were in their own country, and knowing the unjufti-
fiable means by which they were made flaves there,
their cruel ufage when on board fhip, and their fevere.
ufage when in the Weft Indies, he could not confiftent-
ly with his ideas of what was right, purchaſe any flaves,
and particularly as he did not intend to remain on the
plantation himfelf.
CHA P.
( 121 )
CHAP. XI.
Whether the Africans by good ufage have not in feveral
inftances increafed by births in the Colonies; and whe-
ther it be not clear from other facts as well as the opinions
of perfons in the Evidence, that they would increafe by
Population generally in Confequence of general good
Ufage, fo as to fuperfede entirely the neceffity of the
Slave-Trade.
CAP
NAPTAIN ROSS fays, he knows of three eftates Efates in the
in the iſland of Jamaica, one belonging to Lord Colonies on
Dudley, another to Meffrs. Muir and Atkinfon, and a Africans
third to Mr. Malcolm, on which there was a confiderable have increaf
increase of the flaves by birth.
Lieutenant Davifon confirms the account given of
Mr. Malcolm's eftate: that gentleman, he fays, had not
bought a negro for ten or twelve years, during which
time the flaves had confiderably increaſed. Lieutenant
Davifon alfo knew an eftate, where the negroes were
all Creoles.
Mr. M. Cook knew two eftates in the fame ifland,
on which he really believes the negroes to have in-
creaſed by births.
Mr. Coor fays, there was a plantation in Jamaica be-
longing to a Mr. Dunn, which, when he Mr. Coor firft
went there, was a fmall one, not for want of land but
Qe
of
ed by birthso

( 122 )
Efiates in the of negroes.
Colonies on
This eftate at that time made about fifty
hogfheads of fugar yearly. In confequence, however, of
which the good ufage the negroes increaſed fo faft (the children
have increaf- feeming to fwarm on this eftate) that, before Mr. Coor
ed by births. quitted the ifland, Mr. Dunn had not only doubled the
Africans
produce, but had fettled another eftate out of it, which
made fixty hogfheads per year, and he had never bought
but fix new negroes in the whole time.
In the fame ifland, and pariſh of Clarendon, the ne-
groes on Ramſbury eftate increafed fo faft, fays Mr.
Fitzmaurice, that a gang of them was drawn off to
fettle a new eftate, called Yarmouth, which he had then
the care of, but the fettlement was difcontinued from the
change of the attorney. On Orange, in St. James's,
no negroes were bought for at leaft fifteen years, and
they increaſed; as alfo on Eden in the fame pariſh.
He lived on both theſe eſtates.
Mr. Forſter, ſpeaking of the iſland of Antigua, fays,
that on the whole of Colonel Farley's plantations they
had no need of new negroes. He has heard the Colonel
fay there was a confiderable increaſe, but on one particu-
larly. Mr. Thomas Gravenor's negroes alfo increaſed.
He knew Captain Thomafon, of Seacow Bay, Tortola,
who wanted no new negroes for many years.
Mr. Duncan obferves, that the treatment on the
eftate that he lived on, which was in the iſland of
Antigua, was better than common: the effect was
that the flaves increaſed. The flaves alfo on Sir G.
Thomas's Belfaſt eftate, and Carlifle's, and feveral
others he cannot now name increaſed, or kept up their
numbers without any addition by purchaſe.
Mr. Giles fays, that on two eftates where he lived, the
increaſe of the flaves, under a milder treatment in the
ifland of St. Croix, exceeded their decreaſe by one per
cent.
Captain
( 123 )

Colonies on
Capt. Hall, of the navy, mentions an eftate, belonging Efates in the
to the Marquis de Rouvray, in the Ifland of St. Domingo, which the
where in confequence of good ufage the flaves increafed Africans
fo faft as to have rendered any farther purchaſes unne- have increas
ceffary.
ed by birth.
Mr. Biſhop told Mr. Town, that in a plantation of
his, in Barbadoes, they had not bought a Guinea negro
for upwards of forty years, and that by good ufage there
were a great many more now there than formerly.
The Reverend Mr. Davies fays, that on Kendal plan-
tation, in the iſland of Barbadoes, belonging to Mr.
Steel, the ftock of flaves was kept up by births. He
knew alfo a few other eftates which kept up their num-
bers without importation.

The Dean of Middleham, while in Barbadoes, under-
ftood from Dr. Mapp's fon, that the stock on the eftate,
to which he had juft fucceeded, had increaſed fo much by
birth, that there was a redundance fufficient nearly to
ftock another eftate. The Rev. Mr. Carter's flaves alfo
increaſed confiderably, and theſe cultivated his glebe and
planted canes. The Dean's brother alfo informed him,
that his own negroes had doubled their number by natu-
ral increaſe in twenty years, and they were employed, he
believes, in common field bufinefs as other negroes. The
Dean had heard of feveral others of his acquaintance, who
had kept up their stocks by the natural increaſe, without
purchaſe,

ap-
Other facts to
be how they
would in-
Having now mentioned thofe eftates, on which it
pears that the flaves have increaſed by birth, it will
proper to mention thoſe other facts in the evidence, by creafe by birth
which it will be clear, that the Africans by general good if well used.
ufage will increaſe fo generally as to fuperfede the ne-
ceffity of the flave-trade.
I. In the Ifland of Barbadoes the field flaves appear
to be better treated than elsewhere. Accordingly we find
from Mr. Woodward, that while refident there, in the
Q 2
years
( 124 )
would in-
Other facts years 1782 and 1783, he never heard any complaint of
to fhew they the want of negroes to carry on the plantation or other
ercafe by birth bufinefs. And yet he does not recollect the fale of
if well used. fingle cargo of flaves during that time.
2. Field flaves cultivating cotton, pimento, and coffee,
are defcribed by Mr. Cook as being treated better, and as
increafing fafter by birth than thofe employed on fugar
eftates.
3. Domeftics are univerfally faid to be treated better
on the whole than field flaves, and theſe are generally faid
to increafe. There are many more children, fays Jeffreys,
among domeftics than field flaves. Captain Hall fays, that
in his time the domeftics were understood to increase by birth,
and Lieutenant Davifon, that they did actually increaſe.
Mr. Forfter gives an inftance of rapid increaſe among
the domeftics. A widow Shervington was left in debt
with five or fix negroes, who by kind treatment in fifteen
or twenty years increaſed to fifteen or more. He knows
Jeveral inftances of the kind.

4. The Maroon negroes, originally Africans, who
live in ſmall communities in Jamaica, as free people, and
who of courſe are not fubject to ill ufage like the flaves, are
faid to increase alfo. M. Cook believes the Maroon
negroes to be increafing very faft. Lieutenant Daviſon
afferts, that in his time they increafed moft certainly. He
has often been in all their towns, and always faw great
numbers of children. Their numbers were confiderably
more when he left, than when he came to the iſland. It
was impoffible for them to have received any addition of
number from other quarters.
5. African negroes alfo, when tranſported to the Eaft
Indies, have, by good ufage, increased there. Mr. Botham
fays, that in the year 1764, the Eaft India Company fent
flave-fhips to Africa and Madagascar, and tranfported to
Bencoolen, for their public and other works, nearly a thou-
fand flaves, and in much the fame proportion of men, wo-
men, and children, as they are carried from Africa to the

2
( 125 )
Weft Indies, that is, more men than women and children. Other facts
to fhew they
Thefe flaves, on the first years of their arrival, from the
would in-
unhealthiness of the climate, and other caufes, decreased: crcafe by birth
but when they had been at Bencoolen a few years, where if well fed.
they were humanely treated, they began annually to increase;
notwithſtanding from the little attention that was paid to
their way of life, both men and women lived in the moſt
abandoned way. The wonder was, that they did increaſe,
as the young women flaves were common proſtitutes to
the foldiers and failors.
6. African negroes alfo, tranfported to different parts
of North America, have, in confequence of being * better
ufed, increafed by population there.
Dr. Harriſon's diftinction between the difference of
the treatment of the negroes by the Weft Indians and
Americans, is as follows. In Jamaica, he fays, flaves
were generally treated ill, and only individuals treated
them well; in Carolina, on the other hand, they were
generally treated well, and only individuals ufed them ill.
Let us now fee the confequences.
Mr. Dove fays, that from 1774 to 1783 there were no
importations of flaves to Bofton or New York, and yet
he thinks that they did not decreaſe in their number
during that time.
It was generally believed, fays Mr. Stuart, that the
Carolina flaves increaſed without importation,
Mr. Savage fays alfo, that where they were well ufed
in Carolina they increafed greatly. A friend of his,
Gabriel Manigault, Efq. informed him, that in 1737,
he had on his eftate eighty-fix negroes, of which twelve
or fourteen were fuperannuated. The latter he replaced
by others. With no more addition than this, they had
increaſed to two hundred and feventy about a year or two
(1773) before he left the country.
The evidences unanimoufly maintain, that their ufage is better in
America than in the Weft Indies.

Mr. Baillie
( 126 )
Other facts
to fher they
would in-
Mr. Baillie alfo, fpeaking of Carolina, believes the
negroes are raiſed there in as great a proportion as children
reafe by birth in Europe, when they are in healthy fituations, notwith-
if well used. ftanding which he obferves, that the cultivation of rice
is as laborious as that of fugar, and that the climate of
Jamaica is much more favourable to the conftitution of the
negroes than that of Carolina.
Dr. Harrifon alfo gives his opinion as a medical man,
that the climate of Jamaica is more favourable to the
increaſe of flaves than that of Carolina; notwithſtanding
which difadvantage Carolina increafed in flaves, while
thofe in Jamaica decreafed.
Mr. Irving mentions the increafed population of flaves
by birth in Carolina to have been reckoned in his time at
from two to ten per cent. and yet he fpeaks of the climate
in the fame manner as the reft. The breeding of flaves, he
fays, was confidered fo advantageous, that the planter
generally valued a child, on the day of its birth, at five
pounds.

Mr. Clapham, examined on this fubject, for Maryland,
fays, the negroes kept up their numbers there by propa-
gation, and increafed, fo that the overplus, in fome in-
itances, were ſhipped to the West Indies. He has known
an hundred fales, where proprietors have had too many for
their ufe, in confequence of increaſe by propagation, yet
they were not thought to be * well treated, though better
than to the fouthward, and the climate was fubject to great
and fudden variety of heat and cold.
Mr. Beverley, examined refpecting Virginia, ftates,
that the negroes there always kept up their numbers, and
generally increafed. His father's more than doubled their
numbers. In 1761 he had about two hundred, and in
1788 he paid taxes on above five hundred and forty, of
whom not above twenty or thirty had been added by
purchaſe.
The evidence warrants us in faying, that a flave in America, faid
to be not well ufed, would be confidered as well uſed in the Weft-Indies:
Mr. Beverley
( 127 )
Mr. Beverley was told in America, that when the Other facts
abolition of the flave-trade was firſt agitated in 1774, would in-
to fhew they
many doubted the practicability of keeping up the num- create by birth
bers by births, and the perfons fo doubting have, fince if well fed..
the abolition of the flave trade, expreffed to him a con-
viction that their fears were groundless.
Mr. Crew ftates alfo, that the negroes in Virginia
increaſed rapidly without importation, fo much fo, that
it was a general opinion that it was profitable to hold flaves
on this account, exclufive of the profits of their labour.
He thinks, at the fame time, that the culture of tobacco
is nearly as laborious as that of fugar, and that the climate
of Virginia is not fo favourable as that of the Weft Indies
to African conftitutions on account of the fevere cold in
the winter. Mr. Crew obferves, that the importation of
African flaves into Virginia has been generally difcon-
tinued fince 1772.
*
opinions on
From the above accounts, (by which the natives of Other facts
Africa have been viewed in different climates and fitua- and ſome
tions) but particularly from the laft, it is evident that this fubjec
if they were in general well ufed in the European colo-
nies, they would fo generally increafe, as to fuperfede
the neceffity of the flave trade, for if in the American cli-
mate, totally uncongenial to their conftitutions, they have
generally increaſed by births, much more would they in
the Weſt Indian, which is reprefented as much more fa-
vourable to their propagation. This will be ftill more
evident, if we prove that they are prolifick in their
own country, and that the Weft Indian climate is the
fame as their own at home. Mr. Falconbridge fays,
that the females are more prolifick than thofe of other
countries. Out of four or five deliveries, at which he
was prefent, there were twice twins. Captain Hall has
feen as many children in the towns and villages in Africa
in proportion to the grown people, as he has met with
in this country. Sir G. Young declares, that the negro
As a farther proof, that the climate of North America is not con-
genial to the African conftitution, it appears from Ballie and Beverley that
the negroes are always healthier in the fummer than in the winter.
women
( 128 )
Other facts
andfo me
opinions on
bis fubject.
women on the coaft of Africa appeared to him as prolifick
as any race of people he ever faw in any part of the world,
and the climate of the Weft Indies to be not lefs favourable
to them than their own. Hence he fays, the ftock of
faves might be kept up or increafed without any importa-
tions from Africa. At firft the deficiencies might be felt
for a few, perhaps twenty years, but after a while, they
would double their numbers, for he fees no phyfical caufe
to prevent a black man and woman being equally prolifick
in the Weft Indies as in Africa.
There are others, who from their experience in the
Weft Indies are of a fimilar opinion. Dr. Jackfon can-
not conceive, if flaves were well ufed, why they fhould
not keep up their numbers. They are naturally prolifick,
and the islands in general congenial to their conftitutions.
It is the opinion of Mr. Coor, that, with kind and ju-
dicious treatment of the infants, the flaves in Jamaica
would increaſe without any importations from Africa. Mr.
Davies fays the fame thing for Barbadoes. Mr. Wood-
ward is not apprehenfive that the abolition of the flave-
trade would ruin his Weft Indian property. He thinks it
would be of advantage to Barbadoes. By ufing them
well, and by good management, the ftock of flaves would
naturally increafe without importation. And Mr. Giles
believes, that, if they were properly treated, their increafe
would be general throughout the islands.
CHAP. XII.
( 129 )
CHA P.
XII.
What appear to have been the principal causes, implied in
the term Good Ufage, of the Increafe by Births, in the
inftances mentioned, and what Regulations ought to take
place in the general practice of the Colonies, to infure an
univerfal increafe.

TH
HE caufes of the increaſe by births, on one of the Principal
eftates mentioned, viz. on the Marquis de Rouv- foregoing
caufes of the
ray's of St. Domingo, are defcribed by Captain Hall increase by
as follows:
The flaves were never hard preffed in their work.
The Marquis fuffered no improper intercourſe between
the males and females: every man had his own wife,
and no white was fuffered to disjoin that union. Hof-
pitals were built for the fick and pregnant. The latter,
when far advanced, were taken in there, and employed
in trifling work, till the time of their delivery. Here
they might remain, feparated from their hufbands, and
excufed from field labour, till the child could be fupported
without the mother's help, or when their ftrength would
permit, return with the child to their hufbands, and take
the chance of work. In confequence, the Marquis had
not, for fome years, occafion to buy negroes. Having,
however, left his eftate to the care of a nephew, upon
his return, after an abſence of two years, inftead of the
happineſs that reigned when he left it, he found nothing
but mifery and diſcontent. The whites had feized upon
R.
the
population.

( 130 )
foregoing
increase by
Principal the pretty women: their husbands, through difcontent,
caufes of the
ran away, and the labour falling heavier upon the reft,
they became difcontented, and their work was badly carried
on: fo that it coft him two years, before he could re-
eftabliſh order. It was a pleaſure to walk through his
eftate; for the flaves uſed to look upon him as a father.
population.
Some general
It is of importance to cite this eftate, becaufe, in con-
fequence of the above regulations, its gang increaſed;
becauſe when they were violated it went back; and be-
caufe, when they were re-eftabliſhed, it was reftored to
its former ftate. Thefe regulations alfo include all the
regulations, except two, in confequence of which the
flaves increaſed by births on the other eftates mentioned
in the preceding chapter, and therefore the citation of
thefe, in particular, avoids a repetition, and faves time.
The two regulations not included in thefe, are the fol-
lowing: Mr. Giles afferts, that the purchafing of a
few mules, on an eftate which he managed, to carry the
canes which the negroes had before this been accuſtomed
to carry on their heads, fo lightened their labour, as to
occafion them to increaſe in population, whereas they
had decreaſed before: and, on the eftate cited by Lieut.
Davifon, the circumftance of Mr. Malcolm's going
among his own negroes, hearing their complaints, and
not fuffering them to be puniſhed without his knowledge,
are reckoned among the cauſes that contributed to their
increaſe.
-
Let us now ſee what is the general practice in the
practices in colonies, and what alterations fhould be made in it, to
infure an univerfal increaſe.
the Colonies.
I. It is the opinion of Mr. Fitzmaurice, as obferved
in chap. 4, that the forcing the flaves to labour beyond
their ftrength, is the means of bringing many of them
to the grave. Mr. Baillie fays, that many of their com-
plaints arofe from extreme fatigue, and that a little reft
generally reftored them, without any medicine being
neceffary. In general, fays Forfter, the planters have
no idea of improvements to eafe their faves. It feemed
a general
(
131 )
a general opinion, that, if negroes were not conftantly Some general
kept at work, they would become unruly.
2. We have feen, in chap. 4, the very trifling faults,
for which flaves are frequently punished, at the difcretion
of the overfeer, and the unlimited feverity of thoſe pu-
nifhments by the chain, dungeon, ftocks, projecting iron
collar, iron boot, cowfkin, cart-whip, picket, and the
like; all of which have a manifeft tendency to harrafs
human nature, and, in conjunction with other caufes, to
fubdue it.
3. It appears that no attention is paid to the marriage
of the flaves, fo that one man fhould be reftricted to one
wife, but that there is a promifcuous intercourfe amongſt
one another as they pleafe, (General Tottenham, Capt.
Smith, Sir G. Young, Forfter, Coor); and that this is
not only the cafe of the negroes one with another, but
with the negro women and the whites, the latter of whom
violate the chaſtity of the former at difcretion, (Dean of
Middleham, Captain Smith, Davifon, Cook, Harriſon,
Coor, and Dalrymple). If the women are fent for by
the overfeers, fays Cook, for theſe purpoſes, they must
come or be flogged, and to fuch a pitch has Dalrymple
known this intercourfe to proceed, that female flaves
are offered by their mafters, even to thoſe who vifit
them, and he has known compulfion ufed to oblige fuch
to fubmit to proſtitution.
4. It appears again, from chap. 4, that pregnant
women, to get the most out of them, are frequently
worked within a very little time of their delivery, and fo
hard and fo near to this period, that they often mifcarry,
as well as that, even in this fituation, they are not exempt
from the whip.
5. The fides of the huts, fays Coor, in which the
pregnant women are delivered, and children born, are
no more defence againſt the cold night damps, than one
of our pafture hedges. Bedding they have none, but a
R 2
board
practices in
the Colonies.



( 132 )
Some general board or bafs mat. The infant, for the first eight days,
practices in
is never put to the mother's breaft, but given to a
the Colonies.
woman out of the field, who nurfes it, and who proba-
bly has a child two, three, or four months old: and
here Mr. Coor fubmits it to medical men what effect the
milk of a woman hardly wrought and badly fed would
have on a tender infant. They moftly die convulfed
about the eighth day. This want of care is the more
lamentable, becauſe, if they furvive the eighth day, they
moftly do well. What convinces him farther it is for
want of care, is, becaufe, where they have warm houses,
kind treatment, and the child fet to the mother's breaft, he
very
feldom knew any die.
Thefe conti-
nuing an
incrcale
impallible.
Moft of the negro-houfes, fays Fitzmaurice, are open
to the weather, being wattled without plaifter. They
fleep on a board on the ground, near the fire, and after
it goes out, they fuffer from cold and damp. This caufes
many diſorders, eſpecially to lying-in women, who lofe
more children by this than any other caufe, as they gene-
rally die of the locked jaw.
6. The Dean of Middleham fays, it ftruck him, to
fpeak generally, that negro mothers commonly went into
the field too early after their delivery, taking their children
with them; that the milk of the mother became feverish
with labour, and the heat of the fun was too powerful
for the child, which was commonly expofed in a baſket,
and, in rainy weather, unfheltered. The fame is con-
firmed by others.
It is evident then, if the above be the general prac-
tice in the Colonies; if the flaves are over-wrought
and haftily and ſeverely puniſhed; if promifcuous in-
tercourſe be allowed; if the women are oppreffed dur-
ring their pregnancy; if, while lying-in, they and their
infants are fo much expofed to damp and cold in their
houfes, that many of the latter perifh: and if, after
delivery, they are too foon hurried, with their furviving
infants, into the field, it is evident, we repeat, that they
cannot poffibly, in general, increaſe: but that fome
change
( 133 )
change muſt be made in the fyftem, and that the fol-
lowing regulations are the moft likely to answer the end,
inafmuch as, upon the adopting of them or fimilar
ones, the flaves on the eftates cited have experienced an
increaſe.no
Regulation 1. The maxim obferved on the eftate of Some Alter
ations in thefe
the Marquis de Rouvray, and fome of the others cited, practices
" of never preffing the flaves hard in their work," and neceffary
"the fubftitution of animal for human labour, wherever for infuring
"it is practicable," as mentioned by Mr. Giles, fhould Increase.
an univerfal
be adopted on every eſtate.

2. A more general refidence of proprietors on their
own eftates, as on Mr. Malcolm's, to attend to the
complaints and puniſhments of their flaves, is ne-
ceffary.
3. Marriage, or the union of one man to one wo-
man, fhould take place, as in the Marquis de Rouvray's
plantation; and this union no white or other perfon
fhould be fuffered to diſturb or disjoin.
4. The women flaves, when advanced in their
pregnancy four months, fhould be taken from the field,
and fhould have little and light work, as practiſed on
ſome of the eſtates cited to have increafed by births.
5. During the time of their lying-in, they fhould be
put into convenient hofpitals, or, if allowed to remain
in their huts, thefe fhould be fo conftructed as to exclude
the cold and damp, and every female fhould fuckle her
own child from the birth.
6. In fuch hofpitals or huts, they fhould remain, as
on the Marquis de Rouvray's eftate, and be excufed from
field-labour, till the child could be fupported without
the mother's aid, or, when their ftrength would permit,
return with the child to their hufbands, and take the
chance of work.
Now,
( 134 )
Some Alter-
Now, if it could be made appear, as it can, that the
ations in thefe flaves in fome of the eftates cited, increaſed by the
practices
neceffary
adoption of fome one of the above regulations alone,
for infuring, and that they increaſed on others by adopting two or three
an univerfal of them, and no more, and that on no one eftate, as
Increase.
appears by the evidence, were all of them in force at a
time, it is plain, that if all of them combined were put
into execution on each and every eftate in the colonies,
there must be an univerfal increafe of the flaves there.
CHAP. XIII.
( 135 )
CHA P.
XIII.
Whether other Regulatious may not be deduced from the
Evidence, which would accelerate this Increase by
Population.
WE
Waves, foutending to their grievances, punish-Juggfs other
E have found, that lightening the labour of the Evidence
Regulations
ments, and the like, have been the means of contribut- that would
ing to their increaſe by population; hence any new modes accelerate
fuggefted by the evidence, that will produce the fame this increases
effects, or will tend to their better nouriſhment or eſtab-
liſhment in fociety, muft accelerate that increaſe.
I. Let the plough be introduced on every eftate What thefe
which will admit the uſe of it.
The introduction of the plough would, in the opinion
of Forfter, Sir G. Young, Rees, Harrifon, Giles, and
Duncan, fave the flaves much labour. Mr. Fitzmaurice
has known it anfwer this end. Mr. Woodward and Mr.
J. Woodward farther confirm the fame: the former has
reduced its utility on his own eftate to the following
rule: one plough, two men, and four horfes, do as much
work as thirty negroes, and, after the plough, it does not
require, fays he, much negro labour to prepare the
ground for the cane. He thinks that the largest part of
the cane and ginger land in Barbadoes, may be ploughed
to the advantage of the proprietor, and the faving of
negroes labour,
3. In
Regulations
are.
( 136 )
What thefe
2. In the earthing of canes, let the Eaft Indian
Regulations fhovel be introduced, in the place of the hoe, where it
is practicable.
are.
When the cane is ready to earth up, fays Mr. Botham,
the ſpace between the rows is ploughed deep, the cane
tops tied up, and an inftrument like a broad fhovel,
with teeth at the bottom, a fpade handle, and two cords
fixed to the body of the fhovel, ending by a wooden.
handle for a purchaſe, is ufed by two perfons to earth
up the cane, the ftrongest holding the handle of the
fhovel, and preffing it into the ploughed earth, while the
other on the oppofite fide of the plant, by a jerk of the
cord, draws up to the plant all the earth that the plough
had loofened. Two perfons, fays Mr. Botham, and he has
been in the Weft as well as in the Eaft Indies, with this
inftrument will earth up more canes in a day than ten ne-
groes with their boes according to the W. Indian method.

