ARTES
1837
VERITAS
LIBRARY
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
PLURIOUS UNUM
TUEBOR
"SI·QUERIS PENINSULANDAMŒNAM
CIRCUMSPICE
1
4
DARASARANAWARARAR
GIFT OF
REGENT LL HUBBARD
•
Hubbard
Imag. Voy.
FR
•F26
1738
Jol. 1.
The Reverend
D'I SWIFT DSPD
Furst vol
THE
WORKS
F.
OF
J. S, D. D, D. S. P. D.
IN
SIX VOLUMES.
CONTAINING,
I. The Author's MISCELLANIES in PROSE.
II. His POETICAL WRITINGS.
III. The TRAVELS of Captain LEMUEL
GULLIVER.
IV. HIS PAPERS relating to Ireland, confifting of
feveral Treatifes; among which are, The
DRAPIER'S LETTERS to the People of Ireland
againſt receiving Wood's Half-pence.
V. The CONDUCT of the ALLIES, and the
EXAMINERS.
VI. The Publick Spirit of the WHICS; and
other Pieces of POLITICAL WRITINGS,
With POLITE CONVERSATION, &c.
DUBLIN:
Printed by GEORGE FAULKNER, În
Effex-Street.
M, DCC, XXXVIII,
VOLUME L
OF THE
AUTHOR'S WORKS.
CONTAINING
MISCELLANIES
I N
PROSE.
DUBLIN:
Printed by and for GEORGE FAULKNER,
M,DCC,XXX,VIII.
Rava Bk. Prom
Regent L. L. Huttais
get
412-1427
7 arte, in ait.
THE
CONTENTS.
CHAP. I.
A
Difcourfe of the Contests and
Diffentions between the Nobles
Page 1.
and Commons of Athens and Rome.
CHAP. II. Of the Diffentions in Athens between
the Few and the Many.
12
CHAP. III. Of the Diffentions between the Pa-
tricians and Plebeians in Rome; with the Con-
fequences they had upon that State.
CHAP. IV.
CHAP. V.
Meditation on a Broom-Stick.
22
37
43
55
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England-Man, with
Refpect to Religion and Government.
58
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England-Man, with
Respect to Government.
75
An Argument to prove, that the Abolishing Chriftia-
nity in England may, as Things now ftand, be
attended with fome Inconveniencies, and perhaps
not produce many good Effects propofed thereby. 91
Predictions for the Year 1708.
109
An Account of the Death of Mr. Patrige the Alma-
nack-Maker.
122
Squire
CONTENTS.
127
Squire Bickerſtaff detected by John Patrige.
A true and impartial Account of the Proceedings of
Ifaac Bickerstaff, Efq; against me John Patrige.
A Vindication of Ifaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq;
129
17
A Project for the Advancement of Religion and the
Reformation of Manners.
145
A Tritical Effay on the Faculties of the Mind. 173
A Propofal for correcting and improving the Engliſh
Tongue.
A famous Prediction of Merlin.
The Tatler, N° CCXXX.
The Tatler on Dreams.
The Tatler on Breeding.
181
202
208
217
225
Letter to a young Gentleman in Holy Orders. 230
The wonderful Wonder of Wonders.
255
The Wonder of all the Wonders that ever the World
wondered at.
261
A Letter to a young Lady on her Marriage.
265
The Intelligencer, No III.
278
The Intelligencer, N° V.
285
The Intelligencer, No IX.
Thoughts on various Subjects.
296
307
1
THE
SADARAN
THE
Publiſher's PREFACE.
H
AVING received great Encourage
ment from both Kingdoms; and efpeci-
ally from this, to publiſh a compleat
and correct Edition in four Volumes, of
the Works fuppofed to be written by
the Reverend Dr. S. D. S. P. D. we defire Leave to
inform the Readers how we have proceeded in this
Affair. We do not find, that the fuppofed Author
did ever put his Name to above two Compofitions,
which were both writ in Profe; the former is a Let-
ter to the Lord Treaſurer Oxford, upon a Propofal
for correcting and afcertaining the English Language;
the other is a Letter upon a different Subject to the
Lord Chancellor Middleton, which was never
printed before; but we found the Name fubfcribed at
Length in the original Manufcript. This Way of
Proceeding in the Author, hath put us under the Ne-
ceffity of complying with the general Opinion, which
*
bath
PREFACE.
bath fixed certain Writings both in Verfe and Profe
upon him, whether truly or no, we shall not prefumé
to determine; for we are affured he never directly
owned to his nearest Friends any Writings which
generally paffed for his; the unavoidable Confequence
whereof was, that befides thofe Poems or Treatifes,
which the judicious Part of the World agreed to have
come from his Pen; many others were vulgarly fixed
on him, which a Writer much inferior (at least if
Printers and Bookfellers were to be the Judges) might
bave just Reaſon to complain of; and yet, we are
equally affured by thofe Gentlemen in this King-
dom, who feem to know the Author best, that when
People of more Curiofity than Tafte or Manners,
offered to charge him with fome Trifles which he had
not writ, he would never give them the leaft Satis-
faction, by owning or denying it.
If we are truly informed, the fuppofed Author
bath often protested, that he never did write three
Copies of Verfes with the leaft Intention to have them
printed, although he was eafy enough to shew them
to bis Friends, and at their Defire was not very fcru-
pulous in fuffering them to take Copies; from whence
most of thoſe Poems were occafionally printed in both
Kingdoms, either in fingle Papers, or in Mifcella-
nies.
Several Applications have been made to the fuppofed
Author for two Years past by most of his Friends,
that he would give us Leave to print thofe Writings
in Verfe and Profe, which are univerfally imputed to
bim: The Arguments made use of were, that fuch a
Collection as we propofed could not be printed in
London; becauſe ſeveral Copies, and fome whole
Treatifes were the Property of different Bookfellers,
who were not likely to agree in Partnerſhip, nor had
the
PREFAC E.
the fame Advantage with us of confulting the fuppofed
Author's Friends, who were pleased to correct many
grofs Errors, and ftrike out fome very injudicious In-
terpolations; particularly in the Voyages of Captain
Gulliver: Not to mention ſeveral Things in Profe
as well as Verfe, which we procured from fome Gen-
tlemen who were either connived at, or fuffered to
take Copies. We added, that if we did not under-
take this Work, it would certainly be attempted
by fome Bookfeller, who probably might not be fo ready
to fubmit to the Advice and Direction of the fuppofed
Author's Friends. That we offended against no Law
in acting as we did; becauſe in this Kingdom, nei-
ther Authors, Bookfellers or Printers, pretended any
Property in Copies; which in London is fixed as
certainly as any other legal Poffeffion.
But our Arguments were of little Effect; fur-
ther, than that the fuppofed Author was prevailed
on to fuffer fome Friends to review and correct the
Sheets after they were printed; and fometimes he con-
defcended, as we have heard, to give them his own
Opinion.
In printing the four Volumes we have been adviſed
to obferve the following Order: The first Volume
confifts of thofe Mifcellanies, which were publiſhed
in London about thirty Years ago; that is to fay,
the Profe Part of them; but in this Impreffion are
feveral confiderable Additions. The fecond Volume
contains all the Poetical Writings, that we could col-
lett, and which are generally ascribed to the fame
Author; wherein we entirely fubmitted to the Di-
rections of his Friends. The third Volume makes
up the four Parts of Captain Gulliver's Travels.
The laft Volume is a compleat Collection of all those
Tracts relating to Ireland, which are univerfally al-
lowed
!
PREFACE.
lowed to have been written by the fame Author
and may probably be useful upon many Occafions to
this poor Kingdom in future Ages; and even to
England itſelf, where most of them have been
printed, and well received.
This is all we have been allowed to prefix as a
general Preface; but before each of the three enfu-
ing Volumes are bort Advertiſements.
DUBLIN, Oct.
1734.
用
​Subſcribers NAMES.
Her Royal Highness the Princefs of ORANGE.
His Serene Highness the Prince of ORANGE.
R
IGHT Hon. Earl of
Abingdon, Setts.
Earl of Arran
Earl of Abercorn
Countess of Abercorn
Countess of Aylesford
Lord Athunry
Sir Arthur Achefon Bart.
Sir Gerald Aylmer, Bart.
Revd. Mr. Jo. Alcock, M. A.
Mr. Alexander Alcock, A. B.
Revd. Alexander
Alcock,
Dean of Lifmore
Mr. Chriſtopher Anderſon
Henry Afton, Efq;
Capt. Atkins
Iſaac Ambroſe, Eſq;
Mr. James Arbuckle
Mr James Arbuckle, M. A.
Ald. William Aldrich
Samuel Arnoldi, Eſq; M. D.
Mr. John Andrews
John Averell, Elq;
Mr. John Anderſon, A. B.
Thomas Amory, Efq;
Mr. John Adamfon, 6 Setts
VOL. I.
|
Mr. Peter Augier of Caſhel
Mr. William Atkins, A. B.
Capt. Aldercron
John Allen, Efq;
Revd. Mr. George Alcock
Nicholas Aylward, Efq;
Samuel Auchmuty, Efq;
Thomas Armſtrong, Eſq;
Andrew Armstrong, Efq;
Warniford Armstrong, Eq
Edward Armstrong, Elqa
John Archer, Elq;
Mr. Michael Archet
Gilbert Affleck, Efq;
William Acton, Eſq;
Revd. Mr. Humphry Adams.
William Annefly, Eiq;
H'
B
IS Grace the Duke of
Buckingham
Her Grace the Dutchefs of
Buckingham
His Grace the Duke of Bedford
Rt. Hon. the Earl of Barry-
more
Rt H. Lord Viſ. Bolingbroke
Rt. H. Lord Vife. Buttevant
Lord
Subfcribers NAMES.
Rt. Hon. Lord Vif. Boyne
Rt. Hon. the Lord Boyle
Rt. Hon. Lord Bellfield
Rt. Hon. Lord Bathurst
Rt. Hon. Lady Bateman
Rt. Hon. Lady Buckley
Rt. Hon. Lady Anne Bligh
His Excellency Henry Boyle,
Efq; one of the Lords Juf-
tices of Ireland.
Rt. Hon. Francis Burton, Efq;
Hon. John Bowes, Efq; Sol-
licitor General
Ho. Col Philip Bragg
Ho. Col. James Butler.
Ho John Berkely, Elq;.
Hon. Thomas Butler, Efq;
Hon. Robert Butler, Efq;
Hon. John Butler, Efq;
Hon. Mrs. Bury
Sir Orlando Bridgman, Bart.
Sir Walter Dixon Boroughs,
Bart.
Ja. Birmingham, Eſq;
James Belcher, Eiq;
Samuel Barker, Elq;
Revd. Dean Brandreth, Setts
5
Dominick Browne, Efq;
John Bolton, Efq;
Mr. James Byrne
Mrs. Charlotte Baldwin
William Barter, Efq;
Henry Bindon, Eſq;
Mrs. Gwen Bodville
Revd. Mr. Benjamin Bacon,
Archdeacon of Derry
Thomas Bardet of London,
Elq;
Richard Barker, Éfq;
Rowland Bradſtock, Efq;
Alderman Bennet of Cork
16 Setts
Mr John Bagwell
Richard Buckworth, of Cafhel
Eiq;
Mrs. Anne Buckworth, of dit.
John Buckworth of dit. Efq;`
John Burgeſs of dit. Efq;
M. D.
Clement Barry, Efq;
William Bailey, Efq;
James Bryan, Eſq;
Revd. Dr. Bradford
Nath. Bland, Efq; L. L. D.
Revd. Mr. Thomas Buckley,
M. A.
Revd. Mr. Thomas Bullen,
M..A.
John Bourk of Liſmore, Efq;
John Browne, Efq; 10 Setts
Dominick Browne of May-
field, Efq;
Dominick Browne of Bray-
field, Efq;
Michael Barry, Gent.
John Beaumon, Gent.
Doctor Edmond Barry
| Miſs Mable Butler of Water-
ford.
Ald. John Barber, of London
Bridges Baldwin, Efq; 6 Setts
Mr. Chichelter Bolton
Arthur Baldwin, Eſq;
Francis Bindon, Eſq;
Jacob Barlow, A. B.
Mrs. Elizabeth Burgh
Mr. Robert Blakeney
Captain James Barry
Edward Barry, Eſq; M. D.
Thomas Bolton, Eiq; M. D,
John Baldwin, Eſq;
Bruno Browne, Efq;
Captain Bowles
Mrs. Letitia Buſhe
Richard Butler of Ballinchinch,
Efq;
Samuel Barrington, Efq; Col-
lector of Ennis
Edward Bond, Elq;
John Bonham, Eiq;
Francis Blake, Efq;
Hon.
Subfcribers NAMES.
Hon. William Brabazon, Efq;
Thomas Bourke, Eſq;
Revd. John Blachford,
John Blakeney, Efq;
Samuel Buckley, of London,
Efq;
*
Mrs. Eliza Blake
The Revd. Mr. Rob. Bligh
Mrs. Mary Baggot
Roger Bradshaw, Efq;
Ignatius Blake, Efq;
John Baldwin of Merridon, in
Warwickshire, Efq;
Thomas Bolton, Eſq;
Arthur Birt, Efq;
Robert Boſwell, Efq;
Dr. Edmond Barry
Richard Baldwin, Eſq ;
Mrs. Barber
John Berkely, Eſq;
George Bagnal, Efq;
William Blair, Efq;
Thomas Bacon, Eſq;
Mrs. Mira Barber
John Bridges, Eſq;
Ifham Baggs, Efq;
David Bindon, Efq;
Mrs. Elizabeth Blackall
Revd. Mr. Geo. Blackburn
Packenham Betty, Efq; 6
Setts
Richard Bellew, Efq;
Nicholas Bellew, Efq;
Jeremiah Browne, Efq;
Colonel John
Aghadour
1
Mr. Ryan Burton
Mr. James Brunet
Samnel Barret, Merchant
in Cork.
Thomas Baker of the Royal
Hofpital
William Board
Benjamin Barrington, M. A.
7 Setts
Thomas Baker, Junior
Thomas Blakeney
William Bull
Michael Bird of Droghe
da, Efq;
John Ball,
Richard Burleigh
Richard Burke
Edward Barnwell
John Bowles
Conftantine Barber, A. E
d
Bernard Broadbelt
Charles Brett
Charles Birch
Thomas Blundell.
H
IS Grace the Arch-
biſhop of Cafhel, 6 Setts
His Grace the Duke of Chan-
dos.
Rt. Hon. Earl of Coventry
Rt. Hon. Lord Vif. Charle
mount
Beecher of Rt. Revd. Lord Bishop of
Revd. Mr. Rich. Beauchamp
Walter Bagnall, Eſq;
John Beauchamp, Efq;
Benjamin Beauchamp, Efq;
Revd. Mr. Bligh
Mrs. Hanna Birch
John Baker, Efq; 2 Setts
Benjamin Burton, Eſq;
Cork
Rt. H. Lady Carteret, 6 Setts
Rt. Hon. Lord Cattledorough,
Rt. Hon. Lady Cobham
Rt. Hon. Lady Catherlough
Rt Ho. Lady Anne Connolly
Rt. Hon. Lady Mary, Cooly
Hon. Colonel Cecil
Hon. John Caulfield, Efq;
Right
Subfcribers NAMES.
Rt. Hon. Marmaduke Coghill, |
Efq; Chancellor of the Ex-
chéquer
Hon. Denny Cuffe, Efq;
David Chaigneau, Efq;
David Clarke, Efq;
Revd. Mr. William Connel,
Prebendary of Mayne, in
the Dioceſe of Offory
Revd. Mr. Will. Crow, M. A.
Mid-Richard Connelly, Eſq;
Sir Richard Cox, Bart.
Sir Maurice Crosby, Bart.
Rt. Hon. Walter Carey, Efq;
2 Setts
Alexius Clayton of the
dle Temple, Efq;
Mrs. Lydia Clements
Thomas Copleston, Eſq;
Major Cleland
Stratford Canning, Efq;
The Revd. Mr. Michael Cox
Nicholas Clintony, Efq;
Valentine Cruiſe, Efq; M. D.
Mrs. Cæfar of Binfield in
Hertfordshire
William Crookſhanks, Efq;
William Coats Jun. Efq;
Mrs. Hanah Clements
Anthony Charlton, Efq;
The Revd. Mr. Cotterel,
Dean of Raphoe
William Champnies, Efq;
Richard Cormick, Efq;
Nath. Cole of London, Efq;
Francis Cowper of London,
Efq;
Revd. Mr. Walter Clarke,
M. A.
Revd. Mr. Adam Caulfield,
6 Setts
Revd. William Chandler, L.
L. D.
Mrs. Mary Coghill
William Crow of Naas, Efq;
Mrs. Clayton
Samuel Croker, Efq;
Revd. Mr. Downs Conran
Baldwin Crow, Efq;
Revd. Mr. Ralph Cocking
Robert Calaghan, Efq;
Samuel Card, Eſq; 2 Setts
Richard Carleton, Elq;
|
Revd. Mr. Henry Coughlan,
M. A.
George Cuppadge, Efq;
Cæfar Colclough, Efq;
Thomas Cuffe, Efq;
Abraham Creighton, Eſq;
Henry Cope, Efq;
Mifs Creighton
Revd. Mr. Barclay Cope, Rec-
tor of Loughgall
Tho. Downham Clarke, Efq;
Thomas Carte, Efq;
Mrs. Elinor Carew
Andrew Crotty, Efq;
Mrs. Elizabeth Croker,
Dixie Coddington, Efq;
Edward Collingwood of Lon-
don, Efq;
Mrs. Mary Cowper
Lieut. Raphael Caulfield of the
Hon. Col. Otway's Regi
ment.
Stephen Cotterel, L. L. D.
John Carr, Efq; Collector of
Loghrea
Henry Colclough, Efq;
John Coppinger, Efq;
Mr. Edward Croker
Nathaniel Card
Samuel Card
Edmond Comerford
William Colthurſt, Gent.
William Clements, F. T.
C. D.
Charles Campbell of Trini-
ty College
Pat. Creigh, Merchant
Mr.
Subfcribers N AMES.
Mr. William Chaigneau
Charles Coote, A. B.
Daniel Cooke, Mercht.
William Cromie, Merchant
Thomas Cowper
Henry Coddington
Matthew Carrick
Robert Clibborn, Mercht.
1
D
Ight Hon. Earl of Derby
RRight Hon. the Earl of
Donnegall
Right Hon. Countess of Don-
negall
Right Hon. Lord Duplin
Right Hon. Lord Deſert
James Daly, Efq;
Robert Dillon, Efq;
Revd. Mr. James Dalacourt
M. A.
Samuel Dalton Bookfeller
Rev. Mr. Ro. Downes, M. A.
Mrs. Rebecca Dingley
Revd. Mr. Philip Downes,
Rector of Favan,
John Davies of the County of
Donnegall, Efq;
Mrs. Dillon
John Duff of Belfast, Efq;
Capt. Desbrifay, 6 Setts
Mrs. Anne Drelincourt 2 Setts
Revd. Dr. Delany, 10 Setts
Mrs. Delany, a Setts
Revd. Mr. Donnellan, F, T.
C. D.
Mifs Donellan
Hugh Dickfon, Efq;
Revd. Mr. William Dunkin,
M. A.
Major Obrian Dilks
Chappel Dawſon, Efq;
Lieut. Solomon Desbrifay
Robert Doyne, Efq:
Mr. Anthony Mc. Dermott,
Mer.
John Mc. Dermott, Gent.
Nehemiah Donnellan,
Grange, Efq;
of
Mrs. Dobſon, 6 Setts
William Draycot, Efq;
The Revd. Mr. Joſhua Daw
fon, M. A.
Mr. John Day, A. B.
Samuel Davey
Hugh Darley
Robert Donovan, Merchant
James Dawſon of London-
derry, 6 Setts
Philip Den
Matthew Dubourg
John Dollard
John Dexter
Pat. Dowdall
James Diſney
Walter Darcey, Mercht.
Theo. Dillon, Mer. 3 Setts
Paul Debell
Dennis Delane
Tho. Dillon, 6 Setts
John Dicey, 12 Setts
John Duff
Mrs. Dopping
Mrs. Sarah Dopping.
E
1
RIght Hon. Earl of Eg-
Right Revd Robert Lord
Bishop of Elphin, 6 Setts
Lady Clotilda Euftace
Hon. John Evans, Efq:
Richard Elfmere, Elq;
Mrs. Sufannna Efte
Henry Edgworth, Efq ;
Revd. Mr. William Elwood,
Rector of Caldaff
Rowland Euftace, Efq;
Robert Edgworth, Eſq;
Mil
Subſcribers NAMES.
Thomas Enery, Efq:
Revd. Dr. Echlin
Richard Edwards, Efq;
Mifs England
Chetwode Eustace, Eſq;
Revd. Mr. James Edkins,
M. A.
John Evans, Efq;
Richard Edwards, Gent.
Major Cuthbert Ellifon
Revd. Dr. John Ellis
Charles Echlin, Eſq ;
Mr. Francis Elrington
William Evelyn, A. B.
Peter Edkins
John Efdell, Face Painter
Daniel Elwood, Mercht.
Mr. Edgworth, F. T. C. D.
R
F
Ight Hon. E. of Fingall
Right Hon. Counteſs
of Fingall
Rt. Hon. Lord Falkland
Rt. Hon. Lady Effex Finch
The Hon. Mrs. Fox
Sir John Freke, Bart.
Sir William Fownes, Bart.
James Farrel,
Charles Ford of Lon-
don,
Arthur French,
Thomas Farnaby
Frederick Falkiner
William Fownes
John Forbes
James Fox
Robert Fox
George Fox
Revd. Mr. Edward Ford,
F. T. C. D.
Geo. Fielding
Anthony Forſter
Mark French
Efqroi
William Forward
Marcus French, Eſq;
Captain Fitz-Gerald
The Revd. Arthur Foord,
M. A.
Mr. John Farrel, A. B.
Jofeph Fade, Jun.
George Fletcher
William Fitz Simons, Jun
Peter Frayne, M. D.
Charles Franck
Richard French, Druggiſt
Feftus Flin
Mrs. Fitz-Herbert
Elizabeth Forth
Elizabeth Fitz-Gibbon
Penelope Ford
Elinor Fitz-Gerald
G
Right Hon. Earl of Gran-
"
diſon
Rt. Hon. Lord Gallway
Hon. Lady Elizabeth Gore
Sir Arthur Gore, Bart.
Arthur Gore, Efq;
Efqrs. Revd. Mr. Ralph Grattan,
Efqrs.
Robert French
Philip Fletcher, Efq; Survey.
or-General of his Majefty's
Revenue in Ireland,
Jo. Fitz-Patrick, Efq; M. D.
M. A. 6 Setts
Thomas Gonne, Efq; Town-
Clerk of the City of Dub
lin.
3
Thomas Gibbings, Efq; ?
Setts
Jofeph Gascoyne of London,
Elq;
Revd. Mr. Robert Grattan?
2 Setts
Robert Gunning, Efq;
Rt.
Subſcribers Ń AMES.
Rt. Hon. Wm. Graham, Eſq;
John Goodwin, Efq;
Revd. Mr. William Godley
Barnaby Gunning of the Coun-
ty of Roscommon, Efq;
Mils Anne Katharine Gal-
braith
Capt. Gendrault
John Galway, Efq;
The Revd. Mr. John Gard-
ner, of Hanbury
Henry Giffard, Efq; one of
the Patentees of Drury-Lane
Theatre-Royal
James Gibbs, Efq;
Theophilus Glover, Efq;
The Revd. Claudius Gilbert,
D. D. and Vice-Provoft of
T. C. D.
Mr. Wood Gibſon, M. A. F.
T. C. D.
James Gledftanes of the Mid-
ple, Efq;
Barth. Wm. Gilbert, Efq;
John Gore, Efq;
Henry Gaven, Eſq;
Mrs. Hanna Gledftanes
Revd. Mr. Patrick Grace,
A. M.
John Graham, Efq;
Mrs. Anne Grove
Mr. James Grattan, A. B.
Jonathan Gerrard
Ralph Gill, of T. C. D.
Nuttle Greene
Sheffield Grace
Capt. John Grey.
H
IS Grace the Duke of
Hamilton
HIS
Rt. Hon. Lady Viscountess
Harcourt
Rt. Hon. Lord Howth
Rt. Hon. Lady Howth
Rt. Hon. Lady Archibald Ha·
milton
Lady Hanmer
Hon. Robert Hay
Hon. Arthur Hill
Hon. Tho Harvey
Robert Hickman
William Hamilton
Hon. Governor Hart
Mr. James Hingston, A. B.
T. C. D.
Efqrs.
Alderman Thomas Hughes of
Cafhel
Alderman Arthur Hyde of
Cafhel
Rev. Mr. Hudſon, F. T. C. D.
Revd. John Hickey
Rich. Helfham, Eſq; M. D.
Rowley Hill
Anthony Hickman
Henry Hamilton
Lorenzo Hodfon
Efqrs.
Walter Harris, Efq; Coun-
fellor at Law
Lieut. David Hall of General
Biffet's Regiment
Edward Harley
Thomas Harley
Robert Harley
Richard Harley
Mifs Hamilton, 2 Setts
Leſlie Hamilton, Eſq;
Ifaac Holroyd, Eſq;
John Humphry, Eiq;
Elqrs.
John Hay of Ballybithan in
North-Britain, Efq;
Thomas Harris, Efq;
Her Grace the Dutchefs of Mifs Hamilton
Hamilton
Rt. Hon. the Earl of Hunting-
ton
Mr. James Hickey
Samuel Hales of Cork
Edward Hendrick
Newburgh
Subfcribers NAMES.
Newburgh Hamilton, Efq;
The Revd. Mr. Harbin
Mr. Roger Hall, F. T. C. D.
John Bernard Hoffsleger,
Merchant
Theophilus Harrifon
Tho. Hall, Mer. 6 Setts
James Hartfon
Edmond Harrold
Francis Healy of the City
of Cork
Tho. Hanly, Attorney
Jo. Hopkins, 25 Setts
John Higgins
Chriftopher Harriſon
John Hay
Edward Hendrick
Mrs. Hyde, 12
R
Anne Hackett
Reddis Hamilton
I
Ight H. E. of Inchiquin
Hon. Robert Jocelyn,
Eiq; his Majefty's Attorney
General of Ireland,
Matthew Jacob, Jun, of Cafh-
el, Efq;
John Irwin,
Walter Jones
Bolton Jones
Roger Jones
Thomas Judge
Revd. William Jones
Chriſtopher Irwin, Eſq;
Richard Johnfon, Efq;
Revd. Mr. Johnſon
Gabriel Johnſon, Efq;
Walter Jones, Surgeon
Mr. Daniel Jackſon
John Johnſon
Robert Jones, Mercht.
James Johnſon
Robert Jones, Jun. Mer.
George Julian
Mrs. Johnſon
Cathrina Ifaac
Margaret Jeuers
H
K
IS Grace the Duke of
Kent, 6 Setts,
Rt. Hon. Lord Viſc. Kingſland-
Rt. Revd. Lord Bishop of
!
Killala
Rt. Hon. Lord Kinfale
Rt. Hon. Lord Kingſton
Rt. Hon. Lady Killmurry
Rt. Hon. Lord Vifc. Kenmare
Rt. Hon. Sir Henry King,
Bart.
Hon. Henry Kenny
George Knox
Rich. Kyffin of Cafhel
Efqrs
Efqrs. Mrs. Frances Arabella Kelly,
2 Setts.
Rev. Dr. King, S. F. T. C. D.
Revd. John Jebb, 3 Setts
Revd. John Jackſon
Revd. Daniel Jackſon
Revd. Peter Jackfon
Mifs Johnfon
Revd. Henry Jenny, D. D.
Archdeacon of Ardmagh
Daniel Jackſon, A. M. 2 Setts
Major William Jones
Theodore Jacobſon, Eſq;
John Kemp
James Kennedy
Keating King
Eſq
Efqrs.
Bryan Kavanagh, Eſq;
Wm. Kelly of Ballinlafs, Efq;
Maurice Keating, Efq;
Edward Knatchbull, Efq;
Rich. Henry Keating, Eſq;
The Revd. Dr. Karney
Capt. Dennis Kelly
Hugh Kemplin, Efq;
Wil-
Subfcribers NAMES.
Edward Kean, Efq;
John Kennedy, Efq;
Thomas Keating, Eſq;
Dennis Kelly, Efq;
Walter Lavit, Eſq;
Colly Lyons, Efq; L. L. D.
Thomas Lumm of Lumma
ville, Efq;
Efq;
Tho. Kingsbury, Efq; M D. James Lambard of Cregg,
Revd. Mr. James King
Mr. Andrew Kennedy
William Knox, Merchant
in Bourdeaux
Thomas Kempſton
Patrick Kelly, Surgeon
Revd. Mr. James King
Mrs. Elizabeth King
H
L
IS Grace the Duke of
Leeds
Rt. Hon. Earl of Litchfield
Rt. Hon. Lord Vif. Lanesbo-
rough
Rt. Hon. Lady Viſ. Lanesbo-
rough
Rt. Hon. Lady Viſ. Lewiſham
Rt. Hon. Lord Lanfdown
Hon. Lady Long
Hon. Sir Multon Lambard
Sir Richard Levinge, Bart.
Sir Berkly Lucy, Bart.
William Longfield,
Robert Leflie
John Lyndon
John Lee
John Lovet
Philip Lyons
William Lennox
John Locker of Lon-
don
Guftavus Lambert
Hugh Lumly
Daniel Lock
William Lingen
Thomas Lindfay
Michael Leigh
Thomas Loftus, "Efq;
Henry Lefly, Efq; 6 Setts
Revd. Edward Leigh, 2 Setts
Revd. George Lloyd, M. A.
Major Francis Ligonier
George Lee, L. L D.
Capt. Robert Leaths
Revd. Mr. Smyth Loftus
Capt. Arthur Loftus
Revd. Mr. John Lyon, 2 Setts
Mr. Tho. Litton, T. C. D.
Edward Lloyd
James Lombard
William Lyndon
Alexandar Lynch
Matthew Lynch
David Lynch
Glegg Lee of Wincham,
in Cheſhire
Charles Lyon
Boyle Lennox
David La Touch
James Diggs Latouche
Mrs. Ludlow
Mary Longfield
Anne Longfield
Mary Loftus
H
Efqrs.
M
IS Grace the Duke of
Marlborough
Her Grace the Dutchess of
Marlborough, 2 Sects
Rt. Hon. the Earl of Meath
Rt. H. Lord Vifc. Mountjoy
Rt. H. Lady Vifc. Mountjoy
Rt. H. Lord Vif. Mountcaſhel
Rt. H. Lady Vií. Mountcaſhel
Rt. Ho. Lord Vif. Moleſworth
VOL. I.
Rt.
Subfcribers NAMES.
Rt. Hon. Lord Vifc. Mount Will. Magwire, Efq; 6 Setts
Garret
Hon. Buſhy Manfell, Efq;
Hon. Justin Macarthy Efq;
Hon. Capel Moore, Eſq;
Sir Richard Meade, Bart.
Sir Randal Mc Donald, Bart.
Sir Winwood Mowat, Bart.
Sir Charles Moore, Bart.
Jonas Morris
Robert Maxwell
Eland Moffom
Edward Mead
John Moore
Henry Maſon
Boyle Moore
Mark Antony Morgan
William Monfell
William Maynard
Bolton Madden
James Macmanus
Nicholas Mahon
น
John Maxwell
Charles Moore
John Monfell
Efqre.
Lewis Mears
Thomas Mafter
Edward Moore
Edward May
Richard Matthews
Robert Marſhal
Nicholas Meeburn
William Moore
Pool Molyneux
Alexander M'Auly
John Macarthy
Richard Morgan
John Meares
Thomas Morſe
Revd. Dr. Jeremiah Marfh,
Dean of Killmore
George Morley, Ejq; M. D.
Capt. Luke Mercer
Alderman John Macarrel
Revd. Mr. Edward Molloy,
F. T. C. D.
George Mc.Cartney of Bel-
fait, Efq;
Revd. Anthony Mills
James Moore of Ballyna, Efq;
George Matthew of Thomas-
town, Efq;
Revd. Edward Maurice
Capt. John M'Quin, of the
Royal Scotch
Robert Macoun, T. C D.
Nicholas Morris, Efq; of
Mallohoyd
Captain Thomas Montgomery
Capt. Gilbert Mellifont
Revd. Cha. Meredyth, Dean
of Ardfert
Revd. Dr. Samuel Madden
Revd. Dr. Marly
Thomas Maunfell, Gent.
Capt. Morgan M’Donald
Revd. John Moore, A. M.
Revd. Edward Motley
Miſs Mahon
Mr: Alexander Maſon, F. T.
C. D.
Edward Martin
Humphry Minchin
Richard Moore
Charles Mears
Francis Mara
Thomas Mead, Linnen
Draper
Andrew Maurice of Gal-
way
William Makenzie
Lewis Mears
James Morris
Arthur Rainay Maxwell
Mrs. Jane Malone
Suſannah Maſon*
Anna Maria Moore
Mrs. Macmullen
Anna Maria Macmanus
His
Subſcribers NAMES.
N
IS Grace the Duke of
Norfolk 4 Setts
H'S
Her Grace the Dutchess of
Newcaſtle
Rt. Hon. Lord Vif. Netterville
Rt. Hon. Lady Barbara North
Henry Nicholfon
John Nicolls
Robert Nugent
Christopher Nugent
Adam Newman
Richard Newman
James Nicholfon
Robert Norman
Francis North
Efqrs.
Michael Nugent
Andrew Nugent
Richard Nevill
John Nugent of Cool-
amber
James Nugent of Nu-
gentſtown,
Richard Nelfon, Gent.
Michael Nowlan, Gent.
Captain Richard Nevill
Revd. Andrew Nesbit
Mr. Ezekiel Nesbit, A. B.
Cairn Cross Nesbit
Giffard Nesbit
Richard Nesbit
Mrs. Newstead
Anne Nichols of London
Margery Nesbit
ER Grace the Dutchefs
of Ormond
HE
Rt. Hon. Earl of Oxford, 26
Setts
Rt. Hon. Countess of Oxford.
Rt. Hon. Earl of Orrery, 10
Setts
Hon. James O'Bryan, Efq;
Hon. Mrs. Mary O'Bryan
Hon. Mrs. Mary O'Hara,
Robert Oliver, Efq;
Robert Oliver, Jun. Efq;
Charles O'Connor of Ballyna-
gary, Gent.
Kean O'Hara, Efq;
Henry Ogle, Ejq ;
Maurice O'Connor, Efq;
Charles O'Gara, Efq;
George Ogle, Ejq;
Matthew O'Heas, Efq;
George Ormsby, Gent.
Revd Thomas Orr, A. B.
Mr. Henry Osborne 10 Setts
Henry Osburne
Robert Owen
Mrs. Joice Oughton
Elizabeth Osborne
H
P
IS Grace the Duke of
Portland
Her Grace the Dutchess of
Portland
Rt. Hon. Lord Paifley
Rt. Hon. Lady Paifley
Rt. Hon. Lady Philippa Prat
Rt. Hon. Lady Frances Pon-
fonby
Hon. Col. Richard Pyot
Sir Edward Lovet Pearce
John Philpott, Efq;
Revd. George Paske, A. M.
William Palmer, Efq;
Revd. Matthew Pilkington,
A. M.
Revd. Will. Pountney, A. M.
Revd. Mr. Pellifier, F. T.
C. D.
Thomas Putland, Eſq;
Tho. Prince of Cafhell, Efq;
Rt. Revd. Lord Bishop of Philip Peck, Efq; 6 Setts
Offory, 2 Setts
Crock-
Subfcribers NAME 3.
Sir William Ruffell, Bart.
Crockhill Perrot, Eſq;
Revd. George Palmer
Henry Piers, Gent.
Charles Power, Eſq;
Sir John Rawden, Bart.
Revd. Archdeacon Ruffell
Revd. Richard Parker, A. M. Revd. Jonathan Rogers, D. D
Thomas Prior, Ejqi
John Putland, Efq;
Revd. Marm. Philips
Henry Pye, Efq;
Herbert Price, Efq;
The Revd. Mr. Pearce Chap-
lain to the Rt. Hon. Lady
Lechmere
Laurence Parfons, Efq;
Mifs Pyne
George Pipard, Eſq;
William Purcel, Eſq;
Revd. Kean Percival, A. M.
Mr. Charles Percival, A. B.
George Portis
James Porter of London,
Merchant
Willoughby Perry
Tho. Parnell, T. C. D.
Mrs. Pilkington
Mrs. Pendarves, 2 Setts
Anne Plunket
Anne Pearfon
Mrs. Preſton
H¹
е
IS Grace the Duke of
Queensbury
Her Grace the Dutchess of
Queensbury
Capt. John Mc. Quin
R
Ight Hon. Earl of Rofs
R Right Hon. James Rey-
}
nolds, Efq; Lord Chief
Juftice of his Majesty's
Common Pleas
John Rochfort
Patrick Ryan
John Reily
Jerom Ruffell,
Chriftopher Rogers
Arthur Rawdon
William Richardſon of
Somerfeat
Abel Ram, Jun.
Efqrs
Lieut. William Rofs
Alder. John Roe of Cafhell
Revd. Will, Robertſon, M. A.
Mifs Roe
Bryan Robinſon, Efq; M. D.
Jofeph Robins, Efq; Counfel-
lor at Law
Philip Ridgate, Efq; L. L. D.
Edmund Ryan, Efq;
John Ryan, Gent.
Rev. Rich. Richardfon, M. A.
Rey, Southwell Ricard, Arch
deacon of Cloyne
Revd. Thomas Ruby, M. A.
Mr. Robert Reeves
William Read, T. C. D.
John Roe, 3 Setts
Mrs. Ridley
H
Elizabeth Rowley
Alice Rochfort
Anne Richardſon of Rich-
Hill
Anne Rogers
S.
IS Grace the Duke of
Somerſet, 4 Setts
Rt. Hon. Earl of Strafford 22
Setts
Rt. Hon. Countess of Straf-
ford
Rt. Hon. Earl of Scarſdale
Rt.
Subfcribers NAMES,
Rt. Hon. Anthony Aſhley | Revd. Thomas Smith, Arch-
Cowper, Earl of Shaftsbury
Rt. Hon. Lord Santry
Hon. Mrs. Staunton
Hon. Mrs. St. Leger
Sir Thomas Seabright, Bart.
Sir Alexander Staples, Bart.
Revd. John Smith, M. A.
Revd. Dr. Thomas Sherridan,
Owen Swiny
Bearcliffe Stonehewer,
of London
Thomas Swaine, of
London
Stephen Sibthorp
William Shirley
Edmond Schouldham,
Michael Sampfon
Deane Swift
John Smith
Robert Savage
deacon of Glandelough
Revd. John Standifh, M. A.
Edwin Sandys, Gent.
Revd. Richard Stewart
Roger Shiel, Gent.
Revd. James Stopford, 6 Setts
Enoch Stern, Eſq; L. L. D.
Nicholas Staunton of Galway,
Efq;
Brent Smith, A. B.
Lieut. Ventris Scot of Gene-
ral Biffet's Regiment
Revd. Edward Shand, M. A.
Revd. Henry Smyth, M. A.
✔
Major Philip Savage
William Shiel, Gent.
Revd. Samuel Simcocks
Revd. David Stephens
John Smyth, Gent.
Revd. Dr. St. George
Revd. Arthur Smith
Mr. Stephen Stretch, Mer.
Thomas Spring
Henry Stephens
Margetfon Saunders
Richard Sandes,
of
Crow-ftreet
Efqrs.
Hugh Stafford
Ward Smith of Lon-
don
John Sotheby
Charles Sandford
John Stratford
William Stewart of the
Middle-Temple
Edmond Spencer
John Sherridan
Luke Standford
George Shakerley of
Guirfilt,
Osborn Stratton
Edward Smyth
William Stewart
Andrew Shepherd
Revd. John Singleton.
Thomas Smith, Hatter
William Swift, A. B.
Frank Smith, of T. C. D.
Thomas Sherlock
James Sullevan
Chriſtian Swift, 6 Setts
Henry Steel
Robert Scriven
Thomas Steele
Colley Shaw
Mrs. Swanton
Margery Sadlier
Jane Synge
Anne Shuttleworth
Sican
T
Revd.
A.R
Revd. Michael Symes, M. A. RIght Hon. Earl of Tho
mond, 3 Setts
William Stephens, Ejq; M.D. | Rt. Hon. Lord Tullamore
Hon.
Subfcribers NAMES.
Hon. Lady Tuite
Hon. John Temple, Efq;
Hon. Edward Thompfon, Efq;
one of the Commiffioners of
his Majesty's Revenue in
Ireland
Richard Trench
Laurence Tool of the
County of Wicklow
Philip Tifdell
Thomas Theaker
Richard Taylor of
Swords
Richard Tennifon
Thomas Tench
William Thornton
Efqrs.
John Taylor
Samuel Towers
Thomas Tench
Charles Tifdell
Richard Tickell
John Taafe
Theobald Taafe
Berkely Taylor
Revd. John Throp, M. A.
Revd. John Taylor, L. L. D.
Mifs Tenniſon, 2 Setts
Will. Taylor, Efq; 12 Setts
Revd. Timothy Thomas
Revd. Hugh Tifdell
Hon. Lady Vernon
Hon. Mrs. Vane
Thomas Upton, Efq;
William Vefey, L. L. Da
William Uther, Efq;
Revd. Mufchamp Veſey
George Ufher, Efq;
Revd. William Ufher, Arch
deacon of Clonfert
Benjamin Victor, Ef g
John Vandeleur, Efq;
Henry Usher, Eſq;
Revd. Mr. Vincent
Mr. James Verailles, Mer.
Mrs. Anne Vincent
Melena Uniacke
W
RIght Hon. Earl of Win-
chelsea and Nottingham
Rt. Hon. the Lord Viſcount
Winfor
Rt. Hon. Lord Walpole
Hon. Lieut. Col. Wright
James Wilkinſon
Benjamin Woodward
Jofeph Willfon
Hugh Wilton
Godfrey Wil's
Revd. William Tifdell
Mr. William Tyrrell
John Tyrrell
Edward Tottenham, T.
C. D.
Philip Tuite
James Ware
George Wakely
Thomas Wakely
Thomas Willſon
Nicholas Ward
John Waller
>Efqes
P. Walf
John Trotter
Mrs. Trenchard of Lytchet
Maltravers in Dorſetſhire
R
Jane Tichburne
Elizabeth Tenniſon
Dorothy Tennilớn
V
Robert Wills
William Waller
Thomas Wilkinſon
Nicholas Wogan
James Weſt
Plunket Woodroffe
Hunt Walſh
Ight Hon. Lord Viſcount | John White
Vane
Samuel Warring
N
Subfcribers NAMES.
Nicholas Weldon, Efq;
Maurice Wale, Efq;
Revd. John Walmſly, D. D.
Cornet Wrath Watſon
William Wray of Caſtle-wray,
Efq;
Revd. Sankey Winter, Dean
of Kildare
Capt. Daniel Webb
Richard Weld, Efq; M. D.
Samuel Waring, Gent.
Revd. Rich. Weight, M. A.
Revd. John Wall, M. A.
Revd. Samuel Whitchurch,
M. A. 6 Setts
Capt. Charles Ward, 6 Setts
Revd. Mr. Walker
John Wootton, Efq; princi-
Charles White
Michael Wale of K
kenny, Efq;
William Ward
Charles Weld
Jervis Weſtgate
John White of All-hollows
the Great, London.
Mrs. Whiteaway
Mrs. Woolley
Catherine Wefley
Rebecca Willington
Mrs. Wilkinſon of Portſmouth,
7 Setts
Rebecca Wilkinſon, dit
pal Painter of the Houyh-M
nmhms
Revd Jeremiah Workman
Revd. John Worral, B. D.
Revd. Dr. John Wynne
Michael Wills
John Ward
X
R. Ximenes
Y
Evd. Lewis Hen. Young
Mr. Abraham Yarner
Z
Mr. Cornelius Wynne, 7 Setts
R Evd.
John Whittingham, A. B.
MR.
"R. Zouch
Mark White
Laurence White
Hugh Warren
John Williams
THE
DISCOURSE
OF THE
Contests and Diffentions
BETWEEN THE
NOBLES and COMMONS in
Athens and Rome; with the Con-
Sequences they had upon both thoſe
STATES.
Si tibi vera videtur,
Dede manus; & fi falfa eft, accingere contra.
LUCRET.
Written in the Year 1701.
CHA P. I.
T is agreed, that in all Government
there is an abfolute unlimited Power,
which naturally and originally feems
to be placed in the whole Body,
wherever the Executive Part of it
lies. This holds in the Body natural; For, where-
VOL. I.
B
ever
2
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
ever we place the Beginning of Motion, whether
from the Head, or the Heart, or the animal Spi
rits in general, the Body moves, and acts by a Con-
fent of all its Parts. This unlimited Power placed
fundamentally in the Body of a People, is what the
beft Legiflators of all Ages have endeavoured, in
their feveral Schemes, or Inftitutions of Govern-
ment, to depofite in fuch Hands as would preferve
the People from Rapine, and Oppreffion within,
as well as Violence from without. Moft of them
feem to agree in this; that it was a Truft too great
to be committed to any one Man, or Affembly;
and therefore they left the Right ftill in the whole
Body; but the Adminiſtration, or executive Part,
in the Hands of One, the Few, or the Many: Into
which three Powers, all independent Bodies of Men
feem naturally to divide. For by all I have read
of thoſe innumerable and petty Common-wealths in
Italy, Greece, and Sicily, as well as the great ones of
Carthage and Rome it feems to me, that a free
People met together, whether by Compact or Fami-
ly Government, as foon as they fall into any Acts of
Civil Society, do, of themſelves, divide into three
Powers. The firft is, that of fome one eminent
Spirit, who having fignalized his Valour, and For-
tune in Defence of his Country, or by the Practice
of popular Arts at home, becomes to have great
Influence on the People, to grow their Leader in
warlike Expeditions, and to prefide, after a Sort, in
their Civil Affemblies: And this is grounded upon
the Principles of Nature and common Reafon,
which in all Difficulties and Dangers, where Pru-
dence or Courage is required, do rather incite us to
Ay for Council or Affiftance to a ſingle Perſon than
a Multitude. The fecond natural Divifion of Power,
of fuch Men who have acquired large Poffeffi-
ons,
in ATHENS and ROME.
3
▼
This
ons, and confequently Dependencies, or defcend
from Anceſtors, who have left them great Inheri-
tances, together with an Hereditary Authority:
Theſe eaſily uniting in Thoughts and Opinions,
and acting in Concert, begin to enter upon Mea-
fures for fecuring their Properties; which are beſt
upheld by preparing againſt Invafions from A-
broad, and maintaining Peace at Home.
commences a great Council, ör Senate of Nobles
for the weighty Affairs of the Nation. The laſt
Divifion is of the Mafs, or Body of the People;
whoſe Part of Power is great, and undiſputable,
whenever they can unite either collectively, or by
Deputation to exert it. Now the three Forms of
Government, fo generally known in the Schools,
differ only by the Civil Adminiſtration being pla-
ced in the Hands of One, or fometimes Two, (as in
Sparta) who were called Kings; or in a Senate,
who were called the Nobles; or in the People Col-
lective or Reprefentative, who may be called the
Commons: Each of thefe had frequently the execu-
tive Power in Greece, and fometimes in Rome: Buc
the Power in the laft Refort, was always meant by
Legiflators to be held in Ballance among all Three.
And it will be an eternal Rule in Politicks, among
every free People, that there is a Ballance of Power
to be carefully held by every State within it ſelf, as
well as among ſeveral States with each other.
THE true Meaning of a Ballance of Power, either
without, or within a State, is beſt conceived by con-
fidering what the Nature of a Ballance is. It fup-
poſes three Things. Firft, the Part which is held,
together with the Hand that holds it; and then the
two Scales, with whatever is weighed therein. Now
confider feveral States in a Neighbourhood: In or-
der to preferve Peace between thefe States, it is ne-
Geffary
B &
4
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
ceffary they ſhould be formed into a Ballance
whereof one, or more are to be Directors, who are
to divide the reft into equal Scales, and upon Occa-
fions remove from one into the other, or elfe fall
with their own Weight into the lighteft: So, in a
State within it felf, the Ballance must be held by a
third Hand, who is to deal the remaining Power
with the utmoft Exactnefs into each Scale. Now
it is not neceffary, that the Power fhould be equal-
ly divided between theſe three; for the Ballance
may be held by the Weakeſt, who by his Addreſs,
and Conduct, removing from either Scale, and ad-
ding of his own, may keep the Scales duly poifed.
Such was that of the two Kings of Sparta; the
Confular Power in Rome; that of the Kings of
Medid before the Reign of Cyrus, as reprefented by
Xenopbon; and that of the feveral limited States in
the Gothick Inftitutions.
WHEN the Ballance is broke, whether by the
Negligence, Folly, or Weaknefs of the Hand that
held it, or by mighty Weights fallen into either
Scale
the Power will never continue long in equal
Divifion between the two remaining Parties, but
(until the Ballance is fixed anew) will run entirely
into one. This gives the trueft Account of what
is underſtood in the moft ancient and approved
Greek Authors, by the Word Tyranny; which is
not meant for the feizing of the uncontrouled, or
abfolute Power into the Hands of a fingle Perfon;
(as many fuperficial Men have grofly miſtaken).
but for the breaking of the Ballance by whatever
Hand, and leaving the Power wholly in one Scale.
For Tyranny and Ufurpation in a State, are by no
Means confined to any Number, as might eafily
appear from Examples enough; and, becauſe the
Point is material, I fhall cite a few to prove it.
THE
in ATHENS and ROM E.
Hal. 1. 19
THE Romans having fent to Athens,
and the Greek Cities of Italy, for the Co- Diony
pies of the beſt Laws, chofe ten Legiſla-
tors to put them into Form; and during the Exer-
cife of their Office, fufpended the Confular Power,
leaving the Adminiſtration of Affairs in their
Hands. Thefe very Men, although choſen for
fuch a Work, as the digefting a Body of Laws for
the Government of a free State, did immediately
ufurp arbitrary Power, ran into all the Forms of
it, had their Guards and Spies, after the Practice of
the Tyrants of thofe Ages; affected kingly State,
deftroyed the Nobles, and oppreffed the People
one of them proceeding fo far as to endeavour to
force a Lady of great Virtue; the very Crime
which gave Occafion to the Expulfion of the Re-
gal Power but fixty Years before, as this Attempt
did to that of the Decemviri.
THE Ephori in Sparta were, at first, only cer
tain Perfons deputed by the King to judge in Civil
Matters, while They were employed in the Wars.
Thefe Men, at ſeveral Times, ufurped the abfolute
Authority, and were as cruel Tyrants as any in
their Age.
lib. S.
Soon after the unfortunate Expedition in-
to Sicily, the Athenians chofe four hundred Thucid,
Men for Adminiſtration of Affairs, who be-
came a Body of Tyrants, and were called in the
Language of thofe Ages, an Oligarchy, or Tyran-
ny of the Few under which hateful Denominati-
on, they were foon after depofed in great Rage by
the People,
ད་
WHEN Athens was fubdued by Lyfan- Xenoph.
der, he appointed Thirty Men for the Ad- de Rebus
miniſtration of that City, who immediate- Grac.1, 2.
ly fell into the rankeft Tyranny: But this was not
all:
6
CONTESTS and DISSERTIONS
all
For conceiving their Power, not founded on
a Bafis large enough, they admitted three Thou-
fand into a Share of the Government; and thus
fortified, became the crueleft Tyranny upon Re-
cord. They murdered, in cold Blood, great Num-
bers of the beſt Men, without any Provocation;
from the mere Luft of Cruelty, like Nero, or Ca-
ligula. This was fuch a Number of Tyrants toge-
ther, as amounted to near a third Part of the whole
City. For Xenophon tells us, that the Ci-
Memorab. ty contained about ten thouſand Houſes,
and allowing one Man to every Houfe,
who could have any Share in the Government,
(the reft confiſting of Women, Children, and Ser-
vants) and making other obvious Abatements;
thefe Tyrants, if they had been careful to adhere
together, might have been a Majority even of the
People collective.
lib. 3:
lib. 6.
IN the Time of the fecond Punick
Polyb. Frag War, the Ballance of Power in Car-
thage was got on the Side of the People,
and this to a Degree, that fome Authors reckon
the Government to have been then among them a
Dominatio Plebis, or Tyranny of the Commons;
which, it ſeems, they were at all Times apt to fall
into, and was at laft among the Caufes that ruined
their State: And the frequent Murders of
lib. 20. their Generals, which Diodorus tells us, was
grown to an eſtabliſhed Cuſtom among them, may
be another Inftance, that Tyranny is not confined
to Numbers.
I SHALL mention but one Example more a-
mong a great Number that might be produced;
it is related by the Author laft cited. The
lib. 15 Orators of the People at Argos, (whether
you will ſtile them in modern Phrafe, Great
Speakers
in ATHENS and ROME.
Speakers in the House, or only in general, Repre-
fentatives of the People Collective) ftirred up the
Commons against the Nobles; of whom 1600
were murdered at once; and, at laft, the Orators
themſelves, becauſe they left off their Accufation;
or to ſpeak intelligibly, becauſe they withdrew their
Impeachments; having, it feems, raiſed a Spirit
they were not able to lay. And this laft Circum-
ftance, as Cafes have lately ftood, may perhaps
be worth noting.
FROM what hath been already advanced, feveral
Conclufions may be drawn.
FIRST, That a mixt Government partaking of
the known Forms received in the Schools, is, by
no Means, of Gothick Invention, but hath Place in
Nature and Reafon; feems very well to agree
with the Sentiments of moft Legiflators, and to
have been followed in moft States, whether they
have appeared under the Name of Monarchies,
Ariftocracies, or Democracies. For, not to men-
tion the ſeveral Republicks of this Compofition in
Gaul and Germany, defcribed by Cæfar and Taci-
tus; Polybius tells us, the best Government is that
which confifts of three Forms, Regno, Frag. lib. 6.
Optimatium, & Populi Imperio: Which Frag. lib. 6.
may be fairly tranflated, the Kings, Lords, and
Commons. Such was that of Sparta, in its primi-
tive Inſtitution by Lycurgus; whọ obferving the
Corruptions, and Depravations to which every of
theſe were fubject, compounded his Scheme out of
all; ſo that it was made up of Reges, Seniores, &
Populus. Such alfo was the State of Rome, under
its Confuls: And the Author tells us, that the Ro-
mans fell upon this Model purely by Chance,
(which I take to have been Nature and common
Reaſon) but the Spartans by Thought, and Defign.
And
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
And fuch at Carthage was the Summa Reipublica,
or Power in the laſt Refort; for they had their
Kings called Suffetes, and a Senate which
Id. ib. had the Power of Nobles, and the People had
a Share eſtabliſhed too.
SECONDLY, It will follow, That thofe Reafon-
ers, who employ fo much of their Zeal, their Wit,
and their Leifure for the upholding the Ballance of
Power in Christendom, at the fame Time that by
their Practices they are endeavouring to deſtroy it
at home; are not fuch mighty Patriots, or fo much
in the true Intereft of their Country, as they would
affect to be thought; but feem to be employed
like a Man, who pulls down with his right Hand
what he hath been building with his left.
THIRDLY, This makes appear the Error of
thofe, who think it an uncontroulable Maxim, that
Power is always fafer lodged in many Hands than
in one. For, if thefe many Hands be made up, on-
ly from one of the three Divifions before mentioned
it is plain from thofe Examples already produced,
and eafy to be parallelled in other Ages and Countries,
that they are as capable of enflaving the Nation,
and of acting all Manner of Tyranny and Oppref
fion, as it is poffible for a fingle Perfon to be; al-
though we fhould fuppofe their Number not only
to be of four or five Hundred, but above three
Thoufand.
AGAIN, It is manifeft from what hath been
faid, that in order to preferve the Ballance in a
mixed State, the Limits of Power depofited with
each Party ought to be afcertained, and generally
known. The Defect of this is the Caufe that in-
troduces thofe Strugglings in a State about Preroga-
tive and Liberty, about Encroachments of the Few,
pon the Rights of the Many, and of the Many
upon
in ATHENS and ROME.
1
upon the Privileges of the Few; which ever did,
and ever will conclude in a Tyranny; First, either
of the Few, or the Many, but at last infallibly of a
fingle Perfon. For, which ever of the three Divi-
Gions in a State is upon the Scramble for more
Power than its own, (as one or other of them ge.
nerally is) unleſs due Care be taken by the other
two upon every new Queftion that arifes, they
will be fure to decide in favour of themfelves, talk
much of inherent Right; they will nouriſh up a
dormant Power and referve Privileges in petto, to
exert upon Occafions, to ferve Expedients, and to
urge upon Neceffities. They will make large De-
mands, and fcanty Conceffions, ever coming off
confiderable Gainers: Thus at length the Ballance
is broke, and Tyranny let in; from which Door of
the three it matters not.
To pretend to a declarative Right upon any Oc-
cafion, whatſoever, is little lefs than to make Ufe of
the whole Power; that is, to declare an Opinion to
be Law, which hath always been contefted, or per-
haps never ſtarted before fuch an Incident brought it
on the Stage. Not to confent to the enacting of
fuch a Law, which hath no View befides the general
Good, unless another Law fhall at the fame Time
paſs with no other View, but that of advancing the
Power of one Party alone; what is this, but to
claim a pofitive Voice as well as a negative? To
pretend that great Changes and Alienations of Pro-
perty have created new and great Dependencies, and
confequently new Additions of Power, as fome Rea-
foners have done, is a moft dangerous Tenet: If
Dominion muſt follow Property let it follow in the
fame Pace: For Changes in Property through the
Bulk of a Nation make flow Marches, and its due
Power always attends it. To conclude, that what-
ever
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
ever Attempt is begun by an Affembly, ought to
be purſued to the End, without Regard to the
greateſt Incidents that may happen to alter the Cafe;
to count it mean, and below the Dignity of a Houfe,
to quit a Profecution; to refolve upon a Conclufi-
on, before it is poffible to be appriſed of the Pre-
miffes: To act thus, I fay, is, to affect not only
abfolute Power, but Infallibility too. Yet fuch
unaccountable Proceedings as thefe have popular
Affemblies engaged in, for want of fixing the due
Limits of Power and Privilege.
GREAT Changes may, indeed, be made in a
Government, yet the Form continue, and the Bal-
lance be held; but large Intervals of Time muft
paſs between every fuch Innovation, enough to
melt down, and make it of a Piece with the Confti-
tution. Such we are told were the Proceedings
of Solon, when he modelled anew the Athenian
Commonwealth. And what Convulfions in our
own, as well as other States, have been bred by a
Neglect of this Rule, is freſh and notorious enough:
It is too foon, in all Conſcience, to repeat this Er-
ror again.
HAVING fhewn that there is a natural Ballance
of Power in all free States, and how it hath been
divided ſometimes by the People themſelves, as in
Rome; at others by the Inftitutions of the Legifla-
tors, as in the feveral States of Greece and Sicily:
The next Thing is to examine what Methods have
been taken to break or overthrow this Ballance
which every one of the three Parties hath continu-
ally endeavoured, as Opportunities have ſerved;
as might appear from the Stories of moft Ages and
Countries. For, abfolute Power in a particular
State, is of the fame Nature with univerſal Monar-
chy in feveral States adjoining to each other. So
endless
ATHENS and ROME.
endleſs and exorbitant are the Defires of Men, whe-
ther confidered in their Perfons or their States, that
they will grafp at all, and can form no Scheme of
perfect Happiness with lefs. Ever fince Men have
been united into Governments, the Hopes and En-
deavours after univerfal Monarchy have been ban-
died among them, from the Reign of Ninus, to
this of the moſt Chriſtian King: In which Purfuits,
Commonwealths have had their Share, as well as
Monarchies: So, the Athenians, the Spartans, the
Thebans, and the Achaians, did feveral Times aim
at the univerfal Monarchy of Greece: So, the Com
monwealths of Carthage and Rome, affected the u-
niverfal Monarchy of the then known World. In
like Manner hath abfolute Power been purfued by
the feveral Parties of each particular State; wherein
fingle Perfons have met with moft Succefs, although
the Endeavours of the Few and the Many have been
frequent enough: Yet, being neither fo uniform in
their Deſigns, nor fo direct in their Views, they
neither could manage nor maintain the Power they
had got; but were ever deceived by the Populari
ty, and Ambition of fome fingle Perfon. So that
it will be always a wrong Step in Policy, for the
Nobles, or Commons to carry their Endeavours after
Power fo far, as to overthrow the Ballance: And it
would be enough to damp their Warmth in fuch
Purſuits, if they could once reflect, that in ſuch a
Courſe they will be fure to run upon the very Rock
that they meant to avoid; which I ſuppoſe they
would have us think, is the Tyranny of a fingle
Perfon.
MANY Examples might be produced of the En-
deavours from each of theſe three Rivals after abfo-
lute Power: But I fhall fuit my Difcourfe to the
Time I am writing it; and relate only fuch Diffen-
tions
S
Contests and DISINTIONS
tions in Greece and Rome, between the Nobles and
Commons, with the Confequences of them, wherein
the latter were the Aggreffors!
I SHALL begin with. Greece, where my Obſerva¬
tions fhall be confined to Athens, although feveral
Inftances might be brought from other States
thereof.
L
}
CHA P. II
Of the Diffentions in ATHENS, be
tween the FEw and the MANY.
T
}:
HESEUS is the firft, who is res
corded with any Appearance of Truth
to have brought the Grecians from a
barbarous Manner of Life, among
fcattered Villages, into Cities; and
to have eſtabliſhed the popular State in Athens, af-
figning to himſelf the Guardianfhip of the Laws,
and chief Command in War. He was forced, af-
tér fome Time to leave the Athenians to their own
Meaſures, upon Account of their feditious Temper,
which ever continued with them till the final Diffo-
lution of their Government by the Romans. It
feems, the Country about Attica was the moft bar-
ren of any in Greece; through which Means, it
happened that the Natives were never expelled by
the Fury of Invaders, (who thought it not worth a
Conqueft)
F
in ATHENS and ROME
13
•
Conqueft) but continued always Aborigines; and
therefore retained, through all Revolutions, a Tine-
ture of that turbulent Spirit wherewith their Go-
vernment began. This Inftitution, of Thefeus ap-
pears to have been rather a Sort of mixed Monar-
chy than a popular State; and for ought we know,
might continue fo during the Series of Kings till
the Death of Codrus. From this laft Prince, Solon
was faid to be defcended; who finding the People-
engaged in two violent Factions, of the Poor, and
the RICH, and in great Confufion thereupon; re-
fufing the Monarchy which was offered him, chofe
rather to caft the Government after another Model,
wherein he made due Provifion for fettling the Bal-
lance of Power, chufing a Senate of four Hundred,
and difpofing the Magiftracies, and Offices accord-
ing to Mens Eftates; leaving to the Multitude
their Votes in Electing, and the Power of judging:
certain Proceffes by Appeal. This Council of four
Hundred was chofen, a Hundred out of each Tribe
and feems to have been a Body Reprefentative of
the People; although the People Collective re-
ferved a Share of Power to themfelves. It is a
Point of Hiſtory perplexed enough; but thus much
is certain, that the Ballance of Power was provided
for, elfe Pyfiftratus, (called by Authors the
Tyrant of Athens) could never have go
verned fo peaceably as he did, without
changing any of Solon's Laws. Thefe feveral Pow
ers, together with that of the Archon, or chief Mast
giftrate, made up the Form of Government in A
thens, at what Time it began to appear upon the
Scene of Action and Story.
J
"
Herodot
THE first great Man bred up under this Inftitu-
tion was Miltiades, who lived about ninety Years
after Solon; and is reckoned to have been the first
great.
14
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
great Captain, not only of Athens, but of all Greece:
From the Time of Miltiades to that of Phocion,
who is looked upon as the laft famous General of
Athens, are about one hundred and thirty Years:
After which they were ſubdued and infulted by
Alexander's Captains, and continued under feveral
Revolutions, a fmall truckling State of no Name,
or Reputation, until they fell with the reft of Greece
under the Power of the Romans.
· DURING this Period from Miltiades to Phocion,
I ſhall trace the Conduct of the Athenians, with re-
lation to their Diffentions between the PEOPLE and
ſome of their GENERALS; who, at that Time,
by their Power and Credit in the Army, in a war-
like Commonwealth, and often fupported by each
other, were, with the Magiftrates and other Civil
Officers, a Sort of Counterpoife to the Power of
the People, who fince the Death of Solon, had al-
ready made great Encroachments. What thefe
Diffentions were, how founded, and what the Con
fequences of them, I fhall briefly and impartially
relate:
I MUST here premiſe, that the Nobles in Athers
were not at this Time a Corporate Affembly, that
I can gather; therefore the Refentments of the
Commons were ufually turned againft particular
Perfons, and by Way of Articles of Impeachment.
Whereas the Commons in Rome, and fome other
States, (as will appear in proper Place) although
they followed this Method upon Occafion, yet ge-
nerally purſued the Enlargement of their Power,
by more fet Quarrels of one entire Affembly againft
another. However, the Cuſtom of particular Im-
peachments being not limited to former Ages, any
more than that of general Struggles, and Diffenti-
ons betwixt fixed Affemblies of Nobles and Com-
mons;
in ATHENS and ROME.
15
mmons; and the Ruin of Greece having been owing
to the former, as that of Rome was to the latter; I
ſhall treat on both exprefly; that thofe States, who
are concerned in either (if at leaft there be any fuch
now in the World) may, by obferving the Means
and Iffues of former Diffentions, learn whether the
Cauſes are alike in theirs; and if they find them to
be fo, may confider whether they ought not juftly
to apprehend the fame Effects.
To ſpeak of every particular Perfon, impeached
by the Commons of Athens, within the Compafs
defigned, would introduce the Hiftory of almoft e-
very great Man they had among them. I fhalf
therefore take Notice only of fix, who living in
that Period of Time when Athens was at the Height
of its Glory, (as indeed it could not be otherwife.
while fuch Hands were at the Helm) although im-
peached for high Crimes and Misdemeanors, fuch as
Bribery, arbitrary Proceedings, mifapplying, or im-
bezling publick Funds, ill Conduct at Sea, and the
like; were honoured and lamented by their Coun-
try, as the Preſervers of it, and have had the Ve-
neration of all Ages fince juftly paid to their Me-
mories.
