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ANIHRopology LIBRARY
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DEFEAT OF XERXES AT SALAMIS
I
THE STORY OF THE
GREATEST NATIONS
FROM THE DAWN OF HISTORY
TO THE TWENTIETH CENTURY
A COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY, FOUNDED UPON THE LEADING
AUTHORITIES, INCLUDING A COMPLETE CHRONOLOGY OF THE
WORLD, AND A PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY OF EACH NATION
BY
EDWARD S. ELLIS, A.M.
AUTHOR OF “STANDARD HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,” “HISTORY OF OUR
COUNTRY,” “A POPULAR HISTORY OF THE WORLD,” “A SCHOOL
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES,” ETC.
Editor of “A DICTIONARY OF MYTHOLOGY,” “PLUTARCH'S LIVES,” ETC.
A N D
CHARLES F. HORNE, M.S.
Editor of “GREAT MEN AND FAMOUS WOMEN,” ETC.
(IDagníficently, IIIIustrateo
P U B L IS H E D B Y
F R A N C I S. R. N I G L UT S CH
N E W Y O R K
CopyRIGHT, 1901,
BY
F. R. NIGLUTSCH
CoPYRIGHT, 1903,
BY
F. R NIGLUTSCH
COPYRIGHT, 1905,
BY
. F. R. NIGLUTSCH
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TYPES OF MANKIND
3, Malay, 4, Filipino. 5, American Indian. 6, Society Islander.
8, Japanese, 9, Chinese. 10, Mongolian.
14. Thibetan.
7, Sandwich Islander.
11, Japanese, 12, Arab. 13, Nubian.
15, Esquimau.
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INTRODUCTION
, EVER has the importance of a knowledge of history
NA been more generally felt than at the present time, and
never perhaps has the need of a work that will meet that
want been more regretted. A history of this nature must
group its facts in true historical proportion, avoid unim-
* portant and confusing details, omit dry, uninteresting
statistics, and tell in simple, straightforward language a
story that will interest and instruct the young and old alike.
Universal history, with its vast scope, embracing a narra-
tive of events based partly upon written records and monu-
ments with their hieroglyphics, partly on tradition, and partly on
the authentic contemporary testimony of man, is often encum-
bered with a mass of bewildering details, of value only to the student. The
common method has been to divide the work into epochs, flitting from one na-
tion to another, and then back again; or, fixing upon some arbitrary date, to
relate all the events and incidents of that period or epoch. While this system
may have some merits, it is certain to confuse and shut out from the younger
reader, whom it is our wish specially to enlighten, a clear conception of the
knowledge he is seeking.
We have followed the simpler plan of telling the full story of every nation
from the beginning to the present. The great peoples of antiquity have van-
ished or sunk into insignificance, and the new ones of the present are the civ-
ilizing and Christianizing forces in the progress of mankind.
2 - - - . Introduction
At the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia in 1876, the inscription over
the booth of the Egyptian exhibit was, “From the oldest nation to the young-
est,” and it is the custom of all histories to give to Egypt the credit which she
thus claimed. Yet it is by no means certain that such credit is her due.
There are researches going on at this hour which cannot fail to throw a flood of
light on the problem. Indeed, it is safe to say that the glory that has long
been accorded to the Land of the Pharaohs has already been taken from it. In
I897, the remarkable discoveries made by the Pennsylvania University expedi-
tion at Nippur, in Asia Minor, moved back the history of Babylonian civilization
to a period of more than 7,000 years before the birth of Christ. Nippur has
been proven to be Calneh, one of the four cities mentioned in Genesis x. Io
as the beginning of the kingdom of Nimrod. Professor Hilprecht, scientific
director of the expedition, returned to Constantinople in the summer of 1900
and described some of the results of that year's work in the ancient city. Un-
doubtedly the most important discovery is the library of the great temple of
Nippur. As far back as 1889, when Dr. Peters, of New York, was at the head
of the expedition, Professor Hilprecht pointed out that the remains of this library
would be found at the very place where they were discovered eleven years later.
In the space of three months, fully 17,200 tablets, covered with cuneiform or
wedge-shaped writing, were brought to light. The writing was found to be of a
different character from that on previous tablets, which were mainly private busi-
ness contracts, conveyances, letters, etc. The latest discoveries are historical,
philological and literary, and treat of mythology, of grammar and lexicography,
of Science, and of mathematics. It will require a considerable time to complete
the investigations and translation, but it is believed that they will enable the
world for the first time to form a truthful idea of life in Babylonia, which ex-
tends far back into the remote ages of antiquity.
No document has thus far been found of a later date than 228O B.C. Now,
since that date marks the invasion of the Elamites, it affords conclusive proof
that the library was destroyed during that invasion.
At this writing, Professor Hilprecht estimates that four or five years will
be necessary to excavate and examine the contents of the library, and it is prob-
able that the unexplored parts will yield 150,000 tablets. Since this library
was the chief glory of the temple of early Babylonia, the college for instruction
in law and religion, it is clear that the examination cannot be too thorough and
careful.
The American expedition was obliged to stop work on the library for a time,
so as to continue its systematic work at the temple and to complete the exami-
nation of the southern and eastern lines of the walls of fortification of ancient
Nippur. These walls show the different epochs when they were built. First
Introduction 3
are portions whose builders were the pre-Sargonic rulers, which are followed by
the works of Sargon (3800 B.C.) and of Naram-Sin, his son. A thousand years
later appear the fortifications of Ur-Gur, followed by the later Kassite kings,
from 1700 to I IOO B.C. The many weapons found along the whole line of forti-
fication, particularly in the lower strata, throw great light on the methods em-
ployed by besieging armies in the earliest periods of Babylonian history.
While making the excavations, a palace belonging to the pre-Sargonic
period was uncovered under seventy feet of rubbish, on the southwestern side
of the Shatt-en-Nil, the river which divides Nippur in two parts. It has 6OO
feet frontage and is believed to have been the palace of the early priest-kings of
Nippur. The few rooms excavated gave pre-Sargonic tablets, some seal cylin-
ders of the earliest type, and clay figures of a most remote age. This extensive
structure was two stories in height and at a later period furnished material for
other buildings in Nippur. What an interesting story will be given us when
these discoveries and examinations are completed
Among other notable excavations, those at Bosco Reale, near Pompeii,
deserve passing mention. The objects in silverware, known under the name of
the “Treasures of Bosco Reale,” in the Louvre, were found in a locality called
Pisancelli, where M. de Prisco, the originator of the excavation and owner of the
ground, has a villa which takes its name from the same place. It was in 1894
that M. de Prisco obtained from the Minister of Public Instruction a regular
permit to make excavations upon his property, and his labor was crowned with
remarkable success. Over and above the silverware sold to Baron de Roths-
child for $80,000, and given by him to the National Museum, there were
frescoes, utensils of various sorts, and money brought to light. A curious
fact is that the treasures were found in a well, almost on a level with the
earth, in the villa itself. Near the opening they discovered and raised the body
of a man, bent almost double, preserved in a mould of cinder like those seen at
the museum at Naples. It is supposed that the man had gone to the well to
hide the silverware, or to withdraw it, and had not time to fly from the terrific
eruption of Vesuvius. -
In 1900, M. de Prisco caused other excavations to be made and obtained
striking results. Beautiful and impressive frescoes and paintings were brought
into the sunlight from the places where they had slumbered for nearly twenty
centuries, and since the excavations are still going on, other interesting dis-
coveries are certain to be made.
Still other important discoveries are those recently made by M. Jacques
de Morgan, the French archaeologist, who claims to have discovered at Susa,
in Persia (of which frequent mention will be found in the succeeding pages),
the ancestors of the Aryan race, who rule the world to-day. They were the
4. Introduction
Anzanites, the original inhabitants of Susa, who seem to have attained a high
civilization fully ten thousand years ago, handing it over to the Assyrians, who
presented it to the Egyptians, who in turn passed it on to the Greeks. How
wonderful to read in the Susan records of Tiglath-Pileser, Sennacherib, Nebu-
chadnezzar, Belshazzar, and others as having reigned in neighboring countries
thousands of years after Susa had become a famous city.
M. de Morgan has dug down forty feet of ruins and brought palace
after palace to light. One of his starting-points was the palace of King Arta-
xerxes, and he passed through cities of the Greek, Persian, and Babylonian pe-
riods, finding at the bottom of all the Anzanite city. At one time Susa belonged
to the empire of Elam, founded by the eldest son of Shem, the son of Noah,
as related in Gen. x. 22. Father Scheil, the noted Assyriologist, has deci-
phered the inscriptions on the monuments and other relics, which carry events
back to three thousand years before Christ. A column is believed by Father
Scheil to have been erected by King Naram-Sin, son of the famous Sargon,
some five thousand six hundred and fifty years ago. It must be remembered that,
although the archaeologists are deciphering the inscriptions of the period
named, the relics date back to a vastly older time, and that even then Susa was
a civilized city.
Such researches suggest a question of the profoundest interest to all man-
kind; that is, the age of the world itself.
The answer to this question, if it is ever made, must come from the geolo-
gists, who have been working for a long time and are still wrestling with the
problem. The sum of what has been learned was given in 1900 by Prof. W.
J. Sollas, in an exhaustive address read before the Section of Geology of the
British Association, of which he is president.
Professor Sollas commences the history of the world with a rapidly revolv-
ing molten planet, probably solidified about the centre, and surrounded by a
deep atmosphere, most of which was due to the water of our present oceans,
existing then in the form of gas. The sun produced disturbing currents and
tides. At that time the earth was rotating with a period of from two to four
hours, about an axis inclined at some eleven or twelve degrees to the ecliptic.
This prodigious speed may have caused one of the great tidal waves to rise
to such a height that it flew off from the earth and formed the moon.
The earth probably solidified soon after the birth of the moon, that being
the second critical period in its history. Professor Sollas thinks the moon has
caused in different ways the distribution and character of the inequalities of the
earth's surface, the various theories being set forth with great scientific skill.
The molten crust gradually cooled and solidified, the aqueous vapors were con-
densed and fell upon the crust, only to rise as vapor once more, to be recon-
Introduction 5
densed, followed by the further cooling of the hot surface, until at last the
water remained in the hollows, and these inequalities made the land and the sea.
Then began the action of the tides upon the solid mass, by which the rocks
were gradually crumbled and the minute particles deposited at the bottom of the
sea, where the sediment formed the first of the strata of the earth. It is pre-
sumed that as the earth cooled still further, the lowest form of life became pos-
sible. This first form of life was undoubtedly shell-fish, at whose death the
shells dropped to the bottom of the sea, where they are found in the earlier
strata turned into stone. These processes of denudation, or stripping off of the
Outer covering, and deposition, or sinking to the bottom, became more active,
after a time, and have continued ever since without interruption. So far as
Professor Sollas can determine, the greatest depth of the sedimentary deposit
was fully fifty miles. In these layers are preserved the various types of ani-
mal and plant life, which characterize each age of the earth's development.
In the later deposits the relics of man are numerous, but as we go deeper
they are no longer found. In their place are the remains of many enormous
and extinct mammals, which in turn give way to reptiles and amphibians, while
in the next stratum fish only are met. Reaching the lowest stratum, we dis-
cover the remains of only the invertebrates, or lowest forms of animal life, in
which the semblance of a spine or backbone is lacking. -
Thus the orderly procession of organic forms follows in true sequence: in-
vertebrates first, then vertebrates; at first fish, then amphibia (animals living
equally well on land and in, water), next reptiles, soon after mammals or those
that suckle their young, of the lower kind first, of the higher later, and these
in increasing complexity until man himself is reached. Some forms of mam-
malia attained stupendous size, one of the greatest being the mammoth, the
progenitor of our elephant. In Europe it was coeval with prehistoric man,
and, strange as it may seem, within the past century remains of one of them
have been found so well preserved in the ice of Siberia that the meat was fed
to dogs. It was during the time of the amphibians that the earth was clothed
with rich vegetation, which ultimately formed vast beds of coal, thus giving to
the period the name of the carboniferous or coal age.
Carefully considering the various theories, it is clear that the different
strata of the earth's crust are the leaves in the genealogical history of nature
written by the Creator Himself; but they give no knowledge of the period when
men began to understand one another in articulate speech, though the strata
have presented the earliest products of human industry. These specimens, com-
mencing with the most remote date of the stone period, gradually reveal an im-
proved form and workmanship, and furnish an insight into the combined results
of all geological and archaeological investigation, showing beyond a doubt the
6 Introduction
gradual development of man, and his progress from a lower to a higher civili-
zation.
In the course of time men came to differ in so marked a degree in their
mental characteristics, power, and capacity for civilization, as well as in their
bodily structure, that it becomes necessary, in order to study intelligently
their history, to divide them into five stocks or races.
I. The Caucasians—which we subdivide into three branches:
(a) The Aryan, or Indo-European branch.
(b) The Semitic branch.
(c) The Hamitic branch.
This classification is based upon the nature of the languages spoken by the
three families of nations, but it represents, nevertheless, three distinct civiliza-
tions. tº
The Aryan branch includes almost all the present and past nations of Eu-
rope, as well as two ancient Asiatic peoples, the Hindoos and Persians. It is
agreed that the forefathers of these were the same people, who lived somewhere
in Western Asia long before the beginning of recorded history.
The Semitic branch includes the ancient inhabitants of Syria, Arabia, and
the Tigris and Euphrates regions. Its principal historical representatives were
the Hebrews, Phoenicians, Assyrians, and Arabs.
While the Hamitic branch probably included the early Chaldaeans, it had
but one prominent people—the Egyptians. The history of the civilized world,
therefore, is the history of these three branches of the Caucasian race.
The remaining four races are:
2. The African or negro, characterized by a black skin, woolly hair, and
generally flat nose and prominent lips.
3. The Mongolian, with straight, black hair, flat nose, widely separated eyes,
and skin varying from yellow to a light-brown color. The principal members of
this race are the Mongolians, Chinese, Japanese, Huns, Calmucks, Finns, Lapps,
and Esquimaux.
4. The Malay (Australian), with smooth and slightly curly hair and a dark
brown and more or less dusky skin. This race includes the natives of New
Holland and the islands of the Pacific Ocean. -
5. The American race, with long, coarse, black hair, prominent cheek
bones, and copper-colored skin. It includes our Indians, the Mexicans, Peru-
vians, etc. -
As men made their homes in different parts of the earth, they adopted
various means of living. Those who dwelt where fertile pastures were found
in widely separated parts chose a shepherd's life. Often compelled to wander
long distances, they were called nomads, and their principal occupation was the
Introduction 7
breeding of cattle. The people dwelling on sea-coasts developed to a higher
degree, and in time, through Commerce and navigation, became prosperous and
wealthy, built finer dwellings and laid out towns and cities. Those who lived
on desolate shores subsisted by fishing, while those on the plains became agri-
culturists and acquired the arts of peace.
Commerce, through the means of freer communication thus established,
has done a vast deal to improve and elevate the human race. For many cen-
turies the principal form of commerce betwen Asia and Africa was the national
caravan trade. The perils and difficulties of these extensive travels through
districts infested by wild beasts and fierce bands of marauders compelled men
to combine in the different undertakings. The camel, or “ship of the desert,”
seemed specially constructed by nature for these long and toilsome journeys.
As the caravans often halted at some famous temple, whose site was considered
holy and around which peace was always maintained, this kind of trade in early
times was placed under the protection of religion. At first goods were ex-
changed, but this practice gave way to the use of precious metals and stamped
coins as a means of exchange. Dwellers in thinly populated districts learned
to tame wild animals for domestic uses, while the inhabitants in towns turned
their attention to trades, inventions, and arts.
As time passed, the different populations of the world divided into civilized
and uncivilized communities. The patriarchal form of government was the
earliest, but the nomadic and wild tribes which followed this form have won
no place in history. States crystallized into monarchical and republican
governments, each with modifications. In most of the ancient civilized com-
munities, the system of caste (fully explained in the following pages) prevailed.
One of the most impressive proofs of a future existence is that every peo-
ple, no matter how degraded, had from the beginning some form of religion or
acknowledgment of man's dependence upon a Supreme Being. The rude tribes
in Africa and Central Asia established the worship of the stars (Sabaeism);
they also recognized the idea of a divine Being, whose presence they saw in
all visible things, and whom they represented as being the life in nature
(Pantheism), or they endeavored to deify all nature, representing the gods as
a higher kind of men, more richly endowed and more perfect than human
beings (Polytheism). Some of these so-called religions have been accompanied
by frightful atrocities in the form of human sacrifices. -
During the reign of the Roman emperor Augustus, Christ was born at the
little village of Bethlehem, in Judea. This was the most momentous event in
the spiritual history of the world and marks an epoch in human annals.”
* It will aid the student of history to bear in mind the different systems of chronology. We
reckon from the Christian era or birth of Christ, which took place in the year known as 4 B. c. Our
8 Introduction
Nations have their birth, their youth, their manhood, their old age, their
death; and history is the account of all these stages. In the first period, war-
like deeds form the chief historical record; in the second, government and
legislation, and mental activity in art and literature; in the third, party strife,
followed by decay and political death. Until the art of writing became known,
the information concerning ancient peoples was often drawn from ballads and
oral traditions, which contained a great deal more fable than truth. Again, it
was founded on monuments, obelisks, boundary stones, funeral mounds, tombs,
ruins of ancient buildings, inscriptions, coins, implements, weapons, etc.
From these records is constructed the legendary or mythical period. As
civilization grew, the knowledge of historical events became clearer until the
fulness of written records brings us to what may be considered the reliable
ground of history.
We have already glanced in this introduction at the latest views of the
geologists concerning the origin of the world itself; we have shown how the
different races of men divided into civilized and uncivilized communities; how
they naturally adopted various occupations and forms of government; how the
peoples emerged from the cloudland of the mythical age and came upon the
stage of authentic history; and, having reached that period, we now take up
the record in this and the succeeding volumes, and will endeavor to tell the
story of the Greatest Nations of the Ancient and Modern World.
method of computing time was introduced in 532 A.D. Ten centuries afterward, the calculation was
found to be erroneous, being deficient four years of the true period. Since the correction would have
caused great confusion, the error by common consent was allowed to remain, and we continue to
reckon from this era, which lacks four years and six days of the true Christian epoch. The year 1900
corresponded to the year 7408–09 of the Byzantine era; to 5660–61 of the Jewish era, the year 5661
beginning at sunset on September 23 ; to 2653 since the foundation of Rome according to Varro; to
2647 of the era of Nabonassar; to 2676 of the Olympiads; to 2560 of the Japanese era, and to the 33d
year of the Meiji; to 1317–18 of the Mohammedan era or the era of the Hegira, the year 1318 having
begun on May 1, 1900.
T
|
.
º
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- -
- - - - - - -
* - . - - - - - - - - º -
& º ºsºtº ºsºs º ºsºtº ºr ºt
RUINS AT THEBEs.
º-
THE STORY OF
T H E G REATEST NATIONS
ANCIENT NATIONS-EGYPT
Chapter I
FROM THE FIRST DYNASTY TO RAMESES I
[Authorities. Rawlinson, “History of Ancient Egypt”; Berkeley, “Pharaohs and their Peo-
ple"; Birch, “Egypt from the Earliest Times to B. c. 3oo”; Lanoye, “Rameses the Great ; or
Egypt 3300 Years Ago"; Wilson, “Egypt of the Past"; Baker, “Syria and Egypt under the Last
Five Sultans of Turkey"; Bowen, “Conflict of East and West in Egypt”; Brimmer, “Egypt”;
Brugsch, “History of Egypt under the Pharaohs”; De Leon, “Egypt under its Khedives”; Erman,
“Life in Ancient Egypt”; Mahaffy, “Empire of the Ptolemies”; Mariette, “Outlines of Ancient
Egyptian History”; Maspero, “Dawn of Civilization,” “Egypt and Chaldaea,” and “ The Passing
of the Empires, 850 B. c. to 330 B. c.”; Massey, “Book of the Beginnings”; Muir, “Mameluke or
Slave Dynasty of Egypt, 1260–1517 A.D.”: Petrie, “History of Egypt”; Sayce, “Egypt of the
Hebrews and Herodotus”; Vogt, “Egyptian War of 1882.”; Wendel, “History of Egypt”; Poole,
Egypt"; Sharpe, “History of Egypt”; Wilkinson, “Manners and Customs of the Egyptians”;
Lane, “ Modern Egyptians”; M'Coan, “Egypt as It Is..."]
sº GYPT has always been a land of wonder and of mystery.
º & We look on it with reverence for its age, amazement for
% its giant statues and pyramids, awe for its strange civil
º
lization and secret priesthoods. And these same feelings
invº- º toward the ancient land were in the heart of man before
- Yºº Greece and Rome were dreamed of, before Abraham
… walked with the angels on the plains of Mamre. The
earliest of Greek historians, the “Father of history,” Herodotus, wrote of
Egypt with the same reverence, the same awe.
Four thousand years before even his time, the Egyptians had been a
mighty and civilized nation, possessing wonderful mechanical knowledge which
I O The Story of the Greatest Nations
we have lost, and beautiful decorative arts whose secrets we may never know.
Many ages, still farther back, must have passed while they were discovering
and perfecting what they had learned. Yet behind them we are beginning to
catch glimpses of a different and older people who must have lived along the
Nile before even these Egyptians were known there. It may well be that races
after races of mankind have grown to power and old age, and have perished in
this same silent, secret, and mysterious land. To-day the Egyptians would be
almost as forgotten as earlier peoples, had they not erected those remarkable
monuments, which time has been unable to destroy.
Little by little the story of this extraordinary race, the battles of their
mighty kings, the arts of their patient workmen, the secrets of their subtle
priests, are being unfolded to us by the researches of science. And each new
marvel that we learn suggests other and greater ones behind. Ancient history
has to be rewritten every dozen years or so nowadays, and each new writing is
more impressive than the last.
Egypt has been well called the “Gift of the Nile.” What the land is, the
Nile has made it. In the geographies, Egypt is an oblong tract, filling the
whole corner of Africa, five hundred miles broad and over a thousand long.
But nine-tenths of this is mere waste space, uninhabitable, burning desert.
The Egypt of history is simply the Nile valley, one long narrow strip through
the middle of this desert.
A strange river, the Nile ! It has its mysteries as striking as the country's
own. During all these ages, the delta at the mouth has been a centre of civi-
lization, yet the other end of the stream, its source, remains unknown. “It
rises in heaven,” the old Egyptian priests told Herodotus; and though we have
discarded that explanation, yet even in this twentieth century we can only say
a little less vaguely that it rises somewhere in the unexplored wilderness of
Central Africa. The river, which perhaps in all the world has been longest
known, is still unknown.
You can best picture the Nile to yourself by imagining it as a palm-tree.
The many streams which join far back in Africa to form it are the roots, tre-
mendously big, old roots, which gradually divide and subdivide into the tiniest
thread-like filaments, each coaxing its single drop of moisture from the ground.
Then there is the great trunk of the river itself, flowing northward sixteen
hundred miles without a tributary. Then, less than a hundred miles from the
Mediterranean it suddenly spreads out like a fan into a beautiful green delta, a
network of branches and canals, amid a land famous for its enormous produce
and its luxuriant vegetation.
This delta in the old days was “Lower Egypt”; and just where the
branches spread from the trunk stood its capital city, the famous Memphis.
Egypt—The Nile Valley I I
“Upper Egypt” was the narrow valley of the Nile, reaching from Memphis six
hundred miles as the river flowed, to where a low ledge of rock stretching from
bank to bank formed the first cataract, the boundary of Egypt proper. Beyond
lay Nubia and the Soudan. Through all this distance, Egypt is but a cleft in
the desert; the Nile flows through a deep valley, which it has been tunnelling
for ages from the surrounding cliffs. These red sandstone cliffs rise abruptly
at an average distance of about three miles from the stream's bank; and all
along, under them, or carved from them, or reared on their summit, stand thou-
sands of tombs, and statues, and pyramids. The ancient Egyptian was very
anxious to preserve his memory after death; and nature here supplied him a
site which has kept his graveyard visible to all the world.
Beyond these cliffs on each side lies the high plateau of the desert; be-
tween them, the greenest, richest, most productive land the world can boast.
That narrow valley has supported a population of uncounted millions. Herodo-
tus tells us there were twenty thousand cities in Egypt in his day.
The wonderful fertility of this soil is, like everything good in Egypt, the
gift of the Nile. Every July, without excitement, without visible cause, the
river slowly begins to rise. There are marks in many places along the banks,
and anxious natives watch these, hour by hour, calling to each other in joy, “It
rises ' " or in fear and prayer, “It does not rise !” for this means life and death
to them. Once or twice of late, the river has not risen, and then there was a
famine in the land. But usually it rises, day by day, week by week, until by
September it has flooded all the valley. At the first cataract it is about forty
feet above its ordinary level; at Thebes, the capital of Upper Egypt, it is thirty-
six, at Memphis twenty-five, and there, spreading out over the lowlands of the
Delta, it drops to only four feet at the Mediterranean. The country is a sea;
the villages little mounds peeping above the waters.
Then the waters retreat as silently and mysteriously as they have risen.
By November, the river is back within its old banks, leaving the land covered
inches deep with a film of mud, from which all plant life springs as if by
magic.
No wonder the old Egyptians said their god made the river rise, and wor-
shipped him. What better can we say to-day 2 We discuss learnedly the
superficial means by which it is done; we call it the result of storms in Cen-
tral Africa, of melting snows on Abyssinian mountains; but the central fact
remains unchanged. God makes the river rise, that His people may be fed.
