ARTES
LIBRARY
1837 HO
VERITAS
SCIENTIA
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
TUEBOR
QUÆRIS PENINSULAM AMO NAM
CIRCUMSPICE
GIFT OF
REGENT LLHUBBARD
:
!
Y
4
PR
372
175
V.I

Civas aliquos virtutibus pares & habemus
habebimus, gloria neminem,
Plin. Epist
THE
WORK S
O F
D. JONATHAN SWIFT..
In NINE VOLUMES.
The SEVENTH EDITION..
F
To which is prefixed,
The DOCTOR's Life, with Remarks on his Wri~-
tings, from the Earl of Orrery and others, not
to be found in any former Edition of his Works,
((+176503.))
Shiny
Dublin printed; and Edinburgh reprinted,
For G. HAMILTON & J. BALFOUR, and L. HUNTER,
at Edinburgh; and A. STALKER, at Glaſgow; and
fold by them and other Bookfellers.
M, DCC, LII.
'2
Reo.
Regent L. L. Huttand
gt.
8-28-1923
10 cole.
VOL. I.
MISCELLANIES in Profe.
VOL. II.
POETICAL Writings,
VOL. III.
The TRAVELS of Captain LEMUEL GULLIVER
VOL. IV.
Papers relating to IRELAND, and the DRAFIER'S
LETTERS.
VOL. V.
The CONDUCT of the ALLIES, and the ExA-
MINERS.
4. Bus
VOL.
VOL. VI..
The PUBLICK SPIRIT of the WHIGS, &c. with
POLITE CONVERSATION.
VOL. VII..
LETTERS to and from Dr. Swift.
VOL. VIII.
DIRECTIONS to SERVANTS,
POEMS, &c.
- VOL. IX.
A TALE of a TUB,
2
SERMONS,
THE
WORKS
O F
JONATHAN SWIFT,
D. D. D. S. P. D.
VOLUME I.
CONTAINING
MISCELLANIES
I N
PROS E.
PREFACE.
BY THE
1
Publiſher of the Dublin
Edition.
Hragement
AVING received great Encou-
ragement from both Kingdoms;
and eſpecially from this, to publiſh a
compleat and correct Edition in four
Volumes, of the Works of the Reve-
rend Dr. SWIFT, D. S. P. D. we de-
fire Leave to inform the Reader how
we have proceeded in this Affair. We
do not find, that the Author did ever
put his Name to above two Compofi-
tions, which were both writ in Profe;
the former is a Letter to the Lord Trea-
furer,
vi
PREFA CE.
furer, OXFORD, upon a Propofal for cor-
recting and afcertaining the English
Language; the other is a Letter upon a
different Subject to the Lord Chancel-
lor, MIDDLETON, which was never
printed before; but we found the Name
fubfcribed at Length in the original
Manufcript. This Way of Proceeding
in the Author, hath put us under the
Neceffity of complying with the gene-
ral Opinion, which hath fixed certain
Writings both in Verſe and Profe upon
him, whether truly or no, we ſhall not
prefume to determine; for we are af
fured, he never directly owned to his
neareſt Friends any Writings which ge-
nerally paſſed for his; the unavoidable
Confequence whereof was, that, befides
thoſe Poems or Treatifes, which the
judicious Part of the World agreed to
have come from his Pen; many others
were vulgarly fixed on him, which a
Writer much inferior (at leaſt if Print-
ers and Bookfellers were to be Judges)
might have juft Reafon to complain of;
and yet, we are equally affured by thoſe
Gentlemen in this Kingdom, who ſeem
to
PREFACE.
vii
to know the Author beft, that, when
People of more Curiofity than Taſte or
Manners, offered to charge him with
fome Trifles which he had not writ, he
would never give them the leaſt Satis-
faction, by owning or denying it.
If we were truly informed, the Au-
thor hath often proteſted, that he never
did write three Copies of Verſes with
the leaft Intention to have them printed,
although he was eafy enough to fhew
them to his Friends, and at their Defire
was not very fcrupulous in fuffering
them to take Copies; from whence
moſt of thoſe Poems were occafionally
printed in both Kingdoms, either in
fingle Papers, or in Mifcellanies.
Several Applications have been made
to the Author for two Years paſt by
moſt of his Friends, that he would give
us Leave to print thofe Writings in
Verſe and Profe, which are univerfally
imputed to him: The Arguments made
Ufe of were, That fuch a Collection as
we propofed could not be printed in
London ;
viii
PREFACE.
London; becauſe feveral Copies, and
fome whole Treatifes were the Property
of different Bookfellers, who were not
likely to agree in Partnerſhip, nor had
the fame Advantage with us of confult-
ing the Author and his Friends, who
were pleaſed to correct many groſs Er-
rors, and ſtrike out fome very injudici-
ous Interpolations; particularly in the
Voyages of Captain GULLIVER: Not to
mention ſeveral Things in Profe as well
as Verfe, which we procured from
fome Gentlemen who were either con-
nived at, or fuffered to take Copies.
We added, That if we did not under-
take this Work, it would certainly be
attempted by fome Bookfeller, who
probably might not be fo ready to fub-
mit to the Advice and Direction of the
Author's Friends.
But our Arguments were of little Ef-
fect; further, than that the Author was
prevailed on to fuffer fome Friends to
review and correct the Sheets after they
were printed; and fometimes he conde-
ſcended to give them his own Opinion.
In
PREFACE.
ix
In printing the four Volumes we
have been adviſed to obferve the fol-
lowing Order: The firft Volume con-
fifteth of thoſe Miſcellanies, which
were publiſhed in London about thirty
Years ago; that is to fay, the Profe
Part of them; but in this Impreffion
are feveral confiderable Additions.
The fecond Volume containeth all the
Poetical Writings, that we could col-
lect, and which are generally afcribed
to the fame Author; wherein we en-
tirely fubmitted to the Directions of his
Friends. The third Volume maketh
up the four Parts of Captain GULLI-
VER'S Travels. The fourth Volume
is a compleat Collection of all thoſe
Tracts relating to Ireland, which are
univerfally allowed to have been writ-
ten by the fame Author; and may pro-
bably be uſeful upon many Occafions
to this poor Kingdom in future. Ages;
and even to England itſelf, where moſt
of them have been printed, and well
received.
This
*
PREFA C E.
This is all we have been allowed to
prefix as a general Preface; but before
each of the enfuing Volumes are ſhort
Advertiſements.
Dublin, Oct.
1734.
}
P. S. Since the Publication of the
four Volumes before mentioned; four
others have been printed; the Fifth and
Sixth in the Year 1735, corrected by
the Author; the Seventh in 1741; and
the Eighth in 1745, foon after his
Death, which happened in the Deanry
Houſe of St. Patrick's, Dublin, October
18. 1745, in the 78th Year of his Age,
being born in Hoey's-Alley, in St. War-
burgh's Parish, Dublin, on St. Andrew's
Day, the 30th of November, 1667.
Dublin, Nov.
1747.
THE
THE
CONTENT S.
CHAP. I.
A Difcourfe of the Contefts and Diſſenſions between
the Nobles and Commons of Athens and Rome,
CHAP. II.
p. I
Of the Diffenfions in Athens between the Few and the
Many,
CHAP. III.
10
Of the Diffenfions between the Patricians and Plebeians
in Rome; with the Confequences they had upon that
State,
CHAP. IV.
18
Of the Contests and Diffenfions at Athens and Rome,
CHAP. V.
Of the Contests and Diffenfions, &c.
A Meditation upon a Broom-ſtick,
31
36
47
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England-Man, with
respect to Religion and Government,
49
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England-Man, with
respect to Government,
63
'An Argument to prove, That the Aboliſhing of Chriſtianity
in England, may, as Things now ftand, be attended
with fome Inconveniencies, and perhaps not produce
many good Effects propofed thereby,
Predictions for the Year 1708.
79
An Account of the Death of Mr. Partrige the Almanack-
maker.
'Squire Bickerstaff detected by John Partrige,
95
107
III
A true and impartial Account of the Proceedings of Ifaac
Bickerstaff, Efq; against me John Partrige,
113
xii
The CONTENTS.
A Vindication of Ifaac Bickerſtaff, Eſq;
p. 119
A Project for the Advancement of Religion, and the Re-
formation of Manners,
127
A Tritical Elay on the Faculties of the Mind, 153
A Propofal for correcting and improving the English
Tongue,
161
A famous Prediction of Merlin the Britiſh Wizard, 181
The Tatler, N° CCXXX.
The Tatler, N° V. VOL. V.
The Tatler, N° XX.
A Letter to a young Gentleman in Holy Orders,
The Wonderful Wonder of Wonders,
187
193
201
207
229
The Wonder of all the Wonders that ever the World
wondered at,
235
A Letter to a young Lady on her Marriage,
239
The Intelligencer, Nº III.
The Intelligencer, No V.
The Intelligencer, No IX.
Thoughts on various Subjects,
251
257
267
277
1
*
THE
7
A N
ACCOUNT
O F
The LIFE, CHARACTER and WRITINGS
Of the CELEBRATED
DR. JONATHAN SWIFT, D. S. P. D.
[Taken from the Earl of ORRER Y, and Others.]
T
HE Account of his Family fhall be as fhort as pof-
fible; fince, altho' his Anceſtors were Perfons of very
decent and reputable Characters, he himself has
been the Herald to blazon the Dignity of their Coat.
His Grandfather was the Reverend Mr. THOMAS SWIFT Vi-
car of Goodridge near Rofs in Herefordſhire. He enjoyed a pater-
nal Eſtate, which is now in poffeffion of his Great Grandfon
DEAN SWIFT Efq; He died in the Year 1658, leaving fix
Sons, GODWIN, THOMAS, DRYDEN, WILLIAM, JONA -
THAN and ADAM. Two of them, GODWIN and JONA-
THAN had Sons. The Defcendants of GoDWIN are mention-
ed in GUILLIM's Heraldry. JONATHAN married Mrs. Aв1-
GAIL ERICK of Leicestershire, by whom he had one Daugh-
ter and a Son. The Daughter was born in the first Year of
Mr. SwiFr's Marriage; but he lived not to fee the Birth of
his Son, which happened on the 30th of November 1667,
two Months after the Father's Death, and who was called
JONATHAN, in memory of his Father; and became after-
wards the famous DEAN of ST. PATRICK'S. Soon after
his Birth, he was carried into England by his Nurfe; who be-
ing obliged to cross the Sea, and having a Nurfe's Fondnes
for the Child at her Breaft, conveyed him on Ship-board with-
out the Knowledge of his Mother or Relations, and kept
VOL. I.
A
him
i
Vi
An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
him with her at Whitehaven in Cumberland, during her Refi-
dence three Years at that Place.
THE greateſt Part of Mr. SwIFT'S Income had depended
upon Agencies, and other Employments of that kind: So
that most of his Fortune perished with him; the little he had
faved being ſcarce a Subfiftance for his Widow, the Children
were taken care of by GoDWIN, who inherited the pa-
ternal Eftate.
THE Circumſtance of his being three Years in England,
gave rife to a Notion, that he was born there; and fome
fuppofed him to be the natural Son of the celebrated Sir
WILLIAM TEMPLE; but it is evident that Sir WILLIAM
TEMPLE was employed as a Miniſter abroad from the Year
1665, to the Year 1670, firſt at Bruffels, and afterwards at
the Hague, as will be found by his Correfpondence with the
Earl of ARLINGTON, and other Minifters of State; ſo that
Dr. SWIFT's Mother, who never crofled the Sea, could have
no perfonal Correſpondence with Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE,
till fome Years after her Son's Birth.
Ar fix Years old he was fent to a School at Kilkenny, and,
about eight Years afterwards, he was entered a Student of Tri-
nity College in Dublin. He lived there in a perfect Regularity,
and under an entire Obedience to the Statutes: But the Mo-
rofenefs of his Temper often rendered him very unaccept-
able to his Companions; fo that he was little regarded and
lefs beloved. Nor were the Academical Excrcifes agreeable to
his Genius. The Studies which he followed, were Hiftory
and Poetry; in thefe he made a great Progrefs; but to all o-
ther Branches of Sciences he had given fo little Application,
that he was refufed his Degree of Batchelor of Arts for In-
fufficiency; and at last obtained it only fpeciali gratia, a
Phrafe which, in that Univerfity, carries with it the utmost
Marks of Reproach.-Mrs. PILKINGTON tells us, That,
when he first heard the Dean relate this Circumftance, the
told him, he fuppofed he had been idle; but he affirmed the
But however
contrary, affuring her, He was really dull."
jaft this Treatment might be, it filled him with Indignation,
and he refolved to pursue, his Studies at Oxford, where produ-
'cing the Teſtimonium of his Degrec, the Words ſpeciali gra-
tia being thought to imply extraordinary Merit, he was im-
mediately admitted ad eundem :. He chofe to enter himſelf of
Hart-ball, now Hertford College; where, except fome Vifits
to his Mother at Leicester, and to Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE
at Mor-park, Surrey, whofe Lady was related to Mr. SWIFT'S
Mother, he constantly refided till he took his Degree of Ma-
fter of Arts, which was in the Year 1691..
Ilis Uncle, GODWIN, continued to fupport him till the
Year of the Revolution; but falling about that time into a Le-
thargy,
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
vii
thargy, Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE enabled him to continue his
Studies at Oxford; and, when he quitted that Univerſity, re-
ceived him to his Houfe as his Friend and dometlick Com-
panion: Mr. SWIFT's Uncle, WILLIAM, alifted him;
when at Oxford, with repeated Acts of Friendship and Affe-
Єtion.
WHEN he had been about two Years at Moor-park, he
contracted a long and dangerous Illness, by eating an immo-
derate Quantity of Fruit; and to this Surfeit he afcribed that
Giddinefs in his Head, which continued ever afterwards, with
irregular Intermiffions, and terminated in total Debility of
Body and Mind.
By the Advice of his Phyficians, when he was fufficiently
recovered to travel, he went into Ireland, to try the Effect
of his native Air, and received ſo much Benefit by the Jour-
ney, that, in a fhort time, he believed his Health to be con-
firmed, and returned into England to his Patron, Sir WIL-
LAM, who had now fettled at Sheen, and was often vifited by
King WILLIAM. Here SWIFT had frequent Opportunities
of converfing with the Prince, who once offered to make him
a Captain of Hoife; an Offer which, in fplenetick Difpofi-
tions, he always feemed forry to have refuſed. But, at that
time, he had refolved to take Orders; and foon after went
again to Ireland, and immediately inlifted himself under the
Banner of the Church. He was recommended by Sir W11-
IIAM TEMPLE to Lord CAPEL, then Lord-Deputy, who
gave him the firſt vacant Bencfice, which was a Prebendary,
worth about 100l. per annum.
SWIFT foon grew weary of being at ſo great a Diſtance
from London, and was impatient to return to the Convertà
tion in which he delighted: He therefore refigned his Pre-
bendary in favour of a Friend, and returned to Sheen, where
he continued till the Death of Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE;
who, befides a pecuniary Legacy, left to him the Publication
of his Pofthumous Works.
THE King had promiſed Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE, that
SWIFT fhould be put into the firft Vacancy which ſhould
happen among the Prebends of Heftminster or Canterbury.
He therefore, upon the Death of his l'atron, came to London
and delivered a Petition to his Majefty, in which he claimed'
his Promife; but, it producing no Effect, after a long At-
tendance at Whitehall, he gave up, with Reluctance, all
Thoughts of a Settlement in England; for though he had de-
dicated Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE'S Works to the King, his
Majefty never took the leaft Notice of him after Sir W11-
LIAM's Death.From this firft Difappointment, may, pro-
bably, be dated that Bitterneſs towards Kings and Courtiers,
4 2
which
viii An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
which is to be found ſo univerſally difperfed throughout his
Works.
He accepted of an Invitation from the Earl of BERKI-
LEY, who was appointed one of the Lords Juftices in Ireland,
to attend him as his Chaplain and private Secretary: But
one BUSH, another of Lord BERKELEY's Attendants, found
Means to infinuate to his Lordship, that the Poſt of Se-
cretary was not proper for a Clergyman: Lord BERKELEY
liftened perhaps too attentively to theſe Infinuations, and ma-
king fome Apology to Mr. SwIFT, divefted him of that
Office, and bestowed it upon Mr. BUSH.-This injurious
Treatment SWIFT revenged by a fhort, but biting Satire,
intitled, THE DISCOVERY.
HOWEVER, during the Government of the Earls of
BERKELEY and GALWAY, who were jointly Lords Juſtices
of Ireland, two Livings, Laracor and Rathbeggan, were be-
ftowed upon Mr. SWIFT: The first of thefe Rectories was
worth about 2001. and the latter about 60 I. a-Year; and
they were the only Preferments that he enjoyed till he was
appointed Dean of St. Patrick's in the Year 1713,
As foon as he had taken Poffeffion of his two Livings,
he went to refide at Laracor, and gave publick, Notice to his
Parishioners, that he would read Prayers on every Wedneſday
and Friday. On the next Wedneſday the Bell was rung, and
the Rector attended in the Deſk, when, after having fat fome
Time, and finding the Congregation to confift only of him-
felf and his Clerk Roger, he began with great Compoſure
and Gravity, but with a Turn peculiar to himſelf, Dearly
"beloved Roger, the Scripture moveth you and me in fun-
dry Places," &c. and then proceeded regularly through
the whole Service. This trifling Circumftance is mentioned,
only to fhew, that he could not refift a Vein of Humour,
whenever he had an Opportunity of exerting it.
A ftrict Refidence at Laracor was not in the leaft fuitable
to his Difpofition; he made frequent Excurfions not only to
Dublin, but to London. In the mean time, the rich Deary
of Derry became vacant, and would have been given to him
by Lord BERKELEY, if Dr. KING, then Bishop of Derry,
and afterwards Archbishop of Dublin, had not intreated of
his Lordship, with great Earneftnefs, that, as Derry was fi
tuated in the Midlt of Prefbyterians, the Deanry might be
given to fome grave and elderly Divine, who would refide
upon the Spot, and not to SWIFT, who was an ingenious
and sprightly young Man, and would be frequently abfent :
SWIFT was accordingly fet afide for his Youth; but he li-
ved to fee Dr. KING fet afide for his 4ge, when, upon the
Death of Dr. LINDSAY, he claimed the Primacy of Ire-
aud; but this Disappointment the Archbishop no otherwiſe
refented,
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
ix
refented, than by receiving the new Primate Dr. BOLTER,
in his own Houfe, without rifing from his Chair, and ma-
king this Apology: "My Lord, I am certain your Grace
"will forgive me, becaufe, you know, I am too old to
"rife,"
IN 1701, Mr. SWIFT took his Doctor's Degree, and in
the End of that Year King WILLIAM died.
Upon the
Acceffion of Queen ANNE, the Doctor came into England.
It cannot be denied, that the chief Minifters of that Queen,
whether diſtinguiſhed under the Titles of Whigs or Tories,
were, from the Beginning to the End of her Reign, En-
couragers of Learning, and Patrons of learned Men.-The
Wits and Poets of that Era were numerous and eminent;
amidſt the Croud, yet ſhining above the reft, appeared Dr.
SWIFT.
Ipfe ante alios pulcherrimus omnes,
Infert fe focium Æneas, atque agmina jungit.
He was known to the great Men of each Denomination: And
although he had been bred up and educated with Whigs, he
foon attached himself openly to the Tories, becauſe, as he
faid, the Whigs had renounced their old Principles, and re-
ceived others, which their Forefathers held in utter Abhor-
rence. It may be afferted, and will redound to the Honour
of Dr. SWIFT, that when he rofe into the Confidence and
Efteem of thofe great Men who fat at the Helm of Affairs,
he ſcarce ever loſt himſelf, or grew giddy by the Plenitude
of Power. He may have been carried away by inconfiderate
Paffion, but he was not to be fwayed by deliberate Evil. He
may have erred in Judgment, but he was upright in Inten-
tion.
AMONG the various Branches into which SWIFT's ex-
panfive Genius fpread itſelf, thofe peculiar Talents of level-
ling his Writings to the lowest, and futtaining their Dignity
to the higheſt Capacity, were probably the original Motives
that attracted the Earl of Oxford's Friendship to him.---
From 1702 to 1710, he laboured, though fecretly, yet
with great Diligence, in profecuting the Schemes that were
formed to produce the Change in the Miniftry which then
happened: By that Time the Character of Dr. SwIFT, as
an Author, was perfectly eftablished; and, from the Year
1710 to 1713, he was bufied in maintaining the Cauſe of the
Miniſtry, in Pamphlets, Poems, and weekly Papers, and was
then made Dean of St. Patrick's, in Point of Power and Re-
venue eftéemed no inconfiderable Promotion; but to an am-
bitious Mind, whofe perpetual Aim was a Settlement in Eng-
land, it muſt appear, (as perhaps it was defigned) an honour-
A 3
able
*
An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
able and profitable Banifhment; perhaps his Temper might
occafion his English Friends to wish him happily promoted
at a Distance; his Spirit was often intractable, the Motions
of his Genius often irregular. He affumed more the Air
of a Patron, than that of Friend, and affected rather to di-
ctate than adviſe.
THE Queen had intended him a Bishoprick in England,
which was conſtantly the Object of his Ambition; but Dr.
SHARP, Archbiſhop of York, repreſented him to the Queen
as not being a Chriftian, and a certain great Lady ſupported
the Afperfion; the Queen therefore at length gave the Bi-
fhoprick to another. SWIFT, after this Event, ſtill ſpoke
of the Queen with Decorum; but his Refentment was with-
out Bounds when he mentioned the Archbishop or the
Lady.
UPON his Arrival in Ireland, to take Poffeffion of his
Deanry, he found the Rage of Party fo violent, that the
common People, who had been taught to look upon him as
a Jacobite, threw Stones and Dirt at him as he paffed
through the Streets. The Chapter of St. Patrick's received
him with Reluctance, and oppofed all his Meaſures; he was
avoided as a Peftilence; he was oppofed as an Invader; he
was marked out as an Enemy to his Country.-Fewer Ta
lents, and lefs Firmnefs, muft have yielded to fuch an out-
ragious Oppofition: Sed contra audentior ibat. He knew too
much of human Nature to be difcouraged too much at this
Treatment. His first Attempt was to reduce to Reafon and
Obedience his Reverend Brethren of the Chapter; and in
this he fucceeded fo perfectly, that, in a fhort time, they
held him in the higheſt Reſpect and Veneration, and ſubmit-
ted implicitly to whatever he propoſed.
HAVING eſtabliſhed himſelf in his Deanry he returned
to England, in the beginning of the Year 1714; where he
found two great Friends difunited, and the Queen declining
in her Health, and diftreffed in her Situation. He exerted
his utmoſt to reconcile the Minifters; but, finding his Pains
fruitless, he retired, defponding and difappointed, to a Friend's
Houſe in Berkſhire, where he remained till the Queen died;
an Event which put a final Period to all his Views in England;
he therefore returned as falt as poſſible to Dublin. As he
was known to have been attached to the Queen's laft Mini-
ftry; to have written against the Whigs; and "to have oiled
many a Spring which HARLEY moved," he met with fre-
quent Indignities, not only from the Populace, but from Per-
fons of all Ranks; a Treatment that increafed the Sournefs
of his Temper, confined his Acquaintance, and added Bitter-
ncfs to his Style.
J4
IN
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
xi
IN the Year 1716, he was privately married by Dr. ASHE,
then Bishop of Clogher, to a Lady whom he has celebrated
by the Name of STELLA. She was the Daughter of Sir
WILLIAM TEMPLE's Steward, whofe Name was JOHNSON;
and Sir WILLIAM, when he died, left her 1000 l. on ac-
count of her Father's faithful Services. She was a Perſon of
great Delicacy, extremely beautiful, and equally remarkable
for the Sweetnefs of her Temper, and the Poignancy of her
Wit; her Underſtanding was of the firſt Claſs; her Prudence
uncommon; and her Piety exemplary. The Dean became
acquainted with her while he lived with Sir WILLIAM
TEMPLE. When the first left England, is not known; but
they continued the fame Oeconomy of Life after Marriage as
before; he remained at the Deanry, the in Lodgings at the
other Side of the Liffy. He never openly acknowledged her
for his Wife, nor did their Intimacy exceed the Bounds of
Platonick Love; fuch Care being always taken to fummon
Witneffes of their Converfation, that it would perhaps be im-
poffible to prove, that they had ever been together, but in
the Prefence of at leaft a third Perfon.-Upon this extraor-
dinary Conduct, the Earl of ORRERY obferves, that there
are Actions, the true Motives of which will never be known;
and that this Fact is perhaps one, which, having related as
he learn'd it from the Dean's Friends, he leaves to the Read-
er's Obfervations. She died in January 1728. Her Death
occafioned great Regret to the Dean; for he never afterwards
mentioned her Name without a Sigh.
ABOUT the year 1720, the Dean, who had been fo lately
neglected, afperfed and pelted, began to be popular; but his
Popularity was not univerfal till the Publication of the Dra-
pier's Letters; he then became the Idol of the People; his
Health was drank in every Company, and his Effigies difplay-
ed in every Street; the Rabble crouded after him with Accla-
mations; he was eminently a Law-giver to the Weavers, who
frequently came in a Body to receive his Advice in fettling
the Rates of their Manufactures, and the Wages of their
Journeymen; and when Elections were depending for the City
of Dublin, many Corporations refufed to declare themfelves
till they knew his Sentiments and Inclinations. Over the
Populace he was now the moſt abfolute Monarch that ever
governed Men; he was regarded by Perfons of every Rank,
with Veneration and Eftcem; and in the Poffeffion of this
Power, thus admired and beloved, he continued till he loft his
Senfes; a Lofs which he feemed to foreſee, and which he pro-
phetically lamented to his Friends.
We are now drawing towards the laft Scene of his Life ›
the total Deprivation of his Senfes came upon him by degrees.
In the Year 1736, he was ſeized with a violent Fit of Gidd
nets.
xii An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
nefs. He was at that time writing a fatirical Poem, called,
The Legion Club; but he found the Effects of his Giddinefs
fo dreadful, that he left this Poem unfinished; and never af-
terwards attempted a Compofition of any Length, either
in Verfe or Profe. However his Converfation ftill remained
the fame; lively and fevere; but his Memory gradually grew
worfe and worfe, and, as that decreaſed, he appeared every
Day more fretful and impatient. From the Year 1739 to
1741, his Friends found his Paffions fo violent and ungovern-
able, his Memory fo decayed, and his Reaſon ſo depraved,
that they took the utmost Precautions to keep all Strangers
from approaching him: Early in the Year 1742, the fmall
Remains of his Underſtanding became entirely confuſed, and
the Violence of his Rage increafed to a Degree of Madnefs.
He funk afterwards into a quiet, fpecchlefs Idiot ; and drag-
ged out the Remainder of his Life in this helpleſs Situation.
He died in 0Яober 1745. The Manner of his Death was
cafy, without the leaſt Pang or Convulfion.
He used often to lament the State of Childhood and Idio-
tifin, to which fome of the greateſt Men of this Nation were
reduced before their Death. He mentioned as Examples, the
Duke of MARLBOROUGH, and Lord SOMERS: And, when
he cited thefe melancholy Inftances, it was always with a
heavy Sigh, as if he felt an Impulſe of what was to happen
to himſelf.
?
He died worth about 12,000 l. inclufive of the Legacies
mentioned in his Will, which may be computed at the Sum
of 12,00 1. So that near 11,000 is entirely applicable to
the Hofpital for Idiots and Lunaticks: A charitable Founda-
tion, particularly in thefe Kingdoms, where the epidemic Di-
ftemper of Lunacy is fo prevalent !
THUS died Dr. SWIFT, whole Capacity and Strength of
Mind, fays Lord OR RERY, were undoubtedly equal to any
TASK whatever. His Pride, his Spirit or Ambition, call it
by what Name you pleate, was boundlefs; but his Views
were check'd in his younger Years, and the Anxiety of that
Diſappointment had a vifible Effect upon all his Actions. He
was four and fevere, but not abfolutely ill-natured. He was
fociable only to particular Friends, and to them only at par-
ticular Hours. He knew Politenefs more than he practiſed it.
He was a Mixture of Avarice and Generofity; the former
was frequently prevalent, the latter feldom appeared, unleſs
excited by Compaffion. He was open to Adulation, and
could not, or would not diftinguish between low Flattery and
jult Applaufe. His Abilities rendered him fuperior to Envy.
He was undifguifed-and perfectly fincere. He performed the
Duties of the Church with great Punctuality and a decent
Degree of Devotion. He read Prayers rather in a ſtrong ncr-
YOUS
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
xin
vous Voice, than in a graceful Manner: And although he has
been often accuſed of Irreligion, nothing of that kind appear-
ed in his Converfation or Behaviour.
AFTER he returned to Dublin, he ſeldom went beyond his
own Garden; but his Attendance upon the Service of the
Church was regular and uninterrupted: His Hours of Walk-
ing and Reading never varied: His Motions were regulated
by his Watch, which was almoſt conſtantly in his Hand, or
on the Table before him. His Houfe was a Seraglio of vir-
suous Women, who attended him from Morning to Night,
with an Obedience, an Awe and Affiduity, that perhaps is not
paid to the Grand Signior himſelf. To theſe Ladies he com-
municated every Compofition as foon as it was finiſhed, who
paffed their Judgment upon it; as they conftantly afked, they
almoſt conftantly obtained a Copy; fo that many of his
Pieces appeared in Print by their Means, which would other-
wife have been fuppreffed.
Hence it is that many indigefted Pieces, unfit for publick
View, have crept abroad; but the good-natured Part of Man-
kind will agree with Mr. POPE, who, in one of his Letters
to Dr. SWIFT, fays,
C
es
I have nothing fo much at Heart, as to fhow the filly
World, that Men of Wit, or even Poets, may be the moſt
"moral of Mankind. A few loofe Things fometimes fall
"from them, by which cenforious Fools judge as ill of them
as poffibly they can, for their own Comfort: And indeed
"when fuch unguarded and trifling Jeux d'Eſprit have once
got abroad, all that Prudence, or Repentance can do, ſince
they cannot be denied, is, to put them fairly upon that
Foot; and teach the Publick, (as we have done in the Pre-
"face to the four Volumes of Mifcellanies) to distinguish be-
twixt our Studies and our Idlenelės, our Works and our
Weakneles." Letter 64.
<
་་
AND in another Letter," It is generally on fuch little
Scraps that Witlings feed, and it is hard the World fhould
judge of our Houfe-keeping from what we fling to our
Dogs; yet this is often the Confequence. But they treat
you ftill worſe, mix their own with yours, print them to
get Money, and lay them at your Door." Letter 71.
HAVING thus followed Dr. SWIFT, from his Birth to
that terrible Cataſtrophe, which at laft put an End to his Life.
and given a fmall Sketch of his private Character; it re-
mains, to fay fomething of his Writings, and of his Chara-
eter as an Author.
* Witneſs the many ſpurious Capics priuted at London.
Is
xiv
An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
{
*
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གྲྭ
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IF his PROSE WORKS are confidered, in them will be
found a certain mafterly Conciſeneſs in the Style, that has ne-
ver been equalled by any other Writer: The Truth of this
Affertion will more evidently appear, by comparing him with
fome of the Authors of his own Tíme:. Of thefe Dr. 'Ti -
LOTSON and Mr. ADDISON are to be numbered among the
moſt eminent. ADDISON has all the Powers that can capti
vate and improve: 'His Diction is eafy, and his Periods are well
turned, his Expreffions are flowing, and his Humour is deli
'cate.
TILLOTSON is nervous, grave, majeſtick and perfpi-
cuous. We mult join both thefe Characters together, to
form a true Idea of Dr. SWIFT: Yet as he outdoes ADDI-
SON in Humour, he excels TILLOTSON in Perfpicuity.
When the Writings of ADDISON terminate in Party, he
lofes himſelf extremely, and, from a delicate and juſt Co-
median, deviates into one of the lowelt Kind *. Not fo Dr.
SWIFT; he appears like a maſterly Gladiator; he wields the
Sword of Party with Eafe, Juftness and Dexterity: And,
while he entertains the Ignorant and the Vulgar, he draws
an equal Attention from the Learned and the Great. When
he is ferious, his Gravity becomes him: When he laughs,
his Readers must laugh with him that?
. Hrs POETICAL PERFORMANCES ought to be con-
fidered as occafional Poems, written either to pleaſe or vex
fome particular Perſons. We muſt not ſuppoſe them defign
ed for Pofterity: If he had cultivated his Genius in that
Way, he must certainly have excelled, efpecially in Satire.
He aims to be feverely uſeful, rather than politely engaging.
He affumed more the Air and Manners of a Critic than of à
Poet. Had he lived in the fame Age with HORACE, he
would have approached nearer to him than any other Poet:
And, if we may make an Allowance for the different Courfe
of Study, and different Form of Government, to which each
of thefe great Men were fubject, we may obferve, in feveral
Inftances, a ftrong Refemblance between them. Both Poets
are diſtinguiſhd for Wit and Humour; each diſplays a peculiar
Felicity of Diction; but of the Two, HORACE is the more
elegant and delicate: while he condenins; he pleaſes SWIFT
takes Pleaſure in giving Pain: The Diffimilitude of their
Tempers might be owing to the different Turns in their For-
SWIFT early formed large Views of Ambition, and
was difappointed: HORACE, from an exiled low State, rofe
into Affluence, and enjoyed the Favour and Friendſhip of
AUGUSTUS. Each Poet was the Delight of the principal
Perfons of his Age. Cum magnis vixiffe was not more appli
cable to HORACE than to SWIFT; they both were tempe-
rate; both were frugal; and both were of the fame Taſte.
HORAGE
:
tune.
* Freeholder.
+
+
j
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT..
XV
1
{
HORACE had his Lybra, SWIFT had his VANESSA.
HORACE had his MAECENAS and AGRIPPA; SWIFT
had: hisa QXFORD and BOLINGBROKE HORACE had
´his VIRGIL; SWIFT had his Popezt adtud adı
1
4
A
The English Edition of iSwikr's Works," fays Lord
ORDERYL have ſcarcel feen, and I have had little: Incli-
"nation to examine it, becauſe I was acquainted with the
Dean at the Time when Faulkner's Edition came out; and
" therefore, muſt always look upon that Copy as moſt au-
"thentick, well knowing that Mr. Faulkner had the Advan
tage of printing his Edition by Conſent and Approbation
"of the Author himſelf... :
-th bas I
$
3
!
£
*
For the above Reaſon, the Publiſhersiof this Edition have
followed Mr. Faulkner's, and they hope, with: confiderable
Advantage,For, befides: the Addition of a ninth › Volume,
containing the Tale of a Tub; the Battle of the Books zinSta
James's Library; and the Fragment, which to uſe the Words of
Lord ORRER Y, although not owned by the Dean, aut Eraſmi
funt aut didboli; the whole is printed in a more regular and uni-
form Manner. The Letters, which, in his Edition, are add-
ed by Way of Appendix, are here brought into their proper
Places, and others kept out, which Mr. Faulkner, through
Inadvertency, had, inferted: twice; fome confiderable Omif-
fions are ſupplied from other Copies; and innumerable typc-
graphical Errors corrected.
>
THE FIRST VOLUME begins with, A Difcourſe of the
Contests and Differfions between the Nobles and Commons in
Athens and Rome. It was written in the Year 1701, to-
wards the End of King WILLIAM's Reign, and at a Time
when that Prince was made extremely uneafy, by the Vio
lence with which fome of his Minifters and chief Favourites
were purfued.. Complaints and Inquiries arofe in the Senate;
Feuds and Aaintoſities in the Convocation. Nor had foreign
Affairs a more propitious. Afpect... The King, in hopes to
difpel the gathering Clouds, had made feveral Changes in his
Miniſtry, and had removed fome of his faithfulleſt Servants;
notwithſtanding of which the. Houfe of Commons could not
be appealed, but proceeded to impeach, the Earl of PORT-
LAND, Lord SOMERS†, Earl of ORFORD, and the
Earl of HALIFAX ]]..
dodoo bui
* Groom of the Stole.
+
; Lord Keeper, afterwards Chancellor.
Του
+
4 Treasurer of the Navy, and one of the Lords of Admiralty.
One of the Commiſſioners of the Treasury, and afterwards
Chancellor of the Exchequer.
xvi
An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
You will find the Characters of the Four impeached Lords
deſcribed under Athenian Names, PHOCION is the Earl of
PORTLAND; ARISTIDES, Lord SOMERS; THEMISTO-
CLES, the Earl of ORFORD; and PERICLES the Earl of
HALIFAX. In a Parallel of this Sort, it is impoffible that
every Circumſtance fhould tally with the utmoft Exactneſs;
but the whole Treatife is full of hiſtorical Knowledge, and ex-
cellent Reflexions.
The Sentiments of a Church of England Man, with Reſpect
to Religion and Government, was written in the Year 1708.
It is adapted to that particular Period. The Style of the
whole Pamphlet is nervous, and, except in ſome few Places,
impartial. The STATE OF HOLLAND is juftly and con-
cifely delineated, and is a Tract well worth Reading and At-
tention; and it confirms an Obſervation which will perpetu-
ally occur, that SWIFT excells in whatever Style or Manner
he affumes. When he is in carneft, his Strength of Reaſon
carries with it Conviction; when in jeft, every Competitor in
the Race of Wit is left behind him.
THE Argument againſt aboliſhing of Chriſtianity is carried
on with the higheſt Wit and Humour. He judged rightly in
imagining that a ſmall Treatife, written with a Spirit of Mirth
and Freedom, must be more efficacious, than long Sermons,
or laborious Leffons of Morality. He endeavours to laugh
us into Religion; well knowing that we are often laughed out
of it.
THE Papers which immediately follow, are entirely humor-
ous, and relate to PARTRIDGE, the Almanac-maker; and tho'
they are not only temporary but local, yet, by an Art, pecu-
liar to SWIFT himſelf, they are rendered immortal, fo as to
be read with Pleaſure, as long as the English Language fubfifts.
NEXT in order is, A Project for the Advancement of Religi-
on, and the Reformation of Manners, written in the Year 1709,
and dedicated to the Countess of BERKELEY. The Author
appears in earneſt throughout the whole Treatife, and the
Dedication or Introduction is in a Strain of ferious Panegyric,
which the Lady, to whom it is addreſſed undoubtedly deferv-
ed.
THERE are two Letters in this Volume, extremely wor-
thy of Notice: The one is, to a young Gentleman lately enter-
ed into Holy Orders; the other, to a young Lady on her Mar-
riage. The former ought to be read by all the young Clergy-
men in the three Kingdoms, and the latter, by all the new
married Women. They contain Obſervations that delight
and improve every Mind; and they will be read with Pleafure
and Advantage, by the oldeft and most exemplary Divines;
and by the moſt diſtinguiſhed and moſt accomplished Ladies.
THE
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
xvii
THE reſt of the Volume is filled up with fhort Tracts and
Papers of various Sorts, moſtly humorous and entertaining.
One muſt laugh at the Story in one of the Intelligencers of
Whiſk and Swobbers; and wifh the Tatler on thoſe inferior
Duties of Life, called Les petites morales, hung up in every
Squires Hall in England.
THE SECOND VOLUME of SWIFT's Works is filled
with Poetry, but the Poems in general are fhort and ſatirical.
The Poem of the greateſt Length is called Cadenus and Vaneſſa :
As a Poem it is excellent in its Kind, perfectly correct, and
admirably conducted. SWIFT, who had the niceſt Ear, is
remarkably chafte and delicate in his Rhyme. Vaneſſa's real
Name is fuppofed to be ESTHER VANOMRIGH.
The Poem
itfelf is dated in the Year 1713, when SWIFT was in his
Meridian Altitude: favoured by the Courtiers; flattered, fear-
ed and admired by the greateſt Men in the Nation. If you re-
view his feveral Poems to STELLA, you will find them fuller of
Affection than Defire, and more expreffive of Friendſhip than
of Love. Several of his Poems are perfonal, and leave à very
fmall Impreffion on the Mind, but many of them are exqui-
fite. Upon a general View of his Poetry, we ſhall find him,
as in his other Performances, an uncommon, furprising, he-
teroclite Genius; luxurious in his Fancy, lively in his Ideas,
humorous in his Defcriptions, and bitter, exceeding bitter in
his Satire. The Lady's Dreffing Room has been blamed for want
of Delicacy. His Companions and humble Followers, find
themſelves immortalized by the Infertion of their Names, in
his Addreffes to Stella, or in other mifcellaneous Pieces, wrote
in an eafy, though not in a careless Manner. His more ex-
alted Friends are treated in a different Style: You will per-
ceive a real Dignity, and a moft delicate Kind of Wit, in all
his Poems to Lord OXFORD, Lord PETERBOROUGH,
Lord CARTERET, Mr. PULTENEY, and particularly in a
Poem to the Countess of WINCHELSEA, and another to
Mil's BIDDY FLOYDE. A third Kind of Style may be dif-
cerned in his Poems addreffed to Mr. PoPE, Mr. GAY,
Dr. DELANY, and Dr. YOUNG; when he writes to them,
there is a Mixture of Eafe, Dignity, Familiarity, and Affecti-
on; they were his intimate Friends, whom he loved fincerely,
and whom he wished to accompany to the Poetical Regions of
Eternity.
1
THE THIRD VOLUME contains the Travels of LE-
MUEL GULLIVER into feveral remote Nations of the World.
They are divided into four Parts: The firft a l'oyage to LIL-
LIPUT: The ſecond, a Voyage to BROBDINGNAG: The
third, to LAPUTA, and other Iflands: The fourth, and moſt
extraordinary, to the Country of the HOUYHNHNMS. Thefe
Voyages are intended as a moral political Romance, in which
VOL. 1.
SWIFT
b
xviii An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
.
·
SWIFT feems to have exerted the ſtrongeſt Efforts of-a-fine
irregular Genius.
THE Inhabitants of Lilliput are reprefented as if reflected
from a convex Mirror, by which every Object is reduced to a
deſpicable Minutenefs. The Inhabitants of Brobdingnag, by
a contrary Mirror, are enlarged to a ſhocking Deformity. In
Lilliput we behold a Set of puny Infects or Animalcules in a
human Shape, ridiculouſly engaged in Affairs of Importance.
In Brobdingnag, the Monſters of enormous Size, are employed
in Trifles.
He ſeems, in his Deſcription of Lilliput, to have had Eng-
land more immediately in his View. In his Defcription of
Blefufcu, he feems to intend the People and Kingdom of
France. Yet the Allegory between theſe two Nations, is fre-
quently interrupted, and fcarce any where compleat. Several
juft Strokes of Satire are ſcattered here and there upon Er-
rors in the Conduct of our Government; and in his fixth
Chapter of his Voyage to Brobdingnag, he gives an Account
of the political State of Europe: His Obfervations are deliver-
ed with his uſual Spirit of Humour and Severity. He ap-
pears moſt affected with the Proceedings of the Courts of Ju-
dicature, and complains of being almoſt ruined by a Chancery
Suit which was determined in his favour with Cofts.
SEVERAL juft Strokes of Satire are fcattered up and down
upon political Errors in Government. In fome Parts GUL-
LIVER feems to have had particular Incidents, if not parti-
cular Perfons, in his View. His Obfervations on Education
are uſeful; and fo are his Improvements on the Institutions
of LYCURGUS.
THE third Part of Gulliver's Travels is, in general, writ-
ten againſt Chymifts, Mathematicians, Mechanicks and Pro-
jectors of all Kinds.
However wild the Defcription of the
flying Island, and the Manners and various Projects of the Phi-
lofophers of Lagado, may appear, yet it is a real Picture em-
bellished with much Wit and latent Humour. It is a Satire
thofe Aftronomers and Mathematicians who have fo en-
tirely dedicated their Time to the Planets, that they have
been careless of their Family and Country, and have been
chiefly anxious about the Oeconomy and Welfare of the up-
per Worlds.
upon
THE Project for a more eafy and expeditious Method of
writing a Treatife in any Science, by a wooden Engine, is
entertainingly fatirical, and is aimed at thofe Authors, who,
inftead of receiving Materials from their own Thoughts and
Obfervations, collect from Dictionaries and Common-place
Books an irregular Variety, without Order, Ufe or Defign.
THE Project of fhortening a Difcourfe by cutting Polyfyl-
Jables into one, and leaving out Verbs and Participles, is
pointed
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
xix
pointed at the pernicious Cuftom of contracting the English
Language, the Dialect of which is naturally harfh, and that
Harſhneſs is ſtill increaſed by improper Contractions.
THE fixth Chapter is full of Severity and Satire. Some-
times it is exerted againſt the legislative Power, fometimes a-
gainst particular Politicians, &c.
He feems to have finiſhed his Voyage to Laputa in a care-
lefs hurrying Manner, elfe why was the Curtain dropt ſo foon?
One laments to find fo many illuftrious Ghoſts vaniſh ſo
quickly, and fo abruptly from our Sight, many of whom
were of the brighteſt Characters in Hiftory.
GULLIVER tired of Heroes, changes the Scene, in the
eighth Chapter of his Voyage to Laputa, and becomes curious
to know the Situation of Pocts and Philofophers, who, in
their Turn, have as eagerly contended for Fame, as CESAR
for Power, or BRUTUS for Liberty.
on.
•
·
THE Deſcription of STR ULDBRUGGS in the tenth Cha-
pter is an inftructive Piece of Morality, for if we confider it in
a ferious Light, it tends to reconcile. us to our final Diffoluti-
Death when fet in contrast to the Immortality of the
Struldbruggs is no longer the King of Terrors; he loſes his
Sting; he appears to us as a Friend, and we cheerfully obey
his Summons, becauſe it brings certain Relief to the greateſt
Miferies. It is in this Defcription that SwIFT fhines in a
particular Manner.
THIS Volume concludes with Gulliver's Voyage to the
Houynhnhnms. In this laft Part of his Travels, SWIFT has
indulged a Mifanthropy that is intolerable.
THE FOURTH VOLUME contains a Collection of
Tracts relative to the Kingdom of Ireland, not only local but
temporary. In the Beginning of the Volume is a Pamphlet,
intitled A Letter from a Member of the House of Commons
in Ireland, to a Member of the Houfe of Commons in England
concerning the Sacramental Teft, written in the Year 1708. And
it is preceeded by an explanatory Advertiſement, that was ei-
ther dictated or ſtrictly revifed by the Dean himself.
THIS Pamphlet is written particularly againſt repealing the
Test Alt; and whoever confiders himself related to the King-
dom of Ireland, will find in it fome Arguments of Weight
and Confideration, in caſe any fuch Repeal ſhould ever be at-
tempted there.
•
THE next Tract is, A Propofal for the univerſal Use of
Irish Manufactures in Cloths and Furniture of Houfes, &c. ut-
terly rejecting and renouncing every Thing wearable, that
comes from England; written in the Year 1720.
IN looking over the Dates of SWIFT's Works, he does-
not appear as a political Writer, from the Year 1714. to 1720.
The Reader will probably be curious to know in what Man
6 2
ner-
XX
An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
ner he employed his Time from the Death of the Queen, till
the South-Sea Year. Not in Poetry, for his poetical Pieces,
during that Period, are in a Manner domeſtick, being ſcarce
any more than Trifles to SHERIDAN, or Poematia to
STELLA. The Chafin is to be filled up, as is fuppofed, by
Gulliver's Travels, fuch a Work muſt, in all Likelihood, have
engroffed his Leifure, during five or fix Years. When that
was finiſhed, he found an Opening to indulge his Love of
Politicks, and to commence a Patriot for Ireland: And he made
Ufe of the Opportunity, by increafing the natural Jealouſy,
which the leffer Ifland conftantly entertains of the greater.
His Treatife or Propofal immediately raiſed a very violent
Flame. The Printer was profecuted; and the Profecution
had the fame Effect, which generally attends theſe Kind of
Meaſures; it added Fuel to the Flame. But his greateſt Ene-
mies must confefs, that the Pamphlet is written in the Style
of a Man, who had the Good of his Country neareſt his
Heart.
To the Propofal, in favour of the Irish Manufactures, fuc-
ceed fome Arguments against enlarging the Power of Bishops in
letting of Leafes. This Pamphlet is intermix'd with thoſe ma-
fterly Strokes of Irony which fo often appear in SWIFT's
Works. The general Subject of it gives an Occaſion to re-
collect a Circumſtance much to the Dean's Honour. He
could never be induced to take Fines for any of the Chapter
Lands: He always chofe to raise the Rents, as the Me-
thod leaſt oppreffive to the prefent Tenant, and moſt advan-
tageous to all future Tenants and Landlords.
To re-
WE are now come to the DRAPIER's Letters, thoſe braz-
en Monuments of his Fame. They were written in the Year
1724. The Occafion of thofe Letters was a Scarcity of Cop-
per Coin in Ireland, to fo great a Degree, that, for fome Time
paſt, the chief Manufacturers throughout the Kingdom, were
obliged to pay their Workmen in Pieces of Tin, or in other
Tokens of fuppofititious Value. Such a Method was very
diſadvantageous to the lower Parts of Traffick and was in ge
neral an Impediment to the Commerce of the State.
medy this Evil, the late King granted a Patent to "WILLIAM
WOOD, to coin, during the Term of 14 Years, Farthings
and Halfpence in England for the Ufe of Ireland, to the Value
of a certain Sum ſpecified.-But the Patent was thought to be
of ſuch dangerous Confequence to the Publick, and of fuch
exorbitant Advantage to the Patentee, that the Dean, under
the Character of M. B. DRAPIER, wrote a Letter to the
People, warning them, not to accept Wood's Halfpence and
Farthings as current Coin.
Ar the Sound of the DRAPIER's Trumpet, a Spirit aroſe
among the People, that, in the Eaſtern Phrafe, was like unto
D
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
a Tempeft in the Day of the Whirlwind. Every Perſon was
convinced, that the Admiffion of WooD's Copper muſt prove
fatal to the Commonwealth. The Papift, the Fanatick, the
Tory, the Whig, all lifted themſelves Volunteers under the
Banner of M. B. DRAPIER, and were all equally zealous to
ſerve the common Caufe. Much Heat, and many fiery
Speeches against the Adminiftration, were the Confequence of
this Union; nor had the Flames been allayed, notwithſtanding
Threats and Proclamations, had not the Coin been totally
fuppreffed, and had not WOOD withdrawn his Patent.-
THE next Traft is, A fhort View of the State of Ireland in
the Year 1727.
Of this little Notice need be taken, fince the
prefent State of Ireland is, in general, as flouriſhing as pof-
fible; owing chiefly to a Spirit amongst the landed Gentlemen.
to promote Agriculture and Manufactures.
THE Vindication of his Excellency John Lord Carteret from
the Charge of favouring none but Tories, High-Churchmen and
Jacobites, written in the Year 1730, is entirely humorous, and.
fo are all the remaining Pamphlets of this Volume.
THE FIFTH VOLUME begins with the Condu& of the
Allies. It is thought that the Publisher's Preface was compo-
fed by the Dean himfelf, but affectedly written in a bad Style,
The laft Paragraph, fays Lord OR RERY, makes me ſuſpect
his Iland. "It is plainly feen, fays the Publifher, that a
Spirit of Liberty is diffuſed through all theſe Writings,
and that the Author is an Enemy to Tyranny and Op-
pretion in any Shape whatever." This is the Character
at which SWIFT ained, and this is the Character which in-
deed he deferved.
65
st
As Faults have been freely pointed out, ſo ought we to re-
member, that with all thofe Faults he was above Corruption,
a Virtue in itſelf, fufficient to cover a Multitude of human
Failings, fince from that Virtue alone, can flow Proſperity to
the Commonwealth.
THE Conduct of the Allies was written in the Year 1712,
and it is preparatory to the Peace, which the Miniſters were
then concerting, and which was afterwards perfected at
UTRECHT. It begins by Reflexions on War in general,
and then particularly mentions the feveral Civil Wars in our
Kingdom.
THE Papers called the Examiners, at leaſt thoſe of which
Dr. SWIFT is the Author, fill up the rest of the Volume,
They begin in November 1710, and are carried down to the
End of July 1711. They are written in Defence of the new
Adminiſtration, and the particular Revolutions at Court, which
had introduced the Earl of OXFORD, and had difplaced the.
Earl of GODOLPHIN and his Friends.
b ३
MANY
xxii
An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
MANY of SWIFT's Examiners are perfonally aimed at the
General [Duke of MARLBOROUGH]. In a free Country, the
Power of a General is always to be feared: The greater his
Military Capacity, or the more fuccefsful his Arms, in the
greater Danger are the Liberties of the People. On this
Maxim SWIFT proceeded; and while he was writing in De-
fence of the Commonwealth, he had an Opportunity of gi-
ving a Looſe to his own Severity of which the Houſe of Pride,
and ſeveral other Allegorical Eflays are very fpirited Ex-
amples.
BUT the Animadverfions on theſe Papers must be cut short.
The preſent Times, and the Honour due to many noble Fa-
milies defcended from the Perfons mentioned in the Examin-
ers, make it neceſſary to take as flight Notice as poffible even
of the wittieſt Paffages in them; becauſe many of thoſe Paf-
fuges ariſe from perfonal Reflexions, or Party-farcafms. In
general, the feveral Points relating to the National Debt,
(alas, how increaſed fince the Year 1710!) the too long
Continuance of the War, and other publick Topicks of
Complaint, are melancholy Truths, juſtly becoming the Pen
of a Man who loves his Country.
SWIFT, a Man of violent Paffions was, in confequence of
thefe Paffions, violent in his Party; but as his Capacity and
Genius were fo extraordinary and extenfive, even his Party-
writings carry with them Dignity and Inftruction: and in
that Light the reading the Examiners is recommended, where
may be found a nervous Style, a clear Diction, and great
Knowledge of the true landed Intereſt of England.
THE SIXTH VOLUME contains fuch a Mixture of
Verfe, Profe, Politicks, Similies, Wit, Trifles, and polite Con-
verfation, that it is not eafy to know in what Manner to
treat it; or what particular Part to recommend.
The two
Letters from the Earl of PETERBOROUGH to Mr. POPE,
are excellent in their Kind. Thofe of the Dean and of Mr.
POPE, have much lefs Merit, or at leaſt, are much less agree-
able. At the Time when he wrote thofe two Letters, he had
hung up his Helmet and his Buckler, and was retired to his
Plough and his Wheelbarrow; wearied with Courts and dif-
guſted with Stateſmen.
THE publick Spirit of the Whigs, is a Pamphlet in anſwer
to the Criſis, written by Sir RICHARD STEELE, but it con-
tains fuch acute Satire againſt the Nobility of SCOTLAND,
that in an Advertiſement printed before it, we are told, "All
"the Scots Lords then in London went in a Body to complain
again ft the Author, and the Confequence of that Complaint
64 was a Proclamation, offering a Reward of 300 l. to diſco-
"ver him." It was written in the Year 1712, by the Con-
ent, if not the Encouragement of the Miniſter of that Æra.
In
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
xxiii
In the Style and Conduct, it was one of the boldeſt, as well
as one of the moſt maſterly Tracts that SWIFT ever
wrote.
AN Advice offered to the Members of the October Club,
was written in 1711, and is fo applicable to that particular
Time, that there is no Occaſion to make any Animadverfions
upon it.
From political Tracts the true Hiſtory of England
is to be deduced, and if Foreigners were to enter into that
Branch of Reading, they might frame a more diſtinct Notion
of our Legiſlature, and of our Manners, than from more la-
boured and connected Accounts of our Conſtitution.
THE other Pieces in this Volume, except The Remarks on
the Barrier-treaty, are not thought fufficiently ſtriking to de
ferve much Notice. Some of them are the Minutiffimae of
SWIFT's Writings, which, it is believed, he would ſcarce
have published, fond as he was of feeing his Works in Print,
if he had been in the full Vigour of his Underſtanding, or
had confidered, that thoſe kind of Trifles, which are weak
as Feathers, in fupporting a Reputation, are heavy as Lead
in depreffing it.
THE SEVENTH VOLUME contains SwIFT's epifto-
lary Correſpondence from the Year 1714 to the Year 1737.
It is an acknowledged Obſervation, that no Part of an Au-
thor's Writings give a greater Inſight into his natural Difpofi-
tion, than his Letters, eſpecially when written with Free-
dom and Sincerity.
To
THE Manners and Opinions of thoſe Perfons with whom
he correfponded, are in every Reſpect ſo blended with his
own, as not to be caſily ſeparated; and in ſuch a kind of uni-
ted View, they will mutually reflect Light on each other.
a young Gentleman entering into the World the Subject may
prove of particular Importance, as it may guide him not only
in the Choice of his Correfpondents, but in his Manner of
writing to them.
In difcuffing this Volume of SwIFT's Letters, there is no
fmall Difficulty.
General Criticiſms will be attended with
Obfcurity; and it would be tedious to confider them in their
exact Order. The Review therefore fhall be confined to what
ſeems to deſerve Attention. To begin then with the Letters
that paffed between Dr. SWIFT and Mr. POPE. The Cor-
refpondence had commenced in a very early Part of Mr.
POPE's Life, and was carried on with ſcarce any Interruption
from the Death of the Queen. If Mr. POPE may be judged
of from his Works, his chief Aim was to be efteemed a
Man of Virtue. His Letters are written in that Style. His
laft Volumes are all of the moral Kind. He has avoided
Trifles, and confequently has eſcaped a Rock which has pro-
ved very injurious to SWIFT's Reputation. He has given his
Imagination
xxiv An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
Imagination full Scope, and yet has preferved a perpetual
Guard upon his Conduct. The Conftitution of his Body and
Mind might early incline him to Habits of Caution and Re-
ferve; his Manners were delicate, eafy and engaging; and
he treated his Friends with a Politenefs that charmed, and a
Generosity that was much to his Honour. Every Gueft was
made happy within his Doors. Pleaſure dwelt under his
Roof, and Elegance prefided at his Table. Dr. SWIFT-was
of a different Difpofition: To his Domeſticks he was paf-
fionate and churlifh, to his Equals and Superiors rather an en-
tertaining than defirable Companion. He told a Story in an
admirable Manner: his Sentences were fhort and perfpicuous,
his Obſervations were piercing. He was, perhaps, as he faid
himſelf, too proud to be vain. When he was polite, it
was in a Manner entirely his own. In his Friendſhips he
was conſtant and undiſguiſed. He was the fame in his En-
mities. He generally spoke as he thought in all Companies,
and at all Times.
"
(6
The mu-
NOTWITHSTANDING the Diffimilitude of Minds and
Manners which was apparent between theſe two great Men,
yet the fame Sort of Friendship feems to have fubfifted be-
tween them, as between VIRGIL and HORACE.
tual Affection of the two. English Poets appears throughout
their Works: And therefore the Repert very induftriouſly
fpread, and not without fome Degree of Succefs, cannot avoid
being taken notice of; That the Friendſhip between SWIFT
"and POPE was not fo firm and perfect at the latter End
as at the Beginning of their Lives," On Dr. SWIFT'S
Side, fays Lord OR RERY, he is certain it remained unalter-
able. Nor did it appear lefs fervent on the Side of Mr.
POPE. Their Letters are the beſt Evidence to determine the
Doubt. In one of SWIFT's. lateſt Letters to his Lordship,
be fays, When you fee my dear Friend POPE, tell him I
will answer his Letter foon; I love him above all the reſt
"of Mankind." He adds, that in his long Correfpondence
with Mr. POPE, he ſcarce ever received the leaſt Billet from
him, without the kindeſt Mention of Dr. SwIFT; and the
tendereſt Anxiety for his Health; ſo that the Friendſhip and
Affection of SWIFT and POPE fubfifted as entire and uninter-
rupted as their Friends could wifh, or their Enemies regret.
IN all SWIFT's Writings will be found his own peculiar
Vein of Humour. The fame Liberty of Expreffion would-
have been improper and abfurd in any other Writer, but it
produced the Confequences which he defired. His feeming
Arrogance gained him more Favour, than the Humility and
affected Benevolence of others. His Raillery and Freedom
of Cenfure, are conveyed in a Manner more prevalent, and
perhaps often more agreeable, than Flattery. He feldom
praiſed,
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT.
XXV
praiſed, but where Merit was confpicuous. A fingle Stroke of
his Pen pleaſed more, and gave more Honour, than a long
flattering Dedication from any other Author. His Style was
maſterly, correct and strong: Never diffufive, yet always
clear; and if we confider it in compariſon with his Predeceffors,
he has outdone them all, and is one, perhaps the Chief,
of thoſe few ſelect English Writers, who have excelled in E-
legance and Propriety of Language. But he is not intitled
alone to the Olive Garland. He has had his Coadjutors in
the Victory. The Triumvirate, to whom we Owe an
Elegance and Propriety unknown to our Forefathers, arc,
SWIFT, ADDISON, and BOLINGBROKE. At the Sight of
fuch Names no Difpute can arife in preferring the English
Moderns to the English Antients. The prefent Century, and
indeed all future Generations may be congratulated upon the
Acquifition of three fuch Men.
THROUGHOUT his various Correfpondence may be diſco
vered very ſtrong Marks of an anxious, benevolent Friend':
And the Miſanthrope is often loft in the good-natured Man.
His Letters to GAY, and thofe to Dr. SHERIDAN in the
eighth Volume, confirm this Opinion. The Letters from
Lord BOLINGBROKE, which are inferted in this Collection,
are written with an Elegance and Politeneſs, that diſtinguiſh
them from all the reft: We fee they were not intended for
the Prefs. But how valuable are the moſt careleſs Strokes
from fuch a Pen?
GAY's Letters have nothing in them ftriking or recom-
mendatory. His Sentiments are thoſe of an honeft, indolent,
good-natured Man. He loved SWIFT to a Degree of Vene-
ration, and the Friendſhip was returned with great Sincerity.
AT the latter End of the SEVENTH VOLUME is a
Pamphlet, written in the Year 1714, intitled, Free Thoughts on
the preſent State of Affairs. Lord ORRERY adviſes his Son in
thefe Words: When you have read it, Digito compeſce labellum'.
THE EIGHTH VOLUME begins with Directions to
Servants; which Tract is unfiniſhed. A Preface and Dedica-
tion were to have been added to it. The Earl of ORRERY,
in one of his Letters, fays, He thinks it was not publiſhed
till after the Dean's Death; but that he remembers the Ma-
nuſcript handed about, and much applauded, in his Lifetime.
To fay what can be offered in its Favour: The Tract is
written in fo facetious a kind of low Humour, that it muſt
pleaſe many Readers: Nor is it without fome Degree of Me-
rit, by pointing out with an amazing Exactneſs (and what in
a lefs trivial Cafe muſt have been called Judgment) the
Faults, Blunders, Tricks, Lies and various Knaveries of do-
meſtick Servants. How much Time muſt have been em-
ployed in putting together fuch a Work? What an Intenſe-
nefs
xxvi An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
nefs of Thought must have been bestowed, upon the loweſt
and moft flaviſh Scenes of Life? It is one of thofe Compofi-
tions, that the utmoſt Strength of Wit can ſcarce ſuſtain from
finking. A Man of SWIFT's exalted Genius, ought con-
ftantly to have foared in higher Regions. It is to be wifhed
his Thoughts had taken another Turn. Foor SWIFT! why
did he fink below himself, before he was deprived of Reafon?
Let him be forgiven that Error, and a Vail of Oblivion
drawn over certain Excrefcences of Wit and Humour; he
will then be admired, as an Honour to the Publick, and a
Scourge to all the Knaves and Fools of his Time.
THE Pamphlet which follows the Directions to Servants, is
intitled, Reajons humbly offered to the Parliament of Ireland,
for repealing the Sacramental Teft in favour of the "Catholicks.
This Traft is written under the affumed Character of a Roman
Catholich, by which Means the Author attacks his Adverſa-
ries with a great Advantage. The greatest Art, and the
keeneſt Strokes of Irony display themselves throughout the
whole Compofition; and the Conclufion of it is drawn up
with a Mixture of ferious and ironical Arguments that feem
to defy all kind of Refutation.
THE two next Pamphlets, for fettling the Tythe of Hemp,
&c. by a Modus, are entirely adapted to the Clergy of Ire-
land; but in thofe Papers may be obferved a greater Fund of
Calmness, not a lefs Degree of Spirit, than in many other of
SWIFT's political Writings.
NEXT follow two Poems: The firſt was artfully pu-
bliſhed by Dr. SWIFT, in a Manner fo different from thofe
Rules of Poetry to which he confined himſelf, that he hoped
the Publick might mistake it for a fpurious, or incorrect
Copy, ſtolen by Memory from his original Poem.
THE fecond Poem, intitled, Verfes on the Death of Dr.
SWIFT, occafioned by reading a Maxim in ROCHEFOU-
CAULT, is a moſt pointed Piece of Sarcafm. Not any of.
the Dean's Poems have more Wit, nor any of them more
fevere. In it he has fummoned together his whole Powers of
Satire and Poetry. It is a parting Blow; the Legacy of
Anger and Diſappointment.
THE Remainder of this Volume, fays Lord ORRERY,
is like a Garden over-run with Docks and Thiſtles, among.
which fome Rofe-trees accidentally make their Appearance.
The Beauty of the Rofes will particularly appear in three
Sermons that are curious.
THIS Volume concludes with Dr. SWIFT's Will, which,
like all his other Writings, is drawn up in his own peculiar
Manner; even in fo ferious a Compofition, he cannot help in-
dulging himſelf, in leaving Legacies that carry with them an
* The Life and Charader of the Reverend Dr. SWIFT.
Air
of D. JONATHAN SWIFT. xxvii
Air of Raillery and Jeft.-Faulkner's Edition goes no farther.
THE NINTH VOLUME contains, the Tale of a Tub;
the Battle of the Books in St. James's Library; and the Frag-
ment. The Tale of a Tub has made much Noife in the World.
It was one of SWIFT's earliest Performances, and has never
been excelled in Wit and Spirit by his own or any other Pen.
The Cenfures that are paffed upon it are various. The most
material of which were fuch as reflected upon Dr. SwIFT,
in the Character of a Clergyman and a Chriſtian.
THE best, and, what is more extraordinary, the moſt ſe-
rious Apology that can be made for the Author, was written
by himielf, and is dated June 3. 1709, from which Time it
has been conſtantly printed in a prefatory Manner to the
Work itſelf. In this Apology Dr. SWIFT candidly acknow-
ledges, "That there are feveral youthful Sallies, which, from
"the grave and the wife, may deferve a Rebuke." And
further adds, "That he will forfeit his Life, if any one O-
pinion can be deduced from the Book, which is contrary to
Religion or Morality.”
THE Battle of the Books took its Rife from the Contro-
verfy between Sir William Temple and Mr. Wotton: a Contro-
verly which made much Noife, and employed many Pens, to-
wards the latter End of the laſt Century. This humorous
Treatife is drawn up in an heroick comick Style, in which
SWIFT, with great Wit and Spirit gives the Victory to the
former.
THE Fragment, or, a Difcourfe concerning the mechanical
Operation of the Spirit, is a Satire againſt Enthuſiaſm, and
thofe affected Inſpirations, which conſtantly begin in Folly,
and very often end in Vice.
To conclude this Account, we have fubjoined a Copy of a
Letter addreffed to the Printer of the DUBLIN JOURNAL,
and publiſhed in January 1752.
I
have at laft finiſhed, what you have often heard me with I
might be able to do, a Monument for the greateſt Genius
of our Age, the late Dean of St. Patrick's. The Thing in
itſelf is but a Trifle, but it is more than ever I fhould have
attempted, had I not with Indignation feen a Country (fo
honoured by the Birth of fo great a Man, and fo faith-
fully ferved by him all his Life) fo long and fo fhamefully
negligent in erecting fome Monument of Gratitude to his
Memory. Countries are not wiſe in ſuch Neglect; for they
hurt themfelves. Men of Genius are encouraged to apply
their Talents to the Service of their Country, when they fee
in it Gratitude to the Memory of thoſe that have deferved
well of them.-It was with this View, that I determined to
throw in my Mite.
+
IN
xxviii An Account of the LIFE and WRITINGS
In a fine Lawn below my Houſe, I have planted an Hip-
podrome. It is a circular Plantation, confifting of five Walks;
the Central of which is a Horfe Courfe, and three Rounds
make exactly a Mile. All the Lines are fo laid out, that
from the Center the fix Rows of Trees appear but one, and
form 100 Arches round the Field; in the Center of which I
have erected a Mount, and placed a Marble Column on its
proper Pedeſtal, with all the Decorations of the Order; on
the Summit of which I placed a Pegaſus, juſt ſeeming to take
Flight to Heaven; and on the Dye of the Pedeſtal I have
engraved the following Inſcription, wrote by an ingenious
Friend.
In memoriam JONATHAN SWIFT S. T. P. viri fine pari.
