*ė ¿ř: -¿áſ šș** 、 § ¿№ſſſſſſſſſſ IIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII!!!!！·|----;-;-№ſſae traer， ºstaeae ºſeaeaeaeae aeaeae\\Š→|-■■■■ ■！"■§§ JIT||||||||||||||||||||||||[[ÌÍÎÏÏĪĪĪĪĪĪİIĮĮĶ fºllº hiſtº gº moś ºrinitiºn t; SUN SºCºMUACAAJ AERispºsº, º illinºiſſilſ BEQUEATHED BY CLASS OF 1884, THOMAS SPENCER JEROME ..ou intrºllinurºn filliºtt al-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º: sºº-ºº: EN.- - ºr º ſiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiſiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii →, ， ， , ; ' ’ , ！--|-- |----- -· , !·- --|-· ---- -{|-~-|-- } |-* ， , *&-|---* -* * ·,- ×- * » . . " 4 º ſ. »†.*#* * , º.# ： ;--·----- �-- -*¿.r * į. ~ ！- |- #**|-- * …* |-« ș* →p , ！|-i * -*s -·*… * ... ** ‘. # * ** x+... % is $ * * - - . - THE COMEDIES OF ARISTOPHANES IN SIx VOLUMES VOL. I AcH. 3, ſ - 3. * = ... - . . . * --- ºr-. . . . . . . . . . . . . . … -ār- - - - - - " ' ". . . . . . – -- . . . . .-----—------ i . - - - * * - ºf. * -- OXFORD : HORACE HART PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY AFIXTO ºf ANOTX KQMOIAIAI lº COMEDIES OF ARISTOPHANES EDITED, TRANSLATED AND EXPLAINED BY - 26 ) # * * BENJAMIN BICKLEY ROGERS VOL. I I. THE ACHARNIANS II. THE KNIGHTS LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS I9IO - r—- - - * - 2. Z. * . . . . . . . . . . . . ve, a 227 e - Aº & .3 A’ A. : 2 A PIX TO q> A NO Y > B I O I I1. 'Aptoſtopóvms 6 kopºćotrotos Tarpès pièv fiv Piximirov, Tô & yévos 'A6mvaſos, Tóv Šmplov * Kvěaômvate's, IIavôtovíðos puxſis. §s mpáros ôokeſ riv kopečíav ćrt TAavouévmu Tà épxaſ, dyoyà étt rôxpnguóre- pov koi oreplvórepov pleTayayetv, trukpórepov kai alaxpórepov Kpatívov kai EðróAtôos 8Aao pmploëvrov i öst, trpáros & kai rās véas kopºp- ôtas rôv Tpótov ćiréðelčev čv Tó KokáNº. 9, §§ of Tºv 3px;|v A26ópevot Mévavěpás Te Kai Pixiptov č8paparotºpymaſav. et)\aftºs & opóðpo. yevöplevos Tºv dipx?iv ćNAos Te kai et pums tº pièv trpóra Ślą Ka}\Al- orpſárov kai pukovíðov * ka0íet épápara. Ötö kai éakotrov atrów 2 3. 'Aptoſtóvvpiós re kai Apuetytas, retpóði Aéyovres yeyovévau, karð tºw trapoupiſov, &AAous Trovoſivta 9. * This is the recognized “Greek Life of Aristophanes.” It is given in the text, except where otherwise men- tioned, exactly as it stands in W. It appears, with some modifications, in the Editio Princeps, and generally in the printed editions which contain any life of the poet. Its authority is very slight; the writer seems to have had access to few independent sources of information, and to have derived his facts mainly from the Comedies them- selves and the Greek scholia; though C. F. Ranke, in his “De Aristophanis vita Commentatio, Leipsic 1846,” chap. vii, certainly goes too far in denying that he had access to any other authority whatever. €/ V M 3 * 2 a to repov & kai airós #yovía aro. * rov &nuov Aldus, rôv 8%pov V. * See on this subject the Introduction to the Plutus, p. xxiii in vol. vi of this edition. * The writer does not mean, as some have supposed, that Callistratus and Philonides were engaged together in his earliest plays: his first three plays were brought out in the name of Calli- stratus; Philonides appears for the first time in the Rehearsal which com- peted with the Wasps. After that it was sometimes one and sometimes the other; never both together. * Terpáðt yewovéval' rôv ‘Hpak\éa baai Terpáðt yeyéoréal, kai trpárov čvöočov čvra ăNA® raNatropeiv. Aéyera éti Tàu äN\ots Trovoſvrov. Prov. Bodl. 867 and Zenobius 278655 a 3 vi A P IX TO p A NO Y > B I O I . * an $ as 8texópeča as 88 pºtato, KAéovi Tô &mpayoyá kai ypſi\ras kat' attoº M t Af y º Aº y * V *A & “A N. Toës ‘ITTéas, v ois 8teXéyxel attoi Tàs k\otēs kai Tô Tupavvuköv, gº a * T où8evös & Töv okévotrolóv Toxpañolavros to Tpóorotrov attoi, a keväoſal öt ūtrepòoXīv (p68ov, &re 83) Tvpavvukoſ, Švtos, puměč pºv Širokpívao 6aſ X * 1. &’ e * & 'A A. t Af & es *A tlvos toxpióvros ", Öt' éavtod ó Apta Topóvms trekpivoto, atroſſ to A. Af A A 3/ 5 * A Af Z Æ 2 Trpóoroſrov put AT@ Xpío as, kal airlos airó yé yove &mpſos e to Mávrov *, & into Tów in Téov Katečuká00m, 6s pnouv čv Axapueñolv, éyò' ép 6 ye to kéap midpévônv ióðv, ro's Trévre Taxévrous ots KAéov čğuegev. ðuñxópevate 8 airò 6 Aptotopóvns, étrelë) gevios kat' attoſ ypaſp?iv ë6ero, ött & v 8pdplott atroi) BašvXavious Šléga)\e Töv A6mvatov Tès k\mpot&s &px&s Tapóvtov ćévov. Ös éévov Šē airóv čNeye trap 60 ov oi pièv airóv pagwelva, ‘Póðuov 4 &trö Aſvěov, oi & Alytvátmv, a toxo.66- 3. * - Af A ^ M * y A SA pºevot k Toà TAeſoſtov Xpóvov Tós 8tatpuº&s trouéſoróat airóði, ) kai ätt &kéktmro èkefore, kotó tuvos & 6s 8tt ö Tatºp attoſ, pi\tTºros vi. 7 (Gaisford's Paroemiog. pp. 106, 378); Photius, Suidas, Eustathius (on Iliad ii. 612, xxiv. 336; Odyssey v. 262). And see Life II infra. But we are told by both Photius and Suidas that accord- ing to Philochorus the proverb was really drawn from the case of Hermes, who we know was born on the fourth day of the month (see note on Plutus 1126) and was the Šuškovos of Zeus. * This is an erroneous deduction from Knights 280–3. * In the Ravenna MS. and in most MSS. which contain the two plays the Knights is placed before the Achar- nians, as indeed it is in every printed edition before Bekker. The biographer obviously supposed that the Knights was the earlier play of the two ; and hence the topsy-turvydom of his present statement. For in reality Cleon's disgorgement of the five talents was the first event; then followed (at what distance of time we cannot tell) the Acharnians; and, a year later, the Knights. - ° àrt. Both W. and Aldus have kai ôru to the destruction of the sense. ôté8a)\e Aldus. Öté8a)\\e W. Here again, in my opinion, the biographer is in error. The Babylonians was followed by an impeachment before the Council for high treason ; the £evias ypaqai were Cleon's reply to the attack made upon him in the Knights. * I do not know why he was sup- posed to be a Rhodian ; but in my opinion he had Aegimetan blood in his veins. See the Introduction to the Acharnians. A P I XT O p A NOT X B I O I vii Aiyuuñrms. &moxv67vai & airóv eitrövta dateſos ék Töv 'Opañpov Taijto: pairmp pév tº Épé pmol Toà éppevav airãp éyoye oix otö” oi yáp td, Tus éðv yóvov airós àvéyvo [Od. i. 215]. òeūtepov & kai tpírov ovkopavrm6els &mépvye, kal otro pavepās karaoſtaffeis troXírms Katekpārmore tod KAéovos' 86ev pnoſiv airós 5’ uavröv Štó KAéovos &TT' étraffow * êtſo rapal 67) [Acharnians 377] a * &M kai Tà ééñs. ºpaqi & airóv eiðokuplja at ovkopóvras kataMa'avta, oi's 2 ſº &vápagev jiridºovs év ×pméív, Šv oſs pmoliv (line 1039] oi Tois Tarépas àyxov * vöktop kai toys TáTTovs àtrétvvyov, pºtato. 88 mmué6m kai #yatríðm ºró t&v troAttöv og áðpa, Étretë 31& Töv attod ópapićrov čatroëage &eiéal Tºv troXttetov A6mvalov Ós éAev6épa ré ša ri kai Ün' oë8evös rvpdvvov ŠovXayoyoupévm, &AA’ olòe ôtt &muokparia ori kai éAeë6epos &v 6 &mpos &pxel éavroſ. Totºrov obv X&ptu èrmvé0m kai éo teq\avóðm 6ax\63 Tâs ispás Aatas, Ös vevépuotal loſéripos Xpwa & otépávº, eitröv čketva rā āv Toís Batpdxots trepi Tôv dripov, Töv iepov Xopov číkatov troXAá Xpmotă tº TóAet ovutrapawe'v [line 686]. &vopido 6m & dir' attoi), širevö, ävěošov, Tô Hérpov *, Tô 'Aptoſtopávetov. oùros 38 yéyovev ) (pſium toà troumrod ós kai trap& IIéporats Öuſiketv kai Tôv 8aoixéa IIeporóv 5 truv6&ved 6al trap 6trotépous eim Ó kopºpôo- Totós, paaſi è kai IIAátova Atovva tº Tô rvpdvvºp, 8ovXm6évrt plaffeiv tºv A6mvaſov troAtteſov, Trépºral Tºv Aptoſtopóvows troímotu Tàu karð. Xokpátovs év NepéAals karmyopiav, kai oup/30w), eúa'at Tö 8páplato. * 3rr' &maôov Aldus. &rr’ &v ćiračov W. * See the Introduction to the Frogs. In the play itself it is àmaôov, and the * That is, the anapaestic tetramete next line runs étrio rapiat 8ta rāv Tépwort catalectic. Koplºpóiav. * He is taking the jest in Ach. 646– * Tarépas myxov. trarépas airów myxov 51 to be an actual statement of fact. W. Aldus. viii A PIX T O p A NOT X B I O I airod &akm.0évra plaðelv airów Tºw troAireſav. čyévero 8& kai airtos §Nov toſs véous kopukots, Aéyo & Pukňovi kai Mevdivöpp. Nemºpſopia- tos y&p yewopévov xopmytkoú &are piñ Övopaori koppèeſv twä, ärt, kai Töv xopmyóv oëk &vrexévrov trpès to xopmyetv kai Tavrduraoruv čk\e- Aotirvías Tàs i \ms Tāv koppótáv Ště rotºrov airóv (airtov y&p kopºp- 8tas rô a kón retv twds), #ypaye kopſgötav Tuvè *, KókaAov, Év ć eioráyet p6opäv kai dvayvoptopov kai Täx\a trávta & ºffAooſe Mévavôpos. trów & k\exottröros kai rod Xopmyeºv, Tov IIAoûrov ypg | as eis to ðuavatradeoffat të a knvuk& Tpógotra étruypápet Xopoès 8, póeyyáplevos év ékeſvois & kai épôptev toºs véovs otros étriypápovras (#Nº Aptorropó- vovs. v Tottº è Tô 806 part ovvéarmore rô TAñóel Tôv viðv’Apapóra, kai oito perfix)\aše Tov 3ſov, trafõas karaXttröv Tpets, Pixantrov ôpióvvpov tº tróttirq kai Nukóatpatov kai 'Apapóra, 8i oi kai éðiðače Töv IIAoûrov. Tuvès 8° 360 pagi, pâttrirov kai 'Apapóra, &v kai airós épavijo.6m. tiv yuvaſka 6& aloxávopat, Tó t'où Đpovoúvre trauðſo, toos attoos Xéyov. "Eypasſie & 6p3 plata piè", &v duriNéyétat 6' 6s ošk Švra atroń. ëort & Taira IIoímats Navayós Nāoot Níoğls, & Tuves éival épao'av 'Apximirov. * xopmyukov. xopmyot; W. Aldus. uttering some recognized cries, in the * Kappótav rivă. Koppöias rivās W. orchestra. None of the emendations of Aldus. the reading of W. and Aldus are mine ; * xopots. Xopod W. Aldus. I suppose they appear to have been introduced the writer to mean that, after the cessa- silently, some by one editor and some tion of the old choruses, he still kept up by another. the name of the chorus, as dancing, and A P IX T O p A N OT X B I O I ix II 1. 'Aploropávns 6 koppèlorotös paxakpès fiv, Ös adrós pnotiv Eipāvm. ékoppéetro & Ti tº a kón tely pºv Eipitríðmy, pupieto 6a, 6’ airóv. Kparivos - or Öe ris”; kopayás rus épouro 6earis, itroMetroXóyos, yuoptèudºrms, Eöputribaptoroqavſſov. - kai airós & #opoxoyeſ rat Xznvès KaraXapſ?avočoats. Xpópat yöp airoö (bmoi) toà otéparos tº otpoyyúNº, toūs voijs 8' &yopatovs firrov h ’keſvos troué. 'Aptoróvvpios 8 v ‘HAíº Puyoßvri kai Xavvvptov čv Té\ott Terpáði paoriv airóv yewéo 6at, 8to Töv 8tov katérpts/rev ćrépous trovóv. oi y&p Terpáðt yewvöplevot trovoſivres &AAous kapiroño'0at trapéxovatv, Ös kai ‘Pixéxopos év tá Tpárm trepi pepôv iotopeſ' paori yevvmóñval. Taürm & kai ‘Hpak)\fi Tpels 8 axev viot's, Piattritov Tóv roſs Eö806Aov 8pápaolv &yovua duevov, kai 'Apapóra iófous Te Kai Toi tratpès 8páplaat ôum'yovuorapuévov, kai Tpírov čv 'AtroXAóðopos pièv Nukóotpatov kaxeſ, oi 8è trepi Alkatapxov Pixéraipov. Geoyévms 8 v Tó trepi Aiyivns. Eipfivms kokoo'ouköv čáñpev ćya}\pia. Nikaus. * This account is taken from the Scho- lia on Plato's Apology. The Scholiast obviously cherished a sort of good- matured grudge against Aristophanes, and amused himself by collecting all the instances he could find of a jest having been made at the expense of the poet who made a jest of Socrates. But there is no real malice in his remarks, and he has certainly pre- served for us several interesting details which we should not willingly have missed. karek\ſipoore & kal Tºv Aiyuvav, dis Koplºeſrat 8° 3rt kai Tô Tſis EðroXus Aëroxiſkø, IIA&rov * or òe ris; Vulgo ris Sé gé; * eeoyévms. This writer is called Theogenes, as here, by the Scholiast on Pindar's Third Nemean, line 21 eeoyévns ôé év rá, trepi Aiyivns owra ypdºpet; but by Tzetzes at Lycophron's Cassandra, line 176 he is called Theagenes, eeayévns ôé à ‘Ioroptkös év rá trepi Aiyivns pmoiv. The two names are frequently inter- changed. This passage is of some im- portance in determining the person to whom reference is made in Achar- nians 653, 654. X A P IX TO p A NOT X B I O I III 1. 'Apta ropávns ‘Póðtos firot Aivětos (oi & Aiyún'ttov ćpagav, oi & Kapeupéa), 6éorel 8' 'A6mvaſos (étroAttoypaſpijón y&p trap' atrols), kopukös, viðs pixintrov, yeyovos év toſs &yóat katē tºw ptá čXvpurić8a, eiper's roi reſpapérpov kai Ökrapérpov, Taíðas oxêv 'Apapóra, bíAirtrov, Puxéraupov, kopukoús. Tuvès 8 airóv kai diróðovXov iotopff- kaolv. 8pópata 8' attoſ pé’”. &mep 8: Tempóxapev * 'Aptoſtopá- vows 8pápara, Tajra, ’Axapueſs, Bárpaxol, Elpffvn, 'Ekk\matáçovaal, Geopopopudićovo'at, ‘Itſtreſs, Ava totpārm, NepéAat, "Oputóes, IIAoûros, Xpſikes. - IW 4. 'Apta Topóvns 6 kopºètomotös yévet pièv fiv 'Aónvaſos, trarpès & ©uxtraſov, puntpos & Zmvoëópas, Töv 8? &mptov Kvěa.0m vaſos, IIavôtovíðos pv)\fis. tróvv Šē dàv eñdvås kai dyxivovs, étri Toa'oùrov čv véa koutóñ pvil YX 5 g kopitom * This life is from the Lexicon of vimus. In my opinion it is equivalent Suidas, and is by no means a favourable specimen of his biographies. * pè'. The First and Third Lives give forty-four as the number of Comedies written by Aristophanes; the Fourth and the Fifth say fifty-four. But the smaller number is universally accepted, and agrees very closely with the known names of his plays. And of these forty-four, four were supposed to be spurious. See Life I. * Trempáxapev. The meaning of this word is not clear. Kuster proposed to alter it to eipäkapev. Hemsterhuys (as the name Hemsterhuis is commonly written in English) translated it tracta- to our word published, and means that Suidas put out a MS. containing these eleven plays. These are the very eleven plays which have come down to us; and I suspect that our knowledge of Aristophanes rests upon this MS. of Suidas. The date of Suidas is unknown; and it is quite possible, though perhaps not very likely, that our Ravenna M.S. is in the handwriting of Suidas or his assistants. * This life is written by Thomas Magister. Of the Platonic epigram with which it concludes, I ventured to prefix to the Introduction to the Eccle- siazusae the following translation:— The Graces sought a heavenly shrine which ne'er Shall come to nought, And in thy soul, Immortal Poet, found The shrine they sought. A PIX T O J A NOT X B I O I xi tfi Auktz et 8okiumaev čv koppôtats, és of pièvov toos kat' airów, 3ÅA& kai roës ºrpè airod tirepāpat: pāA\ov 8 of 8& Toſs étruytyvopévois trapſikev ÚtrepòoXºv, &AA& kai roßTovs pietà troXX00 toſſ trepuévros trapſi\6ev. otikovv ćve pavn ris to repov Apta topável trapataffortos. ôté toàro kai trap& roſs 8aakāvous atroſs détoiral 6aſparos. 8pá- plata 8° 3’ trpès toſs v' yéypapev, &mavra sipovoſtas kai X&piros'Attukňs pleató kai Tretëovra toys &kočovtas 6avpudićeuv te kai kporeſv. oito ôè toà Tâs troAttefas orvpupépovros étroteſto Aóyov, Ös plmöéva Tóv émi tàs Aapirpás Túxms of 8étrore &moaxéo 6at Tod aſkóirretv, ei dèukoúvros #orðeto. 66ev ka? Tºv trappmaríav airoij Šećtóres oi rotoirot perptovs opós attoºs trapetyou dei kai Tô  AvoriteAoûvras. Éaxe & y viot's, biXttrirov, Nukóatparov kai Apapóra, daroğavóvro. 8 otro IIX&rov ëtiumgev čv étriypáppart poexeyeſpº ai Xápures, répevós Tu Aagely 6trepoix. Teorefrat £ntoãoat, JrvXīv etpov 'Apiaroqāvows. W 1. a 2 'Apta topóvns Buxttirov 'A6mvaſos, pakpoxoyöratos 'A6mvaſov, kai eighvig tróvtas Šmepaipov, (mA6v & Eöpitríðmu, toſs & piéAeol Aertóre- pos. 8tóaše & Tpótos étri &pxovros Alotſuov Ště KaNAuotpátov. Tès pºv y&p troXttukës toūrq) qaqiv airóv 8186val, T& 8é kat' Edputtièov kai Xokpátovs pixovièm. Ště & Toijro vopuorffels áya.06s troumrås toës Aoitroës entypogópevos évíka. Émetta Tó vić, Č8íčov tá, épápara, Övto: Töv &puépôv v8' &v v66a, 6’. * This is extracted from the article The chief emendation étri àpxovros Avo- trepi koppôtas (in the Prolegomena of ripov for étri àpxovros Pikoripov is due to Aldus), as emended by various scholars. Clinton, Fasti Hellenici anno 427 B.C. ARISTOPHANES TO HIS READERS All evil thoughts and profane be still; far hence, far hence from our choirs depart Who knows not well what the Mystics tell, or is not holy and pure of heart. FROGS 354, 355. i THE ACHARNT ANS OF ARISTOPHANES ACH. b APIXTO'BANOTS AXAPNEIS THE ACHARNIANS OF ARISTOPHANES ACTED AT ATHENS AT THE LENAEAN FESTIVAL, B.C. 425 THE GREEK TEXT REVISED WITH A TRANSLATION INTO CORRESPONDING METRES INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY By BENJAMIN BICKLEY ROGERS, M.A., Hon. D.Litt. BARRISTER-AT-LAW SOMETIME FELLOW AND NOW HONORARY FELLOW OF WADHAM COLLEGE, OXFORD LONDON : GEORGE BELL & SONS I9IO IN T R O D U C TI O N IN the Lenaean Dionysia of the year 427 B.C. three plays, as usual, competed for the prize of Comedy. One of the three, called the “Banqueters” (Aaraxeis), was brought out in the name of Callistratus. But everybody knew that it was not his own composition; everybody knew that it was the work of a new writer, whose name has from that day to this been much in men's mouths, ARISTOPHANES the son of Philippus. This was the commencement of the poet's dramatic career; and we have every reason to believe that he commenced it at an unusually early age; v véq kopičfi ră îAuktg", says one authority; when he was oxe60w petpakſakos, says another. I take the words oxečöv pleupaktokos to mean little more than a getpaktorkos. And as the term usupéktov denotes a youth ** in the later teens or the early twenties,” the Scholiast would hardly have used those words had he conceived the poet to have been, when he wrote the Banqueters, more than 25 years of age. We may therefore assume that, according to the Scholiast, Aristophanes was not over 25 in February, 427, and consequently was not born before February, 452. And I do not think that we can fix his age more precisely than this. It has indeed been frequently suggested that some light is thrown upon the matter by a single line in the existing Parabasis of the Clouds”, or * £v vég koutóñ rà Nikiq sièokiumaev čv koppêials.-Thomas Magister. See Life IV at the commencement of this volume, oxeóðv pleupakiorkos jôm juſtero róv dyðvøv.– Scholiast on Frogs 501. * See a learned and instructive article by Dr. A. A. Bryant on “Boyhood and Youth in the days of Aristophanes.”—Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, xviii, p. 75. * This Parabasis must have been written many years after the exhibition of the Clouds in 423 B.C., since it not only mentions the Maricas of Eupolis (exhibited 421 B.C., see Scholiast on Clouds 552), but adds that the attack which Eupolis vi INTRO DUCTION rather by a gloss' of extremely doubtful value upon line 510 of that play. There Aristophanes is speaking of himself as a mother, and of the “Banqueters” as his child, and he says that he exposed the infant, and another girl took it up to rear; and he gives as a reason for his unnatural conduct trap6évos yöp ºr ºv, kočk ééfiv Tó plot tekéïv. Now taking the line as it stands, I should suppose the poet to be comparing himself to an unmarried maiden who had never borne, and could not rightly bear, a child. But the author of the “ Gloss. Victor.” takes quite a different view. The words oëk ééñv tekéſy are, in his opinion, not confined to the tap6évos metaphor, but refer to an actual legal disability imposed on the poet himself. “For there was a law”,” says he, “among the Athenians, that no person under 30 years of age should recite a drama in the theatre" (Öpâpa &vaywórketv čv tº 6eárpº, a strange expression) “ or speak in the public Assembly. In obedience to this law therefore the poet, not being yet 30 years of age, recited to the theatre through the agency of Philonides and Callistratus the Comedies he had himself composed.” Now if this statement were correct, Aristophanes must have been over 30 when, in 424 B.C., he exhibited the Knights in his own name, and over 27 when, three years earlier, he exhibited the Banqueters in the name of Callistratus. But wherever Vettori may have picked up this gloss, if indeed he did not compose it himself, it is altogether unworthy of credence. The idea that the privilege of there delivered upon Hyperbolus had been subsequently repeated, almost ad nauseam, by Hermippus and other Comedians. - * Not one of the authentic scholia on the great MSS., but one of the so-called “Victor Glosses,” “being glosses excerpted from the notes which the Italian scholar Petrus Victorius (Pietro Wettori) entered in his copy of the Aldine Aristo- phanes now preserved in Munich.”—Dr. Earnest Cary, in an interesting article on “Victorius and Codex F of Aristophanes" in vol. 37, p. 199 of the Transactions of the American Philological Association. * vôpos fiv'Aónvaious piñwo ruvā Śrów A' yeyovára piñre 8papa dvayuvéokeuv čv 6edrpg, piñre &mumyopetv. rotirº ré vépiº Kai 6 Kopukös obros eipyäpevos trpárepov Ště rô pi, Tptakovraerºs ért intápxeuv trotºv Špápara övå pixoviðov kai KaNNuorpárov diveyivookev sis rô 6éarpov. In the Aldine edition a similar statement is made on Clouds 530, but that seems to have been written by the editor, and is not found in modern editions of the Scholia. IN T R O DU C T ION vii speaking in the public Assembly was confined to citizens over 30 years of age is absolutely unfounded; see the Commentary on Eccl. 130 and Schömann, De Comitiis i. 10. And as to the dramatic performances, we must remember that the Archon selected for the public competition the three Comedies which he considered the best; and is it believable that the Athenians would have been debarred, or rather would have debarred themselves, from listening to (it may be) the very best Comedy of the year because its author was only 29 years of age 2 Then again, in the Knights this very question is put, Why had not the poet previously asked for a Chorus in his own name? How easy it would have been for him to answer, if the fact were so, The law forbade me. But no; no such thought ever occurs to him ; he gives as his reason That in his opinion the Comic poet's business is the most difficult thing in the world; kapıçöoötöaakaAſav etva, XaAetróratov Špyov štávrov, and that he was too modest, oréqpov, to put himself forward at first. His very excuse shows that had he chosen to apply for a Chorus there was nothing to prevent his obtaining one. No doubt a competitor was required to be an Athenian citizen, and must therefore have been of sufficient age to be entered on the roll of citizenship; but this was the only limit. We may dismiss from our minds all idea of a law fixing the age at which, and not before which, an Athenian citizen was qualified to compete at the Dionysian festivals. Critics who are willing to make bricks without straw have amused themselves by guessing the particular year in which Aristophanes was born. Several of these guesses, ranging over the decade from 454 to 444 B.C., are given by Mr. Roland G. Kent in the Classical Review, xix. 153. He does not, however, quote K. O. Müller's opinion, a writer to whose opinions I myself am accustomed to attach a paramount value. Müller in his History of Greek Literature places the birth of Aristophanes at 452 B.C. or thereabouts, a date which chimes in very well with what * Bergk too, in his preliminary note to the Fragments of Aristophanes in Meineke's Fragm.Com. Graec., expresses, though on different grounds, his disbelief in the existence of any such law. viii IN T R O D U CTION has already been said. Not that I have any idea of guessing that year, or any other year, as the year in which Aristophanes was actually born. I only say that, according to the indications that have reached us, he can hardly have been born before, though he may very well have been born after, the year 452 B.C. ' But in truth we know very little of Aristophanes except from his own Comedies. Nor perhaps is this altogether to be regretted. A poet is seen far more truly in his works than in the petty details of his daily life. I do not know that we have lost anything by knowing so little of Shakespeare's life, or gained anything by knowing so much of Milton's. And if we know little of the poet's private life, we are equally in the dark as regards his lineage. But it seems to me so probable as to be almost certain that he had in his veins some strain of Aeginetan blood. We are told on as good authority as we can expect in a matter of this sort, viz. that of the Ravenna Scholiast, that Cleon * brought against him a ypaſpi &evías, an indictment for usurping the privileges of an Athenian citizen when he was really an alien ; no doubt for exhibiting a play in the Athenian Theatre, which none but an Athenian citizen was qualified to do. Probably these proceedings were taken not by Cleon in his own name, but by one of his creatures, one of the hundred parasites” who were always hovering about him, only too eager to be employed in “doing his dirty work.” The writer of the Greek Life of Aristophanes says * that proceedings of this kind were brought against him on three separate occasions, and were invariably unsuccessful. While therefore it is clear that Aristophanes was really a genuine Athenian citizen, it is equally clear that there were circumstances connected with his parentage or descent, which afforded some ground for disputing his claim to be so. We are told in the Greek Life that some said that he was a Rhodian, and others that he was an Aeginetan; and again that his father Philip * kai čevias Šč airóv ćypávaro [ó KAéovl kai eis dyóva évé8a)\ev.–Scholiast on Acharnians 378. In my opinion this particular action was Cleon's reply to the attack in the Knights. * Wasps 1033, Peace 756. 8 See the First Life at the commencement of this volume. IN T R O D U C T I O N ix was an Aeginetan. The Greek Life is of very little authority in itself, but its writer must have obtained these rumours from some earlier source. But we know with certainty that “Aristophanes” was an Aeginetan name ; for Pindar wrote his Third Nemean to celebrate the victory of the Aeginetan Aristocleides, the son of Aristophanes. Whatever may have been the date of that ode, it was certainly written many years before our poet was born. It is possible, though perhaps not probable, that his father Philip was a brother, or that his mother was a sister, of Aristocleides, and that the poet, according to the common Hellenic custom, received the name of his grandfather. But whatever his connexion with Aegina, it is clear that his forbears had in some way or other obtained the full privileges of Athenian citizenship. And this kinship with Aegina is necessary to explain the remarkable reference to that island contained in the Parabasis Proper of the present play. The Spartans ask you to restore Aegina, say the Chorus, not that they care” for the island itself, but in order to deprive you of your poet. This is explained by the Scholiast to mean that, in the division of the island between Athenian cleruchs' about five years and a half before the date of this Comedy, some lands were allotted to Aristophanes : a fact extremely probable in itself, and confirmed * by the testimony of Theogenes in his work on Aegina. But it does not adequately meet the requirements of the Parabasis, since the Spartans would not be depriving Athens of her poet by confiscating his land in Aegina. Of course the whole idea is a jest, but it ought to be a plausible jest; and it seems to me that, in order to give any sort of plausibility to the argument, we must take it to mean that the Spartans, if they obtained possession of the island, might be in a position to claim the poet himself as a person of Aeginetan descent. That the language is intended to apply to Aristophanes seems to me abundantly clear. On this subject the reader will find some remarks further on in the course of this Introduction. This is all we know about the antecedents of the young Athenian 1 Thuc. ii. 27. * See Life II at the commencement of this volume. X IN T R O D U C T ION who, exactly two years before the date of the Acharnians, produced his first Comedy the Aaraxeſs, “the Banqueters,” on the boards of the Athenian Theatre. We have no means of reconstructing the plot of that Comedy; but, chiefly from a somewhat unexpected source, viz. one * of Galen's treatises on the writings of his famous predecessor Hippocrates, we know a good deal of its general character and aims. It seems to have been an attack on the new sophistical school of education, such as the poet, four years later, renewed with so much skill and vigour in its “sister Comedy” of the Clouds. The principal characters were an old countryman and his two sons, who are dubbed in the Clouds 6 oréqpov and 6 karatrúyov. The latter, whose name was Thrasymachus (possibly a name borrowed from the famous sophist of Chalcedon), had been sent to Athens to finish his education there, whilst the father and the other son remained in the country, content with their old-fashioned education, and carrying on, with their own hands, the manual labour of the farm. The old man was probably described as a Mapatovopéxms; at all events he had been reared in the discipline which Mapabovouáxovs éðpeyev, loving his Homer, and the heroes and demigods of a bygone age. But when Thrasy- machus returns, a smart and accomplished Athenian citizen, his father dis- covers, to his consternation, that education is now conducted at Athens on entirely different principles. The system of the "Aöukos Aóyos has superseded the system of the Aſkatos Aóyos. * He learnt nothing that I sent him to * The treatise called Töv ‘Introkpátovs y\oororóv čáñymous. The exact meaning of y\óoroſat is preserved in our term “Glossary.” And the treatise in question is merely a glossary to the works of Hippocrates with an important Preliminary Note. 2 dAA’ of Yap page raior' plot, tréparovros, &AAd pax\ov trivetv, neur' (ibeuv kakós, Xupakootay Tpéme{av, - Xv,3apíribás T' eboxias, kal Xſov čk Aakauvâv.—Athenaeus xii. 84 (p. 527 C). Athenaeus quotes the lines as proving the luxury of the “Syracusan table"; which indeed was proverbial. Supakogia Tpátreſa' iſ troºvréAńs. éöökovv yāp oi 2ukeMórat ā8poötavrot sivat HåA\ov mávrov.–Bodleian Proverbs 848, Zenobius v. 94 (Gaisford's Paroemiogr. pp. 104, 374), Photius, Suidas. See Plato's Republic iii, chap. 13. As to the Chian wine, see the Commentary on Eccl. 1119 and 1139. Athenaeus has a short chapter on the Laconian köAtkes, xi. 69, in which he again quotes the third of the foregoing lines. IN T R O D U CTION xi /earn, says the old man, but instead to drink, and to sing (and that in ill fashion), and the Syracusan table, and Sybaritic feastings, and Chian wine out ºf Laconian goblets. In appearance Thrasymachus has become a young fop, smooth as an eel, and wearing golden ringlets'. The last thing he is willing to do is to help his father and brother by labouring on the farm. He has been used to play the pipe and the lyre, and even that is a fatigue to him, and do they now ask him to dig" | In one subject, however, he had been carefully trained by his sophistical teachers. He knew all the tricks of litigation, and had the language of Solon's laws at his fingers’ ends; so that, when his father questions him as to the meaning of certain Homeric phrases, he retorts by propounding questions as to the meaning of certain legal phrases. The dialogue is given by Galen in the preliminary note to his “Glossary to the Works of Hippocrates.” He is explaining * that by y\óoroſaw he means words obsolete, or employed in other than their ordinary signification, or invented by Hippocrates himself. And he proposes to illustrate his meaning by examples taken from the Aavra)\eſs of Aristophanes. There, he says, the father asks the young profligate the meaning of certain Homeric phrases, * kai Aetos &amep £yxeMus, Xpwoods r" #xov kukivvows. This line is compounded by Hemsterhuys from two quotations. Athenaeus vii. 54 (p. 299 B) quotes from the AavraNets the words kai Aetos &oritep #yxeXvs, and the Scholiast on Theocritus xi. 10 quotes from rod Kopºtkoo the words &ormep #yxeMus, Xpwoods #xov kukivvous. These kikivvows of the young fops Aristophanes could never abide. Cf. Wasps 1069. 2 àotus at Aoſs kai Aiſpator, kararérplppai xpáplevos, elrà ué orcán retv kexegets;–Athenaeus iv. 84 (p. 184 E). I take kararérpuppai to be used in its ordinary sense, I am quite worn out with, and not, as it is generally interpreted, “I have passed my whole time.” * 6 Aóyos 88s orāykeural treptéxov oil pávov čora, rois àAAots traMatoſs intápxovra ovvi,6m * y * 2 * sº * > * * º A * ty * * sy y * y y róv čvopºdrov, oùkért éotiv čv #6et vöv, d\\ä kai 60 a kará rua rpátrov távov airós étroimorev tº º * *A w 3 * * & * * * ey *A w zº ô ‘Introkpárms, # pereveyköv diró row ovvi,60vs, h oxmpia trepuésis repov, ) rô ormuaivov inraNAáčas. Sri yüp motovy oi raNatoi troMAë rôv čvopºdrov airots, 8éðelkrat pièvikavós mpès 'Eparoo 6évows év roſs IIepi äpxaías kopºbias, beišapu 8° àv got kāyā vöv Ště Spaxéov, émi trapabetyparov čNiyov, intép row yivógrew évapyéa repov otov učv i y\ºrrá čo riv, otov ôé ri kai rô mapan Māortov airfi. vouiſa, Öff orot rà into 'Apta roſpávows dpkéorew rā ék Töv Aattaxéov, 38é tras #xovra. xii IN T R O D U CTION köpup/30 and ājaevnvā kāpmva”. The word kópupga, the figure-heads of the ships, is found in Iliadix. 241, where Hector is described as threatening” to cut off the ākpa köpuppa of the Achaean vessels, and then to burn the vessels themselves. The phrase àpievnvā kāpmva occurs four times in the Odyssey, twice in the Tenth, and twice in the Eleventh, Book, and always signifies the sapless skulls of the dead. But the singular thing is that, though these three words are Homeric phrases, their use is by no means confined to the epic ; they are all found also in contemporary writers. The word kópupgov, which occurs only once in Homer, is employed twice by Aeschylus in the Persae ; kápmyov (in its Doric form kāpavov) is found in the Choephoroe; and āpewmvös in the Ajax of Sophocles. Apparently, however, the great Athenian Tragoedians are as much a sealed book to Thrasymachus as are the Epics of Homer, and instead of attempting to answer these questions he parries them by asking, in his turn, whether his brother, the oréqpov, knows the meaning of the legal 3 & eºs terms ióviol and 3rview. The first word, lèviol (otherwise ióüow), people who * The lines of Aristophanes, so far as they can be restored, are supposed to be as follows:— IIATHP. mp3s raúra at Aééov ‘Opumpetovs YAátras, ri kakota, kópupéa, rí kaxoño' àpievnvd kāpmwa. OPAxTMAXOX, 6 pºv obv orós, pès 6' oiros d5expós, ppagára, ri kakoúauv távtovs, rt mor' tortv Štuteuv. The first line is found in Pollux ii. 109, and no doubt the shorterlines are the latter halves of anapaestic tetrameters. The text of Galen, at least in Kühn's edition, is in a very confused state, but as corrected by various critics it is made to run as follows. Immediately after the words Göé mos éxovra, with which the preceding note terminates, Galen proceeds:— “mpôs raúra at Aééov ‘Opumpetovs y\érras, ri ka)\odot képup8a.” Tpoğá\\et yap Év ékeive ré, épápart à ék roo Shuov rôv Aavra)\éov trpeggirms ré àkoMáorg viet Trpátov pièv rā kāpupfla ri tror' éariv čnyjoraoréal, perå Öé rooro “ri kakoto' àpievnvā kāpmva.” kákeſvos pévrot divrimpoğäNAet rôv évroſs 26Novos ūčool y\orrów rās eis 8ikas 8taqepoão as Jöé mos’ “6 pév oëv orós, épès 6' oiros dèexpós, bpagáro ri ka)\otorwièvious.” eir'ébeśńs mpoSá\\et, “ri tror' éorriv Órview.” # 3v 87Aov &s y\órra traNatów foruv čvopa ris ovvm6etas Éxtrem rookós. * Why, asks the Homeric scholiast, would Hector before burning the vessels cut off their köpup8a 2 And he answers his question by saying, Because in them are the statues and images of the gods. IN T R O D U CTION xiii know, that is, eyewitnesses, seems to be a legal term and nothing more. 'Iöüovs' rows paprupas. otiro XóAov.—Photius. §rt Öe ièëovs kai Apákov ka? 26Aov toos péprwpás (pnow, AtNuos Atoviſatos iotopeſ—Eustathius on Iliad xviii. 501. See Fritzsche's Essay, “De Daetalensibus Aristophanis,” p. 42. And that Örview (otherwise 6Túeuv), to marry, is a legal term used in Solon’s laws is plain from the passage in Plutarch's Solon, ch. 20, to which Dindorf refers. It is, however, employed by Aristophanes himself in line 255 of the Acharnians, possibly not without a reminiscence of the pointed question which is propounded in the Aalta\eſs as to its proper signification. So far Galen has been illustrating his statement, that the term y\óoroſat is applicable to words which were formerly in familiar use, but have now fallen into desuetude. He now proposes to illustrate the further statement, that the men of old time coined new words peculiar to them- selves which did not pass into general currency. And for this purpose also he refers to the Aattaxeſs and quotes another dialogue between the Father and the Profligate Son. The former dialogue was in anapaestic tetrameters, this is in ordinary iambic senarii. It is given below * as it is emended and arranged by Elmsley in his note on Acharnians 716. The young reprobate has the impertinence to tell his father that he is so old-fashioned and antiquated as to be no better than a corpse. “Why, you are a coffinette,” he says, “and funeral fillets and perfumes *.” For oropós, a coffin, he uses the affected diminutive oropéA\m. “ Coffinettel ” cries the father, “you got that word from Lysistratus,” meaning 1 ePA2, d\\' ei oropéA\m, kai piùpov, kai Tawiat. IIA. ióot oropéA\m' rooro trapã Avatarpárov. ePA2, fi pºv toros or karam Aayhorel rô xpóvg. \ p * * * f y IIA. rô Karam Aayhorel rooro trapá ràv finrópov. ePA2. dro&#orerai orot raúrá trot rā fiſſuara. IIA, trap' 'AAkt3táðov rooro rāmośńorerai. GPA2, ri in orekuaipei, kai kakós àvöpas Aévets platpet, pas Aey * 3. - ka)\okāyaëiav dorkouvras; IIA. oiu', 6 epagºpaxe, ris rooro róv čvvmyópov ympäeral ; * As to fillets and perfumes used in funerals, see Eccl. 538 and 1032, and the passage from the Tagenistae cited in the Commentary on Eccl. 131. xiv INTR, OD U CTION probably the Lysistratus mentioned in the Acharnians, the Knights, and the Wasps. “Ah!” says the son, “I warrant you will be quite dumb- founded" by and by.” “Quite dumbfounded !” retorts the father, “ that came from the orators.” “Well, you will find that these sayings,” the son goes on, “will issue somewhither.” “Issue somewhither 1" says the father, “you got that from Alcibiades.” Alcibiades was at this time a mere youth, and probably in some speech had said, mysteriously, that his words would “issue somewhither,” that is, would have some effect. It must be admitted that the old farmer seems well acquainted with what is going on at Athens. Finally the son asks, “Why do you make these conjectures, and speak ill of men who practise gentlemanliness 2" And the father replies, “O dear, which of the advocates is it, Thrasy- machus, who talks in that fashion * * * It is unnecessary for our present purpose to consider the other fragments of the Aattaxeſs. Enough has been said to show what was the general purport of the play, and in what sense Aristophanes considered the * karan Mayfforew. Some would alter karam Mayńoret into karam Atyńoret, and dirośńorera (two lines below) into droStorera, on the assumption that Aristophanes is in this short dialogue intending to confine himself to words or phrases newly invented and used only by the inventor. But that is not the idea of Aristophanes. Galen quotes the passage as on the whole illustrating, or tending to illustrate, his own proposition, but some lines do so less effectively than others. * After the passage cited in a preceding note, and ending with the words ris ovvméetas Škiren røkös, Galen proceeds:— e §rt be kai airós Kaorros róv trepi Náyovs éxávrov máiov troueiv čvápara katvä, ömhol uév kai 'Avrupév iravös, Ös ye ātros airā troumréov ékölödoſkel, Öm)\ot be kai airós otros 6 'Apiaroqāvms év raúró 8pápart Štú rôvös’ “d)\\' et oropéA\m kai piùpov Kai Tatvia.” stra à trpeggūrms étuorkómrov’ “ióot oropéNAn' rooro trapā Avorio rpárov.” tróAuv Šē aúroë roſ, droMáorov viéos elirávros' “h pºv toros at karatrâayñorel rô Xpóvg.” Kai roß6' viot, 6 mpeo Sárms én workómrov ćpel “ró karan Aayhael rooro trapā róv Āmrópov.” eir' ač6ts retvov ºpávros' “àmośńorerai orot raúrá irot rā Āhuara.” TáAlv 6 trpeggūrms kai roºro akómrei “map' 'AAkt3táčov toàro rāmośńoretat.” Kai Hév ye kai 6 viðs oë8étro travópevos oièë aiðočuevos róv yépovrá pnot “ri inrorekpaipei kai kakós ivöpas Aéyets kaAokäyaðiav dorkoëvras;" stra à trpeggðrms’ “olu’, 3, epagºpaxe, tis rooro róv čvvmyópov ympõerat;” 87Nov ošv čk rotºrov oluai orot yeyovéval, Ös elirov, sivat rpótrov Tów y\orrów à roo kowod Tāoriv čváparos ékmegávros riſs émikparoſſoms ovvmóeias, # rot yewopévov trpós rivos róv maNatóv pi) mapačex6évros 6\os eis rāv ovvā6etav. IN T R O D U CTION XV Clouds its “sister Comedy.” Each play upheld the ancient, and deplored the modern, theory of education. The object of the old system was the formation of character; the object of the new was to make men sharp- witted and argumentative, and its effect was to render them irreverent and unprincipled. The Aalta\eſs, who formed the Chorus of the Play, were Banqueters feasting in the temple of Heracles. There were several temples of Heracles in Athens, and Commentators have discussed at some length, and with much learning, which of these temples was the scene of the banquet; see especially Fritzsche, “De Daetalensibus,” pp. 23–32. But we cannot be sure that the scene of the Comedy was laid in Athens at all: the action may well have taken place in a country village, where a temple to Heracles was by no means uncommon. And in all probability the merrymaking was of a rustic and primitive character, like those represented in the Acharnians and the Plutus, and so would be little to the taste of the city-educated son. The old man would seem to have been himself one of these Banqueters, and the description of him by Galen as a member of the deme of Aattaxeſs (à ék roſ, Šipov táv Aavraxéov Tpeogárms) may well have been invented, as a jest, by the irreverent youngster. The Scholiast on Clouds 529' tells us that the Aalta\eſs, though received with great praise, did not obtain the prize, but was awarded only the second place amongst the three competing Comedies. And as he probably had access to the didascaliae, we must, I suppose, accept his testimony. Yet it seems inconsistent with the language of Aristophanes himself in the passage on which the Scholiast is commenting. The poet is there contrasting the different fortunes of the Aavra)\eſs and the Clouds. The former, he says, received the very highest praise, APIXT. jkovorórmu; with the latter he retired defeated. Yet if he was defeated on both occasions, if neither Comedy obtained the prize, and the only difference between their fortunes was that the earlier play was placed Second, and the later Third, amongst the three competitors, there was no l sy 3 * w o 3. w * 3. * 3. w > y y * g y p 3. º āptor' hkovorórmu' àvri rot, eiðoxipino av. oi yüp £vikmaav, Émei Šetirepos ékpión ºv tºp ëpduart.—Ravenna Scholiast. | t | xvi IN T R O DU CTION very striking contrast between their respective receptions. However, it is useless to challenge the authority of the Scholiast in a matter of this kind. Before finally taking leave of the Aavrake's, it may be desirable to revert to the statement made in the opening sentences of this Introduction, that the Comedy was brought out in the name of Callistratus. This we are distinctly told by the author of the Fifth Life of Aristophanes given at the commencement of the present volume, and there is no doubt of his accuracy. For though the Scholiast on Clouds 531 explains the words trats Étépa, there employed, by “ plkovſöns Kai KaNAſarparos,” and other grammarians say that Philonides and Callistratus brought out the earliest Plays of Aristophanes, they are clearly referring to the poet's general practice of bringing out his Comedies in one or other of these two names, and do not mean that the two co-operated in any one play. Or if that were their meaning, we know enough of the poet's practice to be able to assert with confidence that they are absolutely wrong. Neither are those old grammarians to be believed who suggest that either Callistratus or Philonides was an actor in the poet's Comedies. The actors were chosen by the State, not by the Comic poet. These two men were undoubtedly inferior playwrights, friends of the poet, whose names appeared, instead of his own, in the application to the Archon for a Chorus, that is to say, for the privilege of having the Comedy exhibited under the auspices of the State at the ensuing Dionysia. The first three Comedies of Aristophanes—the Banqueters, the Babylonians, and the Acharnians— were all brought out in the name of Callistratus; the name of Philonides does not make its appearance until several years later, namely at the Lenaean festival of B.C. 422. Of the eleven extant comedies three—the Acharnians, the Birds, and the Lysistrata—were certainly produced in the name of Callistratus; one, the Frogs, in the name of Philonides; and five—the Knights, the Clouds, the Wasps, the Peace, and the Plutus—in the name of Aristophanes himself. We are not told in whose name the Thesmophoriazusae and Ecclesiazusae were produced. But we know that the Rehearsal was brought out in the name of Philonides at the same Dionysia at which Aristophanes exhibited the Wasps in his own IN T R O DU CTION xvii name ; and that in the year 414 B. C., when Aristophanes exhibited the Birds at the Great Dionysia in the name of Callistratus, he also exhibited the Amphiaraus at the Lenaean Dionysia in the name of Philonides. That the Banqueters was exhibited at the Lenaean festival is inferred from Acharnians 1150–5; a passage which also tells us that the Choregus was one Antimachus, and that he excluded Aristophanes himself from the usual Choral banquet; doubtless on the ground that he was not the officially recognized XopoëlèáakaAos of the play. In the year 426 B.C., the year following the production of the Aavra)\ets, during the archonship of Eucles”, Aristophanes again obtained a Chorus, and competed for the Comic prize, this time at the Great Dionysia. This, his second play, was called the Babylonians, BagvXóvuot, and was brought out, like the first, in the name of Callistratus. The fragments of this play are exceedingly minute and scrappy, and we should really know little or nothing of its character but for the (to us) most fortunate circumstance that it brought its author into collision with Cleon. And from the account which Aristophanes gives in the Acharnians of the attack made upon him by Cleon, and from the defence which he there offers * rows Ba6vXavious éðiðaše 8ta KaNAuorpärov 'Aptoroq àvns, Éreat trpó roo Eik\eiôov ke', ºr Eök\éovs.-Photius (and Suidas), s. vv. Sapiov 6 &mpos. ke’ (25) is Bouhier's correction for kai, and is accepted by Hemsterhuys, Wesseling, Dindorf, and Ranke, De Aristophanis vita, p. 330. Clinton altered kai into kö’ (24), and this is followed by Fritzsche (De Babyloniis Commentatio, p. 1) and Bergk (Preliminary Note to Fragments). But Bouhier is clearly right. The letters e and at are constantly confused; and Photius, according to the Greek mode of computation, is reckoning, in his calculation, both the archonship from which he starts and that with which he concludes. This makes the interval twenty-five years. In our method of computation it would be twenty-four. But why does Photius refer to this interval at all ? I have seen no explanation of this, but I take the reason to be that some writers (as, for example, Diodorus xii. 53) give the name of Eucleides, instead of Eucles, to the archon of 428–427; and that Photius, knowing the archonship of Eucleides to have occurred in 404–403, is careful to mention that this play was exhibited in the archonship of Eucles, and not in that of Eucleides which did not take place until (we should say twenty-four, but the Greeks would say) twenty-five years later. ACH. C xviii IN T R O DU CTION for the satire against which that attack was directed, we do undoubtedly gain some insight into the scope and nature of the second Comedy. And first as to Cleon’s attack. We are told by the Scholiast 4 on Acharnians 378 that in the Babylonians Aristophanes satirized many persons, making fun of the officials, whether elected by votes or by lot, and of Cleon, apparently by name. Cleon enraged at this—for the play was exhibited at the Great Dionysia, when foreigners were present— indicted him for wrongdoing towards the citizens, as having done these things in a manner insulting to the Demus and the Council. This account is possibly to some extent derived from the Acharnians itself, but anyhow appears to be substantially correct. We learn from Acharmians 379* that the proceedings were taken in the Council. And that they did not consist of a mere invective, but took the form of actual litigation, is plain from the expression “he dragged me into the Council Chamber.” Cleon must therefore have proceeded by way of sirayyaſa, denunciation, a proceeding * prescribed by law for certain offences of a treasonable character, and available for all offences not precisely falling within the provisions of any existing legislative enactment. If the 8ovXī) entertained the denunciation it might direct the form in which the question should * (On the words rºv répuori kopºètav.) rot's Bağv\ovious Aéyet. Toârous yúp irpo Töv 'Axapuéov 'Aptorrobávns éðiðačev, Šv ois troNAoi's kakós sirev. čkopjömore yåp rás Te k\mporås kai xeuporovnrås dpxàs kal KAéova, trapávrov rôv čévov. kai Ötö rodro épytateis & KAéov éypávaro airów dèlkias eis roës troXiras, Ös eis $8ptu roi, Shuow kai riis 8ov\ms raúra remoumkóra. The words kakós einev appear to be an echo of Ach. 503 rāv tróAuv kakós Aéyo and Ach. 649 strol kakā troX\d: and the words eis $8pty row 8hpov of Ach. 631 rôv 8ſiuov kaðv6ptºet. In the Greek Life we are told that in this Comedy the poet 8té8a)\e róv 'Aónvaiov rás k\mporàs àpxãs, rapávrov čévov. 4. 2 airós r' épavröv intô KAéovos àraôov étrio rapat 8ta rºv trépuori Kapºoëtav. eioreMküoras yáp u' eis rô Sov)\evriptov êvé8a)\\e, kai Wrevön kareyNórriſé pov, kákvk\oSöpel, kān-Avvey, Örr' 3Åiyov trävu droMápany proxvvonpaypovoúpevos.-Ach. 377–82. * Hyperides, pro Eux, columns 22 and 23 in Churchill Babington's edition; Aristotle, Polity of Athens, chap. 8; Harpocration, s. v. eloayyeMia. The brief account of the eioayyehta given in the text is of course very superficial and incomplete. IN T R O D U C T I O N - xix be submitted to the dicastery, and the penalty to which the offender, if convicted, should be liable. Cleon then, having brought Aristophanes before the 8ovXī) by means of an eio ayyexta, denounced him as an offender against the State, and stormed * and shouted at him to such an extent, that the young poet almost died, he says, drowned in a deluge of vociferous vituperation. However, it would seem that the Council refused in this case to entertain the denunciation, deeming probably the satire of a Comic poet, even though directed against the public measures of the State, an unfit subject for a criminal proceeding. The accusation which Cleon brought against him was certainly one of £3pts, of insulting the Demus and the City in the presence of foreigners; gr. jøpſet (or kakós Aéyet) túv Añuov kal tip tróAuv, trapóvrov čávov. And therefore in the Acharnians, which was acted at the Lenaean festival when no foreigners were present, Aristophanes” says: “ Not now will Cleon slander me, because in the presence of foreigners I speak ill of the State; for we are alone, and this is the Lenaean festival.” And again in the Parabasis” he says that he is slandered by his enemies, meaning Cleon and his hangers-on, as one who makes fun of the City and insults the Demus. And it is with a humorous allusion to the same accusation that, when describing certain injuries inflicted on the Megarians, he is careful to say that they were the acts of individuals, and not of the State *; “I do not say the State; please to remember this, that I do not say the State.” So much for Cleon’s attack. We have next to consider the reply of Aristophanes, contained in the Parabasis of the Acharnians; a reply, he * It seems to me very probable that the account given in the Knights of Cleon storming before the Council, éAaorigpovr' àvappmyvös étrm, and kpmuwols 'épeiðav, is a reminiscence of the demagogue's stormy invective against the poet himself. - 2 où yáp ue vöv ye 8tağa)\et KAéov 3rt £évov trapóvrov riv tróNuv kakós Aéyo. airoi yáp éopiev, oinri Amvaiq t' dyóv, K.T.A.—Ach. 502-4. 3 ôuağa)\Aópevos 8' intô Tów éx6póv év 'Aónvaious taxv$oàots, &s kappèel rºv tróAw juāv, Kai rôv Šmuov kaðvøpiſes.—Ach. 630, 631. 4 juðv yāp divöpes, oùxī rºv tróAuv Aéyo, puépivnaðe row8, 3rt oix; rijv tróAuv Aéyo.—Ach. 515, 516. C 2. XX IN T R O D U CTION calls it’, to the calumnies (6tagoNal) of Cleon. There is no apologetic note in his defence; he claims that so far from being an insult, the satire of which his accuser complained was most beneficial, to the State ; and that he himself deserved the greatest credit for fearlessly pointing out to the people the ease with which they were led astray by the orators and the demagogues. It is not to be supposed that he deals with all the items of the indictment. He seizes upon two points, either as being the most important or possibly as those which could most conveniently be dealt with in the Parabasis of a Comic Play. We will consider each of the points separately. 1. In the Babylonians he had warned the Athenians, he tells us”, not to be too easily led astray by novel rhetorical phrases, nor to take so much pleasure in flattery, nor to follow with open mouth whatever any one might say. That the people were always too ready to be taken in by the blandishments of an eloquent speaker is frequently urged by the poet. He makes the charge, as we see, in the Babylonians; he repeats it in the Acharnians; he reiterates it more than once in the Knights. Fair is thine Empire, he says * to the Demus in the latter play, and all men fear thee as a despotic King. Yet easy it is to lead thee astray, and dearly thou lovest to be flattered and deceived, and with open mouth dost thou follow whoever may chance to be speaking. All honour to the poet who dared address such language as this to the Sovereign People of Athens; and all honour to the people who could listen to the reproof, not only lº, resentment, but with genuine admiration of the satirist. It may be that in the Babylonians, as in the Acharnians and the Knights, the charge was made in general terms. But when we remember the events which were happening in the year 427 B.C., the very year in which . Aristophanes was composing the Babylonians, we can hardly doubt that he had in his mind a remarkable instance of the manner in which his 8taSaMAópevos 6' . . . drokpived 6al betrat.—Ach. 630, 632. tratoras ipas £evikoto's A6-yous pºi) Atav ščarrarão 6at, plmö' jöeorðat 60m evouévous, pumö' sival XavvoiroMiras.—Ach. 634, 635. * Knights 1111–19. IN T R O D U CTION xxi countrymen were carried away by the “foreign eloquence,” &evukoſal Adyots, of a rhetorical ambassador. For that was the year of the memorable embassy " from Leontini, headed by the famous Gorgias, an embassy sent to implore the assistance of Athens, then the greatest naval power in the world, against the ever-increasing encroachments of Syracuse. So persuasive was the eloquence of Gorgias, so dazzled were the Athenians by his novel style of oratory, his elaborate antitheses, his rhythmical cadences, his carefully poised sentences of equal length and similar terminations, and the general quaintness and artificiality of his language, that they were unable to resist his appeal, and immediately dispatched a squadron of twenty triremes to the relief of Leontini. This was their first expedition to Sicily, though dreams” of the invasion of the great island had long been floating in their minds, and this, we are told by both Thucydides and Diodorus, was a tentative experiment, for the purpose of testing whether it would be feasible at some subsequent period to bring the whole of Sicily under the domination of Athens. The chief commander of the expedition was Laches; and the episode of the Two Dogs in the Wasps, the mock trial of A43ms on the accusation of Kûov, is a caricature of the impeachment of Aáxms by KAéov on the return of the expedition from Sicily without having achieved any great and pre- ponderating success. It is impossible to believe that Aristophanes ignored, in the Babylonians, this notable instance of the effect of oratory, Śevuków 1 Thuc. iii. 86. Thucydides does not mention Gorgias; but Diodorus (xii. 53), in his account of the embassy, writes as follows:– #v 8é Tów direotaxpévov dpximpeo Gevris Topyias 6 fiñrop, beivörmti Näyov troMü ºrpoéxov rávrov rôv kað’ éavráv. . . . otros of v Karavrāgas eis rās 'A6;ivas kai mapax6els eis rôv 87uov, 8teXéx6m rols 'A6mvatois trepi riis ovuuaxias, Kai Tá čevićovrº ris Aééeos [compare the £evikoto, Aéyots of Ach. 634] §§érèmée rot's 'Aónvaiovs, 8vras ečºvels kai (pixoMáyovs. rpáros yáp expñoraro toſs ris Aééeos axmuartoudis repur- Torépous, kai rā pixorexvia Staqipovow duriðérois kai lookóAois Kai Tapiorous kai ÖpotoreAeūrous kai Tiow érépous rototrots, é rére Hév čič rô £évov ris Karaokevils dro80xffs #100ro, viv 8é reptspytav čxeiv Šokei, kai baiveral karayéNaotov tràeovákºs kai karakópos ru64pevov, réAos, retoras rot's 'A6mvalovs ovppaxfigat rols Aeovrivots, oùros uév 6avuagiðels ēv rais 'Aévals ēri réxvn finropikā tīv eis Aeovrivous érávobov emouflorato. * See the Introduction to the Birds, pp. xiii-xv. xxii * * IN T R O D U CTION Aóyov, upon the Athenian assembly; and as Cleon would undoubtedly have spoken in favour of the proposed expedition, we can well understand that he would be mightily incensed at the ridicule poured by Aristophanes on the eloquent flattery which induced the Athenians to sanction it. Two lines of the Babylonians, preserved by Athenaeus, are obviously intended to describe the Athenians listening, in rapt attention, to a popular orator: Every one of them had his mouth wide open, for all the world like mussels roasting on the embers *. 2. After taking credit to himself for showing in the Babylonians how easily the people are beguiled by the orators, he proceeds to mention a second benefit which, by that Comedy, he had conferred on the State; kai toys offuovs év rais tróAéow bet&as 6s 8muokparoëvrat ". And therefore, he says, the allies, when they come to Athens, are eager to see the most excellent poet, who ventured to say amongst the Athenians the things that are just and right. It is obvious, from this remark, that this second point, whatever it was, was agreeable to the allies, and was, or might have been, so unpalatable to the Athenians that it required some courage on the part of the poet to present it to an Athenian audience. What then was this second point, which Cleon declared was an insult, and which the poet defends as a benefit, to the State 2 The first thing to be remarked in the line just quoted from the Acharnians is that the accu- sative roës bijuovs is not really governed by Öeſºas ; it is the subject of êmpſokparoëvrat placed, by a common Attic idiom *, before the conjunction as an independent accusative, and only by accident finding a transitive participle there. The line really means bet&as Ös oi Öſpot &muokparoëvrat, just as in Birds 483 the words étribeſ&o Töv &Aekrpvöva, Ös érvpévvel stand for étudetšo 6s 6 &Aektpwov ºrvpévvel. What then is the meaning of ômuokparoëvrat P Of course, in ordinary language, it would mean are democracies, are states in which the demus is supreme. But to say that the > z 4- 1 dvéxaorkov eis ékaorros épiqepéorrara - ôtropévals köyxata w świ Tôv dvěpákov.–Ath. iii. 33 (p. 86 F). * Ach. 642. * See Clouds 145, Birds 483, 652, 1269, Eccl. 583, and the notes there. IN T R O D U CTION exxiii allies were democracies would be a mere truism which could excite neither the gratitude of the allies nor the displeasure of the Athenians; and to say that the Demus, itself the governing power, was governed by the Demus would be mere nonsense. And we must remember that we are dealing with the Acharmians, where more than in any other of his plays Aristophanes was fond of employing words” in other than their ordinary signification. And I feel no doubt that he is here using &muokpareſoróat in the sense of being governed not by their own, but by the Athenian Demus; and that in the Babylonians he sought to portray the manner in which the subject democracies of the isles were ruled by the sovereign democracy of Athens; or, to speak more precisely, to point out the injuries inflicted on the allies by the demagogues, the Demus-leaders of the Athenian Republic. This was a topic very near the heart of Aristo- phanes; it would give the greatest gratification to the allies themselves; while to speak the truth on the subject before an Athenian audience undoubtedly required great courage and involved great peril to the speaker. How trenchantly Aristophanes would handle the subject we may judge from such passages as Wasps 669–77. It was here, in all probability, that he fell foul of Cleon. We see therefore that, while the “Banqueters” was a social Comedy, the forerunner of the Clouds, the “Babylonians” was a political Comedy the forerunner of the Knights and the Wasps; and that two of the grounds, probably the two principal grounds, for which the poet took the people to task in his second play were (1) their subservience to the orators, and (2) their allowing the demagogues to evil entreat the subject, allies. And that is substantially all that we really know about the Babylonians. It is useless to discuss questions which do not admit of an answer; as, for example, whom the Babylonian Chorus were intended to represent, and what part they took in the drama. Fritzsche wrote a little treatise, “De Babyloniis Aristophanis Commentatio,” but it contains nothing of value. There is another topic to which it may be desirable to call attention. * As in the case of dvaSáðmy, Ach. 399. . . xxive I N T R O DU CTION Throughout the foregoing remarks it has been assumed, in accordance with the general opinion, that the controversy to which the satire of the Babylonians gave rise was a controversy between Cleon and the poet himself; and I feel no doubt that such was the case. But some, both in ancient and in modern times, bearing in mind that both the Baby- lonians and the Acharnians were brought out in the name of Callistratus, have concluded that the litigation instituted by Cleon must have been directed, not against the poet himself, but against Callistratus, the poet’s nominee; and consequently that it is Callistratus of whom Dicaeopolis is speaking in lines 377–82 and 502, 503, and the Chorus in the Parabasis Proper. And as a corollary some grammarian suggests that it must have been Callistratus and not Aristophanes who held land, as a cleruch, in the island of Aegina. All this seems to me to be founded on a complete misapprehension. It was undoubtedly known from the very first that Aristophanes was the author of the Comedies produced in the name of Callistratus; the advent of a new Comic poet was an event of no small importance at Athens; and Aristophanes himself tells us in the Knights that he was besieged by inquirers anxious to discover why it was that he did not exhibit his own Comedies in his own name. And when he was composing the Acharnians, he could not possibly tell who his actors would be, or who the members of his Chorus; or even in whose name the Comedy would ultimately be produced; he only knew that he was himself its true and “onlie begetter’”; and that it was he, and he only, who would be addressing the audience through the lips of his (as yet unknown) actors and Chorus. And in the Wasps, which in my opinion was undoubtedly brought out in his own name, he speaks of his quarrel with Cleon exactly as he speaks of it here; and there too, as in the Parabasis here, he places the statement in the mouth of the Chorus; Wasps 1284–91. And besides all this, it is a thing incredible in itself that a shrewd and practical politician like Cleon should have attempted to wreak his vengeance on a man who was merely a name, rather than on the daring genius from whose outspoken criticism and fearless hostility he could expect nothing but annoyance and exposure in the future. IN T R O D U CTION XXV The “Banqueters,” as we have already seen, was exhibited at the Lenaean Dionysia in February 427 B. c.; the “Babylonians” at the Great Dionysia in March 426; and now, at the Lenaean Dionysia in February 425, Aristophanes, still using the name of Callistratus, produces the present Comedy, his third play, the ACHARNIANS (Axapweis'), the oldest Greek Comedy which has survived to our times. The three competitors at that Lenaean festival were the three greatest names of the old Attic Comedy ; they were, to borrow a line from Horace”, “Eupolis, atgue Cratinus, Aristophanesque poetae.” The prize was awarded to Aristophanes; Cratinus with his “Storm-tossed,” Xeipaſānevot, was placed second; and Eupolis with his “New Moons,” Novumvtat, was placed last. And it so happens that while the Acharnians has lived for upwards of two thousand three hundred years, not a syllable of the “Storm-tossed” or of the “New Moons” has reached us; nay, their very * The title is 'Axapweis in the Ravenna M.S., both in the heading of the play and in the list of Comedies prefixed to the MS. So it is given in every MS. of Suidas (see Life III supra); a fact of some importance if it is from Suidas that we derive our present MSS. of Aristophanes. So again in the second Argument, and indeed wherever the name occurs. I do not know on what authority the title 'Axapuſs, given in our printed editions, is supposed to rest. * Sat. i. 4.1. The three are often bracketed together as the chiefs of the Old Comedy. § 36 ye koppóta, ārt troXtrečeral év rois àpápaori kai pixooroºbet, fi trepi rôv Kparivov kai 'Apiaroqāvmv kai EðroMuy, ri 8eſ kai Aéyetv; # yáp rot kopºpóia airm, rô véNotov trpoormorapévn, ºptAooroºpeſ.—Dionys. Hal., Ars Rhetorica, chap. xi. I will give the lines of Persius in Gifford’s translation :- But thou, whom Eupolis’ impassioned page, Hostile to vice, inflames with kindred rage, Whom bold Cratinus, and that awful sire Force, as thou read'st, to tremble and admire.—Sat. i. 123, 124. The “awful sire,” praegrandis senea, is Aristophanes. “Antiqua comoedia, cum sinceram illam sermonis Attici gratiam prope sola retinet, tum facundissimae libertatis, etsi est in insectandis vitiis praecipua, plurimum tamen virium etiam in ceteris partibus habet. Nam et grandis, et elegans, et venusta, et nescio an ulla, post Homerum tamen, quem, ut Achillem, semper excipi par est, aut similior sit oratoribus, aut ad oratores faciendos aptior. Plures eius auctores; Aristophanes tamen, et Eupolis, Cratinusque praecipui.”—Quinctilian Instit., Orat. x. 1. 65. xxvi I N T R O D U CTION names have been preserved only in the record which chronicles their defeat by the Acharnians. . Though the Acharnians may not be considered one of the poet's chief masterpieces, it is nevertheless an excellent play. And if only one of his Comedies had survived to our day, I think that this is the one which would have given us the most comprehensive idea of the range of Aristophanic satire. If it has not the concentrated power of his later plays, yet no other Comedy exhibits the same variety of incident. With the prodigality of youth, the poet runs through the whole gamut of his likes and dislikes; his longing for Panhellenic unity, as in the great days of Marathon and Salamis; his efforts for right and justice, to et kai Tô 6tkalov, in Athenian public life; and again the special objects of his aversion, as contravening these aims—the demagogues, the Informers, the war-party, the sophists, the lowering of the old heroic tragedy by Euripides—are all brought before us in turn; the germs of almost all his later efforts are discoverable in this early production. The general idea of the play is very simple. An honest citizen, finding it impossible to get the State to conclude a peace with Sparta, makes a private peace on his own account ; and thenceforward is represented as living in all the joys and comforts of Peace, whilst the rest of the City continues to suffer the straits and the miseries of War. But this simple plot is worked out and illustrated with an abundance of laughable and picturesque incidents. The play opens with the representation of an Athenian ékkAmoria, the great democratic assembly of all the citizens, which exercised autocratic power over Athens and the Athenian Empire. The vivid account which is given of the gathering of the Assembly, the way in which its pro- ceedings were conducted, the reports made by returning embassies of the incidents and results of their respective missions, and finally of the manner in which the Assembly was dissolved, constitutes an unrivalled picture of this all-important institution. But we are met at the outset by a singular little question which it is desirable to consider at somewhat greater length than can conveniently be done in a mere footnote. IN T R O DU CTION xxvii The ékk\mata at which these embassies were received is expressly introduced to us as a kvpta ékkAmoria; and it must be remembered that no authority on the Attic life of his day is comparable with that of Aristophanes himself, an Athenian speaking before the Athenian people assembled in the theatre, and treating of matters within their familiar cognizance. What then is the meaning of this particular phrase, a kvpta ékkAmata ? For the reasons I am about to mention, I believe that there were three Regular Assemblies held every month, viz. on the eleventh, the twentieth, and the last day of the month; and that these three recurring, as it were, automatically, without the necessity of any special intervention on the part of the authorities, and being the assemblies at which the general government of the empire was carried on, were called Kūpuav in contradistinction to the extra meetings convoked on any special emergency which were called a ſykAmrot. This is substantially the view taken by the Scholiasts, save only that they give the first, the tenth, and the thirtieth days of the month as the days on which the kūpual ékkAmorial were holden. Their statement as to the particular days can hardly be correct, since it would make two of the three Assemblies occur on two successive days, and leave an interval of no less than twenty days between the second and the third. The true dates are no doubt those given by Ulpian (in his Exegesis of Demosthenes against Timocrates 22, p. 706), who says that the three Assemblies were held on the eleventh, the twentieth, and the thirtieth of each month. This would leave an interval of nearly equal duration between every two Assemblies. - But against this view there is, or was, a great body of authority. The other grammarians, almost unanimously, give the go-by to the month altogether, and state that there were four Assemblies in each Prytany of thirty-five or thirty-six days; that kvpta was the special name of the first of the four; and that the reception of embassies took place, not on the first, but on the third or fourth Assembly. See Pollux viii. 95, and Harpocration, Photius, Hesychius and Suidas, s.v. kvpia. This seems to be in direct conflict with the representation of Aristophanes that em- bassies were received in a kvpta čkk\mata. Photius indeed does give, as an xxviii IN T R O DU CTION alternative, the view taken by the Scholiasts here. After stating that the kvpta ékkAmoria was one of the four held in each Prytany, he adds: But others say that there were three ékkAmotal every month, which were called köptat in contradistinction to the otykämtow. Harpocration refers to Aristotle's Polity of Athens as the authority for his statement; and now that we are able to refer to that treatise the entire difficulty disappears. For it is plain that all these grammarians are borrowing the statements of Aristotle in the forty-third chapter of the Polity; and that chapter is contained in the section of his work which is expressly restricted to the polity evisting at the date of the treatise (à NTN karáorrao is tiis to\ireias, chapter 42), nearly, if not quite, a century after the date of the Acharnians, and seventy or eighty years after the fall of Athens and the dissolution of her empire. Probably there were no great changes in the actual constitution of Athens during that interval, but there must have been enormous changes in her methods of transacting business. At the date of the Acharnians, Athens was not a mere individual city like Thebes or Corinth ; she was the mistress of a mighty empire, the busiest city in the world, whose embassies went out into all lands, and to whom embassies and deputations were constantly coming, even from the ends of the world. But all this ceased when her empire fell. She became a mere ordinary Hellenic city with little business to transact. And as a matter of fact, we know that after the disastrous termination of the War her citizens became quite listless and cared no longer to attend the Assemblies. Nor was the obol which, on the resolution of Agyrrhius, it was resolved to pay each citizen for each attendance sufficient to overcome their apathy. It was only when the dole was, by the same demagogue, raised to three obols that they again flocked in any numbers to the Assemblies in the Pnyx. See Ecclesiazusae 183–8, 300–10, Plutus 171, 329. And nothing can be more probable than that, to secure a more frequent payment of the dole, the ékkAmorial, instead of being three in every thirty days, should have been increased to four in every thirty-five or thirty-six days; and that to ensure that there should be some business to be transacted at each of these more numerous IN T R O D U CTION xxix Assemblies, the various matters to be discussed should have been appor- tioned between the four Assemblies, and certain specified matters appropriated to each of the four. There can be no manner of doubt that at the date of this Comedy embassies were received in a kvpia ékkAmoria; and it is extremely probable that at the date of the Polity the name kvpia had been restricted to one Assembly in each Prytany, and that it was not the custom to receive embassies at that particular Assembly. Had there been a conflict between the statements of Aristophanes and Aristotle as to the practice at the date of the Acharnians, it is clear that the statement of the former must have prevailed; but there is no conflict. The statement of Aristotle, whilst fully justifying the views expressed by Pollux, Harpocration, and the rest, yet takes away their sting by showing that they refer to the changed circumstances of a later period. - It is unnecessary here to enter into the various incidents of this particular Assembly, or to describe how the fifty Presidents' (irpvrávels) kept order by means of the Scythian archers who formed the ordinary police at Athens. It is enough to say that Peace is the last thing of which either Presidents or people think; and one unfortunate citizen who ventures to mention its name is at once put down and hustled off in disgrace, Dicaeopolis, who has vainly attempted to interpose in his behalf, sees that there is no hope of prevailing upon the authorities to make a public peace between Athens and the Peloponnesians, and therefore sends him off to Sparta, to negotiate there a private peace between himself (Dicaeopolis) and his family on the one hand and the Peloponnesian con- federacy on the other. This task he successfully accomplishes; but as he is returning home with samples of several treaties, he is suddenly waylaid by twenty-four sturdy and irate old men, Acharnians, who form the Chorus * One thing I may perhaps be permitted to mention, viz. that in my opinion the Presidents did not go up to the Pnyx, as the people did, from the lower level of the Agora; but came down to it from the higher level at the opposite extremity, descending by steps on either side of the bema to the Presidential benches, on which they sat facing the assembled people. Hence the compound karappéovres in line 26. XXX IN T R O DUCTION of the play. Their vineyards had been hacked and trampled down by the Peloponnesian troops, when Archidamus the king invaded Attica; and they will not hear of peace with the hated foe until they have paid him back tenfold into his bosom. Nothing can exceed their fury when they light upon an envoy in the very act of bringing terms of peace from Sparta to Athens. They hurl opprobrious terms at his head; and, what is worse, they pick up a quantity of stones with intent to hurl them in the same direction. He runs away; they follow, roaring, after him. And who are these terrible old men 2 Acharnae was the largest town in Attica, about seven miles to the north of Athens, whilst a little behind it, between it and Boeotia, arose the well-wooded range of Mount Parnes". From these hills the inhabitants obtained wood for the charcoal, the making and selling of which constituted their principal traffic. They had long been noted for their manly and soldierlike qualities; 'AXápval traMaſqarov sidvopes, says Pindar in the second Nemean ; and at the commencement of the Peloponnesian War they furnished a contingent of no less than 3,000 hoplites, a little army in itself, to the military array of Athens. And when, in the first year of the War, the invading army of Archidamus encamped at Acharnae, and were seen from the walls of Athens laying waste the farms and hacking down the vines in that district, many of the Athenians, especially the younger men, were eager to march out at once and give battle to the invaders; and the Acharnians, says Thucydides *, counting themselves no small part of the Athenian people, were, when they saw their own territory laid waste, most urgent in their demand to be led out against the foe. But why should Thucydides have given such special prominence to the indignant and bellicose spirit of the Acharnians ? Nothing came of it. It had not, so far as his History shows, the slightest practical effect. If * For an extremely interesting account of Mount Parnes see Wordsworth's Greece, pp. 85–90. * of re Axapuns oiópevot trapā a bigw airois oik Aaxiarmy uotpav sival 'Aónvaiov, Ös aúróv i yi réuvero, Švnyov rºv ov uáAto ra.—Thuc. ii. 21. IN T R O DU CTION xxxi indeed there is anything in the suggestion thrown out in the Commentary on line 220 that the old Acharnian Lacratides there mentioned is the Lacratidas who, according to Heracleides Ponticus (Plutarch, Pericles 35), came forward shortly afterwards as the accuser of Pericles, the indignation of the Acharnians at the unavenged devastation of their homes may have borne considerable fruit in causing the temporary eclipse of that great statesman. But this does not answer the foregoing question, for Thucydides at all events does not allude to either the Acharnians or Lacratidas in connexion with the attack upon Pericles. This is one of the many little touches which might lead us to believe that the great historian recognized the historical Comedies of Aristophanes, of which the Acharnians, the Knights, the Peace and the Lysistrata are the only survivors, as being, like his own History, a krijua is del, a possession for all time, and in composing his own work kept steadily in view the deep impression which those Comedies had made upon the Athenian people. More than forty years ago, in the Introduction to the “Peace,” I called attention to “the striking accord which we every- where find between the light offhand touches of Aristophanes and the well-considered judgements of Thucydides; and that, not merely when they are treating of actual events, or estimating the conduct and character of individuals, but also when they are tracing the various dispositions and tendencies of the several Hellenic States.” But it had not occurred to me then that the historian was really keeping in mind the poet’s works; though in truth during his absence from Athens, first as an officer on active service and afterwards as an exile, he would be compelled to rely upon the information of others as to what was going on within the Empire City; and where could he find information so absolutely trustworthy, making allowance for caricature, as in the dramas exhibited by the great contemporary comedian before the Athenian people, reflecting their ideas from day to day, and confirmed by their acclamations of applause ? I believe that many statements in Thucydides are due to his recollection of the Comedies of Aristophanes. - In explaining the grounds on which the Spartan requisition to the xxxii IN T R O DU CTION Athenians 'ro &yos éAačvew riis 6.e06 was levelled at Pericles, Thucydides' (i. 126) has occasion to narrate the sacrilege of the Alcmaeonidae in the affair of Cylon, and from that sacrilege, he says, the Alcmaeonidae (from whom, through his mother, Pericles was descended) were called évayeſs. This gives the required explanation, and it is difficult to understand why he should have proceeded to mention the circumstance (wholly irrelevant to his narrative) that they were also called āAltiptov ris 6.e06, had they not been so described in a work so universally known and appreciated as the Knights of Aristophanes. See Knights 445. And possibly he would not have preserved the precise phrase employed by Cleon about the generals in regard to the proceedings at Sphacteria, el’ANAPEX elev oi orparmyol, if the phrase had not been kept alive in the popular memory by the allusion to it in Knights 392. And again, it may be that the particularity with which he specifies that the Peace of Nicias was concluded not only in the early spring of the year 421, but also immediately after the Great Dionysia, was due to the production of the “Peace” of Aristophanes at that very festival. And the Eighth Book of Thucydides is full of verbal parallels to the historical discussions in the Lysistrata. These are but a few examples out of many. Any one who will institute a minute comparison of the two documents—the History of Thucydides and the historical dramas of Aristophanes—will discover innumerable instances of the same description; and will, I think, rise from the study with the conviction that, when Thucydides was writing his History, he was always keeping before his mind, as another authentic record of the inter-Hellenic War, the historical scenes and allusions con- tained in the Comedies of Aristophanes. But we must return to the envoy carrying the truces, röv o'Tověoq6pov, whom . we left pursued by the twenty-four Acharnians. He outruns * In the very same chapter of Thucydides the expression kaðečopévows étri rôv oreºvåv 6eów may seem to recall the lines in the very same play of Aristophames:-- ka9708at pºol bokeſ eis rô Omaeſov maeoiſoras, h ’m rôv oreplvöv 6eóv.—Knights 1811. IN T R O D U CTION xxxiii them and enters, still running, upon the stage, gives Dicaeopolis three treaty-samples, and eaſić still running for his life. The samples which he gives to Dicaeopolis are truces for five, ten, and thirty years respectively. They are in the form of wine-samples, a metaphor assisted by the fact that truces, as well as libations of wine, were called by the name of a trovčaſ. Dicaeopolis tastes all three, and at once rejects the five years, and the ten years, as constituting no real Peace, but merely a suspension of hostilities, during which each side would be busily preparing for a renewal of the War. But he greets with enthusiasm the thirty years' truce as fulfilling his utmost hopes. Thirty years, the term of a generation, seem to have been considered a sufficiently long period for all practical purposes. Some twenty-five years before the date of the Acharnians, Sparta had concluded a five years' truce with Athens, and a thirty years' truce with Argos (Thuc. i. 112, v. 14); and about five years later, a thirty years' truce with Athens (Id. i. 115). And both here and in the Knights (line 1888) the hopes of Aristophanes are limited to a truce for thirty years. The Peace of Nicias, however, which was concluded four years after the date of the present Comedy, was for no less than FIFTY years. And elsewhere in Thucydides we read of treaties concluded for one hundred years. However, Dicaeopolis is well satisfied with his thirty years' truce, and as he is now at liberty Baivetv Širot 66Aet, he proposes immediately to celebrate the Rural Dionysia. And so in this the earliest, as well as in the Plutus the latest, of his extant Comedies, the poet gives us a specimen of the coarse but hearty amusements of the Attic country-folk. In the Plutus, we have a representation of the Cyclops-dance; here we see the manner in which the Dionysian festival was celebrated in the country villages. Indeed in the present play we take part in two Dionysian festivals, here the Rural and presently the Anthesterian. But the celebration of the Rural Dionysia is part of the fiction of the “Private Treaty,” the comic Plot of the Play. The celebration of the Anthesterian Dionysia has nothing to do with the Private Treaty, nor is there anything to introduce or lead up to it; we accidentally, as it were, find the whole population of ACH. d xxxiv. I N T R O D U C T I O N the City, the war-party as well as the peace-party, engaged in its festivities. There is absolutely nothing to account for its introduction, unless it was actually in course of celebration at the very time when the Comedy was exhibited; or, in other words, unless the Anthesterian was identical with the Lenaean festival. And this, in my opinion, is the fact. "The question of the Attic Dionysia has been much discussed; and I will here briefly set down the conclusions at which I myself have arrived on the subject. It seems to me that there were only two Dionysian festivals celebrated in the City of Athens itself, and that these were— I. The LENAEAN, which being celebrated in the month Anthesterion was called also the Anthesteria. This was originally a one-day festival held on the 12th of Anthesterion, but was afterwards expanded into three days, probably for the sake of the dramatic competitions which were necessarily spread over three days; a Tragic tetralogy (or trilogy) occupying the morning, and a Comedy the afternoon, of each day. Of these three days the first, called the TI-60tyſa or Broaching of the Casks, took place on the 11th of Anthesterion; the second, the Xóes or Pitcher Day, on the 12th ; and the Xúrpov or Pot Day, on the 13th; the whole festival being in the latter part of February. See the Commentary on Birds 789 and Frogs 216. At this festival only the residents at Athens, citizens and puéroukou, were present; and it is pointed out in the Intro- duction to the Frogs (p. v) that all the extant Comedies which we know to have been exhibited at these Dionysia—the Acharnians, the Knights, the Wasps, and the Frogs—were successful; whilst all those which we know to have been exhibited at the Great Dionysia—the Clouds, the Peace, and the Birds—failed to obtain the prize. This, Thucydides tells us (ii. 15), was the elder festival, rā āpxatórepa Atovágua. Observe the use of the comparative, implying that there were but two. II. The GREAT or CITY Dionysia, rà MeyáAa, rà év &orrel, which were celebrated about a month later than the Lenaean; Hesychius, s. v. Atovágua. This was the splendid festival at which the allies and visitors from all friendly states were present. Then the tribute was paid by the INTRODUCTION xxxv allies, and spread out, talent by talent, in the theatrical orchestra, before the eyes of the audience; then the orphaned sons of Athenian soldiers who had fallen in battle were brought into the theatre, clad in bright armour, and invited to take their seats in the front rows of the auditorium; then proclamations of outlawry were made ; and nothing was spared tº show the magnificence of the Imperial City. Contrasted with the great City Dionysia, Tâ peyāAa, Tâ év čo rel, were the little country Dionysia, Tâ pukpā, Tà év ćypots. These were not celebrated in Athens itself; they were held only in the country villages, and were naturally quite insignificant affairs. The fact that this festival was confined to the country was unfortunately overlooked by some of the old grammarians, who, knowing that there were but two Dionysian festivals in Athens, and seeing that Tă pleyāAa, Tâ év &orrel could not be the same as Tà pukpā, Tà év ćypots, assumed that the latter must be identical with Tà Affvata. This strange idea is found in the Scholium on line 504 of this play, which otherwise is perfectly right. “There were two Dionysian competitions every year',” says the Scholiast, “first, one in spring, Év čo rel, when the tribute was brought to Athens; and secondly, one év ćypoſs, which is called the Lenaean, when no strangers were present, for it was yet winter.” This confusion of the Lenaea with the Rural Dionysia imposed upon some of the earlier scholars, such as Scaliger and Casaubon ; but the error was pointed out, and the Dionysia arranged in accordance with what I conceive to be the true view, by Ruhnken, whose arguments are set forth and enforced by Fynes Clinton in an Appendix to the second volume of his Fasti Hellenici. However, Boeckh “in an essay on the Attic Dionysia, published in 1819 among the transactions of the Berlin Academy of Sciences,” and presented in an abridged form to English readers by Bp. Thirlwall in the Philological Museum, vol. ii, pp. 273–807, started a new difficulty, contending that the Anthesteria and I e gº. p 3 * 3. * 8. * Jºy * * * .* 3. 3/ º * d Töv Auovvoriov a yov €reMetro ts rov etous, to pºev Tporov eapos, ev aortet, ore kat of pápot 'A64vnow épépovro, rö 8é Öeūrepov čv dypoſs, à émi Amvaig Aeyóuevos, Gre éévot où maphorav’A6#vmat. Xetuov yūp Aoimov fiv. The words Tpárov and Seirepov refer to the importance, not to the time of the respective festivals. d 2 xxxvi IN T R O D U CTION the Lenaea were two distinct festivals, and that consequently there were three Dionysian festivals every year in Athens. This seems to me directly opposed to the statement of Thucydides, and to every indication 1 given by ancient writers on the subject; but the authority of Boeckh in Germany and Bp. Thirlwall in England overbore all opposition, and this became for a time the generally accepted view. Of late years, however, doubts as to its accuracy have been expressed in various quarters; and I am myself convinced that there were but two Dionysian festivals celebrated in the city of Athens, the Lenaea and the Great Dionysia. This is not the place to enter into a full discussion of the question; but a few more remarks will be found in connexion with the Dionysian festival which pervades the final scenes of the Comedy. Dicaeopolis has hardly entered into his house to prepare for the celebration of the Rural Dionysia when the Acharnians, in hot pursuit of “the man who bore the treaties,” come running down into the orchestra, singing their Parodos or entrance-song. The fugitive has disappeared; they cannot overtake him ; old age has dimmed their energy and stiffened their muscles. Ah, if we were as once we were, they cry in Nestor-like recollection of their youthful feats, he would not so easily have escaped us. But hush | Dicaeopolis is coming out of his house; they hear him preparing for a peaceful sacrifice; they have surely caught, not the man who bore the treaties, but the actual traitor who made them. For the moment they pause, and are by a convenient fiction supposed to be out of sight; and Dicaeopolis goes on with his preparations, little dreaming what hostile and wrathful eyes are watching his every movement. The Rural Dionysia, as has already been observed, and as indeed the name itself implies, were celebrated not in Athens, but only in the country villages; and Dicaeopolis therefore pretends that he has somehow got back into his country home at Cholleidae. But this is all his nonsense; * One slight indication is pointed out in the Commentary on Thesm. 746; another will be found in the statements in the Eighth Book of Pollux; 6 pew"Apxov 8tariðmori Atovčarta (segm. 89); 6 & 8aortNet's trpoéorrmice Amvatov (segm. 90). That exhausts the subject. Nobody presides over a third Dionysia. IN T R O D U C TI O N xxxvii such make-believes were common in the old Attic Comedy. Cholleidae was i twelve miles from Athens. Dicaeopolis knows that he has just come out , of his own town-house; and at this moment (but he does not know that) the grim old Acharnians, who have been pursuing the treaty-bearer through the streets of Athens, are waiting, ambushed, to spring out upon their prey. These village festivities would of course be quite insignificant when compared with the splendid solemnities with which the Dionysia were celebrated at Athens. In the Introduction to the Thesmophoriazusae, p. x, will be found an epistle of Alciphron (iii. 39) in which a country lad adjures his mother to leave for awhile her village home, and come up to behold, before she dies, the wonderful sights of Athens, mentioning amongst other things the celebration of the Dionysia. Both the lad and his mother would naturally have often witnessed, if not taken part in, the village Dionysia, but that would have been merely a little procession of the villagers singing the Phallus song, and would not have at all pre- pared him for the splendour of the festivities in the metropolis itself. And the procession which Dicaeopolis is forming is not even a village procession. It is merely the parade of his own family—himself, his daughter, and his two servants; whilst the wife is the single spectator watching them from the roof of the house. The daughter walks in front, bearing the Sacred Basket; the two servants follow, holding the phallus- pole erect ; and he himself brings up the rear, singing, as a solo, the in- dispensable Phallus song. The Chorus allow him to finish his song without interruption, and then, just as he is talking about a bowl of Peace, he finds to his surprise and dismay a volley of stones from the orchestra clattering all about the stage. The daughter and servants vanish into the house, the wife disappears from the roof, and he is left alone, to extricate himself as best he can from these formidable and unexpected assailants. They threaten him with instant death; he implores them to allow him first to make his defence, offering to make it with his head over a chopping-block; but all in vain, until he bethinks himself of the device by which Telephus obtained a hearing in the Euripidean Tragedy of that name. xxxviii IN T R O DU CTION The Telephus of Euripides, a source of never-failing delight to Aristophanes, is perpetually brought before us in the ensuing scenes. Telephus, the son of Heracles and Auge, ruled over a part of Mysia. The Achaeans, apparently in some exploring expedition preliminary to the sailing of the great armament for Troy, had accidentally landed in his territory, and Telephus opposing them received a serious wound from the spear of Achilles. The wound growing daily more painful, and defying the skill of the physicians, he consulted the Pythian oracle, and received for answer 6 Tp($oras iáorerau, the wounder will heal. Thereupon Telephus dresses himself up as a beggar, and in that guise seeks the Achaean camp. The leaders are playing with dice (see the Commentary on Frogs 1400) and he cannot gain their attention until, by the advice of Clytaem- nestra, he seizes the infant Orestes, and threatens to slay him unless they will listen to his petition. This step is successful, and Telephus, being a Euripidean hero, at once starts off on a lengthy speech, figu pakpāv, to the assembled chieftains. It commences with the words puſ, plot q6ovňormt’, &vöpes ‘ENAñvov čkpot, ei troxös àv rérèmk év čo 6\otorw Aéyetv, from which we see that he was still passing off as a beggar, and had not revealed his identity, excepting, I suppose, to Clytaemnestra. I presume that he represented himself to be a poor Mysian peasant, wounded by the spear of Achilles. The chieftains are won over by his pleading; Achilles attempts to heal him but without success, till Odysseus suggests that the wounder, Ó Tp(60 as, was not Achilles, but his spear. The spear is applied to the wound, and Telephus is cured, as our own homely proverb puts it, by “a hair of the dog that bit him.” Telephus gains a hearing by seizing and threatening to kill Orestes the son of Agamemnon. Dicaeopolis gains a hearing by seizing and threatening to kill a hamper of charcoal, such as these Acharnians were accustomed to use in their daily avocations. He keeps to his promise to plead before them with his head over a chopping-block, but he asks to be allowed to do so, like Telephus, in the guise of a beggar. His request being granted, he trudges off to the house of Euripides, in the IN T R O D U CT I O N xxxix hope that the poet will lend him the very garments which Telephus wore in the play. Euripides is found to be sitting upstairs, writing a Tragic Play. He cannot spare the time to come down to Dicaeopolis, but he consents to be wheeled out by the eccyclema, so as to converse with his visitor from his seat in the upper floor of his house. For the Comic dramatists do not hesitate to talk in the most open and familiar manner of the machinery by which the changes of scenery are effected. The eccyclema was the apparatus by which the outer wall, which stood on wheels or rollers, was turned round as on a pivot, not only disclosing, but also bringing out with itself a part of, the interior of the house. It was in very common use for the purposes of both Tragedy and Comedy; indeed in Comedy every house seems to have been furnished with one. Both here and in the Clouds the machinery is applied to two different houses in the course of the same play. Here it brings out Euripides in the upper story of his own house; while later on it brings out the kitchen in which Dicaeopolis is cooking his dinner. In the Clouds it brings out, first, a bedchamber with Strepsiades and Pheidippides in bed, and, a little further on, the interior of the Phrontisterium with the students on the ground below, and Socrates high up in the air in his basket of contemplation. I do not know who first originated the grotesque idea that the eccyclema was a little platform, apparently something like the stand in a Punch and Judy show, wheeled out through the door of the house on to the stage. I have not myself met with it in any work of earlier date than K. O. Müller’s “Dissertations on the Eumenides of Aeschylus.” (I quote from the translation published at Cambridge in 1835.) The Eumenides furnishes one of the most notable instances of the use of the eccyclema. We first see the outside of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi. We see the Priestess enter, and immediately return full of horror at the sight which she has witnessed within. And then by a turn of the eccyclema the Temple wall opens, and we ourselves see what the Priestess saw, the suppliant, his hands still dripping with a mother's blood, cowering at the altar, and the frightful apparition of the Furies in the foreground; xl IN T R O D U CTION otpapévra yöp p.mxayáuara, as the Scholiast says, évômAa tote: Tê Kará to payreſov &s éxet. It is difficult to imagine a better example of the use of the eccyclema; but Müller, obsessed by his Punch and Judy notion, will not allow that it is a case of the eccyclema at all. For “how spacious,” says he, “must have been the movable stage which was capable of exhibiting at once, in a tasteful group, Orestes on the Omphalus, the Gods, and the entire Chorus ! and how wide must have been the portal, which admitted of their being wheeled through !” It would indeed have been impossible; and this alone should have sufficed to show him how utterly wrong his conception of the eccyclema must be. Had he realized its actual nature he would have seen that there was no difficulty whatever. He also confuses the ékkök\mua with the éé60 rpa, which was an entirely different thing. See the Commentary on Thesm. 277. It is surprising that the late Mr. Haigh, in his admirable treatise on “the Attic Theatre,” should have lent his name to the Punch and Judy theory. He cites all the authorities; and they all, without exception, disprove it. The eccyclema is invariably spoken of as treptorped duevov, turning on a pivot. Teptorped duevov tá čokoúvta évôov ć's év oikiqtpárregóal kai toſs ééo éðeſkvve, says the Scholiast on line 408 of the present play. So on Clouds 184, when the interior of the Phrontisterium is suddenly disclosed, the Scholiast observes épá Šē Ös buxogóqovs kopóvtas, otpaq,évros toū ékkvkAſſuaros. The Scholium on Eumenides 84 has already been quoted otpaq,évra yöp (amxavijuata évômAa towe; Tô Kará tê Havretov Šs éxet. In all these passages the allusion is to the wall revolving on a pivot. In other cases, though the word oftpeºpóuevov is not used, it is equally plain that we are supposed to be looking at the actual interior of the house, and not at a little stand wheeled out upon the stage. Thus the Scholiast on Choeph. 960 says àvoſyetat # 9 kmvi) kal ét éykvk\ſuaros Ópatai Tà orópata. The phrase the scene opens implies that that which is behind the scene is exposed to our view. And there is the same implication in Soph. Ajax 846, where Aias is heard lamenting within his tent, and the Chorus wishing to know what is going on behind the scenes say, àAA’ &volyéte, to which Tecmessa replies, ióot, 6totyo, and immediately Aias is discovered sitting IN T R O D U CTION xli amongst his captive sheep. There the Scholiast says évraúða èykūkampd rt y(veral, tva pavi ču pécois & Aias Touvious. It would be tedious to go through the various passages in Tragedy and Comedy in which the ékkök\mua is used, but it seems to me that every one of them supports the conclusion at which we have arrived. I imagine that the “little platform * idea was derived from a mis- understanding of a passage in Pollux (iv. segm. 128). Pollux writes as follows:—“The éykökAmpa is a floor on lofty wooden pillars whereon a seat is placed.” He must be thinking, as Mr. Haigh observes, of some particular instance of the eccyclema; and it seems to me very probable that he is thinking of the very scene we are now considering, where Euripides is seated on the upper floor writing a Tragic Play. “And it discloses the hidden things done within the houses. And the operation is called ěkkvKAeiv, and when it is wheeled in, elokūk)\mua. And it is to be observed at every door, that is to say, at every house,” kal Xpi) todro voeto 6at ka0' ékáortmu 68pav, oiovel, ka0' ékáortmu oikſav. He means apparently that the swivel, or hinge, or whatever we are to call the apparatus which sets the revolving wall in motion, is to be seen in every house, near the door. He does not give the slightest encouragement to the idea that anything comes through the door, So then we have Euripides sitting on the upper floor, and holding converse with Dicaeopolis below. A very amusing dialogue ensues. Dicaeopolis wants to borrow the garb of one of Euripides's ragged heroes, but forgets the name of Telephus. Euripides therefore has to guess the name; and so copious is his supply of heroes of this description that he names four—Oeneus, Phoenix, Philoctetes, and Bellerophon—before he hits upon Telephus. Indeed the poet's passion for dilapidated heroes is really remarkable; and years after this, in the Helen, he introduced Menelaus in the guise of a ragged ruffian whose very appearance nearly frightens Helen out of her wits. However, Telephus is reached at last; and Dicaeopolis is clothed in his beggarly raiment. And no sooner is this done than the old countryman finds to his delight that he has got, together with the ragged clothes, the subtlety and loquacity of the xlii IN T R O D U CTION Euripidean hero. He now petitions, one by one, for all the other articles with which Telephus was equipped as a beggar ; and finally, having obtained all these, he asks the poet for some chervil from his mother's store; his mother being supposed to have sold herbs in the market. This insult naturally brings the conversation to an abrupt end; Euripides is wheeled back, the wall closes up, and the house resumes the appearance which it wore before Dicaeopolis came. Now therefore Dicaeopolis is ready to deliver his speech “on behalf of the Lacedaemonians.” He delivers it in his beggar's rags, leaning over the chopping-block. It may seem, and was, a very daring thing in the midst of a terrible war to stand before the Athenians and deliver a speech on behalf of their enemies; but as a matter of fact he confines himself to one point, viz. that the Lacedaemonians did not commence the War out of any determined hostility to Athens, but that after the decree fulminated by Pericles against Megara they had no alternative. Here, as afterwards in the Peace, he declares that this Megaric decree was the occasion of the War. And with this all authorities agree. See the note on Peace 609, and to the authorities there cited add Aelian, W. H., xii. 53, and the notes of Kuhn and Perizonius there. But although the Megaric decree was undoubtedly the occasion of the War, yet of course the real cause of the War was the growth of the Athenian empire, a phenomenon abhorrent to the Hellenic theory that all Hellenic states should be autonomous and independent of each other, menacing to the Hellenic states which still remained free, and utterly distasteful to the subject allies themselves. Yet it seems to have grown up without any specially ambitious designs on the part of the Athenians. The splendid services of Athens during the Persian wars, the gallantry of her soldiers and sailors at Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea, the sagacity of her leaders, and above all the generous and self-sacrificing spirit in which she was always ready to subordinate her own special interests to the general interests of Hellas, coupled with the fact that her navy was larger and more efficient than that of any other Hellenic state, made it almost a matter of course that she should be chosen as the leader of the Navy IN T R O D U CTION xliii League which was to protect Hellas in the future from all aggression on the part of the Persians. And the various steps which converted that alliance of independent states into the Empire of one over the rest—the commutation of service in their own vessels into a money payment to the general treasury, and the transfer of that treasury from Delos to Athens itself, so that the free contributions of the allied states to the common cause became a tribute payable by the states to Athens—seem to have been brought about as much by the wishes of the allies as by the ambition of the Athenian leaders. But the result was that Athens, the hater of all Tyrants, appeared at last as a full-blown Tyrant City, raising or lowering the tribute at her own will, and treating as rebels to her sovereignty such states as sought to withdraw themselves from what they supposed to be a free and voluntary alliance. From being the champion of Hellenic freedom she became its worst enemy; and the general opinion of Hellas went largely in favour of the Spartan con- federacy (Tapā Toxi, Totet és Toijs Aakeóapovíovs, Thuc. ii. 8) which sought to put an end to her tyranny, and to set all Hellenic states free and independent as before. The Megaric decree was merely the spark which set fire to the tinder. In any case the conflict was imminent, and this was merely the excuse and occasion for commencing it. Nevertheless the argument of Dicaeopolis carries conviction to half the members of the Chorus; and while one section or Semichorus is as violently opposed to him as before, the other Semichorus has come round altogether to his side. So sharp is the contest between them that a scuffle takes place in the orchestra, and the hostile leader, being worsted in the fray, calls for help to Lamachus, the famous Athenian general who in the earlier Plays of Aristophanes is the representative of the party in favour of a vigorous prosecution of the War. In a later scene we shall see him arming for the fight; but now, when on the summons of the hostile Semichorus he issues from his house, he is already fully armed. An º altercation takes place between him and Dicaeopolis, in which the latter gets so much the better of the argument that even the hostile Semichorus is at last convinced, and henceforth the entire Chorus becomes the friend, xliv IN T R O DU CTION and indeed the humble flatterer, of Dicaeopolis. Lamachus marches off, denouncing a truceless war against the Peloponnesian confederacy, whilst Dicaeopolis proceeds to establish his private market at which, he says, (1) The Megarians may deal, (2) The Boeotians may deal, (3) Lamachus may not deal. These three rules give the cue for the three scenes which immediately follow. First, the Megarian. Of all the Hellenic states Megara was the greatest sufferer from the Peloponnesian War. Even before the actual commencement of hostilities its inhabitants had been brought to the brink of ruin by the operation of the “Megaric decree.” But so soon as the War broke out their sufferings were increased tenfold. In the very first year they were assailed" by the entire military and naval forces of Athens under the command of Pericles, the largest Athenian force, Thucydides tells us, that was ever brought together. It was composed of 13,000 hoplites with an extensive array of light-armed troops and a fleet of 100 triremes. The soldiers spread themselves over the whole of the little territory of Megara, carrying ravage and destruction every- where; they were like field-mice, says the Megarian in the play, grubbing up the roots of every plant; they were like the army of locusts of whom the Prophet said, “the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness”; and great was the spoil, Diodorus tells us, which Pericles brought back to Athens. And this was not all. A decree was passed, declaring against Megara a truceless war, denouncing death to every Megarian found upon Attic soil, and requiring the generals, on assuming office, to swear” that they * Thuc. ii. 31; Diodorus xii. 44; Plutarch, Pericles 34. * ypāqet Vºff biopia kar' airów Xapivos, dormovöov plºv eival kai dripukrov čxépav, Ös 8 &v étuği riis 'Arruki's Meyapéov 6avárq, (muoda'6al, roës 8é atparnyots, 3raw ögvöool rów Trárpuav Špkov čtropºvčeuv 3rt kai &is divá trav ćros eis rºv Meyapukºv čušaMotori.- Plutarch, Pericles 30. śyévovro Sé kai äA\al to repov čv rá, troAépiº Karā āros ékaorov > * * w 3. w w * * a w º a º y * / e 3 éogoNai A6mvaiou ès riv Meyapiða, kai intréav kai travatpartà, pºéxpt of Niorata éâ\o it IN T R O DU C T I O N xlv. would invade Megara twice every year; an oath which was faithfully observed ; and twice every year the entire forces of Athens poured them- selves over this unhappy little state. And nobody ever struck a blow in its defence. Its neighbours, the Corinthians, always ready enough to defend their own territory from Athenian invasion, never stepped a foot beyond their borders to defend the soil of Megara. Nor did the Megarians attempt to defend themselves. The whole country outside the fortified places was given up to the relentless and never-ceasing devastation of the Athenian armies. It does really seem, as Plutarch remarks (Pericles 30), as if Pericles had some private grudge against the people of Megara; but of course there was a sufficient political reason for these perpetual invasions. It must have been a most humiliating thing for the high-spirited Athenian army to be cooped up within their own walls, and watch the harrying of their farms and homesteads without even making an effort to save them ; nor would the successful raids of the Athenian navy around the coasts of the Peloponnese be sufficient to restore their self-respect. The only remedy was to allow them to inflict upon others the sufferings they had experienced themselves. Their northern neighbour was too strong. To invade Boeotia would, as they had often discovered, and were soon to discover again, be a proceeding attended with considerable risk; they must needs therefore throw themselves upon their southern neighbour, and ravage without danger to themselves the little defenceless territory of Megara. And so this continuous devastation went on, and the Megarians were reduced to the “warst extremities o' clemmin’.” So far from being able 'A6mvalov.–Thuc. ii. 31. We might consider this an example of the ordinary growth of a story. Thucydides, a contemporary, says that the Athenians invaded Megara every year. Plutarch, writing centuries later, says twice a year. Grote's statement, that “for several years of the war the Athenians inflicted this destruction once, and often twice, in the same year,” seems intended to reconcile the two accounts. But, in fact, Thucydides himself elsewhere (iv. 66) incidentally remarks that the Athenians invariably invaded Megara twice every year, 'Aénvatov dei kará áros ékaorov 8is éo Sax\ávrov travatpuruſ és rºw Xópav, xlvi IN T R O D U CTION to export garlic, salt, and other articles, they had none for their own consumption. Their condition is graphically described in the present play. A needy Megarian comes to deal with Dicaeopolis in the Private Market. All he wants is a bunch of garlic and a little salt, commodities which, until the Megarians fell out with Attica, they used to produce in sufficient quantities not only for their home consumption, but also for exportation. There is nothing of the kind in Megara now, and he has no money wherewith to buy them. So he dresses up his two little daughters as pigs, and swaps them for a small supply of salt and garlic. Comic as the scene is, it is really, as the Scholiast observes, extremely pathetic. The Megarian himself is a miserable and half-starved fellow without any dignity or self-respect, who would gladly sell his wife and mother at the same price. Secondly, the Boeotian. No one can be more unlike the poverty-stricken Megarian who goes out than the jolly well-fed Boeotian who next comes in. Boeotia had suffered little or nothing from the War. She remained within her own borders in security and plenty, enjoying to the full the fish, the fowl, the game, and the cattle, with which the country abounded. There is nothing of the sneak or the mendicant about this hearty marketer. He brings a great abundance of Boeotian commodities (see Peace 1003–5) to the Private Market, and not being really in want of anything takes nothing in return but a worthless article, unknown in Boeotia but only too well known in Athens, to wit, a Common Informer. The speeches of both the Megarian and the Boeotian are seasoned with the dialects” in vogue in their respective countries; but Aristophanes was far too great an artist and too shrewd a dramatist to overload their language with the strictest Doric and Aeolic forms, which would be unfamiliar and might even be unintelligible to his audience, and would spoil the rhythmical cadence of his own verses. In like manner our own Sir Walter Scott and, as a general rule, even Robert Burns merely * Professor Tyrrell and Mr. Billson in their clever versions of the play make the Megarian speak as a Scotchman, and the Boeotian as an Irishman. This has a very lively effect. IN T R O D U CTION xlvii interlard their Scotch dialogues and poems with Scotch phrases, and are not extreme to keep to those absolute Scotch forms which render a genuine old Scottish ballad unintelligible to the general reader. Learned men have amused themselves and displayed their own learning and ingenuity by reversing the wise economy of Aristophanes, and intro- ducing everywhere the strictest phraseology of the speaker’s dialect ; so rendering the speeches harsh and irksome, if not actually unintelligible, to an Athenian audience. It seems to me better to leave the lines as (we have every reason to believe) Aristophanes wrote them. Thirdly, Lamachus. The Megarians and Boeotians may deal in the Private Market, Lamachus may not. And accordingly, when he sends his servant to purchase some of those special dainties, eels and thrushes, he sends in vain. The servant brings the money in his hand, but no sooner does Dicaeopolis learn that his master is Lamachus, the Lamachus of the Gorgon shield and wavy plumes, than he sends him away with a flea in his ear. An eel for Lamachus? Certainly not. Let him wave his plumes over the cheap salt fish which a soldier carries in his knapsack. But short as is the episode of Lamachus, only ten lines in all, it intro- duces one subject of the highest importance. For Lamachus requires these dainties, the servant tells us, for the Pitcher-feast, when the great merry-making took place, to which every citizen was expected to bring his own provisions. And this merry-making thus abruptly introduced runs through the entire remainder of the play. Lamachus, on the point of taking part in it, is sent off, much against his will, on an arduous military expedition, whilst Dicaeopolis, with the other Athenians, attends the feast. And the closing scene shows us, on the one hand, Lamachus returning sick and wounded from the War, and, on the other, Dicaeopolis returning in great hilarity from the feast, having won the prize awarded to the man who could drink off his flagon of wine in the quickest time. In the article, to which reference has already been made, by Bp. Thirlwall in the Philological Museum, we meet with the following remark:— xlviii IN T R O D U C T IO N “It seems clear that there can be no more reason for identifying the Lenaea, the actual epoch of the performance [of the Acharnians], with one of the festivals represented in the action than with the other; and hence analogy would incline us to believe that the former festival was equally distinct from each of them. If, however, it were necessary to identify it with either, it would be with the first rather than with the last. For it is long after the speech of Dicaeopolis in which he mentions the Lenaea, and after the marketings which follow his defence, that the herald comes to proclaim the Choes.”—Phil. Mus. ii. 292. In expounding Boeckh’s theory Bp. Thirlwall mingles his own argu- ments with those of its author; and I do not know whether the state- ment just quoted is due to the German professor or to the English bishop. But whichever wrote it, it does no credit to the writer's perspi- cacity. The argument drawn from the position which the speech of Dicaeopolis holds in the play I confess myself unable to comprehend ; and it seems incredible that the first sentence of the paragraph should have been penned by any person who had read the Comedy with ever so little attention. For, as has already been pointed out, the Rural Dionysia forms part of the Comic fiction on which the whole drama is founded; it flows directly from the Private Peace, and has as little claim to actuality as the mission of Amphitheus, or the Private Peace itself, or the visit to the house of Euripides. But the Pitcher-feast has no connexion with that fiction; it is indeed first mentioned by the servant of Lamachus, the chief opponent of peace ; and even he does not think it necessary to inform us that the Pitcher-feast is about to take place, he merely asks for thrushes and an eel to take to the feast, as if its existence were already well known to the audience. I had contemplated the inclusion, in this Introduction, of a few brief remarks in relation to the earlier editions of Aristophanes; but it has already embraced such a variety of topics that it seems better to defer those remarks till we reach the place where they originally appeared, viz. the preliminary note in the Appendix to the Peace. But it may be permissible here to say a few words about the Latin versions of our poet's Comedies. IN T R O DU CTION xlix The first Latin translation was that of Andreas Divus, published without the Greek text at Basle" in the year 1539. It was a translation of all the eleven Comedies into Latin prose. No doubt the translator expected by his laborious undertaking to earn the gratitude of all sub- sequent students of Aristophanes; but his translation has been every- where received with a chorus of derision and abuse. “Bonus ille Andreas Divus,” says Tannegui Le Fevre, “vix alternos versus Comici nostri intellexit, qui nullum Hellenismi sensum haberet.” His transla- tion, says Kuster, “adeo inepta est, et tot vitiis ubique scatet, ut indignam eam iudicaverimus cui in editione nostra locum concederemus.” And Peter Burmann the younger, “ quam partim barbaram et nugacem, partim vitiis innumerabilibus ubique scatentem, merito ut indignam reiecerunt viri eruditi cuius in ulla deinceps editione aliqua haberetur ratio.” The translation is certainly full of errors, but these judgements do not err on the side of generosity. This unfortunate venture was followed, towards the close of the sixteenth century, by two partial translations into Latin verse, both of remarkable excellence. Florent Chretien, the tutor of Henry IV of France, published the Wasps, the Peace, and the Lysistrata as separate plays. The only original edition which I have seen is that of the Peace, which was published at Paris in the year 1589. And in 1597 the Acharnians, the Knights, the Clouds, the Frogs, and the Plutus were published by Nicodemus Frischlin at Frankfort, in one volume, dedicated to the Emperor Rodolph II. Each translator gave the Greek text by the side of his translation, and in each version even the most complex choral odes are given in the identical metres of the Greek, * That, at least, is the place of publication, and that the date of my copy. I have seen it stated that it was published at Wenice in the year 1538. Whether that statement is a mere mistake, or whether the work was published almost simultaneously in both places, I have no means of ascertaining. Mine cannot be the Venetian edition with a Basle title-page, because on the final page we again have “Basiliae in aedibus Andreae Cratandri mense Martio, anno 1539.” ACH, € l I N T R O D U CTION with (especially in the case of Florent Chretien) extraordinary skill and felicity. But the first complete edition of Aristophanes which contained a Latin translation of all the eleven plays was that of Aemilius Portus in 1607. He gave the verse translations of Florent Chretien and Frischlin, and for the three Comedies which they had left untranslated—the Birds, the Thesmophoriazusae and the Ecclesiazusae—the prose translation of Andreas Divus. This arrangement was continued in the editions known as Scaliger's and Faber’s ; but in the latter was added the Ecclesiazusae with commentary and Latin prose translation by Le Fevre from whom the edition derives its name. And Andreas Divus was finally shelved by the translation of the Birds by Hemsterhuys and of the Thesmophoria- zusae by Kuster. Kuster's own edition (in 1710) contained the eight verse translations by Florent Chretien and Frischlin, and the three prose translations by Le Fevre, Hemsterhuys, and himself. Bergler turned into excellent Latin prose the eight Comedies translated in verse by Florent Chretien and Frischlin; and his edition, published after his death by Burmann, was the first to contain a complete translation of all the eleven Comedies in Latin prose. Brunck revised the whole, and adapted it to his altered text. Brunck's revision of the composite transla- tion by Le Fevre, Hemsterhuys, Kuster, and Bergler has ever since remained what may be termed the Authorized Version. It has itself been revised to make it correspond with the Greek text of more recent editions, but the changes so introduced have been very slight. See the Aristophanes of Didot, Paris 1862. For the Greek Scholia I have uniformly employed the excellent and comprehensive Dindorf–Didot edition published in Paris in the year 1842. An edition of the Ravenna Scholia with an English translation was published by the late Dr. Rutherford, but the Greek text is very untrustworthy, and the English translation too often misses the Scholiast's meaning. An amusing instance of this will be found in his treatment of the Scholium on line 968 of the present play. There have been many most admirable translations of the Acharnians IN T R O D U CTION li into English verse. It has been translated" by Thomas Mitchell, A. D. 1820; the Right Honourable John Hookham Frere, 1840; Benjamin Dann Walsh, 1848; Leonard Hampson Rudd, 1867; Charles James Billson, 1882; and Professor Robert Yelverton Tyrrell, 1883. These versions, in their different styles, are all of remarkable merit. Certainly no further translation was required; and I should not have thought of publishing my own except for the purpose of completing the series. For although there are still four plays—the Clouds, the Wasps, the Peace, and the Lysistrata—to be brought into this edition, yet the translations of all the four have been published, so that this volume will complete the translation of all the extant Comedies of Aristophanes. I was familiar with Frere's version of the Acharnians almost in my boyhood, nearly if not quite as soon as I became acquainted with the Greek original; and doubtless it has always to some extent coloured my conception of the play. That I have always regarded the Odomantians as an army of “scarecrows " must have been because Frere had so described them ; but when I substituted that term for the ātreya)\muévois of line 161, I had not the slightest recollection that Frere had done the same ; and I did not discover, until it was too late to alter it, that I had been an unconscious plagiarist. In the dedication prefixed to the Editio Princeps of these Comedies A.D. 1498, Aldo Manuzio mentions, as though it were a matter of common notoriety, that Saint Chrysostom is recorded to have set such store by Aristophanes, that twenty-eight of the poet's Comedies were never out of his hands, and formed his pillow when he slept ; and that from this source he was thought to have drawn his marvellous eloquence and austerity”. It is not known upon what authority Manuzio founded * It seems impossible to reckon Wheelwright's version of the Comedies amongst the poetical versions. * “Hunc item Ioannes Chrysostomus tanti fecisse dicitur, ut duodetriginta comoedias Aristophanis semper haberet in manibus, adeo ut pro pulvillo dormiens uteretur; hinc itaque et eloquentiam et severitatem, quibus est mirabilis, didicisse dicitur.” lii I N T R O D U CT I O N this statement; but it must have been made, one would suppose, with the concurrence of the eminent Cretan scholar, Marco Musuro, who superintended the preparation of this (the Aldine) edition of the Comedies of Aristophanes. And the particularity of the detail, that the saint's copy consisted of twenty-eight Comedies, makes it probable that the writer was relying on some specific authority, rather than on any general recollection or belief of his own. Similar statements are found in many subsequent writers. Thus Aemilius Portus, another Cretan scholar, dedicating his edition of Aristophanes (A.D. 1607) to Bisetus, observes that the wit and pleasant- ness of Aristophanes had impelled John, who from the golden flow of his eloquence was surnamed Chrysostom, to the daily perusal of these Comedies, from which indeed he is said to have derived the greater part of his eloquence and of his vehemence in reproving vice. For as Alexander slept with Homer under his pillow, so was that most excellent theologian accustomed to sleep with the Plays of Aristophanes under his pillow; as we are told by authors worthy of all belief". And he refers to the same story in his Address to his readers. But these and similar notices in the old books are probably based upon Manuzio’s statement, and con- sequently add nothing to its credibility. Porson, we are told, expressed an opinion that Manuzio may have found the story in some old Greek scholiast, and the same great scholar thought it possible to trace in the language of Saint Chrysostom an apparent imitation of the language of Aristophanes”. No one was ever more competent than * “Haec (Sc. facundia et in dicendo suavitas incredibilis Aristophanis) Iohannem illum Antiochenum, summorum Theologorum lumen, qui propter aureum elo- quentiae flumen Chrysostomi cognomen obtinuit, ad huius poetae quotidianam lectionem impulerunt, ex qua maximam tum facundiae tum vehementiae suae partem in corripiendis vitiis hausisse fertur. Ut Alexander Homeri poema, sic etiam praestantissimus iste Theologus Aristophanem pulvillo subdere solebat, quemadmodum a viris fide dignis memoriae proditum.” See also Frischlin's Dedicatory Epistle to the Emperor Rodolph. º * “Quod de Ioanne Chrysostomo narrat Aldus, ex Scholiasta quodam derivatum suspicabatur Porsonus ; et in Chrysostomi dictione Aristophanis imitationem apparere putabat.”—Dobree's Adversaria ii. 129. IN T R O DUCTION liii Porson to decide on a question of this kind ; though it seems to me excessively difficult to compare the styles of two compositions so radically different in character as the light badinage of comic dialogue and the earnest exhortations of a Christian preacher. I will only make a few observations on the subject. - - 1. St. Chrysostom was obviously a man of the most brilliant intellect and the most profound learning. His mind was as familiar with the great classical writers of Pagan antiquity as it was with the whole range of Scriptural and patristic literature. . 2. His style is singularly pellucid. His thoughts are always brigh and clear, and clothed in the aptest language. There is never any doubt as to his meaning, or any obscurity in his way of expressing it. His language is justly described by a later contemporary of his own (Sozomen, H. E. viii. 2) as oraqis però Aapºrpärntos. It is like “the pure river of water of life, clear as crystal,” which the Apostle saw in his Apocalyptie visions. - 3. There are often words and phrases in his writings which recall the words and phrases of Aristophanes. Some of these, but hardly one in a score that I have noticed, are mentioned in the Commentary on the several plays. But I do not myself think that any great stress can be laid on evidence of this kind. Apart from mere accidental coincidences, the phrases of a popular writer work themselves into the popular language and become the common property of all who use that language. We are all of us every day employing the words and phrases of famous men without any suspicion of the source from which they originally came. Moreover a comic writer is quick to catch up phrases already embodied in contemporary speech, and they may have passed down to posterity by many channels other than his writings. 4. St. Chrysostom was one of the purest souls that ever existed, and one of the sternest reprovers of vice; and may well have been attracted by the kindred elements in the satire of Aristophanes. Indeed he is imagined, as we have seen, to have derived from that source some part at least of his severity, and of his sternness in rebuking vice. And any- ACH. e 3 Hiv IN T R O DU CTION how there is much in the moral tone and elevation of the great poet which would be bracing and refreshing to the great preacher, “a Court’s stern martyr-guest’ ” amongst the vices and corruptions of a falling empire. “Men smile,” says Mr. Sewell, in his eloquent Introduction to the Dialogues of Plato”, “men smile when they hear the anecdote of one of the most venerable Fathers of the Church, who never went to bed without Aristophanes under his pillow. But the noble tone of morals, the elevated taste, the sound political wisdom, the boldness and acuteness of the satire, the grand object, which is seen throughout, of correcting the follies of the day and improving the condition of his country, all these are features in Aristophanes which, however disguised, as they intentionally are, by coarseness and buffoonery, entitle him to the highest respect from every reader of antiquity.” And the “coarseness and buffoonery" are not characteristic of the poet; they were inherent in the very nature of the ancient comic drama, or rather in Athenian life and manners which in Comedy were faithfully mirrored and represented. An Athenian girl could not step out of her father's house without seeing in the “Hermes” beside her father's door the grossest and most immodest of symbols; she could not walk, as the “Queen of the May ’’ in a Dionysian procession, without having the same symbol, the phallus- pole, paraded behind her in the sight of the assembled crowds. There was no escape from this want of reserve and delicacy. It existed every- where. You could not have walked through a street of Athens, you could not have visited a farm in Attica, without encountering sights and symbols which nobody then regarded, but which would now be absolutely repulsive to every person of ordinary delicacy. And the Old Comedy merely placed before the Athenian people, and alone preserves to ourselves, an accurate representation of their daily life. This was the cause of its “coarseness and buffoonery,” which did not in any sense emanate from the mind of Aristophanes. To the poet himself the charge of indelicacy would have been quite incomprehensible. He plumed himself on the * J. H. Newman in the Lyra Apostolica. * p. 41. IN T R O DU CTION ly modesty of his Muse; his whole career was an attempt to raise Comedy into a loftier and a nobler sphere; to make it a vehicle for inculcating a higher political and social morality; to cleanse it from the vulgar surroundings, the pópros, from amongst which it had its beginnings. And there can be no doubt that among the poets of the Old Comedy he was distinguished as the most refined, the most free from all manner of coarseness. And this was the judgement of the ancients themselves. No nobler or purer mind than Plato's ever inhabited an Athenian form; yet he, with every personal reason for hostility to Aristophanes, could yet say that in that poet's soul the Graces had found a sacred shrine which would never pass away. And akin to Plato's reference to the Xápures is the special epithet à Xapſeus, by which amongst the later Greek writers, both Christian and Pagan, Aristophanes was perpetually distinguished. A man like St. Chrysostom, of brilliant intellect and wide learning and sympathies, and far more familiar than we can be with the pestilential vapours then slowly disappearing from the earth, “ smit by the splendours of the Bethlehem dawn,” would have been fully capable of appreciating the position of Aristophanes, and of recognizing the value of the blows he struck in the cause of right and justice, rö et kai Tô 3ſkatov. Nor in good truth has it ever been the pure of heart who have objected to Aristophanes on the score of his realistic representation of Attic life. I suppose that in the nineteenth century there was no holier or more Apostolic Bishop than Christopher Wordsworth; I am sure that there was no scholar who was more familiar with, or more fully appreciated, the Comedies of Aristophanes. I know no work which sheds a clearer or more pleasing light on these Comedies than “Wordsworth's Athens and Attica.” It is interesting to remember that Marco Musuro, the editor of the first printed edition of Aristophanes, was subsequently by Pope Leo X made Abp. of Monovasia. See Nichols’ “Epistles of Erasmus’’ i. 31. I should be well pleased if I have convinced any one of my readers of the truth of the Aldine anecdote ; but I must confess that I have not convinced myself. I should love to think that the “glorious Preacher ” lvi IN T R O DU CTION of Antioch and Constantinople was as reverent an admirer as I myself am of the Athenian poet. But the attitude which he invariably assumes towards the old Hellenic learning and towards dramatic performances in general seems quite inconsistent with such devoted attachment on his part to the Coryphaeus of the old Hellenic dramatists. EASTWooD, STRAWBERRY HILL, August, 1909. ( Ivii ) TIIOOEXEIX AXAPNEON. I 1. 'EkkAmoria. Špéarnkev 'A6;ivmaſiv čv Tó pavepº, ka0 ºv troXepotovodv- tas toūs ºfftopas kai trpopavós rov &mptov čarratóvtas.” Atkatówoxts tus Töv airovpyöv čeXéyxov trapetodyetal. Točrov & 8tá twos, 'Appuðéov kaxovpévov, a treloapávov kat' ióíav toſs Adkoo’iv, 'Axapuukoi yépovtes tremuopiévot to trpáyga trpoo’épxovtat 8tókovtes év Xopod oxſipati kai pietà Taijta 660wra Töv AukatótroXuv Ópóvres, Ós éotreua- puévov toſs troXeptorórows 8 karaXeūgetv ćpplógiv. 6 & intoo)(ópevos ūtrépétričávov rºv kepoxy exov &moxoyńorea.0al, ép’ ºre, éðv * pi treform t& 8trata Aéyov, Tów rpáxn}\ov drokomijorea'6al, éA6öv dis Eöpitríðmu aireſ trroxikºv atoxfiv' kai aroxtorffels toſs Tm2Mépov flakóplaat trappêeſ Töv čkeſvov Aóyov, oùk dxapiros º kaffairtóplevos IIepuk\éovs trepi toº Meyapukoú" iſ mºtoplaros. trapoévv6évrov 8é Tuvov čá airóv ćiri Tô * This Argument is found in the Ravenna M.S. (R.), and in two of the Parisian MSS. (P. and P.) employed by Brunck. It is given in Aldus and the printed editions generally. It appears in the text exactly as it stands in R., except where otherwise mentioned. * ééatraróvras. R. and all editions before Brunck have ééáirrovtas. Brunck introduced āśamaróvras, whether from his MSS. or from his own conjecture he does not say. It has been universally adopted. * troXepuardrous P. Brunck, recentiores. trokepukaotárous R. P*. troMepiots Aldus, editions before Brunck. For karaNet- orew (vulgo) R. has karaké\evoriv, * @' ºre éây vulgo. £4' 3r' àv R. * dxapiros vulgo. dxapiorros R. ° trepi rod Meyapukoč, R. Aldus, vulgo. The meph is omitted by P. and P., and Brunck, following them in this respect, reads rod re Meyapukoč. For émi rº ôoketv just below R. has āmi rô Sokeiv. ( lyiii ) ôokeſv ovvmyopetv roſs troXepitous, eira étiqepopévov, via tapévov & étépov Ós Tā. Śikata aútoà éipmkóros, étripaveis Aduaxos 60pv6etv trelpāral. elta yewopévov 8teNkvopod katevex9sis 1 & Xopos &moxáel Tôv AukatónToAw, kai Tpès toys Šukaotºs ? 8vo. Aéyéral trepi Tſis toū troumro0 dperfis kai &AAov twóv. roß & AlkalomóAuðos &yovros ko.6' éavròv eipſiumv, to pièv trpótov Meyapukós tus trauðta éavroſ., 8teokévaopiéva els Xolpíðta, pépov čv orókkº Tpáalpa trapayiveral pietà Tobrov čk Bolotów repos, yxéAets re kai travroðaróv ćpuíðov yóvov duari0é- pºevos eis Tºv dyopav. ois étiqavévrov twów avkopavtów avXAa36- pºevós Twa 8 & airóv 6 Aukatówoxus kai 8&Aov sis orákkov, tourov Tó Bototá ávríqoptov čáyeav čk Töv A6mvóv trapačíðoat, kai Tpoorayóv- tov airó TAetóvov kai Šeoplevov pleTa&otival Tóv atrov66v, kaðvtrepn- paveſ, trapoukoúvros & attà Aapadixov, kai évert mºvías ris Táv X06v éoptiis, todrov pièv ćyyeXos trapö. Töv otpatmyav *#kov kexeffel ééeX6óvta. pietà Tóv Štěav Tós eio SoNās Tmpetv. Tov Šē AukatótroXiu trap& Tow Atovčarov toū ispéos Tis kaxóv émi čeſn'vov ºpxetal. kai per' &Afyov ô pièv Tpavpatías kai kakós dirax\órtov Štravijkeu, ä & AukatótroXts òečetirvmkös kai pe6' étaipas diva)\tſov. Tö 8& 8pápa Töv et a páðpa retroimplévov, kai ék travrös Tpómov táv eipſiumv trpoka)\otſpuevov. * karevex6eis, overborne, vulgo. kare- to some extent supported by the words Aeyx6eis is suggested by Blaydes and plmöé tº TNā6et Sokó in line 317. It adopted by Wan Leeuwen. But there would have been better if, as Elmsley is no discussion between Dicaeopolis suggests, he had written 6earãs or and the Chorus after Lamachus makes drpoarās, but I suspect that his meaning his appearance; indeed Dicaeopolis is the same. may be said to have adroitly consti- * Tuva Aldus vulgo. rivās R. P. P. tuted himself the champion of the Brunck, Bekker, and a few others. But Chorus against Lamachus. apart from the circumstance that * Sukao ràs MSS. and editions. If this Nicarchus was the only Informer so is the right reading, the author of the treated, the singular roorov which im- Argument must consider that Dicaeo- mediately follows shows that we should polis had been pleading the cause of here read riva. the Lacedaemonians as in a dicastery, * trapá ràv orparmyöv vulgo. trapá têv the audience being the dicasts; a view arrparmyöv R. ( lix ) 'Eðið4x6m émi Eð0évov 1 &pxovros év Amvatois 81& KaNAuorpárov kai Tpótos fiv. 8ečrepos Kpativos Xelplašopévous of a govtat, EðtroXts Novpumvious. Tpíros II 2. APIXTOq ANOTX TPAMMATIKOT. 'EkkAmorias otforms trapayúovraí twes Tpéo Seus trap& IIeporóv kal trap& Xutd.Xkovs tróXu, oi pºv otpatièv ćyovres, oi 8& Xovoſov. A gº Af \ V A * trap& Töv Aakeóalpovíov & pietà Totºrovs Tuvès ortrovöðs ſpépovres ois Axapueſs of 8apiós etoo av, 3XX' ééé8axov &v ka0án retat orkXmpós 3 troum Tús. aúrò to Jºãºptoſpić re Meyapuköv iravös pmat, kai Tôv IIepukxéa koú Tov A&kova Tóvěe tróvtov airtov, oſtrov8&s Ačaſiv Te Töv čqeotórov kakóv. * Eöðūvov. Eöðupévows R. P. P. and all the older editions, but the archon- ship of Euthymenes was many years before, viz. 437–436 B.C. See Achar- nians 67. The archon in 426-425, when the Acharnians was exhibited, was Euthynus, by Diodorus and Athe- naeus miscalled Euthydemus. See Clinton's Fasti Hellenici anno 426 B.C. * This Argument, down to and includ- ing the words 6 troumrås in the seventh line, is found in the Ravenna M.S., where it is written as prose. It is not in any of the Parisian MSS. employed by Brunck, but it is given in full by Aldus and the printed editions generally. The Ravenna M.S. does not in this case, as it does in others, prefix the words APISTOPANOYx TPAMMATIkoy; but one would suppose that all these dog- gerel arguments must have been written by one hand, though it may be a libel to attribute them to the famous gram- marian. - In line 2, R. Omits trä\tv, but it is found in Aldus and all the editions. In line 6, Aldus and the other editions have ééé8a)\ov. R. has āśé8a)\\ov. In line 9, koi Tôv Adkova is Bergk's conjecture for oik rôv Aakóvov. If the final line is correct it must mean “and he says that Peace is the remedy for the evils now existing.” CORRIGENDUM. Page 3, note on line 6. It was probably in his “Book of Demagogues,” that is, the tenth Book of his Philippics, that Theopompus described the incident of Cleon being compelled to disgorge the five talents. See the Intro- duction to the Knights, where the incident is more fully discussed. CORRIGENDA IN WOL. V. Introduction, p. xviii, line 2, for “south-eastern" read “south-western.” Page 76, line 697, for ye)\otov read yéAotov. Page 198, line 30, for “fetched" read “filched.” h l; A X A P N E I X TA Tor APAMATOX IIPOxoDIA AIKAIOTIOAIX. KHPYº. AMIQBIGEOX. IIPE2BEI2. YEYAAPTABAx. 6EQPOX. xopox AXAPNEoN. TYNH AikatotróAtôos. €YTATHP Aukatom:6Xuèos. KHPI2O3,ON 6epámov Eipintôov. EYPIIIIAHS. AAMAXOX. METAPEYX. KOPA A kai B 6vyarépe rod Meyapéos. >YKOğ, ANTH>. BOIOTOX. NIKAPXOX, eEPAIIQN Aapdxov. TEOPTOX. IIAPANYMpox, ATTEAOIs A X A P N E I x AI. "Oora è?) 8éðmypal Tºv čuavroſ, kapëtav, #arðmu & 8atá. trāvv & 8atá. Tétrapa. & 8' 38vvíðmu, yappokoo toyápyapa. ºpép too, Tí & #60mv čátov Xalpmöövos ; º éyò8 ép' 3 ye to kéap stºpáv6mv ióðv, 5 & toſs trèvre taxóvrous ois KAéov čáñuegev. • A9 a Taü6' 6s éyavóómv, kai ºptXó 813 toūto Točpyov. čátov yap Toys intréas ‘EXX&&. In the background are three houses, the usual number in a Comic Play. The central house is the house of Dicaeopolis; the others are the houses of Euripides and Lamachus respectively. We must not conclude from the juxta- position of the three houses that their inmates are intended, even for the purposes of the play, to be represented as neighbours. The old Attic Comedy cared nothing for verisimilitudes of this description. The arrangement is merely a device whereby different scenes might be represented without any change in the theatrical scenery. In the foreground is a rough representa- tion of the Athenian Phyx, with a solitary citizen awaiting the opening of the Assembly. That he is weary and impatient is shown by his attitude and gestures; and finally he gives vent to his irritation in the soliloquy with which the play commences. The open- ing lines are full of quaint construc- tions and words, intended to arrest the attention of the audience not yet interested in the plot itself: though indeed there are many new-fangled words (more than a hundred, Elmsley thinks) scattered throughout the play. The first line is quoted, though without the author's name, by the Emperor Julian, who was fond of displaying his acquaintance with the Comedies of Aristophanes; sixéros, he says, Sãkyopal re kai 8éönypiat rºw pavrod kapātav.– Oration viii, p. 243 C. 3. Wrappokoorloyāpyapa] This is a word compounded by the poet from Vráppos sand, yāpyapa heaps, and -kóoriot hundreds (as in 8takóoriou, rptakóortot, and the like). The Scholiast tells us that the words dpuðuetv 6earās Wrappokoorious were em- ployed by Eupolis in his Xpwoodv yévos, T H E A C H A R N T A N S DICAEOPOLIS. What heaps of things have bitten me to the heart | A small few pleased me, very few, just four; But those that vexed were sand-dune-hundredfold. Let’s see: what pleased me, worth my gladfulness? I know a thing it cheered my heart to see; ‘Twas those five talents vomited up by Cleon. At that I brightened; and I love the Knights For that performance; ’twas of price to Hellas. a drama of uncertain date, but in all probability subsequent to the Knights. It is thought too that Xaupmööv, xatpn- 8óvos, which does not elsewhere occur, is another word coined by the poet, by analogy to d\ymööv, dAymöövos. 6. ois KAéov ééñpearev] The five talents which Cleon disgorged. Cleon had re- ceived this sum from certain of the allies as a bribe to get the amount of their tribute-assessment lowered; but the fact leaking out, he was compelled, either by the judgement of the dicasteries or (more probably) by the threat to resort to them, to pay over the sum to the public treasury. It is plain that the Knights were active in discovering the bribe and compelling restitution. The incident, which Thucydides does not condescend to notice, is recorded by Theopompus, doubtless in his con- tinuation of the former’s History. Trapá töv vnotorów #Aa3e trévre rāAavra ö KAéov, iva reign roës 'Aónvaiovs kovºptorat airot's ths eiorqopås. alo 66pevot be of intreſs dvréAeyov kai dirfrnorav airóv. Héuvnrat €eómopºros.-Scholiast. 8. &átov yap ‘EAAáðt] Cf. infra 205. These words, the Scholiast tells us, are taken bodily from the Telephus of Euripides, a Tragedy which provided Aristophanes with an inexhaustible fund of amusement and satire. It is quoted in the first half of this play no less than ten times; and frequently in the other Comedies down to and in- cluding the Frogs. The line from which the present words are borrowed is given by the Scholiast as kakós &\ovt’ āv čátov yap ‘EAAáðu, and is supposed to have been spoken by Achilles in reference to Telephus, who has just made his appearance in the Achaean Camp. B 2. 4 A X A P N E IX &AA’ &óvvíðmu èrepov at Tpay@8tköv, ôre 87 'key fivn Trpool&oków Tov Aloxºov, 10 zº 9 º' A. A jy 68’ &veſtrev “eforay', & Oéoyvu, Töv Xopóv. trós roît' oretoré pov, Šokeſs, Tºv kapôtav ; 2 &AA’ repov #00my, #vík' émi Mórxºp troté Aegiðeos eigſ),0' go-6pevos Botórtov. Thres 8 &mé6avov kai 8teatpdºmy ióðv, 15 ôre 83) trapékvilre Xalpus étri Töv ćpólov. 9. Tpayºuków] This epithet, as the actor uttered it, would seem to indicate a woe of deep and tragic import; but his next words would show that Aristo- phanes is using it to denote a grievance connected with the Tragedy-competi- tion at the Dionysia. Aeschylus had been dead for more than thirty years at the date of the production of the Acharmians, but his plays enjoyed the privilege, at that time unique, of still competing for the prize. At the festival of which Dicaeopolis is speaking, an old Tragedy by Aeschylus, and a new Tragedy by Theognis, were two of the three dramas competing for the Tragic prize; and while the speaker was looking forward to the enjoyment of one of the sublime productions of the old Warrior-bard, he is disgusted at hearing the Crier call upon Theognis to introduce his frigid play. For Theognis was a dull man, and wrote dull plays; so frigid, that he acquired the nickname of Xuèv, Snow. His excessive frigidity, NºvXpórms, is ridiculed infra 140, and Thesm. 170, where see the Commentary. 11. 6 8' dveirev] "O kipwé 8nMovári. ečoyvis 88 otros rpaypôtas Toumrås, Távv Wrvxpós, eis róv Tptákovra, Ös kai Xuèv éAéyero.—Scholiast. 13. Érti Māorx?] 'Avri roi, Heră rôv Móo Xov. fiv Šē ośros (pat)\os kuðappöós. à èë Aeëtéeos àptorros kuðappöös.— Scholiast. His disappointment and his pleasure were of a similar character. The one arose from the exchange (by substitution) of Theognis for Aeschylus ; the other from the exchange (by succes- sion) of Dexitheus for Moschus. This is the simple, and I think the true, explanation of the passage. Another explanation, also coming down from the time of the Scholiasts, would in my opinion be hardly worthy of notice, had it not received the sanction of Bentley in his Dissertation on Phalaris (Age of Tragedy). Tuvès ošros, says a Scholiast, 3rt 6 vukňoras ā6\ov éAápſ3ave Hóaxov. So in the Pastorals of Longus ii. 24 we are told that a Sicilian shep- herd forev Čiri puto 6% rpáyg kal orêptyyi. But there is no reason to believe that a calf was ever the prize for anything; an allusion to the prize would be here altogether out of place; whilst it is quite in the manner of Aristophanes to set off the praise of one competitor against the censure of another. Theognis T H E A C H A R, N IA NS 5 Then I’d a Tragic sorrow, when I looked With open mouth for Aeschylus, and lo, The Crier called, Bring on gour Play, Theognis. Judge what an icy shock that gave my heart | Next; pleased I was when Moschus left, and in Dexitheus came with his Boeotian song. But O this year I nearly cracked my neck, When in slipped Chaeris for the Orthian Nome. was more unwelcome because he was substituted for Aeschylus; Dexitheus was more welcome because he succeeded Moschus. 14. Botórtov] MéNos oſſro KaNoüpevov, Śmep eips Tépiravöpos, &ormep kai rā ºpüytov. —Scholiast. It was, in fact, one of the famous lyrical momes of Terpander; and Plutarch (De Musica, chap. 4) gives it the first place in his enumeration of the nomes. Sophocles also mentions it, 3rav tus #8m ròu Botórtov vöplov. Proverbia Zenobii (Gaisford, p. 270). And as the proverb collectors tell us that the expression Bolérios vôpos was applied to persons who begin very calmly, and presently proceed with greater vehemence (Zenobius, ubi supra; Suidas, s. v. Botoria ; Alexandrine Pro- verbs 77), we may conclude that such was the character of the nome itself. There seems no ground for the sugges- tion that Aristophanes intended any play on the words piéoxos and 80t-órtov, or that Dicaeopolis was pleased with the Boeotian as being the pastoral strain of Peace, and displeased with the Orthian as being the stirring strain of War. - 15. Thres] Toàrº Tó rei.-Harpocra- tion, Photius. Does 8teorpáq my mean “I twisted my neck” or “I got a squint 2 " I certainly think the former. I doubt if 8teorpāq,nv, which means that the speaker himself was distorted, can properly be restricted to a mere squint without the addition of roës 6%6a)\plots or the like. And here “I got a squint" would come with singular bathos after diréðavov. The same question arises in Knights 175 and Birds 177. 16. Trapékvºre] This word everywhere else in Aristophanes means “peeped in " or “out,” but here it seems to mean something more : came sidling in. There is probably, as Dr. Merry suggests, a contrast intended between trapakörro and épôtov. Mueller cites from the first Philippic (28, p. 46) an instance of trapaköntetv used in the like significa- tion, and followed, as here, by émi with an accusative; ſrå £evukå) trapaköyavra &mi rôv rms tróAeos tróAepov. The Orthian nome was another, and perhaps the most celebrated, of Terpander's nomes; a bold and spirit-stirring strain, as of soldiers marching to victory, It is again mentioned in Knights 1279; and see Birds 489, Eccl. 741. Chaeris, who comes sidling in to play it, was a 6 Ax APN E Ix 9 2 &AX otöeróiror' éé àrov 'yo) jūrropal oùros éðfixónv čno kovías rés à ppūs t gº & A 9 3/ Aº 9 A. &s viv, Örör' oiſorms kvpíos ékk\marías éoôlvis àpmpos ºf Trvè& airmſ. 20 of 8 v dyopſ? Aaxodou, kāvo kai kāro º 2 Æ *A A Tô oxotvíov petſyoval to pepu}\topévov- 9 où8' oi trpvráveis #kovoruv, dAA doptav #kovres, eira & 60'riojvral trós 8okets éA6óvres d’AXīAotori trepi trpárov šćAov, 25 wretched Theban piper, described in the Peace and the Birds as in the habit of appearing, uninvited and unwelcome, at Sacrificial feasts, in the hope of obtaining some gift. The Theban pipers, infra 866, are called Xaiptósis 80p6aúAtol. 17. §§ 3rov 'y& fiſſiſtopſail Since washing- days began ; that is “from my earliest youth”; a slang expression, to which Swift's lines have been compared: Well, if ever I saw such another man since my mother bound wy my head. You, a gentleman? Marry, come up, I wonder where you were bred. (Letter from Mary the cookmaid to Dr. Sheridan.). And having thus introduced the idea of washing, he proceeds, whilst retaining the word áðſixònv from line 1, to sub- stitute for the expected int' éðūvns Tºv Kapòlav the unexpected intrö kovias rās Öqipës. p 19. kvpias Škk\marias] The question as to the kūptat ékkAmoriat is considered in the Introduction ; and it will be suffi- cient here to set down the conclusion there arrived at. The three fixed and regular Assemblies, held on the 11th, the 20th, and the last day of each month, were in the time of Aristophanes called kūpuat ékk\morial. They were not convoked : they came automatically on the appointed days; and at them the whole business of the empire was transacted. Additional assemblies, con- voked on any particular emergency, were called, in contradistinction to the kūptat, oróykAmrot €kkAmorial. That the Assemblies, like other public functions at Athens, commenced at daybreak is of course well known. See Thesm. 375, Eccl. 20, 85, 377, &c. 22. Heptºropévov] The Pnyx, where the ékk\moriat were held, was an elevated plateau of a semicircular shape, a little to the south-west of the Areopagus, a portion of the Agora lying between the two. There is an excellent picture, with plans, of the Pryx in Stuart and Revett's Antiquities of Athens, vol. iii, chap. vii, plate 38; and a good account of it in Col. Leake's Topography of Athens, vol. i., App. II. In the Agora, adjoining the Pnyx, there were sure to be citizens loitering about, even in the early morning, and when an T H E A C H A R N IA NS 7 But never yet since first I washed my face Was I so bitten—in my brows with soap, As now, when here's the fixed Assembly Day, And morning come, and no one in the Pnyx. They're in the Agora chattering, up and down Scurrying to dodge the vermeil-tinctured cord. Why even the Prytanes are not here ! They’ll come Long after time, elbowing each other, jostling For the front bench, streaming down all together Assembly was about to be held, it was customary to send two Scythian archers (the regular police at Athens) into the Agora to bring these loiterers into the Pnyx. All exits from the Agora, except those leading into the Pnyx, were temporarily blocked up : and the policemen, holding between them a long outstretched rope dripping with ruddle (rubrica Sinopica), advanced from the further end of the Agora, driving its occupants before them into the Assembly. If any lingered, they were caught by the rope and so marked with the ruddle; and if they did not attend the Assembly, they made them- selves liable to a fine. We can well imagine that much merriment would be caused, as the groups of loiterers dodged about to avoid the rope. See Eccl. 378 and the Commentary there. 23. Trpvráveis] The Presidents. The BovX} consisted of 500 members, fifty from each of the ten tribes. The fifty Sovievrai from each tribe took it in turn to be trpvráveis, and in that capacity presided over all meetings, not only of the 8ov\), but of the ékk\mata also. In order to make these ten terms of office coincide with the twelve months of the year, each term (or Prytany, arpvraveta, as it was called) continued for thirty-five or thirty-six days. An Assembly could not be properly constituted until the Presidents arrived; and as on this occasion, if we are to believe Dicaeo- polis, they did not arrive till near noon, the Assembly was not opened until hours after its proper time. At the Assembly the Presidents sat beside the bema or orator's pulpit, facing the people, see Eccl. 87 and the note there. And as it cannot be supposed that this little throng of fifty men would have to struggle through a crowded Assembly in order to reach their seats, they doubtless entered from the other end, descending from the higher level behind the bema by steps cut in the rock, some of which are still visible, or at least were in Stuart and Revett's time plainly visible, and are clearly represented in their picture and plans mentioned in the preceding note. Hence we see the force of the preposition karð in the participle karappéovres infra 26. The Prytanes came streaming down the steps to the lower level of the Pnyx. 8 A X A P N E IX dépôot karappéovres eipſivm 8 &mos ëoral ºrportpāor’ oë8év' & tróAus, tróAus. éyò 8 del trpétuoros eis ékkAmortav a * > ºn vooróv kóðmplat kär'étrelë&v 6 p.6vos, a Af 08 a é08 otevo, key(mva, orkopolyopiat, Trepoopiat, 30 dropó, ypépo, trapatíNAopal, Aoyſéopat, dirogºëtrov čs Töv dypov, eipſiums épôv, arvyāv plºv Čorv, röv 8 eptov Šipov tro56v, ës ow8etrótrot' eitrev, &vôpakas trpio, 3 y oëk Čšos, oùk éAatov, où6 fºet Trpio, - 35 9 * dAN airós pepe tróvta, Xà trptov dirfiv. viv obv drexvós #ko trapeakevaguévos 80áv, Ütrokpoiſelv, Aotöopeſv toys ºftopas, éáv tis &AAo TAºv trepi eipſiums Aéym. &AW oi Tpvráveis yap oiroti plea mugpuot. 40 2 3. 2 * > . 3 * 30 t * } oùk #yópevov; Toor €keſv oëyó ‘Aeyov' eis Tºv trpoeëptav Träs divºp Óotićetal. KHP. tráput’ eis rô trpó0.6ev, trápió', Ös &v évrös fire Tod ka0áppatos. 27. & TóAus, tróMus] These words form here an affectionate expostulation with the citizens, just as they do in the well-known lines of Eupolis quoted by the Scholiast on Clouds 587: & tróxis, tróxis' *A d's etruxºs et påAAov fi kaxós (ppovets. 80. Gropäiväpall 2kopówāoréal means to stretch oneself and yawn, as one half awake, Perú Xáopms 8taravčeoréat.— Scholiast on Lucian's Lexiphanes 21. And the same explanation is given, almost in the same words, by all the old grammarians. See also Wasps 642, Frogs 922. 33. arvyāv k.T.A..] This line, the Scholiast informs us, is borrowed from some Tragic Play; but he does not give us either the name of the author or the title of the play. Its sentiment would be shared by all that great agricultural population who, on the outbreak of the war, were compelled to leave their country homes, and to herd within the walls of the city. 34. Śvēpakas trpio) Come, buy my char- coal. The dislike of a countryman for these town-cries is a little touch of nature which always remains the same. Readers of “Lorna Doone" will re- member the annoyance of John Ridd, T H E A C H A R N IA NS 9 You can’t think how. But as for making Peace They do not care one jot. Oh, City City But I am always first of all to come, And here I take my seat; then, all alone, I pass the time complaining, yawning, stretching, I fidget, write, twitch hairs out, do my sums, Gaze fondly country-wards, longing for Peace, Loathing the town, sick for my village-home, Which never cried, Come, buy my charcoal, or My vinegar, my oil, my anything; - But freely gave us all; no buy-word there. So here I’m waiting, thoroughly prepared To riot, wrangle, interrupt the speakers Whene'er they speak of anything but Peace. — But here they come, our noon-day Prytanes Aye, there they go ! I told you how 'twould be ; Every one jostling for the foremost place. CRIER. Move forward all, Move up, within the consecrated line. on his first visit to London, at finding that if he did but look into a shop- window “the owner or his apprentice boys would rush out and catch hold of me, crying Buy, buy, buy 1 What dy'e lack 2 What dy'e lack 2 Buy, buy, buy 1” There is a very similar scene in the opening chapter of “The Fortunes of Nigel,” but not quite so aptly worded for our present purpose. 36. x& Tptov drºv]. It is not quite certain whether trpiov is a substantive, the saw, or a participle, the sawyer; but either way it is a play on Trpio, the imperative of Trpiapat, to buy. The pun cannot be preserved in English; and Tptov is generally translated by this buy-word or this grating word or some- ... thing of the kind. 43. Trápur' . . . kaðápparos] Now the Prytanes have taken their seats, and the Peristiarch is supposed to have carried the sacrificed sucking-pig round the place of meeting for the purpose of purifying the place itself, and the Assembly about to be held therein. And the Crier at once invites the people to come within the line of purification, êvrós roi, kaffāpparos. The words which he employs träpur’ sis rô Tpégéey are the recognized formula used for this invitation; they are found 10 - A X A P N E IX AM. #8m ris eitre ; AM. Ayā. KHP. ris &v; AM. Appíðeos. AM. oi), &AX 30&waros. KHP. Tís dyopetſetv BoöAeral ; - 45 KHP. oºk &v6potros; 6 yap Apºptºeos Añuntpos fiv kai Tptirroxépov. Totºrov & KeXeos yíyveral. 'yapleſ & Kexe6s Pauapérmv ráðmu èpºv, ēś is Avkſvos éyévet'. K roßrov 8' éyò 50 d6ávarós eiu". Špol & imérpeyaw of 6eol otrovö&s troueto 6al trpès Aake&alpovíovs piévº. &AA’ &6ávatos év, &vêpes, épéði' oëk éxo: où y&p 3186aoivoi trpvrávels. KHP. of Tošórat. under precisely the same circumstances in Eccl. 129; and in an informal shape, as a preliminary to the informal opening of an ékkAmaia, in Knights 751. And next, again using the recognized formula ris dyopetºeuv 800Xerat, he de- clares the Assembly open, and invites the speakers to commence the debate. And Amphitheus answers áyö, as an orator wishing to address the real Assembly would do. See the Com- mentary on Knights 751, Thesm. 379, Eccl. 128, 129, 130. The Scholiast refers to Aeschines against Timarchus (p. 4) étrelčáv rô Ka8ápotov treptevexón . . . perå Tatra étreporá á 800Xeral ; 45. #8m ris eire] But before the Crier has had time to put the question which signifies that the preliminaries are over and the discussion can begin, one enters in a violent hurry, inquiring (apparently of nobody in particular) whether the debates have already commenced. The knpuč Tis dyopsiew Crier, either not hearing or not heeding him, proceeds to put the question. Three matters, we shall find, come before the Assembly: (1) the affair of Amphitheus. This is a mere interrup- tion, which is speedily silenced; (2) the Embassy returning from the Great King, bringing with them, so they say, a Persian noble of the highest rank; and (3) the Embassy returning from Sitalces with troops sent by him to the assistance of Athens. 48. TptºrroMéuov] Both Celeus and Triptolemus were great names in the old legend of “Demeter in search of her daughter.” Lucian (de Salta- tione 40) combines túv Añumrpos TAdvmv, kai Kópms eipeou, kai Kexeoí Ševiav, kai TpurroMéuov yeapytav. Celeus (according to the Homeric Hymn, and Apollo- dorus i. 5) was the King of Eleusis, whose daughters found Demeter resting by the wayside, wearied out by her search for the Köpm. And it was on T H E A C H A R N IA NS 11 Aurniturus. Speaking begun ? AM. I. C.R. Who are you ? AM. No, an immortal. CR. Who will address the meeting 2 AM. Amphitheus. For the first Amphitheus CR. Not a man 2 Was of Demeter and Triptolemus The son : his son was Celeus; Celeus married Phaenarete, who bare my sire Lycinus. Hence I’m immortal; and the gods committed To me alone the making peace with Sparta. But, though immortal, I’ve no journey-money; The Prytanes won’t provide it. CR. Archers, there ! Triptolemus (usually called the son of Celeus, but in the Homeric Hymn treated as an independent prince) that Demeter conferred the knowledge of agriculture which he afterwards taught to mankind. The name Amphitheus is not found in the Homeric Hymn or in the Mythographers, but it probably belonged to the old legend, and the Scholiast here says ispets Añumrpos kai TputroXépov č 'Apiq ióeos. Aristophanes takes these old names out of their proper surroundings, and with them constructs a fictitious pedigree, in imitation, the Scholiast says, of the genealogies which Euripides so often gives us, as, for example, in the opening lines of the Iph. in Taur. The names Phaenarete and Lycinus have no con- nexion with the Demeter-legend. They are merely the poet's inventions. 53. §q6öual Journey-money. Čq6öta Aéyerat à éxet ris eis 8am dumv év rà éöö.- Scholiast on Plutus 1024. Ambassadors were appointed, and their remuneration fixed, in the ékkAmoria; and we may gather from the present passage that it devolved upon the Prytanes to see that they received it. 54. oi ročárat] We have already seen, in the note on 22 supra, that the Scythian archers were the regular police at Athens. They, in an Assembly of this kind, were under the command of the Prytanes; and the Prytanes would in ordinary cases have given the order for the removal of Amphitheus; éos āv oi ročárat airów dºpe Mküoroo’iv # ééaipovrat, kexevövrov rôv trpvráveov.– Plato, Protagoras, chap. 10 (p. 319 C). But here the Prytanes are personae mutae, and have merely by nod or gesture indicated to the Crier the steps to be taken. That the order really emanated from the Prytanes is shown by the first words of Dicaeopolis &vöpes Tpvráveis, dötkeire rºw ékkAmoriav Töv čvöp' diráyovres. It is noticeable that the order for his removal follows at Once on his attack upon the Prytanes. The words of irpvrávels are hardly out of his mouth when there comes a call for the police. But doubtless, had their conduct been called in question, they could 12 A X A P N E IX AM. & TpurróAeple kai Kexeč, treptówreo 66 pie ; - 55 AI. 6vêpes trpvrávels, dölkeſ're rºw ékk\matav Töv čvöp” &mdyovres, Šaris àpitv #6eXe otrovöö's wrotfioral kal Kpepºda at Tês datíðas. KHP. Köðmoro oriya. AI. pſ, Tov 'AtróXXo 'yo) pºv ot, #v pl?) trepi eipſivms ye trpvravečanté plot. 60 KHP. oi trpéa Sets oi trapó, Baot)\éos. AI. Totov Baqixéos; &x6opat 'yo Tpéogeot kai toſs to 6al toſs T &Aačovečplagu. KHP. atya. AI. 828avõš, 3kSárava, Tod oxſipatos. IIP. Trépºratº’ \p&s 6s 8aaixéa rov piéyav, 65 puo'000 pépovras 860 6paxpús Tfis piépas ën' E30wpévows &pxovros' AI. oiuot tév 8paxpév. IIP. kai 87t' étpuxópe6a 31& Töv Kaijatpíov trečíov Óðoutrāavoivres éokmvmpiévot, ép' éppaptaś6v play60kós katakeſpevot, 70 have justified themselves on the ground that Amphitheus had not, in answer to the Crier's challenge, shown himself to be a genuine Athenian citizen, quali- fied to address the Assembly. 58. Kpepiáoral rās dotriðas] To hang up our shields, as no longer required for warlike purposes. Cf. infra 279. 61. oi rpéa Sets of tapå Saori Néos] This is prose, and probably the actual formula by which envoys and the like were introduced into the Assembly: see infra 94. The ejaculation of Dicaeopolis when he hears of the embassy to the King, trotov Baorikéos; is generally, and quite rightly, translated Great King indeed! But our interrogative what is frequently employed in the same sense as Totov here. Thus in Tom Jones x. 2, where a Mr. Fitzpatrick is complaining of a lady whom he supposes to be his wife, What wife (troias Šápapros, Eur. Hel. 567), cries his friend, do not I know Mrs. Fitzpatrick very well ? and don't I see that this lady is none of her? So in Tennyson's Holy Grail, where a monk speaks of the Holy Grail as “the phantom of a cup,” Nay, monkſ what phantom 2 answered Percivale, The Cup, the Cup itself. 64. 3kSárava] The entrance of the envoys, clad in gorgeous Oriental apparel, elicits from Dicaeopolis the exclamation, O Ecbatana 1, the name of the old capital of the Medes, a synonym at Athens of wealth and T H E A C H A R N IAN S 13 AM. O help me, Celeus I help, Triptolemus ! DI. Ye wrong the Assembly, Prytanes, ye do wrong it, Haling away a man who only wants To give us Peace, and hanging up of shields. DI. By Apollo, no, not I, CR. St Take your seat. Unless ye prytanize about the Peace. CRIER. O yes! The Ambassadors from the Great King ! DI. What King ! I'm sick to death of embassies, And all their peacocks and their impositions. CR. Keep silence DI. Hey!!! Ecbatana, here’s a show. AMBASSADOR. Ye sent us, envoys to the Great King's Court, . Receiving each two drachmas daily, when Euthymenes was Archon. AMB. DI. O me, the drachmas And weary work we found it, sauntering on, Supinely stretched in our luxurious litters With awnings o'er us, through Caystrian plains. voluptuous living. ēšíaoru yap oi Tpéorgets keka)\\omtapévol, says the Scholiast, Ös diró ‘Ex8arávov. - 65. €irépºrać juás] The envoys now deliver to the Assembly a report of their proceedings. They were ap- pointed, they say, in the archonship of Euthymenes (437–6 B.C.) at a salary of, for each envoy, two drachmas a day; apparently about the usual salary for an envoy (Boeckh ii. 16) and four times the pay of a dicast. Pleased with their salaries, they took about eleven years to accomplish the journey there and back, which they might easily have done in as many months. 68. Stå rôv Katjarpiov trečíov] This would be the route by which Themi- stocles went up from Ephesus to the Great King's Court; and it was prob- ably the ordinary route for Hellenic travellers to the same destination. The hardships which they take credit for enduring are really of course un- wonted luxuries. 70. śp' éppapuačóv] The éppiduaša was a sumptuous equipage, a sort of cur- tained and cushioned litter, in which occasionally great nobles, but more generally the wealthy and luxurious ladies of Asia, were acoustomed to travel in state. The noble Coan lady, arrayed in all the pomp and splendour of Persia, whom Pausanias saved from the carnage of Plataea, is described by Hüt. (ix. 76) as lighting down from her éppápača for 14 A X A P N E IX drox\tºpievou. AI. opóðpa yöp orogóplmv čyö trapá ràv émaXáiv čv popuré, karakeipevos ; IIP. §evićpevot & Trpès 8tav čtrívoplev éé Öaxivov čktropidºrov kal Xpwortóov &xparov oivov jööv. AI. & Kpava& tróAus, - 75 &p' aio 64vet rôv karáyeAov Tów irpéorgeov; IIP. oi Báp3apot yap divöpas àyoßvral provovs toys TAeſota 8vvapiévows katapayeſv kai trieſv. AI. Žipleſs & Matkaard's Te kai karatrúyovas. IIP. Éret Teráprºp 8' és rà. 8aataei Néopev. 80 the purpose of claiming his protection. And it was in an äppäpaša that Themi- stocles, passing himself off as a fashion- able Ionian lady, travelled safely through Asia Minor on his way to the Great King's Court.—Plutarch, Them. 26. So when the Cilician queen drove with Cyrus to see the army of the Ex- pedition, he went in his àppa, and she in her öppiduača.-Xen. Anab. i. 2. And according to one account of the Em- peror Gratian's death, Andragathius, an officer of his opponent Maximus, concealed himself in an Imperial dippid- pača, and was drawn by mules to the place where the Emperor was residing. Gratian, supposing that the litter con- tained his wife, ran down eagerly to greet her, and was at once dispatched by Andragathius.-Socrates, H. E. v. 11.8; Sozomen, H. E. vii. 13.8. To an Athenian the word would convey the idea of the softest and most effeminate luxury. 72. čma\{uv} The rampart, the battle- ments. Trpopaxóva röv retxàv.–Scholiast, Hesychius. TáMéets' ai ééoxal émávo rów retxàv.—MS. gloss, quoted by Alberti on Hesychius. Bergler refers to the statement of Thucydides (ii. 13) that at the commencement of the war Athens had 13,000 hoplites for active service, besides 16,000 (older and younger men and puéroukot) on garrison duty, oi év roſs ‘ppoupious, kal oi trap' ºra)\éiv. Of these 16,000 we must suppose Dicaeopolis to have been one ; too old, no doubt, for active service. It was his privilege, as the Scholiast says, to sleep £v rô reixei émi ºppvyāvov kai ka)\ápans kai orvpperóv. rö obv éoroſópany év sipoveta Aéyet. Hesy- chius explains popurès to mean qipëyava, ãxvpa, kal diró yńs aipópevos ūrā āvéuov Xópros ºppvyavāöms, orvpperös, 86p3opos, àkaðaporia. 73. Trpós 8tav Čirivopiev] The commen- tators, generally, consider that these words are intended to represent a dis- agreeable experience, as in the lines, to which Bergler refers, cited by Athe- maeus (x. 31) from a satyrical drama of Sophocles, to mp3s 8tav wively . . . toov kaköv trépuke rà bipºv 8tº. T H E A C H A R N IA NS 15 'Twas a bad time. DI. Aye, the good time was mine, Stretched in the litter on the ramparts here ! AMB. And oft they fêted us, and we perforce Out of their gold and crystal cups must drink The pure sweet wine. DI. O Cranaan city, mark you The insolent airs of these ambassadors ? AMB. For only those are there accounted MEN Who drink the hardest, and who eat the most, DI. As here the most debauched and dissolute. AMB. In the fourth year we reached the Great King's Court. But in truth the word ánivopuev is intro- duced trapā trpoorðokiav. The audience, who from the phrase irpès 8tav were led to expect some hardship inflicted on the ambassador, find the whole mean- ing of the sentence changed by the introduction of the word Émivopley: We were kept to hard (not “labour” but) drinking. Revellers were said trivetv Tpós 8tav, when anybody who passed the wine without drinking had to pay a penalty, tritiutov, as, for example, to give the next wine party himself, cf. Alciphron iii. 32. The familiar lines of Alcaeus Növ xp) ple6üorónv, kat riva mp3s 8tav trivew, mető kárðave Múpotaos (ATHENAEUs x. 35) have probably no bearing on this custom; since the MSS. have trovelv, and no doubt the true reading is Nºv Xpſ peóworónv kai X6dva ºrpès 8tav matew, Now is the time to drink and to dance: which Horace imitated in the 37th ode of his first book— Nunc est bibendum; nunc pede libero Pulsanda tellus. See Schweighaeuser's note on the pas- Sage of Athenaeus. To the Athenian ambassador rö Tpós 8tav trivew would be hardly less welcome than to travel in the luxurious āppiduaša. 75. & Kpavač, tróAus] He calls the Acropolis by this special title, which carried with it a reminiscence of the old heroic times (see the Commentary on Birds 123), for the purpose of contrast- ing with the unheroic pomp and luxury of these effeminate ambassadors— this fortress of ancient and high renown, This shrine where never a foot profane hath trod, This lofty-rocked, inaccessible Cranaan town The holy temple of God (LYs. 480-8). 16 . . A X A P N E IX d'AA' eis drówarov ºxeto, otpatièv Aa3&v, káxegev Škró punvas tri Xpworów Śpóv. AI. tróarov 8é Tóv trpokrów Xpóvov čvviyayev; IIP. tſ, trava exfivº Kär' dirfiX6ev otrače. eir efféviſe trapertóel 8' piv ŠAovs - 85 ěk kpubévov 800s. AI. kai tís elée trómote 800s kpuffavíras ; Tôv &Aağovevpudºrov. IIP. kal vai pº. Aſ špulv rpur&datov KAeovápov trapé6mkev juiv. čvoua & ºv airó (pévač. AI. Taür öp pewókućes at, 860 &paxpas pépov. 90 IIP. kai vijv &yovres #koptev Pevèaptd.6av, 82. čari Xpworów 6póv] The fable of the “Golden Hills” was widely spread, but their locality was, unfortunately, altogether uncertain. Some placed them in Scythia, others in Persia. Bergler refers to the Stichus of Plautus i. 1. 24 “Persarum montes, qui esse Aurei perhibentur.” Thither, when the envoys had reached the royal palace after their wearisome (that is, their most luxurious) journey, they found that the Great King had gone with his army, not, as the Scholiast observes, éti TróNepov, but eis dirón arov, to the latrines “ventris exomerandi causa.” The Scholiast suggests a play on the double signification of āpos, àpos yāp # duis; and doubtless there is such a play, if &pos ever possessed that signification. It should be remembered, in this connexion, that the Persian Court was continually moving about. It spent the three months of spring at Susa (Shushan); the two hottest months of summer in Ecbatana; and the re- maining seven months of the year at . Babylon, Xen. Cyropaedia viii. 6. 22; though Athenaeus xii. 8 says that part of those seven months was spent at Persepolis. 