In this marvellous valley there lived, in days so remote that we cannot
even guess when, a people of whose history we know nothing, except that they
were conquered by another race, who came from the East—that is, from Asia.
The latter were the Egyptians of whom we know, a Hamitic race, perhaps
I 2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
fairly civilized before they entered Egypt. They tell us they were children of the
god Osiris, and that they had gods for their kings in Egypt during a period of
449,000 years. This is, of course, the mere babble of romance. Kings they
had, of whose tombs we are beginning to find traces; but we know nothing
historically until we come to Menes, the king who, as Herodotus was told,
brought all the little kingdoms of the land into a single great one, and built his
capital at Memphis.
For a long time, Menes was considered as imaginary as the god-kings who
preceded him. Learned men called him an eponym, an ugly name which means
that the people of Memphis, having forgotten who built their city, invented a
builder from the city's name, and declared it the work of a king named “Mem-
phes” or “Menes.” But in this case, at least, the learned men were wrong, for
lately, in that stupendous graveyard along the Nile of which I told you, the
tomb of Menes has been found, with many interesting relics, both of him and
of his descendants.
So Menes was as real flesh-and-blood a person as you and I, even if there
is some seven thousand years between us. He is the most ancient man whose
name has come down to us from his own time. The name of the first created
man seems, as you know, to have been long forgotten; and then God told it
again as a special revelation to Moses, about the year I 500 B.C. It was prob-
ably earlier than 5000 B.C. that this man Menes lived; and he himself has
handed his name down to us. There it stands to-day carved in the rock as he
ordered it, as he must have looked at it when finished, and pronounced it good.
Before telling you further of Menes and the kings that follow him, let me
explain how we come to know Egyptian history, and how learned men are beset
with difficulties in its study. Herodotus, the Greek, went to Egypt about the
year 418 B.C.; and the Egyptian priests laughed at him, as belonging to a na-
tion that “had no history,” that is to say, whose history only extended back in
a rather hazy fashion some seven centuries. So Herodotus, like an abashed
child, sat himself down at the feet of these men to learn something; and they
obligingly filled him full of their own history; and he wrote it all down as they
told it. What was true and what false probably the priests themselves did not
know; but it was certainly impressive to a stranger.
Only one writer added much to Herodotus. This was Manetho, an Egyp-
tian priest of the third century B. C. He wrote a history of his country, but only
a few fragments of this have been preserved to us. So at the beginning of this
century we knew little of ancient Egypt beyond the uncertain tale of Herod-
otus. The land itself was covered with stone carvings, hieroglyphics meant to
tell its story; but no man could read them.
When a little more than a hundred years ago Napoleon Bonaparte led his
Egypt—The Early Kings I 3
expedition into Egypt, one of his engineers, while digging the foundations of a
fort near the Rosetta mouth of the Nile, came upon a stone tablet Some three
feet in length, on which was an inscription in three different characters. The
lowest of the inscriptions was in Greek, and of course there was no difficulty in
translating it. It was found to be an ordinance of the priests ordering certain
honors to an Egyptian sovereign on the occasion of his coronation, 196 B.C. It
commanded that the three decrees should be inscribed in the sacred letters or
hieroglyphics, in the letters of the country or demotic, and in Greek letters.
This was for the convenience of the mixed population.
Now, you will see how valuable a find this was to scholars, who after a time
succeeded in unravelling the alphabet of the hieroglyphics, and since then have
read with ease the carvings, which throw a flood of light on the ancient history
of Egypt.
One unfortunate difficulty remained. The Egyptians seem to have had no
regular system of chronology. That is to say, they did not date all their history
from one great event, as we do from the birth of Christ. Under each new king,
apparently in compliment to him, they began Counting again, and dated events
only as happening in such and such a year of his reign. We have a fairly
complete list of their kings, and it looks, of course, as though it would be
an easy matter just to average all the reigns together, and so get at the dates
of the earlier ones. But Herodotus, trying some such plan, placed Menes in
the year I 2,OOO B.C., and another writer carried the enormous total back to 16,-
492 B.C. The fragments of Manetho, and later the hieroglyphics themselves,
showed us that these dates were absurd. But even very lately scientists have
disagreed to the extent of over three thousand years, one authority placing
Menes' date at 5702 B.C., while another brought it down to 2691. The diffi-
culty is that many of these kings, and even whole families of them, appear to
have been contemporaneous. A father would associate his son with him on the
throne, or one family might rule in Memphis while another was ruling at
Thebes. We are gradually approaching the truth, getting light in the dark
places. Within the last decade, 2700 has been abandoned as obviously far too
late a date; and now, with the tomb of the old king open before us, we are in-
clined to place him not far from 5700. We can say with reasonable security
that at any rate 5000 B.C. is not too ancient a date for the establishment of his
empire.
Menes seems to have been hereditary king of the district around Abydos
in Upper Egypt. He is the only one of his race not buried at this their
mother city, his tomb being on the edge of the desert twenty miles beyond
Thebes, perhaps at the southern boundary of his dominions. It is not at all like
the stone sepulchres of the later kings. Wall after wall of brick was built
I 4 The Story of the Greatest Nations
around and above his body, and then a great wood fire was set burning over the
whole structure, perhaps to harden it. Menes was a great builder; but even be-
fore his time the science of engineering must have been far advanced, for to
get the place that pleased him for his capital he first erected a monster dam,
and changed the entire course of the lower Nile. Its old channel can still be
traced close under the western cliffs of the valley, some miles from where it
now flows: Menes reigned, we are told, for sixty-two years, and then fell, in
combat with a hippopotamus. Whether the hippopotamus is to be taken liter-
ally we hardly know. One would like to think that, in the extreme age this fine
old king had reached, he had more sense than to risk himself in such youthful
sports. The hippopotamus was the Egyptian symbol for a foreign foe. Per-
haps Menes died defending the empire he had created.
The second king of his dynasty was Athothis, who is believed to have
built the citadel and palace of Memphis. Discoveries lately made warrant the
belief that Athothis was a physician, for fragments of a work on anatomy by
him have been brought to light. Nothing of account is known of the third
king, Kenkenes, but the first famine in Egyptian history visited the country
during the reign of Uenestes, the fourth king, to whom belongs the glory of
building, at Kochome, the oldest of all the pyramids.
Undoubtedly the most brilliant era in the history of Egypt was that of the
building of the pyramids. The government was consolidated and powerful.
The population had so increased that thousands of workmen during the Nile
overflow were subject to the whim of the ruler, who, with that vanity which is a
part of human nature, devoted an army of his subjects to building those colossal
structures, which will probably stand throughout the coming ages. On the
plateau west of Memphis nearly seventy of these stupendous monuments were
erected. The three most prominent, because of their prodigious size, are known
as the Pyramids of Ghizeh, near which city they stand.
The greatest of all is the pyramid of Khufu, founder of the Fourth Dynasty.
It was four hundred and eighty feet high, but the breaking away of its apex has
reduced it some thirty feet. Each side of the base is 764 feet in length, and
the vast pile contains about 90,000,000 cubic feet of masonry, covering thirteen
acres, twice the extent of any building in the world. This pyramid is notable
for several things besides its unprecedented size. It stands exactly on the
thirtieth parallel of latitude, and the four sides face with geometric accuracy the
cardinal points of the compass. On the north side, in the very middle, fifty-
two feet above the original ground level, a door is cut leading into a passage
three feet wide and four feet high. This passes downward to a chamber hewn
in the rock of the foundation, a hundred feet below the ground level of the base.
This chamber is directly under the apex of the pyramid and precisely six hun-
Egypt—The Pyramid Builders - I 5
dred feet below. Two other chambers lie exactly above. Within these sombre
graves were placed the stone coffins of the kings, who, despite their greatness
and power, were compelled to lie down and share the common fate of mortality.
There the royal mummies were put to sleep for centuries and above them on the
walls was graven the story of their deeds when in the flesh. The door of the
passage was sealed with a stone and the name of the dead monarch was added to
the list of gods in the temple.
The pyramids form one of the Seven Wonders of the World, and their build-
ing is a problem which even in these later days it is hard to solve. There is
no machine or apparatus in existence to-day powerful enough to raise those
colossal stones to their places in the stupendous pile. It has been suggested
that they were moulded in their position by chemical means from the sands of
the desert, but the marks of the machinery employed are still distinctly visible,
so that the construction of the engines is another of the lost arts. It is said
that 360,000 men were employed for twenty years in building the Great
Pyramid.
The second pyramid resembles in form and interior the largest. It was
originally 457 feet in height, while the third, but 233 feet high, was built by a
fourth or fifth king of the Fourth Dynasty. With this dynasty authentic
Egyptian history begins. Its kings were distinguished for military achieve-
ments and architectural grandeur. Khufu, the first of them, conquered Ethiopia,
while Khafra built the Sphinx, which stands north of the second pyramid of
Gizeh. It is hewn out of the solid rock, has the body of a crouching lion and
the head of a man, capped and bearded. It is 190 feet in length, and between
the paws, extended forward for fifty feet, is a monumental stone with the name
of Khafra. The width of the shoulders is thirty-six feet and the head from top
to chin is twenty-eight feet and a half. - *
The closing years of the Fourth Dynasty showed a decline in the political
power of Egypt, and the Fifth Dynasty, composed of nine reigns, gave little to
the world that is worthy of record. The kings of the Sixth Dynasty belonged
to a family from a small island in the Nile known as Elephantis, in Upper Egypt.
This epoch saw the beginning of foreign wars of conquest and the decline of
art. The Egyptian dominion was carried far into the Syrian and Arabian
deserts and Nubia was conquered. The most wonderful and almost incredible
statement regarding the Sixth Dynasty is that King Pepy II, ascending the
throne at the age of six, held it for ninety-five years / During that marvellous
reign the Egyptian conquests referred to were made and Egyptian dominion
was extended to the Red Sea and the cataracts of the Nile. The king founded
in Middle Egypt the “City of Pepy,” whose site has been lost, and built one
of the great pyramids of Sakkara for his tomb. *
I 6 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Under his successor, his son Merenra, Ethiopia became a tributary prov-
ince, and the copper mines of Arabia and of the peninsula of Sinai were opened
and developed. Then followed several rulers of whom little is known, but
Manetho states that Dynasties Seven and Eight belonged to the Memphian line
while the following two were in a Heracleopolite family, some of whom were
probably contemporaneous in Upper and Middle Egypt.
The Twelfth Dynasty, extending from 2778 to 2565 B.C., was introduced
by Amenemhat I., during whose reign Egyptian dominion extended from the
Red Sea to the western desert. This was a memorable period in the history
of the country. Many canals were constructed for the irrigation of the
country, and the civil administration of the various governors improved, while
sculpture, architecture, and the building of monumental tombs were extensively
revived.
Under Usertesen I., the next king, Egypt attained a glory and magnificence
unequalled since the downfall of the Fourth Dynasty. His two successors fol-
lowed his policy, and the next king, Usertesen III., had the most glorious
reign of all. The boundary was fixed beyond the second cataract, where forts
and outposts were built and stone tablets set up defining the limits of the king-
dom. The engineering works were extraordinary. Through the hills the
engineers constructed a canal which led the waters of the Nile into the valley
of Fayoum, where the supply from the annual inundation formed an artificial
lake. Thus by the distribution of the water, which was well stocked with fish,
a large area of country was turned into a luxuriant garden.
But more amazing than all was the national temple known as the Labyrinth,
erected near the entrance of the canal into the lake. Herodotus, who examined
it, was astounded and declared that all the temples of the Greeks put together
did not equal it in cost and splendor. It contained twelve roofed courts, join-
ing one another, with opposite entrances, six facing the north and six the South,
the whole being inclosed by an immense wall. One-half the temple was above
and one-half below ground, and each division contained fifteen hundred apart-
ments. Those below ground were the sepulchres of the kings and the halls of
the sacred crocodiles. No wonder it was called the Labyrinth, for any one
who attempted to pass through its winding and almost innumerable divisions
was certain to lose his way, unless he was in charge of an experienced guide.
Herodotus was allowed to visit the apartments above ground but not the
subterranean ones. Regarding the former he said: “I pronounce them among
the grandest efforts of human industry and art. The almost infinite number
of winding passages through the different courts excited my highest admiration:
from spacious halls I passed through smaller chambers, and from them again to
large and magnificent saloons, almost without end. The walls and ceilings are
Egypt—The Shepherd Kings 17
of marble, the latter embellished with the most exquisite sculpture; around
each court, pillars of the richest and most polished marble are arranged; and at
the termination of the Labyrinth stands a pyramid one hundred and sixty cubits
high, approached by a subterranean passage, and with its exterior enriched by
huge figures of animals.”
The Thirteenth Dynasty included sixty Diospolite kings who are said to
have reigned 453 years. The Fourteenth numbered seventy-six Xoite kings
with reigns extending over one hundred and eighty-four years; but of these
Xoites many appear to be mere puppets, ruling under the Hyksos, or Shepherd
kings, who now invaded the land.
They form the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Seventeenth Dynasties, which
lasted from 2098 to 1587 B.C. The Hyksos are supposed to have been a no-
madic race from either Arabia or Syria, who invaded Lower Egypt, where they
destroyed the native monarchy of Memphis and then conquered the Theban
Kingdom of Upper Egypt. Their dominion was completely established about
1900 B.C., and was followed by the darkest period in Egyptian history. It was
during the reign of the Shepherd kings that Abraham visited Egypt, and they
were still reigning when Jacob and his sons settled in the country more than
two hundred years later. It is indeed this fact that somewhat accounts for
Joseph’s rise to power. The king who so welcomed and honored him was, like
himself, a stranger and a Semite.
There were many rebellions during the reign of the Shepherd kings, but
all were put down until finally a revolt broke out in the district of Thebes,
where, through the skill of the native leaders and the bravery of the insurgents,
the Shepherds were decisively beaten and compelled to concentrate at Avaris.
Being besieged there, they finally agreed to withdraw with their flocks and
herds and leave the country forever.
The Shepherds being expelled, the Theban house became the dominant
power in Egypt, and the Eighteenth Dynasty opened about I 59 I B.C. Here an
impressive Biblical truth must be remembered: the head of this Eighteenth
Dynasty is believed to have been that Pharaoh “who knew not Joseph,” and the
exodus of the Israelites from Egypt is supposed to have taken place about 1491
B.C., perhaps during the reign of Amenhotep II., the Pharaoh whose heart was
hardened, and who, pursuing the Israelites into the Red Sea, was drowned with
all his horsemen.
Under the Eighteenth Dynasty and those immediately following Upper
and Lower Egypt were once more united under one crown; the ruined temples
were restored, the military spirit kindled anew, and the surrounding nations
brought under Egyptian dominion. Egypt became a single great centralized
power. Her art reached its highest perfection, and the splendid temple-palaces
2
18 The Story of the Greatest Nations
of Thebes were built. Ethiopia, Arabia, and Syria were invaded, the Euphrates
was crossed, and a part of Mesopotamia added to the empire.
Thothmes III., the greatest of the rulers of the Eighteenth Dynasty, has
been called “the Alexander of Egypt.” He overran the whole of the civilized
world, as he knew it. The kings of Babylon and Assyria were his vassals.
But conquered Asia revenged itself on his race. His great-grandson Amen-
hotep IV., fascinated by Babylonian culture and art, sought to introduce it into
Egypt. He aimed to overthrow the old religion and break the enormous power
of the priests. With this object he introduced sun-worship, changed his own
name to one meaning “Glory of the Solar Disk”; and, deserting his old capital
Thebes, built a new city, in which he started a completely new civilization,
differing widely from the Egyptian. What followed is very obscure. It may
have been purposely made so by the priests. There was a revolution; the new
city was destroyed; Amenhotep's mummy was torn to pieces; and the stones
of the new god's temple were carried to Thebes to be used in the service of the
old god Amon. The Eighteenth Dynasty disappeared, and the Nineteenth
reigned in its stead. -
Before entering upon this the second great period in Egyptian history, it
will be interesting to consider the civilization of that remarkable people.
The government was a hereditary monarchy, but it was greatly modified by
the influence of the priestly class, who really formed the “power behind the
throne.” The public duties and daily habits of the monarch were rigidly pre-
scribed by religious rule. There was another important difference between an
Egyptian king and other despots: while he had the right to enact new laws, he
had no power over the lives and property of his subjects, beyond that which
was prescribed by law. He might be the possessor of as many whims and
mental freaks as nature chose to give him, but he could not make his subjects
Suffer therefrom.
Society consisted of three castes or ranks—the priests, the soldiers, and
the lower orders. Every man, instead of being free to choose his place and
vocation in life, had it fixed for him, and it was always what his father's was or
had been.
Of these three castes the priests were the richest and most influential, but
you must not give the present meaning to the word “priest,” for their order
included many professions and occupations. About all the knowledge of the
country was concentrated in them. They were everywhere, were the only ones
who knew how to read and write, and the medical and scientific men belonged to
their rank. They fixed the religious ritual to which every man, including the
king himself, was obliged to conform. Thus you will see the power of the
priests was almost unlimited.
Egypt—Art and Social Life I 9
Second to the priestly class was that of the military. To each member of
this caste was assigned about six and a half acres of land, which was free from
tax, but the owner was forbidden to engage in any art or trade. The king
rented all the land except that belonging to the priests and soldiers, receiving
in the way of rent about one-fifth of the produce.
Below the priests and soldiers came the great unprivileged castes, among
which were the husbandmen, the artificers, and the herdsmen. In each of these
were included many occupations. The lowest caste was that of the herdsmen and
the lowest members of that caste were the swineherds, who, therefore, were at
the bottom of the social scale. All below the castes of the priests and soldiers
had no political rights and could not hold land.
This system was a baneful one, for it killed personal ambition and enter-
prise, and held the nation motionless, when otherwise it might have made
great progress and become highly prosperous.
The population of ancient Egypt was five millions and probably more.
You have learned of the land's amazing fertility, where the ground was covered
by the rich film from the annual overflow of the Nile. Since food was cheap
and abundant, the population increased fast. Think of the statement of a Greek
visitor to Egypt a short time before the birth of the Saviour, to the effect that
to bring up a child to manhood cost hardly four dollars of our money, or at the
rate, say, of less than a cent a week!
This almost incredible condition of affairs caused thousands of the popula-
tion to become idlers, or rather placed their services at the command of the
rulers, who set them to work building pyramids and other structures which
sufficed to keep armies of them busy.
The Egyptians acquired great skill in architecture. Their instinct seemed
to lead them in that direction. While they never equalled the Greeks, they
displayed marked ability. The principal feature of Egyptian architecture is its
largeness and grandeur. The colossal sphinxes and obelisks formed avenues
leading to immense palaces and temples, with a vastness of space that would
inclose any one of our most famous cathedrals. You have already learned about
the pyramids, some of whose blocks weigh I,6OO tons. It is stated that 2,000
men were employed for three years in moving one of those gigantic blocks to
the base of the pyramid. It would be still more interesting to learn how they
managed to raise it to its position at the end of their journey.
In sculpture the artists also aimed at bigness, and therefore missed the
beautiful, nor did painting attain any special excellence. While many of the
frescoes in the sepulchres display brilliancy of coloring and considerable spirit,
the drawing is poor, with no apparent employment of the laws of perspective.
No doubt the sculptors and artists were hampered by the strict religious rules
2O The Story of the Greatest Nations
to which they were forced to submit. Thus in representing the gods no colors
could be used except those prescribed by their religion.
A much larger percentage of the Egyptian population could read and write
than of any other ancient nation. The most ancient monuments and pyramids
show inscriptions, and nearly every article for use or adornment was marked.
The best of writing-material was made from the leaves of the papyrus plant, of
which we have manuscripts two thousand years old. It is from the word papy-
rus that we derive “paper.”
The religion of the Egyptians embodied a conception of the immortality of
the soul and the existence of a Supreme Being, but his attributes and manifes-
tations were shown in various forms. While the learned accepted these as
merely symbols, the ignorant looked upon them as divinities and objects of wor-
ship. Thus it came about that the Egyptians had gods almost without number
—sufficient for every day in the year. The most general worship was of the
great god Osiris and the beautiful goddess Isis. The lovely Nile island of Philae,
at the extreme limit of the kingdom, was one of the centres of her worship, and
the ruins of her temple there still survive.
A striking feature of the Egyptian religion was the adoration paid to
brutes. The ibis, the dog, and the cat were held in special honor everywhere,
while others were worshipped only in certain districts. The bull Apis, at Mem-
phis, and the calf Mnevis, at Heliopolis, received the highest of all honors. The
animals thus worshipped were kept with the utmost care in the temples and
were embalmed at death. If any one killed an ibis or hawk, even by accident,
he was immediately put to death. Such mental debasement is certain to bring
woful results to a people, as was proven in the subsequent history of Egypt.
It was only certain animals that the Egyptians protected. Dangerous
beasts had no immunity. Indeed one of the recognized duties of the kings was
to kill off the savage lions of the desert. Regular hunting parties were organ-
ized, and one king records on his monuments that he has slain one hundred and
twelve lions for the good of his people. The princesses, too, had elaborately
arranged parties for crocodile hunts on the Nile, and were proud of their success
in killing these eaters of their people.
The universal belief was that at the resurrection the soul and body would
reunite. To this belief was due the practice of embalming the dead bodies, the
art reaching a remarkable degree of skill. It causes a strange feeling to look
upon one of those mummies, which shows the color of the hair about the base
of the head, the cast of the features, while you know that twenty centuries or
more have swept over the world since the immortal spirit fled from the body.
There were many excellent mechanics among the Egyptians. Linen was
their usual article of dress, and they made it from a fine kind of flax which they
Egypt–Progress in Mechanical Arts 2 I
cultivated; they could polish and engrave precious stones to perfection, while
in glass manufacture, porcelain-making, and dyeing none could surpass them.
They possessed many secrets that have been lost. One was the manufacture
of elastic glass, or, rather, glass that could be compressed without danger of frac-
ture. It is said that one of their cups made of glass could be held in the hand
and pressed until the two sides touched, and then, upon being released, it would
immediately fly back to its former shape.
As far back as records exist the Egyptians worked in metals, and their
walls and ceilings afford exquisite patterns for us in these days. While they
had a knowledge of arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and medicine, yet it was
crude, and the Chaldeans were their superiors. In the words of Professor Swin-
ton: “The greatest characteristic of Egyptian institutions was their ºc/ange-
abſeness. This stationary character is seen in Egyptian government, society,
religion, art, learning. Egypt herself was a mummy.”
HHHHHHHH
H-- -
i
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Chapter II
FROM THE FIRST RAMESES TO THE CONQUEST BY THE
GREEKS
º § HE first Rameses was an insignificant ruler, of whom little
º' is known. He appointed his son co-regent, or joint ruler
with him, and after several raids into Nubia died, having
reigned only two years. Among the mummies found at
º Der-el-Bahari, some time ago, was one that was identified
º as that of Rameses I. His only importance lies in that
he began the Nineteenth Dynasty, during which Egypt
became so prosperous and powerful.
With Seti I. opened the reign of one of the most illus-
trious and warlike monarchs of Egypt. He speedily became
involved in a series of important wars, one of which was notable
because it resulted in the capture of Saluma, or Salem, which
afterward became the city of Jerusalem. He was a man of
great military ability, and was so successful that he compelled
Syria to sue for peace and strengthened his hold on the prov-
ince by marrying a princess of that nation. He gave much attention to mari-
time affairs, and it is said that a powerful fleet of his swept up and down the
Mediterranean. There has been too much praise, however, given to this ruler,
for it is impossible that all of the triumphs placed to his credit could have been
gained by any man in a single lifetime. This unquestionably great ruler, who
was vain to the last degree, resorted to a trick by which to add to his glory.
Many famous buildings, built by his predecessors, had the names of the builders
inscribed upon them. Seti caused these to be obliterated and his own placed in
their stead. But it remains true that his empire was extended northward to the
- Egypt—Rameses II 23
shores of the Caspian Sea; southward beyond the second cataract; westward
to the interior of the desert; and it included Arabia to the eastward.
This ruler devoted most of his architectural activity to the city of Thebes,
where he built upon the temple of Amon-Ra at Karnak, and began the splendid
hypostyle which was completed by his son and successor. He restored two
funereal temples and left his kingdom to his son who is known in history as
Rameses II.
This king was perhaps the most illustrious of all the rulers of Egypt, and
was surnamed the Great. When only ten years old he accompanied his father
in many of his campaigns, and upon succeeding to the throne was fired with the
ambition to become the conqueror of the world. The Greeks named him Se-
sostris and saw in him the representative of the highest possible Egyptian great-
ness. Their accounts of his marvellous exploits, however, have greatly over-
estimated them. His principal campaigns were in Ethiopia, Syria, and Arabia,
and it is probable that he pushed his conquests as far as Mesopotamia and ruled
the larger part of Western Asia. His greatest battle was here at Kaddish, the
capital city of the Hittites. On his monuments he is very fond of referring
to his personal prowess in this great battle. Charging at the head of his forces,
he with his chariot and lions alone succeeded in breaking through the Hittite
line. The rest of the Egyptians were driven back, and the king remained alone
in a position of great peril.
You may be interested to step back through the centuries and read
Rameses' own boastful account of the matter, as scholars have translated it.
“I became like the god Mentu. I hurled the dart with my right hand; I
fought with my left hand. . . . I had come upon two thousand teams of horses;
I was in the midst of them, but they were dashed in pieces before my steeds.