Aonidum fontes aperis, divine pocta,
Arte nova; athereas propriis ut Pegaſus alis
Scande domos: æternum addet tua fama columne
Huic memori decus; hic, tanti qua poſſumus umbram
Nominis in mentem, facro revocare quotannis
Ludorum ritu juvat, hic, tibi parvus honorum
Offertur cumulus: laudum quo fine tuarum
Copia claudatur qui quærit, gentis Ternæ
Petora fcrutetur, latumque interroget orbem. 1750.
I have alſo appointed a ſmall Fund for annual Premiums to
be diſtributed in the Celebration of Games at the Monument
yearly. The Ceremony is to laft three Days, beginning the
first of May yearly. On this Day, young Maids and Men in
the Neighbourhood are to affemble in this Hippodrome, with
their Garlands and Chaplets of Flowers, and to dance round
the Monument, finging the Praiſes of this ingenious Patriot,
and ftrowing with Flowers all the Place: After which they are
to dance for a Prize; the beſt Dancer among the Maids is to
be preſented with a Cap and Ribbons; and, after the Dance,
the young Men are to run for a Hat and Gloves.
THE fecond Day, there is to be a large Market upon the
Ground: And the Girl who produces the fineſt Hank of Yarn,
and the moſt regular Reel and Count, is to have a Guinea
Premium; and the Perfon who buys the greateſt Quantity of
Yarn is to have a Premium of two Guineas.
THE third Day, the Farmer who produces the beſt yearling
Calf of his own breed, is to have two Guineas Premium;
and he that produces the fairest Colt or Filly, of his own
breed likewife, not over two Years old, fhall receive a Premi-
um of two Guineas alfo. Thus the whole will not exceed
ten Pounds, and all theſe uſeful Branches of our Growth and
Manufacture will be encouraged in remembering the Patron
who with fo much Care and Tenderneſs recommended them to
others, and cheriſhed them himſelf.— I am, &c.
A
DISCOURSE
OF THE
Conteſts and Diffenfions
BETWEEN THE
NOBLES and the COMMONS in
Athens and Rome; with the Confequences
they had upon both thofe STATES.
Si tibi vera videtur,
Dede manus; &, fi falſa eſt, accingere contra.
LUCRET.
Written in the Year 1701.
I
CHAP. I.
Tis agreed, that in all Government there is an
abfolute unlimited Power, which naturally and
originally feemeth to be placed in the whole
Body, where-ever the executive Part of it lies. This
holds in the Body natural. For where ever we place
the Beginning of Motion, whether from the Head,
or the Heart, or the animal Spirits in general, the
Body moveth and acteth by a Confent of all its Parts.
This unlimited Power placed fundamentally in the
Body of a People, is what the beſt Legiflators of al
VOL. I.
B
Ages
}
2
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
Ages have endeavoured, in their feveral Schemes, or
Inftitutions of Government, to depofite in fuch Hands
as would preferve the People from Rapine and Op-
preffion within, as well as Violence from without.
Moft of them feem to agree in this; that it was a
Truſt too great to be committed to any one Man, or
Affembly; and therefore they left the Right ftill in
the whole Body; but the Adminiſtration or executive
Part, in the Hands of One, the Few, or the Many:
Into which three Powers, all independent Bodies of
Men feem naturally to divide. For by all I have
read of thoſe innumerable and petty Commonwealths
in Italy, Greece, and Sicily, as well as the great ones
of Carthage and Rome; it feemeth to me, that a free
People met together, whether by Compact or Family
Government, as foon as they fall into any Acts of
Civil Society, do, of themſelves, divide into three
Powers. The firft is, that of ſome one eminent Spi-
rit, who having fignalized his Valour, and Fortune
in Defence of his Country, or by the Practice of po-
pular Arts at Home, becometh to have great Influ-
ence on the People, to grow their Leader in warlike
Expeditions, and to prefide, after a fort, in their
Civil Affemblies: And this is grounded upon the Prin-
ciples of Nature and common Reafon, which in all
Difficulties and Dangers, where Prudence or Courage
is required, do rather incite us to fly for Counfel or
Affiftance to a ſingle Perſon than a Multitude. The
ſecond natural Divifion of Power, is of fuch Men who
have acquired large Poffeffions, and confequently De-
pendencies, or defcend from Ancestors, who have left
them great Inheritances, together with an Hereditary
Authority: Thefe eafily uniting in Thoughts and
Opinions, and acting in Concert, begin to enter upon
Meaſures for fecuring their Properties; which are
beſt upheld by preparing against Invafions from a-
broad, and maintaining Peace at home. This com-
mences a great Council, or Senate of Nobles for the
weighty Affairs of the Nation. The laft Divifion is
of the Mals, or Body of the People; whofe Part of
Power
in ATHENS and ROME.
3
Power is great, and undiſputable, whenever they can
unite either collectively, or by Deputation to exert it.
Now the three Forms of Government, fo generally
known in the Schools, differ only by the Civil Admi-
niſtration being placed in the Hands of One, or fome-
times Two, (as in Sparta) who were called Kings; or
in a Senate, who were called the Nobles; or in the
People Collective or Repreſentative, who may be cal-
led the Commons: Each of thefe had frequently the
executive Power in Greece, and fometimes in Rome:
But the Power in the laſt Reſort, was always meant
by Legiflators to be held in Balance among all Three.
And it will be an eternal Rule in Politics, among
every free People, that there is a Balance of Power
to be carefully held by every State within itſelf, as
well as among feveral States with each other.
T
THE true: Meaning of a Balance of Power, either
without, or within a State, is beft conceived by con-
fidering what the Nature of a Balance is. It fup-
pofes three Things. First, the Part which is held,
together with the Hand that holdeth it; and then the
two Scales, with whatever is weighed therein. Now
confider feveral States in a Neighbourhood: In order
to prefe rve Peace between thefe States, it is necellary
they fould be formed into a Balance, whereof one
or mos e are to be Directors, who are to divide the
reft into equal Scales, and upon Occafions remove
from one into the other, or elfe fall with their own
Weight into the lighteſt: So, in a State within itſelf,
the Balance muſt be held by a third Hand, who is to
deal the remaining Power with the utmoſt Exactneſs
into each Scale. Now it is not neceffary, that the
Power ſhould be equally divided between theſe three
for the Balance may be held by the Weakeit, who,
by his Addrefs and Conduct, removing from either
Scle, and adding of his own, may keep the Scales
duly poifed. Such was that of the two Kings of
Sparta; the Confular Power in Rome, that of the
Kings of Media before the Reign of Cyrus, as repre-
B 2
fented
:
4
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
fented by Xenophon; and that of the ſeveral limited
States in the Gothic Inftitutions.
WHEN the Balance is broke, whether by the Ne-
gligence, Folly, or Weakneſs of the Hand that held
it, or by mighty Weights fallen into either Scale; the
Power will never continue long in equal Divifion be-
tween the two remaining Parties, but (until the Ba-
lance is fixed anew) will run entirely into one. This
gives the truest Account of what is underſtood in the
moſt antient and approved Greek Authors, by the
Word Tyranny; which is not meant for the feizing of
the uncontrouled, or abfolute Power into the Hands
of a ſingle Perfon, (as many fuperficial Men have
grofsly mistaken); but for the breaking of the Balance
by whatever Hand, and leaving the Power wholly in
one Scale. For Tyranny and Ufurpation in a State,
are by no Means confined to any Number, as might
eafily appear from Examples enough; and, becauſe
the Point is material, I fhall cite a few to prove it.
THE Romans, having fent to Athens, and the Greek
Cities of Italy, for the Copies of the
Dionyf. beſt Laws, chofe ten Legiflators to put
Hal. l. 10. them into Form; and, during the Ex-
ercife of their Office, fufpended the
Confular Power, leaving the Adminiſtration of Affairs
in their Hands. Thefe very Men, although chofen
for fuch a Work, as the digeſting a Body of Laws
for the Government of a free State, did immediately
ufurp arbitrary Power, ran into all the Forms of it,
had their Guards and Spies, after the Practice of
the Tyrants of thofe Ages; affected Kingly State,
deſtroyed the Nobles, and oppreffed the People; one
of them proceeding fo far as to endeavour to force a
Lady of great Virtue; the very Crime which gave
Occafion to the Expulfion of the Regal Power but
fixty Years before, as this Attempt did to that of the
Decemviri.
THE Ephori in Sparta were at firft only certa in
Perfons deputed by the King to judge in Civil Ma t-
ters, while They were employed in the Wars.
Thefe
Men,
in ATHENS and ROME.
5
Men, at feveral times, ufurped the abfolute Autho-
rity, and were as cruel Tyrants as any in their Age.
SOON after the unfortunate Expedi-
tion into Sicily, the Athenians chofe
four hundred Men for Adminiftra-
Thucyd. lib. 8.
tion of Affairs, who became a Body of Tyrants, and
were called, in the Language of thofe Ages, an Oli-
garchy, or Tyranny of the Feu; under which hateful
Denomination, they were foon after depofed in great
Rage by the People.
Xenoph. de
Rebus Græc.
Memorab..
lib. 3.
WHEN Athens was fubdued by Ly-
fender, he appointed thirty Men for
the Adminiftration of that city, who
immediately fell into the rankeſt Tyranny: But this
was not all: For conceiving their Power not founded
on a Bafis large enough, they admitted three thou-
fand into a Share of the Government; and thus for-
tified, became the cruelet Tyranny upon Record.
They murdered, in cold Blood, great Numbers of the
beſt Men, without any Provocation; from the mere
Luft of Cruelty, like Nero, or Caligula. This was
fuch a Number of Tyrants together, as amounted to
near a third Part of the whole city.
For Xenophon telleth us, that the city
contained about ten thouſand Houfes,
and allowing one Man to every Houfe,
who could have any Share in the Government, (the
ret confifting of Women, Children, and Servants) and
making other obvious Abatements; thefe Tyrants, if
they had been careful to adhere together, might have
been a Majority even of the People Collective.
In the Time of the fecond Punic
War, the Balance of Power in Car-
thage was got on the Side of the
People, and this to a Degree, that
fome Authors reckon the Government to have been
then among them a Dominatio Plebis, or Tyranny of the
Commons, which, it feems, they were at all Times apt
to fall into, and was at laft among the Caufes that
ruined.
B 3
Polyb. Frag.
lib. 6.
6
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
Lib. 20.
ruined their State: And the frequent Murders of their
Generals, which Diodorus telleth us,
was grown to an eſtabliſhed Cuſtom a-
mong them, may be another Inſtance
that Tyranny is not confined to Numbers.
I SHALL mention but one Example more among a
great Number that might be produced; it is related
by the Author laft cited. The Orators
Lib. 15.
of the People at Argos, (whether you
will ſtyle them in modern Phraſe, Great
Speakers in the Houſe, or only in general, Reprefenta-
tives of the People Collective) tirred up the COM-
MONS against the NOBLES; of whom 1600 were
murdered at once; and, at laft, the Orators them-
felves, becauſe they left off their Accufation; or to
fpeak intelligibly, becauſe they withdrew their Im-
peachments; having, it feemeth, raifed a Spirit they
were not able to lay. And this laft Circumftance, as
Cafes have lately ſtood, may perhaps be worth noting.
FROM what hath been already advanced, feveral
Conclufions may be drawn.
FIRST, That a mixt Government, partaking of the
known Forms received in the Schools, is by no Means
of Gothic Invention, but hath Place in Nature and
Reafon; feemeth very well to agree with the Senti-
ments of most Legiflators, and to have been followed
in moft States, whether they have appeared under the
Name of Monarchies, Ariflocracies, or Democracies.
For, not to mention the feveral Republicks of this
Compofition in Gaul and Germany, defcribed by Cafar
and Tacitus; Polybius telleth us, the best Government
is that which confifteth of three Forms,
Regno, Optimatium, et Populi Imperio:
Which may be fairly tranflated, the
Kings, Lords, and Commons. Such was that of Sparta,
in its primitive Inftitution by Lycurgus; who obferving
the Corruptions, and Depravations to which every of
theſe were ſubject, compounded his Scheme out of all;
fo that it was made up of Reges, Seniores, et Populus.
Such alfo was the State of Rome, under its Confuls :
Frag. lib. 6.
And
in ATHENS and ROME.
7
And the Author telleth us, that the Romans fell upon
this Model purely by Chance, (which I take to have
been Nature and common Reaſon) but the Spartans by
Thought, and Defign. And fuch at Carthage was the
Summa Reipublicæ, or Power in the laſt
Refort; for they had their Kings called
Suffetes, and a Senate which had the
Idem ib.
Power of Nobles, and the People had a Share eſtabliſh-
ed too.
SECONDLY, It will follow, That thofe Reafoners,
who employ fo much of their Zeal, their Wit, and
their Leiſure for the upholding the Balance of Power
in Christendom, at the fame time that by their Practices
they are endeavouring to deftroy it at home, are not
fuch mighty Patriots, or fo much in the true Intereſt of
their Country, as they would affect to be thought; but
feem to be employed like a Man, who pulleth down
with his Right Hand what he hath been building
with his Left.
THIRDLY, This maketh appear the Error of thoſe,
who think it an uncontroulable Maxim, that Power is
always fafer lodged in many Hands than in one.
For, if theſe many Hands be made up, only from
one of the three Divifions before mentioned; it is
plain from thofe Examples already produced, and eaſy
to be paralleled in other Ages and Countries, that
they are as capable of enflaving the Nation, and of
acting all Manner of Tyranny and Oppreffion, as it is
poffible for a fingle Perfon to be; although we fhould
fuppofe their Number not only to be of four or five
hundred, but above three thouſand.
AGAIN, It is manifeft from what hath been faid,
that in order to preferve the Balance in a mixed State,
the Limits of Power depofited with each Party ought
to be ascertained, and generally known. The De-
fects of this is the Caufe that introduces thofe Strug-
glings in a State about Prerogative and Liberty, about
Encroachments of the Fere upon the Rights of the
Many, and of the Many upon the Privileges of the
Few; which ever did, and ever will conclude in a
Tyranny;
8
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
Tyranny; firft, either of the Few, or the Many, but
at lait infallibly of a fingle Perfon. For, which ever
of the three Divifions in a State is upon the Scramble
for more Power than its own, (as one or other of
them generally is) unleſs due Care be taken by the
other Two; upon every new Queftion that arifes, they
will be fure to decide in Favour of themſelves, talk
much of inherent Right; they will nourish up a dor-
mant Power, and reserve Privileges in petto, to exert
upon Occafions, to ferve Expedients, and to urge up-
on Neceffities. They will make large Demands, and
fcanty Conceffions, ever coming off confiderable Gain-
ers: Thus at length the Balance is broke and Tyranny
let in; from which Door of the Three it matters not.
To pretend to a declarative Right upon any Occa-
fion whatever, is little less than to make ufe of the
whole Power; that is, to declare an Opinion to be
Law, which hath always been contelted, or perhaps
never flarted before fuch an Incident brought it on the
Stage. Not to confent to the enacting of fuch a Law,
which hath no View befides the general Good, unleſs
another Law fhall at the fame time país with no other
View, but that of advancing the Power of one Party
alone; what is this, but to claim a pofitive Voice as
well as a negative? To pretend that great Changes
and Alienations of Property have created new and
great Dependencies, and confequently new Additions
of Power, as fome Reafoners have done, is a moft
dangerous Tenet: If Dominion muft follow Property,
let it follow in the fame Pace: For Changes in Pro-
perty through the Bulk of a Nation make flow March-
es, and its duc Power always attends it.
To con-
clude, that whatever Attempt is begun by an Affem-
bly, ought to be purfued to the End, without regard
to the greateſt Incidents that may happen to alter the
Cafe; to count it mean, and below the Dignity of a
Houfe, to quit a Profecution; to refolve upon a Con-
clufion, before it is poffible to be apprifed of the Pre-
miffes. To act thus, I fay, is to affect not only ab-
folute Power, but Infallibility too. Yet fuch unac-
countable
in ATHENS and ROME.
9
countable Proceedings as thefe have popular Affem-
blies engaged in, for want of fixing the due Limits
of Power and Privilege.
GREAT Changes may, indeed, be made in a Go-
vernment, yet the Form continue, and the Balance be
held; but large Intervals of Time muſt paſs between
every fuch Innovation, enough to melt down, and
make it of a piece with the Conftitution. Such we are
told were the Proceedings of Solon, when he modelled
anew the Athenian Commonwealth. And what Con-
vulfions in our own, as well as other States, have
been bred by a Neglect of this Rule, is freſh and no-
torious enough: It is too foon, in all Confcience, to
repeat this Error again.
So
HAVING fhewn that there is a natural Balance of
Power in all free States, and how it hath been divided,
fometimes by the People themſelves, as in Rome; at
others by the Inftitutions of the Legiſlators, as in the
feveral States of Greece and Sicily: The next Thing is
to examine what Methods have been taken to break or
overthrow this Balance; which every one of the three
Parties hath continually endeavoured, as Opportunities
have ferved; as might appear from the Stories of moft
Ages and Countries. For, abfolute Power in a parti-
cular State, is of the fame Nature with univerſal Mo-
narchy in ſeveral States adjoining to each other.
endleſs and exorbitant are the Defires of Men, whether
confidered in their Perfons or their States, that they
will graſp at all, and can form no Scheme of perfect
Happineſs with lefs. Ever fince Men have been united
into Governments, the Hopes and Endeavours after
univerfal Monarchy have been bandied among them,
from the Reign of Ninus, to this of the Meji Chriftian
King: In which Purfuits Commonwealths have had
their Share, as well as Monarchs: So the athenians,
the Spartans, the Thebans, and the Achaians did teve-
ral Times aim at the univerfal Monarchy of Greece :
So the Commonwealths of Carthage and Rome, affected
the univerfal Monarchy of the then known World. In
like Manner hath abfolute Power been purfued by the
feveral
10
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS"
feveral Parties of each particular State; wherein fingle
Perſons have met with most Succefs, although the En-
deavours of the Far and the Many have been frequent
enough: Yet, being neither fo uniform in their Defigns,
nor to direct in their Views, they neither could manage
por maintain the Power they had got; but were ever
deceived by the Popularity, and Ambition of fome
fingle Perfon. So that it will be always a wrong Step
in Policy, for the Nobles, or Commons, to carry their
Endeavours after Power ſo far, as to overthrow the
Balance: And it would be enough to damp their
Warmth in fuch Purfuits, if they could once reflect, that
in fuch a Courſe they will be fure to run upon the very
Rock that they meant to avoid; which I uppoſe they
would have us think, is the Tyranny of a fingle Perſon.
MANY Examples might be produced of the Endea
yours from each of thefe three Rivals after abſolute
Power: But I fhall fuit my Difcourfe to the Time I
am writing it, and relate only fuch Diffenfions in
Greece and Rome, between the Nobles and Commons,
with the Confequences of them, wherein the latter
were the Aggreffors.
I SHALL begin with Greece, where my Obfervations
fhall be confined to Athens; although ſeveral Inftances.
might be brought from other States thereof.
CHA P. II.
Of the Diffenfions in Athens between the
Few and the Many.
T
HESEUS is the Firft, who is recorded with
any Appearance of Truth to have brought the
Grecians from a barbarous Manner of Life, among
fcattered Villages, into Cities; and to have established
the popular State in Athens, affigning to himfelf the
Guardianthip of the Laws, and chief Command in
War. He was forced, after fome Time to leave the
Athenians
in ATHENS and ROME.
II
Athenians to their own Meaſures upon account of
their feditious Temper, which ever continued with
them until the final Diffolution of their Government
by the Romans. It feems, the Country about Attica
was the moft barren of any in Greece; through which
Means, it happened that the Natives were never ex-
pelled by the Fury of Invaders, who thought it not
worth a Conqueft) but continued always Aborigines;
and therefore retained, through all Revolutions, a
Tincture of that turbulent Spirit wherewith their Go-
vernment began. This Intitution of Thefeus appeareth
to have been rather a Sort of mixed Monarchy than
a popular State; and for ought we know, might con-
tinue fo during the Series of Kings, until the Death of
Codras. From this laft Prince, Selon was faid to be
defcended; who finding the People engaged in two
violent Factions, of the PooR and the RICH, and
in great Confufion thereupon; refufing the Monarchy
which was offered him, chofe rather to caft the Go-
vernment after another Model, wherein he made due
Proviſion for ſettling the Balance of Power, chufing a
Senate of four hundred, and difpofing the Magiftra-
cies, and Offices, according to Mens Eftates; leaving
to the Multitude their Votes in electing, and the Power
of judging certain Proceffes by Appeal. This Council
of four hundred was chofen, a hundred out of each
Tribe; and feemeth to have been a Body Reprefenta-
tive of the People; although the People Collective re-
ferved a Share of Power to themſelves. It is a Point
of Hiſtory perplexed enough; but thus much is certain,
that the Balance of Power was provided for, elfe Pif.-
firatus, (called by Authors the Tyrant of
Athens) could never have governed fo
peaceably as he did, without changing any
of Solon's Laws: Thefe feveral Powers
together with that of the Archer, or chief Magiſtrate,
made up the Form of Government in Athens, at what
Time it began to appear upon the Scene of Action
and Story.
Herodot.
lib. 1.
THE
12
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
THE first great Man bred up under this Inftitution
was Miltiades, who lived about ninety Years after
Solon; and is reckoned to have been the first great Ca-
ptain not only of Athens, but of all Greece. From the
Time of Miltiades to that of Phocion, who is looked
upon as the laſt famous General of Athens, are about
one hundred and thirty Years: After which they
were fubdued and infulted by Alexander's Captains,
and continued under feveral Revolutions, a ſmall
truckling State of no Name, or Reputation, until
they fell with the rest of Greece under the Power of
the Romans.
DURING this Period from Miltiades to Phocion, I
fhall trace the Conduct of the Athenians, with Relation
to their Diflenfions between the PEOPLE and fome of
their GENERALS; who at that Time, by their Power
and Credit in the Army, in a warlike Commonwealth,
and often fupported by each other, were, with the
Magiftrates and other Civil Officers, a Sort of Coun-
terpoiſe to the Power of the People, who fince the
Death of Solon, had already made great Encroach-
ments. What thefe Diffenfions were, how founded,
and what the Confequences of them, I fhall briefly
and impartially relate.
I MUST here premife, that the Nobles in Athens were
not at this Time a Corporate Affembly, that I can
gather; therefore the Reſentments of the Commons
were uſually turned againſt particular Perfons, and by
way of Articles of Impeachment. Whereas the Com-
mons in Rome, and fome other States, (as will appear
in proper Place) although they followed this Method
upon Occafion, yet generally purfued the Enlargement
of their Power, by more fet Quarrels of one entire
Affembly againſt another. However, the Cuſtom of
particular Impeachments being not limited to former
Ages, any more than that of general Struggles, and
Diffenfions between fixed Affemblies of Nobles and
Commons; and the Ruin of Greece having been owing
to the former, as that of Rome was to the latter;
ſhall treat on both exprefsly; that thoſe States, who are
concerned
in ATHENS and ROME.
13
concerned in either, (if at leaſt there be any fuch now
in the World) may, by obſerving the Means and Iffues
of former Diffenfions, learn whether the Caufes are
alike in theirs; and if they find them to be fo, may
confider whether they ought not juftly to apprehend
the fame Effects.
To ſpeak of every particular Perfon, impeached
by the Commons of Athens, within the compafs de-
figned, would introduce the Hiftory of almoft every
great Man they had among them. I fhall therefore
take notice only of fix, who living in that Period of
Time when Athens was at the Height of its Glory,
(as indeed it could not be otherwife while fuch Hands
were at the Helm) although impeached for high Crimes
and Miſdemeanors, fuch as Bribery, arbitrary Proceed-
ings, myjapplying, or embezzling publick Funds, il! Con-
duft et Sca, and the like; were honoured and la-
mented by their Country as the Prefervers of it, and
have had the Veneration of all ages fince juftly paid
to their Memories.
MILTIADES was one of the Athenian Gene-
rals against the Perfian Power; and the famous Victo-
ry at Marathon was chiefly owing to his Valour and
Conduct. Being fent fome time after to reduce the
Ifland Paros, he mistook a great Fire at a Diſtance for
the Flect, and being noways a Match for the Enemy,
fet fail to Athens.At his Arrival he was impeached
by the Commons for Treachery, although not able to
appear by reafon of his Wounds; fined 30,000 Crowns,
and died in Prifon. Although the Confequences of
this Proceeding upon the Affairs of Athens, were no
more than the untimely Lofs of fo great and good a
Man, yet I could not forbear relating it.
THEIR next great Man was Ariftides: Befides the
mighty Service he had done his Country in the Wars;
he was a Perfon of the ftrictest Juftice, and best ac-
quainted with the Laws, as well as Forms of their
Government; fo that he was in a manner Chanceller
of Athens. This Man, upon a flight and falſe Accu-
fation of favouring arbitrary Power, was banifhed by
VOL. I.
Oftracifm;
14
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
Oftraciſm; which rendered into modern English, would
fignify, That they voted he ſhould be removed from their
Prefence and Councils for ever. But they had foon the
Wit to recall him; and to that Action owed the Pre-
ſervation of their State by his future Services. For, it
muſt be ſtill confeffed in behalf of the Athenian People,
that they never conceived themfelves perfectly infal-
lible, nor arrived to the Heights of modern Aſſemblies,
to make Obftinacy confirm what fudden Heat and Tɛ-
merity began. They thought it not below the Dignity
of an Aſſembly to endeavour at correcting an ill Step;
at leaſt to repent, although it often fell out too late.
THE MISTOCLES was at firft a Commoner
himſelf. It was he who raiſed the Athenians to their
Greatness at Sea, which he thought to be the true and
conſtant Intereft of that Commonwealth; and the fa-
mous naval Victory over the Perfians at Salamis was
owing to his Conduct. It feems the People obſerved
fomewhat of Haughtiness in his Temper and Beha-
viour, and therefore banished him for five Years; but
finding fome flight Matter of Accufation against him,
they fent to feize his Perfon, and he hardly efcaped to
the Perfian Court; from whence, if the Love of his
Country had not furmounted its bafe Ingratitude to
him, he had many Invitations to return at the Head
of the Perfian Fleet, and take a terrible Revenge; but
he rather choſe a voluntary Death.
THE People of Athens impeached Pericles for mifap-
plying the publick Revenues to his own private Ufe. He
had been a Perſon of great Defervings from the Re-
publick, was an admirable Speaker, and very popular;
his Accompts were confufed, and he wanted Time to adjuſt
them; therefore, merely to divert that Difficulty, and
the Confequences of it, he was forced to engage his
Country in the Peloponnefian War, the longeſt that e-
ver was known in Greece, and which ended in the ut-
ter Ruin of Athens.
THE fame People having refolved to fubdue Sicily
fent a mighty Fleet under the Command of Nicias,
Lamachus, and Alcibiades; the two former, Perfons
of
in ATHENS and ROME.
15
of Age and Experience; the laſt, a young Man of
noble Birth, excellent Education, and a plentiful For-
tune. A little before the Fleet fet fail, it ſeemeth, one
Night, the Stone Images of Mercury, placed in feve-
ral Parts of the City, were all pared in the Face: This
Action the Athenians interpreted for a Deſign of de-
ſtroying the popular State; and lcibiades, having been
formerly noted for the like Frolicks and Excursions,
was immediately accuſed of this. He, whether con-
ſcious of his Innocence, or affùred of the Secrecy, of-
fered to come to his Trial before he went to his Com-
mand: This the Athenians refufed: But as foon as he
was got to Sicily they fent for him back, deſigning to
take the Advantage, and profecute him in the Abfence
of his Friends, and of the Army, where he was very
powerful. It ſeemeth he understood the Refentments
of a popular Affembly too well to traft them; and
therefore, instead of returning, efcaped to Sparta;
where his Defire of Revenge prevailing over his Love
to his Country, he became its greateſt Enemy. Mean
while, the Athenians before Sicily, by the Death of
one Commander, and the Superftition, Weakneſs, and
perfect ill Conduct of the other, were utterly deftroy-
ed; the whole Fleet taken, a miferable Slaughter
made of the Army, whereof hardly one ever return-
ed. Some time after this, Alcibiades was recalled upon
his own Conditions, by the Neceffities of the People,
and made chief Commander at Sea and Land ;
but
his Lieutenant engaging against his pofitive Orders,
and being beaten by Lyfander; Alcibiades was again
diſgraced and banished. However, the Athenians ha-
ving loft all Strength and Heart fince their Misfortune
at Sicily, and now deprived of the only Perſon that
was able to recover their Loffes, repent of their Raſh-
nefs, and endeavour, in vain, for his Reſtoration; the
Perfian Lieutenant, to whofe Protection he fled, ma-
king him a Sacrifice to the Refentments of Lyfander,
the General of the Lacedemonians; who now reduceth
all the Dominions of the Athenians, takes the City,
razes their Walls, ruins their Works, and changes
C 2
the
16
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
the Form of their Government; which, although again
reſtored for ſome time by Thrafybulus, (as their Walls
were rebuilt by Conon) yet here we muft date the Fall
of the Athenian Greatnefs, the Dominion and chief
Power in Greece, from that Period, to the Time of
Alexander the Great, which was about fifty Years, be-
ing divided between the Spartans and Thebans: Al-
though Philip, Alexander's Father, (the Moft Chriftian
King of that Age) had, indeed, fome time before, be-
gun to break in upon the Republicks of Greece, by Con-
queft or Bribery; particularly dealing large Money among
fome popular Orators; by which he brought many of
them, as the Term of Art was then, to Philippize.
In the Time of Alexander and his Captains, the
Athenians were offered an Opportunity of recovering
their Liberty, and being reftored to their former
State; but the wife Turn they thought to give the
Matter, was by an Impeachment and Sacrifice of the
Author to hinder the Succeſs. For, after the De-
ſtruction of Thebes by Alexander, this Prince deſigning
the Conquest of Athens, was prevented by Phocion, the
Athenian General, then Ambaſſador from that State;
who, by his great Wiſdom and Skill at Negotiation,
ivert ed Alexander from his Defign, and reſtored the
Athenians to his Favour. The very fame Succeſs he
had with Antipater after Alexander's Death; at which
Time, the Government was new regulated by Solon's
Laws: But Polyperchon, in Hatred to Phocion, having
by Order of the young King, whofe Governor he
was, reſtored thoſe whom Phocion had banished; the
Plot fucceeded, Phocion was accuſed by popular Ora-
tors, and put to Death.
THUS was the most powerful Commonwealth of
all Greece, after great Degeneracies from the Inftitu-
tion of Solon, utterly deftroyed by that rash, jealous,
and inconflant Humour of the People, which was
never ſatisfied to fee a General either victorious, or
unfortunate: Such ill Judges, as well as Rewarders,
have popular Affemblies been, of thofe who belt de-
ferved from them.
Now,
in ATHENS and ROME.
17
Now, the Circumftance, which makes thefe Ex-
amples of more Importance, is, that this very Power
of the People in Athens, claimed fo confidently for an
inherent Right, and infifted on as the undoubted Privi-
lege of an Athenian born, was the rankeſt Encroach-
ment imaginable, and the groffeft Degeneracy from the
Form that Solon left them. In short, their Govern-
ment was grown into a Dominatio Plebis, or Tyranny of
the People; who, by degrees, had broke and over-
thrown that Balance which that Legiſlator had very
well fixed and provided for. This appeareth not only
from what hath been already faid of that Lawgiver,
but more manifeftly from a Paffage in Dic-
Lib. 28.
dorus; who telleth us, That Antipater, one
of Alexander's Captains, abrogated the popular Govern-
ment, (in Athens), and restored the Power of Suffrages
and Magiftracy, to fuch only, as were worth two thou-
fand Drachmas; by which Means, (faith he) that Repu-
blick came to be again adminiſtred by the Laws of Solon.
By this Quotation, it is manifeft, that this great Au-
thor looked upon Solon's Inftitution, and a popular
Government to be two different Things. And as for
this Reſtoration by Antipater, it had neither Confe-
quence nor Continuance worth obferving.
I might eafily produce many more Examples, but
thefe are fufficient: And it may be worth the Reader's
Time to reflect, a little, on the Merits of the Caufe,
as well as of the Men who had been thus dealt with
by their Country. I fhall direct him no further, than
by repeating, that Ariftides was the most renowned
by the People themfelves for his exact Justice, and
Knowledge in the Law. That Themistocles was a moit
fortunate Admiral, and had got a mighty Victory over
the great King of Perfia's Fleet. That Pericles was an
able Minifter of State, an excellent Orator, and a Men
of Letters: And laftly, that Phocion, befides the Suc-
cefs of his Arms, was alfo renowned for his Nego-
tiations abroad; having, in an Embaſſy, brought the
greateſt Monarch of the World, at that Time, to the
Terins
C 3
18
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
Terms of an honourable Peace, by which his Country vias
preſerved.
I fhall conclude my Remarks upon Athens, with
the Character given us of that People by Polybius.
About this Time, faith he, the Athenians were governed
by trvo Men; quite funk in their affairs; had little or
no Commerce with the rest of Greece, and avere become
great Reverencers of crowned Heads.
FOR, from the Time of Alexander's Captains, until
Greece was fubdued by the Romans, (to the latter Part
of which this Deſcription of Polybius falleth in) Athens
never produced one famous Man, either for Councils
or Arms, or hardly for Learning. And, indeed it was
a dark infipid Period through all Greece:
Polyb.
For, except the Achaian League under Ara-
tus and Philopamen; and the Endeavours of Agis and
Cleomenes to restore the State of Sparta, fo frequently
haraffed with Tyrannies, occafioned by the popular
Practices of the Ephori; there was very little worth
recording. All which Confequences may, perhaps,
be justly imputed to this Degeneracy of Athens.
CHA P. III.
Of the Diffenfions between the Patricians and
Plebeians in Rome; with the Confequen-
ces they had upon that State.
HA
AVING, in the foregoing Chapter, confined
myſelf to the Proceedings of the COMMONS, on-
ly by the Method of Impeachments against particular
Perfons, with the fatal Effects they had upon the State
of Athens; I fhall now treat of the Diffenfions at Rome,
between the People and the collective Body of the
Patricians or Nobles. It is a large Subject; but I fhall
draw it into as narrow a Compaſs as I can.
As Greece, from the molt antient Accounts we have
of it, was divided into feveral Kingdoms, fo was moſt
Part
in ATHENS and ROME. 19
Dionyf.
Halicar.
Part of Italy into feveral petty Commonwealths. And
as thoſe Kings in Greece are faid to have
been depofed by their People upon the
ſcore of their arbitrary Proceedings; fo,
on the contrary, the Commonwealths of Italy were
all ſwallowed up, and concluded in the Tyranny of
the Roman Emperors. However, the Differences be-
tween thofe Grecian Monarchies, and Italian Repu-
blicks, were not very great. For, by the Accounts
Homer giveth us of thote Grecian Princes, who came
to the Siege of Troy, as well as by feveral Paſſages in
the Odyſſey; it is manifeft, that the Power of theſe
Princes, in their feveral States, was much of a Size
with that of the Kings in Sparta, the Archon at Athens,
the Suffetes at Carthage, and the Confuls in Rome: So
that a limited and divided Power feemeth to have been
the most antient and inherent Principle: of both thoſe
People in Matters of Government. And fuch did that
of Rome continue from the Time of Romulus, although
with fome Interruptions, to Julius Cefar; when it
ended in the Tyranny of a fingle Ferfon. During
which Period, (not many Years longer than from the
Norman Conqueft to our Age) the Commons were
growing, by degrees, into Power and Property, gaining
ground upon the Patricians, as it were Inch by Inch.
until at last they quite overturned the Balance; leaving
all Doors open to the Practices of popular and ambi-
tious Men, who deftroyed the wifett Republick, and
enflaved the nobleft People that ever entered upon the
Stage of the World. By what Steps and Degrees
this was brought to pafs, fhall be the Subject of my
prefent Inquiry.
WHILE Rome was governed by Kings, the Monar-
chy was altogether elective. Romulus himſelf, when he
had built the City, was declared King by the univerſal
Confent of the Feople, and by Augury which was then
understood for divine Appointment. Among other Di-
vifions he made of the People, one was into Patrici-
ans and Pletrians: The former were like the Barons
of England, tome Time after the Conquest; and the
latter
20
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
latter are alſo deſcribed to be almoſt exactly what our
Commons were then: For they were Dependants upon
the Patricians, whom they chofe for their Patrons and
Protectors, to anſwer for their Appearance, and defend
them in any Process: They alio fupplied their Patrons
with Money, in Exchange for their Protection. This
Cuſtom of Patronage, it feemeth, was very antient,
and long practifed among the Greeks.
OUT of theſe Patricians Romulus chofe an hundred
to be a Senate, or Grand Council, for Advice, and Af-
fiftance to him in the Adminiſtration. The Senate
therefore, originally confifted all of Nobles, and were,
of themfelves, a standing Council; the People being
only convoked upon fuch Occafions, as by this Infti-
tution of Romulus fell into their Cognizance: Thefe
were to conflitute Magistrates, to give their Votes for
making Laws, and to advife upon entering on a War.
But, the two former of theſe popular Privileges, were
to be confirmed by the Authority of the Senate; and
the laſt was only permitted at the King's Pleaſure.
This was the utmoſt Extent of Power pretended by the
Commons in the Time of Romulus; all the reft being
divided between the King and the Senate; the whole
agreeing very nearly with the Conftitution of England,
for fome Centuries after the Conqueft.
AFTER a Year's Interregnum from the Death of Rs-
mulus, the Senate of their own Authority, chofe a Suc-
ceffor, and a Stranger, merely upon the Fame of his
Virtue, without afking the Confent of the Commons;
which Cuſtom they likewiſe obſerved in the two fol-
lowing Kings. But, in the Election of Tarquinius
Prifcus, the fifth King, we first hear mentioned, that
it was done, Populi impetrata venia, which, indeed,
was but very reaſonable for a free People to expect;
although I cannot remember in my little Reading, by
what Incidents they were brought to advance fo great
a Step. However it were, this Prince, in gratitude
to the People, by whofe Conſent he was chofen, elect-
ed an hundred Senators out of the Commons; whoſe
Number,
in ATHENS and ROME.
21
Number, with former Additions, now amounted to
three hundred.
THE People, having once difcovered their own
Strength, did foon take occafion to exert it, and that
by very great Degrees. For, at this King's Death,
(who was murdered by the Sons of a former) being
at a Lofs for a Succeffor, Servius Tullius, a Stranger,
and of mean Extraction, was chofen Protector of the
Kingdom, by the People, without the Confent of the
Senate; at which the Nobles being difpleafed, he
wholly applied himſelf to gratify the Commons; and
was by them declared and confirmed no longer Pro-
tector, but King.
THIS Prince first introduced the Cuſtom of giving
Freedom to Servants, ſo as to become Citizens of equal
Privileges with the reft; which very much contributed
to increaſe the Power of the People.
THUS, in a very few Years, the Commons proceed-
ed fo far as to wreft even the Power of chufing a
King entirely out of the Hands of the Nobles: Which
was fo great a Leap, and caufed fuch a Convulfion
and Struggle in the State, that the Conftitution could
not bear it; but civil Diffenfions arofe, which immedi-
ately were followed by the Tyranny of a fingle Perfon,
as this was by the utter Subverfion of the Regal Govern-
ment, and by a Settlement upon a new Foundation.
For, the Nobles, fpighted at this Indignity done them
by the Commons, firmly united in a Body, depofed
this Prince by plain Force, and choſe Tarquin the
Proud; who, running into all the Forms and Methods
of Tyranny, after a cruel Reign, was expelled by an
univerfal Concurrence of Nobles and People, whom
the Miſeries of his Reign had reconciled.
WHEN the confular Government began, the Balance
of Power between the Nobles and Flebeians was fixed
anew. The two firft Confuls were nominated by the
Nobles, and confirmed by the Commons; and a Law
was enacted, That no Perſon ſhould bear any Magiftra-
cy in Rome, injufju populi; that is, without Canjent of the
Commons.
IN
22
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
* Ab urbe
condita.
In
IN fuch turbulent Times as thefe, many of the
poorer Citizens had contracted numerous Debts, either
to the richer Sort among themſelves, or to Senators
and other Nobles: and the Cafe of Debtors in Rome,
for the first four Centuries, was, after the fet Time
for Payment, no Choice, but either to
pay, or be the Creditor's Slave.
this Juncture, the Commons leave the
City in Mutiny and Difcontent; and will not return,
but upon condition to be acquitted of all their Debts;
and moreover, that certain Magiftrates be chofen year-
ly, whofe Bufinefs it thall be to defend the Commons
from Injuries. Thefe are called Tribunes of the People,
their Perfons are held facred and inviolable, and the
People bind themſelves by Oath, never to abrogate the
Office. By thefe Tribunes, in Proceſs of Time, the
People were grofsly impofed on, to ferve the Turns
and Occafions of revengeful or ambitious Men; and
to commit fuch Exorbitances, as could not end, but
in the Diffolution of the Government.
THESE Tribunes, a Year or two after their Inftitu-
tion, kindled great Diffenfions between the Nobles and
the Commons; on the account of Coriolanus, a Noble-
man whom the latter had impeached; and the Confe-
quences of whofe Impeachment (if I had not confined
myſelf to Grecian Examples for that Part of my Sub-
ject) had like to have been fo fatal to their State.
And, from this Time, the Tribunes begun a Cuſtom
of accuſing, to the People, whatever Nobles they plea-
fed; feveral of whom were baniſhed, or put to death,
in every Age.
AT this Time the Romans were very much engaged
in Wars with their neighbouring States; but upon the
leaft Intervals of Peace, the Quarrels between the
Nobles and the Plebeians would revive; and one of
the most frequent Subjects of their Differences, was the
conquered Lands, which the Commons would fain have
divided among the Publick; but the Senate could not
be brought to give their Confent. For feveral of the
wifeft among the Nobles began to apprehend the
growing
in ATHENS and RO ME.
23
growing Power of the People; and therefore, knowing
what an Acceffion thereof would accrue to them, by
ſuch an Addition of Property, ufed all Means to pre-
vent it: For this the Appian Family was moft noted ;
and thereupon moſt hated by the Commons. One of
them, having made a Speech againſt this Divifion of
Lands, was impeached by the People of High Treaſon,
and a Day appointed for his Trial; but he, difdain-
ing to make his Defence, choſe rather the uſual Roman
Remedy of killing himſelf: After whole Death, the
Commons prevailed, and the Lands were divided a-
mong them.
Tuis Point was no fooner gained, but new Diffen-
fions began: For the Pieleians would fain have a Law
enacted, to lay all Mens Rights and Privileges upon
the fame Level; and to enlarge the Power of every
Magiftrate, within his own Jurifdiction, as much as
that of the Confuls. The Tribunes alfo obtained to
have their Number doubled, which before
was five; and the Author tells us, that their
Infolence and Power increaſed with their
Number; and the Seditions were alſo doubled with it.
Dionyf.
Halicar.
By the Beginning of the fourth Century, from the
Building of Rome, the Tribunes proceeded fo far, in
the Name of the Commons, as to accuſe and fine the
Confuls themſelves, who reprefented the kingly Power.
And the Senate obferving, how, in all Contentions,
they were forced to yield to the Tribunes and People,
thought it their wifeſt Courſe to give Way alfo to
Time: Therefore a Decree was made to ſend Ambaſ-
fadors to Athens, and the other Grecian Common-
wealths, planted in that Part of Italy called Gracia
Major, to make a Collection of the belt Laws; out of
which, and ſome of their own, a new compleat Body
of Laws was formed, afterwards known by the Name
of the Laws of the Twelve Tables.
To digeft thefe Laws into Order, ten Men were
chofen, and the Administration of all Affairs left in
their Hands: What Uſe they made of it, hath been
already fhewn. It was certainly a great Revolution,
produced
24
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
produced entirely by the many unjuft Encroachments
of the People; and might have wholly changed the
Fate of Rome, if the Folly and Vice of thoſe who were
chiefly concerned, could have fuffered it to take Root.
A few Years after, the Commons made further
Advances on the Power of the Nobles; demanding,
among the reft, that the Confulfhip, which hitherto
had only been difpofed to the former, fhould, now lie
in common to the Pretenfions of any Roman what-
ever. This, although it failed at prefent, yet after-
wards obtained, and was a mighty Step to the Ruin
of the Commonwealth.
WHAT I have hitherto faid of Rome, hath been
chiefly collected out of that exact and diligent Writer
Dionyfius Halicarnaffcus; whofe Hiftory (through the
Injury of Time) reacheth no farther than to the Be-
ginning of the fourth Century, after the Building of
Rome. The reft 1 ſhall ſupply from other Authors;
although I do not think it neceffary to deduce this
Matter any farther, fo very particularly as I have hi-
therto done.
Fragm.
lib. 6.
To point at what Time the Balance of Power was
moft equally held between the Lords and Commons in
Rome, would, perhaps, admit a Controverfy. Polybi-
us telleth us, That, in the fecond Punick War,
the Carthaginians were declining, becaufe
the Balance was got too much on the Side
of the People; whereas the Romans were in their
greatest Vigour, by the Power remaining in the Se-
nate; yet this was between two and three hundred
Years after the Period Dionyfius endeth with; in which
Time the Commons had made feveral further Ac-
quifitions. This, however, must be granted, that
(until about the Middle of the fourth Century) when
the Senate appeared refolute at any Tinte upon exert-
ing their Authority, and adhered clofely together, they
did often carry their Point. Befides it is
obferved by the beſt Authors, that in all the
Quarrels and Tumults at Rome, from the
Expulfion of the Kings; although the Peo-
Dionyfius
Hal. Plu-
tarch, &c.
ple
in ATHENS and ROME.
25
ple frequently proceeded to rude contumelious Lan-
guage, and fometimes ſo far as to pull and hale one a-
nother about the Forum: yet no Blood was ever drawn
in any popular Commotions, until the Time of the Grac-
chi: However, I am of Opinion, that the Balance had
begun many Years before to lean to the popular Side.
But this Default was corrected, partly by the Principle
juft mentioned, of never drawing Blood in a Tumult;
partly by the warlike Genius of the People, which, in
thofe Ages, was almoft perpetually employed; and part-
ly by their great Commanders, who, by the great Cre-
dit they had in their Armies, fell into the Scales as a
farther Counterpoife to the growing Power of the Peo-
ple. Befides, Polybius, who lived in the Time of Scipio
Africanus the younger, had the fame Apprehenfions of
the continual Encroachments made by the Commons;
and being a Perſon of as great Abilities, and as much
Sagacity as any of his Age; from obferving the Cor-
ruptions which, he faith, had already entered into the
Roman Conflitution, did very nearly foretel what would
be the Iflue of them. His Words are very remarkable,
and with little Addition may be rendered to
this Purpoſe. That thoje Abuſes and Corru- Lib.5.
ptions, which in Time defroy a Government, are
Jown along with the very Seeds of it, and both grow up
together: And that, as Ruft eateth away Iron, and Worms
devour Wood; and both are a Sort of Plagues, born and
bred along with the Subftance they deftroy; fo with every
Form and Scheme of Government that Man can invent,
fome Vice, or Corruption creepeth in with the very Inflitu-
tion, which groweth up along with, and at laſt defiroys it.
The fame Author in another Place ventureth
fo far as to guefs at the particular Fate which Fragm.
would attend the Roman Government. He lib. 6.
faith, its Ruins would ariſe from the popular
Tumults, which would introduce a Dominatio Plebis,
or Tyranny of the People: Wherein, it is certain, he
had Reaſon, and therefore, might have adventured to
purfue his Conjectures fo far, as to the Confequences
of a popular Tyranny; which, as perpetual Experience
VOL. I.
teacheth,
D
26
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
teacheth, never faileth to be followed by the arbitrary
Government of a fingle Perfon.
ABOUT the Middle of the fourth Century from the
Building of Rome, it was declared lawful for Nobles and
Plebeians to intermarry; which Cuftom, among many
other States, hath proved the moft effectual Means to
ruin the former, and raife the latter.
AND now, the greateſt Employments in the State
were, one after another, by Laws forcibly enacted
by the Commons, made free to the People; the Con-
fulfhip itſelf, the Office of Cenfor, that of the Queſtors,
or Commiffioners of the Treasury, the Office of Pretor,
or Chief Justice, the Priesthood, and even that of
Dictator: The Senate, after long Oppofition, yielding,
merely for prefent Quiet, to the continual urging Cla-
mours of the Commons, and of the Tribunes their Ad-
vocates. A Law was likewife enacted, that the Ple-
´bifcita, or, a Vote of the House of Commons, ſhould
Dionyf.
lib. z.
be of univerſal Obligation. Nay, in Time,
the Method of enacting Laws was wholly
inverted: For, whereas the Senate ufed of
old, to confirm the Plebiscita; the People
did at laft, as they pleaſed, confirm, or difannul, the
Senatufconfulta.
APPIUS CLAUDIUS brought in a Cuſtom of
admitting to the Senate, the Sons of freed Men, or of
fuch who had once been Slaves; by which, and fuc-
ceeding Alterations of the like Nature, that great
Council degenerated into a moft corrupt and factious
Body of Men divided againſt itſelf; and its Authority
became defpifed.
THE Century and half following, to the End of the
third Punick War, by the Deftruction of Carthage,
was a very bufy Period at Rome: The Intervals be-
tween every War being fo fhort, that the Tribunes and
People had hardly Leifure or Breath to engage in
domeſtick Diffenfions: However, the little Time they
could fpare, was generally employed the fame Way.
So Terentius Leo, a Tribune, is recorded to have
bafely proſtituted the Privileges of a Roman Citizen,
in
in ATHENS and ROM E.
27
in perfect Spite to the Nobles. So the great rican
Scipio, and his Erother after all their mighty Services,
were impeached by an ungrateful Commons.
HOWEVER, the warlike Genius of the People, and
continual Employment they had for it, ferved to di-
vert this Humour from running into a Head, until the
Age of the Gracchi.
THESE Perfons entering the Scene, in the Time of a
full Peace, fell violently upon advancing the Power of
the People, oy reducing into Practice all thofe En-
croachments, which they had been fo many Years
gaining. There were, at that Time, certain conquer-
ed Lands to be divided; befides a great private Eſtate
Left by a King. Thefe, the Tribunes, by Procure-
ment of the elder Gracchus, declared by their legifla-
tive Authority, were not to be difpofed of by the
Nobles; but by the Commons only. The younger Bro-
ther purſued the fame Delign; and befides, obtained a
Law, that all Italians should vote at Elections, as well
as the Citizens of Rome: In fhort, the whole Endes-
vours of them both, perpetually turned upon retrench-
ing the Niles Authority in all Thirgs, but especially
in the Matter of Judicature. And although they both
loft their Lives in thofe Purfuits, yet they traced out
fuch Ways, as were afterwards followed by Marus,
Sylla, Pompey, and Cefar, to the Ruin of the Roman
Freedom and Greatneís.
Fox, in the Time of Marius; Saturninus, a Tri-
bune procured a Law, that the Senate would be bound,
by Oath, to agree to whatever the People would enact:
And Marius himfelf, while he was in that Office of
Tribune, is recorded to have, with great Induitry,
ufed all Endeavours for depreffing the Nobles, and
raifing the People; particularly for cramping the for-
mer in their Power of Judicature; which was their
moſt antient inherent Right.
SYLLA, by the fame Meafures, became abfolute
Tyrant of Rome: He added three hundred Commors
to the Senate, which perplexed the Power of the
whole Order, and rendered it ineffectual; then, fling-
D 2
ing
28
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
ing off the Maſk, he abolished the Office of Tribune,
as being only a Scaffold to Tyranny; whereof he had
no further Ufe.
As to Pompey and Cefar; Plutarch telleth us, that
their Union for pulling down the Nobles, (by their
Credit with the People) was the Caufe of the Civil
War, which ended in the Tyranny of the latter;
both of them, in their Confulflips, having ufed all
Endeavours and Occafions for finking the Authority
of the Patricians, and giving Way to all Encroach-
ents of the People, wherein they expected best to
find their own Account.
FROM this Deduction of popular Encroachments in
Rome, the Reader will cafily judge how much the
Balance was fallen upon that Side. Indeed, by this
Time the very Foundation was removed, and it was
a moral Impoffibility, that the Republicl: could fubfilt
any longer. For, the Commons having ufurped the
Offices of the State, and trampled on the Senate, there
was no Government left but à Dominatio Plelis: Let
us, therefore, cxanine, how they proceeded in this
Conjuncture.
I think it is an univerfal Truth, that the People
are much more dextrous at pulling down, and ſetting
up, than at preferving what is fixed: And they are
not fonder of fcizing more than their own, than they
are of delivering it up again to the worse Bidder, with
their own into the Bargain. For, although in their
corrupt Notions of Divine Worship, they are apt to
multiply their Gods; yet their earthly Devotion is
feldom paid to above one Idol at a Time, of their
own Creation; whofe Oar they pull with lefs Mur-
muring, and much more Skill, than when they are
the Lading, or even hold the Helm.
THE feveral Provinces of the Roman Empire,
were now governed by the great Men of their State;
thofe upon the Frontiers with powerful Armies, either
for Conqueſt, or Defence. Thefe Governors upon
any Defigus of Revenge, or Ambition, were fure to
meet with a divided Power at home; and therefore
bent
in ATHENS and ROME.
29
bent all their Thoughts and Applications to cloſe in
with the People; who were now, by many Degrees,
the ſtronger Party. Two of the greateſt Spirits that
Rome ever produced, happened to live at the fame
Time, and to be engaged in the fame Purfuit; and
this at a Juncture the moſt dangerous for fuch a Con-
teft. Theſe were Pompey and Cefar; two Stars of ſuch
a Magnitude, that their Conjunction was as likely to be
fatal, as their Oppofition.
THE Tribunes and People, having now fubdued al
Competitors, began the laft Game of a prevalent Popu-
lace, which is that of chufing themſelves a Maſter;
while the Nobles forefaw, and ufed all Endeavours
left them, to prevent it. The People, at firſt, made
Pompey their Admiral, with full Power over all the
Mediterranean; foon after, Captain-General of all the
Roman Forces, and Governor of Afia. Pompey, on the
other Side, reſtored the Office of Tribune, which Sylla,
had put down; and, in his Confulfhip, procured a
Law for examining into the Miſcarriages of Men in Office,
or Command, for twenty Years pas. Many other Ex-
amples of Pompey's Popularity, are left us on Record,
who was a perfect Favourite of the Feople, and de-
figned to be more; but his Pretenfions grew ftale, for
want of a timely Opportunity to introduce them upon
the Stage. For Cefar, with his Legions in Gaul, was
a perpetual Check upon his Defigns; and in the Arts
of pleafing the People, did foon after get many Lengths
beyond him. He telleth us himfelf, that the Senate,
by a bold Effort, having made fome fevere Decrees
againſt his Proceedings, and against the Tribunes; thefe
all left the City, and went over to his Party, and con-
fequently along with them the Affections and Intereits
of the People; which is further manifeft, from the Ac-
counts he giveth us. of the Citizens, in feveral Towns,
mutinying against their Commanders, and delivering
both to his Devotion. Befides, Cefar's publick and
avowed Pretenfions for beginning the Civil War, were
to reſtore the Tribunes and the People, oppreffed (as
he pretended) by the Nobles.
D 3
THIS
30
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
THIS forced Pompey, against his Inclinations, upon
the Neceffity of changing Sides, for Fear of being for-
faken by both; and of cloſing in with the Senate and
chief Magiftrates, by whom he was chofen General
against Cefar.
THUS, at length, the Senate (at leaft the primitive
Part of them, the Nobles) under Pompey, and the Com-
mons under Cefar, came to a final Decifion of the long
Quarrels between them. For, I think, the Ambition
of private Men did, by no means, begin, or occafion
this War; although Civil Diffenfions never fail of in-
troducing, and fpiriting the Ambition of private Men,
who thus became, indeed, the great Inftruments for the
deciding of fuch Quarrels, and at laſt are fure to feize
on the Prize. But no Man, who fees a Flock of Vul-
tures hovering over two Armies ready to engage, can
justly charge the Blood drawn in the Battle to them,
although the Carcafies fall to their Share. For, while
the Balance of Power is equally held, the Ambition of
private Men, whether great Commanders or Orators,
giveth neither Danger nor Fear, nor can poffibly en-
ilave their Country; but, That once broken, the di-
vided Parties are forced to unite each to its Head, un-
der whofe Conduct, or Fortune, one Side is, at firft,
victorious, and, at laft, both are Slaves. And, to put
it paft Difpute, that this entire Subverfion of the Ro-
man Liberty and Conftitution, was altogether owing to
thoſe Meaſures which had broke the Balance between
the Patricians and Plebeians; whereof the Ambition of
particular Men, was but an Effect and Confequence;
we need only confider, that, when the uncorrupted Part
of the Senate, had, by the Death of Cefar, made one
great Effort to reſtore their former State and Liberty,
the Succefs did not answer their Hopes; but that whole
Affembly was fo funk in its Authority, that thoſe Pa-
triots were forced to fly, and give way to the Madneſs
of the People; who, by their own Difpofitions, ftirred
up with the Harangues of their Orators, were now
wholly bent upon fingle and defpotick Slavery. Elfe,
how
і
in ATHENS and ROME.
35
how could fuch a Profligate as Antony, or a Boy of
eighteen like Odavius, ever dare to dream of giving
the Law to fuch an Empire and People? Wherein
the latter fucceeded, and entailed the vileft Tyranny
that Heaven, in its Anger, ever inflicted on a corrupt.
and poiſoned People: And this with fo little Appear-
ance, at Cefar's Death, that when Cicero wrote to Bru--
tus, how he had prevailed by his Credit with Octavius,
to promife him (Brutus) Pardon and Security for his
Perfon; that great Roman received the Notice with
the utmoft Indignity, and returned Cicero an Anſwer
(yet upon Record) full of the higheſt Reſentment and
Contempt for fuch an Offer, and from fuch a Hand.
HERE ended all Shew, or Shadow of Liberty in
Rome: Here was the Repofitory of all the wife Con-
tentions and Struggles for Power, between the Nobles
and Commons, lapped up fafely in the Bofom of a
Nero and a Caligula, a Tiberius and a Domitian.
LET us now fee from this Deduction of particular
Impeachments, and general Diffenfions in Greece and
Rome, what Conclufions may naturally be formed for
Inftruction of any other State, that may haply, upon
many Points, labour under the like Circumſtances..
UPC
CHA P. IV.
PON the Subject of Impeachments we may ob-
ferve, that the Cuſtom of accufing the Nobles to
the People, either by themſelves, or their Orators
(now ſtyled, An Impeachment in the name of the Com-
mons) hath been very antient, both in Greece and Rome,
as well as Carthage; and therefore may feem to be
the inherent Right of a free People; nay, perhaps it
is really fo: But then, it is to be confidered, fir, that
this Cuſtom was peculiar to Republicks, or fuch States
where the Adminiſtration lay principally in the Hands
of the Commons; and ever raged more, or lefs, ac-
cording to their Encroachments upon abfolute Power ;
having always been looked upon, by the wifeft Men,
and
32
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
and beft Authors of thofe Times, as an Effect of LE
centioufnefs, and not of Liberty; a Diſtinction which
no Multitude, either reprefented or collective, hath been,
at any time, very nice in obferving. However, per-
haps this Cuftom, in a popular State, of impeaching
particular Men, may feem to be nothing elfe but the
People's chufing, upon Occafion, to exercife their own
Jurifdiction in Perfon; as if a King of England fhould
fit as Chief Juftice in his Court of King's Bench; which,
they fay, in former Times he fometimes did. But,
in Sparta, which was called a kingly Government,
although the People were perfectly free; yet, becauſe
the Adminiftration was in the two Kings, and the
Ephori, (with the Affiftance of the Senate) we read of
no Impeachments by the People; nor was the Procefs
againſt great Men, either upon account of Ambition,
or ill Conduct, although it reached fometimes to Kings
themſelves, ever formed that way, as I can recollect;
but only paffed through thofe Hands where the Admi-
niſtration lay. So likewife, during the regal Govern-
ment in Rome, although it were inftituted a mix'd Mo-
narchy, and the People made great Advances in Pow-
er; yet I do not remember to have read of one Im-
peachment from the Commons againſt a Patrician, un-
til the Confular State began, and the People had made
great Encroachments upon the Adminiſtration.
ANOTHER Thing to be confidered is; that allowing
this Right of Impeachment to be as inherent as they
pleafe; yet, if the Commons have been perpetually
miftaken in the Merits of the Cauſes and the Perfons,
as well as in the Confequences of fuch Impeachments
upon the Peace of the State; we cannot conclude lefs,
than that the Commons in Greece and Rome, (whatever
they may be in other States) were, by no means,
qualified either as Profecutors, or Judges, in fuch Mat-
ters; and therefore, that it would have been prudent,
to referve theſe Privileges dormant, never to be pro-
duced but upon very great and urging Occafions, where
the State is in apparent Danger, the univerfal Body of
the People in Clamours againit the Adminiſtration, and
no
2
:
in ATHENS and ROME.
33
no other Remedy in View. But, for a few popular
Orators, or Tribunes, upon the Score of perfonal Picques;
or to employ the Pride they conceive in ſeeing themſelves at
the Head of a Party; or as a Method for Advancement ;
or moved by certain powerful Arguments, that could make
Demofthenes Philippize: For fuch Men, I fay, when
the State would, of itfelf, gladly be quiet, and hath
beſides Affairs of the laft Importance upon the Anvil;
To impeach Miltiades after a great Naval Victory, for not
purſuing the Perfian Fleet: To impeach Ariftides, the
Perfon moft verfed among them in the Knowledge and Pro-
Etice of their Laws, for a blind Sufpicion of his acting
in an arbitrary Way; that is, as they expound it, not in
concert with the People: To impeach Pericles, after all
his Services, for a few inconfiderable Accompts; or To
impeach Phocion, who had been guilty of no other Crime,
but negotiating a Treaty for the Peace and Security of his
Country: What could the Continuance of fuch Pro-
ceedings end in, but the utter Difcouragement of all
virtuous Actions and Perfons, and confequently in the
Ruin of a State? Therefore, the Hiftorians of thofe
Ages, feldom fail to fet this Matter in all its Lights 3
leaving us the higheſt and moſt honourable Ideas of
thofe Perſons, who fuffered by the Perfecution of the
People, together with the fatal Confequences they
had; and how the Profecutors ſeldom failed to repent
when it was too late.
THESE Impeachments perpetually falling upon
many of the beſt Men, both in Greece and Rome, are a
Cloud of Witneffes, and Examples enough to diſcou-
rage Men of Virtue and Abilities from engaging in the
Service of the Publick; and help, on the other Side,
to introduce the Ambitious, the Covetous, the Super-
ficial, and the Ill-defigning; who are as apt to be bold,
and forward, and meddling, as the former are to be
cautious, and modeft, and referved. This was fo well
known in Greece, that an Eagerness after Employments
in the State, was looked upon by wife Men, as the
wort Title a Man could fet up; and made Plato fay,
That if all Men were as good as they ought; the Quarrel
34
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
Lib. Memorab.
Lib. 11.
in a Commonwealth would be, not es it is now, reka
fhould lo Minifters of State, but who fould not be jo.
And Socrates is introduced by Xene-
phon feverely chiding a Friend of his
for not entering into the publick Service, when he was
every way qualified for it. Such a Backwardneſs there
was at that Time among good Men to engage with an
ufurping People, and a Set of prag-
matical ambitious Orators. And Dio-
dorus telleth us, That when the Petalsm was erected at
Syracufe, in Imitation of the Oftracism at Athens, it
was fo notoriously levelled against all who had either
Birth or Merit to recommend them, that whoever
poffeffed either withdrew for fear, and would have no
Concern in publick Affairs. So that the People
themſelves were forced to abrogate it for fear of
bringing all Things into Confufion.
THERE is one Thing more to be obſerved, where-
in all the popular Impeachments in Greece and Rome
feem to have agreed; and that was a Notion they had
of being concerned in Point of Honour to condemn
whatever Perſon they impeached, however frivolous
the Articles were upon which they began; or how-
ever weak the Surmifes, whereon they were to
proceed in their Proofs. For, to conceive, that the
Body of the People could be miftaken, was an indi-
gnity not to be imagined, until the Confequences had
convinced them when it was pall Remedy.. And, I
look upon this as a Fate to which all popular Accufa-
tions are fubject; although 1 fhould think that the
Saying, 'ox Populi, l'ox Dei, ought to be understood
of the univerfal Bent and Current of a People; not
the bare Majority of a few Reprefentatives; which is
often procured by little Arts, and great Induſtry and
Application; wherein thofe, who engage in the Pur-
fuits of Malice and Revenge, are much more fedulous
than fuch as would prevent them.
FROM what hath been deduced of the Diſſenſions in
Rome, between the two Bodies of Patricians and Ple-
beians, feveral Reflexions may be made.
Firf,
in ATHENS and ROME.
35
Firft, That when the Balance of Power is duly
fixed in a State, nothing is more dangerous and un-
wife than to give way to the first Steps of popular
Encroachments; which is ufually done either in
Hopes of procuring Eafe and Quiet from fome vexa-
tious Clamour; or elfe made merchandize, and merely
bought and pl. This is breaking into a Conftitution
to ferve a prefent Expedient, or fupply a prefent Exi-
gency: The Remedy of an Empyrick to file the pre-
fent Pain, but with certain Profpect of fudden and
terrible Returns. When a Child groweth eafy and
content by being humoured; and when a Lover be-
cometh fatisfied by fmall Compliances, without further
Purfuits; then expect to find popular Affemblies con-
tent with fmall Conceffions. If there could one fingle
Example be brought from the whole Compafs of Hi-
flory, of any one popular Aflembly, who after begin-
ning to contend for Power, ever fat down quietly
with a certain Share: Or, if one Initance could be
produced of a popular Aflembly, that ever knew, or
propofed, or declared what Share of Power was their
due; then might there be fome Hopes that it were a
Matter to be adjufted by Reafonings, by Conferences,
or Debates: But fince all that is manifeftly otherwife,
I fce no other Courfe to be taken in a fettled State,
than a fleadv conftant Refolution in thofe to whom
the rest of the Balance is entrusted, never to give
way fo far to popular Clamours, as to make the leaft
Breach in the Conftitution; through which a Million
of Abufes and Encroachments will certainly, in Time,
force their Way.
AGAIN, from this Deduction, it will not be diffi-
cult to gather and aflign certain Marks of popular
Encroachments; by obferving of which thoſe who
hold the Balance in a State, may judge of the De-
grees, and, by early Remedies and Application, put a
ftop to the fatal Confequences that would otherwiſe
enfue. What thofe Marks are, hath been at large
deduced, and need not be here repeated.
ANOTHER
36
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
ANOTHER Confequence is this, That (with all Re-
ſpect for popular Affemblies be it fpoke) it is hard to
recollect one Folly, Infirmity, or Vice, to which a
fingle Man is fubjected, and from which a Body of
Commons either collective or reprefented can be whol-
ly exempt. For, befides that they are compofed of Men
with all their Infirmities about them; they have alſo
the ill Fortune to be generally led and influenced by
the very worst among themſelves: I mean popular
Orators, Tribunes; or, as they are now ſtyled, Great
Speakers, Leading. Men, and the like. From whence it
cometh to pass, that in their Refults we have fome-
times found the fame Spirit of Cruelty and Revenge,
of Malice and Pride; the fame Blindneſs and Obiti-
nacy, and Unſteadineſs; the fame ungovernable Rage
and Anger; the fame Injuftice, Sophiftry and Fraud,
that ever lodged in the Breaft of any Individual.
AGAIN, In all free States the Evil to be avoided
is Tyranny; that is to fay, the Summa Imperii, or un-
limited Power folely in the Hands of the One, the
Few, or the Many Now, we have fhewn, that al-
though moſt Revolutions of Government in Greece
and Rome began with the Tyranny of the People, yet
they generally concluded in that of a fingle Perfon.
So that an ufurping Populace is its own Dupe; a mere
Underworker, and a Purchaſer in truft for fome
fingle Tyrant; whofe State and Power they advance
to their own Ruin, with as blind an Inſtinct, as thoſe
Worms that die with weaving magnificent Habits for
Beings of a fuperior Nature to their own.
CHA P. V.
OME Reflexions upon the late publick Proceed-
ings among us, and that Variety of Factions, into
which we are ſtill fo intricately engaged, gave Occafi-
on to this Difcourfe. I am not confcious that I have
forced
in ATHENS and RO ME.
37
forced one Example, or put it into any other Light
than it appeared to me, long before I had Thoughts
of producing it.
I cannot conclude without adding fome particular
Remarks upon the prefent Pofture of Affairs, and
Difpofitiens in this Kingdom.
