B 364737
:
GIFT OF
GEORGE C. MAHON, Esq.,
TO THE LIBRARY OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN.
DA
910
L54
V.I
Manny
Malmer
1
32314
THE
HISTORY
O F
AND
IR EL A
L.
FROM THE
INVASION of HENRY II.
WITH A
PRELIMINARY DISCOURSE
ON THE
ANTIENT STATE OF THAT KINGDOM.
By
THOMAS LELA N D, D. D.
Senior Fellow of Trinity College, and Prebendary of St. Patrick's, Dublin.
}
V O L.
I.
LONDON,
Printed for J. NOURSE, Bookfeller to His Majefty, in the Strand; T. LONGMAN, and
G. ROBINSON, in Pater-nofter Row; and J. JOHNSON, in St. Paul's Church-Yard.
MDCCLXXIII.
常
​!
Re-classed 4-/- 3.3. A UM
*
ÕITMA 19 2. S.
a ON TENTS
OFT HE
FIRST VOLU M E.
PRELI
RELIMINARY DISCOURSE.
page i.
1
+
*
B O O K 1.
CHA P. I.
State of Ireland favourable to an invafion in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries.-State of the neighbouring kingdoms.
-Scheme of invading Ireland formed by Henry the Second.-
Pretences for this invafion.-Application to pope Adrian.-His
motives for complying with the requeſt of Henry.-His Bull.-
The Iriſh clergy earneſt to regulate their church.-Henry's de-
fign neceffarily fufpended-Review of the ftate of Ireland at
this period.-Factions and quarrels of its chieftains.-Dermod
king of Leinfter driven from his province.-Flies to England.—
Sollicits aid from Henry;-who licenſes his fubjects to affiſt
him.-Dermod hopeleſs.-Applies to the earl of Chepstow.-
Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald engage in his fervice.-Dermod
returns to Ireland.-His return difcovered to Roderic O'Con-
nor. His fubmiffions and treaty.-Arrival of Fitz-Stephen.-
March to Wexford.-The Britons repulfed.-Return to the
affault. The town furrendered.-Firft British colony in Ire-
land. Expedition to Offory.-Offorians defeated.-Horrid in-
VOL. I.
* a
ftance
CONTENT S.
VOL. I.
}
ftance of revenge.-Second invafion of Offory.-Pendergast re-
volts to the Offorians.-Dermod invaded.-Arrival of Fitz-
Gerald.-Danger and eſcape of Pendergaft.-Conduct of Ro-
deric. He collects his forces.-Is fufpicious of his vaffals.-
Difmiffes the Northerns.-Dermod and the Britons retire.-Ro-
deric treats with Fitz-Stephen and with Dermod, but with-
out effect.-Preparations for a battle.-Timid policy of Rode-
ric.-Treaty with Dermod renewed and concluded.-Fitz-
Stephen intent to ſecure Wexford.-Roderic defeated in his at-
tempt againſt the prince of Thomond.-Succefs of the firſt Bri-
tiſh adventurers nothing wonderful or extraordinary.
CHA P. II.
I.
Encouraged
Dermod afpires to the monarchy of Ireland.
by the Britiſh leaders.-Again applies to the earl of Chepſtow-
who is diſcouraged by Henry-prepares for an expedition into
Ireland.-Arrival of Raymond le Grofs. His victory-cruel
execution of his prifoners.-Landing of earl Richard.-Siege
of Waterford.-Marriage of the earl.-March to Dublin.—Ro-
deric takes arms-fkirmiſhes, and retires.-Dublin ſtormed in
the midst of a treaty.-Efcape of Hefculph.-Invafion of Meath.
-Embaffy of Roderic.-Cruel execution of the Leinster hof-
tages.-Synod convened at Armagh.-Henry alarmed at the
progrefs of Strongbow.-His proclamation.-Raymond dif-
patched to the king.-Death of Dermod-its confequences.→→
Britons deferted-diftreffed.-Defeat and death of Heſculph.—
Zeal and vigour of archbishop Laurence.-Dublin inveſted by
the Irish confederates.-Fitz-Stephen befieged at Carrig.-
Strongbow treats with Roderic.-Terms of capitulation pro-
pofed.-Defperate effort of the Britons-Retreat of the confe-
derates.-Fitz-Stephen deceived-furrenders-cruelty of his
enemies. Strongbow marches to Wexford.-Is attacked at
Hi-drone.-Defiſts from his attempt to relieve Fitz-Stephen.
-Goes
*
$
VOL. I
+
CONTENT S.
Goes to Waterford.-Meditates an invafion of Offory.-Ge-
-nerofity of Pendergast.-Strongbow exerciſes a royal fovereign-
ty in Leinster.-Is fummoned to appear before king Henry.-
As reconciled to the king.-Preparations for his invafion.-De-
feat of O'Ruarc.-Deputation of the Wexfordians.-Artfully
received by Henry.
A
CHA P. III.
40
Henry the Second arrives at Waterford. - Execution of an
Oſtman lord.-The Wexfordians graciouſly received.—Submif-
fions of the chieftain of Deſmond.-Short progreſs of the king.
-Submiſſions of other Irish princes.-Fitz-Stephen ſet at liber-
ty.-Henry marches to Dublin.-Receives the homage of fe-
veral Iriſh lords.-Attempts to reduce Roderic.-Feaſts the
Iriſh lords in Dublin.-Synod of Cafhel.Its conftitutions.--
Adulation of the clergy.-Meaning of a fubmiffion to Henry and
his heirs.Laws of England how far eſtabliſhed in Ireland.-
Not as a model for a new polity.-Rights of the Engliſh ad-
venturers fecured.-Settlement of Dublin.-Grant to the Oft-
men of Waterford.-Counties, fheriffs, and officers of ſtate
eſtabliſhed in Ireland.-Provifion in cafe of the death of a chief
governour.-Henry recalled to Normandy.-His difpofitions
and grants in Ireland.-He embarks at Wexford.-Treats with
the legates.-Threatens to return to Ireland.-Is reconciled to
the pope-Grant of the fovereignty of Ireland confirmed by
pope Alexander.
68
CHA P.
IV.
Difpofitions of the Iriſh chieftains. Marriage and death of
De Quiny.-Lacy confers with O'Ruarc.-Death of O'Ruarc.
-Rebellion of Henry's fons, and general infurrection againſt
the king. Strongbow recalled from Ireland.-Revolt of the
Iriſh lords.-The king's forces diftreffed and difcontented.-
a 2
Mutual
}
0.
VOL. I.
ONTENT S
1
}
Mutual jealoufies of Hervey and Raymond.-Strongbow chief
governour. He appoints Raymond general.-His fucceffes
He retires in difcontent.-Expedition to Munfter-Defeat of
the Oftmen.-Raymond recalled.-Infurrection and maffacre at
Waterford. Raymond efpoufes the fifter of earl Strongbow.
Defolation of Meath by Roderic.-His retreat.-Limerick
taken.-Submiffion and treaty of Roderic.-Henry alarmed by
Mountmorres.-Raymond commanded to attend him.-Pre-
pares to depart.-Limerick befieged by O'Brien-Raymond
prevailed on to march againſt him.-His fucceffes in Thomond
and Defmond.-Death of Strongbow.-Perfidy of O'Brien.-
Generous obſervation of king Henry.-Character of Strong-
bow by the Irish annalifts, and by Giraldus.-Raymond and
Fitz-Andelm chief governours.-Arrival of Vivian the legate.
-Bulls of Adrian and Alexander promulged.-Character and
conduct of Fitz-Andelm.-Expedition of De Courcy into Ul-
fter. His exploits.-Invaſion of Connaught by Cogan unfuc
cefsful.-Divifions of the Irish chieftains, and miferable con-
dition of the whole iſland.
1
CHAP. V.
A
88.
Acts of Fitz-Andelm's government. He is recalled.-Cha-
racter of Hugh de Lacy his fucceffor.-John conſtituted lord of
Ireland.-Grants by king Henry in Thomond, Defmond, and
Connaught. Explain the nature of his ceffion to prince John.
Milo de Cogan, and Robert Fitz-Stephen, fettle in Defmond.
-Philip de Braofa alarmed.-Refigns his grants.-Conduct of
Hugh de Lacy. He is recalled to England.-Reſtored to his
government. His excellent adminiſtration.-John de Courcey
engaged in Ulfter.-Defeated-yet maintains his fettlements.-
Miferable fituation of Connaught.-Death and character of
Laurence O'Toole. His fucceffor.-Maffacre of Milo de Cogan
and Ralph Fitz-Stephen.-Robert Fitz-Stephen relieved by
Raymond
7
1
*
VOL. I.
CONTENTS.
Raymond le Grofs.-Melancholy fituation of Robert.-Arrival
of Cambrenfis and John Comyn in Ireland.-Altercations of
the Engliſh clergy with the Iriſh ecclefiaftics.-Lacy again re-
called. Conduct of Philip de Braofa.-Earl John knighted.-.
The pope offers to crown him king in Ireland.-Henry declines
the offer.-Sends John to the government of Ireland with a
fplendid train.-His attendants.-His arrival.-Infolence of
his courtiers to the Irish lords.-A general ſpirit of infurrec-
tion raifed through Ireland.-Enflamed by the attendants of
prince John. He builds fome forts.-Infurrection of the Iriſh
natives.-Several of his barons furprized and flain.-Beha-
viour of his courtiers.-Diftrefsful ſtate of the country-and of
John and his court.John is recalled.-Affaffination of Hugh
de Lacy. John de Courcey appointed deputy. His activity
and valdur. State of Ulfter-and of Connaught.-Expedition
of de Courcey into Connaught.-His retreat.-He fuppreffes.
the commotions in Ulfter and Argial.-Fatal effects of rebellion
in the family of Roderic O'Connor.-Death of Henry the
Second. Acts of power exerciſed in Ireland by earl John dur-
ing the reign of Richard.-Hugh de Lacy the younger appoint-
ed his deputy.-De Courcey difcontented.-Infurrection of the
Irifh.-Cathal, the Bloody-handed, gains the kingdom of
Connaught.-Is joined by the princes of Thomond and Def-
mond.-Intercepts Armoric of St. Laurence, and his party.-
A defperate engagement.-Armoric and his men killed.-Ca-
thal elated.-Burning of Dublin, and diforders of the neigh-
bouring country.-Earl Marshal appointed to fucceed de Lacy..
-English defeated by Daniel O'Brien.-Death of Daniel-and
cruelties exerciſed on his family.-Cathal marches into Mun--
fter.-English driven out of Limerick.—Cork threatened with:
a fiege. Surrendered to Mac Arthy.-Hamo de Valois ap-
pointed deputy in the place of Earl Marshal.-His quar-
rek with the archbishop of Dublin. Death of Roderic
Q'Connor.
-
པོ
1
CONTENT S
VOL. 1.
}
$
7
*
O'Connor.-Death of Richard Firftand acceffion of king
John,
CHA P. VI.
125
State of government in Ireland at the acceffion of king John.
Meiler Fitz-Henry fucceeds to Hamo de Valois.-Difaffection
of John de Courcey.-Both he and Hugh de Lacy` affect inde-
pendence Grants to Braofa and de Burgo.-Progrefs of de
Burgo. He dethrones Cathal king of Connaught.-Defeats
Onial, de Courcey, and de Lacy, in their attempt to reſtore Ca-
thal. His progreſs in Munſter.-Cathal practiſes with de Bur-
go.-Defeats and kills his rival.-Is reſtored.-His ingratitude.
-Meiler marches to reduce de Burgo. Is joined by Cathal and
by O'Brien.-De Burgo furrenders, and returns to his allegi-
ance. The chiefs of Connaught and Thomond give hoſtages
to Meiler.-Two parts of his province ceded by Cathal.Cauſe
of the revolt of the Engliſh barons in Ireland.-Violence of de
Courcey. Is accuſed by Hugh de Lacy to king John. The
Lacies commiffioned to reduce de Courcey.-Who is obliged
to abandon Ulfter.-Receives the king's fafe conduct, and re-
pairs to England.-Romantic detail of de Courcey's being be-
trayed into the hands of Hugh de Lacy.-Of Hugh's indigna-
tion at the treachery, and his puniſhment of the agents. Of de
Courcey and the French champion.-Of the furprizing proof of
his bodily ftrength.-Remarks on this detail.-Hugh gains
the earldom of Ulfter.-Repairs to the king.-Aid for the re-
covery of Normandy demanded from the Irish clergy.—Pope
Innocent's controverfy with John begins in Ireland.-Diſpute
about the fucceffion to the fee of Armagh.-John prevailed
upon to acknowledge and admit the pope's prelate.Soon expe-
riences the dreadful confequences.-In the midſt of his conteft
with the pope he undertakes an expedition into Ireland.-State
of Ireland at this period.-Caufe of John's difpleaſure againſt
the
VOL. I.
CONTENT S.
1
**
the Lacies and againſt William de Braofa.-The Lacies fly
from Ireland at the arrival of John.-He grants his Iriſh ſub-
jects a charter of laws-which is depoſited in the exchequer of
Dublin. He makes a new divifion of counties.-The wife and
family of William de Braofa impriſoned.-The Lacies diftrefl-
ed in France.-Are reſtored to favour, and reinftated in their
poffeffions. John departs from Ireland.-Adminiſtration of
John de Grey.-Circumftances favourable to his
government.-
Interpofition of king John in favour of Cathal.-John ſtrives to
gain the Iriſh princes by courteſy.-Henry de Londres, prelate
of Dublin, acts as an Engliſh baron.-Expreffes his indigna-
tion at the conduct of Pandulf.-His tranſactions in the con-
grefs of Runingmede.-Acceffion of Henry the Third.-Re-
quifitions of his barons in Ireland.-Letter of Henry to Geoffry
de Mauriſco.-Grant of the great charter of liberties to his
fubjects of Ireland.
ry
в о о к
II.
CHA P.
I.
168
State of Ireland during the first years of the reign of Hen-
the Third.-Henry de Londres fent into Ireland.-His con-
duct.-Death of the earl of Pembroke.-Contest between his
fucceffor and the Lacies.-Grants made by Henry.-Commo-
tions in Connaught.-Ambition of de Burgo.-Oppoſed by
Fedlim prince of Connaught.-His fpirit.-His application to
the king.-Death of William Mariſhal.-Richard his fuccef-
for ſuſpected by the king.-Affifted in Ireland.-Is inveſted
with his lands and dignities.-Oppoſes the adminiſtration of
the biſhop of Wincheſter.-Retires to Wales.-Confederates
with Lewellin.-Fruitless attempts to reduce him.-The mi-
nifter projects a ſcheme to deſtroy him.-Letter to the lords of
Ireland.-Earl Richard's arrival in this kingdom.—Infidious
practices of Geoffry de Maurifco.-Expeditions of Richard.--
He
CONTENT S
VOL. I.
1
He treats with the lords of Ireland. Is. betrayed. His tragi-
cal death.-Effects of this incident.-Meann'efs of the king
Difgrace of Winchefter. Commotions in Ireland on the death
of Richard.-Maurice Fitzgerald. feeks a reconciliation with
his fucceffor.-Fedlim repairs to the king-His fuccefs.Iaith
toparchs invited to affift the king in his intended expedition in-
to Scotland-Complicated diforders of Ireland.-Henry oblig-
ed repeatedly to enforce the obfervance of the English laws.-
The benefits of theſe laws fued for by fome particulars.But
denied to the Iriſh in general.-True cauſe of this exclufion-
Grant of the lordship of Ireland to prince Edward. This
kingdom deprived of the advantages of his abilities.-Commo-
tions in the North.-In Defmond.-The Geraldines depreffed.
-Recover their power.-Quarrel with de Burgo.-Maurice
feizes and impriſons the chief governour. Who is enlarged by
governour.—Who
an affembly convened at Kilkenny.-Exceffes of de Burgo.-
Defeated by Ædh O'Connor.-Exactions of the king.-Thoſe
of the pope ſtill more oppreffive.-Remonftrances of the Irish
clergy againſt the admiffion of foreigners into their church.
Equally averfe to the English as to the Italians. Their remark-
able ordinance againſt the Engliſh, clergy.—Refcinded, by the
pope.-Iriſh clergy endeavour to enlarge the jurifdiction of
their courts.-Statute of Merton.-Infolence of the Irish
ecclefiaftics. They excommunicate the magiftrates and citi-
zens of Dublin.-Who appeal to the council.-Ridiculous
meanneſs of their fubmiffion.
СНА P.,
HA
II.
Y
F
203
Acceffion of Edward the Firft. Maurice Fitz-Maurice his
Irish deputy. Is betrayed and taken priſoner.-Glenvill his
fucceffor defeated.-Ulfter infefted by the Scots.-Conteſt be-
tween the Geraldines and O'Brien.—Diſtreſs of the Geraldines.
-Edward provoked at the diforders of Ireland.-Iriſh peti-
tion
1
1
VOL. I.
CONTENTS.
*
*
tion to be admitted to the benefits of English law.-Favour-
able anfwer of the king.-The petition defeated.-Second ap-
plication equally unfuccefsful.-Infurrections -Feuds of the
English lords.-Edward applies to the fubjects of Ireland for
fubfidies.-Refuſed by the clergy.-Granted by the laity.—Ex-
pectations from the adminiftration of de Vefcey.-He quarrels
with the baron of Ophally.-Refigns his lands.-Parliament of
Sir John Wogan.-Its ftatutes.-Feuds of the English lords
compofed.-Edward's exactions in Ireland.-Fitz-Thomas of
Opbally attends the king's fervice in Flanders.-Earl of
Ulfter embarks for the Scottiſh war.-Effects of their ab-
fence from Ireland.
CHA P. III.
239
Acceffion of Edward the Second. Gavefton chief
gover-
nour of Ireland.—Popular and fuccefsful.-Envied and oppof-
ed by the earl of Ulfter.-Suddenly recalled.-Earl of Ulfter
favoured. His quarrels with the Geraldines.-He is defeated
and taken priſoner.-Reconciliation of the great lords.-Ori-
gin of the Scottiſh invaſion.-Edward Bruce invited into Ire-
land by the northern chieftains.-Lords of the English race
fummoned to a parliament in England.-Landing of the Scots.
-Barbarous progrefs of Edward Bruce.-Earl of Ulfter under-
takes the war.-Joined by Fedlim O'Connor.-Bruce practiſes
with Fedlim.-Who returns to Connaught.-Earl of Ulfter
retires before the Scots.-Edward Bruce affumes the ſtyle and
authority of king of Ireland.-His diftrefs.-Fedlim affifted by
the Engliſh government againſt his rival.-Ungratefully de-
ferts to Bruce,—who is crowned at Dundalk.—Joined by his
brother, who ſuddenly returns to Scotland.-Irish and dege-
nerate Engliſh crowd to Edward Bruce.-He reduces Carrick-
fergus.-Marches fouthward.-General famine.-Affociation
of the Engliſh lords.-Bermingham marches into Connaught.--
VOL. I.
battle
* b
CONTENT S
VOL. I..
Battle of Athunree.-The capital threatened by Bruce.-Con-
ſternation of the citizens.-Earl of Ulfter ſuſpected and ſeized..
-Preparations againſt Bruce. He retires into Ulfter. Is not
purfued. Conduct of Mortimer the new chief governour.-.
Engliſh intereft revives.-The king and the northern Irish fe-.
verally apply to the pope.-Horrible diftreffes of the Scots.
Bermingham marches againſt them.-Precipitation of Bruce.-
He is defeated and flain. Miferable confequences of the
Scottiſh war.-Petition for annual Parliaments.-Degeneracy:
of Engliſh families. Subfidy demanded.Iriſh clergy evade
the demands of the pope.
CHA P.
IV.
+
2.59.9
Prefent diforders of Ireland fimilar to thoſe of England.
Attempt to eſtabliſh a feat of learning in Dublin.-Diſorders
from malice and fuperftition.-State of Ireland on the acceffion
of Edward the Third.-Pride and contention of the English
families. The king interpofes.Irish of Leinfter petition for-
a general denization,-but without effect-They rife in arms
under the leading of O'Brien. Their progreſs.-Their cruel-
ty.-Repelled by the citizens of Wexford.-Maurice Fitz-
Thomas invited to ferve againſt the Irish enemy. Created:
earl of Defmond. His exactions. His power.-Pernicious
grants of palatinates.-O'Brien ſtill in arms.-Vigour of Sir An--
tony Lucy.-Secret abettors of the enemy feized.-William.
Bermingham executed.-Edward declares a defign of vifitings
Ireland.-Preparations for his expedition.--His real purpoſe.
His expedition to Scotland.-Treaties with the Iriſh enemy.—
Affaffination of the earl of Ulster-Fatal confequences of this.
event.-Irruptions of O'Nial.-Mac-William.-Loyalty and
zeal of the Geraldines.-Edward provoked at the diſorders
of Ireland.-Rigorous edicts.-All of Iriſh birth diſqualified.
to hold cffices.-Irish fubjects dangerously incenfed.-Sir
John
VOL. I
CONTENT S.
John Morris chief governour deſpiſed.-Convention of Kil-
kenny. —pirited remonftrance and petition to the throne
favourably received.
284
CHA P. V.
Adminiſtration of Ufford.-His rigorous treatment of the
great factious lords. Defmond and Kildare reduced and
impriſoned.-Earl of Defmond efcapes and flies.-Returns
on the death of Ufford.-Is reftored to favour.-Attends the
king's ſervice in France.-Earl of Kildare diſtinguiſhed at the
fiege of Calais.-Irish parliament grants a fubfidy.-Arro-
gance and ſedition of an archbiſhop of Cafhel.-Integrity of
Rokeby the lord deputy. He is fucceeded by the earl of
Defmond. Reftored by the death of the earl.-Ordinances
for the regulation of the ſtate of Ireland.-Provifion againſt
odious diſtinctions between the ſubjects of this land—againſt
the growing degeneracy of the English.-Subjects divided.-
O'Brien and O'Connor in arms.-The country harraffed.-
Lord Lionel created chief governour of Ireland.—Prepara-
tions for his departure. His forces.-His attendants.-His
arrival in Ireland.-Prejudices of lord Lionel.-He forbids
the old English to approach his camp.-Confequences of
this order. The prince harraffed by the Iriſh enemy.-
Is in danger.-Corrects his errour, and fummons the old
Engliſh to attend him.-Gains fome advantages.-A fubfidy
granted for his ſupport.-Diſcipline of his troops.-Duke of
Clarence recalled.-Factions enflamed by his conduct.—He
returns to his government.-Convenes a parliament at Kil-
kenny,-Object and purpoſe of this affembly -Statute of
Kilkenny.-Influence of this ordinance Adminiſtration of
the earl of Defmond. He is fucceeded by Sir William Wind-
fore-Meaſures taken againſt the Irish enemy.-Their dan-
1
* b 2
gerous
1
CONTENT S.
VOL. I.
gerous progrefs.-Inftance of the abhorrence conceived of
Ireland. Mifdemeanour alledged againſt Windfore.-He
returns to the government.-Is unfuccefsful.-Penfions paid
to the Irish.-Repreſentatives from the land of Ireland fum-
moned to Weſtminſter.-Anſwers to the king's writs.-Gra-
dual declenfion of the Engliſh intereft.
306
CHA P. VI.
Diftreffes of Ireland at the acceffion of Richard the Second.
Meaſures deviſed to relieve them.-Edmund and Roger
Mortimer lord deputies.-Ireland infefted by the French
and Scots.—Philip de Courtney an oppreffive governour.—
Earl of Oxford created marquifs of Dublin.-Inveſted with
the dominion of Ireland.-Supplied with money and forces.
Marches towards his government.-Returns to London.
-Created duke of Ireland.-His difgrace, defeat, and
flight. His lordship of Ireland refumed.-Stanly and Or-
mond chief governours.Maintenance of the English
power burdenfome.-Duke of Gloucefter prepares to under-
take the adminiſtration of Ireland.-Prevented by the king
-who refolves on an expedition into Ireland.-Motives of
this expedition.-His arrival in Ireland.-His forces and
attendants.-Expectations formed from his preſence.—Ter-
rour and fubmiffions of the Irish chieftains.-Their homage.
Their ftipulations.-The Irish chieftains entertained in
Dublin.--Their behaviour.-Their anfwer to the king's
offer to create them knights.-They are knighted, and
feafted.-Truce granted to the degenerate Engliſh.—Richard
folicited to return to England.-He commits the govern-
ment of Ireland to the earl of Marche, and embarks.-No
real advantages derived from his expedition.-Infurrec-
tion of the Iriſh of Leinſter.-Earl of Marche flain.-
Richard
$
VOL. I.
CONTENT S.
Richard refolves to avenge his death.-His fatal fecurity.
His fecond expedition into Ireland.-Weakneſs of his
conduct.-Art Mac-Murchad-harraffes the royal army.
Their diſtreſs and dejection.-Richard retreats.-Parley
of Mac-Murchad. His interview with the duke of Glou-
cefter. His infolent overtures. Refentment of Richard.
-Fatal intelligence received.-Richard betrayed, aban-
doned, and depofed.
--
33!
APPENDIX, Nº I.
Magna Carta Hiberniæ.
355
APPENDIX, Nº II.
Memoranda de Hiberniæ, annis 49 &.
50 E. III.
363
CON-
3
CONTENT S
OF THE.
1
SECOND VOLUME.
K
в о о к І.
CHA P. I.
CCESSION of Henry the Fourth.-Its effect on Ireland.
-Duke of Lancaſter chief governour.-Inroads of the Scots.
Meaſures for oppofing them.-Weakneſs of Engliſh go-
vernment.-Devices of the duke of Lancaſter. Their ef-
fects. Inconveniencies and relaxation of the ftatutes of Kil-
kenny.-Inftance of affected fovereignty over the old na-
tives. Their real power.-Black Rent.-Ireland neglected
by Henry the Fifth.-Deſperate ſtate of the Engliſh govern-
ment.-Lord Furnival chief governour.-His fucceffes.-His
adminiſtration odious.-Peace.-Its effects on the ſubjects.—
Mortifying fituation of ſubjects of the English race. Their
provocations. The chancellor refuſes to affix the feal to a pe-
tition of parliament.-Departure of Furnival.-Earl of Or-
mond an acceptable governour.-The petition renewed and
tranfmitted.-Factions and diffenfions.-Turbulence of the
clergy-Situation and difpofition of the Irish enemy.-No
general confederacy formed againſt the Engliſh.-Diſorders
of
VOL. II.
CONTENT S.
4
of Ireland encreaſed by the acceffion of Henry of the Sixth.
-Proceedings of an Iriſh parliament.-Biſhop of Meath,
deputy to the earl of Marche.-Violently oppoſed.-Scanda--
lous accufation againſt him.-Succeeded by the earl of Or-
mond.-Iriſh enemy reduced.-Pathetic repreſentations to
England of the weakneſs of Iriſh government.-Complaints
of the firſt ſubjects.-Remarkable indulgences granted to the
earl of Defmond.-Ormond ſupplanted. His magnanimity.
Addrefs to the king to remove him.-Earl of Shrewſbury
chief governour.-His adminiſtration.-Profecution of Or-
mond.-Origin of the attachment of the houſe of Butler to
the Lancaſtrian princes..
CHA P. II..
I
Conteſts between the houſes of York and Lancaſter.-Death
of the earl of Marche.-Richard duke of York appointed
chief governour of Ireland.-His conduct and conciliating.
policy in this country.-His equity to the old natives.—His
popular laws. His departure.-Infurrections.-Generous
conteſt between. O'Connor and his fon.-Military conduct of
Fitz-Euftace.—Adminiſtration of the earl of Kildare.-Duke
of York defeated at Blore-Heath.-Flies into Ireland.-His -
reception.-Zeal of the ſubjects and parliament of Ireland in
his ſupport. He returns to England on the victory of North-
ampton.-Is attended by the Meathians and others from Ire-
land. Is defeated and flain at Wakefield.-Effects of this
event on the native Irish.-Real influence of. the wars of
York and Lancaſter on Ireland..
CHA P. III..
30.
Intelligence received of the depofition of king Henry the
Sixth.-Kildare chief governour.-Is removed.-Fitz-Euf- ·
tace deputy to the duke of Clarence.-Death of the earl of
Ormond..
་
{
CONTENT S.
VOL. II.
Ormond. His brother feeks refuge in Ireland. His faction
rifes againſt the government of the new king.-Defeated by
the earl of Deſmond.-Power and pride of this lord. He is
created lord deputy.-Marches against the infurgents. Is
taken prifoner, and reſcued. His enemies take advantage of
his difgrace: His quarrel with the bishop of Meath.-His
parliament. Their partiality to the deputy.-His departure
to England. Returns to his government in triumph.-Mar-
riage of king Edward the caufe of the earl's ruin-Tiptoft,
earl of Worceſter, lord deputy.-Defmond difgraced. His
adherents profecuted in parliament.-Act of attainder againſt
the Geraldines.-Defmond beheaded.-Earl of Kildare re-
ſtoredby the king.-Inveſted with the government of Ire-
land. Obfequious compliances of Irish parliaments.-Infti-
tution of the fraternity of Saint George.-Revival of the
houfe of Ormond.-Kildare removed from the government.
-Suddenly reſtored. Refuſes to deliver the fword to lord
Grey.-Public confufion.-Rival parliaments and councils.
Kildare reſtored to the government.-King Edward's inftruc-
tions for the adminiſtration of Ireland. Encreafing power
of Kildare. His alliance with Conn O'Nial. His influence
during the reigns of Edward the Fifth and Richard the
Third..
47
CHA P. IV.
Acceffion of Henry the Seventh difpleafing to the Irifh fub-
jects.-Kildare continued lord deputy, and the Yorkifts ftill
employed in Ireland.-Motives affigned for this conduct.—
Unrivalled power of the earl of Kildare.-Difcontents in
England. Henry alarmed.-Apprehends fome fecret plots in
Ireland.-Summons Kildare to attend him. The earl evades
the mandate.-Simnel affumes the character of Richard duke
of York. Is commanded to perfonate the earl of Warwick.-
Real
:
VOL. II.
с
с CONTENTS.
•
Real policy of this fudden change. He arrives in Dublin.
Is received by the deputy, and favoured by all the Yorkiſts.
Is acknowledged and proclaimed king.-Is oppoſed by the
Butlers and the city of Waterford.-Affifted by the ducheſs
? of Burgundy.-Arrival of the lords Lincoln and Lovel in Ire-
land. Two thouſand German troops fent to the affiftance of
Simnel. His coronation.-An Irish parliament fummoned,
and the government adminiſtered in his name.-His intereft
in Ireland really weak.-He is attended into England by a
great body of partizans.-Engagement at Stoke.-Valour and
flaughter of the Irish forces.-Simnel taken priſoner.-Sub-
miffion of his Iriſh adherents.-Apparent lenity and real po-
licy of the king.-Kildare continued in the government.—
Sir Richard Edgecumbe fent into Ireland.-Kildare treats
haughtily, and receives his pardon upon his own terms.-At-
tends the king at Greenwich, with other lords of Ireland.-
They are difmiffed with marks of favour.-Conduct of Kil-
dare on his return to the government.-Laconic letters of
two Iriſh chieftains.-Plot of Perkin Warbeck.-Kildare re-
moved.-Warbeck arrives at Cork.-Supported by the earl
of Deſmond.-Called into France.-Houfe of Butler reſtor-
ed to power. Dangerous feuds.—Adminiſtration of arch-
biſhop Walter.-He is fummoned into England.-Inftance
of his fimplicity.—Clamours againſt the government of lord
Gormanſtown.-The earl of Kildare afferts his loyalty
before the king.-Sir Edward Poynings appointed lord de-
puty of Ireland.
69
CHA P. v.
Arrival of Sir Edward Poynings.—Objects of his adminiſtra-
tion.-Inſurrection of an Iriſh chieftain.-Poynings takes the
field.-Prepoffeffed againſt the earl of Kildare.-The earl
accuſed of a correfpondence with the enemy.-His brother
VOL. II.
* C
feizes
S
CONTENT 9.
VbLady.
feizes Carlow.-Poynings alarmed.Treats with the Ibiſh.
-Summons a parliament.-Acts of the tenth of Henry the
Seventh.-Poynings' Law.-Second attempt of Perkin om Ire-
land. He is fupported openly by the earl of Dèfmond.→He
retires to Scotland.-Kildare accuſed of difloyalty, and fent
prifoner to the king.-His behaviour to the king. His con-
temptuous treatment of his accufers.-The king's final-an-
fwer to their charge.-Kildare restored to the government of
Ireland.-Defmond pardoned.-Irish fubjects reconciled to
the king.-Device for reftraining the Irish enemies.Vigo-
rous conduct of Kildare.-His quarrels with the Butlers ac-
commodated.-Practices of his enemies defeated.-His fifter
given in marriage to Pierce Butler. Who kills Sir James
Ormond, and fucceeds to his power and poffeffions.-
Daughter of Kildare married to Uliac Clanricarde-Danger-
ous confequence of this alliance.-Battle of Knocktow. Its
confequences.-Revival and encreaſe of the English power
***99
in Ireland.
મ
•
CHA P. VI.
';
Acceffion of Henry the Eighth.-Ireland neglected.—Earl of
Kildare lord-deputy. His authority. His death. Its
effects.—He is fucceeded by his fon.-His parliament.-His
fuccefs.-Secret practices of the Butlers.Wolfey difpleaſed
with Kildare-who is fummoned to England. His mar-
riage.-Wolfey's advice for the adminiſtration of Irish govern-
ment.-Earl of Surrey lord-deputy.-His conduct and fuc-
cefs. His advice to the king.-Recalled.-Succeeded by
the earl of Ormond.-Whimfical embaffy to king Henry.-
Ormond ſupplanted by Kildare-who is appointed his fuc-
ceffor.-Traiterous practices of the earl of Defmond.Par-
tiality of Kildare to his kinfman.He is again fummoned to an-
ſwer to the accufations of his enemies.Acquitted and diſmiſſ-
ed.
قدمة
Y
·
Z
VELIJK
0
>
CONTENT S..
Fadl Bublic diſorders.Practices of Francis the firft in Ire-
sland. Sir William Skeffington lord-deputy. His inftruc-
-tions→Kildare greftored to favour.-Death of his enemy
Wolfey.Kildare appointed chief governour. His extrá-
vagance.and wiblence. Intrigues of his enemies.-Their pe-
tition to the throne. Kildare commanded to attend the king.
Commits the adminiſtration to his fon lord Thomas.-
Character and conduct of this lord.-Rumours of his father's
condemnation and death.-Rebellion of lord Thomas -His
progrefs-Miferable death of archbiſhop Alan Hoftilities
against the earl of Ormond.-Siege of Dublin.-Lord Tho-
mas treats with the citizens.-Succours arrive from England.
Lord Thomas retires into the Weft.-Skeffington, the new
deputy, inactive.-Siege of Maynooth.-Effect of the ſurren-
der of this caſtle.-Cruelty of Skeffington.-Defperate con-
dition of lord Thomas.-He furrenders to lord Leonard Grey.
•
•
Death of Skeffington.-Henry denounces vengeance againſt
the whole lineage of Kildare.-Five uncles of lord Thomas
treacherouſly ſeized.-Execution of the Geraldines.—Bro-
ther of lord Thomas preſerved from the vengeance of the
king.
CHAP. VII.
12[
Reformation of religion.-Its firft beginnings in England.-
Schemes for extending it to Ireland.-Circumſtances of this
icountry unfavourable to the defign.-Peculiar prejudice in
favour of the pope.-Practices of Cromer archbiſhop of Ar-
magh-Browne of Dublin zealous for the reformation.-His
repreſentations to lord Cromwell.-Iriſh parliament conven-
ed. Its ftatutes.-Oppofition of the partizans of Rome.-
Measures for paffing the act of fupremacy.-Subtility of the
popish party defeated.Neceffity of vigour in the field.-
Succeffes of lord Leonard Grey.-Factions formed againſt
*c 2
him.
CONTENTS.
V
VOL. II,
him.—Turbulence of the popish party.--Commiſſion from
Rome to Cromer and his affociates.Application to O'Njal
-He takes arms in the cauſe of the church. Defeated at
Bellahoe.-Lord Leonard Grey recalled, accufed, and exe-
cuted -New infurrection repelled-General deſpondency of
the difaffected.The title of King of Ireland conferred on
Henry. Submiffions of the Iriſh and degenerate English
lords.-Ordinances for the government of Connaught and
Munfter. Henry's favour to the great Iriſh fubjects.-Crea-
tions.-Meaſures for fecuring their attachment.-Defects in
the policy of the king and his Iriſh adminiſtration.Their
confequences.-Reformation of the ftate of Ireland how far
advanced.
CHAP.
VIII.
1-55
Acceffion of Edward the fixth.-Difpofitions in the ftate of
Ireland.-Saintleger chief governour. Arrival of Bellingham, A
and his forces.-Infurrections of O'Moore and O'Connor-—
Diſtreſs of theſe chieftains.-They furrender, and are im
prifoned. New Engliſh ſettlements in Leix and O'Fally. --
Secret practices of Rome.-Vigour of the chief governour
Bellingham.-Deſmond reclaimed.—Schemes of religious 551
formation.-Saintleger reinftated in his government.-Dif
ficulties attending the reformation in Ireland: Liturgy ins
troduced by proclamation.--Oppoſed by primate Dowdal. -
Prejudices againſt the reformers. Crofts ſucceffor to Saint
leger.-Endeavours to gain the primate. - Difputation at
Saint Mary's Abbey.-Puniſhment inflicted on Dowdal
His injudicious retreat.-Bale, biſhop of Offory, his cha-
racter and conduct. His treatment by the Irish.—The civil
government neceffarily vigilant.Factions in the Weft.In
Munſter and Ulfter-Diforders in the family of O'Nial
Character of John O'Nial. He is provoked. Takes arms.
His
Voll Nov
CONTENTS.
uprugers. Acceffion of queen Mary. Her graces to
He frith Tubjects Return of Dowdal.-Family of Kildare
tentoredo Connor releaſed.-Saintleger chief governour.
Proteftant bishops deprived.-Suffex lord deputy.-Infur-
rections in Leix and O'Fally.-Incurfions of the Scots.-Bull
of cardinal Pole received by the Irish parliament.-Acts for
the re-eſtabliſhment of Popery.-Acts for the civil govern-
ment Explanation of Poynings' law.-Private act relative
to archbishop Browne.-War between O'Nial and O'Donnel,
defcribed by the Iriſh annaliſts.-O'Brien created earl of
Thomond.—Scots defeated by the earl of Clanricarde. 187.
1st wod poolsaa
1
ва о к
CHA P. I.
IV.
Acceffion of Elizabeth to the throne.-Suffex chief
governour.
State of Ireland at this period.-Sir Henry Sydney's mo--
tions againſt John O'Nial.-Artifice of this chieftain.-Their
conference.-O'Nial's acute defence of his conduct.-Scheme
för ré-éſtabliſhing the Reformation.-Iriſh parliament of the
fecond year of queen Elizabeth.-Temper of this afſembly.
ifts laws. How received by the people.-Alarming ſpirit
of the Romiſh party.-New exceffes of John O'Nial.—His
infolence and caprice.-Suffex. marches againſt him.-Their
accommodation.-O'Nial fwears allegiance. Attends the
chief governour to Dublin.-Repairs to the court of Eliza-
beth. His appearance and retinue. He is reconciled to the:
queen. Affects an extraordinary zeal for her ſervice.-His-
conduct ſtill ſuſpicious. Suffex defends the Pale againſt him.
Sir Henry Sydney chief governour.-Garrison of Derry of-
fenfive to O'Nial.-His obfervation on the promotion. of:
Mac Arthy. He provokes the hoftilities of the Engliſh.
He
CONTENTS.
VOL. II.
12190
He propofès a conference with the lord deputy.-Refufes to
attend. His open rupture with Engliſh government and
the occafion of it. His irruptions. His practices in Ireland,
and in foreign countries. He endeavours to amuſe the lord
deputy.-Wiſe meaſures of Sydney for reducing John O'-
Nial.-Diſtreſſes of this chieftain. He is difappointed and
deſerted.—Reſolves to fubmit,-is diffuaded.—Applies to the
Scots.—His tragical death.--Sydney's regulation of Tirowen.
-Elizabeth's fears and fufpicions.-Character of the earl of
Deſmond.—His feuds with the houſe of Ormond.His fpi-
rited obſervation when wounded and made prifoñer.—Syd-
ney ſuſpected of partiality to this lord.-Seizes and conveys
him to Dublin.-Defmond and other lords attend Sydney to
the court of Elizabeth —The earl and his brother committed
to the Tower.-Diſorders occafioned by the abſence of Syd-
ney.—He returns.—Convenes a parliament.-Temper of the
Houſe of Commons.-Clamours and diſcontents.Acts of
this affembly.
CHA P. II.
ر
A
2:19
Progreſs in the civil reformation of Ireland, imperfect.Caufes
retarding it.—Inſurrections.-Sir Edmund Butler attacked by
Carew.-Hoftilities of James Fitz-Maurice. His vanity
His dependence on Rome and Spain.-Earl of Ormond quiets
the queen's fears.-Affifts Sydney in the pacification of Mun-
fter. His brothers fubmit.-The earls of Clancarthy and
Thomond terrified from their intentions to rebel. Are par-
doned.-Practices of Fitz-Maurice unfuccefsful.-He fub-
mits to Sir John Perrot.-Activity and fuccefs of this pro-
vincial governour.-Fitz-William lord deputy.-Scheme of
plantation in Ireland formed by Sir Thomas Smith. Affaffi-
nation of his fon.-Project of Walter, earl of Effex.-Sir
William
SEAN
1
1
YOL, H.
CONTENT S.
1
$
-¿ at
01
F
*
}
William Fitz-William jealous of this lord. His ill fucceſs.
Secret practices of the earl of Leicefter.-Effex detained
in Ireland.-Return of the earl of Deſmond and his brother.
They efcape into the South.-Letter of the pope to en-
courage infurrections, intercepted.-Effex affifts the deputy.
Infurgents repreffed and quieted.-Effex returns to the
purfuit of his plantations.-Harraffed by his enemies.-Dies
of vexation. Leiceſter ſuſpected of caufing him to be poi-
foned. Sir Henry Sydney returns to the government.-His
fuccefs.-Drury, lord prefident of Munſter.-His adventure
Tralee Sydney's project of a Compofition,-attended
with general and violent diſcontent.-Complaints againſt his
defign, how received by the queen.-Irish petitioners treat-
ed with feverity.-Refult of this conteft.-Sydney refigns
his government.-Elizabeth's foreign enemies.-Their de-
figns on Ireland.—Practices of Stukely and Fitz-Maurice in
Rome and Spain.-Bull in favour of Fitz-Maurice.—Zeal of
Saunders and Allen.-Preparations againſt invafion.-Death
of Stukely.-Deſcent of Fitz-Maurice and his Spaniards on
Smerwick.-Duplicity of the earl of Defmond.-Horrid bar-
barity of John-of Defmond.-Death of Fitz-Maurice.-Ex-
pedition of Drury.-Succeſs of Malby.-Diffimulation and
hoftilities of Defmond.-Pelham chief governour.-Desmond
proclaimed a traitor. His infolent meffage to Pelham.-
Miferies of his dependents.-Severities of the royal army.
Defmond's offers of fubmiffion rejected -Lord Grey chief
306 d
governour.-Fatal action at Glendalagh.-Troops arrive
from Spain.-Surrender and execution of their garriſon.-
Infurrections.-Confpiracy againft lord Grey.-His
govern-
ment odious.-Rigour of the queen's officers.-John of Def-.
mond killed.-Defparate ſtate of the earl of Defmond.-
Manner of his death.
दे
17
21
Vajalikk
a
246
CHA P.
CONTENT S.
VOL. II.
CHA P. HI….
English miniſtry and parliament not well difpofed to the civil
reformation of Ireland.-Sir John Perrot lord deputy.-
Principal object of his adminiftration, a general extenfion
and execution of the English law.-His fuccefs in Connaught.
-His progrefs to the South interrupted. His fuccefsful
practices with the Iriſh of Ulfter.-His extenfive fchemes for
the improvement of Ireland.-Rejected in England.-Par-
liament at Dublin, how compoſed.-Iriſh chieftains admit-
ted,-appear in the English garb.-Tirlough Lynnogh ex-
preſſes his uneafineſs at his new habiliments.-Scheme for
fufpenfion of Poynings' law violently oppofed by the com-
mons.-Temper of this houfe.Speedy prorogation.-New
appearances of danger in the North.-Defeat of the Scots.-
Perrot regulates the northern province.-Anfwer of a Scottish
chieftain to the infult of an Englishman.-Perrot's fecret ene-
mies.-His indiſcretion.-Baſe machinations to irritate the
queen againſt him.-She mortifies Perrot.-He folicits to be
recalled.-Continues to adminifter his government with fi-
delity and fuccefs.-Reformation of Connaught.-Earl of
Deſmond and his aſſociates attainted in parliament.-Scheme
of the plantation of Munſter.-Defects and abuſes of this
fcheme. New diſorders in Connaught; Bingham, the lord
prefident, ſevere.—His conduct diſapproved by Perrot.-Re-
peated infurrections of the De Burghos.-Perrot marches in-
to the Weft, contrary to his inſtructions.-Bingham already
victorious.—Elizabeth impatient of the burden of Ireland.-
Recalls fome of her Iriſh forces to the Netherlands.-Some
of the leſs reformed Iriſh engaged in this ſervice, and in that
of Spain. They learn the art of war.-Execution of Eng-
liſh law rendered odious in Ulfter.-Practices of popiſh ec-
cleſiaſtics in this province.-Character of Hugh O'Nial.-
He
*
VOD. II.
CONTENTS.
He infinuates himſelf into the favour of Perrot.-Recom-
mends himſelf effectually to Elizabeth.-Is inveſted with
the earldom of Tirowen and the eftate annexed to it.-
Trains his followers to arms.-Makes provifion for war.-
The chieftain of Tirconnel turbulent.His fon feized and
confined by a ftratagem.-Perrot refigns his government to
1. Sir William Fitz-William.Temper of this new governour
Part of the Spanish Armada driven by ftorm on the nor-
thern coafts of Ireland.Effects of this incident.-Fitz-Wil-
diam marchés into the North in fearch of Spanish treaſure.
Inſtances of his provoking tyranny.-Earl of Tirone fuf-
pected. He flies to England. His fubmiffion to the Eng-
dish council.-Accufed by Hugh Ne-Gavelocke. The ac-
cufation flighted. Son of the chieftain of Tirconnel and
**** other priſoners eſcape from the caftle of Dublin.-Their ex-
treme diftrefs: Young O'Donnel conveyed to Ulfter.-Dif-
-affection of the northern chieftains enflamed by the cruelty
dof Fitz-William-Anfwer of Macwire to his intimation of
fending a fheriff into Fermanagh.-Practices and preparations
for infurrection in the northern province. Revenge of the
Earl of Tirone on Hugh Ne-Gavelocke-Artifice of this
earl Compofition eſtabliſhed in every province of Ireland.
Interval of apparent tranquillity.-Foundation of the Uni-
overfity of Dublin.
izerbrun k
CHA P.
IV.
291
Earl of Tirone fufpected. Accufed by Bagnal.-Partiality of
Fitz-William.-Affected loyalty of Tirone.-He provokes
his countrymen.-Affumes the title of O'Nial.-Ruffel lord-
deputy-Amufed by Tirone.-Succefs and cruelties of the
Iriſh in Ulfter and Connaught.—Sir John Norris ſent into
Ireland to command the queen's forces.-Hoftilities of Ti-
rone. His danger and addrefs.-The queen directs a con-
* d
ference
VOL. II.
A
CONTENT S.
VOL. II.
•
-2
ference with the Northerns. They condefcend to a ſhort
truce. Spirit of rebellion extended to Leinfter and Munfter.
-Diſtreſs of Norris.-Fruitlefs expedition against the Nor-
therns. Their terrour, their parley, and fubmiffion. They
repent of their treaty.-Are encouraged by Spain: Norris
engaged in Connaught. Recalled to the North by the hofti-
lities of Tirone. Affected fubmiffion of this earl.Condef-
cenfions of the queen.-Infolence of Tirone.-Difgrace and
death of Norris.-Lord Burgh chief governour-Purfues
the war with vigour. His fudden death. Ormond com-
mander of the army. His conference with Tirone. Their
accommodation.-Irish rebels encouraged by the queen's con-
duct.-Hoftilities renewed. Battle of Blackwater-Confe-
quences of this action.-Infolence of the difaffected, and
diftreſs of the royalifts. Earl of Effex lord-lieutenant.-His
formidable army. The rebels ftill undifmayed. Conduct of
Effex. His repreſentations to the queen. He is reinforced.
-Prepares to march against the Northerns.-Defeat and
death of Sir Conyers Clifford.-Earl of Effex confers with
Tirone. Their interview.-A truce granted to the North-
erns.-Elizabeth alarmed.-Effex incenfed. His precipitate
departure and appearance before the queen.-Irish infurgents
elevated.-Affifted by Spain. Encouraged by the pope.-
His preſent to Tirone. The truce broken by this earl.-
Applications to Rome. A bull in favour of the Iriſh inſur-
gents. Their power. The weakneſs of government.-Ti-
rone practiſes in Munfter.-Activity of the earl of Or-
mond.
327
CHA P. V.
Lord Mountjoy, chief governour.-Deſpiſed by the Irish.-At-
tempts to furround Tirone, who efcapes from Munster,
and gains his northern quarters.--Sir George Carew, lord
prefident
VOL. II
¿C TOWN IT EN CT S.
prefident of Munfter, attends the earl of Ormond to a par-
ley with O'Moore Ormond feized by the rebels.-Rebels
elated. Jealoufies and fufpicions of the friends of govern-
ment.Terms propofed for the enlargement of Ormond-
Rejected by Mountjoy. His operations and fuccefs in Ulfter.
Their influence.-Rebels of Leinfter harraffed and diftreff-
ed.—Ulfter defolated. Tirone harraffed, diftreffed and de-
ferted Progrefs of Mountjoy interrupted by intelligence
from England. His fears diffipated. His manner of con-
ducting the war. He divides the Northerns.-Deprives the
war.He
rebels of fubfiftence. They are deprived of foreign ſupplies,
by the ſcheme of a new coinage.-The queen's foldiers im-
poverished.-Services of Mountjoy approved by the queen.
Caufes of diſcontent and rebellion in Munfter.-Leaders
and preparations of the rebels.-Carew practiſes againſt the
rebel-leaders.Titular earl of Defmond feized and reſcued.
Progrefs of Carew.-Diftreffes of the rebels.—James, fon
of the rebel earl of Defmond, fent into Ireland.-His adven-
ture at Kilmallock-Munfter rebels ſubmit in great num-
bers.-Rumour of a Spaniſh invafion-Its effect.-Titular
earl of Defmond feized and delivered to Carew.-The defigns
of Spain confirmed.-Precautions of Carew.-Spaniſh fleet
in the harbour of Kinfale.-Mountjoy and Carew proceed to
Corke. The time of the Spaniſh deſcent unfavourable.-
The place inconvenient. The Spaniards ſeparated.-Don
Juan d'Aguila befieged in Kinfale.-The Northerns march
to his fupport.-Carew attempts to intercept them; but in
vain. Royaliſts reinforced.-Progreſs of the fiege.-Don
Juan's anfwer to the fummons of the lord deputy.-Six Spa-
nifh fhips arrive at Caftlehaven.-Which produces a general
revolt of the Iriſh.-Admiral Levifton repulfed.-Diftrefs of
the befiegers.-Scheme of Tirone for completely reducing
them. Don Juan urges him to an engagement -Defeat of
* d 2
the
CONTENTS.
VOL. II.
the Iriſh confederates.-Flight of O'Donnel and Tirone.
Don Juan aſtoniſhed and provoked. Treats with the lord
deputy.-His ſtatelineſs and contempt of the Irish.-The
capitulation opportunely concluded. The Spanith poſts fur-
rendered.-O'Sullivan feizes Dunboy.The caftle affaulted
by Carew.-Deſperate efforts of the governour in his ex-
piring moments.-War revived in Munster with rancour and
cruelty.-Terminated by Carew.-Mountjoy profecutes the
Northerns.-Hideous calamity of the rebels.Tirone fues
for mercy. His overtures accepted. Irrefolution of the
queen.-Inconfiftency of her inftructions.-Mountjoy con-
cludes the treaty with Tirone.-His fubmiffion to the de-
puty.-Renewed on advice of the death of Elizabeth, to
James her fucceffor.
CHA P. VI.
370
Inſurrections in the reign of Elizabeth not influenced by refr-
gious motives.-Popish party of this reign. Their principles
and practices.-Sentence of the Spanifh univerfities.-Effects
of popiſh virulence, on the acceffion of James. Infolence of
the citizens of Cork and Waterford.-Spirited conduct of
Mountjoy.-Southern cities intimidated.-A& of oblivion
and indemnity.-Favour fhewn to Tirone and O'Donnel.
Progreſs of Reformation by Carew and Chicheſter.-Tainiftry
and Gavelkind aboliſhed.-Commiffion of grace,-cautiously
executed.—Practices of popish ecclefiaftics.-Proclamation
againſt the recufant clergy.-Execution of penal laws-Its
effects.-Trial of Lalor.-Confpiracy and flight of the earls
of Tirone and Tirconnel,-favourable to the defigns of
James.-Rebellion of O'Dogherty. His cruelties. His
death.-Eſcheated counties of Ulfter.-James folicitous for
the plantation of them.-Sir Arthur Chichester an uſeful
agent and director.-Scheme of the northern plantation.-
Errours
१
VOL. II.
CONTENT 8.
9.
Errours of Elizabeth's plantations corrected.-Adventurers.
Diſtribution of lands.-City of London engaged in the
plantation.Inftitution of the order of baronets. Provi-
fions for the clergy and univerfity. - Execution of the
ſcheme not entirely conformable to the original idea.
CHA P. VII.
411
Adminiſtration of Chicheſter acceptable to James.-Cauſes of
: diſcontent in Ireland from DISCOVERERS, from penal ſta-
tutes. Temper of the recufants and puritans.-Deſign of
holding an Irish parliament-alarming to the recufants.-
Petition of the lords of the Pale.-Management of elections.
-The recufant party elevated and turbulent.-Conteſts on
the opening the parliament.-Tumultuous proceedings in
electing a fpeaker. Obſtinacy of the recufants.—Modera-
tion of Chicheſter-diſagreeable to the puritans.-Agents of
the recufant party, and their petition to the king.-His re-
ception of the agents.-Inftance of their confidence.-Chi-
chefter fummoned into England.-Final anſwer of the king
to the petition of the recufants.-Seffion of the Iriſh parlia-
ment. Mutual good temper of the recufants and the admi-
niſtration.-Laws-fubfides favourably received.-Convoca-
tion at Dublin.-Articles of religion compiled by Uſher.-A
confpiracy immediately detected and fuppreffed.-Scheme
for the plantation of feveral counties in Leinfter.-Admi
niſtration of Sir Oliver Saint-John unpopular.-Commiſ-
fioners fent from London to enquire into the ſtate of Ireland.
Saint-John recalled and rewarded.-Lord Faulkland chief
governour.—Uſher offends the recufants.
:
CHA P. VIII.
438
Review of complaints and difcontents during the late Irish ad-
miniſtrations.Grievances and abufes from plantations,
from
CONTENTS.
VOLADI!
}
from plantations, from enquiries into defective titles. In-
famous practices of difcoveries and crown-agents. Inferiour
grievances. Miferable ftate of the Irish army.-No advan-
tage taken of the weakness of government, and why-
James directs levies to be made in Ireland for the fervice of
Spain. The meaſure dangerous, and alarming in the execu-
tion.-Faulkland urgently applies for an augmentation of the
army.-Difficulties arifing from the deficiency of the reve-
nue.-Projects for fupplying the deficiency. Scheme againſt
the corporations rejected as dangerous.-Scheme for a plan-
tation of Connaught,-fufpended by a treaty with the inha-
bitants, and by the death of James.-Turbulence of the
Iriſh recufants on the acceffion of Charles.-Irish army aug-
mented, and irregularly maintained. Affected loyalty of
the recufants.-A free gift offered to the king, on condition
of indulgence to the Romish worship.-Proteftant clergy
alarmed.-Remonftrance of the Irish prelates, and of the
English commons.-Free gift of the Irish accepted. The
GRACES tranfmitted to the lord deputy. Summary of theſe
GRACES.-The royal promife of a parliamentary confirma-
tion of them, eluded with apparent infincerity. The
GRACES, however, highly fatisfactory to the Iriſh ſub-
jects.
465
APPENDIX.-Speech of Sir John Davis to the lord deputy Chi-
cheſter, on his being approved ſpeaker of the houſe of Com-
mons, May 21, 1613, 492.—Notes on the foregoing ſpeech,
5.97
+
1
со
CON-
>
CONTENT S
OF THE
THIRD
B
VOLUM E.
EFFECTS
OOK
CHA P. I.
V.
FECTS of the royal GRACES.-Temper of the recu-
fants. Their clergy. Their practices. Proclamation
againſt their hierarchy.-Removal of lord Faulkland.—Lof-
tus, and the earl of Cork lords juftices.-Controuled in their
attempts for fuppreffion of popery.-Infolence of the Romish
party. Lord Wentworth appointed chief governour.-His
addrefs in procuring a voluntary fubfidy from the Iriſh.-
His arrival in Ireland.-His difpofitions and principles.-
He diſguſts the Irish privy-council. He gains a continuance
of the voluntary fubfidy.-A parliament defired.-Went-
worth undertakes to manage it. His object, and meaſures.
-Debates in council on the bill of fubfidy.-Compliance of
the commons. Temper of the lords.-Incident in the houfe
of
peers.—Earl of Ormond a favourite.-Earl of Kildare dif-
graced. Lords diffatisfied. They order the tranfmiffion of
bills. Proteft of lord Wentworth.-He denies to confirm
the graces. Subfequent acts of his parliament.-Convoca-
tion.-Circumſtances of the clergy.-They are fupported by
IV
Went-
CONTENT S.
Vor III.
Wentworth. His care of the univerfity.-English articles
and canons eſtabliſhed.-High commiffion court erected.
Wentworth's ſchemes for improving the revenue.-Intro-
duction of a linen manufacture.-Project of a weſtern plan-
tation revived.-Progrefs of the inquifitions in the weſtern
province. Clamour against the proceedings.-Wentworth's
adminiſtration odious.-His infolence and rigour.-Sir Pierce
Croſby.-Lord Mountnorris.-His profecution and fentence.
-Wentworth repairs to England.-His adminiſtration ap-
proved by the king. He returns to Ireland.-Ist ftill odious
and arbitrary. His conteft with lord chancellor Loftus.-
Merits of his adminiſtration.
1
CHA P. II.
•
I
Infurrection of Scotland-alarming to lord Wentworth. He
impoſes an engagement on the Ulfter Scots. He fupplies the
king with money and foldiers.-Defeats the attempts of Ar-
gyle.-Project of the earl of Antrim.-Difapproved by Went-
worth.-Favoured by the king-Vanity and infincerity of
Antrim.-Wentworth recalled to England.-Created earl of
Strafford, and knight of the Garter.-Returns to Dublin.
Meets a parliament.-Zeal and liberality of the Iriſh com-
mons.-New army levied.-Strafford returns to England.
Sudden change of diſpoſition in the Iriſh parliament.-Cauſes
of this change.-Remonftrance of the commons againſt the
clergy.—Their new regulation of fubfidies.-Strafford re-
turns to Ireland.-Preparations for invading Scotland. Trea-
ty of Rippon.-Orders for difbanding the Irish army.-En-
creafing ſpirit of oppofition in the Iriſh parliament.-Injudicious
complaints.-Order for the affeffment of fubfidies-torn from
the commons' Journals by the king's command.-Remon-
STRANCE of grievances voted haftily by the commons-tranf-
mitted to England.-Irish agents in London.-Earl of Straf-
'
ford
1
λ
VOL. III.
CONTENT S.
}
*
ford impeached.-Death of Wandesford.-The king yields
to the Iriſh agents.-Lord juſtices appointed.-Farther com-
Apliances of the king.—The Iriſh agents preſent the remon-
ftrance to the throne.-Anſwer of Sir George Ratcliffe.-
The agents decline to reply particularly.-New feffion of the
Irish parliament.-Demands of the commons.-They pro-
teſt againſt the preamble of the firft fubfidy-bill.-Lords pre-
pare a petition of grievances.-Motion of the biſhop of
Meath.-Lords jealous of their privilege.-QUERIES prefent-
ed by the commons to the upper house, for the opinion of the
judges.-Tranfmitted to the parliament of England.-Im-
peachments in Ireland.-A prorogation.-Act of attainder
paffed againſt the earl of Strafford.-Effects of this event on
Ireland.-Conceffions of the king to the Iriſh agents.-Their
farther demands.-Important queftion arifing from the im-
peachments of the commons-undecided.—Arbitrary pro-
ceedings of the commons-againſt the clergy-againſt the
univerſity.-QUERIES refumed.-Anſwer of the judges un-
fatisfactory to the commons.-Their decifions on the feveral
queries. They recede from the impeachments.-They op-
pofe the defign of ſending the diſbanded army into foreign
fervice.-Sufpicious attempt to examine the king's ftores.-
Return of the Iriſh agents.
CHA P. III.
42
Peace of Ireland fatally interrupted.-Cauſes and occafions of
rebellion.-Temper of the mere Irish-and old Engliſh.-
Their provocations.-Influence of religion.-Spirit and prin-
ciples of Romiſh ecclefiaftics.-Their practices on the con-
tinent.-Schemes of infurrection difcovered by Heber Mac-
Mahon.-Influence of the Scottiſh infurrection.-Character
of Roger Moore.-His-connexion with young Tirone.—His
practices with Plunket and Macguire. He engages other
Northerns.
VOL. IIL
*>
*e
CONTENTS.
VOL. NY
1
"
Northerns. Their conferences.-Their hopes of foreign
fuccours. They are enflamed by intelligence from England.
-Propofal for feizing the caftle of Dublin-Sir Phelim
O'Nial.-Plan of the confpiracy.-The whole defign on the
point of being laid afide.-Zeal of Moore to revive it-
Scheme of proceeding in Dublin-and in the country.-Fan-
taſtical projects of fome confpirators. Affembly at the
abbey of Multifernam.-Confpirators repair to Dublin.-
Their conſultation on the twenty-fecond of October.-Su-
pineneſs of government.-Information of Sir William Cole
neglected.-Owen O'Conolly.-His conference with Mac-
Mahon. His information to Sir William Parfons.-Coun-
cil affembled at the houſe of Sir John Borlafe.-Mac-Mahon
feized and examined.-Lord Macguire detected and fecured.
-Eſcape of their affociates.-Sir Francis Willoughby.-His
advice. His zeal and affiduity.-Confufion in Dublin.-
Falſe rumours.Stratagem of Sir John Temple.-Meafures
for the public defence.-Lords of the Pale apply for arms.-
Anſwer of the juftices and council.-The proclamation of
government offenfive to the lords of the Pale.-Second
pro-
clamation. Difpatches to the king, and to the earl of
Leiceſter.-Succeffes of the rebels in Ulfter-Proceeding in
Cavan and Longford.-Errour of the English.Their cala-
mities. Rancourous fpirit of the rebels.-Their pretended
commiffion from the king.-Their ſubſequent manifeſto.—
Remonftrance from Longford. Oppofition given to the re-
bels.-Diſpatches and fupplies from the king.-O'Nial foiled
and diſgraced.-Defeat, of the rebels at Lifburn.-Horrid
cruelties of the rebels.-Maffacre in ISLAND-MAGEE.
CHA P. IV.
85
Conduct of the lords juftices.-Intelligence of the rebellion re-
ceived by the English parliament.-Their refolutions.-Mode
and
Vor. UL.
CONTENT 8.
تاسیم
}
and fpirit of their procedure.-Flame of rebellion extended.
bitState of Munſter:-Services of the earl of Clanricarde in
Connaught.-The lords juftices recall the arms they had
diſtributed,—repeat their proclamation againſt any reſort to
Dublin. Their infidious manner of offering pardon to the
rebels. They oppoſe the meeting of a parliament.-Allow
a feffion of one day. Tranſactions of the parliament.-Agents
fent to the king.-Private repreſentations of the lords juf
tices. The agents and their papers feized by order of the
* Engliſh commons.-Rebels elated.-Reject overtures of ac-
commodation.-Directed by Roger Moore.-Frame their
roath of affociation.—Provoked by the cruelties of Sir Charles
Coote.—March to inveſt Drogheda. Animated by their
victory at Julian's Town Bridge.-Moore's practices in the
Pale at length fucceſsful.-Meeting and interview at the Hill
of Crofty-Seven noblemen and their adherents of the Pale
declare for war.-Lords of the Pale ſummoned by the ſtate.
Their anſwer.-Replies.-Addreffes of the lords to the
king and queen.-They concert their operations.—Procla-
mations figned by the king.-Infurrection in Munfter.-The
leaders, their procedure,fuccefs, and diffenfion.-Dro-
nigheda inveſted. Defence of Drogheda neglected by the ſtate.
Unſucceſsful attempts to furpriſe the town.-Skirmiſh at
h-Swords-Ormond marches to Naas. His fpirited anſwer to
lord Gormanfton's menace.-Reinforcements from England.
Diftreffes of the army.Ormond commiffioned to march
to the Boyne.-Siege of Drogheda raiſed.-Ormond forbid-
den to purſue the rebels.-General diſpoſition of the Pale to
be reconciled to government.-Diſpleaſing to the lords juſ-
tices. Their priſoners racked.-Motives and confequences
of this procedure.-Infurgents of the Pale driven to deſpera-
tion.Battle of Kilruſh.
atul..
130
念​!
€ 2
Σ
СНАР.
CONTENT S.
VOL. IIN
1
*
CHA P. V.
rodt b
brem
Falogni ke
F
1
Diſtreſs of the kingdom.-State of Leinster, of Connaught,
-of Munfter.-Death of Saint Leger.-He is fucceeded by
lord Inchiquin.-Lord Forbes. His procedure.-Battle of
Lifcarrol.-Monroe and his Scottish forces arrive in Ulfter.
-Cruelty and confternation of the rebels.-Inactivity of
Monroe.-Earl of Antrim feized.-Sir Phelim O'Nial de-
feated. Loyalists of Ulfter reftrained by the earl of Leven.
-Rebels diftreffed.-They prepare to abandon Ireland.-
Prevented by the arrival of Owen O’Nial.—Arrival of the
earl of Leven. His fudden return to Scotland. Superiority
of the rebels.-Arrival of Preſton and his forcés. Synods
of the Romish clergy.-Their ordinances.-Supreme coun-
cil, and general affembly of Kilkenny.-Their order of go-
vernment, and oath of affociation.-They chufe provincial
generals. They petition the king and queen.-Difcontent
and death of Roger Moore.-Loyalty of the earl of Clanri-
carde.-Earl of Caftlehaven unites with the confederate Triſh.
-Practices of the Engliſh parliament with the army of Ire-
land.-Defeated by the earl of Ormond,-who is created a
marquis.-Practices of the lords juftices,-of Reynolds and
Goodwin.-Diſcontents of the military officers.-Their dom-
plaints conveyed to the king.-Situation of Charles.—He is
diſpoſed to an accommodation with the rebels. His commif-
fion for receiving their propofitions.-Oppofed by the lärds
juftices. Spirited orders of the king.-Ormond declines the
poſt of lord lieutenant.-His firft treaty with the confede-
rate Iriſh. Their pride. They are made more tractable.-
A meeting appointed at Trim.-Progrefs of the treaty dif-
pleafing to the lords juftices.-They project an expedition.
-Ormond takes the command of it.-Battle of Rofs Dif-
treſs of Dublin.—Interview at Trim.-Complaints and de-
mands
(
VOL. II,
CONTENT 9.
วก
-
mands of the Irish.-Their remonftrance tranfmitted to the
king. Oppoſed by the lords juftices.-Their violences.-
Sir William Parſons removed from the government.-The
king orders a treaty of ceffation.-Circumftances of the
kingdom juſtify this meaſure.-Expedient of the new juſtices
for ſupport of the army.-Progreſs of the treaty with the
Irish.-Cautious procedure of the marquis of Ormond.-He
is difgufted with the pride of the Iriſh.-Sufpends the treaty.
-Endeavours to come to an engagement with Preſton,—but
in vain. The king renews his orders for a treaty of ceffa-
tion.-Parfons and his affociates imprifoned.-The Old Iriſh
averfe to any treaty.-The more moderate of the confederacy
prevail. Treaty of ceffation figned,-odious to many in Ire-
land and England.--Declaration of the Engliſh parliament
againſt the ceffation.
CHA P. VI.
168
Forces fent from Ireland to the affiftance of the king.-Their
ill fuccefs.-Ormond created lord lieutenant.-His embarraff-
ments from the Scots, and from the Iriſh.-Adventures and
undertakings of Antrim. He is created a marquis, and com-
miffioned to raiſe forces in Ireland.-His diſappointments.—
He takes the oath of affocation, and accepts a command
from the confederates.-Final iffue of his negociations.—At-
tempts of Ormond to break the Irish confederacy-Affairs
of Ulfter.—The covenant eagerly taken by the Britiſh forces
of this province.-New commiffion fent to Monroe-He
ſeizes Belfaſt.-His treaty with the English forces.-They
declare, against the ceffation.-Irish alarmed.-The com-
mand of their forces offered to Ormond.-They demand that
`he ſhould proclaim the Scots and their adherents rebels.-He
evades their demands.-Irish treaty at Oxford.-Infolence of
the popiſh agents.-Their final demands.-Extravagant re-
1
quifitions
CONTENTS.
VOL. III.
2
quifitions of fome proteftant agents. Propofitions offered by
thofe of the Irish privy council.-Charles embarraffed.-His
anſwer to the Irish agents.His fpeech on their departure.
-He transfers the treaty to the marquis of Ormond.-Diffi-
culties of this lord.-Lords Inchinquin and Efmond revolt to
the parliament, and declare against the ceffation.-Ormond
commences his treaty.-The propofitions of the Irish and his
anſwers. Their proceedings adjourned.-Gradual condefcen-
fions of the king, difagreeable to Ormond.-He offers to refign
his
government.-Charles refuſes his offer,-labours to conci-
liate both the popish and proteftant party in Ireland.-Prac-
tices of the confederates in foreign courts.-Their military
operations. Duncannon taken by the Irish.-Progrefs of lord
Caſtlehaven.-Treaty renewed with Ormond.-Earl of Ġla-
morgan, and the nuncio Rinunccini expected in Ireland.-
Temper and proceedings of the Iriſh clergy.-New demands
of the confederates.-Arrival of the earl of Glamorgan.
His commiffions, and fecret treaty.-The negociations with
Ormond apparently concluded.-The king unhappily defeats
his own purpoſes.
213
CHA P. VII.
'Rinunccini fent to Ireland as nuncio.-His conferences with the
queen at Paris.—Projects of the Engliſh catholics.-The nuncio
arrives at Kilkenny. His reception by the fupreme council.
(
His conferences with Glamorgan. His objections to the
treaty of peace. His practices with the Popish biſhops,—He
obtains new conceffions from Glamorgan.-Military affairs.
-Sligo taken.Attempt to recover it.-Defeat and death
of the archbiſhop of Tuam.Glamorgan's private treaty dif-
cloſed. His is impeached by lord Digby, and impriſoned.
His examination before the council.-His conference with
Ormond. His liberty demanded by the fupreme council.-
He
VOL. II.
NTE NT S.
He en
He is diſcharged. His tranfactions disavowed by the king.
The king's private letters to Ormond and Glamorgan.-
Zeal and artifice of the nuncio in oppofition to the peace.-
Delays and altercations. New conceffions of Glamorgan.-
His engagements and promifes to the nuncio.-His confident
afſurances to the king.-Treaty concluded with the marquis
of Ormond.—He is folicited to join with the Iriſh againſt the
parliamentarians.—His cautious and fpirited anſwers.-The
king's letter from the Scottiſh army.-Lord Digby's declara-
tions. The peace ratified and proclaimed,-oppofed by the
nuncio.-Ignorance and bigotry of this prelate.
gages Owen O'Nial in his fervice.-Battle of Benburb.—
Effects of this action.-Proclamation of the peace oppofed in
feveral cities. The adherents of the peace excommunicated.
-Ormond invited to Kilkenny.-Is received with joy.-
Project to intercept him. He regains the capital.-Nuncio's
entry into Kilkenny.-He impriſons the members of the fu--
preme council, and appoints a new council.-Vain expecta-
tions of Glamorgan and the nuncio.-Preparations for the
defence of Dublin.-Ormond treats with the English parlia-
ment, The confederates inveft Dublin.-Their demands.-
Their diffenfions.-Digby and Clanricarde practiſe with the
nuncio and Prefton.-Sudden retreat of the confederates.-
Treaty between Clanricarde and Prefton.-Negociation of
the marquis of Ormond with the parliament broken off-
Ormond reluctantly involves himſelf in the engagements of
Clanricarde.-Prefton fuddenly reconciled to the nuncio
A new general affembly declares against the peace.—Or-
mond renews his treaty with the parliament, -Futile at-
tempts of the confederates to defeat it. The parliamentarians
-maſters of Dublin.-Ormond refigns the ſword of ſtate, and
--departs from Ireland.
259
BOOK.
:
CONTENT S.
VOL. IH.
во о к
оок VI.
CHA P. I.
* a
State of Ireland on the departure of the marquis of Ormond.-
Preſton defeated at Dungan-hill.-Owen O'Nial called to the
defence of Leinſter.-Progreſs of lord Inchiquin.—Battle of
Knock nonefs.-General affembly at Kilkenny-Intempe-
rance of the nuncio.-Agents choſen for Rome and France.-
Their inftructions.-Anfwer of the queen and prince to the
Irish agents.-Iriſh treat about a ceffation with lord Inchi-
quin. He revolts to the royalifts.-The nuncio oppoſes the
ceffation. It is concluded.-Excommunication pronounced
on thoſe who ſhould fupport it.-Appeal againſt the excom-
munication.-O'Nial and the nuncio declare war againſt the
fupreme council.-The nuncio driven to Galway.-O'Nial
treats with Jones.-Succeffes of Monk.-Antrim unites with
O'Nial. Their ill-fuccefs. Return of the agents from
France. The nuncio admonished to depart from the king-
dom.-Arrival of the marquis of Ormond. He commences
a treaty of peace with the confederates.-Clamours of the
clergy. Treaty interrupted,-renewed,-and concluded-
Appointment of COMMISSIONERS OF TRUST. Charles
executed. His fon proclaimed in Ireland.-Confternation
and flight of the nuncio.-Various parties and intereſts. in
Ireland.-Ormond practiſes with O'Nial, with Coote, and
with Jones, but in vain.-Difficulties and diftreffes of the
marquis. The king purpoſes to repair to Ireland.-Ormond
takes the field.-Jones embarraffed.-O'Nial treats with
Monk.-Preſton's officers corrupted.-Ormond advances to
Dublin.-Inchiquin marches to Drogheda.-His fucceffes.-
Coote relieved in Derry.-Succours arrive in Dublin.-
Alarming intelligence.-Lord Inchiquin detached to Mun-
fter.
1
VOL. II.
CONTENT s.
雌
​£
-
fter Battle of Rathmines.-Effects of Ormond's defeat.-
He conceives new hopes from a junction with Owen O'Nial.
-He relieves Drogheda,-Arrival of Oliver Cromwell.-
Storm and maffacre of Drogheda.-Progrefs of the parlia-
mentarians in Ulfter.-Ormond urges the king to repair to
Ireland The defign prevented.-Wexford ftrengthened,-
betrayed to Cromwell.-Rofs furrendered.-Siege of Dun-
cannon raiſed.Ormond reinforced.-He refolves to engage
Cromwell, who invefts Waterford. Perverſeneſs of the
citizens. Their garrifon reinforced.-Cromwell raifes the
fiege.-Ormond prevented from attacking his rear.-The
Munfter garrifons revolt to Cromwell.- Confequence of
this event. The cities refufe to admit Ormond's garriſons.
Obſtinacy and infolence of the citizens of Waterford.-Or-
mond's forces difperfed.-His conduct maligned.-Affembly
of biſhops. Their declaration.-County-agents at Kilkenny,
-alarmed at the approach of Cromwell. He retires.-
Again returns to Kilkenny, which is furrendered.- -He
marches to Clonmel.-Brave defence of Hugh O'Nial.-At-
tempt to relieve Clonmel,-defeated by lord Broghill.-Re-
folution of a bifhop of Roſs.-Clonmel ſurrendered.-Crom-
well embarks for England.
·******
典
​CHA P.. II.
ན་
312
State of Ireland on the departure of Cromwell.-Attempt to re-
-cover Ulſter from the parliamentarians.-Defeat and death
of Heber Mac Mahon.-Limerick refuſes to receive a garri-
fon from Ormond.-He applies to the clergy.-Their facti-
ous and infidious conduct.-Ormond threatens to retire from
the kingdom. The nobility alarmed. The citizens of
Limerick relent. They invite Ormond to their town.-He
is excluded by a tumult.-Traduced by the clergy.—Their
affembly at James-town. They require Ormond to depart
VOL. III.
from
* f
1
CONTENTS.
VOL. HE
:
from the kingdom.-Their declaration against his govern-
ment. Their excommunication of all his party.-Progrefs
of the parliamentarians.-Irish prelates fufpend, but refuſe
to revoke their excommunication.-They are enflamed by the
king's declaration from Scotland.-Ormond's propofitions to
the commiffioners of truft.-New general affembly;-in-
fluenced by the clergy.-Ormond retires to France.-Mar-
quis of Clanricarde lord deputy.-Attempt on Limerick de-
feated Irish clergy diſpoſed to a treaty with the parliamen-
tarians. They are intimidated,-yet ſtill averſe to the king's
authority.—Their agent ſent to the duke of Lorrain:-Occa-
fion, progreſs, and event of the tranfactions with this prince.
-Ireton prepares for the fiege. of Limerick,-eroffes the
Shannon, and invefts the city.-Valour of Henry O'Nial.
-Lord Muſkerry marches to the relief of Limerick,-is de-
feated by lord Broghill-Limerick betrayed to the befiegers.
Severe executions. Ungenerous treatment of Henry
Q'Nial.-Death of Ireton.-Ludlow prepares for a new cam-
paign.-General confternation.-The clergy ftill infolent
Galway furrendered.-Extreme diftrefs of Clanricarde-He
accepts terms, and departs from the kingdom.-Acts for
diftribution of lands in Ireland. Trials of Irish rebels Sir
Phelim O'Nial feized.-His trial and execution.-Diſpoſi-
tions of the forfeited lands.Oliver proclaimed lord protector
in Ireland.—Henry Cromwell fent into. Ireland-Fleetwood
lord deputy,-fucceeded by Henry Cromwell.-His charac-
ter and conduct.-He is created lord lieutenant on the accef-
fion of his brother Richard.-He refigns his office on the
reſtoration of the rump-parliament.-Defigns and proceedings
of the royaliſts.-Their leaders.-Their fuccefs-Conven-
tion of eſtates.-The king proclaimed. in-Ireland:
3.64
CHAP.
VOL. Itt.
CONTENT 8.
1
}
1
}
4-
CHA P. III.
Temper of different parties in Ireland at the reſtoration.-Iriſh
catholics odious.-Ordinances against them.-Prelacy and
the liturgy reſtored.-Petition in favour of diffenters fup-
preffed.DECLARATION for the fettlement of Ireland.
Inftructions for executing it-Temper and proceedings of
the Iriſh parliament.-Debates on the act of fettlement in
Ireland, and in London.-Indiſcretion of the Irish agents.
-Colonel Richard Talbot.. The Iriſh agents difmiffed
with difgrace.-Thirty thousand pounds granted by parlia-
ment to the duke of Ormond.—ACT OF SETTLEMENT paff-
ed.-Court of wards abolished.-Objections to the act of fet-
tlement.-Court of claims.-NEW INTEREST alarmed and
provoked.-Plot for feizing the caſtle of Dublin.—Addreſs
of the houſe of commons, and Mervyn's fpeech.-Scheme of
a general infurrection, detected and defeated.-Plan of an
ACT OF EXPLANATION.-Ormond called to England.-A&
of explanation debated.-Diffatisfaction of the Iriſh.-Ob-
jections of the commons at Dublin.-Proceedings of the
Iriſh parliament.-Act of explanation paffed.-Perplexities in
the execution of it.-Bill for prohibiting the importation of
Iriſh cattle into England.-Its effects on Ireland.-Motion
for a perpetual prohibition.-Violence of the two Engliſh
houſes. Their bill receives the royal affent.-Uſeful caution
of the duke of Ormond.-His endeavours to alleviate the dif
treffes of Ireland arifing from this bill,-to eſtabliſh arts and
manufactures, and to encourage learning in Ireland.-Prac-
tices againſt the duke of Ormond in England.-Diffimulation
of the king.-Lord Roberts appointed lord lieutenant of Ire-
land. His character and conduct.-He is fucceeded by lord
Berkley.
* f 2
408
CHAP.
CONTENTS.
VOL. III
CHA P. IV
vins ade t
Scheme for fupporting the popiſh intereſt in Ireland Hiſtory
of the Irish REMONSTRANCE. Infolence of Peter Talbot-
Partiality of lord Berkley to the anti-remonftrants. Other
inſtances of favour to the popish party.-Terrour of pro-
teftants. Attempts to refcind the acts of fettlement. Spi-
rited interpofition of the English parliament. Lord Berkley
fucceeded by the earl of Effex.-His adminiftration. Effex
recalled. Interval of the duke of Ormond's diſgrace.—At-
tempt on his life. Attacks on his reputation. His tempe-
rate conduct.Ormond fuddenly reſtored to favour, and to
the government of Ireland.-His adminiftration. The po-
piſh plot.-Peter Talbot feized.-Ormond's meaſures for the
fecurity of his government.-Complaints of his conduct.
is cenfured by lord Shaftesbury in the houſe of lords Re-
ply of the earl of Offory. Attempts to remove the duke of
Ormond-Evidences of a popifh plot encouraged. Accufed
perfons conveyed to London.-Trial of Oliver Plunket.-
Attempts againſt Ormond renewed. He is recalled to Eng-
land.-Defigns of the king and duke of York;—Ormond
fuddenly removed.-Earl of Rochefter named lord lieutenant
of Ireland.-Death of Charles the Secondcothe odd sagh
CHA P.
V.XI
را
He
457
The acceffion of James the Second. Its influence on the ca-
tholics and proteftants of Ireland. New lords juftices.-
Their conduct.-Effects of Monmouth's rebellion.-Militia
difarmed.-Talbot ennobled.-Earl of Clarendon appointed
lord lieutenant of Ireland.-The nation in ferment.-Pro-
teftant party plundered by robbers and harraffed by informers.
-Attempt to invalidate the acts of fettlement.-New lord.
chancellor.-Popiſh judges and privy counſellors.-Favours
to
VOL. HI
CONTENTS.
1
1
<
to the popish clergy.-Tyrconnel arrives in Ireland,-mo-
dels the army. His infolence and meannefs.-His fchemes.
Affifted by Nagle. Tyrconnel appointed fucceffor to
Clarendon. View of Tyrconnel's character.-More changes
in the courts of law.-Quo-warranto against the charter of
Dublin. Other charters refigned or feized.-New corpora-
tions. Attempts on the university of Dublin. - General
diftrefs-Attempts to remove Tyrconnel.-He meets the
king at Chefter. His defign againſt the acts of ſettlement.-
His agents infulted in London.-Birth of a prince.-Ridi-
culous triumph of papiſts in Dublin.-Enterprize- of the
prince of Orange. Its effects in Ireland.-Rumours of a po-
pifh maffacre.-Confufion in Dublin,-and in other parts of
Ireland. Lord Antrim's regiment excluded from London-
Derry. Conduct and proceedings of the garrifon.-Affocia-
tion of northern proteftants.-Terrour and artifice of Tyr-
connel.-Reſerve of William.-Hamilton fent to practiſe
with Tyrconnel. His advice. He is fent againſt the
Northerns.-Their retreat.-They affemble at Colerain.-
They fly to Derry.-Lundy fufpected. Bravery of the gar-
rifon. James lands at. Kinfale. His arrival at Dublin.-
He marches againſt Derry.-George Walker.-Lundy aban-
dons the paffes.-Garrison of Derry provoked. Declare for a
brave defence,-appoint their governours,-regulate their
operations. Their refolution. Kirk arrives in Lake-
Foyle. He retires.-The garriſon ſtill obftinate.-Bar-
barity of Marefchal Roſen.-Piteous diftreffes of the garri-
fon. They are relieved in their extremity. The fiege
raiſed.-Conduct and fucceffes of the Enniſkilleners.-Battle
of Newtown-Butler.
f
—
488
CHA P.
CONTENTS.
VOL. III
CHAP.
VI.
James returns to Dublin. His parliament.-Bill for repealing
the acts of ſettlement.-Cruel act of attainder,—paſſed,-
concealed,—and diſcovered.—Other acts of his parliament..
James levies money by his prerogative. His brafs coinage.
-Meanneſs and cruelty of his government.-His conteft
with the univerſity of Dublin.-Sufferings of the univerfity,-
and of the proteftant clergy.-Infolence of popiſh clergy,-
and bigotry of James.-Levies raiſed for the fervice of Ire-
land. Landing of duke Schomberg.-Carricfergus furren-
dered. Schomberg advances.-Newry and Carlingford burnt
by the duke of Berwick.-Irish retreat to Drogheda. —
Schomberg encamps at Dundalk.-His diftreffes.-James
offers battle.-Schomberg declines it.-Conſpiracy in his
camp.-Excurfions and fuccefs of the Enniſkilleners.-Mi-
fery of the English camp.-Schomberg reinforced,-de-
camps, removes his fick,-retires to winter quarters.-Dif-
appointment and diſcontents of the English parliament.-En-
quiry into the conduct of the war in Ireland.-William re-
folves to undertake the Irish war.-Action at Cavan.-James
and Schomberg reinforced.-Action in the bay of Dublin.-
Charlemont furrendered.-William lands at Carricfergus,-
advances fouthward.-His vigour. His force.- Council
held by James.-He refolves to defend the paffage of the
Boyne.-Situation of his army.-William's army encamped
near the river.-William wounded.-Falſe rumours of his
death.—Deſerters, and their reports.-William refolves to
pafs the river.-Schomberg difgufted.-Difpofition of the
forces.—Battle of the Boyne.-James's army defeated.—They
retreat in good order.-James affembles the magiftracy of
Dublin. His ungracious ſpeech.-He flies to France.—Wil-
liam advances towards the capital.
535
CHAP.
VOL. III.
CONTENTS
CHAP.
vit.
Dublin în confufionCondact of Fitzgerald.King William
encamps at FinglafeAddress of tire protéſtant clergy:-
The king's declaration, and commiflion of forfeitures.
Iriſh prepare to renew the war.-Waterford and Duncannon
reduced by William.-His anxieties. He returns to Chap-
pel-Izod, and refolves to embark.-He is diverted from his
purpoſe, and joins the army.-General Douglas marches
againſt Athlone. His progreſs,his ill fucceſs,-his retreat.
William befieges Limerick.-Vigorous defence of the garri-
fon.-English artillery ſurpriſed by Sarfefield.-Siege ftill
continued. A breach,-a ftorm.-Engliſh repulfed.-Wil-
liam raiſes the fiege, and embarks for England. -Enter-
prize of the earl of Marlborough.-Cork reduced.-Fort of
Kinfale furrendered.-English forces retire to winter quar-
ters.-General diforder and diftrefs.-Rapparees.-Civil ad-
miniſtration at Dublin.-Attempt on the Engliſh frontier.-
Action at the Moat of Grenoge.-Arrival of Saint Ruth.-
Ballymore reduced.-March to Athlone.-The English town'
forced.-Efforts to gain the Irish town.-Refolution of the
befieged.-Preparations for paffing the river,-fufpended,-
refumed. The paffage.-Athlone taken.-Proclamation of
pardon.-Saint Ruth retires to Aghrim.-The fituation of
his army. English march to the attack.-The battle obfti-
nately maintained.-Death of Saint Ruth.-Final defeat of
the Irish. Galway befieged, and furrendered on honourable
conditions. Situation of the Irish in Limerick.-Prepara-
tions for the fiege.-Cautious procedure of Ginckle.—Suc-
ceſsful attempt to paſs the Shannon.-New declaration pub-
lithed by the general.-Second paffage of the river.-Attack
at Thomond-bridge. The garrifon difcontented.-A parley.
-English
9
*
CONTENTS.
VOL. II.
-Engliſh priſoners releaſed. Their diftreffes.Terms of
capitulation propoſed by the garrifon,-rejected by Ginckle.
Treaty renewed.-Articles of capitulation fettled and
figned.-War of Ireland finally concluded.
571
APPENDIX, The civil and military articles of Limerick. 619
2
$
}
1
* 54
+
3
+
1
*
I
敦
​обрат
1
PRELLI
+
PRELIMINARY
DISCOURS E.
Las
THE
HE fubject of the following Hiſtory ſeems not
unworthy of attention. A Britiſh reader may
efteem it neither uſeleſs nor uninterefting, to trace
the progreſs of the Engliſh power in IRELAND, from
the invafion of Henry the Second, through the con-
flicts of many ages, fhort intervals of peace, the fud-
den revival of hoſtilities, the fuppreffion of civil
war, the attempts to compofe all national diſorders,
and the final conteft in the cauſe of James the Second.
It is a ſubject which comes recommended at leaſt by
the merit of novelty: for, although particular periods
of theſe affairs have been treated, fometimes imper-
fectly, ſometimes copiouſly, yet no general and con-
nected hiſtory hath yet appeared of thoſe actions, coun-
fels, incidents, and revolutions, which ended in eſta-
VOL I.
bliſhing
a
ii
PRELIMINARY
bliſhing the authority of the crown of England, in a
country, now, a reſpectable member of the Britiſh em-
pire.
>
AT the REVOLUTION, indeed, the favour and pa-
tronage of government encouraged Sir Richard Cox
to fuch an attempt. But, however affiduous in
his reſearches, he produced nothing better than an
hafty, indigeſted, and imperfect Chronicle, ending
with the final fuppreffion of the rebellion commenced
in the year one thouſand fix hundred and forty-one.
More than fourſcore years have elapfed fince the laſt
commotions of Ireland; during this interval it hath
made fuccefsful advances in refinement and litera-
ture; and the deſcendants of the Engliſh fettlers in
this country ſeem to have had both leifure and in-
ducement, to record thofe actions in which their an-
ceftors took fo confiderable a part. But men of let-
ters thought, perhaps, too meanly of the fubject; they
were deterred by the darkneſs in which fome periods
were involved; by the painful and diſguſting purſuit
of materials not yet difclofed, or not yet wrought in-
to any regular narrative; or by the labour of ſelection
from writers, who viewed their favourite object with
an eye too partial, and detailed every incident, with
an oppreffing minutenefs.
}
}
BUT
+
DISCOURSE.
ili
BUT the circumftances of Ireland were a ftill more
difpiriting obftacle to the hiftorian of this country.
Prejudices and animofities could not end with its dif
orders, The relations of every tranfaction in times of
conteft and turbulence, were for many years dictated
by pride, by refentment, by the virulence of faction,
by the obliquity of particular intereſts and competi-
tions. It was ſcarcely poffible for a writer not to
hare in the paffions and prejudices of thoſe around
him: or, however candid, difpaffionate, and accu-
rate, ſtill he muſt have done dangerous violence to
their opinions and prepoffeffions. Time, and reflec-
tion, and an encreafing liberality of fentiment, may
have ſheathed the acrimony of contending parties;
and thoſe at a diſtance may look on their contentions
with indifference: yet, even at this day, the hiftorian
of Iriſh affairs muſt be armed againſt cenfure only by
an integrity which confines him to truth, and a lite-
-rary courage which deſpiſes every charge but that of
wilful or careleſs mifrepreſentation.
IN feveral inſtances the author may have ftated
facts in a manner different from thoſe writers uſually
-accepted as authentic. Had he in fuch caſes proceed-
-ed to a particular examination of the opinions and
affertions of other men; had he entered into a jufti-
a 2
fication
ir
PRELUIM IN A ROY
fication of his own accounts, or ſpecified the reaſons
which determined him to reject or to admit every par-
ticular authority, his work muft have fwelled to an
enormous fize. He was, therefore, obliged to content
himſelf with a diligent and attentive inſpection of dif-
ferent evidence, with a careful ufe of his private
judgment, with exhibiting the authorities he chofe to
follow, without generally engaging in critical and
controverfial difcuffions. They who are beft ac-
quainted with the materials of which this Hiftory, and
particularly the later periods, have been formed, will
poffibly be the readieſt to acknowledge the neceffity
of this method.
Ir will juſtly be expected, that fomething ſhould
be faid of the ancient ftate of Ireland previous to the
adventure of Henry's fubjects. But in this the au-
thor muſt confine himſelf to thoſe particulars which
feem neceffary to introduce, or to illuftrate his prin-
cipal fubject. It is no part of his defign to explore
the antiquities of the Iriſh, to decide on the authen-
ticity of their ſcattered records, or to take any ſhare
in any conteſt relative to theſe points. He is parti-
cularly diſqualified for ſuch attempts, by being total-
ly unacquainted with the Iriſh language.
ing to the monkiſh annals quoted in the
In recur-
firft and
fecond
•
DISCOURS E.
V
fecond volumes, he was indebted to tranflations
made for the uſe of Sir James Ware, and in poſſeſ-
fion of the UNIVERSITY of Dublin; to the collections,
now the property of the DUBLIN SOCIETY, and moſt
obligingly communicated by that refpectable body;
but above all, to the zealous friendſhip and affift-
ance of CHARLES O'CONNOR, efquire. And here he
might enlarge on the affiftance he hath received,
and the materials obtained both in England and
Ireland. But as fuch details may be fufpected to
contain more of oftentation than gratitude, the reader
ſhall not be detained from that which ſeems of abſolute
neceffity to be premiſed.
bi...
321
*UE
doyd
aroi
+
THE
99
Er.
ฟ
<
t
OF
vi
PRELIMINARY
}
OF THE
HISTORY of IRELAND
PREVIOUS TO THE
1
INTRODUCTION of CHRISTIANITY.
·
IF all nations have affected to deduce their Hiſtory
from the earlieſt periods, and to claim that origin
which they deemed moſt honourable, the old Iriſh
have been particularly tempted to indulge this vanity.
Depreffed for many ages, and reduced to a mortify-
ing ſtate of inferiority, ftung with the reproaches,
with the contempt, and fometimes with the injuri-
ous flander of their neighbours, they paffionately re-
curred to the monuments of their ancient glory, and
fpoke of the noble actions of their anceſtors in the
glowing ftyle of indignation. O'Flagherty, their ce-
lebrated antiquarian, (in a vindication of his Ogygia
againft Sir George Mackenzie, which I have feen in
manufcript) fpeaks with an enthufiaftic zeal of his
country, as the venerable mother of Britain," that en-
gendered of her own bowels one hundred and
feventy-one monarchs for above two thouſand years,
" to
1-
•
DISCOURSE.
"to the year 1198, all of the fame houſe and lineage;
"with fixty-eight kings and one queen of Britiſh-
"Scotland, (omitting Bruces and Baliols) and four im-
perial kings and two queens of Great Britain and
« Ireland, fprung from her own loins." In the reign
of Edward the Second, the Irish claimed a ftill greater
antiquity. An Ulfter prince of this time, boafts to the
pope of an uninterrupted fucceffion of one hundred Fordun.
and ninety-feven kings of Ireland, to the year 1170.
Ir cannot be denied, that no literary monuments
have yet been diſcovered in Ireland earlier than the in-
troduction of Chriſtianity into this country; and that
the evidence of any tranfactions previous to this period,
refts entirely on the credit of Chriſtian writers, and
their collections from old poets, or their tranſcripts of
records deemed to have been made in times of paga-
nifm. It ſeems unreaſonable to expect, that any other
domeſtic evidence of Iriſh antiquity ſhould ſubſiſt at
this day. From theſe the antiquarian forms a regu-
lar hiſtory, (mixed indeed with childiſh and abfurd
fables) of a long fucceffion of kings from the earlier
ages of the world. Not to mention Partholan, his
fons, his hound, and oxen; the gigantic Fomorians
and their extirpation; the Nemedians, Firbolgs, Tua-
tha-de-Danans and their forceries; it is generally af-
ſerted, that about a thouſand, or to ſpeak with the
more
vii
Appendix.
ì
viii
PRELIMINARY
1
more moderate, about five hundred years before the
Chriſtian æra, a colony of Scythians, immediately from
Spain, fettled in Ireland, and introduced the Phoni-
cian language and letters into this country; and that
however it might have been peopled ftill earlier from
Gaul or Britain, yet Heber, Heremon, and Ith, the
fons of Milefius, gave a race of kings to the Irish, dif-
tinguiſhed from their days by the names of Gadelians
and Scuits, or Scots. Hence their writers trace a gra-
dual refinement of their country, from a ftate of bar-
barous feuds, factions, and competitions; until the
monarch celebrated in their annals by the name of
Ollam-Fodla, eſtabliſhed a regular form of govern-
ment, erected a grand feminary of learning, and in-
ftituted the FES, or triennial convention of provincial
kings, priefts, and poets, at Teamor, or Tarah, in
Meath, for the eſtabliſhment of laws and regulation
of government. Keating, the Iriſh hiftorian, who
tranſcribed his accounts from poetical records, men-
tions little more of this boafted affembly, than that
its great object was to introduce civility, and to guard
againſt thoſe crimes which predominate in days of
rudeneſs and violence. The magnificent detail of its
grandeur and folemnity, the fcrupulous attention paid
by its members to the national hiſtory, annals, and
genealogies, are nothing more, (as I am affured) thàn
the interpolations of an ignorant and preſumptuous
tranflator.
BUT
{
#
t
430
•
DISCOURSE.
BUT whatever were the inftitutions of this monarch,
it is acknowledged that they foon proved too weak
for the wildneſs and diforder of the time. To Kim-
bath, one of his fucceffors, the annalifts give the ho-
nour of reviving them, befides that of regulating Ulfter,
his family province, and adorning it by the ftately
palace of Eamania, erected near Armagh. But Hugo-
ny, immediate fucceffor to Kimbath, is celebrated for
ftill farther advances in the work of reformation. He
is deſcribed as a monarch powerful by fea and land,
and equally diſtinguiſhed by his political abilities. Of
five provincial kings, four, we are told, had ever
proved the moſt pertinacious diſturbers of the fifth
who enjoyed the monarchy. To break the power of
theſe rivals, Hugony parcelled the iſland into twenty-
five dynaſties, binding them by oath to accept no
other monarch.but one of his own family. Yet fuch
precaution, it ſeems, could not fecure him from a
violent death, nor prevent a ſeries of affaffinations, by
which the monarchs were for ages removed, ſcarcely
with one exception.
t
THE reſtoration of the pentarchal government is
dated about a century before the Chriſtian æra, and
is ſaid to have been fucceeded by a political revolu-
tion of fome importance. Among the other powers
and privileges of the Iriſh fileas or bards, they had
VOL. I.
b
been
1X
Keating.
Differt.
O'Connor,
Į
}
+
PRELIMINARY
and the whole
Their honours
been for ages difpenfers of the laws,
nation fubmitted to their tribunals.
were confiderable, their numbers prodigious, and in a
courſe of ages they naturally abuſed their power.
Their ordinances were affectedly obſcured, and could
only be interpreted by themſelves; their decifions were
frequently partial and unjuft, the people grew impa-
tient of their oppreffion, and threatened to extermi-
nate the whole order. They fled for ſhelter to Con-
covar-Mac-Neffa the reigning monarch.
On pro-
miſe of reformation he protected them from the im-
pending danger. At the fame time, to remove the
juft complaints of his people, he employed the moſt
eminent among them to compile an intelligible, clear,
and equitable body of laws, which were received with
rapture, and called, in the elevated language of an
unpoliſhed age, CELESTIAL DECISIONS.
INSTEAD of the effects naturally to be expected
from fage counfels, and patriotic inftitutions, the an-
naliſts now preſent us with a new ſeries of barbarities,
fucceffions precipitated by murder, factions, anarchy,
and feditions. In this diſordered ftate of things, we
are told, that the Iriſh chieftain mentioned by Tacitus,.
addreſſed himſelf to Agricola, and encouraged him to
make a deſcent on Ireland. But, inſtead of ſubſcribing
to the opinion, that a fingle legion and a few auxi-
liaries
•
1
1
D IS GOURSE.
xi
liaries would be fufficient to reduce the whole iſland,
the Iriſh hiftorian confiders the fuggeftion as utterly
extravagant, even in the prefent unfettled ftate of his
country, and records with triumph, that the Iriſh
monarch of this time, inſtead of dreading an invafion
of the Romans, failed to the affiftance of the Picts,
led an irruption into the Roman province, and return-
ed in triumph laden with foreign ſpoils.
On the death of this prince, called Crimthan, the
annaliſts lament that the fucceffion of the line of He-
remon to the monarchy was interrupted; that the eld
Firbolgs, or Belgian inhabitants, grew ſo powerful and
turbulent as to eſtabliſh a monarch of their own race,
and to harraſs the country for many years, (with fome
fhort intervals) by the plebeian, or Attacotic war, as it
was called. We are told, that at length, Tuathal, a
prince of the Milefian family, returned from North
Britain with ſome Pictiſh auxiliaries, and vindicated
the honour of his houfe; that he affembled the gene-
ral convention at Tarah, was recognized fupreme
monarch, and obliged his ſubjects by a folemn oath to
elect their future fovereigns from his family; that he
ſeparated the diffrict of Meath from the other pro-
vinces of Ireland, and appointed it for the appenage
of the monarch; that he adorned it with ftately edi-
fices; and that he eſtabliſhed, or at leaſt revived a
famous
b 2
xii
PRELIMINARY
་
Keating.
famous affembly at Taltion in Meath, the great re-
fort of the whole nation, for the purpoſes of traffic;
- ſports, and focial intercourſe.
THE provincial king of Leinſter is faid to have pro-
voked this monarch by an act of fingular perfidy. He
had married the daughter of Tuathal; but conceiving
an adulterous paffion for her fifter, pretended that his
wife had died; and demanded, and obtained her fifter
in marriage. The two ladies met in the royal houſe
of Leinster: aſtoniſhment and vexation put an end to
their lives: the monarch invaded his fon-in-law,
whofe province was preferved from defolation, only
on condition of paying a grievous tribute, as a per-
petual memorial of the refentment of Tuathal, and
the offence committed by the king of Leinfter. To
the exaction of this odious and oppreffive tribute are
aſcribed the commotions and diſorders of ages. Conn,
one of the fucceeding monarchs, is faid to have lived
in perpetual turbulence, and with a variety of fortune,
by his attempts to enforce the payment of it; and at
length to have been driven to a partition of the mo-
narchy with the prince of Munfter, contenting him- .
felf with the northern moiety, called Leath-Conn,
while his rival enjoyed the fouthern, ftyled Leath-
Mogha. But he recovered his former power, by
ſurpriſing and killing the Munfter prince. Conn too
died
{
1
}
DFS COURS E.
died by violence, with the fuperb title of CONN OF the
HUNDRED BATTLES.
CORMAC O'CONN, grandfon of this hero, is faid to
be the moſt renowned of all the pagan monarchs. The
annaliſts date the commencement of his reign about
the year of Chrift 254. They ſpeak with rapture
of the ſplendour and magnificence of his court, his
three warlike fons, his ten beauteous daughters, his
guards, his palaces, his formidable militia, and their
illuſtrious general Finn, the ſon of Cumhal, and father
of Oiffian the immortal bard; his revifion of the
laws, and endowments of learned feminaries, his tri-
umph over his rebellious fubjects, the refignation of his
dignity, and his philoſophical retreat.
THE effects of an education received from fuch a
father are faid to have been honourably diſplayed in
the conduct of his fon Carbry-Liffecar. But the wif
dom and policy of theſe princes, we are told, could
not ftem the torrent of domeſtic ftrife and national
factions. Carbry died by the fword: his immediate
fucceffors fhared the fame fate; and even thoſe who
contrived to hold the fceptre for many years, at length
fell by treachery or war. The contefts of the unjuſt
and ambitious laid the country wafte; and the ſtate-
ly palace of Eamania was deſtroyed by flames. Crim-
than,
xiii
·xiv
PRELIMINARY
}
:
than, who carried his arms into Gaul and Britain, died
after
by poifon and NIAL OF THE NINE HOSTAGES,
his brave enterprize in fupport of the Albanian Dal-
raida, and his fucceffes in Armorica, fell by the hand
of an affaffin. To Dathy, his fucceffor, and the laſt
of pagan monarchs, annaliſts affign a long and
peaceful reign, till at length, engaging in foreign
wars, he was killed by lightning near the Alps.
FROM the poetical annals that furniſh this catalogue
of monarchs, we have a lively picture of manners,
more worthy of attention than the events which they
deliver, with fo profufe a mixture of giants, necro-
mancers, obfcure allegories and extravagant fables.
They defcribe a brave people, driven from their na-
tive land in ſearch of new ſettlements, eſtabliſhing
themſelves by their valour in a fair and fertile ifland:
the chieftains parcelling out lands to their attendants,
and the whole collection of adventurers, from the mo-
ment of their peaceable eſtabliſhment, devifing means
to give ſtability to their acquifitions. From one fa-
mily more diftinguiſhed and reverenced than the reſt,
they chufe a monarch, not with that regard to pri-
mogeniture fuited to times more compofed, but the
ableſt and braveſt of the particular race, as the man
moſt likely to protect or to avenge them. To guard
againſt the confufion of fudden accidents in a time
<
of
Ye
។
D IS COURS E.
of violence, a fucceffor is appointed to this monarch
during his life, who on his demife is inftantly to
take the reins of government. But the power of the
monarch is confiderably limited. His affociates in
adventure, conſcious of their own merit, claim a ſhare
of dignity as well as of emolument. They pay their
tributes to that provincial king whom they chufe mo-
narch of the `ifland. In the other provinces they
exerciſe all regal authority by virtue of a fimilar elec-
tion. They have their rights independent of the mo-
narch, and frequently vindicate them by arms againſt
his invafions.
The monarch, fenfible of the danger
arifing from their turbulent fpirit of freedom, endea-
vours to fecure his authority, fometimes by dividing
their power, fometimes by uniting the various inde-
pendent ſtates into one general intereft by national
conventions. In this ſtate of things, a robuſt frame
of body, a vehemence of paffion, an elevated imagi-
nation were the characteriſtics of the people. Noble
inftances of walour, generous effufions of benevolence,
ardent reſentments, defperate and vindictive outrages
abound in their annals. To verſe and mufic they
are peculiarly addicted. They who are poffeffed
of any fuperiour degree of knowledge, they who
operate on their fancies and paffions by the live-
lieft ftrains of poetry, are held in extraordinary ve-
neration the minifters of their religion are account-
ed more than human. To all theſe they ſubmit
:
their
1
XV
xvi
PRELIMINARY
1
}
Warner.
Hiſtory of
Ireland,
P. 244.
*
their contefts; they confult them as oracles of law
and policy. But reflection and the gradual progreſs
of refinement convince them of the neceffity of fettled
laws. The principles of equity and independence
implanted in the human breaſt receive them with de-
light; but the violence of paffion ftill proves ſupe-
riour to their reſtraint. Private injuries are revenged
by force; and infolent and ambitious chieftains ſtill
recur to arms.
THEY who compare this account with the progreſs
of fociety in other European fettlements, may decide
on the juſtneſs of this colouring. The Irish anti-
quarian deduces from it an intrinfic proof of the gene-
ral authenticity of his favourite annals. Even from
the idle tales of enchantments and fupernatural events,
a late advocate labours to prove their high antiquity.
"Into this ftory," faith doctor Warner, fpeaking of
a particular engagement, "there is foifted a very
}
"wonderous tale of the ſkill and enchantments of the
“Druids in each army; in order, no doubt, to poffefs
"their countrymen with an high opinion and efteem
"of the power and importance of their holy leaders,
“ as well as to enliven the hiſtory with wonder and .
furprize. At the fame time therefore that we aç
quit the bard who invented it in that age of darkneſs
“ and ſuperſtition, we muſt condemn doctor Keating,
“who relates it to us in in theſe days for ferious hif
A
tory.
DISCOURS E.
xvii
?
1
"tory. Indeed his relating it to us from the an-
"cient records has anfwered one end, for which we
"ought to forgive him: it has furniſhed us with a
"proof from the hiſtory of Ireland itſelf, of the anti-
"quity of that hiftory, and of the exiftence of letters
"before the introduction of Chriſtianity. For
though in the time of Druidifm it was natural
"to take every opportunity of diſplaying the power
"of that order, yet this was abfurd and inconfiftent
"in Chriſtian annalifts, and could not therefore be
"foiſted in by them; nor the hiftory be the produc-
"tion of later ages, as our candid critics all feem to
" contend."
BUT to the antiquarian I leave it to eſtabliſh the
authenticity of this hiftory. It is only pertinent
to my preſent purpoſe to obſerve, that if we ſuppoſe
that the old poets were merely inventors of this whole
ſeries of actions and incidents fo circumftantially de-
tailed, ftill they muſt have drawn their picture from
that government and thoſe manners, which fubfifted
in their own days, or were remembered by their
fathers. So that we may
we may reaſonably conclude,
that the ſtate of Ireland for feveral centuries at leaſt
before the introduction of the Engliſh power, was
fuch as they deſcribe it in theſe early periods. And
this is the only conclufion which I am concerned to
eſtabliſh.
VOL I. -
C
OF
xviii
PRELIMINÁŘ Y
等
​熘
​1
OF THE
+
ESTABLISHMENT of CHRISTANITY
IN
IRE L
AND THE
D
AN Ď,
CONSEQUENCES OF THIS EVENT.
TE
HE converfion of the Iriſh to Chriftianity is ge-
nerally confidered as a new period, whènce we
may trace their hiftory with more certainty; though
we ftill find it encumbered with legendary and poeti-
cal fictions. The people were prepared for the preach-
ing of Patrick their great apoſtle, by the gradual pro-
grefs of the Gospel, by the labours of fome former mif-
fionaries, and (if we may believe the old annaliſts)
by the liberal and philofophical fpirit of Cormac
O'Conn, who firſt taught his ſubjects to defpife the
pagan rites. To him they principally attribute it, that
the Druidical order, ſo ancient and fo powerful, gradu-
ally déclined in conſequence; though not extinct on
the arrival of the great miffionary; for the moſt au-
thentic records mention the name of a Druid, 'who
violently oppoſed the introduction of Chriſtianity, and
warned the monarch of the heavy and oppreſſive
f
taxations
DISCOURSE.
xix
taxations which the people muſt fuffer from the new
religious eſtabliſhment.
*
3
PATRICK, fay the adverſaries of Iriſh antiquity, laid.
the foundation of civility in this barbarous country,
by teaching the uſe of letters to its ignorant inhabi-
tants. Patrick, fay the advocates for this antiquity,
introduced the Roman character, in which his copies
of the Scriptures and Liturgies were written, and in
which the new Irish converts tranfcribed the Sacred
Writings, with fuch eaſe and expedition as were im-
poffible for unlettered men. They remind us, that
Ficch, to whom Patrick firft delivered the new charac-
ter, was the diſciple of Dubthah-O'Lugair, an illuſtrious
poet, who fome time before, had fent his pupil into
Connaught, to preſent ſome of his compofitions to
the princes of this country. But they proceed yet
farther for, not to mention their accounts of the
Ogham, their ancient or cryptic character, or their ar-
guments from the number, the arrangement, the names
of the Iriſh letters, or Beth-luis-nion, they furniſhed
Sir James Ware with a long catalogue of writers in
the days of paganiſm, from Amergin brother to Heber
and Heremon.