86. £k kpubdivov Boös] The kpišavos was a covered pot, in which barley-loaves were baked (àpros kpuffavirms or kpt- 8avorós, infra 1123, Plutus 765); the pot containing the loaves being set in the midst of the fire. An ox would of course be very far too large to go into this earthen pot; it could be baked whole only at an open fire or in a kā- puvos, a furnace; and there indeed the Persians did, on festive occasions, bake oxen whole. Bergler refers to Hāt. (i. 133) who says that on their birth- days wealthy Persians 800v kai introv kai kāpinkov kai čvov trport86arat, ÖMovs ën roºs év kapivotoriv, and to Antiphanes (Ath. iv. 6, p. 130 E) where a Persian, scorning the scanty meals of the "EAAmves pukporpátreſot, says– trapā 3’ ºperépous trpoyóvotaly &Movs gods &mrov, ords, #Adºpovs, dipwas." rô rexévrafov 6' 6 p.4-yelpos &Aov T H E A C H A R N IA NS 17 But he, with all his troops, had gone to sit An eight-months’ session on the Golden Hills Pray, at what time did he conclude his session ? AMB. At the full moon; and so came home again. Then he too fêted us, and set before us Whole pot-baked oxen— DI. And who ever heard Of pot-baked oxen 2 Out upon your lies 1 AMB. And an enormous bird, three times the size Of our Cleonymus : its name was—Gull. DI. That’s why you gulled us out of all those drachmas I AMB. And now we bring you Pseudo-Artabas Tépas àm Thoas plendaq, Baouxe? 6eppºv trapé6mice kápamAov. No doubt both Aristophanes and Anti- phames had in view the statement of Herodotus. 88. KAeověpov] Cleomymus was at this time the butt of the Athenian wits for his enormous bulk and his enormous appetite; by and by, after the battle of Delium, he will become better known as a fityagiris, an āortrièamoſ3\ffs. He is called a perjurer in Clouds 400; and here his connexion with the qāvač-bird is intended to insinuate that he is a quack and a humbug. ºpévač is a play on the fabulous bird, well known to the Greeks as to ourselves under the name of the Phoenix. It is usually translated Gull, for the purpose of preserving the joke in the next line. 91. Yevèaprá8av] In both the name and the office there is possibly a remi- miscence of Herodotus. For the last three syllables of the name refer, as the Scholiast observes, to the dprá8m described by the historian as a Persian measure; # 88 dprá8m, puérpov čov IIeportköv, Xopéét plebiuvov 'Arrukňs TAetov xoivuči rptori 'Arrukjort, i. 192, so that Yevèaprá8as means “a fellow who will give you false measures,” “a cheat.” And Herodotus also mentions the great Per- sian officials entitled “the King's eyes” (i. 114, v. 24), though indeed they are mentioned by ancient writers, both before and after his time. See an ad- mirable note by Thomas Stanley on Aesch. Persae 960 in which he shows that they were Satraps in high trust, and not one only, as Dio Chrysostom thought, or two only, as the Scholiast on Aeschylus supposed, but a great number, as Xenophon expressly states. And this is in entire accord with our excellent Aristophanic scholia here: otros éká\ovv rows oarpátras, 8t’ &v rávra 6 8aort)\ets intorkomeſ. In Zechariah iv. 10 seven lighted lamps are typical of “the eyes of the Lord which run to and fro through the whole earth,” a metaphor transferred by Milton with singular infelicity to the archangels of 18 A X A P N E IX Töv 8aauxéos éq6a)\pióv. AI. Kkówreué ye kópaś trarášas róv ye orov rod Tpéo Seos. KHP. 6 Saorixéos épéaxpés. AI. &vać ‘HpdikAets. Tpós róv 6éóv, &v6potte, vačppaktov 8Xérrels; 95 fi trepi čkpav koºpatrrow veðoroukov okotreſs ; 3 y - dokopi exsus trov trepi Töv čq6axplov käro; IIP. &ye 87 ot, 3aot)\ets &tta o' dirétrepºrev ppáorov Aéčovt’ A6mvaſotoriv, & Pevèaptăța. *PE. IIP. §vvika.6’ 3 Aéyet; IIP. y A Jº y 2 2 iaprapºv čapé divartagóval ordrpa. 100 AI. p.3. Töv 'AtróAAo ‘y& pièv ot. trépyretu Baoixéa pnoſiv Špitv Xpwatov. Aéye 87 at peſov kai oraq,6s to Xpwatov. ‘PE. of Añºrt Xpüoo, Xavvótſpokt' 'Iaovač. God “who are His eyes, That run through all the heavens, or down to the earth Bear his swift errands”; as if the All-seeing God, like the King of Persia, required messengers to bring him in- telligence of what took place beyond the limits of His own sight. 94. Ó Baori.Néaos éq6a)\piós] Where, in the actual Assembly, the Persian noble would have been standing while the envoys were delivering their report, I cannot tell; but it is plain that, in the Comedy, he now makes his appear- ance for the first time; and the Crier introduces him to the Assembly just as he had previously introduced the Am- bassadors; supra, 61. His mask, to indicate his rank and title, represents one enormous eye; ÉÉetort reparéðms rus, says the Scholiast, yeloios éorkevaopičvos, kai épéa)\pév exov čva ètri Travròs rod ºrpoorómov. He enters, attended by two eunuchs, in a slow and stately manner, befitting his rank and dignity (āśto- Harukós, as the Scholiast says), and turning his head from side to side, like a ship, Dicaeopolis thinks, cautiously finding its way to the dock. vačqpakrov 8Aéretv is a phrase of the same class as ôpiyavov 8Néréiv and the like. 96. , trepi k.T.A..] The MSS. have # Tepi, which Bothe proposed to change into ?, trepi, and this is done by Ribbeck and Blaydes; “non enim videre licet,” says the latter, “quomodo quis inter- rogare possit vačqipakrov 8Aérets.” I have made the same change for an entirely different reason. The “spying the dock" is not the alternative, but the corollary to “the warship glance.” “By the Gods,” says Dicaeopolis, “do you give us a warship glance 2 Can it be that rounding the point, you spy the dock to which you are bound?” T H E A C H A R N IA NS 19 The Great King’s Eye. DI. O how I wish some raven Would come and strike out yours, the Ambassador’s. CRIER, O yes! the Great King’s Eye | DI. O Heracles l By Heaven, my man, you wear a war-ship look What! Do you round the point, and spy the docks? Is that an oar-pad underneath your eye 2 AMB. Now tell the Athenians, Pseudo-Artabas, * What the Great King commissioned you to say. PSEUDo-ARTABAs. Ijisti boutti furbiss upde rotti. AMB. Do you understand 2 DI. By Apollo, no not I. AMB. He says the King is going to send you gold. (To Pseudo.) Be more distinct and clear about the gold. PSEUD. No getti goldi, nincompoop Iawny. Apparently it was “the practice of the ancients to paint an eye on each side of the bow of their ships, a practice which still prevails in the coasting craft in the Mediterranean.”—Smith of Jor- danhill’s “Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul,” chap. iii. He is commenting on St. Luke's phrase (Acts xxvii. 15) Too TAotov pai, 8vvapiévov divroq6a)\petu rô dvéuq). Pollux (i. 86) identifies the 646a)\p&s rās ve&s with the Truxis, the round plate on which the ship's name was written. 97. §orkoua) A leathern padding fastened round the oar so as to make it completely fill the oarhole, and pre- vent any inrush of water. dorköpiara ka)\oivral kai rā 8éppara rà étrupparróueva rais kórats Öv rais rpińpeou, Suá rà uh eloqêpew (Blaydes suggests eloqipetv or eiopeiv) ré 6a)\áoratov čop.–Etym. Magn. s.v. dorkópara. Cf. Frogs 364. The eye in the mask (see the note on 94 supra) was cased in leather, which seems to Dicaeopolis to furnish an additional point of resemblance to a ship. 100. iaprapuãv K.T.A..] There seems to be always some meaning in the jargon which Aristophanes occasionally puts in the mouth of some of his characters, the Persian envoy here, the Triballian in the Birds, and the Scythian archer in the Thesmophoriazusae. And the present jumble is generally supposed to mean I have just begun to repair what is rotten in the navy or in the state ; though some, with perhaps equal reason, find a reference to Artaxerxes and the Satrapies. - 104. of Aſyu Xpüoro] Mitchell refers to a passage in Aeschines against Ctesiphon 239 (pp. 87, 88), where the Great King is said to have written to the Athenians a letter couched in very similar terms C 2. 20 A X A P N E IX AI. AI. oiplot kakoëaſuov, dis orapós. IIP. Tí Šal Aéyet; 105 2 & ru; Xavvoirpákrovs toūs ‘Idovas Aéyet, 2 * Af y anº Aſ ei irpoorêokóat Xpvariov čk Töv 8apéâpov. IIP. AI. oëk, 3AX 3x3vas 88e ye Xpvotov Aéyet. troías &xávas; a` pºv &Nađov et péyas. &AA’ &muð' y& 8& 8aaravió toſirov påvos. 1 10 &ye 87 at ppgarov plot oraq6s, trpès Tovtovi, tva puff ore 8&lro Sáppa Xapôtavuków. Saatke's 6 p.éyas juiv Gtrotrépi\rel Xpworſov ; (divaveiſel.) to those employed by his representative here. “Before Alexander crossed into Asia,” says the orator, “the Great King sent to the Demus a very rude and insolent letter, pud Ma iſºpto-rukºv kai 3dp- 8apov ćiruo roMºv, which wound up with the words éyò ipſiu Xpwortov of 860 o' puff ple airetre oë yāp AñWreorée.” 108. dxávas] An dxávn is generally con- sidered to have been a Persian measure, equivalent to 45 Attic medimni; but it seems rather to have been, if not originally a Greek word, at all events a Persian word naturalized amongst the Greeks, signifying a provision-basket capable of containing that amount of provisions. That it was of considerable size is plain from Plutarch's story that Aratus, when starting on his expedition against Sicyon, took his scaling ladders to pieces, packed them eis dxávas, and sent them on in waggons. Plutarch's Aratus, chap. vi. dxával orkedos eis étriotti- opów xpñoupov' trapā rô Xaivetv.–Etymol. Magn. Örav påv év 'Axapueijou einn 'Apt- oropávns dxávas Xpwortov, rô dyyetov toros IIeporukóv' &viot Sé rºw 6eoplkºv kiornvoiro kekAmoróat wouiſovoruv' év Šē 'AptoróreMovs. 'Opxopleviov troMureig piérpov čorru 'OpXo- peviov terrápakovratrévre pebiuvovs xopo'ºv 'Arrukoús' oi 8é klorrièas (vulgo Kotríðas) Tås IIv6óðe ióvrov.–Pollux x. 164, 165. dxãvas' ruvès pièv IIeporikā uérpa' Pavóðmuos ôé kiorras eis às kareríðevro rows into tri- opots oi étri 6eopias ióvres, oi eis 6eot's orre MAépuevot.—Hesychius. Ileporuká párpa ai äxával, às kai kioras eitröv ruves' eis às âmeričevro èrvourtoplots oi émi 6eopiau orex)\ópevot. Aéyovrai Öe kai dxavíðes trapá rô Kopukº čv 'Axapuedoriv.–Eustathius (at Od. ii. 291 and xix. 28). dxãvn párpov éori IIeporukóv. čxópel 8é plebiuvovs 'Arrt- koús pié Ös paprupe: 'AptorroréAms' àA\ot ôé (baorw Śri Kuoris éorriv, eis fiv Kareríðevro roës étruoruruopious oiéni rās 6eopias a reMNó- pevot—Scholiast, Suidas. 111. Trpès routovi! In the presence of, or having regard to, this fist, or this stick, or this scourge; the fist, stick, or scourge being personified for this occasion. This, I think, is the real meaning of the words, which may be compared T H E A C H A R N IA NS - 21 AMB. What does he say? DI. Wow, but that's clear enough DI. He says the Ionians must be nincompoops If they’re expecting any gold from Persia. AMB. No, no : he spoke of golden income-coupons. DI, What income-coupons? You're a great big liar! You, get away; I’ll test the man myself. (To Pseudo.) Now look at this (showing his fist); and answer Yes, or No! Or else I’ll dye you with a Sardian dye. Does the Great King intend to send us gold 2 (Pseudo-Artabas nods dissent.) with the évavriov airfis raúrms of Plato's Phaedrus 12 (p. 236 E). There Phaedrus is pressing Socrates to make a speech; and using an argument which he knows will prove irresistible, he says I swear to you—by which, let me see, by which of the Gods? shall I say, by this plane-tree ? —I swear to you in the face of this plane- tree, évavriov airijs raûrms, that if you will not make your speech, never never again will I report to you the speech of anybody else. Here the Scholiast and most of the early Commentators take Tpós Tourovi to be equivalent to Tovrºpi, so that éuoi Tpós Tourovi is equivalent to époi tourºi, to me here, cf. infra 313, 911, and Plutus 868; but though the Greeks might say either qpáorov ćuoi, or else $páorov rpós éué, such a combination of the two constructions is to my mind quite inconceivable. Elmsley rightly pointed out that irpès in this place is equivalent to coram, but it is impossible to accept his explanation of tourovi, which he says “vel de legato accipien- dum est, vel de altero eunucho qui Pseudartabam comitabatur.” For the envoy had, in the preceding line, been ordered off; and the eunuchs were too inconspicuous for one of them to be singled out in this way. Frere was, I think, the first to perceive that the words involve a threat, translating them “in presence of this fist of mine.” Some subsequent Commentators have followed him, whilst others have trans- lated coram hoc baculo or coram hac Scutica. 112. 34ppa Sapëtavuków] The red dye of Sardis ; here, of course, referring to the colour of blood. The same words are used in Peace 1174 of a soldier's bright red cloke, pouvukiö' ééetav Trávv: where see the Commentary. 8dpupa Sapëtavuków. Tö botvikoúv Štáthopa yāp #v rà év 2dpôeat 8áñpara-Hesychius. There is no allusion here, as some have supposed, to the Island of Sardinia. After 113 and 114. dvayeſist and érivečei] These are two stage-directions, trapertypaqal, àvaveiet signifying a nod of dissent, rivečet a nod of assent. So Lucian (Necyom, 4) says that the philo- sophers made him believe first one 22 A X A P N E IX y gº &\\os &p'ééatrarópe6' tró rôv trpéo Seov; (émuečet.) ‘EXAmvukóv y' étrévévorav čvêpes otroui, 115 kočk éa'6" &mos of Keiaiv čv6évô airó6ev. kai roſv pièv et votixotu Töv ćrepov tourovi 2 º' ey 9 A º Af éyò8 5s éatt, KAeto.6évms à Xuguptiov. & 6eppió8ovXov trpooktöv čvpmuéve, Af > * & *A Aº 2 3/ totóvãe y, & Tríðmke, röv tróyov' éxov 120 eūvoixos piv \6es éokévaguévos ; 2 e 68: 8° tis irot' éatív ; of &#mov >Todºrov. thing and then its exact opposite, so that he became like a dreamer, àpri pºev én weijov, apri Šē dvavedov ćutraMiv. So in his treatise Adversus Indoctum 5 he says, ei öokeſ, dirókpwal' pa)\ov 8é, émei rodrö orot dòvarov, Širivevorov youv # dwāvevorov Tpès rê šporópeva. And then as he puts his questions he observes eş ye āvévevoras: and again dvévevoras kai rodro: and then émweiſets kai rodro' and so on. Cf. Id. Saturnalia i. 3. 4. Plautus uses abnuo and annuo in precisely the same manner at the commencement of his Prologue to the Truculentus. In this large town one tiny plot of ground Would Plautus beg, that he thereon may found Athens (himself; asking no builder's skill). Well, will you give it him or not ? They will. They nod assent [annwunt] : that's his without delay. Will you give something of your own 2 Not they. They nod dissent [abnwwnt]. 114. &\\os] With idle words. kai paratos.-Scholiast. 117. Totv sivoúxouv) The two eunuchs who are in attendance upon Pseudo- Artabas imitate his movements, and join in his nods of assent and dissent, so attracting the attention of Dicaeo- polis to themselves. The āvöpes oiroti of line 115 include the three, but now for the moment he leaves Pseudo- Artabas alone, and concentrates his scrutiny on the two attendants. As he gazes upon them, it gradually dawns #Auðios upon him that he has seen these countenances before. One of them he feels sure is “Cleisthenes the son of Sibyrtius,” the smooth-faced Athenian satirized for his gross effeminacy in almost every one of these Comedies from the Acharnians to the Frogs inclusively; and introduced, as a dramatis persona, on the stage in the Thesmophoriazusae. And almost always when he is mentioned allusion is made to his hairless womanish face; so that he would be well fitted to represent an T H E A C H A R N IA NS 23 & Then are our envoys here bamboozling us? (He nods assent.) These fellows nod in pure Hellenic style; I do believe they come from hereabouts. Aye, to be sure; why, one of these two eunuchs Is Cleisthenes, Sibyrtius's son 1 - O thou young shaver of the hot-souled rump, With such a beard, thou monkey, dost thou come Tricked out amongst us in a eunuch’s guise ? And who’s this other chap 2 Not Straton, surely 2 Oriental eunuch. Sibyrtius may have been really his father's name, or it may be a satire. Elmsley, bearing in mind that there existed about this time at Athens a traNatorrpa 218wpriov (Plutarch Alcib. 3), thinks that this soft effeminate milksop may be called, for the sake of contrast, the son of a sturdy, robust athlete. And this would be quite in the poet's manner. 119. & 6eppó8ov\ov K.T.A..] Cleisthenes being thus opportunely discovered, Dicaeopolis hurls against him two lines which he parodies, the first from Euripides, the second from Archilochus. The Scholiast says that the words & 6eppä3ov\ov oritàáyxvov are to be found in the Medea of Euripides. This is a mistake, but Elmsley thinks that they may come from the “Peliades,” another Euripidean Play, in which also Medea makes her appearance. It seems to me that orirMáyxvov is probably inaccurate, and that in the Tragedy Medea may have been addressed as 3, 6epué8ovMov trpäyos ěčevpmuévm, a quaint phrase which might readily have become a current jest, so that the Aristophanic parody would at once be understood and appreciated by the audience. The parodied line of Archilochus was rotávöe 8', & triónke, rºv Trvy)w #xov. Here, again, the substituted tróyov' is a joke against Cleisthenes, who had no Tróyov at all. 122. of 8ffirov >rpárov Surely not Straton. Of Straton we know nothing except that he and Cleisthenes were kindred spirits, and are in Knights 1374, as here, bracketed together as beardless effeminates. The Scholiast here says of him kai otºros Koppbetra Ös Aw8óplevos rö yévetov kai Metaivov rô orópia, Ös KMet- orðévms" &s pnow airós 'Aptoroqāvms év rais ‘OXKáort “tratēes dyévetot, 3rpárov.” Some would complete the quotation from the Holcades by adding (as the commencement of a new line) kai KAetoróðvms, or by reading in the same line KAetorðévms re kai 2 rpárov, and either conjecture may be correct. Mueller gravely argues that Dicaeopolis must have been mistaken, since “si Eunuchi pro Atheniensibus habendi essent, stultitia eorum, qua legatos aperte 24 A X A P N E IX KHP. orſya, káðiðe. AI. Töv 8aaixéos épéaxplov # 8ovXī kaxeſ * * a A eis rô mpvraveſov. AI. Taira öſit' oik dyxövm ; 125 k&mett’éyò 87t' évôaël a Tpatetſopal, 3. toºs & £evićelv oë8émot' taxel y' # 68pa. y $ 5 Aº A *A 3/ * Aſ &AA' épyáoroplat ri Öelvöv Épyov kai puéya. 3. * d'AA' 'Appíðeós plot troń 'o'Tuv; AM, oùroa'i Tàpa. époi o Tavraori Aa36v čktö 8paxpºs 130 oſtrov8&s troima at trpès Aakeóatpovtovs plóvº A gº A *A * AP kai Toſort trauðſotoru kai rii TA&Tuči. ūpleſs & Tpeogetjeoffe kai kexívere. KHP. Trpoatro Géopos 6 trap& Xutd.Xkovs. OEQ. óði. produnt, miranda esset.” “Nos Eu- muchum revera Persam fuisse existi- mamus,” he adds. This is hardly the way to treat the humour of a Comic Poet. 125. IIpvravetov] The Prytanéum, the Stadthaus or Town Hall, of Athens stood a little distance to the north (the NNE.) of the Acropolis. There the city was “At Home” and received her guests. Every day a banquet was set out in the Great Hall, at which the State herself, as it were, entertained her principal officials, ambassadors and others whom she delighted to honour. This is the famous orirmorus év IIpvravelºp, so frequently mentioned in these Comedies, and which has been so fully discussed in the Commentary on other plays (Peace 1084, Frogs 764, &c.) that it is needless to enter into any detailed account of it here. Here the invitation, though specially addressed to the Great King's Eye, seems from the comment of Dicaeopolis to have included the Athenian ambassadors. And that this was the invariable rule is plain from Demosthenes, De F. L. 35 (p. 350) to which Mitchell refers. There the orator, speaking of the return of the Second Embassy to Philip, says # 8ovX) oër’ enjvsore rotºrovs otºr eis rô IIpvravetov hćloore kaRéolai. Kairot Toor', d'p of yé yovev # tróMus, où'ěeis trótrore phaſet traðeiv obôévas trpéorgets, dAN' otrol retrövéaoru. Here, as there, the invitation is given, it will be observed, in the name of the 3ov\ff. 126. Orrparešopal] This is the reading of all the MSS. except the Ravenna, and of all editors before Brunck. The Ravenna reads otpayeſ youai, and Brunck introduced, from Clouds 131, orpay- yeſopiat, a reading which is followed by all subsequent editors. Yet arpa- reſouat seems required by the sense. Dicaeopolis is contrasting the merry- T H E A C H A R N IA NS 25 CRIER. St Take your seat O yes! The Council ask the Great King's Eye to dinner At the Town Hall. DI. Now is not that a throttler ? Here must I drudge at soldiering; while these rogues, The Town-Hall door is never closed to them. Now then, I’ll do a great and startling deed. Amphitheus! Where's Amphitheus 2 Here be eight drachmas ; take them; and with all AM. Here am I. The Lacedaemonians make a private peace For me, my wife and children: none besides. (To the Prytanes and citizens.) Stick to your embassies and befoolings, you. CRIER, O yes! Theorus from Sitalces ! THEORUS. Here ! making of the envoys with his own hard lot in time of war; just as infra 1143–9 his own merrymaking in time of peace is contrasted with the hard lot of Lamachus in time of war. He has to be lying trapá ràv ćiraNéiv év popurg; they are feasting in the Town Hall: its door is never closed to them. The contrast is entirely lost by the substitu- tion of otpayyetiopat; nor is there any real analogy between this passage and the line in the Clouds. 180. Ökrö, Öpaxpús] An envoy's salary for four days. See supra 66. We have heard, supra, 52, that Amphitheus was the divinely appointed agent otovčás trouetorðat trpès Aakeóaupulous piévº, but was unable to accomplish his task because he could not obtain any journey money from the Prytanes. That, of course, was for a public Peace, but now Dicaeopolis gives him the money out of his private purse to enable him to make his private Peace. He gives him his commission in the very words used supra 52, though giving to uðvø an altogether different application. 133. Kexívere]"Eéatrarāorée, éveot fore.— Scholiast, Suidas, s.v. During this little colloquy with Amphitheus, the envoys returning from the Persian Court, with Pseudo-Artabas and his eunuchs, leave the stage; and now another embassy is ushered in. This time it is an envoy returning from Sitalces, the King of the Odrysians, the details of whose widely-extended power, and of the expedition which he undertook in pur- suance of his treaty with Athens, will be found in the Second Book of Thucy- dides. Probably in the early stages of the war frequent embassies passed between the two states. One such is mentioned in Thuc. ii. 67. Theorus, described two lines below as an äMačov, is doubtless the same man who is called a perjurer in the Clouds and a parasite of Cleon in the Wasps. 26 A X A P N E IX AI. érepos d\açöv obros eiokmpúrretat. 135 GEO. xpóvov učv oëk &v huev čv 6pákm troXèv, AI. pº. At oëk &v, ei puré6v ye pº 'pepes troXúv. 9 *A Af /* *A A ef GEQ. ei pº karévºle xióvi rºv Gºpékmv ŠAmv, M * * A ºf & , ) . . .2 & * A. kai rods trotapoºs émé ür' airóv rôv Xpóvov ôr' év628. Gáoyvis #yovićero. 140 toūrov per& XiróNkovs étuov Tóv Xpóvov- kai 87ta pixaffivatos fiv Štreppués, & e. > y * º y * ty º iplôv tº èpao r^s ºv d?\m0?)s, Čare kai év total rotxous éypap', 'A6mvatou ka?\ot. ô 8 viðs, 8v Aónvaſov čtremotiple6a, 145 #pa payeſv dAAávras āś Atratovptov, kai Tôv trarép’ fivtić6Aet 3om6eſv tí, tróTpg: 136. oëk fiv huev. Where Theorus is apologizing for the protracted stay of himself and his suite in Thrace, he maturally employs the plural number; but when he goes on to describe his personal drinking-bout with Sitalces at which his suite would not be present, he as naturally employs the singular. I should not have thought it necessary to point out the reason for the change from plural to singular, had not some critics, failing to see it, taken upon themselves to alter the text. Thus Meineke (in his W. A.) “Non sine offensione est quod Theorus de se uno numero plurali utitur, cum in sequenti- bus et ipse Theorus et Dicaeopolis singulari utatur. . . . Credo scripsisse Aristophanem [oik Šv] fi pº. At'.” 140. Béoyvis] Theognis, who is sup- posed to have been, twenty-one years later, one of the Thirty Tyrants, is in these Comedies known only as the most frigid of all frigid poets; so that he acquired the nickname of Xièv, Snow. Theorus observes, as a curious coinci- dence, that while the Athenian Mission were suffering from the fall of snow in Thrace, the Athenians at home were themselves suffering from the perform- ance of a tragedy by Snow (Theognis) in their own theatre. See supra. 11; Thesm. 170, and the Commentary there. 141. &muov] The Thracians were notorious for hard drinking; and doubt- less ambassadors had brought home wondrous tales of the prowess of Sitalces and his Court in this respect, and of their own efforts not to be outdone. Hence the allusion to this long drinking-bout. 144. 'A6mvaſou ka?oi] As a lover “fhat abuses our young plants with carving ” his mistress's name “upon their barks.” So Añpos KaNés, knuds kałós in Wasps 97–9; where see the Commentary. T H E A C H A R N IA NS 27 DI. O here’s another humbug introduced. THE. We should not, sirs, have tarried long in Thrace— DI. But for the salary you kept on drawing. THE. And froze the rivers. But for the storms, which covered Thrace with snow 'Twas about the season At which Theognis was performing here. I all that time was drinking with Sitalces; A most prodigious Athens-lover he, Yea such a true admirer, he would scribble On every wall My beautiful Athenians ! His son, our newly-made Athenian, longed To taste his Apaturian sausages, And bade his father help his fatherland. 145. 6 8' viás] Thucydides, who is perpetually explaining the historical allusions to be found in these Comedies, tells us (ii. 29) that in the first year of the War the Athenians entered into an alliance with Sitalces the Thracian king, and made his son Sadoc an Athenian citizen. And later on in the same book (ii. 67) we find them persuading Sadoc, röv yeyevnuévov 'A6mvalov, to arrest certain Peloponnesian emissaries pass- ing through Thrace on their way to the Great King's Court, lest by obtaining the assistance of Persia against Athens they might, so far as in them lay, be injuring his (Sadoc's) own city: Śros Hil, 8tašávres às 8aat)\éa, Tiju èkeivov tróAuv rô pépos 8Advoortv. There, as here, we find Sadoc using his influence in favour of Athens, there called rºw ékéivov tróAuv, here called his trärpav. 146. ’Ararovptov] 'Eoprijs étuoſiuov 8m- ploreMoûs, dyopévms trapá rols 'A6mvaious karð rôv IIvaveytóva piñva étri rpets àpiépas. kaAoûort 83 rºw piev Tpórny Aópretau, Étretóñ ºpátopes évias ovveMéðvres etoxoivro' Tiju 8& Sevrépav 'Aváppvoruv, diró roi dvap- pöew, roß 66euv' &6vov 8é Ali Pparpiº Kal 'Aónvā' rºv 8é Tpirmv Kovpeåruv, diró toº roës koúpovs kai rās köpas €yypá'bew els rås ſpparpias. Év i éypáºm év rà troMireig 6 viºs StráAkovs.-Scholiast. Probably the decree making the Thracian prince an Athenian citizen would dispense in his case with the necessity of a personal enrolment into his phratry, and would entitle him at once to a seat at the Apaturian banquet. The allusion to &\\āvres is merely comic, and perhaps indicates that the poet's mind was already busy with the d\\avrotróNms as a fitting antagonist for the 8vporotróAms. See Knights 143 and the note there. In Thesm. 558 (where see the note) Mnesilochus accuses the Athenian women of purloining meat from the Apaturian supper-table. 28 . . A X A P N E IX ô 8 &poore otrévôov 8on.6%aeuv, *Xov W - /* ey 5 y - 42 y * otpatièv too attmv ćat Aómvaſovs épeſv, ða'ov to Xpſipio, trapv6trov trpoorépxetat. 150 AI. Kákuot' diroMotumv, et Tu Totºrov areíðopiat º º 5 as \ *A a A ôv eitras vrav6of a ty, TX;Yv Tóv trapv6trov. OEO. kai viv Štrep pay-pºratov Opgków £6vos &mépyrev piſv. AI. Todro piévt #8m oraq,és. an • 2 t KHP. oi Gºpékés ºre &epp', oùs Géopos #yayev. 155 AI. Tovti tí šart to kaków ; GEO. 'O8opidºvrov otpatós. AI. Totov 'Oöopidºvrov ; eitré pou, Tovti tí fiv; tís Töv 'O8opidºvrov to tréos &motećptakev ; GEO. rotºrous éév tis 860 &paxpºs puróðv 81%, katatrextdºorov'ral Tºv Botoriav ŠAmv. 160 150. Tapwétrov) Sitalces likens his army to locusts on two grounds: (1) their prodigious number, and (2) the havoc and destruction which they work. “A great people and a strong,” says the Prophet Joel, “the land is as the garden of Eden before them, and behind them a desolate wilderness.” The Prophet is describing an invasion of locusts, and in Pusey’s “Minor Prophets” very many passages are collected to show the numbers in which they come and the devastation which they work. “These creatures do not come in legions,” says Beauplan, “but in whole clouds, five or six leagues in length, and two or three in breadth. All the air is full and darkened when they fly.” And “Everywhere, where their legions march,” says Wolney, “verdure dis- appears; trees and plants stripped of leaves, and reduced to their branches and stalks, substitute in the twinkling of an eye the dreary spectacle of winter for the rich scenes of spring.” Sitalces therefore means that his levies will be as numerous and terrible to their foes as an army of locusts. Dicaeopolis fears that they will be equally voracious and terrible to their friends. 156. ’08opavrov grparós] The Odo- mantians, a Thracian tribe mentioned by Håt. (v. 16, vii. 112), Thucydides (ii. 101, v. 6), and other writers, dwelt on the Thracian side of the river Stry- mon, nearly equidistant from its source and its outfall. They were not, how- ever, one of the tribes which followed Sitalces on his great expedition; indeed, they were alarmed lest it should prove to be directed against themselves. They were in fact an independent tribe, and to satirize them on the Athenian stage would give no offence to Sitalces. They enter, a little crowd of scarecrows, wearing the orköruvov aičoſov described in T H E A C H A R N IA NS 29 And he, with deep libations, vowed to help us With such an host that every one would say Heavens ! what a swarm of locusts comes this way ! DI. Hang me, if I believe a single word Of all that speech, except about the locusts. THE. And here he sends you the most warlike tribe Of all in Thrace. DI. Come, here's proof positive. CRIER. The Thracians whom Theorus brought, come forward | DI. DI. What the plague's this? The Odomantians, pho! THE. The Odomantian host. Hallo, look here. Are Odomantians all equipped like this? THE. Give them two drachmas each a day, and these Will targeteer Boeotia all to bits. Clouds 538, 539, “phallum glande mu- data gerentes,” as Mueller expresses it. 158. &moreóptakevl 'Atrome pëAAakev. 8é peraq opā ātrö Tóv ovkoºpóNNov.–Hesy- chius. The allusion is to the glans nudata mentioned in the preceding note. There is a similar allusion in the participle direvo)\muévois three lines below; for Wroxês, though generally, and perhaps conveniently translated circumcised, has never, in Aristophanes, any connexion with the rite of circum- cision. 159. 800 8paxuás] The Thracian pel- tasts, mentioned in Thuc. vii. 27, re- ceived a drachma, a day, 8paxpañv ris juépas àkaoros éAápSavev, and even this entailed an intolerable burden on the Athenian treasury. Two drachmas was an extortionate pay : it was the salary of an Athenian ambassador, supra 66, and four times the pay of a dicast. 160. karameAráorov'rat] For the army which Sitalces was to send to assist the Athenians was composed of peltasts and cavalry; Trépºrew orpartàv epakiav 'A6muaiots intréav re kai TreMraorróv.— Thuc. ii. 29. Peltasts was the usual name given to Thracian infantry, from the little round TréArm (targe or target) which they were accustomed to carry. The targe and dart were the distinctive weapons of the Thracian, as the bow and arrow of the Scythian. repos 8 as epää, TréArmy oretov kákóvrtov.–Lys. 563. Elmsley refers to Xen. Mem. iii. 9. 2 ôňNov pièv yāp Ört 2köðat kai epākes oik Šv roMuñoretav dotríðas kai 86para Aa36vres Aakeóaupovious 8tapáxeorðat" qavepôv 8é àrt kai Aakečauðvuot otr Śv epačiv év tréâtats kai drovrious, oùre 2köðats v ráčots, é6é\otev āv 8tayovićeorðat. It is to be observed that the Thracian auxiliaries in this play are intended to harry Boeotia; and that is precisely what the Thracian auxiliaries mentioned in the preceding 30 A X A P N E IX * AI. Tourði 800 8paxplºs toſs direyoxmpiévois; ūmogrévot puévráv ć 6pavírms Aeós, 6 goatmoxis. oiplot taxas, diróAAvplat, º ^ a into Tóv 'O8opidºvrov tº a kópoèa tropôoßplevos. y où kata/32Xetre rô a kópoë'; 9 GEQ. 6 p.6x6mpe arº, 165 où paſſ trpóoret točtotalv čokopoètopévous; y AI. Tavri repueſbeó' oi Tpvrávels träoxovrá ple év tá ràrpíði kai Taü6' 5" &věpáv 8apſ3ápov; J) alº &AW dirayopeto pº troteſv čkkAmortav Toſs G)pgći trepi puréoù" Aéyo & ºptiv Šrt 170 8too muta'ari kai gavis 8é8Amké pe. KHP. Toys 6pókas &miéval, trapeſval & eis vmw. oi y&p trpvráveis Xùovoſt tºw ékk\matav. AI. oiuot ta\as, pivtrorów Śorov diróAeora. &AW ºr Aakečaiptovos y&p Appíðeos Óði. 175 note attempted to do some dozen years later. The story of their raid into Boeotia, of their massacre of the people of Mycalessus, and their subsequent defeat by the Thebans is graphically told in the Seventh Book of Thucydides. 162. 6 6pavirns Meðs] The 6paviral were the sailors who in an Athenian trireme sat on the highest benches and pulled the longest and heaviest oars. They were therefore the pick of the Athenian seamen; but all the rowers seem to have received the same pay, a drachma, a day (see the Commentary on Knights 1367), half the amount demanded for these Odomantian scare- crows; and if the 6pavirns received any- thing further, it was only as a gratuity, étriðooris, from the trierarchs, and not as part of his regular pay; rois Épavirats pióvous étušāorets €trotočvro oi rpumpápxat, oùxī 8é Tāori roſs épérats.-Scholiast on Thuc. vi. 31. 164. Tà orkópoèa] For citizens attending an ékkAmoria would bring with them garlic, onions, olives, bread, and the like, to stay their hunger if the pro- ceedings were prolonged. See Eccl. 307. 166. Éakopoètopévous] The metaphor is from cock-fighting. Cocks were sup- posed to fight better, if primed with garlic (Knights 494); and these Odo- mantians, it is suggested, by munching Dicaeopolis's garlic would become more pugnacious than ever. - 171. 8too muta] A sign from Zeus, a por- tent. Thunder, tempest, an earthquake, or other convulsion of nature would at once put a stop to an Assembly; see T H E A C H A R N IA NS 31 Two drachmas for THESE scarecrows Oh, our tars, Our noble tars, the safeguard of our state, Well may they groan at this, O ! Murder I O ! These Odomantian thieves have sacked my garlic. Put down the garlic l drop it ! THE. You rapscallion, How dare you touch them, when they’re garlic-primed. O will you let them, Prytanes, use me thus, Barbarians too, in this my fatherland 2 But stop 1 I warn you not to hold the Assembly About the Thracians’ pay. I tell you there's A portent come ; I felt a drop of rain CRIER. Come here again. The Thracians are to go, and two days hence The Assembly is dissolved. O me, the salad I have lost this day ! But here’s Amphitheus, back from Lacedaemon. the note on Eccl. 791; but that a single drop of rain would do so, is of course a comic jest. The Prytanes, however, accept that view and forthwith adjourn the Assembly. 172, eis ºvnv] The day after to-morrow. Tô perä Tºv aiptov.–Hesychius. eis rpirmv. —Scholiast, Harpocration, Suidas. See Eccl. 796. eis rpirmv is in accordance with the Greek idiom which, in a cal- culation of dates, reckons the day (or month or year) from which you start as well as that with which you con- clude. See Introduction to Thesm. p. xxxv, and the notes on Knights 793, Plutus 584. We retain the Greek idiom in our Creeds; And the third day He rose again from the dead; divaorrávra rfi rpirm ñuépg. In our English idiom it was the second day. Although in the next line we have the word Ašovort, it seems clear that the Assembly was adjourned rather than dissolved. The business was not postponed till the next regular Assembly; the Thracians were to come again in two days. For the present, however, the meeting is at an end. The Prytanes, the Crier, the Odomantians, and Theorus leave the stage, and Dicaeopolis is for the moment alone. However, he is immediately joined by Amphitheus, whom he had sent to Lacedaemon, 182 supra. 174, uvrroróv] He means that he has lost his garlic which was one of the chief ingredients in the salad known as a pivrrorós. It was composed of leek, garlic, cheese, honey, oil, and egg. See the Commentary on Knights 771 and on Peace 242–52. 32 A X A P N E IX xaſp, Appiðee. AM. pºſitro, Trpiv čv ye oró Tpéxov. 8st ydippe petſyovr'ékºvyetv Axapuéas. AI. Tí 8 a Tuv; AM. &yö pºv čeňp6 got atrov8&s pépov ëatrev&ov. of 8° 30' ppovro Trpeggüraí rives - *A * * /* A Xapvukot, otitrot yepovtes, trptvivot, 180 &repāploves, Mapatovopºdºxal, orpevóóplvivot. 3/ 3 y A. a' & & º Æ €trett avekpayov travtes, “o putaporate, otrov6&s pépets, Tóv ćpitrextov retpimpévov; ” kás toys tpíSovas £vveXéyovro Töv Aíðav. éyò 8 pewyov. oi & #8tokov kāśćov. AI. AM. 185 oi & otv 80óvrov. 3XX& Tâs a trov8&s pépets; éyoyé (bmul, Tpía ye Tavri yet uata. 176. Hiſtol Like the Megarian, infra 832, he takes Xalpe, not as a mere greet- ing, but in its literal sense of Rejoice, and says that he cannot do that until he has escaped from the pursuing Acharmians. He makes as though he would run past Dicaeopolis, but the latter stays him. 179. 30 ppovrol 'Avri rod forðovro eite rô &orqpovro, örl 6 oivov eioriv'ai orirověai, &s ék rôv perä raúra ößov.–Scholiast. But this is perhaps too ingenious; the orm ovöal are not yet treated as wine- samples; and Öorqpaivopat is frequently used in a metaphorical sense, as in Lys. 619 kai pāAwar' 30 ppaivopiat ris ‘Intriov rvpavviðos. - 180. 'Axapuukoil These are the Chorus of the play. Their town, Acharnae, one of the largest and most important demes of Attica, was situated a short distance to the south of Mount Parnes; and its inhabitants mainly occupied themselves with the manufacture and sale of charcoal, for which the forests of evergreen oak (Tpivos), maple (orqév- ôapºvos), and other trees wherewith the sides of the mountain were clothed, afforded abundant material. Several of the epithets applied to them here refer to this their special business. Tpivuot and orghevöäplvivot, tough as holm- oak and maple, require no explanation. Cf. infra 668, Wasps 383, 877. Orrvirrol, hard, tight, literally trodden down, from orreiða, is probably used here, as the Oxford Lexicographers say, “with allu- sion to avépakes oritrol, a kind of hard charcoal mentioned by Theophrastus De igne 37.” drépáploves (the opposite to répmv, Soft, tender) means Stubborn, infeasible, not to be softened or turned from their purpose; Atav ork\mpoi, piñ relpópevot as the Scholiast says. But beyond all this they came of the true Mapaéovopºdyat breed; they were the sons, and the equals, of the Acharnians, who some sixty-five years ago had done T H E A C H A R N IA NS 33 Well met, Amphitheus! AM. Not till I’ve done running. I needs must flee the Acharnians, clean away. What mean you ? AM. I was bringing back in haste The treaties, when some veterans smelt them out, Acharnians, men of Marathon, hard in grain As their own oak and maple, rough and tough ; And all at once they cried, O villain, dare you Bring treaties when our vineyards are cut down & Then in their lappets up they gathered stones; I fled away : they followed roaring after. So let them roar. AM. O yes, I have. But have you got the treaties 2 Three samples; here they are. yeoman service at Marathon in res- cuing Hellas from Persia, and Europe from the domination of Asia. 183. róvápmeAtov rerumuévovl This is the burden of their song throughout, that the vines which they loved so well have been ruthlessly destroyed. The diminutive duréAlov seems to me far more in accordance alike with the comic rhythm and with the language of regret than the dutréAov of the MSS. and editions. And see 512 infra. Thucy- dides (ii. 19–23) tells us that Archi- damus, in his first invasion of Attica, made Acharmae the head quarters of his work of devastation, and there Xpóvov ToMöv éppleivavres éreplvov. And this he did in the hope that the Acharnians, forming so large a portion of the Athe- nian army, would not sit still in patience Ös airóv i yü réuvero, but would demand that the whole army should be led out to fight a pitched battle with the in- D vaders. His plan would unquestionably have been crowned with success but for the Sagacity and influence of Pericles. 187. yet para]Tastes, samples. The vine- growers of Chios, Thasos, and other wine-producing countries, when they brought their wines to the Athenian market, would send up samples to the Aetypa in Peiraeus (see the Commentary on Knights 979) to be there tested and (if approved) purchased by the Athenian wine-merchants. There would doubt- less be bottles of a special size or shape employed for these samples. Amphi- theus is bringing from Sparta three of these sample-bottles, containing three specimens of Peace which Sparta is willing to offer, a Peace for five, or for ten, or for thirty years. Dicaeopolis tastes them all. The five years' and the ten years' treaties he unhesitatingly rejects, as being, in neither case, a real Peace but merely a breathing-space, 34 A X A P N E IX aúral piév eiot Trevrérets. ai30ſ. AM. Tí Éativ; AI. čovoru Tittms kai Tapaokevils veóv. AM. AI. 'yeſia at Aa36v. AI. oilk &péorkovariv pi', Ött 190 at 8° 3AX& rooró: T&s 8ekéreus yeſoral XaAE6v. ěšovoſt Xaºtal trpéo Seow és Tās tróAets ēśćratov, Šotrep &latpuffs tow £uppléxov. AM. karð yńv Te kal 6&\attav. y e &AX at Taui o Trověai Tpuakovtotrușes AI. & Atovčata, 195 º V 3/ 9 3 A. *A Af attal pºv čovo’ dp/8pooríos kai véktapos, M * 9 a. A3 & a º kai pº 'trutmpetv >utí piepôv Tptów, º * 9 köv tº otépart Aéyovot, Baiv' &mm 6é\ets. enabling the combatants to collect or increase their strength for the renewal of the struggle. See the remarks of Archidamus, Thuc. i. 82. The third sample, the thirty years' treaty, exactly suits his palate. In the original, the representation of the treaties as samples of wine is facilitated by the fact that ormověal signifies not only a treaty, but also libations of wine. Indeed the former signification is derived from the latter. 190. §§ovoru trirrms] Kouvèv émi oivov Kal veðs rô Trio.orms &eiv. čari yap trio orišov oivos-Scholiast. Though, in each case, the objection is taken to the duration of the treaty, yet in neither is the allusion to wine altogether forgotten. There is a similar mention of the usage of pitchin connexion with ships and with wine in a passage of Plutarch to which Mueller refers; ré IIooreiðavi pain ris àv rºv triruv trpoorfixelv Štá ràs vavirnyias. kai 'yāp air) kai rā dòeMºbā 8évôpa, rejkal kai orpá8t)\ot, röv re {{\ov trapéxel rà TNot- puérara, Tirrms re kai finrivns àAotºpºv, is 3/ gº. a >f : M \ 3. gº ãvev rôv orvpirayévrov čqeXos oióēv év rh p * * z * p 3. a 6a)\dºrrm. Tà è? Atovögg rºv Tiruv duté- t 3. a w º * v w poorav, Ös éqnöövovoav Tóv oivov Karā yāp w y y a #8. º * rā trurvóón Xopia Aéyovorºv fióðv oivov riv ăumeAov pépelv . . . Th Te yüp trirrm trăvres 3. p v º * A * f º éča)\eiqovat rā āyyeta, Kai riis finrivns f p w * y 3. * gº intopuyvöoval troNAoi rº, oivº. . . . Šk Če rms e trepi Bievvav Taxarias 6 trigorirms oivos karakopičeral, 8taqepóvros rupiópevos ūrö ‘Poplatov. oi, yāp puévov eioëiav ruč, rà rotajra irpoorêtêoortv, d\\a kai rôv oivov eiſmorov traptorrmot raxéos ééaipovra rú 6ep- pórmru roi, oivov rô vekpóv Kai úðaróðes.— Quaest. Conviv. v. 3. 1. Dicaeopolis does not seem to appreciate the eioëtav im- parted by the trirra to the wine; but of course he is thinking only of its use in the dockyard. It need hardly be added that the ancients attached the greatest importance to the fragrance of their wines. 193. 6&rarov. This is the only word in the second objection which has any allusion to wine. §§ovartv 6&rarov, they have a most vinegary Smell, diró peraq opăs T H E A C H A R N IA N S 35 These are the five-year treaties; take and taste them. Pheugh 1 AM. What's the matter? DI. I don’t like the things, They smell of tar and naval preparations. Then taste the ten-year samples; here they are. DI. These smell of embassies to all the states, Urgent, as if the Allies are hanging back. For thirty years. Then here are treaties both by land and sea DI. O Feast of Dionysus ! These have a smell of nectar and ambrosia, And never mind about the three days’ rations, And in your mouth they say, Go where you please. rootpatrévros oivov eis 880s, as the Scholiast says. The words which follow, Öotrep ôtarpiðms rôv čvpp.dxov, are somewhat obscure; but if the text is accurate I think that they must mean “as of delay on the part of our allies.” 196. dp/8poorlas K.T.A..] This is the real thing. Before the thirty years have expired a new generation will have arisen which has always lived in peace with Sparta. This has no acid smell, no smell of sour vinegar; it has the fragrance of nectar and ambrosia, the food of Immortal Gods. It will be re- membered that the Peace of Nicias, concluded four years later, was for FIFTY years. 197. Siri' inepôv rpióv] Three days' rations. This was the stock of provisions which soldiers and sailors summoned out for a special expedition were re- quired to provide and carry with them for their own use. Such a summons would be very unwelcome to peace- loving citizens; and so the Chorus of Farmers in the Peace express their delight at receiving the summons of Trygaeus, où yāp fiv “exoviras #kew ouri' juépôv rpióv.” See the Commentary there. And here I think, with Dr. Merry, that éiritmpeiv means “to be on the look out for ” (not the rations, but) “the summons to provide the three days' rations.” This seems to be the amount of provisions which soldiers have always been considered capable of taking with them. Thus, when the Spaniards started on their perilous march across the shallows to the Isle of Duive-land, each soldier carried “rations for three days in a bag suspended at his neck.”—Motley's Dutch Republic iii. 35. So, in a recent expedition of our Indian troops against the Zakkas in the Bazar Walley District, the telegrams in the newspapers of Feb. 17, 1908 tell us that “the troops started off across the passes at dawn after three days' emergency rations had been issued ”; and again that “Major- Gen. Sir J. Willcocks left yesterday morning. All the troops carried three days' rations.” T) 2 36 A X A P N E 1 > AP A W A 2 Aº taúras 86xoplat kai ortrévôoplat kākiriopiat, xaſpew kexečov troNA& rods Axapwéas' 200 éyò & troXépov kai kaków draxMayels déo Tô kar’ dypods eiotów Aioviſata. AM. XO. 3 */ éyò & bevéoùplat ye roës Axapuéas. tfièe Trás étrov, 8toke, kal rôv čvöpo trvy6ávov Töv Óðoutrópov &mdévrov, Tſ; tróAet yºp &étov £vAAa3etv Tóv čvöpa toûrov. 205 &AAd plot pumviſorate, ef tis olò’ Śwot rérpartal yńs à tês a trov8&s pépov. éktrépévy', oixetal ºppoſ,80s. otpot réAas róv érôv róv épôv. [arp. oùk &v ém' épifis ye veórnros, Št y& pépov div6pákov poptíov #koMoč6ovv Paiſaxºp Tpéxov, 38e paſſXos &v 6 215 199. oritévôopal] He uses the present tense because, as he speaks, he is actually pouring out the libation; but he does not drain the sample-bottle at the moment, and therefore he uses the future of that operation, êkiriopiat. - 202. rā kar’ dypot's Atovãoria] The Dionysia rā pukpā, Tà év dypots were to the country villages what the Dionysia rà pieyāAa, rà év doºrst were to the capital itself. The Rural Dionysia were celebrated in December all over Attica, excepting only in Athens. The Great Dionysia were celebrated in March, and in Athens alone. Never- theless we must not be misled into fancying any change of scene here. The scene remains unchanged through- out the play. Dicaeopolis now enters into his (town) house to celebrate the Rural Dionysia, and emerges again to find the Acharnians already on the war- path. It is true that he talks of revisiting his deme, but that is all make-believe. His deme, Cholleidae, was some twelve miles away, and he would have been safe from the Achar- nians there. 204. XO. rijöe tras ºrov) No sooner has Dicaeopolis entered into his house, than the twenty-four old Acharnians, who form the Chorus, come running into the orchestra in eager pursuit of Amphi- theus; and as they come, they are singing their Parodos or entrance-song. The Parodos is divided into two systems, each composed of four trochaic tetra- meters followed by five cretico-paeonic lines, of which two are hexameters, one a pentameter, and two tetrameters. And then the whole is wound up with six additional trochaic tetrameters. 206, pinyùorare] The speaker appeals to the spectators to tell him in which T H E A C H A R N IA NS 37 These do I welcome, these I pour, and drain, Nor care a hang about your old Acharnians. But I, released from War and War's alarms, Will hold, within, the Rural Dionysia. AM. And I will flee those peppery old Acharnians. CHORUS. Here’s the trail; pursue, pursue him; follow, follow, every man; Question whosoever meets you whitherwards the fellow ran. Much it boots the state to catch him me, if ye know, (To the audience.) O inform Where the man who bears the treaties managed from my sight to go. Fled and gone ! Disappears O were I When I stuck Like a man And achieved Second place O this weary weight of years Now as spry As in youthful days gone by, To Phayllus as he ran, In the race, direction Amphitheus fled away. This was a common trick in later Comedies. So Euclio in the Aulularia having lost the crock of gold, and Halisca in the Cistellaria, having lost the casket, alike appeal to the spectators to tell them which way the thief has gone: Obsecro vos ego (says Euclio), mihi auxilio Oro, obtestor, sitis, et hominem demonstretis quis eam abstulerit, &c. Aulularia iv. 9. 4. Mi homines (says Halisca), Mi spectatores, facite indicium si quis Vidit, quis eam abstulerit, quisve Sustulerit, et utrum hac an illac iter institerit. - Cistellaria iv. 2. 8. 214. hko)\ot,00vv] Pressed hard upon, kept pace with, Phayllus. Compare St. Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians, chap. 3 oire yāp éyò oire àAAos épouos époi 80yarai karakolověmoral ri; oroqiq roß pakaptov kai évôáčov IIaşNov. The old Acharmian, like the Homeric Nestor to whom the Scholiast compares him, loves to brag of the prowess he dis- played in his youth. Now he is feeble and slow; then he ran a good race even with row 8popéa Páj\\ov (Wasps 1206) the Olympian victor, the celebrated runner and leaper. The Scholiast says 6 PáüNAos 8pope's àptorros, 'OMupitriovikms, Öm Auroëpôpos (see on Birds 292) treptă- 38 A X A P N E IX a mověopôpos of Tos ūn' époi Tóre 8tokópevos ééépwyev of 8 &v éAappés &v direm Aićaro. vöv 8' étrelë, a teppov #8m roßpöv divrukvipuov ‘A * * QA Af Af kai traXató Aakpateiðm to okéAos Sapúveral, oixetal. 220 ôtokréos éé pai) yöp yxdvm roté plmöé trep yépovros évros ékºvyov Axapuéas. º Šaris, & Zed Trérep kai 6eoi, roſaw exópoſalv čarreforato, [&vt. º • arº * * ofort trap plot tróAeptos éx608otrös aſſerat Töv čplēv Xoptov- kočk &vijoo Tpiv &v axoſvos atroſoru &vreparayó 230 Öğüs, 68vvmpos, * * * * *mikomos, ivo. pañtrore trarðaruv črt Tâs épès dutréAovs. - º º * 2 vvuos, Öv éká\ovv ‘Oööperpov. fiv 8é kai trévraðNos. eq'où kai émiypappa rotóvãe trévr' étri trevrákovra tróðas thbmore ºffixAos, 6takevolev 6 &#aröv, Trévr' àtroAeutropévov. The adverb pačMøs later in the line is a play on the name of Phayllus. 218, direm Nišarol The Scholiast refers to Odyssey vi. 318 where Nausicaa is in the car, driving her mules homewards, ai ö’ &ka Airov trorapoto fiéeſºpa, ai 5’ eſſ pºv rpáxov, eú 5& TAtoorov'ro tróðeorgiv. 220. Aakpareiðm] In the Knights, when the Chorus come charging down into the orchestra, two of them are addressed as “Simon" and “Panaetius” (242), and the Scholiast tells us that these were the real names of the intrapyot, the leaders of the Knights. And so here it seems reasonable to infer that Lacrateides was the real name of some prominent leader among the Acharnian people. And I cannot but suspect, though this of course is the merest conjecture, that this is the Lacrateides who was one of the reputed accusers of Pericles (Plutarch, Pericles 35). Some say, Plutarch tells us, that the actual accuser was Cleon: others that it was Simmias ; but Heracleides Ponticus states that it was Lacrateides. One of the grounds, we know, on which Cleon attacked the great statesman was his refusal to offer battle to the Spartan army when it was ravaging Acharnae and the neighbouring demes (Pericles 33); and if the Lacrateides of Plutarch be indeed the Lacrateides of Acharnae here mentioned, that may well have been the cause of his grudge also against the policy of Pericles. 225. €onetararol It was necessary for the poet's purpose that the Chorus should pass from the mere carrier of T H E A C H A R N IANS 39 Though a great Charcoal freight I was bearing on my head, Not so light Nor escaped From my sight With such ease Had this treaty-bearer fled, From the chase. Now because my joints have stiffened, and my shins are young no more, And the legs of Lacrateides by old age are burdened sore, He's escaped us! But we’ll follow : but he shall not boast that he Got away from us Acharnians, howsoever old we be. Who has dared Father Zeus ! Who has pledged Faith with those Who are evermore my foes; Upon whom War I make And I ne'er From the strife Will forbear, Sharply barbed Dagger-pointed, and they learn No, I ne'er Like a reed, Not to tread Down my vines Gods of heaven! to make a truce, For my ruined vineyard's sake; Will give o'er, Till I pierce them in return, Any more. the treaty (6 rās orirovöäs (pépov, 6 orov- 80%ópos) to the man who made it (§s &ometoraro). The transition is made in the present line; Amphitheus altogether drops out of the play; and henceforth the Chorus and Dicaeopolis are the only parties to the dispute. 229. axoivos] This is no doubt, as Mitchell points out, the Schoenus mucro- natus, which is common on all the coasts of the Mediterranean. Its English name, the Dagger-pointed Bog- rush, makes one realize how extremely unpleasant it would be for a Lacedae- monian trampling down the Acharmian vines to feel one of its spikes running into his foot. Some grammarians, how- ever, would connect oxoivos with a kóNoy in the sense not of a stake in a palisade, but of a sort of calthrop with sharp spikes, thrown about to protect fruit- trees and crops from the incursion of men and horses. eió6aoru yap orkóMorrás rwas €ykpún rew év rats àpitréAots, tva plmösis ěš Šmubpop.ms kai eixepôs kakovpyń. intető) oëv Tpoeire, okóAoy Kai oxoivos airois divreparayó, elkóros éirijveyke rotiro, iva pumkért traróort rās épás duréAovs.- Scholiast. And so Suidas s.v. akóAoy; whilst Polluxx. 131 enumerates amongst rå yeapyukā a ketºn, oxoivos kai träv6' 30a ãkavóóðm rols kapirois étri ºppoupév Trept- BáA\eral. Hence Hermann, there being a foot, paeon or cretic, wanting in this system, proposed to insert the words kai o kóAoy between ävreparayó and 339s. 231. Čirikotros] Up to the hilt, that is, as far as the spike will go. The Scholiast absurdly says 8tä veðs, Kai vavrtkös &v ério airois, but such a meaning would here be altogether out of place. 40 - AXA PNE Ix dAA& 8eſ (mreiv Töv čvápa kai 3Xérrelv Baxxâvaše kai 316kely yńv irpo yńs, éos &v et peófi troré. 235 &s éyò 8á\\ov čkeſvov otr &v épin Affumv Aíðous. AI. XO. eūqmpletre, eúspnpºetre. oriya Trás. $ ěkiroööv 66aov y&p &vip, Ös éouk', #épxeral. AI, eúºmpeire, eúpmpleſ re. #kočoat', divěpes, &pa rās sūqmplias; otros airós éo riv Šv (mroduev. &AA& 8eſpo trós * 240 Tpoiro 's rô Tpóa'6ev čXiyov (, kavmpôpos. ô Eavóias Tov paxNov ćp600 armoróra. MH. gº wº J karáðov to kavodv, & 66 yarép, ivº dirapéépé6a. 234. BaNAjvaēe 3\éneuv} To have a stone- throwing look, with a play on Pallene, or Pellene, an Attic deme famous in history, though its locality is now un- certain. It seems to have been on the road from Marathon to Athens, and nearer the latter than the former place, Hdt. i. 62; Leake's Athens, ii. 44–7; Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, ch. 30. Leake places it at thenorthern extremity of Hymettus. Wordsworth would iden- tify it with the modern village of Pellikö, not very far from Acharnae, which would no doubt, as he says, make the reference to it here very natural and appropriate. The BaNA- into which the first syllable is changed looks forward to the 84\\ov of 236 and the 3á\\e of 281. - 235. yńv trpó yńs] From land to land, a peculiar, but by no means uncommon, phrase. It is employed by Aeschylus in the Prometheus (line 700), where Io says piéorty, 66ig yńv irpè yńs éAaúvopat, and Bp. Blomfield cites Lucian’s Alex. 46; Alciphron ii. 2; Aristeides ii, p. 320; Cicero, ad Att. xiv. 20; and Suidas s.v.v. 8taśaivetv, tro, and irpè yńs. 237. e5 pmueire] The voice of Dicaeo- polis is heard within his house, exhorting those present favere linguis, to abstain from all profane and worldly language. This exhortation was the regular introduction to a religious service, and the Chorus, hearing it, are confident that they have found not indeed rôv ortrověoqāpov but the āvöpa ës éormeioraro. 242. Kavnºpópos] Dicaeopolis comes out of the house, and at once proceeds to range the procession which formed the principal feature of the Rural Dionysia. Of course these village processions would always be insignificant compared with the great and stately procession which wended its way through the streets of Athens at the celebration of the City festivals. And here it is not even a village procession : it is confined to a single household of four T H E A C H A R N I A N S 41 Now ’tis ours to seek the fellow, and Pelténe-wards to look, And from land to land to chase him, till we bring the rogue to book. Never shall I tire of pelting, pelting him to death with stones. Hush l we’ve got him. Heard ye, comrades, “silence” called in This is he, the man we’re seeking. Stand aside, and in a trice DI. (Within.) Keep ye all the holy silence 1 CHOR. solemn tones? He, methinks, will stand before us, coming out to sacrifice l DI. (Coming out.) Keep ye all the holy silence Now, Basket-bearer, go you on in front, You, Xanthias, hold the phallus-pole erect. WIFE. Set down the Basket, girl: and we’ll begin. persons, Dicaeopolis, his daughter, and two slaves; all the other villagers being still at war with Sparta. The daughter walks in front, representing the lovely and virtuous maiden who bore the Sacred Basket; a privilege so great that to be a Kavmpôpos in the Athenian procession was the crown of a Maiden's life (Lys. 646), and deserved to be recorded on a statue.—Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, chap. xvii ad fin. And see the Commentary on Birds 1551 and also on Eccl. 730, where the expression ka)\}, ka?\ós is again applied to the kavnqiápos. Immediately behind this spotless virgin walked the two slaves, holding the phallus-pole erect. And when we remember what the phallus-pole was—ba)\Aós' éðNov ćiri- pumkes, #xov čv rá ákpº okörivov aiboſov éémprinuévov—we may well be horrified at what appears to us the most appalling immodesty. But it did not appear so to the Athenians. It was, to borrow the words of Cardinal Newman, “the very orthodoxy of the myriads who had lived and died " in Athens. See intro- duction to Eccl. pp. xxix., xxx. The procession is wound up by Dicaeopolis, who walks behind the two slaves, sing- ing the Phallus song; the song from which Comedy itself was developed; Aristotle, Poetics iv. 15. It seems to have been addressed to the phallus, for Paxºs is merely the phallus per- sonified. The Wife is to represent the spectators who, no doubt, in the real ceremony would occupy every coign of vantage from which to witness the show. - - 244, rô kavoov. . . iv. dirapéðpe6a] *Hv ek Xpwood tremotmušva rä kavá, éq’ &v rás dirapyās dirávrov ćriðeorav. — Scholiast. The wife's share in this little conversa- tion appears to be continued in the MSS. to Dicaeopolis. It is given to the Wife in Aldus and most printed editions. 42 A X A P N E IX G)Y. ey AI. 2 3. kal pºv ka?\óv y Éat'. & piñrep, dvá80s 8eſpo rºv čtvápvolv, 245 iv čtvos karaxéo TočNatfipos toutoví, º & Atóvvore 860 trota, keyaptopičvos oot Tijvče tºw tropatrºv čplē Trépºravra ka? 06a'avra pietà Tóv oikerów gº. a y &yayeſv twknpós tº kat' dypods Atoviſoria, 250 atpartós dira)\\ax6évra. Täs atrov8&s 8é pot ka?\ós £vveveykeſv Tós Tptakovroſtièas. MH. &y', & 66 yarep, Širos to kavodv kax?) kaxós oforets, 8Aétrovo'o. 60pſ?popóyov. ðarts o' étréorel, kākrotijo eral yaxás 6s peakáptos 255 oroſ, pin8&v #trovs 88eiv, met&v Špôpos #. Tpó8aive, kāv Tóx\p puxarreo 6al opóðpo. piñ Tus Azóów orov repurpaym Tó xpvata. AI. & Eavóta, opóv 8 early Špóðs ékréos 6 paxAös ééório 6e tis kavmſpópov’ 260 246. Aarºpos] A flat cake. See Knights 1182. čMarſip Šott tr}\akovvrööes Tréppa trkarū, ev6ev kai ji čtrovvpia, trapá tê rais Xsporiv čAaúveoréat eis mºdros. Éart 8& āpros TMarès, év ć rô £rvos ériðeorav kai Tpooriyov tº 30p, 3. m\arū.—Scholiast. 254. 6vpgpoqāyov] Demure, 8pupið.- Photius. And so the Scholiast and Suidas, though they also give other meanings. And Theophrastus, speaking of plants, 50 a 8pupiðrmrå riva èxe ôň\mu kará ràv yeſortv, adds &v kai # 60p6pa.— De Causis iii. 1. 4. 66/18pa is supposed to be what we call savory. 255. Örügelj Shall wed. &nvio is an Epic word, employed by both Homer and Hesiod. “Happy the man whom favourable stars Allot thee for his lovely bedfellow.” yaMās, kittens, is éAarhp 8& trav ré substituted for children; ya)\as' divri row tratèas oppvrátovs. toàro Sé rô oxiua ka)\etrat trapā trpoorêoktav' & Set yap Éxpával, ékiroušoreral traičas weavias. – Scholiast. The yakſ, was in my opinion a real cat, very similar to, though not (I suppose) identical with, our domestic cat. Professor Rolleston's identification of the yakſ, with the white-breasted marten cat, and the tkrus with the yellow- breasted marten cat (Rolleston's Papers and Addresses, p. 499), can hardly, I think, be sustained. Without enter- ing fully into the question, I may observe (1) that so far are the ya)\ſ, and the tºrts from being differentiated by the colouring of their breasts that one point of resemblance between them is stated to be the similar whiteness of both their breasts.-Aristotle, Hist. An. T H E A C H A R N IA N S 43 DAUGHTER, O mother, hand me here the gravy-spoon. To ladle out the gravy o'er the cake. DI. *Tis well. Lord Dionysus, grant me now To show the show and make the sacrifice As thou would'st have me, I and all my house; Then keep with joy the Rural Dionysia; No more of soldiering now. And may this Peace Of thirty summers answer to my hopes. WIFE. O. daughter, bear the Basket sweetly, sweet, With savory-eating look. Happy the man, Whoe'er he is, who weds thee and begets Kittens as fair and saucy as thyself. Move on 1 but heed lest any in the crowd Should nibble off, unseen, thy bits of gold. DI. O Xanthias, walk behind the Basket-bearer, Holding, you two, the phallus-pole erect. ix. 6.5. (2) The ikrus is ru6ao'ov or p38pa (Aristotle ubisupra), the yellow-breasted marten is quite irreclaimable. (3) Many efforts have been made to domesticate the white-breasted marten, but with very limited success: whereas the use of the definite article à ya)\ſ, not ya)\ſ, ris, “the cat must have stolen it" (Peace 1151, Thesm. 559), points to the presence in the house of some special ya)\m, which must presumably have been domesticated there; and (4) the com- parison of the tkrus with a little Maltese terrier (Aristotle ubi supra) would be absurd if the ikrus were a marten, and most natural if it were a cat; and there really is a considerable resemblance between a Maltese terrier and an Angola cat. Here, it may be said, there is a twofold trapā ºrpoorðokiav. The wife should have said “children as lovely as thyself,” but for “children” she substituted “kittens,” and for “as lovely as thyself” she substitutes goû pumöév jrrows 86eiv. 258. Xpvoria] Trinkets of gold. For the noble maiden who bore the Basket would naturally be arrayed in all her finery, and wear her costliest orna- ments. Hence in the Lysistrata (1189 seq.) the Chorus say— Gorgeous robes and golden trinkets, Shawls and mantles rich and rare, I will lend to all who need them, Lend for youths to wear, Or if any comrade's daughter Would the Basket bear. 44 Ax A P N E IX éyò & droMovóóv šoopal to paxAuków' 9 O. 9 gº or 8', & ba\ſis, étalpe Bakxſov, yóval, 6eó pi' drö toſſ téyovs. Trpó8a. £6)kople, vvktotrepiträdivn- te, piouxè, trauðepaoré, 265 2 * éktºp o' éret trpoo’etrov čs Töv 8ſipov čA6öv doptevos, otrovës troumorópevos épiav- an a M a Tºp, Tpayparov Te kat playov kai Aapadixov draxNayefs. troAA@ yáp éo 6' 58tov, & 270 ‘paxfis, Paxºs, k\értovo av eip- óv6' épikºv $xmpópov tºv Xrpvploë6pov Gºpārtav čk toū peXAéos, piéormv Xagóvt’, 263, paxis] Now follows the Phallic song of nineteen-iambic lines; eighteen dimeters (all complete except the third which is catalectic), and one trimeter, winding up the song. It comprises two stanzas, one of eight lines, and one of seven, concluding with an invitation to Phales in four lines. Phales is called éraſpe Bakxlov, comrade of Bacchus, reprworépa yūp 'Abpobirn Heră Atovágov, as Lucian says (Amores 12); oivov 8é punkér'övros oik foruv Kömpus, Eur. Bacchae 773. And as to the éðykope vukromept- TAávnre, Meleager (Anthology 102) addresses Night herself as kópov or ºp- tr}\ave, fellow-wanderer with the revellers. 266. Ékrºp grew] See infra 890. This date is usually dealt-with in a very short and summary way. “The War commenced in 431 B.C. The play was acted in 425 B.C. Therefore it was acted in the sixth year of the War.” But that is not the way in which Ari- stophanes made his calculation. He reckons by the archonship or Attic year. The war commenced by the invasion of Attica in July or August, shortly after the commencement of the archonship of Euthydemus, and the play was acted in the archonship of Euthynus. There are only four archons between these two; so that we should have called this the fifth year of the War. But Aristophames is counting, in his calculation, both the archonship from which the period started and also T H E A C H A R N IA NS - 45 And I’ll bring up the rear, and sing the hymn: Wife, watch me from the roof. Now then, proceed. (Singing.) O Phales, comrade revel-roaming Of Bacchus, wanderer of the gloaming, Of wives and boys the naughty lover, Here in my home I gladly greet ye, Six weary years of absence over; For I have made a private treaty And said goodbye to toils and fusses, And fights, and fighting Lamachuses. Far happier 'tis to me and sweeter, O Phales, Phales, some soft glade in, To woo the saucy, arch, deceiving, Young Thratta (Strymodore his maiden), As from my woodland fells I meet her Descending with my fagots laden, that with which it terminated (see the Commentary on 172 supra), so that to him it is the sixth year. I have left sia in the translation. 269. Maxöv kai Aapáxov] This is the first mention of the gallant soldier whom in his lifetime Aristophanes was accustomed to satirize as the repre- sentative of the war party, but of whom after his death he always speaks in terms of well-deserved admiration.— Thesm. 841, Frogs 1039. It was partly, perhaps, his name, so suitable to his warlike spirit, so readily lending itself to jests about fighting and battles (as here, infra 1071, Peace 1293), that made the poet adopt him as the personifica- tion of War. 273. §k rod peºNéaos] beMNet's is a generic name for rough rocky crags on wh ch only goats can find pasturage. See Clouds 71. In Alciphron iii. 21 a goodwife complains that a wolf has carried off her finest she-goat from the fells; rºv kax\torečovorav rôv alyów ék rod qe^\éos àpirãoras olxeral kai 6 p.év bettvei dya&#v alya kai etyáMakrov, Šy& 8é 8ákpva röv čq6a)\pióv diroMeiða). In Attica, however, there were certain rocky heights to which the name was specific- ally applied. ‘pex\éa' rà terpáðm kai aiyi Sora xopia ºpex)\éas €káMovv' fiv 8é à gºeNAets rôtros ris 'Arrukhs of ro KaNoć- pevos, rpaxºs" ai be abyes trpès rê rpaxãrepa kai épetvárepa Suáyovorw.—Harpocration, Suidas. So also Hesychius s. v. peºMás. Here it seems to mean merely the wooded uplands of the speaker's farm. 46 A X A P N E IX &pavra, kata/3a)\óvta, kata- 275 yvyapria' & Paxfis, Paxfis. ēēv ple6’ huóv čvpuríms, y Aº ey 5 ěk KpaltráXms éoffev eip- fivms flopſiaeus Tpú8Atov. # 3 dotris év Tó peráàg kpepuja'état. XO. oitos airós éotiv, oùros. 280 BáXXe 66AXe 86XXe 8&NXe, trate trós Tov putapóv. où 8a)\eſs, où 6a)\eſs; AI. Hpdik\ets, Tovti tí šatt; Tºv xúrpav avvrpírete. [a Tp. XO. oré pºv oſſu kataxet'a opew, & puapā kepaxi. 285 AI. duri trotas airías, 6xapvéov yepatrarot; XO. Toit' potēs; &vatoxvvros éi kai 38eXvpès, & Trpoèóta Tſis trarpíðos, Šaris juáv Hóvos 290 Af * AP ‘A y > y Af ortreuordplevos elta 86vao at trpès épì diroSXétreuv. AI. &vri & 6p a treuord pumv oëk to re y” dAN droëorate. XO. aroſ, y' &koúa'optev, &moxeſ kató are X60 optev toſs Aíðots. 295 AI. Amèapós, trpiv čv y ákočant’ &AA’ &váoxea 6', &yaôoí. XO. oilk &vao Xiaopiat' pumö& Aéye plot at Aóyov' dºs pepitomkó are KXéovos étu péXXov, Öv é- 300 275. karayuyapriorat] The word of course means, as the Scholiast says, ovvovoridorat, but Dicaeopolis, a country farmer, uses a rustic metaphor. yiyapra are grapestones, grapes, Peace 634, and karayuyapriſeuv is to rifle the vineyard. 277. K KpaltráMms] After the night's debauch. diró x6iºns oivorogias.-Scho- liast. 279. v rá beyāAq,] 'Ev rá karvetº, says the Scholiast, referring to Odyssey xvi. 288, ºpéWraxoi yáp eiorw oi o Tuvémpes. Cf. infra 668, Wasps 227. As Dicaeopolis concludes his song, he is suddenly startled by the clatter of stones falling everywhere about him, which the old Acharnians of whom Amphitheus had told him are hurling at him from the orchestra. The daughter and the two slaves at once disappear into the house. 281. BáA\e k.T.A..] The poet may have in view a passage in the Rhesus, 675– 85, where the Trojan guards, recog- mizing the presence of a stranger (really T H E A C H A R N IA NS 47 And catch her up, and ill entreat her, And make her pay the fine for thieving. O Phales, Phales, come and sup, And in the morn, to brace you up, Of Peace you’ll quaff a jovial cup; And mid the chimney sparks our useless shield we’ll hang. CHOR. There he stands That's the man who made the treaty; Eull in view ; Pelt him, pelt him, pelt him, pelt him, Pelt him you! Heracles l what ails the fellows 2 Hang it all, ye’ll smash the pot It is you we will smash with our stones, you detestable head. O most worshipful Acharnians, why? what reason have ye got ? Dare you look me in the face 2 Private treaties of your own | Shameless heart | Shameless hand! Traitor to your fatherlandl Pelt him you! DI. CHOR. DI. CHOR. Dare you ask? Traitor base ! You who make, You alone, DI. CHOR. Hear you? No! You’re to die; DI. CHOR. No delay ! Thee to slay No debate | Thee we hate But ye know not why I did it : hear me now the facts declare. 'Neath a stony cairn to lie Not, O not until ye’ve heard me; worthy sirs, forbear, forbear ! We’ll immediately begin. Worse than Cleon’s self, whose skin Odysseus) in their midst, suddenly cry out 84\\e, 8á\\e, 64MAe, 8áA\e, and some lines below rate arãs. The ex- clamation of 8a)\ets; may possibly mean that some members of the Chorus are not so eager as others; as if “the little rift within the lute,” which is presently to create a complete discord (infra. 560), were already beginning to show itself. 285. Oré pºv oëv) The metre of this line, as of its antistrophical line infra 336 (āroMets àp K.T.A.), is anapaestic tri- meter brachycatalectic, sometimes called Pindaric. See Gaisford's last note on the eighth chapter of Hephae- stion. In other words, the line con- sists of five anapaests. For similar lines see Birds 456 and 544. So witu- perative a phrase as 3 puapā keºpax) was sure to find a place in the vocabulary of Demosthenes. In his speech against Meidias he twice salutes his opponents with these very words: 175, 246 (pp. 559 and 577). . 48 A X A P N E IX yó repô rotorw intreffort katrúplato. orot, 8' éyò Aóyovs Aéyovros owk &koúoroplat plakpots, ãorris éatrefoo A&Koortv, &AX& Tipopffo'opiat. AI. &yaôol, roës pièv Adkovas €ktroëov čáorate, 305 Töv & #16v a mov86v ćkoča ar', ei kakós arretorápmv. XO. trós 8é y’ &vka)\ós Aéyots &v, etirep eatreforo y &irać oloruw oëre 8opos otre triarts of 6' 6pkos pévet; AI. olò' éyò kai roës A&Kovas, ois &yav čykeſpe6a, oùx &mdºvrov čvras juſv airſovs rôv trpaypºdrov. 310 XO. oix &mdvrov, & travoúpye; tajra è?) toxp?s Aéyetv éppavós #8m rpès juās; elr’éyò orod peſo'opiat ; AI. oëx &mdvrov, oùx &mdvrov. 3XN Éyô Aéyov 68: tróAA’ &v &mopſivatpi éketvows a 6' & káðukovpévows. XO. rotiro roëros 8euvèv #8m kai Tapaśukápólov, 315 el gº toxiffaels örép Töv troAshtov piv Aéyetv. AI. kāv ye piñ Aéyo 8trata, plmöé Tó, traff6et 8okó, 301. rotoruv inſtreča i. This threat was carried into effect in the next year's ‘Immels. But there is no allusion here to the name of that play. The Knights were at this moment the successful antagonists of Cleon; and it is in that capacity that they are to receive his “cobblings”; an allusion to his trade in leather. 308, Bop's K.T.A..] These are the solemnities with some or all of which persons entering into a compact were accustomed to plight their troth to its due observance; (1) 8@piès, the altar, the victim slain, so invariable a con- comitant to a treaty that such terms as a trovöäs répueuv, icere foedus were synonyms for “making Peace”; (2) àpkos, the oath which accompanied the sacrifice, as in the third Iliad; and (3) triaris, the hand-clasp; for though Triorris may be used of any kind of pledge, yet as Porson on Eur. Medea 21 (303 pèv Špkovs, dvakaAet 8& Sečvás IIto ruv peyiarmv) truly says “manuum con- iunctio trio ris eximie dicebatur.” Here the Scholiast says ai ovv67kat 81& rptów reMoûvrat, A6)ov, pyov, Xelpóv. pév, otov 8t' épkov. Épyov 8é, but rôv év Aóyov Bopiois 6votóv. Xelpóv 8é, étrelë, ai triorrets ðvá ràv 8ečióv yivovrat. Kai "Opimpos (Illad ii. 341), “kai beftai is étrériguev.” Homer indeed in that passage mentions all three solemnities, the sacrifice, the oath, and the hand-clasp, tri, 8% avv6eafai re kai épkia Bhaeral juſv, atrovöat r" dispnrot, kal Bečval is inémópev; T H E A C H A R, N IA NS 49 I’ll erelong Cut to shoes For the worthy Knights to use. But from you, who made a treaty with the false Laconian crew, I will hear no long orations, I will surely punish you. Worthy fellows, for the moment those Laconians pretermit; 'Tis a question of my treaty, was I right in making it. Right to make it ! when with Sparta no engagement sacred stands, Not the altar, not the oath-pledge, not the faith of clasped right Yet I know that these our foemen, who our bitter wrath excite, Were not always wrong entirely, nor ourselves entirely right. Do you such opinions dare Shall I then a traitor spare ? I can prove by reasons strong That in many points the Spartans at our hands have suffered This is quite a heart-perplexing, terrible affair indeed, If you mean that you will venture for our enemies to plead. DI. CHOR. hands ! DI. CHOR. Not entirely, shameless rascal ? Openly to flaunt before me? DI. Not entirely, not entirely wrong. CHOR. DI. Aye, and if I plead not truly, or the people doubt display, for, as the Homeric Scholiast explains, by ortrovöai äxpmrot the poet means ai 8t’ àkpárov oivov yevópeval 6Vorial. And see Eustathius, there. And all three solemnities are mentioned again in Iph. in Aul. 57–60. So Pausanias viii. 7.4 says of Philip of Macedon, orparmyöv 8è dyadov oëk &v ris ºppověv ćp6ä ka)\éo etev aúróv Šs ye kai "OPKOYX 6eóv kare- trármorev dei, Kai 2IIONAA2 €iri travri évečgaro, III»TIN re ºriuage puéNuorra dvěpátrov. So Eusebius (H. E. x. 8. 2) says that Licinius declared war against Constantine the Great oëx épkopoortów, 3. tº 2 * Af 3. p oëx aluatos, oi, ovv8mköv plvñpumv év 8tavoia Aa3óv. See also Aristotle, Rhetoric i. 14.5 and Polity of Athens xviii. 6. As to the charges of perfidy against Sparta, the Scholiast refers to Eur. Androm. 445, and Kuster to Lys. 629. They are merely the charges which in every war each combatant brings against the other. 317. kāv ye ui, K.T.A..] He is willing to make his speech with his head over a chopping-block, so that if his speech is unacceptable to the audience they may chop off his head. But he is not willing to use such ill-omened words about himself, and accordingly he omits all reference to the death-penalty, so in reality making his speech nonsensical. For, taken literally, it can only mean that he will make his speech in this 50 A X A P N E IX itrèp étrušívov '6eXſjaa tºw kepakºv čxov Aéyéuv. XO. eitré pot, tí 'petóópeoča Tóv Attov, 6 &mpétat, pº) of karaśaivetv Töv čvöpa toûrov čs pouvukiða ; 320 AI. oiov at péXas tis Špiv 6vpićXoy &méegev. oùk &Koča'ea 6', oùk &Koča'ea 6' éreov, &xapumíðat ; XO. oëk dikovo 6plea 6a 37ta. AI. &etvá ràpa Teſoroplat. XO. §§oXotumv, fiv droño'o. AI. plmöapás, 6xapvukoi, XO. Ös Teóvášov to 6, vvví. AI. §§§opäp Špačs éyò. 325 &vratroktevó y&p ºpóv Tóv pi\ov toºs pixtarovs’ d's exo y páv Ópañpovs, oùs diroo poiáo Aa36v. XO. eitré plot, tí toàt’ & Teixeſ toūtros, &vêpes &mpiórat, * } * e as as J/ /* toſs Axapuukofortv piſv ; pióv éxel Tov trauðtov attitude, if at its conclusion it prove unsatisfactory to the audience; which is absurd. But his meaning would be well understood by the audience, and indeed the action proceeds just as if he had expressed it in full. For other in- stances of unwillingness to use words of ill omen about oneself or one’s friends see infra. 384, Lys. 38. TAſ)60s, a com- mon designation of the people at large, here signifies the audience. 318. inrēp Štrušºvov) 'Emiémvov is a butcher's wooden chopping-block, 6 playetplkös koppºs éq’ of rā kpéa ovykó- Trovow.—Scholiast. Observe that in the play the preposition is always inrēp, not étri. And it is incredible that Dicaeo- polis makes his elaborate speech with his head on the chopping-block; he probably faces the Chorus (and the audience) with the block, like a desk, before him, and merely leans over it as he speaks. 320. Hiſ oi karaśaivetv. M.) obyl Atóous aúrów aipāororetv čo te q0tvikoúv airó, troino at Tô orópa.—Scholiast. Karaśaivetv, which properly means to card wool, that is to divide it by a sort of iron comb, seems to have been specially employed to denote the laceration and tearing of the flesh by stoning. Porson thinks that there is an allusion here to Ajax 728 rô pil of Térpowru was karaśav6eis 6aveiv. And Mitchell quotes Eur. Suppl. 503 trérpots karaśavéévres 60 réiov fiaſpás. They will card Dicaeopolis és qouvukiða, literally into a Scarlet robe, that is “into a bloody and lacerated mass” like the Phoenicium (or puni- ceum) corium of Plautus, Pseudolus i. 2, 92; Rudens iv. 3. 61. But the word has a deeper meaning here, which, though the Scholiast perceives, the com- mentators have mostly ignored. The qowikis, or scarlet coat, was the Spartan military uniform. 'AptorroréNms 8é (bmariv ev rſ, Aakebauploviov IIoM reig, says the Scholiast, Xpno-6al Aakebauplovious qot- T H E A C H A R N IA NS 51 On a chopping-block I’m willing, whilst I speak, my head to lay. CHOR. Why so slack, my fellow-burghers? Let us stone the naughty varlet, Let us scarify and shred him to an uniform of scarlet. .DI. What a red and dangerous ember sparkled up within you then Won't you hear me, won’t you hear me, good Acharnians, worthy men P CHOR. Never, never, will we hear you. WOe. CHOR. If I do, perdition seize me ! CHOR. Know that you must die this instant. suffer too. DI. That will cause me bitter DI. O Acharmians, say not so. DI. Then I'll make you For my safety I’ve a hostage, one that’s very dear to you. Now I’ll bring him out and slay him ; you shall see your darling’s end. CHOR. O Acharnian fellow-burghers, what can words like these portend To our noble band of brethren? Think you that the man can hold vikiötºrpès roës toxéuous, rooro pièv 3rt rô rms Xpóas āvöpuköv, rooro Sé àrt rô rod Xpóparos aiuarööes ris toū aiparos fióoreos éðiðet karaqppovetv. So in the Lysistrata the frightened Spartan envoy is de- scribed as Öxpós év qouvukiöv, His coat was scarlet but his cheeks were white. Cf. Xenophon, de Rep. Lac. xi. 3; Agesilaus ii. 7; Plutarch, Laconian Institutes 24; Aelian, W. H. vi. 6; Photius s. v.v. čs (powikiöas karaśāvat. And here the Chorus mean He is a Spartan in heart, let us stone him till he wears the scarlet uniform of a Spartan. 321. p \as] Meaning probably not black but blood-red. See the Com- mentary on Plutus 806. And as to 6vuáAoy see Thesm. 729 and the note there. The Scholiast explains the word by 6 diroNeXeuppévos ris 60Wreas āvépač, ć juikavros' {{\ov kaëv, a riv6ºp, # 8takekav- pévos àvépač, Xaptévros 38 eirev, wei dvěpakets eioſiv oi’Axapueſs. 327, droorºpáčo Aa3ów] After uttering these terrible words Dicaeopolis goes into the house, leaving the Chorus in a state of alarm and perplexity. He returns three lines later, carrying in one hand a hamper full of charcoal, and in the other a drawn sword with which he proposes to terminate the existence of both hamper and charcoal. The ensuing scene, the Scholiast tells us, is parodied from the Telephus of Euripides. There is a somewhat similar parody in the Thesmophoriazusae. E 2. 52 A X A P N E IX an y are Töv trapávrov čvčov eſpéas ; # 'tri Tô 6pagºveral ; AI. BáAxer', el 800egó. XO. 6s &moxópearð. AI. Ös &mokrev6, kékpox6' yd) yap oilk &koúa'opiat. XO. 6troAeſs &p' épiñAtka Tövée ptXavôpakéo ; AI. oë8' époi Aéyovros ºpieſs &ptios fixočorate. XO. Af as dAA& vvvi Aéy', et arou 8okeſ, Tóv te Aake- &alpióvtov airów Śri Tô Tpóng) orov 'orri pixos. 6s Tóðe Tô Xapkí8tov of Trpoôóoro Troté. AI. Toijs Attovs viv plot Xapiáše trpátov Šćepdorate. XO. AI. &AA’ &mos pº) 'v toſs Tpíðoorly €yká0mvraí trov \{001. XO. 3. Af gº ékoréoletotal Xapuág". 330 éyò y&p tourovi 8taq6epò. eto'opiat 6' (p.6v táx Šarts &věpákov ri kijöeral. ô Adipkos &mpiórms 68’ at épiós. dAA& pil 3p3orms à piéAAets' pumöapiós, 6 p.möapiás. [ćvt. 336 340 oùrouí orot Xapai, kai or katſ:00v TräAlv to £ipos. oùx épés oretópevov ; 345 &AA& puff plot trpópaatv, &AA& karáðov to 8é\os. d's 68e ye o'etatos épa tſ, otpopf, yūyvetal. 3 * AI. epiéA\et &p' &tavres &vo.oreieiv Božºv, 333. Aćpkos] A hamper for carrying charcoal, qoppºs eis Šv àvépakas €vé8a\- \ov.—Harpocration. The Scholiast on 326 defines it as kópwos év ć roës avépakas $épovolv, Öv 800Aeral šiqet 8taxphoraoréal, and here as TAéypia ri kopiyā8es à l'ua- 66öes, év (; pépovoſt roës àvépakas. In the translation it is called a “scuttle,” which though a very different article, yet is with us, as Aépkos with the Greeks, inseparably associated with coal. 334. Öpáons à piéA\sus] They do not say don't kill it; they will not put into words such an intolerable idea; they prefer to say don't do what is in your mind. See on 317 supra. 386. ÖpiñNuka révôe] "Hroi rôv Adpkov, ) epié.-Scholiast. Beyond all question he means himself. The Chorus in the orchestra could hardly speak of the Aápkos on the stage as róvãe; and the epithet ºptAavěpakéa, as applied to the \dpkos, would be merely insipid ; while if applied to the man, it explains why his life is bound up with the life of the Adpkos. He is such a charcoal-lover that if they slay the charcoal (infra 348) they will slay him also. He can- not survive the charcoal which he loves so well. 338. dANä vuvil 'Emirpétrovow airó A yetv, tva pévov dºpi, röv Mápkov.–Scholia: 347. dvaoretely 8offv] To shake (or l., up a cry. In Alciphron iii. 71 Phila-, T H E A C H A R N IA NS 53 Any child of ours in durance? What can make him wax so bold 2 DI. Now then pelt me; here's the hostage I will slay and will not spare. I shall speedily discover which of you for charcoal care. CHOR. Heaven preserve us! 'tis a scuttle, ’tis my fellow-burgher true ! Never do the thing you mention : never do, O never dol DI. Cry aloud! I’m going to slay him; I shall neither hear nor heed. CHOR. You will slay then this charcoal-adorer, its equal in years! DI. Aye, for when I craved a hearing you refused to hear me plead. CHOR. Ah! but now ! Now you may ! Whatsoever suits you say. Say you love, Say you prize, Our detested enemies. Ne'er will I Faithless prove To the scuttle which I love. Dr. Well then first, the stones you gathered, throw them out upon the ground. CHOR. Out they go! All my hoard | Prithee, lay aside the sword. DI. But I fear that in your lappets other missiles may be found. CHOR. All are gone ! Every one ! See my garment shaken wide Don’t evade Promise made. Lay, O lay the sword aside. Here’s my robe Shaken out, As I twist and twirl about. DI. You would then, would you, shake your cries aloft, porus, writing to ask a friend to support him on his first appearance upon the stage, says or 8 juiv perä rôv ovvíðov EIII2EIE robs kpórows so as to drown all dissentient noises. Črtoretely means to launch their cheers on the actor, dvaoreieiv to raise them up aloft. Here Dicaeopolis employs the peculiar word àvaoreieiv, because the preceding speech of the Chorus is full of shakes, ékoré- oretorral, oretópevov, oretortés. The infinitive is rightly in the present tense. The rules which govern the matter are as follows; (1) where plex\ov refers to an intention which is subsequently carried into effect, the infinitive which follows is in the future tense, Clouds 1301, Wasps 460, Frogs 268; (2) where the intention goes, or has gone, no further, the infinitive is in the present tense, Ach. 347, Knights 267. And the reason is plain. In the first case the intention has, in the Second it has not, a future. The mean- ing of the line is so exceedingly clear and satisfactory that it cannot be necessary to encumber the Commentary with the wild vagaries of modern critics. 54 A X A P N E IX ôAſyov T' &méðavov čvápakes IIapvijotot, A º W A. y Af av º kai raûro. 8v8 rºv drotríav Tóv Šmpotóv. into tod óēovs 8& Tſis papíMms plot ov)(viv 350 º A 5 ºf Af ô Adépkos évetſ\marev čo Trep orntría. ðelvöv y&p oitos épiqakíav trepvkéval Töv 6upov divöpóv čare 3&AXelv kai 30&v 3. A / 3 y 4- V y 3/ Af é0éNew T âkoúa'at puměv torov toº pépov, époi 6é\ovros ūtrèp étruśńvov Aéyew 355 §mép Aake&alpovíov &n av6' 60' &v Aéyo' kairot pixó ye rºv ćpºv JrvXàv čyö. XO. €/ 3 * A. *A A • 2 J/ 6 tº trot', 6 oxétate, to pièya toût éxels; tí oëv oë Aéyéis, étrémvov čeveyköv 6%pag”, [a Tp. 360 A A 3 /* /* f/ a 3/ tróvv y&p épé yé tró60s & Tu ppovets exel. &AX fittep airós Tºv číkmv 8topia.o, 6eis 8eſpo točiríšnjvov čyxeipel Aéyetv. 365 AI. i80) 6660.6e, Tô pièv étríšmwov toëi, ð 8' divijp 6 Aééov oëToa'i Tvvvovroatſ. dué\et pi& Töv Aſ of k &vao triè60 opiat, 348. IIapvíguoul From Mount Parnes, the mountain which rose immediately at the back of Acharnae, and from whose wooded sides the inhabitants of that town were accustomed to obtain the timber for their charcoal. 349. Tºv dronſtav) The eartraordinary perverseness. 350. Tijs uapi\ms] Mapi\m is the black dust of the charcoal, whence the name Mapi\áöms infra 609. § 38 dwópákov réppa paptºn Aéyeral. uapi\ns ouv, duri row riis diró rôv dwépákov atroëtās étraq.mxev 6 Aápkos intô dyovias, 60tep # ormºria rö péAav' &mpópeva, yāp ai orntriat étraºptăoruv ék rot, trpooróvros airaſs piéNavos, tapárretv 8ovXópeval rôv trap' airaſs rötrov, iva pui) karaqhaveis dort rois 6mpôow.—Scholiast. 352. čuqakiavl Sour, literally, wine made from unripe grapes. duri roß &pièv kai ork\mpóv. Heraqopukós diró rôv épºq àkov' oùros 8é ai arraqvXai Öpuetal odora kai oùro Trémelpot kakoúvral.—Scholiast. The “sour grapes” of the fox in the fable are, in the original, &pſpakes. Photius s.v. says "Oplºpaka träv rô aio rmpèv Aé- yovoru. Dicaeopolis is philosophizing on the strange sourness of men's hearts. 354. torov torq) qāpov] The expression is properly used of wine mingled with T H E A C H A R N IA NS 55 And this Parnesian charcoal all but died, Slain by the madness of its fellow-burghers. And in its fright this scuttle, cuttle-wise, Voided its inky blackness on my clothes. Alas that men should carry hearts as sour As unripe grapes, to pelt and roar, nor hear A tempered statement mingled half and half; Not though I’m willing o'er a chopping-block To say my say for Lacedaemon’s folk. And yet I love, be sure, my own dear life. CHOR, O why not bring the block out of doors without delay, And speak the mighty speech which you think will win the day? For really I’ve a longing to hear what you will say ! So in the fashion you yourself prescribed, Place here the chopping-block and start your speech. DI. Well look and see, the chopping-block is here, And I’m to speak, poor little friendless I. Still never mind ; I won’t enshield myself, an equal quantity of water. See Plutus 1132 and the Commentary there. Athenaeus has a chapter (x. 37, pp. 430, 431) on this half-and-half mixture, and cites various passages in which it is mentioned. The participle pépov means that the wine will admit an equal quantity of water without injury to its flavour. Cf. Knights 1188. Here the phrase is transferred to a speech which will hold an equal balance, and be temperate and just in its statements; duri rod Sikatov kai éé to ov, diró pueraqopās row kupuapévov oivov trpès rê ščop torov.– Scholiast. without fear or favour.” 362. Tróðos] Aetnet rô plaðeiv.—Scholiast. 866. rô pºvětíčnvoy roºt] Dicaeopolis, who while the Chorus were speaking, had re-entered his house, now emerges with the chopping-block, which he places in the required position on the stage. 368, oùk évao Tuđàoropal].The old gram- marians explain this expression by “I will not arm myself,” “I will make no preparation for the fray.” But modern scholars mostly take it to mean “I will not skulk behind my shield,” “I will go forward openly and speak my mind And this 56 A X A P N E IX Xééo & imép Aake&alpovtov & plot 8okeſ. katrol 8éôouka troXX& Totºs Te yöp Tpómovs 370 W amº y 2 º Aº A ty Toos róv dypoikov oiða Xalpovtas opóðpa éâv Tus atroës eixoyfi kai rāv tróAuv &vīp dAaçöv kai Sikala káðuka. kávraú6a Aavóóvovo' &mepatroXópevou" zºº. 2 * gº töv T' at yepávrov olòa Tès JrvX&s &rt 375 où8èv 8Xénovativ ćAAo TA}v Jºſipº 8akeºv. J) airós T' épavröv into KAéovos &matov 5. A’ *A & Af Af étrio Tapai Ötö täv trépwal kopſgötav. eio exciſo as ydip pi eis to 8ovXevriptov 8té6ax\e kai Jºevöm kareyA6ttićé pov 380 2 käkvk\oſłópel kātrāvvev, 60’t ÖAſ yov Trävv seems the meaning most suited to the context. Though Dicaeopolis is refer- ring only to his own (metaphorical) shield, yet possibly the best illustration of the word is the battle-scene in the eighth Iliad, where Teucer, covered by the shield of Aias, glances round the hostile ranks, steps out and discharges his unerring arrow, and immediately "takes refuge again behind the pro- tection of that mighty shield. Dicaeo- polis will not do that : he will go boldly forward, and (to use a present- day vulgarism) face the music. 370. 6éôouka troXAd] Dicaeopolis per- ceives danger-signals from three dif. ferent quarters, viz. (1) from the country people, (2) from the old dicasts, and (3) from Cleon. The country folk, driven from their rural cares and avo- cations into the bustling metropolis, can only gape with wonderment at the clever speeches of the demagogues, and, won by their praise and flattery, become eager supporters of the War. They do not see that the orators are merely using them for their own pur- poses or, as the poet expresses it both here and in Peace 633, that they are being bought and sold. The whole passage in the Peace (682–7) is like a commentary on the present lines. The country people are being bought and sold, because it is they who are being ruined, while the orators flourish, by the War; and yet they are deluded, by the speeches of these very orators, into becoming the mainstay of the War party. It would indeed have been im- possible for the elderly countrymen to have survived the destruction of all their possessions, had not Pericles in- stituted the dicastic fee, obtainable by all over thirty years of age. Younger men would be earning a livelihood as soldiers or sailors. T H E A C H A R N IA NS 57 I’ll speak my mind for Lacedaemon’s folk. And yet I fear; for well I know the moods Of our good country people, how they love To hear the City and themselves be-praised By some intriguing humbug, right or wrong, Nor ever dream they are being bought and sold. And well I know the minds of those old men Looking for nothing but a verdict-bite. Aye and I know what I myself endured At Cleon’s hands for last year's Comedy. How to the Council-house he haled me off, And slanged, and lied, and slandered, and betongued me, Roaring Cycloborus-wise; till I well nigh 375. yepávrov) Any citizen over thirty years of age was qualified to become a dicast ; but the office was generally sought by the older citizens; and the dicasts are constantly spoken of as yépovres, Tpeogörepot, and the like, Knights 977, Wasps 224, &c. These old dicasts are always looking out, that is longing (3Métrovres, cf. Wasps 847 Tupuav 8Aéro), for the opportunity of giving a sharp verdict-bite. 378. Tiju Trépwort kopºpótav] That is, the Babylonians; the second Comedy pro- duced by Aristophanes. It was exhibited at the Great Dionysia, B.C. 426, and contained an attack upon Cleon, to which the demagogue replied by taking proceedings against the poet before the Council of 500. Those proceedings are thrice alluded to in the present play, here and infra. 502 and 630; and in each place the action of Cleon is de- scribed by the word 8té8a)\\e, the word —w- perpetually used in the Knights and elsewhere to designate the slanderous accusations brought by Cleon against all who presumed to oppose him. See Knights 7 and the Commentary there. A slight notice of the Babylonians and of the litigation which followed it will be found in the Introduction to this play. 381. Käkvk\oğópel] The verb kuk}\o- 8opéo is fashioned by the poet from Cycloborus, the noisy little torrent which, in the winter months, went brawling over its stones through the midst of Athens. Kvk\ó8opos' Trorapids év 'A6āvais Xetuappos, dyav fixów, says the Scholiast here; trorapuãs róv 'Aónvaiov, oùk del oióē 8ta travròs fiéov, d\\& Xet- pºſippovs. q moiv obv, tpaxeſav (bovňv čxou, kaðirep 6 rotagós étrelčáv fiém.–Scholiast on Knights 137. There, again, Cleon is described as Kvk\oğópov (bovijv éxov. Seemingly there were some notes in 58 A X A P N E IX dToMápumv ploxvuotpaypovoúpuevos. vöv oëv pie trpótov Trpiv Aéyeuv čáorate évokeväoſaa'60ſ pſ' otov d6XuâTotov. XO. tí Taüta otpépet Texváčevs Te kai tropićels Tpubdis; Aa3& 6 pod y Évéka Tap' ‘Iepovčpov a kotočaavitvkvárpux6 Tw''Aî80s Kvviv. eit' ééávotye pam}(ovës T&s Xiaºpov, 6s a knvºlv ćyöv oſſtos oëk eio 86&etal. AI. épa 'otiv ćpo plot kaptepêu lºvyºv Aa3eſv, kai plot 8aôuaté Éotiv Ós Eöputríðmu. tral traſ. K.H. Tís of ros; AI. &včov čo T' Eöpitríðms; 395 the high-pitched and truculent voice of the demagogue which irresistibly reminded his hearers of a brawling torrent, for in the Parabasis of the Wasps and Peace his voice is again likened to the pov) Xapáöpas àAeëpov tetokvias-TAövely is very commonly used of deluging a person with abuse; cf. Plutus 1061. I will merely cite a couple of instances from St. Chry- sostom. David, he says, had seen Shimei pivpiots airóv čveiðeat TAévovra.— Hom. ix in Matth. p. 132 B. pivpious TAüvovres orkóppaorw.— Id.lviii, p. 592 E. 384. Évorkevdoraoréal. This line must, I think, have been borrowed from the Telephus of Euripides, where the wounded Mysian is disguising himself as a beggar, to gain entrance into the camp of the Achaeans. This makes it a fitting prelude to the ensuing scene and accounts for its reappearance, infra 436. The scene with the Adipkos, the interview with Euripides, and the speech to the audience are all full of the Telephus. The story of the Euripidean Play is told in the Com- mentary on Frogs 855. 390. "Aièos kvviv. The “helmet of Hades,” that is, of “ Invisibility,” was as familiar in the old Greek legends as is the “Cap of Darkness” in our own fairy tales. It is mentioned by Homer, Hesiod, and Pindar, and frequently by later poets. It rendered its wearer invisible, even to immortal Gods. Athene, descending to the assist- ance of Diomed, dons the helmet of Hades, that Ares might not be aware of her presence. But what has Hie- ronymus to do with this? He was a poet, the son of Xenophontes, noted for the untidy mop of his shaggy and unkempt hair which well nigh con- cealed his countenance. In Clouds 349 he is described as a “wild and hairy man.” Here Aristophanes, whether originating the jest, or merely availing himself of a popular joke upon the man, takes his wilderness of hair as equivalent T H E A C H A R N IA N S 59 Was done to death, bemiryslushified. Now therefore suffer me, before I start, To dress me up the loathliest way I can. CHOR. O why keep putting off with that shilly-shally air 2 Hieronymus may lend you, for anything I care, The shaggy “Cap of Darkness” from his tangle-matted hair. Then open all the wiles of Sisyphus, Since this encounter will not brook delay. DI. To find Euripides. CEPHISOPHON. Who calls me? Now must my heart be strong, and I depart Boyl DI. Ho there, boy Is Euripides within 2 to the helmet of Hades. The long epithet applies only to the natural overgrowth of Hieronymus; the helmet which Athene donned was, we are told by Eustathius and others, in the nature of a very dense cloud, véqos ru Tvkvára- row.—Sisyphus, “the craftiest of all mankind” (Iliad vi. 153), is to us best known, not for his tricks and treacheries, but for the punishment which awaited them in the unseen world. There he was doomed to push to the top of a lofty hill an enormous stone, which invariably, as it neared the top, rolled back to the bottom again. 892. Orknvºlv] Eaccuse; plea for evasion, not meeting the case on its merits. It is really a legal term ; cf. Eccl. 1027, Plutus 904. 894. Ös Eüptitièmv] Wanting a set of beggarly rags, where should Dicaeopolis turn but to the poet who is elsewhere described as a Troxototôs, a flakioavp- patráðms, and is here presented to us as a veritable old-clothes-man? He has not far to go, for fortunately one of the houses in the background now turns out to be the house of Euripides. See the opening note of this Commentary. 395. KHPIxodon] Whether we call the speaker Knºptoroqāv or 6epátrov there is no doubt that Cephisophon is the person represented. The Ravenna. Scholiast, like the other Scholiasts, is clear on the point. “Cephisophon answers the door,” he says on this line; and on rptopakápi', five lines below, “Dicaeopolis says this in admiration of Cephisophon's remarks.” And doubt- less Marco Musuro, in settling the Aldine text, found the name Kmºbtaoq6v in the MSS. he consulted; and accord- ingly the name is read in every edition before Elmsley. Elmsley was the first to introduce 6spámov, observing “Cephi- sophontem Euripidis servum non fuisse vel ex eius nomine satis constat.” But even if this were so, I should heartily agree with Fritzsche who, in note 15 to his “De Aristophanis Thesmo- 60 A X A P N E IX KH. AI. tº tº 5 3P Trós #včov, eit' oºk v6ov; oëk #v8ov, ºvěov čotiv, ei yuápmv čxets. KH. Öp6ós, ò yépov. 6 voſs pièv čo £vXAéyov čtröAta oùk #vôov, airós 8' vôov &vaSāömv Troteſ Tpaypôtav. AI. & Tptopakápt’ Eipitríðm, 400 36' 6 800Xos oºroo’i ooſpós intokpíveral. ēkkáAeorov airóv. KH. &XX’ &óðvarov. AI. &AA’ &pios. of y&p &v diré\6oup', dAA& kówko Tºv 68pav, Eëputríðm, Eöpuríðuov, phoriazusis secundis Commentatio,” says “Mire fallitur Elmsleius. Non fuit servus Euripidis Cephisophon, sed servus inducitur ab Aristophane cui libera fuit quidvis fingendi potestas, ut Comico.” But, in fact, from the Greek Life of Euripides, discovered after the publica- tion of Elmsley's Acharnians, it appears that Cephisophon was originally a slave, though promoted for his intelli- gence to be the friend and associate of his master. There is a deplorable tendency nowadays to strike out of the dramatis personae proper names, and substitute such general words as 6epátov, oikérms, 6vpopós, knöeaths, and the like. This practice, besides doing away with much of the picturesqueness of the drama, places the modern reader at a great and unnecessary disadvantage as compared with an ancient spectator. For on the stage the mask would to Some extent be fashioned into a resem- blance of the individual represented: and the actor would doubtless imitate any special tricks of speech or manner which would serve to identify the original; whereas the reader is destitute of all these helps to the right under- standing of the Comedy. 396. oëk ºvöov, evöov ša riv) These little apparent contradictions are quite in the manner of Euripides, and com- mentators have collected a host of examples from his extant plays. I will give one or two of them. Éorru Te Koik 3r’ or riv.–Alcestis 521. Teóvãoruv.–Piel. 138. 'Apyelos oëk'Apyelos. —Or. 904. oix éköv čków.—Iph. in Taur. 512.-ei yuápumv #xets, if you have sense enough to understand me. toū ei ºpóvipos et kai ovverós.-Scholiast. 398. TúAAta] The same contemptuous diminutive is applied to the writings of Euripides in Peace 532, Frogs 942. In the latter passage Dr. Merry acutely suggests a play on éptröMAta, and some- thing of the kind may be intended here. 399. duašáðnv] In such phrases as dva6áönv kaðiſelv, dvaSáðmu kaðhuevos, the adverb usually means with the feet up. See Plutus 1123 and the Commentary there. But Aristophanes is never averse to using words in a new and unexpected signification, and in no Comedy does * º reóvãort koi, •º A CII/TL T H E A C H A R N IA NS * 61 CE. DI. Within and not within P Within and not within, if you conceive me. CE. 'Tis even so. His mind, without, is culling flowers of song, But he, within, is sitting up aloft Writing a Play. DI. O lucky, lucky Poet, Whose very servant says such clever things But call him. For go I won't. Euripides, my sweet one ! CE. But it can’t be done. I’ll hammer at the door. DI. But still . . . . he do this so habitually as in the Acharnians. And it seems to me clear that he is here employing divaSáðmu and karaśāśmy in the (unusual) sense of up aloft and down below; the kara- 8áðmu of 411 corresponding to the karaśaivetv of 409. 401. inrokpiveral] All the MSS., except the Ravenna, have direkpivaro, and so all editions down to and including Brunck's. And I strongly suspect that inrokpiverau, the reading of the Ravenna MS., is merely the equivalent of dro- kpiveral, answers. That is the sense which it bears in Homer and Herodotus, and once in Thucydides (vii. 44). Útro- kpiveoróat” rô dirokplveo-6at of traXavoi: €ovkvötöms é8ööpm. Photius. Etym. Magn. s.v. in okpuris; and so all the grammarians. Elmsley however, and recent scholars generally, take it to mean interprets, as in Wasps 53, oùros inrokpwépievov oropós évéipara. But the cleverness of Cephisophon seems to consist in his giving such an ingenious answer, oùk évôov, vôov éoriv, rather than in interpreting his own enigmatic utterance. 402. dAN' àpos] The omission of the * e y ey kai oi "Ioves of Taos.— verb (in this case ékkáNeorov) turns these words into a sort of mute supplication. Cf. infra 408. Dicaeopolis is making fun of Euripides, with whom this was a favourite phrase; Hec. 843, Medea, 501, Iph. in Aul. 904, Electra 753. And no doubt the attamen in Terence, Andria iv. 2. 28, 30 represents the same phrase. See also inf. 956. 404. Eöpiniótov] Diminutives of this kind have nothing to do with size, they are merely used intokopuarukós. Eüpuríðuov means not “my little Eu- ripides” but my darling Euripides: just as 8otöiouv, infra 1036, means my precious yoke of oxen; Bovoriðtov, infra 872, my dearest Boeotian; and Aapua- Xitrittov, infra 1206, my sweet Lama- chippus. Bentley observed that the two fragmentary lines, Eüputrión, Eöputriótov, ... dAA’ oi o XoA), if joined, make one com- plete senarius; and Hermann observes that the same may be said of the two fragmentary lines in Frogs 664–6, IIóoreiðov, j\ymorév rus... àAös év 8évésaruv. Whether this is merely accidental, or whether the poet's ear required a balance to the original irregularity, it is now impossible to say. A X A P N E IX itrakova ov, eúrep Trômot' div6pótrov Tuvi. 405 AtkatónToAts kaxeſ are XoxNetëns, éyò. EY'. AI. EY. AI. &XX' of oxoxfi. GAA’ KkvkAñónt'. Eðputríðm, E.T. d’AX’ d8övatov. dXX’ &kkvkAffo'opiat kata/3aively 8° of oxoxfi. ET. Tí XéXakas; AI. dAA’ &pios. AI. duağāömv trouets, 410 ěšov kata/368my' otºk Črös XoAoûs troueſs. dTâp Tí Tà fláki' ék Tpay@8ías Éxels, éa 67t’éAeetvijv; otr Štós Troxot's troteſs. GXX’ &vtuffoXó Tpès Töv yovátov o', Eöputtièm, 36s plot jäktóv tu toſſ traXatoí, ópdplatos. 415 êeſ ydippe Aééal Tó Xopó 6ñouv pakpávº aúrm 8& 6&varov, fiv kakós Aééo, ºpépet. EY". T& Toſa Tptſyn; plóv évois Olvet's 68: 406. Xo)\\etöns] This deme is supposed to have been situated near the south- eastern extremity of the Hymettian range, about twelve miles from Athens. The evidence is not very strong, con- sisting merely of an inscription, 'Apxé- ðmuos 6 p.mpaios kai XoAXeiôms rats Nüpıqats çkoööpimore, found in a grotto dedicated to the Nymphs in that locality; but no other place has put in a claim. See Leake's Topography of Athens, ii. 57; Wordsworth’s Athens and Attica, chap. 25. In answer to the old Chol- leidian's clamorous summons the voice of Euripides is heard from the upper chamber within the house. He does not become visible until after line 409. 408. §kkuk\#6mr'] Be wheeled out; show gourself by means of the eccyclema. By this well-known theatrical machinery the front wall of the house turned as if on a pivot, disclosing what was within, and bringing out a portion of the interior attached to the wall. Some observations on the eccyclema will be found in the Introduction. 409. karaśaivetv.] To come down from the upper story; as karaśaiva, kara- 8aivets in Thesm. 482, 483, and karaöpa- podora in Eccl. 961. After this line the ékkūk\mua begins to work; the house opens, and Euripides is brought out in the upper chamber, engaged upon a Tragic Play. Somewhere, probably in the lower story, are various heaps of ragged clothes. 410. Tí NéAakas;] Euripides, now visible to the whole theatre in his elevated and, apparently, perilous position, naturally speaks in stilted and tragic style. The words ri AéAakas; what shrillest thou? are what he would use T H E A C H A R N IA NS - 63 O if you ever hearkened, hearken now. 'Tis I, Cholleidian Dicaeopolis. EURIPIDEs. But I’ve no time. But pivot. DI. Euripides 1 EUR. Aye. And not down here ? EUR. But it can’t be done. Well then, I’ll pivot, but I can’t come down. DI. But still . . . ] DI. Why do you write up there, That’s why you make lame heroes. And wherefore sit you robed in tragic rags, A pitiful garb 2 That’s why you make them beggars. But by your knees, Euripides, I pray, Lend me some rags from that old Play of yours; For to the Chorus I to-day must speak A lengthy speech ; and if I fail, 'tis DEATH. EUR. Rags | Rags what rags? Mean you the rags wherein in his Tragedy, but are very far removed from the language of ordinary life. See the note on Plutus 39. 411. oik Not without cause. I understand now, he means, why your heroes are lame, since you bring them into being on such a dangerous height. 412. §áki' ék Tpay@8tas] Euripides is clad in rags, such as his own Tragic heroes were accustomed to wear; and Dicaeopolis insinuates that rags are his favourite costume, and that he dresses his heroes in rags in order that from their cast-off clothes he may obtain a plentiful supply for his own use. “Haud frustra est quod pauperes fingis, Scilicet ut laceris Tragicorum heroum pannis ipse amiciri possis.” 415. Too Taxatod ópáparos] Toº Tij}\éqov. —Scholiast. The Telephus was acted in the archonship of Glaucines at the érós] commencement of the year 488 B.C., thirteen years before the exhibition of the Acharnians. We learn from an Argument to the Alcestis that at the Tragic competition of that year the prize was awarded to Sophocles; and that Euripides was placed second with the Cretan women, the Alcmaeon (ró ôuá Yaoqióos), the Telephus, and the Alcestis. 416. Émauv pakpáv] He hopes by this to commend himself to Euripides, who was very partial to long speeches: éretär) kai rows dyyá\ovs Kai rows trpoxóyovs piakpoxoyoovras eioráyet Eöpitriðms, as the Scholiast remarks. 418. Oivečs] Euripides mentions the names of seven plays, in each of which the hero, or heroine, is introduced in a squalid or beggarly garb. In his “Oeneus” Diomed, returning from the 64 A X A P N E IX ð 860 trotpos yepatós fiyovićeto; AI. oºk Oivéos ºv, &XX’ &t' &0\totépov. 420 ET. Tà toi, twºod Poivukos; AI. of Poívukos, oi), &XX' repos fiv ºboivukos &0\tóTepos. E.T. troías troë' &våp Xakíðas aireſ rat Trét) ov; dAX' fi pixokrátov Tó toū ſtroxod Aéyels; G AI. oik, &AX& Totºrov troXè troXè troxtotépov. 425 E.T. &XX’ fi Tô 8va trivſ. 66Aets tre+Aópata & BeNAépoq6vrms eix' & XoAös oëTogí; successful expedition of the Epigoni against Thebes, finds his grandfather Oeneus (whom he had left King of Calydon) wandering about in rags, deserted by all his comrades, oi pew yūp oùkét’ eigiv, oi 8' 8vres kakot; see Frogs 72 and the note there. He has been de- prived of his throne by his nephews, the sons of Agrius, who have treated Him with the utmost contumely, even making his uncrowned head a mark for their cottabus-throws. An eyewitness, probably a domestic still faithful to his former lord, tells the tale. And oft with arrowy winedrops would they strike The old man’s head; and I was set to crown The victor, and award the cottabus-prize. It may be that the words āAA’ of oxoM), 407 supra, are meant to recall a line in ATH. xv. 3. the same play, where Oeneus says oxox) pºv oix', tà è? 8votvYoovtt tra's reptſvöv rô Aééat, kātrokkaiſaaq 6at TáAtv. As Euripides says 66i he points, I Sup- pose, to the rags which Oeneus wore. 421. Botvukos] This is the Phoenix of Homer who, in the Ninth Iliad, recounts the misdeeds of his youth without any shame or compunction. But Euripides followed another legend, according to which Phoenix did nothing a miss, but was a Joseph, falsely accused by a Potiphar’s wife in the shape of his father Amyntor's concubine or second wife. I think that Euripides must have considered her a second wife, and that the line cited from this Tragedy in Srobaeus 113. 1. Thesm. 413 8éotrouva yüp yépovrt vup big yvvi, has reference to the strong in- fluence she exercised over Amyntor, urging him to take vengeance on her presumptuous stepson. Phoenix, blinded by his father, fled (doubtless robed in rags) to the court of Peleus, who received him and entrusted him with the education of his son Achilles. 423. Aakiñas Tétrkov] Aakiöas Tā Step- poyóra inária.-Scholiast. The phrase is probably taken direct from Euripides who, in Troades 497, has rpvXmpå trétrºov Maktopata in exactly the same sense. T H E A C H A R N IA NS 65 This poor old Oeneus came upon the stage 2 DI. Not Oeneus, no ; a wretcheder man than he. EUR. Those that blind Phoenix wore? DI. Not Phoenix, no; Some other man still wretcheder than Phoenix. EUR. What shreds of raiment can the fellow mean? Can it be those of beggarly Philoctetes? DI. One far, far, far, more beggarly than he. EUR. Can it be then the loathly gaberdine Wherein the lame Bellerophon was clad 2 424. Pixokrátov] The Philoctetes was 8opai 6mptov ka?\öm'rovoſiv airóv. And in exhibited in the year 431 B.C. in the archonship of Pythodorus. The other competitors for the Tragic prize on that occasion were Euphorion and Sophocles. The result is given in one of the Arguments to the Medea ; Tpóros Eöqoptov, Seárepos 20%ok\ms, rpiros Eüptitiëns, Mhòeta, Pixokrárms, Aikrvs, €eptorrai ordrupol. A considerable por- tion of the earlier scenes is turned into prose by Dio Chrysostom, Orations 52 and 59. It commences with a soliloquy of Odysseus, who has just landed at Lemnos, and is complaining that his reputation of being the cleverest and most resourceful of the Greeks is con- tinually involving him in the most hazardous enterprises. He well knows that Philoctetes, if by any chance he recognized him, would immediately kill him ; but Athene had promised to change his appearance and his voice so that he should escape recognition. Presently he perceives Philoctetes approaching, and exclaims & toº XaAeroë kai beivoj čpáparos, r3 re yāp eiðos itó ty rms vóorov q08épôv, # re oroMi dióms' F the dialogue which ensues Philoctetes explains that all his raiment has by age fallen to pieces, and that he is obliged to get his clothing as well as his food, y\to Xpos kai pāAts, by the aid of his bow and arrows. 427. BeNAépoq’évrms] The “Bellero- phon" of Euripides does not seem to have touched upon that hero's relations with Proetus and Stheneboea. They formed the subject of the “Stheneboea.” In the “Bellerophon” he is attempting to ride the winged Pegasus to heaven; but the horse, maddened by a gadfly which Zeus had sent for the purpose, grew unmanageable, and threw its rider, who is brought on the stage lamed and dilapidated. It is from this scene that the line KuNivöer’ (or kopišer') etoro róvãe rôv 8vorðaipova (Knights 1249) is borrowed. And the whole idea of the flight to Heaven is burlesqued in Peace 75–172; and the final warning of the daughters— *keſvo ripet piñ aq'axets karappuſ's èvrej6ev, eſra xoMös &v Eüputtöm Aónov trapáoxms, kai tpay@6ía Yévn, 66 A X A P N E IX AI. oë BeXXépoq6vrms. dAX& kākeſvos pièv fiv Xoxös, trpoo autów, a topičkos, Četvös Aéyetv. EY". oió’ &věpa, Mvorov Tij}\eq}ov. AI. vai, Tij}\epov. 430 toūrov 80s divtuğoxó oré plot rô a trapyava. E^^. & traſ, 80s airó Tm2.Épov Gakópata. keſtat 6' divoffev Tóv Gºveo reſov flaków, petaši tāov 'Ivois. AI. KH. i8ot), Tavri Xabé. & Zei, Štóſtra kai katón to travraxfi, 435 évokeväoraoréat pi' otov &6Atóratov. Eöpitríðm, ‘Tretëffirep exaptoro raël, kákeſvá plot 80s Tākó\ov6a têv Gaków, Tô Trixiètov trepi Tºv kepax?) v Tó Múatov. êeſ ydippe 86&t Troxêu éival ripepov, 440 refers to the dismal appearance of Bellerophon in the Tragedy after his fall from Pegasus. See also Wasps 757. 431. ortrápyava] Properly an infant's swaddling-clothes, but here used derisively of the beggarly wraps in which the lame Telephus was swathed in the Tragedy. 433. evea retov Đaków] "Hroi ră răv Kpmaroºvi, airod rod evéorrow.—Scholiast. In endeavouring to ascertain the par- ticular rags for which Dicaeopolis was asking, Euripides has already named five ragged heroes; and now, in indi- cating where those particular rags are to be found, he mentions two further names, those of Thyestes and Ino. Each of these two lives was full of tragedy, but in neither case is it quite certain where the rags come in. Thyestes appeared in two plays of Euripides, one called the “Thyestes” after the hero, and the other the “Cretan women” after the Chorus of the play. And the Scholiast does not know to which of the two Aristophames is here referring. But probably he was represented as in great poverty and distress after his expulsion by Atreus from Mycenae. The legend of Ino and Athamas is told in a variety of forms; in that which Euripides seems to have followed she was his first wife, and roaming as a Bacchanal over the mountains disappeared for so long a period that she was given up for lost. Athamas therefore married a second wife; but presently learning that Ino was still alive, and feeling that he loved her best, he brought her back, and introduced her into the house in the guise of a maidservant. Here, probably, Euripides found his oppor- tunity for clothing her in rags and tatters. This judicious proceeding on the part of Athamas led naturally to T H E A C H A R N IA NS 67 A terrible chap to talk. The Mysian Telephus. Bellerophon? no ; yet mine too limped and begged, EUR. I know the man. DI. Telephus it is Lend me, I pray, that hero's swaddling-clothes. IEUR. Boy, fetch him out the rags of Telephus. They lie above the Thyesteian rags, *Twixt those and Ino’s, CE. (To Di.) Take them; here they are. (Holding up the tattered garment against the light.) Lord Zeus, whose eyes can pierce through everywhere, Let me be dressed the loathliest way I can. Euripides, you have freely given the rags, Now give, I pray you, what pertains to these, The Mysian cap to set upon my head. For I’ve to-day to act a beggar’s part, a series of catastrophes, involving the death of both his wives and of their respective children. 435. & Zej Štórra] Dicaeopolis holds the garment up, and as the light streams through its innumerable holes, he apostrophizes Zeus as the Lord of the sky, who looks down upon, and looks through, every thing (and espe- cially through the tatters of Telephus's beggarly raiment). - 436. Évorkevão aoréal] On its previous occurrence, supra. 384, the infinitive was governed by éâorare. Here it is governed by 80s or troinorov understood. 439. TriAtôtov] This was a loose felt cap with flaps coming over the ears; rô vöv ka)\otiplewov KapleMaúkuov, says the Scholiast, who was probably a Byzantine iiving between the fifth and ninth centuries of our era, when a cap of this kind was commonly called a kapım- Navkis or kapınkačktov. Thus when Illus, the famous Master of the Offices to the Emperor Zeno, lost the tip of his right ear by the sword of a would-be assassin, he ever after wore a kap.mxaijktov to con- ceal the disfigurement from the public (Theophanes, Chronographia, p. 88A, ed. Goar, where see Goar's note). Dicaeopolis gets the cap, but the plural käketva in the preceding verse shows that his requirements will go beyond that. 440. Set yap pie 86%at] This and the followingline, according to the Scholiast, are borrowed without change from the Telephus. The present line, it will be observed, does not conform to Porson's well-known canon about the final cretic. The description which follows is merely a skit upon the futility of Tragic disguises. Dicaeo- polis has no intention of disguising himself from the Chorus. F 2. 68 Ax A PNE Ix eival pièv Šotrep elul, paívea 9at 8& puſ' Toºs pièv 6ear&s eiðéval pu' às eip' yo, º ox * Toºs 8 at Xopevr&s #Atôtovs trapeatával, ey “A y V & Af AP ôtros &v attoºs Gmplatious orkupaxto'o. ET. 86ao Tvkvå y&p Aerrà, p.mxavć ºpewſ. 445 AI, eúðalpovoims, Tm2\épp 8' &yö ºppov6. et y' otov #öm 6muatiov čuritàapat. dràp 8éopiat ye troxikoú 3aktmptov. ET. Tovri Aa3&v čmex6e Xatvov aro.6p16v. AI, & 66p', Öpás y&p Ós &moéoùplat 86pov, 450 troXXóv Šeópevos orkevaptov. viiv 87 yevoi, y\to Xpos trpooſauróv Attrapóv t'. Eòpitríðm, * 86s plot a trupíðtov 8takekavpiévov A6xvg. ET. Tí ó', & TóAas, ore roſé’ exel TAékovs Xpéos; AI. Xpéos pièv otóēv, 806Aopiat 6' 6pos Aa3eiv. 455 ET. Avrnpös to 6’ div kotox6pmotov 8ópov. AI. ped eißalpovoims, éotrep # puffrnp troté. .444. Ömparious] Smart little phraselets. The diminutive is used again of the lan- guage of Euripides, infra, 447, Peace 534; whilst in the Frogs (821,824,828, 881) fiſſuara is specially appropriated to the language of Aeschylus. Cf. also êtröAAta supra 398.-orkupaNišstv the Scholiasts explain as meaning ré pukpº, ôakrūq, rôv ćpviðav dromelpäoréat el Goro- Cf. Peace 549. + 445. Trvkvi, ppevil The language is Euripidean (Iph. in Aul. 67), though whether it occurred in the Telephus we are not told. Tvkvös is subtle, crafty. Cf. Knights 1132, Birds 430, Thesm. 438, Eccl. 571. 446. ei Satpuovoims] Kotoruv. This line, the Scholiast informs us, is borrowed from the Telephus, where it stood kałós éxotpu, Tmkéqq, 8' dy& ‘ppová. There it was probably spoken by the disguised Telephus himself, who intended his hearers to imagine that he was really wishing ill, when in truth he was wish- ing all good luck, to Telephus. Here of course Dicaeopolis has the converse in- tention. In Eur. Hel. 1405 Helen, wish- ing ill to her persecutor Theoclymenus, and all good things to her disguised husband (this stranger), says to the former, 6eol 83 got re Solev of €y& 6é\o kai ré, éévº Tóð’. 447. e5 y K.T.A..] The old countryman had hitherto been an utter stranger to T H E A C H A R N IA NS 69 To be myself, yet not to seem myself; The audience there will know me who I am, Whilst all the Chorus stand like idiots by, The while I fillip them with cunning words. EUR. Take it ; you subtly plan ingenious schemes. DI. To thee, good luck; to Telephus—what I wish him Yah! why I’m full of cunning words already. But now, methinks, I need a beggar’s staff. EUR. Take this, and get thee from the marble halls. DI. O Soul, thou seest me from the mansion thrust, Still wanting many a boon. Now in thy prayer Be close and instant. Give, Euripides, - A little basket with a hole burnt through it. EUR. What need you, hapless one, of this poor wicker ? DI. No need perchance; but O I want it so. EUR. Know that you’re wearisome, and get you gone. DI. Alas! Heaven bless you, as it blessed your mother. the subtle turns of thought and lan- guage in which the dramatic heroes of Euripides were accustomed to indulge; but no sooner is he clothed in the rags and tatters of Telephus than he finds himself, to his surprise and delight, endowed with all that hero's power of expression, and able to bandy subtleties on equal terms with the great Master himself. 453. atrupiðtov] Probably, in all his requests, Dicaeopolis is only asking for the articles with which Telephus was really equipped in the Tragedy. That he carried a ortrupiðtov we know from the statement, to which Kuster refers, in Diogenes Laertius vi. 87, that Crates be- came a Cynic 6eaorépevos év rive rpaypôig Tº eq}ov ortrupiðvov čxovra kai rāNAa Avirpáv. 454. TXékovs] The Scholiast is doubt- less right in saying that this is a parody of the Telephus; and I think that the parody must extend beyond the line he quotes, ri 6', 3 rāAas, or rô8e Treiðsoróat 6éAets; It seems to me probable that in the Tragedy both this and the following line form part of the dialogue in which Telephus is seeking to obtain possession of the infant Orestes; and that here, as in Peace 528 (another parody of the Telephus), Aristophames is substituting the word tâ€kos for the rékos of Euri- pides. - 455. Xpéos pév oë8év] It is not merely a question of need; “our barest beggars Are in the poorest thing superfluous,” as King Lear says. 70 Ax A P N E is ET. &trexée viiv plot. AI. p13XAá plot 80s v pióvov, korv) forktov Tó Xel'Nos &mokekpovopºvov. ET. AI. q6eipov Aa3&v Tóē’• to 6, 6' 6x\mpès div 86pots. 460 4- ºx oùro piè Aí' oio 6' oi' airós épyáčet kaká. y gº y d'AA', & y\vkūrat Eöputríðm, Tovri pāvov, 8ós plot Xvrpíðtov ortroyyip 3e3vapiévov. ET. dimeA6e Tavrmvi Xagóv. AI. &mépxoplat. &v6pon', dºpalpío’et pie Tºw Tpaypôtav. 465 2. Aº Af • A & ‘A º *A V Kairot Ti 30&oro; 8e7 yap Évös, où pai) Tv)(Öv dróAoA'. &kovorov, & y\vkórat Eäpuríðm. y tovri Aa3bv &metpıt koč trpóorelp.' étu. eis rô a trupíðtov ioxvá plot pu)\\eta 86s. ET. AI. *. y dtroXeſs pl’. i806 orot. ppoſióð plot tº 8pápara. 470 y 2 3. dAA’ oikét', dAX &repu. kai yaºp eiu' àyov ÖxAmpès, où 8oköv ple koupóvows otvyetv. 2 otpot kakoëaipov, dºs diróAoN’. éme}\a66pmv P * / y 2 * 2 ev prep eatu travta plot ta. Tpayplata. Eöpitríðuov, & pixtatuov kai y\vkúratov, 475 f y y 2 3/ kákuo'T' &moxofumv, ei tí or airfloatpi étu, M *A Af A Aº * Aº TrAhv čv påvov, Tovti pièvov, Tovti pièvov, orkávèuká plot 80s, pumtpóðev 868eypévos. 460. to 6, 8' 3XAmpès &v] This imitation of Euripidean phraseology did not deter Euripides from repeating the same phrase some fourteen years afterwards in Helen 452, where the old woman who keeps the palace-door says to Menelaus, another of the poet's ragged heroes, ÖxAmpès to 6’ &v, kai rāx' &orðhorel 8íg. For p6eipov, go and be hanged, see Plutus 598, 610. 461. oi' airós épyáčev Kaká. The exact point of this reproach is far from clear, but I think that Dicaeopolis means “You are angry with me for asking for these trumpery articles, but it has never occurred to you how deeply you degrade Tragedy by introducing them into your plays.” I suspect, as Mueller and Dr. Merry have done before me, that this line, like so many others, is borrowed from the Telephus; and probably the point was more clearly brought out in the Tragedy. See, however, the Com- mentary on 480 infra. 465. Tavrmvil Tºv xúrpaw ömovärt.— Scholiast. “quodepraecedente Xvrpiðtov THE A CHARNIANS 71 DI. Just one thing more, but one, EUR. Leave me in peace. A little tankard with a broken rim. EUR. Here. Now be off. You trouble us; begone. DI. You know not yet what ill you do yourself. Sweet, dear Euripides, but one thing more, Give me a little pitcher, plugged with sponge. EUR. Here, take it and begone. Fellow, you’re taking the whole Tragedy. DI. I’m going now. And yet ! there's one thing more, which if I get not I’m ruined. Sweetest, best Euripides, With this I’ll go, and never come again; Give me some withered leaves to fill my basket. EUR. You’ll slay me! Here! DI. Enough ! I go. My Plays are disappearing. Too troublesome by far Am I, not witting that the chieftains hate me ! Good Heavens ! I’m ruined. I had clean forgotten The thing whereon my whole success depends. My own Euripides, my best and sweetest, Perdition seize me if I ask aught else Save this one thing, this only, only this, Give me some chervil, borrowing from your mother. adsumendum.”—Brunck. The line, with Tovrovisubstituted for Tavrmvi, is repeated in Birds 948, where Peisthetaerus is getting rid of the Pindaric poet. 472. 3XAmpès, oi Soków k.T.A..] Tooro Tetrap48mrat éé Oivéos Eöputričov. 6 Öe 2üppaxos kai ék Tm).épov pma'iv airó.- Scholiast. “Satis probabilis est haec Symmachi opinio, nam tota fere haec scena ludicra imitatione e Telepho Eu- ripidis expressa est; cf. Script. Argum. Ach., AukatótroXts éA6öv Ös Eöpitríðmu Troxlkºv orožju aireſ, kai orroMo'6eis rols Tm)\épov fiakóplagi trapºpóel rôv éketvov Aóyov.”—Wagner (on “Telephus.” Frag. 21). To me, however, the circumstance that the line would naturally be expected to come from the Telephus renders it more probable that Symmachus should have erroneously assigned it to that play, than that the Scholiast, with the opinion of Symmachus before him, should have wrongly ascribed it to the Oeneus. 478. gkávölka] Chervil; certainly the kind which we call Sweet Cicely or Great 72 A X A P N E IX EY". t M avm AI. & 6%p', &vev okávölkos épatropévréa. ^ 3 vàp iſłpíšev k\eſe Trnktö, Öopidºtov. 480 3. º 3 ºf *A 5 e > y * A &p’ oio 6’ 60-ov Tóv dyóv' &yovueſ taxa, puéAAov Útrèp Aake&alpovíov &vöpóv Aéyeuv; Tpó8auvé vvv, & 6vpué ypapºpº 6’ airmí. fy y º M 3. Af éatmkas ; oëk ei katatrióv Eiputríðmu; y A. 2. 3/ º {\ Ší €7mveo aye vvv, o Tawauva kapoua, 485 } a º * &meA6' ékefore, kāta rāv kepa}\}v éket A 5 • 2 ey 3. A 3 * * trapáoxes, eitroſo’ &rt’ &v airfi orot &okfi. TóAplmoov, ibu, Xópmarov, &yapat Kapòías. Chervil; and probably including also that which is called Venus's Comb. Great Chervil, though supposed to possess some medicinal qualities (Pliny, N. H. xxii. 38, to which Kuster refers, and Parkinson, cited by Miller and Martyn, s.v. Scandix), was commonly considered a worthless weed, and Pliny, ubi supra, says (I give the passage in Holland's translation): “This is the herb which Aristophanes the Comedian twitted the Tragicall Poet Euripides by, objecting to him merrily by way of a scoffe that his mother who was a gardener used to sit in the market and sel never a good wort or potherb indeed (olus legitimum), but made her markets only of Scandix.” The last two words of the line appear, as Elmsley pointed out, to be borrowed from Aesch. Cho. 737, where the old nurse, speaking of her “dear Orestes,” says Šv éééðpeVra untpá6ev Šešeyuévn. 479. Tmkrá Šopſirov) The language betokens a parody; and the passage parodied, though apparently unknown to the Scholiast, has fortunately been preserved by Pollux (x. 27), Tó 8é k\eſoral to ov kai Tô Trakroov kai rô émitrakroov tás 6öpas €oriv, 60tep rº, dvoiyetv rairóv rô Aüeuv, Ös éqºm Eöpitríðms “Ave traktā 60- parov.” In the Play of Euripides the words doubtless meant “the palace gates,” but that is not their meaning here. The opening or shutting of the door would have had no effect on the speaker's position ; and the order k\eſe Trnkrá Šopudrov here is merely equivalent to the request of Agathon in Thesm. 265 storal tis &s ráxtortá p’ eio Kvk\madra). The room which was wheeled out supra 409 is now wheeled in again; Euripides disappears from view; and the house resumes its normal aspect. See infra 1096. 480. & 6tu'] 'The interview with Euripides is over, and Dicaeopolis must return from the poet's house in the background of the stage to the place where he has set the chopping-block. He expresses great apprehension; and indeed it was a most daring step on the part of Aristophanes, in the midst of a war which had stirred to the depths the passions of the Hellenic peoples, to T H E A C H A R N IA NS 73 EUR. The man insults us. Shut the palace up. O Soul, without our chervil we must go. Knowest thou the perilous strife thou hast to strive, Speaking in favour of Laconian men? On, on, my Soul! Here is the line. How 2 What ? Swallow Euripides, and yet not budge? O, good Advance, O long-enduring heart, Go thither, lay thine head upon the block, And say whatever to thyself seems good. Take courage Forward March O well done, heart argue openly before the Athenian public in favour of their detested enemies. Dicaeopolis now communes with his soul, encouraging, exhorting, and as it were compelling it to commence the contest. Something of this kind may have occurred in the Telephus; or the poet may be mimicking the famous scene in the Medea, exhibited six years Treviously, where the heroine takes counsel with her heart and her hand about the murder of her children, 1242– 50. And possibly the otömpoãs dump of the Chorus here may be a reminiscence of the Ös āp' fiorða rérpos # oriðupos of the Chorus there (1279), and even the lan- guage of Dicaeopolis, supra. 461 oiſmo på At oloré' of airós épyáčev kakā, may be really the reflection of the remark of the Chorus to Jason oilk oio 6' oi kaków eXàNv6as. I do not think that either here, or in Medea 1056 and 1242, any special distinction is intended between the 6vpiès and the Kapòia. Medea ap- pealed sometimes to the one, and some- times to the other; and Dicaeopolis follows her example. 483. ypappuff] The line from which racers started. See the Commentary on Knights 1159. He pictures an imaginary line, a sort of Rubicon, across the stage, on the other side of which lies the perilous adventure he is about to under- take. - 484. Karamov Eiptiriðmul “Non ibis, licet Euripidem imbiberis?”—Bergler. Lucian, as has often been observed, adopts this phrase at the commence- ment of his Jupiter Tragoedus, where Zeus is beginning a lament in high Tragic style, and Athene says Koiutorov Öpyāv, ei º kapıgöstv čo Trep of rot 8vvá- pe6a, plmöé rôv Eüptitièmv ŠMov karatretró- kapıev, &ote orot inroöpaparovpyetv. 488. Ayapat Kapòias] His heart at length “screws its courage to the sticking-place,” and Dicaeopolis ad- mires its pluck. But if Dicaeopolis is surprised at his own courage, much more so are the Chorus. From their language it would seem that they hardly expected him to return to deliver his speech. For though there has been no change in the scene, and 74 A X A P N E IX XO. Tí ópáorets; Ti příoſets; 3XX' to 6, vvv 3. Af *A * 2 3 M &vatoxvvros &v otömpoſs tº divip, ãortus trapaoxöv Tà tróAet Tov at Xévo. &m aort piéWAets eis Xéyetv távavtta. * 2 tº-º: &väp of Tpépet to trpáyp’. eid, vvv, S Af 3 * t * Af étrelöffirep airós aipeſ, Aéyé. 490 495 AI. Hiſ plot p00vſjant’, &vêpes oi 6eópevot, 2 ei Troxês div ćirett'év A6mvatois Aéyéiv Af \ as, Aſ A * péNAo trepi Tàs tróAeos, Tpvy®8íav trotóv. Tô y&p &ikatov olòe kai tpuyºto. 500 éyò 8& Aééo &euvâ pºv, Šíkata 86. où ydippe vöv ye 8taga)\et KAéov Štu £évov trapóvrov Tijv tróAuv kakós Aéyo. 2 * Af y & \ Af 9 3 M atrol yáp éoptev oitri Amvaíº T' dyöv, Dicaeopolis has never left the stage, yet (such were the make-believes of the old Attic Comedy) he is supposed to have gone out of sight to discover Euripides, and only to have reappeared to the eyes of the Chorus when he has crossed the line and is standing by the chopping-block again. In reality all these expressions of surprise and ad- miration are intended to impress the audience with the fact that the poet is well aware of the risk he is running, and so to predispose them in his favour. 497. phpot ºpéovhornt’l Dicaeopolis now commences his finaw Pakpāv, which ex- tends over sixty limes. The whole speech is in some sense a parody of the speech of Telephus in the Euripidean Play; orroMoréeis rots Tm Méqov fiakópaori trappèet rôv ékéivov A&yov, says the author of the First Argument. Several pas- sages are taken with little or no change from that speech; such as these opening lines which in the Tragedy ran ph pºol p60whomr’, divöpes ‘EAA#vov dispot, ei troxös &v ré rank' év čo 9Aotov Aéºyeuv. Telephus is addressing the Greek chieftains, but Dicaeopolis is addressing the audience; for it is the audience, and not merely the Acharnians, that he wishes to conciliate. We shall find, as we go on, other lines or phrases borrowed from the Tragic Play. But of course there could be nothing in the Telephus corresponding to the argu- ment of Dicaeopolis on behalf of the Lacedaemonians. We must picture to ourselves throughout the speech Dicaeo- polis clad in the rags and tatters of his prototype, and leaning, irép étrušfivov, over the chopping-block. Some think T H E A C H A R N IA NS 75 What will you say? Man, is it true CHOR. What will you do? You are made up of iron and of shamelessness too? You who will, one against us all, debate, Offering your neck a hostage to the State 1 Nought does he fear. Since you will have it so, speak, we will hear. Bear me no grudge, spectators, if, a beggar, I dare to speak before the Athenian people About the city in a Comic Play. For what is true even Comedy can tell. And I shall utter startling things but true. Nor now can Cleon slander me because, With strangers present, I defame the State. 'Tis the Lenaea, and we’re all alone; that the whole idea of the émićnvov is a burlesque of a passage of the Telephus preserved by Stobaeus (xiii. 10): 'Aºyápiepvov, où5' ei tréAekvv čv xepoſv čxon. péAAot ris eis rpáxmxov *pśaxeſv čplēv, ovyāoopal, 6thatá y’dvrettreſv čxony. 500. Tà yap Sikatov K.T.A..] Compare the poet's promise, infra 655 kopſgöhoretv rå 8tkata, and his vaunt in Knights 510 that, amongst other things, to Mpig re. Aéyetv tá Šikaua. Ridentem dicere verum Quid vetat 2 And not only was it pos- sible for the Comic Poets to speak the truth to the Athenian Demus, they were almost the only persons who ventured to do so. Eyð 6' oièa pièv àrt trpóoravrés éo ruv čvavrtoto 6at rats iperépaus ötavotals, kai Ört &mpiokparias oiſorms oik ãort trappmoria, mºv čv6áðe pièv roſs dºppo- vegrárous kai plmöév iplôv ºppovrićovoruv, Šv 8é ré, éeárpg rols kopp308tóaokáAois- Isocrates, De Pace 17 (p. 161 D). Their free and outspoken comments on passing events, their songs and satire, con- tributed largely to the creation of an atmosphere which crystallized into public opinion. See Plato's Apology, chap. 3 (p. 19), and the language of Lysias about Cinesias, quoted in the Commentary on Birds 1372. 502. 8taSaxei KAéov]This is the second allusion to the proceedings taken by Cleon against the author of the “Baby- lonians.” See the note on 378 supra. And here we see the ground of the objection taken to that play. 504. atrol yáp foruev. We are alone; by ourselves, infra 507, Thesm. 472. He explains, four lines below, why he uses this expression although the pérotrol 76 - A X A P N E I X kočiro £évot trapeuoruv' oite yāp pópot 505 y * #kovolv oër’ék Töv tróAéov oi śćppaxol. 5 > y * 5 * ga Af dAX' éopièv attoi vijv ye treptetrtuopuévou" toūs yöp pºetoikovs dyvpa Töv dotów Aéyo. éyò & puto 6 pièv Aakečaipovíovs opóðpa, kaëroſs 6 IIoaetóóv, oëtri Tawāpº 6eos, 510 oreto as ātraoruv ćpgåNot tas oikías' were present-oinri Amvatº T' dyöv, And it is the Lenaean festival. This is called “the festival at Lenaeum ” because, before the Great Theatre of Dionysus was erected, the place at which it was celebrated was called “Lenaeum.” Aff- valov' trepifloxos péyas 'A6āvmauv, Šv ć rows dyóvas fiyov, Tpó rod rô 6éarpov oiko- ôoplmönvat, Övopidéovres étri Amvaig. ēortv ôé év airó kai ispöv Avovágov Anvaiov.— Photius. */ * p Jºy a w ão Tel Añvatov, trepifloxov čxov puéyav, kai 3 * * 2- . .” --- * > * €tri Amvaig ſiyêv' éorruv čv Tó év airó Anvaiou Atovãooviepov, Šv (; Émere- Aoûvro oi dyóves 'Aénvaiov, Tpiv Tó 6éarpov oikočopmóñvat.—Hesychius. Ti Amvatº' trepifloºds ris péyas 'A6%umouv év (; ispov Atoviſorov Anvaiov, Kai rows dyóvas hyov rot's okmyukočs.–Etym. Magn. and (more briefly) Suidas. It seems that the whole or the greater part of the Lenaeum was included in the circuit of the sub- sequent Theatre. 505. (pópoll He is thinking of what occurred at the Great Dionysia when, before the dramatic performances com- menced, the tribute brought by the allies was spread out, talent by talent, over the theatrical orchestra, in the sight of the assembled Hellenes. “So thoroughly,” says Isocrates, “had our forefathers mastered the art of making themselves detested.”—De Pace 99 (p. 175). 508. §xupa] Bran. See Wasps 1310. The chaff is winnowed away by the farmer, and nothing then remains but the bare grain which he hands over to the miller. The miller, by grinding and sifting the grain, separates the bran from the flour. “We are all grain here to-day,” says Dicaeopolis, “well purged and winnowed. I say “all grain' though the puéroukou are present; for dorroi and piéroukou combine to form the grain; the do roi being the flour and the péroucou the bran.” Nothing can be more meat and appropriate than the language. Yet with unaccountable perversity some excellent scholars have interpreted the line to mean that the péroukou themselves had been winnowed away. Nor does the fact that such an interpretation lands them in absurdities lead them to abandon it; on the con- trary, it makes them stigmatize the line itself as “false,” “inept,” and spurious. Perhaps nothing in the whole range of Aristophanic criticism is more won- derful than the four propositions which Dobree, usually as sensible as he is acute, advances against the genuineness of the line. They are as follows:— T H E A C H A R N IA NS 77 No strangers yet have come; nor from the states Have yet arrived the tribute and allies. We're quite alone clean-winnowed; for I count Our alien residents the civic bran. The Lacedaemonians I detest entirely; And may Poseidon, Lord of Taenarum, Shake all their houses down about their ears; (1) “Triororetv est rā Tirupa eximere, non rā āxupa.” This is quite correct, and the key to the right understanding of the passage ; and the inference, one would suppose, would be “Ergo aderant oi plároukou" (rù àxupa). But not so Dobree. His second proposition is (2) “Ergo ABERANT péroikoi, quod ineptum est.” Can anything be more astounding than this? Before we answer that question let us look to the third proposition. (3) “Ergo ºvoi = péroikot, quod fal- sum est.” And this absurdity is thrust upon Aristophanes, who is carefully dis- tinguishing between the two classes. (4) “Non tanti erant pétoukou ut coramillis male audire puderet populum Atheniensem.” This proposition, like the first, points to the true interpre- tation of the passage, but points in vain. Hardly any Commentator, except Dr. Merry, has fully realized the poet's meaning. 509. £y& 8é puoró] Just as Mnesilochus, in the Thesmophoriazusae, thinks it prudent to commence his speech in defence of Euripides by expressing a general detestation of the man (uoró röv čvöp' ékeſvov), so here Dicaeopolis, commencing his speech imép Aakeóat- ploviov, attempts to conciliate his audience by expressing a general de- testation of their conduct. 510. IIogetööv] Poseidon was the special sender of earthquakes, 2étoix60.y, "Evvooriyatos; and the most terrible earthquake that ever visited Sparta was attributed to the violation of his sanc- tuary at Taenarum, now Cape Matapan, some Helots who had fled for refuge there having been dragged out and put to death by the pursuing Spartans, Thuc. i. 128. So violent and pro- longed were the shocks that they are said to have shaken down every house in Sparta. ăvöpas eis rô ispöv karatreqevyóras rô &mi Aakeóaipovious dirokreivaoru Tatvápºp rot IIoorewbóvos, où pietà troAt éoretorón orºtoruv iſ tróAts ovvexei re 6ploi, kai ioxvpó rô oretopº, ögre oikiav pan- òeptav Tów év Aakeóaipovi ävrtoryev.– Pausanias vii. 25. 1. This earthquake had far-reaching historical conse- quences, and is again mentioned by Aristophanes in Lys. 1142. These pas- Sages have been already referred to by Bergler and Elmsley. Laconia was indeed always a land of earthquakes. The Temple at Taenarum was, the Scholiast informs us, dedicated to IIo- oretóów 'AqqāAetos: see infra 682. 78 A X A P N E I X 3. * A y 3. A 2 köpioi ydp &otiv 3putréata kekoppéva. &T&p, pi\ot y&p oi trapóvres év Aóyº, tí Taijra roës Adkovas airićple6a ; #pév y&p &vôpes, oùxī Tāv TóAlv Aéyo, * A2 pépivnaðe toà6', 3rt oëxi Tàv tróAuv Aéyo, 3. 9 3 Aº *A Af &AA’ &věpápta pox6mpē, trapakekoppéva, 515 3/ * Aº M A atupua kal trapaompla kat trapáčeva, éovkopóvret Meyapéov tº X\aviorkia" . Æ kei trov oríkvov tºotev # Aayóðtov 520 à xolpíðtov oxépoëov xověpoès &Aas, • ? y Tait' ºv Meyapuk& kámérpat” at 6mplepôv. kai Taüta pučv Öh opukpā kātrixópla, trópwmv. & Xupatóav ióvres Meyapáðe 512. kāpoi] 'Qs kai airots roºs 'Axap- veðgiv.–Scholiast. This hacking down of their dear vines (for here again duréAta is the diminutive not of size but of affection; see on 404 supra) is throughout the chief grievance of the old Acharmians. 514. ri raûra] A very similar line will be found in Thesm. 473, where see the Commentary. 516. oix rºv TóNuvl He is emphatic on this point, not wishing it to be said again that rāv tróAlv Kakós Aéyet ; supra 503, infra 631. 519. X\aviorkia] These are the ééopiðes which formed the staple manufacture of Megara ; Meyapéov oi raetortot diró ééopuðototias Starpéqoural.-Xen. Mem. ii. 7. 6. See Peace 1000 and the note there. There too cucumbers and garlic are enumerated amongst the articles imported, as I conceive, from Megara. That sucking-pigs, garlic, and salt were so imported we know from the Scene with the Megarian, infra 760–4, where the visitor says that he brings no garlic or salt, for the Athenians have de- stroyed the garlic, and taken possession of the salt works; he can only bring pigs for the requirements of the Mys- teries. And these pigs, who are really his own little daughters dressed up to imitate pigs, he is eager to swap for a little salt and garlic; and reputra66s says the Scholiast on 812 raúra trapã roo AikatomóMöos (mreſ, ā trpórepov oi Meyapets ãAAous trapeixov. In the political salad made in Peace 242 seqq. garlic is taken as the representative of Megara. But Dicaeopolis seems to be putting the cart before the horse. The Common In- formers could have found little scope for their activity, until after the decree excluding the Megarians from the Athenian market. 521. Xovôpots àNas] Rock salt, con- T H E A C H A R N IA NS 79 For I, like you, have had my vines cut down. jº But after all—for none but friends are here— Why the Laconians do we blame for this? For men of ours, I do not say the State, Remember this, I do not say the State, But worthless fellows of a worthless stamp, Ill-coined, ill-minted, spurious little chaps, Kept on denouncing Megara's little coats. And if a cucumber or hare they saw, j . . Or sucking-pig, or garlic, or lump-salt, d : " ' All were Megarian, and were sold off-hand. Still these were trifles, and our country’s way. But some young tipsy cottabus-players went trasted with Aerroi äAes, the fine salt used at the dinner table: âAes, où Xovöpoi d^\& Xavvoi kai Aerroi &otep xióv.—Aris- totle, Meteorol. ii. 3.41. Elmsley refers to the crow-song in Athenaeus viii. 59 (p. 359 F), and to a passage from our poet's Gerytades cited by several authorities: (A) kai trós y& >9evéAov qd-youp.’ &v Āhuara; (B) eis Ščos épéantópºevos ū Aenrot's &Aas. 528. Kärux&pia] Our country's custom, and therefore not to be taken too seriously. It was merely, to use a slang expression of our own, “pretty Fanny's way.” For the Common-In- former nuisance was the special product of Athens. See infra. 821, 903, 904, &c. But the next step could not be con- doned in that manner. 524. 2paiéavl Oi diró rôv 'A6mvalov Meyapukºv yuvaika ſpiraorav Župatóav. So- pikórepov 8é since 2tplaiòav, raûrms 83 kai 'AAkt3táöns hpāorém, Ös kai boxeſ àvarretrel- kéval ruás ſpirakéval rºv trópwmv.–Scho- liast. Alcibiades was the very man to indulge in an insolent freak of this kind; but he could not have been much over sixteen at the time; and, had he been its author, the fact would hardly have escaped the notice of other writers. Aristophanes, who mentions Alcibiades (not for the first time) in this very play, says that the offenders were veaviat pe6vookárragot, young fellows who had been drinking and cottabus-playing, meaning that the whole affair was, to use Mr. Green's words, a mere drunken frolic. It must be remembered that the Megarians themselves Tooked upon these limes as giving a substantially true account of the commencement of the quarrel. See Plutarch, Pericles, chap. 30. 80 A X A P N E IX * veavtat k\értovoſt pieóvookórragot' 525 ^ A 3 & * 3 N. AP AP k&6' oi Meyapās 686vals treqvatyyopévot 2 &vrećékXewſrav Aortraortas trópwo. 360' kávreſ 6ev dipx?) rod troXépiov kateppäym "EXXmoſt tróa'uv čk rptóv Aoukao Tptóv. èvreſióev ćpyń IIepukAéms OśAúpatrios 530 J #arpart’, ‘Spóvra, ćvvekūka rºw ‘EXXá8a, ēríðet véptovs écrirep okóNto yeypappuévows, 6s Xp) Meyapéas puffre yfi piñt' év dyopó puffr’év 6a)\{Trn pit v iimeipp puévetv. èvreſ,6ev oi Meyapās, Šte 8) "retvov 86.8mv, 535 Aake&alpovíov č8éovro rô Jeff ptop.” &mos peraatpaqeim to 8tº tas A&tkaarpías. 526. Tequatyyapévoil The word is equivalent to éokopoètopévot supra, 166, púavy; being either the outer skin (rö \éupa), or more probably the stalk (Theo- phrastus vii. 4 ad fin.), of garlic. The Scholiast says, pöatyč Aéyeral rô ékrös Aértopia róv okopóðov. čarađev oſſu rooro eis Meyapéas 3rt troMAa orkópoèa éxovo w. We noticed, a few lines back, that garlic was a specialty of Megara. 527. 'Aortraortas] The genitive may be governed either by divrećék\evav (as Elmsley thinks) or by trópwa. It comes to the same thing. There is no doubt that this beautiful and accomplished courtezan, the mistress and counsellor of Pericles, trained up young girls to follow her own profession. See Athenaeus (xiii. 25), Plutarch (Pericles 24. 5), to which passages Kuster refers. Grote's suggestion (xlviii, note) that dormaortas is the accusative plural, agreeing with trépuas (which Suidas reads for trópya), has found no favour with anybody, and is indeed quite inadmissible. It was the insult to Aspasia which is repre- sented as arousing the anger of Pericles. 530. Oij}\prios] This is of course the special epithet, and to “thunder and lighten" the special prerogative, of Zeus the King of the Gods. And it is, I suppose, from this very passage, which is frequently quoted by later writers, that Pericles obtained amongst them the distinctive title of “the Olympian.” The Scholiast here preserves the noble description which Eupolis gave in his “Demi" of the transcendent oratory of Pericles. f Kpérioros oºros é yéver' évôpánov Aéyéiv. ‘Omóre trapéA601 3’, &otrep dºyabot 6popſis, ëlc báka troëáv #pet Aéryov rot's firopas. T H E A C H A R N IA NS 81 And stole from Megara-town the fair Simaetha. Then the Megarians, garlicked with the smart, Stole, in return, two of Aspasia's hussies. From these three Wantons o'er the Hellenic race Burst forth the first beginnings of the War. For then, in wrath, the Olympian Pericles Thundered and lightened, and confounded Hellas, Enacting laws which ran like drinking-songs, That the Megarians presently depart 2 * * From earth and sea, the mainland, and the mart. Then the Megarians, slowly famishing, Besought their Spartan friends to get the Law Of the three Wantons cancelled and withdrawn. raxos Aéyetv pièv, trpós 6é y' airoß rô ráxei tretóó ris &méká919 ev čtri toſs xetxeauv. oira’s ékáAel, kat Piévos rāv Āmrópov rô kévrpov čykaréAeitre toſs dispoopévois. The last three lines are quoted by Diodorus Siculus (xii. 40) who prefixes to them limes 530, 531 of the Acharnians, and ascribes all five lines to Eupolis. 532, &amep orkóAta] He is likening, as the Scholiast observes, the decree where- by the Megarians were excluded from all the markets of Attica, and from every harbour throughout the Athenian empire, to the famous scolium by Timocreon of Rhodes. &qeXév o', & rvpxè IIAoûre, piñre yū Air’ &v 6axáoom piñr’ #v jireipºp pavival, dAAd Táprapóv re vaſeiv k'Axépovra, buá ore Yap trávr' ëariv div6pánrous kaká. 583. 3s Xph Meyapéas] The purport of the decree is more than once stated by Thucydides, rô Vnhºptopa £v ć sipmro airows [rows Meyapéas] pºi) xpija'6al rols Alpiéort rols v rá 'Aénvaiov dpxi, pumbé ri; 'Attukň dyopa, i. 67, 139,144. And com- pare Aulus Gellius vi. 10. We cannot wonder, therefore, at the enthusiasm with which the Megarian salutes the Athenian market, infraſ/29. In that scene we have a vivid portraiture of famine, no longer advancing step by step, 8áônv, upon the Megarians, but already arrived at starvation point. It is true that the closing of the Athenian market would not by itself have reduced the Megarians to such extreme destitution, since the markets of Corinth and the Peloponnese were still open to them; but the double invasion and ravage of their country every year by the Athenian armies left them no produce to take to the market. 82 A X A P N E IX oùk #6éAouev 3' pºets 8eoplevov troXXákus. 3. * 3/ Aº º * 3. A kávreſ)0ev #öm trărayos fiv Tóv dotríðov. 3) a 3. a 2 *A A 9 * 3/ épeſ tus, où Xpfiv. dAA& Tí Éxpñv eitrate. 540 ºpép', ei Aake&alpovíov ris ékirAeëoras oképet dréðoto pāvas kvvíðtov >eptºpſov, kaffa'6' &v év 8ópotativ; ; troXX00 ye 8et. V Aº Af *A 2 A. A kai kāpta puévráv et,0éos kaffeſakere Tptakoo'ías vaús, ºv 8’ &v # tróAts tr}\éa 545 6opú8ov otpatiotöv, trepi tpumpápxov 8oſis, puto 600 8tôopévov, IIa)\Aaôtov Xpvalovpuévov, atoãs a Tevaxoſſoms, outſov perpowpévov, 538. §eopévov troAAákis] With this Thucydides is in entire agreement. The Lacedaemonians, he says (i. 139), $ouróvres trap' 'A6mvaiovs . . . pud Muota Trávrov kai évôm\órara trpoiſNeyov rô trepi Meyapéov ºff buopa kaðexotori paſſ, àu yiyve- orðat tróAepov. ... oi 8’’A6mvalot otre rāA\a itrijkovov, oùre rô Víquorua kaëtipovv. 539. Tárayos dormièov] The clash of shield against shield, the 36torpiós dormièov, with which Hellenic armies closed. In Eur. Heracleidae 832 the meeting of the two hostile armies is accompanied by the roar of clashing shields, trórayov dormièov. 540, €pet ris, où Xpriv. Kai rooro diró Tm)\éqov Eiputričov, says the Scholiast. Probably the entire line is parodied, though considerably altered, from the Tragedy. 541. ČkirAeſſoras a kāqel] The Lacedae- monians are blamed for the course they pursued in consequence of the conduct of Athens towards Megara. The speaker undertakes to show that, under similar circumstances, the Athenians them- selves would have acted in a precisely similar manner. The Athenians had done two things: (1) they had confiscated and sold Megarian goods; and (2) they had gone to Megara, and carried off Simaetha. He supposes therefore that the Lacedaemonians have done two things, viz. (1) that they have gone out in a vessel to Seriphus, and carried off a puppy-dog; and (2) that on returning to Sparta, they confiscated and sold the puppy-dog. There would not be any other Seriphian property at Sparta for them to sell. This clumping together of two things, which in the case of Megara were quite distinct, viz. the thing confiscated and the thing carried off, has caused some difficulty and given rise to many conjectures which would destroy the parallel intended between the cases of Seriphus and Megara. Of course the provocation supposed to be given by the Spartans is reduced to the most trivial dimensions. The Jºãºpuapa trepi Meyapéov is altogether ignored; for Megara, a country of considerable im- T H E A C H A R N IA N S 83 And oft they asked us, but we yielded not. w” Then followed instantly the clash of shields. Ye'll say They should not; but what should they, then 2 Come now, had some Laconian, sailing out, Denounced and sold a small Seriphian dog, Would you have sat unmoved ? Far, far from that I Ye would have launched three hundred ships of war, And all the City had at once been full Of shouting troops, of fuss with trierarchs, Of paying wages, gilding Pallases, Of rations measured, roaring colonnades, portance, is substituted Seriphus, an island of no importance to anybody, and a puppy-dog takes the place of Simaetha. Seriphus was one of the Cyclades, almost due east from Sparta. Its insignificance is emphasized, as the Commentators observe, by Juvenal's double reference to parva Seriphus, vi. 564, x. 170; and by Plato's anecdote (Rep. i, chap. iv, pp. 329, 330) about Themistocles who, when a Seriphian taunted him with owing his fame not to himself but to his city, replied, True, I should not have been famous had I been a Seriphian, nor you, had you been an Athenian. 543. kačijoré àv K.T.A..] Here again we have a line borrowed, wholly or in part, from the Telephus. As to their launch- ing 300 triremes, that appears to have been the exact number of the Athenian galleys at the time of which Dicaeopolis is speaking, Thuc. ii. 13. - 546. Trepi rpumpápxov 8ons] Trierarchs not only had to get their ships ready for sea; they were also expected to give gratuities to the 6paviral and others, Thuc.. vi. 31; Plutarch, de Gloria Atheniensium 6. No wonder them if, when an expedition was about to start, they found themselves the centres of clamorous and excited crowds. 547. IIa)\\aôtov] "Eu rais irpºpaus Töv Tpuffpov fiv dyá\pará ruva {{\wa rºs 'Aónvas kaðiðpupéva.—Scholiast. That these wooden statues were gilded and from time to time regilded is plain from the present passage. 548. Orroãs] Tris Aeyopévms d\pwrotró- Atôos, fiv ºkoëóplmore IIeptk\ms, 8wou kai oriros diréketro ris tróNeos. fiv 8é Tepi röv IIeupatā.-Scholiast. As to the orroã d\piróiroMus see Eccl. 686. It is, I suppose, the groš which, in the descrip- tion of Peiraeus, Pausanias (i. l. 3) mentions under the name of ris a roas rms pakpās, évôa kaðéormkev dyopa rols étri 6a)\doro'n. It seems to have been close to the dock, and would naturally, when an expedition was about to start, be crowded by eager purchasers. Blaydes refers to Demosthenes against Phormio G 2 84 - A X A P N E IX dorköv, Tpomorſipov, káčovs &vovpévov, orkopóðov, Aaſov, Kpoppičov čv Šuktúous, 550 a repāvov, TptxtSov, atºmtpíčov, Ütrotriov, *A AP } º A AP to veóptov 8" at Kotréov trxatovgévov, TúAov Jropoëvrov, 6a)\apitáv Tpotrovgévov, ačAóv, ke?\evotów, vuy?\ápov, orvptypigrov. rajt’ olò’ &rt &v éépôre: röv & Tij}\epov 555 oùk oiópeoffa ; voils àp' piv oëk évi. HM. A. &Amées, 6trírptirre kai puapārate ; Tavri or toxpºs trroxbs du piós Aéyetv, A A' 3/ º 2 Af kai ovkopóvrms et Tus fiv, divetéuoras; (42, p. 918), where the orator inyeighs against one Lampis, who had sold at Acanthus for his own benefit a cargo of corn intended for Athens; and that too, he says, at a time év ć igóv oi pièv év rô daret oikoúvres 8tepierpoovro rā āAqura év rá 'Qöeig, oi 8é év rá IIelpateſ év tº veoptºp SueMépôavov kar’ 68oNöv roës àprovs, kai émi riis pakpās aroãs rā āAqura kað’ hulekrov perpot uevot. 549. Tporaripov] The ancient Greeks did not use rowlocks, such as we are accustomed to see on rowing-boats. With them each oar was furnished with a stout leathern loop (rporos, Odyssey iv. 782, or rporarip, Thuc. ii. 93), which was fastened to a peg or pin, called To supply the oar with its loop was called rporoúv, whence rporov- pévov four lines below. In the Persae (line 376) Aeschylus, describing the pre- parations of the Hellenic fleet for com- mencing the battle of Salamis, says that each sailor ërpomooro kámmv okaxpov ćpºp' eiàperpov. orka)\pués. jºr Here the Scholiast explains rporaripov by rôv iudvrov, rôv ovvösövrov trpós rôu trárraNov, Aéyo 8) rôv orkaxpºv, rºv kórmu. 550. o.kopóðov K.T.A..] The articles enumerated in this line are the pro- visions which soldiers and sailors were accustomed to carry: cf. infra 1099, Knights 600, Peace 1129, &c. In the next line orreſpávov may possibly refer to the custom of twining wreaths about ships leaving the port; but it more probably refers to the revelry of the departing sailors ending in a brawl and inrótta, black eyes. 553. rôNov] Töv čv\ivov j\ov.—Scho- liast. Here we have rôAos, a wooden peg ; and infra 860 and 954 TúAm, the indurated skin on a porter's shoulder, rendered callous by the constant pressure of the yoke. These röNot are being hammered into the vessel, when on a final inspec- tion its planks seem to require further strengthening or steadying. 6a)\apuðv, properly the oar of the 6a)\apirms, seems here used for “oars” generally. T H E A C H A R N IA NS 85 Of wineskins, oarloops, bargaining for casks, Of nets of onions, olives, garlic-heads, Of chaplets, pilchards, flutegirls, and black eyes. And all the Arsenal had rung with noise Of oar-spars planed, pegs hammered, oarloops fitted, Of boatswains’ calls, and flutes, and trills, and whistles. This had ye done; and shall not Telephus, • *----. 2 - t SEMIC Think we, do this? we’ve got no brains at all. HoRUs I. Aye, say you so, you rascally villain you? And this from you, a beggar? Dare you blame us Because, perchance, we’ve got informers here? 554. ai)\óv, keVevo róv) These two words must not be taken together; they apply to two totally distinct offices. The keVevorrºs, employing his voice only, gave orders to the crew, telling them when to start, when to stop, and so on. *Hv 8é 5 re krömos ris eipedias oëöevi äAA® doukös, Öre àrà troX\óv vsöv év tatró epsororopévov, Kai Boii drö Töv keVevo róv evölöövrov rás dpxás Te Kai àvarraðas rà eipegriq, K.T.A.—Arriam. Exped. Alexandri, vi. 3. 5. The ai)\}s was played by the TpumpačAms who had no control over the crew, but merely played the tune to which the oarsmen kept time. Thus when Alcibiades was returning to Athens, after various successes in the morthern parts of the Aegean, it was said that he selected ai)\eiv pièv eipsoiav Toís éAaúvovort Xpworóyovov row IIv6ovikmu, ke)\eſſelv Šē KaNNutririðmu rôv rôv Tpaypôtów in okpuráv, Plutarch, Alc. 32; Athenaeus xii. 49. And in the voyage across the Lake in the Frogs, Charon is the keyev- orrºs (line 207), while the Frogs, sing- ing their ŠívavXov Špivov 80èv, perform the duty of the rpunpaşAms. Although Some take viy\apos to be a musical instrument, a fife; yet the authorities in favour of its meaning a musical Sound, a trill or flourish, very largely preponderate. I think that Pollux (iv. 82) is the only ancient writer who calls it an instrument, “a little Egyptian pipe,” while the explanation reperi- oplara, trepiepya kpot gara or piéAm is given by Pollux himself in the next section, Hesychius, Photius, Suidas,the Scholiast here, &c. 555. rôv Šē Tij}\epov) The speech ends, as it began, with a quotation from the Telephus of Euripides: kai rajra ék Tnxéqov Eiputriðov, the Scholiast says. Its effect is to split the Chorus into two equal sections; one still hostile to the speaker, the other convinced by his argu- ments; one speaking by the original Coryphaeus, the other by an improvised leader. The contention between them is so sharp that they presently come to blows in the orchestra. 86 A X A P N E IX HM. B. v.) Töv IIoaetóó, kal Aéyet y’ &mép Aéyet 8íkata trávra koč8èv airóv \reč8eral. HM. A. eir’ ei Šikata, todrov eitreſv att' éxpfiv; &AA’ of tu Xaípov raira toxpañolet Aéyetv. HM. B. oitos at trot 6eſs; of pºevels; 6s el 6evels Töv čvěpa toûtov, airós dipóñoret Táxa. HM. A. ió Aduax, & 8Aérov dotpatrès, 8oñómorov, & yopyoAópa, pavels, ið Aéuax', & pia’, & pvXéra. eire Tus éatt Ta&ſ. apxos, # otpatmyos, ) tetxopidºxas divip, 8om6modºro 560 565 570 2 A. 9 *A M J/ A Tis avvoras, eyo yap exoplat peoos. AA. tróðev Boſis #kovora troNepuotmpías ; troſ Xpi) Bombeiv; Troi kvěoupov piſłaxeſv; Tís Topyóv' ééñyelpev čk toà oðypiatos; AI. & Aduax' #pos, Tóv Aópov kai Tôv Aóxov. 575 564. oºros or not 6eſs;] These words are repeated, Wasps 854, Thesm. 224, and, with airn for otros, Lys. 728. And the oil pºevels which follows is constantly found in appeals of this kind; Knights 240, Birds 354, 1055, Thesm. 689, Plutus 417. Here there is an intentional jingle between 6ets, pewels and 6evels. 566. ió, Aduax'] We have seen that of the three buildings at the back of the stage, one was intended to represent the house of Lamachus. To that house the Semichorus which is worsted in the fray now directs an appeal for assist- ance; calling upon Lamachus, and any fighter he may chance to have with him, to come with all speed to the rescue, éyò yāp, Says the speaker, éxoplat péoros, a phrase of the wrestling school, indicating that the person so held is completely overpowered, and helpless in the grasp of his adversary. Here no doubt the Coryphaeus has been caught round the waist and lifted from the ground, so that his opponent's threat in line 565, airós dp0horst rāxa, has been fulfilled to the letter. 567. yopyo),6%a] The epithet yopy's simply means terrible; and Hesychius is obviously wrong in thinking that there is any reference here to the Gorgon on the shield of Lamachus, infra 574, 1124. The reference is merely to his rpets karaoklovs Aóqovs, infra 965, 1109. T H E A C H A R N IA NS 87 SEMICHORUs II. Aye, by Poseidon, every word he says Is true and right; he tells no lies at all. S.C. I. True or untrue, is he the man to say it? I’ll pay him out, though, for his insolent speech. S.C. II. Whither away ? I pray you stay. If him you hurt, You’ll find your own self hoisted up directly. (A scuffle takes place in the orchestra, in which the leader of the first semichorus is worsted.) S.C. I. Lamachus ! Help! with thy glances of lightning ; Terrible-crested, appear in thy pride, Come, O Lamachus, tribesman and friend to us; Is there a stormer of cities beside? Is there a Captain 2 Help me, O help ! O come ye in haste, I am caught by the waist. LAMACHUs. Whence came the cry of battle to my ears? Where shall I charge 2 where cast the battle-din 2 Who roused the sleeping Gorgon from its case? DI. O Lamachus hero, O those crests and cohorts | 568. quxára] Mueller refers to a frag- mentary inscription (Boeckh ii. 32, b. 28) in which occur the words orparmyots Aapadyº Keqia)\76ev. If this refers to our Lamachus, he certainly was not a fellow tribesman of the Acharnians; for KeqiaN) belongs to the tribe Acamantis, and Acharnae to the tribe Oeneis. But qvXérms is often used loosely, as in Birds 368; and here means merely “one of the same War-party.” - . 572. Tróðev K.T.A..] In a later scene w shall see Lamachus arming for the fray: but here he enters already fully armed; with his terribly waving crest, and the Gorgon emblazoned on his shield. In the appeal just directed to his house, dormióos for ék rod ordyuaros here. there was twice a request for help (8oñómorov, 8oménoréro). Lamachus is ready and desirous 8om6etv, and only wants to know in which direction he is to make his charge. Kvěoupés, the tumult of battle, the hurlyburly, is the name of War's attendant in the Peace. 574. Tis Topyöv' ééñyelpev] This line is no doubt borrowed, or imitated, from some Tragic Play. It is repeated with some variation, infra 1181; but there at the end of the line we have ék rºs Here the Gorgon stands for the shield itself; there for the emblazonment of the shield. 88 A X A P N E IX HM. A. & Aduax', où y&p oiros &vôporos tra:\at &maa’av judov Tºv tróAuv kakoppoſeſ; AA. oitos ori) toxpºs Trox's div Aéyetv ráðe ; AI. & Adipax' #pos, &AA& ovyyvóplmv čxe, ei troxos év eitrów Tukdo topiwłópmy. AA. Tí 3’ eitas #pas; oir pets; AI. oëk oiè6 tro: 580 itrö tot, 8éows yap Töv Štěov ixty yuá. &AA’ durišoxó o', diréveyké pov Tiju poppióva. AA. ièoč. AI. trapá6es vuv Štríav air v ćuoi. AA. Keſrat. AI. pépe vvv diró toº kpávows plot to trepôv. AA. Tovti TrríAov orot. AI. Tſis kepaxfis vöv plov Aa300, 585 tv' ééepéoo. 88extºrtopal yèp točs Aópovs. AA. oitos, ri 8pdorets; Tô TriAq pºèAAeus épeſv; AI. TríAov ydp &otiv ; eitré plot, tívos Torè ôpwu6ós éaruv ; ápa kopitoxakóðov; AA. oilſ' dis reóvíčel. AI. Amèapós, ò Adaaxe- 590 y M 3 y Aº 2 OU 'yap KOZT toxvv €OrTty.” ei 3’ ioxvpès ei, 577. §magav #16v) Kai rooro èk Tºč- qou.—Scholiast. Kakoppo6éo is indeed a specially Euripidean word. It occurs again in Thesm. 896, and is there put into the mouth of Euripides. 579. Troxos &v] We must remember that Dicaeopolis is still clothed in the loathly habiliments which Euripides had lent him. 582. Hoppéval Hellenic nurses seem to have had a plentiful supply of bug- bears or fanciful terrors wherewith to frighten their nurslings. Moppiè, one of these bogeys, is both here and in Peace 474 employed for the Gorgon-shield of Lamachus; while in Knights 693 poppiè, rod 6pdorovs; boh for your bluster / means that the threats of Paphlagon convey no terror to his adversary's mind. So in Birds 1245 poppoºr reoréet Šokets; means Do you think to frighten me with old wives' fables? and in Thesm. 417 watch-dogs are described as popuo- Avketa rois poixois, where see the Com- mentary. In Frogs 925 the epithet poppopoträ, though directly derived from pióppopos, is closely connected with poppió. 584. Trepév] IIrepòv aireſ iva èëepléon' eióðaori yap oi 8voreplets trepò Xphortal.- Scholiast. Kuster refers to a fragment from the Horae of Cratinus, preserved by Pollux x. 76, Hôv 8öeXuyuta o' éxel; Trepôv taxéos ris kai Aekávnv čveykáro. And Elmsley to Plutarch (De Rep. Ger. chap. 4), who says that Plato Comicus introduced the Athenian Demus, dis- T H E A C H A R N IA NS 89 S.C. I. O Lamachus, here has this fellow been With frothy words abusing all the State. LAM. You dare, you beggar, say such things as those? DI. O Lamachus hero, grant me pardon true If I, a beggar, spake or chattered aught. LAM. What said you? Hey? DI. I can’t remember yet. I get so dizzy at the sight of arms. I pray you lay that terrible shield aside. LAM. There then. DI. Now set it upside down before me. LAM. 'Tis done. DI. Now give me from your crest that plume. LAM. Here; take the feather. D1. Now then, hold my head, And let me vomit. I so loathe those crests. LAM. What use my feather, rogue, to make you vomit 2 DI. A feather is it, Lamachus 2 Pray what bird g Produced it? Is it a Great Boastard’s plume? LAM. Death and Destruction | DI. No, no, Lamachus. That's not for strength like yours. If strong you are gusted with the demagogues of the day, airoëvra Nekávnv kai irrepôv Štros épéon. And Meineke, on the line of Cratinus quoted above, refers to Nicander, Alexi- pharmaca 362. In the present case the Trépôv is a huge ostrich feather, but Lamachus, handing it to Dicaeopolis, superciliously calls it a mere TriMov, a term applicable not to the quill feathers of a bird, but to the soft and downy plumage of its breast and body. “What! call you this a TriNov 2" says Dicaeo- polis; “What bird, I wonder, can have these gigantic feathers growing like down upon its breast 2" 589. kopuroMakóðov] The Great Boastard (bustard). The verb kopito)\aketv is found in Frogs 961, and the form kouroAakvěeiv is used by later writers. It has nothing to do with Añkv6os as the Scholiast Supposes. 591. kar’ ioxºv čariv) These are very simple words, but it is difficult to say in what sense Dicaeopolis meant them to be understood. On the whole I take him to say That (viz. to 'slay me) is beyond your strength; though others translate it beneath your strength, and others again not a matter to be decided by strength. It seems probable that there has been a slight scuffle between the two. - What follows is mere ribaldry; but I take the train of thought to be, “To slay me is a task beyond your strength; if you are so strong as you pretend, show it in some easier way.” 90 A X A P N E IX rí p.’ oëk &meyóXmoras; effortNos y&p ei. AA. AI. AI. 3 M A. 2 Af eyo yap etpit TToxos ; * AP *A *A *A *A J/ Tavri Aéyéus ord töv otpatmyov trfoxês div; AA. &AA& Tís y&p ei; eſ A. *A 3. Ap ãortus; troXirms Xpmotös, où a trověapxièms, 595 &AA’ ºff Śrov trep 6 tróNepos, otpatovíðms, or 8. §§ 3rov trep 6 tróNepos, puto 6apxièms. AA. éxelpotóvno avydip ple— AI. kökkvyés ye Tpeſs. raúr' otºv čyö 86exvtrópºevos éatreto dumv, ôpóv troXtoos pièv ćvöpas €v taſs rageou, 600 veavías 3' otovs or 8taðeópakóras V M 3 * A. atº º A toūs pièv étri Gºpékms plug 60¢opoſſivras Tpets 8paxuès, Tuorapuevo pauvírtrovs, IIavovpyin trapxièas: érépovs & trap& Xdipmru, toys 8' év Xaôort Tepmtoffe08ópovs, Atopeta\ačóvas, 605 As regards the following line it is only necessary to remark (1) that each actor was wearing the Seppärivov aiêotov, as usual in Attic Comedy; (2) that dro- WroMelv means glandem nudare, and has nothing to do with the rite of cir- cumcision, see on 158 supra; and (3) that eiotrkos, whilst ostensibly referring to the military armour of Lamachus, yet involves an allusion to 3rkov in the sense of alôoſov, a sense which it some- times bears, as telum in Latin. 594. Éyò yáp eiut Troxás;] Hitherto he has acquiesced in this description, but now he suddenly changes his tone, and probably at the same moment, as Wan Leeuwen suggests, throws off the rags of Telephus, and appears in the ordinary guise of an Athenian citizen. Henceforth he is Dicaeopolis himself, and we have nothing more to do with “the Mysian Telephus.” 595. ormověapxièms] This and the similar forms in the two following lines signify the clan or tribe to which the speaker belongs. “Who am I? an honest citizen, not one of the office- seeking clan.” 598. kökkvyes] A cuckoo being voa et praeterea nihil is here, like the corre- sponding word “gowk” in Scotland, a term of contempt for a silly empty- headed fellow. Blaydes refers to the explanation given in Bekker's Anecdota, p. 27. 24 of the word ā8éArepokökkvá, namely ā8é\repos kai keväs' kökkvya yap Aéyovort rôv kevöv kai kotºbov. Here again, as in 516 supra, Dicaeopolis is careful not to blame rºv tróNuv. 600, €v rais ráčeoruv] Toſs row troMéuov karaXáyots.-Scholiast. On active service. 601. 8taðeópakóras] Running away from the toils of war to well-paid embassies. Of course nobody was less open to this T H E A C H A R N IA NS - 91 Why don’t you circumcise me? You're well armed. LAM. What! you, a beggar, beard the general so? DI. A beggar am I, Lamachus 2 LAM. What else? DI. An honest townsman, not an office-seekrian, Since War began, an active-service-seekrian, But you’re, since War began, a full-pay-seekrian. LAM. The people chose me— DI. Aye, three cuckoo-birds. That’s what I loathe; that’s why I made my treaty, When grey-haired veterans in the ranks I saw, - And boys like you, paltry malingering boys, Off, some to Thrace—their daily pay three drachmas— Phaenippuses, Hipparchidreprobatians, . . And some with Chares, to Chaonia some, , Geretotheodores, Diomirogues, and some charge than Lamachus; but the poet has a grievance to expose, and makes Lamachus his whipping boy; an unde- sirable post, as Socrates found it two years later in the “Clouds.” 602. čiri epikms] As Theorus, supra 136. The pay is larger than that of the envoys to the Great King, supra 66. 603. Tuorapevo–J In this line there are blended three names, Tisamenus, Phaenippus, and Hipparchides, repre- senting, whether they are or are not the names of real individuals known to the audience, a combination of noble birth and little worth. As to the intros in the two later names cf. Clouds 63. Chares, in the following line, is doubt- less the name of some contemporary officer, unknown to us; possibly the grandfather of the general who played such a prominent part in Athenian affairs during the next century. The Chaonians had recently come into notice during the Acarnanian warfare in which Demosthenes so greatly dis- tinguished himself, and their name seems to have caused some amusement to the Athenians. The words év Xaôort occur again in Knights 78, where see the Commentary. Then line 605 re- peats the puzzle of the present line. Geres (Eccl. 932) and Theodore, even if they did not stand at that moment for particular individuals, were doubtless names carrying a special significance to the audience; and Atopeta\aščves, though purely fictitious, yet probably refers to some quacks who frequented the Temple of Heracles in that semi- urban deme. See Frogs 651 and the note there. 92 A X A P N E I. X toºs & v Kaplapívm kāv Téâg kāv KarayéXg. AA. ixelporovíðmorav ydp. AI. airtov Šē Tí ipós pièv dei puorðopopeſv &pinyémm, tovël & plmöév’; ‘reov, & MaptXáðm, #öm trempéo Sevkas ori) troXuès &v čvn; 610 3 /* Aº 2 3 * AP 3. A &vévevore kaitot y Éoti ord, ppov kapyárms. a V Aº 3. A sº Af e T. sai Apisºo; KEópoptºms IIputóns; . eiðév tus Üpióv rák;8&tav’ j toys Xaôvas; où paoruv. &AA’ 6 Kotoºpas kai Aduaxos, º 3. * ois &n' épávov re kal Xpeãov trpámv troté, 615 ão Tep diróvittpov čkxéovres écrirépas, 606. KarayéAg] 'Ap' aio 64yet rôv Karā- "exov rôv trpéo Seov; Dicaeopolis asked above, line 76; and now he mames KarayéAa as one of the places to which their Tpéo:3ets go. The name is, of course, a mere pun upon TéAq, and cannot be preserved in a translation. Kapuāpiva kai TéAa tróNews 24xexias, étroimore ôé rô KarayéAa diró roi, karayekāv airów toës orparmyotºs.-Scholiast. The pun is imitated, as Porson observes, by Athenaeus vii. 96 (p. 314 F), where Ar- chestratus, the poet of the dinner-table, a Geloan by birth, is described as 6 k TéAas, HaNNov 8é KarayéAas, troumrås. And there is a somewhat similar joke in the Stichus of Plautus iv. 2.50, where the brothers are ridding themselves of the parasite Gelasimus, and one of them says “Nolo e Gelasimo mihi te Cata- gelasimum.” 609. MaptXàöm] IIapetroimore rô 8vopa drö täs papiºns (supra 350).--Scholiast. He is addressing of course individual members of the Chorus. 610. £vn] "Ek troXAoû.—Scholiast. But this is too strong. The word merely means in past time, before this; and may here be translated already. It is somewhat strange that évn (with the aspirate) should refer to the past, and évm (without an aspirate) to the future, supra 172, Eccl. 796; but such is un- doubtedly the rule. §vi) here is the word employed in the familiar phrase évm kai véa, the old and new day, Clouds 1178. As to dwévévore see the trapertypaqi) after 113 and the Commentary there. 612. IIptyións] 'Atrö roi, trpivov ćirAaaev 8vopa, ćiretóñ oi 'Axapweis div6pakets' fi Öe Tpivos étruthèetov čºov eis àvěpakas.- Scholiast. Cf. 180, 667. There seems nothing to connect the mames Dracyllus and Euphorides with the charcoal trade; for the suggestion that Eupho- rides means a “good charcoal-carrier" is very far fetched. 614. 6 Kotorſ pas] Coesyra was the mother of Megacles, and her issue were chiefs of the great House of Alcmaeon, the noblest and the proudest family in Athens. It does not seem that the THE AC HAR NIANS 93 To Camarina, Gela, and Grineela. LAM. The people chose them— Dr. And how comes it, pray, That you are always in receipt of pay, And these are NEVER 2 Come, Marilades, You are old and grey; when have you served as envoy 2 NEVER / Yet he's a steady, active man. Well then, Euphorides, Prinides, Dracyllus, Have you Ecbatana or Chaonia seen 2 NEVER! But Coesyra's son, and Lamachus, They have; to whom, for debts and calls unpaid, Their friends but now, like people throwing out words & Kotorºpas are intended to desig- nate any particular individual; they are rather a general description of any young insolent noble. Compare Clouds 46–8 and 800. And there is assuredly no ground for supposing that this needy and insolvent person, shunned by all his friends, was intended to represent Alcibiades, the most brilliant and most popular young man at Athens, who is mentioned infra 716 by his proper designation 6 KMelviov. 615. inſ' pávov re kai Xpeãv] Owing to their [unpaid] subscriptions and debts. The Épavos at Athens was a sort of friendly society or club to which all the members of a family or other association were expected to contribute for the relief of their poor and destitute mem- bers. The name āpavos was applied also to the contribution itself; see Lysistrata '' 651–3. To make default in these con- tributions was to the Athenians what the non-payment of a debt of honour is to us, one of the meanest and most dis- creditable actions. The youngsters in the text have made such default, and are indebted both to the Épavos as well as to other creditors. Their position was that of the man who in Demo- sthenes (First against Aphobus 31, p. 821) is described as the Tovmpóraros dvěpátrov travrov, for that he épávous re AéNotre trxeia rows kai inróxpeos yé yovev. 