THE Fate of Empire is grown a common Place:
That all Forms of Government having been inftitu-
ted by Men, muſt be mortal like their Authors, and
have their Periods of Duration limited, as well as thofe
of private Perfons; this is a Truth of vulgar Know-
ledge and Obfervation. But there are few who turn
their Thoughts to examine how theſe Diſeaſes in a
State are bred, that haften its End; which would,
however, be a very uſeful Inquiry. For, although we
cannot prolong the Period of a Commonwealth be-
yond the Decree of Heaven, or the Date of its Nature,
any more than human Life, beyond the Strength of
the feminal Virtue; yet we may manage a fickly Con-
fiitution, and preferve a ſtrong one; we may watch
and prevent Accidents; we may turn off a great
Blow from without, and purge away an ill humour
that is lurking within: And by thefe and other fuch
Methods, render a ftate long-lived, although not
immortal. Yet fome Phyficians have thought, that, if
it were poffible to keep the feveral Humours of the
Body, in an exact equal Balance of each with its op-
pofite, it might be immortal; and fo perhaps would
a political Body, if the Balance of Power could be
always held exactly even. But I doubt, this is al-
moft as impoffible in the Practice as the other.
IT hath an Appearance of Fatality, and that the
Period of a State approacheth, when a Concurrence
of many Circumftances, both within and without, u-
nite towards its Ruin; while the whole Body of the
People are either ftupidly negligent, or elfe giving in
with all their Might, to thofe very Practices that are
working their Deftruction. To fee whole Bodies of
Men breaking a Conftitution by the very fame Errors
that fo many have been broke before. To obferve
VOL. I.
oppofite
E
38
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
oppofite Parties, who can agree in nothing elſe, yet
firmly united in fuch Meaſures as muft certainly ruin
their Country: In fhort, to be encompaſſed with the
greatest Dangers from without; to be torn by many
virulent Factions within; then to be fecure and fenfe-
Jeſs under all this, and to make it the very leaſt of our
Concern: Theſe, and fome others that might be na-
med, appear to me to be the moſt likely Symptoms in
a State of a Sickness unto Death.
Quod procul a nobis fictat Fortuna gubernans ;
Et ratio potius, quam res perfuadeat ipfa.
Lucr
THERE are fome Conjunctures wherein the Death or
Diffolution of Government is more lamentable in its
Confequences than it would be in others. And, I
think, a State can never arrive to its Period in a more
deplorable Criſis, than at a Time when fome Prince in
the Neighbourhood, of vaft Power and Ambition, lieth
hovering like a Vulture, to devour, or at leaſt diſmem-
ber its dying Carcass by which Means, it becometh
only a Province or Acquifition to fome mighty Mo-
narchy, without Hopes of a Refurrection.
I know very well there is a Set of fanguine Tem-
pers, who deride and ridicule in the Number of Fop-
peries, all fuch Apprehenfions as thefe. They have it
ready in their Mouths, that the People of England are
of a Genius and Temper, never to admit Slavery a-
mong them; and they are furniſhed with a great ma-
ny common Places upon that Subject. But it feemeth
to me, that fuch Difcourfers do reafon upon fhort Views,
and a very moderate Compafs of Thought. For, I
think it a great Error to count upon the Genius of a
Nation as a standing Argument in all Ages; fince
there is hardly a Spot of Ground in Europe, where the
Inhabitants have not frequently and entirely changed
their Temper and Genius. Neither can I fee any
Reafon, why the Genius of a Nation ſhould be more
fixed in the Point of Government, than in their Mo-
rals, their Learning, their Religion, their common
Humour
in ATHENS and ROME.
39-
Humour and Converfation, their Diet and their Com-
plexion; which do all notorioufly vary, almoft in e-
very Age; and may, every one of them, have great
Effects upon Mens Notions of Government.
SINCE the Norman Conqueft, the Balance of Power
in England hath often varied, and fometimes been
wholly overturned: The Part which the Commons
had in it, that most disputed Point in its Original, Pro-
greſs, and Extent, was, by their own Confeffions, but
a very inconfiderable Share. Generally fpeaking, they
have been gaining ever fince, although with frequent
Interruptions, and flow Progrefs. The aboliſhing of
Villanage, together with the Cuftom introduced (or
permitted) among the Nobles of felling their Lands in
the Reign of Henry VII. was a mighty Addition to
the Power of the Commons; yet I think a much
greater happened in the Time of his Succeffor, at the
Diffolution of the Abbeys: For this turned the Clergy
wholly out of the Scale, who had fo long filled it;
and placed the Commons in their Stead: who in a few
Years became poſſeſſed of vaſt Quantities of thoſe and
other Lands, by Grant or Purchaſe. About the
Middle of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, I take the Power
between the Nobles and the Commons, to have been
in more cqual Balance than it was ever before or
fince. But, then, or ſoon after, aroſe a Faction in
England; which, under the Name of Puritan, began
to grow popular, by molding up their new Schemes
of Religion with Republican Principles in Government;
who gaining upon the Prerogative, as well as the
Nobles, under feveral Denominations, for the Space
of about fixty Years, did at laſt overthrow the Ĉon-
ſtitution; and, according to the uſual Courſe of ſuch
Revolutions, did introduce a Tyranny, firft of the
People, and then of a ſingle Perfon.
IN a fhort Time after the old Government was re-
vived. But the Progrefs of Affairs for almoſt thirty
Years, under the Reigns of two weak Princes, is a
Subject of a very different Nature; when the Balance
was in danger to be overturned by the Hands that
E 2
held
40
CONTESTS and DISSENSION9
held it; which was, at laft, very feafonably prevented
by the late Revolution. However, as it is the Talent
of human Nature to run from one Extreme to an-
other; fo, in a very few Years, we have made mighty
Leaps from prerogative Heights into the Depth of
Popularity; and, I doubt, to the very lail Degree that
our Conflitution will bear. It were to be wifhed, that
the most auguft Affembly of the Commons, would pleaſe
to form a Pandect of their own Power and Privileges, to
be confirmed by the entire legislative Authority; and
that in as folemn a Manner (if they pleafe) as the
Magna Charta. But to fix one Foot of their Compafs
where-ever they think fit, and extend the other to fuch
terrible Lengths, without defcribing any Circumfe-
rence at all; is to leave us, and themſelves, in a very
uncertain State, and in a fort of Rotation, that the Au-
thor of the Oceana never dream'd on. I believe the
moſt hardy Tribune will not venture to affirm, at pre-
fent, that any juft Fears of Encroachment are given us
from the regal Power, or the Few: And, is it then
impoffible to err on the other Side? How far muft we
proceed? Or where ſhall we ſtop? The Raging of the
Sca, and the Madness of the People, are put together
in holy Writ: and it is God alone, who can fay to
either, Hitherto halt thou pafs, and no farther.
THE Balance of Power, in a limited State, is of
fuch abfolute Neceffity, that Cromwell himſelf, before
he had perfectly confirmed his Tyranny; having fome
Occafions for the Appearance of a Parliament, was for-
ced to create and erect an entire new Houſe of Lords,
(fuch as it was) for a Counterpoiſe to the Commons.
And indeed confidering the Vileness of the Clay, I
have fometimes wondered, that no Tribune of that
Age, durft ever venture to aſk the Potter,. What doft
thou make? But it was then about the laft Act of a
popular Ufurpation; and Fate, or Cromwell had al-
ready prepared them for that of a fingle Perfon.
I have been often amazed at the rude, paffionate
and miſtaken Reſults, which have, at certain times, fal-
len from great Affemblies, both antient and modern ;
and
in ATHENS and ROME.
41
and of other Countries as well as our own. This gave
me the Opinion I mentioned a while ago; that publick
Conventions are liable to all the Infirmities, Follies,
and Vices of private Men. To which, if there be any
Exception, it muſt be of fuch Affemblies, who act by
univerfal Concert, upon publick Principles, and for publick
Ends; fuch as proceed upon Debates without unbeco-
ming Warmth, or Influence from particular Leaders and
Inflamers; fuch, whofe Members, inftead of canvaffing
to procure Majorities for their private Opinions, are rea-
dy to comply with general fober Reſults, although contrary
to their own Sentiments. Whatever Aſſemblies act by
theſe, and other Methods of the like Nature, muſt be
allowed to be exempt from ſeveral Imperfections, to
which particular Men are fubjected. But I think,
the Source of moft Miftakes and Mifcarriages, in Mat--
ters debated by publick Affemblies, arifeth from the
Influence of private Perfons upon great Numbers ;-
ſtyled in common Phraſe leading Men and Parties. And
therefore, when we fometimes meet a few Words put
together, which is called the Vote, or Refolution of an
Aſſembly, and which we cannot poffibly reconcile to
Prudence or publick Good; it is moſt charitable to con-
jecture, that fuch a Vote hath been conceived, and
born and bred in a private Brain; afterwards raiſed and
fupported by an obfequious Party; and then, with ufu-
al Methods confirmed by an artificial Majority.. For,
let us fuppofe five hundred Men, mixed, in point of
Senfe and Honeſty, as ufually Affemblies are; and
let us ſuppoſe theſe Men propofing, debating, reſol-
ving, voting, according to the mere natural Motions of
their own little, or much Reafon and Understanding; I
do allow, that Abundance of indigefted and abortive,
many pernicious and fooliſh Overtures would arife, and
float a few Minutes; but then they would die, and
diſappear. Becauſe, this muſt be faid in behalf of
human Kind; that common Senfe, and plain Reafon,
while Men are difengaged from acquired Opinions, will
ever have fome general Influence upon their Minds :
Whereas, the Species of Folly and Vice are infinite,
E 3
and
42
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
and fo different in every Individual, that they could
never procure a Majority, if other Corruptions did not:
enter to pervert Mens Underſtandings, and mifguide
their Wills.
To deſcribe how Parties are bred in an Aſſembly,
would be a Work too difficult at preſent, and perhaps.
not altogether fafe. Periculofa plenum opus alee. Whe-
ther thoſe who are Leaders, ufually arrive at that Sta-
tion, more by a Sort of Instinct, or fecret Compoſition.
of their Nature, or Influence of the Stars, than by the
Poffeffion of any great Abilities; may be a Point of
much Difpute: But, when the Leader is once fixed,.
there will never fail to be Followers. And Man is fo
apt to imitate, ſo much of the Nature of Sheep, (Imi-
tatores, fervum Pecus) that, whoever is fo bold to give
the first great Leap over the Heads of thofe about him,
(although he be the worst of the Flock) fhall be quick-
ly followed by the reft. Befides, when Parties are once
formed, the Stragglers look fo ridiculous, and become
fo infignificant, that they have no other Way, but to
run into the Herd, which, at leaft, will hide and pro-
tect them; and where, to be much confidered, requir-
eth only to be very violent.
BUT there is one Circumftance, with relation to
Parties, which I take to be, of all others, molt perni-
cious in a State; and I would be glad any Partizan
would help me to a tolerable Reaſon, that, becauſe Clo-
dius and Curio happen to agree with me in a few fin-
gular Notions, I must therefore blindly follow them in
all: Or, to ftate it at beft, that, becauſe Bibulus, the
Party-Man, is perfuaded that Clodius and Curio do
really propoſe the Good of their Country, as their
chief End; therefore Bibulus fhall be wholly guided
and governed by them, in the Means and Meaſures
towards it. It is enough for Bibulus, and the rest of
the Herd to ſay, without further examining, I am of.
the Side with Clodius, or I vote with Curio: Are theſe
proper Methods to form and make up what they
think ne to call the united Wiſdom of the Nation? Is it
not poffible, that, upon fome Occafions,. Clodius may
he
in ATHENS and ROME.
43
be bold and infolent, borne away by his Paffion, mali-
cious and revengeful; that Curio may be corrupt, and
expoſe to Sale his Tongue, or his Pen. I conceive it
far below the Dignity, both of human Nature, and
human Reaſon, to be engaged in any Party, the moſt
plauſible foever, upon fuch fervile Conditions.
THIS Influence of One upon Many, which feemeth to
be as great in a People repreſented, as it was of old in
the Commons collective, together with the Confequen-
ces it hath had upon the Legiſlature; hath given me
frequent Occafion to reflect upon what Diodorus telleth
us of one Charondas, a Lawgiver to the Sybarites, an
antient People of Italy; who was fo averſe from all
Innovation, eſpecially when it was to proceed from.
particular Perfons; and, I fuppofe, that he might put
it out of the Power of Men, fond of their own Notions,
to diſturb the Conftitution at their Pleaſures, by ad-
vancing private Schemes; as to provide a Statute, that,
whoever propofed any Alteration to be made, fhould
ſtep out, and do it with a Rope about his Neck: If
the Matter propoſed were generally approved, then it
ſhould pass into a Law; if it went in the Negative,
the Propoſer to be immediately hanged. Great Mini-
fters may talk of what Projects they pleafe; but I am
deceived, if a more effectual one could ever be found,
for taking off (as the prefent Phrafe is) thofe hot un-
quiet Spirits, who diſturb Aiſemblies, and obſtruct
blick Affairs, by gratifying their Pride, their Malice,
their Ambition, their Vanity, or their Avarice.
pu-
THOSE who, in a late Reign, began the Distinction
between the perfonal and political Capacity, feem to
have had Reaſon, if they judged of Princes by them-
felves: For, I think, there is hardly to be found, through
all Nature, a greater Difference between two Things,
than there is between a reprefenting Commoner, in the
Function of his publick Caling, and the fame Perfon,
when he acteth in the common Offices of Life. Here,
be alloweth himſelf to be upon a Level with the reit of
Mortals Here, he folioweth his own Reafon, and his
awn Way; and rather affecieth a Singularity in his Acti,
Ons
44
CONTESTS and DISSENSIONS
ons and Thoughts, than fervilely to copy either from
the wifeft of his Neighbours. In fhort, here his Folly,
and his Wiſdom, his Reaſon, and his Paffions, are all
of his own Growth; not the Eccho, or Infuſion of other
Men. But, when he is got near the Walls of his Affem-
bly, he affumeth, and affecteth an entire Set of very dif-
ferent Airs; he conceiveth himſelf a Being of a fuperior
Nature to thoſe without, and acting in a Sphere where
the vulgar Methods for the Conduct of human Life,
can be of no Ufe. He is lifted in a Party, where he
neither knows the Temper, nor Deſigns, nor perhaps
the Perſon of his Leader; but whofe Opinion he fol-
loweth and maintaineth, with a Zeal and Faith as vio-
lent, as a young Scholar does thofe of a Philofopher,
whofe Sect he is taught to profefs. He hath neither
Opinions, nor Thoughts, nor Actions, nor Talk, that he
can call his own; but all conveyed to him by his Lead-
er, as Wind is through an Organ. The Nourishment he
receiveth hath not been only chewed, but digested, be-
fore it cometh into his Mouth. Thus inftructed, he
followeth his Party, right or wrong, through all its Sen-
timents; and acquireth a Courage, and Stiffneſs of
Opinion, not at all congenial with him.
THIS encourageth me to hope, that, during the pre-
fent lucid Interval, the Members retired to their Homes,
may fufpend a while their acquired Complexions; and,
taught by the Calmnefs of the Scene, and the Seafon,
re-affume the Sedatenefs of their Temper. If this
fhould be fo, it would be wife in them, as individual
and private Mortals, to look back a little upon the
Storms they have raid, as well as thofe they have
efaped: To reflect, that they have been Authors of a
new and wonderful Thing in England, which is, for a
Houfe of Commons to lofe the univerfal Favour of
the Numbers they reprefent: To obferve, how thoſe
whom they the ght fit to perfecute for Righteouſneſs
Sake, have been openly careffed by the People; and to
remember, how themfelves fat in fear of their Perfons
from popular Rage. Now, if they would know the
Secret of all thele unprecedented Proceedings in their
Mafers
in ATHENS and ROME.
45
Mefiers; they must not impute it to their Freedom in
Debate, or declaring their Opinions; but to that un-
parliamentary Abuſe of fetting Individuals upon their
Shoulders, who were hated by God and Man. For,
it feemeth, the Mafs of the People, in fuch Conjun-
&lures as this, have opened their Eyes, and will not
endure to be governed by Caius and Curio, at the
Head of their Myrmidons; although thefe be ever fo
numerous, and compofed of their own Repreſentatives.
THIS Averfion of the People againit the late Pro-
ceedings of the Commons, is an Accident, that if it
laft a while, might be improved to good Ufes for fet-
ting the Balance of Power a little more upon an Equa-
lity, than their late Mealures feem to promife or ad-
mit. This Accident may be imputed to two Caufes.
The firit is, an univerfal Fear and Apprehenfion of the
Greatnefs, and Power of France, whereof the People in
general feem to be very much, and juftly poffefled;
and therefore cannot but refent to fee it, in fo critical a
Juncture wholly laid afide by their Minifters, the Com-
mons. The other Caufe is, a great Love and Senfe
of Gratitude in the People towards their prefent King;
grounded upon a long Opinion and Experience of
his Merit, as well as Conceffions to all their reafon-
able Defires; ſo that it is for fome Time they have
begun to ſay, and to fetch Inſtances where he hath, in
many Things, been hardly uſed. How long thofe Hu-
mours may laft, (for Paffions are momentary, and eſpe-
cially thofe of a Multitude) or what Confequences they
may produce, a little Time will difcover. But, when-
ever it cometh to pals, that a popular Aſſembly, free
from fuch Obftructions, and already potiefled of more
Power, than an equal Balance will allow, thall con-
tinue to think they have not enough; but by cramping
the Hand that holdeth the Balance, and by Impeach-
ments, or Diffenfions with the Nobles, endeavour ſtill
for more: I cannot polibly fee, in the common Courſe
of Things, how the lane Caufes can produce different
Effects and Confequences among us, from what they
did in Greece and Rome.
A
A
MEDITATION
UPON A
BROOM-STICK:
ACCORDING TO
The Style and Manner of the Honourable.
ROBERT BOYLE'S Meditations.
Written in the YEAR 1703.
TH
HIS fingle Stick, which you now behold in-
gloriously lying in that neglected Corner, I
once knew in a flourishing State in a Fo-
reft: It was full of Sap, full of Leaves, and full
of Boughs: But now, in vain docs the bufy Art of
Man pretend to vye with Nature, by tying that wi-
thered Bundle of Twigs to its faplefs Trunk: It is now
at beit but the reverfe of what it was; a Tree turned
upfide down, the Branches on the Earth, and the Root
in the Air: It is now handled by every dirty Wench,
condemned to do her Drudgery; and by a capricious
Kind of Fate, deftined to make other Things clean,
and be nafty itſelf. At length, worn to the Stumps
in the Service of the Maids, it is either thrown out
of Doors, or condemned to the laft Ufe of kindling
a Fire. When I beheld this, I fighed, and faid within
my felf,
48
A MEDITATION, &c.
myſelf, SURELY MORTAL MAN IS A BROOMSTICK;
Nature fent him into the World ftrong and lufty, in
a thriving Condition, wearing his own Hair on his
Head, the proper Branches of this reafoning Vegetable;
until the Ax of Intemperance hath lopped off his green
Boughs, and left him a withered Trunk: he then fieth
to Art, and putteth on a Perrizig; valuing himſelf up-
on an unnatural Bundle of Hairs, all covered with
Powder, that never grew on his Head: But now,
fhould this our Broomfiick pretend to enter the Scene,
proud of thoſe Birchen Spoils it never bore, and all co-
vered with Duft, although the Sweepings of the fineſt
Lady's Chamber; we fhould be apt to ridicule and
deſpiſe its Vanity. Partial Judges that we are of our
own Excellencies, and other Mens Defaults!
BUT a Broomstick, perhaps you will fay, is an Em-
blem of a Tree ſtanding on its Head; and pray what
is Man but a topsy-turvy Creature? his animal Facul-
ties perpetually mounted on his rational, his Head
where his Heels fhould be, groveling on the Earth.
And yet, with all his Faults, he fetteth up to be an
univerfal Reformer and Corrector of Abuſes; a Re-
mover of Grievances; raketh into every Slut's Corner
of Nature, bringing hidden Corruptions to the Light,
and raiſeth a mighty Duft where there was none before;
fharing deeply all the while in the very fame Polluti-
ons he pretendeth to fweep away. His last Days are
ſpent in Slavery to Women, and generally the leaft de-
ferving; until worn to the Stumps, like his Brother
Befom, he is either kicked out of Doors, or made uſe
of to kindle Flames for others to warm themſelves
by.
THE
THE
SENTIMENTS
OF A
Church-of-England-Man,
With Reſpect to
RELIGION and GOVERNMENT.
WH
Written in the YEAR 1708.
HOEVER hath examined the Conduct
and Proceedings of both Parties for fome
Years paſt, whether in or out of Power,
cannot well conceive it poffible to go far towards the
Extremes of either, without offering fome violence to
his Integrity or Underſtanding. A wife and good.
Man may indeed be fometimes induced to comply with
a Number, whoſe Opinion he generally approveth,
although it be perhaps against his own. But this Li-
berty thould be made ufe of upon very few Occafions,
and thoſe of ſmall Importance, and then only with a
View of bringing over his own Side another Time to
fomething of greater and more publick Moment. But
to facrifice the Innocency of a Friend, the Good of
our Country, or our own Confcience, to the Humour,
or Paffion, or Intereft, of a Party; plainly fhews, that
either our Heads or our Hearts are not as they ſhould
be: Yet this very Practice is the fundamental Law
of each Faction among us; as may be obvious to
VOL. 1.
F
any
50
The SENTIMENTS of a
:
any who will impartially, and without Engagement,
be at the Pains to examine their Actions; which,
however, is not ſo eaſy a Taſk For it feemeth a
Principle in human Nature, to incline one Way more
than another, even in Matters where we are wholly
unconcerned. And it is a common obfervation, that
in reading a Hiftory of Facts done a thousand Years
ago; or ſtanding by a Play among thofe who are per-
fect Strangers to us, we are apt to find our Hopes and
Wiſhes engaged on a fudden in favour of one Side
more than another. No Wonder then; that we are
all fo ready to intereft ourſelves in the Courfe of pu-
blick Affairs; where the moft inconfiderable have fome
real Share, and, by the wonderful Importance which
every Man is of to himſelf, a very great imaginary one.
AND indeed when the two Parties that divide the
whole Commonwealth, come once to a Rupture, with-
out any Hopes left of forming a Third with better
Principles, to balance the others; it feemeth every
Man's Duty to chufe one of the two Sides, although
he cannot entirely approve of either; and all Pretences
to Neutrality are justly exploded by both, being too
ftale and obvious; only intending the Safety and Eaſe
of a few Individuals, while the Publick is embroiled.
This was the Opinion and Practice of the latter Cato,
whom I eſteem to have been the wifeft and best of all
the Romans. But before Things proceed to open Vio-
lence, the trueſt Service a private Man may hope to
do his Country, is by unbyafling his Mind as much as
poſſible, and then endeavouring to moderate between
the Rival Powers, which must needs be owned a fair
Proceeding with the World; becauſe, it is of all others
the leaft confiflent with the common Deſign of making
a Fortune by the Merit of an Opinion.
I have gone as far as I am able in qualifying myfelf
to be fuch a Moderator: I believe, I am no Bigot in
Religion; and I am fure, I am none in Government.
I converfe in full Freedom with many confiderable
Men of both Parties; and if not in equal Number, it
is purely accidental and perfonal, as happening to be
near
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
near the Court, and to have made Acquaintance there,
more under one Ministry than another. Then, I am
not under the Neceffity of declaring my felf by the
Profpect of an Employment. And lastly, if all this
be not fufficient, I induftrioufly conceal my Name;
which wholly exempts me from any Hopes and Fears
in delivering my Opinion.
In confequence of this free Ufe of my Reafon, I
cannot poffibly think fo well or fo ill of either Party, as
they would endeavour to perfuade the World of each
other, and of themfelves. For instance; I do not
charge it upon the Body of the Whigs, or the Tories,
that their feveral Principles lead them to introduce Pre-
ſbytery, and the Religion of the Church of Rome, or a
Commonwealth, and arbitrary Power. For, why
fhould any Party be accufed of a Principle which they
folemnly difown and protest againtt? But, to this they
have a mutual Anfwer ready; they both affure us,
that their Adverfaries are not to be believed; that
they difown their Principles out of Fear; which are
manifeſt enough when we examine their Practices.
To prove this, they will produce Inlance, on one
Side, either of avowed Prefbyterians, or Perfons of
libertine and atheistical Tencts; and, on the other, of
profeffed Papins, or fuch as are openly in the Intereft
of the abdicated Family. Now, it is very natural for
all fubordinate Sects and Derorinations in a State, to
fide with fome general Party, and to chufe that which
they find to agree with themselves in fonte general
Principle. Thus at the Roration, the Projiyterians,
Anabaptifs. Independents, and other Sects, did all with
very good Reaſon unite and folder up their ſeveral
Schemes to join against the Church; who, without re-
gard to their Diftinctions, treated them all as equal
Adverfaries. Thus our prefent Diffenters do very na-
turally clofe in with the Whigs, who profefs Modera-
tion, declare they abhor all Thoughts of Perfecution,
and think it hard, that thofe who differ only in a few
Ceremonies and Speculations, thould be denied the Pri-
vilege and Profit of ferving their Country in the higheſt
Employments
F 2
52
The SENTIMENTS of a
Employments of State. Thus, the Atheifts, Liber-
tines, Defpifers of Religion and Revelation in general;
that is to fay, all thoſe who uſually pafs under the
Name of Frec-thinkers, do properly join with the
fame Body; becauſe they likewife preach up Modera-
tion, and are not fo over nice to diſtinguiſh between
an unlimited Liberty of Confcience, and an unlimited
Freedom of Opinion. Then, on the other Side, the
profeffed Firmness of the Tories for Epifcopacy, as an
apoftolical Inftitution; their Averfion from thofe Sects
who lie under the Reproach of having once deftroyed
their Conftitution, and who they imagine, by too in-
difcreet a Zeal for Reformation, have defaced the pri-
mitive Model of the Church; next their Veneration
for monarchical Government in the common Courfe of
Succeffion, and their Hatred to Republican Schemes.
Theſe, I fay, are Principles which not only the Non-
juring Zealots profefs, but even Papifts themſelves fall
readily in with. And every Extreme here mentioned,
flings a general Scandal upon the whole Body it pre-
tendeth to adhere to.
BUT furely no Man whatever ought in Juftice or
good Manners to be charged with Principles he actually
difowns, unleſs his Practices do openly, and without
the leaſt Room for doubt, contradict his Profeffion :
Not upon fmall Surmifes, or becauſe he has the Mif-
fortune to have ill Men fometimes agree with him in
a few general Sentiments. However, although the
Extremes of 11 big and Tory feem with little Juilice to
have drawn Religion into their Controverfies, wherein
they have ſmall Concern; yet they have both borrowed
one leading Principle from the Abuſe of it; which is,
to have built their ſeveral Systems of political Faith,
not upon Inquiries after Truth, but upon Oppofition
to each other, upon injurious Appellations, charging
their Adverfaries with horrid Opinions, and then
reproaching them for the Want of Charity, Et neuter
faljo.
In order to remove theſe Prejudices, I have thought
nothing could be more effectual than to defcribe the
Sentiments
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
53
Sentiments of a Church-of-England-Man with refpect
to Religion and Government.
This I fhall endeavour
to do in fuch a Manner as may be liable to the leaft
Objection from either Party; and which I am confi-
dent would be affented to by great Numbers in both,
if they were not mifled to thofe mutual Mifreprefen-
tations, by fuch Motives as they would be aihamed
to own.
I fhall begin with Religion.
AND here, although it maketh an odd Sound, yet it
is neceffary to fay, that whoever profeffeth himſelf a
Member of the Church of England, ought to believe a
God, and his Providence, together with revealed Re-
ligion, and the Divinity of Chrift. For, beide thoſe
many thouſands, who (to fpeak in the Phrafe of Di-
vines) do practically deny all this by the Immorality
of their Lives; there is no fmall Number, who, in their
Converfation and Writings directly, or by Confequence,
endeavour to overthrow it: yet all thefe place them-
felves in the Lift of the National Church; although
at the fame Time (as it is highly reafonable) they are
great Sticklers for Liberty of Confcience.
To enter upon particulars: A Church-of-England-
Man hath a true Veneration for the Scheme established
among us of Ecclefiaftical Government: and although
he will not determine whether Epifcopacy be of di-
vine Right, he is fure it is molt agreeable to primitive
Inftitution; fittelt, of all others, for preferving Order
and Purity, and under its prefent Regulations, belt
calculated for our civil State; he thould therefore
think the Abolishment of that Order among us,
would prove a mighty Scandal and Corruption to our
Faith, and manifeftly dangerous to our Monarchy;
nay, he would defend it by Arms against all the
Powers on Earth, except our own Leg.ture; in
which Cafe he would fubmit as to a general Cala-
mity, a Dearth, or a Petlilence.
As to Rites and Ceremonies, and Forms of Prayer,
he allows there might be fome ufeful. Alterac ons; and
more, which in the Profpect of uniting Chuthans
F 3
might
54
The SENTIMENTS of a
might be very ſupportable, as Things declared in their
own Nature indifferent; to which he therefore would
readily comply, if the Clergy, or (although this be not
fo fair a Method) if the Legiſlature ſhould direct: Yet,
at the fame time he cannot altogether blame the
former for their Unwillingness to confent to any Al-
teration; which, befide the Trouble, and perhaps Dif-
grace, would certainly never produce the good Effects
intended by it. The only Condition that could make
it prudent, and juft for the Clergy to comply in al-
tering the Ceremonial, or any other indifferent Part,
would be a firm Refolution in the Legiſlature, to in-
terpoſe by fome ftrict and effectual Laws, to prevent
the rifing and fpreading of new Sects, how plauſible
foever, for the future; elfe there must never be an
End: And it would be to act like a Man, who ſhould
pull down and change the Ornaments of his Houſe,
in Compliance to every one who was difpofed to find
fault as he paffed by; which, befides the perpetual
Trouble and Expence, would very much damage,
and perhaps in time deftroy the Building. Sects, in
a State, feem only tolerated, with any Reafon, becauſe
they are already ſpread; and becauſe it would not be
agreeable with fo mild a Government, or fo pure a
Religion as ours, to ufe violent Methods againſt great
Numbers of miftaken People, while they do not mani-
But the
feftly endanger the Conftitution of either.
greateſt Advocates for general Liberty of Conſcience,
will allow that they ought to be checked in their Be-
ginnings, if they will allow them to be an Evil at all;
or, which is the fame Thing, if they will only grant,
it were better for the Peace of the State, that there
fhould be none. But, while the Clergy confider the
natural Temper of Mankind in general, or of our own
Country in particular; what Affurances can they have,
that any Compliances they fhall make, will remove
the Evil of Diffenfion, while the Liberty ſtill continueth
of profefling whatever new Opinions we pleaſe? Or,
how can it be imagined, that the Body of diffenting
Teachers,
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-Man.
55
Teachers, who must be all undone by fuch a Revolu-
tion, will not caſt about ſome new Objection to with-
hold their Flocks, and draw in freſh Profelytes by
fome further Innovations or Refinements.
UPON thefe Reafons, he is for tolerating fuch dif
ferent Forms in religious Worſhip, as are already ad-
mitted; but, by no means, for leaving it in the Pow-
er of thoſe who are tolerated, to advance their own
Models upon the Ruin of what is already eſtabliſhed
which it is natural for all Sects to defire, and which
they cannot jullify by any confiftent Principles, if
they do not endeavour; and yet, which they cannot
fucceed in, without the utmost Danger to the publick
Peace.
To prevent thefe Inconveniencies, he thinketh it
highly juft, that all Rewards of Truft, Profit, or Di-
gnity, which the State leaveth in the Diſpoſal of the
Adminiſtration, ſhould be given only to thoſe, whoſe
Principles direct them to preferve the Conftitution in
all its Parts. In the late Affair of occafional Conformi-
ty, the general Argument of thoſe who were againſt
it, was not, to deny it an Evil in itfelf, but that the
Remedy propofed was violent, untimely, and impro-
per; which is the * Bishop of Saliſbury's Opinion, in
the Speech he made and publiſhed againſt the Bill :
But, however juft their Fears, or Complaints might
have been upon that Score, he thinketh it a little too
grofs, and precipitate to employ their Writers already,
in Arguments for repealing the Sacramental Teft,
upon no wiſer a Maxim, than that no Man ſhould,
on the account of Confcience, be deprived the Li-
berty of ferving his Country; a Topick which may
be equally applied to admit Papifts, Atheijls, Mabo-
metans, Heathens, and Jews. If the Chuch wanteth
Members of its own to employ in the Service of the
Publick; or be fo unhappily contrived, as to ex-
clude, from its Communion, fuch Perfons who are
likelicft
• Dr. BURNET.
58
The SENTIMENTS of a
likelieft to have great Abilities; it is time it ſhould
be altered and reduced into fome more perfect, or, at
leaft, more popular Form: But, in the mean while,
it is not altogether improbable, that when thofe, who
diflike the Conftitution, are fo very zealous in their
Offers for the Service of their Country, they are not
wholly unmindful of their Party, or of themſelves.
THE Dutch, whofe Practice is ſo often quoted to
prove and celebrate the great Advantages of a general
Liberty of Confcience, have yet a national Religion
profeffed by all who bear Office among them: But
why ſhould they be a Precedent for us, either in Re-
ligion or Government? Our Country differeth from
theirs, as well in Situation, Soil, and Productions of
Nature, as in the Genius and Complexion of Inha-
bitants. They are a Commonwealth founded on a
fudden, by a deſperate Attempt in a defperate Con-
dition, not formed or digefted into a regular Syftem,
by mature Thought and Reafon, but huddled up un-
der the Preffure of fudden Exigencies; calculated for
no long Duration, and hitherto fubfifting by Acci-
dent in the Midit of contending Powers, who cannot
yet agree about ſharing it amongst them. Thefe Dif-
ficulties do, indeed, preferve them from any great
Corruptions, which their crazy Conftitution would
extremely fubject them to in a long Peace. That
Confluence of People, in a perfecuting Age, to a
Place of Refuge nearest at Hand, put them upon the
Neceffity of Trade, to which they wifely gave all
Eafe and Encouragement: And, if we could think
fit to imitate them in this laft Particular, there would
need no more to invite Foreigners among us; who
ſeem to think no farther, than how to fecure their
Property and Confcience, without projecting any
Share in that Government which gives them Pro-
tection; or calling it Perfecution, if it be denied them.
But I speak it for the Honour of our Adminiftra-
tion; that although our Seas are not fo numerous
as thofe in Helland; which, I prefume, is not our
Fault, and I wiſh may not be our Misfortune; we
much
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
57
much excel them, and all Chriftendom befides, in our
Indulgences to tender* Confciences. One fingle
Compliance with the National Form of receiving the
Sacrament, is all we require to qualify any Sectary
among us for the greatest Employments in the State';
after which, he is at Liberty to rejoin his own Affem-
blies for the reſt of his Life. Befides, I will fuppofe
any of the numerous Sects in Holland, to have to far
prevailed as to have raiſed a Civil War, deftroyed their
Government and Religion, and put their Adminiftrators
to death; after which, I will fuppofe the People to
have recovered all again, and to have fettled on their
old Foundation: Then I would put a Query; whether
that Sect, which was the unhappy Inftrument of all
this Confufion, could reaſonably expect to be entruſt-
ed for the future with the greateft Employments; or,
indeed, to be hardly tolerated among them?
To go on with the Sentiments of a Church-of-
England-Man: He doth not fee how that mighty
Pallion for the Church, which ſome Men pretend, can
well confiſt with thoſe Indignities, and that Contempt
they bestow on the Perfons of the Clergy. It is a
ftrange Mark whereby to diftinguiſh High-Church-Men,
that they are fuch, who imagine the Clergy can never
be too low. He thinks the Maxim thefe Gentlemen
are fo fond of; that they are for an humble Clergy, is
a very good one: And fo is he; and for an humble
Laity too; fince Humility is a Virtue that perhaps
equally befitteth and adorneth every Station of Life.
BUT then, if the Scriblers on the other fide freely
ſpeak the Sentiments of their Party; a Divine of the
Church of England cannot look for much better Quar-
ter from thence. You fhall obferve nothing more
frequent in their weekly Prayers, than a Way of af
fecting to confound the Terms of Clergy and High--
Church; of applying both indifferently, and then load-
ing the latter with all the Calumny they can invent.
They
* When this was written, there was no Law againſt occa..
fional Conformity.
58
The SENTIMENTS of a
They will tell you they honour a Clergyman; bat
talk at the fame time, as if there were not Three in
the Kingdom, who could fall in with their Definition.
After the like Manner, they infult the Univerfities, as
poiſoned Fountains, and Corrupters of Youth.
Now, it feemeth clear to me, that the Whigs might
eafily have procured, and maintained a Majority among
the Clergy, and perhaps in the Univerſities, if they
had not too much cacouraged, or connived at this
Intemperance of Speech, and Virulence of Pen, in
the worst and moft proftitute of their Party: Among
whom there hath been, for fome Years paſt, ſuch a
perpetual Clamour againſt the Ambition, the implaca--
ble Temper, and the Covetoufneſs of the Priesthood:
Such a Cant of High-Church, and Perfecution, and be-
ing Prief-ridden; fo many Reproaches about narrow
Principles, or Terms of Communion: Then fuch fcanda-
lous Reflexions on the Univerfitics, for infecting the
Youth of the Nation with arbitrary and Jacobite Prin-
ciples; that it was natural for thofe, who had the
Care of Religion and Education, to apprehend fome
general Defign of altering the Conftitution of both.
And all this was the more extraordinary, becauſe it
could not eafily be forgot, that, whatever Oppofition
was made to the Ufurpations of King James, proceed-
ed altogether from the Church of England, and chiefly
from the Clergy, and one of the Univerfities. For,
if it were of any Ufe to recal Matters of Fact, what is
more notorious than that Prince's applying himſelf firſt
to the Church of England, and, upon their Refuſal to
fall in with his Meatures, making the like Advances
to the Diffenters of all Kinds, who readily and al-
moſt univerſally complied with him; affecting, in
their numerous Addreffes and Pamphlets, the Style
of Our Brethren the Roman Catholicks; whofe Interefts
they put on the fame Foot with their own ; and
fome of Cromwell's Officers took Pofts in the Army
raiſed againſt the Prince of Orange. Thefe Proceed-
ings of theirs, they can only extenuate by urging the
Provocations they had met from the Church in King
Charles's.
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
59
Charles's Reign; which, although perhaps excufable
upon the Score of human Infirmity ; are not, by
any Means, a Plea of Merit, equal to the Conftancy
and Sufferings of the Biſhops and Clergy; or of the
Head and Fellows of Magdalen College; that furniſh-
ed the Prince of Orange's Declaration with fuch
powerful Arguments, to juftify and promote the Re-
volution.
THEREFORE a Church-of-England-Man abhors the
Humour of the Age, in delighting to fling Scandals
upon the Clergy in general; which, befides the
Difgrace to the Reformation, and to Religion itſelf,
cafteth an Ignominy upon the Kingdom, that it doth
not deferve.
We have no better Materials to com-
pound the Priesthood of, than the Mafs of Man-
kind, which, corrupted as it is, thofe who receive
Orders, muſt have fome Vices to leave behind them,
when they enter into the Church; and if a few do
fill adhere, it is no Wonder, but rather a great one
that they are no worſe. Therefore he cannot think
Ambition, or Love of Power, more juſtly laid to their
Charge, than to other Men; becauſe, that would be
to make Religion itſelf, or at leaſt the beſt Conſtitu-
tion of Church-Government anfwerable for the Errors
and Depravity of human Nature.
1
f
WITHIN theſe laft two hundred Years, all Sorts
of temporal Power have been wreſted from the
Clergy, and much of their Ecclefiaftick: The Rea-
fon, or Juftice of which Proceeding, I fhall not ex-
amine; but that the Remedies were a little too vio-
lent, with respect to their Poffefions, the Legislature
hath lately confefled, by the Remiffion of their firſt
Fruits. Neither do the common Libellers deny this;
who, in their Invectives only tax the Church with
'an unfatiable Defire of Power and Wealth, (equally
common to all Bodies of Men, as well as Indivi-
duals) but thank God, that the Laws have deprived
them of both. However, it is worth obferving the
Juftice of Parties: The Sects among us are apt to
complain,
60
The SENTIMENTS of a
complain, and think it hard Uſage to be reproached
now, after fifty Years, for overturning the State, for
the Murder of a King; and the Indignity of an Ufur-
pation; yet theſe very Men, and their Partifans, are
continually reproaching the Clergy, and laying to
their Charge the Pride, the Avarice, the Luxury, the
Ignorance, and Superftition of Popish Times, for a
thousand Years paſt.
He thinketh it a Scandal to Government, that fuch
an unlimited Liberty ſhould be allowed of publiſhing
Books against thofe Doctrines in Religion, wherein
all Chriftians have agreed; much more to connive
at fuch Tracts as reject all Revelation, and, by their
Confequences, often deny the very Being of a God.
Surely it is not a fufficient Atonement for the Wri-
ters, that they profefs much Loyalty to the prefent
Government, and ſprinkle, up and down, fome Argu-
ments in favour of the Diffenters; that they difpute,
as ftrenuoutly as they can, for Liberty of Confcience,
and inveigh largely against all Ecclefiafticks, under the
Name of High-Church; and, in fhort, under the
Shelter of fome popular Principles in Politicks and
Religion, undermine the Foundations of all Piety and
Virtue.
As he doth not reckon every Schifm of that damn-
able Nature, which fome would reprefent; fo he
is very far from clofing with the new Opinion of thoſe,
who would make it no Crime at all; and argue at a
wild Rate, that God Almighty is delighted with the
Variety of Faith and Worſhip, as he is with the Va-
rieties of Nature. To fuch Abfurdities are Men car-
ried by the Affectation of Free-thinking, and removing
the Prejudices of Education; under which Head, they
have, for fome Time, begun to liſt Morality and Reli-
gion. It is certain, that, before the Rebellion in 1541,
although the Number of Puritans, (as they were then
called) were as great as it is with us; and although
they affected to follow Paftors of that Denomination,
yet thofe Paftors had Epifcopal Ordination, poffeffed
Preferments in the Church, and were fometimes pro-
moted
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
61
moted to Biſhopricks themfelves. But a Breach, in the
general Form of Worthip, was, in thoſe Days, reck-
oned fo dangerous and finful in itſelf, and fo offenfive
to Roman Cathelicks at home and abroad; that it was
too unpopular to be attempted: Neither, I believe,
was the Expedient then found out, of maintaining fe-
parate Paftors out of private Purfes.
WHEN a Schifm is once ſpread in a Nation, there
groweth, at length, a Difpute, which are the Schifma-
ticks. Without entring on the Arguments, uſed by
both Sides among us, to fix the Guilt on each other;
it is certain, that, in the Senfe of the Law, the Shim
lieth on that Side which oppofeth itſelf to the Religion
of the State. I leave it among Divines to dilate upon
the Danger of Schjm, as a fpiritual Evil; but I would
confider it only as a temporal one. And I think it
clear, that any great Separation from the eſtabliſled
Worhip, although to a new one that is more pure
and perfect, may be an Occafion of endangering the
publick Peace; becaufe, it will compofe a Body al-
ways in referve, prepared to follow any difcontented
Heads, upon the plaufible Pretext of advancing true
Religion, and oppofing Error, Superiition, or Idola-
try. For this Reaſon, Plato, layeth it down as a
Maxim, that Men ought to worship the Gods, according
to the Laws of the Country; and he introduceth Secrates,
in his laſt Difcourfe, utterly difowning the Crime laid
to his Charge, of teaching new Diviniles, or Methods
of Worſhip. Thus the poor Hugenots of France,
were engaged in a Civil War, by the fpecious
Pretences of fome, who, under the Guife of Re-
ligion, facrificed fo many thou fand Lives to their
own Ambition, and Revenge. Thus, was the whole
Body of Puritens in Englend, drawn to be the Inftru-
ments, or Abettors of all Manner of Villany,
by the Artifices of a few Mer, whofe * Deſigns
from the firſt, were levelled to deftroy the Conſtitu-
tion both of Religion and Government. And thus,
even in Holland itſelf, where it is pretended that
VOL. I.
Ꮐ
* Lord CLARENDON's Hiftory, .
the
62
The SENTIMENTS of a
the Variety of Sects live fo amicably together, and in
fuch perfect Obedience to the Magiftrate; it is noto-
rious, how a turbulent Party joining with the Armi-
nians, did, in the Memory of our Fathers, attempt to
deftroy the Liberty of that Republick. So that, up-
on the whole, where Sects are tolerated in a State, it
is fit they ſhould enjoy a full Liberty of Conscience,
and every other Privilege of free-born Subjects, to
which no Power is annexed. And to preſerve their
Obedience upon all Emergencies, a Government can-
not give them too much Eafe, nor truſt them with too
little Power.
THE Clergy are ufually charged with a perfecuting
Spirit, which they are faid to difcover by an impla-
cable Hatred againſt all Diffenters; and this appeareth
to be more unreasonable, becauſe they fuffer lefs in
their Intereſts by a Teleration, than any of the Con-
forming Laits: For, while the Church remaineth in its
prefent Form, no Difenter can poffibly have any Share
in its Dignities, Revenues, or Power; whereas, by
once receiving the Sacrament, he is rendered capable
of the highest Employments in the State. And it is
very poffible, that a narrow Education, together with
a Mixture of human Infirmity, may help to beget,
among fome of the Clergy in Poffin, fuch an Aver-
fion and Contempt for all Innovators, as Phyficians are
apt to have for Empyrichs, or Lawyers for Pettifoggers,
or Merchants for Pedlars. But, fince the Number of
Sectaries doth not concern the Clergy, either in Point
of Intereft, or Confcience, it being an Evil not in
their Power to remedy) it is more fair and reaſonable
to fuppofe, their Difike proceedeth from the Dangers
they apprehend to the Peace of the Commonwealth ;
in the Ruin whereof, they muſt expect to be the firſt
and greateſt Sufferers.
To conclude this Section, it must be obſerved,
that there is a very good Word, which hath of late
fuffered much by both Parties; I mean MODERATION;
which the one Side very juftly difowneth, and the
other as unjustly pretendeth to.
Befide what paffeth
every
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
€3
every Day in Converfation; any Man who reads the
Papers publifned by Mr. Lefs, and others of his Stamp,
muit needs conclude, that, if this Author could make
the Nation fee his Adverfaries, under the Colours he
paints them in; we had nothing else to do, but rife as
one Man, and destroy fuch Wretches from the Face
of the Earth. On the other Side, how fhall we ex-
cufe the Advocates for Moderation; among whom, I
could appeal to an hundred Papers of univerfal Ap-
probation, by the Caufe they were writ for, which lay
fuch Principles to the whole Body of the Tories, as, if
they were true, and believed; our next Buſineſs ſhould,
in Prudence, be to erect Gibbets in every Parish, and
Hang them out of the Way. But, I fuppofe, it is
prefumed, the common. People underftand Roillery, Cr
at leat Rhetorick; and will not talte Hyperboles in tco
literal a Senfe; which, however, in fome Janétures,
might prove a defperate Experiment. And this is
Moderation, in the modern Senfe of the Word; to
which, fpeaking impartially, the Bigots of both Parties
are equally intitled.
SECT. IL
10
The Sentiments of a Church-of-England-
Man, with refped to Government.
WE
7E look upon it as a very juft Reproach, although
we cannot agree where to fix it; that there
fhould be fo much Violence and Hatred in religious
Matters, among Men who agree in all Fundamentals,
and only differ in fome Ceremonies; or, at molt, mere
ſpeculative Points. Yet, Is not this frequently the Cafe
between contending Parties in a State For Initance;
Do not the Generality of Whigs and Tories among us,
profeſs to agree in the fame Fundamentals; their Loy-
alty to the QUEEN, their Abjuration of the Pretender,
G 2
the
64 The SENTIMENTS of a
the Settlement of the Crown in the Proteftant Line;
and a Revolution Principle? Their Affection to the
Church eſtabliſhed, with Tolcration of Diffenters ?
Nay, fometimes they go farther, and país over into each
other's Principles; the Wigs become great Afferters
of the Prerogative; and the Tories, of the People's
Liberty; thefe crying down almoft the whole Set of
Biſhops, and thofe defending them; ſo that the Dif-
ferences fairly ſtated, would be much of a Sort with
thoſe in Religion among us; and amount to little more
than, who ſould take Place, or go in and out first, or
kils the Queen's Hand; and what are thefe but a few
Court Ceremonies ? Or who ſhould be in the Miniſtry ?
And what is that to the Body of the Nation, but a
mere fpeculative Point? Yet, I think, it must be allow-
ed, that no religious Sects ever carried their mutual
Averfions to greater Heights, than our State Parties
have done; who, the more to inflame their Paffions,
have mixed religious and Civil Animofities together;
borrowing one of their Appellations from the Church,
with the Addition of High and Low; how little foever
their Difputes relate to the Term, as it is generally un-
derſtood.
I now proceed to deliver the Sentiments of a Church-
of-England-Man, with refpect to Government.
He doth not think the Church of England ſo nar-
rowly calculated, that it cannot fall in with any regu-
lar Species of Government; nor doth he think any one
regular Species of Government, more acceptable to God
than another. The three generally received in the
Schools, have all of them their ſeveral Perfections, and
are fubject to their feveral Depravations: However,
few States are ruined by any Defect in their Inftitu-
tion, but generally by the Corruption of Manners ;
against which, the belt Inftitution is no long Security,
and without which, a very ill one may fubfift and
flouriſh: Whereof there are two pregnant Inftances
now in Europe. The first is the Aristocracy of l'e-
nice; which, founded upon the wifeft Maxims, and
digeſted by a great Length of Time, hath, in our Age,
admitted
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
65
admitted fo many Abuſes, through the Degeneracy of
the Nobles, that the Period of its Duration feemeth to
approach. The other is the united Republicks of the
States General; where a Vein of Temperance, In-
duftry, Parfimony, and a publick Spirit, running through
the whole Body of the People, hath preferved an in-
fant Commonwealth, of an untimely Birth, and fickly
Conſtitution, for above an hundred Years, through ío
many Dangers and Difficulties, as a much more healthy
one could never have ſtruggled againft, without thoſe
Advantages.
WHERE Security of Perfon and Property is pre-
ferved by Laws, which none but the hole can re-
peal, there the great Ends of Government are pro-
vided for, whether the Adminißration be in the Hands
of One or of Many. Where any one Perfon, or Body
of Men, who do not reprefent the Whole, feize into
their Hands the Power in the laſt Refort; there pro-
perly no longer a Government, but what Ariſtotle, and
his Followers, call the Abuſe and Cerruptions of one.
This Diftinction excludeth arbitrary Power, in what-
ever Numbers; which, notwithstanding all that Hobbes,
Filmer, and others, have faid to its Advantage, I look
upon as a greater Evil than Anarchy itfelf; as much as
a Savage is in a happier State of Life, than a Slave at
the Oar.
Ir is reckoned ill Manners, as well as unreaſonable,
for Men to quarrel upon Difference in Opinion; be-
cauſe that it is ufually fuppofed to be a Thing which
no Man can help in himfelf: But this 1 do not con-
ceive to be an univerfal infallible Maxim, except in
thofe Cafes where the Queftion is pretty equally dif
puted among the Learned and the Wife: Where it is
otherwife, a Man of tolerable Reaſon, ſome Experi-
ence, and willing to be inflru&ied, may apprehend he
is got into a wrong Opinion, although the whole
Courte of his Mind and Inclination, would perfuade
him to believe it true: He may be convinced that he
is in an Error, although he doth not fee where it lieth;
by the bad Effects of it in the common Conduct of his
G 3
Lifes
66
The SENTIMENTS of a
Life; and by obferving thoſe Perfons, for whofe Wif-
dom, and Goodneſs he hath the greateſt Deference,
to be of a contrary Sentiment. According to Hobbes's
Compariſon of Reasoning with cafiing up Accounts;
whoever findeth a Miſtake in the Sum total, muſt allow
himself out; although, after repeated Trials, he may
not fee in which Article he hath mifreckoned. I will
inftance, in one Opinion, which I look upon every
Man obliged in Confcience to quit, or in Prudence to
conceal; I mean, that whoever argueth in Defence of
abfolute Power in a fingle Perfon, although he offers
the old plaufible Plea, that it is his Opinion, which he
cannot help, unless he be convinced, ought, in all free
States, to be treated as the common Enemy of Man-
kind. Yet this is laid as a heavy Charge upon the
Clergy of the two Reigns before the Revolution; who,
under the Terms of Paffive Obedience and Non-Refift-
ance, are faid to have preached up the unlimited Power
of the Prince, becaufe they found it a Docrine that
pleafed the Court, and made way for their Prefer-
ment. And I believe there may be Truth enough in
this Accufation, to convince us, that human Frailty
will too often interpofe itſelf among Perfons of the
holieſt Function. However, it may be offered in Ex-
cufe for the Clergy, that in the beſt Societies there are
fome il Members, which a corrupted Court and Mi-
niſtry will induſtriouſly find out, and introduce. Be-
fides, it is manifeft that the greater Number of thoſe,
who held and preached this Doctrine, were mifguided
by equivocal Terms, and by perfect Ignorance in the
Principles of Government, which they had not made
any Part of their Study. The Queſtion originally put,
and as I remember to have heard it difputed in pu-
blick Schools, was this; Whether, under any Pretence
whatfoever, it may be lawful to refft the fupreme Ma-
gifrate, which was held in the Negative; and this is
certainly the right
Opinion. But many of the Clergy
and other learned Men, deceived by a dubious Exprel-
fion, mistook the Object to which Paffive Obedience
was due. By the fupreme Magiftrate is properly un-
derſtood
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
67
derſtood the legiſlative Power, which in all Govern-
ment muſt be abfolute and unlimited. But the word
Magiftrate feeming to denote a ſingle Perfon, and to
exprefs the executive Power; it came to pafs, that the
Obedience due to the Legislature was, for want of
knowing or confidering this eafy Diftinction, mifapplied
to the Adminiftration. Neither is it any Wonder, that
the Clergy, or other well meaning People, fhould of-
ten fall into this Error, which deceived Hottes him-
felf fo far, as to be the Foundation of all the political
Miſtakes in his Book; where he perpetually confounds
the Executive with the Legfiative Power; though all
well inflituted States have ever placed them in differ-
ent Hands; as may be obvious to thoſe who know
any thing of Athens, Sparta, Thebes, and other Re-
publicks of Greece; as well as the greater ones of Car-
thage and Rome.
BESIDES, it is to be confidered, that when theſe
Doctrines began to be preached among us, the King-
dom had not quite worn out the Memory of that
horrid Rebellen, under the Confequences of which it
had groned almoft twenty Years. And a weak Prince,
in Conjunction with a Succeffion of moft proſtitute
Minilers, began again to difpofe the People to new
Attempts; which it was, no doubt, the Clergy's Duty
to endeavour to prevent; if fome of them had not
for want of Knowledge in temporal Affairs; and o-
thers, perhaps, from a worle Principle, proceeded up-
on a Topick, that, ftrictly followed, would enflave
all Mankind.
AMONG other theological Arguments, made ufe of
in thoſe Times, in Fraile of Monarchy, and Justifica-
tion of abfolute Obedience to a Prince, there feemed
to be one of a fingular Nature: It was urged, that
Heaven was governed by a Monarch, who had none to
controul his Power, but was abfolutely obeyed: Then
it followed, 1 hat earthly Governments were the more
perfect, the nearer they imitated the Government in
Heaven. All which I look upon as the ftrongest Ar-
gument against defpotick Power that ever was offered;
fince
68
The SENTIMENTS of a
fince no Reaſon can poffibly be affigned, why it is beſt
for the World that God Almighty hath ſuch a Power,
which doth not directly prove that no mortal Man
fhould ever have the like.
BUT although a Church-of-England-Man thinketh
every Species of Government equally lauful; he doth
not think them equally expedient; or for every Coun-
try indifferently. There may be fomething in the
Climate, naturally difpofing Men towards one Sort of
Obedience; as it is manifeft all over ც, where we
never read of any Commonwealth, except ſome ſmall
ones on the etern Coalls, eftablished by the Greeks.
There may be a great deal in the Situation of a
Country, and in the prefent Genius of the People.
It hath been obferved that the temperate Climates
ufually run into moderate Governments, and the Ex-
tremes into defpotick Power. It is a Remark of
Hobbes, that the Youth of England are corrupted in
their Principles of Government, by reading the Au-
thors of Greece and Rome, who writ under Common-
wealths. But it might have been more fairly offered
for the Honour of Liberty, that while the rest of the
known World was over-run with the arbitrary Go-
vernment of fingle Perfons; Arts and Sciences took their
Rife, and flouriſhed only in thofe few fmall Territo-
ries where the People were free. And, although
Learning may continue after Liberty is loft, as it did in
Rome, for a while upon the Foundation laid under the
Commonwealth, and the particular Patronage of fome
Emperors; yet it hardly ever began under a Tyranny in
any Nation. Becaufe Slavery is of all Things the great-
eft Clog and Obftacle to Speculation. And indeed, Ar-
bitrary Power is but the first natural Step from Anar Ay
or the farage Life; the adjufting Peter and Freedom
being an Effect and Confequence of maturer Think-
ing: And this is no where fo duly regulated as in a
limited Monarchy: Becauſe I believe it may paſs for a
Maxim in State, that the Adminifiration cannot be pla-
ced in too few Hands, nor the Legiflature in too many.
Now in this material Point, the Conftitution of the
English
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
69
English Government far exceedeth all others at this
Time on the Earth; to which the preſent Establish-
ment of the Church doth fo happily agree, that I
think, whoever is an Enemy to either, muft of Neceffi-
ty be fo to stb.
HE thicketh, as our Monarchy is conftituted, an
Hereditary Right is much to be preferred before El-
Etion. Becaufe, the Government here, especially by
fome late Amendments, is fo regularly difpoied in all
its Parts, that it almoft executeth itself. And therefore,
upon the Death of a Prince among us, the Administra-
tion goeth on without any Rub cr Interruption. For
the fame Reaſons, we have lefs to apprehend from the
Weakness, or Fury of our Monarchs, who have fuch wife
Councils to guide the first, and Laws to retrain the o-
ther. And therefore, this Hereditary Right ſhould be
kept fo facred, as never to break the Succeffion, unleſs
where the preferving it may endanger the Conftitution;
which is not from any intrinſick Merit, or unalienable
Right in a particular Family; but to avoid the Confe-
quences that uſually attend the Ambition of Competi-
tors, to which elective Kingdoms are expofed; and
which is the only Obftacle to hinder them from arri-
ving at the greateſt Perfection that Government can
pofiibly reach. Hence appears the Abfurdity of that
Distinction between a King de facto, and one de jure,
with refpect to us: For every limited Monarch is a
King de jure, becaufe he governeth by the Confent of
the 'bole; which is Authority fufficient to abolish all
precedent Reign. If a King come in by Conqueft, he is
no longer a limited Monarch : If he afterwards confent
to Limitations, he becometh immediately King de ju-
re, for the fame Reaton.
THE great Advocates for Succeffion, who affirm it
ought not to be violated upon any Regard or Confide-
ration whatever, do infiit much upon one Argument,
that feemeth to carry little Weight. They would have
it, that a Croun is a Prince's Birth-rigst, and ought, at
leaft, to be as well fecured to him, and his Pofterity,
as the Inheritance of any private Man: in fhort, that
he.
70
The SENTIMENTS of a
.he has the fame Title to his Kingdom, which every In-
dividual hath to his Property. Now the Confequence
of this Doctrine muft be, that as a man may find feve-
al ways to wafte, mifpend, or abufe his Patrimony,
without being anfwerable to the Laws; fo a King, may
in like Manner do what he will with his own; that is,
he may fquander and mifapply his Revenues, and even
alienate the Crown, without being called to an Account
by his Subjects. They allow fuch a Prince to be guilty,
indeed of much Folly and Wickednefs; but for theſe
he is answerable to God, as every private Man muſt be,
who is guilty of Mifmanagement in his own Concerns.
Now the Folly of this Reafoning will beft appear, by
applying it in a parallel Cafe: fhould any Man argue,
that a Phyſician is ſuppoſed to underſtand his own Art
beft; that the Law protecteth and encourageth his Pro-
feffion: And therefore, although he fhould manifeftly
preſcribe Poiſon to all his Patients, whercof they mult
immediately die; he cannot be juftly punished, but is
anfwerable only to God. Or thould the fame be offer-
ed in behalf of a Divine, who would preach againſt
Religion, and moral Duties: In either of theſe two
Cafes, every Body would find out the Sophiftry; and
preſently anſwer, that, although comman Men are not
exactly ſkilled in the Compofition, or Application of
Medicines, or in prefcribing the Limits of Duty; yet
the Difference between Poifons and Remedies, is eaſily
known by their Effects, and common Reafon foon di-
ftinguisheth between Virtue and Vice: and it muſt be
neceffary to forbid both theſe the further Practice of
their Profeffions; becaufe, their Crimes are not purely
perſonal to the Phyfician or the Divine, but deftructive
to the Publick. All which is infinitely ftronger, in
reſpect to a Prince; in whofe good, or ill Conduct, the
Happiness, or Mifery of a whole Nation is included;
whereas, it is of finall Confequence to the Publick,
farther than Example, how any private Perſon ma-
nageth his Property.
BUT, granting that the Right of a lincal Succeflor
to a Crown, were upon the fame Foot with the
Property
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
71
Property of a Subject; ftill it may, at any time be
transferred by the legislative Power, as other Proper-
ties frequently are. The fupreme Power in a State
can do no Wrong; becaufe, whatever that doth, is
the Action of all: And when the Lawyers apply this
Maxim to the King, they muſt underſtand it only in
that Senſe, as he is Adminiftrator of the ſupreme
Power; otherwife, it is not univerfally true, but
may be controuled in feveral Inftances eaſy to pro-
duce.
AND theſe are the Topicks we muſt proceed upon,
to justify our Exclufion of the young Pretender in
France: That of his fufpected Birth being merely
popular, and therefore not made ufe of, as I re-
member, fince the Revolution, in any Speech, Vote,
or Proclamation, where there was Occafion to men-
tion him.
As to the Abdication of King James, which the
Advocates on that Side look upon to have been for-
cible and unjuſt, and confequently void in itſelf; I
think a Man may obferve every Article of the Engliſh
Church, without being in much Pain about it. It
is not unlikely that all Doors were laid open for his
Departure, and perhaps not without the Privity of
the Prince of Orange; as reaſonably concluding, that
the Kingdom might be better fettled in his Abfence:
But to affirm, he had any Cauſe to apprehend the fame
Treatment with his Father, is an improbable Scandal
flung upon the Nation by a few bigotted French Scri-
blers, or the invidious Affertion of a ruined Party at
home, in the Bitterneſs of their Souls. Not one ma-
terial Circumſtance agreeing with thoſe in 1648; and
the greateſt Part of the Nation having preferved the
utmolt Horror for that ignominious Murder.
whether his Removal was caufed by his own Fears,
or other Mens -tifices, it is manifeft to me, that
fuppofing the Throne to be vacant, which was the
Foot the Nation went upon; the Body of the
But
People
172
The SENTIMENTS of a
People was thereupon left at Liberty, to chufe what
Form of Government they pleaſed, by themſelves or
their Repreſentatives.
THE only Difficulty of any Weight againſt the
Proceedings at the Revolution, is an obvious Objeci-
on, to which the Writers upon that Subject have not
yet given a dire&, or fufficient Anfwer; as if they
were in Pain at fome Confequences, which they ap-
prehended thofe of the contrary Opinion might draw
from it. I will repeat this Objection, as it was offer-
ed me fome time ago, with all its Advantages, by a
very pious, learned, and worthy Gentleman of the
Nonjuring Party.
THE Force of his Argument turned upon this;
that the Laws made by the fupreme Power, cannot
Otherwife than by the fupreme Fower be annulled:
That, this confifting in England of a King, Lords,
and Commons, whereof each have a negative Voice,
no two of them can repeal or enact a Law without
Conſent of the third; much lefs, may any one of
them be entirely excluded from its Part of the Le-
giflature by a Vote of the other two. That all theſe
Maxims were openly violated at the Revolution;
where an Affembly of the Nobles and People, not fum-
moned by the King's Writ, (which was an effential
Part of the Conftitution), and confequently no law-
ful Meeting; did, merely upon their own Authority,
declare the King to have abdicated, the Throne
vacant; and gave the Crown, by a Vote, to a Ne-
phew, when there were three Children to inherit; al-
though by the fundamental Laws of the Realm, the
next Heir is immediately to fucceed. Neither doth
it appear, how a Prince's Abdication can make any
other Sort of Vacarcy in the Throne, than would
be caufed by his Death; fince he cannot abdicate
for his Children, (who claim their Right of Succef-
fion by Act of Parliament), otherwife than by his
* Mr. Nelfon, Author of the Feafts and Fafts.
Own
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
73
own Confent, in Form, to a Bill from the two Hou-
fes.
AND this is the Difficulty that feemeth chiefly to
ftick with the moſt reaſonable of thofe, who, from a
mere Scruple of Confcience, refuſe to join with us
upon the Revolution Principle; but for the reft, are,
I believe, as far from loving arbitrary Government,
as any others can be, who are born under a free Con-
ſtitution, and are allowed to have the leaft Share of
common good Senſe.
སྙ
In this Objection, there are two Queſtions inclu-
ded: First, Whether upon the Foot of our Conftitu-
tion, as it flood in the Reign of the late King James,
a King of England may be depofed? The fecond is,
Whether the People of England, conveened by their
own Authority, after the King had withdrawn him-
felf in the Manner he did, had Power to alter the Suc-
ceffion?
As for the firft; it is a Point I fhall not prefume to
determine; and fhall therefore only fay, that to any
Man who holds the Negative, I would demand the
Liberty of putting the Cafe as frongly as I pleaſe.
I will fuppofe a Prince limited by Laws like ours,
yet running into a thoufand Caprices of Cruelty, like
Nero or Caligula. I will fuppofe him to murder his
Mother and his Wife, to commit Incett, to ravif
Matrons, to blow up the Senate, and burn his Metro-
polis; openly to renounce God and Chriit, and wor-
fhip the Devil: Theſe, and the like exorbitancies
are in the Power of a fingle Perfon to commit with-
out the Advice of a Miniftry, or Affiftance of an
Army. And if fuch a King, as I have defcribed,
cannot be depofed but by his own Confent in Par-
liament, 1 do not well fee how he can be refifted; or
what can be meant by a limited Monarchy; or
what fignifies the Feople's Confent, in making and
repealing Laws, if the Perfon who adminifters hath
no Tie of Confcience, and is anfwerable to none but
God. I defire no stronger Proof that an Opinion
must be falfe, than to find very great Abfurdities an-
nexed
VOL. I.
H
174
The SENTIMENTS of a
nexed to it; and there cannot be greater than in the
preſent Cafe: For it is not a bare Speculation, that
Kings may run into fuch Enormities as are above
mentioned; the Pradice may be proved by Exam-
ples, not only drawn from the firſt Celars, or later
Emperors, but many modern Princes of Europe; fuch
as Peter the Cruel, Philip II. of Spain, John Bafilo-
vits of Muscovy; and in our Nation, King John,
Richard III. and Henry VIII.
But there cannot be
equal Abfurdities fuppofed in maintaining the con-
trary Opinion; becauſe it is certain, that Princes
have it in their Power to keep a Majority on their
Side by any tolerable Adminiftration
until provo-
ked by continual Oppreffions, no Man indeed can
then anſwer where the Madness of the People will
ftop.
;
As to the fecond Part of the Objection; whether
the People of England conveened by their own Âu-
thority, upon King James's precipitate Departure,
had Power to alter the Succeffion?
IN anfwer to this, I think it is manifeft from the
Practice of the wifeft nations, and who fecm to have
had the trueft Notions of Freedom; that when a
Prince was laid afide for Mal-adminiftration, the
Nobles and People, if they thought it neceffary for the
publick Weal, did refume the Adminiftration of the
fupreme Power, (the Power itfelf having been always
in them) and did not only alter the Succeilion, but
often the very Form of Government too; becauſe they
believed there was no natural Right in one Man to go-
vern another; but that all was by Inititution, Force,
or Confent. Thus, the Cities of Greece, when they
drove out their tyrannical Kings, either chofe others
from a new Family, or abolihed the kingly Govern-
ment, and became free States. Thus the Romans,
upon the Expulfion of Tarquin, found it inconvenient
for them to be fubject any longer to the Pride, the
Luft, the Cruelty, and arbitrary Will of fingle Per-
fons; and therefore, by general Confent, entirely al-
tered the whole Frame of their Government. Nor
do
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
75
do I find the Proceedings of either, in this Point to
have been condemned by any Hiftorian of the fuc-
ceeding Ages.