3. Let the commiffions or premiums paid in fome
iflands on the crops, be taken from the attorneys and
overſeers of eftates, and let falaries or an augmentation
of falary be fubftituted in their ftead; or, let the premiums
and commiffions continue, but be paid fo much per head
for the increaſe of the flaves.
It is the common practice for attorneys, and often
for overfeers to have a commiffion on the crops (Cook,
Davifon, Fitzmaurice, Clappefon, and Coor). This has
a manifeft tendency to make them pufh the
negroes be-
yond their ftrength. Accordingly we find, from Davi-
fon, that he has been with attorneys to vifit the eftates,
and he has fed them do little elfe than inquire about the
crops. He never heard them make any inquiries into the
treatment or ſtate of the flaves. Coor fays, he has known
attornies wink at overfeers preffing the flaves to perform
more work than human nature could bear.

*
There is alfo a very deftructive notion prevalent, viz. "That he is
the best overfeer who makes the largest crops." To this criterion of an
overfeer's merit it is owing that thouſands of flaves have been killed by
being overworked. This notion ought to be changed for the following:
"That he is the beft overfeer who preferves the flaves."
4. Let
( 137 )
4. Let the picking of grafs neither be extra work, What thefe
nor done in the intervals of reft; but let a grafs-gang are
Regulations
be felected for this purpofe; or intirely abolish graſs-
picking, by laying out pafture land.
This regulation, as may be feen in Chap. IV. would
tend wonderfully to leffen the labour and puniſhment,
and, of courſe, promote the increaſe of the flaves.
5. Let the corn given to the negroes be ground for
them.
This regulation would tend much to leffen their la-
bour, as will be ſeen from the following account. When
the women return home, fays Davies, they have to grind
their corn, by the ftrength of their arms rubbing it between
two ftones. They muft rife with the earlieft dawn to
prepare their food, that they may be in the field in time,
to eſcape puniſhment. Their circumftances, but particu-
larly the grinding of their corn, tended to difcourage mar-
riage, the woman's life becoming harder then from being
thus a flave to her huſband. Forfter alfo obferves, that
the grinding of their corn at night, by hand, was in
crop-time a great hardship.
6. Let taſks of fuch parts of the work, as will admit
them, be affigned to the flaves as practifed in America.
In America, fays Baillie, the overfeer roufed the
flaves, and fet them to work in the morning. They did
not work for fet hours, but by tafk-work, generally a
rood of land to each, when eafily cultivated; when other-
wife, the overfeer fets the ftrongeft to the hardest work,
and vice verfa: and indeed it was ufual to leffen the
piece of land confiderably, when uncommonly foul."
The negroes generally helped thofe who could not finiſh
as foon as the reft, fo that they left the field at once,
pretty early in the afternoon, when their work ceafed,
and they were at perfect liberty for the reft of the day.
Mr. Baillie adds, that the drivers feldom or never whip-
ped the flaves through their day's work; becauſe it was

S
impoffible
( 138 )


What these impoffible to know till towards the clofe of the day,
Regulations whether a flave would or would not finifh his tafk, and
it was thought time enough to puniſh when the negroes
deferved it.
are.
This politick method of working by tafk has been
tried in Jamaica. Mr. Fitzmaurice hired fixty negroes,
all Americans, from a Mr. Douglas who refided there,
and employed them in this manner. They had a taſk
meaſured out to them every morning by Mr. Douglas or
his overfeer, and which they finiſhed by one or two
o'clock, and had the reft of the day to themſelves. The
driver carried no whip, and only went occafionally to fee
that the work was properly done.

It will now be evident to the reader how much the
introduction of tafk-work into the Weft Indies would
add to the eaſe and comfort, and of courſe to the na-
tural increaſe, of the flaves; for, by this wife and poli-
tick method, the work is apportioned to the ftrength of the
flaves, and the weak are not obliged to keep up with the
ftrong. The whip alfo, by which they are inceffantly
haraffed, is avoided. This alone is of great importance.
Mr. Crew thinks the ufe of the whip formed a difference
in the treatment of American and Weft Indian flaves great-
ly to the difadvantage of the latter. They have alfo, by
means of the fyftem recommended, the important ad-
vantage of a part of the afternoon and evening to them-
felves, in which they can cultivate their little portions
of lands, prepare their provifions, and yet have fufficient
time to reft: all which would greatly add to the com-
fort of their lives.

If there fhould be any objection to the introduction
of taſk-work into the Weft India iflands, after what has
been faid, it can only arife from a fuppofition, that the
flaves getting their work done by two or three in the af-
ternoon, cannot do fo much for their owner, as thoſe
who work till fun-fet, on the prefent fyftem. The very
reverſe, however, is the cafe: for Mr. Fitzmaurice ob-
ferves, that thoſe negroes whom he employed by tafk in
Jamaica,
( 139 )
are.
Jamaica, finifhed their work by one or two o'clock, What these
Regulations
whereas the plantation negroes on the adjoining land
would not finiſh till dark, even with the driver, the fame
quantity of land.
Having now ftated all that appears in the evidence,
on the fubject of eafing the labour of the flaves, as the
means of increafing them by birth, we come to a few
regulations of another kind.

7. Never let the fame perfon hold the offices of at-
torney and overfeer, or manager: nor let an eftate be
put under the care of an attorney who either has many
eftates to attend to, or who lives many miles from the
eftate he is to fuperintend.
All theſe evils are abundantly ſtated in the evidence,
and, it is therefore clear, that the above regulation would
have a tendency to obtain protection for the flaves, in
cafes of unmerited or exceffive puniſhment, on the part
of the overfeer: for, by the 3d regulation, it would be
the intereft of the attorney to inquire into their com-
plaints, and redrefs them, and not, as at prefent, to
wink at their oppreffion; and by this regulation, he
would be at hand and have time to do his duty. The
flaves alſo would not be precluded by diftance, from pre-
ferring their own complaints. This fuperintendance of
puniſhments, was one of the caufes that contributed to
the increaſe on an eſtate mentioned in the preceding
chapter.
8. Let a ſmall part of the cane-lands be difmantled
and turned into provifion grounds, for the flaves.
The great want of provifions, which the flaves experi-
ence, has been amply explained in Chap. IV. It has
been proved that thoſe who have land enough allowed
them have not fufficient time to cultivate it; but that evil
will be removed by the introduction of tafk-work
(Regul. 6.) and thoſe who have little or no land will
poffefs it by the prefent. This would be particularly

$ 2
uſeful,
( 140 )
What thefe
Regulations
dre.
ufeful, becaufe provifions raifed, fays Botham, feed ne-
groes better than any dry or other provifions imported.
It would alſo preſerve them from falling off as they do at
prefent. Epidemicks, fays Coor, are more fatal to poor
and ill fed, than to well fed, hearty flaves.
But one
fatal epidemick prevailed while he was in Jamaica. It
attacked all ranks of whites and blacks, and generally
poor, ill-fed negroes died of it.
died of it. Few well-fed negroes
died of it, and not one white man. Nor need the planters
be afraid that the diſmantling of the canes for provifion-
land, will rob them of their former profits. If a hun-
dred negroes cultivate as many acres of canes, and fifty
acres be deducted for their fupport, it is not improbable
but that the fifty in canes, with the labour of a hundred
perfons, may produce as much as the hundred acres be-
fore; for a hundred labourers are better able to cultivate
and improve fifty, than twice the number of acres, and
the earth will remunerate in proportion to the toil and
improvement beftowed upon it. Of this we may ad-
duce a ftriking inftance, from Fitzmaurice. He ob-
ferves that a gentleman had two eftates in Clarendon,
one of which Mr. Fitzmaurice managed. This gentle-
man had too few negroes for both eftates, but fufficient
for one. He, however, cultivated both. They pro-
duced him together 150 hogfheads of fugar per annum.
He became in debt, and his negroes fuffered.
length, changing his plan, he diſmantled one of his
eftates, and put both the gangs on the other. Theſe
were then amply fufficient, and he is now making 400
hhds. that is 250 more hhds. per year upon this one eftate,
than upon both together before, and is now a clear man,
This regulation then would tend to the proprietor's be-
nefit, as well as to the increaſe of the flaves,
At
9. Let every encouragement be given to the moral
and religious inftruction of the flaves,
A deficiency in this particular, appears throughout
the whole of the evidence. There has been, however,
here and there, a folitary inftance of a contrary nature,
in the knowledge of Coor, Forfter, Captain Smith,
Duncan,
( 141 )
Duncan, and Fitzmaurice; and thefe declare, that What the
Regulations
where fuch moral and religious inftruction have been are.
encouraged, the flaves have fhewn a better difpofition and
behaviour; that they have alfo paid a more general at-
tention to marriage, and that they have increafed more by
the births..
Having now mentioned the principal regulations
which the evidence fuggefts, in addition to thofe recom-
mended in the former chapter, for producing a natural
increaſe of the flaves, it is plain that were all thoſe re-
gulations combined, and generally enforced in the co-
lonies, that increaſe would be proportionably accelerated.
CHA P.
( 142 )
CHA P. IV.
Whether the Colonifts could carry on the neceffary Cultiva-
tion of their Lands, without a fresh Importation of flaves
while this increafe was becoming effective; or, in other
Words, while the Generation immediately fucceeding thefe
Regulations were growing up to fupply the natural
Deaths of the Slaves of all Ages, now in their Pof-
feffion.
By means
of the
foregoing
Regulations
the Watch-
HIS queftion may be anſwered from what has ap-
Tpeared in fome of the preceding chapters.
Slaves have been fhewn to have been wounded by
men& Dri- the watchmen, in ftealing provifions to which they have
wers might been impelled by hunger; but as, by fome of the fore-
bourers in the going regulations, they would be fufficiently fed, (and
feld.
where they have been fufficiently fed the evidence has
fhewn that they have not ftolen at all) thofe watchmen
would become unneceffary as fuch, and might be turned-
into the effective field-gangs,
It has appeared alfo, that where tafk-work is intro-
duced the whip is unneceffary: hence the drivers, whoſe
only buſineſs is to force labour (and of whom there are
four or five, fays Coor, to every 100 flaves) might them-
felves be converted into field-labourers.
It
( 143 )
It has been ſhewn too, that, in coufequence of their be- Deereafe of
ing better fed, according to fome of the regulations fug-deaths would
Slaves by
gefted, they would be far lefs liable to fuffer from epi- be retarded
demicks, and it is evident, that, being better fed, lefs
worked and harraffed by the whip, that is, in every re-
fpect, better ufed, their lives would be proportionably
prolonged.

would be
It has likewife appeared, that two flaves, affifted by Much of
the plough, do the work of thirty without it; and that, their lab
in the earthing up of the canes, two flaves ufing the
Eaft Indian implement mentioned would do the work of
ten with the hoe.
faved
From the prefent compulfive and oppreffive fyftem, it And the
has appeared in evidence, that numbers of flaves run dered more
Gangs ren
away, and are laid up fickly. But the regulations would efficient in
put an end to theſe evils, and the gangs, not being deferted frength and
and thinned as before, would become more efficient in
ftrength and number.
This ftrength and this number would be rendered ftill
more effective, by the affiftance and labour of fuch, as we
have feen, are under the prefent fyftem, often crippled or
badly wounded by the watchmen. From the above
then it appears,

mumbers
vation need
1. That on the day the importation fhould ceafe, the Hence culi
coloniſts, by incorporating the watchmen and drivers in not be imped
their field-gangs, would have an additional number (and ed till the
that a confiderable one) of feaſoned hands by which they rifing gene
would be compenfated for the natural deaths of the be put to cm-
working flaves, during at leaft a part of the time in ploy.
which the rifing generation were growing up for la-
bour.


2. That the natural deaths of the working flaves
would be greatly and progreffively retarded, from that
day, and could not poffibly happen fo frequently as
before.
3. That
ration could
( 144 )

Hence culti
ad till the
3. That, taking into confideration the retarding of
vation need the deaths of the working flaves, and the augmenting of
ot be imped- their number, they might not, in three or four years be
fo reduced, but that their number might be then equal
to what it was on the day of ftopping the importation,
when the whole of the efficient hands under the former
wretched fyftem were not thus called into employ.
rifing ge-
neration
could be put
to employ.
Many do-
4. That even if no augmentation could be made to
the number of working flaves, and their natural deaths
were as frequent as before, it by no means follows that
the cultivation need be impeded till the rifing generation
could grow up; becaufe a much lefs number of hands,
affifted by cattle and the implements mentioned, would
evidently do much more work than a greater, under the
preſent fyftem.
In fhort, after the circumftances ftated, and confider-
ing alfo that there is now in the colonies a ſeries of
Creoles of all ages, ready to fupply fucceffively the places
of many that would go off by natural death, no man
can rationally fuppofe, that the number of working
flaves could ever be reduced fo low, while the rifing ge-
neration were growing up, as not to be as fully adequate
to the cultivation of the colonies, as they are at preſent.
Mr. Botham fays, that by means of two-thirds, nay even
one-half of the prefent force (and he ſpeaks experimentally)
the islands might be much better cultivated) under certain
regulations, than under what he terms, the prefent mifer-
able management: and yet the regulations fuggeſted by
Mr. Botham are not fo numerous as thofe deduced from
the evidence, in the preceding chapters.
If, however, any one fhould difpute this point, he
ficks could must be told, that the colonifts have yet many other
alſo be spared refources. They have generally, in the firſt place, a
if neceffary. number of domeftick flaves that are fupernumerary
and uſeleſs. They have a great number of fuperfluous
domefticks at Barbadoes, fays Woodward, in town
and country. Mr. Giles thinks half the domefticks
of Grenada and Montferrat unneceffary. Lieutenant


Davifon
( 145 )

tenant Davifon has known, in Jamaica, from twelve to May do
mefticks could
twenty domefticks in a houfe, where half the number also be feared
would have done as well. Dr. Jackfon too obferves, that if neceffar
there are three times more domefticks in Jamaica than
would be in England, for the fame work; and Jeffreys,
fpeaking of thofe in the fame ifland, fays they are too
many; they are a nuifance from their numbers. Hence
it is clear, that were it poffible a failure of hands for the
field could take place before the affigned epocha ar-
rived, many domefticks might be fpared, without any
inconvenience, for field-labour. Nor would this change
be at all difagreeable to many of them: for we have
feen their lives often rendered miferable, by being con-
ftantly under the eye, and fubject to the caprice of their
maſters and miftreffes. Coor, indeed, has often heard
many of them fay, that they would rather be under the
field hardfhips, than in the houſe.
This refource, though very confiderable, is yet not Alfo Black
the only one the planters are poffeffed of: for many of artificers,
the flaves are coopers, carpenters, mill-wrights, copper- might be fup-
whofe places
fmiths, black-fmiths, and the like, all of whom could plied by
perform field-labour, and their places, if neceffary, be White Men.
fupplied by white men, who, if temperate, would not
fuffer in their health. Land furveying, fays Terry,
is exceedingly laborious in the Weft Indies, and yet he
followed it for ſeven years, without injury to his health.
He has often feen white mill-wrights at work in the
fun, whofe health did not fuffer. There are alfo white
coopers and blackſmiths there, but the former only di-
rect negroes working under them. Lieutenant Davi-
fon is fure whites, if temperate, could, without material
injury, do any kind of out-door work. It is well known
that the fhip. wrights and other tradeſmen in the king's
yard, Port-Royal, often work all day long, and he never
knew them unhealthier than people in general. White
artificers do work at their trades in the Weft Indies,
without materially hurting their health. Captain Cook
has no doubt, and he ſpeaks from many inftances, that
white people by habits of temperance and regularity of
T



hours
( 146 )

Alb Black hours, might bring themſelves to go through nearly as
artificers, much labour and fatigue in the Weft Indies, as any
whole places
might be fup- people whatever. Mr. Clappefon thinks the whites,
plied by if temperate, are able to labour in Jamaica. He fays,
no people work harder than the Engliſh failors there :
and Dr. Jackfon apprehends, as a medical man, that
white men may work as artificers, in the Weft Indies,
without any material detriment to their health,
White Men
CHA P.
( 147 )
CHA P.
XV.
Whether there be not a prevailing opinion in the Colonies,
that it is cheaper to buy or import Slaves than thus to
increase them by Population-and whether the very re-
verfe of this opinion be not true; namely, that it is more
profitable to breed than to import.
TH
HAT fuch an opinion prevails in the colonies is Opinion that
too evident. Dalrymple, Captain Wilfon, Har- it is cheaper
to buy than
rifon, and Sir George Young, all affirm, that in their breed.
time it was thought by fome planters to be cheaper to buy
than to breed. The prevalence of the fame notion is alfo
confirmed by others. Mr. Rees was informed that the
planters did not think it worth their while to breed more
than they did. The buying fyftem is faid by Dr. Jackſon
to have been generally preferred. Captain Hall fays, the
planters efteemed the charge of rearing a child to matu-
fity, more troubleſome and greater than buying a flave
fit for work, and the fame opinion is defcribed as pre-
vailing by Fitzmaurice, Duncan, and Davifon. As a
farther proof of the exiſtence of fuch a notion, we may
refer to the calculations made upon theſe occafions. If a
negro lafted a certain time, fays Baillie, his death was
accounted nothing. This time is defcribed by Fitz-
maurice to be ſeven years. Captain Giles alfo heard the
term of ſeven years affixed for the exiſtence of a gang of
negroes, which he faw, and we find a man of the name
of Yemman, by Captain Scott's account, reducing his
calculation

T 2
( 148 )
be not true,
calculation to four years, treating his flaves moft cruelly,
and faying that four years labour of a negro was enough
for him; for that he then had his pennyworth out of him,
and he did not care what became of him afterwards.
If the reverfe As this notion is fo fatal to population, and is indeed
of this opinim evidently one grand fource from whence the prefent evils-
in the colonial fyftem fpring, it will be proper to examine
the evidence, to fee if we cannot fhew the reverſe of it
to be true.
There is one circumftance that leads us ftrongly to
fufpect that it is not fo well founded as its general pre-
ne-third of valence fhould warrant, which is, that one-third of all
thofe imported that are bought die in the feafoning. This feafoning is not
die in the
Jeafoning.
a diftemper, but is the time an African takes to be fo
habituated to the colonial labour, as to be counted an
effective fupply.
Some Planters, fays Woolrich, who have bought lots
of flaves, have informed him, that they have loft one-
third of them or more in the first year of their feafoning.
Mr. Terry ftates, that very confiderable loffes were
common among the newly imported Africans. One-
third die within the first year. Of a lot of fix, bought
by himself, two died within the first year, and at the
end of five years two only furvived.
Mr. Forfter recollects a planter, who bought thirty
new negroes, and loft them all within the year,
Mr. Fitzmaurice, in the laft four years he was in
Jamaica, bought ninety-five new negroes. At the end
of that time, he fold fifty-two, all that were then alive,
and thoſe not feafoned. Had he kept them till feafoned,
he ſhould have loft more, and for this very reafon he fold
them. He thinks, on an average, at least one-third of
the new negroes imported, die in the first three years.
Though
( 149 )

Though this circumftance would induce us to think
that it was cheaper to rear than to buy a flave, (for in
eftimating the price given for one that is bought, not only
the prime coft is to be confidered, but a third more is to
be added to it, with various other circumftances) yet, as
fufficient data are not to be found in the evidence to
enable us to come to a calculation, we must be content
to abide by the facts that follow:
Thofe eftates, fays Forfter, which bought the greateſt
number of new negroes, were not thought to be the
moſt flouriſhing. It was exactly the reverfe.
On an eftate, which Mr. Coor knew, the proprietor
was often buying lots of twenty, thirty, or forty flaves, and
yet this man, by ill uſing them, (which ill ufage is infe-
parably connected with the buying fyftem) fuffered a reduc-
tion both in the number of his negroes and the produce
of his eftate, fo that from good circumftances his credit
was in eleven years reduced to a low ebb.
Captain Scott was prefent at the fale of Yemman's pro-
perty, the perfon mentioned to have adopted the fyftem
of buying in preference to that of breeding, and working
his negroes up in the ſpace of four years.
Lieutenant Davifon believes owners of flaves are very
commonly involved with Guinea merchants; for they
often ſtay on the eftates all the week, except Sundays,
with their gates always locked.
The dependance on the imported flaves, fays the Rev.
Mr. Davies, certainly contributed to embarrass planters.

Mr. Woolrich, who is qualified to give the hiftory of
Tortola in this particular, fays, that when he firft went
there, there were but few flaves, and that at this time
the planters were in good credit, and none of them in-
volved in debt. In about three or four
In about three or four years, however,
after his arrival there, fome Guinea fhips came down
with
Purchase of
new flaves
the cause of
embarrass-
ments and

debts.

( 150 )

ments and
debts.
purchase of with cargoes of flaves. The planters in general bought
new flaves
he caufe of many of the new negroes died in the feafoning, and
embarraff
Guinea fhpis coming down time after time, the planters
bought to fupply their places. This continuing, many
of them got much into debt, by purchafing flaves on
credit, and were obliged to mortgage their eftates and
flaves to merchants in England. He has never known
a planter, who thus mortgaged, pay off the debt. Some
in confequence have been obliged to have them fold by
auction, much under value, and he has known others,
even obliged to
before. Since he lever feers where they were proprietors

by
he has been
means of correfpondence, or feeing fome perfon from
the iſland, (which is generally the cafe once a year) of
its annual ſtate to the prefent time. The laft informa-
tion repreſented the planters to be in very diftreffed cir-
cumftances. Divers of their eftates, mortgaged in Eng-
land, had been fold at publick vendue upon very low
terms, becauſe few were able to pay for them, and the
general credit fo low with the planters, that but few
could obtain the neceffaries they wanted from the ftores
kept there by reafon of their debts to the Engliſh mer-
chants. It has been his opinion for many years, that the
unneceffary purchase of African flaves has been the main
caufe of their embarrasments, and the accumulation of
their debts. He is fure that feven-eights of them would
have been in much better circumftances, if they had not
bought any negroes during the time of his refidence there,
but had used thoſe they had with humanity and care.
To the above accounts we may fubjoin the following
from Mr. Savage. In the year 1739, he obferves, a
duty was laid in Carolina on the importation of flaves,
which amounted to a prohibition, and which continued
to 1744. The purchase of new negroes having involved
the planters greatly in debt was the reason why the Legifla
ture laid it.
Theſe are ſome of the circumftances, which are in-
tended to fhew, that the reverfe of the notion or opinion
mentioned
( 151 )
debts
mentioned, is true, that is to fay, that it is cheaper to Purchase of
breed than to import. Others are, that wherever eftates waves
the cause of
are mentioned in the evidence as flourishing, and the embarra
proprietors of them as clear men, it is where they have ments and
adopted the principle of breeding, and of treating the
flaves they have had with humanity and care.*
It may
alfo be added here from the evidence, that the breeding
of flaves was confidered fo profitable in fome parts of
Amèrica, that people held them for this purpofe alone,
independently of any profpect from the fruits of their la
bour.
*Many other advantages appear by the evidence to refult from the
fyftem of breeding flaves and ufing them well. Suicide and rebellion are
peculiar to the imported flaves. Hence the peace of mind and intereft of
the proprietor are materially concerned, and it fully appears that fuck
flaves do much more work than others in the fame time,
CHA P. XVI.