Not one of them raised his hand to fight; their courage was sunken in their
breasts; their limbs gave way. . . . I made them fall into the water like
crocodiles; they tumbled down on their faces one after another. I killed them
at my pleasure.” The inscription runs on as far again in the same strain. It
is the tone of all the monuments. These old Egyptian kings were in no way
bashful about telling their exploits.
That is one thing which makes it so difficult to get at the facts of ancient
history. The Hittites certainly were defeated in this battle, but the act of
Rameses in building an immense wall from Pelusium to Heliopolis to protect
his eastern frontier does not look like the work of a resistless conqueror, and
the cutting of a system of canals from Memphis downward was probably meant
to obstruct the advance of his enemies.
His works in architecture were sufficient to make the name of Rameses
immortal. He completed the famous Hall of Columns, begun by his father at
24 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Karnak, and the temple of Amenhotep III. at Luxor. He played, however,
what seems a rather mean trick on this latter king. Amenhotep had set up
together in one great court several hundred enormous black granite statues of
his favorite goddess Mañt. Rameses helped himself freely to this regiment,
and made royal presents of black granite goddesses to almost every city in his
kingdom. His successors freely followed his thievish example, until to-day
only a fraction of the statues remain, battered, overturned, or leaning toward a
fall. Amenhotep’s most remarkable work gives scarcely a suggestion of what
it must have looked when those hundreds of giant figures towered row after
row, fresh from the carver's hands.
The two colossi of Rameses, and one of the two obelisks of red granite
which he placed in front of Amenhotep's grand temple, are still standing with
the inscription as sharp and distinct as on the day it was graven in the flinty
stone. The other obelisk is in the Place de la Concorde, at Paris.
Rameses died in the sixty-eighth year of his reign, and was succeeded by
his fourteenth son Mer-en-Ptah, who made Memphis his capital. It is worth
noting that the word “Pharaoh’’ did not refer to a single person, but was ap-
plied to each ruler, no matter what his name. As an evidence of the uncertainty
of historical records, it may be stated that a good many writers claim that this
ruler was the Pharaoh of the Exodus, who was drowned with his hosts in the
Red Sea. t
When Mer-en-Ptah came to the throne, Egypt was at peace with the world,
and, unless we accept the Exodus as taking place during his reign, it was un-
eventful. Under his son Seti II. there was disorder and rebellion. Seti was
credited with numerous victories, but it was probably done by flatterers, for no
authentic records of such triumphs have been preserved. After his death came
a period of anarchy, during which several usurpers reigned for a brief while,
until at last Set-necht succeeded in restoring order and founded the Twentieth
Dynasty.
All the kings of this dynasty, after Set-necht, are known as Rameses, the
first one being III., while the last was XII. Rameses III, subdued a rebellion
in Ethiopia and gained a number of naval battles on the Mediterranean. He,
like so many of his predecessors, was a great builder, and his name is found in
all parts of Egypt connected with temples and other monuments, his chief at-
tention having been given to the Delta, and to the district about Thebes where
he built his famous temple of Amon. With this dynasty ended the period
known as the “New Empire,” and the years of decline began. It had seen
Egypt the first power of the then known world, but the dry rot was gnawing at
the root, and was not to cease until the passing centuries saw the once mighty
kingdom among the weakest and most insignificant of nations.
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Egypt—The Decline from Power 25
The priests had been steadily gaining power, and they now secured the
throne, under the name of the Tanite kings, and held it ſor one hundred and
thirty years, or, according to some writers, for one hundred and fifty years.
Then followed the Bubastite or Twenty-second Dynasty, believed to have de-
scended from the foreign settlers in Bubastis, now known as Tel-Bustak, on the
Peludiac Nile, about seventy miles from the mouth.
We now reach secure ground, for it is covered by Hebrew history. She-
shonk, founder of the Bubastite dynasty, was the Shishak of the Old Testament,
who captured Jerusalem about 972 B.C. If you will read the first ten verses
of the twelfth chapter of II. Chronicles, you will find the account of this event,
which is also related by Josephus, while the name of the king with a record
of his achievements is inscribed on the propylon of the great temple of Kar-
nak. It is believed that his successor was 2.eza/, of the Bible (Osorthern or
Osorcho), who suffered defeat at Mareshah, from Asa, king of Judah, as related
in II. Kings xviii. 4 and II. Chron. xvi. 8, 9.
The Twenty-third Dynasty was also Tanite, and Egypt declined more
rapidly than ever. At the close of the next dynasty it was conquered by Ethi-
opia, its last monarch, Bocchoris, being taken prisoner and burned alive. Sa-
baco, founder of the Twenty-fifth or Ethiopian Dynasty, was the So of the
Hebrew records, with whom Hosea, king of Israel, formed an alliance. His
successor, Tarkus, was Tirhaka/, king of Ethiopia, the enemy of Assyria and
Sennacherib, an account of whom is given in the book of Isaiah (xxvii. 9). How
our interest deepens and intensifies when we find ourselves reading history which
is also given in the Bible !
There was much trouble and warring after the death of Tarkus, a sure
indication of the rapid decay of the empire. Twelve kings probably reigned
at the same time in different parts of the country. Each had his own province,
and they united only to repel foreign invasion. This was about seven centuries
before the birth of the Saviour. Where there were so many pulling different
ways, they were easily overthrown by one of their own number, Psammetichus
I., aided by Greek and Phoenician mercenaries, and he formed the Twenty-
sixth Dynasty. During his reign of more than fifty years, he united Egypt
into a compact kingdom and introduced a number of important reforms. One
of his changes, however, was scarcely for the better. He built new and more
gorgeous temples for the successive bulls in which the god Apis was supposed to
be living. He made the worship of these bulls the main part of the religious
ceremony of the nation, having grand processions and feasts in their honor.
His successor Nechao, Nekas, or Neco, was the Pharaoh Mecho of the Bible
(II. Kings xxiii. 29–34). He was a ruler of ability, and during his reign of six-
teen years he carried on a war against the Babylonian Empire, defeated its ally,
26 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Josiah, king of Judah, entered Jerusalem in triumph and placed Eliakim, younger
brother of Jehoahaz, on the throne. He invaded Assyria and for four years had
a series of continued victories. Then he was defeated on the banks of the Eu-
phrates by Nebuchadnezzar and driven back into Egypt. It is said that by his
command a Phoenician fleet attempted the circumnavigation of Africa, and he
began the cutting of a canal between the Red Sea and the Nile.
During the reign of his successor, Psammetichus II., Egyptian supremacy
was restored over Ethiopia. Disasters overtook the kingdom under Apries, the
Pharaoh Hophra of Scripture. Nebuchadnezzar invaded Lower Egypt and the
Greeks swarmed into Western Egypt, where the king was defeated.
We now reach another momentous era in the history of Egypt. It was 525.
B. C. and Cambyses was king over Persia, which had grown into a powerful and
mighty nation. Previous to this time, Amasis, King of Egypt, had formed an
alliance with King Croesus of Lydia and King Nabunaid of Babylon, who were:
bitter enemies of Persia. The alliance was for protection against the growing:
power of Persia, but it gave Cambyses the excuse he needed to march against.
Egypt.
This campaign promised to be of the most trying nature. Along the east-
ern frontier extended the Syrian desert, which was so difficult to cross that
Amasis did not believe there was any danger to him in such an attempt. He
therefore brought his forces together at Pelusium, confident that he would gain
an easy victory over the invaders, who after crossing the desert would be so.
worn out that they must fall easy victims to his warriors. Cambyses understood
the difficulties before him, and collected an immense fleet to attack Pelusium by
sea while his army assailed it by land. But on the eve of starting an astound-
ing piece of good fortune befell him.
Phanes, one of the best officers in the Egyptian army, was aggrieved over
his treatment by Amasis, and so angered that he set out to join the Persian
monarch. Suspecting his purpose, Amasis sent his favorite eunuch in pursuit,
and he overtook Phanes on the road; but the latter eluded him and reached the
Persian camp, where it need not be said he received a warm welcome from
Cambyses.
It was a woful day for Amasis when he offended his young officer, for he
not only revealed all the secrets of his former master, but showed his enemies
the means of crossing the desert with little difficulty or loss. As a first step,
envoys were sent to the Bedouin sheiks or chiefs, who were given bounteous.
presents, and in return they made treaties by which they promised to furnish the
expedition with camels and water, and to guide them by the shortest and best
route to Pelusium.
In the interval Amasis died, so that it was his son Psammeticus III., a young.
Egypt—Under Persian Dominion 27
and inexperienced leader, who met the Persians at Pelusium. After a prolonged
and furious battle the Egyptians were totally defeated. Psammeticus fled to
Memphis and a ship was sent thither to demand the submission of the city. This
ship contained only two hundred men, and its errand being known, it should
have been safe against attack; but when it entered the harbor it was boarded
by an overwhelming number of men, who killed every one on board and burned
the vessel. -
Cambyses punished this perfidy ten-fold. He laid siege to Memphis, took
it, and executed two thousand of the sons of the most respected citizens, among
them the son of the king, whose daughter and a number of leading young wo-
men were sold into slavery. Cambyses intended, however, to make Psam-
metichus governor of Egypt, but he was detected in a conspiracy against the
Persian, who permitted him to take poison as the best way out of his trouble.
He may be considered the last of the Pharaohs, for the Persian hosts now tramped
unopposed over Egypt, the New Empire, once the pride of the world, was blotted
out in darkness, and the land of the Pharaohs became a Persian province.
The Twenty-seventh Dynasty thus founded by Cambyses consisted of six
kings whose joint reigns lasted from 525 to 424 B.C. Having been so success-
ful, Cambyses determined to conquer the rest of Africa. He planned three ex-
peditions. The first was against Carthage, but it had to be abandoned because
the Phoenicians, who composed most of the fleet, refused to make war against
Carthage, and being volunteers, Cambyses did not dare to use severe measures
against them.
The second expedition was directed against the Oasis of Amon, and a force
of fifty thousand men left Thebes and started across the desert of Sahara, but
were never heard of again. It is probable that all perished in one of those ter-
rific sand-storms which sweep over that flaming desert.
The third expedition was against Ethiopia, and, in the main, was successful,
but on the return of the army, which numbered I 50, OOO men, nearly all per-
ished in a sand-storm. Nevertheless, Egypt was thoroughly subdued and held
with a firm hand.
Cambyses was subject to epileptic fits, and he now became insane and
committed many sacrileges which grievously offended the Egyptians, his own
country suffering almost as much from his wild doings. He killed his brother,
and has been accused of many unnatural crimes. He wounded himself, it is
thought accidentally, and died therefrom in the year 522 B.C.
Darius became king of Persia and was confronted by many revolts, but
Egypt remained loyal. He visited the country in 517, and by his course won
the good will of the people. He founded a city named for himself near the
route of the canal which he completed from the Nile to the Red Sea, and
28 The Story of the Greatest Nations
then, for some unknown reason, caused half of it to be destroyed. The most
important act of his reign was the erection of Egypt, including Libya, Barca,
and Cyrene, into the sixth satrapy, which was required to pay an annual tax
amounting to $826,OOO.
Xerxes became king of Persia in 485 B.C., and found the Egyptians in
revolt. He reconquered them and appointed his own brother satrap of the
country.
As we shall learn in the history of Persia, Xerxes was assassinated in 472
and was succeeded, after a few years of anarchy, by Artaxerxes in 464, who
found a formidable rebellion confronting him in Egypt, where the Greeks gave
assistance to his enemies. He suffered a number of defeats, but was successful
in the end, and induced the Athenians to withdraw their support of the Egyp-
tians. After a time, tranquillity was established, but in the latter part of the
reign of Darius II. (4I4 B.C.) the Egyptians succeeded in gaining their inde-
pendence under the leadership of Amyrtaeus, the Greek, whose reign from 414
to 408 B.C. constituted the Twenty-eighth Dynasty. He was deposed, and the
Twenty-ninth Dynasty, that of Nepherites, lasted from 408 to 386 B.C., when
Nepherites II, succeeded his father, but was deserted by his soldiers, who slew
his son.
The Thirtieth Dynasty began in 386 B.C., with Nectanebus I. on the
throne. He was the greatest king of the period, and under him, Egypt once
more assumed an important rank among nations, defying Persia and making
her influence felt in Asia. Many extensive and costly campaigns were set
on foot against Egypt, but when Artaxerxes died all had resulted in dismal
failure.
Nectanebus II. ascended the Egyptian throne in 361 and held it for
twelve years, being the last native Pharaoh. He abandoned the attempts to
conquer Phoenicia and Syria and confined himself within the boundaries of
Egypt, probably because of the internal troubles. Persia pushed her conquests
in different directions and finally attacked Egypt. Her forces suffered severe
losses in the desert, but, with their Greek allies, laid siege to Pelusium. The
Thebans made the first attack, but the battle, which lasted far into the night,
ended without advantage to either side. The Egyptians, however, lacked a good
general, and, after more severe fighting, retreated to Memphis.
The invaders now marched through the Delta, promising pardon to all who
would submit, and threatening with the sword those who continued resistance.
It may be said that the Egyptian and Greek garrisons (for there were Greeks
on both sides) fell over each other in their haste to make submission. So it
came about that Egypt, after an independence of sixty-five years, became again
a Persian province.
Egypt—Conquest by Alexander 29
She remained passive and tranquil throughout the terrific war between
Alexander and Persia, even though hardly a Persian garrison was left in the
country. When the power of Persia was shattered Egypt did not strike a blow
for her freedom, though she did strike hard at the robber bands which terrorized
many parts of the country.
Having captured Tyre and Gaza, Alexander determined to make sure of
Egypt. Pelusium surrendered without resistance. Alexander garrisoned the
city and sent his fleet up the Nile to Memphis. He entered the city not as a
conqueror, but as a Pharaoh, reverently observing all the ancient religious cere-
monies. Sacrifices were offered to the gods, athletic games and prize contests
in arts were instituted in which many of the Greek masters took part. This
conduct was in such contrast to that of previous Persian rulers that the Egyptians
were captivated and hailed him as their best friend.
Passing down the Nile from Memphis, Alexander went to sea from Cano-
pus, and landing at the outlet of Lake Mareotis, near the site of Rakote, he was
impressed by the splendid harbor facilities offered by the place. He deter-
mined to found a city there which should bear his name. Thus the important
metropolis Alexandria came into existence. It soon became the intellectual
exchange between the nations of the Occident and the Orient, and the mother of
a new civilization. Leaving a portion of his army in Egypt, Alexander left the
country in 332 and never returned. When he died his body was brought to
Alexandria for interment.
CAMEo with Portrait of PtoleMY PHILADELPHUS, AND ARSINOE, DAUGHTER OF LYSIMACHUS.
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RUINS OF THE RAMESSEUM.
Chapter III
EGYPT UNIDER GREEK AND ROMAN RULE
º
*ANY historians close their history of the Land of the
- Pharaohs, with its conquest by Alexander, since its
ancient glory vanished, and it lost that individual-
ity which had made it pre-eminent among the
nations of antiquity; but there still remains much
of interest to tell about the remarkable country.
You have learned of the wisdom shown by
Alexander in governing Egypt and shaping its
policy, but in order to understand the mission and lesson of his-
tory, you must remember that, during the years about which I
have been telling you, other nations had acquired greatness
and power, and the events of Egypt became interwoven with
them; but we shall follow our plan of giving in consecutive
space the complete account of every country from beginning
to end, no matter how vast the stretch of years embraced.
The principal neighbors of Egypt were Persia, Greece, and
Rome, each and all of whom deeply impressed themselves upon
her progress and civilization. There had been an extended commercial and
military intercourse with Greece, and the reciprocal effect was deep and lasting,
though the greater civilization of the Hellenes produced the stronger impres-
sion. Greek ideas permeated Egypt from one end to the other, and were felt
by all classes. There were Hellenic colonies along the shore of the Red Sea,
and their historians and philosophers traversed the land, with eyes and ears
l
Egypt—The Grecian Rule 3 I
open. There were Greek settlements in the Delta and Greek soldiers were at
the Egyptian court. In short, it may be said that, during the fifth and fourth
centuries before the Christian era, Egypt became Hellenized, just as a bit of
leaven “leavens the whole lump.”
Alexander died in 323 B.C., and almost immediately the vast empire created
by his genius crumbled to pieces, as a house does when the foundations are
swept away. His chief captains divided his vast possessions among themselves,
and it came about that Egypt fell to the share of Ptolemy Lagos, or Soter, the
first of the Greek sovereigns. He was an able ruler and added more “leaven’’
to the Egyptian lump, until, had you been unfamiliar with its history, you
would have suspected that the country had always been a part of Greece. He
changed the names of many of the leading cities, dethroned the abstract religion
and supplanted it with a singular compound of the two systems, while science
and learning found a congenial home in the court of the Ptolemies. Alexandria
drew within its walls the learning of the age; the unapproachable Alexandrian
Library was founded by Ptolemy Philadelphus, who encouraged the Septuagint
version of the Hebrew Bible and patronized the labors of the historians and
learned men. The Delta became a scene of bustling activity like an American
city, for commerce was rapidly developed and nearly all Europe eagerly sought
the corn, linen and papyrus of Egypt, the products of Libya and the apparently
exhaustless treasures of the East.
The third Ptolemy was Euergetes, who, through a Syrian war, extended his
conquests to Babylon and Susa and swept the shores of the Mediterranean with
his fleets. He added to the volumes in the Alexandrian Library, and did his
utmost to aid in the material and intellectual prosperity of his people.
The fatal defect of every monarchical system is that, while some rulers may
be of the highest virtue and ability, there are sure to be others whose reigns
are a deadly blight to their subjects. Untold evil is done and the hands on the
dial of progress are turned back for generations. The turn of Egypt came
when Epiphanes, the fifth Ptolemy, became king. He was a bloated wretch,
incapable of giving his country a pretence of good government. After inflict-
ing disaster and evil, he was poisoned when preparing to set out on a military
expedition.
During his reign, Rome began to show her hand in Egyptian affairs, and
Philometor, the seventh Ptolemy, was a nominee of the Roman Senate. He was
a good and wise ruler, but his successor, Euergetes II., was one of the most loath-
some miscreants that ever lived. You cannot think of any vice of which he
was not guilty, while he was avaricious and brutal to the last degree. He had
a sister, Cleopatra, who had also been the sister of her dead husband. Euer-
getes married her, and, on the day he did so, murdered her infant son. He
32 The Story of the Greatest Nations
afterward divorced Cleopatra and married her daughter by her first husband, she
therefore being his niece. This was too much for his subjects, who rebelled
and placed Cleopatra on the throne. In revenge he murdered a son who had
been born to them, and sent the youth's head to her as a present.
You must not confound this Cleopatra with the one famous in history, for
that individual did not come upon the stage until a hundred years afterward.
Moreover, it has been stated by some that the term “sister,” as used among the
Egyptians, did not always imply the close relationship which we understand by
the term.
Several successors are not worth noting, but coming down to the time of
Ptolemy XIV., who became king in 5 I B.C., we reach the period of the dazzling
Egyptian Cleopatra, whose luminous beauty and marvellous fascination com-
pletely turned the heads of men whose ambition and mental genius, it would be
supposed, would have lifted them above any temptation in that direction.
Ptolemy XIII. placed the guardianship of Egypt in the Roman Senate.
His daughter Cleopatra and his son Ptolemy XIV. were nominated as succes-
sors to the throne. She was seventeen and he ten years old, and their joint
authority was cemented by the marriage of the brother and sister. The
particulars of the romantic tragedy that follows will be found in our history of
Rome. The ministers of Ptolemy excluded Cleopatra from her share in the
sovereignty, when fortunately for the deposed queen a new actor came upon the
stage in the person of the great Julius Caesar (B.C. 48).
Probably having unbounded faith in her power of fascination, Cleopatra
sought and obtained entrance to the presence of the illustrious Roman leader.
Her confidence was warranted, for she completely bewitched Caesar, who, as
might have been supposed, made a fool of himself.
Won by her smiles he became her champion; he captured Pelusium, the
key of the Nile, and, crossing that river at the head of the Delta, routed the
army of Ptolemy, who, while fleeing, was drowned. Caesar's success being
complete, the Alexandrians submitted, and, with a Roman garrison in the capi-
tal, they acknowledged Cleopatra as the queen of Egypt.
The strange story as told elsewhere will show how after the death of Caesar
she threw a spell over Mark Antony, who lavished princely fortunes upon her
and their children; and, forgetting honor and everything in his infatuation, he
met his death through her treachery, she having with her fleet deserted him in
the critical hour, when the prize for which he was about to contend was the
dominion of the world. Then she exerted her subtle fascinations upon Augus-
tus, the conqueror of Antony, but in vain. Finally, when told she must take
her place in the procession that was to celebrate a Roman triumph, she com-
mitted suicide, in the year 30 B.C.
Egypt—Cleopatra and the Romans 33
It is uncertain what manner of death Cleopatra died, for there were no
marks of violence on her person, and her face and body showed none of the
effects produced by poison that has been swallowed. The general belief is that
she obtained a venomous asp, that was brought to her in a basket of figs. This
may or may not be true, and it is of little moment either way. Doubtless she
was the possessor of a certain style of barbarian beauty which would have
awakened no admiration in modern days, but she was one of the most vicious
and abandoned of her sex, of whom it could be truthfully said that the world
was well rid of her.
Egypt no longer bore the semblance of independence. It became a part of
the Roman Empire, governed by a prefect appointed by Caesar and responsible
directly to him. It was divided into Upper Egypt, with Thebes the capital;
Middle Egypt, with Heptanomis the capital; and Lower Egypt, with Alexan-
dria the capital. Each of these divisions was subdivided into what were termed
nomes, and these again into toparchies. Strong military forces were stationed
in different parts, and Egypt formed one of the numerous members of the
mighty empire of the Romans, who developed the resources of the country until
it became the granary of the Empire.
But the natives had not given up the hope of freedom. The first formida-
ble revolt was by the soldiery, who, after a resistance lasting from A.D. 171 to
I75, were brought under submission, and imperial authority was fully re-estab-
lished. Eight years later, Pescennius Niger declared himself emperor, but in
I96 was defeated and killed. Some time later the Egyptians were allowed
representatives in the Roman Senate, and the worship of Isis, which had long
existed in the Roman cities, was publicly sanctioned.
Zenobia, the famous empress of Palmyra, conquered the land in A.D. 269,
but she had hardly occupied it when she herself was conquered by Aurelian
(A.D. 273), the Roman emperor. Immediately afterward her friend Firmus, a
leading merchant of Egypt, raised the standard of revolt, and went so far as to
don the imperial purple at Alexandria, issue edicts, coin money, and equip an
army which Aurelian scattered like so much chaff. Firmus was made prisoner
and tortured to death. -
Now came troublous times to the Land of the Pharaohs, and the Roman
legions were kept busy in putting down rebellions. Then the religious fac-
tions harried one another with a fierceness always seen in such wars. But
Christianity had taken root and was aggressive against paganism. Christian
monks made their homes in Upper Egypt, and their bishops held sway in Alex-
andria, where the battle royal was fought between the two faiths. Finally, in
A.D. 389, Theodosius I. forbade by decree the worship of idols and ordered the
temples to be closed. Such of the magnificent buildings as were not changed to
3
34 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Christian churches were stripped of their decorations or suffered to fall into
decay. The pagans defended their property with fanatical desperation, but
were assailed with equal fury, and in the struggle the great Alexandrian library
was pillaged, perhaps destroyed. Its mines of treasures could never be
replaced.
TABLE MADE FROM RosetTA Stone.
Chapter IV
LATER HISTORY OF EGYPT
GYPT had now been brought under the banner of Chris-
tianity and the influences of Western civilization. Its
later history, while interesting, may be sketched rapidly.
It was conquered in A. D. 616 by the Persians and subju-
gated so completely in A.D. 640 by the army of Khalif
Omar that Mohammedanism has ever since remained
the dominant religion, with the country itself distinctly
Mohammedan in character. The graves of many of the
greatest Khalifs are still to be seen in the great cemetery at Cairo.
The Khalifs cared little for the country, and it fell rapidly to de-
cay. All the wealth and commerce that remained were confined
to Lower Egypt. The decline steadily continued under the rule
of the Arabs, and then of the Turks. A passage to India around
the Cape of Good Hope was discovered at the close of the fif-
& teenth century, with the result that Indian commerce was so di-
º verted that the blow was almost a fatalone to the fortunes of Egypt.
Meanwhile a new people had arisen in Egypt and esatblished her independ-
ence of every one but themselves. These were the Mamelukes, originally a
band of slaves trained as warriors by the great Sultan Saladin. The Christian
crusaders attacked Egypt, but were defeated by the Mamelukes under Sultan
Turan, and their leader, Louis IX., or St. Louis of France, was captured.
Turan offended the Mamelukes by too great generosity to Louis, and they re-
volted, murdered the Sultan, and placed one of their own number on the throne.
36 The Story of the Greatest Nations
This was in 1250, and their sway continued undisputed until 1517, when
the great Turkish Sultan Selim overthrew them in two great battles, and then
by treachery massacred most of the survivors. Reorganized, they were the
real rulers of Egypt for six centuries and rode rough-shod over the people.
They were the furious warriors who were routed by Napoleon when he invaded
the country in 1798, at the Battle of the Pyramids, and were finally crushed in
I81 I by Mehemet Ali through a strategem that was as clever as it was perfidious.