BUT a great deal hath been already faid by other
Writers, upon this invidious and beaten Subject; there-
fore I fhall let it fall; although the Point be com-
monly mistaken, eſpecially by the Lawyers; who of
all other Profeffions feem leaft to underſtand the Na-
ture of Government in general; like under Workmen,
who are expert enough at making a fingle Wheel in
a Clock, but are utterly ignorant how to adjuſt the
ſeveral Parts, or to regulate the Movement.
To return therefore from this Digreffion: it is a
Church-of-England-Man's Opinion, that the Freedom
of a Nation confifteth in an abfolute unlimited legifla-
tive Power, wherein the whole Body of the People
are fairly reprefented, and in an executive duly limited:
Becauſe on this Side likewife, there may be danger-
ous Degrees, and a very ill Extreme. For, when
two Parties in a State are pretty equal in Power,
Pretenfions, Merit, and Virtue, (for thefe two laft are,
with relation to Parties and a Court, quite different
Things), it hath been the Opinion of the beft Wri-
ters upon Government, that a Prince ought not in
any Sort to be under the Guidance or Influence of
either; becauſe he declineth, by this Means, from
his Office of prefiding over the Whole to be the Head
of a Party; which, befides the Indignity, rendereth
him anſwerable for all publick Mifmanagements, and
the Confequences of them: And in whatever State
this happens, there muft either be a Weakneſs in the
Prince or Ministry, or elfe the former is too much
reftrained by the Nobles, or thofe who reprefent the
People.
To conclude: A Church-of-England-Man may with
Prudence and a good Confcience approve the pro-
feffed Principles of one Party more than the other,
according as he thinks they best promote the good
of Church and State; but he will never be fwayed
by Paffion or Intereft to advance an Opinion merely
becaufe
H 2
~
75 The SENTIMENTS of a
becauſe it is that of the Party he most approveth;
which one fingle Principle he looketh upon as the Root
of all our Civil Animolities. To enter into a Party as
into an Order of Fryers, with fo defigned an Obe-
dience to Superiors, is very unſuitable both with the
civil and religious Liberties, we fo zealously affert.
Thus, the Understandings of a whole Senate are of
ten enflared by three or four Leaders on each Side;
who, instead of intending the publick Weal, have
their Hearts wholly fet upon Ways and Means how to
get, or to keep Employment. But to freak more
at large; how has this Spirit of Faction mingled it-
felf with the Mafs of the People, changed their Na-
ture and Manners, and the very Genius of the Na-
tion Broke all the Laws of Charity, Neighbourhood,
Alliance and Hofpitality; deftroyed all Ties of Friend-
ſhip, and divided Families against themſelves? And no
Wonder it fhould be fo, when in order to find out
the Character of a Perfon; inſtead of inquiring whe-
ther he be a Man of Virtue, Honour, Piety, Wit,
good Senfe, or Learning; the modern Question is
only, whether he be a Whig or a Tory; under which
Terms all good and ill Qualities are included.
Now, becauſe it is a Point of Difficulty to chufe
an exact Middle between two ill Extremes; it may
be worth inquiring in the prefent Cafe, which of theſe
a wife and good Man would rather feem to avoid:
Taking therefore their own good and ill Characters
with due Abatements and Allowances for Partiality
and Paffion; I fhould think, that, in order to pre-
ferve the Conftitution entire in the Church and State;
whoever hath a true Value for both, would be fure
to avoid the Extremes of Whig for the Sake of the
former; and the Exremes of Tory on account of the
latter.
I have now faid all that I could think convenient
upon fo nice a Subject; and find, I have the Am-
bition common with other Reafoners, to wiſh, at leaſt,
that both Parties may think me in the Right; which
would
CHURCH-OF-ENGLAND-MAN.
77
would be of fome Ufe to thoſe who have any Virtue
left, but are blindly drawn into the Extravagancies of
either, upon falſe Repreſentations, to ferve the Am-
bition or Malice of defigning men, without any Pro-
ſpect of their own. But if that may not be hoped
for; my next Wiſh ſhould be, that both might think
me in the Wrong; which I would underſtand, as an
ample Juftification of myſelf, and a fure Ground to
believe, that I have proceeded at leaſt with Impar- -
tiality, and perhaps with Truth.
AN
H 3-
G
A N
ARGUMENT
To prove, That the
Aboliſhing of Christianity,
IN
ENGLAND,
May, as Things now ftand, be attended
with fome Inconveniencies, and per-
haps, not produce thoſe many good
Effects propofed thereby.
I
Written in the Year 1708.
AM very fenfible what a Weakneſs and Prefum.
ption it is, to reafon against the general Humour
and Difpofition of the World. I remember it
was with great Juftice, and a due Regard to the
Freedom both of the Publick and the Prefs, forbidden
upon ſevere Penalties to write or diſcourſe, or lay
Wagers against the Union, even before it was confirm-
ed by Parliament: Becauſe that was looked upon as
a Deſign to oppoſe, the Current of the People; which
befides the Folly of it, is a manifeſt Breach of the
fundamental
80
An ARGUMENT against
fundamental Law, that makes this Majority of Opi-
nion the Voice of God. In like Manner, and for
the very fame Reafons, it may perhaps be neither
fafe nor prudent to argue against the aboliſhing of Chri-
tianity, at a Juncture when all Parties appear fo un--
animouſly determined upon the Point; as we cannot
but allow from their Actions, their Difcourfes, and
their Writings. However, I know not how, whether
from the Affectation of Singularity, or the Perverſeneſs
of human Nature; but fo it unhappily falleth out,
that I cannot be entirely of this Opinion. Nay, al-
though I were fure an Order were iffued out for my
immediate Profecution by the Attorney-General; I
fhould ſtill confefs, that in the preſent Pofture of our
Affairs at home or abroad, I do not yet ſee the ab-
folute Neceffity of extirpating the Chriftian Religion
from among us.
THIS perhaps may appear too great a Paradox,
even for our wife and paradoxical Age to endure :
Therefore I fhall handle it with all Tenderneſs, and
with the utmoft Deference to that great and profound
Majority, which is of another Sentiment.
AND yet the Curious may pleaſe to obferve, how
much the Genius of a Nation is liable to alter in half
an Age; I have heard it affirmed for certain by fome
very old People, that the contrary Opinion was even
in their Memories as much in Vogue as the other is
now; and that a Project for the abolishing Chri-
ftianity would then have appeared as fingular, and
been thought as abfurd, as it would be at this time.
to write or difcourfe in its Defence.
THEREFORE I freely own, that all Appearances
are againſt me. The Syftem of the Gofpel, after the
Fate of other Syftems, is generally antiquated and ex-
ploded; and the Maſs or Body of the common People,
among whom it feemeth to have had its lateſt Credit,
are now grown as much aſhamed of it as their Betters:
Opinions, like Faſhions always deſcending from thoſe
of Quality to the middle Sort, and thence to the Vul-
gar, where at length they are drop'd and vaniſh.
BUT
Abclifting CHRISTIANITY.
81
BUT here I would not be miſtaken; and muft there-
fore be fo bold as to borrow a Difunction from the
Writers on the other Side, when they make a Diffe-
rence between nominal and real Trinitarians. I hope
no Reader imagineth me fo weak as to ftand up in the
Defence of real Chriftianity: fuch as ufed in primi-
tive Times (if we may believe the Authors of thoſe
Ages; to have an Influence upon Mens Belief and
Actions) To offer at the restoring of that, would
indeed be a wild Project; it would be to dig up Foun-
dations; to deftroy at one Blow all the Wit, and half
the Learning of the Kingdom; to break the entire
Frame and Conftitution of Things; to ruin Trade,
extinguiſh Arts and Sciences with the Profeffors of them;
in fhort, to turn our Courts, Exchanges, and Shops
into Defarts: And would be full as abfurd as the Pro-
pofal of Horace, where he adviſes the Remans, all in a
Body, to leave their City, and feek a new Seat in
fome remote Part of the World, by Way of Cure for
the Corruption of their Manners.
THEREFORE, I think this Caution was in itſelf al-
together unneceffary, (which I have inferted only to
prevent all Poflibility of cavilling) fince every candid
Reader will eaſily underſtand my Difcourfe to be in-
tended only in Defence of nominal Chriſtianity; the
other having been for fome Time wholly laid afide by
general Confent, as utterly inconfiftent with our pre-
fent Schemes of Wealth and Power.
BUT why we ſhould therefore caft off the Name and
Title of Chriftians, although the general Opinion and
Refolution be fo violent for it; I confeſs I cannot (with
Submiffion) apprehend the Confequence neceffary.
However, fince the Undertakers propoſe fuch wonder-
ful Advantages to the Nation by this Project; and
advance many plaufible Objections against the Syſtem
of Christianity; I fhall briefly confider the Strength of
both; fairly allow them their greateſt Weight, and
offer fuch Anfwers as I think moſt reaſonable. After
which I will beg leave to fhew what Inconveniencies
may;
82
An ARGUMENT again?
may poffibly happen by fuch an Innovation, in the-
prefent Poiture of our Affairs.
Firft, ONE great Advantage propofed by the abo-
lifhing of Christianity is, That it would very much
enlarge and establifh Liberty of Conscience, that great
Bulwark of our Nation, and of the Proteftant Religion,
which is ftill too much limited by Prief-craft, not-
withſtanding all the good Intentions of the Legifla-
ture; as we have lately found by a fevere Inſtance.
For it is confidently reported, that two young Gentle-
men of great Hopes, bright Wit, and profound Judg-
ment, who, upon a thorough Examination of Caules
and Effects, and by the mere Force of natural Abili-
ties, without the leaft Tincture of Learning; having
made a Diſcovery, that there was no God, and ge-
nerouſly communicating their Thoughts for the Good
of the Publick; were fome Time ago, by an unparal-
lelled Severity, and upon I know not what obfolete
Law, broke only for Blasphemy. And as it hath been
wifely obferved, if Perfecution once begins, no Man
alive knoweth how far it may reach, or where it will
end.
IN anſwer to all which, with Deference to wiſer
Judgments; I think this rather fhews the Neceffity
of a nominal Religion among us. Great Wits love to
be free with the higheſt Objects; and, if they cannot be
allowed a God to revile or renounce, they will ſpeak
Evil of Dignities, abufe the Government, and reflect
upon the Miniſtry; which, I am fure, few will deny to
be of much more pernicious Confequence; according
to the Saying of Tiberius, Deorum offenfa Diis cura.
As to the particular Fact related, I think it is not fair
to argue from one Inftance; perhaps another cannot be
produced; yet (to the Comfort of all thofe, who may
be apprehenfive of Perfecution) Blafphemy we know
is freely ſpoke a Million of Times in every Coffee-.
houſe and Tavern, or where-ever elfe good Company
meet. It must be allowed indeed, that, to break an
English free-born Officer only for Blafphemy, was, to
fpeak the gentleft of fuch an Action, a very high Strain
of
Abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
83
of abfolute Power. Little can be faid in Excufe for
the General; perhaps he was afraid it might give Of-
fence to the Allies, among whom, for ought I know,
it may
be the Cuſtom of the Country to believe a
God. But if he argued, as fome have done, upon a
miſtaken Principle, that an Officer who is guilty of
ſpeaking Blafphemy, may, ſome Time or other, pro-
ceed fo far as to raiſe a Mutiny; the Confequence is,
by no Means, to be admitted: For, furely, the Com-
mander of an Engliſh Army is like to be but ill obeyed
whofe Soldiers fear and reverence him as little as they
do a Deity.
IT is further objected against the Gofpel Syftem,
that it obligeth Men to the Belief of Things too diffi-
cult for Free-thinkers, and fuch who have fhaken
off the Prejudices that uſually cling to a confined Edu-
cation. To which I anfwer, that Men ſhould be
cautious how they raife Objections, which reflect upon
the Wisdom of the Nation. Is not every Body freely
allowed to believe whatever he pleafeth, and to pu-
bliſh his Belief to the World whenever he thinketh fit;
eſpecially if it ferve to ftrengthen the Party which is
in the Right? Would any indifferent Foreigner, who
ſhould read the Trumpery lately written by Agill,
Tindall, Toland, Coward, and forty more, imagine
the Goſpel to be our Rule of Faith, and confirmed
by Parliaments? Doth any Man either believe, or fay,
he believeth or defireth to have it thought that he fays
he believeth one Syllable of the Matter? And is any
Man worſe received upon that Score; or doth he find
his Want of Nominal Faith a Diſadvantage to him, in
the Purſuit of any Civil, or Military Employment?
What if there be an old dormant Statute or two againſt
him? Are they not now obfolete, to a Degree, that
Emplon and Dudley themfelves, if they were now alive,
would find it impoffible to put them in Execution?
It is likewife urged, that there are, by Computation,
in this Kingdom, above ten thouſand Parfons; whofe
Revenues, added to thoſe of my Lords the Biſhops,
would fuffice to maintain, at leaſt, two hundred young
Gentlemen
84
An ARGUMENT against
Gentlemen of Wit and Pleaſure, and Free-thinking;
Enemies to Prieft-craft, narrow Principles, Pedantry,
and Prejudices; who might be an Ornament to the
Court and Town: And then again, fo great a Num-
ber of able (bodied) Divines might be a Recruit to
our Fleet and Armies. This, indeed, appeareth to be
& Confideration of fome Weight. But then, on the
other Side, feveral Things deferve to be confidered
likewife: as, Firft, Whether it may not be thought
neceſſary, that in certain Tracts of Country, like what
we call Pariſhes, there ſhould be one Man, at leaſt, of
Abilities to read and write. Then, it feemeth a
wrong Computation, that the Revenues of the Church
throughout this Ifland, would be large enough to
maintain two hundred young Gentlemen, or even
half that Number, after the prefent refined Way of
Living; that is, to allow each of them fuch a Rent,
as, in the modern Form of Speech, would make them
eafy. But ftill, there is in this Project a greater Mif-
chief behind; and we ought to beware of the Woman's
Folly, who killed the Hen that every Morning laid
her a golden Egg. For, pray, what would become
of the Race of Men in the next Age, if we had no-
thing to trust to, befides the fcrophulous confumptive
Productions furniſhed by our Men of Wit and Pleafure;
when, having fquandered away their Vigour, Health,
and Eftates, they are forced, by fome difagreeable
Marriage, to piece up their broken Fortunes, and
entail Rottennefs and Politenefs on their Pofterity ?
Now, here are ten thouſand Parfons reduced by the
wife Regulations of Henry VIII. to the Neceflity of
a low Diet, and moderate Exercife, who are the
only great Reftorers of our Breed; without which,
the Nation would, in an Age or two, become but
one great Hofpital.
ANOTHER Advantage propofed by the abolishing
of Chriſtianity is, the clear Gain of one Day in ſeven,
which is now entirely loft, and confequently the King-
dom one feventh lefs confiderable in Trade, Bufi-
nefs and Pleaſure; befide the Lofs to the Publick of fe
many
Avolifbing CHRISTIANITY.
85
-many ftately Structures now in the Hands of the
Clergy; which might be converted into Theatres, Ex-
changes, Market-houſes, common Dormitories, and
other publick Edifices.
I hope I shall be forgiven a hard Word, if I call
this a perfect Cavil. I readily own there hath been
an old Cuſtom, Time out of Mind, for People to af-
femble in the Churches every Sunday, and that Shops
are ftill frequently fhut, in order, as it is conceived,
to preferve the Memory of that antient Practice; but
how this can prove a Hindrance to Buſineſs, or Plea-
fure, is hard to imagine. What if the Men of Plea-
fure, are forced, one Day in the Week, to game at
home, instead of the Chocolate-Houje? Are not the
Taverns and Coffer-Houfes open? Can there be a more
convenient Seafon for taking a Doſe of Phyſick? Are
fewer Claps got upon Sundays than other Days? Is
not that the chief Day for Traders to fum up the Ac-
counts of the Week; and for Lawyers to prepare their
Briefs? But I would fain know-how it can be pretend-
ed, that the Churches are mifapplied. Where are
more Appointments and Rendezvouzes of Gallantry?
Where more Care to appear in the foremoſt Box with
greater Advantage of Drefs? Where more Meetings
for Buſineſs? Where more Bargains driven of all Sorts?
And where fo many, Conveniencies, or Incitements to
-Sleep?
THERE is one Advantage, greater than any of the
foregoing, propofed by the abolishing of Chriſtianity
that it will utterly extinguiſh Parties among us, by
removing thofe factious Diſtinctions of High and Leso
Church, of Whig and Tory, Prefbyterian and Church-
of-England; which are now fo many grievous Clogs
upon publick Proceedings, and difpofe Men to prefer
the gratifying themfelves, or depreffing their Adver-
faries, before the most important Intereft of the
State.
I confefs, if it were certain that fo great an Ad-
vantage would redound to the Nation by this Ex-
pedient, I would ſubmit and be filent: But, will any
VOL. I.
I
Man
86
An ARGUMENT against
+
Man fay, that, if the Words Whoring, Drinking, Cheat-
ing, Lying, Stealing, were, by Act of Parliament,
ejected out of the English Tongue and Dictionaries,
we ſhould all awake next Morning chafte and tempe-
rate, honeſt and juſt, and Lovers of Truth. Is this a
fair Confequence? Or, if the Phyficians would forbid
us to pronounce the Words Pox, Gout, Rheumatiſm,
and Stone; would that Expedient ſerve like ſo many
Taliſmans to deſtroy the Diſeaſes themſelves? Are
Party and Faction rooted in Mens Hearts no deeper
than Phraſes borrowed from Religion, or founded up-
on no firmer Principles? And is our Language fo poor,
that we cannot find other Terms to exprefs them?
Are Envy, Pride, Avarice, and Ambition, fuch ill
Nomenclators, that they cannot furniſh Appellations
for their Owners? Will not Heydukes and Mamalukes,
Mandarines, and Potſhaws, or any other Works formed
at Pleaſure, ſerve to diſtinguiſh thoſe who are in the
Miniſtry from others, who would be in it if they
could? What, for Inftance, is eaſier than to vary the
Form of Speech; and, inſtead of the Word Church,
make it a Queſtion in Politicks, Whether the Monu-
ment be in Danger? Becauſe Religion was neareſt at
Hand to furnish a few convenient Phraſes: Is our
Invention fo barren, we can find no other? Suppoſe,
for Argument Sake, That the Tories favoured * Marga-
rita, the Whigs Mrs. Tofts, and the Trimmers Valen-
tini; Would not Margaritians, Tofiians, and Valenti-
nians, be very tolerable Marks of Diſtinction? The
Prafini and Veneti, two moft virulent Factions in
Italy, began (if I remember right) by a Diftinction of
Colours in Ribbands; which we might do, with as
good a Grace, about the Dignity of the Blue and
Green; and would ferve as properly to divide the
Court, the Parliament, and the Kingdom between
them, as any Terms of Art whatſoever, borrowed
* Italian Singers then in Vogue.
from
Abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
87
from Religion. Therefore, I think there is little
Force in this Objection againſt Chriſtianity; or Pro-
fpect of fo great an Advantage as is propofed in the
aboliſhing of it.
Let
It is again objected, as a very abfurd, ridiculous
Cuftom, that a Set of Men fhould be fuffered, much
lefs employed, and hired to bawl one Day in ſeven,
againſt the Lawfulneſs of thoſe Methods moſt in Uſe
towards the Purſuit of Greatnefs, Riches, and Plea-
fure; which are the conflant Practice of all Men'
alive on the other fix. But this Objection is, I think,
a little unworthy fo refined an Aģe as ours.
us argue this Matter calmly. I appeal to the Breaſt
of any polite Free-thinker, whether in the Purfuit of
gratifying a predominant Paffion, he hath not always
felt a wonderful Incitement, by reflecting it was a
Thing forbidden: And therefore we fee, in order to
cultivate this Tafte, the Wiſdom of the Nation hath
taken fpecial Care, that the Ladies fhould be furniſh-
ed with prohibited Silks, and the Men with prohibit-
ed Wine: And, indeed, it were to be wifhed, that
fome other Prohibitions were promoted, in order to
improve the Pleafures of the Town; which, for want
of fuch Expedients, begin already as I am told, to
flag and grow languid; giving way daily to cruel
Inroads from the Spleen.
It is likewife propofed, as a great Advantage to
the Publick, that if we once difcard the Syftem of
the Goſpel, all Religion will, of courſe, be banished
for ever; and confequently along with it, thofe grie-
vous Prejudices of Education; which, under the
Names of Virtue, Confcience, Honour, Juftice, and
the like, are ſo apt to diſturb the Peace of human
Minds; and the Notions whereof are fo hard to be.
eradicated by right Reafon, or Free-thinking, fome--
times during the whole Courfe of our Lives.
HERE, firft, I obferve how difficult it is to get rid
of a Phraſe, which the World is once grown fond of,
although the Occafion that firſt produced it, be en--
tirely taken away. For feveral Years paſt, if a Man
I 2.
had
88
An ARGUMENT against
had but an ill-favoured Nofe, the Deep-thinkers of
the Age, would fome Way or other, contrive to im-
pute the Cauſe to the Prejudice of his Education:
From this Fountain are faid to be derived all our fool-
ith Notions of Juftice, Piety, Love of our Country;
all our Opinions of God, or a future State, Heaven,
Hell, and the like: And there might formerly, per-
haps, have been fome Pretence for this Charge. But
fo effectual Care hath been fince taken, to remove
thofe Prejudices by an entire Change in the Methods
of Education; that (with Honour I mention it to our
polite Innovators) the young Gentlemen who are now
on the Scene, ſeem to have not the leaft Tindure left
of thoſe Infufions, or String of thofe Weeds; and, by
Confequence, the Reafon for abolishing Nominal Chri-
ftianity upon that Pretext, is wholly ceafed.
FOR the reft, it may perhaps admit a Contro-
verfy, whether the banishing all Notions of Religion
whatever, would be convenient for the Vulgar.
Not that I am, in the leaft, of opinion with thoſe,
who hold Religion to have been the Invention of Po-
liticians, to keep the lower Part of the World in awe,
by the Fear of invifible Powers; unleſs Mankind were
then very different from what it is now: For I look
upon the Maſs, or Body of our People here in Eng-
land, to be as Free-thinkers, that is to fay, as ftanch
Unbelievers, as any of the higheſt Rank. But I
conceive ſome ſcattered Notions about a fuperior
Power to be of fingular Ufe for the common Peo-
ple, as furniſhing excellent Materials to keep Chil-
dren quiet, when they grow peevish; and provi-
ding Topicks of Amuſement in a tedious Winter-
night.
LASTLY, It is propofed as a fingular Advantage,
that the aboliſhing of Chriftianity, will very much
contribute to the uniting of Proteftants, by enlarging
the Terms of Communion, fo as to take in all Sorts
of Diffenters; who are now fhut out of the Pale upon
account of a few Ceremonies, which all Sides confuls
to be Things indifferent: That this alone will effe-
Qtually
Abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
89
Etually anſwer the great Ends of a Scheme for Com-
prehenfion, by opening a large noble Gate, at which
all Bodies may enter; whereas the chaffering with
Diffenters, and dodging about this or the other Ce-
remony, is but like opening a few Wickets, and
leaving them at jar, by which no more than one can
get in at a Time, and that not without ſtopping and
fideling, and fqueezing his Body.
To all this I anfwer, That there is one darling
Inclination of Mankind, which uſually affecteth to be
a Retainer to Religion, although the be neither its
Parent, its Godmother, or its Friend; I mean the
Spirit of Oppofition, that lived long before Chrifti-
anity, and can eaſily fubfift without it. Let us, for
Inftance, examine wherein the Oppoſition of Secta-
ries among us confifteth; we fhall find Chriftianity
to have no Share in it at all. Does the Goſpel any-
where preſcribe a ftarched fqueezed Countenance, a
ſtiff formal Gait, a Singularity of Manners and Ha-
bit, or any affected Modes of Speech, different from
the reaſonable Part of Mankind? Yet, if Chriftianity
did not lend its Name, to ftand in the Gap, and to
employ or divert theſe Humours, they muft of Ne-
ceffity be spent in Contraventions to the Laws of
the Land, and Disturbance of the publick Peace.
There is a Portion of Enthufiafm afligned to every
Nation, which if it hath not proper Objects to work
on, will burst out, and fet all in a Flame. If the
Quiet of a State can be bought by only flinging
Men a few Ceremonies to devour, it is a Purchase
no wife Man would refuſe. Let the Maftiffs amufe
themſelves about a Sheep-fkin ftuffed with Hay, pro-
vided it will keep them from worrying the Flock.
The Inititution of Convents abroad, fcemeth in one
Point a Strain of great Wiſdom; there being few
Irregularities in human Paffions, that may not ave
Recourse to vent themfelves in fome of thofe hOr-
ders; which are fo many Retreats for the Spec ula-
tive, the Melancholy, the Proud, the silent, the
Politick, and the Morofe, to fpend themiclves, and
evaporate
I 3
90
An ARGUMENT against
evaporate the noxious Particles; for each of whom,
we in this Ifland are forced to provide a feveral Sect
of Religion, to keep them quiet. And whenever
Christianity fhall be abolished, the Legiflature mult
find fome other Expedient to employ and entertain
them. For what importeth it, how large a Gate
you open, if there will be always left a Number,
who place a Pride and a Merit in refufing to en-
ter?
HAVING thus confidered the moſt important Ob-
jections against Christianity, and the chief Advantages
propoſed by the aboliſhing thereof; I ſhall now, with
equal Deference and Submiffion to wifer Judgments
as before, proceed to mention a few Inconveniencies
that may happen, if the Gofpel fhould be repealed;
which perhaps, the Projectors may not have fuffici-
ently conſidered.
AND first, I am very fenfible how much the Gcn
tlemen of Wit and Pleaſure are apt to murmur, and
be chocked at the Sight of fo many daggled-tail
Parfons, who happened to fall in their Way, and
offend their Eyes: But at the fame time theſe wiſe
Reformers do not confider what an Advantage and
Felicity it is, for great Wits to be always provided
with Objects of Scorn and Contempt, in order to ex-
ercife and improve their Talents, and divert their
Spleen from falling on each other, or on themſelves;
eſpecially when all this may be done without the
leaft imaginable Danger to their Perfons.
AND to urge another Argument of a parallel Na-
ture: If Chriftianity were once abolished, how could
the Free-thinkers, the ftrong Reafoners, and the
Men of profound Learning be able to find another
Subject ſo calculated in all Points whereon to diſplay
their Abilitics. What wonderful Productions of Wit
ſhould we be deprived of, from thoſe whofe Genius,
by continual Practice, hath been wholly turned upon
Raillery and Invectives againft Religion; and would
therefore never be able to fhine or diſtinguiſh them-
felves upon any other Subject. We are daily com-
plaining
Abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
93
plaining of the great Decline of Wit among us; and
would we take away the greateft, perhaps the only
Topick we have left? Who would ever have fufpected
Afgill for a Wit, or Toland for a Philofopher, if the
inexhaustible stock of Chriftianity had not been at
Hand to provide them with Materials? What other
Subject through all Art or Nature could have produced
Tindal for a profound Author, or furniſhed him with
Readers? It is the wife. Choice of the Subject, that
alone adorneth and diftinguiſhes the Writer. For had
an hundred ſuch Pens as theſe been employed on the
Side of Religion, they would have immediately funk
into Silence and Oblivion.
Nor do I think it wholly ground lefs, or my
Fears altogether imaginary; that the aboliſhing of
Christianity may, perhaps, bring the Church in Dan-
ger; or, at leaft, put the Senate to the i rouble of
another fecuring Vote. I defire, I may not be mif-
taken; I am far from prefuming to affirm or think,
that the Church is in Danger at prefent, or as Things
now ſtand; but we know not how foon it may be fo,
when the Chriftian Religion is repealed. As plau-
fible as this Project ſeems, there may a danger--
ous Deſign lurk under it. Nothing can be more
notorious, than that the Athefts, Deifis, Socinians,
Anti-Trinitarians, and other Subdivifions of Free-
thinkers, are Perfons of little Zeal for the prefent
Ecclefiaftical Eftablishment: Their declared Opini-.
on is for repealing the facramental Teft; they are
very indifferent with regard to Ceremonies;
do they hold the Jus Divinum of Epifcopacy. There-
fore this may be intended as one politick Step to-
wards altering the Conftitution of the Church efta-
blished, and fetting up Prefbytery in the Stead; which
I leave to be further confidered by thofe at the Helm.
In the laft Place, I think nothing can be more plain,.
than that by this Expedient we fhall run into the Evil
we chiefly pretend to avoid; and that the Abolif
ment of the Chriftian Religion, will be the readieſt
nor
Courfe
92
An ARGUMENT against
Courſe we can take to introduce Popery. And I am.
the more inclined to this Opinion, becauſe we know
it hath been the conftant Practice of the Jesuits to
fend over Emiffaries, with Inftructions to perfonate
themſelves Members of the feveral prevailing Sects
among us. So it is recorded, that they have at fun-
dry Times appeared in the Guife of Prefbyterians,
Anabaptifts, Independents, and Quakers; according as
any of theſe were moft in Credit: So, fince the
Fashion hath been taken up of exploding Religion,
the Popish Miffionaries have not been wanting to mix
with the Free-thinkers; among whom, Toland, the
great Oracle of the Anti-Chriflians, is an Irish Prieſt,
the Son of an Irish Prieſt; and the moſt learned and
ingenious Author of a Book, called the Rights of the
Chriflian Church, was, in a proper Juncture, reconciled
to the Romish Faith; whofe true Son, as appeareth by
an hundred Paffages in his Treatife, he ftill continueth.
Perhaps I could add ſome others to the Number; but
the Fact is beyond Diſpute; and the Reaſoning they
proceed by, is right; for, fuppofing Christianity to
be extinguished, the People will never be at Eafe, until
they find out fome other Method of Worship; which
will as infallibly produce Superftition, as this will end
in Popery.
AND therefore, if, notwithstanding all I have
faid, it fhall fill be thought neceffary to have a Bill
brought in for repealing Christianity; I would hum-
bly offer an Amendment, that inflead of the Word
Chriflianity, may be put Religion in general; which
I conceive, will much better anfwer all the good
Ends propofed by the Projectors of it. For, as long
as we leave in Being a God, and his Providence,
with all the neceffary Confequences, which curious
and inquifitive Men will be apt to draw from fuch
Premifes; we do not strike at the Root of the Evil,
although we ſhould ever fo effectually annihilate the
prefent Scheme of the Gofpel. For, of what Ufe is
Freedom of Thought, if it will not produce Free-
dom of Action; which is the fole End, how remote:
foever,
Abolishing CHRISTIANITY.
93
foever, in Appearance, of all Objections againft Chri-
ftianity? And therefore, the Free-thirkers confider
it as a Sort of Edifice, wherein all the Parts have
fuch a mutual Dependence on each other, that if you
happen to pull out one fingle Nail, the whole Fabrick
muſt fall to the Ground. This was happily expreffed
by him, who had heard of a Text brought for Proof
of the Trinity, which in an antient Manufcript was
differently read; he thereupon immediately took the
Hint, and by a fudden Deduction of a long dorites,
moft logically concluded: Why, if it be as you fay,
I may fafely whore and drink on, and defy the Parfon.
From which, and many the like Inftances, eaſy to be
produced, I think nothing can be more manifeft, than
that the Quarrel is not against any particular Points of
hard Digeſtion in the Chriftian Syftem; but againſt
Religion in general; which, by laying Reftraints on
human Nature, is fuppofed the great Enemy to the
Freedom of Thought and Action.
UPON the whole; if it fhall ftill be thought for
the Benefit of Church and State, that Christianity be
aboliſhed; I conceive, however, it may be more con-
venient to defer the Execution to a Time of Peace;
and not venture in this Conjuncture to diſoblige our
Allies; who, as it falleth out, are all Chriftians; and
many of them, by the Prejudices of their Education,
fo bigotted, as to place a Sort of Pride in the Appel-
lation. If, upon being rejected by them, we are to
truft to an Alliance with the Turk, we ſhall find our-
felves much deceived: for, as he is too remote, and
generally engaged in War with the Perfian Emperor;
fo his People would be more ſcandalized at our Infi-
delity, than our Chriftian Neighbours. Becaufe, the
Turks are not only ſtrict Obfervers of religious Wor-
ſhip but, what is worſe, believe a God; which is
more than is required of us, even while we preferve
the Name of Chriftians.
To
94 An ARGUMENT againſt, &c.
To conclude: Whatever fome may think of the
great Advantages to Trade, by this favourite Scheme;
I do very much apprehend, that, in fix Months Time,
after the Act is paffed for the Extirpation of the Go-
fpel, the Bank and East India Stock may fall, at leaft,
One per Cent. And, fince that is fifty Times more
than ever the Wiſdom of our Age thought fit to ven-
ture for the Prefervation of Chriftianity, there is no
Reafon we ſhould be at fo great a Lofs, merely for the -
Sake of deftroying it.
PRE-
PREDICTIONS
For the YEAR 1708.
Wherein the Month, and Day of the
Month are fet down, the Perfons nam-
ed, and the great Actions and Events of
next Year particularly related as they will
come to paſs.
Written to prevent the People of England from being
farther impofed on by vulgar Almanack-Makers.
By ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq;
It is faid, that the Author, when he had writ the following Pa-
per, and being at a Loss what Name to prefix to it; paſſing
through Long-Acre, obferved a Sign over a House where
Lockſmith dwelt, and found the Name Bickerſtaff written under
it: Which being a Name fomewhat uncommon, he chose to call
himſelf Ifaac Bickerstaff. This Name was fometime afterward
made ufe of by Sir Richard Stecle, and Mr. Addiſon, in the
TATLERS; in which Papers, as well as many of the SPEC-
TATORS, it is well known, that the Author bad a confiderable
Part.
H
AVING long confidered the groſs Abuſe of
Aftrology in this Kingdom; upon debating the
Matter with myſelf, I could not poffibly lay the
Fault upon the Art, but, upon thoſe grofs Impoftors,
who
96
PREDICTIONS
I know feveral learned
who ſet up to be the Artiſts.
to be the Artifts.
Men have contended, that the whole is a Cheat; that it
¨is abſurd and ridiculous to imagine, the Stars can have
any Influence at all upon human Actions, Thoughts,
or Inclinations: And whoever hath not bent his Stu-
dies that Way, may be excuſed for thinking ſo, when
he fees in how wretched a Manner this noble Art is
treated, by a few mean illiterate Traders between us
and the Stars; who import a yearly Stock of Non-
fenfe, Lies, Folly, and Impertinence, which they
offer to the World as genuine from the Planets; al-
though they defcend from no greater a Height than
their own Brains.
I intend, in a ſhort time, to publiſh a large and
rational Defence of this Art; and, therefore, ſhall
fay no more in its Juftification at prefent, than that it
hath been in all Ages defended by many learned
Men; and, among the reft, by Socrates himself, whom
I look upon as undoubtedly the wifeft of uninfpired
Mortals: To which if we add, that thoſe who have
condemned this Art, although otherwiſe learned, ha-
ving been fuch as either did not apply their Studies
this Way, or at leaſt did not fucceed in their Appli-
cations; their Teftimony will not be of much Weight
to its Diſadvantage, fince they are liable to the com-
mon Objection of condemning what they did not un-
derſtand.
NOR am I at all offended, or think it an Injury to
the Art, when I fee the common Dealers in it, the
Students in Aftrekgy, the Philomaths, and the reſt of
that Tribe, treated by wife Men with the utmoſt Scorn
and Contempt: But I rather wonder, when I obferve
Gentlemen in the Country, rich enough to ſerve the
Nation in Parliament, poring in Partrige's Almanack,
to find out the Events of the Year at home and a-
broad; not daring to propofe a Hunting-match, un-
til Gadbury, or he, hath fixed the Weather.
I will allow either of the two I have mentioned,
or any other of the Fraternity to be not only Aftro-
logers, but Conjurers too; if I do not produce an
hundred
for the Year 1708.
97
hundred Inftances in all their Almanacks, to con-
vince any reaſonable Man, that they do not fo much
as underſtand Grammar and Syntax; that they are
not able to ſpell any Word out of the ufual Road;
nor even in their Prefaces to write common Sense or
intelligible English. Then for their Obfervations and
Predictions, they are fuch as will equally fuit any
Age, or Country in the World. This Month a certain
great Perfon will be threatened with Death or Sickneſs.
This the News-paper will tell them; for there we
find at the End of the Year, that no Month paffes
without the Death of fome Perfon of Note; and it
would be hard, if it fhould be otherwife, when there
are at least two thouſand Perfons of Note in this
Kingdom, many of them old; and the Almanack-
maker has the Liberty of chufing the ficklieft Seafon
in the Year, where he may fix his Prediction. Again,
This Month an eminent Clergyman will be preferred; of
which there may be fome hundreds, half of them
with one Foot in the Grave. Then, Such a Planet
in fuch a Houſe fhews great Machinations, Plots and
Confpiracies, that may in time be brought to Light: Af-
ter which, if we hear of any Discovery, the A-
ftrologer gets the Honour; if not, his Prediction ſtill
ftandeth good. And at laft, God preferve King Wil
liam from all his open and fecret Enemies, Amen. When,
if the King fhould happen to have died, the Aftrolo-
ger plainly foretold it, otherwife, it pafieth but for
the pious Ejaculation of a loyal Subject: Although it
unluckily happened in fome of their Almanacks, that
poor King William was prayed for many Months af-
ter he was dead; becaufe, it unluckily fell out that
he died about the Beginning of the Year.
To mention no more of their impertinent Predi&i-
ons: What have we to do with their Advertiſements
about Pills, and Drink for the Venereal Diſeaſe, or their
mutual Quarrels in Verfe and Profe of Wig and
Tory? wherewith the Stars have little to do.
HAVING long obferved and lamented theſe, and a
hundred other Abufes of this Art, too tedious to re-
VOL. I.
K
peat,
08
PREDICTIONS
peat, I refolved to proceed in a new Way; which I
doubt not will be to the general Satisfaction of the
Kingdom. I can this Year produce but a Specimen
of what I defign for the future; having employed moft
Part of my Time in adjufting and correcting the Cal-
culations I made for fome Years paft; becauſe, I would
offer nothing to the World of which I am not as fully
fatisfied, as that I am now alive. For theſe two laſt
Years I have not failed in above one or two Particulars,
and thoſe of no very great Moment. I exactly fore-
told the Miſcarriage at Toulon, with all its Particulars;
and the Lofs of Admiral Shovel, although I was mif-
taken as to the Day, placing that Accident about
thirty fix Hours fooner than it happened; but upon
reviewing my Schemes, I quickly found the Caufe of
that Error. I likewife foretold the Battle at Almanza
to the very Day and Hour, with the Lofs on both
fides, and the Confequences thereof. All which I
fhewed to fome Friends many Months before they hap-
pened; that is,
that is, I gave them Papers fealed up, to open
at fuch a Time, after which they were at Liberty to
read them; and there they found my Predictions true
in every Article, except one or two, very minute.
As for the few following Predictions. I now offer the
World, I forbore to publish them, until I had perufed
the feveral Almanacks for the Year we are now entered
upon. I found them all in the uſual Strain, and I beg
the Reader will compare their Manner with mine: And
here I make bold to tell the World, that I lay the
whole Credit of my Art upon the Truth of thefe Pre-
dictions; and I will be content that Partrige, and the
reft of his Clan, may hoot me for a Cheat and Impo-
ftor, if I fail in any fingle Particular of Moment. I
believe any Man, who reads this Paper, will look up-
on me to be at leaſt a Perſon of as much Honefty and
Understanding, as a common Maker of Almanacks.
I do not lurk in the Dark; I am not wholly unknown
in the World, I have fet my Name at length, to be
a Mark of Infamy to Mankind, if they fhall find I
deceive them.
IN
for the Year 1708.
99
In one Point I must defire to be forgiven; that I
talk more ſparingly of home Affairs. As it would be
Imprudence to diſcover Secrets of State, fo it might
be dangerous to my Perfon: But in fmaller Matters,
and fuch as are not of publick Confequence, I fhall
be very free: And the Truth of my Conjectures will
as much appear from theſe as the other. As for the
moft fignal Events abroad in France, Flanders, Italy
and Spain, I fhall make no Scruple to predict them
in plain Terms: Some of them are of Importance,
and, I hope, I ſhall ſeldom miſtake the Day they will
happen: Therefore, I think good to inform the
Reader, that I all along make use of the Old Style
obſerved in England; which I defire he will compare
with that of the News-papers, at the Time they re-
late the Actions I mention.
I must add one Word more: I know it hath been:
the Opinion of feveral learned Perfons, who think welt
enough of the true Art of Aftrology, That the Stars
do only incline, and not force the Actions or Wills of
Men. And therefore, however I may proceed by
right Rules, yet I cannot in Prudence fo confidently
affure, that the Events will follow exactly as I predic
them.
I hope, I have maturely confidered this Objection,
which in fome Cafes is of ro little Weight. For
Example: A Man may, by the Influence of an over-
ruling Planet, be difpofed or inclined to Luft, Rage,
or Avarice; and yet by the Force of Reaſon over-
come that evil Influence. And this was the Cafe of
Socrates; but the great Events of the World ufually
depending upon Numbers of Men, it cannot be ex-
pected they ſhould all unite to cross their Inclina--
tions, from purſuing a general Deſign wherein they
unanimoufly agree. Befides the Influence of the
Stars reacheth to many Actions and Events, which
are not any way in the Power of Reafon; as Sick-
nefs, Death, and what we commonly call Accidents;
with many more needlefs to repeat.
K 2
BUT
100
PREDICTIONS
BUT now it is Time to proceed to my Predictions
which I have begun to calculate from the Time that
the Sun entereth into Aries. And this I take to be
properly the Beginning of the natural Year. I purfue
them to the Time that he entereth Libra, or ſome-
what more, which is the bufy Period of the Year.
The Remainder I have not yet adjuſted upon account
of feveral Impediments needlefs here to mention. Be-
fides, I muſt remind the Reader again, that this is
but a Specimen of what I deſign, in fucceeding Years,
to treat more at large, if I may have Liberty and
Encouragement.
My first Prediction is but a Trifle; yet I will men-
tion it, to fhew how ignorant thoſe fottish Pretenders
to Aftrology are in their own Concerns: It relate:h
to Partrige the Almanack-maker; I have conſulted
the Star of his Nativity by my own Rules; and find
he will infallibly die upon the 29th of March next,
about Eleven at Night, of a raging Fever: There-
fore I adviſe him to conſider of it, and fettle his Af-
fairs in time.
THE Month of APRIL will be obfervable for the
Death of many great Perfons. On the 4th will die
the Cardinal de Noailles, Archbishop of Paris: On
the 11th the young Prince of Afturias, Son to the
Duke of Anjou: On the 14th a great Peer of this
Realm will die at his Country-houfe: On the 19th
an old Layman of great Fame and Learning: And on
the 23d an eminent Goldfmith in Lombard-ſtreet. I
could mention others, both at home and abroad, if
I did not confider fuch Events of very little Uſe or In-
ftruction to the Reader, or to the World.
As to publick Affairs: On the 7th of this Month
there will be an Infurrection in Dauphiny, occafioned
by the Oppreffions of the People; which will not be
quieted in fome Months.
On the 15th will be a violent Storm on the South-
Eaſt Coaſt of France; which will deftroy many of
their Ships, and fome in the very Harbour.
1
THE
for the YEAR 1708:
ΙΟΙ
THE 19th will be famous for the Revolt of a whole
Province or Kingdom, excepting one City; by which
the Affairs of a certain Prince in the Alliance will
take a better Face.
MAY, againſt common Conjectures, will be no
very busy Month in Europe; but very fignal for the
Death of the Dauphine, which will happen on the 7th,
after a fhort Fit of Sickness, and grievous Torments
with the Strangury. He dieth leis lamented by the
Court than the Kingdom.
On the 9th, a Marefchal of France will break his
Leg by a Fall from his Horſe. I have not been able
to diſcover, whether he will then die or not.
On the 11th, willbegin a moft important Siege,
which the Eyes of all Europe will be upon: I cannot be
more particular; for in relating Affairs that fo nearly
concern the Confederates, and confequently this King--
dom; I am forced to confine myfelf, for ſeveral
Reaſons very obvious to the Reader.
On the 15th, News will arrive of a very ſurpriſing
Event, than which nothing could be more unexpected.
On the 19th, three noble Ladies of this Kingdom,
will, againſt all Expectation, prove with Child, to the
great Joy of their Hufbands.
On the 23, a famous Buffoon of the Play-Houſe
will die a ridiculous Death, fuitable to his Vocation.
JUNE, This Month will be distinguished at home,
by the utter difperfing of thoſe ridiculous deluded En-
thufiafts, commonly called Prophets; occafioned chief-
ly by feeing the Time come, when many of their Pro-
phecies were to be fulfilled; and then, finding them-
felves deceived by contrary Events. It is indeed to be
admired, how any Deceiver can be fc weak to foretel
Things near at Hand; when a very few Months muſt
of Neceffity difcover the Impofture to all the World:
In this Point, lefs prudent than common Almanack-
makers, who are fo wife to wander in generals, talk
dubiouſly, and leave to the Reader the Bufinefs of In-
terpretation.
K 3
102
PREDICTIONS
On the 1ft of this Month a French General will be
killed by a random Shot of a Cannon-ball.
On the 6th, a Fire will break out in the Suburbs of
Paris, which will deftroy above a thouſand Houſes,
and feemeth to be the Foreboding of what will hap-
pen, to the Surprize of all Europe, about the End of
the following Month.
On the 10th, a great Battle will be fought, which
will begin at Four of the Clock in the Afternoon, and
laft until Nine at Night, with great Obstinacy, but no
very decifive Event. I fhall not name the Place, for
the Reaſons aforefaid; but the Commanders on each
left Wing will be killed I fee Bonfires, and hear
the Noife of Guns for a Victory.
ON the 14th, there will be a falfe Report of the
French King's Death.
ON the 20th, Cardinal Portocarrero will die of a
Dyfentery, with great Sufpicion of Poifon; but the
Report of his Intention to revolt to King Charles will
prove falfe.
JULY, the 6th of this Month a certain General
will, by a glorious Action, recover the Reputation he
loft by former Misfortunes.
On the 12th, a great Commander will die a Priſoner
in the Hands of his Enemies.
On the 14th, a fhameful Difcovery will be made of
a French Jefuit giving Poifon to a great foreign Gene-
ral; and when he is put to the Torture, will make
wonderful Difcoveries.
In fhort, this will prove a Month of great Action,
if I might have Liberty to relate the Particulars.
Ar home, the Death of an old famous Senator
will happen on the 15th at his Country-houſe, worn
with Age and Difeafes.
BUT that which will make this Month memorable
to all Pofterity, is the Death of the French King
Leavis XIV. after a Week's Sicknefs at Marli; which
will happen on the 29th, about Six o' Clock in the
Evening. It feemeth to be an Effect of the Gout
in his Stomach, followed by a Flux. And in three
Days
for the YEAR 1708.
103
Days after Monfieur Chamillard will follow his Ma-
fter, dying fuddenly of an Apoplexy.
IN this Month likewife an Ambaſſador will die in
London; but I cannot affign the Day.
AUGUST. The Affairs of France will feem to
fuffer no Change for a while under the Duke of Bur-
gundy's Adminiltration. But the Genius that animated
the whole Machine being gone, will be the Caufe of
mighty Turns and Revolutions in the following Year.
The new King maketh yet little Change either in the
Army or the Miniftry; but the Libels againſt his
Grandfather, that fly about his very Court give him
Uneafinefs.
I fee an Exprefs in mighty Haſte, with Joy and
Wonder in his Looks, arriving by the Break of Day
on the 20th of this Month, having travelled in three
Days a prodigious Journey by Land and Sea. In the
Evening I hear Bells and Guns, and fee the blazing
of a thouſand Bonfires.
A young Admiral, of noble Birth, doth likewife
this Month gain immortal Honour, by a great At-
chievement.
THE Affairs of Poland are this Month entirely fet-
tled; Augujus refigneth his Pretenfions, which he had
again taken up for fome Time: Stanislaus is peaceably
poffeffed of the Throne and the King of Sweden de-
clareth for the Emperor.
I cannot omit one particular Accident, here at
home; that near the End of this Month, much Mif-
chief will be done at Bartholomew Fair, by the Fall
of a Booth.
SEPTEMBER. This Month begins with a ve-
ry fuprifing Fit of frolly Weather, which will laſt
near twelve Davs.
THE Pope having long languifhed, laft Month the
Swellings in his Legs breaking, and the Flefh morti-
fying, will die on the 11th infant: And in three
Wecks Time, after a mighty Contest, be fucceeded
by a Cardinal of the Imperial Faction, but Native of
Tufcany, who is now about fixty one Years old.
THE
104
PREDICTIONS
THE French Army acteth now wholly on the defen
five, ftrongly fortified in their Trenches; and the
young French King fendeth Overtures for a Treaty of
Peace, by the Duke of Mantua; which, becauſe it is
a Matter of State that concerneth us here at home,
I shall fpeak no farther of.
I fhall add but one Prediction more, and that in
myftical Terms, which ſhall be included in a Verfe
out of Virgil.
Alter erit jam Tethys, et altera quae vehat Argo,
Delectos Heroas.
UPON the 25th Day of this Month, the fulfilling of
this Prediction will be manifeft to every body.
THIS is the fartheft I have proceeded in my Calcu
lations for the prefent Year. I do not pretend, that
theſe are all the great Events which will happen in
this Period; but that thofe I have fet down will in-
fallibly come to pafs. It may, perhaps, ftill be ob-
jected, why I have not ſpoke more particularly of
Affairs at home; or of the Succefs of our Armies
abroad, which I might, and could very largely have
done. But thofe in Power have wifely difcouraged
Men from meddling in publick Concerns; and I was
refolved, by no Means, to give the leaſt Offence.
This I will venture to fay; that it will be a glorious
Campaign for the Allies; wherein the English Forces,
both by Sea and Land will have their full Share of
Honour That her Majefty Queen ANNE will
continue in Health and Profperity: And, that no ill
Accident will arrive to any in the chief Ministry.
:
As to the particular Events I have mentioned, the
Readers may judge by the fulfilling of them, whether
I am of the Level with common Aftrologers; who,
with an old paultry Cant, and a few Pot-hooks for
Planets to amufe the Vulgar, have, in my Opinion,
too long been fuffered to abuſe the World. But an
honest Physician ought not to be defpifed, becaufe
there are fuch Things as Mountebanks. I hope, I
have
for the YEAR 1708.
105
have fome Share of Reputation, which I would not
willingly forfeit for a Frolick, or Humour: And I
believe no Gentleman who reads this Paper, will
look upon it to be of the fame Caft, or Mold, with
the common Scribblers that are every Day hawked
about. My Fortune hath placed me above the little
Regard of writing for a few Pence, which I neither
value nor want: Therefore, let not wife Men too
haftily condemn this Effay, intended for a good De-
fign to cultivate and improve an antient Art, long in
Difgrace, by having fallen into mean unfkilful Hands.
A little Time will determine whether I have deceived
others, or myfelf; and, I think, it is no very unrea-
fonable Request, that Men would pleafe to fufpend
their Judgments until then. I was once of the Opi-
nion with thoſe who defpife all Predictions from the
Stars, unul in the Year 1686, a Man of Quality
fhewed me written in his Album, that the moſt learn-
ed Aftronomer Captain Hally affured him, he would
never believe any Thing of the Stars Influence, if
there were not a great Revolution in England in the
Year 1688. Since that Time, I began to have other
Thoughts; and, after eighteen Years diligent Study
and Application, I think I have no reafon to repent of
my Pains. I fhall detain the Reader no longer than
to let him know, that the Account I defign to give of
next Year's Events, fhall take in the principal Affairs
that happen in Europe: And if I be denied the Liber-
ty of offering it to my own Country, I fhall appeał
to the learned World, by publishing it in Latin, and
giving Order to have it printed in Holland.
THE
J
THE
ACCOMPLISHMENT
Of the FIRST of
Mr. Bickerstaff's Predictions.
BEING AN
ACCOUNT
OF THE
Death of Mr. PARTRIGE, the
ALMANACK-MAKER, upon the
29th Inſtant.
In a Letter to a Perſon of Honour.
My LORD,
I
Written in the Year 1708.
N Obedience to your Lordship's Commands, as
well as to fatisfy my own Curiofity, I have, for
fome days paft, inquired conftantly after Partrige
the Almanack-maker; of whom it was foretold in
Mr. Bickerstaff's Predictions, published about a Month
ago, that he should die the 29th Inftant, about Eleven
at Night, of a raging Fever. I had lome Sort of
Knowledge of him when I was employed in the Re-
venue; becauſe he uſed every Year to prelent me
with
108 An ACCOUNT of PARTRIGE's Death.
were
with his Almanack, as he did other Gentlemen; up-
on the Score of fome little Gratuity we gave him.
I ſaw him accidentally once or twice about ten Days
before he died; and obferved he began very much
to droop and languiſh, although I hear his Friends
did not feem to apprehend him in any Danger.
About two or three Days ago he grew ill; was con-
fined first to his Chamber, and in a few Hours after
to his Bed; where Dr. Cafe, and Mrs. Kirleus
fent for to vifit, and to prefcribe to him. Upon
this Intelligence, I fent thrice every Day one Servant
or other to inquire after his Health; and Yeſterday
about four in the Afternoon, Word was brought me
that he was paft Hopes: Upon which I prevailed
with myſelf to go and fee him; partly out of Com-
miferation, and, I confefs, partly out of Curiofity.
He knew me very well, feemed furpriſed at my
Condefcenfion, and made me Compliments upon it
as well as he could in the Condition he was.
The People about him faid, he had been for fome
Time delirious; but when I faw him, he had his
Underſtanding as well as ever I knew, and fpoke
ftrong and hearty, without any feeming Uneafinefs
or Conſtraint. After I had told him, I was forry to
fee him in thoſe melancholy Circumftances, and faid
fome other Civilities, fuitable to the Occafion; I de-
fired him to tell me freely and ingenuouſly whether the
Predictions Mr. Bickerstaff had published relating to
his Death, had not too much affected and worked on
his Imagination. He confefled he often had it in his
Head, but never with much Apprehenfion till about a
Fortnight before; fince which Time it had the perpe-
tual Poffeffion of his Mind and Thoughts; and he
did verily believe was the true natural Caufe of his
prefent Distemper: For, faid he, I am thoroughly
perfuaded, and I think I have very good Reafons, that
Mr. Bickerstaff spoke altogether by Guefs, and knew
no more what will happen this Year than I did myſelf.
* Two famous Quacks at that Time in London.
I
An ACCOUNT of PARTRIGE's Death. 109
I told him his Difcourfe furpriſed me; and I would
be glad he were in a State of Health to be able to tell
me what Reaſon he had to be convinced of Mr. Bicker-
ftaff's Ignorance. He replied, I am a poor ignorant
Fellow, bred to a mean Trade; yet I have Senfe
enough to know, that all Pretences of foretelling by
Aftrology, are Deceits; for this manifeft Reaſon, be-
cauſe the Wife and Learned, who can only judge whe-
ther there be any Truth in this Science, do all unani-
mouſly agree to laugh at and deſpiſe it; and none but
the poor ignorant Vulgar give it any Credit, and that
only upon the Word of fuch filly Wretches as I and
my Fellows, who can hardly write or read. I then
aſked him, why he had not calculated his own Nati-
vity, to fee whether it agreed with Bickerfloff's Pre-
dictions? At which he fhook his Head, and ſaid, O!
Sir, this is no Time for jefting, but for repenting
thoſe Fooleries, as I do now from the very Bottom of
my Heart. By what I can gather from you, faid I,
the Obfervations and Predictions you printed with your
Almanacks were mere Impofitions upon the People.
He replied, if it was otherwife, I fhould have the
lefs to anſwer for. We have a common Form for all
thofe Things: As to foretelling the Weather, we ne-
ver meddle with that, but leave it to the Printer, who
taketh it out of any old Almanack as he thinketh fit:
The reft was my own Invention to make my Alma-
nack fell; having a Wife to maintain, and no other
Way to get my Bread; for mending old Shoes is a
poor Livelihood: And (added he, fighing) I wiſh I
may not have done more Miſchief by my Phyfick than
my Aftrology, although I had fome good Receipts
from my Grandmother, and my own Compofitions
were fuch, as I thought could, at left, do no Hurt.
I had fome other Difcourfe with him, which now
I cannot call to Mind; and I fear I have already
tired your Lordship. I fhall only add one Circum-
flance, That on his Death-bed he declared himſelf a
Nonconformist, and had a fanatick Preacher to be
his fpiritual Guide. After half an Hour's Converſa-
VOL. I.
L
tion,
110 An ACCOUNT of PARTRIGE's Death.
tion, I took my Leave, being almoft ftifed by the
Cloſeneſs of the Room. I imagined he could not
hold out long; and therefore withdrew to a little
Coffee-Houfe hard by, leaving a Servant at the
Houſe with Orders to come immediately, and tell
me, as near as he could, the Minute when Partrige
fhould expire, which was not above two Hours after;
when looking upon my Watch, I found it to be a-
bove five Minutes after feven: By which it is clear,
that Mr. Bickerſtaff was miſtaken almoſt four Hours
in his Calculation. In the other Circumſtances he
was exact enough. But whether he hath not been
the Cauſe of this poor Man's Death, as well as the
Predictor, may be very reaſonably difputed. How-
ever it muſt be confeffed, the Matter is odd enough,
whether we fhould endeavour to account for it by
Chance or the Effect of Imagination: For my own
Part, although I believe no Man hath leſs Faith in
thefe Matters; yet I fhall wait with fome Impatience,
and not without Expectation, the fulfilling of Mr.
Bickerftaff's fecond Prediction; that the Cardinal de
Noialles is to die upon the fourth of April; and if
that ſhould be verified as exactly as this of poor Par-
trige; I must own, I fhould be wholly furpriſed, and
at a Lofs; and infallibly expect the Accomplishment
of all the reſt.
The
The following Piece, under the Name of
JOHN PARTRIGE, was written by that
famous Poet NICHOLAS ROWE, Efq;
and therefore being upon the fame Sub-
ject, although not by the fame Author,
we have thought fit to publiſh it, that
the Reader may have the whole Account.
together.
'Squire BICKER STAFF Detected:
OR, THE.
Aftrological Impoftor Convicted.
By JOHN PARTRIGE, Student in PHYSICK
and ASTROLOGY.
I
Tis hard, my dear Countrymen of theſe united
Nations: It is very hard, that a Briton born, a
Proteftant Aſtrologer, a Man of Revolution Prin-
ciples, an Afferter of the Liberty and Property of
the People, fhould cry out in vain, for Juftice againſt
a Frenchman, a Papist, and an illiterate Pretender to
Science; that would blaſt my Reputation, moft inhu-
manly bury me alive, and defraud my native Country
of thofe Services, which in my double Capacity, I
daily offer the Publick.
*
WHAT great Provocations I have received, let the
impartial Reader judge, and how unwillingly, even in
L 2
my
Phyfician and Aftrologer,
112
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
my own Defence, I now enter the Lifts againſt Falf-
hood, Ignorance, and Envy: But I am exasperated, at
length, to drag out this Cacus from the Den of Ób-
fcurity where he lurketh, detect him by the Light of
thofe Stars he hath fo impudently traduced, and fhew
there is not a Monſter in the Skies fo pernicious and
malevolent to Mankind, as an ignorant Pretender to
Phyfick and Aftrology. I fhall not directly fall on
the many grofs Errors, nor expoſe the notorious Ab-
furdities of this prostituted Libeller, until I have let
the learned World fairly into the Controverfy depend-
ing, and then leave the unprejudiced to judge of the
Merits and Juftice of my Caufe.
It was towards the Conclufion of the Year 1707,
when an impudent Pamphlet crept into the World,
intitled, Predictions, &c. by Ifaac Bickerstaff Eq. A-
mong the many arrogant Aflertions laid down by that
lying Spirit of Divination, he was pleafed to pitch on
the Cardinal de Noialles, and myfelf, among many
other eminent and illuftrious Perfons, that were to die
within the Compafs of the enfuing Year; and pe-
remptorily fixes the Month, Day, and Hour of our
Deaths: This, I think, is ſporting with great Men,
and publick Spirits, to the Scandal of Religion, and
Reproach of Power; and if fovereign Princes, and
Aftrologers, muft make Diverfion for the Vulgar;
why then, farewel, fay I, to all Governments, Eccle-
fiaftical and Civil. But, I thank my better Stars, I am
alive to confront this falfe and audacious Predictor, and
to make him rue the Hour he ever affronted a Man of
Science and Refentment. The Cardinal may take what
Meaſures he pleaſeth with him; as his Excellency is
a Foreigner, and a Papiſt, he hath no Reaſon to rely on
me for his Juftification; I fhall only affure the World
he is alive; but as he was bred to Letters, and is
Maſter of a Pen, let him uſe it in his own Defence.
In the mean time, I thall prefent the Publick with a
faithful Narrative of the ungenerous Treatment, and
hard Ufage, I have received from the virulent Papers,
and malicious Practices of this pretended Aftrologer.
A
BICKERSTAFF Detected. 113
A true and impartial Account of the Pro-
ceedings of Ifaac Bickerstaff, Efq; againſt
Mr. John Partrige, Student in Phyfick
and Aftrology.
T
HE 29th of March, Anno Dom. 1708. being
the Night this ſham Prophet had fo impudently
fixed for my laft, which made little Impreffion on my-
felf; but I cannot answer for my whole Family;
for my Wife, with a Concern more than ufual, pre-
vailed on me to take fomewhat to fweat for a Cold;
and, between the Hours of Eight and Nine, to go
to Bed The Maid, as fhe was warming my Bed,
with a Curioſity natural to young Wenches, runneth to
the Window, and afketh of one paffing the Street, who
the Bed tolled for? Doctor Partrige, fayeth he, the fa-
mous Almanack-maker, who died fuddenly this Even-
ing: The poor Girl provoked, told him, he lied like
a Raſcal; the other very fedately replied, the Sexton
had fo informed him, and, if falfe, he was to blame
for impofing upon a Stranger. She aſked a ſecond
and a third as they paffed; and every one was in
the fame Tone. Now, I do not ſay theſe were Ac-
complices to a certain Aftrological 'Squire, and that
one Bickerstaff might be fauntring thereabouts; be-
cauſe I will affert nothing here, but what I dare attelt,
for plain Matter of Fact. My Wife, at this, fell into
a violent Diſorder; and I muft own, I was a little
difcompofed at the Oddnefs of the Accident. In the
mean time, one knocketh at my Door: Betty runneth
down, and opening, findeth a fober grave Perfon ;
who modeftly inquireth, if this was Dr. Partrige's? She,
taking him for fome cautious City Patient, that came
at that Time for Privacy, fheweth him into the Dining
Room. As foon as I could compofe myſelf, I went
to him, and was furprifed to find my Gentleman
mounted
L 3
114
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
mounted on a Table, with a two-foot Rule in his
Hand, meaſuring my Walls, and taking the Dimen-
fions of the Room. Pray, Sir, fayeth I, not to inter-
rupt you, have you any Bufinefs with me? Only,
Sir, replieth he, order the Girl to bring me a better
Light, for this is but a very dim one. Sir, fayeth I,
my Name is Partrige: Oh! the Doctor's Brother,
belike, crieth he; the Stair-cafe, I believe, and theſe
two Apartments hung in clofe Mourning, will be fuf-
ficient, and only a Strip of Bays round the other
Rooms. The Doctor muft needs die rich, he had
great Dealings in his Way for many Years; if he had
no Family Coat, you had as good ufe the Scutcheons
of the Company; they are as fhowiſh, and will look
as magnificent as if he was defcended from the Blood-
royal. With that I affumed a greater Air of Au-
thority, and demanded who employed him, or how
he came there? Why, I was fent, Sir, by the Compa-
ny of Undertakers, fay eth he, and they were employ-
ed by the honeſt Gentleman, who is Executor to the
good Doctor departed; and our rafcally Porter, I be-
lieve, is fallen faſt aſleep with the black Cloth, and
Sconces; or he had been here, and we might have
been tacking up by this Time. Sir, fayeth I, pray be
adviſed by a Friend, and make the beſt of your
Speed out of my Doors, for I hear my Wife's Voice,
(which, by the bye, is pretty diftinguiſhable) and in
that Corner of the Room ftandeth a good Cudgel,
which fome body hath felt before now; if that light in
her Hands, and the know the Buſineſs you came about;
without confulting the Stars, I can affure you it will
be employed very much to the Detriment of your
Perfon. Sir, crieth he, bowing with great Civility, I
perceive, extreme Grief for the Lofs of the Doctor
diſordereth you a little at prefent; but early in the
Morning I will wait on you with all neceffary Ma-
terials. Now I mention no Mr. Bickerftaff; nor
do I fay, that a certain Star-gazing 'Squire hath been
a playing my Executor before his Time; but I leave
the World to judge; and, if it puts Things and Things
fairly
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
115
fairly together, it will not be much wide of the
Mark.
WELL, once more I get my Doors cloſed, and pre-
pared for Bed, in hopes of a little Repofe, after fo
many ruffling Adventures; juft as I was putting out
my Light in order to it, another bounceth as hard as
he can knock; I open the Window, and ask who is
there, and what he wanteth? I am Ned, the Sexton,
replieth he, and come to know whether the Doctor left
any Orders for a Funeral Sermon ; and where he is
to be laid, and whether his Grave is to be plain or
bricked? Why, Sirrah, fayeth I, you know me well
enough; you know I am not dead, and how dare you
affront me after this Manner? Alack-a-day, Sir, re-
plies the Fellow, why, it is in Print, and the whole
Town knoweth you are dead; why, there is Mr.
White the Joiner, is but fitting Screws to your Coffin,
he will be here with it in an Inftant; he was afraid
you would have wanted it before this Time. Sırrah,
Sirrah, fayeth I, you fhall know to-morrow to your
Coft that I am alive, and alive like to be. Why, it
is ſtrange, Sir, fayeth he, you ſhould make fuch a Se-
cret of your Death, to us that are your Neighbours ;
it looketh as if you had a Deſign to defraud the Church
of its Dues; and let me tell you, for one that hath
lived fo long, by the Heavens, that it is unhandſomely
done. Hift, hift, fayeth another Rogue, that ſtood by
him, away Doctor into your Flannel Gear as fait as
you can; for here is a whole Pack of Difmals coming
to you, with their black Equipage; and how inde-
cent will it look for you to stand frightening Folks at
your Window, when you fhould have been in your
Coffin this three Hours? In fhort, what with Under-
takers, Embalmers, Joiners, Sextons, and your damned
Elegy-hawkers, upon a late Practitioner in Phyfick and
Aftrology, I got not one Wink of Sleep that Night,
nor ſcarce a Moment's Reft ever fince. Now, I doubt
not, but this villanous 'Squire has the Impudence to
aſſert, that theſe are entirely Strangers to him; he,
good Man, knoweth nothing of the Matter; and honeſt
Jaat
116: BICK È RSTA F F Detected.
Ifaac Bickerstaff, I warrant you, is more a Man of
Honour, than to be an Accomplice with a Pack of
Rafcals, that walk the Streets on Nights, and diſturb
good People in their Beds. But he is out, if he thir.ks
the whole World is blind; for there is one John
Partrige can fmell a Knave as far as Grub-fireet; al-
though he lieth in the moſt exalted Garret, and wri-
teth himſelf 'Squire : But I will keep my Temper, and ·
proceed in the Narration.
I could not ſtir out of Doors for the Space of three
Months after this, but prefently one cometh up to me
in the Street, Mr. Partrige, that Coffin you was lat
buried in, I have not been yet paid for. Doctor,
crieth another Dog, how do you think People can live
by making of Graves for nothing? Next Time you
die, you may even toll out the Bell yourſelf for Ned.
A third Rogue tippeth me by the Elbow, and wonder-
eth how I have the Confcience to ſneak abroad, with-
out paying my Funeral Expences. Lord, fayeth one, I
durft have fwore that was honeſt Dr. Partrige, my old
Friend; but, poor Man, he is gone.
I beg your Par-
don, fayeth another, you look fo like my old Acquain-
tance that I uſed to confult on fome private Occafions,
but, alack, he is gone the Way of all Fleſh. Look,
look, look, crieth a third, after a competent Space
of ſtaring at me; Would not one think our Neighbour
the Almanack-maker, was crept out of his Grave, to
take the other Peep at the Stars in this World, and
fhew how much he is improved in Fortune-telling by
having taken a Journey to the other?
NAY, the very Reader of our Parish, a good, fober,
difcreet Perfon, hath fent two or three Times for me
to come and be buried decently, or fend him fuffi-
cient Reaſons to the contrary; or, if I have been in-
terred in any other Parish, to produce my Certificate
as the Act requireth. My poor Wife is almoſt run
distracted with being called Widow Partrige, when
ſhe knoweth it is falſe; and once a Term ſhe is cited
into the Court, to take out Letters of Adminiſtration.
