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THE SCIENCE OF MAN
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS
By KARL PEARSON, F.R.S.
3Being the Presidential Address to Section H of the British
JAssociation for the JAdvancement of Science,
Cardiff, 1920
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THE SCIENCE OF MAN
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS
Being the Presidential Address to Section H of the
British Association for the Advancement of Science,
Cardiff 1920.
Anthropology—the Understanding of Man—should be, if Pierre
Charron were correct, the true science and the true study of mankind.”
We might anticipate that in our days—in this era of science—anthro-
pology in its broadest sense would occupy the same exalted position
that theology occupied in the Middle Ages. We should hail it ‘Queen
of the Sciences,’ the crowning study of the academic curriculum.
Why is it that we are Section H and not Section A 2 If the answer
be given that such is the result of historic evolution, can we still be
satisfied with the position that anthropology at present takes up in our
British Universities and in our learned societies? Have our univer-
sities, one and all, anthropological institutes well filled with enthusi-
astic students, and are there brilliant professors and lecturers teaching
them not only to understand man's past, but to use that knowledge to
forward his future? Have we men trained during a long life of study
and research to represent our science in the arena, or do we largely
trust to dilettanti—to retired civil servants, to untrained travellers or
colonial medical men for our knowledge, and to the anatomist, the sur-
geon, or the archaeologist for our teaching? Needless to say, that for the
study of man we require the better part of many sciences, we must
draw for contributions on medicine, on Zoology, on anatomy, on
archaeology, on folk-lore and travel-lore, nay, on history, psychology,
geology, and many other branches of knowledge. But a hotch-
potch of the facts of these sciences does not create anthropology. The
true anthropologist is not the man who has merely a wide knowledge
of the conclusions of other sciences, he is the man who grasps their
bearing on mankind and throws light on the past and present factors
of human evolution from that knowledge.
1 “La vraye science et le vray estude de l’homme c'est l’Homme.” Pierre
Charron, De la Sagesse, Préface du Premier Livre, 1601. Pope, with his “The
proper study of mankind is Man,” 1733, was, as we might anticipate, only a
plagiarist.
A
2 - THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
I am afraid I am a scientific heretic—an outcast from the true ortho-
dox faith—I do not believe in science for its own sake. I believe only in
science for man’s sake. You will hear on every side the argument that
it is not the aim of science to be utile, that you must pursue scientific
studies for their own sake and not for the utility of the resulting dis-
coveries. I think that there is a great deal of obscurity about this
attitude, I will not say nonsense. I find the strongest supporters of
‘science for its own sake use as the main argument for the pursuit
of not immediately utile researches that these researches will be useful
some day, that we can never be certain when they will turn out to be
of advantage to mankind. Or, again, they will appeal to non-utile
branches of science as providing a splendid intellectual training—as if
the provision of highly trained minds was not itself a social function
of the greatest utility In other words, the argument from utility is
in both cases indirectly applied to justify the study of science for its
own sake. In the old days the study of hyperspace—space of higher
dimensions than that of which we have physical cognisance—used to
be cited as an example of a non-utile scientific research. In view of
the facts: (i.) that our whole physical outlook on the universe—and
with it I will add our whole philosophical and theological outlooks—are
taking new aspects under the theory of Einstein; and (ii.) that study
of the relative influences of Nature and Nurture in Man can be
reduced to the trigonometry of polyhedra in hyperspace—we see how
idle it is to fence off any field of scientific investigation as non-utile.
Yet are we to defend the past of anthropology—and, in particular,
of anthropometry—as the devotion of our science to an immediate non-
utile which one day is going to be utile in a glorious and epoch-making
manner, like the Clifford-Einstein suggestion of the curvature of our
space? I fear we can take no such flattering unction to our souls.
I fear that ‘the best is yet to be cannot be said of our multitudinous
observations on height-sitting ' or on the censuses of eye or hair
colours of our population. These things are dead almost from the day
of their record. It is not only because the bulk of their recorders were
untrained to observe and measure with scientific accuracy, it is not only
because the records in nine out of ten cases omit the associated factors
without which the record is valueless. It is because the progress of
mankind in its present stage depends on characters wholly different
from those which have so largely occupied the anthropologist's atten-
tion. Seizing the superficial and easy to observe, he has let slip the
more subtle and elusive qualities on which progress, on which national
fitness for this or that task essentially depends. The pulse-tracing,
the reaction-time, the mental age of the men under his control are far
more important to the commanding officer—nay, I will add, to the
employer of labour—than any record of span, of head-measurement,
or pigmentation categories. The psycho-physical and psycho-physio-
logical characters are of far greater weight in the struggle of nations
to-day than the superficial measurements of man’s body. Physique,
in the fullest sense, counts something still, but it is physique as
measured by health, not by stature or eye-colour. But character,
strength of will, mental quickness count more, and if anthropometry
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS. 3
is to be useful to the State it must turn from these rusty old weapons,
these measurements of stature and records of eye-colour to more
certain appreciations of bodily health and mental aptitude—to what we
may term ‘ vigorimetry and to psychometry.
Some of you may be inclined to ask: And how do you know that
these superficial size-, shape-, and pigment-characters are not closely
associated with measurements of soundness of body and soundness of
mind? The answer to this question is twofold, and I must ask you
to follow me for a moment into what appears a totally different sub-
ject. I refer to a ‘pure race.’ Some biologists apparently believe
they can isolate a pure race, but in the case of man, I feel sure that
purity of race is a merely relative term. For a given character one
race is purer than a second, if the scientific measure of variation of
that character is less than it is in the second. In loose wording, for
we cannot express ourselves accurately without mathematical symbols,
that race is purer for which on the average the individuals are closer to
type for the bulk of ascertainable characters than are the characters
in a second race. But an absolutely pure race in man defies definition.