( 152 )
CHA P.
XVI.
Whether it be more politick to extend the Cultivation of the
Colonies by the Continuance of the Slave-Trade, or wait
till the rifing Generation fhall be capable of performing
it.

Prefent pro-
duce of West
Indies fuff
Britain and
her depen-
eient for
dencies.
Extenfion of
it by new
flaves must be
the mother
country.
MR
R. IRVING ftates, by means of official papers
from the Cuftom-houfe, that the Britiſh Weſt
India Iflands, in their prefent ftate, produce annually a
greater quantity of fugar and rum than is requifite for
the confumption of Great Britain, her immediate depen-
dencies, and the kingdom of Ireland, and, to extend the
cultivation, he confiders to be very impolitick, for twe
reafons:
First, becaufe fuch extenfion can only be made from
British capitals, which might be employed in carrying on
made out of
and extending the manufactures, commerce, and agri-
the capital of culture of the mother country; but which muft thus be
transferred to the moft vulnerable parts of the empire,
and there inveſted in purfuits, which do not appear to
him to be productive of a profit to the proprietor, or of
advantage to the publick, in any degree adequate to the
precarious fituation in which fuch property ftands, from
the contingencies of climate and of war: for, if but one
ifland fhould be loft, it is a complete lofs of fq much
capital to the empire: and Mr. Irving fhews their ex-
tremely hazardous fituation, by the capture of fix of
them, and the final feparation of Tobago in the late

war.
Secondly,


( 153 )

Atructive
Secondly, becauſe the fugar and rum to be produced Can be made
by extending the cultivation (the prefent cultivation be-only by de-
ing more than fufficient for the demand of England and bounties from
her dependencies) muſt be exported to foreign ftates. This, Government.
fays Mr. Irving, is exceedingly impolitick; for the fugar
made in the French islands can be afforded (which he
fhews by official papers) fo much cheaper than the
Britiſh, that, in order to enable the planters to fell it at
the fame price as their rivals, Government muft give
large and deftructive bounties. Mr. Irving even ſtates,
and this again officially, that, in the moft favourable
period for the Britiſh iſlands, viz. before the late war,
the French planters were able to fell their fugars from
twenty to thirty per cent. cheaper than the Britiſh plan-
ters: and he conceives it to be a maxim thoroughly
eſtabliſhed in national commerce, that it is unwife to
puſh forward by monopolies, reftrictive regulations, or
bounties, any branch of commerce or manufactures,
which cannot be carried on, after a fair trial, within
fifteen per cent. of the prices of other rival countries.
on the
To the above reafons, given by Mr. Irving, we may Muft entail
add, that the extenfion of the cultivation, by means of incumbrances
purchafing new flaves, muft be exceedingly impolitick, proprietor.
if we bear in mind the evidence adduced in the preceding
chapter: inasmuch as it muft be, as it ever has been,
attended with debts, mortgages, and ruin.
Now, if the above arguments fhould, in the opinion Whereas if
of the reader, fully prove the impolicy of the meaſure of made by
Creoles thefe
carrying the cultivation beyond its prefent bounds by evils would
means of the prefent fyftem, it will be very eafy to evince be avoided.
the policy of doing it by means of the rifing generation
of flaves, and by them alone.* This will appear, firſt,
becauſe the breeding of flaves where it has been attended
to as an object, has been fhewn to increaſe the proprie-
tor's capital: for this reafon therefore, and from the
Sir George Young ftates his belief, that if the flave-trade were
aboliſhed, and every proper regulation adopted, to encourage the breeding
of negroes in the Weft Indies, the stock of negroes would gradually in-
creafe, fo as to be adequate to the clearing and cultivation of all the
lands, to the full extent of which they are capable.
circumftance
U

( 154 )

<c
"
circumftance of the flaves being in this cafe the growth
of the eftates, and not, as by the former fyftem, pur-
chafed, no capital need be drawn from the mother country,
to the hazard and detriment defcribed. Secondly, becauſe
thoſe eftates mentioned in the evidence, upon which the
breeding fyftem has been moſt attended to, are almoſt
univerfally noticed, with this remark, namely, that
they had got out of debt," or "were flourishing," or
were making money." Now, if eftates get out of
debt, or flourish, where the negroes are bred, while the
reverfe is the cafe, where they are purchaſed, it can only
be becauſe the fyftem of cultivating by means of popula-
tion muſt be cheaper than in the other way: hence the
British planters would be enabled, without any deftructive
bounties from Government to meet their rivals on an equal
or perhaps a more favourable footing in foreign markets.
It is evident alfo from the expreffions mentioned above to
have been annexed to thofe eftates where attention was
paid to breeding, that the planters would cultivate, in
this cafe, to their own certain emolument, and not, as in
the prefent fyftem to their equally certain embarraffment
and ruin.


Opinion on
Having now mentioned the principal facts contained
the juftice and
in the evidence offered to Parliament by the petitioners
policy of the
lave-trade. of Great Britain, in behalf of the abolition of the flave
trade, we cannot cloſe this compilation better than in
the words of Mr. Hercules Rofs: he fays, " finally as the
"refult of his obfervations and moſt ſerious reflection, he
"hefitates not to fay, that the trade for flaves ought to
"be abolished, not only as contrary to found policy, but
"to the laws of God and nature; and were it poffible,
"by the prefent inquiry, to convey a juft knowledge of
"the extenfive mifery it occafions, every kingdom of
"Europe muft unite in calling on their Legiſlatures to
"abolith the inhuman traffick. This is not a hafty nor
cc a new fentiment, formed on the prefent difcuffion,
" which has, in no refpect, influenced his judgment.
"The fame opinion he publickly delivered feventeen
years ago in Kingston, Jamaica, in a fociety formed
"of


( 155 )
(c
policy of the
"of the firft characters of the place, on debating the Opinion on
following queftion, (propofed, he thinks, by the late
the justice and
"Mr. Thomas Hibbert, who had been forty or fifty flave-trade.
years the moft eminent Guinea factor there)" Whe-
"ther the trade to Africa for flaves was confiftent with
"found policy, the laws of nature, and morality?"
"This difcuffion occupied feveral meetings, and at laft
"it was determined by a majority, That the trade to
"Africa for flaves, was neither confiftent with found po-
"licy, the laws of nature, nor morality."

FINI S.




A N
A P PPE A L
TO
THE REPRESENTATIVES -
ON THE PART OF
THE PEOPLE.
[Price Three Shillings in Boards.]

A N

A P P E AL
TO
THE REPRESENTATIVES
ON THE PART OF
THE
PEOPLE,.
RESPECTING
The prefent deftructive ſtate of THE GAME, and the Operative
Spirit of LAWS, erroneouſly faid to be framed for its Increaſe
and Preſervation; but experimentally tending to a ſpeedy an-
nihilation in every part of the Kingdom.
WITH A PREFATORY ADDRESS
ΤΟ
The Right Hon. WILLIAM PITT,
BY
THE AUTHOR
OF
Taplin, William
The GENTLEMAN'S STABLE DIRECTORY,
2 VOLS.
(The Eleventh Edition of which is now publiſhed)
"The Villainy you teach me, I will execute; and it fhall go hard, but
I'll BETTER the example."
LONDON:
SHAKESPEARE
Printed for G. G. J. and J. ROBINSON, Pater-Nofter-Row,
and fold by Kearfleys, No. 46, Fleet-Street.
M.DCC.XCII.

sigarines able
editsepsi TO THE son
Rt. Hon. WILLIAM PITT
obnosonibet apotemstra do
SIR,
ul Ro goed'don2
THE unfullied confidence of your
SOVEREIGN; the gratulating plau-
dits of his PEOPLE; the dignity of
your exalted ſtation, and the hap-
py effects of your adminiftration,
combine to render the liberty of
thus publicly addreffing you, more
than matter of common furpriſe
Hot
B
to

[ii]
to the lefs contemplative; who fear-
fully furveying the fummit of Poli-
tical eminence, as an inacceffible
fteep, view it with a confcioufneſs
of pufillanimity, and filently re-
treat under the imaginary influence
of contemptuous indifference.
Such ſpace of infinity being ad-
mitted (by the mafs of mankind)
between a PRIME MINISTER and
any individual, not having the но-
NOR of being perfonally known, or
powerfully recommended; and ex-
perimentally convinced, that no
channel of communication is open
to uſeful intelligence, but through
fuch

[iii]
fuch gradational fteps of official
abftrufity, as render written remon-
france liable to intereftéd ftran-
gulation, in its progreſs to the place
of deſtination: taking alfo into ad-
ditional confideration, the great pro-
bability of fuch expoftulations be-
ing doomed, if received, (and even
honored with a reading) to in-
evitable oblivion, I cannot but con-
fider myſelf clearly exculpated from
every accufation of difrefpect, in
fubmitting, through the medium
of the Prefs, what might probably
never become, by any other means,
fubject to your infpection.
B 2
Therefore
2012

[iv]
Therefore Sir, under the influ-
ence of reflections that relieve my
mind from every idea of impro-
priety or inconfiftency; it will prove
no matter of admiration either to
YOU, or that very large and en-
lightened body of the People, whofe
minds are intereſted, and whoſe
PLEASURES, EXERCISE and HEALTH
are materially involved in the fub-
ject, upon which, (on the part of
thofe very people) I prefume to
arreſt your ?
your attention; that a mat-
ter of fo much magnitude, (to fo
great and refpectable a number of
your fellow fubjects) may under-
go fuch FAIR, CANDID and DISPAS-


endleis: IT
SIONATE


[v]
SIONATE difcuffion, as may afford
opportunity to obviate fome of
thofe unforeſeen difficulties, and
to remove fuch of the accumula-
ted obftacles, as may to the Le-
giflature feem adequate to the uni-
verfally acknowledged neceffity, of
reforming, (or perhaps more ad-
vantageouſly new modelling) LAWS,
that have in their original forma-
tion, repeated mutations, and additi-
onal reftrictions, abfolutely rendered
abortive, every defign upon which
they were faid to be founded, and
annually demonftrated (in the event
of the various amendments) that
every intentional remedy has evi-
dently
B 3



[ vi ]
dently increaſed the furor of dif-
eafe. This Sir, I will fafely and
conſcientiouſly venture to affirm,
is a true unembelliſhed ſtate of
the fact, to be readily corroborated
by thofe poffeffing practical knowledge
of the fubject in every part of
the Kingdom; what may be the
affected opinion of SPECULATIVE
SPORTSMEN, purſuing their Game
upon Paper, for the inveftigation
of the Cloſet, or the purpoſes of
Parliament, it is not for me to
hazard a conjecture.
I fhall readily fubmit it, Sir,
to your own decifion as well as

the

[vii]
the opinion of the Public, whe-
ther the recent extenfion of the
LAWS, and additional reftrictions
upon the PEOPLE, could have
more than two prudent pleas, or
predominant reafons in favour of
their adoption. The prefervation
of THE GAME; an increaſe of RE-
VENUE, or (perhaps) the more fpe-
cious, but ftill more deceptive ex-
pectation of both. Theſe being
admitted, as the general motives
upon which thofe alterations were
approved in Parliament, under the
influence of your PATRONAGE and
SUPPORT; it remains to be con-
fidered, how far the confequences
B 4
refulting

[viii]
refulting from fuch proceedings,
have fanctioned the innovation, or
juftified the attempt.
Such explanatory inveſtigation is
not the purport of this addreſs,
nor is it at all neceffary in this
early ftage of the bufinefs, but is
intended to be brought forward at
a more proper period of intro-
duction; leting it fuffice for the
preſent to affure you Sir, that the
hope of jointly PRESERVING THE
GAME and INCREASING THE RE-
VENUE (upon the loudly proclaimed
certainty of which the PUBLIC had
been politically taught to fix an im-
plicit


[ix]
plicit reliance) undoubtedly ren-
dered the GAME DUTY lefs re-
luctantly fubmitted to by holding
forth the illufive profpect of ad-
vantages that have never exifted
but in imagination: neither YOU,
or the EXPECTANT PUBLIC, having
experienced the leaft gratification
in one inftance, but what has been
doubly done away by reiterated
and moft mortifying difappoint-
ment in the other.
It is not my intent Sir, nor is
it neceffary here, to enlarge upon
the experienced impolicy of the
Tax alluded to, or the almoft in-
credible

[ x ]
credible deftruction of Game that
immediately followed it; upon the
broad bafis of retaliation, and the
inherent ſpirit of national oppofi-
tion, to what was univerfally con-
ceived an unfeeling (if not an
unfair) monopoly. I can have no
doubt Sir, but it must be totally
unneceffary to bring to your re-
collection the unanimous, prudent.
and perfevering exertions of the
People of England, whenever they
have had reaſon to ſuppoſe the
RIGHTS of the CHURCH, the DIG-
NITY of the CROWN, or the LI-
BERTY of the SUBJECT in danger.
The fame perfuafive plea of felf
preſervation



[xi]
prefervation ftill exifts, in as great
a degree under the mild and hap-
py Government in which we live,
as at any former period; and tho'
it may have been maliciouſly re-
preſented and ignorantly believed,
that fome malevolent malecontents
'have endeavoured to fow the feeds-
of diffention in the happieft era
of our exiftence; yet the Idea in
its moft extended fenfe, is too ab-
furd for even the flighteft credu-
lity to fuppofe, that any Man,
or body of Men, of whatever
Party, Defcription, or depravity, can
be found" BRAVE enough, or
BASE enough," to attack or un-
dermine


[ xii]
dermine a CONSTITUTION, that has
for ages proved the envy of fur-
rounding Nations, and is at this
Moment the ADMIRATION OF THE
WORLD.
Yet Sir, amidft this glorious
exultation at our happy pre-emi-
nence in the ſcale of Society, let
it not be forgotten, that every Act
iffued to the People from Legif-
lative Authority, is not directly
confonant to that great body of
Conftituents, who fo freely con-
tribute to the exigencies of the
State and who fo largely and li-
berally affift the wheels of Go-
vernment. They are, it is true,

under


[ xiii]
under the neceffity of fubmitting
to fuch Acts as may be framed
by Repreſentatives of their own
Election; but it is I flatter my-
felf univerfally known, that THE
LAWS upon which I prefume to
trouble you, are thofe, to the ve-
ry letter and fpirit of which they
have originally imbibed and una-
nimoufly encouraged fuch an in-
vincible averfion, that TIME aid-
ed by refinement, has given the
root of hereditary diflike: nor do
I feel the leaft heſitation, or fear
of confutation, in affuring you,
from the very beft Authority, the
fountain head of information, (per-
fonal


[ xiv ]
fonal communication) that they
confider every link of the chain,
an additional, NEW FORGED SHAC™
KLE difgraceful to the YEOMANRY
of ENGLAND. Under fuch mor-
tifying reflection it may readily
be conceived, (without minute de-
fcription from me) what STRATA-
GEMS they DEVISE, what DANGER
they DEFY, and what DIFFICULTIES
furmount, to circumvent and evade
the execution and effect of Laws,
to which they acknowledge only
compulfive obedience.

Confcious Sir, of your Political
Eminence, and gladly admitting
that

[ xv ]
that great body of general and
ufeful knowledge fo ferviceable to
your Country, to have been moſt
ftudiouſly acquired and largely pof-
feffed; it is impoffible, amidft fuch
accumulation of mental excellence,
to attribute to you, the leaft want
of CANDOUR and MODERATION.
Thoſe traits of your Character,
will I am unerringly perfuaded,
induce you to acquiefce in the
generally received Truth of an
axiom tranfmitted to us, and held
invariable by the moft venerable
Authorities, that "PERFECTION IS
NOT IN HUMAN NATURE; under
the folemnity of which pofition,
99
I


[ xvi ]
I may prefume to predict, that
no Man living can be found fuffi-
ciently arrogant to believe himfelf
the fubject of infallibility. By this
mode of reaſoning, I humbly beg
permiffion to fhield myſelf from
the accufation of difrefpect, or
intentional offence, if, whilft I
am awfully beholding and bow-
ing obedience to, every Political
qualification and attainment, that
can excite refpect; I feel myfelf
juftified in exculpating you from
every degree of perfonal knowledge
and practical experience upon the
SUBJECT OF THESE LAWS; for the
fports of the Field having confti-

tuted


[ xvii ]
tuted no part of your Education
or amuſement, the world might
almoft as foon expect to find you
perfonally engaged in a Match at
NEWMARKET, as in the purfuit of
a PARTRIDGE.
Availing myſelf therefore, of what
is exceedingly clear, your having
no perſonal intereft, or pleaſure
in the ftate of the Game; it be-
came a confequent matter of to-
tal indifference what Laws were
enacted (whether tending to its pre-
fervation or deftruction) fo that the
leading object, a TEMPORARY IN-
CREASE OF REVENUE, was the gild-
)
C
ing


[ xviii]
ing, that induced the People more
readily to fwallow the Pill. Pre-
fuming on the fundamental proof
of the principle advanced, I am
encouraged to go farther and pro-
mulgate an opinion, which I be-
lieve I may venture to affert is
likewife the opinion of every
rational obferver (of the chan-
ges, and alterations thefe Laws
have undergone, during your ad-
miniſtration); that although you
may have been prevailed upon,
to adopt the fyftem and afford it
your countenance, under the ex-
pectation of rendering the privi-
lege of deſtroying a Hare or Par-

tridge


[ xix ]
tridge fubfervient to the predo-
minant Idea of reducing the NA-
TIONAL DEBT; yet it is plainly to
be perceived, that the arrangement
never originated with you, but
was the flerile production of fome
one of the many hungry folici-
tants for Minifterial favor and pro-
tection, who totally infenfible to
PUBLIC CONTEMPT, feel no remorfe
in frittering away the privileges of
the moſt induftrious and moſt uſe-
ful part of the Community; or
in transferring to YOUR SHOULDERS,
the odium annexed to thefe Laws,
of all which, that have received
the fanction of the Legiſlative body
C 2
of


[xx]
of this Kingdom, none have proved
more repugnant to the People. The
obfervations you have made, and
the experience you muſt have ac-
quired, in an unavoidable inter-
courfe with men of the moft po-
liſhed abilities, (where if Lord
Cheſterfield's analization of Courts
is to be relied on, natural cunning
is refined by duplicity and politeness
nurtured by diffimulation) renders it
almoft unneceffary for me to ob-
ferve; that every Prime Miniſter
who has preceded, and every one
that follows you, will be perpetu-
ally furrounded by a ſwarm of NE-
CESSITOUS SYCOPHANTS, whofe felf
Intereft


[ xxi ]
Intereft predominates over every
pretended confideration for the PUB-
LIC GOOD. To this defcription
of favourites Sir, (and every Man
in the habits of. fociety has fa-
vourites) you can no more declare
yourſelf impervious than the reft
of mankind; more particularly
when we recollect, that fome of
the first Characters in hiftory, as
well as of the PRESENT AGE, have
nearly fallen a facrifice to their
unfortunate attachments,
I am exceedingly well aware
Sir, it may be aſked, by the Ad-
viſers of thefe Laws, or fome of
C 3
thofe


[ xxii ]
ency,
thofe few who avow their confift-
"If the Laws are DEFICIENT,
INADEQUATE, or OPPRESSIVE, why
does not fome advocate come for-
ward, and fpeak the general fenſe
of the people, in the only proper
place for DISCUSSION and REDRESS?"
To this Queftion, Sir, the Anſwer
becomes both fhort and eafy. As
it is natural to conclude, no Man
would acknowledge himfelf fo fer-
vile in fpirit, as to folicit a favor,
where he ſhould be certain of a
refufal; fo. I prefume no Member
of the Legiſlature can be found,
fo poor in prudence, as to en-
counter a deliberate and inevitable
defeat

[ xxiii]
defeat, by endeavouring to alter
the complection of thefe Laws,
against the full tide of that Ma-
jority in Parliament, you are fo
eminently entitled to; and who
will beyond every obtrufion of
doubt, (fupported by the people
at large) continue firmly attached
to Meaſures, that have with UN-
DIMINISHED HONOR and UNSULLIED
INTEGRITY, fecured to the Nation
its prefent ftate of unprecedented
Grandeur and undisturbed tran-
horshuis
quillity,
falque
Thus Sir, prefuming to maintain
an indifputable affurance that no
C 4
mitigation


[ xxiv ]
mitigation of, or alteration in the
prefent Syftem can be obtained,
or even expected, but by YOUR
INTERPOSING POWER, between an
impolitic Act and a diffatisfied Peo-
ple; it is from that conviction,
they look up to You for the re-
lief, fo evidently excluded from
every other quarter. Upon this ground
Sir, and without a wish to avail
myſelf of a better foundation, do
I feel juftified in the liberty of
addreffing you, as a neceffary and
indifpenfible prelude to the APPEAL,
(on the part of the people), I
have the honor to fubmit to the
confideration of EVERY MEMBER

of

[ xxv ]
of both houfes of Parliament, as
well in his individual, as Legif-
lative capacity. Yet Sir, under
the moſt perfect conviction, that
expoftulation can have no weight
without proof, I fhall adduce fuch
evidence of the inconfiftency, the
inutility, in fact the abfurdity of
thefe Laws, and the deftruction
they have occafioned; that I will
venture to affirm (without fear of
confutation), there is not a difin-
terefted Man exifting, who will not
readily fubfcribe to their ineffi-
cacy, unleſs he is infected with
a very ftrong fpice of that FEU-
DAL TYRANNY, and unbounded
oftentation,

[ xxvi ]
oftentation, for which very many
of our RUSTIC RULERS, are become
fo ludicrously confpicuous.ovi
Here Sir, it may not prove in-
applicable to apologize for any
little warmth of expreffion, that
(in the zeal of animated repre-
fentation) may bear the conftruc-
tion of intentional irritation; on
the contrary I muft beg to be
confidered hoftile to the Idea,
wiſhing to inveſtigate the fubject
with fuch candor and refpect, as
may lay claim to your confidera-
tion and indulgence; having at the
fame time, the ambition to regu-
late

[ xxvii ]
late my conduct, by the model
of your own Parliamentary Pro-
ceedings, adapting my matter to
the importance of the object; in
which attempt I feel myſelf con-
fidently poffeffed of your acqui-
efcence in one opinion, that no
caufe can be more entitled to ener-
getic exertion than the CAUSE OF
THE PEOPLE OF ENGLAND."
It is in this caufe, I am en-
couraged to advance, (what I con-
ceive every Free Agent has a right
to do) a PUBLIC OPINION upon
a PUBLIC TRANSACTION; in doing
which Sir, it will be my endea-
vour

[ xxviii ]
vour, not to attract your attention
unneceffarily from objects of greater
concern, by immediately deſcending
to a circumftantial detail of well
known facts, probable inferences,
and juft conclufions: but content
myſelf, with the introduction of
fuch heads, as the prefent occaſion
renders indifpenfible, referving the
minutia for that body of infor¬
mation, I fhall in the following
pages, have the honor to fubmit
to Public confideration.
Having already prefumed to point
out, the only two plaufible, indeed
probable reafons, that can be alleged

in

[ xxix]
in defence of the late alterations,
"an INCREASE of REVENUE; the
PRESERVATION of GAME, or the
more fpecious but ftill more deceptive"
expectation of both." It may
perhaps be expected by the un-
informed, or ill-advifed abettors
of ſuch a ſyſtem, that I fhould
ftand well prepared to prove, what
I fo confidently affert; in which
it fhall be my peculiar care, that
they fhall not become fubject to
diſappointment.