ARCHBISHOP USHER has fhewn that the ſyſtem of
doctrines taught by Patrick were free from the erro-
C 2
neous
*
XX
PRELIMINARY
1
f
neous novelties of the church of Rome. But pure as his
preaching might be, the doctrines of the Gofpel, which,
if their influence be not fatally counteracted, tend to
refine, harmonize, and elevate the human mind, ido
not appear to have been fo deeply imbibed, or blend-
ed fo thoroughly with the natural principles of the
people, as to produce any extraordinary reformation
of national manners. Even Leogaire, the converted
monarch, made an unchriſtian attack on Leinster, was
defeated, and by a folemn oath renounced the old
tribute which had been the pretence of quarrel. Yet
no fooner had he returned to his own territory, and
reaffembled his forces, than, with a fhocking de-
fiance of his facred obligation, he again rushed into
the province with fire and fword. It is true the mo-
naftic annalifts, fcandalized at this conduct, tell us,
that Leogaire apoftatized after his baptifm. The fact,
if admitted, only exhibits a notable inftance, in which
an inveterate corruption of manners proved too power-
ful for the preachers of Chriſtianity, even when its
doctrine had been embraced and profeffed. And for
ages after the death of this monarch, the annals abound
in horrid inſtances of revenge, and hideous effects of
avarice and ambition. Yet Chriſtianity, as then taught,
although it could not eradicate, at leaft reftrained the
national vices. A numerous body of ecclefiaftics fécu-
lar and regular, quickly fwarmed over the whole
coun-
i
xxi
DISCOURS E.
country, frequently became umpires between con-
tending chieftains; and when they could not confine
them within the bounds of reafon and religion, at leaſt
terrified them by denouncing divine vengeance againſt
their exceffes. An ignorant people liftened to their
tales of pretended miracles with a religous horrour. In
the midft of every provincial conteſt and every domeſtic
ftrife, they were facred and inviolate. They foon
learned to derive their own emolument from the pub-
lic veneration. The infant church was every where
amply endowed, and the prayers of holy men repaid
by large donations. Some of the oldeft remains of
Iriſh literature, as they have been explained to me;
inform us, that the people were taught to dedicate the
firft born of all cattle to the church, as a matter of in-
diſpenſible obligation. But if the clergy thus acquir-
ed riches, they applied them to the nobleft purpoſes.
Differt...
"THE Monks," faith Mr. O'Connor," fixed their
“habitations in deferts, which they cultivated with
"their own hands, and rendered the moſt delightful
"fpots in the kingdom. Theſe deſerts became well- O'Connor,
¶ policed cities; and it is remarkable enough, that to
"the Monks we owe fo ufeful an inftitution in Ireland,
"as bringing great numbers together into one. civil
"community. In theſe cities the Monks fet up
"ſchools, in which they educated the youth not only
s
" of:
•
xxii
PRELIMINARY
$
''
"of the iſland but the neighbouring nations." The
teftimony of Bede is unquestionable, that about the
middle of the ſeventh century, in the days of the v€-
nerable prelates Finian and Colman, many nobles and
other orders of the Anglo-Saxons, retired from their
own country into Ireland, either for inſtruction,
or for an opportunity of living in monafteries of ftric-
ter difcipline: and that the Scots (as he ftyles the Irish)
maintained them, taught them, and furniſhed them
with books, without fee or reward: "A moſt honour-
"able teſtimony," faith the elegant lord LYTTELTON,
"not only to the learning, but likewife to the hofpi-
tality and bounty of that nation!" A conflux of fo-
reigners to a retired iſland, at a time when Europe
was in ignorance and confufion, gave peculiar luftre
to this feat of learning: nor is it improbable or fur-
priſing, that ſeven thouſand ſtudents ſtudied at Armagh,
agreeably to the accounts of Iriſh writers, though the
feminary of Armagh was but one of thofe numerous
colleges erected in Ireland.
<<
BUT the labours of the Irish clergy were not con-
fined to their own country. Their miffionaries were
ſent to the continent. They converted heathens,
they confirmed believers, they erected convents, they
eſtabliſhed ſchools, of learning; they taught the uſe
of letters to the Saxons and Normans, they converted
the
7
1
D IS COURSE.
xxiii
1
\\
the Picts by the preaching of Columb-kill, one of their
renowned ecclefiaftics: Burgundy, Germany, and
other countries received their inftructions: and Europe
with gratitude confeſſed the ſuperiour knowledge, the
piety, the zeal, the purity of the ISLAND OF SAINTS.
Such are the events on which Iriſh writers dwell with
an enthuſiaſtic delight.
THE firft Chriftian miffionaries feem to have induf-
triouſly avoided all unneceffary violence to the anci-
ent manners of the Irish. Their poets they favoured
and protected; the remains of the Druidical order
were not perfecuted; and although divine vengeance
was thundered againſt the worſhippers of the fun, ftars,
and winds, it is evident, that fome pagan fuperftitions
were overlooked with too great indulgence; for they
fubfift at this day in Ireland: fires are lighted up at
particular times, and the more ignorant Iriſh ftill
drive their cattle through theſe fires, as an effectual
means of preferving them from future accidents.
WHATEVER Were the civil eſtabliſhments in Ireland
on the introduction of Chriſtianity, the firſt miffiona-
ries attempted no effential alterations. "They thought,”
faith Mr. O'Connor, "that ſchemes of political legifla-
❝tion belonged properly to the civil power alone."
Poffibly their genius was too confined, and poffibly
they
*
:
xxiv
PRELIMINARY
they were too much abforbed in the immediate bufi-
nefs of their million to entertain ſuch ſchemes. The
written laws, however, if the Iriſh had any, written
laws, were in feveral points neceffarily to be accom
modated to the new religious eſtabliſhment. Accord-
ingly we are told that, on the firſt reception ofChrifti-
anity, Patrick was one of nine perfons, kings, bards,
and ecclefiaftics, appointed to revive the ordinances
Fragments of of pagan times, and to form a new code of laws;
that the code was formed, publiſhed, and known to
pofterity by the name of SEANCHAS-MOIR, or the great
Antiquity.
O'Connor,
Differt.
Brehon Law.
Cox,
Hiftory
of Ireland,
Preface.
coverie.
*
ENGLISH writers treat the idea of written laws, or
any fettled juriſprudence among the old Irish, as mere-
Davis, Dif- ly chimerical. Sir Richard Cox is pofitive that the
nation never had any written compilation of laws, or
any other rule of right but the will of a chieftain,
or the arbitrary decifions of his BREHON or Judge,
who fat without formality in the open air; and at-
tended only to the will of his patron. Sir John Davis,
a ftill greater authority, declares that the Brehons
gave judgment in all caufes," with the affiftance of
"certain ſcholars, who had learned many rules of
“the civil and canon law, rather by tradition than by
"reading.”
IN
DISCOURSE.
XXV
In oppofition to fuch unfavourable repreſentations,
and to the opprobrious name of " Gens Exlex” by
which Giraldus Cambrenfis marks the old Irifh, their
writers quote the authority of Joceline, who afferts,
Patricium, magnum volumen, quod dicitur Canoin-
<<
Padruig five canones Patricii, fcripfiffe, quod cuili-
"bet perfonæ feu feculari feu etiam ecclefiafticæ ad
"juftitiam exercendam, & falutem obtinendam, fatis
"congruè convenit:" they produce the teftimony of
Saint Bernard, who, in his encomium on Malachy the
Iriſh faint, fays exprefsly," Omnibus tradebat jura
"ecclefiaftica, optimus legiflator, leges dabat plenas
"modeftiæ & honeftatis.-Repetuntur antiquæ con-
"fuetudines quas bonas fuiffe conftitit; nec modo
"vetera reftaurantur; cuduntur & nova :" and ſtill
farther, they teſtify that ſeveral collections of the
old Iriſh laws exifted in their own days. The author
of Cambrenfis Everfus declares that he saw many
large volumes of theſe laws on vellum, the text in a
larger, the comment in a ſmaller writing.
« Vidi ego
plura e pergameno fpiffa legum Hibernicarum vo-
"lumina, & in illis textum charactere grandiori con-
"fcriptum, lineis 'modice disjunctis, faciliori vócum in-
"terpretatione minutioribus literis infertâ. Uberiora
"commentaria per paginam diffuſa textum obibant,
" eâdem omnino ratione, qua textum & gloffam in li-
“ bris utriufque juris aſpicimus.” “I have thirty books
VOL. I.
"of
"C
d.
xxvi
PRELIMINARY
KA
عظم
"of our law," faith Roddy, another Irish antiquarian,
"although my honoured friend Sir Richard Cox was
"once of opinion that our law was arbitrary, and: not
"fixed or written, until I convinced him of the con
<<
trary by SHEWING him ſome of our old law-books.”.
WE may obſerve that neither Lynch in his refutations
of Cambrenfis, nor this Roddy the collector of Iriſh
books, ſays one word of having read or examined thefe
tracts; nor attempts to give any account of their contents.
The one only ſaw them; the other only shewed them;
but neither underſtood theſe books. Lluyd the anti-
quarian faw them, and to him they were equally un-
intelligible; but with more ingenuoufnefs he confeffes
his ignorance, and in a poftfcript to the preface of his
Iriſh Dictionary, copies a paffage from his old parch-
ments as a ſpecimen of ancient Iriſh, which he cannot
explain, and of which he requeſts an interpretation
from any gentleman of Ireland or Scotland. Two
volumes of old Iriſh manuſcripts, which appear to have
been part of Mr. Lluyd's collection, and one of which
contains the paffage he extracted, were communicated
to me in London, by Edmund Burke, Efq. and cons
veyed to Ireland. They contain tracts apparently ju-
ridical; as the text, comment, and gloffary preciſely
correfponded with the deſcription of Lynch. They
were pronounced by readers of the Irish language to
be
*
D IS COURSE.
xxvii
1
be fragments of the Seanchas-Moir compiled by Pa-
trick, or rather much earlier, by fome pagan legiſla-
tor: they were acknowledged to be written in a dialect
different from that of their poets and annaliſts; and
fuch, as they who ftudied theſe poets and annaliſts
could not explain. They were indeed diſcouraged
from the attempt, not only by the difficulties of an
obſolete language, but by a ſtrange confufion and inco-
herence which appeared in theſe writings even where
the words were intelligible. It was fufpected, that
this aroſe from an affectation of obfcurity. But a
more natural folution of the difficulty hath been juſt
now given. Charles Vallancey, Efq. a native of Eng-
land, by a laborious attention to the ancient language
of Ireland, had gained a knowledge of it, furpriſing
to thoſe natives who made it the great object of their
ftudy. To him I communicated thefe old manu-
fcripts, and he claims the merit of firft explaining
them, and has obligingly furniſhed me with tranſla-
tions and copious extracts of the ancient Iriſh laws,
contained in theſe books, and another of the fame
kind in the library of Trinity College Dublin.
confiderable part of the difficulty which Mr. Lluyd
and other inſpectors of theſe books hitherto experi-
enced, arofe, it feems, from not adverting to the pro-
per method of reading them; as they are written in
the manner well known to the Grecian antiquary by
d 2
A
the
xxviii
PRELIMINARY
"
the name of BOUSTROPHE DON. The unufual inverfion
of lines occafioned the apparent incoherence and con-
fufion above-mentioned. When this circumſtance
was once pointed out, the difficulties arifing from an
obfolete language appeared not fo confiderable.
-THE laws thus diſcovered appear to be no part of
the great code or Seanchas-Moir faid to be framed in
the days of Patrick, but of a date confiderably later.
The Seanchas-Moir is frequently quoted both in the
text and comment, as alfo another old code called
the laws of Ulfter, which the learned Iriſh claim to
have been made in the houfe of Eamania, long be-
fore the preaching of their great apoſtle. In one
place it is ordained, that in a particular cafe, when
the property of lands is difputed, the UNANIMOUS
voices of TWELVE men ſhall decide the controverſy.
Hence it was inferred by thoſe who only underſtood
the tranſlation, that theſe Iriſh laws were nothing
more than the local ordinances of fome Brehon, who
had copied from the legal proceedings of his neigh-
bours, the Engliſh fettlers. But fuch inferences were
immediately encountered by an appeal to the ſtyle of
theſe remains; which is faid, both in the text and
comment, (evidently written at different periods)
to be as diſtinguiſhable from the Iriſh of the twelfth
or thirteenth century, as the language of Chaucer and
Spencer
DIS₫ OUR SE.
!
xxix
· Spencer from the compofitions of preſent times. And
indeed the matter of thefe laws feem to bear ftrong
internal marks of antiquity. They never once men-
tion foreigners or foreign fepts fettled in Ireland. They
abound in regulations for bartering goods; they rate
all payments and amerciaments by cattle and other
commodities, in the place of which the comment,
as if in compliance with a change of manners, fub-
ftitutes gold and filver taken by weight; they take
not the leaſt notice of coined money, which was in-
troduced into Ireland by the Scandinavian invaders,
and became common among the Irish fepts foon
after the ſettlement of the Engliſh. They men-
tion the triennial, affemblies, and convention at
Taltion, and ordain that no debts fhall be demand-
ed or enforced by any legal proceedings during thefe
meetings. Hence it ſeems not improbable that
thefe fragments are part of a compilation of laws
which O'Flagherty tells us, were made by three O'Flagherty,
brethren (whom he names) in the eighth cen-
tury. But whenever they were made, or tranſcrib-
ed, they certainly exhibit a lively picture of the
manners and cuſtoms of the Iriſh in early times, and
ſerve to correct fome errours of their own, as well as of
Engliſh writers.---The reader will excufe this digreffion;
as it is a neceffary introduction to what appears proper
to be mentioned under another head.
OF
Ogygia.
-XXXX
PRELIMINARY
1
OF THE
4
<
L
{
+4
*
ANCIENT MANNERS OF THE IRISH
A
+
ND here I muſt again premiſe, that I cannot
enter into à copious detail of every particular
relative to the ancient manners of a people whofe hif-
tory ftill continues dark," doubtful, and deformed. I
mean to confine myſelf principally to thoſe particulars
which may illuftrate my immediate fubject.
•
If we enquire into the manners of the ancient Irish
from Engliſh writers, we find their repreſentations
odious and diſguſting: if from writers of their own
race, they frequently break out into the moſt animat-
ed encomiums of their great anceſtors. The one can
ſcarcely allow them any virtue; the other, in their
enthuſiaſtic ardour, can fcarcely diſcover the leaft
imperfection in their laws, government, or manners.
The hiſtorian of England fometimes regards them
the moſt deteſtable, and contemptible of the human
race. The antiquary of Ireland raiſes them to an
illuftrious eminence, above all other European coun-
tries. Yet, when we examine their records, without
regard to legendary tales or poetic fictions, we find
them even in their moft brilliant periods, advanced
1
as
only
DISCOURS SHE
xxxi
E!
•
{
Brehon Laws.
only to an imperfect civilization, a ftate which ex-
hibits the moſt ſtriking inftances both of the virtues
and the vices of humanity. We have already ſeen the Fragments of
more general divifions of the iſland; the princes of
the ſeveral provinces; and the monarch choſen to
prefide over the whole collection of dynafties. The
dignity of this monarch was fupported by tributes paid
by inferiour princes, at leaſt from the time that Meath
ceafed to be his peculiar appenage. They were paid
in every kind of cattle, mantles, cloaths, and utenfils,
not as tributes of bondage fay the old records, but as
benevolences granted in return for the benefits of his
laws and the benedictions of his clergy. Yet the
number and quality of the tributes to be paid by eve-
ry inferiour dynaſty were accurately afcertained. The
monarch on his part was bound to purchaſe the fer-
vice and attachment of his inferiours, by large dona-
tions of kine, ſheep, horſes, ſwine, arms, mantles,
drinking-cups, of which every chieftain claimed his
particular portion, and in return was bound to enter-
tain the monarch in his progrefs*, for a ſtated time, and
to attend him for fome certain days or months, and
no longer, in his military expeditions.
* The Chriſtian clergy were particularly careful to inculcate this vir-
tue of hoſpitality,
SUCH
xxxii
PRELIMINARY
+
SUCH is the account collected from an old Iriſh re
cord called "the Book of Tributes." The obligations
of the monarch and his ſubjects were mutual; each
had their rights defined; and each lived in perpetual
jealouſy of the encroachments of the other. The
factious eaſily deviſed pretences for with holding tri-
bute from the monarch; the monarch, in this caſe,
could ſeek redreſs only by making war upon his fub-
jects. If the prefents demanded by every inferiour
prince were denied, delayed, or not exactly propor-
tioned to his claims, he refufed his fervices. The
monarch was left to the refources of his hereditary
province; and in the moſt dangerous emergencies
was frequently without any army. Hence fudden
revolutions, and tragical cataſtrophes, the effects of
pride, ambition, and refentment. Even when the
military ſervice was performed, chieftains muſt have
oftentimes marched to the field, with a fecret indiffe-
rence or diſtaſte to the cauſe in which they were en-
gaged; and thefe they eaſily contrived to propagate
among their followers. Hence in the hour of danger,
they frequently fled on the firſt attack; of which we
fhall hereafter find feveral inftances. Men, who at
%
other times diſplay fuch intrepidity, could fcarcely
yield with fo much eaſe and apparent indifference,
if they had not thought their intereft and their ho-
nour
DIS COURSE.
xxxiii
•
nour totally unconcerned in the quarrel; if they had
not been difcontented with their leader; and their
leader too weak to reftrain or puniſh them. At leaſt,
this ſeems a more reaſonable account of ſuch appear-
ances, than recurring to the charge of national cowar-
dice, a vice ſcarcely to be expected among a rude and
turbulent, though not a barbarous people. But if
we fuppofe the collected forces of the monarch the
moſt favourably affected to his intereſts, ſtill an army
bound to ferve only for a ſeaſon, might prove fuffici-
ent for fome ſhort incurfions into a rebellious pro-
vince; but foreigners, who might pour gradually into
Ireland for fettlements, or conqueft, were not to be ex-
terminated by a temporary militia.
THE power and government of a provincial king
were exactly fimilar to thofe of the monarch. His
fucceffor or Tainift was elected in his life-time; he
received tributes from inferiour chieftains, paid for
their ſervices, was entertained in his vifitations, and
attended by them in his wars.
Inferiour toparchs go-
verned their reſpective diſtricts in the fame manner :
and to theſe again a number of lords were fubordi-
nate, who dwelt in their Raths, as they were called, or
encloſures of a dwelling-houſe and offices; parcelled
out lands to their inferiours, who again poffeffed their
fmaller Raths, and commanded a fmaller number of
VOL. I.
dependents.
e .
xxxiv
PRELIMINARY
dependents. In theſe petty focieties we may view the
manners of the Iriſh more diftinctly. No man was
bound to continue in them longer than he found it
neceffary for his intereft. On his admiffion, he took
the name of the chieftain or Flath as he was called;
on his death, or departure, a new partition was
made of all the lands belonging to the particular dif-
trict, by virtue of the law of "Gavel-kind," as the
Engliſh called it. Through the whole country thề
tenure of lands determined with the life of the poffèf-
for; and as the crimes or misfortunes of men fre
quently forced them from one tribe to another, pro-
perty was eternally fluctuating; and new partitions
of lands made almoft daily. Hence, the cultivation of
grounds was only in proportion to the immediate de-
mands of nature, and the tributes to be paid to fupe-
riours. And whatever magnificent ftructures might
have been erected for occafions of ftate, or for rell
gious worſhip, it is certain that both princes and
people dwelt in houſes flightly compofed of hurdles.
AMONG a rude people, hofpitality was a principal
virtue. It was enjoined by law: and as neither lords
nor tenants were bound to each other, as the whole
tribe might migrate to fome more favourable diſtrict,
the Brehon inſtitutes expreſsly enjoin that no Rath ſhall
break up fuddenly, left the traveller fhould be difap-
pointed
DISCOURSE.
XXXV
:
pointed, of his expected reception. But neither the
duties to be received by the lord, nor the entertain-
ment he was to expect from his inferiours, were de-
termined by his arbitrary will and pleaſure. They
were proportioned to the benefits received from him,
and afcertained by the laws: fo that the lord could
exact his Cofhering, his Cuddies, his Bonnaught,
names denoting particular modes of provifion for the
temporary ſupport of himſelf and his attendants; and
which in later times were found fo grievous, and fo ſe-
verely condemned, under the denominations of
"Coyne and Livery." Even the loweſt of the people
claimed reception and refreſhment, by an almoſt per-
fect right and fo ineffectual is the flux of many cen-
turies to efface the ancient manners of a people, that
at this day the wandering beggar enters the houſe of
a farmer or gentleman, with as much eaſe and free-
dom as an inmate. The benevolent fpirit of Chrifti-
anity ferved to enforce and countenance fuch man-
"The moſt holy men of heaven," ſay the Iriſh
laws, “ were remarkable for hoſpitality; and the Gof-
pel commands us to receive the fojourner, to enter-
“ tain him, and to relieve his wants."
ners.
CC
THESE laws not only provide againſt murder, rapes,
adultery, theft, robbery; but ſuch crimes as are not
generally cognizable by human tribunals; fuch as
flander,
e 2-
a
xxxvi
PRELIMINARY
1
¿
his fami-
flander, tale-bearing, or diſreſpect to fuperiours. But
at this day it will not be regarded as a diftinguiſhing
mark of barbarity, that the moſt outrageous offences
were puniſhable only by an ERIC or fine. That for
murder was to be paid by the perpetrator or
ly, to the fon, or relations of the deceaſed, and in
proportion to their degrees of confanguinity that for
adultery, to the huſband of the offender, by her father
or neareſt relations; or, if a bond-woman, by the tribe
which entertained her, or by the church which the
ferved. The incestuous perfon not only paid his Eric,
but was inſtantly expelled from his tribe. Nor could
any man be admitted into a new tribe, until he had
paid Eric for all offences whatever committed in his
former refidence. The fine paid to a fon for the mur-
der of his father was rated at feven Cumbals, as they
were called, or twenty-one kine. Hence we may
form a judgment of the lenity of their penal laws in
other inftances. The property and fecurity of woods,
the regulation of water-courſes, but above all the pro-
perty of bees, on which depended the principal bever -
of the people, were guarded by a number of mi-
nute inſtitutions, which breathe a fpirit of equity and
humanity. We are not to wonder that a people ac-
cuſtomed to the refinements found in their own
laws, ſhould be pronounced of all others the greateſt
lovers of juſtice. This is the honourable teftimony
age
of
D I 3 COURS ÉT
H
xxxvii
(
effit John Davis and lord Coke. With fhame we
wift confefs, that they were not taught this love of
juſtice by the firſt Engliſh fettlers.
18-
MORYSON, in his travels, informs us that an Iriſh
chieftain with his family and attendants fat round his
fire, naked. There is little doubt but that in the
reign of Elizabeth, even the old natives had degene-
rated, and that the wars of feveral centuries had re-
duced them to a ſtate inferiour to that in which the
Engliſh found them in the days of Henry the Second.
Yet the fact is totally incredible. The climate of Ire-
land muſt at all times have forced the moft barbarous
to fome covering, even in their retired chambers.
Iriſh writers minutely defcribe the ancient drefs of
their country, the veft, the trowfe, the mantle, the
enormous linen fleeves dyed with faffron, the orna-
ments of their women, and the crowns of their kings.
The fragments of their laws, an authority lefs fufpici-
ous, regulate the prices of drefs for all orders and de-
grees; they ordain that wives who bring no dowry
(including even queens) fhall be reſtrained in the ex-
pénce of their apparel; they aſcertain the prices of
needle-work, embroidery, and other ornaments. But
if the women were attentive to adorn their perſons,
the men affected rather a warlike afpect: their thick
beards, and great whiſkers, their glibbs or buſhy hair
A
hanging
-
·
xxxviii
PRELIMINARY
hanging careless over their vifage, joined withhan
athletic body, gave them a fierce and even hideous ap-
pearance.
"THE fongs of the bard," faith lord Lyttelton,
"had uſually more power to incite and enflame, than
"the mufic of the harp to foften or mitigate the fero-
"city of the chief: fo that even this recreation, which
(C
feems to indicate fomething gentle and approaching
"to politeneſs in the temper of the Iriſh, contributed
"to keep up that turbulent ſpirit, averſe to order and
peace, which no prince or legiflator that their
country ever produced had fufficient ſkill to con-
"troul." The obſervation is fully verified by the hif-
tory of this people.
Of all the cuſtoms of the Irifh, that of FOSTERAGE,
as it is called, hath been a particular ſubject of ſpecu-
lation. Their writers generally agree, that children
were mutually given, from different families, to be
nurfed and bred up in others; and that inferiours, in-
ſtead of expecting any reward for their care, purchaſ-
ed the honour of foftering the children of the rich.
Hence, we are told, a ftricter connection and confe-
deracy were formed between different families and dif-
ferent tribes. There is no doubt, but that children
bred from their infancy together, in the fame family,
under
YDS IS COURS E.
xxxix
under the fame parental care, in the fame ſports and
occupations, with minds untainted by pride, and inat-
tentive to worldly diſtinctions, confidered each other
as real brethren, and contracted warm affections,
which time could not extinguiſh: that they regarded
their fofterers with a filial reverence; and were often-
times, through life, attended by the children of theſe
fofterers with a zealous and ſteady attachment. But
I cannot allow that Fofterage was purpoſely deviſed by
politicians to produce theſe effects, that there was a
mutual exchange of children, or any mutual alliances
intended or concerted by fuch an exchange. The Bre-
hon laws feem to intimate, that foftering was the oc-
cupation of thoſe whofe inferiour condition rendered
them incapable of doing other ſervices to the public.
"No man," ſay they," ſhall in any café be entitled
"to ERIC, but he who pays tribute or FOSTERS: and
“in their injunctions on ALL orders of women, their
"expreffion is, from the queen to the FOSTERESS." So
far are the fragments of theſe laws from favouring the
notion that the honour of breeding children was ever
purchaſed, that they are exact in afcertaining the
wages that ſhall be paid to fofterers in proportion to
the time that children continue under their care, and
the inftructions they have received: nor do they omit
the prices which the feveral maſters may demand from
the
7
xl
PRELIMINARY
the appointments of a foſterer. And here they dift
cover the fecret of a complete Iriſh education at leaſt
for thoſe of the middle ranks of life. The youth on
his ftate of fofterage was not employed in a tedious
and painful practice of various forms and meaſures of
poetry, as we are fometimes told: the fyftem of his
education was more uſeful, and indeed more honour-
able. He was inftructed in the management of
cattle; in huſbandry and tillage; in navigation,
which the laws diftinguiſh into the higher and lower,
but without explaining the difference; and laſtly, in
the knowledge of letters, or reading, as the loweſt part
of education.
In a word, it appears from all their legal inftitu-
tions yet diſcovered, that the Iriſh, in their ſtate of
greateſt compofure, were indeed by no means bar-
barous, but far from that perfect civility which their
enthuſiaſtic admirers fometimes defcribe as their pecu
liar characteriſtic. They cultivated thoſe arts of peace
which ſubſiſt among a people ſtrangers to extenſive
commerce, or the refinements of an opulent and luxu-
rious age. Rights were accurately defined in their fo-
cieties, and the people might have been impreſſed with
an habitual love of juſtice; but their fenſe of injuries
was, in proportion, lively; and their paffions irritable.
Redreſs,
}
1
xli
r
DISC TOUR IS E
4
URSE.
Redreſs in many cafes, was only to be obtained by
force; and to force they perpetually recurred. Their
boafted triennial affemblies do not appear to have ever
ferved the purpoſe of a ſtrict and peaceable connec-
tion between the different inhabitants of a country,
which for many ages had full leifure for improve-
ment. The influence of their monarchs was weak;
their power neglected, controuled, and refifted. The
provinces, and even the inferiour fepts into which the
ifland was parcelled, lived in a kind of federal union
with each other; which the pride, the injuftice, the
ambition, the avarice, the revenge of different chief-
tains were ever ready to interrupt. Their hiftories
record the effects of theſe dangerous paffions: the vir-
tues of private life are not generally the ſubject of hiſ-
tory. An impartial and unprejudiced enquirer may
ftill diſcover many traces of the equity, the rectitude,
the benevolence, and generoſity of the ancient Iriſh in
their different fepts. But men of other countries ſome-
times judge of them precipitately, from a flight in-
ſpection of their futile hiftorians, or from careleſs or
malicious miſrepreſentation. Thus we are told, that
"the Iriſh from the beginning of time had been buri-
"ed in the moſt profound barbariſm and ignorance;"
that "they were diſtinguiſhed only by thoſe vices, to
"which human nature, not tamed by education, nor
"reftrained
VOL. I.
f
1
xlir
PAREL I MOI N AR
"reftrained by laws, is for ever fubject;" that "the
"moſt ſimple arts of life, even tillage and agriculture,
"were almoſt wholly unknown among them." D
The
people thus traduced, exclaim with indignation, that
no brain-fick monk, in days of darkneſs and fuperſti-
tion, ever betrayed fuch credulity as appears in theſe
affertions. They are indeed well difpofed to retort
this feverity: but the Iriſh have no philofophical
hiſtorian.
I
1
+
1
£
}
*
A
1
Li
འཕྱ་
CHE
༣ ?
****
55V
qnid
γά
Wyd
brothing /
2
OF
DISCOURS E.
xliii
臭
​*
t
OF THE
F.
INVASIONS OF IRELAND
PREVIOUS TO THE
REIGN OF HENRY THE SECOND.
T hath been already obferved, that the temporary
armies of the Iriſh were not calculated for repelling
a foreign invaſion. And from the moment that they
came to contend with any other enemies but thoſe of
their own ifland, they experienced the effects of their
internal weakneſs and difunion, as well as their inferio-
rity in the art of war. Bede informs us, that in the
year fix hundred and eighty-four, the general of Egfrid,
king of Northumberland, made a deſcent on Ireland.
But, inſtead of mentioning any gallant refiftance made
by the natives, he infinuates that they truſted more to
prayers than arms: and in the plaintive ſtyle of com-
paffion laments the miſerable havoc of a people, inof-
fenfive, and ever moſt friendly to the Engliſh.
BUT Ireland experienced a ftill more formidable in-
vafion, when the Danes, Norwegians, and other Scan-
f 2
dinavian
xliv
PRELIMINARY
O'Compor,
Differt.
dinavian adventurers began to rove in fearch of new
fettlements. The Irish called them by the geheral
names of Normans, and Galls or foreigners. They
diſtinguiſhed their particular tribes by thofe of Duffs
galls, Fin-galls, (black and white foreigners) and Dan-
fhir or Danes. The Engliſh called them collectively
Oftmen or Eaftmen. Their piratical expeditions were
commenced about the end of the eighth century.
Their affociations were gradually enlarged; and their
excurfions became more and more alarming. They
infeſted England; they threatened France, and
Charles the Great found it neceffary to fit out a great
navy for the fecurity of his coafts. Ireland was weak
and improvident; and the country inviting to thefe
foreigners. At this time, we are told, that the monar
chical power in Ireland was enjoyed in alternate ſucceſ-
fion, by two branches of what was called the Hy-Nial
race, the northern houſe of Tirone, and the fouthern,
or Clan-Colman, feated in Meath; that the power of
the monarch was remarkably weakened, the inferiour
dynaſties factious and affuming; but that the evils of
the political conſtitution were corrected by the reve?
rence paid to religion and learning; that the people
were happy, and the country reſpected. A new ſcene
of affairs was foon to be diſcloſed,
{
}
}
THE
در
DY MI SA COMU R S E. -
И У
xlv
WSTAD firft invafions of the Danes were made in
Imall parties for the fake of plunder. They were Keating.
attacked and repelled, by the provincial chieftain
whoſe dominions were infefted. Other parties appear-
ed in different quarters of the iſland, terrified the in-
habitants by the havoc which they committed; were
again oppoſed, again put to flight, and again repeat-
ed their barbarous incurfions. The Irifh thus har-
raffed for twenty years, continued their local conteſts,
without forming any ſcheme of national union againſt
the common enemy. The northern pirates, either by
force or treaty, gradually obtained fome ſmall ſettle-
ments in Ireland: and at length TURGES, or Turge-
fus a warlike Norwegian, landed with a powerful
armament in the year 815. He divided his fleet and
army, in order to ftrike terrour in different quarters.
His followers were indulged in every fpecies of out-
rage that might drive the inhabitants to defpair: they
pillaged, they burned, they maffacred, without regard
to fex, age, or character; and, of all others, the clergy
were perfecuted by theſe pagans with eſpecial fury.
The Danes of Ireland flocked to the ſtandard of
Turges and while the Iriſh were ſtill infatuated by
their private competitions, the invader feated himſelf
at Armagh, from which he expelled the clergy, and
lived on their lands in all the ftate of fovereignty.
Other foreigners, encouraged by his fuccefs, attempted
3
་
to
1
xlvi
PRELIMINARY
}
•
fhare his advantages: but Turges was now fo
powerful as to repel them. The Iriſh, after ſome ill!
concerted and unſucceſsful efforts, funk gradually into
a ſtate of abject fubmiffion; and the northern leader,
after a refidence of thirty years in Ireland, was at
length proclaimed monarch of the kingdom.
THE Iriſh however ſtill retained ſo much pride as to
be incenſed at this violence to the rights of their ancient
princes; and the government of the ufurper was to the
laft degree odious and fevere. The annalifts defcribe
the oppreffions, the extortions, the infolence, of the
Northerns, in the moſt affecting colours, but particularly
their rage againſt learning and religion, the deſtruction
of all feminaries and religious houſes, with their books,
utenfils, and furniture, and the expulfion of their clergy
to foreign countries, or to fome miferable retreats in
Ireland. Their defcriptions my poffibly be exaggerate
ed, in order to juſtify the cataſtrophe of Turges and his
Northerns. The old Iriſh ſpirit at length revived. Me-
lachlin, prince of Meath, in a time of apparent peace,
contrived to ſeize the ufurper. Thus the old annalifts
record the event, without the poetical embelliſhments
of later times. The joyful intelligence was in an inftant
ſpread through Ireland. The Danes were every where
ſurpriſed by a ſudden infurrection, maffacred, or dif
perfed their leader condemned to death for his cruelties,
and
>
i
DSG OUR SE..
xlvil
{
andwthe fentence executed, by plunging him into
lake.morvoll..
#.
་ ༈
3
THE foreigners were thus reduced to a ſtate of ſubjec-
tion, but not exterminated. When the firft rage of in-
dignation and refentment had ſubſided, the Iriſh ſuffered
their remains to continue in the ifland as fubjects and
tributaries to particular chieftains. A new colony arriv-
ed under the conduct of Amlave Sitrick and Ivar. They
profeffed the moſt peaceable intentions, and promiſed
to enrich the country by their commerce. They were
received; and the Iriſh, with an infatuated policy, fuffer-
ed them to become abfolute mafters of Dublin, Lime-
rick, Waterford, and other maritime plaecs, which they
gradually enlarged and fortified with fuch works as were
unknown to the Iriſh; and in which they lay fecure-
ly, ready to receive reinforcements from their original
country. Their power encreaſed imperceptibly, for
they were a warlike and commercial people. And the
Iriſh, in their pride and ſupineneſs, their feuds and dif-
tractions, fuffered them to extend their territories, until
they again threatened to diſpute the fovereignty of the
whole ifland. They were attacked, defeated, yet ftill
fubfifted, carried on their commerce, and, like other
particular fepts, fometimes acknowledged the fuperiori-
ty of their neighbours,, fometimes maintained their in-
dependence; were not fubdued by tumultuous incur
fions
?
#
xlviii
PRELIMINARY
❤fions, nor confiderably reduced by cafual misfortunes
in the field. We are told indeed, that about the year
863, the Danes were totally defeated and driven from
Ireland. Yet fcarcely have the Iriſh annalifts found-
leiſure to detail the actions of Cormac, the reverend and
learned prelate who filled the throne of Munfter,
when they again returned to the contefts of Ceallachan
with the Danes, and the romantic adventures of this
Irish prince.
K
BUT the hiſtory of theſe northern foreigners feems to
have been related imperfectly by the Iriſh, and with a
ftudied obfcurity. The victories of their countrymen,
and the misfortunes, as well as the ferocity of theſe their
rivals, they were naturally tempted to exaggerate. It
is evident, that through the various revolutions of fome
centuries they continued a very powerful, and were
ſometimes, the moſt diſtinguiſhed ſept of Ireland. They
embraced Chriſtianity about the year 948. And their
fettlement was ſo well eſtabliſhed; and their confe-
quence fo confiderable, that they engaged the atten-
tion of the neighbouring countries. A charter of king
Edgar, dated at Glouceſter in the year 964, purports,
that this prince had "conquered the greateſt part of
"Ireland, together with its moſt noble city of Dublin."
The Afiatic ſtyle of this charter, and the filence of
Engliſh, as well as of Iriſh annals, render its authenti-
city
D IS COURS MES
xlix
1
city justly fufpected; and from the diſtinction with
which the city of Dublin is mentioned in this record, it
is evident that the framer of it formed his ideas of
Ireland from the Daniſh or Oftmen-fettlements. Dub-
lin had never been a place of note, or regarded even
as the capital of Leinſter in former times. But how-
ever the authority of this charter may be rejected, it was
the policy of Edgar to keep the foreign Danes in awe;
and his fleets might have vifited their maritime cities
in Ireland; if not to conquer, at leaſt to intimidate
them, and to exact ſome token of their ſubmiſſion. The
conjecture feems to receive fome countenance from a
coin of Ethelred the Second, in the collection of Trini-
ty College Dublin, evidently ftruck in this city, and
poffibly intended as tribute-money: not to mention an-
other coin of Edgar, found in Dublin, with the name
of a minter on the reverfe, evidently Irish.
The moft vigorous and dangerous enemy whom the
northern foreigners experienced in Ireland, was the
hero fo celebrated in the annals of this country by the
name of BRIAN BOROMY. While yet general to his
brother the king of Munfter, he gave them repeated
overthrows. A long life fpent with honour in the
field endeared him to his countrymen, who on the
death of his brother called him, in an advanced age, to
the throne of Munfter. His firſt care was to avenge
VOL. I.
go
the
1
PRELIMINARY
the death of his predeceffor, who had been killed by
a chieftain of fome note. He defeated this chieftain
in battle, and made a terrible execution of fifteen
hundred Danes who marched to his affiftance. An-·
other chieftain oppofed him with another reinforce
ment of Danes, but with the fame fuccefs. The tran-
quility of his province was thus eftabliſhed; the
fouthern moiety of the iſland acknowledged his fove-
reignty; and when the Iriſh and Danes of Leinſter re-
fuſed to pay him tribute, he marched againſt them at
the head of his renowned militia formed in South
Munſter, and known by the title of the invincible
tribe of DALCAIS. He befieged and ftormed the city
of Dublin, and reduced the inhabitants to a ſtate of.
due fubordination. The fame of Brian proved an in-
centive to other princes: they rofe againſt the Nor-
man power in other quarters of the island: and, dif
fatisfied at the inactivity of Malachy their monarch,
they depofed him, and raiſed the illuftrious king of
Munfter to this ftation.
+
BRIAN laboured to fupport his new dignity, with
the ſpirit of a veteran, and the prudence and modera-
tion of a man advanced beyond the age of feventy.
All malecontents were fubdued and terrified. The
factious were conciliated by the equity and benignity
of the new monarch. They who had fuffered in
times
DISCOURSE.
Hi
$
times of commotion were redreffed; they who had
been ejected from their poffeffions by the foreigners
were reftored; they who had been reduced to a ſtate
of bondage were fet at liberty. The havoc made by
invaders was repaired the clergy reſtored to their
endowments; churches and religious houfes rofe
fuddenly from their ruins; learned feminaries were re-
eſtabliſhed and enlarged; laws were reviewed, cor-
rected, and ftrictly enforced. Brian was now prepar-
ing to crown all the glorious actions of his reign, by
building and fitting out a formidable navy, to ftrike
terrour into all future invaders of the ifland, when
the Danes, ſtill left in free poffeffion of the maritime
cities, invited their countrymen to their affiftance.
The neighbouring Iriſh, impatient of the ancient tri-
bute ftill exacted by the monarch, readily concurred
with them; and even encouraged the foreigners to
affift in their infurrection. The whole province of
Leinſter fuddenly caught the flame of war, and call-
ed Brian to the field at the age of eighty-eight. He
lived to be a witneſs of the valour of his ſon Mortagh,
in the defperate engagement of Clontarffe, and the
victory of his troops. The fon fell in the field; the
venerable monarch, we are told, was flain by fome
fugitives, as he lay unguarded in his pavillion.
g 2
By
}
1
Hii
PRELIMINARY
འ
+
•
By the death. of Brian Boromy, the title of
monarch reverted to Malachy, or Melachlin, who had
been depofed, and who, with a fingular moderation,
lived contented with his own province Meath,
acquiefcing in the unanimous voice of the nation,
and even ſerving in the army of his rival. His mif-
fortunes taught him the neceffity of a vigorous admini-
Atration. He. intimidated and reftrained the factious
chieftains ; he purſued the Danes with ſeverity; and
the Iriſh hiftorians in the bold ftyle of hyperbole af
fure us, that he totally extinguiſhed their power:
Yet nothing is more certain than that they ftill main-
tained their fettlements in Ireland, and continued a
diſtinct and powerful. ſept. Their maritime cities
were governed by chieftains whom they called
kings; their church was modelled without the af-
fiftance of their neighbours, and their biſhops
remitted for confecration to the primate of Canter-
bury.
3
THEY had the more leifure to ftrengthen and
enlarge their fettlements, as the death of Malachy
involved the Irish in an extraordinary degree of con-
fufion. The alternate fucceffion of the two royal
houſes had been interrupted by the election of Brian
to the fovereignty. Animated by his example, every
provincial
j
DISCOURSE.
hii
provincial king aſpired to the fame honour: but among
the feveral competitors, Donchad, ſon of Brian, at firſt
proved the most powerful. He eſtabliſhed his autho-
rity in the ſouth, and proceeded to enforce it in the
northern moiety of Ireland, when Turlogh his nephew
fuddenly ſtarted up, by encouragement of a king of
Leinfter, and was proclaimed monarch by his fac-
tion. The country was harraffed by their competi-
tions; laws and religion loft their influence; licen-
tiouſneſs and immorality were the natural attendants
of local feuds and hoftilities. Theſe were the times,
fay the Iriſh writers, in which Bernard the monk gives
fuch an horrid picture of Ireland..
:
DONCHAD at length yielded to the fuperiour
power of his rival. In the anguiſh of diſappointed
ambition, he fled to Rome, and laid his crown at
the feet of the holy pontiff, promifing to inveft him
with the fovereignty of Ireland. Still he could ob-
tain no affiftance. In deſpair he affumed the habit
of a religious, and concealed himfelf in Saint Stephen's
Abbey at Rome.
TURLOGH, thus left without any confiderable com--
petitor, exerciſed the monarchical power,. though
not formally elected or recognized by the ſtates.
The
O'Connor,
Differt.
3
1
liv
PRELIMINARY
Ufher's
Sylloge Epift.
<
The defects of his title he endeavoured to fupply by
the merit of his adminiſtration, in reftraining and
reforming abufes, in his equity and juſtice. Such
at leaſt is the teftimony of archbishop Lanfranc to
the conduct of this Irish king: whofe elevation
he attributes to the interpofition of Providence in
favour of the people of Ireland. But if his reigh
gave fome check to faction and licentioufnefs, theſe
broke forth with double violence on his death.
rough O'Brian in the South, and Donald O'Lochlan
in the North, contended for the monarchy: each was
recognized by his party, and each received the fub-
miffions of thoſe chieftains and fepts who were moſt
expoſed to his power.
Mor-
IN the midft of inteftine contefts and commo-
tions, Ireland feemed ready to be fubdued by the
firft foreign invader who ſhould attempt the con-
queſt of an inviting country. We are told, in the
Chronicle of Man, that Magnus, king of Norway,
in the courfe of his adventures and acquifitions re-
folved to complete them by the reduction of Ire-
land: and with a fmall fleet made a defcent on
Ulfter, in order to view the coafts. As he land-
ed without oppofition, he ventured to pierce into
the country without caution or apprehenfion. He
was
•
Ď IS COURSE.
lv
was fuddenly furrounded; for it was the cuftom of
the Frith, inftead of meeting their enemy with all the
parade of war, to watch their advantage, and dart
unexpectedly upon them from their retreats. Mag-
nus and his party were cut to pieces. Thus the
contempt he entertained of the Iriſh happily proved
his ruin. I fay happily; for, (as the noble author of
the Life of Henry the Second judiciouſly obſerves)
"if this enterprize had been more wifely conducted,
" and the fuccefs had been anſwerable to what the
"diviſions among the Iriſh princes, and the inclina-
"tion of the Oftmen in favour of a monarch from
"whoſe country moſt of them originally came, feem-
“ed reaſonably to promiſe, it would have erected
" in Ireland a Norwegian kingdom, which, together
" with Man, and the other dominions of Magnus,
« full of ſhipping and good feamen, might in proceſs
"of time have compoſed a maritime power capable
❝ of maintaining itſelf, perhaps for ever, againſt that
❝ of the Engliſh, and difputing with them the ſovereign-
CC ty of the fea. It may indeed be eſteemed moſt
happy for this nation, that no king of Denmark, or
" of Norway, or of Sweden, nor any prince of the
"Oftmen fettled in Ireland, ever gained an entire
"dominion of that ifle; for, had it remained under
"the orderly government of any of theſe, its neighbour-
hood:
lvi
PRELIMINARY
t
"hood would have been, in many refpects prejudicial
"to England."—Another power and other fettlers
were foon to be eftabliſhed in Ireland, and the difor-
ders of this ifle operated gradually, yet effectually, to
render their eſtabliſhment eaſy and fucceſsful.
:
2
THE
1
Ꮧ
?
#
THE
HISTORY
OF
IRELAND
FROM THE
INVASION of HENRY II.
BOOK I.
CHA P. I.
State of Ireland favourable to an invafion in the eleventh and
twelveth centuries.-State of the neighbouring kingdoms.-Scheme
of invading Ireland formed by Henry the Second.-Pretences for
this invafion.-Application to pope Adrian.-His motives for
complying with the request of Henry.-His Bull.-The Irish
clergy earnest to regulate their church.-Henry's defign neceffarily
fufpended. Review of the state of Ireland at this period.
Factions and quarrels of its chieftains.-Dermod king of Leinster
driven from his province.-Flies to England,-Sollicits aid from
Henry-who licences his fubjects to affift him.-Dermod hope-
leſs.—Applies to the earl of Chepstow.-Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-
Gerald engage in his fervice.-Dermod returns to Ireland.-
His return difcovered to Roderic O'Connor.-His fubmiffions and
VOL. I.
B
treaty.-
7
1
2
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
treaty.-Arrival of Fitz-Stephen.-March to Wexford.-The
Britons repulfed.-Return to the affault.-The town furrender-
ed.—Firſt Britiſh colony in Ireland.-Expedition to Offory.-
Offorians defeated.-Horrid inftance of revenge. Second inva-
fion of Offory.-Pendergast revolts to the Offorians.—Dermod
invaded.-Arrival of Fitz-Gerald.-Danger and eſcape of Pen-
dergaft.-Conduct of Roderic.-He collects his forces.-Is fufpi-
cious of his vaffals.-Difmiffes the Northerns.-Dermod and the
Britons retire.-Roderic treats with Fitz-Stephen and with
Dermod, but without effect.-Preparations for a battle.
Timid policy of Roderic.-Treaty with Dermod renewed and
concluded.-Fitz-Stephen intent to fecure Wexford.-Roderic
defeated in his attempt against the prince of Thomond.—Success
of the firft British adventurers nothing wonderful or extra-
ordinary.
S
UCH were the ftate and circumftances of Ireland, for a
confiderable time before the Engliſh invaſion, that any
neighbouring potentate, whofe dominions were fo com-.
pofed, and his refources fo opulent as to enable him to engage
in foreign conquefts, might have naturally made it the object
of his ambition. But in the eleventh, and the beginning of
the twelveth century, the circumftances of the neighbouring
kingdoms were by no means favourable to fuch attempts.
France was difmembered by the Norman acquiſitions, weakened
by the independent and tumultuous fpirit of its barons, and
intimidated by vaffal princes raiſed even to a degree of formid-
able rivalry. England, by its fituation, was naturally more
attentive to this weſtern ifland; but in England, at this period,
we find a people difpirited by the Danish yoke; the bold
ufurpation of Harold inftantly oppofed by the Norman; a
ſucceſsful invafion followed by a reign of diſorder, ſeverity, and
rigorous meaſures for the eſtabliſhment of the conquerors; a
prince
}
}
₹
Fac
1
1
Ch. 1.
HENRY
}
II.
prince folely intent to fecure and perpetuate his new dominion,
as well as to preſerve his original and favourite territory; his
immediate fucceffors irregularly appointed, or rather violent
ufurpers of the throne, expoſed to faction and infurrection,
called out to the defence of their own titles and territories, and
fometimes engaged in bloody civil wars, with various changes
of fortune; while the lords and princes of inferior territories
in different parts of Europe, oftentimes poffeffed of conſider-
able power, and attended by warlike and adventurous followers,
found a new and tranſporting object for their ambition, and in
all the phrenzy of fanaticifm and romantic valour poured into
the Eaſt for the recovery of the Holy-Land.
3
IRELAND, during this period, though like other more renown- Caradoc.
ed countries, principally confined to her own internal affairs, Langchav.
uninfluenced by the fortunes of other ſtates, and unaffected by
their revolutions, yet was not entirely unknown to the adja-
cent kingdoms. The Irish chieftains, by frequently engaging
in the contefts of Wales, had extended the fame of their va-
lour: it was echoed by thofe whom commerce or devotion had
brought from Ireland, who amufed the ignorant, and indulged
their own national vanity by fplendid accounts of their native
refidence and the prowess of their countrymen. Diftreffed lords
and factious leaders were induced to feek relief and affiftance
in their island. On the difgrace of earl Godwin, in the reign Hovedene
of Edward the Confeffor, Harold, the braveft of his fons, chofe
his retreat in Ireland, and there formed fuch connexions as
proved the reſource of his family when his Norman rival was
in the height of glory and fuccefs. His three fons fled thither
immediately after the defeat at Haftings, and, in the reign of
William the Conqueror, led an Iriſh army into England, to affert
the liberty of their country and the pretenfions of their family:
nor were their auxiliaries repelled but by the obftinate and
· repeated efforts of the count of Brittany. The Welsh annalifts Caradoc.
B 2
inform
4
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
འ
:
Ann. MS.
Trin. Col.
Dub.
inform us, that when Arnulph earl of Pembroke rebelled againſt
Henry the firſt, he ſollicited the aſſiſtance of Mortough the Iriſh
monarch; by his emiffary Gerald he fought the daughter of
this prince in marriage, was encouraged to make a voyage into
Ireland, but returned without accomplishing his wishes, or
obtaining any fuccours. And this might poffibly have laid the
foundation of that friendly intercourſe, which William of
Malmſbury affures us was invariably preſerved between Henry
and this Iriſh king. France is alſo ſaid to have drawn confider-
able ſuccours from this country in ſeveral of her wars; and if
we may believe the Iriſh annalifts, the affiftance granted by
ſome Iriſh princes to his rival firſt provoked. Henry the Second
to the defign of annexing Ireland to his dominions.
HOWEVER this may be, the defign was conceived ſoon after
he had aſcended the throne of England without diſpute or com-
petition, without jealoufies or diſcontent, with all that brilliancy
of character naturally arifing from his diſtinguiſhed abilities,
and with an extent of territory unknown to his predeceffors.
We generally do fuch honour to the policy and circumfpection
of great princes, as to ſuppoſe that ſuch deſigns are formed on
mature deliberation, on an accurate enquiry into the condition
and circumſtances of the country they are to invade, and a
thorough knowledge of thoſe defects in polity and manners,
that internal weakneſs and diſorder, which prepare the way.
for a foreign invader, and promiſe an eafy and effectual con-
queſt. But a very general and fuperficial knowledge of this
island was ſufficient to fire the ambition of a powerful and
popular ſovereign, at a time when the difficulties of his reign
were yet unexperienced, and when it was reproachful to any
diſtinguiſhed character not to be poffeffed with fome ſcheme of
gallant enterprize.
A PRETENCE alone was wanting to give fome colour of juſtice
to the defign: and here his flatterers feem to have exerted all
their
Ch. 1.
5
HENRY
II.
their ingenuity and addrefs. It was affirmed by thoſe who Speed.
ventured to dictate to an ignorant people, that the Iriſh had
originally poffeffed themſelves of their country by permiffion
محمد
of Gurgunitius, a Britiſh king, and that, as defcendants of the Campion,
Britons, they were the natural and rightful fubjects of the
English monarch. It was urged that the renowned Arthur,
Egfrid the Northumbrian, Edgar the illuftrious Saxon prince,
had all led their armies into Ireland, and there made valuable
acquifitions, which their fucceffor, was in honour bound to re-
cover and maintain. It was fuggefted that Englishmen had
frequently been fold as flaves in this iſland; an inſtance of
cruelty and barbarifin, which gave him full right to invade and
fubdue it. But the forged or fufpicious hiftories of ancient
times, the obfolete claims of Saxon or Britiſh princes, however
they might influence the vulgar, yet were not deemed fufficient
for that fair and plaufible colouring which might conceal the
iniquity of an attempt againſt an unoffending people. And as
to the crime of trafficking in flaves, both nations, it was well
known, had been equally involved in it. If the Iriſh had pur-
chaſed, the Saxons had freely offered themſelves and their
children to flavery for an infignificant price if the Iriſh were
lefs fordid and unnatural, yet the prifoners taken on their un-
fucceſsful inroads in the reign of William the Conqueror, had Gul. Maimf,
been fold in great numbers, ſo that the Engliſh clergy were
obliged to remonftrate againſt this practice, which they pro-
nounced utterly unchriftian, and with difficulty prevailed on
the king to relinquish his ungodly gain.
:
BUT the fagacity of Henry, or the ſuggeſtions of an intereſted
and ſubtile ecclefiaftic, foon fupplied the neceffary pretence for a
free indulgence of his ambition. The papal power was gra-
dually advancing to a formidable height, and extending its in-
fluence even to the extremity of the Britiſh iſlands.
Not con-
tented with affuming a dominion in the ecclefiaftical ſyſtem, it
had:
3
ہیں
6
Brompton.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
3
B. I.
had already dictated to kings and nations in their fecular cont
cerns. It had efpoufed the cauſe of William the Norman, made -
a folemn decifion in favour of his claims, and denounced its
ſpiritual vengeance against all thofe who ſhould preſume to re-
fift a prince, whom the fovereign pontiff declared rightful and
lawful inheritor of the crown of England. The ufurper
Stephen had obtained a ratification of his title from the fame
authority. To this power Henry now determined to refort,
and by the folemnity of a papal decree to fanctify his intended
Hagulftad. enterprize againſt Ireland. John Saliſbury, his chaplain, was
made the agent in this important negociation, and acted with
the zeal and diligence of a man, confcious that his fuccefs would
recommend him equally to his royal mafter and his ſpiritual
fovereign. He reprefented to Adrian, the reigning pope, that
the inhabitants of Ireland were funk into the moft wretched
ſtate of corruption, with refpect both to morals and religion;
that Henry, zealous for the honour and enlargement of God's
kingdom, had conceived the pious defign of erecting it in this
unhappy country; was ready to devote himfelf and all his
powers to this meritorious fervice; imploring the benediction
of the pontiff, and requeſting his permiffion and authority to
enter Ireland, to reduce the diſobedient and corrupt, to eradi-
cate all fin and wickedneſs, to inftruct the ignorant, and ſpread
the bleffed influence of the goſpel in its purity and perfection;
promifing at the fame time to pay a yearly tribute to St. Peter
from the land thus to be reduced to his obedience and that of
the holy fee. Habituated as we may be to the depravity of
mankind, one cannot ſeriouſly reflect upon the profane hypo-
crify of this tranſaction without the utmoſt horror. Little did
Henry foreſee, in the blindneſs of his ambition, the perplexi-
ties he was to experience from that power he now contributed
to aggrandize, or the heavy weight of oppreffion with which
it was to fall upon his own head.
6
ADRIAN
Char.
7
HENRY
II.
ADRIAN fecretly exulted in an application which favoured
his enormous claims, and recognized his authority; nor was he
diſpleaſed to gratify his countryman, a prince of exalted cha-
racter, lately raifed to the throne, and who had not yet dif-
covered his difpofitions to the hierarchy. Rome had long con-
tended for extenfive powers in England; Ireland had but lately
been difpofed to acknowledge its fupremacy. All ecclefiaftical
authority had, till about four years before the acceffion of Ann.quatuor
Magiftro-
Henry the Second, been exercifed by her own prelates; nor rum. MS.
had the ceremonies and difcipline of her church, points of the
greateſt moment in this age, been conformable to thoſe of
Rome. The pontificate, however, by the intereſted zeal of its
numerous and active emiffaries, had at length contrived to extend
its influence even to this remote ifland; had alarmed the Irish
clergy with fears of the irregularity of their ecclefiaftical con-
ftitution, and perfuaded them to fubmit to a reform modelled
and dictated by Rome. Cardinal Paparon was, in the year
eleven hundred and fifty-two, admitted into Ireland with a
legantine commiffion: three thouſand ecclefiaftics affembled.
by his direction in the town of Drogheda: four palls were ſo-
lemnly received from the pope by the prelates of Armagh,
Dublin, Cafhel, and Tuam: the celebration of Eafter was ad-
justed according to the Romish decifions; and for the further
reformation of the church, the celibacy of the clergy was en-
forced, and their privileges and properties fecured by various
canons. Thus was the correſpondence opened with the church
of Ireland, and the pre-eminence of Rome formally acknow-
ledged. It remained therefore for the pope to improve thefe
favourable beginnings, to embrace the occafion of extending
his new dominion in Ireland, as well as to conciliate the friend-
ſhip of Henry. A bull was framed without delay, fully con-
formable to the wifhes and purpoſes of the king. It is here
娠
​inferted
:
1
8
Girald.
Camb.
Mat. Paris.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
. B.I.
inſerted at large, and affords a ſhocking inftance of the profli-
gacy and impiety of papal ufurpation.
A
DRIAN, bishop, fervant of the fervants of God, to
his deareſt ſon in Chrift the illuftrious king of Eng-
"land, greeting, and apoftolic benediction.
"FULL laudably and profitably hath your magnificence con-
"ceived the defign of propagating your glorious renown on
"earth, and completing your reward of eternal happineſs in
"heaven; while, as a catholic prince, you are intent on ´en-
64
larging the borders of the church, teaching the truth of the
"Chriſtian faith to the ignorant and rude, exterminating the
"roots of vice from the field of the Lord, and for the more
"convenient execution of this purpoſe, requiring the counſel
. and favour of the apoftolic fee. In which, the maturer
your deliberation, and the greater the difcretion of your pro-.
"cedure, by fo much the happier, we truft, will be your
66
progrefs, with the affiſtance of the Lord; as all things are
"uſed to come to a profperous end-and iffue, which take their
"beginning from the ardour of faith and the love of religion.
"THERE is indeed no doubt but that Ireland, and all the
"iflands on which Chrift the fun of righteouſneſs hath fhone,
"and which have received the doctrines of the Chriftian faith,
"do belong to the jurifdiction of St. Peter and of the hoły
"Roman church, as your excellency alfo doth acknowledge.
"And therefore we are the more folicitous to propagate the
righteous plantation of faith in this land, and the branch
acceptable to God, as we have the fecret conviction of con-
"fcience that this is more eſpecially our bounden duty..
66
66
"You then, moft dear fon in Chrift, have fignified to us
66 your defire to enter into the iſland of Ireland, in order to re-
"duce the people to obedience unto laws, and to extirpate the
plants of vice; and that you are willing to pay from each
"houſe
Ch. 1.
II.
HENRY
houſe, a yearly penfion of one penny to St. Peter, and that
"you will preſerve the rights of the churches of this land
“whole and inviolate. We therefore, with that grace and
"acceptance fuited to your pious and laudable defign, and
"favourably affenting to your petition, do hold it good and
acceptable, that, for extending the borders of the church,
"reftraining the progreſs of vice, for the correction of man-
"ners, the planting of virtue, and the encreaſe of religion,
66.
you enter this iſland, and execute therein whatever fhall
pertain to the honour of God and welfare of the land; and
that the people of this land receive you honourably, and reve-
❝rence you as their lord: the rights of their churches ftill
remaining facred and inviolate; and ſaving to St. Peter the
annual penſion of one penny from every houſe.
"I then you be refolved to carry the defign you have con-
ceived into effectual execution, ftudy to form this nation to
* virtuous manners; and labour by yourſelf, and others whom
you fhall judge meet for this work, in faith, word, and life,
"that the church may be there adorned, that the religion of
"the Chriftian faith may be planted and grow up, and that all
"things pertaining to the honour of God, and the ſalvation of
"fouls, be fo ordered, that you may be entitled to the fulneſs
of eternal reward from God, and obtain a glorious renown
"on earth throughout all ages."
THE Bull, thus framed, was prefented to king Henry, toge-
ther with a ring, the token of his inveftiture, as rightful fove-
reign of Ireland.
•
2
SOME Irish writers, fcandalized at the grofs reprefentations Grat. Lucius,
of the corruption and barbariſm of their country, feem willing.
to queſtion the authenticity of this bull: as if the character of
p. 91.
a church or nation were infallibly decided by the fentence of a Eadmer.
pope; and as if the charge of corruption and barbarifm had not
been as ftrongly and offenfively urged against the Engliſh, when
VOL. I.
C
the
10
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
↑
MSS.
Thaum.
But the reality of this
the purpoſes of the holy fee required it.
tranfaction between Adrian and king Henry is fo far from
being fufpicious, that there is fome ground to conjecture that
the Iriſh ecclefiaftics themſelves were immediately informed of
Ann. 4 Mag. it. From the date of the pope's bull we find their fynods mul-
Colgan. Trias tiplied, and their regulations repeated and enforced, as it were,
with an affected folicitude to take away the reproach of their
church. We are told that they made the moſt falutary ordi-
nances, not only for the prefervation of clerical diſcipline, but
for the reformation of manners: and; (what beſpeaks neither
barbariſm nor ignorance) they provided for the regular inftruc
tion of their clergy. Armagh was then their moſt reputed feat
of learning and by a folemn ordinance it was provided, that
no one ſhould be allowed to profeſs or teach theology in any of
their churches, who had not been educated in this feminary.
But whether their zeal and folicitude were merely accidental,
or purpoſedly intended to demonftrate that the reformation of
their church did not require the interference of a foreign prince,
this confpiracy between the pope and Henry was certainly
alarming, and, had concert or policy fubfifted in Ireland;
fhould have united its inhabitants, of all orders and conditions,
in the moſt vigorous and effectual meaſures to guard againft
invafion. So poffeffed was Henry with his defign againſt this
country, and fo elated by the commiffion now received from
Rome, that the empress his mother is faid to have employed.
the most urgent folicitations to divert him from an enterprize
which might endanger his immediate interefts, as well in France
as England.
Speed
'
AND certain it is, that however inveſted with the pleni-
tude of papal authority, and however flattered with the ideas
of conqueft and dominion, Henry was, as yet, by no means
A. D. 1156. prepared for fuch an enterprize. In the year in which
the bull of Adrian is dated, we find him engaged in repreffing
the infurrection of his brother Geoffry, and fupporting his own.
claim
.
Ch. 1.
II
HENRY II.
The
Math. Paris.
claim to Anjou. The affairs of England were not yet com- Brompton.
pletely fettled; and the regulation of this country gave full
employment to the vigour and abilities of its monarch.
inquietude of Wales obliged him to lead a formidable army
into this principality; and ſcarcely had he reduced it to his
obedience, when he was again called to the continent by the
death of Geoffry, where he engaged in wars and treaties for
fecuring and extending his dominions. Theſe were fucceeded
by the long and painful conteft which he maintained against
the church, in which the inflexible and intrepid fpirit of Becket,
kept him in a continual ſtate of agitation. The deſign againſt
Ireland was therefore neceffarily fufpended, and feemed to have
been forgotten, till accident revived it, or the factions rather,
and competitions of a corrupted and difordered people, opened
a way for the Engliſh arms to penetrate into their unhappy
country.
If we review the ſtate of Ireland at this period, we there
find a monarch little more than titular, depending for his
power and influence on his own abilities and vigour, harraffed
by faction, and oppoſed by powerful rivals; a number of pro-
vincial chieftains, who affumed the title and the rights of roy-
alty, paid a precarious tribute to their fuperior, and united,
if they were difpofed to unite with him, as allies rather than
fubjects. In Ulfter, the family of the northern Hi-Nial, as
it was called, exerciſed an hereditary juriſdiction in the modern
counties of Tirone, Derry, and Donnegal; claimed a right
of fupremacy over the lords of Fermanagh, Antrim, and Ar-
gial, which included the counties of Armagh, Monaghan,
Lowth, and fome adjacent diſtricts: while Dunleve, prince of
Ulad, (fo the county of Down was named) diſputed the fupe-
riority of this family, and affected an independent ſtate. In
Munfter, the defcendants of the illuftrious Brian ruled in all
the pride of anceſtry, impatient to recover the honours of their
family,
C 2
Ann. 4 Mag
捍
​Ann. Ulton.
Ann. Tigern.
Contin.MSS
12
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
family, till, confined by more powerful rivals to the territory of
North-Munfter, or Thomond, they left the warlike fept of
Mac-Arthy independent fovereigns of Defmond, the fouthern
divifion. In Connaught, the princes, known by the name of
O'Connor, were acknowledged fovereigns of the Eastern terri-
tory. Tiernan O'Ruarc, an active, reſtleſs, military chief,.
governed in Breffney, containing the modern county of Lei-
trim, and fome adjacent diftricts. Meath, or the fouthern
Hi-Nial, was fubject to the princes of the great Iriſh family of
Clan-Colman, Murchard O'Malachlyn, and his fucceffors.
Leinſter, divided into ſeveral inferiour principalities, as that of
Offory, Decies, and the fepts of Oftmen, formed of the re-
mains of the Danes, and other foreigners, feated principally in
Dublin and Waterford, and governed generally by their own
chieftains, gave the title of royalty to Dermod, firnamed Mac-
Murchad, a prince reprefented by his countrymen in the moſt
odious colours; and although his vices have been evidently ex-
aggerated, yet, even in an age and country of rudenefs, he ap-
pears to have been diftinguiſhed by a rude, fierce, turbulent,
and oppreffive ſpirit. His father had governed Leinfter with
a tyrannical ſeverity. Seventeen of his dependent lords, we
are affured, were either capitally executed, or loft their eyes
by his cruelty, within one year and Dermod, with his prin-
Girald. Hib. cipality, inherited too great a portion of the fame temper.
His ftature, and bodily ftrength, together with a boisterous va-
lour, had rendered him the admiration of all the inferiour or-
ders of his ſubjects ; and thefe, as the proper inftruments of
his ambition, he was careful to protect and favour.. His dona-
tions and endowments of religious houfes recommended him to
the clergy; but his tributary chieftains felt the full weight of
his pride and tyranny. To them his government was odious
ſo that in his attachments to the reigning factions of the iſland,
he was, without principle or teadiness, determined to that
fide
Ibid.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
exp.
Ann. MSS.
ut fup.
2
Ch. 1.
13
H E NRY II.
?
fide which, for the prefent time, feemed moft likely to ſup-
port him.
*
>
THE chief competitors for the rank of monarch of Ireland, Ann. MSS.
ut fup.
were the heirs of the two houfes of O'Connor, and the north-
ern Hi-Nial. Of thefe Torlogh O'Connor was in poffeffion *,
and though not generally recogniſed and oppoſed, eſpecially
by his northern rival O'Lochlan, he yet maintained his ſtate
with magnificence, and fupported his title with fufficient vi-
gour. A decifive victory gained over the forces of O'Brian
encreafed his renown, but ferved at the fame time to awaken
the jealouſy of his rival, who, in a general convention of the
ftates obliged him to confent to a tacit partition of authority,
by which O'Lochlan was left fovereign of the northern pro-
vince; and fuch difpofitions were to be made in other diſtricts
as their joint interefts might require. Such treaties between
two fuperiours generally ended in a defign dictated by fome irre-
gular paffion, and executed againſt the peace and welfare of
their neighbours. It was foon reſolved to transfer the territory
of O'Ruarc to a more favoured partizan; and the expedition
was undertaken by the Connaught and the Leinſter princes.
O'Ruarc was furprized, defeated, and driven from his domi-
nions. He had married the daughter of the prince of Meath,
a lady diſtinguiſhed by her beauty, but of a gay and amorous
difpofition. She had infpired the king of Leinster with an un-
lawful paffion, and enflamed it by the freedom of her deport-
ment; and if the prefent expedition had not been ſecretly con-
trived or fomented for the purpofes of his adulterous love,
Dermod at leaft reſolved to take advantage of the diſtreſſes of her
huſband, and to poffefs himſelf of Dervorghal, (fo the lady was
* The Irifh annalifts have a particular name for a monarch thus circum-
ſtanced; and which they apply to Turlogh. They call him Righ go Fre-
Jaura, King with reluctance, i. e. a monarch who had not his authority re-
cognized in all the provinces.
called).
14
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
*
-called). By the affiftance of a bafe brother ſhe was conveyed
A. D. 1153. to his arms, and with an affected reluctance carried off in tri-
umph into his own province *.
Spencer.
AN outrage of this kind was not always regarded by the
Irish with abhorrence: they confidered it rather, as an act of
pardonable gallantry, or fuch an offence at moſt as a reaſonable
pecuniary compenfation might atone for. But the fullen and
haughty Breffnian, provoked more by the infolence and treachery
of the raviſher, than the infidelity of his wife, conceived the
moſt determined animofity againſt Dermod. He practifed fe-
cretly with Torlogh, promiſed the moft inviolable attachment
to his intereſt, and prevailed on him, not only to reinſtate him
in his poffeffions, but to revenge the infult of Mac-Murchad,
*Giraldus affigns this incident as the immediate cauſe of the expulfion of
Dermod, and the firſt Engliſh invaſion: and all the Engliſh hiftorians have
implicitly followed his authority. But the monk was neither a cautious
examiner of the reports he heard in Ireland, nor an accurate enquirer into the
true caufes which opened the way to the fucceſsful progreſs of his country-
men. He came into Ireland with an apparent contempt of the country and
its inhabitants; and that contracted mind which produced this contempt,
made him ſatisfied with the reports of thoſe who were of the ſame rank of
underſtanding with himſelf. He afked the cauſe of that refentment which
drove Dermod from his province. He was answered, that it aroſe from the
feizure of O'Ruarc's wife: and he mistook the firſt riſe of perfonal animofity
between two chiefs, for the immediate occafion of the revenge executed againſt
Dermod. But the Iriſh annaliſts are of authority in this caſe, if in any; and
they uniformly agree that this outrage was committed full fixteen years before
Fitz-Stephen was invited into Ireland. Dermod and O'Ruarc, during this
period, had frequently contended with various fuccefs; and private injuries
were apparently forgotten in the tumult of faction and public contention ; till
the death of his protector O'Lochlan left Dermod expoſed to all the rage of his
political as well as his perſonal enemies. The refentments of O'Ruarc might
have revived upon a fair occafion; but their operation could not have been con-
fiderable, if the political attachments of Dermod had not been particularly of-
fenfive. It was the partizan of O'Lochlan who was pronounced unworthy
to fill the throne of Leinfter; not the ravifher of Dervorghal.
>
whom
Ch. 1.
$5
HE N
NRY II.
A
var.
whom he repreſented (and juſtly) as a faithlefs vaffal, really de-
voted to the ſervice of his rival. The king of Connaught led Ann. MSS.
his forces into Leinster, refcued Dervorghal from her para-
mour, and reſtored her to her friends; with whom the lived, if A. D. 1154-
ſhe
not in a ſtate of reconciliation with her huſband, at leaſt in that
opulence and fplendor, which enabled her to atone for the
crime of infidelity by the uſual method of magnificent donations
to the church.
'Iso
THIS férvice naturally formed a clofe connection between
O'Ruarc and the Connaught prince, with whom he remained Ibid.
in firm union, and by whofe affiftance he was enabled to re-
venge his wrongs, by frequently joining with the diſcontented
chieftains of Leinster, and harraffing his enemy king Dermod ;
till the death of Torlogh, in the year one thouſand one hundred
and fifty-fix, rewarded the vigorous efforts of Ochlan with
the dignity of monarch. Dermod was the firſt to acknowledge
this new fovereign, and by the merit both of his former at-
tachment, and his new fubmiffion, found ſupport in his private
quarrels, and in his turn was enabled to wreak his animofity on
the prince of Breffney. But he had taken his party with too
great precipitation. His patron, with the moſt outrageous de-
fiance of all the precepts of humanity and good faith, ſeized on
Dunleve, the prince of Ulad, with whom he had but now con-
cluded a folemn treaty, and put out his eyes:
eyes which fo
pro-
voked the neighbouring chieftains, that they inſtantly took
arms to avenge their affociate, and defend themſelves from the
like barbarity. O'Lochlan was defeated, and by falling in the.
battle of Litterluin, as it was called, extinguished the hopes A. D. 1167...
and pretenfions of his family, and left the long-conteſted title
of monarch to Roderic, fon and fucceffor of the late king, of
Connaught.
RODERIC, during the reign of his father and his own govern-
ment of Connaught, had been for the most part engaged in the
field,
量
​16
BI
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
*
*
field, and though not always victorious, had acquired the rept
tation of valour, which was now confirmed in his prefent exal-
tation, to which the prevailing power of his faction had raiſed
A. D. 116. him. Determined to ftrike his enemies with terror, and to ap
prove himſelf worthy of pre-eminence, he led a numerous army
to Dublin, immediately after the death of O'Lochlan; was
there folemnly inaugurated; engaged the Oftmen-inhabitants.
in his pay, and, thus reinforced, marched towards the north,
and was received by the chieftains with every mark of fubmif-
fion. Dermod, juftly dreading the vigour of this new monarch,
and expecting all the fury of a triumphant reſentment againſt
the partizan of his fallen rival, was feized with the utmost con-
fternation, and in the phrenzy of vexation and deſpair, fet fire
to his own town of Ferns, left his enemies ſhould have the
fatisfaction of ſpoiling it. Nor was he miſtaken in his appre-
hentions. Roderic foon returned, attended by O'Ruarc, ſtill the
inveterate enemy of the Leinſter prince. They over-ran the
whole province with an irreſiſtible force. All the inferior lords
were at once driven to make their peace and acknowledge the
fupremacy of Roderic; Dermod was depofed, as a man utterly
unworthy of his ſtation; to which another of his family was
nominated, and gave fureties for his fubmiffion and fidelity to
the monarch; who in the full career of glory pierced into
Munſter, regulated this province at his pleaſure, and returning
to Meath, held a numerous and magnificent convention of the
ſtates, in which his grandeur and authority were ſo ſtrikingly
diſplayed, that the ancient honours of his country ſeemed to
revive, at the very moment when all fuch expectations were on
the point of being utterly extinguifhed; and the infolence of
triumphant faction was ready to produce a revolution more im-
portant than Ireland had yet experienced.
On the very firſt appearance of an invafion, Dermod felt the
effects of his tyrannical government. His tributaries had at
once
Ch. 1.
17
HENRY II.
:
once deferted him; and fome of the moſt conſiderable among
them, as the Daniſh lord of Dublin, and the chieftain of Offory,
united with his enemies. His abject flattery and fubmiffion
could not efface the memory of his former feverities. The Regan.
chief of the O'Birnes, a powerful fept in that part of Leinster
now called Wicklow, was with difficulty perfuaded by the
clergy to admit him to his prefence, difavowed all attachment
to him, and with the haughtiness of a fuperiour commanded
him to depart, as he regarded his perfonal ſafety. And now,
defeated, and degraded, in the bitterneſs of infulted pride, and
the rage of malignant refentment, he formed the deſperate pur-
pofe of abandoning his kingdom, and ſeeking in foreign coun-
tries the means of regaining his ſtate, and gratifying his re-
venge. The fituation of his territory naturally pointed out Girald.
England as his place of immediate refuge; he embarked with
fixty followers, and arrived at the port of Briſtol.
In England the odious part of his character was unknown.
He was confidered as an injured prince, deferted by rebellious
vaffals, and forced from his dominions by an iniquitous confe-
deracy; and he was received with a ſuitable degree of pity and
reſpect, eſpecially by the clergy, who entertained the friend
and benefactor of their order in the monaftery of Auguftines with
the utmoſt hoſpitality. Here he learned that Henry the king Ibid.
of England, whom he now profeſſed to confider as his fole re-
fource, was engaged in Acquitain, and thither he immediately
proceeded. He appeared before the king in all the marks of dif-
trefs and forrow, and falling at his feet, made a paffionate and
affecting narrative of his misfortunes, enlarged on the malice of
his countrymen, the treachery of his pretended friends, and the
rebellion of his ſubjects, imploring the protection and affiſtance
of Henry, the fame of whoſe magnanimity and generoſity had
prompted him to this addrefs; adding, that if he ſhould be fo
happy as to obtain his powerful interpofition, he would ac-
VOL. I.
knowledge
D
18
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. I.
ง
Ibid,
knowledge him as his liege lord, and hold his dominions, which
he was thus confident of regaining, in vaffalage to Henry and
his heirs.
NOTHING could have been more acceptable to the king than
this petition, which revived the flattering ideas he had formerly
conceived, and afforded a new pretence for leading an army
into Ireland. But his affairs were ftill perplexed. His conteft
with the clergy fubfifted; and he had but now received new
proof of the obftinacy and violence of Becket; while the in-
ſurrections of his fubjects in the provinces of France, fomented
fecretly by Louis, engaged him bufily both in war and nego-
ciation. Yet ftill determined to improve the prefent incident
as far as his fituation might permit, he received the Iriſh prince
with the utmoſt kindneſs, affected to commiferate his wrongs,
made him munificent prefents, accepted his tender of allegiance,
and diſmiſſed him with a letter of credence addreffed to all his
fubjects, notifying his grace and protection granted to the king.
of Leinſter, and declaring that whosoever within his dominions
ſhould be difpofed to aid him in the recovery of his territory,
might be affured of his free licence and royal favour. Dermod
returned to England highly elevated by his favourable reception,
and ſtill more by the hopes of deriving important advantages.
from this letter. He repaired once more to Briſtol, the uſual
refort of Iriſh veffels, and where of confequence he expected
intelligence from his own country. Here he made publication of
Henry's letter, repeated his piteous tale, and laviſhed his promiſes
on all thoſe who ſhould affift the friend and vaffal of their fove-
reign; but without effect. Whether his character and conduct
had by this time been reprefented in an unfavourable light, or
whether a diſadvantageous opinion had been formed of his
country, no one could be found, even in thoſe days of adven-
ture, to liſten to his flattering promiſes, and take arms in his
caufe.
-
Α ΜΟΝΤΗ
Ch. I.
19
HE
NRY II.
A MONTH thus elapfed without any profpect of fuccours, Ibid.
and Dermod began to abandon all hopes of a reſtoration, when,
as his laſt deſperate effort, he was perfuaded to addreſs himſelf
to Richard earl of Chepstow or Strigul, as it was anciently
named, fon of Gilbert, a nobleman of the illuftrious houſe of
Clare, known by the titles both of Chepstow and Pembroke,
and of confiderable note and confequence in Wales. His fon
was diſtinguiſhed as well by his military genius, as by his
ſtation and alliances; attended by a powerful train of followers,
whofe affections he had gained by his courtely and generofity;
but, estranged from the royal favour, retired and difengaged,
his fortune diffipated, his diftrefles urgent, and his profpects
gloomy, he was thought likely to comply with the overtures of
Dermod, who preffed him with the most urgent folicitations.
Theſe however were received with a coldnefs and referve little
fuited to his prefent views. The earl, better fitted for the
execution, than the conduct of a bold defign, was fcrupulous
and embarraffed: and, where he was to take a leading part,
confidered every difficulty minutely, and ſtated every objection
in its full force. He could not confider the general licence of
Henry as a fufficient warrant for a meaſure of fuch confequence
as that of leading his vaffals into a foreign country. Dermod
renewed his inftances, and redoubled his promiſes. He en-
gaged even to give him his daughter Eva in marriage, and to
make him heir to his kingdom; though fenfible that he had
no power to nominate his heir, by the ancient uſage and infti-
tutions of his country: fuch tempting offers at length prevailed
over the fcruples of earl Richard. He covenanted to affift him
with a confiderable force, which he appointed to tranſport into
Ireland in the enfuing ſpring, provided he could obtain the
king's particular licence and approbation.
ELEVATED by the fuccefs of this negociation, Dermod con- Ibid.
ceived that he had moft effectually provided for his re-eſtabliſh-
D 2.
ment;
$20
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ibid.
ment; and now advanced as far as to St. David's in South
Wales, in order to return privately into Ireland, to collect the
remains of his adherents, and to prepare for the reception of
his expected ally. He was received by the biſhop of this fee,
with particular kindneſs, who affected the utmoſt indignation.
at his wrongs, and pity of his fufferings, and was particularly
ftudious to gain friends to a prince whoſe munificence to his
clergy had every where made him a favourite of the order, in
deſpite of tyranny and adultery. Rice Fitz-Griffith, who com-
manded in this country, had for fome time meditated a revolt
from the king of England. Robert Fitz-Stephen, an active,
brave, and ſkilful foldier, had been entruſted by the Welchman
with the government of Cardigan; but as he proved not well
diſpoſed to favour his rebellious defigns, he was ſeized by his
order, and confined three years in prifon. Such was the opi-
nion formed of his abilities in war, that Rice now made him a
voluntary offer of his liberty, provided he would unite with him
againſt king Henry. Fitz-Stephen, though nearly allied to this
chief by his mother's fide, was yet utterly averſe from ſuch a
fervice. His father was a Norman, and he himſelf, of confe-
quence, attached to the intereſts of the English monarch. So-
licitous, at the fame time, to regain his liberty, he reprefented
to Fitz-Griffith, that although he could not take arms against
his liege-lord, he was yet willing to decline all part in the pro-
jected conteft; that the Irish prince folicited affiftance; that he
would gladly hazard his life and fortune in a foreign land, fo
as not to oppoſe, fince he could not affift him. Thefe in-
ſtances were urgently enforced by the bishop and by Maurice
Fitz-Gerald, maternal brother to Fitz-Stephen, a lord of dif-
tinguiſhed worth and valour, who with fome other adventurous
knights of Wales now confented to take part in the Irish expe-
dition. Robert, thus fet at liberty, covenanted to engage with
all his followers in the fervice of Dermod, who on his part pro-
miſed
f
Ch. 1.
21
HE N R Y II.
1
miſed to cede to the two principal leaders, Fitz-Stephen and
Fitz-Gerald, the entire dominion of the town of Wexford,
with a large adjoining territory, as foon as by their affiſtance
he ſhould be reinſtated in his rights.
SUCH was the original ſcheme of an invafion, which in the event
proved of fo great importance. An odious fugitive, driven from
his province by faction and revenge, gains a few adventurers
in Wales, whom youthful valour or diſtreſs of fortune led into
Ireland, in hopes of fome advantageous fettlements. Dermod,
who, no doubt, encouraged his new allies by the affurance of
a powerful reinforcement of his countrymen, was obliged to
affect impatience to depart, and to provide for their reception.
He paid his vows in the church of St. David, embarked, landed
in Ireland, paffed without difcovery through the quarters of his
enemies, arrived at Ferns, and was entertained and concealed in
the monaftery which he himſelf had erected; waiting impa-
tiently for the return of ſpring, when the Engliſh powers were 1169.
to come to his affiftance. To the clergy he took care to mag-
nify his gracious reception by king Henry, the difpofitions of
the Engliſh in his favour, and the number, force, and valour
of the confederates he expected. The intelligence was induf-
triouſly ſpread abroad, and ferved to animate his adherents;
who incautiouſly crowded in confiderable numbers to their old
maſter, and received his affurances of a ſpeedy and effectual
ſupport. As the ſecret of his return could not be long con-
cealed, he affumed the appearance of the utmoft confidence. Ann. 4 Mag.
He even marched at the head of his adherents, and poffeffed
him of a part of his dominions called Hi-Kenfelah. Yet fecretly
diſtracted and terrified, tormented by delay, and dreading a dif- M. Regan..
appointment, he diſpatched Regan, his faithful domeſtic into
England, to haften the fuccours already promiſed, and to foli-
cit others, with an affurance of rich fettlements and large re-
wards to all adventurers.
MSS.
RODERIC,
22
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ann. 4 Mag.
Ann. Ult.
Contin.
Anu. Anon.
MSS.
RODERIC, who was ftill bufily employed in eſtabliſhing his
Ann. Tigern. authority, confirming his adherents, and terrifying his fecret
enemies, was not long uninformed of the return of Dermod.
Fame magnified the force he had collected, and converted a
few followers of Wales, who embarked with this prince, into
an army of foreigners. Poffibly the new chieftain of Leinſter
was author of this report, as he feems to have found no re-
fources in his own valour and abilities, but to have relied en-
tirely on the protection of Roderic. The monarch had lately
obliged the northern chieftains, whom he moft fufpected, to
acknowledge his fupremacy; and was now impatient to regu-
late the diſorders both of Meath and Thomond, in each of
which provinces the violence of local feuds and factions had
ended in the murder of the reigning princes. Yet ſtill reſolv-
ing to chaſtiſe the infolence of the Leinster chief, he fuddenly
collected fome forces, and with his faithful affociate O'Ruarc
marched into the country of Hi-Kenfelagh.
DERMOD, terrified at this incurfion of his inveterate enemies,
fled into his woods for ſhelter; and, favoured by the advantage
of fituation, made a fhew of refiftance, and even ſkirmiſhed
with the enemy, without any confiderable diſadvantage or dif
grace. In the firſt action the forces of Connaught were repelled
with fome lofs: another battle enfued, in which the Tainiſt, or
fucceffor elect of O'Ruarc, fell; and on the part of Dermod,
a young lord of Wales, whom the Irish annals in the ftyle of
their nation, call a king's fon, together with others of inferiour
note, were killed. But this chieftain, fenfible of his own
weakneſs, and the neceffity of amufing his affailants, artfully
propoſed to treat, made folemn profeffions of the moſt abject
fubmiffion to Roderic, and formally renounced his claim
to the government of Leinster; requeſting, as an object of
compaffion, to be allowed to retain ten cantreds only of the
province, which he promiſed to hold in abfolute dependence
upon Roderic, and in perfect fubmiffion to that monarch. To
him
6
Ch. 1.
23
HENRY II.
him he tendered feven hoftages as a furety for his obedience;
and to O'Ruarc one hundred ounces of gold, as an inducement
to bury all old animofities in oblivion, and to grant his favour
and protection to an unhappy prince, whom he could no longer
confider as a rival, diveſted, as he was, of all the ancient rights.
and honours of his family. Roderic, intent on objects appa-
rently more important, accepted his infidious fubmiffion; con-
ſented to remit this ſmall portion of territory to Dermod, re-
ceived his hoſtages, and haſtened to make the neceffary difpo-
fitions in other provinces.
Camb.
BUT the period at length arrived, when Dermod was to dif-
cover his infincerity, and to affert, at the head of an army, the
rights he had ſo folemnly relinquished. Robert Fitz-Stephen Girald.
had collected his forces, confifting of thirty knights, fixty men
in armour, and three hundred archers, all chofen men of Wales,
and embarking in three ſhips about the beginning of the month
of May, in the year eleven hundred and feventy, arrived at a
creek called the Bann, near the city of Wexford. With theſe
came Hervey of Mountmorres, not with any military train,
but as the emiffary of his nephew the earl of Chepftow, to
furvey the country, and to report its ftate and circumftances
to Richard, ſo as to direct him in his intended enterprize.
This troop was the very next day reinforced by Maurice of
Pendergast, a valiant Welchman, at the head of ten knights
and two hundred archers. The commotion which was natu-
rally produced through the adjacent country by the landing of a
foreign force, ferved to alarm the Britons, who, before they
adventured to march forward, fent immediately to Dermod to
notify their arrival, and to demand his affiftance. The Irish
prince was filled with the utmoſt exultation. Numbers of his
fubjects, who had abandoned him in his diſtreſs, confidered
this event as a certain affurance of his ſpeedy reſtoration, and
now crowded eagerly to his ftandard. He instantly fent five
*
hundred
24
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
Ibid.
hundred men, headed by his natural fon Donald, a youth of
diftinguiſhed bravery, to join the invaders. He himself foon
followed, received his foreign allies with every expreffion of
joy and affection, renewed thofe promiſes he had made in Eng-
land; and their mutual ftipulations being adjufted, and ratified
with all due folemnity, they proceeded to concert the opera-
tions of war, and the meaſures moft effectual for their own in-
tereſts and the ſervice of the prince of Leinster.
It was refolved to march to Wexford, a city about twelve miles
diſtant from their place of landing, the reduction of which was
an object of great importance, and of which Fitz-Stephen was
by treaty to become poffeffor. It was garrifoned by a body of
Iriſh and Oftmen as they were called, men of violent and un-
diſciplined bravery, who marched out boldly to meet their af-
failants. But when they came to view the Britiſh forces, whofe
numbers they had defpifed, they found an enemy quite diffe-
rent from thoſe they had hitherto encountered; no difordered
crowd, but a regular and well-appointed body, whofe barbed
horſes, ſhining armour, regular difcipline, and compofure,
formed a new and terrifying ſpectacle to theſe natives.. They
declined the engagement; yet ftill refolving to defend their
city even to the laſt extremity, they fet fire to the ſuburbs and
adjacent villages, and retired within their walls.
FITZ-STEPHEN and his affociates, encouraged by this retreat,
advanced with the greater confidence, led up their forces to the
walls, and making the neceffary difpofitions, proceeded to a
vigorous affault, affured of immediate victory. But the garri-
fon, on their part, made an obftinate defence: and after many
efforts of valour, the Britons had the mortification to find
themſelves obliged to retire with the lofs of eighteen of their
number. Their Irish allies were confounded at the ill fuccefs
of this firſt attempt: but the ſpirit of Fitz-Stephen was not ſo
eafily fubdued. He drew off his men to the ſea-ſhore, and to
convince
Ch. 1.
25
HENRY
NRY -
II.
convince them that their fole reliance must be upon their va-
lour, he fet fire to his own tranfports among other veffels which
lay at anchor; and the next day, having first ordered divine
ſervice to be performed in his camp, with all folemnity, he
difpofed his forces with greater care and circumfpection, and
again led them to the affault, animated by devotion, impatient
of their late diſgrace, and convinced of the neceffity of con-
quering.<
Camb.
nih.
THEIR motions had not been unobferved by the garrifon. Girald.
Theſe men, who were accuſtomed to fee contefts finally de-
cided by the ſucceſs of one vigorous impreffion, were aſtoniſhed
at this perfevering refolution. The clergy in particular were Regan. Sta-
terrified, and made the moſt paffionate remonftrances againſt an
oppofition which must prove fatal to all within the walls. It
was at length agreed to treat with the befiegers; and a depu-
tation of the principal inhabitants, with two reverend biſhops
at their head, were fent to fettle the terms of capitulation.
They propoſed that Wexford ſhould be furrendered to Dermod,
that all the inhabitants ſhould acknowledge him as their
fovereign, be admitted to renew their oaths of allegiance,.
and received into his fervice; and that four principal citizens
ſhould become hoftages for the peaceable fubmiffion and fidelity
of the Wexfordians. The infolence, refentment, and fufpi-
cions of Dermod protracted this treaty for three days; when
the authority of his prelates, and the advice of his foreign allies
at length prevailed. He accepted the fubmiffion of his repent-
ing fubjects, and entered Wexford in triumph. And now, to
demonftrate his gratitude and good faith, Fitz-Stephen and
Fitz-Gerald, whoſe ſpeedy arrival was expected, were jointly
inveſted with the lordſhip of this city and its domain. Hervey
of Mountmorres alfo was declared lord of two confiderable
diſtricts on the coaft, between Wexford and Waterford, in
order to gratify his nephew earl Richard, and to convince him
VOL. I.
E
then
+ The similer act of Fernandes Cortex, dors not her claim the mesort &
originality, win amory modern adventurers. —
of
of
}
i
26
B. L.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
2
Regan.
Girald.
Camb,
of the advantages to be gained in the fervice of the prince of
Leinster. Here then was the firſt colony of Britiſh inhabitants
planted by thefe lords; and here they remained for many years
diſtinguiſhed from the natives, in their manners and language;
nor even at this day, after fo many various changes and
revolutions, are they completely blended with the original
inhabitants.
"
AFTER a few days refidence at Wexford, Dermod led the
Britiſh forces to his ufual abode at Ferns, where three weeks
were ſpent in refreſhing the foldiers, feafting their commanders,
and concerting their future operations. By the acceffion of the
garrifon, his army was now encreafed to three thouſand men, ex-
clufive of his foreign forces; and revenge no leſs than policy
determined him to make that part of Leinster called Offory the
feat of war. The lord of this diſtrict had not only revolted from
Dermod in his diftrefs, and united with Roderic, but had for-
merly poffeffed himſelf of a fon of the prince of Leinster, either
as an hoſtage or a vifitor at his court; and conceiving fome
fufpicions of him as holding an unlawful intercourfe with his
wife, feized him in the rage of jealouſy, and with a cruelty not
then peculiar to Ireland, ordered his eyes to be put out. The'
unhappy youth expired under the operation; and the father
harboured the moſt violent and implacable refentment, which
he now determined that the prince of Offory fhould feel. He
affembled the Britiſh leaders, pathetically related the injury he
· had received from this chieftain, the moft malignant of his re-
bellious ſubjects, whom his honour and his intereft equally
obliged him to reduce, without delay; obferved that his whole
reliance was on their conduct and valour, which his country-
men were now taught to dreads and entreated their concurrence
in his intended expedition into Offory, where the very terrour
of the Engliſh name affured them of an eaſy victory. To this
they readily replied, that the very purpofe of their expedition
6
was
Ch. 1.
27
HENRY II,
1
was to restore him to his dignity and authority, and that it was
his part to direct their operations.
Girald.
THE fame of this intended expedition was foon fpread abroad, Regan.
and the Offorians roufed by the dreadful intelligence that Der- Camb.
mod prepared to ſpread fire and flaughter through their terri-
tory; their undaunted prince marched to his frontier at the
head of a confiderable force, amounting to five thouſand men,
and, ftrongly entrenched amidst woods and moraffes, waited the
approach of his invaders. The onſet was violent, and ſuſtained
with the utmoſt firmness: the efforts of the Britons were re-
peatedly foiled and repelled; till the Offorians, tranfported by
the ardour of victory, quitted their advantageous fituation, and
poured down rafhly into the plain, in purſuit of an enemy who
fled on purpoſe to betray them into this fatal errour. Their
difordered numbers were here oppoſed to the Britiſh cavalry,
conducted by a ſkilful general; and the conteft was ſpeedily
decided. The Offorians were driven off the field, and vigo-
rouſly purſued till the victors in their turn were, by their igno-
rance of the country, betrayed into a dangerous fituation, amidſt
moraffes, where their heavy armed cavalry could not act.
Dermod apprifed them of this danger in due time; for the ene-
my were again collecting, and prepared to renew the engage-
ment with an appearance fo formidable, that his Irish forces
could not diffemble their fenfe of the approaching danger.
Unexperienced in the artifices of war, they attributed the quick-
nefs of the foreigners in retiring before the enemy to the want
of courage, and ſeparated themſelves from a body, who, they
faid could run like the wind: while Dermod on his part began Regan,
to ſuſpect that the men of Wexford intended to take this oppor-
tunity of deſerting to the enemy; and therefore, for his greater
fafety, joined the Britiſh battalion. But the conduct and reſo-
lution of his allies prevented the pernicious effects of theſe
ſuſpicions, and once more prevailed over undiſciplined and in-
E 2
experienced
28
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Hib. Exp.
Regan.
experienced numbers. They again fuffered themſelves to be
driven through the defiles and moraffes, to the plain, firm,
and open ground; then advanced vigorously; while a felect
body, placed in ambuſh for this purpoſe, charged the enemy in
the rear.
The Offorians fled on all fides; and the Iriſh in the
fervice of Dermod purfued and completed the rout. They re-
turned from the carnage laden with three hundred heads of
the flaughtered enemy, which they prefented to their prince.
If we may believe Giraldus, he turned and examined them
diſtinctly, and in all the infernal triumph of revenge claſped
his hands paffionately, and returned thanks to heaven. The
hiſtorian adds a circumſtance too horrid to be believed, or even
mentioned, but with reluctance; that having difcovered in this
bleeding heap the head of one of his mortal foes, the monfter
ſeized it, faſtened his teeth upon the ghaftly viſage, and man-
gled it in the phrenzy of favage rage and malice.. Surely the
(humane and generous) Britons could not have been witneffes of
fuch an action!
THE Britiſh commanders would gladly have improved this
victory, by keeping the field until the prince of Offory ſhould be
completely reduced, rather than incur the danger of being again
attacked in their retreat. But they were now in the ſervice of
a prince uſed to another kind of war. He had defeated his
enemy, ravaged and burnt his territory; and contented for the
preſent with ſuch fuccefs, he once more led his army back to
Ferns; where his vaffal lords attended him in his good fortune,
to deprecate his refentment, and renew their engagements.
Thoſe who ftill refuſed to ſubmit were harraffed by his incur-
fions. Decies, the territory of O'Faolan, and that part of
Wicklow known by the name of Glandelagh, felt the utmoſt
fury of his ravages. The prince of Offory, notwithſtanding his
defeat, ſtill dared to appear in arms and defy the power of
Dermod, and was therefore expofed to a fecond invafion.
Confcious
Ch. 1.
29
H EN RY
-
II.
-Conſcious that his original offence could not readily admit of
an accommodation, he prepared for an obſtinate and deſperate
refiſtance. For three days he maintained his poft againſt the
repeated affaults of his invaders:, and though his forces were at
length broken, they were by no means fubdued, but ftill waited
for a fair occafion of making head againſt an enemy, who al-
lowed them to re-affemble, by retiring when the victory was
once obtained.
>
A FORTUNATE incident foon. encouraged the Offorians to
become invaders in their turn. Dermod by his infolence or Regan.
neglect had provoked Maurice of Pendergast to renounce his
ſervice, and by attempting to prevent his return into Wales,
forced this lord with his whole troop to follow the infidious
advice of the Wexfordians, and to unite with the prince of
Offory. So formidable, an opinion had been entertained in
Leinſter of the Engliſh prowess, and fo great expectations were
formed from fuch a flender re-inforcement, that this chieftain
was now emboldened to make an inroad into the territories of
Dermod. He harraffed his tributaries, and ravaged his coun-
try; but Pendergaft was too fenfible of the advantages of the
prince of Leinfter to fuffer his new affociate to meet him in
the field: eſpecially as the loſs ſuſtained by his own defection
was now fupplied by the arrival of Maurice Fitz-Gerald, who
landed at Wexford with his powers, confifting of ten knights,
thirty horsemen, and one hundred archers.
T
}
THE Offorian, though not ftrong enough to engage in any Ibid.
enterprize of real confequence, was yet defirous to retain Pen-
dergaſt in his ſervice: and when this commander, diſguſted at
his new alliance, and dreading treachery from the Iriſh of
Offory, determined once again to return to Wales, he even at-
tempted to oppofe his paffage by force. The addrefs and valour
of Maurice extricated him from the danger, and fecured his
retreat and the prince of Offory foon found it neceffary to
amufe
3.0
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELA N D.
MSS.
amufe his implacable enemy by a fubmiffion, which with fome
reluctance Dermod at length fullenly accepted.
*
70
WHILE this prince proceeded thus fuccefsfully in reducing
his revolted ſubjects, Roderic, the Irish monarch, was bufily en-
gaged in meaſures calculated for intimidating his rivals and ene-
Ann. 4 Mag. mies, and fupporting the dignity of his ftation. The infincere
fubmiffions of many, the most powerful of the Irish dynafts,
and the internal diſorders of different provinces, called him off
from the apparently lefs intereſting affairs of Leinster, and kept
him in perpetual agitation. To give his fovereignty the greater
dignity and reſpect, he repeatedly fummoned the oftates of the
nation, revived fuch ancient inſtitutions as ferved to ftrike the
multitude with lively impreffions of his power and
power and grandeur;
ordained new laws, beftowed his graces upon the clergy, regu-
lated their feminaries, made additional donations to the
pro-
feffors of the learning of his days, and by every popular mea-
ſure ſtudied to gain the reſpect, and command the obedience
of his vaffals. The commotions of Leinfter he affected to con-
fider as merely local, a conteſt between an inferiour prince and
his tributaries, and the arrival of foreigners to the aſſiſtance of
Dermod as an incident totally unimportant. The nation had
been for ages uſed to ſee petty troops of foreigners engage in
the ſervice of ſome provincial chieftain, who paid and diſmiſſed
them when his conteft was decided. But the fame of the ex-
ploits and progreſs of theſe warlike Britons began to ſpread
through the iſland, and was received not without furprize and
terrour. The defeat of the Offorians, who had been the de-
clared partizans of Roderic, and Dermod's contemptuous.vio-
lation of his treaty, ſeemed to caft a ſhade of diſhonour upon
the government of this monarch, and to demand his imme-
diate and vigorous interpofition. And as other provinces were
now compofed, and that the affairs of Leinfter could not be
neglected without the utmoſt diſgrace to his authority, he de-
termined
ch. i.
3r
HENRY
NRY II.
termined to march, in all the majefty and terrour of an of-
fended fovereign, againſt Dermod and his foreigners, before
they were enabled by any additional reinforcements to ſpread
the flames of war ftill further.
Ann. 4 Mag.
MSS.
Ann. Ult.
Ann. Tigern.
Contin.
THE feveral chieftains were fummoned to attend his ftandard,
their vaffals were collected; the whole united army was af-
fembled and' reviewed at Tarah, the renowned feat of ancient
Irish grandeur; and attended their monarch to Dublin. Here
were diſcovered the firft fymptoms of that internal weakneſs
which lay concealed under this parade and oftentation. The
northern chieftains, who yielded to none of their countrymen MSS.
in military honour, had marched thus far, under the com-
mand of Roderic, with their numerous and warlike troops.
But many of thefe chieftains, he knew, paid him a reluctant
and infidious obedience, and were fecretly favourers of the
rival family of Hi-Nial. Dreading this infincerity, and juſtly
fufpecting that on fome critical emergency they might avow
their difaffection, and perhaps defert to the enemy, he difmiffed
the Northern forcès, as if the preſent ſervice was not fufficient-
ly important to require their concurrence, or to detain them
from their own habitations and concerns. His provincial
troops, thofe of O'Ruarc, thofe of Thomond, and fome from
the lords of Leinſter, who ſtill oppoſed their chieftain, formed
an army greatly fuperiour to the forces he was to encounter :
and Dermod had fcarcely received the news of this formidable
confederacy, when he was again informed that the united
powers of the monarch had actually entered his territories, and
commenced hoftilities.
THIS first appearance of a reverſe of fortune ſerved to con-
vert the infolence of his fuccefs into the moft abject and un-
manly diſmay. And, to complete his confufion, numbers of his
own vaffals, who had but just now bound themſelves to his Girald.
ſervice by the moſt folemn oaths, made a faithleſs revolt to the
enemy:
Camb.
Stanih.
32
B. I...
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Hanmer.
Stanih.
J
enemy: and even thoſe who had not yet deferted, he had too,
good reaſon to fufpect. In this, which he regarded as the ex-
tremity of diſtreſs, he loft all hopes, even in his Britiſh allies;
and communicated his intelligence to their leaders with the
dejection of a man totally defperate. Fitz-Stephen is faid to
have endeavoured to allay thefe terrours; and, to have repre-
fented with fome warmth that a prince should not, only difplay
his perſonal bravery in the field, but poffefs his mind with that
firmneſs and magnanimity which might enable him to encoun-,
ter the fevereſt diſtreſs; that a ſteady and well-collected mind
could not fail of its refources, even in the moft alarming events:
at worſt, an honourable death was the laft glorious refource of
an undaunted ſpirit; the Britons were ſtill faithful to his cauſe,
ready to ſhare his fortunes, the friends of his diſtreſs, as well as
of his profperity. Such remonftrances were fucceeded by a
ferious deliberation on the meaſures neceffary for their defence.
As the enemy was fo fuperiour in numbers, it was refolved to
retire to a ſtation near Ferns, difficult and dangerous of acceſs,
furrounded with deep and impaffable woods, precipices, and
moraffes; which by art and labour was foon rendered impreg-
nable to an enemy more diftinguiſhed by rude valour than by
military ſkill. And thus entrenched and fortified, they feemed
to bid defiance to the invaders.
1
*
RODERIC confidered their prefent advantage of fituation, the
danger of attacking an enemy thus ftationed, which had fre-
quently been experienced in all the Iriſh wars, the precarious
event of battle, the fatal confequences to his authority from a
defeat, or even from the leaſt diſgrace which might attend his
arms; and determined to try every expedient of policy, before
he had recourſe to the final decifion of the fword. His firft.
attempt was to prevail upon the British forces to detach them-
ſelves from Dermod: and for this purpoſe, by his deputies, he
is ſaid to have repreſented to Fitz-Stephen the injuſtice of his
prefent
Ch. 1.
33
HENRY
II.
prefent conduct in leading an army into a ftrange country,
where he had no claims or pretenfions to fupport, in feizing
lands and projecting fettlements, when the rightful poffeffors,
far from entertaining any hoftile difpofitions to his followers,
were ſtill contented that the Britons ſhould be ſuffered to depart
unmoleſted: that it was fhameful for a brave and generous
people to eſpouſe the odious caufe of a tyrant and adulterer,
unreaſonable to involve themſelves in the ruin now impending
over him, and extravagant to ſuppoſe that the forces of an
Iriſh monarch could not cruſh an enemy in his diftrefs, whom
they had ſucceſsfully attacked in the midſt of his proſperity,
and driven into abject baniſhment, in deſpite of his moſt vigo-
rous efforts; that their only juſt and reaſonable meaſure was to
retire in peace, and leave him to his fate; eſpecially as Rode-
ric conſented not only to allow them a fecure departure, but
to defray the expences of their voyage.
In theſe overtures Fitz-Stephen readily diſcovered the diffi-
dence and timidity by which they had been dictated, and
therefore was the more emboldened to reject them. He re-
plied, that the Britons had not come to invade the rights of
others, but to take poffeffion of their own, which they claimed
by treaty with the king of Leinſter; to him they ſtood en-
gaged by every tie of juſtice and honour; nor was it their
cuſtom to forfake their allies on the firft alarm of oppofition, or
to be feduced from their attachments by a bribe: that foldiers
were not uſed to liften with ſeverity to old tales of any man's
amours; nor could Roderic himſelf, whofe fpurious iffue was
well known, boaſt of conſummate chaſtity; that he and his aſſo-
ciates were utterly at a lofs to conceive the purpoſe of this de-
putation: his advice or friendſhip they neither wanted nor ac-
cepted; if he ventured to predict the event of the prefent con-
teft, they had no reliance on his fagacity; if he commanded
VOL. I.
F
as
}
1
34
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
Girald.
Ibid.
as a monarch, they were ftrangers to his authority; if he
threatened as an enemy, they defied his power.
THE deputies thus unfuccefsful in their firft attempt, ad-
dreffed themſelves in the next place to Dermod. They called
upon him, in the name of their mafter, to detach himfelf from
the ftrangers, to unite with his countrymen, and acknowledge
his allegiance to the king of Connaught. On this condition
they affured him that he ſhould be eſtabliſhed in his rights;
that his fovereign was even ready to defend him againft the
danger of his preſent unnatural alliance: that the Britons meant
but to improve the pretence which he had precipitately afforded
them, to eſtabliſh a permanent and powerful fettlement in
Leinster; to ſtrengthen themſelves gradually by a fucceffion of
new adventurers, fo as to drive him from his territories, to reduce
the whole province to a ftate of flaviſh dependence, and poffibly
to extend their power yet further: that his intereft and his
honour, the duty which he owed to himſelf, to his fovereign,.
and to his country, obliged him to turn his arms againſt the
common enemy, and to drive away thefe infidious invaders.
Should he prove infenfible to every juft and generous motive,
the monarch of Ireland was at hand, ready to chaftife fuch.
treaſon, nor ſhould his foreigners defend him againſt the juſt
reſentments of his countrymen.
DERMOD, who had learned refolution from his allies, re-
ceived theſe propofitions with the moſt infolent diſdain. The
deputies returned, and Roderic prepared for battle as his laft
reſource, which was now expected, on both fides, not with-
out the utmoſt anxiety for the event. It was uſual for the Iriſh
chieftains to harangue their forces before an engagement and
now when the onſet was immediately expected, the leaders on
each fide ftrove to animate their troops by fuch arguments and
motives as their caufe afforded. We are told that Roderic
laboured to paint the iniquities of Dermod in the moſt odious
6
colours;
Ch. 1.
35
HENRY
NRY II.
?
colours; inveighed againſt his former tyranny, his preſent
malice, his infamous connexion with foreigners, and the in-
juſtice and danger of their attempt to gain a fettlement in
Ireland; encouraging his troops to difplay their native courage,
that poſterity might be inftructed by their example, and roving
adventurers for ever deterred from the like injurious attempts
againſt their country. Dermod on his part was equally in-
duſtrious to poffefs his people with the moſt unfavourable ſen-
timents of Roderic, whom he repreſented as the ambitious and
oppreffive invader of his province. He himself, he obſerved,
had taken arms merely in defence of his own rights and thoſe
of his fubjects, and relying on their well-approved valour, he
deſpiſed the numbers of his invader; while Fitz-Stephen con-
tented himſelf with reprefenting to his countrymen, that they
were engaged in an honourable cauſe, that of ſupporting an in-
jured prince, their friend and benefactor, who had given them
valuable ſettlements, when diftreffed and neglected in their
own country; and that their arms might open a way to acqui-
fitions ſtill more valuable and extenfive, if they now exerted
that valour which became their defcent, and which had ever
been the glory of Britons.