The more isolated a group of men has remained, the longer it has
lived under the same environment, and the more limited its habitat,
the less variation from type it will exhibit, and we can legitimately
speak of it as possessing greater purity. We, most of us, probably
believe in a single origin of man. But as anthropologists we are
inclined to speak as if at the dawn of history there were a number of
pure races, each with definite physical and mental characteristics; if
this were true, which I do not believe, it could only mean that up to
that period there had been extreme isolation, extremely differentiated
environments, and So marked differences in the direction and rate of
mental and physical evolution. But what we know, historically of
folk-wanderings, folk-mixings, and folk-absorptions have undoubtedly
been going on for hundreds of thousands of years, of which we know
only a small historic fragment. Have we any real reason for suppos-
ing that ‘ purity of race ' existed up to the beginning of history, and
that we have all got badly mixed up since?
Let us, however, grant that there were purer races at the beginning
of history than we find to-day. Let us suppose a Nordic race with
a certain stature, a given pigmentation, a given shape of head, and a
given mentality. And, again, we will suppose an Alpine race, differ-
ing markedly in type from the Nordic race. What happens if we cross
members of the two races and proceed to a race of hybrids? A
Mendelian would tell us that these characters are sorted out like cards
from a pack in all sorts of novel combinations. A Nordic mentality
will be found with short stature and dark eyes. A tall but brachy-
cephalic individual will combine Alpine mentality with blue eyes.
Without accepting fully the Mendelian theory we can at least accept
the result of mass observations, which show that the association
between superficial physical measurements and mentality is of the
slenderest kind. If you keep within one class, my own measurements
show me that there is only the slightest relation between intelligence
and the size and shape of the head. Pigmentation in this country seems
A 2
4 THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
to have little relation to the incidence of disease. Size and shape of
head in man have been taken as a rough measure of size and shape of
brain. They cannot tell you more—perhaps not as much as brain-
weight—and if brain-weight were closely associated with intelligence,
then man should be at his intellectual prime in his teens.
Again, too often is this idea of close association of mentality and
physique carried into the analysis of individuals within a human group,
i.e. of men belonging to one or another of the many races which have
gone to build up our population. We talk as if it was our population
which was mixed, and not our germplasm. We are accustomed to speak
of a typical Englishman. For example, Charles Darwin; we think of
his mind as a typical English mind, working in a typical English
manner, yet when we come to study his pedigree we seek in vain
for ‘purity of race.’ He is descended in four different lines from
Irish kinglets; he is descended in as many lines from Scottish and
Pictish kings. He had Manx blood. He claims descent in at least
three lines from Alfred the Great, and so links up with Anglo-Saxon
blood, but he links up also in several lines with Charlemagne and the
Carlovingians. He sprang also from the Saxon Emperors of Germany,
as well as from Barbarossa and the Hohenstaufens. He had Nor-
wegian blood and much Norman blood. He had descent from the
Dukes of Bavaria, of Saxony, of Flanders, the Princes of Savoy, and
the Kings of Italy. He had the blood in his veins of Franks, Alamans,
Merovingians, Burgundians, and Longobards. He sprang in direct
descent from the Hun rulers of Hungary and the Greek Emperors of
Constantinople. If I recollect rightly, Ivan the Terrible provides a
Russian link. There is probably not one of the races of Europe con-
cerned in the folk-wanderings which has not a share in the ancestry
of Charles Darwin. If it has been possible in the case of one English-
man of this kind to show in a considerable number of lines how impure
is his race, can we venture to assert that if the like knowledge were
possible of attainment, we could expect greater purity of blood in any
of his countrymen? What we are able to show may occur by tracing
an individual in historic times, have we any valid reason for supposing
did not occur in prehistoric times, wherever physical barriers did not
isolate a limited section of mankind? If there ever was an association
of definite mentality with physical characters, it would break down
as soon as race mingled freely with race, as it has done in historic
Europe. Isolation or a strong feeling against free inter-breeding—as
in a colour differentiation—could alone maintain a close association
between physical and mental characters. Europe has never recovered
from the general hybridisation of the folk-wanderings, and it is only
the cessation of wars of conquest and occupation, the spread of the
conception of nationality and the reviving consciousness of race, which
is providing the barriers which may eventually lead through isolation
to a new linking-up of physical and mental characters.
In a population which consists of non-intermarrying castes, as in
India, physique and external appearance may be a measure of the type
of mentality. In the highly and recently hybridised nations of Europe
there are really but few fragments of ‘pure races left, and it is
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS. 5
hopeless to believe that anthropometric measurements of the body or
records of pigmentation are going to help us to a science of the psycho-
physical characters of man which will be useful to the State. The
modern State needs in its citizens vigour of mind and vigour of body,
but these are not characters with which the anthropometry of the past
has largely busied itself. In a certain sense the school medical officer
and the medical officer of health are doing more State service of an
anthropological character than the anthropologists themselves.
These doubts have come very forcibly to my notice during the last
few years. What were the anthropologists as anthropologists doing
during the war? Many of them were busy enough and doing valuable
work because they were anatomists, or because they were surgeons,
or perhaps even because they were mathematicians. But as anthropo.
logists, what was their position? The whole period of the war pro-
duced the most difficult problems in folk-psychology. There were
occasions innumerable when thousands of lives and most heavy expen-
diture of money might have been saved by a greater knowledge of
what creates and what damps folk movements in the various races
of the world. India, Egypt, Ireland, even our present relations with
Italy and America, show only too painfully how difficult we find it to
appreciate the psychology of other nations. We shall not surmount
these difficulties until anthropologists take a wider view of the material
they have to record, and of the task they have before them if they
wish to be utile to the State. It is not the physical measurement of
native races which is a fundamental feature of anthropometry to-day;
it is the psychometry and what I have termed the vigorimetry of white-
as well as of dark-skinned men that must become the main subjects
of our study.
Some of you may consider that I am overlooking what has been
contributed both in this country and elsewhere to the science of folk-
psychology. I know at least that Wilhelm Wundt’s ” great work runs
to ten volumes. But I also know that in its 5452 pages there is
not a single table of numerical measurements, not a single state-
ment of the quantitative association between mental racial characters,
nor, indeed, any attempt to show numerically the intensity of
association between folk-mentality and folk customs and institutions,
It is folk-psychology in the same stage of evolution as present-day
sociology is in, or as individual psychology was in before the advent
of experimental psychology and the correlational calculus. It is
purely descriptive and verbal. I am not denying that many sciences
must for a long period still remain in this condition, but at the same
time I confess myself a firm disciple of Friar Roger Bacon * and of
Leonardo da Vinci,” and believe that we can really know very little
* Its last volume also bears evidence of the non-judicial mind of the writer,
who expresses strong opinions about recent events in the language of the party
historian rather than the man of science.