In my prefent earneft aim at
conviction, I am humbly induced
to believe Sir, the following chain
of

[ xxx ]
of corroborating circumftances, are
through the track of official ob-
fervation and information, perfectly
recent in your recollection. The
original GAME LAWS, with the
variety of additions and amendments
they have undergone, previous to
the adoption of the reftrictions,
contained in the Act, commencing
July the firft, 1785.--The Qua-
lifications in, and duties annexed
to that Act. The amount of
Certificates at two Guineas, and
Gamekeepers regiftry of Manorial
deputations at half-a-Guinea each,
for that year.The unprecedent-
ed and incredible nocturnal def-
truction


[ xxxi ]
truction that immediately followed;
as well as the avidity and de-
termined fpirit of refentment, with
which Game of all kinds is pub-
licly transferred by purchaſe, not
only to well known Agents in
the Metropolis, but by the most
notorious Poachers in every part
of England.or
Thefe nocturnal and univerfally
applauded depredations, fo dreadfully
reduced every diftinct fpecies of
Game, in the courfe of three
feafons; that the purfuit of it be-
came to the FAIR SPORTSMAN,
(from its fcarcity) more an act of
deliberate
42

[ xxxii ]
deliberate unrewarded drudgery,
than an object of pleafure or
relaxation. The inevitable con-
fequence of this Act, was readily
foreſeen by all thofe, practically
experienced in the ftate of THE
GAME, or perfonally acquainted with
the newly infpired fentiments of
the People; and I flatter myſelf
Sir, it is almoft unneceffary to re-
mind you, that the GAME DUTY,
(originally gratifying to the Arith-
metical Ambition of its projector)
has been for the laft four years in
a ftate of rapid reduction, proving
not only by the annual falling off
of Certificates, but in the regiſtry

of


[ xxxiii]
of deputations alfo, the inefficacy of
any Law not founded upon the
broad bafis of EQUITY, and directly
tending to a general good; as well
as affording additional demonſtra-
tion, that LAWS originating in an
ambitious monopoly, and unfair exclufion,
will ever be productive of the moſt
mortifying difappointment.
Thus Sir, the fuccefs and per-
manence of the Duty, having been
proved entirely dependent upon the
quantity and preſervation of the
Game, (the plenty of one, exciting
a more cheerful compliance with
the other); it can be no matter of
furpriſe
nionsrins
D


[ xxxiv ]
furpriſe, that the Tax became an-
nually deficient, in proportion as the
Game was reduced. This probable
failure, with its contingencies, hav-
ing however, never been anticipated
by the original projector even in
Idea, fome remedy became neceffary
to fhield fuch fyftem of fuperfi-
cial and uncertain finance, from
the prying eye of a difcerning
Public; and it was found truly
confiftent, to obliterate the ill effect
of one error in judgment, by the
introduction of another: transfufing
the very fpirit of Trade, from the
place of its nativity upon Change,
to the feat of Parliament, and there
enhancing



[ XXXV ]
enhancing the value of GAME, by
the fcale of its ſcarcity, rating the
purchaſe not by the probability
of acquifition, but a more judicious
criterion, the privilege of inceffant
labor and diſappointment in PUR-

SUING IT.
Upon this principle fo truly pa-
radoxical, was the additional Guinea
to the former two adopted, and
the Game Keeper's deputation dou-
bled, without adverting to what
was moft likely to become the refult-
ing confequence; that moft prudent
Men would relinquish the humi-
liating Privilege of an expenfive and
Radiol
D 2
laborious


[ xxxvi ]
laborious purfuit, when little of
nothing was left to purfue. How-
ever Sir, as I have moft willingly,
and I declare confcientiouſly, ex
culpated you in my own opinion,
from every ſhare in the formation
of fuch reftrictions, (in addition
to the original Laws) as have re-
ceived the fanction of the Legifla-
ture; fo do I farther prefume to
fuppofe, that to the furpriſing fer-
tile abilities of the fame theoretical
financiering dependent, (who moft
happily introduced the previous duty)
are the Public indebted, for an
ADDITIONAL LINK of faſhionable
innovation, that not only circum-
wohodil
fcribes


[ xxxvii ]
fcribes the little remaining liberty of
the Field, and threatens the very
annihilation of THE GAME: but
encourages, (under popular applauſe
and pecuniary compenfation) the
conftant increaſe of Nocturnal de-
predators, and determined defperate
Thieves in every part of the King-
dom.
Seeing it therefore with all its
preſent and impending confequences,
I confider it perfectly in point Sir,
to repreſent and concifely enume-
rate the operative effects of the
confuſed unintelligible combination
of legal Permiffions-Reftrictions-
D 3 Qualifications


[ xxxviii]
Qualifications and Contradictions
as they now ftand; as well as to
demonftrate, how gradationally one
branch, has given additional ftrength
to another, in promoting effectu-
ally the ENTIRE DESTRUCTION of
THE GAME, as if a premium had
been fixed upon the blood of each
diſtinct fpecies, with a view to its
total extirpation. I need not again,
by way of enforcing theſe remarks,
enlarge upon the perpetual and
exifting war, between the POWER
of PARLIAMENT, and the PREJUDICE
of the PEOPLE upon the fubject
before us; that being a matter fo
univerfally known and fo perfectly
underſtood,



[ xxxix ]
it can require no farther corrobo-
ration. I fhall confequently pro-
ceed to obferve, if any thing was
wanting to complete the meaſure
of original averfion, oppofition, and
difobedience to thefe Laws; it was
moft liberally beftowed, in the
Game Duty Act of 1785: an Act
with no promifing profpect in its
formation, but NOTORIOUSLY DIS-
GRACEFUL in the event. THIS DUTY
was a Matter fo new, fo unexpected,
and fo fingularly extraordinary in
the ſyſtem of Taxation, that thoſe
who were to become more mate-
rially affected, remained undecided
in their determinations; during the
first
D 4


[ xl ]
firft emotions of furprife, at the
NOVELTY of INNOVATION, LAW
had its portion of influence, but
too flight for long duration,-de-
teftation was the refult of delibe-
ther
ration, and fear gave place to the
moſt implacable refentment. The Peo-
ple at large, confidering this the
greateft ftretch of Prerogative ever
aimed at their LIBERTIES, felt the
cauſe, as the caufe of an Individual,
and the impulfive impreffion of
REVENGE, diffuſed itſelf, by a kind
of Electrical fympathy, through the
whole chain of Society. What
could not be effected by imme-
diate exertions of POWER, it was


found


[ xli ]
found expedient to counteract by
fteady and perfevering efforts of
ART; under which patient and
philofophic refignation, numbers of
thofe, who really obtained their
Certificates, took them more in
determined refentment and retaliation,
than OBEDIENCE to LAW. Here
began (and long let it be remem-
bered) the ferious and avowed
deftruction of the wonderful infi-
nity of HARES, PHEASANTS and
PARTRIDGES, that have for feven
years paft, fallen facrifices to the
inhumanity of Reformers, that could
not, or would not diſcover and adopt,
a more merciful mode of finance,
than


[ xlii ]
than by fuch dreadful carnage of
Game, as threatens a total extinc-
tion of what has (FROM THE CRE-
ATION) afforded fo much pleafure
in the Field, and fo much food for
the Table.
To purſue the fame ftrength of
Argument, Sir, let me be permit-
ted to folicit your attention to a
circumftance not unworthy your
obfervation. THE GAME (even the
very permiffion to follow it) hav-
ing, under the Authority of Par-
liament, become an object of Purchaſe
and Sale; every Man taking out a
Certificate became thus initiated in
the

[ xliii]
the true principle of Commerce,
and feeling himſelf infpired with
the very fpirit of Trade, was deter-
mined to have as much as he could
for his money, and gratefully leave
PARLIAMENT as little as poffible
for themfelves. In fuch ftate of
ge-
neral refentment, all claffes were
eagerly anxious to contribute to
the determined event in their own
way; while fome were exulting in
the diurnal fuccefs of their Guns,
others were as loudly proclaiming
the vigilant deftruction of their
Nocturnal Friends the POACHERS,
by whofe affiftance they were ena-
bled to purchaſe for all their City
Acquaintance,

[ xliv ]
Acquaintance, for whom they public-
ly declared they had unlimited com-
miffions to procure, without refpect
to quantity or price.
Such an un-
fortunate combination of ill effects in
conftant co-operation, have at length
fo dreadfully reduced every fpecies
of Game, that even thofe prompted
by inclination, are reftrained by Pru-
dence from continuing their Certi-
ficates; and I farther venture to
affirm, that
many of thoſe Members,
who erroneoufly fanctioned the
fyftem, are now by vexation and
perfonal diſappointment, (in their
pleafures) fo perfectly convinced of
the impolicy of thofe Acts, that

they


[ xlv ]
they look forward with eager ex-
pectation, to the Time, when a
TOTAL REPEAL may be found a
matter of POLITICAL NECESSITY.
That neceffity Sir, I prefume can
never be more fully juftified, than
by once more adverting retrofpec-
tively, to the infufficiency of theſe
Laws, to promote the ends, for
which they were faid (or fuppofed)
to be formed; on the contrary, it
is amongſt the YEOMANRY, and
their extenfive connections univer-
fally known, that the very act upon
which I have already enlarged (with
its intended fpirit of fuperrogation
in


[ xlvi ]
in the additional duty) has fo in-
creaſed the original antipathy, that
every clauſe, every profcription,
every pain and every penalty, is
an occafional fubject of POPULAR
EXECRATION. In fact Sir, Game
Certificates are held in fuch indif-
ference, that men of all diftinctions,
nay the moſt inferior claffes, (par-
ticularly remote from ftately manfions)
purfue their ſport (barren as it now
is) without feeming to feel the leaft
neceffity for fuch compulfive pri-
vilege; confidently oppofing the
danger of perfecution and profecution,
as the moſt effectual method of
difplaying their INEFFABLE CON-
TEMPT.
I


[ xlvii ]
I flatter myſelf poffeffed of your
coincidence with me in an opi-
nion, that Laws are certainly the
moft popular, and confequently the
moft equitable, where a prompt
obedience, precludes the neceffity
of penal exaction. If this is ad-
mitted a Political Fact, how truly
inefficacious, how PERFECTLY CON-
TEMPTIBLE may thoſe be confidered,
that are eternally tranfgreffed with
impunity; and thofe tranfgreffions
not by device or ftratagem, under
the cloak of nocturnal darknefs, but
fairly, unequivocally in the OPEN
DAY, without the leaft dread of
information, or fear of punishment. In

fhort


[ xlviii]
-1
fhort Sir, to this ftate of unpre-
cedented degradation are the Game
Laws reduced, and muft ever con-
tinue, unleſs the Parliament will
undertake to GENERATE a Race
of informers, for their own parti-
cular purpofe; as no Premium, no
encouragement, no promiſes, or
threats, can procure inferior inftru-
ments, to affift in enforcing Laws,
univerfally condemned as unwor-
thy the DIGNITY OF THE CROwn,
and difguftful to the People. If
Sir, it is poffible for you to doubt
an affertion made under the in-
fluence of perfonal experience, and
the folemn impreffion of Truth; let
me



[ xlix ]
me be permitted to add ONE RECENT
INSTANCE within the extenfive cir-
cle of my own Friends, as a con-
firmation for the whole.
Where
a Gentleman of very large Fortune,
and no fmall fhare of local popu-
larity, abfolutely canvaffed the whole
Pariſh to procure an informer, that he
might become (himſelf) the convict
ing evidence. But to the IMMORTAL
HONOR of the fpot, (and it fhould
not only for ever be recorded, but
held as facred as the TEMPLE OF
LIBERTY) not even an unpolished
Ruftic could be found fo deftitute
OF HONOR, as to render himſelf
acceffary to A PERVERSION OF
E
RIGHT,

[ 1 ]
RIGHT, in a fellow fubject, that he
felt himſelf equally entitled to.
At this recital Sir, permit me
one moment to apoftrophize, merely
to introduce an interjection, and
lament the degeneracy of the Times
to prompt, and error in judgment
to permit, the inftitution of A LAW
in the BRITISH SENATE, merely to
trumpet forth (in every corner of
the Kingdom) its own imbecility.
This imbecility is ſo conſiſtently
uniform, through every part of the
whole, that I defy any man, or
body of men whatever, to conftruct
a fabric of greater contrarieties;


formed


[li]
formed in error, and continued in
obftinacy, they could only be ex-
pected to terminate in CONTEMPT.
That contempt has arifen from the
juft and honeft indignation every
rational obferver feels, when calm-
ly and impartially looking into the
(eternally accumulating) Code of
Penal Statutes; he finds one acting
in letter and fpirit, diametrically
oppofite to others then exifting.
The cafe in Point is abfolutely the
Law before us, which forbids the
execution of a Crime, under cer-
tain Puniſhments in one part; and
then deceptively courts a tranf-
greffion of that very Act, by a con-
ditional
E 2

[li]
ditional duplicity of abfolution in
another. To explain this more at
length, it is not neceffary to go
into the various contradictory clau-
fes of each act, the accufation is
fufficiently proved by the indefinite
terms of the laft only; in which,
any one Perfon, is permitted to ob-
tain a Certificate as well as another,
without at all adverting to the Qua-
lifications, fo particularly fpecified
in former Acts, which remain un-
repealed. If this was not intended,
as a political permiffion, (or attrac-
tive encouragement) for every Perfon
to tranfgrefs the former Law, and
kill Game merely for the fake of
his

[ liii]
his pecuniary contribution; why
not have wiped away the ambi-
guous deception, and fairly expreffed
in the Preamble, that no Perfon but
fuch as are already qualified, fhall be
permitted to obtain a Certificate?
This Sir, would have inevitably fhut
the door that is now open to im-
pofition; the PEER and the Cobler
would not have met in the fame
field uncertain of each other's
pri-
vilege; the QUALIFIED would have
been publicly known from the un-
qualified; and this diftinction would
have finally confirmed the former
Laws, and explained the new: but in
its prefent complicated flate of in-
confiftencies,
E 3

[liv]
-
confiftencies, fome of all defcriptions
(the Qualified without a Certificate,
and the unqualified with) fet both
INFORMERS and MAGISTRATES at
equal defiance; while the GAME
DUTY lift (contracted as it now is)
becomes remarkable only for the
names of Mechanics of every deſ-
cription, who from FEAR, or POLICY,
think it neceffary to pay that com-
pliment of Adulation to their OPU-
LENT NEIGHBOURS, fome of whom,
moft probably, affifted in framing the
Law.
Amidft fuch an infinity of Truths,
the field is fufficiently extenfive to
increaſe

[ lv ]
increaſe my remarks, or to enlarge
upon thofe already introduced. But
Sir, as you conftitute a part of
that awful Tribunal, to whom a
more minute expofition of Facts
will be particularly addreffed; I
feel it by no means inapplicable
to conclude, with an Affurance,
that the POPULARITY you have fo
juftly and univerfally acquired by
a voluntary repeal of fome Taxes,
and reduction of others, (equally fe-
vere upon that part of the com-
munity leaft able to bear them)
has taught thofe moft interefted in
thefe Laws, and influenced by their
effects, to implicitly look up to
E 4
AOHTUA
YOU,

[Ivi ]
YOU, for fuch fimilar exertion of
DISINTERESTED PATRIOTISM, as may
render THE GAME no longer an
unworthy object, of more unworthy
Jealoufy, between the POWER OF
PARLIAMENT and the PRIVILEGE
OF THE PEOPLE. In fuch joint
hope and earneſt expectation,
I have the honor to fubfcribe
myfelf,
SIR,
of
Your moft obedientiust asd
.அன்
or cu
And very humble Servant,
007
The AUTHOR.

TO
THE PUBLIC.
AMIDST the voluminous accumulation
of Penal Statutes for the prefervation of pro-
perty, and the fupport of Society; there are
perhaps, none fo univerfally execrated, or fo
notoriouſly ineffectual, as the Laws upon the
fubject now before us. It is almoſt unnecef-
fary to obferve, that the article of GAME, too
trifling in itſelf for PARLIAMENTARY CON-
SIDERATION, has, by the impolitic and ty-
rannic exertions of former Parliaments, been
raiſed to a degree of imaginary eftimation,
hardly to be believed in the cooler moments
of

[ 2 ]
of retrospective rumination; but now more
fully confirmed, under the foftering Care and
condefcending aufpices of an Adminiftration,
holding forth temptation too degrading for
the SERVANTS OF THE CROWN to offer;
too humiliating for the SUBJECT to accept.
Though of no intrinfic worth, ancient
FEUDAL DIGNITY, and modern PARLIA-
MENTARY PROSCRIPTION have rendered
the Article of Game, productive of more dif
quiet, popular difcontent and local animofity,
than any other law ever eſtabliſhed in this
Kingdom. It is totally unneceffary for me to
point out; every Man's memory and daily ob-
fervation will furniſh him, not only with nume-
rous perfonal difputes and inveterate animofi-
ties among the moft opulent of his neighbours,
but various inftances of an exifting war be-
tween the LORDLY POSSESSOR of the VIL-
LAGE MANSION and his ruftic dependents;
as

[ 8 ]
as ftriking fpecimens of the happy effects of
Laws, erroneouſly ſuppoſed or pretended to
increaſe the Revenue and preferve the Game.
That Laws fo truly HETEROGENEOUS in
defign and effect, fhould have been framed
under a Government fo mild, and a People
fo enlightened, has ever been matter of ad-
miration; that their predicted PAINS, PE-
NALTIES and PERSECUTIONS fhould have
proved abortive, is equally caufe of GENERAL
EXULTATION. How the fpirit of theſe
Laws, (exciting the refentment and oppofi-
tion of the people) has operated to the hu-
miliating deception of the Financier, and the
INCREDIBLE DESTRUCTION OF GAME, it
will be the bufinefs of future pages to explain;
leting it fuffice for the preſent to obferve, if
our Predeceffors of only half a Century back,
(who fo loudly and largely boafted of BRI-
TISH LIBERTY) would have contemptuously
fpurned

[ 4 ]
at the very Idea of wearing a Hat, or drawing
on a Glove upon MINISTERIAL COMPULSION,
what muſt have been their mortification, could
they have been told that the time of degra-
dation was approaching, when the Revenue
of BRITAIN, in the very zenith of her Glory,
(and when exultingly declared to be paying
off A MILLION A YEAR OF HER NATIONAL
DEBT) fhould condefcend to draw a paltry
additional refource, from the precarious pur-
fuit of an harmleſs inoffenfive Pheaſant, Hare
or Partridge: a fpecies of Taxation fo evi-
dently deceptive, that it muft unavoidably
diminiſh, in proportion as the Game is even-
tually deftroyed.
However the contemptuous fenfation, arif-
ing from reflection, upon the inconfiftency
and abfurdity of the fyftem, may tempt us
to refine upon parallels between Laws that
are bad and thofe that ARE WORSE; Com-
paring

[ 5 ]
paring fuch as add fplendor to the dignity
of the Crown, and inſure the confidence of
the People, with thofe that debafe the one
and degrade the other. I fhall confine my-
felf to a very few remarks in juftification of
an opinion promulgated in my prefatory ad-
drefs to the Premier, that Laws are certainly
the most popular, and confequently the most
equitable, where a PROMPT OBEDIENCE pre-,
cludes the neceffity of penal exaction. That
this pofition may be purfued to inftant con-
viction, let it be impartially afked, and as
candidly anfwered, whether any other three
impofts in the very long chain of Legiflative.
Taxation, have fo clearly demonftrated their
own imbecility, as thofe juft alluded to? Or,
whether there are any fo eventually oppref-
five, fo ineffectual, fo repugnant to the will
of the People, or fo difgraceful to that Con-
ftitution we have been almoft impulfively
taught

[ 6 ]
taught to idolize, as a moft glorious pattern
of DEMOCRATIC PERFECTION?
I believe I may very fafely, on the part of
that Public I prefume to addrefs, venture to
affirm, there are few, if any, fo obftinately
hardy, as to deny the torrent of popular im-
preffion and invincible prejudice, againft
thofe Acts from which I draw my inference;
and thofe alone are introduced, merely to
form the compariſon I have already announ-
ced of putting Laws that are partially ef-
fectual in competition with others that have
no effect at all, unlefs in totally defeating the
very ends which they were formed to pro-
mote. If there are fome, whofe official de-
partments, render their organs of credulity
impervious to the moft demonftrative facts;
to their remembrance alone, I beg to refer
them, for fufficient proof of the firm refif-
tance to, and non-compliance with the Let-
ter

[ 7 ]
ter of the Law, in every cafe where the bafis
of fuch Law, has not been in direct confor-
mity with the PRINCIPLE OF EQUITY, and
in ftrict unifon with the INTEREST OF THE
PEOPLE.
It is not my prefent purpoſe, nor is it in-
deed my wifh, to inveftigate or enter into, a
tedious difquifition upon the dangers likely
to arife from the late unprecedented exten-
fion of the ExCISE LAWS, or the rapidly
increafing power of the STAMP OFFICE;
enough has been already faid by others upon
thofe fubjects, and perhaps it might in fome
refpects have been better, if lefs occafion had
been given, for fuch bold and repeated remon-
ftrances, through the medium of the Prefs.
I fhall however prefume to re-echo the gene-
ral fenſe of the Nation, upon the Taxes I
have introduced for obfervation, as more
immediately applicable to my purpofe of
conviction,

[ 8 ]
conviction, and in the true fpirit of argumen-
tative zeal venture to affirm; that none but
Minifterial dependents, Placemer, Penfioners,
Servile Solicitants of Office and the most pu-
fillanimous of the people, ever fullied the
Crowns of their heads, or branded their hands,
with a Stamp of contamination; in fuch per-
fect contempt has been held the HAT and
GLOVE TAX, both or either of which, the
utmoſt ſeverity has never been able to impofe
with effect. In confirmation of a Fact fo uni-
verfally known and exulted in, a thouſand in-
ftances might be adduced, but one corrobo-
rating and well known proof only will be ne-
ceffary to fhew the contemptuous refentment
of every individual to LAWS, I pronounce to
be bad, for the exprefs purpoſe of candidly
comparing with thofe that are worſe.
To enforce a compliance with theſe unpo-
pular Taxes, it must be recent in the me-
mory

[ 9 ]
mory of every obferver, what a NEST OF IN-
FORMERS ripe for iniquity, (acting under
whofe aufpices, by what inftructions, or in
hopes of what PROMISED REWARD for fecret
Services it is not for us to determine) were
let looſe upon fociety in different parts of the
Kingdom; how they fucceeded in their at-
tempts; how largely they executed their
commiffions; and how pantomimically they
eſcaped (WITH THEIR LIVES) from the va-
rious cities and towns, of their official embar-
kation in bufinefs, has been already defcribed
in almoſt every periodical print in the King-
dom. From this incontrovertible criterion
of contempt, we may be fairly entitled to in-
fer, that fuch Laws were too futile in their
formation, to infure either PERMANENCE or
RESPECTABILITY; and in that ftate of fte-
rility, it can create no furpriſe, that fponta-
neous Agents did not ſpring up (as expected)
though Politically lured with "HALF THE
F
PENALTY

[ 10 ]
PENALTY INCURRED," fo attractingly held
out by the liberality of the Minifter and his
Majority in Parliament.
Here from an inference fairly drawn, may
be formed an undeniable conclufion. If
thefe Laws are fo juftly loaded with POPU-
LAR OPPROBRIUM, that no man, or fet of
Men, will come forward to fupport and en-
force fo WRETCHED A SYSTEM of TAXA-
TION, even under fanction of Parliamentary
Protection, with a premium of half the penal-
ty; what terms can be found fufficiently ex-
preffive of the utter contempt and abhorrence
of the GAME LAWs, where (to the immortal
honor of the prefent age be it recorded) no
one neceffitous Man can be found, under the
INFLUENCE OF POWER, the ART OF PER-
SUASION, the FEAR OF THREATS, OF HOPE
OF REWARD, to come forward in what he
conceives the infamous character of an infor-
mer