But in the midſt of all this agitation, while the armies feemed Girald.
on the point of a defperate encounter, the timid policy of Ro-
deric was ſtill predominant. One vigorous effort to cruſh theſe
foreigners in the infancy of their enterprize, might have con-
founded all their expectations, deterred their countrymen from
any like attempts, and prevented the momentous confequences
of this apparently infignificant invafion. The future fate of
Ireland hung on this critical moment: and it was at once de-
cided: for Roderic liftened to the ſuggeſtions of his clergy, and
rather than hazard an engagement, confented to treat with a
prince whoſe perfidy he had already experienced. His deputies
were once more fent to Dermod, offered their propofitions
F 2
with
4
36
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
ر
Girald.
with leſs arrogance, and were heard with greater temper. The
negociation was protracted for a time, but, by the induſtry of
the agents, and the mediation of the clergy, at length finally.con-
cluded. Dermod was allowed to proceed in the reduction of Lein-
fter without any oppofition from Roderic or his vaffals. On his
part
he engaged to acknowledge the fupremacy of Roderic, and
to pay him fuch fervice as monarchs of Ireland had uſually
claimed from inferiour princes.. As a furety for the faithful
performance of this article, his favourite fon was delivered as
an hoſtage to the king of Connaught. But in order to heal the
wounds of civil diſcord, and to eſtabliſh the preſent accommo-
dation on the firmeft bafis, Roderic obliged himſelf to give his
daughter in marriage to this youth, as foon as Leinster fhould
be reduced, and the general peace of the iſland effectually re-
ftored. By a fecret article Dermod engaged to difmifs the
Britiſh forces immediately after the fettlement of his province,
and in the mean time not to bring over any further reinforce-
ments from England. He was bound by the moſt folemn, oaths
to the due obfervance of this treaty, which he determined to
obſerve no longer than neceffity or convenience might oblige
him. And now Roderic drew off his army, leaving the prince
of Leinfter with his Britons at full liberty to extend their con-
quefts unmoleſted.
FITZ-STEPHEN on his part was in the firſt place anxious to
fecure the poffeffions he had already acquired; and juſtly dread-
ing the inſtability of the men of Wexford, determined to build.a
fort to keep them in perpetual awe. He chofe for his fituation a
place called Carrig, about two miles diftant from the town, de-
fended on two fides by a precipice, and on the others by a deep
navigable river. Dermod in the mean time boiling with re-
venge, and impatient to take the advantage of his returning
fortune, and to wreak his malice upon all his former enemies,
now marked out Dublin as the ſcene of hoftilities. This city
was
Ch. 1.
37
H
ENRY II.
was inhabited principally by Oftmen, whom the convenience
of commerce had invited thither, and who, as the power of the
prince of Leinster prevailed or declined, either lived under his
dominion, or afferted their independence. The father of Der-
mod had ſo provoked them by ſeverity and tyranny, that when
he ventured within their walls they treacherouſly murdered
him, and, to expreſs the greater abhorrence and contempt, in-
terred his body with the carcafs of a dog. This inhuman out-
rage was followed by a revolt, and ever fince the firft misfor-
tunes of Dermod they had acknowledged no other lord but
their own Daniſh governour called Hefculph Mac-Torcal. Der-
mod had now power to execute his revenge for the murder of
his father, and to punish their defiance of his own authority..
Leaving Fitz-Stephen and his party to complete their works,
he led his Irish, together with the reft of his British forces
under the command of Fitz-Gerald, into the territories of
Dublin, where he ſpread fire and flaughter with the moſt un-
relenting fury. The improvident citizens, terrified at the féve-
rity of this execution, which they were utterly unprepared to
oppofe, had no other part to take but that of deprecating the
reſentment of their invader.. They confented to lay down their
arms, and return to their allegiance. And Fitz-Gerald him-
felf, affected by their fubmiffion, became interceffor with the
prince of Leinster, who for the prefent was fufficiently gra-
tified by this their abaſement, admitted them to take the oaths
of fidelity, and received their hoftages, leaving their former
governour ſtill to command the city in his name, and as his
vaffal.
WHILE Dermod was employed in this expedition, a trivial
incident ſerved to diſcover his implacable averfion to Roderic,
and his impatience to break through his late engagements.
A ſhort time before the arrival of the Britiſh troops, Donald Girald.
O'Brien had, on the death of his father, affumed the government MSS.
Ann. 4 Mag,
of
1
38
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
of Thomond, in which he was confirmed by the authority of
Roderic, with whom he remained in strict connexion, attend-
ing him in all his expeditions, till the reſtoration of Dermod,
the fame of his foreign auxiliaries, and above all the late in-
glorious conduct of his fovereign determined him to revolt;
and entering into an alliance with the prince of Leinster, which
was cemented by the marriage of one of his daughters, he bad
defiance to the power of Connaught. Roderic endeavoured to
reduce this rebellious vaffal, who fought, and inſtantly obtained
affiſtance from his new ally. Dermod, on the first notice of
his danger, was impatient to infult the pride of Roderic, and
to refift that fovereign authority which he was but now fworn
to ſupport, He diſpatched an emiffary to Fitz-Stephen,
earneſtly requeſting him to march to the affiftance of his fon-in-
law. The British chief readily obeyed: and Roderic, alarmed
at the intelligence of a reinforcement, whofe numbers were in-
duftriouſly magnified, had the mortification to find it neceffary
to retire, leaving his enemies to triumph over his diſappoint-
ment and diſgrace.
THUS We find the firft British adventurers fuccefsful in their
attempts to reinstate the Iriſh chieftain, in whofe fervice they
had engaged, peaceably fettled in his province, left to ſecure
and enjoy the poffeffions he had beſtowed, and ſtill ready to
eſpouſe his quarrels. This, which is fometimes reprefented
as an aſtoniſhing inftance of Britiſh prowess and Irish weakneſs,
appears, when fairly examined, neither wonderful nor ex-
traordinary. To affirm that the followers of Fitz-Stephen and
Fitz-Gerald compofed a force which nothing in Ireland was
able to withſtand, is to account for their fuccefs in fuch a
manner as beſpeaks an eaſy and pliant belief, but does no họ-
nour to the valour and abilities of thefe gallant knights. The
truth is, they were withſtood by thofe immediately affected
by
Ch. 1.
39
HÈ
ל
N R
II.
Y
by their invafion with all the ſpirit of undiſciplined and undi-
rected valour; and where the numbers on each fide were nearly
equal, the Iriſh brought both their courage and conduct to a
fevere trial. The power of the nation they did not contend
with; and however we may conceive or ſpeak of Ireland as
one collected ſtate, the Iriſh of theſe days had but faint ideas
of a national caufe or a national force. Their tribes were each
zealous for their own intereft or the honour of their own arms;
but little concerned about the fortune of a diſtant province,
and little affected by the diſgrace or defeat of
any chieftain
but their own. They followed Roderic becauſe they recog-
nized his authority, or feared his power, not to repel an in-
vafion of Ireland, but to reduce his diſobedient vaffal: and
when this was effected, either by arms or negociation, they were
not at all concerned about the adminiftration of that vaffal's
province, or any difpofitions of his territory. The fettlement
of a Welsh colony in Leinster was an incident neither intereft-
ing nor alarming to any, except perhaps a few of moft re-
flection and difcernment. Even the Iriſh annaliſts ſpeak with
a çareleſs indifference of this event, while they dwell upon the
provincial wars and contefts fubfifting in other quarters of the
iſland, and even upon the infignificant affairs of their church,
as objects much more important. Had thefe firft adventurers
conceived that they had nothing more to do but to march
through the land, and terrify a whole nation of timid favages
by the glitter of their armour, they muſt have ſpeedily expe-
rienced the effects of fuch romantic madness. But their valour
was happily directed by prudence and circumfpection, and
hence they gradually prevailed over their enemies, no lefs brave,
but unexperienced, improvident, and difunited.
CHA P.
40
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
CHA P. II.
y
+
Dermod afpires to the monarchy of Ireland.—Encouraged by the
Britiſh leaders.-Again applies to the earl of Chepstow—who is
difcouraged by Henry-prepares for an expedition into Ireland.-
Arrival of Raymond le Grofs.-His victory-cruel execution of
his prisoners.--Landing of earl Richard.-Siege of Waterford.-
Marriage of the earl.-March to Dublin.-Roderic takes arms-
fkirmishes, and retires.-Dublin ftormed in the midst of a treaty.—
Escape of Hefculph.-Invafion of Meath.-Embally of Roderic.-
Cruel execution of the Leinster hostages.-Synod convened at
Armagh.-Henry alarmed at the progrefs of Strongbow.-His
proclamation.-Raymond dispatched to the king--Death of
Dermod-its confequences.-Britons deferted-diftreffed.-De-
feat and death of Hefculph-Zeal and vigour of archbiſhop
Laurence.-Dublin inveſted by the Irish confederates.—Fitz-
Stephen befieged at Carrig.-Strongbow treats with Roderic.-
Terms of capitulation propofed.-Defperate effort of the Britons.-
Retreat of the confederates.-Fitz-Stephen deceived-furren-
ders-cruelty of his enemies.—Strongbow marches to Wexford.—
Is attacked at Hi-drone.-Defifts from his attempt to relieve
Fitz-Stephen.-Goes to Waterford.—Meditates an invafion of
·Offory-Generofity of Pendergaft.-Strongbow exerciſes a royal
fovereignty in Leinfter.-Is fummoned to appear before king
Henry. Is reconciled to the king.-Preparations for his inva-
fion.-Defeat of O'Ruarc.-Deputation of the Wexfordians.—
Artfully received by Henry.
D
ERMOD, now eſtabliſhed in the full and peaceable
poffeffion of his province, and acknowledged and obeyed
as the rightful prince of Leinster, could plead no juft pretence
for employing his Britiſh auxiliaries any longer. But fuccefs
enlarged his views, and enflamed his paffions: and the aban-
doned
Ch. 2.
4.I
HENRY II.
+
doned fugitive, fuddenly reſtored to his ſtate and power, burn-
ing with revenge, and intoxicated by ambition, determined to
contend with Roderic for the monarchy of Ireland.
Camb.
He communicated his bold defign to the Britiſh leaders, on
whoſe attachment he justly placed his chief reliance. He told Girald.
them that his ancient rights had not yet been completely recover-
ed; that the dominion of Connaught, a rich and extenſive pro-
vince, which would afford the ampleft and moft honourable
fettlements to his adherents, had been formerly wrefted from
his family, and was now ufurped by his mortal enemy; he
laboured to poffefs them with magnificent expectations, if they
would affift him in afferting all his claims: and he addreffed
himſelf to thoſe who were defirous to engage him in fuch pur-
fuits. They commended the defign he had conceived, and ap-
plauded his generous fpirit; but as the attempt was arduous,
as he muſt ſupport a conteſt with fuperiour numbers, and war-
like chieftains, and as his Britiſh forces, however diſtinguiſhed
by diſcipline and valour, were yet too few to engage in an ex-
tenfive enterprize, they adviſed him for the preſent to conceal
his intentions, till he could obtain more powerful reinforce-
ments from England; which they preffed him to folicit by every
poffible means, as his fure fupport againſt the boldeſt oppoſi-
tion of his enemies. Dermod, ftill more enflamed by this
encouragement, pathetically entreated Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-
Gerald to employ their influence in gaining an additional num-
ber of Britiſh forces. He repeated and enforced his folicita-
tions, he laviſhed his promifes, and even offered his daughter
in marriage to each fucceffively, without the leaſt regard to his
former engagement. But thefe lords, who were already mar-
ried, and poffibly had already brought all the forces they could
command, adviſed him to apply once more to the earl of Chep-
ftow, who probably was well diſpoſed, and certainly enabled
VOL. I.
G
to
1
42.
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
Girald.
Camb.
Ibid.
to lead ſuch an army into Ireland, as might in the end exalt
him to the fovereignty of the whole nation.
DERMOD approved of this advice, and without further delay
diſpatched his emiffaries with letters to earl Richard, in which
he gently complained of his abfence, and preffed him earnestly
to the long-expected performance of his promiſe. He had
now, he obſerved, by the affiftance of thoſe friends he had al-
ready gained from England, recovered the poffeffion of his own
province, and wanted but the prefence of the earl to reduce
his enemies completely, and extend his fovereignty even over
the whole island. His other adherents had fupported the
weight of his diſtreſs, and were amply rewarded for their fer-
vices; he now called on him to take the lefs hazardous and
more pleafing part, that of fharing and extending his good
fortune: wealth and honour were prepared for him; a beau-
tiful bride and a princely dowry waited his acceptance.
EARL Richard had heard of the fucceffes of his countrymen,
and readily determined to obey this invitation. Neglected by
his prince, oppreffed by his neceffities, and flattered by the
profpect of valuable acquifitions in Ireland, he inftantly repair-
ed to king Henry, reprefented his diftrefs, and entreated the
royal favour to re-inftate him in his former affluence, at leaſt
to permit him to court the return of fortune, by hazarding his.
life in the ſervice of the prince of Leinster. Henry, who by no
means wiſhed that his ſubjects fhould make too confiderable a
progrefs in Ireland, much leſs that the reduction of this coun-
try ſhould be gradually effected, without his interpofition, was
not defirous that the preſent Britiſh adventurers fhould gain
any additional reinforcements: yet, without difavowing his
former general licence, or directly forbidding the earl to purfue
his intended enterprize, he at first detained him by various
pretences, without any explicit anfwer to his petition. When
his inftances were renewed, he affected to commend his martial
fpirit,
+
Ch. 2.
43
HENRY II.
2
fpirit, but treated his fcheme of an adventure into Ireland with
contempt and ridicule. Richard was ftill importunate; 'till
the king paffionately commanded him to be gone, with fome
equivocal expreffions which might be underſtood as an affent to
his requeſt. The earl determined to underſtand his liege-lord
in this manner, departed, and prepared for his expedition with
all imaginable vigour.
Camb.
It was now winter, when no embarkation could be fafely
made. But he employed this interval fo diligently and effectu-
ally, that in the enfuing ſpring his preparations were complete; Girald.
and his domeftic friend, Raymond Le Grofs, the near kinfman
of Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald, firft embarked with ten
knights and ſeventy archers as an advanced guard. With theſe
came Hervey of Mountmorres, who had returned to Wales,
probably to confer with earl Richard, and was now attended
into Ireland by a ſmall train. This little company landed, in
the month of May, at a place called by the old hiſtorians
Dondonolf, near Waterford; and for their immediate fecurity A. D. 1171.
caft up an intrenchment, and raiſed a temporary fort. Nor
was the precaution uſeleſs; for this new debarkation, which
was juſtly attributed to the practices of Dermod, ſeemed ſo
flagrant a violation of his treaty, and indicated ſo confirmed a re-
folution in this chieftain to over-run his country with foreigners,
that the inhabitants of Waterford, and thofe of the Decies
inſtantly formed a tumultuary troop, and marched to expel
theſe invaders. The Britons prepared to meet them; but,
when they had furveyed their formidable ſuperiority of num-
bers, retired to their fort. The Iriſh preffed cloſely upon
them, and fome were even within their gates, when Raymond
boldly affailed and flew their leader. His affociates were ani-
mated by this example; the enemy retired, and ftood ſuſpend-
ed. Fortunately the Britons had collected from the adjacent
country a numerous herd of cattle for their fubfiftence; and Regan.
thefe
G 2
44
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
Girald.
Camb.
Gul Neu-
brig.
?
thefe Raymond ordered to be driven with all poffible fury
againſt the enemy. The beafts ruſhed forward with irreſiſtible
violence, and caft the aſtoniſhed Iriſh into the utmoſt confufion.
The invaders feized the favourable moment, marched out
againſt their diſordered numbers, gained an immediate victory,
purſued, with confiderable ſlaughter, and as they were too few
to make any great number of priſoners, precipitated the flying
enemy into the fea with an hardened indifference. They re-
turned, however, to the fort with feventy captives, all princi
pal citizens of Waterford, who offered large fums for their ran-
fom, and even promiſed that the city fhould be furrendered, as
the purchaſe of their liberty. If we are to believe Cambrenfis,
Raymond was difpofed to accept their offer. He pleaded that
they had fought in a fair and honourable cauſe, the defence of
their territory, and therefore were to be treated in their diſtreſs.
with courteſy and pity. Hervey on the other hand repreſented-
the danger of ſtrengthening their enemies already too powerful,
the neceffity of ſtriking terrour into the inhabitants, and their
averfion to the Britons, to whom they never would fubmit,
till broken by rigour and ſeverity. Unhappily this cruel po-
licy prevailed, and the glory of their extraordinary fuccefs was
fullied by the execution of theſe wretched captives. An act of
deliberate barbarity, it might be fuppofed, would have pro--
voked the Irish to a fevere revenge; but whether they were un-
informed of the fate of their countrymen, or intimidated, they
fuffered thefe mercilefs invaders to maintain their ftation unmo-
leſted, and wait for the arrival of their affociates.
AND now earl Richard, more generally known by the name
of Strongbow, from his extraordinary feats of archery, led his
vaffals through Wales, encreaſed them by new adventurers
from this warlike country, and was on the point of embarking,
when he was furprized by a pofitive command from Henry to
defift from his intended enterprize, on pain of forfeiture of his
lands
+
}
{
}
Ch. 2.
H
ENRY II.
lands and honours, as a rebel against his fovereign. He had
proceeded too far, and dwelt too long upon the thoughts of
acquiring extenfive and valuable poffeffions in Ireland, to ac-
quiefce in this mortifying prohibition. He either affected to
doubt of the authority by which the mandate was delivered, or
ventured openly to renounce it. He hoped to render himſelf
independent of the king, or at leaſt to find ſome means of de-
precating his refentment. He fet fail from Milford in the Girald.
month of Auguſt, and on the eve of the feaſt of St. Barthole-
mew landed at Waterford, with two hundred knights, and›
about twelve hundred infantry, all chofen and well-appointed-
foldiers. Theſe were inftantly joined by Raymond and his-
party, and the very next morning they marched in military array
to attack the city.
Camb.
45
23 Ay. 1171.
Girald..
WATERFORD, which was inhabited principally by Oftmen, Regan.
and governed by two Daniſh lords, had, on the firft alarm of Camb
this invafion, received confiderable reinforcements from the
neighbouring chieftains, and prepared for a vigorous defence.
The Britons were beaten' off, returned to the affault, and were
again forced to retire; when Raymond, perceiving in the
eaftern angle a ſmall houſe of timber projecting beyond the
walls, and fupported on the outfide by pofts, prevailed on his.
countrymen to make a third attempt, and to bend the force of
their affault against this very quarter. They began with hew-
ing down the poſts; the houſe fell, and drew with it ſuch a
portion of the walls as made a breach fufficiently practicable.
The befiegers ruſhed in, and bearing down all oppofition, were
foon left at liberty to glut their vengeance upon thoſe who had
preſumed to make a brave defence againſt the unprovoked in-
vaders of their lives and properties. The whole city was made-
a ſcene of promifcuous carnage, without mercy or diſtinction.
Reginhald, one of the Daniſh governours, and O'Faolun, prince Ann. 4.Mag.
of Decies, with his fon, were ſeized, and juſt on the point of
being
1
MSS.
$6
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. I
1
Girald.
Camb.
being made victims to the infolent cruelty of the conquerors,
when the ſudden arrival of Dermod and his troop put an end to
the ſlaughter. Even this cruel chieftain had now the merit of in-
terpofing, to prevent the deliberate butchery of his countrymen,
He embraced his new affociates, and prefented his daughter
Eva to her intended fpoufe. When the clamour of war had.
been filenced, and the peace of the city re-establiſhed, he in-
fifted, with an oftentation of good faith and gratitude, that her
marriage with earl Strongbow fhould be immediately fo-
lemnized. Their hands being joined, and the nuptials cele-
brated, Dermod and his confederates proceed to fettle their
military operations, and leaving a garrifon at Waterford, bend
their courſe towards Dublin.
THE men of Dublin had probably diſcovered fome recent
difaffection to the king of Leinster, which his old refentments
might have magnified into an avowed rebellion. In accepting
their late fubmiffion he had but fufpended his revenge; and
now, when ſtrengthened by fo powerful a reinforcement, he
reſolved to puniſh their real or pretended revolt, as the faireſt
pretence for employing and diſplaying his new forces, ſo as to
ftrike general terrour, and at the fame time to lead them on
gradually into the territories of his enemies. Roderic in the
mean time, who had but too juft reaſons to confider the late
treaty as totally diffolved, and whofe intereft and reputation, the
ſureſt baſis of his fovereign dignity, called him forth to check
the progreſs of theſe foreigners, once more took the field, and
Ann. 4 Mag. joined by the forces of O'Ruarc and O'Carrol prince of Argial,
marched to Clandalkan, a few miles fouthward of the city, as
if determined to give battle to the confederates of Leinſter.
His numbers are rated by thofe whom we may reaſonably fufpect
of magnifying them, at thirty thouſand men. But though this
account be evidently incredible, yet were they much fuperiour
to thoſe he was to encounter. But the Britons, who had by
MSS.
Ann. var.
MSS.
Regan.
this
Ch. 2.
47
HENRY
NRY II.
17
this time learned to deſpiſe the numbers of their Iriſh enemies,
continued their march, and advanced refolutely upon Roderic.
Milo de Cogan, a brave Engliſh knight, led the vanguard, com-
pofed of feven hundred Britiſh forces, and an Iriſh battalion
commanded by Donald, that ſon of Dermod who ferved with
fuch vigour in all his father's wars. The main body was
formed of eight hundred British, commanded by Raymond Le
Grofs, and the chief part of the Iriſh troops led by the king of
Leinster. Earl Strongbow followed in the rear with three hun-
dred Engliſh and one thouſand Irish forces. This regular dif-
pofition of a difciplined and well-appointed army formed a new
and terrible ſpectacle to the tumultuous numbers of Roderic.
Inſtead of coming to a regular engagement, they were content- Ann. 4 Mag.
ed with ſkirmiſhing for three days with the confederates; and
then, as if the fervices due to their fovereign were thus com-
pletely performed, they obliged him to diſmiſs them, and to
retire into his own province, leaving the Oftmen of Dublin to
fuftain the whole fury of their befiegers.
MSS.
Ann. 4 Mag.
MSS.
Girald.
Camb.
THESE Citizens,, in the utmoſt conſternation at the flight of
Roderic, utterly unable to defend themſelves againſt their im-
placable enemy, and ſtill further confounded and diftreffed by
an accidental fire, which had deſtroyed one of their principal
gates, refolved, as their laſt reſource, to avert the danger by
a treaty. Their deputation, led by Laurence their archbiſhop,
a prelate highly reverenced for the dignity of his birth, as well
as his exalted piety, repaired to Dermod, and laboured to allay.
his refentment. In the name of his fellow-citizens Laurence
expreffed the utmoſt penitence for all paft offences againſt their
prince, promifing for the future to adhere to his intereſts with
the fincereſt and moſt ſcrupulous allegiance; for which thirty
hoftages were offered as a furety. Dermod was intractable; Regan,
and though the reſpect due to the character of this prelate did
not permit him to avow his bloody intentions, yet difficulties
6
and
*
48
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
and objections were repeatedly ftarted to give fome colour to
his obftinate rejection of every overture. In the midſt of theſe
delays honour and good faith proved but a weak reſtraint
againſt the fiery ſpirits of the Britons. Their younger and more
adventurous commanders, pretending that the term of parly
was expired, led their forces to the walls, and gave the affault,
which the citizens neither expected nor were prepared to repel.
Their ſtreets were foon filled with flaughter: numbers plunged
into the river, to eſcape the fury of their purſuers, and were
drowned. A confiderable body of the inhabitants, however,
with Hefculph their governor, had the good fortune to gain
fome veffels lying at anchor in the harbour, which conveyed
them with their more valuable effects to the northern iſlands.
EARL Strongbow, now inveſted with the lordſhip of Dublin,
appointed Milo de Cogan his governour; and proceeding di-
rectly with Dermod to the territories of Meath, over-ran the
country, burning and flaughtering with the moſt unrelenting
fury. The prince of this diſtrict had fome time fince been
murdered by one of his kinfmen, who affumed his ftate and
Ann. 4 Mag. dignity. Roderic determining to puniſh this outrage, marched
into Meath, and expelled the ufurper. He in revenge joined
with the king of Leinſter and his Britiſh allies, who thus had
a plauſible pretence for invading Meath in ſupport of their new
confederate. Roderic, on the other hand, who had bestowed
the eaſtern part of Meath on O'Ruarc, and referved the weſtern
to himſelf, was bound to fupport his own arrangements; nor
could he look upon the progrefs of the Leinfter forces without
the moſt ſerious apprehenfions for his own province, where the
diffentions of his people, and the ambition and turbulence of
his fons were raifing the flame of civil war, while a powerful
foreign enemy advanced faft upon his borders. But as he was
not ſtrong enough to take the field, his deputies were fent to
Dermod, who in the name of their monarch commanded him
to
Ch. 2.
49
HENRY
NRY II.
to retire. He was told, that while he confined himſelf to the
recovery of his own dominions he had not been oppoſed; but
now, when contrary to his folemn engagements he had invited
over new troops of foreigners, and employed them in the moſt
cruel hoftilities againſt his unoffending neighbours, it became
the monarch of Ireland to remind him of his duty, which if
he continued to violate, his fon was in the hands of Roderic,
and his life muſt anfwer for the perfidy and cruelty of his fa-
ther. But natural affection had but little place in the breaft of
Dermod. His reply was full of inſolence and difdain. He Girald.
defied the power of Roderic, and renounced his authority; ex-
preffed the moſt careleſs indifference at the fate of his fon, and
the utmoſt ſcorn of the man who prefumed to dictate to his
arms, and preſcribe bounds to his excurfions; openly avowing
his pretenfions to the dominion of Connaught, which he was
determined to affert; that he claimed not Leinfter only but all
Ireland; nor should he lay down his arms till that kingdom
univerfally acknowledged his jurifdiction.
Camb.
MSS.
THIS imperious anfwer was received with the vexation of
impotent dignity infulted and contemned; and the unhappy Ann. 4 Mag.
youth his hoítage felt the vengeance which he could not point
againſt its proper object: his head was inftantly cut off.
The Iriſh annaliſts ſpeak in fuch terms of this hoſtage, the
nobleſt and moſt amiable youth of Leinster, as they call him,
as plainly ſhew their deteftation of this brutal cruelty of Ro-
deric. They add, that on this occafion he alſo put to death a
fon of the gallant Donald Kevanagh, and one ſcarcely leſs dear
to him, the ſon of his fofterer, both of whom had been his
hoftages.
EVERY day were now ſpread through the iſland fearful ac-
counts of the power, progrefs, and devaftations of theſe fo-
reigners, the depopulation of whole diftricts, the miſeries of
the inhabitants, ravages, maffacres, and all the affecting inci-
VOL. I.
dents
H
50
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
dents of war, terrible in themſelves, and magnified by report.
The people were in diſmay; their monarch had ſhrunk from
the danger ignobly: they who were moft expofed or threaten-
ed, when all human aid feemed deſperate, turned their thoughts
to heaven, and befought the clergy to devife fome means for
deprecating the divine wrath, which had thus vifited their
nation. The clergy, fcarcely more enlightened than their ig-
norant flock, had formed fome crude notions of the miraculous
interpofitions of Providence, and concluded that the preſent
calamity muſt be the confequence of fuch interpofition, and
ordained as a puniſhment of fome particular offence. The
laity were corrupt and vicious, and the clergy ſhared deeply in
the vices of the time. Yet, utterly at a loſs to conceive what
this particular offence might be, which had brought down fuch
an heavy judgment upon their land, they convened a formal
fynod at Armagh, to enquire into this intereſting point, as if
they were to be favoured with ſome extraordinary communica-
tions of the divine will. After a long and grave debate, it was
fuggefted, and unanimouſly agreed by the fynod, that the real
cauſe of the divine difpleaſure, which Ireland now experienced,
could be no other than their unchriftian practice of purchaſing
and felling Engliſhmen as flaves, an iniquity which the Almighty
now ſeemed to puniſh by English invaders, who threatened to
reduce all Ireland to flavery. By the fpiritual authority of the
fynod it was ordained, that every Engliſh bondſman ſhould be
immediately fet at liberty. Whatever was the cafe in the Saxon
times, their numbers at this period were probably not ſo con-
fiderable, nor the traffic general. Yet this folemn determina-
tion ferved to raiſe the people from their dejection, as they
fuperftitiouſly conceived that they had now diſcovered and re-
moved the latent cauſe of their calamity.
AND in effect their affairs now affumed a more favourable
Ann. 4 Mag. afpect. Dermod, elated by his fuccefsful progrefs in Meath,
MSS. infolently ventured with a detachment of his forces to purſue
his
•
Ch. 2.
51
HENRY II.
'
his enemy O'Ruarc into his territory of Breffney; where he
was twice defeated, and obliged to confult his fafety by a pre-
cipitate retreat. But, what was of more confequence, the fame
of the exploits and fuccefs of earl Strongbow had ſpread
through England, and was conveyed to king Henry. He
learned that his ſubjects in Ireland had made a progreſs ſo
rapid and ſo extenfive, as ſeemed to promiſe a ſpeedy reduction of
the whole iſland, an atchievement which he reſerved for him-
felf. Jealous of their fuccefs, and particularly of the growing
power of Strongbow, who by his alliances in England, his ac-
quifitions, and his marriage in Ireland, might be enabled to
defy his authority, and foon obtain an independent fovereignty Girald.
of formidable extent, he now affected the utmoſt indignation
and refentment at thoſe hoftilities which his liegemen had pre-
fumed to carry on in Ireland. He iffued his royal edict, ftrictly
prohibiting any Engliſh veffel from paffing into that iſland with
men, arms, or provifions; and commanding all his fubjects
now refident in Ireland, of every order and degree, to return to
their native country before the enſuing feaſt of Eaſter, on pain
of forfeiting their lands, and being declared traitors.
Camb.
NOTHING Could be deviſed more diftreffing to the Britiſh ad-
venturers than this fevere and peremptory edict of their fovereign.
They were cut off from all fupplies in the midſt of enraged ene-
mies, and in danger of being forfaken by thoſe who had attached
themſelves to their fuccefs. The faireft hopes they could enter-
tain, if the king ſhould prove implacable, were thoſe of ſecuring
their retreat and retiring at the time preſcribed, abandoning
their new-acquired poffeffions, and loaded with diſappointment
and difgrace. Strongbow maturely revolved the danger, and
the means of averting it. Well-acquainted with the character
of Henry, and no stranger to the real caufe of his preſent re- Ibid.
fentment, he determined to fend Raymond Le Grofs, on whoſe
prudence and fidelity he had the utmoſt reliance, with letters
H 2
to
52
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
to the king now refiding in Acquitain. With the moſt humble
and dutiful expreffions of loyalty, he entreated that his royal maf-
ter would be pleaſed to allow him to give a favourable inter-
pretation of his conduct, without liſtening to the envious repre-
ſentations of his enemies. He had engaged, he ſaid, in the fer-
vice of the prince of Leinſter his vaffal by his royal licence, as
he conceived, and for the fole purpoſe of advancing his inte-
refts; he and his fellow-foldiers were fighting only for their
fovereign, to reduce the ftubborn ſpirits of the Iriſh to his obe-
dience: whatever they had gained was gained for him, and
ſhould remain at his difpofal as the natural and rightful lord of
the prefent poffeffors, whofe lives and fortunes were at his de-
votion, and who were ftill ready to obey his royal mandate, if
this ſhould be deemed neceffary to the interefts of the throne.
RAYMOND proceeded to execute his commiffion, and was
received by Henry with the fevere dignity of an offended mo-
narch, not diſpleaſed with his repreſentations, but not yet dif-
poſed to give him an explicit, much leſs a favourable, anfwer.
From day to day Raymond attended on the court, while the
affairs of his affociates became every day more diſtreſsful and
alarming. In this juncture of expectation and anxiety, intel-
ligence is received of the death of Becket. The king is thrown
into the utmoft confternation, and has neither leifure nor incli-
nation to attend to the lefs intereſting affairs of Ireland. Here
the adventurers, left to their difficulties and apprehenfions, are
alarmed by another incident particularly inconvenient in their
Ann. 4 Mag. preſent ſituation, the death of their ally Dermod. The Iriſh
annaliſts, by their account of this event, plainly fhew their de-
teſtation of the man, who, as they exprefs it, firſt ſhook the
foundations of his country. They repreſent his death as the
miraculous effect of divine wrath poured upon his guilty head,
at the interceffion of every Irish faint. His diſeaſe, they ſay,
was ftrange and tremendous, and rendered him an odious and
offenfive
MSS
Ann, Ult.
MS.
į
Ch. 2.
53
HENRY II.
offenfive ſpectacle of mifery; that he was deferted in his extre-
mity by every friend, and expired without any ſpiritual com-
forts, in a ſtate of horrid impenitence.
THE death of the prince of Leinſter was immediately fuc-
ceeded by an almoft total defection of the Iriſh from earl Strong-
bow and his affociates. Donald Kevanagh, and one or two Regan.
other petty chiefs, were the only natives who ſtill adhered to
them, or on whofe fervices they could rely in this ſtate of their
diſtreſs, when they were abandoned by their king, deprived of
all ſupplies, and threatened by the ſtorm now collecting round
them.
Girald.
Ann. var:
Camb.
AND ſcarcely had they time to concert any meaſures of de-
fence, when Heſculph, who had lately eſcaped from Dublin,
once more appeared at their gates at the head of a confiderable MSS.
force, confifting of troops collected in the northern islands,
armed in the Daniſh manner, and in numbers fuperiour to the
garrifon. The Dane had landed his men without oppofition,
and bent the force of his affault againſt the eaſtern quarter of
the city with the ſpirit of a man determined to retrieve his own
honour, and to regain the ſeat of his countrymen and anceſtors.
Strongbow had been called away to Waterford. Milo de Co-
gan, who commanded in his abfence, fupported the attack
with becoming bravery, and maintained a violent and bloody
conteſt at the Eaſtern gate, till the numbers and obftinate va-
lour of the befiegers threatened to bear down all oppofition.
In the very moment when he was on the point of yielding, his
brother Richard iffued from the fouthern quarter with a felect
party, arrived at the field of battle, and charged the enemy
the rear, who, in the first violent furprize of inexperienced
troops, imagined that the garriſon had received ſome powerful
reinforcement. Their terrour and confufion encreaſed every
moment, while their affailants on the other hand redoubled
their efforts, till the diforder of the befiegers at length ended
in
in
54
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
Regan.
Girald.
Camb.
in a precipitate flight. The conquerours were now joined by a
neighbouring Iriſh chieftain, whoſe affiſtance in the engagement
they could not venture to accept; and the routed enemy were
purſued to the ſea with confiderable flaughter. Hefculph their
general was taken prifoner, and led in triumph to Dublin,
where his pride and violence were infulted by the joy expreffed
at this victory. He infolently adviſed the conquerours to re-
ferve their triumph for the final iffue of a war now but com-
menced. A new and formidable armament was prepared; and
he hoped ere long to meet them once more in the field, with a
force more than fufficient to cruſh thoſe who found it fo difficult
to ſuſtain his prefent affault. This infolence and vanity were
made the pretence for deftroying a dangerous and incenfed
enemy without the appearance of premeditated cruelty. Milo
declared that the man who thus prefumed in his captivity to
menace and infult his conquerors, fhould at leaft find his own
purpoſes of revenge effectually prevented; and ordered the Dane
to immediate execution.
THE Britons, however, were foon convinced that their cap-
tive had but too good reafons for his arrogant menaces. The
period which Henry had affigned for their return was now
elapſed: Raymond had been obliged to depart without an
explicit anſwer, and found earl Strongbow returned to Dublin
in the utmoſt dejection, cut off from all ſupplies, and already
confiderably freightened to maintain his army. The Irish
chieftains were no ftrangers to his diftrefs. Laurence, arch-
biſhop of Dublin, whoſe fanctity of character gave weight to
his repreſentations, flew from province to province, to every
inferiour diſtrict, and every chieftain, entreating, exhorting,
and commanding them to feize the preſent opportunity, to take
arms againſt a common enemy, and to exterminate the danger-
ous foreigners, now worn out by their diftreffes, and ready to
fink for ever under the firft vigorous affault. Not contented
with
Ch. 2.
55
HENRY
NRY II.
1
with raiſing a ſpirit of indignation and valour in his country-
men, the politic and indefatigable prelate, in conjunction with
Roderic, diſpatched emiffaries to Gothred king of the iſland of
Mann, as well as to other princes of the Northern ifles, who
made the moſt affecting repreſentations of the cruelty and am-
bition of the Britons, whom no bounds could reſtrain; entreat-
ing their affiſtance againſt an enemy who would not confine
their injurious attempts to Ireland, but extend their ufurpa-
tions, and at laſt fall with their whole weight on thoſe who
now ſeemed moft remote from danger.
In this application for foreign affiftance, Laurence, like a
wiſe ſtateſman, addreffed himſelf to thoſe who had been taught
by frequent experience to dread the progreſs of roving adven-
turers, who were brave and hardy, but by no means fo power-
ful and numerous as ever to over-run the country to which they
were invited. Their fears were fo far alarmed, and their
hopes fo flattered by theſe promiſes of Roderic, that theſe
iſlanders confented to affift their neighbours, and foon blocked
up the harbour of Dublin with thirty fhips, while the confede-
rated Iriſh took their ſeveral ſtations at the fame time, fo as to
furround the city. Roderic with his provincial troops encamp- Regan,
ed weftward, at Caftlenock. O'Ruarc and O'Carrol placed Camb
themſelves North of the harbour, near Clontarf: * the lord of
O'Kenfelagh poffeffed the oppofite fide; while the prince of
Thomond, who had deferted his Leinfter allies, and again
united with Roderic, advanced to Kilmainham, within lefs
than a mile from the walls. Even Laurence himſelf now ap-
peared in arms, and commanded his particular troop, an in-
* The lord fo called was probably the fame who had been vefted by Rode-
ric with the government of Leinfter on the first expulfion of Dermod; or the
chief who had been elected fucceffor by the Irish, on the death of this prince,
in defiance of the pretenfions of Strongbow, who claimed the fovereignty of this
province by virtue of the appointment of his father-in-law..
ftance
Girald,
56
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B.I.
Regan.
Girald.
Camb.
ftance of martial ſpirit not unuſual to the prelates of thoſe days,
but not always exerted in a cauſe fo honourable as the preſent.
Their numbers, which are variouſly related, and highly exag-
gerated, were certainly great and formidable; but inſtead of
forming one body, actuated by one ſpirit, and directed by one
abfolute commander, they were divided into ſeparate and inde-
pendent armies, commanded by diſtinct leaders, neither united
among themſelves, nor implicitly obedient to their monarch;
diſtracted by mutual jealoufies and rivalries, and each indiffé-
rent, at leaſt to the intereft and honour of his affociates. When
the fudden flame of zeal had once fubfided, they expected that
this handful of foreigners would fubmit without waiting for
the affault; and for two whole months contented themſelves
with inveſting the city, and depriving the befieged of all poffi-
bility of fupplies.
THIS inactive conduct however was fufficient to reduce earl
Strongbow to the utmoft difficulties. Every day he became
more and more diftreffed for provifions, and his men of confe-
quence grew weak and diftempered. At the firſt alarm of dan-
ger he had ſent for fuccours to Fitz-Stephen, who readily ſup-
plied him with a ſmall reinforcement; when the men of Wex-
ford, feizing the advantage of Robert's weakneſs, and en-
couraged by the accounts received of the diftreffes of his coun-
trymen, roſe ſuddenly in arms, and beſieged him in the fort of
Carrig. And now Donald Kevenagh arrived at Dublin, and
paffing with the utmoſt difficulty through the quarters of the
befiegers, brought the alarming intelligence of the preſent dan-
ger of Fitz-Stephen, declaring, that if not effectually ſupport-
ed within three days, the gallant Briton muſt fall into the hands
of his implacable enemies; that his wife, the fifter of Fitz-
Gerald, and all her children were involved in his diſtreſs, and
implored relief from that mercilefs and brutal violence which
threatened them.
6
OPPRESSED
Ind
Ch. 2.
57
HENRY
NRY II.
OPPRESSED with thefe accumulated misfortunes, earl Strong-
bow fummoned a council of war to deliberate on the meaſures
neceſſary to be taken in this defperate emergency. It was
readily determined, as the most obvious expedient, to enter into
treaty with Roderic upon any terms not totally fervile and op-
preffive. The prelate of Dublin it was fuppofed would willing- Regan.
ly undertake the office of mediator, ſo ſuitable to his character;
and to him they addreffed themſelves. With the fairest ex-
preffions of his readineſs and folicitude to prevent the effufion
of Chriſtian blood, he came to receive their overtures. Strong-
bow propoſed to acknowledge Roderic as his fovereign, and to
hold the province of Leinster from the Iriſh monarch, provided
he would raiſe the fiege, and accept him as his vaffal. Lau-
rence engaged to bear this propofal to Roderic, and foon re-
turned with an anſwer, probably framed by himſelf. He en-
tered the council with the compoſure of fecret triumph and ex-
ultation, and with a firm tone and afpect declared, that the only
terms which his monarch was difpofed to grant were thefe;
that Dublin, Waterford, and Wexford, with all the forts poffeffed
by the Britons, fhould be immediately ſurrendered into his
hands; and that the earl and his affociates ſhould with all their
forces depart from Ireland by a day affigned, leaving every part
of the island free from their ufurpations, and abfolutely re-
nouncing all their pretended claims. On thefe conditions they
were to be ſpared, but the leaſt reluctance or delay would de-
termine the befiegers to ftorm the city.
As the Britons were now ſuppoſed to be abſolutely in
the power of the befiegers, thefe terms were neither fe-
vere nor infolent; but on the contrary appear, when impar-
tially confidered, to do honour to the fpirit of the prelate,
as well as to the judgment of the minifter. Notwithſtanding
all the rigours and cruelties of their fuccefs, no revenge was at-
tempted. To prevent the effects of their defpair, they were
VOL. I.
I
affured
58
B. I..
HISTORY OF IRELAN D.
Regan.
afſured of ſafety; they were allowed to depart unmoleſted, and
were only to refign what they were fuppofed to have ufurped
and injuriouſly detained. But they were terms infupportably.
mortifying to indigent and aſpiring adventurers; and their
leaders, now left to confider thefe difagreeable terms, looked upon
each other with filent ſhame and confternation, till_Milo de
Cogan, ſtarting fuddenly from his difmay, declared his refolu-
tion to die bravely, rather than fubmit to the mercy of barba-
rous enemies. The ſpirit of deſperate valour was ſoon caught
by his affociates. Fitz-Gerald, Raymond, and the other
leaders, all with one voice concurred in the generous purpoſe
of reſting their whole fortune on the event of one brave effort,.
which, at the worst, would end in an honourable death, more
eligible than to perish with famine, or to refign themſelves to
thoſe whofe perfidy they had too good reafon to fufpect. The
refolution once formed, they proceeded with greater calmnefs,
to concert the neceffary operations. It was determined that:
their impreffion fhould be made on that quarter where Roderic
lay encamped. They reinforced themſelves by a confiderable
body of the townfmen, whom they perfuaded to take part in
this deſperate enterprize, by poffeffing them with dreadful ap-
prehenfions of the cruelty of their befiegers; and now marched
out in good order, and with determined fpirits, againſt an
enemy who expected nothing lefs than fuch a bold attack..
Raymond led the advanced-guard, Milo commanded the fecond
divifion, and was followed by the earl and Fitz-Gerald with.
the moſt confiderable part of their force. They found this
quarter of their befiegers without difcipline or order, fecure
and careleſs, and ſcarcely with any military appearance; and'
their affault was furious. They quickly bore down the firſt
feeble refiftance, forced their way with terrible flaughter
through the confuſed crowds, and filled the whole camp with
confternation. The Iriſh fled from the danger, which their
furprize
Ch. 2.
59
HENRY II.
furprize had magnified, with the moſt precipitate diſmay; and
their monarch himſelf, who in perfect eaſe and confidence had
retired to his bath, eſcaped only by ſtarting from his retirement
half naked, and joining the general rout. The chieftains of
the other ſtations, not timely apprized of this attack, or, what
is more probable, not zealouſly diſpoſed to ſupport their mo-
narch, heard the confufion, caught the panic, and while the
victors continued their purſuit, broke
broke up their camps precipi-
tately. Thus the Britons, who in the morning were on the
point of total deſperation, faw in one day their numerous ene-
mies flying on all fides, and leaving the plunder of their
camps
to a ſmall enfeebled garriſon, who thus, befides other advan-
tages, gained proviſions ſufficient to ſupport them for a year
DUBLIN being thus freed, Strongbow committed the govern-
ment of it to Milo de Cogan, refolving to proceed immediately
to Wexford, in order to relieve Fitz-Stephen. But unhappily Girald.
he was by this time in the hands of his enemies. He had de-
fended himſelf at Carrig with the utmoſt bravery, and repeat-
edly foiled his befiegers in their boldeſt attempts; when at
Re
*
* The Iriſh annaliſts paſs over this whole tranfaction in filence, or at moſt
touch ſlightly upon a victory gained by Milo de Cogan over O'Ruarc and his
affociates. And they who rely moft on their authority, deny the truth of the
circumftantial relation of Cambrenfis, together with the detail found in the
tranſlation of the Lambeth manuſcript, aſcribed to Maurice Regan, or at leaſt
contend that this fiege was formed not by Roderic but O'Ruarc. Had thefe
annaliſts furniſhed any accounts contradictory to thofe extant, and uſually ad-
mitted as authentic, they would have deferved an impartial attention. But
their filence is of no weight againſt the authority of a cotemporary writer. And
if we ſhould allow him to have miſtaken the name of the Iriſh general who was
furprized and defeated, the point will probably be deemed of very little confe-
quence by all thoſe who are not, from national partialities, or other circum-
ſtances, intereſted in the reputation of Roderic O'Connor. And it is to be ob-
ſerved, that we have in Giraldus an account of another attempt made on Dublin
by O'Ruarc, in which he was defeated by Cogan, immediately before the land-
ing of Henry the Second.
I 2
length,
Camb.
60
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
length, we are told by Giraldus, they had recourſe to a ftrata-
gem, if we may call the most horrid perjury by that name,
which proved fuccefsful. A parley was defired, and a company
of Wexfordians admitted to confer with Robert. With an ap-
pearance of the utmoſt friendſhip they affured him that earl
Strongbow had at length fuffered the puniſhment of his teme-
rity; that Roderic had marched his powers to Dublin, ſtormed
the city, and put all the Britons to the fword; that the mo-
narch was now upon his march to Wexford, impatient to extir-
pate every remains of the Britiſh adventurers, and particularly
breathing revenge againſt Fitz-Stephen, who firft pointed his
countrymen the way into Ireland.
into Ireland. Affected as they were to him
more favourably than to any of his affociates, they determined that
he ſhould not be the only perſon ignorant of the fate of his un-
happy countrymen, and his own impending danger. To affift
him was impoffible; but to favour his eſcape was an office
which his kindneſs had juſtly merited. They urgently preffed
him to commit himſelf to their protection, folemnly promifing
to convey him and his garrifon into Wales, before the arrival of
Roderic ſhould fruſtrate their amicable intentions.
ROBERT doubted and hefitated: to remove his fufpicions
they produced two reverend biſhops in their robes of ceremony,
bearing the cross, the hoſt, and fome reliques, and laying their
hands on theſe ſwore a folemn oath in confirmation of all they
had afferted. Fitz-Stephen, effectually deceived by this fo-
lemnity, refigned himſelf and his followers to the mercy of their
mortal enemies, who, inſtead of conducting him to the ſea, caft
him into chains, difarmed his men, and practiſed every wanton
cruelty upon them that infolence and barbarity could deviſe;
maiming, tormenting, and killing them. In the midſt of this
horrid triumph intelligence is received that the victorious Britons
are on their march to reſcue their companions, and muſt foon
arrive. They fet fire to the town of Wexford, and retiring
with
Ch 2.
II.
HENRY -
61
with Fitz-Stephen, and thoſe other prifoners who yet furvived
their cruelty, take their poft in an iſland in the middle of the
harbour, called the Holy Ifland.
Camb.
Regan.
STRONGBOW in the mean time proceeded on his march, but
not without an oppofition more vigorous than any he had yet
encountered. He was to pass through a defile in a country
then called Hi-drone, fituated in the preſent county of Carlow. Girald.
And here O'Rian, lord of this diftrict, waited in ambush to re-
ceive him with a confiderable force. No fooner were the Bri-
tiſh troops hemmed in on all fides by woods, precipices, and
moraffes, than they found themſelves fuddenly and unexpected-
ly attacked. The furprize, the violence of the onfet, the hi-
deous ululations of the Iriſh, and the inconvenience of the fitua-
tion, foon threw them into confiderable diforder, and obliged
the leaders to exert their utmoſt efforts to prevent a total over-
throw. Meiler Fitz-Henry, one of their braveſt commanders,
in attempting to bring up his men was ftriken to the ground,
and with difficulty reſcued; and the Iriſh, animated by the
fuccefs of their firft impreffion, were on the point of gaining a
decifive victory, when, a monk called Nicholas, who ferved in
the Britiſh army, diſcharged an arrow fo fuccefsfully againſt
their leader O'Rian, that he fell down dead, and his men, con-
founded at his death, fled, and left their enemies maſters of the
field. Giraldus affures us that the earl regained the plain in
ſafety, with the lofs of only one young man *.
* In this expreffion of Giraldus a reader fond of refining might poffibly
diſcover an allufion to a well-known Iriſh tradition. It is faid that the ſon of
Strongbow, a youth of feventeen years, was fo terrified at the firſt onſet of the
Iriſh army, that he fled to Dublin in the utmost confternation, declaring that
his father and all his forces had perished: that, when convinced of his mif-
take, he appeared before the earl, and congratulated him upon his victory, the
father rigidly condemned him to death for cowardice, and ſuffered the fentence
to be executed; or, as it is more horridly related, executed it with his own
hand, by cutting his fon in two. This tradition receives fome countenance
from
62
B. I.
HISTORY OF •
IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
Regan.
THE earl proceeded to Wexford, faw the defolation of the
city, and heard of the captivity of Fitz-Stephen. To diftrefs
and mortify him ftill further, the Irish, who had retired to the
Holy Island, fent a deputation to affure him that the leaft at-
tempt to moleft them in their preſent ſituation ſhould inſtantly
determine them to ftrike off the heads of all their priſoners.
He knew the violence of thefe men; turned afide, and marched
to Waterford. Here the mutual animofities of fome petty
chiefs threatened to involve him in new contests. On the re-
turn of his good fortune, O'Brien prince of Thomond affected
a ftrict attachment to his kinfman. He had conceived fome
reſentment againſt the lord of Offory; and, as the ſureſt means
of gratifying his revenge, reprefented him to Strongbow as a
peftilent and implacable adverſary to his power and authority,
whom his intereft and honour equally obliged him to reduce :
for which purpoſe he made a tender of his own affiftance, that
the common enemy of their houſe might at length meet the
puniſhment due to his repeated treafons. So artful were his re-
preſentations, that Strongbow agreed to march againſt this lord;
and having encreaſed his preſent force to two thouſand men by
the junction of O'Brien's troops, proceeded on his expedition.
The Offorian, who had already experienced the formidable va-
lour of the Britons, determined to avert the danger by a timely
fubmiffion. He reprefented to earl Strongbow, by his deputies,
that, however traduced by the malice of O'Brien, he had con-
from the ancient monument in the cathedral of Dublin, in which the ftatue of
the ſon of Strongbow is continued only to the middle, with the bowels open,
and ſupported by the hands. But as this monument was erected, fome centu-
ries after the death of Strongbow, it is of the lefs authority. The Iriſh annaliſts
repeatedly mention the earl's fon as engaged in feveral actions pofteriour to this
period. There is therefore the utmoſt reaſon to fufpect that the whole narrative
hath no other foundation than the fiction of fome Iriſh bard or romancer, who
invented for a people delighting in the marvellous and affecting,
6
tinued
Ch. 2.
63
HENRY II.
tinued ever fince his treaty with king Dermod, and was ftill
difpofed to continue, in dutiful allegiance to the throne of Lein-
fter; that he defired but a fafe-conduct; was ready to appear
before the earl, and to convince him both of his own rectitude,
and the falfehood of his enemy. The propofal was accepted:
the Britiſh lords and the prince of Thomond engaged in the
moft folemn manner that he ſhould come and depart in fecurity:
and Pendergast, his old ally, who had returned with Strong-
bow, was now appointed to conduct him to the camp. Here
he pleaded his cauſe boldly againſt his virulent accufers, who
clamouroufly infiſted on his guilt, and were preparing to put
him to death, when the generous Pendergast, notwithſtanding
the injuries he had once received from the Offorian, drew his
fword, and with an oath declared that no violence fhould be
offered to the man who had entruſted himſelf to their good
faith; that he had' conducted him to their prefence, and would
conduct him back again. The earl affented; the chieftain was
conveyed into his own territory; O'Brien retired in the ſpleen
of diſappointment, and Strongbow proceeded to Ferns, where
for fome day's he exerciſed a royal authority, rewarding his
friends, and puniſhing the difaffected. The chieftain of the
O'Birnes, who had originally facrificed' his perfonal connexions
with Dermod to the public caufe, and had ever fince uniformly
oppoſed the intereft of the foreigners, could no longer eſcape
the officious malice of his enemies. He was brought in a pri-
foner, and condemned to death. The like fentence is faid to
have been executed on a fon of Donald Kevenagh, notwithſtand-
ing the fervices of the father, who ftill continued his adherence
to the Britons, and was rewarded by Strongbow with the grant
of a confiderable diſtrict, called by the hiftorian the Plains of
Leinfter.
-
But this new fovereign of Leinfter was foon called off to
more important objects. Henry king of England had recovered
from
64
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
from his confternation at the death of Becket; his vigilance
and policy had proved too powerful for the machinations of his
enemics; and notwithſtanding their practices at Rome to drive
the pope to the fevereft exertions of his fpiritual juriſdiction
against the fuppofed murderer of the prelate, he contrived to
avert, at leaſt to fufpend, the danger of papal indignation, and
refolved no longer to defer his long-projected expedition into
Ireland, whofe fuccefs might reſtore that luftre to his character
which had been impaired by his tranfactions with the hierarchy.
He was now in England, making the neceffary provifions for
this expedition; and as his jealouſy of the adventurers was en-
creaſed by their ſucceſs, and as the time was come when he
could himself undertake the reduction of Ireland, he utterly
difavowed their proceedings, expreffed the utmoſt reſentment
at their preſumption and diſobedience, and by a ſecond meffage
fummoned earl Richard to appear inftantly before him. The
earl determined to obey this mandate, and ftationing his go-
vernours in Dublin and Waterford, and making fuch other dif-
pofitions as the time permitted, embarked, and met the king
at Newnham near Glouceſter. Whatever refentment Henry
affected was ſoon allayed by the fubmiffions of the earl, who
repeated his profeffions of allegiance, and yielded all his Iriſh
acquifitions to the diſpoſal of his royal mafter: the king ſuffered
himſelf to be entreated by Hervey of Mountmorres, who had
fummoned the earl to his prefence, and now attended with his
nephew. The ſcene of diffimulation was cloſed by a treaty, in
which it was agreed that the city of Dublin and a large adjoin-
ing domain, together with all the maritime towns and forts
acquired by Strongbow, fhould be furrendered abfolutely to
Henry, who on his part graciouſly confented that the earl
ſhould have all his other Iriſh poffeffions granted in perpetuity,
and to be held of the king and his heirs. Strongbow thus re-
ſtored to favour, attended his royal maſter in his progrefs by
the
Ch. 2.
H E N R Y 11.
65
the Severn fide and Western coaſt of Wales to Pembroke,
where the king refided while his forces were affembling at
Milford.
Camb.
HERE again Henry affumed all the terrours of offended Girald.
majeſty againſt the Welſhmen who had abetted the preſumption
of their countrymen, and affifted them in their unwarranted in-
vafion of Ireland, as if they were fovereign and independent,
and had a right to engage in foreign quarrels, not only without
his permiffion, but contrary to his exprefs command. Such
flagrant contempt of his authority, and difaffection to his go-
vernment, it ſeems, were not to be pardoned, until he had
ſeized every caſtle of every lord within their province, and filled
them with his own forces.
AND now while Strongbow attended on the king, and Ray- Ibid.
mond Le Grofs was engaged at Waterford, a vigorous effort
was made by O'Ruarc of Breffney againſt the garriſon of Dub- Regan.
lin. The ſpirit of his attempt proved that the forces of one
Iriſh chieftain, united and obedient, were really more formi-
dable than much more confiderable numbers, collected from
different provinces, without mutual harmony or ſubordination.
Milo de Cogan could not repel his attack without confiderable
lofs; but the first impreffion proving unſucceſsful, the Iriſh, as
uſual, confidered the battle as defperate; and the defeat of
O'Ruarc was embittered by the lofs of his fon, who fell upon
the field of action.
SUCH fucceffes, however inconfiderable, ferved to confirm
the natives in the terrible ideas they had formed of Britiſh va-
lour, and contributed to that helpleſs fufpence with which the
fame of Henry's intended expedition was received. A power-
ful and renowned prince, who claimed a right of fovereignty
over their whole iſland, and affected the utmoft refentment at
thoſe Britiſh leaders who had borne arms in Ireland, as if they
had invaded his dominions, and made war upon his fubjects,
VOL. I.
K
was
66
·B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Regan.
་
was now ready to appear in perfon, and affert his pretended
rights at the head of a confiderable force. Yet, neither the
fame of his intended expedition, nor the actual march of his
troops, nor the king's gradual progreſs through Wales, appear
to have produced any ferment or extraordinary motions in Ire-
land, any meaſures of defence, any conſultations for repelling
the common danger, any exertions on the part of Roderic, or
any affociations among the fubordinate chieftains. Each
feems to have confined his attention to his own and the
intereſt of his tribe, with a fordid purpoſe of deriving what
advantages he might from the invafion, at leaſt of averting
the evils that might attend it, from himſelf. They faw the
power of their own monarch on the point of total diffo-
lution; and they faw it with indifference, if not with an
envious and malignant ſatisfaction. Some were even ready
to prevent their invader, and to fubmit before he yet appeared
upon their coaft. The men of Wexford, who had poffeffed
themſelves of Fitz-Stephen, refolved to avert the confequences
of their late perfidy and cruelty by the forwardneſs of their
zeal for the ſervice of the king of England, and the readineſs
of their fubmiffions. Their deputies were fent to Pembroke,
who in the name of their fellow-citizens caft themſelves at
Henry's feet, and with the moſt paffionate expreffions of obe-
dience humbly entreated that he would accept them as his
faithful vaffals, ready to refign themfelves, their lands, and
poffeffions to his abfolute diſpoſal. They had already
"endeavoured to approve their zeal by feizing Robert Fitz-
66
Stephen, a traitor to his fovereign, who had lately entered
"their territory by force of arms, without any due warrant or
"fair pretence; had flaughtered their people, feized their
"lands, and attempted to eſtabliſh himſelf independent of his
liege-lord. They kept him in chains, and were ready to
"deliver him to the difpofal of his fovereign." The king
""
6
received
Ch. 2.
67
HENRY II.
*
received them with expreffions of the utmoft grace and fa-
vour; commended their zeal in repreffing the unwarrantable
attempts of Fitz-Stephen; declared that he ſhould ſoon enquire
into his crimes, and the wrongs they had ſuſtained, and inflict
condign puniſhment upon every offence committed by his un-
dutiful fubjects. Thus were the Irifhmen difmiffed in the
utmoſt joy and exultation; and the artifice of Henry, while it
inſpired theſe men with favourable difpofitions to his interefts,
proved alfo the moſt effectual means of faving Fitz-Stephen
from their capricious cruelty.
K 2
CHA P.
68
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. I.
3
Girald,
Camb.
Regan.
Ann. Ult.
MS.
CHA P.
III.
Henry the Second arrives at Waterford.-Execution of an Oſtman
lord.-The Wexfordians graciously received. Submiffions of the
chieftain of Defmond.—Short, progreſs of the king.—Submiſſions
of other Irish princes.-Fitz-Stephen fet at liberty.-Henry
marches to Dublin.-Receives the homage of feveral Irifh lords.-
Attempts to reduce Roderic.-Feafts the Irish lords in Dublin.-
Synod of Cafbel.-Its conftitutions.-Adulation of the clergy.-
Meaning of a fubmiffion to Henry and his heirs.-Laws of Eng-
land how far eſtabliſhed in Ireland.-Not as a model for a new
polity.-Rights of the English adventurers fecured.—Settlement
of Dublin.-Grant to the Oftmen of Waterford.-Counties,
Sheriffs, and officers of state eſtabliſhed in Ireland.-Provifion in
cafe of the death of a chief governour.-Henry recalled to Nor-
mandy-His difpofitions and grants in Ireland.—He embarks at
Wexford.-Treats with the legates.-Threatens to return to Ire-
land.-Is reconciled to the pope.Grant of the fovereignty of
Ireland confirmed by pope Alexander.
prepara-
ENRY FITZ-EMPRESS having completed the
tions neceffary for his expedition into Ireland, and per-
formed his folemn devotions in the church of St. David, to
implore a bleffing upon an enterprize undertaken by the autho-
rity, and in the cauſe of the church, embarked at Milford, at-
tended by earl Strongbow, William Fitz-Andelm, Humphry
de Bohun, Hugh de Lacy, Robert Fitz-Bernard, and other
barons, four hundred knights, and about four thousand fol-
diers. His fleet, confifting of two hundred and forty ſhips, an
aweful and formidable object to thofe on whofe coaft they ap-
peared, entered the port of Waterford, and his forces were
landed on the feaft of St. Luke, in October of the year eleven
Htions neceffary for Ireland, and per-
H'
hundred
Ch. 3.
69
HENRY II.
hundred and feventy-two. The profeffed defign of his expe-
dition was not to conquer, but to take poffeffion of a country
granted to him by the pope, and to exerciſe a fovereignty
which he affected to believe muſt be acknowledged and obeyed
without the leaft difficulty or reluctance *.
Camb.
AMIDST the acclamations of joy at the arrival of this new Girald.
fovereign, earl Strongbow made a formal ſurrender of Water-
ford, and did homage to Henry for the principality of Leinfter.
The men of Wexford were at hand with their priſoner Fitz-
Stephen, whom they prefented to the king, repeating their
accufations, and imploring juſtice againſt their tyrant and op-
preffor. Henry received them with an affected commiferation
of their wrongs, too groſs to impoſe on any but the rude and
inexperienced; affured them of his protection, and fternly re-
proaching Fitz-Stephen for his prefumption, remanded him to
prifon. The Iriſh were rejoiced to find that they had not only
eſcaped the punishment due to their perfidy and cruelty, but
that they had involved their enemy in danger and difgrace; and
Fitz-Stephen was the lefs mortified, as he well knew the purchaſe
* This was the idea which the Iriſh ſubjects of later times entertained.
There was a tradition in the reign of Edward the Second, which, though not
unexceptionably eſtabliſhed, yet ſhews what were their conceptions at that period.
It was faid that while Henry's fleet was yet at fea, an Oftman lord of Water-
ford, who fuppofed that the deſcent must be made upon his lands, and was
folicitous to ſecure his property from depredation, drew ſome chains acroſs the
harbour, in order to divert the fleet to fome other quarter; that as the obftacle
was foon overcome, Henry immediately on his landing feized this lord and his
accomplices, whofe crime was that they had prefumed to treat him as an invader,
not as the rightful fovereign of Ireland; that he therefore dealt with them not as
enemies who had acted in a fair courfe of open war, but as rebellious fubjects;
that they were tried in what he called the king's court, the act of rebellion
proved, and fentence of high-treafon executed upon them. Placit. Coronæ,
4 Edv. II. in Turr. Bermingh.
of
$
70
B. T.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
Regan.
Girald.
Camb.
of his liberty, and that he muft of neceffity refign all his Irish
acquifitions to the king.
THE fame of his intended expedition had for ſome time been
ſpread through Ireland, and its influence upon the feveral to-
parchs was foon difcovered. Dermod Mac-Arthy, prince of
Defmond, was the first chieftain who fubmitted and acknow-
ledged the fovereignty of Henry. On the very day after his
arrival this Iriſh prince attended at his court, refigned his city
of Corke to the king, did him homage, and ftipulated to pay
a tribute for the reſt of his territory, which on theſe conditions
he was to enjoy without further moleftation or reſtraint. An
English governour and garriſon were immediately appointed to
take poffeffion of his capital, while the king diſplayed his
power and magnificence by marching to Lifmore, where he
chofe a fituation, and gave the neceffary orders and direction
for building a fort. From thence proceeding to Cafhel, we are
told he had an interview with the archbiſhop of this fee; and
poffibly might have deemed it uſeful to poffefs this prelate, the
firſt of the Iriſh clergy who appeared before him, with an opi-
nion of his gracious intentions to his country, and his zeal for
the regulation of its church. Nor were theſe fhort excurfions
without their influence, in ftriking the inhabitants with an
aweful and terrible impreffion of his power. A formidable
army hovering about the diſtricts of each petty chieftain, when
each was left to his own reſources for defence, quickened their
reſolves, and conquered every remains of pride, or reluctance in
fubmitting to the invader. O'Brien of Thomond thought it
dangerous to delay, and meeting Henry on the banks of the
Sure, furrendered his city of Limerick, and did homage for his
other territory, engaging to pay him tribute. Donchad of
Offory, dreading the advantages which his rival might acquire
by this forward zeal, haftened to the king, and ſubmitted to
become his tributary and vaffal. O'Faolan of the Decies fol-
lowed
Ch. 3.
71
HENRY II
lowed theſe examples, and all the inferiour chiefs of Munſter
vied with each other in the alacrity of their fubmiffions. All
were received with gracious affurances of favour and protection,
entertained with magnificence, loaded with prefents, and dif-
miffed with deep impreffions of the grandeur and condefcenfions
of this powerful monarch.
Camb.
He returned to Wexford; and here, as it was no longer ne- Girald.
ceffary to keep up the appearance of refentment to Fitz-Ste-
phen, his barons were permitted to intercede for a brave fubject,
who had not willingly or intentionally offended, for whofe
future fidelity they were all ready to become fureties, and who
was himſelf prepared to give the beft furety for his allegiance,
by a formal refignation of all his Iriſh poffeffions to his fove-
reign. Fitz-Stephen was fet at liberty, and furrendered Wex-
ford and its territory to the king, doing homage for the reſt of
his acquifitions, which he was allowed to retain from Henry-
and his heirs.
AND now, having provided for the fecurity of Munſter, and
ftationed his garriſons in the cities of Limerick, Cork, Water-
ford, and Wexford, Henry determined to proceed to Dublin, Ibid.
to take poffeffion of this city in due form, which had been fur-
rendered by earl Richard. He led his troops through Offory,
in a flow and ftately progrefs, fo as to ftrike the rude inhabi-
tants with the ſplendour and magnificence of his royal army,
and to give their chieftains an opportunity of repairing to his
camp, and acknowledging his fovereignty. Their indifference
to the interefts of Roderic, as well as their terrour of the
Engliſh arms, foon determined them to make their peace with
Henry. The Irish lords of Leinfter deemed his fervice more
honourable than a fubjection to Strongbow, whofe feverity had
rendered him an object of horrour to the Iriſh, even from his Ann. MSS.
first landing. As he advanced towards Dublin, the neigh-
bouring lords all appeared and fubmitted; O'Carrol of Argial, a
chief-
}
72
B. I..
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ann. var.
MSS.
Benedict
Abb. vol. I.
chieftain of ſtill greater power and confequence, repaired to his
camp, and in due form engaged to become his tributary: and
to complete the mortification of Roderic, his old and intimate
affociate O'Ruarc of Breffney, whoſe intereſts he had fupport-
ed, whoſe perſonal injuries he had revenged, whom he had
made lord of a confiderable part of Meath, ſo that Giraldus
calls him king of Meath, abandoned his falling friend and ally,
and became the willing vaffal of this new fovereign.
RODERIC, though confounded at the defection of his tribu-
taries, and the formidable progrefs of his invader, harraffed by
the factions of his province, and afflicted by the diffentions of
his family, yet could not at once refign his title to the monarchy
of Ireland. And though fenfible of the danger of encountering
an Engliſh army, and little enabled by fuch numbers as he
could collect to march out againſt the royal invader, he yet col-
lected his provincial troops, and, entrenching himſelf upon the
banks of the Shannon, feemed determined that his own terri-
tory at leaſt ſhould not be facrificed to the ambition of Henry.
Unencumbered by a crowd of faithleſs, diſcontented, and dif-
obedient followers, he now appears to act with a ſpirit and dig-
nity more ſuited to his ftation. Hugh de Lacy and William
Fitz-Andelm, were commiffioned to meet this refractory prince,
and either to perfuade or force him to a fubmiffion *. But
* Giraldus indeed afferts that Roderic yielded to the inftances of De Lacy
and Fitz-Andelm, fwore allegiance to Henry, and gave hoſtages as a ſecurity
for the faithful payment of his tribute. But the Iriſh annaliſts acknowledge
no ſuch fubmiffion; and the abbot of Peterborough declares ingenuouſly that the
king of Connaught ftill continued to maintain his independence, agreeing in
this with the artless hiftorical ftrictures of Ireland, which diftinctly mark the
extent of Henry's prefent acquifitions, without the leaſt appearance of diſguiſe
or partiality, and repreſent their monarch as ſtill exerciſing an independent fove-
reignty, oppofing the invaders, and at length treating with Henry at the time
and in the manner ſtated on record; as the reader will find in the enſuing
chapter.
Roderic
Ch. 3•
73
HENRY II.
Roderic was too ſtrong, and too well pofted to be affailed by a
detachment from the Engliſh army; and he at leaſt affected to
believe that his fortune was not yet fo totally defperate as to
warrant an immediate refignation. of his dignity and authority,
while his own territory remained inviolate, and the brave and
powerful chiefs of Ulfter ſtill kept retired in their own diſtricts
without any thought of fubmiffion.
Camb
THE Irish chieftains who accepted Henry as their fovereign, Girald.
and attended at his court, were received with all thoſe conci-
liating expreffions of favour, the common artifice of ambition,
but which were peculiarly flattering to a people equally proud
and inexperienced. It was the feaſt of Chriſtmas, a ſeaſon of
general feſtivity, for which Henry prepared with ſuch elegance
and pomp as his preſent fituation might permit, and ſuch as
was perfectly ftupendous to his Iriſh followers. They flocked
to Dublin from all quarters, in the eagerneſs of ſurprize and
expectation. As the city afforded no building capable of re-
ceiving the royal train, and the numerous affembly of gueſts,
a temporary ftructure was raiſed with hurdles, after the Iriſh
faſhion, in the fouth-eaſtern ſuburbs, of large dimenfions, and
richly ornamented; and here the vaffal-lords of Ireland were
admitted freely, and feaſted ſumptuouſly. Piles of filver, coſtly
meats, generous wines, drefs, mufic, and attendants, all con-
fpired to poffefs them with a vulgar admiration of their invader.
Dazzled by his grandeur, and intoxicated by his condeſcen-
fions, they forgot the baſeneſs of their fubmiffion, and fancied
themſelves exalted to a degree of confequence by being allied
to fuch magnificence and fplendour.
4
If we are to believe the Engliſh hiftorians, the clergy of Ire-
land were ſtill readier, and more abject in their fubmiffions to
king Henry than the lords and toparchs. The abbot of Peter-
borough afferts, and is followed by Hoveden and others, that
immediately on the king's arrival at Waterford, the whole body
VOL. I.
<
L
of
74
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
of the hierarchy attended him, received him as fovereign lord
of Ireland, and fwore fealty to him and his heirs; and that
from each prelate he received a charter or inſtrument of their
reſpective fubmiffions, which the king took care to tranfmit
to Rome. Giraldus, who was ftudious to diſplay every parti-
cular which might do honour to his royal maſter, takes not the
leaſt notice of a tranfaction fo extraordinary, and the Iriſh anna-
lifts are equally filent on that head.
BUT it is afferted with more probability, and on better au-
thority, that Henry, having been acknowledged fovereign by a
confiderable part of the iſland, unmolested by thoſe who had
not yet fubmitted, and prevented by the ſeverity of the ſeaſon
from any attempt to reduce them by force, affected to diſplay
his zeal and folicitude to fulfil the conditions of his grant from
pope Adrian, by turning his attention to the church of Ireland,
and labouring for the reformation of its fuppofed abuſes. A
fynod of the clergy was fummoned in his name, and affembled
at Cashel by his order, to enquire into the preſent ſtate of
morals and religion. But whether this was a general affembly
of all the Irish prelates may be fairly doubted. Gelafius, the
primate of Armagh, a man highly reverenced by his country-
men, and who derived confiderable influence from the fanctity
of his character, certainly did not attend, and as an apology is
faid to have pleaded his age and infirmities; though thefe did
not prevent him from holding another fynod, convened foon
Ann. Anon. after, in Connaught by the authority of Roderic, and probably
in oppofition to that now fummoned by Henry*. The pre-
MSS.
* Giraldus afferts that Gelafius fome time after came to Dublin, and gave
his full affent to the tranfactions and ordinances of this fynod. The Irifh
annalifts on the contrary declare that he was conftantly employed in regulating
the ecclefiaftical affairs in the Weſtern and Northern parts of the iſland until
his death, which happened in eleven hundred and feventy-four. While the
writers of each nation are folicitous to claim this venerable prelate to their own
party a
Ch. 3
75
HENRY
II.
lates of Ulfter followed the example of their metropolitan.
And if the prelate of Tuam, or Laurence of Dublin, who had
fo zealously contended againſt the Engliſh, obeyed this fum-
mons, they might have deemed their preſence neceffary to pre-.
ſerve the honour of their church, to them a point of moment,
from injurious repreſentation; and by a readineſs to correct
what might really be found amifs, to deprive the invader of the
great pretence for extending his hoftilities.
Girald.
Camb.
Brit. T. i.
CHRISTIAN biſhop of Lifmore prefided in this affembly as
the pope's legate; in which character he had, about twenty Concil. M.
years before, prefided in the grand affembly of kings, prelates,
and nobility, convened by order of cardinal Paparon. The
abbot of Buldwais, the archdeacon of Landaff, and fome others
of the Engliſh clergy attended on the part of Henry, to for-
ward the purpoſes of their maſter, and to obſerve the conduct
of the Iriſh prelates. The profeffed defign of this fynod was,
in obedience to the fovereign pontiff, to devife remedies for
ignorance and wickedneſs, to eradicate every fibre of depravity
and iniquity, and to reſtore the purity of their eccleſiaſtical
conſtitution, now contaminated and diſgraced. And the ordi-
nances which were to anſwer fuch important purpoſes we find
forbidding marriages within the prohibited degrees of confan-
guinity directing that baptiſm ſhould be publicly adminiſter-
ed, youth inftructed, tythes regularly paid, the lands of the
clergy exempt from fecular exactions; that all true fons of the
church ſhould have power by will to diſtribute their effects in
due proportion between their wives and children, and be de-
cently interred in hallowed ground. Such was the plan of
party, they agree in one particular, which fuited their underſtandings, and is
therefore carefully recorded that Gelafius, in every progreſs through the
kingdom was conftantly attended by a white cow, a particular favourite,
which ſupplied him with milk, the chief ſuſtenance of the pious and abſtemious
primate.
L 2
reformation
'76
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
Girald.
Camb.
reformation which required the interpofition of the pope, which
obliged him to transfer the fovereignty of Ireland to a foreign
prince, and demanded the prefence of the English monarch
and a royal army to enforce! as if the fame futile ordinances..
had not been repeatedly enacted in every fynod, held almoſt
annually by the Irish clergy, from that of Paparon to this of
Ann. 4 Mag. king Henry. The whole ridiculous fcene was cloſed by a de-
claration highly flattering to the king, and expreffed in terms
of the moſt abject fervility. It directs that the divine fervice
in the church of Ireland fhall for the future be in all things
conformable to that of the church of England. "For it is
"meet and very juft," ſay theſe reverend flatterers,
" that as
"Ireland hath by Providence received a lord and king from
England, ſo ſhe may receive from the fame a better form
"of living. For to his royal grandeur are both the church
"and realm of Ireland indebted for whatever they have hi-
"therto obtained, either of the benefits of peace, or the en-
"creaſe of religion. Since, before his coming into Ireland,
" evils of various kinds had from old times gradually over-
ſpread the nation, which by his power and goodneſs are
"now abolished."- Happy had it been for the peace and
welfare of ages, had Henry by a few months refidence in Ire-
land been really able to produce ſuch bleſſed effects! But the
adulation of thefe ecclefiaftics is a fubject too contemptible
to dwell upon.
Math. Paris.
Ed. Watts,
P. 126.
66
6.6
THERE are other acts of government which Henry exerciſed
in Ireland that deferve more particular attention. Matthew
Paris writes that he convened a council at Lifmore, in which
the laws of England were by all gratefully accepted and efta-
bliſhed by the fanction of a folemn oath. Whether the hiſto-
rian hath miſtaken the place of affembling, and inſtead of a
fynod held under the biſhop of Lifmore, hath fuppofed another
affembly in the town fo named, feems of little moment.
6
J
But
the
Ch. 3.
77
HENRY II.
the real nature of this grant and general acceptance of the laws
of England deſerves to be confidered. And to this we ſhall be
naturally led by a few reflections on what hath been already
related, as well as to the true purport of fome fubfequent
tranfactions.
Anfw. to
Molyneux,
We have ſeen the princes and petty chieftains of Ireland
ſubmitting to king Henry with a readineſs the leſs ſurpriſing,
when we confider that to them it was not unuſual to be viſited
by a fuperior potentate, who demanded a recognition of his fo-
vereignty, obliged them to become his tributaries, and to give
hoſtages for their fidelity, and even ſometimes to refign a por-
tion of their territory. So that Henry demanded no more than
they had frequently granted to others with great readineſs,
and generally with little fincerity, ſcarcely confidering the con-
ceffion as difhonourable, much leſs an effential diminution of
their local power and authority. Nor is there any authentic
evidence to prove, with whatever confidence it may have been
afferted, that "the Irish made no terms for their own form of Vid. Carey's
"government, but wholly aboliſhing their own, they conſent-
"ed to receive the Engliſh laws, and ſubmitted entirely to the
English government.' It is fcarcely conceivable that a
whole people ſhould at once be either forced or perfuaded into
fo extraordinary a revolution; unless they, of all the human
race, rude and barbarous as they are reprefented, were alone
exempt from ftrong partialities in favour of their laws and
cuſtoms. Nor is it probable that a politic and fagacious prince
ſhould form a fcheme in his prefent fituation fo extravagant,
becauſe of all others the most dangerous to attempt, and the
moft difficult to effect, that of obtruding in a moment an en-
tire new ſyſtem of laws and polity upon a number of commu-
nities, none of which he had fubdued. But that no fuch de-
fign was either attempted or effected, will appear not only from
the manifold proofs which muſt neceffarily be produced in the
6.6
progrefs.
P. 22.
#
78
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
progrefs of this hiftory, but from the tranfactions already re-
lated. We have obſerved that by an ordinance of the ſynod of
Caſhel it was provided, that the clergy ſhould for the future
be free from all fecular exactions. Here it is neceffary to pro-
duce this ordinance at large.
66
"ALL the ecclefiaftical lands and poffeffions ſhall be entirely
free from every exaction of ſecular men. And eſpecially no
petty kings or lords, or any potentates of Ireland, nor their
"children or families, ſhall for the future exact maintenance
"or entertainment, according to cuftom, in the ecclefiaftical
territories, or prefume to extort them by violence. And
"that deteftable entertainment, which is four times a year
<<
required by neighbouring lords, fhall not for the future be
"demanded from the ecclefiaftical towns.And moreover,
"in all caſes of homicide committed by the laity, as often as
"they fhall compound for the fame with their adverfaries, the
"clergy who are their relations ſhall pay nothing on this ac-
"count; but as they had no part in the perpetration of the
"homicide, ſo fhall they be free from contributing to the
"fine."
It cannot be fuppofed that the execution of the Irish laws
ſhould be thus regulated, if theſe laws were entirely aboliſhed.
If the clergy were to be exempt from Coyn, Cofhering, and
other like exactions, it is evident that the petty kings and lords
were ſtill to demand them from others. If the clergy were not
to contribute to the Eric in cafes of murder, it follows that
this compenſation was ſtill to be paid by the laity; and of con-
ſequence that the old Irish polity was not only to fubfift, but
warranted, fecured, and regulated, in an affembly convened by
the authority of Henry. Here then, were there no other, we
have a direct proof of a regular compact between this monarch
and the Iriſh chieftains. They ftipulated to become his vaffals
and tributaries. He was to protect them in the adminiſtration
of
Ch. 3.
79
HEN R. Y II.
1
of their petty governments according to their own model: and
thus we ſhall find that their governments were actually admi-
niſtered." They governed their people" faith Sir John Davies,
66
by the Brehon law; they made their own magiftrates and.
"officers; they pardoned and punniſhed all malefactours with-
"in their feverall countries; they made warre and peace one.
" with another without controulment; and this they did not
"onely during the raigne of Henry the Second, but after-
"wardes in all times, even untill the raigne of queen Eliza-
"beth."-Not originally by the connivance of their new ſove-
reign, or in oppoſition to his authority, but by his fanction and
allowance, as appears from the acts of an affembly which derived.
their authority from his ratification.
It is in the next place obfervable, that the conceffions of the
Iriſh lords were uniformly made to Henry and his heirs. And
as England was now confeffedly the firft and capital member
of his dominions, by his Heirs we muſt underſtand his lawful
fucceffors to the crown of England. So that the intention of
his treaties with the Irish chieftains appears to be, that the
kings of England ſhould for ever become lords paramount of the
territories which theſe chieftains retained, and inheritours of
thofe which they abfolutely refigned; not that Henry ſhould
be warranted to grant or transfer his Iriſh dominions, or to fell
his Iriſh vaffals as villains of the foil, but that the ftipulated
obedience ſhould be paid to the kings of England in lawful
fucceffion; and the territories refigned ſhould remain for ever
annexed to this kingdom, and appendent on this dignity.
Or, to expreſs it in the language of the patent of Henry the Rymer. T. i,
Third to his fon Edward, that they should not be feparated
from the Crown, but wholly remain to the Kings of England
for ever.
By his tranſactions both with the natives and the original
adventurers, Henry had now acquired the abfolute dominion
of
P. 501.
80
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
of feveral maritime cities, and their dependencies. The pro-
vince of Leinſter was claimed by Strongbow, as the heir of
king Dermod, and he conſented to hold it of the king and his
heirs. The acquifitions in Meath appear alfo to have been
ceded to the king; nor did the English acknowledge any right-
ful fovereign of this diftrict fince the death of M'Laghlin; fo
that Henry had now a confiderable territory, and a number of
ſubjects in the iſland, and had the utmoſt reaſon to expect a
ſpeedy encreaſe of both. And to theſe his ſubjects, he indeed
granted the Engliſh laws, according to the teſtimony of Mat-
thew Paris, not as a model whereby they might govern them-
felves, and frame their own polity; for then they had no need
to expreſs their gratitude to the king for what they might have
adopted themſelves, if, by their change of fituation, they had
loft the privileges of Engliſh ſubjects: neither in this caſe
was there any propriety or neceffity for an oath to the king,
whereby they were bound to the obfervance of theſe laws.
On the contrary, it was declared by this tranſaction, by their
grateful acceptance of the Engliſh laws, and their folemn en-
gagements to obey them, that, as they refigned their Iriſh ac-
quifitions, and renewed their allegiance to the king, he, on his
part, conſented that they ſhould ſtill be confidered as the fub-
jects of his realm, and ſtill retain the advantages, of that con-
ftitution which, as fubjects, they formerly enjoyed, and which
he graciouſly declared that they ſhould ſtill retain in the fame
capacity, without any diminution of their rights, or any change
in their relation to the king. Hence the neceffity of a new
oath, whereby they were bound in due allegiance to Henry and
his heirs, and to the faithful obfervance of the laws of his
realm in their new fettlements, thus made a part and member
of this realm, infeparably connected, and intimately confoli-
dated with it.
LET
✔
Ch. 3.
H
8r
EN R Y II.
LET it be fufficient to ftate thefe points briefly for the pre-
fent, which, as they frequently recur, must be repeated and
enforced in the progrefs of this hiftory; and agreeably to the
repreſentations now made, it appears, that foon after he had
taken poffeffion of Dublin, and before his departure from this
city, Henry granted it * by charter to the inhabitants of Brif- Chart. in
tol, to be held of him and his heirs with the fame liberties
and free cuftoms which they enjoyed at Briſtol, and through-
out all his land. And by another charter executed ſoon af-
ter, he confirms to his burgeffes of Dublin all manner of MSS. in Bibl.
rights and immunities throughout his whole land of England, Sterne.
Normandy, Wales, and Ireland, wherever they and their ef-
fects fhall be, to be fully and honourably enjoyed by them as
**Ex Archivis Civ. Dub.
Henricus rex Angliæ, dux Normanniæ & Acquitaniæ, comes Andegaviæ,
Archiepifcopis, epifcopis, abbatibus, comitibus, baronibus, jufticiariis, vice-
comitibus, miniftris, & omnibus fidelibus fuis Francis, Anglicis, & Hibernen-
fibus, totius terræ fuæ falutem. Sciatis me dediffe & conceffiffe, & prefenti
charta confirmaffe hominibus meis de Briftow, civitatem meam de Divelin,
ad inhabitandum. Quare volo & firmiter præcipio ut ipfi eam inhabitent &
teneant illam de me & heredibus meis bene & in pace libere & quiete, integre
& plenarie & honorifice, cum omnibus libertatibus & liberis confuetudinibus,
quas homines de Briſtow habent apud Briftow, & per totam terram meam.
Teftibus Willo. de Braofa, Regin. de Curtenar. Hug. de Gundvill. Willo.
Filio Andelmi, Rand. de Canvilla. Hug. de Creiffi. Reg de Pavill. Apud
Divelin.
►
+ E Manufcriptis in Biblioth. quondam epifcopi Sterne.
Henricus rex, &c. archiepifcopis, &c. falutem. Sciatis me conceffiffe bur-
genfibus meis de Divelin quod fint quieti de Tholonio & Paffagio et Ponta-
gio & omnibus confuetudinibus per totam terram meam Angliæ & Norman-
niæ, Walliæ & Hiberniæ, ubicunque venerint ipfi & res eorum. Quare volo
& firmiter præcipio quod habeant omnes libertates & quietancias & liberas
confuetudines fuas plene & honorifice ficut mei liberi & fideles homines, &
fint quieti de Tholonio & Paffagio & Pontagio & omni alia confuetudine. Et
prohibeo ne quis eos fuper his deturbet, contra hanc chartam meam, fuper
decem librarum forisfacturam. Teftibus, &c. Apud fanctum Laudinum.
VOL. I.
M
his
Arch. Civ.
Dub.
.82
B. L.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Bermingh,
II Ed. I.
his free and faithful fubjects. And as it was not eafy to in-
duce his Engliſh fubjects immediately to fettle in thefe mari-
time towns, he permitted the Oftmen to take poffeffion of
Chart. Turr. Waterford *, to whom he granted a particular charter of de-
nization, whereby they were inveſted with the rights and pri
vileges of free ſubjects, and for the future to be governed by
the laws of his realm; which, by the way, affords a convin-
cing proof that the benefit of thefe laws was confidered as a
ſpecial grace, and that they were by no means granted in ge-
neral to thoſe who ſubmitted, much leſs obtruded on any, as
the great mark of conqueſt †.
B
* Conftat. Anno 11 Edv. I. in Turr. Bermingh. Dublin.
Edvardus, Dei gratia, rex Angliæ, dominus Hiberniæ, & dux Acquitaniæ,
jufticiario fuo Hiberniæ & omnibus aliis ballivis & fidelibus fuis in Hibernia
ad quos præfentes literæ pervenirent. Salutem. Quia per infpectionem.
Chartæ domini Henrici regis filii Imperatricis quondam Domini Hiberniæ
proavi noftri, nobis conftat quod Ouftmanni noftri Waterford legem Angli-
corum in Hibernia habere, & fecundum iftam legem judicari ac deduci debent;
vobis mandamus, quod Gillechrift Macgillemory, Willielmum & Johannem.
Macgillemory, & alios Ouſtmannos de civitate & comitatu Waterford, qui de
prædictis Ouftmannis prædicti domini Henrici proavi noftri originem duxerint,.
legem Anglicorum in partibus illis, juxta tenorem Chartæ prædictæ habere,
& eos fecundum ipfam legem, quantum in nobis eft deduci faciatis, donec
aliud de confilio noftro induxerimus ordinandum. Tefte meipfo, apud Ac-
ton-Burnell. quinto die Octobris, Anno regni noftri undecimo.
}
+ It appears from feveral ancient records, that on the gradual, fubmiffion of
the Irish lords to the crown of England, fome of the moſt diſtinguiſhed
among them were admitted, though with fome reftrictions,, to the benefit of
Engliſh laws, as an eſpecial grace and favour. Thus in the archives of Ber-
mingham Tower, Ann. 3 Ed. II. there is the following plea, which I find
copied in the Lambeth MSS. M. No. 617. Prædictus Gulielmus. O'Kelly
"eft Hibernicus & non de fanguine aut progenie eorum qui gaudeant lege An-
"glicana, quoad brevia portanda.. Qui funt O'Neale de Ultonia, O'Conno-
chur de Connaghta, O'Brien de Thotmondia, O'Malachlin de Midia, &
"Mac-Morrough de Lagenia." And in the pleas of the crown during this.
reign, there is repeated mention of the Five Families, "Quinque fanguines,
૯qપર
:
Ch. 3.
83
HEN
If.
R
For the better execution of the laws of England, it appears Antiq. Lit.
that Henry made a divifion of the diftricts, now ſubject to Pat. Prota
him, into fhires or counties, which was afterwards improved
and enlarged, as the extenfion of the English fettlements, and
the circumſtances of the country required. Sheriffs were of
confequence appointed both for the counties and cities, with
judges itinerant, and other miniſters of juſtice, officers of ſtate,
and every appendage of English government and Engliſh law.
And theſe inſtitutions feem to have been a part of Henry's
firft compact with the adventurers, and to have immediately
attended his grant of their old polity and privileges; for in
the first charter to the citizens of Dublin, executed before his
departure from this city, we find mention of his Juftices, She-
riffs, and other Officers. To complete the whole fyftem, a
chief governour, or reprefentative of the king, was neceffa-
rily appointed, who was to exerciſe the royal authority, or
fuch parts of it as might be committed to him, in the king's
abfence ; and as the preſent ſtate of Ireland, and the appre-
henfions of war or infurrection made it peculiarly neceffary
to guard againſt ſudden accidents, or extraordinary contingen-
cies, it was provided, by what is called a Statute of Henry Stat. An.
Fitz-Empreſs, that in caſe of the death of any chief gover-
nour, the chancellor, treaſurer, chief-juftices, and chief ba-
ron, keeper of the rolls, and king's ferjeant at law, fhould be
empowered, with confent of the nobles of the land, to elect
a fucceffor, who was to exerciſe the full power and authority
of this office, until the royal pleaſure ſhould be further known.
"qui guadent lege Anglicana."It is not afferted either in hiſtory, or in
any record that I have ſeen; but it ſeems probable that Henry the ſecond ſet
the example of granting this eſpecial and diſtinguiſhed privilege to the moſt
eminent of the Irifh families who fubmitted to him; for we fhall find O'Brien
of Thomond reminded, that by his fubmiffion to this prince, he was admitted
to the ftate and dignity of the king's baron.
M 2
Henry
Ric. III.
84
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Camb.
Ibid.
go-
Henry had now the more leifure to project fuch fchemes of
vernment, as a remarkably fevere and tempeftuous winter pre-
vented him from any attempts to reduce thofe parts of Ireland,
which had not yet acknowledged his authority.
THE Continual ftorms having put a stop to all navigation,
the king had not for a confiderable time received the leaft in-
telligence from England or Normandy, till, at length, on his
arrival at Wexford, after a refidence of three months in Dub-
lin, he met couriers, who brought the moſt alarming advices;
That two cardinals, Albert and Theodine, delegated by the
pope, had arrived in Normandy the year before, to make in-
quifition into the death of Becket; that waiting the arrival of
Henry, until their patience was exhaufted, they now fummoned
him to appear without delay, as he would avert the dreadful
ſentence of excommunication, and preſerve his dominions from
a general interdict. Such denunciations were of too much
conſequence to admit a longer refidence in Ireland. He or-
dered his forces, and the officers of his houſehold, to embark
without delay, referving three fhips for the conveyance of him-
felf and his immediate attendants.
He was now to leave a country which, from his firſt appear-
ance, afforded him the fairest profpect of fuccefs; but of which
a very confiderable part, including all the weftern and the
northern quarters of the island, he had not yet vifited, much
lefs reduced. He had built no number of forts to fecure the
acquifitions already made, or to awe the turbulent and fickle
inhabitants; and he was to leave earl Richard behind, a pow-
erful ſubject, to ſtrengthen and encreafe his influence in a
country where it was already formidable, whofe concef-
fions were fuppofed not to have been the effects of duty
and attachment, and who waited but for the abfence of his
royal maſter (as the jealoufies of Henry fuggefted) to improve
the advantages he had acquired, and to affume an independent
fove-
Ch. 3.
H
85
ENRY II.
Camb.
fovereignty. In this perplexing fituation, he had but a few
days to make the neceffary difpofitions for the fecurity of his
Iriſh intereſts. He addreffed himſelf to the original Engliſh Girald.
adventurers, and by grants and promiſes laboured to detach
them from Strongbow, and bind them firmly to himſelf, and
to his fervice. To make amends for what he had taken from
Fitz-Stephen, he granted him a confiderable diftrict in the
neighbourhood of Dublin, to be held by knight's-fervice, at Regan.
the fame time entruſting the maritime towns, with eſpecial
caution, to his own immediate dependents. Waterford was
committed to Humphry de Bohun, Robert Fitz-Bernard, and
Hugh de Gundville, with a train of twenty knights. In Wex-
ford were ftationed William Fitz-Andelm, Philip of Haftings,
and Philip de Braofa, with a like number of attendants. Be-
fore his departure from Dublin he had promiſed, and now ex-
ecuted, an important grant to Hugh de Lacy of all the terri-
tory of Meath, where there was no fortified place, and where
of confequence no particular reſervation was neceffary, to be
held of him and his heirs, by the fervice of fifty knights, in Pat. 20
as full a manner as it had been enjoyed by Murchard Hu Me- Hen. II.
laghlin, or any other. He alſo conſtituted this lord his
gover-
nour of Dublin, with a guard of twenty-knights. Robert
Fitz-Stephen, and Maurice Fitzgerald, were made his coad-
jutors, with an equal train; and thefe, with others of the first Regan.
adventurers, under the pretence of an honourable appoint- Camb.
ment, were thus obliged to refide at Dublin, fubject to the im-
mediate inſpection of de Lacy, in whom Henry ſeems to have
placed his chief confidence. In the neighbourhood of each
city, lands were affigned for the maintenance of the knights
and foldiers. A caftle was directed to be built in Dublin, and
fortreffes in other convenient places; and fenfible of the advan-
tages to be gained by the valour and activity of private ad-
venturers, the king readily yielded to the request of John de
Courcy,
Girald.
1
86
B. P.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Regan.
A. D. 1173.
Girald.
Camb.
Hoveden.
Courcy, a baron diſtinguiſhed by his enterprizing genius and
abilities in war, and granted him the entire province of Ul-
fter, provided he could reduce it by force of arms.
HAVING thus made his difpofitions in Ireland as effectually
as the ſhort ſpace of three weeks could permit, Henry turned his
attention to more preffing, and at preſent more important ob-
jects. In granting large tracts to the moft enterprizing of his
nobles, he purſued the fame meaſures which William the Con-
queror had taken for extending his territories on the Marches
of England. It was a method evidently well calculated for
making conquefts without expence to the crown, not for pre-
ſerving peace in a country once fubdued, or quieting the jealou-
fies of an abfent prince, who had learned fufpicion from his
experience of mankind. The misfortunes which Ireland felt
for
ages, may be fairly imputed to the preſent fatal interruption
of Henry's progrefs. The folly and the infolence, the injuſtice,
bafenefs, and ingratitude of his avowed and fecret enemies re-
called him from an engagement worthy of his abilities. He
embarked at Wexford on the feaft of Eafter, and landed in Pem-
brokeſhire, where it was the firſt care of this prince, who lay
under the heavy diſpleaſure of the church, to march on foot to
the Cathedral of Saint David, and there perform his devotions,
with an oftentation of piety and humility. Hence he paffed on
with the utmoſt ſpeed, and with his eldeſt ſon, whofe fecret
practices againſt an indulgent father he had but too good reaſons
to ſuſpect, proceeded to meet the cardinals in Normandy. Their
firſt requifitions were fo haughty and exorbitant, that Henry
broke up the affembly, declaring that he would return to Ire-
land, where he had much to do, and leave them to execute their
legantine commiffion as they might. This fpirited anſwer pro-
duced another congrefs, and another treaty, upon terms lefs
unreaſonable and injurious. And when the articles of accom-
modation were adjuſted, the king's fubmiffions accepted, and his
abfo-
Ch. 3.
87
HE ENR
NRY
II.
abſolution pronounced, Pope Alexander readily confented to
pope to
ſeal this reconciliation, by confirming the grant of Ireland made Brompton.
by Adrian. His brief recites the propriety of allowing the juft
acts of his predeceffors, and the gifts made by the late
Henry, of the dominion of Ireland: ratifying the fame with the
reſervation of Peter-pence, and on the former condition of re-
forming the barbarous natives, and regulating their diſordered
church.
$
CHA P.
1
88
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
A.D. 1173.
CHA P. IV.
+
Difpofitions of the Irish chieftains.-Marriage and death of De
Quiny.-Lacy confers with O'Ruarc.-Death of O'Ruarc.-
Rebellion of Henry's fons, and general infurrection againſt the
king-Strongbow recalled from Ireland.-Revolt of the Irish
lords.—The king's forces diftreffed and difcontented.-Mutual jea-
loufies of Hervey and Raymond.-Strongbow chief governour.
He appoints Raymond general.-His fucceffes.-He retires in
difcontent.—Expedition to Munfter.-Defeat of the Oftmen:
Raymond recalled.-Infurrection and maſſacre at Waterford.-
Raymond efpoufes the fifter of earl Strongbow.-Defolation of
Meath by Roderic.—His retreat.-Limerick taken.-Submiſſion
and treaty of Roderic.-Henry alarmed by Mountmorres.—Ray-
mond commanded to attend him.-Prepares to depart.-Lime-
rick befieged by O'Brien.-Raymond prevailed on to march againſt
him.-His fucceſſes in Thomond and Defmond.—Death of Strong-
bow. Perfidy of O'Brien. Generous, obfervation of king
Henry-Character of Strongbow by the Irish annalifts,—and by
Giraldus.-Raymond and Fitz-Andelm chief governours.-Arri-
val of Vivian the legate.-Bulls of Adrian and Alexander pro-
mulged.-Character and conduct of Fitz-Andelm.-Expedition of
De Courcy into Ulfter.-His exploits.—Invafion of Connaught
by Cogan unsuccessful.-Divifions of the Irish chieftains,—and
miſerable condition of the whole island.
HE
ENRY at his departure, as Davies juſtly obſerves, left
not one true fubject behind him, more than he found on
coming over. The Iriſh chieftains who had ſubmitted to be-
come his vaffals with fo much levity and indifference, were
little folicitous to adhere to their fubmiffions any longer than
terrour or neceffity might oblige them. But as the impreffion
-made
Ch. 4.
89
HENRY II.
made by the power and greatnefs of their new fovereign was
yet lively and forcible; as their local feuds and jealoufies had
never been fufpended; and as the English fettlers had not as
yet difcovered any defign of extending their acquifitions, the
territories of the new adventurers were for awhile unmolefted,
and feemed to wear an appearance of fecurity and peace.
Strongbow found himſelf at leifure to retire to Ferns, in order Girald.
to folemnize the marriage of his daughter with Robert de
Quiny, one of the nobles who had engaged in the Irish war,
whom he created conftable and ftandard-bearer of Leinfter, Regan.
with a confiderable grant of lands. But Quiny did not long
enjoy his honours and eſtate; for the earl, fome time after,
being obliged to march into Ofally, to exact his tribute from
a refractory vaffal; his forces on their return were attacked in
the rear, and the ftandard-bearer with fome others fell in the
fury of the firſt ſudden affault.
LACY proceeded, in confequence of his late grant, to make Ibid.
fuch difpofitions in Meath as might fecure the fubjection of
this district. He parcelled out his lands to his friends and ad-
herents, in order to eſtabliſh a powerful Engliſh fettlement,
and began to erect forts to keep the old inhabitants in awe.
In the provinces ceded to Henry or his fubjects, or afterwards
gained by their arms, certain Irish natives, of the moft diftin-
guiſhed families, were by the king's licence and command
ſuffered to refide and enjoy certain portions of their old poffef-
fions, to pay tribute to the crown as foedaries, but were not as
fubjects governed by the law of England. Thus fome of the
deſcendants of the family of Mac Murchad were for many ages
refident in Leinfter, as well as fome inferiour chiefs, who pro-
feffed at leaſt to be tributaries to the king of England, but
governed their different fepts according to their old native infti-
tutions. This, which is exprefsly affirmed by Finglas, in his
Breviate of Ireland, appears evidently from the tenour of
VOL. I.
N
hiſtory,
go
B. I
HISTORY OF IRELAND.*
Girald.
hiſtory, and from innumerable public records of this kingdom.
In like manner, notwithſtanding the extenfive grant of Meath to
Hugh de Lacy, O'Ruarc of Breffney. ftill enjoyed the eaſtern
part of this province by virtue of the arrangements made by
Roderic. And this proud and violent chieftain could not. but
regard the preſent project of an extenfive Engliſh fettlement in
Meath with an indignant jealouſy. He found, or fought fome
occafion to complain of injuries done to his interefts or property
by the new fettlers. He repaired to Dublin, and demanded
redreſs from Lacy; but the pretenfions on each fide being dif-
cuffed without any final agreement, a day was appointed for
another conference to be held on the hill of Taragh. This
was agreeable to the old Iriſh cuſtom, of adjuſting accidental
differences by a meeting of the chiefs, at a diſtance from their
reſpective refidences, and on fome.eminence where they might
be moſt ſecure from treachery. The Engliſh hiſtorians for-
mally relate, that the night before this conference, Griffith, ne-
phew to Maurice Fitz- Gerald, dreamed that he faw a number
of wild boars rush on Lacy and his uncle, and that one more
horrid than the reft would have flain them, if he had not reſcued
them by killing the monſter: that, alarmed by this dream, he
would have diffuaded them from the intended interview; but
that Lacy flighted his fuperftitious fears.
It indeed required
no dream or viſion to create fears and fufpicions on occafion of
theſe parlies, which frequently ended-in bloodſhed, and to
which the parties always came prepared againſt violence or
treachery. The chiefs arrived on the place appointed, and
engagements being made on each fide to preſerve peace and.
amity, they met, with a few attendants, while the reſt of their
reſpective trains were appointed to retire at due diſtance.
Griffith is faid to have been fo poffeffed with his dream, that he
chofe out ſeven of his affociates of diſtinguiſhed valour, whom
he drew as near to the place of interview as he might without
6
·
fufpicion,
Ch. 4.
91
HENRY
I.
fufpicion, ready to advance, if there fhould be occafion for
their fervice. In the mean time they continued, under the
pretence of amufement, to ride in tournament round the field.
Lacy, and Fitz-Gerald on one fide, and the Iriſh chieftain on
the other, proceeded in their conference without any profpe&t
of accommodation, 'till O'Ruarc retiring, as it is faid, under the
pretence of neceffity, gave the fignal to his party, who ruſhed
up the hill, while their leader returned with a countenance of
deadly wrath and fury. Fitz-Gerald drew his fword; and
ſcarcely had he called to Lacy to defend himſelf, when O'Ruarc
affailed him furiouſly with his battle-ax. His interpreter inter-
poſed, and was flain; Lacy was twice beaten to the ground,
but refcued by Fitz-Gerald: the English party was at hand,
and foon repelled the affailants. O'Ruarc in his retreat attempt-
ed to gain his horſe, but, as he mounted, was killed by Griffith.
His three equerries ſhared the fame fate; and his whole train
was pursued with confiderable ſlaughter. The circumſtance of
the dream, and the minutenefs with which this tranſaction is
related, might create fome fufpicions that the English party
were not entirely clear from being the aggreffors, and that care
was. taken to frame their narrative, or at leaſt to aggravate the
miſconduct of the Irish. However this may be, the event was
particularly favourable to Lacy, as it freed him from a turbu-
lent and dangerous rival. O'Ruarc was confidered as a traytor
and rebel, and his head fent into England to the king.
INCIDENTS of this kind, however plaufibly reprefented, were
by the natives confidered in the moſt odious light. They
warmly retorted the charge of treachery upon the foreigners;
and every day produced complaints of their injuſtice, cruelty,
and oppreffion, wherever they had any intercourſe with the
native inhabitants. In many inftances fuch complaints muſt
have been juſt; for ſeveral of the Engliſh leaders were proud,
indigent, and rapacious: but whether juft or no, at the ſame
N 2-
time
92
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Hume.
Rapin.
time that they diſcovered the enmity of the Irish, they alſo
ferved to confirm and enflame it; and the prefent critical fitu-
ation of king Henry gave both opportunity and encouragement
to theſe proud and reftlefs natives to avow their animofity.
THE ſpirit and addreſs which had extricated him from his
controverfy with the pope, feemed to confirm his grandeur and
felicity. A numerous progeny gave both luftre and authority
to his crown. The king's precaution in eſtabliſhing the ſeveral
branches of his family feemed well calculated to prevent all
jealoufies among the brothers, and to perpetuate the greatnefs
of his royal line. He had ordered Henry
He had ordered Henry, his eldeſt fon, to
be crowned king, and had appointed him fucceffor to the king-
dom of England, the dutchy of Normandy, and the counties
of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine; to Richard and Geoffry
were affigned their reſpective territories; and Ireland was pro-
bably deſtined for the appanage of John, his fourth fon, al-
though the king might not as yet have declared his intentions.
He alſo negotiated a marriage in favour of this laft prince with
Adelais, daughter of the count of Savoy and Maurienne, and
was to receive as her dowry very confiderable demefnes in Pied-
mont, Savoy, Breffe, and Dauphiny. But this exaltation of
his family excited the jealoufy and envy of his neighbours
and theſe very fons, whoſe fortune he was fo anxious to eſtab-
liſh, were made the means of diſturbing his government, and
embittering his future days.
To cement his accommodation with the French king, Henry
had confented that the ceremony of crowning his eldeſt fon
ſhould be repeated, together with his confort Margaret, a prin-
cefs of France, and allowed them to vifit their father-in-law
at Paris, who fought this opportunity of enflaming the ambi-
tion of young Henry. Although it had been the conftant
cuſtom of France, ever fince the acceffion of the Capetian line,
to crown the fon during the life-time of the father, without
can-
Ch. 4.
93
HE N R Y
II.
conferring on him any prefent participation of royal dominion,
yet
Louis took pains to perfuade his fon-in-law that he had
now a title to real fovereignty, and prevailed on him at his re-
turn to make a formal demand, that either the crown of Eng-
land, or the dutchy of Normandy, fhould be immediately re-
figned to him. The extravagant propofal was rejected; the
prince expreffed his diſcontent in terms highly undutiful; and
returning clandeftinely to Paris, was protected and fupported
by the French monarch.
In the first furprize and alarm at this event, from which
king Henry expected ſome diſtreffing conſequences, he received
intelligence of new misfortunes. Eleanor
Eleanor his queen, pro-
voked at the infidelities of her huſband, feized this occafion
of intereſting her fons Richard and Geoffry in her refent-
ments; perfuaded them that they alſo were intitled to preſent
poffeffion of the territories affigned to them, engaged them to
fly fecretly to the court of France, and was herſelf meditating.
an eſcape to the fame court, when ſhe was arreſted by Henry's
order in her diſguiſe of man's apparel, and confined. The
combination of theſe princes against an indulgent father had
been projected, and was openly countenanced by Louis. Princes
were not aſhamed to efpouſe their unnatural quarrel. Barons,
diſguſted by a vigilant government, were more defirous of be-
ing ruled by young princes, ignorant of public affairs, remiſs in
their conduct, and profufe in their grants; and as the king had
enfured to his fons the fucceffion to every particular province
in his dominions, the nobles had no dread of adhering to thofe
who, they knew, muft fometime become their fovereigns.
Prompted by thofe motives, many of the Norman nobility had
deſerted to his fon Henry. The Breton and Gafcon barons
embraced the quarrel of Richard and Geoffry. The difaffec-
tion had ſpread through England. The earls of Leiceſter and
Cheſter, in particular, declared openly againſt the king. The
counts
94
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
counts of Flanders, Bologne, Blois, and Eu, were prompted
by jealouſy of Henry's greatnefs, and the hopes of advantage
from the inconfiderate promifes and grants of an ambitious
youth, to unite with the king of France. William, king of
Scotland, alfo joined in the confederacy; fo that Henry now
faw the ftorm of war and rebellion rifing in every quarter of
his extenſive dominions. Although the pope had been pre-
vailed on to denounce his cenfure againſt the rebellious princes
and their adherents, yet Henry foon found that his effectual
reſource muſt be in his own activity and valour. He employed
thofe treaſures he had prudently referved, in hiring twenty
thouſand of thofe mercenary troops called Brabançons, whoſe
profeffion it was to fight for any prince who would engage
them. At the fame time he found it neceffary to withdraw
feveral of his garrifons from Ireland, as well as to claim the
attendance of ſome of his barons and commanders, in this coun-
try. Earl Richard flew to his affiftance in Normandy with
fuch alacrity and zeal, that Henry, convinced of his attach-
ment, entruſted him with the government of Giſors.
The firſt accounts of a powerful confederacy formed againſt
the king of England were received by the Irish chieftains
with the utmoſt joy; and no ſooner had earl Richard and the
other Engliſh lords departed, than they openly difavowed their
late fubmiffions, and boldly denounced the vengeance of an
injured people against the remains of their invaders. The
English army was not only weakened, but mutinous and dif-
contented. It had been entruſted to the command of Hervey
of Mountmorres, to whom Raymond le Grofs was ſecond in
authority; and theſe leaders were by no means united with
that firmneſs and cordiality which their common intereft re-
quired. Hervey was proud, impatient of a rival, and jealous
of his influence; rigid and ſevere in his diſcipline, he reſtrained
the foldiers from plundering, a liberty which they claimed as
A
in
Ch. 4.
95
HENRY
II.
in fome fort neceffary to fupply the deficiencies of their pay.
Raymond, of more conciliating manners, more indulgent to
the paffions and neceffities of the foldiery, for whoſe welfare
and ſecurity he appeared eminently folicitous; gentle to their
faults, and affecting rather to appear their companion than their
commander; neither delicate in his fare, nor curious in his
apparel, chearfully ſharing all the hardships of a military life.
He was of confequence more beloved; and the envy of Mount-
morres was enflamed by his popularity. Their mutual jealou-
fies prevented any effectual oppofition to the ſpirit now raiſed
among the Irish princes, and might have proved fatal to the
Engliſh intereſt, had not Henry been foon enabled to provide a
remedy for the evil. He fummoned earl Strongbow to attend
him at Rouen, and communicated his intentions of committing
the affairs of Ireland to his fole direction. The earl expreffed
the utmoſt alacrity to ſerve his royal maſter; but obſerved, that
he had already experienced the envy and malignity of his ſe-
cret enemies, that,. if he fhould appear in fo diftinguished a
character as that of the king's deputy in Ireland, their infidious
practices would be renewed, and his conduct miſrepreſented
and maligned. He therefore requeſted that a colleague might
be appointed for him in the commiffion, and recommended
Raymond as a perſon of approved loyalty and abilities, as well
as highly acceptable to the foldiery. Henry replied, with an
appearance of regard and confidence, extorted from him by his
preſent circumſtances, that he had his free conſent to employ
Raymond in any fervice he fhould deem neceffary, not as a
colleague, but an affiftant; that he relied entirely on the earl,
and implicitly entruſted every thing to his direction. To re-
ward his ſervices, and enliven his zeal, he granted him the
town of Wexford, together with a fort erected at Wicklow,
and thus diſmiſſed him with the most gracious expreffions of
favour.