MILTIADES was one of the Athenian Gene-
rals againſt the Perfian Power; and the famous.
Victory at Marathon was chiefly owing to his Va-
lour and Conduct. Being fent fome Time after to
reduce the Iſland Paros, he mistook a great Fire at
Diſtance for the Fleet, and being no Ways a Match
for the Enemy, fet fail to Athens. At his Arrival
he was impeached by the Commons for Treachery,
although not able to appear by Reafon of his
Wounds; fined 30,000 Crowns, and died in Pri-
fon. Although the Confequences of this Proceed-
ing upon the Affairs of Athens, were no more than
the
16
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
the untimely Lofs of fo great and good a Man, yet
I could not forbear relating it.
THEIR next great Man was Ariftides: Befides
the mighty Service he had done his Country in the
Wars; he was a Perfon of the ftristeft Juſtice, and
beft acquainted with the Laws, as well as Forms of
their Government; fo that he was in a Manner
Chancellor of Athens. This Man, upon a flight
and falfe Accufation of favouring arbitrary Power,
was banished by Ostracism; which rendered into
modern English, would fignify, that they voted be
fhould be removed from their Prefence and Council's
for ever. But, they had foon the Wit to recall
him; and to that Action owed the Prefervation of
their State by his future Services. For, it muſt be
ftill confeffed in Behalf of the Athenian People, that
they never conceived themſelves perfectly infallible,
nor arrived to the Heights of modern Affemblies, to
make Obftinary confirm what fudden Heat and Te-
merity began. They thought it not below the Dig
mity of an Affembly to endeavour at correcting an
ill Step; at leaſt to repent, although it often fell
out too late.
A
THEMISTOCLES was at firſt a Commoner
himſelf. It was he who raifed the Athenians to
their Greatneſs at Sea, which he thought to be the
true and conftant Intereft of that Commonwealth';
and the famous naval Victory over the Perfians at
Salamis, was owing to his Conduct. It feems the
People obſerved fomewhat of Haughtinefs in his
Temper and Behaviour, and therefore banifhed him
for five Years; but finding fome flight Matter of
Accufation against him, they fent to feize his Per-
fon, and he hardly efcaped to the Perfian Court;
from whence, if the Love of his Country had not
furmounted its bafe Ingratitude to him, he had ma-
ny
in ATHENS and ROME.
17
ny Invitations to return at the Head of the Perfian
Fleet, and take a terrible Revenge; but he rather
chofe a voluntary Death.
THE People of Athens impeached Pericles for
mifapplying the publick Revenues to his own private
Ufe. He had been a Perfon of great Defervings
from the Republick, was an admirable Speaker, and
very popular; his Accounts were confufed; and he
wanted Time to adjust them; therefore meerly to di-
vert that Difficulty, and the Confequences of it, he
was forced to engage his Country in the Peloponne-
Jan War, the longeft that ever was known in
Greece; and which ended in the utter Ruin of
Athens.
THE fame People having refolved to fubdue Si-
cily, fent a mighty Fleet under the Command of
Nicias, Lamachus, and Alcibiades; the two former,
Perfons of Age and Experience; the laſt, a young
Man of noble Birth, excellent Education, and a
plentiful Fortune. A little before the Fleet fet
fail, it feems, one Night, the Stone Images of Mer-
cury, placed in feveral Parts of the City, were all
pared in the Face: This Action the thenians in-
terpreted for a Defign of deftroying the popular
State; and Alcibiades, having been formerly noted
for the like Frolicks and Excurfions, was imme-
diately accuſed of this. He, whether conſcious of
his Innocence, or affured of the Secrecy, offered to
come to his Tryal before he went to his Command:
This the Athenians refuſed: But as foon as he was
got to Sicily, they fent for him back, defigning to
take the Advantage, and profecute him in the Ab-
fence of his Friends, and of the Army, where he
was very powerful. It feems he understood the
Refentiments of a popular Affembly too well to
truſt them; and therefore, instead of returning,
VOL. I.
C
escaped
18
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
eſcaped to Sparta; where his Defire of Revenge
prevailing over his Love to his Country, he became
its greateſt Enemy. Mean while, the Athenians
before Sicily, by the Death of one Commander,
and the Superftition, Weaknefs, and perfect ill
Conduct of the other, were utterly deftroyed; the
whole Fleet taken, a miferable Slaughter made of
the Army, whereof hardly one ever returned.
Some Time after this, Alcibiades was recalled upon
his own Conditions, by the Neceffities of the Peo-
ple, and made chief Commander at Sea and Land;
but his Lieutenant engaging againſt his pofitive
Orders, and being beaten by Lyfander; Alcibiades
was again difgraced and baniſhed. However, the
Athenians having loft all Strength and Heart fince
their Misfortune at Sicily, and now deprived of the
only Perſon that was able to recover their Loffes,
repent of their Raſhneſs, and endeavour, in vain,
for his Reſtoration; the Perfian Lieutenant, to
whoſe Protection he fled, making him a Sacrifice
to the Refentments of Lyfander, the General of the
Lacedæmonians; who now reduceth all the Domi-
nions of the Athenians, takes the City, razes their
Walls, ruins their Works, and changes the Form
of their Government; which, although again re-
ftored for fome Time by Thrafybulus, (as their
Walls were rebuilt by Conon) yet here we muſt
date the Fall of the Athenian Greatneſs; the Do-
minion and chief Power in Greece, from that Pe-
riod, to the Time of Alexander the Great, which
was about fifty Years, being divided between the
Spartans and Thebans: Although Philip, Alexander's
Father, (the Moſt Chriſtian King of that Age) had,
indeed, fome Time before, begun to break in upon
the Republicks of Greece, by Conqueft or Bribery;
particularly dealing large Money among fome popular
Orators;
in ATHENS and ROME.
19
Orators; by which he brought many of them, as
the Term of Art was then, to Philippize.
In the Time of Alexander and his Captains, the
Athenians were offered an Opportunity of recover-
ing their Liberty, and being reftored to their for-
mer State; but the wife Turn they thought to give
the Matter, was by an Impeachment and Sacrifice
of the Author, to hinder the Succeſs. For, after
the Deſtruction of Thebes by Alexander, this Prince
defigning the Conqueft of Athens, was prevented
by Phocion, the Athenian General, then Ambaffador
from that State; who, by his great Wiſdom and
Skill at Negociation, diverted Alexander from his
Defign, and reſtored the Athenians to his Favour.
The very fame Succefs he had with Antipater after
Alexander's Death; at which Time, the Govern-
ment was new regulated by Solon's Laws: But Po-
lyperchon, in Hatred to Phocion, having, by Order
of the young King, whofe Governor, he was, re-
ftored thoſe whom Phocion had baniſhed; the Plot
fucceeded, Phocion was accufed by popular Orators,
and put to Death.
THUS was the moft powerful Commonwealth of
all Greece, after great Degeneracies from the Infti-
tution of Solon, utterly deſtroyed by that raſh, jea-
lous, and inconftant Humour of the People, which
was never fatisfied to fee a General either victorious,
or unfortunate: Such ill Judges, as well as Reward-
ers, have popular Aſſemblies been, of thoſe who beſt
deferved from them.
Now the Circumftance, which makes thefe Ex-
amples of more Importance, is, that this very Pow-
er of the People in Athens, claimed fo confidently
for an inherent Right, and infifted on as the undoubt-
ed Privilege of an Athenian born, was the rankeſt
Encroachment imaginable, and the groffeft Dege-
neracy
C 2
20
*
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
·
neracy from the Form that Solon left them. In
fhort, their Government was grown into a Domina-
tio Plebis, or Tyranny of the People; who, by Des
grees, had broke and overthrown the Ballance
which that Legiflator had very well fixed and pro-
vided for. This appears not only from what hath
been already faid of that Law-giver, but more ma-
nifeftly from a Paffage in Diodorus; who
lib 28. tells us, That Antipater, one of Alexander's
Captains, abrograted the popular Government, (in
Athens) and restored the Power of Suffrages and
Magistracy, to fuch, only, as were worth two thou-
fand Drachmas; by which Means, (fays he) that
Republick came to be again adminiftred by the Laws
of Solon. By this Quotation, it is manifeft, that
this great Author looked upon Solon's Inftitution,
and a popular Government to be two different
Things. And as for this Reſtoration by Antipater,
it had neither Confequence nor Continuance worth
obferving.
I MIGHT eafily produce many more Examples,
but theſe are fufficient: And it may be worth the
Reader's Time to reflect, a little, on the Merits of
the Cauſe, as well as of the Men who had been thus
dealt with by their Country. I ſhall direct him no
further, than by repeating, that Ariftides was the
moft renowned by the People themſelves for his
exact Justice, and Knowledge in the Law. That,
Themistocles was a moſt fortunate Admiral, and had
got a mighty Victory over the great King of Perfia's
Fleet. That, Pericles was an able Minister of State,
an excellent Orator, and a Man of Letters: And
laftly, that Phocion, befides the Succefs of his Arms,
was alſo renowned for his Negotiations abroad; ha-
ving, in an Embaſſy, brought the greatest Monarch of
the
in ATHENS and ROME.
21
the World, at that Time, to the Terms of an honoura-
ble Peace, by which bis Country was preferved.
:
I SHALL Conclude my Remarks upon Athens,
with the Character given us of that People by Po-
lybus. About this Time, fays he, the Athenians
were governed by two Men, quite funk in their Af-
fairs; bad little or no Commerce with the rest of
Greece; and were become great Reverencers of
crowned Heads.
FOR, from the Time of Alexander's Captains,
till Greece was fubdued by the Romans, (to the lat-
ter Part of which, this Defcription of Polybius falls
in) Athens never produced one famous Man, either
for Councils or Arms, or hardly for Learning.
And, indeed, it was a dark infipid Period through
all Greece; For, except the Achaian League
under Aratus and Philopamen; and the En-
deavours of Agis and Cleomenes to restore the State
of Sparta, fo frequently haraffed with Tyrannies,
occafioned by the popular Practices of the Ephori;
there was very little worth recording. All which
Confequences may, perhaps, be justly imputed to
this Degeneracy of Athens,
Polyb.
CHAP.
22
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
CHA P. III.
Of the Diffentions between the PATRICIANS
and PLEBEIANS in ROME; with the
Confequences they had upon that State.
H
AVING, in the foregoing Chap-
ter, confined my felf to the Proceed-
ings of the COMMONS, only by the
Method of Impeachments against par-
ticular Perfons, with the fatal Effects
they had upon the State of Athens; I fhall how
treat of the Diſſentions at Rome, between the People
and the Collective Body of the Patricians or Nobles.
It is a large Subject: But I fhall draw it into as
narrow a Compaſs as I can.
Dionyf.
Halicarn.
As Greece, from the most ancient Accounts we
have of it, was divided into feveral Kingdoms, fo
was moſt Part of Italy into feveral petty
Commonwealths. And, as thofe Kings
in Greece are faid to have been depofed by
their People, upon the Score of their arbitrary
Proceedings; fo, on the contrary, the Common-
wealths of Italy were all fwallowed up, and con-
cluded in the Tyranny of the Roman Emperors.
However, the Differences between thoſe Grecian
Monarchies, and Italian Republicks, were not ve-
ry great: For, by the Accounts Homer gives us of
thofe Grecian Princes, who came to the Siege of
Troy, as well as by feveral Paffages in the Odyffes;
it
in ATHENS and ROME,
23
it is manifeft, that the Power of thefe Princes, in
their ſeveral States, was much of a Size with that
of the Kings in Sparta, the Archon at Athens, the
Suffetes at Carthage, and the Confuls in Rome: So
that a limited and divided Power, feems to have
been the moſt ancient and inherent Principle of
both thoſe People in Matters of Government.
And fuch did that of Rome continue from the Time
of Romulus, although with fome Interruptions, to
Julius Cæfar; when it ended in the Tyranny of a
fingle Perfon. During which Period, (not many
Years longer than from the Norman Conqueft to
our Age) the Commons were growing by Degrees,
into Power and Property, gaining Ground upon
the Patricians, as it were Inch by Inch, till at last
they quite overturned the Ballance; leaving all
Doors open to the Practices of popular and ambi-
tious Men, who deftroyed the wifeft Republick,
and enſlaved the nobleft People that ever entered
upon the Stage of the World. By what Steps and
Degrees this was brought to paſs, ſhall be the Sub-
ject of my preſent Enquiry
WHILE Rome was governed by Kings, the Mo-
narchy was altogether elective. Romulus himfelf,
when he had built the City, was declared King by
the univerſal Confent of the People, and by Augu-
ry, which was then underſtood for Divine Appoint-
ment. Among other Divifions he made of the
People, one was into Patricians and Plebeians:
The former were like the Barons of England, fome
Time after the Conqueft; and the latter are alfo
defcribed to be almoft exactly what our Commons
were then For, they were Dependants upon the
Patricians, whom they choſe for their Patrons and
Protectors, to anfwer for their Appearance, and
defend them in any Process: They alſo ſupplied
:
their
24
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
their Patrons with Money, in Exchange for their
Protection. This Cuftom of Patronage, it feems,
was very ancient, and long practifed among the
Greeks.
OUT of thefe Patricians, Romulus chofe an Hun-
dred to be a Senate, or Grand Council, for Advice
and Affiftance to him in the Adminiftration. The
Senate, therefore, originally confifted all of Nobles,
and were, of themſelves, a ſtanding Council; the
People being only convoked upon fuch Occafions,
as by this Inftitution of Romulus, fell into their
Cognizance: Thefe were to conftitute Magiftrates,
to give their Votes for making Laws, and to ad-
vife upon entring on a War. But, the two former
of thefe popular Privileges, were to be confirmed
by Authority of the Senate; and the laft was only
permitted at the King's Pleafure. This was the
utmoft Extent of Power pretended by the Commons
in the Time of Romulus; all the reſt being divid-
ed between the King and the Senate; the whole
agreeing very nearly with the Conftitution of Eng-
land, for fome Centuries after the Conqueft.
AFTER a Year's Interregnum from the Death of
Romulus, the Senate, of their own Authority, chofe
a Succeffor, and a Stranger, meerly upon the Fame
of his Virtue, without afking the Confent of the
Commons; which Cuſtom they likewiſe obſerved
in the two following Kings. But, in the Election
of Tarquinius Prifcus, the fifth King, we firft hear
mentioned, that it was done, Populi impetrata ve-
nia; which, indeed, was but very reaſonable for a
free People to expect; although I cannot remem-
ber, in my little Reading, by what Incidents they
were brought to advance fo great a Step. How-
ever it were, this Prince, in Gratitude to the Peo-
ple, by whoſe Conſent he was choſen, elected a
hundred
in ATHENS and ROME.
25
hundred Senators out of the Commons; whofe
Number, with former Additions, was now amount-
ed to three hundred.
THE People, having once diſcovered their own
Strength, did foon take Occafion to exert it, and
that by very great Degrees. For, at this King's
Death, (who was murdered by the Sons of a for-
mer) being at a Lofs for a Succeffor, Servius Tul-
lius, a Stranger, and of mean Extraction, was cho-
fen Protector of the Kingdom, by the People, with-
out the Confent of the Senate; at which the No-
bles being diſpleaſed, he wholly applied himſelf to
gratify the Commons; and was by them declared
and confirmed no longer Protector, but King.
THIS Prince firſt introduced the Cuſtom of giv-
ing Freedom to Servants, fo as to become Citizens
of equal Privileges with the reft; which very much
contributed to encreaſe the Power of the People.
THUS, in a very few Years, the Commons pro-
ceeded fo far as to wreft even the Power of chufing
a King, entirely out of the Hands of the Nobles:
Which was fo great a Leap, and cauſed fuch a
Convulfion and Struggle in the State, that the Con-
ftitution could not bear it; but Civil Diffentions
arofe, which immediately were followed by the
Tyranny of a fingle Perfon, as this was by the ut-
ter Subverfion of the Regal Government, and by a
Settlement upon a new Foundation. For, the No-
bles, fpighted at this Indignity done them by the
Commons, firmly united in a Body, depoſed this
Prince by plain Force, and chofe Tarquin the
Proud; who, running into all the Forms and Me-
thods of Tyranny; after a cruel Reign, was ex-
pelled by an univerfal Concurrence of Nobles and
People, whom the Miſeries of his Reign had re-
conciled.
WHEN
26
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
WHEN the Confular Government began, the
Ballance of Power between the Nobles and Ple-
beians was fixed anew. The two firft Confuls
were nominated by the Nobles, and confirmed by
the Commons; and a Law was enacted, That no
Perſon ſhould bear any Magiftracy in Rome, injuſ-
fu Populi; that is, without Confent of the Commons.
IN fuch turbulent Times as thefe, many of the
poorer Citizens had contracted numerous Debts,
either to the richer Sort among themſelves, or to
Senators and other Nobles: And the Cafe of
Debtors in Rome, for the firſt four * Cen-
* Ab urbe turies, was after the fet Time for Pay-
condita. ment, no Choice, but either to pay, or be
;
the Creditor's Slave. In this Juncture, the Com-
mons leave the City in Mutiny and Diſcontent
and will not return, but upon Condition to be ac-
quitted of all their Debts; and moreover, that cer-
tain Magiſtrates be chofen yearly, whofe Buſineſs
it ſhall be to defend the Commons from Injuries.
Theſe are called Tribunes of the People; their Per-
fons are held facred and inviolable, and the People
bind themſelves by Oath, never to abrogate the
Office. By theſe Tribunes, in Proceſs of Time,
the People were grofly impoſed on, to ferve the
Turns and Occafions of revengeful or ambitious
Men; and to commit fuch Exorbitances, as could
not end, but in the Diffolution of the Government.
THESE Tribunes, a Year or two after their Inſti-
tution, kindled great Diffentions between the No-
bles and the Commons; on the Account of Corio-
lanus, a Nobleman whom the latter had impeached;
and the Confequences of whofe Impeachment (if I
had not confined my felf to Grecian Examples for
that Part of my Subject) had like to have been fo
fatal to their State. And, from this Time, the
Tribunes
in ATHENS and ROME.
27
Tribunes begun a Cuſtom of accufing, to the Peo-
ple, whatever Noble they pleaſed; feveral of whom
were baniſhed, or put to Death, in every Age.
AT this Time the Romans were very much en-
gaged in Wars with their neighbouring States; but
upon the leaſt Intervals of Peace, the Quarrels be-
tween the Nobles and the Plebeians would revive;
and one of the most frequent Subjects of their Dif-
ferences, was the conquered Lands, which the Com-
mons would fain have divided among the Publick;
but the Senate could not be brought to give their
Confent. For ſeveral of the wifeft among the No-
bles began to apprehend the growing Power of the
People; and therefore, knowing what an Accef-
fion thereof would accrue to them, by fuch an Ad-
dition of Property, ufed all Means to prevent it:
For this the Appian Family was moft noted; and,
thereupon moft hated by the Commons. One of
them, having made a Speech againſt this Divifion
of Lands, was impeached by the People of High-
Treaſon, and a Day appointed for his Tryal; but,
he difdaining to make his Defence, chofe rather the
ufual Roman Remedy of killing himſelf: After
whoſe Death, the Commons prevailed, and the
Lands were divided among them.
THIS Point was no fooner gained, but new Dif-
fentions began: For the Plebeians would fain have
a Law enacted, to lay all Mens Rights and Privi-
leges upon the fame Level; and to enlarge the
Power of every Magiftrate, within his own Jurif
diction, as much as that of the Confuls. The
Tribunes alfo obtained to have their Num-
ber doubled, which before was five; and Dionyf.
the Author tells us, that their Infolence and
Power encreaſed with their Number; and the Se-
ditions were alfo doubled with it.
Halica.
BY
28
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
By the Beginning of the fourth Century, from
the Building of Rome, the Tribunes proceeded fo
far, in the Name of the Commons, as to accuſe and
fine the Confuls themſelves, who repreſented the
kingly Power. And the Senate obferving, how,
in all Contentions, they were forced to yield to the
Tribunes and People, thought it their wifeft Courſe
to give Way alfo to Time: Therefore a Decree
was made to fend Ambaffadors to Athens, and the
other Grecian Commonwealths, planted in that Part
of Italy called Græcia Major, to make a Collection
of the beſt Laws; out of which, and fome of their
own, a new compleat Body of Law was formed,
afterwards known by the Name of the Laws of
the Twelve Tables.
To digeft thefe Laws into Order, ten Men were
chofen, and the Adminiſtration of all Affairs left in
their Hands: What Ufe they made of it, hath been
already fhewn. It was certainly a great Revoluti-
on, produced entirely by the many unjuſt En-
croachments of the People; and might have wholly
changed the Fate of Rome, if the Folly and Vice of
thoſe who were chiefly concerned, could have fuffer-
ed it to take Root.
A FEW Years after, the Commons made further
Advances on the Power of the Nobles; demanding
among the reft, that the Confulfhip, which hitherto
had only been difpofed to the former, fhould now
lie in common to the Pretenfions of any Roman
whatſoever. This, although it failed at prefent,
yet afterwards obtained, and was a mighty Step to
the Ruin of the Commonwealth.
WHAT I have hitherto faid of Rome, hath been
chiefly collected out of that exact and diligent Wri-
ter Dionyfius Halicarnaffeus; whofe Hiftory (through
the Injury of Time) reacheth no farther than to the
Beginning
in ATHENS and ROME,
29
Beginning of the fourth Century, after the Building
of Rome. The reft I fhall fupply from other Au-
thors; although I do not think it neceffary to de-
duce this Matter any further, fo very particularly
as I have hitherto done.
+
To point at what Time the Ballance of Power
was moſt equally held between the Lords and Com-
mons in Rome, would, perhaps admit a Controver-
fy. Polybius tells us, that in the fecond
Punick War, the Carthaginians were declin- Frage.
ing, becauſe the Ballance was got too much
on the Side of the People; whereas the Romans
were in their greateſt Vigour, by the Power re-
maining in the Senate; yet this was between two
and three hundred Years after the Period Dionyfius
ends with; in which Time, the Commons had
made feveral further Acquifitions. This, how-
ever, muſt be granted, that (until about the Middle
of the fourth Century) when the Senate appeared
refolute at any Time upon exerting their Authori-
ty, and adhered clofely together, they did often
carry their Point. Befides, it is obferved by the
beſt Authors, that in all the Quarrels and Tumults
at Rome, from the Expulfion of the Kings; Dionyfius
although the People frequently proceeded Hal. Plu-
to rude contumelious Language, and fome- tarch,&c:
times fo far as to pull and hale one another about
the Forum; yet no Blood was ever drawn in any
popular Commotions, until the Time of the Grac-
chi: However, I am of Opinion, that the Ballance
had begun many Years before to lean to the popu-
lar Side. But this Default was corrected, partly by
the Principle juft mentioned, of never drawing
Blood in a Tumult; partly by the warlike Genius
of the People, which, in thofe Ages, was almoſt
perpetually employed; and partly by their great
Commanders,
30.
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
Commanders, who, by the Credit they had in their
Armies, fell into the Scales as a farther Counter-
poife to the growing Power of the People. Be-
fides, Polybius, who lived in the Time of Scipio A-
fricanus the Younger, had the fame Apprehenfions
of the continual Encroachments made by the Com-
mons; and being a Perfon of as great Abilities,
and as much Sagacity as any of his Age; from ob-
ſerving the Corruptions which, he faith, had al-
ready entered into the Roman Conſtitution, did ve-
ry nearly fore-tell what would be the Iffue of them.
His Words are very remarkable, and with little
Addition may be rendered to this Purpoſe. That
thofe Abufes and Corruptions, which in Time
lib. 5. destroy a Government, are fown along with the
very Seeds of it, and both grow up together: And
that, as Ruft eats away Iron, and Worms devour
Wood; and both are a Sort of Plagues, born and bred
along with the Substance they destroy; fo with every
Form and Scheme of Government that Man can in-
vent, fome Vice, or Corruption creeps in with the very
Inftitution, which grows up along with, and at last
lib. 6.
deftroys it. The fame Author, in another
Fragm. Place ventures fo far as to guefs at the par-
ticular Fate which would attend the Roman
Government. He faith, its Ruin would ariſe from
the popular Tumults, which would introduce a Do-
minatio Plebis, or Tyranny of the People: Where-
in, it is certain, he had Reaſon, and therefore,
might have adventured to purſue his Conjectures fo
far, as to the Confequences of a popular Tyranny;
which, as perpetual Experience teacheth, never fails
to be followed by the arbitrary Government of a
fingle Perfon.
ABOUT the Middle of the fourth Century, from
the Building of Rome, it was declared lawful for
Nobles
in ATHENS and ROME.
31
Nobles and Plebeians to intermarry; which Cuftom,
among many other States, hath proved the moft
effectual Means to ruin the former, and raiſe the
latter.
AND now, the greateft Employments in the
State were, one after another, by Laws forceably
enacted by the Commons, made free to the People;
the Confulship it felf, the Office of Cenfor, that of
the Questors, or Commiffioners of the Treafury, the
Office of Prætor, or Chief Justice, the Priesthood,
and even that of Dictator: The Senate, after long
Oppofition, yielding, meerly for prefent Quiet, to
the continual urging Clamours of the Commons, and
of the Tribunes their Advocates. A Law was like-
wife enacted, that the Plebiscita, or, a Vote of the
Houfe of Commons, fhould be of univerſal Obliga-
tion. Nay, in Time, the Method of
enacting Laws was wholly inverted:
For, whereas the Senate ufed, of old,
to confirm the Plebiscita; the People did at laſt, as
they pleaſed, confirm, or difannul the Senatufcon-
fulta.
Dionyf.
lib. 2.
APPIUS CLAUDIUS brought in a Cuſtom
of admitting to the Senate, the Sons of freed Men,
or of fuch who had once been Slaves; by which,
and fucceeding Alterations of the like Nature,
that great Council degenerated into a moft cor-
rupt and factious Body of Men, divided againft
itfelf; and its Authority became deſpiſed.
THE Century and half following, to the End
of the third Punick War, by the Deftruction of
Carthage, was a very bufy Period at Rome: The
Intervals between every War being fo fhort, that
the Tribunes and People had hardly Leifure, or
Breath to engage in domeftick Diffentions: How-
ever, the little Time they could fpare, was gene-
rally
32
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
rally employed the fame way. So Terentius Leo,
a Tribune, is recorded to have bafely proſtituted
the Privileges of a Roman Citizen, in perfect
Spight to the Nobles. So the great African Scipio,
and his Brother, after all their mighty Services,
were impeached by an ungrateful Commons.
HOWEVER, the warlike Genius of the People,
and continual Employment they had for it, ferved
to divert this Humour from running into a Head,
till the Age of the Gracchi.
THESE Perfons entering the Scene, in the Time
of a full Peace, fell violently upon advancing the
Power of the People, by reducing into Practice
all thoſe Encroachments, which they had been fo
many Years gaining.
Years gaining. There were, at that Time,
certain Conquered Lands to be divided; befide a
great private Estate left by a King. Theſe, the Tri-
bunes, by Procurement of the elder Gracchus, de-
clared by their legiflative Authority, were not to
be difpofed of by the Nobles; but by the Commons
only. The younger Brother purfued the fame De-
fign; and befides, obtained a Law, that all Itali-
ans ſhould vote at Elections, as well as the Citi-
zens of Rome: In fhort, the whole Endeavours of
them both, perpetually turned upon retrenching the
Nobles Authority in all Things, but efpecially in
the Matter of Judicature. And, although they
both loft their Lives in thofe Purfuits, yet they
traced out fuch Ways, as were afterwards followed
by Marius, Sylla, Pompey, and Cæfar, to the Ruin
of the Roman Freedom and Greatneſs.
FOR, in the Time of Marius; Saturninus, a
Tribune procured a Law, that the Senate ſhould be
bound, by Oath, to agree to whatever the People
would enact: And Marius himfelf, while he was
in that Office of Tribune, is recorded to have, with
great
in ATHENS and ROME.
33
great Induſtry, uſed all Endeavours for depreffing
the Nobles, and raifing the People; particularly for
cramping the former in their Power of Judicature;
which was their most antient inherent Right.
SYLLA, by the fame Meaſures, became abſo-
lute Tyrant of Rome: He added three hundred
Commons to the Senate, which perplexed the
Power of the whole Order, and rendered it ineffec-
tual; then, flinging off the Maſk, he aboliſhed the
Office of Tribune, as being only a Scaffold to Ty-
ranny; whereof he had no further Ufe.
As to Pompey and Cæfar; Plutarch tells us, that
their Union for pulling down the Nobles, (by their
Credit with the People) was the Cauſe of the Civil
War, which ended in the Tyranny of the latter;
both of them, in their Confulfhips, having ufed all
Endeavours and Occafions for finking the Autho-
rity of the Patricians, and giving Way to all En-
croachments of the People, wherein they expected
best to find their own Account.
FROM this Deduction of popular Encroach-
ments in Rome, the Reader will eafily judge how
much the Ballance was fallen upon that Side. In-
deed, by this Time the very Foundation was re-
moved, and it was a Moral Impoffibility, that the
Republick could fubfift any longer. For, the
Commons having ufurped the Offices of the State,
and trampled on the Senate, there was no Govern-
ment left but a Dominatio Plebis: Let us, therefore,
examine how they proceeded in this Conjuncture.
I THINK it is an univerfal Truth, that the Peo-
ple are much more dextrous at pulling down, and
ſetting up, than at preferving what is fixed: And
they are not fonder of feizing more than their own,
than they are of delivering it up again to the worſt
Bidder, with their own into the Bargain. For, al-
VOL. I.
though
D
34
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
though in their corrupt Notions of Divine Wor
fhip, they are apt to multiply their Gods; yet
their earthly Devotion is feldom paid to above one
Idol at a Time, of their own Creation; whofe Oar
they pull with lefs Murmuring, and much more
Skill, than when they share the Lading, or even
bold the Helm.
THE ſeveral Provinces of the Roman Empire,
were now governed by the great Men of their
State; thofe upon the Frontiers with powerful Ar-
mies, either for Conqueft, or Defence. Theſe Go-
vernors upon any Deſigns of Revenge, or Ambi-
tion, were fure to meet with a divided Power at
home; and therefore bent all their Thoughts, and
Applications, to clofe in with the People; who
were now, by many Degrees, the ftronger Party.
Two of the greateſt Spirits that Rome ever produ-
ced, happened to live at the fame Time, and to be
engaged in the fame Purfuit; and this at a Junc-
ture the moſt dangerous for fuch a Conteſt. Theſe
were Pompey and Cæfar, two Stars of fuch a Mag-
nitude, that their Conjunction was as likely to be fa-
tal, as their Oppofition.
THE Tribunes and People, having now fubdued
all Competitors, began the laft Game of a preva-
lent Populace, which is that of chufing themſelves
a Mafter; while the Nobles forefaw, and ufed all
Endeavours left them, to prevent it. The People,
at firſt, made Pompey their Admiral, with full
Power over all the Mediterranean; foon after,
Captain-General of all the Roman Forces, and Go-
vernor of Afia. Pompey, on the other Side, reſtor-
ed the Office of Tribune, which Sylla had put
down; and, in his Confulſhip, procured a Law for
examining into the Miscarriages of Men in Office, or
Command, for twenty Years paft. Many other Ex-
amples
in ATHENS and ROME.
35
amples of Pompey's Popularity, are left us on Re-
cord; who was a perfect Favourite of the People,
and defigned to be more; but his Pretenfions grew
ftale, for Want of a timely Opportunity to intro-
duce them upon the Stage. For Cafar, with his
Legions in Gaul, was a perpetual Check upon his
Deſigns; and in the Arts of pleaſing the People,
did foon after get many Lengths beyond him. He
tells us himſelf, that the Senate, by a bold Effort,
having made fome fevere Decrees againſt his Pro-
ceedings, and againſt the Tribunes; thefe all left
the City, and went over to his Party, and confe-
quently along with them the Affections and Inte-
refts of the People; which is further manifeft, from
the Accounts he gives us of the Citizens, in feveral
Towns, mutinying againſt their Commanders, and
delivering both to his Devotion. Befides, Cæfar's
publick and avowed Pretenfions for beginning the
Civil War, were to reftore the Tribunes and the
People, oppreffed (as he pretended) by the Nobles.
THIS forced Pompey, againſt his Inclinations,
upon the Neceffity of changing Sides, for Fear of
being forfaken by both; and of clofing in with the
Senate and chief Magiftrates, by whom he was cho-
fen General againſt Cæfar.
THUS, at length, the Senate (at leaſt the pri-
mitive Part of them, the Nobles) under Pompey,
and the Commons under Cæfar, came to a final De-
cifion of the long Quarrels between them. For, I
think, the Ambition of private Men, did, by nơ
Means, begin, or occafion this War; although
Civil Diffentions never fail of introducing, and ſpi-
riting the Ambition of private Men; who thus be-
came, indeed, the great Inftruments for deciding of
fuch Quarrels, and at laft are fure to feize on the
Prize. But no Man, who fees a Flock of Vultures
hovering
D 2
36
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
hovering over two Armies ready to engage, can'
justly charge the Blood drawn in the Battle to them,
although the Carcafes fall to their Share. For,
while the Ballance of Power is equally held, the
Ambition of private Men, whether Orators or
great Commanders, gives neither Danger nor Fear,
nor can poffibly enflave their Country; but, that
once broken, the divided Parties are forced to unite
each to its Head; under whofe Conduct, or For-
tune, one Side is, at firſt, victorious, and, at laſt,
both are Slaves. And, to put it paft Difpute, that
this entire Subverfion of the Roman Liberty and
Conſtitution, was altogether owing to thofe Mea-
fures which had broke the Ballance between the
Patricians and Plebeians; whereof the Ambition of
particular Men, was but an Effect and Confe-
quence; we need only confider, that when the un-
corrupted Part of the Senate, had, by the Death of
Cæfar, made one great Effort to reſtore their for-
mer State and Liberty, the Succeſs did not anſwer
their Hopes; but that whole Affembly was fo
funk in its Authority, that thoſe Patriots were
forced to fly, and give Way to the Madneſs of the
People; who, by their own Difpofitions, ſtirred up
with the Harangues of their Orators, were now
wholly bent upon fingle and defpotick Slavery.
Elfe, how could fuch a Profligate as Antony, or a
Boy of Eighteen, like Octavius, ever dare to dream
of giving the Law to fuch an Empire and People?
Wherein the latter fucceeded, and entailed the vileſt
Tyranny, that Heaven, in its Anger, ever inflict-
ed on a corrupt and poifoned People: And this
with fo little Appearance, at Cæfar's Death, that
when Cicero wrote to Brutus, how he had prevail-
ed by his Credit with Octavius, to promife him
(Brutus) Pardon and Security for his Perfon;
that
in ATHENS and ROME.
37
that Great Roman received the Notice with the
utmoſt Indignity, and returned Cicero an Anſwer
(yet upon Record) full of the higheſt Refentment
and Contempt for ſuch an Offer, and from ſuch a
Hand.
HERE ended all Shew, or Shadow, of Liberty
in Rome: Here was the Repoſitory of all the wife
Contentions and Struggles for Power, between the
Nobles and Commons, lapped up fafely in the Bo-
fom of a Nero and a Caligula, a Tiberius and a Do-
mitian.
LET us now ſee from this Deduction of parti-
cular Impeachments, and general Diffentions in
Greece and Rome, what Conclufions may naturally
be formed for Inftruction of any other State, that
may haply, upon many Points, labour under the
like Circumftances.
U
Р.
CHA P. IV.
PON the Subject of Impeachments we
may obferve, that the Cuftom of ac-
cufing the Nobles to the People, either
by themſelves, or their Orators, (now
ftiled, An Impeachment in the Name
of the Commons) hath been very antient, both in
Greece and Rome, as well as Carthage; and there-
fore may ſeem to be the inherent Right of a free
People; nay, perhaps it is really fo: But then, it
is to be confidered, First, That this Cuſtom was
peculiar to Republicks; or fuch States where the
Adminiſtration lay principally in the Hands of the
Commons; and ever raged more, or lefs, accord-
ing
38
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
ing to their Encroachments upon abfolute Power
having been always looked upon, by the wiſeſt
Men, and beſt Authors of thofe Times, as an
Effect of Licentioufnefs, and not of Liberty; a
Diſtinction which no Multitude, either repreſented
or collective, hath been, at any Time, very nice in
obferving. However, perhaps this Cuſtom, in a
popular State, of impeaching particular Men, may
feem to be nothing elfe but the People's chufing,
upon Occafion, to exercife their own Jurifdiction
in Perfon; as if a King of England fhould fit as
Chief Juftice in his Court of King's-Bench; which,
they fay, in former Times he fometimes did. But,
in Sparta, which was called a kingly Government,
although the People were perfectly free; yet, be-
cauſe the Adminiſtration was in the two Kings, and
the Ephori, (with the Affiſtance of the Senate) we
read of no Impeachments by the People; nor was
the Proceſs againſt great Men, either upon Account
of Ambition, or ill Conduct, although it reached
fometimes to Kings themfelves, ever formed that
Way, as I can recollect; but only paffed through
thofe Hands where the Adminiftration lay. So
likewife, during the Regal Government in Rome,
although it were inftituted a mixt Monarchy, and
the People made great Advances in Power; yet I
do not remember to have read of one Impeach-
ment from the Commons againſt a Patrician, until
the Confular State began, and the People had made
great Encroachments upon the Adminiftration.
འ
ANOTHER Thing to be confidered is; that al-
lowing this Right of Impeachment to be as inhe-
rent as they pleafe; yet, if the Commons have
been perpetually mistaken in the Merits of the
Caufes and the Perfons, as well as in the Confe-
quences of fuch Impeachments upon the Peace of
the
in ATHENS and ROME.
39
the State; we cannot conclude lefs, than that the
Commons in Greece and Rome, (whatever they may
be in other States) were, by no Means, qualified
either as Profecutors, or Judges, in fuch Matters;
and therefore that it would have been prudent, to
reſerve theſe Privileges dormant, never to be pro-
duced but upon very great and urging Occafions,
where the State is in apparent Danger, the univer-
fal Body of the People in Clamours againſt the Ad-
miniſtration, and no other Remedy in View. But
for a few popular Orators, or Tribunes, upon the
Score of perfonal Piques; or to employ the Pride they
conceive in feeing themſelves at the Head of a Party;
or as a Method for Advancement; or moved by cer-
tain powerful Arguments, that could make Demof-
thenes Philippize: For fuch Men, I fay, when the
State would, of itſelf, gladly be quiet, and hath be-
fides Affairs of the laft Importance upon the An-
vil; to impeach Miltiades after a great Naval Vic-
tory, for not purſuing the Perfian Fleet: To impeach
Ariftides, the Perfon moft verfed among them in the
Knowledge and Practice of their Laws, for a blind
Sufpicion of his acting in an arbitrary Way; that is,
as they expound it, not in concert with the People:
To impeach Pericles, after all his Services, for a few
inconfiderable Accounts; or to impeach Phocion, who
had been guilty of no other Crime, but negoliating a
Treaty for the Peace and Security of his Country:
What could the Continuance of fuch Proceedings
end in, but the utter Difcouragement of all virtuous
Actions and Perfons, and confequently in the Ruin
of a State? Therefore, the Hiftorians of thoſe
Ages, feldom fail to fet this Matter in all its
Lights; leaving us the higheſt and moſt honoura-
ble Ideas of thoſe Perfons, who fuffered by the
Perfecution of the People, together with the fatal
Confequences
40
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
Confequences they had; and how the Profecutors
feldom failed to repent when it was too late.
THESE Impeachments perpetually falling upon
many of the beſt Men, both in Greece and Rome,
are a Cloud of Witneffes, and Examples enough to
difcourage Men of Virtue and Abilities from en-
gaging in the Service of the Publick; and help,
on the other Side, to introduce the Ambitious, the
Covetous, the Superficial, and the Ill-defigning;
who are as apt to be bold, and forward, and med-
dling, as the former are to be cautious and modeft,
and referved. This was fo well known in Greece,
that an Eagerneſs after Employments in the State,
was looked upon by wife Men, as the worft Title
a Man could fet up; and made Plato fay, That if
all Men were as good as they ought; the Quarrel in
a Commonwealth would be, not as it is now, who
fhould be Ministers of State, but who should not be
So. And Socrates is introduced by
lib. Memorab. Xenophon feverely chiding a Friend of
1
his for not entring into the publick Service, when
he was every Way qualified for it. Such a Back-
wardness there was at that Time among good Men
to engage with an ufurping People, and a Set of
pragmatical ambitious Orators. And Dio-
lib. 11. dorus tells us, that when the Petalifm was
erected at Syracufe, in Imitation of the Ostracism at
Athens, it was fo notoriouſly levelled againſt all who
had either Birth or Merit to recommend them, that
whoever poffeffed either withdrew for Fear, and
would have no Concern in publick Affairs. So
that the People themſelves were forced to abrogate
it for Fear of bringing all Things into Confufion.
THERE is one Thing more to be obſerved,
wherein all the popular Impeachments in Greece and
Rome feem to have agreed; and that was, a Notion
they
in ATHENS and ROME.
41
they had of being concerned in Point of Honour to
condemn whatever Perfon they impeached, how-
ever frivolous the Articles were upon which they
began; or however weak the Surmifes, whereon
they were to proceed in their Proofs. For, to
conceive, that the Body of the People could be
miſtaken, was an Indignity not to be imagined,
till the Confequences had convinced them when it
was paft Remedy. And, I look upon this as a
Fate to which all popular Accufations are fubject;
although I ſhould think that the Saying, Vox Popu-
li, Vox Dei, ought to be underſtood of the univer-
fal Bent and Current of a People; not the bare
Majority of a few Repreſentatives; which is often
procured by little Arts, and great Induſtry and Ap-
plication; wherein thofe, who engage in the Pur-
fuits of Malice and Revenge, are much more fedu-
lous than fuch as would prevent them.
FROM what hath been deduced of the Diffentions
in Rome, between the two Bodies of Patricians and
Plebeians, feveral Reflections may be made.
First, THAT when the Ballance of Power is du-
ly fixed in a State, nothing is more dangerous and
unwife than to give Way to the first Steps of po-
pular Encroachments; which is ufually done either
in Hopes of procuring Eafe and Quiet from fome
vexatious Clamour; or elfe made Merchandize, and
merely bought and fold. This is breaking into a
Conſtitution to ſerve a prefent Expedient, or ſupply
a prefent Exigency: The Remedy of an Empi-
rick to stifle the prefent Pain, but with certain
Proſpect of ſudden and terrible Returns. When a
Child grows eafy and content by being humoured,
and when a Lover becomes fatisfied by fmall Com-
pliances, without further Purfuits; then expect to
find popular Affemblies content with fmall Con-
ceffions.
42
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
ceffions. If there could one fingle Example be
brought from the whole Compafs of Hiftory, of
any one popular Affembly, who after beginning to
contend for Power, ever fat down quietly with a
certain Share: Or, if one Inftance could be produ-
ced of a popular Affembly, that ever knew, or pro-
pofed, or declared what Share of Power was their
due; then might there be fome Hopes that it were
a Matter to be adjuſted by Reaſonings, by Confe-
rences, or Debates: But fince all that is manifeftly
otherwife, I fee no other Courfe to be taken in a
fettled State, than a ſteady conftant Refolution in
thoſe to whom the reft of the Ballance is entrufted,
never to give Way fo far to popular Clamours, as
to make the leaft Breach in the Conſtitution ;
through which a Million of Abuſes and Encroach-
ments will certainly in Time force their Way.
AGAIN, From this Deduction, it will not be
difficult to gather and affign certain Marks of po-
pular Encroachments; by obferving of which,
thoſe who hold the Ballance in a State, may judge
of the Degrees, and by early Remedies and Appli-
cation, put a Stop to the fatal Confequences that
would otherwiſe enfue. What thofe Marks are,
hath been at large deduced, and need not be here
repeated.
ANOTHER Confequence is this, That (with all
Refpect for popular Affemblies be it fpoke) it is
hard to recollect one Folly, Infirmity, or Vice, to
which a fingle Man is fubjected, and from which a
Body of Commons either collective or repreſented
can be wholly exempt. For, befides that they are
compofed of Men with all their Infirmities about
then; they have alfo the ill Fortune to be general-
ly led and influenced by the very worſt among
themfelves: I mean popular Orators, Tribunes; or,
as
in ATHENS and ROME.
43
as they are now ftiled, Great Speakers, Leading
Men, and the like. From whence it comes to
pafs, that in their Refults we have fometimes found
the fame Spirit of Cruelty and Revenge, of Malice
and Pride; the fame Blindneſs and Obftinacy, and
Unſteadineſs; the fame ungovernable Rage and
Anger; the fame Injuftice, Sophiftry and Fraud,
that ever lodged in the Breaſt of any Individual.
AGAIN, In all Free-States the Evil to be avoid-
ed is Tyranny; that is to fay, the Summa Imperii,
or unlimited Power folely in the Hands of the One,
the Few, or the Many. Now, we have fhewn,
that although moft Revolutions of Government in
Greece and Rome began with the Tyranny of the
People, yet they generally concluded in that of a
fingle Perfon. So that an ufurping Populace is its
own Dupe; a meer Underworker, and a Purchaſer
in Truſt for ſome ſingle Tyrant; whofe State and
Power they advance to their own Ruin, with as
blind an Inftinct, as thofe Worms that die with
weaving magnificent Habits for Beings of a fupe-
rior Nature to their own.
S
CHA P. V.
OME Reflections upon the late pub-
lick Proceedings among us, and that
Variety of Factions, into which we
are ftill fo intricately engaged, gave
Occafion to this Difcourfe. I am
not conſcious that I have forced one Example, or
put
44
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
put it into any other Light than it appeared to me,
long before I had Thoughts of producing it.
I CANNOT conclude without adding fome parti-
cular Remarks upon the prefent Pofture of Affairs,
and Difpofitions in this Kingdom.
THE Fate of Empire is grown a Common-
Place: That all Forms of Government having
been inftituted by Men, muſt be mortal like their
Authors, and have their Periods of Duration limit-
ed, as well as thofe of private Perfons; this is a
Truth of vulgar Knowledge and Obfervation. But
there are few who turn their Thoughts to examine
how thefe Difeafes in a State are bred, that haften
its End, which would, however, be a very uſeful
Enquiry. For, although we cannot prolong the
Period of a Commonwealth beyond the Decree of
Heaven, or the Date of its Nature, any more than
human Life, beyond the Strength of the Seminal
Virtue; yet we may manage a fickly Conſtitution,
and preferve a ſtrong one; we may watch and pre-
vent Accidents; we may turn off a great Blow
from without, and purge away an ill Humour that
is lurking within: And by thefe and other fuch
Methods, render a State long-lived, although not
immortal. Yet fome Phyficians have thought that
if it were practicable to keep the feveral Humours.
of the Body in an exact equal Ballance of each with
its Oppofite, it might be immortal; and fo per-
haps would a political Body, if the Ballance of
Power could be always held exactly even.
But I
doubt, this is as almoſt impoffible in the Practice
as the other.
IT hath an Appearance of Fatality, and that the
Period of a State approacheth, when a Concur
rence of many Circumftances, both within and
without, unite towards its Ruin; while the whole
Body
in ATHENS and ROM E.
45
Body of the People are either ftupidly negligent,
or elſe giving in with all their Might, to thofe ve-
ry Practices that are working their Deftruction.
To ſee whole Bodies of Men breaking a Conftitu-
tion by the very fame Errors that fo many have
been broke before: To obferve oppofite Parties,
who can agree in nothing elfe, yet firmly united in
fuch Meaſures as muft certainly ruin their Country :
In ſhort, to be encompaffed with the greateſt Dan-
gers from without; to be torn by many virulent
Factions within; then to be fecure and fenfelefs
under all this, and to make it the very leaft of our
Concern: Theſe, and fome others that might be
named, appear to me to be the moſt likely Symp-
toms in a State of a Sickneſs unto Death.
Quod procul à nobis flectat Fortuna gubernans.
Et ratio potius, quam res perfuadeat ipfa.
LUCR.
THERE are fome Conjunctures wherein the
Death or Diffolution of Government is more la-
mentable in its Confequences than it would be in
others. And, I think, a State can never arrive to
its Period in a more deplorable Crifis, than at a
Time when fome Prince in the Neighbourhood, of
vaft Power and Ambition, lies hovering like a
Vulture to devour, or at leaſt diſmember its dying
Carcafe; by which Means, it becomes only a Pro-
vince or Acquifition to fome mighty Monarchy,
without Hopes of a Refurrection.
I KNOW very well, there is a Set of fanguine
Tempers, who deride and ridicule in the Number
of Fopperies, all fuch Apprehenfions as thefe. They
have it ready in their Mouths, that the People of
England are of a Genius and Temper, never to ad-
mit
46.
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
mit Slavery among them; and they are furnished
with a great many Common-Places upon that Sub-
ject. But it feems to me, that fuch Difcourfers dơ
reafon upon fhort Views, and a very moderate
Compaſs of Thought. For I think it a great Er-
ror to count upon the Genius of a Nation as a
ſtanding Argument in all Ages; fince there is
hardly a Spot of Ground in Europe, where the In-
habitants have not frequently and entirely changed
their Temper and Genius. Neither can fee any
Reaſon, why the Genius of a Nation fhould be
more fixed in the Point of Government, than in
their Morals, their Learning, their Religion, their
common Humour and Converfation, their Diet and
their Complexion; which do all notoriouſly vary,
almoſt in every Age; and may every one of them
have great Effects upon Men's Notions of Govern-
ment.
SINCE the Norman Conqueft, the Ballance of
Power in England hath often varied, and fome
Times been wholly overturned: The Part which
the Commons had in it, that most difputed Point in
its Original, Progreſs, and Extent, was, by their
own Confeffions, but a very inconfiderable Share.
Generally ſpeaking, they have been gaining ever
fince, although with frequent Interruptions, and
flow Progrefs. The abolishing of Villanage, toge-
ther with the Cuſtom introduced (or permitted) a-
mong the Nobles of felling their Lands in the
Reign of Henry the Seventh, was a mighty Additi-
on to the Power of the Commons; yet I think a
much greater happened in the Time of his Succef-
for, at the Diffolution of the Abbies: For this
turned the Clergy wholly out of the Scale, who had
fo long filled it; and placed the Commons in their
Stead; who in a few Years became poffeffed of
vaſt
in ATHENS and ROME.
47
vaft Quantities of thofe and other Lands, by Grant
or Purchaſe. About the Middle of Queen Eliza-
beth's Reign, I take the Power between the Nobles
and the Commons, to have been in more equal
Ballance than it was ever before or fince. But
then, or foon after, arofe a Faction in England;
which, under the Name of Puritan, began to grow
popular, by molding up their new Schemes of Re-
ligion with Republican Principles in Government;
who gaining upon the Prerogative, as well as the
Nobles, under feveral Denominations, for the Space
of about Sixty Years, did at laft overthrow the
Conſtitution; and, according to the uſual Courſe
of fuch Revolutions, did introduce a Tyranny, first
of the People, and then of a fingle Perfon.
In a fhort Time after the old Government was
revived. But the Progreſs of Affairs for almoſt
thirty Years, under the Reigns of two weak Princes,
is a Subject of a very different Nature; when the
Ballance was in Danger to be overturned by the
Hands that held it; which was, at laft, very fea
ſonably prevented by the late Revolution. How-
ever, as it is the Talent of human Nature to run
from one Extream to another; fo, in a very few
Years, we have made mighty Leaps from Preroga-
tive Heights into the Depths of Popularity; and, I
doubt, to the very laft Degree that our Conftitution
will bear. It were to be wifhed, that the moſt au-
guft Affembly of the Commons, would pleaſe to
form a Pandect of their own Power and Privileges,
to be confirmed by the entire legislative Authority;
and that in as folemn a Manner (if they pleaſe) as
the Magna Charta. But to fix one Foot of their
Compafs wherever they think fit, and extend the
other to fuch terrible Lengths, without defcribing
any Circumference at all; is to leave us, and them-
felves,
48
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
felves, in a very uncertain State, and in a Sort of
Rotation, that the Author of the Oceana never
dreamt on. I believe the moſt hardy Tribune will
not venture to affirm, at prefent, that any juſt
Fears of Encroachment are given us from the Re-
gal Power, or the Few: And, is it then impoffi-
ble to err on the other Side? How far muſt we
proceed? Or where fhall we ſtop? The Raging of
the Sea, and the Madness of the People, are put to-
gether in Holy Writ; and it is GOD, alone, who
can fay to either, Hitherto fhalt thou pass, and no
farther.
THE Ballance of Power, in a limited State, is
of fuch abfolute Neceffity, that Cromwell himfelf,
before he had perfectly confirmed his Tyranny;
having fome Occafions for the Appearance of a
Parliament, was forced to create and erect an intire
new Houfe of Lords, (fuch as it was) for a Coun-
terpoiſe to the Commons. And, indeed, confider-
ing the Vileneſs of the Clay, I have fometimes
wondered, that no Tribune of that Age, durft ever
venture to aſk the Potter, What dost thou make?
But it was then about the laſt Act of a popular U-
furpation; and Fate, or Cromwell had already pre-
pared them for that of a ſingle Perfon.
I HAVE been often amazed at the rude, paffio-
nate, and miſtaken Refults, which have, at certain
Times, fallen from great Affemblies, both antient
and modern; and of other Countries as well as
our own. This gave me the Opinion I mentioned
a while ago; that publick Conventions are liable
to all the Infirmities, Follies, and Vices of private
Men. To which, if there be any Exception, it
muſt be of fuch Affemblies, who act by univerfal
Concert, upon publick Principles, and for publick
Ends fuch as proceed upon Debates without unbe-
coming
in ATHENS and ROME.
49
coming Warmths, or Influence from particular Lead-
ers and Inflamers; fuch whofe Members, inſtead of
canvaſſing to procure Majorities for their private Opi-
nions, are ready to comply with general ſober Reſults,
although contrary to their own Sentiments. What-
ever Affemblies act by theſe, and other Methods of
the like Nature, must be allowed to be exempt
from feveral Imperfections, to which particular
Men are fubjected. But I think, the Source of
moſt Miſtakes and Mifcarriages, in Matters debated
by publick Affemblies, arifeth from the nfluence
of private Perfons upon great Numbers; ftiled in
common Phraſe leading Men and Parties. And
therefore, when we fometimes meet a few Words
put together, which is called the Vote, or Refolution
of an Affembly, and which we cannot poffibly re-
concile to Prudence, or publick Good; it is moſt
charitable to conjecture, that fuch a Vote hath been
conceived, and born, and bred in a private Brain;
afterwards raiſed and fupported by an obfequious
Party; and then, with ufual Methods confirmed
by an artificial Majority. For, let us fuppofe five
hundred Men, mixed, in Point of Senfe and Ho-
nefty, as ufually Affemblies are; and let us ſuppoſe
thefe Men propofing, debating, refolving, voting,
according to the meer natural Motions of their own
little, or much Reaſon and Underſtanding; I do
allow, that Abundance of indigefted and abortive,
many pernicious and fooliſh Overtures would arife,
and float a few Minutes; but then they would die,
and diſappear. Becaufe, this muſt be faid in Be-
half of human Kind; that common Senfe, and
plain Reaſon, while Men are difengaged from ac-
quired Opinions, will ever have fome general Influ-
ence upon their Minds: Whereas, the Species of
Folly and Vice are infinite, and fo different in every
VOL. I.
Individual,
E
50
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
Individual, that they could never procure a Majo
rity, if other Corruptions did not enter to pervert
Mens Underſtandings and mifguide their Wills.
To defcribe how Parties are bred in an Affem-
bly, would be a Work too difficult at preſent, and
perhaps not altogether ſafe. Periculofe plenum
opus aleæ.
alea. Whether thoſe who are Leaders, uſual-
ly arrive at that Station, more by a Sort of Inftinct,
or fecret Compoſition of their Nature, or Influence
of the Stars, than by the Poffeffion of any great A-
bilities; may be a Point of much Difpute: But
when the Leader is once fixed, there will never fail
to be Followers. And, Man is fo apt to imitate,
fo much of the Nature of Sheep, (Imitatores, fer-
vum Pecus) that whoever is ſo bold to give the firſt
great Leap over the Heads of thofe about him, (al-
though he be the worst of the Flock) fhall be
quickly followed by the reft. Befides; when Par-
ties are once formed, the Stragglers look fo ridicu-
lous, and become fo infignificant, that they have
no other Way, but to run into the Herd, which,
at leaſt, will hide and protect them; and where to
be much conſidered, requires only to be very vio-
lent.
BUT there is one Circumftance, with relation to
Parties, which I take to be, of all others, moſt
pernicious in a State; and I would be glad any
Partizan would help me to a tolerable Reafon,
that becauſe Clodius and Curio happen to agree with
ine in a few fingular Notions, I must therefore
blindly follow them in all: Or, to ſtate it at beſt,
that becauſe Bibulus, the Party-man, is perfuaded
that Clodius and Curio, do really propofe the Good
of their Country, as their chief End; therefore Bi-
bulus fhall be wholly guided and governed by them,
in the Means and Meaſures towards it. Is it e-
nough
in ATHENS and ROME.
51
nough for Bibulus, and the reſt of the Herd to fay,
without further examining, I am of the Side with
Clodius, or I vote with Curio? Are thefe proper
Methods to form and make up what they think fit
to call the united Wisdom of the Nation? Is it not
poffible, that, upon fome Occafions, Clodius may
be bold and infolent, born away by his Paffion,
malicious and revengeful; that Curio may be cor-
rupt, and expoſe to Sale his Tongue, or his Pen.
I conceive it far below the Dignity, both of human
Nature, and human Reaſon, to be engaged in any
Party, the moſt plauſible foever, upon fuch fervile
Conditions.
THIS Influence of One upon Many, which feems
to be as great in a People reprefented, as it was of
old in the Commons collective, together with the
Confequences it has had upon the Legiſlature;
hath given me frequent Occafion to reflect upon
what Diodorus tells us of one Charondas, a Lawgi-
ver to the Sybarites, an antient People of Italy;
who was ſo averſe from all Innovation, eſpecially
when it was to proceed from particular Perfons;
and, I fuppofe that he might put it out of the
Power of Men, fond of their own Notions, to di-
ſturb the Conſtitution at their Pleaſures, by ad-
vancing private Schemes; as to provide a Statute,
that whoever propofed any Alteration to be made,
ſhould ſtep out, and do it with a Rope about his
Neck: If the Matter propofed were generally ap-
proved, then it ſhould paſs into a Law; if it went
in the Negative, the Propofer to be immediately
hanged. Great Minifters may talk of what Pro-
jects they pleaſe; but I am deceived, if a more ef-
fectual one could ever be found, for taking off (as
the preſent Phrafe is) thofe hot unquiet Spirits,
who diſturb Affemblies, and obftruct publick Af-
fairs,
E 2
52
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS
fairs, by gratifying their Pride, their Malice, their
Ambition, their Vanity, or their Avarice.
THOSE who, in a late Reign, began the Diftinc-
tion between the perfonal and political Capacity,
ſeem to have had Reafon, if they judged of Princes
by themſelves: For, I think, there is hardly to be
found, through all Nature, a greater Difference be-
tween two Things, than there is between a repre-
ſenting Commoner, in the Function of his publick
Calling, and the fame Perfon, when he acts in the
common Offices of Life. Here, he allows him-
ſelf to be upon a Level with the reſt of Mortals :
Here, he follows his own Reaſon, and his own
Way; and rather affects a Singularity in his Ac-
tions and Thoughts, than fervilely to copy either
from the wifeft of his Neighbours. In fhort, here
his Folly, and his Wiſdom, his Reafon, and his
Paffions, are all of his own Growth; not the Ec-
cho, or Infufion of other Men. But when he is
got near the Walls of his Affembly, he affumes,
and affects an intire Set of very different Airs; he
conceiveth himſelf a Being of a fuperior Nature to
thoſe without, and acting in a Sphere where the
vulgar Methods for the Conduct of human Life,
can be of no Ufe. He is lifted in a Party, where
he neither knows the Temper, nor Deſigns, nor
perhaps the Perfon of his Leader; but whofe Opi-
nions he follows and maintains, with a Zeal and
Faith as violent, as a young Scholar does thofe of a
Philoſopher, whofe Sect he is taught to profefs.
He hath neither Opinions, nor Thoughts, nor Ac-
tions, nor Talk, that he can call his own; but all
conveyed to him by his Leader, as Wind is through
an Organ. The Nouriſhment he receives hath not
been only chewed, but digefted, before it comes into
his Mouth. Thus inſtructed, he followeth his Par-
ty,
in ATHENS and ROME.
53
ty, right or wrong, through all its Sentiments;
and acquires a Courage, and Stiffness of Opinion,
not at all congenial with him.
THIS encourageth me to hope, that during the
prefent lucid Interval, the Members retired to their
Homes, may fufpend a while their acquired Com-
plexions; and, taught by the Calmnefs of the Scene,
and the Seafon, re-affume the Sedatenefs of their
Temper. If this fhould be fo, it would be wife in
them, as individual and private Mortals, to look
back a little upon the Storms they have raised, as
well as thofe they have efcaped: To reflect, that
they have been Authors of a new and wonderful
Thing in England; which is, for a Houſe of Com-
mons to loſe the univerfal Favour of the Numbers
they reprefent: To obferve, how thofe whom they
thought fit to perfecute for Righteouſneſs Sake,
have been openly careffed by the People; and to
remember, how themfelves fat in Fear of their Per-
fons from popular Rage. Now, if they would
know the Secret of all this unprefidented Proceed-
ing in their Masters; they muft not impute it to
their Freedom in Debate, or declaring their Opi-
nions; but to that unparliamentary Abuſe of ſet-
ting Individuals upon their Shoulders, who were
hated by GoD and Man. For, it feems, the Mafs
of the People, in fuch Conjunctures as this, have
opened their Eyes, and will not endure to be go-
verned by Clodius and Curio, at the Head of their
Myrmidons; although thefe be ever fo numerous,
and compofed of their own Repreſentatives.
THIS Averfion of the People againſt the late
Froceedings of the Commons, is an Accident, that
if it laſt a while, might be improved to good Ufes
for fetting the Ballance of Power a little more upon
an Equality, than their late Meaſures feem to pro-
mile
54
CONTESTS and DISSENTIONS, &c.
mife or admit. This Accident may be imputed to
two Cauſes. The firft is, an univerfal Fear and
Apprehenfion of the Greatneſs and Power of France,
whereof the People, in general, feem to be very
much, and juſtly poffeffed; and therefore cannot
but refent to fee it, in fo critical a Juncture, wholly
laid afide by their Minifters, the Commons. The
other Cauſe is, a great Love, and Senſe of Grati-
tude in the People, towards their prefent King;
grounded upon a long Opinion and Experience of
his Merit, as well as Conceffions to all their reafon-
able Defires; fo that it is for fome Time they have
begun to fay, and to fetch Inftances where he hath,
in many Things, been hardly uſed. How long
theſe Humours may laft, (for Paffions are momen-
tary, and eſpecially thofe of a Multitude) or what
Confequences they may produce, a little Time will
diſcover. But, whenever it comes to pafs, that a
popular Affembly, free from fuch Obſtructions,
and already poffeffed of more Power, than an equal
Ballance will allow, fhall continue to think they
have not enough; but by cramping the Hand that
holds the Ballance, and by Impeachments, or Dif-
fentions with the Nobles, endeavour ftill for more:
I cannot poffibly fee, in the common Courfe of
Things, how the fame Caufes can produce different
Effects and Confequences among us, from what
they did in Greece and Rome.
:
A
MEDITATION
UPON A
BROOM-STICK:
According to
The Style and Manner of the Honourable
ROBERT BOYLE's Meditations.
Written in the Year 1703.
T
SHIS fingle Stick, which you now be
hold ingloriouſly lying in that ne-
glected Corner, I once knew in a
flouriſhing State in a Foreft: It was
full of Sap, full of Leaves, and full
of Boughs: But now, in vain does the buſy Art of
Man pretend to vye with Nature, by tying that
withered Bundle of Twigs to its faplefs Trunk: It
56
A MEDITATION upon a
is now at beſt but the Reverſe of what it was; a
Tree turned upfide down, the Branches on the
Earth, and the Root in the Air: It is now hand-
led by every dirty Wench, condemned to do her
Drudgery; and by a capricious Kind of Fate,
deftined to make other Things clean, and be nafty
itfelf. At length, worn to the Stumps in the Ser-
vice of the Maids, it is either thrown out of Doors,
or condemned to the laſt Uſe of kindling a Fire.
When I beheld this, I fighed, and faid within my-
felf, SURELY MORTAL MAN IS A BROOM-
STICK; Nature fent him into the World ſtrong
and lufty, in a thriving Condition, wearing his own
Hair on his Head, the proper Branches of this rea-
foring Vegetable; till the Axe of Intemperance
hach lopped off his Green Boughs, and left him a
withered Trunk: He then flies to Art, and puts
on a Perriwig; valuing himſelf upon an unnatural
Bundle of Hairs, all covered with Powder, that ne-
ver grew on his Head: But now, fhould this our
Broomstick pretend to enter the Scene, proud of
thofe Birchen Spoils it never bore, and all covered
with Duft, though the Sweepings of the fineſt La-
dy's Chamber; we fhould be apt to ridicule and
defpife its Vanity. Partial Judges that we are of
our own Excellencies, and other Mens Defaults!
BUT a Broomstick, perhaps you will fay, is an
Einblem of a Tree ftanding on its Head; and
pray what is Man but a topfy-turvy Creature? His
Animal Faculties perpetually mounted on his Ra-
tional; his Head where his Heels fhould be, gro-
veling on the Earth. And yet, with all hi Faults,
he fets up to be a univerfal Reformer and Corrector
of Abuſes; a Remover of Grievances; rakes into
every Sur's Corner of Nature, bringing hidden
Corruptions to the Light, and raifeth a mighty Dat
where
BROOM-STICK, &c.