* He who knows not Mathematics cannot know any other science, and what
is more cannot discover his own ignorance or find its proper remedies.
* Nissuna humana investigatione si po dimandare vera scientia s'essa non
passa per le mathematiche dimostratione.
6 THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
about a phenomenon until we can actually measure it and express its
relations to other phenomena in quantitative form. Now you will
doubtless suggest that sections of folk-psychology like Language,
Religion, Law, Art—much that forms the substance of cultural
anthropology—are incapable of quantitative treatment. I am not con-
vinced that this standpoint is correct. Take only the first of these sec-
tions—Language. I am by no means certain that there is not a rich
harvest to be reaped by the first man who can give unbroken time and
study to the statistical analysis of language. Whether he start with
roots or with words to investigate the degree of resemblance in
languages of the same family, he is likely, before he has done, to
learn a great deal about the relative closeness and order of evolution
of cognate tongues, whether those tongues be Aryan or Sudanese.
And the methods applicable in the case of language will apply in the
same manner to cultural habits and ideas. Strange as the notion may
seem at first, there is a wide field in cultural anthropology for the use
of those same methods which have revolutionised psychometric tech-
nique, to say nothing of their influence on Osteometry.
The problems of cultural anthropology are subtle, but so indeed
are the problems of anthropometry, and no instrument can be too
fine if our analysis is to be final. The day is past when the arithmetic
of the kindergarten sufficed for the physical anthropologist; the day
is coming when mere verbal discussion will prove inadequate for the
cultural anthropologist.
I do not say this merely in the controversial spirit. I say it because
I want to find a remedy for the present state of affairs. I want to
see the full recognition of anthropology as a leading science by the
State. I want to see the recognition of anthropology by our manu-
facturers and commercial men, for it should be at least as important
to them as chemistry or physics—the foundations of the Anthropo-
logical Institutes with their museums and professors in Hamburg
and Frankfurt have not yet found their parallels in commercial centres
here. I want to see a fuller recognition of anthropology in our great
scientific societies, both in their choice of members and in the memoirs
published. If their doors are being opened to psychology under its new
technique, may not anthropology also seek for fuller recognition ?
It appears to me that if we are to place anthropology in its true
position as the queen of the sciences, we must work shoulder to shoulder
and work without intermittence in the following directions: anthropolo-
gists must not cease:
(i) To insist that our recorded material shall be such that it is
at present or likely in the near future to be utile to the State, using the
word ‘State' in its amplest sense.
(ii) To insist that there shall be institutes of anthropology, each
with a full staff of qualified professors, whose whole energy and time
shall be devoted to the teaching of and research in anthropology,
ethnology and prehistory. At least three of our chief universities
should be provided with such institutes. -
(iii) To insist that our technique shall not consist in the mere state-
ment of opinion on the facts observed, but shall follow, if possible
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS. 7.
with greater insight, the methods which are coming into use in
epidemiology and psychology.
I should like to enlarge a little further on these three insistencies,
the fundamental planks' of the campaign I have in view.
(i) Insistence on the Nature of the Material to be dealt with.
I have already tried to indicate that the problems before us to-day,
the grave problems that are pressing on us with regard to the future,
cannot be solved by the old material and by the old methods. We have
to make anthropology a wise counsellor of the State, and this means
a counsellor in political matters, in commercial matters, and in social
matters.
The Governments of Europe have had military advisers, financial
advisers, transport and food experts in their service, but they have
not had ethnological advisers; there have been no highly trained anthro-
pologists at their command. You have only to study the Peace of
Versailles to see that it is ethnologically unsound and cannot be per-
manent. It is no good asking why our well-meaning rulers did not
consult our well-meaning anthropologists. I for One confess that
we have not in the past dealt with actuality, or if we did deal with
actuality, we have not treated it in a manner likely to impress either
the executive or the public at large. There lacked far too largely
the scientific attitude and the fundamental specialist training. I will
not go so far as to say that, if the science of man had been developed
to the extent of physical science in all European countries, and had
then had its due authority recognised, there would have been no war,
but I will venture to say that the war would have been of a different
character, and we should not have felt that the fate of European society
and of European culture hung in the balance, as at this moment they
certainly do.
No one can allow individual inspiration to-day, and you may justly
cry a Daniel has no right to issue judgment from the high seat of
the feast. Daniel’s business is that of the outsider, the stranger, the
unwelcome person interpreting, probably his own, scrawling on the wall.
Well, if it be hard to learn from friends, let us at least study
impassionately from our late foes. Some of my audience may have
read the recent manifesto of the German anthropologists, their clarion
cry for a new and stronger position of the science of man in academic
studies. But the manifesto may have escaped some, and so closely
does it fit the state of affairs here that I venture to quote certain portions
of it. After reciting the sparsity of chairs for the study of physical and
cultural anthropology in the German universities and how little academic
weight has been given to such studies, it continues: “Where these
sciences have otherwise found recognition in the universities, they are
not represented by specialists, so that anthropology is provided for by
the anatomists, ethnology by the geographers, and prehistory by
Germanists, archaeologists and geologists, and this although, in the
present extent of these three sciences, the real command of each one of
them demands the complete working powers of an individual. This want
8 THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
of teaching posts had made itself felt long before the war, so that the
number of specialists and of those interested in our science has
receded.' "
And again :
“During the war we have often experienced how in political
pamphlets ethnology and ethnography—even as in the peace treaty of
Brest-Litovsk—were used too often as catchwords without their users
being clear about the ideas those words convey. The sad results of
our foreign policy, the collapse of all our calculations as to national
frames of mind, were based in no small degree on ethnographic ignor-
ance; one has only to take for example the case of the Turks. Ethnology
should not embrace only the spears and clubs of the savages, but also
the psychology and demography of the white races, the European
peoples. At this very moment, when the right of self-determination
has become a foremost question of the day, the scientific determination
of the boundaries of a people and its lands has become a task of the first
importance. But our Government of the past knew nothing of the
activity of the ethnologists, and the Universities were not in the condition
to come to their aid, for ethnological chairs and institutes were wanting.