[ 11 ]
mer (amidft ten thouſand tranfgreffions noto-
rioufly public) though the high founding
Authority of the Act itself promiſes him the
"whole of the Penalty," (FIVE AND TWEN-
TY POUNDS) as a Parliamentary douceur
for his intrepidity.
Here let me be permitted to indulge the
effufions of fympathy, in the ſpirit of congra-
tulation to every fair and honorable Sports-
man in the Kingdom, upon fuch DISINTER-
ESTED PATRIOTISM-PURE PHILANTHRO-
PY-UNSULLIED INTEGRITY, and NATIO-
NAL UNANIMITY. May it be for ever
handed down to Pofterity, as one vital ſpark
of our CHARACTERISTIC LIBERTY not yet
extinguiſhed; and tranfmitted to after ages,
with the MAGNANIMITY of thofe MAGIS-
TRATES, who nobly ftemming the Torrent
of Minifterial influence, dared to ftep forth in
defence of the People, and baniſh the race
F 2
of

[ 12 ]
of Stamp Informers from their feveral dif
tricts as PESTS TO SOCIETY.
Previous to conclufion, it was my defign
to have made known my intention of fairly
demonftrating the Annual decreaſe of the
CERTIFICATE TAX, with the rapid deftruc-
tion and threatened annihilation of THE
GAME; not under the probable accufation of
falfe reafoning, hypothefis, or conjecture, but
by proofs beyond the power of Sophiſtry to
confute, or PREJUDICE to condemn. PROOFS,
from Authority no lefs refpectable, than
the receipts of Office. But it fhould feem
that I am in fome degree anticipated in the
corroboration of this Fact, by the following
Paragraph, that now lays before me, in the
COUNTY PAPER of yefterday's publication.
"It is faid that GOVERNMENT intend this
year to give inftructions to the OFFICERS OF
EXCISE,

[ 13 ]
EXCISE, and other Perfons officially employed
by them within the different Counties, to
take notice of thofe Perfons, who fhoot with-
out the proper LEGAL CERTIFICATE, and to
tranfmit their names to the COMMISSIONERS of
THE STAMP OFFICE. This ftep we hear is be-
come the more neceffary, by reaſon of the
Certificate Act not having been fo productive
laft year, as in the preceding ones.
"
Upon the letter and fpirit of which Poli-
tical threat, I fhall not at prefent preſume to
make a fingle comment; leaving it entirely
to the moft impartial of that Public, I have
the honor to addrefs, to form their own con-
clufions, from what motive, under what Au-
thority, whofe inftructions, or for what purpofe
it obtained TERRIFIC infertion.
F 3
AN

เย

A N
APPEAL
TO THE
REPRESENTATIVES.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
THE diffenting power fo judiciouſly
lodged, by the wiſdom of our Anceſtors, in
the ARISTOCRATIC branch of BRITISH LEGISLA-
TION, (conftituting its members the HEREDITARY
GUARDIANS of our rights and privileges) will
I flatter myſelf fufficiently exculpate me from
the unjuft accufation of irreverence, in pre-
fuming to addreſs my remonftrance to every
individual
F 4

[ 16 ]
individual of both houfes of Parliament, un-
der the general appellation of THE REPRESEN
TATIVES of the PEOPLE.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
pro-
Conſcious that thoſe Repreſentatives,
can only eventually derive their domeftic
felicity, local influence, prefervation of
perty, and joint national importance, from
the SUPPORT, SPIRIT, and UNANIMOUS SUFFRAGES
of the People; I feel myſelf fully juftified
in reiterating the complaints and univerfal
difcontent of the Public at large, (upon the
fubject of THE GAME LAWS) as the proportio-
nal exertion of an individual for the promo-
tion of a general good. And however lightly
the repreſentation of an individual, may be
eftimated in the ſcale of Legiflative dignity;
it
may be remembered, that to a fingle opini-
on may be attributed (in their origin) fome
of the greateſt changes and reformations that
ever

[ 17 ]
ever occurred in the immenfe volume of hu-
man Tranfactions. MY LORDS AND GENTLE-
MEN, That the privilege of refpectfully fub-
mitting the fentiments of the people to your
Legiſlative confideration by an individual,
may be embraced with FREEDOM, and purſued
with PROPRIETY; I muſt be permitted to avail
myſelf of one occafional recommendation to
your remembrance; that moft probably to a
very flender circumftance of GOOD FORTUNE,
the fluctuating favor of a SOVEREIGN, the il-
lufive fmile of a MINISTER, the infatuating folly
of the TIMES, (or fome one concurring "flow
in the tide of mens' affairs," fo admirably de-
fcribed by our immortal bard) LORDS of every
defcription ftand indebted for their claim to
appearance in the Affemblage of Nobility.
This once admitted it muft neceffarily follow,
that the decifive voice of an illiterate intoxi-
cated Mechanic, has frequently and luckily
raiſed many of the lower houfe, from the ruf-
tic

[18]
tic obfcurity of a Village Manfion, to the ho-
nor of a feat in the NATIONAL CONVENTION.
Under this gradational definition of local ho-
nor and free Agency, I am induced to hope,
no well founded objection can ariſe, to my
endeavouring (on the part of the people) to
explain, explode, and obliterate LAWS, that
have fo evidently failed in every intent for
which they were formed.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
When we advert to that infinity of AD-
DRESSES, PETITIONS, INSTRUCTIONS and REMON-
STRANCES, for which the people of England,
are fo truly remarkable and fo greatly ridicu-
lous; I can entertain no doubt but you will
perfectly coincide with me in opinion, that
fuch temporary furor, whenever it prefents.
itſelf, is not the ſpontaneous effufions of the
people, with whom it is faid, and fuperficially
fuppofed

[ 19 ]
fuppofed to originate, but the political ef-
fort of fome minifterial minion, or quondam
patriot, who poffeffing the requifites for
PUBLIC PROSTITUTION fuccefsfully generates a
delufion fo palpable and fo deceptive. If
then, My Lords and Gentlemen, the dig-
nity of Parliament has been fo repeatedly
attacked, and its wifdom warped by the
infidious defigns of either PARTY, or Pre-
judice; what may not be hoped and expect-
ed, from your moft candid deliberations,
upon the difintereſted reprefentation of Facts
too true to be doubted, too notorious to
be denied. Unawed by POWER, uninflu-
enced by FEAR, poffeffing no PLACE, ex-
pecting no PREFERMENT, not circumfcribed
in the latitude of Affociation, but in occafio-
nal and conftant intercourfe with the PEER,
the COMMONER, and the PEASANT; I may be
permitted to ſay, it is from the pen of fuch
univerfality, that the unfullied information
of

[ 20
20 ]
of TRUTH is to be derived, and not from the
Sophiftical declamation of A MINISTER, or the
equally fallacious and felf interested protef-
tations of his opponent.
Thus prepared for the inveſtigation of this
elaborate accumulation of Parliamentary
Oppreffion, in the exclufive monopoly of
one of the most univerfal difpenfations of
Providence; it becomes the only matter of
difficulty to decide, what part of the whole
fuperftructure, has been rejected by an in-
dignant Public, with the moſt SOVEREIGN CON-
TEMPT. For during a perfonal experience,
and accurate obfervation of more than twen-
ty years, in an (UNQUALIFIED) enjoyment of
every Gratification the pleafures of the Field
could beftow; I have never been able to
diſcover (amidſt a moft extenfive circle and
connection in various Counties) the leaft.
fear of information, profecution, pain, penal-
ty,

[ 21 ]
ty, or imprisonment. Feeling it unneceffary
to go into the defcriptive FOLLY, IMPOLICY, Or
INCONSISTENCY, of the old Laws, (which are ſtill
the ground-work of the new) as applicable
to the preſent purpofe; it will prove ſuffici-
ent to obſerve, they were always confidered
an indelible ftigma to what is ludicrously
térmed the LAND OF LIBERTY, and as no laws
were ever more GENERALLY DESPISED, it can-
not create momentary furpriſe that they
were ever notoriouſly deficient in effect.
Experimentally convinced of the inattention
to, and non-compliance with the penal letter
of the old Laws, I had lefs to expect from
the intentional OPERATIVE SPIRIT of the NEW.
Defpicable in principle, they have proved
doubly defpicable in their confequence; for
"neceffity is fo truly (and univerfally ac-
knowledged) the mother of invention," and
POWER fo induftriouſly counteracted by cun-
ning, from the COURT to the Cottage, that
every
ST

[ 22 ]
T
]
every
y additional reftriction to thefe impolitic
Laws refpecting the Game, has as conſtantly
increaſed the number of its inveterate ene-
mies, and proportionally expedited the im-
pending period of its annihilation.
I fay with greater confidence" period of
its annihilation." becauſe every rational
ſportſman, every difintereſted obferver fees
with concern, the various means of devafta-
tion in perpetual practice, tending inevita-
bly to a certain extinction of every fpecies
of Game; at leaſt out of thofe limits pre-
cautiously guarded by * Spring Guns, Man
Traps, and fuch other engines of human
deftruction, as have been already fo charita-
bly and notoriously called in to affift, ftrength-
en and enforce a compliance with Laws, to
which the PUBLIC acknowledge no fubmiffion,
owe no obedience. My Lords and Gentle-
mmen,
* Lord B, at C. B.

[ 23 ]
men, (without adverting more by expatiati-
on, to the dreadful act of Bloodſhed in de-
fence of a Hare or Pheafant, juft alluded to)
experience individually and collectively muft
have long fince convinced you, that rivetted
and linked down as the people are by the
chain of NEW MADE LORDS AND LAWs,
they ftill poffefs inftinctive Pride and Forti-
tude fufficient to repel Tyranny by Strata-
gem, and procure a much greater portion of
"the forbidden fruit, " from the invincible
ſpirit of refentment only, than would be de-
ftroyed, or even fought after, was Parliament
to relax in its monopoly and become lefs fe-
vere in its reftrictions upon that head.
My Lords and Gentlemen,
Eminent as your fituations are, plaufi-
ble your collected informations, and Theo-
retical your conclufions; I can have no he-
fitation

[24]
7
for na-
fitation in pronouncing this fubject to be
leſs generally underftood in the Senate, than
any other that ever came before you
tional difquifition. But that I may avoid
the fufpicion of even unintentional difre-
fpect, I beg to explain by prefuming to ob-
ferve, that POLITICS and POACHING have
their different points, attractions and quali-
fications; and although I can moft readily
admit the greater part of you to be ſtrictly
political, I can as willingly fhield you from
any proficiency in the latter your Prede-
ceffors (in Parliament) having affumed to
themſelves that exclufive merit, by the for-
mation of laws calculated to prove its ne-
ceffity and promote its fuccefs.
Genuine and authentic information is not
to be obtained from. Minifterial mifrepre-
fentation, (originally derived from the Am-
bition of intereſted individuals) but from
the

[ 25 ]
the parties who are immediately concerned,
and feel themſelves fenfibly aggrieved; fuch
there are in every part of the Kingdom,
who do, with the true inherent ſpirit of
their anceſtors, effect a confolatory redreſs
of grievances, perfonally procuring by Art
and nocturnal connivance, what neither the
wiſdom of Parliament can counteract, or its
power, prevent. Experience, that fteady
touchſtone of TRUTH, has long fince de-
monftrated the impoffibility of increafing or
preferving the breed of Game by means of
compulfion; the lower, nay, the very loweft
class take and deftroy more than double
YOUR proportions, in direct oppofition to
the utmoſt rigidity of your Laws; it is
therefore evident, your own advantages
would arife from making a merit of Ne-
ceffity, and giving a liberal unequivocal con-
fent, to what all the boafted AUTHORITY
of PARLIAMENT can never reftrain.
G
patol
My

[ 26 1
]
My Lords and Gentlemen, I have alrea-
dy obſerved in my " prefatory addrefs," and
the following introductory pages "To THE
PUBLIC," that thefe Laws are held in fo
much deteftation, that an INFORMER would
in general eftimation be confidered a peft
to fociety; and in this progreffive ftage of
the bufinefs, I claim the privilege of going
fomewhat farther in juftification to affure,
you, that were it poffible nature could de-
fcend to fuch an incredible ftate of national
degeneracy, and characters could be felect-
ed, willing (for a paltry pecuniary confide-
ration) to be branded with the indelible
Stigma of Informer, the Country Magiſtrates
are by far too refpectable, and too much
refpected, to run the hazard of GENERAL
OPPROBRIUM by enforcing them. And
here it becomes by no means inapplicable
to repeat the great difficulty of procuring an
Informer, even under magifterial dictation;
fome

[ 27 ]
fome ſmall ſpark of genuine worth is fre-
quently retained in even the loweſt charac-
ters, and the very Ruftic who follows the.
Plough, is too innately honeft, to make his
neighbour liable to the payment of a penal-
ty, for the enjoyment of what he confiders
himfelf justly and equally entitled to.
In this fpirited opinion, the long lifts of
Acts, Claufes, Amendments, Qualifications,
Informations, Perfecutions, Profecutions,
Pains and Penalties, prove defective, mere-
ly becauſe no fet of men can be found fuf-
ficiently abandoned in principle to give them
their fupport. The ancient and invincible.
impulfe of oppofition on one part, will ever
deftroy the intentional effect of arbitrary
legiflation on the other; nor will any con-
ditions or injunctions from a fuperior power
be implicitly fubmitted to in this country,
where EQUITY does not conftitute the fun-
damental
G 2

[ 28 ]
damental part of fuch compulfory contract.
To all acts of the Legiſlative Body, paffed
into laws, the people have fubmitted with
lefs figns of difcontent than to any one Act
or Amendment refpecting THE GAME. In
all others, a general and proportional con-
tribution, or fubmiffion, has been demand-
ed on the part of Parliament, and acqui-
efced in by its conftituents; but in reſpect
to Game, the partial profcription has de-
ftroyed every fhadow of confidence, and for
years produced the hoftile declaration of
deftruction, vindicated by the Laws of Re-
taliation and Self Prefervation.

My Lords and Gentlemen, the reafon I
flatter myſelf is plain and felf evident; fo
long as a Man is called upon for whatever
may be adequate to his own poffeffions, equi-
valent to the affluence of his neighbour, and
neceffary for the exigencies of ſtate and fup-

port


[ 29 ]
port of Government, fo long he contributes
his proportion without repining; but he no
fooner perceives the Affluence of that Neigh-
bour, put him in poffeffion of " a common
benefit of Nature," that he is perfonally and
totally deprived of, than REASON and Equi-
TY refume their proper afpect, fhake off the
fhackles of Tyranny affuming the appellati-
on of Law, and he endeavours by every
means ambition and well founded refent-
ment can invent to do himself that JUSTICE
the boaſted laws of his Country have depriv-
ed him of.
Thefe truths fhall be fupported by a fe-
ries of facts, that no Parliamentary fineffe,
fyllogiftic reafoning, or logical definition can
difprove, or weaken. To give them their
proper and juſt weight in the fcale of de-
monſtration, it will be firft neceffary to draw
a line of compariſon, in refpect to numbers,
between
G 3

[ 30 ]
between the enemies to theſe laws, and the
advocates for enforcing them; when the
proportion and fuperiority will, in all pro-
bability be found fomething fimilar to a
compariſon between the formidable phalanx
of Xerxes, and the ragged followers of Fal-
ftaff.
Upon the criterion and affected wiſdom
of the landed qualification to kill Game, as
fixed by former Parliaments, I fhall prefume
to obferve; that nine tenths of thofe fortu-
nately fo qualified, may be ftrenuous advo-
cates for the ſupport and continuance of the
laws in their prefent form, as it undoubtedly
affords a pleafing incenfe to vanity, in dif-
playing a fuperiority over another, whofe
adverſe fortune has left him a few Pounds
fhort of equal privilege. Here the jealou-
fy is excited, that conftitutes the very bafis
and
ground work of all the deftructive ills

that

[ 31 ]
that follow from emulative imitation, and
the pleafing profpect of certain and inevita-
ble revenge. In this fhameful and contemp-
tuous diftinction is included a very nume,
rous clafs of refpectable Freeholders, who
with their Relatives, friends and adherents,
form no inconfiderable part of the people.
They all feel the oppreffive injunction, and
publicly avow their determined refolution
to become partakers of what providence fo
liberally fupplied, but PARLIAMENT has fo
prudently taken away.
blod o) minelle ne ad I
In direct gradational obfervation, I muft
be permitted to point out the impolitic in-
fult offered to the moft oppreffed, though
not the leaft numerous clafs, who are affect-
ed by the fubject under inveftigation. In
this difcrimination, I take the liberty to in-
troduce to your commiferation, all degrees of
Landholders, who are renters only, from fifty
G 4
to

[ 32 ]
to a thousand pounds per Annum, in every
part of the Kingdom. Take only an imagi-
nary furvey of theſe, and you behold a hoft
of inveterately profeffed and powerful ene-
mies to your Balloon built eftabliſhment for
the increaſe and prefervation of Game; and
here it is almoft unneceffary for me to add,
that a little reflection in refpect to theſe peo-
ple, difplays an inftance of Tyranny and
Defpotifm not to be exceeded under any
Monarchial Government in Europe.
That an affertion fo bold, and at the fame
time fo just may be fairly verified, let me
hold forth to public view and contempt a
moft ftriking inftance of parliamentary in-
gratitude. Theſe people whoſe friendly af-
fiftance is found indifpenfibly neceffary to
increaſe the breed and promote the prefer-
vation of the Game, (whofe induſtry in the
cultivation of your lands, and punctuality

in

[ 33 ]
in the payment of your rents, form the cen-
trical and fundamental part of all your great-
nefs) are prevented from enjoying one hour's
relaxation from Labor in the purfuit of Game
upon their own high rented premifes; though
a perfect ftranger (faid only to be) poffeffed
of one hundred a year at two hundred miles
diſtance, may purfue and deſtroy that very
Game, and break down the fences, not on-
ly with impunity, but even under the pro-
tection of Laws difgraceful to the Britiſh
Conſtitution. viliow Bajdons & omso
odd Ativ babaald of connesse def
st
"O Shame! where is thy blufh?" Equi-
Ty revolts at the iniquitous diftinction, and
compels the impartial obferver to feel and
reſent the injury as his own. My Lords
and Gentlemen, can it be poffible, that a-
midft your numbers, and in the prefent en-
lightened age of refinement, no one can be
found fo little attached to his own heredi-
tary

[ 34 ]
tary conſequence, and love of power; as to
embark in the caufe of THE PEOPLE, and
propofe the abolition of laws, that tend to
deftroy the boafted freedom of our Conftitu-
tion, and the little remaining liberty of the
fubject.
The warmth of expreffion muft be excuf-
ed: the cauſe requires it. TRUTH may do
much, openness to conviction more; there-
fore accept this exhortation from truth: if
the Game is an object worthy your attenti-
on, let fuch attention be blended with libe-
rality. The friendſhip of the Farmers muſt
be acquired in preference to every other
confideration; for divefted of their fupport
and affiftance, all your threats, laws, penal-
ties and perfecutions become not only inef-
fectual, but well known fubjects of CON-
TEMPT and RIDICULE. For let it be un-
derflood, that although the Farmer is an

enemy

[ 35 ]
enemy to your laws, he is not an enemy to
the prefervation of the Game, or your gra-
tification in the purſuit of it, from ſelfiſh or
interefted motives: No! he regards it with
indifference, in refpect to the GAME ITSELF;
nor would one in twenty of the Farmers,
be at the trouble to kill, or the expence of.
bringing it to his Table. But the dictates
of nature muſt be obeyed; his refentment is
proportioned to the feverity, (to the ingrati-
tude) of your injunctions, and he not only
very judiciouſly declines the protection, but
filently and exultingly acquiefces in the per-
petual deftruction of what he thinks he is
oftentatiously, cruelly and unjustly prevented
from becoming an honorable and public
partaker of; wrapping himſelf up in the
warm and happy tranfpofition of Shylock's
exclamation moſt admirably adapted to
the unprecedented liberality of the occa-
fion.
"The

[ 36 ]
The Villainy you teach me, I will execute; and it fhall
go hard, but I'll better the example.
""
From the pleafing and fatisfactory fenfati-
on of Gratitude, the very labourer is infec-
ted with the fympathetic paffion of Revenge,
and during the feafon of hay-making and
harvest, makes a merit of univerfal deſtructi-
on, becauſe the wisdom, the prudence, the
undefiled purity of Parliament, has refufed
his Mafter a fmall proportion of the produce
of his own high rented premiſes. Is there
a friend to honor, juftice, equity or truth,
who can withhold the tribute of applaufe
from the Farmer for his honeft refentment,
or the Servant for his unfhaken fidelity?
After venturing to affure you, theſe are
the genuine and invariable fentiments of the
parties deſcribed; repeatedly collected from
their perfonal declarations, and not the ef-
fect of party fpirit, or capricious fancy, I

fhalt

[ 37 ]
fhall preſume to offer a few obfervations up-
on the conduct of a party, that in the em-
bryo of your imaginations are confidered
the moſt important of your opponents;
though I have not the leaft doubt but time,
reflection and a thorough unbiaffed invefti
gation of the ſubject, will lead you to a full
conviction, that of all claffes, they have been
the leaft injurious to the cauſe in queftion.
For I muſt be permitted to declare, if the
Game never fuffered greater deſtruction,
than from the deadly level of the Gun of
the fair Sportſman in the field, qualified or
unqualified, no act of yours would be requi-
fite for its preſervation.
My Lords and Gentlemen, If I may for a
moment be permitted to believe, there are
fome few members of both Houfes, who have
a practical knowledge of this fubject, to them
I wiſh to addrefs my argument, in prefer-
ence


[ 38 ]
ence to the eye or ear of prejudice oppo-
fed to matter of Fact. To Gunners without
a landed qualification, great part of the diſ-
afters that befall the Game, have been un-
juftly and indifcriminately attributed, but
with what propriety let circumftances ex-
plain. The Requifites to form a complete
and deftructive Sportſman for the ſeaſon are
many; for instance, great ftrength of confti-
tution to encounter the difficulties of fatigue
and inclemency of weather; Dogs excellent
in their different kinds; as well as a compli-
cated minutiæ known only to the ſporting
world, to conftitute what is technically call-
ed" a good fhot." Two of the three are
rarely found in poffeffion of the fame perſon;
the whole feldom or ever. The Gunners
who are thus amazingly multiplied in Theo-
ry, vaniſh in practical obfervation to a very
few; and among thoſe many, who are pre-
cluded the pleaſure of having a brace of
birds


[ 39 ]
birds in poffeffion from their own guns, at
any one time in the courfe of the feafon,
though unluckily attached to the fport, and
make a great fhow of killing, by being in
the conſtant purſuit of it.
From this clafs, not fufficiently tremen-
dous in action to roufe the fears or indigna-
tion of a Parliament anxious for the ſafety
of fo NATIONAL an object, I fhall make an
eaſy tranſition to that more formidable com-
bination, againſt which, it might with ftrict
propriety, have planted the full force of its
artillery, thereby conciliating the affection
and affiftance of all parties intereſted in the
event. It may be naturally concluded that
the combination I allude to, is the incredi-
ble number of POACHING defperados infeft-
ing every part of the Kingdom. This nu-
merous and deſtructive body, unchecked by
law, unawed by influence, and powerfully
fupported

[ 40 ]
fupported by public contribution in oppofiti-
on to your Rigidity, annually kill and dif-
pofe of, double (nay treble) the quantity of
Game deſtroyed by every other means what-
ever. I ſhall not enlarge on the engines of
nocturnal deftruction fo univerfally known.
in deſcription; but revert to the number
and confequence of their abettors, including
all parties, and of all denominations, who
confider themſelves aggrieved by the abufe
of Power diſplayed in the cruelty and op-
preffion of the Game Laws.
Thefe, as before enumerated, form a moft
incredible proportion of the people at large,
who will go every length that feverity and
retaliation can juftify, to gratify, or fatiate
an unlimited refentment. They are not
only exceedingly numerous, but opulently
powerful; and confift of all thofe (without
exception) in cities, towns and the Metro-
polis