You know there are no more merciless wretches in the wide world than
among the Turks, who revel in massacre and cruelty. The Sultan of Turkey
finding in Mehemet Ali not only a man of ability and vigor, but one after his
own heart, made him governor, or Pasha of Egypt, with liberty to do about as
he chose. He determined to get rid of the turbulent Mamelukes, and sum-
moned their leaders to come to Cairo to consult with him about a campaign
into Arabia. Donning their gayest uniforms and mounting their best horses,
this body of the finest cavalry in the world rode to the city, where they were
warmly welcomed by the Pasha, who invited them to parade in the courts of the
citadel. With no thought of treachery, they rode within the lofty walls and the
portcullis dropped behind them. Then they saw that they had been caught in
a trap and turned to retreat.
But there was no way by which to retreat. Barred walls and windows and
blank, gloomy walls frowned on every side, with thousands of muskets levelled
from all directions. At a signal these flamed out with a thunderous crash, and
men and horses tumbled writhing to the earth. Seeing there was no escape,
some folded their arms and calmly awaited death with turbaned heads bowed
and their dusky lips murmuring in prayer. Others dashed here and there,
madly waving their swords, vainly seeking a foe, and cursing those who had
thus basely betrayed them. But the rattling of musketry continued and the
horses and riders continued to fall until only one man—Emim Bey—was left
alive. And then took place what looked like a miracle. He drove his spurs.
into the bleeding flanks of his steed, which leaped over a pile of his dead and
dying comrades, and with a tremendous bound landed upon the battlements,
amid a shower of bullets; then the frenzied animal sprang outward and went
down crushed and dying; the bullets whistled around him, but Emim tore him-
self free and ran with the speed of a deer until he reached the sanctuary of a
mosque, from which he finally escaped into the desert. Can the mind picture a
more wonderful escape?
Mehemet Ali saw in the declining power of Turkey a chance of making
Egypt independent and of adding Syria to his dominions. He carried out this
scheme with the help of his son Ibrahim Pasha, and all went well until 1840,
when Great Britain interfered. Her fleet captured the fortresses planted on the
Egypt—Mehemet and his Successors 37
Syrian coast, and, after a long negotiation, the viceroyalty of Egypt was secured
to the family of Mehemet Ali, with only the nominal suzerainty of the Porte.
As his years increased, the mind of the remarkable ruler gave way, and in
June, I848, his adopted son Ibrahim was made Pasha, but he died unexpect-
edly a few months later, and was succeeded by Mehemet's son Abbas, who
checked till his death the development and progress of Egypt. Said Pasha,
another son, succeeded to the pashalik in 1854, and followed Mehemet's ener-
getic policy, but all this time the common people, or the fellaheen, as they are
called, were ground to the dust by intolerable taxation and the cruelty of their
Turkish taskmasters. Their condition was like that of the Cubans under
Spanish rule, and, if possible, worse, for when the fainting wretches sank un-
der the frightful tasks, they were whipped mercilessly or cast into prison, where
thousands died miserably.
Said Pasha died in January, 1863, and his nephew Ismail, then in his
forty-eighth year, succeeded to the pashalik. He was the eldest surviving son
of Ibrahim Pasha, and a man of great strength of character. He visited Eng-
land and France and made a study of Western civilization. By his shrewdness,
and through the lavish use of money at Constantinople, he obtained permission
in 1867 to adopt the royal title of “ Khidiv-el-Misr,” or king of Egypt, or, as
the term now is, the Khedive. By this name, the rulers of the Land of the
Pharaohs have since been known.
The same firman, or decree, which gave this honor to Said, bound him to
raise the annual tribute to the Sultan from $1,880, OOO to $3,600,ooo. The
European principle of succession was adopted, that is from father to son, instead
of to the oldest heir, as had formerly been the rule in Egypt. In 1873 another
firman gave to the Khedive the right of making treaties with foreign powers
and of maintaining an army. This was virtual independence for Egypt.
The successful construction of the Suez Canal was largely due to the lib-
eral policy and encouragement of Ismail, but his extravagance was like that of
the pampered Roman emperors in the most luxurious days of the Empire. His
court cost incredible sums, and his profuse hospitality would have bankrupted a
Croesus. Moreover, his ambition involved him in some of the most remarkable
events in the history of his country.
We have learned of the construction in ancient times of a canal connecting
the Red Sea with the Mediterranean, but it disappeared centuries ago, and the
project engaged the attention of leading European powers in modern days, its
great advantage being the shortening of the distance between Europe and India.
Various plans were proposed, and in 1856, Ferdinand de Lesseps, the distin-
guished French engineer, obtained from the Pasha of Egypt the exclusive privi-
lege of forming a ship canal from Tyneh, near the ruins of ancient Pelusium, to
38 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Suez. A joint-stock company was formed with a subscribed capital of $40,-
OOO,OOO (afterward increased), and the work was begun toward the close of
1860, the canal being formally opened November 17, 1869. In 1875 the Brit-
ish government purchased for $20,000,000 the Khedive's shares in the canal,
which amounted to I 76,602 out of 4OO,OOO.
This important work was to have a minimum width at the surface of 262
feet and at the bottom of 144 feet, with a depth of 22% feet, and at each end
there were to be sluice locks formed, 330 feet long by 70 wide. The canal is
Ioo miles long, 25 miles of this length being through lakes.
The opening ceremonies were striking. There was a procession of Eng-
lish and foreign steamers, in presence of the Khedive, the empress of the
French, the emperor of Austria, the crown prince of Prussia, and others. On
November 27th, the Brazilian, a ship of I,809 tons, 380 feet long, 30 feet
broad, and drawing from 17% to 20% feet, went through. Three-fourths of
the traffic through the canal is British. The canal has since been improved
and has become an important highway of the world's commerce.
Wady Halfa marks the southern boundary of Egypt proper, and beyond
that spreads out an immense region of sand and wilderness, with here and there
stretches of arable land. From north to south its length is I,6OO miles, with a
breadth of 1,2OO miles. This is the Soudan, which has no canals or navigable
rivers except, during a part of the year, the Nile; and its only roads are the
paths made by camels. It can hardly be reached by the sea, and its inhabitants
are wild, fanatical Arab tribes, loving war, and among the fiercest warriors in
the world. In the middle of the country, at the junction of the Blue and
White Niles, stands Khartoum, the capital.
The Soudan has been one of the most prolific sources of supply for slaves
for many years. Egypt coveted the country because of this wealth of human
products, which she continually needed since thousands died under the lash
every year, and she could not afford to let the supply run out. The war among
the numerous tribes gave Mehemet Ali the excuse, in 1819, to seize the Soudan
in order that he might bestow the “blessings of civilization ” upon the benighted
people. An army under Ismail, his son, penetrated to Khartoum, where he
established a good government.
Ismail and his followers were invited to a dinner by a native chief, who
succeeded in making them intoxicated at his table. When they were helpless,
he set fire to the house and the whole party were burned to death. Mehemet
Ali visited a fearful vengeance upon the natives for this act, and pressed his
purpose until his rule was extended over Sennaar and Kordofan. His firm hand
maintained order in the Soudan until the close of his reign. Afterward several
revolts broke out, and it took terrible work to put them down.
Egypt—Gordon and the Soudan 39
So much of this costly and bloody work was required that Said Pasha vis-
ited the region in 1856 and was prepared to abandon the country, but was dis-
suaded by those whose fortunes depended upon the slave trade. He ordered a
number of reforms, but not the slightest attention was paid to his commands
after he left the country.
In 1865 the negro troops, 8,000 in number, having received no pay for a
year and a half, broke into revolt. They were crushed with bloody vigor, the
negro troops sent to Egypt, and the Soudan garrisons placed in the hands of
Egyptian troops. Ismail in 1870 engaged the services of Sir Samuel Baker,
the explorer, and the German traveller Munzinger, and through their aid suc-
ceeded in extending his rule over the equatorial provinces.
In 1874 Colonel Charles Gordon, who had distinguished himself in sup-
pressing the Taiping rebellion in China, was appointed governor-general of the
equatorial provinces and four years later was made supreme ruler in the Sou-
dan. Gordon was an earnest Christian, of pure and exalted character, brave,
patriotic, and wise. He organized an admirable system of government and
raised the moral condition of the people to a degree never before known. He
improved the finances, and in fact every branch of the government, and would
not allow any interference from the court at Cairo.
The dearest object to this great and good man was the rooting out of the
hideous slave trade, and he bent all his energies toward the impossible task,
regarding which one of his biographers says, “It demanded a tact, an energy,
and a force of will almost superhuman. He had to deal not only with worthless
and often mutinous governors of provinces, but with wild and desperate tribes-
men as well; he had to disband 6, OOO Bashi-Bazouks, who were used as fron-
tier guards, but who winked at slave hunting and robbed the tribes, on their
own account; he had to subdue and bring to order and rule the vast province
of the Bahr-el-Ghazal, then beneath the sway of the great slaver Zebehr (known
as the ‘king of slave dealers'). It was a stupendous task: to give peace to a
country quick with war; to suppress slavery among a people to whom the trade
in human flesh was life and honor and fortune; to make an army out of perhaps.
the worst material ever seen; to grow a flourishing trade and a fair revenue in
the wildest anarchy in the world. The immensity of the undertaking; the
infinity of details involved in a single step toward the end; the countless odds.
to be faced; the many pests—the deadly climate, the horrible vermin, the
ghastly itch, the nightly and daily alternation of overpowering heat and bitter
cold—to be endured and overcome; the environment of bestial savagery and
ruthless fanaticism—all these combine to make the achievement unique in hu-
man history.”
Nothing speaks more eloquently of the personality of this remarkable
4.O The Story of the Greatest Nations
man than his own words, written in the midst of his campaign against the hor-
rible slave trade, and in the face of difficulties such as it is almost impossible
to conceive :
“No man ever had a harder task than I, unaided, have before me; but it
sits as a feather on me. As Solomon asked, I ask wisdom to govern this great
people; and not only will He give it to me, but all else besides. And why?
Because I value not the ‘all besides.’ I am quite as averse to slavery, and
even more so than most people. I show it by sacrificing myself in these lands,
which are no paradise. I have naught to gain in name or riches. I do not
care what man may say. I do what I think is pleasing to my God; and, as far
as man goes, I need nothing from any one. The Khedive never had directly
gained any revenue from slaves. I now hold his place here; and I, who am on
the spot with unlimited power, am able to judge how impotent he at Cairo is
to stop the slave trade. I can do it with God's help, and I have the conviction
that He has destined me to do it; for it was much against my will that I came
here. What I have to do is so to settle matters that I do not cause a revolu-
tion or my own death. Not that I value life. I have done with its comforts
in coming here. My work is great but does not weigh me down. I go on as
straight as I can. I feel my own weakness, and look to Him who is almighty;
and I leave the issue without inordinate care with Him. I expect to ride 5,000
miles this year if I am spared. I am quite alone and I like it. I have become
what people call a great fatalist—namely, I trust God to pull me through.
This carries me through my troubles and makes me look on death as a coming
relief, when it is His will. . . . It is only my firm conviction that I am only
an instrument put in use for a time that enables me to bear up; and in my pres-
ent state, during my long, hot, weary rides, I think my thoughts better and
clearer than I should with a companion.”
Gordon found himself so hampered by the action of the Egyptian govern-
ment that he resigned in 1879. England and France had numerous causes for
complaint against the Khedive Ismail, and in June of the year named, they
procured from the Porte a firman authorizing his deposition. This took place,
and his son, Mohammed Tewfik, twenty-seven years old, was made Khedive.
The finances and domestic condition of Egypt had fallen into such a deplorable
state that England and France agreed to supervise them and to support the
Khedive so long as he governed properly. This arrangement constituted the
Dual Control, or Anglo-French condominion.
The policy, however, did not work well, as was inevitable when those two
old rivals entered into such a partnership. England wished to secure the hon-
est and efficient management of the finances and the free navigation of the Suez
Canal, while France was anxious about the interests of the bondholders sad
Egypt—Bombardment of Alexandria 4. I
aimed to secure dominance in Egyptian councils. The inevitable end of the
Dual Control was hastened in the summer of 1882 by the action of Arabi Pasha,
a colonel in the Egyptian service, who set out to drive all foreigners from the
important positions they held in the country. He was the most influential
member of the Egyptian ministry. He placed a strong body of troops in Alex-
andria so as to resist foreign intervention, and kept the Khedive under close
watch. Since England had pledged herself to uphold the authority of the Khe-
dive and since she claimed that the control of the Suez Canal was in danger,
she decided to interfere.
France was asked to co-operate but refused, and the Mediterranean fleet,
under command of Admiral Sir Beauchamp Seymour, entered the harbor of
Alexandria. Arabi Pasha was ordered to surrender within forty-eight hours,
and declining, the bombardment of Alexandria was opened on the morning
of July 3d. It was terrific and soon silenced the batteries and shattered the
fortifications.
But there was terror in the city, where hundreds of convicts, who had been
released from prison, were robbing, plundering, and murdering the wealthy Arabs
and Europeans. At one time, it is said, two miles of fire were raging; and pan-
demonium reigned. On the 7th, Admiral Seymour landed a force of marines
and seamen, who with much difficulty arrested the ringleaders and restored
order; but fully 2,OOO persons had been massacred and an immense amount of
property destroyed.
Arabi Pasha retreated to Cairo, but General Sir Garnet Wolseley, hurrying
through the Suez Canal with a powerful force, by a rapid night march came upon
the rebels at Tel-el-Kebir and disastrously routed them. A body of British
horsemen dashed to Cairo and took possession. Arabi was captured and the
rebellion crumbled to pieces. On his trial, Arabi pleaded guilty and was sen-
tenced to death, but the sentence was commuted to banishment for life from
Egypt, and he took up his residence in Ceylon.
Still officially disavowing all purpose of annexing Egypt or establishing a
protectorate over it, England assumed the responsibility of administering the
government with the aid of the Khedive and his advisers. British garrisons
were placed in Alexandria and Cairo, and in January, 1883, the Dual Control
was abolished. The Khedive, on the request of England, appointed a single
European financial adviser, without power to interfere in matters of internal
administration. Egypt proper is now divided into eight governorships of prin-
cipal towns and fourteen provinces. The towns are Cairo, Alexandria, Dami-
etta, Rosetta, Port Said, Suez, El-Arish, and Kosseir. -
One fact brought to light by the disturbances had been the utter worth-
lessness of the Egyptian army. Accordingly, it was disbanded in September,
42 The Story of the Greatest Nations
1882, and soon after General Sir Evelyn Wood, to whom was given the title
of Sirdar, with the aid of twenty officers, supplied by the English War Office,
undertook the reorganization of a new army. They had the poorest of material
to work with, but succeeded better than was expected.
Now let us return to the Soudan. England acted upon the policy that she
was bound to defend Egypt proper, but declined to consider the Soudan within
her sphere of operation and advised the Egyptian ministry to abandon a country
that had always been a burden and a pest to her. But the Khedive and his cabi-
net were not willing, and determined to crush the rebellion that had broken out
in the Soudan as early as I 88 I.
After the departure of Gordon, the Turks, Circassians, and Bashi-Bazouks.
played such havoc among the miserable inhabitants, that they rose against
them. In the midst of the turmoil and terror, a leader appeared among them,
who has become known by his title of the Mahdi or Prophet. He was Moham-
med Ahmed and was a native of Dongola. Possessing a fair education, and
great native shrewdness, he soon acquired almost boundless influence. Thou-
sands believed him when he declared he was the Mahdi foretold by Mohammed,
with a divine mission to reform Islam and establish a universal religion to
which all Mussulmans, Christians, and Pagans must submit or be destroyed.
Thus the rebellion assumed a religious character and the Mahdi gathered a fanati-
cal rabble, among whom were some of the most desperately brave men, ready to
face any danger and to suffer wounds and death for the sake of the new faith.
At first the Mahdi was defeated, but his followers increased, and retreating
up the Blue Nile, he prepared for new campaigns. He crossed the White Nile,
and in July, 1882, surrounded and captured 6,000 Egyptian soldiers under Yus-
suf Pasha and massacred every one. In the following month, he advanced
against the city of Obeid. Several attempts to capture it were defeated with
great loss, but he would not give up the siege, and by cutting off all communi-
cations forced an unconditional surrender in January, 1883.
This success convinced the Egyptian government that the most vigorous
measures were necessary to crush the rebellion. All the available forces were
collected and placed under the command of the veteran Colonel Hicks, who in
the latter part of April defeated a horde of rebels near Sennaar with great loss.
Early in October, Colonel Hicks advanced upon Obeid with the purpose of
recapturing it. He met the wild rabble of the Mahdi and fought them for
three days (November 2, 3, and 4), when the Egyptian army suffered annihila-
tion. This disaster compelled the Egyptian ministry to follow the advice of
England and abandon its attempt to recover the Soudan. Under the pledge to
protect Egypt proper, English posts were placed at Assouan and Wady Halfa.
The uprising in the Eastern Soudan was as formidable as in the Western.
Egypt—El Mahdi and Khartoum 43
‘Osman Digna, possessing considerable military ability, acknowledged the
Mahdi, and was appointed his lieutenant. He rallied nearly all of the Arab
tribes, and, Surrounding the Egyptian garrisons at Sinkat and Tokar, cut the
communications between Berber and Suakim, and would have captured Suakim
itself, but for the British gunboats in the harbor. In November, a force of
Egyptian soldiers was sent to the relief of Tokar, but a few days later it was
surrounded and every man slain. The soldiers of the Mahdi fought as fiercely
as so many wild beasts and gave no quarter.
Colonel Valentine Baker, one of the finest cavalry officers in the British
army, was now placed in command of a large Egyptian force which was sent to
Suakim. On the road, in February, 1884, the Egyptians met the army of
Osman Digna, when the miserable rabble, offering hardly any resistance, threw
down their arms, only to suffer a frightful massacre, while Colonel Baker and a
few of his officers managed with the greatest difficulty to escape.
The British Government could not permit the occupation of Suakim, and
sent troops under General Graham to expel Osman Digna. A furious battle
took place at Tamai, in which the British narrowly escaped defeat, but finally
routed the Arabs. The repulse did not frighten Osman Digna, but rather
spurred him to greater exertions. An army of I2,OOO men of all arms, under
General Graham, was landed at Suakim in March, 1885, intending to crush
Osman Digna and advance upon Berber. Numerous engagements followed,
and finally Osman Digna was compelled to retreat to the hills. The British
forces, having accomplished nothing decisive, were mostly withdrawn in the fol-
lowing May.
While advising the abandonment of the Soudan, England was anxious to
do all that was possible for the relief of the Egyptian garrisons scattered through
that extensive region. Special attention was directed to Khartoum, and the
offer of General Gordon to use his great influence to bring about its peaceful
evacuation was gladly accepted. He sailed from London on January 18, 1884,
and, arriving at Cairo, decided, after consultation with the authorities, to make
his way to Khartoum by way of the Nile. He started with no companion ex-
cept Colonel Stewart, and received a warm welcome upon reaching Khartoum,
where he set to work with his usual energy and wisdom to establish a firm gov-
ernment, and at the same time prepared for defence against the Mahdi, who he
knew would soon attack the place. Before long the hordes of fanatics sur-
rounded the town, and then began that memorable siege which lasted for ten
months and attracted the attention of the civilized world.
By the 16th of April the investment was so rigid that no man could either
center or leave the place. More than five months passed before the first word
was received from Gordon. This came through the diary of the English consul
44 The Story of the Greatest Nations
at Khartoum, and closed its record of events on the last day of July. It showed
that Gordon was doing everything possible for mortal man to do, but it was ap-
parent to every one that his situation was hopeless unless relief was speedily
sent to him.
England has won deserved praise for her way of aiding the humblest sub-
ject placed in peril, and she has a habit of defending him by a military display
whose meaning is unmistakable. Nevertheless, she is sometimes fearfully slow
in moving, and it was not until the summer of 1884, and then only when forced
thereto by public opinion, that she pulled herself together and decided to go to
the aid of her imperilled son and his comrades. In the month of October,
Lord Wolseley began the ascent of the Nile with an army of 8,000 men, and in
the face of enormous difficulties; but all were surmounted, and he arrived at
Korti on the I6th of December. There news was received from Gordon which
showed he could hold out only a few days longer.
Lord Wolseley threw forward a column across the desert toward Metam-
meh, twenty miles below Khartoum on the Nile. It was a desperate undertak-
ing, but no other course promised relief to the beleaguered garrison. Securing
a strong position on the road, a column of 1,2OO men under Sir Herbert Stew-
art pressed in the direction of Metammeh. They had a furious fight with
Io,000 of the Mahdi's hordes, but finally drove them back. Another fierce bat-
tle soon took place, in which Stewart was badly wounded and the command de-
volved upon Sir Charles Wilson, of inferior military ability. He decided, after
a reconnoissance, that it was too dangerous with the small force under him to.
attack Metammeh, and therefore fortified Gubat, his position. Some days later,
five steamers arrived from Khartoum, with several hundred soldiers and a num-
ber of guns. They had been sent by General Gordon and were a welcome rein-
forcement. Instead of pushing on, however, Sir Charles Wilson wasted valua-
ble time in bombarding Shendy. Finally, with a couple of steamers, he ascend-
ed the Nile to Khartoum, receiving a heavy fire at Halfiyeh and Omdurman,
both of which places were occupied by the Mahdi's soldiers. Sir Charles was.
able to approach only within a mile of the city, where he learned that four days.
before, through the treachery of Faraz Pasha, a lieutenant of Gordon, the Mah-
dists had been admitted into the city, and in the fighting Gordon was killed.
This melancholy event took place January 27, 1885.
Wilson returned to Gubat, narrowly escaping capture on the way. The
news compelled Lord Wolseley to change his plans. The hot season was at
hand, when military movements are well-nigh impossible by European troops,
and his force was too small to attempt to recapture Khartoum. He therefore
recalled Wilson's forces and also a detachment that had been sent up the Nile.
to attack Berber. -
Egypt—Conquest of the Soudan 4.5
The result of the rebellion in the south was that Egypt lost the whole of
the Soudan, except the equatorial province, which Emin Pasha held until 1888,
when he was rescued from his perilous position by the American explorer Henry
M. Stanley. In 1892 Tewfik died and was succeeded as Khedive by Abbas his
eldest son, the British control continuing. An expedition for the conquest of
the Soudan set out in 1896, under British leadership. Dongola was taken in
September, and the Dervish forces were defeated with severe loss in a number
of engagements. Their only gunboat was captured and trade was opened with
Dongola. There was more fighting, and the Dervishes were finally routed and
dispersed in 1898. The last battle was at Omdurman, where the Dervish
troops made a splendid, mad charge into the face of certain death from the
English guns. Their leaders were killed and they were almost exterminated.
The English under General Kitchener remained the only power in Egypt.
France, which had been holding Fashoda, evacuated it at the close of the year.
The foundation stone of the Gordon College was laid at Khartoum in
1899, and a convention settled the details of the administration of the Soudan.
The Khedive published a decree appointing Lord Kitchener governor-general,
but he resigned later because of his appointment as chief of staff to Lord
Roberts in South Africa. The Soudan was opened to all comers, a railway
being completed to Khartoum. In 1900, Sir Reginald Wingate became gover-
nor-general.
Egypt and the Egyptian Soudan are nominally under the suzerainty of
Turkey, but, as has been shown, they are really controlled by Great Britain,
and there can be no doubt that sooner or later they will be incorporated into
the British Empire. It should be added that British-Egyptian and French ter-
ritory in the Soudan, according to British claims, touched along the line of the
27th degree of latitude. Previous to the revolt in 1882, Egypt claimed Darfur,
Kordofan, Sennaar, Taka, the Equatorial Province and the Bahr-el-Ghazal Prov-
ince, and although authority was lost by the victories of the Mahdi, Egypt
maintained these claims, and her full authority was established by the victories
of General Kitchener in 1898. The French were disposed to assert a right to
territory as far eastward as the banks of the Nile, thus embracing the Bahr-el-
Ghazal Province. To this fact was due the appearance of Major Marchand at
Fashoda on the Nile, a long distance south of Khartoum, but it has already been
stated that this position was abandoned at the close of the year 1898.
England has done everything possible to develop the natural resources of
her new possession. One of the greatest engineering feats of recent years has
been the building of an enormous dam, intended to regulate the overflow of the
Nile. The dam was finished in December, 1902, and opened with appropriate
ceremonies. -
Rock ToMBS—TWELFTH DYNASTY.
º CHRONOLOGY OF EGYPT
the hopelessness of an attempt to give a correct chronol-
ogy of that country, for the best modern critics differ and
conflict to the extent of centuries. Thus Böckh names
B. c. 5702, as the year of the accession of Menes, sup-
posed, until quite recently, to have been the first
Egyptian king; Unger, 56.13; Mariette-Bey and Le-
normant, 5004; Brugsch-Bey, 4405; Lauth, 41.57; Lipsius, 3852;
Bunsen, 3623 or 3os9; Reginald Stuart Poole, 27.17; Sir Gard-
ner Wilkinson, 2691. The monuments deciphered in recent
years are very defective. The Egyptians had no era, no chrono-
logical schemes. They recorded the length of the reign of each
king, but did not distinguish the sole reign of a monarch from his
joint reign with others. Thus contemporary and consecutive
reigns are much confused, though careful study is gradually sep-
arating them. As far as available the chronology recently estab-
lished by Petrie has been here followed for the earlier dates. It probably
approaches within a century or so of the truth.