The foundation of such must be the task of the immediate future.’"
And once more :
‘The problems of the military fitness of our people, of the physical
constitution of the various social classes, of the influence of the social
and material environment upon them, the problems of the biological
grounds for the fall in the birth-rate and its results, of the racial com-
position of our people, of the eventual racial differences and the accom-
panying diverse mental capacities of the individual strata, and finally
the racial changes which may take place in a folk under the influences
of civilisation, and the bearing of all these matters on the fate of a
nation, these are problems which can alone be investigated and brought
nearer to solution by anthropology. Even now after the war population-
problems stand in the forefront of interest, the question of folk-increase
and of the falling birth-rate is the vital question of the future.’’
I must ask your pardon for quoting so much, but it seems so strongly
to point the moral of my tale. If you will study what Germany is
feeling and thinking to-day do not hope to find it in the newspaper
reports, seek it elsewhere in personal communication or in German
writings. Then, I think, you will agree with me that rightly or wrongly
there is a conviction spreading in Germany that the war arose and that
the war was lost because a nation of professed thinkers had studied all
Sciences, but had omitted to study aptly the science of man. And in
a certain sense that is an absolutely correct conviction, for if the science
of man stood where we may hope it will stand in the dim and distant
future, man would from the past and the surrounding present have
some grasp of future evolution, and so have a greater chance of guiding
its controllable factors. .
- * Correspondenz Blatt, u.s.w.., Jahrg. I., S. 37.
* Ibid. S. 41. * 1 -
7 1 bid. S. 38
sº
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS. 9
We are far indeed from that to-day; but it befits us none the less
to study what this new anthropological movement in Germany connotes.
It means that the material of anthropology is going to change, or rather
that its observations will be extended into a study of the mental as
well as the physical characters, and these of the white races as well as of
the dark. It means that anthropologists will not only study individual
psychology, but folk-psychology. It means—and this is directly said
that Germany, having lost her colonies, will still maintain her trade by
aid of consuls, missionaries, traders, travellers, and others trained
academically to understand both savage and civilised peoples. This is a
perfectly fair field, and if the game be played squarely can solely lead
to increased human sympathy, and we shall only have ourselves to
blame if other nations are before us in their anthropological knowledge
and its practical applications. The first condition for State support
is that we show our science to be utile by turning to the problems
of racial efficiency, of race-psychology, and to all those tasks that
Galton described as the first duty of a nation—" in short, to make
every individual efficient both through Nature and by Nurture.’ -
Does this mean that we are to turn our backs on the past, to
desert all our prehistoric studies and to make anthropology the servant
of sanitation and commerce? Not in the least; if you think this is my
doctrine I have indeed failed to make myself even roughly clear to-day.
Such teaching is wholly opposed to my view of the function of science.
I feel quite convinced that you cannot understand man of to-day, savage
or civilised, his body or his mind, unless you know his past evolution,
unless you have studied fully all the scanty evidence we have of the
stages of his ascent. I should like to illustrate this by an incident
which came recently to my notice, because it may indicate to some
of those present the difficulties with which the anthropologist has to
contend to avoid misunderstanding.
Looking into the ancestry of man and tracing him backward to a
being who was not man and was not ape, had this prot-simio-human,
in the light of our present knowledge, more resemblance to the gibbon
or to the chimpanzee as we know them to-day ? . Some naturalists
link man up to the apes by a gibbonlike form, others by a troglodyte
type of ancestor. Some would make a push to do without either. But
granted the alternative, which is the more probable? This is the
problem of the hylobatic or the troglodyte origin of man. I had given
a lecture on the subject, confining my arguments solely to characters
of the thigh-bone. Now there chanced to be a statesman present, a
man who has had large responsibilities in the government of many races.
I have been honoured by seeing his comments on my lecture. ‘ I am
not,’ he says, “particularly interested in the descent of man. I do
not believe much in heredity, and this scientific pursuit of the dead
bones of the past does not seem to me a very useful way of spending
life. I am accustomed to this mode of study; learned volumes have
been written in Sanscrit to explain the conjunction of the two vowels
& & } } ” It is very learned, very ingenious, but not very help-
a’’ and “u.
ful. . . . I am not concerned with my genealogy so much as with my
future. Our intellects can be more advantageously employed than in
10 THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
finding our diversity from the ape . . . There may be no spirit, no
soul: there is no proof of their existence. If that is so, let us do
away with shams and live like animals. If, on the other hand, there
is a soul to be looked after, let us all strain our nerves to the task;
there is no use in digging into the sands of time for the skeletons of
the past: build your man for the future.”
What is the reply of anthropology to this indictment of the states-
man? You cannot brush it lightly aside. It is the statement of a
good man and a strong man who is willing to spend his life in the service
of his fellows. He sees us handling fossils and potsherds and cannot
perceive the social utility of our studies. He does not believe any
enthusiasm for human progress can lie beneath the spade and callipers
of the scientific investigator. He has never grasped that the man of
to-day is precisely what heredity and his genealogy, his past history
and his prehistory, have made him. He does not recognise that it is
impossible to build your man for the future until you have studied the
origin of his physical and mental constitution. Whence did he draw
his good and evil characteristics—are they the product of his nature or
his nurture ? Man has not a plastic mind and body which the enthu-
siastic reformer can at will mould to the model of his golden age ideals.