THE
96
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
A
Regan.
Girald.
The earl landed at, Dublin, where he was received with the
reſpect due to the royal commiffion. He fignified the king's
pleaſure that Robert Fitz-Bernard, with the garriſon of Wa-
terford, ſhould inftantly embark, and repair to Normandy;
and that Robert Fitz-Stephen, and Maurice de Pendergast,
ſhould attend the fervice of their liege lord in England; and
agreeable to the king's inftructions took on him the cuſtody of
Dublin and Waterford, as well as of his own city of Wex-
ford. Hugh de Lacy, and Milo de Cogan, were, with the
other lords, commanded to repair to England for the ſervice of
the king; and while the forces, who were to ſupport the go-
vernment of earl Strongbow, were thus confiderably weakened,
their diſcontents were at the fame time enflamed to the ut-
moſt, and he had the mortification to hear the boldeſt remon-
ftrances againſt the conduct of his uncle Mountmorres. The
foldiers preſented themſelves in a body before the earl, requir-
ing that Raymond le Grofs fhould be appointed to command
them; if not, they threatened to return to their native coun-
try, or to engage in the fervice of the Irish chiefs, who were
now in arms, and ready for hoſtilities. Strongbow was too ſenſi-
ble of the difficulties of his preſent fituation not to comply with
theſe demands, however infolent, and not only to grant their
favourite general, but alſo to engage them in fome expeditions
which might afford plunder, as he had improvidently diffipated
the fums affigned for their pay. Raymond was therefore ap-
A. D. 1174. pointed to march into Ofally to chaftife the defection of
fome petty lords of this diſtrict. He over-ran, and ravaged the
country without refiftance, and proceeding with his booty to
Liſmore, committed the like depredations in this city and the
adjacent lands. On his return by the fea-fide, he found fome
veffels at anchor, which he directed to be laden with the.
ſpoil, in order to convey it to the town of Waterford. The
wind was for fome time contrary, which encouraged the men
of
2
1
Ch. 4.
97
HENRY II.
}
of Cork, who had been acquainted with theſe tranſactions, to
form the defign of deſtroying this little fleet of tranſports. The
neceffities of Henry having obliged him to withdraw the Eng-
liſh garriſon from this city, it had been reſumed by Macarthy
of Deſmond; and now the inhabitants, to manifeft their zeal
againſt his enemies, haftily fitted out thirty barks, and fell
with the utmoſt fury on the English detachment, which had
not yet weighed anchor. Their affault, however fudden and
unexpected, was fuftained with due fpirit; and the death of
their commander, who fell by the arm of a gallant Welſhman,
foon decided the conteft in favour of the English. They took
eight veffels from the enemy, and failed in triumph to their
place of deſtination. Raymond had been informed of this
action, and was haſtening to the ſupport of his party with a ſe-
lect body of twenty knights and fixty horſemen, when he ſud-
denly found himſelf encountered by the prince of Defmond,
who on his part was equally folicitous to fupport his vaffals of
Cork. The Iriſh chief, however, was foon obliged to retire ;
and Raymond, after fome inconfiderable attempts to diſturb
him in his march, and to ſeize his prey, entered Waterford in
all the pomp of a victorious general.
He
TRIVIAL as thefe actions were, they confirmed the opinion
which the foldiery had conceived of their new general, ferved
to ſupply their prefent neceffities, and feemed the prelude to
more important fucceffes. Raymond himſelf appears to have
entertained no indifferent opinion of his own fervices.
was now in the very height of popularity, and determined to
avail himself of this advantage. He had conceived a paffion Regan.
for Bafilia, ſiſter to earl Richard, and took the preſent occaſion
to demand her in marriage, together with the poſt of confta-
ble, and ſtandard-bearer of Leinfter, during the minority of a
daughter of Robert de Quiny, the late fon-in-law of Strong-
bow. The earl, probably from a jealouſy of the rifing power
VOL. I.
and
98
B. I..
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald,
and influence of this lord, received his overture with a cold-
neſs and reſerve which fufficiently expreffed his diſapproba-
tion. Raymond, provoked and mortified, retired abruptly into
Wales, under pretence of taking poffeffion of ſome lands de-
volved to him by the death of his father; and the army was
once again entruſted to the command of Hervey of Mount-
morres.
HERVEY was but too fenfible how much his own character
had been obfcured by the ſuperior luftre of his rival, and now
determined to engage in fome brave enterprize, which might
regain him the affections of the foldiery, and emulate the fuc-
ceffes of le Grofs. He reprefented to earl Strongbow the ne-
ceffity of ſpeedily repreffing that ſpirit of revolt and infurrec-
tion which had appeared among the Irish princes; and as the
difpofitions lately made in Meath feemed to have eftablished
an effectual barrier againſt the king of Connaught, he adviſed
him to bend his whole force againſt the infurgents of Munſter,
and by chaſtifing their revolt, and reducing them to due obe-
dience, to ſtrike terrour into thoſe who were equally difaffect-
ed, but had not yet dared to commence hoftilities. The earl,
whoſe genius was better fitted to adopt and execute, than to
form a plan of operations, readily yielded to theſe inftances,
and in conjunction with Mountmorres, led a confiderable body
of forces to the city of Cafhel. When their troops had been
here reviewed, and information received of the poſture and
numbers of the enemy, Hervey prevailed upon him, in order
to give their armament a more brilliant and formidable appear-
ance, to diſpatch his orders to Dublin, that a confiderable
party of the garrifon, confifting of Oftmen, who had engaged
in the ſervice of the Engliſh, ſhould, without delay, join their
main body. As this detachment advanced, the fame of its
motions ſpread through the country, and was conveyed into
the
Ch. 4.
99
HENRY II.
1
the quarters of the enemies. O'Brien of Thomond, a valiant
and fagacious chieftain, and implacably averſe to the Engliſh
interefts, conceived the defign of cutting off this body, as the
moſt effectual means of weakening and difpiriting the enemy.
He ſuffered the Oftmen to advance as far as to Thurles, and Ann. Ult.
there to encamp in a ſtate of careleſs fecurity, when falling
fuddenly upon them, he wrecked his fury upon men utterly
unprepared for defence. Four hundred of the detachment,
together with their four principal commanders, were flaugh-
tered upon the field; and, to complete the triumph of O'Brien,
earl Richard, on receiving the intelligence of this misfortune,
retired with all the precipitation of a routed general, and threw
himſelf for ſafety into Waterford.
MS.
THIS difgrace of the Engliſh arms, which was magnified by
fame into a decifive victory obtained over Strongbow and his
united powers *, ferved as a fignal to the difaffected Irish to
rife up in arms. Several of the Leinfter chieftains, who had
lately made their fubmiffions, and bound themſelves to the
ſervice of king Henry, openly diſclaimed all their engage-
ments. Even Donald Kevanagh, ſon of the late king Der-
mod, who had hitherto adhered to the Engliſh even in their
utmoſt difficulties, now declared againſt them, and afferted a
title to the kingdom of Leinfter; while Roderic, on his part,
was active in uniting the princes of Ulfter, the native lords of Regan.
Meath, and other chiefs, againſt their common enemy.
* The Iriſh annaliſts affure us, that on the report of Strongbow's march
into Munfter, Roderic advanced with an army into Ormond, in order to op-
poſe him; that the news of his approach determined the Engliſh leaders to
fend to Dublin for a reinforcement; that this reinforcement arriving fafe,
Strongbow led his powers to the plain of Durlus; that he here engaged
O'Brien and Dal-cais, the army of Jer-Connaught, and the invincible army
of Gil-Muiredhy, under the command of Connor Moenmoy, fon of Roderic,
and was defeated with the lofs of feven hundred (or feventeen hundred) men.
Ann. Lagen. MS.
02
STRON
100
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. I.
Ann. MSS.
Regan.
Girald.
STRONGBOW was well acquainted with the fickleneſs of the
Iriſh; and juſtly fenfible of the confequences of being re-
duced to act on the defenfive, inſtead of ſeeking his enemies in
their own territories. He had alfo reafon to apprehend a revis
val of diſcontent and mutiny amongft his own foldiers.. He,
therefore, without the leaſt heſitation or delay, fent into Wales,
earneſtly entreating Raymond to return with fuch forces as he
could procure, and freely offering to gratify him in all his late
demands. Nothing could be more flattering to. Raymond than
this application. He was called to relieve his countrymen
from the diſtreſs in which they had been involved by his rival;
he was acknowledged to be their great reſource in all alarming
circumſtances; and the earl, who had proudly refuſed to grant
him his ſiſter in marriage, was now reduced to court him to
accept her hand. He made his preparations with all the ſpeed
and alacrity of a man prompted by the powerful motives of
love, pride, and ambition; and collecting thirty leaders of his
own kindred, one hundred horfemen, and three hundred arch-
ers, all hardy and well-appointed Welſhmen, embarked in
twenty tranfports, and ſteered his courfe to Waterford.
If we may believe Giraldus, nothing could have been more
critically ſeaſonable than his arrival. The townsmen, natu-
rally averſe to the Engliſh invaders, provoked by their rigorous
oppreffions, and encouraged by their prefent weakneſs and ap-
parent diſtreſs, are faid to have formed the defperate purpoſe of
freeing themſelves from their mafters by a general maſſacre;
but at the very moment of execution, Raymond's fleet appeared
in the harbour, and ſuſpended the attempt. Whether they
were either bold enough, or ſtrong enough to have really
formed ſuch a ſcheme againſt a confiderable, and to them a
formidable army, certain it is that they entertained a malig-
nant averfion against the Engliſh, and waited but a fair occa-
•
fion
Ch 4.
ΙΟΙ
HE E NRY N
II.
fion to diſcover it, as was foon experienced. At the firſt inter-
view between Raymond and earl Richard, it was agreed to
march without delay to Wexford, probably to give ſome check
to the ſpirit of rebellion, which had appeared in Leinſter. The
garriſon left at Waterford, little fufpecting any violence or
treachery within the walls, acted with the confidence of men
furrounded with their friends and adherents, and thus favoured
the defigns of their fecret enemies. Their commander croffing
the Sure in a ſmall bark, was, with his few attendants, mur-
dered by the mariners; and no fooner had the news of this
maffacre reached the town, than all the Engliſh who could be
found unarmed, were fuddenly affailed, and flaughtered with-
out diſtinction of age, ſex, or condition. Thoſe of the garri-
fon, who had opportunity to take arms, joined their affociates
in the citadel, called Reginald's Tower, and there not only de-
fended themſelves, but annoyed their befiegers with fuch fpi-
rit and addreſs, as at length drove them from the city, and re-
duced them to fue for peace with the moſt abject fubmiffion.
They gloffed over their late barbarity by fuch pretences as they
could invent, and gladly complied with the moſt rigorous terms
of accommodation that could be propofed.
WEXFORD, in the mean time, was a ſcene of joy and fefti-
vity. Bafilia, fifter of earl Strongbow, had arrived. thither
with a magnificent train from Dublin, and was folemnly
eſpouſed by Raymond, who received a large portion of lands
as her dowry, and was invefted with the office of conftable,
and ſtandard-bearer of Leinster. But even in the midst of the
nuptial rites, intelligence arrived, that Roderic, at the head
of a large confederate army, had fuddenly paffed the Shannon,
entered the territory of Meath, where Hugh Tyrrel commanded.
in the abſence of Lacy, expelled the English coloniſts, laid,
their fettlements wafte, obliged Tyrrel to abandon the forts
lately erected, and burned them to the ground; fo that the
fury
102
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Regan.
Girald.
fury of his incurfion had been felt even to the walls of Dub-
lin. The occafion was too preffing to admit of the leaſt de-
lay; fo that, the very morning after the celebration of his
nuptials, the bridegroom was obliged to put on his armour.
He led his troops to Dublin, determined to feek thefe inva-
ders; but the Irish chieftains, actuated by fudden and tran-
fient impreffions of paffion, rather than any reaſonable and ſet-
tled principle of duty or public fpirit, were contented with the
devaſtation committed in Meath, and by no means inclined to
continue their hoftilities. Roderic, the leader of this undeter-
mined, ungoverned, and ill united body, found himſelf obliged
to retreat into his own province, and leave the enemy to repair
the havock he had made. The earl and Raymond arrived time
enough to precipitate the flight of ſome of the Iriſh parties,
by failing on their rear, and killing one hundred and fifty.
The ſettlements in Meath were re-eſtabliſhed; and Tyrrel had
the charge of rebuilding thoſe forts which the Irish had de-
ftroyed.
THIS fuccefs, together with the death of Donald Kevenagh,
who had been killed in an engagement with a party of his
countrymen in the Engliſh ſervice, awed the ſpirit of difaffec-
tion in Leinſter, and eſtabliſhed an appearance of order and
tranquillity through the English territories, fo as to leave earl
Richard at leiſure to advert to the affairs of Munfter, and to
take meaſures for reducing the prince of Thomond, who pof-
feffed himſelf of Limerick, and continued to bid defiance to
the Engliſh power. The fiege of Limerick was undertaken
by Raymond, who, with a choſen body of about fix hundred,
marched againſt the revolted chieftain. They arrived without
oppofition at the banks of the Shannon, which furrounds this
city; but here found the bridges broken, and their further
approaches ſtopped by the rapidity of the ftream. Two of
their boldeſt knights adventured to paſs where they conceived
the
Ch. 4.
103
HENRY II.
the river to be fordable, and with fuccefs; but returning to
encourage and conduct their affociates, one of them was
drowned. A third paſſed ſafely, but found himſelf unſup-
ported, and expofed to the enemy; till Raymond advancing
from the rear, fpurred boldly through the river; and his
forces, thus encouraged, followed their leader without further
heſitation, and gained the oppofite bank, with the loſs of two
only of their body. The enemy, who were pouring down to
oppoſe their paſſage, ſtopped with aſtoniſhment at this intre-
pidity, and fled at once without ftriking a blow. They were
purſued by the Engliſh with confiderable flaughter, who thus
became maſters of the city without refiftance. The foldiers
were enriched by plunder, and the reputation of their favourite
general was encreaſed by this bold and fuccefsful adventure.
In the mean time, Roderic, convinced by repeated experi-
ence of the inſtability and perfidy of his fubordinate chief-
tains, and the ineffective nature of a vaffal army, deſpaired of
contending any longer, and determined to fave his own pro-
vince at leaſt from the depredations of an incenſed and victo-
rious enemy, by a fubmiffion. Yet not unconſcious of his dig-
nity, he declined all application to earl Strongbow, and deter-
mined to treat immediately with the king of England. This
monarch had, by the most extraordinary exertions of vigour
and abilities, happily eluded all the attempts of his enemies on
the continent. His English rebels were fubdued, his fons had
fubmitted, the king of Scots had been defeated, was taken
prifoner, and obliged to purchaſe his liberty at the expence of
the antient independency of his crown; and Henry now ſeated
peaceably in England, was forming ſchemes of legiſlation for
improving and perpetuating the welfare of his kingdom, when
he was attended at Windfor by three deputies of Roderic, Ca-
tholicus, archbiſhop of Tuam, the abbot of faint Brandan, and
6
mafter
}
104
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Rymer, v. I.
mafter Laurence, as he is ftyled, chancellor to the king of
Connaught.
THE terms of accommodation are ftill extant, and fhew
what were Henry's ideas of a conqueft, and what kind of do-
minion he eſteemed fufficient to denominate him lord of Ire-
land.
RODERIC, on his part, confented to do homage, and pay tri-
bute, as liege-man to the king of England; on which condi-
tions he was allowed to hold the kingdom of Connaught, as
well as his other lands and fovereignties in as ample a manner
as he had enjoyed them before the arrival of Henry in Ireland.
His vaffals were to hold under him in peace, as long as they
paid their tribute, and continued faithful to the king of Eng-
land; in which Roderic was to enforce their due obedience,
and for this purpoſe to call to his affiftance the English govern-
ment, if neceffary. The annual tribute to be paid was every
tenth merchantable hide, as well from Connaught as the reft
of the iſland, excepting thofe parts under the immediate do-
minion of the king of England and his barons, Dublin with
its appurtenances, Meath with all its appurtenances, Wexford
and all Leinster, and Waterford with its lands, as far as to
Dungarvan inclufive; in all which diftricts, Roderic was not
to interfere, nor claim any power or authority. "The Iriſh,
who had fled from hence, were to return, and either to pay
their tribute, or to perform the fervices required by their te-
nures, at the option of their immediate lords; and if refrac-
tory, Roderic, at the requifition of their lords, was to compel
them to return. He was to take hoftages from his vaffals,
fuch as he and his liege lord ſhould think proper; and on his
part to deliver either theſe or others to his lord, as Henry
ſhould appoint. His vaffals were to furniſh hawks and hounds
annually to the Engliſh monarch, and were not to detain any
•
tenant
Ch. 4.
105
HENRY Y II.
tenant of his immediate demefnes in Ireland, contrary to his
royal pleaſure and command *
THIS treaty was folemnly ratified in a grand council of pre- Hoveden.
lates and temporal barons, among whom we find the archbi-
ſhop of Dublin one of the ſubſcribing witneffes. As metropo-
litan of Leinſter, he was now become an Engliſh ſubject, and
was probably fummoned upon this occafion as one obliged to
attend, and who had a right to affiſt in the king's great coun-
cil. It is alſo obfervable that Henry now treated with Roderic
not merely as a provincial prince, but as monarch of Ireland.
This is evidently implied and ſuppoſed in the articles; al-
though his monarchical powers and privileges were little more
than nominal, frequently diſregarded, and oppoſed by the Iriſh
toparchs. Even by their fubmiffions to Henry many of them
renounced and difavowed the fovereignty of Roderic, in effect.
But now his fupremacy feems to be induftriouſly acknow-
ledged, that the preſent fubmiffion might appear virtually the
fubmiffion of all the fubordinate princes, fo as to inveſt Henry
with the complete fovereignty of the whole ifland. But the
marks of this fovereignty were no more than homage and tri-
bute; in every other particular the regal rights of Roderic are
left inviolate. The English laws and government (as hath
been already obferved) were evidently to be enforced only in
the Engliſh pale; and even within this diſtrict the Iriſh tenant
*At the fame time that this treaty was concluded, Henry, as a mark of
his fovereignty, inveſted Auguftin, an Iriſh ecclefiaftic, with the biſhoprick
of Waterford, then vacant, and directed him to be confecrated by the arch-
biſhops of Dublin and Caſhel. Hoved. Brompt.
+ This is the idea which the Irish entertained of this treaty, as appears
from the following extract from their annals.
"An. 1175. Catholicus O'Dubhy came out of England from the em-
prefs's fon; with the peace of Ireland and the royal fovereignty of all Ireland
to Rory O'Connor, and his own Coigedh (province) to each provincial king in
Ireland, and their rents to Rory." Ann. Lagen. MS.
VOL. I.
P
might
106
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
might live in peace, as the fubject of the Iriſh monarch, bound
only to pay his quota of tribute, and not to take arms against.
the king of England.
THIS fubmiffion of Roderic, and his folemn recognition of
Henry's fovereignty, promifed additional ftrength to the Eng-
liſh intereſt in Ireland. But the jealouſy and ſuſpicions which
the king was ever ready to conceive of his barons in this king-
dom, once more threatened to embarraſs and diſtreſs them.
Hervey of Mountmorres, by marrying the daughter of Mau-
rice Fitz-Gerald, and coufin-german of Raymond, feemed to
have formed a ſtricter and more friendly connexion with this
lord. * A daughter of Strongbow was alfo given in marriage
to a youth of the houſe of Fitz-Gerald. Maurice himſelf had
lately returned from Wales, and was indulged with a grant of
Wicklow-caſtle, added to a diſtrict which Henry had already
given him in Ofally. Other leaders of reputation were re-
warded by valuable poffeffions; fo that the English lords.
feemed to be united more firmly than ever, and all nearly in-
tereſted in extending and fecuring their fettlements. But Gi-
raldus affures us that the envy and diſcontent of Hervey ftill
rankled in his breaft; that he purpoſedly fought an alliance:
with the daughter of Fitz-Gerald, to infinuate himſelf into the
confidence of Raymond, and watch the motions and defigns.
of his old rival. Whether he had really obſerved any thing
alarming in his conduct, or whether malice and jealoufy had
invented matters of complaint againſt him, his emiffaries were
fecretly dispatched to Henry, by whom he made the moſt unfa-
vourable repreſentations of Raymond's conduct. They affured the
* Giraldus makes the fon of William Fitz-Gerald marry the earl's daugh-
ter by the princefs of Leinfter, an infant of about four years old. But all
hiftorians, and authentic records, agree, that this young lady (the only child
which Strongbow left by Eva) was, at the age of fourteen, married to Wil-
liam earl Marſhal.
king,
Ch. 4.
107
HENRY
NRY II.
king, that this lord evidently aſpired to an independent fove-
reignty in Ireland; that for this purpoſe he had practiſed all
the arts of factious popularity with too great fuccefs, and was
no longer follicitous to conceal his difloyal ſchemes; that he
had fecured Limerick to himſelf, and in this and other cities
had ſtationed garrifons devoted to his fervice, and fworn ſe-
cretly to fupport his defigns; that the infection had ſpread
through the whole army, which waited but the command of
Raymond to engage in any enterprize, however repugnant to
the intereſt and authority of their prince. Such repreſenta-
tions, urged with a plaufible appearance, and fair profeffion of
loyalty, by a baron of diſtinguiſhed character and particular
credit with the king, and countenanced by the late tumul-
tuous declarations of the army in favour of Raymond, made
the intended impreffion upon a prince who had ever dreaded
this confequence from the encreafing power and ſucceſs of the
adventurers in Ireland. Four commiffioners were immediately
diſpatched to Dublin; Robert de Poer, Ofbert of Hereford,
William Bendeger, and Adam of Germeny, two of whom
were to conduct Raymond to the king, and two to remain in
order to inſpect the affairs of the kingdom, to watch the con-
duct of Strongbow, and to learn the difpofitions of the other
lords.
THE commiffioners were received with due refpect. Ray- Girald.
mond, who ſaw the machinations of his fecret enemy, de- A. D. 1176.
clared his readineſs to obey the pleaſure of his liege lord, and
prepared for his departure; but was for fome time detained by
contrary winds. In this interval,
In this interval, intelligence arrives that
O'Brien of Thomond, the vigorous and formidable enemy of
the Engliſh power, had laid fiege to Limerick; that the garri-
fon ftationed there under the command of Meyler of Saint
David's had exhaufted their provifions, were cut off from all
further fupplies, and muſt inevitably periſh either by famine, or
`P 2
the
108
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
the ſword of an implacable enemy, if not immediately re-
lieved. This intelligence was the more diftreffing to earl
Strongbow, as he himſelf laboured under great bodily infir-
mity, and was to be deprived of a commander on whoin he
had the greateſt reliance in this critical emergency. He, how-
ever, muſtered his forces, and prepared for the relief of Lime-
rick with all the alacrity in his power, when the foldiers once
more clamoured for Raymond, infolently refusing to march
againſt O'Brien, unleſs their favourite general were to com-
mand. The king's commiffioners were confulted, and readily
agreed that they ſhould delay their departure, and that Ray-
mond ſhould undertake the conduct of this expedition. The
utmoft reluctance was affected on his part; he was folicited
and entreated both by the earl and the commiffioners; and at
length yielded, with conſcious triumph over his malignant
enemy.
His forces were compofed of fourſcore knights, two hun-
dred cavalry, and three hundred archers, together with the Iriſh
troops of Kinfelah and Offory, whofe chieftains united with
the Engliſh on this occafion, from a violent perſonal hatred and
jealouſy of O'Brien. As he advanced to Munſter, he was in-
formed that the prince of Thomond had abandoned the fiege
of Limerick, and leading his forces to Cafhel, had ſtrongly en-
trenched himſelf in a defile, through which the English were
to pafs, and there waited their approach. He was foon wit-
neſs of the fituation of the enemy, and faw himself oppofed
by no inconfiderable army, pofted to advantage behind their
works. He difpofed his troops, and prepared for the affault.
His Irish forces were ftruck with the appearance of the enemy,
and began to fufpect the refolution of their allies, who marched
to action, not with the violence and tumult to which they had
been accuſtomed, but with the calmnefs of experienced and
determined valour. The prince of Offory thought it incum-
bent
Ch. 4.
Icg
HENRY II.
¿
bent on him to remonftrate with the Engliſh, and to fhew
them the neceffity of exerting themſelves. He bluntly told
them that they must conquer or be deftroyed; for that they
were far from refuge or fupport; and fhould they prefume to
give way, he and his countrymen would inſtantly join the
enemy. The only anſwer to this infolence was a bold and vi-
gorous onſet, which, though received with becoming ſpirit,
was finally fucceſsful; the men of Thomond were driven from
their entrenchments with confiderable flaughter; and in their
flight ſpread the utmoſt terrour and diſmay through the Irish
of Munſter. O'Brien, wearied out by an unfuccefsful conteſt,
determined to make his peace, and to this end propofed an in-
terview with the Engliſh general. At the fame time Roderic,
in purſuance of his late treaty, repaired to Raymond, to deli-
ver his hoſtages, and take the oaths of fealty; fo that in one
day this lord had the honour of receiving the fubmiffions of
the king of Connaught, and of the prince of Thomond, who
renewed his engagements to the king of England and his
heirs, and gave hoſtages as a ſecurity for his future allegiance.
AN unnatural quarrel in the family of Mac Arthy, prince Girald.
of Deſmond, not unuſual among the Irish chieftains, afforded
Raymond a fair occafion of continuing his progreſs in Mun-
fter, and added to the honour he had already acquired. Cor-
maç, eldeſt ſon of this prince, had riſen in rebellion againſt his
father, deprived him of his territory, and impriſoned him.
Mac Arthy, who had fworn allegiance to the king of Eng-
land, repreſented his wrongs to Raymond, and required his
protection, promifing confiderable advantages to this general
and his affociates, if, by their affiſtance, he ſhould be reſtored
to his dominions. The English knights, ever ready to engage
in any enterprize which promiſed to enrich them, earnestly preft
their leader to march without delay to the affiſtance of this in-
jured prince, and foon prevailed. They entered the territories
of
ΙΙΟ
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ann. MSS.
Guald.
Ibid.
of Defmond in an hoftile manner, ravaging and plundering
without mercy, 'till Cormac was compelled to ftop their pro-
grefs by a fubmiffion. His father was re-inftated in his terri-
tories; and to requite the bafeneſs of his fon, caft him into that
prifon from which he himſelf was refcued, and foon after put
him to death. By this expedition Raymond not only ſupplied
his forces and the garriſon of Limerick with proviſions, but
obtained from Mac Arthy a valuable grant of lands in that
part of Desmond called Kerry, which he enjoyed unmoleſted,
and tranſmitted to his pofterity.
BUT now, in the midst of his fuccefs, he receives the alarm-
ing intelligence of the death of earl Strongbow, who expired
in Dublin after a tedious indifpofition, occafioned by a morti-
fication in his foot. The ficklenefs of the Irish, their real ab-
horrence of their invaders, notwithſtanding their pretended
fubmiffions, and their precipitation in revolting and taking
arms on any extraordinary emergency, were but too well
known, and made it neceffary for the Engliſh government to
keep this event concealed, till their forces were collected from
the diftant quarters of the kingdom; and left the fecret fhould
be diſcovered by any miſcarriage of the letter which Bafilia
now ſent to her huſband, it was conceived in myfterious terms.
She informed him, that her great tooth, which had ached fo
long, was at laſt fallen out, and therefore entreated him to re-
turn to Dublin with all imaginable ſpeed.
RAYMOND, who perfectly understood the meaning of this
enigmatical expreffion, and the importance of a cautious and
judicious procedure on an occafion fo critical, returned inſtantly
to Limerick, and there held a fecret confultation with a few
ſelected friends. It was readily agreed that the death of the
chief governour, at a time when the next man in command was
fummoned into England, required an immediate attention to
the peace and fecurity of the English province; and that no
troops
Ch. 4.
III
HENRY II.
troops could be fpared from this firft and neceffary fervice. It
had coft Raymond much pains and labour to gain the city of
Limerick, and it was now peculiarly mortifying to find him-
felf obliged to abandon this hardly acquired conqueft. But
the garrison could by no means be left behind. He therefore
fent for Donald O'Brien; and with an affected eaſe and confi-
dence acquainted him, that by his late fubmiffion he was be-
come one of the king's barons, and entitled to the confidence
of his liege lord; and therefore, as a mark of diftinction due
to his exalted rank, he entruſted him with the cuftody of Li-
merick, which might give him an occaſion of approving his
attachment, and meriting additional honours and rewards.
The Irish chieftain received this propofal with a fecret exulta-
tion, concealed under the appearance of the moſt profound hu-
mility, and dutiful allegiance. He was folemnly fworn, with
the moſt horrid diffimulation, to take cuſtody of Limerick for
the king of England, and to reſtore it peaceably at the royal
will and pleaſure. Raymond and his troops proceeded to eva-
cuate the town; but ſcarcely had they paſſed over one end of
the bridge, when the other was broken down; and they had
the mortification to behold the city, which they had taken
fuch pains to fortify, and ſupply with ftores of every kind, fet
on fire in four different quarters by order of O'Brien, who de-
clared that Limerick ſhould no longer be the neft of foreign-
ers. We are told that when this tranfaction was reported to
king Henry, poffibly in order to poffefs him with an unfavour-
able opinion of Raymond, this prince too generous and too
wife to judge by the event, obferved, that the firſt gaining of
Limerick was a noble exploit, the recovery of it ftill nobler
but that the only act of wiſdom was the abandoning their con-
queft in this manner..
THE obfequies of earl Strongbow, which had been deferred Ann. St.
till the arrival of Raymond, were performed under the direc- Mary's Abby
6
MS.
tion
II 2
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ann. Lagen.
tion of this lord and archbishop Laurence, with all due fo-
lemnity and magnificence. The ignorance and fuperftition of
the Iriſh clergy, which infect thofe lax and imperfect records
they have left behind them, impute the death of this earl to
the divine vengeance judicially inflicted on his enormities, and
eſpecially thoſe devaſtations which he had committed in their
churches. Since the days of Turgefius, the favage Dane, Ire-
MS. et alibi. land, fay they, never knew fo cruel and unrelenting an oppref-
for. Remorſe and horrour attended his diffolution; and in the
aweful moment of his departure, he confeffed that he had
been ſmitten by the faints of Ireland. Such invectives are na-
turally to be expected, when in fupport of what he deemed
his rightful inheritance, and the intereſts of his maſter, policy,
or what is called by that name, obliged him to a fevere and ri-
gorous exertion of his power over thofe, whofe hatred of their
invaders was frequently favage and perfidious. It is equally
natural to expect that the English writers ſhould be more fa-
vourable to the character of this earl. We have a particular,
and no unpleafing deſcription of him by Giraldus. Earl Strong-
bow, faith the hiſtorian, was of a complexion ſomewhat fan-
guine and ſpotted; his eyes grey, his countenance feminine,
his voice ſmall, his neck flender, but in moſt other particu-
lars well formed and tall; liberal and courteous in his man-
ners; and what he could not gain by power, he frequently ob-
tained by an infinuating addreſs. In peace he was more diſ-
poſed to obey than to govern. His ſtate and authority were
reſerved for the camp, and here fupported with the utmoſt
dignity. He was diffident of his own judgment, cautious of
propofing his own plans of operation; but in executing thoſe
of others, undaunted and vigorous. In battle, he was the
ſtandard on which his foldiers fixed their eyes; and by
whoſe motions they were determined either to advance or to
His temper was compofed and uniform; not dejected
by misfortune, nor elated by fuccefs.
retreat.
Ch. 4.
113
HENRY II.
1
By the death of this earl, the English council at Dublin
were to exerciſe an important power veſted in them by Henry,
that of electing a chief governour, till the king's pleaſure
ſhould be known. Every circumftance determined them to
confer this office upon Raymond, the favourite of the army,
and the terrour of the Irish enemies. The king's commiſ-
fioners readily concurred in this choice, and embarked in full
perſuaſion that they had provided moſt effectually for the in-
tereſts of their royal maſter, by leaving them to the conduct
and direction of this lord.
BUT the jealoufies of Henry were by no means allayed by
the moſt favourable repreſentations which theſe commiffioners
could make of Raymond and his conduct. He therefore de- Girald.
termined to entrust the government of Ireland to William
Fitz-Andelm, a nobleman allied to him by * blood, and of
approved allegiance. He fent him into Ireland with a train of
twenty knights; and at the fame time + John de Courcy,
* Arlotta, mother of the Conqueror, was married to Harlowen de Burgo,
by whom ſhe had Robert earl of Cornwal, whofe two fons were Andelm and
John. Andelm had iſſue this William Fitz-Andelm; John was the father of
Hubert de Burgo, chief jufticiary of England. Cox.
+ Giraldus afferts that Courcy was joined in commiffion with Fitz-An-
delm. But that this is a miſtake of the hiftorian (worthy to be noted, only to
fhew that he is not to be implicitly relied on) appears from the commiffion it-
ſelf, which is ſtill extant, and of which the following is a copy from an old
parchment roll in poffeffion of the earl of Meath.
"Henricus, Dei gratia, rex Angliæ, dominus Hiberniæ, dux Normanniæ &
Acquitaniæ, & comes Andegaviæ, archiepifcopis, epifcopis, regibus, comi-
tibus, baronibus, et omnibus fidelibus fuis Hiberniæ, falutem. Sciatis me
Dei gratia fanum effe & incolumem, et negotia mea bene & honorifice pro-
cedere. Ego vero quam cito potero vacabo magnis negotiis meis Hiberniæ.
Nunc autem ad vos mitto Willielmum filium Andelmi dapiferum meum, cui
commiffi negotia mea tractanda & agenda mei loco et vice. Quare vobis
mando & firmiter præcipio quod ei ficut mihimet intendatis de agendis meis,
& faciatis quicquid vobis ipfe dixerit ex parte mea, ficut amorem meum ha-
VOL. I.
е
bere
114
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. I.
Robert Fitz-Stephen, and Milo de Cogan, were appointed to
attend the new governour, with a train of ten knights to each.
With theſe embarked Vivian, the pope's legate, and Nicho-
las Wallingford, an Engliſh ecclefiaftic, with the brief of
pope Alexander, lately granted to king Henry, in confirma-
tion of his title to the dominion of Ireland: Fitz-Andelm
and his attendants landed at Wexford; where Raymond was at
hand to receive him with the reverence due to his commiffion.
He refigned his ftate to the new governour, together with the
towns, hoſtages, and other truſts which he held for the king,
by virtue of his temporary commiffion; and thus having af--
fumed the reins of government, Fitz-Andelm began his admi-
niſtration by a ſtately progrefs along the coaft, in order to in-
ſpect the forts and cities immediately vefted in the king; while
the ecclefiaftics were on their part active in the ſervice of their
maſter. An affembly of the Iriſh clergy was convened at Wa
terford, in which the brief lately granted by Alexander, and
the bull of Adrian, were folemnly promulged, and the king's
title to the fovereign dominion of Ireland afferted and declared.
in form, with dreadful denunciations of the fevereſt cenfures
A. D. 1177. of the church, against all thoſe who ſhould impeach the grant
made by the holy fee, or refift the fovereign authority of Henry,.
thus conſtituted rightful lord of Ireland.
Hanmer.
BUT whatever might have been the influence of fuch denun-
ciations, a vigorous and refolute commander was ftill neceffary
to defend the interefts of the English monarch against a tur-
bulent and incenſed enemy. The territory of Meath had but
juſt now been the ſcene, of defperate hoftilities. Richard
bere defideratis, & per fidem quam mihi debetis. Ego. quoque ratum habeo &
firmum quicquid ipfe fecerit tanquam egomet feciffem, & quicquid vos fece-
ritis erga eum, ſtabile habeo, Teftibus Galfrido archidiacono Cantuariæ &
Ricardo archidiacono Pictaviæ & Ricardo conftabulario. Apud Valonias."
Flemming,
1
Ch. 4.
115
HENRY II.
'
MS.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
Flemming, an Englishman, who commanded the caftle of Ann. Lag.
Slany, wantonly preſuming on his ſtrength, had provoked the
neighbouring chiefs by his depredations, who in revenge fell
fuddenly upon him with their united forces, flaughtered his
followers without mercy or diftinction; and purſuing the re-
mains of his garrifon even to the very walls of Dublin, were
left at full liberty to demoliſh every fort which the Engliſh had
erected in their territory. But far from repreffing or reveng-
ing fuch incurfions, Fitz-Andelm feems to have had neither
difpofitions nor abilities ſuited to a government, which was to
be ſupported by a vigilant and a martial fpirit. He came into
the iſland with a jealouſy of the original adventurers, which
poffibly had been infufed into him by Henry, and which he
had not temper to conceal. At his very first interview with
Raymond, he is faid to have looked with a malignant eye upon Girald.
the numbers and gallant appearance of his train; and, turning
to his followers, was weak enough to threaten that he ſhould
foon find means to quell their pride. If we are to believe
Giraldus, he was fenfual and corrupt in his manners, and of
confequence rapacious. The object of his adminiftration was
to enrich himſelf, not by the force and terrour of his arms,
but by the leſs hazardous and baſer means of craft, fraud, and
circumvention. To preferve peace with the Irish chiefs, he
had recourſe to affected courteſy and flattery, which they had
difcernment enough to diſcover and to deſpiſe; and to his own
countrymen, the apparent infincerity of his faireft profeffions,
and the deſigns he manifeſted againſt their intereſt and proper-
ties, rendered him an object of deteſtation.
THE death of Maurice, head of the family of Geraldines,
which derived weight and reſpect from the dignity of his cha-
racter, encouraged and enabled the chief governour to diſco-
ver his defigns against the firft adventurers. He had the ad- Ibid.
dreſs to prevail upon the fons of Maurice to exchange their
peace-
116
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Stanihurft.
Girald.
peaceable ſtation in the fort of Wicklow for the caſtle of Ferns,
where they were more expoſed to the incurfions of the natives.
Raymond le Grofs, and Robert Fitz-Stephen, were alſo fedu-
ced by artifice, or compelled by violence, to refign their fettle-
ments granted by the king, for others, by their fituation, more
liable to invafion. Walter Almain, his kinfman and creature,
was ſtationed in Wexford, where he endeavoured to provide
for his fecurity by forming à connexion with the Irish chief-
tain of O'Kenſelah, who is ſaid to have prevailed on him by
the force of bribes to demoliſh fome confiderable works lately
erected, for the defence of the English plantation. Thus,
while all advantages were engroffed by the governour and his
dependents, the perilous and laborious duties of defence were
impofed on the original adventurers, a hardy race, untainted
with the luxuries and debaucheries of Fitz-Andelm and his
Normans; but proud and irritable, and juftly impatient to fee
the fruits of their labours feized by theſe new fettlers. The
ftrong, and probably aggravated reprefentations of their hiſto-
rian and panygerift Giraldus, plainly mark their diſcontent
and indignation; and this unhappy divifion of the Engliſh,
with the mutual jealoufies and animofities of contending par-
ties, could not fail to caſt a ſhade of diſhonour and reproach
on the adminiftration of Fitz-Andelm. The lords avowed
their hatred; the foldiers were unpaid, and ill appointed; of
confequence mutinous and diſcontented. The Irish natives
crowded eagerly to a court which received them with the moſt
flattering attention, and which is faid not to have been inac-
ceffible to bribes. Their claims and complaints were heard
with favour by the chief governour, and always decided againſt
his rivals, which ferved to encreaſe their confidence, without
leffening their difaffection.
THE English lords had all left their native lands, from the
hopes of valuable ſettlements and acquifitions in Ireland; and
2
they
Ch. 4-
117
H E NR Y
H.
they who had not as yet received their rewards, were particu-
larly diſpleaſed with Fitz-Andelm, and impatient of an admi-
niſtration unfriendly to the ſpirit of adventure. John de Cour- Girald.
cey was the firft to exprefs his diffatisfaction. An extraordi-
nary ſtrength of body, and vigour of conftitution, together
with a violent and precipitate valour, had rendered him the ad-
miration of his warlike and unpoliſhed countrymen. His own
utter infenfibility to danger made him the readier to propoſe
the moſt hazardous and defperate enterprizes; and his man-
ners, which were rather thofe of a common foldier than a
commander, gave him the eaſier acceſs to the paffions and pre-
judices of the foldiery. He laboured to enflame them againſt
the governour; he repreſented the diftrefs to which they were
expoſed by his avarice, which deprived them of pay, and the
timidity of his government, which precluded them from fup-
plying their neceffities at the expence of their enemies; re-
minded them that king Henry had formerly granted him ſuch
lands of Ulfter as he should acquire by the fword; and freely
promiſed to ſhare his fortune with thoſe who preferred a
gallant enterprize to a state of diſtreſsful indolence; and thus
prevailed on a * fmall body of the boldeſt and moſt adventu-
rous, to attend him into the northern parts of Ireland, where
the Engliſh arms had not as yet penetrated.
ARMORIC of St. Laurence, a valiant knight, with whom he Hanmer.
had been connected in the ſtricteft bands of friendſhip, deter-
mined, on this occafion, to fhare the fortune of his old affo-
ciate. Robert de la Poer, a young foldier, who had lately
been diſtinguiſhed in the wars of Leinfter, took the ſame part;
and fuch leaders gave both ftrength and credit to the enter-
prize. The marriage of de Courcey, with the daughter of
* Giraldus reckons up no more than twenty-two knights, and three hun-
dred common foldiers. But his numbers are afterwards rated much higher.
Gothred,
1
118
· B. İ
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Gothred, king of Mann, freed him from the apprehenfions
of any oppofition from this quarter, where the Irish had often
found an effectual refource; and his own ignorant fuperftition
ſerved to confirm his hopes of a permanent and extenfive con-
queft. He had diſcovered in the prophecies of Merlin, that
the acquifition of Ulfter was referved for his valour; and his
Iriſh adherents ſupplied him with another prophet, who de-
clared that Down (the immediate object of his enterprize) was
to be fubdued by a ftranger mounted on a white horſe, with a
fhield charged with painted birds. He accoutered himſelf ac-
cording to this deſcription, and marched to take poffeffion of
his deſtined conqueſt.
On the fourth day of his march he arrived at Down, the
feat of Dunleve, prince of Uladh, who, unprovided for de-
fence againſt an invafion fo unexpected, fled precipitately at
the firſt appearance of hoftilities. His people, thus expoſed
to the ravages of an indigent and rapacious enemy, were re-
duced to a ſtate of helpless confternation, at the havock of in-
vaders whom they had not provoked, and from whom they
thought themſelves fecured by folemn treaty. In this diſtreſs
their prince had recourſe to the interpofition of Vivian, the le-
gate, who, in his progreſs through the iſland, now chanced to
refide at Down, and was witneſs of the preſent devaſtation.
He inſtantly addreffed himſelf to de Courcey, reprefented the
injuſtice and cruelty of his prefent enterprize, reminded him
of the treaty which the king of England had but just now con-
cluded with the whole body of the Iriſh, in the perſon of their
monarch, declared that the men of Ulfter were ready to pay
their quota of the stipulated tribute, and entreated him to ſpare
a people who had provoked no refentment, and who, inſtead of
being the object of hoſtilities, had a fair claim to protection.
WHATEVER deference de Courcey might affect for the per-
ſon and character of Vivian, it plainly appeared that he paid
no
CKI
119
4.
HENRY Y II.
1
1
<
Gul. Neu- ·
brig.
Ann. var.
no attention to his remonftrances; for his hoftilities were con-
tinued. He fortified himſelf in Down, and feemed deter-
mined to maintain the poffeffion he had acquired. The legate
is faid to have been fo provoked at this injuftice, and fo af-
fected by the ſufferings of an unoffended people, that although
the chief part of his commiffion was to prevail on the Irish to
acknowledge the fupremacy of king Henry, yet he now boldly
adviſed Dunleve to have recourfe to arms, and to exert himſelf
as became a brave prince, in order to reſcue his territories from
theſe rapacious invaders. His forces were collected; the
neighbouring chiefs invited to his affiſtance; even Roderic
was called upon to riſe up againſt this outrageous violation of
faith; and the cauſe was too important to be entirely neglected,,
even amidſt all thoſe private quarrels which ſtill continued to
weaken and diſtract the Irish princes. A. tumultuary army, MSS.
faid to confift of ten thousand men, was collected, and march-
ed under the command of the prince of Uladh,.. to difpoffefs
theſe foreigners. De Courcey wifely determining not to abide
a fiege in a city ſcantily provided, and haftily fortified, marched
out to meet the enemy with an affected contempt of their fu-
periority; at the fame time chufing fucha fituation as might
render their numbers lefs effectual. The charge was furious, Hanmer
and the battle maintained: for a confiderable time with equal
bravery on both fides; till, at length, a diſciplined, well-arm-
ed, and well-conducted body, proved fuperiour to irregular,
ill-appointed, and undirected numbers. De Courcey, by the
total overthrow of his opponents, was for the preſent left at
full liberty to parcel out his lands, project and build his forts,
and make all neceffary proviſions for the fecurity of his con-
queft.
•
Girald.
In the fummer of the fame year, however, the contest was
renewed by a formidable army of the confederated Irish; but
with the fame fuccefs. No leſs than fifteen thousand men are Ibid..
faid
6
120
· B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
faid to have advanced to the walls of Down, and to have been
defeated by de Courcey, with the loſs of ſeveral of their braveſt
chieftains.
YET neither their hatred of theſe invaders, nor their hopes
of exterminating them, had as yet fubfided; though fome of
the neighbouring Irish lords feemed to court the fortune of
de Courcey, and gave him flattering affurances of attachment.
Of thefe, one named Mac Mahon had fo effectually recom-
mended himſelf to the English commander, and had bound
himſelf fo folemnly to his interefts by the facred Irish band of
Gofshipred, that he was admitted into his councils, and en-
trufted with two forts lately erected, together with their -ad-
joining domain. The Irishman foon levelled theſe forts to the
ground; and when queftioned for this fudden breach of faith,
anſwered, with a fullen infolence, that "he had not engaged
"to keep ftone walls, and that he fcorned to confine himſelf
"within fuch cold and dreary encloſures, while his own native
"woods lay fo convenient for his reception." This naturally
produced an invafion of his territory, the ufual puniſhment of
treachery or revolt; and here de Courcey executed his revenge
without controul, and prepared to return with a numerous
prey of cattle, the ordinary riches of the ifland. Three large
herds, each attended by a diſtinct body of the English forces,
formed a line of three miles, through a deep and narrow road,
which lay through thick woods, where an Irish army, faid to
confift of no less than eleven thouſand, waited in ambuſh
and ruſhing ſuddenly from their concealment, fell on each di-
vifion in the fame moment, and caft the whole English army,
thus incumbered by their booty, into the utmost confuſion.
At once affailed vigorously by the enemy, and trodden down
by the cattle, their total deftruction feemed inevitable; nor
could the utmoſt exertion of their leaders fecure a retreat,
without confiderable lofs. With the remains of this ſhattered
;
army,
?
1
Ch. 4.
121
HENRY II.
army, de Courcey was now to force his way through a coun-
try poffeffed by victorious enemies, who harraffed him with-
out refpite. He repeatedly obliged them to retire with the
lofs of fome noted chief. Mac Mahon himſelf fell in the laſt
attack; and de Courcey had the good fortune to gain one of
his own forts, well entrenched and garrifoned; while the
enemy, ſtill reſolved to purſue their advantage, encamped at
the diſtance of half a mile from his entrenchment. At mid-
night, Armoric of Saint Laurence, ventured out to view the
pofture of the enemy, whom he found, as he ſuſpected, in a
ſtate of careleſs fecurity. He reprefented to de Courcey, that
inſtead of waiting to be ſurrounded by the Iriſh, who would
certainly renew the affault on the next morning, and could
not fail to reduce his inconfiderable body, either by force or
famine, he ſhould now feize the critical opportunity of attack-
ing them in their camp, with all the advantage which their
confidence and total want of diſcipline afforded. The ſcheme
was inftantly adopted, and executed with full fuccefs. The
Iriſh were furprized, and flaughtered without refiſtance.
Scarcely two hundred of their body is ſaid to have eſcaped the
carnage, while two only of their affailants were loft in the tu-
mult of the night.
WHILE John de Courcey was engaged in Ulfter, the fpirit
of enterprize feized others of the English leaders, who defpif-
ing the government of Fitz-Andelin, and preffed by their
own diftreffes, grew impatient to adventure into thoſe parts of
Ireland, which had not yet experienced their invafions. The
ambition and turbulence of Murrough, fon of Roderic O'Con- Ann. Lagen.
nor, had involved his family and province in confiderable dif-
order. In revenge of fome fuppofed injury, or to favour fome
factious purpoſe, he feized the opportunity of his father's ab-
ſence in a remote part of his territory, and invited Milo Co-
gan to march into Connaught, with an affurance of great ad-
VOL. I.
vantages
R
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
122
· B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
*
Girald
vantages from fuch an expedition. The invitation was readily
obeyed; and Milo, full of hopes, inftantly collected from
Dublin, and the adjacent diſtrict, a body of forty knights,
two hundred horfe, and three hundred archers, and advanced
without moleftation to Rofcommon. Here he was joined by
Murrough, his new ally, who engaged to conduct him thro'
the province. Some plaufible pretext ſeems to have been al-
ledged by Milo for this incurfion (poffibly that of reducing
fome refractory lords, who refufed to pay tribute to the Eng-
liſh government); for he diſpatched a meffenger to Roderic,
notifying his arrival, and fummoning him, upon his allegi
ance, to join the English forces. The fummons, however,
was neglected; and as it was well known that the Engliſh ad-
venturers fought to enrich themſelves by plunder, the inhabit-
ants, on the first notice of their approach, drove away their
cattle, fecreted their valuable effects, and reduced the whole
country to a defert.
THE monkiſh annalifts of Ireland make the moſt affecting
complaints of the deſtruction of churches by the Engliſh in all
their expeditions. They feem willing to repreſent them as a
race of ſavage barbarians, who ſpared nothing facred or vener-
able, and were even poffeffed with an heatheniſh averfion to
all religious houſes. But the truth is, that in Ireland (every
part of which had been a ſcene of conftant hoftilities) it had.
long been a cuſtom for the inhabitants to depofite provifions,
and effects of greater value, in the churches, where they lay
fecure, amidſt all their domeftic quarrels, as in a kind of fanc-
tuary, which it was deemed the utmost impiety to violate..
But the Engliſh had no ſuch ſuperftitious fcruples; and their
neceffities were generally too preffing not to feek provifions
wherever they might be found. The churches they confidered
as their fure refource; and oppofition ſometimes occafioned
havock and devaſtation far beyond their intention. To re-
medy
6
1
Ch. 4.
123
HENRY Y II.
medy this inconvenience, Vivian, the legate, procured an or-
dinance in a fynod held in Dublin, that the English, when
engaged in any expedition, fhould have liberty to take provi-
fions depoſited in the churches, provided they paid their juſt
value.
MS.
BUT in the preſent incurfion into Connaught, the Iriſh
themſelves, to deprive their invaders of this refource, burnt
down their own churches (as their annals exprefs it) in fpite to Ann. Anon.
the foreigners; who in the vexation of diſappointment, could
only commit fome uſeleſs ravages. Reduced to the utmoſt
diſtreſs for fubfiftence in an enemy's country, left by Roderic
to encounter all the confequences of their precipitation, and
threatened with a formidable attack from the united forces of
Connaught and Munfter, they had no meaſure to purſue, but
that of a mortifying and difgraceful retreat. In this they were
obliged to ſuſtain the repeated affaults of the Connacians; but
at length regained their quarters at Dublin, though not with-
out confiderable lofs, leaving their ally Murrough, to the re-
fentment of his countrymen, who fentenced him, with the
concurrence of his own father, to have his eyes put out for
his practices with the Engliſh, and his encouragement of their
invafion.
MSS.
THE imperfect and jejune accounts which remain of the local
diffentions and provincial conteſts in Ireland, at this period, give
a fhocking idea of the ſtate of this unhappy country. Defmond Ann. Var.
and Thomond in the fouthern province were diſtracted by the
jealoufies of contending chiefs, and the whole land wafted by
unnatural and bloody quarrels. Treachery and murder were
revenged by treachery and murder, fo as to perpetuate a fuc-
ceffion of outrages the moſt horrid and diſgraceful to huma-
nity. The northern province was a fcene of like enormities,
though the new English fettlers, who were confidered as a
common enemy, fhould have forced the natives to mutual
R 2
union.
124
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
union. A young prince of the Hi-Nial race, and heir-appa-
rent to the rights of that family, fell by the hand of a rival
lord; this rival was killed in revenge: the partizans on each
fide, as the ſeveral powers prevailed, were butchered with
every circumſtance of triumphant barbarity. In Connaught,
the blinded fon of Roderic was refcued from prifon by his par-
tizans, and the flame of diffention re-kindled. Nor were the
Iriſh toparchs in Leinſter more peaceable, or lefs barbarous in
their conteſts. All were equally ſtrangers to the nobler virtues
of humanity. Nor was religion in the form it then affumed,
calculated or applied to reſtrain their violences, or to fubdue
their brutal paffions. An effectual conqueft, and general fub-
jection of the whole iſland to one reaſonable and equitable
government, muſt have proved a fingular bleffing to thefe un-
happy people. But Providence was pleaſed to ordain that
their enormities fhould continue much longer to prove their.
own ſevere puniſhment.
CHA P.
Ch. 5.
125
HENRY II.
CHA P.
V.
Acts of Fitz-Andelm's government.-He is recalled.-Character
of Hugh de Lacy his fucceffor.-John conftituted lord of Ire-
land.--Grants by king Henry in Thomond, Defmond, and Con-
naught.-Explain the nature of his ceffion to prince John.-
Milo de Cogan, and Robert Fitz-Stephen, fettle in Defmond.-
Philip de Braofa alarmed.-Refigns his grants.-Conduct of
Hugh de Lacy.-He is recalled to England.-Reftored to his
government.-His excellent adminiftration.-John de Courcey
engaged in Ulfter.-Defeated-yet maintains his fettlements.-
Miferable fituation of Connaught.-Death and character of
Laurence O'Toole.-His fucceffor.-Maſſacre of Milo de Cogan
and Ralph Fitz-Stephen.-Robert Fitz-Stephen relieved by
Raymond le Grofs.-Melancholy fituation of Robert.-Arrival
of Cambrenfis and John Comyn in Ireland.-Altercations of
the English clergy with the Irish ecclefiaftics.-Lacy again re-
called.-Conduct of Philip de Braofa.—Earl John knighted.-
The pope offers to crown him king in Ireland.-Henry declines
the offer.-Sends John to the government of Ireland with a
Splendid train.-His attendants.-His arrival.-Infolence of
his courtiers to the Irish lords.-A general Spirit of infurrec-
tion raised through Ireland.-Enflamed by the attendants of
prince John.-He builds fome forts.-Infurrection of the Iriſb
natives.-Several of his barons furprized and flain.-Beha-
viour of his courtiers.-Diftrefsful state of the country—and of
John and his court.-John is recalled.-Affaffination of Hugh
de Lacy.-John de Courcey appointed deputy.-His activity
and valour.—State of Ulfter—and of Connaught.—Expedition
of de Courcey into Connaught.-His retreat —He ſuppreſſes
the commotions in Ulfter and Argial.-Fatal effects of rebellion
in the family of Roderic O'Connor.-Death of Henry the jicoid.
-17
126
B. I.
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Girald.
Camb.
Ann. of
Mary's Abby,
MSS.
-Acts of power exercifed in Ireland by ear! John during the
reign of Richard.-Hugh de Lacy the younger appointed his
deputy.-De Courcey difcontented.-Infurrection of the Irish.-
Cathal, the Bloody-handed, gains the kingdom of Connaught.-
Is joined by the princes of Thomond and Defmond.-Intercepts
Armoric of St. Laurence, and his party.-A defperate engage-
ment.-Armoric and his men killed.-Cathal elated.—Burning
of Dublin, and diforders of the neighbouring country.-Earl
Marshal appointed to fucceed de Lacy.-English defeated by
Daniel O'Brien.-Death of Daniel—and cruelties exerciſed on
his family.-Cathal marches into Munster.-Engliſh driven out
of Limerick.-Cork threatened with a fiege.-Surrendered to
Mac Arthy-Hamo de Valois appointed deputy in the place of
Earl Marshal.-His quarrel with the archbishop of Dublin.-
Death of Roderic O'Connor.-Death of Richard the firſt-and
acceffion of king John.
TH
dis
HE complaints occafioned by an indolent and corrupt
adminiſtration were too violent to be long concealed
from the Engliſh monarch, and determined him to remove
Fitz-Andelm from the government of Ireland. Both Giral-
dus and the Iriſh monks ſpeak of this governour and his con-
duct with the utmoft refpect. They agree that his adminiſtra-
tion was diſtinguiſhed by one act only of a commendable na-
ture; and this was nothing more important, than the removal
of what they call the Staff of Jefus ; a relique on which the
fuperftition of the time had ftamped an inestimable value,
from the cathedral of Armagh to that of Dublin. The pecu-
liar merit of committing this precious depofite to the care of
the clergy of Dublin rather than to thoſe of Armagh, is not
diſtinctly explained. Poffibly, as Ulfter was now a feat of
war, it was deemed a place not of fufficient ſecurity for ſo va-
luable a treaſure. However this may be, thefe clerical hiſto-
rians ſeem to do injuftice to the merit of Fitz-Andelm, by
paffing
Ch. 5.
HENR Y II.
127
L
paffing over in filence another inftance of his pious attention
to the church, that of founding and endowing the monaftery
of Saint Thomas the Martyr, in the weſtern ſuburbs of Dub-
lin, ſtill known by the name of Donore *. The late prelate
*The curious reader is here prefented with the charter of the foundation,
together with that of Henry, in confirmation of the grant of his deputy.
E Rotulo antiquo penes Comitem Midiæ.
"Wilhelmus filius Andelmi, domini regis Dapifer, univerfis Chrifti fide-
libus, falutem. Sciatis me in præfentia Viviani cardinalis, & Laurentii archi-
epifcopi Dublin, & plurimorum epifcoporum Hiberniæ, dediffe & obtuliffe
Deo & ecclefiæ beati Thomæ Martyris Chrifti unam carucatam terræ, quæ vo-
catur Dononer, cum molendino & prato, & omnibus pertinentiis ejufdem
terræ, tam in boſco quam in plano, pro anima Galfridi comitis Andegaviæ,
patris Henrici regis & matris ejus imperatricis, & antecefforum ejus, & pro
ipfo rege Henrico & filiis ejus, in perpetuam & puriam Eleemofynam. Quare
volo, & ex parte domini regis præcipio, ut quicunque in honorem Dei et beati
Thomæ Martyris Chrifti & voluntate domini regis Angliæ cuftos fuerit, omne
prædictum tenementum teneat adeo libere, et quiete, et honorifice, et pure,
et integre, ficut aliqua ecclefia aliquod tenementum liberius tenet, infra Ang-
liam vel infra Hiberniam. Tefte Eugenio Midiæ epifcopo, Neemia epiſcopo
de Kildare, Auguftino Waterfordienfi epifcopo, Milone de Cogan, Galfrido
de Conftantin, Waltero de Ridlesford, Roberto de Bermingham, Reymundo
filio Wilhelmi, Meilero filio Henrici, Philippo le Poher, Roberto de fancto
Michaele, Johanne de Clahull, Gilberto de la Warre, Thoma la Martre An-
dalain, Rogero fratre Hayme, Ricardo de Dere, Wilhelmo Bermingham.'
Ex eodem rotulo..
">
"Henricus, Dei gratia, rex Angliæ, dux Normandiæ & Acquitaniæ &
comes Andegaviæ, epifcopis, abbatibus, jufticiariis, vicecomitibus, miniftris
& omnibus fidelibus fuis, Francis, & Anglis, & Hibernenfibus, falutem.
Sciatis me conceffiffe & dediffe, & præfenti charta confirmaffe Deo & ecclefiæ
beati Thomæ Martyris unam, carucatam terræ de Donouer quam Wilhelmus
filius Andelmi Dapifer meus, ex parte mea dedit eidem ecclefiæ, quam idem
Wilhelmus fundari fecit extra portam occidentalem apud Dublin, pro falute
mea & ipfius & antecefforum & fuccefforum meorum. Quare volo & firmiter
præcipio quod eadem ecclefia ipfam carucatam terræ habeat & teneat in liberam
& perpetuam Eleemofynam, bene, & in pace, & integre, cum omnibus perti-
nentiis & libertatibus & liberis confuetudinibus. Teftibus ipfo Wilhelmo filio
Andelmi, Reginaldo de Curceny, Hugone de Lafcy, Thoma Baffet, Roberto
de Poher. Apud Oxenford.”
of
128
B. I.
HISTORY OF ENGLAND.
Hoveden.
Coke.
of Canterbury having juft now received his high titles of faint
and martyr from Rome, was become the faſhionable object of de-
votion; and Henry himſelf, with an affected reverence to his
memory, inſtantly confirmed the endowment of Fitz-Andelm
by his own royal charter.
BUT the preſent fituation of affairs in Ireland required a
chief governour, whoſe attention ſhould not be confined to the
care of reliques, or the founding of monafteries. Hugh de
Lacy was therefore appointed to this ſtation, for which he had
already approved himſelf eminently qualified. A man well
acquainted with the circumſtances of the country in which he
was to prefide, the characters of thoſe he was to govern, the
grievances he was to redreſs, and the irregularities he was to
correct; vigorous in eſtabliſhing and extending the Engliſh in-
tereſt, wifely providing for the ſecurity of the new ſettlers by
multiplying forts, and ſtrengthening every part of the Engliſh
territory againſt the turbulence and jealoufies of the Iriſh; at
the ſame time reſtoring thoſe of both nations, who had been
unjustly driven from their lands, and acting equally to all,
upon the principles of a juft and generous fpirited adminiftra-
tion.
At the ſame time that the government of Ireland was af-
figned to Lacy, the king found himſelf at leiſure to make ſe-
veral regulations relative to this kingdom, and for this purpoſe
he fummoned the principal adventurers to attend him in Eng-
land. What was of moſt conſequence, he is ſaid to have made
a formal and folemn appointment of his fon John to the lord-
ſhip of Ireland; an appointment which has been the ſubject
of much difcuffion; writers of different parties and opinions
wreſting it to their ſeveral purpoſes, and repreſenting it as
might beſt ſuit their fpeculations. As Hoveden expreſſes it,
Henry came to Oxford; and, in a general council held there,
conſtituted his ſon John king in Ireland; a title which he ne-
ver affumed. But however confidently it may be afferted that
he
Ch.
129
5.
II.
HENRY
he uſed the ſtyle of lord of Ireland in confequence of being
poffeffed of the crown of England, nothing is more certain,
than that during the life-time both of his father and of his
brother, John conftantly and invariably uſed this ſtyle in all his
public acts, by virtue of the prefent grant. But although the
grant was made in what the hiftorian calls "concilium gene-
rale," this affords neither proof nor prefumption that it was
made by authority of parliament. The grant to John ap-
pears to have been the free grace of his father, without any
folicitation of concurrence or affent; declared in a public af-
fembly, poffibly for the greater notoriety and folemnity. The
tranfaction (as the abbot of Peterborough expreffes it) was
"coram epifcopis & princibus terræ." And among theſe, ſe-
veral lay lords and bishops of Ireland were affeffors, if we may
believe the Irish annalifts.
Chart. var.
Girald.
HENRY at the fame time granted to Milo de Cogan and Hoveden.
Robert Fitz-Stephen, as a reward of their faithful fervices, the
kingdom of Cork as it is called, from the river of Liſmore to
the fea, to be held by the ſervice of fixty knights of him, and
of his fon John, and their heirs, with an exception of the city
of Cork, and an adjacent diſtrict, which the king referved to
himſelf and his heirs. To Herebert Fitz-Herebert he granted
the kingdom of Limerick by the like tenure, and with the
like refervation of the city of Limerick and its diftrict; to
William Fitz-Andelme the greatest part of Connaught; to
Robert de la Poer the territory of Waterford, with a referva-
tion of the city and the cantred of the Oftmen, renewing alfo
his former grant to Hugh de Lacy of all Meath, which he
was now to hold of the king and of his fon John, by the ſervice
of one hundred knights.
By theſe grants it appears that Henry conferred ſomething Hoveden.
more upon his fon than a mere title of honour, or temporary
authority; fomething permanent and hereditary. At the fame
time they afford an indiſputable proof that it was by no means
VOL. I.
S
his
130
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald.
Epift. Dedic.
his intention to refign the entire fovereignty of Ireland, or to
transfer the rights he had there acquired, fully and abſolutely
to his fon. His Iriſh ſubjects were to hold not of John only
as their fole rightful liege lord, but of the king and of his fon
as a fubordinate power; and moſt of the lands and cities which
in the late treaty with Roderic had been exempted from the
jurifdiction of the Irish king, were now, by a like reſerva-
tion, to continue as the immediate demefnes of Henry, inde-
pendent of that delegated authority which was to be eſtabliſhed
in the other parts of the iſland. Thefe grants then afford a
proof that it was the intention of this prince that the heir to
the crown of England ſhould ever enjoy the ſovereignty he had
acquired in Ireland. But this was an appointment which did
not derive its validity from any ordinance or act of legiſlature.
Had it been thus formally declared and eſtabliſhed, there
would not have been that danger of its being forgotten, altered,
or fubverted, which Giraldus expreffes in the reign of John,
nor any occafion for preferving a memorial of it by an annual
tribute, which he recommends to be carefully exacted for this
purpoſe.
JOHN and his heirs, it ſhould ſeem, were by the preſent
grant to ſtand in the place of Roderick, whofe rights Henry
appears by no means folicitous to preſerve, notwithſtanding the
formality of his ftipulations. He had good reaſon to conclude
that all ſuch rights or pretenfions muft gradually become ob-
folete, as the English fettlements fhould be extended through
the iſland; and that John would thus become, in effect, at
leaft, what Roderic was ftyled in the late treaty, "Rex fub eo,
" & paratus ad fervitium fuum." Time and viciffitudes then
unforeſeen, have reduced fuch difcuffions as the preſent to
points of mere hiftorical curiofity. They who are difpofed to
give them greater confequence, will poffibly find the idea of
this tranſaction, as here ftated, fufficiently fupported in the
progrefs of this hiſtory.
IT
Ch. 5.
131
HENRY
II.
As Fitz- Hanmer.
Girald.
It is not clear by what right Henry now difpofed of the
fouthern provinces, and other parts of Ireland, or how theſe
late grants were reconcileable to the treaty he had concluded
with Roderic. The old hiftorians fpeak of them with the
fame eafeand indifference with which they were made, and
with as little folicitude to preſerve the leaft appearance of
equity and good faith. But if Henry thought it beneath him
to adhere to his ftipulations, the Irish chiefs of Thomond and
Deſmond were, on their parts, very reluctant to yield up their
territories at his demand, though weakened by their mutual
quarrels, and little able to rife up against an English govern-
ment, which now promifed vigour and abilities.
Herebert had refigned the grant made to him of the principa-
lity of Limerick, where the Iriſh were ſuppoſed to be moſt
hoſtile, it was given to Philip de Braofa, a man not much
more diſpoſed to adventure, but who was perfuaded to court
his fortune in Ireland; and collecting a confiderable body of
Welſhmen, defperate in their fortunes, and profligate in their
manners, (ſo they are deſcribed) he embarked with de Lacy A. D. 1178.
and the other lords; attended Cogan and Fitz-Stephen into
the fouthern parts of Ireland; and as the city of Cork was
now poffeffed by an Engliſh garrifon commanded by an Eng-
liſh governor, the new claimants here found a kind and hof-
pitable reception. But when they came to produce their char-
ters of donation, and to demand their lands, thoſe Irish chiefs,
who had not yet forfeited their rights by any act of avowed
rebellion againſt the power of Henry, remonftrated boldly
against this intrufion, and infifted on retaining their native
poffeffions. As there was not on either fide fufficient ftrength.
or confidence to rely upon the decifion of the fword, fome in-
confiderable hoftilities were fucceeded by a treaty, in which
both parties were obliged to recede from their original de-
mands. The Irish chiefs on their part allowed Cogan and
Fitz-
S 2
132
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Hanmer.
Ann. Lag.
MS.
Ibid.
་
Fitz-Stephen a fettlement in their country, yielded to them
feven cantreds of land (as they were called) contiguous to the
city; and on this condition were allowed to referve the re-
maining territory, confifting of twenty-four cantreds, to them-
felves. And thus having accommodated their differences with
an appearance of mutual amity, Cogan and Fitz-Stephen led
Braofa and his train to take poffeffion of their portion. They
marched towards the city of Limerick in military array, and
with an appearance fufficiently refpectable. But this city was
poffeffed by enemies the moſt inveterate and determined. It
was inſtantly ſet on fire at the firft approach of the English.
Braofa was fhocked and confounded. His followers, however
eager to enrich themfelves, were too diffolute and too devoid
of all ſenſe of military glory to encounter danger with fteadi-
neſs and perſeverance. No perfuafion could prevail upon them
to attack an enemy who had given fuch proofs of favage vio-
lence. They retired with horrour, and fought their fecurity
among their countrymen in the city of Cork.
In the mean time, Hugh de Lacy proceeded to the admini-
ſtration of his government with abilities and vigour. On his
arrival at Dublin, he feems to have found the garrifon confi-
derably diſtreſſed for provifions, which it was his firſt care to
fupply. He made an incurfion into Connaught, fay the Irish
annaliſts, in order to deftroy the churches of Clononaenoife;
which fufficiently marks the purpoſe of his expedition to have
been nothing elſe but to poffefs himſelf of the ftores depofited
in theſe churches, and which he had now the fanction of ec
cleſiaſtical authority to take for their juft value. He retired,
ſay the fame annaliſts, for fear of the Iriſh chiefs. More pro-
bably he had proceeded without any hoftile intentions, and
returned, becauſe he had obtained his object. The Irish, no
lefs than his own countrymen, had reafon to be fatisfied with
his conduct; for his influence, as far as it extended, was em-
ployed
Ch. 5.
133
HENRY II.
344
Girald.
ployed in protecting them from oppofition, foftening their Hanmer.
averfion to the new fettlers, reconciling them to civility, and
teaching them the arts of peace. At the fame time he was no
lefs careful to guard againſt the infidious and turbulent ſpirit
of theſe natives, which injuftice and oppreffion had indeed
frequently provoked, and which had frequently broken forth
with a dangerous and deftructive violence. He ftationed fome
of the braveſt of the original adventurers where they might
be moſt ſerviceable in guarding againſt incurfions. He was in-
defatigable in raiſing his forts in every part of Leinſter, as he
had formerly in Meath; and theſe were entruſted to Engliſh
lords of affured courage and fidelity. He adminiſtered juftice.
with lenity and impartiality; and is ſaid to have fet the exam-
ple of a politic coalition between the natives of each king-
dom, by marrying the daughter of Roderic O'Connor.
Abb. Neubre
BUT the popularity naturally arifing from the genius and
ſpirit of his adminiſtration ſerved to expoſe him to envy and
malignity. Doubts and fufpicions were fuggefted to Henry, Benedict
and but too favourably received. His jealoufy of a powerful
fubject, which had operated peculiarly in the cafe of all the
great adventurers in Ireland, difpofed him to apprehend that
Lacy, inveſted as he was with fo extenfive a domain, and
fuch important powers, might ſhake off his allegiance, and
erect himſelf into an independent fovereign. This lord was
fuddenly and unexpectedly recalled to England; and John
Conftable of Cheſhire, and baron of Halton caftle, and Rich-
ard de Peach, bishop of Coventry, were appointed to the go-
vernment of Ireland, ftrangers to the country, and little qua-
lified for this important truft. Such miſtaken conduct might
have proved as prejudicial to the interefts of Henry, as it was
diſhonourable to his policy, had not the errour been corrected
within the ſhort ſpace of three months. The readineſs with
which Lacy refigned his ftate, and appeared before his royal
mafter,
134
HISTORY OF IRELAN D.
B. I.
Stanihurft.
Ann. MSS.
var.
Hanmer.
mafter, the candid explanation of his conduct, and the con-
viction which it afforded of his zeal and loyalty, diffipated the
fufpicions of Henry in a moment; and Lacy was again re-
manded to his government. Robert of Shrewsbury, a domeſtic
chaplain, in whom the king placed peculiar confidence, at-
tended him as a coadjutor, or rather an inſpector of his ac-
tions; which Lacy himſelf is faid to have requeſted, that the
king might be thus authentically informed of all his conduct,
and his interefts carried on, without any interruptions from
ignorant or factious rumour.
IN reſuming his government, Lacy purſued the ſame mea-
fures which had hitherto been attended with fuch good ef-
fects; and while he was bufily employed in ftrengthening and
fettling the province of Leinster, John de Courcey with equal
diligence continued to extend and to fecure his fettlements in
the northern province, notwithſtanding the vigorous and obfti-
nate refiſtance of the natives. They had taken every occafion
to harraſs and diftrefs him with the implacable refentment of
men impatient of his ufurpation, and determined in their re-
venge. They had repeatedly attacked, and claimed the ho-
nour of defeating him. Near the town of Newry in particu-
lar, a chieftain of Argial had provoked his refentment, by
deſtroying one of his ſhips, which had returned from Eng-
land laden with ftores and provifions, and maffacring the whole
crew. John inftantly collected a thouſand men, and marched
againſt the affaffin; but foon learned that this ſcheme of out-
rage and cruelty was but a feint to draw him from his faftnefs,
and that the northern chiefs lay ready to receive him at Dun-
dalk, with an army of ſeven thouſand men. A council was
held in this dangerous emergency; and by the advice of Ar-
moric of St. Laurence (for Courcey himſelf feems to have had
more valour than addreſs) a friar was employed to affure the
Iriſh leaders that a reinforcement had lately been received from
England,
Ch. 5.
135
HENRY II.
England, which rendered the numbers of their enemy highly
formidable. To aid this deception, the Engliſh forces were
ſo diſpoſed as to make the beſt and moſt alarming appearance
in their march, and advanced with every mark of confidence
and fecurity. The Iriſh were thus effectually deceived, and
fled with precipitation, till ftopped by a deep and rapid river,
in which ſeveral perished. But as the English purſued their
advantage with an inconfiderate violence, they turned, and en-
gaging them in the fury of defpair, obliged them to retire
with confiderable lofs; but by their own diſorder and confu-
fion were unable to improve their victory. If we are to be-
lieve the Iriſh annaliſt, de Courcey loft on this occafion four Ann. Lagen.
hundred and fifty of his numbers; his enemies, but one hun-
dred. Yet neither this, nor another action ftill more decifive
in favour of the Iriſh, could force him to relinquiſh his poſ-
feffions. His progreſs was retarded; but his ſettlements were
ftill maintained.
MSS.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
SOME excurfions from Thomond threatened to difturb the
peace of the Engliſh province; but were quickly repelled,
without any confiderable loſs. In Defmond the late partition
of lands was ſtill maintained, without any apparent difcon-
tent. In Connaught, the attention of the Irish chieftains was
confined to their own factious quarrels. The fons of Roderic,
thoſe implacable difturbers of his government, had given a
free courſe to their brutal ambition, and converted his whole
territory into a ſcene of the moſt deſperate hoftilities. No lefs Ibid..
than fixteen young lords, heirs of the ruling families in this
province, fell in one battle. We do not learn that the un-
happy Roderic ever folicited affiftance from the English go-
vernment; though by his treaty with the king of England,
he was to be ſupported againſt all his refractory vaffals; yet
by the puniſhment inflicted on his fon, it ſeems to have been
confidered as odious and abhorrent to public virtue, to call in
the
136
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ann. var.
MSS.
Surius.
Hanmer.
the Engliſh at all into the province, or to admit them to any
ſhare in their difputes. A contrary conduct must have evi-
dently given occafion to the new fettlers to extend their power
and dominion. But the quarrels in Connaught, by finding
employment for feveral turbulent Irish lords, and preventing
them from making any incurfions through the territories of
Meath, favoured the immediate object of Lacy's government,
that of improving and defending the province of Leinſter.
Here the effects of a wife and ftrenuous adminiſtration became
every day more confpicuous, in the peaceable and flouriſhing
fituation of the whole country.
THE winter of the year 1181 was diſtinguiſhed by the death
of Laurence O'Toole, the prelate of Dublin; a man held in
high reverence by his fuperftitious countrymen, who have been
more careful to preferve the legends of his pretended miracles,
than the hiſtory of his political conduct. And yet we may
collect from the ſhort and obfcure memorials of this period,
that he took no inconfiderable part in thoſe conteſts which
attended the firſt eſtabliſhment of the Engliſh power in his
country. His father, a lord of fome diftinction in Leinster,
had been obliged to deliver him in his early years to king Der-
mod as an hoſtage, by whom he was affigned to the cuftody
of the abbot of Glendalagh. Thus habituated to retirement
and diſcipline, he foon acquired a tafte for a devotional and
monaftic courſe. His monaftic virtues recommended him to
the high ſtation he enjoyed, in which the nobility of his birth,
and fanctity of his manners, engaged the attention and refpect
of all the higher orders of his countrymen, and neceffarily in-
volved him in public affairs. His temperance and purity were
foftened by an extenfive hofpitality, that virtue of peculiar
praiſe in an unrefined age and country. His guefts, while
feaſted with the utmoft magnificence and liberality, faw the
prelate himſelf adhering to the ſtricteſt rules of abſtinence and
6
felf-
Ch. 5.
HENRY II.
137
felf-denial. The influence which he thus acquired, he is faid
to have employed not only in regulating his church, and go-
verning his clergy by the ftricteft difcipline, but in moderating
and compofing the diffention's of that rabble of Irish lords,
whoſe barbarous ambition ſpread anarchy and confuſion thro'
their country. His oppofition to the English intereft was ſtre-
nuous and determined, fo long as oppofition could be made
with any profpect of fuccefs. To Roderic he proved, not
only a wife counſellor, but a diligent and active emiſſary; and
his patriotic zeal appears the more amiable, as it was attended
with the moderation of his ecclefiaftical character, inftead of
being difgraced by the treachery and cruelty of too many of
his countrymen. His love of his own nation was ever predo-
minant, even after he had found it neceffary to fubmit to
Henry. Deeply affected with the arbitrary and iniquitous con-
duct of fome English governours, he made a journey to this
prince, purpoſedly, to lay before him the injuries and oppref-
fions which his countrymen fuftained. On this occafion we
are told, that an extraordinary and whimfical incident had
well nigh proved fatal to this prelate. He was officiating in
the church of Canterbury, when a man of unfound mind,
ftruck fuddenly by the circumftances of the place, the appear-
ance, and the occupation of the archbiſhop, ſeized the thought
of honouring him with the crown of martyrdom; and for this
purpoſe affaulted him with the utmoſt violence; ; nor was
Laurence reſcued from his attack till he had been defperately
wounded in the head. The wretch was feized; and would
have fuffered capitally for this act of madneſs, had not the
prelate interceded, and prevailed on the king to pardon him.
From England he was fummoned to the council of Lateran, in
the year 1179, where, by Henry's permiffion, he attended;
and although it be afferted that he was bound by a folemn
oath not to attempt any thing on this occafion derogatory to
VOL. I.
T
the
138
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAN D.
Girald.
Crede mihi.
A. D. 1182.
Girald.
the king's dignity and authority; yet he ſtill thought himſelf
at liberty to diſplay his zeal againſt the injuſtice of the Eng-
liſh governours in Ireland, and made the moſt affecting repre-
ſentations in this council of the wrongs and calamities of his
countrymen. He is alfo faid to have fo far influenced the fa-
thers, that fome decrees were made in favour of the Irish na-
tion *. But this zeal was fo offenfive to Henry, that he ſent
him a mandate forbidding him to return to his paſtoral charge;
ſo that Laurence died an exile in Normandy.
He was fucceeded by John Comyn, an Engliſhman, whom
Henry nominated to the clergy of Dublin, and whofe election
was ratified by pope Lucius, with a confirmation of the grants
made of the rights and poffeffions of the feet. The new
prelate was choſen by the king as a man addicted to his in-
terefts, and who promiſed vigour and abilities no leſs in tem-
poral affairs than thoſe of his particular function. Men of
abilities, indeed, both in war and politics, were now fought
out, and ſent to Ireland, to repair the loffes lately fuftained
of fome of the braveſt and moſt diſtinguiſhed of the original
adventurers. Five years had elapfed fince Cogan and Fitz-
Stephen enjoyed their ſettlements in Defmond. The latter,
though deeply affected by the death of a favourite ſon, ſeemed
to have the proſpect of a peaceable repofe provided for his old
age. A general intercourfe with the Irish natives apparently
reconciled him to the new fettlers, who lived and conforted
with them in the utmoft confidence, little fufpecting that ma-
lignity which lay concealed under the fairest appearances of
* However this may be, Laurence was not inattentive to his own interefts,
and thofe of his fee; for he procured a confirmation from pope Alexander
of all his rights and poffeffions to him and his fucceffors, by a brief dated
Later. 12° K. Maij Indict. 12º. A. D. 1179. Pontif. 20. E Libro voc.
Crede mihi, fol. 80.
mo
+ Dat. Vellitri, Id. Ap. Indict. 15, 1182. Pontif. 1™º. Ibid.
friend-
Ch. 5.
139
HENRY
II.
friendſhip. Milo de Cogan, who had occafion to hold ſome
conference with the citizens of Waterford, went toward Lif-
more, the place appointed for their interview, attended by
Ralph, another fon of Fitz-Stephen, who had married his
daughter. They were, by appointment, to have ſpent the
next night at the houſe of an Iriſhman called Mac Tire, with
whom they had been particularly connected. But this wretch,
who at the very moment of his hofpitable invitation, har-
boured the moſt treacherous and bloody purpoſe, fell fuddenly
upon them in the midſt of their ſecurity, affaffinated both Co-
gan and his fon-in-law, with five others of their company,
and fled to his countrymen to boast of this exploit, and to
perfuade them to rife up against the foreigners. Mac-Arthy
inſtantly took arms; and renouncing allegiance to the Engliſh
government, with the uſual levity of his countrymen, march-
ed to Cork; where Fitz-Stephen was obliged, in the midſt
of grief and confternation, to provide for his defence againſt
an enemy much fuperiour in numbers, and obftinately bent on
his deftruction.
RAYMOND Le Grofs, now feated in Wexford, was not in-
attentive to his uncle's danger; and contrived, by a ſmall em-
barkation of chofen troops, to reinforce the garrifon of Cork;
and by the terrour of his name, and the ſkill and vigour of his
operations, forced the men of Deſmond to raiſe the ſiege, and
at length to fubmit and fue for peace: thus difplaying to the
laft, a ſpirit fuperiour to that of his rival, Hervey of Mount-
morres, who about this time engaged in a religious life, and
hid himſelf in a monaſtery, the ufual retreat of ſpleen and
diſappointment. Fitz-Stephen was not fenfible of this im-
portant ſervice. Grief, vexation, and fatigue, had proved too
heavy for his years, and deprived the unhappy veteran of his
reafon.
T 2
To
140
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. I
Girald.
Camb.
To fupply the lofs fuftained in Defmond, Henry fent. Rich-
ard, brother to the late Milo de Cogan, who led a chofen,
body of forces into Ireland; and was followed by Philip Barry,
another brave commander, with a new and valuable.reinforce-
ment. Girald Barry, an ecclefiaftic, better known by the
name of Cambrenfis, attended his brother Philip in this ex-
pedition, on whoſe abilities Henry had fuch reliance, that he
entruſted him with the tutelage of his fon John, and now fent
him to gain fuch information, and to affift, in ſuch diſpoſitions.
as might be convenient to this prince, deftined; to affume the
reins of government in Ireland. For the fame purpoſe was
the archbishop of Dublin commanded to repair to his dioceſe.
Theſe English ecclefiaftics ſeem to have paffed into Ireland.
with that fovereign contempt of thoſe with whom they were
to converſe, and that perfect conviction of their own fuperi-
ority which beſpeak a contracted mind, and which a contracted
mind is not careful to conceal. While Cambrenfis feemed de-
firous to inform himſelf, from his Irish brethren, of the ftate
and circumſtances of their ecclefiaftical conſtitution, he could
not refrain from mortifying them by invidious obfervations on
their church, which they were thus picqued to defend and ex-
tol with greater zeal. They recounted the illuftrious acts of
thofe holy men, whofe piety and learning had adorned the
church of Ireland, and the large catalogue of faints. it had.
produced. "Saints!" faid Girald, with the utmoſt ſelf-ſuf-
ficiency, "Yes, you have your faints; but where are your
martyrs? I cannot find one Iriſh martyr in your Calendar."
"Alas!" replicd the prelate of Cafhel, who probably looked:
on the death of Becket as a real martyrdom,
"It muſt be ac-
knowledged that as yet our people have not learned fuch:
"enormous guilt, as to murder God's fervants; but now that
""
Englishmen have fettled in our iſland, and that Henry is.
"our fovereign, we may foon expect enough of martyrs to
"take away this reproach from our church."
Ch. 5.
141
HENRY II.
ARROGANCE naturally, begat hatred; and recrimination. was
the neceffary conſequence of violent invectives. In their fy-
nodical meetings, thefe profeffors of the religion of peace
were chiefly employed in all the bitterneſs of mutual reproach.
The abbot of Baltinglaſs preaching on the ſubject of clerical
continence, took occafion, to extol the exemplary chaſtity of
his brethren before they had been infected, by the contagion of
Engliſh, foreigners; and deſcribed, the libidinous exceffes of
theſe new clergy, with an offenfive acrimony. He was an-
fwered by Cambrenfis with ftill greater acrimony, who, while
he allowed the praiſe of chaſtity to the Iriſh ecclefiaftics,
charged their whole order with revelling, falfhood, barbarity,
treachery, and diffimulation. The warmth which an Iriſh
biſhop expreffed at ſuch virulence ferved but to excite the ri-
dicule of the other party, who obferved, with a contemptuous
triumph, how ill fuch ſpirit. fuited the effeminacy of his ap-
pearance. Contemptible as fuch altercations may appear, they
had a dangerous influence in propagating and fomenting ani-
mofities between two people, who, circumftanced as they now
were, could find their real intereſts only in a rational and equi-
table union.
Hanmer.
AND as if all meaſures were to be taken to provoke the Irish Girald.
natives to the utmoft, Henry, with an inftability not very ac-
countable in fo great a character, once more liftened to the
fuggeftions of thoſe who reprefented the dangerous power of
his Iriſh vice-gerent, his ambition, and his alarming connec-
tion with the king of Connaught, recalled Lacy from his go-
vernment, and appointed for his fucceffor Philip de Braofa, or
Philip of Worceſter as he is called, a man whoſe ſole object
was to enrich himſelf by plunder and oppreffion. His first
act of power was to wreft fome valuable lands from propri-
etors who had purchafed of Lacy, under pretence of appoint-
*ing them for the king's provifions. He marched through dif-
7
ferent
142
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Brompton.
Hoveden.
ferent parts of the kingdom with a formidable body of troops,
enforcing his exactions with the utmoft vigour. At Armagh
he ſpent fix days feafting and revelling in mid-lent, to the
great
ſcandal of this feat of piety, and extorting money from
the clergy with the moſt unrelenting ſeverity. In vain did
the ſufferers plead, that by the articles of the fynod of Ca-
fhel they were exempt from military exactions; they had no
recourſe but to denounce the judgments of Heaven againſt their
ravager. A ſudden fit of ſickneſs, which feized him at his
departure, was confidently declared to be the effect of fuch
denunciations. An accidental fire in the quarters of Hugh
Tirrel, one of his attendants, was converted into a miraculous
puniſhment of his facrilege, in robbing one of the religious
houſes of their furnace. This ignorant fuperftition ferved to
confirm the prejudices, and enflame the averfion of the na-
tives; encouraging them to hope, that they ſhould ſtill find
fome favourable occafion to exterminate thofe, who were the
declared objects of Divine wrath.
BUT the power which Philip exerciſed with ſuch odious
violence was not of long duration; for prince John now pre-
A. D. 1185. pared to exerciſe that authority in Ireland, which Henry's late
donation had conferred upon him. He received the order of
knighthood from his father's hand; and a fplendid train was
provided to attend him to his feat of government. The Ro-
man pontiff, who affumed the right of creating kings, is faid
to have formerly given Henry his permiffion to appoint which
ever of his fons he ſhould chooſe king of Ireland; and now
the fame ridiculous arrogance was repeated, under the pretence
of favour and indulgence to the English monarch, although
he had but juſt refuſed to go to the Holy Land, at the urgent
inftances of the pope. A legate was fent to England, who
made a gracious tender of his fervices to wait on the prince,
6
and
Ch. 5.
143
HENRY II.
and to perform the ceremony of his coronation in Ireland;
prefenting him at the fame time with a curious diadem of
peacock's feathers, hallowed by the benediction of the fove-
reign pontiff. But Henry, who poffibly difliked this officious
interference of the pope, when it was not neceffary to his
purpoſes, and poffibly apprehended that too great exaltation
might encourage his young fon to fuch acts of diſobedience as
he had already experienced in his family, declined this gra-
cious offer, and ſent John to his government without any ad-
ditional title or ceremonial, but with a confiderable force, and Camb.
a magnificent attendance.
Girald.
A COMPANY of gallant Normans in the pride of youth,
luxurious and infolent, formed the fplendid and the favourite
part of this prince's train; and were followed by a number of
Engliſhmen, ſtrangers to the country they were to viſit, deſ-
perate in their fortunes, the confequence of a life of profligacy,
and filled with vaft expectations of advantage from their pre-
fent ſervice. Thoſe hardy Welſhmen, who had firſt adventured
into Ireland, and now attended to do homage to prince John,
were but diſagreeable mates to his gay. courtiers ;, nor had the
young prince ſufficient judgment and experience to treat them
with due attention. Glanville, a fage and eminent lawyer, Girald.
had been ſent by Henry to affift and direct his fon. Several
grave ecclefiaftics were alſo appointed to accompany him; and
among theſe Cambrenfis, who had acquired fome knowledge
of the ſtate of Ireland, and returned in order to attend his
maſter. But men of fage and reverend characters were confi-
dered only as the formal appendages of a court, where a prince,
yet in his boyish years, was engroffed by young affociates,
who flattered his levity, and provided for his pleaſures. The
whole affembly embarked in a fleet of fixty fhips, and arrived
at Waterford after a profperous voyage, filling the whole coun-
try round with furprize and expectation.
THE
21
144
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Girald,
Ibid.
•
THE fame of this embarkation had a happy influence upon
the Irish chieftains, of whom feveral, the moſt refractory,
now determined to do homage to the king's fon, terrified by
the magnificent reprefentations of his force, and reconciled to
fubmiffion by the dignity of his birth and ſtation. But thofe
native lords of Leinſter, who had ever adhered to the Engliſh
government, were the first to pay their duty to the prince,
and to congratulate his arrival. They quickly flocked to Wa-
terford, and exhibited a fpectacle to the Norman courtiers,
which could not fail to provoke their contempt and ridicule.
They faw men cloathed in a manner totally different from their
own, with hair of a different form, bushy beards, and all the
marks of what they readily pronounced to be rudeness and
barbarifin. Theſe unfaſhionable figures, who neither fpake
their language, nor were acquainted with their manners, ad-
vanced with great eaſe through the glittering circle, and, ac-
cording to their own cuſtoms and notions of reſpect, attempted
to kiſs the young prince. His attendants ftepped in, and
prevented this horrid violation of decorum, by rudely thruſt-
ing away the Iriſh lords. The whole affembly burst into peals
of laughter, plucked the beards, and committed various per-
fonal indignities upon their gueſts and allies, to demonftrate
their own fuperiour elegance of manners, and gratify the
childiſh petulance of their maſter. Such were the tempers
and underſtandings that were to regulate the affairs of a difor-
dered kingdom, to protect their adherents, to conciliate the
unfriendly, and to reduce the difobedient.
THE Iriſh lords, amidſt all this diſguſting plainneſs and no-
velty of appearance, were fpirited and proud; tenacious of
their ſtate, and of all men moft impatient of the flighteſt mark
of contempt. They turned their backs upon the court, boil-
ing with indignation; they met others of their countrymen
haftening to the prince; they related the manner of their
own
Ch. 5.
HENRY
145
II.
*
own reception; they enflamed them to the higheſt pitch of
refentment; they returned to their habitations, collected their
families and ſubſtance, and repairing, fome to the chiefs of
Connaught, others to thofe of Thomond and Defmond, en-
larged on the indignities they had fuftained, expreffed their
own determined purpoſe of revenge, entreated the more pow-
erful lords to unite bravely againſt an enemy poffeffed with an
obftinate and implacable averfion to their whole nation, in de-
fpite of every conceffion or fubmiffion; requeſting them feri-
ouſly to confider what treatment they were to expect who had
diſcovered any reluctance in yielding to the Engliſh invaders,
when thoſe who had been the firſt to ſubmit, found their fervices
repaid with contemptuous infolence and outrage. The flame was
readily caught. The chieftains agreed, inſtead of proceeding
to do homage to prince John, to forget their private animofi-
ties, to unite in fupport of their independence, and to bind
themſelves in folemn league to exert their utmoſt endeavours
to free their country from theſe imperious foreigners.
To enflame this dangerous ſpirit yet further, the attendants
of prince John thought themſelves every where privileged to
harraſs and opprefs. Even in the maritime towns, which king
Henry had peculiarly reſerved to himſelf, new grants were
pretended, and new claims advanced againſt the citizens, to
deprive them of their poffeffions; ſo that, inſtead of doing
martial fervice, thefe veterans were wholly engaged in vexa-
tious litigation, to guard againſt the attempts of rapaciouſneſs
and fraud. The Iriſhmen who had peaceably ſubmitted to
live under Engliſh lords, and held the lands affigned to them
for their ſervices by English tenures, were treated with ſtill
lefs referve. They were at once driven from their fettlements
with the moſt difdainful infolence, to make way for theſe
luxurious courtiers, or their minions. They fled to the enemy
with the moſt rancorous averfion to their oppreffors; informed
VOL. I.
U
them
146
HISTORY OF IRELAN D. B. I.
Rot. ant.
penes Com.
Midiæ.
Girald.
Camb.
Ann. MS.
Var.
them of the fituation and circumftances of the English fettle-
ments; taught them thofe arts of war, which they had learned
by a long intercourfe with the foreigners, and directed where
their attacks might be moft effectual and diftreffing.
WHILE the ftorm of war was thus collecting, John kept his
ſtate in idle pomp, and his attendants indulged in their uſual
exceffes. The clergy folicited for grants to the church; the
foldiers urged the neceffity of defence. The religious houſe of
Saint Thomas the Martyr received additional donations, and
three caſtles were ordered to be raiſed at Tipperary, Ardfinnin,
and Lifmore, as a kind of barrier to the Engliſh province.
But the noiſe of infurrection foon became terrible to this young
prince and his luxurious train. The alarm of hoftilities and
difafters poured in from every quarter. The lately erected
caſtles, and other places of ftrength occupied by the Engliſh,
were ſuddenly attacked. At Lifmore, Robert Barry was fur-
prized and flain with his whole troop; Ardfinnin was attacked
by the prince of Limerick; the garrifon feduced into an am-
buſh by the hopes of prey,, and put to the fword without
mercy. The brave Robert de la Poer was furprized and flain
in Offory. Canton and Fitz-Hugh, two other English lords
of diſtinguiſhed valour, met with the fame fate in their differ
ent quarters. Mac-Arthy of Deſmond marched againſt Cork ;
but was boldly oppofed by Theobald Fitz-Walter, who had
accompanied Fitz-Andelm into Ireland, and proved the founder
of the noble houfe of Ormond. He is faid to have ſuddenly
attacked the Iriſh prince while in conference with certain men
of Cork at ſome diſtance from the town, and to have flain him
with his whole party. Such multiplied incurfions.could not
but aſtoniſh and confound the English government. The land
was laid waſte; lamentations were every where heard, and af-
fecting reports every day received of fome carnage or commo-
tion. Even in Meath, which the wife precautions of de Lacy
•
had.
Ch. 5.
147
H E N R Y
RY II.
1
had apparently fecured from danger, a defperate inroad threat-
ened to lay waſte the whole diftrict, and was with difficulty
repelled by William Petit, a brave commander, who fent the
heads of one hundred of the invaders to Dublin. The only
vigorous oppofition to theſe incurfions was made by the origi-
nal adventurers; for the English forces, which had lately ar-
rived, were little accustomed to fuch kind of war; nor were
the heavy arms of a Norman knight well calculated to repel
theſe fudden and defultory attacks, much leſs to purfue an
enemy into their woods and moraffes, who diſappeared as foon
as they had executed their immediate purpoſe. After fome
unſucceſsful attempts againſt their invaders, theſe, gay foldiers,
ſmarting with lofs and difgrace, fhrunk into their fortified
towns, where they lived in riot, while the open country was a
ſcene of havock and confufion. Tillage and cultivation were
entirely at an end. The improvident young prince had la-
viſhed the fums appointed to pay his army; fo that a dreadful
dearth of provifion threatened to follow cloſe upon profuſe-
nefs, war, and luxury.
·
-
Camb.
EIGHT months of diſorder had elapfed, before Henry was
fully informed of the dangerous fituation of his Iriſh intereſts,
and determined to recal young John from a government fo
weakly and wantonly adminiſtered. The king had about this
time been unhappily deprived of the fervices of Hugh de
Lacy. The late incurfions into Meath had not been repelled Girald.
without confiderable damage to his lands, which, when the
country had been once compoſed, he was indefatigable in re-
pairing. He proceeded without delay to rebuild the old, and
to erect new forts, in every fituation which required ſtrength.
Earneftly intent on theſe important works, his cuſtom was to
overſee the labourers, among whom were many of his Iriſh
tenants, to point out their bufinefs, and oftentimes to labour
in the trenches with his own hands, for their greater encou-
U 2
ragement
148
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
ragement and direction.
;
One of thefe forts he was proceed-
Ann. Anon. ing to erect at Dorrowe, or Derwarth, as the hiftorians call
the place, upon the fite of a venerable abbey. The Irish were
ſhocked at fuch profanation of this antient feat of devotion, a.
refidence of one of their moſt renowned faints; and the ha-
tred of their invader, enflamed by this fuperftition, operated
upon one of the workmen even to a degree of phrenfy., He
feized the moment when Lacy was employed in the trenches
and as he ftooped down to explain his orders, drew out his
battle-axe, which had been concealed under his long mantle,
and at one vigorous blow fmote off his head. He was too
much favoured by his countrymen not to effect his eſcape.
The flame of infurrection was inftantly re-kindled in Meath.
The news of Lacy's death was eagerly fpread abroad, and joy-
fully received. The ignorant clergy reprefented it as an act
of vengeance executed by the holy Kolomb-kill on this facri-
legious ufurper of his abbey, and ravager of Iriſh churches.
The people were thus taught to exult and triumph in this
treacherous affaffination; and the Iriſh infurgents of all parts
were confirmed and encouraged in their hoſtile purpoſes. As
the robust and boisterous valour of de Courcey ſeemed to be
Henry's beſt reſource in this dangerous fituation of affairs, he
was entruſted with the Iriſh government; and John returned
A. D 1186. to England with his giddy train, who ſeemed pleaſed to eſcape
from a country of turbulence and danger.
Ibid.
Girald,
Camb.
Hanmer.
Girald.
Camb.
DE COURCEY thus left with the old adventurers, proceeded
to the buſineſs of war, for which he was beft calculated, with
indefatigable vigour. In conjunction with young Lacy, fon to
the late lord, he is faid to have taken ſevere vengeance for the
murder of his gallant countryman. He kept his forces in con-
tinual action, repelling his invaders, and terrifying them by the
fame of his valour, and the ſpirit of his operations. And in
this defenfive war (for to fuch was he reduced) many circum-
ftances
Ch. 5.
149
HENRY
II.
MSS.
ftances concurred to favour him, and to preferve the English
power from that total extirpation with which it had been lately
threatened. The native Irish, in all the mischiefs they had
wrought, acted from fudden fits of paffion and violence, which
time naturally allayed. Their national pride ſtill made them
too inſenſible to the progreſs of the Engliſh, and the real con-
fequence of their fettlements, even at the very time when
they vowed the moſt defperate attempts againſt them. They
who in the provinces moſt diſtant from the feat of Engliſh go-
vernment, felt leaſt from their invaders, foon forgot the com- Ann. var.
mon danger, when not immediately impending, and turned
their attention to thoſe particular quarrels which ftill raged
among themſelves. In the northern parts of Ireland, inſtead
of bending their whole force againſt the Engliſh ſettlements,
the chiefs were engaged in the bloodieſt hoſtilities againſt each
other. In Connaught, the rebellious fons of Roderic at length
prevailed, depofed the unhappy father, and obliged him to
ſeek refuge from a life of turbulence and vexation, in the ve-
nerable monaftery of Cong, Old claims to the nominal fo-
vereignty of Ireland were revived. One pretender of the Ann. Anon,
O'Loughlan family was depofed; another fucceeded, ended his
ſhort career in a violent death, and his rival was reftored; but
falling in a ſkirmiſh with one of the Engliſh garrisons of Ul-
ſter, left the futile object of diſpute to produce new diſorders.
Factions and local feuds were thus multiplied; and in the Ibid.
rage
of jealouſy and revenge, the weaker party fometimes fought
affiſtance even in the Engliſh fettlements.
MSS.
DE COURCEY was thus better-enabled to fupport his govern-
ment againſt a divided and diſtracted enemy.. But of a tem-
per too bold and violent to be long contented with acting on
the defenfive, he refolved to make an attempt upon the difor-
dered province of Connaught. He collected his braveſt Ibid.
knights, and the moſt confiderable part of his Engliſh forces,
2
and
150
-B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
and marched with more valour than circumfpection, into a
country where he expected a complete conqueft, without re-
fiftance. He foon learned, however, that Connor Moienmoy,
the reigning fon of Roderic, and O'Brien, the Munſter prince,
were preparing to attack him with numbers much fuperiour to
his own, and confiderably improved both in arms and diſci-
pline, by their conteſts and intercourfe with the English. De
Courcey was at once determined, by this alarming intelligence,
to put an end to his raſh adventure, by a fpeedy retreat into
Ulfter. But fcarcely had he proceeded to the execution of
his purpoſe, when he was informed that another powerful
army lay in an advantageous fituation, ready to oppoſe his pro-
grefs. He returned to his former camp, when the confederate
army of Connaught and Thomond immediately appeared, and
threatened to overwhelm him. The courage of the Engliſh
was here put to a fevere trial. The enemy preft upon them;
nor did they repel their repeated affaults without confiderable
lofs. Their only hopes were to fecure a retreat; and in for-
cing their way through the Iriſh army, feveral of their brave
knights were flaughtered'; a retreat, however, was effected
and the enemy were contented with the glory of driving de
Courcey from the province.
;
THIS difgrace of the English arms (for ſuch it was eſteemed
Ann. Anon. by thofe who were not judges of the merit of this retreat)
encouraged the chieftains of Ulfter and Argial to attack the
Engliſh ſettlements in their territories. A furvivor of the fa-
mily of O'Loughlan fell in his rafh attempt on one of the
garriſons of Ulfter. O'Carrol, the Iriſh prince of Argial, was
defeated in a like attack; and the chieftain of Fermanagh,
his affociate, flain in the purfuit. To ſuppreſs theſe petty
commotions, de Courcey marched once more into Ulfter;
ſtormed and burned the town of Armagh, where his enemies.
had affembled, terrified them by the violence of his execu-
tion,
مل
Ch.5.
II.
HENRY
151
•
1
tion, and re-eſtabliſhed an appearance of tranquillity through
the whole province, without any oppofition from his enemies
of Connaught. Here Connor Moienmoy fell by the hand of
an affaffin hired by his own ambitious brother. This brother
was flain in revenge by a fon of Connor; and the province
once more involved in anarchy and flaughter, the dreadful con-
fequences of unnatural rebellion among the fons of Roderic.
And thus by his own vigour, and the diffentions of his ene-
mies, John. de Courcey was enabled to maintain the authority
of Engliſh government; and to fupport the acquifitions al-
ready made in Ireland by vigilance and courage, though not to
extend them by reconciling thoſe who ſubmitted with a fullen
rancour, or fubduing the more open and avowed contemners
of his authority.
SUCH was the fituation of affairs in Ireland, when Henry
the ſecond, harraffed by the treachery of his vaffals, the ma-
chinations of France, and the difobedience and revolt of his
fons, funk under thoſe accumulated vexations which he had
fo long ſupported with magnanimity and vigour, and died at
Chinon, in July of the year 1189; a prince, whom impar-
tial judgment and reflection muſt rank among the firſt cha-
Facters of hiftory.. They, who conceive that rightful power
muſt ever have a pure and rightful origin, have been at confi-
derable pains to defend his invaſion of Ireland upon the prin-
ciples of juſtice; and have ſupported his claims to the fove-
reignty of this country with a ſeriouſneſs and folemnity as ri-
diculous as the pains which their antagoniſts have taken to in-
yalidate them. Henry himſelf was too difcerning to ranſack
the fabulous hiftories of Britain, or the forged annals of the
Saxon reigns, or to recur to the formal donations of the pope,
for any other purpoſe but to give his enterprize fome colour of
pretence, or fome degree of plauſibility with the vulgar, the
prejudiced, and the fuperftitious. But whatever were the ori-
6...
ginal.
152
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
ginal pretences for his enterprize, the ambition of his youth
and profperity would have proved of fingular advantage to à
diſordered nation, had the incidents of his reign permitted him
to effect a real conqueft, and of confequence the eſtabliſhment
of a wife and equitable form of government in Ireland.
&
•
CIRCUMSTANCED as he was, upon the firft application of
the Leinſter prince, the only prudent meaſure he could have
taken, was to encourage private adventurers to court their for-
tune in his fervice. Their rapid progreſs might, in time, have
completed the ſubjection of the whole country. But the ac-
quifition would have been their own. The policy of Henry is,
therefore, not impeached by difcouraging and controuling
them. His perfonal appearance in Ireland promiſed a ſpeedier
and more effectual eſtabliſhment of his dominion, had he been
fuffered to continue there. Nor can we reflect, without indig-
nation, that a prince of fuch abilities as Henry, was diverted
from a purpoſe of ſuch real moment, by the contemptible in-
folence of a pope, and the difobedience of an ungrateful fon.
The meaſures he purſued, in confequence of this fatal-inter-
ruption, were thoſe of good policy controuled by neceffity;
but ſuch as neither tended to allay his jealoufy of the growing
power of his vaffals, nor yet to advance the progrefs of their
arms. Extenfive grants and privileges, neceffary as they might
have been, tended to create independence. A change of de-
puties, and a fucceffion of new fettlers, raiſed jealouffes and
animofities between the Engliſh themſelves. The original ad-
venturers were, piqued at the partiality fhewn to the new ſet-
tlers; the new fettlers envied the original adventurers; and
the confequence might have proved fatal, had not their ene-
mies been ſtill more difunited. The very terms of his treaty
with Roderic O'Connor fhew, that Henry was obliged to yield
to the neceffity of his affairs, and to accommodate the tranf-
actions in Ireland to his more preffing interefts. At leaſt, it
1
is
Cha 5-
153
HE II.
NRY
N
is more honourable to his policy, to fuppofe that his original
purpoſe was ſomething of greater value than to acquire a fo-
vereignty marked by nothing but a formal homage, and an in-
confiderable tribute.
t
CAMBRENSIS calls his hiftory of the tranfactions now re-
lated, that of the Conqueft of Ireland; a ridiculous flattery of
his maſter Henry, which has frequently been echoed by fuc-
ceeding writers. The court chaplain of the twelfth century
may be pardoned; but when the profeffor of laws in the eigh-
teenth, afferts in form that Ireland was conquered by Henry
the fecond, and hence proceeds to eſtabliſh the formidable
rights of conqueft, it may not be impertinent to ſtate the real
matter of fact. And thus it feems to be.
SOME English lords, with their vaffals, engage in the fer-
vice of an exiled prince in one of the Irish provinces. They
have towns and lands affigned to them for their ſervice, in aſ-
fifting him to recover his dominions. They refign their ac-
quifitions to Henry, and are again invefted with most of them,
which they conſent to hold as his liege ſubjects, by the uſual
Engliſh tenures. Henry, on his part, promifing that theſe
his fubjects in their new fettlement, fhall, with all their de-
pendencies, enjoy the advantage of their old conftitution, and
be governed by the laws of England. Several of the Iriſh
chiefs alſo ſubmit to pay homage and tribute to Henry; and in
confequence of their ceffions receive his promife to enjoy their
other rights and privileges. Roderic, who claims a ſuperiority
over the others, after having bidden defiance to the English
monarch for a while, at length, by a treaty regularly conducted
and executed, engages on his part to become his liege-man,
and to pay him tribute; on which condition it is exprefly fti-
pulated that he ſhall enjoy his rights, lands, and fovereignties,
as fully as before the king of England ever appeared, or in-
terfered in Ireland. No contracts could be more explicitly or
VOL. I.
precifely
X
154
B. 1.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Chartæ Ant.
var.
Chartæ ant.
penes Com.
Midiæ.
Ibid.
preciſely aſcertained. Accordingly, the English adventurers
govern their diſtrict by their own model, the native chiefs,
through far the greater part of Ireland, act independently of
the Engliſh government; make war and peace, enter into
leagues and treaties amongst each other; punish malefactors,
and govern by their own antient laws and cuſtoms. It requires
but a moderate attention to the records of theſe times, to know
what degree of real power Henry acquired in Ireland; and
but a moderate ſkill in politics to decide what rights he ac-
quired either over the Engliſh adventurers, or the native Iriſh,
by his federal tranſactions with each; whether we confider the
grounds of his invaſion, or the nature and extent of their fub-
miffions, or the purport of his ftipulations.
RICHARD, on his acceffion to the throne of England, was
too much engaged, by more brilliant objects, to enquire mi-
nutely into the royal claims in Ireland; and too indulgent to
his brother John to question the power and authority he de-
rived from his father's grant, and exerciſed in this country.
The ſtyle which John now affumed was that of John, earl of
Moreton, and lord of Ireland. By this latter title he had for-
merly granted lands to the monastery of Saint Thomas the
Martyr at Donoure, as well as the cuſtoms of beer and mead,
which, as it is expreffed in the charter, he uſed to receive
from the publicans of Dublin. And one of the first acts of
authority which he now exerciſed, was to grant to this reli-
gious houſe a tenth of the revenue of his city of Dublin, as
it is exprefly called. By another charter it was inveſted with
feveral privileges and poffeffions, with immunities from all ex-
actions and fecular fervices, excepting only-in his quæ ad re-
giam coronam pertinent; with a power of holding a court for
all pleas and complaints, nifi de hiis que ad regiam coronam fpec-
taverint. To the city of Dublin he granted franchiſes and li-
berties, to be held of him and his heirs. He granted lands to
I
be
Ch. 5.
155
RICHARD I.
I
Archiepif.
Dublin.
Patent.
Lib. nig.
Archiepif.
Dublin.