616. diróvitrpov) Dirty water from the bath. Kuster refers to Eustathius at Odyssey xix. 343 who says IIoôāvurrpa # airijv Aéyet rºw viyiv rôv Troööv # rô $80p ºf tróðas virrovtat, 6 kai ämövurrpov čAeyov, &s kai & Kopukös év 'Axapuedora öm)\ot. Compare the line quoted from our poet's “Heroes” by Pollux vii. 167, x. 78, uffrot' diróvitrpov 6ápa: čkxétre plmöé Aoû- Tptov. “A very improper liberty pre- vailed at Paris in the fourteenth century, which was that all persons might throw ‘their slops’ from their windows when- ever they chose, provided they gave notice three times before, by crying out Gare l'eau. A like practice, however, seems to have continued longer at Edin- burgh.”—Beckmann's Inventions (John- 94 A X A P N E IX &mavres ééto to trapſ vovy oi pºol. AA. & 8mpiokpatia, raûra ÓñT' &vao Xeré; AI. of 87t', &v pil pug 60¢opff ye Aduaxos. AA. &AA’ otv čyö pºv trägt IIexotrovvm.gious 620 del troXepiſoo, kai tapáčo travraxfi, kai vava'i kai trešotoru, karð to kaprepôv. AI. &y& 88 kmpúrro ye IIeXorovvm.gious âtraori kai Meyapeñori kal Botorious troNetv ćyopſićew trpès épiè, Aapadixº & Hii. 625 XO. &vīp vuká total Aóyotou, kai Tôv Šipov peratreiðet M gº * trepi Tôv oſtrovööv. y y 3. Af * 3. Aº 9 AP d'AA' droëüvres toſs divarratorous étriopaev. ston's translation, ii. 35). Sir Walter Scott in Waverley (vol. iii, p. 113, first edition) tells of a brawl in Edinburgh which might have ended very seriously, “had not a scream of Gardez l'eau from an upper window set all parties a scampering for fear of the inevitable consequences.” But Boswell, in his life of Johnson, points out with patriotic satisfaction that the custom prevailed in London as well as in Edinburgh, citing from Oldham's application of the Third Satire of Juvenal to London (the forerunner of Johnson's famous poem) his imitation of lines 268–77: If what I’ve told can’t from the town affright Consider other dangers of the night, When brickbats are from upper stories thrown, And emptied chamber-pots come pouring down From garret windows. Probably this was the practice in all many-storied houses in the cities of the Middle Ages. 618. raúra öſir' divaorxerd;] If we had not known that the Philoctetes of Sophocles was some years later in date than the Acharmians, we might have imagined the present line to allude to a passage in that Tragedy, to which Bergler refers & Amuwia x6&v, ... Taira ënt' divao Xeré; 625. Aapdxe ôé pí) Dicaeopolis is now dº about to prepare a market-place for himself: when we next see him, infra 719, the preparations are nearly com- pleted. And thither, he says, the Megarians and Boeotians may come and market, but thither Lamachus may never come. And in conformity with this pro- clamation we shall find that so soon as the market is opened, first a Megarian, and next a Boeotian, make their appear- ance, and deal with Dicaeopolis to their mutualsatisfaction; but, when Lamachus T H E A C H A R N IA NS 95 Their slops at eve, were crying “Stand away !” LAM. O me ! DI. Democracy can this be borne? No, not if Lamachus receive no pay. LAM. But I with all the Peloponnesian folk Will always fight, and vex them everyway, By land, by sea, with all my might and main. [Exit. DI. And I to all the Peloponnesian folk, Megarians and Boeotians, give full leave To trade with me; but not to Lamachus. [Exit. CHOR. The man has the best of the wordy debate, and the hearts of the People is winning To his plea for the truce. anapaestics beginning. Now doff we our robes, our own desires to take advantage of the market, he is at once rebuffed. The idea which some have entertained, viz. that the words Aapady? §§ pi) are contrasted not with Meyapsûort kai Botorious but with Tpós épé—so that the Megarians and Boeotians are invited to deal with Dicaeopolis, but not with Lamachus— seems to me repugnant both to the language and to the sense of the pas- sage. For how could they possibly deal with Lamachus 2 He has no market for them, and has just proclaimed his intention of waging against them a truceless war. But were it otherwise, how could Dicaeopolis prevent their dealing with him 2 He had control only over his own market. The words ToMetv dyopſiſeuv mean merely to market: just as we read in St. Matthew xxi. 12 of people troMovvras kai dyopd{ouras €v rº ispº. And now both Lamachus and Dicaeopolis having re-entered their respective houses, the former probably after line 622, the latter after the present line, the stage is empty; and the Chorus, turning to the audience, commence the first Parabasis that has come down to us, a Parabasis complete in all its seven parts. 626, 627. THE Commation. In this Parabasis the Commation consists of two anapaestic tetrameters; rô koppºdriáv éorri orixaov 300 divaraio row rerpaptérpov karaXmkruków. —Scholiast. The same metre is used in the Commation of the Peace, and again in that of the Thesmo- phoriazusae. Notwithstanding this, the Parabasis proper is here, as in Knights 504, Peace 735, Birds 684, specially distinguished as “the anapaests.” And I suspect that, before the time of Aristophanes, this metre had been specifically appropriated to the Para- basis, and never, or hardly ever, ap- peared in any other part of the play. 96 A X A P N E IX 'Eé of ye Xopoſauv čq,éarnkev Tovytko's 68tóáokaxos juáv, oùro trapé8m trpès rê 6éatpov Aééov Ós 8eguós éotiv" StaffaxNópevos 3’ ºró rôv éx6póv čv A6mvatous taxw800Xots, 630 &s koppéeſ rºv tróXuv påv kai Tôv Šipov ko.6v8pićet, a y dirokpívea 6al Setrat vuvi trpès A6mvaíous petaflotſ\ovs. pma'iv 8' élvat troAAóv dyadóv čios pitv 6 troumrås, traúa as ūpās éevukoſal Aóyous paſſ Aíav čğatratăoréal, plmö' #8e06a, 60tevopévous plmö' éivat XavvotroXtras. 635 It does not in fact appear elsewhere in the Acharnians; nor is it largely used in the Knights; but in every other extant play, except the Peace and the Thesmophoriazusae, it becomes the most important and the most prominent part of the Comedy. This was the inno- vation of Aristophanes, and hence, I imagine, it was that the metre became generally known as the Aristophanic, Hephaestion viii, Scholiast on Clouds 263, 958, and Plutus 487. The very first words of the Commation show that though the speech of Dicaeopolis had captured only half the Chorus, yet his argument with Lamachus had done the rest; and both Semichoruses are now and henceforth his ardent and devoted partisans. They say that he is con- verting the Demus, meaning both the Chorus and the audience who, between them, fully represent the Demus of Athens. 627, droöövres]'Atrö pueraq opäs róváro- ôvopévov d6Amrów, of droööovrat rºv čéoéev orroMºv, iva etróvos xopeãoori, kai sãorpo- q&repot Gort trpès rê traMaiopiara.-Scho- liast. 628–58. THE PARABASIS PROPER. The Chorus vindicate their poet from the charges brought against him by Cleon on account of his outspoken criticism of political matters in his last year's Comedy of the Babylonians. So far from seeking to injure the City, they say, his criticisms on its policy have, and are intended to have, the most beneficial results. “To warn you against being led astray by the flatteries of foreign ambassadors, to show you the wrongs inflicted by your demagogues on our Allies—these are things deserving not of censure, but of the highest praise; these are things which tend to make you prosperous in war and famous all over the world.” They might have added, “These are the things which Pericles himself would do, were he still alive,” especially if by the phrase £evi- koto's A6-yots they are referring, as is generally supposed, to the enthusiasm excited at Athens by the oratory of Gorgias of Leontini, an enthusiasm which was presently to issue in the fatal invasion of Sicily. 629. trapé8m] It was of course the Chorus who turned to the audience, and their leader who delivered the T H E A C H A R N I A N S 97 SINCE first to exhibit his Plays he began, our Chorus-instructor has never Come forth to confess in this public address how tactful he is and how clever. But now that he knows he is slandered by foes before Athens so quick to assent, Pretending he jeers our City and sneers at the People with evil intent, He is ready and fain his cause to maintain before Athens so quick to repent. Let honour and praise be the guerdon, he says, of the Poet whose satire has stayed you From believing the orators' novel conceits wherewith they cajoled and betrayed you; Who bids you despise adulation and lies nor be citizens Vacant and Vain. anapaestic address; but inasmuch as occur to every reader. Some five years the address is, as a general rule, the personal message of the poet to the audience, he is himself described, both here and in Peace 735, as coming forward and delivering the address in person. Mr. Rudd pleasantly remarks that if in his two earliest plays the poet missed the opportunity of making the Parabasis a vehicle for dilating on his own personal merits, the mistake was not often repeated in his subsequent Comedies. 630, inrö rôv éx6póv] That is, by Cleon and his creatures. This is the third allusion made in this Comedy to Cleon's attack upon the poet on account of his “last year's Babylonians.” See the Commentary on 378 and 502 supra. Such an attack was the more dangerous because of the hasty way in which the Athenians formed their judgements, taxš8ovXot, although, as the poet goes on to say, they would change them with equal facility, uerá8ov\ot. Two recent instances of these characteristics will before the production of this Comedy they had turned upon Pericles, deprived him of his offices, and inflicted upon him a heavy fine (Thuc. ii. 65; Plutarch, Pericles 35); to repov 8 adéis of troNA6, ôtrep pixel Špu)\os troueiv, says Thucydides, they restored him to his offices and placed everything in his hands. Some three years later they sent a galley to Lemnos bearing Cleon's decree that every man in Mitylene should be put to death; and on the next day dispatched a second galley on the same journey to countermand that terrible order. The idea of the two vessels, one with its message of death, and the other with its message of mercy, speeding across the Aegean at the same moment would naturally make a deep impression upon the Athenian mind. 635. §§eorðat 6amevopºvovs] This charge is repeated, in very similar terms, in Knights 1116, 1117; and with Xavvo- troXtras compare Knights 1262, where Athens is called ñ Kexmvatov TóAus. 98 A X A P N E I X a a", Af A. Tpórepov & Spós &mo Töv tróNeovoi trpéo:3eus ééatratóvres gº 9 asº Tpórov previoatepdvows ékáAovv. Kátretóñ todró ris eitrot, 3. * eč60s 813 Toys a reqāvows étr' &Kpov Tóv Tvyw8tov čkáðma'6e. * y ei 86 tis Špiós intoéotreča as Attrap&s kaxéo etev A6;ivas, ešpero Tráv &v Ště. Tàs Attrapās, dºptſov tupºv treptăvas. 640 arºs Ap * 3 * a 39 & e A Taijta trouñoras troXXóv dyo.66v airlos ūputy yeyévmtat, kai toys 8ſipovs év Taís TróAeolv 8éíšas, 6s 8mpiokpatoivrat. Af alº y anº, A *A Af • , e. 5 Af totyáprot viv čk Töv tróNeov Tów (pópov Úpitv 376 yovtes ef 3. a 3. a ‘A . M. V 3/ #éovorty, ióeſv čtru6vploſivres Têv troumtöv Töv ćptoſtov, 636. diró róv tróNeov] That the word TóNews does not here signify the allied cities—as it does very frequently, and even in lines 642, 643 of this very Para- basis—is plain from the expressions oi Tpéggets which Aristophanes could not, and ééatraróvres which he would not, have applied to the subject allies. And nothing is more probable than that Gorgias in the course of his elaborate compliments to Athens should have quoted the famous words of Pindar, 3 rai Attrapai kai iogréqavoi kai doiólpiot, ‘EX\áðos épetopia, k\etvai 'A6avat. They come from an ode which Pindar wrote to glorify the splendid actions of Athens during the Persian War. And as one of those actions was the victory of Athens over the Boeotians, traitors to the Hellenic cause, at the battle of Plataea, it is perhaps not surprising that the Thebans resented their country- man's eulogy of their victors, and in- flicted a fine on the poet. We are told, in the fourth of the epistles ascribed to Aeschines, that the Athenians sent him twice the amount of the fine, and erected in his honour a bronze statue in front of the oroá 3ao i\etos, repre- senting the bard sitting in his robes with a crown on his head, a lyre in his hand, and an open book on his knees. The statue was still to be seen when Pausanias visited Athens; Attica viii. 5. The Pindaric eulogy was naturally dear to the Athenians, and Aristophanes himself repeats the epithets in Knights 1329, where see the Commentary. And cf. Lucian's Demosthenis Encomium 10 and Solan there. “The violet,” observes Mitchell, in a note to his translation, “was the favourite and distinguishing flower of the Athenians. Ionians in their origin, they saw in the ion or violet an allusion to the name of their founder. While Sparta there- fore was characterized as the Dory- Stephanos or javelin-crowned city, the Athenians took pride in being called the io-stephanoi, or violet-crowned.” The epithet Attrapai is more than once applied to Athens by Euripides; Alc. 452, Iph. in Taur. 1130, Troades 800. 638. §n' àkpov rôv Trvytöiov] Upon tiptail (Walsh), by analogy to the phrase T H E A C H A R N IA N S 99 For before, when an embassy came from the states intriguing your favour to gain, And called you the town of the VIOLET CROWN, so grand and exalted ye grew, That at once on your tiptails erect ye would sit, those cBowNs were so pleasant to you. And then, if they added the SHINY, they got whatever they asked for their praises, - Though apter, Iween, for an oily Sardine than for you and your City the phrase is. By this he's a true benefactor to you, and by showing with humour dramatic - The way that our wise democratic allies are ruled by our State democratic. And therefore their people will come oversea, their tribute to bring to the City, Consumed with desire to behold and admire the poet so fearless and witty, én' àkpov čváxov, St. Chrys. Rom. 662 D. 6*... v Tupív] Praise fit for ancho- vies, taking Autapºs in the sense of glistering, sleek. As to the dqºm see the Commentary on Wasps 493, Birds 76. 642. &muokparoovrat) By showing how the allied democracies are governed by the Athenian democracy. Aristophanes is playing on the word 8mpiokpareſoróat, which usually signifies “to be ruled by their own demus,' but here means “to be ruled by our Demus.” The state- ment may be compared (though the application is widely different) with the first sentence which Thucydides puts into the mouth of Cleon (iii. 37) troMAdkus pièv jöm éyoye Kai äAMore éyvov ðmuokpatiav Šrt áðūvarāv éo ruv ćrépov āpxeuv, K.T.A. Recent Commentators H 2. : seem mostly to adopt Mueller's motion that the Ömplo- in Önuokparodvtat has no signification whatever ; a motion which has the misfortune of destroying the whole point of the passage. The poet is avowedly vindicating himself from the charge brought against him by Cleon of reviling the Sovereign People before the assembled Hellenes. He seems to have satirized the Athenians on two counts: (1) the facility with which they yielded to rhetorical arti- fices; and (2) the extortions which the demagogues were permitted to practise against the subject allies. See Wasps 669 seqq. and Knights passim. 644. ióeiv Čirićupoèvres] The great benefits which Athens and the Atheniam empire derive from the possession of an Aristophanes are recognized far beyond , tº * * * & * 100 A X A P N E IX y * y ôorris trapekw8övevor' eitreſv čv A6mvaíous T& Sikato. 645 oùro 3' otºroi, trepi Tàs téApums #6m tróppo k\éos #ket, Śre kai 8aaikeiôs, Aakeóatpuovíov thu trpeggetav 8aaravíðov, #pérmorev trpóra pièv attoi's trórepot rats vavori kparodoru. º * * * *A Aº J/ A 2 eira & rodrov Tóv troumri) v Trotépovs eitrov kok& troXA6. toūrovs y&p épm toys &v6pótrovs troXè 3eXtíovs yeyevnaðat 650 köv Tó troXépiº troXà vukňoretv, Toitov čáp;3ovXov čxovros. 813 to:56’ buás Aakeóatuóvuot thv eiofivmu Trooka)\otivrat j A * 3/ y * * * A. V 9 2 kai Tàu Aiyuuav Čtraitoto twº kai Tſis vijo'ov pučv ékeſvns où ppovrićovo’, &AA’ two todrov Tóv troumråv & péNovrat. &AA’ ‘pleſs Tot puff trot' dºpſió' dis kopſgöffael r& 8trata. 655 her own walls. The allies flock to Athens at the Great Dionysia for the purpose of seeing the illustrious bard; the Persian King is convinced that in the Peloponnesian War that side will conquer which has the advantage of his strictures: and the Spartans are using their utmost endeavours to pro- cure that advantage for themselves. All this is, of course, a mere comic jest. 647. Aakeóaupovicov. Although the con- versation between the Great King and the Lacedaemonian ambassadors is purely fictitious—rodro Xaptevriſópevos Wrevöös Aéyet says a Scholiast—yet there is no doubt that in the early years of the War Lacedaemonian ambassadors were frequently paying visits to the Persian Court. At the very outset of the War the Lacedaemonians are de- scribed by Thucydides (ii. 7) as pre- paring to send embassies of this character, trpeggeias piéN\ovres Trépºreuv trapā BaoruMéa, kai äA\oore és rot's Bap64- ... povs. And although their only mission • * * • * * & ſº e A. e t e to Persia of which the historian gives us any details altogether miscarried, the envoys having been surrendered to, and put to death by, the Athenians (Thuc. ii. 67); yet in the very year in which the Acharnians was ºn we find the Great King c that though MANY amba Lºhad come from Sparta, no two of them told the same tale: troMA6v yåp A66vrov Tpéo Beow oëöéva rairã Aéyeuv(Thuc.iv.50). 653. rºv Alyway! The Athenians had conquered Aegina, their most dangerous rival on the sea, in the years 458–5 B.C.; and the Aeginetans dismantled their walls, handed over their navy, and became tributaries to Athens, Thuc. i. 105–8. And one of the most urgent demands made by the Spartans upon Athens before the commencement of the War was the restoration of autonomy to Aegina, Atylvav airóvopov dºptévat (Id. i. 139). The reply of the Athenians to this demand was to expel from the island every Aeginetan, man, woman, T H E A C H A R N IA NS 101 Who dared in the presence of Athens to speak the thing that is rightful and true. And truly the fame of his prowess, by this, has been bruited the universe through, When the Sovereign of Persia, desiring to test what the end of our warfare will be, Inquired of the Spartan ambassadors, first, which nation is queen of the sea, And next, which the wonderful Poet has got, as its stern and unsparing adviser; For those who are lashed by his satire, he said, must surely be better and wiser, - And they’ll in the war be the stronger by far, enjoying his counsel and skill. And therefore the Spartans approach you to-day with proffers of Peace and Goodwill, Just asking indeed that Aegina ye cede; and nought do they care for the isle, But you of the Poet who serves you so well they fain would despoil and beguile. But be you on your guard nor surrender the bard; for his Art shall be righteous and true. and child, and to divide the land amongst Athenian settlers. This hap- pened in the first year of the War (Id. ii. 27; Plutarch, Pericles 34). The Lacedaemonians gave to the expelled population a home at Thyrea, on the borderland of Laconia and Argolis, and there they were dwelling at the date of the Acharmians. The demand for the restoration of autonomy to Aegina is called by Aristophames a demand for the cession of the isle; and rightly so, since the Aegimetams, a Doric or Dori- cized people, would, if autonomous, maturally range themselves under the leadership of Sparta. But what has all this to do with Aristophanes? Some think, and it is very probable, that he was one of those Athenians who, on the expulsion of the Aeginetans, obtained a settlement in Aegina; but, in my opinion, it is also very probable that he was in fact commected by blood with the Aegimetans themselves. The topic is considered in the Introduction. 102 A X A P N E IX ©moiv 8" (pós troXX& ötöðgetv dyá0', 60t’ eiðaiuovas elval, où 60tetſov, où6' 5"roteivov puto,000s, où8' ééatrarðAov, a's y où8& Travovpyóv, où8& Katópôov, d\\& T& 3éXttorro. 8v8&orkov. Trpès TaüTo KXéov kai traXapdo 600 * 9 kai Tāv ćir €ploi tektauvéo.60. 660 M * º 5 5 Aº. M \, A’ Tô y&p et pºet' époi kai Tô Sikatov J arº §§ppaxov čotal, koi puff toff’ &A6 * *A A. s\ ep y * trepi Tàu TrôAuv Óv Óortrep £keſvos ðetMös kai Aakotatrúyov. êeſpo Moûo' éA6è q\eyvpā, Trupos éxovoro. Hévos, Évrovos, Axap- Af vukm. , 665 657. intoretvav puoréoùs] The Scholiast says oë8é riot puoróðv Štěois iw' airów enawéorwortv. But it seems to me that in all these participles Aristophanes is contrasting himself with Cleon. “I will not, as he does, flatter and deceive you, neither will I seek to win you by holding out promises of higher pay, as Cleon does with the dicastic pay.” 658. Karápêov] Cultivating your favour, literally “watering you.” igas roſs émaivots &s purá.—Scholiast. 659–64. THE PNIGOS or MACRON. These lines constitute an open challenge to the formidable demagogue; and for a moment the sword, which is to be wielded with such brilliant effect in the Knights, half flashes from its scabbard. Divested of its personal application and rounded into the following shape— a karaśpéxov ºf trpès raû6' 6 ru xpº Kai maxapadoga, kai trâv ém' époi telerauvéo.60. rô Yap sº per' tuoſ, kai rô Sikatov {{upaxov to rai, - tº koi aft too daſ kaka "págowv– the challenge became one of the com- monplaces of Greek and Roman literature. Many passages are collected in which it is cited. Cicero, in his letter to Atticus (vi. 1), says “irascatur qui volet, patiar; to yap et per' épod.” And again (viii. 8) “fulsisse mihi vide- batur rô KaNov ad oculos eius, et excla- masse ille vir qui esse debuit, trpos raû6’ 6 ru xp) kat maNapiáo 6av, kai rāv čn' époi rekraivéo 6av, tö yöp eſſ per’ plot. At ille tibi troX\& Xaipeiv tº kakº dicens pergit Brundusium.” He is speaking of Pompey's retirement from Italy, On the approach of Caesar. Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom. vi. 13) cites all but the second line; and the entire passage is given by Suidas s. v. traXa- puāoréal. Under áNorðv, however, Suidas says àNoroi, Amirrol, xelporoi. trións, où pſi troë' àAó kakā ºrpáororov. No authority ascribes to Euripides a single syllable of the Aristophanic Pnigos; but from the lastly-cited words of Suidas, kai Eðpt- T H E A C H A R N IA NS 103 Rare blessings and great will he work for the State, rare happiness shower upon you; Not fawning, or bribing, or striving to cheat with an empty unprincipled jest; Not seeking your favour to curry or nurse, but teaching the things that are best. AND THEREFORE I say to the People to-day, Let Cleon the worst of his villanies try, His anger I fear not, his threats I defy! For Honour and Right beside me will fight, And never shall I . In aught that relates to the City be found Such a craven as he, such a profligate hound. O MUSE, fiery-flashing, with temper of flame, energetic, Acharnian, come to my gaze, the entire passage finds a place amongst the fragments of Euripides (as for example Wagner's Incert, fab, fragm. 145). But whatever may be the case with the feeble line koi puff troð' àAó kakā trpáororov, whether its ascription to Euripides is correct, or a mere slip on the part of Suidas or his copyists, I am persuaded that the words of the Pnigos belong to Aristophanes alone. 664. Aakaratrúyov] The word kara- tröyov, profligate, is common enough ; indeed we have already met with it in this very Comedy, supra, 79, but here Aristophanes prefixes the intensive Aa- for the purpose of showing his utter abhorrence of Cleon. 665–75. THE STRoPHE. During the remainder of the Parabasis, they are going to express their indignation at the manner in which veteran soldiers and statesmen are exposed to the pert and clever attacks of forensic youngsters. And just as Shakespeare, about to set forth the splendid deeds of our fifth Harry, exclaims “O for a Muse of fire” to enable him to deal worthily with so great a subject, so here the Chorus, before they begin, invoke the Muse, their own Acharnian Muse, to come to them as bright, and clear, and vehe- ment, as a spark of fire from their own Acharmian charcoal. So will they be able to rise to the height of their great argument, and press it home with becoming fire and passion. 665. (pMeyvpd] Fiery. Évrovos, vehement. p\eyvpá’ \apitpā, ºpMéyovora, Mápºtovoa. #vrovos 8e duri rod loxupé-Scholiast. 104 A X A P N E IX olov čá áv6pákov trpuivov ºpéra)\os duff,\at', Épé61%plevos of pig giríðu, * #vík’ &v étravôpakíðes &al trapakeſpieval, A & 670 oi & Gao'íav &vakvkóat Attrapápitvka, t M Af ey * J M A 5/ y A oi & Bárrogu, oùro goğapöv A68 aft\os etrovov dypotkórovov, 6s épé Aa3ojoſa röv Šmpiórmy. 675 oi yépovres of traXavoi peppópeoffa tſ, tróNet. où yöp &étos ékeſvov &v évaupaxflorapaev 'ympoſłookoúpea:0' tºp' ºpóv, &AA& 8euvè traoxoplev. of rives yépovros &vöpas puffaxóvres és ypaſpös t *A Af J a * © Af ūtrô veaviorkov čáre katayeMāorðat ºntópov, 680 oööèv čvras, &AX& kopods kai trape&mvXmpévous, 669. £pe616 uevos oëpig fittrièi). Eaccited, 7'oused into action, by the favouring wind of the firefan. oipuos is the regular word for a favourable breeze, Knights 433, Lys. 550. And as for juris, the fan used as a bellows, see infra. 888, Frogs 360, Eccl. 842. 670. śiravöpakiöes] The name is not confined to any particular species of fish; it applies to any little fish cooked in the embers. Aerroi ix69es én roi, says the Scholiast; travra öé rà émi dvěpákov Ömºrópeva èmavôpakiðas éká\ovv. 671. eaglav) The name eagia was given both to pickle and to a radish. Here, of course, it means the former. Athenaeus (vii. 137), quoting from the Holcades of Aristophanes the lines & kakoğaipov, #ris &v &App mpárm rpixtów dimegáq,0m, explains rows yāp eis rô émavépakiſew émurmêeious ix60s sis àApumv diré8am'rov, fiv Kai eaglav čká\ovv àApmv. Photius says eaglav kai fiáqavov kai äApumv Aéyovoru. And Hesychius, eagia' &\pm eis fiv čva Örrópeva è8am Tov. kai flaqāvov eibos. This Thasian pickle our poet calls Attrapápºtvka, with shiny frontlet. He had observed above that Pindar's epithet of Athens, Attrapās, was a term of praise well suited to anchovies; and now that he is dealing with these small fry, he applies to the pickle into which they are dipped the epithet Attrapápurvka, which Pindar had bestowed upon Memory in the seventh Nemean, where he says (I quote Professor Bury's transla- tion): Mighty deeds of prowess are wrapt in deep darkness if they remain unsung; yea, for fair works we know one, one only mirror, if by grace of Memory with the shining head-band, Mvapooróvas Éxatt Aurapéumvkos, they win the meed of toil in lines of sounding Song. 672. Bárrootw) The MSS. have pār- roorw, which is quite out of place here; and as én avépakiöes are rarely mentioned T H E A C H A R N IA NS 105 Like the wild spark that leaps from the evergreen oak, when its red- glowing charcoal is fanned to a blaze, And the small fish are lying all in order for the frying; And some are mixing Thasian, richly dight, shiny-bright, And some dip the small fish therein; Come, fiery-flashing Maid, to thy fellow-burgher’s aid, With exactly such a song, so glowing and so strong, To our old rustic melodies akin. - WE the veterans blame the City. Is it meet and right that we, Who of old, in manhood’s vigour, fought your battles on the sea, Should in age be left untended, yea exposed to shame and ill? Is it right to let the youngsters air their pert forensic skill, Grappling us with writs and warrants, holding up our age to scorn? We who now have lost our music, feeble nothings, dull, forlorn, in connexion with āApin, without an allusion to their being dipped in it; while in the MSS. the letters 8 and pu are extremely similar, and are fre- quently confused; I have no hesitation in adopting, with Blaydes, the word 8án rooruv, originally suggested by Hamaker. 674, eúrovov, dypotkórovov) With clear- pitched country tone, like the lark or the blackbird. This is the reading of the best MSS., and seems to me just what Aristophanes intended. But it does not satisfy the critics. For eirovov they substitute évrovov, a very good epithet, but no better than sūrovov, and one which, having already been employed in this ode, is little likely to be repeated here; and for dypotkórovov they substitute dypotkörepov, which Blaydes translates Somewhat rustic or rude. And that, I suppose, would be the meaning of dypotkörepov; but it certainly is not the meaning which Aristophanes intended to convey. His desire is to commend, mot to criticize or depreciate, the clear country song of the Acharmian Muse. 675. Tov Smuármv) The Acharnian Muse to the Acharnian Chorus; A6é, Modora 'Axapuuki), Ös iuas roës 'Axapwéas. 676–91. THE EPIRRHEMA. They have invoked the Acharmian Muse for the objects mentioned in the Com- mentary on the Strophe, 665–75 supra. And now, inspired by her, they state generally the grievance of which they complain. The chief individual instance of that grievance is reserved for the Antepirrhema. - 681. Trape&mu)\muévous] Worn out, like a pipe with a used-up mouthpiece; generally, of persons used up and exhausted in mind. The phrase trape:- mu\muévos rôv vodv, though rather a 106 A X A P N E IX ois IIogetööv dorqāAetós éotiv # 8akrmpia. tov6opúšovres & yńpg Tô Atôº Tpooréataptev, oëx épôvres of 8&v ei pi Tàs 8tºms Tiv #Aſſymv. & V Af º * A * 6 & veavías, éavrò a trovčáo as évvmyopetv, és Táxos trafel &vvættrov oſtpoyyúAots toſs 6ſipaat' º 9 an * k&T' &veXkúa as épotá, okavóóAmép' iotă's étrów, ăvópa Tuðověv oſtrapártov kai Tapdºrrow kai kvków. J * 9 ô 8' into yipos plagtapúðel, kāt' ép}\ov dirépxeral' metaphor than a proverb, is found in all the Paroemiographers, as well as in all the ancient Greek Lexicographers; and they all explain it in very much the same words. I will give the ex- planation of Zenobius (v. 65, p. 364, Gaisford): trapečnv}\muévos ūrö yñpostov duvöpöv, # Merevivekrat 8é diró rôv votiv trapečnv}\muévov *Xov, ôteq6opóra. y\oorotétov rôv év rols ai)\ots. 682. IIogetööv dorqāNetos] Hellenic sailors were always timorous of the dangers of the sea, and when they left the harbour they endeavoured to pro- pitiate the Lord of the slippery always- wind-obeying deep by appealing to him under the euphemistic title of IIogetööv dorpáAetos, “Poseidon who never slips.” So when a merchant was starting on a commercial voyage, his friends would commend him, not only to the care of “Hermes, the giver of gain,” but also to that of “Poseidon who never slips.” & Navarik\es, says his friend (Heliodorus, Aethiopics vi. 7), ool uév ém' aiorious 6 #KrAovs aréAAouro kai Eppins pièv kepôos IIogetööv 8é àorpáAetos ovvéutropoi kai tropiroi yiyvouro, trav påv émi tréAayos ečpovy kai eiſivepov trapatrépin-ovres, kai trāorav TóAw simpóoročov kai pºéuniopov dropaivovres. The old fighters who formed the Chorus had, in their prime, relied upon this mighty God to protect their feet from slipping; but now in their feeble age they have nothing whereon to rely, except the Bakrmpia, or staff, which supports their tottering limbs. 683. rô Ató4) The Scholiast explains by ré 3hpart, which would be right if the Chorus are speaking of a trial in the ékk\mata (Peace 680, Eccl. 87); or if the term Aióos became coextensive in meaning with the speaker's pulpit. But neither of these suppositions is by any means certain ; and Van Leeuwen thinks that the reference is to the stone mentioned in W sps 332. It seems probable that the would be, in every dicastery, a sort of stone altar on which the witnesses and others took their oaths (Polity of Athens, vii. 1, lv. 5; Demosth. against Conon, p. 1265), and on which the votes were counted, as stated in the Wasps, and various other solemnities were performed. 684. rijs 6ixms rºv Nõymv] The dark- mess ris bikms (in the sense of the suit); as contrasted with the Tragic phrase ris Šikms qdios, the light ris bikms (in the * T H E A C H A R N IA N S 107 We whose only “Safe Poseidon’’ is the staff we lean upon, There we stand, decayed and muttering, hard beside the Court-house Stone, Nought discerning all around us save the darkness of our case. Comes the youngster, who has compassed for himself the Accuser's place, Slings his tight and nipping phrases, tackling us with legal scraps, Pulls us up and cross-examines, setting little verbal traps, Rends and rattles old Tithonus till the man is dazed and blind; Till with toothless gums he mumbles, then departs condemned and fined; sense of Justice). Blaydes refers to a fragment of the Ajax Locrus, Šikms ô' ééé\apºlev Šotov qdos, and to Eur. Suppl. 564 ris Šikms oróšov påos. 685. 6 be veavias] But the youngster, having canvassed (or made interest) for himself to be the évvinyopos, that is, the orator prosecuting in the case. Young orators, like Evathlus and Cephiso- demus, would naturally be eager to obtain the conduct of an important case, wherein to display their powers of examination and argument at the defendant’s expense. It is hardly right to call them the prosecuting counsel, because our word counsel implies a special legal training which was not required of a évväyopos. Elmsley's unfor- tunate suggestion that weavias is the ac- cusative plural has done much mischief, but is quite untenable. In the preceding lines no individual has been glanced at to whom the expression 6 8é can be referred; and it is plain from what follows that Ó Sé, and not any person engaged by him, is the youngster who assails the old-man. The proceeding was obviously a public indictment, not a civil action by a private plaintiff. 686. Orrpoyyū)\ots] Phrases compressed, as it were, into pellets, hurled at the defendant like stones from a sling; a metaphor assisted by the term traiov which is used of a sling in Birds 1187, where see the note. The epithet orpoyyúNats is applied to hailstones in Clouds 1127. §vvártov, joining battle with, engaging the defendant. 687. orkavöä\mép' iorràs étrów] The orkav- ôáAmépov or orkavöáAm is the stick which keeps open the door of the trap, and to which the bait is attached; the mouse nibbles at the bait, the stick is moved, and the door shuts. IIáymv čorrmora étri rås puapās dAótrekas, kped&tov ris orkavöäAms diraprioras.-Alciphron iii. 22. 688. Tiêovów] The story of Tithonus, who wedded the Morning, and for whom she asked and obtained Immortal life, but forgot to ask Immortal youth, so that he grew ever older and older but could never die, is consecrated to all English readers by Tennyson's splendid lines. See the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite 219–39. Here the name is used only to signify a man of extreme old age. , - ~~~~ 689. 35A&v àmépxerat] Two lines below we have 3408w drépxopal. But there is a shade of difference between the mean- 108 A X A P N E I X eira Añºst kai 8akpáel, kai Aéyet trpès toys pixovs, 690 º a * > of p' éxpñv oropov trpſao'6au, Tott öpxöv dºrépxoplat. Taüra trós eikóra, yépour’ droxéoat, troAvov čvěpa, trepi k\eyū- ôpav, troXX& 3) #vpatovão avta, kai 6eppov dropopéâpévov divöpuköv iðpóra è?) kai troXèv, 3/ y arº divöp' dyadov čvta Mapa.0óvi trept tºw tróAuv; eita Mapatóvt pºv Št’ ºuev, #816koptev, vöv 3’ ºr’ &vépôv trovnpöv opóðpa 8tokópe6a, kāra Tpooraxt- orkópe6a. 700 Tpos téðe Tí óvrepet Mapyrías; ing there and here. Here 6q \ov means having lost his case; there owing, cast in, such a sum. 692–702. THE ANTISTROPHE. This continues the complaint commenced in the Epirrhema. 693. Trépi k\evúðpav] That is, “in the law-courts,” v rá Šukao rmpiq as the Scholiast explains it. For the clepsydra was in use in all the law-courts for the purpose of timing the speeches of the orators. See Wasps 93. It is described by Apuleius, at the commencement of the mock trial of Lucius in the Third Book of his Metamorphoses, as a vessel perforated with minute holes at the bottom after the fashion of a colander (vasculum in vicem coli graciliter fistu- latum), through which holes the water kept dripping, drop by drop. It was the equivalent of our hour-glass. The orators usually refer to it as “the water.” Thus in his First against Stephanus, Demosthemes says “Stop the water,” emixage rô $80p, while the evidence is being read (10); and again, “Into these matters I cannot go,” oë yāp ikavóv plot rô $80p a riv (58). 696. dya&öv Švra Mapaéðvil This was the supreme glory of the Athenians, that at Marathon they proved them- selves “good men.” They displayed no less heroism and self-devotion at Salamis and Plataea, but other Hellenic peoples were there. At Marathon they were alone, the trpápaxoi of Hellas, as Simonides called them, for the gallant little contingent from Plataea was too small to derogate from the glory of Athens, and indeed the Plataeans themselves were Athenian citizens now. And hence the Athenian heroes whom Aristophames was perpetually holding up for the imitation of his contem- poraries were not the Men of Salamis or the Men of Plataea, but always the T H E A C H A R N IA NS 109 Sobbing, weeping, as he passes, to his friends he murmurs low, All I've saved to buy a coffin now to pay the fine must go, How CAN it be seemly a grey-headed man by the Water-clock's stream to decoy and to slay, Who of old, young and bold, laboured hard for the State, who would wipe off his sweat and return to the fray ? At Marathon arrayed, to the battle-shock we ran, And our mettle we displayed, foot to foot, man to man, And our name and our fame shall not die. Aye in youth we were Pursuers on the Marathonian plain, But in age Pursuers vex us, and our best defence is vain. To this what can Marpsias reply 2 Men of Marathon, the Mapaéovopdxat. And thus that they were “good men against the Medes” became the recog- mized description of ancient Athenian heroism. “What matters it,” Thucy- dides represents the Spartan Ephor as saying (i. 86), “what matters it that they were good men against the Medes, ei irpos roës Máčovs éyévovro dyadoi röre, if now they show themselves bad men towards Sparta ?” 698. §r' huev] These words, as Bergler pointed out, may either be joined with Mapatºvi, when we were at Marathon ; or else stand alone, when we were (in our prime), as in Lys. 667. 700. Stoköple6a] Atókeuv is a term as well of the battlefield (to pursue the foe), as of the law-courts (to prosecute the defendant); 6 Štókov is the prosecutor, still called the pursuer, in Scotland. “In our youth it was we who charged the foe; in our age it is we who are charged in the courts.” Nor is that all. TpooraMorköpieba' duri rod, mpès rotºrous, Karaöukašáueða, kal &mptotiple6a.—Scho- liast. Atoſkeorðat is the word regularly used as well of captives taken in war, as of culprits condemned in the law- courts. - 702. Mappias] Marpsias, the Scholiast tells us, was a contentious and can- tankerous speaker of the day; otros 6 MapWrias (pixóveikos kai bºtapos kai ôopv6óðns 5hrop kopºeirat. We may guess from the allusion here that he had recently been raising objections to some measure brought forward in the Assembly for the relief of needy veterans. - 110 A X A P N E IX * y 3/ *A t A Af ró y&p eikös &věpa kvpèv, #Xíkov Govkvětómv, ééoxéréal orvpatrāakévra ti >kv6óv épmplíg, Tööe Tá Kmptoo&#page, tº A&\@ £vvmyópp; 705 &aſt' yd) pºv #Xémora kámeplopédépumv ióðv 2 &vópa trpeggütmv Štrº divöpös tošárov kvkópºevov, ës pā tīv Añuntp', kelvos #vík' fiv Govkvětóms, oë8’ &v ačrºv Tiju Axatav ćgôtos fivéaxero, dAA& karemºMatore puév y' &v trpótov EijóðAovs 8éka, 710 kateſłómore 3’ &v kekpayós točóras Tptaxi.Atovs, Af 3 A 3. as * *A W. * trepieróševo’ev 3’ &v attoi, toſſ tratpos roës $vyyevels. 703–18. THE ANTEPIRRHEMA. The poet now gives a special instance of the hardship lamented in the Epir- rhema. He describes in tones of genuine indignation the impeachment of Thucydides, the former rival of Pericles; an impeachment which he mentions again in Wasps 947. The charges brought against him, what- soever they were, were enforced by the tirades of two young advocates, Evathlus and Cephisodemus, whose noisy and voluble attacks so dumbfoundered the old man that he could not find a word to say in his own defence. Yet when he was in his prime, says the poet, he would have discomfited a whole host of such trumpery assailants as these. 703. Tà yap eikós] Tº rpárq bikatów éorru.-Scholiast. “j\ikov eovkvötöny, i.e. rmºukoúrov #Aikos eovkvötöns.”— Blaydes, orvpur Makévra is a term of the wrestling school. Cephisodemus had in his blood some Scythian strain, and is therefore saluted as “a Scythian wilderness” and “a Scythian archer.” The former appellation is a proverbial phrase (Scholiast, Hesychius), supposed to be connected with the second line of the Prometheus Vinctus, Skúðnv és oiuov, 33arov eis épmuiav. 709. "Axatav) This Thucydides, the Chorus mean, who in his old age is obliged to put up with the insolence of these youthful advocates, would in his prime have stood no nonsense from the greatest personage in all the world. And as they have just mentioned Demeter, they say that he would have stood no nonsense from Demeter her. self; though there is possibly a contrast intended between the Hellenic 'Axata and the barbarian Skúðns. 'Axata was a special name of Demeter: Herodotus (v.61) tells us that when the Gephyraeans (the family to which Harmodius and Aristogeiton belonged) migrated from Boeotia to Athens, they set up various temples in which the other Athenians had no part, and especially the temple and rites 'Axatims Añumrpos. Plutarch (Isis and Osiris 69) and Hesychius s. v. derive the name from äxm, the Sorrows of the Mother in quest of her Daughter; T H E A C H A R N I A N S 111. * *.* OH, THUCYDIDES to witness, bowed with age, in sore distress, Feebly struggling in the clutches of that Scythian wilderness Fluent glib Cephisodemus, Oh the sorrowful display ! I myself was moved with pity, yea and wiped a tear away, Grieved at heart the gallant veteran by an archer mauled to view ; Him who, were he, by Demeter, that Thucydides we knew, Would have stood no airs or nonsense from the Goddess Travel-sore, Would have thrown, the mighty wrestler, ten Evathluses or more, and though the derivation has been questioned, it will perhaps justify the epithet given in my translation to the Goddess. The Scholiast says "Oorts Tpeogūrms intrô rod Točárov 3Aattrópºevos, où8é rijs Aſiumtpos ºvéoxero, juika fiv véos. 710. Kareta\atore] It has not, I think, been observed that this word is employed with special reference to Etaffºos, which strictly means athletic; just as trepre- róševorev, two lines below, has a special reference to the Scythian archer. As to the athlete, he would have thrown a dozen athletes such as he as to the Scythian archer, he would have shot and shouted down any number of Shouted-down three thousand archers with his accents of command, Shot his own Accuser's kinsmen in their Scythian fatherland. 7 *- Scythian archers. The powers of wrestling and shooting attributed to Thucydides are merely derived from and accommodated to the name of one accuser and the lineage of the other. We need not suppose that Thucydides ever really wrestled or used a bow and arrow. From the expression rod trarpès in 712 we may conclude that the Scythian taint was derived from the grand- mother, and not from the mother, of Cephisodemus. Evathlus is mentioned by Aristophanes in two other places, viz. Wasps 592 and in a passage from the Holcades preserved by the Scholiast here— - êott ris Tovmpôs #pſy ročárms £vvinopos toſs traxaloſs, àotrep Eiaºxos trap' ip.ſv roſs véots. And he is doubtless the same Evathlus whose controversy with his teacher, the famous Protagoras, is recorded by Aulus Gellius v. 10 and other writers. 712. Trépteróéevorev] “Tunc Sagittis con- fixisset.”—Frischlin, Bergler, Brunck. The verb must not be confused with inteperóéevorev, which has quite a different meaning, and one altogether unsuitable to the present passage. Thucydides is represented as crushing his assailants, not as competing with them in friendly rivalry. Cephisodemus may be a good archer, says the poet, but Thucydides in his prime would have shot down; not merely him, but all his Scythian 112 A X A P N E IX GXX' metē) roës yépovras oik #36' truov rvXeiv. Jºnqío agrée xopis eival Tês ypapós, òiros &v fi Tô yépovt. plºv yépov kai voë0s à évväyopos 2 yep plew yep myopos, Toſs véotal 3' eipúm pokros kai AdXos X& KAeuvíov. káčeXaivetv xpi to Aottröv, kāv påym tis, (muloſiv Töv yépovta Tó yépouri, Töv véov 8é Tó vép. AI. * A2 gº, èvraú6' d'yopdºeuv tróat ITeXoſrovvmorious */ * y amº 2 ey * J amº. ôpot pºv dyopós elow of 3e tims épiñs. 720 ëéeoti kai Meyapeñori kai Botorious ép’ ºre troNeſv trpès épiè, Aapićx@ 8é pí. dyopavóptovs & Tris &yopós ko.6tatapal Tpets toūs Aaxóvras Toča'6' indivras k Aerpóv. relatives. As to the pre-eminence of the Scythians in archery see Xen. Mem. iii. 9. 2. “The Scythians,” says Socrates, “would not dare to fight the Lacedaemonians with shields and spears; nor would the Lacedaemonians be willing to fight the Scythians with bows and arrows.” 716. 6 KAelviou] This is the famous Alcibiades, still a young man, though already moticed by Aristophanes, two years previously, in his first play, the Banqueters. See the Introduction. The opinion which our poet entertained of the young scapegrace may be gathered from the circumstance that his name is here coupled with, and indeed seems to be intended as a sort of climax to, ô eipirpokros and 6 AdNos. 717. Káče)\aëvetvl Omitting for the moment the words kāv påym ris {muodv, we have in these two lines merely an adaptation of the often-quoted proverb #Aq rév fiXov čkkpoiſeuv, to drive out one mail by another; “clavum clavo eiicere,” Bodl. 488; Coislin 251; Diog. v. 17 (Gaisford's Paroem., pp. 57, 142, 194); or as Pollux (ix. 120) gives it in an iambic line, f\@ röv fiXov, trarráNº rôv trárraNov. The same proverb is adapted and amplified by Antiphanes in the lines preserved by Athenaeus ii. 20 (p.44) oivº [8é bet] row oivov čexaúvely 24Amiyya rāv ordMriyya, tº kāpuku rôv Boövra, and so on for four more verses. The passage of Antiphanes is cited and corrected by Elmsley, who however does not refer to the proverb on which both it and these lines of Aristophames are founded. See also Lucian, Pro Mercede Conductis 9; Pro lapsu inter salutandum 7; Plutarch de sanitate 11. It is one of the Adages illustrated by Erasmus. The words kāv qūyn ris, (mutov, inserted to complete the line can, I think, only mean, And if any one is already an eacile (in which T H E A C H A R N IA NS 113 Nay, but if ye will not leave us to our hardly earned repose, Sort the writs, divide the actions, separating these from those ; Who assails the old and toothless should be old and toothless too; For a youngster, wantons, gabblers, Cleinias' son the trick may do. So for future fines and exiles, fair and square the balance hold, Let the youngster sue the youngster, and the old man sue the old. DI. These are the boundaries of my market-place ; And here may all the Peloponnesian folk, Megarians and Boeotians, freely trade Selling to me, but Lamachus may not. And these three thongs, of Leprous make, I set As market-clerks, elected by the lot. - case a decree of banishment would be futile) to fine him, that is, to seize his goods. Elmsley's explanation, “And if any one will not obey this law, to fine him,” for which he refers to Demosth. adv. Lept., p. 498, and Andocides in Alc., p. 31, is quite unsuited to the context. And if by an alteration of the text we join the words ‘puyń (muodv, “to punish by exile,” as Thuc. viii. 21 and 73, Eur. Hipp. 1043, we get an impossible tautology with éée)\aúvetv. 719. Špot pièv dyopas] The Parabasis is over, and Dicaeopolis is at once dis- covered marking out the boundaries of his private market-place by certain landmarks, probably some of the stones which had formerly done duty as the Pnyx. I have always supposed that during the Parabasis the stage though empty was visible to the audience; but possibly the curtain was drawn up, and the interval utilized in preparing for the succeeding scenes; for example, the mimic Prmyx may have been removed in the Acharnians, and introduced in the Knights. This too would obviate the necessity of Mnesilochus and Critylla remaining on the stage during the Parabasis of the Thesmophoriazusae, and so theremarks in the note on Thesm. 785 would be founded on a misapprehen- sion. 721. Meyapeñoral Here again, as supra 624, 625, we have a foreshadowing of the three scenes which immediately follow. The Megarians may come to the private market (729–835); so may the Boeotians. (860–958); but Lamachus may not (959–68). 724. Maxóvras] That the dyopavópot were elected by lot we know from the Polity of Athens, chap. 51, where also their number and duties are given. K\mpoëvrai Öe kai dyopavópot, Tévi e pièv eis IIeupatéa, Trévre be els ágrw. rotrols öe 114 A X A P N E IX èvraúða piñre ovkopóvrms eiotro 725 pºſit’ &AAos éaris Paouavós éat' divāp. éyò & Tºv orij}\mu kað’ \v éatretorópumv A 3 ty A &v év távooë puérelp', iva o Tijolo pavepāv yopg. ME. &yopæ 'v A64vais Xaipe, Meyapeñoriv pixa. étróðovy tv vai Töv Pixtov &mep platépa. 730 dAA’, 6 troumpà kópty' &0\tov tarpès, dp/8are trottöv på88av, at X’ eipmté trg. inrö róv vápov ºrpoorérakral rôv čviov étiple\eloréat irávrov, Širos kaðapå kai dkigöm), a troXijrat. That they also had to keep order and to administer summary justice in the market is plain from 824 and 968 infra, and Wasps 1407. Here the dyopavópot are represented by whips or rather leathern thongs, ék Aerpóv, sc. 806v or kvvöv (80éotoruviudoru, ipºs követos). There is probably also an allusion to some incident connected with the Eleian town of Lepreum (Birds 149–51) with which we are now unacquainted. The Scholiast gives some additional and improbable ex- planations: ämö rod Aéreuv, 3 Öorru rôtreuv. Or again, baori Tà rôv \empáv 80ów 8éppara ioxvpå eival. Or again, Ört of Meyapets Aerpol rô orópia. Or finally, ăueuvov Aéyetv 3rt rámos ééo rod do reos Aetroös kaRoßplevos, ºv6a rà Suporeſa fiv. 726. Paortavós] Properly a man from Colchis-land and the River Phasis, whence the pheasant (Phasianus Col- chicus) derives its name. See Introduc- tion to Birds lii, liii. But here it involves one of the innumerable allu- sions to ovkoºpávrms, bāorts (an informa- tion), paivo infra 826. - 727. orrāAmy] The pillar on which was inscribed the treaty between Dicaeopolis and the Lacedaemonians. Treaties of Peace were commonly so inscribed, and frequently contained in themselves a provision that this should be done. Thus the Peace of Nicias was to be inscribed on no less than five orrºMat, one to be erected in the Acropolis of Athens, another in the sanctuary of the Amyclaean Apollo at Sparta, and the other three at the great gathering- places of the Hellenes, 'OAvputtiaori kai IIv6of kai 'Io 6p.6 (Thuc. v. 18). The treaty of Alliance which immediately followed was to be inscribed on two orrij}\al, one to be erected at Athens and one at Sparta, as before (Id. 23). The treaty made in the following year between Athens, Argos, Mantinea, and Elis was to be inscribed on four orrij}\at, one of bronze and three of stone; the bronze pillar to be erected at the com- mon expense at Olympia, and a stone pillar at Athens, Argos, and Mantinea. (Id. 47). The pillar on which was in- scribed the private treaty of Dicaeopolis is to be erected in his private Agora, and he leaves the stage ostensibly to T H E A C H A R N IA NS 115 Within these bounds may no Informer come, Or any other syco-Phasian man. But I’ll go fetch the Treaty-Pillar here, And set it up in some conspicuous place. MEGARIAN. Guid day, Athanian market, Megara’s luve! By Frien’ly Zeus, I’ve miss’t ye like my mither. But ye, puir bairnies o' a waefu' father, Speel up, ye’ll aiblins fin” a barley-bannock. fetch it; but he does not bring it back with him, and the real reason of his departure was to leave the stage empty for the entrance and soliloquy of the Megarian. 729. dyopa 'v'A6ávats] No sooner has he quitted the stage than a half-starved Megarian timidly enters, representing the first of the three classes mentioned in 721, 722 supra. He is so miserable and destitute that, in order to purchase the cheapest articles, and those which before the War were most plentiful in Megara, he is obliged to sell his own starving daughters. He speaks in Doric, but not absolutely as a Dorian would speak. Aristophanes seems to have selected such Dorian forms as he thought would be suitable to the rhythm of his own lines and familiar to an Athenian audience; just as Sir Walter Scott uses the Scottish idioms in his Waverley Novels. The editors who endeavour to turn the Megarian's language into the strictest possible Doric seem to me on an absolutely wrong tack, and I have not attempted to follow them. f 730, vai Töv pi\tov] He appeals to Zeus in his character of pi\tos the God of Friends) because he has just spoken of the Athenian market as ‘biXa to the Megarians, pi\tos is often used alone, as here, without the addition of Zeiſs. See the limes of Pherecrates cited in the Commentary on Eccl. 1160. In Lucian's Toxaris (11) an Athenian and a Scythian propose to recite in com- petition tales of Athenian and Scythian friendship, and agree to swear that their tales shall be true ones. “And which of our Gods shall I adjure ?” asks the Athenian, ap' iravös 6 pixios; and the Scythian consenting, he commences “”Iorro rotvvv 6 Zets 6 pixios, that the tales which I tell shall, to the best of my belief, be accurate and true.” The adjuration trpós pixiou is in very com- mon use as an appeal from one friend to another. Thus in Plato ; d.MAá plot eité rpós Pixtov, Euthyphron, chap. 6, Gorgias 75. And in Lucian, Icarome- nippus (3), De Dipsadibus (9), Rhetorum Praeceptor (4). 732. čušare k.T.A..] “Pro dvá8mre Tpós rºv på av čāv eşpmré Trov.”--Bergler. Actors coming on the stage from the side scenes are always supposed to I 2. 116 A X A P N E IX 3 . . /> * Af 5 5 A A A OLKOUET6: 87), Totexer epuv tav yaotepa' Törepa Tempāoróat Xpffööet', KO. ME. Trempôoróat Tretrpāq-6al. 5 Af 3. A éyòvya Kaūtós papu. } treuvāv kakós : 735 Af 2 6/ 3/ Tís 6' oitos évows ës ipê ko. Tpſalto, pavepèv Čapitav ; &AA &oti yap plot Meyapuká Tus playová. Af *A & \ A a- Af Xoipovs y&p Öpiè a keväoſas pooró (pépelv. trepſøea 6e Táoròe T&s 6TA&s róv Xolpíov. 740 ôtros & Sočeir ºptev ć dyadós $6s. d's vai Töv ‘Eppióv, airep ióeſt' oikaðus &Tpata, treupooreſoróe Tás Alpió kakós. &AA’ &pſpíðea 6e kai Tači Tà évyxia, º 3. kjºrettev čs Töv ord: kkov 68’ orgaívere. •º 745 ôtros 3& ypvXuéeſte kai koićete mount from a lower level. See the Commentary on Knights 149. And in my judgement the statement of Vitru- vius (v. 7), that the stage of a Greek theatre should be not less than ten nor more than twelve feet high, gives a correct idea of the height, in the time of Aristophanes, of the stage in the Athenian theatre. It was essential that the stage should be lifted far above the heads of the choreutae, otherwise the favoured spectators sit- ting in the front (which were also the lowest) tiers of the auditorium could have seen little or nothing of...what was passing on the stage. Of course the necessity for so lofty a stage disap- peared with the disappearance of the Chorus. 733. Tàu yaorépa) He should have said röv vodv, as in the corresponding line Knights 1014 drove 6m vuv, kai trpáo exe töv votiv šuoi. But he is appealing to their sense of hunger, and therefore substitutes rāv yagrépa as the seat of hunger. 735. KOPA.] Were these really chil- dren 2 or were they, as K. O. Müller suggests (Greek Lit. xxvii note), merely puppets, the sounds which they are sup- posed to utter being spoken behind the stage 2 It is difficult to say, but it seems to me more probable that they were two little boys. 737. qavepāv Čapitav! A manifest bad bargain. Alciphron (iii. 21 and 38) de- scribes a useless slave as {mpia kaðapá and Aapºrpä (muia. - 738. Meyapuká ris paxavá] The Mega- rians claimed to be the inventors of Comedy, but the more refined and polished Athenians derided the broad T H E A C H A R, NIAN S 117 Now listen, bairns; atten’ wi' a yere—painch; Whilk wad yeliefer, to be sellt or clemmed ? GIRLS. Liefer be sellt 1 MEG. An' sae say I mysel’ſ Liefer be sellt 1 But wha sae doited As to gie aught for you, a sicker skaith? Aweel, Iken a pawkie Megara-trick, I’se busk ye up, an’ say I'm bringin' piggies. Here, slip these wee bit clooties on yere nieves, An’ shaw yeresells a decent grumphie's weans. / For gin’ I tak’ ye hame unsellt, by Hairmes Ye'll thole the warst extremities o' clemmin’. Ne'est, pit thir lang pig-snowties owre yere nebs, An' stech yere bodies in this sackie. Sae. An' min’ ye grunt an’ grane an’g-r-r awa’, farce and buffoonery which constituted the Megarian idea of comic humour. See Wasps 57 and the Commentary there. Here Aristophanes appears to be apologizing for this scene of the “twa sma” piggies" by explaining that it is professedly a yeMoos Meyapó6ev ke- k\eppévos : a phrase which, as used in the Wasps, may possibly be intended to refer to this very scene. I have fol- lowed most recent editors in changing the MS. p.mxavā into paxavà, because it seems likely that Aristophanes, empha- sizing the non-Attic character of the scene, would be careful to use non-Attic forms throughout ; but I have not thought it necessary to follow them in writing in the next line Xoipos and qépev for the MS. xoipovs and bépetv. 743. &mpara] Unsold. This is Ahrens's conjecture for the rà trpāra of the MSS., which does not harmonize with the construction of the line. That the word “unsellt ’’ occursin my translation is a mere accident. I was not aware of Ahrens's conjecture when I wrote it. 745. orákkov] This was a piece of hair- cloth or sacking fashioned into a re- semblance of pig-skin and, when domned, covering the body of the child or pup- pet from the front to the hind legs. We must not think of it as a sack or bag opening at one end only, as the Com- mentators appear to do. When Wan Leeuwen, for example, says on line 766 “ porculam e Sacco protractam Dicaeo- polidi ostendit,” he does not realize that in taking the pig out of the orókkos he would be stripping off the pig-skin and showing that the thing within it was not a pig at all. 118 A X A P N E IX by the fire. Xàoretre pověv Xoupíov pivotmpuków. éyòv 8& Kapuś6 Aukatówoxiv Širg. Alkatówoxt, fi Añs trpſacréat Xoupſa ; AI. Tí divºp Meyapukós; ME. &yopóorovtes tropies. 750 AI. trós éxere ; ME. 8tarretváples &ei trottò trip. AI. dAA’ #86 rot vi) Tov At", āv ačAös trapſ. Tí ó’ &AAo trpdºrreó’ oi Meyapets viv; ME. oio. &#. ðka pièv éyò rmv66ev čuropewópav, &vêpes trpó8ovXot roſt' émpaa.orov Tó tróNet, 755 öros réxiata kai kāktor’ &moxofueða. AI. airík' ép' draxxâ€ea 6e trpaypºdrov. ME. ord pudv; AI. Tí 3’ &AAo Meyapoſ; trós 6 oriros évios; ME. Trap &piè troAvriuatos &mep Toi 6eoí. 747. Xotpiov pivornpuków] These were the sucking-pigs which were sacrificed to Demeter as part of the ceremony of initiation. See Peace 374, 375, Frogs 337, 338, and (in vol. vi., pp. 182, 183 of this edition) Menaechmi ii. 2. 751. Suareivapies] We have starving-bouts Even before the outbreak of the War the Megarians (we are told), owing to the exclusion decree of Pericles, began to starve by inches, éteivov 8áônv; and now they can do nothing but starve, one against the other. See Peace 483. Dicaeopolis understands, or pretends to understand, him to say Öuantivouev, we have drinking-bouts by the fire (mpès rô trip 8tarivovrás rekai ei oxoupévows, Plato, Rep. iv. 1), and thinks that if they have a piper to play to them over their wine they must be having a good time. In the translation the Megarian uses the word “greeting ” in the Scotch sense of weeping; the Athenian understands it in the sense of exchanging greetings with their friends. 753. oia 8%] Something must be under- stood with these two words, but it is not easy to say what. The meaning may be (1) such as they do or can, wrpár- tovoruv oia è?) trpárrovow. Compare Lu- cian’s Harmonides 2 where it is said “All the spectators can applaud or hiss, but only two or three or öorot 8:) (i.e. or whatever the number may be) are judges, kpivovorw Śorot 8:) kpivovorw: and the trpášaorav čos étrpačev of Agam. 1259. (2) such as you might eacpect oia è?) eikös, Eusebius, Mart. Pal. ix. 3; H. E. vi. 36 init. (3) “Est oia 3% idem fere quod Angli et Germani dicunt so so, Galli lò là" Dindorf; which I have adopted as a convenient, though inaccurate, form. - 755. &vöpes trpá8ov\ot] These were great officers of state, whose duty it was to devise the legislative measures T H E A C H A R N IA N S 119 An' mak’ the skirls o' little Mystery piggies. Mysel’ will ca’ for Dicaeopolis. Hael Dicaeopolis Are ye for buyin' onie pigs the day ? DI. How now, Megarian P How fare ye all? MEG. Come to niffer, guidman. MEG. A greetin’ by the fire. DI. And very jolly too if there's a piper. What do your people do besides? MEG. Sae sae. For when I cam’ frae Megara toun the morn, Our Lairds o' Council were in gran’ debate How we might quickliest perish, but an’ ben. DI. So ye’ll lose all your troubles. MEG. What for no? DI. What else at Megara 2 What's the price of wheat? MEG. Ochſ high eneugh : high as the Gudes, an’ higher. to be submitted to the Council or Assembly. They were usually found in oligarchies, and Megara no doubt had in these days an oligarchic constitution. Tptów oãorów dpxów (kað is aipoovrat rives dpxàs rês kvpious) voproºvXákov, trpoSoë- Aov, Bov)\ms, oi pièv voſtopſºakes àpuoro- Kparuköv, ÖAiyapxuköv 6' oi Tpó8ovMou, 8ovX) 8é Ömuoruköv, Aristotle, Politics vi. ad fin. ; cf. Id. iv. 12. 8. At the date of the Acharnians, trpá8ov\ot were un- known at Athens; but after the Sicilian catastrophe a board of ten trpá8ov\ot was instituted, as a sort of Committee of Public Safety. And in the Lysis- trata one of them is introduced, vainly trying to argue down the leaders of the recalcitrant women. 757. dra)\\ášeorée Trpayuárov) With this somewhat grim pleasantry may be compared the answer which the shade of the murdered Cleonice gave to Pausanias, who had called her up from the dead; # 3’ eis &Wriv čA60üora, taxéos éqn traúoraoréat rôv Kaków airóv čv 2ndpril yevópevov, alvitropiévm, Ös éolke, rºw uéA\ovorav airó re)\evrffv.–Plutarch, Cimon 6. So in the Troades of Euri- pides (line 272) to Hecabe's inquiry after her daughter Polyxena (who had, in fact, been sacrificed on the tomb of Achilles), Talthybius makes answer, “It is well with your daughter, éxet tróruos viv, &ar' dirmNAáx6at tróvov.” However, the expression is frequently used with- out any double meaning of this kind, as in Plato's Apology, ad fin. reëvávat kai ämm\\áx6at Trpayuárov 8éArtov fiv plot, and Phaedo, chap. 34 metóðv rehevrāorm, dirm MAéx0at Töv dwóportivov kakóv. 759. Iroxvriparos] This is a common epithet of the Gods (see the Commentary on Frogs 851); but here there is a play on the high price, ripº), of corn at 120 A X A P N E IX AI. &Aas oëv pépets; ME. oix ipês aßTóv ćpxete; 760 AI. oë8é aſkópoëz; ME. Toto, a kópoë'; 'pës Tów del, äkk' éogâmté, Tós doopaſot pºſſes, tröoroaki Tàs &yAl6as $opúa orete. AI. Tí óai pépets; ME. Xotpovs éyévya pivotikás. AI. Ka}\ós Aéyeus étrièeušov. M.E. &AX& pièv kaxai. 765 &vteuvov, al Afis' dºs Taxeſa kai ka Nó. AI. Tovti tí fiv to Tpáypia ; ME. Xolpos vai Ato. AI. Tí Néyets ord; Točari. Xolpos #8e ; ME. Meyapuká. # of Xoſpós éo 6’ 68’; AI. oëk épouye paivetal. ME. oi Selvd. , 660-6e Toijóe T&s dirtatios. 770 où patt Tävöe Xoſpov finev. &AA& pºv, ai Afis, Tepičov plot trepi 6vpuntièáv &Aóv, y /* } º a- t Ap Af ai puff 'o'Tuv oitos Xolpos EXAdvov vópiº). AI. dAA’ &otiv &vôpótrov ye. ME. vai Töv Auok\éa, Megara. The jest is borrowed by Anti- phames in a passage preserved by Athenaeus, vii. 55, to which Blaydes refers. 760. śas oëv qāpets;] We have seen supra 521, and we should keep in mind throughout this scene, that the Mega- rians had been accustomed to export to Athens à Xoupiðtov # orkópoãov # Xovôpots ăAas. Megarian salt was noted for its dry and pungent qualities. Pliny (N. H. xxxi. 41), speaking of the different kinds of salt, says “servandis carnibus aptior acer et siccus, ut Megaricus,” or to adopt Philemon Holland's transla- tion, “For to pouder and keep flesh meat, the dry salt, and quicke at tongues end, is thought to be meeter than other, as we may see in the salt of Megara.” But now, so far from being able to export salt, they have none for them- selves; because, as the Megarian says, the Athenians command their salt. For the saltworks were at Nisaea ; Śv Nuoraig Tns Meyapiðos àAes Tâyvvvral, says the Scholiast; and the Athenian control of them is referred, no doubt rightly, to the capture by Nicias, about a year and a half before the date of this Comedy, of Minoa (Thuc. iii. 51), the island or promontory which formed the harbour of Nisaea, Strabo ix. 1. 4. 762. čkk' éogâmre] "Oka is equivalent to Öre, Škka (Ška ka) to grav. Twice every year the entire Athenian army, both infantry and cavalry, poured itself over the little territory of Megara, de- stroying the crops and devastating the whole country up to the very walls of the town, Thuc. iv. 66; cf. Id. ii. 31. Plutarch (Pericles 30) says that the orrparmyoi, on assuming office, were re- T H E A C H A R N IA INS 121 Got any salt 2 DI. Or garlic 2 MEG. Ye're maisters o' our saut. MEG. Garlic, quothal when yeresells, Makin’ yere raids like onie swarm o' mice, Howkit up a the rooties wi' a stak’. DI. What have you got then 2 That’s good; let’s see them. MEG. Mystery piggies, I. MEG. Hael They’re bonnie piggies. Lift it, an’t please you; ’tis sae sleek an’ bonnie. DI. What on earth’s this? DI. A pig! What sort of pigº What! no a piggie that ? Tis awfu'ſ Uphaudin’ she's na piggie MEG. A piggie that, by Zeus. MEG. A. Megara piggie. DI. It doesn’t seem so. Och the disbelievin’ carle ! Will ye wad, My cantie frien’, a pinch o’ thymy saut She's no a piggie in the Hellanian use ? DI. A human being’s — MEG. Weel, by Diocles, quired to swear that they would con- tinue to make these regular invasions. 763. trāooraki] ‘Yarokopuarikós ré Tao- oráA®.—Scholiast. The word is used to show the minute completeness of the Athenian ravages. 769. Xolpos] The twenty-six lines which follow are largely occupied with a play on the double meaning of this word, viz. (1) a pig, and (2) rô yvvauketov aiðotov, which was doubtless portrayed on the ordkkos. 772. Tepiðov] Bet, infra 1115, Knights 791, Clouds 644. In the Knights, as here, the proposed stake is introduced by trept ; £66Ao trepi riis keſha)\ſis treptè6- oréat, I will stake my head on it. As to 6vumribav ćXàv, cf. 1099 infra. The ancients were accustomed to mix with their salt thyme and other aromatic plants. Mitchell refers to Pliny, N. H. xxi. 89 and xxxi. 41. I will give the passages in Holland's translation: (1) “When the stomacke riseth against meat and refuseth it, a drage or pouder of thyme with salt brings the appetite . againe.” (2) “Moreover there is a certain comfite or condited salt, com- pounded also with sweet spices and aromaticall drugs, which may be eaten as a dainty kind of gruel or sauce; for it stirreth up and whetteth appetite, eat the same with any other meats; in- somuch as amongst an infinit number of other sauces, this carrieth away the tast from them all, for it hath a pecu- liar smatch by it selfe.” ‘ENAdvov vögq), according to Hellenic usage: that is, in the Hellenic tongue. 774. Atok\éa] Diocles was an Athe- nian who in some great prehistoric battle fought and died in the Megarian ranks, 122 A X A P N E IX' épé ya. Tö 86 viv eiueval tívos Óokeſs; 775 # Afis &koúa'at póeyyopévas; AI. v.) roës 6eoës ëyoye, ME. povel 8) to taxéos, Xolpíov. où xpfia.0a ; otyás, 6 kákuot' diroNovgéva; tróAuv tv dirotoró vai Tôv ‘Eppióv oikaðus. KO. koi, kot. 780 ME. atra 'ori xoſpos; AI. vöv ye Xoipos paivetal. dràp Škrpapets ye kūa'60s total Trévr' érôv. ME. adºp' to 64, trottàv platép' eikaaffhaerau. AI. dAA’ oë8& 66alpós éativ airnyi. ME. ad pudºv ; trá 6' oix. 660 upés éatt; AI. képkov oëk éxel. 785 ME. véa yap Éotiv. dAA& 8expakovpuéva éfet pleyāNav re kai traxeſav kipwépáv. dAA’ ai tpd pew Afis, éðe rot Xoipos kaxó. AI. d’s évyyevils à kùa'60s airfis 6arépg. ME. Öpiopiatpía ydp &oti kāk toiró ratpós. 790 at 6' &v traxvv6ä kävaxvouavófi tpixi, ká\\tatos éo Tat Xoipos 'Appoëirg 66euv. AI. dAA’ oix: xoſpos tappoèirm 66eral. ME. oë Xolpos 'Appoëirg; p.6vg ya &alpióvov. kai yiyveraí ya rāvöe táv Xoipov to kpſis 795 &öuatov &v rôv éðeXöv dutretrappévov. giving his own life for the life of a youth to whom he was devotedly at- tached. In honour of his self-sacrificing friendship the Megarians instituted a festival around his tomb, wherein a prize was awarded to the boy who gave the sweetest kiss, Theocritus xii. 27–33. 778. oi Xphoróa ; ortyás ;] This, the Scholiast observes, he says aside, AeAmóó- ros, to the little pigs. I imagine that he says of xpmoréa to one, and ortyás to the other. If they won't speak he will take them home again, and what will then happen has been mentioned supra 742, 743. Év orion:hornre, says the Scho- liast, dropépa tráMy ipas oikaðexplóšovras. 785. képkov oik #xet] And therefore was not “perfect and without blemish,” and would not be an acceptable offering to the Divine Being. rā yāp ko)\oupå év raisiepovpyials of 66eral, kai ka06\ov 3rep ău pº iſ réAetov kai iryués of 66erat rols T H E A C H A R N IA NS 123 She’s mine; wha’s piggie did ye think she was Mon! wad ye hear them skirlin’? MEG. Now piggies, skirl awa’. I would indeed. DI. By the Powers, Ye winna? winna skirl, ye graceless hizzies? By Hairmes then I'se tak’ ye hame again. GIRLS. Weel wee wee MEG. What for no 2 DI. She’s no tail. MEG. This no a piggie 2 DI. Faith, it seems so now, But 'twont remain so for five years I’m thinking. MEG. Trowth, tak’ my word for’t, she’ll be like her mither. DI. But she's no good for offerings. What for nae guid for offerins? MEG. Aweel, the puir wee thing, she’s owre young yet. But when she’s auld, she'll have a gawcie tail. But wad ye rear them, here’s a bonnie piggie I DI. Why she’s the staring image of the other. MEG. They’re o” ane father an’ ane mither, baith. But bide a wee, an’ when she's fat an’ curlie She’ll be an offerin’ gran’ for Aphrodite. DI. A pig's no sacrifice for Aphrodite. MEG. What, no for Her l Mon, for hirsel’ the lane. Why there's nae flesh sae tastie as the flesh O’ thae sma piggies, roastit on a spit. 6eois.-Scholiast. The Megariam had given the little creature a pig's snout and feet and body, but had clean for- gotten the tail. 786. Sexpakovpiéval When it has grown to pighood; rods yap pleiſovas xoipovs 6éA- ‘pakas €ká\ovv, says the Scholiast, who also explains the words which follow HeyāNav rekai Traxétav by rºv rod dwópós tróorðmy. See Eccl. 1048 and the note there. 793. d\\'oïxi xoſpos] IIoMAoi Tôv ‘EA- Añvov of 600wort Xoipovs rà 'Aq poèirm, Ös 8öeMurrouévm 8ta röv "Aboviu airroës.— Scholiast. Adonis, the darling of Aphro- dite, was, as all know, slain by a “foul, grim, and urchin-snouted boar.” But the Scholiast is quite right in saying IIoMAoi Tôv ‘ENA#vov instead of oi “EA- Amves, for there were some Hellenic states in which it was customary to sacrifice swine to Aphrodite. See Athenaeus iii. 49. 124 A X A P N E IX AI. #8m 8' divew Tſis puntpos éo.6totev čv; ME. vai Tôv IIoTetêá, kāv čvev ya Tó trarpós. AI. Tí 8” a 6íet påAtota; M.E. trāv6' & ka Štěšs. airós 8' épôrn. AI. Xolpe Xolpe. KO. A. koi, koi. 800 AI. Tpdºyots &v épe/3ſv6ovs; KO. A. koi, koi, koi. AI. Tí Šaí; Pt36Aeos ioxáðas; KO. A. koi, kot. AI. Tí Óai ori; ; Tpdºyous āv; KO. B. koi, koi, koi. AI. Ös ééð Tpès rês ioxáðas kekpáyare. êveykóto Tus évôo6ev Tóv ioxáčov 805 toſs Xoupiðtotaly. &pa Tpdºgovtat ; 826ai, oiov 600uáçova', & troXvriplmö’ ‘Hpdik\ets. troëarrà tê Xoupí’; Ös Tpayaoraſa paíveral. ME. dAN’ oëti trča as katérpayov tás ioxáðas, éyò y&p airóv távöe piav divel»ópav. 810 AI. v.) Töv At dateſo ye Tö 800 kāplate: tróorov trptopiat orot rô Xolpíðua ; Aéyé. ME. To pièv &repov Totºrov, a kopóðov Tpotraxxf30s, 801. §pegiv6ovs] The épé8tv6os is the cicer or chickpea, a sort of pea very common on the coasts of the Mediter- ranean, the pod of which contains “two seeds, sometimes perfectly globu- lar with a short beak at the navel; sometimes angular and resembling a ram's head.”—Miller and Martyn. Cf. Pliny, N. H. xviii. 32. 802. PušáAeos toxáðas] Phibalis was a low-lying district of Megara on the border of Attica ; indeed, it seems to have been a debatable ground between the two countries. It was famous for its figs, which were thought the best for making ioryáðas, dried figs. PušáAeos is the adjective agreeing with toxáðas. Athenaeus (iii. 7) says that this fig is frequently mentioned by the Comic poets; rôv 8& kaRougévov Puša\éov orákov troNAoi Héuvnvrat rôv kopºètotrotóv. Phi- balis also, he tells us, gave its name to a myrtle. 803, ri Šal orá;] This sudden turning to the second little pig, who has kept silence during her sister's eager replies in the three preceding lines, seems to me to lend a very dramatic and viva- cious touch to the dialogue; and it is surprising that several recent editors have thought fit to omit the line; their main objection, apparently, being that it is not recognized by Suidas s. v. difla\ts. But there is really no reason why it should be. Suidas is dealing with the words pubăAeos ioxáðas, and he THE AC HAR NIAN S 125 But can they feed without their mother yet? MEG. Aught ye gie them. FIRST GIRL. Weel FIRST GIRL. Wee, wee, wee FIRST GIRL. Wee, wee SECOND GIRL. Wee, wee, wee' Yah MEG. Poteidan, yes! withouten father too. DI. What will they eat most freely? But spier yoursel’. DI. Hey, piggy, piggy DI. Do you like pease, you piggy” DI. What, and Phibalean figs as well? DI. What, and you other piggy” Dr. Eh, but ye're squealing bravely for the figs. Bring out some figs here, one of you within, For these small piggies. Will they eat them 2 Worshipful Heracles I how they are gobbling now. Whence come the pigs 2 They seem to me Aetallian. MEG. Na, na; they haena eaten a’ thae figs. * See here; here’s ane I pickit up mysel’. DI. Upon my word, they are jolly little beasts. What shall I give you for the pair? let’s hear. MEG. Gie me for ane a tie o” garlic, will ye, quotes lines 802 and 804, which con- tain the word ioxáðas, and omits line 803, which does not contain it. His doing so affords no ground for suspect- ing that the line did not appear in his copy of Aristophanes. 807. otov joðuá(ovo’] Merå fióðov kai Wróqov éorèiovauv.—Scholiast. The invo- cation of Heracles is a tribute to his traditional voracity. 808. Tpayaoraia] Of the Tragasaean breed, with a play on rpóyo, Tpayev, to eat. Tragasae was a little town in Troyland, famous for its salt, Athe- naeus iii. 3.; Strabo xiii. 1. 48; Pliny, N. H. xxxi. 41. It is introduced here merely for the sake of the pun on rpayeiv, and again infra 853 for the Sake of a pun on rpáyos, a goat. Eat- all-ians in the translation is intended to recall Aetolians. 809. dAA’ otra trágas] In the MSS. and in all editions before Bothe's second this line is continued to Dicaeopolis, and is taken to mean sed fieri non potest wt omnes caricas comederint. Bothe transferred it to the Megarian, and is followed by Bergk and several recent editors. And with some hesitation I have done the same. Dicaeopolis is amazed at the voracity of the little pigs. But, the Megarian replies in defence of his daughters, they did not really eat all the figs, for I was so hungry that I took one myself. - 813. gkopóðov rporaAAtôos] AtagóA\et 126 A X A P N E IX to 3’ &repov, at Afis, Xoivukos pióvas &Aóv. AI. &vija opiat orov trepipev' airoij. ME. Tatra öff. 815 º * > a *A a W 3 * Eppić 'putroAaſe, rāv yvvaſka rāv épáv ty y y Af An 3) y an A oùro p’ diro860-6at rāv tº éptavrò platépa. XT. &v6pore, troëatrós; ME. XotpotóAas Meyapukós. XT. T& Xoupíðua Toivuv čyô pavó taël troAépua kai oré. ME. Toâr’ékeſv', fret Trøtv 820 €7 y \ • an & e- 3/ 66evirep &px& Töv kaków &pitv čºv. XT. k\dov Meyapueſs. oëk dºpfforeis rôv orókov; ME. AukatótroXu AukatónToAt, pavráčopiat. AI. irrö Tod; ris à paívov a' éotiv ; ‘Ayopavóplot, toës ovkopávras of 6%paſ' ééeipšere ; 825 tui) plaðv paivets àvev 6pva\\{80s; XT. of y&p pavó toos troXepiſovs; AI. KA&ov ye gi), ei pº 'répoore ovkopavtågets Tpéxov. ME. oiov to kaköv čv Tafs 'A6&vals toūr' évi. AI. 64ppel, Meyapík'. &AA’ is rô Xoupíði' &méðov 830 tipiſs, Aa3& Tavri rô a kópoèa kai toys &Aas, rows Meyapéas, 3ri eis rooroorov \6ov Trevias &s rà rékva troMeiv Šeoplot okopóðov kai Xoivukos d\óv' rporaMAls öé à 8éopm róv okopóðov. dareios 3& 6 Meyapets àua kai treptiradºs raûra trapá rod Aukamoré- Atôos (mrei & trpárepov oi Meyapets àAAous trapetxov.–Scholiast. 816. Eppä 'uroMate] Dicaeopolis goes into the house, to fetch the salt and the garlic. The Megarian, left on the stage, expresses his joy at getting rid of his two daughters in exchange for such trifles as these ; and calls on the God who presides over all trafficking (see Plutus 1155) to give him the chance of making the like bargain with regard to his wife and his mother. In the midst of his rejoicing he is surprised by the appearance of a Sycophant or Common Informer. These were the pests of Athenian life, the counterpart of modern blackmailers, the pernicious fruit of the permission given by Solon's laws for any one who liked, rö 8ov\opévº, to take proceedings against an evildoer. Another informer is brought on the stage infra 910–58; a third in Birds 1410–68; and a fourth in Plutus 850– 957, where see the Commentary. 820. roër’ reſvl A common exclama- tion of recognition, Here it comes / Here it is again t Birds 354, Frogs 1341, Plutarch, Marcellus 17 (3), Flamininus 9 (4), and frequently elsewhere. The T H E A C H A R N IA NS 127 An’ for the tither half a peck o’ saut. DI. I'll buy them : stay you here awhile. MEG. Aye, aye, Traffickin’ Hairmes, wad that I could swap Baith wife an’ mither on sic terms as thae. INFORMER. Man! who are you? INF. As enemies MEG. Ane Megara piggie-seller. Then I’ll denounce your goods and you yourself MEG. Hech, here it comes again, The vera primal source of a our wae. DI. (Re-entering.) Where is he? Market-clerks, INF. You’ll Megarize to your cost. Let go the sack. MEG. Dicaeopolis l Dicaeopolis Here’s a chiel Denouncin’ me. Why don’t you keep these sycophants away? What! show him up without a lantern-wick? INF. Not show our enemies up? DI. You had better not. Get out, and do your showing other-where. MEG. The pest thae birkies are in Athans toun DI. Well never mind, Megarian, take the things, Garlic and salt, for which you sold the pigs. Megarian recognizes in these Athenian informers the real cause of the War (see supra, 517–22), and finds himself at once attacked by the new comer. Meya- pueſs merely means You will hold your- Self out as a Megarian. 824. ‘Ayopavóplot] They had indeed been elected for the express purpose of excluding informers from the market, 723–6 supra. 826. paivets] paivetv, beside its general signification of giving light to, was also specially employed, as indeed it is two lines above, in the restricted sense of denouncing, informing against; and in that sense helped to build up the com- pound ovkopávrms. Here we have a play on these two uses of the word: the Informer is addressed as if he were a lantern trying “to give light without a wick.” And from a comparison of this line with 917 infra we may per- haps infer that jests of this kind were in vogue at the date of the Acharnians. 827. k\dov ye orá) He borrows the threat which the Informer had used five lines before, and the dyopavópol, the leathern thongs, are so obviously about to exercise their power of inflicting punishment on the intruder that he thinks it safer to take to his heels at once. ei puj in the next line, as fre- quently elsewhere, is equivalent to dAMá. 128 A X A P N E IX kai xaſpe tróAA’. AI. ME. trately p’ &At tëv på88av, at ká ris Ště%. XO. y e, 2 ey eijöalploveſ y áv6potros. ME. &AA’ &piv oëk émixóptov. 3. troAvirpaypoorđvm vvv és kepa Miiv Tpétrottº èplot. & Xoupíðia, trelpfia 6e kävev Tó Tarpos 835 y 3/ º AP oùk #kova as of trpoſłaivet to trpáypia toû BovXeūpatos; Kapiróa'état y&p &våp 3. y an A év táyopſ ko.6%uevos. “A 9 /e Af köv eio'ín Tus Krmorías, # avkopóvrms &AAos, oi- pºſov ko.6eóeſ rat' 840 3. a a oö8’ &AAos div6pótrov in ovová v ore trmuaveſ twº * C oë8' ééopépéeral IIpétis riveipurpooktíaſ orot, où8' diarieſ KAeovápago' 832. dAN' àpiv K. T. A.] That is, rô Xaipeiv. There is a similar play on the word in Eur. Hec. 427, Or. 1083, Phoen. 618. So in Heliodorus (Aethiopics ii. 21) Cnemon, meeting an old man on the banks of the Nile Tpóra pièv Xaipeiv exéAeve ; but the other said oi Śāvaoréal, étrelëi) pil of rºo orvpgaivetv airº trapá ràs rüxms. So in Latin, when two lovers are parting, and one says “Vale !” the other replies “aliquanto amplius vale- rem, sihic maneres.”—Plautus, Asinaria iii. 3. 2. And see 176 supra. 833. troMumpayuoorºvn) Then may my officiousness (that is, the blessing I in- voked where it was not wanted) return on my own head. Another reading is troXvirpaypooróvns' O the busybodiness of *ne 1 836. sióatpovet] The Megarian goes out with his salt and his garlic, and Dicaeopolis retires into his own house with the two little pigs he has pur- chased. The Chorus, delighted at the summary expulsion of the Informer, expatiate on the advantages which the private agora of Dicaeopolis will have over the public agora of the Athenian people, in that it will be purged of the obnoxious personages who are accus- tomed to frequent the latter. See the passage cited from Demosthenes in the note to Plutus 903. He gives the names of seven of these objectionable dyopalot, four of whom, Cleonymus, Hyperbolus, Pauson, and Lysistratus, are familiar to all readers of Aristophanes; the other three, Ctesias, Prepis, and the younger Cratinus, are mentioned in this Comedy only. The choral song is divided into four stanzas, each consist- ing of six lines, the first five iambic, the sixth glyconic. It has little interest or beauty. Aristophanes had not yet T H E A C H A R N IA N S 129 Fare well DI. MEG. That's na our way in Megara toun. Then on My head the officious wish return MEG. O piggies, try withouten father now To eat wi' saut yere bannock, an’ ye git ane. CHOR. A happy lot the man has got : his scheme devised with won- drous art Proceeds and prospers as you see; and now he’ll sit in his private Mart The fruit of his bold design to reap. And O if a Ctesias come this way, Or other Informers vex us, they Will soon for their trespass weep. No sneak shall grieve you buying first the fish you wanted to possess, No Prepis on your dainty robes wipe off his utter loathsomeness. - You’ll no Cleonymus jostle there; developed his full lyrical powers. Blaydes in both his editions proposed to change #kovo as into hkoúorar', and this is approved by Meineke; but the singular is employed throughout : ore or orot will be found in each of the three remaining stanzas. 839. Krmorias] That this was some well-known informer is plain from what follows. He and all other informers will rue it if they take their seats in this agora. Dicaeopolis will sit there to enjoy himself; they will sit there to their cost. oiplôſov is equivalent to the k\dov of 822, 827 supra. 842. intolovăv) “Yarovovelv means to slip in before another and purchase the articles of food he intended to buy; whether by getting the start of him, or by overbidding him, or in any other way.' 843. IIpétrus] The Scholiast says &s karamäyov kopºpóstral à IIpétrus, which of course is evident from the present line. With ééopâpéeral Porson compares Eur. Bacchae 344, where Pentheus says to Teiresias, “Do not touch me plmö' ééopiépéet Hopiav Tiju ohv ćuot.” 844. KAeovápºp] Of Cleonymus, now ridiculed as a glutton, and later, after the battle of Delium, as a coward and a jiyagirus, we have already heard supra 88. He is ridiculed in every extant Comedy down to and including the Birds. And see Thesm. 605 and the note there. 130 A X A P N E 1 > X\aivav 8' xov paviv 8tel' 845 koč, ćvvrvXóv or’‘TrépêoXos * 5 Af ôuków divarAmorel. 2 * oë8' évrvXöv čv táyopſ? Tpóoretorſ orot Bačićov * y Aº *A an * Kparivos dºtrokekapplévos plot)(Öv pué playaipº, º Af 2 Af 6 treputróvmpos Aprépov, 850 845. (pavāv) Clean, unsoiled, Eccl. 347. We are of course to understand that if a marketer came into contact with Prepis or Cleonymus his clothes would not remain unsoiled. 846. “YirépôoAos] Hyperbolus, who succeeded Cleon as the leading Athe- nian demagogue, is as well known as Cleonymus to the reader of these plays. He is mentioned in every extant Comedy down to and including the Peace; and again in the Thesmophoria- zusae and the Frogs. Here it is his litigiousness that makes him objection- able; and we are told in Clouds 874–6 that he had spent a considerable sum in acquiring the tricks of litigation. Probably some of his legal proceedings were of a sycophantic character: at other times he may have been active in prosecuting the debtors of his mother's money-lending business. See Thesm. 839–45. 849. Kparivos] Ośros pleMāov troumrås. Kopºeirai Öe étri piouxeig kai Ös dorépuos keupópevos.-Scholiast. In a matter of this kind the Scholiast's authority carries little weight; but in my judge- ment he is right in holding that the Cratinus satirized here and 1173 infra is not the famous Comic poet, now according to tradition upwards of ninety years of age, who is satirized with such great good humour in the Knights. There the enormous popu- larity and success of the old poet are so fully recognized that the Satire is in great part unstinted eulogy. He is represented as a grand old veteran “who has sung a good song in his time, Although he is now past his prime,” and has become more devoted to the Flagon than to the Comic Muse. And even in his jovial old age, the pro- posal is that he shall be honoured with a seat in the theatre beside Dionysus himself. The Cratinus of the present play is an utter rascal, Tepitróvmpos, whose presence pollutes the Athenian agora, a wretch to be classed with such pests of society as Prepis and Pauson, fit only to be pelted with dung. This is not the way in which one great poet would satirize another. And indeed Aristo- phanes seems to have elaborated the description of this Cratinus for the express purpose of making it clear that he was not here attacking his redoubt- able old antagonist of the Comic stage. In this description there is not a word that is suitable to the Cratinus of the Knights: the whole scope of the satire here is inconsistent with the satire there. The remainder of the line is T H E A C H A R N I A N S 131 But all unsoiled through the Mart you’ll go, And no Hyperbolus work you woe With writs enough and to spare. Never within these bounds shall walk the little fop we all despise, The young Cratinus neatly shorn with single razor, wanton-wise, That Artemon-engineer of ill, well explained by the editors from Kuster downwards to mean that this Cratinus was a Kmtroköpas, a dandy who wore his hair in the fashion called kijmos. 860 6é etón kovpas, says the Scho- liast on Birds 806, orkdquov kai kſimos. rô pév oëv okáquov, rö év Xpg | 685 kſimos rô Tpó perómov kekoopmoréat. As to the orkáquov see the Commentary there and on Thesm. 838. In the kijiros the hair on the front was gathered up into a sort of topknot rendered more con- spicuous by the surrounding hair being (not cut with scissors, but) shaven clean off with a razor. Hesychius, s. v. kimos, thus explains it : eiðos kovpas àv of 6pur- rópevol ékeipovro às étrimav čv pitā Paxaipg. And again, s. v.v. puá pazaipa, he says, Tiju Aeyopévmu kātrov koupåv puã paxaipa ékeipovro. Eustathius on Iliad xii. 314 knmos, KaNNotruopios köpins kai kovpas àuá- 6eoris róv év kepaxi, rpaxóv. The term páxalpa was applied to both razors and scissors, but the former was a pia, the latter a Sutram, pláxalpa. The kniros was obviously a smart foppish coiffure, and here, as a reflection on Cratinus's morals, the poet substitutes for the word the objectionable term poixós. 850. 6 treptiróvmpos “Aprépowl IIapó riv trapotputav rºw “IIspugbópmros 'Aprépov" eiori 83 °Aprépoves 800.-Hesychius. Artemon was a common name, but Hesychius means that there were two of the name to whom the description 6 trepuqépmros, the carried-about Artemon, applied; as to which see Plutarch, Pericles 27. The earlier of the two lived before the Persian Wars, and Aristophanes is referring to a poem (in choriambo-iambic metre) which was written about him by Anacreon, and is in part preserved by Athenaeus xii. 46. The poem is quoted and reduced into shape by Elmsley here. To Eury- pyle, the golden-haired, sings the poet, the carried-about Artemon, 6 repubópmros 'Aprépov, is dear; he who erst was wear- ing a mean and scanty garb, and wooden tokens in his ears, and round his ribs a bull's bare hide, and associating, the wile Artemon, 6 trovnpös 'Aprépov, with baking-girls and harlots. And oft was his neck under the yoke or upon the rack, and his back wealed with the leathern scourge, and his hair and beard plucked out. But now he ascends a car, and his ear-rings are of gold, and he bears an ivory sunshade in his hand. In his changed fortune he became so delicate and affected, Plutarch tells us, that in- doors two servants held over his head a shield of bronze, that nothing, falling from above, might hurt him ; and when K 2. 132 A X A P N E IX 6 taxºs &yav Tiju plovo.uköv, ěšov koköv Tóv plaq XaXáv tratpos Tpayaoraiov. y º * où8’ ač6ts at ore aków, eral IIaſa'ov 6 traputróvmpos, 2 an Avatarpatós T' év táyopó, XoAapyéov čvelêos, 855 6 Trepta\ovpyös toſs kakoſs, guyóu te kai treuvöv del TAeſv # Tpudkov6' juépas toū pumvös ékáortov. BO. it to HpakXfis, ékapıöv ya rāv TóXav kakós. 860 he went out they bore him from place to place in a litter nearly touching the ground, whence he acquired the nick- name of IIeptºpópmros. For the benefit of Cratinus, Aristophanes blends the two names which Anacreon had given to Artemon, 6 Treptºpópmros and 6 Tovmpös, and calls him 6 treptiróvmpos “Apréuov, doubtless intending to imply that he too associated with diptotróAtolv kai é6e)\otrópyots. The second Artemon was the engineer of Pericles during the operations in Samos, and being lame he had to be borne in a litter from place to place round the military works, whence he too was greeted as 6 IIeptq6- pmros, no doubt with a reminiscence of Anacreon's lines. - 851. 6 raxis àyav Tiju provo.ukňv] If these words are correct, which I doubt, they must refer either to the rapidity with which he composed his lyrics, or to the rapidity of the melodies themselves. The line is omitted in the translation not, I think, from the difficulty of rendering it, but because the effort to make it clear that this Cratinus is not the Comic poet left no room for its occupation. 853. Tpayaoratov] See 808 supra and the Commentary there. Here the play (which is not preserved in the transla- tion) is on rpáyos, a goat; Suá ràv Tóv Tpáyov Švooötav einev, as the Scholiast says. The joke is more common in Latin than in Greek authors; and Com- mentators have already quoted such passages as Catullus 69. 6, Horace, Epode 12. 5, and the like. º 854. IIașorov) Of Pauson, the “utter rascal,” the animal painter and carica- turist, and of his chronic state of starva- tion we shall hear again, Thesm. 949, Plutus 602, where see the Commentary. In the Thesmophoriazusae he so enjoys the Thesmophorian fast that he prays for it to continue for ever; but even so, Lysistratus appears to outdo him, since he contrives to enjoy a fast of more than thirty days, in a month which consists of T H E A C H A R N IA NS 133 Whose father sprang from an old he-goat, And father and son, as ye all may note, Are rank with its fragrance still. No Pauson, scurvy knave, shall here insult you in the market- place, & No vile Lysistratus, to all Cholargian folk a dire disgrace, That deep-dyed sinner, that low buffoon, Who always shivers and hungers sore Full thirty days, or it may be more, In every course of the moon. BoEOTIAN. Hech sirs, my shouther’s sair, wat Heracles! thirty days only. Lysistratus appears to be not only starving himself, but also an associate of starving men, being coupled here with the famished Pauson, and in Knights 1267 with the famished Thumantis. See also Wasps 787, 1802. XoAapyeſs, the deme to which Pericles belonged, was a deme of the tribe Acamantis; its situation is unknown. Treptaxovpyós, double-dyed with villamy, as if with purple. - 860. tro ‘Hpak\ſis] Now enters a Boeotian, representing the second of the three classes mentioned above, 721. He is no starveling, as the Megarian was, but a hearty well-fed countryman; nor has he to sell his daughters by a farcical Megarian trick; on the contrary he is carrying such a load of Boeotian produce—game, fish, fowl, and articles of all sorts—that his shoulder fairly aches with the burden. He brings with him a servant to assist in carrying the goods, and also some of those Boeotian pipers who were in great request in ancient times as indeed they still are. See the note on Peace 951. He com- mences his first speech by invoking Heracles, and his second by invoking Iolaus, the two Boeotian heroes, uncle and nephew, celebrated in the Victory- Song with which both this play and the Birds conclude. See the Commentary inf. 1227, and on Birds 1764. That irrao (for to ro) is the regular Boeotian form of adjuration we know from the Phaedo, chap. 6 (p. 62 A), where Socrates says to the Theban Cebes: “If it is some- times an advantage for a man to die, it may possibly seem wonderful that he must not confer that advantage on him- self, but must obtain it from some other benefactor.” Kai 6 Ké8ms àpéua émiye- Aáoras"Irro Zeis, épm, rà airot qoun simóv. And cf. infra 911. TóAm, which properly signifies the callosity formed on the shoulder by the yoke (rod ópov rô rervXo- pévov Schol.), is here used for the shoulder itself; kapov rôv 6pov kakós, as the Scholiast says. *.( 134 A X A P N E IX karáðov tº rāv y\áxov' &rpépas, 'Iaplivixe" ūpies 8', Śorou GetSaôev ai)\ntal trópa, Toís éotivous quoreſ re Tov trpooktöv kvvós. AI. trai' is kópakas. A / 2 & * y 2 tróðev trpoo’étrav6' oi kakós &m oxoſpevot & ar. 5 9 * * * of a pikes of k &nd Töv 6vpóv; 865 étri Tºv 6%pav plot Xalpuéeſs 3opffaij}\lot ; BO. \ \ } T / 3. Af 2 º' Ap vei Tôv 'IóAaov, Štruxapirros y’, 6 £éve' Geiðaðe yöp (pworávres ééóttia 66 pov Táv6eta rās y\dºxovos drékučav Xapaí. dAA’ et tt BoöNet, Trpio.oro, Tóv éyò pépo, 870 Töv ćproxixov, ) Táv terpartepvXXíčov. AI. 6 xaſpe, koxNikopóye Bolotíðtov. 861. y\áxov'] y\áxov (Attic 3Añxov, Peace 712), our pennyroyal, is a sort of mint “mentha pulegium,” and like our spearmint, peppermint, and some other mints is possessed of valuable medicinal qualities. It is, or at all events was, supposed to be useful in dyspeptic and hysterical ailments. 863. roſs Šarivous] Aeimei Tô ai)\ots, étrel Tö traMatöv diró rôv éAaqelov čarrów Kare- orketaſov roës ai)\otis.-Scholiast. The words rôv irpokröv kvvös are commonly supposed to be the tune which the Boeotian is calling upon the pipers to strike up; as we might say Play the Fool's March. And this seems to have been the view of the Scholiast, who says that they are a koppiórtov diró ris trapoupias “és irpokróv kvvös 3Aére,” and refers to Eccl. 255. And Thesm. 1175 is cited in support of the same explanation. But I think that Bergler is right in suggest- ing that the musicians were dorkaðAat utricularii, playing something in the nature of the Scottish bagpipes, and that the bag may have been made of dog-skin, and so be literally a trpokrös kvvós. And this seems to me to be strongly supported by the language with which Dicaeopolis salutes their strains; for the drone of the bagpipe, to a person not fortunate enough to be a Scotchman born, may conceivably bear some faint resemblance to the buzzing of innumer- able wasps or bumble-bees, to which the clear notes of the ordinary pipe or the flute could not reasonably be com: pared. 864. Traù’és köpakas] Dicaeopolis comes out in a fury, unable to appreciate the delightful drone of the bagpipes, which he likens to the buzzing of wasps or bumble-bees. The Greek name for a bumble-bee is 80p6vXués (Wasps 107), but Aristophanes interpolates an ù in the second syllable in order to connect it with ai)\ós. rô 8é 80p6vXuès év trpoo 6éore, toū a pm 80p6qūNuos, traigov trapá ràv ai)\óv. —Scholiast. The pipers are described as Xaupiðeis, of the clan (or family) of Chaeris, T H E A C H A R N IA NS 135 Ismeny lad, pit doon thae pennyroyal Wi’ tentie care. Pipers wha’ cam’ frae Thaibes Blaw oop the auld tyke's hurdies wi' the banes. DI. Hang you ! shut up ! Off from my doors, you wasps Whence flew these curst Chaeridian bumble-drones Here, to my door? BOE. Get to the ravens ! Hence 1 An’ recht ye are, by Iolaus, stranger. They’ve blawn behint me a the wa” frae Thaibes, An' danged the blossom aff my pennyroyal. But buy, an’t please you, onie thing I’ve got, Some o’ thae cleckin or thae four-winged gear. DI. O welcome, dear Boeotian muffin-eater, the dismal Theban piper of whom we heard supra, 16. 867. Tixapirros] The jolly Theban farmer does not take his customer's objurgation amiss, but at once sides with him against the pipers. He is careful not to mention the fact that he him- self had just given them the order to strike up. 871. ÖpraNixov] No doubt, as Elmsley observed, the words used in this line are intended to include all “aves et their own. quadrupedes,” fowls of the air, and four- footed beasts of the field; but of course they have also a special meaning of "OpréNuxol, which properly is equivalent to veoorool (Agamemnon 54 and Bp. Blomfield there), in the Boeotian dialect signified cocks. Öpra- Aixov' rôv d\ekrpvóvov kará ràv rôv Botorów Świąekrov, Scholiast; and Dindorf refers to some lines from the Phoenissae of Strattis preserved by Athenaeus xiv. 15 (p. 621 F). £vvier’ obôèv, traora Omēafov tróAus, où8év tror’ &AA’ of trpºra pučv rºv ornitſav ômt0orfaav, dis Aéryovo’, Övopºdgere, Töv &Aektpuðva 6° àpráAuxov, K.T.A. rerparrepvX\iðes, the Scholiast says, are locusts. But the Boeotian does not mean the word to be so understood here. If it is not, as it may be, equivalent in the Boeotian dialect to rerpánoča, he is sub- stituting one word for the other by way of a joke. 872. ko)\Atkoºpäye] KóNAuč eiðos āprov Teptºpepods.-Scholiast. It is by Athe- maeus iii. 78 said to be the same as the kóAAa30s, which was a small roll of a milky white colour, made of fresh wheat and eaten hot. Id. 75. See the Commentary on Frogs 507. A X A P N E IX tí pěpels; \ * * BO. §a’ ariv dyado. Botorois &m Aós, éptyavov, y\axó, lºud.60s, 6pva}\Aſ8as, váororas, koxotós, òtrayós, pakapiðas, Tpoxi\os, KoMápagos. 875 AI. Öotrepel Xelpióv ćpa éputéias eis rºv dyopæv čAñAvôas. kai pièv pépo Xóvas, Aayós, dA6trekas, orkáNotras, éxivos, aieXoëpos, truktíðas, iktíðas, éváðptas, Éyxé\ets Kotraičas. 880 º Af *A /* 5 Aº A & Tepitvöratov or répaxos div6pótrous pépov, ôós plot trpoo’ettreſv, ei ºpépets, tos éyxé\ets. BO. Aº A. Z * Tpéo Belpa Trevrákovra Kotráðov kopāv, ék&6, Tóðe, kātrixápittai Tô £évº. AI. & plºtárm or kai troºal troflovpuévn, 885 #A6es troffeuwij pušv Tpvy pèukoſs Xopoſs, 875. vägoras] In Peace 1003–5 we have a similar but much shorter enumeration of the fowl and fish brought in times of peace from Boeotia to the Athenian market. In each of the two lists the pre-eminence is given to the Copaic eel, a full account of which will be found in the Commentary on the Peace. The birds mentioned in this and the follow- ing line are identified in the Introduc- tion to the Birds. The vågora (vitra), the wild duck ; the ko)\ouðs, the jackdaw ; the drrayås, the francolin; the paxmpis, the coot; the rpoxi\os, a general name for the birds (comprising plovers, sand- pipers, dunlins, curlews, and the like) which run beside the waves in search of food, and of which the dunlim is there selected as the type; and the kóAvg60s or ko)\vpſ3is the diver or grebe. 876. Xelpêv ćpviðias] A bird-gale, a gale that brings the birds. Since Walsh's time, if not before, the recognized translation has been fowl weather. The āvepot 3pwu6tat were north winds which prevailed in the spring; oi éputéial kałośpievou, Éapivot rues êvres àvepot, 8opéat eiori rº, yévet, Aristotle, De Mundo 4. They are really Etesian winds, but are more gentle, and come later than the winds usually called by that name, Id. Meteorolog. ii. 58. 879. a.káNotras] Moles, from a káAAo to dig. O'KáAoy' dortráMač, Öov yeapúxov, tvq?\óv.—Hesychius. In some parts of Boeotia moles are very common. Blaydes refers to Aristotle, H. A. viii. 27.2 €v rij Botoria dairáNakes trepi pièv rôv’Opxoplevév troMAoi yivovral,évôéri Asgaëtakfi yearvuòorm oùk eioriv. The éxivos is our hedgehog or wrchin. Trikris (otherwise trukris), a writing tablet, is doubtless inserted to rhyme with irrus, which by some naturalists is supposed to be the beech weasel: easels and weasels may perhaps be accepted as T H E A C H A R N IA NS 137 What have you there ? BoE. A that Boeoty gies us. Mats, dittany, pennyroyal, lantern-wicks, An' dooks, an’ kaes, an’ francolins, an’ coots, Plivers an’ divers. DI. Eh P Why then, methinks, You’ve brought fowl weather to my market-place. BOE. Aye, an’ I’m bringin' maukins, geese, an’ tods, Easels an’ weasels, urchins, moles, an’ cats, An' otters too, an eels frae Loch Copais. DI. O man, to men their daintiest morsel bringing, Let me salute the eels, if eels you bring. BoE. Primest o' Loch Copais’ fifty dochters Come oot o' that ; an’ mak’ the stranger welcome. DI. O loved, and lost, and longed for, thou art come, A presence grateful to the Comic choirs, a sufficient approximation to truktíðas, tkrušas. It is strange that Commentators should persist in supposing trukribes to be some unknown animals; they do not suppose Wrić60s, 6pwax\iðas, supra 874, to be some unknown vegetables. And nothing is plainer than that the Boeotian's store contained not only eat- ables, but other articles for use in the house; rā uév év oikia Xphorua, rå Ö' ad Trpéret X\tapå kareo 6iew, infra. 975. 881. & reprwórarov Possibly the Boeotian had not completed his list of good things, but on hearing of Copaic eels Dicaeopolis cannot contain himself, and begs for an immediate sight of these long-lost favourites. 883. Trpéo Seipa k. T. A.] This line is parodied from the "On Aov kpious of Aeschylus. There the fifty Nereids rise from the water to take part in the de- cision about the armour of Achilles, and Thetis, their chief, is addressed as 8éotrowa trevrákovra Nmpfföov kopów. The names of the fifty Nereids (of whom Thetis was one) are given by Hesiod (Theog. 243–62). See Pindar, Isthm, vi ad init., Eur. Andr. 1267, Iph. in Taur. 274, Ion 1082. 885. 3 (pt)\rérm] The address of Dicaeo- polis to the eel is that of a lover to his mistress; though his devotion is omi- mously intermingled with allusions to the brasier, the charcoal fire, and the fire-fan to be employed in cooking her, and the beet wherewith she is to be garnished. 886. Tpuypôukois xopois] To the Comic Choruses. He is thinking of the étri- vikia, the triumphal banquet to which the Chorus would presently be invited by the Choregus. So in the Pelargi he speaks of the francolin as the most delicious viand to be enjoyed at these 138 A X A P N E IX píAm & Moptyºp. ôpióes, ééévéykare Tºv čaxápav plot 8eſpo kai rāv Āitríða. orkélag 6e, traíðes, Tºv &ptormv ćyxeXvv, #kovo av čktºp ué\ts étel Tobovpévmv. 890 Tpooreſtrar' air v, & Tékv' &vépakas 8 yd) ūpiſv trapééo Thorēe Tſis £évms x&plu. dAA’ &K pep' airffv. p.m.8é yép 6avóv trote oroú Xopis simu èvrerevTAavopévms. BO. AI. êuoi & Tuuä Tāorêe tró Af * Al Al oroe Irg yeumo'etat; 895 3. * Af Af 2 Af y 2 dyopós téAos Tatºrmv yé Trov 86aeus épioſ. 9 an * a d'AA' ei ti troXeſs Tóvěe Töv ćAAov, Aéye. BO. ióya Taüra travra. # popti" rep' évrej6ev čkeſa' d'Éets; AI. # képapov. à Tu y Éat' v A6ávais, év Botoroforty & puff. dqūas āp' déets trpláplevos Paxmpukås BO. dºpt as # képaptov; &AA’ &vt’ékéſ. AI. pépe, tróorov Aéyéus; BO. ió) 900 2 are a º &AA’ 8 ru rap’ &piv ºff 'ott, Táče 8' at troXú. entertainments, drrayås jötorrow élrew év étruikious kpéas, Athenaeus ix. 39. It is plain that the Choregus was expected to provide for these banquets all the delicacies of the season. 887. (blåm 8é Mopéxpl Morychus was the famous epicure of the day, and apparently the Copaic eel was his favourite dish. For both in Wasps 506 and in Peace 1008, as here, the fish is connected with his name. In the for- mer passage the mention of Morychus at once calls up a remembrance of the eel; in the latter, as here, the mention of the eel at once calls up a remem- brance of Morychus. See the Com- mentary on both those passages. 889. Traičes] These are the domestics who are addressed above as 8p16es and below as rékva. They have now brought out the éoxápav and the fittièa, and are invited to salute the eel, which is still in the Boeotian's basket, though fully exposed to view. She is not brought out of the store and handed over to Dicaeopolis until he says dAN’ expep' airºv, for airly there is plainly the eel, and not, as some have suggested, the €oxápav or the fittriba. 890. gkrø ret] As to the method of calculation by which Aristophanes made this the siath year of the war, see the note on 266 supra. 893. p.möé yāp 6avóv trore.] He is paro- dying the conclusion of Admetus's ad- dress to his wife, who is giving her life for his. He will be buried by her side, he says, T H E A C H A R N IA N S 139 And dear to Morychus. Bring me out at once, O kitchen-knaves, the brasier and the fan. Behold, my lads, this best of all the eels, Six years a truant, scarce returning now. O children, welcome her; to you I’ll give A charcoal fire for this sweet stranger's sake. Out with her Never may I lose again, Not even in death, my darling dressed in—beet. DI. And at what price? BoE. I’se swap BoE. Whaur sall I get the siller for the feesh 2 DI. This you shall give me as a market-toll. But tell me, are these other things for sale? BOE, Aye are they, a thae goods. Or would you swap for something else? For gear we haena, but ye Attics hae. DI. Well then, what say you to Phaleric sprats, Or earthenware 2 BOE. Sprats 1 ware we’ve thae at hame. Gie us some gear we lack, an’ ye’ve a rowth o’. plmöè yöp 6avów trore ood xopis eimv, Tſis plóvns traorºs épot. 895. €uoi 8é] The matter-of-fact Boeo- tian has no sympathy with the airy fancies of the Athenian, especially when he finds that under cover of this poetic rhapsody his finest eel is in course of abstraction. 896. dyopas réAos] "E60s fiv to tra)\atov, ôs kai pièxpt roß vöv, roës év tá áyopá Trumpāorkovras réAos 8v86val rois Aoyto rais. —Scholiast. That is to say, there was, as Boeckh observes, an excise duty pay- able to the public treasury on every article sold in the public market. Dicaeopolis institutes a similar duty, for his own private benefit, in his own ALC. 367. private market. 901. d45%as # képapov) Anchovies or pottery. These articles, as the Boeo- tian says, he could procure at home : yet not of a quality equal to those he could obtain in Athens. For the Phaleric anchovies were the finest in the world: see the note on Birds 76. And as to pottery, Blaydes refers to Athenaeus i. 50, where it is said éraweīrat āvros 6 'Arrukös käpapos. In- deed the invention of the potter's art is ascribed by Pliny (vii. 57) to Coroebus of Athens. 140 A X A P N E IX AI. yöða Toivuv, ovkopóvrmv čaye, éotrep képapiov čvömorápuevos. BO. vei Tô Xuà), 905 Adéoupt pévr&v képôos dyayêv kai troXi), âtrep tríðakov &Airpías troXXás TAéov. AI. Kai pºv 66i Níkapxos épxetal pavóv. BO. pukkös ya pučkos oitos. AI. &AA’ &mav kakóv. NI. Tavri Tivos tº poptí' éatí; BO. Tóð’épê. 910 Geiðaðev, irro Aeës. NI. §yö totvvv 68: paivo troXépua Taüra. BO. Tí Šai kaköv traffèv ôpwarrettotal tróAepov #po kal padyav ; NI. kai oré yé pavó Tpès rotorêe. BO. Tí &öukeupévos ; NI. yö ppgoro orot Töv trepteordºrov Xápu. 915 ék Töv troAepiſov y’ eio &yets 6pva\Atôas. AI. Tetta paíveis 87ta Ště 6pva\Atôos; NI. airm yöp patrońoretev &v to veóplov. 904, ovkoqāvrmvj Here, at all events, 6eſov, is seen approaching. The Scho- is an article peculiar to Athens, see the note on 816 supra; and the Boeotian is quite willing to strike a bargain, and to take this unknown and wonderful animal back for exhibition in Thebes, as (ārep = &otep) a monkey full of every kind of mischief. 905. rô, 246] Bergler observes that as “ the Two Gods" in the mouth of a Spartan would mean the Dioscuri, Castor and Polydeuces; and in the mouth of an Athenian woman, Demeter and Persephone; so in the mouth of a Theban the phrase would mean Am- phion and Zethus, the twin sons of Zeus and Antiope. The adjuration på röv Zijóov occurs in the Gorgias. 908. Nikapxos] No sooner is a syco- phant wanted than Nicarchus, Öortrep kará liast, who says 6 Nikapxos kopºeirai Ös ovkopävrms' pavów Śē Karayophorov, must have considered him a real person. He is at this moment pursuing his vocation, walking through the agora (the private agora) seeking some victim against whom to inform. See Demosthenes, First against Aristogeiton 63. 910. Töö' épá) Aeukrukós, dvri rod toū8' épá.—Scholiast. They belong to me here. Nicarchus, as Brunck observes, catches up the Boeotian's phraseology, and replies Then I here, éyò 6öl, denounce them. - 912. TroMéula] It must be remembered that, outside the private market, both Megarian (supra. 820) and Boeotian goods would, in fact, be enemies' goods, and as such liable to confiscation. That T H E A C H A R, N IA NS 141 DI. I’ll tell you what ; pack an INFORMER up, Like ware for exportation. BoE. Mon! that’s guid. By the Twa Gudes, an’ unco gain I’se mak’, Takin’ a monkey fu' o' plaguy tricks. DI. And here's Nicarchus coming to denounce you! BoE. He's sma’ in bouk. Dr. But every inch is bad. NICARCHUs. Whose is this merchandize? Frae Thaibes, wat Zeus, I bure it. Denounce it all as enemies BoE. 'Tis a mine here. NIC. Then I here BOE. Hout awa, Do ye mak’ war an’ enmity wi' the burdies 2 NIC. Them and you too. BoE. What hae I dune ye wrang? NIC. That will I say for the bystanders' sake. A lantern-wick you are bringing from the foe. DI. Show him up, would you, for a lantern-wick 2 NIC. Aye, for that lantern-wick will fire the docks. there was any special prohibition of the importation of 6pva\\íðes or any other of the Boeotian's stores, as Casaubon and Boeckh appear to think, is out of the question. None was needed. There could be no peaceful commercial deal- ings between countries at war with one another. 915. Töv repueo rôrov xápu) These words are apparently a parody, or an allusion to some well-known phraseo- logy. Dobree thinks that he is laugh- ing at the language of the Orators, and refers to Demosth. De Corona 249 (p. 293), where the speaker says, “I go into these details trpès ipas, &vöpes Suka- orrai, kai roës Trépteorm Kóras Bev kai dkpoopévous, for as to that skunk" [Aeschines] “I have a short and easy way with him.” And Blaydes adds a similar passage from the speech against Conon 55 (p. 1269): “I am willing to swear iplôv évéka, 3 àvöpes àukaarai, kai rów Trepteorm Károv.” And if this was a commonplace with the orators a cen- tury earlier, it is doubtless to this that the poet is alluding. 916. 6pva\\iðas] We are told, supra 874, that 6pwa)\\iðes formed part of the Boeotian's cargo ; and now his com- modities, and the 6pva)\\iöes among them, are exposed to view for the cus- tomer's inspection. 918. Šumpfforeiev] Probably some at- tempt upon the arsenal was feared at this date. Panics of this kind would naturally arise from time to time. Mitchell refers to the case of Antiphon, who in pursuance of a promise made to Philip (so Demosthemes declared) 142 A X A P N E IX AI. NI. évôels &v és Tipmy dump Bouérios Af veóptov 6pvaxXís; oipol, tív. Tpótrø; 920 &\las &v eiotrépºretev čs to veóptov 8t' 58poppóas, 8opéav čTutmpffo as piéyav. kettrep X680tto Tóv veóv Tó trip &maš, * J. orexayoivr’ &v at pums. orexayoſvt’ &v Štrö tipms Te kai 6pva\Aíðos; NI. Haptºpopat. * 2 AI. 6, kākuat' diroXotºpieve, 925 AI. §vX\{p}av' airod to otópla: entered Athens for the purpose of firing the arsenal, Demosthenes de Co- rona 168 (p. 271); and to Deinarchus against Demosth. 98 (p. 102); and to Alciphron i. 32, where one courtesan, writing to another, says, “If you ask the man for anything, &Wret oreavrºv # ra veópta épattempmkviav # rows vópovs kara- Ašovorav,” meaning that he will accuse you of those crimes. To Athens her fleet was all in all, and she could hardly be too careful of its safety. 920. Tiqnv] Tiq mu oi 'A6mvaiou ka)\odot rºv ka)\ovuévny oriNºmy. Éott 8° (àov kav- 6apóðes.—Scholiast, Suidas. And Aelian, viii. 13, couples the riq m with the or pow- öö\m, which is another kind of beetle, Peace 1078. The lantern-wick is not to be tied to, but to be stuck into the beetle, and then lit; whereupon the beetle, carrying the lighted wick, would be launched along a watercourse to the ships. This is the ancient and I think the true explanation of the passage; and its absurdity, so far from being an argument against it, is to my mind a strong argument in its favour. But two other interpretations of riqn have been proposed: (1) that it means a small boat. So far as I know the only ground for this suggestion is that Suidas, s.v. oriNºm, after defining ot\pm to be eiðos (oughtov, adds kai oriNqas Aéyovow etón drartov. But both Suidas and the Scholiast give to riq m one meaning only, viz. a kind of beetle otherwise called oriNºm, and when we are told that oriNq.m, in fact, is the name of a beetle, its analogy with tiq\m is exhausted, and the further observation that some small boats were called oriNghat has nothing whatever to do with riq m. And indeed even this use of oriNºm seems to belong to a later age, since the Scholiast on Peace 143 says that some boats were called káv6apot, Ös NYN oriNºbas ruvâ Aéyovatv dratiov etón. (2) That it means a stalk of some kind of corn called rtºn, frequently mentioned in Theo- phrastus. And in this connexion Elmsley quotes, from note 20 to chap, lii of Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Anna Commena's account of the Greek fire which, she says, was inserted eis at Niorkovs kaAduov. This would make good sense, but it is not countenanced by any of the old grammarians, and deprives the answer of Nicarchus of the extreme T H E A C H A R N IA N S 143 DI. A lantern-wick the docks 1 NIC. O dear, and how 2 If a Boeotian stuck it in a beetle, And sent it, lighted, down a watercourse Straight to the docks, watching when Boreas blew His stiffest breeze, then if the ships caught fire, They’d blaze up in an instant. DI. Blaze, you rascal What, with a beetle and a lantern-wick 2 N1c. Bear witness | DI. Stop his mouth, and bring me litter. absurdity which it was certainly de- signed to exhibit. 922, 8t' tºpoppóas] Along a watercourse above or under ground. The Scholiast says iópoppóa kaRetrat rô Hépos ris a reqa- viðos 8t' of rô diró roo 3p3pov 58op ovvayó- pevov karépxeral. But though that may be the meaning of the word in Wasps 126, it is not its meaning here. Here it signifies a water-channel by which the superfluous water was carried down from the city into the sea at the Peiraeus. Bp. Wordsworth (Athens and Attica, chap. ix) noticed two of these water- courses still remaining, channelled in the rock, one on each side of the road, leading towards the Peiraeus. Infra 1186 the word is used for an open gutter. 924, oreMayoivr' àv alqvms] Will blaze up in a moment. Śāv dyntal, bmori, plávov, eč6ös katovrat.—Scholiast. The MSS. have ore)\ayóivr' àv ai vis, or ai vijes or ai vijos, and so all editions before Brunck. But this was obviously wrong, and so clear was the meaning required that Pierson's substitution (from the Scholiast) of eiðūs for ai vijes, though bearing no resemblance to the MS. reading, has been adopted by Brunck and practically all other editors. Bothe in his first edition (A. D. 1828) suggested at puns, but did not read it, nor did he repeat the suggestion in his second edition. And the conjecture was inde- pendently made by C. J. Brennan in the Classical Review for 1891. It seems to me a most felicitous and certain restoration, satisfying every condition. The mere fact that the simple form is not elsewhere found in the scanty relics of classical literature, except in a very doubtful passage of Euripides (Iph. in Aul. 1581), is absolutely unimportant, when we consider the frequent occur- rence not only of ééaiqums, but also of aiq viðtos and āq vo. 926. paprºpopal] Dicaeopolis lays hands on Nicarchus, who incontinently calls the world to witness the assault. The Scholiast says that Dicaeopolis strikes him, but though the exclama- tion paprápopual is frequently called forth by a blow, that is hardly likely to have been the case here. Dicaeopolis is seeking to secure the Informer, not to frighten him away. 144 A X A P N E IX 8ós plot popurov, v' airóv čvöſja as pépo, ôotrep képapov, tva pū katayfi popoćplewos. XO. A gº *A 3. *A £évo kaxós Tºv ŠpitroMºv oùtos étros âu pº pépov katášm. AI. 3/ 6 ſº e a ëvömorov, & 8éAttore, Tà 5 W Æ a 2 y Aº époi plexfloret Taijt’, Étret [otp. 930 to kai lºopeſ A&Mov tu kai Trvpoppayes káAAos 6eolouv čx6póv. XO. AI. Af AP Aº y *—S • Tu Xpmo'etal trot avtºp; 935 tróyxpmatov dyyos éotal, kpathp kaków, tputthp 8uków, paivetv Štrevóóvows AvXvoß- Xos, kai köté *A Aº 2 3 a. t& Tpdypiat' éykvkāo.6al. XO. Af A Af yeiº touctºrq Xpópevos * } \ 2 3. trós 8' &v Tretrov6oín Tus dy- [ävt. 941 927. qopuróv] Litter (see supra, 72), such as packers are accustomed to stuff in about fragile articles to prevent their breakage. As to the words évôňoras $épo, it is plain that the packing up is to be done by Dicaeopolis, and the carrying to Thebes by the Boeotian. q}{po, therefore, in this line can have no reference to the journey to Thebes: the words must mean that I may tie him wp, and carry him across the stage to the Boeotian. 929. Évömorov K.T.A..] This little iambic system, strophe and antistrophe, was first arranged in its proper shape by Elmsley (adloc.) and Gaisford (Hephaes- tion mote to v. 1). Dobree, in Porson's Aristophanica. 119, says that Porson had arranged it in the same manner; I suppose, in his copy of Portus. Each strophe consists of three stanzas of four lines each (two dimeters, one mono- meter, and one dimeter catalectic); and between the second and third stanza, in each strophe, are interposed two dimeter catalectics. 937. Kparºp kaków] Here, as Bergler observes, it is the Informer himself T H E A C H A R N IA NS 145 I’ll pack him up, like earthenware, for carriage, So they mayn’t crack him on their journey home. CHOR. Tie up, O best of men, with care The honest stranger’s piece of ware, For fear they break it, - As homeward on their backs they take it. DI. To that, be sure, I’ll have regard; Indeed it creaks as though 'twere charred, By cracks molested, And altogether God-detested. CHOR. How shall he deal with it? For every use ’tis fit; A cup of ills, a lawsuit can, For audits an Informing pan, A poisoned chalice Full filled with every kind of malice. CHOR. BUT WHO can safely use, I pray, A thing like this from day to day who is called a cup full of evil things; but in the Agamemnon the same words are used by Clytaemnestra to denote the calamities which, according to her, the King of Men had brought upon his house; rooróvãe kparſip' év 8ópous kaków Śēe | TAfforas K.T.A.—Ag. 1368. On Tpurrip buków the Scholiast says 8éov simetu èAaôv Ó Sé eine Suków, and Elmsley quotes from Pollux (vii. 151 and x. 130) § 8é Kparºp eis by droppet roi, Aatov ro trieſ duevov, rpurràp. The inrei,6vvoi are the officials who at the expiration of their tenure of office are rendering an account of their administration to the public auditors, a proceeding during which they were in much peril from demagogues and informers. See Knights 259, 825, and the Commentary there. The words AvXvoixos paivetv carry on the double meaning of paively explained in the note to 826 supra. With köNiš €ykvkāoróat we should have expected qāppaka, as Elmsley observes; but Ari- stophanes substitutes the surprise word ºrpáygara, which means troubles, bothers, especially those connected with vexa. tious litigation. 146 A X A P N E IX kat' oikiav too.6v8' dei Nropodvtt; AI. ioxvpóv éotiv, &yá6', 30t' oëk &v karayein trot', et- Trep Šk Troööv 945 Katokápa kpépiatto. XO. #öm kaxós éxel orot. BO. puéA\o yé rot 6eptóðetv. XO. &AW, 6 &#vov 8éAttore, ovv- 6épiće, kai trpógga)\A §mov 8otſ\et pépov 950 Tpès travta ovkopóvrmv. AI, p.6\is y Évéðmora Töv kakós diroMotuevov. aipov Aa3&v Töv képapov, & Bolérie. BO. Strökvarte Tāv TúXav ióv, 'Io puſivixe. AI. Xámos karotoreus airov et Maſłońuevos. 955 Trávros pièv otoels of 8&v Öyvés, dAN' àuos' 945. €x moëóv karaokápa] If he were to be hung up by his feet with his head down- wards. The Informer was first of all to be tied safely up with a rope round and round him. Then he is to be showed into the Boeotian pack (eis odkkov, as it is said in the Argument to the Play), with litter stuffed in about him. I imagine that Dicaeopolis, as he speaks this line, is suiting the action to the word, and showing him in head fore- most. 947. HéN\o yé rot 6epiööew] It seems clear that the Boeotian is responding to the congratulations of the Chorus, and means I shall make a good thing out of this, troMi képôos as he said supra 906. Ös yeopyös pnot, HéA\o 6epiſsiv, kai péA\o kepèaivew moºd kai Kapirotorðat.— Scholiast. Two other explanations have been offered : I am going back to Boeotia to carry my harvest; but, beside the utter irrelevance of the remark, the scene is laid in the winter time: see infra 1075, 1141, 1146. Others would translate I am going to collect my goods; but there were no goods, other than the Informer, for him to collect. Every- thing else had become the property of Dicaeopolis. T H E A C H A R, N IA N S 147 In household matters, A thing that always creaks and clatters? T)I. He's strong, my worthy friend, and tough: He will not break for usage rough, Not though you shove him Head foremost down, his heels above him. CHOR. (To Boeotian.) You’ve got a lovely pack. BOE. A bonnie hairst I’se mak’. CHOR. Aye, best of friends, your harvest make, And wheresoe'er it please you take This artful, knowing And best equipped Informer going. DI. 'Twas a tough business, but I’ve packed the scamp. Lift up and take your piece of ware, Boeotian. BoE. Gae, pit your shouther underneath, Ismeny. DI. And pray be careful as you take him home. You've got a rotten bale of goods, but still ! 951. Trpès Trävra] For every purpose. We should have expected these words to be followed by something equivalent to Xphoruov, “useful for every purpose,” like the tróyxpmorrow &yºyos of 936 supra; but Aristophanes trapā trpoorbokiav sub- stitutes ovkopávrmv, an informer for every purpose. With this use of Trpès trävra compare such passages as Xen. Mem. iv. 6.9, where Socrates asks, “If you call a body, or vessel, or other thing ka)\öv, do you mean trpós Távra ka)\ów, or kaśāv for its own special purpose ?” The Scholiast's explanation that mpès trävra orvkoºpávrmy means “on any muck-heap " is neither good Greek nor good sense, and is rightly rejected by almost every commentator. 954. Ömdkvarre rav ráAavl Bend down and put your shoulder underneath. It is like the intočávre pud), 3ka of Iliad xvii. 717, where Aias is directing Mene- laus and Meriones to stoop and raise the body of the dead Patroclus, whilst the two Aiantes stem the fierce onrush of the Trojans with Hector storming at their head. 956. GMA’ 5pos] Some would supply otorets and others sixagoû, but though in lines 402 and 408 supra, where the L 2. 148 A X A P N E IX kāv touro kepôāvms &yov to poptiov, as 9 eóðaipovija’ets avkopavtóv y oiveka. AtkatótroXu. G) EP. AI. Tís Éott; ti ple Soorpeſs; ékéAeve Aduaxós are taúrms Tās 8paxuñs OEP. & Tu ; 960 3. * gº a * els toºs Xóas airó pueraðotival rôv kixAöv, Tptóv Špaxplov 8 €kéAeve Kotróð’ &yxeXvv. AI. G)EP. AI. 6 trotos obros Adºplaxos Tºv ćyxeXvv; ô Öeuvös, Ö taxatipuos, Šs rºv Topyóva TáNAet, Kpačaívov Tpets karaokſovs Aópovs. oùk &v på At', ei Šoin yé plot Tºv dormièa. 965 dAA’ tri Tapixel toys Aópovs kpaëawéro: “A y 5 Af * 3. 2 an #v 3’ &moxtyaívn, toys &yopavópovs kax6. phrase is merely supplemental to the speaker's previous request, it is right to supply the preceding verb ékkáAeorov or ékkvk\#6mru, yet here it appears to be merely equivalent to a shrug of the shoulders and is purposely left vague. 959–68. The Megarians and Boeo- tians were licensed to deal (supra 721), and they have dealt with Dicaeopolis in his private market ; Lamachus was prohibited from dealing there, and now this prohibition is about to be enforced. The servant of Lamachus comes out of his master's house to purchase fish and fowl for the impending Pitcher-feast. He speaks in so loud a voice that Dicaeo- polis responds ri pie Boarpsis: Why shout at me 2–Birds 274, Lys. 685. 961. rows Xóas] We are suddenly, without any preparation, introduced to the fact that this is the festival of the Xóes, which was the second day of the Anthesterian Dionysia, and was cele- brated on the twelfth day of Anthe- sterion. See the Commentary on Frogs 216. What is the reason of this 2 It does not arise out of the special plot of the play; it has nothing to do with the Private Peace; it is to be celebrated by the whole body of Athenian citizens; as well by Lamachus and the War- party, as by the man who has made his peace with Sparta. I believe that the Anthesterian festival was really taking place at Athens at the time of the exhi- bition of this Comedy; or, in other words, that the Anthesteria was not a different festival from the Lenaea, but was merely a name given to the Lenaea from the fact that it was celebrated in the month Anthesterion. It is obvious from the present play that there was on the day of the Xóes a great public entertainment, to which, according to T H E A C H A R N IA NS 149 And if you make a harvest out of him, You'll be in luck’s way, as regards Informers. SERVANT. Dicaeopolis I Why? DI. Well? why are you shouting 2 SERV. Lamachus bids you, towards the Pitcher-feast, Give him some thrushes for this drachma here, And for three drachmas one Copaic eel. DI. Who is this Lamachus that wants the eel ? SERV. The dread, the tough, the terrible, who wields The Gorgon targe, and shakes three shadowy plumes. DI. An eel for HIM 2 Not though his targe he gave me ! Let him go shake his plumes at his salt fish. If he demur, I’ll call the Market clerks. a very common custom, the banqueters brought their own provisions. oi yāp ka)\otivres émi beinvov orreſpávous kai piùpa kai rpaympara kai äNAa rivă rotaúra traperi- 6eorav, oi 8é kakoúplevot depov Vrijuara kai kiorw kai Xóa.—Scholiast. Lamachus therefore proposes to take with him a Copaic eel and some thrushes, two of the greatest delicacies in the way of fish and fowl; and we shall presently see how ample a provision Dicaeopolis prepares for the banquet. 964. 6 Setvös k.T.A..] Lamachus is de- scribed by epithets befitting War or the God of War. See Peace 241. The terms are partly Homeric, partly Aes- chylean. Homer thrice calls Ares raMačpwov troNepuorºv, Iliad v. 289, xx. 78, and xxii. 267. And Tydeus in the Septem (379) rpets karaokious Aópous 2eist. “Cristam quatere,” says Bp. Blomfield in his Glossary on that pas- sage, “terrificum putabatur.” 967. Ti rapixel] Over (or at) his salt (or pickled) fish; a soldier's fare. Tooro yāp €v roſs troMéuous jo.6lov.–Scholiast. And hence, in a later scene, while Dicaeo- polis is packing up hares and thrushes for the feast, Lamachus starting on a military expedition is obliged to con- tent himself with a 6ptov rapixovs, 1101– 10. After émi rapixel we should have expected something like “let him eat his dinner,” but Aristophames substi- tutes trapā trpoorbokiav, “let him wave his roe is karaokiovs Aóqovs.” 968. #v 8' diroMyaivn] 'Eóv 8é 6opv6ñ, ) ôééos Boã (trapá rà Avyi) kaxéoro kar’ airoß roës dyopavónovs. Méyet 88 rows indivras, offs dyopavópovs jöm karéormorev ăvo.—Scholiast. Stridule queratur; see Bp. Blomfield on Septem 867. If Lama- chus raise a shrill cry of objurgation at his exclusion, Dicaeopolis will lay into him with the thongs which he has con- stituted his market clerks. 150 A X A P N E IX éyò 8 pavré, Tóðe Aa3&v to poptiow * Aº eforelp' tirai irrepòyou kixAáv Kal Kolºixov. XO. etēes 6, eiðes, 6 trāora tróAt, röv ppóvipov čvěpa, Töv intéporopov, 970 ſo Tp. of exe, a treuordplevos épitropik& Xpñpata 8tepatroX&v, º \ V y 5 /* (?)]/ TOZ piev €1/ otkug Af M S’ ^ Aº Xpmatpua, ta o av Trpetrel XAtapå karea'6ſelv. 975 3 A 2 × 2 n \ a N / Af airópata trávt’ dyabó tº ye tropićetal. où8éror' éyò II6Aepov oikað’ intoëééopal, 3 Q\ > y Af * £ Af J/ où8è trap' époi tore Tov Applóðuov ša'état 980 Af évykarakAlveis, Štt tropoivuos &viip pu, ºf 3 * , 2 5 2. A 2 x/ 2 2 ãortus étri tróvt’ &yd.6’ exovtas Štrukopidogs, 969. £uavrò For my own use. Cf. infra 1138. The Market-scene is over, and the three visitors, the Megarian, the Boeotian, and Lamachus, have all been dealt with in accordance with the rules laid down in 721 supra. The re- mainder of the Comedy is entirely taken up with the Anthesterian banquet, for which the Boeotian luxuries have so opportunely arrived. These, röös rô qopriov, Dicaeopolis now takes into the house; he presently throws out (what purports to be) the feathers of the birds which he has plucked for cooking (988); then we find him engaged in the process of cooking (1005–47); and finally he packs them up in his refreshment-basket (1098–1142) and departs with them to the feast. 970. intal arrepúyov] Both here and in Birds 1426 we have the form intai (not in 6) with wrepôyov, because in each case the poet is quoting an old song, 6 rpátros Troumrukós' says the Scholiast, pupieira 8: rô pléAos. 971. eiðes & r.T.A..] Between the mar- keting scenes and the banqueting scenes Aristophanes interposes a strophe and antistrophe containing an idyllic de- scription of War and of Peace. War with its terrible devastation of the quiet Athenian homesteads and its destruction of their vineyards is de- picted as a drunken reveller, breaking in upon some happy company, upsetting the furniture, and throwing everything into confusion. Peace who is here, as in Lysistrata 1114, represented by AtaxMayi), Reconciliation, is described as a beautiful damsel, whose surpassing loveliness the old Acharnians have never perceived till now, and in whose com- panionship they long to enjoy the simple blessings of a country life. Each T H E A C H A R N IA NS 151 Now for myself I’ll carry all these things Indoors, to the tune o’ merles an’ mavises wings. CHOR. Have ye seen him, all ye people, seen the man of matchless art, Seen him, by his private treaty, traffic gain from every mart, Goods from every neighbour; Some required for household uses; some’t were pleasant warm to eat; All the wealth of all the cities lavished here before his feet, Free from toil and labour. War I’ll never welcome in to share my hospitality, Never shall the fellow sing Harmodius in my company, Always in his cups he acts so rudely and offensively. Tipsily he burst upon our happy quiet family, strophe commences with a few lines in commendation of Dicaeopolis and his private treaty. Save that, as in the very similar system, Wasps 1275–91, the concluding line of each strophe is a trochaic tetrameter catalectic, the entire Chorus is in that cretico-paeonic metre which Aristophanes so much affected in his younger days, and which in these earlier comedies is always constructed with such artistic care. The first six lines, usually crushed up into three or four, are given in the text exactly as they stand in the Ravenna MS.; lines 4, 5, and 6 each consisting of a paeon and a cretic, a very melodious metre, the beauty of which is altogether lost in the ordinary arrangement. The nine lines which follow allow of no exchange of paeons and cretics; as in the similar system in the Wasps, each consists of three paeons followed by one cretic. This was a famous metre, troNu- 6púA\mrov Hephaestion calls it in his thirteenth chapter. 'Etrurmöečova w, he says, Évuot rôv troumrów rot's trpórous kakov- pévows trauðvas trapakapığávelv, trºv ris teNevraias Xópas, eis fiv rév Kpmruköv trapa- \appāvovorw. Otro yodu rôtroXuépôNAmrov Terpáperpov avvrtóéaoruv of trapáðetypa €k rów 'Aptorroſpávows Tecopyóv' (from which he cites a couplet, and continues), kéxpmrat Sè airó kai év &A\ots 8pápagu ô 'Apiaroqāvms, kai év 2%méiv (1275) 6 pakápt' Airópºeves, Ös ore Hakapišouev. 980. Töv Appéðtov]That is, the Scolium of that name; the various forms of which are collected in the Commentary on Wasps 1225. See also infra 1093. War, they mean, shall never take part in our friendly festivities. 982. Trávr’ dyá6’ exovras] In the piping times of Peace they had trävr' àyabâ, as Dicaeopolis, and only Dicaeopolis, has 152 A X A P N E IX 5 2 A \ 3 / 3 - A eipydoraro Trávra kak& kävérpetre kóšéxel, y Af * Af * Af kápióxeto, kai Tpooréti troXX& Trpoka}\ovuévov, trive, katóketo'o, Aa3& Tſvěe pixotmatav, *A a * V * 3/ a * Tås Xàpakas firre troXī) pāAAov črt tº trupi, 985 3 º Aº 3. anº º a égéxel 6' plov 8tz Tov oivov čk Töv ćpiréAov. eiðes dºs étr+épo- [divt. 3. a at taí tº tri Tô 8eirvov ćua kal peyāAa. 8) ſppovet toū 8íov 8' ééé8axe ôetypa Tů8e rà iſ repā trpo Töv 6vpóv. 6, Kárpuði tā kaxfi kai Xàptort taſs pi\ats §övtpope AtaxAayil, Ös kaxov čxovoro. To Tpégoirov &p éAáv6aves. 990 trós &v épè kai oré ris "Epos évvayóyot Aa3&v, éotrep 6 yeypoppiévos, exov atépavov &v6épov; “A # tróvv yepóvtuov toros vevåpukás pie ori; ; mow (978 supra); but when War came blustering in everything was changed, Trávra kakā sipyāorato. 985. q i\ormoriav. The kūAué ºptAormoria (Lys. 203) was the loving-cup, the cup o' kindness handed round for each guest to drink, as a pledge of peace and friend- ship. This custom, well known in our Oxford colleges and elsewhere, still prevails in modern Greece.—Dodwell i. 157. The loving-cup is frequently mentioned in ancient writers. In Achilles Tatius ii. 2 Dionysus is said to have given men their first taste of wine in a loving-cup. In Heliodorus, Aethiopics.iii. 11, the loving-cup is going round, when it is found that one of the guests can drink nothing but water. Theagenes therefore takes a cup of water, pledges the guest in it, and says ãAAá oriye raûrmv 8éxov rºv quxormoriav fiv diró rôv jötorov orot irpoértovº kai (bi)\tav #öe juiv # rpáreſa grew8éoéo. Athenaeus xi. 106 defines it as köMuś ris àu karū quxtav trpoiſtrivov and cites passages in which it is mentioned. According to Aelian, Socrates called his cup of hem- lock rºw éé 'Aónvaiov piMormoriav, “the loving-cup which the Athenians had sent him " (W. H. i. 16); and Phocion, about to drink the same fatal draught, desired his son pumöèv'Aónvaiots uvnorikakºo'ew irép ris trap airów pºormorias, #v vöv trivo (W. H. xii.49). 987. duréAov] Not merely did he spill the wine in the casks; but by cutting down the vines themselves he destroyed the perennial supply of wine stored up within their veins. The destruction of the vines is throughout the play held T H E A C H A R N IA NS 153 Breaking this, upsetting that, and brawling most pugnaciously. Yea when we entreated him with hospitable courtesy, Sit you down, and drink a cup, a Cup of Love and Harmony, All the more he burnt the poles we wanted for our husbandry, Aye and spilt perforce the liquor treasured up within our vines. Proudly he prepares to banquet. Did ye mark him, all elate, As a sample of his living cast these plumes before his gate 2 Grand his ostentation O of Cypris foster-sister, and of every heavenly Grace, Never knew I till this moment all the glory of thy face, RECONCILLATION | O that Love would you and me unite in endless harmony, Love as he is pictured with the wreath of roses smilingly. Maybe you regard me as a fragment of antiquity: up by these old Acharmians as the head and front of the calamities brought upon them by the War. The short line eldes &s énºrépo- which immediately follows the word āpiréAov had, no doubt from its not commencing at the margin of the page, dropped out altogether at a very early time, and the word āpuréNov in the MSS. is at once succeeded by rai T' émi rô Seimvov K.T.A. But a corrector of the Ravenna MS. wrote in strong dark letters before the rat the letters étrép (there was no room for the co), and the Scholium contemporaneous with the text contains the full word Śrréporat, so that there can be no doubt about the propriety of restoring this word to the text. There is still a cretic wanting, and I have ventured to supply eiðes &s from the commencement of the strophe. 988. Körpiðll Cypris was one of the commonest names for Aphrodite, given her because she was # Kvrrpoyévet' 'Aqipo- ôirm, Lys. 551. It was in the sea which laves the coasts of Cyprus that she rose from the foam “Naked, a double light in air and wave To meet her Graces, where they decked her out For worship without end.” 989. Ata\\ayń] He apostrophizes Peace under the name of Awax\ay), because Eipſium could not be brought into this metre. 992. 6 yeypappuévos] He is alluding, the Scholiast tells us, to a picture by Zeuxis in the Temple of Aphrodite at Athens, representing Eros as a lovely boy, wreathed with roses. It can have been only recently painted, since Zeuxis had not, at the date of the Acharmians, arrived at the height of his reputation. 154 A X A P N E IX as a y J. a &AAó are Aa3&v Tpía Óokó y &v étt trpooga)\eiv. Tpóra pièv čv ćpitrexíðos épxov čAáoat piakpov, 995 eira trapö. Tövőe véa poox{8to avkiðov, * *A 2 & Aº y & 2 & N \ kai to Tpirov peptèos épxov, 6 yepov Óði, * V *A Af y * ty J A' kai trepi Tô Xoptov čA@8as āmav čv kūkāq, ºf 3 5. Af / ? 5 J 5 • 5 M zºº. Af ðat 3Åeſpearðaí a dºr airóv köpič Taſs vowpumviats. KHP. &kočere Aeº. Kará rà irdºrpta rows Xóas 1000 994. rpia trpooga)\eiv] IIpoor&d NAew is equivalent to the Latin auctarium ad- iicere, to throw into the bargain. Recon- ciliation may think him somewhat old for a bridegroom, but if she will marry him he will throw three things into the bargain, make her three wedding presents, perform three feats of hus- bandry. These feats consist in replacing the vines and fig-trees which War has broken down; and they are three in number, because he will plant three rows of fruit-trees in his little plot. The centre row will be formed of fig-trees; with a row of vines trained on vine-poles on the one side, and a row of loftily climbing vines on the other. All this will he do himself 6 yepov Óði (or as we should say “old as I am ”), and more than this; for in a circle round his vineyard he will plant a belt of olives, and so secure a constant supply of oil for his use and hers on the solemn feast days. In the fourth of Aelian's Country Letters the writer borrows, with little alteration of language, almost the whole of this description. 995. 3pxov]"Opxos, orixos (a row) āp- TéAov # répov quráv.–Scholiast. Hence the space betweentherowsis called peróp- xtov, Peace 568. Observe the caressing way in which the old farmer speaks of his fruit-trees. The vines are dureMiðes, darling little vines, and the figs are véa poorxièta grukiöov, tenderlittle shoots of dear little fig-trees. Compare Peace 596, 597. 997. juspiðos] This was a vine, not confined to low vineyard poles, but allowed to attain its full height on lofty trellis-work or otherwise. It seems to have derived the name of iuepis, vitis domestica, from the fact that it was originally so trained not (as afterwards) in vineyards, but on the walls of the dwelling-house. It is what Keble calls the “household vine” as distinguished from the vine grown in the field; “Nor may our household vine or fig-tree hide The broken archesofold Canaan’s pride,” Christian Year. It was an inspis, and not an ordinary dure)\os, which stretched its tendrils about the grotto of Calypso (Odyssey v. 69). And, all the grotto surrounding, the arms of a vine went straying With green leaf-masses abounding, and clusters heavily-weighing. (WAY.) 998. Agèas] The olive belt is over and above the three promised rows of fruit- trees; it was to form a boundary round about the little plantation, xopiov. So T H E A C H A R N IA N S 155 Ah, but if I get you, dear, I’ll show my triple husbandry. First a row of vinelets will I plant prolonged and orderly, Next the little fig-tree shoots beside them, growing lustily, Thirdly the domestic vine; although I am so elderly. Round them all shall olives grow, to form a pleasant boundary. Thence will you and I anoint us, darling, when the New Moon shines. CRIER, O yes! O yes! Come, drain your pitchers to the trumpet’s sound, “the Syrian meadows are bounded by groves of olive,” says Lord Beaconsfield in Contarini Fleming vi. 4; an account of his own travels. 999. Gir' airów] With the oil from the olives. The new moon—not the astronomical new moon, but the first appearance of the young moon, glitter- ing in the evening sky——was a time of religious solemnity everywhere in the ancient world. Cf. Wasps 96. With this the business of the stage recom- mences, and by a turn of the eccyclema the interior of the house of Dicaeopolis is exposed to view. He himself is dis- covered, with his kitchen-knaves around him, busily engaged in cooking the thrushes, the eels, and the other good things which the Boeotian has brought him. 1000. droßere Aeg| A Crier enters to give notice that the drinking competi- tion which took place on the Pitcher Day (oi Xóes) is now about to commence. And the rest of the Comedy is devoted to the preparations (varied by sundry inter- ruptions) for the banquet at which this competition came off, and to the result of the competition. The Pitcher Day doubtless derived its name from this contest, when a prize was given to the competitor who could soonest “floor" (to use an expressive vulgarism) a xonpes âyyos, a vessel containing nearly three quarts of wine. The origin of the contest was traced by antiquaries to the arrival of Orestes at Athens to stand his trial before the Areopagus. As nobody would like to share the cup (see Knights 1289) with a matricide, and yet all were de- sirous of sparing the feelings of Orestes, the king (Demophoon or Pandion) had a separate x00s placed before each citizen, and declared that whoever emptied his first should receive for a prize an Attic TAakoús. See the Commentary on Frogs 216 and to the authorities there cited add the Scholiast on 961 supra. On one occasion Dionysius of Sicily offered a golden crown as the prize, and it was won by the philosopher Xenocrates, Athenaeus x. 49; Ael. W. H. ii. 41; Diog. Laert. iv. 8. But at this period it would seem that the prize was really an dorkös or wine-skin. The Ravenna Scholiast says that on this day dyöv fiv 156 A X A P N E IX trivetv Štrö täs oróAtriyyos. 8s 3’ &v ékirin Tpériotos, dorköv Krmoupóvros Xīyetal. AI. & trafões, 6 yuvaikes, oëk #koča are ; tí ópâte ; Toi, kāpwkos oëk &kočere ; 9 aº dvašpartet’, ‘āorrtäre, tpéret', d'ºpéNkere 1005 * X * Aº A z y a t& Aayóa taxéos, Toys a tepävows diveipete. A A 3. Aº fy 3 y Az A A ºpépe Tois 68eXtokows, tv' divarreſpo Tös kixAas. XO. &mXó ore Tſis eißovXías, plóAAov & Tſis stoxias, &v6pore, Tſis trapotºorms. AI. XO. º 2 A ,-, 3 º' A olpaí ore kai Toijt’ ei Xéyeuv. 1010 tí óñt’, ‘Tretë&v T&s kix\as 6Tropévos iónre; AI. To trip intookáAeve. Tepi row ékmuelv rivá trpárov Xóa kai 6 tričov éo répero pu)\\ive a reqāvº, kai doköv oivov éAdušavev trpès oraMariyyös 8 ºn-wov. And to the like effect Hesychius and others. At the banquet the Pitcher-competitors filled their pitchers with wine, and when the trumpet gave the appointed signal raised them simultaneously to their lips, and drained the contents, the man who drained his first receiving an āorkös full of wine. In the present competition the Victor is promised not a mere ordinary wine-skin, but the skin of Ctesiphon filled with wine, and Ctesiphon being a man of enormous corpulence the prize would be one of unusual value. As to 'Akočere \eº, our O yes! O yes! see the note on Peace 551. followed by the infinitive, as here by It was commonly trivetv. On kará rà trärpta Bergler observes “scil. #67 Thuc. ii. 2 kai knpuś et ris BoöAeral kará rà irárpua rôv Trávrov Botorów £uppaxeſv, rifleo 6at trap' airot's rê širāa ubi Scholia ad illud kará rå märpua habent, #6m 8nMovóri.” 1002. Krmoriqāvros] ‘Os trax's kai trpo- yáorrop 6 Krmoriqāv okówrerau.--Scholiast. The idea of flaying a man and using his skin as a wine-bag is not unfamiliar in Greek literature. Its first appearance, I suppose, was made in Solon’s limes, where he describes the opinion which the Athenians held of his moderation in retiring from the position of sole legislator without acquiring wealth for himself or aspiring to the Tyranny of Athens. > a e (Ivet.Tré!/ O Not a knowing hand is Solon; not a man profound and deep, Who the gifts the Gods provided had not sense enough to keep. Wealth within his net and Kingship ! yet he threw the catch away ! O could I be Lord of Athens only for one glorious day, Let them slay me then and flay me, make a wine-bag of my skin, Yea and utterly destroy us, me and all my kith and kin. T H E A C H A R N IAN S 157 In our old fashion. Whoso drains his first, Shall have, for prize, a skin of Ctesiphon. What are ye at 2 Lads ! Lassies l heard ye not the words he said 2 Do ye not hear the Crier ? Quick | stew and roast, and turn the roasting flesh, Unspit the haremeat, weave the coronals, Bring the spits here, and I’ll impale the thrushes. CHOR. I envy much your happy plan, I envy more, you lucky man, The joys you’re now possessing. - DI. What, when around the spits you see the thrushes roasting gloriously P CHOR. And that’s a saying I admire. coal fire. DI. Boy, poke me up the char- dorköv to repov 8ebápéat, kānurerpiq6al yèvos, Plutarch's Solon, chap. 14. So dorköv ôeipew, Clouds 442. Cf. Knights 370 8spó ore 65\akov k\otris. 1003. 3 malêes k.T.A..] Dicaeopolis, all excitement at the news, calls to his household to set to work immediately to prepare the dinner which he must take with him to the banquet. We shall find presently that he himself wins the race, röv Xóa trpáros ékºrémoka (infra 1202), and claims the prize, diróðoré plot rôv dorköv, infra 1225. 1005. rpérrer', d'ºpéNkere] 'AvaorpéWrare rå Örrópevakpéa, kai rā ārrméévra éééAkere. —Scholiast. 1006. roës or reqdvows diveipere] For in the competition the drinkers were crowned with garlands which (at all events at the first institution of the contest) were afterwards deposited in the Temple of Dionysus or given to his priest. See the Commentary on Frogs 216. And cf. infra 1091, 1145. 1008. (m)\@ ore.] The unwonted savour of the roasting and stewing meat has quite subdued the hearts of the old Acharmians, and they become the mere humble adulators of their whilom an- tagonist. This little metrical system, and the corresponding one, infra 1037– 46, bear a strong resemblance to those in the Peace (856–67 and 909–21). 1009, eioxias] The Chorus begin by congratulating Dicaeopolis on his good counsel, eißov\ia, in concluding his Private Peace; though the real subject of their congratulation, they hasten to add, is rather the present good cheer ešoxia, and the knowing way in which he is catering for himself, airº, Šta- kovecrat. 158 A X A P N E IX XO. #kovo as Ös playeupukós 1015 kopiyês Te kai Öeutrymrukós aúró 8takoveſrat; TE. oiuoi TáAas. AI. & ‘Hpdik\ets, ris otroori ; TE. divºp kakoğaíuov. AI. karð oreavróv vuv Tpétrov. TE. & ºptºtate, otovëal yáp eiot goi pâvº, - 1020 pétpmotov eipſivms rí plot, kāv trévt’ &rm. AI. Tí 8' mates; TE. Terpiðmy &moxéa as tº 36e. AI. tróðev; TE. &mb ºvXffs àaftov of Botóriot. AI. & Tptakakóðaipov, eira Aevköv duréxet; TE. kai taúra piévrot vi) At &mep pſ' érpepérmy 1025 év träori BoAtrous. AI. eita vuvi toº 86et; TE. &méAoNo. to póaxpo 8akpúov Tó, Bée. dAA' et ri kijóel Aépkérov ºvXaortov, intſ:\elyov eipſium pie Tóp6axpad taxiſ. AI. &AW, & trównº, où &mporteáov rvyxávo. 1030 1018. oluot ráAas] The First Interrup- tion. Dercetes, an Athenian farmer, enters in great tribulation. His farm was at Phyle, just on the Attic side of a pass between Boeotia and Attica, and his two oxen, rô 86e, have been carried off by Boeotian raiders, who appear to have been very busy about this time. See infra 1077. There seems to have been something quaint about the dual rö 86e, since in this little dialogue of nineteen lines Aristophanes introduces it thrice, each time at the termination of a line. The interruption is intended to show the hardships of the ordinary citizen who is at War, as compared with the happy lot of Dicaeopolis who is at Peace. 1019. Karā oreavrów vuv rpéroul 'Avri rod ěv oreavrò #xe rºv kakobauploviav, u) imputy- vvaro juiv kakoëaipovăv.–Scholiast. The entire line is repeated in Clouds 1263. 1021. Trévrº Šrm] He is treating the atovčai as a liquid (see on 187 supra), and should have said five drops, as infra 1033, 1034; but for “drops” he substi- tutes “years ” to show what he really wants. 1024. Aevköv duréxet] For the mourn- ing colour has always been black. obôeis ôt' épé pé\av indirtov treptebáNero, No one through any act of mine has had to put on mourning, said Pericles on his death- bed, Plutarch, Pericles, chap. 38. And indeed the custom is very fre- quently mentioned. Sozomen, speak- ing of a penitent, says Aapºrpāv éorðnra dré6ero' oia 8é rev6óv, puéAaivav repuša)\\6- T H E A C H A R, N IA NS 159 * CHOR. O listen with what cookly art And gracious care, so trim and smart, His own repast he's dressing. FARMER. Alas! Alas ! DI. O Heracles, who's there ? Lost my oxen twain. The Boeotians stole them. DI. Well, what want you now P FAR. An ill-starred man. DI. Then keep it to yourself. FAR. O-for you only hold the truces, dear— Measure me out though but five years of Peace. DI. What ails you? FAR. Ruined DI. Where from ? FAR. From Phyle. DI. And yet you are clad in white, you ill-starred loon | FAR. They twain maintained me in the very lap Of affluent muckery. FAR. Lost my two eyes, weeping my oxen twain. Come, if you care for Dercetes of Phyle, Rub some Peace-ointment, do, on my two eyes. DI. Why, bless the fool, I’m not a public surgeon. puevos, ékaðé{ero k\atov.–H. E. ii. 9. 7. 1026. £v Träori 80\irots] For the ordi- nary phrase év táouv dya&ois, in the midst of every kind of blessing, he substitutes ev traoru SoNirots, which means literally in the midst of every kind of cow dung. ôéow eitretv čv traoru dyadots (in all good luck), 8oNirots (in all good muck) since Trap inróvotav.–Scholiast. Muck for luck is Mr. Green's suggestion ; mucksery for luaury Dr. Merry's. For other varia- tions from the ordinary phrase see Wasps 709 {ov év Träori Mayºjous, and Lucian's “De morte Peregrini” 16 áv Trāoruv dºpóóvous fiv. ' 1030. Smuogueſ ov] In ancient Greece the State itself was accustomed to re- tain certain physicians, who kept as it were a public dispensary, and took no fee from their patients. See Plutus 407 and the Commentary there. Perhaps the most notable instance of this cus- tom is afforded by the famous Demo- cedes of Croton, who, according to Herodotus (iii. 131), was engaged as a public physician in successive years, at an ever-increasing salary, by Aegina, Athens, and Samos. Physicians so hired were said Ömpoortečeuv, Plato, Gorgias 70 (514 D), Politicus (259 A). Pittalus, who is again mentioned infra 1222, and Wasps 1432, was doubtless himself one of these èmpoorlevóvrov iarpóv. Dodwell, travelling in Greece at the beginning of the nineteenth century, found the same custom still prevailing there. “Physicians in Greece,” he says, “are paid a yearly salary by the government 160 A X A P N E IX TE. :0’ &vrigoNó or', #v tros kopito'opiat Tó Sòe. AI. oºk a ruv, &XX& KX&e trpès toū IIltráNov. TE. at 6' &AAá plot a taxaypov eipſiums evo. eis rôv kakaputo kov čva rāNašov Tovtoví, AI. oë8 &v atpuffixtkíyá’ &AX &rtöv offločá trol. 1035 TE. oipot kakoëaiptov roſv yeapyoſv 80tótolv. XO. &våp evečpmkév Tu Tats aſtrovēaforty #8), kočk éot- Kev ow8evi pleto.660 euv. AI. Karáxel at Tſis xopóñs rô pléAt tës a mirías aráðeve. 1040 XO. #kovo as épôuagpiārov; AI. Öttöte TāyxéNeto. XO. &mokrevets Alpió pie kai - toys yeſtovas kvío m re kai 1045 povi, totajra Adorkov. AI. 37táre Tavri kai ka Mós gavôtéete. IIA. Aukatówoxt. AI. Tís of roorí; Tis obtoori ; or the public, and do not receive fees from their patients.”—i. 146 m. 1034. KaNapiakov] The Scholiastinter- prets this to mean “a tube of bronze or silver such as physicians use "; but Dercetes was a farmer, not a physician, and had doubtless brought with him a hollow reed, which indeed is the literal meaning of the word. 1035, orpióðukiyêl'Avri row ow8éjavíða, orrpiðos 3& KaNetrat ā Aerri) kai čáeta Boij, Aikiyê be ſi éAaxiorm 8of rod ópvéov.— Scholiast. With Aikiyé as the twitter of a bird compare the -\ºić of Birds 262. 1040. xopôňs] A sausage. The Scho- liast both here and on 1119 infra says xopôň kaxeiral rô Taxi vrepov rod trpo- Bärov. 1044. Apºl Elmsley would appro- priate this word to the Chorus, and the kviorm and povň to the neighbours; me quidem fame enecabis, vicinos vero tuos nidore et clamore. But no one has adopted this interpretation; and it seems clear that both Chorus and neigh- bours are represented as being done to death by one and the same process, viz. by the pangs of hunger, sharpened by the smell of dinner and" by the lordly commands which Dicaeopolis keeps on issuing to his kitchen-knaves. 1048. Atkatón"oxi) The Second Inter- ruption; intended, like the First, to T H E A C H A R N IANS - 161 FAR. Do now ; I'll maybe find my oxen twain. DI. No, go and weep at Pittalus's door. FAR. Do, just one single drop. Just drop me here Into this quill one little drop of Peace. DI. No, not one twitterlet; take your tears elsewhere. FAR. Alas! Alas! my darling yoke of oxen. CHOR. He loves the Treaty’s pleasant taste; He will not be, methinks, in haste To let another share it. DI. stew I CHOR. How trumpet-like his orders sound. are browned. CHOR. Pour on the tripe the honey, you ! And you, the cuttle richly DI. Be sure the bits of eel The words you speak, your savoury rites, Keep sharpening so our appetites That we can hardly bear it. DI. GROOMSMAN. O. Dicaeopolis I DI Now roast these other things and brown them nicely. . Who’s there ? who’s there ? illustrate the discomforts incident to a state of war. A newly-married couple, fearing that they may be separated during their honeymoon by a summons for the husband to take part in some military expedition, send each a separate messenger to Dicaeopolis to petition for a few drops of Peace. The latter's impatience at this renewed in- terruption of his culinary operations is shown by his testy repetition of the words ris otroori; The first to address Dicaeopolis is the bridegroom's mes- senger, the chosen friend who stood by him during the wedding day, and at even drove off with the newly-wedded pair, the bride sitting in the carriage between the two men. Hence he was commonly called the trópoxos, Birds 1740. That trapávvpuqos and träpoxos are names for the same person is plain upon all the authorities. IIápoxos' trapávugſbos.-Hesychius. Trapéxovs rot's trapavápºpovs ékáNeoav.–Etym. Magn. (s. v. Öppáretov péNos). Tápoxol Aéyovral oi trapávvpiqot trapā rô trapoxeto 6at roſs vup- ºpiois.-Scholiast on Birds 1737, Suidas. ô be kaAoûpevos trapávvuqos, vvuqevris Övopuiſerai kai Tàpoxos.-Pollux iii. 40. Apparently, in the present case, the wedding is only just over. 162. A X A P N E IX IIA. TIA, AI. AI. J/ A. A. Af \ / étrepºré ris orot vuppíos Tavri kpéa. 3. a's Af a º ef º ek Tov yaplov. AI. ka?\ós ye Totòv, Šotus fiv. ékéNeve 8' éyxéat ore, táv Kpeãv Xóptu, £va piñ otpatetſout', dAN& 8tvoim pévov, és rôv &Aó8aatov kūa.0ov eipſiums &va. 3. &Tópep dirópepe to kpéa kai puff plot 8tóov, 6s owk &v éyxéalpit pivptov 8paxuðv. IIA. § vvppeñrpta a M a A. AP A A. Šeſtal trapö täs vöpipms ti got Aééat pºvg. pépe 3), tí at Aéyets; Ös yéAotov, & 6eol, Tô 6émpia. Tſis vöpipms, & 8efraí plov opóðpa, 2 dAA airn: tís éarív ; 1030 1055 f/ “A 3. * *A Af º, Af ôtros &v oikovpij to tréos toū vuppíov. 1060 ºpépé Öeſpo Tâs a trov8&s, tv' airfi 86 p.6vn, ôtiſſ) yuvii 'art rod troAépov tº otr Čšía. 2 º' e. º itrex 63e éeſpo toſſéâAélirtpov, & yúvat. * y ötav atpattéras kata)\éyoort, Tovt pi º 2 a * * olorff' dºs trouette todro ; tā vēppm (pp3orov, 1065 vöktop 3Åeupéra Tó tréos toū vvppíov. &mópepe tas a trov86s. A. *A 3. Af pépe Tijv oivipvolv, 1053, d\dflagrov] A perfume-boa, “an alabaster box of ointment.” rºw pivpo- 6#knv.—Scholiast, here and at Lys. 947. tºv rod prºpov \ffkv6ov 'Arrukoi kakoúoruv dNá8aarov, Photius s. v. Añkv6os. Per- fumes were in great request at wed- dings (Peace 862, Plutus 529); and the groomsman would naturally be provided with a perfume-box. 1054, diróſpep' diróqepel Here, as in Peace 1221, the double diróqepe indi- cates the haste of the speaker to get rid of the things. He will not retain them a moment under the prescribed conditions. 1056. vvuqetirpua). The bridegroom's envoy having signally failed in his mission the messenger from the bride advances. She is the vupiqetirpia, which for convenience sake we translate “bridesmaid,” though her functions were totally different from those of our English bridesmaids. She was, in fact, a person sent from the bride's old home to superintend the arrangements made for her reception and comfort in her new home. By Hesychius, Photius, and Suidas she is described as orvp- trepropévm inrö Tów yovéov rá včuq.m, and by Pollux iii. 41 as # 8totkovpévm rò Tepi 4. T H E A C H A R N IA N S 163 GR. These bits of meat. GR. A bridegroom sends you from his wedding-banquet DI. Well done, whoe'er he is. And in return he bids you pour him out, To keep him safely with his bride at home, Into this ointment-pot one dram of Peace. DI. Take, take your meat away; I can’t abide it. Not for ten thousand drachmas would I give him One drop of Peace. Hey, who comes here 2 GR. The bridesmaid Bringing a private message from the bride. DI. Well, what have you to say? Affects to lister, What wants the bride 2 O heaven, the laughable request she makes To keep her bridegroom safely by her side. I’ll do it; bring the truces ; she's a woman, Unfit to bear the burdens of the war. Now, hold the myrrh-box underneath, my girl. Know you the way to use it? Tell the bride, When they’re enrolling soldiers for the war, To rub the bridegroom every night with this. Now take the truces back, and bring the ladle. Töv yápov yuv;). Pollux adds that she was also called 6a)\apettpua ; and that she managed the preparations in the bridal chamber may be gathered from Plutarch, Lycurgus 15. 1065. kata)\éyoort] Are making up the karáAoyos or list of soldiers required for immediate service. These lists, when made up, were affixed to the statues of the 'ETóvvuot in the agora : see Peace 1183 and the note there. They would naturally distinguish between those whose services were required as cavalry and those who were to serve as hoplites. And Mantitheus therefore says (Lysias, Oration xvi) that, on the occasion of the memorable march to Haliartus, finding that he was karét)\eypiévos inſtreſſelv, and knowing that the cavalry would be in little, and the infantry in great, peril, he went to the officer making up the list and asked him ééa\eival pie ék toū karaXáyov, not wishing to be in safety whilst other citizens were in danger. He therefore, according to his own account, did from patriotic motives what some did for the purpose of escap- ing service altogether. See Knights 1369 and the Commentary there. 1067, diróðepe rās a movčás]The grooms. M 2. 164 A X A P N E IX tv' oivov čyxéo Aa3&v is roës Xóas. XO. kai pºv Óði Tis T&s éqpús divea'trakós éatrep ti čeuvöv dyyeköv čtreſyetal. 1070 KHP. ió tróvot Te Kai pudºxal kai Adiploxoi. AA. Tís diplºp. XaAkopff Mapo. 36plara krvireſ; KHP. iéval o' ékéNevov of otpatmyoi Tàpiepov taxéos Aa36vta roës Aéxovs kai toºs Aópovs’ kâtretto, tripeſv vuçàpievov Tós eio Soxds. 1075 & * M / *A V Af y es / itrö Toys Xóas yap kai Xiàtpovs at Toto'ſ Tus #yyetxe Amoſtěs épéaxeſv Bototíovs. AA. ió otpatmyoi TXetoves # 8eXTioves. 3. *A v 3 g . e. Aº 2 : Aº où &eivě při 'Āeſvaí pue plmö optáoat ; AI. ió, a Tpdatevpuo troXeploxapaxaików. 1080 man and bridesmaid depart ; the trea- ties, brought out six lines above for the purpose of filling the ointment-box of the bridesmaid, are taken in again, and Dicaeopolis returns to his preparations for the banquet. 1068. §s rot's Xóas] Ut vinum infun- dam in congios, Bergler, followed by Brunck, and generally. And this seems quite right, since the mention of the vessels into which the wine is to be poured is necessary to complete the sentence. See Supra 1051, 1053. Blaydes's interpretation, “in festum chorum,” as supra 961, is out of place here. 1069. Tàs āqīpūs divea Takós] See the Commentary on Knights 631. This and the following line, though probably not a parody of any particular passage, are obviously intended to bear a tragic im- press. They may remind the reader of the opening scene in Shakespeare's Henry the Fourth, Part II. A mes- senger is coming for Lamachus with tidings of war and toil and trouble; and he has hardly delivered his message when another arrives for Dicaeopolis with tidings of peace and joyous fes- tivity. As to the jingle between padyat and Aduaxov see Supra 269. 1072. Tis duqi. One of the three houses at the back of the stage was, as we know, the house of Lamachus; and possibly the military character of its occupant may have been indicated throughout by bronze shields and other bits of armour suspended on its wall. However XaAkoq àNapa may be merely a soldierly epithet. It reminds us, as Mitchell observes, of the famous gly- conics in which Alcaeus (Athenaeus xiv. 23) describes a warrior's mansion: pappaipei Še piéyas 86pos XaAkó’ träga 3’ ”App celcóg- plmtat otéºym. T H E A CHA R NIAN S 165 I’ll fill the winecups for the Pitcher-feast. CHOR. But here runs one with eyebrows puckered up. Methinks he comes a messenger of woe. - CRIER. O toils, and fights, and fighting Lamachuses | LAM. Who clangs around my bronze-accoutred halls? CRIER. The generals bid you take your crests and cohorts, And hurry off this instant; to keep watch Amongst the mountain passes in the snow. For news has come that at this Pitcher-feast Boeotian bandits mean to raid our lands. LAM. O generals, great in numbers, small in worth ! Shame that I may not even enjoy the feast. DI. O expedition battle-Lamachaean Lamachus now comes out of the house, as he did supra 572; but then he was already fully armed; now he is unarmed, being called forth in the midst of his preparations for the festive banquet. His language is that of tragedy, rpayukó- Tepov Aéyet, as the Scholiast says; and Mueller cites Eur. Bacch. 60, 61: Bao'íMetá T' &piqi čápiat' éA6000 at Táðe krvireſ re IIev0éans. 1074. rot's Aéxovs Kai rows A6(povs] We have had this jingle before, supra 575. vuqduevov, in the SnowStorms, literally snowed upon, as Mitchell observes, citing Hdt. iv. 31, Xen. Hell. ii. 4.3. 1076. into rows Xóas] Immediately upon, about the time of the Pitcher Feast. Cf. supra, 139. The Scholiast thinks that the words rows Xóas kai Xürpovs signify one day only, Św pitā āuépq àyovrat of re Xörpot kai oi Xóes év 'A6#vais. And so Suidas. But although this had been the case originally, yet it is certain that before the time of Aristophanes the two functions had been separated, the Xóes being celebrated on the twelfth and the Xórpot on the thirteenth of Anthesterion. See the Commentary on Frogs 216. Indeed Aristophanes would not have added the words kai Xúrpovs unless they conveyed some ad- ditional meaning. And doubtless they were both days of revelry, on either of which it might be hoped to take the Athenians unawares. 1078. TXetoves # 8éArioves] Compare Hecabe's description of her Achaean cap- tors, 3 petſov &ykov Šopós éxovres à Đpevöv, Troades 1158. The word troMepoxapua- Xaikov two lines below is merely a comic compound of tróNepos and Aduaxos. It cannot be commected, as Mitchell and others suppose, with āzos or Axaikós. How distasteful the ridicule of Dicaeo- polis was to Lamachus we see from 1195 infra. - 166 A X A P N E IX A.A. offlot kakoëaiuov, katayeMás #8m orū pov; AI. BoöAet påxeoffat Tmpvóvn TerpartíA@ ; AA. alaſ, ofov 6 kmpvć dyyexíav #yyeuxé plot. AI. alai, tíva 8 at pot irpootpéxet ris &yyeXóv; ATT. AukatónToxt. AI. Tí Čortu, ; ATT. Tri Šeºrvov Taxi 1085 |348tée, Tiju kſarmy Aa3&v kai Tôv Xóo. 6 toû Atováorov ydip o' iepei's pleTatrépiretat. &AA’ eykóvel &etirveſv Karakoxſets tróAal. t& 8 &AAa trávt éotiv trapeakevoopéva, KAtval, tpd trečau, trpooke pâNata, otpépara, 1090 2 Aº /* 2 t Æ Af otépavot, pitºpov, Tpaympia.0', ai trópval troºpa, &pivXot, TXakoúvtes, ormorapoſſivres, irpua, 1082. Thbvövm] Geryon was that king in the Far West, the “lifting ” of whose cattle (to use a Scotch expression for a Scotch custom) constituted the Tenth Labour of Heracles. We know from Hesiod (Theog. 287) that he had three heads; from Aeschylus (Agam. 843) that he had three bodies; and from Stesichorus (Scholiast on Hesiod ubi supra) that he had six hands and six feet, and, what is more to the present purpose, that he was intón repos, furnished with wings. See also Lucian, Toxaris 62, Plautus, Aulularia 509. But what is there about Dicaeopolis that re- sembles the four-winged Geryon 2 The Scholiast thinks that as he speaks he catches up either a locust (supra 871) or some of the feathers lying about (supra 988). But it is perhaps more probable that during the culinary operations he stuck some of the irrepú- Wow kix\av Kai koWrixov about his person, and has not yet removed them. 1086. Kiarmvj Tóre yāp oi ka)\oovres émi òettvov a reqávows kai piùpa kai rpayijuara kai äA\a towaúra traperiêeorav, oi 88 ku)\oſſ- pºevot eqepov čvräuara. Thu kio rmv, riv ÖVroðhkmv.—Scholiast. It appears again as an 6,06; Km in the Knights. See Knights 1211, &c. The ktorm delineated in Hope's Costume of the Ancients, Plate 136, is a large oblong wicker- basket with flat top and bottom, and straight perpendicular sides; but doubt- less there were kiorral of all shapes and sizes. 1087. Atovãorov ispeñs] The real priest of Dionysus, we must remember, was at this moment sitting in the centre of the front row of the auditorium, exactly opposite the stage. 1092. čuv\ot k. T. A.] This line enu- merates the different cakes awaiting T H E A C H A R N IANS 167 LAM. O dear, what You ! DI. LAM. O woe | Do you insult me too? What would you fight with Geryon, the four-winged 2 O what a message has this Crier brought me! DI. Oho! what message will this runner bring me? MESSENGER. Dicaeopolis T)I. Well? MESS. Come at once to supper, And bring your pitcher, and your supper-chest. The priest of Bacchus sends to fetch you thither. And do be quick: you keep the supper waiting. For all things else are ready and prepared, The couches, tables, sofa-cushions, rugs, Wreaths, sweetmeats, myrrh, the harlotry are there, Whole-meal cakes, cheese-cakes, sesame-, honey-cakes, them, different in some respects, though in truth the word tràakoús, placenta, as a generic term, includes them all. Thus àpiv\ot are described by the Scholiast on Peace 1195 as TAakoëvrés rives. See also Chrysippus in Athenaeus xiv. 57. So ormorapods, says the Scholiast here, eiðos TXakoëvros. And trptov is similarly de- scribed in Ath. xiv. 58. The pecu- liarity of the āpavXos (which I have translated whole-meal cake) was that the wheat of which it was made was not ground into flour, but first steeped and then squeezed into a sort of pulp. āpavXos 8e dpros, says the Scholiast on Theocritus iz. 21, 6 &vev påNov yewópevos' âmoğpéxovres yüp rôv Tupov diroëAišovoſt. That it was considered a great dainty is plain. Thus Plutarch, in his little treatise on eith pia, chap. 3, speaking of the change from sickness to health, says, “the man who yesterday loathed eggs and dućNua will to-day feed greedily on bare grain.” And in Athenaeus viii. 39 one of the guests says jestingly that Ulpian does not live on food befitting men, but picks up fishbones and gristle; like those of whom Eubulus speaks in his Ixion, who ěv taſs yevvulcaſs eicoxials, dutºov trapávrov, to 8tovo’ £icão rote divºj9a, kai oëAlva, kai pâvaptas, ical kāpāapſ' éokevaopičva. The TAakoús proper was a rich cake, flavoured with honey, wine, oil, and cheese. The last-mentioned ingredient is singled out infra 1125, and here and elsewhere I have translated tâakoús cheese-cake; but honey formed its special characteristic, and Attic trèakoëvres were accounted the most excellent from the superior flavour of the honey of Hymet- tus; see the note on Eccl. 223. The ormorapods was of course distinguished by 168 A X A P N E I X Öpxmorpíðes, tº pixtaff Appločíov, KaNaí. d'AA' dis td.Xuara ortreſöe. AA. kakoëatuov čyá. AI. kal yèp at pleydºm v čtreypdqov Tiju Topyóva. 1095 oráyk\ete, kai čeſtvöv Tus évokevačéro. AA. traſ traſ, pép' ééo &eipo Töv yúAtov čplot. AI. Traf traſ, pép go &eipo Tiju kíormv čuoi. A.A. &Aas 6Upſtas olore, traſ, kai kpópplva. AI. Hoi & répéxn. Kpoppi'ois yap dx60pal. 1 100 AA. 6ptov tapixovs olore &eipo, traſ, oatſpot. its sesame-seeds, and was the ordinary wedding-cake. See Peace 869 and the mote there. There were sesame-seeds also in the trptov, which is described by Athenaeus (xiv. 55) as a Teppärtov Aet- Töv, Štá ornadpov kai pâtros yuáuevov. 1093. Tà pi\tað ‘Appoètov] This seems a meat little Xe, and I do not know why sor ...tors have been so anxious to gº of it. All know the famous c. 1 (supra 980) beginning pi\rað’ A, 26t' ot, ri tro Téðvmkas, Harmodius dearest, thou art not yet dead, where the words pi\tað’ ‘Appéði' are of course in the vocative case. Now Harmodius, though a tyrannicide, was not the most moral of men; and Aristophanes takes the first three words of the Scolium, and by reading pi\rað as the neuter plural, and combining Appéði' oë into 'Appoètov, contrives, without changing a letter, to hint at the irregularities of this popular favourite. 1094. kakoğaiuov ćyö] The enumera- tion of the pleasures which Dicaeopolis is summoned to enjoy puts the finishing touch to the wretchedness of Lamachus, by their contrast with the hardships which he is summoned to endure. Dicaeopolis reminds him that this is the natural consequence of his having enrolled himself as a votary of War, represented by the Gorgon on his shield, étreypaqov Tiju Topyóva. 'Em typd- qeorðat is the ordinary word for enroll- ing oneself as a client or disciple of Some patron. Mitchell refers to Lucian's Hermotimus 14, where the Platonists are described as oi rôv IIAérova èn'typa- q6plevoi. It is needless to say that in real life Lamachus was the last man to grumble at any hardships which his duty as a soldier might require him to undergo. t 1096. Gºyk\ete] Not “shut the door,” as it is commonly interpreted, for the dishes were immediately to be brought out through the open door, but (like the k\eſe Tmkrá čopºdrov of 479 supra) close wp the house by wheeling in that portion of it which by means of the eccyclema had been exposed to view, after 999 supra. The house would be closed up to its original shape, but the house door would be open. 1097. trai trail During the next forty- T H E A C H A R N IA N S 169 And dancing-girls, Harmodius’ dearest ones. So pray make haste. LAM. O wretched, wretched me ! DI. Aye the great Gorgon 'twas you chose for patron. Now close the house, and pack the supper up. LAM. Boy, bring me out my soldier's knapsack here. DI. Boy, bring me out my supper-basket here. LAM. Boy, bring me onions, with some thymy salt. DI. For me, fish-fillets: onions I detest. LAM. Boy, bring me here a leaf of rotten fish. five lines the pleasures of Peace and the hardships of War are illustrated by the concurrent preparations of Dicaeo- polis and Lamachus: the one for his festival banquet, the other for his winter campaign. As Lamachus calls for the hard fare of a camp life and the other necessaries for his expedition to the snowy mountain passes, Dicaeopolis calls, with insulting mimicry, for the various luxuries he proposes to take with him to the feast. They speak alternately. Very similar in style, though very different in purport, is the dialogue between Mascarille and Albert in Molière’s “Le Dépit Amoureux” iii. 10. Lamachus begins by telling his servant to bring out (bép” �, that is out of his house) the yūMos to hold his provisions. The yūAtos is described by the Scholiast as a sort of wicker basket, otruptóóðes trºëyua €v (; rās Tpopāsēxovres oi orrpartórai é8áötſov ćiri tróNepov, or, as the Scholiast at Peace 527 puts it, Čv (; direríðevro rupov kai éAaías kai kpópplva. In form, therefore, it was very unlike our soldier's knapsack. As to Öas 6vpiras see supra 772. 1101. 6ptov] A fig-leaf; commonly used by the Athenians as a wrapper in which to fold up and serve to table . some article of food. Here the 6ptov which is to be brought to Lamachus contains only rotten fish ; that for which Dicaeopolis calls contains beef fat (Knights 954) and probably the other ingredients—honey, milk, eggs, fresh cheese, wheat flour, and brains—con- stituting the dainty mixture with which, when wrapped up in a fig-leaf and cooked in rich broth, the name 6ptov was more usually associated. orkeſſagpiā tu trapá rols 'Aénvaiots rô 6ptov, says the Scholiast, Širep \apſ3ável tetov a réap fi epidetov, kai orepiða)\w, kal yáMa, kai Tô Aekiöööes toū joi. Tpés rô Tâyvvoróat, kai oãra's eis pūAAa orvkiſs épôa MAáprevov jöurrow diroreMet 3póp.a. otiro Aièvpos. exaMetro Sé kai äA\m ris a kevagia 6ptov, éykéqa\os Heră yápov kai rupoi, karaokev- ačáplevos, kai éAirtópevos év böA\ots ovkis kai Örrópevos. See the Commentary on Frogs 134. Éket means “at the place where the banquet is to take place.” 170 A X A P N E IX AI, kāplot or òmpiod 6ptov Štrigo 3' ékéſ. AA. ºveyke &eppo Tô irrepò rô 'k toà kpávovs. AI. Hoi & rés partas ye ſpépe Kai Tàs kix\as. AA. kaxóv ye kai Aevköv rô Tſis a Tpov000 trepôv. 1105 AI. Kaxów ye kai čav6ov to ris pérrms kpéas. AA. &v6pore, tradaat karayeXóv plov Tóv Štraov. AI. &v6pore, 800Aet paſſ 8Aérew eis Tês k(x\as; AA. to Aopetov čéveyke róv Tptóv Aópov. AI. Köplot Aékávtov táv Aayóov 88s kpeãv. 1110 AA. dAA' fi tpixó8pores toës Aópovs plov karépayov ; AI. dAN # trpå Öeirvov tºu piuapkvy karéðopat; AA. &v6pore, 806Xel pai) trpoorayopetºeuv čpé; AI. obº, 3ÅA' éyò x6 traís Épíšoplev tróXat. RočNet treptô60.62t, kämttpéVrat Aapadix@, 1115 trörepov &kpíðes #8tóv éorriv, # kixAal; AA. oip' dis $8pićets. AI. Tês drpíðas kpível troXú. AA. traſ trai, kaðeXóv plot to 86pv Šeſp” &o pépe. AI. Trai traſ, at 8' dºpeA&v Šeſpo rºw Xopôňv pépe. 1105. KuMov kai Aevków] Nice and white. Like our word mice, KaNov is frequently employed, as here, not as an indepen- dent epithet, but to qualify another adjective. KaNov kai Aevköv, beautifully white, not “white and also beautiful.” So KaNöv kai £avóów in the next line; ka)\ös kai pouvukuois, Birds 272. As to the orpov60s, the ostrich, commonly called ñ orpov6ös iſ pleyá\m, see Introduc- tion to Birds lyii. 1110. Aekávtov] This is a diminutive of Aekávn, which signifies any dish, pan, or platter, and is in these Comedies applied to articles as diverse as a mason's hod, a basin in which to vomit, and the cup in which a shoeblack keeps his sponge. The translation looks rather to the jingle than to the strict signification of the word. 1112. pipiapkvv] The other Aayóa Di- caeopolis will reserve for the banquet, but the pipiapkus is too tempting for that ; upon this he will begin at once. The uipapkvs was a sort of rich broth, prepared from the blood and intestines, usually of the hare, but occasionally of the pig, kvpios uév piuapkvs # Mayºffa Xopôň ék Töv čvrépov’ xpóvrat 8é kai étri pipiapkus, orkevaoria rus rijs Kothias # rôv évrépov. xoipov. "AAAos. e w w > oi öé rºv čk rod Aayºſov aluatos kai rôv évroorgiov orkevaſopévnvkapükmv.—Scholiasts, Suidas. uiplapkus, koi)\ta kai évrepa uerá aiuatos T H E A C H A R N IA NS 171 DI. A tit-bit leaf for me; I’ll toast it there. LAM. Now bring me here my helmet's double plume. DI. And bring me here my thrushes and ring-doves. LAM. How nice and white this ostrich-plume to view. DI. How nice and brown this pigeon's flesh to eat. LAM. Man, don’t keep jeering at my armour so. DI. Man, don't keep peering at my thrushes so. LAM. Bring me the casket with the three crests in it. DI. Bring me the basket with the hare's flesh in it. LAM. Surely the moths my crest have eaten up. DI. Sure this hare-soup I’ll eat before I sup. LAM. Fellow, I'll thank you not to talk to ME. Dr. Nay, but the boy and I, we can't agree. Come will you bet, and Lamachus decide, Locusts or thrushes, which the daintier are? LAM. Insolent knavel D.I. (To the boy.) Locusts, he says, by far. LAM. Boy, boy, take down the spear, and bring it here. Dr. Boy, take the sweetbread off and bring it here. éorkevaopéva, pud Mora öé Mayºv.