He has taken thousands of years to grow into what he is, and only by
like processes of evolution—intensified and speeded up, if we work
consciously and with full knowledge of the past—can we build his
future. - -
It does matter in regard to the gravest problems before mankind
to-day whether our ancestry was hylobatic or troglodyte. For five years
the whole world has been a stage for brutality and violence. We have
seen a large part of the youth who were best fitted mentally and
physically to be parents of future generations perish throughout Europe:
the dysgenic effect of this slaughter will show itself each twenty to
twenty-five years for centuries to come in the census returns of half
the countries of the world. Science undertook work which national
feeling bade it do, but on which it will ever look back with a shuddering
feeling of distaste, an uneasy consciousness of having soiled its hands.
And as aftermath we see in almost every land an orgy of violent crime,
a sense of lost security, and at times we dread that our very civilisation
may perish Owing to the weakening of the social ties, a deadening of
the responsibilities of class to class. This outbreak of violence which
has so appalled the thinking world, is it the sporadic appearance of an
inmate passion for the raw and brutal in mankind, or is it the outcome
of economic causes forcing the nations of the world to the combat for
limited food and material supplies? I wish we could attribute it to
the latter source, for then we could eradicate the spirit of violence by
changing environmental conditions. But if the spirit of violence be
innate in man, if there be times when he not only sees red but rejoices
in it—and that was the strong impression I formed when I crossed
Germany on August 1, 1914—then outbreaks of violence will not cease
till troglodyte mentality is bred out of man. That is why the question
of troglodyte or hylobatic ancestry is not a pursuit of dead bones. It
is a vital problem on which turns much of folk-psychology. It is a
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS. 11
problem utile to the State, in that it throws light on whether nature
or nurture is the more likely to build up man’s future—and save him
from the recurrence of such another quinquennium.
The critic to whom I have referred was not idle in his criticism.
He had not been taught that evolutionary doctrine has its bearings on
practical life. The biologist and the anthropologist are at fault; they
have too often omitted to show that their problems have a very close
relation to those of the statesman and the social reformer, and that the
problems of the latter cannot be solved without a true insight into
man’s past, without a knowledge of the laws of heredity, and without a
due appreciation of the causes which underlie great folk-movements.
(ii) Insistence on Institutes of Anthropology.
The anthropological problems of the present day are so numerous
and so pressing that we can afford to select those of the greatest
utility. Indeed, the three university institutes of anthropology I have
suggested would have to specialise and then work hard to keep abreast
of the problems which will crowd upon them. One might take the
European races, another Asia and the Pacific, and a third Africa.
America in anthropology can well look after itself. In each case we
need something on the scale of the Paris Ecole d’Anthropologie, with
its seventeen professors and teachers, with its museums and journals.
But we want something else—a new conception of the range of
problems to be dealt with and a new technique. From such schools
would pass out men with academic training fit to become officials,
diplomatic agents, teachers, missionaries, and traders in Europe, in
Asia, or in Africa, men with intelligent appreciation of and sympathy
with the races among whom they proposed to work.
But this extra-State work, important as it is, is hardly comparable
in magnitude with the intra-State work which lies ready to hand for
the anthropological laboratory that has the will, the staff, and the
equipment to take it up efficiently. In the present condition of affairs
it is only too likely that much of this work, being, psychometric, will
fall into the hands of the psychologist, whereas it is essentially the
fitting work of the anthropologist, who should come to the task, if
fitly trained, with a knowledge of comparative material and of the
past history, mental and physical, of mankind, on which his present
faculties so largely depend. The danger has arisen because the anthro-
pometer has forgotten that it is as much his duty to measure the
human mind as it is his duty to measure the human body, and that it is
as much his duty to measure the functional activities of the human
body—its dynamical characters—as its statical characters. By dyna-
mical characters I understand such qualities as resistance to fatigue,
facility in physical and mental tasks, immunity to disease, excitability
under stimuli, and many kindred properties. If you tell me that we are
here trenching on the field of psychology and medicine, I reply: Cer-
tainly; you do not suppose that any form of investigation which deals
with man—body or mind—is to be omitted from the science of man? If
you do you have failed to grasp why anthropology is the queen of the
Sciences. The University anthropological institute of the future will
12 THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
have attached to it a psychologist, a medical officer, and a biologist.
They are essential portions of its requisite staff, but this is a very
different matter from lopping off large and important branches of its
fitting studies, to lie neglected on the ground, or to be dragged away,
as dead wood, to be hewn and shapen for other purposes by scientific
colleagues in other institutes. Remember that I am emphasising that
side of anthropology which studies man in the service of the State—
anthropology as a utile Science—and that this is the only ground
on which anthropology can appeal for support and sympathy from
State, from municipality, and from private donors. You will notice
that I lay stress on the association of the anthropological institute
with the university, and the reasons for this are manifold. In the
first place, every science is stimulated by contact with the workers in
allied sciences; in the second place, the institute must be a teaching
as well as a researching body, and it can only do this effectively in
association with an academic centre—a centre from which to draw
its students and to recruit its staff. In the third place, a great university
provides a wide field for anthropometric studies in its students and
its staff. And the advantages are mutual. It is not of much service
to hand a student a card containing his stature, his weight, his eye
colour, and his head length ! Most of these he can find out for himself
But it is of importance to him to know something of how his eye, heart,
and respiration function; it is of importance to him to know the general
character of his mental qualities, and how they are associated with
the rapidity and steadiness of muscular responses. Knowledge on
these points may lead him to a fit choice of a career, or at any rate
save him from a thoroughly bad choice. -
In the course of my life I have often received inquiries from school-
masters of the following kind: We are setting up a school anthropo-
metric laboratory, and we propose to measure stature, weight, height
sitting, &c. Can you suggest anything else we should measure?
My invariable reply is: Don’t start measuring anything at all until
you have settled the problems you wish to answer, and then just
measure the characters in an adequate number of your boys, which
will enable you to solve those problems. Use your school as a labora-
tory, not as a weighhouse.
And I might add, if I were not in dread of giving offence: And
most certainly do not measure anything at all if you have no problem
to solve, for unless you have you cannot have the true spirit of the
anthropologist, and you will merely increase that material up and down
in the schools of the country which nobody is turning to any real use.