But, the greateſt Grievance is, a paultry Quack, that
taketh
BICKERSTAFF Detected.
117
taketh up my Calling juft under my Nofe, and in his
printed Directions with N. B
fayeth, he li-
veth in the Houſe of the late ingenious Mr. Partrige,
an eminent Practitioner in Leather, Phyfick, and A-
ftrology
BUT, to fhew how far the wicked Spirit of Envy,
Malice and Refentment can hurry fome Men; my
nameleſs old Perfecutor had provided me a Monument
at the Stone Cutter's, and would have it erected in the
Parish Church; and this Piece of notorious and expen-
five Villany had actually fucceeded, if I had not uſed
my utmost Intereft with the Veftry, where it was car-
ried at last but by two Voices, that I am alive. That
Stratagem failing, out cometh a long fable Elegy, be-
decked with Hour-glaffes, Mattocks, Sculls, Spades,
and Skeletons, with an Epitaph as confidently written
to abufe me, and my Profeffion, as if I had been under
Ground thefe twenty Years.
AND, after fuch barbarous Treatment as this, Can
the World blame me, when I aſk, What is become of
the Freedom of an Englishman? And where is the
Liberty and Property, that my old glericus Friend
came over to affert? We have drove Popery out of
the Nation, and fent Slavery to foreign Climes. The
Arts only remain in Bondage; when a Man of Sci-
ence and Character fhall be openly infulted in the
Midſt of the many uſeful Services he is daily paying
the Publick. Was it ever heard, even in Turky or
Algiers, that a State-aftrologer was bantered out of
his Life by an ignorant Impoftor, or bawled out of the
World by a Pack of villanous deep-mouthed Hawkers?
Though I print Almanacks, and publifh Advertiſe-
ments; although I produce Certificates under the Mi-
nifters and Church-wardens Hands, I am alive, and
attest the fame on Oath at Quarter Seffions; out
cometh A full and true Relation of the Death and In-
terment of JOHN PARTRIGE; Truth is bore down,
Atteftations neglected, the Teftimony of fober Perfons
defpifed, and a Man is looked upon by his Neighbours,
as
F18
BICKER STAFF Detected.
as if he had been feven Years dead, and is buried alive
in the Midſt of his Friends and Acquaintance.
Now can any Man of common Senſe. think it con-
fiftent with the Honour of my Profeffion, and not
much beneath the Dignity of a Philofopher, to ftand
bawling before his own Door- Alive! Alive!
Ho! The famous Dr. Partrige! No Counterfeit, but
all alive!
As if I had the twelve Celeſtial Mon-
fters of the Zodiack to fhew within, or was forced for
a Livelihood to turn Retailer to May and Bartholomer
Fairs. Therefore, if her Majefty would but graci--
oufly be pleaſed to think a Hardship of this Nature
worthy her Royal Confideration; and the next Par-
liament, in their great Wiſdom, caft but an Eye to-
wards the deplorable Caſe of their old Philomath, that
annually beſtoweth his poetical good Wiſhes on them;
I am fure, there is one Ifaac Bickerstaff, Efq; would
foon be truffed up for his bloody Predictions, and put-
ting good Subjects in Terror of their Lives: And that
henceforward to murder a Man by way of Prophecy,
and bury him in a printed Letter, either to a Lord or
Commoner fhall as legally entitle him to the prefent
Poffeffion of Tyburn, as if he robbed on the Highway,
or cut your Throat in Bed.
I fhall demonftrate to the Judicious, that France
and Rome, are at the Bottom of this horrid Confpira-
cy againſt me; and that Culprit aforefaid, is a Popiſh
Emiflary, hath paid his Vifits to St. Germains, and is
now in the Meaſures of Lewis XIV. That, in at-
tempting my Reputation, there is a general Maffacre
of Learning defigned in theſe Realms. And, through
my Sides, there is a Wound given to all the Proteftant
Almanack-makers in the Univerſe.
Vivat Regina,
A
A
VINDICATION
OF
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq,
AGAINST
What is objected to him by Mr. PARTRIGE,
in his Almanack for the prefent YEAR
1709.
By the faid ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efq;
Written in the YEAR 1709.
R. Partrige hath been lately pleafed to
MⓇ treat me after a very rough Manner, in
that which is called, His Almanack for
the preſent Year: Such Ufage is very undecent
from one Gentleman to another, and doth not at all
contribute to the Diſcovery of Truth; which ought
to be the great End in all Diſputes of the Learned.
To call a Man Fool and Villain, and impudent
Fellow, only for differing from him in a Point
merely fpeculative, is, in my humble Opinion, a very
improper Style for a Perſon of his Education. I ap-
peal to the learned World, whether in my laſt Year's
Predictions, I gave him the leaft Provocation for fuch
unworthy
(20
A VINDICATION of
unworthy Treatment. Philofophers have differed in
all Ages, but the difcreeteft among them have always
differed as became Philofophers. Scurrility and Paf-
fion, in a Controverfy among Scholars, is jul fo much
of nothing to the Purpofe; and, at beft, a tacit Con-
feffion of a weak Caufe: My Concern is not fo mach
for my own Reputation, as that of the Republica of
Letters, which Mr. Partrige hath endeavoured to
wound through my Sides. If Men of polick Spint
must be fupercilioully treated for their ingenious A:-
tempts; how will true afeful Knowledge be ever ad-
vanced I with Mr. Partrige knew the Thoughts
which foreign Universities have conceived of his un-
generous Proceedings with me; at I am too tender
of his Reputation to publish them to the World.
That Spirit of Envy and Pride, which blaiteth fo ma-
ny ring Geniuses in our Nation, is yet unknown a-
mong Profeffors abroad: The Neceffity of justifying
myfelf will excufe my Vanity, when I tell the
Reader that I have near an Hundred kontrary Let-
ters from feveral Parts of Europe, fome a: tar as
Mufco) in Praife of my Performance. Berides, fe-
veral others, which, as I have been credibly informed,
were opened in the Pot-Office, and never fent me.
* It is true, the Inquifition in Portugal was pleafed
to burn my Predictions, and condemn the Author and
Readers of them; but, I hope, at the fame time, it
will be confidered, in how deplorable a State Liari.-
ing lieth at preſent in that Kingdom: And with the
profoundeſt Veneration for crored Heads, I will pre-
fure to add; that it a little concerned His Majely
of Portugal, o interpofe his Authority in Behalf of
a Scholar and a Gentiuman, the Subject of a Nation
with which he is now in fo ftrict an Alliance. But,
the other Kingdoms and States of Europe have treated
me
Thi is FLF, as the Author was ofured by Sir Faul
Mctauen then in-fader to that Crown,
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efqr.
127
me with more Candour and Generofity. If I had
Leave to print the Latin Letters tranfmitted to me
from foreign. Parts, they would fill a Volume, and be
a full Defence against all that Mr. Partrige, or his
Accomplices of the Portugal Inquifition, will be ever
able to object; who, by the way, are the only Ene-
mies my Predictions have ever met with at home or
abroad. But, I hope, I know better what is due to
the Honour of a learned Correfpondence, in fo tender
a Point. Yet fome of thofe illuftrious Perfons will,
perhaps, excufe me for tranfcribing a Paffage or two
in my own Vindication. The moft learned Mon-
*
feur Lailaitz thus addreffeth to me his third Letter:
Illuftriffimo Bickerfaffic Aftrekgia Infauraturi, &c.
Monfieur le Clerc quoting my Predictions in a Trea-
tife he publiſhed lait Year, is pleafed to fay, Ita nu-
perrime Bickerfiofus, nobilis Anglus, Afrologorum bu-
jufce Seculi facus Princeps. Signior Magitarecchi, the
"Great Duke's famous Library-keeper, fpendeth almoft
his whole Letter in Compliments and Praifes. Iris
true, the renowned Profeffor of Aftronomy at Utrecht,
feemeth to differ from me in one Article; but it is af-
ter the modeft Manner that becometh a Philofopher;
as, Pace tanti viri dixerim: And p. 55. he feemeth
to lay the Error upon the Printer, (as indeed it ought)
and faith, cel ferian error Typographi, cum alioquin
Bickerfiafius vir dotiffimus, &c.
IF Mr. Partrige had followed thefe Examples in
the Controverly between us, he might have fpared
me the Trouble of juftifying myfelf in fo publick a
Manner. I believe few Men are readier to own their
Error than I, or more thankful to thoſe who will
pleaſe to inform him of them. But it feems this Gen-
Vor. I.
M
tleman,
-
* The Quotations here inſerted, are in Initation of Dr. Bent-
ley, in fome Part of the famous Controversy Letween Eim and
Charles Boyle, afterwards Earl of Orrery, and Knight of the
Thi
122
A VINDICATION of
tleman, inſtead of encouraging the Progreſs of his
own Art, is pleaſed to look upon all Attempts of that
Kind, as an Invafion of his Province. He hath been
indeed fo wife, to make no Objection against the
Truth of my Predictions, except in one fingle Point,
relating to himſelf: and, to demonftrate how much
Men are blinded by their own Partiality, I do fo-
lemnly affure the Reader, that he is the only Perfon
from whom I ever heard that Objection offered ;
which Confideration alone, I think, will take off all
its Weight.
WITH my utmoft Endeavours, I have not been
able to trace above two Objections ever made againſt
the Truth of my laft Year's Prophecies: The first
is of a Frenchman, who was pleafed to publifh to the
World, that the Cardinal de Noailles was still alive,
notwithflanding the pretended Prophecy of Monfieur Bi-
querftaffe: But how far a Frenchman, a Papift, and an
Enemy is to be believed, in his own Cauſe, againſt an
English Proteftant, who is true to the Government, I
fhall leave to the candid and impartial Reader.
THE other Objection is the unhappy Occaſion of
this Difcourfe; and relateth to an Article in my Pre-
dictions, which foretold the Death of Mr. Partrige to
happen on March 29. 1708. This he is pleaſed to
contradict abfolutely in the Almanack he hath publiſh-
ed for the prefent Year; and in that ungentlemanly
Manner, (pardon the Expreffion) as I have above re-
lated. In that Work, he very roundly afferteth, That
he is not only now alive, but was likewife alive upon that
very 29th of March, when I had foretold he should die.
This is the Subject of the prefent Controverfy between
us; which I defign to handle with all Brevity, Perfpi-
cuity, and Calmnefs: In this Difpute, I am fenfible,
the Eyes, not only of England, but of all Europe, will
be upon us: And the Learned in every Country will,
I doubt not, take Part on that Side where they find
moft Appearance of Reafon and Truth.
WITHOUT entering into Criticifins of Chronology
about the Hour of his Death; I fhall only prove, that
Mr.
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efqr.
123
Mr. Partrige is not alive. And my firft Argument is
thus: Above a thoufand Gentlemen having bought
his Almanacks for this Year, merely to find what he
faid againſt me; at every Line they read, they would
lift up their Eyes, and cry out, between Rage and
Laughter, They were fure no Man alive ever writ fuch
damned Stuff as this. Neither did I ever hear that
Opinion difputed: So, that Mr. Partrige lieth under
a Dilemma, either of difowning his Almanack, or al-
lowing himſelf to be no Man alive. But now, if an
informed Carcafs walketh ſtill about, and is pleaſed to
call itſelf Partrige; Mr. Bicherftaff doth not think
Limfelf any Way anfwerable for that. Neither had
the ſaid Carcaſs any Right to beat the poor Boy, who
happened to paſs by it in the Street, crying, A juil
and true Account of Dr. Partrige's Death, &c.
SECONDLY, Mr. Partrige pretendeth to tell For-
tunes, and recover ftolen Goods; which all the Pariſh
faith he muſt do by converfing with the Devil, and
other evil Spirits: And no wife Man will ever allow
he could converfe perfonally with either, until after
he was dead.
THIRDLY, I will plainly prove him to be dead out
of his own Almanack for this Year, and from the
very Paffage which he produceth to make us think
him alive. He there faith, He is not only now alive,
but was alſo alive upon that very 29th of March, which
I foretold he should die on: By this he declareth his O-
pinion, that a Man may be alive now, who was not a-
live a Twelve-month ago. And, indeed, there lies
the Sophiftry of his Argument. He dareth not affert,
he was alive ever fince the 29th of March, but that he
is now alive, and was fo on that Day; I grant the lat-
ter, for he did not die until Night, as appeareth by the
printed Account of his Death, in a Letter to a Lord;
and whether he be fince revived, I leave the World
to judge. This, indeed, is perfect cavilling, and I
am afhamed to dwell any longer upon it.
FOURTHLY, I will appeal to Mr. Partrige himſelf,
whether it be probable I could have been fo indifcreet,
M 2
to
124
A VINDICATION of
to begin my Predictions with the only Fulihood that.
ever was pretended to be in them; and this in an Af-
fair at home, where I had fo many Opportunities to
be exact; and mult have given fuch Advantages a-
gainſt me to a Perion of Mr. Purtrige's Wit and Learn-
ing; who, if he could poffibly have raifed one fingle
Objection more againit the Truth of Prophecies,
would hardly have fpared me.
AND here I mult take Occafion to reprove the a-
bove mentioned Writer of the Relation of Mr. Par-
trige's Death, in a Letter to a Lord; who was pleafed
to tax me with a Miſtake of four whole Hours in my
Calculation of that Event. I must confefs, this Cen-
fure, pronounced with an Air of Certainty, in a Mat-
ter that fo nearly concerned me, and by a prejudicious
Author, moved me not a little. But although I were
at that time out of Time, yet feveral of my Friends,
whoſe Curioſity had led them to be exactly informed,
(for as to my own Part, having no Doubt at all in the
Matter, I never once thought of it) affured me I com-
puted to fomething under half an Hour, which (I
peak my private Opinion) is an Error of no very
great Magnitude, that Men fhould raife Clamour a-
bout it. I fhall only fay, it would not be amifs, if that
Author would henceforth be more tender of other
Mens Reputation as well as his own. It is well there
were no more Mistakes of that Kind; if there had, I
prefume he would have told me of them with as little
Ceremony.
THERE is one Objection against Mr. Partrige's
Death, which I have fometimes met with, although
indeed very flightly offered; That he fill continueth
to write Almanacks. But this is no more than what
is common to all of that Profeffion; Gadbury, Poor
Robbin, Dove, Wing, and feveral others, do yearly pu-
blish their Almanacks, although feveral of them have
been dead fince before the Revolution. Now the na-
tural Reaſon of this i take to be, that, whereas it is the
Privilege of other Authors, to live after their Deaths,
Almanack-makers are only excluded; becaufe their
Differtations
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, Efqr.
125
Differtations treating only upon the Minutes as they
pafs, become uſeleſs as thoſe go off. In Confider-
ation of which, Time, whoſe Regiſters they are, gives
them a Leaſe in Reverfion, to continue their Works
after their Death.
I ſhould not have given the Publick or myſelf the
Trouble of this Vindication, if my Name had not
been made uſe of by feveral Perfons, to whom I never
lent it; one of which, a few Days ago, was pleafed to
father on me a new Set of Predictions. But I think
thefe are Things too ferious to be trifled with. It
grieved me to the Heart, when I faw my Labours,
which had coft me fo much Thought and Watching,
bawled about by common Hawkers, which I only in-
tended for the weighty Confideration of the graveit
Perfons. This prejudiced the World fo much at firſt,
that feveral of my Friends had the Affurance to aſk
me, Whether I were in Jeft? To which I only anſwer-
ed coldly, That the Event will few. But it is the Ta-
lent of our Age and Nation, to turn Things of the
greateſt Importance into Ridicule. When the End of
the Year had verified all my Predictions; out cometh
Mr. Partrige's Almanack, diſputing the Point of his
Death; fo that I am employed, like the General who
was forced to kill his Enemies twice over, whom a Ne-
cromancer had railed to Life. If Mr. Partrige hath pra--
&ifed the fame Experiment upon himfelf, and be a-
gain alive; long may he continue fo; but that doth
not in the least contradict my Veracity: For, I think,
I have clearly proved, by invincible Demonftration, that
he died at farthelt within half an Hour of the Time I
foretold; and not four Hours fooner, as the above
mentioned Author, in his Letter to a Lord, hath ma
liciouſly fuggefted, with Deign to blatt my Credit,.
by charging me with fo grofs a Miſtake.
M 3
A
A
PROJECT
FOR THE
Advancement of RELIGION,
AND THE
Reformation of MANNERS.
Written in the YEAR 1709.
To the Countess of BERKLEY.
MADAM,
M
Y Intention in prefixing your Ladyfhip's
Name, is not after the common Form, to
defire your Protection of the following Pa-
pers, which I take to be a very unreasonable Request;
fince by being infcribed to your Ladyfhip, although
without your Knowledge, and from a concealed Hand,
you cannot recommend them without fome Sufpicion
of Partiality. My real Deſign is, I confefs, the very
fame I have often deteited in moft Dedications; That
of publiſhing your Praiſes to the World. Not upon
the Subject of your noble Birth, for 1 know others
as noble; or of the Greatnefs of your Fortune, for I
know others far greater; or of that beautiful Race
(the Images of their Parents) which calleth you Mo-
ther:
128
A PROJECT for the
ther: For even this may, perhaps, have been equal-
led in ſome other Age, or Country. Befides, none of
thefe Advantages do derive any Accomplishments to
the Owners; but ſerve at beſt, only to adorn what they
really poffefs. What I intend, is your Piety, Truth,
good Senfe, and good Nature, Affability and Charity;
wherein 1 wish your Ladyship had many Equals, or
any Superiors; and I wish I could fay, I knew them
too; for then your Ladyſhip might have had a Chance
to eſcape this Addrefs. In the mean time, I think it
highly neceffary for the Intereſt of Virtue and Reli-
gion, that the whole Kingdom ſhould be informed in
fome Parts of your Character: For Inftance: That,
the eaſieſt and politeſt Converſation, joined with the
trueſt Piety, may be obſerved in your Ladyſhip, in as
great Perfection, as they were ever feen apart in any
other Perfons. That, by your Prudence and Ma-
nagement under ſeveral Diſadvantages, you have pre-
ferved the Luftre of that most noble Family, into
which you are grafted, and which the unmeaſurable
Profufion of Anceſtors, for many Generations, had
too much eclipſed. Then, how happily you perform
every Office of Life, to which Providence hath called
you In the Education of thofe two incomparable
Daughters, whofe Conduct is fo univerfally admired;
in every Duty of a prudent, complying, affectionate
Wife; in that Care which defcendeth to the meanest
of your Domeſticks; and laftly, in that endlefs Bounty
to the Poor, and Diſcretion where to diftribute it. I in-
fift on my Opinion, that it is of Importance for the Pu-
blick to know this, and a great deal more of your La-
dyship; yet whoever goeth about to inform them, ſhall,
inftead of finding Credit, perhaps be cenfured for a
Flatterer. To avoid fo ufual a Reproach, I declare this
to be no Dedication; but merely an Introduction to a
Propofal for the Advancement of Religion and Mo-
rals; by tracing, however imperfectly, fome few Li-
neaments in the Chara&er of a Lady, who hath ſpent
all her Life in the Practice and Promotion of both.
AMONG
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 129
A
MONG all the Schemes offered to the Publick
in this projecting Age, I have obferved, with
fome Diſpleaſure, that there have never been any for
the Improvement of Religion and Morals: Which,
befides the Piety of the Defign from the Confequences
of fuch a Reformation in a future Life, would be the
beft natural Means for advancing the publick Felici-
ty of the State, as well as the prefent Happineſs of
every Individual. For, as much as Faith and Morali-
ty are declined among us, I am altogether confident,
they might, in a fhort time, and with no very great
Trouble, be raiſed to as high a Perfection, as Num-
bers are capable of receiving, Indeed, the Method
is fo eafy and obvious, and fome prefent Opportuni-
ties fo good; that, in order to have this Project redu-
ced to Practice, there feemeth to want nothing more
than to put thofe in mind, who, by their Honour,
Duty, and Intereft, are chiefly concerned.
BUT, becauſe it is idle to propofe Remedies before
we are affured of the Diſeaſe, or to be in Fear, until
we are convinced of the Danger; I fhall firſt ſhew
in general, that the Nation is extremely corrupted in
Religion and Morals; and then, I will offer a fhort
Scheme for the Reformation of both.
As to the first; I know it is reckoned but a Form
of Speech, when Divines complain of the Wicked-
nefs of the Age: However, I believe, upon a fair
Compariſon with the other Times and Countries, it
would be found an undoubted Truth.
-
FOR, firft, to deliver nothing but plain Matter of
Fact, without Exaggeration or Satyr, I fuppofe it will
be granted, that hardly one in a hundred among our
People of Quality, or Gentry, appeareth to act by any
Principle of Religion. That great Numbers of them
do entirely difcard it, and are ready to own their Dif
belief of all Revelation in ordinary Difcourfe. Nor is
the Cafe much better among the Vulgar, efpecially in
great Towns, where the Profanenefs and Ignorance
of Handicraftímen, fmall Traders, Servants, and the
like,
130
A PROJECT for the
like, are to a Degree very hard to be imagined great-
er. Then, it is obferved abroad, that no Race of
Mortals hath fo little Senfe of Religion as the Engijh
Soldiers: To confirm which, I have been often told
by great Officers in the Army, that in the whole
Compafs of their Acquaintance, they could not recollect
three of their Profeffion, who feemed to regard, or be-
lieve one Syllable of the Goſpel: And the fame, at
least, may be affirmed of the Fleet. The Confequen-
ces of all which, upon the Actions of Men, are equal-
ly manifeft. They never go about, as in former Times,
to hide or palliate their Vices; but expofe them freely
to View, like any other common Occurrences of Life,
without the leaft Reproach from the World, or them-
felves. For Inftance, any Man will tell you, he in-
tendeth to be drunk this Evening, or was fo laft Night,
with as little Ceremony or Scruple, as he would tell
you the Time of the Day. He will let you know he
is going to a Wench, or that he hath got a Clap, with
as much Indifferency as he would a Piece of publick
News: He will fwear, curfe, or blafpheme, without
the leaſt Paffion or Provocation. And although all
Regard for Reputation be not quite laid afide in the
other Sex; it is, however, at fo low an Ebb, that
very few among them, feem to think Virtue and
Conduct of any Neceflity for preferving it. If this be
not ſo, how cometh it to país, that Women of taint-
ed Reputations find the fame Countenance, and Re-
ception in all publick Places, with thofe of the niceft
Virtue, who pay and receive Vifits from them, with-
out any Manner of Scruple? Which Proceeding, as
it is not very old among us, fo I take it to be of moſt
pernicious Confequence. It looketh like a Sort of
compounding between Virtue and Vice; as if a Wo-
man were allowed to be vicious, provided the be not
profligate: As if there were a certain Point where
Gallantry endeth, and Infamy beginneth; or that an
hundred criminal Amours were not as pardonable as
half a Score.
BESIDE
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 131
BESIDE thofe Corruptions already mentioned, it
would be endleſs to enumerate fuch as arife from the
Excefs of Play, or Gaming: The Cheats, the Quar-
rels, the Oaths and Blafphemies, among the Men:
Among the Women, the Neglect of houthold Affairs,
the unlimited Freedoms, the undecent Paflion; and,
laftly the known Inlet to all Lewdnefs, when after an
ill Run, the Perfon muft anſwer the Defects of the
Purſe: The Rule on fuch Occafions, holding true in
Play, as it doth in Law; Quod non habet in Crumena,
luat in Corpore.
BUT all theſe are Trifles in compariſon, if we ſtep
into other Scenes, and confider the Fraud and Coze-
nage of trading Men and Shopkeepers: That infati
able Gulph of Injustice and Oppretion; the Law.
The open Traffick of all civil and military Employ-
ments I wish it refted there) without the leaf Re-
gard to Merit or Qualifications: The corrupt Ma-
nagement of Men in Office: The many deteftable
Abules in chufing thofe, who reprefent the People;
with the Management of Interet and Factions among
the Repreſentatives: To which I must be bold to add
the Ignorance among fome of the lower Clergy; the
mean fervile Temper of others; the pert pragmatical
Demeanor of feveral young Stagers in Divinity, up-
on their firit producing themfelves into the World.
With many other Circumftances neeaiefs, or rather
invidious to mention; which falling in with the Cor-
ruptions already related, have, however unjustly,
almoſt rendered the whole Order contemptible.
THIS is a fhort View of the general Depravi-
ties among us without entering into Particulars,
which would be an endlefs Labour. Now, as
univerfal and deep-rooted as thefe Corruptions
appear to be, I am utterly deceived, if an effe-
&tual Remedy might not be applied to most of
them; neither am I at prefent upon a wild fpe-
culative Project, but fuch a one as may be early
put in Execution.
FOR,
132
A PROJECT for the
FOR, while the Prerogative of giving all Employ.
ments continueth in the Crown, either immediately
or by Subordination; it is in the Power of the Princé
to make Piety and Virtue become the Faſhion of the
Age; if at the fame time he would make them ne-
ceffary Qualifications for Favour and Preferment.
It is clear from prefent Experience, that the bare
Example of the beſt Prince, will not have any mighty
Influence where the Age is very corrupt. For, when
vas there ever a better Prince on the Throne than
the preſent Queen? I do not talk of her Talent for
Government, her Love of the People, or any other
Qualities that are purely regal; but her Fiety, Cha-
rity, Temperance, conjugal Love, and whatever
other Virtues do-beft-adorn a private Life; wherein,
without Queſtion, or Flattery, the hath no Superior :
Yet neither will it be Satyr or peevish Invective to
affirm, that Infidelity and Vice are not much dimi-
nished fince her Coming to the Crown, nor will, in
Probability, until more effe&ual Remedies be pro-
.vided.
THUS human Nature feemeth to ly under this Dif-
advantage, that the Example alone of a vicious
Prince, will in time corrupt an Age; but the Ex-
ample of a good One will not be fufficient to reform
it without further Endeavours. Princes mult there-
fore fupply this Defect by a vigorous Exercife of
that Authority, which the Law hath left them, by
making it every Man's Intereft and Honour to cul-
tivate Religion and Virtue; by rendering Vice a
Difgrace, and the certain Ruin to Preferment or
Pretenfions: All which they fhould first attempt
in their own Courts and Families. For Inftance,
might not the Queen's Domefticks of the middle
and lower Sort, be obliged upon Penalty of Sufpen-
fion, or Lofs of their Employments, to a conftant
weekly Attendance on the Service of the Church;
to a decent Behaviour in it; to receive the Sacra-
ment four times a-Year; to avoid fwearing and ir-
religious
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 133
religious profane Difcourfes; and to the Appearance
at least of Temperance and Chaltity? Might not the
Care of all this be committed to the ftrict Infpection
of proper Officers ? Might not thofe of higher Rank,
and nearer Acceſs to Her Majelly, receive her own
Commands to the fame Purpoſe, and be countenanced
or disfavoured according as they obey? Might not
the Queen lay her Injunctions on the Bishops and
other great Men of undoubted Piety, to make dili-
gent Inquiry, and give her Notice, whether any
Perion about Her fhould happen to be of Libertine
Principles or Morals? Might not all thoſe who enter
upon any Office in Her Majefty's Family, be obliged
to take an Oath parallel with that again Symony,
which is adminiftred to the Clergy? It is not to be
doubted, but that if thefe or the like Proceedings,
were duly obferved, Morality and Religion would foon
become fashionable Court-virtues; and be taken up
as the only Methods to get or keep Employments
there: which alone would have a mighty Influence
upon many of the Nobility, and principal Gentry.
BUT, if the like Methods were purfued as far as
poffible, with regard to thofe who are in the great
Employments of the State; it is hard to conceive
how general a Reformation they might in Time
produce among us. For, if Piety and Virtue were
once reckoned Qualifications neceffary to Preferment;
every Man thus endued, when put into great Sta-
tions, would readily imitate the Queen's Example,
in the Diftribution of all Offices in his Diſpoſal ;
efpecially, if any apparent Tranfgreffion through
Favour or Partiality, would be imputed to him for a
Miſdemeanour, by which he muit certainly forfeit
his Favour and Station: And there being fuch great
Numbers in Employment, fcattered through every
Town and Country in this Kingdom; if all thefe
were examplary in the Conduct of their Lives, Things
would foon take a new Face, and Religion receive
a mighty Encouragement: Nor would the publick
VOL. I.
Weal
N
A
Tritical ESSAY
UPON THE
FACULTIES of the MIND.
To-
SIR,
BEL
EING fo great a Lover of Antiqui-
ties, it was reaſonable to ſuppoſe you.
would be very much obliged with any thing
that was new. I have been of late offend-
ed with many Writers of Effays and moral
Difcourfes, for running into ftale Topicks
and thread-bare Quotations, and not hand-
ling their Subject fully and clofely: All
which Errors I have carefully avoided in
the following Effay, which I have propofed
as a Pattern for young Writers to imitate.
The Thoughts and Obfervations being en-
tirely new, the Quotations untouched by
others, the Subject of mighty Importance,
and treated with much Order and Perfpi-
cuity: It hath coft me a great deal of
Time; and I defire you will accept and
confider it as the utmoſt Effort of my Ge-
nius.
A
=
X34
A PROJECT for the
Weal be lefs advanced; fince of nine Offices in ten
that are ill executed, the Defect is not in Capacity
or Underſtanding, but in common Honefty. I know
no. Employment, for which Piety difqualifieth any
Man; and if it did, I doubt, the Objection would
not be very ſeaſonably offered at prefent: Becauſe,
it is perhaps too juft a Reflexion, that in the Diſpoſal
of Places, the Queſtion whether a Perfon be fit for
what he is recommended to, is generally the laſt that
is thought on, or regarded.
I have often imagined, that fomething parallel to
the Office of Cenfors antiently in Rome, would be
of mighty Ufe among us; and could be eafily limit-
ed from running into any Exorbitancies. The Ro-
mans underſtood Liberty at leaſt as well as we; were
as jealous of it, and upon every Occafion as bold
Affertors Yet, I do not remember to have read
any great Complaints of the Abuſes in that Office
among them; but many admirable Effects of it are
left upon Record. There are feveral pernicious
Vices frequent and notorious among us, that e-
ſcape or elude the Punifliment of any Law we
have yet invented, or have had no Law at all a-
gainst them; fuch as Atheiſm, Drunkennefs, Fraud,
Avarice, and feveral others; which by this Infti-
tution wifely regulated, might be much reformed.
Suppofe, for Inftance, that itinerary Commiflioners.
were appointed to infpect everywhere throughout
the Kingdom, into the Conduct (at least) of Men
in Office, with reſpect to their Morals and Religi-
on, as well as their Abilities; to receive the Com-
plaints and Informations that fhould be offered
against them; and make their Report here upon
Oath, to the Court or the Miniftry, who fhould
reward or punish accordingly. I avoid entering
into the Particulars of this or any other Scheme,
which coming from a private Hand, might be
liable to many Defects, but would foon be di-
gefted by the Wifdom of the Nation: And fure-
ly,
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 135
ly, fix thouſand Pounds a Year would not be ill laid
out among as many Commiffioners duly qualified;
who in three Divifions fhould be perfonally obliged
to take their yearly Circuits for that Purpoſe.
BUT, this is befide my prefent Defign, which was
only to fhew what Degree of Reformation is in the
Power of the Queen, without the Interpofition of the
Legiflature; and which Her Majefty is without Que-
ftion obliged in Confcience to endeavour by Her
Authority, as much as She doth by Her Practice.
IT will be eafily granted, that the Example of this
great Town hath a mighty Influence over the whole
Kingdom; and it is as manifeft, that the Town is
equally influenced by the Court and the Miniftry, and
thofe, who by their Employments or their Hopes, de-
pend upon them. Now, if under fo excellent a Prin-
cefs, as the prefent Queen, we would fuppofe a Fa-
mily ftrielly regulated, as I have above propofed; a
Miniftry, where every fingle Perfon was of diftinguifh-
ed Piety; if we fhould fuppofe all great Offices of
State and Law filled after the fame Manner, and with
fuch as were equally diligent in chufing Perfons, who
in their feveral Subordinations would be obliged to
follow the Examples of their Superiors, under the Pe-
nalty of Lofs of Favour and Place; will not every
body grant, that the Empire of Vice and Irreligion
would be foon deftroyed in this great Metropolis, and
receive a terrible Blow through the whole Ifland,
which hath fo great an Intercourfe with it, and fo
much affecteth to follow its Fafhions.
FOR, if Religion were once underflood to be
the neceffary Step to Favour and Preferment; can
it be imagined, that any Man would openly offend
against it, who had the leaft Regard for his Re-
putation or his Fortune? There is no Quality fo
contrary to any Nature, which Men cannot affect,
and put on upon Occafion, in order to ferve an In-
tereft, or gratify a prevailing Paffion: The proud-
eft Man will perfonate Humility, the morofeft learn
N 2
to
136
A PROJECT for the
to flatter, the lazieft will be fedulous and active,
where he is in Purfuit of what he hath much at
Heart: How ready therefore would moſt Men be to
ſtep into the Paths of Virtue and Piety, if they infal-
libly led to Favour and Fortune.
IF Swearing and Profanenefs, fcandalous and a-
vowed Lewdnefs, exceflive Gaming and Intempe-
rance were a little difcountenanced in the Army, I
cannot readily fee what ill Confequences could be ap-
prehended: If Gentlemen of that Profeffon were at
leaſt obliged to fome external Decorum in their Con-
duct; or even if a profligate Life and Character were
not a Means of Advancement, and the Appearance of
Fiety a moſt infallible Hinderance; it is impofiible the
Corruptions there fhould be fo univerfal and exorbi-
tant. I have been aflured by feveral great Officers,
that no Troops abroad are fo ill difciplined as the
English; which cannot well be otherwife, while the
common Soldiers have perpetually before their Eyes
the vicious Example of their Leaders: And it is
hardly poffible for thoſe to commit any Crime, where-
of thefe are not infinitely more guilty, and with lefs
Temptation.
IT is commonly charged upon the Gentlemen of
the Army, that the beaitly Vice of Drinking to Ex-
cefs, hath been lately from their Example reftored
among us; which for fome Years before was almoſt
dropt in England. But whoever the Introducers were,
they have fucceeded to a Miracle; many of the
young Nobility and Gentry are already become great
Proficients, and are under no Manner of Concern to
hide their Talent; but are got beyond all Senfe of
Shame, or Fear of Reproach.
THIS might foon be remedied, if the Queen
would think fit to declare, that no young Perfon of
Quality whatever, who was notoriously addicted
to that or any other Vice, fhould be capable of
Her Favour, or even admitted into Her Pre-
fence; with pofitive Command to her Miniſters
and others in great Office, to treat them in the
fame
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 137
[
fame Manner; after which, all Men, who had any
Regard for their Reputation, or any Profpect of Pre-
ferment, would avoid their Commerce. This would
quickly make that Vice fo fcandalous, that thofe,
who could not fubdue, would at leaft endeavour to
diſguiſe it.
By the like Methods, a Stop might be put to that
ruinous Practice of deep Gaming: And the Reaſon
why it prevaileth fo much, is, becauſe a Treatment
directly oppofite in every Point, is made ufe of to pro-
mote it; by which Means the Laws enacted againſt
this Abuſe are wholly eluded.
Ir cannot be denied, that the Want of ftrict Dif
cipline in the Univerſities, hath been of pernicious
Confequence to the Youth of this Nation, who are
there almoft left entirely to their own Management;
especially thofe among them of better Quality and For-
tune; who, becaufe they are not under a Neceflity
of making Learning their Maintenance, are eafily
allowed to pass their Time, and take their Degrees
with little or no Improvement: Than which, there
cannot well be a greater Abfurdity. For, if no Ad-
vancement of Knowledge can be had from thofe Pla-
ces, the Time there ſpent is at beft utterly loft, be-
caufe every ornamental Part of Education is better
taught elfewhere: And as for keeping Youths out of
Harm's Way, I doubt where fo many of them are got
together, at full Liberty of doing what they pleaſe,
it will not anſwer the End. But, whatever Abuſes,
Corruptions, or Deviations from Statutes have crept
into the Univerſities, through Neglect, or Length of
Time; they might in a great Degree be reformed by
ftrict Injunctions from Court, (upon each Particular,
to the Viſitors and Heads of Houſes); beſides the pc-
culiar Authority the Queen may have in feveral Col-
leges, whereof her Piedecefors were the Founders,
And among other Regulations, it would be very
convenient to prevent the Excels of Dunking, with
that fcurvy Cullom among the Lads, and Parent of
N 3
the
138
A PROJECT for the
the former Vice, the taking of Tobacco, where it is
not abfolutely neceffary in Point of Health.
FROM the Univerſities, the young Nobility, and
others of great Fortunes are fent for early up to Town,
for Fear of contrading any Airs of Pedantry by a
College Education. Many of the younger Gentry
retire to the Inns-of-Court, where they are wholly
left to their own Difcretion. And the Confequence
of this Remillinefs in Education, appeareth by obfer-
ving, that nine in ten of thofe, who rife in the
Church, or the Court, the Law or the Army, are
younger Brothers, or new Men, whofe narrow For-
tunes have forced them upon Induſtry and Application.
As for the Inns-of-Court, unless we fuppofe them
to be much degenerated, they muft needs be the
worſt inſtituted Seminaries in any Chriftian Country;
but whether they may be corrected without the Inter-
pofition of the Legiflature, I have not Skill enough.
to determine. However, it is certain, that all wie
Nations have agreed in the Neceffity of a ftrict Edu-
cation; which confifted, among other Things, in the
Obfervance of moral Duties, especially Juftice, Tem-
perance, and Chastity, as well as the Knowledge of
Arts, and bodily Exercifes: But all theſe among us,
are laughed out of Doors.
WITHOUT the leaſt Intention to offend the Clergy,
I cannot but think, that, through a miſtaken Notion
and Practice, they prevent themſelves from doing
much Service, which otherwife might ly in their
Power, to Religion and Virtue: I mean, by affecting
ſo much to converſe with each other, and caring fo little
to mingle with the Laity. They have their particular
Clubs, and particular Coffee-houfes where they gene-
rally appear in Clufters: A fingle Divine dareth hardly
fhew his Perfon among Numbers of fine Gentlemen; or
if he happen to fall into fuch Company, he is filent
and fufpicious; in continual Apprehenfion, that ſome
pert Man of Pleafure fhould break an unmannerly
Jeft, and render him ridiculous. Now I take this Be-
haviour of the Clergy to be juſt as reaſonable, as if the
Phyficians
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 139
Phyficians ſhould agree to ſpend their Time in vifit-
ing one another, or their feveral Apothecaries, and
leave their Patients to fhift for themſelves. In my
humble Opinion, the Clergy's Bufinefs lieth entirely
among the Laity; neither is there, perhaps, a more
effectual Way to forward the Salvation of Mens Souls,
than for ſpiritual Perfons to make themſelves as agree-
able as they can, in the Converſations of the World;
for which a learned Education gives them great Ad-
vantage, if they would pleaſe to improve and apply it.
It fo happens, that the Men of Pleafure, who never go
to Church, nor amufe themfelves to read Books of De-
votion, form their Ideas of the Clergy, from a few
poor Strollers they often obfeive in the Streets, or
fncaking out of fome Perfon of Quality's Houſe, where
they are hired by the Lady at Ten Shillings a Month;
while thofe of better Figure and Parts do feldom
appear to correct thefe Notions. And let fome Rea-
foners think what they pleafe; it is certain, that Men
muit be brought to eſteem and love the Clergy, be-
fore they can be perfuaded to be in love with Religion.
No Man values the beſt Medicines, if administered by
a Phyſician, whofe Perſon he hateth or defpifeth. If
the Clergy were as forward to appear in all Compa
nies, as other Gentlemen, and would a little ſtudy the
Arts of Converſation, to make themfelves agreeable,
they might be welcome at every Party, where there
was the leaft Regard for Politenefs, or good Senfe;
and confequently prevent a thoufand vicious or pro-
fane Difcourfes, as well as Actions: Neither would
Men of Understanding complain, that a Clergyman
was a Conftraint upon the Company; becauſe they
could not ſpeak Blafphemy, or obfcene Jefts before him.
While the People are fo jealous of the Clergy's Ambi-
tion, as to abhor all Thoughts of the Return of Eccle-
fiaftick Diſcipline among them; I do not fee any other
Method left for Men of that Function to take, in order
to reform the World, than by using all hoaeft Arts to
make themſelves acceptable to the Laity. 1 nis, no
doubt, is Part of that Wildom of the Serpent, which
the
140
A PROJECT for the
the Author of Chriftianity directeth; and is the very
Method uſed by St. Paul, who became all Things to all
Men, to the Jews a Jew, and a Greek to the Greeks.
How to remedy thefe Inconveniencies, may be a
Matter of fome Difficulty; fince the Clergy feem to
be of an Opinion, that this Humour of fequeftring
themſelves is a Part of their Duty; nay, as I remem-
ber, they have been told by fome of their Bishops in
their Pastoral Letters, particularly by
** one among
them, who yet, in his own Practice, hath all his Life-
time, taken a Courſe directly contrary. But I am de-
ceived, if an aukward Shame, and Fear of ill Ufage
from the Laity, have not a greater Share in this mi-
ftaken Conduct, than their own Inclinations: How-
ever, if the outward Profeffion of Religion and Virtue,
were once in Practice and Countenance at Court, as
well as among all Men in Office, or who have any
Hopes or Dependence for Preferment; a good Treat-
ment of the Clergy would be the neceffary Confe-
quence of fuch a Reformation: and they would foon
be wife enough to fee their own Duty and Intereſt,
in qualifying themfelves for Lay-converfation, when
once they were out of Fear of being chocked by Ri-
baldry, or Profaneneſs.
THERE is one further Circumftance upon this Oc-
cafion, which I know not whether it will be very
orthodox to mention: The Clergy are the only Set
of Men among us, who conftantly wear a distinct
Habit from others: The Confequence of which (not
in Reaſon, but in Fact) is this, that as long as any
fcandalous Perfons appear in that Drefs, it will con-
tinue, in fome Degree, a general Mark of Contempt.
Whoever happens to fee a Scoundrel in a Gown, reel-
ing Home at Midnight, (a Sight neither frequent nor
miraculous) is apt to entertain an ill Idea of the whole
Order; and, at the fame time, to be extremely com-
forted
Suppoſed to be Dr. BURNET, Bishop of Saliſbury.
Advancement of RELIGION, &c.
141
Some Remedy might be
forted in his own Vices.
put to this, if thofe ftraggling Gentlemen, who come
up to Town to feek their Fortunes, were fairly dif
miffed to the West Indies ; where there is Work
enough, and where fome better Provifion fhould be
made for them, than I doubt there is at prefent. Or,
what if no Perfon were allowed to wear the Habit,
who had not fome Preferment in the Church; or, at
leaſt, fome temporal Fortune fufficient to keep him
out of Contempt?
THERE is one Abuſe in this Town, which wonder-
fully contributeth to the Promotion of Vice; when fuch
Men are often put into the Commiffion of the Peace,
whoſe Intereſt it is, that Virtce fhould be utterly ba-
nished from among us; who maintain, or at leaſt en-
rich themſelves by encouraging the grofleft Immorali-
ties; to whom all the Bauds of the Ilard pay Centri-
bution for Shelter and Protection from the Laws.
Thus, there worthy Magiftrates, inftead of leffening
Enormities, are the Occafion of juſt twice as much
Debauchery as there would be without them. For
thofe infainous Women are forced upon doubling their
Work and Industry, to anſwer double Charges, of
paying the Juftice, and fupporting themfelves: Like
Thieves who efcape the Gallows, and are let out to
fleal, in order to difcharge the Goaler's Fees.
Ir is not to be queftioned, but the Queen and Mi-
niftry might eafily redrefs this abominable Grievance,
by enlarging the Number of Juftices of the Peace;
by endeavouring to chufe Men of virtuous Princi
ples; by admitting none, who have not confiderable
Fortunes; perhaps by receiving into the Number
fome of the most eminent Clergy: Then, by forcing
all of them, upon fevere Penalties, to act when there
is Occafion; and not permitting any, who are of-
fered, to refufe the Commiffion. But in theſe two
laft Cafes, which are very material, I doubt there
would be Need of the Legislature.
THE Reformation of the Stage is entirely in the
Power of the Queen; and, in the Confequences it
hath
142 A PROJECT for the
hath upon the Minds of younger People, doth very
well deferve the ftrictest Care. Befide the undecent
and profane Paffages; befide the perpetual turning
into Ridicule the very Function of the Priesthood; with
other Irregularities in moft modern Comedies, which
have been often objected to them; it is worth obfer-
ving the diſtributive Justice of the Authors, which is
conftantly applied to the Puriſhment of Virtue, and
the Reward of Vice; directly oppofite to the Rules of
their beft Criticks, as well as to the Practice of Dra-
matick Poets in all other Ages and Countries. For
Example, a Country Squire, who is reprefented with
no other Vice but that of being a Clown, and having
the provincial Accent upon his Tongue, which is
neither a Fault, nor in his Power to remedy, muſt be
condemned to marry a caft Wench, or a cracked
Chamber-maid. On the other Side, a Rakehell of
the Town, whofe Character is fet off with no other
Accompliſhments but extenfive Prodigality, Profane-
nefs, Intemperance, and Luft; is rewarded with the
Lady of great Fortune, to repair his own, which his
Vices had almoft ruined. And, as in a Tragedy, the
Hero is repreſented to have obtained many Victories,
in order to raiſe his Character in the Minds of the
Spectators; fo the Hero of a Comedy is reprefented to
have been victorious in all his Intrigues for the fame
Reafon. I do not remember that our Engle Poets
ever ſuffered a criminal Amour to fucceed upon the
Stage, until the Reign of King Charles the Second.
Ever fince that Time, the Alderman is made a
Cuckold, the deluded Virgin is debauched; and Adul-
tery and Fornication are fuppofed to be committed
behind the Scenes, as Part of the Action. Thefe, and
many more Corruptions of the Theatre, peculiar to our
Age and Nation, need continue no longer than while
the Court is content to connive at, or neglect them.
Surely a Penfion would not be ill employed on fome
Men of Wit, Learning, and Virtue, who might have
Power to ſtrike out every offenfive, or unbecoming
Paffage from Plays already written, as well as thofe that
may
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 143
may be offered to the Stage for the future. By which,
and other wife Regulations, the Theatre might be-
come a very innocent and ufeful Diverfion, inftead of
being a Scandal and Reproach to our Religion and
Country.
THE Propofals I have hitherto made, for the Ad-
vancement of Religion and Morality, are fuch, as
come within the Reach of the Adminiſtration ; ſuch as
a pious active Prince, with a ſteady Refolution, might
foon bring to Effect. Neither am I aware of any Ob-
jections to be raiſed againſt what I have advanced;
unleſs it fhould be thought, that the making Religion
a neceffary Step to Interest and Favour, might increaſe
Hypocrity among us : And, I readily believe it would.
But, if one in twenty, fhould be brought over to true
Piety by this, or the like Methods, and the other
nineteen be only Hypocrites, the Advantages would
ftill be great. Befides, Hypocrify is much more eli-
gible than open Infidelity and Vice: It wears the
Livery of Religion, it acknowledgeth her Authority,
and is cautious of giving Scandal. Nay, a long con-
tinued Diſguiſe is too great a Conftraint upon human
Nature, especially an English Difpofition. Men would
leave off their Vices out of mere Weariness, rather than
undergo the Toil and Hazard, and perhaps Expence
of practifing them perpetually in private. And, I be-
lieve, it is often with Religion as it is with Love ;
which, by much diffembling, at laſt groweth real.
ALL other Projects to this great End, have proved
hitherto ineffectual. Laws against Immorality have
not been executed; and Proclamations occafionally if
fued out to enforce them, are wholly unregarded as
Things of Form. Religious Societies, although begun
with excellent intention, and by Perfons of true Piety,
are faid, I know not whether truly or no, to have
dwindled into factious Clubs, and grown a Trade to
enrich little knavith Informers of the meaneft Rink,
fuch as common Conttables, and broken Shopkeepers.
AND that fome effectual Attempt fhould be made
towards ſuch a Reformation, is perhaps more necef-
fary,
144
A PROJECT for the
fary, than People commonly apprehend; becauſe the
Ruin of a State is generally preceded by an univerfal
Degeneracy of Manners, and Contempt of Religion;
which is entirely our Cafe at preſent.
Diis te minorem quod geris, imperas,
NEITHER is this a Matter to be deferred until a more
convenient Time of Peace and Leifure: A Reforma-
tion in Men's Faith and Morals, is the best natural, as
well as religious Means to bring the War to a good
Conclufion. Becaufe, if Men in Truft performed their
Duty for Confcience Sake, Affairs would not ſuffer
through Fraud, Falfhood, and Neglect, as they now
perpetually do: And if they believed a God and his
Providence, and acted accordingly, they might rea-
fonably hope for his Divine Affiitance in fo juſt a
Caufe as ours.
NOR could the Majefty of the English Crown ap-
pear, upon any Occafion, in a greater Luftre, either
to Foreigners, or Subjects, than by an Adminiſtration,
which producing fuch good Effects, would difcover fo
much Power. And Power being the natural Appetite
of Princes; a limited Monarch cannot fo well gratify
it in any Point, as a ſtrict Execution of the Laws.
BESIDES, all Parties would be obliged to clofe with
fo good a Work as this, for their own Reputation!
Neither is any Expedient more likely to unite them.
For, the moſt violent Party-men I have ever obferved,
are fuch as in the Conduct of their Lives have dif
covered leaſt Senfe of Religion, or Morality; and,
when all fuch are laid afide, at leaſt, thofe among them
who ſhall be found incorrigible, it will be a Matter,
perhaps, of no great Difficulty to reconcile the reſt.
THE many Corruptions, at prefent, in every Branch
of Bufinefs, are almoft inconceivable. I have heard
it computed by fkilful Perfons, that, of fix Millions
raiſed every Year for the Service of the Publick,
one Third, at leaft, is funk and intercepted through
the feveral Claffes and Subordinations of artful
Men
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 145
Men in Office, before the Remainder is applied to
the proper Ufe. This is an accidental ill Effect of
our Freedom: And while fuch Men are in Truft, who
have no Check from within, nor any Views but to-
wards their Intereft; there is no other Fence againſt
them, but the Certainty of being hanged upon the
firſt Diſcovery, by the arbitrary Will of an unlimited.
Monarch, or his Vizier. Among Us, the only Dan-
ger to be apprehended, is the Lofs of an Employment;
and that Danger is to be eluded a thouſand Ways.
Befides, when Fraud is great, it furniſheth Weapons
to defend itſelf: And, at worſt, if the Crimes be fo
flagrant, that a Man is laid afide out of perfec
Shame (which rarely happeneth) he retireth loaded
with the Spoils of the Nation; Et fruitur diis iratis.
I could name a Commiſſion, where ſeveral Perſons out
of a Salary of five hundred Pounds, without other
vifible Revenues, have always lived at the rate of
two thouſand, and laid out forty or fifty thouſand up-
on Purchaſes of Land, or Annuities. An hundred
other Inftances of the fame Kind might eaſily be
produced. What Remedy, therefore, can be found
against fuch Grievances, in a Conftitution like ours,
but to bring Religion into Countenance, and encou-
rage thofe, who, from the Hope of future Reward,
and Dread of future Puniſhment, will be moved to
act with Justice and Integrity?
THIS is not to be accomplished any other Way than
by introducing Religion, as much as poffible, to be
the Turn and Faſhion of the Age; which only lieth
in the Power of the Adminiftration; the Prince with
utmoſt Strianefs regulating the Court, the Miniftry,
and other Perſons in great Employment; and theſe,
by their Example and Authority, reforming all who
have Dependence on them.
Ir is certain, that a Reformation, fucceſsfully car-
ried on in this great Town, would, in Time, ſpread
itſelf over the whole Kingdom; fince most of the
confiderable Youth paffeth here that Seaſon of their
Lives, wherein the ftrongest Impreffions are made, in
VOL. I.
о
order
146
A PROJECT for the
order to improve their Education, or advance their
Fortune: And thofe among them who return into
their feveral Countries, are fure to be followed and
imitated, as the greateſt Patterns of Wit and good
Breeding.
AND if Things were once in this Train; that is,
if Virtue and Religion were eſtabliſhed as the necef-
fary Titles to Reputation and Preferment; and if Vice
and Infidelity were not only loaden with Infamy, but
made the infallible Ruin of all Mens Pretenſions; our
Duty, by becoming our Intereft, would take Root in
our Natures, and mix with the very Genius of our
People; fo that it would not be eaſy for the Example
of one wicked Prince, to bring us back to our for-
mer Corruptions.
I have confined myſelf (as it is before obſerved)
to thoſe Methods for the Advancement of Piety,
which are in the Power of a Prince limited like ours,
by a ſtrict Execution of the Laws already in Force.
And this is enough for a Project that cometh without
any Name, or Recommendation: I doubt, a great
deal more than will fuddenly be reduced into Pra-
&tice. Although, if any Difpofition ſhould appear
towards ſo good a Work, it is certain, that the Af-
fo
fiftance of the legislative Power would be neceffary
to make it more compleat. I will inftance only in
a few Particulars.
In order to reform the Vices of this Town, which,
as we have faid, hath fo mighty an Influence on the
whole Kingdom; it would be very inflrumental to have
Law made, that all Taverns, or Alehouſes, ſhould
be obliged to difmifs their Company by Twelve at
Night, and fhut up their Doors; and that no Wo-
man ſhould be fuffered to enter any Tavern or Ale-
houſe upon any Pretence whatever. It is eaſy to
conceive, what a Number of ill Confequences fuch a
Law would prevent; the Miſchiefs of Quarrels and
Lewdnefs and Thefts, and midnight Brawls, the
Diſeaſes of Intemperance and Venery; and a thouſand
other
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 147
other Evils needleſs to mention.
Nor would it be a-
mifs, if the Maſters of thoſe publick Houſes were o-
bliged, upon the fevereſt Penalties, to give only a
proportioned Quantity of Drink to every Company;
and when he found his Guefts difordered with Ex-
cefs, to refuſe them any more.
I believe there is hardly a Nation in Chriftendom,
where all Kind of Fraud is practiſed in fo unmeafu-
rable a Degree as with us. The Lawyer, the Tradef-
man, the Mechanick, have found fo many Arts to
deceive in their feveral Callings, that they far out-
grow the common Prudence of Mankind, which is
in no fort able to fence againſt them. Neither could
the Legiſlature, in any Thing, more confult the pu-
blick Good, than by providing fome effectual Remedy
againſt this Evil; which, in feveral Cafes, deſerveth
greater Puniſhment than many Crimes that are ca-
pital among us. The Vintner, who, by mixing Poiſon
with his Wines, deftroyeth more Lives, than any ma-
lignant Diſeaſe: The Lawyer, who perfuadeth you
to a Purchaſe, which he knoweth is mortgaged for
more than the Worth, to the Ruin of
you and
Family: The Banquier or Scrivener, who taketh all
your Fortune to diſpoſe of, when he hath beforehand
reſolved to break the following Day; doth furely de-
ferve the Gallows much better than the Wretch, who
is carried thither for ftealing a Horſe.
your
It cannot eaſily be anſwered to God or Man, why
a Law is not made for limiting the Prefs; at leaſt
fo far as to prevent the publiſhing of fuch pernicious
Books, as under Pretence of Frec-thinking, endea-
vour to overthrow thofe Tenets in Religion, which
have been held inviolable almoſt in all Ages, by eve-
ry Sect that pretendeth to be Chriftian; and cannot
therefore, with any Colour of Reaſon, be called
Points in Controversy, or Matters of Speculation, as fome
would pretend. The Doctrine of the Trinity, the Di-
vinity of Chrift, the Immortality of the Soul, and even
the Truth of all Revelation are daily exploded and
denied
02
148
A PROJECT for the
denied in Book's openly printed; although it is to be
fuppofed, that neither Party avow fuch Principles, or
own the ſupporting of them to be any way neceffa-
ry to their Service.
Ir would be endleſs to fet down every Corruption
or Defect, which requireth a Remedy from the le-
giſlative Power. Senates are like to have little Re-
gard for any Propoſals that come from without Doors:
Although under a due Senfe of my own Inabilities,
I am fully convinced that the unbiaffed Thoughts of
an honeſt and wiſe Man, employed on the Good of
his Country, may be better digefted, than the Re-
fults of a Multitude, where Faction and Intereſt too
often prevail: As a fingle Guide may direct the Way,
better than five hundred who have contrary Vierus, or
look afquint, or but their Eyes.
I fhall mention but one more Particular, which I
think a Parliament ought to take under Confidera-
tion: Whether it be not a Shame to our Country,
and a Scandal to Chriftianity, that, in many Towns
where there is a prodigious Increaſe in the Number
of Houſes and Inhabitants, fo little Care ſhould be
taken for the Building of Churches, that five Parts
in fix of the People are abfolutely hindered from
hearing Divine Service? particularly here in Lon-
don, where a fingle Minifter, with one or two ſorry
Curates, has the Care fometimes of above twenty
thouſand Souls incumbent on him. A Neglect of Re-
ligion fo ignominious in my Opinion, that it can
hardly be equalled in any civilized Age or Country.
BUT,
*This Paragraph is known to have given the first Hint to cer-
tain Bishops, particularly to that most excellent Prelate, Bishop
Atterbury, in the Earl of Oxford's Ministry, to procure a Fund
for building fifty new Churches in London.
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 149
BUT, to leave theſe airy Imaginations of introdu-
cing new Laws for the Amendment of Mankind :
What I principally infift on, is the due Execution of
the old, which lieth wholly in the Crown, and in the
Authority derived from thence: I return therefore to
my former Affertion; that, if Stations of Power,
Truſt, Profit, and Honour, were conftantly made the
Rewards of Virtue and Piety; fuch an Adminiftra-
tion muſt needs have a mighty Influence on the Faith
and Morals of the whole Kingdom: and Men of
great Abilities would then endeavour to excel in
the Duties of a religious Life, in order to qualify
themſelves for publick Service. I may poffibly be
wrong in ſome of the Means I prefcribe towards
this End; but that is no material Objection againſt
the Defign itſelf. Let thofe who are at the Helm
contrive it better, which perhaps they may eafily
do. Every body will agree, that the Difeafe is
manifeſt, as well as dangerous; that fome Reme-
dy is neceffary, and that none yet applied hath been
effectual; which is a fufficient Excufe for any Man
who wifheth well to his Country, to offer his
Thoughts, when he can have no other End in View
but the publick Good. The prefent QUEEN is a
Prince of as many and great Virtues as ever filled a
Throne, how would it brighten her Character to
the preſent and after Ages, if She would exert Her
utmoſt Authority to inftil fome Share of thofe Virtues
into Her People, which they are too degenerate to
learn only from Her Example. And, be it ipoke
with all the Veneration poffible, for fo excellent a
Sovereign; Her beft Endeavours in this weighty Af-
fair, are a moſt important Part of Her Duty, as well
as of Her Intereft, and Her Honour.
BUT, it muſt be confeffed, That as Things are
now, every Man thinketh, he hath laid in a fufficient
Stock of Merit, and may pretend to any Employ-
ment, provided he hath been loud and frequent in
declaring himself hearty for the Government. It is
0 3
true;
150
A PROJECT for the
true; he is a Man of Pleaſure, and a Free-thinker ;
that is, in other Words, he is a Profligate in his
Morals, and a Defpifer of Religion; but in Point
of Party, he is one to be confided in; he is an Af-
fertor of Liberty and Property; he rattleth out a-
gainst Popery, and Arbitrary Power, and Prief-craft,
and High-church. It is enough: He is a Perfon
fully qualified for any Employment in the Court, or
the Navy, the Law, or the Revenue; where he
will be fure to leave no Arts untried of Bribery,
Fraud, Injuftice, or Oppreffion, that he can practife
with any Hope of Impunity. No Wonder fuch
Men are
true to a Government, where Liberty
runneth high, where Property, however attained, is
fo well fecured, and where the Administration is at
leaſt fo gentle: It is impoffible they could chufe
any other Conftitution, without changing to their
Lofs.
FIDELITY to a prefent Eftablishment, is indeed
one principal Means to defend it from a foreign Ene-
my; but without other Qualifications, will not pre-
vent Corruptions from within: And States are more
often ruined by theſe than the other.
To conclude: Whether the Propoſals I have offer-
ed towards a Reformation, be ſuch as are moſt pru-
dent and convenient, may probably be a Queſtion;
but it is none at all, whether ſome Reformation be ab-
folutely neceffary; becaufe the Nature of Things is
fuch, that if Abufes be not remedied, they will cer-
tainly increaſe, nor ever ſtop till they end in the Sub-
verfion of a Commonwealth. As there must always
of Neceffity be fome Corruptions; fo in a well
inſtituted State, the executive Power will be al-
ways contending against them, by reducing Things (as
Machiavel ſpeaks) to their first Principles; never let-
ting Abuſes grow inveterate, or multiply fo far, that
it will be hard to find Remedies, and, perhaps, im-
poftible to apply them: As he that would keep his
Houſe in Repair, muft attend every little Breach
or
Advancement of RELIGION, &c. 151
or Flaw, and ſupply it immediately, elfe Time alone
will bring all to Ruin; how much more the common
Accidents of Storms and Rain? He muft live in
perpetual Danger of his Houfe falling about his Ears;.
and will find it cheaper to throw it quite down, and
build it again from the Ground, perhaps upon a new
Foundation, or at leaft in a new Form, which may
neither be ſo ſafe, nor ſo convenient as the old.
A
A
Tritical ESSAY, &c.
HILOSOPHERS fay, that Man is a Mi-
P crocofm, or little World, refembling in Mini-
ature every Part of the Great: And, in my
Opinion, the Body Natural may be compared to the
Body Politick: And if this be fo, how can the Epicur
reans Opinion be true, That the Univerfe was formed
by a fortuitous Concourfe of Atoms; which I will no
more believe, than that the accidental Jumbling of
the Letters in the Alphabet, could fall by Chance into
a moſt ingenious and learned Treatife of Philofophy.
Riſum teneatis Amici? HOR. This falfe Opinion mut
needs create many more; it is like an Error in the firſt
Concoction, which cannot be corrected in the ſecond;
the Foundation is weak, and whatever Superftructure
you raife upon it, muft of Neceffity fall to the Ground.
Thus, Men are led from one Error to another, until
with Irion they embrace a Cloud inftead of Juno; or,
like the Dog in the Fable, lofe the Subſtance in gaping
at the Shadow. For fuch Opinions cannot cohere:
but like the Iron and Clay in the Toes of Nebuchad-
nezzar's Image, muft feparate and break in Pieces.
I have read in a certain Author, that Alexander wept
because he had no more Worlds to conquer; which
he need not have done, if the fortuitous Concourfe
of Atoms could create one: But this is an Opinion
fitter for that many-headed Beat, the Vulgar, to
entertain, than for fo wife a Man, as Epicurus; the
corrupt
156
م A TRITICAL ESSAY, تاریخ
&c.
corrupt Part of his Sect only borrowed his Name, as
the Monkey did the Cat's Claw, to draw the Chef-
nut out of the Fire.
fo
HOWEVER, the first Step to the Cure, is to know the
Diſeaſe; and although Truth may be difficult to find,
becauſe, as the Philofopher obferveth, the liveth in the
Bottom of a Well; yet we need not, like blind Men,
grope in open Day-light. I hope, I may be allowed,
among many far more leained Men, to offer my
Mitc, fince a Stander-by may femetimes, perhaps,
fee more of the Game than he that playeth it.
I do not think a Philofopher obliged to account for
every Phænomenon in Nature; or drown himſelf
with Arifstle, for not being able to five the Eb-
bing and Flowing of the Tide, in that fatal Sen-
tence he pailed upon himfelf, Luia te non capio, tu
capies me.
But
WHERLIN he was at once the Judge and the Cri-
minal, the Accufer and Executioner. Socrates, on
the other hand, who faid he knew nothing, was pro-
nounced by the Oracle to be the wifeft Man in the
World.
BUT to return from this Digreffion; I think it as
clear as any Demonkration in E. hd, That Nature
doth nothing in vain; if we were able to dive into
her fecret Receffes, we fhould find, that the fmallett
Blade of Grafs, or molt contemptible Weed, hath its
particular Ufe; but he is chicily admirable in her
minute Compofitions, the leat and mot contem-
ptible Infect moft difcovers the Art of Nature, if I
may fo call it; although Nature, which delighteth in
Variety, will always triumph over Art. And, as
the Poet obferveth,
Naturam expellas furca licet, ufque recurret. HOR.
BUT the various Opinions of Philofophers, have fcat-
tered through the World as many Plagues of the Mind,
as Pandora's Box did thote of the Body, only with this
Difference, that they have not left Hope at the Bot-
tom.
I
A TRITICAL ESSAY, &c.
157
tom.
And if Truth be not fled with Area, the is
certainly as hidden as the Source of Nile, and can be
found only in Utopia. Not that I would reflect on
thoſe wife Sages, which would be a Sort of Ingrati-
tude; and he that calleth a Man ungrateful, fums up
all the Evil that a Man can be guilty of.
Ingratum fi dixeris, omnia dicis.
BUT, what I blame the Philofophers for, (although
fome may think it a Paradox) is chiefly their Pride ;
nothing lefs than an iffe dixit, and you muſt pin your
Faith on their Sleeve. And, although Diogenes lived
in a Tub, there might be for ought I know, as much
Pride under his Rags, as in the fine fpun Garment of
the Divine Plato. It is reported of this Diogenes, that
when Alexander came to fee him, and promifed to give
him whatever he would ask; the Cynich only anfwered,
Take not from me what thou canf? not give me; but fand
from between me and the Light, which was almost as
extravagant as the Philofopher that flung his Money
into the Sea, with this remarkable Saying,-
How different was this Man from the Ufurer, who
being told his Son would ſpend all he had got, re-
plied, Hi canust take more Pleaſure in tending, than I
did in getting it.
Thefe Men could fee the Faults of
each other, but not their own; thofe they fiung into
the Bag behind; Non videmus id mantica quod a tergo
7. I may, perhaps, be cenfured for my free Opinions,
by thofe carping Manus's, whom Authors worſhip as
the Indians do the Devil, for Fear. They will en-
deavour to give my Reputation as many Wounds as
the Man in the Almanack; but I value it not, and
perhaps, like Flies, they may buz ſo often about the
Candle, until they burn their Wings. They must
pardon me, if I venture to give them this Advice,
Not to rail at what they cannot understand; it doth
but diſcover that felf-tormenting Paflion of Envy ;
than which, the greatest Tyrant never invented a
more cruel Torment.
Invidia
VOL. I.
P
158
A TRITICAL ESSAY, &c.
Invidia Siculi non invenere Tyranni
Tormentum majus·
JUVEN.
I muſt be ſo bold to tell my Criticks and Witlings,
that they are no more Judges of this, than a Man that
is born blind can have any true Idea of Colours. I
have always obferved, that your empty Veffels found
loudeft: I value their Lafhes as little as the Sea did
when Xerxes whipped it. The utmoſt Favour a
Man can expect from them, is that which Polyphemus
promifed Ulyffes, that he would devour him the laſt:
They think to fubdue a Writer, as Cefar did his Ene-
my, with a Veni, vidi, vici. I confefs, I value the
Opinion of the judicious Few, a Rimer, a Dennis, or a
Warwick; but for the reft, to give my Judgment at
once, I think the long Difpute among the Philofo-
phers about a Vacuum, may be determined in the Af-
firmative, that it is to be found in a Critick's Head.
They are, at beft, but the Drones of the learned
World, who devour the Honey, and will not work
themſelves; and a Writer nced no more regard them,
than the Moon does the barking of a little fenfelefs
Cur: For, in fpite of their terrible.Roaring, you
may with half an Eye diſcover the As under the
Lion's Skin.
BUT to return to our Diſcourſe: Demofthenes being
afked, what was the first Part of an Orator, replied,
Action: What was the fecond, Action: What was the
third, Action: And fo on ad infinitum. This may
be true in Oratory; but Contemplation, in other
Things, exceedeth Action. And therefore, a wife
Man is never lefs alone, than when he is alone.
Nunquam minus folus, quàm cum folus.
AND Archimedes, the famous Mathematician, was
fo intent upon his Problems, that he never minded.
the Soldier who came to kill him. Therefore, not
to
A TRITICAL ESSAY, &c.
159
to detract from the juft Praiſe which belongeth to
Orators, they ought to confider, that Nature, which
gave us two Eyes to fee, and two Ears to hear, hath
given us but one Tongue to ſpeak; wherein, how-
ever, fome do ſo abound, that the Virtuoft, who have
been fo long in Search for the perpetual Motion,
may infallibly find it there.