Regift. vocat.
Epift. De-
Crede mihi.
cret. Edit. a
be held by knights fervice, of him and his heirs, with liber- Lib. Nig.
ties and free cuſtoms, and with a refervation of church-lands,
donations of bishopricks and abbies, and pleas belonging to Ant. Lit.
the crown. He confirmed a grant of lands to the abbot of
Glendalagh, and united the fee of Glendalagh to that of Dub-
lin. The deputies-appointed to govern in Ireland during the
reign of Richard, were appointed by John; as we learn
from the monitory of pope Innocent III. addreffed to John,
in which he calls Hamo de Valoniis Officialis nobilis, viri co-
mitis de Mauritania, and commands him to oblige this his mi-
nifter to reftore whatever he had taken from the church of
Leighlin. Hoveden alfo calls Hamo de Valoniis & cæteri cuf-
todes Hiberniæ, homines comitis Johannis fratris Ricardi regis
Anglia.
Baluz.
WE fee then what effential acts of power John exerciſed in
Ireland, during the reigns of his father and of Richard. Yet
whatever pompous idea the name of lord of Ireland may con-
vey, he was certainly lord of Ireland in no other fenfe, than
the English governours appointed by Henry had been gover-
nours of Ireland. In the parts of this kingdom not immedi-
ately poffeffed by the Engliſh, his authority was not acknow-
ledged even by foreigners. For when king Richard had pre-
vailed on the pope to fend his legate, in order to folicit contri-
butions for his expedition to the Holy Land, this legate was
commiffioned to exerciſe his juriſdiction in England, Wales, Math. Paris.
and thoſe parts of Ireland, in which John, earl of Moreton,
had power and dominion. John himſelf ſpeaks in the fame
manner; for in his charter of franchiſes to the citizens of
Dublin, he grants them immunities, not through all Ireland,
where they could not be acknowledged or enjoyed, but, as he Dublin.
expreffes it, per totam terram & poteftatem meam. And Eva,
the heiress of king Deſmond,, fpeaks with ftill more precifion. Termod.
She confirms the grants made to. the fee of Dublin by earl Regift. vocat.
X 2
Lib. Nig.
Archiepif.
John, Crede mihi.
156
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. I
Hanmer.
John, and other good men of Leinfter, the proper and imme
diate feat of English power *
WHILE John referved the exercife of the above-mentioned
powers to himſelf, the adminiftration of affairs in Ireland, and
the ſupport of his authority in this kingdom, were entrusted
to the English deputies. On the acceffion of Richard, Hugh.
de Lacy the younger had fo effectually recommended himſelf
to earl John, that he was enabled to ſupplant de Courcey, and.
obtained his government. The rough uncourtly foldier could
not conceal his indignation to find the merit of his fervices
thus flighted. He retired to Ulfter, refolving to avail. himſelf
of the grants he had received from Henry, and to confine his
attention to his own immediate interefts, as a private adven-
turer. By detaching himſelf from the new deputy, he be-
trayed the real weakneſs of the English government, a ſyſtem
of a fair and plaufible appearance, but unable to ſupport the
jealoufies and conteſts of rival lords. The Irish natives were
not infenfible of their advantage; nor had the national ſpirit,
though frequently fuppreffed, been yet entirely extinguiſhed
by their private quarrels.
AMONG the furvivors of the rebellious houfe of Roderic
O'Connor, Cathal, furnamed the Bloody-Handed, now ſtood
*E regiftro vocato Crede Mihi, fol. 90.
"Omnibus tam præfentibus quam futuris, ad quos præfens charta pervenerit.
Eva comitiffa hæres regis Dermitii, falutem.
5
"Noverit univerfitas veftra me, pro falute animæ meæ & domini mei comitis
Ricardi & antecefforum meorum, conceffiffe, & præfenti charta confirmaffe
Deo & ecclefiæ Dublinienfi, & Johanni: ejufdem ecclefra archiepifcopo, &
fuccefforibus fuis, omnes poffeffiones & eleemofynas, tam in ecclefiafticis quam
in mundanis tenementis, quas eis comes Johannes. & alii boni viri de Lage.
nia, pia largitione contulerunt. Et volo quod præfata ecclefia, et ejufdem
ecclefiæ archiepifcopi eas teneant & habeant libere, quiete, & honorifice, &
integre, cum omnibus pertinentis fuis, in perpetuam eleemofynam, ficut chartá
donatorum teftantur. Teftibus, &c.”
་
(
''
higheſt
Ch. 5.
I 57
RICHARD I.
higheſt in the eſteem of his countrymen; and by the affift-
ance of a powerful faction had been invefted with the royal
dignity of Connaught. An elevation obtained by intrigue and
violence, was to be fupported by thofe qualities which ſtrike
the multitude moft forcibly. Cathal foon diſcovered an extra-
ordinary paffion for military glory; declared himſelf refolved
to affert the antient honours of his family, his province and
his country; and particularly breathed the most defperate and
determined vengeance againſt thoſe foreigners who had ufurped
fome of the faireft poffeffions in the nation, deformed the
land, and infulted the inhabitants by their caftles and fortifi-
cations, and threatened to extend their oppreffions through the
whole island. Applaufe and popularity were the confequence
of ſuch declarations. His provincials admired, and therefore
followed and obeyed him with an alacrity not always com-
manded by the mere regal title. The chiefs of Munſter re-
ſpected a young warrior, who promiſed to lead his country-
men to victory and glory. They readily confented to form an
alliance with him. That, they might act with more. vigour
againſt a common enemy, the lords of Thomond and Def-
mond agreed to bury their old quarrels in oblivion, and to Ann. Innisf
conclude a formal treaty of peace upon amicable and equitable
terms..
DE COURCEY, who perceived the rifing ftorm, was foli-
citous to ſtrengthen his fettlements in Ulfter, which were
threatened with. a formidable attack. He could expect no
fuccour from de Lacey, and therefore determined to collect all
the forces he could command of his own immediate follow-
Armoric of Saint Lawrence, his trufty friend and coun-
fellor, was inſtantly called off from fome petty enterprize, in
which he had engaged, and marched without delay to the af
fiftance of de' Courcey, with a little body of two hundred
foot, and thirty cavalry. Cathal, through part of whoſe pro-
ers₁
vince
MSS.
Hanmer.
MSS. Lam-
beth. p. No.
628. f. 52..
158
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ibid.
vince they were to march, was informed of their motions, and
reſolved to intercept them. The brave English knight foon
found he had incautioufly fallen into an ambush, where an
army, vaftly fuperiour to his own inconfiderable troop, lay
ready to deſtroy him. To contend with any hope of ſucceſs
would be madnefs; to furrender, difhonourable and danger-
ous. In this deſperate emergency the love of life ſo far pre-
vailed upon the cavalry, that they refolved to truſt to the fleet-
neſs of their horfes before they were entirely furrounded, and
leave their companions to their fate. The infantry were ſoon
informed of this reſolution; and, with the brother of Armo-
ric at their head, gathered round their companions, and re-
proached them with their ignoble purpoſe; reminded them of
the many toils and dangers in which they had fupported each
other, the friendſhips and affinities they had mutually formed,
the attachment and fidelity they had mutually experienced
from each other; conjuring them by every tender and affect-
ing motive not to difgrace their former conduct, nor to aban-
don their fellow-foldiers and their brethren to the fury of a
barbarous and revengeful enemy. The heroic ſpirit was rea-
dily excited. Armoric drew his fword, and plunged it into
his horſe; the cavalry followed his example, and with one
voice declared that they would ſhare the fate of their compa-
nions; that death was now inevitable, and that they would
meet it boldly with their weapons in their hands, rather than
ſtain their honour, by fubmitting to the mercy of an enemy
they had ſo often vanquished.
MEN thus determined are dangerous antagoniſts. They
proceeded to the execution of their purpofe with firmnefs
and compofure. Two, the youngest of their body, were or-
dered to retire to a neighbouring eminence, there to view the
engagement, and to bear a faithful report to John de Cour-
of the conduct of his friends in this their laft hour of
deſperate
cey
Ch. 5
159
RICHARD 1.
deſperate encounter. The reft marched forward with a con-
fidence aſtoniſhing to the Irish army. Cathal at first imagined
that they must have received a formidable reinforcement, and
that he was now to engage a regular army; but foon found
this little troop in the midft of his collected forces, without
fupport or reſource. They ruſhed deſperately upon the enemy;
they forced their way with terrible havock through the crowds
of their affailants, of whom a thouſand are ſaid to have fallen
under their furious impreffion. As they were completely
armed, they ſuſtained repeated onfets before they could be
wounded ; and the wounded ftill obftinately perfevered in
ſupporting and encouraging each other, till they fell under
the oppreffion of a conteſt ſo defperate, not one deigning to
Lurvive the carnage. An advantage gained with ſuch diffi-
culty, and fo little honour, was yet fufficient for the levity Mss. Lam-
and vanity of Cathal. He founded an abbey upon the field
of action, called de Colle Victoriæ; and by this weak and in-
confiderate mark of triumph raiſed a trophy to the romantic
valour of his enemies.
beth. p. No.
628, f. 52.
Ann. M.
Abb. MSS.
THE reports of infurrections and confederacies were foon
conveyed to England, and alarmed earl John, amidst the ftill
more intereſting ſchemes of his ambition, for the ſecurity of
his Iriſh government. To encreaſe the public confuſion and
diftrefs in this kingdom, the city of Dublin was almoft to-
tally deſtroyed by an accidental fire; and the neighbouring Hanmer.
diſtricts were infeſted by robbers, who annoyed the inhabit-
ants without reftraint or correction *.
* Doctor Hanmer has preferved an old tradition, importing, that on the
difperfion of the troop headed by the famous Robin Hood, fome of his fol-
lowers Aed to Ireland as a place of diforder, and of confequence fitted for
their fhelter as well as the practice of their uſual violences; that, of theſe,
one known among the old popular rhymers of England by the name of Little
John, appeared publicly in Dublin, and aftonifhed the inhabitants by his
feats
罾
​160
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
}
Ann. Inisf.
MSS.
PUBLIC diſorders, and the alarm of wars and commotions,
ſerved to caſt a ſuſpicion of fome want of abilities and vigour
on the adminiſtration of de Lacey. William Petit was fubfti-
tuted in his place, and was foon fucceeded by: William, earl
marſhal of England. This nobleman had married Iſabella,
daughter to earl Strongbow, by the princefs of Leinster; and
of conſequence was inveſted with large poffeffions in Ireland;
a circumſtance which ſeems to have made him the readier to
accept his prefent charge. A nobleman fo connected with the
country was likely to be received with favour; and the dignity
of his rank and character promifed weight and confequence to
his adminiftration.
AND a government of extraordinary vigour was now abfo-
lutely neceffary. The prince of Connaught had by his late
fuccefs, which was induftriouſly magnified, raiſed a dangerous
ſpirit among the Iriſh chiefs, his confederates. Daniel O'Brien,
the reigning prince of Thomond, that he might not be out-
done by his countryman and ally, levied a confiderable force,
and declared hoſtilities againſt the Engliſh borderers. The
contending parties encountered at Thurles, where victory de-
clared in favour of the troops of Thomond. This diſgrace,
however, did not prevent the English from continuing the
war, ravaging the territories of O'Brien, and erecting feveral
forts to keep their enemies in awe, and to fecure their own
fettlements. They even extended their depredations into Def-
mond, where the Irish leaders, notwithſtanding all their boafted
fchemes, proved unable to oppoſe their invaders; and while
they ſubmitted to ſee their country fortified againſt themſelves,
found no better pretence to palliate this fupineneſs, than to
charge their late ally, the prince of Thomond, with perfidy,
feats of archery, until his robberies became fo notorious and provoking, that
he was driven for fafety into Scotland.
2
in
Ch. 5.
161
RICHARD I.
in fecretly favouring and affifting the common enemy.
Such
fufpicions might have produced a bloody conteſt between the
provincial chiefs, had not, the effects been prevented by the
death of Daniel O'Brien; an event which gave new confi-
dence to the English, and enabled them, in the confufion of
the province, and the diſtractions arifing from a conteſted fuc-
ceffion, to pierce into the very heart of Thomond. If we
are to believe the Irish annalifts, they exerciſed the utmoſt
cruelties in their triumphant progrefs, and efpecially upon the
family of O'Brien; one of whoſe fons was blinded, and an-
other dragged from fanctuary, and maffacred in the fury of
their refentment. Such reprefentations might be at once re-
jected as the forgeries of national prejudice and averfion, did
not the abbot of Peterborough exprefly declare, that the fuc-
ceffor of O'Brien was deterred from fubmitting to the Eng-
liſh by the miſeries of his people, and the barbarities exer-
ciſed by their invaders.
BUT an advantage fo fhamefully abuſed was not of long du-
ration. Cathal, the Connaught prince, was informed of the
bloody progreſs of his enemies, and entered Munſter at the
head of a formidable army, which the English were utterly
unable to oppoſe. They retired precipitately at his approach;
and Cathal, with all the triumph of a victorious prince, raſed
their caſtles to the ground, to the furprize and admiration of
his countrymen, who expected nothing leſs than the utter ex-
tirpation of their enemies from a young warriour, in all the
pride of fortune and popular favour. But this chief, who had
neither judgment to concert, nor real power to execute any
mafterly plan for the ſubverfion of the Engliſh eſtabliſhments,
contented himſelf with the honour of defying and infulting
the enemy, and retired to his province, leaving them to repair
the havock he had made. And ſcarcely had they attempted
this neceffary work, when they found themſelves again ex-
VOL. I.
pofed
Y
162
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
poſed to the attacks of Mac-Arthy of Deſmond; who with a
Ann. Anon. valour lefs glaring, but more determined than that of Cathal,
led his forces againſt the Engliſh upon their return to Mun-
ſter, defeated them in the field, and purſued his advantage till
he had driven them out of Limerick, and confirmed his fupe-
riority, by twice defeating their attempts to recover this im-
portant place.
Ann. Inisf.
MSS.
CORKE was now the only confiderable poſt of ſtrength in
Munſter, which remained in the poffeffion of the Engliſh.
And as the garriſon were furrounded by their enemies of Def-
mond, it was not poffible for them to fubfift, much leſs to
maintain their ftation, without fome powerful fupport. The
occafion was too ſtriking not to command the attention of the
Engliſh government. A confiderable force was detached into
the South to check the dangerous progrefs of the enemy; yet
not fufficiently numerous to encounter the Defmonians, now
reinforced by the troops of Connaught, headed by their war-
like prince, thofe of O'Loughlan, chief of the antient houſe
of the northern Hi-Nial, and thofe of fome other Irish lords.
The English army received a total defeat; and the garriſon of
Corke, cut off from all reſources, feemed deftined to imme-
diate deftruction. But the fecret jealoufies of their enemies
ſerved to fufpend their fate. Cathal and O'Loughlan, the
heads of two great rival houſes, however they appeared to
unite in one common cauſe, envied and hated each other. The
rifing fame and power-of Cathal were particularly, offenfive to
a competitor filled with the pride of family, impatient of his
prefent inferiority, and fenfible that the current of fuccefs
could not fail to ſwell the power and influence of the prince
of Connaught. In the spleen of jealoufy and envy, he prac-
tifed fecretly with Mac-Arthy; and to the utter confuſion and
aſtoniſhment of the confederate army, prevailed on him to
raiſe the ſiege of Corke. The English garriſon were thus.
faved
Ch. 5.
163
RICHARD I.
I. -
faved from immediate deftruction; but without fuccours or
proviſions, cut off from all intercourſe with their country-
men, and perpetually harraffed by their enemies, they were in
a ſhort time obliged to capitulate; and Corke was furrendered
to the prince of Defmond.
THE lofs of this important place too plainly indicated the
weakneſs of a government, which could not even defend thoſe
maritime towns that king Henry had reſerved to himſelf as of
greateſt conſequence. The feeble attempts made to regain the
Engliſh intereſts in Munſter ſerved only to diſcover the real fu-
periority of their enemies. Though diffentions in the family
of O'Brien, and the ambitious defigns of one of the ſons of
Daniel to ſupplant the rightful heir, gave the Engliſh an op- Ibid.
portunity of again invading Thomond; and although repeated
attempts were made upon the territory of Defmond, yet the
whole effect of fuch expeditions was to waste and ravage the
country, without any acquifition of real and permanent ad-
vantage.
SUCH was the progreſs of events, during the adminiſtration
of the earl marfhal; when Hamo de Valois was appointed to
fucceed him in the year 1197, a period of the utmoſt public
confuſion and diſtreſs; when John de Courcey, and Hugh de
Lacey, were employed in their reſpective provinces, independ-
ent of the English government, almoſt all Munſter evacuated
by the Engliſh, and the province of Leinfter with difficulty
maintained. To fupply the urgent neceffities of a diſtreſſed
and enfeebled government, Hamo could deviſe no more imme
diate and effectual expedient than an invafion of the eccle-
fiaftical poffeffions. He began his adminiſtration (poffibly by
the inſtruction of earl John) with feizing ſeveral lands which
had been granted to the fee of Dublin; an act of violence the
moſt odious and offenfive, at a time when the rights of eccle-
fiaftics were accounted infinitely more facred than thoſe of
other
Y 2
Hoveden.
164
"B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
+
a
other fubjects. Comyn, the archbishop, was too nearly in-
tereſted, not to inveigh againſt fuch ufurpation with the ut-
moſt bitterneſs. He remonftrated, he expoftulated, he de-
nounced the vengeance of heaven against the abominable fa-
crilege, yet without redrefs. He profeffed to confider fuch
obftinacy as a violent expulfion from his paftoral charge, and
refolved to abandon his dioceſe, rather than ſeem to acquiefcé.
in the profane ufurpation of its rights. He repaired to his
cathedral, in all the folemn affliction of a confeffor weighed.
down by perfecution. Books, chalices, images, and all the
gaudy apparatus of public fervice were removed. With a
ftrain of blafphemous hypocrify he ordered the crucifixes to be-
crowned with thorns, and laid proftrate on the ground, (as if
the paffion were renewed, and the majefty of heaven dethron-
ed by a conteſt about the paltry property of an ecclefiaftic)
and laying the tremendous fentence of interdict upon his dio-
cefe, departed from the kingdom. A miracle was devifed, to
affect the minds of the ignorant and fuperftitious ſtill more
deeply. One of thoſe proftrate crucifixes was ſhown, with all
the marks of agony impreffed upon it; the face inflamed, the
eyes dropping tears, the body covered with fweat, and blood
and water iffuing from its fide. The exiled prelate received
this wonderful declaration of heaven in his favour, folemnly
attefted by his clergy, to be laid before the Roman pontiff.
Yet his enemies were ftill obdurate. His fuffragans were too
anxious for the prefervation of their own properties to pro-
voke the civil government, by efpoufing the quarrel of their
metropolitan *. His earneft applications to earl John, and
►
* Hamo did not confine his depredations to the fee of Dublin. When
that of Leighlin became vacant, he would not fuffer the abbot of Roffeval,
who had been elected bifhop by the clergy, to be confecrated; and feized the
temporalities to his own ufe, or that of the ftate. This produced a monitory
epiſtle from pope Innocent the third; which may be found in the edition of
7.
Baluzius,
Ch: 5.
16.5
RICHARD I..
Regift. Alani.
Regift. vocat.
Crede mihi.
Lib. Nig.
Archiepif.
thofe to king Richard, were equally neglected. Nor was it
till fome years after that Hamo de Valois félt compunction
for his offence, and granted to the fee of Dublin twenty caru-
cates of land; in atonement for the depredations he had com- Dublin.
mitted in the courſe of his government..
DURING thefe diforders, Roderic O'Connor, laft of the
Iriſh monarchs, died in extreme old age, in the monaftery of
Cong, where he paſſed twelve years of quiet, unnoticed by the
contending factions of his province. The brilliancy of his
conduct, on firft acquiring the monarchical dignity, if duly
fuftained, might have eſtabliſhed his authority on a firmer ba-
fis than the ſuffrage of a triumphant faction, which conferred
the title, and left him to defend it. A generous and enlarged
policy muſt have prompted him to gain over his old oppofers
by every conciliating means. But Roderic had not this po-
licy. The power which he acquired was employed to revenge
his former quarrels, and opprefs the partizans of his former
rival; and this produced that momentous event, the firſt Eng-
liſh invafion..
NOR doth his military character; fo celebrated by his coun-
trymen, appear to any advantage.in his conteſts with the Eng--
liſh.. Yet it would be raſh to form the ſevereſt opinion of this
part of his conduct, as we are not diftinctly informed of the
obſtacles and difficulties he encountered.. The Irish annaliſts,
who record his actions, were little acquainted with intrigues
of policy or faction, and little attentive to their operations.
They confine themſelves to the plain expofition of events;
tell us of an infurrection, a victory, or a retreat; but never
think of develloping the fecret cauſes that produced or influ-
enced theſe events. We know that Roderic led great armies
againſt Dermod and his Engliſh allies; but they were collected
*
Baluzius; and by fome expreffions feems to intimate, that earl John ftill
wiſhed or expected to receive the title of king of Ireland from the pope.
by
Ann. var.
MSS.
A. D. 1198.
166
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
*
by inferiour chiefs, many of whom hated and envied him.
They were not implicitly obedient to their monarch; they
were not paid; they were not obliged to keep the field; but
were ready to defert him on the moft critical emergency, if
the appointed period of their ſervice ſhould then happen to
expire. The diforders of his own family commenced almoſt
with his reign. Their progrefs was defperate and bloody, and
muſt have proved an afflicting embarraffment in all his actions
and defigns. If Henry the fecond, with his vaft abilities and
refources, was driven almoft to the brink of ruin by the re-
bellion of his fon, we are the leſs to wonder, that a like un-
natural defection of the fons of Roderic could meet with fuch
ſupport, and be attended with ſuch ſucceſs, as to deprive him
of his throne. A monaftic retreat might have afforded him a
ſhelter from outrage, but not repoſe of mind; unleſs he were
a total ftranger to the tranſactions of his province, or totally
infenfible to the moſt affecting incidents. While he was em-
ployed in formal prayers and penances, his fons were butcher-
ing each other, and deluging the land with blood. If he
were touched with theſe misfortunes and exceffes, and yet
incapable of interpofing to prevent them; we cannot well
imagine an object more pitiable than a helpleſs, unfriended,
unfupported prince, at the age of almoſt ninety, immured
by rebellious children, without power or authority to reſtrain
their outrages, now turned againſt each other, and afflicted at
the miſeries of thoſe who had depofed him. His laft pe-
riod of life, however, was fomewhat comforted, by finding
the cruel diffentions of his family end in the dominion of
a young warriour of his own blood, who promiſed to ex-
terminate the invaders, and retrieve the honours of his
country. If he entertained fuch hopes, happily he did not
furvive them. The death of a king is generally attended
with fome interefting confequences; but that of Roderic,
who
Ch. 5•
167
RICHARD I
7
who had long fince ceaſed to exerciſe the regal power, was
one of thoſe indifferent and unaffecting incidents, which are
juſt related and forgotten.
By the demise of Richard the firft in the fucceeding year,
and the acceffion of his brother, the rights transferred to
John as lord of Ireland, reverted, with the title, to the crown
of England.
CHA P.
168
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. L
'
CHA: Pi VI
State of government in Ireland at the acceffion of king John.-
Meiler Fitz-Henry fucceeds to Hamo de Valois.-Difaffection of
John de Courcey-Both he and Hugh de Lacy affect independ-
ence.-Grants to Braofa and de Burgo.-Progress of de Burgo.
}
He dethrones Cathal king of Connaught.-Defeats Onial, de
Courcey, and de Lacy in their attempt to restore Cathal.-His
progrefs in Munster.-Cathal practifes with de Burgo.-De-
feats and kills his rival.-Is restored.-His ingratitude.-Mei-
ler marches to reduce de Burgo.-Is joined by Cathal and by
O'Brien:-De Burgo furrenders, and returns to his allegiance.
-The chiefs of Connaught and Thomond give hostages to Meiler.
-Two parts of his province ceded by Cathal.-Caufe of the
revolt of the English barons in Ireland.-Violence of de Cour-
cey.-Is accufed by Hugh de Lacy to king John.-The Lacies
commifioned to reduce de Courcey.-Who is obliged to abandon
Ulfter.-Receives the king's fafe-conduct, and repairs to Eng-
land.-Romantic detail of de Courcey's being betrayed into the
hands of Hugh de Lacy.-Of Hugh's indignation at the
treachery, and his puniſhment of the agents. Of de Courcey
and the French champion.-Of the furprizing proof of his bo-
dily ftrength.-Remarks on this detail.-Hugh gains the earl-
dom of Ulfter.—Repairs to the king.-Aid for the recovery of
Normandy demanded from the Irish clergy.-Pope Innocent's
controverfy with John begins in Ireland.-Difpute about the
fucceffion to the fee of Armagh.-John prevailed upon to ac-
knowledge and admit the pope's prelate.-Soon experiences the
dreadful confequences.-In the midst of his conteft with the pope
he undertakes an expedition into Ireland.-State of Ireland at
this period.-Caufe of John's displeasure against the Lacies-
and against William de Braofa.-The Lacies fly from Ireland at
the
Ch. 6.
169
5
N.
j OH
}
+
the arrival of John.-He grants his Iriſh ſubjects a charter of
laws-which is depofited in the exchequer of Dublin.-He
makes a new divifion of counties.-The wife and family of Wil-
liam de Braofa imprisoned:-The Lacies diftreffed in France.--
Are restored to favour, and reinftated in their poffeffions.-
John departs from Ireland.-Administration of John de Grey.
-Circumstances favourable to his government.-Interpofition of
king John in favour of Cathal.-John ftrives to gain the Irish
princes by courteſy.-Henry de Londres, prelate of Dublin, acts
as an Engliſh baron.-Expreffes his indignation at the conduct
of Pandulf-His tranfactions in the congrefs of Runingmede.-
Acceffion of Henry the third.-Requifitions of his barons in Ire-
land.-Letter of Henry to Geoffry de Maurifco.-Grant of the
great charter of liberties to his fubjects of Ireland.
A
N undisputed fucceffion to the crown of England, and
a peaceful ſovereignty, might have proved an happy in-
cident to Ireland, by enabling John to apply his prefent ac-
ceffion of power to the compleat fettlement of an iſland,
harraffed and afflicted by a variety of contefts and competi-
tions, oppreffed by avarice, and mangled by faction. But
John, who had ſeized the throne in prejudice to the claim of
Arthur of Bretagne, fon to his elder brother, had all the dif-
ficulties of an ufurpation to encounter. His continental in-
tereſts were to be fecured, his refractory barons to be gained,
the intrigues of France to be defeated, Arthur and his parti-
zans to be reconciled or reduced; fo that at the very com-
mencement of his unhappy and inglorious reign, he was in-
volved in cares and difficulties; and amidſt the more intereſt-
ing objects of his concern, had neither leifure nor inclination
to attend to the affairs of Ireland.
SOME former grants indeed were renewed, at the inftances Chart. penes
of thoſe who had obtained them, as well to the church as to
Com. Mid.
MSS.
VOL. I.
Z
the
170
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
L
Rot. Turr.
Lond.
MSS. Lam-
beth.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
Ibid.
Cox.
the lay barons; and Hamo de Valois, who from harraffing
the ecclefiaftics, proceeded to commit depredations on the
laity, and amaffed confiderable riches at the expence both of
the ſubjects and the crown, was removed from his govern-
ment with diſgrace, and obliged to pay the king one thou-
fand marks, as a diſcharge from his accounts. Meiler Fitz-
Henry, natural fon of Henry the firft, and one of the moſt
diſtinguiſhed barons who had originally adventured into Ire-
land, was appointed to fucceed him; but unaffifted by the
king, and ill fupported by the great lords, who enjoyed their
Iriſh grants and acquifitions; he was confined to the feat of
government, without a force for any brave attempt worthy of
his valour and abilities. John de Courcey, and Hugh de
Lacy, two of the moft powerful fettlers in Ireland, had for
ſome time affected a ſtate of independence. The former had
lived in almoſt perpetual hoftilities with the chiefs of Ulfter;
and though ſometimes, defeated, particularly by his moſt ac-
tive and powerful opponent, Hugh O'Nial of Tir-owen, yet,
by an obftinate and indefatigable valour, he ſtill maintained
his acquifitions. But far from acknowledging allegiance to.
king John, he openly and boldly impeached his title to the
crown; and ſeemed rather to affume the port of an Iriſh chief-
tain, than an Engliſh baron. Both he and de Lacy entered
into treaties with the neighbouring lords, and affifted in their
local and provincial contefts, which were immediately re-
fumed, as foon as any advantage gained over the English en-
flamed their pride, and allayed the fudden fit of national re-
fentment.
AMONG the grants renewed by John, were thoſe of the lands
of Thomond to Philip de Braofa, and William his fon, ex-
cepting the city of Limerick, which, with the lands for-
merly granted in Connaught, was affigned to the cuſtody of
William de Burgo, a baron of the family of Fitz-Andelm.
I
And
Ch. 6.
171
JOH
N.
''
MSS.
And thefe lord's now appeared with a formidable train of fol- Ann. Anón.
lowers to fupport their claims. De Burgo, who ſeems to have
acted with peculiar vigour, foon contrived to poffefs himſelf of
Limerick, and to form a fettlement, which threatened all
Munſter, diſtracted as it was by the barbarous quarrels of ri-
val chiefs. The like factious competitions in Connaught en-
abled him to affert his claims in this province. Cathal the
Bloody-handed, who, at the firſt beginnings of his reign, had
promiſed fuch prodigies of fuccefsful valour, found himſelf
fuddenly controuled by the fecret practices of his enemies, his
popularity declining, his partizans revolting with their ufual Ibid.
fickleneſs, and an enterprizing and ſubtle rival labouring to
fupplant him. Carragh O'Connor, a chieftain of his own
blood, aſpired to the royal dignity of Connaught, formed a
party in ſupport of his pretenfions; but, inſtead of proceeding
with the uſual violence and precipitation of his countrymen,
addreſſed himſelf fecretly to de Burgo; and promifing to in- Ware ex
veft him with thoſe lands which he claimed by the grant of Ann. MSS.
John, engaged him in his ſervice againſt a prince, who, by
his former conduct, was judged to be peculiarly averfe to the
admiffion of ſuch claims. Their enterprize was conducted
with ability and vigour, and was attended with ſucceſs. Ca-
thal, fuddenly attacked even in his own court, and utterly un-
provided for defence, fled precipitately from the province, and
left his rival Carragh in poffeffion of the regal dignity.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
A. D. 1199.
THE news of this fudden and extraordinary revolution was
received by the neighbouring chieftains with aftoniſhment.
The exiled prince fled to O'Nial of Tir-Owen; made the moſt
pathetic repreſentations of his wrongs, and entreated his af-
fiftance against this injurious ufurpation. He was received,
commiferated, and confoled with the affurance of an effectual
ſupport. A confederacy was formed, and a powerful army Ibid.
raiſed, by the influence of the northern chief. Taught by the
Z 2
example
172
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. Í.
example of Carragh, they facrificed their national prejudices
to the interefts of the prefent enterprize, entered into treaty
with de Courcey and de Lacy, and prevailed on them to unite
their forces in the cauſe of Cathal. Thus were Engliſh lords
engaged againſt each other, in the local factions and conten-
tions of the natives, fo deeply were they already tainted by
their contagious manners. The ufurper and his Engliſh al-
lies, commanded by de Burgo, marched out to meet their in-
vaders, and encountered them with the utmoft bravery. The
A. D. 1200. conflict was obftinately ſupported; but victory at length de-
clared in favour of the troops of Connaught, and thofe of Ul-
fter and Meath were purſued with confiderable flaughter. To
aggravate the misfortune of O'Nial, whofe power, like that of
other Iriſh princes, was maintained, or at leaſt confiderably af-
fected by opinion, his fubjects, in the vexation of their de-
feat, paffionately renounced his authority; and in his place
Ann. Anon. fubftituted another chieftain of Tir-Owen; who, in his ea-
gerness to imprefs them with a favourable idea of his valour,
fell in an engagement with the forces of Tir-Connel ; an
event which, as ufual, involved his territory in factions, ufurp-
ations, and maffacres. If the Irish annalifts dwell on the
fhocking detail of fuch exceffes, it ſeems to be imputed, not
fo much to any natural defect of ſenſibility, as to ſuperſtition,
that fatal corrupter of our generous and humane affections. No
chief was ever flain either by war or affaffination, but was found
to have by fome means offended one of their renowned faints.
His death was the vengeance of heaven; and was to be di-
fiinctly noted, in order to diſplay the power of this offended
faint, and the glory of his dealing deftruction from the re-
gions of peace and love.
MSS.
DE BURGO, whofe fame and power were confiderably en-
creaſed by his late fucceffes, tempted by the hopes of new ac-
quifitions, and encouraged by the weakneſs of Engliſh govern-
ment,
1
}
1
Ch. 6.
173
JOH N.
MSS.
ment, forgot his allegiance to the crown, and made war and
peace by his own proper authority, as a fovereign and inde-
pendent chief. Limerick was made the feat of his power;
from whence he first iffued forth againſt the Irish lords of
Thomond, one of whom, Connor Ruadh, a factious afpirer to Ann. Innisf.
the principality, he feized and confined; and ſtill extending
his ambitious views, proceeded to alarm the chiefs of Deſ-
mond by a vigorous incurfion. After fome hoftilities the au-
thority of the clergy, together with a legate of the pope, now
refiding in Defmond, prevented the calamities of war. A
treaty was commenced by their interpofition, and ſpeedily con-
cluded between the Defmonians and de Burgo, who had the
honour of receiving hoftages from the Irish lords as a fecurity
for the due performance of their ftipulations, and returned
peaceably to Limerick, but foon found new employment for
his enterprizing genius. Cathal, the Connaught prince, who
had been depofed by his arms, had ſtill a confiderable faction
in his favour, and ftill entertained hopes of recovering his do-
minion. The preſent fituation of his Engliſh allies in Meath
and Ulfter deprived him of all hopes of any further affiſtance
from theſe quarters.. O'Nial, his affociate, of Tir-Owen, was
in circumſtances fimilar to his own, depofed, and now labour-
ing to be re-eſtabliſhed. As his laſt reſource, he conceived
the deſign of applying to de Burgo; with a fubtilty of ad-
dreſs, which an active temper foon learns from contention and
misfortune, he laboured to detach this lord from the intereſts
of his rival; and by flattery and promiſes ſo effectually pre-
vailed, that he now declared againſt the prince whom he had
but juſt eſtabliſhed; and in conjunction with Cathal marched
into Connaught to depofe him. Carragh, though furpriſed,
and ill provided for defence, encountered his invaders with be-
coming ſpirit; and when overpowered by numbers, diſdaining
to ſurvive the loſs of royalty, fell bravely in the field. Cathal
thus
Ibid.
174
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
thus reftored, was now to perform the promifes he had la-
viſhed on his new ally. De Burgo had been too much daz-
zled by the hopes of large and valuable ceffions in his pro-
vince, to diſcern the infincerity of this. prince; and was now
confounded to find all his rapacious views utterly diſappointed,
and his ſervices repaid with treachery and ingratitude. His
demands were diſdainfully rejected; and when he had recourſe
to arms for his redrefs, the fuperiour force of Cathal foon
obliged him to confult his ſafety by a precipitate and diſho-
nourable flight.
In order to revenge this perfidy, and to retrieve the honour
Ann. Innisf. of his arms, de Burgo made another inroad into Connaught;
but was ſpeedily recalled to his head-quarters by the alarm of
a new and formidable enemy. Meiler Fitz-Henry had by
this time been enabled to raiſe a confiderable force; and juſtly
conceiving that it was his firft duty to ſupport the authority
of his royal maſter againſt his revolted ſubjects of England,
bent his march towards Limerick, declaring his refolution to
chaſtiſe the difloyalty of its preſent governour. The Iriſh
princes feared and hated de Burgo; and at the ſame time were
juſtly alarmed at an appearance of vigour and activity in the
Engliſh government. Cathal determined to fecure himſelf
againſt the revenge which he had juſtly provoked, by treating
with Meiler, and offering his affiſtance against their commoǹ
enemy. O'Brien of Thomond made the like tender of his
ſervices; ſo that an Engliſh governour was now, for the firſt
time, feen at the head of the native Irish, marching againſt
his own countrymen. Meiler thus reinforced, formed the
fiege of Limerick with an army which de Burgo was utterly
unable to refift. He had no reſource but to capitulate, and re-
turn to his allegiance. His fubmiffion was accepted, and his
homage renewed; and Meiler was now at leiſure to enter into
a more regular and formal treaty with his new Irish affociates.
They
1
Ch. 6.
175
JOH N.
They had both been harraffed by faction and contention in
their different provinces, and therefore were the readier to
feek for ſhelter in the protection of the Engliſh government.
O'Brien made fuch conceffions as feem to have ſhocked the
pride of his countrymen, and gave hoftages as a fecurity for
the peaceable and faithful performance of his ftipulations.
The conceffions of Cathal were ftill more important. He
confented to ſurrender two parts of Connaught to king John,
and to pay one hundred marks annually for the third part, Archiv.
which he retained, and was to hold in vaffalage. The king
was even allowed to chooſe his portion in the moſt improved,
convenient, and beſt inhabited parts of Connaught. At leaſt
he directs that the choice fhould be thus made, in his letter
to Meiler Fitz-Henry, whom he inveſts with all the iffues and
profits of his portion, to be expended on fortifying and im-
proving it *.
* Ex Arch. Turris Londinenfis.
"Rex, &c. dilecto & fideli fuo Meilero filio Henrici jufticiario Hiberniæ
falutem. Mandaftis nobis per literas veftras & nuncios noftros & veftros, quod
rex Conaciæ nobis quietas clamaffet duas partes Conaciæ, ita quod tertia pars-
ei remaneret tenendum hereditarie per centum marcas nobis & hæredibus nof-
tris inde reddendas annuatim. Et quia videtur nobis & confilio noftro hoc
nobis expedire, fi vobis ita videtur vobis mandamus quod hoc ita fieri faciatis,
ita quod eligatis illas duas partes ad opus noftrum ficut melius videritis expe-
dire, in fide qua nobis tenemini, ubi fcilicet meliores villæ & portus fuerint,
&·loca competenciora ad commodum noftrum, & ad fortes domos firmandas.-
Et de prædicto rege obfides & quafcunque poteritis fecuritates capiatis, quod
fidelis nobis exiftet; & remaneat ei prædicta tertia pars Conaciæ per prædic-
tum fervicium ; & efficiatis quod omnes nativi & fugitivi qui ex duabus par-
tibus quæ nobis remanferint, exierint, revertantur cum omnibus catallis &
fequela fua; et in iifdem partibus noftris caftellas firmetis, & villas conftitua-
tis, & redditus affideatis, & commodum noftrum ficut melius expedire vide--
ritis faciatis. Et ad hoc faciendum, exitus ejufdem terræ, fi opus fuerit, &
redditus noftros capiatis, & cum nobis manderitis quid inde feceritis, fecun-
dum quod nobis mandaveritis, eidem regi cartam noftram faciemus." Tefte,
&c.
Turr. Lond:
THE
176
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAN D.
J
THE ſpirit of independence and difaffection which had lately
appeared among the Engliſh barons of Ireland, had been ex-
cited not only by their large grants, and extenfive fettlements,
but by the circumſtances and fituation of the Engliſh mo-
narch. Like the other lords of his realm, they were neither
reconciled to his fucceffion, nor fatisfied with his conduct.
Readily imbibing the fentiments of their countrymen, they
learned to deſpiſe the meanness of his treaty with France;
they were provoked at his oppreffions in England, confounded
at the death of Arthur; and fecure (as they fuppofed) by their
diſtant fituation, vented their invectives againſt his fuppofed
Hen. Marlb. murderer with the greater freedom and virulence. The vio-
lent and artleſs temper of John de Courcey was particularly
enflamed by the unhappy fate of a young prince, whoſe
tenfions to the crown he had originally approved, and whoſe
death he now reſented in ſuch terms of reproach, as ſuited his
unrefined integrity. Hugh de Lacy, more flexible and tem-
porizing, and fecretly envying the growing power of this
lord, ſeized the advantage of his indifcretion, and delated him
to the king; urging the danger of a revolted ſubject attended
with a large and warlike train, in a ſtation of confiderable
ftrength; and who, not contented with renouncing his alle-
giance, openly and boldly accuſed his fovereign as the affaffin
of his nephew, and rightful liege lord.
Hanmer.
A. D. 1203.
pre-
JOHN was ftung with this reproach, and provoked at his re-
volt. He fummoned him to repair to his prefence, and do
him homage. De Courcey treated his mandate with con-
tempt; fo that, about the fame time that Meiler Fitz-Henry
was preparing to reduce de Burgo, de Lacey and his brother
Walter had commiffion to fubdue this refractory baron, and to
fend him priſoner to the king. The hopes and paffions of a
rival were effectually gratified by this commiffion; which the
brothers proceeded to execute with the utmoſt alacrity. De
7
Lacey
1
Ch. 6.
177
J
H N.
0
Ann. Anon.
Archiv. Turr.
MSS.
Lond.
Lacey led on his troops, pierced into Ulfter, and is faid to have 1203.
come to an engagement with de Courcey at Down, in which
he was forced to retire with difgrace, and no inconfiderable loſs.
The Ulfter lord, however confcious that he could not long main-
tain a war against fuch forces as the English government might
command, and dreading to be defpoiled of his valuable acqui-
fitions, confented to fubmit and do homage to John, demand-
ing a fafe conduct, and giving hoſtages and fureties for his
peaceable departure and appearance before the king. The Irish
annaliſts mention nothing more of the tranfactions of theſe
contending lords, but that Lacey compelled John de Courcey
to depart from Ulfter; and that he obtained the fafe-conduct
of Tirowen. The archives of the Tower furnish us with the
mandate of John to the Ulfter barons who had become fureties
for their chief, directing them to cauſe him to appear and per-
form his fervice, by a term to be affigned by his lord juſtice of
Ireland; together with the king's fafe-conduct to de Courcey,
and the names of the hoſtages delivered on his part. But the
Engliſh writers have (upon the acknowledged authority of Iriſh
narratives) delivered a fuller, and more circumſtantial detail of
theſe tranſactions, and the fortunes of John de Courcey; which,
romantic as it appears, ſhall not be paffed over, as it appears
to be not unworthy of fome remark.
IMMEDIATELY after the defeat at Down, (as theſe annaliſts
deliver) de Courcey offered the combat to Hugh de Lacey,
which this lord, in reſpect of his commiffion from the king,
refuſed to undertake againſt a rebellious ſubject; but, by pro-
clamation, promiſed a large reward to thoſe who ſhould ſeize
and deliver him up alive or dead. When this proved ineffec-
tual, he in the next place practifed fecretly with fome of the
attendants and followers of de Courcey, and by bribes and pro-
miſes prevailed upon them to betray their mafter. Having chofen
their opportunity, when he was doing penance near the church
VOL. I.
A a
of
Hen. Marl.
Campion.
Hanmer,
Cox, &c.
178
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
蚌
​}
of Down, unfuſpecting and unarmed, they attacked and killed
fome of his retinue, particularly two fons of Armoric of St.
Laurence, who roſe up to defend their uncle; and although de
Courcey with his ufual prowefs feized a large wooden crofs,
and with this weapon killed thirteen of his affailants, yet the
furvivers overpowered, bound, and led him captive to de Lacey ;
demanding the reward of their treachery. But this lord,
with a generous abhorrence of fuch agents, ordered them to
embark on board a veffel which he had provided; with a paff-
port not to be opened until they fhould land; in which he re-
lated their perfidy to their mafter, and forbad the king's fub-
jects to receive or protect them. Expofed to the fea without
pilot and without provifions, they were at length driven into
Cork; and there theſe wretched men were hanged by order
of de Lacey.
In the mean time John de Courcey was conveyed to Eng-
land, and condemned to perpetual impriſonment: where he
remained unnoticed, until a champion of Philip king of France
appeared at the court of John, and propofed to affert his maf-
ter's claim to Normandy, or to fome caftle of this province (for
it is variouſly related) in fingle combat. John, mortified to
find no fubject of his realm prepared to encounter this boifter-
ous challenger, is reminded that his prifoner de Courcey pro-
miſed by his valour and bodily ftrength to prove more than
equal to the French champion. De Courcey is invited to ſup-
port the honour of his country: and, after repeated denials, is
at length prevailed upon, not for the fake of John who had
treated him fo injuriouſly, but for the honour of his crown and
kingdom, to accept the challenge. He defires his own fword
to be brought from Ireland; the rigours of his confinement are
foftened; and his ftrength reftored by due care and nouriſh-
ment. The day of this important decifion arrives: the princes
and nobles of each nation are affembled in the moſt anxious im-
patience
Ch. 6.
179
JO H N.
1 (
patience for the event: the Frenchman first appears : de
Courcey prepares with a compofure and deliberation highly pro-
voking to thoſe who are to conduct him; to whom he obſerves
with a fullen eaſe, that if any of them were invited to fuch a
banquet, they would make no great hafte: and when he at
length enters the lifts, the Frenchman, having furveyed him
minutely, and being terrified by the ſtern aſpect, the gigantic
fize, and ſtrong proportion of his antagoniſt, declines the com-
bat, and flies into Spain.
THE two kings, who are faid to have been witneffes of this
triumph of de Courcey, now entreated him to give ſome proof
of his bodily ftrength, as they had been diſappointed in their
expectations of his hardy combat with the Frenchman. In
compliance with their defire, we are told, that he ordered a
ſtake to be driven into the ground, on which were placed a coat
of mail and helmet. Then drawing his fword, and looking with
a ſtern and threatening aſpect on the princes, he ſtruck it through
the armour fo deeply into the ſtake, that no one but himſelf
could draw it out. The princes expreffed their aftoniſhment
not only at his vigour, but at the ſtrange and menacing looks
which he had darted at them both: to whom he anſwered with
a rude and fullen violence, that had he miffed his blow, he
ſhould have ſtricken off their heads. The importance of his
preſent ſervice atoned for theſe paffionate expreffions. John
gave him his liberty, reſtored him to his poffeffions, and it is
added, that on this occafion, he, at the requeſt of de Courcey,
granted to him and his heirs the privilege of ftanding covered
in their firſt audience with the king of England.
To heighten the marvellous of this narrative ſtill further,
we are affured, upon the authority of the Book of Howth, that
when this lord attempted to return into Ireland, he was re-
peatedly driven back by contrary winds, which rofe in fudden
gufts, on every embarkation: that he was as often warned in a
A a 2
vifion,
1
180
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
vifion, that all his attempts to viſit Ireland were vain, for that
he had grievously offended, by depriving the mafter, and fetting
up the fervant: and that, recollecting that he had formerly
tranflated the church of Down dedicated to the Holy Trinity,
into an abbey of black monks, confecrated to the honour of
Saint Patrick; he acknowledged his offence, retired into
France, and there died.
.
They who reject the fuperftitious addition, have yet adopted
the romantic part of this narrative without fcruple; though
both evidently ſtand upon the fame original authority. The
ſtory of the ſeizure and captivity of de Courcey is confuted by
a public record, which agrees with the ſhort ſtricture of the
manuſcript I have quoted, and is of infinitely more authority
than the longeſt train of annalifts and hiftorians, each echoing
the tale of his predeceffor. The champion and the challenge
is framed in conformity to the manners of this age, in which
the rights of princes were frequently decided by fingle combat.
But before the date of John's fafe-conduct granted to de Courcey,
Normandy had been loft, and even Roan its laft remaining city,
abandoned by his fhameful conduct. The proof of vigour
which the Ulfter lord is faid to have exhibited before the two
kings, is equally repugnant to the tenor of authentic hiſtory.
From the time of his departure from Ireland, there is no pe-
riod in the whole reign of John, in which theſe fovereigns could
have held a perſonal conference either in France or England..
The general nature and form of this narrative, the circumftan-
tial minuteneſs with which it is delivered, and the poetical co-
louring by which it is enlivened, render it fufpicious even at
firſt view: public records detect ſome part of it; the moſt au-
thentic and inconteſted hiſtories of this reign deſtroy the credit
of others, and indeed leave nothing that claims any reaſonable
er plauſible ſupport..
BUT
Ch. 6.
181
$
H N.
J
But it would not be worth while to detain the reader by
this romantic tale, merely for the fake of refuting it, if we did
not conceive it to be a fpecimen not unworthy of regard, of the
narrative of Iriſh bards and romancers, and the liberties they
affumed of enlarging and embelliſhing the real incidents of their
times. They who lived in earlier times are not fo eafily de-
tected. But we fee with what caution we are to receive their
narratives, when in times lefs obfcure, and, when confronted
by other evidence, this order of men have hazarded fuch bold
fictions, and with fuch eafe and fuch fuccefs, have obtruded
the marvellous and the affecting upon their unrefined hearers,
for real hiſtory. But as we find in theſe inſtances that the tales
of the Iriſh bards were founded upon facts, we may reaſonably
conclude that their predeceffors took the fame courfe: that
they ſophiſticated the truth by their additions, but were not
entirely inventors. Their very fictions ſeem to prove that fome
folid foundation of true hiftory lay at the bottom of their gaudy
fuperftructures. The tradition of the death of earl Strong-
bow's fon may have been merely the invention of a popular
rhimer, but we may fairly collect from it, that the earl was
rigid in his temper, and fevere in his difcipline: and the nar-
rative now recited, affords an additional evidence that John de
Courcey, fo famous in the annals of Ireland, was robuft, vali-
ant, and boisterous, difaffected to king John, forced from Ulfter
by de Lacey, and obliged to furrender, and attend the king in
England.
Cox.
UPON the death of this lord; which feems to have happened Hanm.
foon after his departure from Ireland, (or poffibly upon his first
diſgrace) the earldom of Ulfter was granted to Hugh de Lacey,
in prejudice to the claim of Milo, fon of de Courcey, and one
Lond.
of thofe hoftages he had fent to John. And this feems to prove Arch. Turr.
that John de Courcey had not been reconciled to the king, nor
reſtored to favour. On the contrary, his honours and poffef-
2à
fions
?
#
182
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Hana.
Feb. 1204-5
Kyncr.
Rymer.
fions transferred to another lord, by the indifcreet and caprici-
ous bounty of the king, ſerved to fwell the pride, and raiſe the
power of the Laceys to a formidable height. Their inveteracy
against their late rival (the caufe of which is not particularly
explained,) and their apprehenfions that his pofterity might at
ſome time regain what was now bestowed on them, operated
with fuch unrelenting ſeverity, that a natural ſon of de Courcey,
lord of Raheny, a diftrict in the neighbourhood of Dublin, is
faid to have been affaffinated by their contrivance.
And pof-
fibly their violences might have extended ftill further, to the
father-in-law of this lord, the king of Man; for we find that
about this time, he was obliged to fue to king John for pro-
tection againſt his enemies, which he received by a formal pa-
tent, for himſelf, his lands, and people.
AND now, as the diftreffes of John required the prefence and
affiſtance of his moſt truſty and favourite barons, both Hugh
de Lacey, and Meiler Fitz-Henry, were called into England,
and the government of Ireland entrusted to Walter de Lacey,
together with the archdeacon of Stafford, who, poffibly from
his function, was deemed a proper agent to folicit the fubfidy
which John now demanded from the clergy of Ireland, in order,
to enable him to oppoſe the progreſs of Philip, and to recover.
Normandy: a pretence which ſerved him to harraſs his fub-
jects with oppreffive demands, exacted without mercy, and la-
viſhed without honour or advantage; till the ambition of pope
Innocent the third roufed him from that fcandalous infenfibi-
- lity, with which he had beheld the lofs of his continental do-
Epift. Deer. minions. This politic and aſpiring pontiff, though, a little
before the acceffion of king John, he had been openly and
boldly oppoſed even by a prince of Deſmond, in his attempt
to confer the bishoprick of Rofs, yet found another opportu-
nity of making experiment of his power in Ireland, before he.
declared his defigas againſt the church and ſtate of England.
a Balaz.
Ι
IN
Ch. 6.
183
JOH N.
•
In most of the grants made to the Engliſh adventurers in
Ireland, there was an expreſs reſervation of the donations of
bishopricks and abbies to the lord of Ireland. So that on the
deceaſe of Thomas O'Connor, prelate of Armagh, king John
afferted his privilege, and nominated an Engliſhman named
Humphry de Tickhull to the fee. But the fuffragan bishops, Ware de Pr,
and fome clergy of the diocefe, probably by the practices of a
legate now refident in England, proceeded without regard to
H.
Lood.
the royal mandate, to elect Eugene one of their own country-
men. John, incenſed at this contempt of his authority, ad- Pynn.
dreffes an appeal to the Irish legate, againſt this irregular elec- Arch. Tarr.
tion while Eugene in the mean time repairs to Rome, and is
confirmed by the pope. The king, ſtill more provoked, ſends a
peremptory mandate to the clergy of Armagh, and another di-
rected to all the faithful in this dioceſe, ſtrictly forbidding them
to receive Eugene, or to acknowledge him as their prelate:
and, ſtill refolute in defence of his rights, on the death of Tick- Ware, ut fup,
hull, nominates the archdeacon of Meath as his fucceffor.
Thus was the conteft protracted for a confiderable time: the
clergy of Armagh adhering to the pope, and receiving Eugene;
the king infiſting on his privileges, and with-holding the tem-
poralities of the fee.
In this conteft, the clergy had the popular favour and opi-
nion entirely on their fide; an advantage of fome moment. The
Engliſh competitors for the primacy had their fole reliance
upon court-favour. Unnoticed in their own country, they
had fought that preferment in another, which they could not
claim by their merits where they were better known, and ob-
tained it by fome fortunate incidents, or connexions. Eugene,
on the contrary, had recommended himfelf by a long courfe
of exemplary conduct, which raiſed the utmost indignation at
the pretenfions of his rivals, and caft an odium on the oppofi-
tion of John. When he repaired to England, in order to make
his
}
184
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
Prynn.
Ibid.
his peace with this prince, his countrymen could not conceive
that a predate of fuch tranfcendent worth and holiness had any
motive for this journey, but the welfare of the nation; and
their annálifts, equally prejudiced, reprefent him as undertaking
a painful journey to the court of England, on purpoſe to lay
open the irregularities of the English fettlers, and to plead
against their avarice and oppreffion.
BUT the length to which this difpute had been protracted,
and the intervention of affairs much more important, operated
in favour of Eugene and his pretenfions, more than the fuperio-
rity of his character.. Above all, three hundred marks of filver
and one hundred marks of gold, prefented to the king, in his
neceffities, without the apparent interference of the prelate,
foftened the violence of John, and at length prevailed upon
him to inveft Eugene with all the rights of the fee: fo that
Innocent thus gained an advantage, which he took effectual
care to improve. in his conteſt about the fucceffion to the fee
of Canterbury. The pride and paffionate violence of John,
here, bore up for a while againſt the reſolute and determined
rigour of the pontiff. His claims were received with indigna-
tion; the fentence of interdict revenged by the Tevereft oppref-
fions of the Engliſh clergy; and when the bishop of Exeter had
with others of his brethren declared for the pope, and aban-
doned his dioceſe, the Iriſh prelate of Armagh, whoſe election
the king had but juſt now oppofed, was called into England,
and entruſted with his paſtoral charge. But the dreadful fen-
tence of excommunication, the apparent difaffection of his ſub-
jects, and the well-grounded fear of a confpiracy, at length,
fo far prevailed over the king's ufual indolence, that an army
was raifed by pillaging the miferable Jews, to give luftre to
his government, and to intimidate his enemies. And as Scot-
land and Wales, which were first threatened, took care to avert
the ftorm of war by a timely fubmiffion, the laft pretence for
affecting
1
Ch. 6. ·
185
ј
H N.
о
н
11
affecting an appearance of vigour, and keeping up a military
force, was the fituation of affairs in Ireland, and the reduction
of his enemies in this country.
part
Not only
MSS.
Lond.
THE preſent condition of Ireland was not apparently fo cri-
tical and alarming as to require the immediate prefence of the
king, and his royal army. The vigour and activity of Meiler
Fitz-Henry in the fouthern expedition againſt de Burgo, had
given the Engliſh intereft a firmer eſtabliſhment in this
of Ireland, than it had obtained for fome years.
Limerick but Cork had been recovered; and a ſtrong fort added Ann. Innisf.
to this latter city, which kept the Deſmonians in due ſubjec-
tion: and the death of Daniel Mac-Arthy, their warlike chief,
together with their own inteftine broils, which never were
fufpended, weakened this people; and of confequence gave
ftrength to the English. Meaſures were concerted by Meiler
for adding ſplendour and confequence to the English govern-
ment. At his inftances, John's mandate was received for build- Archiv. Turt.
ing a tower in Dublin for the fecurity of his treaſure, which
the deputy was empowered to enlarge into a royal palace, if
he ſhould find it expedient: and three hundred marks, a fine
due from one of the king's barons of Ireland, were affigned to-
wards defraying the expence. A dreadful plague, however, Ann. Innisf
which had ſpread through many parts of Leinster, raged with
particular violence in Dublin: and as fuch calamities are often
aggravated by the outrages of the defperate and neceffitous, the
deputy received a fpecial order to expel all robbers and plun- Prynn.
derers from the king's lands of Ireland, and to execute the
Engliſh laws on fuch delinquents. A melancholy inſtance of
fuch outrages is recorded by hiſtorians, and hath its annual Hanm.
Hollingh.
memorial continued to this day. During the feſtival of Eaſter,
a time of ſport and feſtivity, the citizens of Dublin affembled
for recreation at a diſtance from the town, when fome lawleſs
fepts iſſued from their mountains in the neighbourhood of Wick-
VOL. I.
low,
B b
MSS.
186
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
TORY
Rymer.
Hanm.
low, fell with the utmoft fury on this company, and-flaugh-
tered three hundred of their number. A new colony from
Bristol foon ſupplied this lofs, and exerted themfelves fo effec-
tually*, that their inhuman ravagers were broken and fup-
preffed; and the peace of the English territory reſtored: while
the great Iriſh chiefs in the remoter parts of the iſland, ftill
adhered to their fubmiffions and engagements, and were confi-
dered as ſo faithfully and peaceably affected, that in the year
12c8, when Meiler, after fome interval of abfence, was fent:
to refume his government, John's letters of credence were ad-
dreffed to the king of Connaught, and all the other kings and
chiefs of Ireland. So that whatever private complaints or local
conteſts might fubfift, the king had no object confiderable
enough for leading an army into Ireland; and therefore, from
the want of a fairer pretence, denounced his vengeance againſt
the overgrown power of the Laceys, which had indeed tempted
them to relax their attention and deference to John; and which,
like others of their countrymen, they had exercifed with an
oppreffive violence.
AMONG the nobles from whom John had demanded hoſtages,
at the time when the fentence of interdict and excommunication
had poffeffed him with the fears of a confpiracy, was William
de Braofa, lord of Brecknock, who had received confiderable
Matth. Par. grants in Thomond, To the king's meffengers who came for
*Hence it grew a cuftom for the magistracy and citizens to hold an an-
nual feaft upon the place where the maffacre had been committed, in defiance
of their invaders; who, by a formal proclamation, were challenged to meet
them in the field, or to fubmit to the king. To exprefs the greater contempt
of their power, this challenge and defiance were afterwards appointed to be
made by the finging boys of their cathedral, as if they were fufficient to defend
the city againſt theſe fepts. And the choirs are annually regaled at this place,
called the Wood of Cullen, and make the fame ridiculous challenge, to
this day.
8
this
t
Ch. 6.
187
JÓ H N.
this purpoſe, the wife of Braofa anſwered with an indiſcreet
and paffionate ſeverity, that her children never ſhould be en-
trufted to the man who had murthered his own nephew. Ven-
geance was denounced againſt William, although he is ſaid to
have reproved his wife's intemperance, and promiſed obedience
to the royal will. The arrears due to the king from his lands
in Ireland were inftantly demanded; and on the firſt default of Rymer.
payment, orders iffued to feize his lands and caftles, and to
fecure his perſon. William, juftly dreading the cruelty of an
incenſed and vindictive tyrant, fled to Ireland, with his wife
and children, where they were protected by de Lacey, in de-
fiance of the king's diſpleaſure: nor was John afhamed, in the Ibid.
meanneſs of his revenge, to affign the neceffity of reducing this
out-law and his adherents, as the reaſon for his expedition into
Ireland.
He arrived at Dublin in June of the year twelve hundred and Matth. Paris.
ten: and the Engliſh writers affure us, that immediately on
his landing, more than twenty Iriſh dynaſts attended to do him
homage: while his English barons, Hugh and Walter de
Lacey, dreading the confequences of their lawleſs oppreffion,
and their embezzlement of the king's revenue, fled to France; Hanm.
where William de Braofa alfo fought shelter from John's re-
fentment, leaving his wife and children ſtill concealed in Ire-
land. Cathal, king of Connaught, agreeably to his former
ftipulations, now prefented himſelf before John; and with Ann. Innisf.
him, O'Nial, prince of Tir-owen, who had long proved a for-
midable enemy to John de Courcey, and had been lately rein-
ſtated in his territory, was prevailed upon to attend the king
but not before two hoftages had been given as a fecurity for
the ſafe-conduct of this haughty chieftain. The terms of Ca-
thal's fubmiffion had been fettled fome years before, and his
prefent purpoſe was but to renew his engagements. Thoſe of
fered to O'Nial were apparently accepted, and the chief peace-
ably
Bb-2
k
MSS.
188
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
Ibid.
ably difmiffed; but with the ufual fickleness of his country-
men, he ſeems to have inſtantly repented of his fubmiffions.
Ann. Innisf. No additional conceffions of territory were made by the Irish
lords of Deſmond; though by the English fettlements in this
diſtrict, and particularly in the city of Cork, they were pre-
vented from giving any diſturbance, and left to flaughter each
other, in their mutal diffenfions. In Thomond, Murtagh
O'Brien, who had fubmitted to Meiler, feems to have fo far
provoked his countrymen, by what they deemed an ignoble
conceffion, that a new competitor was raifed up against him,
who deprived him of his government, and held him in capti-
vity. And the influence of John could now extend no further,
than to procure the enlargement of this fubject and ally; on
which condition, his rival Donald Carbragh O'Brien was
allowed to enjoy the kingdom. Notwithstanding the late
agreement of O'Nial with king John; yet, no fooner had he
reached his own territory, than he abfolutely refuſed to give
hoſtages, and treated the meffengers fent to demand them with
an infolence and contempt, which John paffed over unnoticed,
or at leaſt unpunished. In the Chronicle of Harding, the earls.
of Ulſter; that is, the Iriſh petty princes of this province, are
faid to have made their fubmiffions to king John: and it is
probable, that most of them confented to pay him tribute, but
without inveſting him with their lands; refigning their fove-
reignties, or accepting the Engliſh laws. Neither was the
very province of Leinster without its independent chiefs, in
Offory, in Ofally, and other districts, who, while they gave
no moleſtation to the English, claimed the right of admini-
ftering their own petty governments, according to the old Irish:
laws and cuſtoms.
Ibid.
THE English arms, however, had by this time, penetrated
into every province, and overfpread the whole island with new
fettlements, exhibiting a fpecious appearance of dominion more
7
than
JOH N.
189
than fufficient for the mean and illiberal vanity of John; who,
imagining that his power was employed to purpoſes of ſuffi-
cient dignity, while he exterminated fome inconfiderable ſepts
of marauders immediately round his feat of government, and
ftruck a general terrour by the ſeverity of his executions, en-
joyed the ſtate and confequence of a fovereign lord, and pro-
jected fchemes of improvement and legiſlation.
HENRY the fecond, by his ftipulations with thoſe Engliſh
lord's who had firft adventured into Ireland, guarded againſt
their growing power, and the danger of erecting themſelves
into independent fovereigns, by obliging them to do homage and
fealty to him and his fucceffors. And at the fame time that
he thus fecured their allegiance, the agreement on his part
was equitable and reaſonable, that they fhould, in their new
fettlements, enjoy the advantages of their former civil confti-
tution, and ſtill be governed as his ſubjects by the laws of
England. But the difpofitions made by him for this purpoſe,
were neceffarily imperfect and inaccurate, from his ſhort refi-
dence in Ireland, and the more preffing objects of his attention.
It doth not appear that any code or charter had been provided
by Henry, or affigned for the direction of his Iriſh ſubjects;
who were bred to arms, many of them illiterate, and probably,
none perfectly informed in the fyftem by which they were to
be governed. Many who held lands from the crown, were
even ignorant of the nature of their tenure, and the manner in
which their ſervice ſhould be performed. In cafes more diffi-
cult and critical, doubts and controverfies must have been fre-
quent and embarraffing; and at prefent, the only remedy was
to refort to England for decifion.
For the more effectual information, therefore, of his Iriſh
fubjects, John now came attended with men learned in the
laws of their country, by whofe counſel and affiſtance, a regu-
lar code and charter of English laws was at the general defire
Lib. Niger
Cath. Dub.
Rot. Pat.
11 Hen. II.
of
190
B.1.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Rot. 30
Hen. III.
of his liege-men of Ireland ordained and appointed in this
kingdom, and depofited, for their direction in the Exchequer
of Dublin, under the king's feal, for the common benefit of
the land, (as the public records exprefs it) that is, for the com-
mon benefit of all who acknowledged allegiance to the crown;
and for the union of the king's lands, as his fubjects of both
kingdoms were thus united under the fame head, and the fame
ſyſtem of polity. And for the regular and effectual execution
of theſe laws, befides the eſtabliſhment of the king's courts
of judicature in Dublin, there was now made a new and more
ample divifion of the king's lands of Ireland into counties,
where ſheriffs, and other officers, were appointed. Hiftorians
generally enumerate twelve fuch counties eſtabliſhed by John;
Dublin, Meath, Kildare, Argial now called Lowth, Kather-
lagh, Kilkenny, Wexford, Waterford, Cork, Kerry, Limerick,
Tipperary: which marks the extent of the Engliſh territory as
confined to a part of Leinster and of Munfter, and to thoſe
parts of Meath and Argial which lye in the province of Ulfter,
as now defined. And this divifion feems to accord with the
Iriſh annals, in proving that the chiefs in the remoter diftricts
of Ulfter had not given John the dominion of their lands. As
Cathal had made ſo abfolute a refignation of two parts of his
province, it ſeems not eaſy to affign the reaſon why no county
was eſtabliſhed in Connaught. If there was fuch an omif-
fion, (which is fcarcely to be fuppofed upon the authority of
very inaccurate writers) it was in fome time after ſupplied; for
Rolls, 32, 33 in the reign of Edward the firſt, there are records which men-
tion the ſheriff of Connaught, and the fheriff alſo of Roſcom-
mon, as a diſtinct county; nor muft it be omitted, that in a
patent of the fame reign, we have mention of the county of
Defmond.
Ed. I. in
Chief Rem.
Office.
WHILE John was engaged in the regulation of his Iriſh go-
vernment, thofe barons who had fled from his refentment, were
reduced
1
Ch. 6.
1
;
I
JO H
N
191
reduced to the utmost diftreffes.
Matilda, the wife of William
de Braofa, foon found that Ireland could not afford her a fe-
cure retreat; and, flying into Scotland, was there feized by one
-
of John's agents, and with her family conveyed back again, to
anfwer for the offences of her huſband, or rather to bear the Rymer.
puniſhment of her own intemperance. As he could not pay
the exorbitant demands of arrears claimed from her huſband's
lands in Munster, fhe and her children were fent prifoners to
the caftle of Briſtol, William, alarmed at the fituation of his
family, returned to England, endeavoured to make his peace
with John; but, as this could not be effected, he was again
obliged to retire. The lady is alſo ſaid to have addreffed her- Speed.
felf to the queen, and attempted to purchaſe. her mediation,
by an extraordinary prefent from her Irish demefnes, of four
hundred kine, all milk-white, except the ears, which were
red. But the avarice and malignity of John were not ſo eaſily
appeaſed. The unhappy mother, with her unoffending chil- Matth. Paris.
dren were ſtill confined, and are faid to have periſhed in their
priſon by want. Such fevere repreſentations of the conduct
of king John, we may reaſonably fufpect to be heightened and
aggravated by the monkiſh hiſtorians. In the preſent cafe, at
leaft, we are not to fuppofe that his cruelty extended to the
utter deſtruction of the whole family of Braofa; for Lucia, the Collectanea
autographa
grand-daughter of this lord, who was married to an English Waræi, MSS.
baron called Geoffry de Canville, was at length reſtored to the
3
lands given to her by her grandfather.
THE Laceys, were more fortunate in extricating themſelves
from their prefent difficulties. They are faid to have been re- Hanmer.
duced even to engage in the menial employment of gardeners to
the abbot of St. Taurin: a circumftance by no means improb- Speed.
able; as Philip de Comines was witnefs of fome of the nobleft Howth.
lords of England degraded by their misfortunes to the condition
of lacquies, during the contefts of York and Lancaſter. The de-
meanour
Book of
1
192
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Trivet.
Speed.
Hollinfh.
meanour of theſe his new fervants, foon convinced their em-
ployer, that they could not be men of ordinary rank; which
led him to a ſtrict enquiry into their fortunes: and this pro-
duced, on their part, a full confeffion of their real ftate and
quality, and the occafion of their prefent difficulties. The
good abbot is ſo affected by their ftory, that he becomes inter-
ding
ceffor with the king in behalf of his offend fubjects; and
to his mediation it is imputed, that John was finally prevailed
upon to reinstate the Laceys in their poffeffions, on condition
of receiving from Walter 2,500 marks for Meath; and from
Hugh, 4,000 marks for Ulfter. It is added, that theſe lords
were by no means ungrateful to their benefactor. They knight-
ed his nephew, and inveſted him with a confiderable lordſhip
in Ireland. Several of his monks alfo were perfuaded to attend
them on their return, and met with a favourable reception and
eſtabliſhment in their territories.
THE reduction of the forts belonging to theſe lords in Meath
and Ulfter, is the only military exploit we can aſcribe to John
during a three months refidence in Ireland. The Engliſh hi-
ftorians indeed affure us that he reduced the king of Connaught
by force of arms. But public records prove that this prince.
made a peaceable fubmiffion; and confirm the repreſentations
of the Iriſh annals. And when we know that he diſcovered the
baſeft fupineneſs, upon the moſt important occafions, we are
the leſs ſurpriſed to find Hugh O'Nial, a petty Iriſh prince, at
Ann. Innisf. the very time when John was marching through his territory,
MSS.
Matth. Paris.
boldly defying his power, and renouncing his fovereignty,
without the leaſt attempt made to reduce a chief who by his
conduct violated his folemn engagements.
Upon the departure of the king, the adminiſtration of his
government in Ireland was committed to John de Grey, biſhop
of Norwich, who, agreeably to his inſtructions, cauſed money
to be new coined, of the fame weight with that of England,
for
Ch. 6.
193
JOH N.
}
}
for the convenience of traffic between the two kingdoms, and
which by royal proclamation was made current in England as
well as Ireland. And this prelate is ſaid to have adminiſtered
}
Hanm.
MSS.
his government with fuch vigour, that instead of living in any
awe or fear of the difaffected, he was enabled at the time when Hollingf.
England was threatened by an invaſion from the king of France,
in order to execute the pope's fentence of depofition, to fend a
company of knights with three hundred well-appointed infantry,
from Ireland, to the affiftance of his royal maſter. And indeed,
though Ireland was by no means in a ſtate of general tranquil.
lity, yet its diforders were principally confined to thoſe diſtricts
moft remote from the feat of English government. Hugh Ann. Anon.
O'Nial, in Ulfter, was the declared enemy of the Engliſh. But
the garrifons on his frontiers were left to encounter him; and
although he gained repeated advantages over them, yet he had
not ftrength fufficient for an extenfive irruption.
affiſtance or confederates, he could but harrafs the enemy by
occafional excurfions, returning to his own territory, and there
enjoying the honour of his petty victories. His neighbouring
chieftains, like the Defmonians in the oppofite quarter of the.
illand, "were employed in rifling each other. In Defimond, in-
deed, the diſorders fometimes required the interpofition of the
Engliſh ftationed in Corke: and the ſeverities they executed Ann. Inisfal.
on thoſe who attempted to moleft their fettlements, (as the Irish MSS.
annaliſts repreſent them) plainly fhew that they had by this time
imbibed but too much of the ferocity of their neighbours, if
not of their treacherous and vindictive ſpirit.
Without
BUT befides the diſorders arifing from provincial or local
factions, there were others proceeding from the liberal grants
made by the crown, the claims of the new fettlers, and the
oppofition of the old natives. The lands ceded in Connaught
feem to have been the occafion of particular conteft: the Eng-
lifh being anxious to improve their grants to the utmoft, and
VOL. I.
• C c
frequently
1
194
HISTORY OF IRELAN D. B. I.
:
Rymer.
Ibid.
*
frequently encroaching beyond their juft bounds; the frith na
tives clamouring at their ufurpations, and flying to their own
chieftain for redrefs. Cathal, who had loft his confequence,
could but appeal to the juftice of the English government. The
oppreffors of his vaffals were of confequence incenfed againſt
their advocate. His remonftrances they affected to impute to
his difloyalty, and his zeal for the intereft of the natives as an
overture to rebellion. This degraded prince, effentially in-
jured, and, at the fame time, unjustly maligned, threatened
with hoſtilities, and unprovided for defence, had no refource
but in the power of John, to whófe protection he had a right-
ful claim; and to whom he was now obliged to fue with all
the humility of a dependent vaffal, who, bút a few years be-
fore, had bidden defiance to the whole Engliſh power, and threa-
tened to exterminate the foreigners from every quarter of the
kingdom. John, who probably was well informed of the in-
jurious attempts made upon this prince and his referved do-
main, by letters patent directed to his lord juftice, officers,
or other faithful fubjects in Ireland, granted his protection to
Cathal, directing that he ſhould be fupported and defended,
that no injury ſhould be offered to him, either in his perfon,
or poffèffions; and that no unfavourable fuggeftions of his
enemies ſhould be received or believed, fo long as he adhered
to his allegiance and attachment to the king. It feems to have
been confidered as a point of found policy, to take every mê-
thod of conciliating the affections of thoſe chiefs who had
become feodaries to John. They had been turbulent enemies,
were hardly reconciled, and from a long experience of the na-
tional temper, it was found, that they were to be retained
moft effectually by an appearance of kindneſs, attention, and
reſpect. Among other means uſed for this purpoſe, the pa-
tent now granted to Cathal was attended with an order addreffed
to the archbishop of Dublin, to buy ſuch a quantity of fcarlets
as
Ch. 6.
195
J
đa
H N.
'
*
}
»
66
+
State of Irel.
as he should judge fufficient to make robes to be preſented to
the kings of Ireland, and others of the king's liege-men, na-
tiyes of this kingdom. Probably thefe robes were made after
the English mode. If fo, it was by no means a contemptible
device, to endeavour to habituate thefe chiefs to the English
garb, and by their example, to render it fashionable in their
territories. Men's apparel," faith Spencer, fpeaking of this View of the
country and its manners," is commonly made according to
"their conditions; and their conditions are oftentimes go-
"verned by their garments: for the person that is gowned, is
by his gowne put in mind of gravitie; and alſo reſtrained
from lightnes, by the very unaptneffe of his weed." And
the gentler and lefs offenfive method of introducing an advan-
tageous change of apparel, gradually and imperceptibly, under
the appearance of grace and favour, had it been pursued with
ſteadineſs and addrefs, might have proved more effectual than
the penal laws of later times: which, by an avowed and vio-
lent oppofition to the manners of the Irish, proved too odious
to be executed.
""
66
·
1214.
THE archbishop above-mentioned, was Henry de Londres, Ware de Pr.
who, fucceeded to John Comyn in the year 1213, and was now
inveſted with the king's government of Ireland; which was,
however, for the most part adminiftered by his deputy Geoffry
Morris, or de Maurifco, an eminent Engliſh fettler in Munſter.
Henry himſelf was obliged to attend the fervice of his royal
maſter in England, and is an inftance of a prelate in the Irish
church, admitted to the king's councils, and acting as a fpi-
ritual baron of his realm, in John's most important tranfac-
tions. When his conteft with pope Innocent ended in his fhame- Matth. Paris.
ful fubmiffion, the prelate of Dublin is named firft of thofe
lords who were prefent at the execution of the deed, by which Matth. Par.
John refigned the kingdoms of England and Ireland to the fee
of Rome, and confented to hold them as a fief, by the fervice
Cc 2
of
Arch. Turr.
Lond.
1
1
196
HISTORY OF IRELAND. ·B. f.
Baluzio ed.
of one thouſand marks to be paid annually, feven hundred for
England; and for Ireland, three hundred. He was prefent
when John did homage to Pandolf, with all the odious circum
Matth. Par. ftances of humiliation; and was honourably diſtinguiſhed on
this occafion, as the only prelate who ventured to exprefs his
indignation at this fhameful tranfaction, and the enormous in-
Epift. Innoc. folence and haughtineſs of the legate. It is immediately per-
tinent to the prefent fubject to obferve, that foon after the
arrival of the bishop of Frefcati in England, attended with' a
letter of credence from the pope, 'conceived in the moſt horrid
terms of blafphemous hypocrify, and when John had made a
fecond refignation of his kingdoms, Innocent with an audaci-
ous oftentation of favour and condefcenfion to his royal vaſſal,
addreſſed a letter to the prelates, princes, lords, and people of
Ireland, notifying the total reconciliation made by the bleffing
of Heaven between the royal ſtate of England and the holy
fee; expreffing the tendereft concern for his beloved fon in
Chriſt the illuſtrious king John, whofe realms, by his grant,
were now rightfully inveſted in the Roman church; and command-
ing and directing them by his apoftolical mandate, to perfevere
in their allegiance to the king and his heirs, who were now
the objects of his paternal care and favour.
Ibid.
Mag. Cart.
Johan.
T
}
T
THESE tranfactions were fucceeded by the famous conteft be-
tween John and his barons. And here again, we find the arch-
biſhop of Dublin admitted to the king's councils, attending the
congreſs of Runingmede, encamped on the king's fide, with
the few lords who ftill appeared to adhere to him, and taking
place immediately after the archbiſhop of Canterbury. In the
preamble to the Great Charter, he is mentioned as one of thoſe
prelates and barons by whofe counfel it is alledged to have
been granted. With the other prelates, he proteſted, on occa-
fion of a clauſe in this charter, by which it was apprehended
that the being of all forefts might be endangered, and joined
in
γ
Ch. 6.
197
J
N.
O H
"H
ง
..
#
Load.
in declaring the real intention of both parties.. In like man- Arch. Turr.
ner, he is united with the prelates of England, in a proteſt
againſt the refuſal of the barons to certify their fubmiffion and
allegiance by an inftrument under their feals. But although
his prelate, and William earl Marthal, a baron of great weight
and extenfive property in Ireland, were both attendant on the
king, and intimates in his councils, it doth not appear upon
this great occafion, that any particular requifitions were made
in behalf of his fubjects in Treland, or any meaſures taken for
dingo
including them fpecifically in the prefent grants of the crown.
But when the turbulent and diftracted reign of John ended in
the fucceffion of an infant heir, the Iriſh lords thought this a
favourable period for explaining their grievances, and peti- Rymer.
tioning the throne for new graces. For this purpoſe, they Prynn.
made ufe of the intervention of Ralph of Norwich, one of the
king's chaplains. Among their complaints, were thoſe of the
fate ſeverities exerciſed by John towards fome of his barons,
and his violent feizure of their lands; and among their de-
mands, was one of great confequence, and which, if obtained,
might have proved of fingular advantage to the Engliſh inte-
reft; that either the queen dowager, or the king's brother,
fhould be ſent to refide in Ireland. "The people of this land,"
faith Davyes, “both Engliſh and Irish, out of a natural pride,
adi
-7
did ever love and defire to be governed by great perfons."-
And at this particular period, when the acrimony of the na-
tivés was fenfibly abated, the preſence of a royal perfonage
promiſed to have the happieſt influence; and feems to have
been défired, from a thorough knowledge of the Irish charac-
ter, and a full conviction of its 'utility. The anſwer of king
Henry, the third deferves a place in the body of this Hiſtory;
and is, therefore, here tranflated from the original.
6-G THE
198
BL
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Clauf. 1.
Hen. III.
ན
"THE King, to Geoffry de Maurifco, Jufticiary of Freland,
W
greeting
}
E return our manifold thanks, for your good and
faithful ſervice performed to John, làte, king of
England, our father, of bleffed memory, and to us to be con-
"tinued, and for thofe things you have fignified to us, by our
trufty Ralph of Norwich, clerk.
"C
66
<<
66
<<
?
'
J
A
Seeing then, that by his will, in whofe hands are the
"iffues of life and death, our lord and father hath happily de-
"parted this life, (whofe foul may the heavens receive!) We
will you to know, that, the royal obfequies being firſt ſo-
lemnly and duely performed in the church of the bleſſed
Mary of Wincheſter, there were convened at Glouceſter the
greater number of the nobles of our realm, biſhops, abbots,
"earls, and barons, who adhered faithful and devoted to our
father during his lifetime, and very many others: where,
on the feaſt of the apostles Simon and Jude, in the church
of Saint Peter, Glouceſter, with the acclamations of clergy,
"and laity, we were, by the hands of the lord Guabon, by
"the title of St. Martin, prefbyter, cardinal and legate of the
apoftolic fee, and thofe of the bishops then prefent, with
"invocation of the Holy Spirit, publicly anointed, and crowned
cc
66
<<
king of England; fealty and homage being of all performed
"to us. Which we have judged neceffary to communicate to
you as our liege ſubject, that you may ſhare the joy of our
"honour and happy fuccefs.
66
"AND whereas we have heard that fome refentment hath
"arifen between our lord and father aforefaid, and certain
"nobles of our realm, and for fome time fubfifted; whether
"with caufe or without caufe, we know not; our pleaſure is,
"that it ſhall be for ever abolished and forgotten, fo as never
"to remain in our mind; and in order that the effect may
" ceaſe
+
་་་་་ ་་ཅ.
Ch. 6.
Jó
H
N.
199
" ceafe with the removal of the caufe, whatever réfentment
was conceived, or fubfifted againft him, we are ready and
"willing to the utmoſt of our power, to atone for, by yield-
"ing to all perfons what reaſon fhall fuggeft, and the good.
“counfel of our fubjects direct; aboliſhing all evil uſages from
"our realm, and by the restoration of liberties and free cuf-
"toms, fo as to recal the gracious days of our anceſtors, grant-
❝ing to all our fubjects what each may fairly and reaſonably
"claim. For this purpofe, know ye, that a council being
* lately convened at Briſtol, in which were preſent all the pre-
"lates of England, as well biſhops and abbots as priors, and
“many, as well earls as barons, they did homage and fealty
"to us, publicly, and generally; and, receiving a grant of
"thofe liberties and free cuftoms firft demanded and approved
"by them, departed in joy, ready and willing to do our fer-
vice, each to his particular refidence.
"WE further hope, and truft in the Lord, that the ſtate of
"our realm, fhall, by the divine mercy, be changed confider-
"ably for the better.
As to ſending our lady the queen-mother, or our brother,
"into Ireland, our anfwer is, that taking the advice and affent
“ of our faithful ſubjects, we ſhall do that which ſhall be ex-
pedient to our intereft and the intereft of our realm.
66
"WE therefore defire you our beloved, that as you have
"been faithful and devoted to John our father, of bleffed me-
"mory; ſo you may be the more careful to continue in fide-
lity to us, as you know that in this our tender age we have
"the more occafion for your affiftance and counfel; and that
"you receive the homage of the princes of Ireland, and all
"others who ought to do it unto us.
"WE retain at our court Ralph of Norwich, that by his
"means, we may fignify our pleaſure to you, more fully, in
"theſe and other matters. And our pleaſure is, that you and
1
" our
*
A
3
1
1
}
ý
༣
200
Rob. Glouc.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. J.
"our other faithful fubjects of Ireland ball enjoy the fame
+
"liberties which we have granted to our ſubjects of England,
" and theſe we will grant and confirm to you.
3
*
3 $
THE grant to his other fubjects here alluded to, was the Charr
ter of Liberties executed on the twelfth of November, in the
Ann. Waver. first year of this prince's reign; when, at a great council, held
at Briſtol, and compofed of prelates, nobility, and others, in
great numbers, the pope's legate abfolved them from their oath
of allegiance to prince Louis, who had been invited to fupport
them againſt the treachery of John, and obliged them to ſwear
fealty to young Henry: who in return, formally and folemnly
renewed the Great Charter granted by his father, with ſuch al-
terations and amendments as the circumſtances of the times had
made neceffary.
Lib. Rub.
Sacc. Dub.
MSS. Lamb.
1.
+
AMONG the nobles affembled on this occafion, and mem-
bers of the king's great council, we find the name of Walter
de Lacey, an Iriſh baron lately restored to favour, and rein-
ſtated in his poffeffions. Such were the condefcenfions paid
to this great family, that the king addreffed a letter particu-
larly to Hugh, entreating him to forget all former animofities,
and affuring him of his future favour and protection. The
royal grace was alſo extended to the whole body of Iriſh ſub-
jects. And on the fixth of February after figning the English
charter, a duplicate was tranfmitted to Ireland under the feals
of the legate, and William, earl of Pembroke, the protector,
for the benefit of the king's faithful fubjects in this kingdom,
and with thofe alterations only which the local neceffities of
Ireland required. It ftill remains extant in the Red Book of
the Exchequer at Dublin: it was attended by the following
letter from king Henry.
*
× Vide Oppendix Prot. page
bage 355.
God.
God.
3
"THE
1
Gh.I.
1
J
203
ལ་
N
H ·
A
*
THE king to all archbiſhops, biſhops, abbots, earls, barons, Pat. 1.
knights, and free tenants and all our faithful ſubjects Hen. III.
"fettled throughout Ireland Greeting.
WITH
A
I TĤ»ơur ¹héartÿ´ cơmmendation of your fidelity in
the Lord, which you have ever exhibited to our lord
**father, and to as in thefe our days are to exhibit, our plea-
« fare is, that in' token of this your famous and notable fide-
««lity; the libertés granted by our father, and by us, of our
“grace and gift, to the realm of England, ſhall in our king-
← dom of Ireland, be enjoyed by you and by your heirs for ever.
« Which liberties, diftinctly reduced to writing by the general
« counfel of all our lege fubjects, we tranfmit to you, fealed
« with the feals of our lord Gaalo, legate of the apoftolical
« fee; and of our trufty earl William Marifhal, our governor,
" and the governor of our kingdom; becauſe, as yet, we have
"no fead. And the ſame fhall in procefs of time, and on fuller
«ééunfèl, téċeïve the fignature of our own ſeal.
Given at
"Glouceſter the fixth day of February."
THUS were the rights and privileges of the Iriſh ſettlers com-
pletely aſcertained and eſtabliſhed. They were not only to be go-
verned by the fame monarchs, and the ſame laws with their an-
ceſtors, butto complete their union with their fellow-fubjects in
England, they are now included in the conceffions extorted from
the throne, to circumfcribe the prerogative, and correct the feve-
rities gradually introduced by the fœdal fyftem: they appear in
the fame honourable light with their brethren in the neigh-
bouring realm, making the fame requifitions, and obtaining
the fame grants which are 'to this day revered as the bafis of
Engliſh liberty. But if the requifition of the Engliſh charters
proceeded rather from an aristocratic ſpirit, than the love of
true liberty, the fame fpirit, it muſt be acknowledged, was
ftill more predominant in Ireland: where the barons, remote
VOL. I.
from
D d
་
1
202
B. I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Re
from the ſupreme feat of majesty, uncontrouled by a delegated
authority too often weak and ill-fupported, invefted with
enormous territories and dangerous privileges, were tempted
by their ſtrength, and enabled by the fituation of the kingdom,
to purſue the objects of their avarice and ambition, without
regard to juſtice, and fometimes without even the appearance
of refpect to government. As the fame paffions poffeffed them
all, they of confequence lived with each other in a perpetual
ſtate of rivalſhip, envy, and diffenfion and as their claims
were to be fupported by force of arms, their own vaffals as welk
as the native Irish, felt the fevereft confequences of their pride
and oppreffion. Odious as fuch reprefentations may appear,
they will be found but too fully juftified in the progrefs of this
Hiſtory. And it may be no uſeleſs taſk, diſtinctly to point out
the ſource of thoſe calamities under which the nation groaned for
fo long a period, and to exhibit thofe facts in full view; which
prove that they were originally derived from the vices of indi-
viduals, not from any inequitable or oppreffive principles in
English government.
+
>
"
f
BOOK
嗑
​1
+
Ch. 1.
HEN R Y
III.
203
B
O
O K
II.
I.
Y
هه
CHAP.
State of Ireland during the first years of the reign of Henry, the
third.Henry de Londres fent into Ireland.-His conduct.-
Death of the earl of Pembroke.-Contest between his fucceffor
and the Lacies.-Grants made by Henry.-Commotions in Con-
naught:-Ambition of de Burgo.-Oppofed by Fedlim prince of
·Connaught. His Spirit-His application to the king.-Death
of William Marifbal.-Richard his fucceffor fufpected by the king.
Affifted in Ireland. Is invefted with his lands and dignities.-
Opposes the adminiſtration of the bishop of Wincheſter.-Retires
to Wales.-Confederates with Lewellin.-Fruitless attempts to
reduce him. The minifter projects a scheme to deſtroy him.
Letter to the lords of Ireland.-Earl Richard's arrival in this
kingdom.-Infidious practices of Geoffry de Maurifco -Expedi-
tions of Richard.-He treats with the lords of Ireland.-Is be-
trayed. His tragical death.-Effects of this incident.—Mean-
nefs of the king.Difgrace of Winchefter.-Commotions in Ire-
land on the death of Richard.-Maurice Fitzgerald ſeeks a recon-
ciliation with his fucceffor.-Fedlim repairs to the king.-His
fuccefs.-Irish toparchs invited to affift the king in his intended
expedition into Scotland.-Complicated diforders of Ireland.-
Henry obliged repeatedly to enforce the obfervance of the English
laws.--The benefits of thefe laws fued for by fome particulars.-
But denied to the Iriſh in general.-True cauſe of this exclufion.
Grant of the lordſhip of Ireland to prince Edward.-This
kingdom deprived of the advantages of his abilities.-Commotions
in the North.-In Defmond.-The Geraldines depreſſed.—Reco-
ver their power.—Quarrel with de Burgo.-Maurice feizes and
impriſons the chief governour.-Who is enlarged by an aſſembly
convened at Kilkenny-Exceffes of de Burgo.-Defeated by Ædh
O'Connor.
D d z
*
}
204
B. I.
HISTÓRY OF IRELAND.
“O'Connor.—Exactions of the king.-Thofe of the pope ftill more
oppreſſive. Remonftrances of the Irish clergy against the admif-
fion of foreigners into their church.-Equally averse to the Eng-
lifh as to the Italians.-Their remarkable ordinance against the
English clergy.-Refcinded by the pope.-Irish clergy endeavour
to enlarge the juriſdiction of their courts.-Statute of Merton.-
Infolence of the Irish ecclefiaftics.-They excommunicate the magi-
ftrates and citizens of Dublin.-Who appeal to the council-Ri-
diculous meanness of their fubmiffion.
A
PERIOD of almoſt fifty years from the arrival of the
Britiſh adventurers in Ireland, hath hitherto afforded a
fucceffion of events which may give occafion to fome uſeful re-
flections, and feem not unworthy of a fairer and more diftinct
expofition than they have hitherto received. As we advance,
it will be fometimes found neceffary to confine ourſelves to a
more general view of the affairs of Ireland, without an exact
adherence to the order of time, and without dwelling on parti-
culars which neither intereſt nor inftruct. The writers of the
Hiſtory of England have been obliged to adopt this method, in
treating of the particular period to which we are now arrived.
In the preſent work it is ſtill more allowable, for reaſons too
obvious to be explained; even if the monkish annalifts of Ire-
land, or the public records during the long reign of Henry the
third had afforded more hiftorical materials.
THE gradual progreſs of the Engliſh power had by this time
confiderably weakened that of the old Iriſh chieftains; whoſe
dominions had been circumfcribed, and their national vanity
Ann. Innisf. mortified, by their conceffions to the crown of England. It
was now only a few of their moſt diſtinguiſhed characters. that
their annaliſts could extol as the terrour of the Gauls (fo the
Engliſh are ſtiled) and deftroyers of their caftles, who never once
paid tribute or fubmiffion to the foreigners. They were reduced
MSS.
& Ann. Var.
8
to
1
Ch. 1.
205
HENRY III.
H
1
2
Ann. Anon,
MSS.
A. D. 1218.
to an humble ftyle, and in the utmoft warmth of panegyric,
could but réprefent their hero as yielding to the English, only what
was just and right. Some inconfiderable diforders in the North
were foon repelled by the Engliſh fettlers of this diſtrict, and
the fall of fome turbulent chieftains ferved to ftrike new ter-
rour, and check the progrefs of commotion. The Engliſh, who
faw the government of the young king and realm of England
adminiſtered with abilities and vigour by William Mariſhal earl
of Pembroke, a nobleman of vaft poffeffions in Ireland, and of
confequence attached to their interefts, were encouraged by the
expectation of his fupport, and at the fame time reftrained by
the authority of his ſtation and character, from all irregulari-
tiés, of which they were fenfible he would be faithfully in-
formed: So that the first year of Henry's reign paffed undiftin-
guiſhed by any events in Ireland worthy of note: the Iriſh
fœdaries confining themſelves, for the most part, to their own
diftricts, the English conducting their government, and manag-
ing their intereſts without diſorder or interruption. Geoffry Rymer.
de Maurifco was continued in the adminiſtration, and Henry
de Londres; the prelate of Dublin, was fent into Ireland under
the pretence of affuming his paftoral charge, but really as co-
adjutor to Geoffry. The king's letter addreffed to his liege-
barons of Ireland exprefs the reluctance with which he parted
with this prelate, and how neceffary his prefence and counſels
were to him and the realm of England; directing them to con-
fult with him and the chief governour, in every thing pertain-
ing to the regulation of the kingdom.
Prynn.
Mihi.
AND although this prelate was chiefly, diftinguiſhed by his
political conduct, yet in his ecclefiaftical character, he exerted
himſelf with fufficient abilities. Soon after his arrival he held Regift. Crede
a fynod at Dublin, the conftitutions of which are ftill extant, Wilkins.
and do no diſhonour to the temper and principles of de Londres. Conc.
But his private conduct, if we may believe the Irish relaters,
was
206
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Hanm.
"
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
A
A
was infolent and odious. We are told that he fummoned the
tenants of his fee to produce the inftruments by which they
held their lands, which he had no fooner received under pre-
tence of examining their titles, than in an affected paffion he
caft them into the fire. The first fit of aſtoniſhment at this
impudent treachery was fucceeded by a violent tumult, in
which ſome of the bishop's domeftics were grievously wounded:
he himſelf was faved only. by flight, and to allay the commo-
tion, found it neceffary to confirm their tenures to the aggrieved
parties. Nor could this condefcenfion efface the odium of his
attempt. He was branded with the name of Burn-Bill, and
ever after known by this appellation; a circumſtance which
ſeems to confirm the truth of this incident. And it is a ſtrik-
ing example of the contempt with which the rights of the fub-
ject in Ireland were, in theſe times, treated by the more power-
ful of the neighbouring kingdom.
THE death of the great earl of Pembroke in the year 1219,
deprived Ireland of an uſeful and powerful patron: from this
period, at leaſt, her diſorders ſeem to have revived. Hugh de
Lacey, whoſe avarice and ambition had not been fuppreffed by
his misfortunes, deemed this incident as favourable to his pur-
pofes, and commenced a conteft about fome lands which the
earl had poffeffed, and which Hugh now claimed as his right.
As the grants made to theſe Engliſh lords had raiſed them to a
degree of fovereignty, and as they affumed the power of mak-
ing war and peace, independent of the English government, de
Lacey knew full well that the difpute muft finally be brought
to the deciſion of the fword: and to be the better provided for
this event, he courted the alliance of O'Nial, the turbulent
chieftain of the North, and the avowed enemy of his liege-.
lord. William the young earl was fuddenly called into Ireland
to defend his lands: Leinster and Meath were expofed to the
calamities of war, by the incurfions of theſe lords, who as each
2
prevailed,
}
%
Ch. 1.
207
HENRY
III.
{
}
Ann. Anon.
prevailed, purſued his adverſary, and laid his territories waſte.
Trim, the principal city of Meath, was besieged by William, Hanm.
and with difficulty maintained. Leinster, on the other hand,
was harraffed by O'Nial, till the contending parties were wea-
ried out into an accommodation, or at leaſt a ſuſpenſion of
hoftilities.
MSS.
GEOFFRY, the English governour, was in the mean time
obliged to make an expedition into Deſmond, to ſuppreſs the
infurrection of the Mac-Arthys; and terrified the country by Ann. Innisf
the feverity of his execution. Donald O'Brien of Thomond,
amidſt theſe ftorms was folicitous to fecure his own domain
from the rapine of his countrymen, and the oppreffive violence
MSS.
of the Engliſh, and as the moft effectual method, petitioned Rymer,
Davys.
III.
and obtained a grant from king Henry, of the kingdom of
Thomond, (as it is called) to be held of the king during his
minority, by a yearly rent of one hundred pounds, and a fine
of one thouſand marks. With lefs equity, and lefs attention
to the tranquillity of the kingdom, Henry alfo granted to Pat. 3 Hen.
Richard de Burgo, repreſentative of that lord who had proved Davys
fo dangerous in the reign of John, the whole kingdom of
Connaught after the death of Cathal the bloody-handed, who
ftill maintained his ftate in this province, It doth not appear
whether the prefent grant was reconcileable to the ftipulations
formerly made with Cathal. But as Hubert de Burgo, juſtici-
ary of England, and governour of the king, was now in the
meridian of his power, it is probable that his kinfman was
gratified, without a fcrupulous attention to the claims of an
Iriſh chieftain little known or regarded in the court of England.
MSS.
THE death of Cathal foon gave Richard an opportunity to A. D: 1223+
plead his grant. But the Irish, according to their own customs, Ann. Anon.
proceeded to elect a fucceffor: and by the powerful intercef-
fion of O'Nial, Tirlaugh, brother of the late prince, was in-
veſted with the royal dignity of Connaught. A nomination
procured
*
2
208
B. H.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
$
1
MSS.
"
procured by the open and inveterate oppofer of the Engliſh go-
vernment, and fupported by his arms, was particularly offen-
five to Geoffry de Maurifco. He led an army into Connaught,
but without attempting directly to fupport de Burgo in his
claims, `contented himself with expelling Tirlaugh, and eſtab-
Roth lifhing Fedh, a ſon of Cathal in his room. The ufual fubje&
of contention in this diſordered province was thus revived.
Ann. Anon. The fucceffor grew infolent, was provoked by the demands,
made upon his territory by the English, refifted them by force,
was fupported by his countrymen, and proved fo fuccessful as
to take a fon of Geoffry prifoner, who feems to have marched
with an inconfiderable force to oppoſe him. Being foon re-
duced to extremity, he was obliged to come in perfon to treat
with the governour: when a diffention arifing between fome of
his Iriſh train and the domeſtics of Geoffry, Ædh`was unhap-
pily killed in the tumult*. His uncle and rival reaffumed the
fovereignty, but was foon depofed by Richard de Burgo, who
fucceeded Maurifco in the government, and deemed it more
confiftent with his views, to inveſt another ſon of Cathal called
Fedlim, with the royal title. This chief, more vigorous and
polite than his immediate predeceffors, had the ſpirit to op-
poſe the claims made on his territory by de Burgo, in a manner
the more peremptory and imperious, as he was now in the ple-
nitude of power. Impatient of oppofition from his creature,
1228.
;
* It is ſcarcely worthy of notice that the death of this prince is variouſly
related. Some annaliſts tell us that the wife of one of the governour's attend-
ants entertained him with particular kindneſs, prepared a bath to refrefh him,
and was affiduous in all the little offices and attentions of an hofpitable ma-
tron. Edh, after the manner of his own country, expreffed his gratitude by
kiffing his benefactreſs. In this act, which poffibly was rendered more ſuſpi«.
fufpi*
cious by an artless unpolifhed warmth of affection, he was furprifed by her
huſband, who in a violent rage of jealoufy determined to deſtroy him, and
effected his purpoſe by a treacherous affaffination. Geoffry was juft enough to
execute the law of England on the offender.
+
he
Ch. I.
209
HE N R Y III.
f
he denounced the terrours of his vengeance againſt him, com-
menced hoftilities, and even made him captive. Yet Fedlim
had the good fortune to efcape, collected a confiderable body
of his adherents, marched againſt his rival now fupported by
the English governour, defeated, flew him, and re-affumed his
fovereignty.
A. D. 1233.
Ibid.
Rymer.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
HAPPILY for this Irish prince, Hubert was now in difgrace; Cl. 17 H.III.
his kinfman was, of confequence, removed from his government,
and Maurice Fitz-Gerald appointed his fucceffor, in return for
the ſervices of his noble family. Fedlim, with a fagacity not un-
༣.
uſual to his countrymen, determined to improve this favourable
conjuncture. Senfible that he could not long fupport his dig-
nity by any power of his own, he addreffed himſelf to the king
of England. In a fubmiffive and affecting manner, he repre-
fented his own inviolable attachment as well as that of his fa-
ther to the English government; the great and valuable cef-
fions they had made, which yet were not capable of fatiating the
avarice of a diſloyal baron, who had feized the king's forts,
made war upon his vaffals, and aimed at a degree of power in-
confiftent with his allegiance, and dangerous to the intereſts of
his liege-lord; earneſtly entreating permiffion to repair to Eng-
land, to caſt himſelf at the king's feet, that he might explain
more particularly his own cruel injuries, as well as the enormi-
ties of his enemy de Burgo.
HENRY could not but feel ſurprize at an application which
fo little accorded with the accounts of Irish tranfactions re-
ceived at his court. He had been affured
He had been affured * that the late dif-
* This account is found in Matth. Paris, who probably received it on the
authority of ſome artful intelligence fent into England, without confidering or
knowing the abfurdity of it. The monk was fo ill informed, that he makes
this ftupendous victory to have been gained by Geoffry the chief governour, a
confiderable time after Geoffry was removed from the government of Ireland.
V. pag. 366, Ed. Watts, 1640.
VOL. I.
E &
orders
210
HISTORY OF IRELA'N D.´ ´B. II.
ง
Rymer.
Cl. 17 H. III.
orders of Connaught had proceeded from a general rebellion of
the native Iriſh; that, led by the chief of Connaught, a de-
clared enemy to his royal authority, they had entered the king's
lands with fire and fword; that his faithful barons had' riſen
up, repelled the invafion, purfued the enemy to their head-
quarters, where, by their addrefs and valour, Fedlim had been
defeated with the lofs of twenty thousand men. · Alarmed at
the reports of the infolence and power of de Burgo, and taught
to dread the exceffes of a difcontented baron, but at the fame
time doubting the repreſentations of the Iriſh chief, he reſolved
to act with caution. *He addreffed a letter to Maurice Fitz-
Gerald, in which he informed him of the application of his
liege-man, ſon of the late king of Connaught; that in anſwer
to his petition for a fafe-conduct, he had recommended that
his journey to England ſhould be deferred, until he had, with
the concurrence of his chief governour, endeavoured to reduce
the caſtle of Melick, now in poffeffion of de Burgo, the deten-
tion of which, probably had been reprefented as a ftriking in-
ſtance of the difloyalty of this baron; that, when this ſhould
* Rex dilecto & fideli fuo Mauritio Filio Gerardi Jufticiario.fuo Hiberniæ,
❝ falutem.
"Significavit nobis dilectus & fidelis nofter F. filius cariffimi quondam
"regis Connac. quod propofuit ad nos venire in Angliam, caufa nos videndi
" & nobifcum loquendi de negotiis noftris & fuis. Et nos renunciavimus ei,
"quod, ante adventum fuum, laboret de confilio veftro, ad captionem caftri
"de' Miloc quod eft in manu Ricardi de Burgo: & cum dictum caftrum cap-
"tum fuerit & vobis commiffum, et terra Connac fedata & vobis fuerit libe-
rata, bene placet nobis, & volumus quod ad nos veniat in Angliam, fimul
"cum nunciis veftris quos ad nos mittetis in Angliam.
<<
"His igitur, ut prædictum eft expeditis, falvum & fecurum conductum
“præfato F. habere faciatis, caufa veniendi ad nos in Angliam, in cujus etiam
"adventu nuncios veftros cum eo mittatis, viros videlicet difcretos, qui de
"ftatu terræ noftræ Hiberniæ nos fciant & velint fignificare. Tefte meipfo
" apud Teokiſbir, 28vo die Maii, anno regni noftri decimo feptimo." Rymer,
tom. i. p. 328.
be
+
•
1
<
Ch. 1.
211
HENR
RY III.
·
be effected, and the province of Connaught peaceably ſettled
and delivered to the king's deputy, he had declared his readi-
nefs to grant his petition, and admit him to his prefence. At
the fame time Fitz-Gerald is directed that fome trufty agents
on whoſe diſcretion he could rely, ſhould be fent over with the
Irish prince, who might inform the king authentically of the
real ſtate and condition of Ireland, that he might not be de-
ceived by intereſted reports, or the ſuggeſtions of jealouſy and
envy.
This anſwer was fufficient for the immediate purpoſe
of Fedlim. He was acknowledged as the king's liege-man;
he had the royal commiffion to act against de Burgo; and his
countrymen were deterred from any factious attempts againſt
a chieftain who boafted the fupport of the Engliſh monarch.
So that he enjoyed his petty fovereignty for a timè, unmo-
leſted by any Iriſh rivals, or Engliſh claims; while another and
a more important object engaged the attention of the great ba-
rons in Ireland, and involved the kingdom in confiderable dif-
order and confufion.
*
Matth. Paris.
On the death of William Mariſhal, fon to the protector, his A. D. 1231.
eftates and honours devolved on his brother Richard, a young
lord actuated with all the bold and independent fpirit of an
Engliſh baron. Both the king, and Hubert who was now in
power, were acquainted with his difpofitions, and dreaded their
effects: ſo that when he came to demand poffeffion of his
lands, it was at firſt denied, on pretence that his brother's
wife was pregnant. When this device proved ineffectual, it
was, in the next place, alledged that Richard had held a trea-
fonable correſpondence with the king's enemies in France; and
therefore he was commanded to depart from the realm within
fifteen days, on pain of perpetual impriſonment. Without the
Feaft heſitation or delay, he bent his courfe to Ireland, where
his family was held in the utmoſt reverence. Deſcended by
his mother's fide from an Iriſh king, by his father's from the
renowned
E e 2
་
*
}
212
Matth. Paris.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. H.
renowned Strongbow, he was equally dear to the inhabitants
of Leinster, both of the Irish and English race. He was readily
inveſted with his lands and caſtles, received the homage of his
vaffals, and collecting a confiderable force from Ireland, pof-
feffed himſelf of the caftle of Pembroke, as if refolved to affert
his patrimonial claims by arms: a conduct which wrought fo
forcibly on the timidity and inconftancy of the king, that he
confented to accept his homage and fealty, and to inveſt him
peaceably with all his rights.
IT foon appeared that Henry's apprehenfions of the danger-
ous ſpirit of this lord were' but too well founded. When the
adminiſtration had been unhappily committed to the prelate of
Wincheſter, and the land groaned under the oppreffion of this
tyrannous and head-ſtrong minifter, earl Richard was the firſt-
to remonſtrate boldly, and even haughtily to the king, on the
imminent danger to the laws and liberties of the realm, and of
confequence to his own crown and dignity, from the precipi-
tate and imperious conduct of his favourite, and the inunda
tion of foreigners which overfpread the land. He declared
that he and others of his peers would no longer deign to attend
the king's councils, while numbers of infolent and contemptible-
Poitevins were allowed to engroſs the royal favour and atten-
tion. A ſharp reply provoked him and his adherents to abſent
themſelves from parliament. They are fummoned: they pre-
tend to be apprehenfive for their perſonal ſafety, and diſobey
the mandate: they are proclaimed traitors, and their lands
affigned to foreigners. The cauſe of theſe diſcontented. lords
had all the advantage of popular favour and applaufe, and was
at first honoured with the concurrence of Richard, brother to
the king. But as he was ſpeedily reconciled, and other lords
were bribed by the minifter to forfake their party, the eark
Marifhal was left almoft fingly to fupport a defperate conteſt
with his fovereign: yet ſtill difdaining a fubmiffion, he retired
Ch..i.
213
Y.
1
1
1
HEN R Ý..
Ý. III.
to Wales, and there confederating with Lewellin, and other
chieftains of this province, declared his refolution of defending
his lands and caftles againſt any hoftile attack whatever. Some
attempts which were made to reduce him, ended only in the dif
grace of the king's arms. Where Henry commanded in perſon,
(for he was obliged to lead his forces againſt this refractory lord)
earl Richard with an affected reverence declined to take any part
in the engagement. When an advantage was gained over his
countrymen, they were treated with the utmoſt lenity: to fo-
reigners quarter was never granted. A fuccefsful infurrection
profeffedly pointed against an odious and arbitrary minifter,
could not fail to gain new friends and adherents. In vain did
the Engliſh prelates entreat the king to ſtop the ſpreading dif
order, by a juft redreſs of grievances, and to feek an accommo-
dation with thoſe diſcontented lords, who might at leaſt plead
that they had been condemned and banished, without a fair
trial by their peers. The imperious minifter declared that they
were entitled to no fuch privilege, and affected to wonder at
their prefumption in affuming the fame confequence with the
peers of France.
of France. As violent and fanguinary meaſures were more
fuited to his genius, with the affiftance of his minions, he now
concerted a ſcheme for the deſtruction of earl Richard, head
and leader of this dangerous confederacy.
LETTERS under the king's feal, as well as the fignature of Matth. Paris
the minifter, and eleven of his creatures, were directed to Mau-
rice Fitz-Gerald the Irish vicegerent, Hugh and Walter de Lacey,
Geoffry de Maurifco, Richard de Burgo, and fome other infe-
riour lords, purporting, that Richard, late earl Mariſhal of Eng-
land, had for his manifeft treaſon, by fentence of the king's
court been baniſhed from the realm, his eftates. forfeited and
feized, yet that he ſtill perſevered in obftinate rebellion againſt
his liege-lord. It was therefore fignified to theſe the king's
faithful fubjects, that if the aforefaid Richard. fhould. land in
Ireland
+
量
​214
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
4
BAH.
Ireland, that they ſhould endeavour to fecure and fend him to
the king alive or dead, In return for which fervice, his ma-
jefty granted them all the lands which Richard had enjoyed in
Ireland, and now forfeited by his difloyalty, to be divided
amongſt them, and be poffeffed by them and their heirs for
ever: for the full effect of which promife; they who attefted
thefe letters made themfelves fureties, on condition that the
required fervice ſhould be duely and faithfully performed.