57
where there was none before; fharing deeply all
the while in the very fame Pollutions he pretends
to ſweep away. His laft Days are ſpent in Slave-
ry to Women, and generally the leaſt deſerving;
till worn to the Stumps, like his Brother Bezom, he
is either kicked out of Doors, or made ufe of to
kindle Flames for others to warm themſelves by.
H
THE
THE
SENTIMENTS
OF A
Church-of-England MAN,
WITH RESPECT TO
Religion and Government.
Written in the Year 1708.
HOEVER hath examined the Con-
duct and Proceedings of both Parties
for fome Years paft, whether in or
out of Power, cannot well conceive
it poffible to go far towards the Ex-
treams of either, without offering fome Violence to
his Integrity or Underſtanding. A wife and a good
Man may indeed be fometimes induced to comply
with a Number, whofe Opinion he generally ap-
proves, although it be perhaps against his own.
But this Liberty fhould be made Ufe of upon very
few Occafions, and thofe of fmall Importance, and
then only with a View of bringing over his own
Side
The SENTIMENTS of a, &c,
59
Side another Time to fomething of greater and
more publick Moment. But to facrifice the Inno-
cency of a Friend, the Good of our Country, or
our own Conſcience, to the Humour, or Paffion,
or Intereſt, of a Party; plainly fhews, that either
our Heads or our Hearts are not as they ſhould be:
Yet this very Practice is the fundamental Law of
each Faction among us; as may be obvious to any
who will impartially, and without Engagement,
be at the Pains to examine their Actions; which,
however, is not fo eafy a Tafk: For it ſeems a
Principle in human Nature, to incline one Way
more than another, even in Matters where we are
wholly unconcerned. And it is a common Obſer-
vation, that in reading a Hiſtory of Facts done a
thouſand Years ago; or ftanding by at Play among
thoſe who are perfect Strangers to us; we are apt
to find our Hopes and Wiſhes engaged on a fudden
in favour of one Side more than another. No Won-
der then, that we are all fo ready to intereft our
felves in the Courfe of publick Affairs; where the
moſt inconfiderable have fome real Share, and by
the wonderful Importance which every Man is of
to himſelf, a very great imaginary one.
AND, indeed, when the two Parties that divide
the whole Commonwealth, come once to a Rup-
ture, without any Hopes left of forming a Third
with better Principles, to ballance the others; it
ſeems every Man's Duty to chufe one of the two
Sides, although he cannot entirely approve of ei-
ther; and all Pretences to Neutrality are juftly ex-
ploded by both; being too ftale and obvious; on-
ly intending the Safety and Eafe of a few Individu-
als, while the Publick is embroiled. This was the
Opinion and Practice of the latter Cato, whom I
eſteem to have been the wifeft and the beſt of all
the
бо
The SENTIMENTS of a
the Romans. But before Things proceed to open
Violence, the trueft Service a private Man may
hope to do his Country, is by unbiaffing his Mind
as much as poffible, and then endeavouring to mo-
derate between the Rival Powers which muft needs
be owned a fair Proceeding with the World: Be-
caufe, it is of all others the leaft confiftent with the
common Deſign of making a Fortune by the Me-
rit of an Opinion.
I HAVE gone as far as I am able in qualifying
my felf to be fuch a Moderator: I believe, I am
no Bigot in Religion; and I am fure, I am none in
Government. I converfe in full Freedom with ma-
ny confiderable Men of both Parties; and if not in
equal Number, it is purely accidental and perſonal,
as happening to be near the Court, and to have
made Acquaintance there, more under one Miniſtry
than another. Then, I am not under the Neceffi-
ty of declaring my felf by the Profpect of an Em-
ployment. And lastly, if all this be not fufficient,
I induſtriouſly conceal my Name; which wholly
exempts me from any Hopes and Fears in deliver-
ing my Opinion.
IN Confequence of this free Ufe of my Reafon,
I cannot poffibly think fo well or fo ill of either
Party, as they would endeavour to perfuade the
World of each other, and of themſelves. For In-
ſtance; I do not charge it upon the Body of the
Whigs, or the Tories, that their feveral Principles
lead them to introduce Prefbytery, and the Reli-
gion of the Church of Rome, or a Commonwealth
and arbitrary Power. For, why ſhould any Party
be accuſed of a Principle which they folemnly dif
own and proteſt againſt? But, to this they have a
mutual Anſwer ready; they both affure us, that
their Adverfaries are not to be believed; that they
difown
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
61
difown their Principles out of Fear; which are ma-
nifeft enough when we examine their Practices. To
prove this, they will produce Inftances, on one
Side, either of avowed Prefbyterians, or Perfons of
libertine and atheiſtical Tenets; and on the other,
of profeffed Papifts, or fuch as are openly in the
Intereft of the abdicated Family. Now, it is very
natural for all fubordinate Sects and Denominations
in a State, to fide with ſome general Party, and to
chufe that which they find to agree with themſelves
in fome general Principle. Thus, at the Reſtoration,
the Prefbyterians, Anabaptifts, Independants, and
other Sects, did all with very good Reaſon unite
and folder up their feveral Schemes to join againſt
the Church, who, without regard to their Diſtinc-
tions, treated them all as equal Adverfaries. Thus,
our preſent Diffenters do very naturally clofe in
with the Whigs, who profefs Moderation, declare
they abhor all Thoughts of Perfecution, and think
it hard, that thoſe who differ only in a few Ceremo-
nies and Speculations, fhould be denied the Privilege
and Profit of Serving their Country in the higheſt
Employments of State. Thus, the Atheiſts, Li-
bertines, Defpifers of Religion and Revelation in
general; that is to fay, all thoſe who uſually paſs
under the Name of Free-Thinkers, do properly join
with the fame Body; becauſe they likewife preach
up Moderation, and are not fo over nice to diftin-
guish between an unlimitted Liberty of Confcience,
and an unlimited Freedom of Opinion. Then, on
the other Side, the profeft Firmnefs of the Tories
for Epifcopacy, as an Apoftolical Inftitution: Their
Averfion from thofe Sects who lie under the Re-
proach of having once deſtroyed their Conſtitution,
and who they imagine, by too indiſcreet a Zeal for
Reformation, have defaced the primitive Model of
the
62
The SENTIMENTS of a
the Church: Next their Veneration for Monarchi-
cal Government in the common Courfe of Succeffi-
on, and their Hatred to Republican Schemes. Thefe,
I fay, are Principles which not only the Nonjuring
Zealots profefs, but even Papiſts themſelves fall
readily in with. And every Extreme here menti-
oned, flings a general Scandal upon the whole Body
it pretends to adhere to.
Bur furely no Man whatſoever, ought in Juftice
or good Manners to be charged with Principles he
actually diſowns, unleſs his Practices do openly,
and without the leaft Room for Doubt, contradict
his Profeffion: Not upon fmall Surmifes, or becauſe
he has the Misfortune to have ill Men fometimes a-
gree with him in a few general Sentiments. How-
ever, although the Extreams of Whig and Tory feem
with little Juftice to have drawn Religion into their
Controverfies, wherein they have fmall Concern ;
yet they both have borrowed one leading Principle
from the Abuſe of it; which is, to have built their
ſeveral Syſtems of political Faith, not upon Enqui-
ries after Truth, but upon Oppofition to each other,
upon injurious Appellations, charging their Adver-
faries with horrid Opinions, and then reproaching
them for the Want of Charity, Et neuter falfo.
In order to remove theſe Prejudices, I have
thought nothing could be more effectual than to de-
ſcribe the Sentiments of a Church-of-England Man
with Reſpect to Religion and Government. This I
fhall endeavour to do in fuch a Manner as may be
liable to the leaft Objection from either Party; and
which I am confident would be affented to by great
Numbers in both, if they were not mifled to thoſe
mutual Miſreprefentations, by fuch Motives as they
would be ashamed to own.
I SHALL begin with Religion.
AND
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
6.3
AND here, although it makes an odd Sound,
yet it is neceffary to fay, that whoever profeffeth
himſelf a Member of the Church of England, ought
to believe a God, and his Providence, together
with revealed Religion, and the Divinity of Christ.
For befide thoſe many Thouſands, who (to fpeak
in the Phraſe of Divines) do practically deny all
this by the Immorality of their Lives; there is no
fmall Number, who in their Converfation and
Writings directly or by Confequence endeavour to
overthrow it: Yet all thefe place themſelves in the
Lift of the National Church; although at the ſame
Time (as it is highly reaſonable) they are great
Sticklers for Liberty of Confcience.
To enter upon Particulars: A Church-of-Eng-
land Man hath a true Veneration for the Scheme
eſtabliſhed among us of Ecclefiaftical Government;
and although he will not determine whether Epif-
copacy be of Divine Right, he is fure it is moſt a-
greeable to primitive Inftitution; fitteft, of all o-
thers for preferving Order and Purity, and under its
prefent Regulations, beft calculated for our Civil
State: He fhould therefore think the Aboliſhment
of that Order among us, would prove a mighty
Scandal, and Corruption to our Faith, and mani-
feftly dangerous to our Monarchy; nay, he would
defend it by Arms againſt all the Powers on Earth,
except our own Legiſlature; in which Cafe he
would fubmit as to a general Calamity, a Dearth,
or a Peftilence.
As to Rites and Ceremonies, and Forms of
Prayer, he allows there might be ſome uſeful Alte-
rations; and more, which in the Profpect of unit-
ing Chriſtians might be very fupportable, as Things
declared in their own Nature indifferent; to which
he therefore would readily comply, if the Clergy,
or
64
The SENTIMENTS of a
or (although this be not ſo fair a Method) if the
Legiſlature ſhould direct: Yet, at the fame Time,
he cannot altogether blame the former for their Un-
willingness to confent to any Alteration; which,
befide the Trouble, and perhaps Difgrace, would
certainly never produce the good Effects intended
by it. The only Condition that could make it pru-
dent, and juſt for the Clergy to comply in altering
the Ceremonial, or any other indifferent Part,
would be a firm Refolution in the Legiflature, to
interpoſe by ſome ſtrict and effectual Laws, to pre-
vent the rifing and fpreading of new Sects, how
plauſible foever, for the future; elfe there muft ne-
ver be an End: And it would be to act like a Man,
who ſhould pull down and change the Ornaments
of his Houſe, in Compliance to every one who was
diſpoſed to find Fault as he paffed by; which, be-
fides the perpetual Trouble and Expence, would ve-
ry much damage, and perhaps in Time deſtroy the
Building. Sects, in a State, feem only tolerated,
with any Reaſon, becauſe they are already ſpread;
and becauſe it would not be agreeable with fo mild
a Government, or fo pure a Religion as ours, to
uſe violent Methods againſt great Numbers of miſ-
taken People, while they do not manifeftly endan-
ger the Conſtitution of either. But the greateſt
Advocates for general Liberty of Confcience, will
allow that they ought to be checked in their Begin-
nings, if they will allow them to be an Evil at all;
or, which is the fame Thing, if they will only
grant, it were better for the Peace of the State,
that there fhould be none. But, while the Clergy
confider the natural Temper of Mankind in general,
or of our own Country in particular; what Affu-
rances can they have, that any Compliances they
ſhall make, will remove the Evil of Diffention,
while
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
65
while the Liberty ftill continues of profeffing what-
ever new Opinions we pleaſe? Or, how can it be
imagined, that the Body of Diffenting Teachers,
who muſt be all undone by fuch a Revolution, will
not caft about fome new Objections to with-hold
their Flocks, and draw in freſh Profelytes by fome
further Innovations or Refinements.
UPON theſe Reaſons, he is for tolerating fuch
different Forms in religious Worſhip, as are alrea-
dy admitted; but, by no Means, for leaving it in
the Power of thoſe who are tolerated, to advance
their own Models upon the Ruin of what is already
eſtabliſhed; which it is natural for all Sects to de-
fire, and which they cannot juſtify by any confiftent
Principles, if they do not endeavour; and yet,
which they cannot fucceed in, without the utmoſt
Danger to the publick Peace.
To prevent theſe Inconveniencies, he thinks it
highly juſt, that all Rewards of Truſt, Profit, or
Dignity, which the State leaves in the Diſpoſal of
the Adminiſtration, fhould be given only to thoſe,
whoſe Principles direct them to preferve the Con-
ſtitution in all its Parts. In the late Affair of Oc-
cafional Conformity, the general Argument of thoſe
who were againſt it, was not, to deny it an Evil in
itſelf, but that the Remedy propoſed was violent,
untimely, and improper; which is the * Biſhop of
Salisbury's Opinion, in the Speech he made and
publiſhed againſt the Bill: But, however juſt their
Fears, or Complaints might have been upon that
Score, he thinks it a little too grofs, and precipi-
tate to employ their Writers already, in Arguments
for repealing the Sacramental Teft, upon no wifer a
Maxim, than that no Man fhould, on the Account
* Dr. BURNET.
VOL. I.
F
of
66
The SENTIMENTS of a
of Confcience, be deprived the Liberty of ferving
his Country; a Topick which may be equally ap-
plied to admit Papiſts, Atheiſts, Mahometans, Hea-
thens, and Jews. If the Church wants Members
of its own to employ in the Service of the Publick;
or be fo unhappily contrived, as to exclude from
its Communion, fuch Perfons who are likelieft to
have great Abilities; it is Time it fhould be alter-
ed, and reduced into fome more perfect, or, at
leaſt, more popular Form: But, in the mean while,
it is not altogether improbable, that when thofe,
who diflike the Conftitution, are fo very zealous in
their Offers for the Service of their Country, they
are not wholly unmindful of their Party, or of
themſelves.
THE Dutch, whofe Practice is fo often quoted to
prove and celebrate the great Advantages of a ge-
neral Liberty of Confcience, have yet a National
Religion, profeffed by all who bear Office among
them: But why ſhould they be a Precedent for us,
either in Religion or Government? Our Country
differs from theirs, as well in Situation, Soil, and
Productions of Nature, as in the Genius and Com-
plexion of Inhabitants. They are a Common-
wealth founded on a fudden, by a defperate At-
tempt in a defperate Condition, not formed or di-
gefted into a regular Syſtem, by mature Thought
and Reaſon, but huddled up under the Preffure of
fudden Exigences; calculated for no long Durati-
on, and hitherto fubfifting by Accident in the Midft
of contending Powers, who cannot yet agree about
ſharing it amongft them. Thefe Difficulties do, in-
deed, preſerve them from any great Corruptions,
which their crazy Conftitution would extremely fub-
ject them to in a long Peace. That Confluence of
People, in a perfecuting Age, to a Place of Refuge
neareft
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
67
reareſt at Hand, put them upon the Neceffity of
Trade, to which they wifely gave all Eafe and En-
couragement: And, if we could think fit to imi-
tate them in this laft Particular, there would need
no more to invite Foreigners among us; who feem
to think no farther, than how to fecure their Pro-
perty and Conſcience, without projecting any Share
in that Government which gives them Protection;
or calling it Perfecution, if it be denied them. But
I fpeak it for the Honour of our Adminiftration;
that although our Sects are not fo numerous as thofe
in Holland; which, I prefume, is not our Fault;
and I wiſh may not be our Misfortune; we much
excel them, and all Christendom befides, in our In-
dulgence to tender* Confciences. One fingle
Compliance with the National Form of receiving
the Sacrament, is all we require to qualify any Sec-
tary among us for the greateſt Employments in the
State; after which, he is at Liberty to rejoin his
own Affemblies for the reft of his Life. Befides, I
will fuppofe any of the numerous Sects in Holland,
to have fo far prevailed as to have raiſed a Civil
War, deſtroyed their Government and Religion,
and put their Adminiftrators to Death; after which,
I will fuppofe the People to have recovered all a-
gain, and to have fettled on their old Foundation :
Then I would put a Query; whether that Sect,
which was the unhappy Inftrument of all this Con-
fufion, could reaſonably expect to be entruſted for
the Future with the greateſt Employments; or, in-
deed, to be hardly tolerated among them?
To go on with the Sentiments of a Church-of-
England Man: He doth not fee how that mighty
When this was written, there was no Law a-
gainst Occafional Conformity.
F 2
Paffion
68
The SENTIMENTS of a
Paffion for the Church, which fome Men pretend,
can well confift with thofe Indignities, and that
Contempt they beſtow on the Perfons of the Clergy.
It is a ſtrange Mark whereby to diftinguiſh High-
Church Men, that they are fuch, who imagine the
Clergy can never be too low. He thinks the Maxim
thefe Gentlemen are ſo fond of; that they are for an
bumble Clergy, is a very good one: And fo is he;
and for an humble Laity too; fince Humility is a
Virtue that perhaps equally befits and adorns every
Station of Life.
BUT then, if the Scriblers on the other Side free-
ly ſpeak the Sentiments of their Party; a Divine of
the Church of England cannot look for much better
Quarter from thence. You fhall obferve nothing
more frequent in their weekly Papers, than a Way
of affecting to confound the Terms of Clergy
and High-Church; of applying both indifferently,
and then loading the latter with all the Calumny
they can invent. They will tell you they honour a
Clergyman; but talk, at the fame Time, as if
there were not three in the Kingdom, who could
fall in with their Definition. After the like Man-
ner, they infult the Univerſities, as poiſoned Foun-
tains, and Corrupters of Youth.
Now, it ſeems clear to me, that the Whigs might
eaſily have procured, and maintained a Majority a-
mong the Clergy, and perhaps in the Univerſities,
if they had not too much encouraged, or con-
nived at this Intemperance of Speech, and Viru-
lence of Pen, in the worſt and moſt proſtitute of
their Party: Among whom there hath been, for
fome Years paft, fuch a perpetual Clamour againſt
the Ambition, the implacable Temper, and the Co-
vetouſneſs of the Priesthood: Such a Cant of High-
Church, and Perfecution, and being Prieft-ridden;
fo
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
69
fo many Reproaches about narrow Principles, or
Terms of Communion: Then fuch fcandalous Re-
flections on the Univerſities, for infecting the Youth
of the Nation with Arbitrary and Jacobite Princi-
ples; that it was natural for thofe, who had the
Care of Religion and Education, to apprehend fome
general Defign of altering the Conftitution of both.
And all this was the more extraordinary, becauſe it
could not eafily be forgot, that whatever Oppofi-
tion was made to the Ufurpations of King James,
proceeded altogether from the Church of England,
and chiefly from the Clergy, and one of the Uni-
verſities. For, if it were of any Ufe to recall Mat-
ters of Fact, what is more notorious than that
Prince's applying himfelf firft to the Church of
England, and upon their Refufal to fall in with his
Meaſures, making the like Advances to the Diſſen-
ters of all Kinds, who readily and almoſt univerſal-
ly complied with him; affecting, in their nume-
rous Addreffes and Pamphlets, the Style of Our
Brethren the Roman Catholicks; whofe Intereſts they
put on the fame Foot with their own: And fome
of Cromwell's Officers took Pofts in the Army raif-
ed againſt the Prince of Orange. Thefe Proceed-
ings of theirs, they can only extenuate by urging
the Provocations they had met from the Church in
King Charles's Reign; which, although perhaps
excufeable upon the Score of human Infirmity; are
not, by any Means, a Plea of Merit, equal to the
Conftancy and Sufferings of the Bifhops and Cler-
gy; or of the Head and Fellows of Magdalen Col-
lege; that furniſhed the Prince of Orange's Decla-
ration with fuch powerful Arguments, to juftify and
promote the Revolution.
THEREFORE a Church-of-England Man abhors
the Humour of the Age, in delighting to fling
Scandals
70
The SENTIMENTS of a
Scandals upon the Clergy in general; which, be-
fides the Difgrace to the Reformation, and to Reli-
gion itſelf, cafts an Ignominy upon the Kingdom,
that it doth not deferve. We have no better Ma-
terials to compound the Priesthood of, than the
Maſs of Mankind, which, corrupted as it is, thofe
who receive Orders, muſt have fome Vices to leave
behind them, when they enter into the Church;
and if a few do ftill adhere, it is no Wonder, but
rather a great one that they are no worſe. There-
fore he cannot think Ambition, or Love of Power,
more juſtly laid to their Charge, than to other Men;
becauſe, that would be to make Religion itſelf, or
at leaſt the beſt Conftitution of Church Government
anfwerable, for the Errors and Depravity of human
Nature.
WITHIN thefe laft two hundred Years, all Sorts
of Temporal Power have been wrefted from the
Clergy, and much of their Ecclefiaftick: The Rea-
fon, or Juſtice of which Proceeding, I fhall not exa-
mine; but that the Remedies were a little too vio-
lent, with Reſpect to their Poffeffions, the Legiſla-
ture hath lately confeffed, by the Remiffion of their
first Fruits. Neither do the common Libellers de-
ny this; who in their Invectives only tax the Church
with an unfatiable Defire of Power and Wealth, (e-
qually common to all Bodies of Men, as well as In-
dividuals) but thank GoD, that the Laws have de-
prived them of both. However, it is worth ob-
ferving the Juftice of Parties: The Sects among us
are apt to complain, and think it hard Ufage to be
reproached now, after fifty Years, for overturning
the State, for the Murder of a King, and the Indig-
nity of an Ufurpation; yet thefe very Men, and
their Partifans, are continually reproaching the Cler-
gy, and laying to their Charge the Pride, the Ava-
*
rice,
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
71
A
rice, the Luxury, the Ignorance, and Superftition
of Popish Times, for a thoufand Years paft.
He thinks it a Scandal to Government, that fuch
an unlimited Liberty fhould be allowed of publiſh-
ing Books againſt thofe Doctrines in Religion,
wherein all Chriftians have agreed; much more to
connive at fuch Tracts as reject all Revelation, and,
by their Confequences, often deny the very Being of
a GOD. Surely it is not a fufficient Atonement for
the Writers, that they profefs much Loyalty to the
prefent Government, and fprinkle, up and down,
fome Arguments in Favour of the Diffenters; that
they difpute, as ftrenuoufly as they can, for Liberty
of Confcience, and inveigh largely againſt all Ec-
clefiafticks, under the Name of High-Church; and,
in fhort, under the Shelter of fome popular Princi-
ples in Politicks and Religion, undermine the Foun-
dations of all Piety and Virtue.
As he doth not reckon every Schifm of that dam-
nable Nature, which fome would reprefent; fo he
is very far from clofing with the new Opinion of
thofe, who would make it no Crime at all; and
argue at a wild Rate, that God Almighty is de-
lighted with the Variety of Faith and Worſhip, as
he is with the Varieties of Nature. To fuch Ab-
furdities are Men carried by the Affectation of Free-
thinking, and removing the Prejudices of Education;
under which Head, they have, for fome Time, be-
gun to lift Morality and Religion. It is certain,
that before the Rebellion in 1641, although the
Number of Puritans (as they were then called)
were as great as it is with us; and although they
affected to follow Paftors of that Denomination,
yet thofe Paftors had Epifcopal Ordination, poffef-
fed Preferments in the Church, and were fometimes
promoted to Biſhopricks themſelves. But a Breach,
>
in
72
The SENTIMENTS of a
in the general Form of Worſhip, was, in thofe
Days, reckoned fo dangerous and finful in itſelf,
and fo offenfive to Roman Catholicks at home and
abroad; that it was too unpopular to be attempted:
Neither, I believe, was the Expedient then found
out, of maintaining feparate Paftors out of private
Purfes.
WHEN a Schifm is once fpread in a Nation,
there grows, at length, a Difpute which are the
Schifmaticks, Without entring on the Arguments,
uſed by both Sides among us, to fix the Guilt on
each other; it is certain, that in the Senfe of the
Law, the Schifm lies on that Side which oppofeth it-
ſelf to the Religion of the State, I leave it among
Divines to dilate upon the Danger of Schifm, as a
Spiritual Evil; but I would confider it only as a
Temporal one. And I think it clear, that any
great Separation from the eſtabliſhed Worſhip, al-
though to a new one that is more pure and perfect,
may be an Occafion of endangering the publick
Peace; becauſe, it will compofe a Body always in
Referve, prepared to follow any difcontented Heads,
upon the plaufible Pretexts of advancing true Re-
ligion, and oppofing Error, Superftition, or Idola-
try. For this Reafon, Plato lays it down as a Maxim,
that Men ought to worship the Gods, according to the
Laws of the Country; and he introduceth Socrates,
in his laſt Difcourfe, utterly difowning the Crime
laid to his Charge, of teaching new Divinities, or
Methods of Worship. Thus the poor Hugonots of
France, were engaged in a Civil War, by the fpe-
cious Pretences of fome, who, under the Guife of
Religion, facrificed fo many thouſand Lives to their
own Ambition, and Revenge. Thus was the whole
Body of Puritans in England, drawn to be the In-
ftruments, or Abettors of all Manner of Villainy,
by
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
73
* Lord
Clarendon's
Hift.
by the Artifices of a few Men, whofe
Deſigns, from the firft, were levelled
to deſtroy the Conftitution, both of Re-
ligion and Government. And thus, even
in Holland itſelf, where it is pretended that the Va-
riety of Sects live fo amicably together, and in fuch
perfect Obedience to the Magiftrate; it is notori,
ous, how a turbulent Party joining with the Armi-
nians, did, in the Memory of our Fathers, attempt
to deſtroy the Liberty of that Republick. So that,
upon the whole, where Sects are tolerated in a State,
it is fit they ſhould enjoy a full Liberty of Confci-
ence, and every other Privilege of free-born Sub-
jects, to which no Power is annexed. And to pre-
ferve their Obedience upon all Emergencies, a Go-
vernment cannot give them too much Eafe, nor
truft them with too little Power,
THE Clergy are ufually charged with a perfecu-
ting Spirit, which they are faid to diſcover by an
implacable Hatred againft all Diffenters; and this
appears to be more unreaſonable, becauſe they ſuffer
lefs in their Intereſts by a Toleration, than any of
the Conforming Laity: For while the Church re-
mains in its preſent Form, no Diffenter can poffibly
have any Share in its Dignities, Revenues, or Pow-
er; whereas, by once receiving the Sacrament, he
is rendered capable of the higheſt Employments in
the State. And, it is very poffible, that a narrow
Education, together with a Mixture of human Infir-
mity, may help to beget, among fome of the Cler-
gy in Poffeffion, fuch an Averfion and Contempt for
all Innovators, as Phyſicians are apt to have for Em-
piricks, or Lawyers for Pettifoggers, or Merchants
for Pedlars. But fince the Number of Sectaries doth
not concern the Clergy, either in Point of Intereſt,
or Conſcience, (it being an Evil not in their Power
to
14
The SENTIMENTS of a
to remedy) it is more fair and reaſonable to fup-
pofe, their Diſlike proceeds from the Dangers they
apprehend to the Peace of the Commonwealth; in
the Ruin whereof, they muſt expect to be the firſt
and greateſt Sufferers.
;
To conclude this Section, it muſt be obſerved
that there is a very good Word, which hath of late
fuffered much by both Parties; I mean MODERA-
TION; which the one Side very juftly difowns,
and the other as unjustly pretends to. Befide what
paffeth every Day in Converfation; any Man who
reads the Papers publiſhed by Mr. Lefly, and others
of his Stamp, muft needs conclude, that if this Au-
thor could make the Nation fee his Adverſaries,
under the Colours he paints them in; we had no-
thing else to do, but rife as one Man, and deſtroy
fuch Wretches from the Face of the Earth. On
the other Side, how ſhall we excufe the Advocates
for Moderation; among whom, I could appeal to
an hundred Papers of univerfal Approbation, by
the Cauſe they were writ for, which lay fuch Prin-
ciples to the whole Body of the Tories, as, if they
were true, and believed; our next Bufinefs fhould,
in Prudence, be to erect Gibbets in every Pariſh,
and hang them out of the Way. But, I fuppofe it
is prefumed, the common People underſtand Rail-
lery, or at leaſt Rhetorick; and will not take Hy-
perboles in too literal a Senſe; which, however, in
fome Junctures might prove a defperate Experi-
And this is Moderation, in the modern Senfe
of the Word; to which, fpeaking impartially, the
Bigots of both Parties are equally entitled.
ment.
SECT.
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
75
SECT. II.
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England
MAN, with Reſpect to Government.
E look upon it as a very juſt Re-
proach, although we cannot agree
where to fix it; that there fhould be
fo much Violence and Hatred in reli-
gious Matters, among Men who a-
gree in all Fundamentals, and only differ in fome
Ceremonies; or, at moft, meer fpeculative Points.
Yet is not this frequently the Cafe between contend-
ing Parties in a State? For Inſtance; do not the
Generality of Whigs and Tories among us, profefs
to agree in the fame Fundamentals; their Loyalty
to the Queen, their Abjuration of the Pretender,
the Settlement of the Crown in the Protestant Line ;
and a Revolution Principle? Their Affection to the
Church eſtabliſhed, with Toleration of Diffenters ?
Nay, fometimes they go farther, and paſs over in-
to each other's Principles; the Whigs become great
Afferters of the Prerogative; and the Tories, of
the People's Liberty; thefe crying down almoſt
the whole Set of Bifhops, and thofe defending them;
fo that the Differences fairly ſtated, would be much
of a Sort with thofe in Religion among us; and a-
mount to little more than, who ſhould take Place,
or go in and out first, or kiss the Queen's Hand;
and what are thefe but a few Court Ceremonies ? or
who
76
The SENTIMENTS of a
who should be in the Miniftry? And what is that to
the Body of the Nation, but a meer fpeculative Point?
Yet, I think, it muſt be allowed, that no religious
Sects ever carried their mutual Averfions to greater
Heights, than our State Parties have done; who,
the more to inflame their Paffions, have mixed Re-
ligious and Civil Animofities together; borrowing
one of their Appellations from the Church, with the
Addition of High and Low; how little foever their
Diſputes relate to the Term, as it is generally un-
derſtood.
I Now proceed to deliver the Sentiments of a
Church-of-England Man, with Refpect to Govern-
ment.
He doth not think the Church of England fo
narrowly calculated, that it cannot fall in with any
regular Species of Government; nor does he think
any one regular Species of Government, more ac-
ceptable to GoD than another. The Three gene-
rally received in the Schools, have all of them their
feveral Perfections, and are ſubject to their feveral
Depravations: However, few States are ruined by
any Defect in their Inftitution, but generally by the
Corruption of Manners; againſt which, the beſt In-
ftitution is no long Security, and without which, a
very ill one may fubfift and flouriſh: Whereof
there are two pregnant Inftances now in Europe.
The first is the Ariftocracy of Venice; which, found-
ed upon the wifeft Maxims, and digeſted by a great
Length of Time, hath, in our Age, admitted fo
many Abuſes, through the Degeneracy of the No-
bles, that the Period of its Duration feems to ap-
proach. The other is the United Republicks of
the States General; where a Vein of Temperance,
Induſtry, Parfimony, and a publick Spirit, running
through the whole Body of the People, hath pre-
ferved
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
77
ferved an infant Commonwealth, of an untimely
Birth, and fickly Conſtitution, for above an hun-
dred Years, through ſo many Dangers and Difficul-
ties, as a much more healthy one could never have
ſtruggled againſt, without thofe Advantages.
WHERE Security of Perfon and Property are
preferved by Laws, which none but the Whole can
repeal, there the great Ends of Government are
provided for, whether the Adminiſtration be in the
Hands of One or of Many. Where any one Perfon,
or Body of Men, who do not reprefent the Whole,
feize into their Hands the Power in the laſt Refort;
there is properly no longer a Government, but what
Ariſtotle, and his Followers, call the Abuſe and Cor-
ruptions of one. This Diftinction excludes arbitra-
Power, in whatever Numbers; which, notwith-
ſtanding all that Hobbes, Filmer, and others have
faid to its Advantage, I look upon as a greater E-
vil than Anarchy itfelf; as much as a Savage is in a
happier State of Life, than a Slave at the Ŏar.
ry
Ir is reckoned ill Manners, as well as unreaſon-
able, for Men to quarrel upon Difference in Opini-
on; becauſe, that is ufually fuppofed to be a
Thing which no Man can help in himſelf: But this
I do not conceive to be an univerfal infallible Max-
im, except in thofe Cafes where the Queftion is
pretty equally diſputed among the Learned and the
Wife: Where it is other wife, a Man of tolerable
Reafon, fome Experience, and willing to be in-
ſtructed, may apprehend he is got into a wrong O-
pinion, although the whole Courſe of his Mind, and
Inclination, would perfuade him to believe it true :
He may be convinced that he is in an Error, al-
though he doth not fee where it lies; by the bad Ef
fects of it in the common Conduct of his Life; and
by obſerving thoſe Perfons, for whofe Wiſdom, and
Goodneſs
78
The SENTIMENTS of a
Goodneſs he hath the greateſt Deference, to be of
a contrary Sentiment. According to Hobbes's Com-
pariſon of Reasoning with cafting up Accounts; who-
ever finds a Miftake in the Sum total, muft allow
himſelf out; although, after repeated Tryals, he
may not fee in which Article he hath mifreckoned.
I will inftance, in one Opinion, which I look upon
every Man obliged in Confcience to quit, or in
Prudence to conceal; I mean, that whoever argues
in Defence of abfolute Power in a fingle Perfon, al-
though he offers the old plaufible Plea, that it is his
Opinion, which he cannot help, unless he be convinced,
ought, in all free States, to be treated as the com-
mon Enemy of Mankind. Yet this is laid as a
heavy Charge upon the Clergy of the two Reigns
before the Revolution; who, under the Terms of
Paffive Obedience and Non-Refiftance, are faid to have
preached up the unlimited Power of the Prince,
becauſe they found it a Doctrine that pleaſed the
Court, and made Way for their Preferment. And
I believe there may be Truth enough in this Accu-
fation, to convince us, that human Frailty will too
often interpoſe itſelf among Perfons of the holiest
Function. However, it may be offered in Excufe
for the Clergy, that in the beft Societies there are
fome ill Members, which a corrupted Court and
Miniſtry will induftriouſly find out, and introduce.
Befides, it is manifeft that the greater Number of
thofe, who held and preached this Doctrine, were
mifguided by equivocal Terms, and by perfect Ig-
norance in the Principles of Government, which
they had not made any Part of their Study. The
Queſtion originally put, and as I remember to have
heard it difputed in publick Schools, was this;
Whether under any Pretence whatsoever, it may be
lawful to refift the fupreme Magistrate, which was
held
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
79
held in the Negative; and this is certainly the
right Opinion. But many of the Clergy and other
learned Men, deceived by a dubious Expreffion,
miſtook the Object to which Paſſive Obedience was
due. By the Supreme Magistrate is properly under-
ftood the Legiſlative Power, which in all Govern-
ment muſt be abfolute and unlimited. But the
Word Magiftrate feeming to denote a fingle Perfon,
and to exprefs the Executive Power; it came to paſs,
that the Obedience due to the Legislature was, for
want of knowing or confidering this eafy Diſtinction,
mifapplied to the Administration. Neither is it any
Wonder, that the Clergy, or other well meaning
People ſhould often fall into this Error, which de-
ceived Hobbes himſelf ſo far, as to be the Founda-
tion of all the political Miftakes in his Book; where
he perpetually confounds the Executive with the
Legiſlative Power; though all well inftituted States
have ever placed them in different Hands; as may
be obvious to thoſe who know any Thing of Athens,
Sparta, Thebes, and other Republicks of Greece; as
well as the greater ones of Carthage and Rome.
BESIDES, it is to be confidered, that when theſe
Doctrines began to be preached among us, the
Kingdom had not quite worn out the Memory of
that horrid Rebellion, under the Confequences of
which it had groaned almoſt twenty Years. And
a weak Prince, in Conjunction with a Succeffion of
moſt proſtitute Minifters, began again to difpofe
the People to new Attempts; which it was, no
doubt, the Clergy's Duty to endeavour to prevent;
if fome of them had not for want of Knowledge in
Temporal Affairs; and others, perhaps, from a
worfe Principle, proceeded upon a Topick, that,
strictly followed, would enflave all Mankind.
AMONG
80
The SENTIMENTS of d
AMONG other Theological Arguments made ufe
of in thofe Times, in Praife of Monarchy, and
Juftification of abfolute Obedience to a Prince,
there feemed to be one of a fingular Nature: It
was urged, that Heaven was governed by a Monarch,
who had none to controul his Power, but was abfo-
lutely obeyed: Then it followed, that earthly Go-
vernments were the more perfect, the nearer they
imitated the Government in Heaven. All which I
look upon as the ſtrongeſt Argument againſt defpo-
tick Power that ever was offered; fince no Reaſon
can poffibly be affigned, why it is beft for the
World that God Almighty hath fuch a Power,
which doth not directly prove that no Mortal Man
fhould ever have the like.
BUT although a Church-of-England Man thinks
every Species of Government equally lawful; he
doth not think them equally expedient; or for eve-
ry Country indifferently. There may be fomething
in the Climate, naturally difpofing Men towards
one Sort of Obedience; as it is manifeft all over
Afia, where we never read of any Commonwealth,
except fome ſmall ones on the Western Coafts, efta-
bliſhed by the Greeks. There may be a great deal
in the Situation of a Country, and in the preſent
Genius of the People. It hath been obſerved, that
the temperate Climates ufually run into moderate
Governments, and the Extreams into defpotick
Power. It is a Remark of Hobbes, that the Youth
of England are corrupted in their Principles of Go-
vernment, by reading the Authors of Greece and
Rome, who writ under Commonwealths. But, it
might have been more fairly offered for the Ho-
nour of Liberty, that while the reft of the known
World was over-run with the Arbitrary Govern-
ment of fingle Perfons; Arts and Sciences took their
Riſe,
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
8f
Rife, and flouriſhed only in thoſe few ſmall Terri-
tories where the People were free. And, although
Learning may continue after Liberty is loft, as it
did in Rome, for a while upon the Foundations laid
under the Commonwealth, and the particular Pa-
tronage of fome Emperors; yet it hardly ever
began under a Tyranny in any Nation: Becaufe Sla-
very is of all Things the greateſt Clog and Obſtacle to
Speculation. And indeed, Arbitrary Power is but
the firſt natural Step from Anarchy or the Savage
Life; the adjuſting Power and Freedom being an
Effect and Confequence of maturer Thinking:
And this is no where fo duly regulated as in a li-
mited Monarchy: Becauſe I believe it may pafs for
a Maxim in State, that the Administration cannot be
placed in too few Hands, nor the Legislature in too
many. Now in this material Point, the Conftitu-
tion of the English Government far exceeds all o-
thers at this Time on the Earth; to which the pre-
fent Eſtabliſhment of the Church doth fo happily a-
gree, that I think, whoever is an Enemy to either,
muft of Neceffity be fo to both.
He thinks, as our Monarchy is conſtituted, an
Hereditary Right is much to be preferred before
Election. Becauſe, the Government here, eſpecial-
ly by fome late Amendments, is fo regularly dif
pofed in all its Parts, that it almoft executes itſelf.
And therefore, upon the Death of a Prince among
us, the Adminiftration goes on without any Rub,
or Interruption. For the fame Reaſons, we have
lefs to apprehend from the Weakness, or Fury of our
Monarchs, who have fuch wife Councils to guide
the firft, and Laws to reftrain the other. And
therefore, this Hereditary Right fhould be kept fo
facred, as never to break the Succeffion, unlefs
where the preferving it may endanger the Conſtitu-
VOL. I
G
tion ;
8 2
The SENTIMENTS of a
tion; which is not from any intrinfick Merit, or
unalienable Right in a particular Family; but to a-
void the Confequences that uſually attend the Am→
bition of Competitors, to which elective Kingdoms
are expofed; and which is the only Obftacle to
hinder them from arriving at the greateſt Perfection
that Government can poffibly reach. Hence ap
pears the Abfurdity of that Diftinction between a
King de facto, and one de jure, with Refpect to us:
For every limited Monarch is a King de jure, be-
cauſe he governs by the Confent of the Whole;
which is Authority fufficient to aboliſh all precedent
Right. If a King come in by Conqueft, he is no
longer a limited Monarch: If he afterwards confent
to Limitations, he becomes immediately King de
jure, for the fame Reaſon.
THE great Advocates for Succeffion, who affirm,
it ought not to be violated upon any Regard, or
Confideration whatſoever, do infift much upon one
Argument, that ſeems to carry little Weight. They
would have it that a Crown is a Prince's Birth-right,
and ought, at leaft, to be as well fecured to him,
and his Pofterity, as the Inheritance of any private
Man: In fhort, that he has the fame Title to his
Kingdom, which every Individual hath to his Pro-
perty. Now the Confequence of this Doctrine muſt
be, that as a Man may find ſeveral Ways to waſte,
mifpend, or abufe his Patrimony, without being
anfwerable to the Laws; fo a King may, in like
Manner, do what he will with his own; that is, he
may ſquander and mifapply his Revenues, and even
alienate the Crown, without being called to an Ac-
count by his Subjects. They allow fuch a Prince
to be guilty, indeed, of much Folly and Wicked-
nefs; but for theſe he is answerable to God, as every
private Man muſt be, who is guilty of Mifma-
nagement
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
**
nagement in his own Concerns. Now the Folly of
this Reaſoning will beft appear, by applying it in
a parallel Cafe: Should any Man argue, that a
Phyſician is ſuppoſed to underſtand his own Art
beft; that the Law protects and encourageth his
Profeffion: And therefore, although he ſhould ma-
nifeftly preſcribe Poifon to all his Patients, whereof
they muſt immediately die; he cannot be juftly
punifhed, but is anfwerable only to God. OF
fhould the fame be offered in Behalf of a Divine,
who would preach againſt Religion, and moral
Duties: In either of thefe two Cafes, every Body
would find out the Sophiftry; and preſently anſwer,
that although common Men are not exactly ſkilled
in the Compofition, or Application of Medicines,
or in prefcribing the Limits of Duty; yet the Dif-
ference between Poifons and Remedies, is eaſily
known by their Effects, and common Reafon foon
diftinguifheth between Virtue and Vice: And it muft
be neceffary to forbid both thefe the further Practice
of their Profeffions; becauſe, their Crimes are not
purely perfonal to the Phyfician, or the Divine, but
deftructive to the Publick. All which is infinitely
ftronger, in Reſpect to a Prince; in whofe good,
or ill Conduct, the Happiness, or Mifery of a
whole Nation is included; whereas, it is of fmall
Confequence to the Publick, farther than Example,
how any private Perfon manageth his Property.
BUT, granting that the Right of a lineal Succef-
for to a Crown, were upon the fame Foot with the
Property of a Subject; ftill it may, at any Time,
be transferred by the legiflative Power, as other
Properties frequently are. The fupreme Power in
a State can do no Wrong; becauſe, whatever that
doth, is the Action of all: And when the Lawyers
apply this Maxim to the King, they muſt underſtand
G 2
it
84
The SENTIMENTS of a
it only in that Senfe, as he is Adminiſtrator of the
fupreme Power; otherwife, it is not univerfally
true, but may be controuled in ſeveral Inftances
eaſy to produce.
AND theſe are the Topicks we muſt proceed up-
on, to juſtify our Exclufion of the young Pretender
in France: That of his fufpected Birth being meer-
ly popular, and therefore not made Ufe of, as I
remember, fince the Revolution, in any Speech,
Vote, or Proclamation, where there was Occafion
to mention him.
As to the Abdication of King James, which the
Advocates on that Side look upon to have been for-
cible and unjuſt, and confequently void in itſelf; I
think a Man may obferve every Article of the Eng-
lish Church, without being in much Pain about it.
It is not unlikely that all Doors were laid open for
his Departure, and perhaps not without the Privity
of the Prince of Orange; as reafonably concluding,
that the Kingdom might be better fettled in his Ab-
fence: But to affirm he had any Cauſe to apprehend
the fame Treatment with his Father, is an impro-
bable Scandal flung upon the Nation by a few bi-
gotted French Scribblers, or the invidious Affertion
of a ruined Party at home, in the Bitterneſs of their
Souls: Not one material Circumſtance agreeing
with thoſe in 1648; and the greateſt Part of the
Nation having preferved the utmoft Horror for
that ignominious Murder. But whether his Remo-
val were cauſed by his own Fears, or other Mens
Artifices, it is manifeft to me, that fuppofing the
Throne to be vacant, which was the Foot the Na-
tion went upon; the Body of the People was there-
upon left at Liberty, to chufe what Form of Go-
vernment they pleaſed, by themſelves, or their Re-
preſentatives.
THE
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
85
THE Only Difficulty of any Weight againſt the
Proceedings at the Revolution, is an obvious Ob-
jection, to which the Writers upon that Subject
have not yet given a direct, or fufficient Anfwer;
as if they were in Pain at fome Confequences, which
they apprehended thofe of the contrary Opinion might
draw from it. I will repeat this Objection, as it
was offered me fome Time ago, with all its Ad-
vantages, by a very pious, learned, and worthy
*Gentleman of the Non-juring Party.
THE Force of his Argument turned upon this;
that the Laws made by the fupreme Power, cannot
otherwiſe than by the fupreme Power be annulled:
That this confifting in England of a King, Lords,
and Commons, whereof each have a negative Voice,
no Two of them can repeal or enact a Law with-
out Confent of the Third; much lefs may any one
of them be entirely excluded from its Part of the
Legiſlature by a Vote of the other Two. That all
theſe Maxims were openly violated at the Revolu-
tion; where an Affembly of the Nobles and People,
not fummoned by the King's Writ, (which was an
effential Part of the Conftitution,) and confequently
no lawful Meeting; did, meerly upon their own
Authority, declare the King to have abdicated, the
Throne vacant; and gave the Crown, by a Vote,
to a Nephew, when there were three Children to in-
herit; although, by the fundamental Laws of the
Realm, the next Heir is immediately to fucceed.
Neither doth it appear, how a Prince's Abdication
can make any other Sort of Vacancy in the Throne,
than would be cauſed by his Death; fince he can-
not abdicate for his Children, (who claim their
Right of Succeffion by Act of Parliament,) other-
* Mr. NELSON, Author of the Feasts and Fafts.
wife
86
The SENTIMENTS of a
wife than by his own Confent, in Form, to a Bill,
from the two Houſes.
AND this is the Difficulty that feems chiefly to
ftick with the moſt reaſonable of thoſe, who, from
a meer Scruple of Conſcience, refuſe to join with us
upon the Revolution Principle; but for the reft,
are, I believe, as far from loving arbitrary Govern-
ment, as any others can be, who are born under a
free Conſtitution, and are allowed to have the leaſt
Share of common good Senfe.
In this Objection, there are two Queſtions in-
cluded: Firft, Whether upon the Foot of our Con-
ſtitution, as it ſtood in the Reign of the late King
James; a King of England may be depofed? The
fecond is, Whether the People of England, conve-
ned by their own Authority, after the King had
withdrawn himſelf in the Manner he did, had Power
to alter the Succeſſion?
As for the first; it is a Point I ſhall not prefume
to determine; and fhall therefore only fay, that to
any Man who holds the Negative, I would demand
the Liberty of putting the Cafe as ſtrongly as I
pleafe. I will fuppofe a Prince limited by Laws
like ours, yet running into a thoufand Caprices of
Cruelty, like Nero or Caligula. I will fuppofe him
to murder his Mother and his Wife, to commit In-
ceſt, to raviſh Matrons, to blow up the Senate, and
burn his Metropolis; openly to renounce Gop and
CHRIST, and worſhip the Devil: Thefe, and the
like Exorbitances are in the Power of a fingle Per-
fon to commit without the Advice of a Miniſtry,
or Affiftance of an Army. And, if fuch a King, as
I have defcribed, cannot be depofed but by his own
Confent in Parliament, I do not well fee how he
can be refifted; or what can be meant by a limited
Monarchy; or what fignifies the People's Confent,
in
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
87
in making and repealing Laws, if the Perſon who
adminifters hath no Tie of Confcience, and is an-
fwerable to none but GOD. I defire no ftronger
Proof that an Opinion muſt be falfe, than to find
very great Abfurdities annexed to it; and there
cannot be greater than in the preſent Cafe: For it is
not a bare Speculation, that Kings may run into
fuch Enormities as are above-mentioned; the Prac-
tice may be proved by Examples, not only drawn
from the first Cafars, or later Emperors, but many
modern Princes of Europe; fuch as Peter the Cruel,
Philip the Second of Spain, John Bafilovits of Muf-
covy; and in our own Nation, King John, Richard
the Third, and Henry the Eighth. But there can
not be equal Abfurdities fuppofed in maintaining
the contrary Opinion; becauſe it is certain, that
Princes have it in their Power to keep a Majority
on their Side by any tolerable Adminiſtration; un-
til provoked by continual Oppreffions, no Man in-
deed can then anfwer where the Madneſs of the
People will ſtop.
As to the fecond Part of the Objection; whe-
ther the People of England convened by their own
Authority, upon King James's precipitate Depar-
ture, had Power to alter the Succeffion?
In anſwer to this, I think it is manifeft from the
Practice of the wifeft Nations, and who ſeem to
have had the trueft Notions of Freedom; that when
a Prince was laid afide for Male-Adminiſtration,
the Nobles and People, if they thought it neceffary
for the Publick Weal, did refume the Adminiftra-
tion of the fupreme Power, (the Power itſelf having
been always in them) and did not only alter the
Succeffion, but often the very Form of Govern-
ment too; becauſe they believed there was no na-
tural Right in one Man to govern another; but
that
88
The SENTIMENTS of d
that all was by Inftitution, Force or Confent. Thus,
the Cities of Greece, when they drove out their Ty-
rannical Kings, either chofe others from a new Fa-
mily, or aboliſhed the kingly Government, and
became free States. Thus the Romans, upon the
Expulfion of Tarquin, found it inconvenient for
them to be fubject any longer to the Pride, the Luft,
the Cruelty, and arbitrary Will of fingle Perſons;
and therefore by general Confent, entirely altered
the whole Frame of their Government. Nor do I
find the Proceedings of either, in this Point to have
been condemned by any Hiftorian of the fucceed-
ing Ages.
BUT a great deal hath been already faid by other
Writers, upon this invidious and beaten Subject
therefore I fhall let it fall; although the Point be
commonly miſtaken, eſpecially by the Lawyers;
who, of all other Profeffions ſeem leaſt to underſtand
the Nature of Government in general; like Under-
workmen, who are expert enough a making a fin-
gle Wheel in a Clock, but are utterly ignorant how
to adjuſt the ſeveral Parts, or to regulate the Move-
ment.
To return therefore from this Digreffion: It is a
Church-of-England Man's Opinion, that the Free-
dom of a Nation confifts in an abfolute unlimited
legiſlative Power, wherein the whole Body of the
People are fairly repreſented; and in an executive
duly limited: Becauſe on this Side likewiſe, there
may be dangerous Degrees, and a very ill Extream.
For, when two Parties in a State are pretty equal in
Power, Pretenfions, Merit, and Virtue, (for theſe
two laft are, with relation to Parties and a Court,
quite different Things,) it hath been the Opinion
of the beſt Writers upon Government, that a Prince
ought
Church-of-England MAN, &c.
89
ought not in any Sort to be under the Guidance, or
Influence of either; becauſe he declines, by this
Means, from his Office of prefiding over the Whole
to be the Head of a Party; which, befides the In-
dignity, renders him anfwerable for all publick
Mifmanagements, and the Confequences of them:
And in whatever State this happens, there muft ei-
ther be a Weakneſs in the Prince or Miniftry, or
elfe the former is too much reftrained by the No-
bles, or thoſe who reprefent the People.
1
To conclude: A Church-of-England Man may
with Prudence and a good Confcience approve the
profeffed Principles of one Party more than the o-
ther, according as he thinks they beſt promote the
Good of Church and State; but he will never be
fwayed by Paffion or Intereft to advance an Opi-
nion meerly becauſe it is That of the Party he moſt
approves; which one fingle Principle he looks up-
on as the Root of all our civil Animofities. To
enter into a Party as into an Order of Fryars, with
fo defigned an Obedience to fuperiors, is very un-
fuitable both with the civil and religious Liberties,
we fo zealouſly affert. Thus, the Underſtandings
of a whole Senate are often enslaved by three or four
Leaders on each Side; who inſtead of intending
the publick Weal, have their Hearts wholly fet up-
on Ways and Means how to get, or to keep Em-
ployments. But to ſpeak more at large; how has
this Spirit of Faction mingled itſelf with the Maſs
of the People, changed their Nature and Manners,
and the very Genius of the Nation? Broke all the
Laws of Charity, Neighbourhood, Alliance and
Hoſpitality; deſtroyed all Ties of Friendſhip, and
divided Families againſt themſelves? And no Won-
der it fhould be fo, when in order to find out the
Character of a Perfon; inſtead of enquiring, whe-
ther
go
The SENTIMENTS of a, &c.
ther he be a Man of Virtue, Honour, Piety, Wit,
good Senfe, or Learning; the modern Queſtion is
only, whether he be a Whig or a Tory; under which
Terms all good and ill Qualities are included.
Now, becauſe it is a Point of Difficulty to chufe
an exact Middle between two ill Extreams; it may
be worth enquiring in the prefent Cafe, which of
thefe a wife and good Man would rather feem to a-
void: Taking therefore their own good and ill
Characters with due Abatements and Allowances
for Partiality and Paffion; I fhould think, that, in
order to preſerve the Conftitution entire in the
Church and State; whoever hath a true Value for
both, would be fure to avoid the Extreams of Whig
for the Sake of the former, and the Extreams of
Tory on Account of the latter.
HAVE now faid all that I could think conveni-
ent upon ſo nice a Subject; and find, I have the
Ambition common with other Reafoners, to wiſh
at leaſt, that both Parties may think me in the
Right, which would be of fome Ufe to thoſe whọ
have any Virtue left, but are blindly drawn into
the Extravagancies of either, upon falfe Reprefen-
tations, to ſerve the Ambition or Malice of defign-
ing Men, without any Proſpect of their own.
if that may not be hoped for; my next Wifh fhould
be, that both might think me in the Wrong; which
I would underſtand, as an ample Juftification of
myſelf, and a fure Ground to believe, that I have
proceeded at leaſt with Impartiality, and perhaps
with Truth.
But
A N
A N
ARGUMENT
To prove, That the
Abolishing of Chriſtianity
I N
ENGLAND,
May, as Things now ftand, be at-
tended with ſome Inconveniencies,
and perhaps, not produce thofe
many good Effects propoſed there-
by.
Written in the Year 1708.
AM very fenfible what a Weakneſs
and Prefumption it is, to reafon a-
gainſt the general Humour and Dif-
poſition of the World. I remember
it was with great Juftice, and a due
Regard to the Freedom both of the Publick and the
Prefs, forbidden upon fevere Penalties to write or
diſcourſe,
92
An ARGUMENT against
diſcourſe, or lay Wagers againſt the Union, even
before it was confirmed by Parliament: Becauſe,
that was looked upon as a Defign to oppoſe the
Current of the People; which befides the Folly of
it, is a manifeſt Breach of the Fundamental Law,
that makes this Majority of Opinion the Voice of
GOD. In like Manner, and for the very fame
Reaſons, it may perhaps be neither fafe nor prudent
to argue againſt the aboliſhing of Chriſtianity, at a
Juncture when all Parties appear fo unanimoufly
determined upon the Point; as we cannot but al-
low from their Actions, their Difcourfes, and their
Writings. However, I know not how, whether
from the Affectation of Singularity, or the Perverſe-
nefs of human Nature; but fo it unhappily falls
out, that I cannot be entirely of this Opinion. Nay,
although I were fure an Order were iffued out for
my immediate Profecution by the Attorney-Genc-
ral;
I ſhould ſtill confefs, that in the prefent Pof-
ture of our Affairs at home or abroad, I do not yet
fee the abfolute Neceffity of extirpating the Chrifti-
an Religion from among us.
THIS perhaps may appear too great a Paradox,
even for our wife and paradoxical Age to endure:
Therefore I ſhall handle it with all Tenderneſs, and
with the utmoſt Deference to that great and pro-
found Majority, which is of another Sentiment.
AND yet the Curious may pleaſe to obſerve, how
much the Genius of a Nation is liable to alter in
half an Age: I have heard it affirmed for certain
by fome very old People, that the contrary Opini-
on was even in their Memories as much in Vogue,
as the other is now; and that a Project for the a-
boliſhing Chriſtianity would then have appeared as
fingular, and been thought as abfurd, as it would be
at this Time to write or difcourfe in its Defence.
THEREFORE
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
93
THEREFORE I freely own, that all Appearances
are againſt me. The Syſtem of the Gofpel, after
the Fate of other Syftems is generally antiquated
and exploded; and the Mafs or Body of the com-
mon People, among whom it ſeems to have had its
lateſt Credit, are now grown as much aſhamed of
it as their Betters: Opinions, like Faſhions always
defcending from thofe of Quality to the middle
Sort, and thence to the Vulgar, where at length
they are dropt and vaniſh.
up
BUT here I would not be miſtaken; and muſt
therefore be ſo bold as to borrow a Diftinction from
the Writers on the other Side, when they make a
Difference between nominal and real Trinitarians.
I hope, no Reader imagines me fo weak to ftand
in the Defence of real Chriſtianity; fuch as uſed
in primitive Times (if we may believe the Authors
of thofe Ages) to have an Influence upon Mens Be-
lief and Actions: To offer at the Reftoring of
that, would indeed be a wild Project; it would be
to dig up Foundations; to deſtroy at one Blow all
the Wit, and half the Learning of the Kingdom;
to break the entire Frame and Conftitution of
Things; to ruin Trade, extinguifh Arts and Sci-
ences with the Profeffors of them; in fhort, to turn
our Courts, Exchanges, and Shops into Defarts:
And would be full as abfurd as the Propofal of Ho-
race, where he adviſes the Romans, all in a Body,
to leave their City, and feek a new Seat in fome re-
mote Part of the World, by Way of Cure for the
Corruption of their Manners.
THEREFORE, I think this Caution was in itſelf
altogether unneceffary, (which I have inferted only
to prevent all Poffibility of cavilling) fince every
candid Reader will eafily underſtand my Difcourfe
to be intended only in Defence of nominal Chriftia-
nity;
94
An ARGUMENT against
nity; the other having been for fome Time whol-
ly laid afide by general Confent, as utterly incon-
fiftent with our prefent Schemes of Wealth and
Power.
BUT why we ſhould therefore aft off the Name
and Title of Chriftians, although the general Opi-
nion and Refolution be fo violent for it; I confefs
I cannot (with Submiffion) apprehend the Confe-
quence neceffary. However, fince the Undertakers
propoſe fuch wonderful Advantages to the Nation
by this Project; and advance many plaufible Ob-
jections againſt the Syftem of Chriftianity; I fhall
briefly confider the Strength of both; fairly allow
them their greateſt Weight, and offer fuch Anfwers
as I think moſt reaſonable. After which I will
beg Leave to fhew what Inconveniencies may pof-
fibly happen by fuch an Innovation, in the prefent
Pofture of our Affairs.
First, ONE great Advantage propoſed by the a
boliſhing of Chriftianity is, That it would very
much enlarge and eſtabliſh Liberty of Confcience,
that great Bulwark of our Nation, and of the Pro-
teftant Religion, which is ftill too much limited by
Prieft-craft, notwithſtanding all the good Intentions
of the Legiſlature; as we have lately found by a
ſevere Inſtance. For it is confidently reported,
that two young Gentlemen of great Hopes, bright
Wit, and profound Judgment, who upon a tho-
rough Examination of Cauſes and Effects, and by
the meer Force of natural Abilities, without the
leaft Tincture of Learning; having made a Difco-
very, that there was no God, and generouſly com-
municating their Thoughts for the Good of the Pub-
lick; were fome Time ago, by an unparallelled
Severity, and upon I know not what obfolete Law,
broke only for Blafphemy. And, as it hath been
wifely
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
95
wifely obferved, if Perfecution once begins, no Man
alive knows how far it may reach, or where it will
end.
the Ne-
"Vits
and if
IN Anſwer to all which, with Deference to wi-
fer Judgments; I think this rather
ceffity of a nominal Religion among u
love to be free with the higheſt Obj.
they cannot be allowed a God to revile or renounce;
they will ſpeak Evil of Dignities, abuſe the Govern-
ment, and reflect upon the Miniftry; which I am
fure, few will deny to be of much more pernicious
Confequence; according to the Saying of Tiberius,
Deorum offenfa Diis curæ. As to the particular Fact
related; I think it is not fair to argue from one In-
ſtance; perhaps another cannot be produced; yet
(to the Comfort of all thofe, who may be appre-
henfive of Perfecution) Blafphemy we know is free-
ly ſpoke a Million of Times in every Coffee-Houfe,
and Tavern, or where-ever elfe good Company meet.
It muſt be allowed indeed, that to break an English
Free-born Officer only for Blafphemy, was, to fpeak
the gentleſt of fuch an Action, a very high Strain
of abfolute Power. Little can be faid in Excufe
for the General; perhaps he was afraid it might
give Offence to the Allies, among whom, for ought
I know, it may be the Cuſtom of the Country to
believe a GOD. But if he argued, as fome have
done, upon a miſtaken Principle, that an Officer
who is guilty of ſpeaking Blafphemy, may, fome
Time or other, proceed fo far as to raiſe a Mutiny;
the Confequence is, by no Means, to be admitted:
For, furely the Commander of an English Army is
like to be but ill obeyed, whofe Soldiers fear and
reverence him as little as they do a Deity.
It is further objected againſt the Gofpel Syftem,
that it obligeth Men to the Belief of Things too dif
ficult
96
An ARGUMENT against
ficult for Free-Thinkers, and fuch who have fha-
ken off the Prejudices that ufually cling to a con-
fined Education. To which I anfwer, that Men
ſhould be cautious how they raiſe Objections, which
reflect upon the Wiſdom of the Nation. Is not
every Body freely allowed to believe whatever he
pleafeth; and to publifh his Belief to the World
whenever he thinks fit; eſpecially if it ferve to
ſtrengthen the Party which is in the Right? Would
any indifferent Foreigner, who fhould read the
Trumpery lately written by Agill, Tindall, Toland,
Coward, and Forty more, imagine the Goſpel to
be our Rule of Faith, and confirmed by Parlia-
ments? Doth any Man either believe, or fay he
believes or defires to have it thought that he ſays
he believes one Syllable of the Matter? And is
any Man worſe received upon that Score; or does
he find his Want of Nominal Faith a Diſadvantage
to him, in the Purfuit of any Civil, or Military
Employment? What if there be an old dormant
Statute or two against him? Are they not now ob-
felete, to a Degree, that Empſon and Dudley them-
felves, if they were now alive, would find it im-
poffible to put them in Execution?
Ir is likewiſe urged, that there are, by Com-
putation, in this Kingdom, above ten Thoufand
Parfons; whofe Revenues added to thofe of my
Lords the Biſhops, would fuffice to maintain, at
leaft, two hundred young Gentlemen of Wit and
Pleaſure, and Free-thinking; Enemies to Prieft-
craft, narrow Principles, Pedantry, and Prejudices;
who might be an Ornament to the Court and
Town: And then again, fo great a Number of
able (bodied) Divines might be a Recruit to
our Fleet and Armies. This, indeed, appears to
be a Confideration of fome Weight: But then, on
the
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
97
the other Side, feveral Things deferve to be confi
dered likewife: As, Firſt, Whether it may not be
thought neceffary, that in certain Tracts of Coun-
try, like what we call Pariſhes, there fhould be one
Man at leaſt, of Abilities to read and write. Then,
it ſeems a wrong Computation, that the Revenues
of the Church throughout this Iſland, would be large
enough to maintain two hundred young Gentlemen,
or even half that Number, after the prefent refined
Way of Living; that is, to allow each of them
fuch a Rent, as, in the modern Form of Speech,
would make them eafy. But ftill, there is in this
Project a greater Mifchief behind; and we ought
to beware of the Woman's Folly, who killed the Hen,
that every Morning laid her a Golden Egg. For,
pray, what would become of the Race of Men in
the next Age, if we had nothing to truft to, befides
the fcrophulous confumptive Productions furnifhed
by our Men of Wit and Pleaſure; when having
fquandered away their Vigour, Health, and Eftates;
they are forced, by fome difagreeable Marriage, to
piece up their broken Fortunes, and entail Rotten-
nefs and Politeneſs on their Pofterity? Now, here
are ten thouſand Perfons reduced by the wife Regu-
lations of Henry the Eighth, to the Neceffity of a
low Diet, and moderate Exercife, who, are the on-
ly great Reftorers of our Breed; without which,
the Nation would, in an Age or two, become but
one great Hoſpital.
ANOTHER Advantage propofed by the abolish-
ing of Christianity, is, the clear Gain of one Day in
Seven, which is now entirely loft, and conſequently
the Kingdom one Seventh lefs confiderable in Trade,
Bufinefs, and Pleafure; befide the Lofs to the Pub-
lick of fo many ftately Structures now in the Hands
of the Clergy; which might be converted into
VOL I.
Theatres,
H
98
An ARGUMENT against
Theatres, Exchanges, Market-houſes, common
Dormitories, and other publick Edifices.
I HOPE, I fhall be forgiven a hard Word, if I
call this a perfect Cavil. I readily own there hath
been an old Cuftom, Time out of Mind, for Peo-
ple to affemble in the Churches every Sunday, and
that Shops are ſtill frequently fhut; in order, as it is
conceived, to preferve the Memory of that antient
Practice; but how this can prove a Hindrance to
Buſineſs, or Pleafure, is hard to imagine. What
if the Men of Pleaſure are forced, one Day in the
Week, to game at home, inſtead of the Chocolate-
Houſe? Are not the Taverns and Coffee-Houfes
open? Can there be a more convenient Seafon for
taking a Dofe of Phyfick? Are fewer Claps got
upon Sundays than other Days? Is not that the chief
Day for Traders to fum up the Accounts of the
Week; and for Lawyers to prepare their Briefs?
But I would fain know how it can be pretended,
that the Churches are mifapplied. Where are more
Appointments and Rendezvouzes of Gallantry?
Where more Care to appear in the foremoſt Box
with greater Advantage of Drefs? Where more
Meetings for Bufinefs? Where more Bargains dri-
ven of all Sorts? And where fo many Convenien-
cies, or Incitements to fleep?