B. C. (5500) 2–Menes founded the empire. 3998–With this date a
roughly approximate chronology begins. It marks the accession of Sneferu,
last of the third or founder of the fourth dynasty. 3969–Cheops or Khufu built
the great pyramid. 3443-3348–Long reign of Pepy II. 3322–Egypt partly
conquered by invaders, probably Libyans. 2644–Usertesen III., the great king
of the twelfth dynasty, conquered Nubia. 2098–Invasion of the Shepherd kings.
1728–Joseph was sold into Egypt. 1718–Joseph interpreted the dream of
Egypt—Chronology 47
Pharaoh's butler and baker. I715—Joseph interpreted Pharaoh's dreams, and
prepared for the Seven-years' famine. I706–Jacob and his family settled in
Goshen. I702—The seven-years' famine ended. I582—Aahmes, after long
wars, drives out the Hyksos, and the persecution of the Israelites becomes
severe. I503—Reign of Thothmes III., the great king of the Eighteenth Dyn-
asty who made Egypt master of the known world. He received tribute from
the Babylonians, Assyrians, and Hittites. I49I—Earliest date sometimes set
for the Exodus of the Israelites. I480–Thothmes III. wins the great battle
of Armageddon, subduing Syria. I398–Amenhotep IV. breaks from the old
god Amon, and tries to introduce Sun worship. I38I—He dies, and sun wor-
ship and the dynasty fall with him. I348–Reign of Rameses II., the great
warrior king. 1343–Rameses' great victory at Kaddish. I281—Reign of
Mer-en-ptah II., under whom the Exodus may have occurred. I276—Latest
suggested date of Exodus. II83—Menelaus fabled to have arrived in Egypt
after the Trojan war, and received Helen. IOO4—Alliance between Shishak,
king of Egypt, and Solomon. 972—Shishak invaded Judaea and took Jerusalem.
825–Accession of Peterbastes, founder of the Tanite dynasty. 786—Egypt es-
tablished her supremacy over the Mediterranean. 781—Beginning of the Saite
dynasty. 737—An Ethiopian, So, deposed Bocchoris, and ascended the throne.
722—Alliance with Hosea, king of Israel. 720—Battle of Rapikh. 719—So
abdicated and returned to Ethiopia. 711–Egypt was invaded by Sennacherib,
king of Assyria. 702—Sudden destruction of Sennacherib's army, perhaps by
a plague. 672—Sarchedon of Assyria conquers Egypt. 660—Psammetichus.
becomes the sole king and wins independence. He employs Greek mer-
cenaries. The warrior Egyptians, the Mashanasha, deserted the country in con-
sequence. 630—Siege of Azotus, or Ashdod, by Psammetichus lasting nine-
teen years, the longest siege in history. 610—Pharaoh Necho II. attempted to
connect the Mediterranean and Red Seas by a canal; lost I2O,OOO men, and was.
compelled to relinquish the undertaking. 605—Pharaoh Necho II. defeated by
Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon. 570—Amasis becomes king after a civil
war; in his reign Egypt contained 20,000 cities. 567—Nebuchadnezzar Con-
quers Egypt but leaves Amasis as king. 554–Solon visited Egypt. 536—
Pythagoras visited Egypt. 535–Cyrus, king of Persia, rendered Egypt tribu-
tary to him. 525—Cambyses, king of Persia, invaded Egypt, and abolished the
empire of the Pharaohs. 484—Xerxes suppressed an insurrection of the Egyp-
tians. 460–Inarus rebelled against the Persians. 418–Herodotus visited
Egypt. 414—Amyrtaeus restored Egypt to independence. 349–Egypt again
made subject to Persia by Artaxerxes III. 332–Egypt conquered, and Alex-
andria founded, by Alexander the Great. 322–Ptolemy I. restored the inde-
pendence of Egypt and transferred the seat of government to Alexandria. 320.
48 The Story of the Greatest Nations
–Ptolemy seizes Phoenicia, and IOO,OOc Jews settle in Egypt. 31.4—Phoenicia
taken from Egypt by Antigonus, king of Phrygia. 30I—Battle of Ipsus. 273
—An Egyptian embassy arrived at Rome. I'71—Antiochus Epiphanes, of
Syria, defeated Eulaeus, regent for Ptolemy VII., and was crowned king of
Egypt. I70—Ptolemy's brother Euergetes declared king by the Alexandrians.
I68–The Romans ordered Antiochus to yield Egypt to the Ptolemies. I63–
Civil war between the brothers. I46–Ptolemy VII. died in war and Euergetes
usurped the throne as Ptolemy IX. ; he married his brother's widow and mur-
dered her son, the rightful king. I42—Ptolemy IX. put away his wife Cleo-
patra, and married her daughter by his brother. I29—Ptolemy IX. was com-
pelled to flee to Cyprus. He murdered his two sons and was restored to power.
I28–A pestilence destroyed 800,000 of the population. 82–Capture and
destruction of Thebes, which had revolted. 81–Reign and death of Ptolemy
XII., who made a will giving Egypt to the Romans. 59–Ptolemy XIII.
bribes the Romans to acknowledge him king. 51—Death of Ptolemy XIII.,
who left his kingdom to Ptolemy XIV. and Cleopatra. 49–Ptolemy ex-
pelled Cleopatra, and civil war followed. 48—Julius Caesar, assisting Cleo-
patra, besieged and burned Alexandria. 47–Ptolemy XIV. was defeated
by Caesar and drowned while crossing the Nile; the Egyptian throne shared
by Cleopatra and her younger brother Ptolemy XV. 44—Cleopatra poisoned
her brother. 41—Mark Antony summoned Cleopatra to trial for her brother's
murder; he was so overcome by her beauty that he followed her into Egypt.
36—Antony conferred Phoenicia, Cyrene, and Cyprus, on Cleopatra. 35–
Antony conferred all Asia, from the Mediterranean to the Indus, on Cleopatra.
3I—The battle of Actium. 30—Invasion and subjugation of Egypt by Octa-
vius, and suicide of Antony and Cleopatra; Egypt became a Roman province.
A. D. 24—The country was invaded by 30,000 Ethiopian subjects of
Queen Candace, who were repulsed by the Romans. I71—The Egyptians re-
volted against the Roman government. 215—Caracalla visited Egypt and
massacred all the youth of Alexandria for having ridiculed him. 269–Egypt
was invaded by Zenobia, queen of Palmyra. 272—Firmus made Upper Egypt
independent of Rome. 273—Aurelian regained possession. 278–Probus
repelled a dangerous invasion of the Blemmyes. 288–Upper Egypt rebelled
under Achilleus. 292—Diocletian besieged and took Coptos and Busiris.
297–Siege and capture of Alexandria by Diocletian, who suppressed the re-
bellion of Achilleus; the Egyptian coinage ceased. 365—An inundation and
earthquake destroyed many of the inhabitants. 389–Theodosius prohibited
pagan worship, in consequence of which a number of famous Egyptian tem-
ples were destroyed. 389–Alexandrian Library destroyed. 618–Egypt was
..conquered by Chosroes II., king of Persia. 640—Amru placed all Egypt under
Copyright, 1905, by F. R. Niglutsch.
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ASSYRIAN ANTIQUITIES
ABRAHAM DEFEAT’S THE ELAMITES
Egypt—Chronology 49
Saracen domination. I250—It was conquered by the Mamelukes, who estab.
lished their dynasty. I516—Battle of the Darik. I517—Overthrow of the
Mamelukes by Sultan Selim I., who added Egypt to the Ottoman empire.
I770—Ali Bey, a Mameluke, rules Egypt, Arabia, and Syria. I'798—Egypt was
invaded by the French, under Napoleon Bonaparte. 1801—Expulsion of the
French by the English and Turks. 1806–Mehemet Ali made Pasha. 1807–
The English defeated in an attempt to occupy Rosetta. I8II—Massacre of the
Mamelukes at Cairo, by Mehemet Ali. 1814—The Turkish army in Egypt was
remodelled. 1820–Alexandria connected with the Nile by the Mahmoud canal.
1829–The first Egyptian newspaper published. 1831—Mehemet Ali, Pasha
of Egypt, revolted from Turkey and invaded Syria. I834—Egypt visited by
cholera. I835—The plague ravaged the country. I839—Mohammed Ali
revolted, and claimed hereditary possession of Egypt and Syria. 1840—The
Egyptians defeated by the British at Beyrout. 1841—The dispute with Turkey
settled. I848—Death of Mehemet Ali and his son Ibrahim. I854–Said
Pasha succeeded his brother Abbas. I863–Death of the Viceroy Said Pasha,
who was succeeded by his nephew, Ismail Pasha; opening of the Sweet Water
canal, first work toward the construction of the great Suez Canal. 1867—
Firman of the Sultan of Turkey granting to Ismail Pasha the title of Khe-
dive, or king. I869—Opening of the Suez Canal. 1873—Firman of the Sul-
tan of Turkey granting to the Khedive the right of maintaining armies, and
concluding treaties with foreign Powers. 1874—Extraordinary rise of the
Nile, causing great damage; occupation of the kingdom of Darfur by Egyptian
troops. 1875–Annexation of Darfur to Egypt by decree of the Khedive;
opening of an International Court of Appeal at Alexandria. I875–77–
War with Abyssinia. I877–Peace terms with Abyssinia accepted. 1879–
Tewfik becomes Khedive. 1881–Decree for abolition of slavery; insurrec-
tion in the Soudan; British pacific interference. I882—Alexandria bom-
'barded by the British. The Mahdi holds all the country south of Khartoum.
1884–Messrs. Rothschild loaned £950,000 to the Khedive; need of loan of
A 8,000,000 to meet war expenses; conference of six great powers on Egyptian
affairs met, but adjourned without result; international law of liquidation sus-
pended in regard to the sinking fund. I885—Other countries concerned as to
the financial condition of Egypt; loan secured and payment of indemnity be-
gun; ancient necropolis discovered at Assouan. General Gordon killed at
Khartoum by the Mahdi's soldiers. 1889—Abolition of forced labor of the
‘peasantry. I892—Tewfik dies suddenly and is succeeded by his son Abbas.
1894—The first national exhibition of art and industry at Alexandria; impor-
tant reforms in the civil administration introduced. 1895–Serious disorders
at Alexandria; a decree creating a special tribunal to deal with offences
4
5o The Story of the Greatest Nations
against the British issued; death of Ismail Pasha, ex-Khedive, at Constan-
tinople; Nubar Pasha, who had been in the Egyptian service fifty-three
years, resigned the premiership. 1896–The restlessness of the Dervishes led
the British to make an expedition into the Soudan; several actions against the
Dervishes were successful, and their only gunboat was captured; trade with
Dongola began to open up. 1897–The Court of Appeal issued a judgment
condemning the Egyptian government to refund, with interest, the half-million
taken from the reserve fund for the Dongola campaign; Great Britain at once
advanced the money; Italy agreed to hold Kassala till December, and then to
hand it over to the Egyptian government; more fighting in the Soudan with
the Dervishes. 1898–The Dervishes attacked the British at Adarama, but
were defeated; fighting continued at other points, till the Dervish forces were
finally dispersed; France, which had been holding Fashoda, evacuated it in
December. 1899–Foundation stone of the Gordon college laid at Khartoum;
a convention settling the details for the administration of the Soudan was signed,
and a Khedivial decree appointing Lord Kitchener governor-general was pub-
lished; the Soudan opened to all comers, a railway being completed to Khar-
toum; Lord Kitchener resigned as governor-general because of his appoint-
ment as chief of staff to Lord Roberts, in South Africa. 1900–Sir Reginald
Wingate became his successor; Osman Digna captured. 1902–Completion of
the great dam for regulating the Nile.
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DYNASTIES OF EGYPT
[The following list is taken from various sources, and the reader will bear
in mind the wide divergence among the best authorities. The names of the
dynasties and most important kings are given, and approximate dates.]
B. C. B.C.
I. 5500. Thinite. X. 3249. Heracleopolite.
Menes; first known XI. 2985. Theban.
king and lawgiver, - Sankhkara.
founder of Mem- XII. 2778. Theban.
phis. Amenemhat I.
Teta or Athothis — Usertesen I.
Uenephes I. Usertesen II.
II. 475 I. Memphite. Usertesen III.
Kakau. XIII. 2565. Theban.
III. 4449. Memphite. Sebekhotep, name
Sneferu. * of several kings.
IV. 3969. Memphite. XIV. 2 II 2. Xoite.
e Khufu. XV. 2098. Hyksos or Shepherd
Khafra. * - kings.
V. 372 I. Elephantine. XVI. Hyksos.
VI. 3503. Elephantine. (History XVII. I738. Thebans at first de-
nearly a blank to pendents of the
the eleventh dyn- Hyksos.
asty). XVIII. I 587. Theban.
Pepy II. Aahmes I. conquers
VII. 33.22. Memphite. . the Hyksos.
Petty kings. Amenhotep I.
VIII. Memphite. - Thothmes III.
IX. 3 Iob. Heracleopolite. Amenhotep II.
52 The Story of the Greatest Nations
B.C.
Thothmes IV.
Amenhotep III.
Amenhotep IV.
XIX. I378. Theban.
Rameses I.
Seti or Sethos.
Rameses II., the
legendary Sesos-
tris.
Mer-en-ptah, prob-
ably the Pharaoh
of the Exodus.
Seti II.
XX. I22O. Theban.
Rameses III.
Inglorious line of
kings named
Rameses.
XXI. I IOO. Tanite. *
History obscure.
Hir-Hor, high
priest of Amon,
probably first
of priest kings
— A S syrian
governors.
XXII. Ioo.4. Bubastite.
Shishak I.
XXIII. 8 IO. Tanite.
Probably only
three petty
kings
XXIV. 781. Saite.
Bocchoris, taken
prisoner by the
Ethiopians and
burnt alive.
During the last
XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
B.C.
716.
665.
525.
4 I5.
4O8.
386.
XXXI.
349.
three dynas-
ties, the Ethi-
opians appear
to have ruled
in the south.
Karnak, Ethiopian.
Shabat or Sabaco.
Tarkus or Tir-
hakah.
Egypt subdued
by Assyrians.
Saite.
Psammetichus I.
Necho II.
Psammetichus II.
Uahbra or Ho-
phra.
Amasis.
Persian.
Cambyses, con-
quer or of
Egypt.
Darius I.
Xerxes I.
Artaxerxes I.
Darius II.
Saite.
Amyrtaeus.
Mendesian.
Sebennyte.
Nectanebus I.
Nectanebus II.
Persian.
Darius III.
Alex a n der the
Gre a t c on -
quered Egypt,
and the empire
was divided.
Egypt—List of Dynasties 53
B.C. 305. Ptolemy (I.), Soter I.
285.
247.
222.
2O5.
I 82.
I82.
I46.
I46.
Ptolemy II., Philadelphus.
Ptolemy (III.), Euergetes
I.
Ptolemy IV., Philopator.
Ptolemy V., Epiphanes.
Ptolemy VI. (Eupator).
Ptolemy VII. Philometor.
Ptolemy VIII. (Neos).
Ptolemy (IX.), Euer-
getes II.
B.C. II 7.
IO6.
8I.
8 I.
8I.
5 I.
DYNASTY OF THE LAGIDAE, OR PTOLEMIES
Cleopatra Cocce and Ptol-
emy (X.), Soter II.
Cleopatra Cocce and Ptol-
emy (XI.), Alexander I.
Cleopatra Berenike.
Ptolemy (XII.), Alexan-
der II.
Ptolemy XIII., Auletes.
Cleopatra, and Ptolemies
XIV., XV., XVI., her
brothers.
DYNASTY OF MEHEMET ALI
A.D. I 81 I. Mehemet Ali.
1848. Ibrahim Pasha.
I848. Abbas Pasha I.
A.D. I 854. Ismail I.
1879. Tewfik.
1892. Abbas Pasha II.
PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY OF NAMES FOR EGYPT
Aahmes (āh'mes)
Abydos (a-by'dos)
Abyssinia (āb'és-Sin'í-a)
Achmet (āh'met)
Amenemhat (a-méén'êh-mât)
Amenhotep (a-men'ho-tep)
Amenmes (ä-men'méz)
Apis (ā'pis)
Artaxerxes (ar'tax-zerx'éz)
Assiout (äs-séé'ut)
Assouan (as-Söö'an)
Assyria (äs-Sir’i-a)
Athothis (a-thoth'is)
Avaris (a-vā'ris)
Bahr-el-Ghazal (bar-ell-ga'zal)
Bashi-Bazouks (bāsh'í-ba-zöökz')
Bedouin (běd'oo-ên or bâd'oo-in)
Bocchoris (böc-kö'ris)
Bubastite (bü'bas-tite)
Cairo (ki'rö)
Cambyses (kam-bi'séz)
Canopus (cã-nó'pus)
Charkieh (châr-ké'yeh)
Cleopatra (kle-O-pâ'tra)
Croesus (kré'sús)
Cyrene (cy-re'ne)
Dakahlieh (dā-kā-lè'ye)
Darius (da-ri'us)
Diodorus (di-o-do'rus)
Diospolite (di-ös'pó-li-té)
54 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Eliakim (e-li'a-kim)
Enseh (en'seh)
Epiphanes (ep'i-pha'nez)
Euergetes (u-ehr-ghe'tez)
Fayoum (fi-ööm')
Gaza (gå'zā)
Gharbieh (går-bê'ye)
Gizeh (gee'zeh)
Guerga (gwér'ga)
Halfiyeh (hâl-fi'yeh)
Herodotus (hē-rod'o-tus)
Heptanomis (hēp"tā-nó'mis)
Hyksos (hik'sos)
Isis (i'sis)
Ismail (is-mâ-eel')
Jehoahaz (je-hôa'-hāz)
Kalionbreh (kā'lé-Ön'breh)
Karnak (kär'nak)
Kena (kā'nā)
Kenkenes (ken'ke-nēz)
Khafra (käf'rā)
Khalif Omar (kā'lif Ö'mar)
Khartoum (kār-toom')
Khedive (kā-dév')
Khufu (köö'föö).
Kochome (kö-chö'mē)
Kordofan (kör-dò-fān')
Kosseir (kös-Sir')
Lesseps (lä'sép, Eng, les'éps)
Libya (lib'e-a)
Luxor (lūks'or)
Mahdi (mā'de)
Mamelukes (mâm'e-lukez)
Mamre (mam're)
Maroetis (mā'ro-é'tis)
Menoufieh (měn'öö-fé'ye)
Menes (me'nes)
Mer-en-ptah (měr-en'tah)
Merenra (mē-rén'rā)
Mesopotamia (měs'o-pó-ta'mi-a)
Metamneh (mà-tam'něh)
Minieh (mēnē-ye)
Mnevis (néévis)
Nebuchadnezzar (neb-u-kad-nez'ar)
Nectanebus (néc-tá-né'bus)
Nepherites (né-pher'í-téz)
Obeid (5-bād')
Papyrus (pa-pi'rūs)
Pasha (pa-Shā')
Pepy (pép')
Pescennius (pes-cén'ni-us)
Phanes (phā'nééz)
Pharaoh (fā'ro or fa'ra-o)
Philometor (phil'o-metor)
Psammetichus (sam-met'i-kus)
Ptolemacus (ptol'e-ma'cus)
Ptolemy (tól'e-mi)
Rakote (ra-köt'êh)
Rameses (rāme'séz).
Sabaco (sā-bä'co)
Saste (sās'té)
Sennaar (sên-nār)
Sennacherib (sen-nāch'e-rib or sen'na.
chérſib)
Sesostris (se-sås'tris)
Seti (sê'ti)
Set-necht (set'nekt')
Sheiks (sheks; Arabic, shāk)
Sheshonk (shësh-onk')
Sipthah (sip'thah)
Sirdar (ser-dār)
Soter (so'ter)
Soudan (Söö-dān')
Souef (sôd'ef)
Suez (sô6-éz')
Syria (Sir’i-a)
Suakim (swä'kīm)
Tanite (tāy-nit)
Tausri (taus'rſ)
Tewfik (tü'fik)
Pronouncing Vocabulary of Names for Egypt
Thebais (the ba-is)
55
Usertesen (u-sert'e-sen)
Thebes (thebz) - Wolseley (wóölzli)
Thothmes (thoth'mès) Xerxes (zerks'és)
Tirhakah (tir'ha-kah) Xoite (zöitéh)
Tyre (tir')
Zenobia (ze-nó'bi-a)
Uenephes (u-en'e-feez)
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ANCIENT NATIONS WESTERN ASIA
Chapter V
THE HEBREWS AND PHOENICIANS
[Authorities : Cooper, “Resurrection of Assyria”; Harkness, “Assyrian Life and History”;
Maspero, “The Dawn of Civilization,” “The Passing of the Empires, 850 to 330 B.C.,” and “The
Struggle of the Nations, Egypt, Syria, and Assyria"; Rawlinson, “Five Great Monarchies of the
Ancient Eastern World"; Rogers, “History of Babylonia and Assyria"; Sayce, “Assyria, its
Priests, Princes, and People"; Smith, “Assyria from the Earliest Times to the Fall of Nineveh ";
Budge, “Babylonian Life and History”; Ragozin, “The Story of Chaldea,” “The Story of As-
syria,” “The Story of Media, Babylon, and Persia’’; Rawlinson, “Egypt and Babylon from Sacred
and Profane Sources’’; Sayce, “Early Israel”; Thorwaldsen, “ The Entry of Alexander the Great
into Babylon.”]
M
ſº - -
(3-ºn Western Asia the dominating race were the Semites.
| -
** º It is to this family that the Hebrews and the Phoeni-
cians belong; and though not politically the strongest
natiºns of the family, they are the ones of whom Euro-
peak writers knew most, for their lands bordered the
Mediterranean Sea.
The fullest account of the Hebrews is contained in
the Scriptures, for they were the “chosen people,” and naturally
had much to do with the events recorded in Holy Writ. The
father of the Hebrews was Abraham, who, in about the twentieth
century B.C., as we have learned, went with his family, his herds
and flocks, from the plains of Mesopotamia to Canaan, the prom-
ised land.
The story of Abraham is a striking one, but the national
history of his people does not begin until the flight of the chil-
dren of Israel to escape the intolerable oppression of the Pharaohs.
When the tenth plague had fallen upon the land, and the first-born were slain,
“the Egyptians were urgent upon the people, that they might send them out
Western Asia—The Hebrew Power 57
of the land in haste; for they said, We be all dead men.” As nearly as can
be told, Moses led the children of Israel out of Egypt in 1491 B.C. The
history that follows is divided into three periods—first, a quiet time of slow
growth and progress, then a brief outburst of political power and splendor,
then a long decline.
Throughout the first period the Hebrews were governed by God himself,
who made known his will through the high priest. Affairs were managed by a
succession of “judges’ and rulers, who were selected by revelation. All
obeyed these rulers, but they governed without any of the honors of royalty,
seeking only to do the will of Jehovah. The prophet Samuel was the last of
this line.
The second period, lasting one hundred and twenty years (1095–975),
included three reigns, the first being the turbulent one of Saul, which covered
one-third of the period named. He was succeeded by the greatest monarch
who ever ruled the Jewish nation, in the person of David, his son-in-law. At
first David held only the throne of Judah, with the city of Hebron as his
capital. The other tribes elected Ishbosheth, a son of Saul, king, after whose
murder David first acquired possession of the entire kingdom, over which he
ruled from B. c. IO 55 until his death, in IOI 5.
David was one of the greatest of his people. His first war was against the
Jebusites, and he took their chief city, Jerusalem, from them and made it his
residence, as well as the centre of the religious worship of the Hebrews.
Afterward he subjugated the Philistines, Amalekites, Edomites, Moabites,
Ammonites, and finally the Syrians. His kingdom then extended from the
Euphrates to the Mediterranean, and from Syria to the Red Sea, with a popu-
lation of five millions. He encouraged navigation and trade, especially with
Tyre, and he was no less careful of the religion of his countrymen. One of
the most precious inheritances left to mankind are his Psalms.
Solomon, “the wisest man that ever lived,” and son of David, succeeded
to the throne in IoI 5 B.C. He made the Hebrews the dominant race in Syria.
Its commercial relations embraced Egypt and Phoenicia, and one of old Solo-
mon's innumerable wives was the daughter of a Pharaoh.
After his death a period of decline set in. The Jews wrangled among
themselves, and the subject states rose in rebellion and gained their independ-
ence. The imperial power broke into two parts, both weak: one, that of Israel,
included ten of the twelve tribes, with Samaria as its capital; the other con-
sisted of two tribes, known as Judah, with Jerusalem as its capital. The
kingdom of Israel held together for about two centuries and a half, when it was
crushed by Sargon, the Assyrian king, who, in 72 I B.C., carried the ten tribes
into captivity. Judah was also in peril from Sargon, and again from his son
58 The Story of the Greatest Nations
and successor, Sennacherib, whose army, according to the Biblical account, was
smitten by an unseen hand.
Still a third time, according to the apocryphal book of Judith, did the
Assyrians threaten Judah, this time under the general Holofernes. Judith
was a beautiful Jewess of Bethulia, who at the peril of her life visited the tent
of Holofernes, in the hope of Saving her native town, by the assassination of the
Assyrian commander. She succeeded, and made her escape with the head of
Holofernes to Bethulia. Her triumph inspired her townsmen with ardent
heroism, and, rushing out upon the enemy, they completely defeated them.