ཏྟཱ
+
THE divifion of a vaft diftrict in a part of Ireland the beft
improved, was a tempting allurement to thefe lords, whoſe
darling objects were riches and influence; and who were not
Matth. Paris. always fcrupulous and delicate in their purfuit. The infidi-
ouſneſs with which they they are charged on this occafion by
a cotemporary writer, was by no means agreeable to the open
generous character of English nobles, but was in fome fort
palliated and diſguiſed by the appearance of loyalty and zeal
for the fervice of their fovereign. Care was in the first place
taken to convey intelligence to earl Richard, that the barons of
Ireland had ſeized ſome of his caſtles, and ravaged his lands in
Leinster. As a fuſpenſion of hoftilities in Wales had allowed
him to attend to his Iriſh interefts, he embarked with fifteen
attendants, relying on a fufficient fupport from his vaffals and
adherents in Ireland. Immediately on his arrival, he was at-
tended by Geoffry de Maurifco, who, under pretence of attach-
ment and devotion to his fervice, affected to commiferate his
wrongs, and applaud his generous conteſt againſt injuſtice and
oppreffion he obferved how easily and effectually he might
diftrefs the king by the vigour of his operations in Ireland;
that, fupported as he was by numerous adherents, and in a cauſe
favoured in general by both kingdoms, he could not fail of
fuccefs, and might even reduce all Ireland to his obedience,
by a due exertion of that ſpirit which had diſtinguiſhed his il-
luftrious progenitors. The earl was prevailed upon with little
reluctance
I
་
?
Ch.4.
215
HE
EN RY III.
1
reluctance to adopt a fcheme fo flattering to his pride, and ap-
parently ſo favourable to his caufe. His forces were collected ;
hoftilities commenced; his own caftles readily recovered; Lime-
rick taken after à fiege of four days; and the citizens obliged to
bind themſelves by folemn oath to his fervice; and ſtill extend-
ing his irruptions, he ravaged the lands, and feized ſeveral
caftles both of the king and his barons.
DE BURGO, the Laceys, and other lords who ſhould have
oppofed thefe 'violences, fled before him with an affected ter-
rour; while his fucceffes only ferved to drive him into the toils
of his enemies. They now employed agents to reprefent to Matth. Paris.
him, that, as liege-men to king Henry, they could not look
on tamely while he reduced the lands which had been entruſted
to their cuftody. But to prevent the effufion of blood, they
defired a truce; promifing that if fuccours were not speedily
received from the king, they ſhould confider him as relinquiſh-
ing his power and authority in the iſland, and on their parts
ſhould peaceably refign it to earl Richard, with whom they
defired an interview on the plains of Kildare, in order to ad-
juft the terms of this truce, and to effect an equitable and
amicable agreement. Richard confented to appear at the place
appointed, attended by a force nearly equal to that of his op-
ponents; but by the infidious advice of Geoffry, haughtily
refufed to grant a truce. The barons replied that the ſword
fhould then inftantly decide the conteft. Each fide prepared
to engage; when in the moment of onfet, Geoffry coldly told
the earl, that his only meafure was to yield to the demands of
the barons; for as Walter de Lacey was married to his fifter,
he could by no means fight againſt his kinfman; and thus in-
ftantly marched away with fourfcore of the earl's company,
who had been bribed to this deſertion. Richard was now left.
with his fifteen brave followers of Wales, to fupport the fhock
of one hundred and forty choſen men. The laws of romantic
honour.
>
}
216
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
་
B. II
honour forbad him to fly. He turned tenderly to his young
brother, took an affecting farewel, entreating him as he was of
too tender years to ſhare a défperate encounter, to confult his
ſafety by retiring to a neighbouring caftle. The enemy's at-
tack was chiefly directed againſt his perfon: the barons them-
felves would not appear to take any part in this unequal en-
gagement: their followers affailed the earl, and at length un-
horfed him, though not without bloodshed and difficulty; -
when one of them, pointing a dagger at his back, where he
was not defended by his armour, plunged it in his body to the
hilt. The unfortunate earl was conveyed to one of his caſtles
which Fitz-Gerald had in the mean time reduced, and expired
in a few days after this fatal rencounter.
THE news of the death of earl Richard, a popular and favou-
rite lord, was received in England with the deepeft confternation,
and the moſt violent refentment againſt the prelate of Winchef-
ter, who had facrificed this noble victim to his revenge. Every
circumſtance of his death was aggravated by the rage of party,
and every report propagated that could encreaſe the odium of
the minifter. It was even fuggefted that the bafeft treachery
Matth. Paris. had been practifed in the care of his wound; and that he
might have happily recovered, but for the villainy of a furgeon,
who purpoſedly tortured, and threw him into an ardent fever.
An Iriſh agent was fo fooliſh as to confefs in London that he
had taken a principal part in the death of this earl, and, by this
indiſcretion, ſo provoked the popular fury, that he was im-
mediately affaffinated. The diſcontented nobles led the general
clamour; affected the utmost indignation, and the utmoſt ter-
rour for their own perfons. The king juftly dreading the
effects of the prefent temper of the people, with a mean diffi-
mulation expreffed the deepeſt forrow at the death of Richard,
praiſed his great merits and endowments, lamented his own
loſs of ſo invaluable a fubject, and ordered his chaplains to per-
form
2
"
宙
​Ch. I.
217
HENRY III.
1
}
form a folemn fervice for the repofe of his departed foul. A
ſudden and ſtriking event which affected all orders of his fub-
jects, proved of more force than all the temperate remon-
ftrances of his real friends, or even the violent oppofition of a
few barons. The feceding lords were invited to return to his
councils, and had the fecurity of the prelates for their fafe-
conduct. Gilbert, brother and fucceffor of the late earl, was
knighted, and invefted with his lands, together with the office
of Earl Mariſhal. A convention of the nobles was held, to
confider of the diſtracted fituation of the realm. In this affem-
bly, the archbiſhop of Canterbury produced a copy of the
king's letter fent to the lords of Ireland, and figned by the mi-
nifter and his creatures. The king, perceiving its effect, roſe
up, and baſely denied that he had any knowledge of it, con-
feffed that the bishop of Winchefter had compelled him to affix
his feal, but declared his own total ignorance of the purport of
this letter, which he confirmed by a folemn oath, in all the
mortified abaſement of a prince who had loft the confidence of
his fubjects. The biſhop was fummoned to appear, but, with
fome of his friends involved in the fame diſgrace, fled for fanc-
tuary to the church of Wincheſter. The whole fabric of power
which this proud foreigner had been ſo long raiſing, was in an
inſtant utterly fubverted. His creatures were baniſhed or im-
prifoned; the court no longer filled with foreigners; the na-
tives reſtored to favour; and the primate of England, a man of
temper, prudence, and equity, admitted to a principal ſhare
of power and confidence with the king.
The
IN Ireland, the general temper of the people was equally in-
flamed by the death of earl Richard, and eſpecially in that pro-
vince where his family had poffeffed the firſt rank of dignity,
and had been confidered as the fovereigns of Leinfter.
citizens of Dublin, an Engliſh colony, fraught with a
a full por-
tion of the national ſpirit, echoed the clamours of their brethren
VOL. I.
F f
of
218
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
}
Prynn.
Matth. Paris.
of England, inveighed loudly against the treachery and cruelty
of the miniſter, and feemed ripe for fome act of violence.
Henry even deigned to addrefs a letter to thefe rough and tur-
bulent burghers. He affured them of his intentions to convene
the nobles of his realm, that every meaſure ſhould be taken on
mature advice, for the pacification and welfare of both king-
doms: he recommended to them to wait the refult of his in-
tended deliberations, which he graciously affured them fhould
in due time be tranfmitted, and he doubted not, but would
give them perfect fatisfaction and content.
THE great lords of Ireland in the mean time proceeded to
divide the ſpoil of earl Richard's lands with the moſt rapaci-
ous violence, envying and oppoſing each other, harraffing and
ravaging their inferiours. Their outrages were continued with
the greater boldness, as Gilbert the prefent earl had foon fallen
under the diſpleaſure of Henry, having taken the fame meaſures
with his late brother, on the relapfe of the king into his for-
mer oppreffions and unjust partiality to foreigners. His mar-
riage with the daughter of Alexander king of Scotland ferved to
fwell his pride; but lefs able, and therefore lefs refpected than
his brother, he was treated by Henry with greater harſhneſs,
and foon obliged to fue for a reconciliation; which by the in-
terceffion of the king's brother was effected, and ferved to check
the depredations committed on his Iriſh lands. Maurice Fitz-
Gerald, dreading the confequences of his refentment, thought
it expedient to repair to London, that by the mediation of the
king he might be reconciled to a powerful young lord, now re-
ftored to the royal favour, and prevent the conſequences of a
dangerous family feud. In the prefence of Henry and his
nobles, he exculpated himself by oath from any part or con-
currence in the death of Richard; yet, for the fake of peace,
and restoration of amity between their noble houfes, propofed
without delay to found a well-endowed monaftery, furniſhed
I
with
Ch. 1.
219
HENRY III.
1
with a reverend conventual body, to offer up their conftant
prayers
for the foul of this unhappy earl.
A FORMAL reconciliation was thus effected, and Maurice was Matth. Paris.
preparing to depart, when Fedlim, prince of Connaught, fud-
denly appeared at the court of England, having at length ob-
tained an opportunity of pleading his grievances, and difplay-
ing the oppreffions of de Burgo. This lord, foon after the
death of earl Richard, had, by the reſtoration of his kinfman
Hubert to fome degree of favour, been encouraged to repair to
England, and attend upon the king, who received him with an
appearance of favour, though not uninformed of the violence
of his conduct, and the many inftances in which he had pre-
fumed to deſpiſe the royal authority. He only ventured to in- Cl. 19 H. III
finuate in a letter with which this lord was honoured foon after
his return, that he should be careful, by a more punctual and
ready compliance with his orders for the future, to obviate all
fufpicions which might be entertained of his difloyalty. But
little affected by this gentle rebuke, he continued to indulge
his ambitious views, and particularly to extend his fettlements
in Connaught, with an infolent contempt of any rights or
claims of the Irish natives. Pretences for hoftilities were rea-
dily found or invented and de Burgo had the addrefs to gain
Fitz-Gerald, the chief governour, to fupport his intereſted
ſchemes. Under the pretence of repreffing infurrections or en- Ann. Anon.
forcing the demands of government, they united in an invaſion
of the territories of Fedlim, which ended in the purpoſe for
which it was undertaken, the ufurpation of a confiderable part
of this diſtrict. The injured chieftain had no reſource but to
repeat his application to the throne: he artfully avoided to
involve the chief governour in his accufation, confined his
complaint to the exceffes of de Burgo, and fo effectually did he
plead his cauſe, that the king, now happily diſpoſed to redreſs
all wrongs, ordered Fitz-Gerald to take the ſpeedieſt and moſt
F f 2
effectual
:
MSS.
ry
220
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND..
7
Rymer.
1245.
Ann. Anon.
MSS.
effectual meaſures for repreffing the outrages of this proud ba-
ron, and re-eſtabliſhing the Iriſh prince in full poffeffion of his
rights.
THIS appearance of equity, and attention to the rights of his
Iriſh tributaries feem to have been confidered by the king as
a matter of no ſmall merit. It was foon fucceeded by a requi-
fition to * all the toparchs who had ſubmitted, or were ſuppoſed
to be well-affected to him, to repair to his ſtandard with their
forces, in order to affift him againſt the king of Scotland; as
they hoped to find refource in him, in their neceffities, and
that he ſhould extend his grace to them, on their petitions.
A fudden accommodation prevented him from diſcovering the
effect of his letters, which were addreffed to feveral chiefs,
who, notwithſtanding any former engagements, were difaffect-
ed, if not his open and avowed adverfaries. In the following
year, however, Fedlim had an opportunity of approving his
gratitude by attending Fitz-Gerald into Wales, and performing
good ſervices againſt prince David. In which he had the greater
merit, as he was the only chief either of the Iriſh or Engliſh
race who obeyed the king's fummons upon this occafion; al-
* The king's letter and the names of the Iriſh chiefs, are here given from
Rymer: (tom. i, p. 426.) and the lift of names poffibly comprehends all or
moſt of thoſe (plufquam viginti reguli), who had ſubmitted to king John..
"Rex Donnaldo regi de Tercurnell, [i. e. Tirconnel], falutem..
"Cum provocante nos injuria regis Scotia, jam nos præparaverimus in-
"furgere in ipfum pro pluribus tranfgreffionibus, quas nobis fecit, ulcifcendis,
"nifi ipfas gratis nobis emendare voluerit; de dilectione veftra confidentes,
"quod in hac expeditione noftra auxilium veftrum nobis. denegare non velitis,
"vobis mandamus, quatenus una cum Jufticiario noftro Hiberniæ, & aliis fide-
"libus noftris Hiberniæ, qui in proximo ad partes Scotiæ venturi ſunt, ad ini-
"micos noftros ibidem gravandos, talem & tam potentem fuccurfum nobis im-
"pendere velitis, perfonaliter veniendo cum ipfis, bona gente muniti, quod in
"neceffitate veftra, ad nos confidentius confugere debeatis. Nofque pro fuc-
"curfu veftro, ad preces noftras nobis impendendo, gratiam quam a nobis pe-
« tieritis,
Ch. 221
*
1.
NRY III.
HE
>
}
X
1
though the governour was directed to addrefs himſelf to each,
to found their difpofitions, and to affure them of the royal fa- Rymer.
vour on their compliance, and a ſhare of ſuch conquefts as
might be made by their affiftance.
* tieritis, libentius vobis teneamur impertiri, cum fpeciali gratiarum actione.
«Teſte rege, apud Staunford feptimo die Julii.
~
"Eodem modo fcribitur,
J
FELMINO filio quondam REGIS, (fci. Connachtæ & Hiberniæ monarch.
nomine.)
4
´O'RALY.
UHANLUR, (i. e. O'Hanlon.)
BREN O'NEL regi de Kinelun, (i. e. Kinel-eogain five TIR-OWEN.)
O'Chatan, (i. e. O’CATHAN.)
O'HYNERY.
DONENALD MAC-DANIEL.
MAC-ANEGUS, (i. MACGINNIS.)
MAC-KARTAN.
MAC-GILLEMURI, (dux O'Niallorum de Clanneboia in agro Dunenfi.)
G. FLEN regi de Turteri (i. e. O'FLINN regi de Hy-Turtria regione in
comitatu Antrim lacui Neach contermina.)
MAC-MACHANAN, (i. e. Mac-MAHON.)
MAC-O'CALMERY, (principem effe fufpicor Oftmannorum Waterford-
enfium.)
CONOHOR O'BRIN filius Dunecan Carbragh de Thodmend, (i. e. Con-
NOR O'BRIEN de Thomond.)
CORMACLETHAN MACARDHY de Deffemon (i. e. CORMAC MAC-
ARTHY de Defmond)
Ros O'FALANER de Deffia, (i, e. O'FAOLAN de Defies baronia in
comitatu Waterford.)
RICARDO MACHERMEKEN de Deffia.
CORT-OTHENNER de Fermuy, (potius O'CONDON de Fermoy regione
in comitatu Cork.)
SHONETHER O'CAFFERCY de Corrac.
MATHULANEC O'KELLIE de Ochonill, (O'KELLY de Crioch-Cualan
regione in moderno comitatu de Wicklow.)
MURCHAD MAC-BRIN de Natherlach (potius de RANILOGH regione de
O'BRINS in com, de Wicklow)
« Prædicta nomina, quoad licuit, duximus exponenda, in gratiam rei Hiber-
nicæ ftudioforum."
Harris.
!
THE
222
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS.
THE delay of Fitz-Gerald in leading his fuccours into Wales,
to which Henry affected to impute the difgraces and diftreffes of
Matth. Paris. his expedition, is faid to be the caufe of his removal from the
Iriſh government, by which, a popular lord, with a powerful fol-
lowing, indifferent to the interefts of a fovereign by whom he
was diſobliged, was fent into the South to raiſe new commotions
among
the moſt turbulent and invéterate of the Iriſh natives.
He had no occafion to enter into plots or confederacies, to diſ-
turb the public peace. The Geraldines and their affociates
only proceeded to enlarge their fettlements, and to extend their
Ann. Innisf. encroachments on the bloody fept of Mac-Arthy, and all the
rage of war was inftantly kindled in their quarter of the iſland.
The death of Richard de Burgo, Hugh de Lacey, and Geoffry
de Mauriſco, which happened nearly at the fame period, pro-
duced new commotion. The chiefs of Tirconnel in the North
had taken arms immediately on the departure of Fitz-Gerald to
Ann. Anon. the war in Wales; but at his return were, by the affiftance of
Fedlim, foon reduced. They were now encouraged to refume
their hoftilities, which the new governour, fon of Geoffry, was
immediately called to fupprefs; and found an obftinate enemy,
which it was the whole bufinefs of his adminiſtration to fub-
due: nor was this effected but by the concurrence of ſome
neighbouring Irish chiefs, who thus revenged their privatë
quarrels on the prince of Tirconnel. Nor did the weſtern part
of Ireland continue to enjoy the advantages of Henry's protec-
tion. Walter, fucceffor of Richard de Burgo, had married the
daughter and heiress of Hugh de Lacey; and being of conſe-
quence inveſted with the earldom of Ulfter, was enabled by fo
vaft an acceffion of power to affert the claims of his family in
Connaught with the more imperious violence. Fedlim was on
fome pretence of difaffection once more driven from his terri-
tory, and once more had the fpirit to regain it by force of
arms, and to maintain his rights againſt the great Engliſh lords.
MSS.
Davys.
The
}
Ch. 1.
223
HENRY
III.
+
•
MSS.
The rifing diforders of England encouraged them to defpife Ann. Anon.
the royal authority; on the encreaſe of theſe diſorders their
confidence rofe gradually to the higheſt pitch: they were ever
the ſecret enemies, fometimes the avowed adverfaries of each
other; and in many places where they had obtained ſettle-
ments, the natives were firſt driven into infurrections by their
cruelty, and then punished with double cruelty for their re-
fiftance.
IN a country thus oppreffed by feverity, and harraffed by
mutual competitions, the firſt ſymptoms of a diſorder which
proved fo fatal to Ireland, could not fail to mark this wretched
period of petty tyrannies. The English laws which had been
ſo folemnly accepted and eſtabliſhed, were foon found to be a
fyftem unfriendly to oppreffion. Too fevere in puniſhing theſe
outrages which fubvert the peace of fociety, and too indulgent
to the rights and properties of inferiours, they were ſcorned by
an imperious ariftocratic faction, who, in the phrenzy of rapine
and ambition, trampled on the moſt falutary inſtitutions; and
by oppreffing thofe immediately below them, taught them to
become oppreffors, and to ſtop that current of equity and juſ-
tice which was their own moft effectual fecurity. So early as
the year 1228, a remonstrance appears to have been made to
the king against this dangerous neglect and fufpenfion of the
laws; fo that he judged it neceffary to tranfmit his mandate to
the chief governour for fuppreffing this innovation. He di-
rected that the whole body of nobility, knights, free-tenants,
* Rex dilecto & fideli fuo Richardo de Burgo, jufticiario fuo Hiberniæ,
falutem. Mandamus vobis firmiter præcipientes, quatenus certo die & loco,
"faciatis venire coram vobis archiepifcopos, epifcopos, abbates, priores, co
"mites, & barones, milites & libere-tenentes, & ballivos fingulorum comita-
"tuum, & coram eis publice legi faciatis cartam domini Johannis regis, patris
"noftri, cui figillum fuum eft, quam fieri fecit & jurari a magnatibus Hiber-
"niæ, de legibus & confuetudinibus Angliæ confervandis in Hibernia. Et
"præcipiatis eis ex parte noftra quod leges illas & confuetudines in carta præ-
* dicta
CI. 12 H. IIL
Lond.
I
in Turr.
224
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. II.
and bailiffs of the feveral counties, fhould be convened; thất
the charter of English laws and customs received from king
John, and to which they were bound by oath, hould be read over
in their preſence; that they ſhould be directed for the future,
ſtrictly to obſerve and adhere to theſe; and that proclamation
ſhould be made in every county of Ireland, of this royal man,
date, ftrictly enjoining obedience on pain of forfeiture of lands
and tenements. How little effect was produced by this order
and how juſtly the oppofition to the courſe of Engliſh law is
imputed to the great lords of Ireland, we learn from a man-
Cl.30 H.III. date of the fame kind in the year 1246, in which the barons
are commanded, that for the peace and tranquillity of the land
they may permit it to be governed by the laws of England.
*
AND while thefe powerful lords thus fubverted the peace and
fecurity of the English territories, with refpect to the Irish na-
tives, they were ftill lefs reftrained in their violences, as thefe
neither claimed nor enjoyed the benefits of the English conftitu-
« dicta contentas, de cætero firmiter teneant & obfervent. Et hoc idem per
" fingulos comitatus Hiberniæ clamari faciatis & teneri, prohibentes firmiter
"ex parte noftra, et fuper forisfacturam noftram, ne quis contra hoc manda
"tum noftrum venire præfumat Eo excepto, quod nec de morte nec ide
"catallis Hibernenfium occiforum nihil ftatuatur ex parte noftra citra quin-
“decim dies a die Sancti Michaelis, anno regni noftro duodecimo, fuper quo
"refpectum dedimus magnatibus noftris Hiberniæ ufque ad terminum præ-
"dictum. Tefte me ipfo apud Weſtm. 8vo die Maii anno règni noſtri’12mo.”
Pryn. Anim. 252.
*Rex, dilecto, &c.
嫠
​HT IN
"Quia pro communi utilitate terræ Hiberniæ, & pro unitate terrarum regis;
rex vult & de communi confilio regis provifum eft quod omnes leges & con-
"fuetudines quæ in regno Angliæ tenentur in Hiberniæ teneantur, et eadem
"terra eifdem legibus fubjaceat, & per eafdem regatur, ficut dominus Johannes
"rex cum ultimo effer in Hibernia ftatuit & fieri mandavit. Quia etiam rex
"vult quod omnia brevia de communi jure quæ currunt in Anglia fimiliter
"currant in Hibernia fub novo figillo regis. Mandatum eft archiepifcopis, &c,
"quod pro pace & tranquillitate ejuſdem terræ, per eafdem leges eos deduci
" & regi permittant, & eas in omnibus fequantur. In cujus, &c.". Pryn.
tion.
!
Ch. 1.
225
HE
III.
N
R Y
1
X
7
Bundella Li-
terarum in
Turr. Lond.
tion. It hath already appeared that in their earlieſt ſtipulations
with Henry the fecond, the currency of their own old laws and
cuſtoms was provided for, by thoſe who became tributaries to
the crown of England. And thefe laws and cuſtoms, and theſe
only were continued, even in the territories of thofe chiefs who
were beft affected to the English government. Fedlim, the
petty king of Connaught, was fo far from conceiving that he or
his people had acquired the valuable rights of Engliſh ſubjects
in their full extent, that in a remonftrance to the king againſt
the damages he had fuftained by Walter de Burgo, he charges Rymer, ex
the burning of churches and the maffacre of his priests and
monks, at three thouſand marks. As the English power was
extended, this motley mixture of Iriſh tributaries and Engliſh
fubjects, proved of the moſt effential prejudice to the peace
and welfare of the nation. The rights, properties, and even
lives of the natives were particularly at the mercy of afpiring
and rapacious barons, who, if too infolent to allow to their
fellow-fubjects thofe privileges which they justly claimed, had
´ftill lefs' remorfe in taking advantage of the weakneſs of thoſe
who claimed no fuch privileges, and making them feel the
moft afflicting confequences of their inferiority. The Irish
were not long infenfible of this difadvantage: they had learned
by melancholy experience the fuperiour fecurity which their
neighbours enjoyed, and harraffed as they were on every ſide,
by their native chiefs, and the more powerful Engliſh lords,
we have inſtances in this reign of a few the moſt peaceable Prynn.
Cl. 37 H.III.
among them fuing for a royal patent, by which they might
enjoy the rights of Engliſh fubjects, and on their plea of fide-
lity and good fervices admitted by the king to a participation
of theſe rights, notwithſtanding they were denied to their
countrymen in general *.
*
2
There are innumerable records of thefe grants made to individuals of the
Iriſh race. I produce the earlieſt we find in this reign, as it fhews evidently
VOL. I.
G &
how
226
*B.
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
A
SU
م محمد
à boitto auth; ni tudi borsoqq, qirgul died)?
EXTRAVAGANT and abfurd as, we may deem this general
exclufion of the natives from the protection of the English
laws, yet it arofe neither from the want of equity, nor of dif
cernment in the English monarchs. The neceffities and preff
ing emergencies of the reign of Henry the fecond prevented
the reduction of the island, and produced a treaty whereby the
Iriſh were left in poffeffion of their antient jurifdiction. What-
ever may have been the reprefentations of political and hifto-
rical writers, it is too evident that at that time they neither
defired nor accepted, the English, laws. They neither knew the
fuperiour advantages of another conftitution, nor traced their
diftreffes to the irregularities and imperfections of their own
which had been fanctified by the usage of ages, by the fabul-
ous or exaggerated traditions, of their famous kings and law-
givers, was inextricably interwoven with their manners, and
with thefe, had taken too deep and extenfive root to be at once
removed by the greatest violence and violence was neither
originally exerted, nor intended for this purpofe Time, in-
deed, and a continued intercourfe with the new fettlers, taught
£
•
how far the benefits of English law were extended, or meant to be extended
in Ireland and that they were neither granted originally nor claimed, nor
enjoyed by the Iriſh in general. Arpoint too evident to be foi often repeated
and enlarged on in this hiftory,, but for the confufed and mistaken reprefenta
tions of ſome political writers who deduce the moſt important confequences
from their own erroneous conceptions.
A
"Rex jufticiario Hiberniæ falutem. Monftravit nobis Mamorch O'Fer-
"thierum & Rothericus frater ejus, quod anteceffores fui, & ipfi (licet Hiber-
"nenfes) femper tamen firmiter fuerunt ad fidem & fervitium noftrum & pre-
"decefforum noftrorum regum Angl. ad conqueftum una cum Anglicis fa-
"ciendum fuper Hibernenfes : & ideo vobis mandamus, quod fi ita eft, tunc
"non permittas ipfos M. & R. repelli quin poffint terras vindicare in quibus
jus habent, ficut quilibet Anglicus, quia fi ipfi & anteceffores fui fic fe habu--
"erunt cum Anglicis, quamvis Hibernenfes, injuftum effet LICET HIBERNENSES
"SINT, quod EXCEPTIONE QUA REPELLUNȚUR HIBERNENSES a vindicatione
"terrarum et aliis repellantur."
66
2
fome
Chai.
227
N B Y HI.
!
fome among them to facrifice their national prejudices to their
intereft and fecurity pointed out the fuperiour advantages of
their English neighbours, and drove them to feek shelter from
their wrongs, within the pale of English law; and the readi-
nefs of Henry the third in, receiving them, directs us plainly to
the true caufe, which for a long time fatally oppofed the gradu-
al coalition of the Irish and English race, under one form of
government. The great English fettlers found it more. for
their immediate intereft, that a free courfe fhould be left to
their oppreffions; that many of those whofe lands they coveted
ſhould be confidered as aliens, that they ſhould be furniſhed
for their petty wars by arbitrary exactions; and in their rapines
and maffacres be freed from the terrours of a rigidly impartial
and fevere tribunal. They had the opportunity of making ſuch
-reprefentations as they pleafed, to the court of England, and
fuch deſcriptions of the temper and difpofitions of the Irish,
as might ferve their own purpoſes moft effectually. Thofe few
who forced their way to the throne in fearch of protection,
were received with fufficient grace. But in times of general
turbulence and anarchy, it is not, furprizing that the royal
grace fhould not always-prove effectual... For we are not to
imagine that this dangerous fpirit of oppreffion was peculiar
to the barons feated in Ireland. They but ſhared in the vices
of the times, and followed the pernicious example of their
brethren in England, who defpifed and infulted the weakneſs
of the throne, oppofed the execution of the laws, and by the
public contentions and diforders degenerated gradually into a
band of outrageous plunderers, ravaging each other, and tyran-
nizing over their inferiours, in all the meannefs of defpotic
infolence.
4
To reprefs the violences of his barons in Ireland, fome
feeble efforts were made by Henry, by fending a fucceffion of
Englishmen to the government, unconnected with the powerful
Ggz
fettlers,
!
228
· B. H.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Hanm.
K
fettlers, without partialities or private views, but addicted
folely to the ſervice of their mafter. We find the names of
Alan de la Zouch, Stephen Longefpee, William Den, Richard
de Capella, David Barry, Robert de Ufford; Richard de Exe-
ter, James Audley, all entrusted with the adminiftration of
government in this kingdom, and fucceeding each other at
fuch ſhort intervals as plainly indicate diftraction in English
councils, as well as an irregular and diſordered ſtate of things.
in Ireland. But in the year 1253, a meaſure was purfued
which might have been attended with important confequences,
had England been more compofed, or the advantages of a re-
gular and peaceable eſtabliſhment of Ireland, juftly and dif-
Matth. Paris. tinctly confidered. On the marriage of the gallant prince:
Edward with the Infanta of Spain, the king ivefted him,.
among other territories, with the whole land off Ireland
cept the cities of Dublin and Limerick, with their counties,
the town of Athlone, and fome inferiour districts lately granted:
or promiſed; excepting alfo the lands of the church, and cuf-
tody of vacant churches) to be held by him and his herts:
provided that the lands thus granted hould not be ſeparated.
from the crown, but remain for ever to the *kings of England,.
and held by a delegated authority. The cities and counties
referved in this firft grant were by a fubfequent deed ceded to
the prince, together with the debts and arrears due to the
crown, and the iffues and revenues of all the lands, except
thoſe arifing from the vacancies of cathedrals, croffes, and ab-
bies and the whole grant at first executed in Gafcony, was
afterwards duely ratified and confirmed under the great feal of
England. So that the lands poffeffed or claimed by the king's.
ſubjects in Ireland, were now called the lands of lord Edward,
Rymer.
Rymer.
Rymer ex
Camer. Scac.
+
•
* Such are the very words of the charter. Ita tamen quod prædictæ terræ
" & caftra omnia nunquam feparentur a CORONA, fed integre remaneant RE-
56
GIEUS Angliæ in perpetuum."
the
Ch. 1.
229
H E..
III.
NRY
-
the officers and minifters of government were ſtiled the officers
of Edward lord of Ireland, and the writs ran in this prince's Davys.
Hamne!!
•
บ
"
SOME time after theſe grants, Edward was directed by his Rymer:
father to entrust the province of Gafcony to his officers, and
to repair to his Irish government, for the more effectual refor
mation and fettlement of the ftate. And happy had it been,
if a young prince of ſuch diſtinguiſhed abilities had really
affumed the reins of government in Ireland, and exerted him-
felf effectually in the reformation and fettlement of this king-
dom. But the diſorders and misfortunes of his father's reign
found. fufficient employment for his active fpirit. So that the
affairs of Ireland were conducted by deputies, without ſufficient
force or fupport: and every act of the prince's government was
watched narrowly by thoſe who acted in the king's name, and
were alarmed at the fpirit of his fon. They fometimes fuper- Matth. Paris-
feded his writs as irregular and illegal: fometimes, commanded Prynn
that his officers and wardens of caftles fhould not be admitted. Brady,
or obeyed, without the king's letters patent; controuled him
to
in his attempt to appoint a deputy; and commanded de la
Zouch, to acknowledge no fuperiour but the king, nor to re-
fign his authority without the royal mandate. In the latter
and more compoſed part of this reign, when Edward might
have influenced the affairs of Ireland moſt effentially even. by:
his prefence, the paffion for crufades, at this time the favourite:
object of the noble and the brave, drove him into the Eaft,.
where he endangered.his life in a romantic purfuit. of honour,
inftead of acquiring the real and folid honour of civilizing,
and reſcuing a difordered people from the bitterness of op-.
preffion and inteftine tumult..
>
•
❤
IRELAND, in the mean time, felt all the melancholy effects
of a feeble government, an afpiring nobility, laws fufpended.
and controuled, factions engendered, by pride and oppreffion,.
the:
2
A
}
230
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. H.
MSS.
the anarchy of the old natives, the injuftice of the new fettlers,
Ann. Inisfal. local feuds, and barbarous maffacres. Brian Nial of Tir-
owen, who with his principality inherited an inveterate aver-
fion to Engliſh government, rose up in arms, compelled fome
neighbouring chiefs to join his ſtandard, and fpread confufion
through all the North. Stephen Longe pee was called out to
oppoſe him, and, notwithſtanding fome advantage gained in the
field, would have found it difficult to ſuppreſs this infurrection,
had not the Irish prince fallen by the treachery of his own
-people. In the South, the Geraldines had for ſome time kept
the ſtate of an independent fept, fupporting themſelves, finge
the removal of Maurice Fitz-Gerald from the government, by
their own power, and making war and peace by their own an
thority. They had mortified the Defmonians by their encreaf-
ing confequence, and provoked them by their ſeverities. :: But
the fierce and warlike race of Mac-Arthy, encouraged by the
death of Maurice, fuddenly took arms, and threatened his fa-
mily with the most defperate vengeance. Each party was eager
to take the field, where a defperate engagement was at length
finally decided in favour of the Irish, who purſued their advan-
tage with all the rage of implacable animofity. Thomas Fitz-
Gerald and his fon, eighteen barons, fifteen knights, and many
of inferiour note were flain on the part of the Geraldines; who
thus loft their power, and for fome time lived in perpetual
terrour of the Irish fept.
Ibid.
Hanm.
MSS.
་
In this conteſt, the Mac-Arthys affected only to defend their
rights againſt the invafion of a neighbouring clan, and were ſo
far from openly declaring againſt the English government, that
Ann. Innisf.. at the very time of their greateſt fuccefs, a.new deputy landed
on their coaft, was received with the reverence due to his com-
miffion, and paffed unmolefted to the feat of government. (The
conquerours proceeded to demolish the caftles erected by their
rivals, and elated with fuccefs, turned their arms against fome
Irish
•
་
éh. t.
231
HENRY
III.
Frith fepts who had provoked their refentment.
who
Walter de
im-
Ann. Innisf.
MSS.
Burgo was foon involved in theſe petty quarrels which inter-
fered with the pretenfions of his family, or promiſed to give
them poffeffion of ſome diſtricts which he claimed or coveted.
He marched against the Mac-Arthys, flew their leader, ravaged
their country, and obliged them to give hoftages for the per-
formance of fuch fevere conditions as he was pleaſed to
pofe. The Geraldine's feized the advantage of this reduction
of their enemies, revived their old claims, affumed their for-
mer port'; but foon found they had a new and powerful adver
fary to encounter. De Burgo, whoſe object was the fame
with theirs, and fought for the aggrandizement of this family,
deemed both his honour and his intereft concerned in quell-
ing thefe afpiring rivals. Their feuds were violent and bloody,
and for a long time continued to fpread diſtraction and cala-
mity, to the utter difgrace of the English governinent. The
deputy attempted to interpofe his authority when Fitz-Mau- Ibid.
fice and Fitz-Thomas, heads of the Geraldine faction, ſuſpect- Hanm.
ing him of too 'great partiality to their antagoniſt, proceeded to
an act of violence which even the Mac-Arthys had ſcrupled
to commit; ſeized his perſon at a conference, and fent him
with Richard de Burgo, ſon of Walter, and fome other lords,
prifoners to one of their caſtles.
SUCH an outrageous defiance of authority raiſed a juſt and
general alarm. The enemies of the Geraldines in particular
inveighed loudly againſt their dangerous infolence. An affem-
bly was convened at Kilkenny to confider of the remedies to
be applied to the diſorders of the kingdom; and at their re-
quifition, the impriſoned nobles were fet at liberty. Henry, Ibid.
who received the moſt affecting repreſentations of theſe ex-
ceffes, could interpofe no farther than by writing to the rival Cox.
lords, and commanding them to fufpend their animofities, and
to preſerve the public peace. Barry, an active deputy, feized
the
d
#
#n
232
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
the caſtles of the Geraldines, and employed the forces of the
ftate in confining them within fuch bounds as might prevent all
danger and diſturbance: while de Burgo, more the object of
royal favour, was fo elated as to make the most extenfive de-
mands upon the territories of Connaught, and bid defiance to
all the rights and properties referved by the native chiefs. Æth
Ann. Innisf. O'Connor, fucceffor of Fedlim, rofe up againſt his encroach-
ments; which was reprefented as an open and audacious rebel-
lion againſt his liege lord king Henry. Walter marched againſt
kim, but had the mortification to receive a fignal defeat: nor
did he long furvive this difgrace.
MSS.
Hapm.
MSS.
་
THE example of thefe great rival lords was naturally fol-
Ann. Innisf. lowed by their immediate inferiours. Claims, pretenſions, and
conteſts multiplied without number; and all quarters of the
kingdom were filled with petty feuds, the refult of avarice and
pride. Dearth and diſeaſe were the inevitable confequences of
ſuch extenſive confufion, which, encreaſed by ſeaſons remark-
ably fevere and tempeftuous, aggravated the misfortunes of the
kingdom, without fufpending thoſe animofities which produced
fuch malignant effects.
Prynn.
III.
To heighten the calamities of this dreary period yet farther,
the fevereſt exactions were made on Ireland, both by the king,
in his real or pretended neceffities, and by the pope, in profe-
cution of his fchemes either of avarice or ambition. In the
year 1226, a fifteenth of all cathedral churches and religious
Pat. 11 Hen. houfes, and a fixteenth of all other ecclefiaftical revenues, were
demanded by the king, with the concurrence of the pope.
His quarrels with the Scots, with the Welsh, with France,
with the king of Caftile, were all made the occafions of large
demands both on the clergy and laity. But thoſe of the fee of
Rome were ſtill more grievous and oppreffive: in England ·
they were odious; in Ireland, utterly intolerable. Here, the
wretched laity were ſtripped even of their very neceffaries, the
Pat. & Cl.
var.
Hanm.
churches,
Ch..
233
HENRY,
A
HI.
7
か
​Cl. eg Hen.
Cl. 19 Hen.
III.
III.
churches of all their ornaments, to fupply the rapacious de-
mands of legates and nuncios. The king, however, folicitous
to fecure the favour and fupport of Rome, and of confequence
difpofed to countenance thofe exactions, yet femetimes found it
neceffary to yield to the general clamour, and to controul them
not only in England but in Ireland. Legates were fometimes
refufed admittance into Ireland without the royal licence.
They pleaded the neceffity of repairing thither, to confer ab-
folution on thoſe who in the public commotions had laid vio-
dent hands upon the clergy; a fpiritual power not to be en- Ibid.
trufted but to the immediate delegates of the fovereign pontiff.
The pretence could not be abfolutely rejected in theſe times of
fuperftition; but ſtrict injunctions were fent to government,
that the légantine authority, fhould be confined to this fingle
object; fo that theſe minifters of oppreffion were obliged to
recur to private and clandeftine management, when the rapa-
cious demand could not be openly avowed.
Dat
?
I
III.
WITH the fame effrontery as in England, attempts were
made to overfpread the kingdom with Italian ecclefiaftics. The
boldeft remonftrances were made to the king againſt this fean- Cl. 29 Hen.
dalous abufe, of investing proud and luxurious foreigners with
the dignities and revenues of the Irifh church, who contemp-
tuouſly refuſed to engage in the duties of their function, or to
refide in the country which they pillaged by their extortions.
The complaint appeared fo juft and urgent, that the king, who
had ſcarcely power to maintain a regular government in Ire-
land, much lefs to fupport meaſures univerfally obnoxious, was
obliged to interpofe his authority, and by letter to his chief
governour, directed that the pope's agents ſhould not only be
prevented from extorting money from the ecclefiaftics, but
from making fuch ſhameful difpofitions of their benefices. But
the clergy had not only the partialities of the pope, but thoſe
of Henry himſelf to contend with. The neglected, the worth-
Hh
VOL. I.
lefs,
1
1
234
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
+
lefs, or the depreffed, among their English brethren, fought re-
fuge in the church of Ireland; to the utter mortification and
diſcontent of the whole body of ecclefiaftics, both of the Irish
and the Engliſh race, who regarded them as aliens, and deemed
the invaſion of what they called their own rights equally op-
preffive, whether Italy or England furniſhed this feries of emi-
grants. Though forced to fubmit to the royal authority,
ftrengthened by that of the pope, they yet determined to exert
all the power they had left, againſt the invaſions of theſe
ftrange clergy *. By a bold and violent ordinance, it was
•
* The Iriſh clergy were poffeffed with exalted ideas of the dignity and
glory of their own church. They triumphed in their long catalogue of
faints, and the legendary hiftories of their piety, purity, rigid diſcipline, and
ſtupendous miracles: and affected to fcorn theſe new intruders, and to dread
their contamination. To fwell this ſpiritual pride, Laurence O'Toole, their
famous archbiſhop of Dublin, had been fome time fince canonized by pope Hono-
rius. But what were the manners, at leaſt of fome among them, and how dan-
gerouſly they had been infected by the popular vices of thefe unhappy times, we
learn from the following curious petition of a widow, in the reign of Edward
the firft. Vid. Prynn, vol. iii. p. 243.
"Margaret le Blunde, of Cafhel, petitions our lord the king's grace, that
"ſhe may have her inheritance which the recovered at Clonmell before the
king's judges, &c. againſt David Macmackerwayt biſhop of Caſhel.
66
"Item, the faid Margaret petitions redreſs on account that her father was
"killed by the faid biſhop.
"Item, for the impriſonment of her grandfather and mother, whom he ſhut
"up and detained in prifon until they perished by famine, becauſe they at-
"tempted to feek redrefs for the death of their fon, father of your petitioner,
"who had been killed by the faid biſhop. Item, for the death of her fix bro-
"thers and fifters, who were ftarved to death by the faid biſhop, becauſe he
"had their inheritance in his hands at the time he killed their father.
"And it is to be noted, that the faid bifhop had built an abbey in the city
"of Cafhel, on the king's lands granted for this purpofe, which he hath filled
"with robbers, who murder the Engliſh, and depopulate the country; and
"that when the council of our lord the king attempts to take cognizance of
"the offence, he fulminates the fentence of excommunication against them..
8
< It
1
Ch. r.
235-
HENRY
III
:
Autogr.
A. D. 1250.
agreed, that no man of the English nation ſhould be admitted Rymer ex
or received into a canonicate in any one of the Iriſh churches:
nor could the king reprefs this fpirit but by application to the
pope;, who, in his bull addreffed to the prelates and chapters
of Ireland, repreſents their ordinance as the effect of envy and
unchriſtian partiality, and a deſign to eſtabliſh hereditary right
in God's fanctuary; commanding that it ſhould be formally
refcinded, within the ſpace of one month, and in caſe of a re-
fufal, threatening to refcind it by the plenitude of his autho-
-rity, and to commiffion the prèlates of Dublin and Offory to
declare it, in his name, abfolutely null and void.
NOR is this the only inftance in which the daring ſpirit of
thefe ecclefiaftics was experienced. Indefatigable in their en-
croachments on the civil power, and zealous in their attempts
to extend the juriſdiction of their courts, they were ever ſeek-
ing occafions of difpute and litigation, and artfully contrived
to draw every fuit into the fphere of their own tribunals; fo
that the king was obliged to direct his deputy to confine them Pat. 18 Hen.
to the cognizance of caufes teftamentary or matrimonial. The III.
cafe of baftardy, it is well known, was in England violently
agitated in this reign. Children born before wedlock, were
by the common law adjudged incapable of inheriting, as ille-
2
f
"It is to be noted alfo, that the aforefaid Margaret has five times croffed
"the Irifh fea. Wherefore fhe petitions for God's fake, that the king's grace
will have compaffion, and that ſhe may be admitted to take poffeffion of her
❝ inheritance.
:
"It is further to be noted, that the aforeſaid biſhop hath been guilty of the
"death of many other Engliſhmen befides that of her father.
66
"And that the aforefaid Margaret hath many times obtained writs of our
lord the king, but to no effect, by reafon of the influence and bribery of
the faid bifhop.
"She further petitions, for God's fake, that ſhe may have cofts and da-
mages, &c."
What a prelate was this, even fuppofing the allegations aggravated!
H h 2-
gitimate:
}
23.60
- B. II,
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
*
gitimate: the canon law pronounced then legitimate and legal
inheritors; and of confequence, when the fpiritual courts were
directed by writ to try the legitimacy of any fuitor, their fen→
tence was conformable to the canon law, in direct oppofition
Stat. Merton, to that of the realm. The civil courts were: thus obliged to
change the nature of their writs, and confined the clergy to
an enquiry into the fimple fact, whether the party had been
born before or after wedlock. The prelates complained of the
innovation, and demanded in a parliament held at Merton, that
the common law fhould be reduced to a conformity with the
canon. The answer they received is famous: Nalumus leges
Angliæ mutari: fuch was the ſpirited decifion of the Engliſh
nobility. The fame conteft fubfifted in Ireland, and an appli-
cation was made to the king's courts in England, to decide on
this point, as well as on fome others involved in it, where the
real nature and purport of the common law were not clearly
defined. The ftatute of Merton was therefore tranfmitted into
Ireland for the direction of the king's fubjects, and the regula--
tion of their judicial proceedings in this kingdom.
Prynn.
Cl. 19 H. III.
THE very exactions made on the Irish clergy were the means
of encreafing their turbulence and prefumption. In return for
the fums extorted from them, the king thought himſelf ob-
liged to profeſs the utmoſt zeal for the defence of their rights
CI. 11 H. III. and liberties. The civil power was directed to give the fame
Rym.ex
Autog.
A. 1232.
ſupport to their fentence of excommunication as the law al--
lowed to the clergy of England: and this inftrument of eccle-
fiaftical vengeance was levelled without mercy againſt all who
prefumed to difpute their authority or oppoſe their pretenfions.
In imitation of their brethren in England, they excommuni--
cated the moſt dignified perfonages of the kingdom the mo-
* Stephen Longeſpee the king's own natural brother, was excommunicated
with all his train, by the archbiſhop of Dublin, as appears by a cloſe roll-of
36th of this reign. But Hanmer, and other writers, have recorded an inftance
fill
7
1
Ch. 1.
2-37
HENRY
III.
1
Crede Mihi.
ment they prefumed to diſpute the litigious claims of the
church; fo that the pope was obliged to interpofe, and con-
troul this inordinate abuſe of fpiritual authority. As the op-
preffions they endured, drove them to make reprisals on the
laity, extravagant impofitions were exacted under the name of
oblations of the faithful. The magiftrates and citizens of
Dublin prefumed to interfere on this occafion, and to circum-
ſcribe the revenues of their cathedral. The archbishop in- Regift. vocat.
ſtantly fulminated a folemn excommunication againſt theſe
facrilegious invaders of his church, and laid the whole city un-
der an interdict. Cardinal Ottobon was at hand to confirm
the tremendous fentence. The citizens remonſtrated; and the
cauſe received a formal hearing before the lord-deputy (Ufford)
and the council. But here the clergy proved triumphant;
and the citizens were reduced to a compofition, ridiculouſly ab-
ject and mortifying. It was agreed that, in caſes of any open Ibid..
and notorious offence, (in which, no doubt, was included the
offence of oppofition to the clerical power or intereft) a com-
mutation, for the first time, fhould be made in money: that,
in the ſecond inftance, the offenders fhould be cudgelled round.
ftill more extraordinary, of the infolence of a biſhop of Ferns, who excommu-
nicated the great earl of Pembroke, on the pretence that he had diſſeized his
church of two manors. On the death of this earl, the bifhop appeared before
the king and claimed thefe manors. Henry ordered him to pronounce ſentence
of abfolution at the earl's tomb. The bishop attended him thither, and in
the prefence of the king had the infolence to pronounce with an affected dig-
nity and folemnity: "O William, thou that here lieft wrapped in the bonds
"of excommunication, if what thou haſt injuriouſly taken away be reſtored by
"the king, or thy heir, or thy friends, with competent fatisfaction, I abſolve
thee. Otherwife, I ratify the fentence, that being wrapped in thy fins,
"thou mayeſt remain damned in hell for ever." As the heir would not give
up the manors in difpute, the biſhop confirmed his curfe. And the ſuperſtiti-
ous vulgar were taught to believe, that the earl and his four brethren died
without iffue, by the immediate fentence of Heaven, in confirmation of that
pronounced by its miniſter.
the
238
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. II
the church in the third, that the fame difcipline fhould be
repeated publicly at the head of a proceffion; and that in caſe
of further obstinacy, they ſhould either be disfranchiſed, or
cudgelled through the city.-Such were the citizens, whom a
king of England thought it neceffary to pacify by an apology
for his conduct, and a promiſe of redrefs of grievances!
}
1
СНАР,
Ch. 2.
239
EDWARD I.
1
>
CHA P. II.
Acceffion of Edward the firft.-Maurice Fitz-Maurice his Irifh
deputy.-Is betrayed and taken prisoner.-Glenvill his fucceffor
defeated.-Ulfter infested by the Scots.-Contest between the
Geraldines and O'Brien.-Diftrefs of the Geraldines.-Edward
provoked at the diſorders of Ireland.—Iriſh petition to be admit-
ted to the benefits of English law.-Favourable answer of the
king. The petition defeated.-Second application equally unfuc-
cessful.-Infurrections.-Feuds of the English lords.-Edward
applies to the ſubjects of Ireland for fubfidies.—Refuſed by the
clergy.-Granted by the laity.-Expectations from the admini-
ftration of de Vefcey.—He quarrels with the baron of Ophally.
-Refigns his lands.-Parliament of Sir John Wogan.-Its
Statutes.-Feuds of the English lords compofed.-Edward's ex-
actions in Ireland.-Fitz-Thomas of Ophally attends the king's
Service in Flanders.-Earl of Ulfter embarks for the Scottish
war.-Effects of their abfence from Ireland.
WE
E are not to expect that the ftate of Ireland fhould ap- A. D. 1272.
pear effentially improved by the acceffion of Edward
the firſt to the throne of England. Though the high office he
had enjoyed of lord of Ireland gave him opportunities of know-
ing its various grievances and diſorders, and though he had
difcernment and abilities to apply the moſt effectual remedies,
yet both the political and military talents of this renowned
prince found ſufficient employment in regulating and improv-
ing the difordered ſtate of England, in reducing Wales, in
contending with the Scots, and in the other occupations of his
active and diſtinguiſhed reign.
fer. MS.
THE adminiftration of Irish government had fome time before Ann. Multi-
the death of Henry been committed to Maurice Fitz-Maurice;
who ſeems to have been appointed by the council upon the
fudden
کے سیک
240
*B.II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Rymer.
A.D. 1273.
Cox,
fudden death of Audley by a fall from his houſe. On the de-
mife of Henry, he received a letter in the name of his fuccef-
for, notifying his acceffion to the throne, ftriatly enjoining
that the king's peace fhould be maintained and preferved
through the land of Ireland, and declaring that the rights and
properties of his fubjects in this kingdom fhould be defended
by the throne, against injurious attempts of every kind. At the
fame time, it was enjoined that the nobility, knights, and free
tenants, fhould take the ufual oaths to their new fovereign.
But fuch formal acts of government had fo little tendency to
controul or terrify the difaffected, that Maurice was immedi-
ately obliged to march againſt fome infurgents who had de-
ſtroyed ſeveral caftles, and pierced even into the moſt flouriſh-
ing parts of Leinfter. And fo well ſupported were the invad-
ers, and fuch was the weakneſs of the governour, that his own
followers betrayed him to the enemy. With an infolence of
which he had himſelf ſet the example, he was feized in Öph-
ally, and committed to priſon: nor had his fucceffor Glenvill,
who had married a daughter of Walter de Lacey, much better
fuccefs. The very feat of government was infulted, and in his
attempts to fupprefs fuch audacious inroads, he had the morti-
fication to receive a fignal defeat. Ulfter in the mean time,
was at once embroiled in civil diffenfions, and infeſted by ma-
rauders from the Scottish ifles, who carried on their depreda-
tions with impunity, while petty factions, compoſed both of
Engliſh and Iriſh, purſued their private ſchemes of intereft and
revenge, and bad defiance to all legal authority. Maurice Fitz-
Maurice, when releafed from his confinement, retired to his
own lands, only to raiſe new commotions. Uniting with the
lord Theobald Butler, he made a private war upon the Irish of
Munfter, and forced the O'Briens, who had of late diſcovered
a pacific difpofition, to take up arms against the invafions of a
turbulent and ambitious neighbour.
THE
3
}
Ch. 2.
241
EDWARD I.
t
Reily App.
MSS.
THE power of the Geraldines had been confiderably encreafed A. D. 1274.
by the marriage of Juliana, daughter of Maurice, with Thomas
de Clare, fon of the earl of Gloucéfter, a young lord of martial
fpirit, to whom Edward granted confiderable lands in Tho-
mond, and who now led a powerful train of followers into
Ireland to ſupport his claim. Such grants precipitately made,
obtained by falfe fuggeftions or unreaſonable folicitations, pro-
voked the pride, and fometimes the juft refentment of the na-
tives, who were thus harraffed and hunted from every quarter
of the land. The O'Briens exclaimed loudly againſt the en- Ann. Innisf.
croachments of this new colony: the young English lord
treated their remonftrances with difdain; and the conteft, as
ufual, was foon brought to the decifion of the ſword.
A fignal
defeat ſuſtained by the Iriſh, in which the chief of the O'Briens
fell by the treachery of his own people, as his countrymen
alledged, feemed to promiſe the complete eſtabliſhment of the
victors. But O'Brien had left two warlike fons, who exerted
themſelves with the utmoſt vigour to avenge their father's
death, and affert the honour and intereft of their fept. The
war, which was renewed with double fury, ended in the total
overthrow of the Geraldines. Many of their braveft knights
were flaughtered. De Clare with his father-in-law was driven
for immediate fhelter into an inacceffible mountain; where
being blocked up by the enemy, and reduced to the fevereft
diftrefs of famine, they were at length obliged to capitulate
on the moſt mortifying terms: the O'Briens were acknow-
ledged fovereigns' of Thomond: hoftages were given as a ſe-
curity for the eric, or fatisfaction demanded for the death of
their late chieftain, according to the Irish cuftom, and the
caſtle of Roſcommon, lately built and ftrongly fortified, and
which the Geraldines held in cuftody for the king, was furren-
dered to the victorious enemy.
VOL. I.
Li
DAGA O
DE
}
1
242
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Rymer.
Hapm.
3
DE CLARE, who had now no refource but in the royal au-
thority, fent the moſt pathetic reprefentations to the king, of
his diſtreſs and fuppofed injuries. Edward had lately tranf-
mitted his mandate to the prelates of Ireland, to interpoſe their
fpiritual authority for allaying and compofing the public dif
orders and now, the news of civil war in Munfter was fol-
lowed by the moft alarming accounts of infurrections in Con-
naught, and the flaughter of the Irish prince of this province
by a rival chieftain. Provoked by theſe multiplied vexations,
he paffionately recalled the chief governour, Ufford, into Eng-
land; who, leaving the adminiſtration in the hands of Ful-
burne, a friar, encouraged the difaffected in Leinfter to renew
their outrages; and having readily fatisfied the king, who was
intent on more preffing, and to him more important objects,
than the fettlement of this unhappy kingdom, was remanded
to Ireland, to reprefs the commotions which his abfence had
excited.
In the midſt of various diforders public and private, where every
little diſtrict ſhared in the general diſtreſs, and every individual
was expofed to danger and depredation, thoſe Iriſh, who by
their fituation held a conftant intercourfe with the Engliſh,
who lay contiguous to the county lands, or whofe fettlements
intersected intereſted thofe of the king's fubjects, found perpetual occafi-
ons to lament the manifold diſadvantages of thoſe old native
inſtitutions to which they were abandoned, and which ren-
dered their lives and properties more precarious than thofe of
their Engliſh neighbours, ſo as to provoke the injuftice of their
enemies, at the fame time that they were deprived of the ne-
ceffary defence. All hopes of exterminating the Engliſh were
long fince refigned. The only rational purpoſe now to be pur-
fued, was that of acquiring the rights and privileges enjoyed
by thoſe with whom they were thus connected, and to change,
the ſtate of vaffals and tributaries to the king of England, for
the
}
:
Ch. 2.
243
EDWARD I.
19
the ſecurity and advantage of Engliſh ſubjects. An applica- Prynn.
tion was made to Ufford the chief governour, and eight thou- A. D. 1278.
fand marks offered to the king, provided he would grant the
free enjoyment of the laws of England to the whole body of
the Iriſh inhabitants. A petition, wrung from a people tor-
tured by the painful feelings of oppreffion, in itſelf ſo juft and
reaſonable, and in its confequences fo fair and promifing, could
not but be favourably received by a prince poffeffed with ex-
alted ideas of policy and government, and, where ambition did
not interfere, a friend to juftice. The anſwer returned by Ed-
ward is too memorable not to be here inferted at large.
૯
"Edward by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ire-
land, and duke of Aquitain, to our trusty and well be-
"loved Robert de Ufford, jufticiary of Ireland, greeting.
“T
HE improvement of the ſtate and peace of our land of
Ireland, fignified to us by your letter, gives us exceed-
"ing joy and pleaſure. We entirely commend your diligence
"in this matter, hoping, (by the divine affiftance) that the
things there begun ſo happily by you, fhall, as far as in you
"lieth, be ftill further profecuted with the greater vigour and
દ fuccefs.
*
"And whereas the community of Ireland hath made a
"tender to us of eight thouſand marks, on condition that we
*Whatever general expreffions the king might have been accuſtomed to
employ, yet it ſeems not only improbable but impoffible that the application
could have been really made, unanimouſly, by all of the Iriſh race, in every
quarter of the iſland. They had at this time no national council; nor did
any band of union fubfift between the different fepts. Nor could thoſe who
had but their local interefts to purfue, and were in a conftant ftate of war
with each other, be eaſily prevailed on, (even if the propoſal could have been
communicated) to enter into any amicable conference, or concert any meaſures
for the general advantage of all the unconnected and diſcordant fepts. Nor
did thofe who lived moft detached from the Engliſh, perceive any advantage in
I i 2
exchanging
!
244
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
2
.
grant to them the laws of England to be used in the afores
"faid land, we will you to know, that inafmuch-as the laws
"ufed by the Iriſh are hateful to God, and repugnant to all
juſtice, and having held diligent conference and full delibe-
"ration with our council on this matter, it feems fufficiently
expedient to us and to our council, to grant to them the
64
exchanging their old inftitutions for another fyftem. On the contrary, it was
with the utmoft labour and difficulty, and the moft obftinate reluctance on
their part, that the English law could be obtruded on them, fome centuries
after the prefent period.
The petition, it is to be obferved, was for a grant of the English law to be
uſed IN THE LAND of Ireland. It is expreſsly called in another record, imme-
diately to be quoted, the petition of the Irifh of that land. In like manner,
the king's deputies are frequently faid to be entruſted with the custody of his
land of Ireland; or to undertake the cuftody of his land. By this phrafe, I
conceive we are to underſtand no more than the diftrict poffeffed by the Eng-
liſh ſubjects, or what is generally called the ENGLISH PALE. That this is not
a mere conjecture, appears from the following paffage of a record in the reign
of Elizabeth. (Rot. Canc. Hib, 6 Eliz. Dorfo,) Item, forafmuch as no
"fmall enormities doo grow with thofe fhires [viz. Cork, Limerick, and Kerry]
"by the continual recourfe of certain idle men of lewd demeanor called
ત rymers, bardes, and dice-players, who, under pretence of their travail, doo
"bringe privy intelligence, between the malefactours inhabiting in thoſe ſeve
"ral fhires, as well as within THE LANDE, &c.”
Here, the lande is evidently uſed as the well-known denomination of the dif
trict called the Pale. In this diftrict ſeveral ſepts of Irifhry had been permitted
to dwell even from the time of Henry the fecond, who profeffed a peaceable
fubmiffion to Engliſh government, without being admitted to the privileges of
English fubjects. In Wicklow, even clofe to the feat of government, in Ophally,
in Leix, and other places bordering on the Engliſh fettlements, were many!!
confiderable chieftains with their warlike followers. All thefe, by their fitua-
tion, held conſtant intercourſe, had frequent conteſts and litigations with the
king's fubjects. They every day experienced that their lives and properties
were lefs defenſible than thofe of their neighbours; and that this inferiority
every day provoked injuſtice and oppreffion. It was natural for them to de-
fire that they all might be peaceably united with thofe around them, under that
equitable government which by this time was established too firmly to be
overthrown.
1
1
7
1
English
Ch. 2.
245
EDWARD I
1
}
"English laws; provided always that the general confent of
"our people, or at leaſt of the prelates and nobles of that land,
"well affected to us, fhall uniformly concur in this behalf.
“We therefore command you, that having entered into
"treaty with theſe Irish people, and examined diligently into
"the wills of our commons, prelates, and nobles, well affected
"to us, in this behalf, and having agreed between you and
"them on the higheft fine of money that you can obtain, to be
"paid to us on this account, you do, with the conſent of all, at
"leaft of the greater and founder part aforefaid, make ſuch a
compofition with the faid people, in the premiffes, as you
fhall judge in your diligence, to be most expedient for our
❝ honour and intereft. Provided however, that theſe people
"ſhould hold in readineſs a body of good and ftout footmen,
"amounting to fuch a number as you fhall agree upon with
"them for one turn only, to repair to us when we ſhall think
fit to demand them."
WE fee the juft and honourable difpofitions of Edward, not-
withſtanding his attention to make this incident fubfervient to
his affairs. But his wifdom and rectitude were fatally counter-
acted, and by thofe who fhould have ran foremoſt in the pro-
fecution of a meaſure, which would have prevented the calami-
ties of ages, and which was obviouſly calculated for the paci-
fication and effectual improvement of their country. But it
would have circumfcribed their rapacious views, and controuled
their violence and oppreffion. As the petition could not be
openly oppofed upon any principles of reafon, juftice, or found
policy, every fubterfuge was employed, and every evaſion prac-
tifed to prevent a convention of the king's barons and other
fubjects in Ireland. Edward was affured that an immediate com-.
pliance with his commands was not poffible in the preſent ftate
of things; that the kingdom was in too great ferment and
commotion;
246
.B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Prynn.
Anim. p.
257.
A. D. 1280.
commotion; that far the greater number of barons were dif-
perfed on the neceffary buſineſs of the ftate, and defence of
their own and of the king's lands; that many of them were
under age and in guardianſhip, ſo that an affembly could not
be formed fufficiently numerous and reſpectable, to decide upon
a point fo weighty. And fuch pretences were fufficient, where
the aristocratic faction was too powerful, and the king too deeply
engaged in more urgent affairs. But the
But the cry of oppreffion was
not immediately filenced: the application of the Iriſh was re-
newed, and the king repeatedly and urgently folicited to accept
them as his faithful fubjects. So that two years after, we
find him ſummoning the lords ſpiritual and temporal, and the
whole body of Engliſh ſubjects in the land of Ireland, to
1
*
* "Rex, archiepifcopis, epifcopis, abbatibus, prioribus, comitibus, baro-
"nibus, militibus, & omnibus Anglicis de terra Hiberniæ, falutem. Ex
parte Hibernicorum de terra prædicta nobis extitit humiliter fupplicatum,
quod fibi de gratia noftra concedere dignaremur, ut eifdem legibus & confue-
"tudinibus communibus uti & gaudere poffint IN TERRA, quibus Anglici
❝ibidem utuntur & gaudent, & fecundum eafdem leges et confuetudines
"deduci valeant in futurum. Nos autem, quia hujufmodi conceffionem abfque
"confcientia veftra iis ad præfens non duximus faciendam, vobis mandamus,
"quod ad certos dies, quos ad hoc provideritis; videlicet circa feſtum nativi-
"tatis beatæ Mariæ Virginis, in aliquibus locis opportunis, conveniatis, &
"inde diligentem tractatum inter vos habeatis, utrum fine præjudicio veftri &
"libertatum & confuetudinum veftrarum & etiam dampno veftro dictam con-
"ceffionem facere poffimus eifdem, nec ne: & de omnibus aliis circumftantiis
hujufmodi conceffionem contingentibus, et de hoc quod inde feceritis nobis
"citra proximum parliamentum noftrum quod erit apud Weſtmonaſterium a die
“Sancti Michaelis in unum menfem, fub figillo jufticiarii noftri Hiberniæ vel
" ejus locum tenentis & figillo dilecti & fidelis noftri Roberti Bagot, distincte
" & aperte una cum confilio veftro conftare faciatis. Et hoc propter abfen-
"tiam quorundam de paribus veftris, quos ibidem intereffe non contigerit, vel
"illorum qui funt infra ætatem & in cuftodia, nullatenus omittatis; ut nos
"ex tunc habita fuper hoc deliberatione pleniori inde provideri faciamus quod
"nobis & confilio noftro magis videatur expedire. In cujus, &c. Tefte rege,
❝ apud Weftmon. 1o die Septembris. Pryn. Anim. p. 257."
66
I
affemble
་
}
+
'
Ch. 2.
EDWARD I.
affemble and deliberate on this petition, which he declares that
he does not judge proper to be granted without their confent;
affigning a particular ſeaſon for their convention, directing them
to tranfmit their fentence and decifion, and ftrictly enjoining
a peremptory compliance with this his mandate, notwithſtand-
ing the abſence or minority of any number of their peers:
peers: thus
plainly pointing out the pretences formerly alledged for not
complying with his commands, and expreffing an impatience
and diſpleaſure at their reluctance to take an affair of ſuch mo
ment to the kingdom into immediate and impartial deliberation.
WHETHER the parliament was convened in confequence of
this order, and had the folly or effrontery to declare againſt
the expediency of the propofed grant, or whether infidious
artifices were ſtill practifed to evade the royal mandate, doth
not appear from any authentic record: but certain it is, that
the wife and juft intentions of Edward were defeated, and
that during the courfe of his reign, individuals of the Iriſh race
were obliged to fue for particular charters of denization, which
we find granted to ſeveral, particularly on their intermarriage
with the English.
F
247
Ir is natural to imagine that this repeated oppofition to their
endeavours to become peaceable and uſeful fubjects, could not
but irritate the ſpirits of the Irish, give new edge to their re-
refentments, and foment the local jealoufies and contefts which
fubfifted between them and their Engliſh neighbours *. They Ann. Innisf
foon appeared in arms, but without power, union, or addreſs,
*«As long as they [the Irish] were out of the protection of the law,"
(faith the judicious Sir John Davys) “ ſo as everie Engliſhman might oppreffe,
´“ ſpoile, and` kill them without controulment, howe was it poffible they ſhould
<< be other than out-lawes and enemies to the crown of Englande? If the king
❝ woulde not admit them to the condition of ſubjects, how could they learne
❝ to acknowledge and obey him as their fovereigne? When they might not
converſe, or commerce with any civil men, nor enter into any towne or citty
"without perrill of their lives, whither fhould they flye but into the woods.
<c
MSS.
66 and
"
218
B.I.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
7
to form any ſcheme of general confederacy; fo that there infur-
rections ſerved but to ravage the feveral diſtricts expofed to their
fury, to raiſe a temporary confufion, or to revenge particular
quarrels. In Defmond, indeed, the difcontented Irith formed
a more regular ſcheme of oppofition. The Mac-Arthys, ever
implacable enemies to the Engliſh, proceeding with a dark and
petermined rancour, affembled fecretly, difcuffed the pretenfi-
ons of their feveral lords quietlyand patiently, parcelled out the
lands of Deſmond, affigning what they now poffeffed or expected
to recover, according to their own notions of juſtice and equity,
founded on antient arrangements and poffeffions. They agreed
in the election of a prince called Daniel Roadh, marched under
his conduct against the Engliſh of their province, and were fo
fucceſsful as to feize fome caftles, and to drive the enemy 'from
feveral of their ſettlements. The O'Brien's, their neighbours,
lefs fubtile, and more precipitate, were at the fame time ready
to draw the ſword againft each other, on the ufual ſubject of
Iriſh war, the fucceffion to the fovereignty of their province :
Thomas de Clare, by a fudden révolution of fortune, by no
means ſurpriſing in the preſent ſtate of Ireland, had regained
his power, and now appeared a lord of ſuch confequence, that
Rot. Walliæ, when Edward folicited an Irish loan in fupport of his war
Rymer ex
10 Ed. I.
ས
•
" and mountains, and there live in a wilde and barbarous manner? If the
ડર
Engliſh magiftrates would not rule them by the lawe which doth puniſh
"murder and treafon and theft with death, but leave them to be ruled by
"their own lords and lawes, why ſhoulde not they embrace their own Brehon
"lawe, which punifheth no offence but with a 'fine or ericke ? If the Iriſh
"bee not permitted to purchaſe eſtates of freeholds or inheritance, which might
"difcend to their children, according to the courſe of our common lawe, muft
they not continue their cuftom of taniſtrie, which makes all their poffeffions
"uncertaine, and brings confufion, barbariſme, and incivility? In a word,
"if the English woulde neither în peace governe them by the lawe, nor in
"war root them out by the fworde, müft they not needes be prickes in their
eyes, and thornes in their fides, till the world's ende?" Davys's Difcoverie.
66
66
againſt
1
1
A
感
​{
Ch. 2.
A
↓
EDW A RD I.
249
againſt Wales, he addreffed himſelf particularly to de Clare,
and appointed him his principal agent for tranfacting this bufi -
nefs with the general convention or parliament of his fubjects
in Ireland. This lord now judged it convenient to his inte-
refts, to eſpouſe the cauſe of one of the competitors of Tho-
mond; armed in favour of his pretenfions, and obliged his A. D. 1282.
countrymen to accept him as their chief. His rival, ftill fup-
ported by a powerful faction, provoked at this odious interpofi-
fion of the Engliſh, animated his followers to a brave refift-
ance, collected his forces, and prepared to wage a bloody war Ann. Innisf.
againſt this new created chief; when Mac-Arthy, hearing of Mss.
✓
thefe rifing commotions, fuddenly and fecretly paffed into
Thomond, and exerted all his addrefs to reftrain the blind
rage of his countrymen. He entreated them to confider that
they were arming againſt their own brethren, preparing to de-
populate their own lands, blowing up the flame of civil diffen-
fion, which had already' wafted their unhappy country; that
they had a common enemy, induftriouſly to take advantage of
their diforders, and to fubdue them by their own weapons;
that their own intereft, and that of all their countrymen, called
loudly upon them to compoſe their private differences, and wait
with patience, leaving the folly of civil diffenfion to the Eng-
liſh, till weakened by their mutual rivalry and jealouſy they
might afford the injured Iriſh a fair occafion to unite, and by
one effectual blow to vindicate their native rights, and avenge
their oppreffions. His mediation was fuccefsful; and indeed
the preſent ſtate of things gave but too great force to his repre-
fentations.
1
Cox.
THE Engliſh lords and principal ſettlers in every part of Ire- Hanm.
land, in the luft of power and poffeffions, were become the bit-
tereſt and moſt implacable enemies to each other. Barret and
Cuffack, two Engliſhmen of figure, fettled in Connaught by
de Burgo, drew their ſwords againſt each other, and committed
VOL. I.
K k
the
i
B. II.
250
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
λ
the moſt alarming flaughter and defolation, which ended in the.
deftruction of the former. The power of lord Theobald de
Verdon, poffeffed of a confiderable domain in Meath, by right
of his marriage with a daughter of Walter de Lacey, excited the
envy of Gerald Fitz-Maurice, baron of Ophaly, who attacked
his caſtles, defeated his forces, was himfelf defeated in turn,
and made a priſoner. Lord Geoffry Genneville and his follow-
ers in another part of Meath, were alfo driven from their pof-
feffions. Thefe petty broils were multiplied, and continued
for fome years unnoticed, or at least unrestrained by the king's
A. D. 1286. vicegerents. The death of Maurice, and Gerald Fitz- Maurice,
with that of lord Thomas de Clare, all in the fame year, pro-
miſed to deprefs the power of the Geraldines, and left Richard
de Burgo, earl of Ulfter, in an undisputed rank of eminence:
and fo confiderable was the port of this nobleman, and fo great
his authority in thefe times, that in the king's letters we find
his name frequently mentioned before that of the chief gover-
But his power was employed in oppreffing and deſtroy-
ing thoſe who ſtood in the way of his infatiable ambition. He
claimed the lands of Meath poffeffed by Verdon, and with a
tumultuous troop of followers, invaded, and befieged this lord
in one of his caftles. The Irish of Meath and Ulfter, impatient
to take advantage of theſe diſorders, aggravated the general dif-
treſs by their infurrections, and often-times were the victims
of their own precipitation.
nour.
THIS Confufion in the ftate of Ireland little correſponded with
the views of Edward, and the neceffities of his government. He
had already been engaged in war; had contracted debts by his
Rymer, t. ii. negotiations on the continent; the troubles of Scotland were com-
menced, and the king poffibly had good reaſons to provide for tak-
ing all advantages that might be derived from them. He had
already, by the interpofition and affiftance of the pope, obtained
a tenth of all their revenues from the Irish clergy, on pretence.
P. 519.
7
1
of
1
Ch. 2.
D 1.
ED WAŔ
+
C
P. 4400
of providing for an expedition to the Holy Land. But, not con-
tented with this fupply, and determined to try the exertion of
his own authority in Ireland, before he made a like attempt in
England, in his own name, and without any participation of
the holy fee, he demanded an additional fifteenth of all the
Spiritualties in that kingdom. The clergy were neither difpofed Rym. t. iii.
to give countenance to this innovation, nor well enabled to com-
ply with the ſevere demand. They therefore appealed to Rome,
and defired the protection of the fovereign pontiff againſt this
encroachment on his authority. At the fame time, in the
humbleft manner, they repreſented to the king the diftreffed
condition of their church, arifing from the wars and commo-
tions of the realm, expreffing a concern for their inability, but
at the ſame time, peremptorily refufing to comply with the re-
quifition. Edward had not yet learned to treat theſe refractory
ecclefiaftics with that ſeverity which he practifed, fome time
afterwards, on his English clergy. He addreffed himſelf to the
laity of Ireland, and he found them more complying. After
fome alteration and delay, they granted a fifteenth of their
effects.
To enforce thefé demands, and to allay the public commo- Ib. p. 483.
tions, William de Vefey was intrufted with the government of
Ireland, an Engliſh lord, who by his ſpirit and activity, joined A. D. 1290.
with a rigid and inflexible temper, feemed well fitted for the
management of a difördered ftate. In his oppofition to the
Iriſh infurgents he was fufficiently fucceſsful; but when he pro-
ceeded to trace the prefent evils of the nation to their fource,
and to repreſs the violences of the great English lords, he pro-
fir
voked the reſentment of John Fitz-Thomas Fitz-Gerald, baron
of Ophaly, which produced a lafting animofity, and at length
ended in a formal accufation of each other: the governour al- Rely, Plac
ledging before the council, that Fitz-Gerald had calumnioufly
charged him with an attempt to revolt from his allegiance, and
•
P.
الي
K k 2
to
252
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Hanmer.
Cox.
$
to feduce others into a rebellious confederacy; the baron deny"
ing the charge, but accufing Véfey of fome feditious and difloyal
expreffions uttered in England. The combat was demanded
and accepted; and if we are to believe Hollingshead, before
the day appointed for the decifion, Vefey fled to France, and his
lands in Leinfter were beftowed upon his rival. But the truth.
is, that the king, informed of this conteft, fummoned the par-
ties to appear before him at Weftminfter; where, after various
pleadings and adjournments, the whole procefs was at length
annulled as informal and irregular; and that Vefey afterwards
reſigned his manors, caftles, and county of Kildare to the king,
which he held by marriage with one of the coheireffes of the
family of the earl Marithal, and in which his right was con-
teſted by the other daughters. It is equally certain that Fitz-
Gerald, on his return to Ireland acted with the ufual violence-
of a great Engliſh lord; oppoſed his rivals, afferted his claims,
and enlarged his poffeffions, by force of arms. He even pro-
ceeded to attack the earl of Ulfter, with whom he diſputed the
right of fome lands in Connaught, conquered him in the field,
became mafter of his perfon, and had the hardinefs to confine
him in prifon, ftill continuing his incurfions and hoftilities, to
the great terrour and annoyance of the richest and moft flou-
rifhing diſtricts of the kingdom. In confequence of theſe out-
rages he was formally impeached, appeared before the king,
fubmitted abſolutely to his mercy, and was obliged to give fe-
curity for his future peaceable and loyal demeanour.
^
THE moſt effectual attempt to reform the wretched ſtate of
Iriſh affairs in this reign was made by John Wogan, appointed
to the government in the year 1295, who might have proved
of fingular advantage to the nation, if the corruption of man-
ners had not been at this time irrefiftibly fuperiour to the beſt
and wiſeſt inſtitutions. With a temper and difcretion unknown
to ſeveral of his predeceffors, he applied himſelf in the firſt
place
Ch. 2.
253
ED WARD I.
}
place to compoſe the diffenfions of the great lords by every le-
nient and conciliating method. He found the houſes of de
Burgo and Fitz-Gerald ſtill at variance with each other; and
ftill engaged in petty hoftilities; and although he could not
entirely reconcile two nobles equally imperious and aſpiring,
he yet prevailed on them to fufpend thofe animofities which caft
the land into fuch dangerous convulfions; fo that in all the
forms of contending potentates, they at length agreed to make
a truce for two years, that the governour might have leiſure to
apply fome remedy to the general diſorder of the realm. For
this purpoſe, a parliament was fummoned more regularly than
fuch affemblies had hitherto been convened in Ireland. Be-
fides the writs to the lords fpiritual and temporal, thofe fent to
the ſheriffs directed them to return two knights for each of the
counties and liberties (as they were called); and although ſeve-
ral declined to attend, and the affembly was inconfiderable
in point of numbers, yet by the ordinances here enacted, the
public grievances feem to have been maturely weighed, and
with a ſerious intention of providing the moſt effectual redreſs
in their power. The acts of this affembly feem to deſerve
fome notice, as they afford a diſtinct view of the more notori-
ous irregularities and abufes of this period.
Lib. Nig.
Ecc. Trin.
Dub.
THE peace and fecurity of the Engliſh territory, the great Ibid.
and indeed the fole object of deliberation, required, in the firſt
place, that ftrict and regular execution of the laws of England,
which had been neither countenanced nor fupported by the
nobles and principal fettlers. And to this neceffary and valu-
able purpoſe, it was found that the divifion of counties hi-
therto eſtabliſhed was by no means favourable. The county of
Dublin in particular was too extenfive and confuſed, compre-
hending not only the greatest part of Leinster, but Meath
and Ulfter. It was therefore ordained that each of theſe latter
ſhould have its particular ſheriff; and that Kildare, which had
formerly
را
254
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
formerly been a liberty appendant upon Dublin, fhould now
be erected into a diftinct county *.
PARTICULAR encouragement had been given to the incurfions
of the Iriſh by the abfence of the lord marchers, who living
a life of indulgence upon their manors, in the fecurer and more
compoſed parts of the kingdom, abandoned their charge upon
the borders by which their countrymen were either driven
from their fettlements, or reduced to a ſtate of vaffalage by
their invaders. The marchers therefore were enjoined to
maintain their neceffary wards for the future, on pain of for-
feiture of their lands.
In the prefent fituation of the country, it is natural to fup-
poſe that every Engliſh tenant ſhould be trained to arms, and that
the whole collection of fettlers fhould have been one regular,
well-formed, and well-appointed militia. And yet we find that
their fettlements were frequently ſurpriſed in an helpleſs ſtate,
without arms or any provifions for defence: a grievance còn-
fiderably increaſed, by a number of lords who lived entirely in
England, without any attention to the fecurity of their Iriſh
tenants, and without contributing to the general defence
of their countrymen. It was therefore enacted that tenants
of every degree ſhould provide according to their rank, tó-
wards a military eſtabliſhment; and that abſentees ſhould
affign a competent portion of their Irish reyenues for their
neceffary purpoſe.
Ir appears alſo, that in caſes of particular incurfions of the
Iriſh, the neighbouring fettlers, far from being united in the
bands of cordial affection with their countrymen, fréquently
looked on with indifference, fometimes with an envious fatif-
faction at their diftrefs, without attempting to affift them, or
* Hence it appears that the enumeration of the counties appointed in the
reign of John, as it is generally ftated by hiftorians, is really inaccurate; as
hath been already hinted.
to
Ch. 2.
EDWARD L
255
to repel the invafion. In fuch cafes of wilful neglect it was
enacted, that the aggrieved party ſhould be entitled to damages
from their neighbours.
As the frequent military expeditions of the great lords were
a capital grievance, and their unnatural diffenfions not only
weakened the English intereft, and encouraged the common
enemy, but oppreſſed the ſubject by grievous and arbitrary ex-
actions, it was alfo ordained, that for the future, no lord ſhould
make war but by licence of the chief governour, or by ſpecial
mandate of the king. And to reſtrain the numbers and dif-
orders of their idle retainers, or KERNES (as they are called,)
every perſon of whatever degree was forbidden to entertain
more of theſe than he could himſelf maintain; and, in caſe
of any violent exaction or forcible depredation made by theſe
lawleſs followers, their lord was to pay the damage, and the
kern to be impriſoned, until he found fufficient fecurity for his
good behaviour.
IT appears to have been an ufual artifice of the Irish, when
any particular diftrict was the object of their hoftilities, to
make a truce for a certain time with other contiguous fettle-
ments, that ſo they might execute their hoftile purpoſes without
controul: which generally ended in their falling upon thoſe
who had confented to the fufpenfion of arms. It was there-
fore enacted, that no truce fhould be ever made with the Iriſh
but what was general and equal; and that thoſe who made
ſuch partial and feparate engagements, ſhould be confidered and
treated as accomplices in the havock that might enfue: at the
fame time, it was provided that the Iriſh themſelves ſhould not
be moleſted, when they had once concluded a fair and general
truce, by any infidious incurfions or hoftilities, which had
frequently produced the bloodieft repriſals and involved the
innocent in the confequences of their revenge.
AND
F
ļ
256
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
AND, as in caſes of fudden infurrections of the Irish, when the
chief governour was at a diſtance, and could not immediately
iffue the neceffary orders for repreffing them, the Engliſh were
frequently inactive and remifs, it was enacted, that from the
moment that any hoftilities were commenced, the county or li-
berty attacked ſhould, inſtantly and without further orders, riſe
in arms, and maintain the war at their own proper charges,
without intermiffion or fufpenfion, till the enemy ſhould be re-
duced or conſent to a ceffation, or that the chief governour ſhould
otherwife direct. And, to deprive the enemy of their ufual fhel-
ter, every lord was directed to repair and clear the roads through.
his woods and forefts, to make bridges, pathways, and other
provifions, for traverfing the country with readineſs and ſe-
curity, and purſuing the infurgents into their retreats.
•
IT
It appears alfo, from the ordinances of this affeinbly, that fo
early as the reign of Edward the first, the Engliſh had began to con-`
form to the diſordered and licentious manners of the Iriſh natives.
Living in a ſtate of perpetual confufion and hoftility, they learn-
ed the compendious method of violence and rapine, in order
to ſupply their neceffities, or to gratify their paffions: and
impatient of the falutary reftraints which their own laws im-
pofed, they contrived an eaſy method to elude their force. They
affected the garb and outward appearance of Iriſhmen; who, as
they ſhared not the fecurity, fo neither were they reſtrained by
the penalties, of English law. Such were the beginnings of
a degeneracy fo fatal in its progrefs. And, what ſhews the in-
fatuation of theſe corrupted Engliſh, the ordinances of this af-
fembly recite, that, by thus wearing their garb, and faſhion-
ing their hair according to the Irish mode, they were fre-
quently miſtaken, and their lives reduced to the fame preca-
rious hazard with thofe of the old natives; that they were
frequently killed, and no cognizance taken of their death,
according to the English polity: fo that deadly feuds arofe
between
Ch..
257
EDWARD I
1
between the relations and friends of each party, both the per-
petrator and the fufferer. It was therefore enacted, that all
Engliſhmen ſhould conform ſtrictly to the garb and tonfure of
their own countrymen, at leaſt in the faſhion of their hair; that
if in this latter, obvious, and ſtriking mark of diftinction they
prefumed to take the appearance of Iriſhmen, they ſhould as
fuch be treated, and not be entitled to remedy, in cafe of any
plaint or fuit, but what was granted to the Irifh: in the mean
time they were to be compelled to conform to the tenour
of this ordinance on pain of ſeizure of their lands and chattles
and impriſonment of their perſons.
AND, laftly, two lords were appointed to every county and li-
berty in which Irishmen were refident, who in the abfence of
the chief governour, ſhould have full power to treat with the
Iriſh, and make fuch ftipulations with them as might ſecure
their district from moleftation or diforder.
THESE ordinances were deviſed with equity and propriety;
but could not have complete and lafting influence upon a peo-
ple crumbled into a number of detached bodies, feparate inte-
refts, and rival factions; led by nobles impatient of fubordina-
tion, and habituated to the violences and outrages of war.
L
Yet
on their firſt eſtabliſhment they do not feem to have been en-
tirely deſtitute of effect: they ſerved to give ſome check to
the diſorders of the realm, though not to terminate or fubdue
them. The incurfions of the Irish were for a time repreffed: Cox.
the earl of Ulfter, by the repeated mediation of the chief gover-
nour ſtill continued to live in peace with the Geraldines. Rot. Turr.
John Fitz-Thomas confiding in the pacific difpofition of his
rival, departed from the kingdom and with a confiderable train
attended the ſervice of the king, in Flanders. Edward, en-
couraged by the appearance of greater tranquillity in Ireland,
ventured to repeat his application, to the clergy for a fubfidy; p. 864.
with what ſucceſs we are not informed. The tenths formerly
L1
VOL. I.
granted
Berm.
A. D. 1297.
Prynn. t. III.
?
258
HISTORY OF IRELAN D. · B.II.
Rymer. t. II
p. 872.
granted for the ſervice of the Holy Land, and which Boniface the
preſent pope
took upon him to collect, were ſeized by the king's
order in the hands of the Romish agents, and applied to the
exigencies of his government. The pontiff, who had expe-
rienced the firmneſs and ſpirit of king Edward, ventured only
to expoftulate with gentleneſs, and affected to make him a free
preſent of the revenue of theſe tenths which the king had al-
ready fecured to his own ufe. The renewal of his war with
Scotland during the regency of John Commin, obliged him
to have recourſe to every expedient to ftrengthen and fupport
his operations. His Irish fubjects were repeatedly enjoined to
confer and to devife the means of affifting his intended expèdi-
tion.
tion. John Fitz-Thomas, attended his ftandard in Scotland;
and the earl of Ulfter, that he might not be outdone in zeal
and loyalty, ſoon afterwards affembled a gallant train in Dub-
Hen. Marlb. lin, created thirty knights, and embarked for the Scottiſh war,
in which he performed diftinguifhed fervices.
Reily. App.
Rymer.
THE abfence of fuch powerful lords produced its natural ef
fect in Ireland, in encouraging a licentious fpirit of infurrec-
tion, and giving free courſe to the treachery and turbulence-
both of the Engliſh and the Iriſh inhabitants. Several feuds
broke out with new violence, and petty wars were carried on, to
the utter defolation of the fineſt and moſt valuable of 'the Eng-
liſh fettlements; the diſorder extended even to the feat of go-
vernment; and the utmoft efforts of the chief
governour and
the well-affected lords, were fcarcely fufficient to defend. the:
province of Leinſter..
Las
CHAR
}
Ch. 3,
1
259
EDWARD IL
CHA P. II.
Acceffion of Edward the fecond.-Gavefton chief governour of Ire-
land-Popular and fuccessful.-Envied and oppofed by the ear!
of Ulfter.Suddenly recalled-Earl of Ulfter favoured.-His
quarrels with the Geraldines.-He is defeated and taken priſoner.
-Reconciliation of the great lords.Origin of the Scottish inva-
fion. Edward Bruce invited into Ireland by the northern chief-
tains.-Lords of the English race fummoned to a parliament in
England.-Landing of the Scots.-Barbarous progrefs of Ed-
ward Bruce.-Earl of Ulfter undertakes the war.-Foined by
Fedlim O'Connor.—Bruce practiſes with Fedlim.-Who returns
to Connaught.-Earl of Ulfter retires before the Scots.-Ed-
ward Bruce affumes the ftyle and authority of king of Ireland.-
His diftrefs.-Fedlim affifted by the English government againſt
his rival.-Ungratefully deferts to Bruce,who is crowned at
Dundalk.―Joined by his brother,—who fuddenly returns to Scot-
land.-Iriſh and degenerate English crowd to Edward Bruce.—
He reduces Carrickfergus.-Marches fouthward.-General fa-
mine.-Affociation of the English lords.-Bermingham marches
into Connaught.Battle of Athunree. The capital threatened
by Bruce.Confternation of the citizens.-Earl of Ulfter fuf-
pected and ſeized.—Preparations againſt Bruce.—He retires into
Ulfter.—Is not pursued. Conduct of Mortimer the new chief
governour.—Engliſh intereft revives.-The king and the nor-
thern Irish feverally apply to the pope.-Horrible diftreffes of the
Scots.-Bermingham marches against them.-Precipitation of
Bruce. He is defeated and flain.—Miferable confequences of the
Scottish war.-Petition for annual Parliaments.-Degeneracy of
Engliſh families.-Subfidy demanded.-Irish clergy evade the
demands of the pope.
L1 2
THE
1
260
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. II.
C
Th
HE acceffion of Edward the fecond to the throne of
England was an event equally fatal to the honour of
that realm, and to the welfare and tranquillity of Ireland; al-
though the weakneſs of the new king, and his partiality to an
unworthy favourite proved of fome momentary fervice to this
country, which might have been permanent and extenfive, had
not his folly and infincerity been carried even to the utmoſt degree
of infatuation. His fudden difperfion of a gallant army collected
by his father to chaſtiſe the revolt of Robert Bruce, and his
childish retreat from Scotland, taught his own English nobles
to deſpiſe him and his ſhameful breach of promife to a dying
parent, by recalling Gaveſton from baniſhment, provoked them
to oppofe him. The favourite who received his unmerited
honours without temper or diſcretion, quarrelled with the new
queen, and infulted the nobility. A powerful combination,
formed and ſupported by Thomas earl of Lancaster, coufin-
german to Edward, peremptorily required the baniſhment of
Gavefton the bold demand was enforced by the concurrence
of a parliament: the king at length yielded with a reluctance
arifing from a blind paffion for his minion, not from a fenſe of
Rymer. t. iii. this infult on his authority: but instead of difmiffing him at
once to his native refidence in France, he contrived to dignify
his exile, by appointing him vicegerent in Ireland, with fuch.
A. D. 1308. powers as might give reſpect and honour to his government.
p. 92.
*
THE moft criminal, or at leaſt the moſt obnoxious part of
this favourite's character ſeems to have been an offenfive pride
and infolence, peculiarly infupportable to the haughty and de-
termined ſpirit of the English barons. His perſon was ami-
able, his endowments graceful and engaging; he was gallant
and courageous, to his inferiours liberal and obliging; and in
a country where he had as yet made no perſonal enemies, theſe
qualities ſhone out with full advantage.. A princely port and
a magnificent retinue ferved to captivate the general eye, and
raiſed
1
Ch. 3
261
EDWARD II.
raiſed expectations of fome extraordinary effects from his
government and fuch expectations were fpeedily confirmed by
his conduct. Not like fome former deputies, waiting to be in-
fulted in the very feat of government, and ſhrinking behind
the walls of Dublin, from the violence of neighbouring infur- Campion.
gents, he at once marched out against the turbulent fepts, drove
them from their retreats, and purſued them with ſevere execu-
tion, until they were completely broken and diſperſed. His
foldiers, pleaſed with his valour and gained by his liberalities,
followed his ftandard with the utmoſt chearfulneſs and confi-
dence. An Iriſh chieftain of no inconfiderable power, called
O'DEMPSY, who had the hardinefs to encounter him, was
ſlain on the field of battle; and his forces totally defeated.
No infurgents prefumed to appear throughout the province of
Leinster. He pierced into Thomond, and here confirmed the
reputation of his valour, by defeating and fubduing the chief-
tain O'Brien, who had been encouraged to hoftilities by the
weakneſs of former adminiſtrations, and the frequent difgraces
of the Engliſh arms: and as he had now no enemy to encoun-
ter, he vigorously proceeded to repair the havock made by for-
mer infurrections, to erect caftles, and open communications.
through the English territory.
+
BUT the envy of the great lords of Ireland, and his own
infolence and imprudence threatened to interrupt this fuccefs- Ibid.
ful progrefs. A government of weight and fplendour feemed
to leffen the importance of thoſe barons of the Engliſh race,
who had been used to look down with contempt upon the
king's vicegerent, and if they could not reduce him to be-
come the inftrument, of their purpoſes, to profecute their
ſchemes of private intereft with a total diſregard of his autho-
rity. Richard earl of Ulſter in particular was alarmed at the
confequence which the new governour affumed. And as he
was confeffedly the moſt powerful of the whole body of no-
bility,
262
BIR
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Campion.
Rymer. t. III.
P, 86.
bility, and had frequently been treated by the throne as fupe-
rior to its repreſentative, and one whoſe influence and power
were neceffary to the fupport of Irish government, Gaveſton
foon learned to regard him as a rival. The governour affumed
all the pride and ſtate of fuperiority. The earl with equal
pride and ſtate affected to vie with the governour. His nu-
merous followers were collected, and appeared not only a mag-
nificent, but a formidable body. He held his court at TRIM
with a parade and oftentation highly offenfive and alarming.
He feafted his attendants with all the fplendour of a fovereign,
and conferred the honour of knighthood on two perfons of the
family of De Lacy: he is faid to have even threatened Gaveſ-
ton with open hoſtilities.
hoftilities. But before their jealoufies could pro-
duce any violent effect, the favourite was fuddenly recalled,
and left the kingdom to its ufual diftreffes of a weak govern-
ment and imperious nobility.
SIR John Wogan who fucceeded to the adminiſtration, was
principally employed in holding conventions, and ordaining
laws, which the ſubjects of Ireland were too corrupt to obey,
and which their governour had not the power to enforce.
While the land was depopulated, and oppreffed by every ſpecies
of outrage, his parliaments were thought worthily employed,
in hearing a ridiculous conteft for precedence between the pre-
lates of Armagh and Dublin, and deliberating whether a bi-
ſhop ſhould have his crofier borne erect or depreffed, in fome
particular diſtricts: a point of fuch ferious moment as could not
be conteſted by the parties without violence and bloodshed; and
in which the king of England himſelf was obliged to moderate.
The great lords, in the mean time enjoyed the full advantage
of a feeble and defpifed government. They avowed their con-
tempt of the royal authority, and carried on their private wars
without fear or controul. The earl of Ulfter had lately re-
ceived a new and honourable mark of Edward's confidence.
+
He
t
263
Ch. 3.
EDWARD II.
P. 150.
He had been appointed plenipotentiary to conclude a treaty
with Robert Bruce; and the Scottish deputies had attended Rymer. t. III.
him in Ireland: giddy with exaltation, and intoxicated by
flattery, he fpurned at all reftraints; and with the infolence of
independent fovereignty marched into Thomond in fupport of
fome pretenfions which he difdained to affert but by force of
arms. Here he had the mortification to receive a fignal de- H. Marlb.
feat from the Geraldines, commanded by Richard de Clare. A. D. 1311.
He was made prifoner, with feveral of his moſt diſtinguiſhed
adherents; and obliged to fubmit to fuch terms as the con-
querors impoſed. Their accommodation was cemented by the
marriage of Maurice, and Thomas Fitz-John, afterwards the
heads of the illuftrious houfes of Defmond and Kildare, to
two daughters of the earl of Ulfter. And the union of theſe
noble families feemed to promiſe laſting
to promiſe laſting tranquillity to
Ireland, at the moment when new enemies and new diforders
were on the point of reducing this unhappy country, to an ex-
tremity of diftrefs beyond all its former fufferings.
+
THE dominion gained over Scotland by Edward the firſt, the
moſt diſtinguiſhed acquifition of his illuſtrious reign, had been
exerciſed by this auftere prince with that ſeverity, which haſ-
tened the revolt of a fpirited and warlike people. Not yet
broken by the ill fuccefs of WALLACE, and exafperated at
the ignominious execution of this their renowned partizan,
they were impatient to ſhake off the yoke of Engliſh govern-
ment, and found a new and more fortunate leader in ROBERT Buchan.
BRUCE, fon to that Robert who had been competitor for the Fordun.
crown. The ardour of this young champion had juſt received
the mortification of a fignal defeat; when the death of Edward,
in that critical moment when Scotland was to be overwhelmed
by a numerous army, converted his precipitate revolt into a ju-
dicious and well-directed effort for the deliverance of his
country. He iffued from the Weſtern Ifles, whither he had
7
been
264
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAN D.
Fordun.
1
been driven by his misfortunes, and foon became a terrour
to his enemies. Edward the fecond purſued the method dic-
tated by his indolence and weakneſs, and to ſtop his progrefs,
entered into a treaty with the Scottiſh prince, which, (as juſt :
now hath been obferved) was tranfacted in Ireland by the earl
Ulfter, and ended in a truce, which afforded Robert á favour-
able interval for confolidating his power; was foon violated;
war recommenced; and the conteft, finally decided in favour
of the gallant Bruce, by the victory of Bannockbourn.
THE fucceſsful progrefs of this young warriour, and his vic-
torious acquiſition of the crown of Scotland were events by no
means unnoticed in Ireland. They were heard. with wonder
and delight by thofe natives, who confidering themſelves al-
lied in confanguinity to the ALBANIAN SCOTs, as they were
ſtyled; and of confequence peculiarly intereſted in their for-.
tunes. They deſpiſed the weakneſs of the Engliſh prince; but
were mortified at the reflection, that they alone had not ſeiz-
ed the advantage of a contemptible and indolent reign in Eng-
land to ſhake off the yoke which had oppreffed them, fo
long and ſo ſeverely. The chieftains of Ulfter in particular,
grew impatient to take the advantage of the preſent ſtate of
Britain; and as their fituation made it eaſier to hold a cor-
reſpondence with Scotland, they addreffed themſelves to Robert
Bruce, who ftill purſued his advantage, and ravaged the nor
thern parts of England without controul. They pathetically
repreſented the diſtreſſes of their country; enlarged on the in-
juries they had ſuſtained; painted the infolence and oppreffion
of their invaders in the moſt offenfive colours; entreating his
affiftance for an unhappy people, brethren and kinſmen to the
Scots, who wanted but fuch a leader to execute their ven-
geance upon the common enemy; and who, rather than lan-
guiſh under their, prefent miferies, were ready to receive a fo-
vereign from Scotland, and pay due allegiance to a prince
who
Ch. 3.
-265
E D W ARD
II.
who had valour to rescue them from flavery and equity. to re-
ceive and treat them as his fubjects.
THE genius of Robert was naturally formed for bold and ad-
venturous enterprizes, and fuccefs had enflamed the ambition
of his youth. Edward his brother had attended him in all his
fortunes, and was diftinguiſhed by vigour and intrepidity. Fordun.
Scarcely had Robert been, invefted with the royal dignity of
Scotland, when this afpiring young lord boldly demanded, as
the juſt reward of his fervices, to be admitted to an equal ſhare
in his authority. A requifition evidently dictated by a turbu-
lent and ambitious fpirit, was juftly alarming to a prince
fcarcely confirmed in his throne, and fenfible of the dreadful
confequence of any civil commotion or infurrection. Ed-
ward was for the prefent apparently fatisfied by being declar-
ed and recognized heir apparent to the crown. But Robert,
wifely confidering the neceffity of finding employment for the
active temper of his brother, preſented to his ambition the
flattering profpect of a new kingdom; urged him to take
advantage of the preſent difpofition of the Iriſh lords, and
affured him of fuch effectual fupport as could not fail to exter-
minate his rivals, and feat him on the throne of Ireland. Ed-
ward was tranſported at this overture, and at once confented
to the enterprize. The chieftains of Ulfter were aſſured that
this lord ſhould ſpeedily be fent to their deliverance with a
confiderable force. The intelligence was ſpread through their
province, every where received with joy, and the way prepared
for a dangerous and extenfive infurrection.
THE impatience of young Edward is faid to have driven him Cox.
to a precipitate and injudicious attempt upon the Northern
coast of Ireland, before a fufficient force could be provided for
his enterprize, or his Iriſh partizans prepared to declare in fa-
vour of his cauſe. The attempt, which was ſpeedily repelled,
ſhould have given the alarm to an active and vigilant govern-
VOL. I.
M m
ment:
.
1
{
266€
Rym. t. iii.
P. 492.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. II.
ment: and lord Edmond Butler, now deputy to the king of
England, actually proceeded to take meaſures for the defence
and fecurity of the realm. But the perpetual remonftrances
made to the king of the partial and irregular adminiſtration of
juftice, the degeneracy of the English, and the other manifold
diforders of Ireland, induced him to commiffion John de Ho-
thom, a clergyman in whom he placed peculiar confidence, to
confer with the great fords on the ftate and circumftances of
A. D. 1314 this kingdom. By his advice, as well as that of fome of the
great officers of ftate, Richard earl of Ulfter, the lords Edmond
Butler and Theobald de Verdun, noblemen of diftinguiſhed emi-
nence, and whofe prefence in Ireland was abfolutely neceffary
upon any critical or alarming emergency, were fummoned to
parliament in England, to treat (as is expreffed in the writ) with
the king, his prelates, and nobles, about the affairs of Ireland,
and other of the king's arduous and urgent concerns. Happily
they returned early in the enfuing fpring: and we find lord
Edmond Butler, the chancellor, and the treaſurer of Ireland,
inftructed to deliver the refult of their deliberation, not only to
the prelates, nobles, and magiftrates, but to the principal chief-
Cl. 8 Ed. II. tains of the Irish race; whom the king directs to give due cre-
dence to his commiffioners, and to affift in executing the
fchemes deviſed for the general intereft, little fufpecting the
inveterate averfion harboured by theſe chieftains, or the peftilent
defigns now ripening to execution.
Ib. 499.
Prynn.
Lib. Clon-
macnoife,
MS.
On the twenty-fifth day of May, in the year one thouſand
three hundred and fifteen, lord Edward Bruce appeared on the
North-eaftern coaft of Ireland, and from a fleet of three hun-
dred barks, landed fix thoufand hardy Scots, to affert his claim
to the fovereignty of this kingdom. The Irish lords of Ulfter
who had invited and encouraged him to this enterprize, were
now prepared to receive their new monarch, flocked with.
eagerness to his ſtandard, bound themſelves by folemn treaty
to
1
Ch. 3.
267
EDWARD II.
to his fervice, delivered their hoftages, and marched under his
command to wreck their vengeance upon the common enemy.
The barbarous policy of the Scot, which obliged him to ſtrike
terrour into all his opponents, and the defperate refentment of
the Irish, confpired to mark their progreſs by defolation and
carnage. The English fettlers of the North were butchered
without mercy, or driven from their faireft poffeffions in a mo-
ment; their caftles levelled to the ground, and their towns fet
on fire. Dundalk, Atherdee, and other places of leſs note,
felt the utmoſt fury of theſe mercileſs ravagers; the fame of
whofe progreſs foon reached the moft diftant quarters of the
iſland, and was received with triumph and exultation by all
the enemies of English government, though the Weſtern and
Southern chieftains had not as yet taken arms in favour of the
Scottish prince.
macnoife,
MS.
THE Engliſh lords who ſhould have oppoſed this dangerous Lib. Cloa
invafion, were neither cordially united, by their common dan-
ger, nor duly prepared to repel it. Richard earl of Ulfter,
indeed, roſe up with fuch forces as he could collect, in defence
of his poffeffions. He fummoned his vaffals to attend him at
Rofcommon; from whence, marching to Athlone, he was here
joined by Fedlim O'Connor, the Irish prince of Connaught,
with his provincial troops. So that, iffuing forth through the
territory of Meath, he entered the Northern province, wafting
and defolating the diftricts which he traverſed, to fupply the
neceffities of his army. Butler the lord deputy, at the fame
time, exerted his diligence to collect the troops of Leinster,
and joined the earl with a confiderable reinforcement. But
Richard, whoſe declining vigour was fupplied by a proud and
imperious fpirit, and who had been accustomed to treat the
king's vicegerent as his inferiour, diſdained this affiftance, de-
clared that his own troops were more than fufficient to repel
the Scots, and puniſh their adherents; adviſing the deputy to
M m 2
return
268
B. II..
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Camden.
Lib. Clon-
macnoife,
MS.
return to the feat of government, and confine his attention to
the fecurity of Leinster. Lord Edmond readily acquiefced;
and the conduct of this war was entruſted folely to earl
Richard.
મ
BUT the proſecution of the war by no means correfponded
with his magnificent promifes: and the operations on both fides
were indeed neceffarily retarded by a feafon of remarkable:
dearth and diftrefs, which had been felt through all the Britiſh
islands. Bruce in the first ardour of fuccefs had advanced into
the county of Louth. The earl followed; but without coming
to a decifive action, ſkirmiſhed with the enemy. Bruce thus
harraffed, and oppreffed by intolerable ſcarcity of proviſions,.
followed the advice of his chief affociate, O'Nial of Tirowen,.
and retreated into Ulfter. The earl purfued; and we are told,
that after fome inconfiderable actions, a general battle was
fought near Colerain, which ended in the difcomfiture of Ri-
chard. However this may be, the advantage could not be
effectually improved, nor was the earl prevented from carrying:
on the war. Bruce was therefore obliged to recur to artifice:
and fecret negotiation, in order to weaken and divide the forces.
of his enemy.
A
FEDLIM, the Irish prince of Connaught, who had united
with the earl of Ulfter, was a youth of about twenty-two-
years, diſtinguiſhed by a military genius, fpirited, and inex-
perienced. His prefent connexion had been formed merely.to
fecure his provincial intereſts, and to defend him againft. the
attempts of factious rivals. The flattering idea of glory, and.
the pride of anceſtry, were ſtill predominant in his mind, and
rendered him a proper object for the artifice of Bruce. To him.
the Scottiſh prince fecretly applied: he reprefented his pre-
fent union as highly diſhonourable to his ſtation, and injurious
to his country: he reminded him of the power and poffeffions.
which his ancestors had enjoyed, before the ufurpations of the
English
+
Ch. 3.
269
EDWARD
II.
/
English had confined the princely family of Connaught with-
in the narroweſt and moſt inglorious limits: he entreated him no
longer to turn his arms inconfiderately againſt thoſe who were
come to deliver him and his countrymen from oppreffion and
ufurpation; promifing to reinftate him in the province of Con-
naught in as ample a manner as any of his moſt diſtinguiſhed
predeceffors had enjoyed it, provided he would defert the Eng-
liſh intereft, and unite with his northern friends, as foon as it
could be effected with fafety to himſelf, and advantage to the
common cauſe.
THE young Irish prince liftened to thefe overtures with
eagerneſs, and ſoon found more than a plaufible pretence to
detach himſelf from the earl of Ulfter. His abſence from his
own territory had produced the effect ufually experienced by
the Iriſh toparchs; and encouraged Roderic, one of his factious
kinfmen, to endeavour to ſupplant him. The partizans of this
leader were collected; his opponents readily fubdued; and thus
feizing the Iriſh diſtrict of Connaught, he entered into a ne-
gotiation with Edward Bruce, promifing to expel the Engliſh
from the whole province, if he were acknowledged as the
rightful prince, and fupported in the honours and poffeffions
he had now acquired. Bruce readily accepted his fervices, and
received him as his ally; reprefenting at the fame time the
extreme folly, and danger of divifion, entreating him to leave
the poffeffions of Fedlim `unmolefted, and to fufpend the dif-
cuffion of all particular claims and pretenfions, till the com-
mon enemy ſhould be firft fubdued, and the reſtoration of
neral peace might allow them to be decided with due temper
and propriety.
ge-
macnoife,
MS.
RODERIC, little influenced by this counſel, continued to aug- Lib. Clon-
ment his forces, to harrafs the partizans of his rival, to raze
and burn down their towns, until he had obliged the feveral
fepts to acknowledge his fovereignty, and to give hoftages for
their
1
270
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
ޑ
A
Lib. Clon-
macnoife,
MS.
their faithful attachment to his intereft; fo that Fedlim was
obliged to propoſe to the earl of Ulfter, to march with his whole
army into Connaught to expel this injurious ufurper. Although
the northern enemy were too formidable to permit the earl to
comply with this overture, yet he could not, with any ap,
pearance of equity, detain the Iriſh chieftain from his imme-
diate interefts. Fedlim was difmiffed with his provincials,
amufing the earl with flattering affurances of an immediate
return, when the diſorders of his territory ſhould be once com-..
pofed. But the Iriſh prince was foon convinced that the pro-
greſs of his rival had been too long neglected, and that his
power was now too firmly eſtabliſhed. The northern Iriſh,
unacquainted with his fecret tranſactions with Bruce, and re-
garding him as a peftilent enemy, harraffed him inceffantly
through his whole march; and no fooner had he reached-a
place of ſafety, than he had the mortification to find it ne-
ceffary to difmifs his weakened and difpirited followers.
He was foon followed into Connaught by the earl of Ulfter
and the remaining part of his army. This diſmembered body
had been obliged to retire before the northern and Scottiſh
forces: nor could the leader fecure his retreat without confi-
derable lofs. As the general diſtreſs of famine prevented Bruce
from purſuing his advantage, after ſome ineffectual progreſs,
he again retired; and as the forces raiſed by the Engliſh go-
vernment ſhared in this diftrefs, he remained. in Ulfter un-
moleſted, aſſuming the parade of royalty, holding his courts of
judicature, and affecting all the ftate and buſineſs of a fove-
reign, till new incidents enabled him to act a more vigorous
and important part.
On the arrival of the earl of Ulfter in Connaught, the party-
which efpoufed the cauſe of Fedlim immediately affembled, in
full confidence that their chieftain would now receive effectual
fupport. But the ſhattered remains of a diſgraced and diſcom-
fited
Ch. 3.
271
EDWARD II.
fited army could but enable them to make a predatory war
vate
upon their antagoniſt, and to aggra the diftreffes of the pro-
vince, already worn out by peftilence and famine; till the
arrival of Sir John Bermingham, a valiant and diſtinguiſhed
commander, with a felect body of Engliſh forces, enabled Fed-
lim to meet his rival in the field. An engagement, which end-
ed in the total defeat and death of Roderiç, reinftated Fedlim
in his poffeffions, as well as in the dignity of an Iriſh prince:
and as gratitude had no place in his mind, the very firſt uſe
made of his re-eſtabliſhment, was to declare openly and zea-
louſly in favour of the Scottiſh intereft, and to draw the ſword
againſt his deliverers. The example was inftantly followed by
O'Brien of Thomond, and other Irish chieftains of Munſter
and Meath. Induſtrious agents were every where employed to
foment the ſpirit of infurrection. The clergy extolled Bruce
as the protector and deliverer of their country; inveighed bit-
terly againſt the English government, and exhorted the igno-
rant laity to take up arms againſt the enemies of the church
and the oppreffors of the people. To improve theſe favourable
impreffions, Edward Bruce was folemnly crowned at Dundalk.
To enable him to fupport his dignity, his brother Robert land- Fordun.
ed in Ireland with a powerful army; and although the general
dearth and ſeverity of the ſeaſon obliged him to return before
he could perform any diſtinguiſhed ſervice, yet that part of his
forces which he left behind was no inconfiderable reinforce-
ment to his brother; and was ſtill further encreaſed by a con-
flux of diſcontented Iriſh, together with numbers of degenerate
Engliſh, and among theſe the Lacies and their numerous fol-
lowers. The town of Carrickfergus, which had long fupport- Camden,
ed the moſt vigorous affaults of the Scottish troops, and patient-
ly endured the moſt afflicting want and diſtreſs, now ſurrendered
to Bruce; who, quitting his deſolated quarters in the remoter
diſtricts of Ulfter, marched fouthward with a barbarous army,
enflamed
}
1
$
272.