SOME Men admire Republicks; becauſe, Orators
flourish there moft, and are the great Enemies of Ty-
ranny But my Opinion is, that one Tyrant is better
than an hundred. Befides, thefe Orators inflame the
People, whoſe Anger is really but a fhort Fit of
Madneſs.
Ira furor brevis eft.-
HOR.
AFTER which, Laws are like Cobwebs, which
may catch fmall Flies, but let Wafps and Hornets
break through. But, in Oratory, the greateſt Art is
to hide Arr.
Artis eft celare Artem.
BUT this must be the Work of Time; we muſt lay
hold on all Opportunities, and let flip no Occafion, elle
we fhall be forced to weave Penelope's Web; unravel
in the Night what we fpun in the Day. And, there-
fore I have obſerved that Time is painted with a Lock
before, and bald behind; fignifying thereby, that we
must take Time (as we fay) by the Forelock; for
when it is once paft, there is no recalling it.
THE Mind of Man is, at first, (if you will pardon
the Expreffion) like a Tabula rafa; or like Wax,
which while it is ſoft, is capable of any Impreffion,
until Time hath hardened it. And at length Death,
that grim Tyrant, ſtoppeth us in the Midit of our
Career. The greatefl Conquerors have at laſt been
conquered by Death, which ſpareth none from the
Sceptre to the Spade.
Mors omnibus communis.
P 2
ALL
160
A TRITICAL ESSAY, &c.
ALL Rivers go to the Sea, but none return from it.
Xerxes wept when he beheld his Army; to confider
that in less than an hundred Years they would be all
dead. Anacreon was chocked with a Grape-itone;
and violent Joy killeth as well as violent Grief.
There is nothing in this World conftant, but Incon-
ftancy; yet Plato thought, that if Virtue would
appear to the World in her own native Drefs, all
Men would be enamoured with her. But now, fince
Interelt governs the World, and Men neglect the
Golden Mean, Jupiter himself, if he came on the
Earth, would be deſpiſed, unleſs it were as he did to
Danae, in a golden Shower. For Men, now-a-days,
worſhip the rifing Sun, and not the ſetting.
Donec eris fælix, multos numerabis amicos.
THUS have I, in Obedience to your Commands,
ventured to expoſe myſelf to Cenfure in this critical
Age. Whether I have done Right to my Subject,
muſt be left to the Judgment of the learned Reader:
However, I cannot but hope, that my attempting of
it, may be an Encouragement for fome able Pen to
perform it with more Succefs.
A
!
A
PROPOSAL
FOR
Correcting, Improving, and Afcertaining
the ENGLISH TONGUE:
IN A
Letter to the Moft Honourable ROBERT
Earl of OXFORD and MORTIMER, Lord
High Treaſurer of Great Britain.
It is well known, that if the Queen had lived a Year or two
longer, the following Propofal would, in all Probability, have
taken Effed. For the Lord Treasurer had already nominated
feveral Perfons without Diftin&tion of Quality or Party, who
were to compofe a Society for the Purposes mentioned by the
Author; and refolved to use his Credit with Her Majefty,
that a Fund fould be applied to fupport the Expence of a large
Room, where the Society fhould meet, and for other Incidents.
But this Scheme fell to the Ground, partly by the Diffenfions
among the great Men at Court; but chiefly by the lamented
Death of that glorious Princess.
To the Moſt Honourable ROBERT Earl of
OXFORD.
My LORD,
W
HAT I had the Honour of mentioning to
your Lordship fome Time ago in Conver-
fation, was not a new Thought, just then
fted y Accident or Occafion, but the Refult of
1ɔng Reflexion; and I have been confirmed in my
Sentiments
P 3
162
A LETTER to the
Sentiments by the Opinion of fome very judicious
Perfons, with whom I confulted. They all agreed,
That nothing would be of greater Ufe towards the
Improvement of Knowledge and Politeness, than fome
effectual Method for Correcting, Enlarging, and Afcer-
taining our Language; and they think it a Work ve-
ry poffible to be compafied, under the Protection of
a Prince, the Countenance and Encouragement of a
Ministry, and the Care of proper Perfons, choſen for
fuch an Undertaking. I was glad to find your Lord-
fhip's Anſwer in fo different a Style, from what hath
been commonly made ufe of on fuch like Occations,
for fome Years paſt: That all fuch Thoughts muji be de-
ferred to a Time of Peace: A Topick which fome have
carried fo far, that they would not have us by any
Means think of preferving our Civil or Religious Con-
ftitution, becauſe we are engaged in a War abroad.
It will be among the diflinguifhing Marks of your
Ministry, my Lord, that you had a Genius above
all fuch Regards; and that no reaſonable Propofal for
the Honour, the Advantage, or the Ornament of your
Country, however foreign to your more immediate
Office, was ever neglected by you. I confess the
Merit of this Candour and Condefcenfion is very much.
leffened; becauſe your Lordship hardly leaveth us
Room to offer our good Wiſhes; removing all our
Difficulties, and fupplying our Wants, fafter than the
moſt viſionary Projector can adjuſt his Schemes. And
therefore, my Lord, the Deſign of this Paper is not ſo
fo
much to offer you Ways and Means, as to complain of
a Grievance, the redreffing of which is to be your own
Work, as much as that of paying the Nation's Dibts,
or opening a Trade into the South Sea; and although
not of fuch immediate Benefit as either of thefe, or
any other of your glorious Actions, yet perhaps in fu-
tule Ages not lefs to your Honour.
My Lord, I do here, in the Name of all the learned
and polite Perfons of the Nation, complain to your
Lordſhip, as First Minifier, that our Language is ex-
tremely imperfect; that its daily Improvements are by
no
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
163
no means in Proportion to its daily Corruptions; that
the Pretenders to poliſh and refine it, have chiefly mul-
tiplied Abuſes and Abfurdities; and that, in many In-
ftances, it offendeth againſt every Part of Grammar.
But left your Lordſhip ſhould think my Cenſure too fe-
vere, I fhall take Leave to be more particular.
I believe your Lordſhip, will agree with me in the
Reaſon, why our Language is lefs refined than thoſe of
Italy, Spain, or France. It is plain, that the Latin
Tongue in its Purity was never in this Ifland'; towards
the Conqueft of which, few or no Atten pts were
made till the Time of Claudius: Neither was that
Language ever to vulgar in Britain, as it is known to
have been in Gaul and Spain. Further, we find that
the Roman Legions here, were at length all recalled to
help their Country againſt the Goths, and other barba-
rous Invaders. Mean time, the Britons left to fhift
for themiclves, and daily haraffed by cruel Inroads
from the Pis, were forced to call in the Saxons for
their Defence; who confequently reduced the greateſt
Part of the Iſland to their own Power, drove the Bri-
tons into the most remote and mountainous Parts; and
the rest of the Country, in Cuftoms, Religion, and
Language, became wholly Saxon. This I take to be
the Reaſon why there are more Latin Words remain-
ing in the Britjh Tongue than in the old Saxın;
which, excepting fome few Variations in the Ortho-
graphy, is the fame in moft original Words with our
prefent Engly, as well as with the German and other
Northern Dialects.
EDWARD the Confefor, having lived long in France,
appeareth to be the firft, who introduced any Mixture
of the French Tongue with the Saxon; the Court af-
fecting what the Prince was fond of, and others
taking it up for a Faſhion, as it is now with us.
William the Conqueror proceeded much further; bring-
ing over with him vaſt Numbers or that Nation. icat-
tering them in every Monattery, giving them great
Quantities of Land, directing all Fieadings to be in
that Language, and endeavouring co make it univerfal
in
164
A LETTER to the
in the Kingdom. This, at leaft, is the Opinion ge-
nerally received: But your Lordſhip hath fully con-
vinced me, that the French Tongue made yet a greater
Progrefs here under Harry the Second, who had large
Territories on that Continent, both from his Father
and his Wife; made frequent Journeys and Expedi--
tions thither, and was always attended with a Number
of his Countrymen, Retainers at his Court. For fome
Centuries after, there was a conflant Intercourſe be-
tween France and England, by the Dominions we pof-
feffed there, and the Conquefts we made: So that our
Language, between two and three hundred Years ago,
feemeth to have had a greater Mixture with the French
than at prefent; many Words having been afterwards
rejected, and fome fince the Time of Spencer ; al-
though we have ftill retained not a few, which have
been long antiquated in France. I could produce feve-
ral Inflances of both Kinds, if it were of
were of any Uſe or
Entertainment.
To examine into the feveral Circumſtances, by
which the Language of a Country may be altered,
would force me to enter into a wide Field. I fhall
only obſerve, That the Latin, the French, and the
Englife, feem to have undergone the fame Fortune.
The firit, from the Days of Romulus to thofe of Julius
Cefar, fuffered perpetual Changes; and by what we
meet in thofe Authors who occafionally ſpeak on that
Subject, as well as from certain Fragments of old
Laws, it is manifeft, that the Latin, three hundred
Years before Tully, was as unintelligible in his Time,
as the English and French of the fame Period are now;
and theſe two have changed as much fince William
the Conqueror, (which is but little lefs than feven hun-
dred Years) as the Latin appeareth to have done in the
like Term. Whether our Language, or the French
will decline as fast as the Roman did, is a Question
that would perhaps admit more Debate than it is
worth. There were many Reafons for the Corru-
ptions of the laft: As the Change of their Government
to a Tyranny, which ruined the Study of Eloquence;
there
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
165
there being no further Ufe or Encouragement for
popular Orators: Their giving not only the Freedom
of the City, but Capacity for Employments, to feve-
ral Towns in Gaul, Spain, and Germany, and other
distant Parts, as far as Afia; which brought a great
Number of foreign Pretenders into Rome: The fla-
vish Difpofition of the Senate and People; by which
the Wit and Eloquence of the Age were wholly turn-
ed into Panegyrick, the molt barren of all Subjects :
The great Corruption of Manners, and Introduction
of foreign Luxury, with foreign Terms to expreſs it:
With feveral others that might be affigned: Not to
mention thoſe Invaſions from the Goths and Vandals,
which are too obvious to infit on.
THE Roman Language arrived at great Perfection
before it began to decay: The French, for theſe laſt
fifty Years, hath been poliſhing as much as it will bear;
and appeareth to be declining by the natural Incon-
ſtancy of that People, as well as the Affectation of
fome late Authors, to introduce and multiply Cant
Words, which is the moſt ruinous Corruption in any
Language. La Bruyere, a late celebrated Writer among
them, maketh ufe of many new Terms which are not to
be found in any of the common Dictionaries before his
Time. But the English Tongue is not arrived to fuch
a Degree of Perfection, as, upon that account, to
make us apprehend any Thoughts of its Decay: And,
if it were once refined to a certain Standard, perhaps,
there might be Ways to fix it for ever, or at least until
we are invaded, and made a Conquest by ſome other
State: And even then, our beſt Writings might pro-
bably be preferved with Care, and grow into Efteem,
and the Authors have a Chance for Immortality.
BUT without fuch great Revolutions as thefe, (to
which we are, I think, lefs fubject than Kingdoms
upon the Continent), I fee no abfolute Neceffity why
any Language ſhould be perpetually changing; for we
find many Examples to the contrary. From Homer to
Plutarch, are above a thousand Years; fo long, at
leaft, the Purity of the Greek Tongue may be allowed
to.
166
A LETTER to the
to laft; and we know not how far before. The Gre-
cians fpread their Colonies round all the Coafts of Afia
Minor, even to the Northern Parts, lying towards the
Euxine; in every Iſland of the .Egean Sea, and feveral
others in the Mediterronean; where the Language was
preferved entire for many Ages, after they themselves
became Colonies to Rome, and until they were over-run
by the barbarous Nations upon the Fall of that Empire.
The Chineſe have Books in their Language above two
thousand Years old; neither have the frequent Con-
quelts of the Tartars been able to alter it. The Ger-
man, Spanish, and Italian, have admitted few or Lo
Changes for fome Ages paft. The other Languages of
Europe I know nothing of; neither is there any Oc-
cafion to confider them.
HAVING taken this Compaſs, I return to thoſe Con-
fiderations upon our own Language, which I would
humbly offer your Lordship. The Period wherein the-
English Tongue received moft Improvement, I take to
commence with the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth's
Reign, and to conclude with the great Rebellion in
Forty two. It is true, there was a very ill Taſte
both of Style and Wit, which prevailed under King
James I.; but that feemeth to have been corrected in
the first Years of his Succeffor; who, among many
other Qualifications of an excellent Prince, was a great
Patron of Learning. From that great Rebellion to
this prefent Time, I am apt to doubt whether the Cor-
ruptions in our Language have not, at leaſt, equalled
the Refinements of it, and thefe Corruptions very few
of the beſt Authors in our Age have wholly efcaped.
During the Ufurpation, fuch an Infuſion of enthufia-
ftick Jargon, prevailed in every Writing, as was not
fhaken off in many Years after. To this fucceeded
that Licentioufnefs which entered with the Reftoration;
and from infecting our Religion and Morals, fell
to corrupt our Language: Which laft, was not like to
be much improved by thofe, who, at that time, made
up the Court of King Charles II.; either fuch who had
followed him in his Banifhment, or who had been al-
together
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
167
•
together converfant in the Dialect of thoſe fanatick
Times; or young Men, who had been educated in the
fame Company; fo that the Court, which uſed to be the
Standard of Propriety, and Correctneſs of Speech, was
then, and, I think, hath ever finçe continued the worſt
School in England, for that Accompliſhment; andfo will
remain, until better Care be taken in the Education
of our young Nobility; that they may fet out into the
World with fome Foundation of Literature, in order
to qualify them for Patterns of Politenefs. The Con-
fequence of this Defect upon our Language, may ap-
pear from the Plays, and other Compofitions, written
for Entertainment, within fifty Years palt; filled with
a Succefiion of affected Phrafes, and new conceited
Words, either borrowed from the current Style of the
Court, or from thefe, who, under the Character of
Men of Wit and Pleaſure, pretend to give the Law.
Many of thefe Refinements have already been long
antiquated, and are now hardly intelligible; which
is no Wonder, when they were the Product only of
Ignorance and Caprice.
I have never known this great Town without one
or more Dunces of Figure, who had Credit enough to
give Rife to fome new Word, and propagate it in
moft Converfations; although it had neither Humour
nor Significancy. If it ſtruck the prefent Talle, it was
foon transferred into the Plays, and current Scribbles
of the Week, and became an Addition to our Lan-
guage; while the Men of Wit and Learning, inſtead
of early obviating fuch Corruptions, were too often
feduced to imitate and comply with them.
THERE is another Set of Men, who have contri-
buted very much to the spoiling of the English Tongue;
I mean the Poets, from the Time of the Restoration.
Thefe Gentlemen, although they could not be infen-
fible how much our Language was already overſtock-
ed with Monofyllables, yet, to fave Time and Pains,
introduced that barbarous Cuftom of abbreviating
Words, to fit them to the Meaſure of their Verſes;
and this they have frequently done, fo very injudi-
cioufly,
163
ALETTER to the
ciouſly, as to form fuch harsh unharmonious Sounds,
that none but a Northern Ear could endure. They
have joined the moſt obdurate Confonants, without
one interveening Vowel, only to fhorten a Syllable:
And their Taſte in time became fo depraved, that
what was at firſt a poetical Licence, not to be jufti-
fied, they made their Choice; alledging, that the
Words pronounced at length, founded faint and lan-
guid. This was a Pretence to take up the fame
Cuſtom in Profe; fo that most of the Books we fee
now-a-days, are full of thofe Manglings and Abbre-
viations. Inftances of this Abufe are innumerable:
What doth your Lordſhip think of the Words, Drudg'd,
Diſturb'd, Rebuk'd, Fledg'd, and a thouſand others,
every where to be met in Profe, as well as Verfe?
Where, by leaving out a Vowel to fave a Syllable,
we form fo jarring a Sound, and fo difficult to utter,
that I have often wondered how it could ever obtain.
ANOTHER Caufe (and perhaps borrowed from the
former) which hath contributed not a little to the
maiming of our Language, is a foolish Opinion, ad-
vanced of late Years, that we ought to ſpell exactly as
we ſpeak; which, befides the obvious Inconvenience of
utterly destroying our Etymology, would be a Thing
we ſhould never fee an End of. Not only the feveral
Towns and Counties of England, have a different Way
of pronouncing; but even here in London, they clip
their Words after one Manner about the Court, ano-
ther in the City, and a third in the Suburbs; and in
a few Years, it is probable, will all diner from them-
felves, as Fancy or Fashion fhall direct: All which
reduced to Writing, would entirely confound Ortho-
graphy. Yet many People are fo fond of this Conceit,
that it is fometimes a difficult Matter to read modern
Books and Pamphlets; where the Words are fo cur-
tailed, and varied from their original Spelling, that
whoever hath been uſed to plain English, will hardly
know them by Sight.
SEVERAL Young Men at the Univerſities, terribly
poffeffed with the Fear of Pedantry, run into a worfe
Extreme;
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
169
Extreme; and think all Politenefs to confift in read-
ing the daily Traſh fent down to them from hence:
This they call, Knowing the World, and reading Men
and Manners. Thus furnifhed, they come up to
Town; reckon all their Errors for Accompliſhments,
borrow the newest Set of Phraſes; and if they take
a Pen into their Hands, all the odd Words they
have picked up in a Coffee-houſe, or a gaming
Ordinary, are produced as Flowers of Style; and
To this we
the Orthography refined to the utmoſt.
owe thoſe monfirous Productions, which under the
Names of Trips, Spies, Amuſements, and other con-
ceited Appellations, have over run. us for fome Years
paſt. To this we owe that ftrange Race of Wits,
who tell us they write to the Humour of the Age.
And, I wish I could ſay, theſe quaint Fopperies were
wholly abfent from graver Subjects. In fhort, I
would undertake to fhew your Lordship feveral
Pieces, where the Beauties of this Kind are ſo pre-
dominant, that with all your Skill in Languages, you
could never be able either to read or underſtand
them.
BUT, I am very much mistaken, if many of theſe
falſe Refinements among us, do not ariſe from a Prin-
ciple, which would quite deſtroy their Credit, if it
were well underſtood and confidered. For, I am
afraid, my Lord, that with all the real good Quali-
ties of our Country, we are naturally not very po-
lite. This perpetual Difpofition to fhorten our Words,
by retrenching the Vowels, is nothing elfe but a
Tendency to lapfe into the Barbarity of thofe Nor-
thern Nations from whom we are defcended, and
whoſe Languages labour all under the fame Defect.
For it is worthy our Obfervation, that the Spaniards,
the French, and the Italians, although derived from
the fame Northern Anceſtors, with ourſelves, are,
with the utmoſt Difficulty taught to pronounce our
Words; which the Swedes and Danes, as well as
the Germans and the Dutch, attain to with Eaſe,
VOL. I.
becauſe
e
170
A LETTER to the
becauſe our Syllables refemble theirs, in the Rough-
nefs and Frequency of Confonants. Now, as we
ftruggle with an ill Climate to improve the nobler
Kinds of Fruits; are at the Expence of Walls to
receive and reverberate the faint Rays of the Sun,
and fence against the Northern Blafts; we fometimes
by the Help of a good Soil equal the Productions
of warmer Countries, who have no need to be at
fo much Coft or Care: It is the fame Thing with
reſpect to the politer Arts among us; and the fame
Defect of Heat which giveth a Fierceness to our Na-
tures, may contribute to that Roughness of our Lan-
guage, which beareth fome Analogy to the harſh
Fruit of colder Countries. For, I do not reckon, that
we want a Genius more than the reft of our Neigh-
bours: But your Lordship will be of my Opinion,
that we ought to ftruggle with theſe natural Dif-
advantages as much as we can; and be careful
whom we employ, whenever we defign to correct
them; which is a Work that hath hitherto been af-
fumed by the leaft qualified Hands: So, that if the
Choice had been left to me, I would rather have
trufted the Refinement of our Language, as far as it
relateth to Sound, to the Judgment of the Women,
than of illiterate Court-fops, half-witted Poets, and
University-Boys. For, it is plain, that Women in
their Manner of corrupting Words, do naturally dif
card the Confonants, as we do the Vowels. What
I am going to tell your Lordship, appeareth very
trifling; that more than once, where fome of both
Sexes were in Company, I have perfuaded two or
three of each to take a Pen, and write down a
Number of Letters, joined together, juft as it came
into their Heads; and upon reading this Gibberish,
we have found that which the Men had writ, by
the frequent encountring of rough Confonants, to
found like High-Dutch; and the other by the Wo-
men, like Italian abounding in Vowels and Liquids.
Now, although I would by no means give Ladies
the
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
171
the Trouble of adviſing us in the Reformation of
our Language; yet I cannot help thinking, that fince
they have been left out of all Meetings, except Par-
ties at Play, or where worſe Deſigns are carried on,
our Converſation hath very much degenerated.
In order to reform our Language, I conceive,
my Lord, that a free judicious Choice fhould be
made of fuch Perfons, as are generally allowed to
be beſt qualified for fuch a Work, without any Re-
gard to Quality, Party, or Profeffion. Thefe to a
certain Number, at leaft, fhould affemble at fome
appointed Time and Place, and fix on Rules by which
they defign to proceed. What Methods they will take,
is not for me to prefcribe. Your Lordihip, and
other Perfous in great Employment, might pleafe to
be of the Number: And, I am afraid, fuch a Society
would want your Inftruction and Example, as much
as your Protection. For I have, not without a little
Envy, obferved of late the Style of fome great Mi-
nitters very much to exceed that of any other Pro-
ductions.
THE Perfons who are to undertake this Work, will
have the Example of the French before them, to imi-
tate where theſe have proceeded right, and to avoid
their Miſtakes. Befides the Grammar Part, wherein
we are allowed to be very defective, they will obſerve
many grofs Improprieties, which however authoriſed
by Practice and grown familiar, ought to be diſcarded.
They will find many Words that deferve to be utterly
thrown out of our Language; many more to be cor-
rected, and perhaps not a few, long fince antiqua-
ted, which ought to be reftored, on account of their
Energy and Sound.
BUT what I have moft at Heart, is, that fome
Method fhould be thought on for afcertaining and
fixing our Language for ever, after fuch Alterations
are made in it as thall be thought requifite. For, I
am of opinion, that it is better a Language fhould
not be wholly perfect, than that it fhould be perpe-
Q =
tualy
172
A LETTER to the
tually changing; and we muſt give over at one Time
or other, or at length infallibly change for the worſe:
As the Romans did, when they began to quit their
Simplicity of Style for affected Refinements; fuch as
we meet in Tacitus and other Authors, which ended
by degrees in many Barbaritics, even before the
Goths had invaded Italy.
THE Fame of our Writers is ufually confined to
theſe two Iflands; and it is hard it fhould be limited
in Time as much as in Place, by the perpetual Va-
riations of our Speech. It is your Lordship's Obfer-
vation, that if it were not for the Bible and Com-
mon-Prayer-Book in the vulgar Tongue, we fhould
hardly be able to underſtand any thing that was
written among us an hundred Years ago; which is
certainly true: For thofe Books being perpetually
read in Churches, have proved a Kind of Standard
for Language, eſpecially to the common People.
And, I doubt, whether the Alterations fince intro-
duced, have added much to the Beauty or Strength
of the English Tongue, although they have taken off
a great deal from that Simplicity, which is one of
the greatest Perfections in any Language. You, my
Lord, who are fo converfant in the facred Writings,
and fo great a Judge of them in their Originals, will
agree, that no Tranflation our Country ever yet pro-
duced, hath come up to that of the Old and New
Teftament: And by the many beautiful Paffages which
I have often had the Honour to hear your Lordship
cite from thence, I am perfuaded that the Tranſlators
of the Bible were Maſters of an English Style much
fitter for that Work, than any we fee in our prefent
Writings which I take to be owing to the Simplicity
that runs through the whole. Then, as to the greateſt
Part of our Liturgy, compiled long before the Tranf
lation of the Bible now in Ufe, and little altered fince;
there ſeem to be in it as great Strains of true fublime
Eloquence, as are anywhere to be found in our Lan-
guage; which every Man of good Taſte will obſerve
in
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
173
in the Communion-Service, that of Burial, and other
Parts.
BUT, where I fay, that I would have our Lan-
guage, after it is duly correct, always to laft; I do
not mean that it fhould never be enlarged: Provi-
ded, that no Word, which a Society fhall give a
Sanction to, be afterwards antiquated and exploded,
they may have Liberty to receive whatever new
ones they fhall find Occafion for: Becauſe then the
old Books will yet be always valuable according to
their intrinfick Worth, and not thrown afide on ac-
count of unintelligible Words and Phraſes, which ap-
pear harth and uncouth, only becauſe they are out of
Faſhion. Had the Roman Tongue continued vulgar
in that City until this Time; it would have been
abfolutely neceffary, from the mighty Changes that
have been made in Law and Religion; from the
many Terms of Art required in Trade and in War;
from the new Inventions that have happened in
the World; from the valt fpreading of Navigation
and Commerce, with many other obvious Circum-
ſtances, to have made great Additions to that Lan-
guage; yet the Antients would till have been read,
and understood with Pleaſure and Eafe. The Greek
Tongue received many Enlargements between the
Time of Homer, and that of Plutarch; yet the former
Author was probably as well understood in Trajan's
Time, as the latter. What Horace faith of Ifords
going off, and perijbing like Leaves, and new ones coming
in thur Place, is a Misfortune he lamenteth, rather
than a Thing he approveth: But I cannot fee
why this fhould be abfolutely neceflary, or if it
were, what would have become of his Monumentum
ære perennius.
WRITING by Memory only, as I do at prefent, I
would gladly keep within my Depth; and therefore
ſhall not enter into further Particulars. Neither do
I pretend more than to fhew the Ufefulnefs of this
Defign, and to make fome general Obfervations;
Q3
leaving
174
A LETTER to the
*
leaving the reft to that Society, which I hope will
owe its Inftitution and Patronage to your Lordship.
Befides, I would willingly avoid Repetition; having
about a Year ago communicated to the Publick,
much of what I had to offer upon this Subject, by
the Hands of an ingenious Gentleman, who for a
long time did thrice a Week divert or inftruct the
Kingdom by his Papers; and is fuppofed to purſue
the fame Deſign at prefent, under the Title of Spectator.
This Author, who hath tried the Force and Compafs
of our Language with fo much Succefs, agreeth en-
tirely with me in moft of iny Sentiments relating to
it: So do the greateſt Part of the Men of Wit and
Learning, whom I have had the Happiness to con-
verfe with: And therefore I imagine, that such a
Society would be pretty unanimous in the maia
Points.
YOUR Lordſhip muft allow, that fuch a Work
as this, brought to Perfection, would very much
contribute to the Glory of Her Majefty's Reign;
which ought to be recorded in Words more durable
than Brafs, and fuch as our Pofterity may read a
thouſand Years hence, with Pleasure, as well as Ad-
miration. I have always difapproved that falſe Com-
pliment to Princes; That the moft lafting Monument
they can have, is the Hearts of their Subjects. It is
indeed their greateſt prefent Felicity to reign in their
Subjects Hearts; but thefe are too perishable to
preferve their Memories, which can only be done by
the Pens of able and faithful Hiftorians. And, I
take it to be your Lordship's Duty, as prime Minifier,
to give Order for infpecting our Language, and ren-
dering it fit to record the Hiftory of fo great and good
a Princeſs. Befides, my Lord, as difintereſted as you
appear to the World, I am convinced, that no Man
is more in the Power of a prevailing favourite Pailion
than yourſelf; I mean, that Defire of true and laſt-
ing Honour, which you have borne along with you
through
Mr. ADDISON.
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
175
:
through every Stage of your Life. To this you have
often facrificed your Intereft, your Eafe, and your
Health For preferving and increafing this, you have
expofed your Perfon to fecret Treachery, and open
Violence. There is not perhaps an Example in Hi-
ſtory of any Minifter, who, in fo fhort a Time, hath
performed fo many great Things, and overcome fo
many great Difficulties. Now, although I am fully
convinced, that you fear God, honour your Queen,
and love your Country, as much as any of your
Fellow-fubjects; yet I must believe, that the Defire
of Fame hath been no inconfiderable Motive to
quicken you in the Purfuit of thofe Actions which
will beft deſerve it. But, at the fame time, I
must be fo plain as to tell your Lordship, that if
you will not take fome Care to fettle our Lan-
guage, and put it into a State of Continuance, I
cannot promise that your Memory fhall be preferved
above an hundred Years, further than by imperfect
Tradition.
As barbarous and ignorant as we were in former
Centuries; there was more effectual Care taken by
our Anceſtors, to preferve the Memory of Times
and Perfons, than we find in this Age of Learning
and Politenefs, as we are pleafed to call it. The rude
Latin of the Monks is still very intelligible; whereas,
had their Records been delivered down only in the
vulgar Tongue, fo barren and fo barbarous, fo fubje&t
to continual fucceeding Changes; they could not now
be underſtood, unlefs by Antiquaries, who made it
their Study to expound them. And we mult, at this
Day, have been content with fuch poor Abstracts of
our English Story, as laborious Men of low Genius
would think ft to give us And even thefe, in the
next Age, would be likewife fwallowed up in fuc-
ceeding Collections. If Things go on at this Rate;
all I can promiſe your Lordflup, is, that about two
hundred Years hence, fome painful Compiler, who
will be at the Trouble of ftudying old Language,
may
176
A LETTER to the
may inform the World, that, in the Reign of Queen
ANNE, Robert Earl of Oxford, a very wife and
excellent Man, was made High-Treasurer, and faved
his Country, which in thoſe Days was almof ruined
by a foreign War, and a domeftick Faction. Thus
much he may be able to pick out. and willing to
transfer into his new Hiftory: But the reft of your
Character, which I, or any other Writer may now
value ourſelves by drawing, and the particular Ac-
count of the great Things done under your Mi-
niftry, for which you are already fo celebrated in
moft Parts of Europe, will probably be dropt on ac-
count of the antiquated Style, and Manner they are
delivered in.
How then ſhall any Man, who hath a Genius for
Hiftory, equal to the beft of the Antient, be able
to undertake fuch a Work with Spirit and Chearful-
nefs, when he confiders, that he will be read with
Pleaſure but a very few Years, and in an Age or
two fhall hardly be underfood without an Inter-
preter? This is like employing an excellent Statuary
to work upon mouldring Stone. Thoſe who apply
their Studies to eierve the Memory of others,
will always have fome Concern for their own. And
I believe it is for this Reaſon, that fo few Writers
among us, of any Distinction, have turned their
Thoughts to fuch a difcouraging Employment:
For the best Englife Hutorian muft ly under this
Mortification, that when his Style growe h antiquated,
he will be only confidered as a tedious Relater of
Facts; and perhaps contulted in his turn, among
other neglected Authors, to furnish Materials for
fome future Collector.
I doubt your Lordship is but ill entertained with
a few ſcattered Thoughts, upon a Subject that de-
ferveth to be treated with Ability and Care: How-
ever, I muft beg Leave to add a few Words more,
perhaps not altogether foreign to the fame Matter.
I know not whether that which I am going to fay,
may
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
177
may pass for Caution, Advice or Reproach; any of
which will be juftly thought very improper from
one in my Station, to one in yours. However, I
muft venture to affirm, that if Genius and Learning
be not encouraged under your Lordship's Admini-
ftration, you are the most inexcufable Perfon alive.
All your other Virtues, my Lord, will be defective
without this: Your Affability, Candour, and Good-
nature; that perpetual Agreeableness of Converfa-
tion, fo difengaged in the midft of fuch a Weight
of Bufinefs and Oppofition; even your Juftice, Fru-
dence, and Magnanimity, will fine lefs bright with-
out it. Your Lordship is univerfally allowed to pof-
feis a very large Portion in most Parts of Literature;
and to this you owe the cultivating thofe many
Virtues, which otherwife would have been lets
adorned, or in lower Perfection. Neither can you
acquit yourſelf of thefe Obligations, without letting
the Arts, in their Turn, fhare your Influence and
Protection. Beûdes, who knoweth but fome true
Genius may happen to arife under your Ministry,
exortus ut atherius Sol. Every Age might, perhaps,
produce one or two of theſe todorn it, if they
were not funk under the Cenfure and Obloquy of
plodding, fervile, imitating Pedants: I do not mean
by a true Genius, any bold Writer, who breaks
through the Rules of Decency, to diftinguish himſelf
by the Singularity of Opinions; but one, who upon
a deferving Subject, is able to open new Scenes, and
diſcover a Vein of true and noble Thinking, which
never entered into any Imagination before: Every
Stroke of whofe Pen is worth all the Paper blotted
by hundreds of others in the Compaſs of their Lives.
I know, my Lord, your Friends will offer in your
Defence, that in your private Capacity, you never
refuled your Purie and Credit to the Service and
Support of learned er ingenious Men: And that e-
ver fince you have been in publick Employment, you
have constantly bestowed your Favours to the most
deferving
178
A LETTER to the
deferving Perfons. But I defire your Lordship not
to be deceived: We never will admit of thefe Ex-
cuſes; nor will allow your private Liberality, as
great as it is, to attone for your exceffive publick
Thrift. But here again, I am afraid most good Sub-
jects will interpofe in your Defence, by alledging
the deſperate Condition you found the Nation in,
and the Neceffity there was for fo able and faithful
a Steward to retrieve it, if poffible, by the utmoſt
Frugality. We grant all this, my Lord; but then,
it ought likewife to be confidered, that you have
already faved feveral Millions to the Publick; and
that what we afk is too inconfiderable to break into
any Rules of the ftricteft good Huſbandry. The
French King beftoweth about half a Dozen Penfions
to learned Men in feveral Parts of Europe; and
perhaps a Dozen in his own Kingdom; which, in
the whole, do probably not amount to half the In-
come of many a private Commoner in England;
yet have more contributed to the Glory of that
Prince, than any Million he hath otherwife employed.
For Learning, like all true Merit, is eafily fatisfied;
whilft the falfe and counterfeit is perpetually cra-
ving, and never thinketh it hath enough. The fmal-
left Favour given by a great Prince as a Mark of
Efteem, to reward the Enduements of the Mind, ne-
ver faileth to be returned with Praife and Gratitude,
and loudly celebrated to the World. I have known,
fome Years ago, feveral Penfions, given to particular
Perfons, (how defervedly I fhall not inquire) any one
of which, if divided into fmaller Parcels, and diftri-
buted by the Crown to thoſe who might, upon Occa-
fion, diftinguifh themfelves by fome extraordinary
Production of Wit or Learning; would be amply
fufficient to anſwer the End. Or, if any fuch Per-
fons were above Money, as every great Genius cer-
tainly is, with very moderate Conveniencies of Life)
a Medal, or ſome Mark of Dilinction, would do full
as well.
BUT
Lord HIGH TREASURER.
179
BUT I forget my Province; and find myfelf turn-
ing Projector before I am aware; although it be one
of the laft Characters under which I fhould defire to
appear before your Lordfhip; efpecially when I have
the Ambition of afpiring to that of being with the
greate Respect and Truth,
My LORD,
Your LORDSHIP'S
Most Obedient, most Obliged,
And most Humble Servant,
LONDON, Feb. 22ª,
1711-12.
J. SWIF1
A
A FAMOUS
PREDICTION
OF
MERLIN
THE
British WIZARD.
Written above a Thoufand YEARS
ago, and relating to the YEAR 1709.
With explanatory NOTES by T. N. Philomath.
L
Written in the YEAR 1709.
AST year was publiſhed a Paper of Predicti-
ons, pretended to be written by one Ijaac
Bickerstaff Efqs but the true Deſign of it
was to ridicule the Art of Aftrology, and expofe
its Profeffors as ignorant, or Impoftors. Against this
Imputation, Dr. Partrige hath learnedly vindicated
himſelf in his Almanack for that Year.
VOL. I.
R
FOR
182
MERLIN'S PROPHECY.
FOR a farther Defence of this famous Art, I have
thought fit to prefent the World with the following
Prophecy. The Original is faid to be of the famous
Merlin, who lived about a thouſand Years ago: And
the following Tranflation is two hundred Years old;
for it feemeth to be written near the End of Henry
VII's Reign. I found it in an old Edition of Mei-
lin's Prophecies; imprinted at London by Johan
Haukyns, in the Year 1530, Page 39. I fet it down
Word for Word in the old Orthography, and ſhall
take Leave to fubjoin a few explanatory Notes.
S
ર
EUEN and TEN addyo to
NINE,
Df Fraunce hir Woe thys is
the Sygne.
Tamys Ryvere twys y-frozen,
Talke fans wetyng Shoes ne Hofen.
Chen cometh foorth, Ich under-
flonde,
From Towne of Stoffe to fatten
Londe,
An herdie Chiftan woe the Morne
To Fraunce that ever he was borne.
Then shall the Fych beweyle his
Bolle;
Mor shall grin Berrys make up the
Loffe.
Ponge Symnele shall again mifcarrye:
And Norway's Pryd again hall mar-
rey.
And
MERLIN's PROPHECY.
183
And from the Tree where Elofums
fele,
Rife Fruit tall come, and all is
wele.
Reaums shall daunce Honde in
Honde,
And it shall be merye in old Inglonde :
Then old Englonde thall be no more,
And no Man thall be forie therefore.
Geryon hall have three Hades a-
gayne,
Till Hapfburge makyth them but
twayne.
Explanatory NOTES.
Seven and Ten. This Line deſcribes the Year when
thefe Events ſhall happen. Seven and ten make Se-
venteen, which I explain feventeen hundred, and this
Number added to nine makes the Year we are now:
in; for it muſt be underſtood of the natural Year
which begins the first of January,
Tamys Ryvere toys, &c. The River Thames frozen
twice in one Year, fo as Men do walk on it, is a very
fignal Accident; which perhaps hath not fallen out for
feveral hundred Years before; and is the Reaſon
why fome Aftrologers have thought that this Pro-
phecy could never be fulfilled; becauſe they imagined
fuch a Thing could never happen in our Climate.
From Towne of Stoffe, &c. This is a plain Defigna-
tion of the Duke of Marlborough. One Kind of Stuff
uſed to fatten Land is called Marle, and every body
knows, that Borough is a Name for a Town; and
this Way of Expreffion is after the ufual dark Man-
ner of old Aftrological Predictions,
R 2
Then
184
MERLIN'S PROPHECY,
Then ſhall the Fyshe, &c. By the Fiſh is underſtood
the Dauphin of France, as the King's eldeſt Sons are
called: It is here faid, He fhall lament the Lofs of the
Duke of Burgundy, called the Boſe, which is an old
English Word for Hump-fhoulder, or Crook-back, as that
Duke is known to be: And the Prophecy feemeth to
mean, that he fhould be overcome, or flain. By the
Grin Berrys, in the next Line, is meant the young
Duke of Berry, the Dauphin's third Son, who ſhall not
have Valour or Fortune enough to fupply the Lofs of
his eldeſt Brother.
Yonge Symnele, &c. By Symnele is meant the pre-
tended Prince of Wales; who, if he offereth to attempt
any thing against England, fhall mifcarry as he did
before. Lambert Symncl is the Name of a young Man
noted in our Hiftories for perfonating the Son (as I re-
member) of Edward IV.
And Norway's Pryd, &c. I cannot gueſs who is
meant by * Norway's Pride, perhaps the Reader may,
as well as the Senſe of the two following Lines.
Reaums fhall, &c. Reaums, or as the Word is now,
Realms, is the old Name of Kingdoms: And this is a
very plain Prediction of our happy Union, with the
Felicities that ſhall attend it. It is added, that Old
England fhall be no more, and yet no Man fhall be
forry for it. And, indeed, properly ſpeaking, England
is no more; for the whole Ifland is one Kingdom,
under the Name of Britain.
"
Geryon fhall, &c. This Prediction, although fome-
what obfcure, is wonderfully adapt. Geryon is faid
to have been a King of Spain, whom Hercules flew,
It was a Fiction of the Poets, that he had three Heads,
which the Author fayeth he fhall have again. That is,
Spain ſhall have three Kings; which is now wonder-
fully verified For, befides the King of Portugal,
which properly is Part of Spain, there are now two
Rivals for Spain; Charles and Philip. But Charles
being
Queen Anne. The Prophecy means, that ſhe ſhould marry «
fecond time, and have Children that would live.
MERLIN's PROPHECY.
185
being defcended from the Count of Hapsburgh, Founder
of the Auftrian Family, ſhall foon make thofe Heads
but two; by overturning Philip, and driving him out
of Spain.
SOME of theſe Predictions are already fulfilled;
and it is highly probable the reſt may be in due Time:
And, I think, I have not forced the Words, by
my Explanation, into any other Senfe than what
they will naturally bear. If this be granted, I am
fure it must be alſo allowed, that the Author (who-
ever he were) was a Perfon of extraordinary Sagacity;
and that Aftrology brought to fuch Perfection as this,
is, by no means, an Art to be deſpiſed; whatever
Mr. Bickerfaff, or other merry Gentlemen are plea-
fed to think. As to the Tradition of thefe Lines,
having been writ in the Original by Merlin; I con-
feſs, I lay not much Weight upon it: But it is enough ·
to juſtify their Authority, that the Book from whence
I have tranfcribed them, was printed 170 Years ago,
as appeareth by the Title Page. For the Satisfaction
of any Gentleman, who may be either doubtful of
the Truth, or curious to be informed; I ſhall give
Order to have the very Book fent to the Printer of this.
Paper, with Directions to let any body fee it that
pleaſeth; becauſe. I believe it is pretty ſcarce.
We
We have added out of the Preface to the
A
fourth Volume of TATLERS, what is
there faid of the Author.
N the laft TATLER, I promifed fome
INE
Explanations of Paffages and Perſons
mentioned in this Work, as well as fome
Account of the Affiftances I have had in the
Performance. I fhall do this in very few
Words; for, when a Man has no Defign, but
to ſpeak plain Truth, he may ſay a great
deal in a very narrow Compafs. I have, in
the Dedication of the firſt Volume, made my
Acknowledgments to Dr. SWIFT, whofe
pleaſant Writings, in the Name of Bicker-
Staff, created an Inclination in the Town to-
wards any thing that could appear in the
fame Difguife. I muft acknowledge alfo,
that, at my first entering upon this Work, a
certain uncommon Way of Thinking, and
a Turn in Converfation peculiar to that a-
greeable Gentleman, rendered his Company
very advantageous to one, whofe Imagina-
tion was to be continually employed upon
obvious and common Subjects, though at
the fame time obliged to treat of them in
a new and unbeaten Method. His Verfes
on the Shower in Town, and the Deſcription
of the Morning, are Inftances of the Happi-
nefs of that Genius, which could raiſe fuch
pleafing Ideas upon Occafions fo barren to
an ordinary Invention.
THE
THE
TATLER
NUMBER CCXXX.
This FATLER relating to the fame Subject contained in the
Letter to the Lord High Treaſurer, was thought proper to
be prefixed to the faid Letter. It is well known, that the
Author writ feveral Tatlers, and fome Spectators; and fur-
nifhed Hints for many more. Particularly, The Tables of
Fame, The Life and Adventures of a Shilling, The Account
of ENGLAND by an Indian King, and fome others. But,.
as we are informed, he would never tell his best Friends- the
particular Papers.
T
Thursday, September 28. 1710.
From my own Apartment, Sept. 27.
HE following Letter hath faid before me
many great and manifeſt Evils, in the World
of Letters, which I had overlooked; but
they open to me a very bufy Scene, and it will re-
quire no fmall Care and Application to amend Errors.
which are become fo univerfal. The Affectation of
Politeness, is expoſed in this Epiftle with a great deal.
of Wit and Difcernment; fo that whatever Difcourfes.
}
may fall into hereafter upon the Subjects the Writer
treateth of, I ſhall at preſent lay the Matter before the
World, without the leaft Alteration from the Words.
of my Correſpondent.
To
188
N° 230.
The TATLER.
C-
•
SIR,
TO ISAAC BICKERSTAFF Efq;
HERE are fome Abuſes among us of great
T Confequence, the Reformation of which is
properly your Province; although, as far as I have
⚫ been converfant in your Papers, you have not yet
confidered them. Theſe are the deplorable Ignorance
• that for fome.Years hath reigned among our English
Writers; the great Depravity of our Talte; and the
continual Corruption of our Style. I fay nothing
⚫ here of thoſe who handle particular Sciences, Divi-
nity, Law, Phyfick, and the like; I mean the Tra-
ders in Hiſtory and Politicks, and the Belles Lettres ;
together with thoſe by whom Books are not tran- -
flated, but (as the common Expreffions are) Done out
of French, Latin, or other Languages, and made
Egl. I cannot but obferve to you, that, until of
late Years, a Grub-ſtreet Book was always bound in
Sheep-fkin, with fuitable Print and Paper; the Price
never above a Shilling; and taken off wholly by
• common Tradefmen, or Country-pedlars. But now
«
6
they appear in all Sizes and Shapes, and in all Places:
They are handed about from Lapfuls in every Cof-
• fee-houſe to Perfors of Quality; are fhewn in Wef-
minfler-ball, and the Court of Requests. You may fee
'them gilt, and in Royal Paper of five or fix hundred
Pages, and rated accordingly. I would engage to
• furniſh you with a Catalogue of English Books, pu-
❝bliſhed within the Compafs of feven Years paft, which,-
• at the firſt Hand, would coft you an hundred Pounds
'wherein you ſhall not be able to find ten Lines toge-
⚫ther of common Grammar or common Senfe.
•
THESE two Evils, Ignorance, and Want of Tafte,
have produced a third; I mean the continual Cor-
ruption of our English Tongue; which, without fome
timely Remedy, will fuffer more by the falfe Refine-
ments of twenty Years paft, than it hath been im-
* proved in the foregoing hundred. And this is what
རྞྞ.
N° 230.
189
The TATLER.
I defign chiefly to enlarge upon; leaving the former
'Evils to your Animadverfion.
<
C
BUT, instead of giving you a Lift of the late Re-
finements crept into our Language; I here fend you
the Copy of a Letter I received fome time ago from
a most accompliſhed Perſon in this Way of Writing;
upon which I fhall make fome Remarks. It is in
thefe Terms:
SIR,
I
Couldn't get the Things you fent for all about
Town- I the't to ha' come down myfelf, and
“ then I'd ha' bro't um; but I ha'nt don't, and I believe
´ I can't do`t, that's pozz.-Tom begins to gi'mſelf Airs,
becauſe he's going with the Plenipo's.
-"Tis faid
the French King will bambouzle us agen, which cauſes
many Speculations. The Jacks, and others of that
Kidney, are very uppifè, and alter upon't, as you may
fee by their Phizz's. Will Hazard has got the
Hipps, having loft to the Tune of five hundr'd Pound,
tho he underſtands Play very well, no body better.
'He has promis't me upon Rep, to leave off Play ;
but you know 'tis a Weaknefs he's apt to give into,
tho he has as much Wit as any Man, no body more.
He has lain incog. ever fince.-
The Mob's very
quiet with us now▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬ -I believe you tho't Ibanter'd
you in m my laſt like a Country Put.—I shan't leave the
• Town this Month,' &c.
THIS Letter is in every Point an admirable Pattern
of the prefent polite Way of Writing; nor is it of leſs
Authority for being an Epiftle: You may gather every
Flower of it, with a thouſand more of equal Sweetnefs,
from the Books, Pamphlets, and fingle Papers, offered
us every Day in the Coffee-houſes: And theſe are the
Beauties introduced to fupply the Want of Wit, Senſe,
Humour and Learning; which formerly were looked
upon as Qualifications for a Writer. If a Man of Wit,
who died forty Years ago, were to rife from the Grave
OR
190
N° 230.
The TATLER.
on Purpofe; how would he be able to read this Let-
ter? And after he had got through that Difficulty,
how would he be able to underland it? The fir
Thing that ftriketh your Eye, is the Breaks at the End
of almoſt every Sentence; of which I know not the
Ufe, only that it is a Refinement, and very frequently
practifed. Then you will obferve the Abbreviations
and Elifions, by which Confonants of moit obdurate
Sound are joined together, without one foftening Vow-
el to intervene : And all this only to make one Syllable
of two, directly contrary to the Example of the Greeks
and Romans; altogether of the Gothic Strain, and a
natural Tendency towards relapfing into Barbarity,
which delighteth in Monofyllables, and uniting of
mute Confonants; as it is obfervable in all the North-
ern Languages. And this is ftill more vifible in the
next Refinement, which confifteth in pronouncing the
firſt Syllable in a Word that hath many, and difinitling
the reft; fuch as Phizz, Hipps, Mobb, Pozz, Rep, and
many more; when we are already overloaded with
Monofyllables, which are the Difgrace of our Lan-
guage. Thus we cram one Syllable, and cut off the
reft; as the Owl fattened her Mice after ſhe had bit
off their Legs, to prevent them from running away;
and if ours be the fame Reaſon for maiming of Words,
it will certainly anfwer the End, for I am fure no
other Nation will defire to borrow them. Some
Words are hitherto but fairly ſplit; and therefore
only in their Way to Perfection; as Incog. and Pleni-
po's: But in a fhort time, it is to be hoped, they will
be further docked to Inc and Plen, This Reflexion
had made me, of late Years, very impatient for a
a Peace; which I believe would fave the Lives of
many brave. Words, as well as Men. The War hatlı
introduced Abundance of Polyfyllables, which will
never be able to live many more Campaigns. Specu--
lations, Operations, Preliminaries, Ambaffadors, Pallifa-
does, Communication, Circumvallation, Battalions, as
numerous as they are, if they attack us too frequently
in
N° 230.
191
The TATLER.
•
in our Coffee-houfes, we fhall certainly put them to
Flight, and cut off the Rear.
THE third Refinement obſervable in the Letter I fend
you, confiteth in the Choice of certain Words invented
by fome pretty Fellows, fuch as Banter, Bambuzle, Coun-
try Put, and Kidney, as it is there applied; fome of
which are now ftruggling for the Vogue, and others
are in Poffeffion of it. I have done my utmost for
fome Years paft, to ftop the Progreſs of Mob and Ban-
ter; but have been plainly borne down by Numbers,
and betrayed by thoſe who promiſed to aſſiſt me.
In the laft Place, you are to take Notice of certain
choice Phrafes fcattered through the Letter; fome of
them tolerable enough, until they were worn to Rags
by fervile Imitators. You might eafily find them, al-
though they were not in a different Print; and there-
fore I need not disturb them.
THESE are the falfe Refinements in our Style, which
you ought to correct: First, by Arguments and fair
Means; but if thoſe fail, I think you are to make Ufe
of your Authority as Cenfor, and by an annual Index
Expurgatorius, expunge all Words and Phrafes that
are offenfive to good Senfe, and condemn thoſe barba-
rous Mutilations of Vowels and Syllables. In this laſt
Point, the uſual Pretence is, that they fpell as they
Speak: A noble Standard for Language! To depend
upon the Caprice of every Coxcomb; who, becauſe
Words are the Cloathing of our Thoughts, cuts them
out, and ſhapes them as he pleaſeth, and changes them
oftener than his Drefs. I believe, all reaſonable People
would be content, that ſuch Refiners were more fparing
of their Words, and liberal in their Syllables. Cn this
Head, I ſhould be glad you would beſtow fome Ad-
vice upon ſeveral young Readers in our Churches ; who
coming up from the Univerfity, full fraught with Ad-
miration of our Town Politenefs, will needs correct the
Style of their Prayer-books. In reading the Abfoluti-
on, they are very careful to fay Pardons and Abſolves ;
and in the Prayer for the Roya' Family, it muſt be
du'm, carich'um, profper'um, and bring'um. Then, in
en-
their
192
N° 230.
The TATLER.
their Sermons they uſe all the modern Terms of Art;
Sham, Banter, Mob, Bubble, Bally, Cutting, Shuffling,
and Palming: All which, and many more of the like
Stamp, as I have heard them often in the Pulpit from
fome young Sophifters; ſo I have read them in fome of
thoſe Sermons that have made a great Noife of late. The
Deſign it ſeemeth, is to avoid the dreadful Imputati-
on of Pedantry ; to ſhew us, that they know the Town, un-
derftand Men and Manners, and have not been poring
upon old unfaſhionable Books in the Univerſity.
The
I ſhould be glad to ſee you the Inftrument of in-
troducing into our Style, that Simplicity which is the
best and trueft Ornament of moft Things in human
Life, which the politer Ages always aimed at in their
Building and Drefs, (Simplex munditiis) as well as their
Productions of Wit. It is manifeft, that all new af-
fected Modes of Speech, whether borrowed from the
Court, the Town, or the Theatre, are the first periſh-
ing Parts in any Language; and, as I could prove by
many hundred Inftances, have been ſo in ours.
Writings of Hooker, who was a Country Clergyman,
and of Parfons the Jefuit, both in the Reign of Queen
Elizabeth; are in a Style, that, with very few Allow-
ances, would not offend any preſent Reader; much
more clear and intelligible than thoſe of Sir H. Wooton,
Sir Robert Naunton, Ofburn, Daniel the Hiftorian, and
feveral others who writ later; but being Men of the
Court, and affecting the Phraſes then in Faſhion; they
are often either not to be underſtood, or appear perfect-
ly ridiculous.
WHAT Remedies are to be applied to thefe Evils, I
have not Room to confider; having, I fear, already
taken up moſt of your Paper. Befides, I think it is
our Office only to reprefent Abuſes, and yours to re-
dress them.
I am, with great Reſpect,
SIR,
Yours, &c.
THE
[ لحسا
193 ]
N. B. The two following TATLERS are
not in the Volumes publiſhed by Sir
Richard Steele.
THE
TATLE R.
NUMBER V.
-Laceratque, trabitque
Molle pecus.-
VIRG.
From Tuesday, Jan. 23. to Saturday, Jan. 27. 1710.
A
MONGST other Severities I have met
with from fome Criticks, the cruelleft for
an old Man is, that they will not let me
be quiet in my Bed, but purſue me to my very
Dreams. I must not dream but when they pleaſe,
nor upon long continued Subjects, however vifionary
in their own Nature; becauſe there is a manifeft
Moral quite through them, which to produce as a
Dream is improbable and unnatural. The Pain
I might have had from this Objection, is prevented
-VOL. I.
S
by
194
N° 5.
The TATLER.
by confidering they have miffed another, against which
I should have been at a Lofs to defend myſelf. They
might have aſked me, Whether the Dreams I pu-
blifh can properly be called Lucubrations, which is the
Name I have given to all my Papers, whether in
Volumes or Half-fheets: So manifeft a Contradiction
in Terminis, that I wonder no Sophifter ever thought
of it: But the other is a Cavil. I remember when
I was a Boy at School, I have often dreamed out the
whole Paffages of a Day; that I rode a Journey,
baited, fupped, went to Bed, and roſe the next Morn-
ing: And I have known young Ladies who could
dream a whole Contexture of Adventures in one
Night, large enough to make a Novel In Youth
the Imagination is ftrong, not mixed with Cares, nor
tinged with thofe Paffions that moſt diſturb and con-
found it; fuch as Avarice, Ambition, and many
others. Now, as old Men are faid to grow Children
again, fo, in this Article of Dreaming, I am returned
to my Childhood. My Imagination is at full Eafe,
without Care, Avarice or Ambition, to clog it; by
which, among many others, I have this Advantage,
of doubling the fmall Remainder of my Time, and
living four and twenty Hours in the Day. However,
the Dream I am going now to relate, is as wild as
can well be imagined, and adapted to pleaſe theſe
Refiners upon Sleep, without any Moral that I can
diſcover.
•
IT happened that my Maid left on the Table in
my Bed-chamber, one of her Story-books (as fhe
'calls them) which I took up, and found full of
ftrange Impertinence, fitted to her Tafte and Condi-
tion; of poor Servants who came to be Ladies, and
Serving-men of low Degree, who married Kings
Daughters. Among other Things, I met this fage
· Obſervation ; That a Lion would never hurt a true
Virgin. With this Medley of Nonfenfe in my Fancy
• I went to Bed, and dreamed that a Friend waked
me in the Morning, and propofed for Paftime to
spend a few Hours in foeing the Parish-lions, which
• he
N° 5.
195
The TATLER.
•
⚫ he had not done fince he came to Town; and be-
cauſe they ſhewed but once a Week, he would not
mifs the Opportunity. I faid, I would humour him;
although, to ſpeak the Truth, I was not fond of
'thofe cruel Spectacles; and if it were not fo antient
a Cuſtom, founded, as I had heard, upon the wiſeſt
Maxims, I should be apt to cenfure the Inhumanity
of thoſe who introduced it. All this would be a
Riddle to the waking Reader, until I difcover the
Scene my Imagination hath formed upon the Maxim,
That a Lion would never hurt a true Virgin. I
dreamed, that by a Law of immemorial Time, a
He-lion was kept in every Pariſh at the common
Charge, and in a Place provided, adjoining to the
Church-yard: That, before any one of the Fair
Sex was married, if the affirmed herſelf to be a Vir-
gin, the must on her Wedding-day, and in her
Wedding-cloaths, perform the Ceremony of going
⚫ alone into the Den, and ſtay an Hour with the Lion
• let looſe, and kept faſting four and twenty Hours on
purpoſe. At a proper Height, above the Den, were
• convenient Galleries for the Relations and Friends of
the young Couple, and open to all Spectators. No
• Maiden was forced to offer herſelf to the Lion; but
if ſhe refuſed, it was a Difgrace to marry her, and
"every one might have Liberty of calling her aWhore.
• And methought it was as uſual a Diverfion to ſee
the Pariſh-lions, as with us to go to an Opera..
• And it was reckoned convenient to be near the
• Church, either for marrying the Virgin, if the efca-·
'ped the Trial, or for burying her Bones when the
• Lion had devoured the reft, as he conftantly did.
<
می
To go on therefore with the Dream: We called
firft (as I remember) to ſee St. Dunstan's Lion, but
we were told they did not fhew to-day: From
thence we went to Covent-Garden, which, to my
great Surprize, we found as lean as a Skeleton,
when I expected quite the contrary; but the Keeper
faid, it was no Wonder at all, becauſe the poor Beaſt
had not got an Ounce of Woman's Flesh fince he
S 2.
came-
196
No 5.
The TATLER.
G
came into the Parifh.
This amazed me more than
the other, and I was forming to myſelf a mighty
• Veneration for the Ladies in that Quarter of the
Town; when the Keeper went on, and faid, he
wondered the Parish would be at the Charge of
maintaining a Lion for nothing. Friend, (faid I)
do you call it nothing to justify the Virtue of fo
many Ladies, or hath your Lion loft his diftinguiſh-
ing Faculty? Can there be any thing more for the
• Honour of your Pariſh, than that all the Ladies mar-
ried in your Church were pure Virgins? That is
true, (faid he) and the Doctor knoweth it to his Sor-
row; for there hath not been a Couple married in
our Church fince his Worſhip came amongst us. The
Virgins hereabouts are too wife to venture the Claws
of the Lion; and becauſe no body will marry them,
⚫ have all entered into Vows of Virginity. So that in
Proportion we have much the largeſt Nunnery in
the whole Town. This Manner of Ladies entering
into a Vow of Virginity, becauſe they were not ir-
gins, I easily conceived; and my Dream told me,
that the whole Kingdom was full of Nunneries,
plentifully stocked from the fame Reaſon.
.
{
.
WE went to fee another Lion, where we found
much Company met in the Gallery: The Keeper
told us, we ſhould ſee Sport enough, as he called it
and in a little Time, we faw a young beautiful La-
dy put into the Den, who walked up towards the
• Lion with all imaginable Security in her Counte-
nance, and looked ſmiling upon her Lover and
• Friends in the Gallery; which I thought nothing ex-
traordinary, becauſe it was never known that any
Lion had been mistaken. But however, we were all
difappointed; for the Lion lifted up his right Paw,
which was the fatal Sign, and advancing forward,
feized her by the Arm, and began to tear it: The
poor Lady gave a terrible Shriek, and cried out,
The Lion is juft, I am no true Virgin! Oh! Sappho,
Sappho: She could fay no more; for the Lion gave
* her the Coup de Grace, by a Squeeze in the Throat,
' and
،
<
No 5.
197
The TATLER.
* and ſhe expired at his Feet. The Keeper dragged
away her Body to feed the Animal after the Com-
pany ſhould be gone; for the Pariſh-lions never u-
fed to eat in publick. After a little Paufe, another
Lady came on towards the Lion in the ſame manner
as the former: We obſerved the Beaſt ſmell her with
great Diligence; he ſcratched both her Hands with
lifting them to his Noſe, and laying one of his Claws
on her Bofom, drew Blood: however he let her
go, and at the fame time turned from her with a
Sort of Contempt, at which he was not a little
mortified, and retired with fome Confufion to her
Friends in the Gallery. Methought the whole Com-
⚫pany immediately underſtood the Meaning of this;
that the Eafinefs of the Lady had fuffered her to ad-
mit certain imprudent and dangerous Familiarities,
bordering too much upon what is criminal; neither
was it fure whether the Lover then preſent had not
• fome Sharers with him in thoſe Freedoms, of which
a Lady can never be too ſparing.
This happened to be an extraordinary Day; for
a third Lady came into the Den, laughing loud,
playing with her Fan, toffing her Head, and fmiling
⚫ round on the young Fellows in the Gallery. How
ever the Lion leaped on her with great Fury, and
we gave her for gone; but on a fudden he let go
his Hold, turned from her as if he were naufeated,
then he gave her a Laſh with his Tail; after which
• fhe returned to the Gallery, not the leaſt out of
• Countenance: And this it feemeth was the ufual
• Treatment of Coquets.
I thought we had now feen enough; but my
• Friend would needs have us go and vifit one or two
Lions in the City. We called at two or three
Dens where they happened not to fhew; but we
generally found half a Score young Girls, between
eight and eleven years old, playing with each Lion,
fitting on his back, and putting their Hands into
•his Mouth; fome of them would now and then get a
• Scratch, but we always difcovered, upon examining
•
4
S 3
that
198
No 5.
The TATLER.
that they had been hoydening with the young Ap-
prentices. One of them was calling to a pretty Girl
• about twelve Years old, who ſtood by us in the Gal-
lery, to come down to the Lion, and upon her Re-
fufal, faid, Miss Betty, we could never get you to come
• near the Lion fince you played at Hoope and Hide with
my Brother in the Garret.
f
C
WE followed a Couple, with the Wedding-folks,
going to the Church of St. Mary Ax. The Lady,
although well ftricken in Years, extremely crooked,
and deformed, was dreffed out beyond the Gaiety
of Fifteen; having jumbled together, as I imagined,
all the taudry Remains of Aunts, Godmothers, and
Grandmothers, for ſome Generations paſt: One of
the Neighbours whiſpered me, that he was an old
Maid, and had the cleareſt Reputation of any in the
• Pariſh. There is nothing ftrange in that, thought I,
but was very much furpriſed, when I obferved af-
<terwards that he went towards the Lion with Dif-
• truſt and Concern. The Beaſt was lying down;
• but upon Sight of her, ſnuffed up his Nole two or
three Times, and then giving the Sign of Death,
proceeded inſtantly to Execution. In the midft of
her Agonies, fhe was heard to name the Words,
Italy and Artifices, with the utmoſt Horror, and fe-
• veral repeated Execrations. And at laſt concluded,
Fool that I was, to put so much Confidence in the
Toughness of my Skin.
✩
The Keeper immediately fet all in order again.
for another Cuſtomer, which happened to be a fa-
mous Prude, whom her Parents after long Threaten-
ings, and. much Perſuaſion, had with the extremeſt
Difficulty prevailed on to accept a young handfome
Goldfmith, who might have pretended to five times.
her Fortune. The Fathers and Mothers in the
Neighbourhood ufed to quote her for an Example
to their Daughters.. Her Elbows were rivetted to
⚫her Sides; and her whole Perfon fo ordered as to in-.
form every body that ſhe was afraid they ſhould
touch her. She only dreaded to approach the Lion,.
becaufe
·
N° 5.
The TATLER.
•
199
• becauſe it was a He one, and abhorred to think.
a Male Animal fhould prefume to breathe upon her.
The Sight of a Man at twenty Yards Diſtance made
⚫ her draw back her Head. She always fat
She always fat upon the
• farther Corner of the Chair, although there were fix
Chairs between her and her Lover, and with the
• Door wide open, and her little Sitter in the Room.
She was never faluted but at the Tip of her Ear;
• and her Father had much a-do to make her dine
⚫ without her Gloves, when there was a Man at Table.
• She entered the Den with fome Fear, which we
took to proceed from the Height of her Modefty,
⚫ offended at the Sight of fo many Men in the Gal-
lery. The Lion beholding her at a Diſtance, im-
mediately gave the deadly Sign; at which the
<
4
poor
• Creature (methinks I fee her ftill) mifcarried in a
• Fright before us all. The Lion feemed to be as
• much ſurpriſed as we, and gave her Time to make
• her Confeffion; That he was five Months gone by
the Foreman of her Father's Shop: That this was her
big Belly; and when her Friends afked, why fhe
fhould venture the Trial? She ſaid, her Nurſe af-
fured her, that a Lion would never hurt a Woman
• with Child.' Upon this I immediately awaked,
and could not help wifhing, that the Deputy-Cenfors
of my late Inſtitution were endued with the fame In-
ftinct as theſe Pariſh-lions.
"
THE
THE
TATLER
NUMBER XX.
Ingenuas didiciffe fideliter Artes
Emollit Mores.
OVID.
From Saturday, March 3. to Tueſday, March 6. 1710.
From my own Apartment in Channel-Row, March 5.
T
HOSE inferior Duties of Life which the
French call les petites Morales, or the ſmaller
Morals, are with us diftinguished by the
Name of good Manners, or Breeding. This I look
upon, in the general Notion of it, to be a Sort of
artificial good Senfe, adapted to the meanest Ca-
pacities; and introduced to make Mankind eaſy in
their Commerce with each other. Low and little
Underſtandings, without fome Rules of this Kind,
would be perpetually wandering into a thoufand
Indecencies and Irregularities in Behaviour; and, in
their ordinary Converfation, fall into the fame boiſter-
ous Familiarities that one obferveth amongst them,
when a Debauch hath quite taken away the Ufe of
their Reafon. In other luftances, it is odd to confi-
der, that, for Want of common Difcretion, the very
End of good Breeding is wholly perverted; and Civility,
intended
202
No 20.
The TATLER.
intended to make us eafy, is employed in laying Chains
and Fetters upon us, in debarring us of our Wiſhes, and
in croffing our moſt reaſonable Defires and Inclinations.
This Abuſe reigneth chiefly in the Country, as I found
to my Vexation, when I was last there, in a Vifit I
made to a Neighbour about two Miles from my Cou-
fin. As foon as I entered the Parlour, they put me
into the great Chair that ſtood clofe by a huge Fire,
and kept me there by Force, until I was almoft ftifled.
Then, a Boy came in great Hurry to pull off my
Boots, which I in vain oppoſed; urging, that I muit
return ſoon after Dinner. In the mean time, the
good Lady whiſpered her eldeſt Daughter, and flipped
a Key into her Hand. The Girl returned instantly
with a Beer-glass half full of Aqua Mirabilis and
Syrrup of Gilly-flowers. I took as much as I had a
mind for; but Madam vowed I ſhould drink it off,
(for ſhe was fure it would do me Good after coming
out of the cold Air) and I was forced to obey; which
abfolutely took away my Stomach. When Dinner
came in, I had a mind to fit at a Diſtance from the
Fire; but they told me, it was as much as my Life
was worth, and fet me with my Back juſt againſt it.
Although my Appetite were quite gone, I refolved to
force down as much as I could; and defired the Leg
of a Pullet. Indeed, Mr. Bickerstaff, fays the Lady,
you muſt eat a Wing to oblige me; and fo put a
Couple upon my Plate. I was perfecuted at this Rate,
during the whole Meal. As often as I called for
Small-beer, the Maſter tipped the Wink, and the Ser-
vant brought me a Brimmer of October. Some time
after Dinner, I ordered my Coufin's Man who came
with me, to get ready the Horſes; but it was refolved
I ſhould not ſtir that Night; and when I feemed pretty
much bent upon going, they ordered the Stable Door
to be locked; and the Children hid my Cloak and
Boots. The next Queſtion was, what I would have
for Supper? I faid I never eat any thing at Night; but
was at laſt in my own Defence obliged to name the firſt
མ
Thing
No 20.
203
The TATLER.