Josephus makes no mention of the story, and it has generally been held to be
an allegory; but, like most legends, it probably had its foundation in some
actual occurrence.
The kingdom of Judah lasted in a much weakened state until Nebuchad-
nezzar, King of Babylon, captured Jerusalem, in 586 B.C., and carried off the
captives to Babylon. Then, in 536 B.C., Cyrus fell upon Babylon, crushed it,
and by edict restored the Jews to their homes.
Now follows a series of misfortunes and changes. Judea remained a
province of the Persian empire, and for a century after the death of Alexander
the Great it was ruled by the Ptolemies of Egypt, one of whom, Ptolemy Phila-
delphus, caused the preparation of the Septuagint Version of the Pentateuch in
the Greek language, which had become prevalent in Judea. The Jews fretted
under their rulers, and in the year B.C. I66 succeeded in gaining their inde-
pendence; but the Roman general, Pompey, in B.C. 63, captured Jerusalem, and
made Judea a part of the Roman province of Syria. Because of their rebellious
disposition, the Jews were frequently punished, until at last, in the year A.D. 70,
Titus captured the city, and, after an appalling massacre of the inhabitants,
who wrangled among themselves, it was burned, and the people scattered to the
four winds of heaven. Thus they have remained ever since. The Jews are
found to-day in every part of the world, suffering cruel persecution in some
countries, like Russia, treated generously in others, as in the United States, but,
wherever they may be, impressing their keen peculiarities and methods upon
all with whom they come in contact.
Another great branch of the Semitic race were the Phoenicians. We do
not as yet know their origin, but there is ground for believing they emigrated
from Chaldea, and that this region, or Arabia, was the native seat of the
Semites. The states which made up Phoenicia were independent, with each its
own king, but they united in times of danger under the leadership of the most
capable general. Their noted cities were Sidon and Tyre, the former being the
most ancient, but its prosperity gradually passed to Tyre. The Phoenician
territory was small, consisting of only a strip of land between Mount Lebanon
Western Asia—The Phoenician Alphabet 59
and the Mediterranean Sea, but its inhabitants were prominent in the early
history of civilization.
It has been accepted as a fact for centuries that the first perfect alphabet
was invented by the Phoenicians. The germ of an alphabet was created by the
Egyptians, but their writing was, so far as known, only partly phonetic. The
hieroglyphic alphabet, of which you have heard, consisted of several hundred
Characters, without a fixed and invariable character representing a sound. The
Babylonians and Assyrians used the cuneiform, which generally stood for sylla-
bles instead of sounds. Precisely when the Phoenicians made their valuable
invention is not known, but its most wonderful feature is its simplicity. They
first learned the few elementary sounds of a language, and then formed a fixed
character to represent each sound. It was from the Phoenicians that the Greeks
obtained the alphabet, which in turn was adopted with some changes by the
Romans. The Roman alphabet, as you doubtless know, is the basis of our
present alphabets. Of the manner in which the Greeks secured their alphabet
Pliny says: “Cadmus brought sixteen letters from Phoenicia into Greece, to
which Palamedes, in the time of the Trojan war, added four more, and Simon-
ides afterward added four.”
Such, I say, has been the universally accepted theory regarding the inven-
tion of the alphabet, but Professor Flinders-Petrie has lately announced a new
revelation from his Egyptian excavations, which moves back the earliest use of
letters by nearly two thousand years. He has laid before the Society of the
Anthropological Institute of Great Britain an account of the steps which led
up to this amazing discovery.
Several years ago, while excavating in Egypt, in the period of 1400 to 2000
B. C., Professor Petrie noticed signs upon some pottery which bore a close
resemblance to the Greek alphabet. He suggested, with some hesitation, that
they were an early stage of the alphabet, but the scientific world had so long
accepted the date of the earliest historical writing as 800 B.C., that the signs
were looked upon as having been derived from Egyptian hieroglyphics. The
excavations made in 1900, however, prove that Professor Petrie's original theory
was correct. When he uncovered some of the royal tombs, dating back to the
XII. dynasty (3000 to 2600 B.C.), he again came across a large number of signs
and letters upon the pottery and other utensils in the tomb-chambers. The
fact that the hieroglyphic system was not in Egypt at that period showed that
these signs did not belong to it. -
Now, it so happened that Arthur Evans, the distinguished British archae-
ologist, was carrying on at the same time a series of excavations on the island
of Crete, in the Mediterranean. He found on tablets, rock-pillars, coins, and
other objects, unearthed in a large palace, a number of letters and signs of a
6o - The Story of the Greatest Nations
period about 2000 B.C., which corresponded with those dug up in Egypt by
Professor Petrie, who collected his and compared them with the Cretan forms.
unearthed by Evans. This comparison established the striking fact that the
letters of the two were identical, and that the alphabet existed for a long time
previous to the date hitherto accepted.
Professor Petrie believes, therefore, that we are in the presence of a wide-
spread system of signs that was common to the Mediterranean from Spain to
Egypt, and that the imports of Egypt prove that some trade existed around the
Mediterranean as early as 5000 B.C. The signs of the alphabet were probably
beginning to assume form at that time and were carried from point to point.
They expanded and grew, but naturally with much variation. In 26OO B.C. the
alphabet contained more than one hundred signs in Egyptian form. Professor
Petrie says the force which gave it system and unity was the use of signs as
numerals by the Phoenicians. This system was wholly Oriental, and was rarely
used in Europe, but having been adopted by the leading commercial nations, it
prevailed in all the Mediterranean ports. Professor Petrie thinks that the signs.
and letters on the pottery of 2600 B.C., which he uncovered, were used as an
alphabet for written communications of spelled-out words in the early stages.
This makes a body of signs with more or less generally understood meanings,
and the change of giving a single letter value to each, and only using signs for
sounds to be built into words, was no doubt a later development, due to Phoeni-
cian commerce.
The illustration on page 61 shows five periods of the Egyptian signary col-
lected by Professor Petrie. Accompanying them, he has arranged the Cretan
signary, gathered by Arthur Evans from his excavations in the island of Crete,
dating 2000 B.C. The Karian was collected by Professor Sayce, and the
Spanish is the familiar alphabet of inscription. The table shows the various.
identical letters, as they appeared in the different periods, and their comparison
with those which he has recently excavated. *
The Phoenicians were the first people on the shores of the Mediterranean to
engage in commerce. They were the sailors of the ancient world, and with
great enterprise they pushed their commercial interests to remote countries.
Their ships sailed to “Tarshish,” on the southern coast of Spain, and hunted
along the shore of Africa for the gold of Ophir. A dye obtained from two
shellfish and known as “Tyrian purple" has never been equalled anywhere,
while the Tyrian looms produced the most exquisite embroidery, enriched by
that famous tint. The glassware of Sidon, the bronzes, the vessels in gold
and silver, and other metals, were greatly prized by other nations.
The colonizing as well as commercial instinct of the Phoenicians was
extraordinary. They pushed their way through the Strait of Gibraltar, or the
Western Asia—Early Alphabets
6 I
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62 The Story of the Greatest Nations
“Pillars of Hercules,” and, passing out upon the Atlantic, founded the city of
Gaes, now Cadiz, in Spain. Their daring navigators reached the Southern
ports of the British Islands, that they might barter for the tin of Cornwall.
They had settlements on the shores of the Arabian and Persian gulfs, which
traded with the coasts of Africa, with Ceylon, and with India, and all this was
hundreds of years before other nations accomplished anything of importance of
that nature. Greece in time became their rival, but when the Greeks began
planting their settlements on the islands of the AEgean Sea and the shores of
Asia Minor, about B. c. IOOO, they found the Phoenicians had been there for a
long while. It is believed to have been in the ninth century B.C. that the
Phoenicians founded the colony of Carthage, on the northern coast of Africa,
destined to become the most famous of all the numerous settlements made by
them. -
Legend credits Dido with being the foundress of Carthage. She was the
daughter of a king of Tyre, whose successor was Pygmalion, the brother of
Dido. He murdered her husband, and sought to gain his wealth; but Dido,
taking the treasure, which had been hidden, and accompanied by a large num-
ber of Tyrians, escaped to sea. She landed in Africa, not far from the Phoeni-
cian colony of Utica, and bought a piece of ground from the Numidian king,
Hiarbas, on the condition that she should receive all that could be compassed
with a bullock's hide. Then Dido cut the hide into small thongs, and thus
enclosed a large piece of territory. To escape marriage to Hiarbas, she stabbed
herself on a funeral pile, and after death was honored as a deity by her subjects.
Carthage became the seat of a great nation, which fought against Rome
three of the most tremendous wars the world has ever known. These will be
told fully in the story of Rome. Carthage was finally defeated, and destroyed
by the Romans, 146 B.C.
For centuries Phoenicia itself swung like a pendulum among different
conquerors. It passed from Assyria to Babylonia, then to the Persians, then
to the Greeks, to be absorbed and swallowed up in the end by Rome, 63 B.C.
The people cared more for trade than conquest, and, strange as it may seem,
man's instinctive love of liberty appeared lacking with them. As the Book of
Judges says: “Careless they dwelt, after the manner of the Sidonians, quiet
and secure.” Under the Romans, Phoenicia became a part of Syria, and has
since shared the fortunes of that country.
--º-º-Tº- º - º º: i. ºr-º-º: cººl- º: -
# º Fº
º
-
-º-º-º:
HANGING GARDENs of BABYLoN
from it. The Hebrew prophets return again and again
to speak of the greatness of the city, its wealth, its size,
its influence upon all the peoples of the earth. Some
of them had seen Babylon with their own eyes, and were astounded
and almost overwhelmed by its grandeur and magnificence. Only
|º their boundless faith in the word of their God leads them to as-
º, sert that such greatness can be destroyed. -
-- It was the most populous city the world has ever known.
- Twenty million inhabitants, reckon some authorities. Modern
º London would be a village beside it; Rome, “Imperial Rome,”
Q would have been lost in one of its quarters. It stood astride the
great river Euphrates, as modern cities span some little stream.
Huge canals stretched through it in all directions. And its
walls! They were classed by the ancients among the seven wonders of the
world. Herodotus, who had seen them, set their width at eighty-four feet and
their height at over three hundred. This seemed so amazing that his people and
the succeeding ages doubted his figures. Yet now we learn that in part at least he
-
Chapter VI
THE FIRST BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
-- º
-- º #ABYLON is fallen, is fallen, that great city.” “Baby-
º - Nº. lon hath been a golden cup in the Lord's hand, that
2\ §2. | made all the earth drunken. . . . O thou that dwellest
* || § upon many waters, abundant in treasures, thine end is
Sº))|| come.” These are the words of the Bible. We could
y . almost tell the whole story of Babylon in quotations
R. jº
º
-:
-
;
|
*
|;
§|º
*I.
---
i.
---
-.
§:
-
64 The Story of the Greatest Nations
understated. The ruined walls have at last been found, and by actual measure-
ment their width is one hundred and thirty-six and a half feet. Their height
has crumbled forever; that, too, may have been greater than we think. Fifteen
miles square was the space enclosed by these cliffs, this tremendous artificial
mountain; the suburbs of the city spread to unmeasured distances beyond.
The prophets never cease wondering about those walls. How shall foe
ever surmount them, or time destroy them? Jeremiah's climax to a long list
of threatened desolations is: “Yes, the wall of Babylon shall fall.” He
expresses his amazement constantly in such exclamations as: “The broad walls
of Babylon | " “Though Babylon should mount up to heaven l’” “O, destroy-
ing mountain ” Yet so complete has been the devastation of the city that
sixty years ago men could not even say where it had stood. Travellers passing
down the Euphrates saw at intervals abrupt, grassy hillocks rising from the flat
plain. “They are the abode of evil spirits,” said the ignorant natives. Euro-
pean science suspected they were the remains of ancient cities. Nothing more
was known of them.
Of late years they have been slowly yielding us their secrets. Patient
explorers have dug into mound after mound and found them to contain the ruins
of palaces, temples, and even whole cities. We know now where Babylon and
Nineveh stood, for we have seen their monuments, their arts, the figures of their
gods, and even the remains of their buried dead. The greatest find of all was
the whole royal library of the Assyrian king Assur-bani-pal, containing many
thousand volumes.
Here, you will say, was the whole history of Assyria ready for us—and of
Babylon as well. So doubtless it was, if the books had been whole, and if any
man could have read them. They were not of paper, like our books. Each
was a clay tablet, like a flat stone, both of its sides stamped full of letters.
These we now know were put in with a stick, something like our pen, while
the clay was soft; and then it was baked in order to harden and preserve it.
Assur-bani-pal's books had met with rough usage. His palace had evidently
been burned; and though the tablets, unlike our paper books, had safely with-
stood the fire, they met misfortune from another source, which paper might
nave defied. Apparently they were kept in a second story, and the floor burn-
ing beneath them precipitated them to the ground. That was fatal to clay
tablets. Scarcely one of all the thousands remains whole, and many are shat-
tered beyond all possibility of restoration.
Then there was the further difficulty that no one knew the language of
these primitive volumes. And though much patient work has been expended
upon them, no one even yet fully comprehends the mysterious tongue. It is
called the wedge or cuneiform language, because its letters are made up of
Western Asia—The Euphrates Valley - 65
little wedges. These represent syllables or words rather than letters; indeed,
each one is a substitute for a picture which took too long to draw. Many of
them are found to stand for three or four different things; others remain wholly
unknown to us.
Thus our reading of the language is very imperfect; but the writings in
it, gathered from this library and others since discovered, and from inscriptions
on the ruined buildings, are the main source of our knowledge of Assyrian and
Babylonian history. Some information we gain from the Hebrew scriptures,
and some from the Egyptian hieroglyphics, which occasionally mention an Asian
king, or even refer to him at considerable length. Ancient Greek writers like
Herodotus help us a little, the most important of them being Berosus, a Baby-
lonian priest of Alexander's time, who wrote a history of his country for the
Greeks. Unfortunately, however, only a few fragments of his work survive.
We are, therefore, thrown back mainly on the cuneiform language; and
every year this is becoming clearer to us, and new inscriptions are discovered.
Some day we may hope to write the story of Babylon as fully and plainly as
we do that of Rome; but this time has not yet come.
What we do know of it is profoundly interesting; but first let me give you
an idea of the land itself, for the land has largely made the story what it is.
In Western Asia, to the south of the Black Sea, rise two rivers, the Euphrates
and the Tigris, which flow in a generally parallel and southeasterly direction
till at last they join some eighty miles from their mouth, and empty together
into the Persian Gulf. The Euphrates is one of the great rivers of the world.
In some respects it resembles the Nile. All its waters are gathered in the
mountains near its source; and for hundreds of miles along its lower course
not a single tributary adds to its volume. It has also a heavy summer over-
flow; so that with the help of the Tigris it has made the valley between them
second only to Egypt itself in its rich fertility.
On the south bank of the Euphrates, however, its influence extends only
for a few leagues before we reach the higher ground of the great Syrian desert,
which stretches southward into Arabia. To the north of the rivers and roughly
parallel with them extend the Zagros mountains. Thus here, as in Egypt,
civilization sprang up in a long and singularly fertile river valley, though the
Babylonian, unlike the Egyptian, measures one hundred and fifty miles, and
often more, from the mountains to the desert.
The Euphrates River has apparently imposed on itself the gigantic task of
filling up with mud the entire Persian Gulf. Moreover, if the ages give it
time, it will undoubtedly complete its work. It carries down such enormous
masses of earth that the shoals around its mouth are built out at an average of
over ninety feet every year. We can see back clearly to a time when the gulf
5
66 The Story of the Greatest Nations
must have penetrated beyond the junction of the two rivers, and they emptied
into it by separate mouths.
We can look even farther back. Nearly one hundred and fifty miles from
the present mouth of the Euphrates there stand on its bank the ruins of the
ancient city of Eridu, which must have once been a seaport town. Figure out
for yourself the time the river took to build one hundred and fifty miles, and
you will reach, as scientists have, the impressive conclusion that Eridu was,
built more than seventy-five hundred years ago, or 5500 B.C. a'
The earliest civilized settlements probably lined this old seacoast, and we
are beginning to catch vague glimmerings of their history, especially of one
Lugal-zaggi-si, who created for himself an empire. Not only did he rule the
entire valley, but he extended his dominion across all Syria westward to the
Mediterranean. At least he makes this claim, on some delicately carved stone
vases of his which have been found. He built the walls of the city of Ur
“high as heaven.” He enlarged (so it must have already existed) the temple
of the Sun-god.
Somewhere among those vague shadows must belong the Biblical story of
the building of the Tower of Babel and the confusion of tongues. Perhaps it
was connected with this very temple of the Sun-god; for we conceive the Tower
of Babel to have been such a temple as in later times we find the Babylonians.
building to the Sun-god. They were enormous structures, rising one mass.
above another, to the height of seven immense stories.
The people of this period were of unknown race, probably Hamitic. Their
land, the southern part of the great valley, was Shumir, the “Shinar’ of the
Bible, from which we call them Shumerians. The valley had probably other
occupants before their coming, a black or yellow race whom they partly sub-
jected and partly expelled. Then they devoted themselves to engineering
works, whose value they had already learned. They drained the marshes.
between the rivers; they erected cities on the plains thus won; they built
canals; they wrote in the picture-writing from which the cuneiform developed.
Then came their turn to be conquered, or at least absorbed by a more.
energetic race who came among them. Semites, perhaps from the south, grad-
ually established dominion over Shumir, and also over the land of Accad, the
region immediately north of Shumir, in the central part of the great river valley.
Here, some two hundred miles above Eridu, lay the as yet sparsely settled site.
of Babylon; and still another fifty miles beyond stood the important city of
Agadé, or Accad, which became the first centre of Semitic power in the valley.
Its great king, “Sargon of Accad,” is the first imposing figure that enters.
Babylonian story. Later the Babylonians adopted him as their own, and con-
sidered him their ancestor, the first Semitic hero of the land. Their kings.
Western Asia–Early Babylonian Kings 67
traced descent from him; legends centred round him. According to one of
these, his queen-mother had set him adrift as a baby on the Euphrates in an
ark of bulrushes. A peasant found the child and brought him up as a gar-
dener. The goddess of love, Ishtar, met him in his garden, loved him, and
restored him to a kingly rank.
The circumstances of his real life are not all clear. He lived about 38oo
B.C. He must have been to some extent the maker of his own fortunes, for his
father was not a king. After establishing himself in Accad, he gradually ex-
tended his sway over Babylon and all the cities of Shumir. His power reached
to the Mediterranean, and he even crossed to the island of Cyprus. His warlike
expeditions, which must have been more like explorations in a new land, kept
him away for years from Accad and Shumir; and when he returned he found
a general rebellion awaiting him. This he overcame, legend says, by the aid
of the still faithful goddess, Ishtar; and his reign ended in years of peace and
glory.
His son, Naram-Sin, who succeeded him, is a still clearer historical per-
sonage. He built a temple to the sun, and in its foundation sank a cylinder
recording his name and deeds. This was found over three thousand years later
by a Babylonian king while repairing the temple. Naram-Sin ruled Asia even
to the borders of Egypt, where he quarrelled with the Pharaohs over the rich
mines of Sinai. How his reign ended we do not know ; but the sudden ceasing
of all records in the early part of it suggests trouble and battle and little time
for the arts of peace.
With his successor and a rather hazy and doubtful queen, the little glim-
mering of light that we have found disappears. Darkness again settles over
this ancient world. One city after another apparently rose to Supremacy, now
in Shumir, now in Accad. Ur, near the southern coast, the Ur from which
Abraham wandered, was the ruling power for centuries. So firmly did its
position as the capital city become established, that each new ambitious ruler
strove for its possession. He was not King of Shumir until he had been
Crowned in Ur.
Frequent battles and sieges weakened all the southern cities; and gradu-
ally to the northward Babylon rose in grandeur and strength. Then there
seems to have come, about the twenty-fifth century B.C., a sudden, new irrup-
tion of Arabian tribes, who conquered the whole valley, and made Babylon
their capital. This was the beginning of Babylonian supremacy over the other
cities. She took the place of Ur, and, as centuries passed, became more and
more renowned, until the name Babylonia spread over the whole land, and the
older names of Shumir and Accad fell into disuse.
Sumu-abi was the first of the Arab kings of Babylon. His name, which
68 The Story of the Greatest Nations
means “son of Shem,” is in itself strong evidence of his Semitic race. His
descendants had much trouble in holding their power. The kings of Ur fought
against them in the south; and the Elamites, a fierce nation dwelling in the
mountains to the east, repeatedly swept over the land in Savage raids, burning
and destroying.
We shall find these same Elamites fighting the people of the valley for
thousands of years. The Assyrians at last annihilated them; but even in their
fall they dragged down their conquerors after them in one final, grim tragedy.
At this early date they seem to have reduced the whole valley to a state of
dependence and submission, till there rose among the kings of Babylon one
Khammurabi, who was a statesman and a warrior.
His Hebrew name, as given in the Bible, is Amraphel; and his story, as
pieced together from Genesis and the inscriptions, is about as follows: The
kings of Sodom and Gomorrah and all the land of Canaan rebelled against the
Elamites and refused to pay them further tribute. Then the angry Elamite
king, Chedor-laomer, Summoned his vassal kings, Amraphel and others, to
march with him into Canaan. They smote the Canaanites, and slew their kings.
in flight, by the slime pits in the vale of Siddim; but as the victorious army
marched homeward, laden with prisoners and spoils, it was suddenly attacked -
by a small force, led by the patriarch Abraham. The prisoners were recaptured
and the army scattered.
Khammurabi seized this occasion, or one of nearly the same date, to throw
off the Elamite yoke. For years the issue of the struggle was uncertain. At
one time Babylon itself was captured and partly destroyed; but the tide turned,
the invaders were defeated in a great battle, and the land was cleared of them.
Khammurabi followed up his success by attacking them in their own home of
Elam and wresting their richest province from them. He succeeded to their
power; the whole valley accepted his sway, and Babylon became an empire.
Khammurabi proved himself better than a warrior; for he was one of the
benefactors of mankind. Instead of oppressing and terrifying his subject cities,
he tried to win their friendship. He built great canals, and united the earlier
scattered ones into a single vast general system, which insured rich harvests.
to the entire country. A period of comparative peace and abundance followed.
The cities grew wealthy. He repaired their walls and their temples, and paid
honor to their gods. Each of the greater places was encouraged to become
a religious centre; and as their priestly power grew, their military strength.
declined. -
This period forms an important epoch in our story. Hitherto we have
had to deal with many cities, each a nation by itself. Henceforward all Shumir
and Accad are one nation, under one king.
Western Asia—Babylon under Khammurabi 69
The sudden and complete subjection of the other cities to Babylon would
seem strange if we did not realize that her intellectual and commercial supremacy
had long been preparing the road for her political sway. The Babylonians have
been called the Greeks of the East, because their culture, their arts, their busi-
ness abilities spread their influence earlier and farther than their arms. We
have seen how Amenhotep sought to introduce their ways even into Egypt.
Babylon was “a golden cup,” from which all the earth had drunk. She
became a centre of religion as well. She was at once the Rome, the Paris, and
the London of her time. And when her political empire was wrested from her
by a younger and more military race, her real power remained for centuries,
even until the sceptre was restored to her in a second period of empire. It was
the power of mind and civilization.
Khammurabi had to rebuild Babylon almost entirely; and it gradually grew
into the marvellous city of legend and history. Architecture is everywhere the
product of the land itself. The Egyptian saw always before him those solemn
stone cliffs, so he quarried from them the immense stone blocks for his obelisks
and his pyramids. There was no stone in Babylonia. There were scarcely any
trees either, in that flat valley of river mud; it was a land of grassy marshes.
So man, with his ever-ready ingenuity, learned to build with the earth itself.
He moulded and baked, and made it into bricks. Those ancient Babylonian
bricks are said to be as good as the best of modern manufacture; and to-day in
that country a regular industry is the digging them out, not for scientific
research, but for the building of modern houses. This has been going on for
centuries; and in many a modern Asian town there are bricks still showing
the stamp and name of kings who perished and were forgotten ages ago.
All the cities of the valley were brick-built. The raising of the walls of
Babylon must have strangely resembled the work of a colony of ants, each toil-
ing by himself, and adding his mite to the mass that slowly grew around him.
Rhammurabi, Nebuchadnezzar, any of the great builders, could have told the
Hebrew prophets how those walls must eventually fall. They were obliged to
be always repairing the older temples and fortifications. The soft, yielding soil,
the terrific rains which saturated the bricks and widened every fissure, the
stupendous weight of the towering structures themselves, –all these combined
to destroy the foundations, which, despite every art of man, would gradually
bulge outward, and threaten to give way. Only the walls of the richest palaces
could have so much as an outer facing of stone, brought in Small slabs from
great distances. It was to obtain this stone that Naram-Sin had coveted those
distant mines of Sinai.
The successors of Khammurabi seem to have degenerated gradually in
ability, until the sceptre was wrenched from them by another family. Then, in
7o The Story of the Greatest Nations
the eighteenth century B.C., a half-savage swarm of invaders from the northeast,
the Kassites, overran Babylonia, and their chief, Gandis, seized the throne.
His successors maintained their place for over five hundred years; but the old
empire had crumbled to pieces, and they never held more than a nominal sway
over most of its provinces.