P. 546.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
· B. II.
enflamed to madnefs by the violent cravings of nature, and
prepared to glut their frantic malice, and allay the rage of
hunger by the bloodieſt hoftilities and moſt ruthleſs depreda-
tions.
In the mean time the Engliſh lords, alarmed at the danger
of their own lands, and poffeffions, as well as that of the realm,
proceeded to the moſt effectual meaſures in their power to repel
the invaſions with which they were threatened, both from
Connaught and from Ulfter. Amidſt the treacherous revolts
of many Engliſh fubjects, and fome of confiderable note, the
Rym. t. iii. allegiance of all became in fome degree fufpicious. Several of
the moſt diſtinguiſhed lords had therefore entered into an affo-
ciation to fupport the interefts of king Edward with their lives
and fortunes, and gave hoftages to Hotham, his commiffioner,
as a furety for their faith and allegiance. To enliven and pro-
pagate this ſpirit of loyalty, the royal favour was extended to
the moſt deſerving and diftinguifhed amongst them. John
Cha. 9 Ed. II. Fitz-Thomas, baron of O'Phaly, was created earl of Kildare:
lord Edmond Butler received the title of earl of Carrick. The
chiefs of the noble houfes of Defmond and Kildare exerted
themſelves with particular vigour, and took a principal part in
the conduct of the war and the provifions neceffary for the
public defence. At the fame time that they made ſuch pre-
parations as were in their power, to repel the irruptions of the
Scots, an army was detached into Connaught, under the com-
mand of William de Burgo, brother to the earl of Ulfter, and
Richard de Bermingham, to chaftife the infolence of Fedlim
O'Connor. This chieftain had feconded the efforts of Edward
Bruce, by many ſpirited irruptions on the Engliſh fettlements.
Stephen of Exeter, Milo Cogan, William Pendergast, John
Staunton, and other gallant knights, had been furprifed and
flain in his incurfions. But he foon found himſelf encountered
by an army which required all his power and vigour to with-
ftand.
Davis.
Lib. Con-
macnoiſe,
MS.
7
(
赌
​?
Ch. 3.
ED WAR D. II,
ftand. His forces were collected; and, with the fpirit of a
warlike young chieftain, he marched against his formidable
invaders. The contending parties met near the town of Athun-
ree, where a defperate engagement was at length determined
in favour of the English army; and Fedlim ended his ſhort
career by falling upon the field of battle. The lofs of the
Iriſh in this action is magnified to eight thouſand men.
And the number was certainly confiderable; for even the
Irish writers declare that no engagement had ever been fo
bloody and fo decifive from the time of the firſt Engliſh in-
vafion.
пробира
}
THE fall of his Iriſh confederate of Connaught ſeemed to
have little influence on the operations of Edward Bruce; who
proceeded in his enterprize, and continued his deftructive pro-
grefs, without reſtraint or moleftation, to the very walls of
Dublin. Hither the earl of Ulfter had retired; and in this
time of fear and fufpicion, his former inactive and inglorious
conduct added to the circumſtance of his fifter being married
to Robert king of Scotland, raiſed ſuch apprehenfions of his
fecret difloyalty, that the chief magiftrate of the city ſeized and
impriſoned him; nor could all the authority of Engliſh govern-
ment immediately effect his enlargement. Bruce was now at
hand, to encreaſe the terrour and confternation of the citizens.
They fet fire to the fuburbs with fuch precipitation, that their
cathedral did not eſcape the fury of the flames; and retiring
within their walls, made fuch preparations for a vigorous de-
fence, that the Scottish prince deemed it expedient to turn
afide towards the territory of Kildare; through which he
marched with the most terrifying execution, under the direc-
tion of Walter de Lacey, who had, but juft now, folemnly
diſavowed all connexion with the Scot, and renewed his oath
of allegiance to the crown of England. He traverſed the ter-
ritory of Offſory, pierced into Munſter, and continued his ra-
VOL. I.
N n
vages,
273
Camden.
1
1
B. II.
274
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Camden.
Ibid..
vages, not like a gallant conqueror, but a favage driven on
furiously by hunger and neceffity.
+
In this time of diftrefs and confufion, the friends of Engliſh
government abandoned to their own refources, in an exhaufted
country, furrounded by fecret enemies, and every where har-
raffed by petty depredations, could not without the utmost
difficulty collect a force fufficient to stop the progrefs of the
Scot. An army faid to confift of thirty thouſand, including a
vaft number of irregular, unprovided, and ineffective men, was
at length affembled at Kilkenny. The Geraldines, who had
now forgotten all their private jealoufies and conteſts with other
noble families, prepared to march out against the ravager,
when intelligence arrived that Roger Mortimer of Wigmore,
(a nobleman who, in right of his wife, claimed large poffef-
fions in Meath, and who is faid by fome hiftorians to have al-
ready taken a part in the prefent war, and to have been.de-
feated by Bruce,) had arrived at Youghal, with a train of about
forty knights and their attendants, to take upon him the ad-
miniſtration of government; and was on his march to join the
main body. The motions of his enemies were not unknown
to Bruce; who, conſcious of his own real weakneſs, determined
to avoid an engagement. His only refource was to lead his
harraffed army back to Ulfter. By forced marches they arrived.
in Meath, unmolefted; and, halting for fome days in the
neighbourhood of Trim, from thence proceeded to their nor
thern quarters.
}
THE Engliſh forces were unable to pursue the enemy through
a defolated country to a remote corner of the ifland. The new
governour therefore difiniffed his army, repaired to Dublin,
convened the nobles to deliberate on the meaſures neceffary to
be taken, and, with their concurrence; prevailed on the ma-
giftracy to releaſe the earl of Ulfter from his confinement..
Thence proceeding to Meath,, he endeavoured to compoſe the
7
له
diſorders
>
ut #
Ch. 3.
275
EDWARD
H.
diforders of this district, and particularly to reduce the proud
and rebellious family of de Lacey. They were formally fum-
moned to appear and defend themſelves againſt the charge of a
treaſonable intercourſe with the king's enemies. But inſtead
of abiding a judicial examination, they treated the ſummons as
an indignity to their grandeur, and ſlew the meſſenger by whom
it was delivered. To revenge this outrage, their lands were
invaded, ravaged, and feized, and they themselves driven for
ſhelter into Connaught, where they waited a favourable op-
portunity to unite once more with their Scottiſh ally.
THE chief employment of the governour was now to repreſs
the Iriſh inſurgents of Leinster, to regulate this province, to
correct the abufes of former adminiftrations, and to apply the
moſt effectual remedies in his power to the manifold diſtreſſes
which the Engliſh ſubjects had long experienced, as well as
the Irish natives. The English intereft ſeemed to revive under
a ſpirited and well fupported government, while the affairs of
the invaders became every day more defperate. The fentence Rymer, t. iii.
of excommunication was thundered from the papal chair againſt P.619.
all the enemies of king Edward. Robert and Edward Bruce
were excommunicated by name. The fame dreadful fentence
was denounced againſt the Iriſh clergy of every order, who had
preached with ſo much zeal to excite their countrymen to in-
furrection. This interpofition of the pontiff had been expect-
ed; and to guard againſt it, thoſe Irish who had united with
the Scots had the precaution to diſpatch their emiffaries to
Rome with an affecting remonftrance prefented in the name of Fordun.
O'Nial, on the preſent ſtate of their nation, and the cruel hard-
fhips they had long endured from Engliſh government. They
recited the conditions on which Adrian had firſt permitted
Henry the fecond to enter into Ireland. Far from fhewing
the leaſt attention to thefe, both he and his fucceffors, they
alledged, had loaded the natives with unheard of afflictions
N n 2
and
Bullar. Rom.
#
&
276
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
}
ปี
Excerpt. ex
Ann. Fratris
Clynne. MS.
Camden.
and oppreffions, reducing them to a ſtate of intolerable flavery!
in which they had long remained without compaffion or re-
drefs; till, no longer able to endure the feverity of their fuf-
ferings, they had been forced to withdraw themfelves from the
dominion of England, and to invite another power to the go-
vernment of their realm. And fuch was the effect of this re-
monftrance upon the pope, that foon after the ſentences of
excommunication were promulged, he tranfmitted it to king
Edward, attended with an earneft exhortation, to weigh the
complaint, and to redrefs' their grievances; that fo the Irish
who had taken arms in favour of the Scottish prince might be
induced to return to their allegiance, or be left without excufe,
ſhould they perfift in their revolt.
THIS application doth not appear to have been attended, nor
in the preſent ftate of things could it be attended with any im-
mediate confequences. In the mean time the diftreffes of Ed-
ward Bruce, in his ſtate of inactive retirement, rofe to a degree
of ſuffering, horrible to be related. A country deſolated by
famine, peftilence, and war, afforded no fubfiftence to his
wretched followers. Every miferable provifion for the neceffi-
ties of life had been exhauſted by their repeated excurfions..
They daily fell in great numbers, under the oppreffion of
diſeaſe and famine. Their carcaffes, we are affured, became-
the fubfiftence of the wretched furvivors. The hideous inci-
dent is related, not only without the leaft expreffion of fenfr
bility, but with fuch hardened indifference, and a folly fo
voking, that it is imputed as a judgement on their enormous
offence of eating meat in Lent. In thoſe parts of the kingdom
where agriculture had not been totally interrupted, the return
of a fruitful ſeaſon proved a critical relief, and enabled the Eng--
liſh to reſume their military operations. A defeat which they
had fuftained in Thomond, and which had been attended with
confiderable loſs, obliged them to take vigorous meaſures to re-
1
4
pro-
pair
1
♪
*
Ch, 3.
EDWARD
II.
pro-
¿
277
pair the misfortune, and to maintain their intereft in this
vince. Their northern enemies, however, were by no means
neglected. On the return of Mortimer into England, the arch-
bishops of Cafhel and of Dublin were fucceffively deputed to
the adminiſtration. This latter prelate affigned the command
of the forces deſtined againſt the Scots to Sir John Bermingham,
who marched into Ulfter with ſeveral diftinguiſhed officers in
his train, and about fifteen hundred chofen troops. Bruce,
after all his loffes, had ſtill an army more than double of this
number: and weakened and difordered as they were, the ro-
mantic valour of their leader, was ftill confident and violent.
He is faid to have received advice that his brother Robert was Buchan.
on the point of coming to his affiſtance, and jealous of admit-
ting him to ſhare his military honours, purpofedly haſtened his
march to decide the conteſt by his own prowess. The two A. D. 1318.
parties met near Dundalk; the Scots and their affociates, ani-
mated by the hopes of putting an happy end to their diftreffes,
encouraged by the impetuous valour of their leader, and rely-
ing on their fuperiour numbers, were impatient to encounter an
enemy who had often fled before them. The Engliſh con-
ducted by an able general, well provided and appointed, were
equally impatient to exterminate thofe invaders who had fo
feverely harraffed and diſtreſſed the whole nation. The prelate
of Armagh, a zealous partizan of the Engliſh intereſts, went
through their ranks, exhorting them to behave with due valour
againſt the enemies of their nation, and the mercilefs ravagers
of their poffeffions; diftributing his benedictions, and pronounc-
ing abſolution on all thoſe who ſhould fall in a cauſe ſo juſt and
honourable. The conflict was violent, and fuftained on each fide
with equal bravery; but at length decided againſt the enfeebled
northerns. The body of Maupas, a brave Engliſh knight, who
had rushed into the ranks to encounter Edward Bruce, was
found ftretched on that of his antagoniſt, who had fallen by
his
Canden.
1
278
Buchan.
MS.
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. II.
his arm. Robert Bruce arrived with his forces only to hear of
the defeat of his unhappy brother, and inftantly retired. The
Lib. Clonm. English leader when he had firft expelled O'Nial, the chief
fupporter of the Scots, from his territory of Tirowen, led back
his victorious troops, and foon after received the earldom of
Louth, and manor of Atherdee, as the reward of his diftin-
guiſhed fèrvices.
Rot. Tur.
Berm.
·
SUCH was the event of this Scottiſh invafion; an enterprize
raſhly undertaken by an aſpiring young prince, who for almoſt
three years had purfued the wild fcheme of his ambition,
through danger and calamity, involving the nation which he
fought to govern, in greater diſtreſs than a diftreffed and afflicted
nätion had experienced for ages; and cloſing the bloody roll
of thoſe his madneſs had deftroyed, by his own untimely end.
Unhappily for Ireland, the calamities which this war had in-
troduced, were of ſuch a kind as could not ceafe with their im-
mediate caufe. The difinal effects of war, efpecially in a country
circumſtanced as Ireland was at this time, are hot to be eſti-
mated folely by the troops loft in battle, or the towns taken:
thoſe which hiſtory deigns not to regard, were yet more afflicting
and extenfive. The oppreffion exerciſed with impunity in every
particular diſtrict; the depredations every where committed
among the inferiour orders of the people, not by open enemies.
alone, but thoſe who called themſelves friends and protectors,
and who juſtified their outrages by the plea of lawful autho-
rity; their avarice and cruelty, their plunderings and maffacres,
were ftill more ruinous than the defeat of an army, or the lofs
of a city. The wretched fufferers had neither power to repel,
nor law to reſtrain or vindicate their injuries. In times of ge-
neral commotion, laws the moft wifely framed and moſt equi-
tably adminiſtered, are but of little moment. But now the
very fource of public juftice was corrupted and poifoned. The
diſtinction maintained between the Irish foedary and the Eng-
lih .
pt
Ch. 3•
27.9
EDWARD II.
+
>
'
Jiſh ſubject, and the different modes of jurifdiction by which
each was governed, every day demonſtrated, by its miferable
effects, the iniquity of thofe who had favoured this horrid and
infatuated policy.
re
while P. 261.
THE murder of an Irishman was punishable only by a fine; Pryn. Anim.
a flight restraint on the rage of infolence and rapine; while
the murder of an Englishman was a capital offence in the Irish
native. On the other hand, the Englishman who robbed or
plundered one of his own countrymen was condemned to death;
the Irishman convicted of the like crimes was committed to his
Brehon, who might allow him to compound for his offence:
an indulgence which tempted numbers of diſordered Engliſh to
renounce their name and nation, to adopt the manners, and
conform to the wretched polity of the natives; and produced
a dangerous relaxation and abuſe even in the English tribunals.
The judges, either by the force of pernicious example, or from
the neceffity of a diftempered ſtate, affumed an authority of
compounding by fine even for the crimes of robbery and homi-
cide; which encreaſed the number of delinquents, and gave
full ſcope to their lawless violence, confident that a ſum of
money could atone for their exceffes, and leave them at full
liberty to reck the bloodieft vengeance on their accufers. This
evil was fo feverely felt during the Scottiſh war, that the Iriſh
council reprefented the pernicious innovation to the king of
England, with all its dreadful confequences, earneftly petition-
ing that no pardon or redemption for any murder or robbery of
an English ſubject ſhould be granted, but in full parliament;
and for this purpoſe particularly, that a parliament fhould be
held in Ireland once in every year. And there is authority
for afferting that an ordinance was made in confequence of this
application, and in full compliance with the requeſt.
BUT whatever falutary inſtitutions might be ordained, a ge-
meral difinclination in the people to obey them, and too good
grounds
Coke 4 Inft.
MS. Lamb.
G. G. G.
P. 48.
3
}
}
}
A
•
280
Pryn. Anim.
p. 263.
P. 533.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. II.
Such was the
grounds to hope for impunity in their neglect or refiftance,
proved fufficient to defeat their good effects.
blind rage with which the degenerate Engliſh rushed into the
exceffes of rapine, that they renounced their rights as ſubjects,
at the imminent danger of their lives, which were thus rendered
more precarious and defencelefs; and even the Iriſh who were
denizoned, could not at once diveft themſelves of prejudice and
habit. They were aſtoniſhed to find that felony was to be pu-
niſhed capitally, and abfolutely refuſed obedience to fo fevere
a jurifdiction. So that a fpecial ordinance was made in the
fourteenth year of Edward the ſecond, that all the Iriſh who
had received, or ſhould receive charters of denization, were
for the future to be ftrictly obedient to the Engliſh laws in
this particular inſtance.
<
BUT neither a lawleſs difpofition in the people to be go-
verned, nor any irregular and partial execution of juftice in the
miniſters, who appear to have been at this time notoriouſly.
Rymer, t. iii. corrupt and infufficient, were the only evils which had ariſen
during the courſe of this unhappy war; for the ſupport where-
of, as Davis obferves, "the revenue of the land was far too
"ſhort, and yet no ſupply of treaſure was fent out- of Eng-
"land." The compendious Iriſh method of quartering the fol-
diers on the inhabitants, and leaving them to fupport them-
felves by arbitrary exactions, feemed to have been pointed out
by the urgent occafion, was adopted with alacrity, and executed
with rigour. Riot, rapine, maffacre, and all the tremendous
effects of anarchy, were the natural confequences. Every in-
confiderable party, who under pretence of loyalty, received the
king's commiffion to repel the adverſary in fome particular
diſtrict, became peftilent enemies to the inhabitants. Their
properties, their lives, the chaſtity of their families, were all
expoſed to barbarians, who fought only to glut their brutal
paffions; and by their horrible exceffes, faith the annaliſt, pur-
chafed
1
4
ch, 3.
281
EDWARD II.
}
chafed the curfe of God and man.
+
The English freeholder Frat. Clynne
abandoned his lands rather than endure the burden of impofi- Exerp. MS.
tions intolerably fevere, attended with fuch dreadful circum-
ſtances of outrage he filed to the haunts of the Iriſh inſur-
gents, connected and allied himſelf with thefe, learned their
language and manners, and marched out with them againſt
the common enemy; while his lands were refumed by the bar-
barous, natives as their original and rightful property.
THE fame method of arbitrary exactions (or coyne and livery, Davis.
as it was called) for the maintenance of the foldiery, was alfo
adopted by lords of confiderable, note and confequénce; and
particularly, began at this time to be exerciſed with great ſeve-
rity by Maurice Fitz-Thomas of Defmond. His miniſters of
rapine, in a fhort time, baniſhed all the Engliſh ſettlers from
the counties of Kerry, Limerick, Cork, and Waterford; whofe
lands were feized by the followers of this lord, a mixed rabble,
moſtly of the Irish race, and all infected with the moſt perni-
cious part of Iriſh manners. Defmond himſelf, faith Sir John
Davis, taking what fcopes he beft liked for his demefnes in
every country, and referving an Irish feigniory out of the reſt.
POSSESSIONS thus acquired could not be maintained by the
júft and equitable law of England, whofe fentence must have
difpoffeffed the ufurpers, and reftored the rightful owners to
their lands. Maurice and his partizans had therefore but one
method to fecure their prefent acquifitions, an utter renuncia-
tion of English law and government. He degenerated into an
Iriſh chieftain, and ſupported a barbarous ſtate over all his fol-
lowers: they foon united into one mafs, Engliſh and Irish
equally difdaining all falutary diſcipline and polity, and finking
into the utmoft rudeness of manners; knowing and acknow-
ledging no other
power but that of their immediate chieftain.
The pernicious example was followed by other lords: for the
power and influence thus acquired by Maurice was an enviable
VOL. I.
object.
}
A
*
282
Pryn. Anim.
P 264.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. II.
object. In various quarters of the iſland, the more powerful.
of the Engliſh race, by the fame arbitrary exactions and op-
preffions, baniſhed the inhabitants, and erected themſelves into
independent `fovereigns. The diſcontented natives were thus
encouraged to rife up in arms, even in the territories of Leinster,
when the Engliſh fettlers had been driven either into their na-
tive country, or to the Irish fepts. The only meaſure taken
in the diſtractions of England, and the weakneſs of Iriſh go-
vernment, was that of enacting fome futile ordinances againſt
thofe impofitions which had been the cauſe of all this diforder,
without power to enforce obedience.
1
In a country where the Engliſh intereft was thus fenfibly'
declining, one would imagine that few refources could be found
or fought, for the neceffities of England. Yet the weak and
injudicious attempt on Scotland in the year one thouſand three
hundred and twenty-two, was made the pretence for calling
off thofe forces from Ireland which ſhould have been employed,
againſt domeſtic enemies. And the pope, with a compoſed
infenfibility to the diftreffes of a diftant country, granted to
king Edward a tenth of all the Engliſh revenues in Ireland for
two years. The laity were duely obedient, and led their troops
into Scotland. The clergy were more refractory. They might
have pleaded the general diſtreſs of their nation, and their own
total inability. But they had to deal with thoſe who were not
to be influenced by arguments of reafon and equity. They had
therefore recourfe to evafion: they demanded the pope's ori-
ginal bull; and as this was not produced, they refuſed to pay
the fubfidy.
THE diſordered ftate of England, which had encouraged this
fpirit of disobedience, and aggravated, if not originally occa-
fioned all the diftreffes of Ireland, ended at length in the ruin
of the weak and wretched Edward; who, in the extremity of
diſtreſs, made a fruitless effort to throw himſelf into the arms
of
Ch. 3.
283
EDWARD II.
་་་
of his Irish fubjects. Had he gained this iſland, the horrible
cataſtrophe of his death might have been prevented; and even
his depofition at leaſt ſuſpended. But the triumph of his ene-
mies was complete. Among the articles of accufation urged
against the king, they infulted him with the lofs of his domi-
nions in Ireland, as if they were not more juftly chargeable to
their own perfidy and rebellion.
this
}
A
002
CHA P.
7
1
284
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
&
CHA P. IV.
2
Preſent diforders of Ireland fimilar to thoſe of England.—Attempt
to eſtabliſh a feat of learning in Dublin.Diſorders from malice
and ſuperfition.-State of Ireland on the acceſson of Edward the
third.-Pride and contention of the English families.The king
interpofes.-Iriſh of Leinster petition for a general denization,—
but without effect.—They rife in arms under the leading of
O'Brien.—Their progreſs.—Their cruelty.-Repelled by the citi-
zens of Wexford.—Maurice Fitz-Thomas invited to ſerve againſt
the Irish enemy.-Created earl of Defmond.-His exactions.-
His power.-Pernicious grants of palatinates.-O'Brien fill in
arms.-Vigour of Sir Antony Lucy.-Secret abettors of the
enemy feized.-William Bermingham executed.-Edward de-
clares a defign of vifiting Ireland.-Preparations for his expedi-
tion.-His real purpoſe.—His expedition to Scotland.—Treaties
with the Irish enemy.-Affaffination of the earl of Ulfter-Fatal
confequences of this event.—Irruptions of O'Nial.-—Mac-Wil-
liam.-Loyalty and zeal of the Geraldines.—Edward provoked
at the diſorders of Ireland.-Rigorous edicts.—All of Iriſh birth
difqualified to hold offices.-Irish fubjects dangerously incenfed.-
Sir John Morris chief governour defpifed.-Convention of Kil
kenny-Spirited remonstrance and petition to the throne favour-
ably received.
TH
HE diforders of Ireland which had gradually encreaſed
and extended through the Engliſh fettlements, and been
felt in all their ſeverity from the Scottiſh invaſion, difpofe us
to regard the collection of inhabitants, both of the Engliſh and
Irish race, as remarkably barbarous beyond the example of
their cotemporaries in any
other part
of Europe. The gloomy
profpect is not relieved by any great and ſtriking objects, by
revolutions,
1
L
{
}
དྭ
Ch. 4.
EDWARD III.
arevolutions, foreign expeditions, important victories, or ex-
tenfive conquests. The attention is painfully confined to the
worst and most odious part of human conduct, which in times
of civility and refinement must be confidered, and ought to be
neprefented, with abhorrence. But it must be obferved, for it
may be of ufein guarding againſt national prejudice and par-
tialities, that the internal diforders of England during the fame
period were not only as grievous, but preciſely the fame kind,
-and derived from the fame fources with thofe which ſtrike us
fo forcibly in Ireland.
THE eftate of an English baron was managed by his bailiffs,
and cultivated by his villains; its produce was confumed in
ruftic hofpitality by the baron and his officers; a number of
idle retainers, ready for any mifchief or diforder, were main-
tained by him: all who lived upon his eftate were abfolutely
at his difpofal. Instead of applying to courts of juſtice, he
ufually fought redress by open force and violence.
The great
nobility were a kind of independent potentates, who, if they
fubmitted to any regulations at all, were lefs governed by the
municipal law, than by a rude fpecies of the law of nations.
285
THIS is the defcription of an admired Engliſh hiftorian: Hume, v. ii.
and if we were to delineate the manners of the most unrefined 4to, P. 153.
Irish fepts, we might fairly adopt the very fame terms. Add
to this the vices of the English nobility, which the fame writer
enumerates, in the reign of Edward the third, the outrageous
and intolerable abuſe of purveyance, the interruption of the
courfe of law from grants of franchifes and immunities, levy-
ing exorbitant fines, unjuft pardoning of criminals, confedera- Ibid. p. 234,
cies formed by great lords in mutual ſupport of their iniquity,
and the numberless robberies, murders, and raviſhments com-
mitted by their retainers; and the whole picture both of the
English and the native inhabitants of Ireland, is exactly deli-
neated. Their vices were odious; but they were the vices of
the
237.
#
-
J1
Jay
1
286
Regift. Alan.
MS.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
· B.II.
the time, not the exceffes of fome peculiarly odious individuals..
Theſe ruſhed forward with their neighbours in the courfe of
corruption, and were, if poffible, lefs unpardonable, as their
temptations were ſtronger, and the government they 'infulted
leſs reſpectable. If a vigorous and renowned monarch could
not reſtrain the exceffes of a licentious nobility, what ſhould
be expected from the weak and unfupported adminiſtration of
an Iriſh deputy?`^.
2
}
་
SOME few prelates of Ireland laboured, with a ſpirit becom-
ing their reverend function, to give a check to the vices and
diſorders of the realm, by the introduction of that which in
their days was eſteemed civility, and that which was honoured
as learning. Two fucceffive archbishops of Dublin had, in the
reign of Edward the fecond, laboured to eſtabliſh an univerfity
in Dublin, not only for the ftudy of theology, but that of the
civil and canon law, then a faſhionable part of literature in
Europe. The pontificate to which they applied made no dif-
ficulty to grant their fuit; and archbishop Bricknor actually
proceeded in the year thirteen hundred and twenty to erect and
model an academical body in this city, in which degrees were
conferred, and ftudies fo long continued, that Edward the third
enlarged the original endowment, and by ſpecial writ, granted
his protection and fafe-conduct to the ftudents, thirty-eight
years after the first establishment of this feminary. But the pe-
netration of its founder was not equal to his zeal. He chofe,
the moſt unfavourable feafon for his undertaking, when every
part of the iſland was remarkably diftreffed and diſordered.
The inſtitution languiſhed for fome years amidſt commotion and
anarchy, and at length expired.
t
AND at the very time when this upright and ingenuous pre-
late was exerting himſelf for the improvement and refinement
of his country, the cauſe of ignorance and barbariſm was not
without its abettors, even among his own order. Richard Led-
red
Ch. 4:
287
EDWARD
ED WAR DIII.
$
2
#
red bishop of Offory, a man of violent paffions, and a proud
and vindictive fpirit, contrived, from what private motive or
provocation doth not appear, to raiſe ſuch confufion in his dio-
cele as foon engaged the attention of the whole island. A
woman of ſome diſtinction, called Alice Ketler, with her fon
and fome of her dependents, were accuſed of witchcraft in his
fpiritual court. One of thefe dependents, was condemned and
executed, the fon confined in prifon; the lady, though the
charge could not be clearly established against her, yet, on a
new accufation of herefy,, was tried, convicted, and condemned
to the flames. Arnold de la Poer, one of the magiftrates of
Kilkenny, who efpoufed the cauſe of theſe unhappy culprits,
was alſo charged with herefy by the bishop: he-appealed to
the chief justice, the prior of Kilmainham, who countenanced
and protected him: the infolent prelate inſtantly extended his
accufation to the juftice, who now found it difficult to fecure
himſelf, and left his wretched client de la Poer to expire in
prifon. A new weapon was thus found to execute the private
revenge of individuals, and aggravate the public calamities.
Herefy was a word of horrour, even to thoſe who were every
day breaking through the moſt facred bonds of religion and
humanity. The oppreffor, the ravager, the murderer, was
zealous to approve himſelf a true fon of the church, and to
1
$ 1
*
Excerpt. ec
Ann. Clyn.
Ms.
#
execute her vengeance on all her enemies. Adam Duff, a man Campion.
1
of a confiderable Iriſh family in Leinster, was ſeized and burnt
*
for herefy. His offence was aggravated by a charge of horrid
and fenfelefs blafphemy; juft as Ketler had her facramental
wafer impreffed with the devil's name, and an ointment to
convert her ſtaff into a witch's vehicle. At length, the miſ-
chief thus fpread abroad, reverted upon its author. The bishop
of Offory himſelf was by his metropolitan formally accuſed of
herefy, and obliged to make a precipitate retreat, and to appeal
to the apoftolic fee, leaving his country free from the miſerable
confequences
Camden.
*
}
↑
288
A. D. 1327.
P. 255.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. II.
confequences of folly and fuperftition operating in favour of
perfonal animofity and revenge.
In the mean time, both the great lords of the Engliſh race,
and the Irish chieftains, on the acceffion of Edward the third,
purfued their feveral fchemes of private intereft or ambition;
Rymer, t. iv. without regard to the royal authority, much lefs to the dele-
gated power of an Irish chief governour. Thomas Fitz-John,
earl of Kildare, had been conftituted lord juftice of Ireland:
and the firſt ſymptoms of diſorder appeared in the total neglect
of his authority, and the infolent affectation of independence
in ſeveral of the Engliſh lords. Kildare, with becoming fpirit,
endeavoured to make them fenfible of his authority; and when
his efforts were not fufficiently effectual, reprefented his fitua-
tion to the king, and the diſtreſs to which he was expoſed in
his adminiſtration, by the infolence of fome diftinguished fub-
Ib. p. 298. jects of the realm. This produced a letter from Edward to
Maurice of Defmond, the earl of Louth, James Butler, Maurice
Rochford, and John de la Poer, ſtrictly enjoining them on their
allegiance, and at their peril, `to`pay due obedience and fub-
miffion to his chief governour, and to concur with him in
preſervation of the general peace and interefts of the crown.
Ann. Clyn.
MS.
-
BUT the royal mandate was of little moment when Maurice
of Defmond had received a perfonal affront. De la Poer had
prefumed to call him in contempt THE RYMER, an offence not
to be expiated but by a bloody war. Maurice, with his affo-
ciates, Butler and Bermingham, immediately took the field
againſt de la Poer and his confederate de Burgho. In vain did
Kildare interpofe, remonftrate, fummon them to appear before
him, and to ſubmit their contefts to a judicial decifion: their
encounters were bloody, and their ravages extenfive and fevere.
De la Poer, the aggreffor, was foon defeated and driven from
the kingdom, and his lands and dependents, as well as thofe of
his affociates, expofed to all the rage of vindictive conquerors.
7.
The
1
•
ነ
289
*Ch. 4.
EDWARD III.
The king, who was informed of their violences, commanded Rymer, t. iv.
them, on pain of forfeiture, to lay down their arms. The Eng- P. 356.
liſh inhabitants, alarmed at their deftructive progrefs, fortified
their towns against them, and prepared to repel their inroads.
Shocked at the havock which they themſelves had made, and
dreading the confequences of the royal diſpleaſure, and the
reſentment of their countrymen, they at length put an end to Camden.
thoſe hoſtilities, which, befides the immediate devaftation, had
alſo encouraged the Iriſh to riſe up in arms, againſt a divided
people and an infulted government. The old fepts of Leinster,
under the conduct of one of the family of Mac-Murchad, ex-
tended their ravages even to the neighbourhood of Dublin: but
by the proviſions of the chief governour were repelled, their
chieftain taken priſoner, and the man who effected his eſcape-
condemned and executed; when the death of Kildare transfer-
red the government to Roger Outlaw, prior of Kilmainham,
who had been the Irish lord chancellor.
霄
​THE adminiſtration of this ecclefiaftic was honourably diſtin-
guiſhed by a reconciliation effected between the great con-
tending lords, de Burgho, de la Poer, the 'Geraldines, and Ber-
minghams, which gave confiderable ftrength to the English
intereft, and ferved to intimidate the Irish enemy of Leinfter.
This unhappy people, wafted by their own follies and the op-
preffion of their neighbours, fmarting with the bad fuccefs of
their late precipitate infurrections, and recalled to pacific mea-
fures by the union of the Engliſh lords, embraced the preſent
feafon of general tranquillity to addrefs themselves once more
to the throne of England, and petitioned that all thofe odious
diftinctions which had fo long deluged the land with blood, Pryn. An¡m.
fhould at length be abolished, that the Irish inhabitants fhould p. 266.
be admitted to the ftate and privileges of Engliſh ſubjects,
without obliging individuals to fue for fpecial charters. The
petition, as uſual, was remitted to the chief governour Darcy,
VOL. I.
РР
who
#
290
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. II.
Camden.
Cox.
who had fucceeded to the prior. He was directed to refer it to
the Iriſh parliament; and, as ufual, it was either clandeftinely
defeated, or openly rejected.
THE refentment of the Irish naturally violent, and now too
justly provoked, broke out in an infurrection projected with
greater concert, and executed with more violence, than for
fome time had been experienced. O'Brien, the chieftain of
Thomond, was chofen leader of the infurgents; and under his
ſtandard ſome powerful fepts of Leinster determined to execute
their vengeance. The flame of war foon raged in Meath, in
Munſter, in the fairest Engliſh fettlements of Leinfter: and
the firſt fucceffes of the Iriſh, which were not inconfiderable,
inflamed their pride even to the most outrageous violence. In
Pryn. Anim. their triumphant progrefs, we are told that they furrounded a
church where about fourfcore perfons of English race were
affembled at their devotions: theſe wretches, too fenfible of
the cruelty of the enemy, and utterly hopeleſs of eſcaping their
fury, petitioned only that the prieſt might be ſuffered to depart
unmoleſted. But the merciless ruffians, inſtead of complying
with this affecting fupplication, were only provoked to make
the prieſt the very first object of their cruelty. The Hoft
which he held forth, in hopes that the aweful object might
have fome influence upon their minds, was torn from him, and
ſpurned under foot; their weapons were plunged in him, and
the church with all the miſerable people cooped up in it, de-
ftroyed by fire.
Pat. 2 Ed.
III.
3
•
THE horrour conceived at fuch terrible executions, drove
thoſe who were moſt expoſed to the fury of theſe barbarians to
an obftinate and defperate defence. The citizens of Wexford
had the good fortune to repel them with conſiderable ſlaughter.
James Butler, lately created earl of Ormond, was not inactive
in defending his own territory, and diftreffing and purſuing
the infurgents. The lord juftice himſelf was obliged to take
2
the
Ch. 4.
291
EDWARD III.
1
the field, and fuccefsfully encountered the most dangerous
of the Leinster enemies. But as the infurrection was too ex-
tenfive, and the enemy too numerous for the forces of govern-
ment and the well-affected lords to fupprefs, Darcy was foon
obliged to invite Maurice of Defmond to his affiftance. He
treated with him as an Irish chieftain, follicited him as an ally
rather than a fubject, and left him to conduct his own men,
and to maintain them by his own methods of arbitrary exaction.
An army, faid to confift of ten thouſand, was thus raifed against Cox.
the Iriſh enemy; but the inconfiderable advantages which thefe
forces gained, by no means compenfated the fevere diftreffes
which they inflicted on the beſt and moſt peaceable, well-af-
fected of the Engliſh diſtricts. Maurice exacted his
coyne and
livery with a deteftable violence and oppreffion, not only unre-
ftrained, but with the tacit affent and connivance of a govern-
ment utterly unprovided to pay or fupport his troops by any
other expedient.
So neceffary was Maurice Fitz-Thomas now become to the
fupport of government, and of conſequence fo much an object
of the royal favour, that he was honoured with the title of
EARL OF DESMOND, and with this dignity received a confirma-
tion of his royal liberties in the county of Kerry; a dangerous A. D. 1329.
inftrument of mifchief, by which his power had been already
aggrandized, and the royal authority confiderably weakened, by
the exclufion of its minifters from a diſtrict ſo extenfive. To en-
creaſe the evil, in this very year, the earl of Ormond procured Davis Difc.
a like grant of royal liberties, and converted his demefnes of
Tipperary into a county palatinate. Thus was the number of
palatinates encreaſed to nine; Carlow, Wexford, Kilkenny,
Kildare, and Leix, the portions of the five coheireffes of the
family of earl Mariſhal, thoſe of Meath and Ulſter, and thoſe
of the earls of Deſmond and Ormond. "Thofe abfolute pala-
"tines made barons and knights; exercifed high juftice in all
Pp2
"points,
}
292
B. IN
HISTORY OF IRELAND..
+
Rymer.
Camden.
Cox.
points, within their territories; erected courts for criminal
"and civil caufes, and for their own revenues, in the ſame
❝ form in which the king's courts were eſtabliſhed at Dublin
"made their own judges, fenefchals, fheriffs, coroners, and
"eſcheators; ſo that the king's writs did not run in thoſe
"counties, which took up more than two parts of the Engliſh
"colonies, but only in the church lands lying within the fame,
"which were called THE CROSSE, wherein the king made ar
"fheriff." From this detail of Sir John Davis, it is not diffi-
cult to account for the dangerous independence which the great.
lords affected, for their enormous influence, and the propor
tionable weakneſs of government. The land was. in effect
parcelled out to a number of rival potentates, each zealous to
aggrandize his own power, to mark his own fuperiority over
his great neighbours, cold to the interefts of the crown, and
frequently not difpleafed at the weakness and diftreffes of a
chief governour.
In the mean time, O'Brien leader of the Iriſh infurgents,
not yet ſubdued, found full employment both for the Engliſh
councils convened to devife the means of reducing him, and
for the troops fent out to oppoſe him. Deliberations were held,
and armaments prepared; but the leaders were divided, and
their troops employed with little honour or advantage. Sir
Antony Lucy, an Engliſh knight appointed to the government,
was aſtoniſhed and provoked at the infolence of the Iriſh, and
juſtly ſuſpected that they muſt be fecretly favoured and abetted
by fome great lords. He entered on his adminiftration with a
determined purpoſe to ſupport the interefts of his royal maſter,
by a vigorous profecution of the enemy, and a ſpirited oppofi-
tion to the inſolence and infidious practices of his infincere ad-
herents of the English race. He fummoned a parliament to-
meet at Dublin: his order was neglected, and the affembly in-
confiderable. It was adjourned to Kilkenny; and here the
Atill
ช
1
}
募
​CH. 4
293
·
ED WARD III.
رحمه
Aill decreasing number of attending members gave new occa-
fion of fufpicion. Intelligence was received of fome confider--
able havock committed by the Irish. The governour imagining
with good reaſon, and confirmed in his fufpicion by ſufficient
evidence, that the enemy was fecretly encouraged by fome lords
of English race, determined to ftrike at the very root of fuch
abuſe. He ſeized the earl of Defmond, Mandeville, Walter de
Burgho and his brother, William and Walter Bermingham. The
evidence againſt William Bermingham was full and forcible:
he was condemned and executed: his brother eſcaped only by
his priviledge as an ecclefiaftic: Defmond, who had been ob-
liged to ſubmit to this rigorous governour, after a long con-
finement was diſcharged on great furety, and fent into England.
}
THE power even of the moſt active chief governour could
not have proved equal to this impartial and ſpirited execution of
juſtice, and this vigorous oppofition to the great lords, had not
king Edward at this time diſcovered a more than ordinary at-
tention to his Iriſh interefts, and declared his defign of viſiting
the realm. Some falutary ordinances were tranfmitted, for the Pryn. Anim.
more regular and effectual execution of the Engliſh laws, in P. 267.
thoſe particulars in which they had been contravened, neglected,
or corrupted by his officers and other ſubjects in Ireland.
Theſe were foon followed, in the first place, by a reſumption
of all Iriſh grants made in his reign during the power of Mor- Rymer, t. iv.
timer and his mother; and foon after, by a mandate to the P. 476.
earls of Ulfter and Ormond, Sir William and Sir Walter de
Burgho, to repair to his court, in order to concert the meaſures
neceſſary for his voyage, and to attend him into Ireland. Air
thoſe barons of the realm of England who enjoyed lands in
Ireland were alſo fummoned for the fame purpoſe: And though Ib. p. 507.
the term fixed for this expedition was prolonged, yet an order Ib. p. 523----
for arreſting all fhips in the ports of Ireland, and fending them 525.
to Holyhead for the convenience of his paffage, and another for
impreffing
}
294
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Cotton.
Well
•
impreffing a number of Welſh infantry to attend him, feemed
to indicate a ſettled purpoſe of complying with the defires of
his parliament, and engaging in the reduction of Ireland; a
country where the Engliſh power had as yet obtained but a
partial, a precarious, and a difputed fettlement. To confirm
fuch expectations, all thofe officers who had been commif-
fioned to attend the king's ſervice in Ireland, were now ſtrictly
enjoined to repair thither without any excufe; and a formal
order iſſued for fearching the king's records, to fee what mea-
fures had been taken for the amendment of the Irish.
BUT all this was nothing more than a fpecious pretence for
demanding fupplies from his parliament, and a veil for covering
thoſe deſigns, which, though lefs honourable or juſtifiable, ſuited
better with the ambitious ſpirit of young Edward. The Irish
had never been fubdued; nor was their country in a worfe ftate
than at the acceffion either of the king or his father. But Ed-
ward the ſecond had patiently ſubmitted to ſee the glorious
acquifition of Scotland wrefted from him; and this lofs feemed
to be confirmed to his fon by the ignominious peace concluded,
by Mortimer. No fooner had this gallant prince been emanci-
pated from the influence of his mother and her favourite, than he
refolved to imitate the vigour of his illuftrious grandfather, and
in the first place, to recover the dominion of Scotland. In de-
fpite of treaties and connexions, he firſt ſpirited up Edward.
Baliol to affert the antiquated claims of his family; indirectly
fupported and affifted him; feized the favourable moment tọ
take advantage of his fuccefs; and now, when his parliament
had granted a fubfidy for the pacification of Ireland, and his.
troops provided for this fervice were ready to embark, the
king at once caft off the maſk, which probably had not con-
cealed his real intentions from the moſt diſcerning, and ordered
theſe forces to march to the frontiers of Scotland. It was
dangerous, he obferved, to leave the northern counties de-.
fenceless
Ch. 4.
295
EDWARD III.
fenteleſs while their neighbours were in arms; and as his pre-
fence was neceffary in this quarter, the Iriſh expedition muſt
of courſe be for fome time fufpended. His parliament ac-
quiefced, and indulgently permitted the enterprizing genius
of their monarch to take its free courfe: the battle of Halli-
down confirmed their favourable expectations of his conduct.
THE only meaſure now taken for the regulation of Ireland,
was that precarious and inglorious one of treating with the ad-
verſaries of government. The prior of Kilmainham was com-
miffioned to enter into fuch conventions with all infurgents both
of the Engliſh and Irish race, as he thould judge moſt expe-
dient for the pacification of the realm, and the honour and
intereft of his mafter. The great lords received orders to affift
him by their advice and countenance; and the ſheriffs of the
feveral counties and liberties were inftructed, that the confer-
ences to be held for this purpoſe ſhould be protected, without
damage or injury to any of the parties. Thus were the turbu-
lent and difaffected taught their own real power, and the
weakneſs and infufficiency of that government which attempted
to controul them. Infidious accommodations were readily.
concluded; and a number of fecret enemies admitted to the
royal grace and favour, whofe perverſe diſpoſitions were thus-
cheriſhed, inſtead of being broken by a steady, firm, and ri-
gorous authority.
THIS injudicious condefcenfion to the enemies of the English
intereſt, was attended by an event of the utmoſt danger and
moſt pernicious confequences, that of the death of William
earl of Ulfter, who was affaffinated by his own perfidious fer-
vants at Carickfergus. His counteſs, with her infant daughter,
fled in the utmoſt confternation into England, and the vaſt de-
mefnes of this illuſtrious family were left without any fufficient
defender. By the law of England, the earl's lands fhould have
been feized into the king's hands as guardian to the infant
ward:
Rymer, t. iv.
P. 526, 527.
Excerp. ex
Ann. Clyn.
MS.
A. D. 1 333,
Finglas's
Breviate.
$
296
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. H.
+
ward: but this law was of little force againſt the violence of
old claimants. The Northern fept of O'Nial, in whom all nas
tional animofities, were revived by this event, ſeized the occa-
fion of recovering their antient power, rofe fuddenly in arms,
paffed the river Bann, and fell furiouſly upon the Engliſh ſet-
tlers eſtabliſhed by the family of de Burgho. Notwithſtanding
a brave and obftinate refiftance, the perfevering virulence of the
Iriſh prevailed in a courſe of time, fo as to extirpate the Eng-
liſh, at leaſt to confine them within very narrow bounds. And
Davis Difc. their extenfive poffeffions now parcelled out among the con-
querours, received the name of the Upper and Lower Clan-
Hugh-boy; from their leader Hugh-boy O'Nial. In Con-
naught, fome younger branches of the family of de Burgho,
intruded into the late earl's poffeffions; of whom, two the moſt
powerful contrived to divide the great feigniory between them;
and conſcious that the law of England muſt-oppoſe this ufur-
pation, and defend the rightful claim of the young heirefs, they
at once rejected the English law, renounced their names,
language, apparel, and manners, adopted thoſe of the Iriſh,
called themſelves MAC-WILLIAM OUGHTER, and MAC-WIL-
LIAM EIGHTER, that is, the Farther, and the Nether Mac-Wil-
liam, feduced their countrymen fettled in this province, by
their pernicious example, and from thenceforward tranfmitted
their poffeffions in the courſe of tainiftry and gavel-kind.
\
THE chaſtiſement inflicted by the chief governour on the
murderers of the earl of Ulfter was but a flight confolation for
the misfortunes that were foreſeen, and proved to be the confe-
quences of this event. In proportion as the Engliſh were broken
by invafion, or divided by faction, the old natives became more
turbulent. Accommodations flightly made were eaſily and care-
lefly violated; and while the open enemy was in arms, the
king's vicegerent had a number of private and infidious adver-
faries of the English race to controul and guard againft. It
was
ร
1
Ch. 4.
297
EDWARD III.
ง
was found neceffary to feize and confine two of the noble houfe Camden.
of de la Poer. Nicholas Fitz-Maurice of Kerry, who avowed
A. D. 1338.
his attachment to the Irish of Munfter, was made prifoner by
his kinfman Defmond, and confined for life; while Kildare,
with equal vigilance and ſpirit, chaſtiſed the violence of thoſe
who had prefumed to disturb the peace of Leinfter.
race.
BUT the rigorous meafures now purfued by king Edward
ferved to damp the zeal of theſe nobles, to enflame diſcontents,
and extend divifion yet further among all the lords of Engliſh
The evils of a distracted ftate, local feuds and infurrec-
tions, violence and ravage, Engliſhmen renouncing their alle-
giance and revolting to the enemy, the enemy ftrengthened,
emboldened, and enabled to return with double fury, and re-
affume thoſe ſettlements from whence they had formerly been
driven, were foon experienced in an alarming deficiency of re-
venue, highly inconvenient to a prince who now meditated his
vaft defigns againſt France. Edward was neceffitated to feek
every reſource for ſupplying his exhaufted finances. He de-
pended for fome affiftance from Ireland: he was diſappointed:
and poffeffed as he was with the glittering objects of his ambi-
tion, the diſappointment was received with a paffionate impa-
tience. Not confidering that his enormous ſchemes of conqueſt
had been the very means of diverting his attention from his
Iriſh intereſts, and confequently the occafion of the diftreffes of
Ireland, and the difappointments he there experienced, he ac-
cuſed his fervants and minifters, and denounced the terrour of
his refentment againſt all thoſe whom he had employed in this
kingdom. Conſcious of his own power, and difdaining to at-
tend to the paffions, tempers, and prejudices of his ſubjects, in
a country where his mandate he conceived more than ſufficient
to fecure an immediate and implicit obedience, he at once re-
folved on the moſt violent and offenfive meaſures.
VOL..I.
Qq
HE
{
+
£98
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
Pryn. Anim.
P. 273, 274.
Davis.
1
He began with declaring that all fufpenfions or remiffions
of debts due to the crown, either in his time or that of his pre-
deceffors (except thoſe which had the fanction of the great feal)
fhould be null and void; and the debts ftrictly levied without
delay; in confideration, as he expreffed it, of his neceffities
arifing from the war he was to maintain upon the continent,
and other urgent affairs. Hence he proceeded to a more ex-
tenſive and vigorous refumption of all grants made not by him
only, but by his father. Thoſe to the prior of Kilmainham,
who had adminiſtered his government with rigour and fidelity,
Pryn. ut fup. were ſpecifically mentioned. The juftices of the king's bench
and common pleas, Mountpeffon and Baggot, were fuddenly
diſcharged from their offices. He not only difmiffed Aſhburne,
another of his officers, but feized his eftate. The deputy was
forbidden to grant or alien any of the king's lands without a
ſtrict inquiſition into their circumftances and value. The trea-
furer of the exchequer, who claimed a privilege to difpofe of
fmall fum's without voucher, was not only prohibited for the
future, but obliged to account for ſuch fums from the begin-
ning of the preſent reign: he was forbidden to take rewards
for indulging the king's debtors; he was abridged of the power
of naming ſheriffs, a power hitherto annexed to his office;
his receipts of the king's rents were ordered to be open and
public: and to complete the ſcheme of reformation, the deputy
was directed to certify to the king in his chancery of England,
the qualities, fervices, fees, number, and behaviour of all his
officers in Ireland. But the moſt offenfive and fevere of theſe
ordinances was not to be compared with one which crowned
the whole intemperate conduct of the king, and afforded juft
ground of diffatisfaction to a people conſcious of their own and
the merits of their anceſtors, and too powerful, and too far
removed from the feat of royalty to conceal their indignation.
It
*
t
益
​1
Ch. 4.
1
EDWARD III.
It is here inferted at large, that its fpirit and purport may
more clearly apprehended.
299
be
The king, to his trufty and beloved John Darcy, jufticiary Pryn. Anim.
"of Ireland, greeting:
HEREAS it appeareth to us and our council, for
WHE
many reafons, that our fervice fhall the better and
"more profitably be conducted in the faid land, by Engliſh
"officers having revenues and poffeffions in England, than by
Irish or Englishmen married and eftated in Ireland, and with-
"out any poffeffions in our realm of England; we enjoin you,
"that you diligently inform yourſelf of all our officers greater
" or leffer within our land of Ireland aforefaid; and that all fuch
"officer's beneficed, married and eftated in the faid land, and
having nothing in England, be removed from their offices; that
you place and ſubſtitute in their room other fit Engliſhmen,
having lands, tenements and benefices in England, and that
you cauſe the ſaid offices for the future to be executed by
"fuch Engliſhmen, and none other, any order of ours to you
"made in contrary wife notwithſtanding."
THUS were the defcendents of thoſe who had originally
gained the Engliſh acquifitions in Ireland, who had laboured in
a long courfe of painful and perilous fervice to maintain them,
who daily ſhed their blood in the ſervice of their monarch, pro-
nounced indiſcriminately to be dangerous, and declared incap-
able of filling any, even the meaneft department in adminiftra-
tion. The degeneracy and difaffection of a number of ſubjects
of the Engliſh race, confidered in the moſt ſtriking and offen-
five view, could only have warranted fome fecret reſolutions of
entruſting the affairs of government chiefly to others: but a
formal, open, and general fentence of diſqualification, was
equally iniquitous and impolitic. A juft prince could have
UCF Leen
Q9 2
P. 273, 274.
300
'. B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
}
Davis,
been induced to it only by the fevereft mifrepreſentations; nor
can it be reconciled to the plaineft dictates of prudence, unleſs
we ſuppoſe that Edward had been made to regard the country
and the people he thus treated, with the moſt fovereign.con-
tempt.
BUT whatever repreſentations he had received, or concepti-
ons he had formed of the old Engliſh inhabitants, they were
too ſpirited to endure the lofs of their lands, and their own
perſonal indignities with any abject refignation. The late
emigrants from England triumphed over the old race, as if they
had all forfeited their privileges, and were confolidated with
thoſe Iriſh who had been reduced by their arms, The old Eng-
liſh, on the other hand, beheld the partiality fhewn to thoſe
who boaſted their Engliſh birth, with impatience and indigna-
tion. Jealouſy and diffenfion were thus excited among thoſe
who ſtill adhered to English government, and proved the mif-
taken policy of the king's procedure. The confequences were
the more alarming as the injured party of his Iriſh ſubjects
were the more powerful, of more extenfive influence, and bet-
ter enabled to fupport the interefts of government, or rather
abfolutely neceffary to the very exiſtence of the royal authority
in Ireland. Effentially injured and wantonly infulted, they
were foon agitated to that degree of ferment which threatens
fomething violent and dangerous. The more powerful among
them fomented the diſcontents of their inferiours; and where
the interefts of all were threatened, a common caufe and gene-
ral danger readily difpofed them to a truly formidable combi-
nation. Their violences were fo dreaded, that the chief
go-
vernour deemed it neceffary to fummon a parliament at Dublin
on this critical occafion.
THIS chief governour, Sir John Morris, was of no higher note
or ſtation than that of an Engliſh knight, and not diſtinguiſhed
either by his fortune or abilities. And the lords he was to
govern,
ง
}
*
{
1
Ch. 4.
ED WARD
III.
govern, regarded it not as the leaft of thoſe infults they had
fuftained, that the king's authority ſhould be delegated to ſo in-
feriour a perfon. The fpirited Geraldines were particularly
irritated, and eſpouſed the cauſe of their brethren the old Eng-
liſh with extraordinary zeal. Their numerous adherents gave
them confequence and power, and their confequence and power
ſerved to give countenance to theſe adherents, and encouraged
them to an open and violent avowal of their diffatisfactions.
Defmond, too proud and powerful to be attached to govern-
ment by any other means but favour and flattery, flew through
all his numerous partizans of the South, conferred with the
nobility who were most attached to him, and practiſed with
thoſe cities and corporations in which he had the greateſt in-
fluence. Kildare, his kinfman and affociate, was equally pro-
voked and equally active and induftrious. So that at the time
when the parliament was to meet at Dublin, Morris was alarm-
´ed at the intelligence of another independent affembly more
numerous and reſpectable, convened by Deſmond at Kilkenny.
They ſtiled themſelves the prelates, nobles, and commons of
the land, were the more formidable as they affected to affemble
peaceably, and prepared a remonftrance to be tranſmitted to
the king.
301
The only account which the Engliſh annalifts have given of
their tranſactions, is, that by a few ſhort ſtrictures they in- Campion
timated the notorious infufficiency of the prefent chief govern-
* By their meffengers, fay theſe annalifts, they propofed the following que-
ftions to the king.
How a realm of war could be governed by a man unfkillful in all warlike
fervice?
*
How an officer under the king, who entered very poor, could in one year
amafs more wealth than men of large eftates in many years?
How it chanced, fince they were all called lords of their own, that the fo-
vereign lord of them all was not the richer for them?
Cox.
1
Our,
t
{
302
p. 279.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
this
B. II.
our, as well as his rapacioufnefs and oppreffions; imputing
the diftreffes of the realm, and the deficiencies of the public
pernicious rêvenue, to the precarious conduct and counfels of the king's
Pryn. Anim. `miniſters. But we have a petition of the grievances of Ire-
land, together with the king's anfwers, among the clofe rolls
of the fixteenth year of this reign, which feems pretty evidently
to have been the act of convention at Kilkenny; which affem-
bled for the firſt time in this year, and was too formidable to
be deſpiſed, or to have their reprefentations paffed over in con-
temptuous filence, It is faid to be the act of the prelates,
earls, barons, and commons of the land, without the ufual
addition of their being affembled in a parliament held at fome
particular time and place; and it contains fuch bold accufa-
tions of the king's minifters, and fuch infinuations againſt the
chief governour himſelf, as feem not likely to have proceeded
from an affembly convened by his authority, and poffibly con-
fifting for the most part, of that faction which oppofed the old.
Engliſh fettlers; favoured, and therefore influenced by the go-
vernour. But wherever it was framed, the petition muft not
paſs entirely unnoticed, as it exhibits a diftinct and ftriking
view of the irregularities in adminiftration, and the grievances
which had for fome time enflamed the public diffenfions, and
weakened the interefts of the crown.
THE petitioners begin with repreſenting the total neglect of
fortifications and caſtles, particularly thofe of the late earl of
Ulſter, in Ulfter and Connaught, now in the king's cuftody,
but abandoned by his officers, fo that more than a thìrd part
of the lands conquered by his royal progenitors were regained
by the Iriſh enemy: and by their inſolence on the one hand,
and the exceffes of his fervants on the other, his faithful ſub-
jects are reduced to the utmoft diftrefs. Other caftles, they
obferve, had been loft by the corruption of treafurers who
with-held their just pay from the governours and warders;
fometimes,
I
t
?
Ch. 4.
EDWARD III.
303
1
?
*.
ſometimes, obliged them in their neceffities to accept fome
mall part of their arrears, and to give acquittance for the
whole; fometimes fubftituted in their place mean and inſuffi-
cient perfons, contented with any wages they were pleaſed to
allow; fometimes appointed governours to caftles never erected,
charging their full pay, and difburfing but a trifling part: that
the ſubject was oppreffed by the exaction of victuals never paid
for, and charged at their full value to the crown, as if duly
purchaſed: that hoftings were frequently fummoned by the
chief governour without concurrence of the nobles, and money
accepted in lieu of perfonal fervice; treaties made with the
Iriſh, which left them in poffeffion of thoſe lands they had un-
juſtly ſeized; the attempts of the ſubjects to regain them, pu-
niſhed with fine and impriſonment; partial truces made with
the enemy, which, while one country was fecured, left them at
liberty to infeft the neighbouring diftricts; the abſence and
foreign refidence of thoſe who ſhould defend their own lands
and feignories, and contribute to the public aid and fervice;
illegal feizures of the perfons and properties of the Engliſh
ſubjects.—All theſe, with various inftances of corruption, op-
preffion and extortion in the king's fervants, were urged plainly
and forcibly, as the juſt grounds of diſcontent.
BUT chiefly, and with particular warmth and earneſtneſs,
they repreſent to the king, that his Engliſh ſubjects of Ireland
had been traduced and mifreprefented to the throne, by thoſe
who had been fent from England to govern them; men, who
came into the kingdom without knowledge of its ftate, cir-
cumſtances, or intereſts; whofe fole object was to repair their
ſhattered fortunes: too poor to fupport their ſtate, much leſs
to indulge their paffions, until they had filled their coffers by
extortion, to the great detriment and affliction of the people:
that, notwithſtanding ſuch miſrepreſentations, the English fub-
jects of Ireland had ever adhered in loyalty and allegiance to
the
HISTORY OF IRELAND. B. II.
304
,
the crown of England, had maintained the land for the king
and his progenitors; ferved frequently both againſt the Iriſh
and their foreign enemies, and moftly at their own charges.
<s
"As a reward of theſe fervices," fay the petitioners, " your
progenitors, Sir, and you, have granted by letters patent to
"diverſe people of the realm, lands, tenements, franchiſes,
wards, marriages, and pardons of debts, which, by virtue
"of ſuch letters patent they have held in peaceable poffeffion;
"till lately that your minifters by orders received from Eng-
land, as they pretend, have refumed and taken into your
"hands what your progenitors, Sir, and you have ſo granted,
6.6
66
as well what was granted for good and reaſonable cauſe as
"otherwiſe; and this contrary to the tenour and intent of the
"aforefaid orders, to endamage others for their own private
“emolument. Which things, Sir, feem to your liege ſubjects
"contrary to reafon, as their anceſtors and they have well de-
"ferved, and do deferve, by defending and maintaining, as
"much as in them lies, the dominion of the land to our
"ufe. For which, Sir, may it pleaſe you to ordain that they
"be not oufted of their freeholds without being called into
judgment, according to the proviſion of the GREAT CHAR-
"TER."
To the ſeveral grievances alledged, the anſwers of the king
were now gracious and condeſcending; and particularly to this
laft article, he replied, that the grants of his progenitors ſhould
be restored without diminution; that thoſe made in his own
reign ſhould alſo be delivered up on fufficient furety that they
ſhould be again furrendered, if on a legal inquifition they were
found refumable, as granted without juft caufe; and that the
pardons of debts fhould be deemed valid, until the cauſes of
fuch pardons ſhould be duly tried.
SUCH Condefcenfions were at this time the more neceffary,
as Edward prepared for his expedition into France, and now
fent
>
}
$
>
合
​Ch. 4.
EDWARD
III,
fent his letters to the officers of ſtate in Ireland, intimating
that he had already applied for fuccours to the principal lords
4
305
of this kingdom, directing them to treat with theſe lords, Rymer, t. v.
A
and to uſe their utmoſt diligence to prevail upon them to
lead or fend their-refpective vaffals into Bretany with all pof-
fible expedition.¸-
P. 333.
}
Rr
CHA P.
306
A
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
CHA P.
?
V.
I
B. II.
2
Adminiftration of Ufford.-His rigorous treatment of the great
factious lords.-Defimond and Kildare reduced and impriſoned.-
Earl of Defmond efcapes and flies.-Returns' on the death of
Ufford.-Is restored to favour.-Attends the king's Service in
France.-Earl of Kildare diftinguished at the fiege of Calais.-
Irish parliament grants a fubfidy.—Arrogance and fedition of
an archbishop of Cafbel.-Integrity of Rokeby the lord deputy.
-He is fucceeded by the earl of Defmond.-Reftored by the death
of the earl.-Ordinances for the regulation of the ftate of Ire-
land. Provifion against odious diftinctions between the fub-
jects of this land—against the growing degeneracy of the
English.-Subjects divided.-O'Brien and O'Connor in arms.-
` The country harraſſed.-Lord Lionel created chief governour of
Ireland.-Preparations for his departure.-His forces.-His
attendants.-His arrival in Ireland.-Prejudices of lord Lionel.
He forbids the old English to approach his camp.-Confequences
of this order.—The prince harraffed by the Irish enemy.-Is in
danger.-Corrects his errour, and fummons the old English to
attend him.-Gains fome advantages.-A fubfidy granted for
his fupport.-Difcipline of his troops.-Duke of Clarence re-
called.-Factions enflamed by his conduct.-He returns to his
government.-Convenes a parliament at Kilkenny.-Object and
purpoſe of this affembly.-Statute of Kilkenny.-Influence of
this ordinance.-Adminiftration of the earl of Defmond.-He is
fucceeded by Sir William Windfore.-Meaſures taken against the
Iriſh enemy. Their dangerous progress.-Inftance of the abhor-
rence conceived of Ireland.-Mifdemeanour alledged against Wind-
fore. He returns to the government.-Is unfuccessful.-Pen-
fions paid to the Irish.-Reprefentatives from the land of Ireland
Summoned to Westminster.-Answers to the king's writs.-
Gradual declenfion of the English intereft.
WHETHER
も
​Ch. 5-
307
EDWARD
III.
1
A
W
HETHER the royal intentions for the redreſs of
grievances were defeated by the adminiſtration of the
Davis.
Iriſh government, or whether the pride of the old nobility Camden.
of Engliſh race was not yet fatisfied by his condefcenfions,
faction. ftill continued; and thoſe born in Ireland ftill retained
their jealoufies and diſcontents againſt the more favoured part
´of their fellow-fubjects, who had lately been tranfmitted from
England; while the Irish fepts of Leinfter, taking advantage of
diffenfion, roſe, as ufual, in arms, and harraffed the province.
Edward, by confining his attention to the vaſt ſchemes which
he had formed againſt France, had encouraged, and now con-
tributed to encreaſe theſe diſorders which required an active,
ſpirited and vigorous chief governour to ſuppreſs.
SIR Ralph de Ufford, a man of this very character, was en-
truſted with the adminiſtration, and paffed into Ireland, pof-
ſeſſed with the utmoſt indignation both againſt the Iriſh inſur-
gents and the diſcontented English; which prompted him to
execute his powers, not with zeal only, but with rigour. He
inſtantly commanded the marchers, whoſe duty it was to guard
the Engliſh ſettlements from invafion, to repair each to their
reſpective ſtations, which they had been habituated to negle&;
he proclaimed it in the higheſt degree penal to convey provifi-
ons, horfes, or arms to the enemy, and ftrictly enjoined, agree-
ably to thoſe ordinances which had frequently been repeated,
and therefore, we may conclude, were frequently violated, that
the king's lands fhould have but one war and one peace; that
wherever the attack was made, it ſhould be confidered as an
injury to all, and that all ſhould inſtantly unite in one common
cauſe, and to repel one common danger.
NOR was the attention of Ufford confined to the fuppreffion
of Irish enemies. Defmond, the head of the difcontented
Engliſh, was fummoned to attend a parliament in Dublin, as a
teſt of his attachment to the king's government, which he often-
times
R 1 2
308
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
•
Excerpt. ex
Ann. Clyn.
Davys.
times affected to deſpiſe, and to which he paid at moſt but a
precarious and occafional obedience. The earl proudly flighted
the mandate, and fummoned an affembly of his own at Calan,
independent of this Engliſh knight fent to govern men of ſuch
fuperiour dignity. Ufford, firm to his purpoſe, iſſued a royal
proclamation, whereby the nobles and commons were forbidden
at their peril to attend this unlawful affembly; and to enforce
this order, collected his troops, marched into Munſter as
againſt a declared enemy, poffeffed himſelf of the earl's lands,
feized and executed fome of his principal dependents who had
moſt notoriouſly offended by their arbitrary exactions, and ſo
furprized and terrified this refractory lord by the vigour of his
operations, that he thought it neceffary to fubmit, offered to
abide a juſt and honourable trial for any diſloyalty objected to
him, and found feveral fureties of diftinguiſhed rank and cha-
racter to anſwer for his appearance. The earl of Kildare,
equally obnoxious to the governour, was in the next place at-
tacked as a difaffected and rebellious lord, and with fome diffi-
culty reduced, taken, and impriſoned; to the utter terrour and
confufion of thofe great lords of the Engliſh race, who had fo
long deſpiſed the weakneſs of government, and particularly of
the earl of Deſmond, who was fo fhocked at the intrepid feve-
rity of Ufford, and ſo conſcious of his own irregular conduct,
that he retired in difmay, and left his fureties to anſwer for
this ungenerous default.
THE fpirit of this chief governour might have proved of con-
fiderable uſe in quelling the difobedient both of the Irish and
Engliſh race: but his fudden death deprived his maſter of a me-
ritorious fervant, who had fupported his interefts and conducted
his government with vigour and ſucceſs, in deſpite of oppoſition.
and popular odium. Sir John Morris his fucceffor, acted with
greater lenity and condefcenfion. He releafed Kildare from
priſon; and when a violent inſurrection in Ulfter determined
the
"
f
:
Ch. 5.
309
EDWARD III.
}
-
Berm.
the king to ſubſtitute Roger Darcy firſt, and afterwards Walter Rot. Tur.
de Bermingham in his room, Defmond was again emboldened
to appear and remonſtrate againſt the wrongs he alledged to
have received from Ufford. Bermingham warmly efpoufed his A. D. 1346.
caufe, and fent him into England to feek redrefs from the
throne. No feafon could have been more favourable to his
application. Edward had formed his armament, and was now
on the point of embarking on his glorious expedition into
France. He had two years before fummoned this earl, with Rymer.
others of the great Engliſh lords of Ireland, to attend him with
their powers. Defmond was appointed to lead twenty men at
arms, and fifty hoblers: Kildare, the fame numbers; others
were to furnish fuch a number of each as fuited the extent of
their feveral poffeffions, fo as to complete the number of one
hundred and ninety men at arms, and five hundred hoblers.
Whether this little band now attended, or that the king pro-
cured a greater force from Ireland, doth not appear from re-
cord; but he was at least folicitous to engage Defmond in his
fervice, a nobleman of fuch extenfive following, fuch power-
ful connexions, and fo great popularity in Ireland.
His com-
plaints were received with the moſt gracious attention; he was
affured of a ſpeedy reſtoration of his lands; he was in the
mean time taken into the king's pay; he attended him with a
confiderable train into France; and by the gracious manner of
- his reception, the earl of Kildare was afterwards induced to
take the fame part. In the winter after the victory of Creçy,
we find a ſmall number of the English nobility of Ireland again
fummoned to attend the king's ftandard; and Kildare, parti-
cularly, was fo diftinguiſhed by his valour at the fiege of Ca- Campion.
lais, that he received the honour of knighthood from the king's Cox.
hand; and returned to his country with that confequence na-
turally derived from the royal favour, and the brilliancy of the
ſervice in which he had engaged.
1
IN
*
1
310
Rot. Tur.
Berm.
Plac. Cor.
21 E III.
MS. Trin.
Col. Dub.
Ware de
Præf. Hib.
Y
HISTORY OF IRELAND..
B. II.
In the mean time, the defence of the English territory
againſt the perpetual incurfions of the Irish was not neglected
by the chief governours Morris and Bérmingham. We find
them frequently commiffioning the principal Engliſh ſettlers
of the different diſtricts to raiſe forces, to make war upon the
enemy, or to confer and treat with them, as the public ſervice
might require. In order to remedy the abuſe of
coyne and
livery, and to relieve the ſubject from the heavy oppreſſion of
fuch demands, it had been reſolved in a parliament held by
Bermingham at Kilkenny, to grant a fubfidy for maintenance
of the Iriſh war, of two fhillings from every carucate of land,
and two fhillings in the pound from every ſubject whoſe per-
fonal fortune amounted to fix pounds. An incident which
arofe from this grant marks the nature and effect of thoſe na-
tional and party prejudices, which the ſituation of this country,
neglected as it was, and managed without found policy or in-
tegrity, naturally produced.
RALPH KELLY, an Irishman, juft now promoted to the feet
of Cashel, who though he had fworn allegiance, and received
his temporalties from the king, yet was poffeffed with all the
vulgar prejudices of his countrymen, and deemed it meritori-
ous to embarraſs the adminiſtration of government, determined
to give a vigorous oppofition to the levying this fubfidy through
his province. The grant, it feems, extended to ecclefiaftical
Plac. Cor. ut perfons, and the tenants of ecclefiaftical lands. He fummoned
fup.
his fuffragans of Limerick, Emly, and Lifmore; and, with their
concurrence, iffued an ordinance that all beneficed clergymen
who ſhould preſume to pay their alloted portion of this ſubſidy,
were to be immediately deprived of their benefices, and declared
incapable of holding any ecclefiaftical benefice within the pro-
vince; and that all lay-tenants on the ecclefiaftical lands who
fhould comply with the requifition of parliament; were to be
excommunicated, and their children difqualified from enjoying
any
>
Ch. 5.
311
EDWARD III.
any ecclefiaftical preferment, even to the third generation.
Nor did this bold edict fatisfy the flaming zeal and violence of
the archbishop. He repaired to the town of Clonmel, in all
the ſtate of his office, in the habit, and with the attendance
fuited to the moſt folemn exerciſe of his function, ſo as to ftrike
the minds of the fuperftitious multitude with greater reverence.
He publickly and folemnly denounced the fentence of excom-
munication on all thoſe who paid, impofed, procured, or in any
manner contributed to the exacting of this fubfidy from any of
the perfons or lands belonging to his church, and on William
Epworth, by name, the king's commiffioner in the county of
Tiperary, for receiving it from the feveral collectors. An in-
formation was exhibited against the prelate for this offence. He
denied the charge: he pleaded, that, by the great charter granted
by the crown to England and Ireland; it was provided that the
church both of England and Ireland ſhould be free; that, by
the fame charter, it was ordained that thoſe who infringed the
immunities of the church ſhould be ipfo facto excommunicated;
that he had but exerciſed his ſpiritual power, in confequence of
this ordinance, againſt thoſe who violated the king's peace, or
levied money on the ſubject without his knowledge and affent ;
and that Epworth in particular had been excommunicated for
refufing canonical obedience to his ordinary. Both the arch-
bishop and his fuffragans, however, were found guilty; but
though they repeatedly refuſed to appear in arreſt of judgment,
they ſeem to have been too powerful, and their caufe too popu--
lar, for the offence to receive its due puniſhment.
By the attention of the king to prohibit the great lords of Rymer.
Ireland from departing at their pleaſure from the kingdom, to
the utter deſertion of their duties and offices, by the removal of
miniſters either infufficient or corrupt, but, above all, by the.
favour fhewn to the earls of Defmond and Kildare, the peace
of the Engliſh territories was for fome time preſerved, without
2
any
1
1
}
2-
312
A. D. 1353.
Campion.
Rot. Tur.
Berm.
A. D. 1356.
Pryn. Anim.
p. 286.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
<6
B. II.
any extenfive or dangerous irruption; and the king's depu
ties left to fummon parliaments, and deviſe means for correct-
ing the abuſes and degeneracy of the Engliſh inhabitants. Sir
Thomas Rokeby, an Engliſh knight, who affumed the reins of
government with an equity and integrity unknown to many of
his predeceffors, applied himself to this neceffary work with
peculiar zeal; and, by his own difintereſted moderation, fet a
noble example to thoſe lords who had been habituated to pil-
lage and opprefs their inferiours. "I am ferved," ſaid the
honeft Englishman, without parade or ſplendour; but let my
"diſhes be wooden, rather than my creditors unpaid." But a
ſtranger as he was to the circumſtances of the country, and the
paffions and intereſts of thoſe he was to govern, integrity and
difintereſted zeal could not give the due weight and conſequence
to his adminiftration. The infurrections of the Iriſh again
grown fo confiderable as to occafion a general proclamation of
the royal fervice, whereby all the Engliſh ſubjects in every quar-
ter of the realm were called to take arms againſt the common
enemy, determined the king to entruſt his Iriſh government to
the earl of Defmond, now completely reinftated in his favour;
and who, by his connexions and dependencies, as well as by
his warlike difpofition, feemed better calculated for governing
in the preſent diſordered ſtate of affairs.
His death, which happened foon after his promotion, re-
ftored Rokeby to the adminiſtration; whoſe power was con-
fined to the procuring uſeful ordinances of parliament, pointed
chiefly againſt the degeneracy of the old Engliſh. The equity
of the crown ſhewed that attention to the eaſe and ſecurity of
the Iriſh ſubjects, which their own great lords denied them.
In all erroneous proceedings of their courts, they had hitherto
been obliged to feek redreſs in England; but their own parlia-
ments were now to take cognizance of all fuch matters, and to
decide the rights of the ſubjects, without expofing them to
unneceffary
I
}
Ch. 5.
313
ED WAR D IIL
y
unpeceffary trouble and expence. Some other regulations for
the better-inſtruction of the people, and preventing the incon-
venience arifing from the non-refident of their pastors, particu-
larly in the diocese of Dublin, were followed by a folemn ordi-
nance for the regulation, both of church and ftate, and the more
effectual execution of the Engliſh, laws, They begin, as uſual, Pryn. Anim.
with a declaration, that the liberties; and immunities of the P. 295.
church ſhall be preferved inviolate, and proceed to point out
the legal and regular method for adjuſting the general intereſts
and concerns of the ſtate. "We will and command," faith the
king, that our affairs, and thoſe of our LAND, efpecially the Ib. p. 287.
great and arduous, fhall be referred to our councils, com-
poſed of ſkillful counsellors, prelates, nobles, and other dif
"creet and honeft men, in thoſe parts contiguous to the places
"where fuch councils fhall be held, and to be fummoned for
""
6
this purpoſe: but in PARLIAMENT, fhall be, by our coun-
"fellors, prelates, nobles, and others of the land aforefaid,
agreeably to justice, law, cuſtom, and reaſon, faithfully
treated, debated, difcuffed, and finally determined, without
fear, favour, hatred, bribe, or any finifter influence." By
"this ordinance," faith lord Coke, "the parliaments of Ire- Coke, Inft. 4.
"land are regulated according to the inftitution of England;
"for before this time, the conventions in Ireland were not fo
66
66
properly parliaments, as affemblies of great men."
<<
AMONG feverál provifions for the execution of juſtice, the
adminiſtration of government, and the protection of the rights
and liberties of the fubject, agreeably to the GREAT CHAR-
TER, we find the following article worthy of diſtinct notice,
as it fhews the preſent temper of the Engliſh. fubjects of Ire-
land, and the real importance of thoſe diffenfions which had
been raiſed and fomented among them.
“
ITEM, although the Engliſh born in Ireland, as well as
"thoſe born in England, be true Engliſhmen, living under our
VOL. I.
S s
"dominion
३
314
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
•
ན
+
Rot Tur.
Berm.
"dominion and fovereignty, and bound by the fame laws,
rights, and cuſtoms, yet various diffenfions and mainte- -
"nances have arifen among thofe of both races, on account
"of national diftinction, from whence fome evils have arifen,
"and ſtill greater are to be apprehended, unleſs a remedy
"be fpeedily applied.-Our pleaſure is, and we ftrictly en-
join, that our lord juftice calling to him our chancellor and
"treaſurer of Ireland, and fuch nobles as he ſhall judge proper
"to be called from the neighbouring diſtricts, where ſuch diſ-
"fenfions have arifen, fhall frequently, and as often as need
"
""
may be, diligently enquire into fuch diffenfions, mainte-
"nances, and factions, and the names of thofe by whom they
are ſupported, and caufing due procefs to be made againſt
"the delinquents, fhall, when convicted, punish them by im-
"priſonment, fine, or other juft method, as fuch diffenfions
manifeftly tend to lead our liege people into fedition and
"treafon."
BUT while the royal authority applied remedies to one dif-
order, others were ever ready to break out, and elude the in-
fufficient endeavours of government. The old Engliſh, indeed,
hated their newly arrived brethren; but their pride ſtill- pre-
vented them from uniting with their brethren of the fame race.
They were ever ready to invade and harrafs each other, fo as
to oblige the king by frequent mandates to forbid their
petty
excurfions, and to compofe their brawls. The alliances which
they formed with Irish families, and the partialities arifing
from fuch connexions, introduced a number of fecret enemies
into the Engliſh ſettlements, ready to betray the people they
conforted with, induſtrious to feduce the ſubject, and by fecret
infinuation, or the natural influence of conftant and familiar
intercourfe to detach him from his countrymen, and to form
his manners and affections by the Irish model.
To guard
againſt the treacherous fubtilty of the Iriſh, and to cut off that
dangerous
Ch. 5.
315
ED WARD III.
•
dangerous correfpondence which the growing degeneracy of the
Engliſh had encouraged, it was enjoined by royal mandate, that Pryn. Anim.
no mere Iriſhman ſhould be admitted into any office or truft in P. 295, 231.
any city, borough, or caftle, in the king's land: that no biſhop
or prior, under the king's dominion and allegiance, fhould ad-
mit any of this race to an ecclefiaftical benefice, or into any
religious houſe, on account of confanguinity, or other pretence
whatever. Malice and felf-intereft were careful to take advan-
tage of this order, and to extend it beyond the original inten-
tion. The denized Irish were excluded from ecclefiaftical pre-
ferments, by virtue of the claufe which directed that theſe
ſhould be conferred on Engliſh clerks. They had the ſpirit to
apply to parliament for relief, and the fuccefs to obtain an ex-
planation in favour of their rights.
SUBJECTS divided and diſcontented, engaged by their petty
factions and competitions, could not even repel the affaults of
their common enemy, much leſs recover thoſe extenfive tracts,
from which they had been gradually ejected by the old natives.
O'Nial from the North, O'Brian from the South, made dread-
ful inroads on the Engliſh ſettlements, boaſted their hoftile in-
tentions, watched every advantage, and fomented and affifted
the infurrections of other Irish chieftains. A perpetual ftate
of war oppreffed and wafted the country. A want of concert
and union among the Iriſh prevented them from demolishing
the whole fabric of Engliſh power, by one general and decifive
affault. On the other hand, the divifions and jealouſies of the
Engliſh race, and the neglect of thoſe, who, deſpifing the
country from whence they drew their revenues, abfented them-
felves in England, left the enemy to harraſs thoſe whom they
could not fubdue; and obliged the ſubject to maintain a num-
ber of idle guards and borderers, no lefs vexatious and oppref-
five than their invaders.
S⋅s 2
EDWARD,
1
*
316
Rymer.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
B. II.
EDWARD, who had been habituated to fuccefs and glory,
beheld theſe complicated diſorders of his Irith dominions with
impatience; and determined to purfue fome vigorous meafures,
both for fubduing the Irish, and reforming his English fabjects.
Lord Lionel his fecond fon, had been affianced in his tender,
years to Elizabeth, daughter of the late earl of Ulfter, and
claimed that earldom in right of his wife, as well as the lord-
ſhip of Connaught, with all the valuable and extenfive domains
annexed to theſe titles. In all theſe diſtricts, writs had for
many years ran in the prince's name. But this was little more
than a formal exercife of authority, not generally acknow-
ledged or obeyed, as the Irish chieftains of Connaught and
Tirowen had repoffeffed themſelves of the greateſt part of theſe
lands which the late earl enjoyed, and were ftill. labouring to
extirpate the remains of his English tenantry. The interefts
of his ſon, therefore, as well as the general welfare of the Irish
Rot. Can. H. dominions, determined Edward to confign the government of
Ireland to Lionel, with fuch powers as might give weight and
dignity to his adminiſtration, and fuch a force as might enable
him to carry on his military operations with vigour and fuc-
With an earneſtneſs and folemnity which feemed the
prelude to fome great defign, the king's writs were iffued to all
thoſe nobles of England, of either fex, who held lands in Ire-
land, fummoning them to appear either in perfon or by proxy
before the king and council, there to deliberate on the meaſures
neceffary for the defence of this realm; and in the mean time,
to hold all the force they could command, in readinefs, to at-
tend his fon.. A royal proclamation was alſo iffued in the feve-
ral counties of England, that all thofe of inferiour rank who
held lands in Ireland, fhould repair thither to the prince's fer-
vice. About fifteen hundred men were thus collected. Lord
Lionel the general, was attended by Ralph earl of Stafford,
Rymer.
Pryn.
Davys.
A. D. 1361.
cefs.
James
$
1
*
1
ť
2
A
Ch. 5.
EDWARD
III.
James earl of Ormond, Sir John Carew, Sir William Wind-
fore, and other knights and leaders of diſtinction.
317
THIStroop, inconfiderable as it may be deemed in theſe times,
yet if duely reinforced and fupported by the great lords of Ire-
land, might have proved of confiderable fervice in repelling and
fubduing the Iriſh infurgents. But lord Lionel paffed into Ire-
land with all thoſe unhappy prepoffeffions and falſe ideas which
intereſted dependents are careful to infuſe into the unguarded
minds of princes. Such aggravated reprefentations had been
made of the degeneracy of the old English fettlers, that he learn-
ed to regard the whole race indifcriminately, as unworthy of his
confidence, and utterly difaffected to his father's interefts and
government. He was furrounded by the faction of Engliſh
birth; he liftened to their fuggeftions; adopted their paffi-
ons; and by a proclamation dictated by the utmoſt violence of Cox ex Arch,
pride and prejudice, ftrictly forbad all the old English, or any
of the king's fubjects of Irish birth to approach his camp.
Thus, he offended and infulted the most powerful party in the
realm; who, while they justly clamoured againft this unge-
nerous return to the fervices of their anceſtors, and their own,
at the fame time derided the infatuated policy, which deprived
their new governour of the only affiftance which might give
the leaſt proſpect of ſucceſs to his operations.
THE prince was thus left with thofe of the English birth,
to traverſe a ſtrange country, without advice or direction; and
to attack an enemy whofe character and manner of war were
entirely unknown. As the reduction of the northern province
was of too much confequence to be undertaken until Leinfter
ſhould be firſt ſecured against the infurgents of the South, the
prince firſt determined to quell the ravagers of the Engliſh pro-
vince, and bent his force against the chieftain of Thomond,
their principal fupporter. He marched forward without guid-
ance or intelligence. The enemy hovered about his camp,
8
fuddenly
Tur. Lond.
$
318
· B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
}
P. 350.
fuddenly diſappeared, and again renewed their defultory affaults.
His men were perplexed, and their progreſs flow. One of his
advanced parties was furprized and attacked with fuch fuccefs,
that a confiderable number fell upon the field of action. To
encreaſe this mortification, numbers of his foldiers deferted to
the
enemy. Incidents ſo alarming rouſed the prince from his
errour: and if not too generous, he was at leaſt in too immi-
nent danger to delay the correction of it for a moment. The
old Engliſh were invited and required by proclamation to at-
Rymer, t. vi. tend his ſtandard; while his father, by a fecond proclamation,
in which the perilous fituation of lord Lionel was minutely
deſcribed, commanded all thoſe nobles of the English nation,
who had not obeyed his former order, to repair without delay
to Ireland, and join the prince's troops, on pain of forfeiture of
all their lands and poffeffions. The invitation to the fubjects
of Ireland, of the old Engliſh race, had a ſpeedier and more fa-
lutary effect. They reforted in great numbers to the duke of
Clarence, (for this title had been now conferred on lord Lionel)
and by their affiftance he gained confiderable advantages over
the enemy, ſo as in a great meaſure to break the fpirit and
power of O'Brien.
Camden.
Cox.
He returned, after fome fucceſsful expeditions of lefs mo-
ment than his flatterers afcribed to them; and refuming the
feat of government in the triumph of a conqueror, conferred the
honour of knighthood on feveral of his followers. Such favour-
able fentiments were conceived of his adminiſtration, and fuch
fanguine expectations of his fucceſs againſt the Iriſh enemy,
Rot. Canc. H. that the king's ſubjects, both laity and clergy, granted him two
years value of their revenues to maintain the war: a liberality
the more chearfully diſplayed, as his forces had ever been re-
tained within the ſtrictest rules of diſcipline, without burden-
ing the people by thofe arbitrary exactions which had uſually
been practifed for the maintenance of armies.
Cox.
1
THE
1
Ch. 5.
319
EDWARD III.
!
1
Y
The duke. was however foon recalled into England, and left
thoſe factions which his own weak conduct had contributed to
enflame among the ſubjects of Ireland, to raiſe the moſt dan-
gerous diffenfions. English by birth, and English by race,
were become terms of odious diftinction; and every day pro-
duced violences, which gradually became confiderable enough,
to require the immediate interpofition of the king. He com- Rymer, t. vi.
manded that no Engliſh ſubject born in England, or in Ireland, P. 442.
A. D. 1364.
ſhould make or caufe diffenfion, raiſe debate, or contumely, un-
der the penalty of impriſonment for two years.
CLARENCE was fucceeded by the earl of Ormond, who again
refigned to the duke: and he as fuddenly left the adminiſtra-
tion to Sir Thomas Dale, an Engliſh knight, of too little con-
fequence to fupprefs the diffenfions of the English, much lefs
to, unite them in any ſervice of real moment. So that in the
year 1367, Clarence was once more fent over to ftem the tor-
rent of corruption and diſorder, by the authority of his ſtation.
Experience had convinced him that the effectual reduction of
the Irish enemy was an arduous taſk, neither to be undertaken
precipitately, nor executed without peril, even if the fituation
of England could allow him a force adequate to fuch an at-
tempt. He was by this time too well acquainted with the cir-
cumſtances of the country in which he governed, not to fee and
know that the firſt object of his care ſhould be the reformation
of the Engliſh ſettlers. And to this great work he applied with
zeal and diligence.
A PARLIAMENT was fummoned to meet at Kilkenny, and
provela more reſpectable and numerous affembly than had hi-
therto been convened in Ireland. The prelates of Dublin,
Caſhel, Tuam, Lifmore, Waterford, Killalloe, Offory, Leigh-
lin, Cloyne, obeyed the fummons of the king's fon. The tem-
poral peers and commons chearfully attended. Both eftates fat
together and the refult of their deliberations was that ordi-
1
nance,
}
*
320
B. H.-
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MSS. Lamb.
G. Nº 608,
fol. I.
>
nance, known in. Ireland by the name of the STATUTE OF
KILKENNY.
1
i
>
THE preamble of this ftatute recites, with a decifion not
without colour, but yet too general and indiſcriminate, that the
English of the realm of Ireland, before the arrival of the duke
of Clarence, were become mere Irish in their language, names,
apparel, and manner of living; had rejected the Engliſh. laws,
and ſubmitted to thoſe of the Iriſh, with whom they had united:
by marriage-alliance, to the ruin of the general weal. It was
therefore enacted, that marriage, nurture of infants, and gof-
fipred with the Irish, fhould be confidered and punished as
high-treaſon.-Again, if any man of Engliſh race ſhall uſe an
Irish name, the Irish language, or the Irish apparel, or any
mode or cuſtom of the Irish, the act provides that he fhall for-
feit lands and tenements, until he hath given fecurity in the
court of chancery, to conform in every particular to the Engliſh
manners; or, if he have no lands, that he ſhall be imprisoned
until the like fecurity be given.-The Brehon law was pro-
nounced, (and juſtly) to be a pernicious cuſtom and innovation
lately introduced among the Engliſh ſubjects. It was there-
fore ordained that in all their controverfies they fhould be go-
verned by the common law of England; and that whoever
thould fubmit to the Irish jurifdiction, was to be adjudged
guilty of high-treafon.-As the Engliſh had been accuſtomed
to make war and peace with the bordering enemy at their plea-
fure, they were now exprefsly prohibited from levying war upon
the Iriſh, without fpecial warrant from the ſtate.-It was alſo
made highly penal to the Engliſh, to permit their Iriſh neigh-
bours to graze their lands, to prefent them to ecclefiaftical
benefices, or to receive them into monaftries or religious
houſes; to entertain their bards, who perverted their imagina-
tions by romantic tales; or their news-tellers, who feduced
them by falfe reports. It was made felony to impoſe or cefs
*
any
Ch. 5.
32F
EDWARD III.
C
{
any forces upon the Engliſh ſubject againſt his will. And as
the royal liberties and franchiſes were become fanctuaries for
malefactors, exprefs power was given to the king's fheriffs to
enter into all franchiſes, and there to apprehend felons or trai-
"tors. Laftly, becauſe the great lords, when they levied forces
for the public fervice, acted with partiality, and laid unequal
burdens upon the ſubjects, it was ordained, that four wardens
of the peace in every county ſhould adjudge what men and
armour every lord or tenant ſhould provide. The ftatute was
promulged with particular folemnity; and the ſpiritual lords,
the better to enforce obedience, denounced an excommunica-
tion on thoſe who ſhould preſume to violate it in any inſtance.
SUCH were the inftitutions of this affembly, quoted in Ire-
land with reverence, confirmed and renewed in after-times, as
of moſt falutary influence. The attention of Clarence and his
counſellors was evidently confined to the reformation of the
king's Engliſh ſubjects of Ireland. Among theſe, and theſe
only, the Brehon law was a lewd CUSTOM CREPT IN OF LATER
DAYS. They and they only were forbidden to fubmit to its
decifions. And he who afferts that this ftatute was a formal
abolition of the Brehon juriſdiction in every part of Ireland,
ſhould confider what were the prefent circumftances of this
kingdom, and what the object and intention of the ſtatute of
Kilkenny; what authority Clarence or his father claimed,
what power they poffeffed, to give this edict fuch extenfive
force and influence. Their parliament was not ſo abfurd as
to dictate laws to the fouthern and northern Iriſh, the de-
clared enemies of their authority, and defperate invaders of
their lands. Nor had they equity or good policy to endeavour
to root out the evil cuftoms of thoſe Irish who fubmitted to
the Engliſh government, and in their room to plant thoſe fa-
lutary inſtitutions by which they themſelves were governed and
defended. Extenfive views, liberal fentiments, aud a gene-
VOL. I.
Tt
rous
322
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
rous zeal for public happineſs, muſt have prompted them to
ſome meaſures for conciliating the affections, as well as fub-
duing the perfons and poffeffions of the Irish; muſt have led
them to demonftrate that they were the protectors and bene-
factors, not the arbitrary mafters of thoſe Irish natives whom
they held in fubjection; and to convince the moſt obſtinate
infurgents, that an honourable fubmiffion to the king of Eng-
land was the only means of reſcuing them from the miferies
of their own petty factions and tyrannies; a glorious exchange
of the rudeneſs, the diſorders, and diftreffes of anarchy, for
the peace, the dignity, and the valuable advantages of focial
and civil life.
\
BUT pride and ſelf-intereft concurred in regarding and re-
preſenting the Irish as a race utterly irreclaimable. The def-
perate refiftance of the oppreffed, or the violences of national
vanity, were readily miſtaken for the outrages of a natural
cruelty and barbariſm. The talk of reclaiming thoſe natives
might indeed have proved difficult: and what is not to be pro-
jected but by an exalted genius, nor executed but by vigour,
abilities, prudence, and patience, a contracted mind and indo-
lent fpirit readily believe to be impoffible, upon the crafty
fuggeftions of thoſe who are interested, or think them felves
intereſted, to defeat the glorious defign. The reign of a re-
nowned monarch in England, and the prefence of his fon in
Ireland, the huſband of a lady of Irish birth, and of an il-
luftrious family, an heireſs of vaft poffeffions, were circumſtan-
ces highly favourable to a generous conciliating ſcheme, whoſe
apparent equity might warrant the addition of military vigour
againſt the moſt deſperate and abandoned. The opportunity
was now loft; nor was it recovered for ages.
YET ftill the folemnity with which theſe. laws were made
and promulged, the fevere penalties by which they were en-
forced, the preſence of the royal governour, his laudable atten-
7
tion
Ch. 5.
323
EDWARD III.
3
tion. to preſerve difcipline, and to prevent grievances within
the ſphere of his authority, had no inconfiderable effect. The
old Engliſh were reſtrained, and in fome degree reformed; and
the confequences appeared in the encreaſe of the revenue, and
the ſuſpenſion of thoſe petty hoftilities which the English
lords had ufually maintained againſt each other. But the Cox.
wifeft inftitutions could have no permanent effect, without an
adminiſtration reſpectable by its ſtrength, and conducted with
that vigour neceſſary to ſtrike a laſting awe into the proud and
turbulent. They had been too long habituated to diſregard
authority, to fupport their confequence by the terrour of their
tumultuous followers, and to decide their controverfies in the
field. On the departure therefore of the duke of Clarence,
when the young earl of Defmond had been entruſted with
the government, the ſtate was once more embroiled by the
violences of the family of Bermingham, which the new lord
juſtice in vain endeavoured to fupprefs. He was obliged to
treat with theſe ravagers as with a foreign power, and to end
the brawl by a mutual exchange of priſoners; while the Iriſh
chieftains of Thomond and Connaught entered into a for-
midable confederacy, and threatened extenfive and deſperate
hostilities. The alarming proſpect determined king Edward Pryn,
to renew his orders to all thoſe who abfented themſelves from
their Iriſh lands, to repair to Ireland. A parliament was fum-
moned to deliberate on the meaſures moſt effectual for the ſe-
curity of the king's Iriſh dominions; and Sir William Wind-
fore, an Engliſh knight, who had ferved under the duke of
Clarence, was appointed the king's lieutenant. In the par-
liament which he convened at Kilkenny, a fubfidy of three
thousand pounds, and another of two thouſand in a following
feffion, were granted for fupport of the war againſt the Iriſh.
But while this affembly was deliberating and providing,
the forces of O'Brien and O'Connor were in the field, with-
Tt 2
out
324
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
out any army to oppoſe them, but fuch troops as the borderers
and neighbouring lords of Munfter could collect. The earl
of Deſmond, particularly intereſted to fecure his own lands
from depredation, was the firſt to rise up againſt the enemy.
He encountered them near the monaftery of Mayo; but his
inferiour numbers, haftily raiſed and ill appointed, received a
total defeat. Their leader was flain, and feveral of his nobleſt
followers fell into the hands of the enemy. The lieutenant,
whoſe military operations had as yet effected nothing more im-
portant than the reduction of fome inconfiderable fepts of
Leinster, was determined by this intelligence to lead his forces
into the South. But the enemy, as uſual, had retired to their
inacceffible haunts, when the victory was obtained, and left
Windfore to make war on fome inferiour chieftains. The
only ſervice he could perform was that of forcing one of theſe
to give hoſtages, as a furety for keeping the peace with ſome
neighbouring Engliſh fettlements, and to reſtore fome orna-.
ments of which he had plundered their churches. To re-
ftrain theſe numerous infurrections, by which every part of the
English territories was perpetually infefted, the influence not
only of the powerful Engliſh, but the well-affected Iriſh, was
employed. Several of theſe were. engaged and paid by the
king, to watch the motions of their countrymen, and to op-
poſe their violences..
On the departure of Windfore, Maurice earl of Kildare fuc-
ceeded to the adminiſtration of a diftempered and difordered
ftate. So confiderable was the progrefs of the Irish natives,
and ſuch extenſive tracts had they recovered from the English
Pryn. Anim. fettlers, that the king was obliged to exonerate the lands from
fcutage which they had feized, and to direct that thoſe only
ſhould be charged with this fervice, which his Engliſh fub-
jects ftill retained in actual poffeffion. Such conceptions had
been formed of the ftate of Ireland, and the diforders of its
P. 302.
inhabit-
Ch. 5.
325
EDWARD
III.
+
;
inhabitants, that even they who had received Iriſh grants, could
neither be perfuaded to repair thither, nor to fend any per-
fons to the cuſtody of their lands, notwithſtanding the reiterat-
ed edicts..of the king. The ſtill encreafing tumults in the go-
vernment of Sir Robert Afhton, fucceffor to Kildare, ferved
to encreaſe the horrour and deteftation conceived of this coun-
try. The evils of war and commotion are, at a diſtance, ge-
nerally related with pathetic force and aggravation: and pre-
judice and credulity liſten. to the moſt extravagant repreſenta-
tions. When Sir Richard Pembridge, one of the king's fer-
vants, and warden of the Cinque Ports, had been appointed
to the government of Ireland, he ſhuddered at the thought of Coke, 2 Inft. ·
ruling in a country overfpread with barbarous and malignant
favages. He refused to execute his commiffion; and it was
adjudged that this refufal was ftrictly legal; for that refidence
in Ireland, even in the ſtation affigned to him, was but an
honourable exile; and that no man could by law be forced to
abandon his country, except in caſe of abjuration for felony,
or by act of parliament.
P. 303.
THE adminiſtration of Iriſh government was therefore again
affigned to Sir William Windfore. His former government
had not been unimpeached. It had been reprefented to the
king, that in a parliament held by him in Dublin, a propoſal Pryn. Anim.
had been made to grant a ſupply by certain duties highly op-
preffive and injurious to the ſubject; that the propofal had
been rejected; that the minority prefumed to affemble fepa-
rately, as if they were a regular parliament, and impofed theſe
duties for three years; and that Windfore, when this pre-
tended act came to be enrolled, altered the term by his own
authority, and made the grant perpetual. But though the
king directed that this grievous charge fhould be examined,
and the injurious proceedings reverſed, yet a miſdemeanour,
which indicated zeal for the king's fervice, was eafily for-
given:
326
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Froiffart.
given and Windfore was thought ſo neceffary in the preſent
ſtate of Iriſh affairs, that he was even allowed to dictate the
conditions on which he would accept his office. He promifed
only the cuftody of the king's lands; not to make any offen-
five war, nor to recover any of thoſe diftricts which had been
conquered by the Iriſh. He obtained a new order for the at-
tendance and affiftance of abſentees; together with an annual
appointment of eleven thouſand two hundred pounds, to de-
fray the charges of his government; a fum which exceeded
the whole Iriſh revenue. For we are affured by Sir John Da-
vys, on the most accurate refearch, that the whole revenue of
the realm of Ireland, certain and cafual, did not amount to
ten thouſand pounds annually, though the medium be taken
from the beſt ſeven years, during the long reign of Edward
the third.
BUT neither the vigilance nor ſucceſs of Sir William Wind-
fore correſponded with the expectations formed of his govern-
ment. Far from repreffing the neighbbouring infurgents, he
could not even procure the neceffary information of their
haunts, to which they retired after a fuccefsful inroad, and
from whence they iffued, on the proſpect of executing fome
fudden ſcheme of violence with impunity. He found no
means more effectual to fecure the English fettlements, than
to hire the Irish chieftains to oppoſe their countrymen. Pen-
fions were given to purchaſe their affiftance, and to prevent
their hoftilities. When the ftipulated price was at any time
delayed, they inftantly rofe in arms with double fury, and
forced a prompt payment from the king's exchequer. The
ſame ſyſtem was continued during the adminiſtration of the
earl of Ormond, fucceffor to Windfore. A precarious peace
was thus purchaſed from the Iriſh, and perpetually violated
by their faithleſs and precipitate inſurrections.
THIS
Ch. 5.
327
EDWARD
III.
MS. Rawlin-
fon. in Bib.
Bodl. Oxon.
S. S. p. 7.
Rot. Turr.
Berm. 49.
Ed. III.
*
THIS weak and difordered ftate of Irish government, gave
rife to a tranſaction extraordinary, and for feveral reaſons wor-
thy of notice. It fhall be related for the prefent without
comment or obfervation. The parliament of England grew
uneaſy under the burden of ſupporting the king's Iriſh domi-
nions: they remonftrated; they folicited that ftrict enquiry
fhould be made into the deficiencies of the royal revenues in
this realm. The king was no leſs impatient to find any part
of the ſupplies deftined to his military fervice, diverted to a
purpoſe which he deemed of much lefs moment, the ſupport
of a difordered government in Ireland. An agent called Ni-
cholas Dagworth, was diſpatched into this country. His in- A. D. 1376.
Atructions were to reprefent the neceffities of the crown, and
the grievous deficiencies of the Irish revenue; to convince the
king's miniſters of the neceffity of exerting themſelves for the
intereſts of their royal maſter. It was particularly directed
that an Irish parliament fhould be convened without delay,
for the purpoſe of granting fuch a liberal fubfidy, as fhould
provide not only for the exigences of their own ftate, but for
the affiftance of their fovereign in his foreign wars. The
parliament was affembled: they pleaded the poverty of the
realm, and refuſed the fupplies. Edward was provoked. He
iffued his writs of fummons both to the clergy and laity.
The biſhops were commanded to chufe two of the clergy in
each dioceſe; the commons to chufe two laymen of each
county, to repreſent the lords and commons of that county;
the cities and boroughs, in like manner, each to elect two ci-
tizens and burgeffes. The affembly was directed to repair to
the king in England, to treat, confult, and agree with him
and his council, as well on the government of the land of Ire-
land, as the aid and fupport of the king's war.
We have the anſwers of the archbishop of Armagh, and
of the county of Dublin, to this fummons, diftinctly recorded.
6.6 We
{
328
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
MS. Rawlin- "We are not bound," faid the prelate,
fon, ut fup.
Ibid.
66
agreeably to the li-
"berties, priviledges, rights, laws and cuſtoms of the church
"and land of Ireland, to elect any of our clergy, and to fend
"them to any part of England, for the purpoſe of holding
parliaments or councils in England.. Yet, on account of our
"reverence to our lord the king of England, and the now
"imminent neceffity of the land aforefaid, faving to us and
"to the lords and commons of the faid land, all rights, pri-
vileges, liberties, laws, and cuftoms before mentioned, we
"have elected reprefentatives to repair to the king in England,
to treat and conſult with him and his council. Except, how-
ever, that we do by no means grant to our faid repreſenta-
"tives any power of affenting to any burdens or fubfidies to
"be impoſed on us or our clergy, to which we cannot yield
by reafon of our poverty and daily expence in defending the
«land againſt the Iriſh enemy."
66
cc
IN like manner we find the county of Dublin at firſt elect-
ing their repreſentatives without power or authority to conſent
to the impofition of any burdens. The king complained of
the election as infufficient and irregular; and the ſheriff was
directed to make another return in prefence of the treaſurer,
and chief juſtice of the King's Bench. Difficulties were
ſtarted, and delays contrived. At length the nobles and com-
mons" unanimouſly and with one voice declare, that accord-
"
ing to the rights, priviledges, liberties, laws and cuftoms of
"the land of Ireland, enjoyed from the time of the conqueſt
"of faid land, they are not bound to fend any perfons from
"the land of Ireland to the parliament or council of our lord
"the king in England, to treat, confult, or agree with our
"lord the king in England, as the writ requires. Notwith-
ſtanding, on account of their reverence, and the neceffity
"and prefent diftrefs of the faid land, they have elected re-
prefentatives to repair to the king, and to treat and confult
" with
6
*
¢
+
Ch. 3.
ૐ
·ED WARD
III.
“ with him and his council; referving to themſelves the
"power of yielding or agreeing to any fubfidias." At the
fame time proteſting, "that their prefent compliance is not
hereafter to be taken in prejudice to the rights, priviledges,
laws, and cuſtoms, which the lords and commons, from the
❝ time of the conqueft of the land of Ireland, have enjoyed,
" in confideration of the various burdens which the faid
"lords and commons have borne, and ſtill do bear, and which
"for the future they cannot ſupport-nifi Dominus Rex ma-
"num fuam melius apponere voluerit."
+
WHAT was the refult of this notable controverſy between
Edward and his fubjects of Ireland, or whether, or how far
the king's neceffities were ſupplied, we are not diſtinctly in-
formed. It only appears that the Irish reprefentatives fat at
Weſtminſter, and that their wages were levied on the diocefes,
counties, and boroughs, which had chofen them.
329
Ber. 49
III.
Ed.
In the mean time the ftate of Irish government ftill conti-
nued to be diſordered and embroiled. The Engliſh intereſt
gradually declined; and the connexions of the king's ſubjects
with the original inhabitants, occationed by their vicinity and
neceffary intercourfe, in deſpite of all legal injunctions, ob-
liged the king to relax the ſeverity of the ftatutes of Kilkenny, Rot. Tur.
in cafes where they proved impracticable, or oppreffive in the
execution. It was the perverſe fate of Ireland to ſuffer more
from the moſt renowned than the weakest of Engliſh mo-
narchs. Kings poffeffed with vaft fchemes of foreign con-
queft, had little attention to thoſe complicated diſorders which
required the utmost circumfpection to compofe, and little lei-
fure to apply the neceffary remedies. Their Irish deputies,
far from being equal to the momentous defign, were generally
too weak to fubdue, and too prejudiced to conciliate the moſt
offenfive diſturbers of the public peace. The perpetual hofti-
lity in which the different parties lived, effectually prevented
VOL. I.
U u
the
330
Book II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
}
}
+
Rot. Tur.
III.
the introduction of thofe arts, which contribute to the com-
fort and refinement of mankind. Even foreign merchants
Ber. 49 Ed. could not venture into fo dangerous a country, without parti-
cular letters of protection from the throne. The perpetual
fucceffion of new adventurers from England, led by intereft
or neceffity, ferved only to enflame diffenfion, inftead of intro-
ducing any effential improvement. Lawyers fent from Eng-
land were notoriouſly inſufficient, if not corrupt; and as ſuch,
had frequently been the objects of complaint. The meanness
of the Engliſh clergy was only redeemed by their implicit at-
tachment to the crown. Even prelates were commonly made
the inferiour agents of government in collecting forces, and
raiſing war againſt the Iriſh enemy; but were not to be en-
ticed into this fervice, unleſs by remittances from the ex-
chequer. Attendance in parliament they dreaded as the greateſt
hardſhip; and either recurred to mean excufes to avert the
penalty of abſence, or fued to the king to be exempted by
patent from contributing or affenting to thofe laws, by which
they were to be governed.
Ibid.
A
}
СНАР..
Ch. 6.
331
RICHARD II.
'
t
C HOA P. VI.
Diftreffes of Ireland at the acceffion of Richard the fecond-
Meaſures deviſed to relieve them.-Edmund and Roger Morti-
mer lords deputies.-Ireland infested by the French and Scots.-
Philip de Courtney an oppreſſive governour.-Earl of Oxford
created marquess of Dublin.-Invefted with the dominion of
Ireland.-Supplied with money and forces.-Marches towards
his government.-Returns to London.-Created duke of Ire-
land.-His difgrace, defeat, and flight.-His lordſhip of Ireland
refumed.—Stanly and Ormond chief governours.—Maintenance
of the English power burdenfome.-Duke of Glouceſter prepares
to undertake the adminiſtration of Ireland.-Prevented by the
king—who refölves on an expedition into Ireland.-Motives of
this expedition. His arrival in Ireland.-His forces and at-
tendants.—Expectations formed from his prefence.-Terrour
and ſubmiſſions of the Irish chieftains.-Their homage.—Their
Stipulations.-The Irish chieftains entertained in Dublin.—Their
behaviour.—Their answer to the king's offer to create them
knights.—They are knighted, and feafted.—Truce granted to
the degenerate Engliſh.-Richard folicited to return to Eng-
land.—He commits the government of Ireland to the earl of
Marche, and embarks,-No real advantages derived from his
expedition.—Infurrection of the Irish of Leinfter.-Earl of
Marche ftain.-Richard refolves to avenge his death.-His fa-
tal fecurity.—His fecond expedition into Ireland.-Weakness of
his conduct.-Art. Mac-Murchad-harraffes the royal army.-
Their diftrefs and dejection.-Richard retreats.-Parley of Mac-
Murchad.-His interview with the duke of Gloucefter.-His in-
Jolent overtures.-Refentment of Richard.-Fatal intelligence
received. Richard betrayed, abandoned, and depofed.
་
U u 2
THE
332
B..II,
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Davis.
T
¥
HE death of Edward the third, and the acceffion of
his young grand-fon, hád no immediate effect
upon the
affairs of Ireland. The Irish, in the remote diftricts, ftill
continued their hoftilities, which had been fufpended or re-
fumed, as their particular interefts directed, with little respect
to the faith of treaties. Thus by furprifing, wafting, and
harraffing the Engliſh diſtricts, they forced the inhabitants to
abandon their lands, or to hold them in vaffalage to the Iriſh
fo as to encreaſe the public grievance arifing from the deſertion
and degeneracy of the Engliſh, and gradually to confine the
royal territories within narrower bounds. The districts more
contiguous to the feat of Engliſh government were with diffi-
culty maintained, and perpetually disturbed by infurrections,
which could not be fuppreffed by the power, nor prevented by
the penfions of government. The parliament of England
continued to exprefs their uneafinefs, at the expence attending
the maintenance of the king's Irish dominions. The fubjects
of Ireland, on the other hand, repeated their complaints of
the vast numbers of nobility and gentry of England, who aban-
doned their Iriſh lands, and left the refidents unequal to the
charge and labour neceffary for the public caufe. This griev-
ance was reprefented to the king; and by a new law it was or-
dained, that the abfentees fhould either repair to their Iriſh
lands, or fend fufficient deputies to provide for their defence,
elfe be taxed to the amount of two thirds of their Irish re-
venues, to be applied to the fervice of this kingdom; with an
A. D. 1379 exception of thoſe immediately engaged in the king's fervice,
ftudents of the univerfities, and thoſe abſent by licence under
the great feal of England, who were to be taxed only one
third of their revenues. At the fame time the king granted
to his Iriſh ſubjects a liberty to dig for mines, paying him a
ninth of their produce, to coin money at the royal mint in
Dublin and to hold a free trade with Portugal, for the great
relief of Ireland, as the grant expreffes it.
Pryn.
Rymer.
ز
Oh. 6.
333
RICHARD II.
جو
•
$
}
*
-
Svon devices were the more neceffary, as the treaſury of
England was remarkably exhaufted; while the nation was at
war with France, Spain, and Scotland, which, though faintly
earried on by each of the contending powers, yet required
fuch fupplies as obliged the ftate to have recourſe to unuſual
impofitions on the fubject. When the public exigences re-
quired a poll-tax ſo odious as to produce infurrection and re-
bellion, it was natural to confider the deficiencies of the reve-
nue of Ireland with impatience, and to take every meaſure for
preventing this part of the king's dominions from being a
burden, if it could not contribute to the general intereft. Sir Davis.