[ 41 ]
polis, who being prevented from the procu-
ration of Game, by the prefent conftruction
of Law, become voluntary purchaſers of
what the market has been fo plentifully fup-
plied with; and the Merchant, Innkeeper
and Mechanic, agree for Pheaſant, Hare or
Partridge, with nearly as little fecrecy, as
for a joint of meat in the public ſhambles.
My Lords and Gentlemen, if you have
not fixed an unalterable determination to
remain obftinately or politically deaf to the
interpofition of facts, and every fpecies of
reform; let me (in the behalf of every real
ſportſman, whoſe frame has experienced
that electrical vibration, fympathetically
produced by the wonderfully inftinctive in-
fpiring attitude of the Pointer; the determi-
ned irreſiſtible ſpeed of the Greyhound, the
joyous crack of the Spaniel, or the more no-
ble burſt of the enlivening Pack) intreat
H
you
to

[ 42 ]
to pay fome reſpect to circumftances, that
by your fuperior fituations in life you are
prevented being privy to. If you muſt
ftill indulge doubts of its authenticity, let
me advance in my affertions and declare, I
have for many years feen the very Manu-
facture of Game carried on in a more than
wholefale manner; and been witnefs to a wai-
ter's diſplay of SEVEN BRACE OF HARES
(from one fack) of all which, the choice was
offered for three fhillings, or three and fix-
pence each, in proportion to their fize and
appearance. Nay I have feen a common
Stage Waggoner, offer almoft publicly, upon
the road between Saliſbury and London, fif-
teen brace of birds, at two fhillings a brace,
four days before the commencement of the
feafon.
Without entering into a tedious detail of
the infinite, powerful and incontrovertible
proofs


[ 43 ]
proofs of the contempt of the People at
large to theſe Laws, within my own know-
ledge in fo many years experience; I fhall
preſume only to obtrude another fingle in-
ftance upon your attention, and then proceed
to a few farther remarks upon the pràctice.
in its more extended complication. A Car-
rier arrived with his Horfe and Cart, in the
duſk of the evening, at the entrance to Lea-
denhall Market, in which refided the Per-
fon to whom his load was to be privately de-
livered, but upon fearching his pockets for
inftructions refpecting the confignment, to
his utter aftoniſhment and inexpreffible mor-
tification, fuch indifpenfible document was
not to be found, but was evidently loft in
the journey. To attempt a recovery was
vain, in a dilemma fo truly diftreffing, with-
out a Confidant to confult, or a Friend to
affift, he felt himſelf (in fuch ftate of defpon-
dency) under the neceffity of appealing to
H 2
the


[ 44 ]
the uncertain liberality of a Stranger; for
after parading the pavement in alternate
turns, (and a ſtate of perturbation better
conceived than defcribed) for near two
hours, weary in body, dejected in mind, a
horfe jaded with his journey, and fearful of
adventuring his lading in the yard of an in-
ferior Inn to which he was deftined; He
tremblingly entered a Public Houſe in the
Neighbourhood, folicited fecrecy from the
Landlord, and communicated his misfor-
tune." That he had been fent to Town with
one hundred brace of birds, from the County
of Suffolk, for which he was to have receiv-
ed half-a-Crown a brace, from the perſon to
whom he was to deliver them, and he lived
in Leadenhall Market; but having moſt
unfortunately loft his directions, and nei-
ther the time or the occafion admitting of de-
lay, he had no alternative, but to folicit the
interpofing offices of a Stranger, to ſhield

him


[ 45 ]
him from the impending horror of his fitua-
tion." The Landlord (as may be readily
fuppofed) promiſed his inftantaneous affift-
ance; the Countryman full of difquietude
returned to his Cart, and in half an hour
the hampers were unpacked in the Publican's
Cellar, and the contents immediately divid-
ed between the Landlord, a Poulterer, and
his Friend, who took the whole at eighteen.
pence per brace, paying the Countryman
his Seven Pounds, ten Shillings, for their
bargain. And I believe from this circum-
ftance fo accidentally difcovered, and fo
perfectly authenticated, we may fairly infer,
this is not by many, the only journey that
has been made to the Metropolis upon a fi-
milar occafion.
My Lords and Gentlemen, without a de-
fign to irritate, or "harrow up your feel-
ings" with unneceffary repetitions; let fuch
H 3
public
·

[ 46 ]
public contempt of pains and penalties loudly
proclaim the exalted wifdom of PARLIA
MENTARY PROSCRIPTION. Happy pre-
fage of compulfive reformation in the poli-
tical tenets of the Britiſh Senate, when the
rough unpoliſhed courage of an injured Ruf-
tic dare ftem the torrent of Minifterial Per-
fecution, regardlefs of the complicated pu-
niſhments they have in ftore for the undif-
covered culprits, which thank heaven they
can inflict only in imagination. I could add
to the mortification of Legiflative imbecility,
and offer to your reflections a multiplicity
of fuch entertaining anecdotes, but I fhall let
it fuffice to affure you, that Game of all
forts, and in all quantities, has been for
years, handed about for fale, in every coun-
try town without reftraint, or the leaft fear
of information. The long ftages on the
Weſtern and Norfolk Roads, have in gene-
ral plenty for the London Purchafers; and
there



[ 47 ]
there are certain receptacles in the Metro-
polis (which might be pointed out to the
inquifitive eye of eager curiofity) where an
enquirer of decent appearance, may be ac-
commodated with a fufficiency to furnish
out a city feaft. The Stage Waggoners,
upon all the roads (friends to the common
caufe) can execute an order of the kind to
any amount; and the traveller never finds a
difficulty in procuring from the Landlord,
or the Waiter of his Inn, a Hare, Pheafant,
or Leafh of Birds, to fend off by the vehicle
to his London Friends in the morning.

the chan
I fhall here venture to appeal to the pri-
vate judgment of every individual of either
houſe, when feated in the chair of domeftic
retirement and reflection, Whether he can
believe fuch an accumulation of dead Game
to be the production of Gunners of every de-
nomination? No! .. The indulgence of
H 4
fuch

[ 48 ]
fuch an Idea, even for a moment would be
palpably ridiculous. The fair Sportſman
qualified and unqualified, with all the exer-
tion, perfeverance and induſtry that human
ftrength will admit of, could never effect
(from dog and gun) half the deftruction
of a nocturnal combination, conftituted fole-
ly upon the bafis of your own patriotic infti-
tution. I am willing, however to reverſe
the cafe for the prefent, and ſuppoſe you
are convinced the Nocturnal Adventurers,
with their curioufly devifed engines of de-
ftruction, are the only clafs entitled to your
indignation and whole force of refentment.
Admitting this, I fee but one way that even
a melioration of the evil is to be expected;
for the Laws are ſo numerous, fo complica-
ted, and in many parts fo inexplicable, that
could Informers be procured, (which is by
time and experience proved impoffible) I
Stoting have
1

[ 49 ]
have but little reafon to expect relief
from their being carried into execution.
In fact the Country Magiftrate cannot be
in a much more difagreeable predicament,
than in a caſe of the kind if brought before
him; for the Offenders are fo reconciled to
the buſineſs, as to think themſelves juftified
in purſuing it; the Neighbours (to a man)
agree they have done no more than their
duty; and I have not the leaft doubt, (as
the laws now ftand) if a Magiftrate fhould
levy the penalties, or inflict the puniſhment
of impriſonment upon any one, or more of
fuch party, but the depredators would be fo
true to each other, as to levy ample revenge
upon fome part of his property, without
waiting long for a ferious opportunity.
My Lords and Gentlemen, feeing this
bufinefs through the juft medium of experi-
mental
OF

[ 50 ]
mental obfervation, that all menaces de-
nounced againſt the parties, all encourage-
ment promiſed to information, has never
produced the leaft effect; that where one
information has been laid, the culprit con-
victed and the fine levied, five Thoufand have
been rewarded; I relinquifh every hope, ex-
pectation, or defire of feeing the Game in-
creaſed or protected by Parliamentary feve-
rity. If the late unprecedented deftruction
and preſent ſcarcity has not given you rea-
fon to abandon fuch profpects, proceed in
the full and flattering career of imaginary
confequence and deceptive fubordination;
INCREASE your Laws, enlarge your PE-
NALTIES, extend your RESTRICTIONS,
and ſtill endeavour to preferve THAT GAME,
you have fo long, and fo plentifully in-
creafed.

Having introduced thus much in obfervati-
on


[51]
on upon that enormous maſs of inconfiftency,
the Laws in their prefent general conftruction
and ſtate of indivifibility to be rendered com-
prehenfible; I fhall proceed to confider, fuch
late additional reftrictions, as come directly
under the head of "the GAME CERTIFICATE
TAX," and endeavour clearly and imparti-
ally to demonftrate its effects, divefted of
Chicanery, deception, mifreprefentation, or
intereſted oppofition. That I may not be
unjustly ſuppoſed the intentional trumpet of
either, it becomes perfectly applicable and
directly in point, to declare my own difin-
tereſtedneſs upon the fubject, and total in-
difference to what Laws are adopted, but as
an individual anxious to promote the ſport
and entertainment of Pofterity, as well as to
avert if poffible the threatened extermination;
having in confequence of the general and
almoft incredible fcarcity of Game, and
more advantageous engagements, totally re-
linquiſhed


[ 52 ]
linquifhed the ufe of Dogs and Gun, with
which for a ſeries of more than twenty years,
I have uninterruptedly enjoyed the ſport in
its utmoſt extent (when abftracted from its
prefent drudgery) upon many of your beſt
Manors in various counties of the Kingdom,
poffeffing no other QUALIFICATION or per-
miffion but my BRACE OF POINTERS, a
confcioufnefs of what Liberty fhould be,
and an inflexible determination to purſue a
fport, I felt myself equally entitled to, with
the MOST OPULENT of thoſe who had fo
greatly fignalized themſelves in the formati-
on of an interested Monopoly. I am forry to
be under the neceffity of producing a fact fo
infignificant as my own perſonal contempt
of Pains, Penalties and Perfecutions in con-
firmation of the Aggregate; but my honor
is pledged to demonftrate the deftructive
tendency of theſe Laws, and their inefficacy
muſt be pointed out,
My

[ 53 ]
"9
My Lords and Gentlemen, I believe it is
perfectly within your recollection, that our
financier has been accuſtomed in his exordi-
um to the introduction of the annual Bud-
get to tell you," that the taſk of propofing,
or impofing Taxes upon the Public is, of all
others, the leaſt likely to acquire Populari-
ty. This ftands admitted an incontrover-
tible Truth, the impofing of Taxes, having
in its progrefs to encounter innumerable and
capricious opinions, as prompted by the va-
rious motives of Political Oppofition-Penu-
rious Principle-Party rancour-or difaffect
ed Prejudice. Proceeding implicitly upon.
the purport of his own declaration, we are
naturally led to conclude, that fuch taxes
as he is from his fituation, under the indif-
penfible neceffity of propofing, for the fanc-
tion of your approbation, are thofe leaft
likely to create popular diſapprobation; at
the ſame time that they bear the probability
of

[ 54 ]
of becoming both permanent and effective.
Forming this conclufion as directly condu-
cive to the dignity of his official Capacity,
it is exceedingly juft we fhould give him
credit for the fincerity of his defign, which
was undoubtedly to have INCREASED the
REVENUE and preferved the Game, by the
indigefted formation and precarious iffue of
the Tax before us. A Plan in the eagerness
of the moment fraught with probability, and
in the extremity of expectation confidered.
infallible; but when it is recollected, that
the MINISTER himſelf had no practical know-
ledge of the fubject, no information to form
his judgment upon, but the Theoretic Opini-
ons and delufive fchemes of MINISTERIAL
PROJECTORS and official dependents, it can-
not be productive of the leaft furpriſe, that
for the laſt FIVE YEARS, the Tax has pro-
portionally diminished as the Game has been
reduced.

If


[ 55 ]
If there are ſtill wanting farther proofs of
that reduction, I have only to appeal to
your own difpaffionate decifion, and the in-
formation you derive from your Keepers,-
your domeftic dependents and fporting Friends;
by the major part of whom, (if not fervilely
filent, or politically deceptive) you may be
moſt authentically convinced of the preſent
wretched and impoverished ftate of all forts
of Game in every part of the Kingdom. But
that no collateral proof may be omitted that
can affiſt in bringing home the well founded
charge of SPEEDY ANNIHILATION," I
66
beg permiffion to call to our aid, the annu-
al diminution of the Certificate Tax, which
when once introduced, and palpably demon-
ftrated by Arithmetical proofs from the
Books of Office; will evidently counteract
every declaration that may be attempted,
and every opinion that may have been form-
bl. ed

[ 56 ]
ed upon the (imaginary) permanence of the
Tax, or expected prefervation of the Game.
Refpecting the diminution of the Tax, al-
though it might not be publicly obferved, it
was certainly officially known for the four
years in fucceffion; and although we have
already given the FINANCIER credit for the
fincerity of his intention in the first inftance,
that fincerity became very confiderably warp-
ed, by the late addition to the Tax, more
particularly when fo fufpiciouſly conducted
under the mafk of duplicity. My Lords
and Gentlemen, it is hardly neceffary for
me to obferve to you, (who know the traits
of character fo much more intimately, and
have no doubt critically annalized his points
and perfections) that our prefent PRIME
MINISTER is fingularly averſe to the perfo-
nal mortification of Mental Abortion; and
would rather encounter an accumulation of
difficulties


[ 57 ]
difficulties and popular obftruction, (in his
perſeverance) than ſuffer his dignity to be de-
graded by relinquifhing any fcheme or pro-
jection once adopted, tho' it evidently tended
to its own deftruction. This remark I prefume
to make, under the pleafing reflection, that I
have your general concurrence with me in
an affertion, that "Perfection is not in hu-
man nature;" that being admitted upon
fair ground; I fee no reaſon why we are to
expect infallibility, in a CHANCELLOR OF
THE EXCHEQUER, or FIRST LORD OF
THE TREASURY, more than in the inferior
and lefs confpicuous orders of the Creation.
The plain unembelliſhed ftate of the fact is
this; there are in the multitude numbers,
who ſeeing very little, if at all, beyond their
own fhadows, implicitly rely upon appear-
ances and fall into every vortex thrown open
for their deception. Theſe were induced to
hope, if not believe, that the NEW GAME
I
LAWS


[ 58 ]
LAWS would entirely fupprefs the conftant-
ly increaſing progrefs of Poaching, and that
the CERTIFICATE TAX would preferve (if
not increaſe) the little breed of Game then
remaining; upon fuch flender prefumption,
moſt of thoſe who wifhed or expected it,
cheerfully took out their Licences for the
first two or three years; but when the evident
deſtruction and unprecedented fcarcity of
Game came plainly home, to the plaineft
comprehenfion, and the obftinately incredu-
lous were compelled to believe; every Man's
pride, as well as his reafon took the alarm,
and he could no longer reconcile it to his
underſtanding, to continue a heavy contri-
bution to Government for the condefcending
privilege of purfuit, when there was ab-
folutely little or nothing left to purfue.

This, My Lords and Gentlemen, is the
exact eftimation of the Game Laws and Cer-
tificate
8)


[59]
1
tificate Tax at this moment, the Game ra-
pidly reduced, and the Tax confequently
diminiſhed; but leaft the affertions of an in-
dividual ſhould be confidered (by felf inte-
refted or party opponents) literary efforts,
or faſhionable falfehoods, fabricated merely
to glofs the cauſe engaged in, and not as de-
monftrative proofs, uniformly produced, to
influence the judgment and confirm the fact.
It is in fome degree fortunate, that I am luc-
kily enabled to avail myſelf of the Affiftance
fo generouſly afforded me from the reſearches
of OFFICIAL AUTHORITY; a channel of
information that is too generally and too
meanly fequeftered from Patriotic infpection.
This almoſt unprecedented fpecimen of Pub-
lic Spirit, and perfonal liberality, happily
affords me the advantage of not only fetting
at defiance, but decifively wiping away, all
fuperficial formations and Theoretic Opini-
ons upon the efficacy and permanence of fuch
I 2
Tax


[ 60 ]
Tax, by a chain of evidence, every link of
which, is too palpable to be difputed, too
ſubſtantially authenticated to be denied.
My Lords and Gentlemen, to eftabliſh
thefe points beyond the power of controver-
fy, to prove the penetration and practical
knowledge of the Minifter's Sporting Friends,
and to perpetuate the unerring veracity of
that Minifter's predetermined prediction, up-
on the permanent production of fuch favo-
rite and infallible Tax; permit me to lay
before you, an exact ſtatement of the amount
of the Game Duty Licences for each year,
from 1785, (the firſt of their eſtabliſhment)
to the lift of the preſent year, 1792, thereby
incontrovertibly demonftrating, the amount
of the Tax to be lefs in its aggregate (even
with the additional pecuniary reſtriction)
for the PRESENT YEAR, than in the year,
1787; when with all its fpeculative profpects,

it

[ 61 ]·
it was at the zenith of plaufibility; and from
which period the perfecuting principle of
Miniſterial Oppreffion, has been gradatio-
nally counteracted (and will be totally eclip-
fed) by the perfevering and fpirited refent-
ment of a firm, steady and enlightened Pea-
ple.
As it will be evidently unneceffary to at-
tract your attention largely from objects of
GREATER PUBLIC (or more private) im-
portance, by too extenfive a recital, I fhall
proceed to prefent in as concife a way as
poffible, fuch Arithmetic Proofs as become
immediately conducive to the purpofe of
conviction. But as it would be too tedious
for general perufal and inveftigation to in-
troduce, arrange and correct the official do-
cuments of every County in the Kingdom, it
will be much more applicable to contract
the fubftance of the whole and reduce it to
I 3
a

W

[ 62 ]
a fingle point of view, by fixing upon the
firft County as it ftands Alphabetically
(BERKSHIRE) for the CRITERION; which
being not only in fome degree centrical, but
univerſally acknowledged proportionally
POPULOUS, FERTILE, and OPULENT with
any other, may be fairly and candidly con-
cluded (at leaſt in this inftance) to ſpeak
the general fenfe of the people at large, up-
on a Law fo truly TYRANNICAL, and a Tax
fo justly DESPISED. Previous to which ſtate-
ment, it becomes unavoidably neceffary to
make the moft honorable mention of, and
exprefs my grateful acknowledgments to,
thofe Gentlemen, who fo cheerfully waved
the characteriſtic and accuſtomed fecrecy of
office, to furniſh collateral proofs fór fo PA-
TRIOTIC a purpoſe.

The Annual Amount of The Game Du-
ty in Berkshire, from 1785, to 1792, both
inclufive.
Years.

[ 63 ]
Years.
No. of 2 Gu. Certificates iffued.
Amount.
£.
S. d.
1
475
- 997 10 o
1
490
I
1029 o o
1785
1786
I
1787 -
1788
1789
I
1790
I
1791
1792
I
I
493
484
457
- 441
I
T
I
1035 6 0
1016 8 0
959 14 0
926
2 0
Tax increafed to 3 Guinea Certificates.
1
375
1181 5 0
325
- 1023 15 O
Under thefe heads, thus accurately ſtated,
we obferve a gradual defalcation of Certifi-
cates, from the year eighty-feven, to the
year ninety-two, in the following ratio.
47
I 4
In


[ 64.]
In the first year a falling off of Nine.
The Second
The Third
The Fourth
and Eighteen.
1
of Thirty-Six.
of Fifty-Two.
One Hundred
And
*The Prefent
of ONE HUN-
DRED and SIXTY-EIGHT.
Being more than one third of the original
Subſcribers to this
66
voluntary Tax," in fo
fhort a ſpace as the laſt five years of its eſta-
bliſhment.
My Lords and Gentlemen, you in your
moments of retroſpection will be enabled to
recollect, whether this immaculate "Heaven
born Minifter," in his adulatory exordium
to the propoſed increaſe of this execrated
Tax, (fo evidently adopted for the good of


his
By Lift Publifhed October 2, in the County Paper.

[65]
his Country, the prefervation of the Game,
and the exulting hope of paying off a Million
a year of the National debt) did openly, can-
didly, or in fact (more comprehenfively ſpeak-
ing) HONESTLY condefcend to inform you,
what had been the real produce, and expe-
rienced annual deficiency of the Duty, for
the three laſt years immediately preceding
his reiterated innovation. Did he, come
forward and fay, that in confequence of fuch
unexpected falling off of the Tax, and un-
foreſeen deftruction and confequent ſcarcity
of Game, he was under the neceffity of en-
hancing the Duty to render it equally produc-
tive with what it had been? Or, that he
found it politically expedient to furcharge
fuch Tax (already highly productive) that it
might, by its prefent profpect and promifing
permanence, become ftill more fubfervient
to the exigencies of the ftate, and the rapaci-
ty of its dependents? thereby endeavouring
to

[66]
to conceal from the public his own fhame
and difappointment. Whether he did, or
did not, is not at all neceffary to the efta-
bliſhment of a palpable truth; either decla-
ration would not have reflected much honor
upon his ſporting penetration, or his fince-
rity for as one would have afforded ample
proof of his IMBECILITY, fo the other would
have been equally expreffive of his DUPLI
CITY.