–Pollux (vi. 56), Hesychius. 1115. 800Xet treptóó06aul He is speak- ing, or pretends to be speaking, to his servant. Will you bet, he says (see supra 772), and let Lamachus decide be- tween us (étrutpérat, see Wasps 521 and the note there) which are the pleasantest food, locusts or thrushes 2 Locusts were likely to be Lamachus's fare. Thrushes, which Dicaeopolis had been packing up, were esteemed by the ancients the greatest of delicacies; obeso nil melius turdo. See the note on Peace 1197. 1117. drpiðas] He endeavours still further to aggravate Lamachus by pre- tending that the latter has accepted the office of referee, and given his award in favour of his own probable fare. But there is no real misappre- hension, and nothing can be wider of the mark than Mueller's observation “ludit poeta similitudine vocum iśpi- Čets et dkpiðes.” Dicaeopolis knows per- fectly well what Lamachus said. The whole idea of the bet is mere chaff; there has been no difference of opinion between Dicaeopolis and his servant. 1119. 34peAów] From the fire, as Mitchell and Merry rightly take it. That it cannot mean diró rod 38eMio Kov, as Paley and Blaydes think, is plain from what immediately follows. As to Xopôň see on 1040 supra. 172 A X A P N E IX AA. pépe, rod 86paros dºpeAküoopal rotavrpov. 1120 ëx', divréxov, traſ. AI. kal ot, traſ, toū8' divréxov. AA. roës kixAigavras olore, trai, Tſis dotríðos. AI. kai tºs épiñs toos kpuSavíras ākpepe, AA. pépe &eppo yopyävorov domíðos kök\ov. AI. Köplot trèakoúvros Tvpóvorov 8ös käk\ov. 1125 AA. Taür’ of karáyeXós éotiv &v6pótrous TXarūs ; AI. Taür où TAakotis &nt' éotiv ćvépôtrous y\vkós; AA. karáxet at, traſ, tot}\atov. čv Tó XaXkíº évopó yépovta 8euxias ºpew&otſpuévov. AI. Karáxel or rô plexi. kõv648 €vômxos yépov 1130 k\delv ke?\etſov Adºplaxov tow Topyáorov. 1120. dge\kóoropat] "EAkel rod 86paros rmy 6%kmv.—Scholiast. One boy brings the spear in its case ; the other the sweetbread on the spit. Lamachus tells his boy to keep fast hold of the spear whilst he himself draws off the case; Dicaeopolis, in imitation, tells his to keep fast hold of the spit whilst he himself draws off the sweetbread. The duri in duréxov implies that the boy was in each case to pull, as it were, against his master, the boy tugging one way and the master the other. On rooëe the Scholiast remarks, rod ó8eXiakov. čare rà épurrentappiéva kpéa # riv xopôňv dºpe)- küorat. 1122. KiXXi8avras] Trestles used as a painter's easel, or to support a table- board or (as here) a shield. TptorkeMſ; &orri riva {{\a éq,’ &v ru66aori rās domi- ôas 8tavaravópevot.—Scholiast. Elmsley refers to Pollux vii. 129, §§ of 83 oi Tivakes épeiðovrat, draw ypáqovrai, £5Mov éori rptoºkéMès, kal Kaxetrat ākpiðas re kai ki)\\ibas, and to Hesychius, kix\ićavres' Tpaireſöv 8áorets kai inroëéuera' fi rpuoke- Nets Tpátreſat. f 1123. Tris épins) Aeinet yaorpès, tv’ j kai rms épiſs yaorpès Tiju dváravoriv čkºpepe rows kpiðaviras āprovs—Scholiast. Mei etiam ventris fulcra effer e clibano panes.— Bergler. It may be that Dicaeopolis, as he says this, “ventrem digito mon- strat” (Mueller), or, as Merry puts it, “is patting himself on the place which he describes as ris épiñs.” But I strongly suspect that the round protuberant paunch of some corpulent citizen had been compared to the dorm is àpiqa)\óegora, which a soldier in battle protruded before him ; and that we have here an allusion to that description, an allusion which the audience would at once understand. As to kpuSaviras see supra 86, 87 and the note there. 1124. dormièos kök\ov] IIeptºppaorrukós rºw dormièa yopydvorov 8é tºv *Xovorav Topyóva.—Scholiast. The epithet yop- T H E A C H A R N IA NS 173 LAM. Hold firmly to the spear whilst I pull off The case. DI. And you, hold firmly to the spit. LAM. Boy, bring the framework to support my shield. DI. Boy, bring the bakemeats to support my frame. LAM. Bring here the grim-backed circle of the shield. JUI. And here the cheese-backed circle of the cake. LAM. Is not this—mockery, plain for men to see? DI. Is not this—cheese-cake, sweet for men to eat? LAM. Pour on the oil, boy. Gazing on my shield, I see an old man tried for cowardliness. DI. Pour on the honey. Gazing on my cake, I see an old man mocking Lamachus. yóvorov is supposed to be a gird at Euripides who was fond of applying the term -vorov to a shield. Blaydes quotes from his plays dotriða quêmpóvorov, and xa)\kóvorov, and Xpworečvorov. Dicaeo- polis retorts with rvpóvorov, because cheese was one of the chief ingredients of a rºakoús. See on 1092 supra. 1128. Karáxed] Lamachus directs his servant to pour oil over the shield tva yévmrat Mapimporépa, as the Scholiast says; for all Hellenic soldiers were careful to keep their shields bright and polished against the day of battle. Thus the Ten Thousand, when called out to be reviewed by Cyrus, eixov rās datièas ékkekaðappévas, Anab. i. 2, 16; and the Thebans, before the battle of Mantinea, ÉNapurpúvovro rās do tribas, Hellenics vii. 5. 20. 1129. Set\ias pewāoſpevov) Who will erelong betried for cowardice. Cf.Knights 368. Both in this line and in the cog- nate passage, Plutus 382, I have trans- lated the words as if the speaker were seeing, here in the polished surface of his shield, there in his mind's eye, the actual trial of his opponent. And no doubt that would be the more pic- turesque and dramatic way of putting it ; just as Belisarius, endeavouring to persuade the Neapolitans to surrender their city which he was on the point of capturing, recounts the horrors enacted in a city taken by storm, and declares raērā NeátroNu täväe, &amep év karón rpg, rais trpórepov d\otoats tróMeow 6póv ráo- xovorav, airns re kai úp.6v és oikrov jrø.— Procopius de Bello Gothico i. 9. But it is hardly necessary to say that the language of Aristophanes will not really bear that meaning. The speaker in each case merely says that he sees before him a man who will presently be put on his trial. 1131. Tów Topyáorov) This is merely another reference to the Gorgon shield. Lamachus was really, as Elmsley points out, the son of Xenophanes, Thuc. vi. 8. 174 A X A P N E IX AA. pépe 8eſpo, traſ, 66paka troXepuatáptov. AI. §ape, traſ, 66paka köpioi Töv x6a. AA. v Tóðe "pös toos troMepiſovs 6opſićopal. AI. v Tóðe trpès toos avpuróras 6opſićopiat. 1135 AA. Tà otpépiat', & traſ, 870'ov čk tās dotríðos. AI. To 8eſirvov, & traſ, 870 ov čk ris kuatíðos. 3. M 2 3 an *A A 3/ A AA. y& 8' épavrò rôv yöuov otoro Aa36v. AI. y& 8& 6oiudittov AaBöv čéépxoplat. AA. Tºv ćatríð' aipov, kai 348tº", & traſ, Aagóv. 1140 Af Af A V A. vípet. 8agatd:: Xelpiépta rā trpáypiata. AI. aipov to Öeſirvov orvpatrotuk& T& Trpayplato. XO. ire 87, Xatpovres étri otpatidºv. d's divopoſav ćpxea.00v 68óv. tº pièv trively a tepavograpévº, 1145 ool & Guyóv kai trpopukátreuv, Tô & ka0et%3ely per& trauðſo kms dºpatorárms, divarpiðopévº te to 8eſva plpopuevº e 'Avriplayov Tów Paká80s, Évyypaſpéa, táv pleXéov troumrºv, [arp. 1132, 6&paka] eópaš means both a breastplate and the human chest, still called the thoraa in anatomical lam- guage. See Wasps 1194 and the note there. Here the word is leading up to the play on 60pſia oropa, in the following couplet : Bring me my corslet, says Lamachus; and bring me mine, that is to say, the Pitcher, retorts Dicaeopolis. éčeMe očv, p.mari, kāpioi rôv xóa, āv kaxeſ 6ópaka, āore 6apakuo'67val. — Scholiast. Here, as in Peace 1286, the breastplate, for the sake of preserving the play upon words, becomes in the translation a Casque. 1134. 6aphéopal] eapfforgeoréat is used in two significations: (1) to put on one's breastplate ; (2) to fortify oneself with wine, Theognis 508, 884, &c. Lama- chus employs the word in the first sense, Dicaeopolis in the second. There is an exactly similar joke in Peace 1286. The verb in the second sense, as indeed Mitchell observes, is used over and over again by Theognis; and the Oxford Lexicographers cite from Nican- der's Alexipharmaca 32 troró (ppéva 60pm- X6évres. 1137. rā Śeimvow] One would have supposed that the entire Seirvov, with T H E A C H A R N IA NS 175 LAM. Bring me a casque, to arm the Outer man. T). Bring me a cask to warm the inner man. LAM. With this I’ll arm myself against the foe. DI. With this I’ll warm myself against the feast. LAM: Boy, lash the blankets up against the shield. i).I. Boy, lash the supper up against the chest. LAM. Myself will bear my knapsack for myself. DI. Myself will wear my wraps, and haste away. LAM. Take up the shield, my boy, and bring it on. Snowing ! good lack, a wintry prospect mine. DI. Take up the chest ; a suppery prospect mine. CHOR. Off to your duties, my heroes bold. Different truly the paths ye tread; One to drink with wreaths on his head; One to watch, and shiver with cold, Lonely, the while his antagonist passes The sweetest of hours with the sweetest of lasses. PRAY we that Zeus calmly reduce to destruction emphatic and utter the exception of the Xods itself (supra 1086) would be inside the kiorn, but apparently there was still something to be lashed on to the outside, unless in- deed Dicaeopolis is giving the direc- tion, just as he uses the diminutive kiorris, for the sole purpose of mimick- ing more closely the language of Lamachus. 1143. tre 8%] So now the two antago- mists depart for their different engage- ments, to meet again some fifty lines later on their return, the one from his warlike, the other from his peaceful, expedition. The Chorus occupy the interval with a song, which though not * strictly speaking a Parabasis is of a distinctly parabatic character. The very words with which the little system of anapaestic dimeters commence, tre ôň Xaipovres, are the usual introduction to a regular Parabasis (see Knights 498, Clouds 510, Wasps 1009, Peace 729), whilst the two stanzas which follow have nothing to do with the plot of the Comedy, but are concerned with the poet's own personal grievances and antipathies. 1150. 'Avripaxov) We know nothing, and it is obvious that the Scholiast knew nothing, about Antimachus be- yond the information given by the 176 A X A P N E IX &s pièv &m A® Aóyº kakós ééoxéo etev ös y' épé tov TAñplovo. Affvata. Xopmy y A A étríðoupau Tev6í80s *M J/ 9 Oly €7 òeópevov, # 6’ 67tmplévn Zeiſs' & O ôv ćtrék\etore &etirvov. 1155 orićovo'o. trāpaxos, étri tpattéſm kelpiévm, ÖkéAAot kāra piéA- Aovtos Xafteſv attoi, kūov &ptráo go a pećyot. 1160 present passage. We learn from this line that he was an author, a dabbler both in prose and in verse; and further, that he had a disagreeable habit of sputtering out little specks of Saliva when talking: Tpooréppauve roës orvvopºt- Aoûvras 6ta\eyópevos, as the Scholiast expresses it; whence he was called Wakäs, Sputter, or (as here) 6 Yakáðos, son of sputter. But what was his offence as Choregus 2 The Scholiast's sugges- tion that he passed some Jºmºbiopia in- jurious to the Chorus is absurd ; he is evidently charged with excluding from the theatrical supper some person or persons who expected an invitation. This could hardly be the Chorus or Callistratus, because when Aristophanes was writing these lines he could not know what Chorus he would have, or even whether the play would be ulti- mately brought out in the name of Callistratus; he only knew that he himself was its author. It seems to me, therefore, that at some previous Lenaean festival Antimachus had not invited Aristophanes to the Supper given to his Chorus after the performance of his Comedy. And as the Babylonians was produced at the Great Dionysia, the reference must be to the Comedy of the Banqueters (Aavra)\ets). And this is the conclusion at which Fritzsche (De Daetalensibus, p. 9), Bergk (Preliminary note to that play in Fragm. Com. Graec.), and Mueller and Blaydes here, with many other Commentators, unhesi- tatingly arrive. No doubt the excuse for leaving Aristophanes out was that the Banqueters was produced in the name of Callistratus. 1156. Šv Ér’ 3rtôotput. On this inhos- pitable Antimachus the poet denounces two comic Woes. The first, like the denunciation in Knights 929–40, is concerned with the rev6 is, which was considered a great delicacy by the Athenians. The revös, though by Hesy- chius, Photius, Suidas, and others treated as identical with the orniſia, is always distinguished from it by Ari- stotle, and indeed by the Comic writers. Both are cuttles, but the rev6is is our calamary or squid (loligo vulgaris); the oſmºtia our common cuttle (Sepia officinalis). In the present passage Antimachus, possibly an epicure in the matter of cuttles, is supposed to be watching the progress of a cuttle, on + 1 − 1 - T-T ~ ~ 2. --~~~ - -- ~~~~~ + → ~~~~! ~ + Ji US$ table, à, GI’OSS a. i OOiii tº O'Wati Cis the T H E A C H A R N IA NS 177 That meanest of poets and meanest of men, Antimachus, offspring of Sputter; The Choregus who sent me away without any supper at all At the feast of Lenaea; I pray, two Woes that Choregus befall. May he hanker for a dish of the subtle cuttle fish 5 May he see the cuttle sailing through its brine and through its oil, On its little table lying, hot and hissing from the frying, Till it anchor close beside him, when alas ! and Woe betide him As he reaches forth his hand for the meal the Gods provide him, May a dog snatch and carry off the spoil, off the spoil, May a dog snatch and carry off the spoil. place where he is sitting impatient to enjoy it. For the tables, as we know, were not brought in till the guests were ready to begin the meal, Wasps 1216. The poet likens the cuttle, gliding along on its table, to a stately ship, a very Paralus, the flower of the Athenian navy, sailing on with a goodly freight to the haven where it would be, But just as it touches the shore, 3ké\\et, that is, just as the cuttle is getting within the reach of Antimachus, then may a dog seize and scamper away with the dainty. And this, says the poet, may I yet live to behold, ºr' émióoupw. 1157. &mtmpévm] Toasted. This was the favourite, though of course not the only, way of cooking a rev6is. In the second Thesmophoriazusae a speaker asks if any rev618es have been toasted to sustain the women exhausted by their long fast, Athenaeus iii. 64. Metagenes in his Thurio-persae says that the rivers about Thurium bore food ready cooked to the town, and even the little rivulets were flowing with toasted revölðes: rā Śē pukpā rauri trorópit vuev- rev6evi jet rev6iorw Óirrals.—Ath. vi. 98. Anaxandrides, in the long list of dainties quoted by Ath. iv. 7, enumerates rev- 6íðes on rai, a mirial épôai. And in the Auge of Eubulus a speaker tells a be- lated guest that the toasted rev6is has already been eaten up, trapevrérpºokrat rev6is ééorrmuéviſ, Ath. xiv. 17; while, in the same chapter, we find Anti- phanes describing with much zest how in the process of cooking the rev6is puts off the flashing whiteness of its skin and Čav6aſoruv aipaws orópa trav dyá\\erat. Here, as in the Knights, it is still orićovora when served up to be eaten. The epithet IIápa)\os in the ship-meta- phor refers to the famous trireme, one of the two (the other being the Salaminian) which, as the fleetest and the best equipped in the Athenian navy, were specially employed on State errands. See Birds 1204. As regards the cuttle, it seems to mean simply marine. I doubt if it is possible to render it, with Blaydes, “prope salem adiacens.” 178 A X A P N E I X & V 3 - * @y $ Ay ºf * A. toūro pièv airó kaköv Év Kö6' repov vukteplvöv yévoiro. #Tiaxa v y&p oikað’ éé inſtraatas 8ačićov, [dvt. 1165 elta karáševé tus airoi; peóüov tº v Kepaxïv 'Opéorms pauvépevos. 6 & Aióov Aa3etv Æ 3. A Aſ BovXópevos, év okóTºp X680t * i TréAé6ov &otſ 4------ Tim Xéipt ºr v optios key(€apevov 3 * 2 y étrášetev 3’ exov 1170 Töv påppapov, kámetë' épop- Töv 8&Mou Kpativov. GEP. & 8p16es of kar’ oikóv čo Te Aopdxov, º/ $8op #80p v Xvrpiðip 6eppaívere. 1175 ð66via, kmpotiv trapaakevägere, *pi'oiovirnpä, Aaputróðtov rept to orgvpóv. & M &v?ip rérporal Xàpaki čuatmööv ráppov, \ kai Tô orqupov traXívoppov čekókkuore, 1163. Kg6 frepov] The Second Woe is a prayer that Antimachus, returning at night to his home on foot, may en- counter a highwayman with certain unpleasant results. The highwayman is called not simply “Orestes,” but “an Orestes,” 'Opérrms ris, which strongly supports the theory that Orestes had, somehow or other, become a cant name for a highwayman. Cf. Birds 712, 1491; Isaeus, In the matter of Ciron's estate, 4. 1164. hittaM&v . . . Bačičovl These par- ticiples are nominatives absolute. Tia- \os kupia's 6 perā Āiyous truperós. hitta\ów 8è eite kai Babičov duri too hiriaNoüvros Kai Saôićovros.-Scholiast. In Wasps 1038 the Sophists are described as #TiaNou and Twperot. 1172. uápuapov! Properly a stone of bright spar, which may seem a strange description of a tréAé60s. But the pºdp- puapos was a missile of the Homeric heroes; and the missile of Antimachus, though only a tréAe60s, is described in Homeric language. Mitchell refers to Iliad xii. 380, where Aias slew a Lycian chief pappuép? §kpidevri 8a)\ov, to Odyssey ix. 499, where the sailors fear lest the blinded Polyphemus should sink their vessel with a similar spar-stone, and to Eur. Phoen. 1401. And as to his aim- ing at one and hitting another, the same learned commentator refers to Lysias, Against Simon 8, #8a)\\é He Niêous, kai époi pºev ćpaprável, 'Aptorokpi- row 83 ouvrpiðel rô uéronov. The Cra- tinus who is to be the unintended recipient of this missile is the Cratinus already satirized supra 849. T H E A C H A R N IA N S 179 DULY the first Woe is rehearsed; attend whilst the other I’m telling. It is night, and our gentleman, after a ride, is returning on foot to his dwelling ; With ague he's sorely bestead, and he's feeling uncommonly ill, When suddenly down on his head comes Orestes's club with a will. 'Tis Orestes, hero mad, 'tis the drunkard and the pad. Then stooping in the darkness let him grope about the place, If his hand can find a brickbat at Orestes to be flung; But instead of any brickbat may he grasp a podge of dung, And rushing on with this, Orestes may he miss, And hit young Cratinus in the face, in the face, And hit young Cratinus in the face. ATTENDANT. Varlets who dwell in Lamachus's halls, Heat water, knaves, heat water in a pot. Make ready lint, and salves, and greasy wool, And ankle-bandages. Your lord is hurt, Pierced by a stake whilst leaping o'er a trench. Then, twisting round, he wrenched his ankle out, 1174. & 8p1&es] We have arrived at the closing scene of the play, the return of the representatives of Peace and War from their respective expe- ditions. But first, a messenger comes hurrying in, to rouse the household of Lamachus, and urge them to make all necessary preparations for the reception of their wounded master. And he gives in burlesque tragedy style a narrative of the injuries which Lamachus has received, and the manner in which he received them. The narrative is full of absurdities and inconsistencies, and the only injury of which Lamachus himself on his entry complains, viz. a thrust from a hostile lance, is left altogether unnoticed. Many have observed the similarity between the accident to Lamachus here (Ötatmööv ráqipov) and the manner of his death some elevem years later, étruštašās Tāqīpov rivă, kai povo0eis per' &Miyou rôv čvv8tašávrov, droëvijo-ket airós re kai Trévre # *ś róv per' airo5.—Thuc. vi. 101. And it is quite possible that Thucydides selected the particular word rāqipos there, in conse- quence of its occurrence here. Some remarks on the relation between the historian and the dramatist will be found in the Introduction. N 2. 180 A X A P N E I X kai Tàs kepoxms ko.Téaye trepi Atôov treaſov, 1180 * 2 y 3 Af y * y Af kai Topyóv' ééâyelpev čk Tijs dotríðos. TTíAov & Tô plºyo, kopatroXakū0ov Tearov Tpos Taís Trétpatori, Śelvöv čámù8a piéAos. º f * } “ 6 k\elvöv ćppia, viv Tavčo Tatów o' ióðv Af Af 5 A* g 3 / 3 y > y Aeſtro paos Towpavlov' oškét eipſ' éyò. /* * } I 1.85 Tooraúto Aééas eis $8poppóav Tea &v y 2 As * an /* &vía Tataí Te Kai évvavrá Špattérats, * 3 /* * As Ama Tès éAaúvov kai kata.ormépxov Šopſ. ôói & kaërós. dAX' &votye Tºv Óðpav. AA. dTrataſ, dTTaraſ. [o Tp. V Af * Ap A y A orvyepò. Tiêe ye kpvepā tra.0ea TóAas €yó. ŠtóAXvpal Sopos ūtrö troXepiſov Tvreſs. 3. Aº. } º 3. A *A 2 ékelvo 8 otv oiakTöv &v yévouto, 1,195 J. 3 y AlkauðtroXts et pi' ióot terpopuévov, º y 3. Af 4 sº y * A. kgt eyxavol TO.U.S. eptats Tv)(atoruv. AI. dTTataſ, dTTotal. [divt. 1181. kai Topyöv k.T.A..] We had a somewhat similar line Supra. 574, ris Topyöv' ééflyetpev ék too odyparos; but there the word “Gorgon’’ stood for the shield itself with all its Gorgon em- blazonry; here it stands only for the Gorgon emblazonry, which the shock of its bearer's fall had broken from the shield. The application of the line to two such very different incidents seems to show that it was a line familiar to the audience ; and indeed I suspect that the entire speech consists of travesties of well-known passages strung together without any regard to consistency. 1182. TriAov. . . tready] These, like firiaków and Saôišov a few lines above, are nominatives absolute. The speaker borrows from an earlier scene both the word TriAov, a bird's soft down, to de- scribe the great ostrich plume, and the word Kopſto\akúðov, as the name of the bird from which it came. It is extra- ordinary that some should have sup- posed the TriAov to be the speaker of lines 1184, 1185, and others the éppa to which those lines are addressed. 1184. 6 k\etvöv Šppa] He means the Sun which in Clouds 285 is called the In the following line Totpávtov is Arthur Palmer's correction (Quarterly Review, Oct. 1884, p. 365) of the ye roßpöv of the MSS. 1187. Sparréraus] The runaways are his own soldiers, who take to flight on be- sy * A 2 ôppia atóépos. T H E A C H A R N IANS 181 And, falling, cracked his skull upon a stone; And shocked the sleeping Gorgon from his shield. Then the Great Boastard's plume being cast away Prone on the rocks, a dolorous cry he raised, Oh glorious Eye, with this my last fond look 1, a2-a-2a. 4- ºs º º Aº sº. 7... 7: ... 1. A T 7 The heavenč vºy/ev 1 vewot' s ----- 7 --- - - -7---- way day Žiš ſtºč. He spake, and straightway falls into a ditch: Jumps up again: confronts the runaways, And prods the fleeing bandits with his spear. But here he enters. LAM. O lack-a-day ! Open wide the door. O lack-a-day ! I’m hacked, I’m killed, by hostile lances ! But worse than wound or lance ’twill grieve me If Dicaeopolis perceive me And mock, and mock at my mischances. DI. O lucky day ! O lucky day ! holding their leader fall. These he confronts, meeting them face to face, and staying their flight. The raiders are the enemy (supra 1077) whom he follows, driving them from the field of battle. It is idle to ask, as some editors have asked, how he could possibly do all this with a broken head and a dislocated ankle, for that constitutes the humour of the passage. 1190. Lamachus re-enters, wounded and dizzy with pain, supported by some rough male attendants. 1191. Orrvyspá K.T.A..] The first speech of Lamachus and the first speech of Dicaeopolis are antistrophical the one to the other. Indeed the mocking responses of Dicaeopolis are generally in the same metre as the lines to which they respond. These two speeches were first exhibited in their proper antistro- phical form by Bergk, who is followed by Mueller, Paley, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. But there are slight variations in the rendering of the strophes, and the only edition in which they are given exactly as in the text is that of Hall and Geldart. The four tribrachs with which Lamachus begins represent the first four feet of an iambic senarius, whatever may have been the metre of which they formed a part in the tragic threnody which the poet is here burlesquing. For, as the Scholiast says, 6pmvów Trapatpayºet. 1198. Dicaeopolis re-enters, jovial and dizzy with wine, supported by some gentle female attendants. Apparently 182 A X A P N E IX Töv Tutótov, Ös orkXmpå koi kvě6vuo. ºptAffa'atów pie paN6akós, ò Xpworſo, 1200 Tô treputreroo Töv kºtripavóaxoróv. Töv y&p Xóa Tpótos ékirétroko. AA. 6 o'vpºpop', tàaua Tóv épôv kaków. ið ió Tpavpiórov Troöövov. 1205 AI. iii, iii, Xaſpe Aaplox{tirtov. A.A. otvyépôs éyò. AI. ployepös éyé. AA. Tí pie ori) kvvets; AI. Tí pie at 64kvets; AA. TAXas éyò Tris Švpuboxfis (3apeſos. 1210 AI. toſs Xoval yèp tis Švg|30Åffs a' &mpattev; A.A. ió ió TIauðv ió IIo.16v. AI. dAA’ oix. Tiplepov IIalávio. AA. AdSea.06 pov, A&6eo-0e toſſ a kéAovs' Tatraſ, Tpoo A&3e00', 6 pixot. 1215 AI. plot, 86 ye a pø Toi Téovs &pſpo pégov Tpoo A&6eo.6’, 6 pixat. he does not see his hapless rival until line 1206 infra, ii), i.), Xalpe Aapuaxinſtruov. 1199. kvöðvia] Quincelike. The quince, (pyrus Cydonia) derived its Greek name from the Cretan city Cydonia, from which it was first brought into Greece. Athenaeus (iii. 20-2) has a good deal of gossip about quinces, citing amongst other passages a line from the comic poet Cantharus in which, as here, the bosom is compared kvěovious puff Motoruv. The translation is necessarily somewhat free. I have availed myself of a drinking song, which I often heard in my boy- hood, but of which I can now remember only the lines— What mortal ever can be richer, As here I stand, my glass in hand, With my dear girl, my friend, and—Pitcher. 1201. Tó reputreraorróv] Etöm (bi)muárov éportków, Év (; Öst riv y\óTrav Tóv kara- pu)\otivrov Meixeiv.—Scholiast. After this verse a line has dropped out answering to the AukatótroAts ei p' tool terpopévov of the antistrophe. 1209. Tí pie ori 84kvets;] Lamachus responds to the maudlin kisses of Dicaeopolis with a savage attempt to bite. His mood seems to be that of the damsel in Dryden's version of Theo- critus: T H E A C H A R N IA NS 183 What mortal ever can be richer, Than he who feels, my golden Misses, Your softest, closest, loveliest kisses. 'Twas I, 'twas I, first drained the Pitcher. LAM. O me, my woful dolorous lot O me, the gruesome wounds I’ve got DI. My darling Lamachippus, is it not ? LAM. O. doleful chance DI. O cursed spite LAM. Why give me a kiss? DI. Why give me a bite 2 LAM. O me the heavy, heavy charge they tried. DI. Who makes a charge this happy Pitcher-tide 2 LAM. O Paean, Healer l heal me, Paean, pray. DI. 'Tis not the Healer's festival to-day. LAM. O lift me gently round the hips, My comrades true ! DI. O kiss me warmly on the lips, My darlings, do Let go for shame ; you make me mad for spite ; My mouth's my own ; and if you kiss, I’ll bite. 1210. śvpuSoNijs] We have here a play, as the Scholiast observes, on the double signification of £up.30Mſ. Lamachus employs it in the sense of a meeting of hostile forces, an hostile encounter; Dicaeopolis in the sense of a money contribution made by guests to the cost of an entertainment. Brunck quotes some lines of Eubulus preserved by Athenaeus vi. 35 (p. 239A): ãoris à émi befrvov # ºptAov riv' # £évov Kaxéaas, étrelta čv/180Ads impáčato, ºpvyös Yévotto, pumbèv of coºey Aagóv. But Eubulus is speaking of an entertain- ment supplied by the host. In the present case the guests took their own provisions, so that any cash contribution was out of the question. 1213. IIalávia] ‘Eopt) 'A6#vnow émei ékeſvos IIatóva kaxeſ, étratéev 6 Aukatónio)\ts kai pmoiv 3rt oëk fort oriuepov rà IIalávia "AAAws. Éorri 88 €opri)'A6āvmat, 'AtróA\ovt toos divakeupévm.—Scholiasts. Nothing is known of this festival; and possibly the reference is to the 'AokAmmiewa, the festival 6T' jv Tó 'Aak\mmuð í, óvoria (Aeschines against Ctesiphon 67). Cf. Plutus 636. The worship of Asclepius was always also the worship of Apollo the Healer. 184 A X A P N E IX AA. ixty yió Kápa. Atôº tre+Amypévos, kai o Koročivió. AI. köyö kaffeijóelv 800Xopat kal otéopiat 1220 kai a koto8tvió. AA. 66pagé pſ' ééevéykar' és toū IIitta. Aov tratovíaiot Xepoiv. AI. Ös toūs kputós ple pépete Toij 'o'Tuv Ó Baoruxei's ; dTóðoré pou Töv do kóv. 1225 AA. Aóyxm tus éputéirmyé plot ôt’ 60téov 68vptá. AI. Öpâté tovtovi kevöv. tfiveXXa ka?,Aivukos. XO. TſiveXXa &nt', eitſep kaxeſs y', & Tpéo &v, kax\{vukos. AI. Kai Tpós y ákpatov čyxéas àpivotiv čéAavra. 1218. iMyytó . . . orkoto8wtó] These terms are more than once coupled to- gether by St. Chrysostom, “They who go to sea for the first time orkotočivots i\iyyious karéxovrat.”—Epistle v (to Olym- pias the Deaconess), p. 578 A. And again, “When we look down from a lofty tower tºuyyás ris juās eigéos kai orkoroëlvia Aap gével.—Hom. xix in Eph. 140 D. And again, “If you take a child up to a great height, and bid him look down, and then observe him iNtyytów kai 6opv6oßplewov kai orkoroötviðv, you will at once take him down again.”—Hom. i in Hebr. 8 A. 1222. IIvrrá\ov] This eminent physi- cian has already been mentioned supra 1032. 1224 kpitás ... Bagwei's] The primary allusion is to the Pitcher-feast, the kpurai being the umpires there appointed to see that the rules of the competition were properly observed, and to decide who was the first to drain his Pitcher; and ostensibly it is to them that Dicaeopolis is appealing. But in reality it is the poet's own appeal to the trévre kpurai of the theatrical contest (see the Com- mentary on Eccl. 1154) to award the prize to the Acharnians. The 8aori.Net's I take to have been the same in both competitions, viz. the āpxov 8aorixei's who, we are told, trpoéorm&e Amvatov Pollux viii. 90), presided, that is to say, not merely over the dramatic contests, but over the whole festival of which (I am assuming the identity of the Lenaea and the Anthesteria) the Pitcher-com- T H E A C H A R N IA INS 185 (He is helped off the stage.) LAM. My brain is dizzy with the blow - Of hostile stone. DI. Mine’s dizzy too: to bed I'll go, And not alone. LAM. O take me in your healing hands, and bring To Pittalus this battered frame of mine. DI. O take me to the judges. Where's the King That rules the feast 2 hand me my skin of wine. LAM. A lance has struck me through the bone So piteously so piteously DI. I’ve drained the Pitcher all alone; Sing ho! Singhol for Victory. CHOR. Sing ho! Singhol for Victory then, If so you bid, if so you bid. DI. I filled it with neat wine, my men, And quaffed it at a gulp, I did. petition formed a conspicuous part. In both cases the kpurai would decide who were entitled to the prize; in both cases the BagiNews would bestow it, giving the dorkös to the Victor in the Pitcher-com- petition, and directing the Victor in the Comedy-contest to be crowned with ivy. At this moment the āpxov SaoriNets was sitting in the front row of the audience (Haigh's Attic Theatre vii, $ 3); and Dicaeopolis, in answer to his own ques- tion, would doubtless indicate him by glance or gesture. But the words āmāöoré pot rôv dorköv are addressed not to the 8aori Mets alone, but to the bystanders generally, and from some quarter or other an āorkös seems to have been given him. 1227. Tovrovi kevävl That is the Xóa, which he had been the first to drain. rfiveX\a ka)\\ivukos is the Song of Victory which, though directly addressed to Dicaeopolis as the hero of the drinking contest, is yet intended indirectly to herald the triumph of Aristophanes in the present dramatic competition. For a full account of this Victor's song see the last note in the Commentary on the Birds. It was composed by Archilochus and seems to have run as follows:– riveAAa kaxxiv.uke. & ka?Atvike xaſp' divač ‘HpákMees, aúrós re kai 'Idâaos, aixumrå São. rfiveAAa ka?Atvike. 1229. Šuvorriv) At one gulp; without stopping to take breath. This seems to have been a Thracian mode of drinking, Horace, Odes i. 36. 14; Callimachus, 186 A X A P N E IX: XO. TſiveXAd vuv, 6 yewváða. Xópel Aa3&v Tóv dorkóv. AI. Énéo-0é vuv #8ovres & tiveXXa ka?\\{vukos. XO. &AA' | 6peoffa orºv Xàptu tfiveXAo ka?,Aſvikov ć- & V \ \ 5 / Ol/TES OF E KOZL TOy 6. Orköy. 1230 Fragm. 109 (Bentley). The words kai Trpás 'ye at the commencement of the speech might at first sight seem to introduce a second drinking feat, but apparently they are only intended to enhance the merit of the first. “Not only was I the first to drain the Pitcher, but I did it without taking breath, and that although it was full of neat wine.” 1233. §§ovres oré kai Tôv doków] And thus, in marked contrast with the ignoble exit of Lamachus and his rough nurses, T H E A C H A R N IA NS 187 CHOR. Sing ho! brave heart, the wineskin take, And onward go, and onward go. DI. And ye must follow in my wake, And sing for Victory ho! sing ho! CHOR, O yes, we'll follow for your sake Your wineskin and yourself, I trow. Sing ho l for Victory won, sing ho! Dicaeopolis and his boon companions quit the stage in triumph, singing their songs of victory. This was the right and only termination for the Comedy. And yet I doubt not that in real life Aristophanes would have thought it a far nobler thing to come back wounded in fighting his country's battles with Lamachus, than to join in the tipsy revelry of Dicaeopolis. A PP E N DIX. OF WARIOUS READINGS ARISTOPHANES, we are told, composed forty Comedies. He was indeed credited with forty-four, but four of these were by the ancient critics pronounced to be spurious. See the First, Third, and Fifth of the Lives at the commencement of this volume. It is probable that few MSS. would contain the whole forty Comedies. One scholar would transcribe certain of the Plays, and another others; and some one must have transcribed the eleven Comedies which have come down to us, in a MS. or MSS. which, or copies or partial transcripts of which, have alone had the good fortune to survive the general wreck of ancient literature. It seems to me that the original transcription of these eleven Plays is due to Suidas, who claims Tempaxéval certain dramas of Aristophanes, viz. 'Axapuets, Bárpaxos, Eipſium, 'EkkAmoud ſovo'at, Geopopopudſovo at, ‘ITTets, Avo votpárm, Neq6Aat, "Opuwóes, TIAoûros, Xqfixes, see Life III. The names, given in alphabetical order, are those of the eleven surviving Comedies. The actual date of Suidas is uncertain; and it is perhaps not impossible that the great Ravenna MS. is really the original tran- script in the handwriting of Suidas and his assistants. But we are not to suppose that his selection of these eleven Plays met with any general acceptance as the “Select Plays of Aristophanes”; not one of the Byzantine critics draws any distinction between these and the remaining twenty-nine; and Eustathius, who flourished a century and a half after the date assigned by experts to the Ravenna M.S., could hardly have spoken of the Ecclesiazusae as an unfamiliar Play, àovvíðms kopºpóta (on Iliad xxii. 427), had he even been aware that it was recognized as one A PPENDIX f89 of the eleven standard Comedies of Aristophanes. But since the revival of Greek Literature in Western Europe our knowledge of Aristophanes, apart from references and quotations in other authors, has been restricted to this transcription, whether by Suidas or another, of the eleven Comedies. Numerous as are the Aristophanic MSS. and diverse their contents, not one of them ever travels beyond the eleven : not one of them even recognizes the existence of a twelfth. The Acharnians is found in fourteen MSS. ; all of which have been collated by Mr. R. T. Elliott; see his “Textual Criticism of Aristophanes and Aeschylus, Oxford, 1908.” But unfortunately his collation has not yet been published; and at present the only MSS. whose readings are known are the following : — R. The Ravenna MS. (I possess the facsimile of R and am responsible for the presentation of its readings in this Appendix.) P. The first Parisian (No. 2712, National Library, Paris). P". The second Parisian (No. 2715, National Library, Paris). P*. The third Parisian (No. 2717, National Library, Paris). (These three Parisian MSS. were collated by Brunck for his edition.) F. The first Florentine (No. 31. 15, Laurentian Library). F'. The second Florentine (No. 31, 16, Laurentian Library). M*. The fourth Milanese (No. L. 41, St. Ambrose Library). I. The first Roman (No. 67 in the Vaticano-Palatine Library). Marco Musuro seems to have had access to I or a very similar MS., and it was afterwards used by Kuster. The great Venetian MS. (V), a manuscript second in value only to the Ravenna, does not contain the Acharnians, the only one of the eleven Plays which it omits, with the exception of the three yvvauketa ëpápara, the Lysistrata, the Thesmophoriazusae, and the Ecclesiazusae. Nevertheless the text of the Acharnians is singularly free from cor- 190 A PPIEN DIX ruptions; and there is perhaps no other Comedy of Aristophanes in which the early editions, that is to say, the editions before Brunck, present so few variations. In most of the Plays new readings are perpetually being introduced by Junta, Fracini, Grynaeus, and other editors; but here such variations are exceedingly rare. The text of the latest editions before Brunck varies but slightly from the text prepared by Marco Musuro for the Aldine edition, the Editio Princeps of Aristophanes. The editions of the Acharnians in my own possession, from which the following synopsis is compiled, are as follows:— (1) Aldus. Venice, 1498. (2) Junta. Florence, 1515. (3) Fracini. Florence, 1525 (sometimes called the second Junta). (4) Gormont. Paris, 1528. (5) Cratander. Basle, 1532. (6) Zanetti. Venice, 1538. (7) The second Junta. Florence, 1540 (sometimes called the third Junta). (8) Farreus. Venice, 1542 (hardly more than a reprint of Zanetti). (9) Grynaeus. Frankfort, 1544. (10) Gelenius. Basle, 1547 (sometimes called Froben). (11) Frischlin. Frankfort, 1597. (12) Rapheleng. Leyden, 1600 (sometimes called Plantin). (13) Portus. Geneva, 1607. (14) Scaliger. Leyden, 1624 (called Scaliger's because containing a few notes of his). (15) Faber. Amsterdam, 1670 (hardly more than a reprint of Scaliger's with the addition of Le Fevre's Ecclesiazusae), (16) Kuster. Amsterdam, 1710. (17) Bergler. Leyden, 1760 (posthumous. The text is Burmann's). (18) Brunck. London, 1823 (originally published at Strasburg, 1783). A PP E N DIX 191 (19) Invernizzi. Leipsic, 1794–1823. (The notes to the Achar- - nians are by Dindorf.) - (20) Elmsley’s Acharnians. Oxford, 1809. (21) Bothe's first edition, Leipsic, 1828. (22) Bekker. London, 1829. (23) Dindorf. Oxford, 1835. (24) Mitchell’s Acharnians. London, 1835. (25) Weise. Leipsic, 1842. (26) Bothe's second edition. Leipsic, 1845, (27) Blaydes’s Acharnians, first edition. London, 1845. (28) Bergk. Leipsic, 1857 (reprinted 1888). (29) Meineke. Leipsic, 1860. (30) Albert Mueller’s Acharnians. Hanover, 1863. (31) Holden. London, 1868. (32) Green’s Acharnians. London, 1870. (33) Paley’s Acharmians. Cambridge, 1876. (34) Merry’s Acharnians. Oxford, 1885. (35) Blaydes's second edition. Halle, 1887. (36) Hall and Geldart. Oxford, 1900. (37) Van Leeuwen. Leyden, 1901. It is necessary to enumerate these editions, because the readings mentioned (in this Appendix) of the printed editions are founded on, and confined to, the foregoing list. If, for example, I say that all editions before Elmsley read so-and-so, I mean that all those in this list do so. I do not know, and cannot answer for, the readings in any other editions. However I believe that the list contains all the editions of Aristophanes which are of any importance from a textual point of view. There are few, if any, greater Aristophanic scholars than Elmsley, but two circumstances detract from the value of his edition of the Acharnians. (1) He was acquainted with the readings of the Ravenna MS. only through Invernizzi's collation which, like the Egyptian queen, is, alas ! unparalleled for its blundering inaccuracy. And (2) he was 192 APPEND IX himself so dissatisfied with it that he suppressed it before very many copies had been sold; and it is now chiefly known through a German reprint, and the reproduction of a great part of its notes in Bekker's Variorum edition. Copies of the English edition are very rare: I have the good fortune to possess one, but have never seen a second; and in some respects the German reprint is more convenient, since the volu- minous and valuable Addenda appended to the English edition are in the German incorporated with the original notes at the foot of the page, and distinguished from them by being placed in brackets. It is obvious therefore that some of the notes do not represent Elmsley’s final views; which they were we cannot tell; but probably he felt that he was wrong, or at all events doubted if he were right, in elevating the common usage of the Comic poets into inflexible laws, every offence against which is to be punished by immediate correction. Dr. Sandys, in his interesting History of Classical Learning, vol. iii, p. 309 (published in 1908), speaking of Elmsley, says:— “Porson held him in high esteem until he found him appropriating his own emendations without mentioning his name. Porson's property was thus annexed by Elmsley in his review of Schweighaeuser's Athenaeus, and in his edition of the Acharnians. Elmsley attempted to suppress the latter, but found to his dismay that it had already been reprinted at Leipzig.” This is a very serious charge to bring against a great and honoured memory; but Dr. Sandys evidently makes it in good faith, and is quite unaware that these so-called annexations are entirely mythical. After Porson’s death some of his most intimate friends and disciples became jealous of the great and growing reputation of Elmsley. There was no ground for such jealousy, for Porson’s marvellous skill as a textual critic is quite unapproached and unapproachable. Nevertheless it existed, and with it arose a disposition to say that anything of value in Elmsley’s work must, somehow or other, have been derived from Porson. In the Edinburgh Review of October, 1803, Elmsley had written a very brilliant review of Schweighaeuser’s Athenaeus. Whatever merit it had must of course be attributed to Porson. But how could Elmsley have known A PPE N DIX 193 anything about Porson’s unpublished emendations of Athenaeus? Oh, says one, they met somewhere at a dinner-party, and Porson told him. No, says another, it was no doubt at some second-hand bookstall. It is very possible, says the Rev. J. Selby Watson in his “Life of Porson” (chap. 22), that both these statements are true. It is, however, quite certain that both these statements are false. The authors of these bright suggestions had not access to Porson’s “ Notes on Athenaeus.” We have. Elmsley, in the review in question, made twenty-one emendations in the text of Athenaeus, all good, but none requiring any remarkable ingenuity. There is nothing like Porson’s substitution of vápov for Mévov in the Birds, or Elmsley’s substitution of Ömpoſ, for 67) tra? in the Acharnians. Of the twenty-one passages so emended, fifteen are not even mentioned by Porson; three he corrects in a totally different way from that proposed by Elmsley; and there remain only three in which their suggestions tally. And these three emendations are of the most obvious character, and would naturally suggest themselves to any ordinary scholar. Thus (1) in Athenaeus iii. 34 (p. 87 F) some lines of Poseidippus are quoted which enumerate a string of dainties unconnected by any copula, except in one place where Schweighaeuser gives éyxéAta Kai Kapá8ovs. Here éyxéAva is a vow nihili, and the superfluous kal is obviously a repetition of the first syllable in kapá8ovs. And both Porson and Elmsley suggested, as any competent scholar would have suggested, that for the two objectionable words éyxéAta kal we should read #yxéAeta, an extremely familiar form in Attic Comedy, and indeed found in line 1043 of this very Play. (2) The next passage is from Epicharmus (Ath. iii. 64, p. 105 B): évri 8' doºrakoi, kokā88auvai r" #xotorat rā tróðia Pukpā, Tâs xeipas 8e Hakpās, kápagos 8é révvua. It is plain that the words éxoto at të Tööta pukpā belong to kápagos, and it would have been difficult to emend the line, had not Schweighaeuser in a footnote given from one of his MSS. what is really the correct reading exogra rööt #xel. All that Porson and Elmsley O 194 A PPIE N DIX did was what any competent scholar would have done, viz. to write t’ exogra in proper form te, Xós Tā tróði' éxei. (3) In Ath. iii. 70 (p. 107F) Schweighaeuser writes a line of Alexis as aloxvvópevov fitap kai kamptorkovs Karaqpayoſ, without metre or meaning. Here, as in the first example, the kal represents the first syllable of the following word. And kataqayoi can be nothing but a genitive case. All therefore that is required to make the line a good senarius is to omit the kai, and annex the final letter of katſpíokovs to the following word: aloxvvópevov intrap Karptorkov orkaroqāyov (an adjective found in Plutus 706). Of all Elmsley’s twenty-one emendations, these are positively the only three in which Porson_had anticipated him. And considering the enormous number of Porson's conjectures on Athenaeus, it is really marvellous that he had not anticipated many more of the younger scholar's emendations. The story about the Acharnians is, if possible, even more obviously fabulous. The dinner-party and bookstall have disappeared; and in their place comes a really remarkable suggestion that Elmsley must have surreptitiously obtained access to Porson’s MSS. in a room in which they were after his death deposited by the authorities of Trinity College, Cam- bridge. Mr. Watson, who quoted it from an anonymous article, prudently disclaimed all responsibility for such nonsense: a responsibility which Dr. Sandys does not hesitate to assume. Now apart from the fact that Elmsley’s Acharnians must have been through the press, if not actually published, before the alleged date of the alleged clandestine entry, we have here again the circumstance that Porson’s Aristophanic notes, published by Dobree in 1820, entirely disprove the suggestion that Elmsley was in any way indebted to Porson’s MSS. There is not the slightest similarity between Porson’s notes and Elmsley's notes. Porson did little for the Acharnians, and any one who compares the two works cannot fail to be struck by the extreme wealth of Elmsley’s contributions and the extreme paucity of Porson’s. Dobree, the collaborator with Porson, and the inheritor of his literary traditions, observes in his preface to Porson’s “ Notes on Aristophanes” that he has disregarded the conjectures of recent critics with the single A PPE IN DIX - 195 exception “Elmsleii ut in Attica scena regnantis.” His words are “Criticorum, praesertim recentiorum, coniecturas conquirere supersedi; unius Elmsleii scripta, ut in Attica scena regnantis, negligere nolui.” It is inconceivable that he should have adopted that tone, had he imagined that Elmsley had acted unhandsomely towards Porson in regard to these very “Notes on Aristophanes.” And again in his own Adversaria on the Acharnians there is no scholar whom he quotes so often, and with such unvarying respect as Elmsley. It was doubtless in allusion to, and in derision of, these ridiculous cock-and-bull stories that he said that Elmsley must indeed have been äpxeKAertſotaros. And indeed Elmsley needed not to borrow of any man: he was in the very foremost rank of critical scholars, and contributed almost, if not quite, as much as Porson himself to the settlement of the text of Aristophanes. But their methods were very different. So soon as Porson took up a corrupt passage of any Greek author he seems to have perceived intuitively how it ought to be restored. It shook itself into shape the moment it reached his hands. Elmsley was a model of laborious industry, comparing passage with passage till at length he struck out light. And no man was ever more scrupulous than he in acknowledging his obligations to his predecessors. For one curious instance see the note in this Appendix on line 448. The scholars of the last century were most generous in their apprecia- tion of Elmsley’s work. I may perhaps be allowed to cite two instances, one from a foreign contemporary of his own, and another from a recent English critic whose loss we are now deploring. “Est enim Elmsleius, si quis alius, vir natus augendae accurationi Graecae linguae cognitioni, ut cuius eximia ac plane singularis in pervestigandis rebus grammaticis diligentia regatur praeclaro ingenio, mente ab auctoritatibus libera, animo veri amantissimo, neque aut superbia, aut gloriae studio, aut obtrectandi cupiditate praepedito. His ille virtutibus id est consequutus ut, quum doctrina eius maximi facienda sit, non minus ipse sit amandus atque venerandus. Ea. autem maxima est et non interitura laus nom UTILEM tantum, sed etiam BONUM VIRUM esse.”—HERMANN, Medea, p. 407 (A.D. 1822). “Feliciter autem contigit huic fabulae ut eam unam ex Aristophanis fabulis edendam curaverit vir Šáveow hkpığopéumv éxov (Ram. 1483), eruditissimus et O 2. 196 A PP E N DIX sagacissimus, et hoc literarum genere maxime excellens, Petrus Elmsleius, qui una cum Porsono, Dobraeo, et Hermanno criticae scientiae accuratioris funda- 1997 *=w sº º ºs º º * V--- * - 1887). menta nosuit.”—BLAYDES. Acharnians. p. xvi (A. D. Jºãº, wººl, Wººd I' ~~~~~ * ~ *-* - 2 * * * * * * * * ***** -º-º: 5 It’ ” s^* Such testimonies as these from men who had followed in Elmsley’s footsteps and tested his work, and they might be multiplied a hundred- fold, stand in marked contrast to the obloquy cast upon his memory by Dr. Sandys. It is high time that these attempts to aggrandize one great scholar at the expense of another should come to an end. It was unjustifiable in the first instance to make them; it is ludicrous to persist in them after their falsity has been so completely exposed by the publication of Porson’s own notes on Aristophanes and Athenaeus. Porson and Elmsley are amongst the brightest stars of English scholarship, and Elmsley’s position, if not so brilliant, is as fully assured as the position of Porson. I ought perhaps here to repeat what I have stated in Comedies pre- viously published, viz. that the word vulgo in my Appendix is intended to comprise all editions in the foregoing list not otherwise accounted for. And also that words cited from the text are intended to bear the accent required by their position in the text, and not that required by their altered position in the Appendix. 2. Trávo 8° 3atá MSS. vulgo. Elms- ley altered 8é into ye, and so Mueller and Wan Leeuwen. Dobree proposed to alter it into ru. But the meaning is Not only few, but very few. Some un- necessary objections have also been raised to the comic rérrapa at the end of the line; and Herwerden would read jorðnv 8: 8atà trávv, rpt’ irr' fi rérrapa, and Wan Leeuwen joðmu 8& Bai' àrr' $v6á8', ei kai raûr’āpa. 3. Wrappokooruoyāpyapa. It is very doubtful whether this compound should commence with Wrapplo- or Wrappa- ; or in other words, whether the section introducing the idea of 100 is -koorwo- or -akoorto-. Wrappio- is read by R. and all the MSS. except (according to Blaydes) P., by the Scholiast, and after him by Suidas in four places (s.v. and also s.v.v. yápyaupe, Kapkaipo, and koo'oto), by all editors before Elmsley; and by Bekker, Weise, Bergk, Paley, and Van Leeuwen afterwards. And the Scholiast and A PPIEN DIX 197 Suidas emphasize their testimony by giving -kooto- as representing the 100. Wrappa- was introduced by Elms- ley before the reading of R. and the MSS. generally was known; and is read by Eustathius on Iliad xiv. 292 and Hesychius s.v. And one M.S. of Suidas gives kappakooriovs in the quotation from the Xpvootiv yévos of Eupolis. Blaydes says that P., Suidas in all four places, and Brunck have Wrappa-; but he is in error as regards Suidas and Brunck, and if P. so reads one would have expected Brunck to notice it. Elmsley is followed by Bothe and subsequent editors except as aforesaid. However on the whole it seems safer to abide by the reading of the MSS. generally. 4. Ti 3’ forémy MSS. vulgo. ri jo.6my Elmsley (but in his Additional Note he prefers ri àp jarðmu), Wan Leeuwen. 7. raû6 &s éyavóónv MSS. vulgo. “Malim roërous éyavóómv,” Elmsley. But cf. ti 8' ja'émy above and 38wvíðmu èrepov and jo'67, repov just below. 10. 'Kexívm Bentley, Bergler (in notes), Elmsley, recentiores, except In- vernizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, and Paley. exexijun Etym. Magn. s.v. čmetrovíkeiv, and so Brunck, who also alters the preced- ing 8i, into Öſt'. All the MSS. except R. have keyńvm, and so vulgo; and of course the first augment is often omitted in the pluperfect. kexãvet R. 12. čoretore MSS. vulgo. oreto at Walcke- maer (at Eur. Hipp. 446), Brunck. 18. Kovias R. I. and (originally) F., Bentley, Porson, Elmsley, recentiores. kovias ye F. (as altered), the other MSS., and all editions before Elmsley. 24. #kovres, eira 8 &ottojvrat MSS. vulgo. The 83 after eira has created some difficulty, and Dobree hesitatingly suggested eira övoortoivrai, which is ap- proved by Meineke in his W. A. and adopted by Holden and Merry. Others would substitute a verb for the parti- ciple #kovres, Haupt suggesting #ovov, Vollgraff trapetow, and R. J. T. Wagner (Rheinisches Museum 60. 3) efföovorty. 25. dAAñAouat Tepi rpárov šč\ov MSS. vulgo. dAXiXois trepi roß rpárov ćMov Meineke, Blaydes. dAM))\otors trepi trpä- tov šč)\ov Naber, Wan Leeuwen. 26. dépôot (with varying accent and breathing) MSS. vulgo. Suidas has the disyllabic form ā6pot. Moeris says ã6povs’Artukós, dépôovs 'EAAmvikós, whilst Thomas Magister says dépôos 'Artukós oùk áðpovs. These two statements, though apparently, are not really, con- tradictory. Thomas Magister means that dépôos was used by the chief Athe- nian writers; and Moeris, that while ã6povs is found in some Attic writers, and nowhere else, dépôot belongs to the language of the great Athenian writers which afterwards became the universal language of Hellenic prose. Seethe Intro- duction to the Knights. Yet Meineke, against the authority of all the MSS., introduces à6pot into the text of Aristo- phanes, and is followed by Mueller, Holden, Merry, and Wan Leeuwen. 35. #8et MSS. except P. F. (#3’ el R.) vulgo. #8m P. F. Brunck, Bekker, Meineke, jömu Elmsley, Bothe. §§ew Suidas (s.v. Tptov), Weise. 45. #ön ruseine MSS. vulgo. Bergksug- gested, and the suggestion does not seem to have been intended as a joke, Alavris eime. Hamaker proposed oriya, ortóra. 47. 36ávaros. 6 yap MSS. vulgo. Elms- ley, objecting to a tribrach followed by 198 A PPIEN DIX an anapaest, reads déâvarós y” 6 yap. But there is no rule against this com- £9 e Al ** * * º e bination, bö; and eve there were it would not apply to a passage like the present, where there is a full stop between the two feet, see Eccl. 315. And nobody has followed Elmsley, nor has Fritzsche's suggestion (at Thesm. 730) d6ávaros yāp met with any better fortune. 52. Troteig 6at MSS. vulgo. Elmsley suggested, but did not read, troumorat (as six lines below), which is introduced into the text by Meineke, Mueller, Holden, and Wan Leeuwen. 54. Kiipuš. All printed editions except Bekker, Dindorf, Bothe's second, and Blaydes's first; but Blaydes reverts to the common reading in his second edition. P. had kāpwé ; altered into IIpúravis, and IIpătavus is read by the four excepted editions. R. gives no name, and it does not appear what the other MSS. have. See the Commentary. 58. Toujorat MSS. (except R.) vulgo. Troteioróat R., Hall and Geldart. But the middle form seems to be excluded by the juiv in the preceding line. 59. Káðmoro oriya R. F. F. P. P. vulgo. káðmoro, oriya P. Mº. Bergler (in notes), Meineke, Holden, Blaydes. 60. Tpwravečante MSS. vulgo. Meineke has in his text Tpvravečnte, which (as he does not mention it) is probably a clerical error. 61. oi Tpéo Bets of trapā Saori Néaos R. F. Invernizzi, Elmsley, recentiores, except Weise. oi trapā Baori)\éos ºrpéo:3ets P. P. P*. I. F., all editions before Invernizzi, and Weise afterwards. 62. dx00pa 'y& R. vulgo. ixéouat yńp P". I. Brunck, but in his notes he pro- 3 ſº 11 Ll posed toſs, which is read by Elmsley, and in his first, but not in his second, edition by Blaydes. P. P2. F1. 68. §rpuxópe6a èlá ràv Katjarptov reëiov I. Bentley, Brunck, and Bekker. And I have no doubt that this reading would have been universally adopted were it not for the supposed (but really non- existent) rule that an anapaest must not follow a tribrach, see on 47 supra. All editions before Brunck have the same reading except that they give the verb as érpuxáneo 6a, treating Kaū- orptov as a trisyllable; and so P. F. and (as corrected) P'. And so R. except that it has trapā for Ště. For érpvXópe6a M*. has ārpvXópe6a; Pº. (originally) and and P. Taxópeo:6a. Invernizzi takes érpuxópe6a from Brunck and trapā from R. Whilst the reading was €rpvXópeo:6a Suá ràv Bentley wrote “vel dele articulum, vel potius lege erpuxópe6a.” The first of his alterna- tives is followed by Bergk, Meineke, Green, and Hall and Geldart, but the article is plainly necessary. Elmsley (comparing Peace 989) omitted the pre- position, reading érpuxápleota Töv K.T.A., and taking the sense to be “we pined for the Caystrian plains”; and so Bothe and Paley. But even supposing that the words could bear that meaning, why in the world should the envoys pine for the Caystrian plains? Those are the very plains through which they would be travelling. Dindorf reads érpuxápeo:6a trapū Kaiſorptov adopting R.'s reading where it differs from all the others, and rejecting it where it agrees with them all. Yet he is followed by Weise, Mueller, Holden, ãxôopat yūp Ös F*. émieuxópe6a; treblow ; A PPE N DIX 199 and Merry. Blaydes, after various changes of opinion, settles upon dvå rô Kačarptov reštov, every word of which differs from every MS. He also sug- gested trapū Kaijo-rptov trorapºv which Van Leeuwen reads. 7i. or pååpa yāp MSS. vuigo. Brunck, in my copy of his edition, reads yap, and says in his note “Walet yap nimirum et ironicum est. Sic occurrit Saepis- sime, ad suppressa quaedam referen- dum e sententia facillime supplenda, ut hic; Optima causa est cur queraris; nam longe melior erat mea conditio, quum—” Yet he is said to have after- wards read y áp', and is followed in so doing by Invernizzi, Elmsley, Mueller, and Holden. Táp' Mehler, Bergk, and Meineke. But yap, besides being the reading of all the MSS., gives a far better sense. 73. Ševićduevot 8& MSS. vulgo. Ac- cording to Invernizzi R. has Ševišćpevot yāp which he brings into the text, and is followed by Elmsley, who says “$évi- {ópevol yāp Rav. Particula respicit ad diroMAépevot v. 71. Ex interpretatione Scholiastae natum videtur &&.” Dindorf. takes another view. “yāp R.,” he says, “quod referri potest ad diroMAépevot v. 71. Sed repetitum videtur ex aq6öpa 'yap.” And all the most recent editions (Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen) give yāp as the reading of R. But all this is a mere hallucination. R. does not read yép. Like all the other MSS. it reads Ševićpevol 6&. 78. 8vvapiévows karaqpayeſv Kai I. P. Bentley, Invernizzi, Bothe, Bekker; and so Meineke in his Wind. Aristoph. All the other MSS., and all editions before Brunck, and Dindorf and Mueller afterwards, read Övvapiévous karaqpayetv Te Kai, contra metrum. Bentley wrote “dele karavel re.” And kara is omitted by Brunck and (save as aforesaid) subse- quent editors. In favour of the reten- tion of kara is the Scholiast's remark êušavaixòs i kata; against it is a line of Theophilus quoted by Dindorf from Athenaeus x. 10 (p. 417A), ávěpáv Óráv- tov tr}\etorra övváplevos @ayetv. Elmsley reads Övvarot's karaqpayetv Te kai, which Dindorf in his notes approves. 79. Aalkaorrás re MSS. vulgo. Aalka- orrás ye Elmsley (in notes), Blaydes, Bergk. 84. Th trava exívg. These words, form- ing the commencement of the envoy's speech in the MSS. and vulgo, were by Elmsley transferred, with a note of in- terrogation, to Dicaeopolis; and this is followed by Mueller, Blaydes, and Van Leeuwen. But it seems plainly wrong. There is no reason for his suggesting this date, and no humour in his doing so. The humour consists in the envoy taking the question seriously, and honouring it with a reply. 85. Traperiðel 8 P. P. P. vulgo. And this is right, if the colon be restored after éééviće, as in R. and the older editions. But the colon having acci- dentally dropped out, it seemed as if both verbs were governed by eir', and Dindorf therefore read traperióel 6", which is adopted by Blaydes, Bergk, and all subsequent editors except Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. R. has kai traperiêer'. Cobet suggested trapart- 6els. * 93. Töv ye gov R. P. P. M*. vulgo. rów Te orów (tam regis oculum quam tuum) Elmsley, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores. 200 A PPIEN DIX And, according to Blaydes, the same reading is found in P. 95. vačqipakrov MSS. vulgo. vaíqapk- tov Dindorf, Blaydes, Hall and Gel- dart, and Van Leeuwen. 96. # trepi äkpav. So Bothe suggested, and so Blaydes and Van Leeuwen read. See the Commentary. MSS. vulgo. 98. dirénépyrev R. Kuster, recentiores. direplve all editions before Portus, diré- *A w */ m Trept akpav trepive P. Portus and the editions known as Scaliger's and Faber's. Témeplye F. àmeplye P. Knepºe I. P. F. 100. Éapá ávamogávav orérpa Brunck, Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except as hereinafter appears. Ééâpéav dirigorčva ordrpa P., all editions before Brunck; and Elmsley and Hall and Geldart afterwards. And so, with ééâpéas for éčápéav, M*. Bergk, Paley, and Van Leeuwen. And, with ārriororoplat for drug- oôva, P. F. And, with druororóvel for dittooróva, P. R. has āśápéas trio 6vaorrpa, which Invernizzi retains. 101. Čvvåkað MSS. vulgo. Cobet, Van Leeuwen. 104. Aſiv all printed editions. Añvel R. P. P. \#Vºn P. F.—'Iaovač MSS. vulgo. The Scholiast says rô alô duri rod où 8apſ3apișov “pm, whence 'Idovač is read by Bergk, Meineke, and Paley, but Meineke repents in his Adnotatio Critica. 105. ri Sai Elmsley, Dindorf, Bothe, Bergk, recentiores, except Hall and Gel- dart. Tiº 3’ ač MSS. vulgo. Brunck suggested but did not read ri oºv. 106. 8 tº ; Reiske, Brunck, recen- tiores. Ört MSS. editions before Brunck. 107. Xpwortov MSS. vulgo. £vvieó’ Elmsley suggested Xpworów, which is read by Dindorf, Blaydes, and Green. But see the next line. 108. §§e ye Bentley, Elmsley, recen- tiores. Óði ye MSS., all editions before Elmsley. Brunck, thinking the mid- syllable of dxávas short, read or pºv in the next line; and Fritzsche (at Thesm. 804) on the same hypothesis suggested or uév oëv; but it is no doubt long. 111. Tpós routovi MSS. vulgo. Tpés Tourovi (ego te adiuro per hanc scuticam) Reiske, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Wan Leeuwen. 112. 2dpötavuków R. Zanetti, Farreus, Rapheleng, Kuster, recentiores. 3apôt- viaków Gelenius and subsequent editors except Rapheleng before Kuster, 2ap- ôeuvuaków Grynaeus. 2apyreutaków edd. before Zanetti. Sapëaviaków P. P. F. I. Xavěaviaków Pº. F. After 113 and 114. dvavečet and étri- These stage-directions are found in R. and apparently in all the MSS. as in the text; and they are found in all editions before Blaydes's first. But all the editions before Brunck placed them at the commencement of lines 113 and 114, where they might be mistaken for a part of the text. To prevent this mistake, and to show that they are only stage-directions, trapettypaqal, Bentley enclosed them in brackets. Brunck restored them to their proper places, but enlarged them into divaveiðel 6 Yevöap- ráðas and étruvečew 6 Yevöaprágas. And so Bothe and Weise. Invernizzi, from R., gave them as in my text, and so Bekker, Dindorf, and Hall and Geldart. Elmsley placed them at the end of the two limes. But save as aforesaid all editors subsequent to Dindorf simply a' l/€ U6t. APPENDIX 201 omit them, a proceeding as improper as it is inconvenient, for in all probability they come from the hand of Aristo- phanes himself. See the Appendix to Thesm. “After 129.” And in doing this they think that they are following Bentley, who would never have toler- ated such an absurdity. Thus Mueller says “Parepigraphedvavečet, iam a Bent- Zeio uncis inclusa, delenda est.” The existence of these stage-directions is fully recognized by the Scholiast, who says rô dvaveče, Kai énºuvečet trapertypadi), itrép too oraq'es yewéoróat Ört àpvoúpºevos dvévevorev, ÖpioMoyáv Šē karéveworev. I should like to have restored the trapert- 7paq}) wherever the Scholiast tells us that there was one; but we do not always know what the exact words may have been. But wherever the MSS. give them they should be religiously preserved. See also Appendix to Birds “After 222.” 115. Övöpes. The aspirate was added by Elmsley. -- 116. kočk R. Invernizzi, Elmsley, re- centiores. oëk the other MSS. and all editions before Invernizzi. 119. §§vpmuéve Suidas (s.vv. KAeto 64vnv and 2rpárav), Frischlin, Portus, recen- tiores, except Kuster to Invernizzi, Bekker, and Merry. Čševpmuéve MSS. vulgo. 120 rouévôe y' & R. Bekker, Hall and Geldart. It is surprising that R.'s read- ing has not been generally followed, since the ye is as necessary as the 8é is impossible. Yet rouévêe 8', the reading of P. and P., is adopted by all editors except as herein mentioned. Totòvöe 6' & P. F. rotóvãe 8) Elmsley, Porson. 126. Ortparešopal. All MSS. except R. and all editions before Brunck, orpa- yet yopat R. Kuster, referring to Clouds 181, proposed orpayyetiopat, which spoils the sense, but is adopted by Brunck and all subsequent editors. See the Com- mentary. 127. Tots 8e £evićev MSS. vulgo. Toto be ševićew Brunck, apparently by an oversight. roëorêe Éevićew Blaydes, Van Leeuwen, in the sense of To think of feasting these men.—oiâémor' toxet y # 6ápa Suidas (s.v. to xeiv), Brunck, In- vernizzi, Elmsley in his text, Bekker, and Bothe in his second edition. tror' toxet 6ápa R. oëöémoré y’ tax i 6ápa P. P. F. F. M*. editions before Brunck. oëöéror' tax # 6%pa I. Pº. Unfortunately Elmsley, in his Addi- tional Note, struck out a novel idea which has wrought great havoc in the text of Aristophanes. “Rarissime in hoc metro anapaestum inchoat àv, yap, ôé, pièv, apa aut ulla enclitica. In his undecim fabulis exempla circiter quin- quaginta praebet Brunckius.” Only FIFTY examples in the eleven Plays One would have thought, as has been truly observed, that a much smaller number would have some weight in an induction. “And of these,” Elmsley proceeds to say, “the greater part can be easily amended.” But why should any of the fifty be tampered with ? Why is a poet to be compelled to use a particular collocation of words more than fifty times, or be fiever allowed to use it at all? There is no more re- spected name than Elmsley's in Aristo- phanic criticism, but he was rather too fond of erecting the general usage of the poet into a Draconian law, from which no departure was in any case to be allowed. However he proceeds to oùöé- 202 APPENDIX alter several of the fifty passages, and, amongst others, the present line. Here he proposes of 8éroré y toxet épa, and (save as herein appears) is followed by all subsequent editors. But the article is required with 60pa, and the ye is obviously more in place after toxet than after oióērore. Wan Leeuwen reads où8éva "rot" toxet 6%pa. 131. Trotmoral MSS. vulgo. But Elms- ley, though he did not read, suggested, in his note on 58 supra, that the right reading was, Troimarov. And this is adopted by Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Blaydes (2nd ed.), and Van Leeuwen. 133. kexívere Elmsley, Bothe, Dindorf, Mueller, recentiores, except Hall and Geldart. Kexivate MSS. Scholiast, Sui- das S.V. vulgo. 136. oëk &v ºpey MSS. vulgo. Not understanding why Theorus uses the plural in this line, and the singular afterwards, Elmsley proposed oilk us wº ãv, which is read by Wan Leeuwen. Blaydes in his first edition read oik àmàv čv, which is adopted by Mueller; and in his second edition oëk iv fiv Šv. Meineke (W.A.) proposes oik &v fi più At'. 139. inſ' airów . . . hyovićero. On the suggestion of Nauck these words were taken from Theorus and given to Dicaeo- polis by Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Green, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. But this can hardly be right. Dicaeopolis would not have used the 3r' at the commencement of the next line ; nor indeed would he have interrupted Theorus except to cavil at his statements; nor could he have known the particular season of which Theorus was speaking. More- over he would be agreeing with this part of the envoy's speech, though at its close he protests that he does not believe a word of it. 143. İv d\móñs R. P. F. and (with -ós written over the -ºs) Pº. Invernizzi, Dindorf, Green, Paley, and Hall and Geldart. §v d\móós P. vulgo. Dobree said “Cogitabam &s d\móós. Sed d\m- 6}s Rav. quod non videtur temere spernendum.” Yet Ös d\móós is read, on the supposed authority of Dobree, by Holden, Merry, Blaydes, and Van Leeuwen. Meineke (W. A.) proposes vi) At &Mm6ós. 146, d\\āvras (or 3XNavras) R. P. P. M*. vulgo. 3AAavros P. Brunck, Bekker. 147. AvrigóNew MSS. vulgo. mureşāAet Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Green, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. See Appendix to Knights 667. 152. čvrav6of MSS. (except R, which has āvraú6a), Brunck, Invernizzi, Bekker, Weise, Bergk, Paley, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. Čvrav6. Elmsley, recentiores except as aforesaid. But there is no ground for objecting to the form évrav6oi. This line was omitted in all editions before Brunck. Kuster, however, quoted it from I. in his notes. 153. 36pos R. P. F. Brunck, recentiores. yevos P. P. editions before Brunck. 154. Hevrº R. I. Bekker. Håv y the other MSS. and vulgo.—jöm oraqiás. R. F. F. I. P. vulgo. #8m oraqºs P. P. #ön oraqās (hoc guidem probe noram) Elmsley, Porson. 158. diroteóptakev (or -e). Hesychius s.v., Suidas (s.v. and s.v.v. 'Oöópavres and tréos), Bentley, Porson, Elmsley, recentiores. diroréðpakey R. P. Mº. and (originally) P. droréépakey àv I. F. and (as corrected) P. all editions before A PPEN DIX 203 Brunck, except Scaliger and Faber, who have droreéptakev čv. droréépake ; tis; P. Brunck, Invernizzi. 159. Šáv ris 800 8paxuās R. Invernizzi, recentiores. The same words are read in all MSS. and editions, but not in the Same order. Éav 8paxpús 860 ris I. P. all editions before Invernizzi. The other MSS. have édu ris Spaxuās 860, or öðo ôpaxpés éáv ris. 165, oi karaśa)\etre rà orkópoèa; This question was given to Theorus in all editions before Brunck who, from his Parisian MSS., rightly continued it to Dicaeopolis. He is followed by every editor except Paley. 167. Treptetőe6' MSS. (trept tºeë' R.) vulgo. Treptószeg 6' Blaydes. 176. Hiſto, Trpiv čv ye oró rpéxov Brunck, recentiores, except as herein- after appears. uſino ye irpiv čv orró rpéxov MSS. editions before Brunck, and Dindorf and Weise afterwards; but in his notes Dindorf adopts Brunck's reading. pºſitro ye irpiv čv éoro rpéxo Bothe. pºſitro ye Trpiv čv éotó rpéxov Meineke. pºſitro ye ºrpiu y áv oró rpéxov Bergk, Green, Hall and Geldart. puffirgo Tpiv čv ora,66 rpéxov Van Leeuwen, after a suggestion by Herwerden and Merry. 178. Ti 3’ orw; MSS. vulgo. riéorriv; Elmsley; but in his Additional Note he proposes ti éort'; “nam longe rarius quam putaram anapaestum in hoc metri genere inchoat ultima vocis syllaba.” And he proceeds to alter a great many passages to make them conform to this arbitrary rule. See on 127 supra. Ti 3' for’; Blaydes, Mueller, Hall and Gel- dart, and Wan Leeuwen. 183. dpireAtov see the Commentary. dpuréAov MSS. and editions. 194. dAX' airati ortrověal P. P. P”. I. vulgo. dAN airati (not airai, as com- monly stated) orot a mověai R. Bothe. dAN airati arověat orot Invernizzi, Bekker. But Elmsley proposed to omit a trovöal and read either öff orot or ydp orot, and the latter reading is approved by Din- dorf and adopted by Merry. Bothe proposed roi orot, which is read by Din- dorf, Blaydes, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, and Wan Leeuwen. 197. pi. 'Turnpeiº MSS. vulgo. Indeed nobody has altered the text, but owing to the meaning of the line having been generally misunderstood, various altera- tions have been proposed. Hamaker proposed unkért perpeſv, Bergk puj 'trayet- pelv, and Blaydespañ topia aoréat. Blaydes also says that the Scholiast explains érrurmpeiv by trapaokevägeoréat, but this is an error. The Scholiast is referring to the language of the proclamation, not to the language of Aristophanes. 198. §rm (or Širm.) R. I. P. all editions before Brunck; and Bekker, Bergk, Paley, and Hall and Geldart afterwards. &mot P. P. F. Brunck, recentiores, except as aforesaid. 199. Orrévôopal MSS. vulgo. Meineke (W. A.) proposed and Blaydes reads ortrei- oropat, so destroying the dramatic turn of the line. 202. čo R. Gelenius, Portus, recen- tiores. ašša, the other MSS. and all editions, except Gelenius, before Portus. 203. qevéoùpat R. Elmsley, Bekker, Bothe, Bergk, Paley. pečopat the other MSS. and editions. 206. pinyào are R. Bekker, Bothe, Din- dorf (in notes), Bergk, recentiores, except Blaydes, unvöere the other MSS. and editions. 204 A PPIEN DIX 210–18. As regards these two cretico- paeonic systems there is one paeon more in the strophe than in the antistrophe. And therefore in order to equalize the two some would take a paeon from the strophe, and others add one to the antistrophe. Bentley pro- posed to omit ééébvyev as a mere gloss on direm Nišaro, and this is done by Elms- ley. Brunck omitted oëros and Töre : Porson proposed to omit éAaqpós àv. Hermann proposed to substitute 38' fiv 6 for 68e paños àv 6. And Hirschig for in’ poſſ röre 8vokópevos would read 6 8tokópevos. 220. Aakpareiðm. Aakparión MSS. vulgo. This is one of the three passages, the others being Knights 327 and Peace 1154, in which Aristophanes is supposed to have introduced into a trochaic tetrameter a proper name which is not in conformity with the metre. “In Order to reduce these refractory names into tetrameter trochaics, Aristophanes has twice used a choriambus, and once an Ionic a minore in the place of the regular trochaic dipodia.”—Elmsley. Ed. Review, xxxvii. 72. This seems extremely improbable, since there was no necessity for Aristophanes to use these names; and Elmsley himself, in his note here, would insert ye after Aakpariën in the present line, and otºv after airmorov in Peace 1154. But Bentley proposed here to read Aakpareiðm, and the name is found, so spelled, in inscrip- tions, see Wordsworth’s “Athens and Attica,” chap. 28. And Aakpareiðm is approved by Dindorf in his note, and read by Bothe, Weise, Bergk, and all Subsequent editors except Green. 221. Éyxávn MSS. all editions before Brunck; and Bekker, Dindorf, Green, Paley, Merry, and Hall and Geldart afterwards, Öyxávow Brunck, recentiores, except as aforesaid. But this is a threat not a wish. 226. ačeral Blaydes. 230. dvreparayó R. Suidas (s. v.v. orkóNove and oxoivos), Bentley, Brunck, recem- tiores. ār' éprayó P. P. all editions before Brunck. aïr' éputayó M*. 231. 3&s, 38vvmpôs. If the strophe is correct there is a foot missing here, see on 210–18 supra. Hermann, having regard to the passages cited in the Commentary, would supply kai orkóAoy before these words; whilst Bergk pro- posed to supply diviapós after them, and this is done by Blaydes. With Dindorf and almost all subsequent editors I have preferred to leave a lacuna. 234. BaNAñvaðe F. and (as corrected) P., Scholiast, vulgo. IIa)\\#vaðe R. P. P*. and Portus to Kuster inclusive. But Bergler restored the true reading; and Bothe is the only editor who has since read IIa)\Amvaðe. 236. Épit}\ſumv R. F. (originally, but in both MSS. it is altered into ÉpirNeipiny) Dawes, Brunck, recentiores. ÉpirAsipunv MSS. (save as aforesaid) and all editions before Brunck. 238. oriya trás R. Bentley, Brunck, re- centiores. oriya tras (contra metrum) the other MSS. and all editions before Brunck. 242. Trpotro's. F. A. Wolf, Dindorf, Meineke, Green, Merry, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. And this agrees with armoráro in the next line. Trpotē’ &s MSS. editions before MSS. vulgo. aiperat ãre épurayó P*. A PPE N DIX 205 Brunck; and Invernizzi and Paley after- wards. Trpoió' és (or eis) Brunck and subsequent editors except as aforesaid. 244. MH. The lines attributed to the wife of Dicaeopolis in the text are so attributed in Aldus and the editions generally. But R., and apparently the other MSS., continue them to Dicaeo- polis; and this is followed, perhaps rightly, by Elmsley and some sub- sequent editors. 247. KaNgw y fort'. Brunck was the first to place a full stop after these words, but he is followed by almost all subsequent editors, and is, I think, plainly right; the sentences which follow being a prayer (with 80s under- stood), and not a statement of fact. 254. otorets R. Invernizzi, recentiores. oloret the other MSS. and editions. 256. #rrows 88eiv. This is Elmsley's suggestion which was first introduced into the text by Blaydes in his first edition, and is adopted by Meineke, Mueller, Hall and Geldart, and VanLeeu- wen. Frrow 86eiv MSS. vulgo. Brunck, by some strange mistake, makes the line run troXü firröv orov 88eiv, and in his note suggests ya)\ns 2e plmöév fittov 88siv. I had myself thought of firrov 38&v, but Elmsley's suggestion is better. 263. Bakxtov Scaliger, Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. Bakxetov MSS. editions be- fore Brunck. 271. troXA@ R. P. P. Scaliger, Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. TroMAów P. editions before Brunck. 278. §oq àorets MSS. all editions before Elmsley; and Bothe, Bekker, Bergk, and Paley afterwards. 504 horst Elmsley, recentiores, except as aforesaid. See Appendix at Knights 360. 282. Trale mas. This, a conjecture of Bergk from Rhesus 685, is adopted by Blaydes, Bergk, Meineke, Mueller, Hol- den, Merry, and Wan Leeuwen. trate MSS. vulgo. Traſe traſ (by analogy to traße traú) Burges, Dindorf, Weise. 291. stra Śāvagal irpès P. vulgo, ºreira trate öövaarat vöv trpós R. P. P. Invernizzi. 294, oùk to re y P. P. F. vulgo. And this is far superior to all the proposed alterations. oik torre T. F. R. Invernizzi. oik torr' 3r’ Elmsley. oilk otöar’ Dindorf, Weise, Blaydes. drońorar’ Hamaker, Bergk, Mueller, Holden, Van Leeuwen. Do- bree suggested oëk to repº’; and Meineke reads oilk to re' pud)\', which is adopted by Green and by Hall and Geldart. 295. droño'opiev Elmsley, recentiores: an alteration required both by the metre and by the ordinary Greek idiom. droß- 3y oik torre P. 3. 3y 2 OUK. LOTOIT oropley R. F. P. P. Invernizzi. droßarou' editions before Invernizzi. GKočoroual Pl. Fl. 296. Trpiv čv y ákoúant’ Bentley, Elmsley, recentiores; and so Dobree. See on 176 supra Trpiu y ákoúant’ R. Invernizzi. Trpiu y áv droëorm r" P. M*. Trpiv čv droëorm ré y F. P. all editions before Brunck. ye Tpiv čv droëormr' Brunck.-āvāorxeoró’ R. P. F.". Invernizzi, recentiores. Elmsley refers to Lys. 765 dvágyeoró’ &yaôai. dváoxoto 6 P. editions before Invernizzi. dvág Xeó' P'. 299. plot or Hermann, Elmsley, re- centiores, orápot R.Invernizzi. orv (with- out pot) F. Mº. 8) or P. F. editions before Elmsley. 300, 301. R. has by éyò kararepº rotoruv in meſorív tror' és karrúpara. And this is, substantially, the reading of all the MSS. and of all editions before Brunck. 206 A PP E N DIX It not only fails to correspond with the antistrophe; it is in itself thoroughly unmetrical. Only two plausible modes of emending it have been suggested. (1) Elmsley conjectured repô and omitted the és. Bentley had long before Sug- gested the omission of Tore, which, though found in all the MSS. and recog- nized by the Scholiast who says that it is superfluous (treputreſſel), is omitted by Suidas under karareptă) and also under kartúpara. These alterations (with the omission of the final v in in Tretoru) bring the line to the reading in my text 6v é | yd repô rotoruv inſtreſſort karrúpara. And this is the form adopted by Meineke, Holden, and Wan Leeuwen. (2) On the other hand Bothe, while accepting the omission of Tor €s, preferred to omit the éyò rather than the kara-, and read 6v kararepió Tolow intreſſort karrúpara. And this, which is possibly quite as good as the former, is adopted by Din- dorf and save as herein appears sub- sequent editors. But it introduces a fourth, instead of a first, paeon at the commencement of 301, which though admissible is rarely found, and is not found in the antistrophe. Hermann suggested öv ć yö kararepió troë' intrevort karrúpara, which is read by Hall and Geldart, but I think that we want the article with inſtrejot. Brunck, adopting the vulgar reading, changed €yô into éyoye, and Bekker, following Reisig, reads āv karatepº 'yo rotoruv it"rejoiv Tror' is karrúpara, so converting a paeonic into a trochaic line. The older critics do not seem to have observed that lines 285– 302 are antistrophical to lines 336–46. 307. Trós 8é y MSS. vulgo. Trós 8' ér' Elmsley, Dindorf, Blaydes, Meineke, recentiores, except Paley and Hall and Geldart. Bergk proposed trós 8é y áv ka)\ós Adkoortv. 317. Aéyò MSS. (except R.) and vulgo. Aéo R. Invernizzi, Bothe, Bekker, Weise, Bergk, Mueller, and Paley. 318. Tºv kepa)\}v MSS. vulgo. And this is unquestionably right, for there is no rule against the admission of a dactyl in the fifth foot of a trochaic tetrameter. See Wasps 496, Birds 1078, and the passage cited from Hephaestion in the Appendix to the latter line. Yet on the supposition that such a rule exists many conjec- tures have been made, and some even admitted into the text. Tºv Šápmv Brunck, Dindorf, Weise. Töv Aápvyy (a con- jecture made, but not adopted, by Elmsley) Blaydes. Töv Képa)\ov (a con- jecture by Porson) Bothe. Meineke writes träv6' 60° àv Aéyò Aéyetv. Blaydes in his first edition had tâvö’ exov oſſro Aéyetv. Mr. Richards (C. R. xv. 354) Suggests rôv trepi WrvXms Špapeiv. 321. oios MSS. (except R.) all editions before Invernizzi; and Dindorf, Weise, Bergk, and Green afterwards. oiov R. In- vernizzi, recentiores, except as aforesaid. 323. Tápa (or rāpa) Elmsley, recen- tiores, except Bekker and Weise. y' àpa (or y' àpa) MSS. vulgo. 325. vuvi R. P. Brunck, recentiores. vöv ye P. editions before Brunck. vov F. P.—öfféop &p' juás (or, since Din- dorf, 8fféopâp' juās) Bentley, Dawes (p. 94), Brunck, Elmsley, Bekker, recen- tiores. Shéouat y' àp' inas P. all editions before Brunck. §§§opal yāp ipás P. P. &eišop' (pas àp R. 8% op' ipas àp' (supposing it to be R.'s reading) Invernizzi, Bothe. A PPIE N DIX 207 326. Gvratrokrev6 yap ipów MSS. vulgo. For üpıöv Reiske suggested; iniv, which is read by Bergk and Paley. 329. Tois 'Axapukoto'w huiv R. and apparently all the MSS. Bekker, recen- tiores, except Bothe. But all the editions before Bekker for pſy have ipóv. Before Kuster's time the note of interrogation came after ipºv. Kuster placed it before Üpºv, joining that word to what follows; and this was con- tinued till Bekker's time, and so Bothe. Elmsley, following a suggestion of Bentley, transposed ip6v and pºv, mak- ing the next sentence commence piów ipóv. 336. droNets àp ÓpañAuka. This is Reisig's admirable conjecture, which was first brought into the text by Blaydes in his first edition, and is adopted by Bergk and all subsequent editors except Paley, who by some unaccountable mis- understanding supposes that the line is dactylic, and obelizes the words. Reisig's conjecture is so certain that it is hardly worth while to mention the others. The MSS. have àpa röv #\uka, and so vulgo. Bentley proposed or rôv #Awka, Elmsley 8é rôv j\tra; while Din- dorf and Weise read fia röv j\uka, and Bothe in his second edition reads āpa y’ #Muka. 338. vuvi Bentley, Elmsley, Dimdorf, recentiores, except Hall and Geldart. vöv MSS. (except P*.) all editions before Elmsley. Bothe in his first edition had vöv rot, but reads vuvi in his second. Pº. (an inveterate conjecturer, see the note on Eccl. 987, 988, and the prefatory note to the Appendix of the same Play) saves the metre by reading yap vov, and this is followed by Hall and Geldart.— et got 8okei MSS. (except R.) vulgo. et rt orot 8okeſ R. Bekker. Elmsley, Blaydes. et rot 8oke; orot Bergk, Paley; but as the latter does not carry out Bergk's further alterations, he leaves the line absolutely unmetrical.— tów re Aake-MSS. (except R.) vulgo. row Aake- R. rô Aake-Bergk. 339. airów Śrt (or 3, ru) rig Tpóng) orod 'orri MSS. and all but two editions, Bergk reading at 6' 3rºp, and Blaydes airóvárotºp. Brunck in my copy has rod for oroo, but that, I think, can only be a clerical error. Scaliger had suggested 3rg and Bentley &Trø. But I think that all these alterations give a wrong meaning to the line. I think it means: But now Say, if you will, of the Lacedaemonian himself that he is dear to thy mood; that is, to thee. The words róv AakeSalpêvtov are the independent accusative.—q i\os R. Bekker, Dindorf, Weise, Meineke, re- centiores, except Green, Merry, and Blaydes. ºpixov the other MSS. and editions. 341. Aidows vöv (or vov) plot Bentley, Brunck, Elmsley, recentiores. vöv plot Atôovs MSS. editions before Brunck, and Invernizzi afterwards. 347. Åp' àiravres or āpa (or apa) trävres dvao etely MSS. vulgo. But Elmsley ob- served that the meaning was €uéAAere âpa trađoreo 6at ris Bons, and that the poet might have said in the same sense dvfjoretv Tijs 8ons. To my mind the meaning suggested by Elmsley is dia- metrically opposed to the meaning of Aristophanes. Dicaeopolis is reproach- ing the Chorus for their senseless violence which all but caused the death of the Acharnian hamper. How- ever Dobree took up Elmsley's idea and ty gº 3 ru orot 8oke. 208 A PPE N DIX proposed äué\\er' àpa trávros duñorelv ris 8oſis. And this new line, quite different both in sense and words from the Ari- stophanic, is introduced into the text by Meineke, Holden, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, amd Wan Leeuwen. Blaydes in his first edition had 3p' àvſjoretv Šmavres rms 3ons, and Mueller reads āp' àmavres dvfloretv Tºv Bojv.—8oºv R. (as corrected) Tyrwhitt, Invernizzi, Bothe, Dindorf, Weise, Mueller, Green, Paley, Merry. 8ons the other MSS. and (originally) R. and vulgo. perå Soñs Grynaeus and Brunck, and this is approved by Scaliger and Kuster. 348. ÖAlyov tº MSS. vulgo. But as the conjunction shows that the alteration of the preceding line is as wrong as it is unauthorized, it must of course be made away with ; and ÖAiyov y” is read by Elmsley and Blaydes; and ôAiyov 8' by Meineke and Holden.—dré- 6avov. In every edition down to and Including Portus there is a comma both before and after the words āvépakes IIapváoortot, which probably induced Tyrwhitt to consider them as vocatives and to propose direéâver', though no doubt his chief reason was the absence of the article. This, in the form of the aspirate, was added by Dawes in his note on Thesm.941 (935 in this edition). R. and all editions before Brunck (and Invernizzi and Bekker afterwards) read IIapváororuot, but of course the reference is not to Parnassus, but to Parnes. And the only question is what is the proper form of the adjective belonging to the latter mountain. Bentley proposed IIap- víðuot, and this is approved by Dindorf in his notes and read by Weise. The MSS. (other than R.) have IIapváortot, and so Brunck. But Elmsley adopted IIapviortot as the right form (“A Par- methe fit IIapvāortos ut a Tricorytho Tpt- kopóoros in Lys, 1032”), and save as afore- said he is followed by all subsequent editors. 366. ibot 6edorée MSS. (except R.), all editions before Elmsley; and Bothe, Blaydes, and Hall and Geldart since. Blaydes refers to Soph. Trach. 1079 iðoy, 6éâorée Trévres à6\tov 8épas. iSoi, 6éaorai R. Elmsley, recentiores, except as aforesaid. 376. Jeff'p? §aketv all printed editions except Bothe, and Hall and Geldart, and except that Brunck, apparently by an oversight, has 84kvetv. Jºmºpoèakeſv R. P. P. Jºnqmöakeiv P. F. I. Bothe, Hall and Geldart. I wish that I had the courage to follow them. Lucian, amongst other writers, uses the word Wrmºpoſpopéo, which in later writers became Wºmºbmºbopéo. And I strongly suspect that Aristophanes used some such compound here. 384. Švokeſ agaoréai p' (both here and in 436 infra) MSS. vulgo. Elmsley would prefer to read y for p’; and so Blaydes does in his first edition; in his second he reads évokevão' épavröv. Some would eject the line here, and some where it occurs below. But see Ap- pendix on Knights 96. 385. airpéqet R. F. vulgo. ortpéqm P. M”. orpéqets I. P. F". Blaydes. or rpé- qety P*.-rexvášets R. F. P. P. P. M*. Brunck, recentiores. Texvášet F". editions before Brunck-tropićets MSS. vulgo. tropičet Blaydes, Van Leeuwen. 387. §uody čveka. R. Gelenius, Portus, recentiores. Čuoi, y, eiveka all editions before Gelenius; and Frischlin and A PPIE N DIX 209 Rapheleng afterwards. The reading of the other MSS. does not appear. 390. Tw’ ”Aióos kvvºv Brunck, recen- tiores, except Bekker. Tºv "Aièos kvviv MSS. editions before Brunck; and Bekker afterwards. 391. eir Čávoiye MSS. vulgo. dAN' éčávovye Suidas (s. v. 2íavºos), Elmsley, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Hall and Gel- dart, and Wan Leeuwen. The MS. read- ing is quite unexceptionable. Suidas merely made a mistake in quoting it. 392. Orkſviv ćyöv (or dyöv or ayóv) R. F. P. P*. Bentley, Porson, Elmsley, recentiores. Orkfºrtv čv dyöv P. (one of the futile conjectures of that MS.) all editions before Elmsley. The aspirate was first added by Bentley.—oëk eioröé- £eral (or éo.8-) MSS. vulgo. oix 3èéeral Cobet, Meineke, Wan Leeuwen. 393. &pa 'orriv špa plot R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Bothe, Weise, and Hall and Geldart. &pa 'orriv #ön the other MSS. and editions. It is far more likely that #8m should have taken the place of āpa plot than vice versa. 395. Kmptoropów (as the speaker's name) Scholiast, all editions before Elmsley; and Bothe, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, Green, Paley, and Hall and Geldart afterwards. espárov Elmsley, Weise, Blaydes, Meineke, Mueller, Hol- den, and Merry, evpopós Van Leeuwen. R. (which Elmsley did not know) has Gepámov; it does not appear what the other MSS. read. For ris otros R, alone has riotiros. 396. oëk ºvěov, ºvčov čorriv MSS. vulgo. kočk évôov, Invernizzi (who seems to have somehow confused this line with 399, where R. does read kočk ºvěov) and Elmsley. And so, with r" after the second vôov, Bothe, Holden, and Van Leeuwen. oik v6ov čv éo T' &vöov, Cobet, which is very like what a prose writer would have said. 400. Tpaypôtav MSS. Brunck, recen- tiores. rpvy®8tav Scholiast, all editions before Brunck, “probante Bentleio ad Phalaridem, p. 297,” says Elmsley. But that is hardly a fair way of putting it. In Bentley's time the only known reading was rpvyºtav, and this passage was brought forward as proof that, contrary to his statement, rpuyºóia might be used for “Tragedy.” To which Bentley replied that “the very jest and wit of this passage consists in this, that the poet calls Euripides's Plays Comedies. And so the Scholiast interprets it rpvy pétav Šē eitrev duri too And he goes on to show that Euripides was accused of debasing the grandeur of Tragedy, by intro- ducing low and despicable characters, and making his persons discourse in a mean and popular style but one degree above common talk in Comedy. Had the true reading in this passage been Tpvy pëtav, as all men then supposed it to be, nothing could be more just than Bentley's argument; but he certainly never intended to uphold rpuygötav against the MS. reading rpayq&tav. 401, oùroor. MSS. (except R.) vulgo. oiroori R. and the edition known as Faber's.-oroq às R. Bentley, Tyrwhitt, Markland (at Eur. Suppl. 649), Brunck, recentiores, except Bothe. oraq,6s the other MSS. all editions before Brunck; and Bothe afterwards.-invokpiveral R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise, Hall and Geldart, and Blaydes, dire- kptvaro the other MSS., all editions * 99 Koplºpóiav. 210 A PP E N DIX before Invernizzi; and Weise and Hall and Geldart afterwards. dirokplveral Blaydes. 405. etirep trótor’ R. F. P. Invernizzi, recentiores. etirep 8% trot I. P. F. editions before Invernizzi. 406. ka)\et ore MSS. vulgo. KaNet o' ô Brunck. ka?& q' 6 Cobet, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, and Merry. ka)\@ ore Wan Leeuwen.—XoAXeiôms Elmsley, Blaydes, Bergk, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Paley, Merry, and Hall and Geldart. The name is so spelled on inscriptions; and however Aristophanes spelt it, it seems better to write it in a form which shows that the penultimate is long. XoAXiöms MSS. vulgo. XaAtôms Van Leeuwen. 411. Karagáðmu; oik Örös xoMo's rolets vulgo. The transcriber of R. seems to have lost his head over this line, writing it karaśāv oik Eros Troxois Hávovs Totsis, the word pøvows being surrounded with dots to show, I presume, that it ought to be omitted. 413. Aeetváv MSS. vulgo. Astváv (fol- lowing Porson in Preface to Hecuba, p. 4) Elmsley, Dindorf, Bothe, Meineke, Holden, Green, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen.—Troxois R. Bentley, Tyrwhitt, Brunck, recentiores. Xoxois, as two lines above, P. editions before Brunck. 415. Too traNatod ópáparos MSS. vulgo. Bergk observed “forte row,” and rov is accordingly read by Meineke, Mueller, Holden, and Paley. Yet it is quite plain. from the dialogue which follows that Dicaeopolis is referring not to any, but to one particular, Tragedy. 416. As Aééat MSS. both Juntas, Gor- mont, Grynaeus, Kuster, recentiores. And Scaliger in a note had suggested the same. He AéAeśat the other editions before Kuster. 421. oë Poivukos, où MSS. vulgo. of boivukos, oùk Brunck, Elmsley, Bothe. 429. XoAös, ſpoo airów MSS. vulgo. Dobree proposed to insert a colon after Xoxês, which seems to convert a very humorous passage into nonsense, and is done by Meineke, Mueller, and Holden. R. by some oversight omits the words östvös Aéyetv. 441. Ögmep elui Suidas (s. v. eival. Un- der batváueva some MSS. read 30tep and others àormep), Brunck, recentiores, cxcept Weise, Bergk, and Paley. >rep elui MSS. vulgo. And though I have followed Suidas, l have done so with much doubt. 442. elöéval p’ 5s elu' I. F. and all printed editions except Invernizzi and Blaydes. eiðéval p’ 50 ris sip R. F. P. P. P*. Invernizzi. Blaydes in both his editions reads eiðév Šorris elu’, “quod multo elegantius,” he says. 446. ebèalpovolms MSS. vulgo. Athe- maeus v. 2 (p. 186C) gives, not as the actual words of Euripides, but as a saying of Arcesilaus when he was sitting at a banquet next to a voracious eater of the name of Telephus, eſſ orot yewoiro, Tmkéqº 8° àyð voô. And Brunck, very wantonly, introduces the phrase of Arcesilaus into the text of Aristophanes and reads here et got yeworro. And this is followed by Weise, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, and Merry. And Wan Leeuwen goes further, and introduces a phrase of his own for which there is no authority whatever et arol pièv ein. The Scholiast tells us that in the Telephus itself the line began ka?\ós éxotpºt.—qipova, MSS. vulgo. Here again Brunck intro- A PPIEND IX 211 duces the language of Arcesilaus and reads voë. Here however he is only followed by Invernizzi and Weise. 447. Špirit\apat R. F. P. P. all editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi, Dindorf, Blaydes (first edition), Mueller, and Green afterwards. Šumiputrāapal I. P. F. Brunck, recentiores, except as afore- said. The former is the right form, see Appendix to Birds 1810; and though of course it would yield to the necessities of metre, there is no such necessity here, as is shown by Dindorf and Mueller. - 448. 8éopat ye R. F. P. Brunck, recen- tiores. 8éopac kai I. P. all editions before Brunck. Elmsley too has kai in his text; but in his note says “Malim 8éopat ye, omisso kai.” Then in his Additional Note he takes himself to task. “Wide meam indiligentiam. 8éopal ye non monito lectore, sed tamen ex codd. ut videtur, dedit Brunckius. Nam ple- rumque post dràp una, alterave voce interposita sequitur ye, nisi imperet aut interroget verbum cui praemittitur ea. particula.” 452. Attrapöv r". Eöpinión R. (as cor- rected) P. P. F. Brunck, recentiores, except Van Leeuwen. Attrapóv T' Eöpi- artôny P. Mº. all editions before Brunck. Whilst this was the reading, Bentley proposed Attrapóv. Eipitrión, which was long afterwards again suggested by Bergk, and is read by Wan Leeuwen. R. has Attrapöv T’. Eipwriðmu with the last letter in Eöpuriðmu blotted out. 454. ri 8', & rāAas, ore P. F. Bentley, Elmsley, recentiores, except Weise. ri 8', 3 rd Nas, ye R. P. P. F. I. M*. editions before Elmsley, and Weise afterwards. —éxet R. P. P. vulgo. P. has exei with s written above; and éxets is suggested by Scaliger, and read by Kuster to In- vernizzi, and Weise. 459. Korv) to ktov Athenaeus (xi. 57, p. 479 B) cites this line as an example of the form korv) toºktov, and so does Eustathius on Iliad xxii. 494. On these authorities Brunck introduced the word here, and he is followed by Elmsley and all subsequent editors. The MSS. have kv)\to kvov and so all editors before Brunck, and Invernizzi afterwards. But Toup, in his notes on Suidas, pointed out that kvXiaktov was not right, and proposed kvXixvtov. The true reading however is doubtless that preserved by Athenaeus and Eustathius.—dirokekpovo- pévov MSS. all editions before Bekker, and Weise and Hall and Geldart afterwards. Bekker gives àmokekpoupévov (erroneously describing it as R.'s read- ing), and he is followed by subsequent editors except as aforesaid. 460. q6eipov R. Invernizzi, Elmsley, recentiores. ºpépov the other MSS. and all editions before Invernizzi, except Junta which has pépe.—Téð’ R. Inver- nizzi, Elmsley, recentiores, except Weise who gives ráð’, raûr P. P. P. all editions before Invernizzi.-to-6, 6’ R. Bergk, to 6’ the other MSS. and editions. 461. oëtro på At' otoró MSS. vulgo. oùro più At'. olorff' Bothe, Meineke, Blaydes, and Hall and Geldart. 463. atroyyip R. Kuster, Bergler, In- vernizzi, Bekker, Bergk, and Paley. orqoyyip the other MSS. and editions. But Aristophanes invariably writes the word orwöyyos, Wasps 600; Thesm. 247; Frogs 482, 487; Amagyrus, Fragm. 19. 472, où Soków pie koupévous all MSS. P 2 212 A PPE N DIX except R. and all editions except In- vernizzi, Elmsley, and Bothe. 'ye rupévvows R. oi Soków pie rvpévvous In- vernizzi. obv, Šoków ye kotpāvows Elmsley. oč Šoków oč Šoków ye koupévovs Bothe. 475. & bºrártov kai y\vköratov P. P. P*. Hall and Geldart. pºrártov (without 3) R. kai (bºrártov Paley. y\vkürarov 3 ºptX- rártov editions before Elmsley (except that Farreus has y\vkóratos). 3 y\vkū- ratov kai (bi)\tarov Elmsley, Dindorf, re- centiores, except Paley and Hall and Geldart. And Bekker reads the same except that he omits the 3. The read- ing of the editions before Elmsley made the second syllable of pi\rértov long, and Bentley therefore proposed pu)\airarov. It seems to me that q\ixtá- rtov, the reading of all the MSS. so far as their reading is known, and of Suidas, is in any wise to be retained, as a comic quasi-diminutive, exactly suited to the verbal novelties of the present play; and no one can fail to perceive how tame the substitution of pi\rarov renders the line. The only question is whether we should accept the reading of the Parisian MSS.; or, with Paley, prefix 3 to the reading of R. and so have a tribrach for the final foot, as in Frogs 1203. I am not sure that the tribrach is inadmissible in such a line as this; and the reading of the Parisian MSS. is not beyond exception: but on the whole it seems better to adopt it. 479. Trnkrá Šopudºrov MSS. vulgo. Scaliger suggested, and Brunck reads, Traktā Sapuárov. 480. Épropevréa MSS. (except P.) vulgo. eimropewréa P. “An ékm opewréa?” Bentley; and Dawes in his note on line 487 so y\vköratov kai * A & y\vkūtarov quotes the verse. But the answer to Bentley's question must be in the negative: Dicaeopolis is not in the house of Euripides. 487. Trapáoxes eitroëo' MSS. (except that P. has trapéoxes) vulgo. Trapágyes eitré 6’ Hamaker, Blaydes. Blaydes also suggests Aéov trapaq Xoja' and Meineke (W. A.) trapáoxes eipovo’.-öokfi I. and (corrected from Sokel) R. Dawes, Brunck, recentiores. Sokel P. P. all editions before Brunck. Sokoi Pº. 488. §yapat Kapòlas MSS. vulgo : I am well pleased with my heart, like the āya- pat Aóyov of Birds 1744. Bergler refers to Rhesus 244 &yapat Añuaros, I admire his courage. Dawes proposed äy' épi) kapôia, which is adopted by Brunck and Weise. Porson proposed, and Dobree approved, dyapat Kapòia. 490. dAA’ to 6, vvv Hermann, Elmsley, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except Blaydes and Hall and Geldart, who, following a suggestion of Meineke, read e5 to 6, vvv. The MSS. and all editions before Elmsley, and Bothe and Bekker afterwards, have simply to 6, vvv. Weise marks a lacuna before to 6t. 495. Aéye R. Invernizzi, recentiores. Xéyetv P. P. P. F. F. I. all editions before Invernizzi. 496. divöpes oi 6eópevot MSS. (except R.) vulgo. #vöpes & 6eópevow R. Inver- nizzi. 63vöpes of 6eópevol Blaydes. 500. kai rpvy pöta R. P. P. vulgo. P. has rpaygöia here, and Tpaypôiav in the preceding line. Xà rpvyºta Brunck, Weise. “Recte abest articulus. Monuit Porsonus ad Hec. 788 Saepius intrukºv et povorukºv sine articulo usurpari. Hoc de omnibus artibus verum est.”—Elmsley. 509, utoró pièv MSS. Aakeóaipoviovs A PPIEN DIX 213 (except R. and I.) vulgo. Hugº uèv roës Aakeóauplovious R. I. * 510. Kairois R. F. Suidas (s.v. Taivapov), Tyrwhitt, Invernizzi, Elmsley, recen- tiores. Kairós P. P. P*. I. F. all editions before Invernizzi. 512. čo ruv duréNua Kekoppiéva MSS. (ex- cept R.) vulgo. £orriv duréAta 8takekop- Héva R. Invernizzi. Bergk in a note to his first edition suggested €orr' dutréAta ðuakekoppéva, and this is read by Hall and Geldart. But Bergk withdraws the note in his second edition; since ków- Teuv, not 8takóttreuv, is the proper form in this connexion. Meineke proposed €ort tdpºréAta Kekoppéva, which is adopted by Mueller and Van Leeuwen. 516. roë6' 3rt of xi R. P. Brunck, re- centiores, except Elmsley. Toà6’ 3r’ oùxī P*. all editions before Brunck (but §r' would stand for Öre). rotºro oix. P. rooró y oëxi Elmsley. 520. tºotev R. F. P. Suidas (s.v. orikvov), Dawes, Brunck, recentiores. eiðey P*. and (with eiðelev superscript) P. editions before Brunck. 521. Xovôpots à Nas Elmsley, recen- tiores, except Weise. Xovöpås àAas R. Xóvôpovs àAös P. P. P. F. F. all editions before Elmsley, and Weise afterwards. 526. oi Meyapſis R. Brunck, recen- tiores. oi Meyapets the other MSS. and all editions before Brunck. 528. Kávrej6ev MSS. vulgo. Athenaeus iii. 25 (p. 570A), citing this passage, writes kākeiðev, and this is approved by Meineke and read by Holden and Merry. But though a very good reading, if sup- ported by any authority, it was probably only a slip of memory on the part of Athenaeus. 531. #atpant’ Bentley, Bothe, Weise, Ea Blaydes in his first edition, and all sub- sequent editors except Bergk and Paley. And it is so written by Pliny in his very interesting epistle to Tacitus, Ep. i. 20. jorparrey MSS. vulgo. Enger (Preface to Lysistrata, p. xix) collects a number of passages in which he supposes the final w to have been improperly added by transcribers for the purpose of pre- venting the elision of the vowel. I think that he goes too far, but in the present line I prefer jarpatrº as giving a more forcible rhythm. 533. Puffre yfi Bentley, Brunck, Elms- ley, recentiores. Hiſt' v yi, MSS. (except that I. has €pyń for év yi) all editions before Brunck. And the reading was replaced (from R.) by Invernizzi, to whom metre was an unknown thing. There is a precisely similar mistake in Knights 610. 538. oilk #6é\opey & R. Bergk, recen- tiores, except Green and Hall and Gel- dart. kočk #6é\opley P. P. P. vulgo. Fritzsche (at Frogs 488), misled by Bekker's note into supposing that R. had koik #6é\oplew 8', proposed to amend it by reading oëk #6é\opew 8', which in truth is R.'s reading. 541. ČkirAeëoras a kāqet MSS. vulgo. Blaydes reads éotrºevorav orkóqet, but in his mote prefers áo traetorav okáqos. 542. dréðoro qńvas MSS. vulgo. For q fivas Mueller reads k\éWras and Van Leeuwen Xīv’ #; whilst Bergk conjec- tures àqívas, and Meineke (W.A.) orºvas. Reiske proposed to write the line áqet- Aer’’A6; was kvvíðtov 2epiquov, and Hama- ker diréðoro &#oras Köðvtov # 2epiquov. And the last three words are substituted by Blaydes for kvviðtov 2epubiov. 556. #uiv R. F. P. P. M*. Dobree, 214 A PPIEN DIX Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe, Weise, Meineke, Blaydes in his second edition, and Wan Leeuwen. inſiv I. P. F. vulgo. Blaydes in his first edition read juiv, but in his second preferred ipſu “propter vicinum éðpare.” But the pronoun is connected with oiópeo:6a, not with éðpare. 563, d\\'où tº Xaipov Bentley, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Paley, d\\' oë8é Xaipov MSS. (except that one or two have oièëv) vulgo. The reason for the change of course is that où ri is regularly used in this phrase, Wasps 186, Frogs 843; to which Blaydes adds Oed. Tyr. 363, Phil. 1299, Eur. Or. 1593. It is therefore strange to find Paley saying “No change is necessary, cf. Aesch. Theb. 1035, Peace 195, Thuc. i. 35"; where oč8é is found in a totally different connexion. 566–71. ió, Aduax' k.T.A. Except that for metrical reasons I have in the first line adopted Hermann's 3 8Xémov for ió, BAérov, and in the sixth Dobree's tetxopáxas for retxoplaxos, I have through- out this little Chorus followed the read- ing and arrangement of the Ravenna MS. According to that MS. the system consists of seven lines, not sia, as the editions make it, nor eight as the Scho- liast says. Of these seven lines, two (the fourth and fifth) are trochaic dimeters, one brachycatalectic, the other catalectic ; the five other lines being dochmiac. The ordinary doch- miac is v — | – v — , and the first and third lines are pure dochmiac dimeters; but in the other lines the innumerable variations of the dochmiac make their appearance. The dactyl (etre rus) at the commencement of a trochaic dimeter is very common. See Birds 396 and the Appendix there. 566. & 8Métrov Hermann, Elmsley, Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe, who in his second edition has ô 8Métrov. ió 3Aérov MSS. editions before Elmsley; and Bothe in his first edition. 569, eire rus éart račijapyos iſ orparmyös # R. P. P. F. Mº. Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Bekker, Holden, Green, and (with trópeari for ris gott) Blaydes in his second edition. R. has it carefully divided into two lines, as in my text, but all the printed editions have it in one line. I do not know how it is written in the other MSS. tačíapxos # orparmyös i I. P. F. all editions before Brunck, except Gry- naeus, who omits the rus. Elmsley struck out the words # orparmyös and substituted a third rus, for the purpose of making the line dochmiac; and he is followed by Dindorf, Weise, Meineke, Mueller, and Merry, but it seems im- possible to omit # ortparmyös, which is found in every MS.; and the Scholiast recognizes that the metre is not doch- miac throughout. Fritzsche (at Thesm. 833) with far greater probability omits the ris and makes the line an iambic trimeter; and this is followed by Blaydes in his first edition, Bergk, Paley, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. 570. reuxopdxas Dobree, Weise, Bergk, recentiores. Teuxopudyos MSS. vulgo. retxouáxos y Elmsley, For the # which precedes this word Cra- tander, possibly by a clerical error, has ei, and so all subsequent editions, except Gelenius, before Brunck. Hamaker y eit’ &orri rus Dindorf, * APPEN DIX 215 proposed trečopdxas, Meineke and Her- werden, each in his W. A., revXopadyas. 571. exopat péoros R. P. P. Frischlin, Brunck, recentiores. to Xopal páoros P. editions, except Frischlin, before Brunck. This seems to be one of P*.'s unfortunate emendations, intended to give an iambic ending to the Chorus. 575. & Aduax #pos. This line is at- tributed to Dicaeopolis by P. P. P. I. and almost all editors; to the Chorus by R. and Invernizzi; and to the Semi- chorus by Brunck, Elmsley, and a few other editors. Meineke, at the sugges- tion of Hamaker, omits it. For Aéqov (MSS. vulgo) R. has qiāov. 580. oëk oióá tra, MSS. vulgo. Bergk changed tra, into trós, which he gave to Lamachus; and this absurdity is ap- proved by Meineke, and adopted by Mueller. In his W. A. Meineke pro- poses oix otö’ &nos "Yiro roi, Šáovs róv orów, a still greater absurdity. Blaydes suggested oëk oió' ru, which is adopted by Wan Leeuwen. 581. iNiyytó P. P. P. vulgo. Atyytó R. eixty yuá, Suidas (s. v.v. eiMyytó and i\tyyal), Dindorf (in notes), Weise, Blaydes, Meineke, Mueller, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. And so R. spells it infra 1218. According to the Scholiast and Suidas the verb is spelled with an el-, the noun with an i-. 588. Trri\ov ydp &orriv; These words commence the speech of Dicaeopolis in the MSS. and vulgo. Bothe, not understanding the passage, destroyed all its humour by transferring them to Lamachus who, he imagines, was about to say “This is the TriAov of an ostrich " when he is interrupted by Dicaeopolis. And this manifest corrup- tion of the text is followed by Blaydes, Bergk, and subsequent editors except Green, Paley, and Merry. The words ãpvið6s éorriv are given to Lamachus in the MSS., and editions before Elmsley who rightly gave both lines to Dicaeo- polis. Weise is the only editor, after Elmsley, who gave these two words to Lamachus. 590. oiu' às (that is, otpot) MSS. Brunck, recentiores. The same Lama- chus says oiu' às i Spišets, infra 1117. olu’ &s (that is, oiuat) Scholiast, editions before Brunck.-reóvíčev P. F. Brunck, Bothe, Weise, Mueller, Paley. Teóvãoret R. P”, all editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi and Bekker afterwards. reóvñán P. reëvíam F. Dawes in his animadversions on Callimachus (Misc. Crit., p. 94) lays down, without giving one orpið. Mukiyé of a reason for his statement, that the future reóváčopiat was not in use. The MSS., here and elsewhere, which had not in his time been collated, show that he was com- pletely wrong. Here, for instance, much as the MSS. vary, there is not one which gives the active form. The only question is between reóváčopiat and reóvãorouai. It will be observed that the Ravenna M.S. has reóvãoret, and the Ravenna Scholiast's comment on the line is rô réAetov čotiv oiuat. 'Arrukoi Śē ôté too or paqi reëvñorel, that is to say, they spell it reëvãoret not reóváčev. Dr. Rutherford, eager to support Dawes's dictum, metamorphoses the Scholium after the following fashion, reóvñéeus' ”Arrukoi Suá roi, or reëvíčets, and gives as the explanation of these words “that is to say, the second person singular is rečváčets not reóvíčet.” But even from 216 A PPIEN DIX his text, which is not the Scholiast's, it would be impossible to extract that meaning. However Dawes's dictum is adopted by Dindorf and (save as afore- said) subsequent editors. 591. oë yāp kar’ R. I. Kuster, recen- tiores, except as herein appears. oi kar’ contra metrum) all editions before Kuster. Scaliger suggested oil gov kar', which is read by Elmsley and Holden. où orijv kar’ Bergk. Meineke suggested où yāp kar’ ioxiv. ootorriv, which is read by Mueller. 592. direyóXmoras MSS. vulgo. Bergk suggested direWriMooras, which is read by Holden and Merry, I suppose for decency’s Sake. - 601. olovs or MSS. all editions before Dindorf, and Bothe, Mueller, Merry, and Hall and Geldart afterwards. This seems the idiomatic construction, and is well supported by the MSS. in other places, as olov rep airós àvrov, Xen. Hell. i. 4, 16. oios ori Dindorf, though he acknowledges that the other construc- tion is frequently found, but attributes it, for no reason, to the customary error of transcribers. And he is followed by subsequent editors except as aforesaid, and except that Holden reads otovs ore. 608. ipas pèv del R. Suidas (s. v. Öpin- yérm), Invernizzi, recentiores. ipas pèv #öm I. P. P. editions before Invernizzi. P. and F. have neither dei nor #81). 610. &v évn (or évm or évi, with varied or no punctuation between Év and #) MSS. vulgo. Év # ošk Brunck, Weise. àrt Invernizzi. Invernizzi wrongly re- ported R. as having évi, and Elmsley is credited with the suggestion that evi is a shortened form of vi, behold; but that is a mistake; Elmsley made the suggestion that évi) (which he read) “fortasse pro ióot dictum est ut fiv vel #vi.” However, on the strength of Elmsley's supposed suggestion, êvi is read in that sense by Dindorf, Bothe, Holden, Green, and Van Leeuwen. Blaydes reads duñp. 611. Kairot y'éori MSS. vulgo. Kairot & éorri Rapheleng. kai točariv ye Elmsley, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. 612. Tí Šai; Apákv)\\os MSS. vulgo. rt & 'AvôpákvXXos Reiske, Mueller, Blaydes.—KEèqoptôms MSS. vulgo, ex- cept that in the MSS. and early editions the kai is written in full. # Eüqopiðms Elmsley, Meineke, Holden, Merry, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. 613. eiðev P. P. F.". Bergk (at Fragm. 16 of the Teopyol, Meineke, Com. Fragm. Graec.), Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores. oióev R. F. M*. editions before Blaydes's first ; and Bothe afterwards. 615. int' épávov Bentley, Elmsley, re- centiores, except that Blaydes, follow- ing a suggestion of Reisig, reads int' epávov. intép épávov MSS. editions before Elmsley. 621. rapáčo R. P. P. Brunck, recen- tiores. karápéo P. editions before Brunck, karapáčo I. No doubt P. en- deavoured to correct the reading of I. ; but instead of striking out the initial ka- struck out the third a. 626. divip, the aspirate, or article, was first added by Brunck. 627. Tots dwarratorrows R. F. P. P. and (as corrected) P. Suidas (s. v. droöðvres), Invernizzi, recentiores, except Bothe, Weise, and Blaydes. Tot's divamaiotous I. Fº. and (originally) P. and the other editions. APPEN ID IX 217 632. drokplveoréat all printed editions except Bekker, Bothe, and Hall and Geldart, who follow the MSS. in read- ing dirokpivaoréal. 633. &#tos MSS. vulgo. Both Bentley and Dawes suggested airios as infra 641, which is adopted by Brunck, Bekker, Weise, and Meineke. On the other hand the airtos of the MSS. and vulgo in the latter line is by Blaydes and Van Leeuwen changed into Šćios. One would certainly have expected to find the same word in both lines; but it is safer to follow the MSS, which are unanimous. 634. Traùoras MSS. vulgo. Treto as Reiske, Blaydes. 635. pumö'... pumö' Holden (at Meineke's suggestion), Merry, Blaydes, and Van Leeuwen. p.mö' . . . puffr’ R. I. which I should prefer, were it not for Elmsley's denunciation of the reading in his note on Medea 4. puj6' . . . puffr’ the other MSS. and vulgo. 636. ipas diró rôv tróAegov oi Tpéo Sets Bentley, Porson (Praef. Hec. 48), Elms- ley, recentiores, except Bekker. iſpás oi Tpéorgets diró róv tróNeov MSS. editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi and Bekker afterwards. diró rôv tróAeovipas oi Tpéo:3eis Kuster (in notes), Brunck. 640. eſpero Tráv R. Dawes, Brunck, re- centiores, except that some write it müpero. espe rô trav P. P. P. editions before Brunck. 643, diráyovres MSS. vulgo. “Correxi confidenter Tpooráyovres,” Blaydes. “Nimis confidenter” perhaps; since diráyetv is the right word for rendering what is due ; and is used, as Wan Leeuwen points out, in precisely the same connexion in Wasps 707 eigtv ye tróMets xi\tal, at viv rov böpov figſv dirá- Jovoru. - 645. §orris trapekivöövevo’ eineſv čv 'A6m- valous Hermann, Bothe, Dindorf, recen- tiores. All the MSS., and save as herein appears all the editions before Bothe's first, have àorris trapektvöövevorev (or -vewo' év) 'Aénvaiots eitreºv which violates the ordinary rule as to the caesura. We need not suppose that Aristophanes never wrote a line having what we are pleased to call a faulty caesura, but where there was no necessity for it, where the fault can be cured by a mere transposition of the words, it seems permissible to make that transposition. Brunck proposed Šaris Tapektubüvevore Aéyetv čv’Aónvaiots, but there was no con- ceivable reason for substituting Méyetv for eirety which suited the metre just as well, and was accordingly restored by Hermann, and is read by the editors enumerated above. Porson proposed ôorris y' eineſv trapektvöövevo’ ev’Aónvaiots, but this departs more widely from the MSS. and is adopted only by Elmsley. 646. offro 8' MSS. vulgo. otros Elms- ley, putting a full stop at the end of the line, so as to make it refer only to what precedes; and otros, without the full stop, is read by Blaydes, Bothe, and Meineke. Mr. Richards (Class. Rev. xv. 352) would write évros for otra, 6’ re- ferring to Xen. Hipparch. v. 9, 10. 650. yeyevnaðat R. P. P. vulgo. yewſ- oreoróat P. Blaydes in his first edition proposed re yevéoréal, which Meineke approved, and re yevéo 6’ &v is read by Mueller and Van Leeuwen. But Blaydes does not repeat the suggestion in his second edition. 651. kāv rº, troAépiq Blaydes, Bergk, 218 A PP E N DIX recentiores, except Green and Hall and Geldart. Kai rº troXépiº MSS. vulgo. 655. rot puff rot dºpi,6” &s kopºëfforew Elmsley, Porson, Dindorf, recentiores, except that Bothe reads dºpija'6". For dºpi,6’ R. has āqāorere, which Invernizzi gives as āqāoreó and he so reads, dºpfformé' P. P. all editions before Brunck, and Bekker afterwards. Setormé' P”. Brunck. With dºphorm6', Scaliger and Bentley proposed to read kopſgået for kopoèfloret, and Kuster to omit rot, which Brunck does. Blaydes proposes airów puff Tor’ dqi,6', dos kopºpôet; and Richards (Class. Rev. xv. 353) oë rot puſ, irot' dºpi,6’ &s kopi poet. 656. Irox\& 818áčeiv. Owing to the recurrence of Ötödorkov two lines below, Hamaker proposed to read tróNN’ frt ěpáorew and Richards troNA& trouhoeuv. 657. in oretvov P. Portus, recentiores. infortvov R. P. P. editions before Portus. In this and the following verse oč6' . . . où8’ and oiö' ... oë8’ are the readings of R. Of the other MSS. and editions some have all otöé, others all oëre, and others otherwise. 671. dwakvkóort R. Bergler (in notes), Brunck, recentiores, dvakvk\óat the other MSS. and the editions before Brunck. The editor of the edition called Scaliger's says “àvakvkógi Vet.”; a very common form in his notes: but to whom he refers as Vet. I do not know. Certainly to none of the older editions in my list. 672. Bāmroovy Hamaker, Blaydes. párroquy R. P. F. Fº. Brunck, recen- tiores, except Blaydes. p4trovoſt I. P. P. editions before Brunck. Bergk sug- gested pºvrrorów, and Meineke kamraoruv, two absurd conjectures. 674, eúrovov R. F. F. P. P. M*. dypot- kórovov R. I. P. P”. Both words are rightly so given by all editions before Brunck; and by Invernizzi, Bekker, Bergk, Meineke, Mueller, and Paley afterwards. Évrovov and dypotkórepov P. Both errors, condemned by R. and the MSS. generally, are adopted by Brunck, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. No other editors have Évrovov, but áypotkörepov, first introduced by Brunck, is followed by subsequent editors except as aforesaid. See the Commentary. 685. 6 8é weavias K.T.A. The reading in the text is that of all the MSS. and (except as hereinafter mentioned) of all the editions. Unfortunately Elms- ley, by some dire mischance, took weavias to be the accusative plural, and sug- gested that it might be better to read weaviav. And this is approved by Din- dorf in his notes and adopted by Weise, Meineke, and Blaydes, though Meineke recants in his W. A. This has given rise to various emendations. Hamaker, always to the fore with a ridiculous suggestion, proposed to change éavré into Čord trel, beginning the following line with käs; Meineke, always a good second, proposed €ordrrow ; Mueller not only proposed, but read, éraipº ; Kontos proposed €dv rq orirovöáo as évvmyopff, which Wan Leeuwen brings into the text. And this was at first approved by Herwerden, but in his W. A. he says “hodie magis placet lenius Richardsi, felicis coniectoris, inventum étr' airó corrigentis.” Mr. Richards's conjecture will be found in Class. Rev. xv. 353. 690. Ağet MSS. vulgo. The Scholiast remarks, rather incoherently, Śāv pièv A PPIE IN DIX 219 ôté too {, }\ox{{et. Śāv 8é Xopis rod (, áAöet. This points to a variant àAúes, which Meineke promptly foists into the text, but nobody has followed him. 701. TrpooraMorköpieóa MSS. vulgo. But Elmsley suggested that it might be read as two words trpós à\torköpiega, which is done by some editors. Elmsley also proposed kai trpooré6 áAtorkópe6a. 702. ri àvrepel Elmsley (in notes), Dindorf, Blaydes, Meineke, Mueller, and Green. ris àvrepel MSS. vulgo. See Plutus 130 and the Appendix there. In both cases the error has probably arisen from a doubt as to the admissibility of the hiatus, ri ävrepel, ôuá ri 6 Zets; 703. Tº yap sikös MSS. vulgo. Trós vàp eikös Blaydes. Yet he retains rô yāp eikós without a murmur in precisely the same connexion, Thesm. 839. 705. Knºbloo, MSS. vulgo. Knºpt- oroëhuov Hamaker, Van Leeuwen, taking Evathlus to be the son of Cephisodemus. 708. §s, and in the next line atrºv tºv 'Axatav MSS. vulgo. Hamaker pro- posed and AūrokMns traMaiov, Herwerden 6 and 'Avratos traMaiov. 709. #véoxero MSS. vulgo. But the Etym. Magn. s.v. 'Axata has ºvéoxer fiv, and this is preferred by Elmsley and several more recent editors. Blaydes, who read it in his first edition, discards it in his second. 710. uév y áv Bentley, Dobree (re- ferring to Lys. 720 and to his own note on Dem. de Corona 257. 10), Blaydes, Van Leeuwen. But R. P. F. have simply puév, and P. Mº. and the older editions Pév Av. Kuster in his notes suggested ëv pièv, which is read by Brunck and Several subsequent editors, and Reiske pévrāv, which is read by Elmsley and the remaining editors. 712. Trepueróševorev (or -e) MSS. vulgo. Blaydes in his first edition read intepe- róševorev, which has not a shred of authority, and introduces a meaning quite alien to the present passage; but he is followed by Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Merry, and Van Leeuwen. 717. påym ris (nuočv MSS. vulgo. Difficult as these words are, only three editors have altered the text. Paley for £mutov reads (mulot; whilst qāym is changed by Blaydes into 345}\m, and by Wan Leeuwen into or pa)\ff. 718. Tà yépovrt ... ré vép MSS. vulgo. In the proverb on which this line is founded, and in the passage from Antiphanes cited in the Commentary on 717, there is no article with the dative; and Porson, thinking the article improper, proposed to read rôv yépovra puév yépovrt, röv véov 8' éorro vép. But the article is quite right, and is indeed more dramatic. The poet is picturing in his mind two accusers, one old and one young, and two defendants, one old and one young ; and says, “Pit the old accuser against the old defendant, and the young against the young.” 720. trāori R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise. roſat I. P. editions before Invernizzi, and Weise afterwards. P. and F. omit the word, and P”. has eite. 724. XaXávras roto:8 R. P. P. Elmsley, recentiores, except Weise. Maxóvras. rows 8' (as if the “whips” and the “market-clerks” were not identical) editions before Elmsley. 728. pavepāv MSS. (except R.) vulgo. qavepas R. But it is the orrāAm, when 220 A PPIE N DIX erected, which is to be conspicuous, not the act of erecting it. 730. śiróðovv, and in the next line d6Xtov MSS. vulgo. Bentley suggested étróðevy and d6Xiao, and these forms are adopted by some recent editors. But apart from the singular fact that both the MS. forms are found in Megarian inscriptions, such a change can be justified only on the assumption that Aristophanes put into his Megarian's mouth nothing but the strictest Dorian forms. That is an assumption which we are not at liberty to make; and I have therefore throughout retained the MS. forms, except where there was Some special reason for rejecting them. Nor have I thought it necessary to mention, in every case, the alterations proposed by the sticklers for Doricisms. 731. kóptX (“misellae ſiliolae”) Bekker, Holden, Paley; a diminutive of endear- ment like 'Io puffvixos, infra 954; and so Meineke in his W. A. köptx’ R. Köpuá y’ I. P. F. all editions before Elmsley, and Bothe afterwards. kópt P. P. F. köpua kā6\tov (or kā6\to) Meineke, Mueller. köpt Elmsley, Dindorf, re- centiores, except as aforesaid. Blaydes suggested Xoupt' or Xoupiði'; but that idea is obviously introduced for the first time in 738 infra. 733. droßere 8) Pº. Bentley, Blaydes, Mueller, Holden, Merry, recentiores. The MSS. (except P*.) have àkočerov 8), and so vulgo. This makes an anapaest follow a dactyl, a conjunction only tolerable under very special circum- stances. I should myself have been disposed simply to omit the 87), which is so very common after the imperative of droño (see the corresponding line in Knights 1014 &kove 8ſ, vvv, kai trpóorexe röv votiv ćuoi) that a transcriber may well have let it slip in by an oversight. But Bentley's emendation, subsequently confirmed by P*., seems right, since the Megarian nowhere else uses the dual. Many other suggestions have been made. Elmsley proposed to substitute Tpooréxerov for Tpooréxer' épiv, or the Doric form of Trpáo Xere for Toréxete. Bergk proposed äkove 8), Cobet äkove ôň, trórexé r" epiv, which Meineke intro- duces into the text; though, as the speaker throughout the whole speech addresses the girls in the plural, it is not very likely that he should drop into the singular here. 740. Töv Xoptov MSS. vulgo. Hamaker proposed rås xopia, which Blaydes adopts. 743. &mpara Ahrens, Holden, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. rā trpára P. vulgo. rā Tpāra R. P. P. Zanetti, Farreus, Rapheleng. 748. Alkatóroxiv Štra MSS. vulgo. Alkalāto)\iv ya. Trá Elmsley. Alkaléro)\ts 8è tra Meineke, Mueller. 749. Atkatónio)\t R. Bekker, Dindorf, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores, except Wan Leeuwen. Alkatówoxts the other MSS. and vulgo. 750. Ti dvºp MSS. vulgo. Brunck, recentiores, except Bothe, Weise, and Blaydes. “Dicaeopolis comes forth at the summons. He finds the very first customer to be one of the long-excluded Megarians, and exclaims, as in surprise, ‘What a man of Megara !'”—Paley. But there was no ground for surprise. He had invited, and was expecting, Megarians,—ikopies Elmsley, recentiores, except Bothe and : . 3 * Tu ; avmp A PPEN DIX 221 Weise. ikopey R. jropes vulgo. #kopiev the other MSS. 753. Meyapets R. and all the MSS. except P*. (but in R. somebody has written m in the open space above the el, leaving however the et untouched) and all editions before Brunck. Meyapſis P". Brunck, recentiores. 754. Ška uév éyò rmv66ev R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise, and except that several editors write éyòv. £yöv rmv66ev P. Ška uév rmváčev P. dAA& yöp 3ka piév ya rmvóðev P. I. all editions before Brunck. Ška pièv éyòvya rmvóðev Brunck, Weise.—éutropeváuav (or -mv) MSS. vulgo. humopevópav Bothe. tropewópav Wan Leeuwen. 761. ipês róv del R. Invernizzi, re- centiores, except Weise. ipês &v dei the other MSS., all editions before Invernizzi, and Weise afterwards; but Junta to Portus punctuate after ipês. Tota orkópoë' épés; &v dei Meineke. 766. &c traxeſa kai ka)\d. Some would transfer these words to Dicaeopolis, but they seem more humorous in the Megarian's mouth. For kai kaxá Meineke proposes XàtraXá, and Blaydes reads Xáma)\d. But the vendor's repetition of ka)\}s is excellent. 770. 6aorée rojöe rās druarrias MSS. vulgo: some editors however changing rojöe into the Doric rôöe. Elmsley, objecting to the plural druartas, wrote 6aorée róvöe" rās druarias, Look at this (sc. rôv xoſpov, cf. Thesm. 1114); the incredulity of the man / Paley reads 6āorðe rāvöe" rās drug rias, saying that rávöe is the reading of R. But this is a mistake; révôe is the reading of R. in the following line, not in this. Wan Leeuwen reads 6aorée" roß8s rās dirtorrias. ey * oka puev 2 €1/€- 771. rāvöe xoſpov R. Invernizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe. róvöe xoſpov the other MSS. and all editions (except Invernizzi) before Bekker, and Bothe afterwards. “Mas- culinum oiros est 773; sed ibi küorðos dicitur.”—Blaydes. 772. 6vpintubav (variously accented) R. F. M*. Invernizzi, Dindorf, Green. 6vuartôāv P. P. P.I. F. 6vpuriðāv vulgo. Kuster in his notes proposed 6vpurav (the older editions inserting vöv before plot), and this is followed by Bergler, Brunck, Elmsley, Bothe, and Blaydes in his first edition. In his second edition however (the vöv having dis- appeared) Blaydes writes 6vpuráov. 775. elueval MSS. Dindorf, recen- tiores, except Bothe, Meineke, and Mueller. jueval a corrector of F., editions before Dindorf, and Bothe and Meineke afterwards; but some of the older editions write it jueve. eiuev as Mueller. Hamaker proposed,ingeniously enough, eiuev oërivos; and Meineke (W. A.) finev čk rivos. But this would be calling attention to their parentage (supra 741), which is the last thing the Megarian would do. He is speak- ing merely of their ownership. 777. Xotpiov Bentley, Brunck, recen- tiores. Tô xotpiov R. xopiðtov the other MSS. and all editions before Brunck. 778, où Xprioróa ; oriyās (or atyńs) MSS. vulgo. But there was no note of interrogation in the old editions, and the line was translated nom opus est tibi silentio, perditissime. This was not very satisfactory, and the reading of Greg. Cor. de Dial. Dor. xli oi Xpºorëa ortyńv was adopted by Brunck, Elmsley, Bothe, Dindorf, Weise, Blaydes in his first 222 APPENDIX edition, and Meineke. But Fritzsche, at Thesm. 554, pointed out that the MS. reading is correct, but that a note of interrogation should be placed after xpforêa and at the end of the line, as in the text; and that the line should be translated Non vis 2 taceSne tu, perditis- sime 2 And this is read by Bergk and all subsequent editors except Meineke, and Blaydes, who in his second edition reads (contrary to every M.S.) oë Xpñ rv otyńv. 782. Trévr’ érôv. These words, in the MSS. and vulgo, are the conclusion of the speech of Dicaeopolis. Elmsley transferred them to the Megarian, and he is followed by Dindorf and most subsequent editors, but not by Bergk or Paley. They seem to me to form a very forced and unnatural commence- ment of the Megarian's speech, and a very natural conclusion of Dicaeo- polis's. 784, d\\' oë8é MSS. (except R.) and vulgo. oilº. Dindorf proposedoixi, which is read by Weise and subsequent editors except Hall and Geldart. I presume that the reason of this defiance of the MSS. is the occurrence of oixi in the Megarian's reply, which is really no reason at all. 791. at 8° àv MSS. (except R.) and vulgo. dAN' àv R. Invernizzi, Dindorf. at ka Blaydes, Meineke. ai ka 8: Hamaker, Wan Leeuwen.—kāvaxvotavéſ, Tpuxi Ahrens, Bothe, Bergk, Mueller, recentiores, kävaxvoavéfi rpixi (contra metrum) MSS. (except I.) Bekker. kāvaxvoavéſ, y' év rpuxi I. editions before Brunck. kävaxvoavôm rà rpuxi Brunck, Invernizzi. Elmsley saw that these readings would not do, and that the third syllable of the verb should be long. He therefore wrote kävaxvoavón, and is followed by Dimdorf and Weise. Meineke in his W. A. rejects the absurd line Taxvv6m 8' dwaxvoavóñ 6' worrply, which he gives in his edition, and ap- proves Kāvaxvouavón. 792. čarrat R. Bentley, Invernizzi, re- centiores, except Elmsley and Weise. eart the other MSS., all editions before Invernizzi, and Elmsley and Weise afterwards. 803. ri Sai orá; rpóyots àv; kot kot kot Elmsley, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart. rt 64; kai or rpóyous āv; Ribbeck, Hol- den, Merry. It would be nearer the MSS. to read ri Šal orá; kararpóyots àv ač; koi kot. The MS. readings are very confused. Ti Sai; oráka rpóyots (or ot karpáyots, the accent is wrong either way) Öy airós ; kot kot R. Bothe. so (with a triple koi) P. F. And so with airós àv for av airós F. Fracini, Gelenius, Portus to Bergler. Tt 86 ; oroka rpóyots airós àv; I. and the other editions before Portus. Ti Sai at karatpáyous āv aúrós; P”. and (with airós àv;) Pº. Kuster proposed ri; ordka rpóyots airós And Brunck read ri 8ai oró ; kai rpáyots àv airás ; kot, kot. This is fol- lowed by subsequent editors except as herein appears, though several of them, following Bentley, bracket the line; and Dimdorf, Meineke, Green, and Wan Leeuwen omit it altogether. 809. GXX ofºrt traoras R. Dindorf (in py e QP 5 notes), Blaydes, recentiores, except Green. dAN’ oëxi trčoras the other MSS. and editions. This line forms the con- clusion of Dicaeopolis's speech in most of the MSS. and vulgo; but Bothe in his second edition transferred it to the And A PPIEN DIX 223 Megarian, and this is followed by Bergk, Meineke, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. And this seems in accordance with R. Neither R. nor Junta give the following line to a new speaker. 813. Érepov MSS. editions before Brunck, and Bekker afterwards; but as all MSS. and editions have àrepov in the next line, Brunck was fully justified in giving &repov here, and he is followed by all editions except Bekker.—roorov MSS. vulgo. Tooro or rouri Elmsley, Bothe, Blaydes, and Wan Leeuwen.— rporaMAtôos R. F. P. P. P. vulgo. rpora)\töos I. F. M*. Elmsley, Dindorf, recentiores. 819. pavó MSS. vulgo. Blaydes in his first edition altered this to qaiva, refer- ring to 912 infra, where however the MSS. are not consistent, and where indeed he himself prefers qavá. See also 914 infra. He is, however, followed here by Meineke and Van Leeuwen. 823. pavrášopiat MSS. vulgo. Walcke- maer suggested pavráðöopat, like yupuwä8- ôopiat in Lys. 82, a change only justifiable on the assumption that Aristophanes allowed his Megarian to speak nothing but the strictest Doric, an assumption which there seems no ground for making. The change is however ap- proved by Dindorf in his notes, and is made by Blaydes, Bothe, Meineke, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. pav- Tá(opau. AI. intô rod ; MSS. vulgo. qavráčopiat (or pavráðöopal) in 6 rov. AI. Brunck, Invernizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, Weise, Green, Blaydes. But the MS. reading is preferable. In Brunck's alteration the words in 6 row add nothing to the sense.—áyopavópot Elms- . Merry, and Hall and Geldart. ley, recentiores, except Weise. dyopavó- plot R. F. P. P. otò' dyopavópot I. editions before Brunck, and in Aldus and most editions the two words are given to the Megarian, as if in answer- ing the question Who is it that denounces gou ? he replied These market-clerks. Bentley proposed of 'yopavópot, which is really identical with Elmsley's reading. Brunck, finding in Pº. 3 dyopavápot, read & 'yopavópot, and so Invernizzi and Weise. 826. Twº (or rim) MSS. editions before Brunck, and Invernizzi, Bekker, and Bothe afterwards. Ti 3) (as Wasps 251) Brunck, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe. Elmsley read ri Sai, as infra 912. 830. rā Xoupiði' dréðov MSS. vulgo. dréðov rá Xopia Elmsley, Bothe, Van Leeuwen. 832. TróNA’. ‘AAA’ duiv R. Elmsley, recentiores. Irox\á y'. 'AAAA pièv I. editions before Elmsley. TróAX'. 'AAA& pºv F. The other MSS. have troAAá. 'A\\a pièv. 833. troAvrrpayuoorºvn R. Dindorf, Blaydes, Meineke, Holden, Green, TroMu- Tpaypovets at y Van Leeuwen, troºv- Trpaypooróvns, the busybodiness of me ! the other MSS. and editions. But this, as Paley (though he reads it) remarks, would require the article. Willems proposes troMurpaypogávn 'orriv' eis ke- q}a}\}v, and Herwerden troXvirpayuoarávn (vocative) vov eis kepakºv rpárrot' époi. 842. Tnuavel ri (from a conjecture of L. Dindorf at Xen. Cyrop. viii. 7. 15) Dindorf, recentiores. Tmuavet Suidas s.v. irmuavetral MSS. editions before Dindorf. Elmsley observed “locum 224 A PPEN DIX sanum esse minime crediderim. Non male legeretur trmuavet ris.” And this was adopted by Blaydes in his first edition, but in his second he rightly reads trmuaveſ ru, citing Soph. Oed. Col. 837 et ri trmuaivets ºué, Ajax 1314 et ple trmuavets ru, and other passages. 843. §§opópčeral MSS. vulgo, evatro- pºpčerat Suidas s.v., Elmsley, Bothe, Meineke. 849. dirokekappévos Reisig, Blaydes, Holden, Merry. dei kekappévos MSS. vulgo, except that many of the old editions have kekappévov. Bentley Sug- gested dwakekappévos; Elmsley ad, kekap- pévos, which is approved by Dindorf and read by Weise, Meineke, and Green ; Fritzsche (at Thesm. 846) ed kekappévos, which is read by Mueller and Van Leeuwen ; and Bergk eykekap- pévos. But dirokekappévos is abundantly supported by the orkdquov dirokekappévmu of Thesm. 838 and the orkdquov droreru)\- pévº of Birds 806. 850. 6 reputrövmpos Bentley, Elmsley, recentiores, except that Bekker gives où8' in brackets, and Bothe with a star. oöö' 6 treputrövmpos MSS. editions before Elmsley. 851. Taxis MSS. vulgo. gested traxis. 863. quoreire R. ºbvoire P. P. vulgo. 865. Trpoorén rav6 R. P. Invernizzi and all subsequent editors before Blaydes's second edition. Tpégerrav P. P. F. F.". editions before Invernizzi. Trpooéirrov6' Blaydes in his second edition, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. See Ap- pendix to Birds 48. 866. Xalpuðeis MSS. editions before Brunck, and Bergk and Paley after- wards. Xaupiðms ceteri. Bentley sug- 867. vei F. Brunck, recentiores, except Bergk and Paley. vel P. v.) R. P. Pº. F'. editions before Brunck, and Bergk and Paley afterwards. 868. eelgače (as supra 862 and infra 911), Elmsley, Holden, Merry, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. eetBa6. R. P. P. F. vulgo. eff3a6, I. Pl. Fl. 869. Táv6eta P". F. Brunck, recen- tiores, except Hall and Geldart. Tăv6ea R. F. P. P. kai rā āv6ea (or rāv6ea) I. editions before Brunck. Hall and Gel- dart give rāvāua, erroneously supposing it to be R.'s reading. 870. śy& q'épa, MSS. vulgo. ió pépo Elmsley. ióv pépa, Blaydes, Van Leeuwen. 876, 877. &ortrepel . . . AffWv6as. This speech of Dicaeopolis is omitted by R., though commented upon by the Scho- liast in the margin of that MS. It is foundin allother MSS. and in alleditions. 879. Trukrièas R. P. P. F. Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe, who in his second edition reads trmkrièas. Trvkriðas P1. F". Mº, editions before Dindorf. 880. śvā8ptas Elmsley (metri gratia), Dindorf (in notes), Bothe, Weise, Blaydes, Meineke, Holden, recentiores. evöðpovs MSS. vulgo, except that Brunck and some others write évôpos. evööpets Scaliger, in notes.—éyxé\ets MSS. vulgo; but Dindorf in his notes suggested éyxé\eas, and Blaydes, Meineke, and Wan Leeuwen have éyxé\tas. 882. ei ºpépets. The comma after qépets was inserted by Bothe. 884. khariyāpirrat R. Meineke, Holden, Paley, Merry, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. knwuxápurra (with accent either on penult. or on antepenult.) P. P. I. F. Mº. vulgo. A PPIE N DIX 225 «ătrixapiros P. F. Khmixapirrev Bothe in his first edition, and khirixápiral in his second. knittyápurre Bergk. 893. *k pep R. Green, Merry. Čorqep' the other MSS. and editions. But expep' seems certainly right. “For why,” says Mr. Green, and the question is repeated by Dr. Merry and Her- werden (W.A.), “should the eel be taken in when the brasier was to be brought out 2 ” To which I may add that the order is given, as the speaker goes on to say, in order that he and the eel may never be separated, plmöé yāp k.T.A.; but if the eel was to be carried in, while Dicaeopolis remains without, the order would itself cause the very separation which it was designed to prevent. 894, ÉvretevrXavouévns MSS. vulgo. Blaydes in his first edition suggested (1) évretevrXuðapévms, which is read by Meineke and Holden ; or (2) évrerevrXiao- plévns, which is read by Mueller, Blaydes in his second edition, and Van Leeuwen. 895. Trú R. P. Elmsley, Bothe, Meineke, Mueller, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. Trà F. P. P. vulgo. tre. Brunck, Bekker. R., as is very common, ha the iota subscriptum on the line, and Invernizzi takes its reading to be trai, O boy, and so edits it. 898. ióya MSS. (except that P. has ióye) vulgo. Brunck introduced ióvya, which is adopted by several editors. 899. Švreo6ev éketor’ R. Bekker. Év6évô’ eketo’ (or évéévôe keto') the other MSS. and editions.—áčeus; B0. ič, P. F. Elmsley, Dindorf (in notes), Weise, recentiores, except Bothe, Green, and Paley, though for ió some write iów and Blaydes ióvy'. R. and apparently ACH. all the other MSS. have à éews ióv; making the Boeotian's speech begin with the following line, and so vulgo. Brunck discovered the present reading in Pº. (a MS. of little value, see the Commentary on Eccl. 987) and de- scribed it as a “lectio haud invenusta,” though he did not himself adopt it. But it is something more than a “haud invenusta,” reading; it seems necessary that the Boeotian should express his acquiescence in the alternative pro- posal of Dicaeopolis. The Scholiast says ypáberat kai iè, duri rod śyá' kai 600 orriyuai év tá áčets, eira rö ió. 900. śv 'A6dvats Bekker, Meineke, R. having év 'A6ſ wais. 'A6ávals (without év) the other MSS. and vulgo. Elmsley, thinking that év was required and not being acquainted with R.'s reading, changed 'A6ávals into 'A6ávao', and this (with full knowledge of R.'s reading) is followed by Bothe, Mueller, Holden, and Van Leeuwen. 'A6ávns BP. Blomfield (Mus. Crit. ii. 584), Blaydes. 905. ort& MSS. vulgo. 61& Blaydes, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, and Hall and Geldart. 911. Aeës R. M*. Elmsley (unaware that any MS. so read), Bekker, recen- tiores. Zečs the other MSS. and editions. 912, raûra. Tí óai kaköv MSS. vulgo. raúra. Tí óe kaköv Bentley, Bothe, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Green, Merry. Tavrayi. Ti Sai (omitting kaków) Dindorf, Weise. Táðe. Blaydes. Tatra. Ti 3’ &öukov Kraus. 913. #po (or ſpa, or nipo) R. P. P. F". all editions before Brunck. But Brunck finding #pa in P., his best MS., and knowing that the Boeotians in some cases change o into a, read #pa, and * Ti Öai kaków 226 A PP E N DIX has been followed by subsequent editors. 916. troXeptov y R. P. P. F. F. In- vernizzi and most subsequent editors. troAeptov (without y') I. P. Suidas, s. v. 6pva)\\is, vulgo.—8pwax\iðas MSS. vulgo. 6pvaNNiða Suidas, ubi supra, Elmsley, Dindorf, Weise, Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Green, and Merry. 917. Štá 6pva)\\tôos Bentley, Paley. 8tá 6pwa)\\tôas P. F. F. I. Mº. vulgo. 6pva)\\tôas (without 816) P. P. Brunck suggested tâs 6pva)\\iðas, and Schutz 8ta ri (for 87ta) rās 6pva)\\tôas. But it is plain from the verse which follows that the word should be in the singular. Elmsley read kai 6pwax\tóa, which is followed by Dindorf, Weise, Holden, and Van Leeuwen. Blaydes Suá 6pvaA- Atôa, which is followed by Bothe, Bergk, Meineke, Mueller, Green, and Merry. The line is omitted in R. 919. oiuot rivu rpátrº ; This is a con- jecture of Elmsley adopted by Dindorf, Blaydes, Meineke, and all subsequent editors except Paley and Hall and Geldart. All other editions have NI. oiu.au. AI. rive Tpótrº. And that is supposed to be the reading of all the MSS. I do not know about the other MSS.; but it certainly is not the reading of R, which, though it places the Śāo orriyuai (our colon, the sign, in the middle of a line, of a new speaker) after 8pua)\\ts; gives the remaining three words as one sentence otpat rivu rpótrºp. The accent on otual and its junction with rivu rpótrº seem strongly in favour of Elmsley's conjecture. 924, atqvms. See the Commentary. ai vils F. P. ai vijes R. I. Mº. ai vijūs P. Pl. Fº. all editions before Brunck. eū60s Pierson (on Moeris, s. v. vijes), Brunck, recentiores, except as herein- after mentioned. Bothe had ai vnts in his first edition, and aivös in his second. Fritzsche in note 29 to his essay on the second Thesmophoriazusae proposed a rearrangement of the line, oreMayoivr’âv. AI. ai vils, & káktor' diroNoëpevs, and this is adopted by Blaydes in his first (but not in his second) edition, Holden, and Green. 927. §vôňa as pépo MSS. vulgo. But P"., an inveterate conjecturer, has m over the o in dépa, and pépm is accord- ingly read by Brunck, Invernizzi, Weise, and Paley. But it is plain that the tying-up was to be done by Dicaeo- polis. Elmsley proposed vôňgo ºpépelv, pack him up for carriage; and Dindorf évôňora, qepov, which is read by Merry and Blaydes. Čvöfford orgööpa Wan Leeuwen. 928. (popoćpevos MSS. vulgo. But there is a doubt about the quantity of the second syllable of karayń, and on the assumption that it is long here, as in 944 infra, q}opoſpevos is changed into qepópevos by Brunck, Elmsley, Bekker, and Paley. The line is omitted by Dindorf, Meineke, Holden, and Wan Leeuwen, and bracketed by Bothe, Bergk, Mueller, and Green. 931. &v uń pépov karáčn MSS. vulgo. The line is quoted by Moeris, s. v. épinox), and there a few MSS. have pº kai pépov Karáčet, which Elmsley intro- duces into the text here; and so Blaydes in his second edition. 944. karayein MSS. vulgo. But on the assumption that the second syllable is short here, as in 928 Supra, Cobet proposed kareayoim, which Meineke approved, but only Hall and Geldart A PP E N DIX 227 have introduced into the text: and indeed an anapaest is inadmissible in this little system. Mueller reads kara- §eias, and so Wan Leeuwen. 945. Kpéuatro R. P. P. F. Invernizzi, recentiores. kpépatró ye P. editions before Invernizzi. e 947. yé rot 6eptööeiv MSS. vulgo. Blaydes changed ye into ya, and is followed by Hall and Geldart and Van Leeuwen. Brunck changed 6eptööetv into 6eptööev, and is followed by all subsequent editors except Bergk, Paley, and Hall and Geldart. For row 6eptööeuv Blaydes reads ovv6eptööev. 949, ovv8épiſe MSS. vulgo. at 66puſe Meineke, but in his note (having discovered, I imagine, that in this system the acatalectic lines invariably end with a long syllable) he prefers vov 6épuſe, which is read by Mueller and Holden. The MSS. and (except as hereinafter mentioned) the editions have ovv6épiſe kai Tootov Maſºv, which makes this stanza longer by a dipody than the corresponding stanza in the strophe. Some editors mark a lacuna in the strophe, but there can be little doubt that all the six stanzas are in the same metre. I have followed Bergk and Merry in omitting roorov \agóv. Elmsley, Bothe, Dindorf, and Green omit or bracket orvv6épt{e. 950. Trpéorga)\\? MSS. (except F*.), Invermizzi, recentiores, except Weise and Bergk. Tpéo Sax'F'". Trpá8a)\\’ all editions before Invernizzi; and Weise and Bergk afterwards.--&irov MSS. editions (except Blaydes) before Bergk; and Wan Leeuwen afterwards. &mot Fritzsche, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores, except Wan Leeuwen. 954. ièv R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise and Blaydes. 3 P. P. F. I. Mº. all editions before Brunck. Pº. and F*. have neither ièv nor 3, and commence the line with tót 8:), obviously one of P*.’s conjectures, and so (with 8? converted into 876') Brunck and Weise. Blaydes makes five conjectures, one of which, Aa3&v for ióv, he inserts in his text; but in his Addenda, he reverts to Brunck's reading with tòa vuv for tél 866'. 955. karotoreus MSS. vulgo. The kará is used mot, as Mueller supposes, because “Thebae in depressa regione sitae sint,” but to convey the idea of home as in Kárelpu, katépxopat, karáyo, and many other compounds. p4A' otoréus Blaydes. in both editions; and in his second he also adopts Bergk's very probable con- jecture of eixagoupévos for eiMagočplevos. 959. Tís Éott; MSS. vulgo. ri gott; Elmsley, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe and Hall and Geldart. But cf. infra 1018, 1048. 960. śké\eve Elmsley, Blaydes, Meineke, recentiores, except Hall and Geldart. éké\evore MSS. vulgo. But all MSS. (except I.) and editions have ékéAeve in the same speech two lines below.— raērms ris Špaxuñs all MSS. (except R.) and all editions before Dindorf. rautmori ris Špaxpſis R. Tavrmori 8paxuñs Dindorf, recentiores. Bekker, reading raûrms rºs, gave tavrmori as R.'s reading, meaning for raûrms, but it was supposed that he meant it for raûrms Tris, and consequently Dindorf and subsequent editors suppose themselves to be following R.'s reading, which they are not. All MSS. have the Tms. 965. rpets karaorkiovs Máqovs all printed Q 2. 228 A PPIE N DIX editions except Hall and Geldart. Tpets karaokious Aépous R. P. rptori karaokious Aóqous the other MSS., whence Blaydes thought of Tptori karáo kios Aóqois, but saw that the rpets karaokious Aéjovs oreiei of the Septem 379 and the rot's Aáqovs oretov of Peace 1178 formed an insuperable objection to the adoption of this conjecture. It is however adopted by Hall and Geldart. But line 96.7 makes it abundantly clear that Kpačaivov governs toūs Aóqovs. 967. Ti rapixel Reiske, Dobree, Dindorf (in notes), Weise, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores. Čiri rapixm MSS. vulgo. I have, though with some hesitation, followed Reiske and Dobree because étri rapixel is such a very common phrase; and the plural rapixm is almost unknown. The words roës Aóqous kpa- ôauvéro seem to be introduced, as Dobree observed, trapā trpoorêokiav. 970. Kux\āv MSS. (except R.) vulgo. kix\@v R. Dindorf, who however repents in his notes. 971. eiðes 3, eiðes & MSS. vulgo. Suidas, quoting the lines s. v. čvömpö, has eiðes 3 once only, and this is followed by Elmsley and Van Leeuwen. But it is most unlikely that the expres- sion should have been duplicated by a transcriber. 973. oi' #xet orireworápevos P. P. F. Brunck, Elmsley, Bekker, recentiores. otretorápuevos of Éxet R. Invernizzi. orépusvos (without of £xei) Pº. I. oretorá- pepov (without ot' exel) editions before Brunck, and Bothe afterwards. *xet atreto duevos Suidas, s. v. duðmpá. 981. trapotvos dwip MSS. vulgo. Elms- ley suggested, but did not read, trapot- wkös, and this is read by Blaydes, O’Tſel- * O LOE/ Meineke, Holden, and Hall and Geldart. Suidas, s. v. trāpolvos, in a quotation full of errors, has trópowos dwijp, which is converted by Cobet into trópolvos évºp, and this, though contrary to the metre, is brought into the text by Van Leeuwen. See the Commentary on 971. 983. kävérpetre Elmsley, Bothe, Din- dorf, Blaydes, Meineke, recentiores. kāvérparre MSS. vulgo. 986. uáA\ov ćrt Hermann, Dindorf, Bergk, Mueller, recentiores, except Hall and Geldart. pax\ov čv MSS. vulgo; contra metrum. 988. eiðes &s étrépo. This line, com- posed of two cretics, is omitted in all the MSS. and in all the editions before Blaydes's second. In R. the line follow- ing 987 begins rat r", and this with a lacuna marked before it is read by Dindorf and subsequent editors (except Bothe's second) before Blaydes's second. So F. and M*. except that they have rat 6'. P. P. F. begin it with ráð’ and so or táð’ by all editions before Bergler who writes rá pºev. P. reads tº 6', and róð’ is read by Brunck, Elmsley, Bothe, and Bekker ; but in his second edition Bothe has rols, while Invernizzi has kai r", supposing that to be R.'s reading. But a corrector of R. had written in the margin before rat the letters árrép (there being no room for the oy, and the full én réporal is given in the Scholium. The letters áirtép are very strong and dark, and no one could help noticing them ; but being written in the margin they were apparently regarded by Bekker as part of the Scholium, and he did not mention them as belonging to the text. It is however clear that they are intended to form A PPEN DIX 229 one word with the rat, and since Her- werden called attention to them there has been no doubt that the rat is a remnant of éirréporat, which is accord- ingly adopted by Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. There is still one missing cretic, which I have ventured to supply by the words eiðes &s. Before errréporat had been dis covered, Schutz had written ošk av obrós y to róð’, Bergk proposed eiðes & révô’; emetyev, Walsh etēer’ obv, Ös émprat, Hoffman àAA’ 36' oiv Träs àveirai, and Meineke oiroori 8' énºrómrat. Blaydes and Hall and Geldart adopt Meineke's oiroo’i 8' with étr+éporat. Wan Leeuwen, who had followed Elmsley's mistake in the strophe, here too brings down &mréporal into the following line, a course which the unanimous testimony of the MSS. shows to be wrong. The linebeginning rod 3iov was alsooriginally omitted in R., but is restored in its right place by another hand. In that line râ8e (not found in any MS.) was inserted by Brunck for metrical reasons and is universally adopted. 993. # travv MSS. vulgo. Kuster, Elmsley, Merry, Blaydes, Van Leeuwen. 994, trpoorga)\eiv MSS. vulgo. In the edition called “Scaliger's" it is men- tioned that somebody had proposed Tpoor\affeiv, a proposal subsequently repeated by Reiske. 997. 3pxov I. and all printed editions except as hereinafter mentioned. KAáčov the other MSS. āorxov Brunck to Weise, and Holden. §§ov Bergk. 998. Agöas (or éAatóas) imav čv kök\? R. F. M*. Bekker, Weise, Bergk, recen- tiores. āmav čAatóas (or éAáðas) éu kök\@ # Trávv editions before Bothe. Šmav čAáðas kók\@ P. P. P*. I. Bentley, Bothe, Blaydes. But Bentley was merely bringing the then accepted reading into harmony with the metre and was not aware of R.'s reading. Meineke in the Berlin “Hermes” for 1866 (p. 422) would substitute àma\ás for imav čv, relying on the language of the fourth Country Epistle of Aelian, 'Av6eptov Apákmti, which is little more than a copy of the present passage. “What have you been doing?” says the letter- writer to his friend, “what work of utility have you been performing 2 éyò yāp duºrexiàos àpxov čAáoras, eira pooxióta orvkiöov trapaq vreća as āma)\á, év kūk\@ (repl rô ačAtov Karéntméa €Aáðas. Then I had supper, pea-soup and three bumpers of wine, and fell asleep with pleasure.” - 1021. Köv Trévr' 3rm MSS. vulgo. The Scholiast says duri rod eis Trévre &rm. Scaliger proposed kās trévr' érm, and Elmsley reads keis révr’ &rm. Bentley proposes kāv revrérets. Cf. Supra, 188. 1032. roo IIvrráAov R. M*. and (as corrected) F. Bentley, Bergk, Paley. roºs IIvrráNov P. P. P. and (originally) F. vulgo. 1035. Trot P. P. vulgo. trov R. P. F. Invernizzi, Dimdorf (in notes), Bergk, Paley. 1037. §vešpmkev. This reading is attributed to Dobree (I do not know where he suggested it) and is adopted by Dindorf, Blaydes, Bergk, and all subsequent editors, except Hall and Geldart; a few of them however, con- trary to the usage of the best MSS., writing it évnápmkev. Dobree is said to have failed to find another example of 230 A PP E N DIX this compound, but the preposition év is certainly required, and the Oxford Lexicographers refer to Josephus, Jewish War v. 13. 5. There it is said that some of the Jews who deserted to Titus had swallowed some gold pieces; and it was rumoured that all of them had done so. And therefore the barbarians in the Roman Camp, Syrians and Arabians, rows iréras āvarépuuovres ºpečvov tàs yaorépas to find gold; 6Miyots 8 évevpivkero. R. has dvešpmkev and so (with an occasional dung- as before) Portus, Scaliger, Faber, Brunck, recen- tiores, except as aforesaid. the other MSS. and editions. 1048. Aikatówoxt (once) ris oiroori; (twice) MSS. vulgo. Alkaléro)\t (twice) tis oiroot; (once) Dobree, Dindorf (in notes), Blaydes, Meineke, Holden, Van Leeuwen. The only reason for this strange inversion of the MS. reading is given by Dimdorf, who says, “Parum apte illud ris oitoori repetit Dicaeopolis, cuius non multum refert cognoscere quis advenerit.” But the repetition is intended as a sign, not of curiosity, but of impatience. 1055. pauptov R. Invernizzi, Bekker, Hall and Geldart. XiXiaov (or XiXtów) the other MSS. and editions. 1062. čía MSS. vulgo. airia, a sug- gestion of Blaydes in his first edition, is adopted by Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Merry, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. But though airia makes the sense plainer, it also makes the line more prosaic. oëk déia row troXépov means not up to the mark of the war, not sufficient for the war: as when Demo- sthenes (IIepi oup popuðv 33) says oik Šáta Here, there- 3. z Aº avevpmke toū Toképiov rá Xpñpara. fore, as supra 633, I prefer to abide by the reading of the MSS. 1064. Ös Troteirs rooro ; R. P. F.". Dindorf, Weise, Mueller, Paley, Hall and Geldart. Ös troueira toûro; P. P. F. I. M*. vulgo. Elmsley proposed, but did not read, Ös troteio 60 rooro ; Blaydes in his first edition read Ös trouñoral rooro, removing the note of interrogation to the end of the line, but in his second edition reverts to trouetrat. Van Leeuwen reads &s troumré éo-ri, placing the note of interrogation after vöuqm. The line is omitted by Meineke. 1071. KHPYE. Before Elmsley the speaker was called áyyeMos, but Elmsley observing that in 1083 Lamachus him- self calls him 6 kmpvé, prefixed that name to the speech ; and he is very generally, though not quite universally, followed. R. gives no name, but merely notifies a fresh speaker by a stroke. 1078, 1079. ió orparmyoi . . . Šoprāoral. Both these lines are given to Lamachus by Elmsley, Dindorf, Weise, Bergk, and subsequent editors except Blaydes and Wan Leeuwen. Before Elmsley, and by Bekker afterwards, the first is given to Lamachus and the second to Dicaeo- polis. Blaydes and Van Leeuwen reverse this, giving the first to Dicaeopolis and the second to Lamachus, while Bothe gives both to Dicaeopolis. R. has a stroke before each line, as if each was spoken by a different speaker. 1082. Thovávn rerpartūq MSS. vulgo. Tmpvövm rerpán TiNe Wan Leeuwen. 1093. Tà qi)\rað’ ‘Appoètov, KaNai MSS. vulgo. Indeed it may be said that the line is so read in every edition, for though Blaydes in his first edition gave Tô “qi\rað ‘Appóði'” #6eral, he reverts in A PPE N DIX 231 his second to the reading of the MSS. But several ingenious conjectures have been made for the alteration of the line. Welsen proposed, and Meineke in his W. A. proposed (independently, it would seem), to read rô pi\tað’ ‘Appéðt” où kaśā; translating saltatrices, Scolii cantus; momme haec pulcra sunt 2 Blaydes gives a great number of guesses, such as 3pxmorpiðes T' & pi\rað ‘Appióði' Ös ka)\ai. Professor Tyrrell in a note to his translation proposes ópxmorpiðes és rô “@i\rað ‘Appóði' oi," KaNai, dancing- girls famous for the Harmodius song. Mr. R. T. Elliott in the Journal of Philology for 1907 proposes to read ră (or Tö) pixtað’ ‘Appéði' oëk d\al, there are waiting for you dancing-girls and Dearest Harmodius, not wanderings (as for Lamachus); and two lines below would replace peyāAmv by per ăNmv. 1095. MeyāAmv ćireypdq}ov rºw MSS. vulgo. Blaydes suggested rºv pleyāAmv étreypáqov, but reads ueyāAmv ćirtyéypayat. The unusual position of the rºv is prob- ably due to the words rºv Topyóva being introduced trapā trpoorêokiav. 1096. Kai Öeinvöv ris évorkevaščro MSS. vulgo. Taí, óeirvóv re ovo-ketºagé plot Blaydes. His reason for the alteration is twofold: (1) He thinks it necessary to show to whom Dicaeopolis is speak- ing, quoting Reiske's question “Ad quemnam pertinet otyk)\ete 2 ” But on the stage the look and gesture of Dicaeopolis would show this plainly enough. (2) He considers orvo'keväſeuv and not evokeváčeuv to be the proper word for the occasion, citing Wasps 1251. But the two cases are totally different. There the articles have to be brought together. Here they are already brought together, and have only to be put into the supper-chest. Herwerden would read or k\a” £uoi òeirvāv ris eſſ a kevašáro. 1097. AA. traſ, traſ. This line is omitted in R., doubtless because the next line commences with the same words. It is found in all the printed editions. 1102. or 8muoč 6ptov Elmsley, Dindorf (in notes), Weise, Blaydes, Bergk, re- centiores, except Paley, whose note however shows that he intended to read it. at 8:) trai 6ptov (or 6ptov) R. P. P. F. F. Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Bek- ker, and (in their text) Dindorf and Paley. §§ 6; or trai épiov (or 6ptov) I. editions before Brunck, which Bentley and Kuster proposed to amend by omitting ori. 8) at Tal 6ptov P. M*. Elmsley's admirable conjecture is in need of no confirmation ; but it is to Some extent confirmed by the Scholium cited in the Commentary. And cf. Knights 954. 1111, 1112. d)\’?, Can it be that (see Wasps 8, and the note there) Hartung, Bergk, Mueller, Paley, Merry, Wan Leeuwen. I ought to have written d\\' fi in Thesm. 97. dAN’ # vulgo, and apparently the MSS. generally, except that P. is said to have à in the first line and fi in the second. I am not sure how R. means to accent the word. 1123. kai riis éuñs MSS. vulgo. “Hotibius ” proposed to read kai Tois āpuntas kpušaviras, Herwerden traſ, tis outröms, and Van Leeuwen ék ris attröms. 1125. Tupévorov MSS. vulgo. Plutarch in his “Comparison of Aristophanes and Menander,” no doubt by a slip of memory, has yupóvorov, which is ap- 232 A PP E N DIX proved by Kuster and Meineke, and introduced into the text by Holden. Thus a witticism is changed into a banality. 1128. rotſ\atov. čv Tó XaAkiº Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe. Before Din- dorf there was a punctuation after the XaXkip but not after toiſławow. Pollux x. 92 quoting the line gives toūAavov čk toū XaAktov, and this is adopted by Elms- ley and Bothe. -- 1130. śvāmāos yépov R. Bekker, Meineke, Holden, Merry, and Hall and Geldart. eiðm\os yépov the other MSS. and editions. 1131. keVečov R. F. F. P. Bentley, Reiske, Brunck, recentiores. keMečo P. P*. I. editions before Brunck. 1137. To Seinvov MSS. vulgo. Schutz conjectured rô 8étras vuv; and Her- werden Töv Šivov, which Van Leeuwen reads. 1141. videº K.T.A. This line is omitted by R., I suppose, because the transcriber could not decipher the MS. he was . copying, for a space is left for it, and the Scholium by the side (āvri too WrvXpá' oi yüp Ti tróAepov čátóvres étrern- poivro rās 8too mutas) is clearly a com- ment on it. It appears in all the other MSS. and editions. Some recent editors, feeling it a hardship that Lamachus should be allotted two lines and Dicaeopolis only one, endeavour to redress the grievance by inventing another line for the latter; inserting after the first line of Lamachus's speech AI. To Settvov aipov kai 846tſ, & trai, Aagóv: and in Dicaeopolis's final speech substi- tuting for atpov rô beinvov the words viqel (or orićet or kviorá) (3ağaudé. 1145. 5työv kai R. F. F. P. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise. Étyoſv ka? P. Brunck, Weise. Buyóvrt I. editions before Brunck. Élodyvov kai Pº. 1149, dvarpiðouévº Te MSS. vulgo. For re Reiske suggested ye, which is adopted by Elmsley and others. Various alterations have been sug- gested in this little system to adjust the proceedings of the two antagonists in a more suitable manner. Brunck changes this line into oroi 8' dvarpiðeuv 'ye rô Selva, which is simple and probable enough. Others would bring down line 1145 oroi 8& fityöv k.T.A. to precede the present line, changing tº be in line 1146 to x&öe (Bothe) or kāra (Blaydes). Others would make more extensive alterations. 1151. §vyypadea. I have substituted this for röv čvyypaqºſ, which is read by the MSS. and vulgo. I take the article to be omitted before both £vyypaſpi, and troumrijv by way of contempt. It is not “Antimachus the prose writer, the poet,” but “Antimachus a prose writer and a poet forsooth.” Elmsley reads röv puéAeov Tóv pleMédov troumrijv, which is adopted by Weise, Blaydes, Mueller, Holden, and Merry. This is very meat, and is to some extent supported by the lines of Antiphanes which Elmsley quotes from Athenaeus xiv. 50, but departs too far from the MS. reading. For rôv čvyypaqºm Meineke conjectures röv ćuptav, Professor Tyrrell Tov ſaypaqºn, and Herwerden orvppaqiáa. Hall and Geldart propose röv Vrakáðos évyypaq,éa, röv pleMéov troumråv, “ut Wrakáðos pro Jºnqtopiaros sit trap' in Övotav.” Bothe and Nauck omit rôv čvyypaqºm in the strophe, and Bothe airó kaköv, and Nauck vukrepwév in the antistrophe.— A PPE N DIX 233. rôv pleMéov troumrijv R. I. Invernizzi, Elmsley (and those who followed him in reading röv péAeov), Bekker, and Meineke. rāv plexéov troumrijv P. P. P. F. F. M*. Grynaeus, Brunck, and (save as aforesaid) recentiores. Töv PueMédov röv troumriju editions before Portus, and Kuster afterwards. Töv pleMédov rov Troumrijv Portus, Scaliger, Faber, Bergler. 1155. dirék\etore Sein'vöv (so accented) R. darék\etore beinvov Bothe. drék\etore ðetirvāv Invernizzi, Paley. dré\vo' ã6ettvov I. vulgo. And so (with daréAv- orev) the other MSS. ātrék\eta' àöetirvov Elmsley, Bothe, Bekker, and Mueller. 1158. Trápa)\os MSS. vulgo. trap' àAös Fr. Thiersch, Mueller, Holden. Čiri rparém R. I. vulgo. And so P. P. except that they omit the iota sub- script, as do several of the older editions, by a mere oversight. &mi Tpatréºns F. F. P. Elmsley, Dindorf, Meineke, Green.—keupévm MSS. vulgo. keupévi, Fr. Thiersch, Mueller, Holden, Merry. This they fortunately translate, otherwise it would be hard to under- stand. “rparém kelpéviſ est mensa extensa, ad dapes recipiendas pro- posita.”—Mueller. It is not easy to see how the words can have that meaning, or how that meaning is suitable here. The word required is obviously keupévm, which all the MSS. give us. And indeed this little apologue affords a striking example of the nonsense into which learned men are accustomed to convert the wit and poetry of Aristo- phanes. The place of honour is, as usual, due to Hamaker and Meineke. Hamaker begins by proposing to read rev6íða kare.8ópevov for rev6íðos 8eópevov. Even Meineke, usually his most faithful follower, is obliged to admit that this is an “inanis lusus.” But he makes amends for this by saying “Optime de his meritus est Hamakerus” in pro- posing Attrapá r" for tápa)\os and eio A6ot for ÖkéAAoi. On the latter change he is enthusiastic : “EIXEAeCI et OKEAAOI sibi sunt simillima,” he says. I see no similarity myself; and at all events there is this difference between them, that Öké\\ot is the very word required, and eioréNôot makes no sense at all. If we add to these Fr. Thiersch's kelpièvn we shall see that the whole of the poet's metaphor, by which the cuttle on its table sails like a ship across the room to Antimachus, has absolutely dis- appeared. 1165. Saôtćov MSS. vulgo. Bentley observed “Forte Bašićot sed vide Schol.” Elmsley too suggested Bačićot kāra, but was similarly restrained by the Scho- lium. See the Commentary. Wan Leeuwen introduces 8ačićot kāra into the text. 1166. karáčete MSS. vulgo. Dindorf conjectured traráčete, which is adopted by Meineke, Mueller, and Holden; and by Blaydes in his first, but not in his second, edition. 1167. rºw kepakºv R. Invernizzi, Bek- ker, Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Hall and Geldart. Tris kepawns P. P. I. vulgo. 1168. Nagelv R. F. F". Pº. Invernizzi, recentiores. 3a)\eiv P. P. editions before Invernizzi. 1170. TréAeóov P. vulgo. atréAéðov R. P. Pº. Bekker, Weise. And doubt- less Aristophanes would have so written had the metre permitted. See Ap- pendix at Eccl. 595. 234 A PPE N DIX 1172. rév påppapov. Hermann pro- posed, and Meineke reads, röv 8óp8opov. 1175. xvrpiðtº R. Dawes, Brunck, recentiores. xvrpiq, the other MSS. and all editions before Brunck. 1177. &pi'oiovrmpā Portus, recentiores. And this, if it needs confirmation, is confirmed by Pollux vii. 28. §py oiov- Tmpå MSS. editions before Portus. R. omits the line, leaving the usual blank space, which however has not been filled up. But R.'s scholia comment upon the line, which is found in all other MSS. and in all editions. 1181. Čáñyelpev (§§éyelpev R.) MSS. vulgo. The only editor who has altered the text is Wan Leeuwen, who inserts his own conjecture éééoreworev. But Brunck conjectured Čšāpačev, Dobree ēśńMeivew or ééérpuyev, Seager éémpetéev, and Blaydes éééðpavorev. Several editors bracket the line, and Blaydes, followed by Meineke, would omit all the eight lines from kai Topyóv' to karagrépxov This is on account of the obvious inconsistencies which, however, I think are intentional. 1183. §§múða HéAos MSS. vulgo. €ámùöma' &mos Blaydes. For tregàv at the end of the preceding line Bergk suggests, and Van Leeuwen reads, Attróv. But Attröv is not the word required. It should be something equivalent to iööv. 1185. bāos roëpávtov Arthur Palmer : See the Commentary. qāos roëpév R. qīāns ye roipºv the other MSS. and vulgo. pāos Tóð’ (with otöév added after oùkér”) Nauck, Cobet, Holden, Merry, Blaydes, Van Leeuwen. And So, with root’ for róð’, Meineke and Mueller. Öopi. 1187. 8parérats, Amorràs MSS. (except R.) vulgo. 8patrérats Amorraſs R. Elms- ley, Bekker. Sparrérms Amorrºs Schutz, Blaydes; a rather attractive reading, since it makes Lamachus the recipient, instead of the giver, of the spear-thrust, in accordance with his own statement just below. But it seems impossible to identify the “runaways” with the “raiders.” 1190. Grrarai, dirtarai here and 1198 infra, R. Invernizzi, Dindorf, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores. dramarrató here and drraNarrară 1198, the other MSS. (except Mº., which has ārratrarrará in both places), all editions before Inver- nizzi, and Weise afterwards. And Elmsley, Bothe, and Bekker do not wholly adopt R.'s reading. 1191. Táðeye P. P. vulgo. Táče (with- out ye) R. P. Dindorf, Green. 1195. €keºvo 3’ obv T. P. F. all editions before Invernizzi; and Weise and Hall and Geldart afterwards. The oëv is omitted in the other MSS. and editions. —alakrôv àv yévouro Porson (omitting the oipokrów of the MSS. as a mere gloss), Dindorf, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores. But Bergk, arranging the lines anti- strophically, was the first to suggest that the plot which in the MSS. and editions followed yévoiro should be omitted, and this suggestion is adopted by Meineke, Mueller, Holden, Merry, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. aiakrôv Šv oiuokröv fiv yévoltó plot I. all editions before Brunck. Brunck added a y' to the first av, and so Weise alakrôv oiuokrów &v yévoiré plot R. P. P. F. M*. Invernizzi, Elmsley, Bothe, and Bekker. aiakrów oiuokrów yévout' àv plot P1. FI. A PPE N DIX 235 1196. ei p' tool F. Elmsley, Bothe in his first edition, Blaydes, Meineke, Merry, and Hall and Geldart. &v p’ töot R. Bekker, Dindorf, Bothe in his Second edition, and Green. Öv et p’ toot F. Bergk, Mueller, Holden. yūp et p’ tôot I. P. P. P. editions before Elmsley; and Weise afterwards. yūp àv p’ těot Paley. ei vov u’ too, Van Leeuwen. The loss of the line in the antistrophe which corresponds to this makes it impossible to ascertain the true reading. It was probably, however, an iambic senarius. 1197. kār āyxávot F". Elmsley, Bothe, Blaydes, Bergk, recentiores. Kareyxá- vot F. kareyyávot ye I. P. P. P. all editions before Elmsley; and Weise afterwards. kār āyxaveira, R. Bekker, Dindorf, Green. — rais épais rôxataw R. F. F. Elmsley, recentiores, except Weise. rais œuatoru Tôxas I. rais éuatoruv ãv rôxas P. P. P. editions before Elmsley; and Weise afterwards. 1201. kámpavöa)\orów R. P. P. P. F. F. Elmsley, recentiores, except as herein- after mentioned. Kátrupuavöa)\orov čv. editions before Brunck, käveripavča)\o- töv I. Bentley suggested kai rô uavôa- Aaróv ač. And Brunck and Weise read kāripavöaxotów ad, while Elmsley in his note preferred kai rô pavöa)\orów (with- out aſſ); and this is adopted by Blaydes and Meineke. On the other hand Mueller and Wan Leeuwen read rô pavöa)\otöv without either kai or ač. But there seems no reason for deserting the unanimous testimony of the MSS. in favour of émplavöaxoróv. After this line a line has dropped out, answering to the Aukatónous et p’ toot rerpopévov of the strophe, which, as it came imme- diately before the triumphant For I was the first to drain the Pitcher, was prob- ably a demand on his attendants for further tokens of affection. Bergk having made, by the insertion of āv before ei, an iambic senarius of the line in the strophe, and finding two lines below another iambic senarius without a partner, proposed to transpose lines 1202 and 1203, making Dicaeopolis's speech end with the lines & orvpdopä td\awa Töv ćuáv Kaków. Töv yāp Xóa K.T.A. And this is followed by Mueller, Holden, and Merry, but seems quite out of character. 1206. Aapaximirtov MSS. vulgo, except that R. has Aapaxattribuoy. Meineke proposed Aapaxiorktov, which Van Leeuwen brings into the text. It has been suggested, and is very probable, that this line was originally preceded by an iambic senarius, making this speech of Dicaeopolis balance that of Lamachus. 1207, 1208. Orrvyepós . . . Šákvetv. These lines are arranged in the text as in the MSS. and vulgo. Bergk proposed to read AAM. orvyepòs éyò. AI. Tí pie gö kvvets; AAM. ployepôs éyò. AI. riple ori, ôákvets; And this change is made by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Paley and Van Leeuwen ; but seems destructive of the dramatic cha- racter of the dialogue, which consists of remarks by Lamachus, burlesqued by Dicaeopolis. For under Bergk's arrange- ment Dicaeopolis “haec ad meretrices osculis et morsiunculis Os eius velli- cantes dicit’’ (Blaydes). This seems absurd enough ; but Van Leeuwen's explanation is even more mirth-inspir- ing, viz. that Lamachus is addressing 236 A PP E N DIX “unume pedissequis. Dilectissimiducis vulnera osculatur pedissequus dolore abreptus.” The true meaning of the passage was long ago pointed out by Elmsley; “Dicaeopolis Lamachum osculatur qui eum indignabundus re- mordet.” 1210. Tijs $vp3oxijs Bothe. R. P. P. F. Mº. have év påxn between these two words, and so Brunck to Bekker in- clusive, and Weise. Pº. I. Fº. have év paym vºv (doubtless one of P*.'s futile conjectures) and so all editions before Brunck. Bothe ejected the words év pudyn vöv as an obvious gloss, an altera- tion approved by Fritzsche and Enger, and one which seems to me plainly right. Dindorf went further and ejected the ris also, an alteration followed by Blaydes, Bergk, and all subsequent editors (save that Bergk and Paley merely put €v påxn in brackets), but which seems to me plainly wrong. For the article is almost (not quite) always found in ejaculations of this kind; rôv Turðtov 1199 supra, rms Aeſtrörnros róv qpevöv Clouds 153, rod pavrećparos Wasps 161, &c.; and is here required by the metre. 1211. a' &mparrey. The MSS. have €mpárrero, and so vulgo, but this makes the line a syllable too long. Bothe therefore wrote émpárrer', taking the last letter as elided before the ió of the following line; but this is not permissible. Bergk proposed o' émpar- rev, which is read by Mueller and Holden. 1213. Thuepov IIatóvia P. viv ye oriuepov IIatóvia R. Cf. Eccl."16 and the Appendix there. vov ye thuepov IIalávia Invernizzi, Bekker, Blaydes. * * g vvvi Tàpiepov IIaudovia P". P. vulgo. vöv IIaidovua Bothe. The words viv (or vuvi) and thuepov can hardly stand together, and I have therefore adopted P.'s reading, insert- ing in the preceding line an ió before the second Ilaudv; so that the two lines become symmetrical. 1221. orkoroğutó R. F. Pº. Brunck, re- centiores. o.koroöuvuò (as two lines above) I. editions before Brunck. The line is omitted in P. and P. 1222. čs toū IIvrráNov R. Bentley, Invernizzi, recentiores, except Blaydes and Van Leeuwen. Cf. Supra 1032. sis (or és) rov IIvrráAov P. I. M*. editions before Invernizzi. eis (or és) tow IIirta\ov F. P. Elmsley said “Erunt qui malint Ös rows IIvrrá\ov,” and Blaydes so reads. In Wasps 1432 we have és rà IIvrrá- Aov, which Van Leeuwen introduces here. 1224. He pépere R. P. P. F. F. M*. Hall and Geldart. p.' ékºpépete P. all printed editions except Hall and Geldart. It is marvellous that Hall and Geldart should be the only editors who have adopted the reading of R. which, apart from the overwhelming MS. evidence in its favour, seems to me indubitably right. Lamachus, wishing to be taken to the house of Pittalus, must necessarily for that purpose be taken out (éčevéykare) of the theatre. Dicaeopolis, wishing to appeal to the Trévre kpurai who were inside the theatre, must necessarily for that purpose himself remain within. 1226. 63vprá (adverbial) variously accented. MSS. vulgo. Suidas (s. v. 68vpruk.) has Óðupri), which was approved by Kuster, and is read by Brunck, Bothe, and Blaydes. A PP E N DIX 237 1228. einrep kaxels y R. Elmsley, recentiores, except Dindorf, Weise, Blaydes, and Wan Leeuwen. einep ka)\ets the other MSS., all editions before Elmsley; and Dindorf and Weise afterwards. etirep kpareis y Blaydes, which Meineke approves, etrep ka)\eſ y Van Leeuwen.