Nicholas Dagworth, an Engliſh knight, whofe abilities, inte-
grity, and experience in Iriſh affairs, recommended him to the
royal confidence, was appointed to repair to Ireland with a
commiffion to furvey the poffeffions of the crown, to enquire
into the conduct of the king's officers, and particularly thofe
to whom the revenue had been entruſted. To give the admi-
niſtration greater dignity, Edmund Mortimer, earl of Marche
Berm.
and Ulfter, fon to Lionel duke of Clarence, was appointed Rot. Turr.
vicegerent; and on his death the fame ftation was conferred
on his young fon Roger, and the government adminiſtered by
his uncle and guardian Thomas Mortimer, as lord deputy. As
the preſent favourite object was to make Ireland contribute to
the exigencies of ftate, by the king's letters addreſſed to earl
Roger, a grand parliament was directed to be convened in this
kingdom, to confult not only on the internal regulations and
good government of the Irish dominions, but on the means Pryn. Anim.
of contributing to the exigences of foreign affairs, and en-
abling the king to ſupport the burden of his wars.
His Iriſh ſubjects had already, fuffered by the inroads of
the king's enemies. The French and Scots had frequently
infefted their coafts. The gallies of France and Spain had
made very formidable defcents on Ireland: fo as to call forth
the
P. 309.
Rymer.
1
334
B. II.
FORY
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
the Engliſh navy to oppofe them. In the harbour of Kinfale,
whither the enemy had been driven by the English fleet, an
engagement was fought, in which the inhabitants contributed
to the victory. The French and Spaniards loft a confiderable
number of their men, feveral of their gallies, and twenty
Engliſh veffels which had been made their prizes. But al-
though the Iriſh fubjects had thus found that their immedi-
ate intereſts were concerned to fupport the meaſures of the
throne, yet it doth not appear that their parliament was either
diſpoſed or enabled to grant any confiderable fupply. A mi-
nor adminiftration in Ireland was probably found to be at-
tended with the fame inconveniences as a minor reign in Eng-
land. At leaſt the young earl was quickly recalled, and the
government of Ireland entruſted to Philip de Courtney, a
noble baron allied to the 'king, who was inveſted with large
powers, and by patent allowed to hold his office for ten years.
Rymer, t. vii. But fuch was the extreme violence and oppreffion of this go-
vernour, that the king not only found it neceſſary to ſuperfede
him, but ordered him to be arreſted, and his effects feized, to
anſwer for the charges of injuftice and oppreffion, urged by
the aggrieved parties. The particulars of this tranfaction, if
diftinctly recorded, might poffibly have done honour to the
fpirit of thoſe who profecuted this injurious governour.
P. 504.
BUT the fituation of king Richard, the weakneſs of his un-
derstanding, and the violence of his paffions, foon produced a
new and extraordinary change in the government of Ireland.
The ſubjection in which he had been held by his uncles, nes
ceffary as it might be to his incapacity, was yet highly mortify-
ing to his pride. Difgufted particularly by the reftraints which
the turbulent duke of Gloucefter impofed on his weakneſs, he
fled for refuge into the arms of a favourite; and, with the
uſual infatuation of undifcerning and inexperienced princes,
refigned himſelf implicitly to Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford, a
2
young
:
*
1
Ch. 6.
335
RICHARD II.
II.
young nobleman of a gay and captivating deportment, and of
fuch corrupt manners as rendered him a prompt and comply-
ing agent to the king's pleaſures. The public declarations of
attachment made by the incautious king foon encreaſed the
confequence of this lord: flattery enflamed his pride, power
gave new violence to his fenfual paffions; and in the gratifica,
tion of both, the partiality of his royal maſter was unbounded.
Richard permitted him to repudiate his own kinfwoman, whom
he had beſtowed on him in marriage, in order to enable him
to wed a foreigner, for whom he had conceived an adulterous
affection. At the fame time the earl was invidioufly loaded Pat. 9 Ric.
with honours, which, while his vanity was moſt highly gra-
tified, prepared the way for his ruin. He was firſt created
marquess of Dublin; and to raiſe the favourite to the higheſt
degree of fovereignty in his power, Richard, by the fame pa-
tent, granted to him and his heirs the entire dominion of
Ireland, to be held of the crown by liege-homage. Thoſe
lands and cities formerly reſerved to the crown, and thoſe he-
reditary to the nobles and barons of Ireland, were indeed ex-
cepted; and the earl was bound, as foon as he ſhould com-
plete the conqueft of the kingdom, to pay into the Engliſh
exchequer annually, during his life, the fum of five thoufand
marks. In every other particular he had the entire govern-
ment and dominion of the kingdom, was vefted with all the
lands he ſhould gain by his arms, and empowered to appoint
all officers of ftate and juftice, who were to act in his name,
and by his authority.
THE parliament, poffibly not diſpleaſed that this lord fhould
be employed at a diſtance from the king, made little difficulty
of approving this important grant. They even confented to Arch. Tur,
give the marquefs a debt of thirty thouſand marks due by the
king of France, provided he ſhould pafs over into Ireland, and
effectually fupprefs the infurrections which ftill raged in many
of
Lond.
336
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Rot. Turr,
Berm.
of the English counties. Five hundred men at arms, and ohe
thouſand archers, were granted to him for the conqueſt of this
land, for two years, while his officers of ftate, and council in
Ireland, were, at the fame time, employed in making the beſt
provifions for defence, which an exhaufted treafury and a dif
tracted ſtate could permit. The most extraordinary expecta-
tions had been conceived from the prefence of a nobleman
thus dignified and ſupported, who marched in a ſtately pro-
greſs to take poffeffion of his Iriſh fovereignty. The king
himſelf accompanied his minion; but when they had pro-
ceeded as far as to Wales, and were on the point of feparating,
Richard found his affection too violent to fupport a trial fo fe-
The marquefs returned to London, and the government
of Ireland was committed to his deputies.
vere.
THE inordinate partiality of the king was not fatisfied with
the honours already conferred upon his favourite. By a new
patent, and this alfo confirmed by parliament, he was created
duke of Ireland, with a new grant of the dominion of this
realm during his life, with fuch powers and refervations as
were contained in the former patent. Whether this title was
his peculiar defignation as a peer of England, or that it was
found too offenfive to be uſed in Ireland, it is certain that
even after this creation his acts of ftate in this kingdom were
iffued in the name of the marquefs of Dublin. By this title
he renewed the treaties formerly made with Mac-Murchad of
Leinster, who had confented to keep the peace in confidera-
tion of his yearly penfion. His letters were addreffed to fe-
veral lords of the English race, forbidding them at their pe-
ril to maintain any private feuds or diffenfions, and command-
ing them to unite in the general defence against all malefac-
tors Irish or English. His deputies were appointed, and
their ſalaries and retinues affigned by the lord-marqueſe, with
the affent of his council.
I
}
BUT
Ch.16.
337
RICHARD H.
ने
2
*
>
P-590.
BUT this parade of fovereignty was fhort lived. The
princes of the blood, and chief nobility of England, foon
formed a party against this favourite and his creatures, too
powerful to be refifted. The execution of De la Pole, earl of
Suffolk, was the first proof both of their influence and violence;
and was ſucceeded by a commiffion, whereby the royal autho-
rity was delegated to fourteen lords. The king, who had been
compelled to fign and fwear to the obfervance of this act, in
yain endeavoured to refcind it. The judges pronounced it il-
legal and to maintain it, treafon; but the lords took up arms
to fapport it. The favourite and his friends were denounced
enemies to the ftate. The judges were condemned to die for Rymer, t. vii.
their extrajudicial opinion; but, as a favour and indulgence,
fome of them were banished, with other enemies of the tri-
umphant faction, into Ireland. The duke of Ireland, after
-fome ineffectual attempts to reſcue his royal master from the
power of these haughty lords, was defeated by the earl of
Decby, and driven into the Low Countries; and the king was
obliged to notify to his Irish minifters, that the late marquefs A. D. 1388.
of Dublin had forfeited all his grants, that no acts of ſtate
were for the future to be executed under his fignet; but that
the king's great feal was to be reaffumed, the whole admini-
ftration of government conducted in his name, and by his im-
mediate authority, and the royal ftandards and enfigns only Ib. p. 577.
ufed in all military expeditions.
AZ
L
THE government of Ireland was now committed to depu-
ties; to Sir John Stanly firft, afterwards to the earl of Or-
mond, who, with fuch affiftance and fupport as they could ob-
tain, atted with becoming vigour, and not without fuccefs.
O'Nial, the powerful and turbulent enemy of the North, ei-
ther wafted and harraffed by a state of perpetual hoftility, or
defirous to fecure the poffeffions he had lately acquired by an
advantageous treaty, furrendered both himſelf and his fon to
VOL. I.
Stanly;
X x
}
?
$
338
Rot. Tur.
Berm.
Cox,
Rot. Tur.
Berm.
HISTORY OF IRELAN D.
B.II.
Stanly; and with all the affected humiliation of a man deeply
contrite for his oppofition to Engliſh government, confented
to become liege-man to the king, to reſtore the duties which
he received from Ulfter to the family of the earl of Ulfter,
who formerly enjoyed them; and -gave hoftages as a mark of
his fubmiffion, and a furety of his future fidelity. Ormond:
was chiefly employed in quelling the infurrections of the
South; and his adminiſtration was diftinguifhed by a vic-.
tory of fome confequence, gained near Kilkenny, over a large
army of Iriſh inſurgents.
{
BUT treaties ill maintained, and victories gained at the ex-
pence of all that could be torn from the oppreffed and ravaged
ſubject, were of little moment in reſcuing the land from the:
evils of war and defolation. The difordered ftate of Ireland
was a conftant fubject of complaint, and afforded a never fail-
ing pretence to Richard for demanding fubfidies from his par-
liament. The parliament, on the other hand, ceaſed not to
inveigh againſt the irregularities of Iriſh adminiſtration, or to
remonſtrate againſt the heavy burden of providing for the exi-
gencies of ftate, and maintaining the dominion of Ireland.
The royal mandate was iffued for levying the tax impoſed on
abſentees; commiffioners were appointed to enquire into the
concealed debts due to the crown in Ireland, and to exact them.
with punctuality; fubfidies were demanded in. the parliament
of Ireland from particular counties moſt expoſed, and their
grants carefully collected; talliages and anticipations of the:
revenue were devifed, to fupply, the preffing exigences of ftate..
Still the great buſineſs of defence was weakly and imperfectly
conducted; and the king frequently rouſed from. his volup-
tuous indolence and diffipation, by affecting repreſentations of
the diftreffes of his Irish fubjects, and the infolence and dan-
gerous progrefs of the infurgents. Gloucefter, the king's uncle,
made a tender of his fervices, to repair to Ireland in perfon,
and
Ch. 6. -
339
RICHARD II.
:
and to labour for the general pacification of this diſordered
country. Some forces were prepared; the neceffary, provifions
made for the departure of this new vice-roy. The enemies of
English government in Ireland were terrified at the report of a
prince of the royal blood, of diftinguiſhed abilities, rigid, ac-
tive, and enterprifing, and attended with a confiderable force,
preparing to chaftife their outrages, and fupport the authority
of the crown, of England., The expectations of all men were
prepared for an adminiftration of extraordinary ftrength and
vigour. The hopes of thofe well affected to the crown were
elevated at the happy profpect of an end to all their grievances
and diforders; the Irish chieftains and their adherents were
ready to fue for peace, when at the very moment that the duke
was to embark with all his train, he received a letter from
his nephew, forbidding his departure, as the king himfelf had
refolved to make an expedition into Ireland, and to take this
part of his dominions into his own immediate care.
*
THE fudden recollection of the danger to be apprehended
from a powerful and popular prince, the head of a difcon-
tented faction, invefted with high authority, and now the
commander of a confiderable force, might have naturally de-
termined Richard to an act apparently fo capricious; or, if not
poffeffed with that ſuſpicion which frequently accompanies an
illiberal and malignant fpirit, his flatterers, no doubt, were
ready to point out the danger, and to inſpire him with the
moft unfavourable fentiments of his uncle. As to his own
profeffions of engaging in the Irish war, they might poffibly
have been at firſt merely intended as a pretence for raifing
fubfidies from his people. Hiftorians however affign a motive
for this undertaking, not unfuitable to the meannefs of his
character we are told, that by marrying a princefs of Bo-
hemia, he had conceived the vain expectation of being elected
emperour of Germany: that ambaffadours were actually fent to
*
X x 2
folicit
Walfingh.
Davis ex
Ann. MSS.
↑
340
Book 11.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Davis.
Cox.
*
folicit his election, from whofe negotiations he had been fo
poffeffed with hopes of immediate firecefs, that he already af-
fumed the port of his imaginary exaltation, and waffed the
vaft fums extorted from his people, in a parade the most extra-
vagant and ridiculous. His agents were however finally un-
fucceſsful; and when Richard demanded the reafon of this re
pulfe, they freely told him, that the electors had refuſed to
confer the imperial dignity upon a prince who could not reco
ver the dominions gained by his progenitors in France, nor
Feſtrain the infolence of his English fubjects, nor fubdue the
enemies of his authority in Ireland. Richard, it ſeems, was
Atung with this reproach; and refolving to make fome effort
to recover his reputation, chofe to make Freland the firft fcene
of his military exploits, as he had there the faireſt profpect of
fuccefs.
THE defign once conceived, it was neceffary, in the firft
place, to gain fupplies. A parliament readily granted money
for this fervice; the clergy gave him a tenth of their reve-
nues, if he fhould repair to Ireland in perfon; otherwife but
half that ſum: which plainly intimated that his people fuf-
pected the fincerity of his profeffions. Levies and prepara-
tions were carried on with becoming fpirit. In the mean time
the death of his beloved queen plunged Richard into the
deepeſt anguiſh; an event which fufpended his preparations
for a while, but which is faid to have finally determined him
to proceed in his expedition into Ireland; in order to fly
from the ſcenes of their former intercourfe, and to divert his
melancholy by the bufy occupations of war and government.
Sir Thomas Scroop was fent before to notify his approach,
and to prepare for his reception; and in the month of October
of the year 1394, Richard landed at Waterford with a royal:
army, confifting of four thousand men at arms, and thirty
thouſand archers; and attended by the duke of Gloucefter,
2
the
Ch. for
II.
RICHARD
341
£
the cauls of Nottingham and Rutland, Thomas lord Piercy
and other diftinguished perfonages.
The critical period feemed to have now arrived, which was
to put an end to all the diforders and diftreffes of the Irish na-
tion. An army commanded by fome of the prime nobility of
England, with the monarch at their head, more than fufficient
to fubdue the ſcattered, difordered, and diſunited troops of the
old natives, the preſence of the king to inſpect the conduct of
his miniſters, to hear and examine the complaints of his ſub-
jects, as well as of thoſe who affected to have been driven
unwillingly to, hoftilities, to do justice equally and impartially
to all,
without danger of being feduced by artful falſehoods,
and intereſted mifreprefentations, were circumſtances of confi-
derable moment, if duely improved; and if united with a
liberal and equitable fpirit of policy, muſt have eſtabliſhed the
authority of English government, and the general pacification
and civility of the kingdom, upon the firmeft bafis. The
Iriſh chieftains were juſtly fenfible of their own total inability
to encounter the royal army. No toparch could lead into the
field any provincial body of troops at all proportionable to ſuch
a force; and, unconnected with thofe of other diſtricts, and.
indeed fcarcely intereſted in their fortunes, they had formed
no confederacy, nor made any provifion. for reſiſtance. The
Prish enemies of Leinfter concealed themſelves in their woods.
and mountains; from whence iffuing occafionally, they made
fome inconfiderable attacks on the advanced guards, or de-
tached parties of the Engliſh army; but foon convinced of
their danger, and prompted by the example of their country-
men in other provinces, they fued for peace, and offered to
fubmit in the humbleft manner to the king. The infurgents-
of Thomond and Ulfter were earneft to avert the ftorm, and.
readily conſented to make their fubmiffions. To do homage
to the king, to pay tribute, and to keep the peace inviolate,
were
1
"
1
4
342.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Book II.
<
were the only terms which the feveral chieftains propofed, or
that a prince devoid of exalted fentiments and penetrating
views, ever thought of requiring. The pride of the Engliſh
forbad them to propofe the generous feheme of receiving all
the inhabitants into the body of Engliſh fübjects, or of com-
municating the benefits of a free and equitable conftitution to
thoſe whom they abfurdly called their inferiours. However
Hively their own regard to liberty, they accounted it a bleffing
too precious not to be confined to themfelves; for they had
not yet acquired that extended and comprehenfive benevolence,
which is the effect of refinement, and deep moral reflection.
On the other hand, the immediate danger was too preffing to
admit the Iriſh to infift on that demand of the Engliſh polity,
which they had often made without effect, and which was
confidered as an important. favour. Their propofitions were
fuddenly offered, and precipitately accepted by a weak prince,
furrounded by prejudiced and intereſted counſellors.
>
A LETTER received from O'Nial, the powerful chieftain of
Ulfter, in which he acknowledged himſelf liege-man to the
king, imputed the hoftilities which he had lately commenced,
to the neceffity of defending himself againſt the injuſtice and
oppreffion of the English governours and officers, and offered
his fubmiffion with the utmoſt humility, determined the king
to march to Drogheda to receive the homage of this chief,
and other northern toparchs. Mowbray earl of Nottingham,
and earl marſhal of England, was therefore empowered, by a
fpecial commiffion, to receive the homage and fealty of the
Leinster chieftains. All the feveral leaders of thoſe turbu-
lent fepts, who had long nestled in this province, and proved
a perpetual torment to the English fettlers, repaired to the
earl, who pitched his camp near Carlow; and by their inter-
preters, entered into folemn treaty. They did homage and
fealty in all the forms of the ampleft fubmiffion, on bended
knees,
ว
C
*
343
Ch. 6
· RICHARD II.
•
t
•
1
ན་
•
Knees, their heads uncovered, their arms laid afide, and their
girdles loofed and the kiſs of peace, to which each was ad-
mitted by the lord-marshal, confirmed the reconciliation.
What was still more important to the English intereft, they
bound themſelves to relinquish to the crown all the lands and
fettlements which they held in Leinster, and to ferve in the
king's wars who on his part engaged to pay them penfions,
and to declare them rightful proprietors of all the lands they
fhould conquer from his enemies in other provinces. Each
was by indenture bound in a large penalty, payable in the
apoftolic chamber, to adhere to their prefent engagements
with true faith and loyalty. And the whole province ſeemed
now.completely fettled with all poffible advantage and, fecurity
to the Engliſh..
Lamb.
In the mean time the Irish chieftains of the North-attended Cox ex MSS.
on the king at. Drogheda,. did homage, and fealty with the
fame ceremony, and executed the fame indentures. O'Nial,
who affumed the title of prince of the northern Irish, was the
firft to renew his fubmiffions; and for himſelf, his fons, his
nation, his kinfmen, and all his ſubjects, became liege-man to
Richard; promifing a full renunciation of thoſe duties, which
he had levied thro' the northern province, in favour of the
earl of Ulfter, to whom they had formerly been paid. We
may judge of the difmembered and diftracted ftate of Ireland,
when we find that the number of the Iriſh lords who now
fubmitted was no less than feventy-five; all of whom exerciſed
a petty royalty within their reſpective diftricts, governed their
ſubjects, led forth their little. armies, were jealous of their
dignity, and blindly attached to their own unrefined cuftoms
and manners.
THE vanity of the king was fatisfied, by what he deemed a
complete reduction of the iſland. He led his new foedaries to
Dublin, where he lived in that pomp..which, fuited his temper
and:
?
344
B.UI.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Froiffart.
and understanding, and for which he had prepared, by tranf-
porting all the crown-jewels into Ireland. He treated the
Irish chiefs with particular condefcenfion, entertained them at
his court, difplayed all his magnificence before them, and ftu-
died to reconcile them to the English manners. Henry Caftile,
a gentleman of his court, who had been taken prifoner by the
Irish, married a lady of their race, and conforted with her
countrymen for fome years, was found an ufeful interpreter on
this occafion. But though prejudiced in favour of a kinfman'
who fpake their language, they could not be prevailed on to
accommodate themfelves to the new forms of habit and diet
which he recommended. The earl of Ormond, who alfo
fpake their language, and was held by them in particular re-
ſpect, united his endeavours and remonftrances, and wrought
them to a fullen compliance. The ftaring courtiers impor-
tuned them with fuch queftions, as argued the meaneft con-
ceptions of their manners and understandings, and were an-
fwered with indignation and affected dignity. The four prin- ·
cipal chieftains, O'Nial, O'Connor, O'Brien, and M Mur-
chad, were made efpecial objects of favour. They were
told that the king was willing to confer the honour of knight-
hood upon them.
them. They declared themſelves aftoniſhed, that
he ſhould regard this as any acceffion to their dignity. It
was an honour they had received in their earliest years, and
now ſtood in need of no new creation. Every Irish king,
ſaid they, makes his fon a knight at ſeven years old, or in cafe
of his death, the next near kinfman. We affemble in a plain.
The candidates run with flender launces againſt a ſhield erected
on a ſtake. He who breaks the greater number, is diſtinguiſhed
by particular honours annexed to his new dignity. The proof
of fuch early prowess was acknowledged to be highly honour-
able; but all the great and renowned ftates of Europe, they
were told, concurred in a more folemn form of conferring
•
knight-
.Ch. 6.
345
RICHARD II.
1
knighthood. The ceremonial was deſcribed minutely; and
the chieftains at length prevailed upon to ſubmit to the forma-
lities. They, with fome others, received knighthood in the
cathedral of Dublin; and the ceremony was fucceeded by a
magnificent feaſt, at which the four Irish princes appeared in
robes of ftate, and were feated at the king's table.
*
វ
THE degenerate Engliſh who had united with the enemy,
and of confequence incurred the guilt of treafon and rebellion,
kept at diſtance from the court, and employed agents to effect
their reconciliation and pardon. Richard was affured that their
offence had been the confequence of oppreffion and injuſtice,
which had driven them from their allegiance, and obliged
them to feek the quarters of the enemy, as their only refuge
from the violence of the great, the iniquity of thoſe entruſted
by the king, the treacheros neglect of their defence, or ob-
ftinate denial of redrefs. Their allegations were in many in-
ſtances not without foundation; and Richard was too indo-
lent, and too much delighted with his preſent courſe of gaiety
and pomp, to profecute them with ſeverity. He haftily granted
them a truce of fome months, and continued to indulge his
vanity by a magnificent diſplay of fovereign power and dignity
in the capital. Poffeffed with the importance of his atchieve-
ments, he communicated them in form to the duke of York,
who had been left regent in England. He pointed out the
three diftinctions of inhabitants in Ireland; the Iriſh enemies,
the rebels of both races, and the English fubjects. The firſt
had fubmitted, and became his vaffals: the rebels, he appre-
hended, had received but too juft provocations, and was there-
fore diſpoſed to grant them a general pardon; but in this point
he defired the advice of his uncle.
YORK, who plainly difcovered the vanity of the king, and
the careleſs and precipitate eaſe with which he concluded a de-
ceitful and precarious accommodation, coldly anfwered, that
VOL. I.
Y y
he
346
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
Walfingh.
he had formerly declared his opinion for a vigorous proſecution
of the rebels, until they ſhould be completely fubdued, and
broken to a peaceable and dutiful demeanour. He affected
however to aſcribe the intended indulgence of the king to his
fuperiour knowledge, acquired by his refidence, of all the cir-
cumftances and fituation of affairs in Ireland
and recom-
mended the exaction of proper fines from all thofe to whom
the royal mercy was extended. Richard had afked advice, but
expected congratulations. Thefe however he afterwards re-
ceived, in all the forms of adulation, attended with an earneſt
requeſt that he would be pleaſed to return to England. This
request was enforced by the prefence of the archbishop of
York, and biſhop of London, who were deputed to attend on
the king in Ireland, and to repreſent the danger of the church
from the encreafing progrefs of the Lollards. Thefe reformers
had been countenanced by the late queen, and fecretly, if
not avowedly, fupported by feveral of the nobility. They
were even emboldened by their own zeal, and the encourage-
ment of their favourers, to apply to the parliament, where
the propofitions they drew up for an ecclefiaftical reform were
received with fuch attention as alarmed the whole body of the
clergy. The prelates of York and London earnestly befought
the king to defend their church from the dangerous inroads of
herefy; affected to place their reliance on his piety and autho-
rity, the only human means of preferving the purity of the
faith from utter ruin; and pathetically implored him to return
without delay. The king was zealous for the established reli-
gion, and impatient for the honour of extirpating heretical de-
pravity. He haftened the conclufion of fome diſpoſitions for
the more regular adminiſtration of his government in Ireland,
revived and ratified ſuch ordinances as had been found moſt fa-
lutary, appointed Roger Mortimer, earl of Marche, his vice-
gerent; and embarked for England, after a refidence of nine
I
書
​months
I
>
+
Ch. 6
+
RICHARD
II.
months in Ireland, where his prefence had produced fọ little
folid advantage, and his royal army been fo frivolously em-
ployed, that not the smallest acceffion of territory had been
obtained, nor the least extenfion of the English Pale; no real
advantage gained; no effectual remedy applied to the public
diforders; but all affairs left preciſely in their former ſtate, un-
der a deceitful appearance of tranquility.
the
Ware.
347
THE only tipulation of real confequence which had been
made, was that whereby the Irish of Leinfter were bound to
evacuate this province. It now came to be enforced; but the
terrour of a royal army once removed, it was found no eafy
matter to ſubdue the affection for their native refidences, which
poffeffed the hearts of all the Irish. The agreement had been
lightly made, if not infidiously. Pretences were invented, de-
lays affected, objections and difficulties fuggefted; and the pe-
remptory requifitions of government only ferved to enrage
theſe boisterous natives, and to drive them into infurrections.
Their hoftilities were the more violent, as they had no reafon Camden.
to expect accommodation or pardon; and the governour
lefs provided to oppoſe them, as he had not looked for fo fud-
den an infraction of the late treaty. The flame of war broke
out at once in different quarters, and raged with deſtructive
fury. The Engliſh lords were called forth againſt their ſeveral
invaders, with ſuch forces as they could collect. Two knights
of the families of De Burgo and Bermingham were diftin-
guiſhed upon this occafion by no inconfiderable victory over a
large party of infurgents. The lieutenant, attended by the
earl of Ormond, marched against the turbulent and powerful
fept of O'Byrns, and drove them from their lands in Wiclow.
But at the very moment of their triumph, while feafts were
held, and knights created, in honour of this fuccefs, they
were confounded by the intelligence of a victory gained by the
neighbouring fept of O'Toole, who flaughtered a confiderable
Y y 2
number
348.
BII.
HISTORY OF IRELAND..
number of the king's forces. The O'Byrns, though driven-
from their habitations, retired into Offory, and there obſti-
nately continued their hoftilities. Mortimer purfued them
A. D. 1398. with more bravery than circumfpection; was furprized, de-
feated, and flain upon the field of battle.
THIS petty war, which neither admits nor merits a detail,
was fufficient to provide king Richard with fuch a pretence
for another Iriſh expedition, as fuited his genius and under-
ſtanding. A ſeries of arbitrary and tyrannical meaſures, op-
preffions the moſt ſevere, exactions of every odious fpecies,
and the fums extorted carelessly and wantonly diffipated, mur-
ders under the appearance of law, obfequious parliaments
formed by intrigue and corruption, and implicitly devoted to
the paffions of the king, terrified the people, but totally
alienated their affections from a prince, who facrificed the pro-
perties and lives of his ſubjects to luxury, caprice, and malice,
with the moſt careleſs indifference. The difcontents arifing
from the vices of his government, fomented by the artifice of
faction, had now prepared the way for a violent revolution:
and in that moment of apparent tranquillity which ufually
precedes a dangerous hurricane in the political ſyſtem, Rich-
ard vainly relying on an eſtabliſhed power, formed a reſolution
of chaſtifing the infolence of the Irish, and avenging the death
of Mortimer. His forces were again prepared, and the fums
extorted to ſupport a fecond expedition into Ireland, confirmed
the hatred, and afforded a fair pretence for enflaming the dif
contents of his people.
IN fpring of the year 1339, his preparations were complet-
ed. The duke of York was left regent of England; and his
fon, the duke of Aumerle, inftructed to follow the king with
a reinforcement. Richard arrived at, Briſtol, attended by fe-
veral nobles, among whom were the duke of Exeter, earl of
Saliſbury, fome prelates, the ſon of the duke of Glouceſter,
2
and
}
}
Ch. 6.
349
RICHARD II.
F
and the young lord Henry of Lancaſter, fon to the earl of He-
reford. The reports of fecret confpiracies, and intended in-
fürrections, were even now conveyed to him, and determined
him to fend a peremptory mandate to the earl of Northumber-
land, a fufpected lord, to repair without delay to his ftandard.
The earl refuſed, `in gentle and dutiful terms, pleading the
danger of leaving the northern borders open to the incurfions
of the Scots, and repreſenting the importance of attending to
the king's intereſt in his preſent ſtation, inſtead of reinforcing
an army already more than fufficient for the intended enter-
prize. Richard, not yet fufficiently alarmed by this evafion,
contented himſelf with proclaiming the earl a traitor, and de-
claring his lands forfeited; proceeded in his embarkation, and
on the thirteenth day of May arrived with his powers at Wa-
terford.
}
THE whole proceſs of this vain and futile expedition ſerved
but to demonſtrate the weakneſs of the leader. Six days were
ſpent at Waterford in the vain parade of receiving the congra-
tulations of his Irish fubjects. Fourteen more were wafted at
Kilkenny, expecting the arrival of the duke of Aumerle,
whoſe delay manifeftly betrayed his fecret difaffection. It had
never once occurred to the inconfiderate king, that Leinster,
which was to be the feat of war, had been for fome time
wafted by hoſtilities, and could ſcarcely afford proviſions for
his unwieldy numbers. But the enemy,. who knew full well
to what difficulties he muſt be foon reduced, had the diſcern-
ment to deſpiſe his vain parade; and, encouraged by his delay
and inactivity, triumphantly declared their refolution to de-
fend their liberty againſt the injurious oppreffors of their
country, even to their laft breath; and affected to rejoice that
the period was at length arrived, when Engliſh uſurpation
hould receive its final overthrow..
!
RICHARD
Story of
Rich II. his
laſt being in
Ireland. By
the earl of
Totnefs.
}
350
B. II.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
RICHARD was at length prevailed on to march againſt the
enemy commanded by Art. Mac-Murchad, who, notwith-
ſtanding the penfions he had received, and the fubmiffions he
had lately made, was ftill the inveterate enemy of the Eng-
liſh; and in the violence of national pride, enflamed by the
profpect of fuccefs, vowed the most defperate vengeance.
againſt his invaders. To fecure himſelf from the fuperiour
numbers of the enemy he retired to his woods; and at their
approach, appeared at the head of three thouſand men ſo well
armed and appointed, and with fuch an appearance of deter-
mined valour, as. were perfectly aftonishing to the Engliſh,
who had been taught to defpife their rude and undiſciplined
violence. The royal army was drawn out in order of battle,
expecting a vigorous attack; but the Iriſh forces, who thought
of nothing less than a regular engagement in the field, fud-
denly diſappeared; and Richard, elevated by this retreat, or-
dered the adjacent villages and houfes to be fet on fire, and
the royal ftandard to be advanced, under which he created fe-
veral knights, and among theſe the young lord Henry of Lan-
cafter, afterwards the illuftrious king Henry the fifth, who on
this occafion gave the firft proofs of his diſtinguiſhed valour.
To facilitate the purſuit of an enemy who appeared to fly,
laft being in a large body of peaſants was employed to open a paffage
Ireland. By through the woods, which the Irish had by every means en-
Story of
Rich. II. his
the earl of
Totnefs.
"
deavoured to render impaffable. As the king's army marched
through all the difficulties of an encumbered road, perpetually
impeded, and ſometimes plunged into deep and dangerous mo-
raffes, the enemy frequently affailed them with loud and bar-
barous ululations; caft their darts with fuch force as no ar-
mour could withſtand, flaughtered their detached parties, re-
tired, and advanced with aftoniſhing agility, ſo as continually
to annoy and harrafs the English forces, though they could
not be brought to a general engagement. Some of the Irish
lords,
;
Ch. 6.
351
RICHARD II.
lords, lefs penetrating than their fubtile chieftain, and among
thoſe his uncle, were indeed terrified by the numbers of the
-king's forces, and with all the marks of humiliation ſubmitted
to Richard. They appeared before him with halters round
their necks, fell at his feet, imploring peace and forgiveneſs,
and were graciouſly received. Art. Mac-Murchard was fum-
moned to make the like fubmiffions; and, to prevail upon him
to accept of grace, and return to his allegiance, Richard was
weak enough to promiſe large rewards, territories, and caſtles
in Leinster. The Irishman, who well knew the difficulties to
which the king's army was reduced, and the impoffibility of
their fubfifting for any time in their prefent fituation, returned
a haughty anſwer of defiance, and declared his refolution of
oppoſing the king of England to the utmoſt. Richard had
the mortification to find that the diſtreſs of his foldiery, which
had encouraged the adverſary to this infolence, could no longer
be concealed, and every day grew more intolerable. Numbers
of his men perished by famine; their horſes, from want and
feverity, grew incapable of ſervice; a general gloom ſpread
through his camp, and his braveft knights murmured at their
fate, who were to perish in a fervice attended with fo little
honour, and fuch fevere diftrefs. A few fhips laden with pro-
vifions from Dublin having landed on the neighbouring coaft,
the famiſhed foldiers plunged into the fea, feized and rifled
them, fhedding each other's blood in a furious conteft for re-
lief. The neceffity of decamping was too apparent, and too
urgent to admit of the leaſt delay. Richard, with his numer-
ous forces, was compelled to retire before an inconſiderable
band of enemies whom he had deſpiſed, who purſued and in-
ceffantly harraffed him in his retreat.
MAC-MURCHARD, however, amidst all the exultation of a
purſuing enemy, was not fo blinded by his preſent ſucceſs, but
that he difcerned and confidered the real extent of his power.
Story of
Rich. II. his
laft being in
the earl of
Senfible Totnefs.
Ireland. By
J
352
Book M.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
Senfible of the king's fuperiority, and that his prefent diffi-
culties muft determine with his arrival at the capital, which,
though he might retard by his incurfions, he could not pre-
vent, he embraced the preſent moment to attempt an accom-
modation upon advantageous terms; and by meffage to the
king defired a ſafe-conduct, that he might repair fecurely to
his camp to offer his propofitions of peace; or elfe, that fome
lords might be deputed to confer with him. By advice of the
council, Glouceſter was commiffioned to meet him at a place
appointed; and for this purpoſe marched out with a guard of
two hundred launces, and one thouſand archers. An eye-wit-
neſs of their interview defcribes the Irish chieftain, tall of fta-
ture, and formed for agility and ſtrength, of an aſpect fierce
and fevere, mounted on a ſwift and ftately horfe, without fad-
dle, and darting rapidly from a mountain between two woods
adjacent to the fea, attended by his train. At his command
they halted at due diftance, while their leader, cafting the
fpear from him, which he grafped in his right hand, ruſhed
forward to meet the Engliſh lord. The parley was continued
for a confiderable time. The Irish prince was reminded of
his late engagements, his grievous infractions, his attack of the
king's vicegerent, and the flaughter both of him and his forces.
He proudly anſwered, by defending his conduct upon fuch
pretences as he could devife; and, after much debate, at laft
confented to ſubmit, but abſolutely refuſed to be bound to
any ſpecial compofition or conditions. As fuch an overture
was not admiffible, the conference was broken off; and Glou-
cefter returned to the king with the provoking intelligence of
the reſult of this interview, and the infolence of Mac Mur-
chard. The pride of Richard was fo feverely wounded that
he paffionately vowed never to depart from Ireland until he
had poffeffed himſelf of this rebel alive or dead.
HE
Ch. 6.
353
RICHARD II.
*He had now arrived at Dublin, where he found fufficient re-
hief for his enfeebled army, and was at laſt reinforced by Au-
merle with his forces, a nobleman in whom he placed a blind
confidence, and who readily apologized for his delay. Here
this ill-fated prince refided for fix weeks, while ſome part of
his forces were detached against the enemy, and the royal pro-
clamation iffued promifing three hundred marks of gold to any
who ſhould ſeize their leader. Tempeftuous weather and con-
trary winds had cut him off from all intelligence from England
during this period; when, at length, a bark arrived, and brought
the tremendous news of his total ruin.
FROM the moment of his departure to Ireland, attended by
thoſe lords who were deemed moſt devoted to his ſervice, the
malcontents of England began to digeſt their ſchemes of de-
throning him. Their conferences ended in an application to the
duke of Hereford, to draw the fword againſt a prince who had
particularly provoked his refentment, firft by capriciously ba-
niſhing him from the realm, and then by depriving him of his
inheritance, on the death of his father, the duke of Lancaſter.
Stimulated by revenge and ambition, he landed in England
with an inconfiderable troop, was reinforced by daily encreafing
numbers; the regent deſerted, and obliged to retire; the king-
dom in confufion, and the general hopes of all men fixed upon
the popular invader; who, favoured by the clergy, and by vir-
tue of a papal bull, declared rightful inheritor of the crown,
traverſed the kingdom with his formidable powers, executed fe-
veral of the king's obnoxious miniſters, and, either by artifice or
terrour, gained fome of the most confiderable fubjects to declare
in favour of his caufe; among theſe was the duke of York him-
ſelf, ſo that the intereſts of Richard were forgotten, and his au-
thority fallen into the utmoſt contempt.
RICHARD heard the invafion and progreſs of his rival with
an ábject diſmay, and with more of peevish refentment than any
VOL. I.
reaſonable
Z z
Story of
Rich. II. his
laft being in
Ireland. By
the earl of
Totnefs.
1
354
B. VI.
HISTORY OF IRELAND.
1
reaſonable precaution, committed the young lord of Gloucester
and lord Henry of Lancaſter prifoners to the caſtle of Trim. His
council adviſed that he fhould inftantly return to England;
Aumerle prevailed on him to ſtay until his whole army could be
at once tranſported. Salisbury was fent before, to collect the
Welſhmen, who crowded in great numbers to his ſtandard;
were impatient for the king's arrival; ſhocked at his infatuated
delay; ftill diſappointed in their expectations of his appearance,
and diſperſed. Richard, when he had at length arrived, found
the deſperation of his affairs complete. He was abandoned by
his friends, and deſerted by his ſubjects. By throwing himſelf
into the town of Conway, with his few remaining attendants, he
diſcovered his intentions of returning for ſhelter into Ireland in
his laſt extremity. But artifice was employed to prevent him.
He was betrayed into the hands of his rival; and a reign of
weakneſs, oppreffion, and tyranny, ended in the folemn depofi-
tion of Richard the Second.
J
APPEN-
>
1
T
1
APPENDIX.
فر
NUMBER I.
Ex Libro rubro Scaccharii Dublin.
MAGNA CARTA HIBERNIÆ,
REGIS HENRICI TERTII.
XIL DIE NOVEMBRIS, M,CCXVI. ANNO REGNI I
HD
ENRICUS Dei gratia rex Anglie Dominus Hybernie
dux Normannie et Aquitanie et comes Andegavie archie-
pifcopis epifcopis abbatibus comitibus baronibus jufticiariis fo-
reftariis vicecomitibus prepofitis miniftris civibus ballivis et fi-
delibus fuis falutem Sciatis nos intuitu Dei et pro falute ani-
me noſtre et omnium antecefforum et fuccefforum noftōrum ad
honorem Dei' et exaltationem fancte ecclefie et emendationem
regni noftri per confilium venerabilium patrum noftrorum do-
mini Gualonis titulo fan&ti Martini prefbiteri cardinalis apofto-
lice fedis legati Petri Winton' L. de fancto Afapho J. Bathon'
& Glaſtom' S. Exon' R. Ciceftr' W. Coventr' W. Roffen'
H. London' Menevens' Bangor' et S. Wygorn' epifcoporum et
nobilium virorum Willielmi Marifcalli comitis Pembroc' Ranulfi
comitis Ceftr' Willielmi de Ferrar' comitis de Derbia Willielmi
comitis de Aubomarle Huberti de Burgo Jufticiarii noftri Sa-
- vantii de Malo Leone Willielmi Bruerie patris Willielmi
Bruerie filii Roberti de Curtenai Falkefii de Breante Reginaldi
de Vautort Walteri de Laci Hugonis de Mortuo Mari Johannis
de Monemute Walteri de Beuchamp Walteri de Clifford Roberti
de Mortuo Mari Willielmi de Cantelup' Mathei filii Hereberti
Johannis
Z z 2
i
น
*
1
1
356
APPENDIX.
Johannis Marifcalli Alani Baffet Philippi de Albiniaco Johannis.
Extranei et aliorum fidelium noftrorum.
$
I. IMPRIMIS COnceffiffe Deo et hac prefenti carta noftra con-
firmaſſe pro nobis & heredibus noftris inperpetuum quod Hy-
BERNICANA ecclefia libera fit et habeat jura fua integra et liber-
tates fuas illefas. Conceffimus etiam omnibus liberis hominibus.
de regno noftro pro nobis et heredibus inperpetuum omnes liber-
tates fubfcriptas habendas et tenendas iis et heredibus fuis de
nobis et heredibus noftris.
II. Si quis comitum vel baronum noftrorum five aliorum tenen-
tium de nobis in capite per fervicium militare mortuus fuerit et
cum decefferit heres fuus plene etatis fuerit et relevium debeatur
habeat hereditatem fuam per antiquum relevium fcilicet heres.
vel heredes comitis de baronia comitis integra per centum li-
bras heres vel heredes baronis de baronia baronis integra per cen-
tum libras heres vel heredes militis de feudo militis integro per
centum folidos ad plus et qui minus debuerit minus det fecun-
dum antiquam confuetudinem feodorum.
III. Si autem heres alicujus talium fuerit infra etatem domi-
nus ejus non habeat cuftodiam ipfius nec terre fue antequam ho-
magium ejus ceperit et poftquam talis heres fuerit in cuftodia
ad etatem pervenerit fcilicet viginti et unius annorum habeat
hereditatem fuam fine relèvio et fine fine ita tamen quod fi ipfe
dum infra etatem fuerit miles nichilominus terra remaneat in
cuſtodia domini fui ufque terminum predictum.
IV. Custos terræ hujus et heredis qui infra etatem fu-
erit non capiat de terra heredis nifi rationabiles exitus et ra-
tionabiles confuetudines et rationabilia fervicia et hoc fine
deftructione vel vafto hominum vel rerum et fi nos commi-
ferimus cuftodiam alicujus talis terre vicecomiti vel alicui alii
qui de exitibus terre illius nobis refpondere debeat et ille de-
ſtructionem de cuftodia fecerit vel vaftum nos ab eo capiemus
emendam et terra illa committatur duobus legalibus et diſcretis
hominibus
APPENDIX.
357
}
2
}
تر
hominibus, de feodo illo qui de exitibus nobis refpondeant vel
ei cui nos affignaverimus et fi dederimus vel vendiderimus ali-
cui cuftodiam alicujus talis terre et ille deſtructionem inde fece-
rit vel vaftum amittat cuftodiam illam et tradatur duobus lega-
libus et diſcretis hominibus de feodo illo qui fimiliter nobis in-
de refpondeant ficut predictum eft.
V. CUSTOS autem quamdiu cuftodiam terre habuerit fuf-
tentet domos parcos vivaria ftagna molendina et cetera ad illam
terram pertinentia de exitibus terre ejufdem et reddet heredi
cum ad plenam etatem pervenerit. terram fuam totam inftau
ratam de carucis et omnibus aliis rebus ad minus fecundum
quod illam recepit. Hec omnia obferventur de cuſtodia archi-
epifcopatuum epifcopatuum abbatiarum prioratuum ecclefia-
rum et dignitatuum vacantium ex cepto quod cuftodie hujus
vendi non debent.
VI. HEREDES maritentur abfque difparagatione.
VIL. VIDUA poft mortem mariti fui ftatim et fine dila
tione aliqua habeat maritagium fuum et, hereditatem fuam
nec aliquid det. pro dote fua vel maritagio vel hereditate
fua quam hereditatem maritus fuus et ipfa tenuerunt die
obitus ipfius mariti et maneat vidua in domo mariti fui
per quadraginta dies poft mortem ipfius mariti fui infra quos ei
affignetur dos fua nifi prius ei fuerit affignata vel nifi domus illa
fuerit caftrum et fi de caftro recefferit ftatim provideatur ei do-
mus competens in qua poffit honefte morari quoufque dos ſua ei
affignetur fecundum quod predictum eft.
VIII. NULLA vidua diftringatur ad fe maritandum dum vo-
luerit vivere fine marito ita tamen quod fecuritatem faciat quod
fe non maritabit fine affenfu noftro fi de nobis tenuerit vel fine
affenfu domini fui fi de alio tenuerit..
IX. Nos vel ballivi noftri non faifiemus terram aliquam
nec redditum pro debito aliquo quamdiu catalla debitoris
prefentia fufficiunt ad debitum reddendum et ipfe debitor
paratus-
358
j
APPENDIX.
1.
paratus inde fatisfacere nec plegium ipfius debitoris diftringatur
quamdiu ipfe capitalis debitor fufficit ad folutionem debiti et fi
capitalis debitor defecerit in folutione non habens unde reddat
aut reddere noluerit cum poffit plegii refpondeant de debito et
fi voluerint habeant terras et redditus debitoris quoufque fit eis
fatisfactum de debito quod ante pro eo folverunt nifi capitalis
debitor monftraverit fe effe quietum verfus eofdem plegios.
X. CIVITAS DUBLIN' habeat omnes antiquas libertates et li-
beras confuetudines fuas preterea volumus et concedimus quod
omnes alie civitates ville et burgi et omnes portus habeant
omnes libertates et liberas confuetudines fuas.
XI. NULLAS diftringatur ad faciendum majus fervicium de
feodo militis nec de alio libero tenemento, quam inde debetur.
XII. COMMUNIA placita non fequantur curiam noftram fed
teneantur in aliquo certo loco.
$
XIII. RECOGNITIONES de nova diffeifina de morte antecef-
foris et de ultima prefentatione non capitantur nifi in fuis comi-
tatibus et hoc modo Nos vel fi extra regnum fuerimus capitalis
jufticiarius nofter mittemus duos jufticiarios per unumquemque
comitatum per quatuor vices in anno qui cum quatuor militibus
cujuflibet comitatus electis per comitatum capiant et in comi-
tatu et in die et loco comitatus affifas predictas,
XIV. Er fi in die comitatus affife predicte capi non poffunt
tot milites et libere tenentes remaneant de illis qui interfuerunt
comitatui die illo per quos poffint fufficienter judicia fieri fecun-
dum quod negotium fuerit majus vel minus.
XV. LIBER homo non amercietur pro parvo delicto nifi fe-
cundum modum delicti et pro magno delicto fecundum magni-
tudinem delicti falvo contenemento fuo et mercator eodem modo
falva mercandafia fua et villanus eodem modo amercietur falvo
wannagio fuo fi inciderit in mifericordiam noftram et nulla
predictarum mifericordiarum ponatur nifi per facramentum pro-
borum et legalium hominum de vifneto.
2
XVI.
7
་
APPENDIX.
359
XVI. COMITES et barones non amercientur nifi per pares.
fuos et non nifi fecundum modum delicti,
XVII. NULLUS clericus amercietur nifi fecundum formam
predictorum et non fecundum quantitatem beneficii fui eccle-
fiaftici.
XVIII. NEC villa nec homo diftringetur facere pontes ad ri-
parias nifi qui ab antiquo et de jure facere debent.
XIX. NULLUS. vicecomes conftabularius coronatores vel alii
ballivi noftri teneant placita corone noſtre.
XX. Si aliquis tenens de nobis laicum feodum moriatur
et vicecomes vel ballivus nofter oftendat literas noftras
patentes de fummonitione noftra de debito quod defunc-
tus nobis debuit liceat vicecomiti vel ballivo noftro at-
tachiare et imbreviare catalla defuncti inventa in laico
"feodo ad valentiam illius debiti per vifum legalium hominum
ita tamen quod nichil inde amoveatur donec perfolvatur nobis
debitum quod clarum fuerit et réfiduum relinquatur executori-
bus ad faciendum teftamentum defuncti et fi nichil debeatur ab
ipfo omnia catalla cedant defuncto falvis uxori fue et pueris fuis
rationabilibus partibus fuis.
XXI. NULLUS conftabularius vel ejus ballivus capiat blada.
vel alia catalla alicujus qui non fit de villa ubi caftrum fuum eft
nifi ftatim inde reddat denarios vel reſpectum inde habere poffit
de voluntate venditoris fi autem de villa fuerit teneatur infra tres
feptimanas precium reddere.
XXII. NULLUS conſtabularius diftringat aliquem militem ad
dandum denarios pro cuftodia caftri fi ipfe eam facere voluerit:
in propria perfona fua vel per alium probum hominem fi ipſe
eam facere non poffit propter rationabilem caufam et fi nos
duxerimus vel miferimus eum in exercitum erit quietus de cufto-
dia fecundum quantitatem temporis quo per nos fuerit in
exercitu..
XXIII.
น
360.
м
1
APPENDIX.
་
XXIII. NULLUS vicecomes vel ballivus nofter vel alius
věl
capiat equos vel carectas alicujus pro cariagio faciendo nifi reddat
liberationem antiquitus ftatutam fcilicet pro carecta ad duos
equos decem denarios per diem et pro carecta ad tres equos qua-
tuordecim denarios per diem.
130
XXIV. Núc nos nec ballivi noftri capiemus alienum boſcum
ad caftra vel alia agenda noftra nifi per voluntatem ipfius. cujus
bofcus ille fuerit.
*
XXV. Nos non tenebimus terras illorum qui convicti fue-
rint de felonia nifi per unum annum et unum diem et tunc
` reddantur terre dominis feodorum.
*
XXVI. ET omnes kydelli deponantur de cetero per totam
AVENLICH et per totam HYBERNIAM nifi per cofteram mariss
XXVII. BREVE quod vocatur precipe de cetero non fiat alicui
de aliquo tenemento unde liber amittere poffit curiam fuam.
•
XXVIII. UNA menfura vini fit per totum regnum noftrum
& una menfura cervifie et una menfura bladi fcilicet quarterium
DUBLIN' et una latitudo pannorum tinctorum rufſettorum hau-
bergettorum fcilicet due ulne infra liftas De ponderibus autem
fit ut de menfuris.
L
que
XXIX. NICHIL detur de cetero pro brevi inquifitionis de
vita et membris fed gratis concedatur et non negétur. 1.52 185 185
XXX. Si aliquis teneat de nobis per feodi firmamivel fo-
cagium vel per burgagium et de alio terram teneat per fervicium
militare nec habebimus cuftodiam heredis nec terre fue
eft de feodo alterius occafione illius feodi firme vel foccagit vel
burgagii nec habebimus cuftodiam illius feodi firme vel foc-
cagii vel burgagii nifi ipfa feodi firma debeat fervicium mi-
litare. Nos non habebimus cuftodiam heredis vel terre alicujus
quam tenet de alio per fervicium militare occafione alicujus
parve ferjantie quam tenet de nobis per fervicium reddendi
nobis cultellos vel fagittas vel hujufmodi.
XXXI.
>
30
1
1
*
1
}
API PE N. D. I. X..
XXXI. NULLUS ballivus ponat de cetero aliquem ad legem
fimplici loquela fine teftibus fidelibus ad hoc inductis.
XXXII. NULLUS liber homo capiatur vel impriſonetur vel dif-
feifiatur aut utlegetur aut exulet aut aliquo alio modo deftrua-
tur nec fuper eum ibimus nec fuper eum mittemus nifi per le-
gale júdicium parium fuorum vel per legem terre.
*
{
XXXIII. NULLI vendemus nulli nëgabimus aut differemus
rectum aut jufticiam.
'
XXXIV. OMNES mercatores nifi publice antea prohi-
biti fuerint habeant falvum et fecurum exire de HYBERNIA
et venire in HYBERNIAM et morari et ire per HYBERNIAM tam
per terras quam per aquas ad emendum et vendendum fine
omnibus malis toltis per antiquas et rectas confuetudines preter-
quam in tempore guerre et fi fint de terra contra nos guerrina
et fi tales inveniantur in terra noftra in principio guerre at-
tachientur fine dampno corporum vel rerum donec fciatur a
nobis vel a capitali jufticiario noftro quomodo mercatores terre
noftre tractentur que tunc invenientur in terra contra nos
guerrina et fi noſtri ſalvi fint ibi alii ſalvi fint in terra noftra.
XXXV. Si quis tenuerit de aliqua eſcaeta ficut de honore
Walingeford Notingeham Bolon' Lancaftr' vel aliis efcaetis
que
funt in manu noftra et funt baronie et obierit heres ejus non
dét aliud relevium nec faciat nobis aliud fervicium quam fa-
ceret baroni fi terra illa effet in manu baronis et nos eodem
modo eam tenebimus quo baro eam tenuit.
XXXVI. HOMINES qui manent extra foreftam non veniant de
cetero coram jufticiariis noftris de forefta per communes fum-
monitiones nifi fint in placito vel plegii alicujus vel aliquorum
qui attachiati fint pro forefta.
XXXVII. OMNES homines qui fundaverint åbbatias unde
habent cartas regum Anglie vel antiquam tenuram habeant
earum cuftodiam cum vacaverint ficut habere debent et ficut
fupra declaratum eſt.
VOL. I.
A a a
XXXVIII.
361
·3.62
A PP EN D H X
་
2
XXXVIII. OMNES forefte que afforeftate funt tempare regis
Johannis patris noftri ftatim deafforeftentur et ita fiat de
gruariis que per eundem Johannem tempore fuo pofiti funt in
defenfo.
A
E
XXXIX. NULLUS capiatur vel imprifonetur propter appellum.
femine de morte alterius quam viri fui baissqgs broɔ9A 2v0
XL. OMNES autem iftas confuetudines prelictas, et liberr
tates quas conceffimus in regno noftro tenendas quantum ad nos
pertinet erga noftros:omnes de regno noftro tam clerici quam
laici confervent quantum ad fé pertinet erga fuos,1 Lateft
77090 36*
XLI. QUIA vero quedam capitula in priori carta contineban
tur que gravia et dubitabilia videbantur fcilicet de foutagiis et
auxiliis affidendis de debitis Judeorum et aliorum et de libertate
exeundi de regno noftro et redeundi in regnum noftrum de foreftis
et foreftariis de warennis et warennariis de confuetudinibus comi-
tatuum et de ripariis et earum cuftodibus placuit fupradictis pre-
latis et magnatibus ea effe in reſpectu quoufque plenius confilium
habuerimus et tunc faciemus pleniffime tam de his quam
de aliis que occurrerint emendanda id quod ad communem
omnium utilitatem pertinuerit et pacem et ftatum noftrum
et regni noftri. Quia vero figillum nondum habuimus pre-
fentem cartam figillis venerabilis patris noftri domini Gualonis
titulo fancti Martini prefbyteri cardinalis apoftolice fedis Tegati
et Willielmi Marifcalli comitis Penbrok' rectoris noftri et regni.
noftri fecimus figillari. Teftibus omnibus prenominatis et aliis.
multis. Dat' per manum predictorum domini legati et Wil-
lielmi Marifcalli apud Briſtollum duodecimo die Novembris,
anno regni noſtri primo.
cruist
71093
3
3
2
1
}
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محمد
NUMBER
+
363
*
APPÉN DI X.
•
1
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3
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Juo debe a la
NUMBER
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21: Job mutog Jud.
上
​។
II.
>
anuginer this valume was fent to the prefs the following curi-
ous Record appeared in the Calendar of Ancient Charters. Though
ftaties insfome inſtances from the MS. of the Bodleian Li-
brary, 'quoted in the reign of Edward the Third, yet it ſeems
the completeft and moſt authentic evidence of the fact as there
ftated. For the fake of thoſe readers who
may not have oppor-
tunity of recurring to it in the Calendar, &c. I have taken the
liberty of annexing it to this volume.
31sledil zo 12 swives ta
Jifisiolab mIRC IME!
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MEMORANDA DE HIBERNIA.
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muninos mas
mor ya.*b
mentione
ANNIS. 49 & 50 E. III.
De perfonis ecclefiafticis per Epifcopos & Clerum, ac perſonis
faicis per Communes cujuſlibet Comitatus, & per Cives & Bur-
genfes cujuflibet Civitatis & Burgi in Hibernia, eligendis, &
muillou racji
tr
ranim
als in Angliam, verfus dominum Regem, & Con-
einolsuo pun
13693] 2qbal -
Migs. 12 2011
filium fuum, ubicunque fuerit, & poteftatem fufficientem ha-
bentibus, pro prædictis Epifcopis & Clero, Magnatibus cu-
juflibet comitatus, Civibus & Burgenfibus cujuflibet Civita-
Burgi, ad tractandum, confulendum & concordandum
tis &
cum ipfo Rege, & ejus Confilio, tam fuper gubernatione &
defenfione terræ Hiberniæ, quam fuper auxilio ibidem levan-
do ad fuftentacionem guerræ regis.
CE
V
t
UM EXCELLENTISSIMUS DOMINUS NOSTER,
DOMINUS REX ANGLIÆ, nuper tranſmiſerit Nicho-
laum de Dagworth militem, ad terram ipfius domini regis Hi-
Aaa 2
berniæ,
4
4
R
364
AP PENDE X.
?
berniæ, ad quædam negotia dicti domini regis, Prælatis; Mag
natibus, & Communibus dictæ terræ exponenda, prout idem
Nicholaus per dictum dominum regem erat oneratus, prout in
literis patentibus de Anglia inde confectis, & in cancellaria dici
domini regis in Hibernia irrotulatis, plenius continetur, àe idemf
Nicholaus, in Parliamento dicti domini regis apud Krillénor!
die Sabbatis in octabis Sancti Michaelis, anno regni ejufdem.
domini regis quadragefimo nono ex caufa prædicta, fummomito
& tento, comparens, inter cetera, tam in dictis literis, quam.
in quadam indentura, per dictum Nicholaum in dicto Parlia-
mento monſtrata,. &. ibidem perlecta, & poftmodum in canesl
laria prædicta exhibita,. contenta; Prelatis, Magnatibus, & Com
munibus ibidem tunc convocatis, articulos fubfcriptos expofus
erit, videlicet, qualiter dictus dominus Rex, tam grandes fump
tus & expenfas fuper fuftentatione guerræ in terra fùa prædicta).
pro falvatione & de defenfione ejufdem, quales per antea fecit.
& appofuit, propter exceffivam effufionem expenfarum quas cic
ca guerras fuas aliunde ipfum facere oporteret, diutius non pos
tuit fuftinere, unde dictos Prelatos, Magnates & Communes
diligenter excitando, quod ipfi præmiffis confideratis, ordina
rent qualiter quilibet eorum juxta facultates fuas, & ftatus fui
exigentiam, partem rationabilem hujufmodi fumptuum & exe
penſarum, pro fuftentatione guerræ regis in terra prædicta, ac
falvatione, defenfione, & gubernatione ejufdem terræ, valeret:
fupportare : & cum Prelati, Magnates & Communes fupradicti,
fuper præmiffis fe excufaverint, videlicet, quod ipfi propter
eorum infufficientiam & paupertatem, aliquam partem hujuſ-
modi fumptuum & expenfarum tunc temporis non poffent fup-
portare; eofdem Prelatos, Magnates & Communes, juxta vim
& effectum indenturæ prædictæ, poftmodum oneraverit, quod.
quilibet epifcopus, duas perfonas ecclefiafticas poteftatem ſuffi-
cientem pro fe & clero fuæ diocefis, per literas procuratorias
ab ipfis epifcopo & clero, ac communes cujuflibet comitatus
1
1
A
dictæ
*
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A P P BNDIX:
}
*
1
dicæ terræ duas perfonas laicas poteftatem fufficientem pro
magnatibus & communibus ejufdem comitatus, ac cives &
burgenfes cujuflibet civitatis & burgi ejufdem terræ, duos cives
& duos burgenfes poteftatem fufficientem pro fe, civibus &
burgenfibus civitatem & burgorum prædictorum habentes, ver--
fus dictum dominum regem in Anglia, ad tractandum, conſu-
lendum & concordandum cum dicto domino rege & ejus confilio,
tam fuper gubernatione ejufdem terræ, quam fuper auxilio &
fuftentationei guerræ regis, ibidem tranfmitterent: cujus one-
ris prætextu, & etiam pro eo quod idem dominus rex literas
fuas de privato figillo fuo Willielmo de Wyndefore gubernatori
&rcuftodi dictæ terræ Hiberniæ, per dictum Nicholaum tranf-
mifit; mandando eidem gubernatori & cuftodi quod fi dicti Pre-
lati, Magnates & Communes, partem rationabilem hujufmodi
fumptuum & expenfarum fuper fe affumere recufarent, tunc
idem gubernator & cuftos, tantum faceret, quod quilibet epif-
copus, ac communes cujuflibet comitatus, ac cives & burgenfes
eujuflibet civitatis & burgi terræ prædictæ, duas perfonas in-
forma prædicta tranfmitterent, prout in dictis literis de privato
figillo plenius poterit apparere; de avifamento dicti guberna-
toris & cuftodis, ac confilii dicti domini regis Hiberniæ, extitit
concordatum, quod brevia domini regis Archiepifcopis, Epif-
copis, Vicecomitibus, Senefcallis, Majoribus, Superioribus,
& Præpofitis, ac omnibus aliis ejufdem terræ, quorum intereft,
ád electionem hujufmodi duarum perfonarum, in. Angliam in
forma prædicta tranfmittendarum, faciendam, mandari debe-
rent, ut idem dominus rex, ac peritum confilium fuum in An-
glia, fuper electione prædicta & nominibus hujufmodi electo-
rum, ac fuper effectu brevium prædictorum, & returnorum
eorundem ad partes Angliæ tranfmittendis, plenius poterunt in-
formari.
QUÆ quidem brevia confecta, & dictis Archiepifcopis & aliis
prædictis miffa, & poftea in dictam cancellariam returnata
6
fuerunt,,
n
1
366
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fuerunt, & ibidem remanent de recordo, quorum vero brevium
& returnorum tenores fequuntur fub hac forma:
EDWARDUS Dei gratia rex Angliæ & Franciæ, & domi-
nus Hiberniæ, venerabili in Chrifto patri M. eadem gratia Archi-
epifcopo Ardmachono falutem :
25 13
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whit was
214
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Snored
JF RUBU JA
IS
30.2001af
CUM alias oneravimus dilectum & fidelem noftrum Nichola
um Dagworth militem, nuncium noftrum verfus terram nof-
ded Bugs JIDOR
tram Hiberniæ per nos tranfmiffum, quod ipfe in quodam Par-
liamento in terra noftra prædicta, prætextu literarum noftra-
rum, dilecto & fideli noftro Willielmo de Wyndefore guberna-
tori & cuftodi dictæ terræ noftræ tranfmiffarum, convocando,
inter cætera in quadam indentura inter nos & dictum nuncium
noftrum confecta, contenta, Prælatis, Magnatibus, & Com-
munibus terræ noftræ prædictæ, ad dictum Parliamentum com
parentibus, exponi faceret, quod cum nos, tam exceffivas &
intolerabiles expenfas, circa guerras noftras in terra noftrà præ
dicta, pro falvatione & defenfione ejufdem, quales ante hæc
tempora appofuimus, propter maximam effufionem expenfa-
rum quas circa guerras noftras aliunde neceffario nos apponere
oportebit, de cætero fupportare minime valeamus; iidem Præ
lati, Magnates & Communes & eorum quilibet, juxta facultates
fuas & ftatus fui exigentiam, partem rationabilem hujufmodi
expenfarum, pro fuftentatione guerræ noftræ ibidem, & falva-
tione terræ prædictæ, faciant fupportare; & fi iidem Prælati,
Magnates & Communes partem rationabilem hujufmodi expen-
farum fuper fe capere recufarent, tunc dictus nuncius nofter
ipfos ex parte noſtra oneraret, quod quilibet Epifcopus duas
perfonas ecclefiafticas idoneas poteftatem fufficientem pro fe
Le &
clero fuæ diocefis, per literas procuratorias ab ipfis epifcopo &
dlapu bust
clero, ac communes cujuflibet comitatus dictæ terræ, duas per-
froc
fonas laicas poteftatem fufficientem tam pro feipfis, quam Mag-
natibus ejufdem comitatus, ac Cives & Burgenfes cujuflibet
Civitatis & Burgi ejufdem terræ, duos Cives & duos Burgenfes
poteftatem
15
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poteftatem fufficientem pro fe, & Civibus & Burgenfibus civi-
tatum & burgorum prædictorum habentes, verfus nos & con-
filium poftrum in Anglia, ad tractandum, confulendum & con-
cordandum nobifcum, tam fuper gubernatione dicte terræ,
S an
& fuftentatione guerræ noftræ ibidem tranf-
quam pro auxilio
mitterent. Et licet idem nuncius nofter, præmiffa omnia &
mitterentuin
fingula Prælatis, Magnatibus & Communibus in Parliamenta
noftro apud Kilkenn. in octabis Sancti Michaelis proximis præ-
teritis, ex caufis præmiffis fummonito & tento, comparentibus,
expofuerit, & ipfos in forma prædicta oneraverit; ipfi tamen ſe
per eorum infufficientiam excufarunt, quod aliquam partem
fumptuum & expenfarum, pro guerris noftris ibidem manute-
nendis, ad præfens nequeant fupportare: ob quod, hujufmodi
perfonas verfus nos in Angliam, ex caufis prædictis, in forma
fupradicta, tranſmitti volentes, vobis mandamus, quod convo-
cato coram vobis Clero veftræ diocefis, duas perfonas ecclefiafti-
cas hujufmodi poteftatem pro vobis & dicto clero veftro opti-
nentes, de affenfu ejuſdem cleri eligi, & coram nobis, & dicto
confilio noftro in Anglia ad fumptus veftros, & dicti cleri veftri,
citra quindenam purificationis beatæ Mariæ proxim' futur', ubi-
cunque tunc fuerimus in Anglia, ad tractandum, confulendum
& concordandum, ut prædictum eft, tranſmitti faciatis, nobis
ออกแบบก
in cancellaria noftra Hiberniæ, de nominibus dictarum duarum
perfonarum, fic per vos eligendarum, citra feftum Sanctæ Ka-
terniæ virginis prox' futur', ubicunque tunc fuerit fub figillo
veftro certificantes, hoc breve nobis tunc ibidem remittentes,
& hoc fub o pœna centum librarum, de vobis, & dicto clero veſ-
tro, ad opus noftrum levandarum, nullatenus omittatis.
26VIN97%
-577 7
750
-14 h
-[VIS:
10.
^€ € €
A
TESTE Willielmo de Wyndefore gubernatore & cuftode
terræ noftræ Hiberniæ, apud Kilkenn. xxv. die Octobris, anno
regni noftri Angliæ, quadragefimo nono, regni vero noſtri Franciæ:
tricefimo fexto.
L1
Cujus
368
APPENDIX.
}
CUJUS quidem brevis returni tenor talis eft:
*
S
PRÆTEXTU iſtius brevis, convocato coram nobis clero noftræ
diocefis, de noftro communi confilio & affenfu refpondemus,
quoad contenta in brevi huic cedulæ confuto, quod non tene-
mur juxta libertates, privilegia, jura, leges & confuetudines
ecclefiæ, nec terræ Hiberniæ, aliquos' de clero noftro eligere,
nec mittere ad partes Angliæ, ad Parliamenta feu confilia in
Anglia tenenda; tamen, ob reverentiam domini noftri regis
Angliæ illuftriffimi, & propter urgentiffimam neceffitatem
dictæ terræ jam imminentem ad præfens, falvis nobis & terræ
prædictæ Magnatibus & Communibus, juribus, privilegiis, li-
bertatibus, legibus, & confuetudinibus fuis fupradictis, concedi-
mus domino Johanni Cufak & Willielmo Fitz-Adam clericis
per nos electis, ad proficifcendum ad partes Angliæ, ibidem
coram domino noftro rege comparend. plenam poteftatem ad
tractandum, confulendum & concordandum, fuper falvatione,
defenfione, & bona gubernatione terræ prædictæ. Except. ta-
men quod non concedimus prædictis nunciis feu electis noftris,
poteftatem concedendi aliqua onera feu fubfidia fuper nos, feu
clerum prædictum ad præfens, & hoc tam propter pauperta-
tem noftram, & noftrorum dignitatuum & beneficiorum exilita-
tem, quam propter mifas, fumptus & expenfas, quos quafi
quotidie, tam in inveniend. homines ad arma hobelarios, & pe-
dites, quam in aliis fumptibus & expenfis, quos nos circa de-
fenfionem partium noftrarum, & dictæ terræ neceffario, appo-"
nere oportebit, quæ tamen, licet juxta noftrum ac Com. totius
terræ prædictæ poffe apponatur, non fufficiunt ad decimam par-
tem fumptuum & expenfarum, quæ circa guerras & refiftentiam
inimicorum domini noftri regis & noftrorum, ac defenfionem
terræ ejuſdem apponi oportet, & ob caufas prædictas, & alias per
prædictos electos feu nuncios noftros prædictos, coram domino
noftro rege in Anglia declarandas, aliter ad præfens refpondere
non poffumus.
+
✔
CONSIMILE
L
APPENDIX.
369
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur cuſtodibus fpiritualitatis archiepif-
copatus Dublin. fede vacante, mutatis mutandis, fub eadem
data.
TENOR returni prædicti brevis fequitur fub hac forma:
EXCELLENTISSIMO in Chrifto principi & domino noſtro, do-
mino Edwardo Dei gratia illuftri regi Angliæ. & Franciæ, &
domino Hiberniæ, veftri humiles & devoti Willelmus de
Gayflee canonicus ecclefiæ Sancti Patriacii Dublin. & Johannes
Fitz-Elys archidiaconus Glydelacen. in eadem, cuftodes fpiri-
tualitatis archiepifcopatus Dublin. fede vacante, falutem in eo
per quem reges regnant & principes dominantur.
BREVE veftrum regium præfentibus annexum, nuper nobis
directum, cum omni honore recepimus. Cujufquidem brevis
virtute, fuper contentis in eodem, convocavimus coram nobis
clerum dioc. Dublin. ac duas perfonas ecclefiafticas, videlicet
me Johannem Fitz-Elys antedictum, & dominum Thomam
Athelard vicariam de Donabate, poteftatem de qua in dicto bre-
vi veftro fit mentio, plenam, pro nobis & dico clero optinentes,
de affenfu ejufdem cleri eligimus, ad comparendum coram vo-
bis, & veftro confilio in Anglia, fumptibus noftris & dicti cleri,
citra quindenam purificationis beatæ Mariæ proximæ futuram,
ubicunque tunc fueritis in Anglia, & ad tractandum, confulen-
dum & concordandum, fuper hiis de quibus in dicto brevi
veftro plenior fit mentio, de nominibus vero dictarum perfona-
rum electarum cancellariam veftram in Hibernia, citra diem in
præfato brevi veſtro limitatum certificamus, breve veftrum regi-
um nobis directum remittentes, & fic mandatum veftrum in
dicto brevi veftro, adimplevimus cum honore. Veftram excel-
´lentiam confervet Altiffimus, per tempora longa.
In cujus rei teftimonium, figillum quo utimur in officio nof-
tro, præfentibus eft appenfum.
DAT. Dublin. xii. die menfis Novembris, anno Domini mil-
lefimo trefcentefimo feptuagefimo quinto.
VOL. I.
B b b
CONSIMILE
370
;
$
1
APPENDIX.
CONSIMILE brevi dirigitur archiepifcopo Caffellenfi, vebėjus \
vicario generali ipfo archiepifcopo in remotis agendo, mutatis
mutandis, fub eadem data.
fo
#10.
Pis
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba
CLERUS diocefis Caffellenfis coram nobis vocatus, de ejufdem
cleri unanimi affenfu & noftro, elegit dominum Johannem Gef-
fard, canonicum monafterii de Offeny, & rectorem ecclefiæ de
Kiltewenan, Caffellenfis diocefis, quia facultates dictae diocefis
non fufficiunt ad duos nuncios tranfmittend. qui Johannes habet
poteftatem ad tractandum, confulendum & concordandum, prout
breve requirit; falvis libertatibus ecclefiæ & liberis confuetu-
dinibus terræ Hibernicanæ.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur archiepifcopo Tuamenfi, qui ni-
chil inde refpondit.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Miden. mutatis mutan-
dis, fub eadem data.
1
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:
STEPHANUS epifcopus Miden. dicit pro fe & clero fuo, quod,
pro eo quod ipfe conceffit, pro fe & clero fuo, prædicto domi-
no regi, in auxilium revelationis expenfarum fuarum faciend.
fuper fuftentatione guerrarum fuarum Hiberniæ, in parliamen-
to de quo in hoc brevi fit mentio, & per literas fuas eidem do-
mino regi & confilio fuo in Anglia, per Nicholaum de Dag-
worth militem inde tranfmiffas, centum marcas, folvendas,
prout in dicta conceffione continetur, non tenetur aliquos nun-
cios eligere vel tranfmittere ad partes Angliæ, coram domino
rege, prout iftud breve requirit; tamen ob reverentiam domini
regis prædicti, & urgentiffimam neceffitatem jam eminentem
in terra prædicta, prædictus epifcopus, magiftrum Bartholo-
meum Dullard, rectorem ecclefiæ parochialis beatæ Mariæ de
Drogheda, nuncium fuum, ad informandum & confulendum
prædictum dominum regem & confilium fuum in Anglia, de &
fuper ftatu & gubernatione terræ Hiberniæ, & remediis inde
8
apponendis,
APPENDIX.
37·1
apponendis, falvis libertatibus & confuetudinibus terræ præ-
diam,& ecclefiarum ejufdem, ordinandum, pro fe & clero fuo
prædicto, cum fufficienti poteftate tranfmittit.
CONSIMILE breve,dirigitur epifcopo Daren', mutatis mutan-
dish fub eadem, data.
{
-3~~TENOR returni brevis prædi&ti fequitur in hæc verba :
BRATEXTU hujus brevis, convocato coram nobis clero nof
træ diocefis, idem clerus nofter una nobifcum, excepto domino
priore hofpitalis Sancti Johannis Jerofolime in Hibernia, qui,
licet magnam partem ecclefiarum noftræ diocefis in proprios ufus
optineat, nobifcum & clero noftro fupradicto in hujufmodi ne-
gótio concurrere renuit & recufavit, & quia idem dominus prior,
auctoritate Apoſtolica a noftra jurifdictione penitus eft exemp-
tus, ipfum dominum priorem ad id faciendum compellere non
poterimus, Willielmo White decano ecclefiæ noftræ cathedralis
Daren. & Ricardo White rectori de Donaghda, per nos &
dictum clerum noftrum communiter electis, plenam conceffit
poteftatem, ad tractandum, informandum, confulendum &
concordandum, cum dómino noftro rege, & confilio fuo, ubi-
cunque fuerit in Anglia, ad diem in ifto brevi contentu, fuper
ftatu, falvatione & gubernatione terræ fuæ Hiberniæ fupradicta;
fet ad ipfum clerum ulterius onerandum feu obligandum, ali-
quibus oneribus feu fubfidiis quam onerati funt, nullo modo
vult concedere poteftatem, eo quod propter guerram inimi-
corum & rebellium domini noftri regis, & fidelis populi fui,
in diocefi noftra Daren: fupradicta, de die in diem. . . . quæ pro
majori parte eft diſtructa, & propter beneficiorum exilitatem,
ac etiam paupertatem & inopiam cleri fupradicti, alia quævis
onera quam indies & communiter portat & fuftinet, quæ gran-
dia funt & importabilia. . . . debeat fuftinere, & fupportare ne-
quit quoquo modo, prout prædicti procuratores noftri, coram
domino noftro rege & confilio fuo in Anglia, fi neceffe fuerit,
ad plenum declarare poterunt in eventu.
.
Bbb 2
CONSIMILE
1
372
APPENDIX.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Leighlynen: mutatis,
mutandis, fub eadem data.
1 2 0:
F
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verbati
PRÆTEXTU hujus brevis, convocato cleromoftræ diocefisrin-
frafcripti, & perlectis coram ipfo omnibus,&fingulis articulis
in hoc brevi contentis, qui omnes & finguli de olero poftro ân-
tedicto unanimiter allegarunt, quod nulla perfona ccclefiaftica
verfus dominum regem & confilium fuum Angliæ, fuperi arti-
culis prædictis, propter noftrorum & eorum infufficientiam: pau-
pertatem, & inopiam, quas nos ipfi & communes dictæ diocefis,
per deftructiones, roberias, arfiones, & depredationes. Hibernico-
rum inimicorum indies in ... perpetratas ante hæc tempora,
devenimus, citra quindena m purificationis beatæ Mariævolator
content. fumptibus noftris tranfmitti poffit, prout học breve re-
quirit, & maxime, eò quod in diocefi noftra prædicta, extra ma-
nus Hibernicorum inimicorum domini regis non funt cultæ &
manuoperatæ præter quatuordecim carucatæ terræ, quod allegat.
extitiffe in Parliamento ultimo tento apud Kilkenn. per nos &
clerum noftrum, ac communitatem comitatus Catherlagh. co-
ram gubernatore, & Nicholao Dagworth milite infrafeript. aç
confilio domini regis, quarum decimam partem reputamus mi-
nus fufficientem pro fuftentatione noſtra.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Offorien. mutatis mutan-
dis, fub eadem data.
ord W work
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:in
ALEXANDER epifcopus Offorien. & Johannes de Acres
electi funt per dictum epifcopum & elerum fuæ diocefis, de effen-
do coram domino rege & ejus confilio in Anglia, ad diem in
brevi contentum, ad faciendum prout, breve requirit: falvis
libertatibus & liberis confuetudinibus ecclefiæ & terræ Hi-
berniæ.
Si
od 1
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Liſmoren. & Waterford,
mutatis mutandis, fub eadem data,
TENOR
APPENDIX.
373
1
41810 TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur fub hac forma:
NOMINA duarum perfonarum ecclefiafticarum pro Thoma
epifcopo Lifmdren. & Waterford, & clero fuæ diocefis electa-
rumad comparendum coram domino rege in Anglia, ad diem
in hot brevi contentum, ubicunque tunc fuerit in Anglia, po-
teftatem pro ipfis epifcopo & clero procurator. habentium, ad
trafftandum & confulendum cum ipfo domino rege, & ad ipfum
dominum regem informandum fuper articulis in hoc brevi con-
tențis, videlicet, Thomas Lifmoren. & Waterforden. epifcopus,
& magifter Philippus Raye clericus, abfque aliqua poteftate per
ipfos epifcopum & clerum, dictis perfonis conceffa, ad concor-
dandum in præmiffis, ne libertates ecclefiæ terræ Hibernicanæ
infringantur, eò quod hujufmodi poteftas concordandi, in maxi-
mum præjudicium ecclefiæ fuæ, ac libertates ecclefiæ & terræ
Hibernicanæ, multum cedere poffet, prout dictæ perfonæ
coram ipfo domino rege, fi neceffe fuerit, ad plenum declara-
bunt.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Fernen. mutatis mutan-
dis, fub eadem data.´´.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur fub hac forma:
CLERUS diocefis noftræ Fernen. coram nobis convocatus, de
ejus unanimi affenfu & noftro, elegit magiftrum Willielmum
de Sancto Johanne decanum ecclefiæ noftræ Fernen. & Ricar-
dum Whitty clericum, qui plenam poteftatem habeant ad faci-
endum prout iftud brevi requirit: falvis libertatibus ecclefiæ, &
liberis confuetudinibus terræ Hiberniæ.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Lymer. mutatis mutan-
dis, fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur fub hac forma:
NOMINA duarum perfonarum idonearum pro epifcopo &
clero diocefis Lymer. electarum, ad tractandum, confulendum
& concordandum, cum domino noftro rege, & ejus confilio,
citra quindenam purificationis beatæ Mariæ prox, futur. ubi-
6
cunque
374
AP PEN DI I X
F
cunque tunc fuerit in Anglia, prout iftud, breve requisitfragif;
ter Johannes Fox & Johannes Route clericus.disq
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Lifmoren. mutatisuper
tandis, fub eadem data.co.in
{
2
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hee varbara duk
EXCELLENTISSIME domine, quoad duas perfonas ceclefiafti-
cas per nos mittendas, cum fufficienti mandato venfus Angliam,
prout veftrum breve præfens requirit, nullo modo eafdemiper
fonas mittere valemus, videlicet, propter notoriam & nimiam
paupertatem noftram, ac cleri noftri, cum nullum clerumirad
præfens habemus refidentem, ratione continue guerræ &:inexs
tinguibilis in diocefi noftra exiſtentis, exceptis paucis aclericis
pauperimis manentibus inter inimicos veftros & noftros mit¬
temus tamen negotia noftra. . . . cum fufficiente poteftate ver-
fus Angliam, prout continetur in præfenti mandato, pér perfonas
ecclefiafticas electas pro clero Lismoren.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Cork. mutatis mutandis,
fub eadem data.
à .ngs &
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:...
MAGISTER Thomas Rys & magifter Johannes White clerici,
ecclefiæ cathedralis Cork. canonici, funt electi per G. epifco-
pum Cork. & totum clerum ejufdem diocefis, de effendo co-
ram domino noftro rege, & ejus confilio, ubicunque fuerit in
Anglia, ad diem in brevi prædicto contentum, ad tractan-
dum, confulendum & concordandum, prout breve requirit.,
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Clon. vel ejus vicario ge◄
nerali ipfo epifcopo in remotis agente, mutatis, mutandis, fub
eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
CLERUS diocefis Clonen. de affenfu communi, elegit Tho-
mam priorem Villa Pontis & Johannem Sandy capellanum, ad
comparendum coram domino noftro rege in Anglia, citra quin-
denam purificationis beatæ Mariæ prox. futur. ubi tunc fuerit,
ad
APPENDIX.
375
ad tractandum, confulendum & concordandum, una cum aliis
procuratoribus electis provinciæ Caffellenfis, prout idem breve
requirit, 14% di
3
#
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur epifcopo Ker. mutatis mutandis
fub eadem data) ·îz
} *
FENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
ICONVOCATo clero noftræ diocefis, electi funt duo nuncii in
Angliam fecundum tenorem brevis, videlicet, Magifter Gil-
-bertus. in Johannes filius Johannis, canonici cathe-
dralis ecclefiæ noftræ, qui ibunt ad Angliam domino con-
.cedente.
ར
REX Vicecomiti Dublin. falutem :
•
-JCUM alias Poneraverimus, dilectum & fidelem noftrum Ni
cholaum Dagworth militem, nuncium noftrum verfus terram
noftram Hiberniæ, &c. ut fupra, ufque ibi tranfmitti volentes,
& tunc fic; tibi præcipimus, quod convocatis coram te magna-
tibus & communibus comitatus tui, duas perfonas laicas, hujuf-
modi poteftatem, tam pro fe, quam dictis magnatibus & com-
munibus optinentes, de eorum communi affenfu, eligi, &c. ut
fupra, ufque ibi remittent', & tunc fic, & hoc fub pœna cen-
tum marcarum, de te & communibus comitatus tui, ad. opus
- noftrum levandarum, nullatenus omittatis. Tefte, &c. ut
fupra.
1
CUJUSQUIDEM brevis returni tenor talis eft :
NICHOLAUS HOUTH & Ricardus White electi funt per mag-
nates & communes comitatus Dublin. ad comparendum coram
domino rege, & confilio fuo in Angliam, citra quinḍenam puri-
ficationis beatæ Mariæ, unde iftud breve. facit mentionem, ubi-
cunque tunc fuerit in Anglia, plenam poteftatem, per prædictos
magnates & communes habendos, ad tractandum & confulen-
dum, cum ipfo domino rege, & confilio fuo, ibidem, ad
ipfum dominum regem informandum, fuper ftatu & guberna-
tione terræ fuæ Hiberniæ, abfque aliqua poteftate per prædictos
magnates
}
1
7
376
APPENDIX.
magnates & communes, prædictis Nicholao & Ricardo concef
fa, concordand. prædictos magnates & communes, onerare de
aliquibus oneribus fuper eis impofterum imponendis, propter
diverfa quæ per prædictos Nicholaum & Ricardum tunc ibidem.
declarabuntur. Et fuper hoc, pro eo quod quamplures de fuf-
ficientibus hominibus comitatus Dublin. per quandam' peti-
tionem fuam, fub eorum figillis figillatam, confign.. guberna-
tori & cuſtodi, ac cancellario, & aliis de confilio domini regis în
Hibernia, monftrarunt & certificarunt, quod ipfi.electioni dic-
torum Nicholai & Ricardi non confentierunt, quorum nomina in
certificatione prædicta, præfentibus annexa, plenius inferuntur,
de avifamento dictorum gubernatoris & confilii, adverten. qua-
liter difcenfio & variatiò fuper electione prædicta intervenerunt,
pro omni altercatione in ea parte amovenda, concordatum fuit,
quod literæ domini regis patentes, fub magno figillo fuo quo
utitur in Hibernia, fratri Thomæ Scurlak abbati domus fancti
Thomæ Martiris juxta Dublin. thefaurario domini regis in Hi-
bernia, & Roberto de Prefton capitali jufticiario de communi
bánco Hiberniæ, ad intereffend. electioni in hac parte faciend.
& ad eam fupervide nd. & de nominibus fic eligendorum; & fi
de-communi affenfu dictorum magnatum & commun. vel ma-
joris partis eorundem electi fuerint, necne in cancellaria domi-
ni regis in Hibernia certificand. prout in literis prædictis, præ-
fentibus annexis, plenius continetur: ac breve dicti dominí re-
gis vicecomiti Dublin. de convocando dictos magnates & com-
munes, in præfentia dictorum thefaurarii & jufticiarii, ad elec-
tionem hujufmodi de eorum communi affenfu faciend. & de no- -
minibus fic eligendorum, in cancellariam prædictam certificand.
prout in eodem brevi præfentibus fimiliter annexo, plenius po-
terit apparere, mandari deberent. Qui quidem thefaurarius &
jufticiarius, virtute dictarum literarum in dictam cancellariam
returnarunt, quod viginti & quatuor perfonæ elegerunt Nicho-
laum Houth & Willielmum Fitz-William, & viginti perfonæ
elegerunt
1
Then
APPENDIX,
-
elegerunt prædictum Nicholaum & Ricardum White, prout
in returno inde præfentibus annexo, fatis conftat; ac dictus
vicecomes returnavit, quod magnates & communes meliores
dicti comitatus elegerunt prædictos Nicholaum & Ricardum,
& alios non tenentur eligere, prout in returno fuper dicto bre-
vi confecto, & præfentibus annexo, plane liquet. Et quia vifis
returnis prædictis, præfatis gubernatori & confilio conftabat,
prædictos Nicholaum & Willielmum per majores & fufficientes
dicti comitatus electos exiftere, iidem gubernator & confilium
electionem dictorum Nicholai & Willielmi duxerunt acceptan-
dam: et fuper hoc, de avifamento dictorum gubernatoris &
confilii, aliæ literæ patentes ipfius domini regis, præfatis the-
faurario & jufticiario miffæ fuerunt, continentes quod ipfi, om-
nes perfonas prædictas, una cum aliis magnatibus & communi-
bus dicti comitatus, coram eis ac vicecomite vel coronatore
comitatus prædicti venire facerent, ipfofque ad concedend. po-
teftatem fufficientem, prædictis Nicholao & Willielmo, tam
ad concordand. quam tra&tand. & confulend. compellerent: et
de eo quod inde facerent, in cancellariam prædictam certifica-
rent, prout in eifdem literis præfentibus annexis plenius po-
terit apparere; quarum quidem literarum returnum patet in
quadam cedula eifdem literis confuta. Et pro eo, quod dicti
magnates & communes, in difcenfione & altercatione ut præ-
dicitur, perfeverant, ne negotia regia in hac parte expediend.
propter hujufmodi fingularem difcenfionem five altercationem,
diutius retardentur, tam literæ & brevia prædicta, quam re-
turna eorumdem modis quibus fiunt, de avifamento dictorum
gubernatoris & confilii, coram domino rege in Angliam tranf-
mittantur.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur vicecomiti Loueth. fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
PRÆTEXTU hujufmodi brevis, convocatis magnatibus &
communibus comitatus Loueth. iidem magnates & communes
VOL. I.
Ccc
de
377
378
APPENDIX.
}
de eorum communi affenfu, una voce dixerunt, quod ipfi, juxta
jura privilegia, libertates, leges, & confuetudines terræ Hiber
niæ, a tempore conqueftus ejufdem & ante, ufitat, non tenene
tur eligere, nec mittere, aliquos de terra prædicta, adr Parlias.
menta, nec.confilia in Anglia, tenend. ad tractand...confulendi
& concordand...prout hoc breve requirit; tamen ob reverene
tiam domini 'noſtri regis. Angliæ, & propter urgentiffimam ne
ceffitatem dictæ terræ, & populi fidelis ejufdem, ad præfens,
falvis præfatis communibus juribus, privilegiis, libertatibus,
legibus, & confuetudinibus prædictis, concedunt Rogero Ger-
non & Ricardo Verdon,. per ipfos electis, ad transfretandum ad
partes Angliæ, ibidem coram domino noftro rege comparend.
plenam poteftatem ad tractand. confulend. &concordand. fu-
per ſalvatione, defenfione & bona gubernatione terræ prædictæ.
Except. tamen, quod nor concedunt præfatis Rogero & Ricar-
do, poteftatem concedendi aliqua onera ſeu ſubfidia fuper ipfos
ad præfens imponenda, propter paupertatem dicta communita-
tis, & propter magnas expenfas fuas quas cotidie tam in inve-
niendo homines ad arma, hobelarios, & pedites, in defenfione.
marchiarum dicti comitatus, erga fortiores Hibernicos, Hiber-
niæ inimicos, & rebelles domini noftri regis Angliæ, & propter
illas caufas & alias, quas prædicti Rogerus & Ricardus coram.
domino noftro rege & fuo confilio in Anglia, declarabunt, aliter
ad præfens refpondere non poffunt.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur vicecomiti. Kildar.. fub eadem.
data
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:
PRÆTEXTU hujus brevis, convocatis magnatibus & commu-
nibus comitatus Kildar. iidem magnates & communes, &c. ut
fupra, ufque ibi; prout hoc breve requirit, & tunc fic;. ob re-
verentiam tamen domini noftri regis, & voluntatis fuæ, ac
mandatorum fuorum complementum, ac propter urgentem ne-
ceffitatem, pro ruina & inopia dictæ terræ, & populi fidelis ejuſ-
dem
901
1
2+
A
$
1
کیجے
A XPPENDIX.
deni, domino regi declarand. hadvice, concedunt poteftatem
Johadti Rocheford & Petro Rowe, per ipfos magnates & com-
munſes electis, ad tractandum, confulendum & concordandum,
cum ipfo domino rege, fuper ftatu & gubernatione ejufdem
terræ, abfque aliqua poteftate eifdem élet is conceffa, ad ipfos
magnates & communes, erga dominum. regem in aliquo one-
rand. Ita tamen quod dicta conceffio five miffio dictis magna-
tibus & communibus, in futuro, non cedat in prejudicium
jurium, 'privilegiorum, libertatum, legum & confùetudinum
prædictorum, quibus ipfi magnates & communes a tempore
conqueftus Hiberniæ inconcufsè & inviolabiliter ufi funt &
gavifi.
...
*
CON'SIMILE breve dirigitur vicecomiti Cathirlagh. fub eadem
data: Anécdad
t
↓ ↓
í
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
PRÆTEXTU hujus brevis, convocatis coram me apud Ca-
thirlagh. communibus comitatus Cath. & perlectis coram ipfis,
omnibus & fingulis articulis in hoc brevi contentis, qui omnes
& finguli coram me unanimiter allegarunt, quod nullam per-
fonam laicam, coram domino rege & confilio fuo in Anglia,
ad tractandum ibidem fuper articulis prædictis, propter eorum
infufficientiam & inopiam, ac frequentes deftructiones, ro-
berias, & depredationes, quæ ànte hæc tempora diverfimode
fuftinuerunt & indies fuftinent, per Hibernicos inimicos & re-
belles domini noftri regis comitatus prædicti, dictum comita-
tum undique invadentes & deftruentes, citra quindenam puri-
ficationis beatæ Mariæ in hoc brevi content. ad fumptus ipfius
comitatus tranfmittere poffunt; ac etiam, prædicta communi-
tas coram me eorum facramenta preftiterunt, quod non funt
cultæ & manuoperate in comitatu prædicto, in manibus lige-
òrum domini regis, præter quatuordecim carucatæ terræ omni-
bus computatis, & quas quidem infufficientiam & inopiam,
Galfridus de Valle & Phillippus de Valle milites, electi pro
communitate
C c c z
2
}
379
7
I'
*
}
38%
1
A Þ PENUĎ POX
}
communitate comitatus prædicti, ad comparéndum in Parlia
mento tento apud Kilkenh: coram gubernatore domini regis
Hiberniæ, ac cæteris de confilio ibidem in': 'tabfaneti
Michaelis prox' præterit', coram gubernatore, &thNi
cholao Dagworth milite infrafcripto, & dicto confilio allegand
proteftan. quod . •`.`perfonam coram domino reĝe 1 7 dieto
confilio fuo in Anglia, ad fumptus dicta communitatis, & cas
præmiffis; tranfmittere potuerunt. ‹ mix T (ENS-MUD
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur vicecomiti Waterford. fub eadem.
Angelo, -uloi mar
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba el
RICARDUS BOTILLER & David Cogan funt électi de Tcom-
muhi affenfu comitatus Waterford. de effendo coram domino
rege, & ejus confilio in Anglia, ad diem in brevi contentam,
ad faciendum, prout breve requirit falvis libertatibus furi-
bus, & legibus, & ..... confuetudinibus 10A terre Hu
Hiù
berniæ.
use) eülgün ni tiasut
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur vicecomiti Weyf. fub eadem daraz
data.
24
3
+
«
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verbal:mor
NOMINA duarum perfonarum per magnates & communes
comitatus Weyf. prætextu iftius brevis electarum, ad faciendum)
prout iftud breve requirit, videlicet, Ricardus Whitte & W
lielmus de Sancto Johanne, Clericus. Ky the cup sevib 191
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur vicecomiti Lymer fub eadem
data.
}
TENOR, Feturni brevis prædicti féquitur in hæc verba:
HENRICUS BERCLEY & Thomas Kildare funt electi, per
magnates & communes comitatus Lymer. ad transfretandum
verfus dominum regem in Angliam, & confilium fuum ibidem,
ad tractandum, confulendum, & concordandum, fuper quibuf-
dam negotiis, ſtatum & gubernationem terræ dicti domini regis
Hiberniæ concernentibus, prout breve requirit. aslútnos
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur vicecomiti Cork! ſub eadem data,
TENOR
$
24
L
<
APPENDIX.
381
1
Tengr returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba
C.
21 BICARAUS DE WYNCHEDON & Philippus filius Roberti White,
clean funt, per magnates & communes comitatus Cork, ad, fa
ciendum & concordandum pro eis in Anglia, fumptibus eorum,.
prout breve requirit.
>
7
REX fenefcallo libertatis Mid. & vicecomiti Croc. ibidem.
falutems ABĪNEUTR
6131
?
CUM alias oneraverimus, &c, ut fupra, ufque ibi tranſmitti
volentes, & tune fic, vobis mandamus, quod convocatis co-
ram vobis magnatibus, & communibus comitatis Mid. duas per--
fonas laiças, &c, ut fupra. Tefte, ut fupra..
Ž
f
IO TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:
NOMINA duarum perfonarum laicarum per communitatem.
libertatis Mid, electarum, Willielmus de London' miles & Ri--
cardus Plunket, ad comparendum coram domino rege, & con-
filio fuo in Anglia, ad diem in ifto brevi contentum, ubicunque.
fuerit in Anglia, plenam poteftatem habentes, ad tractandum &
confulendum, cum ipfo domino rege ibidem, ad ipfum domi-
num regem informandum, fuper ftatu & gubernatione terræ
fuæ Hiberniæ, abfque aliqua poteftate per prædi&tam commu--
nitatem libertatis prædictæ, prædictis duabus perfonis conceffa,.
devaliquibus oneribus fuper eis impofterum imponendis, prop-
ter diverfa quæ per prædictas perfonas ibidem declarabuntur.
-CONSIMILE breve dirigitur fenefcallo libertatis, Kilkenn. &..
vicecomiti Croc. ibidem fub eadem data.
>
TENOR returni brevis prædi&ti fequitur in hæc verba :
ALEXANDER epifcopus Offor, & Galfridus Forftall electi funt,,
pert fenefcallum libertatis Kilkenn. vicecomitem Croc, ibidem,,
ac magnates, & communes ejufdem comitatus, de effendo pro
eifdem, coram domino rege & ejus confilio, ubicunque tunc.
fuerit in Anglia, ad diem in brevi contentum, ad tractandum.
& confulendum, de negotiis, terram Hiberniæ, & dictum co-
mitatum tangentibus falvis libertatibus ac liberis confuetudini--
bus
382
{
APPENDIX.
bus terræ Hiberniæ, ac comitatus prædicti, ità femper, quod
dicti Alexander & Galfridus, nec eorum aliquis, nullatenus po
teftatem habeant concordandi, ad aliqua onera faper dictos ſe-
nefcallum, vicecomitem, magnates, feu communes imponenda,
feu quovis modo recipienda.
3
Et poftmodum, pro eo, quod dicti magnates & communes,
non dederunt prædictis electis, poteftatem concordandi, prout
breve domini regis requirebat; & etiam pro eo, quod dua
laicæ perfonæ, & non aliqua ecclefiaftica pèrfona, ad transfre
tandum, pro dictis magnatibus & communibus verfus partes
Angliæ, juxta mandatum & voluntatem domini regis, extra"
Angliam eligi deberent, de avifamento gubernatoris & cuftodis
terræ regis Hiberniæ, & confilii ibidem, per breve domini regis,
ficut alias, præceptum fuit præfatis fenefcallo & vicecomiti,
quod dictis magnatibus & communibus, ex parte domini regis
injungerent, quod ipfi de eorum communi affenfu eligerent,
unam laicam perfonam, loco dicti epifcopi, habentem fuffici
entem poteftatem, una cum præfato Galfrido, tam ad con-
cordandum quam tractandum & confulendum, ut prædic-
tum eft.
RETURNI cujus quidem brevis tenor talis eft:
WALTERUS filius Willielmi Coterell de Kenlys, electus eft
loco Alexandri epifcopi Offor. una cum Galfrido Forftall, pef
fenefcallum libertatis Kilkenn. & vicecomitem Croc. ibidem ac
magnates, & communes ejufdem comitatus de effendo pro
eifdem coram domino rege, & ejus confilio, ad diem in brevi
contentum, ubicunque tunc fuerit in Anglia, ad tractandum,
confulendum & concordandum, de negotiis, terram Hiberniæ,
& dictum comitatum tangentibus: falvis libertatibus & liberis
confuetudinibus terræ & communitatis prædictorum ; & except.
quod dicti Walterus & Galfridus, nec eorum aliquis, nullate-
nus poteftatem habeant concordandi ad aliqua onera, ſuper dictos
magnates & communes imponenda, feu quovis modo recipienda.
6
CON-
APPENDIX.
383
12
↓
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur fenefcallo libertatis Tyar. & vice-
comiti, Croc, ibidem, fub eadem data...
TENOR Feturni brevis prædicti ſequitur in hæc verba :
WILLIELMUS NEWEBERY & Willielmus Yong, funt electi de
communi affenfu, tam libertatis, quam Croc. de effendo coram
domino rege, & ejus confilio in Anglia, ad diem in brevi con-
tentum, ad faciendum, prout breve requirit: falvis liberta-
tibus, juribus, & legibus, & liberis confuetudinibus terræ
Hiberniæ:
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur fenefcallo libertatis Ker. & vice-
comiti Croc. ibidem fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
GILBERTUS filius Walter. & Thomas Fitz-Daniell del Rath.
laici, electi funt per magnates & communes comitatus Ker.
tam pro libertate, quam pro Croc. de effendo coram confilio
domini regis in quinden. purificationis beatæ Mariæ prox' futur',
in Anglia, ad tractandum, confulendum & concordandum, prout.
breve requirit.
REX majori & ballivis civitatis fuæ Dublin. falutem :
Cum alias oneraverimus, &c. ut fupra, ufque ibi tranſmitti
volentes, & tunc fic; vobis mandamus, quod convocatus co-
ram vobis civibus & communibus ejufdem civitatis, duos cives
hujufmodi poteftatem, &c. ut fupra, fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
PRÆTEXTU hujus brevis, convocatis civibus & communibus
civitatis domini regis Dublin. iidem cives & communes, de
eorum unanimi affenfu, una voce dixerunt, quod ipfi juxta.
jura, privilegia, libertates, leges, & confuetudines terræ Hiber-
niæ, a tempore conqueftus ejufdem ufitata, non tenentur mit-
tere aliquos de terra prædicta, ad Parliamenta nec confilia in.
Anglia tenta, nec ad tractandum, confulendum & concordan--
dum, cum domino rege in Anglia, prout hoc breve requirit;
ob reverentiam tamen domini regis, & voluntatis fuæ, ac man-
datorum:
1
1
384
APPENDIX.
}
3
datorum fuorum complement. & propter urgentem neceffita-
tem pro
ruina & inopia dictæ terræ, & populi fidelis ejufdem,
domino regi declarandum, hac vice concedunt Johanni Black-
boyn & Johanni White civibus civitatis prædictæ, electis pro
civitate prædicta, poteftatem ad tractandum, confulendum &
concordandum, cum domino rege, & confilio fuo in Anglia,
ſuper ſtatu & gubernatione ejufdem terræ Hiberniæ; poteſta-
tem prædictorum Johannis & Johannis electorum ad ipfos ci-
ves & communes, de aliquibus oneribus erga dominum regem
onerandis, concedendis in omnibus refervat. Ita tamen quod
dicta conceffio five miffio, in futuro, dictis civibus & communi-
bus non cedat in præjudicium jurium, privilegiorum, liberta-
tum, legum & confuetudinum prædi&torum, quibus magnates
& communes Hiberniæ, ac ipfi cives & communes civitatis
prædictæ, a tempore conqueftus Hiberniæ inconcuffe ufi funt &
gavifi.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur majori, fenefcallo, & ballivis villæ
fuæ de Drogheda, ex utraque parte aquæ, &c. mutatis mutan-
dis, fub eadam data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:
PRÆTEXTU hujus brevis, convocatis burgenfibus & com-
munibus villæ de Drogheda ex utraque parte aquæ, iidem, &c.
ut fupra, ufque ibi hac vice concedunt, & tunc fic poteftatem
Willielmo White & Nicholao Starkey electus pro villa prædicta,
ad tractandum, &c. ut fupra, mutatis mutandis.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur majori & ballivis civitatis fuæ
Waterford. mutatis mutandis, fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
PRÆTEXTU iftius brevis, convocatis civibus & communibus
civitatis domini regis Waterford. de communi afſenſu & confilio,
refpondemus quoad contenta in hoc brevi, quod non tenemur
juxta libertates, privilegia, jura, leges & confuetudines civita--
tis prædictæ, nec terræ Hiberniæ, aliquos de civitate prædicta
eligere,
APPENDIX.
385
4
韪
​rligeres, nec mittere ad partes Angliæ, ad Parliamenta feu con-
- Abidin Anglia tenenda; tamen ob reverentiam domini noftri
oregist Angliæ illuftriffimi, & propter urgentiffimam neceffita-
Aem dictæ terræ jam imminentem, ad præfens; falvis nobis, &
terræ prædictæ magnatibus & communibus juribus, privilegiis,
libertatibus, legibus & confuetudinibus. fuis prædictis, conce-
dimus, Willielmo Chaundhull & Galfrido Forftals, per nos
electis, ad proficifcendum ad partes Angliæ ibidem coram do-
mino noftro rege comparend. plenam poteftatem, ad tractandum,
-confulendum & concordandum fuper falvatione & defenfione
-& bona gubernatione dictæ civitatis ac terræ prædicæ; except.
taimen quod non concedimus prædictis nunciis feu electis ejuſ-
-dem civitatis, poteftatem concedendi aliqua onera feu fubfidia
fuper nos feu cives & communes civitatis prædictæ ad præfens,
& hoc tam propter paupertatem noftram, quam propter mifas,
& expenfas, ac fumptus, quos quafi cotidie intallagiatos levand.
de prædictis communibus dictæ civitatis quam in aliis fumpti-
bus & expenfis, quos circa defenfionem civitatis prædictæ ne-
ceffario apponere oportebit: quæ tamen, licet juxta civium ac
communitatis totius civitatis prædictæ poffe apponantur, non
fafficiunt ad decimam partem fumptus & expenfarum, quæ,
rcitca guerras ac reſiſtentiam inimicorum & rebellium domini
noftri regis, civium ac communitatis, & defenfionem ejufdem
civitatis, apponi oportet, & ob caufas prædictas, & alias quam-
*plurimas per prædictos electos feu nuncios civitatis prædi&tæ,
coram domino noftro rege in Anglia declarandas, aliter ad præ-
fens refpondere non poffimus.
+
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur majori & ballivis civitatis Lymer.
fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
SANOMINA duorum civium electorum, habentium fufficientem
-
poteftatem, tam pro fe, quam pro civibus & communibus civi-
tatis Lymer. ad tractandum, confulendum & concordandum,
VOL. I.
Ddd
cum
7
386
APPENDI X.
•
cum domino noftro rege, citra feftum purificationis beatæ
Mariæ prox' futur', ubicumque tunc fuerit in Anglia, prout
iftud breve requirit, videlicet Henricus Bercley & Thomas
Kildare.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur majori & ballivis civitatis fuæ
Cork. fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:
WILLIELMUS DALTON & Johannes Droupe funt electi, de
effendo coram domino rege, & confilio fuo in Anglia, ad
tractandum, confulendum & concordandum, prout breve re-
quirit.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur fuperiori & præpofito villæ de Kil-
kenn. &c. mutatis mutandis, ut fupra, fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
ROBERTUS FLODE & Johannes Ledred electi funt, per fupe-
riorem præpofitum, & burgenfes villæ Kilkenn. ad transfretan-
dum verfus dominum regem in Anglia & effend. coram dicto
domino rege
& confilio fuo ibidem, ad diem in hoc brevi con-
tentum, ad faciendum, prout breve requirit: falvis liberta-
tibus & liberis confuetudinibus terræ Hiberniæ, & villæ
prædictæ.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur fuperiori & ballivis villæ de Roffe
fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:
EXECUTIO iftius brevis facta eft in hac forma qua fequitur,
videlicet:
WILLIELMUS RYKYLL & Willielmus Seymor funt duo elec-
ti, ad reſpondendum pro villa de Roffe, prout breve requirit.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur fuperiori & ballivis villæ de Weys
fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba :
JACOBUS FREYNSH & Laurentius Bron burgenfes villa Weys
electi funt, per fuperiorem, ballivos & communitatem villæ
Weys:
APPENDIX.
387
ALA
{
Weys: quiquidem Jacobus & Laurentius poteftatem habent,
ad tractandum, confulendum, & ordinandum, tam pro feipfis,
quam communibus villæ prædictæ, & ad effendum coram do-
mino rege
& confilio fuo in Anglia, ubicunque fuerit, citra quin-
denam purificationis beatæ Mariæ, prout breve requirit.
CONSIMILE breve dirigitur fuperiori & ballivis villæ de Yog-
hill fub eadem data.
TENOR returni brevis prædicti fequitur in hæc verba:
VIRTUTE hujus mandati, eligi fecimus Bernardum Baret &
Ricardum Criſtofre, plenam poteftatem noftram habentes, pro
nobis & communitate villæ de Yoghill, ad tractandum, con-
fulendum, & concordandum, coram excellentiffimo domino
noftro rege, & difcretiffimo confilio fuo Angliæ, fecundum for-
mam & tenorem hujus infrafcripti mandati.
+2
Et quia præfato gubernatori & cuftodi, ac confilio Hiberniæ
prædicto videbatur majus autenticum effe, ad negotia prædicta
verfus dominum regem, & dictum confilium fuum in Anglia,
fub magno figillo dicti domini regis in Hibernia, quam aliquo
alio modo tranfmittend. de avifamento & ordinatione dictorum
gubernatoris & cuftodis, ac confilii regis in Hibernia, magnum
figillum domini regis in Hibernia prædicta, præfentibus in præ-
mifforum teftimonium eft appofitum.
DAT. apud Caffell xx. die Martii, anno regni regis Edwardi
Tertii, poft conqueftum regni fui Angliæ quinquagefimo, &
Franciæ tricefimo feptimo.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
६
ERRAT
A.
In Preliminary Difcourfe, p. 19. 1. 12. for Ficch, read Fiach. P. 26. 1. penult. for corre-
fponded, read correfpond.
P. 5.1. 4. for Gurgunitius, read Gurguntius. P. 15. 1. 15. for Oderchlan, read O'Lochlan.
P. 21. 1. 28. for Hi-Kenfelah, read Hi-Kenfelagh. P. 45. 1. 32. for O'Faolun, read O'Faolan.
P. 46.1. 25. for this, read his. P. 66.1. 9. for his own, read his own intereft. P. 108. 1. 19. for
Kinfelah, read Kenfelagh. P. 113. 1. 33. for commiffi, read commifi- P. 119. 1. 5. for unoffend-
ed, read unoffending. P. 126. 1. 22. for refpect, read difrefpect. P. 127. 1. 15. for puriam, read
puram. P. 155.1. penult. for Defmond, read Dermod. P. 170. l. 18. for Fir-Owen, read Tir-
Owen. P. 192. 1. 7. for offended, read offending. P. 196. 1. 19. for now, read were now. P. 198.
1. 19. for Guabon, read Gualon. P. 208. 1. 6. for Fedh, read Ædh. P. 231. 1. 12. for fought for
the aggrandizement of this family, read who fought for the aggrandizement of his family.
P. 240. 1. 1. for houfe, read horfe. P. 242. 1. 23. for interested, read interfected. P. 244. 1. 20.
for with thefe, read within thefe. P. 247.1 16. for wifeft, read wife. P. 251. 1. 19. for alteration,
read altercation. P. 252. 1. 28. for John, read Sir John. P. 261. 1. 21. for infurrection, read
infurrections. P. 265. 1. 1. after flavery place a comma, after equity dele comma. P. 271.1.2.
for aggrave, read aggravate. P. 279. l. 10. for committed, read remitted. P. 283. 1. penult.
for they, read this. P. 298. 1. 10. for rigour, read vigour. P. 302. 1. 3. for precarious, read
pernicious. Ibid. 1. 7. for of convention, read of this convention. P. 313. 1. 3. for non-refi-
dents, read non-refidence. P. 317. 1. 24. for the English birth, read English birth. P. 319.
1. 27. for prove, read proved. P. 331. 1. 3. for invefted, read infefted. P. 344. 1. 10. for fpoke,
read fpake.
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History of Ireland