THE FIRST BABYLoni AN INSCRIPTION BROUGHT To EUROPE
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Chapter VII
ASSYRIA AND THE SECOND BABYLONIAN EMPIRE
of her was acquiring vigor and a sturdy life. When
Thothmes III of Egypt set up his inscription, which
told of his triumphs over the Asian kings, he related
with pride that the great King of Babylon gave him
tribute, and then, amid a long list of lesser lords, appears
a “Chief of Assur.” It is the earliest reference we
find to Assyria.
You will remember that Babylon itself and the surrounding land
of Accad occupied the centre of the Euphrates valley. The more
rugged and sparsely settled land to the north belonged a so to the
empire. Gradually it was settled by colonists from Babylon, and be:
came the home of a race more purely Semitic than the mixed peoples
to the south. From its chief city, Assur, it was called Assyria.
Assur was ruled at first by high-priests; and the first of these
to throw off Babylonian authority and call himself king was probably
one Belkapkapu, who did so at some period in the seventeenth century B.C.
There were wars between the two nations; and in 1450 B.C. we find an Assyrian
king making a treaty with his foe on equal terms. A little later, however, a
soured Babylonian ruler complained bitterly to the Egyptians because they
failed to recognize his ancient authority over his neighbor.
About 14oo B.C. the ever-turbulent Kassite soldiery of Babylon, in a
sudden revolt, slew their king, and placed on the throne “a man of low parent-
72 The Story of the Greatest Nations
y
age,” as the later monarchs'scornfully call him. Now the murdered man was
connected by marriage with the Assyrian king; and the latter promptly marched
into the country and restored the rightful heir, his own grandson, by force.
From this time Assyria seems rather the stronger power of the two.
With the exception of an occasional Elamite raid on Babylonia, or an expedition
by the Assyrians among the half-civilized nations to the north,” the history of
the two countries becomes, for centuries, merely a tedious chronicle of wars
between them. They drained each other's life-blood. Again and again they
fought until they sank exhausted, unable longer to supply soldiers for their
armies. Then for a generation or so the lesser neighboring states would
flourish and grow insolent, till the two lions again roused themselves. Slowly
Assyria's predominance increased. One king advanced her frontier to the
suburbs of Babylon. Another captured the city itself, looted the palaces and
temples, and appointed governors to rule there. Seven years later the Baby-
lonians successfully revolted, and Assyria became in its turn the centre of a
civil war. -
One Babylonian king towers for a time above the rest. He was Nebu-
chadnezzar I., a worthy predecessor of the famous Nebuchadnezzar of later date.
He defeated the Assyrians repeatedly, and threatened Assur itself. He
repulsed the Elamites under the walls of their capital, and recovered the great
statue of the god Bel, which they had carried from Babylon on some previous
raid. This was considered a great occasion, and was celebrated with imposing
religious ceremonies; for no Babylonian sovereign was legally king until he
had placed his hands in those of the god, and thus acknowledged himself the
latter's vicegerent. The other principal god of the Babylonians, Bel-Merodach,
seems at this time to have been in the possession of the Assyrians, so that the
country was in a peculiarly godless state. Merodach was the sun-god, a bright
being, originating with the Babylonians themselves, and most appropriate to
that brilliant, fiery race. But the other Bel, or Baal, seems the survival of an
older and darker Shumerian faith, an evil deity who had to be propitiated by
* One of the mightiest, as well as most mysterious, nations that ruled in Syria and Mesopotamia,
somewhere about this time, was the Hittite. All the learning of modern scholarship has failed to
throw any light upon the strange language of those people, or to gather from their enduring records in
stone a single definite historical fact. Renewed interest was excited in 1901, by the discovery among
the ruins of Babylon, by the German scholars and explorers excavating there, of a stone monument of
Hittite art and literature, in perfect condition, and inscribed with a long legend in untranslatable lan-
guage. The monument was found in the ruins of a Babylonian temple to the goddess Nin-Mach, and
is forty-nine inches high, twenty-one inches wide, and fourteen inches thick. All the scholars in the
world cannot translate the legend, or even evolve an alphabetical system from the characters. The
only hope lies in finding a monument with a double inscription, in both the Hittite character and the
Assyrian, for then the key would be furnished. The monument shows that at some time the Hittite
power was great even in the city of Babylon itself.
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Western Asia—The Rise of Assyria 73
human sacrifices. Thousands of prisoners were slain in his honor; and it may
be questioned whether Nebuchadnezzar did his countrymen real service by thus
bringing Baal once more among them.
Assyrian power revived about I 120 B.C. under Tiglath-pileser I. He was
one of the great conquerors of history. The business of his life was war.
Year after year he regularly marshalled his armies, and led them on raids farther
and farther afield. No foe could stand before him. His troops penetrated to
the sources of the Euphrates in the north, where he pursued the mountaineers,
according to his inscriptions, “across cloud-capped mountains whose peaks were
as the point of a dagger.”
To the south he conquered Babylon; and in the west he pierced to the
Mediterranean, the first Euphrates sovereign since the almost forgotten Kham-
murabi, over a thousand years before, to reach the sea. Even the King of
Egypt sent him presents, which he naturally regarded as tribute.
He was a great hunter, too. We find his claim to have slain something
like a thousand lions quite early in his reign. He organized huge elephant
hunts. And when he reached the Mediterranean, he proudly boasts that he
sailed out on it in a Phoenician ship and slew a sea-monster, a porpoise per-
haps, with his own hand. At the close of his reign he seems to have met a
sudden and disastrous defeat from the Babylonians; and it is certain that his
empire disappeared at his death.
It was during the following period that the Jews rose to power under
David and Solomon; and then in the ninth century Assyria again stands at the
front. One of its kings, Assur-dain-pal, is the Sardanapalus of the Greeks.
He rebelled against his father, and ruled as king in the city of Nineveh for
seven years. He was besieged by his brother; and two years after the old king
had died the city was finally forced to surrender. According to legend, Sar-
danapalus massed his treasures, his wives, and his soldiers in one terrible
funeral pyre, seated himself at the top and, having set fire to the whole, perished.
Nineveh, from its favorable situation, had gradually become the greatest of
the four capitals of Assyria, wholly supplanting the older Assur. Later ages
attributed its origin to a mythical king, Ninus, and his warrior wife, Semiramis,
who, they said, made herself queen of all Asia. But the story is probably a
mere romantic fancy.
In 763 B.C., an eclipse of the sun seems to have started a superstitious
rebellion throughout Assyria. There was confusion for nearly twenty years;
and then Pul, one of the generals, dethroned the old king, and founded, for
himself, what is known as the Second Assyrian Empire.
This was the period of Assyria's greatest power and splendor. Former
conquests had been little more than raids, from which the devastated lands
74 The Story of the Greatest Nations
recovered sooner or later, to resume their old manner of life. Pul and his suc-
cessors began a permanent occupation of territory, settling Assyrian colonies in
the conquered cities, and carrying off many of the old inhabitants as slaves.
The slave markets both in Nineveh and Babylon became a regular and famous
institution, which Herodotus describes for us with enthusiasm because of the
beauty of the women. More important is the fact that the kings of this period,
having thousands of these slaves at their disposal, became great builders.
On Pul's death, a second and then a third Assyrian general seized the
throne. The last of them called himself Sargon II., after the famous King of
Accad. He was a rough but shrewd old warrior, who established himself and
his empire so firmly that his family retained the throne for the one last and
most gorgeous century that remained to Assyria, before its final downfall.
Sargon was murdered suddenly, we do not know why, by a foreign soldier;
and his son Sennacherib succeeded him. Of Sennacherib you have heard in
the Bible. He seems to have been weak and cruel, false and boastful. His
father's splendid army enabled him to defeat the Egyptians, and to overrun.
Judea. Two hundred thousand Jews were sent captive to Assyria. But the
Jewish king, Hezekiah, shut up in Jerusalem, defied the tyrant; and then
occurred that strange destruction of the foe of which the Bible tells us. Sudden.
death, perhaps in the form of a pestilence, swept through the camp, and Sen-
nacherib fled. Contrary to all Assyrian precedent, he failed to return to the:
attack. Hezekiah remained independent and defiant.
Meanwhile, Babylon had been in constant turmoil with her mighty foe,
yielding, rebelling, intriguing, struggling, Surrendering. Pul, Sargon, and,
Sennacherib had each in succession seized the city by force. But her bitterest.
opposition seems to have been reserved for Sennacherib. Of all her con-
querors, he is the only one whom the priests persistently refused to acknowledge.
as their king; and now Babylon rebelled against him a second time.
In 689 B.C., he captured the famous old city by storm, and wreaked savage.
vengeance on it. For days his soldiers were turned loose in its streets with
orders to kill every one they found. The walls and buildings were torn down;
the canals were choked with ruins; and for eight years “there were no kings.”
We cannot but be impressed and awed by the tremendous power which we
now find centred in one man. Sennacherib by a word made a desolation of the
largest city in the world; but a greater than he did a greater thing. Within
eight years the next king rebuilt Babylon on a scale grander even than before.
This king was Esar-haddon, whom the Greeks called Sarchedon, the last great
warrior king of Assyria.
Sennacherib was murdered by two of his sons; but Esar-haddon, who was
another and favorite son, defeated and punished them both, and succeeded to:
Western Asia—Assyrian Power and Fall 75
the kingdom. He is the one Assyrian king to whom we can turn with any real
liking; the others seem to us huge, Snarling tigers, devouring the nations.
Esarhaddon's policy throughout his empire was one of kindness and con-
ciliation. He set about the rebuilding of Babylon, the holy city, with real
religious fervor; and the priests gladly hailed him as their rightful ruler. He
brought Manasseh, King of Jerusalem, in chains to his feet, and then forgave
him. Before the end of his reign he did the same to the great King of Egypt.
He repelled from his borders the Kimmerians, the first of those successive waves
of ferocious barbarians who, through the ages, have burst upon the world from
the wilds of Central Asia. He penetrated the very heart of the Arabian desert,
and reduced its tribes to obedience. And, last and proudest triumph of the
Assyrian power, he conquered Egypt.
It was while quelling a revolt there that he died, and was succeeded by
his son, Assur-bani-pal. The new king had nothing of a warrior's tastes. He
sent his generals to the field, while he himself remained in ease and comfort
in his palace. He was a patron of literature, and before his death he gathered
at Nineveh the great library from which we have learned so much of his country.
At first his generals were successful. The Egyptian revolt was crushed;
the old Egyptian capital, Thebes, was destroyed. Assyrian arms were then
turned against the one independent nation remaining in their world, the
Elamites. Stubborn and bitter was the resistance of these mountaineers; and
when their last city, the capital, Susa, was taken and destroyed, the captured
land was a profitless desert, and Assyria herself was drained of soldiers almost to
exhaustion.
Outwardly she was at the zenith of her power. No foe was left to face
her. Embassies came even from the borders of Europe to honor her and entreat
her favor. But the Babylonians and the Arabians and the Egyptians knew
her real weakness. Presently all three rebelled; and though the first two were
painfully reconquered after years of feeble effort, Egypt had escaped forever.
There was not even an attempt to hold her, for a new and appalling danger
threatened. A second horde had burst like a cyclone into the land, from Cen-
tral Asia; and there was no Esar-haddon now to check them. When Assur-
bani-pal's long reign of over forty years ended, the doom of Assyria had already
sounded. -
There are no writings, no carefully carved inscriptions to guide us through
the few hurried years that remained. There was no time for such arts of peace;
the people were struggling for life against the barbarians. Among the ruins
of the great royal enclosure in one of the Assyrian capitals there has been un-
covered in a corner one little, poorly built, crumbling shanty of a palace, looking
queer enough in the company of the majestic ruins around it. It is the work
76 The Story of the Greatest Nations
of a shadowy king, otherwise almost unknown, who must have ruled during
those last years of terror. It typifies well the falling nation.
Her provinces deserted her. One of her generals, Nabopolassar, being
sent to govern Babylonia, usurped supreme power. He strengthened the city,
ingratiated himself with the people, and then led them back in an assault against
his old masters. It was the death-struggle, and the Assyrians knew it. They
rose grandly to the might of despair. Again and again they beat back their
ancient foes. Nabopolassar began to look anxiously around for assistance.
Egypt, which had seized on Palestine and Syria in the confusion, promised
help; but it was slow in coming. A nearer and more eager ally was found in
the Scythian king who had seized the mountainous region of Media. He gave
his daughter to be the wife of Nabopolassar's son; and his wild Scyths joined
the Babylonians in the final siege of Nineveh.
Civilization and barbarism were arrayed together against the royal city;
and even the elements joined in the assault; for, according to legend, after a
two years' siege the river rose in the night and carried away a portion of the
walls. The assailants entered at the breach, and the city fell.
Babylon was triumphant at last; and her people took full revenge on their
ancient foe. Nineveh was destroyed so completely that men forgot even where
it had stood. The very completeness of its desolation left the apparently
worthless ruins untouched through all the centuries; and it is at Nineveh that
modern investigation has reaped its richest harvest.
Of Assyria's architecture, of its palaces, its libraries, we have spoken.
Art appeals most directly to the eye, so we give here a picture showing some
relics of Assyrian handiwork.”
A second Babylonian Empire rose on the ruins of its rival. Nabopolassar
maintained his friendship with the Scyths. He quarrelled with the dilatory
Egyptians, and wrested from them their newly seized Asian possessions. From
Media to the sea, Babylon was again the queen of Western Asia.
It is here that the name Chaldaea came into history. You remember the
land which the Euphrates kept building at its mouth. Through all these thou-
sands of years that we have passed over in an easy half-hour, this land had
been growing to the south of Shumir. It was a land of mud and marsh, and
* Nos. I and 2 in the illustration are doorway figures, representing gods in the form of winged
bulls with crowned human heads; 3, King Sennacherib ; 4, a king hunting ; 5, assault on a triple-
walled city; 6, 7, 8, vases of clay; 9, drinking vessel ; IO, lamp ; II, cloth, with Assyrian pattern imi-
tated from a relief; I2, table, restored from fragments; I3, lion's head, from a doorway; I4, 15, 16,
ancient swords; I 7, double-edged sword, or axe; I 8, spear; IQ, bow; 20, quiver, with arrows and tas-
sels; 21, 22, 23, daggers and hunting-knives in a case; 24, helmet ; 25, shield of foot-soldier; 26,
armor of artillerist ; 27, Sun umbrella ; 28, gold earrings; 29, 30, 31, 32, gold bracelets; 33, 34, sculp-
tured diadems; 35, wall painting of lions; 36, ornamental frieze.
Western Asia—Nebuchadnezzar Rebuilds Babylon 77
of great reeds fifteen feet high. In its depths, safe from attack, dwelt an
Arabian tribe called Kaldees, or Chaldees, whose people gradually spread among
the Babylonians. Nabopolassar is reputed to have been a Chaldee; one of the
earlier sovereigns was certainly so. Members of the race became more and
more prominent under the new empire; and the name Chaldaea, especially with
the Greek and Latin writers, gradually came to mean the same as Babylonia.
Nabopolassar was succeeded by that son who had married the Scythian
princess, and who is known to us as the mighty Nebuchadnezzar of history and
the Bible. He had already gained fame as a general in his father's lifetime;
and that fame he increased by repeatedly defeating the Egyptians, by twice
taking Jerusalem, and by capturing the hitherto invincible Phoenician city of
Tyre, after a grim, unrelenting, thirteen-year siege.
His chief fame, however, is as a builder. He made Babylon a marvel
whose fame will never die. It was for this that he carried the Jews and thou-
sands of other poor captives from their homes. It was this that so impressed
the unhappy prophet Jeremiah, when he compared Babylon with his own ruined
Jerusalem. In addition to the famous walls, which were only partly his, Nebu-
chadnezzar built a mighty palace, and greatly enlarged and improved the canal
system. He was able at will to turn the entire Euphrates from its bed into
these canals; and he seems to have lined with brick the whole bed of the river
where it flowed through the city. Then he built for his Scythian queen
Amyitis, perhaps because she longed for her native mountains, the famous
hanging gardens, placed on arches seventy feet high, with all manner of strange
plants and great trees growing on the summit.
The heart of the proud monarch was in his work; and when it was all fin-
ished, he asked the prophet Daniel: “Is not this great Babylon that I have built
. . . for the honor of my majesty.” Then a strange madness overtook him,
“lycanthropy,” the physicians call it, in which a man imagines himself a beast,
and for years the conqueror “was driven from men, and did eat grass as oxen.”
Nebuchadnezzar was the last important King of Babylon. A few years
after his death his line died out; and the priests raised a weak tool of their
own, Nabonidos, to the throne. He caused all the idols to be brought from
the lesser cities, and set up in Babylon, thinking, apparently, to make it the one
great religious centre of the land. It was an unfortunate step for him. Its
real result showed only in heart-burnings, jealousies, and the Secret treasons
which Overthrew him.
The Persians under Cyrus took the city in 538 B.C. Nabonidos had an
army in the field against them under his son Belshazzar; but it was outgen-
eraled and defeated. The impregnable city seems to have made no defence; its
gates were opened, surely by treachery, to the conqueror. We have found
78 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Cyrus' own record of his entry; and we must accept its declaration that “with-
out combat or battle” did he enter Babylon. Nabonidos was made prisoner,
and soon died. The Babylonian Empire was at an end; and Babylon sank
again to the secondary position it had held under Assyrian rule.
Several times the city rebelled, under leaders who claimed to be descend-
ants of Nebuchadnezzar or sons of Nabonidos; but each time it was recaptured
and the rebellion put down, with more or less injury to the city. Somewhere
amid this confusion must be placed the Hebrew account of Belshazzar, though
with our present uncertain knowledge it is difficult to say just where. He was
the son of Nabonidos and general of all his armies; very probably he had been
made king with his father, as well. He was by far the more vigorous man of
the two. Whatever there had been of brave resistance against the Persians in
that last campaign came from him. Later, while he feasted and revelled with
his comrades in Babylon, there came that supernatural handwriting on the wall.
You will find the account in the fifth chapter of the Book of Daniel. “In the
same hour came forth fingers of a man's hand, and wrote over against the can-
dlestick upon the plaster of the wall of the king's palace; and the king saw the
part of the hand that wrote.”
Belshazzar was terrified, and asked his soothsayers what this fiery writing
meant: “MENE, MENE, TEKEL, UPHARSIN.” Merely as words, these
were probably plain to all present. Their sense in English seems to be, “a
mina, a mina, a shekel, to the Persians,” the mina being the most valuable gold
coin of the times, and the shekel a comparatively worthless piece. But what
did the words signify when thus placed together and flaming upon the wall?
No man knew ; or, if any guessed, they dared not tell the fierce king. Then
Daniel, the Lord's prophet, was brought into the hall. He saw clearly the true
meaning and purport of the words; and bravely and unflinchingly he denounced
the haughty monarch and revealed the approaching doom.
“MENE: God hath numbered thy kingdom, and finished it.
“TEKEL: Thou art weighed in the balances, and art found wanting.
“PERES: Thy kingdom is divided, and given to the Medes and Persians.”
“In that night was Belshazzar, the king of the Chaldaeans, slain.”
Herodotus tells us that at one time the Persians seized the city by turning
aside the Euphrates from its course, during the night, and entering along the
bare bed of the river. The unsuspecting defenders were engaged in drunken
revelry. Perhaps this was the occasion of Belshazzar's sudden death.
The later history of Babylon is soon traced. Some of the Persian kings
lived much in the city; it was a sort of second capital to them; but already its
decline had begun. Xerxes punished it severely for a rebellion in 481 B. c.
The great seven-story temple of Bel, and many other of the finest buildings,
Western Asia–The Fall of Babylon 79
were overthrown; and a portion of the city was given up to pillage. Greek
travellers, like Herodotus, saw many traces of decay within the walls, in some
places whole quarters lying in ruins, or turned into fields.
The city surrendered to Alexander the Great in 331 B.C.; and it so im-
pressed him that he planned to make it his capital, but death prevented. The
Greek princes who succeeded Alexander in Asia, the Seleucidae, finally accom-
plished its ruin by building a new capital of their own, Seleucia, within a few
miles of it. Gradually all the wealth transferred itself to the newer, gayer city;
and poverty soon followed it, leaving fallen Babylon alone with its memories.
The Parthians captured and burned it about 14o B. c. In the time of Christ
there was only a little village in the midst of the ruins; and the Christian
father, Jerome, writing in the fourth century A.D., tells us it had become an
enclosed forest, wherein the Persian kings hunted. Fallen Babylon had indeed
become what the Bible had predicted, “a burnt mountain.” “But wild beasts
of the desert shall lie there; and their houses shall be full of doleful creatures;
and owls shall dwell there " (Isaiah xiii. 21).
s
;
-=
y-
sº
§ſº
HE early dates are little more than guess-work. Pro-
fessor Sayce has been followed as nearly as possible.
B. C. 5500–Calculated date for the building of
Eridu, once a seaport town, now I 50 miles inland, 5ooo.
º –Lugal-zaggiºsi founds an empire, reaching from the
Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean; he makes his capital
at Erech. 4000–Lugal-kigub-nidudu, King of Ur,
conquers Erech. 4000–Kings of Lagas establish their power
over Babylonia. 3800–Sargon of Accad, or Agadé, the great
legendary hero of Babylonia, rules all Western Asia. 3750–
Naram-Sin, his son, extends his power; he owned the rich
mines of Sinai, and battled with Egypt. 2720–Ur again be-
comes the ruling power of Western Asia, under Ur-Bau, a
Sumerian. 2700–Gudea, high-priest of Lagas, rules under
Dungi, son of Ur-Bau, Gudea's library of 30,000 tablets has
been recently found. 2600–A Semitic power established at Ur, perhaps under
Gungunum. 2500–Ine-Sin and Gimil-Sin, descendants of Gungunum, carry
their power to the Mediterranean. 2478–An Arabian race establishes itself at
Babylon under Sumu-abi (“Shem is my father"). 2366–The Chedor-laomer
of Scripture, a great Elamite conqueror, claims lordship over all Babylonia; he is
defeated by Abraham. Khammurabi of Babylonia (the Amraphel of Scripture)
breaks the Elamite power, and makes Babylon again the centre of a great empire.
1806–The Kassite tribes, under Gandis, conquer Babylon, and become its kings.
1650–Agum-kak-rime partly re-establishes its power. I400–Burna-buryas
claims the friendship of Egypt to help him in maintaining the ancient authority
of Babylon over Assyria. 1380–The Kassite soldiery murder their king,
Kadasman-kharbe, and place Nazibugas on the throne. Assur-yuballidh, King
-
-
3.º
º-L
3.l
ºº:
Western Asia—Chronology of Babylon 81
of Assyria, interferes, defeats the Kassites, and places Kuri-galzu III., the
young Son of Kadasman-kharbe, on the Babylonian throne. I340–Kuri-galzu
defeats the Elamites and captures their capital, Susa; he is defeated by Rim-
mon-nirari of Assyria. (Here the dates become fairly accurate.) I290—The
city of Babylon conquered by the Assyrians and held as a province. I283—
Rimmon-sum-uzur, the Kassite king, leads a successful revolt, and Babylon
regains at least partial independence. II2O—Tiglath-pileser temporarily
reconquers Babylon. 812—Babylon again captured by Samsi-Rimmon of
Assyria. 763— Babylon joins in a general revolt and escapes Assyrian power.
731—Pul of Assyria recaptures Babylon. Constant revolts. 680–Sen-
nacherib, as a punishment, utterly destroys the city. 680–Esar-haddon rebuilds
it. 626—Nabopolassar, sent to quell a Babylonian revolt, assumes the power
there. 609—He unites Egypt and the Median Scyths in a league with him
against Assyria. 606—He and the Medes capture Nineveh, and destroy it.
605—Nebuchadnezzar, his son, succeeds him. 604—Nebuchadnezzar defeats
the Egyptians at Karchemish. 598—He captures Jerusalem and carries its
king, Jehoiachin, and many others to Babylon. 588—Jerusalem, having rebelled,
is destroyed and its people carried into captivity at Babylon. 573—Nebuchad-
nezzar captures Tyre after a thirteen-year siege. 568–He builds the “hanging
gardens’ of Babylon. 562–He dies. 556—Nabonidos, made king by the
priests, tries to transfer all religious power to Babylon. 538—Army of Nabo-
nidos defeated by Cyrus of Persia, who captures Babylon; Babylonia becomes
a Persian province. 521—Babylon revolts under Nebuchadnezzar II.; is
retaken by Darius. 514—Another revolt under Nebuchadnezzar III., claiming
to be a son of Nabonidos. Again Darius takes the city. He destroys its
walls. 487–Xerxes sacks the city. 331—Babylon taken by Alexander; he
dies there, 323. 312—Seleucus Nicator becomes king of the empire of Syria,
including Babylonia. He builds his capital, Seleucia, close to Babylon, and
Babylon decays and falls to ruin. I40—Babylonia conquered by Parthians.
63—Becomes a Roman province under Pompey.
A. D. 750–The Babylonian city of Baghdad made the seat of the Ma-
hometan caliphs. I638—Babylonia becomes subject to Turkey.
82 The Story of the Greatest Nations
RULERS OF BABYLONIA
B. C.
The Kings of Lagas.
The Kings of Agadé.
38OO–Sargon.
375O—Naram-Sin, his son.
Bingani-Sar-ali, his son.
Ellat-Gula, a queen.
The Kings of Ur.
272O—Ur-Bau.
Dungi I.
Gungunum.
Dungi II.
Pur-Sin II.
Gimil-Sin.
Iné-Sin.