THERE is one Advantage, greater than any of
the foregoing, propofed by the abolishing of Chrif
tianity; that it will utterly extinguifh Parties among
us, by removing thofe factious Diftinctions of High
and Low Church, of Whig and Tory, Presbyterian
and Church-of-England; which are now fo many
grievous Clogs upon publick Proceedings, and dif-
pofe Men to prefer the gratifying themſelves, or de-
preffing their Adverfaries, before the most impor-
tant Intereft of the Stat
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
99
I CONFESS, if it were certain that fo great an
Advantage would redound to the Nation by this
Expedient, I would fubmit and be filent: But, will
any Man fay, that if the Words Whoring, Drink-
ing, Cheating, Lying, Stealing, were, by Act of
Parliament, ejected out of the English Tongue and
Dictionaries; we fhould all awake next Morning
chafte and temperate, honeft and juft, and Lovers
of Truth. Is this a fair Confequence? Or if the
Phyſicians would forbid us to pronounce the Words
Pox, Gout, Rheumatism, and Stone; would that Ex-
pedient ferve like fo many Taliſmans to deſtroy the
Diſeaſes themſelves? Are Party and Faction rooted
in Mens Hearts no deeper than Phrafes borrowed
from Religion; or founded upon no firmer Prin-
ciples? And is our Language fo poor, that we can-
not find other Terms to exprefs them? Are Envy,
Pride, Avarice and Ambition, fuch ill Nomencla-
tors, that they cannot furniſh Appellations for their
Owners? Will not Heydukes and Mamalukes, Man-
darins, and Potfhaws, or any other Words formed
at Pleaſure, ferve to diftinguish thoſe who are in
the Ministry from others, who would be in it if they
could? What, for Inftance, is eafier than to vary
the Form of Speech; and inftead of the Word
Church, make it a Queſtion in Politicks, Whether
the Monument be in Danger? Becauſe Religion
was neareſt at Hand to furnifh a few convenient
Phraſes; is our Invention fo barren, we can find no
other Suppofe, for Argument Sake, that the To-
ries favoured Margarita, the Whigs Mrs. Tofts,
and the Trimmers, Valentini; would not Margari-
tians, Toftians, and Valentinians, be very tolerable
Marks of Distinction? The Profini and Veneti,
:
* Italian Singers then in Vogus.
H &
EWO
100
An ARGUMENT against
two moft virulent Factions in Italy, began (if I re
member right) by a Diſtinction of Colours in Rib-
bonds; which we might do, with as good a Grace,
about the Dignity of the Blue and the Green; and
would ferve as properly to divide the Court, the
Parliament, and the Kingdom between them, as a-
ny Terms of Art whatfoever, borrowed from Reli-
gion. Therefore, I think there is little Force in
this Objection against Christianity; or Profpect of
ſo great an Advantage as is propofed in the aboliſh-
ing of it.
It is again objected, as a very abfurd, ridiculous
Cuſtom, that a Set of Men fhould be fuffered, much
lefs employed, and hired to bawl one Day in feven,
against the Lawfulneſs of thofe Methods moſt in
Ufe towards the Purfuit of Greatnefs, Riches, and
Pleaſure; which are the conftant Practice of all
Men alive on the other Six. But this Objection is,
I think, a little unworthy fo refined an Age as ours.
Let us argue this Matter calmly. I appeal to the
Breaſt of any polite Free-Thinker, whether in the
Purſuit of gratifying a predominant Paſſion, he hath
not always felt a wonderful Incitement, by reflect-
ing it was a Thing forbidden: And therefore we
fee, in order to cultivate this Taſte, the Wiſdom of
the Nation hath taken fpecial Care, that the Ladies
fhould be furniſhed with prohibited Silks, and the
Men with prohibited Wine: And, indeed, it were
to be wifhed, that fome other Prohibitions were
promoted, in order to improve the Pleaſures of the
Town; which, for Want of fuch Expedients, be-
gin already, as I am told, to flag and grow languid;
giving Way daily to cruel Inroads from the Spleen.
Ir is likewife propofed, as a great Advantage to
the Publick, that if we once difcard the Syftem of
the Goſpel, all Religion will, of Courſe, be baniſh-
ed
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
101
ed for ever; and confequently along with it, thoſe
grievous Prejudices of Education; which, under
the Names of Virtue, Confcience, Honour, Juſtice,
and the like, are fo apt to diſturb the Peace of hu-
man Minds; and the Notions whereof are fo hard
to be eradicated by right Reaſon, or Free-thinking,
fometimes during the whole Courſe of our Lives.
HERE, firft, I obferve how difficult it is to get
rid of a Phraſe, which the World is once grown
fond of, although the Occafion that firſt produced
it, be entirely taken away. For feveral Years paft,
if a Man had but an ill-favoured Nofe, the Deep-
thinkers of the Age would, fome Way or other,
contrive to impute the Cauſe to the Prejudice of his
Education. From this Fountain are faid to be de-
rived all our fooliſh Notions of Juftice, Piety,
Love of our Country; all our Opinions of GOD,
or a future State, Heaven, Hell, and the like: And
there might formerly, perhaps, have been fome
Pretence for this Charge. But fo effectual Care
hath been fince taken, to remove thoſe Prejudices
by an entire Change in the Methods of Education;
that (with Honour I mention it to our polite Inno-
vators) the young Gentlemen who are now on the
Scene, feem to have not the leaft Tincture left of
thoſe Infuſions, or String of thoſe Weeds; and, by
Confequence, the Reaſon for abolishing Nominai
Chriſtianity upon that Pretext, is wholly ceafed.
FOR the reft, it may, perhaps, admit a Contro-
verfy, whether the banishing all Notions of Reli-
gion whatſoever, would be convenient for the Vul-
gar. Not that I am, in the leaft of Opinion with
thofe, who hold Religion to have been the Inven-
tion of Politicians, to keep the lower Part of the
World in Awe, by the Fear of invifible Powers;
unleſs Mankind were then very different from what
it
102
An ARGUMENT against
it is now: For I look upon the Maſs, or Body of
our People here in England, to be as Free-Think-
ers, that is to fay, as ſtanch Unbelievers, as any of
the higheſt Rank. But I conceive fome ſcattered
Notions about a fuperior Power to be of fingular
Ufe for the common People, as furniſhing excellent
Materials to keep Children quiet, when they grow
peevish; and providing Topicks of Amuſement in
a tedious Winter Night.
LASTLY, It is propofed as a fingular Advan-
tage, that the aboliſhing of Chriftianity, will very
much contribute to the uniting of Proteftants, by
enlarging the Terms of Communion, fo as to take
in all Sorts of Diffenters; who are now fhut out of
the Pale upon Account of a few Ceremonies, which
all Sides confefs to be Things indifferent: That this
alone will effectually anſwer the great Ends of a
Scheme for Comprehenfion, by opening a large no-
ble Gate, at which all Bodies may enter; whereas,
the chaffering with Diffenters, and dodging about
this or the other Ceremony, is but like opening a
few Wickets, and leaving them at jar, by which no
more than one can get in at a Time, and that not
without ftooping and fideling, and fqueezing his
Body.
To all this I anfwer, That there is one darling In-
clination of Mankind, which ufually affects to be a
Retainer to Religion, although ſhe be neither its Pa-
rent, its Godmother, or its Friend; I mean the Spi-
rit of Oppofition, that lived long before Chriftianity,
and can eafily fubfift without it. Let us, for In-
ſtance, examine wherein the Oppofition of Secta-
ries among us confifts; we fhall find Chriftianity to
have no Share in it at all. Does the Gospel any where
preſcribe a ftarched fqueezed Countenance, a ftiff
formal Gait, a Singularity of Manners and Habit,
OF
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
103
or any affected Modes of Speech, different from the
reafonable Part of Mankind? Yet, if Chriftianity
did not lend its Name, to ftand in the Gap, and to
employ or divert thefe Humours, they muft of Ne-
ceffity be ſpent in Contraventions to the Laws of
the Land, and Difturbance of the publick Peace.
There is a Portion of Enthufiafm affigned to every
Nation, which if it hath not proper Objects to work
on, will burſt out, and fet all in a Flame. If the
Quiet of a State can be bought by only flinging
Men a few Ceremonies to devour, it is a Purchaſe
no wiſe Man would refufe. Let the Maſtiffs amuſe
themſelves about a Sheep-fkin ftuffed with Hay,
provided it will keep them from worrying the
Flock. The Inftitution of Convents abroad, feems
in one Point a Strain of great Wifdom; there be-
ing few Irregularities in human Paffions, that may
not have recourfe to vent themfelves in fome of
thoſe Orders; which are fo many Retreats for the
Speculative, the Melancholy, the Proud, the Silent,
the Politick, and the Morofe, to ſpend themſelves,
and evaporate the noxious Particles; for each of
whom, we in this Iſland are forced to provide a ſe-
yeral Sect of Religion, to keep them quiet.
And
whenever Chriſtianity fhall be abolished, the Legi-
flature muft find fome other Expedient to employ
and entertain them. For what imports it, how
large a Gate you open, if there will be always left a
Number, who place a Pride and a Merit in refuf-
ing to enter ?
HAVING thus confidered the moſt important
Objections againſt Chriſtianity, and the chief Ad-
yantages propofed by the Abolishing thereof; I
fhall now with equal Deference and Submiffion to
wifer Judgments as before, proceed to mention a
few Inconveniencies that may happen, if the Gofpel
should
104
An ARGUMENT against
fhould be repealed; which, perhaps, the Projectors
may not have fufficiently confidered.
AND first, I am very fenfible how much the
Gentlemen of Wit and Pleaſure are apt to murmur,
and be choqued at the Sight of fo many daggled-
tail Parfons, who happen to fall in their Way, and
offend their Eyes: But, at the fame Time, theſe wiſe
Reformers do not confider what an Advantage and
Felicity it is, for great Wits to be always provided
with Objects of Scorn and Contempt, in order to
exerciſe and improve their Talents, and divert their
Spleen from falling on each other, or on themfelves;
eſpecially when all this may be done without the
leaft imaginable Danger to their Perfons.
AND to urge another Argument of a parallel
Nature; If Chriftianity were once aboliſhed, how
could the Free-Thinkers, the ftrong Reafoners, and
the Men of profound Learning be able to find a-
nother Subject fo calculated in all Points whereon
to diſplay their Abilities. What wonderful Pro-
ductions of Wit fhould we be deprived of, from
thoſe whofe Genius, by continual Practice hath
been wholly turned upon Raillery and Invectives
againſt Religion; and would therefore never be a-
ble to fhine or diftinguish themſelves upon any o-
ther Subject. We are daily complaining of the
great Decline of Wit among us; and would we
take away the greateft, perhaps the only Topick we
have left? Who would ever have fufpected Afgill
for a Wit, or Toland for a Philofopher, if the inex-
hauftible Stock of Chriftianity had not been at Hand
to provide them with Materials? What other Sub-
ject through all Art or Nature could have produ-
ced Tindal for a profound Author, or furniſhed him
with Readers? It is the wife Choice of the Subject,
that alone adorns and diſtinguiſhes the Writer. For
1
had
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
105
had an hundred fuch Pens as theſe been employed
on the Side of Religion, they would have immedi-
ately funk into Silence and Oblivion.
NOR do I think it wholly groundleſs, or my
Fears altogether imaginary; that the aboliſhing of
Chriſtianity may, perhaps, bring the Church in
Danger; or, at least, put the Senate to the Trouble
of another Securing Vote. I defire, I may not be
miſtaken, I am far from prefuming to affirm or
think, that the Church is in Danger at prefent, or
as Things now ftand; but we know not how foon
it may be fo, when the Chriftian Religion is re-
pealed. As plaufible as this Project ſeems, there
may a dangerous Defign lurk under it. Nothing
can be more notorious, than that the Atheists, Deifts,
Socinians, Anti-Trinitarians, and other Subdivifions
of Free-Thinkers, are Perfons of little Zeal for the
prefent Ecclefiaftical Eftabliſhment: Their declar-
ed Opinion is for repealing the Sacramental Teft;
they are very indifferent with Regard to Ceremo-
nies; nor do they hold the Jus Divinum of Epifco-
pacy. Therefore this may be intended as one po-
litick Step towards altering the Conftitution of the
Church eſtabliſhed, and fetting up Presbytery in the
Stead; which I leave to be further confidered by
thofe at the Helm.
In the laſt Place, I think nothing can be more
plain, than that by this Expedient we fhall run into
the Evil we chiefly pretend to avoid; and that the
Aboliſhment of the Chriftian Religion, will be the
readieſt Courſe we can take to introduce Popery.
And I am the more inclined to this Opinion, be-
cauſe we know it hath been the conftant Practice of
the Jefuits to fend over Emiffaries, with Inftructions
to perſonate themfelves Members of the feveral pre-
vailing Sects among us. So it is recorded, that
they
106
An ARGUMENT against
up
they have at fundry Times appeared in the Guife
of Presbyterians, Anabaptifts, Independents, and
Quakers; according as any of thefe were moft in
Credit: So, fince the Fafhion hath been taken
of exploding Religion, the Popish Miffionaries have
not been wanting to mix with the Free-Think-
ers; among whom, Toland, the great Oracle of the
Anti-Chriftians, is an Irish Prieft, the Son of an I-
rish Prieft; and the moſt learned and ingenious
Author of a Book, called, the Rights of the Chrifti-
an Church, was, in a proper Juncture, reconciled to
the Romish Faith; whofe true Son, as appears by an
hundred Paffages in his Treatife, he ftill continues.
Perhaps I could add fome others to the Number;
but the Fact is beyond Difpute; and the Reaſoning
they proceed by, is right: For, fuppofing Chrifti-
anity to be extinguifhed, the People will never be
at Eafe, until they find out fome other Method of
Worship; which will as infallibly produce Super-
ftition, as this will end in Popery.
AND therefore, if, notwithſtanding all I have
faid, it ſhall ſtill be thought neceffary to have a Bill
brought in for repealing Chriftianity; I would
humbly offer an Amendment, that inftead of the
Word Chriftianity, may be put Religion in general;
which I conceive, will much better anfwer all the
good Ends propofed by the Projectors of it. For,
as long as we leave in Being a GOD, and his Provi-
dence, with all the neceffary Confequences, which
curious and inquifitive Men will be apt to draw
from fuch Premifes; we do not ftrike at the Root
of the Evil, although we fhould ever fo effectually
annihilate the preſent Scheme of the Gofpel. For,
of what Ufe is Freedom of Thought, if it will not
produce Freedom of Action; which is the fole
End, how remote foever, in Appearance of all Ob-
jections
abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
107
jections againſt Chriſtianity? And therefore, the
Free-Thinkers confider it as a Sort of Edifice,
wherein all the Parts have fuch a mutual Depen-
dance on each other, that if you happen to pull out
one fingle Nail, the whole Fabrick muſt fall to the
Ground. This was happily expreffed by him, who
had heard of a Text brought for Proof of the Tri-
nity, which in an ancient Manufcript was different-
ly read; he thereupon immediately took the Hint,
and by a fudden Deduction of a long Sorites, moſt
logically concluded; Why, if it be as you fay, I
may fafely whore and drink on, and defy the Par-
fon. From which, and many the like Inftances,
eafy to be produced, I think nothing can be more
manifeft, than that the Quarrel is not againſt any
particular Points of hard Digeſtion in the Chriſtian
Syſtem; but againſt Religion in general; which,
by laying Reſtraints on human Nature, is fuppofed
the great Enemy to the Freedom of Thought and
Action.
UPON the whole; if it ſhall ſtill be thought for
the Benefit of Church and State, that Chriftianity
be abolished; I conceive, however, it may be more
convenient to defer the Execution to a Time of
Peace; and not venture in this Conjuncture to dif
oblige our Allies; who, as it falls out, are all
Chriſtians; and many of them, by the Prejudices
of their Education, fo bigotted, as to place a Sort of
Pride in the Appellation. If, upon being rejected
by them, we are to truft to an Alliance with the
Turk, we fhall find ourfelves much deceived: For,
as he is too remote, and generally engaged in War
with the Perfian Emperor; fo his People would be
more fcandalized at our Infidelity, than our Chriftian
Neighbours. Becaufe, the Turks are not only ftrict
Obfervers of Religious Worship; but, what is
worfe,
108
An ARGUMENT against, &c.
worſe, believe a GOD; which is more than is re
quired of us, even while we preſerve the Name of
Chriſtians.
To conclude: Whatever fome may think of the
great Advantages to Trade, by this favourite
Scheme; I do very much apprehend, that in fix
Months Time, after the Act is paft for the Extir-
pation of the Gofpel, the Bank and East-India Stock
may fall, at leaſt, One per Cent. And, fince that
is fifty Times more than ever the Wifdom of our
Age thought fit to venture for the Preſervation of
Chriſtianity, there is no Reaſon we ſhould be at fo
great a Lofs, meerly for the Sake of deſtroying it.
PRE-
PREDICTIONS
For the Year 1708.
Wherein the Month, and Day of the
Month, are fet down, the Perſons
named, and the great Actions and
Events of next Year particularly
related as they will come to pafs.
Written to prevent the People of England from being
farther impoſed on by vulgar Almanack-Makers.
By ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq;
It is faid, that the Author, when he had writ the fol-
lowing Paper, and being at a Lofs what Name to
prefix to it; paffing through Long-Acre, obſerved
a Sign over a Houfe where a Lockſmith dwelt, and
found the Name Bickerſtaff written under it: Which
being a Name fomewhat uncommon, he chofe to call
himſelf Ifaac Bickerſtaff. This Name was fome-
time afterward made Uſe of by Sir Richard Steele,
and Mr. Addiſon, in the Tatlers; in which Pa-
pers, as well as many of the Spectators, it is well
known, that the Author had a confiderable Part.
HAVING
110 Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
H
AVING long confidered the grofs
Abuſe of Aftrology in this Kingdom;
upon debating the Matter with my
felf, I could not poffibly lay the Fault
upon the Art, but upon thofe grofs
Impoftors, who fet up to be the Artifts. I know,
feveral learned Men have contended, that the whole
is a Cheat; that it is abfurd and ridiculous to ima-
gine, the Stars can have any Influence at all upon
human Actions, Thoughts, or Inclinations: Ând
whoever hath not bent his Studies that Way, may be
excuſed for thinking fo, when he fees in how
wretched a Manner this noble Art is treated, by a
few mean illiterate Traders between us and the Stars;
who import a yearly Stock of Nonfenfe, Lies, Fol-
ly, and Impertinence, which they offer to the World
as genuine from the Planets; although they defcend
from no greater a Height than their own Brains.
I INTEND, in a fhort Time, to publiſh a large
and rational Defence of this Art; and, therefore,
fhall fay no more in its Juftification at preſent, than
that it hath been in all Ages defended by many
learned Men; and among the reft, by Socrates him-
felf; whom I look upon as undoubtedly the wifeft
of uninfpired Mortals: To which if we add, that
thoſe who have condemned this Art, although other-
wife learned, having been fuch as either did not ap-
ply their Studies this Way; or at leaft did not fuc-
ceed in their Applications; their Teſtimony will not
be of much Weight to its Diſadvantage, fince they
are liable to the common Objection of condemning
what they did not underſtand.
NOR am I at all offended, or think it an Injury to
the Art, when I fee the common Dealers in it, the
Students in Aftrology, the Philomaths, and the reft of
that
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
II
that Tribe, treated by wife Men with the utmoſt
Scorn and Contempt: But I rather wonder, when
I obferve Gentlemen in the Country, rich enough
to ferve the Nation in Parliament, poring in Par-
rige's Almanack, to find out the Events of the
Year at Home and Abroad; not daring to propofe
a Hunting Match, until Gadbury, or he, hath fixed
the Weather.
I WILL allow either of the Two I have menti-
oned, or any other of the Fraternity to be not only
Aftrologers, but Conjurers too; if I do not pro-
duce an hundred Inftances in all their Almanacks,
to convince any reaſonable Man, that they do not
fo much as underſtand Grammar and Syntax; that
they are not able to ſpell any Word out of the ufual
Road; nor even in their Prefaces to write common
Senfe, or intelligible English. Then, for their Ob-
fervations and Predictions, they are fuch as will e-
qually fuit any Age, or Country in the World.
This Month a certain great Perſon will be threatned
with Death, or Sickness. This the News-Paper will
tell them; for there we find at the End of the Year,
that no Month paffes without the Death of fome
Perfon of Note; and it would be hard, if it fhould
be otherwiſe, when there are at leaſt two thouſand
Perſons of Note in this Kingdom, many of them
old; and the Almanack-maker has the Liberty of
chufing the ficklieſt Seaſon in the Year, where he
may fix his Prediction. Again, This Month an e-
minent Clergyman will be preferred; of which there
may be fome Hundreds, half of them with one
Foot in the Grave. Then fuch a Planet in fuch a
Houſe fhews great Machinations, Plots and Confpira-
cies, that may in Time be brought to Light: After
which, if we hear of any Diſcovery, the Aftrologer
gets the Honour; if not, his Predictions ftill ftand
good.
112
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
good. And at laſt, God preſerve King William
from all his open and fecret Enemies, Amen. When
if the King fhould happen to have died, the Aftro-
loger plainly foretold it, otherwife, it paffeth but
for the pious Ejaculation of a loyal Subject: Al-
though it unluckily happened in fome of their Al-
manacks, that poor King William was prayed for
many Months after he was dead; becauſe, it un-
luckily fell out that he died about the Beginning of
the Year.
To mention no more of their impertinent Pre-
dictions: What have we to do with their Adver-
tiſements about Pills, and Drink for the Venereal
Diſeaſe, or their mutual Quarrels in Verſe and Profe
of Whig and Tory? Wherewith the Stars have little
to do.
HAVING long obferved and lamented thefe, and
a hundred other Abuſes of this Art, too tedious to
repeat; I refolved to proceed in a new Way;
which I doubt not will be to the general Satisfaction
of the Kingdom. I can this Year produce but a
Specimen of what I defign for the future; having
employed moſt Part of my Time in adjuſting and
correcting the Calculations I made for fome Years
paft; becauſe, I would offer nothing to the World
of which I am not as fully fatisfied, as that I am now
alive. For thefe two laft Years I have not failed in
above one or two Particulars, and thoſe of no very
great Moment. I exactly foretold the Misfortune
at Toulon, with all its Particulars; and the Lofs of
Admiral Shovel; although I was miſtaken as to
the Day, placing that Accident about thirty fix
Hours fooner than it happened; but upon review-
ing my Schemes, I quickly found the Cauſe of that
Error. I likewife foretold the Battle of Almanza to
the very Day and Hour, with the Lofs on both
Sides,
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
113
Sides, and the Confequences thereof. All which I
thewed to fome Friends many Months before they
happened; that is, I gave them Papers fealed up,
to open at fuch a Time, after which they were at
Liberty to read them; and there they found my
Predictions true in every Article, except one or two,
very minute.
As for the few following Predictions I now offer
the World, I forbore to publifh them, until I had
peruſed the ſeveral Almanacks for the Year we are
now entered upon: I found them all in the ufual
Strain, and I beg the Reader will compare their
Manner with mine: And here I make bold to tell
the World, that I lay the whole Credit of my Art
upon the Truth of thefe Predictions; and I will be
content that Partrige, and the reft of his Clan, may
hoot me for a Cheat and Impoftor, if I fail in any
fingle Particular of Moment. I believe any Man,
who reads this Paper, will look upon me to be at
leaft a Perſon of as much Honefty and Underſtand-
ing, as a common Maker of Almanacks.
not lurk in the Dark; I am not wholly unknown
in the World; I have fet my Name at Length, to
be a Mark of Infamy to Mankind, if they fhall
find I deceive them.
I do
In one Point I muſt defire to be forgiven; that
I talk more fparingly of Home-Affairs. As it
would be Imprudence to difcover Secrets of State,
fo it might be dangerous to my Perfon: But in
fmaller Matters, and fuch as are not of publick
Confequence, I fhall be very free: And the Truth
of my Conjectures will as much appear from thefe
as the other. As for the moſt ſignal Events abroad
in France, Flanders, Italy, and Spain, I fhall make
no Scruple to predict them in plain Terms: Some
of them are of Importance, and, I hope, I fhall fel-
VOL I,
dom
I
114
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
dom miſtake the Day they will happen: There
fore, I think good to inform the Reader, that I all
along make Ufe of the Old Stile obferved in Eng-
land; which I defire he will compare with that of
the News-Papers, at the Time they relate the Ac-
tions I mention.
I MUST add one Word more: I know it hath
been the Opinion of feveral learned Perfons, who
think well enough of the true Art of Aftrology,
That the Stars do only incline, and not force the
Actions or Wills of Men. And therefore, howe-
ver I may proceed by right Rules, yet I cannot in
Prudence fo confidently affure, that the Events will
follow exactly as I predict them.
I HOPE, I have maturely confidered this Objec-
tion, which in fome Cafes is of no little Weight.
For Example: A Man may, by the Influence of
an over-ruling Planet, be difpofed or inclined to
Luft, Rage, or Avarice; and yet by the Force of
Reaſon overcome that evil Influence. And this
was the Cafe of Socrates: But the great Events of
the World ufually depending upon Numbers of
Men, it cannot be expected they fhould all unite to
crofs their Inclinations, from purfuing a general
Defign, wherein they unanimoufly agree. Befides,
the Influence of the Stars reacheth to many Actions
and Events, which are not any Way in the Power of
Reafon; as Sicknefs, Death, and what we common-
ly call Accidents; with many more needlefs to repeat.
BUT now it is Time to proceed to my Predicti-
ons; which I have begun to calculate from the
Time that the Sun enters into Aries. And this I
take to be properly the Beginning of the natural
Year. I purfue them to the Time that he enters
Libra, or fomewhat more, which is the bufy Pe-
riod of the Year. The Remainder I have not yet
adjuſted
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
115
adjuſted upon Account of feveral Impediments
needlefs here to mention. Beſides, I muſt remind
the Reader again, that this is but a Specimen of
what I defign in fucceeding Years to treat more at
large, if I may have Liberty and Encouragement.
My firft Prediction is but a Trifle; yet I will
mention it, to fhew how ignorant thoſe fottiſh Pre-
tenders to Aſtrology are in their own Concerns: It
relates to Partrige the Almanack-Maker; I have
confulted the Star of his Nativity by my own Rules;
and find he will infallibly die upon the 29th of
March next, about eleven at Night, of a raging
Fever: Therefore, I adviſe him to confider of it,
and fettle his Affairs in Time.
THE Month of APRIL will be obfervable for
the Death of many great Perfons. On the 4th will
die the Cardinal de Noailles, Archbishop of Paris:
On the 11th the young Prince of Afturias, Son to
the Duke of Anjou: On the 14th a great Peer of
this Realm will die at his Country Houfe: On the
19th an old Layman of great Fame for Learning:
And on the 23d an eminent Goldſmith in Lombard-
Street. I could mention others, both at home and
abroad, if I did not confider fuch Events of very
little Uſe or Inftruction to the Reader, or to the
World.
As to publick Affairs: On the 7th of this Month
there will be an Infurrection in Dauphine, occafion-
ed by the Oppreffions of the People; which will
not be quieted in fome Months.
ON the 15th will be a violent Storm on the
South-Eaſt Coaſt of France; which will deſtroy
many of their Ships, and fome in the very Har-
bour.
THE 19th will be famous for the Revolt of a
whole Province or Kingdom, excepting one City;
1 2
by
116
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
by which the Affairs of a certain Prince in the Al-
liance will take a better Face.
MAY, Againſt common Conjectures, will be
no very bufy Month in Europe; but very fignal
for the Death of the Dauphine, which will happen
on the 7th, after a fhort Fit of Sickneſs, and grie-
vous Torments with the Strangury. He dies leſs
lamented by the Court than the Kingdom.
On the 9th a Marefchal of France will break his
Leg by a Fall from his Horfe. I have not been
able to diſcover whether he will then die or not.
On the 11th will begin a most important Siege,
which the Eyes of all Europe will be upon: I can-
not be more particular; for in relating Affairs that
fo nearly concern the Confederates, and confequent-
ly this Kingdom; I am forced to confine my ſelf,
for feveral Reaſons very obvious to the Reader.
On the 15th News will arrive of a very furpriz-
ing Event, than which nothing could be more unex-
pected.
On the 19th, three noble Ladies of this King-
dom, will, againſt all Expectation, prove with
Child, to the great Joy of their Huſbands.
On the 23d, a famous Buffoon of the Play-houſe
will die a ridiculous Death, fuitable to his Vocation.
JUNE. This Month will be diſtinguiſhed at
home, by the utter difperfing of thofe ridiculous de-
luded Enthuſiaſts, commonly called the Prophets;
occafioned chiefly by feeing the Time come, when
many of their Prophecies were to be fulfilled; and
then finding themſelves deceived by contrary Events.
It is indeed to be admired how any Deceiver can
be fo weak to foretel Things near at Hand; when
a very few Months muft of Neceflity diſcover the
Impoſture to all the World: In this Point lefs
pru-
dent than common Almanack-Makers, who are fo
wife
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
117
wife to wander in Generals, talk dubiouſly, and
leave to the Reader the Buſineſs of interpreting.
On the Ift of this Month a French General will
be killed by a random Shot of a Cannon-Ball.
On the 6th, a Fire will break out in the Suburbs
of Paris, which will deftroy above a thouſand
Houſes; and feems to be the Foreboding of what
will happen, to the Surprize of all Europe, about
the End of the following Month.
On the 10th a great Battle will be fought, which
will begin at four of the Clock in the Afternoon,
and laft until nine at Night, with great Obftinacy,
but no very decifive Event. I fhall not name the
Place, for the Reaſons aforefaid; but the Com-
manders on each left Wing will be killed----I fee
Bonfires, and hear the Noife of Guns for a Victory.
On the 14th there will be a falfe Report of the
French King's Death.
ON the 20th, Cardinal Portocarero will die of a
Dyfentery, with great Sufpicion of Poifon; but
the Report of his Intention to revolt to King Charles
will prove falfe.
JULY. The 6th of this Month, a certain Ge-
neral will by a glorious Action, recover the Repu-
tation he loft by former Misfortunes.
On the 12th, a great Commander will die a Pri-
foner in the Hands of his Enemies.
ON the 14th, a fhameful Diſcovery will be made
of a French Jefuit giving Poifon to a great Foreign
General; and when he is put to the Torture, will
make wonderful Difcoveries.
In fhort, this will prove a Month of great Ac-
tion, if I might have Liberty to relate the Particu-
lars.
Ar home, the Death of an old famous Senator
will happen on the 15th at his Country-Houfe,
worn with Age and Diſeaſes.
BUT
118
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
BUT that which will make this Month memora-
ble to all Pofterity, is the Death of the French King
Lewis the Fourteenth, after a Week's Sickneſs at
Marli, which will happen on the 29th, about fix
a-Clock in the Evening. It feems to be an Effect
of the Gout in his Stomach, followed by a Flux.
And in three Days after, Monfieur Chamillard will
follow his Maſter, dying fuddenly of an Apoplexy.
In this Month likewife an Ambaſſador will die in
London; but I cannot affign the Day.
AUGUST. The Affairs of France will feem
to ſuffer no Change for a while under the Duke of
Bargundy's Adminiſtration. But the Genius that
animated the whole Machine being gone, will be
the Caufe of mighty Turns and Revolutions in the
following Year. The new King makes yet little
Change either in the Army or the Miniftry; but
the Libels againſt his Grandfather, that fly about
his very Court give him Uneafineſs.
I SEE an Exprefs in mighty Hafte, with Joy
and Wonder in his Looks, arriving by the break
of Day on the 26th of this Month, having travel-
led in three Days a prodigious Journey by Land
and Sea. In the Evening I hear Bells and Guns,
and ſee the blazing of a thouſand Bonfires.
A YOUNG Admiral, of noble Birth, doth like-
wife this Month gain immortal Honour, by a great
Atchievement,
THE Affairs of Poland are this Month entirely
fettled; Auguftus refigns his Pretenfions, which he
had again taken up for fome Time: Stanislaus is
peaceably poffeffed of the Throne; and the King
of Sweden declares for the Emperor.
I CANNOT Omit one particular Accident here at
home; that near the End of this Month, much
Mifchief
;
Predictions for the YEAR 1708. 119
:
¡
Miſchief will be done at Bartholomew Fair, by the
Fall of a Booth.
SEPTEMBER. This Month begins with
a very furprizing Fit of frofty Weather, which will
laſt near twelve Days.
THE Pope having long languiſhed laft Month;
the Swellings in his Legs breaking, and the Fleſh
mortifying, will die on the 11th Inftant: And in
three Weeks Time, after a mighty Conteſt, be ſuc-
ceeded by a Cardinal of the Imperial Faction, but
Native of Tuscany, who is now about fixty one
Years old.
THE French Army acts now wholly on the De-
fenfive, ftrongly fortified in their Trenches; and
the young French King fends Overtures for a Trea-
ty of Peace, by the Duke of Mantua; which, be-
cauſe it is a Matter of State that concerns us here at
home, I ſhall ſpeak no farther of it.
I SHALL add but one Prediction more, and that
in myſtical Terms, which fhall be included in a
Verfe out of Virgil.
Alter erit jam Tethys, & altera quæ vehat Argo,
Delectos Heroas.
Upon the 25th Day of this Month, the fulfilling
of this Prediction, will be manifeft to every Body.
THIS is the fartheft I have proceeded in my Cal-
culations for the prefent Year. I do not pretend,
that theſe are all the great Events which will hap-
pen in this Period; but that thofe I have fet down
will infallibly come to pafs. It may, perhaps, ſtill
be objected, why I have not ſpoke more particular-
ly of Affairs at home; or of the Succefs of our Ar-
mies abroad, which I might, and could very large-
ly have done. But thofe in Power have wifely
difcouraged
120 Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
;
diſcouraged Men from meddling in publick Con-
cerns; and I was refolved by no Means, to give
the leaſt Offence. This I will venture to fay; that
it will be a glorious Campaign for the Allies
wherein the English Forces, both by Sea and Land,
will have their full Share of Honour: That, her
Majesty Queen ANNE will continue in Health
and Profperity: And that, no ill Accident will ar-
rive to any in the chief Miniftry.
As to the particular Events I have mentioned,
the Readers may judge by the fulfilling of them,
whether I am of the Level with common Aftrolo-
gers; who, with an old paultry Cant, and a few
Pot-hooks for Planets to amuſe the Vulgar, have,
in my Opinion, too long been fuffered to abuſe
the World. But an honeft Phyſician ought not
to be deſpiſed, becauſe there are fuch Things as
Mountebanks. I hope, I have ſome Share of Re-
putation, which I would not willingly forfeit for a
Frolick, or Humour: And, I believe no Gentle-
man, who reads this Faper will look upon it to be
of the fame Caft, or Mold, with the common Scrib-
bles that are every Day hawked about. My For-
tune hath placed me above the little Regard of
writing for a few Pence, which I neither value nor
want: Therefore, let not wife Men too haſtily con-
demn this Effay, intended for a good Defign to cul-
tivate and improve an ancient Art, long in Difgrace,
by having fallen into mean unſkilful Hands. A
little Time will determine whether I have deceived
others, or my felf; and I think it is no very unrea-
fonable Requeſt, that Men would pleaſe to fufpend
their Judgments until then. I was once of the Opi-
nion with thoſe who deſpiſe all Predictions from the
Stars, until the Year 1686, a Man of Quality fhewed
me, written in his Album, that the moſt learned A-
ftronomer
Predictions for the YEAR 1708.
121
ftronomer Captain Hally, affured him, he would
never believe any Thing of the Stars Influence, if
there were not a great Revolution in England in the
Year 1688. Since that Time, I began to have other
Thoughts; and after eighteen Years diligent Study
and Application, I think I have no Reaſon to repent
of my Pains. I fhall detain the Reader no longer
than to let him know, that the Account I defign to
give of next Year's Events, ſhall take in the princi-
pal Affairs that happen in Europe: And, if I be de-
nied the Liberty of offering it to my own Country,
I fhall appeal to the learned World, by publiſhing it
in Latin, and giving Order to have it printed in
Holland.
:
THE
THE
ACCOMPLISHMENT
Of the First of
Mr.Bickerſtaffs Predictions.
BEING AN
ACCOUNT
OF THE
Death of Mr. Partrige, the Almanack
Maker, upon the 29th Inſtant.
In a Letter to a Perſon of Honour.
Wrtiten in the Year 1708.
My LORD,
N Obedience to your Lordship's Com-
mands, as well as to fatisfy my own
Curiofity, I have for fome Days paſt
enquired conftantly after Partrige the
Almanack-maker; of whom it was
foretold in Mr. Bickerstaff's Predictions, publiſhed
about a Month ago, that he fhould die the 29th In-
ftant,
An ACCOUNT of, &c.
123
ftant, about eleven at Night, of a raging Fever.
I had fome Sort of Knowledge of him when I was
employed in the Revenue; becauſe he uſed every
Year to preſent me with his Almanack, as he did
other Gentlemen upon the Score of fome little Gra-
tuity we gave him. I faw him accidentally once
or twice about ten Days before he died; and ob-
ferved he began very much to droop and languiſh,
although I hear his Friends did not ſeem to appre-
hend him in any Danger. About two or three
Days ago he grew ill; was confined firft to his
Chamber, and in a few Hours after to his Bed;
where Dr. Cafe and Mrs. Kirleus were fent for to
vifit, and to preſcribe to him. Upon this Intelli-
gence I fent thrice every Day one Servant or other
to enquire after his Health; and Yeſterday about
four in the Afternoon, Word was brought me, that
he was paſt Hopes: Upon which I prevailed with
my felf to go and fee him; partly out of Commi-
feration, and, I confefs, partly out of Curiofity. He
knew me very well, feemed furprized at my Con-
defcention, and made me Compliments upon it as
well as he could in the Condition he was.
People about him faid, he had been for fome Time
delirious; but when I faw him, he had his Under-
ſtanding as well as ever I knew, and ſpoke ſtrong
and hearty, without any feeming Uneafinefs or
Conftraint. After I had told him, I was forry to
fee him in thoſe melancholly Circumſtances, and
faid fome other Civilities, fuitable to the Occafion ;
I defired him to tell me freely and ingenuouſly whe-
ther the Predictions Mr. Bickerstaff had publiſhed
relating to his Death, had not too much affected
The
* Two famous Quacks at that Time in London.
and
24
An ACCOUNT of
and worked on his Imagination. He confeffed he
often had it in his Head, but never with much Ap-
prehenfion until about a Fortnight before; fince
which ime it had the perpetual Poffeffion of his
Mind and Thoughts; and he did verily believe
was the true natural Cauſe of his prefent Diftemper:
For, faid he, I am thoroughly perfuaded, and I
think I have very good Reafons, that Mr. Bicker-
Staff ſpoke altogether by Guefs, and knew no more
what will happen this Year than I did my felf. I
told him his Difcourfe furprized me; and I would
be glad he were in a State of Health to be able to
tell me what Reaſon he had to be convinced of Mr.
Bickerstaff's Ignorance. He replied, I am a poor
ignorant Fellow, bred to a mean Trade; yet I
have Senſe enough to know, that all Pretences of
foretelling by Aftrology, are Deceits; for this ma-
nifeſt Reaſon, becauſe the wife and Learned, who
can only judge whether there be any Truth in this
Science, do all unanimously agree to laugh at and
deſpiſe it; and none but the poor ignorant Vulgar
give it any Credit, and that only upon the Word
of fuch filly Wretches as I and my Fellows, who
can hardly write or read. I then aſked him, why
he had not calculated his own Nativity, to fee whe-
ther it agreed with Bickerstaff's Predictions? At
which he ſhook his Head, and faid, O! Sir, this
is no Time for jefting, but for repenting thoſe
Fooleries, as I do now from the very Bottom of
my Heart. By what I can gather from you, faid
I, the Obfervations and Predictions you printed
with your Almanacks were meer Impofitions upon
the People. He replied, if it were otherwiſe, I
fhould have the Lefs to anſwer for. We have a
common Form for all thofe Things: As to foretel-
ling
PARTRIGE's Death.
125
ling the Weather, we never meddle with that, but
leave it to the Printer, who takes it out of any
old
Almanack as he thinks fit: The reft was my own
Invention to make my Almanack fell; having a
Wife to maintain, and no other Way to get my
Bread; for mending old Shoes is a poor Liveli-
hood: And (added he, fighing) I wish I may not
have done more Miſchief by my Phyfick than my
Aftrology; although I had fome good Receipts
from my Grandmother, nnd my own Compofiti-
ons were fuch, as I thought could, at leaft, do no
Hurt.
I ima-
I HAD fome other Difcourfe with him, which
now I cannot call to Mind; and I fear I have al-
ready tired your Lordfhip. I fhall only add one
Circumftance, That on his Death-Bed he declared
himſelf a Nonconformift, and had a fanatick
Preacher to be his fpiritual Guide. After half an
Hour's Converſation, I took my Leave, being al-
moſt ſtifled by the Clofeneſs of the Room.
gined he could not hold out long; and therefore
withdrew to a little Coffee-Houfe hard by, leaving
a Servant at the Houfe with Orders to come imme-
diately, and tell me, as near as he could, the Mi-
nute when Partrige fhould expire, which was not
above two Hours after; when looking upon my
Watch, I found it to be above five Minutes after
Seven By which it is clear, that Mr. Bickerstaff
was miſtaken almoft four Hours in his Calculation.
In the other Circumftances he was exact enough.
But whether he hath not been the Cauſe of this poor
Man's Death, as well as the Predictor, may be ve-
ry reaſonably difputed. However, it muſt be con-
feffed, the Matter is odd enough, whether we ſhould
endeavour to account for it by Chance, or the Ef-
fect
126
An ACCOUNT of, &c.
fect of Imagination: For my own Part, although
I believe no Man hath leſs Faith in thefe Matters;
vet I fhall wait with fome Impatience, and not
without Expectation, the fulfilling of Mr. Bicker-
Staff's fecond Prediction; that the Cardinal de
Noailles is to die upon the Fourth of April; and if
that ſhould be verified as exactly as this of poor
Partrige; I muft own, I fhould be wholly fur-
prized, and at a Lofs; and infallibly expect the
Accompliſhment of all the reft.
The
[ 127 ]
The following Piece, under the Name of JOHN
PARTRIGE, was written by that famous
Poet NICHOLAS RowE, Efq; and therefore
being upon the fame Subject, although not by
the fame Author, we have thought fit to pub-
lifh it, that the Reader may have the whole
Account together.
Squire Bickerſtaff Detected:
OR, THE
Aftrological Impoftor Convicted.
By JOHN PARTRIGE, Student in Phyfick and
Aftrology.
I
T is hard, my dear Countrymen of
theſe united Nations: It is very hard,
that a Briton born, a Proteftant A-
ſtrologer, a Man of Revolution Prin-
ciples, an Afferter of the Liberty and
Property of the People, fhould cry
out in vain, for Juftice againſt a Frenchman, a Pa-
pift, and an illiterate Pretender to Science; that
would
128
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
would blaſt my Reputation, moft inhumanly bury
me alive, and defraud my Native Country of thoſe
Services which in my double Capacity, I daily of-
fer the Publick.
*
WHAT great Provocations I have received, let
the impartial Reader judge, and how unwillingly,
even in my own Defence, I now enter the Lifts a-
gainſt Falfhood, Ignorance, and Envy: But I am
exafperated at length, to drag out this Cacus from
the Den of Obfcurity where he lurks, detect him
by the Light of thoſe Stars he hath ſo impudently tra-
duced, and fhew there is not a Monſter in the Skies
fo pernicious and malevolent to Mankind, as an
ignorant Pretender to Phyfick and Aftrology. I
fhall not directly fall on the many groſs Errors, nor
expoſe the notorious Abfurdities of this proſtituted
Libeller, until I have let the learned World fairly
into the Controverfy depending, and then leave the
unprejudiced to judge of the 'Merits and Juſtice of
my Cauſe.
IT was towards the Conclufion of the Year 1707,
when an impudent Pamphlet crept into the World,
intituled, Predictions, &c. by Is A AC BICKERSTAFF,
Efq; Among the many arrogant Affertions laid
down by that lying Spirit of Divination, he was
pleaſed to pitch on the Cardinal de Noailles, and my
felf, among many other eminent and illuftrious Per-
fons, that were to die within the Compafs of the en-
fuing Year; and peremptorily fixes the Month,
Day, and Hour of our Deaths: This, I think, is
fporting with great Men, and publick Spirits, to
the Scandal of Religion, and Reproach of Power
and if fovereign Princes, and Aſtrologers, muſt
make Diverfion for the Vulgar; why then, farewel,
*
Phyfician and Aftrologer.
;
fay
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
£29
Tay I, to all Governments, Ecclefiaftical and Civils
But, I thank my better Stars, I am alive to con-
front this falfe and audacious Predictor, and to make
him rue the Hour he ever affronted a Man of Sci-
ence and Reſentment. The Cardinal may take
what Meaſures he pleaſeth with him; as his Excel-
lency is a Foreigner, and a Papift, he hath no Rea-
fon to rely on me for his Juftification; I fhall on-
ly affure the World he is alive; but as he was bred
to Letters, and is Maſter of a Pen, let him uſe it
in his own Defence. In the mean Time, I fhall
preſent the Publick with a faithful Narrative of the
ungenerous Treatment, and hard Ufage, I have re-
ceived from the virulent Papers, and malicious
Practices of this pretended Aftrologer.
A true and impartial Account of the
Proceedings of Ifaac Bickerſtaff,
Efq; against Me John Partrige,
Student in Phyfick and Aftrology.
HE 28th of March, Anno Dom. 1708,
being the Night this fham Prophet
had fo impudently fixed for my laſt,
which made little Impreffion on my
felf; but I cannot anfwer for my
whole Family; for my Wife, with
a Concern more than ufual, prevailed on me to take
fomewhat to fweat for a Cold; and, between the
Hours of Eight and Nine, to go to Bed: The
Maid, as fhe was warming my Bed, with a Curio-
Sity natural to young Wenches, runs to the Win-
VOL. I.
K
dow
130
BICKERSTAFF. Detected.
1.
dow, and afks of one paffing the Street, who the
Bell tolled for? Doctor Partrige, fays he, the fa-
mous Almanack-Maker, who died fuddenly this
Evening: The poor Girl provoked, told him, he
fied like a Rafcal; the other very fedately replied,
the Sexton had fo informed him, and if falfe, he
was to blame for impofing upon a Stranger., She
afked a Second, and a Third as they paffed; and
every one was in the fame Tone. Now, I do not
fay theſe were Accomplices to a certain Aftrologi-
cal 'Squire, and that one Bickerstaff might be faun-
tring thereabouts; becauſe I will affert nothing
here, but what I dare atteft for plain Matter of Fact.
My Wife, at this, fell into a violent Diſorder; and
I must own, I was a little difcompofed at the Odd-
neſs of the Accident. In the mean Time, one
knocks at my Door; Betty runs down, and open-
ing, finds a fober, grave Perfon; who modeftly
enquires, if this was Dr. Partrige's? She, taking
him for fome cautious City-Patient, who came at
that Time for Privacy, fhews him into the Dining
Room. As foon as I could compoſe my ſelf,
went to him, and was furprized to find my Gentle-
man mounted on a Table, with a two Foot Rule
in his Hand, meaſuring my Walls, and taking the
Dimenſions of the Room. Pray, Sir, fays I, not
to interrupt you, have you any Bufinefs with me?
Only, Sir, replies he, order the Girl to bring me a
better Light, for this is but a very dim one. Sir,
fays I, my Name is Partrige: Oh! the Doctor's
Brother, belike, cries he; the Stair-Cafe, I believe,
and theſe two Apartments hung in clofe Mourning,
will be fufficient, and only a Strip of Bays round.
the other Rooms. The Doctor muft needs die
tich, he had great Dealings in his Way for many
Years; if he had no Family Coat, you had as
good
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
12t
good ufe the Scutcheons of the Company; they are
as fhowifh, and will look as magnificent as if he
was defcended from the Blood-Royal. With that
I affumed a greater Air of Authority, and demand-
ed who employed him, or how he came there?
Why, I was fent, Sir, by the Company of Under-
takers, fays he, and they were employed by the ho-
neſt Gentleman, who is Executor to the good Dọc-
tor departed; and our rafcally Porter, I believe, is
fallen faſt aſleep with the black Cloth, and Sconces ;
or he had been here, and we might have been tack-
ing up by this Time. Sir, fays I, pray be adviſed
by a Friend, and make the beſt of your Speed out
of my Doors, for I hear my Wife's Voice, (which,
by the by, is pretty diftinguiſhable) and in that
Corner of the Room ftands a good Cudgel, which
fome Body hath felt before now; if that light in her
Hands, and ſhe know the Bufinefs you came about;
without confulting the Stars, I can affure you it will
be employed very much to the Detriment of your
Perfon. Sir, cries he, bowing with great Civility,
I perceive, extream Grief, for the Lofs of the Doc-
tor diſorders you a little at prefent; but early in the
Morning I will wait on you with all neceffary Ma-
terials. Now I mention to Mr. Bickerstaff; nor
do I fay, that a certain Star-gazing 'Squire hath
been a playing my Executor before his Time, but
I leave the World to judge, and if it puts Things
and Things fairly together, it will not be much wide
of the Mark.
WELL, once more I get my Doors clofed, and
prepared for Bed, in hopes of a little Repofe, after
fo many ruffling Adventures; juft as I was putting
out my Light in order to it, another bounces as hard
as he can knock; I open the Window, and afk
ho is there, and what he wants? I am Ned, the
K R
Sexton,
122
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
-
•
3
Sexton, replies he, and come to know whether the
Doctor left any Orders for a Funeral Sermon ; and
where he is to be laid, and whether his Grave is to
be plain or bricked? Why, Sirrah, fays I, you
know me well enough; you know I am not dead,
and how dare you affront me after this Manner?
Alack a-day, Sir, replies the Fellow, why it is in
Print, and the whole Town knows you are dead
why, there is Mr. White the Joiner, is but fitting
Screws to your Coffin, he will be here with it in an
Inftant; he was afraid you would have wanted it
before this Time. Sirrah, Sirrah, fays I, you ſhall
know To-morrow to your Coft that I am alive,
and alive like to be. Why, it is ftrange, Sir, fays
he, you ſhould make fuch a Secret of your Death,
to us that are your Neighbours; it looks as if you
had a Defign to defraud the Church of its Dues ;
and let me tell you for one that hath lived fo long
by the Heavens, that it is unhandfomely done.
Hift, hift, fays another Rogue, that ſtood by him,
away Doctor into your Flannel Gear as fast as you
can; for here is a whole Pack of Difmals coming to
you, with their black Equipage; and how indecent
will it look for you to ſtand frightening Folks at
your Window, when you ſhould have been in your
Coffin this three Hours? In fhort, what with Un-
dertakers, Embalmers, Joiners, Sextons, and your
damned Elegy-hawkers, upon a late Practitioner in
Phyfick and Aftrology, I got not one Wink of
Sleep that Night, nor fcarce a Moment's Reft ever
fince. Now, I doubt not but this villainous 'Squire
has the Impudence to affert, that thefe are entirely
Strangers to him; he, good Man, knows nothing
of the Matter; and honeft Ifaac Bickerſtaff, I war-
rant you, is more a Man of Honour, than to be an
Accomplice with a Pack of Rafcals, that walk the
Streets
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
133
Streets on Nights, and difturb good People in their
Beds. But he is out, if he thinks the whole World
is blind; for there is one John Partrige can fmell a
Knave as far as Grubstreet; although he lies in the
moſt exalted Garret, and writes himfelf 'Squire :
But I will keep my Temper, and proceed in the
Narration.
I COULD not ftir out of Doors for the Space of
three Months after this, but prefently one comes up
to me in the Street, Mr. Partrige, that Coffin you
was laſt buried in, I have not been yet paid for.
Doctor, cries another Dog, how do you think Peor
ple can live by making of Graves for nothing? Next
Time you die, you may even toll out the Bell your
felf for Ned. A third Rogue tips me by the El-
bow, and wonders how I have the Confcience to
ſneak abroad, without paying my Funeral Expen-
ces.
Lord, fays one, I durft have fwore that was
honeſt Dr. Partrige, my old Friend'; but poor
Man, he is gone. I beg your Pardon, fays another,
you look fo-like my old Acquaintance that I ufed to
confult on fome private Occafions; but alack he is
gone the Way of all Flefh. Look, look, look,
cries a Third, after à competent Space of ſtaring at
me; would not one think our Neighbour the Al-
manack-maker, was crept out of his Grave, to take
the other Peep at the Stars in this World, and fhew
how much he is improved in Fortune-telling by ha-
ving taken a Journey to the other?"
NAY, the very Reader of our Parish, a good, fo-
ber, difcreet Perfon, hath fent two or three Times
for me to come and be buried decently, or fend him
fufficient Reaſons to the contrary'; or, if I have been
interred in any other Parish, to produce my Certifi-
Cate as the Act requires. My poor Wife is almoft
sun diſtracted with being called Widow Partrige,
་
wher
$34
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
when fhe knows it is falfe; and once a Term the
is cited into the Court, to take out Letters of Ad-
miniftration. But the greateſt Grievance is, a paul-
try Quack, that takes up my Calling juft under my
Nofe, and in his printed Directions with N. B.---
fays, he lives in the Houſe of the late ingenious Mr.
Partrige, an eminent Practitioner in Leather, Phy-
fick and Aftrology.
BUT to fhew how far the wicked Spirit of Envy,
Malice and Refentment can hurry fome Men; my
nameleſs old Perfecutor had provided me a Monu-
ment at the Stone-Cutter's, and would have it erect-
ed in the Parish Church; and this Piece of notori-
ous and expenfive Villainy had actually fucceeded,
if I had not uſed my utinoft Intereft with the Vef-
try, where it was carried at laft but by two Voices,
that I am alive. That Stratagem failing, out comes
a long fable Elegy, bedecked with Hour-glaffes,
Mattocks, Skulls, Spades and Skeletons, with an
Epitaph as confidently written to abuſe me, and my
Prófeffion, as if I had been under Ground theſe
twenty Years. ⠀!
>
AND after fuch barbarous Treatment as this, can
the World blame me, when I afk, What is be
come of the Freedom of an Englishman? And
where is the Liberty and Property, that my old glo-
rious Friend came over to affert? We have drove
Popery out of the Nation, and fent Slavery to fo-
reign Climes. The Arts only remain in Bondage;
when a Man of Science and Character fhall be o
penly infulted in the Midft of the many uſeful Ser-
vices he is daily paying the Publick. Was it ever
heard, even in Turky or Algiers, that a State-Aftro-
loger was bantered out of his Life by an ignorant
Impofter, or bawled out of the World by a Pack
of villainous deep-mouthed Hawkers? Although
I'
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
135
I print Almanacks, and publifh Advertiſements;
although I produce Certificates under the Minifters
and Church-Wardens Hands, I am alive, and atteft
the fame on Qath at Quarter Seffions; out comes
A full and true Relation of the Death and Interment
of JOHN PARTRIGE; Truth is bore down, At-
teftations neglected, the Teftimony of fober Perfons
defpifed, and a Man is looked upon by his Neigh-
bours, as if he had been feven Years dead, and is
buried alive in the Midft of his Friends and Ac-
quaintance.
Now can any Man of common Senfe think it
confiftent with the Honour of my Profeffion, and
not much beneath the Dignity of a Philofopher, to
ftand bawling before his own Door
Alive!
Alive! Ho! The famous Dr. Partrige! No Coun-
terfeit, but all alive!As if I had the twelve
Celeſtial Monsters of the Zodiack, ta fhew within, or
was forced for a Livelihood to turn Retailer to May
and Bartholomew Fairs. Therefore, if her Majefty
would but gracioufly be pleafed to think a Hardfhip
of this Nature worthy her Royal Confideration; and
the next Parliament, in their great Wifdom, caft but
an Eye towards the deplorable Cafe of their old
Philomath, that annually beftows his poetical good
Wiſhes on them; I am fure there is one Ifaac
Bickerstaff, Efq; would foon be truffed up for his
bloody Predictions, and putting good Subjects in
Terror of their Lives; And that henceforward to
murder a Man by Way of Prophecy, and bury him
in a printed Letter, either to a Lard or Commoner,
hall as legally entitle him to the prefent Poffeffion
of Tyburn, as if he robbed on the Highway, or cut
your Throat in Bed.
I SHALL demonftrate to the Judicious, that
France and Rome, are at the Bottom of this horrid
Confpiracy
136
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
Confpiracy againſt me; and that Culprit aforefaid,
is a Popish Emiffary, hath paid his Vifits to St.
Germains, and is now in the Meafures of Lewis
XIV. That, in attempting my Reputation, there is
a general Maffacre of Learning defigned in theſe
Realms: And through my Sides, there is a Wound
given to all the Proteftant Almanack-makers in the
Univerfe.
The
[ 137 ]
A
VINDICATION
O F
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq;
AGAINST
What is objected to him by Mr.
Partrige, in his Almanack for the
preſent Year 1709.
By the faid ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Eſq3
Written in the Year 1709.
M
R. Partrige hath been lately pleaſed
to treat me after a very rough Man-
ner, in that which is called, His Al-
manack for the prefent Year: Such
Ufage is very undecent from one Gen-
tleman to another, and doth not at all contribute to
the Diſcovery of Truth; which ought to be the
great End in all Difputes of the Learned. To call
a Man Fool and Villain, and impudent Fellow, only
for differing from him in a Point meerly fpecula-
tive,
38
A VINDICATION of
tive, is, in my humble Opinion, a very improper
Stile for a Perfon of his Education. I appeal to the
learned World, whether in my laft Year's Predicti-
ons, I gave him the leaft Provocation for fuch un-
worthy Treatment. Philofophers have differed in
all Ages, but the difcreeteft among them have al-
ways differed as became Philofophers. Scurrility
and Paffion, in a Controverfy among Scholars, is
juft fo much of nothing to the Purpofe; and, at
belt, a tacit Confeffion of a weak Caufe: My Con
cern is not fo much for my own Reputation, as that
of the Republick of Letters, which Mr. Partrige
hath endeavoured to wound through my Sides. If
Men of publick Spirit muſt be fuperciliouſly treated
for their ingenious Attempts; how will true ufeful
Knowledge be ever advanced? I wish Mr. Partrige
knew the Thoughts which foreign Universities have
conceived of his ungenerous Proceedings with me;
but I am too tender of his Reputation to publiſh
them to the World. That Spirit of Envy and
Pride, which blasts fo many rifing Genius's in our
Nation, is yet unknown among Profeffors abroad
The Neceffity of juſtifying my felf, will excufe my
Vanity, when I tell the Reader that I have near an
hundred honorary Letters from feveral Parts of Eu-
rope, (fome as far as Mufcovy) in Praife of my Per-
formance. Befides, feveral others, which, as I have
been credibly informed, were opened in the Poft-Of-
fice, and never fent me. * It is true, the Inquifi-
tion in Portugal was pleafed to burn my Predictions,
and condemn the Author and Readers of them; but,
I hope, at the fame Time, it will be confidered in
how deplorable a State Learning lies at prefent in
*This is Fact, as the Author was affured by Sir
Paul Methuen, then Ambaffador to that Crown.
:
that
İŞAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq; 139
that Kingdom: And with the profoundeſt Venera
tion for crowned Heads, I will prefume to add; that
it a little concerned bis Majefty of Portugal, to in-
terpoſe his Authority in Behalf of a Scholar and a
Gentleman, the Subject of a Nation with which he
is now in fo ftrict an Alliance. But, the other
Kingdoms and States of Europe have treated me with
more Candour and Generofity. If I had Leave to
print the Latin Letters tranfinitted to me from fo-
reign Parts, they would fill a Volume, and be a full
Defence againſt all that Mr. Partrige, or his Ac-
complices of the Portugal Inquifition, will be ever
able to object; who, by the Way, are the only E-
nemies my Predictions have ever met with at home
or abroad. But, I hope, I know better what is
due to the Honour of a learned Correfpondence, in fo
tender a Point. Yet fome of thofe illuftrious Per-
fons will, perhaps, excufe me for tranfcribing a Paf-
fage or two in my own Vindication. The moſt
learned Monfieur Leibnitz thus addreffeth to me his
third Letter Illuftriffimo Bickerstaffio Aftrologie In-
ftauratori, &c. Monfieur le Clerc quoting my Pre-
dictions in a Treatife he publiſhed laft Year, is
pleafed to fay, Ità nuperrime Bickerstaffius, nobilis
Anglus, Aftrologorum hujufce Seculi facilè Princeps.
Signior Magliabecchi, the Great Duke's famous Li-
brary-keeper, fpends almoft his whole Letter in
Compliments and Praiſes. It is true, the renowned
Profeffor of Aftronomy at Utrecht, feems to differ
from me in one Article; but it is after the modeſt
Manner that becomes a Philofopher; as, Pace tanti
*
* The Quotations here inferted, are in Imitation of
Dr. Bentley, in fome Part of the famous Controversy
between him and Charles Boyle, Efq; afterwards Earl
of Orrery.
virt
140
A VINDICATION of
viri dixerim: And, Page 55, he feems to lay the
Error upon the Printer, (as indeed it ought) and
lays, vel forfan error Typographi, cum alioquin Bicker-
Staffius vir doctiffimus, &c.
IF Mr. Partrige had followed thefe Examples in
the Controverfy between us, he might have ſpared
me the Trouble of juftifying my felf in ſo publick a
Manner. I believe few Men are readier to own
their Error than I, or more thankful to thofe who
will pleaſe to inform him of them. But it feems
this Gentleman, inſtead of encouraging the Progrefs
of his own Art, is pleaſed to look upon all Attempts
of that Kind, as an Invafion of his Province. He
hath been indeed fo wife, to make no Objection a-
gainſt the Truth of my Predictions, except in one
fingle Point, relating to himfelf: And to demon-
ftrate how much Men are blinded by their own Par-
tiality; I do folemnly affure the Reader, that he is
the only Perfon from whom I ever heard that Ob-
jection offered; which Confideration alone, I think,
will take off all its Weight.
WITH my utmoft Endeavours, I have not been
able to trace above two Objections ever made againſt
the Truth of my laft Year's Prophecies: The firſt
is of a Frenchman, who was pleafed to publiſh to the
World, that the Cardinal de Noailles was ftill alive,
notwithstanding the pretended Prophecy of Monfieur
Biquerftaffe: But how far a Frenchman, a Papiſt, and
an Enemy is to be believed, in his own Cauſe, a-
gainſt an English Proteftant, who is true to the Go-
vernment, I fhall leave to the candid and impartial
Reader.
THE other Objection, is the unhappy Occafion of
this Difcourfe; and relates to an Article in my Pre-
dictions, which foretold the Death of Mr. Partrige
to happen on March 29, 1708. This he is pleafed
ta
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq; 147
to contradict abfolutely in the Almanack he hath
publiſhed for the prefent Year; and in that ungen-
tlemanly Manner, (pardon the Expreffion) as I
have above related. In that Work, he very round-
ly afferts, That he is not only now alive, but was
likewife alive upon that very 29th of March, when I
bad foretold he should die. This is the Subject of the
preſent Controverfy between us; which I defign to
handle with all Brevity, Perfpicuity, and Calmneſs:
In this Difpute, I am fenfible, the Eyes, not only
of England, but of all Europe, will be upon us:
And the Learned in every Country will, I doubt
not, take Part on that Side where they find moſt
Appearance of Reaſon and Truth.
WITHOUT entering into Criticisms of Chronolo-
gy about the Hour of his Death; I fhall only prove
that Mr. Partrige is not alive. And my firft Ar-
gument is thus: Above a thouſand Gentlemen hav-
ing bought his Almanacks for this Year, meerly to
find what he faid againſt me; at every Line they
read, they would lift up their Eyes, and cry out,
betwixt Rage and Laughter, They were fure no
Man alive ever writ fuch damned Stuff as this. Nei-
ther did I ever hear that Opinion difputed: So that
Mr. Partrige lies under a Dilemma, either of dif-
owning his Almanack, or allowing himſelf to be
no Man alive. But now, if an uninformed Carcaſs
walks ftill about, and is pleafed to call it felf Par-
trige; Mr. Bickerstaff doth not think himſelf any
Way answerable for that. Neither had the faid
Carcass any Right to beat the poor Boy, who hap-
pened to paſs by it in the Street, crying, A full and
true Account of Dr. Partrige's Death, &c.
SECONDLY, Mr. Partrige pretends to tell For-
tunes, and recover ftolen Goods; which all the Pa-
riſh ſays he muſt do by converfing with the Devil,
and
142
A VINDICATION of
and other evil Spirits: And no wife Man will ever
allow he could converfe perfonally with either, uny
til after he was dead.
THIRDLY, I will plainly prove him to be dead,
out of his own Almanack for this Year, and from
the very Paffage which he produceth to make us
think him alive. He there fays, He is not only now
alive, but was also alive upon that very 29th of
March, which I foretold he ſhould die on: By this he
declares his Opinion, that a Man may be alive now,
who was not alive a Twelve-month ago. And,
indeed, there lies the Sophiftry of his Argument.
He dares not affert, he was alive ever fince the
29th of March, but that he is now alive, and was
fo on that Day: I grant the latter, for he did not
die until Night, as appears by the printed Account
of his Death, in a Letter to a Lord; and whether
he be fince revived, I leave the World to judge.
This, indeed, is perfect cavilling, and I am afham,
ed to dwell any longer upon it.
FOURTHLY, I will appeal to Mr. Partrige him-
felf, whether it be probable I could have been fo
indifcreet, to begin my Predictions with the only
Falfhood that ever was pretended to be in them;
and this in an Affair at Home, where I had fo ma-
ny Opportunities to be exact; and muft have gi
ven fuch Advantages againft me to a Perfon of Mr
Partrige's Wit and Learning, who, if he could pof-
fibly have raiſed one fingle Objection more againſt
the Truth of my Prophecies, would hardly have
fpared me.
AND here I muft-take Occafion to reprove the
above-mentioned Writer of the Relation of Mr.
Partrige's Death, in a Letter to a Lord; who was
pleafed to tax me with a Miftake of four whole
Hours in my Calculation of that Event. I muſt
confefs
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq; 14
confefs, this Cenfure, pronounced with an Air of
Certainty, in a Matter that fo nearly concerned me,
and by a grave judicious Author, moved me not a
little. But although I were at that Time out of
Town, yet feveral of my Friends, whofe Curiofity
had led them to be exactly informed, (for as to my
own Part, having no doubt at all in the Matter, I
never once thought of it,) affured me I computed
to fomething under half an Hour, which, (1 fpeak
my private Opinion) is an Error of no very great
Magnitude, that Men fhould raiſe Clamour about
it. I fhall only fay, it would not be amifs, if that
Author would henceforth be more tender of other
Mens Reputation as well as his own. It is well
there were no more Miftakes of that Kind; if
there had, I prefume he would have told me of
them with as little Ceremony.