My Lords and Gentlemen, you are not
fo imperfectly read in the infinite volume of
human tranfactions, as not to know what
MINISTERS and PARLIAMENTS have been;
nor are you now to be told what incongru-
ous embryo the WOMB of TIME may yet
pregnant with. This feems to be the age of
verfatility and REVOLUTION, and the pre-
fent generation may live to fee, a PRIME
MINISTER the baſking favourite of his So-
vereign
be

[67]
vereign, at the moment he is a profeſſed ene-
my to
th the rights of the People; enjoying all
the dazzling Splendour of Official dignity,
without the common civilities of a Private
Gentleman; whofe perfonal pride and in-
nate frigidity may prompt him to treat even
his equals with indifference, and his unfortu
nate inferiors with contempt; who may be
perfectly abftracted from all thoſe refined
fenfations that are an ornament to human
Nature, and feeling little or none for the dif-
treffes of the fubordinate and afflicted part of
the Creation, care not how much he facrifi-
es to th
INFLUENCE OF THE Crown,
how little to the CLAIMS OF THE PEOPLE.
Who piquing himſelf upon his paffive ma-
jority in Parliament, may feel a gratification
of family ambition, in raifing to the moſt o-
pulent and eminent ftations of truft, every
remote remnant of confanguinity and rela-
tive fterility; with no other diftinguiſhing
mark,


[ 68 ]
mark, than an invincible impenetrability of
intellect; whilft GENIUS, ABILITY and IN-
TEGRITY, lay diffidently dormant in the
dark receffes of obfcurity. I fay, My Lords
and Gentlemen, we may yet fee, Minifters,
under the maſk of that Political Cunning,
and defigning diffimulation, fo feelingly de-
picted by the celebrated CHESTERFIELD,
(as abfolutely indifpenfible to the accom-
pliſhments of a Courtier) influence, deceive,
or corrupt, the intentional purity of Parlia-
ment, to the worft of purpoſes. Nay, it is
not beyond the pale of poffibility, but fome
of thoſe who now live may fee, a Miniſter
not only compelled (by an unanimous vote
of Parliament) to relinquifh fo favourite a
ſyſtem of finance, by a total repeal of theſe
Laws, when there is neither GAME TO
DESTROY, OF DUTY TO COLLECT; but af-
ter folacing himſelf for years in the exhilirat-
ing rays of Royalty, furrounded by a fervile

herd

[ 69 ]
herd of adulating Sycophants, and flattered
to the very fummit of Profperity, reduced to
the moft mortifying ftate of human exiſtence.
by the barbed arrow of Adverfity; without
the confolatory remembrance of one fingle
act of JUSTICE or BENEVOLENCE, during
his career of Oppreffive infenfibility, or a
friendly finger of commiferation to cloſe the
eye of contrite mifery, at the tremendous
moment of paffing that "bourn from whence
no traveller returns; in which dark chaos
of futurity, all is obfcured from the fcruti-
nizing eye of even the moft VIRTUOUS and
RELIGIOUS inveftigation.
""
My Lords and Gentlemen, fuperior ex-
cellence in prophetic divination, or a profi-
ciency in characteriſtic delineation is by no
means neceſſary, to "hold as 'twere the MIR-
ROR up to NATURE, to fhew VIRTUE her
own FEATURE, SCORN her own image, and
the

[ 70 1
the very age and body of the Time, his form
and preffure." A Pen lefs ferioufly inclin-
ed, or influenced by factious motives, might
be induced to animadvert more freely upon
the fuppofed degeneracy of the Times, the
faſhionable pliability of Parliament, and the
delinquency of thoſe who guide the reins of
Government, as moft applicable to the par-
ty it meant to eſpouſe. But My Lords and
Gentlemen, with fome degree of confidence
and exultation on my part, let it be known
to you, that mine is the Pen of INDEPENDENCE
and cannot become the fubfervient inftru-
ment of Proftitution. Its invariable purpoſe
is to convince, not to detract; it is embarked
in the cauſe of THE PEOPLE, unattached to
Party, without any thing to hope from one,
or to fear from the other; not dependent
upon the narrow prejudices and capricious
fluctuation of interefted individuals, but act-
ing upon the more extenſive ſcale of NATIO-

NAL


[ 71 ]
NAL INDULGENCE, with no other profpect
than the GENERAL GOOD.
My Lords and Gentlemen, having alrea-
dy introduced a flight remark upon the ge-
nerally received poffibility, of a Parliament's
being "Corrupted, Influenced, or Deceived"
by the ſuperlative diffimulation, Political fi-
neffe, or accompliſhed Cunning of Minifters,
as proved (upon fuch * excellent Authori-
ty) fo immediately neceffary to their exift-
ence; I muſt beg leave to wipe away, any
early impreffion that may be unfavourably
formed, upon the bare poffibility of the pre-
fent Parliament's being at all vulnerable on
the ſcore of CORRUPTION in the formation of
THE GAME LAWS: that they have been both
influenced and deceived, I believe will be
readily admitted by every juft and good Man
in the Kingdom. But My Lords and Gen-
tlemen, when I prefume to affert boldly,
* Cheſterfield.
that

[ 72 ]
that you have been "
INFLUENCED and DECEIV-
ED," I do not by any means intend to infinu-
ate, or wifh it to be underſtood, that you
have been unfairly biaffed by any MINISTERIAL
practices; but "influenced" only by an in-
variable attachment to your own INTERESTS,
and unfortunately "deceived" in the event.
This pofition ftands upon a baſis too ſelf evi-
dent to require the leaft corroboration; in
juftification of which, let me claim permiffi-
on to appeal to the calm and unimpaffioned
fenfations of every individual of either houſe,
when feated in the eafy chair of domeſtic ru-
mination, whether (fuppofing him even one
of thofe bleffed with a portion of Philanthro-
py and univerfal benevolence,) the ftimula-
tive pride of local fuperiority, and inftinc-
tive emulation, did not prompt him (in the
formation of theſe laws) to the imaginary
gratification of diſplaying his power, and
monopolizing the Game, beyond the influ-
ence

[ 73 ]
ence of any contiguous competitor. My
Lords and Gentlemen, to fuppofe you lefs
liable to thoſe predominant fenfations of
Mortality, AMBITION and SELF INTEREST,
than the rest of mankind; were to conceive
that a day of election to one houfe, or of
creation to the other, was a day of politi-
cal abfolution, and that a feat in either, was
become a feat of purification and infallibi
lity.
I am under the neceffity of candidly con-
feffing myſelf one of the infinite number
who wiſh ſuch Parliamentary initiation was
a certain prelude to future perfection; but I
confidently believe, the very great majority
of that multitude, who annually look up to
the wiſdom of both houſes, for the natio-
nal protection of their Perfons, and pre-
fervation of property, will think me am-
ply juftified in imputing to every Mem-
K
ber

[ 74 ]
ber of the Legiſlative Body, an equal por-
tion of thofe characteriftic traits, with the
moft inferior of their conflituents; impli-
citly believing, that from the prevalent im-
purity and degeneracy of our Natures, an
introduction to a feat in the Senate, can
have but very little influence in reforming
the minds and manners of men; but rather
tends to diſplay an extenfion of the infecti-
ous and daily increafing oftentation, that ſo
evidently marks our fyftematic degradation.
My Lords and Gentlemen, I mean that
contemptible perfonal pride and external
appearance, that has not only fuperfeded
the dictates of reafon, and fet the obtrufion
of DISCRETION at defiance; but given birth
to every fpecies of Eaftern Luxury and ener-
vation. Difguifed our WOMEN; Effemi-
nated our MEN; proftituted the remains of
rural dignity; tainted the attachment of the
Tenantry; jaundiced the fidelity of domeftic
dependents;


[ 75 ]
dependents; and laid the Axe to the very
root of OLD ENGLISH HOSPITALITY. In
fhort, what by far the greater part of Mag-
nificent Manfions, and Manor Houfes now
are, it will be much more proper for others
to conceive, than for me to defcribe.
My Lords and Gentlemen, making the
neceffary tranfition from the various motives.
and perfonal profpects of the parties who
concurred in the formation of thefe Laws,
to the Operative Spirit of the Laws them-
felves; the ſurpriſe that is at firft excited by
their abfurdity, inconfiftency, and deftructive
tendency, is almoft inftantly difpelled when
we confider them fanctioned and introduced
to Parliament, by a Minifter who could fo
far forget the weakneſs of that Sex we have
ever been accuſtomed to protect, and with a
certain degree of inanimation, to be equal-
led only by the coldnefs of his conftitution,
K 2
rife

[ 76 ]
rife from his feat and propofe a Tax, upon
what our very feelings prompt us to believe
with ftrict truth, the greateſt comfort of our
Lives,
A WOMAN! I have ever
confidered it a gratification of my utmoſt
ambition, that I have the happineſs to be
perfonally known to many members of both
houfes, and thofe who do know me, beft
know; from the difference of temperament,
or the traits of character, (as a Sportſman,
and an inviolable friend to the Sex) that had
I been honored with a feat in that, or any
other Senate, I would fooner have acceded
to a Tax upon all other THINGS in the uni-
verfe, than the very thing alluded to. And
perhaps it may be erroneouſly imagined I
mean to ſport an Idea of jocularity, when on
the contrary it is my intent to declare moft
feriously, I never felt myſelf more mortified
or diſappointed, than when I found the
whole BENCH OF BISHOPS, had not rifen

uná


[ 77 ]
una voce to oppofe the Bill, or at leaſt to
have entered their Proteft against the abfolute
fin of Taxing the UNIVERSAL BUMPER of
every Good Man in the Kingdom. It however
affords fome confolation in the midſt of
fhame, that REMORSE has occafioned a Re-
peal; and for the honor of Parliament, as
well as the Kingdom at large, I moft hearti-
ly wifh (if it were poffible) the very remem-
brance, as well as THE ACT, might be ex-
punged from the Journals as difgraceful to
the Age and Land in which we live,
Returning however to the inefficacy of
the Law upon which I prefume to arreft
your attention, I must be permitted to intro-
duce two inftances (of a thouſand that might
be adduced) in corroboration of a remark
made in my Prefatory Addrefs to the Pre-
mier; that the prefent Certificate Tax, cer-
tainly admits the poffibility, indeed the pro-
K 3
bability,

[ 78 ]
bability of "A PEER and Cobler's meeting
in the fame field uncertain of each other's
privilege. " This fuppofition is every way
admiffible, for the Cobler having affumed the
Character and pleaſures of a GENTLEMAN,
(in confideration of an annual contribution
to Government) would never fo far deviate
from his newly acquired dignity, as to in-
fift upon the name, of a PEER, or a fight of
his Certificate; and equally certain it is,
there is no one PEER that would be exceed-
ed in politeneſs by a Cobler.

My Lords and Gentlemen, however in-
applicable or obtrufive this remark may ap-
pear at firft fight, I muft beg leave to affert
it directly in point; and leaft fuch mode of
reafoning unfupported by proof, fhould be
confidered the effect of imagination calcula-
ted rather to deceive than convince, I avail
myfelf of the opportunity to proclaim the
reverſe


[ 79 ]
reverſe and ſtate the fact. I pledge you my
honor, I have the power and means to pro-
duce (could I condefcend to proftitute my
principles and become that tool of infamy,
an Informer) the moft inconteftible evidence,
that in one and the fame year fince the efta-
bliſhment of the GAME DUTY, Certificates
were taken out in a City of Opulence, not
only by a Journeyman Upholfterer, then
abfolutely renting a room at two fhillings
per week; but by a Journeyman Shoemaker
alfo, (whofe names I have at this moment
in my poffeffion); the latter of whom BOLD-
LY but prudently annexed the honorable and
fashionable appellation of "EsQUIRE" to
his, the better to conceal thofe awkward ap-
pendages the leathern apron and lapftone.
My Lords and Gentlemen, after fuch

6C
damning proofs" of the contempt of thefe
Laws, by even the loweft claffes of fociety,
can it be neceſſary for me to dip deeper into
K 4
the

[ 80 ]
the refervoir of carefully collected facts, to
prove the weakneſs and inconfiftency of con-
tinuing fuch Laws; or to excite your belief
of what is too univerfally known, and too
públicly authenticated for any rational Man
to doubt even for a moment, the purity of
information.
Before I take leave of this part of the fub-
ject, to which I return no more, I muſt be
permitted in addition to the recent recital
of fuch ſporting fortitude as the SOMERSET-
SHIRE Mechanics, to mention contrafts e-
qually ftriking, within the circle of my own
Equeftrian Excurfions; where I conftantly
fee, Perfons of opulence and known landed
qualification, purſuing their toil (for fport
it muſt certainly now be divefted of) not on-
ly without perceiving, but abfolutely difa-
vowing, the leaft neceffity for, that exulting
badge of Parliamentary permiffion, a Cer-
TIFICATE.


[ 81 ]
TIFICATE.
To thefe I take the liberty to
annex a claſs of my moft intimate Friends,
who after the expence of their Certificates,
and two months inceffant purfuit with leſs
ſucceſs than ever; are fo perfectly convin-
ced of the unprecedented fcarcity and threat-
ened annihilation, that their dogs and guns
are doomed to fufpenfion and reft from
their labors and a certain fact it is, that
there are fome hundreds in the Kingdom,
and thoſe not inferior fhots, who have ne-
ver had to boaſt of three brace of birds for
their three Pounds, four Shillings, from the
commencement of the feafon. Under fuch
general declarations made in all places, and
circulated from all quarters, it requires no
great degree of prophetic infpiration to pre-
dict a falling off of the duty for the next
year, in proportion to the almoft incredible
deftruction of Game for the two or three
years laſt paſt.
My

[ 82 J
My Lords and Gentlemen, having of-
fered fuch accurate ftate of the Game, and
produced fuch explanatory proofs of the
deftructive tendency of Parliamentary pro-
fcription, as will I believe, not be difputed
by the deepest head, or dulleft comprehen-
fion in the Kingdom; it becomes neceffary
(at leaſt to my purpoſe) to take into re-con-
fideration, the practices of thofe defperate
inftruments of a fuperior power, the various
banditti of Poachers that infeft every part of
the Kingdom. To fuch an unprecedented
degree of hardened perfection has that fyf-
tematic depredation been carried on (in the
moft ludicrous contempt of your Laws) un-
der the univerfal fanction of an unanimous
and determined body of the people; that
no hope of reformation can be expected
from the utmoft feverity, it is in the power
of Parliament to proclaim, or the intentio-
nal hope of the Minifters of juftice to in-
flict.

[ 83 ]
flict. Having already repeatedly afferted
(and Parliamentary experience for feven
years paft, has convinced them of the fact)
that all the boafted Pains, Penalties and
Profecutions, fo liberally threatened in the
curiouſly conſtructed fabric, have been long
fince immerſed in the vortex of popular ex-
ecration; I proceed to explain conciſely an
oblique furvey of the collateral injuries fuf-
tained by the country in general, as another
refulting confequence from the unprece-
dented deftruction and prefent fcarcity of
The Game. This palpable deficiency in
the annual emoluments arifing from the
practice, (in addition to the conftant in-
creaſe of its Profeffors) having rendered the
bufinefs too trifling for fole fubfiftence; it
has become unavoidably neceffary to call in
the farther aid of Nocturnal depredation of
Poultry from the Hen-rooft, or Fifh from the
Ponds of thofe Noblemen or Gentlemen
whoſe


[ 84 ]
whofe domains are luckily fituated, and
happily calculated to gratify their immedi-
ate wants and reward their adventures. So
well and fo fully am I convinced of this
practice from the moft indubitable proofs,
that I will venture to affirm, Poaching in
the first inftance, and a failure of it in the
laft, has conftituted more Ruftic Thieves of
the above defcription, than every other ex-
citement brought into the Aggregate,
My Lords and Gentlemen, do me the
juftice to affure yourſelves this is not the fer-
tility of imagination, or the heightening of
fiation intentionally calculated to imprefs
upon your minds "the round unvarniſhed
tale; " but a truth too forcibly known, and
with the approach of winter, too feriously
dreaded in every part of the Country. It is
by no means neceffary, nor is it my intent
to increaſe the mortification of reflection,

by

[ 85 ]
by an aggravating recital of corroborating
inftances, that have never yet been brought
into a court of juftice; I fhall therefore let
it fuffice to fay, that I moft, confidently be-
lieve, there are very few (if any) Members
of either houfe, whofe external Property,
or out door Stock, has not at fome time or
other fuffered in thefe Nocturnal excurfions
as well as the Game: the alternative be-
coming now more immediately necellary,
in proportion as the Game is annually
reduced.
My Lords and Gentlemen, if we go
ftill farther, and extend our reſearches,
looking more minutely into the increaſing
practice of Poaching and Nocturnal depre-
dation; exclufive of the conftant encou-
ragement and pecuniary temptation eter-
nally held forth by the clafs of People already
deſcribed, we muſt advert in a flight degree
to

[86]
to the ftate of the Ruftic poor in almoſt eve-
ry part of the Kingdom.-This I muſt be
permitted to declare is truly horrid beyond
defcription!.. If, My Lords and Gen-
tlemen, arrogance, pride, oppofition, or
contrariety of opinion fhould prompt the
moft fupercilious of fociety, to put THEORY
in competition with PRACTICE, and ſtart
the queſtion from whence I derived my
knowledge for fuch communication; I re-
ply, from that invariable and ſteady touch-
ftone of Truth experience, in a perfonal in-
ſpection of, and Profeffional attendance up-
on the fick and neceffitous of various pariſhes
(in the centre of a moft fertile county) where
the fufferings of the Poor, "beggar all de-
fcription" and "harrow up the foul of hu-
manity."Where the accumulated dif-
trefs and rigidity of relief bear no proportion
to each other-and where the uncharitable
oppreffive feverity of parifh Officers, and
the

[ 87 ]
the inflexible callofity of infenfible VILLAGE
TYRANTS firft determined me to relinquifh
Parochial Practice, that I might be releaſed
from a Repetition of diurnal fcenes the moſt
miferable; in which the law did not enable
me to relieve the object, or redress the griev-
ance.
My Lords and Gentlemen, I can have
no doubt but very many of you experience
the uxorial folicitude, and parental anxiety
of a family; with the perpetual fufpenfe
that fo inceffantly pervades the mind, for
the comfort, the fafety and the happiness of
the whole. Change the fcene for one mo-
ment from the domeftic affluence, the thou-
fand gratifications and fuperfluities of your
own habitations; to the feelings of a Parent
much leſs refined, but no lefs natural. Stand
in the fhoes of inexpreffible wretchednefs,
and behold a Wife and feven or eight chil-
dren

[ 88 ]
dren ("bare forked animals") not living,
but barely exifting, or rather half starving,
upon the miferable pittance of fourteen pence
per day, the produce of from twelve to fif-
teen hours labor; furvey the fum, explore
its magnitude, and again turn "the mind's
eye," to the unhappy group, deftined by
fate and harder Fortune, to fubfift upon its
fcanty produce. Here I may juftly exclaim,
"Take phyfic, Pomp;
"Expoſe thyfelf to feel what wretches feel;
"That thou may'ft fhake the fuperflux to them,
"And fhew the heavens more juft. "

Bread-Water-Skim Milk (if the neigh-
bourhood even at a mile or two diftant luc-
kily affords it) and a few Potatoes are the
utmoſt limits of their LUXURY.
Theſe are
their delicacies in ſickneſs or in health, and
fhould diſeaſe with all her impending hor-
rors pervade the hovel, (to complete the

meaſure

[ 89 ]
meaſure of human Affliction) the confolation
moft frequently to be procured by tears
and entreaties, in the midft of fuch inexpref-
fible poverty and wretchedneſs, is a reluc-
tant mandate from that Parochial PROFES-
SOR OF HUMANITY the Overfeer, for the
Superintendence of the Medical Annuitant,
who having, though at fome confiderable
diftance, influenced by his neceffities, en-
gaged to ſupply the Paupers of the whole
pariſh (for five or fix miles in extent) for
the paltry ftipend of EIGHT OF TEN pounds,
can afford very few fimple preparations, in
addition to the furprising efficacy of his at-
tendance; and ſhould fuch perſonal infpec-
tion, in the drearieft of all feafons, prove
food to be more immediately neceſſary than
Phyfic, it is no uncommon thing to be ob-
liged to threaten thefe humane, charitable,
church going, pfalm finging delegates, with
a fummons to the feat of Magiftracy, be
TO
2.
L
fore
[90]
fore a Neck of Mutton (at the expence of
the moſt opulent in the Pariſh) can be ob-
tained for the children of wretchedneſs, o-
verwhelmed with POVERTY and DISEASE.
This is a picture of complicated diſtreſs not
introduced to dwell on, nor is it to be found
amidſt the brilliancies of a Court, the rou-
tine of Grandeur and perpetual diffipation,
or the enlivening rapturous fcenes in which
the GREAT and OPULENT are fo incef-
fantly engaged; it is only to be feen in thoſe
dark receffes and remote abodes of mifery,
where GREATNESS feldom or never conde-
fcends to come, or caft the eye of charitable
enquiry for the benignant purpoſe of allevi
ation.
My Lords and Gentlemen, can it be
fuppofed, that in the midft of fuch diftref-
ing fcene, where "horrors upon horrors
accumulate," there is at this moment a
HUSBAND,
[ 91
9
HUSBAND, or PARENT to be found, who
would not ſpurn at your Game Laws with
contempt, facrifice his reft, hazard his
health, and encounter all your high found-
ing denunciations of vengeance, to obtain
(under the certainty of pecuniary reward,
and popular applaufe) PHEASANT, HARE,
or PARTRIDGE, rather than ftand tamely
by with a degree of pufillanimous infenfibi-
lity, to ſee the tears of his Wife, and hear
the cries of his Children laboring under
thoſe heart piercing pangs, which only unfa-
tisfied hunger can excite. My Lords and
Gentlemen, Parliament may be IMMACU
LATE, its Members (for aught I know)
may be abftracted from thofe groffer dregs,
thofe degrading paffions that the more infe-
rior part of the creation are fo evidently fub-
ject to; they may be happily poffeffed of
VIRTUES very far above the more ſubordi-
naté claffes of mankind, and probably retain
La
a

[92]
].
"tied
a greater degree of felf denial, than leſs illu
mined and lefs confpicuous characters may
have to boaft. For my own part
and bound down with the chain of my fins,
I acknowledge, my want of fuch Parliamen-
tary purification, and feel no difquietude in
publicly confeffing, I have A MONITOR
within my bofom, that powerfully tells me
what I am: A Mere Man, open to all the
failings and indifcretions of human nature;
but happily and feelingly alive to the claims
of HUMANITY and DOMESTIC AFFECTION.
Thefe conjoin to convince me, that in fuch
dreadful predicament (as I have already def-
cribed) with no other alternative than the
picture affords, I fhould exultingly fay,
"My Poverty but not my will confents, "
and become one of the numerous culprits,
thinking my principles fuffer no deprecia-
tion by fo determined an opinion, upon fo
popular a fubject. Nay, my DEPRAVITY,
(if

[ 93 ]
(if I may fo be permitted to term it) com-
pels me to proceed a step farther in defence
of WOMEN and CHILDREN to declare, if I
could fuppofe there was a fingle wretch exift-
ing, who would not do as much for both the
one and the other, I fhould be the firft to
ftigmatize and hunt him down as a difgrace
to humanity,
My Lords and Gentlemen, having brought
into as conciſe a point as the nature of the
cafe will admit, the neceffitous ftate of the
ruſtic poor, it becomes immediately applica-
ble to explain one very predominant reafon
why that claſs are eternally increafing, and
almoft every Parifh loaded with additional
labourers, Paupers and accumulating ex-
pence. It cannot be unknown to you how
much the practice of engroffing Farms, has
been adopted by the Renters, or with what
avidity fuch propoſals have been encouraged
L 3
and

[ 94 ]
and accepted by the Landlords; many of
whom poffeffing feats in thoſe houſes I pre-
fume to addrefs, it can by no means be
deemed improper to fay, that whatever may
have been their original motives for per-
mitting fuch plurality of Farms in the hands
of individuals, it has been attended with a
very palpable inconvenience to the King-
dom in general, but more particularly to
that unhappy clafs, by much the leaſt able
to extricate themfelves from the difficul-
ty occafioned. No lefs than having rai
fed the price of provifions, nay the moſt
common neceffaries of life to a degree of
exorbitance, not in the firft infance fore-.
feen, but now heavily experienced by all
the inferior claffes of community; and I
may in addition fafely venture to affirm,
that within the laft five and thirty years,
thofe very neceffaries of Life are many of
them doubled and fome nearly treble the

price

[ 95 ]
price they were at the period I allude to.
But, My Lords and Gentlemen, what fhall
I be enabled to advance in favor of our
PHILANTHROPHY, our National and Uni
verfal Benevolence, when adverting to an
incontrovertible fact; that in all thofe years
of increafing expence, and moft fhamefully
increafing Luxury, Pride and Perfonal Of
tentation among the GREAT and OPULENT,
the wretched Poor have felt only hourly in-
ereafing Poverty and heart-felt Affliction.
And forry I am to obferve, to the immortal
fhame of the Age we live in, that no one
effectual, or decifive ftep has ever been ta-
ken, during the advancing price of provifi-
ons, to raiſe the daily wages of the
poor ruf-
tic labourer, who may be truly faid to "la-
bor in forrow all the days of his life."
Having introduced this remark as not
only applicable to my own particular pur-
pofe,
L 4
1
[96]
ſtep
pole, but as not unworthy even PARLIA-
MENTARY ATTENTION, (for reafons that
might be extended to a much greater length
than the purport of the prefent remonftrance
will admit) I am anxiouſly induced to hope,
the time is not far diftant when fome ft
fo truly PATRIOTIC and HUMANE may be
adopted, to give more peace and domeſtic
comfort to fo numerous a body of our fel-
low creatures, exifting at prefent under a
complication of feverities, very little known
to thoſe who tread the more pleaſant and
eafy paths of life.
My Lords and Gentlemen, not to dwell
too long upon fubjects that are neither plea-
fing to read or recite, I fhall return to that
prejudicial practice of landed Monopoly, as
the great and almoſt original, and fole cauſe
of the fcarcity, and mifery among the dif
treft Poor; that I beg permiffion moſt ear-
neftly
[97]
neftly to recommend to Parliamentary at-
tention. But as tedious animadverfion in
the aggregate, would engrofs more time
and room than my inceffant engagements
will permit me to appropriate to the pre-
fent purpoſe of reprefentation; I fhall con-
tent myſelf with ftating a fingle fubftantiated
cafe in point, to ferve as a fpecimen of
the very extenfive picture that might be in-
troduced of the whole. To do this, My
Lords and Gentlemen, with a proper de-
gree of effect, it will be neceffary to bring
to view, for the honor of Parliamentary
inſpection, an Opulent Wretch (living in
the moſt artificial Poverty)
too bad for
bad report;" who in a Pariſh of confidera-
ble extent, no more than thirty miles from
London, and furrounded within a few miles
by Manſions of both PEERS and COм-
MONS, is the renter of fix or ſeven diftinct
and Separate Farms in the fame Pariſh, (that
66
originally