—6 rpéo Sv R. and apparently all the MSS. Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. But all editions before Brunck omitted the 3, and Kuster suggested at Tpéo Sv. While these sheets were passing through the Press another edition of the Acharnians has been announced. Whether it has already been published I do not know : I have not seen it. I extremely regret that I was unaware of an excellent little edition of the Play by Mr. C. E. Graves published at Cambridge in the year 1905. THE KNIGHTS OF ARISTOPHANES Oxfore HoRACE HART, PRINTER To THE UNIVERSITY APIXTO'ſ ANOTX IIIIIEIX KNIGHTS OF ARISTOPHANES ACTED AT ATHENS AT THE LENAEAN FESTIVAL B.C. 424 T H E G R E E K. T E XT R E VIS EID WITH A TRANSLATION INTO CORRESPONDING METRES INTRODUCTION AND COMMENTARY By BENJAMIN BICKLEY ROGERS, M.A., HON. D.LITT. BARRISTER-AT-LAW, sometime FELLOW © AND NOW HONORARY FELLOW OF WADHAM COLLEGE, OXFORD LONDON G. BELL AND SONS, LTD. . I9 IO IN T R O D U CTION IN the Parabasis of the Wasps, exhibited two years after the Knights, Aristophanes gives in an allegorical form a vigorous and picturesque sketch of his own dramatic career. He was a second Heracles, he says, and had set himself, in the manner of his great prototype, to rid the land of the monsters and prodigies which infested it. And the first Labour of this Attic Heracles was to attack the all-powerful demagogue, then beyond all doubt the most formidable personage in Hellas. No achievement would demand greater courage; none was more urgently required. For Athens, which had followed the lead of a Solon, a Themistocles, and a Pericles, was now in the hands of a corrupt and rapacious demagogue, destitute of all elevated and Panhellenic sentiments, and determined, for his own dishonest purposes, to oppose every over- ture from Sparta which could result in the restoration of Panhellenic unity and concord. To shake this pernicious influence was the young poet’s first desire; and this is the way in which he describes to the Athenian people the attack which he made upon it in the Knights:— When first he began to exhibit plays, no paltry men for his mark he chose, He came in the mood of a Heracles forth to grapple at once with the mightiest foes. In the very front of his bold career with the jag-toothed Monster he closed in fight, Though out of its fierce eyes flashed and flamed the glare of Cynna's detestable light, And a hundred horrible sycophants' tongues were twining and flickering over its head, And a voice it had like the roar of a stream which has just brought forth destruction and dread, And a Lamia's groin and a camel's loin, and foul as the smell of a seal it smelt. But He, when the monstrous form he saw, no bribe he took, and no fear he felt, For you he fought and for you he fights.-Wasps 1029–37. wi IN T R O DU CTION Such is the poet's own description of the Comedy before us. It was exhibited at the Lenaean festival in the month of February, 424 B.C., and obtained the prize; the unsuccessful competitors being Cratinus with his Satyrs, who was placed second, and Aristomenes with his Woodcarriers, who was placed last. As in the case of the Acharnians, so here; we know nothing of the competing Comedies except their names; hot a syllable of either the Satyrs or the Woodcarriers has survived to our own days. That the prize should have been awarded to so uncompromising an attack on the great demagogue, made before the very people whom his eloquence could sway more easily than that of any other contemporary orator, is indeed a remarkable fact, and is a sufficient proof of the statement which has often been made, that though Cleon could sway the counsels of the Athenians, he never succeeded in winning their respect. Aristophanes claimed, and was justified in claiming, that he made his attack upon Cleon when the latter was at the very height of his power (uéytotov čvra, Clouds 549), for only a few months before the exhibition of the Knights, he had by a lucky and extraordinary chain of events attained a pre-eminence which no other demagogue either before or after his time could ever succeed in acquiring. Cleon, the son of Cleaenetus, was a leather-seller by trade, a trade which apparently included every branch of the business, from the manufacture of leather itself from the undressed hide (the special business of a tanner) to the manufacture and sale of all articles constructed out of leather. The business itself does not seem to have been of a particularly profitable character, since Cleon is said to have been still a poor man when he resolved to give it up and to devote himself to “the more lucrative profession of politics.” For political life it is obvious that he had a special aptitude. He was by far the most persuasive speaker of the day. His strong and straight- forward oratory, garnished with homely and familiar metaphors, and rising on occasion to thunder-rolling denunciation, could carry an Athenian audience with him in a manner which was quite beyond the IN T R O DU CTION vii power of any rival orator; his vigilance was felt in every quarter of the empire; and he was full of resource, and could find a way to extricate himself from the most inextricable difficulties". But he was corrupt and rapacious” even beyond the ordinary run of Athenian demagogues. Poor though he was when he entered the political arena, he left behind him, we are told by Critias”, an estate worth 50, or (as some MSS. read) 100 talents, the greater part of which must have been amassed during his seven years of leadership after the death of Pericles. And in truth at this period a demagogue had un- exampled facilities for the acquisition of wealth. The Athenian Demus had assumed the power of increasing or lowering the tribute to be paid by the subject allies, and of assessing the amount to be contributed by each individual city. In this, as in other respects, the Isles (as the allied states were, with singular inaccuracy, commonly called) were entirely at the mercy of the Athenian Assembly; and found it necessary for their own safety, at whatever cost, to secure the advocacy and buy off the hostility of the leading orators “whose resistless eloquence wielded at will that fierce democracy.” And Cleon was the orator who was most to be feared, and whom it was most necessary to propitiate, not only on account of his supreme influence with the Assembly, but also because his special talent lay in denunciation, so that the terms 6tagáAAew and êtagoNaï are inseparably associated with his career. To what acts of violence his merciless logic could drive the Athenian people we know from the resolution which he prevailed upon them to pass for the massacre of the entire Mitylenaean Demus. The language of Wasps 675–7 is of course merely comic, but it is impossible to doubt that he received large sums both from the allies and from Athenian officials in the shape of bribes and of blackmail. * Thuc. iii. 36, iv. 21; Knights 75, 626–9, 758, &c. * Sopoèékos eis intep;30źv inſpxev.—Scholiast on Lucian's Timon. 30. * Aéyet Kpurias KAéovi trpå rod trapéN6eiv Čiri ră kowa, plmöèv róv oikeiav čAetºspov elval" usrå Öe, trevrákovra (some MSS. read exarov) taxávrov rôvoikov dréAtre.-Aelian, W. H. x. 17. viii IN T R O D U CTION He is first known in the pages of history as the proposer of the resolution to which we have just referred with regard to the people of Mitylene, and, when the Athenians began to repent of that terrible proposal, as the earnest advocate of carrying it into effect. The speech which Thucydides puts into his mouth on this occasion is of course the historian’s own composition, and does not condescend to notice the speaker’s oratorical tricks and devices; but it is no doubt a true exposition of the sentiments which the historian believed he would profess, and as such exactly carries out the determination ascribed to him by the Comic Poet of pursuing his own ends and the city’s aggrandisement without the slightest regard to the dictates of humanity or the rights of others. There is not from the beginning to the end one noble or generous sentiment; there is no appeal to any elevated motives; its thesis through- out is merely this, “It is for the interest of Athens that this wholesale slaughter should take place.” Your rule is a tyranny, he declares; all your allies would revolt if they dared; you must use the tyrant’s method and make such a terrible example of these revolters that others may fear to do the like. To be of a lenient disposition, to act from an impulse of pity, are two of the greatest dangers to an empire like yours. Nor is it sufficient to punish the leaders and spare the Demus. None must escape. And just as Paphlagon does in the Knights, he roundly accuses his opponents of receiving bribes to oppose him. However, he could not prevent the rescinding of the resolution, though by a very small majority, and had to content himself with the slaughter of the 1,000 citizens who had been sent as prisoners to Athens. Such was Cleon’s first appearance in the actual pages of history, but we know from the Comic Poets that long before that time he had dis- tinguished himself as the bitter assailant of Pericles, particularly when that great statesman had been wise enough and strong enough to restrain the Athenians from issuing out of the city to attack the overwhelming army of Archidamus during the first invasion of Attica. And from the promptitude with which in the Comedy he accuses the Sausage-seller of belonging to the illustrious (but accursed) race of the Alcmaeonidae, we INTR, OD UCTION ix may, I think, safely infer that he attacked Pericles on that score, and seconded the demand of the Spartans to drive the Athenian leader on that pretence from the helm of the State; a result which would have made Cleon, even during the life of Pericles, the most important personage in Athens. Whether it was Cleon who actually obtained the decree which did in fact temporarily depose Pericles from his official position is uncertain. Plutarch (Pericles, chap. 35) tells us that some said it was Cleon; others, Simmias; and others, Lacratidas. But in any event we may be sure that the attack would be eagerly supported by the ambitious demagogue. And soon afterwards, on the death of Pericles, he at once succeeded to the supreme power in the Athenian Assembly. One thing however was still against him : he had no taste for the dangers of war. The distinguished men who opposed him in the Assembly were mostly men who had served their country in its fleets and armies, whilst Cleon was a mere talker, and doubts were freely expressed as to his personal courage. But unexpectedly, in the year preceding the exhibition of the Knights, a series of extraordinary events had occurred which gave him the credit of a military achievement unsurpassed by any success hitherto attained by either of the parties to the War. These events are described so concisely and so graphically in the narrative of Thucydides that it is unnecessary to repeat them at any great length here; but it is perhaps permissible to say a few words as to the origin from which they sprang, for the purpose of bringing out the fact, mostly overlooked by the historians, that the whole plan of campaign—not merely the seizure of a post on the coast of the Peloponnese, but the selection of Pylus as the post to be seized—had been previously arranged in the prolonged conferences which had just taken place between Demosthenes the Athenian general and the leaders of the exiled Messenians at Naupactus. - On the termination of what is called the Third Messenian War, the Messenians who were compelled to depart from the Peloponnese had been X IN T R O DU CTION settled by, and under the protection of, Athens, in the port of Naupactus. They were naturally the staunch adherents of the Athenians during the Peloponnesian War; and doubtless the public friendship between the great Ionian city and the gallant Dorian exiles was supplemented by many private friendships between individuals on each side. But the only Athenian mentioned in history as specially interested in the Messenians of Naupactus is Demosthenes the famous general, one of the characters in the present play. During the greater part of the year 426 he had been in close and constant co-operation with the Messenian leaders. It was on their advice, and for their sake, Tów Meoromwtov Xápuri Tretorffels, and with a Messenian for his guide, that he undertook his disastrous expedition into Aetolia; it was with their aid that, a little later, he more than retrieved his reputation by his brilliant and repeated successes in Acarnania. And can it be doubted that during this prolonged comradeship a question would often arise as to the feasibility of the repatriation of these involuntary exiles, and their settlement in some strong position on the coast of their native land, where they could be reached and protected by the Athenian navy P These very men, or their fathers, had for nearly ten years, in their mountain fortress of Ithome, withstood the whole power of Sparta; and that was an inland post, where no allies could assist them. It was obvious that these exiles, the undying enemies of Sparta, might, if planted in an inexpugnable position in their own country, revolutionize the entire aspect of the War; and we shall find good grounds, in the course of the narrative, for believing that Pylus itself was suggested by the Messenians as a fitting place for carrying the enterprise into execution. Demosthenes was the very man to entertain a project of this description; and immediately on his return to Athens, finding that a fleet was starting on a voyage round the Peloponnese to Corcyra on its way to Sicily, he sought and obtained permission to accompany it without any particular office, but with power to requisition its services for any purpose he might think desirable on the Peloponnesian sea- board. Though the permission was given in such vague terms, yet IN T R O D U CTION - xi the object of Demosthenes from the outset, as Thucydides' expressly tells us, was to seize and fortify Pylus ; and accordingly when the fleet was off Pylus he called upon the naval commanders to put in to the land. And although they at first refused, having indeed urgent reason for haste, and even when driven in by a storm were unwilling to fortify the post (an unwillingness which pervaded all ranks), yet ultimately the soldiers, delayed there for some days by stress of weather, took up the idea of building the fort for their own amusement, and worked with such zeal and energy that in six days they completed a rough fortification. And then the fleet passed away for Corcyra, leaving Demosthenes with five triremes to defend the new post as best he could. And presently the Lacedaemonians, always slow to move, began to bestir themselves, and summoned all their available military and naval forces for the purpose of ejecting the audacious intruder who had dared to effect a lodgement on their territory. Demosthenes, on his side, began to prepare his defence, and dispatched two of his five triremes to recall the Athenian fleet. At this juncture he received aft opportune reinforcement in the shape of forty Messenian hoplites under a leader well acquainted with the locality, together with a supply of some not very serviceable arms for the sailors of the three remaining triremes. These hoplites and their leader, who took part in all the fighting which ensued, were landed from two small Messenian privateers which chanced to be in the harbour, oi èrvXov trapayevöuevot, says Thucydides; a most marvellous coincidence truly, if it were merely chance; but exactly what we should have expected, if, as I believe, the whole plan of campaign had been previously matured between Demosthenes and the Messenian leaders. We need not here describe the vigorous but unsuccessful assaults of the Lacedaemonians by land and sea upon the hastily constructed fort, nor how the Athenian fleet, returning on the summons of Demosthenes, * 6 Amuogóévms és riv IIü\ov trpárov čké\eve oxóvras abroºs, kai irpáčavras & 8sſ, rôv TAoûv troueto 6at' duriMeyóvrov če, Kará ràxmv Xelpièv émiyevópevos karūveyke rās vaús 2 \ a' * e a x w 2 gº. A tº w * > * w * és Tºv IIö\ov, Kai 6 Amuoorðévns eith's mºtov reuxiſsoróat rô Xoptov, ini rotºrº yap évvekar}\eta-at.—Thuc. iv. 3. xii IN T R O D U CTION swept the Lacedaemonian ships from the sea, and transferred the interest of the situation from the fort on the mainland to the island of Sphacteria. Pylus was within the bay now known as the Bay of Navarino, and all along the mouth of the bay stretched the well-wooded island of Sphacteria, having at the time of which we are treating merely a narrow entrance on each side, one only wide enough to admit two triremes abreast, the other eight or nine. Both these entrances the Lacedaemonians proposed to block up; and then the Athenians could enter the harbour only by conveying their vessels across the island. To prevent this operation the Lacedaemonians stationed on the island a large body of troops. These were relieved from time to time, and the last relay which was still posted on the island when the Athenian fleet made its triumphant entrance by the channels on each side of Sphacteria, consisted of 420 men, some of them of the best blood of Sparta, with their attendant Helots. The Laºdaemonians at once realized the critical position of these island troops, and felt that no sacrifice would be too great for the purpose of effecting their deliverance. They immediately arranged an armistice, and sent an embassy to Athens to offer terms of peace which the Athenians had so often vainly attempted to obtain. The ambassadors were conveyed from Pylus to Athens on an Athenian trireme, and whether because Archeptolemus was the commander of the troops on the trireme, or for some other reason, he seems to have been the person who introduced them to the Athenian Assembly. Their address to the Assembly was in a singularly subdued tone. They did not seek to minimize the extent of the disaster to which they were exposed: but they warned the Athenians that, though their fortune was now in the ascendant, they could not reckon on its never changing. Now they could keep all that they had won, and earn, besides, the gratitude and warm friendship of Sparta. So then the policy of Pericles was abundantly vindicated. The Lacedaemonians had taken up arms to put an end to the empire, or, IN T R O DU CTION xiii as the Athenians themselves phrased it, the Tyranny of Athens over other Hellenic states, and to make all Hellenic states alike autonomous and independent within their own territories. But it was her empire which had made Athens the splendid city she had now become; and it was to preserve that empire, and with it the splendour of Athens, that Pericles had encouraged the Athenians to brave the united power of the rest of Hellas. Now the empire was safe. Here was Sparta herself offering a peace which fully recognized the empire, and the right of Athens to reduce and chastise her disaffected subjects. Athens would have gained everything for which she had been fighting. There was nothing left to fight for; unless, indeed, her object was to reduce under her dominion such Hellenic states as yet remained free. Her empire was intact; she had lost none of her subject states; her armies had met with no reverse; her fleets had been everywhere victorious; her foes were suing for peace. Had a Pericles or any ordinary statesman been at the helm, peace—and peace with honour—would have been at once concluded; Athens would have remained the greatest power in Hellas, the greatest maritime power in the world; and the subsequent fortunes of the Hellenic race might have been entirely changed. But unfortunately the most influential person in Athens at this critical moment was neither a Pericles nor an ordinary statesman; it was a hand-to-mouth politician, to whom the very idea of peace was abhorrent, because, Thucydides says", in peaceful times his dishonest practices would be more easily detected and his calumnies less readily believed. Peace, therefore, must be by any means defeated, and the steps which he took to defeat it are characteristic of the man and his objects. His first move was to demand terms which he judged that the Lacedaemonians could not, even if they would, accept. Many years previously to these transactions, Athens had acquired a footing in some parts of the Peloponnese and in the Isthmus of Corinth. She had troops at Troezen, Pegae, and Nisaea, and certain rights, the g 9. * 2 * yewouévns jovXias Karapavéo repos vopija v čv sivat kakovpyöv kai dirtotórepos ôuašáA\ov.—Thuc. v. 16. xiv. IN T R O D U CTION precise nature of which is unknown, in the province of Achaea. This position had not been obtained by force of arms: Troezen, with a population partly Ionic, had always been friendly to Athens; she had received a large number of Athenian refugees when they evacuated their city on the approach of Xerxes; and had afterwards welcomed a detachment of Athenian troops within her walls, possibly as a pro- tection from any ambitious designs which her powerful Dorian neighbours might be suspected of entertaining. And the troops which Megara, when in close alliance with Athens, had been glad to introduce into her two ports of Pegae and Nisaea, remained there after Megara herself had become hostile. But in the general pacification and settlement of 445 B.C., which is called the Thirty Years Truce, Athens relinquished all her claims in tespect of these places”, evacuating Troezen, Pegae, and Nisaea, and renouncing all her rights, whatever they were, in Achaea. Sparta did not succeed to any of these rights. Troezen remained in the hands of the Troezenians; Megara resumed possession of her own ports; and Achaea became independent of all external influences. Twenty years had elapsed since then, and the arrangement so made had never been disturbed. But now to put a stop to these annoying proposals for Peace, Cleon persuaded the Athenians to demand that Sparta should first “restore to the Athenians these four places, Nisaea, Pegae, Troezen, and Achaea. Not one of these places was in the possession of Sparta; she could only obtain * possession of them by persuasion or by going to war with her * dwoëóvres Nioratav kai IImyås kai Tpoiſºva kai 'Axatav' raúra yāp eixov 'Aónvaiot IIe)\otovvmatov.–Thuc. i. 115. It is certainly surprising to find a large country like Achaea bracketed in this way with three towns of no great importance, especially as there were not, so far as we know, any Athenian troops in Achaea; and many have thought that the text is corrupt, or else that the name belongs to some town not elsewhere mentiomed. But all our ablest historians—Mitford, Thirlwall, and Grote—are clearly of opinion that the country is meant; and we know from Thucydides i. 111 that Achaeans served in the Athenian army. * droöövras Aakebapovious Nioratav kai IImyås kai Tpotöva kai 'Axatav.–Thuc. iv. 21. * Cleon’s “quadruple demand called upon Sparta to give up much which was not in her possession, and must have been extorted by force from allies.”—Grote IN TR, OD U CTION XV own allies. Yet even so the ambassadors did not return a refusal, but as matters of this kind, involving the interests of third parties, could not properly be discussed in public, they asked that commissioners might be appointed to confer with themselves on the Athenian pro- posals; so that, after all, Cleon found that his extravagant demand might not prove an insuperable barrier to the conclusion of a peace. Nothing could be more reasonable” than the request of the ambassadors, nothing more likely to lead to an ultimate accommodation. This would never do. Cleon rose to the occasion. Now we see / he cried with great vehemence; I knew that these fellows meant nothing honest. They won't speak openly before the People what is in their minds. They want a secret wnderhand conference. His thunder-driving words, éAao'íðpovt’ &m, had their usual effect upon an Athenian audience. The ambassadors, who expected a cordial welcome, were rebuffed with insult and contumely, and forthwith withdrew from the Assembly and returned to Sparta. In the words of the Comic Poet, Cleon gave them a spanking and drawe them away from the city. It was thought that a very few days would suffice for the capture of the troops on the island, but week after week rolled by, and success seemed as far off as ever. The density of the woods prevented the Athenians from ascertaining the number and the situation of their enemies; and even when the sailors landed there for a hasty meal, they were obliged to throw out sentries lest the dreaded Spartans should be upon them unawares. Nor did it seem practicable to reduce them by famine: for though Athenian triremes cruised round the island all day, and the entire fleet (when the weather permitted) anchored round it all night, they could not prevent supplies being thrown into it by adven- turous swimmers and boatmen, stimulated by the promise of reward. vi. 450. Except where otherwise mentioned the references in this Introduction to . Grote are to the fifty-second chapter of his History. The volume and page are those of his original twelve-volume edition. * “The proposition of the envoys to enter into treaty with select commissioners was not only quite reasonable, but afforded the only possibility of some ultimate pacification.”—Grote vi. 448. xvi INTRODUCTION The continuous labour began to tell upon both ships and men, and the storms and long nights of winter were approaching. There were frequent communications between the City and the Fleet : indeed it would be necessary that supplies should be constantly sent for the soldiers and sailors, who, being off a hostile coast, could get little for themselves; and very discouraging accounts of the prospects of success were brought back to Athens by persons returning from the theatre of war. The people began to repent that they had not accepted the peace which the Lacedaemonians had offered; and Cleon found himself the object of suspicion and distrust for having prevented their doing so. Suddenly by the merest accident, the whole aspect of affairs was changed. A party of sailors having landed on the island for a hurried meal, one of them unintentionally set fire to some of the wood, and a strong wind fanning the flame, such an extensive conflagration ensued that the greater part of the wood which covered the face of the island was consumed, and the interior fully exposed to view. Demosthenes saw that his opportunity had come, and immediately began to make preparations for a descent upon the island. He collected troops from the neighbouring allies, but made no application to Athens, wishing no doubt to complete off his own bat (if the expression is permissible) the enterprise he had so happily commenced. Mr. Grote indeed, after stating that Demosthenes “sent for forces from the neighbouring allies, Zacynthus and Naupactus,” proceeds to say that he “also transmitted an urgent request to Athens that rein- forcements might be furnished to him for the purpose, making known explicitly both the uncomfortable condition of the armament, and the unpromising chances of simple blockade” vi. 454. I can find no justification for any part of this statement, which seems to run counter to the whole narrative of "Thucydides. It really appears to have been * It seems impossible to believe that Grote made the mistake of taking the words #xov orpartàv v firfioraro in chapter 30 to mean “the troops for which Demosthenes asked.” They mean “the troops—the Lemmians, Imbrians, peltasts, and archers—for which Cleon asked.” And it could not have been from these four words that he gathered anything about the urgency of the request supposed IN T R O DU CTION xvii . a mere hallucination on the part of Mr. Grote. Yet it pervades the whole of his subsequent narrative, and is indeed the one ground upon which his judgement of the several parties involved in the transaction is based. . He is constantly recurring to it. We read “that the dis- positions of the assembly tended to comply with the request of Demosthenes, and to dispatch a reinforcing armament” (p. 455); that “to grant the reinforcement asked for by Demosthenes was obviously the proper measure” (p. 460); that if Cleon “had not been forward in supporting the request of Demosthenes for reinforcement” the enterprise would have been laid aside (p. 462); and so on. Yet Demosthenes had not asked for any reinforcement; nor have we any reason to believe that he ever enter- tained the slightest doubt of his ability to capture the Spartan troops on Sphacteria. - - Meanwhile, the disquietude produced at Athens by the rumours from the seat of war continued to increase, and at last the condition of affairs at Pylus was brought up for discussion at one of the public Assemblies. Cleon, taking the lead as usual in the Assembly, protested that the reports spread about by persons coming from Pylus were altogether false; and thereupon the Athenians appointed himself and another Commissioners to proceed to the fleet and ascertain how matters really stood. This, however, might have placed him in an awkward predica- ment; and he accordingly shifted his position, and now contended that if the Athenians believed these reports to be true it was no time for delaying, or sending Commissioners, but that they should at once sail against the Spartans; and, indicating by a gesture Nicias the general, whose enemy he was, “it would be easy,” he said, “if the generals were men, et àvöpes elev oi o Tpatmyol, to sail with a force and capture the troops on the island; and this I would do were I general.” At this the Assembly began to call out “Well, then, why don't you now sail if you think it so easy P”, and Nicias declared that he was willing to to be made, or the explicit character of the information supposed to be given. Neither Mitford nor Thirlwall fell into the error of supposing that any request was made by Demosthemes. K. b xviii IN T R O D U CTION waive his right as otpatnyós in favour of Cleon. After some hesitation Cleon declared that he would go, taking with him no Athenian troops, but some Lemnians and Imbrians who chanced to be in the city, some peltasts from Thrace, and 400 archers from other quarters; and he asserted that within twenty days he would either slay all the Spartans in Sphacteria or bring them back prisoners to Athens. He was aware, Thucydides tells us”, that Demosthenes was about to make a descent upon the island, and we may I think infer from the language employed by the historian that his information to that effect was private, and was not shared by the Athenians generally. Anyhow he was wise enough to obtain the appointment of Demosthenes as joint atparnyàs with himself, though apparently as second in command. I think that we must all agree with Mitford, whose judgements are generally sound and impartial, that in this transaction Nicias “miserably betrayed the dignity of his high office?”; but Grote’s comments, based * rôv 8é Amuoo 6évmu TpooréNa3e Tvv6avópevos rºv diró8ao w airów is rºv vijo ov 8tavoetoréal.—Thuc. iv. 29. Up to this time, Demosthenes held no official position, though he was in full command of all the operations; and in this very passage Thucydides calls him éva röv čv IIá\p orparmyóv. Cf. Knights 742. Mr. Walsh in his Introduction to this Comedy contends that the proceedings in this Assembly were a deep-laid scheme on the part of Cleon to manoeuvre himself into the command just as the long-drawn-out enterprise was about to be crowned with success. And there is much to be said in favour of this view. But on the whole it seems to me that Cleon, who had not at this time the inflated idea of his own military talent which afterwards possessed him, would not of his own accord have placed himself in a position which might have turned out a complete fiasco. * Chap. xv. section 7. It is lamentable to find Grote saying that against the action of Nicias “neither Mr. Mitford, nor any other historian, says a word,” Vol. vi., p. 473 note. Mr. Mitford emphatically condemns it. But Grote was constitutionally incapable of holding an even balance between the demagogue and the more respectable and better educated Republicans. Nicias was in every sense at least as good a Republican as Cleon, yet Grote does not hesitate uniformly to describe him and his friends “for want of a better name" (vi. 476) as “the oligarchical party.” There is not one single recorded act or word of Nicias which, I will not say justifies, but lends the slightest colour to, the use of so invidious an epithet. It is merely an epithet of prejudice. Equally unfair is the manner in which he perpetually softens down (without informing his readers) the statements of Thucydides with regard to Cleon. When Cleon IN T R O D U CTION xix on his own unfounded statement that Demosthenes was in straits and had made an urgent appeal for help, are singularly wide of the mark. “It was the duty of Nicias,” he says, “to propose, and undertake in person if necessary, the reduction of Sphacteria” (vi. 477). It would no doubt have been the duty of Nicias to propose, and take command of, an expedition for that purpose, had Demosthenes really been calling for assistance; but when we realize what the facts actually were— that Demosthenes, the most resourceful of Athenian commanders, who had up to this time conducted the whole affair with brilliant success, was on the point of reaping the fruit of his labours; that his soldiers were eager for the fray; and that he himself seems to have entertained no doubt of his success—we shall see that it was above all things the duty of Nicias not to supersede him at the last moment, and carry objected to go as a Commissioner to Pylus, Thucydides gives as his reason that “he knew he should either be obliged to agree with those he was calumniating, or be proved a liar,” ypot's 3rt ávaykao.6%gerat ā rairã Méyetv ois Sté8a)\\ev, tdvavria eimºv Wrevös pavijoreo.6al. Grote's euphemism for this plain statement is that “it did not suit his purpose to go as a Commissioner to Pylus, since his mistrust of the statement was a mere general suspicion not resting on any positive evidence” (vi. 455). The original Greek implies that Cleon was lying ; the English substitute implies that he was not. So when Thucydides (v. 16) says that if peace were made, Cleon's dishonest practices would be more easily perceived, kara- pavéo repos kakovpyöv, Grote (chapter 54, vol. vi. 621) softens it into “his dishonest politics” which is quite a different thing. But much can be pardoned to Mr. Grote for his obvious sincerity, and for the extreme pain which it cost him to record anything to the discredit of a demagogue or a democracy. Sometimes this reluctance is quite pathetic. In the earlier stages of the Peloponnesian War, the chapters in his History are entitled “Seventh Year of the War,” “Eighth Year of the War,” and the like; but when we come to the dramatic termination of the War by the surrender of Athens to Lysander, we find no notice of these events in the title of any chapter. They are somewhere wrapped up in a chapter entitled “From the battle of Arginusae to the Restoration of the Democracy in Athens after the expulsion of the Thirty,’” that is, from one democratic success to another democratic success. No one, running through the titles of the chapters, would dream that the war had ended by the capture of Athens. Let any one imagine what the historian would have written had the result been reversed, and Sparta captured by Athens; what pages of masculine good sense we should have had on the irresistible energy of a democratic state. b 2 XX IN T R O D U CTION off the glory of the venture, &AAörptov čplēv 6épos. No soldier would have dreamed of doing so. Pelopidas betook himself to Thessaly instead of joining the army in the Peloponnese, deeming that where Epaminondas was, there was no need of another general, paire Štrov tápéo ruv'Etaplewd vôas érépov beforóat otpatmyoſ, vouſov (Plutarch, Pelopidas 26). And in our own day Sir James Outram, joining the expedition under Havelock, refused, though the senior officer, to supersede the latter until he had brought to a successful conclusion the enterprise which he had so nobly commenced. Cleon arrived upon the scene of action at the opportune moment when Demosthenes had made every preparation for delivering the final attack, but had not yet delivered it. He had the good sense to leave the conduct of the affair entirely in the hands of his colleague, who disposed the troops and carried out the attack exactly as he had determined to do * before the intervention of Cleon. He had in fact anticipated the tactics by which, some thirty-three years later, Iphicrates destroyed the Spartan uápa, detachments of the light-armed troops assailing from a safe distance with slings and stones, and javelins and arrows, the heavy-armed hoplites; those against whom the hoplites moved dispersing for the moment, but returning to the attack as the latter retired; till at last the Spartans, reduced in numbers, bewildered by this unusual mode of attack, and unable to retaliate on their ubiquitous foes, fell back to their last post at the northern extremity of the island, where being protected by rocky ground in the rear and on each side they could only be assailed from the front. Their light-armed opponents followed their retreat with shouts of triumph, but though they could still discharge their missiles from a distance beyond the reach of the heavy-armed Spartans, they could not by a mere frontal attack inflict any considerable damage. This attack” lasted the greater part of the * Amuoorðévous rāšavros 8téarmorav Karā 8takoorious re kai TVeious, . . . totaúrm pièv yvápm & Amuoarðéums ró re Tpórov rºv dró8aouv émévéet, kai év rºº ºpyg, ºračev.—Thuc. iv. 32, 33. * I say nothing about the Athenian hoplites being brought up to the attack, because it seems doubtful whether they ever came into collision with the Spartans. IN T R O DU CTION xxi day without any apparent effect; till at length the Messenian leader sought out Cleon and Demosthenes and, warning them that it was but lost labour to persist in attacking the Spartans merely from the front, said that if they would give him a detachment of archers and light-armed troops, he thought that he could find a path which would bring them to the heights at the rear of the Spartan position. Here again we seem to have an indication that the plan of campaign had been carefully thought out by Demosthenes and the Messenian chiefs at Naupactus, for we can hardly doubt that the leader of the Messenian auxiliaries had been selected on account of his familiar acquaintance with Grote, indeed, says with his usual clearness and precision: “The light-armed being now less available, Demosthenes and Cleon brought up their 800 hoplites, who had not before been engaged; but the Lacedaemonians were here at home with their weapons, and enabled to display their well-known superiority against opposing hoplites.” This is quite possible, but Thucydides says mothing about it; and unless the presence of the Athenian hoplites is to be inferred from the phrase Trpoolidures éé švavrias &aaoréal éteipóvro, the narrative seems rather to imply that the assailants were the light-armed only. The historian tells us that as the Spartans retreated to their last stronghold, the light-armed hung on their rear with shouts of triumph; and that when they had gained that post, and stood at bay, the Athenians who were following them could no longer attack them on their flanks or their rear, but only in front, and that therefore the Lacedae- monians defended themselves more easily than they had previously done. [Does not this look as if they were defending themselves against the same enemies and the same style of attack as before, save only that it was now confined to the front?] And when (not “the Messenians” as Grote erroneously terms them, but) the detachment led by the Messenian had got to their rear, they became 8a)\\ópevot àpiqorépo6ev, pelted on both sides [an expression surely more apt for an attack by missiles than for a charge of heavy-armed infantry]; and so, being duºpišoxoi, at last gave way [the word āpººpi(30Åot might of itself be used in respect of any attack on all sides, but it is the very word which Thucydides employs in describing the commencement of the struggle when the Spartans were assailed on all sides by the light-armed only]. And finally, in summing up the result of the struggle, he says that the Athenian loss was slight, for the battle was not a stand-up hand to hand fight, i yüp paym of a raóia fiv. How could he have used that expression if there had been a hand to hand conflict between the Athenian and Spartan hoplites for the greater part of the day, xpóvov troXiv kai rās huépas rô TAeſorrow? And how is it possible that after such a conflict the Athenian loss should have been so slight as not to be worth stating ? xxii IN T R O DU CTION the topography of Pylus and its neighbourhood, of which Demosthenes presumably knew nothing. His intervention at this crisis was most opportune: the detachment for which he asked was placed at his disposal; and presently they made their appearance on the high ground over- looking the back of the Spartan position. The remnant of the Spartans, exhausted by the protracted and confusing struggle of the day, and enfeebled by the short commons to which they had for seventy days been limited, now found themselves again between two fires, and were unable to continue their defence. And after consulting, by the per- mission of the Athenians, with their comrades on the mainland, they surrendered themselves and their arms to the Athenian generals. And Cleon had the infinite satisfaction of bringing them, in chains, to Athens, within the period of twenty days which he had mentioned in his speech to the Assembly. And thus, says Thucydides, the undertaking of Cleon, insane as it was, was fulfilled. “No sentence throughout the whole of Thucydides,” says Mr. Grote, “astonishes me so much as that in which he stigmatizes such an under- taking as ‘insane’” (vi. p. 474). And then he enters into an elaborate calculation of the resources of the Spartans on the island, and of the force which Demosthenes was able to bring against them; and con- cludes that “even to doubt of the result, much more to pronounce such an opinion as that of Thucydides, implies an idea not only of superhuman power in the Lacedaemonian hoplites, but of disgraceful cowardice on the part of Demosthenes and the assailants.” But this is completely to misunderstand the very point of the historian’s remark. In the mouth of Demosthenes the undertaking might have been, what Mr. Grote says it was in Cleon’s, “a reasonable and even a modest anticipation of the future”: for its accomplishment mainly depended upon his own energy and military skill. But with Cleon it was quite different. The Athenian forces being, whether rightly or wrongly, supposed to be in some difficulties in regard to Sphacteria, Cleon declared that if he went there, he would within twenty days either slay all the Lacedaemonians on the island or bring them back captives to Athens. The boast was IN T R O D U CTION xxiii an insane one because Cleon had no more power to fulfil it than he had to pile Pelion upon Ossa. It was fulfilled, because the arrangements of Demosthenes were carried out exactly as they would have been had Cleon remained in Athens. To the same misunderstanding is due the contrast which Grote conceives to exist between “the jesters before the fact and the jesters after it. While the former deride Cleon as a promiser of extravagant and impossible results, we find Aristophanes (in his Comedy of the Knights’ acted about six months afterwards) laughing at him as having done nothing at all” (vi. p. 458). But the contrast exists only in Mr. Grote's imagination. Cleon was derided before the event because he could do nothing to fulfil his boast; he was derided after it because he had done nothing to fulfil it. - The entire merit of the whole transaction from the time that the fleet * It would be a waste of time to enumerate Mr. Grote's errors with regard to Aristophanes, for he rarely mentions the Comic Poet without showing how little he understood him. But I may perhaps be allowed to refer to his comparison of the Acharnians and the Knights. “The Comedy of Aristophanes called the Acharnians was acted about six months before the affair of Sphacteria, when no one could possibly look forward to such an event, the Comedy of the Knights about six months after it. Now there is this remarkable difference between the two, that while the former breathes the greatest sickness of war and presses in every way the importance of making peace, the latter talks in one or two places only of the hardships of war, and drops altogether that emphasis and repetition with which peace had been dwelt upon in the Acharnians” (vi. p. 481). In emphasizing the “remarkable difference between the two Comedies' Mr. Grote has strangely overlooked the difference of their subjects. The very subject of the Acharnians is Peace, “the Private Peace,” and naturally therefore the plot turns, from beginning to end, on the miseries of war and the blessings . of peace. Cleon is mentioned several times in it, but only in reference to his slanders and peculation, and never in reference to the question of Peace and War. But the subject of the Knights is not “Peace” but “Cleon’’; and naturally it is mostly full of his slanders and peculation. Yet he is attacked for rejecting with contumely the Spartan proposals for peace (lines 794–6); for continuing the war that his malpractices may be less easily detected (lines 802, 3), and for priming Demus with garlic, that is with inciting him to fight (line 946); while the crown and finish of the play is the production of the thirty years treaty, which Cleon had kept from the sight of the people. The tone of the two Comedies in regard to the question of Peace and War is identical. } xxiv. I N T R O DU CTION first put in at Pylus to the day when the Spartans were brought as captives to Athens belonged to Demosthenes alone; but the dramatic descent of the unwarlike demagogue on the scene of action, followed by the immediate capture of the Spartans, and the literal fulfilment of his promise to bring them to Athens within twenty days, naturally dazzled the imagination of the Athenians, and the entire credit of the whole transaction was practically given to Cleon. To him were accorded the honours due to a benefactor of the state, the golden crown, the oirmous év IIpvravetø, and the Tpoeëpta at all public spectacles. We hear of no similar honours accorded to Demosthenes. And thus the popular and hard-hitting orator, the favourite of the Demus, had in a moment been placed on a pedestal of military glory. He had undoubtedly become the most prominent personage in Athens, and therefore in Hellas. His triumphant return must have been a deep humiliation to Nicias and his friends. And it was probably in order to be out of the way of that bitter tongue, as well as for the purpose of himself scoring some success to be set off against the wonderful events of Sphacteria, that Nicias immediately left Athens with a large armament to invade the Corinthian coast. The armament consisted of eighty vessels with 2,000 Athenian hoplites, and 200 itſtreſs' in horse-transports, besides some troops of the allies. The Corinthians were ready for the invaders, and attacked them immediately on their disembarkation, and a very obstinately contested battle ensued, in which, after some serious alterna- tions, the Athenians were on the whole successful. It was a singular thing that the invaders, coming from over the sea had an efficient force of cavalry, while the defenders, though fighting on their own soil, possessed no cavalry at all; and we can well believe that, as Thucydides” tells us, the Athenian iTtreſs played a prominent and decisive part in 1. 2 év in Tayoyots vavori 8takoorious intredgw.—Thuc. iv. 42. xpóvov pièv oſſºv troXiv dureixov, oùk évôtéóvres àAAñ\ots' émeira (fiqav yap rols 'Aónvaious of intris &@éAupou £vupaxópevot, rôv érépov oëk éxávrov introvs) érpátrovro Kopiv6iot.—Thuc, iv. 44. INTRODUCTION XXV the conflict. And it is with special reference to this expedition that Aristophanes, in the Epirrhema and Antepirrhema of this play (lines 565-580 and 595–610), records the gallant deeds of the Knights and their horses. These events occurred in the late summer or early autumn of 425 B.C., and in the following February the Lenaean festival of 424 was held, the first Dionysia which had occurred since Cleon’s triumphant return with the captives from Sphacteria. And now he was for the first time to enjoy his Tpoeëpta in the Athenian theatre. Here were assembled all the citizens of Athens; and Cleon himself, sitting in the front row of the auditorium, would be attracting the attention of all beholders. This would surely be, they would think, the culmination of his glory, the proudest scene of his life. What must have been their amazement not only to hear the theatre ringing with a straightforward attack on the great demagogue, then at the zenith of his power, but to find this very victory of Pylus again and again thrown in his teeth, as a deed for which he had taken the credit that in reality belonged to Demo- sthenes. And this taunt is placed in the mouth of the theatrical Demosthenes; and it is quite possible that the real Demosthenes was himself sitting in the auditorium, an interested spectator of the Comedy. This open defiance of Cleon, when the demagogue was at the very summit of his power, was always regarded by Aristophanes as the most fearless incident” in a singularly fearless career. He recurs to it with pardonable pride in his three succeeding Comedies, the Clouds, the Wasps, and the Peace. We have seen at the commencement of this Introduction the description which he gives of it in the Parabasis of * Lucian, though speaking of an historian, is obviously thinking of Aristophames wheft he says “Cleon, all-powerful in the public Assembly, shall not make him afraid, nor prevent him describing him (Cleon) as a pestilent and frenzied citizen.”—How to write History, 38. Cleon and Hyperbolus are occasionally coupled together as two dangerous ruffians; and in Lucian's Timon (30) when Hermes is bringing Wealth (who is blind) into Attica, Hold me by the hand, says Wealth, lest, if you let me go, I fall in with Hyperbolus or Cleon. The two are mentioned in much the same way in Frogs 569, 570. xxvi IN T R O D U CTION the Wasps; and that the description was received with approval by the Athenian people is plain from its repetition in the Parabasis of the Peace, a repetition unique in these Comedies. And whilst we must honour Aristophanes for the daring with which he attacked the most formidable of his contemporaries, something also must be said for the Archon who “gave him a chorus,” or in other words, selected this Comedy as one of the three to be adopted by the state, and publicly represented at the Dionysian festival; and something perhaps also for the five judges who, before the whole theatre, awarded it the prize. But the judges would probably in every case be guided in their award by the reception accorded to a piece by the audience; and there can be no doubt that this Comedy was received with such exceptional favour as would leave but little responsibility to the action of the judges. Grote's championship of Cleon against the unanimous verdict of the whole Greek world is rather the special pleading of a masterly advocate than the sober judgement of an impartial historian *. He attempts to discredit the two contemporary witnesses, Aristophanes and Thucydides, on the ground that each of them had a personal grudge against the demagogue. But as regards Aristophanes, he forgets that no such personal grudge existed when the poet assailed both him and his policy in the Babylonians. And he forgets, too, that the attack made upon him in the Knights was no mere private composition, but was made before, and was received with delight by, the whole Athenian Demus. And it must be remembered that Aristophanes was in no sense a party politician. His ideals were (1) the Panhellenic patriotism of the Persian Wars, and (2) the noble part which the Athenian Republic played from the beginning to the end of that great struggle. As an Hellenic patriot, * What Schömann says of another contention of Grote may very truly be said of this: “quaecunque a viro acutissimo afferuntur non tam historici et critici subtilitatem quam sollertis causidici calliditatem produnt, malam causam argumentis specie quidem haud contemmendis, reapse tamen infirmis, probare conantis.”—Opuscula i. p. 139. IN T R O DU C TION xxvii he deplored the fratricidal conflict of the Peloponnesian War, where - Hellenes on the one side were arrayed against Hellenes on the other. As an Athenian citizen, he sought to remove the corruptions and abuses which were dimming the glory of that bright Republic. To these ideals, the policy of Cleon was in every respect diametrically opposed. As the eager advocate of, and the demagogue mainly respon- sible for, the prolongation of the present inter-Hellenic War, he was necessarily the chief obstacle to Panhellenic unity and concord; and he was himself the embodiment of those very influences which had converted the generous and self-denying Republic of the Persian War into the unpopular and tyrannical Republic of the Peloponnesian War. To the liberal and elevated instincts of the young poet he would naturally appear, and be, the evil genius of Athens. There is perhaps no fairer or better appreciation of the relative positions of Aristophanes and Cleon than that which is given in Professor Maurice Croiset's Treatise on “Aristophane et les partis à Athènes.” And I am much indebted to that brilliant writer for allowing me to append to this Introduction an extract of some length from that excellent little work. So much for one of the contemporary witnesses to the character of Cleon. As regards the other, Grote refers to one of the numerous interpolations in the life of Thucydides by Marcellinus, where the interpolator says that Thucydides, having been banished from Athens on the accusation of Cleon, was hostile to Cleon, and everywhere intro- duces him as a madman'. But he does not think it necessary to refer to the biographer’s own authoritative judgement on the same subject. After mentioning the banishment of Thucydides by the Athenians, Marcellinus proceeds”: “But he did not on that account bear any * 'Iorréov 8é àrt orparmyńoras & eovkvötöns év 'ApºptiróNet, kai ööéas €ket 8paôéos dqukéorèal, Kai Trpoxagóvros airów roo Bpaatöov, equyaëe06m int’’Aónvaiov, Šuagá\\ovros aúròu roi, KAéovos' 8tó kai direx.6áveral rô KAéovi, kai Ös pepnvóra aúròu eioráyet Travraxoo. * Éypaqe 6' oiâ’ ośra pivno.ukaków rols 'Aónvaious āNAä (pika)\#6ms &v kai rā #6m pérptos, Jº *. * * y Af p et ye oire KAéov map' airá, oùre Bpaoríðas 6 ris orvpºpopâs airtos étréMavore Motöopias, xxviii I N T R O D U CTION grudge against the Athenians, for he was a lover of truth and a man of sober mind; since neither Cleon, nor yet Brasidas who caused his misfortune, met with any reproaches at his hands, as if the historian felt any anger against them.” And after mentioning other historians who could not, he says, keep their private likes and dislikes out of their histories, he adds “but Thucydides was moderate and impartial, and always governed by truth.” And, indeed, the presentment of Cleon by Aristophanes and Thucydides is corroborated by the judgement of the whole world of Hellenic antiquity from Aristotle to Plutarch and Lucian. “Nowhere in anti- quity,” as Colonel Mure truly observes in his admirable History of Greek Literature, vol. v., p. 45, “is there a trace of any estimate of Cleon's character different from that authorized by Thucydides.” And he adds, with equal truth, in a note, “This complete unanimity of the native contemporary public, and of posterity, has been altogether over- looked by Mr. Grote.” Yet Mr. Grote’s opinion has been ignorantly followed by a crowd of inferior writers, whom, “for want of a better name,” we may perhaps be allowed to describe as “the Grotesque school of historians.” No Comedy has so few characters and so little incident as the Knights. It is a sort of allegory, representing the Demus, the Sovereign People of Athens, as a respectable old householder with several slaves, three of whom appear on the stage. These three are Cleon, Demosthenes, and Nicias. Cleon is represented under the name of Paphlagon (a yellow- haired Paphlagonian slave), and is described as “a newly-purchased pest,” because it was only on the death of Pericles, little more than four years before the date of this Comedy, that he became the leading &s āv roi, ovyypaſpéos épyiſouévov. Kairot of troNAoi roſs ióious trä6eat ovvé6eorav rás iorropias, jkuota plexforav airois ris àAméeias. . . . 6 83 perptos kai étrueukås, ris àAméeias #rrow. So Lucian in his How to write History, 39, says that an historian should write down everything exactly as it occurred, “as Thucydides did,” kāv iðig puori, rivas, TóNu dvaykauárepov #yño eral rô Kouvèv, kai rāv d\#6elav trepi Tàetovos Totioneral tºs éx6pas. INTRODUCTION xxix demagogue of Athens. He has succeeded in worming himself into his master's confidence by various arts, principally by little doles and flatteries, and by slandering and backbiting his fellow-slaves, and so has become the étrírporos, the superintendent of the old man's household. In this capacity his arrogance knows no bounds; he is for ever slandering and blackmailing the other servants, till their situation has become unbearable; and guided by an oracle which Paphlagon had hidden away, they look out for a Sausage-seller (as it is customary to translate &AAavrotróAms, though an āAAàs was in the nature of a black- pudding rather than in that of a sausage) to drive him from his place. And the whole body of the play consists of the contest between Paphlagon and the Sausage-seller. Up to the Parabasis it is a mere slanging-match between the two ; but afterwards it takes the form of an appeal by Paphlagon first to the Council of Five Hundred, and after- wards to the Demus in the Ecclesia. For the allegory is of the thinnest possible description. Never for one moment are we allowed to forget that Demus, the old householder, is the Sovereign People, courted by the orators, holding Assemblies in the Pnyx, the master of the Athenian fleets and armies; or that his superintendent has control of Athens itself, its docks and harbours, and the whole Athenian empire. Often, indeed, the veil is entirely dropped. If in one place Cleon's exploit at Sphacteria is described as stealing a cake baked by his fellow-slave; in another it is described in its true terms as sailing to Pylus and bringing thence the Laconian captives. If in one place the successful candidate is to be the householder's steward, in another he is to hold the reins of the Pnyx. And more often than not, Demus speaks in language utterly unsuitable to a simple citizen, and proper only in the mouth of the autocratic lord of a mighty empire. These five persons, Demus, his three slaves, and the Sausage-seller, are the only characters who appear on the stage throughout the play. In all the MSS., and in all the Scholia, and in all the editions down to, and including Bergk's, the three slaves bear the names of the persons they are intended to represent, viz. KAéov, Amuorðéums, and Nukſas; and I do XXX INTRODUCTio N not doubt that if we had before us the original manuscript in the hand- writing of Aristophanes, we should find those names prefixed to their respective speeches. Dindorf, however, called attention to the statements in Argument II, Aéyovoſt be táv oikeróv Tów pºv etvai Amuogbéumv, Töv be Nuktav, and again Čoukew 6 trpoxoyićov etvai Amuogbéums, the latter state- ment being repeated by a Scholiast on line 1, which certainly seem to show that, at all events in the copy of the play used by the author or authors of these statements, the real names did not appear. And, indeed, it is very common in the MSS. of these Comedies for the speeches to be prefaced not by the names of the speakers, but by a mere line or some other symbol. Meineke, however, who is followed by Holden and a few other editors, concealed the personalities of Demosthenes and Nicias under the general appellations of Olkéms A and Oikérms B, at the same time substituting ITaq))\ayðv for KAéov. And as IIaqXayóv * is the name given everywhere in the body of the play to the representative of Cleon, it seems, notwithstanding the unanimity of the MSS. and Scholia, more convenient to give him that name throughout ; and had Aristophanes coined any servile names for the slaves representing Demosthenes and Nicias, those names should also be adopted. But he has not done so; and to call them First Servant and Second Servant is needlessly confusing * to a reader, and puts him in a very disadvantageous position as compared with a spectator, to whom the theatrical masks made it always easy to distinguish between the two well-known generals. Even, therefore, if Aristophanes did not, as in all probability he did, affix the real names to these two characters, it would be desirable to do so now, in order that * IIaq Mayóv, properly a servile name derived from the slave's country, like Syrus, Thratta, &c., was selected for Cleon to denote his restless turbulent denunciation which resembled the boiling waves of the ocean, kūpara trap)\áčovra troºv@Aoto:8oto 6a)\doorms (Iliad xiii. 798). The verb trap.Nášew is used with reference to Cleon in Knights 919, Peace 314. * To make matters worse, Van Leeuwen attributes the first speech of the play to Nicias, so that with him Oikérms A stands for Nicias, and Oikérms B for Demosthenes. Wan Leeuwen, indeed, prefixes to the speeches both names, Nukias, oikérms A, and Amuogóévms, oikérms B. But if the names Nukias and Amploo &évms are retained there seems no sense in adding the descriptions Oikérms A and Oikérms B. - IN T R O DUCTION xxxi the reader may always perceive clearly to which of the two any speech is to be attributed. Paphlagon is the overbearing and rapacious superintendent; the slaves Demosthenes and Nicias are made to exhibit with great effect the characteristics of the eminent men whose names they bear. The one is rapid, daring, quick to invent schemes and to devise means to carry them out, resourceful, self-reliant, and optimistic ; the other, personally brave, but constitutionally timid; a little pettish at his comrade's rough- and-ready ways; superstitious, despondent, and inclined by nature to look at the dark side of things. We may infer too, from the opening scene, that Demosthenes was a boon companion, fond of good living and of good company, whilst Nicias, partly perhaps from ill-health, was a total, or almost a total, abstainer from convivial pleasures. Such were the actors on the stage; but as important as, if not more important than, the actors was the Chorus in the Orchestra; in the present Comedy consisting of Athenian itſtreſs, from whom the play derives its name. We must be careful not to confound these irrets with the ‘Intreſs who, under the constitution of Solon, formed the second Class of the Athenian People. The Solonian ‘ITtreſs consisted of all citizens who derived from their land an income ranging from 300 to 500 measures a year. The Class would comprise men of all ages, and its number would be continually varying. The iTtreſs who form the Chorus of the present play are the 1,000 (line 225) young men (line 731) who constituted the Athenian cavalry. To the cavalry each tribe contributed 100 men, under their own páAapxos, selected from all citizens who derived from their land an income of at least 300 measures a year. There was in this case no maximum of 500 measures, so that the Knights (as we call the cavalry) were drawn from the two highest classes of the Solonian constitution, the IIevrakoo topwéðupwot and the ‘Intréis. They, therefore, represented the educated classes in Athens, who were naturally indignant that the position of Demus-leader, once held by men like Themistocles and Pericles, the very flower of Athenian civilization and culture, should now be occupied by this corrupt and noisy • * , 3. & y ; * xxxii IN T R O D U C TION & ſº & ** * * * , - tº platform-orator, destitute of all the higher qualities of humanity and statesmanship. We cannot, therefore, be surprised at finding that there was already a feud between Cleon and the Athenian cavalry. They had already exposed him for corruptly using his great influence over the Athenian Assembly for his own private benefit. The subject allies, groaning under the heavy burden imposed upon them by Athens, offered Cleon five talents if he would persuade the Athenians to lighten the burden. This bribe he readily accepted, but the cavalry got wind of the matter, and compelled him to disgorge it". Whether this was done by means of actual litigation or merely by exposing the transaction before the Council or the Assembly it is impossible to say. Gregory Pardus, Bishop of Corinth (usually called, from his episcopal signature, Gregorius Corinthus), seems to suppose that there was actual litigation of some sort. Dicaepolis was pleased, he says, Ört à KAéov eio ſixón (that is, els to àukaatſipuov) &traitotſuevos Tapa Töv oſtpartorów Trévre TáAavra, ātrep āqetMero àTö rôv vmotorów iva Tetorm rows 'A0mvaíous étrukov bioral rotºrous toūs ‘pdpovs'. The Bishop's testimony is valuable, because he probably ' rols Trévre raNávrous ois KNéov ééñuegev.– Acharnians 6; where the Scholiast says IIapá ràv vmotorów #Aa3e Trévre réAavra ö KAéov, iva Teiorm rots'Aónvaiovskovºia at airot's ris eio dopas, alo-66pevot be of intréis duréAeyov kai ämirnorav airóv. Héuvnrat eeón optros. It is difficult to imagine anything more absurd than the motion recently advanced by certain learned Dutchmen that in this first instance of his joys and sorrows the poet is referring not, as in all the other instances, to an actual occurrence, but to something that appeared in a play; by preference, in his own Babylonians. This theory entirely ignores the testimony of Theo- pompus; destroys the homogeneity of the catalogue of joys and sorrows; assumes, contrary to all probability, that the immels were represented in the earlier drama; turns the praise given by Aristophanes to the Knights for the good service they had done to Hellas into sheer nonsense; and cuts away the very foundation for the hostile relations between Cleon and the Knights, which underlies the statements of the Acharnians as well as of the present play; whilst on the other hand, it has not a rag of authority or argument to cover its nakedness. It is difficult to conceive how so insane an idea can have suggested itself to any sane man. Verily the new scholarship is perpetually illustrating the old adage of Heracleitus, troAvpaffin váov of Ötöda ket. * Rhetores Graeci (ed. Walz), vol. vii, pp. 1344-6. I will set out the whole $ e * , e p t iº & 4. § * * º .*. * > g ę & ſº © * e IN T R O DU CTION xxxiii had access to the historical works of Theopompus; and it may seem to be to some extent corroborated by the language of Knights 1147–50, which is certainly intended to recall the incident of Cleon’s disgorge- ment; and perhaps even by the Art in Wasps 758. And of course not the slightest weight is due to the futile objection that the cavalry, not being a corporation, would be unable to sue. Nobody in his senses could have supposed that the action, if any, would have been oi ‘ITtre's kara KAéovos. But the leading spirits who discovered the corrupt dealing, denounced Cleon, and furthered the proceedings (if any), were to be found among the cavalry. Nevertheless, it seems to me extremely improbable that Cleon should have allowed the matter to be actually brought before a dicastery; and the language of Aristophanes would be abundantly satisfied if the discovery of the transaction by the Enights, and possibly the threat of legal proceedings, had prevented his retaining or even receiving the bribe. However, it seems that Cleon, naturally enraged at the action of the cavalry, and the loss of the five talents, retorted by charging the passage, which occurs in a Commentary of the learned Bishop on a work of Hermogenes; chap. xxxvi. Sec. 4. Commenting on the words of Hermogenes Oix jktorra öé év tots 'Axapuedoruv ć 'Aptoropávns, he remarks as follows:–trapáyet 6 ‘Epployévms rôv 'Aptoroºpdumu traptoróvra Śri ai koppèial duºpórepa exoval, kai trukpā kai yéNota, Širov kai rooro airó ‘bmoſt trapeto'ayópevov ću ré, étriypapopévº róv 'Axapwéov ðpápart rô roi, AtkatoróMôos trpóorotov. pmol yáp otros “Oora ö 868myua Tºv ćuavroſſ Kapòiav | joðmu 8é 8atá’ tróvv Šē 8atá’ rérrapa' | & 8 &övvíðnv, Wrappokogvoyápyapa. q,ép' too, ri 8' forónv čvov Xaupmbóvos;” Sumyetrat yap v rotºrous 3rt AeAïnrnrat pièv troAAä, jo.6m 8é ÖAiya. rô 6é Wrappokoortoyápyapa štri rod troNA& redetrat” rô yāp Wrapplokóo wa kað íavröv étri TM#6et ériðero' kai yap &s trapá rà étra étrakóorta, oùros kai trapá rà Wráppos Wappokóorta Kai rô yāpyapa Śē émi rod TM#6ous éAéyero. Xalpmöðv 8è Aéyeral fixapá. Xaipeiv oëv Éqºm 3rt 6 KNéov eiorixón drawtoduevos trapā Tów orparta- rów Trévre rāAavra, ārep dºpetNero diró rôv vnotorów, iva Tretorm roës 'Aénvaious étrukov'ptoral rotºrous rot's qāpovs. AeAirm rat 8é, 3rt "poorðokfloravros airod eiorax6.jvat Tpay@66w rôv Alox{\ov, e&oyvis trapetorixón, troumri's rpaypôias Távv VºvXpós. #667vat 8é ač6ts Heră röv Máozov (fiv 8é oëros paj)\os kiðappöös, #8ov dirvevorti troX\ö) Asétéeós ris eign M6ev āptoros kiðappöös, kai IIvětovíkms, dorépevos rô Botórtov. dAA’ durippotros adéis rā eiðvuig Aörn rotrºp yévero, öre 8) trapékvye" Xalpus émi rôv Špótov' fiv 8é à Xalpis któappóös kai aüAmrijs (bat)\os, 68° àpôtos at Mmrukös vôpos oſſro KaNoüpevos. K. C xxxiv. IN T R O D U CTION Knights with shirking their military duties". And hence no doubt it is that the Chorus in the present play denounce him as a tapačvirtröorparov (line 247), a troubler of the cavalry, and devote the Epirrhema and Antepirrhema (lines 565–80 and 595–610) to a panegyric of their own military services. The name of the play should be written as ‘Ittreſs not ‘Intrºs. It is given as ‘Ittreſs in the great Venetian MS., and (with only two exceptions) in every other MS. which gives the actual name of the play, and does not merely call it, as a few do, öpâpa ‘Intréav. The exceptions are the Ravenna and the 1294 Vatican, the latter a MS. of no independent authority. And the Ravenna, though it spells the name ‘Intrºs as the title of the play, yet spells it ‘Ittreſs in the prefixed list of the Comedies. So in the Life of Aristophanes by Suidas (Life III at the commence- ment of this Volume), every MS. gives ‘Ittreſs, as well as 'Axapueſs. As regards the printed editions, Aldus and Fracini have ‘ITtriºs at the commencement of the play, and ‘Ittreſs at the top of every page of the text. And every other edition before Brunck, without a single exception, gives the title everywhere as ‘Intréis. Brunck altered it to ‘ITtris, not relying on any authority or principle, but from his mistaken idea that Aristophanes was accustomed to employ not what grammarians call the “Hellenic,” but only what they call the “Attic” forms of speech. A few words on this distinction may not be out of place. The epithet “Attic ’’ as applied to language is susceptible of two very different interpretations. (1) It may mean the ordinary language of the great Attic writers * eediropºros év Šekárq Pixwirituców (bnoiv Šrt oi intreſs épio'ovy airów [that is, rôv KAéoval. Tpornºaktoróeis yap in' airów kai trapoévv6eis, étreré6) tº troMureig, kai ôueréAegev eis airot's kakā punyavópevos' Karmyápmare yāp airóv &s Mettroorparoëvrov.– Scholiast on Knights 226. No doubt the story of Cleon's disgorging the five talents was mentioned in the same part of the work. “The tenth Book [of the Philippics] passed in review the vicissitudes of Athenian policy with the characters and acts of the leading statesmen by whom the fortunes of the Attic Republic had been guided. It hence obtained the separate title of ‘The Book of Demagogues.’”— Mure, Greek Literature, v. p. 519. INTRoDUCTION YXXV which ultimately became the recognized standard, throughout the world, for Hellenic prose. Before the period of Athenian ascendancy an author, whether he wrote in prose or in verse, would employ the dialect of the particular state to which he belonged. But the Athenian empire, while it crushed out all literary aspirations amongst the subject allies, attracted to Athens herself the learning and talent of the Hellenic mind, so that Athens became the metropolis of Hellenic culture, the university (so to speak) of the Panhellenic world. And her great writers—her dramatists, her historians, her philosophers, her orators—wrought out a language which was universally regarded as the most finished specimen of the Hellenic tongue; so that thenceforward all writers of Greek prose, with hardly an exception, deserted their own particular dialects, and followed, or attempted to follow, the language of these illustrious Athenians. The Boeotian Plutarch did not retain the dialect of the Boeotian Pindar; Dionysius of Halicarnassus did not retain the dialect of Herodotus of Halicarnassus; they and the other prose writers, from whatever region they hailed—Lucian from Samosata, Athenaeus from Naucratis, Polybius from Arcadia, Diodorus from Sicily, and the rest— all employed, with more or less purity, the language of Aristophanes and Xenophon, of Isocrates and Plato. So did that still more important class of writers, the Greek Fathers of the Church, Origen and Clement of Alexandria, Athanasius, Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus, Chrysostom and the ecclesiastical historians, and so on. But, indeed, to enumerate the writers who followed the Attic style would be to make an exhaustive list of all subsequent Hellenic and Hellenistic writers in prose. For the purpose of literary prose all other dialects dropped off, and the Attic dialect widened into the universal Hellenic language. Hence this usage is described by the grammarians as ‘EAAmvikós, in contradistinction to the particular dialects used only by particular peoples. (2) But there were some words and forms which, whether from the rarity of their employment by Attic writers, or for some other reason, were not absorbed into this great stream of Hellenic literature, but were left as it were in a backwater, and sunk into mere Attic provincialisms. C 2. xxxvi - I N T R O D U CTION These as being used by nobody except by some Attic writers (and by them very sparingly) were, to distinguish them from the general Attic, which had become the Hellenic, usage, described by the grammarians” as 'Atrikós. - When and by whom the colossal blunder was started, which supposed these “Attic” provincialisms to have been the regular usage of the great Athenian writers, and the “Hellenic ’’ forms to have been used by some other persons (I know not whom), but not by the Athenian writers, I am not aware, nor is it necessary to inquire. So far as Aristophanes is concerned, Brunck was the first to substitute a few of these provincialisms for the genuine language of the Attic writers; but he did not fall into the exquisite absurdity of imagining that the “Hellenic” forms were not used by the chief Hellenie (that is, the Athenian) writers. He recognized that these forms were Attic, but supposed that the provincialisms were “more Attic,” whatever that expression may mean. But with critics of the new school, the idea that Aristophanes did not use the “Hellenic” forms (in reality his regular usage) has become a sort of mania; and could the poet see some recent editions of his Comedies, he would find them studded with forms which he rarely, if ever, employed. The description of Cleon in the Knights is avowedly a mere caricature; but in all essential points it is in entire accord with the few vivid touches by which Thucydides portrays his character. In * When Moeris says, for example, 8puterºs,’Arrukós' tréteipos ‘EXAmvukós, or again, oluat, 'Atrikós' wouiço, EAAmvikós, or again, getgāx6etav 'Arrakós' xpeãv drokonºv, ‘ENAmvikós, and so on, he does not mean that Tétrelpos, vopičo, ärokotri) xpeãv, and the like were not used by the Attic writers. He means that 8punerºs, oiual, and oretoróx6eta were used by Attic writers only, and by no others; whereas the “Hellenic’” words were used by Attic writers and by all subsequent Hellenic prose writers. See Appendix to Birds, line 48, and the fourth Additional Note to the Birds. I have sometimes spoken of these “Attic” forms as provincialisms: and that is what they ultimately became; but of course they were not provincialisms, as distinguished from the “Hellenic" forms, in the time of Aristophanes. My language on Plutus 546 (Commentary and Appendix) is inaccurate in this respect. IN T R O D U CTION xxxvii the Comedy, as in the History, he is 8tawóraros Táv troXutóv; in both, he is Tiffavºratos Tô offuſe ; in both, his chief occupation is to assail with calumnies, ÖtagóAAélu, the leading men in Athenian life; in both, he is the most strenuous opponent of peace; and in both for the same reason, viz. because in quiet times his rascalities would be more easily detected. But in the Knights he is seen in a character which in history he was never called upon to sustain. He has fallen from his high estate : he can no longer lord it in the Pnyx; he has found a rival who can beat him even on his own ground; more violent, more coarse, more resourceful in his slanders and rascalities. The bully is bullied, the slanderer discredited, the rogue unmasked. And even in smaller details, a caricature, to be effective, must accurately seize, however much it may exaggerate, the salient features of the original. And so from the oratory and methods ascribed to Paphlagon, we may reasonably draw some conclusions with regard to the oratory and methods really employed by Cleon. Thus, it seems impossible to doubt that he was in the habit of bringing forward ancient oracles, and prophecies, and visions, in order to impress the Athenians in favour of the policy which he desired them to pursue. In the very first description of Paphlagon we are told #6et 6é Xpmopoćs' é Öe yépov origu)\Ató (61). He keeps by him a store of oracles, the most important of which is stolen by Nicias (116 seq.); and thereby the way to overthrow him is discovered. In his first contest before Demus he quotes his Aóyta (797), and in his antagonist's reply he is upbraided for his dreams and oracles (809, 818). When he is getting the worst of the struggle, he implores Demus to allow him to fetch his oracles (961), and, obtaining permission, brings in an immense load of them (997, 1000). And this is followed by a long contest in which he and the Sausage-seller quote oracles, one against the other. And in the hour of his final overthrow, he fixes his last hope on an oracle (1229). Now all this would be absolutely without point, if it did not hit off, in however exaggerated a manner, a noticeable peculiarity in Cleon’s mode of addressing the Athenian people. xxxviii I N T R O DU C T ION On similar grounds we may be equally sure that he was in the habit of employing homely and graphic metaphors, and the language of business men (462, 3, &c.); though of course Paphlagon’s perpetual use of words drawn from the tanning trade is due to other con- siderations. There can be no doubt that he possessed an unusually loud and stentorian voice, which could be distinctly heard to the extremity of the largest crowd, a matter of no little importance to a public speaker. From the pointed way in which he is made to compare himself with Themistocles, 6 @eptortokae! &vriq epiſov (812, 3, 8), we may fairly conclude that in some of his speeches, probably in those delivered after his triumphant return from Sphacteria, he had spoken of himself as having rivalled the achievements of that illustrious Athenian. And the address to the Demus épaotifs tº elui orós, pukó ré ore would hardly have been emphasized, as we find it in Knights 732, 733, and 1341, had it not been intended to recall the well-known phraseology of Cleon. Many other passages will occur to the careful reader in which Paphlagon may seem to be imitating the real language or manner of the demagogue; but of course it would be easy to push inferences of this sort too far. We have seen at the commencement of this Introduction the testimony which Aristophanes himself bears to his oratorical vigour and ingenuity. The Knights was the first Comedy exhibited by Aristophanes in his own name. Probably he felt that this bold attack on the triumphant demagogue might involve all concerned in great danger, and was unwilling that Callistratus, in whose name his Comedies had hitherto been pro- duced, should be exposed to so serious a risk. Of Callistratus our records tell us nothing more for ten years; when Aristophanes used his name for the Birds in 414 B.C., as he did for the Lysistrata in 411 B. C. The three extant Comedies which followed the Knights—-the Clouds, the Wasps, and the Peace—were all exhibited in his own name. Meanwhile, IN T R O DU CTION Xxxix he seems to have taken into his confidence another friend, Philonides, in whose name he exhibited the Rehearsal in 422 B.C. and the Amphiaraus in 414 B.C.; and long afterwards the Frogs in 405 B.C. It seems probable that Philonides was a younger man than Callistratus, and survived him for some years. - Aristophanes, we know, declared" that Eupolis had borrowed largely from the Knights for the purpose of his attack, in the Maricas, upon the demagogue Hyperbolus; and further that he had spoiled what he borrowed. And Eupolis retorted” that he had himself assisted Aristophanes in the composition of the Knights. The fact that the young poets assisted and borrowed from each other is both natural and pleasing; and their recriminations must not be taken too seriously. They were part of the entertainment, and the audience would thoroughly enjoy the charges and countercharges of their favourites, well knowing that no real offence was intended or would be taken. Of the Maricas very few fragments survive, and we cannot tell to what extent that Comedy was really indebted to the Knights. It is not, I think, absolutely certain that Eupolis is included among the poets who are charged in the Clouds (line 559) with copying the Aristophanic simile of the eels (Knights 864–7); and perhaps the only passage in the Knights which we can with anything like confidence pronounce to have been introduced into the Maricas is the statement of the Sausage-seller in lines 188, 9 oióē wovouki) v tío Tapai | TA}v ypappudrov, Quinctilian (Inst. Or. I. x. 18) observing that in the Comedy of Eupolis “Maricas, 1 EëtroXts pºév Tów Mapukav ºrpétuorrow trapei)\kvorew ékorpéras roës juerépovs ‘Intréas kakös kakós.—Clouds 558, 4. * In the Baptae. The lines are preserved by the Scholiast on Clouds 554 käketvows toūs ‘Intréas £vvetroimaa tº paxakpó rotºrg, káðopmorépumv. They are in the metre which Aristophanes employed in the Parabasis Proper of the Clouds, the Eupolideian epichoriambic, which is based on the trochaic tetra- meter catalectic, but with the substitution of a choriamb for the third and fourth feet, and with the right to substitute a spondee and in some cases an iamb in places where, in the ordinary metre, only a trochee would be permissible. The scheme of the metre is given in Gaisford's note to Hephaestion xvi. 4. xl . IN T R O DU CTION qui est Hyperbolus, nižić se ea musicis Scire nisi literas confitetur".” This remark, however, must certainly, as in the Knights, have been connected with the qualifications of a Demagogue. On the other hand the contribution of Eupolis to the Knights is identified by the old grammarians, either from some ancient tradition or as the result of their own critical acumen, with the whole or a part of the Second Parabasis”. And it certainly seems to me that if we are to trace a stranger's hand in any part of the Knights, it is to be found in this Parabasis. There is no parallel in these Comedies to the obscure and involved language of the Strophe and Antistrophe. The lyrics of Aristophanes are models of crispness and lucidity. The thought is always clear, and the language aptly fitted to the thought. But in both these odes, and not merely in one of them, the thoughts and the language are alike confused and cumbrous. The Epirrhema is couched throughout in a tone of concentrated indignation, such as we find in the Roman Satirist, without a touch of the lightness and humour which * Is it possible that Quinctilian is confusing the Maricas with the Knights? The idea has often occurred to me, but I think it quite impossible. He was a very accurate writer. He is here considering the éonnexion between ypáppara and povo.uk) in Greek education; and brings forward in succession the evidence of (amongst others) Sophron, Eupolis, Aristophanes, and Menander. The very next words after those quoted in the text are “Aristophanes quoque non uno loco sic institui pueros antiquitus solitos esse demonstrat.” So that he is in this very passage distinguishing the Maricas of Eupolis from the works of Aristophanes. Then in Eupolis it is the existing demagogue to whom the remark applies; In Aristophanes it applies not to the existing demagogue, but to the stranger introduced to supplant him. Add to this that we are to eacpect similarities between the Maricas and the Knights; and I think that no reasonable person can doubt the accuracy of Quinctilian's statement. * EötroMs év roſs Bárrats pmoiv Štu orvvetroimorev 'Aptorroqāvel roës ‘Intréas. Aéyet Öe rºw reºevraiav IIapá8aauw.—Scholiast on Clouds 554. ék rod “60 ris owv rotodrov čvöpa” (pagi rives EöröAtôoseival r}v IIapá3aorw.—Scholiast on Knights 1291. The latter statement is plainly erroneous. It might as well be said that the contribution of Eupolis commenced in the middle of a sentence. And, indeed, the un-Aristophanic element is even more perceptible in what precedes, than in what follows, the words Čorris ody rotoirov čvöpa. - - IN T R O D U CTION xli We are accustomed to associate with the satire of Aristophanes. It would certainly seem more appropriate to the poet whom Persius dis- tinguished by the special epithet of the angry, “iratum Eupolidem.” And, indeed, as if for the very purpose of showing how different his own treatment would have been, Aristophanes in the Wasps, which is the complement of the Knights, introduces the very same subject in the very same place (1275–83), and deals with the vice of Ariphrades and the musical skill of his brother Arignotus in such a fashion that, even if the passage were anonymous, any one gifted with the least discernment would say This is from the hand of Aristophanes. And finally the Antepirrhema, the meeting of the triremes to discuss the proposed expedition under the command of Hyperbolus, is conceived in a vein of humour nowhere else discoverable in these Comedies. It is perhaps worthy of notice that Hyperbolus, whom Aristophanes does not elsewhere deem worthy of serious comment, appears to have been the special object of Eupolis's aversion. It seems to me, therefore, that throughout this Second Parabasis, and not merely in the latter part of it, we find traces of the mind and hand of some writer other than Aristophanes. But whether it is solely the work of Eupolis, or whether the two young poets co-operated in producing it, is a very different question, and one on which it is extremely difficult to give any decided answer. Anyhow, as it forms part of an Aristophanic Comedy, it is customary, and seems right, to refer to it as if it were the work of Aristophanes. Is a guess permissible, for of course it can be only a guess, as to the reason of the co-operation of Eupolis in this Second Parabasis? It seems to me probable that Aristophanes originally intended the Comedy to conclude with the final overthrow of Cleon, and that it was only by an afterthought that he resolved to add a description of Demus, rejuvenated and delivered from the sway of the Demagogues. And this would almost necessitate a Second Parabasis, in order to account for the time required for the regeneration of Demus. And if the notion occurred to Aristophanes only at the last moment, it may well have xlii IN T R O DU CTION formed a subject of discussion between the two young poets, and Eupolis may have offered to supply, or assist in the composition of, the Second Parabasis. There are many signs that it was put together in haste, as if to meet a sudden emergency, such as the circumstance that the anecdote about Cleonymus, and the story about the triremes which immediately follows, are both inartistically introduced by the same word paal, they say; a word which, indeed, commences a third verse only three lines below. The poetical translations of the Knights, though few in number, are of the highest class. They are by Thomas Mitchell, A.D. 1820; the Right Honourable John Hookham Frere, 1840; Benjamin Dann Walsh, 1848; and Leonard Hampson Rudd, 1867. Excellent as are all Frere's translations, he is at his best in the Knights, whilst Mitchell’s version of the Parabasis Proper is perhaps the most striking presentation of Aristophanes in English. For the publication of my own translation I must offer the same excuse and apology that in the Introduction to the Acharnians I offered for publishing my translation of that play. EASTWooD, STRAWBERRY HILL, August, 1909. By the kindness of Professor Maurice Croiset I am allowed to insert here the following extract from his admirable little treatise on “Aristophane et les partis a Athènes,” Paris; Albert Fontemoing, 1906. Il (Cléon) semble avoir eu en partage certaines qualités d'orateur, et même d’homme d'État, qui, en s'associant a ses défauts, non seulement les dissimulêrent en partie, mais les rendirent même quelquefois agréables au peuple. Une assurance imperturbable, une voix puissante qui remuait la foule, une sorte de sans-gène qui scandalisait les gens comme il faut, mais qui ne déplaisait pas à la multitude. Ses clameurs même, sa gesticulation véhémente, les injures qu’il lançait a ses adversaires, tout cela réuni faisait I N T R O D U C T I O N xliii qu'il ne ressemblait à personne. Ajoutons qu'il possédait une intelligence claire, apte à simplifier les choses, une logique tranchante, qui procédait volontiers par déductions inflexibles, et qui imposait ses conclusions par une rigueur systématique. Thucydide nous dit qu'il était très violent et qu'il savait mieux que personne persuader le peuple*. La persuasion elle- même avait chez lui quelque chose de violent. Elle provenait de l'élan brutal de son argumentation, qui, s'attachant à quelques idées absolues, écartait les considérations multiples où s'attardent les esprits étendus et réfléchis. Il avait, sur ses adversaires, modérés et politiques, la supé- riorité de fait qu'ont les dogmatiques intransigeants lorsqu'ils s'adressent à un public indécis et d'ailleurs épris des idées qui semblent claires. Il savait dégager, du milieu des sentiments confus de la multitude, certains principes, qu'il formulait en termes impérieux, et, en les énonçant ainsi, il donnait un corps aux passions populaires, dont il se faisait le serviteur pour dominer l'État*. • Au dedans, sa politique tendait à détruire ce que les classes supérieures gardaient encore d'influence. Aristote le juge d'un mot très expressif : " C'est lui, dit-il, qui semble avoir le plus contribué à corrompre le peuple par ses propres instincts*." Ce jugement est sans doute celui des adversaires de Cléon ; mais il est difficile de douter qu'à tout prendre il ne soit à peu près juste. Il ressort en effet de l'histoire de cette période que l'institution démocratique s'y altéra de plus en plus, par le développement des instincts dangereux qu'elle portait en elle-même ; et, comme Cléon fut alors l'homme d'État le plus écouté du peuple, il est certain qu'il contribua grandement à cette altération. C'est du reste ce que dit également Thucydide, en caractérisant les politiciens qui succédèrent à Périclès : il fait remarquer que celui-ci conduisait vraiment le peuple, au lieu de se laisser conduire par lui. * Au contraire, ajoute-t-il, ceux qui vinrent après lui, n'ayant pas de supériorité marquée les uns sur les autres et désirant pourtant se surpasser mutuellement, durent s'efforcer de plaire à la multitude, et ils lui laissèrent diriger les affaires*." Cela, il est vrai, n'est pas dit spécialement de Cléon ; mais Cléon, à n'en pas douter, est le premier visé par cette observation décisive. Flatter la démocratie, en se * Thucydide, ii. 36. * Ce caractère de logicien dur et brutal me paraît ressortir très vivement des discours que lui prête Thucydide dans l'affaire des Mityléniens. * Aristote, République des Athéniens, c. xxviii. 4 Thucydide, ii. 65. 10. xliv I N T R O D U C T IO N faisant le complaisant de ses instincts, qui d'ailleurs étaient probablement âussi les siens, tel était le fond de sa politique *. Ajoutons-y les accusa- tions incessantes devant les tribunaux, par lesquelles il se faisait une réputation de vigilance et de dévouement au bien public, en même temps qu'il entretenait les soupçons auxquels le peuple n'était que trop porté*. Au dehors, il tendait à exciter incessamment l'ambition imprudente d'Athènes. La prépondérance maritime, dont Périclès voulait qu'on se contentât, ne lui suffisait plus. D'accord avec les sentiments secrets du peuple et surtout des gens du Pirée, il faisait briller à leurs yeux la vision flatteuse ou le rêve décevant d'un grand empire. Et dans ces questions, où la prudence, la mesure, le discernement du possible eussent été si nécessaires, il portait son intransigeance habituelle. Il n'admettait ni les ménagements ni les insuccès. Thucydide déclare formellement qu'il resta jusqu'à la fin le principal obstacle à la paix, du côté des Athéniens*. " Mon but, dit le Paphlagonien à Démos dans les Cavaliers, c'est de te faire régner sur tous les Grecs*." Si le mot n'est pas historique, il résume du moins la politique que dut professer Cléon. Les gens de mer, et tous ceux qui vivaient à Athènes du commerce avec l'étranger, avaient au fond le désir et le besoin d'extension incessante, qui semblent être, par une loi naturelle, ceux des grandes puissances maritimes. Cléon flattait cet instinct, comme il flattait tous les instincts populaires. Il montrait ce rêve comme sûrement réalisable, à la seule condition qu'on ne cédât jamais, et qu'on se gardât bien de relâcher, au nom de vains scrupules d'humanité, l'autorité *impériale," créée par les événements eux-mêmes et par la force des choses. C'était le théoricien d'une domination toujours croissante, établie et entretenue au moyen d'une énergie inflexible. Aristophane ne pouvait pas ne pas être l'adversaire déclaré d'un tel * C'est ce qui ressort des quelques faits précis qui nous sont connus. L'élévation du salaire des juges, quoi qu'on en ait dit, ne répondait pas à un autre dessein (Aristophane, Cavaliers, 255 ; Scol., Guêpes, 88). Se rappeler aussi le rôle de Cléon dans les pourparlers de 425 (Thucydide, iv. 22). * Aristophane, Cavaliers, 256. La question de savoir si Cléon était de bonne ou de mauvaise foi, intéressé ou court d'esprit, me paraît secondaire. L'histoire est juge, non de sa conscience, mais de son rôle. Ceux qui ont cherché à le réhabiliter auraient dû essayer de montrer une circonstance au moins où il ait exercé sur le peuple une influence utile. S'il l'a, au contraire, toujours poussé du côté où il inclinait secrètement, le jugement d'Aristote et celui de Thucydide sont justifiés. * Thucydide, v. 16. * Aristophane, Cavaliers, 797. IN T R O D U C T I O N xlv homme et de ceux qui lui ressemblaient. Il l'était par nature, indé- pendamment de tout grief personnel, et presque sans réflexion. Le dissentiment, entre eux, portait d'abord sur les choses essentielles de la politique. Aristophane, nous avons dit plus haut pour quelles causes, appartenait de cœur et d'âme à une démocratie modérée, attachée au sol et aux traditions, ennemie des violences et des témérités, peu sympathique aux discoureurs, et très opposée à ces procès incessants qui troublaient la cité et ne profitaient qu'aux politiciens. Quant aux ambitions conquérantes des gens du Pirée, elles lui étaient totalement étrangères. Comme les gens de la campagne, généralement, il ne comprenait, en fait de guerre, que la guerre défensive, limitée à la protection du territoire *. Les entreprises lointaines, où Athènes prodiguait son sang et son argent, lui paraissaient une sorte de folie criminelle. En somme, tout ce qui constituait le pro- gramme politique de Cléon lui était odieux. Dissidence première et ardente, que son imagination vive, sa sensibilité de poète et son âpreté satirique excitaient sans cesse et enflammaient. Et, sous ce dissentiment, il y en avait un autre, plus profond encore ; un conflit moins politique que moral et national. Le caractère athénien, tel que l'avaient fait la race, la tradition et les événements, subissait une crise, au commencement de la guerre du Péloponèse. Thucydide, dans le discours qu'il attribue à Périclès et qu'il dit avoir été prononcé par lui dans l'hiver de 431-430, a défini ce caractère en l'idéalisant. Ce que l'homme d'État loue surtout, c'est la douceur char- mante des mœurs athéniennes, l'absence de contrainte, la liberté de la vie privée, exempte de toute surveillance jalouse, une justice bienveillante, un goût d'élégance simple qui embellissait l'existence, une hospitalité confiante, la bonne grâce aimable et la facilité des relations, enfin une sorte de souplesse native, qui permettait à chacun de réaliser toutes ses aptitudes sans s'assujettir à une discipline dure et triste*. Tout cela semble pris sur le fait par un observateur de premier ordre, qui, ayant vécu dans diverses parties de la Grèce, a pu juger après comparaison. Et si, dans la réalité, ces qualités étaient mélangées de défauts, que l'historien a lui-même notés ailleurs, on ne peut douter en tout cas que le tableau ne soit exact dans l'ensemble. C'était bien là, sauf correction de détail, le * Aristophane, Assemblée des femmes, 197. Cf. J. Beloch, Die attische Politik, pp. 13, 14. * Thucydide, i. ii, c. xxxvii-xli. xlvi I N T R O D U C T I O N caractère d'Athènes vers 431 et ce qui en faisait vraiment une ville unique dans le monde grec. Or, la politique démagogique tendait à l'altérer gravement. Elle apportait avec elle et propageait rapidement dans la cité les soupçons, les haines, l'esprit de parti. Par la déformation de l'institution judiciaire, elle inquiétait et exaspérait les uns, tandis qu'elle développait chez les autres une malveillance égoïste ; par les excès de pouvoir de l'assemblée, elle transformait la démocratie en despotisme ; enfin, par l'outrance de son impérialisme, elle rendait le peuple tyrannique et quelquefois cruel. Personne n'était plus Athénien à l'ancienne mode qu'Aristophane, bien que très moderne à certains égards, et personne donc ne dut avoir plus vivement que lui le sentiment de cette crise. Comment sa libre et expansive nature, joyeuse et vive, amie des fêtes, des gais propos, de la vie facile, n'aurait-elle pas eu horreur de cet esprit sectaire qu'elle sentait grandir autour d'elle ? La démagogie haineuse, les tribunaux méchants, la guerre prolongée pour des intérêts particuliers aux dépens du bien public, c'était de quoi révolter ce représentant passionné de la vieille franchise, si attaché à son Attique paisible et bienveillante. Sa polémique est issue de là. Et on peut dire qu'elle se ramène à cela tout entière. Car, au fond, lorsqu'il attaquera Euripide, Socrate, et même la musique nouvelle, avec autant de vivacité, ou peu s'en faut, que Cléon ou Lamachos, la cause de sa colère sera peut-être toujours la même. Ce qu'il défendra contre les novateurs, à tort ou à raison, ce sera toujours le naturel athénien, tel qu'il se le représente, tel qu'il le sent en lui-même, tel qu'il le voit dans la tradition. Il en a aimé comme personne la spontanéité vive, la droiture héréditaire, la simplicité gracieuse, et, sous les dehors moqueurs, la bonté native. Voilà ce qu'il ne faut pas perdre de vue pour bien apprécier ses relations avec les partis. A coup sûr, dans la lutte où il était engagé, il a subi des influences passagères, il a recherché des alliances utiles, il a pu même se prêter parfois à certains desseins politiques. Tout cela demande à être étudié et discuté de près, à propos de chacune de ses pièces. Mais, de prime abord, il est essentiel de se dire, qu'à proprement parler, Aristophane n'a été d'aucun parti. Fils de la campagne et de la tradition athénienne, c'est au nom de la terre natale qu'il parle, et c'est l'âme d'Athènes qu'il défend contre ceux qu'il considère comme ses corrupteurs. ( xlvii ) TIIOG)EXEIX 1. ' I. Tö 8pápa toûro troteſrat eis KAéova, Tov 'A6mvatov Šmuayoyóv. tröketrat 8° às IIaq}\ayöv, veðuntos, ÖovXetſov Tó Affaq, kal trpoayó- pºevos trap airó reputrórepov. čtrutt0epuévov & airó, 8votv Tolv ôpioôotſ\ouv, kai kará two. Aóyta troumpig ótáomptov d?\\avtotröXmv 'Ayopſikpurov čtrayóvrouw, Ös étrutpotreſſel rôv Šipov Tóv A6mvatov, atrol % of 'A6mvatov in treſs ovXAa3óvres év Xopod oxſipati tropaqat- vovtat: Šp &v trpormXaktópevos é KAéov dyavakret, kai 8tevex6ets ikavós trepi roß &vórepos & sivat Töv čvavtuoupévov, a pús Ós avvopo- pokóras €k Tſis tróAeos ééeXóv 4 ºrpès Tºv BovXīv fetau. 8tóšavros & kai tod óXXavrotréXov karð tróðas, oi intreſs trept te toſſ troumrod Tuva. kai Tôv Tpoyóvov, ºri & kai Tôv ovykuvèvvevövtov og ſouv étri tats p.dxats frtrov", trpès toūs troXíras &óporépos 8taxéyovrat. § re dAAav- TomáAms treptyeyevmpuévos év 8ovXfi puſºa ye)\otos toū KAéovos kai * All these Arguments are found in the chief Venetian MS. (W.), and, except where otherwise mentioned, stand here as they are given in that edition. The first Argument is also found in P. F. F". and some other MSS. The Ravenna MS. has no Arguments for this play. * airoi oi'Aónvaiov Aldus, vulgo. W. has ôé after airoi. The words are omitted in P. F. F5. * dwórepos P. F. F". Aldus, vulgo. ãNoyórepos V. 4 So all the MSS. The €k rms tróAeos. karū ris tróNeos Aldus, vulgo. participle is omitted in all the MSS. and in all editions before Bergk who, retaining the unauthorized kará, in- serted Stafla\óv. But there is no ground for rejecting the ék of the MSS. and I have therefore inserted ÉÉeMöv, the word put into Cleon's mouth in Wasps 1230, €k rigèe rms yns ééeMāv. ° introv. This word, omitted in W., was first inserted by Brunck, apparently from his Parisian MSS., but in Velsen's edition it is said to be omitted in P. and in the other MSS. ( xlviii ) Xotöopoćuevos añóis airó Tpoorépxetal ékkaAeo apévov & Tod KAéovos Töv Añuov, trpoorex6&v oitos 8tapepopuévov' &Kpoãrat. * A * * Af * > Af A v 3 > 2. troXAów yewopévov karð toū KAéovos, tot, Ayopakpátov piſix évréxvos toſs émivoſiuagu, kai Toſs 66tretats, kai trpoolért taſs ék Töv Aoyſov Xóyov 8& intep;30Åaſs kparoßvros, karð pukpóv 6 Añpos toſs A6).ots ovvehéºkétat. 8eto avros & Tod KXéovos, kātri Tô Joplićetv Tóv Añptov Šppija'avtos, dutiyopiſelv &repos éyxelpeſ. kformv avvuévros, eiro. Tſis pièv keväs, ths & Tod KAéovos pleaths kai réAos toū Añptov táv čkatépov eipedeſorms, éAeyx6eis airós &s repupavós” rô toû Affuov KAérrow M * M atº 2 AP “A per& Tajra & rod &AAavromtöNov táv ěšavrfis eis roëpºpověs yeyovára Aſ J Aº A. 5 * rív re Ayopakpátov aſkeväv čtri ékšā\\etal * Tſis étrutpotretas. Añpov dºpeyrāgavros, eira veórepov Tpooyayóvros, KXéov * Trepukeſpuévos trapačetypiattopº 81& puéorms tróAeos dANavtotroXów &vá plápos kai Tà Téxvm Xpmorépleuos Tréputrerai. kai ji čtutpotri) tº d?\\avtotróXm Tapa- ðiðotal. Tö & 8pápa Tóv ćyav kaxós Tretroumpévov. y Af 5 *A zº 5 M A y Aº 3. Eðið4x6m " to 8pápa Ti XtpatokNéows &pxovros &mplooig els Añvata, 8t’ attoſ, rod 'Apta Topóvovs. kai trpáros fiv". Seárepos Kparivos Xarápots. Tpiros 'Apta topiévns ‘TAopópots. * 8taqbepopévov Aldus, vulgo. Suaqepó- pevos P. Suaq,6elpopévov W. F. Suaq,6eipet roës (with ākpoarás) F". * Treptºpavós, Brunck. Trépuqavis, MSS., Aldus. * ékšāN\eral, W. Aldus. Šket 6arépºp, P. F. F". etket 6arépp, Brunck. * KAéov, and just below, trapašety- partoruſº, Kuster. KAéovos and trapačevy- partapoi, MSS., Aldus. * In W. this paragraph, the only thing of importance in these Arguments, is written in the margin of the First Argument. It is also found in F. and F*. * Tpáros v. After these words W. inserts Čvika, probably as an explanation. F. and F*. have trpárov čvika. But trpáros fiv is a very common form in the didas- caliae, and the form Trpárov (or trpáros) evika is never used. For 2arūpous W. has 2ayüpots. ( xlix ) II 1. ‘O okotrös airó, trpès to ka0eXelv KAéova. oitos y&p 8wpooróXms &v čkpáret rôv Aónvaſov čk trpoſpáreos rotatºrms. Aënvaſol trów IIóNov, Aeyopévmv Xpaktmptov, ŠtroXuépkovv Ště Amploa 6évovs a Tparmyo5 kai Nukíov' &v otpatmydov Xpovta divrov č8vo)(épauvov oi A6mvaſot. kai eis ékkAmoríav ovveX6óvrov attöv kal &ömprovoúvrov, KXéov tus? Bupa'otróAms &vaatös intéoxeto èeoptovs pépetv Tots intevavtſovs eforo etkoorly juépôv, ei o Tpatmyos aipečeſn’ Štrep kai yéyove, katē Tés trooxéoets obv čotpatſiyet, kvków Tºv tróAlv. čq; ois pil éveyköv 'Aptoropóvns kaðimoru Tô Töv ‘Intréov 8pópio 3' atroë, tre. Tóv aſkevoirotów of 8els ērxāorato Tô toi, KAéovos trpóorotov Ště (p68ov. kai Tà pièv trpóto köttel poſłośpievos éira Tpopavels airós divečíčaše Tö 8pôpia. "Eotkev 6 trpoxoyićov ćival Amploo.6éums, Ös ékékpāket trepi Tàu IIó\ov troAtopktav, dºmpé0m & Tºv otpatmytav Štrö KAéovos ūtrooxo- puévov Tóre toſs A6mvaíous trapaarija.o.o.6at Tiju TIt?ov etoro eikogu, #pepôv. § kai katópôoore 81& Tö tä. TAeſota Tſis &Aóaeos trpore- Trovão 6al Amploo.6ével. Éouke & ds étri oikias Šeotrotukňs troueto 6at Töv Aóyov' ein 8 &v Šeatrórms 6 &mpos, oikío. # tróAus. Oikétat 8& 860 toū Añpov trpoxoytſova'u, kakós trao Xovres intô KAéovos. 6 & Xopos ék Töv ‘Intréov čariv, oi kai éémptootav Tóv KAéova Trévre taxóvro. étri &op08okíg &Aóvra. Aéyoval & Töv oikeróv rôv pièveival Amploo.6évmv, Töv & Nuktav, ºva > ömpanyópot oi 360. * This Argument is full of the most Vol. V, p. xlv of this edition. I should absurd inaccuracies, historical and not have thought it worth inserting, otherwise, so glaring that it is unneces- had it not been the cause of the sary to point them out. It is also found unfortunate substitution made by Some in P. F. and M., and is probably by the recent editors of the names Oikérms A same hand which wrote the article on and Oikérms B for the names of Demo- the “Frogs” in M. entitled a korós rod sthenes and Nicias. Tapóvros ºpáuaros. See note (1) in * ris P. F. M. Ald. Tijs W. K. d ( 1 ) 'Ia réov &rt eis Tétrapa piépm 8tſipm to 6 &muos Tóv Aónvaſov, eis Trevrakootopečiuvovs, eis intréas, eis (evyiras kai eis 67tas". III 2. APIXTOóANOTX TPAMMATIKOT. IIapóyet two, KAéova, Tāv kaxoduévov IIo.p.Aayóva, kāti 8vporotróAmv, Trukpótara karea'0ſovrá tros tº kowa Xpſipata. köv * trapaxoytop? 8tapépovt' éppopévos &AAavrotróXmv, eú6éos Te o karoºpóyov, 3. * Tretor06vro. * tº Émióéa-6at orov in treſſorív Tuoruv, y anº * 5 * a * AP ev tº Xopºp trapova'u, Tim Tov trpayplatov dipxfi. KAéovós T' év piéorp karmyopetv". * > éyévero Toâr.” #éreorev 6 KAéov traykákos' ô & araroqāyos érvXe trpoeëpíos koxfis. * As an historical fact this is of course quite accurate. But if the writer means to identify the intreſs of the play with the in meſs of the Solonian constitution, he is altogether wrong. The matter is considered in the Intro- duction. * In W. this Argument is written in the margin of the First Argument, and entitled 'Aptorroqāvows ypapparukot in 6- 6eoris imméov. It is so difficult to decipher that I prefer to rely upon Welsen's interpretation of it rather than upon my own. It is also found in F. and F*. * kāv Portus, who appears to have been the first to write this Argument as verse. Év MSS. Ald. kai, Bergk.- 8taqāpovr’ and (in the next line) ei.6éos re are Kuster's suggestions for the 8taqbopodvr’ and eč6éos (without re) of W. and Ald. * Tretorðévra r" and immedaw Portus, for the Tretorðévr’ and immedort of the MSS. and Aldus. * £v rô xopº MSS. v xopº Aldus. rois Év xopº Portus. * karmyopetv Bergk. Aldus. karmyopet MSS. CORRIGENDUM. P. 52, teact, line 366. For XO. read AH. III II E IX TA TOT APAMATOX IIPOXOIIA AHMOX. IIA®AATON NIKIAX oikéral. AHMOX6ENHX AAAANTOIIQAHX. XOPOX IIITIESON. I II II E I X AH. y a a * Iarraratēś róv kakóv, iattataſ. kakós IIaqXayóva Tèv veóvmtov kaków airaſol BovXaſs droMégétav oi 6eoí. 9 º Q 3 / y *A 9 / ěš oë yöp eio fipp.morev eis Tºv oikíav, TAmy&s del trpoorpí3etal toſs oikétats. 5 NI. aúraſs 8tago)\aſs. NI. kakós ka04trep oré. kákuota 876' oirós ye Tpótos IIap}\ayóvov AH. & kakóðaipov, trós éxels; AH. 8e0p6 vuv trpóorex6', ºva. £vvavXtav k\alſo optev OöXúpitrov vóplov. The scene in the Knights in some respects resembles the scene in the Acharnians. In the foreground is a loose arrangement of stones, which will, later on, be taken to represent the Pnyx. Behind are the usual three houses. The central house, with a harvest-wreath suspended over the door, is the abode of Demus; whilst the others will pre- sently be utilized for the purposes of Paphlagon and the Sausage-seller. At the back of the scene, stretched from the trepiakros or revolving pillar on one side of the stage to the reptakros on the other, is a painted representation of the great Propylaea, the entrance to the Athenian Acropolis. Out of the house of Demus run two slaves, howling, and rubbing their limbs, as if they had just been receiving a severe castigation. Their masks are fashioned into portraits of the two famous Athenian generals, Nicias and Demosthenes. 6. Trpáros IIaq,\ayóvov] First (by which he means worst) of Paphlagons. Ös trävrov pèv čvrov trovmpôv, ééaupéra's 8e rot KAéo- vos, says the Scholiast. Nicias, while taking up his comrade's lamentation, changes the construction; speaking as if the other had used the words diróAouro IIaq}\ayöv instead of IIap}\ayóva droMé- oeuav oi 6eoi. - 7. airaſs 8tagoNais] Calumnies and all. To denounceamd calumniate the generals and other officers of state was Cleon's habitual practice. The word is applied to him infra 45, 64, 288, 486, 491; and see the mote on Acharmians 378: so Thuc. iv. 27. He did not wish for Peace, says Thucydides v. 16, because T H E KNIGHT s > DEMOSTHENEs. O ! O! This Paphlagon, with all his wiles, This newly-purchased pest, I wish the Gods Would “utterly abolish and destroy’ſ For since he entered, by ill-luck, our house, He’s always getting all the household flogged. NICIAs. I wish they would, this chief of Paphlagons, Him and his lies NIC. Bad, like yourself. DE. Ha! how feel you, poor fellow P DE. Then come, and let us wail A stave of old Olympus, both together. he would then be karaqavéa repos Kakovp- Jöv kai dartorrórepos StafláN\ov. 8. Kačárep oil “And so are you for that matter,” as Frere translates it. The speaker is inclined to resent the tone of patronizing superiority which Demosthenes assumes, and the uncom- plimentary & kakóðaupov with which he addresses him. For this is a mode of address which commonly involves a spice of disparagement, if not of vitu- peration. See, for example, infra 1195, Clouds 1293, Birds 672, 890, 1569, 1604, Frogs 1058. For a similar little ebul- lition of petulance on the part of Nicias, see infra 73. 9. £vvavºtav) In concert. Olympus is the old Phrygian musician who flour- ished, it is supposed, in the seventh century, and to whose influence is at- tributed the development of flute-music amongst the Hellenic peoples. “He is never,” says K. O. Müller, “mentioned as a poet; he is simply a musician. His momes, indeed, seem to have been originally executed on the flute alone, without singing ; and he himself, in the tradition of the Greeks, was cele- brated as a flute-player.”—Greek Litera- ture xii. § 8. The original form of the name, Otºwpatros, is found also in Eur. Iph. in Aul. 578, where Paris is pictured as a shepherd, ºppvyiov ai)\óv OùNúpurov ka)\ápots pupińuara Tveiou. These old forms lingered on in proper names, says Dobree, instancing Neoptolemus and Archeptolemus ; but no doubt their retention is mainly due to the exigen- cies of metre. A musical vépos was a piece of music arranged to the words of a poetical text, Col. Mure, Greek Lit. iii. 1. § 9. - - B 2. 4 III II E IX AH. Kai NI. put pit, put più, pit più, put più, put più, pº più. 10 AH. Tí kuvupége6' d'AXaos; otic ēxpñv Čnteſv Tuva. oornptav vºv, dAN& pil k\óelv ćrt; NI. Tís obv yévour’ &v; Aéye ori. AH, or pièv oëv plot Aéyé, fva pū pudyopal. NI. p.3 rôv 'AtróAAo ‘yö pºv off. &AW eitrè 6appów, eira köyö oroi (pp4a.o. 15 AH. trós &v ord plot Aééetas āpiś Xp?) Aéyeuv; NI. &AA’ oik vi plot to 6pérre, trós &v oëv trote eitroup.’ &v airó 87ta kopºlyevpurikós ; AH. paſſ plot ye, puff plot, pil 8taokavěuktans' dAN' etpé Tuv' &mékwov &mb roſ, Šeatrórov. 20 NI. Aéye 87) “pióXopaev * £vvexès 68? §vXXagóv. AH. kai 3) Aéyo pºopºev. NI. §6trio 6e viv “ airó” path rod “pºopºev.” AH. airó. NI. Trávv kaAós. ão Trep Seqóplevos viv dtpépio trpátov Aéyé to “pué\opiev,” eito. 8” “airó,” katerráyov trukvóv. 25 AH. p.6\opiev attö plóAopiev attop.ox6pev. NI. ºv, 10. put pºol Aristophanes gives us here a line composed entirely of sobs; just as in Plutus 895 he gives us a line com- posed entirely of sniffs. 14, iva pam pudyopat] It is surprising that any editor should have adopted Beer's proposal to transfer this speech to Nicias (giving the previous Aéye ort to Demosthenes) on the ground that these words iva piñ pdxopal are “more suitable to the timid spirit of Nicias.” They are really suitable only to the pugna- , cious spirit of Demosthenes. For they are intended to convey a threat. Do what I tell you, he means, or you and I will fight; that is to say, “if you don't do it, I shall pitch in to you.” 16, trós àv K.T.A..] This line is bor- rowed without alteration from the Hip- polytus of Euripides (line 345). There it is addressed by Phaedra to the nurse to whom she is longing to confide her guilty secret, which she is yet ashamed to put into words. Nicias, a more highly cultured and refined gentleman than Demosthenes (I am speaking of them, of course, in their real characters), is so struck at hearing his comrade quote Euripides that he too is fain, in his turn, to say something kopºlºevpurikós, in a smart Euripidean manner. 17. Tö 6pérrº A slang equivalent of rô 6páoros. The Scholiast says it is a barbarism. Hesychius explains 6pe- röv and 6purröv by rô duðpetov, rô 6paoré. 19. pº 8taakavöukiorns] Don't do me to T H E KNIG HTS 5 BOTH. (Sobbing.) Mumu ! Mumu ! Mumu ! Mumu ! Mumul DE. Pah! What's the good of whimpering? Better far To dry our tears, and seek some way of safety. NIC, Which way? You, tell me. DE. Rather, tell me you, Or else we’ll fight. NIC. By Apollo, no not I. You say it first, and then I'll say it after. DE. O that thou said'st the thing that I would say. NIC. I’ve not the pluck. I wish I could suggest Some plan in smart Euripidean style. DE. Don't do it! Don’t Pray don’t be-chervil me; But find some caper-cutting trick from master. NIC, Will you say sert, like that, speaking it crisply? DE. Of course I’ll say it, serf. NIC. Now, after sert Say de. DE. De. NIC. Yes, that's very nicely said. Now, first say sert, and then say de, beginning Slowly at first, but quickening as you go. DE. Aye; sert-de, sert-de, sert, de-sert. NIC, There 'tis I death with your chervil. The mention of Euripides in the compound kopiyevpuri- kós (a compound, by the way, fully as irregular as the IIeto 66raupos of the “Birds”) brings unpleasantly to his mind the okávôté (sweet cicely or great chervil), which the Tragic poet's mother (so they said) was accustomed to sell in the market. See Acharmians 478 and the Commentary there. 20. dirókwov] This was the name of a vulgar and farcical dance; eiðos épxi- oreos poprurijs,—Scholiast. Pollux (iv. 101) classes it under the head of doreMyń eiðm épxforeov, Šv rm rms 60 pāos reptºpopá; and Athenaeus (xiv. 26, 27) under the head of yéNotal épxforews; the latter writer adding that it was danced by women (āv kai troX\ai yuvaikes &pxoovro), and that it was mentioned by Cratinus, Cephisodorus, Aristophanes, and many others. Here the poet, playing on the derivation of the word, uses it, as the Scholiast says, for pvyńv, droxópmotv. 21. §vvexes évXAaBów] Crisply and tightly, pronouncing it all together, so that it will presently, without change of tone, form part of a larger word. The meaning is cognate to that of ovXAa3i), a syllable. 26. atropo)\ópev] The speakers, we must remember, are Athenian slaves, with whom during the Peloponnesian War desertion to the enemy was a matter of common occurrence, Clouds 7, Peace 451. Cf. Thuc. vii. 27. 6 III II E IX: NI. Tí Šaí; t &AX' étépg. trot aſketréov. 35 oëx #36; AH. vi. Ata, TAffv ye rept rô 8tpuari 8éðotka rovrovë row olovév. AH. Örui) to 8éppa Śepopuévov dirépxetal. NI. kpártara Toivuv Tóv trapóvrov čoti vöv, - 30 6eów ióvre trportreočív rov trpès 8péras. AH. Totov 8peretéras ; Éreov #yeſ yop 6eoûs; NI. Éyoye. AH. Troſº xpépévos Tékumpſº; NI. Štú) 0eoſolv čxôpós eiu'. oëk eikóros; AH. e5 trpooguſłóðets p". Boðel Tô Tpāypſo, toſs 6earafou ºppéoro; NI. of Xeipov. čv 8 atroës trapourma &ge6a, étríðm\ov pitv roſs trpooºrotativ Troteſv, #v toſs étréol Xaipool kai toſs trpäyplagi. AH. Aéyoup.’ &v #8m. an Aº y A vöv ydip att öeatrórns 40 dypoukos épyńv, Kvaporpèg, drºpdxoMos, Añplos IIvkvírms, 800 kokov yepôvrtov, 31. Trpoorwegetv Tpós 3péras] We know from Frogs 1021 that Aristophanes greatly admired the patriotic and mar- tial spirit with which the "Emir Čmi eñ8as was animated ; and he seems, as others have already observed, to have had that play in his mind when he wrote the passage before us. There, in the opening Chorus, the Theban girls, terrified at the clash of arms, exclaim (91–5)— tis dipa ščoeral, ris àp' étrapkéget 6eóv # 9eåv; trótepa 57" ty& troruméow 8pérm 5alpóvov; id: piārapes eteopol, ãiepāſet 8peréov čxeo.6al. In that position Eteocles finds them, and upbraids them with discouraging the army. Is this a time, he says (172, 173), Apérn regoiſoas mp3s troAvagoſzov 9eóv ačeuv, Aakäſelv ; And they excuse themselves by saying (199, 200) &AA’ &m Saupiðvøy trpóðpop.os 7A00v ćp- Xaſa 8pérm, 6eolouv triovvos, k.T.A. With the preceding line Bergler com- pares Prometheus 224 kpártorra öm pow rów Trapegróra’v rôre. 32. 8pereréras] Nicias had pronounced the word 8péras with chattering teeth, partly, from his own superstitious timidity, and partly perhaps because he expected to be mocked by Demo- sthenes. If such was his expectation, it was well founded: Demosthenes imme- diately catches up the word, and re- produces in exaggerated caricature the T H E KNIGHTS - 7 NIC, What 2 DE. Know it ! How 2 Do you not like it? DE. Like it, yes; but— DE. There’s an uncanny sound about desert. NIC, Uncanny ? How 2 DE. They flog deserters so. Nic. O then 'twere better that we both should go, And fall before the statues of the Gods. DE. Stat-at-ues is it 2 What, do you really think That there are Gods 2 Nic. I know it. NIc. I’m such a wretched God-detested chap. DE. Well urged indeed; but seek some other way. - Would you I told the story to the audience? NIC. Not a bad plan; but let us ask them first To show us plainly by their looks and cheer If they take pleasure in our words and acts. DE. I’ll tell them now. We two have got a master, Demus of Pnyx-borough, such a sour old man, Quick-tempered, country-minded, bean-consuming, hesitating pronunciation of his fellow- slave. 34. 6eotoruv čx6pós] The argument is, as the Scholiast observes, āri ei ºil fiorav 6eoi, oùk ãv jumv 6eois éx6pós. Is not that a plausible argument 2 adds the speaker. oùk eikóros; is an interrogation of self- praise, like the oi Šećtós; of Peace 1230. This is Bergler's excellent arrangement. Before his time the line was supposed to form one sentence, “Because I am unreasonably hated by the Gods.” 36, rois 6earatoriu] Here then, as in the Wasps, the Peace, and the Birds, one of the characters—in all but the Birds, a slave—comes forward to ex- plain to the audience the preliminary circumstances, the knowledge of which is necessary for the right understanding of the plot. See the note on Wasps 54. 38. roſs ºrpoorómotoruv] Aeukview, pnoriv, fiptiv 8tà róv ºrpoorótrov ei Xaipovoru rois Aeyopévois. – Scholiast. For another reference to rà irpáo ora rôv 6eopévov see Peace 543. We must suppose that the audience signified their approval of the play, so far as it has gone, and Demosthenes commences his story. 42. Aſiaos IIvkvirms] Having enlisted the feelings of the audience in his favour, he immediately presents them with a portrait, in caricature, of the Athenian Demus, that is to say, of themselves in another character. He calls it Añuos IIvkvirms as if the Pnyx were its deme or place of residence, because, though the Demus is constantly represented as sitting in the dicasteries, yet these were only, so to say, commit- 8 III II E IX intókopov. oùros tí, Tpotépg vovpumvíg émptato 800Xov, 8vpooöélemu, IIaſp?ayóva, travovpyóratov kai 8taffox6tatów Tuva. 45 oùros karayvots toū yépovtos toūs Tpótrovs, 6 Bupa otraſp?ayóv, Ütrotteorov rov 8eatrótmv 3. y #ka)\\', 66trev', koxákev’, ‘āmtróta. Af 3/ A A' kookvXplatious ākpotol, totavti Aéyov' & Añpe, Aoûoal trpótov čköukáo as putav, 50 ëv6ov, Gópmoov, evtpay', exe Tptó8oNov. Aº * Af • 2 x A 806Xet trapa.06 orot 86ptov ; eit’ &vapirgoras ty 3/ & * Aº a 8 Af o Tu av Tus mptov orkevaorm, Tºp eatroTim tees of the Demus, and the Sovereign Demus itself could be seen and heard, and could act, as a distinct and separate entity, only in the Pnyx, that is, in the public Assemblies which were holden in the Pnyx. It was from the Pnyx that it ruled the empire. In the present Comedy it is personified as an old Athenian citizen, who is described as (1) āypoukos épyju, a countryman by tem- perament, for by épyńv, as the Scholiast observes, the speaker means rôv Tpótrov. It must be remembered that most well- to-do Athenians had been accustomed to live in the country (dei eio6éval év roſs dypots 8tavrāorðat Thuc. ii. 14); there was not at Athens the sharp distinction be- tween townsmen and countrymen which existed in most states; and the heroes of these comedies are almost always àypot- kot. (2) Kvaporpoé, a beam-consumer, kvá- Hous Tpáyov, Lys. 587, cf. Id.690. Kvapo- Tpóć diró rod Év rats Jeff pots kvápov.– Photius. Forbeans were employed in the election of officials: see Birds 1022 and the Commentary thereon, and Aristotle’s Polity of Athens, chapters 8, 22, 24, 32, with Dr. Sandys's notes. And therefore the Demus was commonly represented as fond of beans. (3) drpáxoMos, quick- tempered, choleric. (4) 800 kokos, testy, irritable, (in a moral sense) dyspeptic, the reverse of course of eiſkokos; and (5) intakopos, slightly deaf, meaning that the Demus would turn a deaf ear to expostulations and complaints, however well founded, which it did not wish to hear. Dindorf refers to the account given by Pliny (N. H. xxxv. 36) of the portrait which Parrhasius painted of the Athenian Demus. “Wolebat varium, iracundum, iniustum, inconstantem; eundem exorabilem, clementerm, miseri- corden, excelsum, gloriosum, humilem, ferocem, fugacemgue, et omnia pariter ostendere.” But this complexity of character could be more readily por- trayed by an Aristophanes than by a Parrhasius. 43. voup.mwig] For it was at the New Moon that the great Fair was held, at which, amongst other things, slaves T H E KNIG HTS 9 A trifle hard of hearing. Last new moon He bought a slave, a tanner, Paphlagon, The greatest rogue and liar in the world. This tanning-Paphlagon, he soon finds out Master's weak points; and cringing down before him Flatters, and fawns, and wheedles, and cajoles, With little apish leather-snippings, thus; O Demus, try one case, get the three-obol, Then take your bath, gorge, guzzle, eat your fill. Would you I set your supper ? Then he'll seize A dish some other servant has prepared, were usually purchased. See Wasps 171, and the passages from Alciphron cited in the Commentary there. 44. Suporoöéºnv] A dresser of hides, a tanner. ÖéWreav is to knead, soften the hide, a process also described by the word pañáoraeuv, see infra. 389. We shall find the word Büpora, a hide, brought into a variety of compounds and allusions in the course of the present play. 47. intomeo &v] Fawning upon him, like a dog on his master; currying favour with him. So Pelopidas (Plu- tarch. 7) protested that it was not right that he and his fellow exiles at Athens should allow Thebes to remain enslaved while they on their part were content 6epaireſſelv inrometrokóres the orators who could sway the Athenian assembly. - 49. koorkv)\parious ākpotov] Instead of saying “with little coaxing speeches,” he says, in allusion to Cleon's trade, with little snips (or rather, tips) of leather- paring. As to éémirára, see the com- plaint in Frogs 1086 of demagogues éâamaróvrov rôv Önuov dei. 50. śkötkāgas piavl Sc. bikmu, when you have disposed of one suit. This illus- trates the theory mentioned in the mote on 42 supra, and discussed at some length in the Introduction to the Wasps, that it was the Demus itself which sat in the dicasteries, and received its three obols a day. “No orator can succeed in the Public Assembly,” says Philocleon in the Wasps (line 595), “éâv um | Eimm rà ôukaorſipu’d beival, trpáriorra uíav Šukáorav- ras.” It was by gaining over the six thousand dicasts to his side that a demagogue made himself irresistible in the Assembly. The rpió80\ov is the dicastic fee : this little speech refers to the dicasteries and to nothing else. 51. Čv6ov] Tuck in, to use a school- boy phrase. Cf. infra 717, and #v6eoris, a mouthful, infra 404. The word trapaéð in the next line, repeated five lines below, must not be forgotten when we come to the expression too trapaôévros infra 1205. 10 III II E IX IIap}\ayöv kexºptotal touro. kai trpámv y' épod plášov peptaxótos év IIöA® Aakovikºv, 55 travovpyôtarô tros treptôpaptov Špaptröoras airès trapé6mke Tiju int' époi peplaygévmv. a 3. - an juás 8' direMačvel, kočk é? Töv Šeatrórmu &A\ov 6epaireſſelv, &AA& 8wportvmv čxov ðeltryotivros éorrós diroorogeſ toys giftopas. 60 #8et 8& Xpmaplot's 6 & yépov quºuxAtó. 2 * ô 3' airóv Ós épé pepakkomkóra, Téxvmv retrointai. toës y&p évôov &vrukpus Wrevëſ, 8tagóNAet kāra plaqrtyotſueóo. 55. €v II&A@) Here then, at the very outset of the play, Cleon's position as regards the brilliant affair at Pylus— his one title to honour, by virtue of which he was at this moment sitting in the front row of the spectators—is denounced as a mere dishonest appro- priation of the glory which rightly be- longed to Demosthemes alone. And it is Demosthenes himself, in his theatrical character, who prefers this charge from the stage; and possibly the real Demosthenes was himself amongst the audience, listening to this vindication by the great Comedian of his own un- rewarded achievements. The words Pačav Heptaxáros (from pudororó) are of course a play upon pdxnv prepaxmuévov. 56. Treptăpapóv] The word is probably to be taken here in its literal sense having run round; not in the meta- phorical signification of “having cir- cumvented” as infra 290, 1142. 59. 8wportvmv exovl Here we have the 8èpora introduced again. The flyflap, which was usually a leafy branch of myrtle, plvporivn, becomes in the leather- seller's hands a leathern strap, 8vporivn. *Tavčev, as the Scholiast observes, trapū rö 8wporoöélemy elva röv KAéova' $8et yap eitretv pivporiumv. rats yap pivporivals dro- orogoûort rās plvias. There is a similar play on these two words infra 449. We have seen, in the note on line 50, that the statement made in that line is repeated in Wasps 595; and the idea, contained in the present line is re- peated in the verses which immediately follow in the Wasps (lines 596, 597). 60. drooroSel rot's fiftopas] Flaps away the [other] orators. The words rot's fiftopas are substituted trapā Tpoorêokiav for rās pºvías. The verb is used by Xenophon (Re Equestri v. 7) of a horse switching off the flies with its tail; and by Alciphron (iii. 18) of a watch- dog scaring off thieves from the sheep- fold. 61. origu)\\tā] Xpmapáv på kai étru6vplet’ Xpmorpio)\óyos yāpāv #218vX\a.—Scholiast. Cf. Peace 1095, 1116. The Scholiast observes, that in these anxious times, T H E KNIG HTS 11 And serve it up for master; and quite lately I’d baked a rich Laconian cake at Pylus, When in runs Paphlagon, and bags my cake, And serves it up to Demus as his own. But us he drives away, and none but he Must wait on master; there he stands through dinner With leathern flap, and flicks away the speakers. And he chants oracles, till the dazed old man Goes Sibyl-mad; then, when he sees him mooning, He plies his trade. He slanders those within With downright lies; so then we're flogged, poor wretches, there would naturally be much con- sideration given to oracles and their hidden meanings. And so true is this, that the circumstance finds its way more than once even into the narrative of Thucydides. The passages have often been quoted. “When now the fore- most states of Hellas were rushing into war with each other,” he says, “all Hellas was in a state of high excite- ment, kai troNA& pièv \óyta éAéyéro, troAA& 8è Xpmorpoxáyot #8ov čv re rois piéNNovort troMephorew kai év rats àA\ats tróNeoſuv,” ii. 8. And again, in narrating the first invasion of Attica by the Peloponnesian army, he says, Xpmopox&yot re jöov xpno- plots travrotovs &v drpoãorðat Ös ékaoros &pymro, ii. 21. 62. Hepakkonkóral In a doddering, doting state. The word appears again, infra 396, and there too in connexion with Demus ; and possibly it was recognized at this time as a comic description of the Sovereign People. The only other place, I believe, in which it occurs is Lucian's Lexiphanes 19, where it is merely paraded as a quaint and obsolete term. The Scholiasts on Aristophanes and Lucian, with Suidas, derive it from an exceptionally stupid woman, named Macco or Acco; and others from pº Koeiv, equivalent to uſ, voev. But what- ever the derivation there is no doubt about its meaning. 63. réxvny tre+ointai] Makes (or devises) a business for himself. The phrase is commonly found with a second accu- sative, signifying the business intended; réxvnv troueto 6ai Ti, to make a trade of it, as it is rightly explained by the Oxford Lexicographers, referring to Demo- sthenes in Pantaenetum 68, oi réxvny rô Tpāyua (money-lending) tremoumpuévot. To this Kock adds Lucian, De Mercede con- ductis 30, iótárms yap #yoye, Kai ärexvos, kai pºdºtorra trapaga)\\ópevos dwópáort réxvnv to trpáyga retrotmuévois. And Dr. Blaydes, Id. de morte Peregrini 18; De Salta- tione 9. 12 III II E IX #ueſs. IIaq}\ayöv & trepióéov toos oikéras 65 3. an Af * A £8 tº aireſ, tapártel, 8opoëokeſ, Aéyov táðe ôpåre Töv "TXav 8t' épé plactlyotſpievov; 2 A. 2 3 A 3) y a 6 A. ei puji p' divarreforer’, droflaveſo 0e tiplepov. #pleſs & 8:30puev. ei & paſſ), tratočplevot ūtrö tot yépovros ÓkrairMáorta Xéopiev. 70 a º 3. A A º 6: viv oëv ćviſoravre ºppovrio'opiev, &yaté, \ trotav 680, vº ſpentéov kai Tpos tíva. NI. AH. * 3. épop? y&p airós travt’. 2 * kpário T' ékeivmu Tºjv “pºopºev,” &ya0é. &AA’ of x oióv re Töv IIaſpxayóv’ oběv A26eiv. ëxel yèp to okéMos 75 to pièv év IIó\p, to 3’ repov čv tákkAmaig. too &věe 8” airoß &mua. 8tage&mkóros ô Tpokrós éotiv airóxpmu' év Xaôot, Tô Xelp' év AiroNoſs, 6 & vois Év KAomióóv. NI. kpártotov oëv vöv diroflaveſv. dAX& a köttel, 80 67. "YXavl A mere fancy name. Švopa oikérov trétrºakev.–Scholiast. 70. xéopiev traroëplevot] Cf. Lysistrata 440. The Scholiast explains 6krairMáoria by troNA® TMeiova, and Xéopiev by Knutoſſ- He6a. 71. &ya6é] Something either in the word itself, or in the tone of patronizing superiority in which it is uttered, rouses a little pettish resentment in the breast of Nicias, who, two lines later, retorts the appellation with unmistakable em- phasis. Cf. line 8 supra. 75. €qopá têvr'] Eupolis may have had this description of Cleon, as well as the anapaestic tetrameter lurking in the prose of Athenaeusi, chap. 366 Aap- Trporárm tróAeov naorév Órróoras 6 Zets àva- qaivet (addressed to Athens) in his mind, when he wrote in his Xpworody Tévos the line preserved by Hephaestion xvi. 3 (to which Dobree refers) & ka)\\torm tróAt traorév Šoras KAéov éqopä. Kock refers also to the Homeric line "HeXtov, Šs trävr’ eq\opä kai Trávr' étrakočel Odyssey xi. 108, xii. 323. Cleon is supported in his exalted position, on the one side, by the achievement at Pylus, on the other, by his supreme influence in the As- sembly. 78. Xačort] ‘Qs sipúrpokrov airóv 8ta- 8á\\et.-Scholiast; cf. infra. 381. The Chaonians were the most warlike (uaxi- pºrarot Thuc. ii. 81), and, with the Molossians, the most illustrious (évôość- Tarot Strabo vii. 7 (5)) of all the Epirot tribes; and had in the third year of the War brought themselves into notice by taking a prominent part in the formidable, though unsuccessful, in- T H E KNIG HTS - 13 And Paphlagon runs round, extorting, begging, Upsetting every one; and Mark, says he, There’s Hylas flogged; that’s all my doing ; better Make friends with me, or YoU'LL be trounced to-day. So then we bribe him off; or if we don’t, We’re sure to catch it thrice as bad from master. Now let's excogitate at once, good fellow, Which way to turn our footsteps, and to whom. NIC. There's nothing better than my sert, good fellow. But nought we do is hid from Paphlagon. His eyes are everywhere; he straddles out, One foot in Pylus, in the Assembly one. So vast his stride, that at the self-same moment His seat is in Chaonia, and his hands Are set on Begging, and his mind on Theft., NIC. Well then, we had better die; but just consider vasion of Acarnania, Thuc. ii. 80–2. The recent exploits of Demosthenes in those parts would doubtless have re- called the memories of that former invasion, so that the name of the Chao- nians would at this moment be very familiar in Athens; cf. Ach. 604. And it is only on account of their name that they are mentioned. So again the Aetolians are selected merely because their name suggests the idea of begging (airetv, supra, 66). Brunck quotes the fifth Epigram of Marcus Argentarius in the Greek Anthology, *Avriyövm, XuceX?) trópos ºjo 64 plot dis 6' yewh9ms Airwa), kāyā M760s ióot yeyova. “Since you have become an Aetolian (a beggar), I have become a Mede (a non-giver, piñ 8o0s).” airóxpmua means in very truth. 79. £v KAomtöðv] Scil. 8hp.g. ēva\\ay) orrotxetov, too peis rô A. Kporrièat yap &mpos rijs Aeovrièos (bvXis. Ématéev oſſv trapá rà kAérretv.—Scholiast. It is now called Koropi, and lies to the south-east of Athens, beyond Hymettus. Aristo- phanes converts Kpotriðat into KNomièat for the purpose of insinuating a charge of theft (KA&W, a thief, k\oteia, theft) against Paphlagon. Cf. infra 296, 420, 1252, &c. 80. kpártorrow droðaveſv] Aristophanes has already (supra 16) cited a line from the Hippolytus (345) in which Phaedra is struggling to disclose her shameful passion; and he may now be alluding 14 - III II E IX f/ *A y A 5 Af ôtros &v droflávopaev divöpukórara. AH. NI. an a- gº A y .3 Af trós 87ta trós yévout' &v &vöpukórata; 8éAtlatov piſv aipia Taüpetov trieſv. ô Qepuo tokxéovs y&p 6&varos aiperdºtepos. A3 3. AH. på At’ &AA’ &Kparov oivov dyadoù 8aiuovos. 85 toos y&p &v Xpmotów Tu BovXevaratueffa. NI. 3. 2 2 y iðoč y” drparov. trepi trotoſ, youv čari ool ; trós 3’ &v ple66av Xpmotów Tu BovXeča att' divip; AH. &Amées, oùros; kpovvoxvrpoxſipatov ei. oivov or toxpós eis étrivotav Aotòopeſv; 90 oivov yap eipots div tu trpaktukórepov ; § 2 ºz. . " A 3/ / ôpós; Štav Trivoortv čv6potrot, Tóre TAovroſſot, 8tattpd. Troval, vukóolv Šíkas, eū8alpovoúatv, d\pexoſal toos pi\ovs. &AA'éééveyké plot taxéos oivov xóa, 95 Töv votiv ºv' &pôo kai Aéyo ti čeffióv. NI. y a", * * * otpot, tí Troff' ºpiós épyáoret tº oró trotó; to her final conclusion (402) karðavelv ãošé pot kpártorrow. Bergler quotes from the Helen of Euripides, which however was produced many years after the Knights, a line (298) very cognate to the present passage 6aveſv kpártorrow' Tós 6ávou’āv oſſu kakós; And, according to the Scholiast, Nicias adopts in his next speech a line from the lost Helen of Sophocles époi Śē A@orrow aiua tačpetov trueiv. 84. 9epuorokNéovs] It was the prevalent belief, 6 roºts Aéyos, as Plutarch says, that Themistocles, finding himself un- able, or being unwilling, to fulfil his promises to the Persian king, poisoned himself by drinking bull's blood, Plu- tarch, Themist. chap. 31 ; Diodorus xi. 58. But Thucydides, whilst mentioning the rumour that he took poison, says that he really died of disease, i. 138. And indeed bull’s blood is not poisonous. 85. drparov oivov dya&od Saipovos] De- mosthenes catches at the word true iv which Nicias had let fall; but he has no disposition to drink the blood of bulls. Pure wine for him, unmingled with water; such as men drink when the feast is over, and the tables are being taken away. During the repast the wine was mingled with water; but at its close a cup of meat wine was brought to the guests, who just sipped it, and poured a libation to the toast of Happy Fortune. This was a sort of Loving Cup; and was a farewell pledge T H E KNIG HTS - 15 How we can die the manliest sort of death. NIC. The manliest sort of death? Let's see; which is it? Had we not better drink the blood of bulls? 'Twere fine to die Themistocles's death. DE. Blood? no: pure wine, to the toast of Happy Fortune From that we'll maybe get some happy thought. NIC. Pure wine indeed l Is this a tippling matter? How can one get, when drunk, a happy thought 2 T).E. Aye, say you so, you water-fountain-twaddler? And dare you rail at wine's inventiveness 2 I tell you nothing has such go as wine. Why, look you now; 'tis when men drink, they thrive, Grow wealthy, speed their business, win their suits, Make themselves happy, benefit their friends. Go, fetch me out a stoup of wine, and let me Moisten my wits, and utter something bright. NIC. O me, what good will all your tippling do? before they finally separated, See the notes on Wasps 525, Peace 300. “That the toast was drunk when the tables were actually in course of removal is plain,” says Athenaeus (xv. 48), “from the story of Dionysius who, when pro- fanely robbing the temple of Asclepius in Syracuse of a golden table, drank to the god, as the table was being carried out, in the cup of Happy Fortune.” The same story is told, with variations, by Aelian, W. H. i. 20 and in [Aristotle's] Oeconomics ii. 41. We may safely infer, from the present scene, that Demosthenes was something of a bon vivant. 89. kpovvoxvrpoºfipatov] 'Avri row, p}\{- apos el. kpovvösyāp rô xúðmu Kai äkpiros kai dépôos fiéov' \mpos 8e rô pºſitatov, ovvé- 6nkev oſſu ärö roi, kpovvoi, kai roi Anpeiv, kai rās xúrpas àvatorðfirov offorms, iva rö ôAov 8m)\óorm ròu dvaiorón row, kai dvánrov kai trepirro)\óyov.–Scholiast. The Scho- liast has however missed one, and that the main, idea which the compound was intended to convey, viz. the speaker's contempt for a mere water-drinker. 90, eis étrivouav] For, that is, in respect of inventiveness. Dr. Merry aptly refers to Falstaff's praise of wine in the second part of Henry IV (Act IV, Scene 3): “A good sherris-sack ascends me into the brain; makes it apprehensive, quick, forgetive; full of nimble, fiery, and delectable shapes,” &c. 96. row vojv K.T.A..] This idea is so pleasing to Demosthenes that he repeats the line infra 114. 16 III II E IX AH. dyá6' d'AA' éveyk” y& 83 karakAlvija opal. *A º 6 66 A * A. mu yap pietzvoto, travta Tavti kato.traoro govXevpatíov kai yuopuðſov kal voièſov. NI. º kAérrov Tóv oivov. NI. 100 d's eitvYós 3rt of k &Aff pômv čvö06ev $ 2 W Aº an AH. eitré pou, IIo.pNayóv tí óp? étrino.orra Äet:as 8mpuómpaô’ 6 &#orkavos géyket pe66ov čv raſat 86porats in rios. AH. ormovöſjv. iði vuv, drparov čykávašóv plot troXèv NI. Aa3& 8) kal ortreſorov &yo:600 8atuovos. £Ax' éNke tåv rod &alpovos toū IIpapvtov. AH. ae y & 8aſpiov &yo.6°, orów to 800Xevpi', oùk épióv. 98. §veyke] Nicias goes into the house for the wine, and Demosthenes reclines himself on the stage, as if he were a guest at a symposium. It is noticeable that the Nicias of the play, though timid and nervous, is in no way deficient in personal courage. It is he, and not Demosthenes, who goes without a mur- mur on the two dangerous errands, for the wine and for the oracle. 99. Trávra ravri K.T.A..] Cratinus seems to have imitated this passage in his next year's “Flagon,” where somebody says of the old poet himself ei pº yap truflüget ris abroß rô orápa, &mavra taúra katakatſoev trouſipaow. See the Scholiast on line 526 of this play. 101. Ös eirvXós] Nicias comes out of the house with a stoup of good Pram- mian wine. Wasn't I a lucky fellow not to be caught ! he says. Ös situxās (scilicet trémpaya). So &s ā6Atos Trempá- yapev Peace 1255, Ös kakós réirpaye Lys. 462, &s pakaptos retrpáyare Plutus 629. These little exclamations are frequently, in all languages, elliptical. 103. Érimaora Aeišas] The malignant brute has been licking up cakes made out of confiscation sales, and sprinkled with 8ugar-plums [or honey or acids], and is now lying on his back tipsy and snoring amidst his hides. The expression Aetxov €rimaorra is repeated infra 1089. The Scholiast explains étrinaa’ra by rā āri- traororógeva uéAtri àAevpa. É60s 8e eixov Troteiu trèakoúvras # 3provs kai émiträororetv Tuvâ kapukeipiata äApupá. As to 8mud- Trpara see Wasps 659 and the note there. 8dorkavos is equivalent to the sorcerer, the evil genius. With fiéyket wirrios Kock compares the stertitgue Supinus of Horace's Journey to Brun- dusium, line 19. 106. orirovöffvl For a libation. The libation to the 'Ayaéðs Aaiuov was always, as is mentioned in the Com- mentary on line 85, made with neat wine. But here the “libation ” is merely an excuse, adapted to the religious feelings of Nicias, for ob- T H E KNIGHTS 17 DE. Much; bring it out; I'll lay me down awhile; For when I’m drunk, I’ll everything bespatter With little scraps of schemes, and plots, and plans. NIc. I’ve got the wine; nobody saw me take it. Wasn't that luck P DE. What's Paphlagon about 2 NIc. Drunk 1 Snoring on his back amidst his hides, The juggler; gorged with confiscation pasties. DE. Come, tinkle out a bumper of pure wine, To pour. NIC. Here, take; and pour to Happy Fortune. Quaff, quaff the loving-cup of PRAMNIAN Fortune. DE. O. Happy Fortune, thine's the thought, not mine ! taining a full goblet of the strong liquor. 107. IIpapwioul That is, of Pramnian wine. It is not certain whether the epithet denotes the native country of the grape or some special quality of the wine, 3rt trpaëvet Hévos, # 3rt trapapepévnke TraMatoésis (Eustathius at Iliad xi. 638, Athenaeus i, chap. 55, Scholia Minora (ed. Gaisf) on the Iliad, and the Scho- liast here). It seems to me, however, that when, in the Second Thesmopho- riazusae, Aristophanes wrote oivov be trivetv oſſic ēáow IIpápaviov, où Xtov, oùöè Qāotov, où IIemap#6tov, he must have intended Pramnian, like the otherepithets, to refer to the country in which the wine was produced, that is, to Mount Pramne in the island of Icarus, analternative explanation offered by all the authorities mentioned above. Nevertheless the wine there produced seems to have had so peculiar a flavour that the name was extended to any wine partaking of the same flavour; for while Athenaeus speaks, or quotes Epicharmides as speaking, of the Icarian Pramnian, he also (i. 51) quotes Ephip- pus as speaking of Lesbian Pramnian. Eustathius indeed objects to the deri- vation of the name from the country, on the ground that it would then be spelled IIpápavlos and not (as in Homer) IIpáplvetos; but in fact IIpáplvios is the ordinary form of the word. Homer mentions it both in the Iliad (xi. 638) and in the Odyssey (x. 235), and in each place as an excellent wine; and so it seems to be considered here. And Pliny (N. H. xiv. 6), who regards it as coming from Smyrna, says that in his time it retained the same high character. And although Athenaeus (i. 55) quotes some lines in which Aristophanes speaks of harsh and crabbed Pramnian which the Athenians liked no better than they did harsh and crabbed poets, yet of course it does not follow that all Pramnian wine, any more than all poets, came under that condemnation. See Peri- zonius at Aelian, W. H. xii. 31. 18 III II E IX NI. 3. * eim', divrigo)\6, tí Éott ; éos kaffei,8et. NI. Taijt’. AH. Točs Xpmopobs tax.) kAéras āveyke Tod IIaſp?ayóvos évôo6ev, 110 &T&p Tod Saipovos 8éðoux émos pil Teóéopal kakoëaiuovos. AH. ºpépe vvv éyò 'pavrò trpoo'ayáyo tov Xóa, a y Töv votiv ºv' &pôo kai Aéyo ti 8eštóv. NI. d's peyda' & IIaſpxayóv Trépêeral kai 6éyketat, 1 15 5 éat' {\aôov airóv Töv iepāv Xpmoptèv Aa3&v, övtrep pºdżuat’épôXatrev. AH. & oropórare, A 2 3 * */ > y a * Q2 2/ * pép' airèv, v' &vayvó or 8 yxéov trieſv diviſoras tu. & Aóyta. NI. NI. AH, NI. AH. i806. Ti pma’ 6 xpmapás ; & Báki. NI. Tí Šart ; AH. NI. kal trós; 2 pép' tºo ti &p évéotiv airóði. 8ós plot 80s to Trotſipuov taxiſ. 120 AH. Tépav ćyxeov. 2 a A. 3/ {{ ºf . / 3/ 23 e év toſs Aoyious évéotiv “ Tépav ćyxeov”; AH. 80s to trorſipuov taxó. a 3 & Af 3. a * 2 troXX® y á Bákus éxpñto Tô Trotmpſº. & puapé IIap}\ayöv, Taijt’ &p' épu}\dºtrov tróXal, Töv trepi areavroſſ Xpmoptov ćppoööv. y * A3 3/ 3. *A t 3. A èvraû6’ &veatu airós dºs diróAXvrot. 125 NI. Twſ ; AH. §mos; 6 Xpmoptès divtukpus Aéyet d's trpóra pièv orvirtreuom d6Xms ytyveral, §s trpótos ééet tims tróAeos tº trpdyplara. NI. eis obrogi tróAms. 130 tí roëvrej6ev; Aéyé. 115. 5éykerat] He should have said fiéyket, as supra 104; but he uses the middle, apparently, for the mere pur- pose of assimilating the word to itépôeral. So the Scholiast, ÖpotokaráMmkrov eine rô fiéykeratº oi yap Éort 86kiptov otro Aéyeiv. 123. & Báki] For the prophecies which Paphlagon had been hoarding up are those of the Boeotian Bakis, which are so repeatedly mentioned by Herodotus and Pausanias, and had long been extremely popular at Athens. Accord- ingly the oracles which he produces infra 1003 are all prophecies of Bakis, and his opponent, in order to counter- act them, is compelled to invent an imaginary Glanis whom he palms off as an elder brother of Bakis. We shall hear more of Bakis in the Peace and the Birds, in each of which comedies T H E KNIG HTS 19 Nic. Pray you, what is it? DE. Steal from Paphlagon, While yet he sleeps, those oracles of his, And bring them out. Nic. I will; and yet I’m fearful That I may meet with most unhappy Fortune. DE. Come now, I'll draw the pitcher to myself, Moisten my wits, and utter something bright. NIC. Paphlagon's snoring so ! He never saw me. I’ve got the sacred oracle which he keeps So snugly. DE, O you clever fellow you, I’ll read it; hand it over; you the while Fill me the cup. Let's see: what have we here? O ! Prophecies' Give me the cup directly. N1c. Here! What do they say? DE. Fill me another cup. N1c. Fill me another 2 Is that really there ? DE. O. Bakis N1c. Well? DE. Give me the cup directly. NIC. Bakis seems mighty partial to the cup. DE. O villainous Paphlagon, this it was you feared, This oracle about yourself N1c. What is it? DE. Herein is written how himself shall perish. NIC. How shall he? DE. How? The oracle says straight out, That first of all there comes an oakum-seller Who first shall manage all the State's affairs. N1c. One something-seller; well, what follows, pray ? a vagrant oracle-monger is introduced, propounding and expounding the pro- phetic utterances of Bakis. 125. raûr’āp' équxárrow] 'Avri row, 8tà Tajra.—Scholiast. 129. arvirrevoróXms] The name of this “hemp-seller,” the first of this series of demagogues, was, as the Scholiast informs us, Eucrates; and that he is the same Eucrates who is mentioned infra 254 is plain from some words which the Scholiast on that passage quotes from an unnamed play of Aristo- phanes; kai ori kvpm8woróAa Eökpares orrötrać. But he can hardly be the Eucrates mentioned in Lys. 103 or in Thuc. iii. 41. And nothing is known of his career as a demagogue. He was doubtless entirely overshadowed by the commanding personality of Pericles. C 2. 20 III II E IX AH. per& Tourov at 6is trpošarom3Ams, Šećrepos. NI. 800 réðe tróAa. kai tí révôs xpi traffeiv; AH, kpateſv, *os érepos diviip Böexvpdºrepos airod yévouro per& 8é Tadr" &méAAvral. 135 étrºyſyveral yèp 8wporotróAms 6 IIaſp?Aayóv, &pirać, kekpákrms, KvkAoSópov povåv čxov. NI. Töv trpoSatomóAmv fiv dip' diroNéoróat Xpeov into 8vporomſøAov; AH. v.) At'. NI. otpot &etMatos. tró6ev obv &v ért yévotto tróAms eis plóvos; 140 AH. &r'éotiv eis, inſeppwé réxvmv čxov. NI. ein', &vriffoxés, ris éotiv ; AH. eitro; NI. v.) Aſo. AH. &AAavromtöAms to 6’ 6 todrov čexóv. NI. dAAavrom 6Ams; & IIóoreiðov Tſis téxvms. pépe troß rov čvépa toûrov čevpffo'opiev; 145 AH. &ntópev airóv. NI. dAA’ 68: Tpoorépxeral &ortrep karð 6eſov eis dyopav. AH. & pakápte &AAavrotróXa, 8e0po 8eip', & pi\tate, 132. Tpo6arováAms] The second in the series is Lysicles the cattle-dealer, called a trpoSaron &Mms here, and a trpo- 3arokámm)\os by Plutarch (Pericles 24). As in the case of Eucrates, and doubt- less for the same reason, we know nothing of his political career; but we know that after the death of Pericles he married Aspasia (Hesychius, s. v. Tpo- 8aron 6\ms); was made commander of a squadron of revenue-collecting triremes, dpyupoxóyovs vats; and fell in battle with the Carians, near the river Maeander about a year after the death of Pericles (Thuc. iii. 19). Plutarch quotes a state- ment that by means of his connexion with Aspasia he managed #& dyevvows kai ramewoo tºw ºpiouv 'A6m vaiou yewégéat Trpáros : but this is impossible; his civic career must have been completed before he married Aspasia ; though it may possibly have been due to her influence that he obtained the command of the revenue-raising expedition, in which he met his death. He is mentioned again infra 765. 135. diróAAvrat) It seems to be indi- cated in this passage, that it was owing to the machinations of Cleon that Lysicles was ousted from the position of the leading demagogue, which he had theretofore been holding, subject only to the superior authority of Pericles. And see three lines below. 136. 6 IIap\ayóvl Even Cleon, the third and by far the most powerful of T H E KNIG HTS 21 NIC. Aye. DE. That's the question. DE. Next after him there comes a sheep-seller. NIC. Two something-sellers; what’s this seller's fortune? DE. He'll hold the reins, till some more villainous rogue Arise than he ; and thereupon he'll perish. Then follows Paphlagon, our leather-seller, Thief, brawler, roaring as Cycloborus roars. NIC. The leather-seller, then, shall overthrow - The sheep-seller. DE. He shall. NIC, O wretched me, Is there no other something-seller left 2 DE. There is yet one; a wondrous trade he has. N1c. What, I beseech you? DE. Shall I tell you? DE. A sausage-seller ousts the leather-seller. NIC. A sausage-seller Goodness, what a trade I Wherever shall we find one 2 NIC. Why here comes one, ’tis providential surely, Bound for the agora. DE. Hi, come hither l here ! You dearest man, you blessed sausage-seller these demagogues, though known in the lifetime of Pericles as an eager assailant of that illustrious statesman (ónx6els atéovi KAéovi), does not appear in history until after his death. He is here brought before us with two characteristics, his rapacity and his possession of that loud overbearing voice, that puapā ‘bovň, which, we shall presently be told, is one of the chief qualifications for a successful dema- gogue. It is here, as it had already been in Ach. 381, likened to the roar of Cycloborus, the little torrent which, in winter only, went brawling over its stones through the city of Athens. 143, d\\avrotóAms] 'AAAás' eiðos évrépov Kareorkevaopévov. Kai d\\avrotróMms' 6 raúra troAóv.—Suidas. Though I have, in accordance with the usual custom, translated d\\as a sausage, yet in reality, as has often been observed, it was in the mature rather of a black-pudding than of a sausage : see infra 207, 208. It was served up to table not in its entire length, but in bits, répot. See the pas- sages of Pherecrates, Mnesimachus, and Eubulus cited by Athenaeus, vi. 96, ix. 67, and xiv. 17 respectively. d\\āvres have already been mentiomed in the Acharmians (line 146), and their name is of frequent occurrence in the Comic fragments. The dNAavron &Mms is what we should call a pork-butcher. 22 - III II E IX 3. A * V anº /* * * Af dvd.6auve orothp Tà tróNet kai vºv pavets. * - a 2 AA. Tí Éott; ti pae kaxeſ re; AH. &eijp’ \0”, ivo. Trúðn 150 Ös eitvk’s éi kai pleyāNos et &alpovets. NI. i0, 87), ká6eX' aſſroi, Toàeóv, kai toſſ 6.e00 Töv Xpmopºv &vaðiðašov airów 6s exel. éyò 8' idov trpookévropal Tov IIa pXayóvo. AH. &ye 8?) or karáðov trpára T3 orečm Xaplot. 155 êtretro. Tiju yńv Tpóorkvorov kai toys 6eoûs. AA. iè08 Tí Éaru ; AH. & piakópt', 6 TAoûate, * º \ 5 M \ 3/ 2 & 2. & viiv pièv oëöels, aiptov 3’ &méppleyas' º an y a *A an 3. Af & Töv A6mvöv Tayé Tóveijóo.upióvov. * p *A AA. Tí pi', &yd:0', où TAóvelv čás T&s kot)\ias 160 troAeſv Te Toys &XXávras, &AX& katayeX&s; * . . e. ) AH. & pºpe, troías kot)\tas; 8evpi 8Xérre. t&s a Tikas āpās Tês Tóvěe Tów Azów ; AA. Öpó. 149. duá8ave] This word both here and in Acharnians 732 and Wasps 1341 has given rise to much controversy; some thinking that it means “come up to the stage from the orchestra,” and others that it merely means “come from the end to the centre of the stage.” The latter view is maintained with great ability by Professor Williams White in Harvard Studies ii. 159. I confess that I cannot agree with either of these contentions. I do not believe that in these Comedies an actor ever makes his appearance in the orchestra, except indeed in the closing scene of the Wasps, where Philocleon does in very truth descend from the stage into the orchestra, and after exhibiting his dancing capacity there, finally dances out of the theatre at the head of the Chorus. But this was an entire novelty, a thing which où8eis iro Tápos 8éðpakev. And as to the other alternative, Pro- fessor White says that in all these passages “the term is used just after an entrance.” In my judgement it is used in each case just before an entrance. Here the sausage-seller is descried by Nicias and Demosthenes as they are looking towards the wings; while he is yet invisible to the audience. He is not even coming towards the stage, he is making for the agora, in quite a different direction. They shout to him to change his course and come up to the stage upon which they are standing. And presently he makes his appearance in the usual manner from one of the wings. Whether he has really come up from a lower level I do not know ; but that is what he is supposed to do. 152. rot)\edvl The éAeóv, or éAeós, for T H E KNIGHTS 23 Arise, a Saviour to the State and us. SAUSAGE-SELLER. Eh! What are you shouting at 2 this instant, DE. Come here And hear your wonderful amazing luck. NIC. Make him put down his dresser; tell him all The news about that oracle we've got. I’ll keep an eye on Paphlagon the while. DE. O happy man, and rich, DE. Come, put you down those cookery implements, Then make your reverence to the Gods and earth, S.S. There ! what's the row 2 Nothing to-day, to-morrow everything ! O mighty ruler of Imperial Athens ! S.S. Good fellow, let me wash the guts, and sell My sausages. What need to flout me so 2 DE. You fool! the guts indeed! Now look you here. You see those people on the tiers? S.S. I do. both forms are used, was a stand or table employed in culinary operations for various purposes; for example, the meat when cooked was placed upon it, Iliad ix. 215; Odyssey xiv. 432. The grammarians uniformly define it as a playeupukň rpátreſa. 154. §y& 8 ióv] With these words Nicias leaves the stage, and the pro- fessional actor, who has hitherto repre- sented him, changes his mask and his costume and (infra 235) reappears as Paphlagon. Thenceforward until the Parabasis Nicias is represénted by a choregic actor, if I may so style the supernumeraries (over and above the three professional actors provided by the State) whom the Choregus supplied, and whose employment, being some- thing beside the ordinary functions of the Choregus, was called a trapaxophymua. So again after the Parabasis, the pro- fessional actor, who up to that time had represented Demosthenes, appears in the character of Demus, and the part of Demosthenes is thenceforth assumed by a choregic actor. The cho- regic actors never take a prominent part in the action; but the attempt of Beer and others to eliminate them altogether is ludicrously unsuccessful. 156. Trpáakvorov) Make your obeisance to. Cf. Plutus 771. Nicias having gone out, Demosthenes takes upon himself to instruct the sausage-seller in his duties. To make a greater impression on the man he adopts the grand style, occasionally borrowing a word or two from Homer or Tragedy. 163. orixas] This is the regular 24 III II E IX AH. Toârov &mdºvrov airós dpxé\as €oret, kai Tſis dyopäs kai Tôv Alpiévov kai tās rvkvás' 1.65 8ovXīv trarfiorets kai orpatmyobs k\aotáorets, &#oets, pv),4éets, év IIpvraveſ? Aaukáoets. AA, yā; AH, or puévrov koč8étro ye trav6' épés. &XX’ travā976, kótri Toi)\eov ro8. kai kāruče rās viorows &md.oras €v kūkāq). 170 AA. ka00p6. AH. Tí Šaí; Tāputrópta kai Tàs 6\káðas ; AA, yoye. AH. Trós obv of peydāos et &alpovets; ërt viv Tóv 640axplov trapá8oNA' eis Kapíav Töv Šeštěv, Töv 8' repov eis Kap)(měóva. AA. eißaipovija o y', ei &taatpapíoopal. 175 AH. obk, &XX& 81& orod raira travta Trépwarai. yíyvet yap, Ös 6 xpmoptès of tool Aéyet, Homeric term for “ranks” of men in battle-array; used generally with the addition of dvöpôv, but sometimes (Iliad iv. 90, 201), as here, with that of Maðv. Here of course it is applied to the rows of spectators; rô 6éarpov airó belxvis raúrá pnouv, as the Scholiast observes. 166. k\aorrāoreus] KAaorráſeuv is properly to prune, trim a vine, diró pueraſpopäs róv replvopévov k\muárov.–Scholiast. Hence to chastise, correct; like our colloquial phrase to give one a trimming. In the following line, év IIpvraveig Naukāorets gow shall fornicate in the Prytaneum, Aaukácrets is introduced trapā ºrpoorêokiav for bettvijorets. Cleon had received the honour of a free orirmous év IIpvravelºp, we are told infra 766, “for doing just nothing at all”; the sausage-seller shall go a step beyond this, and have the right Aalkáčew év IIpvraveig. The airmous ev IIpvravelºp, the right to share in the public dinner served daily in the Town Hall for the guests of the Common- wealth, is very frequently mentioned in these Comedies, and will be found abundantly illustrated in the Com- mentary on Peace 1084, Frogs 764. 170. rās vigovs] That the Athenians comprehended their entire empire, outside Attica, under the term “the Islands” is plain from many passages. See for example infra 1034, 1319, Peace 760, and the note on Birds 1455. From the employment of the words év kūk\p the Scholiast thinks that there is a special reference to the Cyclades, but this is extremely improbable. The words merely mean that the view is to be a panoramic one, like the kūk\p orkonºv of Birds 1196. 174. Kapxmööva] This is the reading of all the MSS., and there is no ground for changing it, as a few editors have T H E KNIGHTS 25 DE. You shall be over-lord of all those people, The Agora, and the Harbours, and the Pnyx. You'll trim the Generals, trample down the Council, Fetter, imprison, make the Hall your brothel. S.S. What, I? DE. Yes, you yourself! And that's not all. For mount you up upon the dresser here ,” And view the islands lying all around. S.S. I see. DE. And all the marts and merchant-ships? S.S. I see. DE. And aren’t you then a lucky man? And that’s not all. Just cast your eyes askew, The right to Caria, and the left to Carthage. S.S. A marvellous lucky man, to twist my neck! DE. Nay, but all these shall be your—perquisites. You shall become, this oracle declares, dome, to XaAkmöóva or KaNXmöóva. We know from Plutarch that the Athenians even in the time of Pericles were dream- ing dreams about the conquest of Carthage: see the Introduction to the Birds, p. xiv: and we may perhaps infer from infra 1803 that the project was a favourite one with the dema- gogues. In the present passage the Hellenic empire of Athens has already been surveyed, four lines above: and now the sausage-seller's gaze is directed to an horizon beyond the limits of that empire. 175. Staarpaphorouai) A very similar line, under very similar conditions, is found in the Birds; droMačorouai ri y ei öuaorpaq floropat (177). In each case the two possible meanings of 8tao rpé- qeoréat, to get a squint and to twist one's neck, are almost equally suitable; though the former may be a shade more appro- priate here, and the latter in the Birds. However the speaker seems to have in his mind something more serious than a mere squint. And therefore it is safer in both cases to adopt the ex- planation of the Scholiast on the Birds röv rpäxj)\ov k\áoro. See also Achar- nians 15. 176. Trépyaraj Are (that is, will be) sold. The word is substituted trapå Tpoorboktav for 8toureiral are (that is, will be) administered; because the way in which demagogues administered the empire was to make as much as possible out of it for themselves; 8éov sineſv 8toukeirat, says the Scholiast, 6 8é eitre trépyarat Trukpós, rovréat. Turpáokeral. All shall be yours to (not rule but) sell. The present tense is used for the future, to bring the delightful prospect more vividly before the budding demagogue's eyes. 26 - III II E IX divip péytotos. AA. eitré plot, kal trós éyò &AAavrotróAms &v divºp yeviño optat ; test is over and the Sausage-seller has really ousted the Leather-seller, we shall find Demosthenes reminding him that he has now indeed become a Man, and owes it to the advice of Demo- sthenes & xaſpe ka?Atviks, kai pepluma' 3rt divip yeyévmoral 5t’ π, infra 1254. So when the Ten Thousand of the Anabasis were threatening Byzantium, and calling upon Xenophon to lead them to the assault: “Now Xenophon,” they cried, “now is your chance of AH. 31' airò ydip rot rotiro kai yüyvet péyas, 180 ðrú troumpès kóš dyopæs éi kal 6pagús. AA. oik ’yö 'uavrov ioxõetu péya. AH. offlot, tí irot' to 6’ 3rt gavrov of pſis à étov; A A. amº * Af £vvetőéval tí plot 8okeſs oravrò kaxóv. pºv čk kaxóvei kāya.0óv; AA. p18. Toys 6eoës, - 185 2 V 2 * jº º A a". Af ei pº 'k trovnpöv y'. AH. & piakóple ris Túxms, ãorov trétrov6as dyadov eis r& trpäypiata. AA. &AA’, &yá6', où8é pova'ukºv čnía Tapai, TAñv ypappudºrov, kai Taira piévrot kakö, kakós. AH. Touri pāvov o' #8Aayev, Šti kai kakö, kakós. 190 # 8mplayoyſa 'yöp oë Tpos plovaukoſ, 3/ × 5 * y *A 5 NW * *A Af ër’éotiv &vépôs oë8& Xpmaroo roës Tpótovs, &AA’ eis diplo.67 kai 38eXvpóv. dAA& pil trapſis & arou 8v860.0’év toſs Aoytowruv of 6eoí. AA. trós 87tá pma' 6 xpmapás ; AH. e5 vi) toys 6eoës 195 kai troukiao’s tros kai goſpós tivuypévos. 179. duip yewijgopal] When the con- becoming a Man; vov oroi géearly, & sevoºpów, divöpi yewéoréat. Here is a city for you, here is a fleet, here is wealth, here are your soldiers.”—Anab. vii. 1. 21. divip in these passages means “a personage of importance.” It is used in a slightly different sense infra 392, where see the note. 184. £vvetőévat ... ka)\óv] He fears that the Sausage-seller's conscience is con- victing him of some—not demerit but— 'merit; for anything in the nature of a virtue would militate against his chance of becoming a successful dema- gogue. T H E KNIG HTS 27 A Man most mighty! S.S. Humbug How can I, A sausage-selling chap, become a Man? Why, that's the very thing will make you great, Your roguery, impudence, and agora-training. I am not worthy of great power, methinks. O me, not worthy what's the matter now 2 You've got, I fear, some good upon your conscience. Spring you from gentlemen? From downright blackguards. S.S. By the powers, not I. DE. Lucky, lucky man, O what a start you’ve got for public life. S.S. But I know nothing, friend, beyond my letters, And even of them but little, and that badly. The mischief is that you know ANYTHING. To be a Demus-leader is not now For lettered men, nor yet for honest men, But for the base and ignorant. Don't let slip The bright occasion which the Gods provide you. S.S. How goes the oracle? DE. Full of promise good, Wrapped up in cunning enigmatic words. 186. ei p'il 'k trovnpóv] Ei puji is here merely the equivalent of d\\ä, as in Lys. 943 and Thesm. 898, where see the note. 189. ypappudrov]"Ott Hovorukºv rºw éykū- k\tov trauðeiavºnori. ypáppara öé rà rpóra orrotxeia.-Scholiast. This is one of the passages, indeed the only known pas- sage (unless we are to add the simile of the Eels), which Eupolis borrowed for his Maricas. “Maricas, qui est Hyperbolus, nihil se ea musicis scire nisi literas confitetur.”—Quintilian, Inst. i. 10. 18. It is also drawn upon, as Porson points out, for the description which Procopius gives of John of Cap- padocia, the vicious minister of the Emperor Justinian ; Adyav pièv róv čAev- 6epiov kai trauðeias divijkoos fivº oi yüp &AAo oùöév, is ypapparuo rot qourów, Émaéev, 3rt paſſ ypáppara, kai Taira kakä kakós, ypáyat. —De Bell. Pers. i. 24. 190. rovri uávov]'Apeivov fioréa, pnaiv, ei pumöé rºv dpx|v ćirelpáðms róv ypappudºrov. —Scholiast. Had the sausage-seller been able to assert his total ignorance all would have been well; it is the exception, however slight, that tells against his chances of success as a demagogue. 28 III II E IX ‘AAA’ 6tórav påpyrm 8vporateros dykvåoxefams yappm}\fiat 8pákovta kodëepov aiparotrórny, 8) Tóre IIaq}\ayóvov pièv diróXXvral # orkopoë4\plm, kot}\tomóAmoru 8& 6eos péya kū80s &md.ºet, 200 at key pº troAeſv &AAávras piéAAov ÉNovrat. AA. AH. AA. tí 8' dykvXoxetàms éotiv ; ðrt dyköNats taſs Xepariv &pirášov ºpépel. AA. à èpdikov & Trpos tí; trós obv trpès épé raûr' éarív ; divačíðaoké ple. 2 Bupa'aſeros pièv 6 IIaq}\ayóv éa 6' oiroo’i. AH. airó arov Aéyet, 205 AH. Toijro trepiqavéotarov. à épákov yap art pakpov & T &AAás at Hakpóv. eið’ aiparotrórms oró’ & T' &AAás Xà épékov. Töv of v 8pákovrá pmol Tov Svporaterov #öm kpatijoeuv, at ke piñ 6a)\pôf Aóyots. tà piev Aóyi' aikáNAet ue' 6avpd{o 3’ &nos AA. 210 an > Töv Šipov olós T' étrutpotrečelv eip' yo. AH. / 3/ • AP ef * A pavXóratov pyov' raû6 &nep Troteſs trotel: 197. 'AAA' émérav] The oracle with its àNN’ 6trórav and its 8) rére is framed in the language, and on the lines of recognized oracular utterances. It was doubtless in Lucian's mind when he composed the oracle in his Jupiter Tragoedus 31: àAA’ &rav aiyumös Yapıſpávvyos ékpiða plāppm, 8) rôre Aoto 00V Öpflpopópot k\áYêoval icopóvat. 8wporateros the tanner-eagle is formed in imitation of Xpworateros the Golden Eagle, dykvXoxeiMms is in both Homer and Hesiod an epithet of the Eagle or other bird of prey. '. 198. KoāNepov] A dunce, a dullard, though indeed the word may be here used either as a substantive or as an adjective. It is treated as the per- sonification of Stupidity infra 221. And Plutarch tells us that Cimon, the father of Miltiades and grandfather of the more celebrated Cimon, was 8t’ eià6etav airoi, nicknamed KoāNepos (Cimon 4). Here it seems to convey a reproach on the sausage-seller's want of ambition, and his extreme slowness to appreciate and rise to the height of his good fortune. 199, oxopočáApnl In tanning, as in the analogous process of tawing, some fluid of an acid character is required T H E KNIGHTS 29 NAY, BUT IF oncE THE EAGLE, THE BLACK-TANNED MANDIBLE-CURVER, SEIZE WITH HIs BEAK THE SERPENT, THE DULLARD, THE DRINKER OF LIFE- BLOOD, THEN SHALL THE SHARP SouB BRINE OF THE PAPHLAGON-TRIBE BE EX- TINGUISHED, THEN TO THE ENTRAIL-SELLERS SHALL GoD GREAT GLORY AND HONOUR RENDER, UNLESS THEY ELECT TO CONTINUE THE SALE OF THE SAUSAGE. DE. That's self-evident. S.S. But what in the world has this to do with me? DE. The black-tanned Eagle, that means Paphlagon. S.S. And what the mandibles? His fingers, crooked to carry off their prey. S. What does the Serpent mean? rpent. DE. That’s plainer still. A serpent’s long; a sausage too is long. drink blood, and sausages drink blood. The Serpent then, it says, shall overcome The black-tanned Eagle, if its not talked over. S.S. I like the lines: but how can I, I wonder, Contrive to manage Demus’s affairs. DE. Why nothing’s easier. Do what now you do : for the purpose of raising the hide, that is, of softening it and opening its pores. In modern times various fluids have been used for this purpose; and it can- not be doubted that in Athens orkopo- ôá\pm was the fluid employed. Hence the use of the word here; and hence, infra 1095, Athene is described as pouring out okopoèd)\pm on the head of the tanner. Mitchell, almost the only commentator who recognized its con- nexion with the tan-pit, proposed to call it “tan-pickle.” 204, airó arov Aéyet] That speaks for itself; Res ipsa loquitur. See Wasps 92.1 röttpāypa... airò Soń, and the note there. 210. 6a)\póñ] Softened by, and so unable to resist. Teraivo is used in precisely the same signification by Euripides; #v 8 is A6-yovs re kai ră răv6' oikrio- para|3Aérastretravéſis.-Heracleidae 159. And this, I imagine, explains the refer- ence which a Scholiast makes to that play, trap48more rôvidušov čá Hpak\etőőv Eöpuríðov. The reference is indeed attributed to 214 infra, but there is nothing in the Tragedy which in any way corresponds to that line. It must however be remembered that though the date of the Heracleidae is unknown, it is generally supposed to be subsequent to the date of the Knights. 30 - III II E IX Töpatte kai Xépôev' époi Tà Tpdyplato. &mavra, kal rôv 87pov dei trpoo trotoſ, 215 itroyAvkaívov gmplarious playeuptkoſs. T& 8' &AAa orot trpóoreott &muayoyukë, ºpovi, puapā, yéyovas kakós, dyópatos él. ëxels &navta trpès troAttstav & 8eſ. Xpmap.of re avp;8aivoval kai Tô IIvöukóv. 220 &AA& are pavoi, kai atrévêe Tó KoaXépup: 3/ 3. a *A 3/ 8 Xotros apavvel Tov avopa. AA. kai tís éðppaxos Af a * V */ Af yevſjoretat plot; kai yap of Te TAoûortot 8eêiaow airóv 8 te Trévms 386MAet Aedºs. AH. dXX' eigtv inſtreſs divöpes &ya.0oi XíAtol 225 a & puoroúvres airóv, of Bom6;forovo'ſ orot, kai Tôv troXtróv oi kakoſ Te kāya.6oi, kai Tôv 6eatów Śortus éati 8eštěs, köyö per' airóv. X6 6.e0s £vXXffyretat. kai pº 86819” of yap atuv čámkaopévos. 230 214. Xópöeve] Tà èvrepa rôv terparróðov xopôās kakoúort' kai rooro ojv diró ris réxvns toū āAAavrotróNov rô 8vopa sipmrat. &amep yap, pnori, yepiſeus kai trampoſs rà &vrepa travrös rot pupdparos, oùroo’i Xóp- 8eve kai rātroXtruká.—Scholiast. Bearing in mind that the language is borrowed from the business of a pork-butcher, we may safely conclude that in .8mpov there is a play upon Ömuðv fat, as infra 954, Wasps 40. * 218. ‘povi, K.T.A..] In addition to the special qualifications derived from his special business, he has all the natural qualifications already possessed by Cleon for the post of demagogue; the loud brutal voice, the low birth, and the impudence with which the Agora en- dows its frequenters. 224, 38% Aet] Is frightened out of its wits at him, so as intô rod 8&ovs 86eiv, Plutus 693. So in Lys. 354 ri 386MAeó’ fiuās; why are ye so mortally afraid of ws 2 It exactly answers to our vulgar word to funk. The Scholiast and Suidas explain it by karantén Xmye, 88exõrreraſ, rovréort utore. Hesychius, more accu- rately, by Seólévat, rpépetv, # 86eiv. 225. intreſs xi\tou] The Athenian cavalry consisted of 1,000 young men commanded by two trirapyot ; each tribe contributing 100 men under their own qū)\apxos. See Birds 799; Aristotle's Polity of Athens, chap.61; Demosthenes, de Symmoriis, $15. That this was their actual, and not a mere round, number is plain from the statement of Hesychius (s. v. ‘Ittreſs) that we learn from Philo- T H E KNIG HTS 31 Mince, hash, and mash up everything together. Win over Demus with the savoury sauce Of little cookery phrases. You’ve already Whatever else a Demagogue requires. A brutal voice, low birth, an agora training; Why you’ve got all one wants for public life. The Pythian shrine and oracles concur. Crown, crown your head; pour wine to mighty—Dulness; Prepare to fight the man. S.S. But what ally Will stand beside me, for the wealthy men Tremble before him, and the poor folk blench. DE. A thousand Knights, all honest men and true, Detest the scoundrel, and will help the cause; And whosoe'er is noblest in the State, And whosoe'er is brightest in the tiers, And I myself. And God will lend his aid. And fear him not; he is not pictured really; chorus the date at which that particular number was established. And though some put the number at 1,200 (Ando- cides de Pace 7; Aeschines de F. L. 185; Aristotle, Polity of Athens, chap.24), the discrepancy appears to be occasioned by their including the 200 introróšorat in the general term intreſs. See Thucydides ii. 13; Xenophon, Hipparchicus ix. 3; Boeckh, P. E. ii. 21. 227. ka)\ot re kāya&oi] This expression, very common in these Comedies, means men who had been trained up to the highest mark of Athenian education, both physical and mental; the ka?\ol referring to the physical, and the dya&oi to the mental training. Aristophanes himself describes them in the Frogs as āv- öpas etyevels kai oróg povas, kai rpaq Évras év traMaiorpats kai Xopots kai povoruki, kai ôukalovs. They were, in fact, the educated classes at Athens. As such they would naturally be opposed to the demagogues, but it seems to me a misuse of language to attribute (as has been the fashion since Grote's time) some political significance to phrases like this. An Athenian of the highest education and breeding would be a ka)\ös käya60s, whatever his political views. 230. śćnkaopévos] The actors person- ating Demosthenes and Nicias would be wearing masks which bore a grotesque resemblance to the familiar counte- nances of those two famous Athenians. And the audience would naturally expect that when Paphlagon entered they would behold a mask fashioned to 32 III II E IX trô rod 8éovs y&p at Töv of 8ets #6eXe Töv aſkevoirotöv eikdºoral. trövtos ye pºv yvooróño'etal rô y&p 6éarpov Šešuáv. NI. IIA. où tot pi& toos 868eka 6eoës Xaupija'etov, oluoi kakoëaipov, 6 IIaſp?Aayóv ééépxetal. 235 ëriñ 'tri Tô 8ſiuq) ºvvóplvvrov tróAal. touri tí ópá tê XaAkiölköv troTiptov ; oëk a 6 &mos oë XaXkiöéas &ptoratov. &moxeto,00v, &troflavéſorðov, & puaporára). AH. oùros, tí 'pet'yels; oil pieveſs; 6 yevvá80. 240 &AAavrom 6\a, piñ trpoègs to trogypato. 3/ C amº /* * & A. &vêpes inſtreſs, trapayévéa 6e vöv 6 kalpós. & Xiuov, represent the features of the masterful demagogue. The poet warns them that this will not be so; that Paphlagon's mask will not be made in the likeness of any individual. This is all that the passage means; and the story which the ancient grammarians have woven about it, that neither mask nor actor could be obtained for the character, and that Aristophanes was obliged to act the part himself, without a mask, but with his features stained with vermilion or wine-lees, is totally unde- serving of credit. The time had long passed when the Comic poets were themselves actors. The three principal actors were now provided by the State. Equally improbable is the idea mooted by some recent critics that this speech is a prelude to the entrance of Paph- lagon wearing an excellent portrait- mask of Cleon. 