THERE is one Objection against Mr. Partrige's
Death, which I have fometimes met with, although
indeed very flightly offered; That he ftill continues
to write Almanacks. But this is no more than what
is common to all of that Profeffion Gadbury,
Poor Robin, Dove, Wing, and feveral others, do
yearly publiſh their Almanacks, although feveral of
them have been dead fince before the Revolution.
Now the natural Reafon of this I take to be, that
whereas it is the Privilege of other Authors, to live
after their Deaths; Almanack-Makers are alone ex-
cluded; becauſe their Differtations treating only
upon the Minutes as they pafs, become ufelefs as
thoſe go off. In Confideration of which, Time,
whofe Registers they are, gives them a Leafe in Re-
verfion, to continue their Works after their Death.
I SHOULD not have given the Publick or my
felf the Trouble of this Vindication, if my Name
had not been made ufe of by feveral Perfons, to
whom
44
A VINDICATION of, &c.
whom I never lent it; one of which, a few Days a
go, was pleaſed to father on me a new Set of Pre-
dictions. But I think theſe are Things too ferious
to be trifled with. It grieved me to the Heart,
when I faw my Labours, which had coft me fo much
Thought and Watching, bawled about by common
Hawkers, which I only intended for the weighty
Confideration of the graveft Perfons. This preju
diced the World fo much at first, that feveral of
my Friends had the Affurance to afk me, Whether
I were in Jeft? To which I only anfwered coldly,
That the Event will fhew. But it is the Talent of our
Age and Nation, to turn Things of the greateſt
Importance into Ridicule. When the End of the
Year had verified all my Predictions; out comes
Mr. Partrige's Almanack, difputing the Point of
his Death; fo that I am employed, like the Gene-
ral who was forced to kill his Enemies twice over,
whom a Necromancer had raiſed to Life. If Mr.
Partrige hath practiſed the fame Experiment upon
himfelf, and be again alive; long may he continue
fo; but that doth not in the leaft contradict my Ve-
racity: For I think I have clearly proved, by in-
incible Demonftration, that he died at fartheft with-
in half an Hour of the Time I foretold; and not
four Hours fooner, as the above-mentioned Author,
in his Letter to a Lord, hath maliciouſly fuggefted,
with Deſign to biaft my Credit, by charging me
with fo grofs a Miſtake.
A PRO
[ 145 ]
A
PROJECT
FOR THE
Advancement of Religion,
AND THE
Reformation of Manners.
Written in the Year 1709.
TO THE
Countess of BERKLEY
MADAM,
M
Y Intention in prefixing your Lady.
fhip's Name, is not after the common
Form, to defire your Protection of
the following Papers; which I take
to be a very unreaſonable Requeſt ;
fince by being infcribed to your Ladyſhip, although
without your Knowledge, and from a concealed
VOL. I.
L
Hand,
146
A PROJECT for the
Hand, you cannot recommend them without fome
Sufpicion of Partiality. My real Deſign is, I con-
fefs, the very fame I have often deteſted in moſt
Dedications; That of publiſhing your Praiſes to
the World. Not
Not upon the Subject of your noble
Birth, for I know others as noble; or of the Great-
nefs of your Fortune, for I know others far greater;
or of that beautiful Race (the Images of their Pa-
rents) which calls you Mother: For even this may,
perhaps, have been equalled in fome other Age, or
Country. Befides, none of thefe Advantages do
derive any Accompliſhments to the Owners; but
ferve at beſt, only to adorn what they really poffefs.
What I intend, is your Piety, Truth, good Senfe,
and good Nature, Affability and Charity; where-
in I wiſh your Ladyſhip had many Equals, or any
Superiors; and I wish I could fay, I knew them
too; for then your Ladyſhip might have had a
Chance to eſcape this Addrefs. In the mean Time,
I think it highly neceffary for the Intereft of Virtue
and Religion, that the whole Kingdom fhould be
informed in fome Parts of your Character: For In-
ftance: That the eafieft and politeſt Converſation,
joined with the trueft Piety, may be obſerved in
your Ladyfhip, in as great Perfection, as they were
ever feen apart in any other Perfons. That by
your Prudence and Management under feveral Dif-
advantages, you have preferved the Luftre of that
moft noble Family, into which you are grafted, and
which the unmeaſureable Profufion of Anceſtors,
for many Generations, had too much eclipfed.
Then, how happily you perform every Office of
Life, to which Providence hath called you: In the
Education of thofe two incomparable Daughters,
whofe Conduct is fo univerfally admired; in every
Duty of a prudent, complying, affectionate Wife;
in
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 147
in that Care which defcends to the meaneſt of your
Domeſticks; and laſtly, in that endleſs Bounty to
the Poor, and Diſcretion where to diſtribute it. I
infift on my Opinion, that it is of Importance for
the Publick to know this, and a great deal more of
your Ladyſhip; yet whoever goes about to inform
them, fhall, inſtead of finding Credit, perhaps be
cenfured for a Flatterer. To avoid fo ufual a Re-
proach, I declare this to be no Dedication; but
meerly an Introduction to a Propoſal for the Ad-
vancement of Religion and Morals; by tracing,
however imperfectly, fome few Lineaments in the
Character of a Lady, who hath ſpent all her Life
in the Practice and Promotion of both.
A
MONG all the Schemes offered to the Pub-
lick in this projecting Age, I have obferved,
with fome Diſpleaſure, that there have never been a
ny for the Improvement of Religion and Morals:
Which, befides the Piety of the Defign from the
Confequences of ſuch a Reformation in a future
Life, would be the beſt natural Means for advanc-
ing the Publick Felicity of the State, as well as the
preſent Happineſs of every Individual. For, as
much as Faith and Morality are declined among us,
I am altogether confident, they might, in a fhort
Time, and with no very great Trouble, be raiſed
to as high a Perfection, as Numbers are capable of
receiving. Indeed, the Method is fo eafy and ob-
vious, and fome prefent Opportunities fo good;
that, in order to have this Project reduced to Prac-
tice, there feems to want nothing more than to put
thoſe in Mind, who by their Honour, Duty, and
Intereſt are chiefly concerned.
BUT becauſe it is idle to propofe Remedies be-
fore we are affured of the Diſeaſe, or to be in Fear
L 2
until
148
A PROJECT for the
until we are convinced of the Danger; I fhall first
fhew in general, that the Nation is extreamly cor-
rupted in Religion and Morals; and then, I will
offer a fhort Scheme for the Reformation of both.
As to the Firft; I know it is reckoned but a
Form of Speech, when Divines complain of the
Wickedness of the Age: However, I believe, up-
on a fair Compariſon with other Times and Coun-
tries, it would be found an undoubted Truth.
For firſt, to deliver nothing but plain Matter of
Fact, without Exaggeration or Satyr, I ſuppoſe it
will be granted, that hardly one in a hundred a-
mong our People of Quality, or Gentry, appears
to act by any Principle of Religion. That great
Numbers of them do entirely difcard it, and are
ready to own their Difbelief of all Revelation in or-
dinary Diſcourſe. Nor is the Cafe much better a-
mong the Vulgar, eſpecially in great Towns ;
where the Prophanenefs and Ignorance of Handi-
craftſmen, fmall Traders, Servants, and the like,
are to a Degree very hard to be imagined greater.
Then, it is obſerved abroad, that no Race of Mor-
tals hath ſo little Senfe of Religion as the Engliſh
Soldiers: To confirm which, I have been often told
by great Officers in the Army, that in the whole
Compaſs of their Acquaintance, they could not re-
collect three of their Profeffion, who feemed to re-
gard, or believe one Syllable of the Gofpel: And
the fame, at leaſt, may be affirmed of the Fleet.
The Confequences of all which, upon the Actions
of Men, are equally manifeft. They never go a-
bout, as in former Times, to hide or palliate their
Vices; but expofe them freely to View, like any
other common Occurrences of Life, without the
leaſt Reproach from the World, or themfelves. For
Inſtance, any Man will tell you, he intends to be
drunk
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
149
drunk this Evening, or was fo laft Night, with as
little Ceremony or Scruple, as he would tell you
the Time of the Day. He will let you know he
is going to a Wench, or that he hath got a Clap,
with as much Indifferency as he would a Piece of
publick News. He will fwear, curfe, or blafpheme,
without the leaft Paffion or Provocation. And, al-
though all Regard for Reputation be not quite laid
afide in the other Sex; it is, however, at fo low an
Ebb, that very few among them, feem to think
Virtue and Conduct of any Neceffity for preferving
it. If this be not fo, how comes it to pafs that
Women of tainted Reputations find the fame Coun-
tenance, and Reception in all publick Places, with
thoſe of the niceſt Virtue, who pay, and receive Vi-
fits from them, without any Manner of Scruple?
Which Proceeding, as it is not very old among us,
fo I take it to be of moft pernicious Confequence.
It looks like a Sort of compounding between Virtue
and Vice; as if a Woman were allowed to be vi-
cious, provided fhe be not profligate: As if there
were a certain Point where Gallantry ends, and In-
famy begins; or that an hundred criminal Amours
were not as pardonable as half a Score.
BESIDE thofe Corruptions already mentioned, it
would be endleſs to enumerate fuch as arife from the
Exceſs of Play, or Gaming: The Cheats, the
Quarrels, the Oaths and Blafphemies among the
Men: Among the Women, the Neglect of Houſe-
hold Affairs, the unlimited Freedoms, the undecent
Paffion; and, laftly, the known Inlet to all Lewd-
nefs, when after an ill Run, the Perfon muft anfwer
the Defects of the Purse: The Rule on fuch Occa-
fions, holding true in Play, as it doth in Law;
Quod non habet in Crumena, luat in Corpore.
BUT
150
A PROJECT for the
BUT all theſe are Trifles in Compariſon, if we
ſtep into other Scenes, and confider the Fraud and
Cozenage of trading Men and Shop-keepers; that
infatiable Gulph of Injuftice and Oppreffion: The
Law. The open Traffick of all Civil and Milita-
ry Employments (I wish it refted there) without
the leaft Regard to Merit or Qualifications: The
corrupt Management of Men in Office: The ma-
ny deteftable Abuſes in chufing thofe, who repre-
fent the People; with the Management of Intereſt
and Factions among the Repreſentatives: To which
I muſt be bold to add the Ignorance among fome
of the lower Clergy; the mean fervile Temper of
others; the pert pragmatical Demeanour of feveral
young Stagers in Divinity, upon their firſt produ-
cing themſelves into the World; with many other
Circumſtances needlefs, or rather invidious to men-
tion; which falling in with the Corruptions already
related, have, however unjustly, almoft rendered
the whole Order contemptible.
THIS is a fhort View of the general Depravities
among us, without entering into Particulars, which
would be an endleſs Labour. Now, as univerfal
and deep-rooted as thefe Corruptions appear to be,
I am utterly deceived, if an effectual Remedy might
not be applied to moft of them; neither am I at
preſent upon a wild fpeculative Project, but ſuch a
one as may be eafily put in Execution.
FOR, while the Prerogative of giving all Em-
ployments continues in the Crown, either immedi-
ately or by Subordination; it is in the Power of
the Prince to make Piety and Virtue become the
Faſhion of the Age; if at the fame Time he would
make them neceffary Qualifications for Favour and
Freferment,
It
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 151
:
IT is clear from prefent Experience, that the
bare Example of the beſt Prince, will not have any
mighty Influence where the Age is very corrupt.
For, when was there ever a better Prince on the
Throne than the preſent Queen? I do not talk of
her Talent for Government, her Love of the Peo-
ple, or any other Qualities that are purely regal;
but her Piety, Charity, Temperance, conjugal Love,
and whatever other Virtues do beſt adorn a private
Life; wherein, without Queftion, or Flattery, fhe
hath no Superior: Yet neither will it be Satyr or
peevish Invective to affirm, that Infidelity and Vice
are not much diminiſhed fince her coming to the
Crown; nor will, in Probability, until more effec-
tual Remedies be provided.
THUS human Nature feems to lie under this Dif
advantage, that the Example alone of a vicious
Prince, will in Time corrupt an Age; but the Ex-
ample of a good one will not be fufficient to reform
it without further Endeavours. Princes muſt there-
fore fupply this Defect by a vigorous Exercife of
that Authority, which the Law hath left them, by
making it every Man's Intereft and Honour to cul-
tivate Religion and Virtue; by rendering Vice a
Difgrace, and the certain Ruin to Preferment or
Pretenfions: All which they fhould first attempt in
their own Courts and Families. For Inftance,
might not the Queen's Domefticks of the middle
and lower Sort, be obliged upon Penalty of Sufpen-
fion, or Loſs of their Employments, to a conftant
weekly Attendance on the Service of the Church;
to a decent Behaviour in it; to receive the Sacra-
ment four Times a Year; to avoid Swearing and
irreligious prophane Difcourfes; and to the Appea-
rance at leaſt, of Temperance and Chaſtity? Might
not the Care of all this be committed to the ftrict
Infpection
152
A PROJECT for the
9
Infpection of proper Officers? Might not thofe of
higher Rank, and nearer Acceſs to her Majefty,
receive her own Commands to the fame Purpoſe,
and be countenanced or disfavoured according as
they obey? Might not the Queen lay her Injunc-
tions on the Biſhops, and other great Men of un-
doubted Piety, to make diligent Enquiry, and give
her Notice, whether any Perfon about her fhould
happen to be of Libertine Principles or Morals?
Might not all thoſe who enter upon any Office in
her Majeſty's Family, be obliged to take an Oath
parallel with that againſt Symony, which is admini-
ftred to the Clergy? It is not to be doubted, but
that if thefe or the like Proceedings were duly ob-
ferved, Morality and Religion would foon become
faſhionable Court-Virtues; and be taken up as the
only Methods to get or keep Employments there;
which alone would have a mighty Influence upon
many of the Nobility, and principal Gentry.
BUT, if the like Methods were purfued as far as
poffible, with Regard to thoſe who are in the great
Employments of the State; it is hard to conceive
how general a Reformation they might in Time
produce among us. For, if Piety and Virtue were
once reckoned Qualifications neceffary to Prefer-
ment; every Man thus endowed, when put into
great Stations, would readily imitate the Queen's
Example, in the Diftribution of all Offices in his
Difpofal; eſpecially, if any apparent Tranfgreffion
through Favour or Partiality, would be imputed to
him for a Miſdemeanour, by which he muft cer-
tainly forfeit his Favour and Station: And there
being fuch great Numbers in Employment, fcat-
tered through every Town and County in this
Kingdom; if all thefe were exemplary in the Con-
duct of their Lives, Things would foon take a new
Face,
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
153
Face, and Religion receive a mighty Encourage-
ment: Nor would the publick Weal be lefs ad-
vanced; fince of nine Offices in ten that are ill exe-
cuted, the Defect is not in Capacity or Underſtand-
ing, but in common Honefty. I know no Em-
ployment, for which Piety difqualifies any Man;
and if it did, I doubt, the Objection would not be
very ſeaſonably offered at prefent: Becauſe, it is
perhaps too juſt a Reflection, that in the Difpofal
of Places, the Queſtion whether a Perfon be fit for
what he is recommended to, is generally the laſt
that is thought on, or regarded.
I HAVE often imagined, that fomething parallel
to the Office of Cenfors antiently in Rome, would
be of mighty Ufe among us; and could be eaſily
limited from running into any Exorbitances. The
Romans underſtood Liberty at leaft as well as we;
were as jealous of it, and upon every Occafion as
bold Affertors: Yet, I do not remember to have
read any great Complaints of the Abuſes in that
Office among them; but many admirable Effects
of it are left upon Record. There are ſeveral per-
nicious Vices frequent and notorious among us, that
eſcape or elude the Puniſhment of any Law we have
yet invented, or have had no Law at all againſt
them; fuch as Atheifm, Drunkennefs, Fraud, A-
varice, and ſeveral others; which by this Inftitu-
tion wifely regulated, might be much reformed.
Suppoſe, for Inftance, that itinerary Commiffioners.
were appointed to infpect every where throughout
the Kingdom, into the Conduct (at leaſt) of Men in
Office, with Refpect to their Morals and Religion,
as well as their Abilities; to receive the Complaints
and Informations that fhould be offered againſt
them; and make their Report here upon Oath, to
the Court or the Miniftry; who fhould reward or
puniſh
154
A PROJECT for the
puniſh accordingly. I avoid entering into the Par-
ticulars of this or any other Scheme, which coming
from a private Hand, might be liable to many De-
fects, but would foon be digeſted by the Wiſdom
of the Nation: And furely, fix thoufand Pounds a
Year would not be ill laid out among as many
Commiffioners duly qualified; who, in three Divi-
fions ſhould be perfonally obliged to take their
ly Circuits for that Purpoſe.
year-
BUT this is befide my prefent Defign, which was
only to fhew what Degree of Reformation is in the
Power of the Queen, without Interpofition of
the Legiſlature; and which her Majefty is without
Queſtion obliged in Confcience to endeavour by her
Authority, as much as fhe doth by her Practice.
Ir will be eaſily granted, that the Example of
this great Town hath a mighty Influence over the
whole Kingdom; and it is as manifeft, that the
Town is equally influenced by the Court and the Mi-
niftry, and thofe, who by their Employments or
their Hopes, depend upon them. Now, if under fo
excellent a Princefs, as the prefent Queen, we would
ſuppoſe a Family ftrictly regulated, as I have above
propoſed; a Miniftry, where every fingle Perfon
was of diftinguiſhed Piety; if we ſhould fuppofe all
great Offices of State and Law filled after the fame
Manner, and with fuch as were equally diligent in
chufing Perfons, who in their feveral Subordinations
would be obliged to follow the Examples of their
Superiors, under the Penalty of Lofs of Favour and
Place; will not every Body grant, that the Empire
of Vice and Irreligion would be ſoon deſtroyed in
this great Metropolis, and receive a terrible Blow
through the whole Ifland, which hath fo great an In-
tercourfe with it, and fo much affects to follow its
Faſhions.
FOR,
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 155
FOR, if Religion were once underſtood to be the
neceffary Step to Favour and Preferment; can it
be imagined, that any Man would openly offend
againſt it, who had the leaſt Regard for his Repu-
tation or his Fortune? There is no Quality fo con-
trary to any Nature, which Men cannot affect, and
put on upon Occafion, in order to ſerve an Intereft,
or gratify a prevailing Paffion: The proudeft Man
will perfonate Humility, the morofeft learn to flat-
ter, the lazieſt will be fedulous and active, where
he is in Purſuit of what he hath much at Heart:
How ready therefore would moft Men be to ftep
into the Paths of Virtue and Piety, if they infalli-
bly led to Favour and Fortune?
IF Swearing and Prophaneneſs, fcandalous and
avowed Lewdnefs, exceffive Gaming and Intempe-
rance were a little diſcountenanced in the Army, I
cannot readily fee what ill Confequences could be
apprehended: If Gentlemen of that Profeffion were
at leaſt obliged to fome external Decorum in their
Conduct; or even if a profligate Life and Charac-
ter were not a Means of Advancement, and the Ap-
pearance of Piety a moſt infallible Hinderance; it
is impoffible the Corruptions there ſhould be fo uni-
verfal and exorbitant. I have been affured by feve
ral great Officers, that no Troops abroad are ſo ill
difciplined as the English; which cannot well be o-
therwife, while the common Soldiers have perpetual-
ly before their Eyes the vicious Example of their
Leaders: And it is hardly poffible for thoſe to com-
mit any Crime, whereof thefe are not infinitely more
guilty, and with lefs Temptation.
It is commonly charged upon the Gentlemen of
the Army, that the beaftly Vice of drinking to Ex-
ceſs, hath been lately from their Example reſtored a-
nong us; which for fome Years before was almoſt
dropt
156
A PROJECT for the
dropt in England. But whoever the Introducers
were, they have fucceeded to a Miracle; many
of
the young Nobility and Gentry are already become
great Proficients, and are under no Manner of Con-
cern to hide their Talent; but are got beyond all
Senfe of Shame, or Fear of Reproach.
THIS might foon be remedied, if the Queen
would think fit to declare, that no young Perſon of
Quality whatſoever, who was notoriouſly addicted
to that or any other Vice, fhould be capable of her
Favour, or even admitted into her Prefence; with
pofitive Command to her Miniſters and others in
great Office, to treat them in the fame Manner; af-
ter which, all Men, who had any Regard for their
Reputation, or any Proſpect of Preferment, would
avoid their Commerce. This would quickly make
that Vice fo fcandalous, that thofe, who could not
fubdue, would at leaſt endeavour to diſguiſe it.
By the like Methods, a Stop might be put to
that ruinous Practice of deep Gaming: And the
Reaſon why it prevails fo much, is becauſe a Treat-
ment directly oppofite in every Point is made uſe of
to promote it; by which Means the Laws enact-
ed againſt this Abuſe are wholly eluded.
IT cannot be denied, that the Want of ftrict Dif-
cipline, in the Univerſities, hath been of pernicious.
Confequence to the Youth of this Nation, who
are there almoſt left entirely to their own Manage-
ment; eſpecially thofe among them of better Qua-
lity and Fortune; who, becauſe they are not under
a Neceffity of making Learning their Maintenance,
are eaſily allowed to paſs their Time, and take their
Degrees with little or no Improvement : Than
which there cannot well be a greater Abfurdity.
For, if no Advancement of Knowledge can be had
from thoſe Places, the Time there fpent is at beſt
utterly
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
157
utterly loft, becauſe every ornamental Part of Edu-
cation is better taught elſewhere: And as for keep-
ing Youths out of Harm's Way, I doubt where fo
many of them are got together, at full Liberty of
doing what they pleaſe, it will not anſwer the End.
But, whatever Abuſes, Corruptions, or Deviations
from Statutes have crept into the Univerſities,
through Neglect, or Length of Time; they might
in a great Degree be reformed by ſtrict Injunctions
from Court, (upon each Particular, to the Vifitors
and Heads of Houfes ;) befides the peculiar Autho-
rity the Queen may have in feveral Colleges,
whereof her Predeceffors were the Founders. And
among other Regulations, it would be very conve-
nient to prevent the Excefs of Drinking, with that
fcurvy Cuſtom among the Lads, and Parent of the
former Vice, the taking of Tobacco, where it is not
abfolutely neceffary in Point of Health.
FROM the Univerſities, the young Nobility, and
others of great Fortunes are fent for early up to
Town, for Fear of contracting any Airs of Pedan-
try by a College-Education. Many of the young-
er Gentry retire to the Inns-of-Court, where they
are wholly left to their own Difcretion. And the
Confequence of this Remifneſs in Education appears,
by obſerving, that nine in ten of thoſe, who rife in
the Church, or the Court, the Law or the Army,
are younger Brothers, or new Men, whofe narrow
Fortunes have forced them upon Induſtry and Ap-
plication.
As for the Inns-of-Court; unless we fuppofe
them to be much degenerated, they muſt needs be
the worſt inſtituted Seminaries in any Chriſtian
Country; but whether they may be corrected with-
out Interpofition of the Legiflature, I have no
Skill enough to determine. However, it is certain,
that
158
A PROJECT for the
that all wife Nations have agreed in the Neceffity
of a ſtrict Education; which confifted, among o-
ther Things, in the Obſervance of Moral Duties,
eſpecially Juſtice, Temperance, and Chaſtity, as
well as the Knowledge of Arts, and bodily Exer-
cifes: But all thefe, among us, are laughed out of
Doors.
WITHOUT the leaft Intention to offend the
Clergy; I cannot but think, that through a miſta-
ken Notion and Practice, they prevent themſelves
from doing much Service, which otherwife might
lie in their Power, to Religion and Virtue: I
mean, by affecting fo much to converſe with each
other, and caring fo little to mingle with the Laity.
They have their particular Clubs, and particular
Coffee-Houfes, where they generally appear in
Cluſters: A fingle Divine dares hardly fhew his
Perfon among Numbers of fine Gentlemen; or if
he happen to fall into fuch Company, he is filent
and fufpicious; in continual Apprehenfion, that
fome pert Man of Pleaſure ſhould break an unman-
nerly Jeft, and render him ridiculous. Now, I
take this Behaviour of the Clergy to be juſt as rea-
fonable, as if the Phyficians fhould agree to fſpend
their Time in viſiting one another, or their ſeveral
Apothecaries, and leave their Patients to fhift for
themſelves. In my humble Opinion, the Clergy's
Buſineſs lies entirely among the Laicy; neither is
there, perhaps, a more effectual Way to forward
the Salvation of Mens Souls, than for fpiritual Per-
fons to make themſelves as agreeable as they can,
in the Converfations of the World; for which a
learned Education gives them great Advantage, if
they would pleaſe to improve and apply it. It fo
happens, that the Men of Pleafure, who never go to
Church, nor amufe themſelves to read Books of
Devotion,
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
159
Devotion, form their Ideas of the Clergy, from a
few poor Strollers they often obferve in the Streets,
or fneaking out of fome Perfon of Quality's Houfe,
where they are hired by the Lady at ten Shillings a
Month; while thoſe of better Figure and Parts do
ſeldom appear to correct theſe Notions. And let
fome Reafoners think what they pleaſe; it is cer-
tain, that Men muſt be brought to eſteem and love
the Clergy, before they can be perfuaded to be in
love with Religion. No Man values the beſt Me-
dicine, if adminiftred by a Phyſician, whofe Per-
fons he hates or defpifes. If the Clergy were as
forward to appear in all Companies, as other Gen-
tlemen, and would a little ftudy the Arts of Con-
verſation, to make themſelves agreeable, they might
be welcome at every Party, where there was the
leaft Regard for Politeness, or good Senſe; and
confequently prevent a thouſand vicious or prophane
Difcourfes, as well as Actions: Neither would Men
of Underſtanding complain, that a Clergyman was
a Conſtraint upon the Company; becauſe they
could not ſpeak Blafphemy, or obfcene Jefts before
him. While the People are fo jealous of the Cler-
gy's Ambition, as to abhor all Thoughts of the
Return of Ecclefiaftick Difcipline among them; I
do not fee any other Method left for Men of that
Function to take, in order to reform the World,
than by uſing all honeſt Arts to make themſelves
acceptable to the Laity. This, no doubt, is Part
of that Wiſdom of the Serpent, which the Author
of Chriſtianity directs; and is the very Method
ufed by St. Paul, who became all Things to all Men,
to the Jews a Jew, and a Greek to the Greeks.
How to remedy theſe Inconveniencies, may be
a Matter of fome Difficulty; fince the Clergy feem
to be of an Opinion, that this Humour of fequef-
tring
160
A PROJECT for the
tring themſelves is a Part of their Duty; nay, as I
remember, they have been told fo by fome of their
Biſhops in their Paftoral Letters, particularly by
* one among them; who yet, in his own Practice,
hath all his Life-time, taken a Courſe directly con-
trary. But I am deceived, if an awkard Shame,
and fear of ill Uſage from the Laity, have not a
greater Share in this miſtaſten Conduct, than their
own Inclinations: However, if the outward Pro-
feffion of Religion and Virtue, were once in Prac-
tice and Countenance at Court, as well as among all
Men in Office, or who have any Hopes or Depen-
dance for Preferment; a good Treatment of the
Clergy would be the neceffary Confequence of fuch
a Reformation; and they would foon be wife e-
nough to fee their own Duty and Intereft, in quali-
fying themſelves for Lay-Converfation, when once
they were out of Fear of being choqued by Ribal-
dry, or Prophaneneſs.
THERE is one further Circumftance upon this
Occaſion, which I know not whether it will be ve-
ry Orthodox to mention: The Clergy are the only
Set of Men among us, who conftantly wear a di-
ftinct Habit from others: The Confequence of
which (not in Reaſon, but in Fact) is this, that as
long as any ſcandalous Perfons appear in that Dreſs,
it will continue, in fome Degree, a general Mark of
Contempt. Whoever happens to ſee a Scoundrel in
a Gown, reeling home at Midnight, (a Sight nei-
ther frequent nor miraculous) is apt to entertain an
ill Idea of the whole Order; and, at the fame Time
to be extremely comforted in his own Vices. Some
Remedy might be put to this, if thofe ftraggling
Gentlemen, who come up to Town to feek their
*
Suppoſed to be Dr. BURNET, Bishop of Saliſbury.
Fortunes,
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 161
Fortunes, were fairly difmiffed to the West-Indies;
where there is Work enough, and where fome bet-
ter Proviſion fhould be made for them, than I
doubt there is at prefent. Or, what if no Perfon
were allowed to wear the Habit, who had not ſome
Preferment in the Church; or, at leaſt, ſome tem-
poral Fortune fufficient to keep him out of Con-
tempt?
THERE is one Abuſe in this Town, which won-
derfully contributes to the Promotion of Vice ;
when fuch Men are often put into the Commiffion of
the Peace, whofe Intereft it is, that Virtue ſhould
be utterly baniſhed from among us; who maintain,
or at leaſt enrich themſelves by encouraging the
groffeft Immoralities; to whom all the Bawds of
the Ward pay Contribution for Shelter and Protec-
tion from the Laws. Thus, thefe worthy Magi-
ſtrates, inſtead of leffening Enormities, are the Oc-
cafion of juſt twice as much Debauchery as there
would be without them. For thoſe infamous Wo-
men are forced upon doubling their Work and
Induſtry, to anfwer double Charges, of paying
the Juftice, and fupporting themſelves: Like
Thieves who eſcape the Gallows, and are let out to
ſteal, in order to diſcharge the Goaler's Fees.
Ir is not to be queſtioned, but the Queen and
Miniſtry might eafily redreſs this abominable Grie-
vance; by enlarging the Number of Juftices of the
Peace'; by endeavouring to chufe Men of virtuous
Principles; by admitting none, who have not con-
fiderable Fortunes; perhaps by receiving into the
Number fome of the moſt eminent Clergy: Then,
by forcing all of them, upon fevere Penalties, to
act when there is Occafion; and not permitting a-
ny, who are offered, to refufe the Commiffion. But
VOL. I.
M
in
162
A PROJECT for the
in theſe two laft Cafes, which are very material, I
doubt there would be Need of the Legiflature.
THE Reformation of the Stage is entirely in the
Power of the Queen; and in the Confequences it
hath upon the Minds of younger People, doth very
well deferve the ftricteft Care. Befide the undecent
and prophane Paffages; befide the perpetual turn-
ing into Ridicule the very Function of the Prieſt-
hood; with other Irregularities in moft modern
Comedies, which have been often objected to them;
it is worth obferving the diftributive Juftice of the
Authors, which is conftantly applied to the Puniſh-
ment of Virtue, and the Reward of Vice; directly
oppoſite to the Rules of their beſt Criticks, as well
as to the Practice of Dramatick Poets in all other
Ages and Countries. For Example
For Example; a Country
"Squire, who is repreſented with no other Vice but
that of being a Clown, and having the provincial
Accent upon his Tongue, which is neither a Fault,
nor in his Power to remedy, muſt be condemned to
marry a caſt Wench, or a cracked Chamber-Maid.
On the other Side, a Rakehell of the Town, whoſe
Character is ſet off with no other Accompliſhments
but exceffive Prodigality, Prophanenefs, Intempe-
rance, and Luſt; is rewarded with the Lady of
great Fortune, to repair his own, which his Vices
had almoſt ruined. And, as in a Tragedy, the
Hero is repreſented to have obtained many Victo-
ries, in order to raiſe his Character in the Minds of
the Spectators; fo the Hero of a Comedy is repre-
fented to have been victorious in all his Intrigues
for the fame Reafon. I do not remember that our
English Poets ever fuffered a criminal Amour to
fucceed upon the Stage, until the Reign of King
Charles the Second. Ever fince that Time, the
Alderman is made a Cuckold, the deluded Virgin
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. . 162
is debauched; and Adultery and Fornication are
ſuppoſed to be committed behind the Scenes, as
Part of the Action. Thefe and many more Cor-
ruptions of the Theatre, peculiar to our Age and
Nation, need continue no longer than while the
Court is content to connive at, or neglect them.
Surely a Penfion would not be ill employed on fome
Men of Wit, Learning, and Virtue, who might
have Power to ftrike out every offenfive, or unbe-
coming Paffage from Plays already written, as well
as thoſe that may be offered to the Stage for the
Future. By which, and other wife Regulations,
the Theatre might become a very innocent and uſe-
ful Diverſion, inſtead of being a Scandal and Re-
proach to our Religion and Country.
THE Propoſals I have hitherto made, for the
Advancement of Religion and Morality, are fuch,
as come within the Reach of the Adminiſtration;
fuch as a pious active Prince, with a ſteddy Refolu-
tion, might foon bring to Effect. Neither am I
aware of any Objections to be raiſed againſt what I
have advanced; unless it fhould be thought, that
the making Religion a neceffary Step to Intereſt
and Favour, might encreaſe Hypocrify among us :
And I readily believe it would But if one in
twenty fhould be brought over tortue Piety by this,
or the like Methods, and the other nineteen be on-
ly Hypocrites, the Advantage wouldtill be great.
Befides, Hypocrify is much more eligible than open
Infidelity and Vice: It wears the Livery of Reli-
gion, it acknowledgeth her Authority, and is cau-
tious of giving Scandal. Nay, a long continued
Difguife is too great a Conftraint upon human Na-
ture, eſpecially an English Difpofition. Men would
leave off their Vices out of meer Wearinefs, rather
than undergo the Toil and Hazard, and perhaps
Expence
M 2
164
A PROJECT for the
Expence of practifing them perpetually in private.
And, I believe, it is often with Religion as it is
with Love; which, by much Diffembling, at laſt
grows real.
ALL other Projects to this great End, have pro-
ved hitherto ineffectual. Laws againſt Immorali-
ty have not been executed; and Proclamations oc-
cafionally iffued out to enforce them, are wholly
unregarded as Things of Form. Religious Socie-
ties, although begun with excellent Intention, and
by Perſons of true Piety, are faid, I know not whe-
ther truly or no, to have dwindled into factious
Clubs, and grown a Trade to enrich little knaviſh
Informers of the meaneft Rank, fuch as common
Conſtables, and broken Shop-keepers.
AND that fome effectual Attempt ſhould be made
towards fuch a Reformation, is perhaps more ne-
ceffary, than People commonly apprehend; be-
cauſe the Ruin of a State is generally preceded by
an univerfal Degeneracy of Manners, and Contempt
of Religion; which is entirely our Caſe at preſent.
Diis te minorem, quod geris, imperas.
NEITHER is this a Matter to be deferred until
a more convenient Time of Peace and Leifure: A
Reformation in Mens Faith and Morals, is the beſt
natural, as well as religious Means to bring the War
to a good Conclufion. Becauſe, if Men in Truft
performed their Duty for Confcience Sake, Affairs
would not ſuffer through Fraud, Falfhood, and Ne-
glect, as they now perpetually do: And if they be-
lieved a God and his Providence, and acted accord-
ingly, they might reaſonably hope for his Divine
Affiftance in fo juſt a Cauſe as ours,
NOR
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
165
NOR could the Majeſty of the English Crown
appear, upon any Occafion, in a greater Luſtre, ei-
ther to Foreigners, or Subjects, than by an Admi-
niftration, which producing fuch good Effects,
would diſcover ſo much Power. And Power being
the natural Appetite of Princes; a limited Monarch
cannot fo well gratify it in any Point, as a ftrict
Execution of the Laws.
BESIDES; all Parties would be obliged to clofe
with fo good a Work as this, for their own Repu-
tation: Neither is any Expedient more likely to
unite them. For, the most violent Party-men I
have ever obſerved, are fuch as in the Conduct of
their Lives have diſcovered leaft Senfe of Religion,
or Morality; and when all fuch are laid afide, at
leaſt thoſe among them who fhall be found incorri-
gible, it will be a Matter, perhaps, of no great Dif-
ficulty to reconcile the reſt.
THE many Corruptions, at prefent, in every
Branch of Bufinefs, are almoft inconceivable. I
have heard it computed by ſkilful Perfons, that of
fix Millions, raiſed every Year for the Service of
the Publick, one Third, at leaft, is funk and inter-
cepted through the feveral Claffes and Subordinati-
ons of artful Men in Office, before the Remainder
is applied to the proper Ufe. This is an accidental
ill Effect of our Freedom: And while fuch Men
are in Truft, who have no Check from within, nor
any Views but towards their Intereft; there is no o-
ther Fence againſt them, but the Certainty of being
hanged upon the firſt Diſcovery, by the arbitrary
Will of an unlimited Monarch, or his Vizier. A-
mong Us, the only Danger to be apprehended, is
the Lofs of an Employment; and that Danger is
to be eluded a thoufand Ways. Befides, when
Fraud is great, it furniſheth Weapons to defend it-
felt å
166
A PROJECT for the
ſelf: And, at worst, if the Crimes be fo flagrant,
that a Man is laid aſide out of perfect Shame, (which
rarely happens) he retires loaded with the Spoils of
the Nation; Et fruiter Diis iratis. I could name
a Commiffion, where feveral Perfons out of a Sal-
lary of five hundred Pounds, without other viſible
Revenues, have always lived at the Rate of two
thouſand, and laid out forty or fifty thouſand upon
Purchaſes of Land, or Annuities. An hundred o-
ther Inftances of the fame Kind might eaſily be pro-
duced. What Remedy, therefore, can be found a-
gainſt fuch Grievances in a Conftitution like ours,
but to bring Religion into Countenance, and encou-
rage thofe, who, from the Hope of future Reward,
and Dread of future Puniſhment, will be moved to
act with Justice and Integrity?
THIS is not to be accompliſhed any other Way,
than by introducing Religion, as much as poffible,
to be the Turn and Faſhion of the Age; which
only lies in the Power of the Adminiſtration; the
Prince with utmoſt Strictneſs regulating the Court,
the Miniſtry, and other Perfons in great Employ-
ment; and thefe, by their Example and Authority,
reforming all who have Dependance on them.
IT is certain, that a Reformation, fuccefsfully
carried on in this great Town, would, in Time,
ſpread itſelf over the whole Kingdom; fince moſt
of the confiderable Youth pafs here that Seafon of
their Lives, wherein the ſtrongeſt Impreffions are
made, in order to improve their Education, or ad-
vance their Fortune: And thofe among them who
return into their feveral Countries, are fure to be
followed and imitated, as the greateſt Patterns of
Wit and good Breeding.
AND if Things were once in this Train; that is,
if Virtue and Religion were eſtabliſhed as the ne-
ceffary
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 169
my,
ceffary Titles to Reputation and Preferment; and if
Vice and Infidelity were not only loaden with Infa-
but made the infallible Ruin of all Mens Pre-
tenſions ; our Duty, by becoming our Intereſt,
would take Root in our Natures, and mix with the
very Genius of our People; fo that it would not be
eafy for the Example of one wicked Prince, to bring
us back to our former Corruptions.
I HAVE Confined my felf (as it is before obferv-
ed) to thoſe Methods for the Advancement of Piety,
which are in the Power of a Prince limited like ours,
by a ſtrict Execution of the Laws already in Force.
And this is enough for a Project that comes without
any Name, or Recommendation: I doubt, a great
deal more than will fuddenly be reduced into Prac-
tice. Although, if any Difpofition fhould appear
towards ſo good a Work, it is certain, that the Af
fiftance of the Legiſlative Power would be neceffary
to make it more compleat. I will inftance only in
a few Particulars.
In order to reform the Vices of this Town, which,'
as we have faid, hath ſo mighty an Influence on the
whole Kingdom; it would be very inftrumental,
to have a Law made, that all Taverns, or Alehoufes
ſhould be obliged to difmifs their Company by
twelve at Night, and fhut up their Doors; and
that no Woman fhould be fuffered to enter any Ta-
vern, or Alehouſe upon any Pretence whatſoever.
It is eaſy to conceive, what a Number of ill Confe-
quences fuch a Law would prevent; the Miſchiefs
of Quarrels and Lewdnefs, and Thefts, and Mid-
night Brawls, the Diſeaſes of Intemperance and Ve-
nery; and a thouſand other Evils needleſs to men-
tion. Nor would it be amifs, if the Mafters of
thofe publick Houfes were obliged, upon the fevereft
Penalties, to give only a proportioned Quantity of
Dring
168
A PROJECT for the
Drink to every Company; and when he found his
Gueſts difordered with Excefs, to refuſe them any
more.
I BELIEVE there is hardly a Nation in Chriften-
dom, where all Kind of Fraud is practifed in fo un-
meaſurable a Degree as with us. The Lawyer, the
Tradeſman, the Mechanick, have found fo many
Arts to deceive in their feveral Callings, that they
far outgrow the common Prudence of Mankind,
which is in no Sort able to fence againſt them.
Neither could the Legiſlature, in any Thing, more
confult the publick Good, than by providing fome
effectual Remedy againſt this Evil; which, in ſe-
veral Cafes, deferves greater Puniſhment than many
Crimes that are capital among us. The Vintner,
who, by mixing Poiſon with his Wines, deſtroys
more Lives than any malignant Diſeaſe: The Law-
yer, who perfuades you to a Purchaſe, which he
knows is mortgaged for more than the Worth, to
the Ruin of you and your Family: The Banquier
or Scrivener, who takes all your Fortune to difpofe
of, when he hath beforehand refolved to break the
following Day; do furely deferve the Gallows
much better than the Wretch, who is carried thither
for ftealing a Horſe.
Ir cannot eaſily be anſwered to GoD or Man,
why a Law is not made for limiting the Prefs; at
leaft fo far as to prevent the publiſhing of fuch per-
nicious Books, as under Pretence of Free-Thinking,
endeavour to overthrow thofe Tenets in Religion,
which have been held inviolable almoſt in all Ages
by every Sect that pretends to be Chriftian; and
cannot therefore with any Colour of Reafon be
called Points in Controverfy, or Matters of Specula-
tion, as fome would pretend. The Doctrine of the
Trinity, the Divinity of Chrift, the Immortality of the
Soul 9
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
169
Soul, and even the Truth of all Revelation are dai-
ly exploded, and denied in Books openly printed;
although it is to be fuppofed, that neither Party a-
vow fuch Principles, or own the fupporting of them
to be any Way neceffary to their Service.
It would be endlefs to fet down every Corrup-
tion or Defect, which requires a Remedy from the
Legiſlative Power. Senates are like to have little
Regard for any Propofals that come from without
Doors: Although under a due Senſe of my own In-
abilities, I am fully convinced that the unbiaffed
Thoughts of an honeft and wife Man, employed on
the Good of his Country, may be better digefted,
than the Reſults of a Multitude, where Faction and
Intereft too often prevail: As a fingle Guide may
direct the Way, better than five hundred who have
contrary Views, or look afquint, or ſhut their Eyes.
I SHALL mention but one more Particular,
which I think a Parliament ought to take under
Confideration: Whether it be not a Shame to our
Country, and a Scandal to Chriſtianity, that in ma-
ny Towns where there is a prodigious Increaſe in
the Number of Houſes and Inhabitants, fo little
Care ſhould be taken for the Building of Churches,
that five Parts in fix of the People are abfolutely
hindered from hearing Divine Service? Particularly
here in London, where a fingle Minifter, with one
or two forry Curates, has the Care fometimes of a-
bove twenty thoufand Souls incumbent on him. A
Neglect of Religion fo ignominious in my Opinion,
*
*This Paragraph is known to have given the first
Hint to certain Biſhops, particularly to that moſt ex-
cellent Prelate Bishop ATTERBURY, in the Earl of
OXFORD's Miniſtry, to procure a Fund for building
fifty new Churches in London,
that
170
A PROJECT for the
that it can hardly be equalled in any civilized Age
or Country.
BUT, to leave thefe airy Imaginations of intro-
ducing new Laws for the Amendment of Mankind:
What I principally infiſt on, is the due Execution of
the old, which lies wholly in the Crown, and in the
Authority derived from thence: I return therefore
to my former Affertion; that, if Stations of Power,
Truft, Profit, and Honour, were conftantly made
the Rewards of Virtue and Piety; fuch an Admini-
ſtration muſt needs have a mighty Influence on the
Faith and Morals of the whole Kingdom: And
Men of great Abilities would then endeavour to ex-
cel in the Duties of a religious Life, in order to qua-
lify themfelves for publick Service. I may poffibly
be wrong in fome of the Means I prefcribe towards
this End; but that is no material Objection againſt
the Deſign itſelf. Let thofe, who are at the Helm,
contrive it better, which perhaps they may eafily
do. Every Body will agree, that the Difeafe is
manifeſt, as well as dangerous; that fome Remedy
is neceffary, and that none yet applied hath been
effectual; which is a fufficient Excufe for any Man
who wifheth well to his Country, to offer his
Thoughts, when he can have no other End in View
but the Publick Good. The prefent Queen is a
Prince of as many and great Virtues as ever filled a
Throne: How would it brighten her Character to
the preſent and after Ages, if ſhe would exert her
utmoſt Authority to inftil fome Share of thofe Vir-
tues into her People, which they are too degenerate
to learn only from her Example. And, be it ſpoke
with all the Veneration poffible for fo excellent a So-
vereign; her beft Endeavours in this weighty Affair,
are a moſt important Part of her Duty, as well as
of her Intereft, and her Honour.
BUT,
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
191
BUT, it muſt be confeffed, that as Things are
now, every Man thinks he hath laid in a fufficient
Stock of Merit, and may pretend to any Employ-
ment, provided he hath been loud and frequent in
declaring himſelf hearty for the Government. It is
true; he is a Man of Pleafure, and a Free-Thinker;
that is, in other Words, he is Profligate in his Mo-
rals, and a Defpifer of Religion; but in Point of
Party, he is one to be confided in; he is an Affer-
ter of Liberty and Property; he rattles it out a-
gainst Popery, and Arbitrary Power, and Prieft-
Craft, and High-Church. It is enough: He is a
Perfon fully qualified for any Employment in the
Court, or the Navy, the Law, or the Revenue;
where he will be fure to leave no Arts untried of
Bribery, Fraud, Injuſtice, Oppreffion, that he can
practiſe with any Hope of Impunity. No Won-
der fuch Men are true to a Government, where Li-
berty runs high, where Property, however attained,
is fo well fecured, and where the Adminiftration is
at leaſt fo gentle: It is impoffible they could chufe
any other Conſtitution, without changing to their
Lofs.
FIDELITY, to a prefent Eſtabliſhment, is in-
deed one principal Means to defend it from a foreign
Enemy; but without other Qualifications, will not
prevent Corruptions from within: And States are
more often ruined by theſe than the other.
To conclude: Whether the Propoſals I have of-
fered towards a Reformation, be fuch as are moſt
prudent and convenient, may probably be a Quef-
tion; but it is none at all, whether fome Reforma-
tion be abfolutely neceffary; becauſe the Nature of
Things is fuch, that if Abuſes be not remedied, they
will certainly encreaſe, nor ever ftop until they end
in the Subverfion of a Common-Wealth. As there
muft
72
A PROJECT, &n
muſt always of Neceffity be fome Corruptions; fo
in a well inſtituted State, the executive Power will
be always contending againſt them, by reducing
Things (as Machiavel fpeaks) to their firft Principles;
never letting Abuſes grow inveterate, or multiply
fo far that it will be hard to find Remedies, and,
perhaps, impoffible to apply them. As he that
would keep his Houſe in Repair, muſt attend eve-
ry little Breach or Flaw, and ſupply it immediately,
elfe Time alone will bring all to Ruin, how much
more the common Accidents of Storms and Rain ?
He muſt live in perpetual Danger of his Houfe fal-
ling about his Ears; and will find it cheaper to
throw it quite down, and build it again from the
Ground, perhaps upon a new Foundation, or at
leaft in a new Form, which may neither be ſo ſafe
nor fo convenient as the old.
A TRI
[ 173 ]
A TRITICAL
ESSAY
UPON THE
Faculties of the MIND.
To-
SIR,
B
EING fo great a Lover of Antiqui-
ties, it was reaſonable to suppose you
would be very much obliged with any
Thing that was new. I have been of
late offended with many Writers of Ef-
fays and moral Diſcourſes, for running into ſtale To-
picks and thread-bare Quotations, and not handling
their Subject fully and clofely: All which Errors 1
have carefully avoided in the following Effay, which I
have propoſed as a Pattern for young Writers to imi-
tate. The Thoughts and Obfervations being entirely
new, the Quotations untouched by others, the Subject of
mighty Importance, and treated with much Order and
Perfpicuity: It bath cost me a great deal of Time
and I defire you will accept and confider it as the ut-
moft Effort of my Genius.
A
[ 174 1
A TRITICAL
ESSAY, &c.
P
HILOSOPHERS fay, that Man is a Mi-
crocoſm, or little World, reſembling
in Miniature every Part of the Great :
And, in my Opinion, the Body Natu-
ral may be compared to the Body Poli
tick And if this be fo, how can the Epicureans O-
pinions be true, that the Univerſe was formed by a
fortuitous Concourfe of Atoms; which I will no
more believe, than that the accidental Jumbling of
the Letters in the Alphabet, could fall by Chance in-
to a moft ingenious and learned Treatife of Philofo-
phy. Rifum teneatis Amici, HoR. This falfe O-
pinion muſt needs create many more; it is like an
Error in the firft Concoction, which cannot be cor-
rected in the Second; the Foundation is weak, and
whatever Superſtructure you raiſe upon it, muft of
Neceffity fall to the Ground. Thus Men are led
from one Error to another, until with Ixion they em-
brace a Cloud inſtead of Juno; or, like the Dog in
the Fable, loſe the Subftance in gaping at the Sha-
dow. For fuch Opinions cannot cohere; but like
the Iron and Clay in the Toes of Nebuchadnezzar's
Image,
A Tritical ESSAY, &c.
175
Image, muſt ſeparate and break in Pieces. I have
read in a certain Author, that Alexander wept be-
cauſe he had no more Worlds to conquer; which
he need not have done, if the fortuitous Concourſe
of Atoms could create one: But this is an Opinion
fitter for that many-headed Beaft, the Vulgar, to
entertain, than for fo wife a Man as Epicurus; the
corrupt Part of his Sect only borrowed his Name,
as the Monkey did the Cat's Claw, to draw the
Chefnut out of the Fire.
HOWEVER, the firſt Step to the Cure is to know
the Diſeaſe; and although Truth may be difficult to
find, becauſe, as the Philoſopher obferves, fhe lives
in the Bottom of a Well; yet we need not, like
blind Men, grope in open Day-light. I hope, I
may be allowed, among fo many far more learned
Men, to offer my Mite, fince a Stander-by may
fometimes, perhaps, fee more of the Game than he
that plays it. But I do not think a Philofopher o-
bliged to account for every Phænomenon in Nature;
or drown himſelf with Aristotle, for not being able
to folve the Ebbing and Flowing of the Tide, in
that fatal Sentence he paffed upon himſelf, Quia te
non capio, tu capies me.
WHEREIN he was at once the Judge and the
Criminal, the Accufer and Executioner. Socrates,
on the other Hand, who faid he knew nothing, was
pronounced by the Oracle to be the wifeft Man in
the World.
BUT to return from this Digreffion; I think it
as clear as any Demonftration in Euclid, that Nature
doth nothing in vain; if we were able to dive into
her ſecret Receffes, we fhould find that the ſmalleſt
Blade of Grafs, or moft contemptible Weed, hath
its particular Ufe; but fhe is chiefly admirable in
her minuteſt Compofitions, the leaſt and moſt con-
temptible
176
A Tritical ESSAY, &c.
temptible Infect moſt diſcovers the Art of Nature,
if I may fo call it, although Nature, which delights
in Variety, will always triumph over Art: And as
the Poet obferves,
Naturam expellas furca licet, ufque recurret. Hor.
BUT the various Opinions of Philofophers, have
fcattered through the World as many Plagues of
the Mind, as Pandora's Box did thoſe of the Body;
only with this Difference, that they have not left
Hope at the Bottom. And if Truth be not fled
with Aftræa, fhe is certainly as hidden as the Source
of Nile, and can be found only in Utopia. Not
that I would reflect on thoſe wife Sages, which
would be a Sort of Ingratitude; and he that calls a
Man ungrateful, fums up all the Evil that a Man
can be guilty of.
Ingratum fi dixeris, omnia dicis.
BUT what I blame the Philofophers for, (although
ſome may think it a Paradox) is chiefly their Pride;
nothing less than an ipfe dixit, and you muſt pin
your Faith on their Sleeve. And, although Dioge-
nes lived in a Tub, there might be, for ought I
know, as much Pride under his Rags, as in the fine
fpun Garment of the Divine Plato. It is reported
of this Diogenes, that when Alexander came to fee
him, and promiſed to give him whatever he would
afk; the Cynick only anfwered, Take not from me,
what thou canst not give me ; but ſtand from between
me and the Light; which was almoſt as extravagant
as the Philofopher that flung his Money into the
Sea, with this remarkable Saying,
How
A Tritical ESSAY, &c.
177
How different was this Man from the Ufurer,
who being told his Son would ſpend all he had got,
replied, He cannot take more Pleaſure in ſpending,
than I did in getting it. Theſe Men could ſee the
Faults of each other, but not their own; thofe they
flung into the Bag behind; Non videmus id mantic
quod a tergo eft. I may, perhaps, be cenfured for
my free Opinions, by thofe carping Momus's, whom
Author's worſhip as the Indians do the Devil, for
Fear. They will endeavour to give my Reputati-
on as many Wounds as the Man in the Almanack;
but I value it not; and perhaps, like Flies, they
may buz ſo often about the Candle, until they burn
their Wings. They muſt pardon me, if I venture
to give them this Advice, not to rail at what they
cannot underſtand; it doth but diſcover that ſelf-
tormenting Paffion of Envy; than which, the great-
eſt Tyrant never invented a more cruel Torment.
Invidia Siculi non invenere Tyranni
Tormentum majus.
Juven.'
I MUST be fo bold, to tell my Criticks and Wit-
lings, that they are no more Judges of this, than a
Man that is born blind can have any true Idea of
Colours: I have always obferved, that your empty
Veffels found loudeft: I value their Laſhes as little
as the Sea did when Xerxes whipped it. The ut-
moſt Favour a Man can expect from them, is that
which Polyphemus promifed Ulyffes, that he would
devour him the laft: They think to fubdue a Wri-
ter, as Cæfar did his Enemy, with a Veni, vidi, vici.
I confefs, I value the Opinion of the judicious Few,
a Rimer, a Dennis, or a Warwick; but for the reſt,
to give my Judgment at once; I think the long
Difpute among the Philofophers about a Vacuum,
VOL. I.
N
may
178
A Tritical ESSAY, &c.
may be determined in the Affirmative, that it is to
be found in a Critick's Head. They are, at beſt,
but the Drones of the learned World, who devour
the Honey, and will not work themfelves; and a
Writer need no more regard them, than the Moon
does the barking of a little fenfelefs Cur. For, in
fpight of their terrible Roaring, you may with half
an Eye diſcover the Aẞs under the Lyon's Skin.
BUT to return to our Difcourfe: Demofthenes be-
ing aſked, what was the firſt Part of an Orator, re-
plied, Action: What was the Second, Action?
What was the Third, Action: And ſo on ad infini-
tum. This may be true in Oratory; but Contem-
plation, in other Things, exceeds Action. And,
therefore, a wife Man is never lefs alone, than when
he is alone:
Nunquam minus folus, quàm cum folus.
AND Archimides, the famous Mathematician,
was fo intent upon his Problems, that he never
minded the Soldier who came to kill him. There-
fore, not to detract from the juft Praiſe which be-
longs to Orators; they ought to confider that Na-
ture, which gave us two Eyes to fee, and two Ears
to hear, hath given us but one Tongue to ſpeak ;
wherein, however, fome do fo abound; that the
Virtuofi, who have been fo long in Search for the
perpetual Motion, may infallibly find it there.
SOME Men admire Republicks; becauſe, Ora-
tors flourish there moft, and are the great Enemies
of Tyranny: But my Opinion is, that one Tyrant
is better than an Hundred. Beſides, theſe Orators
inflame the People, whofe Anger is really but a
fhort Fit of Madnefs.
Ira
A Tritical ESSAY, &c.
179
Ita furor brevis eft.
Horat.
AFTER which, Laws are like Cobwebs, which
may catch fmall Flies, but let Wafps and Hornets
break through. But, in Oratory, the greateſt Art
is to hide Art.
Artis eft celare Artem.
BUT this muſt be the Work of Time; we muft
lay hold on all Opportunities, and let flip no Occa-
fion, elſe we ſhall be forced to weave Penelope's
Web; unravel in the Night what we ſpun in the
Day. And, therefore, I have obferved that Time
is painted with a Lock before, and bald behind;
fignifying thereby, that we muſt take Time (as we
fay) by the Forelock; for when it is once paſt,
there is no recalling it.
THE Mind of Man is, at firft, (if you will par-
don the Expreffion) like a Tabula rafa; or like
Wax, which while it is foft, is capable of any Im-
preffion, until Time hath hardened it. And at
length Death, that grim Tyrant, ftops us in the
Midft of our Career. The greateſt Conquerors
have at laſt been conquered by Death, which fpares
none from the Scepter to the Spade.
Mors omnibus communis.
ALL Rivers go to the Sea, but none return from
it. Xerxes wept when he beheld his Army; to
confider that in lefs than an hundred Years, they
would be all dead. Anacreon was choked with a
Grape-ftone; and violent Joy kills as well as vio-
lent Grief. There is nothing in this World con-
ſtant, but Inconſtancy; yet Plato thought, that if
Virtue
N 2
180
A Tritical ESSAY, &c.
Virtue would appear to the World in her own na
tive Dreſs, all Men would be enamoured with her.
But now, fince Intereft governs the World, and
Men neglect the Golden Mean, Jupiter himſelf, if
he came on the Earth, would be deſpiſed, unleſs it
were as he did to Danae, in a golden Shower. For
Men, now-a-Days, worship the rifing Sun, and not
the Setting.
Donec eris fælix, multos numerabis amicos.
THUS have I, in Obedience to your Commands,
ventured to expofe my felf to Cenſure in this criti-
cal Age. Whether I have done Right to my Sub-
ject, muſt be left to the Judgment of the learned
Reader: However, I cannot but hope, that my at-
tempting of it may be an Encouragement for fome
able Pen to perform it with more Succefs.
BAY
A PRO
[181]
A
PROPOSAL
FOR
Correcting, Improving, and Afcertain-
ing the English Tongue:
IN A
Letter to the Moſt Honourable ROBERT
Earl of OXFORD and MORTIMER, Lord
High-Treaſurer of Great-Britain,
It is well known, that if the Queen had lived a Year or
two longer, the following Propofal would in all Pro-
bability have taken Effect. For the Lord Treafurer
bad already nominated feveral Perfons, without
Distinction of Quality or Party, who were to com-
pofe a Society for the Purpoſes mentioned by the Au-
thor; and refolved to ufe his Credit with her Maje-
fty, that a Fund fhould be applyed to fupport the
Expence of a large Room, where the Society fhould
meet, and for other Incidents. But this Scheme fell
to the Ground, partly by the Diffentions among the
great Men at Court; but chiefly by the lamented
Death of that glorious Princefs.
To the Most Honourable ROBERT Earl of
OXFORD, &c.
My LORD,
HAT I had the Honour of mention-
ing to your Lordship fome Time a-
go in Converfation, was not a new
Thought, just then ſtarted by Acci-
dent or Occafion, but the Refult of
long Reflection; and I have been confirmed in my
Sentiments
182
A LETTER to the
Sentiments by the Opinion of fome very judicious
Perfons, with whom I confulted. They all agreed,
that nothing would be of greater Ufe towards the
Improvement of Knowledge and Politenefs, than
fome effectual Method for Correcting, Enlarging,
and Afcertaining our Language; and they think it
a Work very poffible to be compaffed, under the
Protection of a Prince, the Countenance and En-
couragement of a Miniſtry, and the Care of proper
Perfons, chofen for fuch an Undertaking. I was
glad to find your Lordship's Anfwer in fo different
a Style, from what hath been commonly made Ufe
of on fuch like Occaſions, for fome Years paft; That
all fuch Thoughts must be deferred to a Time of Peace:
A Topick which fome have carried ſo far, that they
would not have us by any Means think of preferv-
ing our Civil or Religious Conftitution, becauſe we
are engaged in a War abroad. It will be among
the diftinguiſhing Marks of your Miniſtry, My
Lord, that you had a Genius above all fuch Re-
gards; and that no reaſonable Propofal for the Ho-
nour, the Advantage, or the Ornament of your
Country, however foreign to your more immediate
Office, was ever neglected by you. I confefs, the
Merit of this Candour and Condefcention is very
much leffened ; becauſe your Lordſhip hardly
leaves us room to offer our good Wishes; remov-
ing all our Difficulties, and ſupplying our Wants,
fafter than the moſt vifionary Projector can adjuſt
his Schemes. And therefore, my Lord, the Defign
of this Paper is not fo much to offer you Ways and
Means, as to complain of a Grievance, the redref-
fing of which is to be your own Work, as much as
that of paying the Nation's Debts, or opening a
Trade into the South Sea; and although not of fuch
immediate Benefit as either of thefe, or any other
of
Lord HIGH-TREASURER,
183
:
of your glorious Actions, yet perhaps in future
Ages not lefs to your Honour.
My Lord, I do here, in the Name of all the
learned and polite Perſons of the Nation, complain
to your Lordship as First Minifter, that our Lan-
guage is extremely imperfect; that its daily Im-
provements are by no Means in Proportion to its
daily Corruptions; that the Pretenders to polish
and refine it, have chiefly multiplied Abufes and
Abfurdities; and, that in many Inftances, it offends
againſt every Part of Grammar.
But left your
Lordship fhould think my Cenfure too fevere, I
fhall take Leave to be more particular.
Mean
I BELIEVE your Lordfhip will agree with me in
the Reaſon, why our Language is lefs refined than
thofe of Italy, Spain, or France. It is plain, that
the Latin Tongue in its Purity was never in this
Inland; towards the Conqueft of which, few or no
Attempts were made until the Time of Claudius:
Neither was that Language ever fo vulgar in Bri-
tain, as it is known to have been in Gaul and Spain.
Further, we find that the Roman Legions here, were
at length all recalled to help their Country againſt
the Goths, and other barbarous Invaders.
Time, the Britons left to fhift for themſelves, and
daily harraffed by cruel Inroads from the Pitts, were
forced to call in the Saxons for their Defence; who
confequently reduced the greateſt Part of the Ifland
to their own Power, drove the Britons into the moſt
remote and mountainous Parts; and the reft of the
Country, in Cuſtoms, Religion, and Language, be-
came wholly Saxon. This I take to be the Reafon
why there are more Latin Words remaining in the
British Tongue than in the old Saxon; which, ex-
cepting fome few Variations in the Orthography,
is the fame in moft original Words with our pre-
fent
184
A LETTER to the
fent English, as well as with the German and other
Northern Dialects.
EDWARD the Confeffor having lived long in
France, appears to be the firft who introduced any
Mixture of the French Tongue with the Saxon; the
Court affecting what the Prince was fond of, and
others taking it up for a Fafhion, as it is now with
us. William the Conqueror proceeded much further;
bringing over with him vaft Numbers of that Na-
tion, ſcattering them in every Monaftery, giving
them great Quantities of Land, directing all Plead-
ings to be in that Language, and endeavouring to
make it univerſal in the Kingdom. This, at leaſt,
is the Opinion generally received: But your Lord-
ſhip hath fully convinced me, that the French
Tongue made yet a greater Progrefs here under
Harry the Second, who had large Territories on that
Continent, both from his Father and his Wife;
made frequent Journeys and Expeditions thither,
and was always attended with a Number of his
Countrymen, Retainers at his Court. For fome
Centuries after, there was a conftant Intercourſe be-
tween France and England, by the Dominions we
poffeffed there, and the Conquefts we made: So
that our Language, between two and three hundred
Years ago, ſeems to have had a greater Mixture
with the French than at prefent; many Words ha-
ving been afterwards rejected, and fome fince the
Time of Spencer; although we have ſtill retained
not a few, which have been long antiquated in
France. I could produce feveral Inftances of both
Kinds, if it were of any Ufe or Entertainment.
To examine into the feveral Circumftances, by
which the Language of a Country may be altered,
would force me to enter into a wide Field. I fhall
only obferve, that the Latin, the French, and the
English,
Lord HIGH-TREASURER.
185
:
There
English, feem to have undergone the fame Fortune;
The firft, from the Days of Romulus to thofe of
Julius Cæfar, fuffered perpetual Changes; and by
what we meet in thofe Authors who occafionally
ſpeak on that Subject, as well as from certain Frag-
ments of old Laws; it is manifeft that the Latin,
three hundred Years before Tully, was as unintelli-
gible in his Time, as the English and French of the
fame Period are now: And theſe two have chang-
ed as much fince William the Conqueror, (which is
but little leſs than ſeven hundred Years) as the La-
țin appears to have done in the like Term. Whe-
ther our Language, or the French, will decline as
faft as the Roman did, is a Queftion that would per-
haps admit more Debate than it is worth.
were many Reaſons for the Corruptions of the laft:
As the Change of their Government to a Tyranny,
which ruined the Study of Eloquence; there being
no further Ufe or Encouragement for popular Ora-
tors: Their giving not only the Freedom of the
City, but Capacity for Employments, to feveral
Towns in Gaul, Spain, and Germany, and other di-
ſtant Parts as far as Afia; which brought a great
Number of foreign Pretenders into Rome: The fla-
vifh Difpofition of the Senate and People; by
which the Wit and Eloquence of the Age were
wholly turned into Panegyrick, the moſt barren of
all Subjects: The great Corruption of Manners,
and Introduction of foreign Luxury, with foreign
Terms to exprefs it: With feveral others that might
be affigned: Not to mention thoſe Invafions from
the Goths and Vandals, which are too obvious to in-
fift on.