[ 98 ]
originally and within a few years paft fup-
ported as many families); the dwelling
houfes of all which, are in a ftate of the ut-
moft defolation, and the once happy neigh-
bourhood become depopulate, to gratify
the avarice, and moft inhuman penury of
a Character that is univerfally admitted,
where known, a difgrace to Human Nature,
Having thus concifely recited the Fact, I
fhall proceed to ftate the confequence fo far
as it appertains to the fubject before us, and
tends to affect either the good or evil of
Community, Confidering it gradationally,
we may firſt take into confideration his be-
ing almoft perpetually in the Office of Over-
feer, for either one Farm, or another; and
as in proportion to his Rent, he pays from
Thirty to Five and Forty Pounds to each
rate, which occurring conftantly three and
often four times in the year, cuftom and
the

[ 99 ]
the unrelenting cruelty of his difpofition
having prompted him to believe fuch dif-
burſement is a great impofition under the
fanction of Law, and that it is abfolutely
money unjustly taken out of his own poc-
ket, it will be no arduous taſk to conceive
how luxuriously the Poor fubfift under fuch
protection. Paffing this flight furvey with
only an oblique view of its various and con-
comitant ills, we naturally revert to the
dreary habitations defolate and decaying,
where fome few years fince lived Families
in repute and a ſcene of happineſs, upon the
rented produce of an hundred Acres. Each
ſpot that produced its Calves, Pigs, Butter,
Geefe, Ducks, Fowls, and Eggs for the
Neighbouring Market, is now the allotted
habitation of one of his own wretched la-
bourers, not only at an exorbitant rent,
(and that deducted from his labor weekly)
but with the uncharitable appendage of not
being

[100]
being permitted to keep a fingle animal, or
Fowl to affift in fupporting his Family, leaft
it fhould derive any part of its fubfiftence
from the barn door of this OPPRESSIVE,
CRUEL, UNRELENTING Tyrant.
doMy Lords and Gentlemen, I am exceed,
ingly forry to be under the neceffity of de-
fcending to fuch minutiæ, not more for the
purpoſe of being perfectly underflood;
than to eftabliſh beyond the doubt of the
moft incredulous reader, the certainty of a
conftantly increafing Poor; as well as to in-
troduce one of the many reafons for the ad-
vanced price of provifions, a circumftance
equally unprecedented and alarming. For
in thefe defolate dwellings, there are now
none of thoſe articles produced that I have
already defcribed;
and upon enquiry at the
different fpots for the once contented and
happy People that inhabited the houſe and

S
fertilized

[101]
fertilized the land; we find that fome few
are become labourers in the adjoining dif
tricts, and others wretchedly indigent re-
ceiving alms from the very PARISH RATE
to which they formerly contributed. This
well known fact, too firmly fubflantiated to
doubt, too gloomy to enlarge upon, being
fubmitted with all its various fimilitudes,
probable inferences, and inevitable confe-
quences to your confideration; I return to
the great and powerful body of your ene-
mies THE POACHERS, whofe recruiting
parties have been fo amply fupplied at all
times, from that group of ftarvelings, (the
neceffitous laboring Poor) that I have fo
fully defcribed. too of
1p, bhome to notevoliq to
But, My Lords and Gentlemen, juft at
this critical juncture, favored “AT ALL
POINTS," as if my own Affertions were not
of fufficient weight to attract your attention,
and

[ 102 ]
and obtain your belief; the " Affociation
for the Prefervation of The Game, kindly
and voluntarily ftep forward in my fupport,
and enable me to lay before you, the copy
of an Advertiſement taken verbatim from a
Public Newſpaper bearing date, Nov. 10,
1792.
"GAME ASSOCIATION."
"The Noblemen and Gentlemen of the
Affociation for the Prefervation of THE
GAME ALL OVER ENGLAND, are defired
to meet at the houfe of William Devon in
Red Lyon Square," (on five different days
therein ſpecified) "to confider of means for
the better prefervation of Game, and of
carrying into execution the feveral ftatutes
made for the punishment of POACHERS,
and other unlawful deftroyers thereof."

Late
My

[ 103 J
My Lords and Gentlemen, this awful
Mountain in Labor, this terrific denuncia-
tion of vengeance, this fublime, this inimi-
table Idea of "preferving the Game ALL
OVER ENGLAND," by a meeting in Red
Lyon Square, has fomething fo truly laugh-
able, fo greatly ridiculous, and fo admira-
bly calculated to excite the rifible emotions,
that it requires fome refolution to return
feriously to an inveſtigation of the fubject
before us. I have already in my prefatory
addrefs "lamented the degeneracy of the
Times to prompt, and error in judgment to
permit, the inftitution of A LAW in the
BRITISH SENATE, merely to trumpet forth
(in every corner of the Kingdom) its own
imbecility." And I here appeal to the feel-
ings of the moſt enlightened, as well as the
moft difintereſted, whether fuch Advertiſe-
ment, and from a channel fo well informed
01
and ſo truly authentic, (conftituting within
sib
itſelf

[104]
itfelf a criterion to decide by) is not an im-
plied acknowledgment, a palpable confir-
mation from high Authority, of all the facts
I have prefumed to ftate for Parliamentary
confideration. In my humble conception, it
is the very
66
TRUMPET OF IMBECILITY,"
I had fo forcibly predicted, that it totally pre-
cludes the neceffity of farther demonftration;
for it literally admits the infufficiency of the
Laws, (in the difficulty of enforcing them);
the unreftrained practices and unpuniſhed
depredations of the POACHERS; the unpre-
cedented ſcarcity of The Game, and laftly
the impending "ANNIHILATION." Hav-
ing prefumed to introduce thus much upon
the unparalleled power and excellence of
this inftitution, and adverting retrofpec-
tively to the fruitless efforts of the Affocia-
tion for a ſeries of years, in their loudly
proclaimed endeavours to oppofe and fup-
prefs the predominant practice, and incre-
212
dible

[105]
dible havock of their Nocturnal Opponents;
more than a fingle prophetic addition will
be unneceffary. Oppofe the cunning of
one, to the wISDOM of the other, and let
Futurity proclaim the VICTORY.
My Lords and Gentlemen, it is an addi-
tional gratification, highly flattering to the
original motive of this Repreſentation, that
juft at the critical moment of conclufion, the
following advertiſement fhould find its way
into the Public Papers under fanction of
Official Authority, as if intentionally and
moft liberally introduced to corroborate my
Affertions and confirm the FACTS.
Stamp Office, Reading, Berks. Nov. 17, 1792."
"His Majefty's Commiffioners of the
Stamp Duties, having received pofitive in-
formation, that the Game Certificate Duty
M
is

[ 106 ]
is greatly evaded in many parts of this
County, have given directions that Profecu-
tions fhall be commenced againſt all fuch
who have attempted to evade the Law by
omitting to take out proper Certificates.
And in order to give effect to fuch enquiry,
particular reference will be had to the Lift
of all thofe who took out Certificates in the
years, 1784, and 1785, and if it fhould be
found that any perfon has killed, or deftroy-
ed Game, or endeavoured fo to do this fea-
fon, without taking out the Certificate re-
quired by Law, the penalties will be fued
for forthwith, in the Court of Exchequer.
And notice is hereby given, that from and
after the 1ft. of Dec. next (unleſs the
proper Certificates are before that time ta-
ken out) the enquiry alluded to will im-
mediately take place, and any information
exhibited before a Magiftrate of the Coun-
ty, or any fuit inftituted in any of his
Majefty's

[107]
Majefty's Courts at Weftminfter, will be
fupported by his Majefty's Commiffioners
of the Stamp Duties; the Diftributor of
the Stamp Office, and the Deputy Clark
of the Peace for the County, having receiv-
ed particular directions for that purpoſe."
Having taken the liberty to render fuch
terrific Advertiſement applicably fubfervi-
ent to my preſent purpoſe, it would prove
the height of ingratitude to bury it in obli-
vion, without fome few of the remarks, to
which its fublimity of diction, and abſtruſi-
ty of defign is fo eminently éntitled. Whe-
ther thoſe under whofe official inftruction
it was promulgated, meant moft to compli-
ment the Abilities of the MINISTER in pro-
pofing; the WISDOM of PARLIAMENT in
confirming; or the felf confeffed IMBECILITY
of the LAWS they feem fo ftrenuous to
enforce I am yet to learn. But if I may
M 2
be

[ 108 ]
be permitted in fuch ftate of uncertainty
to hazard an opinion, I muſt confeſs myſelf
powerfully prompted to believe the Adver-
tiſement is moſt admirably calculated to ex-
cite and obtain an equal proportion of indif-
ference and contempt, with the Laws that
have occafioned it. To analize, diffect and
explain, the intent and effect of fuch Mi-
nifterial, or Official menace, would be only
to go over the fame ground, and to intro-
duce the fame proofs that have been ſo pro-
phetically anticipated, and are now fo feri-
ously acknowledged from the very fountain-
head of Authority. I fhall therefore con-
tent myſelf with a contemptuous allufion,
to the fterile Idea of "referring to the Lifts
of 1784, and 1785" (fo evidently and ju-
diciously reduced); thereby holding out a
kind of compulſory injunction, that it is
expected thofe who become dupes to fo in-
effectual a Law in the first inftance, (for
reafons

[109]
reafons fo fully and repeatedly explained)
are to renew their folly in compliance with
the Oppreffive dictates of Official dignity,
after they have moft prudently emancipated
themſelves from the fhackles of Tyranny,
and founded their reformation and practice
upon the bafis of EQUITY and SELF PRE-
SERVATION.
My Lords and Gentlemen, having ex-
patiated upon proofs far beyond my origi-
nal intention, it becomes perfectly in point
to obferve; if the Game is ftill an object
worthy National Confideration, the prefent
unprecedented deftruction, and threatened
annihilation muſt be fpeedily averted by fuch
means of liberal accommodation to the Pub-
lic, as may reconcile every Man's opinion
to the common caufe; promoting by an
UNION OF INTERESTS, what it is palpably
evident can never be effected by Official
threats,
M 3

[110]
threats, or Minifterial compulfion. Every
degree of information, every extent of ex-
perience for a ſeries of years, muſt have
convinced not only Parliament, but every
rational Man in the Kingdom, that no di-
minution of POACHERS can be expected
from a dread of Punishment; that Idea has
proved too long delufive to be entitled to
the moſt diftant reflection. Having pre-
fumed to recommend to your attention fuch
ftatement of FACTS as are beyond the pow
er of confutation; it may perhaps be ex-
pected by fome, I fhould premife or propofe
fuch remedy, as may at leaft mitigate fymp-
toms, and foften the feverity of diſeaſe,
Whatever may be my own private opinion,
(the effect of many years' obfervation and
intercourſe with the clafs of people, who
confider themſelves more immediately ag-
grieved by the letter and fpirit of thefe Laws)
it is impoffible, I can affume dictatorial con-
fequence

[ 111 ]
fequence fufficient to offer plans for adop-
tion, in direct oppofition to the combined
wiſdom and efforts of Parliament; whofe
conjoint decrees upon this fubject have
proved fo NOTORIOUSLY INEFFECTUAL.
My Lords and Gentlemen, there can be
little doubt but a difintereſted Man, looking
calmly into the prefent Laws, and their ac-
knowledged effect in the deftruction of
Game, (totally divefted of every perfonal
confideration) would be induced to believe;
the only probable means of retrieving the
dreadfully reduced ftock, would be to adopt
one year of general prohibition, in which-
no Game whatever fhould be killed, but
in fuch certain PRESERVED DISTRICTS,
PARKS, DOMAINS, and by fuch perfons as
Parliament in its deliberations might deem
it prudent or neceffary to permit, and by
fuch as are most likely to prevent deception.
M 4
The

[ 112 ]
The Game being with fo flight a degree of
Self denial to the Sporting world thus in-
creaſed, its prefervation (or rather its fup-
port) becomes the fecondary object of con-
fideration; and confident I am, it muſt be
evidently clear to every intelligent and en-
lightened obferver, that no plan whatever
can be fo likely to reduce the number of
POACHERS, or to reftrain their power of
depredation, as to convert the body of their
numerous friends and abettors in every part
of the Kingdom. This can only be effected
by holding out fuch fair, candid, and equi-
table terms to the Public in general, as will
render POACHING not only a fervice of
danger, but of no Emolument, more par-
ticularly when every Man feels himfelf pro-
portionally intereſted in the detection; and
as the effect muft gradually (if not totally)
fubfide, as the excitement is taken away,
there cannot be the leaft doubt entertained,
but

[ 113 ]
but POACHING like many other things
muft inevitably decline, when there is no
caufe for encouragement to the practice.
My Lords and Gentlemen, before I take
a final leave of the fubject before us, it
may
not be inapplicable to obferve for the infor-
mation of the "Affociation for the Prefer-
vation of The Game ALL OVER ENG-
LAND," as well as the "Commiffioners of
his Majefty's Stamp Office;" how little af
fiftance, they are at any time, likely to de-
rive from the COUNTRY GENTLEMEN,
either againſt the moſt defperate well known
Poachers, or that multiplicity who fo con-
ftantly make their excurfions with a Gun
but (in defiance of this terrible law) with-
out A CERTIFICATE. Thefe Gentlemen
well know, that to carry into execution
fuch Tyrannic injunctions they muſt en-
counter unpleaſant and innumerable diffi-
culties,

[ 114 ]
culties, and it is not readily to be believed
that a MAGISTRATE poffeffing the inhe-
rent virtue of his Anceſtors, with whoſe
GENEROSITY and UNSULLIED HOSPITA-
LITY the Village has for Ages refounded;
and the affection of whofe Friends, Tenants,
Neighbours and Dependents, is his great-
eft glory will hazard the foundation of
fuch fubftantial, fuch HEART-FELT HAP;
PINESS, by profecuting, or perfecuting ei-
ther, for the paltry confideration of PHEA-
SANT, HARE, or PARTRIDGE, in com-
pliment to Parliamentary interdiction, when
to the whole breed of either, he does not per-
haps PERSONALLY annex the leaft intrin-
fic eftimation,


My Lords and Gentlemen, would my
prefent inceffant engagements permit me to
enlarge upon the fubject to its utmoſt ex-
tent; much well founded matter might be

urged

[115]
urged in favor of a Tax upon Dogs fo uni-
verfally courted, and fo obftinately refuſed.
This all claffes agree would prove a Tax
POPULAR, EQUITABLE, PERMANENT and
EFFECTIVE; a Tax upon the confiftency
of which, every thing may be advanced,
by thofe in the habits of obfervation, or ge-
neral Affociation. It may be fairly con-
cluded, that the Minifter's objection to the
adoption of a Tax, fo publicly courted
and unanimouſly approved, has arifen from
an ill founded doubt of its becoming effec-
tive; and that he has fuppofed, or been
taught to believe, the intent might be coun-
teracted by a rapid deftruction of the fpe-
cies, to avoid the payment of fo EQUITA-
BLE and OPTIONAL A TAX,
That ſome ſpeedy executions might fol-
low, (and with the greateſt propriety) I
readily admit; for we ſhould then begin to
feel

[ 116 ]
feel its good effect in part, by the much
wished for deftruction of thofe village yelp-
ing Curs that fo inceffantly affail and fur-
prife the horſes of unfufpecting Travellers,
by which dreadful injuries have been fome-
times fuftained, Some few more predomi-
nant reafons might be likewife introduced,
to juſtify the general utility of fuch Tax if
adopted. As for inftance the number of
perfons who conftantly fuffer from the bites
of thefe Animals, and for a long time labor
under that moſt dreadful anxiety and ap-
prehenfion of the HYDROPHOBIA or Ca-
nine Madneſs: which certainly occurs more
frequently than formerly, in confequence
of the incredible increaſe of the moft ufeless
and offenfive part of the Species. As well
as the injury the Game may have annually
fuftained, by the babbling curs that con-
ftantly attend the labourers and their fami-
lies to the Fields in the time of Hay-making
and

[ 117 ]
and Harveft, to the certain deftruction of
birds unable to fly, or leverets to eſcape.
Alluding once more to the before mention-
ed apprehenfion of a general maffacre, I
cannot afford room for the indulgence of fo
unnatural an Idea; nor will I condefcend
to think any human form capable of enter-
taining fuch a premeditated act of cruel re-
fentment. But feeling for others as I feel
myſelf, with a heart open to all the little
tender affiduities that officioufly preſent
themſelves to plead the caufe of a faithful
domeftic unable to plead his own, I will not
ſuppoſe it poffible; rather fubmitting to the
more generous dictates of humanity, that
prompt me to believe, the very great majo-
rity of us are not fo depraved as to become
both judges and executioners where we
know no crime, and put a period to the ex-
iftence of thofe Animals, whofe ATTACH-
MENT, FIDELITY and GRATITUDE, fur-
niſh

[ 118 ]
nifh moft admirable leffons for even our
own imitation.
My Lords and Gentlemen, I am forry
to be under the neceffity of making con-
feffion, that from prefent difcouraging ap-
pearances, and the obftinate inflexibility that
feems annexed to the favourite penal fyftem
of thefe Laws, I have reafon to believe eve-
ry exertion on THE PART OF THE PEO-
PLE will, from a want of MINISTERIAL
FAVOR, DISINTERESTED PATRONAGE, or
PATRIOTIC ASSISTANCE, be fuffered to
fink into its original obfcurity. But My
Lords and Gentlemen, I muſt be permit-
ted to indulge an opinion, that had fuch
OF FACTS, fuch a
an ACCUMULATION
chain of indifputable evidence arifen in
another quarter, amidſt that herd of fer-
vile fycophants that ever furround a Mi-
NISTER, the plan of reformation would
have

[119]
have had very little oppofition to en-
counter in the prefent period of FASHI-
ONABLE PLIABILITY, when fo much is
(without the leaft reluctance) fubmitted to
the INCREASING INFLUENCE OF THE
CROWN, and fo little to the patient hopes
and boafted Freedom of THE PEOPLE.
FINIS.


Genuine HORSE MEDICINES
PREPARED BY
WILLIAM TAPLIN, SURGEON,
(Author of "The Gentleman's Stable Directory," 2Vols)
At his MEDICAL DISPENSARY,
AND SOLD BY
Peake and Harvey, Chymifts to her Majefty, No.,
27, Haymarket, Kearsley, No. 46, Fleet-Street,
and no where elſe in London.
Hazard, Bath
1
Browne, Briftol
Trewman, Exeter
Phillips, Leiceſter
Holl, Worceſter
Sandford, Shrewsbury.
Hodfon, Cambridge
Billinge, Liverpool
Raikes, Gloucefter
Lawrance & Co. Oxford
Adams, Loughbro'
Blakeney, Windfor
Cook, Farnham
Norths, Brecknock
Jackfon, Dartmouth
Bailey, Calne
Wetton, Chertsey,
Smith, Bedford
Liddell, Bodmin
Marſhall, Lynn
Hedges, Thame
Eafton, Saliſbury
Briftow, Canterbury
Clachar, Chelmsford
Gedge, Bury
Goadby&C. Sherborne
Newcomb, Stamford
Gillman, Rochefter
Burnham, Northampton
Payn, Saffron-Walden
Gumm, Guildford
Whitgreave, Stourbridge
Williams & C°. Swanfea
De Lamotte, Weymouth
Fuller, Newbury
Boult, Egham
Allnutt, Maidenhead
Norbury, Brentford
Newbury, Benfon
Lanyon, Loftwithiell
And one Agent in moft Cities and Towns fo foon as an
Arrangement of fuch extent can be properly formed.
N

TAPLIN'S HORSE MEDICINES.
Mild Purging Balls,
Stronger ditto,
-
-
1s. 6d. each.
2S.
1
2S.
Mild Mercurial Purging Balls,
Stronger ditto,
-
1
Cordial Rhubarb Purging Balls
Purging Balls for Worms
1
-
Mild Diuretic Balls for Cracks,
2s. 6d.
Scratches, Hidebound, or 6s. per dozen.
fluctuating Humours
Stronger ditto, for perceptible
Foulneſs, Defects of the Eyes,
Swelled Legs, and Greaſe
Pectoral Cordial Balls, for re-
cent Colds or Coughs, and to
be given after fevere Chafes
and long Journies
-
1
Pectoral Detergent Balls for ob-
ftinate Coughs, or Afthmatic
and Thick Winded Horfes
Fever Balls
1
1
J
8s.
8s.
9s.
1s. 6d. each.

Balls for Loofenefs or Scouring 1s. 6d.
Balls for the Flatulent Cholic or
Fret
M
Ditto for the Inflammatory Cholic,
or Gripes
-
Ditto for the Stranguary, or Sup-
preffion of Urine
25.
28.

-
1
1s. 6d.
3s. per pot.
Bliftering Ointment for Lameneſs,
Spavins, Splents, or Curbs
1
Embrocation

TAPLIN'S HORSE MEDICINES.
Embrocation for Lamenefs or Strains 2s. 6d. per bot.
Alterative Powders, for Cracks,
Scratches, Surfeit, Hidebound, 4s. per doz.
Mange, or Greafe
·
-
J
THE almoſt unprecedented portion of public
favor that has fan&tioned the appearance of " The
Gentleman's Stable Directory," and rendered the
publication of the eleventh Edition unavoidably ne-
ceffary, within the fpace of three years, may be
candidly confidered the incontrovertible criterion
of its utility. The very flattering marks of appro-
bation that have reached the Author, from fome
of the moſt diſtinguiſhed Characters, added to the
preffing perfuafions of others equally high in the
Sporting World, have at length induced him to
render the whole a complete chain of convenience
to the Kingdom in General, by the perfonal pre-
paration of his moft efficacious prefcriptions, a plan
fo evidently calculated to eradicate the
very foun-
dation of EMPIRICAL IMPOSITION, and MEDI-
CAL ADULTERATION, that he cannot indulge a
doubt, but the promotion of a general good, will
be honored with the ſtamp of PUBLIC APPROBA-
TION.
He begs to add his moft grateful acknowledg-
ments to the many eminent Characters, from whom
he

TAPLIN'S HORSE MEDICINES.
he has received permiffion of reference for the ef-
ficacy of his Medicines; and that every plan may
be adopted to render the arrangement more accep-
table, he wishes it to be univerfally known, that
Gentlemen refiding in remote parts of the Coun-
try, who are defirous of keeping a fmall Affort-
ment of Medicines for unforeſeen emergencies,
may always poffefs the privilege of exchanging
them for new preparations, at any feafon of the
Year, provided the Characteristic Seal has not
been broken.
MR. TAPLIN, at the inftigation and requeft of
many diftinguifhed Characters for whom he has
executed Equeftrian Commiffions of the firft im-
portance; propoſes appropriating to the ſervice of
the Public, the firft MONDAY and TUESDAY
in every Month, either in his advice upon the
defects and difeafes of HORSES, or to render affif-
tance in both BUYING and SELLING. NOBLE-
MEN and GENTLEMEN tranfmitting their com-
mands in the intermediate time, addreffed to him
at his Agents, PEAKE AND HARVEY, No. 27,
Haymarket; or Kearfley's, No. 46, Fleet Street;
will infure his punctual Attendance on thofe days,
at any time and place, they may do him the honor
to appoint.
MAY 9
Nov. 20. 1792.
1917

L



6094

02
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 07380 7789
HT
1162
.A16
308499
An abstract of the
evidence delivered
before a select
committee...