234. otpot kakoëaipovl Nicias, now represented by a choregic actor, runs in to announce that Paphlagon is awake, and is on the point of descending on the pair who are hopefully plotting his ruin. And at his heels comes Paph- lagon himself, with his dreadful voice, his overbearing mien, and his ferocious threats. So soon as he sees them he fulminates against them both the most terrible charge that can be brought at Athens, the charge of conspiring against the Sovereign Demus. At first he has nothing on which to base the charge, but he is a man of infinite resource (infra 758): and as his eye roves round the scene it falls upon the Chalcidian cup out of which Demo- sthenes has been drinking. Hah! that is enough. Why here is actually a Chalcidian cup ! Beyond all doubt they are inciting the Chalcidians to revolt. It is, to use Mr. Walsh's illustration, as if an English statesman were accused of intriguing with the Chinese empire, because he chanced to be drinking tea out of a chima cup. Anyhow it is in Paphlagon's eyes the most damning T H E KNIG HTS 33 For all the mask-providers feared to mould His actual likeness; but our audience here Are shrewd and bright; they'll recognize the man. NIC. Mercy upon us! here comes Paphlagon. PAPHLAGON. By the Twelve Gods, you two shall pay for this, Always conspiring, plotting ill to Demus ! What’s this Chalcidian goblet doing here ? Hah! ye're inciting Chalcis to revolt. Villains and traitors ye shall die the death. DE. (To S.S.) Hi! where are you off to ? stop ! For goodness sake, Don't fail us now, most doughty Sausage-seller I Hasten up, my gallant horsemen, now’s the time your foe to fight. proof of treason. No other explanation is possible, oùk éorð’ 8vos ob. Therefore they shall both die; cf. Supra 68. The terror inspired by these fulminations is so great that the Sausage-seller turns to flee. This charge of conspiracy is made again and again by Paphlagon (257, 452, 476, 628, cf. also 862); and we may be sure that it was the com- monest of charges on the lips of Cleon. It is also repeatedly found in the Wasps, which is the complement of the Knights. The reference to the Chalcidians is no doubt to Chalcidice in Macedonia, or, as it is more commonly described, in Thrace. That district was already in a ferment, and before another year had passed its cities were welcoming Brasidas as their deliverer, each wish- ing to be the first to revolt, Thuc. iv. 108, &c. XaAktöukā morápta' toros diró ris XaAkiöos ris epakukňs eiðokupoğvra. — Athenaeus xi. 106. 235. roës 868eka Beočs] An oath by a single deity will not suffice for Paph- _º lagon. He must needs swear by all the Twelve Great Gods who sit at the council-board of Olympus. Of these six were Gods, Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Ares, Hephaestus, and Hermes; and six were Goddesses, Hera, Athene, Artemis, Aphrodite, Demeter, and Hestia. Cf. Birds 95. 242. čvöpes intreſs] The appearance of Paphlagon on the stage is immediately followed by the sound of his antagonists, the Knights, coming at full speed into the orchestra below. They were prob- ably dressed in the costume, as they were certainly wearing the long hair, which distinguished the Athenian intreſs. The Scholiast says that Simon and Panaetius were the two intrapxot (see the note on 225 supra); and Simon is supposed to be the author of the treatise trepi Ittirukňs which is cited, and largely adopted, by Xenophon in his work on the same subject. Some MSS. prefix the name of Demosthenes to line 244; and if this be correct, it may be that the 34 III II E IX & IIavaírt', oùk éAåre Tpès to Öeštěv képas; 2 &vêpes éyyús' d?\X' dutvov, kámavaotpépov trgºuv. ô Kovuoptós 37Nos airów Ós époi trpookeupévov. 245 w gº * &AX &ptivov kai 8toke kai Tpotrºv airod trotoſ). XO. trate trafé tov travoúpyov kai Tapaštirtróarpatov kai TeXóvnv kai pāpayya kai Xópv68w &pirayfis, kai travoúpyov kai travoúpyov troAAákus yap air Épé, kai yap oitos fiv travoúpyos troXAókus tſis #1épas. 250 dAX& Traſe kai 8toke kai Tàpatte kai kūka kai 38eXúrtov, kal yèp peſs, kātrikefuevos Bóa. ečAa300 & paſſ 'kºpó)n are: kal yèp oièe T&s 680ès, &otrep Eökpárms éqevyev eijóð Töv kvpm/3íov. IIA. 6 yepovres #xtaotai, ppäropes TptogóNov, 255 present line and that which follows were spoken by the Coryphaeus as the Chorus are approaching the orchestra; but though there is much to recommend that arrangement, yet I think it more probable that they are spoken by Demo- sthenes. The direction oik Märe trpès rê Sečºv képas; seems to have no relation to the actual evolutions of the Chorus: it is just such an order as the real Demosthenes might, when in command of the army, have given to the real captains of the cavalry. Cf. Birds 353. 245. Öpool Tô 6pot Aéyovoruv 'Arrukoi àvri rod Éyyús. Ös kai év Eipſium (513) “kai p;|v ćpoo’orriv föm.”—Scholiast. Öpod duri roo €yyös trapá rols 'Arrukoºs.-Scholiast on Thesm. 572. This is a good instance of what the grammarians mean when they say that one form is ‘EXAmvikós and another 'Arrukós, for éyyös is common in all Attic writers. In these very Comedies it occurs thirteen times, and ôpod, in this sense, only thrice. See the Introduction to this play. However, as was observed in the Commentary on the Thesmophoriazusae, the two words are not precisely identical in meaning; 6pod indicating a nearer proximity than éyyús. The Chorus were éyyès, near, in the preceding line; they are 6pot, close at hand, in this. 247. Tate traie] The Knights, twenty- four in number, have come pouring through the etoroëos into the orchestra, breathing out fire and vengeance against their adversary. Tapaśurtrö- orrparov, troubler-of-the-horse-array, they call him, with an obvious reference, as Neil observes, to the Tapášintros, the name to which an altar was erected at Olympia and elsewhere, and which is supposed (by Pausanias vi. 20) to have been an appellation of IIoaresbów intrios. By re)\óvns we are here to understand one who gets the tolls and taxes, réAm, T H E KNIG HTS 35 Now then Simon, now Panaetius, charge with fury on the right. Here they’re coming ! Worthy fellow, wheel about, commence the fray; Lo, the dust of many horsemen rushing on in close array ! Turn upon him, fight him, smite him, scout him, rout him, every way. CHORUS, Smite the rascal, smite him, smite him, troubler of our Knightly train, Foul extortioner, Charybdis, bottomless abyss of gain. Smite the rascal; Smite the rascal; many times the word I’ll say, For he proved himself a rascal many, many times a day. Therefore smite him, chase him, pound him, rend and rattle and confound him Show your loathing, show as we do; press with angry shouts around him. Take you heed, or he'll evade you; watch him closely, for the man Knows how Eucrates escaped us, fleeing to his stores of bran. PAPH. O my Heliastic veterans, of the great Triobol clan, into his own hands, and thereout sucks no small advantage. We are not told, but it is very probable, that he farmed the Téâm, as a later demagogue, Agyrrhius, did. See the note on Eccl. 102, and the special reference to réAn infra 307. ‘papayá means literally a chasm in the earth, rö täs yńs 8ápatºpov, rô diróaxiopia ths yns, 6 rô Trapepam introv č8op trivet, as the Scholiast explains it; and Kock appropriately cites Horace, Ep. i. 15. 31 “Pernicies, et tempestas, barathrumque macelli.” With Xàpv68w épirayfis the same Commentator compares Cicero's Second Philippic, chap. 27, where the orator, describing Antony's greed and dissipation, exclaims Quae Charybdis tam voraac 2 and his De Oratore iii. 41. 252. kai yap jue's] Loathe him, they say, for we too loathe him. But they do not say strike him, for we too strike him. For they are in the orchestra, and he is on the stage; and except by word and gesture they can take no part in the fray. 254. Eökpárms] As to Eucrates see supra 129. We know nothing of the incident to which the Chorus refer. But we know that this demagogue was a orvittreuomáXms and a kvpmbiotróXms, and it seems reasonable to infer that he escaped from some outburst of popular anger by taking refuge in his own warehouses. 255. & yépovres j\vao rail At once, when he finds himself assailed, he calls on the dicasts to help him: just as in the Wasps, when the dicasts are foiled, they send for aid to Cleon; Wasps 409. For between the demagogues and the dicasts there subsisted a constant alli- ance, which it was the object of that Comedy to dissolve. See the last few pages of the Introduction to the Wasps. The demagogues courted the dicasts by securing them their fees, by enlarging the emoluments and diminishing the D 2 36 III II E IX ois Éyô 66ako kekpayós kai &ikato, káðuka, trapagom6eſö, Ös it’ &vépôv Túrrogat £vvoporóv. XO. év Šíkm y', Štrei Tô kow& Trpiv Naxeſv Karea:0tets, kátroovkášeus truášov toys intev6ávows, okotrów ef 3 e. 2 / 3. *A Af “A *A A oatus avrov opios eativ m tretrov m plm Tretrov. 260 y y y e. an 3. A 3 y * Af KOZI/ T11/ OZUTCOM’ yvºos atrpayptov O!/TO. KOZL Kexnvota, karayayêvék Xeppovijo ov, Šuaga\öv, dykvptoras, º 9 z- eit’ &mootpéras rôv &plov, airóv Švekoxi|Saoras' a a- a e y * * kai o Kotreſs ye Töv troXtróv Šotus éotiv ćplvokóv, labours of their office; and the dicasts, in their turn, were the influential sup- port of the demagogues in the Public Assemblies. And to these formidable old men the charge of ovvopooria was like the cry of “Rats” to a terrier. “Who said consPIRATORs 2" &s ām‘av6' juiv rvpavvis éorru kai évvopérat, says Bdely- cleon to the dicasts in Wasps 488. 258. Trpiv Naxeiv) The metaphor is taken from a greedy guest, who helps himself out of the common mess before his turn has arrived; m peraq opä diró rôv ev rois beinrvous āpiraçávrov trpó 8tavopºns, as the Scholiast says. See Lysistrata 208. Kock's notion that there is here an allusion to the distribution of land in Lesbos as allotments, k\ſipov (Thuc. iii. 50), seems wide of the mark. Neither in this play nor anywhere else is any charge brought against Cleon in this respect; nor is the suggestion altogether in keeping with the context here. 259. droovkášeus] This word is em- ployed for two purposes; first to in- troduce the idea of ovkoºpavria, and then to commence a metaphor from persons gathering figs. All officials were re- quired to pass their accounts; see Wasps 571, 587, and the notes there. And they must have had an anxious time when those accounts were being overhauled by some unscrupulous demagogue, ready to pick holes in them on any pretence, and capable of influencing against the ac- counting parties both the Assemblies and the dicasteries. This may well have given rise to a regular system of blackmail. ui rérov means not quite ripe. - 262. 6tašaNáv] No feature of Paph- lagon's character is more prominently brought out in this Comedy than his 6ta- 30Åai, the slanderous accusations which he levelled against all sorts and con- ditions of men. See on line 7 supra. Allusions to this practice occur in the most unexpected places. Here for 8ta- Aa3&v, grasping him round the body, Ari- stophanessubstitutesötaga}\tov,calumniat- ing him, exactly as infra 491 for 8ta\ağās he substitutes 8tagoNds. 81a)\agöv of course, like the participles which follow, is a term of the palaestra; and some difficulty has been felt by reason of the abrupt change of metaphor, from fig- gathering to wrestling; and Professor Mahaffy (Hermathema i. 137) would read T H E KNIG HTS 37 Whom through right and wrong I mourish, bawling, shouting all I can, Help me, by conspiring traitors shamefully abused and beaten. CHOR. Rightly, for the public commons you before your turn have eaten, And you squeeze the audit-passers, pinching them like figs, to try Which is ripe, and which is ripening, which is very crude and dry. Find you one of easy temper, mouth agape, and vacant look, Back from Chersonese you bring him, grasp him firmly, fix your hook, Twist his shoulder back and, glibly, gulp the victim down at once. And you search amongst the townsmen for some lambkin-witted dunce, in the next line épév for duov, and preserve the fig-metaphor throughout. But it seems clear that we are now dealing with the language of the gymnasium. See Norman Gardiner's illustrated article on “Wrestling ” in the Journal of Hellenic Studies. Sua- Aaflèv (understood under ötaSaM&v) is a technical word in that connexion; dyköptopa is an eiðos traMaiopiaros, a oxmpia rôv év táAm, a oxmpa traMalatpuköv, Scholiast, Hesychius, s.v., Pollux iii. 155, Bekker's Anecdota, p. 327, Id. Anti- Atticista, p. 81. 4. The last-mentioned grammarian quotes the words āyxvpigas éppméev, attributing them, wrongly, to the present Comedy, dykupićew means “to hook your leg round your antago- nist's, so as to trip him up and throw him.” It has much the same significa- tion as inookeNišstv, by which the Scholiast explains it, and which Demo- sthenes (de Corona 176) couples with ovkoºpavréiv. Finally dirootpéras rôv duov is “twisting back his shoulder,” an operation displayed in many of the illustrations in Mr. Gardiner's article. 263. Švekox#8aoras] Having got his antagonist into this helpless attitude, what does Paphlagon do with him? He opens his mouth and swallows him down whole at a gulp, just as a boa-constrictor disposes of its victim. This is a tribute to the boundless voracity of the de- magogue. The word is explained by karatrétrokas or karéties by the gram- marians; the Scholiast here, Hesychius, Etym. Magn. and Eustathius at Od. xvii. 222. The same interpretation is given by Suidas, s.v. čko)\á3moras, and he adds, quite accurately, 800Aerat 8& Aéyew ðrt àv àu Tapa)\á8m, àpômv diróAAvoruv. But Suidas also adds another explanation, trapā to éiri kóNots 8aivetv' kóNa 8é à yagrip. See the Scholiast on Clouds 552. Whence some have taken the word to mean that after throwing him he leapt upon him; cf. Clouds 550. But I make no doubt that the common view is correct, and that we are to con- sider the unfortunate official entirely absorbed into the rapacious maw of the demagogue. 264. Orkoiréis] You have your eye upon him. The word is intended to recall the orkonºv of 259, bringing with it all the consequences described in lines 262, 263. 38 III II E IX TAoûotos kai puji troumpès kai tpépov Tó, trpáygata. 2 2 : e- y \ º } t , , e, Af £vvetriketo 6' preſs; yo 8, &vêpes, 8t' (plås Túrropal, FIA. 265 ört Aéyew yvöpumv ćueXXov Ós 3ikatov čv tróNew iotăval pivnpetov čplēv čo Tuv duðpeias Xáplu. XO. t * a' & zº, y Aº dotrepel yépovros pés, käkkoğaxukeiſerat ; 6s 8' &Aaçöv, Ös & pºoróXms: eiðes of Štrépxeral 270 dAA’ &v raûrm trapéAón, Tavrmi treatXīšetal' #v 8' trekkAtvm ye 8evpi, trpès orkéAos kvpm3&oret. IIA. & TóAus kai &mp', Öq' otov 6mptov yao Tpišopiat. XO. kal kékpayas, 60tep dei Tàu TrôAtu kataqtpépet; y AA. &XX #yó ore Tì (3ofi Tatºrm ye trpóto Tpéroplat. 275 XO. &AA’ &v pévrot ye vikás Tfi (30ſ, táveXXos él. “A #v 3’ &vauðeig trapéA6ms, juérepos 6 trupapaoûs. 266. Túrrouail By these low fellows, the slave and the sausage-seller. He is merely seeking to curry favour with the Chorus, as at other times with Demus. We are not to suppose that Cleon ever thought of proposing any measure in honour of the Knights. They were at daggers drawn in the political arena, as they are in this Comedy. 269. HäoróMms] A supple sneak. Liter- ally “a thong of leather, dressed and softened,” and so rendered flexible. iðtos é HepiaNaypévos A&pos.-Scholiast at Clouds 449. pudoróAms 8e kvpios ipſis pepakayuévos.-Scholiast here. Though apparently a recognized term of vitu- peration, it is of course peculiarly ap- propriate to the 8vporoöéºrms. Cf. infra 389. For inrépxeral, “comes under,” possibly the best English translation is the exact opposite, comes over. 271. TrapéA6m] I have substituted this word for the MS. ye vuká, which is here manifestly out of place. There is no question, at this stage, of a victory for Paphlagon. He is obviously over- matched, and is crying out for help ; whilst the Chorus fear, not that he will overcome, but that he will escape from, their champions. They are now in- dignant at his endeavour to come over them by the grossest flattery, as if they, the gallant young Knights, were drivel- ling old dotards, and they mean to show him that they have all their wits about them. They will arrest his flight in whichever direction he attempts to flee. If he comes that way, says the Coryphaeus, there shall he feel the weight of my arm (rés xeipas àeiruvoru, Scholiast); if this way, here will he find himself butting against my leg. The Chorus are endeavouring to obstruct both his ways of escape ; one with their hands, the other with their outstretched legs. I imagine that the eye of the copyist was confused by seeing the words ye vukås and trapéA6ms a very few T H E KNIGHTS 39 Wealthy, void of tricks and malice, shuddering at disputes and fuss. PAPH. You assail me too, my masters ? 'tis for you they beat me thus; 'Tis because I thought of moving that 'twere proper here to make Some memorial of your worships for your noble valour's sake. CHOR. Hear him trying to cajole us! O the supple-bending sneak, Playing off his tricks upon us, as on dotards old and weak. Nay, but there my arm shall Smite him if to pass you there he seek; If he dodge in this direction, here against my leg he butts. PAPH. Athens ! Demus I see the monsters, see them punch me in the guts. CHOR. Shouting, are you? you who always by your shouts subvert the town. S.S. But in this I’ll first surpass him ; thus I shout the fellow down. CHOR. If in bawling you defeat him, sing we ho! for Victory’s sake. If in shamelessness you beat him, then indeed we take the cake. (five and six) lines below employed as synonyms, and occupying the same position in two successive lines; and that by some oversight the wrong synonym was transferred to this place. ye vuká is here susceptible of no rational interpretation. 272, trpès oké\os kvpmbāoret] Shall butt, like a he-goat, against my leg. Paphlagon is attempting to bolt with his head down from his persecutors. The Scholiast says that there was a stage-direction, trapetraypaſpii, to that effect; trapertypaqº be, avykékvºbe yāp kai intô róv 8tokóvrov rán retat. 275. dAN’ eyā, K.T.A..] Hitherto the Sausage-seller, though joining in the assault on Paphlagon, has not opened his lips, but now all at once he sees his opportunity. Paphlagon has been bawling at the top of his puapā ‘bovň; but the Sausage-seller has a puapā (povi, too, supra 218; he will see if he cannot outbawl Paphlagon. At the first sound of those stentorian lungs the Kekpašt- ôápas (Wasps 596) feels that there is a formidable rival in the field; and in a moment, though knowing nothing of his antecedents, threatens to denounce him before the dicasteries on a charge of treason. By Tpſora the Sausage- seller means that to outbawl the leather-seller is only the first step in the combat ; he will afterwards have to out-impudence him. 276. Tāveh)os] This word seems to have been coined by Aristophanes with reference to the song of triumph com- posed by Archilochus, riveAAa kaWAivuke, a song with which the Comedies of the Acharmians and the Birds are closed, and which was the equivalent of our “See the conquering hero comes ' " It means, as the Scholiast and Suidas observe, vukmq6pos. If he can outbawl Paphlagon they will hail him as a victor; but this is not sufficient : he must surpass him in impudence as well 40 III II E IX IIA. Tovrovë rov čvép' éyò 'včeſkvvpu, kai piu èéáyeuv sº . 2 Af Af tatoru IIexotrovvmoríov tpumpeo'l (oplećplata. AA. vai pº. Aſa kāyoye roſtov, Šrt kevi tā kot)\{g 280 3. V 3. *A a's º Aº y Aº. Af eiorópapóveis rô Trpvraveſov, eita tráAuv čkóef tr}\ég. 2 AH. v.) At’, ‘āāyov ye Tamóppmö, äu' àprov kai kpéas kai Tépaxos, of IIepukAéms oëk #160m trómore. IIA. droflavéſorðov airíka pudºxa. AA. Tputrāāortov kekpášopiat orov. 285 IIA. kata/3offo'opiat 806v ore. AA. katakekpášoplaf ore kpáčov. a 3 * * IIA. ôlaga)\6 o', &v otpatmyńs. AA. kvvokotrija o orov to vöTov. as in noise; then only will the victory be complete; then the prize-cake will be ours. The phrase juérepos 6 trupa- pods occurs again in Thesm.94, where it is more fully explained. The Scholiast here says IIvpauois' elbos tradkoúvros ék péAvros éq600 kai Tupév treqpuyuévov, Ös kai ormorapods rô Suá ormoráplov. raúra öé ériðeorav ć6\a roſs Suaypurvm rais. eió6aori ºyàp év toſs orvpatroorious āput)\\aoréat Tepi dypvrvias, kai à èuaypurvāgas piéxpt tºs éo éAáp8ave rôv Tupapotivra. No distinction is intended between the victory of the Sausage-seller (riveAAos ei) and the victory of the Chorus (ºpć repos é Tupa- pods). For this purpose their interests are identical ; he is their champion. The victory of the one is the victory of the other. 278. Švöeikvvut] What is to be done about this formidable stranger ? As to this Paphlagon has no doubt. He at once indicts him as a traitor who (like Thorycion in Frogs 362–4) exports contraband of war, diróppmra, forbidden stores, for the use of triremes. 279. Kopećpara] Rich sauces. In a storm at sea, when a ship was so beaten and broken by the winds and waves that it seemed doubtful if her planks would hold together, it was customary to undergird or “frap" her, by passing strong cables or chains underneath her keel, made fast at each end on the deck. These cables or chains were called intočápara and were part of the regular gear of a ship, Smith of Jordanhill’s “Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul,” pp. 65–7, 173–7; Bp. Jacobson on Acts xxvii. 17. For intoğpara Paphlagon substitutes (opet- para in reference to his adversary's trade which, as we see from 146 supra, was sufficiently disclosed by his dress and culinary utensils. 280. Kevā . . . TrAég] Kevi, as he enters the Prytaneum to enjoy the orirmous there awarded him on account of the affair at Sphacteria; tràég as he leaves the the enemy's T H E KNIGHTS 41 PAPH. I denounce this smuggling fellow; contraband of war he takes For the Peloponnesian galleys, frapping them with – girdle-cakes. I denounce this juggling fellow; at the Hall, from day to day, In he runs with empty belly, with a full one hies away. - CHOR. Fish, and flesh, and bread exporting, and a hundred things like these, Contraband of peace, which never were allowed to Pericles. - S.S. PAPH. Death awaits you at once, you two. S.S. Thrice as loud can I squall as you. PAPH. Now will I bawl you down by bawling. S.S. Now will I squall you down by squalling. PAPH. Lead our armies, and I’ll backbite you. S.S. I’ll with dog-whips slash you and smite you. Prytaneum after having enjoyed the dinner. See Plautus, Truculentus i. who utters it. Paphlagon commences 2. line 2. It would seem from what follows that this oritmo is was never awarded to Pericles; probably because, as the Scholiast suggests, he was too highminded to accept it. Of Pericles Aristophanes always speaks with re- spect. The ééáyov in line 282 is an echo of the ééáyetv four lines above. 284. diroðaveto 6ov K.T.A..] Thrice, in this slanging-match between the rivals, a crisis, involving possibly a personal encounter, is indicated by a sharp little exchange of cut and thrust in a system of short verses, half the length of, but otherwise in the same metre as, the long verses immediately preceding. Here, after a series of trochaic tetra- meters, we have a set of trochaic dimeters; while at 367 and 441 infra, after iambic tetrameters, we have iambic dimeters. Every line in these little encounters is intended to be specially characteristic of the speaker with a tremendous threat, a repetition of that with which he concluded his first fulmination, supra 239. There it fairly frightened the Sausage-seller; but now that the latter has discovered the power of his own lungs, he replies with a still louder vociferation. 288. Staga\6 o'] After the shouting competition Paphlagon falls back on his more usual expedient of Ölaboxal (see the note on 262 supra), and especially of attacks on the Athenian commanders at home and abroad. The particular allusion is no doubt to the affair of Sphacteria, where Cleon had attacked as well Nicias the general at home, as Demosthenes and the generals at Pylus. The same word, 6téga)\\ev, is employed by Thucydides (iv. 27) in his account of Cleon's proceedings on that occasion. 289. Kuvokomºgo] The Scholiast says, no doubt rightly, rooro às playetpos Méyet, but the exact meaning of the word is not clear. Kvvokotrișoal, Šotrep köva rö 42 III II E IX TIA. trepiełó o' &Aağovetals. 290 AA. ūtroTeploßplat roës tróðas orov. IIA. £8Mérov eſs pi' dorkapôāplvkros. AA. ěv dyopé köyö tä0pappat. IIA. 8tapopfforo o', et ri ypúčets. AA. kompopopfforo o', ei XaXáorets. 295. IIA. ôpoxoyó k\érretv at 6' oixi. AA. và Töv ‘Eppiñv Töv dyopatov, kátruopkó ye &Aetróvrov. IIA. dAAórpta Toivuv goſpíšet, kaí ore paívo toſs trpvrávea w, 300 {{\p karaköyat.—Phryn. Bekk. 49. 3. Probably the force of kvvo- is practically lost in the compound as that of Bov- in 8ov6vreiv (see Plutus 819 and the note there), and the Sausage-seller means simply, I will score your back like a butcher cutting up a carcase. Com- pare éðevěporópºmore rô vôrov, Peace 747. 290. Treplex6] Will circumvent, infra 887. The metaphor is in the word itself, not in its usage here. Paphlagon, if foiled in his direct attack, will get round his adversary by artful and cir- cuitous methods. 291. rot's tróðas orov) The MSS. and editions read rås 6800s orov, which gives no acceptable meaning. Bergler trans- lates “obstruam vias tuas.” Brunck “molitiones tuas praecidam.” Schutz “vias et rationes tibi praecidam calum- niandi, furandi, decipiendi.” Green, “I will clip short your ways and means.” Merry, “I will give a sly cut across your path.” But even if these interpretations, or any of them, could be obtained from the Greek, they would not be appropriate in this little dia- logue. See the note on 284 supra. I have therefore changed rås 68o0s orov into rot's tróðas orov which, except for the addition of the tr, consists of the very same letters. And nothing can be more natural than that the pork-butcher should threaten to cut off the pig's feet to be served up to table as pettitoes. Athenaeus (iii. 49) quotes from the “Satyrs” of Ecphantides tróðas ºr ei ôéot trptápºevov karaqpayetv čq6obs iós; and from the Aov\oötöáorka)\os of Pherecrates, q60 kms rópos, Troös éq66s, būorkm, it should be observed, has much the same meaning as āAAås. See infra 864. 294, 8taqbophoro] I will tear you into strips, as a tanner does with his leather. korpoqophoro, I will cart you as dung, as a butcher treats the offal of his car- CàSeS. T H E KNIGHTS 43 PAPH. I’ll outwit you by fraud and lying. S.S. I’ll your pettitoes chop for frying. PAPH. Now unblinking regard me, you. S.S. I was bred in the agora too. PAPH. Say but g-r-r, and to strips I’ll tear you. S.S. Speak one word, and as dung I’ll bear you. PAPH. I confess that I steal. Do you ? S.S. Agora Hermes | yes, I do. If I’m seen, I’m a perjurer too. PAPH. Somebody else's tricks you're vaunting; Now to the Prytanes off I’ll run, 297. Eppiny rév dyopatov] 'Ev uéorm tº dyopé ièpvrat Eppot, dyopatov dyakpa.- Scholiast. As the God of commerce (Čuno- Naios) and of tricks and deceit (86)\tos) he would bein his proper place in the Agora. Kock refers to Pausanias i. 15. 1 iodori Šē trpès riv orroãv, fiv IIouki)\mu Övopºd ſovorty diró Töv ypaqāv, to ruv ‘Eppins XaXkoús kaRoß- pevos 'Ayopatos. And to Lucian's Bis Accusatus 8, where Justice, addressing Hermes, says that he consorts with men eu te yupwaorious, kai év tá áyopä kai ‘Ayopatos yāp ei, kai év rais ékkAmaials knpörrets. To which I may add the same author's Jupiter Tragoedus 33, where Zeus sees a bronze figure ap- proaching, of graceful shape and out- line, with its hair tied up in antique fashion, and says 6 orós, ò ‘Eppin, döeMºbós €o ruv, 6 'Ayopatos, 6 trapā tīv IIoukiºmy. trirrms yodu dvairéirMorai Öormuépat ékplar- tópevos inrö Töv dwóptavromotóv. As to the coating of tar mentioned in the last sentence see the note on 846 infra. 298. kämtopkój Not only will I admit that I am a thief, I admit that if any- body sees me steal, I am a perjurer too. I deny the theft upon oath even to those who witnessed it. We shall find him declaring infra 1239 that k\étrov értopkeiv kai 3Aérew évavriov constituted the entire stock of his educational acquirements. 299, d\\órpta Toivov oroqiſeul You are practising arts which belong to another, that is to myself. You are poaching on my preserves; “quasi Cleoni sit pro- prium furari et peierare,” as Bergler says, Öorei čAeye, rà épá rolvvv KAérrets' éuá čort raúra rà émixeipäuara-Scho- liast. Enraged at this invasion of his own particular province, Paphlagon at once denounces the Sausage-seller to the Prytanes (who are sitting in the Sou)\evrtköv as spectators of the Comedy, see Peace 887 and the note there) on a suddenly trumped-up and wholly irrelevant charge. 44 III II E IX döekateårovs Töv 6eów ie- pås exovra kot)\ias. XO. kpākta, toſſ oroú 6p3orovs a \ e. A trāora pièv yń TAéa, a 2 º' Af trāora ö’ékk\maría, * Aº * * kai réAm, kai ypaqai, * A > * kai Sukaaript, & a' A Áop&opordàpaču, kai Tºv tróXuv &moorav #- påv ćvatervpſłakós, & puapë, kal &exvpè, kai katake- ſo Tp. a 305 310 ôotus ip6v tás A6;ivas €kkekôpokas 806v, kärö Töv retpóv čvo0ev toos pépovs 6vvvoorkotróv. for 8éov eitreºv koalas) IIapā trpoorbokiav So the Scholiast; 2 * J/ 3. p e * > * 3. y döekárevrov čxovra oioriav, 6 8& divri otorias 302. > w OUOTLOIS, étrijveykev, &s d\\avrotróMt. Though Paphlagon says róv 6eów gener- ally, it was Athene to whom tithes were payable out of confiscated estates, spoils of war, and the like. Boeckh's Public Economy iii. 4. It will be sufficient here to refer to the decrees (1) against the generals after Arginusae, (2) against Archeptolemus and Antiphon, and (3) against traitors generally, in each of which decrees it is declared that their property is to be confiscated, rö 8' émöékarov Tijs 6eoû elval, Xen. Hell. i. 7. 10; Life of Antiphon, , X Orators; Andocides de Myst. 96. The Sausage-seller is to be accused of having possessed himself of some of these confiscated estates (repre- sented by “sausages”), without having The word kothias paid rô étruèékarov tº 666. See iepās is disyllabic, as often in Aristo- phanes. 303–11. & puapé . . . dware rup8akós] The first bout is now over, and as the combatants pause the Chorus indulge themselves with a little outburst of passionate indignation against Paph- lagon, couched in that cretico-paeonic metre which was a special favourite of Aristophanes in his earlier plays. The first line is purely paeonic : three paeons. Them follow five lines purely cretic : two cretics each; while each of the last three limes consists of one paeon and one cretic. This arrangement is substantially that of the MSS. and the early editions; until Bothe and Dindorf crushed the nine lines into five and destroyed the metrical simplicity of the lyric. The form which they con- cocted has held the field ever since, and is indeed responsible for my translation. This little lyrical outburst is followed T H E KNIGHTS 45 Tell them you've got some holy pig-guts, Tell them you’ve paid no tithe thereon. CHOR. O. villain, O shameless of heart, O Bawler and Brawler self-seeking, The land, the Assembly, the Tolls, are all with thine impudence reeking, And the Courts, and the actions at law; they are full unto loathing and hate 1 Thou stirrest the mud to its depths, perturbing the whole of the State. Ruffian, who hast deafened Athens with thine everlasting din, Watching from the rocks the tribute, tunny-fashion, shoaling in. by ten trochaic tetrameters; and they by another lyric. The whole system, 303–32, is reproduced with great exact- ness, infra 382–406, save only that in the second system there are but eight (instead of ten) trochaic tetrameters. 311. divare rvp8akós] 'Avarapééas, rvp- 8áorat 88 kvpios Méyérau rô rôv Tij}\ov rapáša. — Scholiast. Compare Wasps 257 rôv Tij}\}v, àormep drrayås, rup8áorets 6aôt{ov. 313. 6vvvoorkotróv] They mean that the demagogue gets hold of the in- coming tribute as the fishermen do of the tunnies. In the Mediterranean, at certain seasons of the year, the tunnies approach the coast in vast shoals; and look-out men, 6vvvoorkómot, are stationed on the heights to detect an approach- ing shoal, and give notice to the fishing- boats which are waiting with nets to surround it. As this notice was given by shouting, a stentorian voice, a puapā pov), was as necessary a qualifi- cation for a 6vvvoorkómos as it was for a demagogue. Many passages have been collected descriptive of the tunny fishery in ancient times, from Aristotle (H. A. viii. 20, 8–10), Theocritus (iii. 26), Pliny (N. H. ix. 20), Oppian (Halieutics iii. 620 ad fin.), Philostratus (Imagines i. 13), Aelian (N. A. xiii. 16, 17), and others. See BP. Blomfield at Persae 430. To these I will only add one of Alciphron's letters (i. 17), where a fisherman complains bitterly of a look-out man (okotriopôs) who mistook the ruffling of the sea for an enormous shoal of tunnies, and got him to throw out his mets which immediately en- closed a great weight. Overjoyed, he called his neighbours to share in the sport, but when the nets were dragged to land they were found to contain nothing but a dead and putrid camel. Mitchell refers to the interesting de- scription given of the tunny fishery in Yarrell’s “British Fishes,” i. 152, which 46 III II E IX IIA. AA. ei & pil at y' oto 6a Kárrup', oë8' éyò xopéeſpata, oió' éyò to trpáypia toû6’ 66ev TräAat kattøeral. 315 ðatus Ütrotépuov čtróAets 8éppa plox6mpoſſ Boös as 3. Aº Af eſ AP "A tois &ypotrotow travočpyos, &re paſverðat Taxi, Af * ¥ a, º Aº. as: kai Trpiv fiſtèpav popfia’at, peſov fiv 8votv 80xplaiv. NI. trópatroXvv toſs &mplótatori kai pixous trapaq Xeffeiv. * Aſ y \ • 2 38 3 v ºf V Ap vi) Ato, kāpiè tour éðpoore tavröv, Öare kai yéXov 320 * * * * as, 3/ y * 9 Ae Tpiv yap elval IIepyao mouv, Évéov év Taís Épiſłóoruv. XO. ðelav, #trep pièvn Tpoatateſ 6mtópov; &pa 87t' oilk &m' dipxfis éðff}\ovs &vat- [arp. 8 325 # ori Tuotetſov dipléAyels Tóv ćévov toos kapitipovs, & Tpótos év. 6 & ‘ITToôáuov Aeigetat 6eópevos. shows that the modern system varies in no material respect from that practised in ancient times. The same learned Commentator suggests that “by the word Terpów is probably insinuated the Pnyx.” But although this sug- gestion has been accepted by several editors, it seems to me highly im- probable. The word is the most ap- propriate for the tunny-metaphor; the tribute would not be descried, or cap- tured, from the Pnyx; nor was the plural trérpal ever employed to signify the orators' Băua. I presume that it was for this reason that Dobree pro- posed to read Térpas for Terpóv here. 314. Katrūerat] Is Stitched up. Paph- lagon reverts to his “plot,” which he describes by a word borrowed from his leather-selling business. The leather swindle with which the Sausage-seller taunts him in his reply may refer, literally, to some trick in that busi- ness, or allegorically, to some political transaction. But the comment of the Chorus, that Paphlagon had in this way displayed his shamelessness dir' dpxms from the very beginning, seems to carry back the allusion to his earlier days, whilst he was still a mere leather- seller. However the whole thing is only a comic jest. 316. intoréuvøvl Cutting the leather (not straight through, but) aslant, so that it may appear thicker than it really is. says the Scholiast, tva traxéa paivnrat. ôuaq Épet yūp rô réuvetv too intorépyetv. intorépiverai yüp rà 8éppara, ôrav yap intoréuvm, traxórepov (baiveral, doréevéo repov 8é éort. Tépºvetv Šē, rô 3póñv trouetoróat thv topińv. To yap duápa)\ov rºs topºns traxármros 66&av épyáčeral. This scholium, though now attributed to line 291, must, one would think, have originally belonged to the present pas- Sage. *-- 318. Trpiu juépav popmaat) Before they had worn it a day. 60xuń is a hand's breadth, about three inches. 319. vi) Ata kāpié] This speech is in T H E KNIG HTS 47 PAPH. Well I know the very quarter where they cobbled up the plot. S.S. You're a knowing hand at cobbling, else in mincing meat I’m not ; You who cheated all the rustics with a flabby bullock-hide, Cutting it aslant to make it look like leather firm and dried; In a day, the shoes you sold them wobbled half a foot too wide. NIC. That's the very trick the rascal played the other day on me, And my friends and fellow burghers laughed with undissembled glee, I was swimming in my slippers ere I got to Pergasae. CHOR. displayed So then thou hast e'en from the first that shameless bravado Which alone is the Orators' Patron. And foremost of all by its aid Thou the wealthy strangers milkest, draining off their rich supplies; And the son of Hippodamus watches thee with streaming eyes. the MSS. given to Demosthenes, but is quite unsuited to his character; and Elmsley (Classical Journal vi. 223) transferred it to Nicias under the erro- neous belief that he belonged to the deme of Pergasae. But the “Nicias IIepyaori,6ev” of Athenaeus (xii. 52) and Aelian (W. H. iv. 23) is not the general, and probably received that specific appellation for the express purpose of distinguishing him from the general. Nevertheless, he would in all probability be a relative ; and the fact that he hailed from Pergasae may serve to show that his more famous namesake was somehow connected with that deme. Its locality is unknown, but it certainly was not far from Athens, and may have been the first stage on the way to the general's silver mines at Laureium. And the whole tone of the speech is so exactly appropriate to his character that I have not hesitated to follow Elmsley's suggestion. Beer, who seems to have possessed a special faculty for making incongruous conjectures, pro- posed to assign it to the Chorus, as if Aristophanes would have represented his gallant Knights, of all persons, as the helpless gulls of Paphlagon. With ãveov čv Taſs épôāoruv Kuster compares Ovid’s nec vagus in lawa pes tibi pelle matet, Art of Tove i. 516. 322–32. čipa 67t’ . . . koğa)\tke (paoruv) The Choral song, with which this little system concludes (see on 303–11 Supra), has a greater variety of metres than that with which it commenced. It begins with two (sometimes divided into four) cretic lines; then follow two trochaic tetrameters; then two dactylics; then another trochaic tetra- meter; and finally there are two dimeters, the first iambic, the second trochaic. 327. 6 8’ ‘Introëápov] That is, Arche- 48 III II E IX dAN pitvm y&p dvīp érepos troA) o'où puapārepos, Čate pie Xaipeiv, M asº ös are traúoret kal Trópelot, 87Xós éorriv, airóðev, travovpyíg Te kai 6páoret kai koğa)\lketplaguw. 330 > * dAA & Tpapets 66evrép eioſiv ćvêpes of repeia'i, vöv čeſ&ov dis ow8év Aéyet to oraqpóvos Tpapfival. AA. IIA. XO. IIA. 9 * , 9 2 A * ovk av p. eagels ; y º 3 3 / ovk av pi eagets ; Töv IIoaetóó, * V y Af 2 * / y & * A kai pºv droño a 6' oiós éo Tuv obtoori troXírms. 335 AA. pia. At", Štrei Köyö trovmpós eiut. 3 v 8è *A Af 2 : A. A. J ty y * éâv Šē pai) taúrm y Útreikm, Aéy' Šti kāk Tovmpóv. AA. pi. Ata. KA. vai pº. Aſo. AA. pad. 5 y 9 : * V * /* y ath * t * dAN airó trepi toſſ trpórepos eitreſv trpára ötaplaxoßplat. IIA. XO. otpot, 8tappayijo'opiat. AA. kal pañu èyè of trapſ.go. 340 trópes träpes trpès Tāv 6eóv ačTó 8tappayfival. ptolemus who is mentioned infra 794. His father is said to have been the famous Milesian architect, Hippodamus, famous as the planner and constructor of cities. He laid out Rhodes, Thu- rium, Peiraeus, &c. His reconstruction (known in history as ā ‘Introëáuov vé- pumous) of the last-mentioned town, the agora of which was called, after him, ñ ‘Introööpeta, endeared him to the Athenians, and probably gained for him admission, as an Athenian citizen, into the deme of Agryle, a south-eastern suburb of Athens. His son, Arche- ptolemus, was a moderate politician who in the preceding summer had endeavoured to terminate the Pelopon- nesian War, but was foiled by the vehement opposition of Cleon; see infra 794. Afterwards he was mixed up with the affair of the Four Hundred, and on the restoration of the democracy shared the fate of Antiphon. The decree condemning them to death is given in Plutarch's Life of Antiphon (X Orators); and commences IIpoöogias &q}\ov 'ApxetróNepos ‘Introëágov 'Aypi- Améev trapºv, Kai 'Avriq6v 20%i\ov Pap- vočotos trapóv. rotrouvérupiń6m, tois Évêeka trapabo6ñval, kai rā xpiuara önuógia eiwat, It seems probable that on witnessing the frus- tration of his hopes for peace he dis- played unusual emotion, whence he is here described as “dissolved in tears" at the sight of Cleon's iniquities. The metre requires the penultimate of Hip- podamus to be long, whereas there is every reason to believe it is short. Some however, with Fritzsche, think kai riis 6eoû rô mučákarov K.T.A. T H E KNIG HTS 49 S.S. PAPH. CHOR. Ah, but another has dawned on us now, Viler and fouler and coarser than thou, - Wiler and fouler and coarser by far, One who'll beat thee and defeat thee (therefore jubilant we are), Beat thee in jackanapes tricks and rascality, Beat thee in impudence, cheek, and brutality. O trained where Men are trained who best deserve that appellation, Now show us of how little worth is liberal education. The sort of citizen he is, I’ll first expose to view. Give me precedence. S.S. No, by Zeus, for I’m a blackguard too. And if to that he yield not, add “as all my fathers were.” . Give me precedence. S.S. No, by Zeus. PAPH. O yes, by Zeus. I’ll fight you on that very point; you never shall be first. . O, I shall burst. S.S. You never shall. that the name is the Doric form of ‘Irr- tróðmuos, and others, with Hermann, would write it ‘Intröðapwos. irpáros &v seems to mean being the chief of those who do so, cf. Supra. 6; whilst airó6ev, three lines below, probably signifies, like oiko6ev, from his own resources. 333. dAN’ & ‘rpaqeis] The Chorus now turn to the Sausage-seller, and exhort him to show how greatly, for the purposes of a demagogue at least, an Agora training, Év dyopa rpaq ºval (supra 181, 218, 293), excels a liberal training, oroqpévos Tpadſival. They are of course not expressing their own sentiments; they are merely enunciat- ing the root-principle of democracy, viz. that the more completely the chief power in the State can be transferred from the educated to the uneducated classes the better will the State be governed. 336, oùk ač p doreus;] Oùk émirpéWrews, où avyxopfforews plot. 6 8& KAéov éariv 6 Aéyov trpès rêv d\\avrotróMnv. čirtorro- pišstv yåp airóv čketvos 8ovXópevos Aéyet.— Scholiast. Will you not let me speak 2 See line 339. . 340. of trapſia-o] The Sausage-seller, not heeding Paphlagon's angry ejacu- lation, is proceeding with his former asseveration oik Šāoro, I will not permit gow to speak first, où trapão o eitretv Tpórov, as the Scholiast rightly explains it. But the Chorus, taking him to mean I will not permit you 8tappaymvat, immediately deprecate the supposed intention to interfere with a consum- mation so devoutly to be desired. S.S. I swear CHOR. O let him, let him burst. 50 III II E IX IIA. AA. IIA. iðot Aéyéiv. tº kai retrotºs d'étois époi Aéyetv čvavra ; ðrth Aéyelv oiós te köyö kai kapukotroteiv. Ka86s y' &v obv at Tpāypa trportregóv got &plográpakrov trapaxaflöv petaxelpírato xpmotós. 345 &AW clo'6' 6 plot remov6évat 8okeſs; Śmep to TAff00s. ef trov ćukiölov eitas eş karð £évov ueroíkov, tºv vökta 6pvXóv kal XaXáv čv rais 68oſs geavré, ióop te Tívov, kámaðelkvěs roës pixovs T' &vióv, 3/ º $ov čvvatós eival Xéyetv. AA. 6 p.6pe tºs divotas. a A V tí Óal or trívov tº v TóXuv remotmkas, Čare vvvi W gº amºa into orod plovorórov karey)\otriopévmy oriotăv; IIA. époi y&p &vré6mkas &vépôtrov ruv'; ôorris eş6)s * 6övveta 6eppä karapayov, kär" wittov &kpárov oivov Xóa kaalax/360'o toºs év II6A® atparmyotºs. 355 343. kapukotroteiv] All ancient authori- ties agree that kapükm was a Lydian sauce, compounded of blood and various rich and costly ingredients. Athenaeus (xii. 12) mentions no less than eighteen writers who have treated of this dainty in their cookery books. But the word was also used, as the Scholiast and Suidas observe, of dressing up a dainty speech: kogueiv trous Mig rivi ämndrov rôv Aóyov' TWayios 8e riſ Aéées às uáyetpos expāoraro. Plutarch in his treatise “How to distinguish a flatterer from a friend” says toū 8é kóNakos toūr' ºpyov éori kai réAos, dei riva trauðuáv # Tpāštv # Aóyov čq' ºbovň kai trpès #8ovºv čvoirot- elv kai kapukeiew, chap. 11. Sozomen (H. E. iii. 16. 2) says, very truly, that translators of Greek works cannot pre- serve the kapukeiav, the rich flavour, of Hellenic humour. Whilst therefore the Sausage-seller is selecting a word of his own trade, it is one which really admits of the metaphorical use to which he applies it. 345. &poorápakrov) Torn bleeding from the body. Speaking, is it 2 Well and fairly could you take in hand and dress a raw piece of oratory! Paphlagon also is describing the Sausage-seller's oratory in terms drawn from the Sausage- seller's trade. - 347. §évov pieroikov] All piéroucou were £évot, but being licensed residents in Athens they are often contrasted with mere £évot who had no such licence. Here £évos Héroukos seems to mean a newly-licensed alien, one who is still somewhat of a stranger in the land of his residence. Mitchell refers to Oed. Tyr. 452 £évos Aóyº uéroucos. - 349. Káriësukväs] 'Etrubeikvvu is, one may almost say, the technical expres- sion to describe an orator, poet, Sophist, T H E KNIGHTS 51 PAPH. S.S. PAPH. S.S. PAPH. How dare you try in speech to vie with ME? On what rely you ? Why I can speak first-rate, and eke with piquant sauce supply you. O speak you can l and you're the man, I warrant, who is able A mangled mess full well to dress, and serve it up to table. I know your case, the common case; against some alien folk You had some petty suit to plead, and fairly well you spoke. For oft you’d conned the speech by night, and in the streets discussed it, And, quaffing water, shown it off, and all your friends disgusted. Now you're an orator, you think. O fool, the senseless thought ! . Pray what's the draught which you have quaffed that Athens you have brought Tongue-wheedled by yourself alone to sit so mute and still. . Who to compare with ME will dare ? I'll eat my tunny grill, And quaff thereon a stoup of wine which water shall not touch, And then with scurrilous abuse the Pylian generals smutch. juggler or the like, giving a display of his powers before anassembled audience. Cf. Frogs 771; Plato, Gorgias ad init. with Stallbaum's note. On these occa- sions the performer would sometimes take a draught of water to relieve the dryness of his throat, and enable him to prolong the exhibition, so “boring his friends.” It is plain however from the lines which follow that the words $80p re trivov in the present passage mean a good deal more than this. §8ap 8è trivov oë8év čv rékot oroq àv, as Cratinus said; and water-drinking was con- sidered as unsuitable for an orator as for a poet. “They say that being a water-drinker, 38op Tivov,” says Demo- sthenes, “I am naturally a cross-grained andungenial fellow.”—Second Philippic 32 (p. 73). Bergler refers to that pas- sage and to Athenaeus ii, chap. 22. 354, 6&vveta 6epp.d.] The question of their respective drinks leads up to a boast by each antagonist of the food on which his powers have been nurtured. Paphlagon will eat his hot tunny cutlets, washed down with a gallon of meat wine. The Sausage-seller outdoes him by gobbling up a cow's paunch and pig's intestines, washed down by the broth in which they were cooked. 355. KaoraM3áoro] Aouðopñora. — Scho- liast. But the word implies something more than ordinary abuse. Kaorax8&s is a harlot (Eccl. 1106); and kaga)\8áčeuv is the equivalent of our vulgar expres- sion to blackguard a person. It seems to me that each of these speeches winds up with a little bit of by-play; Paph- lagon with the words roës év IIóAq orpa- rmyot's flooring by a backhanded blow Demosthenes on the one side; and the Sausage-seller with the words kai Nikiav rapášo paying the same compliment to Nicias on the other. E 2 52 III II E IX AA. yö 86 y' #vvotpov Boös kai kotAtav betav karagpox6ío as, kár' étruiručºv rov (opov &varávitros Aapvyyió toys 6ftopas kai Nukíav rapášo. XO. Tà piev ćAAa p ijpegas Aéyov. čv 8 of Tpoorterat ple Töv trpaypºdrov, Ötti) plóvos Tov (optèv čkpopfforels. 360 IIA. &AA’ of A&Spakos kataqayóv Muxmoríovs k\ovío’ets. AA. &AA& axexíðas éðm8okös &vijo opiat péta\\a. IIA. §y& 3’ tretortrmööv ye tºw BovXīv 8íg kvkijoo. AA. §y& 8& kuwijoo yé orov Tóv trpooktöv &vri pāorkms. HA. §y& 8é y' éééAšo are Tſis truyfis 6&page kū880. 365 XO. v.) Töv IIogetöð kāpié rép', #virep ye toirov čºkms. IIA. otóv ore 8fforo 'v Tó £689. AA. ðiðéopiat ore &etMias. 356. #vvarpov) The third stomach. The three stomachs are : (1) the kekpú- qa\os, (2) the éxivos, the true stomach, and (3) the #vvarpov in which the diges- tive process is completed, huào.6m.— Scholiast. So also Aristotle de Partibus Anim. iii. 14. The rumen of ruminating animals is not included in this com- putation. 361. AdSpakas|The Mā8pač is the basse, the Labraa; lupus of Cuvier, the Perca Labraac of Linnaeus. Yarrell, who com- mences his treatise on British Fishes with the basse, observes that the Ro- mans called it lupus on account of its voracity. And indeed the name AdSpać (from Má8pos) has a somewhat similar meaning. The basse, and particularly the Milesian basse, was a prime favourite with Hellenic epicures. “When you go to Miletus,” sings Archestratus, the laureate of the dinner-table, “be sure you get that child of the Gods, the basse, röv 6sómat3a AdSpaka, for there are the best of them all. Fatter ones you may find elsewhere, but they will not have the fragrant unctuousness, the delicious pungency, of the Milesian basse. O my friend,” he exclaims with enthusiasm, as the memory steals over him, “the Milesian are amazingly good! Ékeſvot 3' eioriv, Éraipe, rāv ćperºv 6avpaorrot.”—Athenaeus vii. 87. And the words Má8pakas Mixmorious passed into a proverb (Suidas, s. v.) év yāp rà MiMárq TrAetoroi te kai pāyto roi eioruv, Prov. Coislin 300 (Gaisford, p. 146). As the proverbial words are always found in the accusative plural they are probably borrowed from the passage before us, though here the two words are not really connected. For doubt- less, as Dr. Merry observes, the audience were to be deluded into coupling the words together, till the addition of k\ovågets showed them their mistake. T H E KNIGHTS 53 S.S. S.S. DE. PAPH. S.S. I’ll eat the paunch of cow and swine, and quaff thereon their stew, And rising from the board with hands which water never knew I’ll throttle all the orators, and flutter Nicias too. CHOR. With all beside I’m satisfied, but one thing likes me not, You speak as if you ate alone whatever stew you’ve got. PAPH. You'll not consume your basse and then Miletus bring to grief. But mines I’ll purchase when I’ve first devoured my ribs of beef. PAPH. I’ll leap the Council-chamber in, and put them all to rout. S.S. I’ll treat you like a sausage-skin, and twirl your breech about. PAPH. I'll hoist you by your crupper up, and thrust you through the gate, sir. If him you thrust, me too you must; you must as sure as fate, sir. Your feet in the stocks I’ll fix full tight. And you for your cowardice I’ll indict. But how had Paphlagon contrived to agitate the Milesians? If we put together this passage and 932 infra, we may suspect that Cleon had been urging an increase, or opposing a re- duction, of their tribute, and then had been bought off by the alarmed Mile- sians. It was, in fact, by some such job as this that Cleon obtained the famous “five talents” which the Knights had compelled him to disgorge. See the note on Acharmians 6. 362. oxexièas] Ribs of beef. 80ès TAevpá. —Scholiast. There is doubtless some special allusion in the words &vñoropat péra)\\a, but we do not know what it is, Mitchell supposes it to refer to some dealings of Cleon in respect of the silver mines of Laureium. 368, Širetorirmööv] 2 vurapééo èrewortreočv. Tö 3iatov Šēairod Suárºs Aééeos éðflºogev.– Scholiast. We shall have a description, further on, of Paphlagon's demeanour before the Council. 364. pāorkms] pāorkm évrépév éort Taxi, eis à épéâNAerat āNevpa kai Kpéa, Kai Pláq- orovow' éé oë yiveral à d\\as. Ös āAXav- rotróAns be rijs pickms éuvmpévevore.—Scho- liast. - 367, otov... §§Aq] How I will set you in the stocks; or as we might rather say, Won't I just set you in the Stocks. The Scholiast explains {{\ov by troëokákkm which indeed was an older name for the stocks. Kock refers to Lysias Against Theomnestus 16, where the speaker quotes from a law of Solom, 3e3érôat 8. §v rh troëokákkm juépas Trévre Töv ráða, and explaims à troëokákkm airm éoriv, 3 eeóuvmorre, 6 viv ka)\etral év tá £6Aq, 3e3éoréat. Cf. infra 394, 705; Acts of the Apostles xvi. 24. Here after the long iambic tetrameters we have a set of short iambic dimeters. See the note on 284 Supra. 54 III II E IX IIA. # 88poro, orov (paveſa’etat. AA. ðepô ore 66Aakov k\otrfis. 370 IIA. ôtarratta\ev6;forel Xapaí. AA. Tepukóppiat' k arov okéváoro. IIA. t&s 8Aeqapíðas gov trapartMº. AA. Töv Trpmyopečová oroúktepló. AH. kai vi) At puffaxóvres ač- 375 Tô trótta}\ov playeuptkós is to a rép', eiro. 8' v806ev tºv y\óTrav čeſpavres at- toū a keyópeo:6' et kövépukós key muáros 380 Töv Trpooktöv, ei XaXaft. 369. § 8épora] After an exchange of legal threats, the rivals proceed to rail at each other in good set terms, drawn from their respective trades. Trapa- Tmpmréov, says the Scholiast, €v Tāort roſs divrtóerukofs àrt dirò ris airod réxvnsékárepos aúrów roſs Övöpiaat Xpitat kai rais Aééeoruv. Paphlagon says (1) Your hide shall be stretched on the tan-board. 6pavedore rat' &kraðmore rat. 6pāvos yāp rô intom:68tov Štrov tà èéppara ékreiveral. trāAw 8é Ös 8wporo- tróXms rooro Aéyet.—Scholiast. 6påvos is a wooden bench or seat, Plutus 545. (2) It shall be pegged down to the ground. tàs yap 89poras €kreivovres émi riis yſis, iva ph ovváyouro kai ovo réAAowro èk ris rod #Aiov Kaūgeos, kará rà ékpa trarráAois karakpotovres ékreivovoriv. — Scholiast. (3) I will twitch out your eyelashes, as tanners twitch hairs out of the hide. róv yöp 8wporéov éorriv ćpyov Tów Śepp.drov droplaðiðew ràs rpixas.—Scholiast. Nor are the retorts of the Sausage-seller less orópa. professional. (1) I'll strip your skin off and turn it into a thief's wallet, rö yap exöépetv påNNov rôv playeipov réxum. Šköepá, ore, bmoriv, Öore diró too oróparós arov 6öMakov troumoral eis intoëoxºv KAéupatos.- Scholiast. The use to which the skin is to be put refers of course to the well- known practices of Paphlagon. (2) I'll nake mincemeat of you; I'll chop you up into little bits. karð puépos orov kóvºa rô ôs playeupos 3& Méyet.—Scholiast. (3) I'll cut out your crop, like a cook cutting up a fowl. 375. €uga)\6vres TrárraNov] There had probably, as Frere suggests, been a scuffle between the rivals, and the Sausage-seller has got Paphlagon into the position in which a butcher would place a swine when about to examine its tongue for the blackish pustules which are the sure symptom of measles. These measles, a disease peculiar to swine (xaMačā Śē påvov rôv. Öov, &v. THE KNIGHTS 55 PAPH. S.S. PAPH. S.S. PAPH. S.S. Outstretched on my board your hide I’ll pin. “Pickpocket's purse.” I’ll make your skin. Your limbs on the tanhouse floor I'll stake. Your flesh into force-meat balls I’ll bake. I’ll twitch the lashes off both your eyes. I'll cut your gizzard out, poulterer-wise. Prop open his mouth with all your strength; Insert the extender from jaw to jaw; Pull out his tongue to its utmost length, And, butcher-fashion, inspect his maw, And whilst his gape is so broad and fine, See if he's not The symptoms got Which show that he's nought but a measly swine. top ev, Üs, Aristotle, H. A. viii. 21.4), are a subcutaneous disease consisting of a multitude of small watery pustules scattered throughout the cellular tissue and adipose matter; and one of the attendant symptoms is the formation of blackish pustules under the tongue. —Youatt on the Pig, chap. 9, 8.7Mat öé elow ai XaAaçãoral [äes], says Aristotle ubi supra, Év re yāp rà y\órrm rij Káro éxovort pud Morra rās XaXáðas. And in Probl. xxxiv. 4 he inquires how it happens that the tongue is such an index of disease, as in the case of fevers, and again Śāv XàNațat évôort. Hence the swine's mouth was kept open by a peg, whilst the cook or butcher, for the pudyeipos combined both trades, drew out and examined the tongue. The whole of this little speech of Demo- sthenes is directed to this process, and the only incongruous element is the introduction, infra 381, of the word Tpokrów, which is universally taken as the accusative after orkeyópeo:6a, and has never been satisfactorily explained. In my judgement the words keymváros Töv trpokrów are to be taken together, the accusative rôv trpokrów being un- expectedly added to kexnváros as if the victim were a xavván pokros. So taking the words, the entire speech hangs harmoniously together, as an exhorta- tion to the Sausage-seller to clap a peg in the creature's mouth, and drawing out its tongue, to examine whether the measly spots are there. TrárraNos is usually translated a skewer, but we are dealing with the living animal and not with the dead carcase. It is a peg, such as dentists use to keep open the mouth of a patient under chloroform. Cf. Thesm. 222. 56 III II E IX XO. fiv dpa trupós y Érepa 6eppiórepa, [divr, a kai Aóyou rôv Aóyov 3. A a 3. év tróXet Töv divat- 86v divatóéo repot. * º J) kai Tô irpáypt' mºv &p of 385 paſſXov 68 [of Sapiós]. dAA’ &mu0, kal otpó8el, V 3 * Z. 2 plmöév ÖAfyov troſet. vöv yöp exetal piéoros. Ös éâv vvvi pažášms airóv év tí, trpoolboxfi, ðel}\öv eipſio.eus' éyò yöp roës Tpótrovs étría Tapiat. 390 AA. &AX &pios oitos totodros &v čmavta Töv 8tov, 3 2 5 A y º 3. Af 3 * 2 kât’ &väp É8ošev eival, td.XAótpuov duðv 6épos. a W *A A 2 2. *M y a. vöv & Tobs atáxvs ékéivovs, otºs ékéſéev #yayev, év čáA@ 8ſia as āqatſet kåtroë606at 8očMetal. IIA, où 8éðoux' (plås, éos &v (fi to 8ovXevriptov 395 kai Tô toſſ Affuov trpóorotrov pakkoğ Kaffipevov, XO. Ös & trpès träv &vatóegetat koi ple6f- [ćvt. B otmai toſſ Xpépatos toū trapearmkóros. 382, #v àpa trupós y | Fire, we supposed, was the hottest thing in creation, and Cleon the most shameless. We have found a speaker more shameless than Cleon; we can now believe that there is an element hotter than fire. Plutarch in his Life of Demetrius Poliorcetes, chap. xii, after recording several in- stances of the shameless and extravagant adulation paid by the Athenians to that prince, introduces the most shame- less of all by the words fiv 8é àpa kai trupós repa 6eppiórepa kará têv'Aptoroºpávn (that is, as Aristophanes says). There, as here, the words are employed in a bad sense. St. Chrysostom, in the noble eulogy of St. Paul with which he concludes his dissertations on the Epistle to the Romans, employs them in a good sense. Would, says the Preacher, that I could behold though it were but the ashes of St. Paul's heart, that heart which was brighter than sun- shine, which was warmer than fire, rºv Tijs dictivos qauāporépav, riv rod trupós 6epplorépav.—Hom.xxxii in Rom. (758E). Cf. Id. Hom. xxxi in 1 Cor. (284 A). 387. Amèv ÓNiyov trolet] Do nothing niggling and petty, but rise to the height of the occasion. Compare Livy xxix. 1, T H E KNIG HTS 57 CHOR. S.S. PAPH. There are things, then, hotter than fire; there are speeches more shameless still Than the shameless speeches of those who rule the City at will. No trifling task is before you; Upon him and twist and garotte him. Do nought that is little or mean; for round the waist you have got him. If in this assault you knead him limp and supple to your hand, You will find the man a craven; I his habits understand. Truly for an arrant coward he has all his life been known; Yet a Man he seemed but lately, reaping where he had not sown. Now the ears of corn he brought us, he aspires to parch and dry, Shuts them up in wood and fetters, hopes to sell them by and by. You and your allies I fear not, while the Council lives, and while Demus moons upon the benches with his own unmeaning smile. CHOR. O see how he brazens it out ! In his shameless impudent face. The colour remains as before And O, if I hate you not sore, where it is said of Scipio, “mihil enim parvum, Sed Carthaginis iam excidia agitabat animous ”; and Marvell's tribute to the Martyr King who “nothing common did or mean Upon that memorable scene.” 389. HaNáčns] If you make him soft and supple by giving him a good dress- ing. A word from the tannery. See the Commentary on 269 supra. 392. dump #803;ev siva.] He is now turn- ing to the Sphacterian exploit, and he recognizes that Cleon had done what he declared that the generals ei ANAPEX eiev would do, viz. Sail to Pylus and bring back the Spartans as captives, Thuc. iv. 27. He had reaped the harvest which Demosthenes had sown. Now the ears of corn, the prisoners of whom that harvest consisted, he is keeping fast bound in misery and iron, in hopes to make by and by a good bargain in his own interest with the Spartans for their release. dºpačeuv is to parch, and the dried-up appearance of the Spartan captives is again mentioned in Clouds 186. 395. SovKevriptov] His language fore- shadows the appeal which he will make, later on, first to the Council, and then to the Demus in full assembly. As to the form of the sentence cf. Lysistrata 696, and as to pakkog supra, 62. 58 III IIE IX 3/ V a A J A 2 et are pañ puoro, yewoiumv čv Kpatívov kóðuov, 400 kai 3.8aakoſumu trpoor&éetv Mopariuov Tpay@8tav. º * a 2 y \ * A A o trept travt. etru traoru Te Tpayplacrl &op08ókota'w étr Čv6early iſov, eiðe patºos, Šotrep eipes, Čk;36Xots Tºv čv6eauv. Jºy” * A 2 A Af º goalpit yap Tot av plovov * * } * trive triv' étri orvppopaſs. 405 *A 2 a * A 3/ 2 Af Töv 'IovXſov T' &v oiopiat, yépovro trvportúrmv, #00évr' intratovía at kai Bakxé8akxov goal. IIA. # pi trot' dyopatov Atos arXáyxvotal trapayevolumv. où Toſ p' ºrepòaxeſoró' dvaičeig på toy IIogetöð, 410 400. śv Kparivov) In the house of Cratinus. He means that owing to his old rival's love of the bottle the sheep- skins on which he slept had a par- ticularly bad time; &s évovpmråv kai Héðvorov 8tagáAAet rôv Kparivov.–Scho- liast. The attack on the old poet's convivial habits is more fully developed in the Parabasis; and to the audience the zest of it would begreatly heightened by the fact that Cratinus was one of the three competitors in this very theatrical contest. 401. Moporiuov] Not only are the Chorus, if they hate not Paphlagon, willing to be one of those filthy sheep- skins; they are willing to be a yet more miserable thing, a Chorus in a Tragedy of Morsimus; a Chorus who would have Morsimus for their xopo- ôuðáorkakos. This worthless tragedian was the son of Philocles, and the great- mephew of Aeschylus; but all our poet's reverence for Aeschylus could not bring him to tolerate the insipidity of his great-nephew. His tragedies are re- pudiated with equal vigour in Peace 803, frogs 151. 402. & trepi Távr' k.T.A..] In this little lyrical outburst, very possibly a parody of some poet unknown, Cleon is likened to a busy bee, at all times and in every business which he undertakes gathering golden honey from the flowers of bribery. And O, say the Chorus, that thou mightest be made to disgorge thy mouthful, évéeoruv, as easily as thou gottest it. Of one such disgorgement we are told at the commencement of the Acharnians; and just as the heart of Dicaeopolis was refreshed by that delightful occurrence, so now, if it recurs, the Chorus will do nothing but sing Drink, drink for these happy events. 406. Trive triv'étri orvppopais] The corre- sponding line in the strophe is trochaic, kaikoğa)\ukeſ plaguw; but this littleglyconic line seems permitted here, because it is taken verbally from a triumphal ode of Simonides, röre yāp, bnoiv, in goalpi THE KNIGHTS 59 Let me be a filthy sheepskin, that whereon Cratinus lay, Or let Morsimus instruct me as the Chorus to his Play. Thou in all places, and thou at all hours, Flitting and sitting in bri-berry flowers, Sucking and sipping the gold they contain, Mayst thou lightly, as 'twas swallowed, cast thy mouthful up again. Then will I ever the roundelay sing Drink for the luck which the Destinies bring, And old Iulius's son, the pantler Prytanean, - For joy will “Bacche-Bacchus” shout, and chant his Io-Paean. PAPH. Think you in shamelessness to win 2 No, by Poseidon, no Or may I evermore the feasts of Agora Zeus forego. orot rô 2tpovičov piéNos “trive triv' étri ovuſhopaſs” ex rôv 2upovičov 8é rodro Teópirirov. rā 8é orvpºpopaſs ém' éo 6\ais. Töv Pléorov yap j orvpºpopá.—Scholiast. By emi orvpuſhopais we are to understand, as the Scholiast says, ém' éoróAals orvp- $opaſs, a phrase employed by Admetus in the closing lines of the Alcestis ; or étri orvpºpopais dyadaſaw, as Aristophanes himself words it infra 655, Lysistrata 1276. The simple form étri orvpiq}opaſs occurs in the same sense Soph. El. 1230. 407. rôv 'IovXiov] This old man was the pantler at the Prytaneum, and Cratinus is said to have given him the name of ºrvpotrimmy, one who keeps a loving eye on the bread; roorov, says the Scholiast, 6 Kparivos Trvporimmy Aéyet, rovréort rôv púAaka toû orirov, Ös eis rô IIpvravetov trapéxovra àprovs. He was possibly in this way brought into con- nexion with Cleon, and may here be represented as rejoicing in his down- fall; but it seems to me more probable that he is merely introduced as a merry old soul who, like the Tigellius of whom Horace tells us (Sat. i. 3. 7), would when in the vein keep singing his Io Bacche—or Io Paean—ab ovo usque ad mala. The words immatoviorat and 8akxé8axxov are mere comic coinages of the poet to represent these two songs. He will go Io-paeaning and Bacche-bacchusing all the banquet through. 410. dyopatov Atós] Cf. infra 500. There was an altar, the Scholiast tells us, of Zeis dyopatos in the Athenian agora, and another in the Pnyx. And, under that title, Zeus was the Divine Overseer, not only of all transactions in the market, but also of all debates and oratorical eloquence. "Ekpármore Zets dyopatos, exclaims Athene in the Eu- menides, when her arguments have at last prevailed to win over the offended 60 III II E IX AA. ëyoye vi) roºs kov86Novs, ot's troXX& 8) ºri troXXoſs y A. * 3. AP A A fiveo Xópºv čk trauðſov, playalpíðov re TAmy&s, intepGaAeſoróat o' otopiat Toºrotow, # pudºrmv y' &v droplay&axt&s autočplevos too offtos éktpapeimv. IIA. droplay&axias &otrep küov ; 6 traputróvmpe, trós obv 415 kvvös Bop&v oritoöplevos pudºxel or kvvokeſpáNA® ; AA. kai vi) At" &AAa y Éatí piov kó8axa trauðs évros. 3 ſº - * * *A A. “A A Aº ēśntrôrov yöp robs playeipovs &v Āéyov totavrí. okévraorée, traſões' oix 6pá6"; ápa véa, Xextóóv. oi & #8Aerov, köyö 'v too'otſ tº tév kpeãv ék\ettov. º A. A. * 3. Af & 8ešićtarov kpéas, oropós ye trpoëvoño'o' XO. 420 éotrep &ka)\ff pas ào.6ſov Tpè XéXi8óvov čkXetres. AA. * * 3. * as kai Tajra öpóv éA&v6avóv y” el 3' otºv ióot tus attøv, dirokpwirtégévos eis T& kox6va toys 6eoës &mdāplvvv. ty > * > 2 A * & A 5 Q /> * * &ot’ eitr divijp Töv intópov ióóv pie Toàro èpávra. 425 5 a's > * oëk a 6' &mos 6 traſs 68’ of Töv Šmptov Štrutpotrečael. XO. eś ye āvvé8axev air’, dràp 87Xóv y' & p’ of £vvéyvo. and reluctant deities. It was around the altar of Zeis dyopatos at Marathon that Euripides grouped his suppliant Heracleids. And when Socrates was a boy the oracle advised his anxious parents to pray for him Ali dyopatº kai Motorals, rà 8' à\\a pil troXvirpaypovetv repi Sokpárovs.-Plutarch de Genio Socr. chap. 20. See the oath taken at the altar of Zeis dyopatos at Thurium, Stobaeus xliv. 22. And cf. Håt. v. 46. As to Hermes dyopatos see supra 297. tróAA’ ºri troX\ots in the next line means over and over again, as in Wasps 1046. 414. dropay8a)\tés] These were little pellets of dough which guests used for wiping their fingers (dropérreo 6al infra 819), and afterwards threw to the dögs. º droplayba)\tá’ oréap év tº rās xeipas dire- pºſitrovro èv rois 8eitvous' 8a)\óvres airó rots kvaſiv dwaxõovres àrà rôv Šeimvov.– Hesychius. So Alciphron iii. 44 juās ôé dyatravei Tàs droplayèa)\was Ós kvori rus trapappislete, where see Bergler's note. The Scholiast here says droplay8a)\ld' rô orraſs @ dropärtovta oi Hāyetpot, 8trep éká\ouv Xelpópakrpov, 6 perú Tâv épyaoiav direppin rovv roſs kvoriv. It was on pellets of this kind, thrown away by the puéyetpot, that the sturdy little gutter- snipe lived and throve. 416. kvvokedáAA®] The dog-headed baboons, the “Cymocephali” as they are still called, comprising every sort of baboon, the Chacma, the Papion, the Gelada, &c., are the most ferocious T H E KNIG HTS 61 S.S. PAPH. S.S. CHOR. S.S. Now by the knuckles which in youth would discipline my head, And those hard-handled butchers' knives they often used instead, I think in shamelessness I’ll win; else vainly in the slums Have I to such a bulk been reared on finger-cleaning crumbs. On finger-pellets like a dog? And reared on these, you seek To fight a dog-faced fierce baboon | I marvel at your cheek. And lots of other monkey-tricks I practised as a boy. O how I used to chouse the cooks by shrieking out Ahoy! Look lads, a swallow / spring is here. Look up, look up, I pray. So up they looked whilst I purloined a piece of meat away. Shrewd body, you were provident, and stole away your meat Before the vernal swallow came, as folk their nettles eat. And no one caught me out, or else, if any saw me pot it, I clapped the meat between my thighs and vowed I hadn’t got it; Whereat an orator observed, who watched me at my tricks, Some day this boy will make his mark as leader in the Pnya. CHOR. His inference was just; but still 'tis plain from whence he drew it; of all the Quadrumana; and “woe to theinexperiencedhound,” says Mr.Wood (Nat. Hist. i. 64), “who is foolish enough to venture its person within grasp of the baboon's feet or hands. The whole affair is the work of only a few seconds; the baboon springs upon it, and in an instant flings the dying hound on the earth, the blood pouring in torrents from its mangled throat.” 419. &pa véa] Spring, the new year. See note on Thesm. 1. And compare Birds 713. 422. dra)\fiqhas forðtov] The common stinging-nettle (urtica dioica), though now little eaten in England, is really, as all authorities inform us, one of the most valuable of our spring vegetables. Boiled for twenty minutes, and served up like spinach, it is said to be very palatable, and at the same time to possess useful diuretic and antiscorbutic qualities. But it is only while young and tender that it is fit for the table; and the Athenians may have been quite right in considering that it should only be eaten before the advent of the swallow, trpè xeX186vov as the Chorus here express it; mel pierå riv xeXuè6va, says the Scholiast, #8porot ai kviðat. 424. rā koxéval The buttocks, koxávn' rónos into rô alôoſov, rô puerači, rôv pumpôv kai rjs KorčXms kai rāv ioxiov.–Scholiast. rows y\ovroës.—Id. at 484 infra. 427, dràp 87Aov] They mean that, true as the inference was, it required no 62 III II E IX ôtti, 'Tiépkets 6' prakós kai kpéas 6 trpokrös eixev. IIA, #yó ore traúoro rod 6págovs, olual 8: p.8xxov ćpºpo. ëéeupu yap oot Aapatrpos #8m kai péyas kaffuels, 430 ôpoſ, rapártov tív. Te yńv kai Tºv 64\attav elkſ. AA. yö & a voteſ) as ye toys &AAávras eit' dºpfforo karð kūp' éptavrov otplow, k\delv ore pakpā kexegaas. AH. käyoy’, ‘div Tl trapaxa)\?, Tºv &vt.Aſav puxačo. IIA, où to piè, Tºv Añpumtpa karatrpoiáel tº avta ToxA& 435 kAéras A6mvaſov. XO. 36pel, kai toà troë0s trapter d's otros #8m Kaukſas kai Xvkopavttas Tveſ. IIA. at 8 k IIottòaías #xovt. e5 olòa 8éka rāNavra. preternatural acuteness to draw it. As the boy was an expert thief and perjurer (supra 298, infra 1239), a sort of minia- ture Cleon in fact, it was self-evident that he was the stuff of which a success- ful demagogue was made. 430. Mapumpès kai puéyas] A fresh and mighty wind. Both epithets are con- stantly used of the winds. # pueraq opä diró rôv divépov, as the Scholiast says; and the metaphor is continued for a dozen lines and more. Paphlagon will come forth sweeping down upon them like a strong and vehement gale. But the Sausage-seller will furl—not his sails but—his sausages, and scud merrily before the wind. And if his ship should spring a leak (ri trapaxa)\@) Demosthenes will bale out the water; will look after the bilgewater. The Sausage-seller is to be the skipper, and Demosthenes the calker, of the little sausage-ship. 435. of rot K.T.A..] This is the first gust of the storm with which Paphlagon has threatened to swamp his enemy. 436. Tod troöös traptet) To avoid the effect of this sudden squall, those on the ship will immediately begin to slacken sail. “The roës or pes weli is the rope which extends the lower corner of the sail to the side of the ship; Anglice the sheet. All large square sails have two ropes at each lower corner of the sail, one to draw it aft, the other to draw it forward: the former is called the sheet, the latter (Tpérrows) the tack.” —Smith's Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul, p. 164 note. The consequence of not slacking the sheet (that is of keeping the sail tightly stretched) in such a squall as this is tersely stated by Sophocles in a passage to which Bergler refers— vaos éoris éºparſ, tróða retvas inefices pumbèv, Ütrriots kāra, orpépas rô Aoimov géApiagu, vavríAAeral (ANTIGONE 715–17). T H E KNIG HTS 63 S.S. DE. He saw you filch the meat away, and swear you didn't do it. PAPH. I’ll stop your insolence, my man; your friend's and yours together. I'll swoop upon you like a gale of fresh and stormy weather, And all the land and all the sea in wild confusion throw. But I will furl my sausages, and down the tide will go With prosperous seas, and favouring breeze, at you my fingers snapping. And if your bark a leak should spring, the water I'll be tapping. PAPH. Full many a talent have you filched, and dearly shall you pay, You public-treasury thief CHOR. Look out, and slack the sheet away, I hear a loud Nor’-Easter there or Sycophanter blow. PAPH. From Potidaea you received ten talents, that I know. “A pilot who will not slacken his sheet when squalls impend, will finish his voyage keel uppermost "; his ship will speedily turn turtle. The same Com- mentator refers to a similar passage in Euripides— feat vaſos yap &vra6eſora trpès 8tav woët ëBapev. čarm 8' aſſ0s #v xaxå tróða (ORESTEs 706, 707), where the Scholiast, explaining Troös, says, Aéyeral otro rò o Xouviov, rô Karéxov Károðev rô iorriov. And as tróðes are the ropes at the lower corner, so répépuot (infra 440) are the ropes at the upper corner, of the sail. 437. Kaukias] Kalkias is shown by its position on the Tower of the Winds (Stuart and Revett i, chap. 3, p. 47; and Plates XIV, XXI, see the Com- mentary on Wasps 265) to be the north- east wind, one of the most violent winds in the Mediterranean, always accom- panied with clouds and rain. The Scholiast quotes a proverb, kakā | \kav £q' airów, Ös 6 Kaukias vépm (éni rāv émigropévov čavroſs Kakā), which is found in Aristotle, Plutarch, Pliny, and other authors, and in the Paroemiographers, Bodl. 430, Diogenianus iv. 66, Gaisford, pp. 50, 188, where see Schott's note. It is the wind called by St. Luke (Acts xxvii. 14) an āvepos rvgovukös (infra 511); for doubtless Euroclydon, if it should not rather be read EüpaköAov, is intended to represent the Latin Euro-aquilo ; see Bentley’s “Remarks on a Discourse of Freethinking,” $ 32 (iii. 353, ed. Dyce). >vkoğavrias is merely a comic name for a wind, with a termination like Kaukias and other wind-names; āua Śē ºrpès riv orvkopavriav kai kakiav airoi ră ăvépara TAárret, says the Scholiast. 438. gé 8' k.T.A..] This is the second gust. From a mere general charge of dishonesty Paphlagon now condescends to a specific instance, and accuses the Sausage-seller of receiving bribes from Potidaea. Potidaea had surrendered to the Athenians about five years before 64 III II E IX AA. ri 8ſito, ; 8ot;\et rôv Taxdºvrov čv Aa3bv ortoirāv; XO. &vºp &v #8éos Aé8ot. Tobs repôptovs trapſeu. 440 AA. Tô Trveiju èNarrow yūyveral. IIA. [Öopoëokias] pet get ypapºs ékarovraxávrovs Tétrapas. AA. at 8' doºrpareías eikooruv, k\omfis & TAeſv # Xixias. IIA. ék Töv &Altmptov oré pm- 445 put yeyovéval Tóv Tſis 6eoû. AA. Töv rámirov eivaí pmuí orov Töv 8opvpópov— II.A. trotov ; ppáorov. AA. Töv Bupa'ſvms tis ‘Ittríov. IIA. kó8axos él. AA. travoúpyos el. 450 XO. traſ’ &vöpukós. II.A. iod iot), the date of this Comedy, after a pro- longed siege which had cost the Re- public the enormous sum of 2000 talents. The Athenian generals had come to terms with the inhabitants, and allowed them to evacuate the town, the men with one garment, the women with two, and all with a little pocket money for their wintry journey.—Thuc. ii. 70. We are told that the Athenians blamed the generals for their leniency; and we may be sure that Cleon would have been one of their loudest assail- ants. It is extremely probable that he accused them of receiving bribes to grant such favourable terms to the Potidaeans; and that the present line is merely an echo of that old denun- ciation. 441. rô Tveop'] After the two vehe- ment gusts the gale for the moment appears to be subsiding. 8eſ vonorai, says the Scholiast, röv KAéova èri rii éAmiði kai rii émayyeMig rod ra)\dvrov ret- orðévra évôoöval. But the lull is merely temporary. - 442. [Öopoãokias]] This is the third gust, blowing from the same quarter as the two earlier ones, 435, 438. Four actions for bribery shall be brought against the Sausage-seller, in each of which the damages shall be laid at 100 talents. I have inserted, in brackets, the word Sopoèokias, which is required both for the sense and for the metre. It is obvious from the form of the Sausage-seller's reply that the name of the action had been put prominently forward. One would think that the countercharge of doºrpareias in that reply must have been designed before the Sphacterian incident. 445. Töv ćNurmpiou rijs 6eoû] He means that the Sausage-seller, of all men in THE KNIG HTS 65 S.S. S.S. The gale has milder got. PAPH. Whom ? Declare l S.S. You gallows-tree Will you take one, and hold your tongue. Let out the yard-arm ropes a bit. The stormy blast is falling fast. PAPH. You'll have, for bribery and deceit, Four hundred-talent writs to meet. S.S. And you, for cowardliness a score, For theft a thousand writs and more. PAPH. From that old sacrilegious race I’ll say that your descent you trace. S.S. Your father's father marched, I’ll swear, As body-guard to— S.S. To Hippias's Byrsine. PAPH. You jackanapes | CHOR. Strike like a man | PAPH. O help me! Oh! the world, belongs to the illustrious and aristocratic family of the Alcmaeo- nidae, who for their sacrilegious act of putting to death the adherents of Cylon while still under the protection of Athene were deemed to be under a curse, and were called, Thucydides tells us, évayels, and d\tTípio ris 6.e00, i. 126. We know from the narrative of Thucy- dides, of which the words just cited form a part, that immediately before the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War the Spartans, for the purpose of exciting a prejudice against Pericles, whose mother was a daughter of the House of Alcmaeon, called upon the Athenians to expel from their midst the thing accursed of Athene, éAaúvely rô dyos ris 6eoû. And from the promptitude with which Paphlagon endeavours to over- whelm his antagonist with the like insinuation, it is perhaps not unreason- able to infer that on this, as on other points, Pericles had in his lifetime been ðmx6els atóovi KAéovt. - 449. Buportvms rijs ‘Intriov] But the Sausage-seller can draw upon ancient history as well as Paphlagon; and if his ancestors are to be deemed guilty of the old Cylonian sacrilege, he will show that Paphlagon's ancestors were amongst the body-guards, and therefore the upholders and instruments, of Hippias the last Tyrant of Athens, or rather of the Tyrant's wife. Her name, we know, was Myrrhine or Myrsine (Thuc. vi. 55); and in order to connect the leather-seller with that detested family, the name Mvporium is again, as supra, 59, converted into Bwporivn, a leathern thong ; whilst her husband's name ‘Iriſtov comes in handily to show that the thong had been cut out of horse-hide. -- -- CHOR. He'd take it like a shot. 66 III II E IX Z Aº y º A Túrtovo'í p. oi £vvopiórat. XO. ea 3 3 M 5 Aº *A traſ' aſſrov divöpukórata, kai 'ydarpuše kai toſs évrépous kai toſs kóXous, Xàtros kox& Tov čvěpa. º Af 455 3. 6 yevvukótarov kpéas lºv)(fiv T' &ptote travrov, * * kai Tà tróAet orothp paveis piv re toſs troXiraus, &s et Tov čvěpa troucíAos 6' titrºëes év Aóyotorw. Tós &v o' étrauéoralplew oitos éotrep #86peo’6a ; IIA. 460 Tavri pā, Tºv Añuntpá pſ' oik Adv6avev Af \ Af y 5 2 3 2 Tektawópevo. T& Trpºypiat', d'AX fitriotăpumv you poſſiev air& travra kai kox\ópeva. XO. AA. očkovy pi év’Apyet y' oia trpártel Xavóóvet. otpot, or 8 of 8&v éé &plašovpyo5 Aéyels; 465 Tpópaau pév 'Apyetovs pi\ovs pitv troteſ: 3 NAP j) * 2 Af iðig 8 ke? Aakeóauplovious évyytyvetal. A a 3 2 s > * / 3. AP kai Taür €q oia'iv čott avpupvoºpewa º a. * éyò8. Ti y&p toſs 3e3epévois XaAkečeral. XO. AA. eč y' et ye, X&Nkev duti rôv kox\opévov. 470 gº - y * * kai čvykpotojou &vöpes air €keſòev at, 455. kóAois] KöAov is the large intes- time still called the colon, 86, traora 8porów &\ts épiq'épérat 8ais, Nicander “Alexipharmaca" 23. The terms eiſko- Aos and 800 kokos exhibit the connexion supposed to exist between the digestion and the temper. Here of course there is a play upon the words kóNots and ko)\g, the second person, future middle, of kokāſo. 464. otpot, or 8 otöév] Paphlagon's phraseology is not borrowed from the tannery ; it is probably intended as a sample of the homely and graphic metaphors with which Cleon was accus- tomed to drive home his arguments. The Chorus, dismayed at hearing these well-known and effective figures of speech, can only hope that their cham- pion will be able to meet the illustra- tions drawn from the carpenter's business with metaphors as homely and as forcible drawn from the wheel- wright's trade, 465. €v"Apyet] Some years before the conclusion, in 445 B.C., of their thirty years' truce with Athens, the Spartans had concluded a truce for a similar T H E KNIG HTS 67 These plotting traitors hurt me so. CHOR. Strike, strike him, well and manfully, And with those entrails beat him, And strings of sausage-meat, and try Meet punishment to mete him. O noblest flesh in all the world, O spirit best and dearest, To City and to citizens a Saviour thou appearest. How well and with what varied skill thou foil'st him in debate O would that I could praise you so, as our delight is great. PAPH. Now, by Demeter, it escaped me not That these same plots were framing; well I knew How they were pegged, and fixed, and glued together. CHOR. O., me ! (To S.S.) Can't you say something from the cartwright's trade 2 S.S. These Argos doings have escaped me not. He goes, he says, to make a friend of Argos, But 'tis with Sparta he's colloguing there. Aye and I know the anvil whereupon His plan is forged: 'tis welded on the captives. CHOR. Good l good l return him welding for his glue. S.S. And men from thence are hammering at it too. period with the rival Dorian state of Argos; and Argos therefore had hitherto kept herself free from the complications of the Peloponnesian War. But that truce was now drawing to a close ; and on its expiration she would be at liberty to throw the whole weight of her power and prestige into the scales in favour of either of the combatants. No one could foresee what line she would take ; for, if she was Dorian like Sparta, she was also democratic like Athens. Both parties were equally anxious to secure her alliance for themselves; and Athenian envoys to Argos would be frequently meeting with Spartan envoys who had come on a similar errand. In this way, the Sausage-seller infers, Cleon had got into communication with the Spartan leaders, for the purpose of obtaining good terms for himself in return for the release of the captives. A71. §vykporoúaw] Are helping to ham- mer out the plot. The applause of the Chorus encourages the Sausage-Seller to persevere with his metaphorical phraseology; népielve ri, Heraq opá rà diró rôv XaAkéov, as the Scholiast says. The F 2. 68 III II E IX W * A - 2 y > 2 A. y Aº Kai Tavra p our opyuptov ovre Xpwatov ðiðoës divarreforets, oùre trpoortrépinov pixovs, ey * } 2 ðros éyò, raût' otºk 'A6mvatous ppáoro. IIA. éyò plºv obv airíka plāA’ eis 8ovX}v iów 475 tuov &trövtov Tós $vvopoorías pào, kai rās $vvóðovs rês vukreply&s év tá tróAet, kai trav6 & Míðous kai 3aorixeſ évvóplvvre, kai tak Botorów Taira ovvrvpoſſieva. AA. IIA. XO. trós otiv 6 rvpos év Bototoſs &vios; 480 J * éyò ore vil Tov ‘Hpak\éa trapao top6. jº & W Af & “A Aº A" 3/ &ye oil ov tiva votiv iſ tiva yuáptny exeus; vvvi 8tôāšets, etirep direkpóvºa Tóre 9 * A *A AP & 9 & Af eis Tā kox6vo. Tö kpéas, 6s attös Aéyets. 2 * y y * Af 6ečael yèp §§as eis to 8ovXevriptov, 485 d's otros eio treaſov čketoe 8tašaxeſ iſiós &mavtas koi kpayóv kekpáčerat. three lines which follow read as if they were an imitation of some well-known language of Cleon; and possibly that is the reason why they appear to irritate Paphlagon beyond endurance. 475. eis BovXàv] He is not contem- plating any legal process. He is going to denounce the Sausage-seller and his supporters before the 8ovX) first, as he does afterwards before the Demus in the Ecclesia. See supra 395, 396. 477. Év riff tróNet] This, the reading of the best MS., is undoubtedly right. He is about to inform against the Sausage-seller under three distinct heads, viz. (1) intra-mural conspiracies, (2) conspiracies with the Persian em- pire, and (3) conspiracies with the Boeotians. The alternative reading &mi rā tróNet confuses the three things together, for all would alike be de- nounced as directed “against the State.” Kock has already referred to Thuc. viii. 54 rās £vvopogrias airepertyxavov trpórepov ev Tij tróAet of oral, and these “nightly gatherings in the city” may be illus- trated by the conspiracy imputed infra 852–7 against Paphlagon himself. 479. Tăk Botorów] We know that about this time negotiations were being carried on with disaffected persons in various cities of Boeotia, with a view to the subversion of their existing con- stitution, and the establishment of a democracy in its stead; and indeed it was to further this scheme that the expedition to Boeotia was planned which ended in the disaster at Delium. And that Demosthenes, one of the persons whom Paphlagon is addressing, THE KNIGHT's 69 And not by bribes of silver or of gold Or sending friends, will you persuade me not To tell the Athenians how you are going on. PAPH. I’ll go this instant to the Council-board, And all your vile conspiracies denounce, And all your nightly gatherings in the town, And how you plotted with the Medes and King, And all your cheese-pressed doings in Boeotia. S.S. Pray, how’s cheese selling in Boeotia now 2 PAPH. I’ll stretch you flat, by Heracles I will. [Exit. CHOR. Now then, what mean you? what are you going to do? Now shall you show us if in very truth You stole the meat and hid it as you said. So to the Council-house you’ll run, for he Will burst in thither, and against us all Utter his lies and bawl a mighty bawl. took a prominent part in these nego- tiations we are expressly told by Thucydides iv. 76. With regard to the expression ovvrupoğueva the Scholiast says 2wpirmyvägeva kai Ört trapá Botoroſs troMös rupós. And Dodwell, travelling in the country at the commencement of the nineteenth century, observes that cheese is still one of the chief products of the Theban territory, i. 269. But though there is doubtless here a re- ference to the fact that Boeotia was a cheese-producing country, rupeño and its cognates are frequently employed in this metaphorical sense, both in classical and ecclesiastical writers. As to the former Casaubon refers to Demosthenes, De F. L. 337 (p. 436); and as to the latter see Theodoret i. 7. 17 and passim. The Sausage-seller's retort, if not a mere bit of cheek, must mean that if there is any cheese-picking going on Paphlagon is sure to be trying to make money out of it. At all events it has such an effect upon Paphlagon that with a final threat, drawn from his tanyard, he at once makes off to com- plain to the Council. 481. TapaorropóJ 'Ekrevö' àpia 8& kai diró rôy Bupa'āv,-Scholiast. With this Paphlagon departs, and the next sixteen lines are occupied with the Sausage- seller's preparations to follow him to the Council. But first he must be equipped, like an athlete, for the com- bat which will ensue. 487. Kpayov kekpáčerat] Will bawl a bawling; like Báčov Babišopiev, we go a going, in Birds 42. Both are merely comic phrases. - • 76) - III II E IX 490 AH. pépumoró vvv 495 AA. &AA eluv trpótov 8, Ös éxo, Tós kouxtas W M Af J) 6 8: 6% kal tas playalpas evdaou katatºmoroplat. 3/ y/ * A * AH. *xe vvv, &Aetºlov Tóv Tpdxn}\ov Tovrºl, £v'éé0Xto 6&vetv Šávn Tàs 8taffoxás. AA. &AA’ eſſ Aéyéus kai Tatēorpuffikós Tavrayi. AH. Éxe vvv, Štréykavkov Aa3by tačí. AA. Tí óat; ty 2 y º * 3. 8 A. A AH. iv. &pielvov, & Tāv, Šakopoètopiévos pudºxm. kai atre58e taxéos. AA. Tairo. 8pó. ôākvetv, 8taffºxetv, Toys Aópovs katea.0teuv, Xàtros Tā kāNAat dropayáv #áets tróNuv. XO. &AA' ióu Xaipov, kai trpäéetas karð votiv Töv čplēv, kat ore puxarrot Zet's dyopatos' kai vukňo as 500 aë0us ékéſéev tróNuv Ós àpiós éA6ots a Tepāvous katántao tos. 490. £xe vuv) With Enger, Bergk, and all recent editors, I have transferred this speech and those in 493, 494, and 495 (given to the Chorus in the MSS. and the older editions) to Demosthenes, who is standing on the stage by the side of the champion, and is now ap- plying lard to his neck and shoulders. The Chorus are in the orchestra, and could not have taken part in these manual performances. On routgºi the Scholiast says oréap Övöodoruv airó, d\et. ‘peo:6at, tva etxepās 3\to 6aivetv Ščvmrat, . Ščov eimeiv rās Magâs dos émi trčAms, rås StagoN&s eirev ais ÉpleMMe 8tašáNNew 6 KAéov. The term Stafloxas, expressive of Cleon's usual practice, is substituted for Aa3as here, as 8tağa)\&v was for 8ta\agöv in line 262 supra. The metaphor, as the Scholiast intimates, is taken from * & * * → * kai 600 Amtros iſ tº durayovuorriff, . . the wrestling-school, whence the word trauðorpuſºukós two lines below ; for wrestlers anointed themselves with oil, the more easily to elude the grasp of their adversaries. “Take to your- selves,” says St. Chrysostom, “mercy and loving-kindness for these will do more for the soul than oil for the body. These will enable you to escape from the attacks of the devil; 6trov yap ëv karáorxm, 8vo)\torðaivet Mottröv, oùk éðvros toū āAatov roërg! roſs vórows toſs juerépous évićávew rās exeivov Našás. Toârgº toivvv £avrots ovvexós d\eighopaev rº èMaiº.”— Hom. 64 in Matth. (641 D). Sto.Nioréauvov aúróv rás Aa3ás.—Id. Hom. 4 in 1 Cor. (31 C). 493. raói] Skópoča aúró, trpoorqāpet.— Scholiast. The metaphor, he proceeds to say, is taken ärö rôv ćNekrpvóvov' &rav yāp eis pſixmv orvp3á\\oortv airovs, orkópoba THE KNIG HTS 71 S.S. What for 2 DE. And don’t forget S.S. Well, I will go; but first I’ll lay me down Here, as I am, these guts and butchers-knives. DE. Here take this ointment and anoint your neck, So can you slip more easily through his lies. S.S. Well now, that’s good and trainer-like advice. DE. And next, take this and swallow it. DE. Why, if you are garlic-primed, you'll fight much better. And now begone. S.S. I’m off. To peck, to lie, to gobble down his combs, And bite his wattles off. That done, return. CHOR. Good-bye and good speed: may your daring succeed, And Zeus of the Agora help you in need. May you conquer in fight, and return to our sight A Victor triumphant with garlands bedight. ôtöðaoru airois iva èpupiðrepot &rty év rfi uáxi). KáA\ata Sé rows tróyovas (wattles) rôv d\ektpwóvov. Cf. Acharnians 166. 496. SuagáAAelv! He is to fight Paph- lagon with his own weapons. Here we have the demagogue's mode of attack intermixed with the terms of the cock- pit, just as it was, five lines above, with those of the wrestling-school. And now the Sausage-seller, fully primed for the combat, leaves the stage with his friends; and the Chorus in the orchestra, after sending them off with a blessing, turn to the audience, and commence the Parabasis. Like the Parabasis which we have already seen in the Acharnians, and those which we shall presently see in the Wasps and the Birds, it is a complete Parabasis with all its seven component parts fully worked out. 498–506. THE COMMATION. The first five lines of the Commation convey a farewell greeting to the departing champion; and probably the Chorus do not actually turn to the audience until they come to the words ipels ö’ juiv. In the three next Comedies, the Clouds, the Wasps, and the Peace, the Commation commences in a very similar manner. The Scholiast tells us that some part of the Commation is trapū rô 20%ék\etov č 'Iok\éovs, meaning prob- ably not that it was borrowed from, but that it bore some resenblance to, a passage in Sophocles. No play called the Iocles is known, and it has been suggested that the Scholiast is referring to the Iphicles or the Iobates. As to Zet's 'Ayopatos see #10 supra and the Commentary there. The Sausage-seller is commended to the care of that deity because, being about to confront Paph- 72 III II E IX a y as A §pets 3' piv Tpéoxere rôv vodv toſs t' divarratorous, & travrotas #8m Moûams 505 treupaffévres ka0' éavrots. AP ei pév tis divip tow 3pxaíov kopſgöoötöäokaxos pés 2 A jváykagev Aééovros étrm trpès to 66arpov trapagfival, oëk &v pačAos érvyev rotºrov. viv 8' d'étés éo 6’ 6 troumrås, fy \ J W º * * * Af * 2 ðrt toos atroës pitv puoreſ, toxpló Te Aéyetu Tà èikata, 510 kai yewvaíos trpos Tov Tvø6 Xopeſ kai Tàu èptóXmv. & M 2 º gº * 5 ev Aſ & 8& 6avpićeuv Špióv pmauv troXXoës attá trpooltóvtas, kai 3ao'avićeuv, Ös oëxi tróXat Xopov airoim kaff €avröv, º * & e 5 A* Af * Af #1ós (pulv čké\eve ºppºo at trepi Totºrov. } a oëx inſ' &votas toūro retrov6ós 8tarpiðeiv, 3ÅA& vogtſov ºpmol yèp divip 515 kopſgöoëlèaoka)\tav čivat XaAeróratov ºpyov &mdvrov. troXXóv y&p 8: Tretpacrévrov attºu &Afyous Xaptoao,0at: lagon before the Council, he will need all the debating powers he can get. 504. & travrotas K.T.A..] They mean that they are speaking to the Athenian people, the most artistic and accom- plished audience in the world. Many of them were themselves poets who had wooed (treupaffévres) the Muses on their own account, kað’ avrots. These com- pliments are intended to conciliate them here, just as the appellation oropiat pupiat at the commencement of the Parabasis of the Frogs was intended to conciliate them there. 507–46. THE PARABASIS PROPER. Aristophanes explains to the public why he had never before applied to the Archon for a Chorus in his own name, but had always up to the present time produced his plays in the name of Callistratus. And in doing this he takes occasion to review the careers of some of his predecessors, Magnes, Cratinus, and Crates; a review of only less interest to the history of Comedy than is his criticism of Aeschylus and Euripides in the Frogs to the history of Tragedy. 507. juas] The word is emphatic, For we are no mere Babylonian slaves, or Acharnian charcoal-carriers, we are the Knights, the famous cavalry of Athens: it is not every Comic poet who would have obtained our consent to form the Chorus of his play. #váykačev, was for constraining, had attempted to constrain. 511. Tuq6 . . . pu&\nv] Both these descriptions, the Tornado and the Whirlwind, are intended to personify T H E KNIG HTS 73 But YE to our anapaests listen the while, And give us the heed that is due, Ye wits, who the Muse of each pattern and style Yourselves have attempted to woo. If one of the old-fashioned Comedy-bards had our services sought to impress, And make us before the spectators appear, to deliver the public address, He would not have easily gained us; but now, with pleasure we grant the request Of a poet who ventures the truth to declare, and detests what we also detest, And against the Tornado and Whirlwind, alone, with noble devotion advances. But as for the question that puzzles you most, so that many inquire how it chances That he never a Chorus had asked for himself, or attempted in person to vie, On this we're commissioned his views to explain, and this is the Poet's reply; That 'twas not from folly he lingered so long, but discerning by shrewd observation That Comedy-Chorus-instruction is quite the most difficult thing in creation. For out of the many who courted the Muse she has granted her favours to few, one and the same thing, the fierce and destructive energy, the wild and whirl- ing invective, of Cleon. 513. xopöv airoim] A dramatic poet was said Xopów aireiv, when he sent in his play to the Archon, as a candidate for public exhibition at one of the Dionysian festivals. The Archon was said xopöv Štóóval, if he selected the play as one of the three to be so exhibited, and assigned it to a Choregus, a wealthy citizen who would bear the entire expense of putting it on the stage, save and except the cost of the three actors who were provided by the State. If in some scenes, as in Comedy was frequently the case, a fourth actor was required, the Choregus was bound to supply him ; but a choregic actor never takes a prominent part in the programme, or does more than utter a few short sentences. In the present play the three state or professional actors originally represent Demosthenes, Nicias, and the Sausage- seller; but the actor personating Nicias became Paphlagon, and the one per- sonating Demosthenes will presently become Demus ; while Nicias from the entrance of Paphlagon to the Parabasis (after which he returns no more) is relegated to a choregic actor, who again in the post-parabatic scenes is transferred to Demosthenes. This shifting from one character to another would create little difficulty in the ancient dramatic performances, where the face of the actor was concealed from the audience. 517. xapia aoréal.] Aristophanes habi- tually, as Kuster observes, represents the Muse as a courtesan, wooed by 74 - III II E IX º a Af z y /* * a 37 ūpās Te TáAat 8tayuyv6okov čtreteſovs Tāv púau èvras, kai toºs trporépovs Tóv troumtöv ćua Tó yńpg trpoötöövtas. toūto pièv eiðs &to:6e Máyvms épio taſs troXtaſs karuoča'ats, 520 ês trxeſota. Xopév táv duritróNov vikms armore Tpotraſa. tróa as 3' pitv pověs iels kai Jºdô Nov kai Trepvyićov kai Xvöićov koi Jrmvićov kai 3attóplevos Batpaxeſous oëk ééſipkegev, &AX& TeXevróv čtri yipos, où y&p ép #8ms, ěšegxī0m Tpeogórms &v, Štt toà orkówrew direAeſp6m. 525 º 2 A. A • t /* ? 5. Ap eita Kpatívov peplumpiévos, Šs troAA@ fletía as trot' étraívg A a 5 a- a 3/ V * A A. ðið. Töv dºpe.86v Teóiov ćppel, kai Tàs a Tóoreos Tapao tºpov épépel Tês épils kai Tès TAaróvows kai Toys éxópot's trpo6extuvovs’ * y º 3. A. *A a Af goal 8 of K #v év čvpatroaíº TAñv, Aopot orvkotréðuxe, many but granting her favours to few. See the last line of the Commation above, and the Commentary on Frogs 95. And cf. the Scholiast on Pindar's Second Pythian, line 75. 518. Teretovs] Annuals, a metaphor from the plants so called. Ye change your opinions with the changing Seasons, and nobody can tell from your tastes this year what your tastes next year will be. 520. Máyvns] The first poet to come under review is MAGNES, of whom little is known beyond what we can gather from the present passage. Aristotle (Poetics, chap. 5) speaks of him as one of the earliest writers of Attic Comedy; and the author of the short sketch Ilepi kopºpóias says that he won eleven victories (Suidas says two, but that is obviously a mistake). The five par- ticiples Wrá\\ov to 8atróplevos Barpaxeious refer to the names of five of his Comedies, the BapStruatai, the Lute- players; the "Opwu6es, the Birds; the Avôoi, the Lydians; the Vijves, the Gall- flies (see the note on Birds 590); and the Bárpaxoi, the Frogs. He had doubt- less been dead for some years at the date of this Comedy. The participle kartoãorals in connexion with grey hairs is to be understood of greyness being sprinkled over them like a fall of snow: not as Casaubon and the Commentators generally explain it, of grey hairs appearing first on the top of the head and then descending to the beard. 526. Kparivov) We come next to CRATINUs, the convivial old poet, re- puted to be now upwards of 90 years of age, who, with the exception of Ari- stophanes himself, was the most notable figure in the old Attic Comedy. The Chorus freely admit the irresistible vigour, and the boundless popularity of the man in the early days of his dramatic career, when he carried everything before him, and his songs were on everybody's lips. But now, they say, he has become a mere THE KNIGHTS 75. While e'en as the plants that abide but a year, so shifting and changeful are YoU ; And the Poets who flourished before him, he saw, ye were wont in their age to betray. Observing the treatment which Magnes received when his hair was besprinkled with grey, Than whom there was none more trophies had won in the fields of dramatic display. All voices he uttered, all forms he assumed, the Lydian, the fig-piercing Fly, - The Harp with its strings, the Bird with its wings, the Frog with its yellow-green dye. Yet all was too little; he failed in the end, when the freshness of youth was gone by, And at last in his age he was hissed from the stage when lost was his talent for jeering. Then he thought of Cratinus who flowed through the plains 'mid a tumult of plaudits and cheering ; And sweeping on all that obstructed his course, with a swirl from their stations he tore them, Oaks, rivals, and planes; and away on his flood uprooted and prostrate he bore them. And never a song at a banquet was sung but Doro fig-sandaled and true, drunken old driveller, who has outlived his powers, and is an object of con- tempt, and ought to be an object of compassion, to all beholders. The humour of this description consists in the fact that the jovial old bard was still in his full vigour, and indeed an actual competitor in this very theatrical contest. And although Aristophanes won the prize with the Knights, yet Cratinus came next with the Satyrs; just as in the preceding year, when “ory 5e ris; 35 Aristophanes won the prize with the Acharnians, Cratinus had come next with the Storm-tossed, Xetplašápºevot. And in the following year he had his revenge on the impertinent young poet, winning the prize with his Flagon, IIvrivn, whilst Aristophanes with the Clouds was placed last of the three competitors. It was doubtless in the Parabasis of the Flagon that he retorts upon Aristophanes as a mere Euripidean quibbler ſcoppés tis épotro 9eaths, “ütroAetroA6-yos, Yvapuāićrms, Eöputričaptoroqavigay;” The Scholiast on Plato's Apology, who preserves this retort of Cratinus, pre- serves also the reply of Aristophanes, admitting that his language may be in the style of Euripides, but asserting that his thoughts are not so vulgar and commonplace. xpapal Yap airoß roß oréparos ré, orpoyryūAq., \ * an * * * toūs vows 6' 3-yopatovs firrov # 'iteſvos trotó. 529. Aſopot ovkoméði)\e] This and Ték- toves eitraXápov Čuvov were two songs from the earlier comedies of Cratinus. The first was obviously satirical, Aapot representing 6&pa, gifts (that is, bribery), whilst avkotréðthe brings in the idea of 76 III II E IX kai, Téktoves eitraXápov Špivov' otºros #v6maev čkeſvos. 530 v ? & amº 2 * & e- dº 3. 3. 3. * vvvi 3 ipleſs at Töv Ópávres trapaxmpoſſivt. oºk Aéetre, 3. * * 3. AP * zºº, Af 5 3/ > 3 / éktrum Tovo 6v Tóv fixáktpov, kai Toij róvov oik Št' évôvros, * 9 & * 4a y V Aº “A Aº Töv 6 &pplovićv 8taxaakovo 6v &AA& yépov ćv treptéppet, &amep Kovvás, a répavov pièv éxov aſſov, 8tºrm 8' droxoMös, & zºº M M Af Aº 2 2 es Af êv Xpñv Ště. Tês trporépas víkas trivetv čv Tó IIpvraveſº, 535 kai pº. Ampetv, dAA& 6eåo'6at Attrapöv trapö. Tö Atovčo p. the Sycophant, or Common Informer. Songs of this kind, getting into the popular repertory, would keep alive the popularity alike of the drama and of the dramatist. And the melodies of the old Attic Comedy frequently became the favourite songs of the people; just as the songs most in vogue with country gentlemen a century ago, “Ere around the huge oak,” “The saucy Arethusa,” “A jolly young waterman,” “With my dear girl, my friend, and pitcher,” and the like, are mostly traceable to the plays of O'Keefe, Charles Dibdin, and other Comic dramatists. 532. čkºrum rovo'àv] Cratinus is de- scribed in terms which will suit any worn-out frame; a couch according to the Scholiast (in which case the “ambers” are the ornamental studs, Tóvos the bed-cord, and dippovial the joints which hold the frame together); a lyre according to others (the ambers being the pegs or kóNAotes, the róvos the musical pitch, the éppovia, the joints as before). But it is unnecessary to tie the description to any particular instru- ment, and whatever révos and éppovia, may mean in the metaphor, the words are no doubt selected as appropriate to the musical drama. The use of #Aekrpos as a feminine is unique; and Dr. Wer- rall's daring proposal to translate the passage “now that his Electras fail, and the old vigour is not in them, and his Harmonias do not hang together,” and to understand ékirtirrovoſºv in “its ordinary sense as applied to theatrical works, persons, and figures, disapproved, zejected, hissed off,” might be welcomed as a brilliant interpretation of the lines, if we had any reason to believe (1) that Cratinus ever wrote any Comedy or Comedies which could be identified by such descriptions as these, and (2) that he ever lost the favour of the Athenian public. But though he was undoubtedly at this moment over-topped by the rising genius of Aristophanes, he seems mone the less to have retained his full popularity on the Comic stage. 534. Öortrep Kovvās] The poet kills two birds (Connas and Cratinus) with one well-known proverb, AeAqºs dump, oré- qavov učv čxov, Šive 8' diroMoMás. The proverb is preserved by the Scholiast, Suidas, and the Paroemiographers (Bodl. 337; Coisl. 103; Diog. iv. 26; Gaisford, pp. 35, 130, 184), and is said to have been used of persons sacrificing, with garlands round their heads, while themselves in want of the necessaries of THE KNIGHTS 77 Or Framers of terse and artistical verse, such a popular poet he grew. Yet now that he drivels and dotes in the streets, and Time of his ambers has reft him, And his framework is gaping asunder with age, and his strings and his music have left him, No pity ye show; no assistance bestow; but allow him to wander about Like Connas, with coronal withered and sere, and ready to perish with drought; Who ought for his former achievements to DRINK in the Hall, nor be laid on the shelf, But to sit in the Theatre shining and bright, beside Dionysus himself. life. Here the words oréqavos años apply to the victory wreaths won long ago and now withered and sere ; unless indeed they involve the idea of the reveller's wreath (see the note on Eccl. 691), as if these thirsty mortals were just starting from a wine-party for a kópos, and yet already their wreaths were dry, and their throats consumed with thirst. Of Connas (said to be used contemptuously for Connos) the Scholiast observes ‘O Kovvas ai)\mrūs ºv kai Péðvoros, Šs eis orvpatróoria trapmet ovy- exós éo reppévos. otiros’OAvpuriovikms yevé- pevos kai troMAákus orreſpava,6eis trevixpós fiv, p.m.8év #xov d'A' | rôv kóruvov, Éq’ oš Kparivos eitev ão.6le, kat of Yaorpi Ötöov xápiv, Šqpa ore Alpids ëx0aipm, Kovvās 6* moxvoré pavós are pixham. z * 3 * * a a Aéyet 8é airów rooraúra vukňoravra plmöémore The lines which the Scho- rerupińoréat. liast quotes from Cratinus are parodied, as Bergler pointed out, from Hesiod: 'Epyáſev, IIépon, 8tov Yévos, Šippa ore Apºs éx0aipm, pixán 66 o' éja répavos Ampfirmp (W. and D. 299). Whether this Connas the ai)\mrijs is the same person as Connos the son of Metrobius, the famous kiðaptorrºs, whose teaching Socrates in his old age at- tended (Plato, Euthydemus, chap. 1); or as the Connos from whom the phrase Kövvov 6pſov (see the note on Wasps 675) was derived, it is now impossible to ascertain. 535. €v Tó IIpvravetøj He is referring to the orirmorus év IIpvravelºp so often mentioned in these Comedies, the daily banquet served at the Town Hall for (amongst others) citizens who had deserved well of the State. The proper expression would have been 8ettveiv čv rö IIpvravetø (see Peace 1084 and the note there), but for Šetirvetv the poet substitutes trivetv as more in accordance with the tastes and convivial habits of his jovial old antagonist. 536. Trap& ré Atovãorg) So all the MSS. and so unquestionably Aristophanes wrote. Elmsley (at Ach. 1087) unfor- tunately suggested trapà rô Atovãorov, scil. ispeſ, and his suggestion has been adopted by a few editors. But it was not, I believe, known in Elmsley's time that the statue of Dionysus was regu- larly placed in the theatre during the dramatic representations (Corp. Insc. Att. ii. 470, 471; Haigh's Attic Theatre ii. §6), probably not far from the stage, between it and the curve of the 78. III II E I X. ofas & Kpdºrms àpy&s juáv #véoxero kai orvpeXtyplots' ês diró opukpós 8amóvns ipês dºptotićov drétrepitrev, 3. diró kpap/8orótov oróparos pudºrrow do telotótas Étruvotas. º A A 2 A Z M A’ Af 8’ 5 A* Xovros prevrol provos avrmpkel, tore plév trittov, Tote o ovXi. 540 * > gº tain' éppoë6v 8térpuſ?ev dei, kai trpès toūrototu paakev épérmv Xpfival Tpora yevéorèat, trpiv trmöaxtous émixelpeſv, k&T' é 56e Cº) gº * M 9 /> 8 6 a's g 1976 Utſey Tp(pparevolat kal Tovs aveplovs oua pmoat, kāra kvěepvāv airóv čavrò. * 2 ôtt oroppovikós kočk divoſtos éatrimôňa as épèvápel, toūtov oſſºv oſſºveka. Trāvrov, 545 y 3 * J aipeg'6' airó troXè to 660lov, trapatrépºrat' ép évêeka kötraus orchestra. See A. B. Cook in the Clas- sical Review, ix. p. 377. Nor was it then known that the Priest of Dionysus sat in a throne in the front row of the auditorium, with the Exegetes appointed by the Pythian oracle on one hand and the Priest of Zeus the Protector of the City on the other (Haigh vii. § 3), one of whom would have had to be displaced to make room for Cratinus by the side of the Priest of Dionysus. See the Commentary on Frogs 297 and 811. Moreover it was with Dionysus, and not with his Priest, that Cratinus was ordinarily associated. See Frogs 357 and the note there ; and compare the last lines of the epigram in the An- thology (Nicaenetus 4) to which Brunck has already referred: Olvás rot Xaptevrt tréAet raxis immos doubô" #5&p 5& Trávov obóēv àv rékou orogóv. roor Aeyev, Atóvvae, ka? &mveev oix évôs āokoo Kparſvos, &AAd mavròs &öwöö's tribov. roºyáprou o'reqāvolv böpios é8pveu etxe ôe città pléramov, oia kai ov, kekpokapiévov. Oh, wine is a mettlesome steed that hurries a poet away. But water-drinkers nothing Smart can say. So Cratinus declared and exhaled, Dionysus, an odour combining A whole cask’s fragrance, not one stoup's alone. And therefore with garlands his house overflowed; and the ivy entwining Made thy bard's face as saffron as thine own. - The ivy of Dionysus was to the poetry of the theatre what the laurel of Apollo was to poetry in general. And hence in his Christmas letter to Charles Deo- dati (Eleg. vi.) Milton says: Quid quereris refugam vino dapibusque poesin? Carmen amat Bacchum ; Carmina Bacchus amat. Nec puduit Phoebum virides gestasse corymbos, Atque hederam lauro praeposuisse suae. T H E KNIG HTS 79 And then he remembered the stormy rebuffs which Crates endured in his day, Who a little repast at a little expense would provide you, then send you away; Who the daintiest little devices would cook from the driest of mouths for you all; Yet he, and he only held out to the end, now standing, now getting a fall. So in fear of these dangers he lingered; besides, a sailor, he thought, should abide And tug at the oar for a season, before he attempted the vessel to guide; . And next should be stationed awhile at the prow, the winds and the weather to scan; And then be the Pilot, himself for himself. So seeing our Poet began In a mood so discreet, nor with vulgar conceit rushed headlong before you at first, Loud surges of praise to his honour upraise; salute him, all hands, with a burst 537. Kparms] The sketch which Ari- stophames gives us of CRATES represents a poet, not indeed endowed with any ex- traordinary vigour, but whose comedies were meat and finished, if somewhat finical, productions. He compares him to a cook who serves up for his guests a cheap but elegant little repast. The words ām-6 opukpās 8amávns of course refer not to the expenses of putting the play on the stage (which was a matter for the Choregus, and not for the poet), but to the slenderness of the fare provided. There is some difficulty in determining the exact meaning of the word kpap6orárov, driest, but it is no doubt a culinary word, and probably refers to the oven in which the con- fections were baked ; the word oróuaros being unexpectedly substituted, after the manner so familiar in Aristophanes, for the name of the kitchen utensil. Crates, like Magnes, seems to be now dead, so that Cratinus, the poet's living and most illustrious antagonist, is sand- gy 546. To 566-ov) The wash and roar of the surging waves, whether breaking wiched in between two dead dramatists. 542. Irmöa)\tous émixelpeiv) This expres- sion is equivalent to kv6epvāv, two lines below. To be the Kv3epvärms, the guber. nator navis, was the highest post to which the sailor could aspire. Before he undertakes it, the poet says, he should acquire, by practical experience, a full knowledge of the duties of the oarsman, and of the signs of the weather. The safety of the entire vessel, passen- gers and crew, may depend altogether upon his sagacity in foreseeing the weather they are likely to encounter, and the capacity of the rowers to encounter it with success. 545. §rt oraqipovikós ... eq}\vápel] With oroppovikós we must supply, as Casau- bon says, some such verb as ºrpoorj)\6ev. The marvel is that the poet left it for us to supply. As the line stands it might well have been employed by Cratinus in his retort, mentioned in the note to 526 supra, to the present attack, à r" 'Aptoropávns 8s awqipovikiºs éammāhoas eq}\vápet. upon the shore or churned into froth by the beat of many oars. See Lucian's 80 III II E IX 66pv6ov Xpmotöv Anvairmv, e/ 9 & y AP AP iv 3 troumris &min Xaipov, karð votiv trpášas, *A A AP patópès Aéparovri puerón p. º firm' &vaš IIógeiðov, & XaAkokpótov introv ktöttos kal Xpepertoplos évôévet, kai kvavépôoXot 602? A. Af pua.00%ópot Tptăpets, 550 555 Amores 6, where many of the terms here used are repeated. Then the word became applied to any similar noise, as here to a roar of applause. “The Greeks are full of seafaring sounds and allusions. I think the murmur of the Aegaean wrought itself into their lan- 92 e wº guage,” says Edward Fitzgerald in one of his letters. The exact meaning of the phrase with which the line con- cludes, éq' évöeka kötraus, is uncertain; but in all probability it refers to some salute given to the victorious boat in the races about to be mentioned. Eu- stathius (on Odyssey v. 412) says to 8é fióðvov, Širíðerov kūparos floéoùvros kará º aft & N M 3 tº f = ôvoparotrotiav. oi 88 peó'"Opimpov ré fiedpa ey * t w ey y A \ oùra ka)\odow. oi Śē to repov 'Atrukol rºw orëvrovov eipegiav otro bagi, kai Éoffiáčeiv rô £péoorew avvrévos. Aéyero 8: 506téſeuv, kai Öre oi vatra, Éiri kótrats 8era ruxöv # Kai Tàeioot traiovres, eira àua travarápevot, º > y ey 2 p c. A às ék ovvěřiparos imaš dive pévovv, Ös kai vöv trore yiveral. Kai éort rotodrov trapá 'Aptoroqāvel rô “aipeg'6' airá, troXt rô fióðiov, traparépºrar' éq' vöeka kötraus,” tovréori, eighmuija are rôv Selva 506id ſovres vavrikós. And Suidas, s. v.v. diroiréuvar” ép' évôeka kötraus, says diró rôv wavruków. ké\evapua yap fort vavruköv éq' vöeka kö- traus. The Scholiast thinks that it was a cheer continued for eleven strokes of the oar, kéNevapa vavruköv éq' evöeka ko- trmNaorials ékretvápevov. Whether this was so, or whether eleven oars were elevated to salute the winning trireme, or in what other manner the salute was given, it is now impossible to say. Several ingenious conjectures have been made for the purpose of connecting the évôeka kötral with something in the theatre itself, as that they represent the kepkiöes in the auditorium, the fingers of the spectators, the rows of the Choreutae or the like, but even apart from the fact that the number eleven does not suit any of these conjectures, they seem to me to go on a wrong tack. The entire phrase traparrépºrar' éq'évôeka kótraus is a nautical metaphor, but there is no reason to suppose that, within that metaphor, the word kótraus is used in a non-natural sense. 547–50. THE PNIGos or MACRON. This, in the present play, merely winds up the Parabasis Proper, praying the T H E KNIG HTS 8} Of hearty triumphant Lenaean applause, That the bard may depart, all radiant and bright To the top of his forehead with joy and delight, Having gained, by your favour, his cause. © • - . . . . . . . /* Dread Poseidon, the Horseman’s King, gºve” tº & .4 ‘’’ * . ºr A--- *. ...*.* * * Thou who lovest the brazen clash, _24, ' ' % 7. a 2.4 ° * * * Clash and neighing of warlike steeds; 244. ea at ſº, . ... tº * Pleased to watch where the trireme speeds 7.4.” ‘’’ º Aºzº, :* Purple-beaked, to the oar's long swin ºf ce " ", , , ; 2, 2...?" ** urp 2 g £, 74, 2&tº */22.2" e º z ... º. 2. ... …” < x. s ** ... audience to greet the poet with such a tumult of applause as will ensure him the victory. The applause is described as 66pv6os Anvairms, because the occasion is the Lenaean Dionysia. It is im- possible that the closing line of the Pnigos, patópós Adurovt. Perótrø, can in- volve, as some have thought, an allusion to the premature baldness of the poet. 551–64. THE STRoPHE. The Strophe and Antistrophe are invocations, the former of Poseidon, the latter of Athene; the two Powers who in old times con- tended for the possession of Athens, and who now are her chiefest Pro- tectors. Poseidon, 6 "Intruos, was the special Patron of the Knights, the in- treſs, but Athene was the special Patron of all Athens. In the invocation of Poseidon we shall find an occasional scintillation of comic humour; but Athene was too holy and exalted even for such harmless trifling as this. Each invocation consists of fourteen chori- ambic lines, of which the first eight are the ordinary choriambic dimeters, consisting of one choriamb, and one iambic dipody, the fifth and eighth being catalectic. Then follow two longer lines, each containing two choriambs, preceded by a disyllabic base, and fol- lowed by a monosyllabic final. And the four remaining lines are pure glyconics, the last of them being a catalectic, or as it is sometimes called, a Pherecrateian, line. See the Introduction to the Frogs, pp. xxxii, xxxiii. The present strophe seems to have been in the mind of Sophocles when he composed the second antistrophe of his Ode “in praise of Colonus,” Oed. Col. 707–19. 555. puorðoqbópot] To a dramatic poet the word pug 60s would naturally recall roës puorðots róv troumróv, the money-pay- ment made to each of the competing poets at the Dionysian festival. See Frogs 367 and the note there. And probably a similar payment was made to each of the ten triremes (one from each tribe) which contended in the boat races—instituted it is supposed by Themistocles—in the harbour of Peiraeus: see Mommsen's Feste der Stadt. Athen. p. 148. And if these races were really founded by Themi- stocles, it was peculiarly apposite that ... ? * 3 : : : 82 - III II E IX pleupaktov 6' &pu}\\a Āap- trovvopévov čv ćpplaatu kai Bapw8atpuovoúvtov, êeſp &A6' is xopov, & xpvootpſaw, & ðeXpivov ple&#ov, Xovvićpate, 560 & Tepatotie traſ Kpóvov, boppiſoví Te pixtar', Šk Töv ćAAov re 6eóv A6m- vaſous trpès to trapeatós. eūXoyńoral SovXópeo:6a robs trarépas àpióv, Štt 565 &vêpes morav Tijorée Tſis yńs āśtol kai rod trét}\ov, his monument should have been erected öövos éniormuárarov rôv raûrm. He cites overlooking the harbour, and the scene of these aquatic contests. Plutarch (Themistocles, ad fin.) cites four lines from the Comedian Plato, addressed to Themistocles himself: 6 gos 6& répgos év kakó keyworpićvos roſs épurópous trpóopmats oral travraxoo, toūs ūkirAéovräs r" etoiračovrás r &iperat, x&móraw öpuxA’ ºf rôv veðv, 6eówerau. It is, in my opinion, with reference to rot's puréoùs róv rpińpov competing in these races that Aristophanes employs the epithet puorðoqāpot, which has puzzled the Scholiast and Commen- tators. 558. 8apuðauplovoúvrov Either, as the Scholiast thinks, from the great ex- penses they incurred, or (more probably) from the accidents which would so frequently occur in the races. 561. Tepatorrie] At Geraestus, the south-west promontory of Euboea, there was, says Strabo (x. 1. 7), ispöv IIoget- Odyssey iii. 177, and Eustathius in his Commentary on that line refers to the statement of Strabo. At Sunium, the southern promontory of Attica, the chief Temple belonged to Athene; and Mitchell and others contend that by 20www.dpare we are to understand merely that sailors leaving the mainland at Sunium to enter the Aegaean were accustomed to offer up a prayer to Poseidon as they passed; but it seems more probable that he was worshipped in a Temple of his own at Sunium as well as at Geraestus. 562. Poppiovi) Phormio was the one hero of the Peloponnesian War, whom Aristophanes placed on a level with the men of Marathon and Salamis. His splendid dash, his tactical skill, his ungrudging patriotism, and the enthu- siasm with which he inspired his troops, combined to make him a man after the poet's own heart. The date of his death is unknown, but it seems probable T H E KNIGHTS 83. Winning glory (and pay); but chief Where bright youths in their chariots flash Racing (coming perchance to grief); Cronus's son, Throned on Geraestus and Sunium bold, Swaying thy dolphins with trident of gold, Come, O come, at the call of us; Dearest to Phormio thou, Yea and dearest to all of us, Dearest to all of us now. Let us praise our mighty fathers, men who ne'er would quake or quail, Worthy of their native country, worthy of Athene's veil; that it had recently occurred, and that Aristophames is here laying a wreath of everlastings upon the hero's grave. 564. Trpès rê trapeotós] IIpês rā trapóvra kai éveoróra trpáygara. Štrei vedori 'A6m- vaíou Poppiovos orparmyoivros, trepi vav- paxiav #vöpayáðmorav.–Scholiast. The exploits to which allusion is here made are recorded in the Second Book of Thucydides. 565–80, TEIE EPIRRHEMA. “Let us now praise famous men and our fathers that begat us.” The Chorus praise their noble ancestors, the Knights of old, whose valiant deeds by land and sea raised Athens to her present height of renown. They sought no reward for their splendid services; they never applied for the orirmorus év IIpvraveig or the trposépia in the public shows, which Cleon obtained after the affair at Sphac- teria “for doing just nothing at all.” And as it was with our fathers, say the Chorus, so it is still with ourselves, the Knights of to-day. We wish merely to fight for our country, receiving no pay or reward except the goodwill of our fellow citizens. There is an epigram in the Anthology (Simonides 45) on the Athenian cavalry which, if really composed by the great Simonides, must refer to these “Knights of old.” xaſper’ diptories troAépov, pºéºya kūāos éxovres, kotipoi 'A6mvatov čoxot in mooiſvn, of more taxNixópov trept marpiðos &Aéaa8° #8mv, mAetorous ‘EXAávan čvria papvápºevol. 566. Too Trém Aov] Worthy of Athens and of her patron Goddess. For by was borne, like a sail, on the mast of a ship through the streets of Athens to the mérºos they mean the embroidered the Erectheium, the Temple of Athene robe which at the Great Panathenaea Polias; infra 1180; Birds 827. G 2 84 III II E IX ofrives treğaſs pºxolotv čv te vav ppákrø otpató Travraxod vukóvres del riv8' ékóopmorav tróXuv. 2 * 2 * Af J) 3 * V 9 Aº 5 ºn V où y&p ow8eis trótrot airów roºs évavtſovs i8&v #píðumorev, &AA 66vpubs eijóðs fiv duvvías. 3 Q A AP 2 * , , º 3. Af “A ei 8é trov tréootev čs Töv &piov čv pºdºxm rivi, • 2 3 Aº > A ^_> 9 gº *A a TOUT &meleſſoravt ov, eit mpvovvtO plm TreTrrookeval, &AA& 8terráXatov at 6ts. at *A atº. A’ J/ 2 y A. Aº Tov trpo roi, orírmoruv firma €póplevos KAeaíverov: * y vöv 3’ &v paſſ trpoeóptav pépoort kai rā ortrio, où playefor6af paatu. Tpotko, yewvaíos diplôvelv kai 6eois éyxoptots. kai trpès owk airoßplew otóēv, TAºv too ovtovi plávov- 3/ J 3 2. Af * Zº Af 6 mv trot eupmvm yewmtat kat Trovov travo'opietza, pº) (p60veið’ pitv kopóat plmö' directXeyytoplévous. º Tſis ieporárms &ma- * 570. duvvias] "Eroupos m.pós rô duovat. &s émi rôv év ráAm dyovºſopévov.–Scho- liast. Up in arms: eager for the fray. We must not confine áušvetv to defensive operations. The form āpavvias is coined by Aristophanes with a caustic reference to the 'Apivvias frus oi orrparešeral of Clouds 692. It has been suggested that the Chorus are still keeping Phormio in mind (Thuc. ii. 88): and if so they would, in the following lines (571–3), be alluding to the manner in which he turned defeat into victory at Nau- pactus, Thuc. ii. 90–2. But as they are speaking of deeds done in their fathers' time, it seems more probable that, if there is a reference to any particular event within our knowledge, & troxtotixe IIa)\A&s, & 570 kai orparmyös oß8 &v eis 575 #pleſs 8' détotipley Tà tróAet 580 they are thinking of the victory of the Athenians under Myronides sixty-two days after their defeat at Tanagra. 574. orirmorivl Tºv čv IIpvravelºp rpátreſav. —Scholiast. But neither the Scholiast nor any Commentator seems to have noticed that the Chorus are alluding to the orirmous év IIpvravelºp and the Tpoeëpia awarded to Cleon after his re- turn from Pylus. Cleaenetus mentioned at the end of the line was Cleon’s father, and considerable difficulty has been felt as to the meaning of the words épépuevos KAeaiverov. Neil's inter- pretation, “Our fathers did not apply to Cleaenetus to procure them rewards, as we now do to Cleon,” can hardly be right, for there is no reason to suppose T H E KNIGHTS 85 Men who with our fleets and armies everywhere the victory won, And adorned our ancient city by achievements nobly done. Never stayed they then to reckon what the numbers of the foe, At the instant that they saw him, all their thought was At him go / If they e'er in desperate struggling on their shoulder chanced to fall, Quick they wiped away the dust-mark, swore they ne'er were thrown at all, Closed again in deadly grapple. None of all our generals brave Then had stooped a public banquet from Cleaenetus to crave. Now unless ye grant them banquets, grant precedence as their right, They will fight no more, they tell you. Our ambition is to fight Freely for our Gods and country, as our fathers fought before, No reward or pay receiving ; asking this and nothing more, When returning Peace shall set us free from all our warlike toil, Grudge us not our flowing ringlets, grudge us not our baths and oil. Holy Pallas, our guardian Queen, Ruling over the holiest land, that Cleaenetus was a man of any in- fluence whatever in the time of their fathers or until his son had acquired the position of leading demagogue. Far better than this is the ordinary explanation, that persons who sought to procure a vote in their favour from the Assembly would have to approach Cleon through the medium of his father. But when we realize that the Chorus are here speaking of the rewards granted to Cleon himself, we may perhaps infer that Cleon, unable to move in the matter in his own person, would get his father to take the necessary steps in his stead. - 580. kopóort] Allusions to the long hair worm by the Knights, as by our own Cavaliers, are common enough. woos oilk vi rats kóplaus ipóv says Demus to the Knights infra 1121, where the Scholiast observes 3rt ékópov oi intreſs. Cf. Clouds 14, Lys. 561. directXeyywo- puévous, well groomed, literally well scraped (after bathing) with a strigil. A description of the ort)\eyyis will be found in the Commentary on Thesm. 556. r 581–94. THE ANTISTROPHE. Here follows the invocation of the holy God- dess Athene, whose worship was to every Athenian the high-water mark of his religion. The Knights beseech her, who has so often given them victory in the battle, to give them the victory now in these dramatic contests. As to the epithet troMotixos see Birds 827 and the note there. 86 III II E IX orów, troXépiº te kai troum- Taſs 8vváplet 6' 5"reppepotſ- orms pleóéovoro, Xópas, 585 êepp & pukoi, Aa3000 a rºv ěv otpattaſs te kai pady(als #pietépav čvvepyöv Nikmu, º Xopuków Śativ čTaipa, as 3 y zº 3 & anº A Tois T' éx6poſal pie6' plov ataoudéet. 590 viv obv čeňpo pávnóv Šeſ y&p toſs divěpáort Toſorðe "rd- orm réxvm tropia at ore vſ- kmv eitrep Troté kai vijv. º a 3. & Šávio piev toforuv ºn trous, 8ovXópeo6' trawéoral. 595 â€tol & eto'eixoyeſoróat troAA& y&p 8: Tpſypata £vv8tfiveykov ple6' juáv, eio SoMás re kai piſixas. dAA& td v tí, yń prºv airóv oëk &yov 6avpudićoptev, Ös àr eis Tês in trayoyoës eioretijóov &vöpukós, Tptópevot kó6ovas, oi & kai akópoèa kai kpópplva. 600 589. Nikmul To bring victory to her favourite heroes was Athene's part in the earliest legends. In Homer, her appearance to Diomed, to Achilles, to Odysseus, was always an assurance of success; and in Hesiod (Scutum 339) she is described as “holding Wictory in her immortal hands,” Nikmw d6avárms Xepoiv... exovora. A statuette of Victory was an adornment of the great gold and ivory Athene in the Parthenon, though its exact position is uncertain; Pausanias i. 24; Pliny, N. H. xxxvi. 4. So intimate was her connexion with Victory that she was sometimes actually identified with it, Nikm tº 'A6áva IIoMás, Soph. Phil. 134; Eur. Ion 457, 1529. See an article by E. E. Sikes in Classical Review, ix, p. 280. Aristophanes, how- ever, keeps to the true legend. Athene is not herself Victory, but she is the giver of victory to her chosen ones. 595–610. THE ANTEPIRRHEMA. In the Epirrhema the Knights sang the praises of their fathers and themselves. In the Antepirrhema they sing the praises of their horses, with special reference to an expedition against Corinth made under the command of Nicias in the preceding autumn, appa- rently as a counterpoise to Cleon's suc- cess at Sphacteria. The story is told T H E KNIG HTS 87 Land poetic, renowned, and strong, First in battle and first in song, Land whose equal never was seen, Come to prosper our Choral band 1 Bring thou with thee the Maiden bright, Her who greets us in every fight, VICTORY | She in the choir-competition abides with us, Always against our antagonists sides with us. Come, great Goddess, appear to us, Now, if ever, we pray, Bring thou victory dear to us, Crown thine Horsemen to-day. What we witnessed with our horses we desire to eulogize. Worthy they of praise and honour ! many a deed of high emprize, Many a raid and battle-onset they with us have jointly shared. Yet their feats ashore surprise not, with their feats afloat compared, When they bought them cans and garlic, bought them strings of onions too, Leapt at once aboard the transports, all with manful hearts and true, in the Fourth Book of Thucydides (chaps. 42–5): and the historian men- tions that the expedition was accom- panied by 200 intreſs in horse-transports, and that these intreis mainly contributed to the victory of the Athenians in the obstinate combat which ensued imme- diately on their disembarkation upon Corinthian territory. 600. kóðovas . . o.kópoèa . . . kpóppival These are the articles which soldiers and sailors, suddenly summoned to undertake an expedition, would busy themselves to procure. The kóðav was a campaigner's drinking-cup, said to have originated with the Lacedae- monians. It was very handy in an ex- pedition, and easily carried in a knap- sack, murmöetórarov eis orpareiav, kai ei- popórarov čv yu)\tº ; Athenaeus xi. 66. And it had a little ridge on its inner surface which, when the soldiers were compelled to drink muddy water, arrested the sediment and allowed only the clearer water to pass over to the drinker's lips. See the Commentary on Peace 1090. As to the orkópoèa and kpópplva which they carried in their knapsacks see Ach. 550, 1099, Peace 529, 1129, Frogs 654. And as to the 88 III II E IX eira Tès kóttas Aagóvres &omep pets oi Sporoi épéa)\óvres diveſłpiſaćav, inſtratraſ, tís épéaxeſ; Amºrtéov påAAov. A * * y 3 * * º 2 tº tí ópópev; owk Aés, 6 o'appópa ; ěšetříčov tº ès Kópav6ov, eira 8 of veótarot tats Öm Aaſs &pvtrov edués kai perfiorov otpápara. 605 #orówov & Toys trayotºpovs divri troías Mm3ukňs, ei Tus éééptrol 68page, kák 3v600 6mpépuevou" &aſt’ pm Géopos eitreſv Kapkivov Kopfvélov: ðelvá y', & IIóa'étéov, ei pufft v 8v66 8vviſoropat, piñre yfi pufft' év 6axóttm, 8taqvyetv toºs intréas. 3. 610 XO. & pixtat' &věpáv kai vezvukórate, ey 3 * Af & . . .es AP ãormv &mdov trapéoxes piv ºppovrièa. kai viv Štreið) orós éAñXv6as tróXuy, &yyetkov piſv trós rô Tpāyp' #yovíoo. ascription of manliness (āvöpukós) to dumb animals see Wasps 1090 and the mote there. 602, in tramaſ] "Etratée rapá rà éviſ- tranſaſ, eipnk&s &s étri introv. čart be rô fivrtrama. Śrupóvnua vavrukóv.–Scholiast. See Wasps 909, Frogs 1073. 603. oëk éAás, & orapºpópa;] These words are repeated in Clouds 1298, but there &\aúva is used in reference to a horse's ordinary movement; here to the act of rowing. 2dpiqápas is a horse branded with a giypa (oi yöp Aoptets rô oriypia oråv Aéyovoruv, Scholiast); just as kott- Trarias (Clouds 23) is a horse branded with a kónna; the brand in each case signifying the horse's breed. 606. Trotas Mm3ukňs] This is the well- known Medicago sativa, which in Eng- land was formerly called Snail-clover, but is now more commonly known by the name of Lucerne. This plant, which has always been esteemed a most valuable fodder for horses and cattle (see Stebler and Schröter's Best Forage Plants, M9Alpine's translation, p. 147) derived its name Mmölk) from the fact, or the belief, that it was first intro- duced into Europe by the Medes (or Persians) during their great invasion of Hellas; Pliny, N. H. xviii. 43. It was common in Italy during the Roman Empire; Wirgil gives directions as to the season for sowing it, and it is dis- cussed very fully by Pliny, ubi supra, and many other writers. It seems however to have subsequently dis- appeared from Italy, and to have been reintroduced there in the sixteenth century, whilst for two centuries later it was scarcely cultivated in England. See Miller and Martyn's Dict. s. v. Medicago. f 608. egopos] Who this Theorus was, T H E KNIG HTS 89 Took their seats upon the benches, dipped their oar-blades in the sea, Pulled like any human beings, neighing out their Hippapae / Pull my hearties, pull &/our strongest, don’t be shirking, Sigma-brand / Then they leapt ashore at Corinth, and the youngest of the band Hollowed with their hoofs their couches or for bedding searched about. And they fed on crabs, for clover, if they met one crawling out, Or detected any lurking in the Ocean’s deepest bed, Till at length a crab of Corinth, so Theorus tells us, said: Hard it is, my Lord Poseidon, if the Knights we cannot flee Even in the depths of Ocean, anywhere by land or sea. CHOR. Dearest of men, my lustiest, trustiest friend, Good lack! how anxious has your absence made us! But now that safe and sound you are come again, Say what has happened, and how went the fight. and why he is selected to make the remark, is unknown. He may be the kóAaš more than once satirized in the Wasps, or again he may be, as Blaydes thinks, one of the Knights themselves. There seems to be no ground for Reiske's ingenious suggestion that kap- kivos was an Athenian nickname for a Corinthian. The epithet Kopiv6ios is added here to distinguish the Corin- thian crustacean from the well-known Tragic poet, the “poetic Crabbe” of Athens. In the lines which follow there is doubtless a reference, as has often been pointed out, to the Scolium of Timocreon, to which the poet has already referred in Acharnians 532–4. The Scholiast thinks it necessary to mention that Poseidon was specially worshipped at Corinth ; but it is not on that account that he is invoked here. The crabs, complaining that the horses follow them into the sea, would natu- rally raise their protest to Poseidon, as the Lord of both sea and horses. 611. 3 pixtar dwópóv] The Parabasis. is over, and the Sausage-seller, who at its commencement had just gone off to try conclusions with Paphlagon before the 8ov\), now returns to the stage, and is cordially welcomed by the Chorus from the orchestra. Apparently they never expected to see him alive again. But the first bolt threatened by Paph- lagon supra 395 has missed fire, and the Sausage-seller is returning in triumph. The second bolt is still to come. Before the Parabasis the con- troversy was merely between the rivals inter se. Now the appeal is first to the Council, and secondly to the People in the Public Assembly. 90 III II E 1 > AA. Tí 3’ &AAo y el pin Nukó8ovXos éyévépumv; XO. viiv ćp &étóv ye träoriv čaruv ćiroMoMáčat. 615 [o Tp. & ka?& Aéyov, troXī) & 3- Aº 9 y an. Ap peivov čtv Tóv Aóyov 2 2 épyao'ſ pºev', eið’ étréA- 60ts &mavrá plot oraq6s. d’s éyò plot 8okó 620 köv plarpáv Óðv 8teX6eſv ey 2 9 * (*) OPT O. KOUOFO. L., trpès rê8’, & 8éA- Tuare, 6appija as Aéy', Ös &- travres #86plea 96 orot. AA. gº y eč6)s y&p airoi, katóniv čv6évô’ iépumv. kai pºv ćkoúa'at y' v Tóv trpaypudºrov. - ; , , 68’ &p vôov čAao'íðpovt’ &vappmyvös étrn Tepatevöplevos #petēē karð Töv intréov, kpmplvois épétèov kai évvoplóras Aéyov Tru6avóra6 8ovX) 8 &maa' &Kpoopévm éyéve6' ºr' airod Jrévôarpapáévos TAéa, 630 615. Nukó8ov\os] Nukó8ov\os and Nukó- ônuos are real Athenian names; and it may be, as Bergk suggests, that there is an allusion here to a Nicobulus whose epitaph is still in existence, Nukó8ovMos Mvuvixov Eireatos' 27s dperſis Éorrmicev čv ‘EAAáðt tràetorra Tporata. But it seems more probable that the name is used here merely as a comic method of announcing the result of the contest before the Council. -- 616–23. vöv ćp àétáv K.T.A..] This little ode at the commencement of the Sausage-seller's narrative, the anti- strophe to which will be found at the conclusion of that narrative, begins with a trochaic tetrameter brachy- catalectic (i.e. with a trochee short). The remaining nine lines are all dimeters; the first, second, third, and fifth being cretico-paeonics, and the fourth, sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth trochaics. It seems to me however extremely probable that all the first five lines should be cretico-paeonic, and that, as Bentley suggests, the fourth line in the strophe should be read -60ts ānav plot oraqºs, and in the anti- strophe kai 36Aous trouriNots. But I have made no alteration, since Aristophanes often mingles these two metres, as for example in the three odes in the Peace, 346, 385, and 582. 624. kal pºv! The Sausage-seller now THE KNIGHT's 91 S.S. How else but thus? The Council-victor I. CHOR. Now may we, joyous, raise the song of sacred praise. Fair the words you speak, but fairer Are the deeds you do. Far I’d go, This I know, But to hear them through. Now then tell us all the story, All that, where you went, befell; Fearless be, Sure that we All delight in all you tell. S.S. Aye and ’tis worth the hearing. When behind him I reached the Council-chamber, there was he Crashing and dashing, hurling at the Knights Strange wonder-working thunder-driving words, Calling them all, with all-persuading force, CONSPIRATORS 1 And all the Council, hearing, Grew full of lying orach at his talk, gives, in detail, an account of the pro- ceedings before the SovXff. And al- though the main topic is the discom- fiture of Paphlagon, the narrative is hardly less satirical upon the Sov)\!) itself. 627. intréovl Observe that Paphlagon does not attack his own personal rival, the Sausage-seller. He launches out against the Knights, the real antago- mists of Cleon, and we shall not, I think, be far wrong in believing that Aristo- phanes is here describing some actual outburst of Cleon against the Knights, possibly on the occasion, mentioned in the opening lines of the Acharnians, of their forcing him to disgorge the five talents which he had received as a bribe. It would be quite in his way to denounce his accusers as ovvopijras, “that word of fear.” See the note on 234 supra. And the poet is probably also thinking of Cleon's attack upon himself in the Sovkº), Ach. 379–82. Aristophanes describes him as speaking Tru6avórara, and Thucydides twice de- clares that he was rô 8hpºp trapā troMi év ré rére triëavóraros, iii. 36, iv. 21. 630. Wrevöarpaq dévos] The drpáqačvs (döpáqačvs Theophrastus, drpáqaćts Dioscorides) was a species of orach, akin to, but apparently not identical with, our tall shrubby orach (Atriplew Hali- mus). Its seed springs up in a week, děpáqačvs Gyöoaia (6taqūeral) Theo- phrastus vii. 1. 3; and “the shoots will 92 III II E IX: kášAeye värv, kai Tà piéron' &véamaa’ev. 2 kāyoy &re 83) 'yvov čvěexoplévny toys Aóyovs kai toſs pewakuopioſolv čarratopévmv, dye 8) Xktra?ou ka? pévakes, fiv 8 €yö, Bépéoxe6.of re kai Kó8axoi kai Móðov, 635 dyopſ: t , śv iſ traís du èrauðeū0mv ćyð, viiv plot 6páoros kai y\óTrav eitropov 8óte Aº 3 y a gº /* Af povív tº divatóñ. A Taira ºppovrićovtí plot y an y A, Aº 9 /* ěk Šešués drétrapòe karatrúyov divip. köyö trpoorékvora kåta Tó trpokrá 6evöv 640 tºv Kuyk\to èéñpača, kāvaxavöv pláya &vékpayov' & 8ovX?), Aóyovs dyadoùs 'pépov ečayyeMoraoréal trpárov Šptiv 800Xopal' in one month be two feet long ” (Miller - and Martyn). It has therefore been found impossible to keep an orach hedge in good order, for “if allowed to grow wild it will spread several feet in compass.” It therefore became, and is here used as, an emblem of rapid growth. The prefix Wrevö- means not that it was a spurious orach, but that it was a rapid growth of lies. The Scho- liast rightly explains the word by TAñpms Wrevapārav. drpáqašts 8e eiðos Maxávov, ë raxéos eis piéyedos ačerat. 631. Tà piéroir àvéortraorev] We more commonly find in this connexion rās âqipës àvéatraorev. The phrase does not mean, as the Scholiast supposes, ovvé- a ret)\e ràs 6%pils, kai touro 8: 8etypia ôpyńs: it involves no idea of anger; it means to purse or pucker up the brow, as if the mind were busy on some serious matter. So when Iago is throwing out his mysterious hints about Desdemona, Othello says: Thou didst contract and purse thy brow together, As if thou them hadst shut up in thy brain Some horrible conceit (iii. 3). The phrase rās 6q pås &c. divagarāv is rightly explained by the Oxford Lexi- cographers as meaning “to put on a grave and important look,” and they illustrate it by many examples, of which perhaps the most convincing is the curious passage in Xen. Symp. iii. 10, where each guest in turn is asked on what he most plumes himself, Širi rivu péya ppovets; Presently the question is put to Socrates himself. And he, p.dxa o'epivös àvaortráo as rô Tpéorotrov, replies On the business of a pimp. And when the company begin to laugh, he T H E KNIG HTS 93 Wore mustard looks, and puckered up their brows. So when I saw them taking in his words, Gulled by his knavish tricks, Ye Gods, said I, Ye Gods of knavery, Skitals, and Phenaces, And ye Beresceths, Cobals, Mothon, and Thou Agora, whence my youthful training came, Now give me boldness and a ready tongue And shameless voice / And as I pondered thus, I heard a loud explosion on my right, And made my reverence; then I dashed apart The railing-wicket, opened wide my mouth, And cried aloud, O Council, I have got Some lovely news which first I bring to you. says “O you may laugh, but I am sure that I could make a lot of money in that business.” There can be no note of anger in the phrase there, any more than there can be in Acharmians 1069. 634. 2KiraNouj About to address this august assembly for the first time, the Sausage-seller summons to his aid all the Powers of Impudence and Trickery. He invokes them under fancy names, some apparently improvised by himself at the moment. The 2kira)\ot and Bepé- orxe6ot are quite unknown, but the former appear to be Powers of Frivolity from 2kirov explained by Photius to be equivalent to doréevils, où8évôs āśtos, whilst the latter are, according to the Scholiast, oi ävänrot, Powers of Folly. £évakes of course are Powers of cheat- ing; Kó8a)\ot, imps of trickery; and Móðov, the spirit of drunken wanton- mess. See the Commentary on Plutus 279. 638, povňv r" dwatóñ] This is the puapā qovi), the loud brutal voice which, we heard long ago (supra 218), was one of the chief requisites for a demagogue. 640. Trpoorékvora] I made my reverence. Tpoorekövmora, Öortrep ormuelov rivös 806év- tos.-Scholiast. 641. Tºv Kuyk\tö'] The Council in the Council-chamber, like the dicasts in the dicasteries, were fenced off from the public by a low railing, 8pāqakrot, something in the style of the altar- rails in one of our churches. And just as in our altar-rails a part swings open to admit of the entrance of the Priests, so also in the 8púbakrot did a part swing open to admit of the entrance of the Councillors or the dicasts, as the case might be. This entrance-gate was the keyk\is, which the Sausage-seller burst open in the unmannerly way he is here depicting. See the notes on Wasps 124, 386. - 94 III II E IX ěč of y&p pitv 6 tróAepos kateppáyn, oùrón or dºpt as élèov dévorépas. 645 oi & eißéos ré, trpóorotra Steya Múvioravº 2 elt éate påvovy pi' eſſayyé\ta, kāya, 'ppaoa aëroſs diróppmtov troumoróplevos, tax?), iva Tès d'pěas divoſvro troAA&s toū8oNod, Töv &mpuoupyóv ovXXafteſv rô Tpú8Ata. 650 oi 8' divekpórnorav kai trpès épi'ékéxiveoav. 68 intovoſjoras, 6 IIaſpxayèv, eið6s 6 &pia ols #866 8ovXī) pºtata fláuaou, yvópumv čNešev. čvépes, #8m plot 8okeſ émi avppopots &yo.6aſouveia my yeXpiévals 655 ečayyéAta 66euv čkarov 800s rſ, 6eó. étrévévolev eis ékeſvov # 8ovX?) tra. Auv. käyoy &re 8?) 'yvov toſs 80Xtrous ſittmuévos, Šumkoorinal 8ovoiv Štrepnkövtuga- tfi & Aypotépg karð xixtóv trapſived a 660 eūxºv trotſioſaadat Xipidpov eio atºptov, ai Tptytêes ei yewoto.6 €karov toč8oNoü. 646. Tāmpóorotra öveya)\#vioravl Smoothed down their countenances, changing them, as it were, from storm to calm. “Wul- tum tranquillavi,” Plautus, Capt. i. 2. 21. 648, diróppmrov troumoráplevos] Making it a secret, that is, stipulating that they should not divulge it to any one. The phrase is not an uncommon one. Mitchell refers to Hāt. ix. 45, 94; Xen. Anab. vii. 6.43, where exactly the same words are employed in exactly the same signification. 650. 8muovpyów] Of the manufacturers; Töv orkevoirotöv, röv kepapiéov.–Scholiast. They are to lay hands on, and collect, all the platters that are in the stores of the artificers; for the purpose of re- ceiving and taking home rās dqºas. Cf. Birds 77. 656. Tā 6eć] That is, to Athene. There was no need to mention her name. To every Athenian she was emphatically “the Goddess.” 660. rā ‘Ayporépg] To the huntress Artemis. Cf. Thesm. 115, Lys. 1262, Pausanias i. 19. 7. The Temple of Artemis 'Ayporépa stood on the bank of the Ilissus at a spot called Agrae, where Artemis was believed, on her first arrival in Attica after leaving the island of Delos, to have inaugurated T H E KNIG HTS . 95 For never, never, since the War broke out, Have I seen pilchards cheaper than to-day. They calmed their brows and grew serene at once, And crowned me for my news; and I suggested, Bidding them keep it secret, that forthwith, To buy these pilchards, many for a penny, *Twere best to seize the cups in all the shops. They clapped their hands, and turned agape to me. But Paphlagon perceived, and well aware What kind of measures please the Council best, Proposed a resolution; Sirs, quoth he, I move that for these happy tidings brought, One hundred beeves be offered to Athene. The Council instantly inclined to him. So, overpowered with cow-dung, in a trice I overshot him with two hundred beeves. And vow, said I, to slay to-morrow morn, If pilchards sell one hundred for an obol, A thousand she-goats to our hundress Queen. her favourite sport of hunting. There every year, on the 6th of Thargelion, five hundred xipapal were sacrificed rà 'Ayporépg in perpetual remembrance of the battle of Marathon. The reason of that sacrifice is told, as Kuster ob- served, by Xenophon, Anabasis iii. 2. 12; and with variations by Aelian, W. H. ii. 25, and the Scholiast here. On that memorable evening, just before the armies closed, the Athenians, by the mouth of either Miltiades or the polemarch Callimachus, vowed a vow rfi 'Ayporépg, that if she granted them the victory they would offer upon her altar a xipapa for every Persian slain. They had not however reckoned on the completeness of their victory. No less than 6,400 of the Persians were slain, and it was found impossible to provide so many Xipalpat. And the vow was therefore commuted into a yearly sacrifice of five hundred. It is to this sacrifice that the Sausage-seller is here referring; and he proposes to sacrifice, though for this year only, as a thank- offering for the cheap supply of pil- chards, double the number of she-goats which year by year were offered at the shrine of Artemis as a thank-offering for their great national victory. 96 - III II E IX ékapabókmarev eis #1 # 8ovX) tróAuv. * } ô & taijt’ &koča as ékirkayels ép}\mvápa. * A2 k&6' elakov airóv of trpvráveis Xoi tośćral. 665 oi & #60pú8ovv trepi Tôv ćqūow éarnkóres' 3 & #vtić6Aet y aſſroës 6Afyov pleival Xpóvov, fv' &ró’ 6 kſipwé of K Aakečaiuovos Aéyet trúðmo'6' dipikral yèp trepi atrovööv, Aéyov. oi & #6 vös atóplatos &mavres &vékpayov. 670 * *A a 9 / > * Aº vvvi trepi atrovööv ; étrelöf, y, 6 piéAe, jorðovro Tös dºptſas trap pitv déſas; 3. * où 8eóple6a otrovë6v. 6 tróAeptos épiréro. 2 A Af * A 5 A ékékpáyearáv Te Tows trpvráveis diſpuévai’ eið’ intepetríðov toos &pvpókrovs travraxfi. 675 éyò & ré. Koptavv' émpuépiny &moëpapóv ey A A 2 5 ep 2 º' y 9 * atravta Ta Te yntet oa my ev rayopg. #metta rats & piſais #8tôovv #86apata &mopotativ attoſs trpotºo, káxapuśćpumv. Aº of 8 titrépetrfivovv Útrepetróttiraçöv Té pe 680 *~. &mavres oiros &ote tºw BovXºv ŠAmv 380A00 kopudvvous diva AaBöv čAff}\v6o. XO. Távra tot trémpayas oia Xpi) rov etruxoßvra. [avt. 664. Éq}\mváqal Began to babble; talked incoherently, Clouds 1475. In the next line eiºkov airów, were for haling him off; Wasps 793 and the note there. The Prytanes would give the order, and the Scythian archers would execute it. See Acharnians 54. 673. 6 tróAegos épiréro). This phrase, expressive of a reckless indifference to the matter, is employed again in Lysistrata 129, 130. It was doubtless, for some reason or other, very familiar to the audience, and possibly this little speech is a caricature of the answer given by Cleon to Archeptolemus and his peace-proposals (infra 794), the cheap pilchards taking the place here of the Spartans blockaded in Sphac- teria. 675. rots 8pupdrovs] The kiyk\is was open (supra 641), but they are so eager to get to the fish that they will not stop to press through it, which with their numbers would be a tedious pro- cess, but jump over the railing itself in every direction. T H E KNIG HTS 97 Back came their heads, expectantly, to me. He, dazed at this, went babbling idly on ; So then the Prytanes and the Archers seized him. And they stood up, and raved about the pilchards; And he kept begging them to wait awhile And hear the tale the Spartan Envoy brings; He has just arrived about a peace, shrieked he. But all the Council with one voice exclaimed, What 1 NOW about a peace? No doubt, my man, Now they’ve heard pilchards are 80 cheap at Athens ! We want no truces ; let the War go on 1 With that, Dismiss us, Prytanes / shouted they ; And overleaped the railings everywhere. And Islipped out, and purchased all the leeks And all the coriander in the market; And as they stood perplexed, I gave them all Of my free bounty garnish for their fish. And they so praised and purred about me, that With just one obol's worth of coriander I’ve all the Council won, and here I am. CHOR. What rising men should do Has all been done by you. 676. kopiavva.] Not coriander seeds, but coriander leaves, which the ancients used as garnish for their fish, much as we nowadays use fennel with our mackerel. The plant is the Coriandrum sativum, the “Common or Great Cori- ander” (Miller and Martyn), which is a native of the south of Europe, and is found wild in some parts of England. Though little used at present, it was formerly in much request as a culinary herb for salads and other purposes. 678. rais dºpt as jööopara] So Wasps 496 #v 8é yńretov trpoo airm rats àqíaus jövoruá ri. 680. intepemºnſtraćov1 Kept crying Türr- trać over me. Túrirač inſeq6vovv, 6 pets tromtöſelv Aéyopiev. —Scholiast. The ejaculation trömſtrać is variously ex- plained by the grammarians, and doubtless its meaning varies according to circumstances. Phrynichus (Bekkeri 69. 7) calls it an émippmua 6avpiaopioi) ; Photius s. v. an émiq6eypia oxerNiaopioi) ; but this Hesychius appears to deny. Here it seems to denote admiration, as in Plato, Euthydemus chap. 28 (303 A). For trotrºſely cf. Wasps 626. 98 III II E I X AA. IIA. AA. IIA. AA. IIA. eipe & 6 travoſ pyos ére- pov troXè travovpyías pietéoori kekaopiévov, kai 86Xotori trouki Mous, gāpaaſiv 6 aipúNots. &AA’ &mos dyovieſ ºppóv- tige TatríAoun' diptorra. ovupićxovs 3' juás éxov et- vows étriota.oral traXal. kai pujv Ó IIaſp?ayöv obrogi trpoo’épxetal, 666v koxókvpua kai tapártov kai kvków, d's 8) katatrióplevés. He, poppió toº 6pdorovs. y /* > 9 A y 3/ * 3 - 5 A ei puj or droNéoalpº, et Tu Töv airov čploi Wrevööv čvein, 8tarégoupil travtaxfi. #00my direuxats, éyéAaaa Wroxokopatrials, dreww8óptora plóðova, treptekökkva'a. 2 où to piè rºv Affantp', &v piñ o' ékpáyo ěk Tſaròe ris yſis, oë8étrore 816oroplat. #v pl? 'kpáyms; Éyô 8é y, #v på o' ékirío, k&T' & floras airós étruðuappayó £r ékpopfford *ppaya). droXó ore vi) rºv Trpoeëptav Tºv čk II:3)\ov. 685 690 695 700 685. Kekaopiévov] Adorned. Kekoopm- will occupy, practically, the remainder pévov.—Scholiast. Kock refers to Iliad iv. 339, where Agamemnon addresses Odysseus with the words kai ori, kakoto's ööAotov kekaopiéve, kepúaxe6%pov, 691. IIaq,\ayóv] Paphlagon returns, after his failure before the Council, raging with spitefulness and wrath, though still confident in his influence over Demus. The Sausage-seller, for his part, is more insolent and cock- a-hoop than ever. The contest before the 8ov}\} is described in a single speech; the contest before the Demus of the play. 692. kokākupa] KöNov köpia. The ground-swell before or after a storm when the sea, “too full for sound and foam,” heaves to and fro without breaking in waves. This is the real meaning of the various interpretations given to the word by the old gram- marians. KoMákvpia' rô Koºpów kūpa, Kai pui énºrax\dſov. — Suidas. rô rvºpMöv kūpa, of 8é rô ukpóv kūpa,—Hesychius. rô koMoSöv kūpa, ārep rvºëv Štá rà, ph kax\áſsiv Aéyovoruv. 3rrep rivés Koºpóv THE KNIGHTS 99 He, the rascal, now has met a Bigger rascal still, Full of guile Plot and wile Full of knavish skill. Mind you carry through the conflict In the same undaunted guise. Well you know Long ago We're your faithful true allies. S.S. See here comes Paphlagon, driving on before him A long ground-swell, all fuss and fury, thinking To drink me up. Bohl for your impudent bluster. PAPH. O if I’ve any of my old lies left, And don’t destroy you, may I fall to bits l S.S. I like your threats; I’m wonderfully tickled To hear you fume; I skip and cuckoo around you. PAPH. O by Demeter, if I eat you not Out of the land, I’ll never live at all. S.S. You won’t 2 Nor I, unless I drink you up, And swill you up, and burst myself withal. . PAPH. I’ll crush you, by my Pylus-won precedence. kaAoûort, rô plm étruxotiv plmöé kax\ášov.– Scholiasts here. See Homer's Iliad xiv. 16–19. The two words rapárro and kvkó are often conjoined, and are ap- plied to Cleon's methods Peace 320, 654, and recommended to his assail- ants, supra 251. 693. karatruduevos] Having regard to the repetition of this language a few lines below, we may suspect that the poet is intending to caricature some graphic phrase of Cleon's oratory. As to poppiè, see the note on Ach. 582. 696. Joãokopurials] “Vapoury bom- bastic boasts,” Mitchell. The Sausage- seller capers round Paphlagon in vulgar triumph, snapping his fingers, as Mitchell says, and crying “cuckoo.” truðapičev is explained by the Scholiast and grammarians as equivalent to ăAAeoréau. Héðov is a drunken sailor's hornpipe. $opruköv 3pxmpia kai vavrtków. —Pollux iv. 101. 3pxmpa popruköv kai kopôakóðes.—Photius. popruköv 3px?- oreos eiðos.—Scholiast. 702. Tpoeëptav] Cleon was, in all prob- ability, sitting at this very moment in the front row of the audience. And the Sausage-seller, in his retort, would point first to the demagogue enjoying H 2. 100 III II E IX AA. ièo Tpoeëpíav. olov člºopiat a' éyò ěk tās trposéptos éaxatov 6eópevov. IIA. v Tó £6\@ 86a o are vi) Tov oëpavóv. 705 AA. 6s 33609pos. pépe tº got 86 kataſhayeiv; étri Tô Đôyots #8tort &v; tri 8&AAavriº); FIA. §§aptröoroplaí orov toſs Švvćt Távrepa. AA. drovvytó orov táv IIpvravetº a tria. II A. ÉX&o ore Tpès Tov &mpov, tva 86s plot 8trmv. 710 AA. Käyö 86 o' éAéo kai 8taffaxó tràetova. IIA. &AW, 6 tróvmpe, oroi pºv of 8&v treiðetal. éyò 8' ékéivov katayexó y ágov 6éAø. AA. Ös orpóðpa or tèv Šmptov o'eavroſſ vevópukas. IIA. Tiarapat y&p airóvois Jropićeral. 715 AA. kä6 &otrep ai tíróat ye oritiſets kakós. pagóplevos y&p tº pièv 6Afyov čvtíðels, aërës 8 keſvov Tottàáortov katéo Takas. IIA. kal vi) At 576 ye 8eštátnros Tſis épiñs 86vapai trouetv Tóv Šipov eſpèv kai arevóv. 720 AA. x6 trpokrös oßpös towtoyi oopſ&etat. TIA. oëk, &yá0’, ‘v 8ovXfi pie 86&ets kaffuðptoral. his trpoeëpia there, and then to the seats at the very back of the auditorium. 707. Ti ré, K.T.A..] On what would you most like to dine 2 On a money-bag 2 Although émi, used in this manner, sometimes refers to the garnish or adjunct to the principal food (Ach. 835), yet it also frequently, as here, introduces the principal food itself. The money-bag is itself the meal: cf. Hesiod's Sopodáyot 3aori)\nes (W. and D. 264). And the compounds émièetirvetv infra 1140, Eccl. 1178, and étréol{}ietv Plutus 1005, involve no idea of an adjunct to the meals. In this little speech the Sausage-seller appears to be purposely irritating Paphlagon by addressing him as if he were a savage dog, “the watch- dog of the State" as he was accustomed to style himself. If that were his in- tention, it seems to have been entirely successful. 708. §§apirágopal] It seems hardly possible that there should be here any allusion, as the Scholiast suggests, to the comparison of Paphlagon (supra 205) to an eagle, 3rt dyköAats rats xeportv dpirá(ov pépet. Nor do I think he is right, though the Commentators gener- ally adopt the same view, in giving to T H E KNIG HTS 101 S.S. Precedence, is it 2 I’m in hopes to see you In the last tier, instead of here in front. PAPH. By Heaven, I’ll clap you in the public stocks. S.S. How fierce it’s growing ! what would it like to eat? What is its favourite dainty 2 Money-bags? PAPH. I’ll tear your guts out with my nails, I will. S.S. PAPH. S.S. I’ll scratch your Town Hall dinners out, I will. I'll hale you off to Demus; then you'll catch it. Nay, I’ll hale you, and then out-slander you. Paph. Alack, poor chap, he pays no heed to you, But I can fool him to my heart’s content. S.S. How sure you seem that Demus is your own PAPH. Because I know the tit-bits he prefers. S.S. And feed him badly as the nurses do. You chew, and pop a morsel in his mouth, But thrice as much you swallow down yourself. PAPH. And I’m so dexterous-handed, I can make Demus expand, and then contract again. S.S. I can do that with many things, I trow. PAPH. Twont be like bearding me in the Council now drovvyiſo in the following line its ordinary sense of paring, cutting short. It is more probably intended, as Mitchell and others take it, as a play on Paph- lagon's language rols övvéu, meaning I will scratch out with my nails. The word ortria here, as supra 575, represents the orirmous év IIpvraveig. 712. Treiðerat] He pays no heed to you; gyou have no influence with him. He uses the present tense, both in this line and the next, because he is not directly referring to what is going to happen on their special appeal to Demus; he is stating generally what he considers the actual position of the Sausage-seller and himself. 714. Öſiuov areavroël Of all the taunts in the play, one would suppose this line to have been the most unpalatable to Cleon, as he sat in the front row, with the audience who were in fact, though not in form, the Demus, laughing tumultuously behind him. 720. etp:/v kai orrevóv] Meaning that he could mould the Demus into any form he pleased; it was like wax in his hands. 722. čv 8ov\ff pie 86&eis] Our contest before the Demus, he means, will be 102 III II E IX IIA. AA. ow8èv koxêet. iðoy, Báðuée, puměv juás ioxéro. & Afipe, &eip' flex6e. AA. vi. At', & trótep, £eX6e 8fft'. IIA. & Amutótov, & pi\ratov, ëéeX6', iv eióñs oio. Treptuğpíšopiat. 3/ y * a topºev eis rôv Šmplov. AHMOX. Tíves of 30óvres; oºk &tit’ &trö Tſis 0%pas; IIA. AHMOX, or 8' ei Tís ÉTeóv; tºv eipeoudºvnv plov Karea trapóšate. tis, & IIaſpxayóv, 38treſ are ; TIA. 813 at Túrropal AHMOX. Tuij; ðrú pixó o’, 6 Añpi', paatſs tº elui o 6s. into Tovtovi kai Tôv weavíokov. A.A. divrepaotºs Tovtovi, 3 * 2 Af Z a y º * épôv TräAat orov, 3ovXóplevós ré o'ei troteſv, &\\ot re troXXol kai kaxoſ Te kāya.60ſ. &AA’ oix otoi T' éoptèv Ště 'tovtoví, a yap öplotos éi toſs tratori toſs épopuévous" Toºs pièv kaxočs te kāya.0ods of Tpooróéxel, 725 730 735 oravrov 8& AvXvoiráxatal kai vevpoppſ#qous kai akvrotópous kai Bupa'otróMatouſ 8:80s. 740 IIA. e5 y&p trotá têv Šmplov. AA. eitré vuv, tí ópóv; quite a different matter to our late contest before the Council. There you could insult me with impunity; you will find it otherwise here. When we are before the Demus, you will not fancy gourself to be insulting ºne before the Council. 725. & Amp', &#eX6e] Now the two rivals press up to the door of Demus's house, clamouring for his immediate appearance. That some noisy scuffling and disturbance took place between them is plain from the first remarks which Demus makes. 728. rives of 80&vres;] Demus, the testy old gentleman described supra 40–3, now opens his door and comes out ; and henceforth the Demus in the auditorium contemplates itself as Demus on the stage. He enters, complaining of the disturbance going on about his house, and declaring that these noisy and riotous fellows have smashed his eipe- otóvn, the harvest-wreath suspended over his door. The eipeoudovn was an olive-branch wreathed with wool, wherein were stuck symbols of harvest and vintage, figs, bread-cakes, and vessels containing honey, and oil, and wine. It was borne about in the festival T H E KNIGHTS 103 No, come along to Demus. S.S. Aye, why not? I’m ready; march; let nothing stop us now. PAPH. O Demus, come out here. Come out, my father. S.S. O yes, by Zeus, PAPH. Dearest darling Demus, Come out, and hear how they’re illtreating me ! DEMUs. What's all this shouting 2 go away, you fellows. You’ve smashed my harvest-garland all to bits 1 Who wrongs you, Paphlagon ? PAPH. He, and these young men, Keep beating me because of you. DEMUs. Why so? PAPH. Because I love you and adore you, Demus. DEMUs. (To S.S.) And who are you ? S.S. A rival for your love. Long have I loved, and sought to do you good, With many another honest gentleman, - But Paphlagon won’t let us. You yourself, Excuse me sir, are like the boys with lovers. The honest gentlemen you won’t accept, Yet give yourself to lantern-selling chaps, To sinew-stitchers, cobblers, aye and tanners. PAPH. Because I am good to Demus. S.S. Tell me how. Pyanepsia (at the end of October), Plutarch, Theseus 22; and was after- wards hung out over the door of the house. See Wasps 399, Plutus 1054, and the notes there. 730. ris, & IIaq}\ayóv] The first ques- tion which Demus asks betokens the high place which Paphlagon had con- trived to acquire in his affection. In the latter's reply the veaviorkot are of course the youthful intreſs who form the Chorus of the play. 732. (pt)\@ . . . Épaorrist' eiut] Looking at the Sausage-seller's retort, dvrepaorris rovrov, and his subsequent rebuke of Demus for being taken in by dema- gogues who say śpaorràs r elui ords, pi\ó ré ore, we &am hardly doubt that we have here the phraseology with which Cleon was accustomed to express his devotion to the Athenian Demus. 739. AuxvoróNator.] He is referring to Hyperbolus, the lamp-seller, infra 1815, Clouds 1065. It is probable that the other three words are all meant to apply to Cleon; for there seems no sense in the Scholiast's remark that the word vevpoppáqous refers to Lysicles because he was a trpogarotróMms. 104 III II E IX IIA. & Tu ; Tôv otpatnyov Štroëpapov, Toys ék IIñov, TAeča as ékéſore, toys Adkovas #yayov. 3. *A ^ * y 3 2 9 A. AA. §yô & Treputatóv y ám’ ‘pyao'rmptov êyovros étépov Tiju Xúrpav Špel}\óplmv. 745 IIA. kai pºv trouſſo as airika pºékk\matav, º • 3 eſ' J } {\ ^ & A e. 5 Ap & Afipſ', ºv' eióñs 6trörepos vóv čotí orot ečvoča repos, Štákptuov, iva toûtov pixfis. AA. vai vat 8tókplyov 87ta, TA}v paſſ 'v Tà Trvkví. AHMOX. oilk &v kaðiðoſumu èv ćAA@ Xopſø. 750 &AA’ eis rô trpó0.6e Xp) traptév' és Tºv trøkva. AA. oiuot kakoëaiuov, dis diróNox'. 6 yap yépov 3/ * 3. * 5 A oikoi pºv &vöpóv éott Sešićtatos, ôrav 8 tri Tavrmori kaði, Tai Tſis Trérpas, kéxmvev čotrep patroëiſov iox48as. 755 XO. viiv 8ff ore travro Šeſ kāNov čátéval oreavrot, [a Tp. kal Afipla. 60%ptov popeſv kai Aóyovs dºpiškrovs, 742. rôv orparmyöv k.T.A..] I have adopted Bentley's reading of this line which gives a simple and satisfactory meaning, I slipped in before the general, says Paphlagon, and having sailed to Pylus brought thence the Spartans as prisoners. Bentley observes that the same expression oi ék IIſ Nou is used of these prisoners infra 1201, Clouds 186. And indeed in the latter place it is supplemented, as here, by the explana- tory words the Laconians; rois ék II: Aov Amq6eſot, rois Aakovikots. The participle intoëpapºv, like in offeivinfra 1161, means “to cut in, unexpectedly, before another.” The orparmyös is Demo- sthemes, who was really in command of the operations, though he did not bear the official name of arparmyös until he was appointed to that office, conjointly with Cleon. 749. Šv riff trukvil It is probable that during the Parabasis, while the stage was empty, some theatrical attendants had come in and arranged the stones in the foreground so that they bore a slight resemblance to the Pnyx; if indeed the entire structure had not been brought in while the Parabasis was proceeding. 751. eis rô Tpó0.6e Tapiéval] "E60s fiv 'A6ñumori kaðaipeiv riv čkkAmoriav . . . pukpots trävv Xoupiðious āltep &vóplaſov ka94porta.-Harpocration s. v. kaflápotov. The sacrificedsucking-pigs were carried round the limits of the place wherein the Assembly was to be held, and only those within that limit could take part in the proceedings of the meeting. Tápit' eis rô trpóorée was the formula T H E KNIG HTS 105 PAPH. 'Twas Islipped in before the general there And sailed to Pylus, and brought back the Spartans. S.S. And I walked round, and from the workshop stole A mess of pottage, cooked by some one else. PAPH. Come, make a full Assembly out of hand, O Demus, do; then find which loves you best, And so decide, and give that man your love. S.S. O Demus, do. Not in the Pnyx however. DEMUs. Aye, in the Pnyx, not elsewhere will I sit. So forward all, move forward to the Pnyx. S.S. O luckless me, I’m ruined The old fellow Is, when at home, the brightest man alive; But once he sits upon this rock, he moons With open mouth, as one who gapes for figs. CHOR. Now loosen every hawser, now speed your bark along, And mind your soul is eager, and mind your words are strong, whereby the knpué invited those who were without to come within the line of purification (Acharmians 43, 44, Eccl. 128, 129); and the same formula is repeated by Demus here in view of the proceedings about to commence. 755. Öortrep puroöičov ioxáðas] Like a boy, he means, opening his mouth as widely as he can, to catch the figs dangled before him. He is alluding to a favourite amusement of Athenian boys. A fig was tied by its stalk, troëi, to a string, and either held or thrown up in the air to be caught by the boys in their mouths as it descended. Pos- sibly the boys had to shut their eyes, since some signal, such as the cry of Méyas Atóvvoros, was given when the attempts were to begin. For this, I imagine, is the game to which allusion is made in the anecdote told by Diogenes Laertius (v. 18) about Aristotle and Diogenes the Cynic. The latter offered the philosopher, who was some- thing of an exquisite, a dried fig, expecting that he would refuse it, and having a scoff ready if he did so. But Aristotle, divining his purpose, accepted the fig, and observed Diogenes has lost both his fig and his scoff. Thereupon Diogenes offered him another. Aristotle took it, held it up aloft, as children do, and calling out Méyas Atoyévms, gave it back; pereopioias, Šotrep rà trauðia, eitrów re Méyas Atoyévms, diréðokev airó. Demus, mooning on his benches (supra 896) is compared to children sitting with their mouths open to catch the figs. 756. viv 8%] Demus now takes his seat as the audience in the mimic Pnyx, 106 III II E IX ôtotal Tóv8' intepGaAeſ. troukíMos y&p &våp k&k Töv dum)&vov trópovs eſpiſixavos Topſøetv. Tpès Taij6" &mos ééet troXès kai Aaputrpès és rôv čvěpa. 760 &AA& pv) &rtov, kal trpiv čkeſvov trpoolkeſoróat arou, mpórepov ot) toūs 8expivas pereopićov kai Tºv čkatov trapaśćNAov. IIA, Tſ, plºv Šeotroivn 'A6mvaím, Ti, Tſis tróXeos peóeoûorm, etxopal, el pièv trepi Tôv 8mptov Tóv A6mvatov yeyévmplat 8éAttoros &vºp per& Avarukxéo, kal Kûvvav kal XaXašakxé), 765 €/ * V A - a 3 * A ootrep 1/U1/l plmöév 8pdoras 8ettrueſv €1/ Tºp IIpvraveſ?' Paphlagon and the Sausage-seller re- presenting the rival orators. At this supreme moment, while they are getting into their places, and the great controversy is about to commence, the Chorus seek to encourage their cham- pion with five lines of exhortation and advice, the antistrophe to which will be found infra. 836–40. The second and third lines are in that compound iambo-trochaic metre which the poet employs in Wasps 248–73 and else- where (see the note on Wasps 248); the other three are ordinary iambic tetra- meters. The language, as befits the occasion, is full of Tragic reminiscences. The metaphor Trávra káAdov čátévat is found in Medea 278 (as also in Plato, Protag. chap. 24, 338A, Lucian, Scytha (11), Alexander (57), Theodoret, H.E. i. 5 and elsewhere), and means, to borrow Dr. Werrall's explanation, “to let out all Ayour rope; in modern phrase, to set all sail.” With line 759 the Scholiast compares Aesch. Prom. 59 &eivés yöp eipeiv Káš dumxávov trópov. 760. troXès kai Aapurpás] Like a strong, fresh wind. Cf. supra 430. Mitchell refers to Demosthenes (First against Aristogeiton 68, p. 787) troXès #m-vel kai Naptºpós. 762. rots 8e)\pivas pereopišov) The ôe)\pis was a dolphin-shaped mass of lead or iron, which was swung up to the yard-arm of a ship, for the purpose of falling upon an enemy's deck with crushing effect. The Scholiast describes it as oričmpoïv karaokešaopa # proxić8tvov, eis 8eMºptva èo Xmparuopiévov. rms kepaías rod io row ai rooro 8é ék vauptaxoborat hºpiegau eis rās róv troNeptiov, Kai kare- ôňovro. The first thing for the sailors to do was to hoist the ÖeXqis up (rot's ðexpivas pereopiſov); and the second was to lay their ship alongside the enemy's (rºv čkarov trapagóA\ov), so that the weight might project over, and be in a position to be dropped on, the hostile vessel. As to trapaSáA\ov cf. Frogs 180, 269. From the expression used by Thucydides vii. 41 ai kepaſat ai diró rôv ÓNkáčov Šexplvopópot, some have supposed that these weights were mostly carried by defenceless merchant- T H E KNIG HTS 107 No subterfuge admitting; the man has many a trick From hopeless things, in hopeless times, a hopeful course to pick. Upon him with a whirlwind's force, impetuous, fresh and quick. But keep on his movements a watch; and be sure that before he can deal you a blow, You hoist to the mast your dolphins, and cast your vessel alongside the foe. PAPH. To the Lady who over the city presides, to our mistress Athene, I pray If beyond all the rest I am stoutest and best, in the service of Demus to-day, Except Salabaccho, and Cynna the bold, and Lysicles—then in the Hall May I dine as of late at the cost of the State for doing just nothing at all. men who, being without the protection of marines, étuğārat, resorted to these artifices when in danger of being boarded. But however this may be, the term ākaros is used by the poets to denote any kind of ship, even a ship of war (Eur. Hec. 446, Orestes 342, Troades 1100), and here is undoubtedly used for the vessel which carried the êeXqivas. ſº 763. riff pièv Šeotroivn K.T.A..] Paphlagon, whom we shall presently find quite ready to pit himself against Themi- stocles, commences his oration by adopt- ing the words of that statesman: who, to obtain the evacuation of Athens at the approach of the Persian hosts, succeeded in passing a decree riv pièv tróMuv trapakarafféo 6at rà 'A6mvá, rim 'A6m- váov ueðeoûorm k.T.A., Plutarch, Themi- stocles, chap. 10. And compare 585 Supra. 765. Heră Avouk\éa k.T.A..] Frere con- jectures, and it seems very probable, that Cleon was accustomed to pro- nounce himself the foremost statesman of Athens, perå IIepuk\éa, kal Kiptova, kai espuorrok\éa : and that it is by way of parody on that vaunt that Ari- stophanes substitutes for these three great names those of a contemptible demagogue (see the Note on 132 supra) and two vulgar courtesans. In Wasps 1032 and Peace 755 the bold and baleful glances of Cynna are said to flash out of the eyes of Cleon; and it is suggested in the Commentary on the Wasps that Cynna may have been thought to inspire the truculent oratory of Cleon, just as Aspasia is supposed to have inspired the lofty eloquence of Pericles. In Thesm. 805 the demagogue Cleophon is postponed to Salabaccho, just as Cleon is here. 766, p.m.8év Špágas] For of course the orirmats Öv IIpvraveig was designed for great deeds, and signal public services. The Scholiast says plmöév Štampašáuevos Jºe * * 2. W * ey &pyov otrovčaſov kai pāya. (p.mori yap 3rt éri pleyá\ots katop6ópaori riv rupińv raûrmv 'Aónvaiot trapeixov rois dyadóv ri sãepyerſ- > z * º p a oraoruv airońs. vöv oſſu orkóttreu têv KAéova, 8t’ &v airów ŚpioMoyoëvra totet, 3rd plmöèv ôtarpačápevos rotoorov ćpyov, tºs év IIpv- ravelºp outflorea's peréoxev. 108 III II E I X ei 8é ore puorá kai pº trepi orod pudyopal piévos &vtićegmkös, köyoy, & Aſip', ei più o'e (pixó kai wº otépyo, katarpimóels 770 kai tā kpedypg rôv ćpxtréðov éAkotumv čs Kepapielków. kai trós &v époi pāAAóv ore ºptAóv, & Añple, yévotto "roxirms; t a 2 a. J 3. Af ês trpóra pièv, #vík #806Xevóv got, Xpſiuato, TXeſort diréðelča a- º, a- 2 - º év tº kowg, toºs pièv otpegåøv, toys 3’ &yxov, toºs & petairów, 776 droxofumv kai 8tarptorffelmv katarpumóeſmu Te Aéračva. AA. éyoffinv čv replkopparíois' kei puji Toºrotal trétrouðas, étri Tavrmal karakvnorðeimv čv plurtotº pietà Tupou, IIA. où ppovrićov Tóv iólotów ow8evös, ei ool Xaptoſumv. AA. Tojto pièv, & Aſpi', où'ěv oreplvóv. 3. * V * / A köyö yöp toßtó are ëpáoro. &pirášov y&p toos &ptovs orot Toys &AAotpíovs trapatija.o. &s 3' otºx pixeſ o' oë3’ or eduovs, roſt' airó ore Tpóra ötöáčo, dXX # 8t& Toijt’ at 6' 6tuff orov Tſis div6pakuás droMatſet. 780 a's yap, Ös Máēotal 8tečiqíoo trepi Tàs xópas Mapo.06v1, * Z & . . e. Av - - - 2 a Af kai vukňoras pitv preyòos éyy}\ottorvireſv trapéðokas, étri Taſoſt trérpals of ºppovtićet okxmpós are kaðipevov oiros, oëx éotrep yo Gavrápévôs orot touri pépo. º Af * ºf * Af \ y *A kāra kaðiſov plaxakós, iva pil Tpíðms riv čv XaAap.ſvt. &AA’ travatpov, 785 767. durišegmkós] 'Avôuaráplevos roſs dôuketu ore trpoalpoupévois-Scholiast. 768. Aéraðval ‘Ipăvres TAarets, ois àva- ôéovral oi rpáxm\ot rôv in mov trpès rê {vyóv.