THE Roman Language arrived at great Perfec-
tion before it began to decay: The French, for theſe
laft fifty Years, hath been polifhing as much as it
will
#86
A LETTER to the
will bear; and appears to be declining by the na
tural Inconftancy of that People, as well as the Af-
fectation of fome late Authors, to introduce and
multiply Cant Words, which is the moſt ruinous
Corruption in any Language. La Bruyere, a late
celebrated Writer among them, makes Ufe of ma-
ny new Terms which are not to be found in any of
the common Dictionaries before his Time. But the
English Tongue is not arrived to fuch a Degree of
Perfection, as, upon that Account, to make us ap-
prehend any Thoughts of its Decay: And if it
were once refined to a certain Standard, perhaps
there might be Ways to fix it for ever, or at leaſt
until we are invaded, and made a Conqueft by fome
other State: And even then, our beft Writings
might probably be preferved with Care, and grow
into Eſteem, and the Authors have a Chance for
Immortality.
BUT without fuch great Revolutions as theſe, (to
which we are, I think, lefs fubject than Kingdoms
upon the Continent,) I fee no abfolute Neceffity
why any Language fhould be perpetually chang-
ing; for we find many Examples to the contrary.
From Homer to Plutarch, are above a thoufand
Years; fo long, at leaſt, the Purity of the Greek
Tongue may be allowed to laft; and we know not
how far before. The Gracians ſpread their Colo-
nies round all the Coafts of Afia Minor, even to the
Northern Parts, lying towards the Euxine; in eve-
ry Iſland of the Egean Sea, and feveral others in
the Mediterranean; where the Language was pre-
ſerved entire for many Ages, after they themfelves
became Colonies to Rome, and until they were o-
ver-run by the barbarous Nations, upon the Fall of
that Empire. The Chineſe have Books in their
Language above two thoufand Years old; neither
have
Lord HIGH-TREASURER.
187
have the frequent Conquefts of the Tartars been a-
ble to alter it. The German, Spanish, and Italian,
have admitted few or no Changes for fome Ages
paſt. The other Languages of Europe I know no-
thing of; neither is there any Occaſion to confider
them.
HAVING taken this Compafs, I return to thofe
Confiderations upon our own Language, which I
would humbly offer your Lordship. The Period
wherein the English Tongue received moft Improve-
ment, I take to commence with the Beginning of
Queen Elizabeth's Reign, and to conclude with the
great Rebellion in Forty-two. It is true, there was
a very ill Taſte both of Style and Wit, which pre-
vailed under King James the Firſt; but that ſeems
to have been corrected in the first Years of his Suc-
ceffor; who, among many other Qualifications of
an excellent Prince, was a great Patron of Learning.
From that great Rebellion to this prefent Time, I
am apt to doubt whether the Corruptions in our
Language have not, at leaft, equalled the Refine-
ments of it, and thefe Corruptions very few of the
beſt Authors in our Age have wholly efcaped. Du-
ring the Ufurpation, fuch an Infuſion of Enthuſia-
ftick Jargon, prevailed in every Writing, as was
not fhaken off in many Years after. To this fuc-
ceeded that Licentioufnefs which entered with the
Reſtoration; and from infecting our Religion and
Morals, fell to corrupt our Language: Which laft,
was not like to be much improved by thofe, who,
at that Time, made up the Court of King Charles
the Second; either fuch who had followed him in
his Banishment, or who had been altogether conver-
fant in the Dialect of thofe Fanatick Times; or young
Men, who had been educated in the fame Compa-
ny; fo that the Court, which uſed to be the Stan-
dard
788
A LETTER to the
dard of Propriety, and Correctnefs of Speech, was
then, and I think hath ever fince continued the worſt
School in England, for that Accompliſhment; and
fo will remain, until better Care be taken in the E-
ducation of our young Nobility; that they may fet
out into the World with fome Foundation of Lite-
rature, in order to qualify them for Patterns of Po-
litenefs. The Confequence of this Defect upon our
Language, may appear from the Plays, and other
Compofitions, written for Entertainment, within
fifty Years paft; filled with a Succeffion of affected
Phrafes, and new conceited Words, either borrowed
from the current Style of the Court, or from thofe,
who, under the Character of Men of Wit and Plea-
fure, pretended to give the Law. Many of thefe
Refinements have already been long antiquated, and
are now hardly intelligible; which is no Wonder,
when they were the Product only of Ignorance and
Caprice.
I HAVE never known this great Town without
one or more Dunces of Figure, who had Credit e-
nough to give Rife to fome new Word, and propa-
gate it in moſt Converfations; although it had nei-
ther Humour nor Significancy. If it ftruck the
preſent Tafte, it was foon transferred into the Plays,
and current Scribbles of the Week, and became an
Addition to our Language; while the Men of Wit
and Learning, inſtead of early obviating fuch Cor-
ruptions, were too often feduced to imitate and com-
ply with them.
THERE is another Set of Men, who have contri-
buted very much to the fpoiling of the English
Tongue; I mean the Poets, from the Time of the
Reſtoration. Theſe Gentlemen, although they
could not be infenfible how much our Language was
already overſtocked with Monofyllables, yet to fave
Time
Lord HIGH-TREASURER,
18ģ
Time and Pains, introduced that barbarous Cuſtom
of abbreviating Words, to fit them to the Meaſure
of their Verſes; and this they have frequently done,
fo very injudiciouſly, as to form fuch harfh unhar-
monious Sounds, that none but a Northern Ear
could endure. They have joined the moſt obdurate
Confonants, without one intervening Vowel, only
to ſhorten a Syllable: And their Tafte became in
Time fo depraved, that what was at firft a poetical
Licence, not to be juftified, they made their Choice;
alledging, that the Words pronounced at length,
founded faint and languid. This was a Pretence to
take up the fame Cuſtom in Profe; fo that moſt of
the Books we fee now-a-days, are full of thoſe
Manglings and Abbreviations. Inſtances of this
Abufe are innumerable: What doth your Lordship
think of the Words, Drudg'd, Diſturb'd, Rebuk'd,
Fledg'd, and a thouſand others, every where to be
met in Profe, as well as Verfe? Where, by leaving
out a Vowel to fave a Syllable, we form fo jarring
a Sound, and fo difficult to utter, that I have often
wondered how it could ever obtain.
ANOTHER Caufe (and perhaps borrowed from
the former) which hath contributed not a little to
the maiming of our Language, is a fooliſh Opinion,
advanced of late Years, that we ought to ſpell ex-
actly as we ſpeak; which befides the obvious In-
convenience of utterly deftroying our Etymology,
would be a Thing we fhould never fee an End of.
Not only the feveral Towns and Counties of Eng-
land, have a different Way of pronouncing; but e-
ven here in London, they clip their Words after one
Manner about the Court, another in the City, and a
third in the Suburbs; and in a few Years, it is pro-
bable, will all differ from themſelves, as Fancy or
Fashion fhall direct: All which reduced to Wri-
ting,
190
A LETTER to the
ting, would entirely confound Orthography. Yet
many People are fo fond of this Conceit, that it is
fometimes a difficult Matter to read modern Books
and Pamphlets; where the Words are fo curtailed,
and varied from their original Spelling, that who-
ever hath been uſed to plain English, will hardly
know them by Sight.
SEVERAL young Men at the Univerfities, terri-
bly poffeffed with the Fear of Pedantry, run into a
worfe Extream; and think all Politenefs to conſiſt
in reading the daily Traſh fent down to them from
hence: This they call knowing the World, and reading
Men and Manners. Thus furniſhed, they come up
to Town; reckon all their Errors for Accompliſh-
ments, borrow the neweft Set of Phrafes; and if
they take a Pen into their Hands, all the odd Words
they have picked up in a Coffee-Houfe, or a Gam-
ing Ordinary, are produced as Flowers of Style;
and the Orthography refined to the utmoſt. To
this we owe thoſe monftrous Productions, which un-
der the Names of Trips, Spies, Amuſements, and
other conceited Appellations, have over-run us for
fome Years paft. To this we owe that ftrange
Race of Wits, who tell us they write to the Humour
of the Age. And I wish I could fay, theſe quaint
Fopperies were wholly abfent from graver Subjects:
In short, I would undertake to fhew your Lordſhip
feveral Pieces, where the Beauties of this Kind are
fo predominant, that with all your Skill in Lan-
guages, you could never be able either to read or
underſtand them.
BUT I am very much mistaken, if many of theſe
falfe Refinements among us, do not arife from a
Principle which would quite deſtroy their Credit,
if it were well underſtood and confidered. For I
am afraid, my Lord, that with all the real good
Qualities
Lord HIGH-TREASURER.
197
Qualities of our Country we are naturally not very
polite. This perpetual Difpofition to ſhorten our
Words, by retrenching the Vowels, is nothing elſe
but a Tendency to lapfe into the Barbarity of thoſe
Northern Nations from whom we are defcended,
and whofe Languages labour all under the fame De-
fect. For it is worthy our Obfervation, that the
Spaniards, the French, and the Italians, although
derived from the fame Northern Anceſtors with our
felves, are, with the utmoſt Difficulty taught to
pronounce our Words; which the Swedes and
Danes, as well as the Germans and the Dutch, at-
tain to with Eafe, becauſe our Syllables reſemble
theirs, in the Roughnefs and Frequency of Confo-
nants. Now, as we ſtruggle with an ill Climate to
improve the nobler Kinds of Fruits; are at the Ex-
pence of Walls to receive and reverberate the faint
Rays of the Sun, and fence againſt the Northern
Blafts; we fometimes by the Help of a good Soil
equal the Productions of warmer Countries, who
have no need to be at fo much Coft or Care: It is
the fame Thing with refpect to the politer Arts a-
mong us; and the fame Defect of Heat which
gives a Fiercenefs to our Natures, may contribute
to that Roughnefs of our Language, which bears
fome Analogy to the harsh Fruit of colder Coun-
tries. For I do not reckon, that we want a Genius
more than the reft of our Neighbours: But your
Lordſhip will be of my Opinion, that we ought to
ftruggle with thefe natural Diſadvantages as much
as we can; and be careful whom we employ, when-
ever we deſign to correct them; which is a Work
that hath hitherto been affumed by the leaft quali-
fied Hands: So, that if the Choice had been left to
me, I would rather have trufted the Refinement of
our Language, as far as it relates to Sound, to the
Judgment
192
A LETTER to the
Judgment of the Women, than of illiterate Court
Fops, half-witted Poets, and Univerſity-Boys. For,
it is plain, that Women in their Manner of corrupt-
ing Words, do naturally diſcard the Confonants, as
we do the Vowels. What I am going to tell your
Lordship, appears very trifling; that more than
once, where fome of both Sexes were in Company,
I have perfuaded two or three of each to take a
Pen and write down a Number of Letters joined
together, juſt as it came into their Heads; and up-
on reading this Gibberiſh we have found that which
the Men had writ, by the frequent encountering of
rough Confonants, to found like High-Dutch; and
the other by the Women, like Italian, abounding in
Vowels and Liquids. Now, although I would by
no Means give Ladies the Trouble of advifing us
in the Reformation of our Language; yet I cannot
help thinking, that fince they have been left out of
all Meetings, except Parties at Play, or where worfe
Deſigns are carried on, our Converfation hath very
much degenerated.
In order to reform our Language: I conceive
my Lord, that a free judicious Choice fhould be
made of ſuch Perfons, as are generally allowed to
be beft qualified for fuch a Work, without any re-
gard to Quality, Party, or Profeffion. Thefe to a
certain Number, at leaft, fhould affemble at fome
appointed Time and Place, and fix on Rules by
which they defign to proceed. What Methods they
will take, is not for me to prefcribe. Your Lord-
ſhip, and other Perfons in great Employment,
might pleaſe to be of the Number: And I am a-
fraid, fuch a Society would want your Inftruction
and Example, as much as your Protection: For I
have not without a little Envy, obferved of late the
Style
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
193
Style of fome great Minifters very much to exceed
that of any other Productions.
THE Perſons who are to undertake this Work,
will have the Example of the French before them,
to imitate where theſe have proceeded right, and
to avoid their Miſtakes. Befides the Grammar-
part, wherein we are allowed to be very defective,
they will obferve many grofs Improprieties, which
however authorized by Practice, and grown fami-
liar, ought to be difcarded. They will find many
Words that deſerve to be utterly thrown out of our
Language; many more to be corrected, and per-
haps not a few, long fince antiquated, which ought
to be restored, on Account of their Energy and
Sound.
BUT what I have moft at Heart, is, that fome
Method ſhould be thought on for Aſcertaining and
Fixing our Language for ever, after fuch Altera-
tions are made in it as fhall be thought requifite.
For I am of Opinion, that it is better a Language
ſhould not be wholly perfect, than that it ſhould
be perpetually changing; and we muſt give over
at one Time or other, or at length infallibly change
for the worſe: As the Romans did, when they be-
gan to quit their Simplicity of Style for affected Re-
finements; fuch as we meet in Tacitus and other
Authors, which ended by Degrees in many Barba-
rities, even before the Goths had invaded Italy.
THE Fame of our Writers is uſually confined to
theſe two Iſlands; and it is hard it fhould be limit-
ed in Time as much as Place, by the perpetual Va-
riations of our Speech. It is your Lordship's Ob-
fervation, that if it were not for the Bible and Com-
mon-Prayer-Book in the vulgar Tongue, we fhould
hardly be able to underſtand any Thing that was
written among us an hundred Years ago; which is
VOL. I
certainly
194
A LETTER to the
certainly true: For thofe Books being perpetually
read in Churches, have proved a Kind of Standard
for Language, eſpecially to the common People.
And I doubt whether the Alterations fince intro-
duced, have added much to the Beauty or Strength
of the English Tongue, although they have taken
off a great deal from that Simplicity, which is one
of the greateſt Perfections in any Language. You,
my Lord, who are fo converfant in the facred Wri-
tings, and fo great a Judge of them in their Origi-
nals; will agree, that no Tranflation our Country
ever yet produced, hath come up to that of the
Old and New Testament: And by the many beau-
tiful Paffages which I have often had the Honour to
hear your Lordship cite from thence, I am per-
fuaded that the Tranflators of the Bible were Maf
ters of an English Stile much fitter for that Work,
than any we fee in our prefent Writings; which I
take to be owing to the Simplicity that runs through
the Whole. Then, as to the greateſt Part of our
Liturgy, compiled long before the Tranflation of
the Bible now in Ufe, and little altered fince;
there ſeem to be in it as great Strains of true ſub-
lime Eloquence, as are any where to be found in
our Language; which every Man of good Taſte
will obferve in the Communion-Service, that of Bu-
rial, and other Parts.
BUT, where I fay that I would have our Lan-
guage, after it is duly correct, always to laft; I do
not mean that it fhould never be enlarged Pro-
vided, that no Word, which a Society fhall give a
Sanction to, be afterwards antiquated and explod-
ed, they may have Liberty to receive whatever
new ones they fhall find Occafion for: Becauſe
then the old Books will yet be always valuable ac-
cording to their intrinfick Worth, and not thrown
afide
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
195
afide on Account of unintelligible Words and Phra-
fes, which appear harfh and uncouth, only becauſe
they are out of Faſhion. Had the Roman Tongue
continued vulgar in that City until this Time; it
would have been abfolutely neceffary, from the
mighty Changes that have been made in Law and
Religion; from the many Terms of Art required
in Trade and in War; from the new Inventions that
have happened in the World; from the vaft fpread-
ing of Navigation and Commerce; with many o-
ther obvious Circumftances, to have made great
Additions to that Language; yet the Antients
would ftill have been read, and underſtood with
Pleaſure and Eafe. The Greek Tongue received
many Inlargements between the Time of Homer,
and that of Plutarch; yet the former Author was
probably as well underſtood in Trajan's Time, as
the latter. What Horace fays of Words going off,
and perifhing like Leaves, and new Ones coming in
their Place, is a Misfortune he laments, rather than
a Thing he approves : But I cannot ſee why this ſhould
be abfolutely neceffary, or if it were, what would
have become of his Monumentum ære perennius.
WRITING by Memory only, as I do at prefent,
I would gladly keep within my Depth; and there-
fore fhall not enter into further Particulars. Nei-
ther do I pretend more than to fhew the Uſefulneſs
of this Deſign, and to make fome general Obfer-
vations; leaving the reft to that Society, which I
hope will owe its Inftitution and Patronage to your
Lordship. Befides, I would willingly avoid Re-
petition; having about a Year ago, communicat-
ed to the Publick, much of what I had to offer up-
on this Subject, by the Hands of an ingenious
* Mr. Addifon.
Q 2
Gentleman,
196
A LETTER to the
Gentleman, who for a long Time did thrice a
Week divert or inftruct the Kingdom by his Pa-
pers; and is ſuppoſed to purſue the fame Defign at
prefent, under the Title of Spectator. This Author,
who hath tried the Force and Compafs of our Lan-
guage with fo much Succefs, agrees intirely with
me in moſt of my Sentiments relating to it: So do
the greateſt Part of the Men of Wit and Learning,
whom I have had the Happineſs to converfe with:
And therefore I imagine that fuch a Society would
be pretty unanimous in the main Points.
YOUR Lordſhip muſt allow, that fuch a Work as
this, brought to Perfection, would very much con-
tribute to the Glory of her Majefty's Reign; which
ought to be recorded in Words more durable than
Brafs, and fuch as our Pofterity may read a Thou-
fand Years hence, with Pleafure as well as Admi-
ration. I have always difapproved that falfe Com-
pliment to Princes; That the moſt lafting Monu-
ment they can have, is the Hearts of their Subjects.
It is indeed their greateſt prefent Felicity to reign
in their Subjects Hearts; but theſe are too perifha-
ble to preſerve their Memories, which can only be
done by the Pens of able and faithful Hiftorians.
And I take it to be your Lordship's Duty, as prime
Minister, to give Order for infpecting our Lan-
guage, and rendering it fit to record the Hiſtory
of fo great and good a Princeſs. Befides, my Lord,
as difintereſted as you appear to the World, I am
convinced, that no Man is more in the Power of a
prevailing favourite Paffion than yourſelf; I mean,
that Defire of true and lafting Honour, which you
have born along with you through every Stage of
your Life. To this you have often facrificed your
Intereſt, your Eafe, and your Health: For preferv-
ing and increafing this, you have expofed your
Perſon
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
197
Perfon to fecret Treachery, and open Violence.
There is not perhaps an Example in Hiftory of any
Miniſter, who in fo fhort a Time hath performed
fo many great Things, and overcome fo many great
Difficulties. Now, although I am fully convinc-
ed, that you fear God, honour your Queen, and
love your Country, as much as any of your Fellow
Subjects; yet I muft believe, that the Defire of
Fame hath been no inconſiderable Motive to quick-
en you in the Purſuit of thoſe Actions which will
beſt deſerve it. But, at the fame Time, I muſt be
fo plain as to tell your Lordship, that if you will
not take fome Care to fettle our Language, and
put it into a State of Continuance; I cannot pro-
mife that your Memory fhall be preſerved above
an hundred Years, further than by imperfect Tra-
dition,
As barbarous and ignorant as we were in former
Centuries; there was more effectual Care taken by
our Anceſtors, to preferve the Memory of Times
and Perfons, than we find in this Age of Learning
and Politeness, as we are pleaſed to call it. The
rude Latin of the Monks is ftill very intelligible;
whereas, had their Records been delivered down
only in the vulgar Tongue, fo barren and fo bar-
barous, fo fubject to continual fucceeding Changes;
they could not now be underſtood, unlefs by Anti-
quaries, who made it their Study to expound them.
And we muſt, at this Day, have been content with
fuch poor Abſtracts of our English Story, as labori-
ous Men of low Genius would think fit to give us :
And even thefe, in the next Age, would be like-
wife ſwallowed up in fucceeding Collections. If
Things go on at this Rate; all I can promiſe your
Lordſhip, is, that about two hundred Years hence,
fome painful Compiler, who will be at the Trou-
ble
198
A LETTER to the
ble of ſtudying old Language, may inform the
World, that in the Reign of Queen Anne, Robert
Earl of Oxford, a very wife and excellent Man,
was made High Treaſurer, and ſaved his Country,
which in thoſe Days was almoft ruined by a foreign
War, and a domeftick Faction. Thus much he may
be able to pick out, and willing to transfer into his
new Hiſtory; but the reft of your Character, which
I, or any other Writer, may now value ourſelves
by drawing; and the particular Account of the
great Things done under your Miniſtry, for which
you are already fo celebrated in moft Parts of Eu-
rope, will probably be dropt, on Account of the an-
tiquated Style, and Manner they are delivered in
How then fhall any Man, who hath a Genius for
Hiſtory, equal to the beſt of the Antients, be able
to undertake fuch a Work with Spirit and Chear-
fulneſs, when he confiders, that he will be read with
Pleaſure but a very few Years, and in an Age or
two fhall hardly be underſtood without an Interpre-
ter? This is like imploying an excellent Statuary,
to work upon mouldring Stone. Thofe who apply
their Studies to preferve the Memory of others,
will always have fome Concern for their own. And
I believe it is for this Reafon, that fo few Writers
among us, of any Diftinction, have turned their
Thoughts to fuch a difcouraging Imployment:
For the best English Hiftorian muft lie under this
Mortification, that when his Style grows antiquat-
ed, he will be only confidered as a tedious Relater
of Facts; and perhaps confulted in his Turn, a
mong other neglected Authors, to furnish Materi-
als for fome future Collector.
I DOUBT Your Lordship is but ill entertained with
a few ſcattered Thoughts, upon a Subject that de-
ferves to be treated with Ability and Care: How-
ever,
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
199
ever, I muſt beg Leave to add a few Words more,
perhaps not altogether foreign to the fame Matter.
I know not whether that which I am going to fay,
may paſs for Caution, Advice, or Reproach; any of
which will be juftly thought very improper from
one in my Station, to one in yours. However, I
muft venture to affirm, that if Genius and Learning
be not encouraged under your Lordſhip's Admini-
ſtration, you are the moft inexcufable Perfon alive.
All your other Virtues, my Lord, will be defective
without this: Your Affability, Candour, and good
Nature; that perpetual Agreeablenefs of Converfa-
tion, ſo difingaged in the Midft of ſuch a Weight
of Buſineſs and Oppofition; even your Juftice, Pru-
dence, and Magnanimity, will fhine lefs bright
without it. Your Lordſhip is univerfally allowed
to poſſeſs a very large Portion in moſt Parts of Li-
terature; and to this you owe the cultivating thoſe
many Virtues, which otherwife would have been
lefs adorned, or in lower Perfection. Neither can
you acquit yourſelf of thefe Obligations, without
letting the Arts, in their Turn, fhare your Influence
and Protection. Befides, who knows but fome true
Genius may happen to arife under your Miniftry,
exortus ut ætherius Sol. Every Age might per-
haps, produce one or two of thefe to adorn it, if
they were not funk under the Cenfure and Obloquy
of plodding, fervile, imitating Pedants: I do not
mean by a true Genius, any bold Writer, who
breaks through the Rules of Decency to diftinguith
himſelf by the Singularity of Opinions; but one,
who upon a deferving Subject, is able to open new
Scenes, and difcover a Vein of true and noble
Thinking, which never entered into any Imagina-
tion before: Every Stroke of whofe Pen is worth
all the Paper blotted by Hundreds of others in the
Compafs
200
A LETTER to the
Compaſs of their Lives. I know, my Lord, your
Friends will offer in your Defence, that in your pri-
vate Capacity, you never refufed your Purfe and
Credit, to the Service and Support of learned or in-
genious Men: And that ever fince you have been in
publick Imployment, you have conftantly beftowed
your Favours to the moſt deferving Perfons. But I
defire your Lordſhip not to be deceived: We never
will admit of theſe Excufes; nor will allow your
private Liberality, as great as it is, to attone for
your exceffive publick Thrift. But here again, I
am afraid moft good Subjects will interpofe in your
Defence, by alledging the defperate Condition you
found the Nation in, and the Neceffity there was
for fo able and faithful a Steward to retrieve it, if
poffible, by the utmoſt Frugality. We grant all
this, my Lord; but then, it ought likewife to be
confidered, that you have already faved feveral Mil-
lions to the Publick; and that what we ask is too
inconfiderable to break into any Rules of the ſtrict-
eft good Husbandry. The French King beſtows
about half a Dozen Penfions to learned Men in fe-
veral Parts of Europe; and perhaps a Dozen in his
own Kingdom; which, in the Whole, do probably
not amount to half the Income of many a private
Commoner in England; yet have more contributed
to the Glory of that Prince, than any Million he
hath otherwiſe imployed. For Learning, like all
true Merit, is eafily fatisfied; whilft the Falfe and
Counterfeit is perpetually craving, and never thinks
it hath enough. The fmalleft Favour given by a
great Prince as a Mark of Esteem, to reward the
Endowments of the Mind, never fails to be return-
ed with Praiſe and Gratitude, and loudly celebrated
to the World. I have known, fome Years ago, ſe-
veral Penfions, given to particular Perfons, (how de-
fervedly
Lord HIGH-TREASURER.
201
fervedly I ſhall not enquire) any one of which, if
divided into ſmaller Parcels, and diſtributed by the
Crown to thoſe who might, upon Occafion, diftin-
guiſh themſelves by fome extraordinary Production
of Wit or Learning; would be amply fufficient to
anfwer the End. Or, if any fuch Perfons were a-
bove Money, (as every great Genius certainly is,
with very moderate Conveniencies of Life) a Me-
dal, or fome Mark of Diftinction, would do full as
well.
BUT I forget my Province; and find my felf
turning Projector before I am aware; although it
be one of the laft Characters under which I fhould
defire to appear before your Lordship; efpecially
when I have the Ambition of afpiring to that of
being with the greateſt Reſpect and Truth,
My LORD,
Your LORDSHIP'S
Moft Obedient, moft Obliged,
i
And most Humble Servant,
LONDON, Feb.
22, 1711-12.
J. SWIFT!
ALET
Page Missing
in Original
Volume
Page Missing
in Original
Volume
204 I
A FAMOUS
PREDICTION
OF
MER
ERLIN
THE
British WIZARD,
Written above a thouſand Years ago, and relating
to the Year 1709.
With Explanatory Notes. By T. N. Philomath,
Written in the Year 1709.
AST Year was publiſhed a Paper of
Predictions, pretended to be written
by one Ifaac Bickerstaff, Efq; but the
true Deſign of it was to ridicule the
Art of Aftrology, and expoſe its Pro-
feffors as ignorant, or Impoftors. Againſt this Im-
putation,
MERLIN'S Prophecy.
105
putation, Dr. Partrige hath learnedly vindicated
himſelf in his Almanack for that Year.
FOR a farther Defence of this famous Art, I
have thought fit to prefent the World with the fol-
lowing Prophecy. The Original is faid to be of
the famous Merlin, who lived about a thouſand
Years ago: And the following Tranflation is two
hundred Years old; for it feems to be written near
the End of Henry the Seventh's Reign. I found it
in an old Edition of Merlin's Prophecies; imprint-
ed at London by Foban Haukyns, in the Year 1530,
Page 39. I fet it down Word for Word in the old
Orthography, and ſhall take Leave to fubjoin a few
explanatory Notes.
EUEN and TEN addyd to PIPE,
Df Fraunce hir woe this is the Sygne,
Tamys Rybere twys y-frozen,
Walke fans wetyng Shoes ne Holen,
Then cometh foorthe, Ich underſtonde,
From Toune of Stoffe to fattyn Londe,
An herdie Chiftan, woe rhe Morne,
To Fraunce, that evere he was borne.
Then thall the Fythe beweyle h's Bolle;
Por hall gri. Berrys make up the Lolle.
Ponge Symnele hall again miſcarry:
And Norways P2yd again shall marry.
And from the Tree where Blofums fele,
Rife Fruit Chall come, and all is wele.
Reaums fhall daunce Honde is onde,
And it ſhall be merye in old Inglonde.
Then old Inglonde fhall be no moze,
And no Pan fhall be foris therefore.
Geryon fhall have thee Yedes agayne,
Till Hapsburge makyth them but twaynes
Explanatory
204
MERLIN'S Prophecy
Explanatory NOTES.
Seven and Ten. This Line defcribes the Year
when theſe Events fhall happen. Seven and Ten
make Seventeen, which I explain Seventeen Hun-
dred, and this Number added to Nine makes the
Year we are now in; for it muſt be underſtood of
the Natural Year, which begins the Firft of Ja-
nuary.
Tamys Ryvere twys, &c. The River Thames
frozen twice in one Year, ſo as Men to walk on it,
is a very fignal Accident; which perhaps hath not
fallen out for ſeveral hundred Years before; and is
the Reaſon why fome Aftrologers have thought
that this Prophecy could never be fulfilled; becauſe
they imagined fuch a Thing could never happen in
our Climate.
From Toune of Stoffe, &c. This is a plain De
fignation of the Duke of Marlborough. Ône Kind
of Stuff uſed to fatten Land is called Marle, and e-
very Body knows, that Borough is a Name for a
Town; and this Way of Expreffion is after the u-
fual dark Manner of old Aftrological Predictions.
Then fhall the Fyfhe, &c. By the Fish is under-
tood the Dauphin of France, as the King's eldeſt
Sons are called: It is here faid, he fhall lament the
Lofs of the Duke of Burgundy, called the Boffe,
which is an old English Word for Hump-fhoulder,
or Crook-back, as that Duke is known to be: And
the Prophecy ſeems to mean, that he fhould be o-
vercome or flain. By the Grin Berrys, in the next
Line, is meant the young Duke of Berry, the Dau-
phin's third Son, who fhall not have Valour or For-
tune enough to ſupply the Lofs of his eldeſt Brother.
Yonge
MERLIN'S Prophecy.
205
Youge Symnele, &c. By Symnele is meant the
pretended Prince of Wales; who, if he offers to at-
tempt any Thing againſt England, fhall miſcarry as
he did before. Lambert Symnel, is the Name of a
young Man noted in our Hiftories for perfonating
the Son (as I remember) of Edward the Fourth.
And Norways Pryd, &c. I cannot gueſs who is
meant by *Norway's Pride, perhaps the Reader
may, as well as the Senfe of the two following
Lines.
Reaums fhall, &c. Reaums, or as the Word
is now, Realms, is the old Name for Kingdoms:
And this is a very plain Prediction of our happy
Union, with the Felicities that ſhall attend it. It is
added, that Old England fhall be no more, and yet
no Man fhall be forry for it. And, indeed, pro-
perly ſpeaking, England is now no more; for the
whole Inland is one Kingdom, under the Name of
Britain.
Geryon fhall, &c. This Prediction, although
fomewhat obfcure, is wonderfully adapt. Geryon is
faid to have been a King of Spain, whom Hercules
flew. It was a Fiction of the Poets, that he had
three Heads, which the Author fays he fhall have
again. That is, Spain fhall have three Kings
which is now wonderfully verified: For, befides
the King of Portugal, which properly is Part of
Spain, there are now two Rivals for Spain; Charles
and Philip. But Charles being defcended from the
Count of Hapsburgh, Founder of the Auftrian Fami-
ly, ſhall foon make thofe Heads but two; by o-
verturning Philip, and driving him out of Spain.
* Queen ANNE. The Prophecy means, that fhe
fhould marry a fecond Time, and have Children that
would live.
SOME
208
MERLIN'S Prophecy.
SOME of thefe Predictions are already fulfilled
and it is highly probable the reft may be in due
Time: And, I think, I have not forced the Words,
by my Explication, into any other Senfe than what
they will naturally bear. If this be granted, I am
fure it muſt be alfo allowed, that the Author (who-
ever he were) was a Perſon of extraordinary Saga-
city; and that Aftrology brought to fuch Perfecti-
on as this, is, by no Means, an Art to be defpifed;
whatever Mr. Bickerstaff, or other merry Gentle-
men are pleaſed to think. As to the Tradition of
thefe Lines, having been writ in the Original by
Merlin; I confefs, I lay not much Weight upon
it: But it is enough to juftify their Authority, that
the Book from whence I have tranfcribed them,
was printed 170 Years ago, as appears by the Title
Page. For the Satisfaction of any Gentleman, who
may be either doubtful of the Truth, or curious to
be informed; I fhall give Order to have the very
Book fent to the Printer of this Paper, with Direc-
tions to let any Body ſee it that pleaſeth; becauſe I
believe it is pretty fcarce.
We
I 209 ]
We have added out of the Preface
to the fourth Volume of Tatlers,
what is there faid of the Author.
N the last TATLER, I promiſed fome
Explanations of Paffages and Perfons
mentioned in this Work, as well as fome
Account of the Affiftances I have had in
the Performance. I fhall do this in ve-
ry few Words; for when a Man has no Deſign but
to ſpeak plain Truth, he may ſay a great deal in a ve-
ry narrow Compass. I have, in the Dedication of the
firſt Volume, made my Acknowledgments to Dr.
SWIFT, whofe pleaſant Writings, in the Name of
Bickerstaff, created an Inclination in the Town to-
wards any Thing that could appear in the fame Dif
guiſe. I must acknowledge alſo, that at my first en-
tering upon this Work, a certain uncommon Way of
Thinking, and a Turn in Converſation peculiar to that
agreeable Gentleman, rendered his Company very ad-
vantageous to one, whofe Imagination was to be conti-
nually employed upon obvious and common Subjects, al-
though at the fame Time obliged to treat of them in a
new and unbeaten Method. His Verfes on the Shower
in Town, and the Defcription of the Morning, are
Inftances of the Happiness of that Genius, which could
raiſe ſuch pleaſing Ideas upon Occafions ſo barren to an
ordinary Invention.
THE
I 208 1
THE
TATLER:
NUMBER CCXXX.
This TATLER relating to the fame Subject contained
in the Letter to the Lord High-Treasurer, was
thought proper to be prefixed to the faid Letter. It
is well known, that the Author writ feveral TAT-
LERS, and fome SPECTATORS; and furnished
Hints for many more. Particularly, The Tables
of Fame, The Life and Adventures of a Shilling,
The Account of England by an Indian King,
and fome others. But, as we are informed, he
would never tell his best Friends the particular
Papers.
Thursday, September 28, 1710.
From my own Apartment, Sept. 27.
HE following Letter hath laid before
me many great and manifeft Evils,
in the World of Letters, which I had
overlooked; but they open to me a
very buſy Scene, and it will require
no fmall Care and Application to amend Errors
which are become ſo Univerfal. The Affectation
of
N° 230.
The TATLER.
211
of Politeness, is expofed in this Epiftle with a great
deal of Wit and Diſcernment; fo that, whatever
Difcourfes I may fall into hereafter upon the Sub-
jects the Writer treats of, I fhall at preſent lay the
Matter before the World, without the leaft Altera-
tion from the Words of my Correfpondent.
To ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq;
SIR,
T
HERE are fome Abuſes among us of great
Confequence, the Reformation of which is pro-
perly your Province; although, as far as I have been
converfant in your Papers, you have not yet confidered
them. Thefe are the deplorable Ignorance that for
fame Years bath reigned among our Engliſh Writers;
the great Depravity of our Tafte; and the continual
Corruption of our Style. I fay nothing here of thofe
who handle particular Sciences, Divinity, Law, Phy-
fick, and the like; I mean the Traders in Hiftory and
Politicks, and the Belles Lettres; together with thoſe
by whom Books are not tranflated, but (as the common
Expreſſions are) Done out of French, Latin, or other
Languages, and made Engliſh. I cannot but obſerve
to you, that until of late Years, a Grub-ſtreet Book was
always bound in Sheep Skin, with fuitable Print and
Paper; the Price never above a Shilling; and taken
off wholly by common Tradesmen, or Country Pedlars.
But now they appear in all Sizes and Shapes, and in
all Places: They are handed about from Lapfuls in
every Coffee Houfe to Perfons of Quality; are fhewn
in Weftminſter-Hall, and the Court of Requests.
You may fee them gilt, and in Royal Paper of five or
fix bundred Pages, and rated accordingly. I would
engage to furnish you with a Catalogue of Engliſh
Books, published within the Compass of feven Years
VOL. I.
P
past,
722
N° 230.
The TATLE R.
past, which at the firft Hand would cost you an bun-
dred Pounds; wherein you shall not be able to find ten
Lines together of common Grammar, or common Senfe.
Thefe two Evils, Ignorance, and want of Tafte,
bave produced a Third; I mean the continual Corrup
tion of our English Tongue; which, without fome
timely Remedy, will fuffer more by the falſe Refine-
ments of twenty Years past, than it hath been improv-
ed in the foregoing Hundred. And this is what I de-
fign chiefly to enlarge upon; leaving the former Evils
to your Animadverfion.
But, instead of giving you a List of the late Refine-
ments crept into our Language; I here fend you the
Copy of a Letter I received fome Time ago from a most
accomplished Perfon in this Way of Writing; upon
which I fhall make fome Remarks. It is in theſe
Terms:
SIR,
'I
&
<
Couldn't get the Things you ſent for all about
• Town I thot to ba' come down my
felf, and then I'd ha' bro't 'um: but I ha'n't don't,
• and I believe I can't do't, that's pozz- Tom
begins to g'mſelf Airs, becauſe he's going with the
Plenepo's. 'Tis faid the French King will
• bamboozel us agen, which caufes many Speculations.
• The Jacks, and others of that Kidney, are very
uppiſh, and alert upon't, as you may fee by their
• Phizz's. Will Hazard has got the Hipps, ha-
ving loft to the Tune of five Hundr'd Pound, tho
he underſtands Play very well, no Body better.
He has promis't me upon Rep, to leave off Play;
• but you know 'tis a Weakneſs he's too apt to give
into, tho' he as much Wit as any Man, no body
more. He has lain incog ever fince.The
• Mobb's very quiet with us now I believe you
،
6
G
6
• tho't
N° 230.
213
The TATLER.
tho't I banter'd you in my laft like a Country Put.
• I fhan't leave Town this Month, &c.
THIS Letter is in every Point an admirable Pat-
tern of the preſent polite Way of Writing; nor is
it of lefs Authority for being an Epiftle: You may
gather every Flower of it, with a Thouſand more
of equal Sweetnefs, from the Books, Pamphlets, and
fingle Papers, offered us every Day in the Coffee-
Houſes: And theſe are the Beauties introduced to
ſupply the Want of Wit, Senfe, Humour and
Learning; which formerly were looked upon as
Qualifications for a Writer. If a Man of Wit, who
died forty Years ago, were to rife from the Grave
on Purpoſe; how would he be able to read this
Letter? And after he had got through that Diffi-
culty, how would he be able to underſtand it? The
first Thing that ftrikes your Eye, is the Breaks at
the End of almoſt every Sentence; of which I
know not the Ufe, only that it is a Refinement, and
very frequently practifed. Then you will obferve
the Abbreviations and Elifions, by which Confo-
nants of moſt obdurate Sound are joined together,
without one ſoftening Vowel to intervene: And alf
this only to make one Syllable of two, directly con-
trary to the Example of the Greeks and Romans;
altogether of the Gothick Strain, and a natural Ten-
dency towards relapfing into Barbarity, which de-
lights in Monofyllables, and uniting of mute Confo-
nants; as it is obfervable in all the Northern Lan-
guages. And this is ftill more viſible in the next
Refinement, which confifteth in pronouncing the
first Syllable in a Word that hath many, and dif-
miffing the reft; fuch as Phizz, Hipps, Mobb, Pozz
Rep, and many more; when we are already over-
loaded with Monofyllables, which are the Difgrace
P 2
of
214
N° 230
The TATLER.
of our Language. Thus we cram one Syllable,
and cut off the reft; as the Owl fattened her Mice
after ſhe had bit off their Legs, to prevent them
from running away; and if ours be the fame Rea-
fon for maiming of Words, it will certainly anſwer
the End, for I am fure no other Nation will defire
to borrow them. Some Words are hitherto but
fairly ſplit; and therefore only in their Way to
Perfection; as Incog, and Plenipo's: But in a fhort
Time, it is to be hoped, they will be further dock-
ed to Inc. and Plen. This Reflection had made
me, of late Years, very impatient for a Peace ;
which I believe would fave the Lives of many
brave Words, as well as Men. The War hath in-
troduced abundance of Polyfyllables, which will ne-
ver be able to live many more Campaigns. Specu-
lations, Operations, Preliminaries, Ambaffadors, Pal-
lifadoes, Communication, Circumvallation, Battallions,
as numerous as they are, if they attack us too fre-
quently in our Coffee-houfes, we fhall certainly put
them to Flight, and cut off the Rear.
THE third Refinement obfervable in the Letter I
fend you, confifteth in the Choice of certain Words
invented by fome pretty Fellows, fuch as Banter,
Bamboozle, Country Put, and Kidney, as it is there
applied; fome of which are now ftruggling for the
Vogue, and others are in Poffeffion of it. I have
done my utmoſt for ſome Years paſt, to ſtop the
Progrefs of Mob and Banter; but have been plainly
born down by Numbers, and betrayed by thofe who
promiſed to affift me.
In the laft Place, you are to take Notice of cer-
tain choice Phrafes fcattered through the Letter;
fome of them tolerable enough, until they were worn
to Rags by ſervile Imitators. You might easily find
them,
N° 230.
215
The TATLER.
them, although they were not in a differenr Print;
and therefore I need not disturb them.
THESE are the falfe Refinements in our Style,
which you ought to correct: First, by Arguments
and fair Means; but if thofe fail, I think you are to
make Uſe of your Authority as Cenfor, and by an
annual Index Expurgatorius, expunge all Words and
Phraſes that are offenfive to good Senfe, and con-
demn thofe barbarous Mutilations of Vowels and
Syllables. In this laft Point, the ufual Pretence is,
that they fpell as they ſpeak: A noble Standard
for Language! To depend upon the Caprice of eve-
ry Coxcomb; who, becaufe Words are the Cloath-
ing of our Thoughts, cuts them out, and fhapes
them as he pleaſeth, and changes them oftner than
his Dreſs. I believe, all reaſonable People would be
content, that ſuch Refiners were more fparing of
their Words, and liberal in their Syllables. On this
Head, I fhould be glad you would beftow fome
Advice upon feveral young Readers in our Churches;
who coming up from the University, full fraught
with Admiration of our Town Politeness, will needs
correct the Style of their Prayer Books. In reading
the Abfolution, they are very careful to fay Pardons
and Abfolves; and in the Prayer for the Royal Fa-
mily, it muſt be endue'um, enrich'um, profperum,
and bring'um. Then, in their Sermons they ufe all
the modern Terms of Art; Sham, Banter, Mob,
Bubble, Bully, Cutting, Shuffling, and Palming-: All
which, and many more of the like Stamp, as I have
heard them often in the Pulpit from fome young So-
phifters; ſo I have read them in fome of thofe Sermons.
that have made a great Noife of late. The Defign,
it ſeems, is to avoid the dreadful Imputation of Pe-
dantry to fhew us, that they know the Town, un-
derstand
316
The TATLER.
No 230
derstand Men and Manners, and have not been por-
ing upon old unfaſhionable Books in the Univerſity.
I SHOULD be glad to fee you the Inftrument of
introducing into our Style, that Simplicity which is
the beſt and trueft Ornament of moft Things in
human Life, which the politer Ages always aimed
at in their Building and Drefs, (Simplex munditiis)
as well as their Productions of Wit. It is manifeft,
that all new affected Modes of Speech, whether
borrowed from the Court, the Town, or the Thea-
tre, are the firſt periſhing Parts in any Language;
and, as I could prove by many hundred Inftances,
have been fo in ours. The Writings of Hooker,
who was a Country Clergyman, and of Parfons the
Jefuit, both in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth; are
in a Style that, with very few Allowances, would
not offend any prefent Reader; much more clear
and intelligible than thoſe of Sir H. Wooton, Sir
Robert Naunton, Osborn, Daniel the Hiftorian, and
feveral others who writ later; but being Men of
the Court, and affecting the Phrafes then in Faſhion;
they are often either not to be underſtood, or ap-
pear perfectly ridiculous.
WHAT Remedies are to be applied to thefe E-
vils, I have not Room to confider; having, I fear,
already taken up moft of your Paper. Befides, I
think it is our Office only to reprefent Abuſes, and
yours to redreſs them.
}
1
I am, with great Refpelt,
SIR,
Yours, &c.
THE
[ 217 ]
N. B. The two following Tatlers are
not in the Volumes published by Sir
Richard Steele.
THE
TATLE R.
NUMBER V.
Laceratque, trabitque
Molle pecus.
Virg.
From Tueſday Jan. 23, to Saturday Jan. 27, 1710.
MONGST Other Severities I have met
with from fome Criticks, the cruelleft
for an old Man is, that they will not
let me be at quiet in my Bed, but pur-
fue me to my very Dreams. I must
not dream but when they pleaſe, nor upon long
continued Subjects, however vifionary in their own
Nature &
218
N° V.
The TATLER.
Nature; becauſe there is a manifeſt Moral quite
through them, which to produce as a Dream is im-
probable and unnatural. The Pain I might have
had from this Objection, is prevented by confidering
they have miffed another, againſt which I fhould
have been at a Lofs to defend my felf. They might
have aſked me, whether the Dreams I publiſh can
properly be called Lucubrations, which is the Name
I have given to all my Papers, whether in Vo-
lumes or Half-fheets: So manifeft a Contradiction
in Terminis, that I wonder no Sophifter ever thought
of it: But the other is a Cavil. I remember when
I was a Boy at School, I have often dreamed out
the whole Paffages of a Day; that I rode a Jour-
ney, baited, fupped, went to Bed, and rofe the
next Morning: And I have known young Ladies
who could dream a whole Contexture of Adven-
tures in one Night, large enough to make a Novel,
In Youth the Imagination is ftrong, not mixed with
Cares, nor tinged with thofe Paffions that moit di-
fturb and confound it; fuch as Avarice, Ambition,
and many others. Now, as old Men are faid to
grow Children again, fo in this Article of Dreaming,
I am returned to my Childhood. My Imagination
is at full Eafe, without Care, Avarice, or Ambition,
to clog it; by which, among many others, I have
this Advantage, of doubling the fmall Remainder of
my Time, and living four and twenty Hours in the
Day. However, the Dream I am now going to
relate, is as wild as can well be imagined, and a-
dapted to pleaſe theſe Refiners upon Sleep, without
any Moral that I can difcover.
Ir happened that my Maid left on the Table in
my Bed-Chamber, one of her Story-Books (as ſhe
calls them) which I took up, and found full of
• ftrange Impertinence, fitted to her Tafte and Con-
⚫dition
NO.V.
219
The TATLE R.
C
'
6
6
6 ty.
6
dition; of poor Servants who came to be Ladies,
and Serving-Men of low Degree, who married Kings
Daughters. Among other Things, I met this fage
Obfervation; That a Lion would never hurt a
true Virgin. With this Medly of Nonfenfe in
my Fancy I went to Bed, and dreamed that a
Friend waked me in the Morning, and propoſed
for Paftime to fpend a few Hours in feeing the
• Parish Lions, which he had not done fince he
came to Town; and becauſe they ſhowed but
once a Week, he would not mifs the Opportuni-
I faid I would humour him; although, to
fpeak the Truth, I was not fond of thofe cruel
Spectacles; and if it were not fo ancient a Cuſtom,
* founded, as I had heard, upon the wiſeſt Maxims,
I fhould be apt to cenfure the Inhumanity of thofe
• who introduced it. All this will be a Riddle to the
waking Reader, until I diſcover the Scene my I-
magination had formed upon the Maxim, That a
• Lion would never hurt a true Virgin. I dreamed,
that by a Law of immemorial Time, a He-Lion
was kept in every Pariſh at the common Charge,
and in a Place provided, adjoining to the Church-
yard: That, before any one of the Fair Sex was
married, if fhe affirmed herſelf to be a Virgin, fhe
muft on her Wedding-Day, and in her Wedding
Cloaths, perform the Ceremony of going alone
into the Den, and ftay an Hour with the Lion let
loofe, and kept fafting four and twenty Hours on
purpoſe. At a proper Height, above the Den,
were convenient Galleries for the Relations and
• Friends of the young Couple, and open to all Spec-
tators. No Maiden was forced to offer herſelf to
• the Lion; but if ſhe refuſed, it was a Diſgrace to
marry her, and every one might have Liberty of
calling her a Whore. And methought it was as u-
<
<
c
B
в
fual
220
The TATLER.
N°. V
• 1ual a Diverfion to fee the Pariſh-Lions, as with
us to go to a Play or an Opera. And it was reck-
oned convenient to be near the Church, either for
marrying the Virgin if fhe efcaped the Trial, or
for burying her Bones when the Lion had devour-
ed the reft, as he conftantly did.'
•
·
•
To go on therefore with the Dream: We cal-
• led firft (as I remember, to fee St. Dunstan's Li-
on, but we were told they did not fhew To-day:
• From thence we went to that of Covent-Garden,
which, to my great Surprize, we found as lean
as a Skeleton, when I expected quite the con-
C trary; but the Keeper faid it was no Wonder at
all, becauſe the poor Beaft had not got an Ounce
• of Woman's Flefh fince he came into the Pa-
rifh. This amazed me more than the other, and
I was forming to myſelf a mighty Veneration
for the Ladies in that Quarter of the Town;
when the Keeper went on, and faid, he wonder-
⚫ed the Pariſh would be at the Charge of main-
taining a Lion for nothing. Friend, (faid I) do
you call it nothing to juftify the Virtue of fo
many Ladies, or hath your Lion loſt his diſtin-
guiſhing Faculty? Can there be any Thing more
for the Honour of your Pariſh, than that all the
• Ladies married in your Church were pure Vir-
€
;
gins? That is true (faid he) and the Doctor
• knows it to his Sorrow; for there hath not been
⚫ a Couple married in our Church fince his Wor-
ſhip came amongſt us. The Virgins hereabouts
6 are too wife to venture the Claws of the Lion
⚫ and becauſe no body will marry them, have all
⚫ entered into Vows of Virginity. So that in Pro-
• portion we have much the largeſt Nunnery in the
whole Town. This Manner of Ladies entering
into a Vow of Virginity, becauſe they were not
• Virgins,
6
No. V.
223
The TATLER,
• Virgins, I eaſily conceived; and my Dream told
• me, that the whole Kingdom was full of Nunne-
ries, plentifully ftocked from the fame Reafon.
?
<
6
<
6
WE went to fee another Lion, where we
• found much Company met in the Gallery: The
Keeper told us, we fhould fee Sport enough, as
he called it; and in a little Time, we faw a young
beautiful Lady put into the Den, who walked
up
• towards the Lion with all imaginable Security in
her Countenance, and looked fmiling upon her
Lover and Friends in the Gallery; which I
thought nothing extraordinary, becauſe it was ne-
ver known that any Lion had been miſtaken.
But however, we were all diſappointed; for the
• Lion lifted up his right Paw, which was the fatal
Sign, and advancing forward, feized her by the
Arm, and began to tear it: The poor Lady gave
⚫ a terrible Shriek, and cried out, The Lion is just,
• I am no true Virgin! Oh! Sappho, Sappho. She
• could fay no more; for the Lion gave her the
• Coup de Grace, by a Squeeze in the Throat, and
fhe expired at his Feet. The Keeper dragged
away her Body to feed the Animal after the Com-
pany ſhould be gone; for the Pariſh-Lions never
• uſed to eat in publick. After a little Pauſe, ano¬
⚫ther Lady came on towards the Lion in the faine
• Manner as the former: We obferved the Beaft
• fmell her with great Diligence; he fcratched
• both her Hands with lifting them to his Noſe,
• and laying one of his Claws on her Bofom, drew
Blood: However he let her go, and at the fame
• Time turned from her with a Sort of Contempt,
• at which fhe was not a little mortified, and re-
tired with fome Confufion to her Friends in the
Gallery. Methought the whole Company im-
gmediately underſtood the Meaning of this; that
،
•
• the
227
N°. V!
The TATLER,
the Eafinefs of the Lady had fuffered her to ad-
mit certain imprudent and dangerous Familiari-
ties, bordering too much upon what is criminal;
neither was it fure whether the Lover then pre-
• fent had not fome Sharers with him in thofe
• Freedoms, of which a Lady can never be too
fparing.
<
<
THIS happened to be an extraordinary Day;
for a third Lady came into the Den, laughing
loud, playing with her Fan, toffing her Head,
and filing round on the young Fellows in the
• Gallery. However, the Lion leaped on her with
great Fury, and we gave her for gone; but on a
• fudden he let go his Hold, turned from her as if
he were naufeated, then gave her a Lafh with
his Tail; after which fhe returned to the Gal-
lery, not the leaft out of Countenance: And
this, it ſeems, was the ufual Treatment of Co-
•quets.
4
C
I THOUGHT we had now feen enough; but
my
Friend would needs have us go and viſit one
or two Lions in the City. We called at two or
•three Dens where they happened not to fhew
but we generally found half a Score young Girls,
between eight and eleven Years old, playing
• with each Lion, fitting on his Back, and put-
ting their Hands into his Mouth; fome of them
< would now and then get a Scratch, but we al-
<ways difcovered, upon examining, that they had
• been hoydening with the young Apprentices.
• One of them was calling to a pretty Girl about
⚫ twelve Years old, who ftood by us in the Galle-
ry, to come down to the Lion, and upon her
Refufal, faid, Ah, Mifs Betty, we could never
get you to come near the Lion, fince you played at
Hoop and Hide with my Brother in the Garret.
હું
4
G
6 WE
N°. V.
223
The TATLER.
<
C
<
WE followed a Couple, with the Wedding
Folks, going to the Church of St. Mary Ax.
The Lady although well ftricken in Years, ex-
tremely crooked and deformed, was dreffed out
beyond the Gaiety of Fifteen; having jumbled
together, as I imagined, all the tawdry Remains
of Aunts, Godmothers, and Grandmothers, for
• fome Generations paft: One of the Neighbours
whiſpered me, that ſhe was an old Maid, and
had the cleareft Reputation of any in the Pariſh.
There is nothing ftrange in that, thought I, but
was much furprized, when I obferved afterwards
that ſhe went towards the Lion with Diſtruſt and
Concern. The Beaſt was lying down; but
Sight of her, fnuffed up his Noſe two or three
Times, and then giving the Sign of Death, pro-
*ceeded inftantly to Execution. In the Midft of
<
<
upon
her Agonies, fhe was heard to name the Words,
ૐ Italy and Artifices, with the utmoſt Horror, and
• feveral repeated Execrations. And at laſt con-
cluded, Fool that I was, to put ſo much Confidence
in the Toughness of my Skin.
C
THE Keeper immediately fet all in Order
again for another Cuftomer, which happened to
be a famous Prude, whom her Parents after long
Threatnings, and much Perſuaſion, had with the
• extremeſt Difficulty prevailed on to accept a
young handſome Goldſmith, who might have
pretended to five times her Fortune. The Fa-
thers and Mothers in the Neighbourhood uſed to
quote her for an Example to their Daughters.
• Her Elbows were rivited to her Sides; and her
⚫ whole Perfon fo ordered as to inform every Body
that fhe was afraid they fhould touch her. She
• only dreaded to approach the Lion, becauſe it
was a He One, and abhorred to think a Male
C
• Animal
224
No. V.
The TATLER.
€
• Animal fhould prefume to breathe on her. The
Sight of a Man at twenty Yards Diſtance made
• her draw back her Head. She always fat upon
the farther Corner of the Chair, although there
were fix Chairs between her and her Lover, and
• with the Door wide open, and her little Siſter in
• the Room. She was never faluted but at the Tip
• of her Ear; and her Father had much ado to
make her dine without her Gloves, when there
⚫ was a Man at Table. She entered the Den with
fome Fear, which we took to proceed from the
Height of her Modefty, offended at the Sight of
• fo many Men in the Gallery. The Lion behold-
ing her at a Diſtance, immediately gave the dead-
ly Sign; at which the poor Creature (methinks I
fee her ftill) miſcarried in a Fright before us all.
• The Lion feemed to be furprized as much as we,
and gave her time to make her Confeffion; That
She was five Months gone, by the Foreman of her
• Father's Shop; that this was her third big Belly;
and when her Friends asked, why fhe would
• venture the Trial? She faid, her Nurfe affured
her, that a Lion would never hurt a Woman with
• Child.' Upon this I immediately awaked, and
could not help wifhing, that the Deputy-Cenfors
of my late Inſtitution were indued with the fame
Inftinct as thefe Pariſh-Lions.
·
•
&
THE
[225]
ប
THE
TATLER:
NUMBER XX.
Ingenuas didiciffe fideliter Artes
Emollit Mores.
Ovid
From Saturd. Mar. 3, to Tuefd. Mar. 6, 1710.
From my own Apartment in Channel-Row,
March 5.
HOSE inferior Duties of Life which
the French call les petites Morales, or
the ſmaller Morals, are with us dif
tinguiſhed by the Name of Good
Manners or Breeding. This I look
upon, in the General Notion of it, to be a Sort of
artificial good Senfe, adapted to the meaneft Capa-
cities, and introduced to make Mankind eaſy in
their Commerce with each other. Low and little
Underſtandings, without fome Rules of this Kind,
would
226
No. XX
The TATLE R.
would be perpetually wandering into a thouſand In-
decencies and Irregularities in Behaviour; and in
their ordinary Converfation fall into the fame boiſ-
terous Familiarities that one obferves amongſt them,
when a Debauch hath quite taken away the Ufe of
their Reafon. In other Inftances, it is odd to con-
fider, that for want of common Difcretion, the
very End of Good Breeding is wholly perverted;
and Civility, intended to make us eaſy, is imploy-
ed in laying Chains and Fetters upon us, in debar-
ing us of our Wifhes, and in croffing our moft rea-
fonable Defires and Inclinations. This Abufe
reigns chiefly in the Country, as I found to my
Vexation, when I was laft there, in a Vifit I made
to a Neighbour about two Miles from my Coufin.
As foon as I entered the Parlour, they put me in-
to the great Chair that ftood clofe by a huge Fire,
and kept me there by Force, until I was almoſt
ftifled. Then, a Boy came in great Hurry to pull
off my Boots, which I in vain oppofed, urging,
that I muft return foon after Dinner. In the mean
Time, the good Lady whiſpered her eldeſt Daugh-
ter, and flipped a Key into her Hand. The Girl
returned inftantly with a Beer Glaſs half full of
Aqua Mirabilis and Syrup of Gillyflowers. I took
as much as I had a Mind for; but Madam vowed
I ſhould drink it off, (for ſhe was fure it would do
me good after coming out of the cold Air) and I
was forced to obey; which abfolutely took away
my Stomach. When Dinner came in, I had a
Mind to fit at a Diſtance from the Fire; but they
told me, it was as much as my Life was worth and
fet me with my Back juft againft it. Although
my Appetite were quite gone, I refolved to force
down as much as I could; and defired the Leg of a
Pullet. Indeed Mr. Bickerstaff, fays the Lady,
you
N° XX.
227
The T.ATLER.
you muſt eat a Wing to oblige me; and fo put a
Couple upon my Plate. I was perfecuted at this
Rate, during the whole Meal. As often as I cal-
led for Small Beer, the Mafter tipped the Wink,
and the Servant brought me a Brimmer of October.
Some time after Dinner, I ordered my Coufin's Man
who came with me, to get ready the Horſes; but
it was refolved I ſhould not ſtir that Night; and
when I feemed pretty much bent upon going, they
ordered the Stable Door to be locked; and the
Children hid my Cloak and Boots. The next Quef-
tion was, what I would have for Supper? I faid I
never eat any Thing at Night, but was at laſt in my
own Defence obliged to name the firft Thing that
came into my Head. After three Hours fpent
chiefly in Apologies for my Entertainment, infi-
nuating to me, That this was the worſt Time of
the Year for Proviſions; that they were at a great
• Diſtance from any Market; that they were afraid
I fhould be ftarved; and that they knew they
¿ kept me to my Lofs;' the Lady went, and left
me to her Husband (for they took fpecial Care I
ſhould never be alone.) As foon as her Back was
turned, the little Miffes ran backwards and forwards
every Moment; and conftantly as they came in or
went out, made a Courtefy directly at me, which
in good Manners I was forced to return with a Bow,
and Four bumble Servant pretty Miſs. Exactly at
Eight the Mother came up, and difcovered by the
Redneſs of her Face, that Supper was not far off.
It was twice as large as the Dinner; and my Perfe-
cution doubled in Proportion. I deſired at my ufual
Hour to go to my Repoſe, and was conducted to
my Chamber by the Gentleman, his Lady, and the
whole Train of Children. They importuned me
to drink fomething before I went to Bed; and upon
VOL. I.
Q
my
228
Nº. XX.
The TATLER.
my refufing, at laft left a Bottle of Stingo, as they
called it, for fear I ſhould wake and be thirſty in the
Night. I was forced in the Morning to rife and
drefs myfelf in the Dark, becauſe they would not
fuffer my Kinfman's Servant to diſturb me at the
Hour I defired to be called. I was now refolved
to break through all Meaſures to get away; and af-
ter fitting down to a monftrous Breakfaſt of cold
Beef, Mutton, Neats-Tongues, Venifon-Pafty, and
ftale Beer, took leave of the Family. But the
Gentleman would needs fee me Part of my Way;
and carry me a fhort Cut through his own Grounds,
which he told me would fave half a Mile's Riding.
This laft Piece of Civility had like to have coft me
dear, being once or twice in Danger of my Neck,
by leaping over his Ditches, and at laſt forced to
alight in the Dirt; when my Horfe having flipped
his Bridle, ran away, and took us up more than an
Hour to recover him again.
it.
Ir is evident, that none of the Abfurdities I met
with in this Vifit proceeded from an ill Intention,
but from a wrong Judgment of Complaifance, and
a Mifapplication in the Rules of it. I cannot fo
eafily excufe the more refined Criticks upon Be-
haviour, who having profeffed no other Study, are
yet infinitely defective in the moſt material Parts of
Ned Fashion hath been bred all his Life about
Court, and underſtands to a Tittle all the Puncti-
lio's of a Drawing-Room. He vifits most of the
fine Women near St. James's; and upon every
Occafion fays the civileft and fofteft Things to
them of any Man breathing. To Mr. * Ifaac he
owes an eaſy Slide in his Bow, and a graceful Man-
ner of coming into a Room. But in fome other
• A famous Dancing Maßter in thofe Days.
Cafes
No. XX.
229
The TATLER.
;
Cafes he is very far from being a well-bred Perfon:
He laughs at Men of far fuperior Underſtanding to
his own, for not being as well dreffed as himſelf
defpifeth all his Acquaintance who are not of Qua-
lity; and in publick Places hath on that Account
often avoided taking Notice of fome among the
beſt Speakers in the Houſe of Commons. He rail-
eth ftrenuouſly at both Univerfities before the
Members of either; and is never heard to fwear an
Oath, or break in upon Religion and Morality,
except in the Company of Divines. On the other
Hand, a Man of right Senfe hath all the Effentials
of good Breeding, although he may be wanting in
the Forms of it. Horatio hath ſpent most of his
Time at Oxford. He hath a great deal of Learning,
an agreeable Wit, and as much Modeſty as may
ferve to adorn without concealing his other good
Qualities. In that retired Way of living, he feem-
eth to have formed a Notion of human Nature, as
he hath found it deſcribed in the Writings of the
greateſt Men; not as he is likely to meet with it
in the common Courſe of Life. Hence it is, that
he giveth no Offence; but converfeth with great
Deference, Candor, and Humanity. His Bow, I
muſt confefs, is fomewhat aukward; but then he
hath an extenſive, univerfal, and unaffected Know-
ledge, which may perhaps a little excuſe him. He
would make no extraordinary Figure at a Ball; but
I can affure the Ladies in his Behalf, and for their
ówn Confolation, that he has writ better Verſes on
the Sex than any Man now living, and is preparing
fuch a Poem for the Prefs as will tranfmit their
Praiſes and his own to many Generations.
Q
A LIT
[230]
f
A
LETTER
ТО А
Young GENTLEMAN
Lately entered into
HOLY ORDERS.
By a Perſon of QUALITY.
SIR,
Dated January 9, 1719-20.
LTHOUGH it were againſt my Know-
ledge, or Advice, that you entered
into Holy Orders, under the prefent
Difpofitions of Mankind towards the
Church; yet, fince it is now ſuppoſed
too late to recede, (at leaſt according to the general
Practice and Opinion,) I cannot forbear offering my
Thoughts to you upon this new Condition of Life
you are engaged in.
I COULD
a young GENTLEMAN.
231
•
I COULD heartily with that the Circumftances of
your Fortune had enabled you to have continued
fome Years longer in the Univerſity, at leaſt, until
you were ten Years ftanding; to have laid in a
competent Stock of human Learning, and fome
Knowledge in Divinity, before you attempted to ap-
pear in the World: For I cannot but lament the
common Courfe, which at leaft Nine in Ten of
thofe, who enter into the Miniſtry, are obliged to
run. When they have taken a Degree, and are
confequently grown a Burden to their Friends; who
now think themſelves fully diſcharged; they get in-
to Orders as foon as they can, (upon which I fhall
make no Remarks,) firſt follicit a Readerſhip, and
if they be very fortunate, arrive in Time to a Cura-
cy here in Town; or elſe are ſent to be Affiftants in
the Country, where they probably continue ſeveral
Years (many of them their whole Lives) with thir-
ty or forty Pounds a Year for their Support, until
fome Biſhop, who happens to be not over-ſtocked
with Relations, or attached to Favourites, or is con-
tent to fupply his Dioceſe without Colonies from
England, beſtows them fome inconfiderable Benefice
when it is odds they are already encumbered with a
numerous Family. I would be glad to know what
Intervals of Life fuch Perfons can poffibly fet apart
for Improvement of their Minds; or which Way
they could be furniſhed with Books; the Library
they brought with them from their College being
ufually not the moſt numerous, or judiciouſly chofen.
If ſuch Gentlemen arrive to be great Scholars, it
muft, I think, be either by Means fupernatural, or
by a Method altogether out of any Road yet known
to the Learned. But I conceive the Fact directly
otherwife; and that many of them lofe the greateſt
Part
232
A LETTER to
Part of the fmall Pittance they received at the U-
niverſity.