Which of us, who is a parent, has not felt the grave responsibility
of advising a child on the choice of a profession? We have before us,
perhaps, a few meagre examination results, an indefinite knowledge
of the self-chosen occupations of the child, and perhaps some regard
to the past experience of the family or clan. Possibly we say John is
good with his hands and does not care for lessons; therefore he should
be an engineer. That may be a correct judgment if we understand
by engineer, the engine-driver or mechanic. It is not true if we think of
the builders of Forth Bridges and Assuan Dams. Such men work
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS. 13
with the head and not the hand. One of the functions of the anthro-
pological laboratory of a great university, one of the functions of a
School anthropometric laboratory, should be to measure those physical
and mental characters and their inter-relations upon which a man's
Success in a given career so much depends. Its function should be to
guide youth in the choice of a calling, and in the case of a school to
enable the headmaster to know something of the real nature of indi-
vidual boys, So that that much-tried man does not feel compelled to
hide his ignorance by cabalistic utterances when parents question him
on what their son is fitted for.
Wide, however, as is the anthropometric material in our universities
and public Schools, it touches only a section of the population. The
modern anthropologist has to go further; he has to enter the doors of
the primary schools; he has to study the general population in all its
castes, its craftsmen, and its sedentary workers. Anthropology has to
be useful to commerce and to the State, not only in association with
foreign races, but still more in the selection of the right men and women
for the staff of factory, mine, office, and transport. The selection of
workmen to-day by what is too often a rough trial and discharge method
is one of the wasteful factors of production. Few employers even ask
what trades parents and grandparents have followed, nor consider the
relation of a man's physique and mentality to his proposed employment.
I admit that progress in this direction will be slow, but if the work
undertaken in this sense by the anthropologist be well devised, accurate,
and comprehensive, the anthropometric laboratory will gradually obtain
an assured position in commercial appreciation. As a beginning, the
anthropologist by an attractive museum, by popular lectures and demon-
strations, should endeavour to create, as Sir Francis Galton did at
South Kensington, an anthropometric laboratory frequented by the
general population, as well as by the academic class. Thus he will
obtain a wider range of material. But the anthropologist, if he is to
advance his science and emphasise its services to the State, must pass
beyond the university, the School, and the factory. He must study
what makes for wastage in Our present loosely organised society; he
must investigate the material provided by reformatory, prison, asylums
for the insane and mentally defective; he must carry his researches into
the inebriate home, the sanatorium, and the hospital, side by side with
his medical collaborator. Here is endless work for the immediate
future, and work in which we are already leagues behind our American
colleagues. For them the psychometric and anthropometric laboratory
attached to asylum, prison, and reformatory is no startling innovation,
to be spoken of with bated breath. It is a recognised institution of the
United States to-day, and from such laboratories the ‘fieldworkers'
pass out, finding out and reporting on the share parentage and environ-
ment have had in the production of the abnormal and the diseased, of
the anti-social of all kinds. Some of this work is excellent, some in-
different, some perhaps worthless, but this will always be the case in the
expansion of new branches of applied science. The training of the
workers must be largely of an experimental character, the technique has
to be devised as the work develops. Instructors and directors have to be
14 THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
appointed, who have not been trained ad hoc. But this is remedying
itself, and if indeed, when we start, we also do not at first limp some-
what lamely along these very paths, it will only be because we have
the advantage of American experience.
There is little wonder that in America, anthropology is no longer the
stepchild of the State. It has demanded its heritage, and shown that
it can use it for the public good. -
If I have returned to my first insistence that the problems handled
by the anthropologist shall be those useful to the State, it is because
I have not seen that point insisted upon in this country, and it is
because my first insistence, like my third, involves the second for its
effectiveness—the establishment in our chief universities of anthro-
pological institutes. As Gustav Schwalbe said of anthropology in 1907
—and he was a man who thought before he spoke, and whose death
during the war is a loss to anthropologists the whole world over—“a
lasting improvement can Only arise if the State recognises that anthro-
pology is a science pre-eminently of value to the State, a science which
not only deserves but can demand that chairs shall be officially estab-
lished for it in every university. . . Only this spread of officially
authorised anthropology in all German universities can enable it to fulfil
its task, that of training men who, well armed with the weapon of
anthropological knowledge, will be able to place their skill at the service
of the State, which will ever have need of them in increasing numbers.”
Our universities are not, as in Germany, Government controlled
institutions, although such control is yearly increasing. Here we have
first to show that we are supporting the State before the State somewhat
grudgingly will give its support to us. Hence the immediate aim of the
anthropologist should be—not to suggest that the State should a priori
assist work not yet undertaken, but to do what he can with the limited
resources in his power, and when he has shown that what he has
achieved is, notwithstanding his limitations, of value to the State, then
he is in a position to claim effective support for his science. -
I have left myself little time to place fairly before you my third
insistence.
(iii) Insistence on the Adoption of a New Technique.
What is it that a young man seeks when he enters the university—
if we put aside for a moment any social advantages, such as the forma-
tion of lifelong friendships associated therewith ? He seeks, or ought
to seek, training for the mind. He seeks, or ought to seek, an open
doorway to a calling which will be of use to himself, and wherein he
will take his part, a useful part, in the social organisation of which
he finds himself a member. Much as we may all desire it, in the
pressure of modern life, it is very difficult for the young man of moderate
means to look upon the university training as something apart from
his professional training. Men more and more select their academic
studies with a view to their professional value. We can no longer com-
bine the senior wranglership with the pursuit of a judgeship; we cannot
S correspondenz Blatt, Jahrg. xxxviii., S. 68.