—Hesychius. Schol. Wen. on Iliad v. 729, oi armówaſot Aópot, h oi pao XaAt- ornpes róv introv. Tooro Sé Ös 8wpooróMms eitrev. Neitet 8& eis, tv' fi eis Aéraëva.— Scholiast. A horse's breastbands. 770. Tepukopparious] Mince-meat trim- mings. Cf. Supra, 372. Each of the rivals draws his self-imprecation from his own particular trade. May I be cut wp into leathern straps, says the leather- seller. May I be chopped into saw- sage-meat, says the Sausage-seller. The language might of course be put into anybody's mouth. In one of Henry Harland's dainty Anglo-Italian idylls (the Lady Paramount) an old Italian commendatore exclaims, “I would sell myself to be chopped into sausage-meat, before I would become a party to any such carnival tricks.” The latter part of the line is explained by the Scholiast to mean si pº trioteſſets toūrqº uov rá, ôpkº, ögoûpai got repov Špkov pleiſova. 771. Ti Tavrmoil Tºv rpáreſav Šetkvěs tºv playeupukňv.—Scholiast. See the note on 152 supra. A pivrrorós, the Scho- liasts tell us, was a sort of salad com- posed of garlic (orkopóðov), cheese (rupoi), T H E KNIGHTS 109 S. S. PAPH. S. S. But O if I hate you, nor stride to the van to protect you from woe and mishaps, Then slay me, and flay me, and saw me to bits, to be cut into martingale straps. And I, if I love you not, Demus, am game to be slaughtered by chopping and mincing, And boiled in a sausage-meat pie; and if THAT is, you think, not entirely convincing, Let me here, if you please, with a morsel of cheese, upon this to a salad be grated, Or to far Cerameicus be dragged through the streets with my flesh-hook, and there be cremated. O Demus, how can there be ever a man who loves you as dearly as I? When on me you relied your finances to guide, your Treasury never was dry, I was begging of these, whilst those I would squeeze and rack to extort what was due, And nought did I care how a townsman might fare, so long as I satisfied you. Why, Demus, there’s nothing to boast of in that ; to do it I’m perfectly able. I’ve only to steal from my comrade a meal, and serve it up hot on your table. And as for his loving and wishing you well, it isn’t for you that he cares, Excepting indeed for the gain that he gets, and the snug little fire that he shares. Why you, who at Marathon fought with the Medes, for Athens and Hellas contending, And won the great battle, and left us a theme for our songs and our speeches unending, He cares not a bit that so roughly you sit on the rocks, nor has dreamed of providing Those seats with the thing I have stitched you and bring. Just lift yourself up and subside in This ease-giving cushion for fear you should gall what at Salamis sat by the oar. 782. čyyMorrorvireºv] 2epivo)\oyetv rá & Kelvøv kai dei émi y\órrms exeiv.–Scho- liast. Alluding, as Mitchell puts it, to that tongue-coinage which the rhe- oil (éAatov), honey (péMuros), and leek (irpáorov) all pounded together. Hence in the Peace the War-demon, preparing to pound into a salad (karapºvrrorečeuv) the various Hellenic cities, throws into his mortar Prasiae for leek, Megara for garlic, Sicily for cheese, and Athens for honey, Peace 242–52. As to the cook's kpedypa see Wasps 1155 and the note there. The Cerameicus to which he is to be dragged is of course the Cerameicus outside the City gates. torical mints of Athens were ever striking off in honour of the achieve- ments at Marathon and Salamis. 785. iva pº rpigns] This is well illus- trated by the language of the Scholiast on Thuc. ii. 93, defining inrnpéotov as rô kóas & rukáðmurai oi épégorovres 8tá rà pº) orvytpifleoréal airów rās truyás. 110 III II E IX AHMOX. &vópore, tís ei'; pióv éyyovos él Tóv Apploôtov ris ékeſvov; toūré yé rot orov totpyov &Amóós yeuvatov kai pixóðmpov, IIA. AA. IIA. kai pºv et Troö tus divip påvm Tó Öſiuq) uáAAov ćpºvov 6s diró pukpóv eduovs attà 6orrevpatíov yeyévmoral. kai or yap airóv troXi pukpotépots toūtov Šexedo poortveixes. 790 # plóAAov čplot ore puxav, 6&o trepi Tàs kepaxfis trepué60-6at. AA. * * *A arº *N * ºf a 3. asº. 3 5. * Aº kai trós or pixels, Ös toūrov Čpóv oikoúvt’év toſs tru64kvato’t W A. * Af J/ 3/ 5 3. 2 kai yumapſous kai trupytöious éros ūyöoov oik Aegipets, &AA& kaffeipšas abrov (3Aittels. Apxettoxépov & pépovros Tºv eipſiumv čeokéðaoras, T&s trpeg|Seſas T' &meAoûvets 795 786. &v6pore, ris ei;] The delicious sensation imparted by the cosy little cushion thus slipped underneath him makes Demus alive to the fact that a new benefactor of unparalleled thought- fulness and liberality has arisen in the City. Who can he be? Surely he must be of the same strain as Har- modius, the darling of the Athenian democracy. The Sausage-seller's little gifts to Demus are intended as a skit upon the doles and indulgences to the Athenian people, chiefly in their cha- racter as dicasts, by which Cleon had won their hearts. 788. Ös àmà pukpóv K.T.A..] This line is supposed by VanLeeuwento be addressed to Demus ; but it is generally, and no doubt rightly, considered to be addressed to the Sausage-seller, who accordingly answers it. et wovs tº Añuq is almost a technical phrase in Athenian politics. See supra 779, where Mitchell quotes Xen. de Rep. Ath. iii. 10 €v oëöepuá tróAet to 8éAttorov et vovv éori ré Añuq, d\\ā Tô Kákiotov čv ékáorm tróNew etyvouv tº Añpºp, and Lysias against Agoratus 13, where the speaker says of Theramenes, otpatnyov xelporovnóévra direčokupudorare, où vopišovres etuovv siva rö TAñ6et rô iperépº. Many other instances might be cited. Paphlagon here says, With what trivial bits of flattery have you approved yourself a good friend to Demus! 792. Tru64kvator. K.T.M..] In little tubs, eyries, and turrets. yundpuov is the eyry of the vulture. He is referring to the hardships occasioned by the great influx of all the country-folk of Attica into Athens at the outbreak of the Pelo- ponnesian War, hardships depicted by Thucydides in language hardly less graphic and picturesque than that which is employed by Aristophames here. The historian ii. 14–17 describes how the entire rural population, some of them bringing with them the woodwork of their country homes, came flocking into the City which was really too small to contain them; and how they settled down, in swarms, in every vacant place T H E KNIGHTS 111 |EMUs. Who are You? I opine you are sprung from the line of Harmodius famous of yore; So noble and Demus-relieving an act I never have witnessed before 'APH. O me, by what paltry attentions and gifts you contrive to attract and delude him .S. 'Twas by baits that are smaller and poorer than mine, you rascal, you hooked and sub- dued him. . 'APH. Was there ever a man since the City began who for Demus has done such a lot, Or fought for his welfare so stoutly as I? I will wager my head there is not. .S. You love him right well who permit him to dwell eight years in the clefts of the City, In the nests of the vulture, in turrets and casks, nor ever assist him or pity, But keep him in durance to rifle his hive; and that is the reason, no doubt, Why the peace which, unsought, Archeptolemus brought, you were quick from the city to Scout, they could find, many even €v roſs Túpyous Töv retxàv. And later, in his account of the plague (ii. 52), he ob- serves that these country immigrants were dwelling not in houses but in stifling huts, év kałó8as Tvºympats, or as Plutarch (Pericles 34) expresses it, ev oikipage pukpots kai o knvóplagu Tvlympoſs. And these poor people, the Sausage- seller means, would at this moment, but for Cleon's opposition to all pro- posals for a peace, be again enjoying a happy and healthful life in their country homes. 793. gros &yöoov] The Peloponnesian War commenced in the year 481 B. C. In the Acharnians, which was produced in the year 425, the poet speaks as if they were then in the sixth year, €krø gret, of the War. See the Commentary on that passage. But here in a play acted in the following year (424 B.C.) he speaks as if they were in not the seventh, but the eighth year of the War. It is impossible to reconcile these two statements, which merely show that there was no precise date recog- nized as the commencement of the War. This is further shown by the statement in the Peace that in 421 B.C. they had been without the blessing of peace for thirteen years. 794. 8Airrets] You rob him of his honey, that is, of his wealth. 8Airretv éori Tô dºpalpelv rô puéNu diró róv kmpiov.— Scholiast. See Birds 498 and the note there. Archeptolemus is the son of Hippodamus, mentioned 327 supra, where see the Commentary. In all probability he, as an Athenian citizen, introduced into the Athenian Assembly the embassy which the Spartans sent when they heard that their troops were blockaded in Sphacteria, Thuc. iv. 15– 23; an embassy which, as Thucydides expressly tells us, was frustrated by the vehement oratory of Cleon. 112 III II E IX êk ris tróAeos fiabattvytſov, at Tês a trovóós Tpokaxoëvrat. J/ M 5 * Af ëart yap Év toſs Aoyiotoruv a a y 6s toūrov Šeſ trot' év Apkaðig trevroſłóAov \ldoraoréal, y #v &vapºeivin' travros 3' attøv 6pévro 'yo kai 6epaireſoro, 800 oëx two y ápxm pub. At Apkaëtas Tpovoodplevos, &AA’ ºva plāAAov or) pièv &piráðms kai Öopoëokfis trapö. Töv TóXeov. 6 & 8mpos into toſſ troAéptov kai tſis àpix\ms & travovpyeſs pº) ka0op? orov, 3. y & 3 2 . . A ºf * A. M zººs A Af &AA’ inſ' diváykms &pia kal Xpetas kai puto 600 trpós are key fivn. 805 kai Xièpa payóv diva6appāorm kai o Tepºptºp eis Aóyov čA6m, eló’ #éet orot 8pupiðs &ypoukos, karð oroú Tâv Jrfigov ixvečov, & or yvyvöorkov Tóvö' ééatrarás, kai ÖvetpotroXeſs trepi oravroſ). 5 J/ IIA. ivo y’ ‘EXAffvov ćpšm trăvtov. ééevpíokov et kai puapós étróðev to Tptó8oNov čel. AA. ei 8é trot’ eis dypov obros direA6öv eipmuaſos 8tarpírm, yvóa'état otov dyo.66w airóv tí, puo'60pop? trapekörtov, IIA. oikovv Šelvöv Tavri ore Aéyeuv 87t éat' épé kai Staffºeuv 810 Tpós A6mvaſovs kai Tôv Šipov, tremoumkóra TAeſovo. Xpmaſt& vi) Tºv Añuntpo. Gepuorokxéovs troXAó trepi Tºv tróXu #8m ; 796. Éaffairvyićovl Túrrow kará ràs truyms trkareig ri, Xelpi, h tràaret ré Troöt.— Scholiast. §affarvyiſeuv' rú màaret ré troëi els rā lorxia fiantišeiv.–Photius. 800, eú kai putapós] By fair means or fowl. ôukatov oëre el ánó d'êikov tropto 650 eral.— Scholiast. Cf. Supra 256. 803. & travoupysis . . . gov). This, Kock observes, is equivalent to rā travoupyńuará orov, and Neil refers to Plato, Gorgias, chap. 73 (517 C) dyvoojvres àNAñ\ov 5 ru Aéyopiev, where see Stallbaum's note. The charge here brought is of course precisely that which Thucydides (v. 16) brings against Cleon. “Brasidas and Cleon,” he says, “were the main obstacles to peace: the former because où Treptépyaorépevos, oùre ei diró of his success and the glory he gained by the war; the latter because he thought that in times of peace his malpractices would be more easily de- tected, and his calumnies less readily believed, yewopévns jouxias karaqpavé- orrepos vopišov čv eiwat kakovpyöv kai änt- orrórepos 8tašá\\ov.” Mr. Grote, turning this passage into English in the fifty- fourth chapter of his History, eu- phemistically translates kakovpyóv by “Cleon's dishonest politics.” It means of course “his dishonest practices” which is a very different thing. And notwithstanding the argument of the same learned historian, it is plain that times of war and disturbance would necessarily offer greater opportunities T H E KNIG HTS 113 And as for the embassies coming to treat, you spanked them and chivied them out. *APH. That over all Hellas our Demus may rule; for do not the oracles say, *APH. He will surely his verdicts in Arcady give, receiving five obols a day, If he grow not aweary of fighting 2 Meanwhile, it is I who will nourish and pet him, And always the daily triobol he earns, unjustly or justly I’ll get him. No not that o'er Arcady Demus may rule, but rather that you might essay To harry and plunder the cities at will, while Demus is looking away, And the war with the haze and the dust that you raise is obscuring your actions from view, And Demus, constrained by his wants and his pay, is a gaping dependant on you. But if once to the country in peace he returns, away from all fighting and fusses, And strengthens his system with furmety there, and a confect of olive discusses, He will know to your cost what a deal he has lost, while the pay you allowed him he drew, And then, like a hunter, irate he will come on the trail of a vote against you. You KNow it; and Demus you swindle with dreams, crammed full of yourself and your praises. It is really distressing to hear you presume to arraign with such scurrilous phrases Before the Athenians and Demus a man who more for the city has done Than e'er by Demeter Themistocles did who glory undying has won. to corrupt and dishonest politicians, the case here put, it does not altogether Cf. infra 864, and Philip of Macedon's chime in with the metaphor contained Letter to the Athenians, published in the line. It seems to me that the among the works of Demosthenes. whole turn of the passage requires us 808. Öpipºs ūypotkos] Though áypotkos to read 8pupils àypewrijs. Compare the is a very fit description of Demus in thirty-second Epigram of Callimachus. ‘OTPETTH>, 'Emíkvöes, Čv oipeg. trāvra Aaya ov biqā, kai trčans "IXNIA Sophºax{80s. But though I have used the word ponimus,” Cicero, Lucullus 1. He was “hunter” in my translation, I of course universally recognized as the soul of the have retained in the Greek text the resistance to the Persian invasion, and reading of all the MSS. and editions. the genius to whom, above all others, 812. esp.tarokMéovs] Themistocles, not- the victory of Salamis was especially withstanding his restless intriguing due. These were services to Hellas at disposition, was always regarded as the large; but his services to Athens in foremost of Hellenic statesmen. “The- particular were no less brilliant. To mistoclem facile Graecorum principem him was due the founding of Peiraeus. I 114 III II E IX AA. & 3. Aº *A & tróAus"Apyovs, k\{e0' oia Aéyet. at 6epuorokkei dvtuſhepſets; ës émoimorev Tºv tróAuv påv pleathv, eúpov čtrixelAff, * * kai trpès toūrots &puatáam Tov IIeupató trpoo’épačev, 815 dqeXóv T'où8èv Tóv ćpxaíov ix60s kawot's trapé0mke. at & A0mvaſovs éðitmo as pukpotroXtras dropſival ðuately ſov kai Xpmopºpóóv, Ó Gepuatokxeſ &vtuſhepišov. a * y kákeſvos pièv pećyet tºw yºv, at 6' AxtMAeſov dropdirtel. IIA. ôtuſ ore puxa) ; troumpff. º as 9 J očkovv Tavri Šelvöv droßeuv, & Aſpi', a riv pl’ ºró toãrov, 820 AHMOX. Trai, Taü', oùros, kai pº a.képêoXXe and the building both of its walls and of the walls of Athens; and doubtless the Long Walls which connected the two, though not erected until after his death, were part of his original design. For his object was to make Athens a maritime, as well as an inland, City: he was the Founder of their naval supremacy, and therefore of the Athe- nian Empire. His maxim &s àv6ekréa ths 6a)\áooms (Thuc. i. 93) was the guid- ing principle of all her greatest states- men. “Pompey,” writes Cicero to Atticus (x. 8), “is of one mind with Themistocles; existimat enim qui mare teneat, eum necesse esse rerum potiri.” And this is what Aristophanes is per- petually urging; Ach. 648, Peace 507. 813. & tróMus"Apyovs] Tô “d tróAus”Ap- yovs” diró Tmkéqov Eipuriðov' ré 8é “k\{e0' oia Méyet ’’ dró Mmöeias.-Scholiast. See Medea 168. From the first extant Comedy to the last, the Telephus was an inexhaustible source of amusement to Aristophanes. He cites the excla- mation here merely in fun, as he does again in Plutus 601. Here he tacks to it another exclamation from the Medea, which some early copyist tacked to it also in the Plutus, not observing that in the latter place it is destructive of the metre. See the Commentary there. 814. Tuxeuxſil The xeikos of a Greek drinking vessel was a rim of some depth; so that a cup merely filled up to the Xeſaos was by no means full to its utmost capacity. Hence rô mixel) is means to évêees, Pollux (ii. 89). rô A\imes, Hesy- chius. otro Aéyerat Hérpov to pº trafipes dAA’ diroNewſduevov.–Scholiast, Suidas. 815. Trpoolepačevj Kneaded in, that is, kneaded it and the City into one. Plutarch (Themist. 19) objects to this use of irpoopórrew. esp.tarokMns 88, he says, oix, Ös 'Apiaroſbávns à Kopukös \éyet, rà tróNet rôv IIeupata trpooréuačev, àA\& rºv máAuv čáñWre roo IIeupatós, kai rºw yºv rās 6a)\drrms. But this is a merely pedantic objection; they both mean the same thing; and I think that they both consider the Long Walls as part of the general scheme which sprang from the mind of Themistocles, though he did not live to carry it out in its T H E KNIG HTS 115 O city of Argos! yourself would you match with mighty Themistocles, him Who made of our city a bumper indeed, though he found her scarce filled to the brim, Who, while she was lunching, Peiraeus threw in, as a dainty additional dish, Who secured her the old, while providing untold and novel assortments of fish; Whilst you, with your walls of partition forsooth, and the oracle-chants which you hatch, Would dwarf and belittle the city again, who yourself with Themistocles match ! And he was an exile, but you upon crumbs Achilléan your fingers are cleaning. APH. Now is it not monstrous that I must endure accusations so coarse and unmeaning, | And all for the love that I bear you? DEMUs. Forbear ! no more of your wrangle and row ! entirety. And the Scholiast here says aivirretat 8ta toûrov rá pakpā Teixm. And on 886 he says in so many words that Themistocles built the Long Walls from the City to Peiraeus. Mr. Grote indeed thinks that the Athenians' derived the idea of their own Long Walls from those which they built from Megara to Nisaea about 460 B.C.: but no doubt the reverse is the fact; and the idea of building Long Walls for Megara arose from the circumstance that their minds were full of the far more im- portant and arduous project of building Long Walls for themselves. 816. ix60s Kawot's] He means new acquisitions; but as he is employing the metaphor of a banquet, he describes these new acquisitions as fish, just as he had described Peiraeus as a pāśa. 818, 8tareuxićov) This refers to some unknown project of Cleon, probably for separating by walls the various demes within the City. See the mote on Wasps 41. 819. "Axi\\etov dropérreil You are wiping your fingers on pellets of the finest barley-bread, as a guest at the Pryta- neium. As to these finger-pellets, diro- play8a)\tas, see the Commentary on 414 Supra. The Achilléan barley was the finest and best, whence indeed it de- rived its name. It was the “peerless Achilles” of barley, as the Chian was of wines. See the notes on Eccl. 1119 and 1139. And therefore it was used for the high table at the Prytaneium, where those guests dined whom the State delighted to honour. The Scho- liast says at 8° tiſs év IIpvravelºp authoreos Peréxels. KaNoüvro yöp 'Axi\\etai rives kpuðai kaðapai, Ös etyevets otoat. 821. ui, orképéoMAe] Mil Motööpet" &m)\ot 8é Tó keptopeiv.–Scholiast. Bergler re- fers to Eustathius on Iliad i. 197 and ii. 643, who says that it is equivalent to €s kéap 84A\etv, just as a kopakićew is equivalent to és köpakas réunelv. This omission of the initial vowel is very common in modern Greek names, as Stamboul from és tav TóXtv, Sto Iero from és rô ispöv, and the like. I 2 116 III II E IX troAAoû 8è troAtºv ple Xpóvov kai väv éAeAñ0eus éykpuptáçov. AA. ptapóraros, & Ampuakíðtov, kal tràeſota travoúpyo. 3e3pokös, ôtrórav Xaopič, kal Tobs kavXoës Töv et,0vvóv ékkavXićov 825 kata/3pox6ićet, kópºpotu Xelpoſv pivotix&tal Tóv Šmpoafov. TIA. où Xalpígets, 3ÅÅd as k\émtov6' aipfforo 'yo Tpeſs pivptóðas. AA. Tí 6axotrokotreſs kai TXatvyićets, 830 pitapóratos dºv trepi Tôv Šmpov Töv 'A6mvatov ; kai o' émièeišo vil Tºv Añumtp', ) pil &mv, ôopoôokijo'avt’ Ék MitvXīvns TAeſv ) pavós retrapdºkovta. 835 822. čykpuptáčovl Carrying on your underground intrigues; literally, burrow- ing in the ashes like an āpros éykpupias. The Scholiast gives, amongst other explanations, épºqo)\etov, and proceeds, à è Aéyet rotodrów Śorruv. čAávěavés ple figöwoupyöv trepi rºv tróNuv' dirò 8é too êykpvQPiováprov perfiveykev. The éykpvpias āpros was a girdle-cake made of the finest wheat flour, and baked in the embers. In Lucian's Twentieth Dialogue of the Dead, Menippus inquires of Aeacus, who is acting as his cicerone in the world below, Who is that fellow, covered with ashes like a girdle-cake 2" oritoö00 TAéos &otrep £ykpvºias āpros; And Aeacus replies That is Empedocles, who perished in the crater of Mount Etna. Archestratus the laureate of the dinner-table gives the palm to the eykpvºias of Tegea (Athenaeus iii, chap. 77, p. 112 B), but the Attic ºykpuqtas was also of note (Id. chap. 74, p. 110 B). 825. rôv et évvöv] The Commentators do not seem to understand the par- ticular process to which the Sausage- seller is alluding. Every official at the expiration of his term of office had to pass his accounts. If he was found to have embezzled (say) 421,000, he would be liable to repay that sum to the public Treasury, besides incurring additional punishment by way of fine or otherwise. Then the demagogue would intervene with an offer: “Pay me (say) #500, and I will see you safely through.” Thus the State would lose the £1,000, whilst the £500 would go into the demagogue's own purse. This process Aristophanes calls “pulling the stalks out of the eiðvval, and eating them himself.” 827. uvorriNārail Scoops out the public T H E KNIG HTS 117 . Š }. Too long have your light-fingered tricks with my bread my notice escaped until now. He's the vilest of miscreants, Demus, and works more mischief than any, I vow. While you're gaping about, he is picking from out Of the juiciest audit the juiciest sprout, And devours it with zest; while deep in the chest Of the public exchequer both hands are addressed To ladling out cash for himself, I protest. PAPH. All this you’ll deplore when it comes to the fore That of drachmas you stole thirty-thousand or more. S.S. Why make such a dash with your oar-blades, and thrash The waves into foam with your impotent splash? 'Tis but fury and sound; and you’ll shortly be found The worst of the toadies who Demus surround. And proof I will give, or I ask not to live, That a bribe by the Mitylenaeans was sent, Forty minas and more; to your pockets it went. money, as if with pivorriNats scoops of hollowed bread. uvorriMm 6 koſ\os āpros, º, öövarai ris kai (opºv dipúoraoréal.–Scho- liast. See Plutus 627 and the note there. In the absence of regular spoons this was, and is, the ordinary way of eating thick soup or porridge. In “The Land and the Book,” chap. ix, Dr. Thomson relates how in the outskirts of Hebron he lit upon a company of Ishmaelites sitting round a large sauce- pan, regaling themselves with their dinner. At their invitation, he says, “I sat down amongst them, and doubling some of their bread spoon-fashion plunged into the saucepan as they did, and found their food very savoury indeed.” It was a sort of red pottage. 829. Tpets pivpuděas] Scilicet 8paxpºv, the word always to be supplied when the particular coin is not mentioned. See the note on Wasps 769. aipjaro, 1 will convict you, that is, get you con- victed, possibly as the Scholiast sug- gests with a play on Xauphorets in the preceding line. - 834. Marvºvns] If this is not a mere jest, it must I think refer to some event subsequent to Cleon's resolution, happily rescinded, for the extermination of the entire adult male population of the City; and subsequent also to his other resolution, unhappily carried into exe- cution, for the massacre of the prisoners more than 1,000 in number. This proof of the formidable influence which he wielded in the Athenian assembly may have induced the survivors to offer him a bribe for the purpose of mitigating the rigour of the decree which confis- 118 III IIE IX XO. &mAó ore rms etyNortías. & Tráoriv div6pómous paveis piéytotov ºpéAmpua, [divr. * QP el yèp 68’ motoreus, péytotos ‘EAA#vov čaret, ka? p.6vos ko.6éčets rév tá tróAet, Tóv ćuppºſixov t' &pgets exov Tpſalvav, fi troAA& Xpfiuat' épyáoet aeſov Te Kai tapártov. 840 kai pº peóñs rôv čvöp’, ‘Tretëſ, orot Aa3iv 8éðokev. katepyāorel y&p 628tos, TXevpºs éxov rotatºras. IIA. oëk, &yo.60t, raût éatí to raúrm pā Tov IIoaetóó. 3. * A 9 y 9 Af gº J/ f/ époi yap eaſt eipyaopievow Totovtov epyov oate &račátravras roës épio's éx6poès étriotoplićeuv, 845 êos &v （; Tôv do tričov Tóv čk IIöAov Tu Aoutróv. AA. étría Xes év tats &otiatv: Aa3.ju y&p évôéðokas. y AP 2 3 * J/ * *A * y A où ydip o' éxpfiv, eúrep pixeſs Tov Óñpov, Šk trpovoias Taúras āv airoſoft toſs Trópiračuv ćvate07.wai. &AA’ ori toir’, & Aſple, pinxóvmp', ºv', #v at 8oºm 850 *A 3/ A *A *A gº •A 2 A Töv čvópa kox&oral Tovtovi, oroi rotiro pº 'yyévnrat. ôpós y&p airó artſ pos oióv čari 8wporotoxáv pgs yap avtº ," p veavióv. Toºrows 8& treptotkoúat plexitorróXat cated their lands and divided them (after setting aside a tithe for the Gods) amongst 2,700 Athenian cleruchs; and if they really did so, it would account for the permission ultimately granted to the Lesbians to remain in possession of these lands, paying a yearly rent to the Athenian owners. Wieland and Kock (the latter referring to the Scho- liast on Lucian's Timon 30) suppose that the bribe was offered at an earlier period; but that would be hardly con- sistent with the narrative of Thucy- dides. 836. & traorw K.T.A..] The first bout in the controversy before Demus is over; and the Chorus, who at its commence- ment had devoted five lines to advise and encourage their champion, wind it up with another five lines (antistrophi- cal to the former) expressive of their admiration and delight at his unex- pected eloquence. The first line, as Porson pointed out, appears to reflect the address of Io to Prometheus, 3 kotvöv &qé\mua 6vnrotorw qaveis, P. W. 631. 845. €nto topišstv) To silence, render speechless, ix60y (piscem mutum) ore dropaveſ étrio ropišov.–Lucian, Jupiter Tragoedus 35. 846. Töv čk II6Aov] IIá\tv 6 KMéav rá trepi IIſ Nov 6puMei, kai 2%akrmpiav kai rā rów aixua)\dºrov. č60s 8e fiv rā ātrö täv troAeptov Širka čv roſs ispots dwaru9évau. T H E KNIG HTS 119 CHOR. O sent to all the nation a blessing and a boon O wondrous flow of language | Fight thus, and you’ll be soon The greatest man in Hellas, and all the State command, And rule our faithful true allies, a trident in your hand, Wherewith you’ll gather stores of wealth, by shaking all the land. And if he lend you once a hold, then never let him go; With ribs like these you ought with ease to subjugate the foe. PAPH. O matters have not come to that, my very worthy friends ! I’ve done a deed, a noble deed, a deed which so transcends All other deeds, that all my foes of speech are quite bereft, While any shred of any shield, from Pylus brought, is left. S.S. Halt at those Pylian shields of yours! a lovely hold you’re lending. For if you really Demus love, what meant you by suspending Those shields with all their handles on, for action ready strapped ? O Demus, there’s a dark design within those handles wrapped, And if to punish him you seek, those shields will bar the way. You see the throng of tanner-lads he always keeps in pay, And round them dwell the folk who sell their honey and their cheeses; eas oëv, p.moriv, dvákevrai rā ātā IIö\ov kai 2%akrmpias ŠirAa, ārep divéðmka roſs 6eois vukhoras, où8eis rôv éxépôv roMuñorel kar' spot Aéyeiv.–Scholiast. The Spartan shields captured at Sphacteria were suspended at the Poecile, where they were long afterwards pointed out to Pausanias, covered with pitch to keep them from decay, i. 15. 5. 847. Aa3}v yāp £vöéðokas! He is re- ferring to the language of the Chorus, six lines above. 849. Toſs trópmaštv) The handles of the Spartan shields were removable; and the Spartans, except when on military duty, were accustomed to detach them lest the Helots, in any rising, should possess themselves of the shields, ready strapped for use; drug rias elveka ris trpès toūs Etº'otas ÉÉalpet pév >Tapruđrms oikot ris dormièos rôv trópiraka. Critias, cited by Libanius, De Serv. ii. 85, 86, ed. Reiske. Hence in the Lysistrata Lam- pito, the Spartan wife, deploring the continual absence of her husband at the war, declares that he no sooner comes home than, fastening the handle to his shield, tropiraktoráplevos, he is off to the war again, Lys. 106. 853. Treptotkodori) Nothing is now known of the locality in which these three trades were carried on, but of course 120 III II E IX kai Tupon &Xav rotiro 3’ eis évéott ovykekvpós. &ot' ei or 8pupiñorato kai 3Méyétas Šatpakivöz, 855 vöktop karaorträgavres &v rás do trièas 66ovres tàs eio Sox&s róv &Apírov &v kataMägotev påv. º AHMOX. oiuot réAas' Xoval yèp trópirakas; 6 tróvmpe, ôorov pie Tapekörtov Xpóvov totaúra kpovauðmpióv. IIA. & 8alpóvie, pi) toû Aéyovros to 64, plmö' oimóñs 860 époi troë' etpffa'elv pixov 8eXTiov' &otis is dºv #Tavora toûs $vvopéras, kat pi'où XéXmóev ow8èv a 2 As év tſ, tróAét évvua Tópevov, dAN’ eißéos kékpaya. AA. Širep yap oi Tès éyxéAets 6mpépévot trémov6as. the facts would be quite familiar to the audience. 854. avykekvpós] The idea is precisely that expressed in the Prayer Book version of Psalm lxxxiii, verse 5: “They have cast their heads together with one consent, and are confederate against thee.” Lucian in his “Bis accusatus" 4 speaks of malcontents who is rô pavepôv pièv oë roºpóort Aéyeuv, intorov- 6opúčovoru 8é ovykekuqéres. 855. 8pupiñorato] Should begin to fume. 8pupiaq.6al, literally perhaps “to snort,” means “to exhibit symptoms of strong indignation”; 8pupiñorato' épyto:6eims, says the Scholiast. The words which follow refer to the practice of ostracizing a too powerful citizen. The process was set in force against Cleon's successor Hyperbolus (an admittedly inadequate victim); and might well have been required against Cleon himself had he returned from Amphipolis in the same triumphant manner as he did from Sphacteria. Aristophanes however, by way of jest, calls it 60 rpakivêa, the game of 80 rpakov, a game very fully described by Plato Comicus, in a frag- ment of his “ Alliance" (2uppaxia), by the Scholiast on Plato's Phaedrus, chap. xviii, p. 241 B, and by Eustathius on Iliad xviii. 543. A line (from North to South) was chalked on the ground. Half the boys taking part in the game stood to the east of the line, and half to the west. The two sides faced each other with an interval of a few yards between them, and each must have had a “home" at some distance in the rear. A starter stood at the line, holding an 30 rpakov, which was blackened with tar on the one side and painted white on the other. When they were ready he threw the Śarpakov up in the air, calling out Nöé à ‘Huépa. If it fell with the white side uppermost the boys to the west (representing Night) fled, and those to the east (representing Day) pursued; and vice versa. And if a pursuer caught a fugitive before he reached his “home” he rode him to the “home.” The grammarians indeed T H E KNIGHTS 121 And these are all combined in one, to do whate'er he pleases. And if the oyster-shelling game you seem inclined to play, They’ll come by night with all their might and snatch those shields away, And then with ease will run and seize the passes of your wheat. DEMUs. Oh, are the handles really there? You rascal, what deceit Have you so long been practising that Demus you may cheat 2 PAPH. Pray don’t be every speaker's gull, nor dream you’ll ever get A better friend than I, who all conspiracies upset. Alone I crushed them all, and now, if any plots are brewing Within the town, I scent them down, and raise a grand hallooing. S.S. Oay, you're like the fisher-folk, the men who hunt for eels, Say nothing about the “homes,” and the Platonic Scholiast supposes that the boy who was caught carried his captor back to the place from which the flight commenced; which is absurd, for in that case the better fight a boy made the greater would be his penalty. The ãorpakov might be either a tile, a pot- sherd, or an oyster-shell; but from the expression of Eustathius that rô £vròs was retto oropévov, rö 86 €krös àiriogorov, we may infer that he considered an oyster-shell to be the ordinary form. 857. rās elagoNäs róv d\ptrov] The passes of the barley. Last year, in the Acharmians (line 1075), Lamachus was dispatched at a moment's notice to guard the eiogoºds, the passes between Boeotia and Attica. This year Paph- lagon's partisans will seize, it is appre- hended, another set of eio SoNai, to wit, the passes of the barley. Probably no very definite locality is indicated ; but the general meaning would point to the gates through which the imported barley would enter Athens from the Peiraeus. 859. Kpovortómuðv] Demus-chousing. Apparently a word coined by Aristo- phanes. The Sausage-seller has just been talking of Paphlagon's designs upon the āAqbara by which the Demus was supported. And in pronouncing the present word the speaker would probably make a pause after kpovort-, so leading the audience to expect that he would conclude with -uerpéov, kpovort- perpóv, giving him false measures in his barley. 860. roſ, Aéyovros to 64] Bergler refers to Oed. Tyr. 917, where Iocasta says of Oedipus, dAN’ éorri rod Aéyovros, #v ºpó8ovs Aéym. Cf. infra 1118. In much the same sense it is said of Provost Crosbie in Redgauntlet (vol. ii, chap. 12), “The last word has him speak it who will.” 864. rās eyxé\ets] This is the famous “Simile of the Eels,” which in Clouds 559 Aristophanes accuses his rivals of purloining for the purpose of their own 122 III II E IX an A &rav Mév i Xiuvm kata.orff, Aapſ3&vovoru ow8év. 865 é&v 8" &vo Te kai kāra, röv 86p3opov kvkóo w, a. *A aipoffort' kai at Aapºvets, #v thu tróXtv tapártms. “A 2 3. A A A º a ëv 8 eiré pot too ovtoví, a kūrm too adra troXóv, #8okas #8m Tovt pi kärtupa trapö o'eavroſ, Taºs épôāoriv, pdºorkov pixeſv; 'AtróAAo. AA. AHMOX. of Širo, pia Tów 870 º a 9 7. y êyvokas oëv 87t' airóv oiós éorriv; 3XX' éyò orot Cedyos Trpićplevos épéâôov Tovti popeſv Štěoput. AHMOX. kpivo a' &rov čyöða trepi Tôv Šmuov čvép' éptorov eivoúataróv re Tſ, tróXel kai Toſort 8aktúxotoruv. TIA. oč Šeuvöv oëv 87t' épô68as too ovtovi 88wao'0au, 875, époi & paſſ plvetav čxeiv Šorov trétrov6as ; Śatus étravo'o. Točs (8tvovpuévows, Tov Tpártov čğaxeſ leas. AA. oùkovv are 87ta Taüra östvöv čott trpooktormpetv, * } tradaraí Te roos Buvovpuévows; kočk éo 6’ 6tros ékeſvows oùxī (p60wóv čtravoas, tvo: pañ fiftopes yévouvro. 880. y * a * tovël 3' 6póv čvev Xitóvos évra tim\ukoúrov, attacks upon Hyperbolus. Nor were such depredations confined to ancient. times. Dr. Badham in his Fish-tattle (chap. 17 ad fin.) gives a very similar epigram from the “Emblems” of Alciati. Athenaeus (vii, chap. 52) quotes Aristotle as saying that eels love the purest water; wherefore they who keep eels pour in fresh water for their use ; for they cannot breathe in muddy water. And this is why those who would catch eels make the water turbid, to choke them; for their gills are small, and the mud stops up the passages. See Aristotle, H. A. viii. 4. 5. But the real reason seems to be that in cold weather eels bury themselves in the mud, and cannot be reached until the mud is thoroughly stirred up. See Yarrell's British Fishes, ii. 386. As to the political bearing of the simile see the note on 803 supra. 872. Trpuduevos] Paphlagon was a seller of leather; he had stores of his own ; and yet he never out of his abundant supply gave so much as one clout, kárrupa, to Demus. The Sausage-seller had no leather; he could only procure some in the market; and yet he goes and buys for Demus not a mere clout, but an excellent pair of shoes. TrAetova ečvotav č8etéev, says the Scholiast, 3rt kai Tpidpºevos éðokev. T H E KNIGHTS 123 Who when the mere is still and clear catch nothing for their creels, But when they rout the mud about and stir it up and down, 'Tis then they do; and so do you, when you perturb the town. but answer me this single thing : you sell a lot of leather, You say you’re passionately fond of Demus, tell me whether You’ve given a clout to patch his shoes. declare. S.S. DEMUs. No never, I You see the sort of man he is but I, I’ve bought a pair Of good stout shoes, and here they are, I give them you to wear. DEMUs. O worthy, patriotic gift I really don’t suppose There ever lived a man so kind to Demus and his toes. PAPH. 'Tis shameful that a pair of shoes should have the power and might To put the favours I’ve conferred entirely out of sight, I who struck Gryttus from the lists, and stopped the boy-loves quite. S.S. 'Tis shameful, I with truth retort, that you should love to pry Into such vile degrading crimes as that you name. And why? Because you fear 'twill make the boys for public speaking fit. But Demus, at his age, you see without a tunic sit, 873. trepi rôv Šmplov K.T.A..] This line seems to look back to the self-satisfied claim of Paphlagon, supra 764. 877. Tparrow] Töv ćiri pakakig 8ta- SaMAopévov & Tpúrros.-Scholiast. Ap- parently he was such a notorious offender in this respect, that with his disappearance the crime itself seemed to have ceased out of the land. §§a- Meiyas probably means struck him off the register of Athenian citizens, but we know nothing of the facts. In the following line the očkovv 8euvöv of the Sausage-seller takes up the oi Setvöv of Paphlagon three lines before. 880. 5%ropes] On this charge against the character of the fiflropes see Eccl. 112 and the note there. 881. divew Xtróvos] We might have expected Demus to be attired in the ordinary garb—iuártov and Xtröv–of an Athenian citizen. But here we are informed that he was not wearing a xtröv, and the entire scene seems to imply that he was clothed in a mean and poverty-stricken manner; intended, no doubt, as a contrast to the splendid apparel in which he will appear after the Transformation Scene. See 1331 infra. Now, however, that attention is called to his tunicless condition, the rivals endeavour to supply what is .124 III II E IX oëtrótror’ &pſpupiaoxºov Tov Añpov #&ſooras, Xelpióvos évros' dxX’éyò orot Tovtovi číðopu. AHMOX. Totovtovi Gepuorok)\ſis own &mot' étrévômorev. Kaitot aroqêv kāketv' & IIeupateiſs' uovye puévrot 885 où peſov čival paiver' ééeūpmua toû Xtróvos. IIA. oilot taxas, otous truðmkuoploſs pie trepieXaúvels. AA. oik, dAN' 8trep Tivov &vīp trémov6', Štav Xeoreim, Tototv TpóTrots toſs orofouv ča trep 3Aavriouat Xpóplat. IIA, dAN oëx &mépéaxeſ ue Öometals' éyò y&p abrów 890 Tpoorapºptó točí or 3' otpoć', & tróvmp'. AHMOX. iai/30ſ. oùk és köpakas &moq6epeſ, 86pons kákuotov čov ; AA. kai toūró y' étrirmèés ore reptăutuay', tva o' &morvićm. kai Tpórepov čtreſ3očAévoré orot. Töv kavXöv oio.6 €keſvov toū orthqtov Tóv Čštov yevópevov; AHMOX. oièa piévrot. AA. Tírmées oftos airóv čomevè’ &átov yewéoróat, 896 y 2 3. º {v' éo-0iott’ &vočaevol, kámett' év ‘HXiatz lacking, each bringing a Xtröv for his acceptance. First, the Sausage-seller offers him a warm tunic with sleeves coming down, at least to the armpits, and probably a good deal further. This Demus receives with pleasure and gratitude. He does not indeed actually commence to wear it; and Paphlagon, accustomed to outwit his antagonists, and furious at finding himself at every point outwitted by the Sausage-seller, is eager to retrieve the situation by personally arraying Demus in a Xirov of his own. This is a leathern jerkin, very possiblyan ééopſis, which Paphlagon will himself presently throw around the shoulders of Demus. 882, duquao XáNow] “The Xtröv had two varieties of form. Pollux vii. 47: Xutóu 88, 6 pºev duquáoxa)\os, éAev6épov oxmpia. 68° repopudoryakos, oikeróv. The étépopuāoxa)\os had an armhole only for the left arm, leaving the right with a part of the breast quite bare, and hence it was also called ěšopſis. But the ééopis was not only a Xtröv, it could also serve as an ipidriov or trepi}\mpia. Hesychius, s. v. čopſis ; Eustathius at Il. xviii. 595 ; Pollux ubi supra.” Becker's Charicles, xi, Exc. 1. As to the words xelpºvos àwros it must be remembered that the Comedy was exhibited in or about the month of February. 889. 8Aavriotoril Oi ävuorrápevot k row orvparooſtov "pös rô drowarmoral troNAdkis tois àAAorpiots inroðhuaori xpóvrai, # rol ormeč8ovres, # dyvooëvres intô ris Héðms.- T H E KNIG HTS 125 In winter too; and nought from you his poverty relieves, But here's a tunic I have brought, well-lined, with double sleeves. DEMUs. O, why Themistocles himself ne'er thought of such a vest ! Peiraeus was a clever thing, but yet, I do protest, That on the whole, between the two, I like the tunic best. PAPH. (To S.S.) Pah! would you circumvent me thus, with such an apish jest? S.S. Nay as one guest, at supper-time, will take another’s shoes, When dire occasion calls him out, so I your methods use. PAPH. Fawn on : you won't outdo me there. I’ll wrap him round about With this of mine. Pheugh ! get out ! Now go and whine, you rascal. DEMUs. (To P.'s wrapper.) Go to the crows, you brute, with that disgusting smell of leather. S.S. He did it for the purpose, Sir ; to choke you altogether. He tried to do it once before: don’t you remember when A stalk of silphium sold so cheap 2 what then P S.S. DEMUs. Remember ? yes: Why that was his contrivance too; he managed there should be a Supply for all to buy and eat; and in the Heliaea Scholiast. Bergler refers to Athenaeus viii, chap. 19, where a story is told of the club-footed musician Dorion who at some wine-party lost, through a mishap of this kind, the slipper he wore on that foot. I wish the thief, said he, no greater misfortune than that my slipper may fit his foot. 891. Trpoorapºpté, robi] IIpês ois Éxel, évôāoro. Trapertypaſp? §§, 8iSoori yap airó 6 KAéov Xtróva.—Scholiast. Some of the Commentators have got it into their heads that Paphlagon is offering Demus an iudriov ; but the Scholiast is clearly right. It was a xtröv, and not an inártov, that Demus lacked, supra 881; it is a Xtröv, and not an indirtov, with which his flatterers are seeking to supply him. If any particular sub- stantive is to be understood with ráðe, it would be xtrövtov or évôupta. No doubt, however, Paphlagon's Xtröv is merely wrapped round Demus. 892. čovl Many recent editors change this participle, the reading of every MS., into Šćet, a change which seems to weaken the line, and destroy the force of Demus's ejaculation. The entire line is addressed, not to Paphla- gon, but to Paphlagon's discarded xtróv. Compare Wasps 1154 and the note there. 126 III II E IX 38éovres &AAſ}\ovs demokreſvetav of Šukaotai. a anº . tº 2 AHMOX. v.) Töv IIoareið6 kai trpès épè roſt' ein' divip Körpetos. AA. of y&p Tö6' (peſs 66eópevol &#trov 'yévégée Tuppoſ; 900 AHMOX. kai vi) At ºv ye todro IIvppävěpov to pumxávmua. IIA. oſotori p', & Travoúpye, 8opoxoxetºpia.oruv tapártels. AA. # y&p 6eós pl’ékéXevo's vikia at a' &Aağovetals. IIA. &AA’ oixà vukňovels. Éyô ydip pmut oot trapééew, & Afipe, plmöév 8póvrt pug 600 tpá8Atov goºfia’at. 905 AA. &yö 88 kvX(xvióv yé orot kai pāppakov Štěopit td v Tolotv &vtukvmplíous éAkóðpta treptaxeſ pelv. IIA. §yô & rés troXuàs yé oroëkXéyov véov trouijao. AA. ièoë, 8éxov képkov Aay& Töpffaxpuðto treptyiv. IIA. &mopºvčápévos & Aſiaé pov trpès tº v Kepaxïv droyá). 910 AA. plot pºv otv, poſſ prev obv. 898. 88éovres] By breaking wind. that, under the name Pyrrhander, Theophrastus, H. P. vi. 3. 1, says of the ori)\piov kavXös that kaffaipeiv rodrów ‘paort tà orópara rerrapákovra juépais. And Pliny (N. H. xxii. 48) says that the root “inflationes facit et ructus.” &étov, of course, means cheap, eúovov, kai ÖMiyms rupińs trumpaorköpievov, as the Scholiast says. As to silphium, the giant fennel, see the note on Plutus 925. 899. Kórpetos] Kórpetot was the actual name of an Attic deme, a name on which Aristophanes puns, both here and in Eccl. 317. The unsavoury allu- sion is carried on by the truppoi of the following line. See the Commentary on Frogs 307. 901. IIuppávöpov] It seems to me that the real meaning of this line has escaped the Scholiasts and Com- mentators. In my judgement it is required by the sequence of the dialogue Demus should be speaking of Paphlagon. The Sausage-seller has stated that this silphium-trick was the contrivance of Paphlagon; that the latter had twice endeavoured to destroy Demus by means of evil smells; now, by means of his filthy leathern jerkin : and on some previous occasion by means of the cheap silphium. Demus is acquiescing in that statement. Had he meant by Pyrrhander anybody but Paphlagon, he would have been dissenting from it; this little bit of buffoonery, 8wpo- AóXevpua, on the part of the Sausage- seller would have missed its mark, and Paphlagon could not, as he does in the very next line, have protested against its success. In what sense, then, was the name IIāppavôpos applied to Paphla- gon? We know that IIvppias was a common name for a yellow-haired T H E KNIGHTS 127 The dicasts one and all were seized with violent diarrhoea. DEMUs. O ay, a Coprolitish man described the sad affair. S.S. And worse and worse and worse you grew, till yellow-tailed you were. DEMUs. It must have been Pyrrhander's trick, the fool with yellow hair. PAPH. (To S.S.) With what tomfooleries, you rogue, you harass and tor- ment me. S.S. Yes, ’tis with humbug I’m to win; for that the Goddess sent me. PAPH. You shall not win! O Demus dear, be idle all the day, And I’ll provide you free, to swill, a foaming bowl of pay. S.S. And I’ll this gallipot provide, and healing cream within it; Whereby the sores upon your shins you’ll doctor in a minute. PAPH. I’ll pick these grey hairs neatly out, and make you young and fair. S.S. See here; this hare-scut take to wipe your darling eyes with care. PAPH. Vouchsafe to blow your nose, and clean your fingers on my hair. S.S. No, no; on mine, on mine, on mine! slave (Lucian, Timon 22; Frogs 730 and the note there), as Xanthias for one with auburn hair; and Paphlagon, who appears as an ordinary slave, and not in the likeness of Cleon, was in all probability represented as a truppias, a slave with yellow hair. Demus lays hold of this peculiarity to keep up the jest upon truppés, enforcing the applica- tion of the word by a gesture directed towards Paphlagon. Hence the latter's indignant expostulation in the following line. 905. pug 600] Pay-soup. He is alluding to the dicastic triobol, uto 600 eite 8tà röv Sukaaruköv utoróðv, as the Scholiast says. The word is used trapā trpoorêokiav, just as in Wasps 525 puoróðv is unex. pectedly substituted for köAtka. Paph- lagon has already been courting the dicasts—or in other words the Demus— by getting them a full day's pay for less than a full day's work: see supra 50, Wasps 595. In his present strait he is willing to promise them a full day's pay for “doing just nothing at all"; the very service for which the Demus had recently given him a seat at the Prytaneian dinner-table, supra 766. 906. kvXixvtov]*O vöv Aéyovoſt trušičlov' éxovort 83 oi iarpol Tä frvčíðua, Évois irpoo- 8á\\ovot rā tróo para.-Scholiast. The Sausage-seller is still seeking to win Demus by ministering to his immediate personal wants; as in the case of the cushion, the shoes, and the tunic above, and of the hare-scut just below. 911. Čuod pièv obv) Paphlagon has descended to such a depth of grovelling that the Sausage-seller, unable to sink lower, can only repeat the same request 128 III II E IX IIA. XO. IIA. éyò are trouſſo'o tpum- papyeſv, &va}\to kowto. Táv gavroſ), traXauðv votiv čxovt’, eis ºv diva)\óv oëk épé- £eus of 8& vovirnyotſpuevos' 8tapinxavioroplat 6' àmos &v iartov orampèv Adºğms. &v?ip trap)\{{el, traße traff, ūtrepôov. ÖpeXktéov Töv 828tov, & mapvatéov Te Töv &methov Tavrmí. 860 eus époi ka??) v 8trmv, 915 920 imočplevos taſs eio popaſs. with eager and emphatic iteration. These words do not belong to the system of iambic dimeters which immediately follows, and which is of an entirely different character and rhythm. They belong to the previous system, and are really half a tetrameter which has been left unfinished, partly to mark more strongly the emphasis of the Sausage- seller, and partly to furnish a con- venient transition from the longer to the shorter system. Compare Birds 611. 912. Tpinpapxeiv] 'Atrei)\et airó Metrovp- yiav. Aetrovpyia yāp trapā ‘A6m waiots. 8a- travmpöv Šē rô rpumpapxeiv. 38et yap rºv rpińpm trăvra éxetv ºrpès tróAepov eirperſ, Ömep trapeakedaſev 6 rºw Aetrovpyiav raúrmy mpoğAméets. – Scholiast. It is obvious that the Sausage-seller was to have as burdensome a task as the rules of the trierarchy would permit; and it follows that, as indeed we are elsewhere told, the duty of a trierarch did not ex- tend to the building of an entirely new trireme, but was confined to the repair and equipment of an already existing ship. See Boeckh's P. E. Book IV, chaps. xi and xii. 919. iv.ip traq))\á{eil Here we see one reason why Aristophanes chose for Cleon, as a slave, the name of Paph- lagon. His fierce and boisterous oratory might be likened to the kūpara traq))\d- Čovra troMuq}\oto:80to 6a)\ágorms. Here, overflowing with rage, he is compared by the Chorus to a caldron, hissing and simmering over a fire of wood. The caldron is beginning to boil over, and they propose to lessen the fire by draw- ing out some of the sticks, and to ease the caldron by ladling out some of its contents. Ti ueraſpopá čxpñoraro, says the Scholiast, diró too XaAketov čv rº trvpi keupévov. čmetöäv yāp tºogev rotºro intep- {éov, róv invokeupévov £5Mov Úſpatpotaev T H E KNIGHTS 129 PAPH. A trierarch's office you shall fill, And by my influence I’ll prevail That you shall get, to test your skill, A battered hull with tattered sail. Your outlay and your building too On such a ship will never end; No end of work you’ll have to do, No end of cash you’ll have to spend. CHOR. O see how foamy-full he gets. Good Heavens, he's boiling over; stay ! Some sticks beneath him draw away, IBale out a ladleful of threats. PAPH. Rare punishment for this you'll taste; I’ll make the taxes weigh you down ; kai rod 58aros, iva pº inspxv6évros roo 58aros rô Tüp offeorój. xaptévra's 8é Ös playeipº, 922, ravrmi] "Ioros kpedypav #8etéev &s playeipº. — Scholiast. The flesh-hook which the Sausage-seller was carrying (supra 772) was to be struck into the caldron to bring out some of the stew. See Wasps 1155 and the note there. rów direi)\öv 8é einev duri too eitretv rod {éuaros.-Scholiast. 924. rais eior popa's] Mitchell, observ- ing that Photius explains inoëpevos by true&Hevos, cites Lysias (Against Ergocles 3), who speaks of the Athe- nians as trueſopévous rais eio qopais. The eiorgopal were contributions, on the basis of a graduated property-tax, made by Athenian citizens to the public revenue. The taxable capital of the nevrakootouéðupwot was reckoned at twelve times the amount of their annual income ; that of the intreſs at ten times; and that of the Čevyiral at less than seven times: so that for every £100 of their income the trevrakooruopiéðupivot would be taxed as if their property was £1,200, and the ſevyiral as if their pro- perty was less than £700. See Boeckh, iv. 5. Paphlagon's threat therefore, that he will have the Sausage-seller's name placed in the property-register amongst the revrakooriopéðupivot, was a very serious one. We may well believe that these eloqopui were shirked as much as possible, oùk eloqêpere rās eloqopäs say the Chorus of Women to the Chorus of Men in Lysist. 654; and that a litigant would endeavour to commend himself to his judges as one troNA&s kai peyá\as eloqopâs eloqêpov, Antiphon, First Tetralogy, Second Speech, sec- tion 12. Boeckh (iv. 1) thinks that the eior popā at Athens was invariably 130 III II E IX AA. • * \ 3. * A éyò y&p eis roos TAovortovs Af 3 tº 3. a ormečao o' &mos &v éyypaſpfis. éyò 3’ direuxforo pièv oß- 8èv, etxoplat 8é got tačí. A A Af Af Tö pºv táymvov rev6íðov épearával origov, oré & /* 3. º Af A yvöpumv ćpeſv puéA\ovta Tepi Muxmortov kai kepôaveſv 930 Af *A Af TáAavrov, fiv katepyāorm, ormeč8euv Šmos Tóv rev6íðov éputraffuevos p0aims ér els 935 3. ēkk\moriav čA6óv. čaret- to Trpiu payeſv, &vhp peóñ- kou, kai or rö täAavrov Aa3eſv BovXóplevos éo-6- ſov čtratrotrulyeims. 940 XO. e5 ye vi) Tov Ata kai Tôv 'AtróAXo kai Tºv Añuntpa. an exceptional war-tax; but there are no sufficient grounds for so limiting it. It is far more reasonable to suppose with Perizonius at Aelian, W. H. ii. 10, and Duker at Thuc. iii. 19, that eigqopul is the general name for the contri- butions of the citizens, as pápot for those of the subject allies. eloqopal were levied at Athens long before either the pópot or the Athenian empire came into existence, Polity of Athens, chap. 8. - 929. Táymvov rev6íðov]We have already, in Acharmians 1156–60, had a comic imprecation connected, as here, with that particular kind of cuttle which was called a rev6is. There it was hoped that just as the offender was about to eat his cuttle a dog might run off with it; here that he may be choked in his eagerness to eat,it. Both pas- sages bear witness to the high estimation in which the rev6is was held. One would suppose that Alexis, a great cookery poet, must have had this de- scription in his mind when he talked of bringing in rô orópa tims omnias, émi rô rñyavov, origov. Athenaeus vii, chap. 124. 932. MiXmatov] See the note on 361 supra. Neil observes that in the tribute lists Miletus is assessed at ten talents, T H E KNIGHTS 131 Amongst the wealthiest of the town I'll manage that your name is placed. S.S. I will not use a single threat; I only most devoutly wish That on your brazier may be set A hissing pan of cuttle-fish; And you the Assembly must address About Miletus, ’tis a job Which, if it meets entire success, Will put a talent in your fob,- And O that ere your feast begin, The Assembly waits your friend may cry, And you, afire the fee to win And very loth to lose the fry, May strive in greedy haste to swallow - The cuttles and be CHOKED thereby. CHOR. Good l Good l by Zeus, Demeter, and Apollo. 449–446 B.C.; at five talents,445–439 E.C.; and again at ten 424 B.C., the year of the exhibition of the Knights; a varia- tion which tends to support the sugges- tion made at the end of that note. 933. #v Karepyāorm] 'Eäv 8tairpáčn ärep airois étrºyyetNo. Heóñkot be, ueréA6ot, ka)\@v ore 8m)\ovári.-Scholiast. Compare Eccl. 247 fiv radô" inſivoets karépyāorm. And as to peóñkot see Eccl. 584 and the mote on 529. 941. v.) rôv Ata K.T.A..] An appeal to this triplet of deities is not uncommon. They are conjoined, as Neil observes, in the dicastic oath; &pivvov ću 'Apôňrrº 'AtróMAo trarp$ov, kai Añumrpa, kai Aia BaoriNéa, Pollux viii, segm. 122. And Mitchell refers to Demosthenes (Against Callippus 11, p. 1238) kai ué rôv Ata, kai töv 'AtróA\co, kai Tºv Añpºnrpa oi reſoroplat Tpós ipas, 6 &vôpes 8traorrai. The oath here, like the prayers in the Birds and the Thesmophoriazusae, is in prose. Bergk observed that if the ye were omitted, and a bacchic foot (u ——) added, the line would form an ama- paestic tetrameter, and Herwerden ac- cordingly added a 5 y' miſſa, so as to make the line et; vi) rôv Aia kai rôv 'AtróAAo, kai rāv Añºntpa orá y miſèo. But this, of course, is merely a play of fancy; nobody doubts the integrity of the text. K 2. 132 III II E IX AHMOX. kópot 8okeſ kai rāAAo y elval karapavós dyo.60s troXirms, otos ojöeſs iro xpóvov diviip yeyévnrat rotori troAXoſs roë80A00. kai viv diró80s rov Šakröuov, Ös oik &rt époi tapuetaſets. J) A 9 3 A. 9 A º º et pum P. ea.orets etrutpoſteveuv, etepos av époi travovpyórepós tus diva paviorétat. AHMOX. oºk a 6" &mos 6 8akrôuós éorð’ oëroot oùpiós" rô youv ampletov ćrepov paiveral, dAA’ # of ka00p6; AHMOX. &mpoſſ Boetov 6pſov čom rmpiévov. 945 at 8, & IIap}\ayðv, páakov pixeſv pi' a kopóðioras. IIA. Ye. Togoïrov 3’ to 6’ 3rt, 950 AA. pép' ióo, tí got a muetov fiv; AHMOX. oil to 6pſov; &AA& Tí; 955 2 * > y OU TOUT eveOrTty. AA. AA. Adipos key(mu&s étri Trérpas &mplmyopov. AHMOX. aigoſ réAas. AA. Tí Šarruv; AHMOX. &mépép &močáv. 3. où rév ćuðv eixev, &AA& Töv KAeovágov. 943. Käpoi Šokeſ] In the second bout of the controversy, as in the first (see the note on 836supra), the Sausage-seller has got the better of his adversary; and Demus seems quite satisfied of his superior merit, and willing to take him on in Paphlagon's place. Yet we shall find that two more trials take place, the competition with the oracles and the competition with the food-supplies, before the final decision is given. I think that, if we consider the very recent date of Cleon's Sphacterian triumph, we must feel that Aristophanes was somewhat pressed for time in pre- paring this Comedy for production; and I suspect that he originally thought that he should be unable to protract the discussion before Demus, beyond the debates in anapaestic and iambic tetrameters; then found himself able to add the oracle-competition; and finally to continue it to its present dimensions. For thrice does Demus an- nounce that he is ready to decide in favour of the Sausage-seller, here and at 1098 and 1227 infra; but on the first two occasions Paphlagon begs, and obtains, a further trial, From the third decision there is no appeal. 945. rotori troX\ots] To the Many, the oi troAMoi, the Athenian populace. But the word troAAoi reminds the speaker of the placard frequently to be seen over the cheap market-stalls, troAAoi (or troNAal) roë8oNow, scilicet ix66es or āqūau, supra 649; and, perhaps somewhat heedlessly seeing that he himself is Demus, he adds roë8oNow here to troMAois so as to make the phrase run “to the THE KNIG HTS 133 DEMUs. Aye, and in all respects he seems to me A worthy citizen. When lived a man So good to the Many (the Many for a penny) 7 You, Paphlagon, pretending that you loved me, Primed me with garlic. Give me back my ring; You shall no more be steward. PAPH. Take the ring ; And be you sure, if I’m no more your guardian, You’ll get, instead, a greater rogue than I. DEMUs. Bless me, this can’t be mine, this signet-ring. It’s not the same device, it seems to me; Or can’t I see ? S.S. What’s the device on yours? DEMUs. A leaf of beef-fat stuffing, roasted well. S.S. No, that’s not here. DEMUs. What then 2 S.S. A cormorant With open mouth haranguing on a rock. DEMUs. Pheugh ! thing away. S.S. What’s the matter ? DEMUs, Throw the He’s got Cleonymus's ring, not mine. Many for an obol.” The reader must first annex troX\ots to rotori (making rotort troX\ots equivalent to tº TAñóes), and them to roi SoNoü. Cf. Supra. 361, Birds 874. 946. £orkopóðtoras] Primed me with garlic, as though I were a game cock, supra, 494. You were for ever urging me to fight; and that, although you pretended to love me. 947. Tov SakrūNuov) The signet-ring with which a householder entrusts his steward. There seems to be no allusion to any public office. This is a matter which concerns Paphlagon, not Cleon. 953. GAA' | Can it be that 2 See the mote on Wasps 8. 954. Ömploë Boetov] Here, as in Wasps 40, there is a play on the words Ömpos, the Athenian People, and Ömpiès 86etos, the fat of bulls. 956. Näpos] The term Adpos embraces every variety of gull, but whether it extends to the cormorant is extremely uncertain. It is, however, necessary So to translate it, because the cormorant represents to us the precise qualities which the Adpos represented to the Greeks. See the Introduction to the Birds, p. lxxxiii. The Trérpa from which the Adpos is holding forth is the bema, the block of living stone, from which the orators addressed the assembly in the Pnyx. 958. KAeovápov] The Adpos has already played its part in denoting the bound- 134 III II E IX trap' époi & Tovtovi Aagöv topuſevé plot. IIA. pi. 87tá tró y', & 660 trot', &vtuſ?oxó a yo), 960 Tpiv ćv ye tow Xpmap.6v ćkoúa'ms toov čplēv. AA. kai Tôv épôv vvv. IIA. &AA’ &v toãrg, trión, poxyöv yevéo 6at 3eſ a e. AA. kāv ye tourºi, Wroxov yevéa 6at Öeſ are puéxpt toû plvppivov. TIA. dAA’ of y' époi Aéyovauv Ós épéal ore &eſ 965 Xópas &mdoms éa Tepavogévov fióðous. AA. oſploi 86 y' at Aéyovoruv Ós &\ovpyíða. J/ A * Af y 9 ºf éxov katátraortov kai o Teq6vmv čq àppatos Xpwood 8tóéeus Xpukúðmu kai köptov. less rapacity of Cleon, as it does again in Clouds 591. It is now diverted to signify the enormous voracity of Cleomy- mus, which is again satirized infra 1294–9. Cf. Aelian, W. H. i. 27. For Cleon it represented the greed of gain; for Cleonymus the greed of eating. It seems to have escaped the observation of Commentators that up to this time Cleonymus is known only as a prodigious eater. The taunts on his cowardice as a fivaartris, an āoriſtóatroſłNijs, are all sub- sequent to the Knights, and are probably, as I have already suggested in the Com- mentary on the Birds 288, due to his having cast away his shield in the flight from Delium. That battle occurred in the same year as, but considerably later than, the exhibition of this Comedy. In the note to the Birds it is, by an unaccountable oversight, stated to have occurred about the time of such ex- hibition. 959. Tap' épool AakrūAtov &\\ov Čičajort, kai éort Tapertypaqim.–Scholiast. Ap- parently he takes the ring from his own finger. 963. poxyövj A black-jack, the slang equivalent of darkös, a wine-skin. Pollux, x. 187, says that it is a Tarentine word, signifying 36etos dorkós. The meaning of the present passage is well explained by Lobeck (Aglaoph. ii, Epimetrum 1). It refers to a very famous oracle which declared that Athens should ride the sea like an āorkös, tossed and troubled it may be, but never submerged. The oracle was originally delivered from the Pythian shrine to Theseus, when he had carried out his great scheme of uniting all the various Attic com- munities into one Athenian common- wealth. It is given in full by Plutarch (Theseus, chap. 24), its last words being dorkös yāp év otöpart Tourotropečoet. And Plutarch quotes a similar vaticination which he ascribes to the Sibyl, though Pausanias (i. 20. 4) attributes that also to the Pythian priestess, dorkös Barrići, So wide- spread was the knowledge of this oracle, that according to Libanius (on öövat 66 rot oë 6épus éorriv. THE KNIGHTS 135. Take this from me, and you be steward now. PAPH. O not yet, master, I beseech, not yet; Wait till you’ve heard my oracles, I pray. And mine as well. You'll be a liquor-skin. S.S. PAPH. And if to his you listen, S.S. And if to his, You'll find yourself severely circumcised. PAPH. Nay mine foretell that over all the land Thyself shalt rule, with roses garlanded. S.S. And mine that crowned, in spangled purple robe, Thou in thy golden chariot shalt pursue And sue the lady Smicythe and her lord. Demosth. iv, p. 250), pláAtara pi\tTiros ôéôouke ràs rôv 6eów intép ris tróNews Havreias’ ... àkoúet yap rôv Xpmopów do köv d8án riotov kakoëvrov riv tróAlv. An oracle of this kind would naturally be much in men's mouths at Athens in times of trouble; and for the more decorous āorkös the people seem to have substituted the more vulgar poxyós. This change must have already been well known, otherwise the language of Aristophames would have been un- intelligible to the audience. Pollux quotes another line, apparently a mock oracle, from another playof Aristophanes (doubtless much later than the Knights), piñpot 'Aónvaiovs aivet, poxyoi yüp to ovrat, Praise me not the Athenians, for they are going to be poxyot. All these passages are collected by Lobeck. Paphlagon therefore is suggesting that this well- known oracle about Athens being a poMyos will be found in the Sausage- seller's collection. The latter's retort seems to have no reference to any oracle, but to be the unassisted product of his own coarse mind. Héxpt row pavp- pivov is explained by the Scholiast to mean eis réAos; and I may observe that, although WroMös is uniformly translated “circumcised,” it never in these Come- dies has any reference to the rite of circumcision, but is invariably equiva- lent to éo rvkós. - 969. Suáčeis] The promise of empire held out to Demus by Paphlagon was no doubt a tempting bait, but the pro- mise of litigation held out by the Sausage-seller is one still greater and more tempting. For the purple robe, the crown, the golden car, in which we might have supposed that Demus was intended to pursue the sport of kings, are converted into mere adjuncts of litigation, and the signification of Štó- £ets is changed from “chasing” to “prosecuting,” by the addition, Tapá Trpoorêoktav, of the words 2puköðmu kai köptov. Smicythes (doubtless an Athe- nian citizen, though one Scholiast calls him a Thracian king) was noted for his effeminate vices; and as his name, in 136 III II E IX IIA. kal pºv čveyk' atroës ióv, v' otºtoaſt 970 aúróv droëorm. AA. trāvv ye. kal ot, vvy pépe. IIA. iéoù. AA. ióo. v.) Töv At” oë8èv koxtet. XO. #8torov påos pépas ëarat Total trapoffort trä- ow kai toſs & purvovpévois, 975 #v KAéov diróXmtat. kairot trpeogvrépov tuáv ey 5. 2 otov dipyaxeotdºrov 5 * Aº * * év tá Aetypart Táv Šuków the accusative case, was equally adapted for a man or a woman, the speaker affects to consider him a married woman, and says that the prosecution is to be directed against him and his kūptov “husband" or “next friend * without whom a married woman could not be sued. The Scholiast says róv >puköðmy kapıçöet &s kivatóov. köptov 8é Méyet rôv ãvöpa otra, yāp &reypáqovro èv roſs 8t- kao rmpions, "Aormacia kai kūpuos, routéo ruv ô IIepuk\ſis. The phrase "Aortraoria kai kūpuds is probably taken from some Comic poet, twitting Pericles with the relation in which he stood to Aspasia. 970, ióv] Whither are they to go for their oracles 2 It seems to me that for this purpose, and for the purpose of fetching their provisions infra 1110, the two houses, one on each side of Demus's abode, are to be utilized. Paphlagon goes into one of them, and the Sausage-seller into the other. 973–96. #8worrov K.T.A..] Paphlagon has failed before the Council, and, so far, he has fared no better before the People; and the Chorus now indulge in a song tº of triumph, consisting of a strophe and antistrophe, in anticipation of his ap- proaching overthrow. I ought rather to say, of Cleon's approaching overthrow; for here, and here only throughout the play, is the name of Cleon introduced. And why is it mentioned here 2 I think, for the following reason. We know that little choral odes like this, if they happened to catch the fancy of the town, were likely to come into vogue as popular melodies, cf. Supra 529; and a song would obviously be made more telling by the introduction of Cleon's actual name. For the same reason the little lyric dialogue infra 1111–50 altogether drops the fiction of Demus the householder and Paph- lagon the slave, and deals only with the real Athenian People and the real Athenian demagogues. The metre of the present ode is pure Glyconic ; each strophe consisting of twelve Glycomic lines, mime of which are acatalectic, and three catalectic or (as the grammarians call them) Pherecrateian ; and so ar- ranged that three acatalectics are fol- T H E KNIG HTS 137 PAPH. Well, go and fetch them hither, so that he May hear them. PAPH. Here goes. CHOR. S.S. Certainly; and you fetch yours. S.S. Here goes, by Zeus. There's nought to stop us. O bright and joyous day, O day most sweet to all Both near and far away, The day of Cleon’s fall. Yet in our Action-mart I overheard by chance Some ancient sires and tart lowed by one catalectic. The full \-M - Glyconic is — — | – v v — 1 v — 1. The - \) Pherecrateian drops the final syllable ; and its own last syllable, closing the stanza, may be either long or short. 973. #8torov qaos] The Scholiast tells us that the opening lines are borrowed or parodied from Euripides; and doubt- less, if we had before us the passage from which they are taken, we should be able to define more precisely the exact meaning of the participles roºs trapodart and rots d'pukvoupévois. Here it seems that they can only mean the residents, and the visitors, “to all who are here, and to all who come here.” The Scholiast indeed offers two inter- pretations, # roſs perä raûra éoropévois (that is, to the present and all future generations), fi kai roſs émömplodou rôv £évov, tv' émèeikvěn rév KAéova kāv roſſrº Tovmpèv, 3rt plmöé roºrov ºpeiðeral, dAN' entorms àravras ovkopavreſ. The first ex- planation would make excellent sense, but áqukvovitévois can hardly bear that meaning, and the second alternative is very generally accepted. 978. olovăpya\eorárov) As cross-grained as cross-grained can be. He is speaking of the old dicasts, who are sure to have a good word for their patron, Cleon. 979. Aetypati] Aetypara are samples of merchandise, and in several Hellenic cities the Mart or Exchange in which merchants met to buy and sell by sample was itself called the Aetypa. The Athe- nian Aetypa was, as we might expect, in Peiraeus, the merchants leaving their cargoes in the ships, and bringing samples only to the Aetypa. The Scho- liast says rô Aetypia röttos éorriv čv IIet- pateſ, where oi épºropoi Tà èeiyptara rôv ToMovuévov ćriðeoav. And Harpocration more fully Aetypa, kvpios pév rô Seikvå- pevov dºp' ékáorrow rôv troMovpiévov. #8m ôé kal rôtros ris év rá 'A6%umoruv ćutropiº, eis by rà èeiyuara ékopiſero, oùros éka- Aetro. Harpocration further refers to Demosthenes Against Polycles 33 rpoor- épxeral airá čv tº Astypart ; and to Lysias Against Tisis (Fragm. 45, cited by Dionys. Hal. vi., p. 983, Reiske) oë 138 III II E IX y #kovo' divrtkeyövtov, d's ei pº 'yāve6' oiros év 980 tfi tróAet péyas, oëk &v #- otmv aketºm 8:30 Xpmoipo, Öotövé oë8& Topčvm. dAA& kai Tô8 yoye 6av- pudićo Tſis topovoias 985 airoij (paai yap airóv oi tratēes of £vvegoirov Tºv Aoptoti pièvnv &v ćp- plótteoróat 6apuã Tºv Aëpav, 990 &AAmv 8 otr €6é\elv plateſv. “P *A A kāra Tóv kvěaptorºv 2 2 2 3 AP 2 ðpyvoróévr' &nd yetv kexed- ôvvapiévov če 8ačićeuv, kópºurav airów els tö Aetyua. Bergler adds Demosthenes Against Lacritus 35 otrot treptemárovy év tá Aeiyuart ré àuerépºp; and Mitchell, Xen. Hell. v. 1. 21, where, speaking of the daring raid of Teleutias on the Peiraeus, the historian says, morav 8é tives of kai ékirmöfforavres és rô Aetypa épatrópovs ré rivas kai vavk\ſipovs $vvap- Tāoravres és rās vaús eighveykav : and Schneider, in his note on the passage, observes “Aetypa ubi in simili facinore Alexander Pheraeus capiebat rà Xpñ- para diró rôv rparreſöv, narrante Poly- aeno vi. 2. 2.” Aristophames calls the Law Courts Aetypa rôv Šuköv, as places where Justice is bought and sold; he is not referring to any particular Court. In the translation “Action-mart" is intended to be a play on our well-known “Auction-mart.” - 983. Orkeſºn 800 xpmoriucol Two useful household utensils, viz. a Pestle and a Ladle for stirring; “quorum instru- mentorum vicem,” says Bergler, “Cleo praestat in turbanda Republica.” He might have said “in turbanda Graecia tota,” for that is the sense in which he is called a Pestle in the “Peace.” There the War-demon is seeking to pound and pulverize the Hellenic cities in an enormous mortar, and tells his servant Kvěoupés to fetch a pestle from Athens. Kvěoupěs runs to Athens and returns with the news that the Athenians have lost their pestle who was, he explains, 6 BuporotróAms, Šs ékúka rāv ‘EAAáða (Cleon having died in the preceding year). The Scholiast on the present passage defines Topčvn as rô kivmråptov ris xúrpas. And so Suidas, and the Scholiast on Birds 78. 985. dAA& kal rô8' K.T.A..] The entire antistrophe leads up to the joke that T H E KNIGHTS 139 This counter-plea advance, That but for him the State Two things had ne'er possessed:— A STIRRER-up of hate, A PESTLE of unrest. His swine-bred music we With wondering hearts admire; At school, his mates agree, He always tuned his lyre In Dorian style to play. His master wrathful grew ; He sent the boy away, And this conclusion drew, This boy from all his friends Cleon tuned his lyre to the Reception- of-bribes pitch, Sopoèoktari, with a play on Aoptori. It does not seem that the pun can be reproduced in English, and I have been obliged to resort to the naturalized Latin formula, D.D. dono dedit, and also to give a more than usually free translation of the original. 986. Öopovorias] ‘Youovoria, a talent for swine music, is, I imagine, a word coined by Aristophanes as a play upon eigovoia, a talent for fine music; and since the whole antistrophe is concerned with music, in the modern and narrower sense of the word, the Scholiast's interpretation of ionovoſias as rms xotpo- ôias, ris drawbevoias, can hardly be correct. Nor do I think that there can be any allusion, as in Wasps 36, to the high-pitched truculent voice of Cleon. We are dealing here with quite a different matter. 988. of Évveq}oirov) Oi orvppaôóvres.— Scholiast. His fellow pupils, his school- mates. In the first chapter of the Euthydemus Socrates, after observing that old as he was he attended the class of Connos, the famous kiðaptorrijs, adds oi traibes oi orvpºpourmrai plov plot re karayeMóort kai rôv Kóvvov kałowort yepovroötöáorkakov. The verb qourav is of course regularly used for attending the lectures of a teacher; cf. infra 1235, Clouds 916, and frequently in Plato. 989, rºv Adopworri Sc. dippoviav. “Some Dorian movement bold or grave."— Keble. The Dorian was of all the harmonies the manliest and most austere. It is brought into connexion with Cleon only for the purpose of the coming Aopoãoktorri. 993. diráyetv kexeffew] Bade his parents remove him. In other words, expelled him from the school. 140 III II E I X euv, dis &pplovíav č Taſs oùros of 86varat plateſv 995 #v pl; Aopoëoktoti. IIA. ióoë, 6éao'at, kočx &mavras kqépo. AA. oiu' dºs Xeoreto, kočx āmavtas Ékpépo. AHMOX. Tavri tí šart; IIA. Aöyta. AHMOX. Távt’; TIA. éðaðuaoras; kai vi) At #rt yé počari kugoros TAéa. 1000 AA. pol 8 ºrépôov kai évvoukia 860. AHMOX. pép tºo, Tívos ydip elow oi Xpmopoi trore; IIA. oùploi puév eioſi Bákuðos. AHMOX. oi & oroi Tivos; AA. TAdviðos, 38expoſ, rod Bákuêos yepatrépov. AHMOX, eiaiw & repl rod; IIA. Tepi A6mvöv, trepi IIó\ov, 1005 trepi oroú, trepi épod, trepi & révrov trpaypºdrov. AHMOX. oi arol & trepi rod; AA. trepi A6mvöv, trepi pakis, 7Te * A 8 Af * A 8 Af pu Aakeoatpuovuov, Trept okopuppov veov, M a Af 3/ 3 y 3. an a", trepi Tôv perpotºvtov táAſput €v dyopſ, kakós, trepi oroú, trepi époſſ. Tô Tréos of Too? &#xot. 1010 AHMOX. &ye vvv Šmos attoos &vayváorea'6é plot, \ \ * > • ? *A * f/ kai Tôv trepi épod 'keſvov ºrép #8opal, 996. Awpoëoktori) Oièeptav ćppoviav &\\mu 6é\et plaðeiv, pučvmv 8é tºv rod Sapo- 80ketv ćiróvvuov.—Scholiast. 997. ióot, 6éaorail The rivals re-enter from their respective houses, each “staggering,” in Mitchell’s phrase, “under a load of oracles,” and vowing that he has ever so many more at home. The Sausage-seller is bound always to outdo Paphlagon, and accordingly he emphasizes his sense of the burden he is carrying by one of those unseemly jokes of which, in the opening scene of the Frogs, Dionysus so forcibly expresses his contempt. 1000. kugorós] A kugorós was a wooden chest, box, or coffer. In Wasps 1056 it signifies a wardrobe; in Plutus 711 the diminutive kušártov is used for a medicine chest. Paphlagon has a chest full of oracles still untouched; but the Sausage-seller has an upper chamber and two storerooms full. With intepēov and $vvoukia we must understand TAéa from the preceding line. Évvoukia has two distinct significations: (1) a house T H E KNIGHTS 141 Donations seeks to wile, His art begins and ends In Dono-do-rian style. PAPH. Look at them, see 1 and there are more behind. S.S. DEMUs. What ARE they 2 seem surprised; O what a weight ! and there are more behind. PAPH. Oracles DEMUs. All ? PAPH. You By Zeus, I’ve got a chestful more at home. S.S. And I a garret and two cellars full. DEMU.S. Come, let me see. Whose oracles are these? PAPH. Mine are by Bakis. S.S. DEMUs. What do they treat of ? DEMUs. (To S.S.) And by whom are yours? Mine are by Glanis, Bakis's elder brother. - PAPH. Mine? Of Athens, Pylus, Of you, of me, of every blessed thing. DEMUs (To S.S.) And you; of what treat yours? S.S. Of Athens, pottage, Of Lacedaemon, mackerel freshly caught, Of swindling barley-measurers in the mart, Of you, of me. That nincompoop be hanged. DEMUs, Well read them out; and prithee don’t forget The one I love to hear about myself, containing several different families. This is its commonest meaning, but is not its meaning here. And (2) a store- room or cellar. Here the Scholiast gives diróorraorus as one of its significations; and ārāgraqis is defined as toū oivov dro s #xovora, Antiatticista, p. 80. 32. 1004. TAávv80s] There is no such person as Glanis; the name is ex- temporized by the Sausage-seller on the spur of the moment. As to Bakis see 123 supra. 1007. trepi 'Aénvöv, trepi (bakhs] In this retort to Paphlagon's trepi 'Aénvöv, nepi IIö\ov, the humble paki) is obviously intended to deride the proud II5\os; and possibly the speaker is recalling his own comparison in 745 supra, where Cleon's share in the Sphacterian achievement is likened to a theft by one servant of a mess of pottage cooked by another. 1008. Orkóp3pov véov] Fresh mackerel. eiðos ix660V of a képêpot, trapéuotoi roſs pukpots 60yvous. véov 8é, veoworri rerapixev- pévov.–Scholiast. Both the tunny and the mackerel belong to the same family, the family of the Scomberidae. 142 III II E IX t 5 A 3. *A Af d’s év ve-péAalaiv aierós yewijo'opiat. IIA. &Kove &# vvv kai trpóo exe Têv votiv plot. bpd{ev, 'Epex9etôm, Aoytov Óðv, #v oot 'AtróXXov 1015 taxev čá áðūroto 813 tputróðov špurſuov. oróðea.0aí o' ékéXevo’ ispèv kūva kap)(apóðovra, & *A A 4, * * * * A * ès trpo oréðev Xáorkov kai útrép o'où 8euvâ kekpayós gº a Aº 2 gº, oroi puoróðv tropieſ, kāv pil 8p? Taijt’, droxeſrat. troXXol yèp piſa.et orge karakpóšovort koxolot. 1020 AHMOX. Tavri pā tīv Añuntp' éyò oëk oi6 & Tu Aéyet. Aº A 3. $ 2 *. º * A Af tí yáp ot'’Epex6eſ kai koxolots kai kvví; IIA. 3 . . v. A 3 J & 2 V * * y A. eyo pºev eup o kvov trpo orov yap atrvo' arol 3' eitre oróðeoróat p. 6 poigos Töv köva. AA. où toûtó pma' 6 xpmoptos, &AW 6 kūow 68t, 1025 &otrep 6%pas oroú, Tóv Aoytov trapea:0tel. 1013. Év vsq5éAatorw aierós] See Birds 978, 987, and the Commentary on the former line. The oracle is set out by the Scholiast here. Eöðaipov troAteópov 'A6mvaims àyeAeims troAAd ióðv, kal troAAó tra60v, kai troXAd poºyma av aierós v veq’éAnot yewhaeat #para trávra. O thou fortunate town Of Athene, the Bringer of spoil, Much shalt thou see, and much Shalt thou suffer, and much shalt thou toil, Then in the clouds thou shalt soar, as an Eagle, for ever and ever. It had already been mentiomed, the Scholiast tells us, in the Banqueters, the first play exhibited by Aristophames. 1015. ppáčev] Ponder. Paphlagon has already been accused of dealing in dreams about himself, Övelpomox&v Tepi oravroſ (supra, 809); and the first three oracles he produces are all concerned with himself. In the first he is a watch- dog, in the second a lion, and in the third a falcon; and in each character he is specially commended to the care and protection of Demus. He keeps to the regular oracular forms; Bergler refers to the oracles recorded by Hát. (viii. 20) and the Scholiast on Eur. Phoenissae 638; and Mitchell adds Hdt. v. 92. And doubtless, if we had before us all the oracles which were before Aristophames, we should find even more adaptations of the ordinary oracular language. With Aoyiov 6861, T H E KNIGHTS 143 That I’m to soar, an Eagle, in the clouds. PAPH. Now then give ear, and hearken to my words. HEED THou WELL, ERECTHEIDES, THE ORACLE's DRIFT, which APOLLO OUT OF HIS SECRET SHRINE THROUGH PRICELESs TRIPODS DELIVERED. KEEP THOU SAFELY THE DOG, THY JAG-TOOTHED HOLY PROTECTOR. YAPPING BEFORE THY FEET, AND TERRIBLY ROARING TO GUARD THEE, HE THY PAY WILL PROVIDE : IF HE FAIL TO PROVIDE IT, HE'LL PERISH ; YEA, FOR MANY THE DAWS THAT ARE HATING AND CAWING AGAINST HIM. DEMUs. This, by Demeter, beats me altogether. What does Erectheus want with daws and dog 2 PAPH. I am the dog : I bark aloud for you. And Phoebus bids you guard the dog; that’s me. S.S. It says not that ; but this confounded dog Has gnawn the oracle, as he gnaws the door. the tenor of the oracles, Kuster compares Eur. Phoem. 911 &Kove 8ff vuv 6eorqiárov éuóv 6ööv. And the use of the patro- mymics to describe the Athenians— 'Epex6eiðm here, Kekportön infra 1055, and Aiyeiðm infra 1067; all three names, as Bergler observes, derived from ancient rulers of Attica—is in the true oracular vein. 1017. Köva kapxapó8ovra) It seems clear that Cleon was in the habit of styling himself the kūov, the watch-dog, of the Demus (see the mote on Wasps 916); and the first two oracles brought forward here refer to him in that particular character. So in the Wasps, the accusation of Laches by Cleon is metamorphosed into a lawsuit of “Küov against Adéms.” The term kapxapóðovra is again applied to Cleon, Wasps 1031, Peace 754. It refers, as is observed in the note on the latter passage, “to the sharp, irregular, serrated teeth with which carnivora tear their food, as contrasted with the even, regular, flat surfaces which render the teeth of other animals more adapted for grinding.” 1019. Huo'66v) He means the dicastic pay: cf. Supra 256. “And you may be sure,” he proceeds, in effect, “that he will always continue to provide it; for should he fail to do so he will perish; since you would withdraw your protec- tion; and his zeal for your welfare has raised him up many enemies.” 1023. dirčaj 'Avri too, inép oroú 5Aakró. —Scholiast. The Epic form is trºo, and Homer uses it of sounds so dissimilar as the roar of the gale, the bellow of the wounded Cyclops, the call of the shepherd, and the twang of the lyre. But in later times the form dirão was almost universally employed. 1026. &omep 6: pas] Nibbles off a bit of 144 III II E IX époi ydip at' épôós rept točrov Tod kvvós. AHMOX. Aéye vvv, yo & trpára Añºroplat Atôov, tva piñ p. 6 xpmap.os 3 trept toū Kvvös 8ákm. AA. £páćev, "Epex6etöm, käva Képêepov divěparoëlorºv, 1030 & 2 AP ? & /* a 9 * ës képkg, oraívov o', 6trórav Šettvis, étrutmpôv, éééðeraí orov rotºrov, Štav aſ trov &\\oore xào.kms. 2 arº 3 y j, Af Aº * éorpottòv T' és toūntóvtov Affael ore kvumööv vöktop rās Aotróðas kai rās viorovs 8ta\etxov. AHMOX. v.) Töv IIoaetóó troXú y' àpielvov, & TAdvt. 1035 IIA. & Tāv, &kovorov, eiro. 8tákptuov Tórs. "Eaſt, yuvº), Tééet 8& Aéov6' ispaſs év A6;ivals, ês trepi rod óñptov troXAoſs kóvoyt playefrat, &are trepi o Köpivotal 8egmkós" row or pv) dićat, tetxos trouſſo as šáNuvov triſpyovs re auðmpods. AHMOX. pub row AmóAAo’ya plºv off. ãºppagev 6 6.e6s orot oraq6s oróðelv čplē. Taijt’ oia'6' & Tu Aéyet ; IIA. 1040 éyò y&p divri Toi, Xéovtós eipiſ orot. AHMOX. kai trós pl’éAeAñ6ets Avrixéov yeyevnuévos ; AA. *v oëk &vaðiðdºorket ore táv \oyſov čköv, 1045 8 p.6vov oričápov telyós éoti kai éðXov, év 6 ore géðetv Tóvö’ékéAevo 6 Aočías. the oracles, just as a dog nibbles off a bit of your door. “Ut canisarroditianuan,” says Bergler, “si solus alicubi con- cludatur, exitum sibi patefacere volens, ita iste Cleo arrodit oracula, i.e. non integra profert.” 1029. 6 Xpmorpäs 6 trepi too kvvós] 'Avri rod, 6 v rá xpmapº küov.–Scholiast. 1033. roërrávtov] The kitchen. Blaydes refers to Lucian (Lucius or the Ass 17) éópov yip rot's kövas eis 3rravetov trapeto- wdvras kai Aaqºoroovras troX\d. To which I may add, in connexion with both the ôtrávlov and the Aondôes, Alciphron, Ep. iii. 58, where a thief says x0és, Kapiovos trepi rô ºppéap doxoMovuévov, eloréppmoa eis roën'távtov. čmeira eipóv Notráða sū HāAa kekapukevuévnu . . . Šáñp- Taora. The Scholiast's idea that by rô ôtrávtov we are to understand the Prytaneium seems an obvious mistake. By viorows the poet is accustomed to describe the entire Athenian empire outside the shores of Attica. See on 170 supra. 1037. rééet 8& Aéov6'] Paphlagon is THE KNIGHTS 145 I’ve the right reading here about the dog. DEMUs. Let's hear; but first I’ll pick me up a stone Lest this dog-Oracle take to gnawing me. S.S. HEED THou WELL, ERECTHEIDES, THE KIDNAPPING CERBERUs BAN-DOG; WAGGING HIs TAIL HE STANDS, AND FAWNING UPON THEE AT DINNER, WAITING THY SLICE TO DEVOUR WHEN AUGHT DISTRACT THINE ATTENTION. Soon AS THE NIGHT COMES ROUND HE STEALS UNSEEN TO THE KITCHEN Dog-WISE ; THEN WILL HIS TONGUE CLEAN OUT THE PLATES AND THE–ISLANDS. DEMUs. Aye, by Poseidon, Glanis, that's far better. PAPH. Nay, listen first, my friend, and then decide. WomAN SHE IS, BUT A LION SHE'LL BEAR US IN ATHENS THE HOLY ; ONE WHO FOR DEMUs WILL FIGHT WITH AN ARMY OF STINGING MosquTTOEs, FIGHT, AS IF SHIELDING HIS WHELPs; WHOM SEE THOU GUARD WITH DEvoTION BUILDING A wooDEN WALL AND AN IRON FORT To SECURE HIM. Do you understand P DEMUs. By Apollo, no, not I. PAPH. The God, 'tis plain, would have you keep me safely, For I’m a valiant lion, for your sake. DEMUS. What, you Antileon and I never knew it ! S.S. One thing he purposely informs you not, What that oracular wall of wood and iron, Where Loxias bids you keep him safely, is, utilizing for his own purposes two well- rééet 8& Aéovra kaprepôv ćplmorrºv, Hdt. known oracular responses recorded by v. 92. And the Scholiast to the still Herodotus. Bergler refers to the oracle more famous oracle about the wooden about Cypselus, aierós év trérpmori Kūet, walls of Athens, that is, her fleet. rôv čAAwv Yap dAuokopévov, . . . tetxos Tpiro Yeveſ fºuvov Stöof eipiſotra Zets poovov dirépômrov rexéðeiv, rô ore rékva tº Övögel. (HDT, vii. 141.) 1044. 'Avri)\éov] Of Antileon we know carefully led up to by the divri rod nothing, for the Scholiast's remark Aéovros of the preceding line, was oùros trovnpös kai troMurpáypov is probably intended to be the reverse of com- only a guess. But we may suspect plimentary to Paphlagon. that the comparison, which had been 146 III II E IX AHMOX. trós 8hra toût éppašev 66eós; AA. Tovtov: zº 42 2 5 2. y 9 Af Af 870 at o' ékéAevo' év trevreovpíyyip &A®. AHMOX. Tavri TeXeforóat Tâ Aóyu' à8m pot 8okeſ. 1050 TIA. pil Treibov' pôovepal yèp émukpóšovoru kopóval. &AW' iépaka pºet, peplumpévos év ppeariv, 3s got #yaye avvóñoras Aake&alpovíov kopakivows. AA. roſité yé tou IIap}\ayðv trapeklyöövévore peóvorbets. Kekpotríðm kakó8ovXe, tí toà6' yet péya roëpyov ; 1055 kai ke yuvil pépoi dix60s, étreſ kev &väp &va6ein' 1049. Tevreovpiyyº &Mºl The term {{\ov, standing alone, signified an instrument resembling our stocks; see on 367 supra. The kūpov was a sort of pillory; see on Plutus 476. The trevreoriptyyov šūNov combined the advan- tages of both these instruments. It had five apertures through which were inserted the head, hands, and feet of the culprit ; Trevreorvpiyy?' Trévre &Tâs ëxovri, 8t’ &v oi re tróðes, kai ai xeipes, rpáxm\os évegåA\ero.—Scholiast. Berglerrefers to the saying of Polyeuctus (mentioned by Aristotle, Rhetoriciii. 10) that a paralytic was Év Trevreorvpiyy? vóorº Šećepévos. Though described as {{\ov, it was doubtless clamped with iron. 1053. kopakivovs] See Lysistrata 560. kopakivos' eiðos ix600s' matée 8é àvri rod koúpovs.-Scholiast. He employs the form koúpot rather than kópou, because e * KGIL O it is the form used by Homer in the Iliad to designate “soldiers.” The kopakivos, though a small, worthless fish (Aristotle, H. A. v. 9.5, and so both Festus and Varro), is very frequently mentioned by ancient writers. It was plentiful in the Euxine Sea and the Sea of Azov, but those from the Nile were considered the best, Athenaeus vii. 81. “The Coracinus in Egypt carrieth the name for the best fish.”— Pliny, N. H. ix. 32 (Holland's transla- tion). “Princeps Niliaci raperis, Cora- cine, macelli.”—Martial xiii. 85. It was gregarious (Aristotle, H. A. vi. 16.4, ix. 3. 1); and Aelian (N. H. xiii. 17) speaks of catching them in shoals as bait for larger fish. It is said to have derived its name from its dark colour, kopakivos étróvvpos aibort Xpolff (Oppian, Halieutics i. 133); whence they are called by Epicharmus kopakivot kopa- koetőées (Ath. vii. 69); and we should no doubt restore the same epithet in the quotation from Epicharmus given by Athenaeus in the chapter which he devotes to the Kopakivos (vii. 81), where the MSS. read kopoetőées. Hence too Aristophanes in the “Telmissians” speaks of the pleMavoirrepāyov kopakivov, the black-finned coracine, no doubt with an allusion to kópakes. But the motion of some recent writers that kopakivos means “a young raven” seems abso- T H E KNIG HTS 147 S.S. He means that you’re to clap DEMUs. What means the God? Paphlagon in the five-holed pillory-stocks. DEMUs. I shouldn’t be surprised if that came true. PAPH, HEED NOT THE WORDs ; FOR JEALOUS THE CROWS THAT ARE CROAKING AGAINST ME. S.S. CHERISH THE LORDLY FALCON, NOR. EveR FORGET THAT HE BROUGHT THEE, BROUGHT THEE IN FETTERS AND CHAINS THE YoUNG LACONIAN MINNOWS. THIS DID PAPHLAGON DARE IN A MoMENT of DRUNKEN BRAVADo. WHY THINK MUCH OF THE DEED, CECROPIDEs Fool.ISH IN counsBL2 WEIGHT A WomAN WILL BEAR, IF A MAN IMPOSE IT UPON HER, lutely without foundation. Many writers identify it with the Saperda, Aristotle, Probl. Ined. iii. 36, Athenaeus vii. 81. But others distinguish the two, and Archestratus, the laureate of the epi- cures, who speaks slightingly of the kopakivos, quite loses his temper when he comes to the Saperda. “Saperdae be hanged,” he cries, “they and all who speak well of them ' " Athenaeus iii. 85. And some think that the saperda was a coracinus pickled. In translating kopakivos by minnow I have merely intended to give the familiar name of a diminutive gregarious fish, often used for bait, and do not suggest that our minnow is in any way connected with the Coracinus of the Greeks and Romans. 1056. kai ke yuvâ) This is borrowed, the Scholiast tells us, from the Little Iliad of Lesches. It was said that when Achilles was slain Aias took up the body and bore it back to the Achaean lines, Odysseus following behind and keeping the Trojans at bay. On the contest between these two for the Arms of Achilles, Nestor advised that the opinion of the Trojans should be ascer- tained as to their respective merits. The deputation sent for that purpose overheard two Trojan girls discussing this very subject. One declared that Aias had shown himself the better Iſlall- Atas pºv Yap depe kai ékpepe &muoritos #po IIn Net5nv, où6' 0exe ôtos "Obva.oets. but the other replied, by Athene's over- ruling care, trós éneqoviioo); trós of kará kóopov čettres pejöos; And then followed the remark (the words of the original are not given) which Aristophanes is here partly borrowing and partly parodying. The application of the saying here appears to be that Demosthemes was the MAN, who took all the risk, and arranged and managed the whole affair, whilst Cleon merely carried off—the credit. In the next line the middle Xégatro is used for Xéoat to form a sort of echo of playāorauro. Compare 115 Supra. L 2. 148 III II E IX &AA’ oik &v paxéoratto' xéoratro y&p, el playégatro. IIA. &AA& Tóðe ºppſ#aaat, trpū IIó\ov II6Aov #v got £ºpagev, "Eatt IIó\os trpo IIó\oto. AHMOX. Tí toàro Aéyet, trpo IIóAoto; AA. Tès rvéNovs pma'iv karaXáyeo'6' év 8axaveſ”. 1060 AHMOX. Šy& 3’ &Aovros típepov yevicopal. AA. oiros yöp huôu tês rvéAovs dºñpraorév. dAA’ of root yáp eart rept too vavrikoi, 6 xpmopºs, 6 ore &et trpoo’éxetv Tóv votiv Trävv. AHMOX. trpooſéxo' or 8 divaytyvooke, roſs vačratorſ pov 1065 ômos 6 puto 60s trpótov dro806;forerai. AHMOX. Pax60 rparos i kvva Mórmé. 1070 AA. Aiyetón, ppäoloral kvva».6treka, piñ are 30Å60 m, Aaíðapyov, taxºnovv, 8oNiav kepöö, troXàtóply. º 2 ty A jº gº olorð’ & Tá čo Tuv Toijro ; AA. oë roſiré pmauv, &AA& vaſs ékáorrore 9 gº 2 9 Aſ º Af aireſ taxetas dipyvpoxóyovs otºroo'í. 1058. mp3 IlúAov IIüAov k.T.A..] There were three towns of this name, as Strabo observes (viii. 3, § 7), on the western coast of the Peloponnese: one in Elis a little to the south of the River Peneius; a second in Triphylia near Lepreum ; and the third, with which we are now concerned, in Messenia by the Bay of Navarino. All three claimed the honour of being the Pylos of Nestor; and in connexion with this competition there arose an adage, "Eorru IIſ Nos trpå IIö\oto, TIVAos ye puév éorru kai äA\m. It is to this adage that Paphlagon is referring; the poet's object being to make fun of the perpetual iteration by Cleon of the name Pylus. That is also the object of the poor pun upon IIóAos and TúeMos; since if, when Cleon appealed to his success at Pylus, his audience would remember trºeMos, the effect of his appeal would be consider- ably damaged. Ératée rà évépart, says the Scholiast, 8tá rà évvexós ris II&Aou piepvºoróat rôv KAéova. 1066. 6 puto 66s] The pay of a seaman in the Athenian fleet, when on active service, was a drachma a day, Thuc. iii. 17; and it is plain that even now, notwithstanding the “tribute” paid yearly into the Athenian treasury for that very purpose, it was found extremely difficult to provide for the punctual discharge of that pay; cf. infra 1078. And accordingly the first promise of the regenerate Demus (infra 1366) is that all the Athenian Sailors shall forthwith receive in full all arrears of pay. 1068. Naičapyov] Stealthily snapping; of a cur that does not attack a stranger openly, but sneaks quietly up unseen, THE KNIGHTS 149 FIGHT SHE WON'T AND SHE CAN'T : IN FIGHTING SHE's ALWAYS A FRIGHT IN. PAPH. NAY, BUT REMEMBER THE WORD, How PYLUs, HE SAID, BEFORE PyLUs; PYLUS THERE IS BEFORE PyLUs. Pylus”? DEMUs. What mean you by that “before S.S. Truly your pile of baths will he capture before you can take them. DEMUs. O dear, then bathless must I go to-day. S.S. Because he has carried off our pile of baths. But here’s an oracle about the fleet; Your best attention is required to this. DEMUs. I’ll give it too; but prithee, first of all, Read how my sailors are to get their pay. S.S. S.S. O AEGEIDEs, BEWARE OF THE HOUND-Fox, LEST HE DECEIVE THEE, STEALTHILY SNAPPING, THE CRAFTY, THE SWIFT, THE TRICKY MARAUDER. Know you the meaning of this? DEMUs. Philostratus, plainly, the hound-fox. Not so; but Paphlagon is evermore Asking swift triremes to collect the silver, and then bites. Aatóapyot Köves Aéyovrat, says the Scholiast, ai Adépg irpoortodora, trapā 8é tºv trapouiav €travče “oraivets 84kvovora, kai küov \at- 6apyos ei’” (said by Eustathius, on Odyssey iv. 221, to be a line of Sophocles): kepô& 63 d\órmé. 1069. Đukóarparos] The name kvy- a\óirmé naturally reminds Demus of Philostratus, a motorious tropwoğoakós of the time, who for some reason or other was nicknamed kvva\óirmé. In his character of tropwoğookös he is addressed by his nickname only, & Kvva\ótrmé, in Lysistrata. 957. The Sausage-Seller, however, seems to have learned from Demosthenes, supra 203–10, the true method of expounding an oracle. w / kai Sákvovorai. 1071. dpyupo)\óyovs] For the command of a fleet of these revenue-collecting triremes was the most lucrative post that a demagogue could obtain. With these he was to sail round to the defaulting allies, to demand payment of the tribute, or arrears of tribute, due to the Athenian treasury. To the unfortunate islanders the demagogues were the embodiment of the over- whelming power of the “Tyrant" city, and their wrath was to be appeased, and their favour obtained, by bribes of enormous magnitude. Their modus operandi is vividly described by Bdely- cleon in the Wasps. They contrive, says he, to obtain bribes at the rate of fifty talents at one time, Extorting them out of the subject states by hostile menace and angry frown; Hand over, they say, the tribute-pay or else my thwnders shall crush your town. 150 III II E IX taſtas &mavóó pil 8,86val o' 6 Aošías. AHMOX. trós 8?) Tpuipms éoti kvva».6trné; AA. Štros; ey & 2 y * 2 Af A ori m townpms eatu Xao Kvov Toxv. AHMOX. Trôs obv &Aórné trpoo'eré0m trpès tº kvut; AA. 1075 &\omekíotal toys a Tpattéras jRao'ev, & \ Æ A 3. a. Af Örui) (36tpus Tpéyovatv čv toſs Xoptots. AHMOX. elev. toūrous 6 puoróēs toſs dAotekioto's trod; AA. 9 º g- &XX &rt révô' étrékovorov, Šv eitré orot &#axéo.oróat, éyò tropió kai toßtov ºpepôv Tptóv. 1080 So then the cities, alarmed, make haste to propitiate their formidable assailants by bestowing on them Wines, cheeses, necklaces, sesame fruit, and jars of pickle, and pots of honey, Rugs, cushions, and mantles, and cups, and crowns; and health, and vigour, and lots of money. These ápyvpoMóyot rpińpets are frequently mentioned by historians; and indeed, as Dindorf observes, Thucydides twice refers to their operations about this very time. And see the case of Lysicles mentioned in the note on 132 supra. 1077. 66rpus rpóyovorivl “The fox is exceedingly voracious,” says Buffon ; “besides meat of all kinds, he eats with equal avidity eggs, milk, cheese, fruits, and particularly grapes.” “In France and Italy,” Bewick observes, “the fox does great damage among the vineyards, by feeding on the grapes of which he is particularly fond.” “The common English fox,” says Wood, “is remarkably fond of ripe fruits, such as grapes.” In England, however, this propensity on the part of the fox is but little observed; since here the grapes are generally out of his reach, and are therefore in his estimation, according to Aesop, sour grapes, &pſpakes, uvae acerbae, nondum maturae. But it is frequently noticed by ancient writers; and even with ourselves Aesop's fable has passed into a familiar proverb. Theocritus in his first Idyll describes a little rural scene, supposed to be represented on a richly-chased goblet: a little boy is minding the vines, but he is at this moment so busy plaiting a locust-trap that he does not observe two foxes which are sporting about him, one of which has a design on the boy's dinner, while the other runs up and down the vineyard rows, making havoc of the ripe grapes, orivopiéva rāv rpó£uov. In one of Alciphron's epistles (iii.22) the writer says that the foxes, tàs ulapás dA&trekas, had made a deter- mined attack on the vines, devouring THE KNIGHTS 151 So Loxias bids you not to give him these. Why is a trireme called a hound-fox2 DEMUs. s.s. why? A trireme's fleet; a hound is also fleet. DEMUs. S.S. But for what reason adds he “fox” to “ hound?” P The troops, he means, resemble little foxes, Because they scour the farms and eat the grapes. DEMUs. Good. But where's the cash to pay these little foxes 2 S.S. That I’ll provide : within three days I’ll do it. LIST THOU FURTHER THE REDE BY THE SON OF LETO DELIVERED 5 not merely single grapes but whole clusters at once ; and he, fearing the anger of his master, a stern unsparing man, at the havoc wrought, had set a trap to catch them, and had caught not the foxes but his mistress's pet dog, which he found dead in the trap. Nicander (Alexipharmaca 185) speaks of the insects which invade the vines Triorépmv Šte 66rpvv éorivato knkås d\óTmé. And, according to Galen (De ali- mentorum facultatibus iii. 2), the flesh of the fox was eaten in autumn, when it had been enriched and fattened on the grape ; tā Śē róv d\otrékov čv ºpówo- trópº kai oi trap' intv kvvmyéral trpoo- ºpépovrat' truaivovral yáp drö Töv ora- qvXów. And it is not until winter, when the grapes are gone, says Oppian (De Wenatione iii. 458), that he is driven by hunger to catch such creatures as leverets and birds. Warro (de Re Rustica i. 8), speaking of the vine which trails its grapes upon the ground, says that it is the common food of men and foxes, vulpibus et hominibus communis. We are all familiar with the remarkable verse in the Song of Solomon ii. 15, which Mr. Kingsbury, in the Speaker's Commentary, considers to be a fragment of a vinedresser's ballad, and translates Catch us the foxes, Foxes the little ones, & Wasting our vineyards, When vineyards are blossoming. 1079. juspóv Tptów) Within three days. Cf. Wasps 260 and the note there. There can hardly be, as the Scholiast suggests, any direct allusion to the familiar “three days' rations,” oriri' fipepôv rpióv. 1080. d\\' ért révô’ K.T.A..] But yet again hearken to this oracle which the son of Leto delivered, “Keep away from Cyllene lest she entrap you in her Snares.” Cyllene is doubtless not the Arcadian mountain, but KvXAñvm rò 'HAetov émivetov, as both Thucydides (i. 30, ii. 84) and Pausanias (iv. 23. 1, vi. 26.3), by way of distinction, call it. And we may be sure that we have here the fragment of a genuine oracle, since Aristophanes would hardly have con- cocted a line which lends itself so reluctantly to any play upon its words. 152 III II E IX Xpmopov Amtotôms, KvXXīvnv, puſ; o'e 80X60 m. AHMOX. Totav KvXXívnv; AA. Tºv točrow Xelp' émoimaev KvXAñumv ćp6ós, òruff pno', ºuga)\e kvXXfi. IIA. oùk épôós ppášev Tiju KvXXīvnv y&p 6 poigos els tºw Xelp' àp6ós fivíšaro Tºv Alometőovs. 1085 J V 2 9 9 A \ * º A &AA& ydp &otiv čploi Xpmap.os trepi oot trepvyorès, aietós dis yíyvet kai tróa'ms yſis 8aaixeſeus. AA. kai yap poi, kal yńs kai Tàs épwépás ye 6a)\doorms, J - Xóti y' év 'Ekbarávous Šukáorets, Aét}(ov ćiritſaata. IIA. y º dAN #yó eiðov čvap, kat poiâóket # 6.e0s aſſºr) 1090 Aº. Af * 9 Aº Aº toū &mpov karaxelv apvtauvim TXovóvyſetav. AA. vi) Ato, kal yèp éyò kaí poè86ket # 6eós air?) ék TöNeos éA6eſv kai y\aúš airfi 'truko:670.6aw. eita kataotrévêew katē Tſis kepaxfis dpv64\\? ... dp/8pooríav karð goû, kata toûrov & a kopo66Apumv. AHMOX. ioi) iotſ. 1095 It may originally have been an allusion to the treacherous approaches to the harbour of Cyllene, and was probably much in vogue at Athens, when the Peloponnesian fleet took refuge there after the first of Phormio's memorable victories, and was not attacked in that port by the “mighty sailor.” It is plain from 562 supra that those victories were at this time, for some reason or other, very present to the poet’s mind. 1083. KvåAñ] Scilicet Xeupt. It means a hand bunched up as of one asking alms. Though the two words have nothing in common, kv NAñ has in this connexion much the same meaning as kotºm. See Thesm. 937 and the Com- mentary there. Diopeithes is the crazy Xpmopoxáyos ridiculed in Wasps 380 and Birds 988, where see the notes. Apparently he had a crippled hand, though the Scholiast's remark georivoro tàs xeipas 6 Auoteiðms kai fiv kv)\\ös, Touréort Termpopévos is in all probability merely a deduction from the present passage. 1087. aierós] As a last resource Paphlagon produces an oracle which predicts that Demus will become an Eagle. It is not the precise Eagle- oracle which Demus had demanded, supra 1013, but Paphlagon may have thought the promise of universal dominion upon earth more alluring than the promise of dwelling for ever in the clouds above. 1088. Špuépás 6a)\dorons] But here again the Sausage-seller outbids him. THE KNIGHTS 153 PAPH. S.S. PAPH. S.S. DEMUs. Good | KEEP THOU ALOOF, SAID HE, FROM THE WILES OF HOLLOW CYLLENE. DEMUs. Hollow Cyllene ! what’s that? Paphlagon’s outstretched hand, with his Drop me a coin in the hollow. S.S. 'Tis Paphlagon’s hand he's describing, There this fellow is wrong. When he spake of the hollow Cyllene, Phoebus was hinting, I ween, at the hand of the maimed Diopeithes. Nay, but I’ve got me, for you, a winged oracular message, THOU SHALT AN EAGLE BECOME, AND RULE ALL LANDS As A MONARCH. Nay, but I’ve got me the same:–AND THE RED SEA Too THOU SHALT GOVERN, YEA IN ECBATANA JUDGE, RICH CAKES AS THOU JUDGEST DEVOURING. Nay, but I dreamed me a dream, and methought the Goddess Athene Health and wealth was ladling in plentiful streams upon Demus. Nay, but I dreamed one myself; and methought the Goddess Athene Down from the Citadel stepped, and an owl sat perched on her shoulder; Then from a bucket she poured ambrosia down upon Demus, Sweetest of scents upon you, upon Paphlagon sourest of pickles. Good | Demus shall have dominion not only over all the earth, but over the Red Sea also, meaning by the “Red Sea.” all the seas which wash the south- western coasts of Asia. See the note on Birds 145. And what is more, he shall carry on his dicastic duties, the joy of his life, in Ecbatana, the ancient capital of the Medes, Aeixov ćiritagra, licking up cakes covered with sugar-plums. See supra 103. 1091. TNovévyielav] A word apparently coined by Aristophanes to express the combination of the chief elements of physical prosperity, health of body and wealth of store. See Wasps 677 and Birds 731. As regards āpārava and dpú8a)\\os, three lines below, Brunck refers to Pollux vii. 166, who reckons them both as articles used in the baths; rå rôv 8a)\avetov dyyeta, he says, dpå- 8a)\\os, dpirawa duºpæ 8 Aptoropávns Aéyet. The dpirauva seems to have been a sort of ladle; the dpå8a)\\os a cup, wide at the bottom and narrower at the brim. Kuster refers to Athenaeus xi. 26, who says, 'Apú8a\\os' troriptov Káročev eipúrepov, Švo 85 ovvmyuévov. And he adds, où mappo 86 €ort roo dpvorrixov (Wasps 855) 6 dpå5aMAos, diró toū āpārew kai 84AAetv. 1093. Ér tróAeos] That is, from the Acropolis, her special habitation. The orkopoëdºpam, which she is about to pour down upon Paphlagon, was very appro- priate to the tanner. See supra 199 and the note there. 154 III II E IX oëk fiv dip' of 8eis rod TAávuòos oopórepos. kal viv čplavröv čtrutpétro orot Tovrovi yepovrayoyeſv Kávarrauðeiſelv trgºtv. IIA. pºſitro y', iretetſo o', GAX &vápielvov, Ös éyò 1100 kpt0&s tropió orot kai 3tov ko.6 ipêpav. AHMOX, otºk divéxoplat kpuðów &kočov troAAókus éémiratijónv Štró re oroú kai Govgåvows. IIA. &AA’ &Apur' #8m orot tropió 'a kevaopiéva. AA, yo & plašíakas ye 8tapepaypévas 1105 kai točkov &ntóv. Amèv &AN' ei pº ’o-0te. AHMOX. dviſoraré vuv & Tu Trép trouñoré6’ 6s éyò, ôtrórepos &v apóv et pie pióMAov &v trouſ, toūrp trapač6ao Tſis trukvös tés àvías. IIA. Tpéxoup' &v etoo trpórepos. AA. of 8ht', dAA’ &yd. 1110 XO. 2 W &px?iv, Öre travres év- & Afiple, kaxiiv y' éxets 1098. Tvrpétrol Here for the second time Demus appears to decide in favour of the Sausage-seller; and the language he employs bears so strong a resem- blance to the language of his final decision, infra 1259, that the poet certainly seems when he wrote these lines to have intended to close the contest here, and only by an after- thought to have introduced the cookery- competition which follows. See the Commentary on 943 supra. With éuavröv rovtovi compare Plutus 868 due Tourovi. 1099. yepovrayayeſv) This line is borrowed, the Scholiast tells us, from a passage in the Peleus of Sophocles, a passage given more fully by Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom. vi. 2. 19, IImaéa röv Aióicetov oikovpós piévm nepovrayonyà kävalrauðeiſa tráAuv' tráMv Yap ağ9ts traſs 6 ympäorican Čváp. In the present Comedy, at all events, a Ömpayoyös is in very truth a yepovra- yoyás. Plutarch, as Kock observes, twice quotes a line from some anony- mous comedian who says that Cleon ingratiated himself with the people, 'yepovrayoyāv kävaptorðapvetv Štěoös, Nicias, chap. 2; Praecepta gerendae reipublicae, chap. 13. 1103. Seovq àvovs] Thuphanes appears to have been one of Cleon's creatures, mixed up in some way with the distribu- tion, or non-distribution, of the doles promised by the demagogues to the Demus. In Wasps 718 there is a complaint that, while the demagogues T H E KNIGHTS 155 There never was a cleverer chap than Glanis. So now, my friend, I yield myself to you; Be you the tutor to my thoughtless—Age. PAPH. Not yet! pray wait awhile, and I’ll provide Your barley-grain, and daily sustenance. DEMUs. I can’t abide your barley-talk; too often Have I been duped by you and Thuphanes. PAPH. I’ll give you barley-meal, all ready-made. S.S. I’ll give you barley-cakes, all ready-baked. And well-broiled fish. Do nothing else but eat. DEMUs. Make haste and do it then, remembering this, Whichever brings me most titbits to-day, To him alone I'll give the Pnyx's reins. PAPH. O. then I’ll run in first. CHOR. S.S. Not you, but I. Proud, O Demus, thy sway. Thee, as Tyrant and King, were in the habit of promising large and liberal doles of wheat, they were in the habit of giving merely a tithe of the amount promised, and that not wheat but barley. The Scholiast says of Thuphanes, Ös kóAaka kopºei roorov kai drare&va, kai rº, KNécovt ovvóvra övå koMakeiav. iv. 88 intoypappareds. 1104. &Aqural Paphlagon raises his offer. He will give, as Blaydes says, “non modo hordea (grana) sed hordea- ceam etiam farinam (äAquta) in usum domesticum paratam.” But once again the Sausage-seller outbids him. He will give the barley made up into a capital cake; and not only so, but something—fish, cheese, or the like, see the note on Wasps 302—to eat with it. 1109. Tſis irvkvös rās jvias] The reins of the Pnya. He shall be the ºrpoorrárms rod Shuov. The words ris TróNeos rās #vias are used in the same sense Eccl. 466, where see the Commentary. On this promise the rivals at once prepare to run etoro, that is, into their respective houses at the back of the stage. See the note on 970 supra. Accordingly they disappear from the stage, and the Chorus take the oppor- tunity, in their absence, of having a little colloquy with Demus, who still remains sitting in the mimic Pnyx. 1111–50. These little Glyconic stanzas are very similar to those Supra 973–96, but those have a disyllabic, and these a monosyllabic, base; and inasmuch as a stanza of ten lines does 156 III II E IX 6potrol &ečíaori o' 60- Tep divěpa Túpavvov. 5 2 3) AP º &XX eijirapóyoyos et, 60tevóplevós re Xai- pets kāśatratóplevos, Tpès rêv Te Āéyovt’ del kéxmvas: 6 vows 8é orov W 5 arº trapöv ćtroðmpleſ. AHMOX. vojs oik Eva rais kópous ūpāv, Öre p' of ºppovetv vopuiger’’. ‘yo 8' éköv Taijt’ \tóudºgo. airós Te y&p #8opiat 1115 1120 1125 8ptſ\\ov to ka9' pièpav, not lend itself (as a stanza of twelve lines did) to a series of three catalectics followed by one Pherecrateian, we now have first three, and them five, a cata- lectics followed by a Pherecrateian. Throughout these stanzas the Demus of the dialogue is not the stage Demus at all, but the real Demus of Athens; and Paphlagon is no longer a slave, but a demagogue, a Tpoorárms too Añpov. The reason for this will be found in the note on 973–96 supra. In the first stanza, 1111–20, the Chorus depict the real character of the Athenian Demus by a few slight but vivid touches. It has the power of a mighty king, they say, and is dreaded by all about it, yet it is easily led away, and loves to be flattered and cheated, and is at the mercy of every speaker, nor does it display in its actions the intelligence it really possessed. The dialogue is happily described by Mitchell as “a gem even among the jewels of Aristophanes.” 1114. Övöpa Tºpavvov]The word rúpavvos of course did not imply those attributes of cruelty and injustice involved in our word “tyrant.” It means one who in an Hellenic city had acquired supreme power, and was therefore able to employ for his purposes the whole force of the State. He might be a most benevolent despot, but he was none the less a Túpavvos. Many passages comparing the Demus to a rúpavvos are collected here by Mitchell and others. Thus in Thucydides both Pericles (ii. 63) and Cleon (iii. 37) are represented as saying to the Athenian people rvpavviða €xete tºv dpx.jv, while Isocrates (Areopagi- ticus 29) says, Öei Tôv Šipov, Öortrep Túpavvov, kaðuaráva rās dpxàs kai koºdſetv toūs ééapiaprávovras K.T.A., and Aristotle T H E KNIGHTS 157 All men fear and obey, Yet, O yet, 'tis a thing Easy, to lead thee astray, Empty fawning and praise Pleased thou art to receive; All each orator says Sure at once to believe; Wit thou hast, but ’tis roaming; Ne'er we find it its home in. DEMUs. Wit there's none in your hair. What, you think me a fool! What, you know not I wear, Wear my motley by rule ! Well all day do I fare, Nursed and cockered by all; Pleased to fatten and train observes that the demagogues had gradually changed the Athenian polity from a constitutional Republic to the absolute democracy of his day, &ortrep rvpdvvº, rô 8hp.9 xapiſópevot, Politics ii. 9. 3. These and similar passages are indeed not precisely analogous to the present; since they are speaking of the relation existing between the Demus and its own subjects and de- pendencies; of the Demus at home, so to say; whilst here the Chorus mean that all the world tremble before him as though he were a mighty King. 1120. trapöv droönueſ] I do not take this to be a mere comic paradox like the oik #vôov čvöov čorriv of Ach. 396 with which it is sometimes compared; it seems to be rather an excuse for the foolish ways just attributed to Demus. It is not that you are wanting in intel- ligence, the Chorus mean. You have plenty of wit, but it is never at home. 1121. kóplats] He is referring to the long hair of the Knights, which appa- rently was viewed with some disfavour by the people at large. Cf. Supra 580. The Scholiast says otov čv rº èykeſpá\@ inóv' àrt ékópov oi in reis. 1126. 8púNAov] Sipping my sops like a baby, that is, fed on titbits, pam- pered. Symmachus, the Scholiast tells us, explains it by intotrivov, Šk pupiñoreos ris rôv maičov quovňs. He means that 8ptſ\\etv is derived from 8pov, a child's cry when thirsty. In Clouds 1382 Strep- siades says to his son el piév ye 8pov eitrots, éyò yvois àv trieſv éméoxov. The 158 III II E 1 > kAérrovtd. re SočAopal Tpépelv čva trpoor&rmv. toūrov 8, §rav ºf TAéos, āpas àmàraša. XO. Xotºro pièv čv et trotoſs, et orot rvkvárms #vear' 9 an A & Af év tá Tpótrø, dis Aéyets, toūrq Trévv troAX?), ei roßoró’ émírměes &a- A Aº trep &mploorſovs Tpépels 2 ga & 3 An eſ év tá trukvi, kā6’ &rav puff oot rôxm &Wrov čv, toūrov Šs &v traxos, 660 as étruðetirvets. 1130 1135 1140 AHMOX. gkéyao 6e 8é p’, ei oropós airot's treptépxoplat, toūs oiopévows ppovetv kāp' éðarratóNXeuv. Chorus had said that Demus's wits were never at hand when they were wanted. Demus retorts, with a sort of tu quoque, that the Chorus can have no wits at all under their long hair, if they think that he is really a fool, and do not per- ceive that he is merely playing the fool for his own purposes. He suffers the demagogues for two reasons: first, because they are always ministering to his wants rô 8hpºp, &otrep rupávvº, Xapiſópevot (to use the words of Aristotle quoted in the note to 1114 supra); and secondly, because when by picking and stealing they have amassed great wealth, he quietly knocks them on the head, and confiscates their illgotten posses- sions. 1130. śpas àráračaj I take him up and knock him on the head ; just as, for instance, a gamekeeper kills a rabbit. traráoorew is frequently used in the sense of killing by a blow. And compare the use of kpotoravra in Plato's Apology, chap. 18, of one crushing a gnat or a gadfly. 1185. &otrep &muogiovs] Aeimei Sods # raúpovs # &AAo ‘rt rotodrow 60pa.-Scho- liast. And I have no doubt that this interpretation is correct, and that his alternative suggestion that the refer- ence is to human victims, though gener- T H E KNIGHTS 159 One prime thief in my stall. When full gorged with his gain, Up that instant I snatch him, Strike one blow and dispatch him. CHOR. Art thou really so deep 2 Is such artfulness thine? Well for all if thou keep Firm to this thy design. Well for all if, as sheep Marked for victims, thou feed These thy knaves in the Pnyx, Then, if dainties thou need, Haste on a victim to fix; Slay the fattest and finest; There's thy meal when thou dinest, DEMUs. Ah! they know not that I Watch them plunder and thieve. Ah! 'tis easy, they cry, Him to gull and deceive. ally adopted, is as absurd as it is (in this connexion) revolting. The State would have to purchase cattle and sheep for the public sacrifices, just as individuals had for their private offer- ings; and these would be fattened up for the sacrifice, and when offered would (with the exception of the sacrificial bits) be consumed as food. That is the very point of the comparison here; and it is one with which the human victims, the qappakoi, the ka94ppara (see the note on Frogs 733) have nothing whatever in common. And the term ômuáotos does not in the slightest degree point to human victims; I do not know if it is ever used of them ; while rpéqeuv is constantly employed in the sense of keeping the lower animals. See the note on Plutus 1156. 1140. śiručeurveis] You sup on him, as Blaydes rightly translates it. It is quite a delusion to suppose that éirtöeurveiv, émeo 6ietv, and the like mean “to eat as &yov with bread" or “as bread with &Wrov,” or “as a second meal.” In Ari- stophanes, at all events, these words never bear that signification. See Eccl. 1178, Plutus 1005, and the note on 707 Supra. 160 III II E IX tnpó y&p ékáorror' at- 1145 roës, oë8& 8okóv Ópāv, kXétr+ovras' émelt' &vay- kášo tra. Alv čepletv &rt’ &v kekNóqoori plov, kmptov katapam}\óv. 1150 IIA. &may' is pakaptav čktroë6v. A.A. at y', 3 p66pe. IIA. & Amp', yā, plávrot trapeakevoopévos Tpíraxal káðmual, Sovkópevós o' éðepyeretv. AA. §yö & SekāntaXaí ye kai 808ekátra Mat kai Xixtówaxat kai trpóttaxat tróNot tróNat. 1155 AHMOX. &y& 8& Trpoorðokóv ye TptoplvptórraNat 88eXútropiat a pø, kal trpótraXal tróat tróMat. AA. oloré' otºv & 8pāorov ; AHMOX. ei & pin, pp4orets ye ori. AA. dºes dro Bax8íčov čplē te kai Tovtovi, 1148. §§epeiv) This word would carry, and was no doubt intended to carry, the thoughts of the audience back roſs Trévre ra)\dvrous ois KAéov čáñueorev, Ach. 6. The language of Demus may remind the reader of the manner in which Wespasian was said to replenish the im- poverished Treasury. He was accused “of advancing the most rapacious pre- fects to the most opulent prefectures that they might have more to disgorge when it suited him to condemn them for extortion,” Merivale's History of the Romans, chap. 60; quibus pro spon- giis dicebatur uti" is the observation of Suetonius, Wesp. 16. The analogy of Wespasian's method was, I find, long ago pointed out by Casaubon. 1150. kmpóv karapam}\óv] Tickling their throats with my verdict-boa. KarapamAoûv is to thrust a probe (uffAm, specillum) down a patient's throat for the purpose of making him vomit. Karapam}\óv' pinxóoral kaAoûoruv oilarpol rô puff Mmy kaðetvai trov.– Photius. karapam)otiv pºv čAeyov rô rºw pañAmv kaðieoréat into rod idrpoo eis rôv \alpêv, Ös trotočari kai oi époovres.—Scho- liast. Karapamkotiv kmpièv is to thrust the knuds, as if it were a piñNm, down the throat for the same purpose. The knuds is the funnel through which the dicasts dropped their votes into the verdict- box. See the notes on Wasps 99 and Thesm. 1030. And the meaning of the words, apart from the metaphor, is that Demus compelled the demagogues to disgorge their spoils by the verdict of a dicastery. The passage cannot be explained more clearly than it was by Kuster. Id est ca- “kmpièv karapam}\ów. THE KNIGHTS 161 Comes MY turn by and by Down their gullet, full quick, Lo, my verdict-tube coils, Turns them giddy and sick, Up they vomit their spoils: Such, with rogues, is my dealing, 'Tis for MYSELF they are stealing. PAPH. Go and be blest ! S.S. Be blest yourself, you filth. PAPH. O Demus, I’ve been sitting here prepared Three ages past, longing to do you good. S.S. And I ten ages, aye twelve ages, aye A thousand ages, ages, ages, ages. DEMUs. And I’ve been waiting, till I loathe you both, For thirty thousand ages, ages, ages. S.S. Do—know you what? DEMUs. And if I don’t, you’ll tell me. S.S. Do start us from the signal-post, us two, mum iudicialem specilli loco in fauces Such exclamations as āmay €s pakapiav, immittens. Nam ut Medici specillo ori 84AN’ és uakaptav are common enough; immisso vomitum ciere solent, sic ego but no doubt there is intentional humour (inquit hic Populus) fures aerarii, post- here, in making these angry disputants quam divites facti Sunt, vomitu quasi consign each other to the Land of the remetiri cogo ea, quae malis artibus Blest. acquisiverant; ad quam rem specilli 1158. oio.6 oëv) A very similar line loco adhibeo camum iudicialem.” with a slightly different turn to the 1151. &may' és uakaptav) The rivals sentence occurs in Peace 1061 d\\'olorë return, quite ready for their final en- & 6pāorov; IE. Av ppáorms. counter. Each has brought out of his 1159, diró 8a)\8íðav|From the starting- house, and placed in front of it, a huge point. The same phrase is found in hamper full of provisions. As they Wasps 548, where the Scholiast says approach Demus they hustle against BaNgis, ; d.bermpia. §v 8é airm ypappu) each other, and each consigns his éq' is eig rijkeorav čos àv diroo muavóñ 6 opponent és uakapiav, a euphemism for 8pópos airrots. “Bax3íðes erant lineae, the land of the dead; divri rod eis 8Aeëpov quibus cursores, antequam carceribus kar' eiq'mutauðv, as the Scholiast says, emitterentur, insistebant.” Pierson, at émei kai oi reëveóres pakapirat Aéyovral. Moeris S. v. Here of course the 8a)\8íðes M 162 III II E IX fva a' eſſ trouépév čá to ov. AHMOX. 8páv Tatra Xpſ. 1160 &mirov. IIA. kai AA. ièoč. AHMOX. 6éout' div. A.A. intoéeſv oik #6. AHMOX. &AA’ ºf peyd'Aos súðaipovijao Tſuepov ūtrö Töv špaatöv vi) At , 'yo 6púyopat. IIA. Öpás; yd got trpórepos ékpépo 8ſppov. AA. &AA’ of Tpſiteſav, &AA’ eye ºrporepairepos. 1165 IIA. ièoë pépo orot Tívče plašíokmu èyè ék Töv čXóv Tóv čk IIö\ov peplaypévmv. AA, #yö & pivotixas pepivotixmpiévas into ths 6eoû rà Xelpi täxeſpavrivm. AHMOX. &s péyav ćp sixes, & trótvia, röv ŠáktvNov. 1170 are their respective stations beside Demus, from which they are to run to their respective houses and back again. 1161. 1806] Some MSS. and editions give this to Paphlagon alone, and others to the Sausage-seller alone ; but I had allotted it to both of them before I was aware that Kock and Van Leeu- wen had done the same. Demus would assuredly have abstained from giving the signal to start until both com- petitors had signified their readiness. And cf. Frogs 1378 and 1390. By into- 6eiv obk éð the Sausage-Seller means I bar your cutting-in tricks: the race must be run fairly, without fouling or trickery. 1163. #'y& 6púyopal] Or Ishall indeed Öe difficult to please. 6pörreo 6at (Latin delicias facere) means to assume an attitude of unnecessary coyness and delicacy; to give oneself airs. Thus (to take one instance out of many) in Lucian's Symposium 4, where Lucinus, calling to mind the proverb putoréo pºvá- pova orvpurórav, affects to be unwilling to tell what passed at the banquet. “6púrret rajra, & Avkive,” says his friend, “d)\\'oùrt ye irpès épé otro Troteiv čxpñv, dxpuSös ytyväorkov troMi Trºéov étru6vuotivrá ore eiteſv # éué àkodorat. And did I pro- pose to go away now,” he adds, “you would not allow me to go without hear- ing your tale, but would hold me, and follow, and beg me to listen; kāyā 6pú- Wropal trpès oré du ré uépet. And if you prefer it, don't you say anything, and I will go and learn what took place from somebody else.” “Don’t be angry” (unèëv trpès épyńv, cf. Frogs 844), says Lucimus, “for I will tell you all about it.” So Plato, Phaedrus, chap. 12 (p. 236 C) émé6épet pév Aéyetv, £6pū- Trrero Sé. 1164. 8tºppov) Before they begin on their hampers they bring out from their THE KNIGHTS 163 All fair, no favour. PAPH. and S.S. Ready | allowed. DEMUs. Right you are; move off. DEMUs. Away! S.S. No “cutting in ’’ DEMUs. Zeus ! if I don't, with these two lovers, have A rare good time, ’tis dainty I must be. PAPH. See, I’m the first to bring you out a chair. S.S. But not a table; I’m the firstlier there. PAPH. Look, here’s a jolly little cake I bring, Cooked from the barley-grain I brought from Pylus. S.S. And here I’m bringing splendid scoops of bread, Scooped by the Goddess with her ivory hand. DEMUs. A mighty finger you must have, dread lady | respective houses, the one a chair, and the other a table, that Demus may be able to address himself to his meal in all comfort. 1167. ÖAóv] 'OMai, ai pe6 áAów peputy- piéval kpı6ai, kal roſs 6ápaow étrušax\ó- Hevat.—Scholiast. ÖA) is the name given to the 'sacrificial barley strewn on the victim about to be offered ; Peace 948, 960. According to Buttmann (Lexi- logus 87), it was originally the name for grain in general; superseded as re- gards barley in common parlance by the introduction of the name kpu6), but still retained for sacrificial purposes. The words ék IIö\ov are intended to be another instance of Cleon's perpetual reference to Pylus; but the use of the sacrificial word 3Xai may possibly sug- gest an allusion (whether originally made by Cleon himself or not) to the sacrifice offered by Nestor at Pylus, xéputflá r'oùoxõras re karſpxeto, Odyssey iii. 445, 447; ot)\oxūrat being equivalent to 6\ai. 1169. Tº Meqavrivil] He is referring to the Athene of the Parthenon, whose person, so far as it was visible, was of ivory, and her vesture and adjuncts of gold. The late Bp. Wordsworth of Lincoln, in a delightful chapter of his “Athens and Attica,” points out the influence which the triple presentment of Athene in the Acropolis exerted upon Athenian literature, with special refer- ence to the present dialogue. See also the mote on Thesm. 1138. Here we have the chryselephantime Athene of the Parthenon; Paphlagon responds with an allusion to the great bronze statue of Athene Promachus; and, a little further on, the Sausage-seller brings in the wooden statue of Athene Polias, to whom the famous Peplus was dedicated at the Great Pamathenaea. As to pivorriMas, bread-scoops, see the note on 827 supra. M 2. 164 III II E IX II.A. §y& 8' rvos ye triaruvov etxpov kai kaków. ěrápuye 8' at 0° à IIa)\A&s # IIvXalpáyos. AA. & Affa’, ‘vapyós # 6eós o' émiakomeſ, V º º 2 2 ave A kai väv Štrépéxel arov Xúrpov Čopod traéav. AHMOX, otel yèp oikefor6’ &v ćrt rivée Tºv tróAuv, ei pi pavepôs plov Útrepetxe thv Xúrpov; IIA. Stovti réuaxós gočokev iſ poéeguarpárm. AA. § 3’’O&ptporárpa y' épôöv čk Čopod kpéas * A 2 / *A *A A. kai XóAtkos jváarpov rekai yaotpos tépov. AHMOX. kaxós y’étroinoſe rod Trétryov peplumpiévm. IIA. :) Topyoxópa o' ékéAeve tourovi payeſv éAarfipos, ivo Tás vaús éAaúvoplev kaxós. AA. Xaffè kai Tačí vvv. toſs évrépots; eis rās tpumpels ēvrepôvetov # 6eós' 1175 1180 AHMOX. kai tí toàrous Xpffo'opal AA. wirmées air’ mepºré got 1185 J a M anº ^ 2 étriokomeſ yap trepiqavós to vavruków. 1172. IIv\alpäxos] Literally the Gate- stormer. But it is not a real epithet of Athene. It is merely IIpóplaxos, the colossal bronze statue of the goddess on the Acropolis, converted into a name which recalls Cleon's everlasting “Py- lus.” The IIvXat- simply represents IIóAos and has no connexion with the Propylaea or any other gate. 1174. inrepéxei xúrpavl 'Avri too eliretv Xeſpa-Scholiast. intepéxeiv xeipa is a phrase constantly employed to signify divine protection; Iliad ix. 419, xxiv. 374, &c. Dindorf refers to Solon's ele- giacs quoted by Demosthenes, de F. L. 286 : ‘Huerépa 5è tróAus kará pºšv Auðs oitror' &Aeſrat aioav ka? pakápov 6eóv ºppévas ā6avárov. totm yöp pſeyáðupos étréoleomos 38pupotrárpm IIaMAás 'A6mvain xeſpas inepôev čxet. 1177. Bobeoruorpárm] This name ap- pears to be an invention of Paphlagon, and is a far more abnormal compound than IIeuréralpos in the Birds; but 'O8ptporárpa in the following line is an epithet of Athene both in Homer and Hesiod; and see the lines of Solon quoted in the preceding note. 1180. rod trém Aov peplvmpiévm] The par- ticiple expresses the act which she is praised for doing; she did well to re- 'member the Peplus. But how does the gift of the #vvarpov illustrate her recollection of the Peplus? In my opinion the word T H E KNIG HTS 165 PAPH. And here's pease-porridge, beautiful and brown. Pallas Pylaemachus it was that stirred it. S.S. O Demus, plain it is the Goddess guards you, Holding above your head this—soup-tureen. DEMUs. Why, think you Athens had survived, unless She plainly o'er us held her soup-tureen P PAPH. This slice of fish the Army-frightener sends you. S.S. This boiled broth-meat the Nobly-fathered gives you, And this good cut of tripe and guts and paunch. DEMUs. And well done she, to recollect the peplus. PAPH. The Terror-crested bids you taste this cake With roe of fish, that we may row the better. S.S. And now take these. With these insides? DEMUs. Whatever shall I do S.S. The Goddess sends you these To serve as planks inside your ships of war. Plainly she looks with favour on our fleet. Trém Nos is here used in a double mean- ing; signifying of course, as regards the Goddess herself, the splendid robe of which we have already heard supra 566; but as regards the juvorrpov, the caul (the omentum), the membrane or integument in which it was enveloped. And Demus, seeing the #vvoſtpov served up in its caul, says Well done, Athene, not to forget the Peplus. The word "rén Aos is thought to signify the “caul" in Orph. Arg. 310, where the poet, describing the prepara- tions for a sacrifice, says:— &v 3’ dip' inepòe trémaq, trapkaré0mica 6eów étrivăxvra öðpa. But the meaning of that line is not altogether clear. Mitchell is, I think, the only editor who has any inkling of Demus's little joke. 1181. TopyoA6qa] The Terrible-crested. The epithet is applied to Lamachus in Ach. 567. And as to éAarnpos see Ach. 246. It seems impossible to preserve the pun between éAarijp, a flat cake, and éAaúveuv, to row; and I have been obliged in the translation to introduce a new element. 1183. Taët] The Sausage-seller gives him some èvrepa, explaining that they will be useful for the évrépévelav of the ships, that is, apparently for the planks in the lower part of a ship. The word évrepôveta is defined by the Scholiast and Suidas as follows:—rā āykoi)\ta, rā ātrö ris roëntôos àvepxópeva (dpxópeva, Suidas) {{\a èvrepôveta kaxeirai. "AAAos, oi kèv rô rów veóv ćöaqos, oi Śē rà éykoiMua. BéArtov ôé tºv róv éykot)\tov tºmu Aéyeuv. 166 III II E IX y * gº. / Æ A Öğ exe kai trueuv kekpapaevov Toto, kat ovo. AHMOX. &s #&s, & Zeij, kai Tô Tpta pépov kałós. AA. § Tputoyev;)s y&p airóv čverputóvuorev. IIA. Aagé vuv traakoëvros tíovos trap' époi régov. 1190. AA. trap' époi 8' 5Aov ye Tov tr}\akoſivta Tovtoví, IIA. &AW of Aayó' ééets &móðev čás &AN #yó. AA. oiuou' tró6ev Nay?& plot yewija’etat ; & 6vpiè, vvvi Bopox6xov čevpé Tu- IIA. Öpás Tá8', & kakóðauplov; A.A. 6\{yov plot péNew 1195. ékelvoti yap &s épi’ pyovrat. IIA. Tſves; AA. Tpéo Seus éxovres dipyvpíov 32AXàvtta. IIA. Troö moj; AA. Tí óé got toût'; otr Čáaels toūs £évovs; & Amplíðtov, Öpós Tā Āayó' & got ºpépo; IIA. otpot tº Nas, dötkos ye Tápi' tºpſiptraoras. 1200 AA. v.) Töv IIoaetóó, kai or yap toºs ék IIöNov. AHMOX. ein', durišoxó, trós étrévômoras &piróa'at; AA. to pièv vómpo. Tſis 6.e00, to 8& KAéppi' épióv. IIA. AH. &yö 8' ékwöövevo'. 3. V 9 y AP éyò 3’ &ntmoró ye. 1187. Tpta kai 860] Tpia piépm $8aros étri- ôexópevov, Kai 800 oivov.–Scholiast. In ordinary Athenian banquets water was always mingled with the wine, though the relative proportions of the two would vary according to the taste of the drinker. See Photius, s. v. rpta kai 800, Athenaeus x, chaps. 27–9 and 36, 37. Here we have 3 (water) to 2 (wine). Some preferred a larger infusion of wine; whilst more moderate drinkers considered the perfect proportion to be 3 (water) to 1 (wine). “Bacchus,” says Evenus in the Anthology (15), Xaipei kupwépuevos rpio, Núpupats, térparos airós, the Nüpıſpat being, of course, the Naiads or Water-nymphs. And in this he is but following the ancient precept of Hesiod in his Works and Days, 596, Tpis 6' iſèaros trpoxéetv, rô 5& rérparov iéptev oivov. Note that in stating the relative pro- portions of water and wine, the water is regularly placed first. Thus rpia kai 600 signifies 3 parts water and 2 parts wine; ôto kai rpia would signify 2 parts water and 3 parts wine. 1189. Totroyevis] Though the more common form of this name is Tptroyéveta, as in Clouds 989, Lysistrata 347, yet Tpitoyevils is occasionally found. See THE KNIGHTS 167 Here, drink this also, mingled three and two. DEMUs. Zeus ! but it's sweet and bears the three parts well. S.S. Tritogeneia 'twas that three'd and two’d it. PAPH. Accept from me this slice of luscious cake. S.S. And this whole luscious cake accept from me. PAPH. Ah, you’ve no hare to give him; that give I. S.S. O me, wherever can I get some hare 2 Now for some mountebank device, my soul. PAPH. Yah, see you this, poor Witless? For there they are 1 Yes, there they are coming ! Envoys with bags of silver, all for me. S.S. S.S. What care I? PAPH. Who? PAPH. Where 2 Where ? S.S. What's that to you? Let be the strangers. - My darling Demus, take the hare I bring. PAPH. You thief, you’ve given what wasn’t yours to give! S.S. Poseidon, yes; you did the same at Pylus. DEMUs. Ha! Ha! what made you think of filching that ? S.S. DE. 'Twas I that ran the risk | The thought's Athene's, but the theft was mine. PAPH. 'Twas I that cooked it ! the longer Homeric Hymn to Athene, line 4, and the oracle cited in the Com- mentary on 1037 supra. Athene is called by this name here, and the word Éverpi- roo’ev is coined by the poet, as a sort of pun upon the rpia (rpirov) of the preced- ing line. As to TAakoús, the rich honey cake, see the note on Eccl. 223. 1192. Aayga]The flesh of no quadruped was more highly esteemed among the ancients than that of the hare; inter quadrupedes mattya prima lepus, Martial xiii. 92. And so here a dish of hare is made the turning-point of the present competition. Paphlagon has got one; the Sausage-seller has not ; and he must needs therefore by Some means or other obtain possession of Paphlagon's. He affects to see envoys in the distance bringing him bags of money. Paph- lagon, keen on the money-bags (supra 707), puts down the dish of hare, and runs to intercept the supposed envoys. The Sausage-seller snatches up the dish, and presents it, as his own gift, to Demus. 1203. rô pleuvémpa K.T.A..] This is clearly a parody of some line, well known doubtless to the audience, though un- known to ourselves. The question of Demus in the preceding line was put for the sole purpose of eliciting this answer. 1204. AH. Y& 8' ékwöövevo’] Some give the first half of the line to Paphlagon 168 III II E IX AHMOX. &ntº’’ of y&p &AA& rod trapabévros : Xúpus. 1205 IIA. oſpot kakoëaſuov, Ütepavaičev6íoopal. AA. Tí oë 8takpíveis, Afipſ, Örörepós éott vöv &vīp &pletvov trepi orè kai Tàu yaotépa; AHMOX. Tà 87t’ &v Špiás Xpmod{plevos rekpumpſº, 86éalpu kpively toſs 6eatatoriu oropós; 1210 AA. §yô ppóoro orot. Tºv ćpºv kio tmw ióv £6AAa3e atomfi, kai Baorévuorov &rt vi, kai Tàv IIap}\ayóvos' képéAet kpueſs ka?\ós. AHMOX, ºpép' tºo, tí otv čveativ; AA. odºx épás keviv 6 traitríðuov; &mavro ygp orot Tapeqópovv. 1215 AHMOX. airm pºv # kío Tm Të Toí, óñpov ºppoveſ. AA. Báðuge yotiv kai čeňpo Tpès tºu IIaq}\ayóvos. - âpés ráð’; AHMOX, otpot rôv dyadów &ov TAéa. êo'ov to Xpſipa toû TAakoúvros &mé6ero. époi 3’ &okev dirotepidov Tvvvovtoví, 1220 AA. rotaira piévrot kal trpórepôv o'eipydéeto. ool pºv trpoolečíčov pukpov &v éAápgavev, airós 8 €avré traperíðel Tô Heigova. AHMOX. & puapé, k\étr+ov 8ſ pe Taijt’ {{mtratas; éyò 8é Tv čo Teqāvića káčopmorépumv. 1225 and the second to the Sausage-seller which seems clearly wrong: and some give the entire line to Paphlagom which is hardly an improvement. It seems certain that the line is to be divided between two speakers, both of whom are rejected by Demus in favour of the Sausage-seller, rod trapaéévros, the man who served it up. And in my opinion the first half is spoken by Demosthenes who was certainly present (infra 1254), though being now represented by a Choregic actor (see the notes on 154 and 513 supra) he very rarely opens his mouth. It was Demosthenes who took the entire risk of catching the hare : that is, of the Pylian enterprise ; it was Paphlagon who cooked the hare which Demosthenes had caught; it was the Sausage-seller who served it up on the table at which Demus was enjoying the good things which the rivals had brought him. 1205. rod trapaéévros'] This is now the Sausage-Seller; but it was Cleon who, as 6 trapaffeis (supra 57, 778), obtained the entire credit of the Sphacterian triumph. The Scholiast explains oë T H E KNIGHTS 169 DEMUs. Be off: the credit’s his that served it up. PAPH. Unhappy me ! I’m over-impudenced. S.S. Why not give judgement, Demus, of us two Which is the better towards your paunch and you? DEMU.S. Well, what's the test will make the audience think I give my judgement cleverly and well? S.S. I'll tell you what; steal softly up, and search My hamper first, then Paphlagon's, and note What's in them; then you’ll surely judge aright. DEMUs. Well, what does yours contain 2 S.S. See here, it's empty. Dear Father mine, I served up all for you. DEMUs. A Demus-loving hamper, sure enough. S.S. Now come along, and look at Paphlagon's. Hey! only see DEMUs. Why here's a store of dainties Why, here's a splendid cheesecake he put by And me he gave the tiniest slice, so big. S.S. And, Demus, that is what he always does; Gives you the pettiest morsel of his gains, And keeps by far the largest share himself. DEMUs. O miscreant, did you steal and gull me so, The while I crowned thy pow and gied thee gifties. 'yāp d\\ā by kai yap, a very inadequate explanation; oi yöp d\\ā introduces an emphatic statement, excluding every possible alternative. See the note on Frogs 58. For &muð’ at the commence- ment of this line we should perhaps read &mir’. 1211. rāv épºv kiornw! My hamper, the hamper from which I have been draw- ing my provisions. See the note on 1151 supra. Tºv Kušorov, says the Scholiast, raúrm 8& 8tevñvoxev, 3rt à pièveis intoãoxáv €orriv č8éopârgov, # be ipſariou kai Xpwood, # kiðorós. See Acharmians 1086 and the note there. 1220. Tuvvourovi) >v\\aSöv rows Śak- röAovs, pnot paeuvös, duri rod pukpóv.– Scholiast. He shows just the tip of one finger. The word is explained by the gesture. Compare such phrases as huius mon faciam, “I don't care that for him,” Terence, Adelphi ii. 1.9. 1222. pukpów &v éAápióavevl This is a repetition of the charge levelled against Paphlagon, supra, 716. 1225. €y& 8é rv] Tô ri Aopur&s āvri rod oré. rô 8é éo reqdviča àvri rod are påvois ériumora' &mpooia yūp érupiń6m 3 KMéov 170 III II E IX IIA. §yê'8' k\entrov. čar' dyo56 ye Tſ, tróAel. AHMOX. karáðov taxéos Tov otépavov, v' éyò Tovt pi aëröv treptó6. AA. karáðov taxéos, plaq’ttyſa. IIA. oë 8ht', met plot Xpmopós éort IIvölkôs ºppſ#(ov ºp' of p' éðemorev firrão:6at pi&vov. 1230 AA. Toàpióv ye ºppſ#&ov čvopa kai Aſav orabós. IIA. kai puju o' éAéyéat 8otſ\opiat Tekpumpſº, et Tu şvvoſorets toū 6eoû toſs 6eorpätois. kai orov too'oïiro Tpótov čktrelpdoroplat' traſs &v époſtas is Tivos 818aakóNov; 1235 AA. v Taſoſuu effortpaus kovööAous ºpportópumv. TIA. trós eitas; &s plot Xpmap.os &n retat ppevöv. elev. év trauðotpí3ov & Tiva troºmv Špidévôaves; AA. k\étrov čtriopkeſv kai 3Xétreuv čvavtſov. orreſpávº. pupietrat 8é rows Eixoras ātav 1280. ppáčov i p' of] Paphlagon, ore pavóort rôv IIogetöðva.—Scholiast. I suppose the Scholiast to mean that Cleon was honoured with a golden crown on account of his success at Sphacteria. The line is probably, as Brunck observes, taken from some Dorian poet. The conjecture of K. O. Müller (Rhen. Mus. iii. 488) and others, that it comes from either the Eixores of Eupolis, or the ‘Hpak\ns étri Tavápºp, orarupukös of So- phocles, though of course quite possible, seems to have no intrinsic probability. See Meineke on the former, and Wagner on the latter play. 1226. £ir dya&6 ye tº tróNeil This, we may well believe, was the defence of Cleon, when he was found to have pocketed, and was forced to disgorge, the five talents mentioned in Ach. 6. always trusting to his oracles, places his last hope on this one. Like the prophecy on which Macbeth relied, it promises him immunity from all save, as it turns out, the very antagonist who confronts him. The words pi'éöðmorev are merely a modification of those ('8émore p') which Bentley substituted for the un- metrical Señorely or òeñorel u' of the MSS. The whole of the ensuing scene is cast in the Tragic vein, being framed, as Bakh remarks, on the model of a Tragic diva- 'yvóptorus. 1286. eſſarpaus] The singeing pits, in which the hide of the dead pig was deprived of its hair. eſſarpat 8° of 866pot éka)\oovro, evois everal rô Xolpíðta.—Pollux vi. 91. eſſelv, to singe, is more familiar in the compound dipeño, Peace 1144; T H E KNIGHTS 171 PAPH. And if I stole 'twas for the public good. DEMUs. Off with your crown this instant, and I'll place it On him instead. S.S. Off with it, filth, this instant. PAPH. Not so; a Pythian oracle I’ve got Describing him who only can defeat me. S.S. Describing ME, without the slightest doubt. PAPH. Well then I'll test and prove you, to discern How far you tally with the God’s predictions. And first I ask this question,--when a boy Tell me the teacher to whose school you went. S.S. Hard knuckles drilled me in the singeing pits. PAPH. How say you? Heavens, the oracle's word strikes home ! Well I What at the trainer's did you learn to do? S.S. Forswear my thefts, and stare the accuser down. Thesm. 216,236,590; Eccl. 13. The singe- ing process was required both for the tannery and for the kitchen. Athenaeus, ix. 17, quotes from a satyric drama of Aeschylus a passage where a master is inquiring of the cook the state of the sucking-pig he is preparing for the table. A. Aevkós; B. Ti 3’ oixt; kai kaAós peupévos 6 xoſpos. A. Épov, p.m.5& Avrmēſis rupt. 1237. &mrera.] The word is used in Homer of an arrow, javelin, or other missile which reaches its intended desti- nation. Töv prev yap travrov 8é\e' àn retal, all their shafts hit the mark, says the great Telamonian Aias of the Trojans, Iliad xvii. 631. Aristophanes is perhaps alluding to Eur. Medea, 55, where the words (ppevöv div6án retat are employed in much the same sense as the mentem mortalia tangunt of the Roman poet. In Lucian's Dial. Meretr. 1, Glycerium, having lost her lover, says rô Tpāypia oë perpios plov #varo. And in the Ocypus of the same writer, line 17, IIoödypa Says roor of v 84kvet pie kai ppevöv kaðáirrerai. 1239. KAémrov K.T.A..] Thieving itself seems to have come naturally to the Sausage-seller. What he learnt from his trainer was the additional accomplish- ment of denying his thefts upon oath; and that not in a shame-faced manner, but looking his accusers straight in the face. With 3\érew évavriov cf. Eur. Hec. 968; Heracleidae 943. | 72 III II E IX TIA. & Joſé "AtroXXov Atºkue, tí Troté pu' épyāoret ; 1240 2 téxvmv & Tiva tot’ eixes ééavěpoćplevos ; - AA. #XXavtotróAovv– IIA. kai tí; A.A. kai Buweakóplmv, IIA. oſpot kakoëatuovº oirét oë8év eipi' éyò. Aertſ; tıs éAtris éat' q is 6xodué6a. Af * 5 2. Af y y a 12 5 kat plot togovtov ettre. Torepov ev a yopg 4 J * #XXavtotröXeus éreov ji "tri Taºs TröAois ; AA. Ti rats triºxalaty, où to td puxos éviov. IIA. otpot ºrémpakta toû 6eoû to 6éo parov. kvXívčer' etoro róvãe rôv Švarðaſuova. 3. & otépave, Xaipov &muðu, kat a' &Kov čyö 1250 Xetro' orè 3’ &AXos Tus Aa3bv kektijo'etat, k\étrms pièv oëk &v påXXov, eúrvXàs 6 toos. AA. ‘EXXàvie Zeij, orov Tô vukm tiptov. 1240. 3 poiS' K.T.A..] Paphlagon, now thoroughly alarmed, borrows a line, the Scholiast tells us, from the Telephus of Euripides. It was probably, in the Tragedy, the exclamation of Telephus himself. 1242. IIA. kai ri;] Sausage-selling was not the only occupation attributed by the oracle to Paphlagon's destined conqueror. And so, when the other pauses for a moment after the word m\\avrotróNovv, Paphlagon eagerly in- quires if that was all, if he had no other occupation. On hearing that he had, and what it was, Paphlagon is well nigh in despair. There is still one chance left him, but a very slender one. If the fellow sold his sausages in the Agora, all may yet be well. The words oùkér’ oióév eip' éyò are in part repeated from Ach. 1185. 1244. Öxočue6a) We ride at anchor, we anchor on. The phrase ém' éAtriðos ôxetorðat is, as Porson observes (at Orestes 68), so common as to be almost pro- verbial. Porson collects many instances of its use, to which may now be added Lysistrata 31 &n' 3Xiyov y' &xeir' (or ôxeir') āpa according to Dobree's most felicitous and certain emendation. 1249. Kvºlvöer' etoro K.T.A..] Here we have another Euripidean line, borrowed this time from the Bellerophon; a Tragedy which Aristophanes parodies again in the Wasps and in the Peace. Taira ék BeNAépoqiávrov Eipuriðov, says the Scholiast, rö 86 KvXivöer' duri too kopišere. These latter words are taken by the Commentators to mean that in the Bellerophon the word was kopišete, for which Aristophanes substituted kv)\ivöere. But the words cannot bear that mean- ing; nor had Aristophanes any reason for introducing the word kv)\ivöere, since Paphlagon was not in the ékkök\mua. The words āvri rod are the Scholiast's T H E KNIG HTS 173 PAPH. Phoebus Apollo 1 Lycius ! what means this? Tell me what trade you practised when a man. S.S. I sold my sausages— 12APH. Well ? PAPH. Unhappy me ! I’m done for. S.S. And sold myself. There remains * - One slender hope whereon to anchor yet. Where did you sell your sausages 2 Did you stand Within the Agora, or beside the Gates ? S.S. Beside the Gates, where the salt-fish is sold. PAPH. O me, the oracle has all come true ! Roll in, roll in, this most unhappy man. O crown, farewell. Unwillingly I leave thee. Begone, but thee some other will obtain, A luckier man perchance, but not more—thievish. S.S. Hellanian Zeus, the victory-prize is thine ! usual words for ushering in an expla- nation: and I think that the word kv)\ivöere was used in the Bellerophon as well as in the Knights, and that in both places, according to the Scholiast, it is merely equivalent to kopišere. 1251. oré 8' àAMos] We have already in this little scene had two quotations from lost Plays of Euripides, the Tele- phus and the Bellerophon. We have now a third from a well-known passage of an existing play, from the farewell speech of the dying Alcestis to her marriage bed. 6vãoko," ore 3’ &AAm ris Yvvi) kekrägerät, oráqpov pºv oik &v påAAov, eúrvx's 8' tows. With these words Paphlagon falls to the ground as if dead, and there ap- parently he lies motionless during the remainder of the play. As to the crown see 1225 supra. 1253. ENAdvie Zeßl ENAdvios Zets diró rod Év Aiyivn aixuot moré yewopévov, Öre Alakös orvyayayêv rows IIavé\\mvas Neó- oraro rôv Aia. rotiro Sé Aéyet à d\\avro- tróMms eixmpès rêv orréqavov.—Scholiast. The story is told more fully by Isocrates in his Evagoras, 17, 18, where he is glorifying the race of Teucer from (ALc. 181.) whom Evagoras claimed to be de- scended. There was a terrible drought over all Hellas, and many lives were lost, he says, and at last the leading men from all the cities, oi rposo rôres róv máAeov, came to Aeacus and begged him to obtain from Zeus, whose son he was, a remission of this great calamity. Aeacus prayed for rain, and, when his prayer was granted, the Hellenic leaders ispöv év Aiyivn kareorrhoavro kowov rôv ‘EAA#vov, oùnrep kelvos émotho aro rºw eixàv. The Doric form ‘ENAdvios is no doubt 174 III II E IX AH. & xaſpe ka?\\ivuke, kal pièpvna' àrt 9. A 2 3 A. A. y 9 * * divºp yeyévmoral & pié kaſ o' airó Spax), 1255 ôtros éoroplat oot Pavos ūtroypaſpei's 8tróv. AHMOX. plot 8é y & Tu orot točvopſ' etir’. AA. 'Ayopſikpuros' 2 J º *A Af 9 A év táyopé yāp kpuépievos é8oorkóplmv. AHMOX. 'Ayopakptrº Toivuv Épavrov trutpétro, kai Tôv IIaſpxayóva trapačíðopu Tovtoví, AA. 1260 kai ußv éyò o', & Añple, 6epairefloo ka?.6s, &a 6' 6poxoyeſv ore pumöév' &v6pótrov pod iðeſv duetvo Tà Kexmvalov tróAet. XO. # karatravopévotaly tí kāNAtov dpxopévolouv 1265 due to its Aeginetan origin (Pind. Nem. v. 17), though the Athenian envoys in their striking protestation of their loyalty to Hellas (Hdt. ix. 7) spell it ‘EXAñvios. The scene is so studded with Tragic quotation and parody, that this line also may very probably, as some have suggested, be drawn from the Sºle SOUlrC62. 1254. 6 xaſpe ka)\\ivuke] Demosthenes, who had firsturged thereluctant Sausage- seller to be a MAN (supra, 178, 179), and to enter the lists against Paphlagon, now salutes him in the words of the famous Song of Victory composed by Archilochus, 3 ka?\\ivuke xaſp' divač ‘Hpá- k\ees. Aristophanes makes use of this triumphal song at the close both of the Acharnians and of the Birds, where see the Commentary. 1256. intoypaſpei's 8trów] This is com- monly taken to mean a intoypapparet's or some other recognized official. But it probably signifies a man who signs writs and indictments, either (like the Latin subscriptor) as second to his prin- cipal, or what is perhaps more likely on behalf, and at the instigation, of his principal. Phanus we know was one of Cleon's associates, Wasps 1220; and unless we have here a mere pun upon his name, he was probably supposed, whether rightly or wrongly, to bring actions against his patron's enemies, So currying favour with the demagogue and enriching himself. Demosthemes, the slave, humbly petitions that he may be allowed to perform the same duties for the Sausage-seller. 1258. É8ooköpiny I subsisted, earned my livelihood, maintained myself (Thesm. 449) by wrangling in the agora. kpive.oréal is to argue, wrangle. réos pév oëv ékpwé- pe6', we wrangled, Clouds 66, où orot kpwoßplat, I will not wrangle with you, Eur. Med. 609. 1263. rā Kexmvatov TóNeil For rā ‘A6m- valov tróAet, to the city of the Gapenians THE KNIGHTS 175 DE. Hail, mighty Victor, nor forget ’twas I Made you a Man; and grant this small request, Make me your Phanus, signer of your writs. DEMUs. Your name, what is it? S.S. Agoracritus. An Agora-life I lived, and thrived by wrangling. DEMUs. To Agoracritus I commit myself, And to his charge consign this Paphlagon. S.S. And, Demus, I will always tend you well, And you shall own there never lived a man Kinder than I to the Evergaping City. CHOR. O what is a nobler thing, Beginning or ending a song, for to the city of the Athenians. Cf. Supra 755, 804, 824, 1119, &c. Paphlagon had boasted that with hardly an excep- tion he was the 8éArtaros divºp trepi rôv &mpov rôv’Aönvatov, supra 764; and now the Sausage-seller protests that nobody was ever better to the city, ri tróNet, equivalent to rºº Añup, than he will be. With these words Demus, the Sausage- seller, and Demosthenes leave the stage, and here the proper plot of the Comedy terminates. But Aristophanes adds a Second Parabasis, and a presentment of a rejuvenated Demus, delivered from the baleful influences of flatterers and demagogues. 1264. We have here, as in the Birds, a Second Parabasis, consisting of a Strophe and Antistrophe, an Epirrhema and an Antepirrhema. We know that Eupolis, in the Baptae, claimed a share in the composition of the Knights. kákeſvous robs ‘Imméas £vvemotmoa tº pawakpá rotºrg, icăşapmadpumv. And the ancient grammarians tell us' that the whole or the latter part of this Second Parabasis was due to his co- operation. EiſnoMs év roſs Bárrats pmoiv ört ovveroimaev 'Aptorroqāvel rot's ‘Intréas. Aéyet be rºv rexevraiav IIapá8aoruv.– Scholiast on Clouds 554. Éx rod “60 rus oëv rotodrov čvöpa” (paori rives EöröAtôos eival r}v IIapá8aoiv.–Scholiast on line 1291 of this Play. I have in the Intro- duction given my reasons for believing that the hand of Eupolis is visible throughout the whole of this Second Parabasis, no part of which is quite in the ordinary vein of Aristophanic humour. But whether it is altogether his composition, or the joint composi- tion of Aristophanes and himself, is a matter on which I feel unable to express any definite opinion. 1264–73. THE STROPHE. The Knights declare that they will not stoop to assail paupers and miserable wretches. The opening lines, the Scholiast tells 176 III II E1.x. # 606v introv čAaTſipas deſºeuv plmöºv čs Avorío Tparov, plmö& Goûpavriv rov divéottov at Av- * Aſ Af Treſv čkoúorm kapôtg; kai yap oiros, & pia’’Amox\ov, del 1270 treuvī, 6a)\epots 8akpāotoruv orås &mtépévos papérpas IIv6óvi 8tz * * AP 6 plm kakos Treveatat, * J. Aotòopfia at Toys trovmpoës oë8év čo T' émiq6ovov, &AX& Tipº total Xpmatois, Šarrus et Aoyićeral. 1275 4- º 3. * ei pièv otv čv6potros, Šv Šeſ tróAA’ &koúoral kai kakö, aúrós fiv čvömxos, oùk &v &vēpēs épivfforómv pi\ov. us, are adapted from one of Pindar's processionals (rpooróðua, Birds 853) which commenced Ti cáMAtov ćpxopiévotov fi karatravopévotov # 8a0ūgovóv re Aaró Kai 606v trirov čAárelpaw deſoral; lines interwoven by Athenaeus into the closing sentence of his Deipnosophistae. The 606v introv čAdrelpa is Artemis the driver of horses, "Aprepus ‘Introoróa ; and in Pindar éAáretpav is the object of detoat; but here, in my judgement (and I am glad to find that the two most recent editors take the same view), the 60av introv čAarāpas are the subject of detēew, Aristophanes having turned the Pindaric sentence topsy-turvy. It seems to me plain that the 606v in mov éAarſipes are the Knights themselves, and they are not now going to pro- nounce a panegyric on themselves, as they did in the former Epirrhema; they are going to do a nobler thing than to satirize Lysistratus and Thu- mantis; they are going to expose a man who is a monster of profligacy and vice. 1267. Avorio rparov) As to Lysistratus, his poverty, his vice, and his buffoonery (Avoriarparos é o kowróns) see Ach.855-9, Wasps 787 and 1300–17. For the scheme of this strophe (and its anti- strophe) the reader is referred to the Appendix. The metrical arrangement is very simple and neat. Of the ten lines, three (the fourth, the sixth, and the last) are pure trochaics. The key- note of the remaining seven is the double dactyl, generally preceded by a trochaic, or monosyllabic, base, and invariably followed by a trochaic, or monosyllabic, final. This is substantially the arrangement of the MSS. and of all editions before Dindorf's, and of Wan T H E KNIG HTS 177 For horsemen who joy in driving Their fleet-foot coursers along, Than—Never to launch a lampoon at Lysistratus, scurvy buffoon; Or at hearthless Thumantis to gird, poor starveling, in lightness of heart; Who is weeping hot tears at thy shrine, Apollo, in Pytho divine, And, clutching thy quiver, implores to be healed of his poverty’s Smart | For lampooning worthless wretches, none should bear the bard a grudge ; 'Tis a sound and wholesome practice, if the case you rightly judge. Now if he whose evil-doings I must needs expose to blame Were himself a noted person, never had I named the name Leeuwen's afterwards; but Dindorf, while doing good service for the teat of the strophe, compressed its last eight lines into four, so completely destroying the simplicity and regularity of the metre,and assimilating the entire system rather to an involved and intricate strophe of Pindar than to an easy and popular ode of Aristophanes. But Din- dorf's system has been adopted by all subsequent editors except Wan Leeu- wen, and my own translation is based on it. 1268. eoſpavruv) In Birds 1406 Leo- trophides is mentioned as a person of such extreme tenuity that he would be an appropriate Choregus for the slim and slender Cinesias; and the Scholiast there cites a passage (more fully given by Athenaeus xii. 75) from the Képkomes of Hermippus, in which Leotrophides and Thumantis are bracketed together, and compared with the leanest of lean kine : oi Yap revópevot ãvámpá orot 060waiv #ön 80ibia Aearpoptèov Aerrérepa kai Oovgåvričos. K. N 6a)\epá čákpva, abundant tears, is an Homeric expression. 1271. in rôpievos . . . ui, kakós Trévecréatl The attitude of prayer is substituted for the prayer itself; a common figure of speech. Thus in Iph. Taur. 1270–2 we are told that the young Apollo Xépa trauðvöv ÉNiš' ék Znvös 6póvov X60wiav dqe)\etv pińviv, twined his little hand about Zeus's throne (that is besought him) to take away Earth's wrath. And so Saint Paul says to the Ephesians (iii. 14), I bow my knees to the Lord that he would grant gyou. The words IIv6övt 6ig are bor- rowed, as Dindorf observes, from the Seventh Pythian, line 11. 1274–89. THE EPIRRHEMA. Here we are introduced to the loathsome practices of Ariphrades who will re- appear in the same character in the Wasps and in the Peace. This indig- nant denunciation of his vice has no lightness of touch, and no trace of humour, and seems far more akin to the “angry Eupolis,” as Persius calls him, than to Aristophanes, whose own strikingly different treatment of the un- 178 III II E IX º 2 J 2 vöv 8 "Apſyvorov yap ow8els öatus oilk &mfortatat, ãotus à tê Aevköv oičev ji Tôv épôtov vöplov. 3/ º y *A 3 * *A A 9 M €OFTtv OU y döexpos avTºp Tovs Tpotrovs ou ovyyevns, 'Aptºppáðms trovmpós. 1280 &AX& Toijro pièv kai BoöMetal' 5 2 9 éoti 6' oi, plávov trovmpôs, où y&p oió' &v ja:06pmy, où8è traputóvmpos, dAX& kai Tpoorešeňomké ri. M * C * arº. J * tº º a A tºv yöp airot y\óttav aioxpats #8ovaís Avgaſvetal, 5 /* Af *A 5 Aſ A. év kao'avpeſota. Aetxov tº v 3róttvorov 8póorov, 1285 * Aº * & Af º * . M y 2 kai ploxºvov Tiju in fivnu, kai kvköv Tós éoxápas, kai IIoxvplvão Teto. Totów, kai évvov Olovix@. pleasant subject will be found in Wasps 1275–83. Ariphrades was one of the three sons of Automenes; of the other two, one, Arignotus, was a well-known and popular harper; the other was a very clever actor. Ariphrades was the black sheep of the family, as infamous for his profligacy as they were famous in their respective callings. See the note on Wasps 1275. 1278. 'Aptyvorov) The adjective àpt- yvoros means well-known, and is often employed by Homer, both in the Iliad and in the Odyssey, in that significa- tion. And the words oëöels öortus oik émigratat, which here immediately follow the name, are of course intended as a play upon that meaning. 1279. To Aevköv oióev] There was a proverbial saying Šarts oièe rô Aevköv # rô ué\av, a man who knows white or black, that is who knows anything. The pro- verb, in the form of an heroic hexameter, is found, as Bergler observes, in Ma- tron's witty description of an Attic supper, given at length by Athenaeus iv. 18 (135 C), where a cuttle is de- scribed as a divine being, à pov;), ix6is éoùora, rô Nevköv kai ué\av oiès; the Neuköv referring to its white colour, and the puéAav to the inky secretion which it discharges when in danger, Here the Chorus mean Everybody knows Ari- gnotus who knows anything, àorris oióe rô Nevköv # rô pléNav, but for rô pºav they unexpectedly substitute, trapā trpoo 60- kiav, by way of compliment to the illustrious musician, the words rôv Šp6tov vópov. Surprise-words of this character frequently disorganize the sentence, and they do so here. The “Orthian nome,” a stirring martial strain, was one of Terpander's seven nomes, or tunes set to special words. kiðappôukös rpétros ris peºpóias, épproviav Nóplos' 6 *xov rairi)w kai fivěuðv &ptopévov' fiorav Šč étré, oi inrö Teprávöpov' &v eis Špótos.— Photius, s. v. vöuos. And again, &pótov vópov kai Tpoxalov. Tots 360 vópous' diró Töv fiv6póv Övöpiao'ev Tépiravöpos.-Id., s.v. Öpóvov. Another famous musician connected with the Orthian nome was Polymnestus of Colophon, Plutarch, de Musica, chap. 10. And see Col. T H E KNIG HTS 179 Of a man I love and honour. Is there one who knows not well Arignotus, prince of harpers? None, believe me, who can tell How the whitest colour differs from the stirring tune he plays. Arignotus has a brother (not a brother in his ways) Named Ariphrades, a rascal—nay, but that's the fellow’s whim— Not an ordinary rascal, or I had not noticed him. Not a thorough rascal merely; he's invented something more, Novel forms of self-pollution, bestial tricks unknown before. Yea, to nameless filth and horrors does the loathsome wretch descend, Works the work of Polymnestus, calls Oeonichus his friend. Mure's Greek Lit., Book III, chap. 1. 1280. Tot's rpótovs of ovyyev's] And therefore not entitled to boast of his relationship to so popular and honoured a man. “Rely not on your father's virtues,” says St. Chrysostom, “éâv pum ovyyev's airò yévn karū roës Tpótrovs.” Hom. 19 in Rom. 654 A. 1281. Kai BoöAerat] This is an aggra- vation of his guilt. He is not only a rogue; he is a willing rogue. Kock quotes from Andocides (In the matter of the Mysteries 95) 'Emixápms of ros, 6 Trávrov trovmpóraros, kai 8ovXópevos eivat rotodros: and many other instances, mostly from the Orators, are collected by Dr. Blaydes. 1285. Kaoravpelotori] The Scholiast ex- plains this by év tropweiots (cf. Wasps 1283); the words which follow, rºv drón rvorov 8póorov by rºv rôv aiêoiov, rovréort rô ortréppa : and rås éoxápas by Tà XeiMn rêv yuvalkeiov aičotov. 1287. IIoMvuvha reta] We have seen in the mote on 1279 supra that there was a famous old musician named Poly- mnestus, a native of Colophon. And a melody of his composition was called IIoMvplvñortov or IIoMvplvño retov. IIoMu- plvåg riov #6euv' sióós re ueMonrovias rô IIoMu- plvñortov. fiv 8é KoMoqêvios Hexotrotés à IIoMüpıvmorros, eúplex.js trävv.—Hesychius. IIoMvplvão ret' deiðew yewos ru plexorotias' KoMoqbāvuos 3& 6 IIoMúpivno ros.—Photius. See Plutarch, de Musica, chaps. 3, 5, 8, 9, 10; Strabo xiv. 1. 28. The Scholiast cites a line of Cratinus, kai IIoMupwho ret” deiðel, povorukňv re pav6ávet. But though Cratinus is unquestionably referring to the Colophonian, and Aristophames (as we must call the author of this Para- basis, though he may have been Eupolis) is unquestionably referring to Cratinus, yet I am persuaded that the Poly- mnestus of Aristophanes is not the antique musician, but that he and Oeomi- chus were two disreputable Athenians of the day; IIoMüpıvmoros kai Oióvixos duoto, dppm romotoi, as the Scholiast says. The IIoMuſivijo ret' detàeiv of Cratinus means “to sing the melodies of the ancient Polymnestus”; the IIoMvpuyfforteua trouetv of Aristophames means “to do the deeds of the modern Polymnestus.” The N 2. 180 III II E IX ão Tis owv Totodrov čvépa pil orgóðpo. 88eXúrretat, 2 anº * off trot' ék Tairoi; ple6' plov tríeral Trotmpſov. # troXXókus évvvy tators ºppovtſol ovyyeyévmplat, 1290 kai Štefárm éoété KAeóvvuos. ’ 6tróðev trore paſſXos * * W 3 * J Z M paori plºv yap airröv épetrópºevov Tó. Töv čxóvrov divépov 1295 oùk &v ééeX6eſv diró rās attröms, toys 8' divrigoxeſv &v Öpioios' 2 º i0', 6 áva, trpès yovátov, Šex6e kai orty- yvo0i Ti, Tpatrém. paqiv 3AAſ}}\als £vveX6etv Tós Toufipels eis Aóyov, 1300 º A Aº 9 y e. ey º 2. kai putav Aééat Tuv' airóv, #rts jv yepattépa' a 3 º' * où8è truv6&ved 6e raûr', & trap6évot, Táv Tſi tróAet; notion that the old Colophonian was the composer of gross and licentious melodies seems to have arisen solely from a misapprehension of the present passage. - 1289. Triera.] Oi yüp 60 tow, says Lucian, emi rºv airijv éoriav rot's raûra övariéévras ka\eiv, kai (pixormorias ºrporrivetv, kai čvov rów airów Śwreoréat, Pseudologista 31. 1290–9. THE ANTISTROPHE. This is a little skit on the gluttony of Cleony- mus who, the flight from Delium not having yet taken place, is still merely the karaoqayas and not the fityaotris. See on 958 supra, and infra 1872. And cf. Aelian, W. H. i. 27. The Scholiast thinks that the opening words contain a reference to Eur. Hipp. 377, a passage to which Aristophanes more clearly alludes in Frogs 931 where see the note. 1292. (paſſMos] Lightly: without troub- ling himself. pačNos éorðist here has much, but not quite, the same meaning as paſſMºos épeiðet in Peace 25. There it means offhand, not troubling about cookery or the like; here without trouble to himself; so that he never need stop. 1294. Éperrópevov) Strictly, browsing, &s émi krávows, as the Scholiast says. oritröm is the store-cupboard, the garner, the place where the food is kept, # dpro- 6%km. See Plutus 806. Öpioios means all alike, without a dissentient voice. 1298. orjyyv66, rà rparéºn] Spare the table. The Greek, like the English, may mean either “spare what remains of the food” or “don't eat table and all.” 1300–15. THE ANTEPIRRHEMA. A debate of the Athenian triremes con- cerning a proposal of Hyperbolus to T H E KNIG HTS 181 Whoso loathes not such a monster never shall be friend of mine, Never from the selfsame goblet quaff, with us, the rosy wine. And oft in the watches of night My spirit within me is thrilled, To think of Cleonymus eating As though he would never be filled. O whence could the fellow acquire that appetite deadly and dire? They say when he grazes with those whose table with plenty is stored That they never can get him away from the trencher, though humbly they pray Have mercy, O King, and depart 1 0 spare, we beseech thee, the board / Recently, 'tis said, our galleys met their prospects to discuss, And an old experienced trireme introduced the subject thus; “Have ye heard the news, my sisters * 'tis the talk in every street, lead a fleet to Carthage. It is impos- sible to say whether this alleged pro- posal is a mere comic jest, or whether that demagogue, fired by Cleon's success at Sphacteria, had really proposed to lead an expedition against that great maritime city. We do however know that Athenian ambition, even earlier than this, had stretched out in that direction. See the Introduction to the Birds, pp. xiii, xiv. And it is in no way improbable that the Athenians, their navy being now, more than ever before, the undisputed mistress in Hel- lenic waters, may have been seriously looking forward to a contest with Car- thage for the empire of the seas. Amy- how the idea that, in such a contest as this, they should be under the command of Hyperbolus, awakes the deepest re- sentment in the hearts of all the Athenian triremes. Three of them take part in the debate: (1) an old respected trireme, who introduces the subject in a speech of three limes; (2) a young maiden galley, not yet in commission, whose speech occupies only two lines; and (3) Nauphante, whose speech con- tinues to the conclusion of the Ante- pirrhema. It must be remembered that all the Athenian triremes had feminine names. See Schömann, De navium nominibus, Opuscula i. 301. 1302. oióē rvv6ávea 6e K.T.A..] The Scholiast tells us that this entire line is taken from the Alcmaeon of Euripides. Euripides wrote two plays of that name; but this line must have occurred, as Dimdorf and others have pointed out, in the Alcmaeon which was called 68th Yoqbiöos (Psophis, the Arcadian town): since the Alcmaeon 6 Stå Kopiv6ov was 182 III II E I X. poortv aireſoróat Tuv' p.6v ékarov is Kapx mèóva. dvěpa pox6mpöv, troXirmv Šćivmu, ‘TrépôoXov. taſs & 86éal &etvöv eival todro kočk &vao Xerov, 1305 kai Tuv' eitreſv, #Tis divěpáv &oroſov of K Anxi;6et. &morpótrat', où 87t' époi y’ &péet trot', dAN' éâu pie Xpfi, &md tepmöövov oratreſa' évraúða kataympdoroplat. où8& Navpávrms yerås Načorovos, où 87t', & 6eol, eitrep &k trečkms ye kâyô kai éðAov čarmyvöpumv. 1310 #v 8' dipéorkm rajr’’A6mvatois, kaðiðaðaí plot 8okeſ eis rô G) moretov TAéoùoras # 'tri Tôv oreplvöv 6eóv. later in date than the Knights. The former was a member of a Tetralogy, of which the other three plays were the Cretan Women, the Telephus, and the still extant Alcestis. The two plays which completed the Trilogy to which the Alcmaeon 6 Stå Kopiv6ov belonged are both still extant, viz. the Iphigeneia in Aulis and the Bacchae. See Wagner's Fragm. Trag. Graec. ii. 4. 1304. ‘YºrépéoMovl Though Hyperbolus occupies a very subordinate position in the plays of Aristophanes, yet he was constantly attacked by Eupolis and others (Clouds 551–9), and must have been a far more formidable person than he appears to the reader of these Come- dies. And after his death, he and Cleon are frequently coupled together, as violent and dangerous ruffians, a terror to the well to do. They are the two bullies with whose names, in the Frogs, the angry Hostesses threaten the alarmed Dionysus. And in Lucian's Timon, Wealth, on setting his foot on Attic ground, is thankful to Hermes for holding his hand, énei #v ye droximms ple, he says, “Yºrep66N4 réxa # KNéovi ču- Treoroúpal trepuoaróv. By trade he was a maker and seller of lanterns ('Yrrép- BoMos ojk rôv Aöxvov, Clouds 1065; 6 AvXvoirotös, Peace 690), which he exposed for sale on trivakes, trays, as Philocrates did his birds: Birds 14 and the note there. These trivakes are called orkāqat infra 1315, for the purpose of a play upon a kāqºm, ships. 1806. divöpóv čororov) Nothing is com- moner than to speak of the man who equips and provisions a vessel as the ship's husband; and of an ordinary husband as the commander of a vessel. “There is a little frigate in this har- bour,” says Captain Cheerly (in Prince Hoare's Lock and Key), “ of which I would fain take the command honour- ably; but her old uncle thinks me too poor to hold the commission.” 1309. Navpávrms] Scilicet, àpéet. Nau- phante adds her father's name to her own, just as the Baking-girl in Wasps 1397 (where see the note) adds the names of her father and mother for the purpose of giving greater dignity and emphasis to her protest. Both names are to be taken as derived from vaēs, T H E KNIG HTS 183 That Hyperbolus the worthless, vapid townsman, would a fleet Qf a hundred lovely galleys lead to Carthage far away.” Over every prow there mantled deep resentment and dismay. Up and spoke a little galley, yet from man’s pollution free, “Save us / such a scurvy fellow never shall be lord of me. Here I’d ligfer rot and moulder, and be eaten up of worms.” “Nor Mauphante, Nauson's daughter, shall he board on any terms ; I, like you, can feel the insult ; I'm of pine and timber knit. Wherefore, if the measure passes, I propose we sail and sit Suppliant at the shrine of Theseus, or the Dread Avenging Powers. though in the list of names collected by Schömann there is but one, Navkpa- robora, so derived. In the next line the words trečkms kai čºov merely mean pine-wood. It is a case of év Ště 8volv. 1312. emoretov] The ships are, some- how or other, to sail to an asylum situate not by the seaside, but in the very heart of the town; and there, somehow or other, to sit as suppliants at the inviolable altars. The Theseium, which enshrined the bones brought by Cimon from Scyrus as those of the national hero, was, as is well known, an asylum for the poor and distressed; qāštov, as Plutarch calls it, oikérats kai trāori roſs rarelvorépous kai Öebuáot kpeir- rovas, &s kai rod emoréos trpoo rarukoi, ruvos kai Bomémrukoi, yewonévov, Kai trpoo bexo- pévov ºpt) avépétros rās róv raretvorépov ôeñoets.-Theseus, chap. 36. So Dio- dorus Siculus, after narrating the death of Theseus in exile, proceeds of 8é 'A6m- valov petaple\méévres té ré Öora perffveykav kai Tipais io'o6éois éripinoſav airów, kai répévos àorv\ov émoimoſav čv rais 'A6#vals rö Trpoorayopsvánevov dir' ékeivov emoretov, iv. 62. But still more venerable was the sanctuary of the 2eplvai (or in other words the Erinyes) on the side of the Hill of Areopagus. In the Eumenides of Aeschylus we see these awful beings, under the direction of Athene herself, proceeding from the Court of Areopagus to take possession of their subterranean dwelling-place in the immediate vicinity. trépupa re qéyye, Aapamääov oexagºópww. eis roos &vep6e kai kāra, X0000s rótrovs, says the Goddess; and the Attendants, escorting them out, sing (I quote Dr. Werrall's version which in both language and spirit will convey to an English reader the full flavour of the original): Pass to your home, thus augustly estated ; Come, O mysterious Maidens, come, Offspring of Night ; (And silence all for our sacred song). Ages your cavernous portal has waited, Come ye with sacrifice offered, with worship and rite: (And silence all as we wend along). 184 III IIE Ix où yöp huôv ye otpatmydºv ćyxaveſrat Tă tróAet' dAA& TAeſto xopis airós és köpakas, ei 308Aetat, T&s okópas, év ais étröAet toºs Ačxvows, kaðexküoras. 1315 AA, eſºmpletv xpi kai o Tópa KAeteuv, kai paptupióv dréxea.0al, Kai Tà èukaatſpua orvykkefeuv, ois à tróAus #8e yéym6ev, étri katvatoiv 8’ eitvYíaiolv tratovićeiv to 66atpop. XO. & tais ispaſs péyyos 'Affivals kai rais vigous émíkovpe, tív'éxov påpumv dyad)v #kets, ép Štº kviorópºev dyviás; 1320 AA. Töv Añpov dºpe Jºſia as ipſu kaxov čá aio Xpoſſ tretroinka. XO. kai Troö 'o'Tuv viv, & 6avpuaa Tès ééevpíokov čtruotas; AA. v Tatou ioatepävous oikeſ taſs &pxatatoruv 'A6;ivals. XO. trós &v föoupev ; troíav twº exel orkeviv; Xolos yeyévmtat ; AA. of s rep "Apta retón Tpérepov kai Mixtułón évvegiret. 1325 The cavernous portal is the fissure or chasm still visible in the rock of the Areopagus. See Eur. El. 1270; Iph. in Taur. 968, 969. And the Temple of the Semnae erected over the spot was the most inviolable asylum for all who sought it. And so in Thesm. 224 Mnesilochus, driven to desperation by the cuts inflicted on his cheeks through the awkward shaving of Euripides, pro- tests that he will flee for refuge eis rô Töv oreplvöv €eów. 1313. §yxaveira) The same word is used of the same Hyperbolus in Wasps 1007 kočk éyxavetrat o' ééatratów Yºrép- 80\os. The repetition makes it probable that there is an allusion to something special in the demagogue's manner or oratory. 1314. Xopis] By himself, without us. 1316. eighmuelv Xpſi] The Parabasis being over, the Sausage-seller re-enters alone. Paphlagon is still lying on the ground as one dead, whilst his victorious rival announces to the Chorus the happy transformation of Demus. Delivered from the malign influence of the dema- gogues, he has again become what he was in the heroic times of the Persian invasions, the golden age of Hellas and of Athens. 1319. Tais vigous] By the term vnorot, as we have already had occasion to observe (on 170 supra), we are to under- stand the entire Athenian empire out- side the coasts of Attica; all parts of it, that is to say, to which Athens had access only by means of her fleet. The extortions practised by the demagogues on these unfortunate allies were a blot on the fair fame of Athens, and were always keenly felt and resented by Aristophanes; see for example Wasps 669–71, Peace 639–47, &c. And now the Sausage-seller will put an end to these nefarious proceedings, and so will THE KNIGHTS 185 He shall ne'er, as our commander, fool it o'er this land of ours. If he wants a little voyage, let him launch his sale-trays, those Whereupon he sold his lanterns, steering to the kites and crows.” |.S. O let not a word of ill omen be heard; away with all proof and citation, And close for to-day the Law Courts, though they are the joy and delight of our nation. At the news which I bring let the theatre ring with Paeans of loud acclamation. }HoR. O Light of the City, O Helper and friend of the islands we guard with our fleets, What news have you got? O tell me for what shall the sacrifice blaze in our streets? .S. Old Demus I’ve stewed till his youth is renewed, and his aspect most charming and nice is. SHOR. O where have you left him, and where is he now, you inventor of wondrous devices? .S. He dwells in the City of ancient renown, which the violet chaplet is wearing. }HoR. O would I could see him 1 O what is his garb, and what his demeanour and bearing 2 .S. As when, for his mess-mates, Miltiades bold and just Aristeides he chose. be, in the truest sense, rats vigous étri- kovpos. And by healing all these sores and corruptions of the State, he will also be a “Light to holy Athens” just as Asclepius the divine Healer was a “Light to all mankind” piéya 8poroſort q}{yyos, Plutus 640. 1320. Kviorópºev dyvtås;] Are we to fill the streets with the savour and steam of burnt-offerings 2 The phrase, which has a sort of Epic flavour, occurs again in Birds 1233, Demosthenes against Mei- dias 65 (p. 530), &c. 1821. d4 eVršo as] This is no doubt sug- gested by the story of Medea ; though the reference can hardly be, as the Scholiast supposes, to her treatment of Aeson, Jason's father; for in his case, it was not the patient she boiled, but the drugs wherewith she restored him. This is shown even by the lines which the Scholiast himself quotes from the Nóorrow. She restored him to health and tyouth, says the poet, pāppaka tróNA’ élovo’ evi Xpworetouat Aé8mori. And cf. Ovid, Met. vii. 279. The reference is rather to her boiling an old ram till he became a lamb again in furtherance of her designs upon Pelias, Jason's “Wicked Uncle.” Treiðel rās 6vyarépas airot rôv tratépa kpeovpyńoral kai kaðe- Wrmoral, Ště pappudkov airóv ŠtrayyeMAopévm Touffoeuv véovº kai too trio rejorat xápw kptöv Hextoraora kai kaðeymoaga noimorev apva' ai öé trio reſoraoral rôv trarépa kpeovpyodort kai kaðélrovauv.–Apollodorus i. 9. 27. 1325. 'Aptorreiðm . . . MiNTuáðm] They, and Themistocles, were the great figures of the most splendid period of Athenian history. Isocrates (de Pace 91, p. 174), drawing the same distinction as is here drawn by Aristophanes between the Athenians of the Persian War and their successors of the Peloponnesian War, says ;) prev roivvv troXtreia rooroúró, Sextiou #v kai kpeirrov iſ röre ris ào repov kara- 186 III II E I X. &\reo 6e 8é kai yap divotyvvuévov Jrópos #8m Tóv trporvXaſov. &AA 6AoAëare pauvouévatoriu Tais dipxaſatow 'Affivals kai 6avpao rais kai troAviſpivots, tv’ 6 k\etvös Afipos évoukeſ. XO. & Tai Aurapai kai iogré pavot kal &pt&#Xorot 'A67val, 1329 &eišare rôv Tſis ‘EXAá80s juiv kai Tàs yńs Tāorée pióvapxov. AA. 68 keſvos épáv terriyopopóv, dipxaſe oxiplatt Napatpos, où Xouplvöv čov, dAA& a trovóóv, optºpum katóNeutros. XO. Xalp, & 8aaixed rôv ‘EXAñvov kai orot £vyxaſpopev filleſs. tfis yap tróNeos ééta trpárrets kai Tod Mapabóvi Tpotraſov. AHMOX. & pixtat' &vépôv, éA6è &eip', 'Ayopſikpure. 