I TAKE it for granted, that you intend to purſue
the beaten Track, and are already defirous to be
feen in a Pulpit; only I hope you will think it pro-
per to paſs your Quarentine among fome of the de-
folate Churches five Miles round this Town, where
you may at leaſt learn to read and to ſpeak, before
you venture to expofe your Parts in a City-Congre-
gation: Not that thefe are better Judges, but be-
cauſe if a Man muft needs expofe his Folly, it is
more fafe and difcreet to do fo, before few Witnef-
fes, and in a ſcattered Neighbourhood. And you
will do well, if you can prevail upon fome inti-
mate and judicious Friend to be your conftant
Hearer, and allow him with the utmoft Freedom
to give you Notice of whatever he fhall find amiſs
either in your Voice or Gefture; for want of which
early Warning, many Clergymen continue defec-
tive, and fometimes ridiculous, to the End of their
Lives: Neither is it rare to obferve among excellent
and learned Divines, a certain ungracious Manner,
or an unhappy Tone of Voice, which they never
have been able to ſhake off.
I COULD likewife have been glad, if you had ap-
plied yourſelf a little more to the Study of the Eng-
lish Language, than I fear you have done; the
Neglect whereof is one of the moft general Defects
among the Scholars of this Kingdom, who feem
to have not the leaft Conception of a Stile, but run
on in a flat Kind of Phrafeology, often mingled
with barbarous Terms and Expreffions, peculiar
to the Nation: Neither do I perceive that any
Perfon either finds or acknowledgeth his Wants
upon this Head, or in the leaft defires to have them
fupplied. Proper Words in proper Places, make
the
a young GENTLEMAN,
233
the true Definition of a Stile: But this would re-
quire too ample a Difquifition to be now dwelt on.
However, I fhall venture to name one or two
Faults, which are eafy to be remedied with a very
fmall Portion of Abilities.
ners.
THE firft, is the frequent Uſe of obfcure Terms,
which by the Women are called hard Words, and
by the better Sort of Vulgar, fine Language; than
which I do not know a more univerfal, inexcufable,
and unneceſſary Miſtake among the Clergy of all
Diftinctions, but eſpecially the younger Practitio-
I have been curious enough to take a Lift of
feveral hundred Words in a Sermon of a new Be-
ginner, which not one of his Hearers among a Hun-
dred, could poffibly underſtand: Neither can I
eafily call to Mind any Clergyman of my own Ac-
quaintance who is wholly exempt from this Error;
although many of them agree with me in the Dif
like of the Thing. Bat I am apt to put myſelf in
the Place of the Vulgar, and think many Words
difficult or obfcure, which the Preacher will not al-
low to be fo, becauſe thofe Words are obvious to
Scholars. I believe the Method obferved by the
famous Lord Falkland, in fome of his Writings,
would not be an ill one for young Divines: I was
affured by an old Perfon of Quality, who knew him
well; that when he doubted whether a Word were
perfectly intelligible or no, he uſed to confult one
of his Lady's Chambermaids, (not the Waiting-
woman, becauſe it was poffible fhe might be con-
verfant in Romances,) and by her Judgment was
guided, whether to receive or reject it. And if
that great Perſon thought fuch a Caution neceffary
in Treatifes offered to the learned World; it will be
fure, at leaſt as proper in Sermons, where the mean.
eft Hearer is fuppofed to be concerned, and where
very
234
A LETTER to
very often a Lady's Chambermaid may be allowed
to equal half the Congregation, both as to Quality
and Underſtanding. But I know not how it comes
to paſs, that Profeffors in moft Arts and Sciences are
generally the worft qualified to explain their Mean-
ings to thoſe who are not of their Tribe: A com-
mon Farmer fhall make you underſtand in three
Words, that his Foot is out of Joint, or his Collar
Bone broken; wherein a Surgeon, after a hundred
Terms of Art, if you are not a Scholar, fhall leave
you to feek. It is frequently the fame Cafe in Law,
Phyfick, and even many of the meaner Arts.
AND upon this Account it is, that among bard
Words, I number likewiſe thoſe which are peculiar
to Divinity as it is a Science; becauſe I have obferv-
ed feveral Clergymen, otherwife little fond of ob-
fcure Terms, yet in their Sermons very liberal of
thoſe which they find in Ecclefiaftical Writers, as if
it were our Duty to underſtand them: Which I am
fure it is not. And I defy the greateſt Divine, to
produce any Law either of God or Man, which ob-
ligeth me to comprehend the Meaning of Omniscience,
Omniprefence, Ubiquity, Attribute, Beatifick Vifion,
with a Thouſand others fo frequent in Pulpits; any
more than that of Excentrick, Idiofyncracy, Entity,
and the like. I believe, I may venture to infift fur-
ther, that many Terms uſed in Holy Writ, parti-
cularly by St. Paul, might with more Difcretion be
changed into plainer Speech, except when they are
introduced as Part of a Quotation.
I AM the more earneft in this Matter, becauſe it
is a general Complaint, and the jufteft in the World.
For a Divine hath nothing to fay to the wifeft Con-
gregation of any Pariſh in this Kingdom, which he
may not expreſs in a' Manner to be underſtood by
the Meanest among them. And this Affertion muſt
be
a young GENTLEMAN.
235
be true, or elfe God requires from us more than we
are able to perform. However, not to contend
whether a Logician might poffibly put a Cafe that
would ſerve for an Exception, I will appeal to any
Man of Letters, whether at leaſt nineteen in twenty
of thofe perplexing Words might not be changed
into eafy ones, fuch as naturally firft occur to ordi-
nary Men, and probably did fo at firſt to thofe ve-
ry Gentlemen, who are fo fond of the former.
WE are often reproved by Divines from the Pul-
pits, on Account of our Ignorance in Things facred;
and perhaps with Juftice enough; However, it is
not very reaſonable for them to expect, that common
Men fhould underſtand Expreffions, which are never
made uſe of in common Life, No Gentleman thinks
it fafe or prudent to fend a Servant with a Meffage,
without repeating it more than once, and endea-
vouring to put it into Terms brought down to the
Capacity of the Bearer: Yet after all this Care, it
is frequent for Servants to miſtake, and fometimes
occafion Miſunderſtandings between Friends; al-
though the common Domefticks in fome Gentle-
men's Families, may have more
Opportunities of
improving their Minds, than the ordinary Sort of
Tradefmen,
Ꮧ
IT is ufual for Clergymen who are taxed with this
learned Defect, to quote Dr. Tillotson, and other fa-
mous Divines in their Defence; without confider-
ing the Difference between elaborate Difcourfes up-
on important Occafions, delivered to Princes or
Parliaments, written with a View of being made
publick; and a plain Sermon intended for the mid-
dle or lower Size of People. Neither do they feem
to remember the many Alterations, Additions, and
Expungings made by great Authors, in thofe Trea-
tiles which they prepare for the Publick. Befides,
that
€36
A LETTER to
that excellent Prelate above-mentioned, was knowi
to preach after a much more popular Manner in the
City Congregations: And if in thofe Parts of his
Works, he be any where too obfcure for the Un-
derſtandings of many, who may be fuppofed to have
been his Hearers; it ought to be numbered among
his Omiffions.
THE Fear of being thought Pedants hath been
of pernicious Confequence to young Divines. This
hath wholly taken many of them off from their fe-
verer Studies in the Univerſity; which they haye
exchanged for Plays, Poems, and Pamphlets, in
order to qualify them for Tea-Tables and Coffee-
Houſes. This they ufually call Polite Converfation,
knowing the World, and reading Men instead of Books.
Theſe Accompliſhments, when applied in the Pul-
pit, appear by a quaint, terfe, florid Style, round-
ed into Periods and Cadencies, commonly without
either Propriety or Meaning. I have liftened with
my utmoft Attention for half an Hour to an Orator
of this Species, without being able to underſtand
much leſs to carry away one fingle Sentence out of
a whole Sermon. Others, to fhew that their Stu-
dies have not been confined to Sciencies, or ancient
Authors, will talk in the Style of a gaming Ordi-
nary, and White Friars; where I fuppofe the Hear-
ers can be little edified by the Terms of Palming,
Shuffling, Biting, Bamboozling, and the like, if
they have not been fometimes converfant among
Pick-pockets and Sharpers. And truly, as they
fay, a Man is known by his Company; fo it fhould
feem, that a Man's Company may be known by
his Manner of expreffing himſelf, either in publick
Affemblies, or private Converfation.
It would be endleſs to run over the ſeveral De-
fects of Style among us: I fhall therefore fay no-
thing
a young GENTLEMAN.
237
thing of the mean and the paultry, (which are ufual-
ly attended by the fuſtian ;) much lefs of the floven-
ly or indecent. Two Things I will juſt warn you
againſt The firft is, the Frequency of flat, unne-
ceffary Epithets; and the other is the Folly of ufing
old thread-bare Phrafes, which will often make you
go out of your Way to find and apply them; are
naufeous to rational Hearers, and will feldom ex-
prefs your Meaning as well as your own natural
Words.
ALTHOUGH, as I have already obferved, our
English Tongue be too little cultivated in this King-
dom; yet the Faults are nine in ten owing to AF-
fectation, and not to the Want of Underftanding.
When a Man's Thoughts are clear, the propereft
Words will generally offer themfelves firft; and
his own Judgment will direct him in what Order
to place them, fo far as they may be beſt under-
ftood. Where Men err againft this Method, it is
ufually on Purpoſe, and to fhew their Learning,
their Oratory, their Politenefs, or their Knowledge
of the World. In fhort, that Simplicity, without
which no human Performance can arrive to any
great Perfection, is no where more eminently uſeful
than in this.
I HAVE been confidering that Part of Oratory,
which relates to the moving of the Paffions: This,
I obſerve, is in Efteem and Practice among fome
Church Divines, as well as among all the Preachers
and Hearers of the Fanatick or Enthufiaftick Strain,
I will here deliver to you (perhaps with more Free-
dom than Prudence) my Opinion upon the Point.
THE two great Orators of Greece and Rome, De-
mofthenes and Cicero, although each of them a Lea-
der (or, as the Greeks called it, a Demagogue) in a
popular State; yet feem to differ in their Practice
upon
#38
A LETTER to
upon this Branch of their Art: The former, whä
had to deal with a People of much more Politeness,
Learning and Wit, laid the greateſt Weight of his
Oratory upon the Strength of his Arguments offer-
ed to their Underſtanding and Reafon: Whereas,
Tully confidered the Difpofitions of a fincere, more
ignorant, and lefs mercurial Nation, by dwelling
almoſt entirely on the pathetick Part.
BUT the principal Thing to be remembered is,
that the conftant Defign of both theſe Orators in all
their Speeches, was to drive fome one particular
Point; either the Condemnation, or Acquittal of
an accuſed Perfon; a perfuafive to War, the enforc-
ing of a Law, and the like; which was determined
upon the Spot, according as the Orators on either
Side prevailed. And here it was often found of
abfolute Neceffity to enflame, or cool the Paffions
of the Audience; efpecially at Rome, where Tully
ſpoke, and with whofe Writings young Divines (I
mean thofe among them who read old Authors)
are more converfant than with thofe of Demosthenes;
who, by many Degrees, excelled the other, at leaſt
as an Orator. But I do not fee how this Talent of
moving Paffions, can be of any great Ufe towards
directing Chriftian Men in the Conduct of their
Lives, at leaſt in thefe Northern Climates; where,
I am confident, the ſtrongeſt Eloquence of that
Kind will leave few Impreffions upon any of our
Spirits, deep enough to last until the next Morning,
rather to the next Meal.
or
BUT what hath chiefly put me out of conceit
with this moving Manner of Preaching, is the fre
quent Diſappointment it meets with. I know a
Gentleman, who made it a Rule in Reading, to
fkip over all Sentences where he fpied a Note of
Admiration at the End. I believe thofe Preachers
who
a young GENTLEMAN.
239
who abound in Epiphonemas, if they look about
them, would find one Part of their Congregation
out of Countenance, and the other aſleep; except,
perhaps, an old Female Beggar or two in the Ifles,
who (if they be fincere) may probably groan at the
Sound.
Nor is it a Wonder that this Expedient fhould
ſo often mifcarry, which requires fo much Art and
Genius to arrive at any Perfection in it; as every
Man will find, much fooner than learn, by confult-
ing Cicero himſelf.
I THEREFORE entreat you to make Ufe of this
Faculty (if you be ever fo unfortunate as to think
you have it) as feldom, and with as much Caution
as you can; elſe I may probably have Occafion to
ſay of you, as a great Perſon ſaid of another upon
this very Subject. A Lady aſked him, coming out
of Church, whether it were not a very moving Dif-
courfe? Yes, faid he, I was extremely forry, for the
Man is my Friend.
IF in Company you offer fomething for a Jeft,
and no Body feconds you in your own Laughter, or
feems to reliſh what you faid; you may condemn
their Tafte, if you pleafe, and appeal to better
Judgments; but, in the mean Time, it muſt be a-
greed you make a very indifferent Figure: And it
is, at leaft, equally ridiculous to be diſappointed in
endeavouring to make other Folks grieve, as to
make them laugh.
A PLAIN Convincing Reafon may poffibly ope-
rate upon the Mind both of a learned and ignorant
Hearer, as long as they live; and will edify a thou-
fand Times more than the Art of wetting the Hand-
kerchiefs of a whole Congregation, if you were fure
to attain it.
IF
240
A LETTER to
If your Arguments be ftrong, in God's Name
offer them in as moving a Manner as the Nature of
the Subject will probably admit; wherein Reaſon,
and good Advice will be your fafeft Guides: But
beware of letting the pathetick Part fwallow up the
Rational: For, I fuppofe, Philofophers have long a-
greed, that Paffion fhould never prevail over Rea-
fon.
As I take it, the two principal Branches of
Preaching, are firſt to tell the People what is their
Duty and then to convince them that it is fo.
The Topicks for both theſe, we know, are brought
from Scripture and Reafon. Upon the former, I
wish it were often practifed to inftruct the Hearers
in the Limits, Extent, and Compafs of every Duty,
which requires a good deal of Skill and Judgment:
The other Branch is, I think, not fo difficult. But
what I would offer upon both, is this; that it ſeems
to be in the Power of a reaſonable Clergyman, if
he will be at the Pains, to make the moſt ignorant
Man comprehend what is his Duty; and to con-
vince him by Arguments drawn to the Levil of his
Underſtanding, that he ought to perform it.
BUT I muſt remember, that my Defign in this
'Paper was not fo much to inftruct you in your Bu-
finefs, either as a Clergyman, or a Preacher, as to
warn you againſt fome Miftakes, which are obvious
to the Generality of Mankind, as well as to me;
and we, who are Hearers, may be allowed to have
fome Opportunities in the Quality of being Standers
by. Only, perhaps, I may now again tranfgrefs,
by defiring you to exprefs the Heads of your Divi-
fions in as few and clear Words, as you poffibly can ;
otherwiſe, I, and many thoufand others, will never
be able to retain them, nor confequently to carry a-
way a Syllable of the Sermon.
a young GENTLEMAN.
248
I SHALL NOW mention a Particular, wherein
your whole Body will be certainly againſt me; and
the Laity, almoſt to a Man, on my Side. How-
ever it came about, I cannot get over the Prejudice.
of taking fome little Offence at the Clergy, for per-
petually reading their Sermons; perhaps, my fre-
quent hearing of Foreigners, who never make ufe
of Notes, may have added to my Difguft. And I
cannot but think, that whatever is read, differs as
much from what is repeated without Book, as a Co-
py doth from an Original. At the fame Time, I
am highly fenfible what an extreme Difficulty it
would be upon you to alter this Method; and that,
in fuch a Cafe, your Sermons would be much lefs va-
luable than they are, for want of Time to improve
and correct them. I would therefore gladly come
to a Com-premife with you in this Matter. I knew
a Clergyman of fome Diftinction, who appeared to
deliver his Sermon without looking into his Notes;
which, when I complimented him upon, he affured
me, he could not repeat fix Lines; but his Method
was to write the whole Sermon in a large plain
Hand, with all the Forms of Margin, Paragraph,
marked Page, and the like; then on Sunday Morn-
ing, he took Care to run it over five or fix Times,
which he could do in an Hour; and when he deli-
vered it; by pretending to turn his Face from one
Side to the other, he would (in his own Expreffion)
pick up the Lines, and cheat his People, by mak-
ing them believe he had it all by Heart. He far-
ther added, that whenever he happened, by Ne-
glect, to omit any of theſe Circumftances, the
Vogue of the Parish was, our Doctor gave us but an
indifferent Sermon To-day. Now among us, many
Clergymen act fo directly contrary to this Method;
that from a Habit of faving Time and Paper, which
they
42
A LETTER to
they acquired at the Univerſity, they write in fo
diminutive a Manner, with fuch frequent Blots and
Interlineations, that they are hardly able to go on
without perpetual Hefitations, or extemporary Ex-
pletives: And I defire to know what can be more
inexcufeable than to fee a Divine, and a Scholar, at
a Lofs in reading his own Compofitions; which, it
is fuppofed, he hath been preparing with much
Pains and Thought, for the Inftruction of his Peo-
ple. The Want of a little more Care in this Arti-
cle, is the Caufe of much ungraceful Behaviour.
You will obferve fome Clergymen with their Heads
held down from the Beginning to the End, within
an Inch of the Cuſhion, to read what is hardly legi-
ble; which, beſides the untoward Manner, hinders
them from making the beft Advantage of their
Voice: Others, again, have a Trick of popping
up and down every Moment, from their Paper to
the Audience, like an idle School-Boy on a Repe-
tition Day.
LET me intreat you therefore, to add one Half-
Crown a Year to the Article of Paper; to trant
ſcribe your Sermons in as large and plain a Manner
as you can, and either make no Interlineations, or
change the whole Leaf: For we, your Hearers,
would rather you ſhould be lefs correct, than per-
petually ſtammering; which I take to be one of
the worst Solecisms in Rhetorick. And lastly, read
your Sermon once or twice, for a few Days before
you preach it. To which you will probably an-
fwer fome Years hence, That it was but just finished
when the laft Bell rang to Church; and I thall rea-
dily believe, but not excufe you.
I CANNOT forbear warning you, in the moſt ear-
neft Manner, againit endeavouring at Wit in your
Sermons: Becauſe, by the ftricteft Computation, it
is
a young GENTLEMAN.
243
is very near a Million to One, that you have none;
and becauſe too many of your Calling, have confe-
quently made themſelves everlaſtingly ridiculous by
attempting it. I remember feveral young Men in
this Town, who could never leave the Pulpit under
half a Dozen Conceits; and this Faculty adhered to
thoſe Gentlemen a longer or fhorter Time, exactly
in Proportion to their feveral Degrees of Dulneſs:
Accordingly, I am told that fome of them retain it
to this Day. I heartily wish the Brood were at an
End.
BEFORE you enter into the common unfufferable
Cant, of taking all Occafions to difparage the Hea-
then Philofophers; I hope, you will differ from fome
of your Brethren, by firft enquiring what thoſe Phi-
lofophers can fay for themſelves. The Syftem of
Morality to be gathered out of the Writings, or
Sayings of thofe antient Sages, falls undoubtedly
very ſhort of that delivered in the Gofpel; and
wants, befides, the Divine Sanction which our
Saviour gave to his. Whatever is further related
by the Evangelifts, contains chiefly Matters of Fact,
and confequently of Faith; fuch as the Birth of
Chrift, his being the Meffiah, his Miracles, his
Death, Refurrection, and Afcention: None of
which can properly come under the Appellation of
human Wiſdom, being intended only to make us
wife unto Salvation, And therefore in this Point,
nothing can be juſtly laid to the Charge of the Phi-
lofophers; further, than that they were ignorant of
certain Facts which happened long after their Death,
But I am deceived if a better Comment could be
any where collected upon the moral Part of the
Goſpel, than from the Writings of thoſe excellent
Men. Even that Divine Precept of loving our E-
nemies, is at large infifted on by Plato; who puts
VOL. I,
R
it,
244
A LETTER to
it, as I remember, into the Mouth of Socrates. And
as to the Reproach of Heathenifm, I doubt they had
lefs of it than the corrupted Jews, in whofe Time
they lived. For it is a grofs Piece of Ignorance a-
mong us, to conceive, that in thoſe polite and learn-
ed Ages, even Perfons of any tolerable Education,
much lefs the wifeft Philofophers, did acknow-
ledge, or worship any more than one Almighty
Power, under feveral Denominations, to whom they
allowed all thofe Attributes we afcribe to the Divini-
ty. And, as I take it, human Comprehenfion
reacheth no further: Neither did our Saviour think
it neceffary to explain to us the Nature of God;
becauſe, as I fuppofe, it would te impoffible, with-
out beltowing on us other Faculties than we poffefs
at prefent. But the true Mifery of the Heathen
World appears to be what I before mentioned, the
Want of a Divine Sanction; without which, the
Dictates of the Philofophers failed in the Point of
Authority; and confequently the Bulk of Mankind
lay, indeed, under a great Load of Ignorance, even
in the Article of Morality; but the Philofophers
themſelves did not. Take the Matter in this Light
and it will afford Field enough for a Divine to en-
large upon; by fhewing the Advantages which the
Chriftian World hath over the Heathen; and the
abfolute Neceffity of Divine Revelation, to make
the Knowledge of the true Gop, and the Practice of
Virtue more univerfal in the World.
I AM not ignorant how much I differ in this O-
pinion from fome ancient Fathers in the Church;
who arguing againſt the Heathens, made it a prin-
cipal Topick to decry their Philofophy as much as
they could: Which, I hope, is not altogether our
prefent Cafe. Befides, it is to be confidered, that
thofe Fathers lived in the Decline of Literature;
and
a young GENTLEMAN.
245
and in my Judgment, (who fhould be unwilling
to give the leaſt Offence,) appear to be rather moſt
excellent holy Perfons, than of tranfcendent Genius
and Learning. Their genuine Writings (for ma-
ny of them have extremely fuffered by fpurious
Additions) are of admirable Ufe for confirming the
Truth of ancient Doctrines and Difcipline; by
fhewing the State and Practice of the primitive
Church. But among fuch of them, as have fallen
in my Way, I do not remember any, whofe Man-
ner of arguing or exhorting I could heartily recom-
mend to the Imitation of a young Divine, when
he is to ſpeak from the Pulpit. Perhaps I judge too
haftily, there being feveral of them, in whofe Wri-
tings I have made very little Progrefs, and in others
none at all. For I peruſed only fuch as were re-
commended to me, at a Time when I had more
Leifure, and a better Difpofition to read, than have
fince fallen to my Share.
To return then to the Heathen Philofophers: I
hope you will not only give them Quarter, but make
their Works a confiderable Part of your Study. To
theſe I will venture to add the principal Orators and
Hiftorians, and perhaps a few of the Poets: By
the Reading of which, you will foon difcover your
Mind and Thoughts to be enlarged, your Imagina-
tion extended and refined, your Judgment di-
rected, your Admiration leffened, and your For-
titude increaſed. All which Advantages muſt
needs be of excellent Ufe to a Divine, whofe Duty
it is to preach and practiſe the Contempt of human
Things.
I WOULD fay fomething concerning Quotations;
wherein I think you cannot be too fparing, except
from Scripture, and the primitive Writers of the
Church. As to the former, when you offer a Text
R 2
as
246
ALETTER to
as a Proof or an Illuftration, we your Hearers ex-
pect to be fairly uſed; and ſometimes think we have
Reafon to complain, efpecially of you younger
Di-
vines; which makes us fear, that fome of you con-
ceive you have no more to do than to turn over a
Concordance, and there having found the principal
Word, introduce as much of the Verfe as will ferve
your Turn, although in Reality it makes nothing
for you. I do not altogether difapprove the Man-
ner of interweaving Texts of Scripture through the
Style of your Sermon ; wherein, however, I have
fometimes obferved great Inftances of Indifcretion
and Impropriety; againſt which I therefore venture
to give you a Caution.
As to Quotations from antient Fathers, I think
they are beſt brought in, to confirm fome Opinion
controverted by thofe who differ from us: In o-
ther Cafes we give you full Power to adopt the
Sentence for your own, rather than tell us, as St.
Auftin excellently obferves: But to mention modern
Writers by Name, or ufe the Phrafe of a late excel-
lent Prelate of our Church, and the like, is altoge-
ther intolerable; and, for what Reafon I know not,
makes every rational Hearer afhamed. Of no bet-
ter a Stamp is your Heathen Philofopher, and famous
Poet, and Roman Hiſtorian; at leaſt in common Con-
gregations, who will rather believe you on your
own Word, than on that of Plato or Homer.
I HAVE lived to fee Greek and Latin almoſt en-
tirely driven out of the Pulpit; for which I am
heartily glad. The frequent Ufe of the latter was
certainly a Remnant of Popery, which never ad-
mitted Scripture in the vulgar Language; and I
wonder that Practice was never accordingly object-
ed to us by the Fanaticks.
THE Mention of Quotations puts me in mind of
Common
a young GENTLEMAN.
247
Common-place Books, which have been long in
Ufe by induſtrious young Divines, and, I hear, do
ftill continue fo; I know they are very beneficial
to Lawyers and Phyſicians, becauſe they are Col-
lections of Facts or Cafes, whereupon a great Part
of their feveral Faculties depend: Of thefe I have
ſeen ſeveral, but never yet any written by a Cler-
gyman; only from what I am informed, they gene-
rally are Extracts of Theological and Moral Sen-
tences, drawn from Ecclefiaftical and other Authors,
reduced under proper Heads; ufually begun, and
perhaps, finiſhed, while the Collectors were young
in the Church; as being intended for Materials, or
Nurferies to ftock future Sermons. You will ob-
ferve the wife Editors of ancient Authors, when
they meet a Sentence worthy of being diftinguifhed,
take fpecial Care to have the firft Word printed in
Capital Letters, that you may not overlook it:
Such, for Example, as the Inconftancy of Fortune, the
Goodness of Peace, the Excellency of IVijdom, the Cer-
tainty of Death; that Profperity makes Men infolent,
and Adverfity bumble; and the like eternal Truths,
which every Plowman knows well enough, although
he never heard of Ariſtotle or Plato. If Theologi-
cal Common-Place Books be no better filled, I
think they had better be laid afide: And I could
wiſh, that Men of tolerable Intellectuals would ra-
ther truft to their own natural Reafon, improved by
a general Converſation with Books, to inlarge on
Points which they are fuppofed already to under-
ftand. Ifa rational Man reads an excellent Author
with juft Application, he fhall find himſelf extreme-
ly improved, and perhaps infenfibly led to imitate.
that Author's Perfections; although in a little time
he ſhould not remember one Word in the Book,
even
248
A LETTER to
nor even the Subject it handled: For, Books give
the fame Turn to our Thoughts and Way of Rea-
foning, that good and ill Company do to our Beha-
viour and Converſation; without either loading our
Memories, or making us even fenfible of the
Change. And particularly, I have obſerved in
Preaching, that no Men fucceed better than thoſe,
who truft intirely to the Stock or Fund of their
own Reaſon; advanced, indeed, but not overlaid
by Commerce with Books. Whoever only reads,
in order to tranfcribe wife and fhining Remarks,
without entering into the Genius and Spirit of the
Author; as it is probable he will make no very ju-
dicious Extract, fo he will be apt to truft to that
Collection in all his Compofitions; and be miſled
out of the regular Way of Thinking, in order to
introduce thoſe Materials which he hath been at
the Pains to gather: And the Product of all this,
will be found a manifeft incoherent Piece of Patch-
work.
SOME Gentlemen abounding in their Univerſity
Erudition, are apt to fill their Sermons with philo-
fophical Terms, and Notions of the metaphyfical
or abftracted Kind; which generally have one Ad-
vantage, to be equally understood by the Wife,
the Vulgar, and the Preacher himſelf. I have been
better entertained, and more informed by a Chap-
ter in the Pilgrim's Progress, than by a long Dif-
courſe upon the Will and the Intellect, and ſimple.
or complex Ideas. Others again, are fond of dilating
on Matter and Motion, talk of the fortuitous Con-
courſe of Atoms, of Theories, and Phænomena; direct-
ly against the Advice of St. Paul, who yet appears
to have been converfant enough in thoſe Kinds of
Studies.
I DO
a young GENTLEMAN.
249
I Do not find that you are any where directed in
the Canons, or Articles, to attempt explaining the
Myſteries of the Chriftian Religion. And, indeed,
fince Providence intended there fhould be Myfte-
ries; I do not fee how it can be agreeable to Piety,
Orthodoxy, or good Senfe, to go about fuch a Work.
For, to me there feems to be a manifeft Dilemma
in the Cafe: If you explain them, they are Myfte-
ries no longer; if you fail, you have laboured to
no Purpoſe. What I fhould think moſt reaſonable
and fafe for you to do, upon this Occafion, is upon
folemn Days to deliver the Doctrine as the Church
holds it, and confirm it by Scripture. For my
Part, having confidered the Matter impartially, I
can fee no great Reafon which thofe Gentlemen,
you call the Free-Thinkers, can have for their Cla-
mour againſt Religious Myſteries; fince it is plain,
they were not invented by the Clergy, to whom
they bring no Profit, nor acquire any Honour. For
every Clergyman is ready, either to tell us the ut-
moft he knows, or to confefs that he doth not un-
derſtand them: Neither is it ftrange, that there
ſhould be Mysteries in Divinity, as well as in the
commoneft Operations of Nature.
AND here I am at a Lofs what to fay, upon the
frequent Cuſtom of preaching against Atheism, De-
iſm, Free-Thinking, and the like; as young Divines
are particularly fond of doing, eſpecially when
they exerciſe their Talent in Churches, frequented
by People of Quality; which, as it is but an ill
Compliment to the Audience, fo I am under fome
Doubt whether it anfwers the End, Becaufe, Per-
fons under thofe Imputations are generally no great
Frequenters of Churches, and fo the Congregation
is but little edified for the Sake of three or four
Fools, who are paſt Grace. Neither do I think it
any
250
A LETTER to
any Part of Prudence, to perplex the Minds of well-
difpofed People with Doubts, which probably
would never have otherwife come into their Heads.
But I am of Opinion, and dare be pofitive in it,
that not one in a Hundred of thofe, who pretend
to be Free-Thinkers, are really fo in their Hearts.
For there is one Obfervation which I never knew
to fail, and I defire you will examine it in the
Courſe of your Life; that no Gentleman of a libe-
ral Education, and regular in his Morals, did ever
profeſs himſelf a Free-Thinker: Where then are
thefe Kind of People to be found? Amongft the
worft Part of the Soldiery, made up of Pages,
younger Brothers of obfcure Families, and others
of defperate Fortunes; or elfe among idle Town-
Fops; and now and then a drunken Eſquire of the
Country. Therefore, nothing can be plainer, than
that Ignorance, and Vice, are two Ingredients ab-
folutely neceffary. in the Compofition of thoſe you
generally call Free-Thinkers; who, in Propriety of
Speech, are no Thinkers at all. And, fince I am in
the Way of it, pray confider one Thing farther:
As young as you are, you cannot but have already
obferved, what a violent Run there is among too
many weak People, againſt Univerſity Education:
Be firmly affured, that the whole Cry is made up by
thofe, who were either never fent to a College; or
through their Irregularities and Stupidity, never
made the leaft Improvement while they were there.
I have above Forty of the latter now in my Eye;
feveral of them in this Town, whofe Learning, Man-
ners, Temperance, Probity, Good nature, and Politicks,
are all of a-piece. Others of them in the Country,
oppreffing their Tenants, tyrannizing over the
Neighbourhood, cheating the Vicar, talking Non-
fenfe, and getting drunk at the Seffions. It is from
fuch
a young GENTLEMAN.
251
fuch Seminaries as thefe, that the World is provid-
ed with the ſeveral Tribes and Denominations of
Free-Thinkers; who, in my Judgment, are not to
be reformed by Arguments offered to prove the
Truth of the Chriftian Religion; becauſe, Reaſoning
will never make a Man correct an ill Opinion,
which by Reaſoning he never acquired: For, in the
Courſe of Things, Men always grow vicious be-
fore they become Unbelievers: But if you could
once convince the Town or Country Profligate, by
Topicks drawn from the View of their own Quiet,
Reputation, Health, and Advantage; their Infide-
lity would foon drop off: This, I confefs, is no ea-
fy Task; becauſe it is almoft in a literal Senfe, to
fight with Beufts. Now, to make it clear, that we
are to look for no other Original of this Infidelity,
whereof Divines fo much complain; it is allowed
on all Hands, that the People of England are more
corrupt in their Morals, than any other Nation at
this Day under the Sun: And this Corruption is ma-
nifeftly owing to other Cauſes, both numerous and ob-
vious, much more to than the Publication of irreligi
ous Books; which, indeed, are but the Confequence
of the former. For, all the Writers againſt Chriſ-
tianity, fince the Revolution, have been of the low-
eft Rank among Men, in regard to Literature,
Wit, and good Senfe; and upon that Account,
wholly unqualified to propagate Herefies, unlefs a-
mong People already abandoned.
In an Age where every Thing difliked by thofe,
who think with the Majority, is called Difaffection;
it may perhaps be ill interpreted, when I venture
to tell you, that this univerfal Depravation of Man-
ners, is owing to the perpetual bandying of Factions
among us for thirty Years paft; when, without
weighing the Motives of Justice, Law, Confcience,
or
252
A LETTER to
or Honour, every Man adjuſts his Principles to thoſe
of the Party he hath chofen, and among whom he
may beſt find his own Account: But, by reafon of
our frequent Viciffitudes, Men, who were impati-
ent to be out of Play, have been forced to recant,
or at leaſt to reconcile their former Tenets with
every new Syſtem of Adminiftration. Add to this,
that the old fundamental Cuſtom of annual Parlia-
ments being wholly laid afide, and Elections grow-
ing chargeable; fince Gentlemen found that their
Country Seats brought them in lefs than a Seat in
the Houfe; the Voters, that is to ſay, the Bulk of
the common People, have been univerfally feduc-
ed into Bribery, Perjury, Drunkenneſs, Malice, and
Slander.
;
NOT to be further tedious, or rather invidious
theſe are a few, among other Caufes, which have
contributed to the Ruin of our Morals, and confe-
quently to the Contempt of Religion. For, imagine
to yourſelf, if you pleafe, a landed Youth, whom
his Mother would never fuffer to look into a Book,
for fear of ſpoiling his Eyes; got into Parliament,
and obferving all Enemies to the Clergy heard with
the utmoſt Applaufe; what Notions he muft imbibe;
how readily he will join in the Cry; what an E-
fteem he will conceive of himfelf; and what a Con-
tempt he muſt entertain, not only for his Vicar at
home, but for the whole Order.
I THEREFORE again conclude, that the Trade of
Infidelity hath been taken up only for an Expedient
to keep in Countenance that univerfal Corruption of
Morals, which many other Caufes firft contributed
to introduce, and to cultivate. And thus, Mr.
Hobbes's Saying upon Reaſon, may be much more
properly applied to Religion: That, if Religion will
be against a Man, a Man will be against Religion.
Although,
a young GENTLEMAN.
253
Although, after all, I have heard a Profligate offer
much ſtronger Arguments againſt paying his Debts,
than ever he was known to do against Christianity
indeed, the Reafon was, becauſe in that Juncture
he happened to be cloſer preffed by the Bailiff than
the Parfon.
IGNORANCE may, perhaps, be the Mother of Su-
perftition; but Experience hath not proved it to be fo
of Devotion: For Christianity always made the moſt
eafy and quickeſt Progrefs in civilized Countries.
I mention this, becauſe it is affirmed, that the
Clergy are in moft Credit where Ignorance prevails,
(and furely this Kingdom would be called the Pa-
radife of Clergymen, if that Opinion were true)
for which they inftance England in the Times of
Popery. But whoever knoweth any Thing of three
or four Centuries before the Reformation, will find,
the little Learning then ftirring, was more equally
divided between the English Clergy and Laity,
than it is at prefent. There were feveral famous
Lawyers in that Period, whofe Writings are ftill
in the higheſt Repute; and fome Hiftorians and
Poets, who were not of the Church. Whereas,
now-a-days our Education is fo corrupted, that you
will hardly find a young Perfon of Quality with
the leaft Tincture of Knowledge; at the fame
Time that many of the Clergy were never more
learned, or fo fcurvily treated. Here among Us,
at leaſt, a Man of Letters, out of the three Pro-
feffions, is almoft a Prodigy. And thofe few who
have preferved any Rudiments of Learning, are
(except, perhaps, one or two Smatterers) the Cler-
*
* N. B. This Difcourfe was written fourteen Years
ago; fince which Time, the Cafe is extremely altered
by Deaths and Succeſſions.
gy's
254
ALETTER, &
gy's Friends to a Man: For, I dare appeal to any
Clergyman in this Kingdom, whether the greateft
Dunce in his Pariſh be not always the moft proud,
wicked, fraudulent, and intractable of his Flock.
I THINK the Clergy have almoſt given over per-
plexing themſelves and the Hearers, with abftrufe
Points of Predeftination, Election, and the like; at
leaft, it is Time they ſhould; and therefore, I fhall
not trouble you further upon this Head.
1 HAVE NOW faid all I could think convenient
with relation to your Conduct in the Pulpit. Your
Behaviour in the World is another Scene, upon
which, I fhall readily offer you my Thoughts, if
you appear to defire them from me, by your Ap-
probation of what I have here written; if not, I
have already troubled you too much.
I am SIR,
Your affectionate
January 9,
719-20.
Friend and Servant】
PREPATUR ONGO
CINERES
THE
[ 255 1
The WONDERFUL
WONDER
O F
WONDERS
Written in the YEAR 1720.
HERE is a certain Perfon lately arriv
ed at this City, whom it is very pro-
per the World fhould be informed
of. His Character may, perhaps, be
thought very inconfiftent, improba-
ble, and unnatural: However I intend to draw it
with the utmoft Regard to Truth. This, I am
the better qualified to do, becauſe he is a Sort of
Dependant upon our Family, and almost of the fame
Age; although I cannot directly fay, I have ever
feen him. He is a Native of this Country, and
hath lived long among us; but what appears won-
derful,
256
The wonderful
derful, and hardly credible, was never feen before
by any Mortal.
IT is true, indeed, he always chufes the lowest
Place in Company, and contrives it fo, to keep out
of Sight. It is reported, however, that in his
younger Days he was frequently exposed to View ;
but always againſt his Will, and was fure to fmart
for it.
As to his Family; he came into the World a
younger Brother, being of fix Children, the fourth
in order of Birth; of which the Eldeft is now Head
of the Houfe; the fecond and third carry Arms;
but the two Youngeſt are only Footmen: Some, in-
deed, add, that he hath likewiſe a Twin-Brother,
who lives over-againſt him, and keeps a Victualling-
Houſe: He has the Reputation to be a cloſe, griping,
Squeezing Fellow; and, that when his Bags are full,
he is often needy; yet, when the Fit takes him, as
faft as he gets, he lets it fly.
WHEN in Office, no one difchargeth himfelf, or
doth his Bufinefs better. He hath fometimes trained
bard for an honeft Livelihood; and never got a
Bit, until every Body elfe had done.
ONE Practice appears very blameable in him;
that every Morning he privately frequents unclean
Houfes, where any modeft Perfon would blufh to be
feen. And although this be generally known, yet
the World, as cenforious as it is, hath been fo kind
to overlook this Infirmity in him. To deal im-
partially, it muſt be granted, that he is too great
a Lover of himſelf, and very often confults his own
Eafe, at the Expence of his beſt Friends. But this
is one of his blind Sides; and the beft of Men I fear
are not without them.
He hath been conftituted by the higher Powers
in the Station of Receiver-General; in which Em-
ployment,
WONDER of WONDERS.
257
ployment, fome have cenfured him for playing fast
and loofe. He is likewife Overfeer of the Golden
Mines, which he daily infpects, when his Health
will permit him.
He was long bred under a * Maſter of Arts, who
inſtilled good Principles in him, but theſe were foon
corrupted. I know not whether it deferves mention,
that he is fo very capricious, as to take it for an
equal Affront to talk either of killing, or kicking
him; which hath occafioned a thouſand Quarrels :
However, no body ever huth been ſo great a Suf-
ferer for Faults, which he neither was, nor poffi-
bly could be guilty of.
IN his Religion he has thus much of the Quaker,'
that he ftands always covered, even in the Prefence
of the King: In moſt other Points, a perfect Ido-
later, although he endeavours to conceal it: For he
is known to offer daily Sacrifices to certain fubter-
raneous Nymphs, whom he worfhips in an bumble
Pofture, prone on his Face, and ftript ftark naked; and
fo leaves his Offerings bebind him, which the Priests
of thoſe Goddeffes are careful enough to remove up-
on certain Seaſons, with the utmoſt Privacy at Mid-
night, and from thence maintain themſelves and Fa-
milies. In all urgent Neceffities and Preffures, he ap-
plies himſelf to thefe Deities, and fometimes even
in the Streets and Highways; from an Opinion that
thoſe Powers have an Influence in all Places; al-
though their peculiar Refidence be in Caverns un-
der Ground. Upon thefe Occafions, the faireſt
Ladies will not refuſe to lend their Hands to affift
him: For, although they are afhamed to have him
feen in their Company, or even fo much as to hear
• Magifter Artis, Ingenique Largiter Venter.
him
258
The wonderful
him named; yet it is well known, that he is one
of their conftant Followers.
IN Politicks, he always fubmits to what is upper-
most; but he perufeth Pamphlets on both Sides with
great Impartiality, although ſeldom until every body
elfe hath done with them.
His Learning is of a mixed Kind; and he may
properly be called a Helluo librorum, or another Ja-
cobus de Voraigne; although his Studies are chiefly
confined to Schoolmen, Commentators, and German
Divines together with modern Poetry and Criticks:
And he is an Atomick Philofopher, ftrongly main-
taining a Void in Nature, which he feems to have
fairly proved by many Experiments.
I SHALL now proceed to defcribe fome peculiar
Qualities, which in feveral Inftances feem to diftin-
guifh this Perfon from the common Race of other
Mortals.
His Grandfather was a Member of the Rump
Parliament, as the Grandfon is of the prefent; where
he often rifes, fometimes grumbles, but never fpeaks.
However, he lets nothing pafs willingly, but what
is well digefted. His Courage is indifputable, for he
will take the boldeſt Man alive by the Noſe.
He is generally the first a Bed, in the Family,
and the last up; which is to be lamented; becauſe
when he happens to rife before the reft, it hath been
thought to forebode fome good Fortune to his Su-
periors.
As Wiſdom is acquired by Age, fo by every new
Wrinkle in his Face he is reported to gain fome new
Knowledge.
In him we may obſerve the true Effects and Con-
fequences of Tyranny in a State: For, as he is a
great Oppreſſor of all below him, ſo there is no Body
more oppreſſed by thofe above him: Yet in his Time,
he
WONDER of WONDERS.
259
he hath been fo highly in Favour, that many illuf-
trious Perfons have been intirely indebted to him for
their Preferments.
He hath diſcovered from his own Experience
the true Point, wherein all human Actions, Pro-
jects, and Deſigns do chiefly terminate; and how
mean and fordid they are at the Bottom.
Ir behoves the Publick to keep him quiet; for
his frequent Murmurs are a certain Sign of inteftine
Tumults.
No Philofopher ever lamented more the Luxury,
For which theſe Nations are ſo juſtly taxed; it hath
been known to coft him Tears of Blood; for in his
own Nature he is far from being profuſe; although,
indeed, he never ſtays a Night at a Gentleman's
Houſe, without leaving fomething behind him.
He receives, with great Submiffion, whatever
his Patrons think fit to give him, and when they lay
heavy Burthens upon him, which is frequent enough,
he gets rid of them as foon as he can; but not with-
out fome Labour, and much Grumbling.
HE is a perpetual Hanger-on; yet no Body knows
how to be without him. He patiently fuffers him-
felf to be kept under, but loves to be well uſed; and
in that Cafe, will facrifice his Fitals to give you
Eaſe; and he hath hardly one Acquaintance, for
whom he hath not been bound; yet, as far as we
can find, was never known to lofe any Thing by it.
He is obferved to be very unquiet in the Com-
pany of a Frenchman in new Cloaths, or a young
Coquet.
He is, in fhort, the Subject of much Mirth and
Raillery, which he feems to take well enough; al-
though it hath not been obſerved, that ever any good
Thing came from himſelf.
VOL. I.
THERE
260 The wonderful WONDER, &c.
THERE is ſo general an Opinion of his Juftice,
that ſometimes very hard Cafes are left to his Deci-
fion: And while he fits upon them, he carries him-
felf exactly even between both Sides, except where
fome knotty Point ariſes; and then he is obferved to
lean a little to the Right, or Left, as the Matter in-
clines him; but his Reaſons for it are fo manifeft
and convincing, that every Man approves them.
THE
[ 261 ]
THE
WONDER
Of all the
WONDERS
THAT
Ever the WORLD wondered at.
Written in the YEAR 1721.
To all PERSONS of QUALITY, and others.
N
EwLY arrived at this City, the fa-
mous Artist John Emanuel Schoits,
who, to the great Surprize and Sa-
tisfaction of all Spectators, is ready
to do the following wonderful Per-
formances, the like before never
feen in this Kingdom.
He will heat a Bar of Iron red hot, and thruſt it
S 2
into
2 8 2
The Wonder of all Wonders, &c.
into a Barrel of Gunpowder before all the Compa-
ny, and it ſhall not take Fire.
He lets any Gentleman charge a Blunderbufs,
with the fame Gunpowder, and twelve Leaden Bul-
lets;
which Blunderbufs the faid Artiſt diſcharges
full in the Face of the faid Company, without do-
ing the leaft Hurt; the Bullets fticking in the Wall
behind them.
He takes any Gentlemen's own Sword, and runs
it through the faid Gentleman's Body, fo that the
Point appears bloody at the Back, to all the Specta-
tors; then he takes out the Sword, wipes it clean,
and returns it to the Owner; who receives no man-
ner of Hurt.
He takes a Pot of fcalding Oil, and throws it by
great Leadles full directly at the Ladies, without
fpoiling their Cloaths, or burning their Skins.
He takes any Perfon of Quality's Child, from
two Years old to fix, and lets the Child's own Fa-
ther or Mother take a Fike in their Hands; then
the Artiſt takes the Child in his Arms and toffes it
upon the Point of the Pike, where it fticks, to the
great Satisfaction of all Spectators; and is then tak-
en off without fo much as an Hole in his Coat.
He mounts upon a Scaffold, juft over the Spec-
tators, and from thence throws down a great Quan-
tity of large Tiles and Stones, which fall like fo
many Pillows, without fo much as difcompofing ei-
ther Perukes or Head-dreffes.
He takes any Perfon of Quality up to the faid
Scaffold, which Perfon pulls off his Shoes and leaps
nine Feet directly down on a Board prepared on
purpoſe, full of ſharp Spikes fix Inches long, with-
out hurting his Feet, or damaging his Stockings.
He places the faid Board on a Chair, upon which
a Lady fits down with another Lady upon her Lap;
while
The Wonder of all Wonders, &c.
263
while the Spikes, inſtead of entering into the under
Lady's Flesh, will feel like a Velvet Cuſhion.
He takes any Perfon of Quality's Footman; ties
a Rope about his bare Neck, and draws him up by
Pullies to the Cieling, and there keeps him hanging
as long as his Mafter or the Company pleaſes; the
faid Footman, to the Wonder and Delight of all
Beholders, with a Fot of Ale in one Hand, and a
Pipe in the other; and when he is let down there
will not appear the leaft Mark of the Cord about
his Neck.
He bids a Lady's Maid put her Finger into a
Cup of clear Liquor like Water; upon which her
Face and both her Hands are immediately wither-
ed, like an old Woman of Fourfcore; her Belly
fwells as if ſhe were within a Week of her Time,
and her Legs are as thick as Mill-Pofts; but up-
on putting her Finger into another Cup, fhe be-
comes as young and handſome as fhe was before.
He gives any Gentleman Leave to drive forty
Twelve-penny Nails up to the Head in a Porter's
Backfide; and then he places the faid Porter on a
Loadſtone Chair, which draws out every Nail, and
the Porter feels no Pain.
He likewife draws the Teeth of half a Dozen
Gentlemen; mixes and jumbles them in a Hat;
gives any Perſon Leave to blindfold him, while he
returns each their own, and fixes them as well as
ever.
WITH his Fore-finger and Thumb he thruſts fe-
veral Gentlemen's and Ladies Eyes out of their
Heads, without the leaſt Pain; at which Time they
fee an unspeakable Number of beautiful Colours;
and after they are entertained to the full, he places
them again in their proper Sockets, without any
Damage to the Sight.
HI
Н
264
The Wonder of all Wonders, &c.
He lets any Gentleman drink a Quart of hot
melted Lead; and by a Draught of prepared Li-
quor, of which he takes part himſelf, he makes the
faid Lead paſs through the faid Gentleman before
all the Spectators, without any Damage: After
which, it is produced in a Cake to the Company.
WITH many other wonderful Performances of
Art, too tedious here to mention.
THE ſaid Artift hath performed before moft
Kings and Princes in Europe with great Applauſe.
He performs every Day (except Sundays) from
Ten of the Clock to One in the Forenoon ; and
from Four until Seven in the Evening, at the new
Inn in Smithfield.
THE firft Seat a Britifb Crown, the fecond a Bri-
tiſh Half-Crown, and the loweſt a British Shilling.
N. B. THE beft Hands in Town are to play at
the faid Show.
A LET
[265]
Cou
A
LETTER
TOA
YOUNG LADY
ON HER
MARRIAGE
Written in the YEAR 1723.
MADAM,
E
HE Hurry and Impertinence of re-
ceiving and paying Vifits on Account
of your Marriage, being now over;
you are beginning to enter into a
Courfe of Life, where you will want
much Advice to divert you from falling into ma-
ny Errors, Fopperies, and Follies to which your
Sex is Subject. I have always born an intire
Friendship
266
A LETTER to
of him.
Friendſhip to your Father and Mother; and the
Perſon they have chofen for your Husband, hath
been for fome Years paft my particular Favourite.
I have long wiſhed you might come together, be-
cauſe I hoped, that from the Goodneſs of your Dif-
pofition, and by following the Council of wife
Friends, you might in Time make yourſelf worthy
Your Parents were fo far in the Right,
that they did not produce you much into the World;
whereby you avoided many wrong Steps which o-
thers have taken; and have fewer ill Impreffions
to be removed: But they failed, as it is generally
the Cafe, in too much neglecting to cultivate your
Mind, without which it is impoffible to acquire
or preferve the Friendſhip and Efteem of a wife
Man, who foon grows weary of acting the Lover,
and treating his Wife like a Miſtreſs; but wants a
reaſonable Companion, and a true Friend through
every Stage of his Life. It muſt be therefore your
Bufinefs to qualify yourſelf for thofe Offices; where-
in I will not fail to be your Director as long as I
ſhall think you deſerve it, by letting you know
how you are to act, and what you ought to avoid.
AND beware of defpifing or neglecting my In-
ftructions, whereon will depend, not only your
making a good Figure in the World, but your own
real Happineſs, as well as that of the Perfon who
ought to be the dearest to you.
I MUST therefore defire you in the firſt Place to
be very flow in changing the modeft Behaviour of
a Virgin: It is ufual in young Wives before they
have been many Weeks married, to affume a bold,
forward Look and Manner of Talking; as if they
intended to fignify in all Companies, that they were
no longer Girls, and confequently that their whole
Demeanor, before they got a Husband, was all but
a Coun-
a young LADY.
267
a Countenance and Conftraint upon their Nature:
Whereas, I fuppofe, if the Votes of wife Men were
gathered, a very great Majority would be in favour
of thofe Ladies, who after they were entered into
that State, rather choſe to double their Portion of
Modeſty and Refervedneſs.
I MUST likewife warn you ftrictly against the leaft
Degree of Fondneſs to your Husband before any
Witneffes whatſoever, even before your neareſt Re-
lations, or the very Maids of your Chamber. This
Proceeding is fo extremely odious and difguftful to
all who have either good Breeding or good Senſe,
that they affign two very unamiable Reaſons for it,
the one is grofs Hypocrify, and the other hath too
bad a Name to mention. If there is any Difference
to be made, your Husband is the loweft Perfon in
Company, either at Home or Abroad; and every
Gentleman preſent hath a better Claim to all Marks
of Civility and Diſtinction from you. Conceal
your Efteem and Love in your own Breaft, and re-
ferve your kind Looks and Language for private
Hours; which are fo many in the Four and Twen-
ty, that they will afford Time to imploy a Paffion
as exalted as any that was ever deſcribed in a French
Romance.
UPON this Head, I ſhould likewiſe adviſe
you to
differ in Practice from thofe Ladies who affect A-
bundance of Uneafinefs while their Husbands are A-
broad; ſtart with every Knock at the Door, and
ring the Bell inceffantly for their Servants to let in
their Mafter; will not eat a Bit at Dinner or Sup-
per if the Husband happen to ſtay out; and receive
him at his Return with fuch a Medley of Chiding
and Kindneſs, and catechizing him where he hath
been; that a Shrew from Billingſgate would be a
more eafy and eligible Companion.
OF
22+1
268
A LETTER to
Of the fame Leaven are thoſe Wives, who when
their Husbands are gone a Journey, muſt have a
Letter every Poft, upon Pain of Fits and Hyftericks,
and a Day muſt be fixed for their Return home
without the leaft Allowance for Bufinefs, or Sick-
neſs, or Accidents, or Weather: Upon which, I
can only fay, that in my Obſervation, thoſe Ladies,
who are apt to make the greateſt Clutter upon fuch
Occafions, would liberally have paid a Meſſenger
for bringing them News, that their Husbands had
broken their Necks on the Road.
You will perhaps be offended when I adviſe you
to abate a little of that violent Paffion for fine
Cloaths fo predominant in your Sex. It is fome-
what hard, that ours, for whofe Sake you wear them,
are not admitted to be of your Council: I may ven-
ture to affure you, that we will make an Abatement
at any Time of four Pounds a Yard in a Brocade,
if the Ladies will but allow a fuitable Addition of
Care in the Cleanlinefs and Sweetnefs of their Per-
fons; for, the fatyrical Part of Mankind will needs
believe, that it is not impoffible, to be very fine.
and very filthy; and that the Capacities of a Lady
are ſometimes apt to fall fhort in cultivating Clean-
linefs and Finery together. I fhall only add, upon
fo tender a Subject, what a pleaſant Gentleman faid
concerning a filly Woman of Quality; that nothing
could make her fupportable but cutting off her
Head; for his Ears were offended by her Tongue,
and his Noſe by her Hair and Teeth.
I AM wholly at a Lofs how to adviſe you in the
Choice of Company; which, however, is a Point
of as great Importance as any in your Life, If your
general Acquaintance be among Ladies who are
your Equals or Superiors, provided they have no-
thing of what is commonly called an ill Reputation,
you
a young LADY.
269
you think you are fafe; and this in the Style of the
World will pafs for good Company. Whereas, I
am afraid it will be hard for you to pick out one Fe-
male Acquaintance in this Town, from whom you
may not be in manifeſt Danger of contracting fome
Foppery, Affectation, Vanity, Folly, or Vice.
Your only fafe Way of converfing with them, is
by a firm Reſolution to proceed in your Practice
and Behaviour, directly contrary to whatever they
ſhall fay or do: And this I take to be a good ge-
neral Rule, with very few Exceptions. For In-
ftance, in the Doctrines they ufually deliver to
young married Women for managing their Hus-
bands; their feveral Accounts of their own Con-
duct in that Particular, to recommend it to your
Imitation; the Reflections they make upon others
of their Sex for acting differently; their Directions
how to come off with Victory upon any Difpute or
Quarrel you may have with your Husband; the
Arts by which you may difcover and practice upon
his weak Sides; when to work by Flattery and In-
finuation; when to melt him with Tears; and when
to engage him with a high Hand. In thefe, and
a thoufand other Cafes, it will be prudent to retain
as many of their Lectures in your Memory as you
can, and then determine to act in full Oppofition
to them all.
I HOPE Your Husband will interpofe his Autho-
rity to limit you in the Trade of Vifiting: Half a
dozen Fools are in all Confcience as many as you
fhould require; and it will be fufficient for you to fee
them twice a Year: For I think the Fafhion doth
not exact that Vifits fhould be paid to Friends.
I ADVISE that your Company at Home ſhould
confift of Men rather than Women. To fay the
Truth, I never yet knew a tolerable Woman to be
fond
270
A LETTER to
fond of her own Sex: I confefs, when both are mix
and well chofen, and put their beft Qualities for-
ward, there may be an Intercourfe of Civility and
Good-will, which, with the Addition of fome
Degree of Senfe, can make Converfation or any A-
muſement agreeable. But a Knot of Ladies, got
together by themſelves, is a very School of Imper-
tinence and Detraction; and it is well if thofe be
the Worft.
LET your Men-Acquaintance be of your Hus-
band's Choice, and not recommended to you by
any She-companions; becauſe they will certainly
fix a Coxcomb upon you; and it will coft you fome
Time and Pains before you can arrive at the Know-
ledge of diftinguiſhing fuch a One from a Man of
Senſe.
NEVER take a Favourite-Waiting-Maid into
your Cabinet Council, to entertain you with Hif-
tories of thofe Ladies whom he hath formerly
ferved; of their Diverfions and their Drefles; to
infinuate how great a Fortune you brought, and
how little you are allowed to fquander to appeal to
her from your Husband, and to be determined by
her Judgment, becauſe you are fure it will be al-
ways for you; to receive and difcard Servants by
her Approbation, or Diflike; to engage you by
her Infinuations into Mifunderſtandings with your
beft Friends; to reprefent all Things in falfe Co-
lours, and to be the common Emiffary of Scandal.
BUT, the grand Affair of your Life will be to
gain and preferve the Friendship and Efteem of
your Husband. You are married to a Man of good
Education and Learning, of an excellent Under-
finding, and an exact Tafte. It is true, and it is
happy for you, that thefe Qualities in him are
adorned with great Modefty, a moſt amiable.
Sweetneſs
a young LAD Y.
27E
Sweetneſs of Temper, and an unuſual Difpofition
to Sobriety and Virtue : But neither Good-nature,
nor Virtue, will fuffer him to eſteem you againſt
his Judgment; and although he be not capable of
ufing you ill, yet you will, in Time, grow a Thing
indifferent, and perhaps contemptible; unleſs you
can ſupply the Lofs of Youth and Beauty with more
durable Qualities. You have but a very few Years
to be young and handſome in the Eyes of the
World; and as few Months to be fo in the Eyes
of a Husband, who is not a Fool; for, I hope, you
do not ſtill dream of Charms and Raptures; which
Marriage ever did, and ever will put a fudden End
to. Befides, yours was a Match of Prudence, and
common Goodliking, without any Mixture of that
ridiculous Paffion which hath no Being, but in Play
Books and Romances.
You muſt therefore, ufe all Endeavours to at-
tain to fome Degree of thofe Accomplishments,
which your Husband moft values in other People,
and for which he is moft valued himſelf. You muſt
improve your Mind, by cloſely purſuing fuch a Me-
thod of Study, as I fhall direct or approve of. You
muft get a Collection of Hiſtory and Travels, which
I will recommend to you; and fpend fome Hours
every Day in reading them, and making Extracts
from them, if your Memory be weak. You muſt
invite Perfons of Knowledge and Underſtanding to
an Acquaintance with you, by whofe Converfation
you may learn to correct your Tafte and Judgment:
And when you can bring yourſelf to comprehend
and relifh the good Senfe of others, you will arrive,
in Time, to think rightly yourſelf, and to become
a reaſonable and agreeable Companion. This muſt
produce in your Husband a true rational Love and
Efteem for you, which old Age will not diminiſh.
He
272
A LETTER to
He will have a Regard for your Judgment and Opi
nion, in Matters of the greateſt Weight; you will
be able to entertain each other, without a third
Perfon to relieve you, by finding Difcourfe. The
Endowments of your Mind will even make your
Perfon more agreeable to him; and when you are
alone, your Time will not lie heavy upon your
Hands, for want of fome trifling Amuſement.
As little Reſpect as I have for the Generality of
your Sex, it hath fometimes moved me with Pity, to
fee the Lady of the Houfe forced to withdraw, im-
mediately after Dinner, and this in Families where
there is not much Drinking; as if it were an efta-
bliſhed Maxim, that Women are incapable of all
Converſation. In a Room where both Sexes meet,
if the Men are difcourfing upon any general Sub-
ject, the Ladies never think it their Buſineſs to par-
take in what paffes; but, in a ſeparate Club, enter-
tain each other with the Price and Choice of Lace
and Silk, and what Dreffes they liked, or difapprov-
ed at the Church, or the Play-houfe. And when
you are among yourſelves, how naturally, after the
firft Compliments, do you apply your Hands to
each others Lappets, and Ruffles, and Mantuas; as
if the whole Buſineſs of your Lives, and the publick
Concern of the World, depended upon the Cut or
Colour of your Petticoats? As Divines fay, that ſome
People take more Pains to be damned, than it would
coft them to be faved; fo your Sex imploys more
Thought, Memory, and Application to be Fools,
than would ferve to make them wife and uſeful.
When I reflect on this, I cannot conceive you to be
human Creatures, but a Sort of Species hardly a
Degree above a Monkey; who hath more diverting
Tricks than any of you; is an Animal lefs mifchie-
vous and expenfive; might, in Time, be a tolerable
Critick
a young LADY.
273
Critick in Velvet and Brocade; and, for ought I
know, would equally become them.
I WOULD have you look upon Finery as a necef-
fary Folly, which all great Ladies did whom I have
ever known: I do not defire you to be out of the
Faſhion, but to be the laft and leaft in it: I expect
that your Dreſs ſhall be one Degree lower than your
Fortune can afford: And, in your own Heart, I
would wiſh you to be an utter Contemner of all Di-
ſtinctions which a finer Petticoat can give you; be-
cauſe, it will neither make you richer, handfomer,
younger, better natured, more virtuous, or wife,
than if it hung upon a Peg.
If you are in Company with Men of Learning;
although they happen to diſcourſe of Arts and Sci-
ences out of your Compafs, yet you will gather
more Advantage by liftening to them, than from all
the Nonſenſe and Frippery of your own Sex: But,
if they be Men of Breeding as well as Learning,
they will ſeldom engage in any Converfation where
you ought not to be a Hearer, and in Time have
your Part. If they talk of the Manners and Cu-
ftoms of the ſeveral Kingdoms of Europe; of Tra-
vels into remote Nations; of the State of their
own Country; or of the great Men and Actions of
Greece and Rome: If they give their Judgment up-
on Engliſh and French Writers, either in Verfe or
Profe; or of the Nature and Limits of Virtue and
Vice; it is a Shame for an English Lady not to re-
lifh fuch Difcourfes, not to improve by them, and
endeavour by Reading and Information, to have her
Share in thoſe Entertainments; rather than turn
afide, as it is the ufual Cuſtom, and confult with
the Woman who fits next her, about a new Cargo
of Fans.
IT is a little hard, that not one Gentleman's
Daughter
274
A LETTER to
Daughter in a Thouſand, ſhould be brought to read,
or underſtand her own Natural Tongue, or be Judge
of the eafieit Books that are written in it; as any
one may find, who can have the Patience to hear
them, when they are diſpoſed to mangle a Play or
Novel, where the leaft Word out of the common
Road, is fure to diſconcert them; and it is no won-
der, when they are not fo much as taught to fpell
in their Childhood, nor can ever attain to it in their
whole Lives. I adviſe you, therefore, to read a-
loud, more or lefs, every Day to your Husband, if
he will permit you, or to any other Friend, (but
not a Female one) who is able to fet you right: And
as for Spelling, you may compafs it in Time, by
making Collections from the Books you read.
I KNOW very well, that thoſe who are commonly
called learned Women, have loft all Manner of
Credit by their impertinent Talkativeneſs, and
Conceit of themſelves: But there is an eafy Re-
medy for this; if you once confider, that after all
the Pains you may be at, you never can arrive, in
Point of Learning, to the Perfection of a School-
Boy. But the Reading I would advife you to, is
only for Improvement of your own good Senſe,
which will never fail of being mended by Difcre-
tion. It is a wrong Method, and if Choice of
Books, that make thofe learned Ladies juft fo much
worſe for what they have read. And therefore, it
fhall be my Care to direct you better; a Task for
which I take myſelf to be not ill qualified; becaufe
I have ſpent more Time, and have had more Op-
portunities than many others, to obferve and dif-
cover from what Sources the various Follies of Wo-
men are derived.
PRAY obferve, how infignificant Things are the
common Race of Ladies, when they have paffed
their
a young LADY.
267
their Youth and Beauty; how contemptible they
appear to the Men, and yet more contemptible to
the younger Part of their own Sex; and have no
Relief but in paffing their Afternoons in Vifits,
where they are never acceptable; and their Even-
ings at Cards among each other; while the former
Part of the Day is ſpent in Spleen and Envy, or
in vain Endeavours to repair by Art and Drefs the
Ruins of Time: Whereas, I have known Ladies at
Sixty, to whom all the polite Part of the Court and
Town paid their Addreffes; without any further
View than that of enjoying the Pleaſure of their
Converſation.
I AM ignorant of any one Quality that is amiable
in a Man, which is not equally fo in a Woman. I
do not except even Modefty, and Gentleness of Na-
ture. Nor do I know one Vice or Folly, which is
not equally deteftable in both. There is, indeed,
one Infirmity which is generally allowed you, I
mean that of Cowardice. Yet there ſhould ſeem
to be fomething very capricious, that when Women
profefs their Admiration for a Colonel or a Captain,
on Account of his Valour; they ſhould fancy it a ve-
ry graceful becoming Quality in themfelves, to be
afraid of their own Shadows; to fcream in a Barge,
when the Weather is calmeft, or in a Coach at the
Ring; to run from a Cow at an hundred Yards
Diſtance; to fall into Fits at the Sight of a Spider,
an Earwig, or a Frog. At leaft, if Cowardice be
a Sign of Cruelty, as it is generally granted) I can
hardly think it an Accompliſhment fo defireable,
as to be thought worthy of improving by Affecta-
tion.
AND as the fame Virtues equally become both
Sexes; fo there is no Quality whereby Women en-
deavour to diftinguish themſelves from Men, for
Vol. I.
which
T
276
A LETTER to
which they are not juſt ſo much the worſe; except
that only of Reſervedneſs; which, however, as
you generally manage it, is nothing elfe but Af-
fectation, or Hypocrify. For as you cannot too
much diſcountenance thofe of our Sex, who prefume
to take unbecoming Liberties before you; ſo you
ought to be wholly unconſtrained in the Company
of deferving Men, when you have had fufficient
Experience of their Difcretion.