ITS NEEDS AND ITS PROSPECTS. 15
pass out in the classical tripos and aim at settling down in life as a
Harley Street consultant; we cannot take a D.Sc. in chemistry as a
preliminary to a journalistic career. It is the faculties which provide
professional training that are crowded, and men study nowadays physics
or chemistry because they wish to be physicists or chemists, or seek by
their knowledge of these sciences to reach commercial posts. Even the
very Faculty of Arts runs the danger of becoming a professional school
for elementary school teachers. I do not approve this state of affairs; I
would merely note its existence. But granted it, what does anthro-
pology offer to the young man who for a moment considers it as a
possible academic study ? There are no professional posts at present
open to him, and few academic posts.” There is little to attract the
young man to anthropology as a career. Is its position as a training
of mind any stronger? The student knows if he studies physics or
chemistry or engineering that he will obtain a knowledge of the prin-
ciples of observation, of measurement, and of the interpretation of data,
which will serve him in good stead whenever he has to deal with pheno-
mena of any kind. But, alas! in anthropology, while he finds many
things of surpassing interest, he discovers no generally accepted methods
of attacking new problems, quot homines, tot sententia. The type of
man we want in anthropology is precisely the man who now turns to
mathematics, to physics, and to astronomy—the man with an exact
mind who will not take statements on authority and who believes in
testing all things. To such a man anthropometry—in all its branches,
craniometry, psychometry, and the wide field in which body and mind
are tested together under dynamic conditions—forms a splendid training,
provided his data and observations are treated as seriously as those of
the physicist or astronomer by adequate mathematical analysis. Such a
type of man is at Once repelled from our science if he finds in its
text-books and journals nothing but what has been fitly termed “kinder-
garten arithmetic.’ Why, the other day I saw in a paper by a dis-
tinguished anthropologist an attempt to analyse how many individual
bones he ought to measure. He adopted the simple process of comparing
the results he obtained when he took 10, 20, 30 individuals. He was
not really wiser at the end of his analysis than at the beginning, though
he thought he was. And this, notwithstanding that the whole matter
had been thrashed out scientifically by John Bernoulli two centuries
ago, and that its solution is a commonplace of physicist and astronomer!
How can we expect the scientific world to take us seriously and
to treat anthropology as the equal of other sciences while this state
of affairs is possible? What discipline in logical exactness are we
offering to academic youth which will compare with that of the older
sciences? What claim have we to advise the State until we have intro-
duced a sounder technique and ceased to believe that anthropometry is
a science that any man can follow, with or without training? As I
have hinted, the problems of anthropology seem to me as subtle as
° In London, for example, there is a reader in physical anthropology who is
a teacher in anatomy, and a professorship in ethnology, which for some
mysterious reason is included in the faculty of economics and is, I believe, not
a full-time appointment.
16 THE SCIENCE OF MAN,
those of physical astronomy, and we are not going to solve them with
rusty weapons, nor solve them at all unless we can persuade the
‘ brainy boys' of our universities that they are worthy of keen minds.
Hence it seems to me that the most fertile training for academic pur-
poses in anthropology is that which starts from anthropometry in its
broadest sense, which begins to differentiate caste and class and race,
bodily, and mental health and disease, by measurement and by the
analysis of measurement. Once this sound grounding has been reached
the trained mind may advance to ethnology and sociology, to prehistory
and the evolution of man. And I shall be surprised if equal accuracy
of statement and equal logic of deduction be not then demanded in
these fields, and I am more than half convinced, nay, I am certain,
that the technique the student will apply in anthropometry can be
equally well applied in the wider fields into which he will advance in
his later studies. Give anthropology a technique as accurate as that
of physics, and it will forge ahead as physics have done, and then
anthropologists will take their due place in the world of science and
in the service of the State.
Francis Galton has a claim upon the attention of anthropologists
which I have not. He has been President of your Institute, and he
spoke just thirty-five years ago from the chair I now occupy, pressing
On you for the first time the claims of new anthropological methods.
In Galton's words: “Until the phenomena of any branch of knowledge
have been submitted to measurement and number it cannot assume the
status and dignity of a Science.’ Have we not rather forgotten those
warning words, and do they not to some extent explain why our
universities and learned societies, why the State and statesmen, have
turned the cold shoulder on anthropology 2
This condition of affairs must not continue; it is good neither for
anthropology, nor for the universities, nor for the State if this funda-
mental science, the science of man, remains in neglect. It will not
continue if anthropologists pull together and insist that their problems
shall not fail in utility, that their scientific technique shall be up to
date, and that anthropological training shall be a reality in our univer-
sities—that these shall be fully equipped with museums, with material,
with teachers and students.
It is almost as difficult to reform a science as it is to reform a
religion; in both cases the would-be reformer will offend the sacrosanct
upholders of tradition, who find it hard to discard the faith in which
they have been reared. But it seems to me that the difficulties of our
time plead loudly for a broadening of the purpose and a sharpening of
the weapons of anthropology. If we elect to stand where we have
done a new science will respond to the needs of State and Society; it
will spring from medicine and psychology, it will be the poorer in
that it knows little of man’s development, little of his history or pre-
history. But it will devote itself to the urgent problems of the day.
The future lies with the nation that most truly plans for the future,
that studies most accurately the factors which will improve the racial
qualities of future generations either physically or mentally. Is
anthropology to lie outside this essential function of the Science of
ITs NEEDs AND ITS PROSPECTs. 17
man? If I understand the recent manifesto of the German anthropo-
logists, they are determined it shall not be so. The war is at an end,
but the critical time will be with us again, I sadly fear, in twenty
to thirty years. How will the States of Europe stand then? It
depends to no little extent on how each of them may have cultivated
the science of man and applied its teaching to the improvement of
national physique and mentality. Let us take care that our nation
is not the last in this legitimate rivalry. The organisation of existing
human society with a view to its future welfare is the crowning task
of the science of man; it needs the keenest-minded investigators, the
most stringent technique, and the utmost sympathy from all classes
of society itself. Have we, as anthropologists, the courage to face this
greatest of all tasks in the light of our knowledge of the past and
with our understanding of the folk of to-day ? Or shall we assert that
anthropology is after all only a small part of the science of man, and
retreat to our study of bones and potsherds on the ground that science
is to be studied for its own sake and not for the sake of mankind? I
do not know what answer you will give to that question, yet I am
convinced what the judgment of the future on your answer is certain
to be. It will be similar to Wang Yang Ming's reproof of the com-
placency of the Chinese cultured classes of his day: ‘Thought and
Learning are of little value, if they be not translated into Action.’
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I. The Femur. Text and Atlas of Plates. Price
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Text and Atlas of Plates. Price 40s. net.