4
Thing that came into my Head. After three Hours
fpent chiefly in Apologies for my Entertainment, infi-
nuating to me,That, this was the worſt Time of
the Year for Provifions; that they were at a great
Diſtance from any Market; that, they were afraid
• I ſhould be ſtarved; and that, they knew they kept
me to my Lofs;' the Lady went and left me to her
Hufband (for they took fpecial Care I fhould never be
alone). As foon as her Back was turned, the little
Miffes ran backwards and forwards every Moment;
and conſtantly as they came in or went out, made a
Courtefy directly at me, which in good Manners I was
forced to return with a Bow, and Your humble Servant,
pretty Mifs. Exactly at Eight the Mother came up,
and diſcovered by the Redneſs of her Face, that Sup-
per was not far off. It was twice as large as the Din-
ner; and my Perfecution doubled in Proportion. I
defired at my ufual Hour to go to my Repofe, and
was conducted to my Chamber by the Gentleman, his
Lady, and the whole Train of Children. They im-
portuned me to drink fomething before I went to Bed;
and, upon my refufing, at laſt left a Bottle of Stingo, as
they called it, for fear I ſhould wake and be thirſty in
the Night. I was forced in the Morning to rife and
dreſs myſelf in the Dark, becauſe they would not ſuf-
fer
my Kinfman's Servant to diſturb me at the Hour
I defired to be called. I was now refolved to break
through all Meaſures to get away; and, after fitting
down to a monstrous Breakfaſt of cold Beef, Mutton,
Neats-tongues, Venifon-pafty, and ftale Beer, took
Leave of the Family. But the Gentleman would
needs fee me Part of my Way; and carry me a ſhort
Cut through his own Grounds, which he told me
would fave half a Mile's riding. This laft Piece of
Civility had like to have coft me dear, being once or
twice in Danger of my Neck, by leaping over his
Ditches, and at laft forced to alight in the Dirt; when
my Horfe, having flipped his Bridle, ran away, and
took us up more than an Hour to recover him again.
IT
204
N 20.
The TATLER.
}
IT is evident, that none of the Abfurdities I met
with in this Vifit proceeded from an ill Intention, but
from a wrong Judgment of Complaifance, and a Miſ-
application in the Rules of it. I cannot fo eafily ex-
cuſe the more refined Criticks upon Behaviour, who
having profeffed no other Study, are yet infinitely
defective in the moſt material Parts of it. Ned Fashion
hath been bred all his Life about Court, and under-
ftandeth to a Title all the Punctilio's of a Drawing-
room He vifiteth most of the fine Women near
St. James's; and upon every Occafion fays the civilleſt
and fofteft Things to them of any Man breathing.
To Mr. * Iſaac he oweth an eaſy Slide in his Bow,
and a graceful Manner of coming into a Room.
But in fome other Cafes he is very far from being a
well-bred Perfon: He laugheth at Men of far fuperior
Understanding to his own, for not being as well
dreffed as himſelf; deſpiſeth all his Acquaintance who
are not of Quality; and in publick Places hath on
that account often avoided taking notice of fome
among the beſt Speakers in the Houſe of Commons.
He raileth ftrenuouſly at both Univerſities before the
Members of either; and is never heard to fwear an
Oath, or break in upon Religion, and Morality, ex-
cept in the Company of Divines. On the other
hand, a Man of right Senſe hath all the Effentials of
good Breeding, although he may be wanting in the
Forms of it. Horatio hath ſpent moſt of his Time at
Oxford. He hath a great deal of Learning, an a-
greeable Wit, and as much Modefty as may ferve to
adorn without concealing his other good Qualities.
In that retired Way of living, he feemeth to have
formed a Notion of human Nature, as he hath found
it deſcribed in the Writings of the greateſt Men; not
as he is likely to meet with it in the common Courſe
of Life. Hence it is, that he giveth no Offence; but
converfeth with great Deference, Candour, and Hu-
manity.
* A famous Dancing-Maſter in those Days.
No 20.
205
The TATLER.
manity. His Bow, I must confcfs, is fomewhat
aukward; but then he hath an extenſive, univerfal,
and unaffected Knowledge, which may perhaps
a little excufe him. He would make no extrao-
dinary Figure at a Ball; but I can aflure the Ladies
in his Behalf, and for their own Confolation, that he
hath writ better Verfes on the Sex than any Man
now living, and is preparing fuch a Poem for the
Prefs, as will tranſmit their Praifes and his own to
many Generations.
VOL. I.
T
A
A
LETTER
TO A
Young GENTLEMAN
Lately entered into
HOLY ORDERS.
SIR,
A
By a PERSON of QUALITY.
Dated January 9. 1719-25.
LTHOUGH it were againſt my Knowledge,
or Advice that you entered into Holy Or-
ders, under the prefent Difpofitions of Man-
kind towards the Church; yet, fince it is now fuppofed
too late to recede, (at least according to the general
Practice and Opinion) I cannot forbear offering my
Thoughts to you upon this new Condition of Life you
are engaged in.
I could heartily wish that the Circumftances of
your Fortune had enabled you to have continued
fome years longer in the Univerfity; at leaſt, until you
were ten Years ſtanding; to have laid in a competent
T 2
Stock
208
ALETTER to a
Stock of human Learning, and fome Knowledge in
Divinity, before you attempted to appear in the World:
For, I cannot but lament the common Courfe, which
at least nine in ten of thofe who enter into the Mini-
try, are obliged to run. When they have taken a
Degree, and are confequently grown a Burden to their
Friends; who now think themfelves fully diſcharged;
they get into Orders as foon as they can, (upon which
I hall make no Remarks), firft folicit a Readerſhip,
and if they be very fortunate, arrive in Time to a
Curacy here in Town; or elfe, are fent to be Affiftants
in the Country, where they probably continue feveral
Years (many of them their whole Lives) with thirty
or forty Pounds a Year for their Support; until fome
Biſhop, who happeneth not to be over-stocked with Re-
lations, or attached to Favourites, or is content to fup-
ply his Dioceſe without Colonies from England, be-
ftows them fome inconfiderable Benefice; when it is
odds they are already incumbered with a numerous
Family. I would be glad to know what Intervols of
Life fuch Perfons can poffibly fet apart for Improve-
ment of their Minds; or which Way they could be
furnished with Books; the Library they brought with
them from their College, being usually not the most
numerous, or judiciously chofer. If fuch Gentlemen
arrive to be great Scholars, it muſt, I think, be either
by Means fupernatural, or by a Method altogether out
of any Road yet known to the Learned.
But I con-
ceive the Fact directly otherwife; and that many of
them loſe the greateſt Part of the fmall Pittance they
received at the University.
I take it for granted, that you intend to purſue the
beaten Tract, and are already defirous to be ſeen in
a Pulpit; only, I hope, you will think it proper to
paſs your Quarantine among fome of the defolate
Churches five Miles round this Town, where you
may at leaſt learn to read and to ſpeak, before you
venture to expofe your Parts in a City Congregation:
Not that theſe are better Judges, but becaufe, if
a Man muſt needs expofe his Folly, it is more ſafe and
diſcreet
young GENTLEMAN.
209
difcreet to do fo, before few Witneffes, and in a ſcat-
tered Neighbourhood. And you will do well, if you
can prevail upon fome intimate and judicious Friend to
be your conftant Hearer, and allow him with the ut-
moft Freedom to give you notice of whatever he fhall
find amifs either in your Voice or Ge&ture; for Want
of which early Warning, many Clergymen continue
defective, and ſometimes ridiculous, to the End of
their Lives: Neither is it rare to obferve among ex-
cellent and learned Divines, a certain ungracious Man-
ner, or an unhappy Tone of Voice, which they ne-
ver have been able to fhake off.
I could likewife have been glad, if you had ap-
plied yourſelf a little more to the Study of the English
Language, than I fear you have done; the Neglect
whereof is one of the most general Defects among the
Scholars of this Kingdom, who feem to have not the
leaſt Conception of a Style, but run on in a flat Kind
of Phrafeology, often mingled with barbarous Terms
and Expreffions peculiar to the Nation: Neither do I
perceive, that any Perfon either findeth or acknowled-
geth his Wants upon this Head, or in the leaft defireth
to have them fupplied. Proper Words in proper Places,
make the true Definition of a Style: But this would
require too ample a Difquifition to be now dwelt on.
However, I fhall venture to name one or two Faults,
which are eaſy to be remedied with a very fmall Por-
tion of Abilities.
THE firft, is the frequent Ufe of obfcure Terms,
which by the Women are called hard Words, and by
the better Sort of Vulgar, fine Language; than which
I do not know a more univerfal, inexcufable, and
unneceſſary Miſtake among the Clergy of all Diftin&ti-
ons, but eſpecially the younger Practitioners. I have
been curious enough to take a Liſt of ſeveral hundred
Words in a Sermon of a new Beginner, which not
one of his Hearers among a hundred, could poffibly
underland: Neither can I easily call to mind any
Clergyman of my own Acquaintance who is wholly
exempt from this Error; although many of them agree
T3
with
210
ALETTER to a
with me in the Diſlike of the Thing. But, I am apt to
put myſelf in the Place of the Vulgar, and think ma-
ny Words difficult or obfcure, which the Preacher will
not allow to be fo, becauſe thoſe Words are obvious to
Scholars. I believe the Method obferved by the fa-
mous Lord Falkland, in fome of his Writings, would
not be an ill one for young Divines: I was affured by
an old Perſon of Quality, who knew him well, that
when he doubted whether a Word were perfectly in-
telligible or no, he uſed to confult one of his Lady's
Chambermaids (not the Waiting-woman, becauſe it
was poffible the might be converfant in Romances) and
by her Judgment was guided, whether to receive or re-
ject it. And if that great Perfon thought fuch a Caution
neceffary in Treatiles offered to the learned World; it
will be fure, at leaſt, as proper in Sermons, where the
meaneft Hearer is fuppofed to be concerned; and where
very often a Lady's Chambermaid may be allowed to
equal half the Congregation, both as to Quality and
Understanding. But, I know not how it cometh to pafs,
that Profeffors in moſt Arts and Sciences are generally
the worſt qualified to explain their Meanings to thoſe
who are not of their Tribe: A common Farmer fhall
make you underſtand in three Words, that his Foot is
out of Foint, or his Collar Bone broken; wherein a Surgeon,
after a hundred Terms of Art, if you are not a Scholar,
ſhall leave you to feek. It is frequently the fame Cafe.
in Law, Phyfick, and even many of the meaner Arts.
AND upon this account it is, that among hard
Words, I number likewiſe thoſe which are peculiar to
Divinity as it is a Science; becauſe I have obferved fe-
veral Clergymen, otherwife little fond of obfcure
Terms, yet in their Sermons very liberal of thoſe which
they find in ecclefiaftical Writers, as if it were our Du-
ty to underſtand them: Which I am ſure it is not. And
I defy the greatest Divine, to produce any Law either
of God or Man, which obligeth me to comprehend
the Meaning of Omniscience, Omniprefence, Ubiquity, At-
tribute, beatifick Vifion, with a thoufand others fo fre-
quent in Pulpits; any more than that of Excentrick,
Idiofyncracy,
Joung GENTLEMAN.
215
Idiofyncracy, Entity, and the like. I believe, I may
venture to infift further, that many Terms ufed in
Holy Writ, particularly by St. Paul, might with
more Difcretion be changed into plainer Speech, ex-
cept when they are introduced as Part of a Quotation.
I am the more earnest in this Matter, becauſe it is
a general Complaint, and the juſteſt in the World..
For a Divine hath nothing to fay to the wifeft Con-
gregation of any Pariſh in this Kingdom, which he
may not exprefs in a Manner to be understood by the
meanest among them. And this Affertion muſt be
true, or elſe God requireth more from us than we are
able to perform. However, not to contend whether
a Logician might poffibly put a Cafe that would ferve
for an Exception; I will appeal to any Man of Let-
ters, whether at leaft nineteen in twenty of thoſe per-
plexing Words might not be changed into eafy ones,
fuch as naturally firft occur to ordinary Men, and
probably did fo at firft to thofe very Gentlemen, wha
are fo fond of the former.
WE are often reproved by Divines from the Pulpits,
on account of our Ignorance in Things facred; and
perhaps with Juftice enough: However, it is not very
reaſonable for them to expect, that common Men
ſhould underſtand Expreſſions, which are never made
ufe of in common Life. No Gentleman thinketh it
fafe or prudent to fend a Servant with a Meliage with-
out repeating it more than once, and endeavouring to
put it into Terms brought down to the Capacity of
the Bearer: Yet after all this Care it is frequent for
Servants to miſtake, and fometimes occafion Mifun-
derſtandings between Friends; although the common
Domefticks in fome Gentlemens Families, may have
more Opportunities of improving their Minds, than
the ordinary Sort of Tradesmen.
Ir is ufual for Clergymen who are taxed with
this learned Defect, to quote Dr. Tillotson, and other
famous Divines in their Defence; without confider-
ing the Difference between elaborate Difcourfes upon
important Occafions, delivered to Princes, or Parlia
ments,
212
A LETTER to a
ments, written with a View of being made publick
and a plain Sermon intended for the middle or lower
Size of People. Neither do they ſeem to remember
the many Alterations, Additions, and Expungings
made by great Authors in thofe Treatifes which they
prepare for the Publick. Befides, that excellent Pre-
late above mentioned, was known to preach after a
much more popular Manner in the City Congrega-
tions: And, if in thoſe Parts of his Works, he be
any where too obfcure for the Underſtandings of
many, who may be ſuppoſed to have been his Hear-
ers; it ought to be numbered among his Omiffions.
THE Fear of being thought Pedants hath been of
pernicious Confequence to young Divines. This hath
wholly taken many of them off from their feverer Stu-
dies in the Univerſity; which they have exchanged
for Plays, Poems, and Pamphlets, in order to qualify
them for Tea-tables, and Coffee-houſes. This they
ufually call Polite Converſation, knowing the World, and
reading Men inftead of Books. Thefe Accomplishments,
when applied in the Pulpit, appear by a quaint, terfe,
florid Style, rounded into Periods and Cadencies.
commonly without either Propriety or Meaning. I
have liftened with my utmoft Attention for half an
Hour to an Orator of this Species, without being able
to underſtand, much lefs to carry away one fingle.
Sentence out of a whole Sermon. Others, to fhew
that their Studies have not been confined to Sciences,
or antient Authors, will talk in the Style of a gaming
Ordinary, and White-Friars; where I fuppofe the
Hearers can be little edified by the Terms of Palm-
ing, Shuffling, Biting, Bambouzling, and the like, if
they have not been fometimes converfant among
Pick-pockets, and Sharpers. And truly as they fay,
a Man is known by his Company; fo it fhould feem,
that a Man's Company may be known by his Manner
of expreffing himſelf, either in publick Affemblies, or
private Converſation.
It would be endleſs to run over the feveral De-
fects of Style among us: I fhall therefore fay nothing.
of
young GENTLEMAN.
213
cent.
of the mean and the paultry, (which are uſually attend-
ed by the fuſtian); much lefs of the flovenly or inde-
Two Things I will juſt warn you againſt : The
firft is, the Frequency of flat unneceffary Epithets;
and the other is the Folly of ufing old thread-bare
Phrafes, which will often make you go out of your
Way to find and apply them; are naufeous to rational
Hearers, and will feldom exprefs your Meaning as
well as your own natural Words.
ALTHOUGH, as I have already obferved, our Eng-
lih Tongue be too little cultivated in this Kingdom;
yet the Faults are nine in ten owing to Affectation,
and not to the Want of Underſtanding. When a
Man's Thoughts are clear, the propereit Words will
generally offer themſelves firft; and his own Judgment
will direct him in what Order to place them, fo as
they may be best understood. Where Men. err a-
gainst this Method, it is ufually on Purpofe, and to
Thew their Learning, their Oratory, their Politeneſs,
or their Knowledge of the World. In fhort, that
Simplicity, without which no human Performance
can arrive to any great Perfection, is no where more
eminently vieful than in this.
I have been confidering that Part of Oratory,
which relateth to the moving of the Faflions: This,
I obferve, is in Efteem and Practice among fome
Church Divines, as well as among all the Preachers
and Hearers of the Fanatick or Enthufiaftick Strain. I
will here deliver to you (perhaps with more Freedom
than Prudence) my Opinion upon the Point.
THE two great Orators of Greece and Rome, De-
mofthenes and Cicero, although each of them a Leader,
(or, as the Greeks called it, a Demagogue) in a popu-
lar State; yet feem to differ in their Practice upon
this Branch of their Art: The former, who had to
deal with a People of much more Politenefs, Learning
and Wit, laid the greatest Weight of his Oratory
upon the Strength of his Arguments offered to their
Underflanding and Reafon : Whereas, Tully confidered
the Difpofitions of a fincere, more ignorant, and lefs
mercurial
214
A LETTER to a
mercurial Nation, by dwelling almoſt entirely on the
pathetick Part.
BUT the principal Thing to be remembered is,
that the conſtant Deſign of both theſe Orators in all
their Speeches, was to drive fome one particular
Point; either the Condemnation, or Acquittal of an
accuſed Perſon; a Perfuafive to War, the enforcing
of a Law, and the like; which was determined upon
the Spot, according as the Orators on either Side
prevailed.
And here it was often found of abfolute
Neceffity to inflame or cool the Paffions of the Au-
dience; efpecially at Rome, where Tully fpoke, and
with whofe Writings young Divines (I mean thoſe
among them who read old Authors) are more con-
verfant than with thofe of Demofthenes; who, by
many Degrees, excelled the other, at leaſt as an
Orator. But I do not fee how this Talent of moving
Paffions, can be of any great Ufe towards directing
Chriſtian Men in the Conduct of their Lives, at leaſt
in theſe Northern Climates; where, I am confident,
the ſtrongeſt Eloquence of that Kind will leave few
Impreffions upon any of our Spirits, deep enough to
laft until the next Morning, or rather until the next
Meal.
BUT what hath chiefly put me out of Conceit with
this moving Manner of Preaching, is the frequent
Diſappointment it meets with. I knew a Gentle-
man, who made it a Rule in Reading, to fkip over
all Sentences where he ſpied a Note of Admiration
at the End. I believe, thofe Preachers who abound
in Epiphonemas, if they look about them, would find
one Part of their Congregation out of Countenance,
and the other 'afleep; except, perhaps, an old Fe-
male Beggar or two in the Ifles, who (if they be
fincere) may probably grone at the Sound..
Nor is it a Wonder that this Expedient fhould fo
often mifcarry, which requireth fo much Art and
Genius to arrive at any Perfection in it; as every
Man will find, much fooner than learn, by conſulting
Cicero himfelf.
I
young GENTLEMAN.
215
I therefore intreat you to make uſe of this Facul-
ty (if you be ever ſo unfortunate as to think you have
it) as feldom, and with as much Caution as you can;
elfe I may probably have Occafion to fay of you, as a
great Perfon faid of another upon this very Subject.
A Lady aſked him, coming out of Church, whether
it were not a very moving Difcourfe? Yes, faid he, I
was extremely forry, for the Man is my Friend.
Ir in Company you offer fomething for a Jeft, and
no body fecondeth you in your own Laughter, or feem-
eth to reliſh what you faid; you may condemn their
Tafte, if you pleaſe, and appeal to better Judgments;
but, in the mean time, it muſt be agreed you make a
very indifferent Figure: And it is, at leaft, equally
ridiculous to be diſappointed in endeavouring to make
other Folks grieve, as to make them laugh.
A plain convincing Reafon may poffibly operate
upon the Mind both of a learned and ignorant Hearer,
as long as they live; and will edify a thouſand Times
more than the Art of wetting the Handkerchiefs of a
whole Congregation, if you were fure to attain it.
IF your Arguments be ftrong, in God's Name offer
them in as moving a Manner as the Nature of the
Subject will probably admit; wherein Reaſon, and
good Advice will be your fafeft Guides; But beware
of letting the pathetick Part fwallow up the rational:
For, I fuppofe, Philofophers have long agreed, that
Paſſion ſhould never prevail over Reaſon.
As I take it, the two principal Branches of Preach-
ing, are firſt to tell the People what is their Duty; and
then to convince them that it is fo. The Topicks for
both thefe, we know, are brought from Scripture and
Reaſon. Upon the former, I wish it were often pra-
tifed to instruct the Hearers in the Limits, Extent, and
Compafs of every Duty, which requireth a good deal of
Skill and Judgment: The other Branch is, I think, not
fo difficult. But what I would offer upon both, is this;
that it feemeth to be in the Power of a reaſonable Cler-
gyman, if he will be at the Pains, to make the moſt
ignorant
216
A LETTER to a
ignorant Man comprehend what is his Duty; and to
convince him by Arguments, drawn to the Level of
his Underſtanding, that he ought to perform it.
BUT I muſt remember, that my Defign in this Paper
was not fo much to inftruct you in your Bufinefs, either
as a Clergyman, or a Preacher, as to warn you againſt
fome Miſtakes, which are obvious to the Generality of
Mankind, as well as to me; and we, who are Hearers,
may be allowed to have fome Opportunities in the
Quality of being Standers-by. Only, perhaps, I may
now again tranfgrefs, by defiring you to exprefs the
Heads of your Divifions in as few and clear Words,
as you poflibly can; otherwiſe, I, and many thouſand
others, will never be able to retain them, nor confe-
quently to carry away a Syllable of the Sermon.
I fhall now mention a Particular, wherein your
whole Body will be certainly against me; and the Laity,
almost to a Man, on my Side. However it came about,
I cannot get over the Prejudice of taking fome little Of-
fence at the Clergy, for perpetually reading their Ser-
mons; perhaps, my frequent hearing of Foreigners,
who never make ufe of Notes, may have added to my
Difguft. And I cannot but think, that whatever is
read, differeth as much from what is repeated with-
out Book, as a Copy doth from an Original. At the
ſame time, I am highly fenfible, what an extreme
Difficulty it would be upon you to alter this Method;
and that, in fuch a Cafe, your Sermons would be
much leſs valuable than they are, for Want of Time
to improve and correct them. I would therefore
gladly come to a Compromife with you in this Mat-
ter. I knew a Clergyman of fome Diſtinction, who
appeared to deliver his Sermon without looking into
his Notes; which, when I complimented him upon,
he affured me, he could not repeat fix Lines; but
his Method was to write the whole Sermon in a large
plain Hand, with all the Forms of Margin, Para-
graph, marked Page, and the like; then on Sunday
Morning, he took Care to run it over five or fix Times,
which he could do in an Hour; and when he de-
livered
young GENTLEMAN.
217
fivered it; by pretending to turn his Face from one
Side to the other, he would (in his own Expreffion}
pick up the Lines, and cheat his People, by making
them believe he had it all by Heart. He farther
added, that whenever he happened, by Neglect, to
*omit any of thefe Circumftances, the Vogue of the
Parish was, our Doctor gave us but an indifferent Sermon
to-day. Now, among us, many Clergymen act fo di-
rectly contrary to this Method; that from a Habit of
faving Time and Paper, which they acquired at the
Univerfity, they write in fo diminutive a Manner,
with fuch frequent Blots and Interlineations, that they
are hardly able to go on without perpetual Hefitations,
or extemporary Expletives: And I defire to know,
what can be more inexcufable than to fee a Divine,
and a Scholar, at a Lofs in reading his own Compofi-
tions; which, 'tis fuppofed, he hath been preparing
with much Pains and Thought, for the Inſtruction of his
People. The Want of a little more Care in this Ar-
ticle, is the Caufe of much ungraceful Behaviour. You
will obferve ſome Clergymen with their Heads held
down from the Beginning to the End, within an Inch
of the Cuſhion, to read what is hardly legible; which,
beſides the untoward Manner, hinders them from
making the beſt Advantage of their Voice: Others,
again, have a Trick of popping up and down every
Moment, from their Paper to the Audience, like an
idle School-boy on a Repetition-day.
LET me intreat you therefore, to add one Half-
crown a Year to the Article of Paper; to tranfcribe
your Sermons in as large and plain Manner as you
can, and either make no Interlineations, or change
the whole Leaf: For we, your Hearers, would rather
you ſhould be leſs correct, than perpetually ftammer-
ing; which I take to be one of the worst Solecisms in
Rhetorick. And lastly, read your Sermon once or
twice, for a few Days before you preach it.
To
which you will probably anſwer fome Years hence,
That it was but juſt finiſhed when the last Bell rang to
Church; and I fhall readily believe, but not excufe you.
VOL. I.
U
I
218
A LETTER to a
I cannot forbear warning you, in the most earneft
Manner, againſt endeavouring at Wit in your Sermons:
Becauſe, by the ftri&teft Computation, it is very near
a Million to One, that you have none; and becauſe
too many of your Calling, have confequently made
themſelves everlastingly ridiculous by attempting it.
I remember ſeveral young Men in this Town, who
could never leave the Pulpit under half a Dozen
Conceits; and this Faculty adhered to thofe Gentle-
men a longer or fhorter Time, exactly in Proportion
to their feveral Degrees of Dulnefs: Accordingly, I
am told that fome of them retain it to this Day. I
heartily with the Brood were at an End.
BEFORE you enter into the common unfufferable
Cant, of taking all Occafions to difparage the Heathen.
Philofophers; I hope, you will differ from fome of your
Brethren, by firft inquiring what thofe Philofophers can
fay for themſelves. The Syftem of Morality to be ga-
thered out of the Writings, or Sayings of thofe antient
Sages, falleth undoubtedly very fhort of that delivered
in the Goſpel; and wanteth, befides, the divine San-
ction which our Saviour gave to his. Whatever is
further related by the Evangelifts, containeth chiefly
Matters of Fact, and confequently of Faith; fuch as
the Birth of Chrift, his being the Mefliah, his Miracles,
his Death, Refurrection, and Afcenfion: None of
which can properly come under the Appellation of
human Wiſdom, being intended only to make us wife
unto Salvation. And therefore in this Point, nothing
can be jaſtly laid to the Charge of the Philofophers;
further, than that they were ignorant of certain Facts
which happened long after their Death. But I am
deceived, if a better Comment could be any where
collected upon the moral Part of the Goſpel, than from
the Writings of thofe excellent Men. Even that di-
vine Precept of loving our Enemies, is at large infifted
on by Plato; who putteth it, as I remember, into the
Mouth of Socrates. And as to the Reproach of Hea-
thenifm, I doubt they had lefs of it than the corrupted
Jews, in whole Time they lived. For it is a grofs
Piece
young GENTLEMAN.
219
:
Piece of Ignorance among us, to conceive, that, in thoſe
polite and learned Ages, even Perfons of any tolerable
Education, much leſs the wifeft Philofophers, did ac-
knowledge, or worship any more than one Almighty
Power, under feveral Denominations, to whom they
allowed all thofe Attributes we aſcribe to the Divinity.
And, as I take it, human Comprehenfion reacheth no
further Neither did our Saviour think it neceſſary to
explain to us the Nature of God; becauſe, as I fup-
pofe, it would be impoffible, without beftowing on us
other Faculties than we poffefs at prefent. But the
true Mifery of the Heathen World, appeareth to be
what I before mentioned, the Want of a divine San-
ction; without which, the Dictates of the Philofophers
failed in the Point of Authority; and confequently the
Bulk of Mankind lay, indeed, under a great Load of
Ignorance, even in the Article of Morality; but the
Philofophers themfeves did not. Take the Matter in
this Light, and it will afford Field enough for a Di-
vine to enlarge on; by fhewing the Advantages which
the Chriftian World hath over the Heathen; and the
abfolute Neceffity of divine Revelation, to make the
Knowledge of the true God, and the Practice of Vir-
tue more univerfal in the World.
I am not ignorant how much I differ in this Opinion
from fome antient Fathers in the Church; who arguing
against the Heathens, made it a principal Topick to
decry their Philoſophy as much as they could: Which,
I hope, is not altogether our prefent Cafe. Befides, it
is to be confidered, that thoſe Fathers lived in the De-
cline of Literature; and, in my Judgment, (who fhould
be unwilling to give the leaft Offence,) appear to be ra-
ther moft excellent holy Perfons, than of tranfcendent
Genius and Learning. Their genuine Writings (for
many of them have extremely fuffered by fpurious Ad-
ditions) are of admirable Ufe for confirming the Truth
of antient Doctrines and Difcipline; by fhewing the
State and Practice of the primitive Church. But among
fuch of them as have fallen in my Way, I do not re-
member any, whofe Manner of arguing or exhorting I
could
U 2
220
A LETTER to a
་
could heartily recommend to the Imitation of a young
Divine, when he is to ſpeak from the Pulpit. Perhaps
I judge too haftily, there being feveral of them, in
whofe Writings I have made very little Progrefs, and
in others none at all. For I perufed only fuch as were
recommended to me, at a Time when I had more Lei-
fure, and a better Difpofition to read, than have fince
fallen to my Share.
To return then to the Heathen Philofophers; I hope
you will not only give them Quarter, but make their
Works a confiderable Part of your Study. To theſe I
will venture to add the principal Orators and Hiftori-
ans, and perhaps a few of the Poets: by the reading of
which, you will foon difcover your Mind and Thoughts
to be enlarged, your Imagination extended and refined,
your Judgment directed, your Admiration leffened, and
your Fortitude increafed. All which Advantages muft
needs be of excellent Ufe to a Divine, whofe Duty it is
to preach and practife the Contempt of human Things.
would fay fomething concerning Quotations;
wherein I think you cannot be too fparing, except front
Scripture, and the primitive Writers of the Church.
As to the former, when you offer a Text as a Proof or
an Illuſtration, we your Hearers expect to be fairly
ufed; and fometimes think we have Reaſon to com-
plain, eſpecially of you younger Divines; which maketh
us fear, that fome of you conceive you have no more
to do than to turn over a Concordance, and there ha
ving found the principal Word, introduce as much of
the Verfe as will ferve your Turn, although in reality
it maketh nothing for you. I do not altogether difap-
prove the Manner of interweaving Texts of Scripture
through the Style of your Sermons; wherein, however,
I have fometimes obferved great Inftances of Indifcre-
tion and Impropriety; againſt which I therefore ven-
ture to give you a Caution.
As to Quotations from antient Fathers, I think they
are beſt brought in, to confirm fome Opinion contro-
verted by thoſe who differ from us: In other Cafes we
give you full Power to adopt the Sentence for your
own,
}
young GENTLEMAN.
221
own, rather than tell us, as St. Auſtin excellently ol-
ferveth: Eut, to mention modern Writers by Name, or
ufe the Phrafe of a late excellent Prelate of our Church,
and the like, is altogether intolerable; and, for what
Reafon I know not, maketh every rational Hearer
alhamed. Of no better a Stamp is your Heathen Phi-
lofopher, and famous Poet, and Roman Hiflorian; at
leaſt in common Congregations, who will rather be-
lieve you on your own Word, than on that of Plate
or Homer.
I have lived to fee Greek and Latin almoſt entirely
driven out of the Pulpit; for which I am heartily glad.
The frequent Ufe of the latter was certainly a Rem-
nant of Popery, which never admitted Scripture in the
vulgar Language; and I wonder that Practice was never
accordingly objected to us by the Fanaticks.
THE Mention of Quotations puts me in mind of
Common-place Books, which have been long in Ufe
by induſtrious young Divines, and, I hear, do ftill
continue fo; I know they are very beneficial to Law-
yers and Phyſicians, becauſe they are Collections of
Facts or Cafes, whereupon a great Part of their feve-
ral Faculties depend: Of thefe I have feen feveral, but
never yet any written by a Clergyman; only from what
I am informed, they generally are Extracts of Theolo-
gical and Moral Sentences, drawn from Ecclefiaftical
and other Authors, reduced under proper Heads;
uſually begun, and, perhaps, finifhed, while the Col-
Icctors were young in the Church; as being intended
for Materials, or Nurferies to stock future Sermons.
You will obferve the wife Editors of antient Authors,
when they meet a Sentence worthy of being diftin-
guished, take fpecial Care to have the firft Word print-
ed in Capital Letters, that you may not overlook it:
Such, for Example, as the Inconftancy of Fortune, the
Goodness of Peace, the Excellency of Wisdom, the Certainty
of Death; that Profperity maketh Men inplent, and sid-
verfity humble; and the like eternal Truths, which
every Ploughman knoweth well enough, although he
never heard of Ariftotle or Plato. If Theological
Common-
U 3
222
A LETTER to a
Common-place Books be no better filled, I think they
had better be laid afide: And I could wish, that Men
of tolerable Intellectuals would rather truft to their
own natural Reafon, improved by a general Conver-
fation with Books, to enlarge on Points which they
are fuppofed already to underſtand. If a rational Man
readeth an excellent Author with juft Application, he
fhall find himſelf extremely improved, and perhaps in-
fenfibly led to imitate that Author's Perfections; al-
though in a little Time he ſhould not remember one
Word in the Book, nor even the Subject it handled :
For, Books give the fame Turn to our Thoughts and
Way of Reafoning, that good and ill Company do to
our Behaviour and Converfation; without either load-
ing our Memories, or making us even fenfible of the
Change. And particularly, I have obferved in Preach- *
ing, that no Men fucceed better than thoſe, who truſt
entirely to the Stock or Fund of their own Reaſon ;
advanced, indeed, but not overlaid by Commerce with
Books. Whoever only readeth, in order to tranſcribe
wife and fhining Remarks, without entering into the
Genius and Spirit of the Author; as it is probable he
will make no very judicious Extract, fo he will be apt
to truſt to that Collection in all his Compoſitions; and
be mifled out of the regular Way of Thinking, in or-
der to introduce thofe Materials which he hath been at
the Pains to gather: And the Product of all this, will
be found a manifeft incoherent Piece of Patchwork.
SOME Gentlemen abounding in their Univerfity Eru-
dition, are apt to fill their Sermons with philofophical
Terms, and Notions of the metaphyſical or abſtracted
Kind; which generally have one Advantage, to be
equally underſtood by the Wife, the Vulgar, and the
Preacher himſelf. I have been better entertained, and
more informed by a Chapter in the Pilgrim's Progreſs,
than by a long Difcourfe upon the Will and the Intel-
lect, and fimple or complex Ideas. Others again are
fond of dilating on Matter and Motion, talk of the for-
tuitous Concourfe of Atoms, of Theories, and Phenomena;
directly against the Advice of St. Paul, who yet ap-
peareth
young
223
GENTLEMAN.
peareth to have been converfant enough in thoſe Kind
of Studies.
I do not find that you are any where directed in the
Canons, or Articles, to attempt explaining the My-
ſteries of the Chriſtian Religion. And, indeed, fince
Providence intended there fhould be Myſteries; I do
not ſee how it can be agreeable to Piety, Orthodoxv,
or good Senſe, to go about fuch a Work. For, to
me there feemeth to be a manifeft Dilemma in the
Cafe: If you explain them, they are Mysteries no
longer; if you fail, you have laboured to no Purpoſe.
What I should think moft reaſonable and fafe for
you to do, upon this Occafion, is upon folemn Days
to deliver the Doctrine as the Church holdeth it, and
confirm it by Scripture. For my Part, having confi-
dered the Matter impartially, I can fee no great Rea-
fon which thofe Gentlemen, you call the Free-thinkers,
can have for their Clamour againſt religious Myfte-
ries; fince it is plain, they were not invented by the
Clergy, to whom they bring no Profit, nor acquire
any Honour. For every Clergyman is ready, either
to tell us the utmost he knoweth, or to confefs that he
doth not underſtand them: Neither is it ſtrange, that
there fhould be Myfteries in Divinity, as well as in
the commoneft Operations of Nature.
AND here I am at a Lofs what to ſay, upon the
frequent Cultom of preaching againſt Atheiſm, Deiſm,
Free-thinking, and the like; as young Divines are par-
ticularly fond of doing, eſpecially when they exerciſe
their Talent in Churches, frequented by People of
Quality; which, as it is but an ill Compliment to the
Audience, fo I am under fome Doubt whether it an-
fwers the End. Becauſe, Perfons under thofe Impu-
tations are generally no great Frequenters of Church-
es, and to the Congregation is but little edified for
the Sake of three or four Fools, who are patt Grace.
Neither do I think it any Part of Prudence, to perplex
the Minds of well-difpofed People with Doubts, which
probably would never have otherwile cene into their
leads. But I am of opinion, and dare be pofitive in
it,
224
A LETTER to a
it, that not one in a hundred of thoſe, who pretend to
be Free-thinkers, are really fo in their Hearts. For
there is one Obfervation which I never knew to fail,
and I defire you will examine it in the Courſe of your
Life; that no Gentleman of a liberal Education, and
regular in his Morals, did ever profefs himſelf a Free-
thinker: Where then are thefe Kind of People to be
found? Amongst the worst Part of the Soldiery, made
up of Pages, younger Brothers of obfcure Families, and
others of defperate Fortunes; or elfe among idle Town-
fops; and now and then a drunken 'Squire of the Coun-
try. Therefore, nothing can be plainer, than that Igno-
rance, and Vice, are two Ingredients abfolutely necef-
fary in the Compofition of thoſe you generally call
Free-thinkers; who, in Propriety of Speech, are no Think-
ers at all. And, fince I am in the Way of it, pray confi-
der one Thing farther: As young as you are, you can-
not but have already obſerved, what a violent Run there
is among too many weak People, againſt Univerſity E-
ducation: Be firmly affured, that the whole Cry is made
up by thofe, who were either never fent to a College;
or, through their Irregularities and Stupidity, never
made the leaft Improvement while they were there. I
have above forty of the latter now in my Eye; ſeveral
of them in this Town, whofe Learning, Manners, Tem-
perance, Probity, Good-nature, and Politicks, are all of
a-piece. Others of them in the Country, oppreffing
their Tenants, tyrannizing over the Neighbourhood,
cheating the Vicar, talking Nonfenfe, and getting drunk
at the Seffions. It is from fuch Seminaries as thefe,
that the World is provided with the feveral Tribes and
Denominations of Free-thinkers; who, in my Judgment,
are not to be reformed by Arguments offered to prove
the Truth of the Chriftian Religion; becaufe, Reasoning
will never make a Man correct an ill Opinion, which
by Reaſoning he never acquired: For, in the Courſe of
Things, Men always grow vicious before they become
Unbelievers: But, if you could once convince the
Town or Country Profligate, by Topicks drawn from
the View of their own Quiet, Reputation, Health, and
Advantage;
young GENTLEMAN.
225
Advantage; their Infidelity would foon drop off: This,
I confefs, is no eafy Tafk; becauſe it is almoft in a
literal Senfe, to fight with Beafts. Now, to make
it clear, that we are to look for no other Original of
this Infidelity, whereof Divines fo much complain; it
is allowed on all Hands, that the People of England
are more corrupt in their Morals, than any other Na-
tion at this Day under the Sun: And this Corruption
is manifeftly owing to other Cauſes, both numerous
and elvious, much more than to the Publication of
irreligious Books, which, indeed, are but the Confe-
quence of the former. For, all the Writers againſt
Christianity, fince the Revolution, have been of the
loweſt Kank among Men, in regard to Literature,
Hit, and good Scrfe; and, upon that account, wholly
unqualified to propagate Hercies, unlefs among People
already abandoned.
Ix an Age where every thing difliked by thofe, who
think with the Majority, is called D.jojection; it may
Ferhaps be ill interpreted, when I venture to tell you,
that this univerial Depravation of Manners, is owing
to the perpetual bandying of Factions among us for
thirty Years paft; when, without weighing the hi-
tives of Jufice, Law, Confcience, or Fensur, every Man
adjuteth his Principles to thofe of the Party he hath
chofen, and among whom he may bell find his own
Account: But, by reafon of our frequent Viciffitudes,
Men, who were impatient to be out of Play, have
been forced to recant, or at leaft to reconcile their
former Tencts with every new Syftem of Adminiſtra-
tion. Add to this, that the old fundamental Cuſtom of
annual Parliaments being wholly laid afide, and Ele-
Etions growing chargeable; fince Gentlemen found that
their Country Seats brought them in less than a Seat in
the Houfe; the Voters, that is to fay, the Bulk of the
common People, have been univerfally feduced into
Bribery, Perjury, Drunkenness, Malice, and Slander.
NOT to be further tedious, or rather invidious; theſe
are a few, among other Caufes, which have contribu-
ted to the Ruin of our Morals, and confequently to the
Contempt
226
A LETTER to a
Contempt of Religion. For, imagine to yourfelf, if you-
pleaſe, a landed Youth, whom his Mother would never
fuffer to look into a Book, for fear of ſpoiling his
Eyes; got into Parliament, and obferving all Ene-
mies to the Clergy heard with the utmoft Applauſe;
what Notions he muft imbibe; how readily he will
join in the Cry; what an Efteem he will conceive of
himfelf; and what a Contempt he muft entertain, not
only for his Vicar at home, but for the whole Order.
I therefore again conclude, that the Trade of Infi-
delity hath been taken up only for an Expedient to
keep in Countenance that univerfal Corruption of Mo-
rals, which many other Caules first contributed to in--
troduce, and to cultivate. And thus, Mr. Hobles's
Saying upon Reaſon, may be much more properly ap-
plied to Religion: That, if Religion will be agafl a
Man, a Man will be against Religion. Although, after
all, I have heard a Profligate offer much fronger
Arguments against paying his Debts, than ever he
was known to do against Chriflianity; indeed, the
Reafon was, becaufe in that Juncture he happened to
be clofer preffed by the Bailiff than the Parjen.
IGNORANCE may, perhaps, be the Mother of Super-
fition; but Experience hath not proved it to be ſo of
Devotion: For Chriflianity always made the moſt eafy
and quickeſt Progrefs in civilized Countries. I men-
tion this, becauſe it is affirmed, that the Clergy are in
moſt Credit where Ignorance prevaileth, (and furely
this Kingdom would be called the Paradife of Clergy--
men, if that Opinion were true) for which they in-
ftance England in the Times of Popery. But whoever
knoweth any thing of three or four Centuries before
the Reformation, will find, the little Learning then
ftirring, was more equally divided between the En-
glish Clergy and Laity, than it is at prefent. There
were feveral famous Lawyers in that Period, whoſe
Writings are ftiH in the higheft Repute; and fome Hi-
forians, and Poets, who were not of the Church.
Whereas, now-a-days, our Education is fo corrupted,
that you will hardly find a young Perfon of Quality with
the
young GENTLEMAN.
227
*
mary
the leaft Tincture of Knowledge; at the fame time that
of the Clergy were never more learned, or fo
fcurvily treated. Here among us, at leaſt, a Man of
Letters, out of the three Profeffions, is almoſt a Prodigy.
And thofe few who have preſerved any Rudiments of
Learning, are (except, perhaps, one or two Smatterers)
the Clergy's Friends to a Man: For, I dare appeal to
any Clergyman in this Kingdom, whether the greateſt
Dunce in his Pariſh be not always the most proud,
wicked, fraudulent, and intractable of his Flock.
I think the Clergy have almoft given over perplex-
ing themſelves and their Hearers, with abftrufe Points
of Predeſtination, Election, and the like; at leaſt, it is
Time they ſhould; and therefore, I fhall not trouble
you further upon this Head.
I have now faid all I could think convenient with
relation to your Conduct in the Pulpit. Your Behavi-
our in the World is another Scene, upon which, I fhall
readily offer you my Thoughts, if you appear to defire
them from me, by your Approbation of what I have
here written; if not, I have already troubled you too
much.
I am, SIR,
Your affectionate
January 9.
1719-20.
Friend and Servant.
*N. B. This Difcourfe was written fourteen Years
ago; fince which Time, the Cafe is extremely altered by
Deaths and Succeffions.
THE
THE
WONDERFUL
WONDER
O F
WONDER S.
T
Written in the Year 1720.
HERE is a certain Perfon lately arrived at
this City, whom it is very proper the World
fhould be informed of. His Character may,
perhaps, be thought very inconfiftent, improbable, and
unnatural: However, I intend to draw it with the ut-
moft Regard to Truth. This, I am the better quali-
fied to do, becauſe he is a Sort of Dependant upon our
Family, and almost of the fame Age; although I can-
not directly fay, I have ever ſeen him. He is a Na-
tive of this Country, and hath lived long among us;
but what appeareth wonderfu, and hardly credible,
was never feen lefore by any Mortal.
T
Ir is true, indeed, he always chufes the love? Place
in Company, and contriveth it fo, to keep out of Sight.
VOL. I.
X
It
230
The wonderful WONDER
It is reported, however, that, in his younger Days, he
was frequently expoſed to Views; but always againſt
his Will, and was fure to ſmart for it.
As to his Family; he came into the World a
younger Brother, being of fix Children, the fourth in
order of Birth; of which the eldest is now Head of the
Houſe; the fecond and third carry Arms; but the
two youngest are only Footmen: Some, indeed, add,
that he hath likewife a Twin-brother, who lived over-
against him, and keepeth a Victualling-houfe: He has
the Reputation to be a clofe, grifing, Squeezing Fellow;
and that when his Bags are full, he is often needy;
yet, when the Fit taketh him, as faſt as he gets, he
lets it fiy.
WHEN in Office, no one difchargeth himſelf, or doth
his Bufinefs better. He hath fometimes frained hard
for an honeft Livelihood; and never got a Bit, until
every body elſe had done.
ONE Practice appeareth very blameable in him; that
every Morning he privately frequenteth unclean Houfes,
where any modell Perfon would blufh to be feen. And
although this be generally known, yet the World, as
cenforious as it is, hath been fo kind to overlook this
Infirmity in him. To deal impartially, it muft be
granted, that he is too great a Lover of himſelf, and
very often confulteth his own Eale, at the Expence of
his beft Friends. But this is one of his blind Sides
and the best of Men I fear are not without them.
He hath been conftituted by the higher Powers in
the Station of Receiver-general; in which Employ-
ment, fome have cenfured him for playing fast and
lnfe. He is likewiſe Overfeer of the Golden Mines,
which he daily infpe&teth, when his Health will per-
mit him.
·
He was long bred under a * Master of Arts, who in-
filled good Principles in him, but thefe were foon cor-
rupted. I know not whether it deferveth Mention, that
he is ſo very capricious, as to take it for an equal Af-
front
Magifler Artis, Ingenioque Largitor Venter.
of WONDERS.
231
front to talk either of killing, or hicking him; which
hath occafioned a thouſand Quarrels: However, no bo-
dy ever hath been fo great a Sufferer for Faults, which
he neither was, nor poflibly could be guilty of.
In his Religion, he has thus much of the Quaker,
that he ſtandeth always covered, even in the Prefence
of the King: In molt other Points, a perfect Idulater,
although he endeavoureth to conceal it : For he is known
to offer daily Sacrifices to certain ſubterraneous Nymphs,
whom he worshippeth in an humble Pofture, prone on his
Face, and fript ſtark-naked; and fo leaveth his Offer-
ings behind him, which the Priefs of thofe Goddeffes
are careful enough to remove upon certain Seafons,
with the utmoft Privacy at Midnight; and from thence
maintain themſelves and Families. In all urgent Neceſſi-
ties and Preffures he applieth himſelf to theſe Deities,
and ſometimes even in the Streets and Highways; from
an Opinion that thofe Powers have an Influence in
all Places; although their peculiar Refidence be in
Caverns under Ground. Upon thefe Occafions, the
fairest Ladies will not refufe to lend their Hands to af-
fift him for, although they are ashamed to have him
Seen in their Company, or even fo much as to hear him
name; yet it is well known, that he is one of their
conftant Followers.
IN Politicks, he always fubmitteth to what is upper-
moft; but he perufeth Pamphlets on both Sides with
great Impartiality, although feldom until every body.
elfe hath done with them.
His Learning is of a mixed Kind; and he may pro-
perly be called a Helluo librorum, or another Jacobus
de Voragine; although his Studies are chiefly confined
to School-men, Commentators, and German Divines; to-
gether with modern Poetry and Criticks: And he is an
Atomick Philofopher, ftrongly maintaining a l'oid in
Nature, which he feemeth to have fairly proved by
many Experiments.
I fhall now proceed to defcribe fome peculiar Qua-
lities, which in feveral Inſtances ſeem to diſtinguiſh
this Perfon from the common Race of other Mortals.
X 2
HIS
232
The wonderful WONDER
His Grandfather was a Member of the Rump Par-
liament; as the Grandjon is of the prefent; where he
often rijes, fometimes g; umbles, but never ſpeaks. How-
ever, he lets nothing pafs willingly, but what is well
digefted. His Courage is indifputable, for he will.
take the boldeft Man alive by the Nafe.
HE is generally the firfi-a-bed in the Family, and
the last up; which is to be lamented; becaufe when
he happeneth to rife before the reft, it hath been thought
to forebode fome good Fortune to his Superiors.
As Wildom is acquired by Age, fo by every new
Wrinkle in his Face, he is reported to gain fome nɛw
Knowledge.
IN him we may obferve the true Effects and Confe-
quences of Tyranny in a State: For, as he is a great
Oppreſſor of all below him, fo there is no body more
opprefied by thofe above him: Yet in his Time, he hath-
been fo highly in Favour, that many illufirious Per-
fons have been entirely indebted to him for their Pre-
ferments.
He hath diſcovered from his own Experience the
true Point, wherein all human Actions, Projects and
Deſigns do chiefly terminate; and how mean and for-
did they are at the Bottom.
Ir behoves the Publick to keep him quiet; for his
frequent Murmurs are a certain Sign of inteßine Tu-
mults.
No Philofopher ever lamented more the Luxury,
for which thefe Nations are fo juftly taxed; it hath
been known to coft him Tears of Blood: For in his
own Nature he is far from being profuse; although, in-
deed, he never ſtayeth a Night at a Gentleman's Houſe,
without leaving ſomething behind him.
I
He receiveth, with great Submiffion, whatever his
Patrons think fit to give him, and when they lay hea-
vy Burdens upon him, which is frequent enough, he
gets rid of them as foon as he can; but not with-
out fome Labour, and much Grumbling.
HE is a perpetual Hanger on; yet no body knoweth
how to be without him. He patiently ſuffereth himſelf
to
of WONDERS.
233
to be kept under, but loveth to be well uſed; and, in
that Cafe, will facrifice his Vitals to give you Enſe;
and he hath hardly one Acquaintance, for whom he
hath not been bound; yet, as far as we can find, was
never known to lose any thing by it.
He is obferved to be very unquiet in the Company
of a Frenchman in new Cloaths, or a young Coquet.
He is, in ſhort, the Subject of much Mirth and Rail-
lery, which he feemeth to take well enough; although
it hath not been obferved, that ever any good Thing
came from himſelf.
THERE is fo general an Opinion of his Juftice,
that ſometimes very hard Cafès are left to his Decifion:
And while he fitteth upon them, he carrieth himſelf
exacly even between both Sides, except where fome
knoity Point arifeth; and then he is obferved to lean a
little to the Right, or Left, as the Matter inclineth
him; but his Reaſons for it are fo manifeft and con--
vincing, that every Man approves them.
THE
X 3
THE
WONDER
OF ALL THE -
WONDERS,
THAT
Ever the WORLD wondered at.
Written in the Year 1721.
To all PERSONS of QUALITY and others.
EWLY arrived at this City the famous
N Artist John Emanuel Schoits, who, to the
great Surprize and Satisfaction of all Spe-
&tators, is ready to do the following wonderful
Performances, the like never performed in this
Kingdom.
He will heat a Bar of Iron red hot, and thruft it
into a Barrel of Gunpowder before all the Company,
and it ſhall not take Fire.
HE
236
The WONDER of
He lets any Gentleman charge a Blunderbufs,
with the fame Gunpowder, and twelve Leaden Bul-
lets;
which Blunde, bufs the faid Artiſt diſchargeth
full in the Face of the faid Company, without doing
the leaft Hurt; the Bullets fticking in the Wall be-
hind them.
HE taketh any Gentleman's own Sword, and runs
it through the faid Gentleman's Body, fo that the
Point appeareth bloody at the Back, to all the Speña-
tors; then he taketh out the Sword, wipeth it clean,
and returneth it to the Owner; who receiveth no
manner of Hurt.
He taketh a Pot of fcalding Oil, and throweth it by
great Ladles full directly at the Ladies, without fpoil-
ing their Cloaths, or burning their Skins.
He taketh any Perfon of Quality's Child, from two
Years old to fix, and lets the Child's own Father or
Mother take a Pike in their Hands; then the Artiſt
takes the Child in his Arms and toileth it upon the
Point of the Pike, where it ticketh, to the great Sa-
tisfaction of all Spectators; and is then taken off
without fo much as an Hole in his Coat.
He mounts upon a Scaffold, juft over the Specta-
tors, and from thence throweth down a great Quan-
tity of large Tiles and Stones, which fall like fo
many Pillows, without fo much as difcompofing either
Perukes or Head-drefics.
HE taketh any Perfon of Quality up to the faid
Scaffold, which Perfon pulleth off his Shoes and
leapeth nine Feet directly down on a Board prepared
on Purpoſe, full of fharp Spikes fix Inches long, with-
out hurting his Feet, or damaging his Stockings.
HE places the faid Board on a Chair, upon which
a Lady fitteth down with another Lady upon her
Lap; while the Spikes, inftead of entering into the
under Lady's Flesh, will feel like a Velvet Cushion.
He taketh any Perfon of Quality's Footman; tieth
a Rope about his bare Neck, and draweth him up by
Pulleys to the Cieling, and there keepeth him hanging
as long as his Mafter or the Company pleafes; the
faid
all the WONDERS, &c.
237
faid Footman, to the Wonder and Delight of all Be-
holders, with a Pot of Ale in one Hand, and a Pipe
in the other; and, when he is let down, there will not
appear the leaft Mark of a Cord about his Neck.
He bids a Lady's Maid put her Finger into a Cup
of clear Liquor like Water; upon which her Face
and both her Hands are immediately withered, like
an old Woman of fourfcore; her Belly fwelleth as if
ſhe were within a Week of her Time, and her Legs
are as thick as Mill-pofts; but upon putting her Finger
into another Cup, fhe becometh as young and hand-
fome as fhe was before.
HE giveth any Gentleman Leave to drive forty
Twelve-penny Nails up to the Head in a Porter's
Backfide; and then he places the ſaid Porter on a
Loadſtone Chair, which draweth out every Nail, and
the Porter feeleth no Pain.
He likewife draws the Teeth of half a Dozen Gen-
tlemen; mixeth and jumbles them in a Hat; giveth
any Perfon Leave to blindfold him, while he returneth
each their own, and fixes them as well as ever.
WITH his Fore-finger and Thumb he thrufteth
feveral Gentlemens and Ladies Eyes out of their
Heads, without the leaft Pain; at which Time they
fee an unfpeakable Number of beautiful Colours; and
after they are entertained to the full, he places them
again in their proper Sockets, without any Damage
to the Sight.
He lets any Gentleman drink a Quart of hot melted
Lead; and by a Draught of prepared Liquor, of
which he taketh Part himſelf, he maketh the ſaid
Lead paſs through the faid Gentleman before all the
Spectators, without any Damage: After which, it is
produced in a Cake to the Company.
WITH many other wonderful Performances of Art,
too tedious here to mention.
THE faid Artiſt hath performed before moft Kings.
and Princes in Europe with great Applaufe.
Η ε
238
The WONDER of, &c.
}
HE performeth every Day (except Sundays) from
Ten of the Clock, to One in the Forenoon; and from
Four until Seven in the Evening, at the New Inn in
Smithfield.
THE firft Seat a British Crown, the ſecond a Britiſh
half Crown, and the loweſt a British Shilling.
N. B. THE beft Hands in Town are to play at the
faid Show.
!
1
Α
A
LETTER
ТО А
Young LAD Y
ON HER
MARRIAGE.
Written in the YEAR 1723.
MADAM,
TH
HE Hurry and Impertinence of receiving and
paying Vifits on account of your Marriage,
being now over; you are beginning to en-
ter into a Courfe of Life, where you will want much
Advice to divert you from falling into many Errors,
Fopperies and Follies to which your Sex is fubject.
I have always borne an entire Friendship to your
Father and Mother; and the Perfon they have cho-
fen for your Hufband, hath been, for fome Years
paft, my particular Favourite. I have long wiſhed
you might come together, becauſe I hoped, that,
from the Goodness of your Difpofition, and by fol-
lowing the Counfel of wife Friends, you might in
Time
240
A LETTER to a
*
Time make yourſelf worthy of him. Your Parents
were fo far in the right, that, they did not produce
you much into the World; whereby you avoided
many wrong Steps which others have taken; and
have fewer ill Impreffions to be removed: But they
failed, as it is generally the Cafe, in too much neglect-
ing to cultivate your Mind; without which, it is impof-
fible to acquire or preferve the Friendship and Eſteem
of a wife Man, who foon groweth weary of acting the
Lover, and treating his Wife like a Miſtreſs; but
wanteth a reaſonable Companion, and a true Friend
through every Stage of his Life. It must be therefore
your Bufinefs to qualify yourself for thofe Offices
wherein I will not fail to be your Director as long as
I fhall think you deſerve it, by letting you know how
you are to act, and what you ought to avoid.
AND beware of defpifing or neglecting my Inftru-
Etions, whereon, will depend, not only your making
a good Figure in the World, but your own real Hap-
pinefs, as well as that of the Perion who ought to be
the dearest to you.
I must therefore defire you in the first place to be
very flow in changing the modeft Behaviour of a Vir-
gin: It is ufual in young Wives before they have been
many Weeks married, to affume a bold, forward
Look and Manner of talking, as if they intended to
fignify in all Companies, that they were no longer
·Girls, and confequently that their whole Demeanour,
before they got a Hufband, was all but a Countenance
and Conftraint upon their Nature: Whereas, I fup-
pofe, if the Votes of wife Men were gathered, a very
great Majority would be in favour of thofe Ladies, who
after they were entered into that State, rather choſe to
double their Portion of Modeſty and Reſervedneſs.
I muft likewife warn you ftrictly against the leaft
Degree of Fondness to your Hufband before any Wit-
neffes whatever, even before your nearest Relations,
or the very Maids of your Chamber. This Proceed-
ing is fo extremely odious and difguftful to all who
have either good Breeding or good Senfe, that they af-
fign
young LADY..
24€
}
Ve
Vign two very unamiable Reaſons for it; the one is
grofs Hypocrify, and the other hath too bad a Name
to mention. If there is any Difference to be made,
your Huſband is the loweft Perfon in Company, ei-
ther at home or abroad; and every Gentleman pre-
fent hath a better Claim to all Marks of Civility and
Diſtinction from you. Conceal your Efteem and Love
in your own Breaft, and referve your kind Looks and
Language for private Hours; which are ſo many in
the four and twenty, that they will afford Time to
employ a Paffion as exalted as any that was ever de-
fcribed in á French Romance.
;
UPON this Head, I ſhould likewiſe adviſe you to
differ in Practice from thofe Ladies who affect Aban-
dance of Uneafineſs while their Husbands are abroad;
ftart with every Knock at the Door, and ring the Bell
inceffantly for their Servants to let in their Maſter
will not eat a Bit at Dinner or Supper if the Hufband
happen to ſtay out; and receive him at his Return
with fuch a Medley of Chiding and Kindneſs, and
catechizing him where he hath been; that a Shrew
from Billingsgate would be a more eafy and eligible
Companion.
כי
Of the fame Leaven are thofe Wives, who when
their Husbands are gone a Journey, muſt have a Let-
ter every Poft, upon Pain of Fits and Hyftericks; and
a Day muſt be fixed for their Return Home without
the leaft Allowance for Bufinefs, or Sickneſs, or Ac-
cidents, or Weather: Upon which, I can only fay,
that in my Obſervation, thofe Ladies, who are apt
to make the greateft Clutter upon fuch Occafions,
would liberally have paid a Meffenger for bringing
them News, that their Husbands had broken their
Necks on the Road.
You will perhaps be offended, when I adviſe you
to abate a little of that violent Paffion for fine Clothes
fo predominant in your Sex. It is fomewhat hard,
that ours, for whofe fake you wear them, are not ad-
mitted to be of your Council: I may venture to affure
you, that we will make an Abatement at any time of
VOL. I.
}
four
*
242
A LETTER to a
four Pounds a Yard in a Brocade, if the Ladies will but
allow a fuitable Addition of Care in the Cleanlineſs and
Sweetness of their Perfons: For, the fatyrical Part of
Mankind will needs believe, that it is not impoffible,
to be very fine and very filthy; and that the Capaci-
ties of a Lady are fometimes apt to fall fhort in culti-
vating Cleanliness and Finery together. I fhall only
add, upon fo tender a Subject, what a pleafant Gen-
tleman faid concerning a filly Woman of Quality;
that nothing could make her fupportable but cutting
off her Head; for his Ears were fended by her
Tongue, and his Nofe by her Hair and Teeth.
I am wholly at a Lofs how to adviſe you in the
Choice of Company; which, however, is a Point of
as great Importance as any in your Life. If your ge-
neral Acquaintance be among Ladies who are your
Equals or Superiors, provided they have nothing of
what is commonly called an ill Reputation, you think
you are fafe; and this in the Style of the World will
pafs for good Company. Whereas, I am afraid it will
be hard for you to pick out one Female-acquaintance
in this Town, from whom you may not be in mani-
feft Danger of contracting fome Foppery, Affectation,
Vanity, Folly, or Vice. Your only fafe Way of con-
verfing with them, is by a firm Refolution to proceed
in your Practice and Behaviour, directly contrary to
whatever they fhall fay or do: And, this I take to be
a good general Rule, with very few Exceptions. For
Inftance, in the Doârines they uſually deliver to young
married Women for managing their Fiufbands; their
feveral Accounts of their own Conduct in that Parti-
cular, to recommend it to your Imitation; the Re-
flexions they make upon others of their Sex for acting
differently; their Directions how to come off with
Victory upon any Difpute or Quarrel you may have
with your Hufband; the Arts by which you may dif
cover and practife upon his weak Side; when to work
by Flattery and Infinuation; when to melt him with
Tears; and when to engage him with a high Hand.
In thefe, and a thouſand other Cafes, it will be pru-
dent
young LADY.
243
dent to retain as many of their Lectures in your Me-
mory as you can, and then determine to act in full
Oppoſition to them all.
I hope your Hufband will interpofe his Authority
to limit you in the Trade of Vifiting: Half a Dozen
Fools are in all Confcience as many as you ſhould re-
quire; and it will be fufficient for you to fee them
twice a Year: For I think the Fashion doth not exact
that Vifits ſhould be paid to Friends.
I adviſe that your Company at home fhould con-
fift of Men rather than Women. To fay the Truth,
I never yet knew a tolerable Woman to be fond of
her own Sex: I confefs, when both are mixed and
well chofen, and put their beſt Qualities forward,
there may be an Intercourfe of Civility and Good-
will; which, with the Addition of fome Degree of
Senfe, can make Converfation or any Amufement a-
greeable. But a Knot of Ladies, got together by
themſelves, is a very School of Impertinence and De-
traction; and it is well if thofe be the worst.
LET your Men-acquaintance be of your Hufband's
Choice, and not recommended to you by any She-
companions; becauſe they will certainly fix a Cox-
comb upon you; and it will coft you fome Time and
Pains before you can arrive at the Knowledge of di-
ftinguishing fuch a one from a Man of Senfe.
NEVER take a Favourite Waiting-maid into your
Cabinet-council, to entertain you with Hiftories of
thofe Ladies whom ſhe hath formerly ferved; of their
Diverfion and their Dreffes; to infinuate how great
a Fortune you brought, and how little you are allow-
ed to fquander; to appeal to her from your Huſband,
and to be determined by her Judgment, becauſe you
are fure it will be always for you; to receive and
difcard Servants by her Approbation, or Diflike; to
engage you by her Infinuations into Mifunderſtand-
ings with your beft Friends; to reprefent all Things
in falfe Colours, and to be the common Emiffary of
Scandal.
Y 2
BUT,
244
A LETTER to a
7
BUT, the grand Affair of your Life will be to gain
and preferve the Friendſhip and Eſteem of your Huf-
band. Your are married to a Man of good Education
and Learning, of an excellent Understanding, and an
exact Tafte. It is true, and it is happy for you, that
theſe Qualities in him are adorned with great Modefty,
a moſt amiable Sweetnefs of Temper, and an unuſual
Difpofition to Sobriety and Virtue: But neither Good-
nature, nor Virtue, will, fuffer him to eftcem you a-
gainft his Judgment; and although he be not capable
of uſing you ill, yet you will, in time, grow a Thing
indifferent, and perhaps contemptible; unleſs you can
fupply the Lofs of Youth and Beauty with more du-
rable Qualities. You have but a very few Years to be
young and handfome in the Eyes of the World; and
as few Months to be fo in the Eyes of a Hufband,
who is not a Fool; for, I hope, you do not ſtill dream
of Charms and Raptures; which Marriage ever did,
and ever will put a fudden End to. Befides, your's
was a Match of Prudence, and common Good-liking,
without any Mixture of that ridiculous Paffion which
hath no Being, but in Play-books and Romances.
You muſt, therefore, uſe all Endeavours to attain
to fome Degree of thole Accompliſhments, which your
Huſband moft valueth in other People, and for which
he is moſt valued himſelf. You inuft improve your
Mind, by cloſely purſuing fuch a Method of Study,
as I fhall direct or approve of. You muſt get a Col-
lection of Hiſtory and Travels, which I will recom-
mend to you; and ſpend ſome Hours every Day in
reading them, and making Extracts from them, if your
Memory be weak. You must invite Perfons of Know-
ledge and Underſtanding to an Acquaintance with you,
by whoſe Converfation you may learn to correct your
Taſte and Judgment: And when you can bring your-
ſelf to comprehend and relish the good Senfe of others,
you will arrive, in Time, to think rightly yourſelf,
and to become a reaſonable and agreeable Companion.
This must produce in your Huſband a true rational
Love
young LADY..
245
Love and Efteem for you, which old Age will not di-
minith. He will have a Regard for your Judgment
and Opinion, in Matters of the greateſt Weight; you
will be able to entertain each other, without a third
Perfon to relieve you, by finding Diſcourſe. The
Enduements of your Mind will even make your Per-
fon more agreeable to him; and when you are alone,
your Time will not ly heavy upon your Hands, for
Want of fome trifling Amuſement.
As little Refpect as I have for the Generality of
your Sex, it hath fometimes moved me with Pity, to
fee the Lady of the Houfe forced to withdraw, im-
mediately after Dinner, and this in Families where
there is not much Drinking; as if it were an eſtabliſhed
Maxim, that Women are incapable of all Converſation.
In a Room where both Sexes meet, if the Men are
difcourfing upon any general Subject, the Ladies never
think it their Bufinefs to partake in what paffeth; but,
in a feparate Club, entertain each other with the Price
and Choice of Lace and Silk, and what Dreffes they
liked, or diſapproved at the Church, or the Play-houfe.
And when you are among yourſelves, how naturally,
after the firſt Compliments, do you apply your Hands
to each others Lappets, and Ruffles, and Mantuas
as if the whole Buſineſs of your Lives, and the pu-
blick Concern of the World,. depended upon the Cut or
Colour of your Petticoats? As Divines fay, That fome
People take more Pains to be damned, than it would
coſt them to be faved; fo your Sex employ more
Thought, Memory, and Application to be Fools, than
would ferve to make them wife and uſeful. When I
reflect on this, I cannot conceive you to be human.
Creatures, but a Sort of Species hardly a Degree
above a Monkey; who hath more diverting Tricks
than any of you; is an Animal lefs mifchievous and
expenſive; might, in Time, be a tolerable Critick in.
Velvet and Brocade; and, for ought I know, would.
equally become them.
;
I would have you look upon Finery as a neceffary-
Folly, which all great Ladies did whom I have ever
know:.
Y 3
246
A LETTER to a
known: I do not defire you to be out of the Faſhion,
but to be the laft and leaft in it: I expect that your
Dreſs ſhall be one Degree lower than your Fortune can
afford: And, in your Heart, I would wiſh you to be
an utter Contemner of all Diftinctions which a finer
Petticoat can give you; becauſe, it will neither make
you richer, handſomer, younger, better-natured, more
virtuous, or wife, than if it hung upon a Peg.
If you are in Company with Men of Learning; al-
though they happen to diſcourſe of Arts and Sciences
out of your Compafs, yet you will gather more Ad-
vantage by liſtening to them, than from all the Non-
fenfe and Frippery of your own Sex: But, if they be
Men of Breeding as well as Learning, they will ſeldom
engage in any Converſation where you ought not to be
a Hearer, and in Time have your Part. If they talk
of the Manners and Cuſtoms of the feveral Kingdoms
of Europe; of Travels into remote Nations; of the
State of their own Country; or of the great Men and
Actions of Greece and Rome: If they give their Judg-
ment upon English and French Writers, either in Verfe
or Profe; or of the Nature and Limits of Virtue and
Vice; it is a Shame for an English Lady not to reliſh
fuch Diſcourſes, not to improve by them, and endea-
vour by Reading and Information, to have her Share
in thofe Entertainments; rather than turn aſide, as it
is the uſual Cuſtom, and confult with the Woman who
fits next her, about a new Cargo of Fans.