THERE is never wanting in this Town, a Tribe
of bold, fwaggering, rattling Ladies, whofe Talents
paſs among Coxcombs for Wit and Humour: Their
Excellency lies in rude choquing Expreffions, and
what they call running a Man down. If a Gentle-
man in their Company, happen to have any Blemiſh
in his Birth, or Perfon; if any Misfortune hath be-
fallen his Family, or himfelf, for which he is afham-
ed; they will be fure to give him broad Hints of
it, without any Provocation. I would recommend
you to the Acquaintance of a common Proſtitute,
rather than to that of fuch Termagants as thefe. I
have often thought that no Man is obliged to fup-
pofe fuch Creatures to be Women; but to treat them
like infolent Raſcals, diſguiſed in Female Habits,
who ought to be ftripped, and kicked down Stairs.
I WILL add one Thing, although it be a little
out of Place; which is to defire, that you will learn
to value and eſteem your Husband, for thoſe good
Qualities which he really poffeffeth; and not to
fancy others in him, which he certainly hath not.
For, although this latter be generally underſtood
for a Mark of Love, yet it is indeed nothing but
Affectation, or ill Judgment. It is true, the Per-
fon you have choſen wants ſo very few Accompliſh-
ments, that you are in no great Danger of erring
on this Side But my Caution is occafioned by a
Lady
a young LADY.
277
Lady of your Acquaintance, married to a very va-
luable Perfon, whom yet fhe is fo unfortunate as to
be always commending for thofe Perfections, to
which he can leaft pretend.
I CAN give you no Advice upon the Article of
Expence; only, I think, you ought to be well in-
formed how much your Husband's Revenue amounts
to, and be ſo good a Computer, as to keep within
it, in that Part of the Management which falls to
your Share; and not to put yourſelf in the Number
of thoſe politick Ladies, who think they gain a
great Point, when they have teazed their Husbands
to buy them a new Equipage, a laced Head, or a
fine Petticoat; without once confidering what long
Scores remain unpaid to the Butcher.
I DESIRE you will keep this Letter in your Ca-
binet, and often examine impartially your whole
Conduct by it: And fo God bleſs you, and make
you a fair Example to your Sex, and a perpetual
Comfort to your Husband, and your Parents. I
am with great Truth and Affection.
MADA M,
Your most faithful Friend,
And bumble Servant.
T
IN
THE
[278]
THE
INTELLIGENCER.
NUMBER III.
Ipfe per omnes
Ibit perfonas, & turbam reddet in unam.
Written in Ireland in the Year 1728.
HE Players having now almoft done
with the Comedy called the Beggar's
Opera, for the Seafon; it may be no
unpleaſant Speculation, to reflect a
little upon this Dramatick Piece, ſo
fingular in the Subject and Manner, fo much an
Original, and which hath frequently given fo very
agreeable an Entertainment.
ALTHOUGH an evil Tafte be very apt to prevail,
both here and in London; yet there is a Point which
whoever can rightly touch, will never fail of pleaf-
ing a very great Majority; fo great, that the Dif
likers, out of Dulneſs or Affectation, will be filent,
and forced to fall in with the Herd: The Point I
mean,
No. 3.
The INTELLIGENCER.
279
mean, is what we call Humour; which, in its Per-
fection, is allowed to be much preferable to Wit;
if it be not rather the moſt uſeful, and agreeable
Species of it.
I AGREE with Sir William Temple, that the Word
is peculiar to our English Tongue; but I differ from
him in the Opinion, that the Thing itſelf is peculi-
ar to the English Nation, becauſe the contrary may
be found in many Spanish, Italian, and French Pro-
ductions And particularly, whoever hath a Taſte
for true Humour, will find an hundred Inftances of
it, in thoſe Volumes printed in France, under the
Name of La Theatre Italian: To fay nothing of
Rabelais, Cervantes, and many others.
Now I take the Comedy, or Farce, (or whatever
Name the Criticks will allow it) called the Beggar's
Opera, to excel in this Article of Humour; and upon
that Merit to have met with ſuch prodigious Succeſs,
both here and in England.
As to Poetry, Eloquence, and Muſick, which are
faid to have moſt Power over the Minds of Men; it
is certain, that very few have a Taste or Judgment
of the Excellencies of the two former; and if a
Man fucceed in either, it is upon the Authority of
thofe few Judges, that lend their Tafte to the Bulk
of Readers, who have none of their own.
I am
told, there are as few good Judges in Mufick; and
that among thoſe who crowd the Opera's, Nine in
Ten go
thither merely out of Curiofity, Fashion,
or Affectation.
BUT a Taste for Humour, is in fome Manner fixed
to the very Nature of Man, and generally obvious
to the Vulgar, except upon Subjects too refined, and
fuperior to their Underſtanding.
AND, as this Taste of Humour is purely natural,
fo is Humour itfelf; neither is it a Talent confined to
Men
280
No. 3.
The INTELLIGENCER
Men of Wit, or Learning; for we obferve it fome-
times among common Servants, and the meaneſt
of the People, while the very Owners are often ig-
norant of the Gift they poffefs.
+
I KNOW very well, that this happy Talent is
contemptibly treated by Criticks, under the Name
of low Humour, or low Comedy; but I know like-
wife, that the Spaniards and Italians, who are allow-
ed to have the moft Wit of any Nation in Europe,
do moſt excel in it, and do moſt eſteem it.
By what Difpofition of the Mind, what Influence
of the Stars, or what Situation of the Climate, this
Endowment is beſtowed upon Mankind, may be a
Queſtion fit for Philofophers to difcufs. It is certainly
the beft Ingredient towards that Kind of Satyr,
which is moſt uſeful, and gives the leaſt Offence;
which, inſtead of lafhing, laughs Men out of their
Follies, and Vices; and is the Character that gives
Horace the Preference to Juvenal.
AND, although fome Things are too ſerious, fo-
lemn, or facred to be turned into Ridicule, yet the
Abuſes of them are certainly not; fince it is allowed,
that Corruptions in Religion, Politicks, and Law,
may be proper Topicks for this Kind of Satyr.
THERE are two Ends that Men propofe in wri-
ting Satyr; one of them lefs noble than the other, as
regarding nothing further than the private Satisfac-
tion, and Pleaſure of the Writer; but without any
View towards perfonal Malice: The other is a publick
Spirit, prompting Men of Genius and Virtue, to
mend the World as far as they are able. And as
both theſe Ends are innocent, ſo the latter is highly
commendable. With regard to the former, I de-
mand, whether I have not as good a Title to laugh,
as Men have to be ridiculous; and to expofe Vice,
as another hath to be vicious. If I ridicule the Fol-
lies
N°. 3.
281
The INTELLIGENCER.
lies and Corruptions of a Court, a Ministry, or a Se-
nate, are they not amply paid by Penfions, Titles,
and Power; while I expect, and defire no other
Reward, than that of Laughing with a few Friends
in a Corner? Yet, if thoſe who take Offence, think
me in the Wrong, I am ready to change the Scene
with them, whenever they pleaſe.
BUT, if my Defign be to make Mankind bet-
ter; then I think it is my Duty; at leaſt, I am ſure
it is the Intereft of thoſe very Courts and Minifters,
whofe Follies or Vices I ridicule, to reward me for
my good Intentions: For, if it be reckoned a high
Point of Wiſdom to get the Laughers on our Side;
it is much more eafy, as well as wife, to get thoſe
on our Side, who can make Millions laugh when
they pleaſe.
My Reaſon for mentioning Courts, and Miniſters,
(whom I never think on, but with the most profound
Veneration) is, becauſe an Opinion obtains, that in
the Beggar's Opera, there appears to be fome Re-
flection upon Courtiers and Statesmen, whereof I am
by no means a Judge.
It is true, indeed, that Mr. GAY, the Author of
this Piece, hath been fomewhat fingular in the
Courſe of his Fortunes; for it hath happened, that
after fourteen Years attending the Court, with a
large Stock of real Merit, a modeft and agreeable
Converfation, a Hundred Promiſes, and five hundred
Friends, hath failed of Preferment; and upon a ve-
ry weighty Reaſon. He lay under the Sufpicion of
having written a Libel, or Lampoon againſt a great
• Minifter. It is true, that great Minifter was de-
monſtratively convinced, and publickly owned his
Conviction, that Mr. GAY was not the Author; but
* Sir Robert Walpole.
having
282
N°. 3.
The INTELLIGENCER.
having lain under the Sufpicion, it ſeemed very juft,
that he ſhould fuffer the Puniſhment; becauſe in this
moft reformed Age, the Virtues of a Prime Mini-
fter are no more to be fufpected, than the Chaſtity
of Cæfar's Wife.
It muſt be allowed, That the Beggar's Opera is
not the firſt of Mr. GA Y's Works, wherein he hath
been faulty, with regard to Courtiers and Stateſmen:
For to omit his other Pieces; even in his Fables,
publiſhed within two Years paft, and dedicated to
the Duke of CUMBERLAND, for which he was pro-
mifed a Reward, he hath been thought fomewhat too
bold upon the Courtiers. And although it be highly
probable, he meant only the Courtiers of former
Times, yet he acted unwarily, by not confidering,
that the Malignity of fome People might mifinter-
pret what he ſaid, to the Diſadvantage of preſent
Perfons and Affairs.
BUT I have now done with Mr. GAY as a Politi-
cian; and ſhall confider him henceforward only
as Author of the Beggar's Opera, wherein he hath
by a Turn of Humour, intirely new, placed Vices
of all Kinds in the ſtrongeſt and moſt odious Light;
and thereby, done eminent Service, both to Religion
and Morality. This appears from the unparallelled
Succeſs he hath met with. All Ranks, Parties, and
Denominations of Men, either crowding to fee his
Opera, or reading it with Delight in their Clofets;
even Miniſters of State, whom he is thought to have
moft offended (next to thoſe whom the Actors re-
prefent) appearing frequently at the Theatre, from
a Conſciouſneſs of their own Innocence, and to con-
vince the World how unjuſt a Parallel, Malice, En-
vy and Difaffection to the Government have made.
I AM affured that feveral worthy Clergymen in
this City, went privately to ſee the Beggar's Opera
reprefented;
**
No. 3.
283
The INTELLIGENCER.
repreſented; and that the fleering Coxcombs in the
Pit, amuſed themſelves with making Diſcoveries,
and ſpreading the Names of thoſe Gentlemen round
the Audience.
I SHALL not pretend to vindicate a Clergyman,
who would appear openly in his Habit at a Theatre,
with fuch a vicious Crew, as might probably ftand
round him, at fuch Comedies, and profane Tragedies,
as are often repreſented. Befides, I know very well,
that Perfons of their Function are bound to avoid
the Appearance of Evil, or of giving Cauſe of Of-
fence. But when the Lords Chancellors, who are
Keepers of the King's Confcience; when the Judges
of the Land, whofe Title is Reverend; when Ladies,
who are bound by the Rules of their Sex to the
ftrictest Decency, appear in the Theatre without
Cenfure; I cannot underſtand, why a young Cler-
gyman, who comes concealed, out of Curiofity to fee
an innocent and moral Play, fhould be fo highly
condemned: Nor do I much approve the Rigour
of a great Prelate, who faid, he hoped none of his Cler-
gy were there. I am glad to hear there are no
weightier Objections againſt that Reverend Body
planted in this City, and I wish there never may.
But I fhould be very forry, that any of them ſhould
be fo weak, as to imitate a* Court-Chaplain in ENG-
LAND, who preached againſt the Beggar's Opera;
which will probably do more Good, than a thouſand
Sermons of fo ftupid, fo injudicious, and fo profti-
tute a Divine.
In this happy Performance of Mr. GAY's all the
Characters are juft, and none of them carried be-
yond Nature, or hardly beyond Practice. It dif
* Dr. Herring, Chaplain to the Society at Lin-
coln's-Inn.'
covers
284
No. 3.
The INTELLIGENCER.
covers the whole Syftem of that Common-Wealth,
or that Imperium in Imperio of Iniquity, eſtabliſhed
among us, by which neither our Lives nor our Pro-
perties are fecure, either in the Highways, or in
publick Affemblies, or even in our own Houfes. It
fhews the miferable Lives and the conſtant Fate of
thoſe abandoned Wretches: For how little they fell
their lives and Souls; betrayed by their Whores,
their Comrades, and the Receivers and Purchafers of
thofe Thefts and Robberies: This Comedy contains
likewiſe a Satyr, which, without enquiring whether
it affects the prefent Age, may poffibly be uſeful in
Times to come. I mean, where the Author takes
the Occafion of comparing thofe common Robbers of
the Publick, and their feveral Stratagems of betray-
ing, undermining and hanging each other, to the
feveral Arts of Politicians in Times of Corruption.
This Comedy likewife expofeth with great Juftice,
that unnatural Tafte for Italian Mufick among us,
which is wholly unfuitable to our Northern Climate,
and the Genius of the People, whereby we are over-
run with Italian Effeminacy, and Italian Nonfenſe.
An old Gentleman faid to me, that many Years
ago, when the Practice of an unnatural Vice grew
frequent in London, and many were profecuted for
it, he was fure it would be the Fore-runner of Ita-
lian Opera's and Singers; and then we ſhould have
nothing but Stabbing or Poiſoning, to make us per-
fect Italians.
UPON the Whole, I deliver my Judgment, That
nothing but fervile Attachment to a Party, Affecta-
tion of Singularity, lamentable Dullneſs, miſtaken
Zeal, or ftudied Hypocrify, can have the leaſt rea-
fonable Objection against this excellent moral Per-
formance of the Celebrated Mr. GAY.
THE
[ 285 ]
THE
INTELLIGENCER.
NUMBER
V.
Written in the YEAR 1728.
HERE is no Talent fo uſeful to-
wards rifing in the World, or which
puts Men more out of the Reach of
Fortune, than that Quality generally
poffeffed by the dulleft Sort of Men,
in common Speech called Diſcretion; a Species of
lower Prudence, by the Affiftance of which, Peo-
ple of the meaneft Intellectuals, without any other
Qualification, paſs through the World in great
Tranquility, and with univerfal good Treatment,
neither giving nor taking Offence. Courts are
feldom unprovided of Perfons under this Charac-
ter; on whom, if they happen to be of great Qua-
lity, moft Employments, even the greateft, na-
turally fall, when Competitors will not agree; and
in fuch Promotions, no body rejoices or grieves.
The
286
No. 5.
The INTELLIGENCER.
The Truth of this I could prove by feveral Inſtan-
ces, within my own Memory, (for I fay nothing
of prefent Times.)
AND, indeed, as Regularity and Forms are of
great Ufe in carrying on the Bufinefs of the World,
fo it is very convenient, that Perfons endued with
this Kind of Difcretion, fhould have the Share
which is proper to their Talents, in the Conduct of
Affairs; but, by no Means, meddle in Matters
which require Genius, Learning, ftrong Comprehen-
fion, Quickness of Conception, Magnanimity, Genero-
fity, Sagacity, or any other fuperior Gift of human
Minds. Becauſe, this Sort of Diſcretion, is ufually
attended with a ftrong Defire of Money, and few
Scruples about the Way of obtaining it; with fer-
vile Flattery and Submiffion, with a Want of all
publick Spirit or Principle; with a perpetual wrong
Judgment, when the Owners come into Power and
high Place, how to difpofe of Favour and Prefer-
ment; having no Meafure for Merit and Virtue in
others, but thofe very Steps by which themſelves.
afcended; nor the leaft Intention of doing Good,
or Hurt to the Publick; farther, than either one or
the other is likely to be fubfervient to their own Se-
curity, or Intereft. Thus, being void of all Friend-
fhip and Enmity, they never complain to find
Fault with the Times; and indeed never have Rea-
fon.
MEN of eminent Parts and Abilities, as well as
Virtues, do fometimes rife in Courts, fometimes in
the Law, and fometimes even in the Church. Such
were the Lord Bacon, the Earl of Strafford, Arch-
Biſhop Laud in the Reign of King Charles I. and
others in our own Times, whom I fhall not name.
But thefe, and many more, under different Princes,
and in different Kingdoms, were disgraced, or ba-
nifbed
No. 5.
287
The INTELLIGENCER.
nished, or fuffered Death, merely in Envy to their
Virtues and ſuperior Genius, which emboldened
them in great Exigencies and Diftreffes of State,
(wanting a reaſonable Infuſion of this Aldermanly
Difcretion) to attempt the Service of their Prince
and Country, out of the common Forms.
*
THIS evil Fortune, which generally attends ex-
traordinary Men in the Management of great Af-
fairs, hath been imputed to divers Caufes, that need
not be here fet down, when fo obvious a One oc-
curs; if what a certain Writer obferves, be true;
that when a great Genius appears in the World, the
Dunces are all in Confederacy against him. And, if
this be his Fate, when he imploys his Talents whol-
ly in his Cloſet, without interfering with any Man's
Ambition, or Avarice; what muſt he expect when
he ventures out to feek for Preferment in a Court,
but univerfal Oppofition, when he is mounting the
Ladder, and every Hand ready to turn him off,
when he is at the Top? And in this Point, For-
tune generally acts directly contrary to Nature;
for in Nature we find, that Bodies full of Life and
Spirit mount eaſily, and are hard to fall; whereas
heavy Bodies are hard to rife, and come down with
greater Velocity, in Proportion to their Weight:
But we find Fortune every Day acting juſt the Re-
verſe of this.
THIS Talent of Difcretion, as I have defcribed
it in its feveral Adjuncts and Circumſtances, is no
where fo ferviceable as to the Clergy; to whoſe
Preferment nothing is fo fatal as the Character (of
Wit, Politeneſs in Reading, or Manners, or that
Kind of Behaviour, which we contract by having
too much converfed with Perfons of high Station
* Vide the Author's Thoughts on various Subje&s.
and
288
Nº.
The INTELLIGENCER.
and Eminency; theſe Qualifications being reckon-
ed by the Vulgar of all Ranks, to be Marks of Le-
vity, which is the laſt Crime the World will pardon
in a Clergyman: To this I may add a free Manner
of ſpeaking in mixt Company, and too frequent an
Appearance in Places of much Reſort, which are
equally noxious to Spiritual Promotion.
I HAVE known, indeed, a few Exceptions to
fome Parts of thefe Obfervations. I have feen
fome of the dulleſt Men alive aiming at Wit; and
others, with as little Pretenfions, affecting Polite-
neſs in Manners and Difcourfe; but never being
able to perfuade the World of their Guilt, they
grew into confiderable Stations, upon the firm Af-
furance which all People had of their Diſcretion;
becauſe they were a Size too low, to deceive the
World to their own Diſadvantage. But this, I
confefs, is a Trial too dangerous often to engage
in.
*
THERE is a known Story of a Clergyman, who
was recommended for a Preferment by fome great
Men at Court,, to an Archbishop. His Grace
faid, he had heard that the Clergyman uſed to play
at Whisk and Swobbers: That as to playing now
and then a fober Game at Whisk for Paftime, it
might be pardoned; but he could not digeſt thoſe
wicked Swobbers; and it was with fome Pains that
my Lord Somers could undeceive him. I ask,
by what Talents we may fuppofe that great Prelate
afcended ſo high; or what Sort of Qualifications
he would expect in thoſe whom he took into his
Patronage, or would probably recommend to
Court, for the Government of diftant Churches.
Two Clergymen, in my Memory, ſtood Candi-
Dr. Tenifon, late Archbishop of Canterbury.
dates
No 5
289
The INTELLIGENCER.
dates for a ſmall Free-School in Yorkshire; where a
Gentleman of Quality and Intereſt in the Country,
who happened to have a better Underſtanding than
his Neighbours, procured the Place for him who
was the better Scholar, and more gentlemanly Per-
fon of the two; very much to the Regret of all the
Pariſh. The other being difappointed, came up
to London, where he became the greateſt Pattern of
this lower Difcretion that I have known, and pof-
feffed with as heavy Intellectuals; which, together
with the Coldneſs of his Temper, and Gravity of
his Deportment, carried him fafe through many
Difficulties: And he lived and died in a great Sta-
tion, while his Competitor is too obfcure for Fame
to tell us what became of him.
THIS Species of Difcretion, which I fo much ce-
lebrate, and do moſt heartily recommend, hath one
Advantage not yet mentioned; that it will carry
a Man fafe through all the Malice and Variety of
Parties, ſo far, that whatever Faction happens to
be uppermoft, his Claim is ufually allowed for a
Share of what is going. And the Thing feems to
me highly reaſonable: For, in all great Changes,
the prevailing Side is ufually fo tempeftuous, that
it wants the Ballaſt of thoſe, whom the World calls
moderate Men, and I call Men of Difcretion; whom
People in Power may with little Ceremony load as
heavy as they pleaſe, drive them through the hard-
eft and deepeſt Roads without Danger of founder-
ing, or breaking their Backs; and will be fure to
find them neither refty nor vicious.
I WILL here give the Reader a ſhort Hiſtory of
two Clergymen in England, the Characters of each,
and the Progrefs of their Fortunes in the World:
By which the Force of worldly Diſcretion, and the
bad
290
The INTELLIGENCER.
bad Confequences from the Want of that Virtue,
will ftrongly appear.
CORUSODES, an Oxford Student, and a Far-
mer's Son, was never abfent from Prayers or Lec-
ture; nor once out of his College after Tom had
tolled. He ſpent, every Day, ten Hours in his
Clofet, in reading his Courfes, dozing, clipping Pa-
pers, or dearning his Stockings; which laft he per-
formed to Admiration. He could be foberly drunk
at the Expence of others, with College-Ale, and at
thoſe Seaſons was always moft devout. He wore
the fame Gown five Years, without dragling or
tearing. He never once looked into a Play-book,
or a Poem. He read Virgil and Ramus in the fame
Cadence, but with a very different Taſte. He ne-
ver underſtood a Jeft, or had the leaft Conception
of Wit.
FOR One Saying he ftands in Renown to this
Day. Being with fome other Students over a Pot
of Ale, one of the Company faid fo many pleaſant
Things, that the reft were much diverted, only Co-
ruſodes was ſilent and unmoved. When they part-
ed, he called this merry Companion afide, and faid,
Sir, I perceive by your often speaking, and our Friends
laughing, that you spoke many Fests, and you could not
but obferve my Silence. But, Sir, this is my Humour;
I never make a Feſt myſelf, nor ever laugh at another
Man's.
CORUSODES thus endowed, got into Holy Or-
ders; having by the moſt extreme Parfimony faved
thirty-four Pounds, out of a very beggarly Fel-
lowſhip; went up to London, where his Sifter was
Waiting-Woman to a Lady, and ſo good a Sollici-
tor, that by her Means he was admitted to read
Prayers in the Family twice a Day, at ten Shillings
a Month, He had now acquired a low, obfequious,
awkward
No. 5.
29
The INTELLIGENCER.
awkward Bow, and a Talent of grofs Flattery, both
in and out of Seafon; he would fhake the Butler
by the Hand; he taught the Page his Catechism;
and was fometimes admitted to dine at the Steward's
Table. In fhort, he got the good Word of the
whole Family; and was recommended, by my La-
dy for Chaplain to fome other Noble Houſes, by
which his Revenue (befides Vales) amounted to a-
bout thirty Pounds a Year. His Sifter procured
him a Scarf from my Lord, (who had a finall De-
fign of Gallantry upon her ;) and by his Lordship's
Sollicitation, he got a Lectureship in Town of
fixty Pounds a Year; where he preached conſtant-
ly in Perfon, in a grave Manner, with an audible
Voice, a Stile Ecclefiaftick, and the Matter (fuch
as it was) well fuited to the Intellectuals of his
Hearers. Some Time after, a Country Living fell
in my Lord's Difpofal; and his Lordship, who
had now fome Encouragement given him of Suc-
cefs in his Amour, beftowed the Living on Coru-
fodes, who ſtill kept his Lectureship and Reſidence
in Town, where he was a conftant Attendant at all
Meetings relating to Charity, without ever contri-
buting further than his frequent pious Exhortations.
If any Women of better Faſhion in the Pariſh hap-
pened to be abſent from Church, they were fure of
à Vifit from him in a Day or two, to chide and to
dine with them.
He had a felect Number of Poor, conſtantly at-
tending at the Street Door of his Lodgings, for
whom he was a common Sollicitor to his former Pa-
tronefs, dropping in his own Half-Crown among
the Collections, and taking it out when he diſpoſed
of the Money. At a Perfon of Quality's Houſe,
he would never fit down until he was thrice bid
and then upon the Corner of the moſt diſtant Chair.
VOL. I
U
His
292
No. 5.
The INTELLIGENCER.
His whole Demeanor was formal and ftarched,
which adhered fo clofe, that he could never ſhake
it off in his higheſt Promotion.
HIS Lord was now in high Employment at
Court, and attended by him with the moſt abject
Affiduity; and his Sifter being gone off with Child
to a private Lodging, my Lord continued his
Graces to Corufodes; got him to be a Chaplain in
Ordinary, and in due Time a Pariſh in Town, and
a Dignity in the Church.
He paid his Curates punctually, at the loweſt
Sallary, and partly out of the Communion-Money;
but gave them good Advice in Abundance. He
married a Citizen's Widow, who taught him to put
out fmall Sums at Ten per Cent. and brought him
acquainted with Jobbers in Change-Alley. By her
Dexterity, he fold the Clerkship of his Parifh,
when it became vacant.
He kept a miferable Houſe, but the Blame was
laid wholly upon Madam; for the good Doctor
was always at his Books, or vifiting the Sick, or do-
ing other Offices of Charity and Piety in his Pariſh.
HE treated all his Inferiors of the Clergy with a
moſt fanctified Pride; was rigorously and univer-
fally cenforious upon all his Brethren of the Gown,
on their firſt Appearance in the World, or while
they continued meanly preferred; but gave large
Allowance to the Laity of high Rank, or great
Riches; ufing neither Eyes nor Ears for their
Faults: He was never fenfible of the leaft Corrup-
tion in Courts, Parliaments, or Minifters; but
made the moſt favourable Conſtructions of all pub-
lick Proceedings: And Power, in whatever Hands,
or whatever Party, was always fecure of his moſt
charitable Opinion. He had many wholfome
Maxims ready to excufe all Mifcarriages of State;
Men
No. 5.
293
The INTELLIGENCER,
Men are but Men; Erunt vitia donec homines; and
Quod fupra nos, nihil ad nos: With ſeveral others of
equal Weight.
IT would lengthen my Paper beyond Meaſure,
to trace out the whole Syftem of his Conduct; his
dreadful Apprehenfions of Popery; his great Mo-
deration towards Diffenters of all Denominations ;
with hearty Wiſhes, that by yielding fomewhat on
both Sides, there might be a general Union among
Proteftants; his fhort, inoffenfive Sermons in his
Turns at Court, and the Matter exactly ſuited to
the prefent Juncture of prevailing Opinions; the
Arts he uſed to obtain a Mitre, by writing againſt
Epifcopacy; and the Proofs he gave of his Loyalty,
by palliating or defending the Murder of a mar-
tyred Prince.
ENDOWED With all thefe Accompliſhments, we
leave him in the full Career of Succefs, mounting
faft towards the Top of the Ladder Ecclefiaftical,
which he hath a fair Probability to reach, without
the Merit of one fingle Virtue; moderately ſtock-
ed with the leaſt valuable Parts of Erudition; ut-
terly devoid of all Taste, Judgment, or Genius; and
in his Grandeur naturally chufing to hawl up others
after him, whofe Accompliſhments moſt reſemble
his own; except his beloved Sons, Nephews, or o-
ther Kindred, be not in Competition; or laftly,
except his Inclinations be diverted by thofe who
have Power to mortify or further advance him.
EUGENIO fet out from the fame Univerſity,
and about the fame Time with Corufodes: He had
the Reputation of an arch Lad at School, and was
unfortunately poffeffed with a Talent for Poetry, on
which Account he received many chiding Letters
from his Father, and grave Advice from his Tutor.
He did not neglect his College-Learning; but his
U 2
chief
294
No. 5%
The INTELLIGENCER,
chief Study was the Authors of Antiquity, with a
perfect Knowledge in the Greek and Roman Tongues.
He could never procure himfelf to be chofen Fel-
low; for it was objected against him, that he had
written Verſes, and particularly fome wherein he
glanced at a certain Reverend Doctor, famous for
Dullness; that he had been feen bowing to Ladies
as he met them in the Street; and it was proved,
that once he had been found dancing in a private
Family, with half a Dozen of both Sexes.
He was the younger Son to a Gentleman of a
good Birth, but fmall Eftate; and his Father dy-
ing, he was driven to London, to feek his Fortune:
He got into Orders, and became Reader in a Pa-
rifh-Church, at twenty Pounds a Year; was carri-
ed by an Oxford Friend to Will's Coffee-Houfe, fre-
quented in thofe Days by Men of Wit; where in
fome Time he had the bad Luck to be diſtinguiſh-
ed. His fcanty Sallary compelled him to run deep
in Debt for a new Gown and Caffock; and now
and then forced him to write fome Paper of Wit
or Humour, or preach a Sermon for ten Shillings,
to fupply his Neceffities. He was a thouſand
Times recommended by his Poetical Friends to
great Perfons, as a young Man of excellent Parts,
who deferved Encouragement; and received a
thoufand Promifes: But his Modefty, and a gene-
rous Spirit, which difdained the Slavery of conti-
nual Application and Attendance, always difap-
pointed him; making room for vigilant Dunces,
who were fure to be never out of Sight.
He had an excellent Faculty in preaching, if
he were not fometimes a little too refined, and apt
to truft too much to his own Way of thinking and
teafoning.
WHEN upon the Vacancy of Preferment he was
hardly
No 5.
The INTELLIGENCEK.
295
hardly drawn to attend upon fome Promifing Lord;
he received the uſual Anſwer, that he came too late,
for it had been given to another the very Day before.
And he had only the Comfort left, that every Body
faid, it was a thoufand Pities, fomething, could
not be done for poor Mr. Eugenio.
THE Remainder of this Story will be difpatched
in a few Words. Wearied with weak Hopes, and
weaker Purſuits, he accepted a Curacy in Derby-
fhire, of thirty Pounds a Year; and when he was
five and forty, had the great Felicity to be prefer-
red by a Friend of his Father's, to a Vicaridge
worth annually fixty Pounds, in the most defert
Parts of Lincolnshire; where, his Spirit quite funk
with thofe Reflections that Solitude and Difap-
pointments bring; he married a Farmer's Widow,
and is ftill alive, utterly undiftinguished and for-
gotten; only fome of the Neighbours have acci-
dentally heard, that he had been a notable Man »
bis Youth.
THE
[ 296 ]
THE
INTELLIGENCER
NUMBER IX.
F
ROM frequently reflecting upon the
Courfe and Method of educating Youth
in this and a neighbouring Kingdom,
with the general Succefs and Confe-
quence thereof, I am come to this De-
termination; That, Education is always the worfe
in Proportion to the Wealth and Grandeur of the
Parents: Nor do I doubt in the leaft, that if the
whole World were now under the Dominion of one
Monarch (provided I might be allowed to chufe
where he fhould fix the Seat of his Empire) the on-
ly Son and Heir of that Monarch, would be the
worſt educated Mortal that ever was born fince the
Creation: And, I doubt, the fame Proportion will
hold through all Degrees and Titles, from an Em-
peror downwards, to the common Gentry.
I DO
N° 9.
297
The INTELLIGENCER.
I Do not fay, that this hath been always the
Cafe; for in better Times it was directly otherwife,
and a Scholar may fill half his Greek and Roman
Shelves with Authors of the nobleft Birth, as well
as higheſt Virtue. Nor, do I tax all Nations at
prefent with this Defect; for I know there are ſome
to be excepted, and particularly Scotland, under
all the Diſadvantages of its Climate and Soil; if
that Happineſs be not rather owing even to thoſe
very Diſadvantages. What is then to be done, if
this Reflection muft fix on two Countries, which
will be moſt ready to take Offence, and which of
all others it will be leaft prudent or fafe to offend?
But there is one Circumftance yet more danger-
ous and lamentable: For if, according to the Poftu-
latum already laid down, the higher Quality any
Youth is of, he is in greater Likelihood to be worfe
educated; it behoves me to dread, and keep far
from the Verge of Scandalum Magnatum.
RETRACTING therefore that hazardous Poftu
latum; I fhall venture no further at prefent, than to
fay, that perhaps fome Care in educating the Sons
of Nobility and principal Gentry, might not be ill
employed. If this be not delivered with Softnefs
enough, I muſt for the future be filent.
In the mean Time, let me ask only two Quef-
tions, which relate to England. I ask firft, how it
comes about, that for above fixty Years paſt, the
chief Conduct of Affairs hath been generally placed
in New-men, with few Exceptions? The nobleft
Blood of England having been fhed in the grand
Rebellion, many great Families became extinct, or
ſupplied by Minors. When the King was reſtored,
very few of thofe Lords remained, who began or
at leaſt had improved their Education, under the
happy Reign of King James, or King Charles I.
of
298
No. 9.
The INTELLIGENCER.
of which Lords the two principal were the Marquis
of Ormond, and the Earl of Southampton. The
Minors having, during the Rebellion and Ufurpa--
tion, either received too much Tincture of bad
Principles from thofe fanatick Times; or coming
to Age at the Reſtoration, fell into the Vices of
that diffolute Reign.
I DATE from this Era, the corrupt Method of
Education among us, and the Confequence thereof,
in the Neceffity the Crown lay under of introducing
New-men into the higheſt Employments of State,
or to the Office of what we now call Prime Mi-
nifters; Men of Art, Knowledge, Application and
Infinuation, merely for Want of a Supply among
the Nobility. They were generally (although not
always) of good Birth, fometimes younger Bro-
thers, at other Times fuch, who although inheriting
ample Fortunes, yet happened to be well educated,
and provided with Learning. Such under that
King, were Hyde, Bridgeman, Clifford, Osborn,
Godolphin, Afbley Cooper: Few or none under the
fhort Reign of King James II. Under King Wil-
liam; Somers, Montague, Churchill, Vernon, Harry
Boyle, and many others. Under the Queen;
Harley, St. John, Harcout, Trevor, who indeed
were Perfons of the beft private Families, but una-
dorned with Titles. So in the laſt Reign, Mr.
Robert Walpole, was for many Years Prime Mini-
nifter, in which Poft he ftill HAPPILY continues:
His Brother Horace is Ambaffador Extraordinary
to France. Mr. Addiſon and Mr. Craggs, without
the leaft Alliance to fupport them, have been Se-
cretaries of State.
If the Facts have been thus for above fixty
Years paft, (whereof I could, with a little further
Recollection, produce many more Inftances) I
would
·No. 9.
299
The INTELLIGENCER.
would aſk again, how it hath happened, that in a
Nation plentifully abounding with Nobility, fo
great a Share in the moſt important Parts of publick
Management, hath been for fo long a Period chief-
ly intrufted to Commoners; unlefs fome Omiffions
or Defects of the higheft Import, may be charged
upon thoſe, to whom the Care of educating our No-
ble Youth hath been committed? For, if there be
any Difference between human Creatures in the
Point of natural Parts, as we ufually call them; it
fhould feem, that the Advantage lies on the Side of
Children born from noble wealthy Parents; the
ſame traditional Sloth and Luxury, which render
their Body weak and effeminate, perhaps refining
and giving a freer Motion to the Spirits, beyond
what can be expected from the grofs, robuft Iffue
of meaner Mortals. Add to this, the peculiar Ad-
vantages, which all young Noblemen poffefs, by
the Privileges of their Birth; fuch as a free Accefs
to Courts, and a Deference paid to their Perfons.
BUT, as my Lord Bacon chargeth it for a Fault
on Princes, that they are impatient to compafs
Ends, without giving themfelves the Trouble of
confulting or executing the Means: So perhaps, it
may be the Difpofition of young Nobles, either
from the Indulgence of Parents, Tutors and Go-
vernors, or their own Inactivity, that they expect
the Accomplishments of a good Education, without
the leaft Expence of Time or Study, to acquire them.
WHAT I faid laft, I am ready to retract. For
the Cafe is infinitely worfe; and the very Maxims
ſet up to direct modern Education, are enough to
deſtroy all the Seeds of Knowledge, Honour, Wif
dom and Virtue among us. The current Opinion
prevails, that the Study of Greek and Latin is Lofs
of Time; that the publick Schools by mingling
the
300
9
The INTELLIGENCER.
No Νο
the Sons of Noblemen with thoſe of the Vulgar,
engage the former in bad Company; that Whip-
ping breaks the Spirits of Lads well born; that U-
niverſities make young Men Pedants; that to
dance, fence, fpeak French, and know how to be-
have your felf among great Perfons of both Sexes,
comprehends the whole Duty of a Gentleman.
I CANNOT but think this wife Syftem of Edu-
cation, hath been much cultivated among us by
thofe Worthies of the Army, who during the laſt
War, returning from Flanders at the Clofe of each
Campaign, became the Dictators of Behaviour,
Dreſs, and Politeneſs, to all thofe Youngſters, who
frequent Chocolate-Coffee-Gaming-Houfes, Draw-
ing-Rooms, Opera's, Levees and Affemblies;
where a Colonel, by his Pay, Perquifites, and
Plunder, was qualified to outfhine many Peers of
the Realm; and by the Influence of an exotick Ha-
bit and Demeanor, added to other foreign Accom-
pliſhments, gave the Law to the whole Town;
and was copied as the Standard-Pattern of whatever
was refined in Drefs, Equipage, Converfation, or
Diverfions.
I REMEMBER in thofe Times, an admired Ori-
ginal of that Vocation, fitting in a Coffee-Houſe
near two Gentlemen, whereof one was of the Cleṛ-
gy, who were engaged in fome Difcourfe that fa-
voured of Learning; this Officer thought fit to in-
terpofe; and profeffing to deliver the Sentiments of
his Fraternity, as well as his own, (and probably
did fo of too many among them) turning to the
Clergyman, ſpoke in the following Manner, D--n
me, Doctor, fay what you will, the Army is the only
School for Gentlemen. Do you think my Lord Marl-
borough beat the French with Greek and Latin.
Dn me, a Scholar when he comes into good
Company,
No. 9.
301
The INTELLIGENCER.
-n
Company, what is be but an Afs? Dn me, I
would be glad, by Gd, to fee any of your Scholars
with his Nouns, and his Verbs, and his Philoſophy,
and Trigonometry, what a Figure he would make at
a Siege or Blockade, or reconoitring D-
me, &c. After which he proceeded with a Volley
of Military Terms, lefs fignificant, founding worſe,
and harder to be underſtood than any that were
ever coined by the Commentators upon Ariftotle.
I would not here be thought to charge the Soldiery
with Ignorance and Contempt of Learning, with-
out allowing Exceptions, of which I have known
a few: But however, the worfe Example, efpecial-
ly in a great Majority, will certainly prevail.
I HAVE heard, that the late Earl of Oxford, in
the Time of his Miniſtry, never paffed by White's
Chocolate-Houfe (the common Rendezvous of infa-
mous Sharpers, and noble Cullies) without beftow-
ing a Curfe upon that famous Academy, as the
Bane of half the English Nobility. I have likewife
been told another Paffage concerning that great
Miniſter; which, becauſe it gives a humourous
Idea of one principal Ingredient in modern Educa-
tion, take as followeth. Le Sac, the famous French
Dancing Maſter, in great Admiration, asked a
Friend, whether it were true, that Mr. Harley was
made an Earl and Lord-Treaſurer? And finding
it confirmed, faid; 米 ​Well, I wonder what the De-
vil the Queen could fee in him; for I attended him
two Years, and he was the greatest Dunce that ever
I taught.
ANOTHER Hinderance to good Education, and
I think the greateft of any; is that pernicious Cuf-
*The Author's Friends have heard him tell this
Paffage as from the Earl himſelf.
tom
302
No 9:
The INTELLIGENCER.
tom in rich and noble Families, of entertaining
French Tutors in their Houſes. Theſe wretched
Pedagogues are enjoined by the Father, to take fpe-
cial Care that the Boy fhall be perfect in his French;
by the Mother, that Maſter muſt not walk until he
is hot, nor be fuffered to play with other Boys, nor
be wet in his Feet, nor daub his Cloaths: And to
fee that the Dancing Mafter attends conftantly and
doth his Duty: She further infiſts, that the Child
be not kept too long poring on his Book, becauſe
he is fubject to fore Eyes, and of a weakly Confti-
tution.
By theſe Methods, the young Gentleman is in
every Article as fully accomplished at eight Years
old, as at eight and twenty; Age adding only to
the Growth of his Perfon and his Vices; fo that if
you ſhould look at him in his Boyhood through the
magnifying End of a Perfpective, and in his Man-
hood through the other, it would be impoffible to
Spy any Difference; the fame Airs, the fame Strut,
the fame Cock of his Hat, and the Pofture of his
Sword, (as far as the Changes of Faſhions will al-
low) the ſame Underſtanding, the fame Compafs of
Knowledge, with the very fame Abfurdity, Im-
pudence, and Impertinence of Tongue.
He is taught from the Nurſery, that he muſt in-
herit a great Eſtate, and hath no Need to mind his
Book; which is a Leffon he never forgets to the
End of his Life. His chief Solace is to fteal down,
and play at Span-Farthing with the Page, or young
Black-a-moore, or little favourite Foot-boy; one
of which is his principal Confident and Bofom-
Friend.
There is one young* Lord in this Town, who
• The Author is fuppofed to mean the Lord Viscount
Montcaffell, of Ireland,
by
Nº. g.
303
The INTELLIGENCER.
by an unexampled Piece of good Fortune, was mira-
culouſly ſnatched out of the Gulph of Ignorance;
confined to a publick School for a due Term of
Years; well whipped when he deſerved it; clad
no better than his Comrades, and always their
Play-fellow on the fame Foot; had no Precedence
in the School, but what was given him by his Me-
rit, and loft it whenever he was negligent. It is
well known how many Mutinies were bred at this
unprecedented Treatment; what Complaints a-
mong his Relations, and other Great Ones of both
Sexes; that his Stockings with Silver Clocks were
raviſhed from him; that he wore his own Hair;
that his Dreſs was undiftinguifhed; that he was not
fit to appear at a Ball or Affembly, nor ſuffered to
go to either: And, it was with the utmoft Difficul-
ty, that he became qualified for his preſent Remo-
val to the Univerſity; where he may probably be
farther perfecuted, and poffibly with Succefs, if the
Firmness of a Governor, and his own good Difpo-
fitions will not preferve him. I confefs, I cannot
but with he may go on in the Way he began; be-
cauſe, I have a Curiofity to know by fo fingular an
Experiment, whether Truth, Honour, Juftice,
Temperance, Courage, and good Senfe, acquired
by a School and College Education, may not pro-
duce a very tolerable Lad; although he ſhould hap-
pen to fail in one or two of thofe Accompliſhments,
which in the general Vogue are held fo important
to the finishing of a Gentleman.
Ir is true, I have known an Academical Edu-
cation to have been exploded in publick Affem-
blies and have heard more than one or two Per-
fons of high Rank declare, they could learn nothing
more at Oxford and Cambridge, than to drink Ale,
and fmoke Tobacco; wherein I firmly believed
them,
304
The INTELLIGENCEK.
N. gỗ
them, and could have added fome hundred Exam-
ples from my own Obſervation in one of thoſe U-
niverfities: But they all were of young Heirs fent
thither only for Form; either from Schools, where
they were not fuffered by their careful Parents to
ſtay above three Months in the Year; or from un-
der the Management of French Family-Tutors,
who yet often attended them in their College, to pre-
vent all Poffibility of their Improvement: But, I
never yet knew any one Perfon of Quality, who
followed his Studies at the Univerſity, and carried
away his juft Proportion of Learning, who was
not ready upon all Occafions to celebrate and de-
fend that Courſe of Education, and to prove a Pa-
tron of learned Men.
THERE is one Circumftance in a learned Educa-
tion, which ought to have much Weight, even
with thoſe who have no Learning at all. The
Books read at School and Colleges, are full of Incite-
ments to Virtue, and Difcouragements from Vice,
drawn from the wifeft Reaſons, the ſtrongeſt Mo-
tives, and the moſt influencing Examples. Thus,
young Minds are filled early with an Înclination to
Good, and an Abhorrence of Evil; both which
increaſe in them, according to the Advances they
make in Literature: And, although they may be,
and too often are, drawn by the Temptations of
Youth, and the Opportunities of a large Fortune,
into fome Irregularities, when they come forward
into the great World; it is ever with Reluctance
and Compunction of Mind, becauſe their Byafs to
Virtue ftill continues. They may ftray fometimes
by Infirmity or Complyance, but they will foon re-
turn to the right Road, and keep it always in View.
I ſpeak only of thofe Exceffes, which are too much
the Attendants of Youth and warmer Blood: But,
29
The INTELLIGENCER
305
M
as to the Points of Honour, Truth, Juſtice, and
other noble Gifts of the Mind, wherein the Tem-
perature of the Body hath no Concern, they are fel-
dom or never known to be miſled.
I HAVE engaged my felf very unwarily in too
copious a Subject for fo fhort a Paper. The pre-
fent Scope I would aim at, is to prove, that fome
Proportion of human Knowledge appears requifite
to thofe, who, by their Birth or Fortune, are called
to the making of Laws, and in a fubordinate Way
to the Execution of them; and that fuch Know-
ledge is not to be obtained without a Miracle; un-
der the frequent, corrupt, and fottiſh Methods, of
educating thofe, who are born to Wealth or Titles.
For, I would have it remembered, that I do by no
Means confine thefe Remarks to young Perfons of
noble Birth; the fame Errors running through all
Families, where there is Wealth enough to afford,
that their Sons (at leaſt the eldeft) may be good for
nothing. Why ſhould my Son be a Scholar, when
it is not intended that he ſhould live by his Learn-
ing? By this Rule, if what is commonly faid be
true, that Money anſwereth all Things, why ſhould
my Son be honeft, temperate, juft or charitable,
fince he hath no Intention to depend upon any of
thefe Qualities for a Maintenance?
WHEN all is done, perhaps upon the whole, the
Matter is not fo bad as I would make it: And
GOD, who worketh Good out of Evil, acting only
by the ordinary Courfe and Rule of Nature, permits
this continual Circulation of human Things for his
own unfearchable Ends. The Father grows rich
by Avarice, Injustice, Oppreffion; he is a Tyrant
in the Neighbourhood over Slaves and Beggars,
whom he calleth his Tenants. Why fhould he de-
fire to have Qualities infufed into his Son, which
himſelf-
306
The INTELLIGENCER.
N°. ga
himſelf never poffeffed, or knew, or found the
Want of in the Acquifition of his Wealth? The
Son bred in Sloth and Idleneſs, becomes a Spend-
thrift, a Cully, a Profligate; and goes out of the
World a Beggar, as his Father came in: Thus, the
former is puniſhed for his own Sins, as well as for
thofe of the latter. The Dunghill having raiſed a
huge Muſhroom of fhort Duration, is now fpread
to enrich other Mens Lands. It is, indeed, of
worfe Confequence, where noble Families are gone
to decay; becauſe their Titles and Privileges out-
live their Eſtates: And, Politicians tell us, that
nothing is more dangerous to the Publick, than a
numerous Nobility without Merit or Fortune. But
even here, God hath likewiſe preſcribed fome Re-
medy in the Order of Nature; fo many great Fa-
milies coming to an End by their Sloth, Luxury,
and abandoned Lufts, which enervated their Breed
through every Succeffion, producing gradually a
more effeminate Race, wholly unfit for Propagation
THOUGHTS
[ 307 ]
Thoughts on various Subjects.
W
E have juſt Religion enough to make
us hate, but not enough to make us
love one another.
REFLECT on Things paft, as
Wars, Negotiations, Factions, and
the like; we enter fo little into thoſe Intereſts,
that we wonder how Men could poffibly be fo bu-
fy, and concerned for Things fo tranfitory: Look
on the preſent Times, we find the fame Humour,
yet wonder not at all.
A WISE Man endeavours, by confidering all
Circumſtances, to make Conjectures, and form
Conclufions: But the ſmalleſt Accident intervening,
(and in the Courſe of Affairs it is impoffible to
foreſee all) doth often produce fuch Turns and
Changes, that at laſt he is juft as much in doubt of
Events, as the moſt ignorant and unexperienced
Perfon.
POSITIVENESS is a good Quality for Preachers
and Orators; becaufe, whoever would obtrude his
Thoughts and Reaſons upon a Multitude, will con-
vince others, the more, as he appears convinced
himſelf.
How is it poffible to expect that Mankind will
take Advice, when they will not fo much as take
Warning?
I FORGET whether Advice be among the loft
Things, which Ariofto fays, are to be found in the
Moon: That and Time ought to have been there.
No Preacher is liftened to, but Time; which
gives us the fame Train and Turn of Thought, that
YOL. I.
elder
X
308
THOUGHTS ON
elder People have tried in vain to put into our
Heads before.
WHEN we defire or follicit any Thing; our
Minds run wholly on the good Side, or Čircum-
ſtances of it; when it is obtained, our Minds run
only on the bad ones.
In a Glass-House, the Workmen often fling in a
fmall Quantity of freſh Coals, which feem to diſturb
the Fire, but very much enlivens it. This may al-
lude to a gentle ftirring of the Paffions, that the
Mind may not languish.
RELIGION feems to have grown an Infant with
Age, and requires Miracles to nurſe it, as it had in
its Infancy.
ALL Fits of Pleaſure are ballanced by an equal
Degree of Pain, or Languor; it is like fpending
this Year, Part of the next Year's Revenue.
THE latter Part of a wife Man's Life is taken up
in curing the Follies, Prejudices, and falfe Opini-
ons he had contracted in the former.
If a Writer would know how to behave himſelf
with relation to Pofterity; let him confider in old
Books, what he finds, that he is glad to know;
and what Omiffions he moſt laments.
WHATEVER the Poets pretend, it is plain they
give Immortality to none but themſelves: It is
Homer and Virgil we reverence and admire, not
Achilles or Æneas. With Hiſtorians it is quite
the contrary; our Thoughts are taken up with the
Actions, Perfons, and Events we read; and we
little regard the Authors.
WHEN a true Genius appears in the World,
you may know him by this infallible Sign; that
the Dunces are all in Confederacy againſt him.
MEN, who poffefs all the Advantages of Life,
are
various SUBJECTS.
309
are in a State where there are many Accidents to
diſorder and diſcompoſe, but few to pleaſe them.
It is unwife to puniſh Cowards with Ignominy;
For if they had regarded that, they would not have
been Cowards; Death is their proper Puniſhment,
becauſe they fear it moſt.
THE greatest Inventions were produced in the
Times of Ignorance; as the Ufe of the Compass,
Gunpowder, and Printing; and by the dulleft Na-
tion, as the Germans.
ONE Argument to prove, that the common Re-
lations of Ghosts and Spectres are generally falſe;
may be drawn from the Opinion held, that Spirits
are never ſeen by more than one Perfon at a Time;
that is to fay, it feldom happens, that above one
Perfon in a Company is poffeft with any high De-
gree of Spleen or Melancholy.
I AM apt to think, that in the Day of Judg-
ment there will be fmall Allowance given to the
Wife for their Want of Morals, or to the Ignorant
for their Want of Faith; becauſe, both are without
Excufe. This renders the Advantages equal of
Ignorance and Knowledge. But fome Scruples in
the Wife, and fome Vices in the Ignorant, will
perhaps be forgiven upon the Strength of Tempta-
tion to each.
THE Value of feveral Circumſtances in Hiftory,
leffens very much by diſtance of Time; although
fome minute Circumſtances are very valuable; and
it requires great Judgment in a Writer to diftin-
guifh.
Ir is grown a Word of Courſe for Writers to
fay, this critical Age, as Divines fay, this finful
Age.
IT is pleafant to obferve, how free the prefent
Age is in laying Taxes on the next.
X 2
Future Ages
Ball
310
THOUGHTS on
fhall talk of this: This ſhall be famous to all Pofteri-
ty. Whereas, their Time and Thoughts will be
taken up about prefent Things, as ours are now.
THE Camelion, who is faid to feed upon nothing
but Air, hath of all Animals the nimbleſt Tongue.
WHEN a Man is made a ſpiritual Peer, he lofeth
his Sirname; when a temporal, his Chriftian Name.
Ir is in Difputes as in Armies; where the
weaker Side fets up falfe Lights, and makes a great
Noife, that the Enemy may believe them to be
more numerous and ſtrong than they really are.
SOME Men, under the Notions of weeding out
Prejudices; eradicate Religion, Virtue, and com-
mon Honeſty.
In all well-inftituted Common-wealths, Care hath
been taken to limit Mens Poffeffions; which is
done for many Reafons; and among the reft, for
one that perhaps is not often confidered: Becauſe,
when Bounds are fet to Mens Defires, after they
have acquired as much as the Laws will permit
them, their private Intereſt is at an End; and they
have nothing to do, but to take Care of the Publick.
THERE are but three Ways for a Man to re-
venge himſelf of a cenforious World: To defpife
it; to return the like; or to endeavour to live fo
as to avoid it. The firft of theſe is ufually pre-
tended; the laft is almoſt impoffible; the univerfal
Practice is for the Second.
Herodotus tells us, that in cold Countries Beafts
very feldom have Horns; but in hot they have ve-
ry large ones. This might bear a pleaſant Appli-
cation.
I NEVER heard a finer Piece of Satyr againſt
Lawyers, than that of Aftrologers; when they pre-
tend by Rules of Art to foretel in what Time a Suit
will end, whether to the Advantage of the Plain-
ciff
various SUBJECTS.
311
tiff or Defendant: Thus making the Matter de-
pend entirely upon the Influence of the Stars, with-
out the leaft Regard to the Merits of the Caufe.
THAT Expreffion in Apocrypha about Tobit and
his Dog following him, I have often heard ridi-
culed; yet Homer has the fame Words of Telema-
chus more than once; and Virgil fays fomething
like it of Evander. And I take the Book of Tobit
to be partly poetical.
I HAVE known fome Men poffeffed of good
Qualities, which were very ferviceable to others,
but uſeleſs to themfelves; like a Sun-Dial on the
Front of a Houſe, to inform the Neighbours and
Paffengers, but not the Owner within.
If a Man would regiſter all his Opinions upon
Love, Politicks, Religion, Learning, and the like;
beginning from his Youth, and ſo go on to old
Age: What a Bundle of Inconfiftencies and Con-
tradictions would appear at laſt.
WHAT they do in Heaven we are ignorant of;
what they do not we are told exprefly; that they
neither marry, nor are given in Marriage.
WHEN a Man obferves the Choice of Ladies
now-a-Days, in the difpenfing of their Favours;
can he forbear paying fome Venerati-
on to the Memory of thofe Mares De re eque-
mentioned by Xenophon; who, while
their Manes were on; that is, while
ftri.
they were in their Beauty, would never admit the
Embraces of an Afs.
IT is a miferable Thing to live in Sufpence; it
is the Life of a Spider. Vive quidem, pende tamen,
improba, dixit.
THE Stoical Scheme of fupplying our Wants,
by lopping off our Defires; is like cutting off our
Feet when we want Shoes.
PHY
312
THOUGHTS ON
PHYSICIANS ought not to give their Judgment
of Religion, for the fame Reaſon, that Butchers are
not admitted to be Jurors upon Life and Death.
THE Reaſon why fo few Marriages are happy,
is, becauſe young Ladies fpend their Time in mak-
ing Nets, and not in making Cages.
IF a Man will obferve as he walks the Streets, I
believe he will find the merrieft Countenances in
Mourning-Coaches.
NOTHING more unqualifies a Man to act with
Prudence, than a Misfortune that is attended with
Shame and Guilt.
THE Power of Fortune is confeft only by the
Miferable; for the Happy impute all their Succefs
to Prudence or Merit.
AMBITION often puts Men upon doing the
meanest Offices; fo climbing is performed in the
fame Pofture with creeping.
ILL Company is like a Dog, who fouls thofe
most whom he loves beft.
CENSURE is the Tax a Man pays to the Pub-
lick for being eminent.
ALTHOUGH Men are accufed for not knowing
their own Weakneſs; yet perhaps as few knows
their own Strength. It is in Men as in Soils,
where fometimes there is a Vein of Gold, which
the Owner knows not of.
SATYR is reckoned the eafieft of all Wit; but I
take it to be otherwiſe in very bad Times: For it
is as hard to fatyrize well a Man of diſtinguiſhed
Vices, as to praife well a Man of diſtinguiſhed Vir-
tues. It is eafy enough to do either to People of
moderate Characters.
INVENTION is the Talent of Youth, and Judg-
ment of Age; fo that our Judgment grows harder
to pleaſe when we have fewer Things to offer it:
This
various SUBJECTS.
313
This goes through the whole Commerce of Life.
When we are old, our Friends find it difficult to
pleaſe us, and are lefs concerned whether we be
pleafed or no.
No wife Man ever wished to be younger.
AN idle Reaſon leffens the Weight of the good
ones you gave before.
THE Motives of the beſt Actions will not bear
too ftrict an Enquiry. It is allowed, that the
Cauſe of moft Actions, good or bad, may be re-
folved into the Love of our felves: But the Self-
Love of fome Men inclines them to pleaſe others;
and the Self-Love of others is wholly employed in
pleafing themſelves. This makes the greateſt Di-
ftinction between Virtue and Vice. Religion is the
beſt Motive of all Actions; yet Religion is allow-
ed to be the higheſt Inftance of Self-Love.
WHEN the World hath once begun to ufe us ill,
it afterwards continues the fame Treatment with
lefs Scruple or Ceremony; as Men do a Whore.
OLD Men view beft at Diſtance with the Eyes
of their Underſtanding, as well as with thoſe of
Nature.
SOME People take more Care to hide their Wif-
dom than their Folly.
ARBITRARY Power is the natural Object of
Temptation to a Prince; as Wine or Women to a
young Fellow, or a Bribe to a Judge, or Avarice
to old Age, or Vanity to a Female.
Anthony Henly's Fariner dying of an Afthma,
faid: Well, if I can get this Breath once out, I
will take Care it fhall never get in again.
THE Humour of exploding many Things under
the Names of Trifles, Fopperies, and only imagi-
nary Goods, is a very falfe Proof either of Wifdom
or Magnanimity, and a great Check to virtuous
Actions.
314
THOUGHTS on
Actions. For Inftance, with Regard to Fame:
There is in moft People a Reluctance and Unwil-
lingneſs to be forgotten. We obferve, even among
the Vulgar, how fond they are to have an Infcrip-
tion over their Grave. It requires but little Philo-
ſophy to diſcover and obſerve, that there is no in-
trinfick Value in all this; however, if it be found-
ed in our Nature, as an Incitement to Virtue, it
ought not to be ridiculed.
COMPLAINT is the largeſt Tribute Heaven re-
ceives; and the fincereft Part of our Devotion.
THE Common Fluency of Speech in many Men,
and moſt Women, is owing to the Scarcity of
Matter, and Scarcity of Words; for whoever is a
Maſter of Language, and hath a Mind full of Ide-
as, will be apt in fpeaking to heſitate upon the
Choice of both: Whereas common Speakers have
only one Set of Ideas, and one Set of Words to
cloath them in; and theſe are always ready at the
Mouth. So People come fafter out of a Church
when it is almoſt empty, than when a Crowd is at
the Door.
FEW are qualified to fhine in Company; but it
is in moft Mens Power to be agreeable. The Rea-
fon, therefore, why Converſation runs fo low at
prefent, is not the Defect of Underſtanding; but
Pride, Vanity, ill Nature, Affectation, Singularity,
Pofitiveneſs; or fome other Vice, the Effect of a
wrong Education.
To be vain, is rather a Mark of Humility than
of Pride. Vain Men delight in telling what Ho-
nours have been done them, what great Company
they have kept, and the like; by which they plain-
ly confefs, that theſe Honours were more than their
Due; and fuch as their Friends would not believe if
they had not been told: Whereas, a Man truly
proud,
various SUBJECTS.
315
proud, thinks the greateſt Honours below his Me-
rit, and confequently fcorns to boaft. I therefore
deliver it as a Maxim; that whoever defires the
Character of a proud Man, ought to conceal his
Vanity.
LAW in a free Country, is, or ought to be the
Determination of the Majority of thoſe who have
Property in Land.
{
ONE Argument uſed to the Diſadvantage of
Providence, I take to be a very ſtrong one in its
Defence. It is objected, that Storms and Tempefts,
unfruitful Seaſons, Serpents, Spiders, Flies, and o-
ther noxious or troubleſome Animals, with many
more Inftances of the like Kind, difcover an Im-
perfection in Nature; becauſe human Life would
be much eaſier without them: But the Defign of
Providence may clearly be perceived in this Pro-
ceeding. The Motions of the Sun and Moon; in
ſhort, the whole Syſtem of the Univerſe, as far as
Philofophers have been able to difcover and ob-
ſerve, are in the utmoſt Degree of Regularity and
Perfection: But wherever GOD hath left to Man
the Power of interpofing a Remedy by Thought or
Labour, there he hath placed Things in a State of
Imperfection, on Purpoſe to ftir up human Induf-
try; without which Life would ftagnate, or indeed
rather could not fubfift at all: Curis acuens morta-
lia Corda.
PRAISE is the Daughter of prefent Power.
I HAVE known feveral Perfons of great Fame
For Wiſdom in publick Affairs and Counfels, go-
verned by fooliſh Servants.
I HAVE known great Minifters diftinguiſhed for
Wit and Learning, who preferred none but Dunces.
I HAVE known Men of Valour, Cowards to their
Wives.
I
316
THOUGHTS ON
I HAVE known Men of the greateſt Cunning,
perpetually cheated.
I KNEW three great Minifters, who could ex-
actly compute and fettle the Accounts of a King-
dom; but were wholly ignorant of their own Oc-
conomy.
THE Preaching of Divines helps to preſerve
well inclined Men in the Courſe of Virtue; but
feldom or never reclaims the Vicious.
PRINCES uſually make wifer Choices than the
Servants whom they truft for the Diſpoſal of Places :
I have known a Prince more than once chufe an
able Minifter; but I never obſerved that Minifter
to uſe his Credit in the Difpofal of an Employment
to a Perſon whom he thought the fitteft for it. One
of the greateſt in this Age owned and excuſed the
Matter to me; from the Violence of Parties, and
the Unreaſonablenefs of Friends.
SMALL Cauſes are fufficient to make a Man un-
eafy, when great ones are not in the Way
Want of a Block he will ftumble at a Straw.
For
DIGNITY, high Station, or great Riches are in
fome Sort neceffary to old Men, in order to keep
the younger at a Diſtance; who are otherwife too
apt to infult them upon the Score of their Age.
EVERY Man defires to live long; but no Man
would be old.
LOVE of Flattery in moft Men proceeds from
the mean Opinion they have of themfelves: In
Women from the contrary.
IF Books and Laws continue to increaſe as they
have done for fifty Years paft; I am in fome Con-
cern for future Ages, how any Man will be learned,
or any Man a Lawyer.
KINGS are commonly faid to have long Hands;
I wish they had as long Ears.
PRINCES
various SUBJECTS.
317
PRINCES in their Infancy, Childhood and Youth,
are faid to diſcover prodigious Parts and Wit; to
ſpeak Things, that furprize and aftoniſh. Strange,
fo many hopeful Princes, and fo many fhameful
Kings! If they happen to die young, they would
have been Prodigies of Wiſdom and Virtue: If they
live, they are often Prodigies indeed; but of another
Sort.
POLITICKS, as the Word is commonly under-
ftood, are nothing but Corruption; and confequent-
ly of no Ufe to a good King, or a good Miniftry:
For which Reafon, Courts are fo over-run with Po-
liticks.
SILENUS, the Fofter-Father of Bacchus, is
always carried by an Afs, and hath Horns on his
Head. The Moral is; that Drunkards are led by
Fools, and have a great Chance to be Cuckolds.
VENUS, a beautiful good-natured Lady, was
the Goddeſs of Love; Juno, a terrible Shrew, the
Goddeſs of Marriage; and they were always mor-
tal Enemies.
THOSE who are againſt Religion, muft needs be
Fools: And therefore we read, that, of all Ani-
mals, God refuſed the First-born of an Aſs.
A VERY little Wit is valued in a Woman; as
we are pleaſed with a few Words fpoken plain by a
Parrot.
A NICE Man is a Man of nafty Ideas.
APOLLO was held the God of Phyfick, and
Sender of Diſeaſes: Both were originally the fame
Trade, and ftill continue.
OLD Men and Comets have been reverenced for
the fame Reaſon; their Long Beards, and Preten-
ces to foretel Events.
I WAS aſked at Court, what I thought of the
French Ambaffador and his Train; who were all
Embroidery
318
THOUGHTS, &c.
Embroidery and Lace; full of Bows, Cringes, and
Geftures; I faid, it was Solomon's Importation;
Gold and Apes.
THERE is a Story in Paufanias, of a Plot for
betraying a City, difcovered by the Braying of an
Afs: The Cackling of Geefe faved the Capitol: And
Cataline's Confpiracy was difcovered by a Whore.
Theſe are the only three Animals, as far as I re-
member, famous in Hiftory for Evidences and In-
formers.
MOST Kinds of Diverfion in Men, Children,
and other Animals, are an Imitation of Fighting.
AUGUSTUS meeting an Afs with a lucky
Name, foretold himſelf good Fortune. I meet ma-
ny Aſſes, but none of them have lucky Names.
If a Man makes me keep my Diſtance; the
Comfort is, he keeps his at the fame Time.
WHO can deny, that all Men are violent Lovers
of Truth, when we fee them fo pofitive in their
Errors; which they will maintain out of their Zeal
to Truth, although they contradict themſelves every
Day of their Lives?
That was excellently obferved, faid I, when I read
a Paffage in an Author, where his Opinion agrees
with mine. When we differ, there I pronounce
him to be mistaken.
VERY few Men, properly fpeaking, live at pre-
fent; but are providing to live another Time.
As univerfal a Practice as Lying is, and as eafy a
one as it ſeems; I do not remember to have heard
three good Lyes in all my Converfation; even from
thoſe who were moft celebrated in that Faculty.
The End of the First VOLUME,
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