Studies in National Deterioration.
I. On the Relation of Fertility in Man
to Social Status, and on the changes in this
Relation that have taken place in the last 59 years.
By DAVID HERON, M.A., D.Sc. Price 6s. net,
Söld only with complete sets.
II. A First Study of the Statisties of
Pulmonary Tuberculosis (Inheritance). By KARL
PEARson, F.R.S. Price 3S, net.
III. A Second Study of the Statisties
of Pulmonary Tuberculosis. . . Marital Infection,
By ERNEST G. Pope, revised by KARI, PEARson,
F.R.S. With an Appendix on Assortative Mating.
By ETHEL. M. ELDERton. Price 3s. net.
IV. The Health of the School-Child
in relation to its Mental Characters. By. KARL
PEArson, F.R.S. - -
. On the Inheritance of the Dia-
thesis of Phthisis and Insanity... A Statistical
Study based supgn the Family History of 1,500
Criminals. r
Price 3.S. net,
[Shortly.
WI. A Third $ºdy Of the Statistics
of Pulmonary Tuberculosis. . The Mortality of
the Tuberculous and Sanatorium Treatment. By
W. P. ELDERTON, F.I.A., and S. J. PERRY, A.I.A.
Price 3.S. net.
VII. On the Hºsºy Of Natural
Selection in Man. (On the Relation of Darwinism
to the Infantile Death-rate.) By E. C. SNow,
D.Sc, Price 3.S. net. -
VIII. A Fourth Study of the Stat-
istics of Pulmonary Tuberculosis: the Mortality
of the Tuberculous: Sanatorium and Tuberculin
Treatment. By W. PALIN ELDERTon, F.I.A., and
SIDNEY J. PERRY, A.I.A. Price 3s. Inet.
IX, A Statistical Study of Oral
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By CHARLEs GoRING, M.D., B.Sc.
Temperatures in School Children with special
reference to Parental, Environmental, and Class
Differences. By M. H. WILLIAMs, M.B., JULIA
§: M.A., and KARL PEARSoN, F.R.S. Price
6s, net. *
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Technical Series.
I. On a Theory of the Stresses in
Crane and Coupling Hooks with Experimental
Comparison with Existing . Theory. By E. S.
ANDREWS, B.Sc. Eng., assisted by KARL PEARson,
F.R.S. Issued. Price 3.S. net.
II. On some Disregarded Points in
the Stability of Masonry Dams. By L. W.
ATCHERLEY, assisted by KARL PEARson, F.R.S.
Issued. Price 7s. Inet. Sold only with complete
SetS,
III. On the Graphics of Metal Arches
with special reference to the Relative Strength of
Two-pivoted, Three-pivoted and Built-in-Metal
Arches. By L. W. ATCHERLEY and KARL PEAR-
son, F.R.S. Issued. Price 5S. net,
IV. On Torsional Vibrations in Axles
and Shafting. By KARL PEARson, F.R.S. Issued.
Price 6s, net.
W. An Experimental Study of the
Stresses in Masonry Dams. By KARL PEARson,
F.R.S., and A. F. CAMPBELL Poll ARD, assisted by
C. W. WHEEN, B.Sc. Eng., and L. F. RICHARD-
son, B.A., Issued. Price 7S. net.
WI. On a Practical Theory of Elliptic
and Pseudo-elliptic Arches, with special reference
to the ideal Masonry Arch. By KARL PEARson,
F.R.S., W. D. REYNoLDs, B.Sc. Eng., and W. F.
STANTox, B.Sc. Eng. Issued. Price 4S. net.
WII. On the Torsion resulting from
Flexure in Prisms with Cross-sections of Uni-axial
Symmetry only. By ANDREw W. YoUNG, E. M.
ELDERT on and KARL PEARson, F.R.S. Issued.
Price 7S. 6d. net.
Questions of the Day and of the Fray.
I. The Influence of Parental Aleo-
holism on the Physique and Ability of the Off-
Spring. A Reply to the Cambridge Economists,
By KARL PEARSoN, F.R.S. Price is. net,
II. Mental Defeet, Mal-Nutrition,
and the Teacher's Appreciation of Intelligence. A
Reply to Criticisms of the Memoir on ‘The Influ-
ence of Defective Physique and Unfavourable
Home Environment on the Intelligence of School
Children.’ By DAvi D HERON, D.Sc. Price is.
Ilêt,
III. An Attempt to correet some of
the Misstatements made by Sir VICTOR HoRSLEY,
F.R.S., F.R.C.S., and MARY D. STURGE, M.D., in
their Criticisms of the Memoir: “A First Study of
the Influence of Parental Alcoholism,’ &c. By
KARL PEARSoN, F.R.S. Price is, net,
IV. The Fight against Tubereulosis
and the Death-rate from Phthisis. By KAR
PEARson, F.R.S. Price is, net.
W. Social Problems : Their Treat-
ment, Past, Present, and Future. By KARL PEAR-
SON, F.R.S. Price 1 S. net.
r
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WI. Eugenies and Publie Health.
Lecture to the York Congress of the Royal
Sanitary Institute. By KARL PEARSoN, F.R.S.
Price 1 S. net,
VII.
Mental Defect. I.
can Work, By DAvid HERON, D.Sc.
Number.) Price 2S. net,
VIII. Mendelism and the Problem of
Mental Defect. II. The Continuity of Mental
Defect. By KARL PEARson, F.R.S., and GUSTAv
A. JAEDERHolsi, Ph.D. Price is. net.
IX. Mendelism and the Problem of
Mental Defect. III. On the Graduated Character
of Mental Defect, and on the need for standardis-
ing Judgments as to the Grade of Social Ineffi-
ciêncy which shall involve Segregation. By KARL
PEARson, F.R.S. (Double Number.) Price 2s. net.
X. The Science of Man : Its Needs
and its Prospects. Being the Address to Sec-
tion H of the British Association, 1920. By KARL
PEAR'son, F.R.S. Price is. 6d. net,
A Criticism of Recent Ameri-
(Double
Mendelism and the Problem of