IT is a little hard, that not one Gentleman's Daugh-
ter in a thouſand, fhould be brought to read, or un-
derſtand her own natural Tongue, or be Judge of the
eafieft Books that are written in it; as any one may
find, who can have the Patience to hear them, when
they are difpofed to mangle a Play or Novel, where
the leaft Word out of the common Road, is fure to
diſconcert them; and it is no Wonder, when they are
not ſo much as taught to fpell in their Childhood, nor
can ever attain to it in their whole Lives. I adviſe
you, therefore, to read aloud, more or lefs, every Day
to your Hufband, if he will permit you, or to any
other
young ĽADY.
247
other Friend, (but not a female one) who is able to
fet you right: And as for Spelling, you may compaſs
it in Time, by making Collections from the Books you
read.
I know very well, that thoſe who are commonly
called learned Women, have loft all Manner of Credit
by their impertinent Talkativeneſs, and Conceit of
themſelves: But there is an eafy Remedy for this; if
you once confider, that, after all the Pains you may be.
at, you never can arrive, in point of Learning, to the
Perfection of a School-boy. But the Reading I would
adviſe you to, is only for Improvement of your own
good Senfe, which will never fail of being mended
by Difcretion. It is a wrong Method, and ill Choice
of Books, that make thofe learned Ladies juft fo much
the worſe for what they have read. And therefore, it
fhall be my Care to direct you better; a Taſk for which
I take myſelf to be not ill qualified; becauſe I have.
ſpent more Time, and have had more Opportunities
than many others, to obſerve, and diſcover from what
Sources the various Follies of Women are derived.
PRAY obferve, how infignificant Things are the
common Race of Ladies, when they have paffed their
Youth and Beauty; how contemptible they appear to
the Men, and yet more contemptible to the younger
Part of their own Sex; and have no Relief but in
paffing their Afternoons in Vifits, where they are ne-
ver acceptable; and their Evenings at Cards among
each other; while the mer Part of the Day is fpent
in Spleen and Envy, or in vain Endeavours to repair
by Art and Dreſs the Ruins of Time: Whereas, I
have known Ladies at fixty, to whom all the polite
Part of the Court and Town paid their Addreffes;
without any further View than that of enjoying the
Pleaſure of their Converfation.
I am ignorant of any one Quality that is amiable
in a Man, which is not equally fo in a Woman. Ido
not except even Modefty, and Gentleness of Nature..
Nor do I know one Vice or Folly, which is not equally
deteſtable in both. There is, indeed, one Infirmity
which
248
A LETTER to a
which is generally allowed you, I mean that of Cow-
ardice. Yet there ſhould feem to be fomething very
capricious, that when Women profeſs their Admiration
for a Colonel or a Captain, on account of his Valour;
they ſhould fancy it a very graceful becoming Quality
in themſelves, to be afraid of their own Shadows; to
fcream in a Barge, when the Weather is calmeft, or in
a Coach at the Ring; to run from a Cow at an hun-
dred Yards Diſtance; to fall into Fits at the Sight of a
Spider, an Earwig, or a Frog. At leaſt, if Cowardice
be a Sign of Cruelty, (as it is generally granted) I can
hardly think it an Accompliſhment fo defirable, as to
be thought worthy of improving by Affectation.
AND as the fame Virtues equally become both
Sexes; fo there is no Quality whereby Women endea-
vour to diſtinguiſh themſelves from Men, for which
they are not juſt ſo much the worfe; except that only
of Refervedneſs; which, however, as you generally
manage it, is nothing elfe but Affectation, or Hypo-
crify. For, as you cannot top much diſcountenance
thofe of our Sex, who prefume to take unbecoming Li-
berties before you; fo you ought to be wholly uncon-
ftrained in the Company of deferving Men, when you
have had ſufficient Experience of their Difcretion.
THERE is never wanting in this Town, a Tribe of
bold, ſwaggering, rattling Ladies, whofe Talents pafs
among Coxcombs for Wit and Humour: Their Ex-
cellency lieth in rude choquing Expreffions, and
what they call running a man down. If a Gentleman
in their Company, happen to have any Blemiſh in his
Birth, or Perfon; if any Misfortune hath befallen his
Family, or himſelf, for which he is afhamed; they
will be fure to give him broad Hints of it, without
any Provocation. I would recommend you to the Ac-
quaintance of a common Prostitute, rather than to
that of fuch Termagants as the fe. I have often
thought that no Man is obliged to fuppoic fach Crea-
tures to be Women; but to treat them like infolent
Rafcals, difguifed in Female Habits, who ought to,
be stripped, and kicked down Stairs.
L
young LADY.
249
}
I will add one Thing, although it be a little out
of Place; which is to defire, that you will learn to
value and esteem your Huſband, for thofe good Qua-
lities which he really poffeffeth; and not to fancy o-
thers in him, which he certainly hath not. For, al-
though this latter be generally underſtood for a Mark
of Love, yet it is indeed nothing but Affectation, or ill
Judgment. It is true, the Perfon you have chofen want-
eth fo very few Accomplishments, that you are in no
great Danger of erring on this Side: But my Caution
is occafioned by a Lady of your Acquaintance, mar-
ried to a very valuable Perfon, whom yet fhe is fo un-
fortunate as to be always commending for thoſe Per-
fections, to which he can leaft pretend.
I can give you no Advice upon the Article of Ex-
pence; only, I think, you ought to be well informed
how much your Huſband's Revenue amounteth to,
and be fo good a Computer, as to keep within it, in
that Part of the Management which falleth to your
Share; and not to put yourſelf in the Number of thoſe
politick Ladies, who think they gain a great Point,
when they have teazed their Husbands to buy them a
new Equipage, a laced Head, or a fine Petticoat;
without once confidering what long Scores remain un-
paid to the Butcher.
I defire you will keep this Letter in your Cabinet,
and often examine impartially your whole Conduct
by it: And fo God bless you, and make you a fair
Example to your Sex, and a perpetual Comfort to
your Huſband, and your Parents. I am, with great
Truth and Affection,
MADAM,
Your most faithful Friend,
And bumble Servant.
THE
THE
INTELLIGENCER.
NUMBER III.
Ipfe per omnes
Ibit perfonas, et turbam reddet in unam.
T
Written in Ireland in the Year 1728.
HE Players having now almoſt done with the
Comedy called the Beggars Opera, for the
Seafon; it may be no unpleaſant Speculation,
to reflect a little upon this Dramatick Piece, fo fingu-
lar in the Subject and Manner, fo much an Original,
and which hath frequently given fo very agreeable an
Entertainment.
ALTHOUGH an evil Tafle be very apt to prevail,
both here and in London; yet there is a Point which
whoever can rightly touch, will never fail of pleafing
a very great Majority; fo great, that the Dillikers,
out of Dulness or Affectation, will be filent, and for-
ced to fall in with the Herd: The Point 1 mean, is
what we call Humour; which, in its Perfection is al-
lowed to be much preferable to Wit; if it be not ra-
ther the moſt uſeful, and agreeable Species of it.
I agree with Sir William Temple, that the Word is
peculiar to our English Tongue; but I differ from him
in the Opinion, that the Thing itſelf is peculiar to
the
:
252
N° 3.
The INTELLIGENCER.
&
the English Nation, becaufe, the contrary may be
found in many Spanish, Italian, and French Producti-
ons: And particularly, whoever hath a Taſte for true
Humour, will find an hundred Inftances of it, in thoſe
Volumes printed in France, under the Name of La
Theatre Italien: To ſay nothing of Rabelais, Cervan-
tes, and many others.
Now I take the Comedy, or Farce, (or whatever
Name the Criticks will allow it) called the Beggars
Opera, to excel in this Article of Humour; and upon
that Merit to have met with fuch prodigious Success
both here and in England.
As to Poetry, Eloquence, and Mufick, which are faid
to have moſt Power over the Minds of Men; it is
certain, that very few have a Taste or Judgment of the
Excellencies of the two former; and if a Man fuc-
ceed in either, it is upon the Authority of thofe feru
Judges, that lend their Tafte to the Bulk of Readers,
who have none of their own. I am told, there are
as few good Judges in Mufick; and that among thofe
who crowd the Opera's, Nine in Ten go thither
merely out of Curiosity, Fashion, or Affectation.
BUT a Taste for Humour, is in fome Manner fixed to
the very Nature of Man, and generally obvious to
the Vulgar, except upon Subjects too refined, and fu-
perior to their Underſtanding.
AND, as this Taste of Humour, is purely natural, fo
is Humour itfelf; neither is it a Talent confined to Men
of Wit, or Learning; for we obferve it fometimes a-
mong common Servants, and the meanest of the
People, while the very Owners are often ignorant of
the Gift they poffefs.
I know very well, that this happy Talent is con-
temptibly treated by Criticks, under the Name of
low Humour, or low Comedy; but I know likewife,
that the Spaniards and Italians, who are allowed to
have the moſt Wit of any Nations in Europe, do moſt
excel in it, and do moſt eſteem it.
By what Difpofition of the Mind, what Influence
of the Stars, or what Situation of the Climate, this
Enduement
N° 3.
The INTELLIGENCER.
253
Enduement is beſtowed upon Mankind, may be a
Queſtion fit for Philofophers to difcufs. It is certainly
the beſt Ingredient towards that Kind of Satyr, which
is moſt uſeful, and gives the leaſt Offence; which,
instead of laſhing, laugheth Men out of their Follies,
and Vices; and is the Character that giveth Horace
the Preference to Juvenal.
AND, although fome Things are too ferious, fo-
lemn or facred to be turned into Ridicule, yet the
Abuſes of them are certainly not; fince it is allowed,
that Corruptions in Religion, Politicks and Law, may
be proper Topicks for this Kind of Satyr.
THERE are two Ends that Men propofe in writing
Satyr; one of them lefs noble than the other, as re-
garding nothing further than the private Satisfaction,
and Pleaſure of the Writer; but without any View
towards perſonal Malice: The other is a publick Spirit,
prompting Men of Genius and Virtue, to mend the
World as far as they are able. And as both thefe Ends
are innocent, fo the latter is highly commendable.
With regard to the former, I demand, whether I have
not as good a Title to laugh, as Men have to be ridi-
culous; and to expofe Vice, as another hath to be viti-
ous. If I ridicale the Follies and Corruptions of a Court,
a Miniflry, or a Senate; are they not amply paid by
Penfions, Titles, and Power, while, I expect, and defire
no other Reward, than that of laughing with a few
Friends in a Corner? Yet, if thoſe who take Offence,
think me in the Wrong, I am ready to change the
Scene with them, whenever they pleaſe.
BUT, if my Defign be to make Mankind better;
then I think it is my Duty; at leaſt, I am ſure it is the
Intereft of thofe very Courts and Minifters, whofe Fol-
lies or Vices I ridicule, to reward me for my good In-
tentions: For, if it be reckoned a high Point of Wif-
dom to get the Laughers on our Side; it is much
more eaſy, as well as wife, to get thoſe on our Side,
who can nake Millions laugh when they pleaſe.
My Reaſon for mentioning Courts, and Minifiers,
(whom I never think on, but with the moſt profcand
VOL. I.
Ꮓ
Veneration)
254
N° 3.
The INTELLIGENCER.
Veneration) is, becauſe an Opinion obtains, that in
the Beggars Opera, there appeareth to be fome Re-
flexion upon Courtiers and Stateſmen, whereof I am
by no means a Judge.
It is true, indeed, that Mr. GAY, the Author of
this Piece, hath been ſomewhat fingular in the Courſe
of his Fortunes; for it hath happened, that after four-
teen Years attending the Court, with a large Stock of
real Merit, a modeſt and agreeable Converfation, a
hundred Promiſes, and five hundred Friends, hath failed
of Preferment; and upon a very weighty Reaſon.
He lay under the Sufpicion of having written a Libel,
or Lampoon againſt a great * Miniiter. It is true,
that great Minifter was demonftratively convinced,
and publickly owned his Conviction, that Mr. Gay
was not the Author; but having lain under the Su-
fpicion, it ſeemed very juft, that he ſhould fuffer the
Puniſhment; becauſe in this moſt reformed Age, the
Virtues of a prime Miniſter are no more to be fuipect-
ed, than the Chaſtity of Celer's Wife.
Ir muſt be allowed, that the Beggars Opera is not
the first of Mr. GAY's Works, wherein he hath been
faulty with regard to Courtiers and Statemen. For,
to omit his other Pieces; even in his Fables, publiſhed
within two years paft, and dedicated to the Duke of
CUMBERLAND, for which he was promiſed a Reward,
he hath been thought fomewhat too bold upon the
Courtiers. And although it be highly probable, he
meant only the Courtiers of former Times, yet he acted
unwarily, by not confidering that the Malignity of
fome People might misinterpret what he faid, to the
Difadvantage of prefent Perions and Affairs.
BUT I have now done with Mr. GAY as a Politi-
cian; and ſhall confider him henceforward only as Au-
thor of the Beggars Opera, wherein he hath, by a
Turn of Humour entirely new, placed Vices of all
Kinds in the ſtrongeſt and moſt odious Light; and
thereby, done eminent Service, both to Religion and
Morality.
Sir ROBERT WALPOLE, afterwards Earl of Orford,
N° 3.
255
The INTELLIGENCER.
Morality. This appeareth from the unparallelled
Success he hath met with. All Ranks, Parties, and
Denominations of Men, either crowding to fee his
Opera, or reading it with Delight in their Cloſets;
even Blinifiers of State, whom he is thought to have
moit offended (next to thofe whom the Actors repre-
fent, appearing frequently at the Theatre, from a
Confcioufnels of their own Innocence, and to con-
vince the World how unjuſt a Parallel, Malice, Enty,
and Difaffection to the Government have made.
I am affured that ſeveral worthy Clergymen in this
City, went privately to fee the Beggars Opera repre-
fented; and that the fieering Coxcombs in the Pit,
amufed themſelves with making Diſcoveries, and
ſpreading the Names of thofe Gentlemen round the
Audience.
I shall not pretend to vindicate a Clergyman,
who would appear openly in his Habit at a Theatre,
with fuch a vicious Crew, as might probably ftand
round him at fuch Comedies, and profane Tragedies,
as are often reprefented. Befides, I know very well,
that Perions of their Function are bound to avoid the
Appearance of Evil, or of giving Caufe of Offence.
But when the Lords Chancellors, who are Keepers of
the King's Confcience; when the Judges of the Land,
whofe Title is Reverend; when Ladies, who are
bound by the Rules of their Sex to the ſtricteft Decen-
cy, appear in the Theatre without Cenfure; I cannot
underſtand, why a young Clergyman, who cometh
concealed, out of Curiofity to fee an innocent and
moral Play, ſhould be ſo highly condemned : Nor do I
much approve the Rigour of a great Prelate, who faid,
He hoped none of his Clergy were there. I am glad to
hear there are no weightier Objections againſt that Re-
verend Body planted in this City, and I wish there
never may. But I ſhould be very forry, that any of
them ſhould be fo weak, as to imitate a
* Court-Chap❤
Z 2
lain
* Dr. HERRING, Chaplain to the Society at Lincoln's Inn,
afterwards Biſhop of Bangor, and after that Archbiſhop of York.
256
No 3.
The INTELLIGENCER.
lain in ENGLAND, who preached against the Beggars
Opera; which will probably do more Good, than a
thouſand Sermons of ſo ſtupid, ſo injudicious, and ſo
proſtitute a Divine.
In this happy Performance of Mr. GAY's all the
Characters are juft, and none of them carried beyond
Nature, or hardly beyond Practice. It diſcovers the
whole Syftem of that Commonwealth, or that Impe-
rium in Imperio of Iniquity, eſtabliſhed among us, by
which neither our Lives nor our Properties are fecure,
either in the High-ways, or in publick Affemblies, or
even in our own Houſes. It fhews the miferable Lives
and the conſtant Fate of thofe abandoned Wretches:
For how little they fell their Lives and Souls; betrayed
by their Whores, their Comrades, and the Receivers and
Purchaſers of thoſe Thefts and Robberies. This Co-
medy containeth likewife a Satyr, which, without in-
quiring whether it affects the prefent Age, may poffi-
bly be uſeful in Times to come. I mean, where the
Author takes the Occafion of comparing thoſe common
Robbers of the Publick, and their feveral Stratagems of
betraying, undermining, and hanging each other, to
the feveral Arts of Politicians in Times of Corruption.
THIS Comedy likewife expofeth with great Juftice,
that unnatural Tafte for Italien Mufick among us,
which is wholly unfuitable to our Northern Climate,
and the Genius of the People, whereby we are over-
run with Italian Effeminacy, and Italian Nonfenfe.
An old Gentleman faid to me, that many Years ago,
when the Practice of an unnatural Vice grew frequent
in London, and many were profecuted for it, he was
fure it would be the Fore-runner of Italian Operas and
Singers; and then we ſhould have nothing but Stab-
bing or Poiſoning, to make us perfe& Italians.
UPON the whole, I deliver my Judgment, That
nothing but fervile Attachment to a Party, Affectation
of Singularity, lamentable Dulneſs, miſtaken Zeal, or
ftudied Hypocrify, can have the leaft reaſonable Ob-
jection againſt this excellent moral Performance of the
Celebrated Mr. Gay.
THE
THE
INTELLIGENCE R.
NUMBER V.
Written in the YEAR 1728.
T
(HERE is no Talent ſo uſeful towards rifing in
the World, or which putteth Men more out
of the Reach of Fortune, than that Quality
generally poffeffed by the dulleft Sort of Men, in
common Speech called Diſcretion; a Species of lower
Prudence, by the Affiſtance of which, People of the
meaneſt Intellectuals, without any other Qualification,
pafs through the World in great Tranquillity, and with
univerfal good Treatment, neither giving nor taking
Offence. Courts are feldom unprovided of Perfons
under this Character; on whom, if they happen to
be of great Quality, moft Employments, even the
greatest, naturally fall, when Competitors will not
agree; and in fuch Promotions, no body rejoiceth or
grieveth. The Truth of this I could prove by ſeveral
Inftances, within my own Memory, (for I fay no-
thing of prefent Times).
Z3
AND,
258
N° 5.
The INTELLIGENCER.
AND, indeed, as Regularity and Forms are of great
Uſe in carrying on the Bufinefs of the World, fo it is
very convenient, that Perfons endued with this Kind
of Diſcretion, ſhould have the Share which is proper
to their Talents, in the Conduct of Affairs; but, by
no means meddle in Matters which require Genius,
Learning, frong Comprehenfion, Quickness of Conception,
Magnanimity, Generofity, Sagacity, or any other fupe-
rior Gift of human Minds. Becaufe, this Sort of
Difcretion, is ufually attended with a ftrong Defire of
Money, and few Scruples about the Way of obtaining
it; with fervile Flattery and Submiffion; with a Want
of all publick Spirit or Principle; with a perpetual
wrong Judgment, when the Owners come into Power
and high Place, how to diſpoſe of Favour and Prefer--
ment; having no Meaſure for Merit and Virtue in o-
thers, but thofe very Steps by which themfelves a-
fcended; nor the leaft Intention of doing Good, or
Hurt to the Publick; farther than either one or the
other is likely to be fubfervient to their own Security,
or Intereft. Thus, being void of all Friendship and
Enmity, they never complain or find fault with the
Times; and indeed never have Reafon.
MEN of eminent Parts and Abilities, as well as
Virtues, do ſometimes rife in Courts, fometimes in the
Law, and fometimes even in the Church.
Such were
the Lord Bacon, the Earl of Strafford, Archbishop
Laud in the Reign of King Charles I. and others in
our own Times, whom I fhall not name. But theſe
and many more, under different Princes, and in diffe-
rent Kingdoms, were difgraced, or banished, or fuffer-
ed Death, merely in Envy to their Virtues and fupe-
rior Genius, which emboldened them in great Exi-
gencies and Diftreffes of State, (wanting a reaſonable
Infufion of this Aldermanly Difcretion) to attempt the
Service of their Prince and Country, out of the com-
mon Forms.
THIS evil Fortune which generally attendeth extra-
ordinary Men in the Management of great Affairs,
hath been imputed to divers Cauſes, that need not be
here
N° 5.
259
The INTELLIGENCER.
what a
here fet down, when fo obvious a one occurreth; if
certain Writer obferveth, be true; that when
a great Genius. appeareth in the World, the Dunces are
all in Confederacy against him. And, if this be his
Fate, when he employeth his Talents wholly in his
Clofet, without interfering with any Man's Ambition,
or Avarice; what must he expect when he ventureth
out to feek for Preferment in a Court, but univerfal Op-
pofition, when he is mounting the Ladder, and every
Hand ready to turn him off, when he is at the Top?
And in this Point, Fortune generally a&teth directly
contrary to Nature; for in Nature. we find, that Bo--
dies full of Life and Spirit mount eafly, and are hard
to fall; whereas, heavy Bodies are hard to rife, and
come down with greater Velocity, in Proportion to
their Weight: But we find Fortune every Day acting
juft the Reverſe of this.
THIS Talent of Diſcretion, as I have defcribed it
in its feveral Adjuncts and Circumſtances, is no where
ſo ſerviceable as to the Clergy; to whofe Preferment
nothing is fo fatal as the Character of Wit, Politenefs
in Reading, or Manners, or that Kind of Behaviour,
which we contract by having too much converfed
with Perfons of high Station and Eminency; thefe
Qualifications being reckoned by the Fulgar of all
Ranks, to be Marks of Levity, which is the laſt Crime
the world will pardon in a Clergyman: To this I may
add a free Manner of fpeaking in mix'd Company, and.
too frequent an Appearance in Places of much Reſort,
which are equally noxious to fpiritual Promotion.
I have known, indeed, a few Exceptions to fome
Parts of theſe Obfervations. I have ſeen ſome of the
dulleſt Men alive aiming at Wit; and others, with as
little Pretenfions, affecting Politenefs in Manners and
Diſcourſe; but, never being able to perfuade the World
of their Guilt, they grew into confiderable Stations,
upon the firm Affurance which all People had of their
Difcretion;
* Vide the Author's Thoughts on various Subjects,
260
No 5.
The INTELLIGENCER.
Diſcretion; becauſe they were a Size too low, to de-
ceive the World to their own Diſadvantage. But this,
I confefs, is a Trial too dangerous often to engage in.
THERE is a known Story of a Clergyman, who was
recommended for a Preferment by fome great Man
at Court, to an * Archbiſhop. His Grace aid he had
heard that the Clergyman ufed to play at mys, and
Suobvers: That as to playing now and then a ſober
Game at Whisk for Paftime, it might be pardoned;
but he could not digelt thoſe wicked rubbers; and it
was with ſome Pains that my Lord Sommers could un-
deceive him. I afk, by what Talents we may suppofe
that great Prelate afcended ſo high; or what Sort of
Qualifications he would expect in thoſe whom he took
into his Patronage, or would probably recommend
to Court, for the Government of diftant Churches.
Two Clergymen, in my Memory, flood Candidates
for a fmall Free-ſchool in Yorkſhire; where a Gentle-
man of Quality and Intereſt in the Country, who hap-
pened to have a better Underſtanding than his Neigh-
bours, procured the Place for him who was the bet-
ter Scholar, and more gentlemanly Perfon of the two;
very much to the Regret of all the Parish. The other
being diſappointed, came up to London, where he be-
came the greateſt Pattern of this lower Difcretion that
I have known, and poffeffed with as heavy Intellectu-
als; which, together with the Coldnefs of his Temper,
and Gravity of his Deportment, carried him fafe
through many Difficulties: And he lived and died in
a great Station, while his Competitor is too obfcure
for Fame to tell us what became of him.
THIS Species of Difcretion, which I fo much cele-
brate, and do moft heartily recommend, hath one
Advantage not yet mentioned; that it will carry a
Man ſafe through all the Malice and Variety of Par-
ties, fo far, that whatever Faction happeneth to be up-
permoft, his Claim is uſually allowed for a Share of
what
* Dr. Tenifon, late Archbishop of Canterbury,
-་
N° 5.
261
The INTELLIGENCER.
what is going. And the Thing feemeth to me highly
reaſonable: For in all great Changes, the prevailing
Side is usually fo tempeftuous, that it wants the Bal-
laft of thoſe, whom the World calleth moderate Men,
and I call Men of Diſcretion; whom People in Power
may with little Ceremony load as heavy as they pleaſe,
drive them through the hardeſt and deepeſt Roads with-
out Danger of foundering, or breaking their Backs;
and will be ſure to find them neither reſty nor vicious.
I will here give the Reader a fhort Hiſtory of two
Clergymen in England, the Characters of each, and
the Progrefs of their Fortunes in the World: By which
the Force of worldly Diicretion, and the bad Confe-
quences from the Want of that Virtue, will ſtrongly
appear.
CORUSODES, an Oxford Student, and a Farm-
er's Son, was never abfent from Prayers or Lecture;
nor once out of his College after Tom had tolled. He
fpent, every Day, ten Hours in his Cloſet, in reading
his Courſes, dozing, clipping Papers, or dearning his
Stockings which laſt he performed to Admiration.
He could be foberly drunk at the Expence of others,
with College Ale, and at thoſe Seaſons was always moft
devout. He wore the fame Gown five Years, with-
out dragling or tearing. He never once looked into
a Play-book, or a Poem. He read Virgil and Ramus
in the fame Cadence, but with a very different Taſte.
He never underſtood a Jeft, or had the leaft Conce-
ption of Wit.
FOR One Saying he ftandeth in Renown to this Day.
Being with fome other Students over a Pot of Ale,
one of the Company faid fo many pleafant Things,
that the reſt were much diverted, only Corufodes was
filent and unmoved. When they parted, he called this
merry Companion afide, and faid, Sir, I perceive by
your often speaking, and our Friends laughing, that you
Speak many Fefts, and you could not but obſerve my Si-
lence. But, Sir, this is my Humour, I never make a Fest.
myſelf, nor ever laugh at another Man's.
CORUSO.
262
N° 5.
The INTELLIGENCER.
CORUSODES thus endued, got into Holy Or-
ders; having by the moſt extreme Parfimony faved
thirty four Pounds out of a very beggarly Fellowship;
went up to London, where his Sifter was Waiting-
woman to a Lady, and fo good a Solicitor, that by her
Means he was admitted to read Prayers in the Family
twice-a-day, at ten Shillings a Month. He had now
acquired a low, obfequious, aukward Bow, and a Ta-
lent of grofs Flattery, both in and out of Seaſon; he
would ſhake the Butler by the Hand; he taught the
Page his Catechiſm; and was ſometimes admitted to
dine at the Steward's Table. In fhort, he got the good
Word of the whole Family; and was recommended,
by my Lady for Chaplain to fome other noble Houſes,
by which his Revenue (befides Vales) amounted to a-
bout thirty Pounds a-Year. His Sifter procured him a
Scarf from my Lord, (who had a fmall Deſign of Gal-
lantry upon her); and by his Lordship's Solicitation,
he got a Lectureship in Town of fixty Pounds a-Year;
where he preached conftantly in Perfon, in a grave
Manner, with an audible Voice, a Style ecclefiaftick,
and the Matter (fuch as it was) well fuited to the In-
tellectuals of his Hearers. Some Time after, a Country
Living fell in my Lord's Difpofal; and his Lordſhip,
who had now fome Encouragement given him of Suc-
cefs in his Amour, beftowed the Living on Corufodes,
who ſtill kept his Lectureship and Refidence in Town,
where he was a conftant Attendant at all Meetings re-
lating to Charity, without ever contributing further
than his frequent pious Exhortations. If any Woman
of better Faſhion in the Pariſh happened to be abſent
from Church, they were fure of a Vifit from him in
a Day or two, to chide and to dine with them.
He had a felect Number of Poor, conftantly attend-
ing at the Street-door of his Lodgings, for whom he
was a common Solicitor, to his former Patronefs, drop-
ping in his own Half-crown among the Collections,
and taking it out when he difpofed of the Money. At
a Perſon of Quality's Houſe, he would never fit down
until he was thrice bid, and then upon the Corner of
the
N° 5.
263
The INTELLIGENCER.
the moſt diſtant Chair. His whole Demeanor was
formal and ftarched, which adhered fo cloſe, that he
could never ſhake it off in his higheft Promotion.
His Lord was now in high Employment at Court,™
and attended by him with the moſt abject Affiduity;
and his Sifter being gone off with Child to a private
Lodging, my Lord continued his Graces to Corulodes
got him to be a Chapiain in Ordinary, and in due
Time a Pariſh in Town, and a Dignity in the Church.
;
He paid his Curates punctually, at the loweſt Salary,
and partly out of the Communion-money; but gave
them good Advice in Abundance. He married a Ci-
tizen's Widow who taught him to put out fmall Sums
at Ten per Cent, and brought him acquainted with Job-
bers in Change-Alicy. By her Dexterity, he fold the
Clerkship of his Pariſh when it became vacant.
He kept a miferable Houſe, but the Blame was
laid wholly upon Madam; for the good Doctor was
always at his Books, or vifiting the Sick, or doing o-
ther Offices of Charity and Piety in his Pariſh.
He treated all his Inferiors of the Clergy with a
moſt fanctified Pride; was rigorously and univerfally
cenforious upon all his Brethren of the Gown, on their
first Appearance in the World, or while they continued
meanly preferred; but gave large Allowance to the
Laity of high Rank, or great Riches; ufing neither
Eyes nor Ears for their Faults: He was never fenfible
of the leaft Corruption in Courts, Parliaments, or Mi-
niftries; but made the most favourable Conftructions
of all publick Proceedings: and Power, in whatever
Hands, or whatever Party, was always fecure of his
moſt charitable Opinion. He had many wholetome
Maxims ready to excufe all Mifcarriages of State;
Men are but Men; Erunt vitia donec homines: And
Quod fupra nos, nihil ad nos: With feveral others of
equal Weight.
Ir would lengthen my Paper beyond Meaſure, to
trace out the whole Syftem of his Conduct; his dread-
ful Apprehenfions of Popery; his great Moderation to-
wards Diffenters of all Denominations; with hearty
Wiſhes,
264
No 5.
The INTELLIGENCER.
Wiſhes, that, by yielding fomewhat on both Sides,
there might be a general Union among Proteftants;
his fhort, inoffenfive Sermons in his Turns at Court,
and the Matter exactly fuited to the prefent Juncture
of prevailing Opinions; the Arts he ufed to obtain a
Mitre, by writing againſt Epiſcopacy; and the Proofs
he gave of his Loyalty, by palliating or defending
the Murder of a martyred Prince.
ENDUED with all theſe Accompliſhments, we leave
him in the full Career of Succefs, mounting faſt to-
wards the Top of the Ladder-ecclefiadical, which he
hath a fair Probability to reach, without the Merit of
one fingle Virtue; moderately ſtocked with the leaft
valuable Parts of Erudition; utterly devoid of all Tafie,
Judgment, or Genius; and in his Grandeur naturally
chufing to hawl up others after him, whole Accom-
pliſhments moſt reſemble his own; except his beloved
Sons, Nephews, or other Kindred, be not in Compe-
tition; or laſtly, except his Inclinations be diverted by
thoſe who have Power to mortify or further advance
him.
EUGENIO fet out from the fame Univerſity, and
about the fame Time with Corufodes: He had the Re-
putation of an Arch-lad at School, and was unfortu-
nately poffeffed with a Talent for Poetry, on which Ac-
count he received many chiding Letters from his Fa-
ther, and grave Advice from his Tutor.
He did not
neglect his College-learning; but his chief Study was
the Authors of Antiquity, with a perfect Knowledge
in the Greek and Roman Tongues. He could never pro-
cure himſelf to be chofen Fellow; for it was objećted
againſt him, that he had written Verfes, and particu-
larly fome wherein he glanced at a certain Reverend
Doctor, famous for Dulnefs: That, he had been ſeen
bowing to Ladies as he met them in the Street; and it
was proved, that once he had been found dancing in a
private Family with half a Dozen of both Sexes.
He was the younger Son to a Gentleman of a good
Birth, but fmall Eftate; and his Father dying, he was
driven to London, to ſeek his Fortune: He got into Or-
ders,
N° 5.
265
The INTELLIGENCER.
ders, and became Reader in a Pariſh-church, at twen-
ty Pounds a-Year; was carried by an Oxford Friend
to Will's Coffee-houfe, frequented in thofe Days by
Men of Wit; where in fome Time he had the bad
Luck to be diftinguifhed. His fcanty Salary compel-
led him to run deep in Debt for a new Gown and Caf-
fock; and now and then forced him to write fome Pa-
per of Wit or Humour, or preach a Sermon for ten
Shillings to fupply his Neceffities. He was a thouſand
times recommended by his poetical Friends to great
Perfons, as a young Man of excellent Parts, who de-
ferved Encouragement; and received a thouſand Pro-
mifes: But his Modeſty and a generous Spirit, which
difdained the Slavery of continual Application and At-
tendance, always diſappointed him; making Room for
vigilant Dunces, who were fure to be never out of
Sight.
He had an excellent Faculty in preaching, if he
were not ſometimes a little too refined, and apt to
truſt too much to his own Way of Thinking and Rea-
foning.
WHEN, upon the Vacancy of Preferment, he was
hardly drawn to attend upon fome promifing Lord;
he received the ufual Anſwer, that he came too late, for
it had been given to another the very Day before. And he
had only the Comfort left, that every body faid, it was
a thouſand Pities fomething could not be done for
poor Mr. Eugenio.
THE Remainder of this Story will be difpatched in
a few Words. Wearied with weak Hopes, and weaker
Purſuits, he accepted a Curacy in Derbyshire, of thirty
Pounds a-Year; and when he was five and forty. he
had the great Felicity to be preferred by a Friend of
his Father's to a Vicarage worth annually fixty Pounds,
in the moſt deſert Parts of Lincolnshire; where, his Spi-
rits quite funk with thofe Reflexions that Solitude and
Diſappointments bring, he married a Farmer's Wi-
dow, and is ftill alive, utterly undiftinguifhed and for-
gotten; only fome of the Neighbours have accident-
ally heard, that he had been a notable Man in his Youth.
VOL. I.
THE
A a
THE
INTELLIGENCER.
NUMBER IX.
F
ROM frequently reflecting upon the Courſe and
Method of educating Youth in this and a neigh-
bouring Kingdom, with the general Succefs and
Confequence thereof, I am come to this Determina-
tion: That Education is always the worſe in propor-
tion to the Wealth and Grandeur of the Parents: Nor
do I doubt in the leaft, that if the whole World were
now under the Dominion of one Monarch (provided I
might be allowed to chufe where he ſhould fix the Seat
of his Empire) the only Son and Heir of that Monarch,
would be the worst educated Mortal that ever was
born fince the Creation: And I doubt, the fame Pro-
portion will hold through all Degrees and Titles,
from an Emperor downwards, to the common Gentry.
I do not ſay, that this hath been always the Cafe;
for in better Times it was directly otherwife, and a
Scholar may fill half his Greek and Roman Shelves with
Authors of the nobleſt Birth, as well as higheſt Virtue.
Nor do I tax all Nations at prefent with this Defect;
for I know there are fome to be excepted, and parti-
cularly Scotland, under all the Difadvantages of its Cli-
mate and Soil, if that Happineſs be not rather owing
even to thoſe very Difadvantages. What is then to be
done, if this Reflexion muft fix on two Countries,
which will be most ready to take Offence, and which
of all others it will be leaſt prudent or ſafe to offend ?
A a 2
BUT
268
No g.
The INTELLIGENCER.
BUT there is one Circumſtance yet more dangerous
and lamentable: For if, according to the Poftulatum
already laid down, the higher Quality any Youth is
of, he is in greater Likelihood to be worfe educated;
it behoveth me to dread, and keep far from the Verge
of Scandalum Magnatum.
RETRACTING therefore that hazardous Poftulatum ;
I fhall venture no further at preſent, than to ſay, that
perhaps fome Care in educating the Sons of Nobi-
lity and principal Gentry, might not be ill employed.
If this be not delivered with Softnefs enough, I muſt
for the future be filent.
In the mean time, let me afk only two Queſtions,
which relate to England. I aſk firft, how it cometh
about, that, for above fixty Years past, the chief Con-
duct of Affairs hath been generally placed in New-men,
with few Exceptions? The nobleſt Blood of England
hath been ſhed in the grand Rebellion, many great
Families became extinct, or fupplied by Minors.
When the King was restored, very few of thoſe Lords
remained, who began, or at leaſt had improved their
Education, under the happy Reign of King James, or
King Charles I. of which Lords the two principal
were the Marquis of Ormond, and the Earl of South-
ampton. The Minors having, during the Rebellion
and Ufurpation, either received too much Tincture of
bad Principles from thofe fanatick Times; or, coming
to Age at the Reſtoration, fell into the Vices of that
diffolute Reign.
I date from this Era the corrupt Method of Edu-
cation among us, and the Confequence thereof, in the
Neceffity the Crown lay under of introducing New-men
into the highest Employments of State, or to the Office
of what we now call Prime Minifters, Men of Art,
Knowledge, Application and Infinuation, merely for
Want of a Supply among the Nobility. They were
generally (although not always) of good Birth, fome-
times younger Brothers, at other times fuch, who al-
though inheriting ample Fortunes, yet happened to be
well educated, and provided with Learning. Such
ነ
under
N° 9.
269
The INTELLIGENCER.
under that King, were Hyde, Bridgeman, Clifford
Oſborn, Godolphin, Aſhley-Cooper: Few or none under
the fhort Reign of King James II. Under King
William; Sommers, Montague, Churchill, Vernon,
Harry Boyle, and many others. Under the Queen;
Harley, St. John, Harcourt, Trevor, who indeed were.
Perſons of the beſt private Families, but unadorned
with Titles. So in the laft Reign, Mr. Robert Walpole,
was, for many Years, Prime Minifter, in which Poit he
ftill HAPPILY continueth: His Brother Horace is Am-
baffador-Extraordinary to France. Mr. Addiſon and
Mr. Craggs, without the leaft Alliance to fupport
them, have been Secretaries of State.
IF the Facts have been thus for above fixty Years
paſt, (whereof I could, with a little further Recol-
lection, produce many more Inftances) I would aſk
again, how it hath happened, that, in a Nation plen-
tifully abounding with Nobility, fo great a Share in
the moſt important Parts of publick Management,
hath been for fo long a Period chiefly entruſted to Com-
moners; unleſs fome Omiffions or Defects of the high-
eft Import, may be charged upon thoſe, to whom the
Care of educating our noble Youth hath been commit-
ted? For, if there be any Difference between human
Creatures in the Point of natural Parts, as we uſually
call them; it should feem, that the Advantage lieth
on the Side of Children born from noble wealthy Pa-
rents; the fame traditional Sloth and Luxury, which
render their Body weak and effeminate, perhaps re-
fining and giving a freer Motion to the Spirits, beyond
what can be expected from the grofs, robuft Iffue of
meaner Mortals. Add to this, the peculiar Advan-
tages, which all young Noblemen poffefs, by the
Privileges of their Birth; fuch as a free Accefs to
Courts, and a Deference paid to their Perfons.
But as my Lord Bacon chargeth it for a Fault on
Princes, that they are impatient to compafs Ends,
without giving themfelves the Trouble of confulting
or executing the Means; fo, perhaps, it may be the
Difpofition of young Nobles, either from the Indul-
A a 3
gence
270
No 9.
The INTELLIGENCER.
gence of Parents, Tutors and Governors, or their
own Inactivity, that they expect the Accomplishments
of a good Education, without the leaft Expence of
Time or Study to acquire them.
to
WHAT I ſaid laſt, I am ready to retract. For the
Cafe is infinitely worſe; and the very Maxims fet
up
direct modern Education, are enough to deſtroy all the
Seeds of Knowledge, Honour, Wiſdom and Virtue,.
among us. The current Opinion prevails, that the
Study of Greek and Latin is Lofs of Time; that the
publick Schools, by mingling the Sons of Noblemen
with thoſe of the Vulgar, engage the former in bad
Company; that Whipping breaks the Spirits of Lads
well born; that Univerfities make young Men Pe-
dants; that to Dance, Fence, ſpeak French, and know
how to behave yourſelf among great Perfons of both
Sexes, comprehends the whole Duty of a Gentleman.
I cannot but think this wife Syſtem of Education,
hath been much cultivated among us by thofe Wor-
thies of the Army, who, during the laft War, return-
ing from Flanders at the Clofe of each Campaign, be-
came the Dictators of Behaviour, Drefs, and Polite-
neſs, to all thoſe Youngſters, who frequent Chocolate-
Coffee-gaming Houfes, Drawing-rooms, Operas
Levees and Anemblies; where a Colonel, by his Pay,.
Perquifites, and Plunder, was qualified to out-fhine
many Peers of the Realm; and, by the Influence of an
exotick Habit and Demeanor, added to other foreign
Accomplishments, gave the Law to the whole Town;
and was copied as the Standard-pattern of whatever
was refined in Drefs, Equipage, Converſation, or Di-
verfions.
1 remember, in thofe Times, an admired Original-
of that Vocation, fitting in a Coffee-houſe near two
Gentlemen, whereof one was of the Clergy, who were.
engaged in fome Difcourſe that favoured of Learning;
this Officer thought fit to interpofe; and profefling to
deliver the Sentiments of his Fraternity, as well as his
own, fand probably did ſo of too many among them)
turning to the Clergyman, fpoke in the following
Manner;
No 9.
277
The INTELLIGENCER.
Manner; Dn me, Doctor, ſay what you will, the
Army is the only School for Gentlemen. Do you think
my Lord Marlborough beat the French with Greek and
Latin? D-n me, a Scholar when he comes into good
Company, what is he but an Afs? D——n me, I would
be glad, by G-d, to fee any of your Scholars with his
Nouns, and his Verbs, and his Philoſophy, and Trigono-
metry, what a Figure he would make at a Siege or Block-
ade, or reconnoitring.
Dn me, &C. After
which he proceeded with a Volley of Military Terms,
lefs fignificant, founding worfe, and harder to be un-
derſtood than any that were ever coined by the Com-
mentators upon Ariftotle. I would not here be thought
to charge the Soldiery with Ignorance and Contempt
of Learning, without allowing Exceptions, of which I
have known a few: But, however, the worfe Example,
eſpecially in a great Majority, will certainly prevail.
I have heard, that the late Earl of Oxford, in the
Time of his Miniftry, never paffed by White's Choco-
late-houſe (the common Rendezvous of infamous Shar-
pers, and noble Cullies) without beftowing a Curfe
upon that famous Academy, as the Bane of half the
English Nobility. I have likewife been told another
Paffage concerning that great Minifter; which, becauſe
it giveth an humorous Idea of one principal Ingredient
in modern Education, take as followeth. Le Sac, the
famous French Dancing-mafter, in great Admiration,
aſked a Friend, whether it were true, that Mr. Harley
was made an Earl and Lord-Treaſurer ? And finding it
confirmed, faid; * Well, I wonder what the Devil the
Queen could fee in him; for I attended him two Years,
and he was the greatest Dunce that ever I taught.
ANOTHER Hinderance to good Education, and I
think the greateſt of any, is that pernicious Cuftom in
rich and noble Families, of entertaining French Tutors
in their Houſes. Thefe wretched Pedagogues are en-
joined by the Father, to take ſpecial Care that the Boy
fhall
* The Author's Friends have heard him tell this Pallage as
from the Earl bimſelf.
272
N. &
The INTELLIGENCER.
fhall be perfect in his French; by the Mother, that
Mafter mult not walk until he is hot, nor be fuffered to
play with other Boys, nor be wet in his Feet, nor daub
his Cloaths: And to fee that the Dancing-maſter at-
tendeth conftantly, and doth his Duty: She further in-
fifts, that the Child be not kept too long poring on
his Book, becauſe he is fubject to fore Eyes, and of
a weakly Constitution.
By there Methods, the young Gentleman is in every
Article as fully accomplished at eight Years old, as at
eight and twenty; Age adding only to the Growth of
his Perfon and his Vices; fo that if you thould look at
him in his Boyhood through the magnifying End of a
Perſpective, and in his Manhood through the other, it
would be impouble to ſpy any Difference; the fame.
Airs, the fame Strut, the fame Cock of his Hat, and
the Poiture of his Sword, as far as the Changes of
Faſhions will allow) the fame Understanding, the fame
Compaſs of Knowledge, with the very fame Abfurdity,
Impudence, and Impertinence of Tongue.
He is taught from the Nurſery, that he muſt inherit
a great Eſtate, and hath no need to mind his Book;
which is a Leſſon he never forgetteth to the End of
his Life. His chief Solace is to steal down, and play
at Span-farthing with the Page, or young Blacka-
more, or little favourite Foot-boy; one of which is
his principal Confident and bofom Friend.
THERE is one young* Lord in this Town, who, by
an unexampled Piece of good Fortune, was miracu-
loufly fnatched out of the Gulph of Ignorance; confi-
ned to a publick School for a due Term of Years;
well whipped when he deferved it; clad no better than
his Comrades, and always their Play-fellow on the
fame Foot; had no Precedence in the School, but
what was given him by his Merit, and lott it whenever
he was negligent. It is well known how many Muti-
nies were bred at this unprecedented Treatment; what
Complaints
• The Author is ſuppoſed to mean the Lord Viſcount Most-
CASSEL, of Ireland.
No gr
273
The INTELLIGENCER,
Complaints among his Relations and other Great Ones
of both Sexes; that his Stockings with Silver Clocks
were ravithed from him; that he wore his own Hair;
that his Drefs was undiſtinguiſhed; that he was not
fit to appear at a Ball or Aflembly, nor fuffered to go
to either: And it was with the utmoft Difficulty, that
he became qualified for his prefent Removal to the
Univerfity; where he may probably be farther perfe-
cuted, and poffibly with Success, if the Firmness of a
Governor, and his own good Difpofitions will not pre-
ferve him, I confefs, I cannot but with he may go
on in the Way he began; becauſe I have a Curiofity
to know, by fo fingular an Experiment, whether Truth,
Honour, Juftice, Temperance, Courage, and good
Senfe, acquired by a School and College Education, may
not produce a very tolerable Lad; although he fhould
happen to fail in one or two of thofe Accomplishments,
which in the general Vogue are held fo important to
the finishing of a Gentleman.
It is true, I have known an Academical Education
to have been exploded in publick Affemblies; and
have heard more than one or two Perfons of high Rank
declare, they could learn nothing more at Oxford and
Cambridge, than to drink Ale, and fmoke Tobacco;
wherein I firmly believed them, and could have added
ſome hundred Examples from my own Obfervation in
one of thoſe Univerfities: But they all were of young
Heirs fent thither only for Form; either from Schools,
where they were not fuffered by their careful Parents
to ſtay above three Months in the Year; or from un-
der the Management of French Family-tutors, who
yet
often attended them in their College, to prevent all
Polibility of their Improvement: But I never yet
knew any one Perfon of Quality, who followed his
Studies at the University, and carried away his juit-
Proportion of Learning, who was not ready upon all
Occafions to celebrate and defend that Courſe of Edu-
cation, and to prove a Patron of learned Men.
THERE is one Circumftance in a learned Education,
which ought to have much Weight, even with thofe
who
274
No 9.
The INTELLIGENCER.
who have no Learning at all. The Books read at
Schools and Colleges, are full of Incitements to Virtue,
and Diſcouragements from Vice, drawn from the wi-
feft Reaſons, the ſtrongeſt Motives, and the most in-
fluencing Examples. Thus, young Minds are filled
early with an Inclination to Good, and an Abhorrence
of Evil; both which increaſe in them, according to
the Advances they make in Literature: And, although
they may be, and too often are drawn by the Tempta-
tions of Youth, and the Opportunities of a large For-
tune, into fome Irregularities, when they come for-
ward into the great World; it is ever with Reluctance
and Compunction of Mind, becauſe their Biafs to Vir-
tue ftill continues. They may ftray fometimes by In-
firmity or Compliance, but they will foon return to the
right Road, and keep it always in View. I fpeak
only of thoſe Exceffes, which are too much the At-
tendants of Youth and warmer Blood: But, as to the
Points of Honour, Truth, Juftice, and other noble
Gifts of the Mind, wherein the Temperature of the
Body hath no Concern, they are feldom or never
known to be miſled.
I have engaged myſelf very unwarily in too copi-
ous a Subject for fo fhort a Paper. The prefent Scope
I would aim at, is to prove, that fome Proportion of
human Knowledge appeareth requifite to thofe, who,
by their Birth or Fortune, are called to the making of
Laws, and in a ſubordinate Way to the Execution of
them; and that ſuch Knowledge is not to be obtained
without a Miracle; under the frequent, corrupt, and
fottiſh Methods, of educating thoſe, who are born to
Wealth or 'litles. For, I would have it remembered,
that I do by no means confine theſe Remarks to young
Perfons of noble Birth; the fame Errors running
through all Families, where there is Wealth enough to
afford, that their Sons (at leaſt the Eldeft) may be
good for nothing. Why fhould my Son be a Scholar,
when it is not intended that he fhould live by his
Learning? By this Rule, if what is commonly faid
to be true, that Money anfwereth all Things, why
fhould
No 9.
275
The INTELLIGENCER.
ſhould my Son be honeſt, temperate, juſt or charitable,
fince he hath no Intention to depend upon any of
thefe Qualities for a Maintenance?
WHEN all is done, perhaps, upon the whole, the
Matter is not fo bad as I would make it: And GoD,
who worketh Good out of Evil, acting only by the
ordinary Courſe and Rule of Nature, permits this con-
tinual Circulation of human Things for his own un-
fearchable Ends. The Father groweth rich by Ava-
rice, Injustice, Oppreffion; he is a Tyrant in the
Neighbourhood over Slaves and Beggars, whom he
calleth his Tenants. Why fhould he defire to have
Qualities infufed into his Son, which himſelf never
poffeffed, or knew, or found the Want of in the Ac-
quifition of his Wealth? The Son, bred in Sloth and
Idlenefs, becometh a Spendthrift, a Cully, a Profi-
gate; and goeth out of the World a Beggar as his
Father came in: Thus the former is punished for his
own Sins, as well as for thofe of the latter. The
Dunghi having raifed a huge Muſhroom of fhort
Duration, is now fpread to enrich other Mens Lands.
It is, indeed, of worfe Confequence, where noble
Families are gone to Decay; becauſe their Titles and
Privileges outlive their Eftates: And Politicians tell
us, that nothing is more dangerous to the Publick,
than a numerous Nobility without Merit or Fortune.
But even here GOD hath likewife prefcribed fome
Remedy in the Order of Nature; fo many great Fa-
milies coming to an End by their Sloth, Luxury, and
abandoned Lufts, which enervated their Breed through
every Succeffion, producing gradually a more effemi-
nate Race, wholly unfit for Propagation.
THOUGHTS
THOUGHTS
O N
Various Subjects.
W
E have juft Religion enough to make us
hate, but not enough to make us love one
another.
REFLECT on Things paft, as Wars, Negotiations,
Factions, and the like; we enter fo little into thoſe
Intereſts that we wonder how Men could poffibly be
fo bufy, and concerned for Things fo tranfitory:
Look on the preſent Times, we find the fame Hu-
mour, yet wonder not at all.
A wife Man endeavoureth, by confidering all Cir-
cumſtances, to make Conjectures, and form Conclu-
fions: But the ſmalleſt Accident intervening, (and in
the Courſe of Affairs it is impoffible to foreſee all)
doth often produce fuch Turns and Changes, that at
laſt he is juſt as much in doubt of Events, as the moſt
ignorant and unexperienced Perfon.
POSITIVENESS is a good Quality for Preachers and
Orators; becauſe whoever would obtrude his Thoughts
and Reaſons upon a Multitude, will convince others,
the more, as he appeareth convinced himſelf.
VOL. I.
B b
How
278
THOUGHTS on
How is it poffible to expect that Mankind will
take Advice, when they will not fo much as take
Warning?
I forget whether Advice be among the loft Things
which Ariofto fayeth, are to be found in the Moon;
That and Time ought to have been there.
No Preacher is liftened to, but Time; which
giveth us the fame Train and Turn of Thought, that
elder People have tried in vain to put into our Heads
before.
WHEN we defire or folicit any thing; our Minds
run wholly on the good Side, or Circumftances of it;
when it is obtained, our Minds run only on the bad
ones.
In a Glass-House, the Workmen often fling in a
fmall Quantity of freſh Coals, which feemeth to di-
fturb the Fire, but very much enliveneth it. This
may allude to a gentle ftirring of the Paffions, that
the Mind may not languiſh.
RELIGION feemeth to have grown an Infant with
Age, and requireth Miracles to nurfe it, as it had in
its Infancy.
ALL Fits of Pleaſure are balanced by an equal
Degree of Pain, or Languor; it is like ſpending this
Year, Part of the next Year's Revenue.
THE latter Part of a wife Man's Life is taken up
in curing the Follies, Prejudices, and falſe Opinions
he had contracted in the former.
If a Writer would know how to behave himſelf
with relation to Pofterity; let him confider in old
Books, what he finds, that he is glad to know; and
what Omiffions he moft lamenteth.
WHATEVER the Poets pretend, it is plain they
gave Immortality to none but themſelves: It is Homer
and Virgil we reverence and admire, not Achilles or
Eneas. With Hiftorians it is quite the contrary;
our Thoughts are taken up with the Actions, Perfons,
and Events we read; and we little regard the Au-
thors.
WHEN a true Genius appeareth in the World, you
may
various SUBJECTS.
279
may know him by this infallible Sign; that the
Dunces are all in Confederacy againſt him.
MEN who poffefs all the Advantages of Life, are
in a State where there are many Accidents to diforder
and difcompoſe, but few to pleaſe them..
Ir is unwife to punish Cowards with Ignominy';
for if they had regarded that, they would not have
been Cowards; Death is their proper Puniſhment,
becauſe they fear it moſt.
THE greateft Inventions were produced in the
Times of Ignorance; as the Ufe of the Compass, Gun-
powder, and Printing; and by the dulleft Nation, as
the Germans.
ONE Argument to prove that the common Relati-
ons of Ghofts and Spectres are generally falſe; may be
drawn from the Opinion held, that Spirits are never
feen by more than one Perfon at a Time; that is to
fay, it feldom happens that above one Perfon in a
Company is poffeft with any high Degree of Spleen
or Melancholy.
I am apt to think, that, in the Day of Judgment,
there will be fmall Allowance given to the Wife for
their Want of Morals, or to the Ignorant for their
Want of Faith; becauſe both are without Excufe.
This renders the Advantages equal of Ignorance and
Knowledge. But fome Scruples in the Wife, and
fome Vices in the Ignorant, will perhaps be forgiven
upon the Strength of Temptation to each:
THE Value of feveral Circumftances in Hiftory,
leffeneth very much by Diſtance of Time; although
fome minute Circumftances are very valuable; and
it requireth great Judgment in a Writer to diſtinguiſh.
It is grown a Word of Courfe for Writers to fay,
this critical Age, as Divines fay, this finful Age.
IT is pleaſant to obferve, how free the prefent
Age is in laying Taxes on the next: Future Ages
ſtall talk of this: This ſkall be famous to all Po-
fterity. Whereas, their Time and Thoughts will be
taken up about prefent Things, as ours are now.
B b 2
THE.
280
THOUGHTS on
THE Chamaleon, who is faid to feed upon nothing
but Air, hath of all Animals the nimbleft Tongue.
WHEN a Man is made a ſpiritual Peer, he lofeth
his Sirname; when a temporal, his Chriftian Name.
IT is in Difputes as in Armies; where the weaker
Side fetteth up falfe Lights, and maketh a great
Noife, that the Enemy may believe them to be more
numerous and ſtrong than they really are.
SOME Men, under the Notions of weeding out
Prejudices, eradicate Religion, Virtue, and common
Honeſty.
In all well-inftituted Commonwealths, Care hath
been taken to limit Mens Poffeffions; which is done
for many Reaſons; and amongſt the reſt, for one that
perhaps is not often confidered: Becauſe, when
Bounds are fet to Mens Defires, after they have ac-
quired as much as the Laws will permit them, their
private Intereft is at an End; and they have nothing
to do, but to take care of the Publick.
THERE are but three Ways for a Man to revenge
himſelf of a cenforious World: To defpife it; to re-
turn the like; or to endeavour to live fo as to avoid it.
The firſt of theſe is uſually pretended; the laſt is al-
moft impoffible; the univerfal Practice is for the fecond.
Herodotus telleth us, that in cold Countries Beafts very
feldom have Horns; but in hot they have very large
ones. This might bear a pleaſant Application.
I never heard a finer Piece of Satyr againſt Lawyers,
than that of Aftrologers; when they pretend by Rules
of Art to foretel in what Time a Suit will end, and
whether to the Advantage of the Plaintiff or Defend-
ant: Thus making the Matter depend entirely upon
the Influence of the Stars, without the leaft Regard
to the Merits of the Cauſe.
THAT Expreffion in Apocrypha about Tobir, and his
Dog following him, I have often heard ridiculed; yet
Homer has the fame Words of Telemachus more than
once; and Virgil fayeth fomething like it of Evander :
And I take the Book of Tobit to be partly poetical.
I
various SUBJECTS.
281
I have known fome men poffeffed of good Quali-
ties, which were very ferviceable to others, but uſeleſs
to themfelves; like a Sun-dial on the Front of a
Houſe, to inform the Neighbours and Paffengers, but
not the Owner within.
If a Man would regiſter all his Opinions upon Love,
Politicks, Religion, Learning, and the like; begin-
ning from his Youth, and fo go on to old Age: What
a Bundle of Inconfiftencies and Contradictions would
appear at laft ?
WHAT they do in Heaven we are ignorant of;
what they do not we are told exprefsly; that they nei-
ther marry, nor are given in Marriage.
WHEN a Man obferves the Choice of Ladies now a-
days, in the difpenfing of their Favours; can he for-
bear paying fome Veneration to the Memory of thoſe
Mares mentioned by Xenophon; who, De re equeftri.
while their Manes were on; that is,
while they were in their Beauty, would never admit
the Embraces of an Afs.
It is a miſerable Thing to live in Sufpence; it is
the Life of a Spider. Vide quidem, pende tamen, im-
proba, dixit.
THE floical Scheme of fupplying our Wants, by
lopping off our Defires; is like cutting off our Feet
when we want Shoes.
PHYSICIANS ought not to give their Judgment of
Religion, for the fame Reaſon that Butchers are not
admitted to be Jurors upon Life and Death.
THE Reaſon why fo few Marriages are happy,
is, becauſe young Ladies fpend their Time in making
Nets, and not in making Cages.
Ir a Man will obferve as he walks the Streets, I-
believe he will find the merriet Countenances in
mourning Coaches.
NOTHING more unqualifieth a Man to act with
Prudence, than a Misfortune that. is. attended with
Shame and Guilt.
B. b 3.
THE
282
THOUGHTS on
THE Power of Fortune is cohfeffed only by the Mi-
ferable; for the Happy impute all their Succeſs to
Prudence or Merit.
AMBITION often puts Men upon doing the mean-
eſt Offices; fo climbing is performed in the fame Po
fture with creeping.
ILL Company is like a Dog, who fouls thoſe moft
whom he loveth beſt.
CENSURE is the Tax a Man payeth to the Publick
for being eminent.
ALTHOUGH Men are accufed for not knowing
their own Weaknefs; yet perhaps as few know their
own Strength. It is in Men as in Soils, where fome-
times there is a Vein of Gold which the Owner know-
eth not of.
SATYR is reckoned the cafieft of all Wit; but I take
it to be otherwife in very bad Times: For it is as hard
to fatyrize well a Man of diftinguifhed Vices, as to
praiſe well a Man of diftinguiſhed Virtues. It is eaſy.
enough to do either to People of moderate Chara--
Єters.
INVENTION is the Talent of Youth, and Judgment.
of Age; fo that our Judgment groweth harder to
pleaſe when we have fewer Things to offer it: This
goes through the whole Commerce of Life. When
we are old, our Friends find it difficult to pleaſe us,
and are lefs concerned whether we be pleafed or no.
No wife Man ever withed to be younger.
An idle Reaſon leffens the Weight of the good ones
you gave before.
THE Motives of the best Actions will not bear too
ftrict an Inquiry. It is allowed, that the Cauſe of
moft Actions, good or bad, may be refolved into the
Love of ourſelves: But the Self-love of fome Men
inclines them to pleaſe others; and the Self-love of
others is wholly employed in pleafing themſelves.
This makes the great Diſtinction between Virtue and
Vice. Religion is the beſt Motive of all Actions
yet Religion is allowed to be the higheſt Inſtance of
Self-love.
WHEN
various SUBJECTS.
283
WHEN the World hath once begun to uſe us ill, it:
afterwards continues the fame Treatment with lefs
Scruple or Ceremony; as Men do a Whore.
OLD Men view best at Diſtance. with the Eyes of
their Underſtanding, as well as with thofe of Nature.
SOME People take more Care to hide their Wiſdom
than their Folly.
ARBITRARY Power is the natural Object of Tem--
ptation to a Prince; as Wine or Women to a young
Fellow, or a Bribe to a Judge, or Avarice to old
Age, or Vanity to a Female.
Anthony Henly's Farmer dying of an Aſthma, faid:
Well, if I can get this Breath once out, I will take
care it ſhall never get in again..
THE Humour of exploding many Things under the
Names of Trifles, Fopperies, and only imaginary
Goods, is a very falfe Proof either of Wifdom or
Magnanimity; and a great Check to virtuous Actions.
For Inftance, with regard to Fame: There is in mott
People a Reluctance and Unwillingness to be forgot--
ten.
It
We obferve, even among the Vulgar, how fond
they are to have an Infcription over their Grave.
requireth but little. Fhilofophy to diſcover and obferve,
that there is no intrinfick Value in all this; however,
if it be founded in our Nature, as an Incitement to
Virtue, it ought not to be ridiculed.
COMPLAINT is the larget Tribute Heaven recei--
veth; and the fincereft Part of our Devotion.
THE COMMON Fluency of Speech in many Men and
moft Women, is owing to a Scarcity of Matter, and
Scarcity of Words; for whoever is a Maſter of Lan-
guage, and hath a Mind full of Ideas, will be apt in
freaking to hefitate upon the Choice of both: Whereas
common Speakers have only one Set of Ideas, and one.
Set of Words to clothe them in; and theſe are always
ready at the Mouth. So People come fafter out of a
Church when it is almoft empty, than when a Crowd
is at the Door.
Few are qualified to shine in-Company; but it is in
moſt Mens Power to be agreeable. The Reafon,.
therefore
· 284
THOUGHTS on-
therefore, why Converfation runs fo low at prefent, is
not the Defect of Understanding; but Pride, Vanity,
ill Nature, Affectation, Singularity, Pofitivenefs; or
fome other Vice, the Effect of a wrong Education.
;
To be vain, is rather a Mark of Humility than of
Pride. Vain Men delight in telling what Honours
have been done them, what great Company they
have kept, and the like; by which they plainly con-
feſs, that theſe Honours were more than their Due
and fuch as their Friends would not believe, if they
had not been told: Whereas a Man truly proud,
thinks the greateſt Honours below his Merit, and con-
ſequently ſcorneth to boaſt. I therefore deliver it as
a Maxim; that whoever defires the Character of a
proud Man, ought to conceal his Vanity.
LAW in a free Country, is, or ought to be, the
Determination of the Majority of thoſe who have
Property in Land.
ONE Argument ufed to the Difadvantage of Pro-
vidence, I take to be a very ftrong one in its Defence.
It is objected, that Storms and Tempefts, unfruitful
Scafons, Serpents, Spiders, Flies, and other noxious
or troubleſome Animals, with many more Inftances of
the like Kind, difcover an Imperfection in Nature;
becauſe human Life would be much eaſier without
them: But the Defign of Providence may clearly be
perceived in this Proceeding. The Motions of the
Sun and Moon; in fhort, the whole System. of the
Univerſe, as far as Philofophers have been able to
diſcover and obferve, are in the utmost Degree of Re-
gularity and Perfection: But where-ever God hath
left to Man the Power of interpofing a Remedy by
Thought or Labour, there he hath placed Things in a
State of Imperfection, on purpoſe to ſtir up human In-
duſtry; without which Life would ſtagnate, or indeed
rather could not fubfift at all: Curis acuens mortalia
Corda,
PRAISE is the Daughter of prefent Power.
I have known ſeveral Perfons of great Fame for
Wiſdom
various SUBJECTS.
285
Wiſdom in publick Affairs and Counfels, governed
by fooliſh Servants.
I have known great Minifters diſtinguiſhed for Wit
and Learning, who preferred none but Dunces.
I have known Men of Valour, Cowards to their
Wives.
I have known Men of the greateſt Cunning, per-
petually cheated.
I knew three great Minifters, who could exactly
compute and fettle the Accompts of a Kingdom; but
were wholly ignorant of their own Oeconomy.
THE Preaching of Divines helpeth to preſerve well-
inclined Men in the Courfe of Virtue; but feldom or
never reclaims the Vicious.
PRINCES ufually make wifer Choices than the Ser-
vants whom they truft for the Diſpoſal of Places; I
have known a Prince more than once chufe an able
Minifter; but I never obferved that Minifter to uſe
his Credit in the Difpofal of an Employment to a
Perfon whom he thought the fittest for it. One of
the greateſt in this Age owned and excuſed the Mat-
ter to me; from the Violence of Parties, and the Un-
reaſonableneſs of Friends.
SMALL Caufes are fufficient to make a Man unea-
fy, when great ones are not in the Way: For want
of a Block he will ftumble at a Straw.
DIGNITY, high Station, or great Riches, are in
fome Sort neceflary to old Men, in order to keep the
younger at a Diſtance; who are otherwiſe too apt to
infult them upon the Score of their Age.
EVERY Man defireth to live long; but no Man
would be old.
LOVE of Flattery in moft Men proceedeth from the
mean Opinion they have of themſelves: In Women
from the contrary.
IF Books and Laws continue to increafe as they
have done for fifty Years paft; I am in fome Concern
for future Ages, how any Man will be learned, or
any Man a Lawyer.
KINGS
286
THOUGHTS on
KINGS are commonly faid to have long Hands;
I wish they had as long Ears.
PRINCES in their Infancy, Childhood and Youth,
are faid to difcover prodigious Parts and Wit; ta
ſpeak Things that furprife and aftoniſh: Strange, fo
many hopetul Princes, and fo many jhameful Kings!
If they happen to die young, they would have been
Predigies of Wilfdom and Virtue: If they live, they
are often Prodigies indeed; but of another Sort.
POLITICKS, as the Word is commonly understood,
are nothing but Corruptions; and confequently of no
Ufe to a good King, or a good Miniftry: For which
Reafon, Courts are fo over-run with Politicks.
SILENUS, the Fofter-father of Bacchus, is al-
ways carried by an A, and hath Horns on his Head.
The Moral is; that Drunkards are led by Fools, and
have a great Chance to be Cuckolds.
VENUS, a beautiful good-natured Lady, was the
Goddess of Love; Juno, a terrible Shrew, the God- -
defs of Marriage; and they were always mortal Ene-
mics.
THOSE who are againſt Religion, muft needs be
Fools And therefore we read, that, of all Animals,
God refuſed the Firf-born of an Afs.
A very little Wit is valued in a Woman; as we are
pleafed with a few Words ſpoken plain by a Parrot.
A nice Man is a Man of nafty Ideas.
APOLLO was held the God of Phyfick, and
Sender of Difeafes: Both were originally the fame
Trade, and still continue.
OLD Men and Comets have been reverenced for
the fame Reafon; their long Beards, and Pretences
to foretel Events;
I was aſked at Court, what I thought of the French
Ambafador and his Train; who were all Embroidery
and Lace; full of Bows, Cringes, and Geitures? I
faid it was Solomon's Importation; Gold and Apes.
THERE is a Story in Paufanias, of a Plot for be-
traying a City, difcovered by the Braying of an As:
The Cackling of Geefe faved the Capitol: And Cata-
line's
various SUBJECTS.
287
line's Confpiracy was diſcovered by a Whore. Theſe
are the only three Animals, as far as I remember, fa-
mous in Hiftory for Evidences and Informers.
Most Kinds of Diverfion in Men, Children, and
other Animals, are an Imitation of Fighting.
AUGUSTUS meeting an As with a lucky Name,
foretold himſelf good Fortune. I meet many Affes,
but none of them have lucky Names.
IF a Man maketh me keep my Diftance; the Com-
fort is, he keepeth his at the fame time.
WHO can deny that all Men are violent Lovers of
Truth, when we fee them fo pofitive in their Errors,
which they will maintain out of their Zeal to Truth,
although they contradict themſelves every Day of their
Lives.
That was excellently obferved, fay I, when I read a
Paffage in an Author, where his Opinion agreeth with
mine. When we differ, there I pronounce him to be
miftaken.
VERY few Men, properly ſpeaking, live at pre-
fent; but are providing to live another Time.
As univerſal a Practice as Lying is, and as eaſy a
one as it ſeemeth; I do not remember to have heard
three good Lies in all my Converfation; even from
thofe, who were moſt celebrated in that Faculty.
The End of the First Volume.