1335 orráorms àorº trep’Apurreiðns kai eepworrok)\ns kai MiXrtóðms àvöpes dueivows morav Yirep- 8óAov kai KAeopóvros kai rôv vov Šmpanyo- poëvrov. 1326. dvowyvvuévov Wróbos] We are not to suppose that any portals were really thrown open. The change of scene would be effected by unrolling from the revolving pillar, trepiakros, on the one side of the stage to the revolving pillar on the other, a representation of the Athenian Acropolis; and the Wróðos was really the creaking of the trepiakrov while this operation was in progress. But the effect, the sudden presentment of the Acropolis as the background of the scene, was as if the Propylaea had been actually thrown open, and dis- closed the Acropolis in the rear. I can- not understand the objection which some have raised that the Propylaea here mentioned cannot have been the splendid structure of Mnesicles, one of the chief architectural glories of Athens, on the ground that this structure was not erected until long after the days of Miltiades and Aristeides. Demus is made such as he was in the glorious times of Marathon and Salamis, but he is not transported back to those times. He is in no sense the Demus of the past, he is emphatically the Demus of the present and of the future. The Propylaea here mentioned are those existing at the date of the exhibition of the Knights. They are mentioned again in Lysistrata 265. 1329. & Tai Aurapai K.T.A..] He is adopt- ing the words of Pindar's famous eulogy, which seems to have commenced as follows: & Tai Aurapai kai iogréqavot kai doiótpot, ‘ENAé80s ºpetopia, k\eival 'A6aval. In the Acharmians (636–40) he had to some extent ridiculed these epithets, but they were very dear to Athenian hearts; and it may be that some objec- tion had been taken to the manner in which he had treated them. Here then he sets himself right with his critics, and in the full glory of his Choral triumph deliberately makes these epi- thets his own. And see Clouds 299. 1330, p.6vapxovl Here the Athenian Demus is described as 6 rijs ‘ENAáôos uávapxos, and three lines below as 6 6aordNews róv ‘EANävov. Of course the T H E KNIGHTS 187 But now ye shall see him, for, listen, the bars of the great Propylaea unclose. Shout, shout to behold, as the portals unfold, fair Athens in splendour excelling, The wondrous, the ancient, the famous in song, where the noble Demus is dwelling ! CHOR. O shining old town of the violet crown, O Athens the envied, display The Sovereign of Hellas himself to our gaze, the monarch of all we survey. S.S. See, see where he stands, no vote in his hands, but the golden cicala his hair in, All splendid and fragrant with peace and with myrrh, and the grand old apparel he's wearing k CHOR. Hail, Sovereign of Hellas ! with thee we rejoice, right glad to behold thee again Enjoying a fate that is worthy the State and the trophy on Marathon's plain. DEMUs. O Agoracritus, my dearest friend, Athenian empire did not really extend over a moiety of the Hellenic peoples; but it is often spoken of in these general terms as if it extended over them all. Thus, to give only one instance, Demo- sthenes (Third Olynthiac 28) says of his countrymen that trévre kai rerrapákovra érm rôv EXAffvov ºpéav čkóvrov. 1831. rerriyoºbopóv] Demus is seen in the background in the old national garb with the old national coiffure. “It is not long,” says Thucydides (i. 6), “since elderly Athenians of the well- to-do classes left off wearing linen tunics, and having their hair tied up in a knot, and fastened with golden cicalas, Xpworów retriyov čvéporet.” And the statement is repeated by many authors, and by the Scholiast here. See Perizonius and Scheffer on Aelian, W. H. iv. 22. And as to the rérrić see the First Additional Note to the Birds, pp. 234–7 of that play. 1832. Xouplvöv] These were little shells picked up on the sea-beach, which in early times were used for voting in the dicasteries; xotpivais éxpóvro ºrpórepov 2 \ a f eiori 8é rives köyxat See Wasps 333 Tpó rôv Wºffºov. 6a)\dorortat.—Scholiast. and the note there. 1334. Too Mapaéðvi Tporatov] This line is repeated, with a slight variation, in Wasps 711; and it may be permissible to transcribe here a portion of my note there. “The plains of Marathon were covered with memorials of the great battle, Pausanias, Attica. 32. The TROPHY itself was an edifice Atôov \evkoú, and its remains are still believed to exist in a ruin called Pyrgo about 500 yards north of the great barrow, consisting of the foundation of a square monument constructed of large blocks of marble (Leake's Demi. ii. 101). That trophy was the proudest heirloom of Athenian glory. Themistocles (Plu- tarch, chap. 3) declared that the thought of it would not let him sleep. Ari- stophanes refers to it again, and always as striking the deepest chord of Athe- nian patriotism, Knights 1334, Lysis- trata, 285.” 1335. & pi\rar' divöpóv] Demus now comes forward, and the remaining scene 188 III IT E IX ôo a pie 8éðpakas āyā6' dºey!, fioras. AA. §yó; y tº- º * dAA’, 6 p.6X', oùk oloró’ oios fio 6 airós trapos, oë8' of 8pas' épè y&p vogtºots &v 6eóv. AHMOX. Tí 8' 8pov irpo Toij, káretire, kai roſós ris fi; AA. * *A t A 3 3/ 5 3. X A Tpotov piev, otrot eutrot Tus ev Tmkkamaug, 1340 & Añp', partis T' eiul ords pixó ré ore kai kijöopat orov kai trpošovXeiſo plóvos, toūrous étróre Xpfia attá tis trpoolpiots, - © dvoprāAges kākepovrías. AA. AHMOX. Tí pſis; AHMOX. Šyó; º * Jy eit' ééatrarjoras o' divti rotºrov ćxero. 1345 a 3 3/ 3 * 8: • ? 3. y 66 º Tavri p' 38pov, Éyô & roſt' otºk ja'66pmv; AA. T& 8 &tó y áv orov vi) At £eiretávvvto ôotrep okuděelov kai trčNuv ćvviyero. AHMOX. oiros &vóntos éyeyeviumv kai yépov; AA. kai vi) Aſ et ye 860 Aeyoirmv fiftope, 1350 . à piev troueſoróat vaijs Aéyov, 6 & repos at karapua:00popfia at toß0', 6 Tóv puoróðv Aéyov * M /* V …/ Töv tás Tpuffpets trapaépapóv &v Öxero. otros, tí köttels; otyi karð Xópav plevels; consists of a dialogue between him and the Sausage-seller, which however inter- esting in itself seems somewhat lacking in dramatic force and poetical elevation. The Chorus take no further part in the play. 1841. Špaori's . . . qu.Mó] These are the blandishments addressed by Paphlagon to Demus, supra 732, 778, &c.; and are doubtless flowers culled from the oratory of Cleon. 1844, dwopráAuſes kākepovrias] This is probably a quotation. Literally, the words mean you fluttered your wings like a bird, and tossed up your horns like a bull. The Scholiast says of the first word áuereopišov kai péya éqpóveis, and of the second SmNot rô yawpaw. 1352. karaputo 60%opmoat rooro] To spend in salaries and doles the money, dpyūptov, proposed to be expended in building ships of war. A motion to distribute the money in salaries and the like would be sure of a hearty wel- come in an Assembly, a majority of whose members would in all probability be sharers in such a distribution. The 6,000 dicasts alone would in time of THE KNIG HTS 189 2. º What good your stewing did me! S.S. Say you so? Why if you knew the sort of man you were, And what you did, you’d reckon me a god. DEMUs. What was I like? What did I do? Inform me. S.S. First, if a speaker in the Assembly said O Demus, I'm your lover, I alone Care for you, scheme for you, tend and love you well, I say if any one began like that You clapped your wings and tossed your horns. DEMUs. What, I? S.S. Then in return he cheated you and left. DEMUs. O did they treat me so, and I not know it ! S.S. Because, by Zeus, your ears would open wide "And close again, like any parasol. DEMUs. Had I so old and witless grown as that ? S.S. And if, by Zeus, two orators propósed, One to build ships of war, one to increase Official salaries, the salary man Would beat the ships-of-war man in a canter. Hallo! why hang your head and shift your ground? war, when so many of the younger citizens were absent on duty, invariably outnumber all the other Athenians assembled in the Pnyx. And from such passages as 256, 800 supra, and 1359 infra we may infer that there was some- times considerable difficulty in pro- viding their daily u086s. And of course there were innumerable other persons in Athens receiving money from the State, the évväyopot, the étruplexmrai and the like; Boeckh's Public Economy ii. 11–16. The Scholiast explains kara- puatopophoal byeishto 63vävaMāoral, utoróðv Stöðvat év rà ékkAmoria kai roſs Šukaarmpious, röv Sukaaruköv kai ékkAmortaoruköv, but there was no puróðs ékk\mortaorukós during the Peloponnesian War. 1854, oùros, ri kön reus;] The same question is, in Thesm. 930, addressed to another culprit hanging down his head for shame. The expression káro kön retv is frequently employed by St. Chrysostom to denote shame and con- fusion. The foolish virgins, he says (Hom. 78 in Matth. 752 E) karatoryvy- Again, oùk dváykm kāra, kêrrew kai aioryöveoréat : he asks (Hom. 26 in Rom. 717 E). And again (Hom. 2 in Tim. ii. 670 B) of orrevåſets, où8é Körrets rô ornéos, où8é kāra, 6elorat āvexõpovv Káro kūtrovoat. kūrrets. 190 III II E IX AHMOX. aioryūvoplat rot taſs trpórepov &papriats. AA. 2 • ? dXX’ of ore Taijt’ {{mtrótov. 1355 j dAX of or rotºrov airios, paſſ ºppovtions, 4- º vöv 8 at ºppéoov: éâv tis eitrn 3opoxóxos évväyopos, oùk éativ Špiv toſs Šukaotais &Apura, ei pº katayv6orea'6e tatºrmy rºv 8tkmv, 1360 toūrov tí ópáaeis) eitrè, röv čvviyopov; AHMOX. &pas peréopov čs to 83 patpov čplēaxó, êk toſ, Xópvyyos ékkpepiáo as ‘TrépêoXov. AA. Tovt. pºv ćp6ós kai ºppovipos #8m Aéyéus" T& 8 &AAa, ºpép' tºo, trós troXtreſſorel ºppo.orov. 1365 AHMOX. Tpérov pièv Štróa'ot vańs éAaúvovoruv pakpās, A. \ *A 3. 8 Af y * karayopuévous Töv puto.66w ditroë6ao 'vtex m. AA. troAAoſs y' intoxformous truyuðſotoruv čxapíoo. Y. º ; 1359. oëk garw inſiv) Mitchell cites the commencement of [the extant por- tion of] Lysias against Epicrates: tox- Aákus koča are rotºrov \eyóvrov, Öröre BoöAowró rua dèikos diroMégau, är et ph karaympieiorée àv airoi kexegovorºv into- Astºre, inäs utorðoqopá. So that the Sausage-seller is aiming at a very real, and not a merely imaginary, evil. 1362. Bápagpov] This pit or chasm at Athens into which the corpses of criminals were thrown is frequently mentioned in these Comedies. See Clouds 1450; Frogs 574; Plutus 431, 1109. It may be that a weight was attached to the body to ensure its reaching the bottom in spite of all inter- vening obstacles. And Demus proposes in the present case to make use, for that weight, of the demagogue Hyper- bolus, probably merely with a view of - getting rid of two undesirable citizens at once. 1866. vaos pakpás] Ships of war. troXe- pias. rās rpińpets 8é pmot. Tà èë orpoy- yöNa TAota popruyá elow.—Scholiast. Hitherto it has been the Sausage-seller who suggests the various topics to be considered; but now Demus is himself called upon to declare what in his judgement are the most necessary re- forms. The first thought of Demus is for his sailors; the second for his soldiers. 1867. rāv puoróðvároöðgo 'vre Mſil I will pay them their full wages; meaning “I will make up their pay to its full amount by discharging all arrears.” We may, I think, infer from the state- ments in Thuc. viii. 45, that although the pay of a sailor in an Athenian trireme on active service was a drachma T H E KNIG HTS 191 DEMUs. I am ashamed of all my former faults. S.S. You're not to blame; pray don’t imagine that. 'Twas they who tricked you so. But answer this; If any scurvy advocate should say, Now please remember, justices, ye’ll have No barley, if the prisoner gets off free, How would you treat that scurvy advocate 2 DEMUs. I'd tie Hyperbolus about his neck, And hurl him down into the Deadman’s Pit. S.S. Why now you are speaking sensibly and well. How else, in public business, will you act DEMUs. First, when the sailors from my ships of war Come home, I’ll pay them all arrears in full. S.S. For that, full many a well-worn rump will bless you. a day (Thuc. iii. 17), he did not receive the entire drachma at once. He was paid only half (three obols) at the time, the other half being retained by the State until the completion of the voyage. For this retention two reasons are given : (1) because, if the sailor re- ceived the whole drachma at once, he might be tempted to indulge in dissi- pation which would unfit him for his duties; and (2) because a sailor would be less likely to desert, if he knew that by so doing he would forfeit the re- tained moiety of his pay, rôv trpooroºbelx6- pºevov puorðöv, as Thucydides calls it, meaning the pay still due to him over and above the moiety already received. It was by analogy to this Athenian custom that Alcibiades, having per- suaded Tissaphernes to reduce the pay of the Peloponnesian sailors from a drachma to three obols a day, excused the reduction to the sailors by declaring that Tissaphernes could not afford to pay more out of his private resources, but that when supplies came down from the Great King évre'ſ airrots diroööorew röv puoróðv, meaning, I suppose, that they would them receive the other three obols. Thucydides is using the identical words of Aristophanes in exactly the same sense. Nothing is more probable than that sailors returning from an expe- dition would experience great difficulty and delay in obtaining the deferred moiety of their pay, see supra 1078, and Demus therefore promises that henceforth it shall be paid them im- mediately on their putting in to port, karayopévois. This is not the usual inter- pretation either of the present passage or of the chapter in Thucydides; but the usual interpretation is by universal consent unsatisfactory. 192 III II E IX AHMOX. Éretó 6txtrms évré6els ēv karaXóyº où8éis karð aſtrov8&s pleteyypaſpija'etat, 1370 &AA’ &otrep fiv Tó trpárov čyyeypdºretat. AA. roſt' 48ake rôv Trópiraka Töv KXeovápov. AHMOX. of 8' dyopſia et y' dyévetos ojöels év dyopó. Jº) * - - t ** A AA. Troö 87ta KAeto 66vms dyopſia'ét kai Xtpárov ; V A. W Aº 2 * 2 AHMOX. Tà peipäkua Tavri Aéyo, td v Tó piùpºp, 1375 & a topºvXeſrat totaëi kaðipeva, oropós y á Pataš, 8eátós T' oëk &méðave. 1369. £v karaXáyºl In the muster-roll. When troops were to be dispatched on an expedition, a muster-roll of those who were to take part in it was drawn up and affixed to the Statues of the Eponymi. See the Antepirrhema of the Peace, lines 1179–84. The names should have been taken in due rotation from the general list of persons qualified to serve as hoplites. But in making up the muster-rolls irregularities would frequently take place. Men who wished to get off the expedition would contrive by bribery or party interest (karā or rov- 8ās) to have their names omitted from the muster-roll; and it followed that other names were placed on the roll which ought not to have been there. This is the burden of the complaint made by the Farmers in the Peace ubi supra; and Demus promises to put a stop to this irregular tampering with the muster-rolls. The word karáAoyos is sometimes applied to the general list (Polity of Athens, chap. 25); but it more frequently, as here, means the muster- roll for a particular expedition. See Acharnians 1065. Thus in the year 455 B.C. Tolmides, being commissioned to sail round the Peloponnese with 1,000 hoplites, and wishing to take a larger force, went round to the young and strong citizens, and said to each that he was about to enrol him, kara)\éyetv airów, for the expedition, and that it would be a nobler thing for him to offer himself as a volunteer than to go under com- pulsion Suá ràv KaráAoyov. Thus he obtained 3,000 volunteers and karéAečev &k rôp à\\ov the authorized 1,000 (Diod. Sic. xi. 84) and started with 4,000 hoplites on the expedition briefly men- tioned by Thucydides i. 108. So Meton, we are told, finding himself eis toū karáNoyov for the Sicilian expedition, feigned himself mad, and so got off, Aelian, W. H. xiii. 12. The Scholiast here says év tº kara)\óyº, Év roſs trivačw, éq,’ &v évéypaqov rôv ékorparévopévov rá Övöpara. Öka)\oovro yāp karáAoyot. There was probably a separate list for each tribe. See too Lucian's Timon 51. 1872. KAeovápov] This retort of the Sausage-seller shows that Cleonymus, though not yet known as a jiyagirus (for the battle of Delium was not yet fought), must have been already recognized as a man who preferred to be first at a feast THE KNIGHT's 193 DEMUs. Next, when a hoplite's placed in any list, There shall he stay, and not for love or money Shall he be shifted to some other list. S.S. That bit the shield-strap of Cleonymus. DEMUs. No beardless boy shall haunt the agora now. S.S. That's rough on Straton and on Cleisthenes. DEMUs. I mean those striplings in the perfume-mart, Who sit them down and chatter stuff like this, Sharp fellow, Phaea, , wonderful defence ; and last at a fray: who would have chosen, in the language of Acharnians 1144–6, rather to feast in the company of Dicaeopolis than to fight in the com- pany of Lamachus. As to Trópirač see 849 supra. 1373. dyopaorell 'Eu áyopá 8warpivet.— Scholiast. 1374. KAetorðévms . . . . 27.pdrov! These two effeminate shavelings have already been bracketed together in the Achar- nians, where they are supposed to be passing off as two Persian eunuchs, Ach. 118, 122. And in the Thesmo- phoriazusae, where Cleisthenes is one of the dramatis personae, attention is more than once drawn to the smooth beard- lessness of his face, Thesm. 235, 575, 583. However, Demus explains that he is referring not to effeminates like these, but to mere beardless boys. 1375. €v ré pípºl In the perfume- market, oùros 'Atrikós, duri rod Év pivpo- ToMeigſ, diró róv troMovuévov roës rétrovs ka)\ojvres.—Scholiast. The character of these empty-headed young fops is indicated by the special wares amongst which they are accustomed to lounge. Their affectations are displayed by their K. O language in the lines which follow. 1877. Paiaél Phaeax, though little noticed in history (Thuc. v. 4, 5), was becoming at this time a person of con- siderable importance. When Alcibiades first entered the political arena, his chief rivals, we are told, were Nicias and Phaeax. And some say that it was with Phaeax—though more that it was with Nicias—that he combined for the purpose of diverting the proposed vote of ostracism from themselves to Hyperbolus (Plutarch, Alcibiades 13). It appears from the present passage that he was at one time arraigned upon some capital charge against which he successfully defended himself. But the judgement of these beardless critics upon his oratory is not confirmed by the verdict of anti- quity. Plutarch, ubi supra, describes him as a brilliant and plausible conver- sationalist rather than an orator capable of swaying the assembled people; and quotes a line of Eupolis in which he is spoken of as a man Aaxeſv ćptoros, dövvarðratos Aénelv. The young gentlemen whom Demus promises to send to employments more 194 III IIE IX ovvepktukös yáp ori kai trepavrukös, kai yuoplotvirukös kai oraq’s kai kpovottkös 9-y ºf kata}\mattikós T’’épuota rod 6opv6mrukoú. AA. 1380 očkovv karo.8akrvXukös ori) roſ, Aaxmrukoi); AHMOX. Aſ At”, 3XX &vaykáoro kvvnyeretv čyð toūrovs àmavras, travo'apiévous Jºnquapićrov. AA. kai traíð’ évépxmv, Ös reptoſa'el révée orot. y éxe vvv étri rotºrous routovi Töv čk\aôtav, *** 1385 3/ a * gº. 3. Af & káv trov 80km orot, rotirov čkAaôíav troſet. AHMOX. pakáptos és tap)(aſo. 87) kaðto rapai. suited to their age, affectedly describe him by a number of epithets mostly ending in -ikós, doubtless a fashion of the day. The language of affectation is seldom perspicuous, and several of the terms here employed admit of more than one interpretation, but the general sense of the passage appears to be as follows. A smart fellow is Phaeaw, and cleverly he escaped the death-sentence . . . For indeed he is logical (orvuepkrukös, from ovvépyo, to piece together, to fit one argu- ment to another, ovveipew roës Aéyovs kai ovvriðéval, Scholiast), and goes right through to his conclusion (trepavrukës), and clever he is at coining phrases (yvoporv- tukös, Thesm. 55); and lucid, and forcible (xpova rikós), and first-rate in repressing (kara)\mrrukës) noise and tumult (roi 6opv- 8mrukoi). Forms of this kind are found in many writers. Mitchell refers to the Sophistes and Politicus of Plato; to Xenophon (Mem. iii. 1. 6), Isocrates (against Nicocles 31, 32, Evagoras 54), Lucian (Demosth. Encom. 32, who speaks of the orator's ovvakrurów Kai kpovo-ruków), and other writers. To these I will only add Wasps 1209 and Diog. Laert. (Plato iii. 49 and Pyrrhoix. 69). 1881. karaðakrv\uxós] The Sausage- seller retorts in the same vein; but whilst the language censured by Demus is merely intended to express the admira- tion entertained for the orator, the language of the Sausage-seller is in- tentionally coarse and indecorous: kara- 8akrv\iorat is tequivalent to orkupaxtorat, which is explained by the Scholiast on Peace 549 to mean kupicos rôv Šáxrv\ov eis rôv ºrpokrów rot, Öpwéou 8a)\eiv. oë pdvov 8& rodro, dAAá kai &rav 8ovXópevot épubploa rivá row uérov čákrv\ov čvrei. vovres kui roës Aoimois ovváyovres beišooruv aúró. It therefore means to prod or poke any one indecorously or (perhaps) derisively. But my translation is a mere makeshift. . . 1382. Kvvnyeretvl For hunting, he means, will exercise a healthy and strengthening influence over both their bodies and their minds, making them, on the one hand, upright and sober citizens, and on the other, better able to cope with the perils and adventures of THE KNIGHTS 195 Coercive speaker; most conclusive speaker; Effective ; argumentative ; incisive; Superlative against the combative. S.S. You’re quite derisive of these talkatives. DEMUs. I’ll make them all give up their politics, And go a-hunting with their hounds instead. S.S. Then on these terms accept this folding-stool; And here’s a boy to carry it behind you. No eunuch he l DEMUs. O, I shall be once more A happy Demus as in days gone by. war. ÖqeMjorov'rai yüp, as Xenophom says (De Wenatione xii. 1), oi émióuphoravres rotºrov rod Épyov troNAé. iryieldiv re yāp tois orópaort trapaakeväorovoi, kai épāv kai dkoúsiv påA\ov, ynpāorkeiv 8é firrov' rà è? Trpès rêv tróAepov pºdiuora trauðevel. And a little below oróppovás re yāp trotei kai ôukaiovs. See the whole of that and the succeeding chapter. Such are the reforms which Demus proposes to intro- duce. And it will be observed that no one of them has the slightest bearing upon party politics. Aristophanes was in no sense a political partisan; he merely aimed at the removal of abuses which would be recognized and deplored by all homest citizens. 1884. rôv čk\aôtav) Scil. Siqipov, a folding-stool. Ök\aôias 6 ovykek\aopévos 8iºpos, kai Troré pºv čvreuvéuevos, troré 8é ovo re)\Aduevos.-Scholiast. 6póvos irrvkrös (folding), 8iqpos ramewos évoi dróAov6ot ‘pépovrat rols eis rās dyopas &#votion tràov- orious. kai tremoimrau roiſvoua trapá rà ÖxAäoréat.—Hesychius, s. v. And this like the wearing of the golden cicala (supra 1331) was a return to the olden fashions of the Marathomian period. See the passage of Heracleides Ponticus cited by Athenaeus (xii. 5) and, without mentioning his name, by Aelian, W. H. iv. 22. ‘H 'A6mvatov tróNis, éos érpūqa, Heyiorn re fiv, kai ueya)\oyvXorárovs étpeºpév ãvöpas. dAoupympièv yāp humioxovro iudria, trouki)\ovs 8' iméðvvov xtróvas' Kopåpgovs 8' dvaôoſpevot rôv rpixóv, xpvoods rérriyas trepi rô Héromov kai rās Kópas āqāpouv' ôk\aôias re airois biºpovs qepov oitratēes, tva º kaðiſotev &s truxev. Kai oirot morav oi rototrol, oi rºv čv Mapabóvi vukňoravres p.dxnv, Kai Hóvoa rºw ris 'Aorias dirãorms öövapuv xelpooãpievou. And this is con- firmed by the reply of Demus, pakápios €s rápxata 8:) Ka8io rapai. And the boy is not to be a eunuch, as in Barbarian Courts; metóñ trapā rots 8apgåpots ord- ôoves, says the Scholiast, oùros évépxmv ôiðabort. 1386. Toorov) The boy himself. You can make him your camp-stool if you please. Probably, as the Scholiast says, there is kakéuſparóv ru in the words; but we may well be content with their literal meaning. O 2. 196 III II E IX AA. pfforets y’, reu8&v rês Tptakovroßručas otrov8&s trapabó orou. 3/ 3 * A ëšeotiv ačröv karatpuakovrovriorat; 8e0p’t AHMOX. & Zei troAvrium 6', Ös ka)\at trpès rêv 6eóv, 'ai Xtrověal tax6. 1390 trós éAa3es air&s éreóv; A.A. of y&p Ó IIo.p.Aoyèv drékputtre raútas Évêov, ivo, ori) paſſ A&Sots; * º 3 /> Aº y J A y A viv oëv éyò orot trapačíðop,' eis roºs &ypods aúròs iéval Aagóvra. AHMOX. Töv & IIaq}\ayóva, 1395 º 4- 3 ës raûr' éðpaorév, etºp 6 ri trouſiasts kakóv. AA. oë8èv péy &AA # rºv špºv ćet réxvnv: étri Taºs trºots dAXavtomoNijo'el pávos, tà kùveto putyvös toſs Övetous trpdyplaguw, pe6tov re rats trópwatori Aoûopfforerdi, 1400 kák Töv Baxavetov trietal rô Aoûrptov. AHMOX. e5 y' émévông as obtrépéativ čálos, A. * º Af trópwatori kai 32Xaveſot 8takekpayéval, Aſ 5 y A Af y * * * kai or divri rotºrov čs rô Tpvravetov ko Mö és Tºv čópav 6', 'v' ékeſvos ºjv 6 pappuzkós. 1405 ërov & Tavrmvi Aa3&v Tºv Barpaxièa. 1388. rpuakovroſ rušas] Atruce for thirty years was the utmost which Aristo- phanes could hope for in the Acharmians (lines 194–9) and is the utmost which he can hope for now. But the Peace of Nicias, concluded three years later, went beyond his fondest hopes. It was a truce for no less than fifty years which, had it not been broken, would have covered the entire remainder of the poet's life. The Scholiast appears to think that thirty persons, dressed up to represent Xtrovöal, now make their appearance on the stage, but this is, of course, incredible. Probably only one or two came forward, as a sample of the whole. But all are supposed to be visible to Demus, though invisible to the audience. 1893. Yimékpurre] He means that, but for the violent opposition of Cleon, the Athenians would long before this have been in the enjoyment of a thirty years' Peace. 1394. eis roºs dypods] For this, to the mind of Aristophanes, was always the culmination of the blessings of Peace, the return to their farms and country homes. For above all other Hellenic peoples, the Athenians loved, and were *... Page Missing in Original Volume Page Missing in Original Volume T H E KNIGHT's 199 Whilst him they carry out to ply his trade, That so the strangers, whom he wronged, may see him. the prostrate form of Paphlagon; aipó- pevos éxpéperat ā KAéov, as the Scholiast says. And so the Comedy ends. Every other extant Comedy concludes with some lyrical lines. or line, generally spoken or sung by the Chorus as they move out of the orchestra; but the ignominious exit of Paphlagon is in the nature of a funereal procession, and is not to be enlivened by any poetical accompaniment. APPEND IX OF VARIOUS READINGS WE are told by Professor John Williams White in the admirable articles on “the Manuscripts of Aristophanes” which he contributed to the first volume of “Classical Philology " that the “ Knights” occurs in twenty-eight existing MSS. But of these only the seventeen men- tioned in the following list appear to have been yet collated. The readings of the MSS. marked with an asterisk are to be found in the Zacher-Velsen edition. *R. The Ravenna MS. *V. The first Venetian (No. 474, St. Mark's Library, Venice). (I have the facsimiles of both these MSS., and am responsible for the presentation of their readings in this Appendix.) *P. The first Parisian (No. 2712, National Library, Paris). P*. The second Parisian (No. 2715). P*. The third Parisian (No. 2717). (These are the MSS. on which Brunck’s edition was founded.) V*. The third Venetian (No. 475, St. Mark's Library, Venice). *I. The Vaticano-Palatine MS. (Pal. No. 128, in the Vatican Library). *I*. The Vatican MS. (No. 1294, in the Vatican Library). *F. The first Florentine (No. 31. 15, Laurentian Library). *F. The second Florentine (No. 31. 16). F*. The third Florentine (No. 31. 13). A PPIEN DIX 201 *F". The sixth Florentine (No. 2779, Bibl. Abbat). F*. The ninth Florentine (No. 31, Laurentian Library 2). *M. The first Milanese (L. 89, St. Ambrose Library). M”. The third Milanese (D. 64). M*. The fourth Milanese (L. 41). P*. The seventh Parisian (No. 2716, National Library, Paris). Several of these MSS. however do not give the Play in its entirety. I” contains only the first 270 lines, and Mº only the first 544 lines, of the Knights. All the printed editions included in the list given in the Appendix to the Acharnians antecedent to Elmsley’s edition of that Play contain the Knights as well. The subsequent editions in my possession are as follows:— (20) Bekker. London, 1829. (21) Bothe's first edition. Leipsic, 1829. (22) Dindorf. Oxford, 1835. (23) Mitchell's Knights. London, 1836. (24) Weise. Leipsic, 1842. (25) Bothe's second edition. Leipsic, 1845. (26) Bergk. Leipsic, 1857 (reprinted 1888). (27) Meineke. Leipsic, 1860. (28) Holden. London, 1868. (29) Velsen's Knights. Leipsic, 1869. (30) Green's Knights. London, 1870. (31) Kock’s Knights. Berlin, 1882. (32) Velsen's Knights, re-edited by Zacher. Leipsic, 1887. (33) Merry's Knights. Oxford, 1887. -- (34) Blaydes. Halle, 1892. (35) Hall and Geldart. Oxford, 1900. (36) Van Leeuwen. Leyden, 1900. (37). Neil. Cambridge, 1901. 202 A PPIEN DIX The readings in Mitchell's edition of five Plays—the Acharnians, the Knights, the Clouds, the Wasps, and the Frogs—are not given in the Appendices to those Plays, his text being that of Dindorf, taken either from the Oxford, or an earlier German, edition. Some of the complete editions, such as Bothe's first, and those of Blaydes and Van Leeuwen, were originally published in parts, so that the different Plays bear different dates. Recent editors of these Comedies concur in numbering the lines as they are numbered in the text of Brunck's edition. Owing to this convenient practice, references to Aristophanes have acquired a fixity and uniformity which are wanting in references to Pindar and the Attic Tragedians. 1. The name Amuogréévms is prefixed to the first speech and the name Nukias to the second, by all the MSS., by the Scholiast, and by all editors down to and including Bergk, with the single exception of Weise. Dindorf however had pointed out that the language of one of the Arguments, and a scholium on line 1, appeared inconsistent with the use, in the text, of the actual names; and Weise therefore substituted oikérms A and oikérms B. Weise is followed by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Green, Merry, Hall and Geldart, Zacher, and Van Leeuwen. Wan Leeu- Wen indeed gives both the name and the description; and as he attributes the first speech to Nicias, with him Nicias is oikérms A and Demosthemes oikérms B. All editions except Frischlin, before Portus, following F., prefix to the first speech Amploo.6évms ºrpoxoyićet. My own reasons for retaining the actual names will be found in the Introduction to the Play. - 5. roſs oikéras MSS. (except R.) vulgo. roës oikéras R. Invernizzi, Bekker. 8. Seipó vvv MSS. (except R.) vulgo. ôeopo 8) R. Invernizzi, Bekker, Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Blaydes. We have bedpo 8), Seipo 8), in a love- song, Eccl. 952, 960; but the 8:) seems out of place here. In passages like the present we always find 8e0p6 vuv, Clouds 91, Lys. 930, Thesm. 279, Frogs 1368. 13. Aéye orá. AH. or prev oſſu plot Aéye MSS. vulgo. Beer's unlucky alteration, as to which see the Commentary on this passage, is adopted by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Green and Neil. 14. iva pam pudyopat R. I*. Suidas and all printed editions except as hereafter mentioned. iva oroi ui) puſix@pat W. and the MSS. generally. Iva plot pºdyopat Cratander, Zanetti, Farreus, iva orot A PPEN DIX 203 p.dxopat Bothe. Bergk suggests iva pin- Xavôpiat. 18. kopiyevpurikós R. W., the MSS. generally, Suidas, Bentley, Kuster (in notes), Brunck, recentiores. Kouyevpart- Šukós M. all editions before Brunck. Various transpositions of these lines have been proposed; but there is really no serious objection to the MS. arrange- ment, which I have therefore retained. 20. Owing, I suppose, to a misappre- hension of the meaning of the word évvexes in the following line, some scholars have amused themselves by inventing an imaginary line to be intro- duced between 20 and 21. Welsen sug- gests NI. Aéye vöv påAao. AH. p.6\@. AH. Trotá. Zacher NI. Aéye 8.) Hoào. AH. Hoºd. NI. Étrays vöv puev. AH. Hev. NI. e8. And Müller- Strübing NI. Aéye vöv poxo. AH. poxo. NI. Heră rooro, prev. AH. Hoºd | pºev. NI. vöv Ploxoplev K.T.M. But of course NI. triðes rô pºev. this is mere trifling. The text is per- fect. It was witty, and necessary, to divide the aëropoxópev into two parts. It would have been tedious, and un- necessary, to divide it into three. 25. Karendyov R. P. F.". I. I. vulgo. kareráčov W. F. Bergk. And M. had originally kareirã8ov which has been corrected into Karentãyov. Enger sug- gested Kár' étáyov, and this is approved by Meineke (W. A.) and adopted by Kock, Merry, and all subsequent editors. But it seems to be manifestly wrong. In the first place we should expect kär" én áyov to be followed by another im- perative ; and this, I presume, is the reason why Kock prints the speech as unfinished, and Zacher would change Tvkvöv into trókvov. In the next place, Trpárov in the preceding line refers to póAdoptev, and is fully satisfied by the eira 8 airó which follows; and it seems impossible, after that, to introduce another eira referring back to the long- passed drpéua. • ." 26. #v. All editions before Brunck wrote this fiv, connecting it with the oix jöö ; of the next line, Was it not pleasant to the taste 2 Brunck altered it to fiv, em 1 see there ! and all subse- quent editors have followed him. 29. Šáppa 8sqopévov. Between these words the MSS., as a rule, insert rôv, and so all editions before Brunck. Bentley recommended the omission of rów, and this is done by Bekker and almost all subsequent editors. Some however made the line scan by shuffling the words. Tô 6épp' àriº P. Brunck and Invernizzi. Bothe, on the other hand, in his second edition, and Blaydes trans- pose róv Šeq\opévov and ārépxeral, whilst Herwerden (W. A.) would place rôv Śeq\opévov at the commencement of the line. 31. row R. Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. Trot all other MSS. and editions. 32. 8peretéras. This, in my judge- ment, is the correct reading ; and it is gratifying to find, from Neil's recent edition of the Play, that both the late W. G. Clark and himself had arrived at the same conclusion. Sperréras W. V*. M*. and (as corrected) M. F. and P*. I give W.'s reading from Welsen's transcript, for I am not quite sure of it myself. This reading, however un- metrical, unquestionably points to a prolongation of the disyllable 8péras, which is confirmed by the Scholiast's 204 A PPIEN DIX remark, Évºrapoºkfi raiſei. Marco Musuro in the Editio Princeps wrote 8perérras, and so all editions, except Junta and Gormont, before Brunck; and Bothe and Weise afterwards; but 8pereréras is far lighter and more Aristophanic, and may indeed be compared with the 8pekekekéé of the Frogs. The other readings are as follows. 8péras; trotov 8péras; Pº. I*. Brunck and Invernizzi. 8péras alone (contra metrum) the other MSS., Junta, Gormont, Bekker, and (with a lacuna marked) all subsequent editors, including Neil, not herein other- wise mentioned. Kock suggested trotov 8péras oré y'; which is adopted by Merry and Wan Leeuwen. Meineke reads trotov 8péras ; q Ép'. Dobree suggested & Tāv, which is adopted by Blaydes. Din- dorf proposed rotov 8péras irpás; There are numerous other conjectures, indeed Blaydes alone offers seven, which it is unnecessary to repeat. Had I not been perfectly satisfied with 8pererêras, I should have suggested trotov 8péras trpoo- tréov; #yet yap 6eoös; (cf. Aesch. Eum. 283 rpóorelpa . . . 8péras rô orêv, 6ed) though I should be sorry to lose the in- credulous éreóv.—#yel W. and all printed editions. #yń R. and the MSS. gener- ally.—yāp W., the MSS. generally, and all printed editions, or R. 34. oik eikóros; The severance of these two words from the rest of the line, and the addition of the note of interrogation, are Bergler's happy thought which, though ignored by Brunck and some others, is unhesitat- ingly accepted by Dindorf and all sub- sequent editors except Bothe. Pre- viously the entire line had been taken as one sentence; because I am hated by the Gods without reasonable cause. It is obvious that the last three words are out of place. 35. dAA’ répg mou orkerréov. These words, given to Nicias by the MSS. and early editions, were rightly restored to Demosthenes by Hermann and Elmsley (at Ach. 828), who are followed by Bothe, Bergk, and practically all subsequent editors. But nobody has adopted Elms- ley's further proposal, for eſſ trpoo Sugá- {ets p’ to read of trpoo Sušáčeus pi'.—trol R. W. P. P. M. I. I., all editions before Dindorf; and Bothe and Weise after- wards. Irm P. F. F. F". Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. 42. Trvkvirms R. W. W. P. Pº. Fº. I'. M*. and (originally) F. F. vulgo. Trvukirms M. I. and (as corrected) F. F". and several of the old editions. 49. KookvXparious ākpoto's MSS. vulgo. These words seem perfectly right, but several attempts have been made to alter them. For kookv)\parious Herwer- den (W. A.) would read arouki)\parious, so ignoring the allusion to Cleon's trade. For &kpotori Helbig would read oraðpotov and Kock orampotori. Suidas, quoting the line, gives kooku)\parious riot, and Bentley thought that riot might stand for ürrowat. 51. #v6ov MSS. and all editions before Dindorf, rightly; £v600 Dindorf and (except Weise and Bothe) all subsequent editors, wrongly. See Appendix to Frogs 483. - 55. €v II5X4, MSS. vulgo. C. F. Her- mann suggested €v trućA®, an ingenious but highly improbable conjecture. There is a play on the words ºrvéAous and IIij}\os in line 1060: a very poor joke as it stands, and one which would be intolerable if it were a mere repe- A PPEN DIX 205 tition of a joke made in the earlier part of the Play. Nevertheless Hermann's conjecture is adopted by Meineke, Kock, Welsen (not Zacher), and Wan Leeuwen. 56. Treptèpapºv R. P. P. M. M*. M*. F. F'. Fº. F". I. vulgo. Trapabpapºv V. W*. Bergk, Meineke, Holdefi, Velsen (not Zacher), and Wan Leeuwen. 61. Ó Sé yépov R. M. F*. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Zacher and Wan Leeuwen. eið’ 5 yepov V., the MSS. generally, all editions before Invernizzi; and Zacherand Wan Leeuwen afterwards. 62. Hepiakkomkóra R. (and this is the usual form in verbs ending in -oão) Bekker, Dindorf, Weise, Bothe, Green, Kock, Merry, Blaydes. But in all other MSS., and vulgo, it is spelled -akóra. 66. ráðe MSS. vulgo. Brunck altered it to raët, and so Weise, Bergk, recen- tiores, except Green, Hall and Geldart, Zacher, and Neil. 67. "YXav V. V. P. P. F. F. vulgo. "Y\\avR., most MSS., Junta and Gormont. 68. dwareiorer Pº. I. Brunck, Porson, Bekker, recentiores, except Bergk and Zacher. dwaretormr' R. W., the other MSS., all editions before Brunck; and Inver- nizzi, Bergk, and Zacher afterwards. 69. Iraroëpºevot MSS. vulgo. Cf. Lys. 440. Blaydes, giving no reason, alters it into trekrošuevot. 70. ÖkrairAáorta R. Invernizzi, recen- tiores, except Hall and Geldart. 6kram Ad- artov W., the MSS. generally, all editions before Invernizzi; and Hall and Geldart afterwards. 71. dwºoravre R. W., most of the MSS., Bentley, Bekker, recentiores. divāoravres P. P., several MSS., and all editions before Bekker. 72. vö (with or without the iota sub- script) MSS. vulgo. And the accusative is quite right after Tperréov, Birds 1237, Eccl. 876. vöv Pierson (at Moeris s.v. vö), Brunck, Invernizzi, Bekker, Bothe, Green, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. 73. Tºv pló\opew W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. #v plóNopiev R. Invernizzi. #v påAoptev Bergk, Welsen (not Zacher). 75. airós V., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. obros R. Invernizzi, Bekker, and Bergk to Hall and Geldart (except Green). 79. 5 Šē vojs V. P. P6. F. Fl. Fº. M3. Brunck, Bothe, Blaydes. 6 vows 8' R. P. P. W*. Fº. M. vulgo. 6 & vojs 3' M. 81. diročávouev R. W., all the MSS., except as hereinafter mentioned, and vulgo. droðávoupev P. F. F. (corrected from droëávopiev) and F*. (corrected into droðávopley) Junta, Gormont, Brunck, Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Bergk, Meineke, Holden, Kock, Merry, and Neil. - 84. aiperórepos MSS. vulgo, aiperó- Taros (from a conjecture of Herwerden) Meineke, Welsen (not Zacher), Blaydes, and Wan Leeuwen. 86. Gov.Sevaraipeta R. P. F. (originally) M. F. F". Brunck, recentiores. 3ov\ev- orópe6a W. F. (as corrected) I. I*. P. P”. all editions before Brunck. - 87. trorod—and troró in 97–(trorów, drink) R. W. M. I. I. P. P. F. vulgo. rórov—and trórð in 97–(máros, drinking) Fº. Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Blaydes.—yojv P. P. V*. F". F". all printed editions excepting Blaydes. otiv R, which must really mean youv. yöp W. Pº. I. Blaydes. The line is usually closed, as in the present text, by a note of interrogation. Mr. Walsh says: “Ex- punge the note of interrogation at the 206 A PPEN DIX end of the line; for a question can scarcely be asked with yody the second word in the sentence. Nicias proposes to drink bull's blood; Demosthemes to drink wine. Nicias then laughs at the proposal of his friend. “At all events however,’ says he, ‘your proposal is concerning drink." Afterwards, in the 97th line, he makes use of the em- phatic phrase, rö oró Torº ; whereas it would have been merely rô moré, unless there were a distinction to be forcibly pointed out between your kind of drink, and my kind of drink.” This is in- genious, and is strongly supported by Mr. Green; and one or two other editors, I do not know whether for the same reason, omit the note of interrogation. But it seems to me to introduce an idea unsuited to the speech of Nicias; and rº org, trorº is, in my judgement, intended to contrast the drink-remedy of De- mosthenes with the abstemiousness, and not with the drink-remedy, of Nicias. Meineke (V. A.) proposes trepi trörov vods. 89. Kpouvoxvrpoxſipatov R. V., prac- tically all the MSS. (though in F. and F", the final -ov has been altered into -os), and vulgo. Dobree however pre- ferred the ending -os, which is found in Junta, Gormont, and Junta II; and is adopted by Dindorf, Bergk, Meineke, Holden, and Green. Bentley suggested kpovoxvrpoxiuatov, referring to the Kpovº- kats Añuals Amuávres of Plutus 581. Bergk was at first disposed to adopt Bentley's suggestion, reading kpoviko- for kpovo-, and changing the final v into s. And so Blaydes reads. But afterwards Bergk repudiated the kpoviko- and returned to the kpovvo- of the MSS. Many other suggestions have been offered, but the only one worth mentioning is Fritzsche's proposal to read the last three syllables Añvatos. 90. śirivouav MSS. vulgo. This is the very word required, but Sylburg, in a note on the Etym. Magn. s.v. oivos where these three lines are quoted, proposed to read diróvotav, which is quite unsuit- able to the sense, and Kulenkamp was fully justified in saying in a further note on the Etym. Magn. that Sylburg could not have considered the passage in Aristophanes. Yet Sylburg's absurd conjecture was unaccountably approved by Duker (on Thuc. viii. 88) and Dindorf (in his note here), and is actually intro- duced into the text by Bergk. 92. čv6poro MSS. vulgo. Dindorf added the aspirate, àv6potrot, which is quite out of place, but is adopted by Meineke, Holden, Velsen (not Zacher), Green, and Van Leeuwen. 96. Töv votiv K.T.A. This line is re- peated infra 114. Aristophanes, like all Comic poets, was fond of repeating a verse; a repetition which (like the catchwords in our modern drama) was calculated to elicit a laugh. Cf. Ach. 384, 436; Birds 192, 1218. Wherever he does so, somebody is sure to suggest that one of the two lines is an inter- polation, and ought to be deleted. This suggestion has not the slightest plausibility, excepting perhaps in the case of the Birds, where there is an interval of more than 1,000 lines between the two verses; and where on its first appearance the line is hardly as apposite to the context as it is on its second. 101. &s eiruxós MSS. vulgo. Reiske suggested os eiruxó y' or òs eirüx)0’, A PPIE N DIX 207 Herwerden (W. A.) &s eiruxés. Cobet again proposed Ös eirüxmo', and pro- ceeded, after his manner, to pronounce the MS. reading a solecism. But this must have been only Cobet's fun. The MS. reading is perfectly right. See the Commentary. 104. ÉÉyket W. F. M. I. I. and all printed editions. fiéyxet R. P. F". But in 115 below all MSS. and editions have fiéykerat. 111. raûr'. dràp. This is Bergler's excellent arrangement, followed by Bothe, Dindorf, and all recent editors. It has since been found in F., and I. has raúr’; dràp. But all the other MSS. and editions have raûr dràp without any intermediate punctuation. And almost all the early editions have a mote of interrogation after Saipovos, translating rair' dràp row 8aipovos; by “Haeccine vult Genius P” Brunck, ignoring Bergler's explanation, says “Ordo est àràp 8éôouka 8was pº) raûra rā Sov)\etuara rečopiat roi kakoëaiuovos Sai- provos,” than which nothing can be more unlikely. Reiske proposed raira yap, I do not know why. 120. 86s plot 86s R. Invernizzi, Bekker, recentiores, except Bothe, Weise, and Blaydes. 80s ord plot 86s P. F.". F". and (with a lacuna for a 0) F. 8ös ori plot W. I. I. vulgo. 121. Ti (bma' Bentley, Dindorf, recem- tiores, except Neil. riq mov MSS. vulgo. 125. €qvXárrow MSS. vulgo. §§Narres Blaydes. 129. yiyveral M. Brunck, recentiores. yiveral R. W., MSS. generally, and all editions before Brunck. 133. Ti révôe R. P. F. F. F". Inver- mizzi, recentiores, except Weise and Van Leeuwen. Tt rodrow W. I. I. P. P*. Pº. vulgo. 134. £os érepos R. W., several other MSS., Dindorf, recentiores, except Weise. *os àv ćrepos P. I. I*. and other MSS., all editions before Dindorf; and Weise afterwards. 136. Értytyveral P. F. F". Brunck, re centiores. Čiriyiveral R. W., most MSS., and all editions before Brunck. 143. §§e)\öv R. Bekker, Dindorf, re- centiores, except Zacher, Hall and Gel- dart, and Van Leeuwen. And this must have been the reading of the Scholiast, who explains it by 6 k3áAAew péA\ov kai ééoéelv ris troXtreias rôv KAéova. In R. the line, omitted in its proper place, is supplied at the foot of the page. e£oxöv V., the remaining MSS., all editions before Bekker; and the three, excepted above, afterwards. 147 karū 6eſov. All MSS. except R. and vulgo. Karaöelov R. Invernizzi. kará 6eów Cobet, Meineke, recentiores, except Green, Kock, Zacher, and Neil. 159. 'Aénvów Dawes, Brunck, recem- tiores, except that some write the word 'A6mvéov as hereafter mentioned. 'A6m- valov MSS., all editions before Brunck. “Huic lectioni ortum dedit ignorata vocis rayé prosoedia,” as Dawes observed. His correction has been universally approved; but Porson on 20övtov čkpov 'Aónvoy (Odyssey iii. 278, Gaisford's edition), after noticing that both there and in Clouds 401 the MSS. have 'Aón- valov, adds “vide annon legendum sit, cum in Homero, tum in Aristophane, Ionica dissolutione, 'Aényéov.” This seems probable enough, since at and e are very frequently confused in the MSS., and on Bernhardy's suggestion 208 A PPIEN DIX 'Aénvéov is read in the present line by Bergk, Meineke (who however in his note reverts to 'A6mvóv), Welsen (not Zacher), and Neil. Not without doubt, I have followed the multitude in keep- ing the form 'A6mvóv. 163. rās róvãe W. W*. Pº. Bekker, re- centiores, except Weise and Bothe. ye ravče Pº. Fº. I*. all editions before Bekker; and Weise and Bothe after- wards. Tôvöe (without either rās or ye) R. P. F". Elmsley (at Medea 1834) objected to the ye, and proposed to substitute ori or òi).—Aačv MSS. vulgo. Cobet, failing to notice that Aristo- phanes is borrowing an Homeric phrase (see the Commentary), proposed to read Aeóv, but nobody has followed him. 166. Trathoreus kal MSS. vulgo. kara- trarăgets Blaydes. 167. Aaukáorets R. W. (but in W. Some- body has deleted the final letter) W*. P. P*. M. I. I. F. F. F2. Fº. all editions before Dimdorf; and Weise, Bothe, Bergk, Green, Kock, Merry, Zacher, and Van Leeuwen afterwards. Aaukáget P*. Dindorf, recentiores, except as aforesaid. 173. Trapá8a)\\’ R. Fº. vulgo. Trapá8a)\’ W., the other MSS., Bekker, Dindorf, Welsen (not Zacher), and Green. 174. Kapxmöóva MSS. vulgo. XaAkmöóva Paulmier, Kuster (in notes), Brunck, and Bothe, KaNXmööva (as Chalcedon is frequently spelled) Bekker, Dindorf, Holden. 175. ei Saipovijoro y W. and all MSS. except R. and all editions before Inver- nizzi; and Weise afterwards. eiðauplo- viora, 6’ R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise. But Blaydes, while in his text following R.'s reading, in his note rightly prefers the reading of all the other MSS. The Sausage-seller is speak- ing ironically, and not propounding a serious question for the purpose of obtaining information. I have omitted the note of interrogation usually found at the end of the line. 177. Ös 6 xpmopºs oirogi MSS. vulgo, but R. prefixes 8vros to Ös. āvros, Ös 6 Xpmorpiós arou Kock, Merry. 182, iorxãew R. M. Invernizzi, recen- tiores. ioxworew W. and almost all the MSS., and so Fracini, Gelenius, Portus, and all subsequent editions before Brunck. ioxigetv F*. and all other editions before Brunck. laxåga, P. P. I. Brunck. 186. ei pº ’k R. W. M. P. F. W. Pº. Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, eiu’ €k I. I*. P*. all editions before Bekker; and Weise and Bothe afterwards. 187. §orov R. Bentley, Invernizzi, recen- tiores, except Weise and Van Leeuwen. oiov the other MSS. and editions. 190. routi pâvov o' R. Invernizzi, recen- tiores, except Weise and Van Leeuwen. Tovri ore puðvov the other MSS. and editions; but this would make pövov seem to apply to ore rather than to rouri. 193. dAN’ eis duaën kai 88e)\upév. MSS. vulgo. This sudden change in the struc- ture of the sentence has given offence to some ; and Herwerden proposed to finish the line by jret' pºſſ traphs; Meineke to read Îkev' d\\& pil trapſis à got 8.66wortv ev \oyious 6eot; and Blaydes dAN’ eis dua&m jket kal 86exvpóv' puff vov traphs. But they have all had the good sense to leave the text unaltered. - - 195. Trós 87ta MSS. vulgo. Meineke proposed trós 8%; ri. 196. kai oropós R. M. Suidas, Tyrwhitt, Brunck, Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, APPEND IX 209 except Bothe. kai oraqās the other MSS. and editions.—jvºyuévos MSS. vulgo. Meineke proposed jvºyuéva, which Welsen introduced into his text. Zacher how- ever reverted to the MS. reading. 197. dykvXoxetàms MSS. Suidas, vulgo. Bothe introduced dykvXox#Ams, which is followed by almost all subsequent editors. But Aristophanes, composing Homeric hexameters, adhered to the old Homeric phrase. See the Commentary. 201. at key P*. Fº. I*, all editions before Bergk, except Bothe and Dindorf; and Zacher, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen afterwards. at ka R. Bothe, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except as aforesaid. ałke W. F. M. I. F. V*. P*. P8., which is really equivalent to at key. 207. 3 T âAAás Bentley, Dawes (in his note on Plutus 166), Brunck, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe. d\\ās r" (with- out the article) MSS., all editions (except Brunck) before Dindorf; and Bothe afterwards. 209. rāv 8wporaterov MSS. vulgo. Bent- ley proposed rod Suporatérov, for the purpose, I presume, of making it quite clear that the serpent was to prevail over the eagle, and not vice versa. But Aristophanes is probably imitating the cryptic language of the oracles, of which the answer alleged to have been given many generations later to a Macedonian king, Aio te, Aeacida, Romanos vincere posse, is a very apposite example. In Aristophanes, it is hardly necessary to say, xparetv commonly takes an accusa- tive; Clouds 1346, Wasps 536, 539, Birds 419, 1752. 210. at ke MSS. vulgo. atka Meineke, Green, Kock, Merry. Meineke (W. A.) supports his alteration by saying that in K. aikáA\et ple the Sausage-seller's reply rà uév Aáyi' “manifesta est ad atka allusio.” But even if any allusion of this kind was intended (which I very much doubt), it would be as effective with aike as with atka. 211. Aóyi' aikáA\et M. vulgo. And I think that W. meant the same, though the letters are confused and the ac- centuation wrong. Bekker gives it as Aóyta kaxeſ, Welsen as Aóyta 'kaAket. Aóyta aiká\\et R. Ağy, dráNAet F. Aóyta ka)\el P. P. Brunck. Aöyi' ač kaAeſ Inver- nizzi (thinking that to be R.'s reading). aikáA\et is unquestionably right; and if, as is generally supposed, the Ion of Euripides had already been produced, there may here be an allusion to line 685 of that Play (to which Bergler refers) où yáp pºe oraivet 060 (para. 212. čtvrporečew elu’ R. M. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Bothe and Weise. elu' émirportečew the other MSS. and editions. 213. raû6' MSS. vulgo. raúð' (from . conjecture of Lenting) Meineke, Holden, Welsen, Merry, Blaydes. º 216. playetpukois MSS. vulgo, playeptrós Lenting, Welsen, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. But this is to miss the point of the line. Cleon was accustomed to flavour his speeches with terms borrowed from his trade, and the Sausage-seller is advised to do the same. The finuſirua playeiptră here answer to the kookvěpárta of line 49 supra. 218, yāyovas kakós R. V. P. P. F. F". F. I. M. Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Weise and Bothe. yé yovas kakós P*. W*. Fº. I. all editions before Bekker; and Bothe and Weise afterwards. . 220, xpmopoi re MSS. vulgo. Blaydes 210 A PP E N DIX says “Malim xpmopoi be,” and alters the text accordingly. 225. ittreſs W.P. F.W. P6. Fº. Scholiast, Hesychius, Junta, Gormont, Cratander. intris R. M. P. P*. Fº. F8. I. I. vulgo. 230. śćmkaoruévos R.W., the MSS. gener- ally, Brunck, recentiores. Čšetkagpévos F*. all editions before Brunck. 234. otiuol kakoëaipov. This line is rightly given to Nicias by R. W. and all the other MSS. and vulgo. Not under- standing that Nicias is now represented by a choregic actor, Weise continued it to Demosthemes, and so Wan Leeuwen ; whilst C. F. Hermann proposed to transfer it to the Sausage-seller, and this is done by several recent editors. 235. IIABAATON Meineke, Holden, Kock, Wan Leeuwen, and Neil. KAEON MSS. vulgo. And so throughout. See the remarks on this subject in the Intro- duction. 236. Évvóplvvrov R. Fº. Bekker, recen- tiores, except Bothe, Bergk, and Merry. And so Elmsley had conjectured (at Ach. 733) before R.'s reading was known, since Invernizzi had overlooked it. And cf. Fritzsche towards the end of his lengthy note on Thesm.1158, 1159. £vvópyvrov.W. and the remaining MSS., all editions before Bekker; and Bothe, Bergk, and Merry afterwards. 238. §o 6’ 3ros R. M. Bentley, Inver- nizzi, recentiores. Éorruv čnos W. and the remaining MSS., and all editions before Invernizzi. 240–6. oiros ri (beſſyees; . . . kai Tpomºv airod trotod. In the MSS. and editions generally these seven lines are, as in the text, given to Demosthenes. Among the MSS. the only exception is R.; among the editions, Wan Leeuwen’s. R. gives lines 242,243 àvêpes trirms ... 8eštěv képas to the Sausage-seller, who could not possibly have addressed Simon and Panaetius, in this way; and R.'s read- ing is followed by Wan Leeuwen only. But both R. and P. assign 244-6 to Demosthenes, as if the preceding lines had been spoken by some one else, who could, in that case, have been the Cory- phaeus only. The Scholiast on 240 says toūro 66epánov Tpès rêv'Ayopékpurov. čv riot Sé oi 800 orixot oilk #ykeuvrat. And again on 243 ruès 8é ºpaq t rô pièv “àvöpes itrireis” dAAavrom 3Amv Aéyeuv' rô 8é“ävöpes éyyūs” rôv 6epárovra. 242. Trapayávea 6e R. F. F. Pº. I'. Bent- ley, Brunck, recentiores. Trapayivso 6e W. W”. P. F. F". Trapaylyvegée M. I. P. P. all editions before Brunck. 243. & IIavairi' MSS. vulgo. Blaydes changes 3 into kai, for no other reason than that in Birds 656 Aristophanes wrote Eavóia kai Mavóðope, and in Eccl. 867 & 2íkov kai IIappévov. But in both those cases we have a simple direction to servants to remove the luggage, where the anxious summons & Eavóia, & Mav6- ôope, or 62ikov, & IIappévov would have been ridiculous. Here the urgent appeal is exactly in place; and the whole spirit of the call to arms is destroyed by Blaydes's alteration. 248. (pāpayya R., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. pā\ayya W. W*. 255. ppáropes MSS., all editions before Meineke; and Green afterwards. But Dindorf in his notes suggested ºppärepes, as “old Attic"; and this is adopted by Meineke and subsequent editors except as aforesaid. 262. Saga)\ov MSS., all editions before Brunck; and Green, Hall and Geldart, A PPIE N DIX 211 and Neil afterwards. Duker (whose motes are given at the end of Bergler's edition) proposed to substitute 8ta\agöv, the word on which 8tafla\&v is intended to be a play; and this error is adopted by Brunck and, except as aforesaid, all subsequent editors. Yet they leave 8ta- 8oNas, infra 491, unaltered. Some would trace the original error to Casaubon, but for this there is no ground whatever.— dykupia as MSS. vulgo. myköptoras Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Dimdorf, Weise, Welsen. 263. 3pov MSS. vulgo. &póv Mahaffy, Neil.—évekokāśaoras Bentley, Brunck, re- centiores. £vekokā3moras MSS., editions before Brunck; but Kuster had con- jectured eveko)\á8toras. 264, 5. kai o Kotreſs... rā trpáygara. The full force of orkotreis (see the Commen- tary) not being perceived, these two lines seemed rather feeble in this place, and accordingly were transferred from hence and placed between 260 and 261 by Brunck, Bothe, Merry, and Van Teeuwen. For the same reason Kock would change orkotets into trékets or $vpets, and Meineke into a troësis. 266. &vöpes W. and the other MSS. (except R.), and vulgo. &vöpes R. Inver- mizzi, Bekker, Bergk, Meineke, Holden, Kock, Merry, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. 268. iotăval. Elmsley (at Heracleidae 937) pointed out that this was the right reading, and he is followed by Dindorf (in motes), Weise, Bergk, and all sub- sequent editors except Green, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. §orrával MSS. vulgo. —ávöpelas R. W. W. M. P. F. Fº. Fº. I. vulgo. dw8pias F.P. P.I. Brunck, Bothe, Bekker. - 270. käkko(3a)\ukeūerat. Toup, Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Dindorf (in notes), Welsen. The MSS. and all editions before Brunck have ékkoğa)\lkederat (with a stop at the end of the preceding line after intépxeral); but it was obvious that 7épovras finas was governed by imépxerat, and it was necessary therefore to in- troduce a conjunction between intépxeral and ékkoğa)\ukeiſerai. I have adopted Toup's mode of doing this. Bentley suggested X&ortrepsi, which is adopted by Weise and Dindorf, but hardly meets the difficulty; and Dindorf in his notes reverted to Toup's suggestion. Cobet (N. L. p. 37) proposed kai koğa)\ukeiſerat, erroneously stating that to be the read- ing of R., and (probably on account of that erroneous statement) this proposal, though not in any way accounting for the ék- of all the MSS., is adopted by Bergk, and substantially all subsequent editors; the only editors since Brunck who follow the MS. reading and punctua- tion being Bekker and Green. Cobet also wished to read yépovras āvras instead of yépovras juās, but to this nobody has assented. 271. TrapéA6m. See the Commentary. ye vikā MSS. vulgo. The MS. reading has been generally doubted, but the only editors who have altered the text are Blaydes and Van Leeuwen, the former reading ye veðorm and the latter ye reivn. Halbertsma conjectured y' inreikh; and Blaydes gives five other conjectures of his own besides the one he adopts. 272. Trpès orkéAos MSS. (except R.) all editions (except Invernizzi and Bekker) before Dindorf; and Welsen and Van Leeuwen afterwards. Tô okéAAos R. rö orkéAos Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, P 2 212 A PPE N DIX except as aforesaid. Trpès rê okéAos Invernizzi, who gives that as R.'s reading. 274. &omep R. W. W. P. P. P. M. M”. I. F. F". Bekker, recentiores, ex- cept Bothe and the other editors men- tioned below. Šotrep P. F. F. Fº. Mº., all editions before Bekker; and Bothe after- wards. ºrep (a conjecture of Kock) Meineke, Holden, Kock, Wan Leeuwen. &virep Blaydes.—karao Tpéqet R. Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Weise. kara- orpéqets, the other MSS., all editions (except Bekker) before Dindorf. 275. Trpára R. Invernizzi, recentiores. Tpórov the other MSS. and all editions before Invernizzi. Bergk and several other recent editors transfer this line to Paphlagon, which gives rise to great difficulties, requires various alterations in the next two lines, and deprives Tpóra of all sense. Hence, I suppose, Her- werden's note (W. A.) “Suspectum mihi est irpóra dictum eo sensu, quo eiðūs aut airika solet usurpari. Nescio an vera lectio sit fiáora.” So one error con- stantly gives rise to another. 276. Hóvrot ye MSS. vulgo. pew révôe Porson, Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Hall and Geldart.—vukås rij Boff MSS. vulgo, except that R. omits the words ri 8off. Suidas, s. v. rāvex\a, citing this line, says 'Aptoropávns’ “d)\\' éâv vukňorms ri; 80ff, TúveX\os ei.” duri roß vukmºbôpos, whence Blaydes reads vukňorms 80ſ, here. —rfiveX\os et MSS. vulgo. riveAN’ goret Porson. TnveXAdoret Meineke. riveAAdorov Kock, Wan Leeuwen. 277. trapéA6ms R. W. and all the MSS. except M., all editions before Bergk; and Green and Blaydes afterwards. TapéAón o'. M. Bergk, recentiores, except as afore- said. This error is occasioned by the transfer of 275 to Paphlagon. 278. 'vösikvvut. This is a suggestion of Dobree, in a note on Andocides de Reditu suo 14, where the orator describes Peisander as saying of him divöpes 8ov- Nevrai, £yô rôv àvöpa roorov čvöeukvio ipſiu orirów re eis roës ToMeptovs eiorayayóvra kai kotréas, a very similar denunciation to the present. Dobree's suggestion is adopted by Dindorf, Bergk, and all subsequent editors. Šetkvvut MSS., all editions, except Dindorf's, before Bergk. 282. čáyov Porson, Dindorf, recen- tiores. Čšayayêv MSS. editions before Dindorf. 287. Ore kpášov R. W. (but in W. ore is corrected into orov) F. I. Pº. Porson, Brunck, recentiores. orov kpáčov P. M. I. all editions before Brunck. But Kuster had noticed that ore was found in Priscian xviii. p. 1187, and both Porson and Brunck pointed out that it was required by the metre. 289. rô várov P. P. M*., all printed editions, save that in Frischlin the article is omitted. rāv várov R. W. and the MSS. generally. 290, d\ağovelaus Elmsley (at Oed. Col. 1454), Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, ex- cept Green, d\aćovelas MSS. vulgo. 291. Tots tróðas orov. See the Com- mentary. Tús Óðoës orov MSS. vulgo. 292. dorkapôāpavkros R. W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. dorkapòapºkros P. M. and one or two other MSS. dorkapôa- pivkri Etymol. Magn. Meineke, Welsen (not Zacher), Kock, Merry, and Blaydes. 294 ypºets W. W. P. Pº. Junta, Gor- mont, Cratander, Farreus, Grynaeus, Bergler. And all subsequent editors have the future tense, but Elmsley (at A PP E N DIX 213 Ach. 278) preferred ypúče, and this is adopted by Dindorf, Holden, Welsen, Blaydes, and subsequent editors, ypúſsus R. P. M., the MSS. generally, and (ex- cept as aforesaid) the editions before Bergler. 295. Aa)\fforews R.W.,the MSS. generally, and vulgo. Aakjorets P'. Aakjoret Blaydes. 298. ye 8Aeróvrov MSS. vulgo. Porson (at Ach. 739) proposed y' épéAetrávrov, but he did not repeat the suggestion here, and it has not been followed. 300, ore paiva, Bentley, Brunck, re- centiores, except as hereafter appears. ore pavó MSS. editions before Brunck; and Bekker, Dindorf, and Green after- wards. pavó ore Porson, Dobree, Welsen, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. The last-named editor says “qalva, non recipiendum, quoniam prytanes non iam adsunt.” But of course the Pry- tanes were present (see the Com- mentary); and that is the reason why évôeikvvpu in line 278 and paiva, here are used in the present tense. My translation does not show this. For ispás some write pås, but this is un- mecessary. ispós is often pronounced as a disyllable, like tróNeos and some similar words. 304. karakekpakra Hermann, Dobree, Dimdorf (in notes), Weise, Holden, Green, Kock, and Blaydes. Kekpākra R. W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. kpākra P. Meineke, Velsen, Wan Leeuwen. (In each case the accent on the penulti- mate is sometimes the circumflex, and sometimes the acute.) Generally in these cretico-paeonic systems, cretics and paeons are intermingled and inter- changeable, but that is not the case here. Here every cretic has its proper place, and so has every paeon. A cretic in the Strophe cannot correspond with a paeon in the Antistrophe, and vice versa. See the scheme of the Ode 386 infra. Every proposal which ignores this rule stands self-condemned; and such readings as kai kekpākra and kai kpakra and such emendations as Hall and Geldart's ingenious kai kekpáx6', oš 6páorous must be peremptorily ruled out. See the Commentary. - 312. čkkekôqokas Reiske, Porson (at Orestes 1279, where see his note), Meineke, Welsen (not Zacher), recem- tiores, except Zacher and Green. ekkeköpmkas R. W. P. P., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. Ékkeköpevkas P. Zacher. 313. q6povs R. W. and all the MSS. except M., and vulgo. Trópous M. Fracini, Gelenius, Portus, and all sub- sequent editors before Bekker; and Weise and Bothe afterwards.-6vy- voorkotrów MSS. vulgo. Kock and Bergk suggested 6vvvoorkotreſs, but (except Kock) Meineke is the only editor who has brought it into the text. 319. v.) Aia kāpié K.T.A. This seems a very simple line, but it has given rise to much discussion. In the first place, who is the speaker? Demosthenes, according to the MSS. and editions generally. The Chorus, according to Beer, Bergk, Meineke, and Holden. Nicias, according to Elmsley (Classical Journal vi. 223), Dindorf, Bothe, and Green. I have in the Commentary given my reasons for following Elmsley. Them in all the MSS. except R. and in all editions before Brunck the vi) Ata is preceded by a kai. Tyrwhitt pro- posed to strike out the unmetrical kai, 214 A PPIE N DIX and it does not appear in Brunck or any subsequent edition except Weise. I think, however, that Bentley also meant to strike it out. In the Classical Journal his marginal jotting is given as “Ald. Kai delet.” He must really have written “Ald. kai dele.” This leaves vi) Ata, a dactyl, at the commence- ment of a trochaic line, which in my opinion is quite unobjectionable. See Appendix to Birds 396; and to 1078 of the same play. But many object to it. Bentley proposed kāpé vi) Ata (and so Kuster also suggested, and so Brunck and Bothe in his first edition read) or else kâpé roër’ &6paore vi) At'. The elision of the a in Ata shows that he meant the Ai’ to come before &otrep, so that Bentley's second proposal is equivalent to Porson's kāpié root’ ºbpage Tavrò, vi) At', which is adopted by Velsen (not Zacher) and Van Leeuwen. Weise (always regardless of metre) has kai vi) Ata pie root’ &6paore, Bothe in his second edition vi) Ata rööe u' éðpaorév. Dindorf reads v.) Al, on the theory that Ai is used for Ata. Blaydes has kāpé, vi) At” airó roor' 38paorev. Meineke (W. A.) suggests vix, kāpié. Risum teneatis, amici? But all the rest, I think, follow as I have done the reading of R. which is in truth the reading of all the MSS. For the initial kai in my opinion merely stands for k\, that is, Cleon. In these slanging matches the speeches as a rule alternate between the Sausage-seller (dAA.) and Paphlagon (KA): and I suspect that after the Sausage-seller's last speech some old copyist very naturally prefixed k\ to this, which, when the error was discovered and the speech attributed to Demosthenes, survived in the form kai. There is still another question on the line. KaráyeMov MSS. vulgo (except that it is sometimes written karáyeAov). kai yéAov Elmsley, Dindorf (in notes), Meineke, recentiores, except Green, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. 325. Trpoorrarel finrópov Bentley, Her- mann, Bothe, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bergk and Merry. Tpoo rareſ Töv finrópov (contra metrum) MSS. all editions before Bothe's first; and Bekker, Bergk, and Merry afterwards. 326. duéAyets W. and all other MSS. except R. and vulgo. dpéAyew R. Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, and Green. Bothe in both editions reads āpiépyets, which is followed by Welsen and Merry. Kock preferred duépyet, which is read by Meineke, Holden, Kock, Blaydes, and Neil. But in reality duéAyew is, and dpépyetv is not, suitable to the sense of the passage. dpiépyeuv is to pluck or gather (as from a tree or shrub), which does not give the signification required. The Chorus mean that Paphlagon robs or drains dry the wealthy strangers, a meaning admirably expressed by dpiéAyeuv. 327. ‘Introödpov. all the MSS. and all the editions, except that Bothe in his second edition reads ‘Introëapiðov. It appears from the Scholiasts that some read ‘Intróðapos. Compare Appendix to Frogs 422. But a difficulty arises from the fact that the name here has the penultimate long. Fritzsche (De Socrat. vet. Comicorum, p. 215) thinks that it is the Doric form of ‘Iriróðmuos, like Eöðapos for Eöðmuos in Plutus 884, and quotes other Attic names in which the same Doricism occurs. And to this A PP E N DIX 215 view Meineke (W. A.) and others sub- scribe. On the other hand Hermann proposed to read ‘Introëápivov, Schneider ‘Introëápov plot, Velsen ‘Introödpov ore, and so on. For Aet&eral (MSS. vulgo) Van Eldik proposed Aeimerat, and Van Leeu- wen reads 6\iberal. 330. trāpetot R. W. P. P., the MSS. generally, Brunck, recentiores. Trápeari P*. all editions before Brunck. But Bentley had suggested trapeN6öv, and Tyrwhitt x' intepéorral. 331. Travovpyig R. W. P. P., the MSS. generally, Junta, Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. Čv travoupyig Pº. F". Fº. and all editions, except Junta, before Brunck. 333. 66evrép eigtv R. W. and all MSS., except P. and M., and vulgo. Tápetorw P. M. Brunck, Invernizzi. 338. AAA. put, Aia R. W., the MSS. generally, Bentley, Bothe, Bekker, re- centiores. AAA. oi pa Ata F. Fº. all editions before Bothe's first. 339. GMA airò k.T.A. This line is placed here by R. and all recent editors. It comes after 336 in the other MSS. and in all editions before Invernizzi. No doubt the error arose from the circumstance that the words oùk ač u’éâgets commence the preceding line in each case. 340. £yô oë traphora Tyrwhitt, Bothe, Fritzsche (at Thesm. 926), Bergk, re- centiores, except Green. Čyó o' oë Taphoro MSS. all editions before Brunck. o' éyò oë trapmora, Bentley, Brunck, and subsequent editors before Bergk, and Green afterwards. 341. trāpes rápes irpès R. W., the MSS. generally, Junta, Gormont, Grynaeus, Bentley, Bergler, recentiores. Tápes trpès F*. Fº, all editions before Bergler. 66ev 342. čuoi, Aéyetv čvavra Bothe, Bekker, recentiores. For £vavra the MSS. and all editions before Bothe's first (except Brunck's) have évavria. Brunck reads Aéyetv čvavriov ćuoi). Burney proposed the more rhythmical Aéyetv čvavriov plov. Bentley conjectured Čvavri for évavria, and Reisig proposed €plot, y' évavrī’ eiteiv. Kock would change Aéyew into 8Métreuv. 344, or ſpäypa F. Hermann, Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Blaydes. orot Tpāyua R. ru mpāypia P". Fº, all editions before Bergk; and Green and Blaydes afterwards. But the other MSS. have simply trpaypa (without ori, orot, and ri). Blaydes reads et ri tpāyua Tpoortréoot orot. 346. 3 pot tremov6évat Sokels. P. P*. I. Fº. F*. vulgo. 8wep retrov6éval plot 8okeis R. W. W. M. Pº. 3 pot Sokels tremov6éval ôokeis (which must have been intended for the reading in the text) P. Šmep Tretov6éval bokeis F. Bergk to Welsen, Merry, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. But plot, which seems to be necessary, is found in every MS. except F.; and ôtrep, which is rather out of place here, is probably borrowed from the latter part of the line. 347. karū £évov ueroikov MSS. vulgo. The conjunction of these two words is rather surprising, and various con- jectures have in consequence been put forward. Meineke (W. A.) proposed either kat' déévov pleroikov (which he suggests may mean “a friendless sojourner”) or else karū £évov h pieroikov, but this particularization in an un- important matter savours rather of a pedant than of a poet; it is however adopted by Wan Leeuwen. Welsen reads 216 A PPEN DIX kar''Aéévov pieroikov, “against a sojourner named Axenus.” Müller-Strübing pro- poses kar’ diſpoëévov pleroikov, Sharpley (Class. Rev. xix. 58) kar’ doréevoús pºetoikov, and Kaehler kar’ détov pleroikov. But the MS. reading is no doubt what Aristophanes wrote. See the Com- mentary. 353. duépôtrov riv' F. Frischlin, Brunck, and subsequent editors (except Dindorf) before Bergk ; and Welsen, Kock, Merry, Blaydes, and Wan Leeuwen afterwards. divépôtrov riv R. W. and all the other MSS. and vulgo. 354. drpárov R. Bekker, recentiores. âkparov W. W. F. I. M. P. P. P. editions before Bekker. Čikpara P. F.". 357. Turvâv R. Bekker, recentiores, except Weise and Bothe. Škºrtov W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. Twów P'. 360. śkpoqāorets MSS. vulgo. Elmsley (at Ach. 278) preferred €kpoºja’et, on the ground that in Wasps 814 we have the form fioſphoropat. But this is a very inadequate ground, since many verbs have a future in both the active and the middle forms. And it may have been the feeling that he had been a little too hasty in this and a few other matters that caused Elmsley to suppress his edition of the Acharnians. Yet in reliance on his great authority the unanimous verdict of the MSS., both here and elsewhere, has been over- ruled by Dindorf and almost all sub- sequent editors, except Bergk and Merry. Dr. Rutherford (New Phryni- chus, $302, pp. 392, 393) merely restates Elmsley's view, but does not attempt to prove it. The two lines of this speech which in the MSS. and vulgo are rightly given to the Chorus are by a few recent editors transferred to Demosthenes; whilst line 366 by R. rightly given to Demosthenes is by some absurdly transferred to the Chorus. 365. Šá y Brunck, recentiores, except Invernizzi. The MSS. and other editions have either 8é T’ or ò' alone.—éšéAão Porson, Bothe, Bekker, Meineke, re- centiores, except Merry. §§eXAéyéo R. Invernizzi. §§eXà W. and the other MSS. (save that in F. and Fº. it has been altered into Éo)\ó) and vulgo.— . ris irvyńs R. W*. M*. Pº. Brunck, recen- tiores, except Zacher. Tris Tvyuñs P. M*. Th Truyff W. M. I., most of the other MSS., all editions before Brunck; and Zacher afterwards. 366. Tàp Bothe, Bergk, recentiores. 'yāp MSS. all editions before Brunck; and Bekker and Dindorf afterwards. y áp Brunck, Invernizzi, Weise. 367. 'v rá čáA®, Elmsley (at Ach. 343), Dobree, Dindorf (in notes), Bergk, re- centiores. Tô £5A® (without 'v) MSS. editions before Bergk. 373. Tapart)\@ R. Invernizzi, recem- tiores, except Weise. Treputi)\@ W. and the other MSS. and editions. 374. Tpmyopečva MSS. vulgo. Bentley suggested trpmyopóva, which is read by Dindorf and most subsequent editors, but not by Bergk, Zacher, Hall and Geldart, or Neil. Cf. Birds 1113. 382. Tupés y P. P*. F. M”, and all printed editions except as hereinafter mentioned. R. W. and the remaining MSS. have tupôs without the y. Welsen changed the y' into 6', and is followed by Blaydes and Van Leeuwen, but the y’ is far better. 383. Aóyot rôv. These words are not found in the MSS. or editions; they A PP E N DIX 217 are an addition by Godfrey Hermann, necessary both for the sense and for the metre. - 385. iv iip’ oë R. M. Invernizzi, recen- tiores, except Weise. oik ſip' fiv W., the MSS. generally, Brunck and Weise. oùk #v all editions before Brunck. While the text was in this state Bentley suggested the insertion of āp' between oùk and fiv; but it is quite wrong to quote him as preferring that reading to fiv dp’ oi. - 386. oëöapós. I have inserted this word, in brackets, not as a restoration of what Aristophanes really wrote, but merely to show what is required to satisfy the metre. A cretic has slipped out after &ö’, if we should not rather treat &ö’ itself as corrupt, and say that a third epitrite — — — —, commencing with a vowel, has slipped out after ‘bai)\ov. Bergk proposed to insert, after &8’, the words otö' éAaqipów, and this is followed by Merry and Blaydes; Welsen proposed d\\ä ka)\óv, and Weck- lein paij)\ov Šora y &ö’ iðeiv. But all these conjectures are metrically un- sound. The scheme of the ode is as follows (see on 304 supra): - V -> V, - V V v, – Juv, - \-V V-V V_y - \,) - - \-/ \- V_º – V - - V_y \ y \ W - \º 387. AmèévôNiyov'W.,the MSS. generally, and vulgo. Amèëv č\arrow R. M. Inver- nizzi. Aftö’éNarrow Bothe. Amèév čAaqipóv Dindorf. 389. &s éây R.F. M.F.I'.W*. Grynaeus, Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. Ös āv W. P. P. P. Pº. Fº. F. all editions (except Grynaeus) before Brunck. 394. dºpačet W. and the MSS. generally, and vulgo. dºdvet R. Rapheleng, a mere clerical error, I fancy. dºpaivet Zacher (after Ribbeck). Blaydes sug- gests dºpečet, which would be quite out of place. 396. kaðfluevov MSS. vulgo. “Dedi kaðmpiévov, quod sensus postulare vi- detur” Blaydes. But of course rö rod Añpov Tpóoroſrov is a mere periphrasis for 6 Añpos; and, for the matter of that, it was Demus himself and not his Tpóorotrov who pakkod, supra, 62. 400, 401. These two lines are given by the MSS. and older editions to one of the actors, Demosthenes or Cleon. But apart from the corresponding lines in the strophe being continued to the Chorus, it is obvious that the Chorus alone could have spoken line 401. They have, therefore, been restored to the Chorus by Bothe, Dindorf, Bergk, and all subsequent editors. 400. śv Kparivov P. Bos (Ellips. p. 8), Elmsley (at Ach. 1222), Bergk, recen- tiores, except Kock, who reads róv Kparivov. čv Kparivov R. W. all other MSS. and vulgo. - 401. Tpooráðew MSS. vulgo. Hermann suggested trpūs ūčeiv, Cobet indbeiv, and Bergk trapáðeiv.—rpaypôtav MSS. (except R.) vulgo. Tpaypôia R. rpaypôig Meineke, apparently with the co-operation of Cobet ; “rpaypôtg ego et Cobetus.” This seems to be nonsense. For a Tragic Chorus does not sing an accom. paniment to the Tragedy; it sings the Tragedy itself, that is, the choral parts of it. Yet this absurdity is introduced 218 A PPE N DIX into the text not only by Meineke himself, but by Holden, Welsen, Kock, Merry, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. And Blaydes attempts to support it by such expressions as Trpoogóew kiðápg and Tpooravàeiv, but in those cases the voice is an accompani- ment to the lyre, and the pipe is an accompaniment to the song; whilst here the Chorus sing the play, not to the play. 407. 'IovXtov MSS. vulgo. Bothe pro- posed 'IovXuñrmy which Welsen reads. Meineke reads BovXtov, and so Holden and Green. 'Iov)\téa Zacher after a con- jecture of Schnitzer.—otouai Pº. Fº. a corrector of F. and all printed editions except Junta, oiuas R. W. and all the other MSS. and Junta.-rvpotrimmy I. Pº. and a corrector of F. Dindorf (in notes), Bothe (2nd ed.), Bergk, Meineke, Merry, Zacher, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. And trupotrirmw the reading of R. F. P. is clearly intended for trupotrimmv, just as in the edition called Scaliger's trupporrirmv is a mere mistake (corrected in the next edition) for trupportrmv. Trvppotrimmv W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. 408, immatovio at R. Suidas (s.v.v. & trepi révra) Brunck, recentiores. i.) mat&v àoral W. M. I. I. F. F. ii) trauðv’ ãoral P. P. Pº. Fº. kal ratóva 8; Pi. Fº. F8. all editions before Brunck. 410. Trapayevoiumv MSS. vulgo. Mehler proposed and Blaydes reads ovyyevoiumv. 412. čk trauðiov (from a boy, from my gyouth up) R. M. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. Čk trauðiov W., the other MSS., and vulgo.—Haxaupiðav. Brunck adopted this form from Pollux x. 104 who says playaupiðes' 'Aptoroºpávows youv év ‘Intreſſoruv 6 pºdysupos Aéyet “Maxaupiðov Te TAmyás.” And it has since been found in R. and is followed by every subse- quent editor except Weise. Maxaipuštov W., the other MSS., all editions before Brunck; and Weise afterwards. 416. p4xel R. W. and all the MSS. (except P*. and a correction of F. which have påxn) and all editions except Dindorf before Bergk; and Neil after- wards. Dindorf altered this into paxeſ, and is followed by Bergk and subse- quent editors except Neil. But the fight between the küov and the kvvokéq}a}\\os has commenced; it is not a thing of the future. — kvvoke pâA\@ Dindorf, citing Phrynichus Bekkeri, p. 49. 19 kvvo- kéq}a}\\os' 8tà rôv 8volv A oi 'Arrukoi, and Photius, s. v. kvvokéqa\ov' év rois 860 AM Aéyovoivº otros 'Aptorroqāvms, doubtless referring to this very passage. Dindorf is followed by Bergk and all subse- quent editors except Wan Leeuwen. kvvoked d\@ R.W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo, and so Wan Leeuwen. Kvvokeda\tº Bothe in his second edition. Several suggestions have been made for the purpose of preserving kuvokeſpáA®. Burney proposed kvvokeſpáXq) oró, and so Meineke. Brunck proposed oró ye Kuvo- kepá\p. But Kvvokeſpá\\p is obviously right. 417. Kai vi) At', W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo, vi, röv At R. Invernizzi, Bekker. 418. uayeipovs àv Aéyov Bernhardy, Cobet, Holden, recentiores, except Hall and Geldart. uayeipovs Aéyov R. W. the MSS. generally. playeipovs étriNéyov P*. Fº. and a corrector of Fº. and vulgo. playeipovs droMéyov Bothe in his second A PPIEND IX 219 edition. Bergk suggested playetpiakovs Aéyov, a hopeless suggestion which Meineke inserts in his text. 421. Oroqês Bentley, Bothe, Dindorf, recentiores, except Weise. &s oroq às MSS. editions before Dindorf (except Bothe); and Weise afterwards. 424. rā koxóva F. I. F. W*. Bentley, Bothe, Bekker, Dindorf, Weise, Bergk, Green, Zacher. And this, of course, though the accent is misplaced, is the meaning of rà kóxova, the reading of R. W. P. P. F". and all editions before Brunck. Aristophanes, it need hardly be said, had nothing to do with the accents; and no one could have really supposed the words to be the neuter plurals. However P., the work of a persistent and not very felicitous con- jecturer, wrote rās koxóvas, and so do one or two other inferior MSS., and Kuster in his notes and Brunck and Invernizzi in their texts. But since Invernizzi all editors have read the dual koxóva. The proper feminine dual of the article is rā as (practically) all the MSS. here, but rô is occasionally used for all genders, especially in the adjuration rô 6ed), see the Appendix on Thesm. 285; and Cobet, who was always unable to grasp the fact that language is not a machine-made article, governed by a set of cast-iron rules, but the pro- duct of innumerable minds, and suscep- tible of infinite anomalies and varieties, took upon himself not to prove, but to assert, that Attic writers never use rú. for the feminine, a position contradicted by every known fact. Nevertheless Meineke and all subsequent editors, except as aforesaid, have followed this shallow assertion like a flock of sheep and written rô koxéva.—ánópºvvv W*. Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. dirópavvov R. W., the other MSS., and all editions before Brunck. 430. kaëteis MSS. vulgo. kaðeupévos Trvéov is the Scholiast's explanation; “Subaudi épavróv’” Brunck. Dawes pro- posed to read karaeis; and Porson for kai pāyas kaðueis would read Kaukias péyas te; but neither of these suggestions has found any favour. 433. keMečoras R. F". recentiores, except Neil. other MSS. and editions. 437. Kaukias F. Kuster (in notes), Dawes, Brunck, recentiores, except Invernizzi. Kakias R. W., the MSS. generally, all editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi afterwards. 438. IIortóatas MSS. vulgo. The Second syllable is long, and the name is found in inscriptions spelled IIoreiðaias, and F. Thiersch suggested that it should be so spelled here. This is adopted by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Green. 440. rot's repôptovs R. M. Scaliger, Porson, Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise. roës re 6ptovs or rows reëpious W. and the other MSS. roës re 6pious all editions before Portus; rot's 8& 6ptovs Portus and all subsequent editions before Brunck. roës 8) 6pious Brunck, Weise. But all the time the passage was properly understood; the Scholiast's explanation (of reëptovs) being taken to apply to 6ptovs. 442. [8opoôokias]. This word is not in the MSS., and the words peºšet ypaſpäs £karovraxávrovs rérrapas are in almost all the editions written as a single senarius. Invernizzi was the first to Invernizzi, ke)\ečav the 220 A PPE N DIX write them in two limes (the first being merely pešćet ypaſpös), and Dindorf in his notes does the same, marking a lacuna before q eşāet. That is followed by Kock and Blaydes; but Meineke, Holden, Welsen, and Hall and Geldart mark the lacuna after ypaqās, which cannot be right. Meineke suggests q'eſſel ypaqās or öst)\ias, which is read by Merry. Van Leeuwen reads airós pèv oëv, an interpolation almost as idle as that which Blaydes suggests but does not read, viz. oë BoüAopiat, or that which Bergk also suggests without reading, Śāv 8é puj. Kock’s Attroračíov is far better. When I suggested that the line should commence with Sapoëokias, I had no idea that Göttling (whoever he may be) had proposed that the line should end with that word. I think that all editions not mentioned above, including Neil’s, gave the two lines as one Senarius. 453. duðpukórara kai (āvöpukóra R.which the accent shows to be a mistake for ãvöpikórara) W. P. I. F. F. F". P. P*. P*. M'. M”. Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Bekker, Weise, Bergk, Merry, and Neil. ãvöpukórara (without kai) M. all editions before Brunck; and Dindorf and Green afterwards. But Dindorf suggested ãvöpelórara kai, which is adopted by Meineke, Holden, Welsen, Kock, and Hall and Geldart. Elmsley proposed dwópt- kórar’ eſſ, and Reisig divöpukórar’ ač which Blaydes adopts. Blaydes him- Self makes ten conjectures, one of which ãvöpikós re kai is brought into the text by Wan Leeuwen. 459. 6’ intº Mées W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. T' émi)\6es R. Bekker, Dindorf, Green, Kock, Wan Leeuwen, and Neil. But tº 6es does not, and in N6es does, imply the success of their champion. 463. youqoſpev airã R. M. Bekker, recentiores, except Weise. youqoëpeva rº, W. P. F. Fl. F5. P2, P3. W2. M1, M2. Junta, Gormont. youq'oùuevă ye rà P. (correcting as usual) and F*., all other editions before Invernizzi; and Weise afterwards, yopºpoćpev’ at rā Inver- nizzi, giving it as R.'s reading. 464. otiuot, or 8 otöév K.T.A. At the suggestion of Hermann this line is re- moved from its place here, and inserted between lines 467–8, by Bergk, Meineke, Holden, Welsen, Kock, Merry, Wan Leeu- wen, and Neil. This seems quite wrong. It makes the Chorus complain of their champion, which is not by any means their cue. They are alarmed at Paphla- gon's metaphors, and hope that the Sausage-seller will be able to repay them in kind. This he at once proceeds to do; but of course before producing his “wheelwright" metaphors, it is necessary to lay a foundation for their UlS62. 465. p. v "Apyet y oia. Except that R. P. Pº. have pièv for p ev, and that R. and Pº are the only MSS. which insert the y, this is the reading of all the MSS. The y is omitted in all the editions before Bothe's first, and by Bekker, Dindorf, and Weise, so leaving an hiatus between "Apyet and oia. In this state of things Porson made two proposals: (1) to read ev’Apyet p’ oia, which is adopted by Bothe, Meineke, and Green, or (2) p.' év 'Apyelois à, which is adopted by Bergk, Holden, Merry, Blaydes, and Van Leeu- wen. But this second alternative con- sorts ill with the general tone of the A PPEN DIX 221 speech, which means that he did not deal with the Argives; the repetition of the name 'Apyelois in two successive lines would be very clumsy; whilst the word ékéſ two lines below seems to show that the locality has already been mentioned. The remaining editors read as in my text.—ºrpárret Bentley, Brunck, recen- tiores, except Hall and Geldart, Wan Leeuwen, and Neil, who follow the trpár- rets of the MSS. and editions before Brunck. But though the change from the second to the third person, and vice versa, is common enough in Aristo- phanes, the Sausage-seller here seems to address the Chorus throughout ; and only to turn to Paphlagon in line 472. 477. Šv rà rôAet R. P. Pº. Invernizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, Holden, Welsen, Green, Wan Leeuwen. Émi rii Trg)\et W., the remaining MSS., and vulgo. Cobet suggests, I do not know why, rås év tróAet, which is brought into the text by Meineke, and Hall and Geldart. See the Commentary. 482. yuápmy R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Dindorf, Weise, Green, Zacher, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. WvXīv W., the other MSS., all editions before Invernizzi; and those excepted above afterwards. 483. vvv, 8,84&eis MSS. vulgo. In Pº. there is a marginal reading vuvi 88 betéets, which is adopted by Brunck and Bothe, and (with öé changed into ye) by Mei- neke, Holden, Welsen, Merry, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen; but is far more prosaic than the uniform reading of the MSS.—röre W. and all the MSS. except R, and vulgo. Toré R. Inver- nizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, Holden, Green, and Blaydes. 484. rā koxóva R. and the editors who read the same in 424 supra. Täs koxóvas MSS. (except R.) and vulgo. To koxóva the editors who so read in 424. 488. Ös éxo MSS. vulgo. 3s exo Kock after a conjecture of O. Schneider. 491. §§oxtoróðvelv R. W. Porson (re- ferring to Dawes at Lys. 678), Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Weise. Čšoxt- oréaively the MSS. generally, the editions before Bothe's first ; and Weise after- wards. 492. Tavrayi R. Brunck, recentiores. raúrá ye W., the other MSS., and all editions before Brunck. 496. StafláNNew R. W., the MSS. gener- ally, and vulgo. karaśāA\ew (or kara- 8á\\et) P. F. F". M*. and a corrector of F. Brunck, Bothe, Weise, and Blaydes. 503. Špels ö’ juiv MSS. vulgo. jueſs 8” fiuðv Brunck, Bekker, Welsen.—rpóayere (or ºrpóoro'Xere) Bentley, Bothe, Dindorf, recentiores, except as hereinafter men- tioned. Trpooréxere MSS. all editions before Bothe's first; and Weise, Bergk, Zacher, Hall and Geldart, and Neil after- wards. 504. Toſs r" dwarratorous Grynaeus, an edition which more than once alone preserves the genuine reading. Kai Tois dvantatorrows P. F. F". F". Junta, Gormont. rois dvarratorrows R. W., the other MSS., and vulgo. The last four lines of this Commation have been severely treated by editors. The words & Travrotas . . . kað’éavroſs, combined into one line, make an ordinary anapaestic tetrameter cata- lectic; and the preceding line and a half have been variously compelled to come into the same metre. Hermann wrote them ipſets 8 ºutv ºrpóo Xere rôv vow kai toſs juðv dvaraia rols. Meineke, 222 A PP E N DIX Holden, and Welsen (not Zacher) ipels ö’ huiv Tpóayere rôv votiv Xaipovres toſs diva- All these omit the words & travroias . . . ka8 €avroſis. Others have both anapaestic tetrameters, Hirschig reading the first line as ipſets 8e réos Tpóo Xere rôv votiv rols muerépous āvarai- orrows, and so Blaydes, except that for 8é réos he retains 3' juïv, whilst Van Leeu- wen reads the last three words as rols dvantatorrows étriotoruv. The tetrameters so concocted are added to the Parabasis Proper, where they seem somewhat out of place. The appeal iſſueſs 8' pitv K.T.A. corresponds to the ipſets 8e réos in the Commation of the Wasps (line 1010). 506. kað íavroſ's MSS. vulgo. kað’ éoprás Van Leeuwen from a conjecture of Deventer. 508. Aééovras ºrm Trpès R. M.Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise. Čmixéčovras és I. ºrn Aéovras is W. W. P. P. P. Pº. F. F. F". F". and (with y' inserted after Aééovrás) all editions before Invernizzi; and Weise afterwards. But Bentley had already pointed out that the author of one of the arguments to the Clouds quotes the line as in the text. And Porson, Class. Journal v. 139 (in a short review of Brunck's Aristophames), relying on the same authority, and referring to Ach. 629 and Peace 735, insisted on sub- stituting trpós for the y' és of the vulgar reading; and nearly twenty years after- wards in his Preface to the Hecuba, p. 54 proposed to read the whole line as in the present text. 510. roës airot's juiv R. W. and all the MSS. except M. and P. and all the editions except Bergler and Blaydes. toūs airous juiv M. P. Burmann (in Bergler's edition, but without Bergler's tratorrows. authority, and apparently by a mere clerical error), Blaydes. “Praestat, opinor, juiv : namque in Parabasi idem est Chorus ac Poeta,” Blaydes. This is really an astonishing remark; every line in this section of the Parabasis is distinguishing between the Chorus and the poet; and the same is the case in almost every Parabasis. Moreover ipºv destroys the very point of the passage, which means that the poet and the Knights are combined in detesting the demagogue. That is why they are will- ing to act as his Chorus. 512. § 3; R. W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. 6 & P. Blaydes, which certainly gives a simpler construction. 513. 3s MSS. vulgo. “forte trós” Bent- ley. And this is adopted by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Green, and Hall and Geldart. But it does not seem at all necessary. 514. Šké\eve R. M. F. Bekker, recem- tiores, except Weise and Bothe. ŠkéAévore W. and the other MSS. and vulgo. 526. troMA6 fießoras tror’ waivº MSS. vulgo. Although the only editor that has altered the text is Welsen who, following a conjecture of Kayser, sub- stitutes 8pio as for fieśaras, yet these words, and especially the participle fießoras, which is supposed on what seem to me insufficient grounds to be inad- missible in Attic of this date, have given offence to many scholars. Bergk proposed Ös troNA® Spioras tror' énaivº Awa rôv peºMéov reëtov ćppet. Meineke fieśuart troXA6 tror’ deivas. Fritzsche (Quaest. Aristoph. 259) had previously proposed fiévas. Kock suggested trpéVras, O. Schneider 8púoras, Hultzsch Má8pos. Blaydes offers fifteen conjectures. Dr. A PPE N DIX 223 Werrall (Class. Review, xvi. p. 9) would read tróAA’ ipeñoras iror''Etraivº, “having formerly offered many thanksgivings to Applause, that is to say, having cele- brated with sacrifice many a dramatic success and dedication of the prize,” a conjecture, says Herwerden (W. A.) “doction et acutior quam probabilior.” Herwerden himself proposed, but in his W.A. withdrew, troXA6 fió rôv émwouðv. 527. kai riis orrāoreos MSS. vulgo. rms orrāoreos is proposed by O. Schneider and read by Blaydes. The word āqe)\ów in the early part of the line has also met with some criticism. Bergk, as we have seen, would substitute q.eX\éov, a word which, as Meineke observes (W.A.) “neque adjectivé dici, neque duabus syllabis efferri potest.” Hultzsch, still more absurdly, would read #qipov Štá ràv Teótov, while Meineke faintly hints at changing dºpeköv into preyáNov and Her- werden (W. A.) into dºveóv. But if these gentlemen would only think, for a moment, of our poet's meaning, they would see that dºpeAów is really the very word required. The volume of Cratinus's popularity flowed on without a ripple; there were in its bed neither stones, ridges, nor other obstacles to ruffle it. 534, 8tºn R. I. F. P. P. vulgo. 8tyet W. M. and several other MSS. (but some have both readings, one above the other) Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Weise. 536. Tº Atovão º MSS. vulgo. Tº Avová- orov Elmsley (at Ach. 1087), Welsen, Kock, Merry, Van Leeuwen, and Neil. Meineke for um Ampetv conjectures pudk\m- peiv, “admodum infeliciter” as Wan Leeuwen says. 539. aróparos parrow MSS. vulgo. Zacher conjectures oraurös Mártov and 2 KOLK Van Leeuwen oratrös trädtrov, but neither has altered the text. 540. p.61,0s MSS. vulgo. Wan Leeuwen conjectures uáAus. 546. Traparépºrar' éq R. W. and prac- tically all the MSS. and vulgo; though one or two MSS. have (unmetrically) either trapaméuyavres éq’ or traparép- Wravros éq', and Junta inserts Čs before eq’: Bentley said “an legendum trapa- Trépºraré 6'?” but adds “At Suidas āq'.” Blaydes however reads trapattépyaré 6'. Kock suggested trapattépºraré tº €v 8éka. 550. Heróirº R. W. and all the other MSS. and vulgo. Trpooróng a corrector of M. Brunck (apparently a clerical error), and Bothe. 564. Trapegrós. R. M. F. Scaliger (in . notes) Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recem- tiores, except Wan Leeuwen. Trapeotós' W. F. F5. P. P. P”. I. all editions before Bekker; and Weise, Bothe, and Wam Leeuwen afterwards. Reiske proposed Tpó0.6e trapegrós, and Blaydes TMeſora trapeotós. 569, où yāp oëôsis trówor'R. M. Inver- mizzi, recentiores, except Weise, Blaydes, and Wan Leeuwen. koúðeis obôerón'or' P1. Fº. all editions before Invernizzi; and Weise afterwards. While the text was in this condition Bentley suggested koëris obôearóirot' and so Porson. oë8sis yöp trómor' V. P. F. I. and many MSS. oë8é eis (or oiêeeis) yap trótror’ Cobet, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. 570. #ptéumo'ev R. W. and all MSS. and editions except Frischlin. And so Suidas s.v. iptóumorev. But one MS. of Suidas has ºpéumorev, which Frischlin reads and Kuster would have preferred to read here. 572. Toâr. R. F. Frischlin, Invernizzi, 224 A PP E N DIX Bekker, recentiores. Taür W. and the other MSS., and all other editions before Invernizzi. 574. §pópevos MSS. vulgo. “Qu. ÉAó- pevos, sc. bikov vel ºrpoorármv?” Dobree. 578, p.6vov R. W. P. P. P*., the MSS. generally, Kuster (in notes), Brunck, recentiores. Advos F*. all editions before Brunck. 589. Xopuzów éorriv MSS. vulgo. xopuków poëorriv Welsen (not Zacher). Wilamo- witz proposed Xapirov čorriv which Kock reads. 598. oikāyav MSS. vulgo. Herwerden proposes oi régov, which Blaydes brings into the text. Mr. Richards (C. R. xv. 386) observes that “Attic prose and Comedy do not use téoros for too obros,” and himself proposes to commence the following line by Ös 8' 3r’, connecting the Ös 8 with dwegpúačav in line 602, and treating &re ... kpópplva as a subordinate clause. But the MS. reading seems to mean “Their feats ashore we do not view with very great wonder, as we do their feats afloat.” 600. kal orkópoèa M. P. F. vulgo. The kai before orkópoèais omitted by R. W. and all the other MSS. Bergk proposed, but did not read, orkópoë', éAáas, kpóppiva, and so Meineke and Welsen (not Zacher) read. Blaydes substitutes Sé ye for the kai, and Mr. R. T. Elliott proposes 8: 87). 602. čvegpúačav MSS. vulgo. dweqipwd- £av6' Walsh (in a note to his transla- tion), Zacher, Blaydes, and Van Leeu- wen. And it may be that the poet selected the word ávegpúašav on account of its similarity to the other word; but he is careful in this Antepirrhema to attribute human not equine qualities to the horses. 604, eira & R. M. Invernizzi, recen tiores, eird y' W. and the other MSS. and all editions before Invernizzi.- veórarot R. M. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Bothe, Weise, Zacher, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen, who with the other MSS. and the editions before Invernizzi read veórepot. 605. orpópara W. and all the MSS. except R., and all editions. 8pópara R. which is very possibly right. 608. ºn R. M. P. F. F. F". Junta, Gormont, Cratander, and all subse- quent editors before Gelenius, Frischlin, Brunck, recentiores. 34.6m W. I. P. P. V*., a corrector of F. and of M., Aldus, Fracini, Junta II, Gelenius, and all sub- sequent editors before Brunck. Bergler indeed in his notes restored qm, but Burmann, his editor, retained Éq6m. 609. Affr’ v 8v66. So all the MSS. and all editions before Brunck. Brunck silently changed piñr' into plmö', and is followed by all subsequent editors ex- cept Invernizzi, Zacher, Blaydes, and Hall and Geldart. 610. Mºre yfi Bentley, Brunck, recen- tiores. Aftr Čv yń MSS. editions before Brunck. There is precisely the same error in Acharnians 533. 614. hyovtoro MSS. vulgo. Cobet and Bergk suggested hyöviorat, which is read by Meineke, Zacher, and Van Leeuwen. 616. £16v ye P. F. vulgo. 38tov (without ye) R. W. and the other MSS. Junta, Invernizzi, Blaydes. Velsen (not Zacher). 617, duetvov Bergler (in his notes, dis- regarded as usual by Burmann), Bothe, Dindorf, recentiores. duelvov MSS. all editions (except Bothe) before Dindorf. 618. Spyarāpley Bentley, Bothe, Bek- āštáv ru A PPE N DIX 225 ker, recentiores. eipyaopév' MSS. all editions before Bothe's first, 619. &mavra MSS. vulgo. Bentley, with great probability, would read this line -60ts ārav plot oraqās, and the corre- sponding line, 686 infra, kai 66Aous trouki- Aots. See the Commentary. Bothe in his second edition adopts Bentley's suggestion in both places. 628. §peiðav MSS. vulgo. §petrov Brunck, recentiores, except Invernizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, Zacher, Hall and Geldart, Wan Leeuwen, and Neil. Bergk suggested €peikov and F. Thiersch *peºyov. Blaydes offers eleven con- jectures of his own, but himself adopts Brunck's. But a repetition of this kind is not unknown in these Comedies; we have fleſſoras and éppet supra 526, 527; mapabóvres and 86 pew in Peace 729, 730. 635. Te kai K68a)\ot MSS. vulgo. Dobree did not himself propose to read, but suggested that the Scholiast read, Koā\epot re. But this seems an im- possible reading, since KoāAepot are the Powers of Dulness, the very last Powers the Sausage-seller would invoke at this crisis. However Zacher introduces it into the text, on the supposed authority of Dobree.—Móðov Kuster (in notes), Brunck, recentiores. Móðaves MSS. editions before Brunck. 637. stropov MSS. vulgo. Burges conjectured ečrpoxov, and Blaydes ei- orrpopov. 639. &mérapöe MSS. vulgo. Hal- bertsma conjectured térapöe, which is read by Meineke to Blaydes and by Wan Leeuwen. 643. Tpérov R. and (originally) W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. Tpéros W. (as corrected) and V*. Bergk, recen- K. tiores, except Green, Blaydes, and Hall and Geldart. But apart from the over- whelming authority of the MSS., it was obviously a greater compliment to the Council to say that he wished to tell them first than to say that he wished to be the first to tell them. 646. oi 8'... Steya)\#viorav R. M. (except that M. has 8teya)\#vmorav), Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Bergk, Zacher, Kock, and Hall and Geldart. rôv 8' . . . Šte- ya)\#vtorev the other MSS. (except that V. has 8teyax#vnorev) all editions before Invernizzi, and Bergk, Zacher, and Hall and Geldart afterwards. # 8' (scil. BovX) ... 8veya)\ffvuorev Kock. Invernizzi re- stored oi 6' from R., but left the verb in the singular. 648. Trotmadpuevos MSS. vulgo. Bentley suggested troumarapévows, and Reiske trot- morapévows, and Welsen brings the latter word into the text. 652, intovoſjolas MSS. vulgo. Meineke suggested €iruvoſoras which Wan Leeuwen adopts.-eióðs 6° àpia Bothe, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, Holden, Green, Kock, Merry, Neil. eióðs rápa R. eið6s r" âpa Invernizzi. eið&s āpa W., the re- maining MSS., and vulgo. Dindorf had previously suggested eiðés r apa which Welsen reads. 655. eiomyyeXpévais W., and apparently all the MSS. (except R.) and vulgo. The transcriber of R. was careless over this word, omitting the initial eis and ending with -as instead of -aus. He found out the latter mistake and superscribed als, but left the former uncorrected. This gave Cobet the opportunity of suggest- ing rais #yye)pévals which Meineke, but nobody else, adopts. 659. Simkooring. R. W. P. F. M. W*. Fº. 226 A PP E N DIX Fº. Brunck, Invernizzi, Bekker, Zacher, Neil. Simkooriotori I. P. F. all editions before Brunck. Suakoa totori P. Šako- oriatori (a suggestion of Dindorf) is read by Bothe, Dindorf, and (save as afore- said) all subsequent editors. But Bergk Says “forte restituendum 6amkoorimort"; the best MSS. are unanimous for that form ; and these old forms were cer- tainly sometimes, as Neil observes, re- tained in Attic ritual. He instances, amongst other examples, the 'ONupurious Kai OAvpurimori Tägt kai Táormoruv in the sacrificial prayer, Birds 866. 667. AvriflóNet MSS. vulgo. The author of the Etymol. Magn., s.v. duriSoxó, after saying that hurufléAmore is the proper form, but that some write it duregóAmore, adds trapā 'Aptoroſpávet év 'Apºptapág Stå row huregóAmore 600 kNigets intéorrm. plainly speaking of a particular and abnormal use of ºvrefláàmore in one passage in the Amphiaraus, yet Cobet (N. L. 157) proposes to write jvré80\et here, and that is done by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Kock. 668. Aéyet P*. Fº. and (originally) F. all printed editions except Zacher. Aéyet TráAuv W. P. I. W*. P. and (as altered) F. Aéyn R. Zacher. Aéym trăXuy M. M. M”. This appearance of TráNtv is rather dis- concerting. Dindorf thought it was borrowed from 663. Porson (at Hec. 1161) proposed to substitute it for Aéyov, the final word in the following line; and this is done by Bothe. The Aéyov in the following line was formerly construed with d-pikrat and applied to the Lacedaemonian herald; but Bergk punctuated after orirovööv and so made the Aéyov apply to Paphlagon. And this has been almost universally followed. He is 674, dºptéval Brunck, recentiores. dirtéval MSS. editions before Brunck. 675. Travraxi; R. Invernizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. Travtaxoi, V., all the other MSS., and vulgo. 676. £y& 8é rā kopiavy Émptápmv ino- ôpapāv MSS. (except R.) and vulgo. R. has precisely the same line, except that for inroðpapºv it has inteköpapºv, which Invernizzi, regardless of metre, prints in his text. Bothe in his second edition omits the 8é after éyò, and ends the line with 8' inteköpapºv. A far better way of preserving inſeköpapºv, and at the same time improving the rhythm of the line is pointed out by Fritzsche in his note on Frogs 488 €yð 8' étrptápany tà kopiavv’ inſeköpapºv, and this is adopted by Meineke, Kock, Welsen, Merry, and Blaydes. 683. Trávra rot R. Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except Blaydes and Wan Leeuwen. Távra ö) the other MSS. and vulgo; but in W. the 8', was originally omitted, and is written above the line, apparently by a later hand.—trémpayas R. and all the MSS. (except W.) Junta, Gormont, Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. In W. the antepenultimate letter has been altered, it is said from x to y, and all editions, except Junta and Gormont, before Brunck have trémpaxas. 697. Treptekökkvara W. W*. P. P. I. M. F'. Fº. F". vulgo. Teptekökvora F. P. trepiekökkavora R. Photius s.v. writes trepiekökkaga, probably by a clerical error; and this error has been intro- duced into the text of Aristophanes, against the authority of all the MSS., by Dindorf, Bergk, and all subsequent editors except Neil. kokkēſo is the only proper form from kökkvě, kökkvyos, as A PPEN DIX 227 Kmpúooo from Kiipuš, kāpukos, and is in constant use, being indeed found twice in these very Comedies, Frogs 1380, Eccl. 31. kokkášo is a vow nihili. 698, 700, €v uſ, a kibáyo—fiv p^ 'kſpáyms—fiv puff o' éknio. The Ravenna MS. is remarkable for the frequency with which it reads #v or éâv with an optative or indicative (Appendix to Plutus 217), and ei with a subjunctive. The present is a striking instance of the latter use. In these three cases R., and R. alone, has (1) ei puff o' ékpáyo, (2) ei p', 'kºpéyms, (3) ei puff o' ékiria. All the other MSS. without exception have éâv or fiv. No doubt ei was occasionally used with a subjunctive (see infra. 805), but very rarely; and great as is the authority of R., it seems impossible to follow it in a case like this, where it is opposed to every other MS. 698. Aſium rp'éâv W. and all MSS. (except R. and M.) and vulgo. Añºntpav čāv M. Añumrpá y el R. Invernizzi, Bekker, Din- dorf, Bergk, Holden to Merry, and Neil. Añºntpá y #v Weise, Bothe. Añumrp' #Tº ei Reisig, Meineke, Zacher. The general reading of the MSS. is retained here and in 700 by Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. 700. #v pº W. and all MSS. (except R.) and vulgo. ei puj R. and the editors who read ei in 698.-'kpáyms MSS. vulgo. 'kpáyms u' Bothe (in his second edition), Bergk, Welsen (not Zacher), and Blaydes. –8é y fiv puff o' Bentley, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. 8é o' #v pº V., the remaining MSS., and all editions before Portus, contra metrum. Portus rectified the metre by inserting y after puff, and this was the reading of all subsequent editions before Inver- mizzi, and Weise and Bothe afterwards. Bentley rectified it as in the text, and this turned out to be the reading of R. except that R. had ei for #v. Sá y el puff o’ R. and the editors who read ei in 698. Porson proposed 8' div ore piñ. 701. kār ākpoq ào as Seager, Dimdorf, Bergk, Green, Merry, Blaydes. Kårek- popfforas MSS. vulgo. kāv ékpoºphoras Bothe (in his second edition), Meineke, Holden, Welsen, Kock. kāv Wan Leeuwen. 706. 86 R., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. Sokó W. W*. 707. qāyous #8to T' àv; MSS. vulgo. But the motion that émi after påyous must refer to a garnish only has proved too much for the critics, and various attempts have been made to alter the words. Only three editors however have tampered with the text, Welsen reading (after Enger) payóv jöot' ſtu; Kock payóv jöour' àv; and Van Leeu- wen pud Moró' jôour àv; In addition to these Bergk suggested pāyous yńret' div; Meineke pâyous jo:6eis àv; O. Schneider qāyous jôtorá pi'; or påyous p ijôtor' àv; while Kaehler would make a more ex- tensive alteration #1' toros pāyous jötor' āv Čiri 8a)\\avriº). But see the Com- mentary. 711. Kai Staga)\@ TAetova R. F. F.". Pº. and all editions except Welsen (not Zacher). Kai 8waga)\@ ye trxeiova V. P. M. I. F. F. W. Pº, and (as altered) F. kai 8taşa)\@ ore F. Staga)\6v ye Welsen. Others, retaining 6taga)\@ ye, would alter the commencement of the line, Her- mann proposing for o' éAéo to read o' àpa, Bergk o' éAkov, and Sauppe 88 oré ye. 712. Treiðeral MSS. vulgo. Herwerden (W. A.) proposes reigeral, but see the Commentary. Q 2. 228 A PPE N DIX 716. Kå6 &amep W. W. Pº. M. F. F. Fº. Bentley, Dawes, Brunck, recentiores. R, and the other MSS. and all editions before Brunck have kaðóotep or ka- 660 trep. - 717. §vruðets R.W. and all MSS. except P., and all editions before Bothe's first, and Bekker, Meineke, Holden, and Van Leeuwen since. Évriðms P. and the re- maining editions. See Plutus 45. 721. Tovroyi R. and (as corrected) F. Bentley, Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Weise. Tovrol W., the MSS. gener- ally, all editions before Bothe's first ; and Weise afterwards. 722. He 86&eis MSS. (except P*. which has 818ášets) vulgo. Herwerden pro- posed to read p’ #6' Éets, and in his W. A. would also change &yá6' into &otrep. 726. 87t'. & Amutówov, & qixtarov Elms- ley (at Ach. 475), Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Bothe and Weise. ôňT' & Amuíðtov q i\rarov MSS. editions before Brunck: and Invernizzi after- wards; but Kuster in his notes had suggested Ampatówáv ye and Bentley An- plakiölov. Öhra Amuíðtov, & Brunck, Por- son, Bothe in his first edition, and Weise; but in his second edition Bothe changed pi\tarov into pixattarov. These lines calling out Demus are variously distributed by editors. 727. &#e)\6', iv eióñs. This line is placed here by R. M. and M2, and by Invernizzi and all subsequent editors except Weise, Kock, and Van Leeuwen. The other MSS. and editions place it before line 730.-oia Treptv6pićopat Elms- ley (at Ach. 475), Bothe, Bekker, re- centiores, except Weise. oiamep Öğpt- §opiat all MSS. except P. Junta, Inver- nizzi. oianép y' iſºpiſopiat P*. and the remaining editions. -- * 728. &mur' drö Tºs 6&pas W., all MSS. (except R, and M.), and vulgo. For drö R. and M. have ék, and Bothe suggested &krös, which Welsen (not Zacher) adopted. But as the rivals were outside the house drö is cléarly right. Elmsley (at Ach. 475) proposed ärur'; otr diró ris 69pas; which I regret my inability to adopt. 729. karegrapáčare MSS. vulgo. Cobet and Herwerden conjectured karaoſta- pééere, the latter in his W. A. proposing also to change pov into pur. 739. AvXvoiróMawat R. M. and (origin- ally) F". Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Weise and Bothe. AvXvoróNnow W., all the other MSS., and (as corrected) F*. and all editions before Bekker; and Weise and Bothe afterwards. Exactly the same statement applies to 8wporotó- Aatoruv in the following line, except that there Fº. had, originally 8wpooróAmoruv. For 8vporotróMatoſiv 8tóos Cobet proposed, and Meineke reads, 8vporotróAaws ém ôtöos. 741. einé vuv (or vov) W., all MSS. ex- cept R. and M., and vulgo. simé plot vov R. M. eité plot Bergk, Welsen, Kock, Merry, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen, and Neil. But all the MSS. have vvv, and the fact that sité pot is so very common in these Comedies may well account for its intrusion, beside vvv, in two or three MSS. 742. 3rt MSS. vulgo. 5,ti ; Elmsley (at Ach. 959) and most recent editors.-rów orrparmyöv P. F. and (as corrected) F. all editions before Brunck; and Bothe, Weise, Welsen, and Zacher afterwards. rów arparmy&v R. W. V. P. P. M. M*. M*. I. F. F5, and (originally) F. Invernizzi, A PPEND IX 229 recentiores, except as herein mentiomed. roës orparmyot's Brunck.—ütroëpapóv R. W. W. P. F. Fi. F". M”. Bentley, Brunck, recentiores, except as herein mentioned. inteköpapºv P. M. M*. I., a corrector of F. F"., all editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi and Welsen afterwards. But some connect this and the following word. C. F. Hermann proposed äno- 8papóvrov, which Meineke (who has in his text intoëpapóvrov) afterwards pre- ferred and which is read by Holden. Kock reads in orpepiávrov, and so Merry and Blaydes.—roës ék IIó\ov Bentley, Brunck, Zacher, Wan Leeuwen. rôv ék IIö\ov MSS. (except a corrector of F.) and the editions which read rôvorrparmyóv above. Töv čk IIſ Nov F. (as corrected), all editions before Brunck. Toys év IIö\p Brunck, röv čv II5\g Weise. The fore- going statements are, Ifeel, very confus- ing, and it will make the matter clearer if I give here the principal readings. All editions before Brunck had Töv orparmyöv inteköpapºv rév čk IIó\ov. Whilst this was so, Bentley proposed row orparmyöv intoëpapov, rows ék IIö\ov, as in my text. This is also Zacher's reading. Brunck read roës orparmyoës intoëpapów rows ev IIóA®. Then Invernizzi introduced R.'s reading (which is that of most of the MSS.) rôv otparny&v intoëpapóv, Töv čk IIóAov. This seems destitute of all mean- ing, but has ever since been the common reading. C. F. Hermann proposed dro- ôpapidurov, which was approved by . Meineke and adopted by Holden, while Kock, Merry, and Blaydes read into- Tpepávrov. Van Leeuwen omits the first rôv, and takes orparmyóv as a par- ticiple, 6 ru; orparmyöv, Ümoëpapºv rot's ék IIö\ov. It seems to me that Bentley's reading is in every way the best and simplest. I ought perhaps to add that Bentley's reading is erroneously stated by Neil and others to be rôv orparmyöv itoöpapºv roës ex IIö\ov, a mistake arising from their failing to observe the text of Gelenius which Bentley was correcting. For a very similar mistake see Appendix to Birds 1096. The words róv ortparnyóv were not known in connexion with this line until nearly half a century after Bentley's death. 748. iva toûrov R. M. Invernizzi, re- centiores. iv.' ékéivov W., all the other MSS., and all editions before Inver- mizzi. f 750. kaðiðoiumv MSS. vulgo. pumv Bergk, Merry, Wan Leeuwen. 751. eis (or és) to Tpó06e MSS. (except V*.) vulgo. Casaubon suggested &s rô Tpóorée, ut antea, and so did Bentley; and &s is found in V*. and is adopted by Brunck, Bekker, Weise, Bergk, Welsen kaðegoi- (not Zacher), Kock, Merry, and Neil. But this is unquestionably erroneous. trápit’ eis rô Tpégéev was the regular formula used at the opening of an ékk\mata, Ach. 43, Eccl. 129. For the same reason I adopt, with Blaydes, Herwerden's conjecture of traptéval for the trapeival of the MSS. and editions. 755. §utroötſov ioxáðas MSS. vulgo. No editor has altered the text, but for eproëtſov Kock suggested €uðpoxiſov, Ribbeck Čurayišov, and Zacher évorro- pićov, whilst Dr. Werrall (Classical Re- view xvi.9) with singular ingenuity pro- poses to read untôišov ioxaëas, a fig-bird gmat-hunting. This was at first adopted by Herwerden, but in his W. A. he says that he has long since repented, giving as his reason “cuinam vir doctus per- 230 A PPEN DIX suadebit hoc uno loco duo periisse voca- bula penitus ignota?” I lay no stress on that objection, but I cannot think that there could ever have been a bird called ioxačás. ioxáðes are dried figs, which would be out of the reach of the birds; a fig-bird would be a ovka)\ls, not an ioxačás. Add to this that Demus is to be imagined as sitting with his mouth open in a stupid mooning way; whereas nothing is more alert and wide- awake than a bird catching flies. Tropišstv Bentley, Brunck, Bergk, recentiores, except Green. signxávous tropišov MSS. vulgo. 760. ££et MSS. (except P. and F*. and except that some have gée.) Brunck, recentiores. #ets Pº. #oret F*. all editions before Brunck. 761. Tpogkeio 6at orot F. Fº. I. W*. Pi. vulgo. Tpokeſoróat got W. P. M. P. F. F". Tpoorukéo 6at orov R. Suidas, Bothe, Bek- ker, Dindorf, Welsen (not Zacher), and Green. Tpoikéorðat orov Holden. But mpookeſoróat, which means to press upon, charge, attack, is manifestly right. It was necessary that the foe should come mear, trpoolkéo 6al, before the ÖeXqives could be brought into play.—mpórepov R. P. Suidas, Bothe, Dindorf, Holden, recentiores, except Merry, and Hall and Geldart. Trpárepos V., the other MSS., and vulgo. 763. 'Agnyain R. P. P. F. F. F. F. I. all editions before Bekker; and Weise, Bothe, Zacher, and Kock afterwards, while Meineke who reads 'A6mvata says in his note “’A6mvain restituendum.” 'Aónvaig M. W. W*. Bekker, recentiores, except as aforesaid. 765. XaAa3akxé R. Bothe, Bekker, re- centiores. Saxaflákxav W., the other 759. eipińxavos MSS., and all editions before Bothe's first. 767. durifle&mkös R. (changed from durifleknkës) and (originally) F. Bek- ker, Dindorf, recentiores, except as hereinafter mentioned. durifleſºmeos W. W2. P. Pl. P2. I. Fl. F2, F5. all editions before Bekker, duquge6mkós Dawes (p. 204), Welsen, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. But of course, when Dawes made his suggestion, R.'s reading was unknown. 768. kararum0eimv R. M. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise, Bothe, and Van Leeuwen. 8tarpumóeimv V., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. 8tairAméeimv I. 776. Xaptoiumv R. Bekker, recen- tiores, except Weise and Bothe. Xapt- {otumv W., and all the other MSS. and vulgo. Xaptoroiumv Bentley (and so Brunck seems to have read, though my copy has xapuſoiumv), Invernizzi, Bothe, and Weise. 781. Mapaéðvi Bentley, Brunck, re- centiores. £v Mapaéâve MSS. editions. before Brunck. 783. tatori trérpaus Brunck, recentiores, except Bekker, Welsen, and Blaydes. rais rérpaus MSS. editions before Brunck; and Bekker and Blaydes afterwards. ratorêe trérpaus Welsen (not Zacher). 786. gyyovos R. V. V. P. F. F. F". Portus, Kuster, Bergler, Bekker, Velsen, and Neil. gryovos M. I. Pl. P. F. and vulgo. There is no reason for depart- ing from the reading of the best MSS. The two words mean the same thing : “usurpantur promiscue” says Stall- baum (on Plato, Rep. II, chap. vii, p. 364 E), and include “sobolem et pos- teros omnes.”—“Appoètov MSS. vulgo. Ribbeck proposed ‘Appoètov which is read by Merry and Blaydes. A PPEN DIX 231 792. Taºs tru64kvator, R. M. P. F. FF. Bentley, Dawes (on Plutus 166), Brunck, recentiores, save that Brunck proposed to substitute the un-Aristophanic word ºptódkvators, and this is done by Bothe, Velsen (not Zacher), Blaydes, and Hall and Geldart. See Plutus 546 and the Commentary and Appendix there. Taiori Tuffākvator. W. F. I. all editions before Kuster, though in Fracini by an error of printing the last two letters are omitted. Taiot Tuffākvais Kuster, Bergler. 798. Trevroğ6\ov Kuster (in notes), Dobree, Bergk, recentiores, except Hall and Geldart. Trevró8oNow MSS. vulgo. 802. čpmášns Pº. F*. Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. 3pmášms R. dpirãorms W. P. F. all editions before Brunck. 803. kaðopſ, orov R. W. W. M. F. F. Fº. P. P. vulgo. kaðoparat Suidas s.v. Öpix\m. kaðopá 'rt Blaydes. 804. kai puréoù MSS. vulgo. roſ, puo'600 Cobet, Welsen, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. But into xpeias is far more poetical standing alone, as in Septem 275. 805. (1) ei... 8tarpiºn... àvaðappñorm. . . . Aón R. W. V. P. P. F. F. M. M. vulgo. Here, as there is a great consensus of authority in favour of ei with the sub- junctive, I have followed it in the text. See supra on 698, 700. (2) #v with the same three verbs Dobree, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. (3) et with ôtarpivel, àvaðappñorel, and A60. P. F. M. Brunck, Bergk, Zacher. (4) et with öta- rpiyet, diva&appñorel, and éA6öv Hirschig, Meineke, Holden, Welsen. A6&v, with the other two verbs in the future, is Hirschig's prosaic conjecture, and should not have been read with 8tarpiºn and dvaðappāorm, as Blaydes reads it. 806. a repºpúA@ R. F. F. Fº. I. Mº. Kuster (in notes), Brunck, recentiores. orrepiq 0\ov W. P. P. P. M. M. F5, all editions before Brunck, except Junta and Gormont, who have a répºpukov. 809. ytyväorkov M. Fracini, Gelenius, Frischlin, Portus, recentiores. yuá- orkov R. W., the MSS. generally, and all other editions before Portus. 821. Traù traú' oãros Bentley, Elmsley (in a review of Hermann's Hercules Furens, Class. Journ. viii. 218), Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except as hereafter appears. Traù’ oiroor. MSS. and all editions, except Grynaeus and Kuster, before Brunck. Traùoral y otros Brunck, Invernizzi, Weise. Bentley made some other suggestions; traß' oiroori, and this is read by Kuster, Bothe, and Neil ; and traú' 3 oëros, and so Zacher, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. Gry- naeus had already given trad’ (3 oirogi. Welsen reads vöv traú’ oiros, Kock 3 trai’ oùros, Bekker trad’ ošros. But perhaps the best suggestion of all is that of Porson and Dobree who would insert plot after pañ and read traú' oë ros, kai puff plot. 822. čAeAñ6eus MSS. all editions before Brunck; and Bergk, Zacher, and Merry afterwards. AeAñóns Brunck, recen- tiores, except as aforesaid. This is part of the great “Attic" blunder. 826. kāpiqotv Xe-poiv Bentley, Porson, Brunck, recentiores, except Blaydes. kāpuhoiv xepotv MSS. kāpiqoſv ye xepoiv Lenting, Blaydes. 832. Töv 'A6mvatov all printed editions except as hereinafter mentioned, and Blaydes thinks this is the reading of F*. rôv 'A6mvatov R. W. and all the other MSS. and Cratander, Zanetti, and Far- 232 APPEND IX reus. Grynaeus set it right, but the error was reintroduced by Frischlin, and continued by Portus and all subsequent editors before Brunck. - 834. Mirvºvns R. W. and all the MSS. except W*. (which has Murm)\#vms) and all editions except Bothe before Din- dorf; and Weise afterwards. Bothe introduced MuriNāvms because the name is so spelled upon coins, and he is followed by Dimdorf, Bergk, and subse- quent editors. But in Attic literature the name was always Mºrv) fivm. 836, duépôtrous R. P. F. vulgo. Gv- 6pôtrotort W. and the other MSS. Brunck, Invernizzi. 851. Hiſ 'yyévnrat R. Invernizzi, Kock, Merry, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen, and Neil. p.) 'kyévmrat W., the other MSS., and vulgo. 853. Treptoikoúort MSS. vulgo. For some reason or other this word has not commended itself to certain critics, and some amusing substitutes have been proposed: Teploykoúort by Geel, Tepukvk\odot by Bergk, repugopºgovoſt by Meineke, repuroMotori by Kock, and Treptorreixovoſt by Piccolomini. But no- body has altered the text. 856. karaortráoravres R. F. M. Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except Zacher, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. Kućaptráoravres W., the other MSS., and vulgo. 872. čušáðov MSS. vulgo. Dindorf has in his text €ušáôouv, apparently by a clerical error; otherwise he would certainly have called attention in his notes to his alteration, saying “Lege- batur épéâöov * or the like. However the error was revived by Bergk, and is adopted by all subsequent editors except Zacher, Merry, Hall and Geldart, Van Leeuwen, and Neil. Yet it is quite contrary to the Greek idiom. The dual is implied in Čečyos, and to say ſeiyos épôáôow, as Neil observes, is as if we were to say “A pair of two shoes.” It is strange that this obvious blunder should have been substituted by so many recent editors for the reading of the MSS. which is obviously right. 873. 3rov Bentley, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. Čorov R. W., the MSS. generally, Junta, Gormont. §orov y' P1. F*, all the other editions before Bergk. 3Xov M.–dvöp' R. and (with ëvra superscribed) M. Invernizzi, re- centiores, except Weise. Švr' W. and the other MSS. and editions. 877. Toštrov R.W., the MSS. generally, and vulgo; but one or two inferior MSS. have Tpúm row, and Suidas, s. v. says that some spelt it Točnov. Bergk proposed to read yputröv, the hook-nosed man; and this brilliant idea is approved by Meineke and brought into the text by Van Leeuwen. 880. yewowro R. (and written over yévoviral in M.) Invernizzi, recentiores, with the exception of Weise and Hall and Geldart. yewovrat W., the other MSS., and vulgo. 890. śirep3a)\el R. W. P. P. P. and the MSS. generally, Dawes, Brunck, re- centiores. intepGaAets F*. all editions before Brunck. 891. Tóvmp’. iai/3ol. The ejaculation iaigo? was suggested by Dindorf from Wasps 1338, and is adopted by Bothe, Dindorf himself, and all subsequent editors. Tövmp’. aibot R. Tróvmpe. aigoſ W. and the remaining MSS. and all editions except Bothe's first before Dindorf. And the hiatus may possibly be justified by the change of speakers. 892. čov MSS. vulgo. Kock sug- gested &et, as in Wasps 38, and this is read by Welsen, Kock, Merry, Blaydes, and Wan Leeuwen. But this is to change a dramatic exclamation into a prosaic statement of fact. Lenting, thinking that Paphlagon is offering Demus an inártov, proposed Öſov. But the rivals are endeavouring to supply his want of a tunic (āvev Xtróvos, supra 881), and àſov refers to the Xtröv which Paphlagon has brought. 893. roîră y Bentley, Porson, Elmsley, Dindorf, recentiores, except that Welsen (not Zacher) and Van Leeuwen write Tooro 8'. Toijt’ MSS. editions before Dimdorf. — Treptăutriox' ºva or’ F’. all editions before Brunck; and Weise and Meineke afterwards. And the same reading, with treptăutreax for treptăuntax', is adopted by Zacher, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. I do not quite understand to whom the latter reading is due. Meineke reads as in my text, but says in a note “restituendum treptăutreo X' ut edidit Dindorfius”; but that is not the reading of Dindorf's Oxford edition. Treptăuneo Xév y iva o' (with root'érirmöes) P". Brunck, Invernizzi, Bekker. Treptău- Triaxey tv W. W. P. P. M”. and (origin- ally) F. Bothe, Dindorf, Bergk, and Green. Treptăutreo Xev iv. Welsen, Kock, Merry, Neil. Treptăuneo Xev iva or R. Holden. Treptăuttoxev iva o' M. and (as altered) F. - 895. Tod giXqtov MSS. (except P.) an vulgo. rôv ot)\piov P. Bentley, Brunck, Welsen, and Blaydes. 896. formev8'. All the MSS. (except 233 R. and M.) and vulgo. Éortrevorev R. M. formevo’ Bergk, Meineke, Velsen, Kock, Merry, and Neil. . . . . 899. Kórpetos R. Brunck, recentiores. Kórpios V., the MSS. generally, and all editions before Brunck. - - 902. & Travotpye R. M. F. Invernizzi, recentiores, except Weise. 6 róvmpe W. P. I. all editions before Invernizzi; and Weise afterwards. 903, d\aćovelas Dindorf (in notes), Bergk, recentiores, except Green. dAa- Čovelas R. d.Maſoveta W. and the other MSS. all editions before Bergk ; and Green afterwards. - 904. otxi vukňorets R. M. F. and (origin- ally) F. Invernizzi, recentiores, oi, vukňorets V. P.I. and (as altered) F. oë pe vukňorets all editions before Invernizzi. 906. kvXixvióvye R. W. W*. M. F. Inver- nizzi, recentiores, except Weise. kv)\ixvióv re P. P. P.I. F. F. and (as altered) F. all editions before Invernizzi; and Weise afterwards. 909. rāq,6a)\puðto MSS. vulgo. But some have objected to the anapaest in the sixth place; and Bentley Sug- gested répéa\pio and Elmsley rôq6a\- piðua. But no editor has altered the text. . . . 913. dua)\torkovra rôv oravrot. Cobet proposed to omit these words, and they are accordingly omitted by Meineke and Holden, and bracketed by some other editors. . 920, intepſáov MSS. vulgo. intepšov6' Brunck, Invernizzi, under the mistaken idea that the Chorus are addressing the Sausage-seller. 921. Tóv 898tov Bentley, Bp. Maltby, Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Weise, Meineke, Holden, and Blaydes. 234 A PPE N DIX Töv Šalčov (or 8áčov) MSS. except P. and F*. 8é rôv £5\ov P. F.". all editions before Brunck except Junta, Gormont, and Cratander who read 83 rôv 8áðov. ru Töv šūMøv Brunck, Weise. ri rôv 8gèav Invernizzi. Bentley also suggested rôv ôa}\tov, which is approved by Bergk, and adopted by Meineke, Holden, and Blaydes, but involves a greaterdeparture from the MSS. 936. A6áv W. W*. and (as corrected) F. Meineke, recentiores, except Green and Kock. A6eiv R., the other MSS., and vulgo. 940. śiranoirviyeins Elmsley, Dindorf, Holden,Green, Blaydes. diron vºyelms MSS. vulgo. But the second syllable is short. Meineke reads āp' diroirvºyelms, as if a man could eat while he is choking; and attempts to support it by referring to Eccl. 91 ri yüp &v xeipov drpoºp.my tipia £aivovora; as if listening and carding wool were not two independent opera- tions which might very well, or so the speaker thought, be carried on simul- taneously. Yet this ridiculous altera- tion is adopted by Welsen, Kock, and Merry. Bergk reads évanotwiyeins, the exact purport of which I confess that I do not understand. It is however followed by Hall and Geldart. Elmsley's emendation to be choked upon (that is, as a result of) your eating seems to give the exact meaning required. 969. Štóēsis MSS. vulgo. Elmsley (at Ach. 278) objected to the active future in this and some other verbs, and proposed to substitute everywhere the middle, which was also undoubtedly in use. There was really no ground for this proposal, and it may well have been one of the points on which he afterwards became so dissatisfied that he endeavoured to call in his edition of the Acharnians. Dindorf however introduced 8tó£et here; and that form, after being repudiated by Bergk, was again adopted by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Neil. The ablest English exponent of the new scholarship was the late Dr. Rutherford ; but those who read carefully his dis- sertation on the subject (New Phry- michus, $ 302), will see that he assumes throughout that the right form is ôtóéopat, and merely shows that on that assumption it is not difficult to correct all passages in which 8tóšo is found. That may be true enough; but it does not seem to me rational to reject everywhere the reading of every MS. in favour of an assumption which is quite unsupported by argument or authority.—kai kūptov MSS. vulgo. Din- dorf with less than his usual good taste proposed to destroy this characteristic little joke by reading k'Ayūppuov. He did not of course disfigure his text by introducing such an infelicitous con- jecture, nor has any other editor done so except Wan Leeuwen. 970–2. Kai pºv čveyk' . . . otöév ko)\üet. These three lines are in the MSS. and editions variously distributed between the various speakers. I have adopted what seems to me the most probable arrangement. 974. rotort trapotort traoru kai toſs dºb- wkvoupévois. This is the reading pro- posed by Dobree in the Addenda to Porson's Aristophanica (p. 129), and adopted by Dindorf, Holden, Green, Zacher, Kock, and Blaydes. The word träorty is not found in the MSS., but, as A PPE N DIX 235 Dobree says, “träs passim irrepsisse, meque multo rarius excidisse, vulgo notum.” He might have added that there is here a special probability of its omission, from the circumstance that it immediately followed trapojo's or trapotoruv. Dobree mentions that the insertion of Tāori had been previously suggested, but after, instead of before, the copula kai. In this case the special reason for its omission would dis- appear; besides which the insertion of traort in the second branch of the sentence would, as Herwerden (W. A.) observes, seem to restrict the uni- versality of trapodot. This reading is however adopted by Weise and Van Leeuwen. The MSS. have rotori (or totatu or roſs) trapovat (or trapodoruv) kai Toſoru dºbukvoupévotov, and so vulgo, contra metrum. Bentley proposed either (1) rois dºpičouévowru äläv, or (2) rotat betp' àºbukvoupévois, which is read by Hall and Geldart ; but Seop' is not likely to have dropped out. Bothe reads kai rotoriu y áqukvoupévois; Bergk, rols árodow, ikvoupévos; Merry, contra metrum rois àqukvovgévois. Cobet sug- gested rotorw eioraqukvoupévois, which is adopted by Meineke, Welsen, and Neil, but the eio- adds nothing to the meaning. 981. 'yéve6' Scaliger (in notes), Din- dorf, recentiores. Bothe in his first edition had yéveð’. yévoué MSS. and (save as aforesaid) all editions before Dindorf. 983. 800 M. P. F. F. F. Suidas (s.v. ôotövé), Zanetti, Farreus, Rapheleng, Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. 800 R. W., most MSS., and, save as aforesaid, all editions before Brunck. 989. &v éppérreoróat P. vulgo. Évap- pórregóat F*. Dindorf, Weise, Kock, Van Leeuwen. Öppiórreggat (contra metrum) R. W. and the MSS. generally, and Bekker. 991. Ha6eiv MSS. vulgo. Aa3eiv Suidas (s.v. Aaptori), Dindorf, Green. 996. Aopoèoktorri R. Suidas (s.v. Adopto-ri), Bentley, Kuster, Bergler, Bothe, Bekker, Dindorf (in notes), Weise, Zacher, recentiores. Sopoëo- kno'rt W. P. P. P. M. F. vulgo. Sopo- ôokmri R. Bergk. 1010. Tö Tréos ojroori Šákot R. M. P. F. F". F". Brunck, recentiores, except as hereinafter appears. By a very natural mistake W.W. P. P.I. F. repeat the trepi ämävrov trpayparov of four lines above, and then give rô Tréos oëroori 8ákot in a separate line, save only that P*. inserts àv before oiroo’i. The reading of P. is given by all editions before Brunck. Bergk however replaced trepi ărávrov xpmuárov in this line, and having got rid of the indecency here, where at all events it is humorous, actually substituted it for the words 6 nepi toº kvvös Sākm in line 1029, where it is merely stupid. And this absurdity is followed by Meineke, Welsen (not Zacher), and Hall and Geldart. Tepi &mdvrov Xpmuárov (without any altera- tion in line 1029) is also read by Green, Merry, and Blaydes, but merely, I suppose, for decency's sake. 1013. veſpéAatory R. Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except Velsen, Kock, and Van Leeuwen, vegºmov (as in the oracle) W., the other MSS., and vulgo. 1018. mp3 oréðev Dobree, Bothe, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. Trpá06ev 236 A PPEND IX. (or Tpégée) MSS. vulgo.—xãorkov R. M. and correctors of F. and F*. Invernizzi, Bothe, Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, Holden, Welsen (not Zacher), Green, Van Leeu- wen, and Neil. Adorkov I. P. Brunck, recentiores, except as aforesaid. But this makes the line tautological. Śdkvav W. W*. P. M*. Mº. and other MSS. and all editions before Brunck. 1019. 8på MSS. vulgo. Spås Bothe, Bergk, recentiores, except Green, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. 1026. 6&pas MSS. vulgo. 364pms Her- mann, Meineke, Holden, Welsen, Kock, Wan Leeuwen.—traped 6iet MSS. vulgo. Dr. Werrall (Classical Review xvi. 9) would read tapeworéðel, and translates the whole speech as follows: “That is not the true meaning; the true dog is myself. He slipped in at the door (so to speak) of your oracle, did this dog; I have an oracle which really describes him.” 1029. 6 repl rod kvyös 8dri, MSS. vulgo. In the margin of W. is an erasure in which Welsen thinks that he can detect fragments of the letters forming rô méos oiroori 84kot. They cannot be detected in the photo- gravure : and if they were ever written there, they were doubtless so written by mistake, and were erased when the mistake was discovered. They form no excuse for Bergk's absurd altera- tions mentioned on 1010 supra. 1036. drovoſov R. W. P. M. F., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. droëoras (with ākovorov superscript) F. Blaydes, ºr’ ākovo'ov Zacher, from an unnecessary suggestion of Welsen.—tóre MSS. vulgo. AHMOX, rô ri; Bamberg. rôöe or roöt (from a conjecture of Meineke) Holden, Zacher, Merry, Blaydes, and Hall an Geldart. - - 1039. Tov R. M. and a corrector of F., Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Weise. Šv W., the remaining MSS., all editions before Bothe and Bekker; and Weise afterwards.--pv)\áča, Bekker, Meineke, recentiores, except as here- after appears. pſºaša R. W. M. I. P. P*. Fº. all editions before Brunck, and Green and Neil since. q \agore P. F. F". W*. Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Dindorf, Weise, Bergk, Blaydes. 1042. čqpačev R. M. Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. #4 pagev V. P. P., the MSS. generally, and all editions before Brunck. Éqpaoroev P. 1044. ÖAéAñ6ets (éAñ6ets R.) MSS. all editions before Brunck; and Bergk, Zacher, Merry, and Neil afterwards. €AeAñóns Brunck, recentiores, except as aforesaid. See on 822 supra. - 1045. Év oëk MSS. vulgo. Cobet weakens this by inserting 6' after Év, and he is followed by Meineke and Zacher. 1046. 6 p.6vov MSS. vulgo. The mean- ing seems to be that the Trevreoriptyyov {{\ov is the only thing which answers to the description of the wall of wood and iron, plávov, 6 Dindorf. 6 ru rô Meineke, Welsen, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen. So I think we should read. Bergk had already proposed ortóñpov t” and “Anzius” orw8ñpov y'. oričmpoïv MSS. vulgo.—reixós éort W. and all MSS. except R. M. and vulgo. Éorri reixos R. M. Bekker and most recent editors. —£5\ov R. W. P. I. F". and most MSS.; but notwithstanding the great authority in its favour, I think that Neil is the only editor who adopts it. §§Nov is -—ortôňpov. APPEND IX 237 given by a corrector of F. and is the almost universal reading of the printed editions. Some MSS. give, as an alternative, £5Mtvov, and this, though unmetrical, is read by Portus, and the editions known by the names of Scaliger and Faber. £5Aov Zacher. 1049. £ké\evo’ ev. čké\evge R. F. Šké\eve W. and all the other MSS. and all editors before Bergk. But Porson, observing that the Etymol. Magn. s.v. ééák\vov quotes, though without naming the author, the words év trevreorvpiyy? {{\p, proposed to read here éké\ev čv. And this is done by Bergk and all subsequent editors except as aforesaid. It seems to me however far better to adopt R.'s reading ékéAevore (with év), especially having regard to the use of eké\evore two lines above; and I have the less hesitation in adopting it, since I find that Kock and Neil have done the same. - 1052. 3s got MSS. vulgo. &s orot Bergk, recentiores, except Green, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. 1056. pépoi R. P. and a corrector of F. and all printed editions. (pépet W. and the other MSS.—ávaðelm R. W. W. M. P". P”. I. Fº. and a corrector of F. and vulgo. Karaffein P. F. F". and (origin- ally) F. dvačeim Cobet, Bergk to Welsen (not Zacher), Merry. - 1058. ‘ppáorora. Bothe, Bekker, Din- dorf, Bergk, recentiores. The epic form is quite suitable to the oracular diction. ppáorat R. M. ppášev W. and the remaining MSS. and vulgo. See nine lines below. - 1062, otros R. M. Invernizzi, Bekker, Dindorf, Meineke, Welsen, Green, Blaydes, recentiores. airós W. and the remaining MSS. and vulgo. offros Bothe in his second edition. -- 1065. dvayiyvoorke M. Brunck, recen- tiores. dvayivoorke R. W., the other MSS., and all editions before Brunck. 1067. (bpáoro at Brunck, recentiores. qpáorat R. W. M. P. I. and the MSS. generally, and P. has the second or superscript. ºppäorat F. F", all editions before Brunck; but Kuster had already observed “legendum vel ppáororal vel qpáčev.” 1080. rôvö’ MSS. (except R.) vulgo. rôv8' R. Tojö' Cobet, Meineke, Welsen (not Zacher). 1084. ppáćet R. Bekker, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. ‘ppá{ets W. and the other MSS. and vulgo. 1087. yiyvet Brunck, recentiores, yiyun V*. yivn R. W. M. and several other MSS. yive, P.I. and several other MSS. and all editions before Brunck.-3aort- Nečets R. M. Bekker, Dindorf (in notes), Meineke, Holden, Welsen, Kock, Blaydes, recentiores. Saori.Nečorets W. and the other NISS. and vulgo. . 1102. oik dweyopat R. M. and the MSS. generally, and vulgo. oiâ’ dvéxopal W. Blaydes. - 1108, e3 pie paNNov čv troui, MSS. vulgo. But the doubling of āv with a sub- junctive is thought objectionable, and Elmsley (Mus. Crit. i. 362) proposed for et and āv to read vöv and eč. And so Bergk, Meineke, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen. Kock pre- ferred eč and vöv, and is followed by Welsen and Merry. Reisig preferred eč and aff, and so Dindorf in his notes, whilst Green commences the line with 6trörepos oºv. But a purely empirical rule, such as that which forbids the 238 APPEN DIX duplication of āv with a subjunctive, must give way when it is shown by the MSS. to be wrong. 1110, stora, R. M. Invernizzi, recem- tiores, except Bothe and Weise. #8m V. and the other MSS., all editions before Invernizzi; and Bothe and Weise after- wards. 1131. xotro R. W. F. M. V*. P. Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Weise, Merry, Blaydes, and Van Leeuwen, oùro P. P. I. F.". F. M”. Mº. all editions before Bothe and Bekker; and those excepted above.-āv ej Trotoſs R. W. M. F. F. F". Bekker, recentiores, except Weise, and Velsen. §v eſſ Troteis I. P. Brunck, Inver- mizzi (who however seems from his note to have intended to read Trotots), and Weise. Meineke in his W. A. suggested āp' eſſ trouets, and this is read by Welsen (not Zacher). &v e5 motiis P. P. W*. Fº, (and superscript in W.) all editions before Bekker. 1132. et got MSS. vulgo. Bergler, Reiske, and Bergk all proposed kai got, and so Welsen (not Zacher) and Wan Leeuwen read. 1134. rotrº MSS. vulgo. Dobree sug- gested otro, which is read by Blaydes. 1150. kmuðv MSS. vulgo. kmu% (a con- jecture of Blaydes) Zacher, Blaydes, Wam Leeuwen. 1158. ei 83 pil, ºppäoreus ye oré. R. In- vernizzi, recentiores, except as hereafter mentioned. And so, with et ye pur), P. P.”. M. I. F". and all editions before Inver- mizzi. But W. W*. F. and some other MSS. have, with el ye pººl, ºppéorms. And Porson suggested stoop', fiv ºppäorms ye orſ, which seems as improbable as it is ingenious, but is adopted by Meineke, Holden, Kock, Zacher, and Van Leeu- wen. Kuster proposed et yé plot ºppéoets ye orá. 1163. #'y& 6pāyoga, MSS. vulgo. See the Commentary, The MS. reading seems excellent, but Bentley suggested ei 'yo 6púWropat, Bergk # 8tappayńoopal. and Hartman et ru 6póyopat which Her- werden thinks probable, and Van Leeu- wen brings into the text. The Scholiast says duri rod orvurpugno'ouat # or b68pa Tpuphora kai oreplvvvodplai, where ovvrpt&#- oroplat seems to be a clerical error, but Kock, on the strength of it, suggested # 'Tvrpivopat which is read by Meineke, Holden, Kock, and Zacher. Of all the alterations Merry's ei pº. 6púWropal seems far the best; but no alteration is re- quired. 1179. XóAtkos MSS. vulgo. XáXukas Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen.—hvāorrpov MSS. vulgo. #vvorrpov Van Leeuwen. 1189. § Tptroyev)s yap MSS. vulgo. § Tptroyévet' àp Cobet, Meineke, Holden. “sed nom convenit hic particula áp’” as Blaydes says: “sed yap necessarium ” as Van Leeuwen says. 1196. Éxelvoti yap Elmsley (at Ach. 754), Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, ex- cept Weise. Čkeivot yap R. W. and all the MSS. except P. F. dAN& yūp ékéivot y’ P. F. all editions before Bothe and Bekker; and Weise afterwards.-rives; R. W. and all the MSS. give this to Paphlagon (or Cleon), and make it am interrogation; and so all the editions except as hereinafter mentiomed; but Meineke, who always prefers the prosaic to the dramatic (see Appendix to Frogs 765 and infra 1242), writes épxovrai rives, giving the entire line to the Sausage- seller; and this dull alteration is adopted in defiance of all the MSS. by A PPE N DIX 239 Holden, Welsen, Blaydes, Hall and Gel- dart, and Wan Leeuwen. 1197. BaNAávra R.V.P. F. F. F". Bergk, recentiores, except Green. 3a)\óvria M.I., a few other MSS., all editions before Bergk; and Green afterwards. 1200. Öqípiraoras MSS. vulgo. Dobree suggested inpaptréoras, but immediately withdrew his suggestion. It is however adopted by Zacher, Blaydes, and Van Leeuwen. 1204. Öy& 8' ékuvöövevor'. See the Com- mentary. The first half of line is given to Cleon (Paphlagon) and the second to the Sausage-seller by R. W. and ap- parently all the MSS. which give the speakers' names, and vulgo. Bergk gives the first half to the Sausage-seller and the second to Paphlagon. The entire line is given to Paphlagon by Bothe, Meineke, Holden, Velsen, Merry, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen ; Blaydes however adopting Reiske's suggestion and writing éyò 6’ xvvmyé- rmgá y' and Wan Leeuwen reading éyò 8' ékwöövevorá y'. 1206. intepavačevöſjoropat Elmsley (at Heracl. 387), Dindorf, Bergk, Welsen, recentiores, except Zacher and VanLeeu- wen. So dwatóeveral supra 397. -ēeorðh- oroplat MSS. vulgo (though I am not sure of R.'s reading). -8io.6moropal Dindorf (in notes), Meineke, Holden, Zacher, and Van Leeuwen. 1207. Ti of 8takpivets, Añº MSS. vulgo. Elsewhere however the Sausage-seller says & Añu', and Kock therefore sug- gested but did not read ri oi Suakpivets 876' which is brought into the text by Blaydes and Van Leeuwen, où 8takpurels & Añu' Welsen, Merry. oikovv kpweis & Añº' Zacher. 1214. Éveat w; AA. oëx 6pás R. Inver- mizzi, recentiores, except Weise. Éveo riv; AA. dAN' oëx 6pås W. and the MSS. generally. Éar”; AA. dAAá y oëx épás P", all editions before Brunck. Évearty; AA. d)\' épás Brunck, Weise. The āNA& seems to have crept into the text from the name AA. 1217. 648tſe yoov MSS. all editions be- fore Bergk; and Green afterwards. 3áðić vvy Reiske, Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Kock. 3áðuge 3' otºv Sauppe, Kock. But the MSS. are unanimous, and there is no sufficient ground for departing from their authority. 1218. Öpis 148’; otuot Elmsley (at Ach. 1230), Bekker, Dimdorf, Holden, Green, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, Van Leeu- wen. Öpás (without réð’); otpot R. W., the MSS. generally, and Junta. Öpás vvv, oiuat P*. vulgo. Öpés; ió Hot Bergk, Meineke, Welsen, Kock, Merry, Neil.— ãorov R.W., the MSS. generally, Grynaeus, Bentley, Brunck, recentiores. 30-ov Fº. all editions before Brunck. 1221. o' eipydſero a corrector of F. Bergk, Meineke, Holden, Kock, Merry, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen, eipyāčero (with- out o') V., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. £pyáčero Zanetti. o' hpyáčero R. Velsen, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. And I too should have followed R. had there not been such a strong consensus of the MSS. in favour of the more ordinary form. As it is, I merely borrow the o' from R. 1225. Tv W. I. Pº. Fº. and (as corrected) F. and Fº. and all printed editions except Welsen. rot R. P. P. F. F". M. and (as corrected) W. and F*. Elmsley (at Ach. 127) objecting, without sufficient reason, to 8é commencing an anapaest, proposed 240 A PPEND IX to read r and this is done by Welsen.— kä8opmorápmv R. W. W. P. P. Pº. I. F. F. F", all editions before Dindorf except Brunck and Bekker; and Zacher after- wards. Káðopmorápav M. F. Brunck, Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores, except Zacher. But Bekker and Dindorf were under the erroneous impression that W. so read. Blaydes changes éyò into €yóv. But I ask a reader to consider what a mess the Waverley Novels would be in if every strict Scotticism were to be thrust into their Scotch speeches. 1230, p. 38émorev. See the Commentary. '8émoré u' Bentley, Bothe, Meineke, Holden, Welsen, Neil. Señoret pi R. W. W*. F. M. I. P. Pº. Fº. vulgo. Señorely P. M%. and originally F"., but the reading there has been corrected into Señorel p . Both the readings of the MSS. are unmetrical, and Bentley's emendation is the only one which has even the slightest plausi- bility. The others are pe Sei troë' Brunck. Xpe&v ºp' Dindorf, Welsen. He Xph 'orriv Dindorf in notes. Xphorrai pue vukāorðat Meineke in W.A. Sikm'orri p' Kock. Señorel p' àvöpôs (omitting ºppd{ov) Hermann, Merry, Blaydes. Sei p' divöpós (retaining ºppášov) Herwerden, Van Leeuwen. 1232. rekpumpiq MSS. vulgo. rexplmpious Herwerden, Zacher, Wan Leeuwen. 1237. Hoë (for got 6) Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except Green and Hall and Geldart. p.' of W. W*. Hot Bekker. pov R. and all the other MSS. and vulgo. The elev which follows this verse is found in W. W. P. and F*., but is omitted in R. and all the other MSS. In W. it comes at the end of 1237; in all the printed editions before Kuster at the beginning of 1238. The first to motice that it should stand in a line by itself was Scaliger, and the first so to print it was Kuster; and this course has been followed by all subsequent editors ex- cept Invernizzi who (with R.) omits it altogether. 1239. Švavriov W. and all the MSS. (except R,) and all editions before In- vernizzi; and Weise, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen since. Évavria R. Invernizzi, recentiores, except as aforesaid. 1242. kai ri; These words are given to Cleon (that is, Paphlagon) by all the MSS. and by all the editors before Din- dorf, save only that Bothe gives kai to the Sausage-seller, leaving only the ri; to Cleon. Dindorf, at the suggestion of Meineke (see on 1196 supra), was the first to give the whole line (kat ri kai) to the Sausage-seller, and he is followed by every subsequent editor. So this little dramatic interposition, which must have been very telling on the stage, is clean wiped out ; and the humour of Aristo- phanes is reduced to the level of prose historians and philosophers, 1250. Kat o' àkov MSS. vulgo. ket o' ākov Bergk, Welsen, Kock, Merry, Hall and Geldart, Wan Leeuwen, and Neil. kāv a drov Meineke. Teto'àkov Blaydes. 1252. oëk &v påAAov MSS. vulgo both here and in the Alcestis. oixi pāNNov Suidas s.v. KAérrms and also s.v.v. oixi pāNNov. Bp. Monk introduced the read- ing of Suidas into the Alcestis; and Porson thought it should be introduced here. I wish I had their courage; for oùxī Hā)\ov seems to me both simpler and more euphonious. 1254. & Xalps K.T.A. This speech is given to Demosthenes by R. and P., rectissime, and by Invernizzi, Bothe, A PPEND IX 241 Bekker, Dindorf, and Wan Leeuwen. He is the only person who could speak it. By W. and all the other MSS. and editions it is given to the Chorus, as if the Leader of the Knights had anything to do with making the Sausage-seller a Man, or could possibly sue for this subordinate position. I doubt if the statement that in R. the speech was originally attributed to Demus, and only by a correction to Demosthenes, is accurate. Ithink that the writer meant the original AHM. for “Demosthenes,” and then, finding that it might be mis- taken for “Demus,” went on to give the whole name. Had he ever intended it for “Demus” he would not have pre- fixed AHM. to the next speech. The two speeches would have become one. 1256. Éoropat R. M. and (as corrected) F. Bothe, Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores. yévouat W. and that or yewop at the other MSS. and editions. 1263. duelva rā MSS. vulgo. duelva, ’v rij Hirschig, Meineke, Holden, Blaydes, Wan Leeuwen, a reading which, if it had the unanimous support of the MSS. instead of being entirely destitute of support, should be summarily rejected: for of course the Sausage-seller means that he will be the best man to, not in, the City. Though expressed in a slightly different manner, his meaning is the same as when he said dueivov mepi orè to Demus supra 1208. Anuos and tróAus are convertible terms. 1264. The scheme of the Strophe (and Antistrophe) of this second Parabasis is as follows:— Sz — v V, -U, C | – $2 | — v V, -v - || – $2 | — v, -sz | – v V, -v C | – $2 | K. — v | — sº | – V | – | —v, -sz | – C v, -u u | - $2 | 5 — v | — sº I - u | – | — v, -sz — v V, -w º' | – | — — v V, - w w – $2 sº I — , u, -- ~ 9 || -->4, -92, -92 | — v | — v | – $2 [. I O 1267. Ambev is Avoriarparov MSS. vulgo. So long as éAarhpas was supposed to be the object, and not the subject, of detēew, these words were altogether un- intelligible. They could not, as Bentley observed, be construed with Avireºv, and the suggestion of Dindorf (in Invernizzi's edition) that eiteſv is understood was equally impossible. Reiske proposed to change Avirely into Maketv or diſrew, while Kock suggested uſió' dei Avoriarparov, which Blaydes adopts. But when once you realize that Maripas is the subject of detēetv all difficulties disappear. & Avatorrparov means “about" or “on” Lysistratus. Cf. Lysist. 1244. 1268. rôv dvéartov MSS. (except F*.), both Juntas, Gormont, Invernizzi, re- centiores, except Bothe. divéortov (with- out rôv) F*, all the other editions before Invernizzi; and Bothe afterwards. 1270. olºros, & pi\’ Invernizzi, Bothe, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. oiroo’i & qíN’ R. W., the MSS. generally, both Juntas, Gormont, and Bekker. oiroori q}{\' Pº. Fº., all editions before Invernizzi. oùrós y & pi\’ Weise. From the reading of the best MSS. oiroori & pi\' it is necessary to strike out either the -l or the 3, and the former is infinitely the more probable course. The dei at the end of the line was inserted by Dindorf, and is read by all subsequent editors except Bothe. º 1271. 6a\epoſs Sakpāotorw Bothe, Bek- 242 A PPE N DIX ker, recentiores, except as hereinafter mentioned. 6a)\epots 8akpāois R. W., the MSS. generally, Bergk, Zacher, Merry, Hall and Geldart, and Neil; to meet their alteration of the corresponding line in the antistrophe. 6a)\epotori Šakpāois P’. F’. all editions before Brunck; and In- vernizzi afterwards. 6a)\epotori Sakpāotorw Brunck, Weise. 1272. IIv6övt 6ig pº) kakós Hermann, Dindorf (in notes), Weise, Bergk, recen- tiores. IIv6óvi čv Šia, kakós R. M. F. Bekker, Dimdorf. IIv6övt £v, Štú kakós V. P. F. Invernizzi, who mistakes it for R.'s reading. IIv6övt £v, Šuš rô Kakós F*., all editions before Invernizzi, and Bothe afterwards. IIv6ävl év, Šudi pº kakós I. Here I. greatly distinguishes itself as the only MS. which preserves the indis- pensable puj. No doubt the word dropped out of many MSS. when the adjective ôiq was changed into the preposition 8th with which pil was quite incompatible. While Stä was the accepted reading Bentley proposed to read Ilv6óð löv for IIv6&vi év, referring to Birds 188. 1275. Šaris eş Aoyićeral. For 30 rus Dawes (at Peace 117) proposed to sub- stitute et ris: “quod bonum,” says Brunck, “forte etiam usitatius, mec tamen ideo contra codd. fidem reponi debuit.” See note on Eccl. 290. 1277. airós fiv čvöm)\os R. M. Invernizzi, Bekker, recentiores, oùros ºv Čvönkos W., all the other MSS., and all editions before Invernizzi. 1281. Kai BoöAerat MSS. vulgo. Her. werden proposed to read kāNNov puéra. “Qu. Tooro pièv kāN\ot 8poroi, vel rodro pév 8" xàrepot, vel rooro troX\ol xãrepot, vel rooro pièv kai pavpiot”. Blaydes. 1282, où yàp oëö’ &v jo.66pmv | Oś8é trapmåvmpos. These two half-limes are found in their proper place only in R. All the other MSS. omit them. W. how- ever has a mote at the bottom of the page, év čNAois 'Earl 6' oiv K.T.A., giving lines 1282 and 1283 in full. In their absence the line becomes, unmetrically, éorri 3 oi pāvov Tovmpös d\\& kai trpoor- e£eºpmké ri. And so both Juntas and Gormont have it. Aldus and all other editions give both lines in full. For joróðumu Bentley proposed hx66pmv. 1294. ‘paqi pièv yāp Bentley, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except Blaydes who places the pièv after roorov, and Van Leeuwen who reads qaori ydp troë'. (paari yàp MSS. and all editions, except Dim- dorf's, before Bergk ; and except that Weise has paori yap vov. 1295. divépov MSS. vulgo. divöpukós Welsen, Blaydes. This is the only alteration which has got into the text, but Meineke conjectured oioias, Blaydes Xphuara, and Zacher ortria. If any alteration were required, I would rather read div6epia or àAqira, governed not by éxávrov but by épetrópºevov. 1296. diró ris owmºns MSS. Bekker, recentiores, except Bothe who reads ouriſms àmo. diró oritröms all editions before Bekker. 1297. &v Öpioios R. M. Invernizzi, re- centiores, except as hereinafter appears. ãvouotos W.W.I.P.P.F.M. all editions before Brunck. Éav Špioios is written in the margin of I. and of P*., and is read by Brunck and Weise. dAN' àpos P. F".; while F. had originally duopios with kai äAA’ 3pos in the margin. Bentley suggested &v Šuos, which is read by Bergk, Zacher, Hall and Geldart, and Neil; but not by Merry, though he has A PPE N DIX 243 ðakpāots in the strophe. posed Aeetvös or āv č\etvös. 1298. §§eX6e MSS. vulgo. eloreA6e Bergk, Merry, which they do not ex- plain, and I cannot understand. For why should they ask him to go in, when they want him to go out 2 1802, où8é rvv8ávegée MSS. vulgo. oió’ érvv6ávegée Bothe, où8éro Trétrugée (from a suggestion of Blaydes)Zacher, Blaydes. 1803. Kapxmöóva MSS. vulgo. But KaNxmöóva or XaAkmööva seems to have been read by the Scholiast, and is sug. gested by Casaubon, Scaliger (in notes), Paulmier, Bentley, and Kuster (in notes); and XaAkmöóva is read by Brunck, Bothe, and Weise; and Kaxxmööva by Bekker, Dindorf, Meineke (in notes), Holden, Welsen (not Zacher), and Green. But see the Commentary. 1804. Hox6mpöv W. W*. Fº, all printed editions except Invernizzi. trovnpöv R., the other MSS., and Invernizzi. 1807. 63v us Xpñ Bothe, Bekker, recen- tiores, except Weise and Blaydes. Čáv ue xpi, MSS. all editions before Bothe's first; and Weise afterwards. 3&v 8én Blaydes, 1811. Kaffaëai pot 8okeſ Bentley, Brunck, recentiores, except as herein- after mentioned. kaðmoréat (kaðeloréat R.) plot Sokó MSS. all editions before Brunck; and Bothe and Holden afterwards. Dawes proposed kaðio 6' àv plot Sokó (cf. Birds 671) and so Meineke reads in his text, but in his W. A. he comes over to Bentley's reading. 1812. TAeoûoras Reiske, Brunck (re- ferring to Wasps 270), Weise, Meineke, recentiores, except Zacher, Hall and Geldart, and Neil. “ Brunck's emenda- tion is ingenious and certain,” says Por- son in Mus. Crit. ii. 129. TrAeoča'ats. MSS. Velsen pro- vulgo. TXeoûorm Invernizzi. TAéovo’ &v Dawes, which would be necessary if ôokó were retained. 1316. AA. In all the MSS., and in all the editions before Brunck, and in Welsen, Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Wan Leeuwen afterwards, the name of the Sausage-seller remained unchanged throughout. But here, and for the re. mainder of the Play, Brunck calls him 'Ayopékpuros, and he is followed by all subsequent editors except as aforesaid. There seems no sense in changing his name in the middle of the Play; he should either have been 'AAAavromºns throughout, or 'Ayopſikpuros throughout; and I gladly return to the MS. reading. 1319. péyyos 'A6#vals kai rats who ous émikoupe R. Invernizzi (except that he thought R. had péyyos T' and so prints the line in his edition), Porson, Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Blaydes. vàorous émikovpe kai (béyyos 'A6#vals W. and all the MSS. except R. P. and F*. And with év inserted before 'A&#vais Pº. Fº. and all editions before Brunck. Whilst this was the only known reading, several amendments were proposed; whorous étri- kovpe paveis kai, Bentley ; Śirikovpe paveis vàorous kai Walckenaer, Brunck. viiorous entrovp juáv kai, Kuster. But R.'s reading is not only obviously right in itself: it accounts for the error in the other MSS.; and I do not know why Blaydes should propose five new con- jectural readings of the line, and actually insert one in his text, changing kai tals vàorous émikovpe into viorous re ºpaveis étri- kovpe, and that, although he admits that the article is required with vào'ots. 1321. d4 eV, oras iuiv R. W. M. F. P. P., the MSS. generally, Frischlin, Brunck, R 2 244 APPENDIX recentiores. dºpe Jºhoras juiv P. F. all edi- tions, except Frischlin, before Brunck. 1324. Trós àv ióoupley Brunck, recem- tiores; but Bergk suspects, and Meineke and Holden omit, the line without any reasonable cause. Tós āv tºogev MSS. all editions before Brunck. See Dawes's canon cited in the Appendix to Plutus 438.—rotav ruv’āxet a keväv; Porson, Din- dorf, recentiores, except Bothe. Trotav ãxei (éxets M) orkeviv; MSS., all editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi, Bothe, and Bekker afterwards. Tivº exel orkeviv; Brunck.-xoios Bentley, which accounts for the kai in the MSS., and fits in very appropriately with the oios in the reply. kai Troios MSS. all editions before Brunck, and Invernizzi, Bothe, and Bekker after- wards. Trotos Reisig, Dindorf, recen- tiores, except Bothe. Brunck. kai ris Porson. 1327. ºpauvouévaloru Porson, Bothe, Bekker, recentiores, except Weise. galvopévalori R. W. M. I. P. pauvouévals P*. (but with -w superscript) all editions before Brunck. pauvopéumor. P. F. F". F". F". M”. pauvopévmartv Brunck, Inver- nizzi, Weise. - 1331. Terriyoºbopóv dpxaig Bentley. Terriyoq)ópos dpxaig MSS. (except I.) all editions before Brunck; and Bekker afterwards. Terriyoſpápas dpxaig Porson, Bothe, Dindorf, recentiores, except Weise; and this is said to be the reading of I. Terriyoºbôpos ré 'pxaig Brunck, In- vernizzi, Weise. It has always seemed to me that the substantive retriyoqāpas was out of place, and that the participle terriyopopóv was required. It seems far more natural to say “Here he stands, wearing the tettix,” than to say “Here he stands a tettix-wearer.” And now kai Toiós rus that I find terriyopopów suggested by Bentley I have no hesitation about introducing it into the text. Bentley suggested either terriyopopów, dpxaiº or retriyoºbôpos Kápxaip. 1334. rod Mapaéâve rporatov M*. Bent- ley, Elmsley (at Ach. 343), Bothe, Bek- ker, Dindorf, Bergk, Meineke, Holden, Welsen (not Zacher), Green, Blaydes, Neil. See Wasps 711. roß v (variously written) the other MSS. vulgo. R. has roup papaéovi, and Fracini roi Mapabóvi, but I imagine they both mean rod 'v Mapabóvt. 1336. dºeyhoras. AA. eyā; MSS. (ex- cept that R. makes the Sausage-seller's speech commence with the following line) vulgo. And it seems to me a very felicitous arrangement. Yet some Ger- . man scholars have thought themselves able to improve it. Hermann proposed dqeVrhoras oro. Bergk dºbeyºfforas véov, which Kock brings into the text. Mei- neke AA. dge ºfforas y' éyò; and Welsen dqeyhoras. AA. ióoč. What can be more tame than these alterations, and what more vivid than the unaltered text? 1338. of £8pas MSS. (except F*.) Bentley, Bekker, Dindorf, recentiores. ofov gèpas F*, all editions before Bekker. —vouíčous āv R. M. F. I. vulgo. āv W. W. F. F". &v woutſous P. 1339. Trpo too, káretire kai R. Inver- nizzi, recentiores, except Weise, Blaydes, and Hall and Geldart. Káretiré plot ºrpè toū kai V. the MSS. generally, contra metrum. Aldus made the line scan by omitting kai and so vulgo. It is obvious however that Blaydes, in restoring the reading of Aldus, believes himself to be restoring the reading of W. and the other MSS. - - vopuiſets A PPE N DIX 245 1341. §paorffs tº R. W. I. W*. Pº. Bergk, Merry, Neil. #pagrºs the other MSS. and editions. 1346. Tavri p' 38pov R. W., the MSS. generally, Invernizzi, recentiores, except Bothe and Weise. rotaúrap 38pov Pº. F". all editions before Invernizzi; and Bothe and Weise afterwards.--oëk ja:06pmy P*. F*. vulgo. oik #8sty the MSS. generally, Invernizzi, Bekker. Several unsuc- cessful attempts have been made to re- write the line, so as to bring in jöelv or #öm, but none worthy of mention. 1348. Orkuděetov M. M*. MS. P. F. Fº. and (originally) F. Brunck, recentiores, except Invernizzi. orkuáðuov R. W., most MSS., all editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi afterwards. They are very possibly right. R. has orkuāötov in Birds 1508 and 1550; but a któðetov is necessary in Thesm. 823, 829. 1350. kai vi) At et ye 800 Porson, Bothe, Dindorf, recentiores, except as herein- after appears. kai vi) Ata y'ei 850 (con- tra metrum) R. M. M”. Mº. P. P. F. F. F*. F. Rapheleng; and so, with got inserted after 800, Brunck, Invernizzi, Bekker; and with got inserted before ööo Bergk, Merry, and Neil. kai vi) At’ ei 800 (contra metrum) W. kai vº Aia y ei 800 all editions before Brunck. 1351. vaús Aéyov R. M. I. P. P. W’. and (as corrected) W. all editions before Brunck; and Invernizzi and Bekker afterwards. vaús pakpās P. F. F. F". and (originally) W. Brunck, Bothe, Dindorf, recentiores. The weight of the MSS. is greatly in favour of Aéyov, and it seems to me that it is far less likely than Pakpās to have crept in from a marginal explanation. We have vais pakpās a few limes below (1866); and an annotator may have reasonably wished to make it clear that the ships men- tioned here were of that description, and so have written vais pakpās by the side, whence the epithet got into the text. But who would have thought of writing Aéyov by the side 2 It is not of much importance, but it is perhaps worth mentioning that the Scholiast gives his explanation of vaús pakpās on line 1366. Had he read vaos pakpās here, he would have given his explanation here. 1352. Karapuorðopophoral roë6, P. Bent- ley, Bothe, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores, except Meineke, Holden, Welsen, and Kock. Karapuorðoqopharat, roorov V. M. I., most MSS., all editions before Bothe's first ; and Bekker and Weise afterwards. For roß6 R. has toūrov and Kock Tövöe. karapua 60% opeiv, rotrow Elmsley (at Ach. 178), Meineke, Holden, Welsen (not Zacher). 1357. viv 8 at Elmsley. viv 8é MSS. all editions before Brunck, and Bekker afterwards, vºv 8:), Brunck, Invernizzi, Bothe, Weise. vuvöl Seidler, Dindorf, Bergk, recentiores. 1368. intoxtortois MSS. (except that R. has inroximots, a mere clerical error) vulgo. Brunck in his note suggested in oMorqous, which is read by Bothein his second edition, and by Meineke, Holden, Welsen (not Zacher), Blaydes, Hall and Geldart, and Van Leeuwen. This is part of the great “Attic” blunder. Cf. Frogs 826. 1369. Örxtrms W. W*. And in 1835 before W.’s reading was known it was suggested by F. Thiersch; and so Din- dorf (in motes), Weise, Bergk, recen- 246 APPEND IX tiores, except Green. 6 troNirms R. and the other MSS. and vulgo. 1371. &ormep P. P. F. F. Fº. I. M”, M*. all editions except Bekker and Wan Leeuwen. §amep R. W. M. V*. Bekker. Blaydes suggested ointep which is read by Wan Leeuwen. 1373. dyopéoret y áyévetos V. M. F., the MSS. generally, and vulgo. For y R. has r", and so Blaydes and Van Leeu- wen; F1. Fº, M*. 8'; and M*, or’. Dindorf writes dyopéorāyávetos and is followed by Green.—of 8eis év dyopé P. vulgo. oëeis ev ráyopă W. and the MSS. generally. év táyopá oëöeis R. oë8' v ráyopſ. Her- mann, Bergk, Meineke, Merry. Kock proposed €v ráyopä T' dyévetos oëöeis dyopſiae, which is adopted by Holden, but Kock did not himself introduce it into his text: and indeed such a complete transformation of a line is only permissible in a very extreme Ca,Se. 1876. & arrapu)\eiral rotaël MSS. (except that one or two have oroplvXtetrat) vulgo. à rouaël arropºlerat Welsen, Herwerden, Blaydes, and Van Leeuwen. 1377. Oroqās y 6 fatač, Šećtós r oik dréðave (or -ev) R. W. M. M*. F. Fº. W*. vulgo. And so with épáv6avev for oik dréðavev P. F". (but the latter has yp. oëk dréðavev) Weise. And with re karéuaðev for T’ otr diréðavev Dindorf (in notes), Meineke, Holden, Welsen (not Zacher), and Kock. Šeštěs 6 fatač kai oroſpós oëk dréðavev P. 8eštás y 6 Batač aroq&s r" oùk étréðavev I. whence Brunck wrote ôsévôs 6 balaš kai oroq às épidv6avev. The ordinary reading is plainly right, oùk diréðavev is an affected phrase for “ob- tained his acquittal on the capital charge,” but that is exactly what we should expect from these perfumed youngsters. 1378. ovvepkrukös MSS. vulgo: and M. has ovvepymrukös superscriptum. Dindorf, observing that the Scholiast's explana- tion is ovveipew rows Aéyovs kai ovvrvéévat ôvvapiévos, says “ab ovveipelv non potest derivari ovvepkrikós. Quamobrem scri- bendum orvveptukós.” And ovveprukós is accordingly read by Meineke and all subsequent editors except Green and Neil. But the Scholiast does not say, or mean, that ovvepkrukós is derived from ovveipeiv. He is merely giving an ex- planation of that word. And even if we supposed that the Scholiast had really before him the reading ovvep- tukös, that variant should not prevail against the unanimous verdict of the MSS. 1385. Ös treptotoret. I have adopted the conjecture of Mr. Richards (Clas- sical Review xv. 386) for the Śarmep otoret of the MSS. and editions. The alteration is very slight, and improves both the sense and the rhythm of the line. 1392. Aa3es airás; Bentley, Tyrwhitt, Brunck, recentiores. Aa3e raûras R. M. M”, all editions before Brunck. Aa3es raúras W. P. P. P. and the MSS. gener- ally. 1393. dirékpurre raûras MSS. vulgo. âmékpurrev airäs Hirschig, Kock, Blaydes. 1398. p.6vos MSS. vulgo. Tyrwhitt proposed juevos, Reiske pióvov, Blaydes Hévov. 1401. Triera, to Aoûrptov Elmsley, Bek- ker, recentiores, except Weise and ex- cept that Bothe has trier' àv. Trierat rô Aoûrpov R. W. M. P. F. and the MSS. generally. aš ré Aoûrpov triera P". Fº. APPENDIX 247 all editions before Bekker ; and Weise afterwards. 1405, #v 6 papuakós MSS. vulgo. horð’ 6 papuakós Meineke (im W. A.), Zacher, and Blaydes. 1408. ois &Xo336 R. W. M. F. Fl. Inver- nizzi, recentiores, except Weise. ot's MAY 1 0 &Aw8ā6 P. F."., several other MSS., all editions before Invernizzi; and Weise afterwards. Dindorf refers to Bekker's Anecdot. 50. 29, where Phrynichus says that Aw8āorðat takes either a dative or an accusative. 1915 . aeſ; ！ſt, ¡¡¡¡ſ ! OPINIONS OF THE PRESS on Vol. VI. The Plutus, with the Menaechmi of Plautus. * ‘‘ Once º the translator has proved his excellence. The iambics, though closely fitted to the Greek lines, part to part, are wonderfully vigorous and free from monotony, and the anapaests are as irresistible as ever. . . . . So another stone is well and truly laid for the fair English memorial to Aristo- phanes which Mr. Rogers is building. We wish for so good and true a %; the speedy and triumphant consummation of his lifelong task.”— theſzaet/???. “Excellent scholarship and remarkable skill in rhyming. To Mr. Rogers, as annotator and translator, all readers of classical Comedy owe a debt which it is a pleasure to pay in terms of admiration and delight.”—The Times. “Mr. Rogers's Aristophanes is not designed for the professed scholar; though its scholarship is admirable, it does not trouble itself with critical and grammatical minutiae: its notes illuminate the Play in its best sense. With fine scholarship Mr. Rogers combines a subtle appreciation of his author, a delightful vein of humour, and a delightful style and feeling for rhythm.”— Manchester Courier. “It is quite needless by this time to praise Mr. Rogers's translations of Aristophanes. The Greek Comedian has been singularly happy in his trans- lators. Hookham Frere and B. B. Rogers make a pair such as no other classic has had to interpret him. But as translations, properly so called, Mr. Rogers's work easily holds the first place. He gives his readers the opportunity of testing his faithfulness, for he prints the Greek text on the lefthand page, and explains it in an admirable series of footnotes. The Plutus is a remarkably interesting Play.”—Spectator. “The Plutus is the least interesting of all the Plays. Mr. Rogers, however, has done uncommonly well with such poor material. His notes are as good and scholarly as ever, and his translation is spirited, neat, and when occasion offers humorous.”—Tribune. “The Plutus is, from some points of view, the most interesting of the Aristophanic dramas extant. We have admirable wit and humour, triumphs of expression (for which Mr. Rogers's scholarly dexterity is just the quality most needed in a translator) and #. portraiture of social types. Mr. Rogers has added a very spirited translation of the Menaechmi of Plautus.”—Academy. “The new volume is only a further example of Mr. Rogers's learning, and of his remarkable gifts as a translator. The Introduction says all that need be said to explain the historical setting of the piece; the notes make clear all doubtful points of lexicology and grammar, and explain, obscure or subtle allusions: while the translation is always brisk, witty, lightly written, and readable and enjoyable apart from considerations of its relation to the original. So, too, is the accompanying version from the Latin dramatist.”—Scotsman. “Mr. Rogers translates the Plutus of Aristophanes in a manner which makes it seem not a translation but a delightful comedy. The notes, too, are as learned and lively as before.”—Daily Chronicle. K. S “A really great edition and translation of Aristophanes.”—Pall Mall Gazette. “We welcome another instalment of Mr. Rogers's opus magnum.”—West- minster Gaeette. “Mr. Rogers, has as completely established his position as interpreter of . Aristophanes to the English-speaking world, as Jebb did for Sophocles. His text and notes are abundantly scholarly enough to display his mastery of his author, and his right to act as his interpreter. The English version follows the original with singular closeness, and presents a spirited and accurate rendering of the Greek.”—Glasgow Herald. “The characteristics of previous volumes of Mr. Rogers's great enterprise are fully manifest in the present instalment. The meaning is grasped with insight, and re-expressed in vigorous and buoyant verse reflecting with remarkable accuracy the spirit of the original. Both the Introduction and the notes are marked alike by scholarship and by good sense. The translation of }; Menaechmi, also in verse, is a very welcome Appendix.”—Educational ??%éS. “Scholars will be prepared to give a hearty welcome to this new volume. It does not offer so happy a field to Mr. Rogers's peculiar gift, as lacking the choric odes which he is so happy in translating. The tetrameters, however, are the next best thing; here we see the old rollicking style, the old fertility of rhyme, as delightful as ever. Introduction and notes all give the impress of an original mind. In the notes there is the same good sense, the same appre- ciation of wit as before ; sometimes they throw an entirely new light on the author.”—Guardian. “The Introduction, Commentary, and Appendix-notes are most full and useful; the translation is beyond all praise. May. Mr. Rogers enjoy the Sunshine till he completes a task to which he has given a lifetime, and thus leave the world the richer for his having lived in it.”—Catholic Times, * } x - i ! , # sº º ºffiº }， *№ſºſ ſ'. 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