First Dynasty of Babylon (Arab).
2478—Sumu-abi.
2464—Sumu-la-ilu, his son.
2428–Zabium, his son.
24 I4—Abil-Sin, his son.
2396—Sin-muballidh, his son.
2366—Khammurabi.
23 II—Samsu-iluna, his son.
2273—Abesukh.
2248—Ammi-ditana, his son.
2223—Ammi-zadok, his son.
22O2—Samsu-ditana, his son.
Dynasty of Sisku.
2 I 74— * + k +
Dynasty of the Kassites.
I806–Gandis.
* * * *
Agun-kak-rime.
B. C.
Kara-indas.
I43O—Kadasman-Bel.
Kuri-galzu I.
I4OO–Burna-buryas, his son.
Kuri-galzu II., his son.
Kara-khardas.
Kadasman-kharbe I., his son.
I 380—Nazibugas, a usurper.
I 380–Kuri-galzu III.
* + k +
Dynasty of Isin.
1229– # * * *
I I4O—Nebuchadnezzar I.
Bel-nadin-pal.
I IO7—Merodach-nadin-akhi(defeated
Tiglath-pileser I.).
* * * *
Dynasty of the Seacoast.
Io96— # * * *
Dynasty of Bit-Bazi.
IO75— * * * *
Dynasty of Elam.
Second Dynasty of Babylon.
IOA9— * * * *
Dynasty of Sapé.
73O—Yukin-zera.
727—Pul (of Assyria).
725–Shalmaneser IV. (of Assyria).
72 I–Merodach-baladan (the Chal-
daean from the Seacoast).
709–Sargon II. (of Assyria).
705–Sennacherib (of Assyria).
681–Esar-haddon (of Assyria).
Western Asia—Rulers of Babylonia 83
B. C. B. C.
668—Samas-Sum-yukin, his son. 562—Evil-Merodach, his son.
648—Assur-bani-pal (of Assyria). 56O—Nergalsharezar.
556–Laboroso-Merodach.
556—Nabonidos.
(?)—Belshazzar.
Second Babylonian Empire.
626—Nabopolassar.
605—Nebuchadnezzar II., his son.
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E. C. 1850 (?)—Isme-Dagon, first known high-priest of the
land of Assur, 1806 (?)—The high-priests of Assur
become independent of Babylon, which is helpless in
the grip of Kassite invaders. 1600 (?)—Bel-kapkapu,
or perhaps Belbani, “the founder of the monarchy,"
assumes the title of King of Assyria. Wars with Baby-
Ho lon. 1450 (?)—First known treaty made by Assyria, a
boundary agreement with Babylon. I&40–Rimmon-
nirari I. defeats Babylon and wrests territory from her.
He extends Assyrian territory in all directions. I290–Tiglath-
Bir I., his grandson, conquers Babylon and reigns over it seven
years. 1283–Successful Babylonian revolt, and decay of Assyr-
ian power. II.20–Second period of power under Tiglath-pileser
I.; his power reaches to the Mediterranean, and as far as Egypt.
Io90–Death of Tiglath-pileser and waning of his empire. 885
–Assur-nazir-pal II. again spreads Assyrian conquest over West-
ern Asia. 860–Shalmaneser II., his son, solidifies Assyrian
power. 840–The prophet Jonah appears in Nineveh and foretells
its destruction. 830–Assur-dain-pal, son of Shalmaneser, revolts
and holds Nineveh seven years. 823–After Shalmaneser's death, his other
son, Samsi-Rimmon II., storms the city, and Assur-dain-pal is slain. (This is
the Sardanapalus of Greek story.) 763–An eclipse of the sun starts a revolu-
tion and establishes an exact date for Assyrian chronology. 745–Pul, one of
the Assyrian generals, ends the revolution and becomes king under the title of
Tiglath-pileser III. He begins the “Second Assyrian Empire,” making his
country a great and permanent power. 738–Pul holds a great court and re-
*
Uſº|-
El
Western Asia—Rulers of Assyria 85
ceives homage from all the kings of Western Asia, Israel included. 729—He
is declared king of the old Babylonian empire. 727—He dies. 722—Sargon
becomes king. 722—Destroys the kingdom of Israel. 720—Defeats the
Egyptians at Raphia. 717–Captures Karchemish, the last stronghold of the
Hittites. 705–Sargon murdered, his son Sennacherib becomes king. 701—
Defeats the Egyptians under Tirhakah. Ravages Judea. His army destroyed
by a plague. Builds a navy and controls the Persian Gulf. 689–Utterly de-
stroys Babylon after a revolt. 681—Sennacherib murdered, his favorite son,
Esar-haddon (Sarchedon), seizes the throne. Rebuilds Babylon. Drives back
the Kimmerian barbarians. Penetrates to the heart of Arabia. 674—He be-
gins the conquest of Egypt. 670—Capture of Memphis. Egypt conquered.
668–Assur-bani-pal, his son, succeeds to the throne. Egypt revolts; he recon-
quers it, and, 661, destroys Thebes. Overthrows the Elamites, the last inde-
pendent nation around him, and destroys their capital, Shushan (Susa). 655–
Sudden and general revolt, centring in Babylonia. Egypt regains her freedom.
648–Babylonian revolt suppressed. 626–Death of Assur-bani-pal. He had
gathered a great library. 625 (?)—Scythian barbarians overrun Asia; they
attack Nineveh again and again. 608—Final siege of Nineveh by the Scyths
established in Media, and the Babylonians. 606—Capture and utter destruction
of Nineveh. The city has never been built on since. Assyria becomes a
Median and then a Persian province. 332—Assyria conquered by Alexander
the Great. Its sovereignty passes with that of the other Asian provinces from
empire to empire.
A. D. I637—Assyria conquered by the Turks. I835–37—Explored by
Colonel Chesney and the Euphrates exploring expedition. I848–53—Layard's
discoveries published. 1866–Mr. George Smith, of British Museum, began to
study inscriptions; explored Assyrian remains; published “Assyrian Discov-
eries,” 1875.
RULERS OF ASSYRIA
(The earlier dates are only approxi- B.C. Kings.
mate.) I6OO–Bel-kapkapu.
B. C. High-priests. * * * *
I85O—Isme-Dagon. Assur-Suma-esir.
I82O—Samsi-Rimmon I., his son. Bir-tuklat-Assur, his son.
Khallu. I45O—Assur-bil-nisi-Su.
Irisum, his son. I44O—Buzur-Assur.
>k >< >k >k I42O—Assur-nadin-akhe II.
86 The Story of the Greatest Nations
B.C.
I4OO–Assur-yuballidh, his son.
I 380–Bel-nirari, his son.
I 36O—Pudilu, his son.
First Empire.
I340—Rimmon-nirari I., his son.
I 32O—Shalmaneser I., his son.
I 3OO—Tiglath-Bir I., his son.
I 280–Assur-nazir-pal I., his son.
I275—Tiglath-Assur-Bel.
I 26O—Assur-narara.
I25O—Nebo-dan, his son.
I225—Bel-kudurri-uzur.
I2 I 5–Bir-pileser.
II 85—Assur-dan I., his son.
I I6O—Mutaggil-Nebo, his son.
I I4O—Assur-ris-isi, his son.
I I2O-Tiglath-pileser I., his son.
IO90—Assur-bil-kala, his son.
IO7O—Samsi-Rimmon I., his brother.
IO5O—Assur-nazir-pal II., his son.
* }{: X &
95O—Tiglath-pileser II.
- 825–Assur-dain-pal
B.C.
93O—Assur-dan II., his son.
9 II—Rimmon-nirari II., his son.
889—Tiglath-Bir II., his son.
883–Assur-nazir-pal III., his son.
858—Shalmaneser II., his son.
(Sardanapa-
lus), his son.
823—Sam si - Rim m on II., his
brother.
8 IO-Rimmon-nirari II., his son.
781—Shalmaneser III.
77 I —Assur-dan III.
753—Assur-nirari.
Second Empire.
745—Tiglath-pileser III. (Pul).
727–Shalmaneser IV.
722—Sargon II.
705—Sennacherib, his son.
681–Esar-haddon, his son.
668—Assur-bani-pal, his son.
626–Assur-etil-ilani-yu, his son.
(?)—Sin-Sarra-iskun (Saracos).
PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY FOR WESTERN ASIA
Accad (äc'căd)
Amalekites (a-măl'e-kites)
Amanus (a-ma'nus)
Ammonites (äm'mün-ites)
Amraphel (äm'ra-fél)
Amyitis (a-mé'í-tis)
Aramaians (ār'a-mă'-ans)
Assur (äs'sur)
Assyria (äs-sir'i-a)
Baal (bāle)
Babylon (bâb'í-lon)
Bel (bél)
Belshazzar (bel-shāz'zār)
Berosus (bé-rö'sus)
Bethulia (be-thillyā)
Cadmus (cãd'müs)
Canaan (cã'nān)
Chaldaea (kāl-dé'ā)
Chedor-laomer (kéd'or-lā'o-mer)
Cyrus (si'rüs) *
Edomites (é'döm-ites)
Elamites (é'lām-ites)
Erech (e'rék)
Esar-haddon (é'sar-hăd'dön)
Western Asia–Pronouncing Vocabulary 87
Buphrates (yu-frå'těz)
Gandis (gån'dis)
Herodotus (he-réd'o-tus)
Hezekiah (hēz-è-ki'ah)
Hiarbas (hē-ăr"bas)
Hittite (hittite)
Holofernes (höl-ć-fernéz)
Ishbosheth (ish-bo'sheth)
Ishtar (ishtār)
Jebusites (jéb'u-sites)
Jeremiah (jér-ē-mi'ah)
Kassite (käs'site)
Khammurabi (kām-mur-ah'bé)
Kimmerians (kim-méri-ans)
Mammites (mâm'ites)
Media (mě'di-a)
Merodach (mē-rö'dak)
Mesopotamia (měs'o-po-tä'mi-a)
Moabites (mū'ab-ites)
Nabonidos (na'bó-né'dós)
Nabopolassar (na'-bö-pô-lás'sār)
Naram-sin (nár'âm-sin')
Nebuchadnezzar (néb'u-kād-nēz'zār)
Nineveh (nin'é-vé)
Nin-mach (nin'mák)
Ninus (ni'nās)
Ophir (Ö'fér)
Palamedes (pāl'a-mê'déz)
Philistines (fi-listines)
Phoenicia (fé-nish'i-a)
Pul (pāl)
Pygmalion (pyg-mā'li-on)
Sarchedon (sar-kéd'dón)
Sardanapalus (sar'da-na-pâlus,
Sargon (sar'gón)
Scythia (sith'i-a)
Seleucidae (sê-leu'sſ-dà)
Semiramis (sê-mira-mis)
Semites (sêm'ites)
Sennacherib (sen-nāk'-er-ib)
Shalmaneser (shāl'ma-né'ser)
Shinar (shi'nar)
Shumir (shu'mir)
Sidon (sildon)
Simonides (si-món'i-déz)
Sinai (sini)
Sumu-abi (su'mu-ah'be)
Tarshish (tar'shish)
Tetrapolis (te-trip'o-lis)
Thothmes (thàth'més)
Tiglath-pileser (tiglath-pî-lès'er
Tigris (tigris)
Tyre (tire)
Ur (ěr)
Xenophon (zén'o-fun)
Xerxes (zèrk'zéz)
TABLET From ASSUR-Bani-Pal's LIBRARY
º
º º
º |||}|º
ZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZZ,
ToMB or CY RUS
-
-
ANCIENT NATIONS PERSIA
Chapter VIII
THE FIRST PERSIAN EMPIRE
[Authorities: Benjamin, “The Story of Persia”; “Persia and the Persians”; Curzon, “Persia
and the Persian Question"; Wills, ‘‘Persia as It Is” Lady Shiel, “Glimpses of Life and Manners
in Persia”; Arnold, “Through Asia”; Watson, “History of Persia from 1800 to 1858" ; Markham,
“History of Persia"; Vambery, “Central Asia and the Anglo-Russian Frontier Question"; Gold-
smid, “ Persia”; Maspero, “Passing of the Empires"; Rawlinson, “History of the Ancient Mon-
archies of the East"; “Sixth Oriental Monarchy”; “Seventh Oriental Monarchy."]
º º º
%
*. E have seen how the Semitic nations brought ruin succes-
Žºlº ſº. sively upon themselves, mainly in desperate struggles
A with one another. The empire of the world dropped
† from their exhausted hands and was seized by a newer
| race, the Aryans. It is to this race that all the modern
º European nations belong; but the first members of the
º º ** family to become famous in history were not European.
- º: They were the Persians.
†. Although Persia to-day is an insignificant nation, yet centuries
. ago it was one of the mightiest dominions on the globe. It was as broad
jº. as the United States, and fifteen hundred miles from the north to the
i. º : south, with an area exceeding one-half of modern Europe. Its extent
º 3. was surpassed by only one empire of the ancient world–Imperial
º Rome. You have only to examine your map to understand its vastness,
º for the boundaries on the east were the river Indus and Thibet; on the
south, the Persian Gulf and the Arabian and Nubian deserts; on the
west, the Great Desert, the Mediterranean, the AEgean, and the river Strymon, and
on the north, the Danube, the Euxine, the Caucasus, the Caspian, and the Jaxartes.
Persia—The Median Monarchy 89
The Medes and Persians belonged to the pure Aryan stock, both being
Immigrants from the native seat in the northeast. They lived on the plateau
east of the chain of Zegros, but by successive movements, that were not com-
pleted till the eighth century B. C., they established themselves in the highlands
of Media and Persia. f
It was about 7 IO B.C. that the Assyrian monarch Sargon conquered a por-
tion of the Median country and planted colonies there, including the Israelites
from the cities of Samaria, who had been the captives of the Assyrians. The
restless, courageous Medes grew in numbers and power, and, about the year 633
B.C., established a formidable monarchy with Cyaxares as their king. He was
ambitious, and a great conqueror. He did not hesitate to invade Assyria, and
it was he who in 625 B.C. assailed the city of Nineveh, as you have learned in
the preceding chapter, penetrating with his hosts westward into Asia Minor.
This king was the founder of the Median monarchy, and was succeeded by his
son Astyages.
At that time, Persia was tributary to Media, and the two countries were
on friendly terms. Cambyses was on the throne of Persia, and his wife was the
daughter of Astyages. To them a son was born, named Cyrus, who, in accord-
ance with the custom of the time, was obliged to live at the court of his grand-
father, where he might be considered as a hostage, since he could not leave it
without permission of the king.
Cyrus was wise and observing, and, as he grew in years, he saw with a
clearness of vision not given to many others the true condition and prospects
of Media, of which it may almost be said he was a native, since all his time
from infancy had been spent there. He noted the decline of Media, while his
own country was steadily growing in power. Indeed, he fretted and grew
impatient that Persia should remain subject to a state already weaker and
growing more so every year and month, through its vice and excesses. The
soul of Cyrus was filled with burning disgust, and he longed to betake himself
to his father's court and set on foot a war for independence.
He was so closely watched, however, that it was impossible to escape; so
he asked permission of his grandfather to visit his father, of whom he spoke as
old and feeble and in need of his care. Astyages, the sly old scamp, replied
that he so admired and loved the youth that he could not bear to have him
absent from the palace. Then Cyrus secured the intercession of one of the
king's favorite courtiers, who secured permission for him to make his father a
visit. With a few attendants, the young prince left the Median capital.
Hardly was Cyrus well on his way when the king became alarmed. It is
said that a minstrel sang a song before him, in which she pictured the successful
revolt that the prince was about to lead. Be that as it may, the king was so
90 The Story of the Greatest Nations
scared, that he sent a company of armed men after the prince, who speedily
made him prisoner. That night Cyrus gave his captors a great feast, and suc-
ceeded in so filling them with wine that it was an easy thing for him to remount
his horse and gallop to the Persian outposts. He lost no time in placing him-
self at the head of a body of soldiers, just in time to confront and rout the
guards, who, having recovered from their debauch, made haste to pursue him
again. Then Cyrus took refuge at his father's court, where he was assured of
the protection of the whole Persian army.
Astyages was thrown into a transport of rage when the news was brought
to him. He had wit enough to understand the peril that threatened him and
his kingdom, and he swore a big Oath that the audacious prince should be
brought back in spite of his father and all the force he could muster to protect
the stripling. He called his generals together and gave orders for the invasion
of Persia and the capture of his grandson. Tradition says that the army which
the Median king gathered together numbered three thousand war-chariots, two
hundred thousand horse, and a million of infantry. It is probable that if these
figures were divided by five or ten, they would be nearer the truth; but there
is no doubt that the army which invaded Persia was the largest that the Medes
were able to bring together.
Cyrus and his father Cambyses made the best preparation possible for
resistance, but could not muster a force anywhere near so powerful as that of
the invaders. Nevertheless, they marched boldly to the frontier and awaited
the attack. When the two armies joined battle, it raged a whole day without
decisive result, but the overwhelming numbers of Astyages enabled him to
detach a hundred thousand soldiers, and send them to the rear of the Persians,
where they assaulted and captured a stronghold. Cambyses was mortally
wounded, and the Persians were able to save themselves only by headlong flight.
The Median king pressed on to the capital, determined to destroy the town and
the army of his enemies.
The crisis brought out the most brilliant qualities of Cyrus, who, on the
death of his father, was recognized as king. He inspired his followers with his
own ardent enthusiasm, and, instead of waiting for Astyages, he rallied the
fugitives and led them back to meet the advancing Medes. He chose admirable
ground for defence, in a narrow defile with steep hills on either side. In this
passage, he stationed ten thousand of his best troops, against whom the Medes
hurled themselves again and again, but in vain. Astyages, however, succeeded
in gaining the heights above the defile, and once more the Persians were com-
pelled to retreat. But, as before, a good position was secured, where they
confronted the invaders, who charged up the steep slope. The battle raged
furiously for two days. Astyages, made desperate by the stubborn defence,
Persia—Cyrus Conquers the Medes 9 I
placed one division of his army behind the forces about to make the charge and
ordered them to kill every Mede who shrank from the fearful work. So it was
as perilous to retreat as to advance. Under the terrific attack the Persians
began to give way and took refuge on the crest of the hills. Then it was that
their women and children, seeing the danger, began to cry out and to reproach
their countrymen for their weakness. Stung by these reproofs, the Persians
threw themselves upon the advancing foes. The charge was resistless, and it is
said that sixty thousand of the Medes were borne down by the tremendous onset.
Had the armies been anywhere equal in numbers, that of the Medes would
have been annihilated, but, despite his repulse, Astyages was able to gain a posi-
tion nearer the capital, and he was making ready to strike a final blow, when the
Persians in their desperation assailed the Median camp like a cyclone. The in-
vaders were thrown into a panic, and scattered right and left like so much chaff.
Cyrus himself was in the front dealing blows which no one could withstand.
No victory could have been more overwhelmingly decisive. When all the
foes had vanished, the generals of Cyrus closed around him on the battlefield
and hailed him King of Media and Persia. Astyages, who had fled with a few
of his friends, was overtaken and made prisoner. He was so infuriated by his
failures, that he had put to death a number of his leading generals whom he
blamed for his disaster. There was so much dissatisfaction with him because
of this, as well as on account of his imbecility, that thousands of the Medes
gladly welcomed Cyrus as ruler of their country. Thus, in the year 550 B.C.,
fell the monarchy established by Cyaxares.
Such is the romantic story the Greeks told of Cyrus and his rise to empire.
We can accept it as probably bearing some general resemblance to the truth.
The Persian records, however, establish the fact that Cyrus had been king of
Persia for over five years before he revolted against Astyages, and that it was
only after two or three years of fighting against his mighty foe that he entered
the Median capital.
Cyrus understood that to make Persia all-powerful he must do so by force
of arms, and compel the surrounding countries to accept his rule. In looking
around, he saw but one quarter from which danger promised to threaten : that
was in the northwest, where Croesus ruled as King of Lydia in Asia Minor.
Croesus welcomed the war, and, without waiting to receive aid from Baby-
lonia, he plunged into hostilities with Cyrus. It must be borne in mind that
Lydia was a powerful kingdom, and in addition to her immense resources, the
king had formed an alliance with Pharaoh Amasis of Egypt, and also with
Sparta. Besides, he was confident of aid from Babylonia; so that, according
ito human reasoning, the advantage was greatly on his side.
Undismayed, Cyrus marched rapidly to the west at the head of his army,
92 The Story of the Greatest Nations
while Croesus advanced to meet him. A severe battle was fought, but darkness.
closed in without advantage to either side. To the surprise of Croesus, when
the morrow came, Cyrus made no move toward renewing the battle, despite his
superior numbers. It looked as if the Persian had been handled so roughly
that he was glad to leave his enemy alone, and more glad to be let alone by
him. Such was the conclusion of Croesus, who, since winter was at hand, felt
assured that nothing was to be feared from the Persians before the coming
spring. So he fell back, and at his capital disbanded most of his forces, con-
fident that a few months later he could assemble them again in time to foil any
designs of Cyrus.
This was the precise result that the Persian king had planned for. He
pressed forward with the utmost rapidity, but was not able completely to sur-
prise Croesus, who hastily collected all the troops he could, and went out to
give his adversary battle. The Lydians fought with the utmost heroism, but
were finally driven back into their capital, Sardis, to which Cyrus laid siege.
The city was provided with massive walls, and Croesus did not believe it
possible for any army to capture it. He sent messengers to his provinces and
to Egypt and Babylonia assuring them of the certain opportunity to overwhelm
and destroy the Persian army, and urging them to hasten to Sardis with their
contingents. Meanwhile, an assault by Cyrus had been repulsed; and he sat
down to prosecute the tedious siege, whose issue would have been doubtful, but
for the occurrence of a singular accident that proved the deciding factor.
The citadel of Sardis, forming a part of the defences, was built on steep,
native rock, which seemed almost impossible to climb. One day a Lydian
soldier, having dropped his helmet over the battlement at a certain place,
descended, picked it up, and climbed back to his post without any difficulty.
“Now,” reasoned an interested Persian who observed it, “if ſhe can do that,
what is to hinder us from doing the same 2 ” Calling around him a number of
his companions, they went up the slope like a whirlwind, cut down the guards,
and in a twinkling, as may be said, placed the citadel at the mercy of Cyrus.
The fall of Sardis followed, and it was pillaged. Croesus mounted a funeral
pyre he had prepared for himself, but before fire could be set to it he was seized
and taken into the presence of Cyrus, who gave him a province to govern.
Croesus, whose name is synonymous with great wealth, lived thirty years after-
ward as a friend of his conqueror, as well as of the next Persian emperor. All
Asia Minor west of the Halys was added to the dominion of Persia, the date.
being 548 B.C.
Cyrus continued his career of conquest. Nearly all of the Greek colonies.
on the coast of Asia Minor and the neighboring lands were brought under sub-
jection. His immediate borders having been pacified, the great Persian next
Persia—Cambyses in Egypt 93
turned his attention to the far East. Beginning in 545 B.C., he spent seven
years in conquering the numerous tribes in the country between Persia and the
Indus. When this was accomplished, there remained the great city of Babylon
to be gathered as captive of his bow and spear. How this was done in 538 B.c.
has been told in the preceding pages.
Cyrus completed one of the greatest works ever performed by the genius
of man. During his reign of twenty-nine years, he extended his dominions
from the Indus to the Hellespont, and from the Jaxartes to the Syrian coast.
As we have shown, Persia had grown into one of the mightiest empires of the
globe, and become the overshadowing imperial power of Asia. Undoubtedly
Cyrus was the most illustrious of the line of Persian rulers, for none who came
after him was able to stand on the same plane as he. Although a great con-
queror, he was magnanimous, and possessed many traits that compelled the
respect of enemies as well as of friends. He planned to rule his subject peoples
through their good-will rather than their fear. Especially he sought to please
them in religious matters. You remember how, in the story of Babylonia, its
last king brought all the gods of the other states to Babylon. One of the first
acts of Cyrus on mastering the city was to permit all the outraged people to
take their idols home again. Each insulted god was returned in state to his
own city. The Jews were released from their seventy years of captivity and
restored to Judea. They alone of all the captive nations had no gods of wood
or stone to carry back with them. So Cyrus restored to them all the golden
vessels they had used for worship in the Temple.
Cyrus wisely settled the question of succession by ordering that the crown
should descend to his eldest son, Cambyses. To Smerdis, his other son, he
gave the independent government of several provinces. This arrangement was
not wise, for it held the germ of subsequent broils, which finally ended in the
loss of the throne to the family. Hardly had Cyrus died, when Cambyses, a
frightfully vicious man, through jealousy of his brother issued secret orders that
he should be put to death. The foul crime was committed, but only those con-
cerned knew of it. Then Cambyses undertook the conquest of Egypt in 525 B.C.
His preparations were made with care and skill. Treaties with the leading
Arab chiefs secured safe passage across the Syrian deserts; and, since a fleet
was indispensable on the Mediterranean, he obtained one, through bribes and
threats, from the Phoenicians. When all was ready, he advanced to Pelusium,
where the Egyptians were waiting for him. A tremendous battle was fought,
in which, it is said, the losses on both sides numbered fifty thousand, but the
Persians gained a decisive victory, and the Egyptians fled precipitately to
Memphis, where, after a desperate resistance, they were overcome, and the
capital became the prize of Cambyses.
94 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Thus Egypt was conquered, learning which, the petty states of the Nile
valley sent in their submission. There was no pretext for Cambyses to con-
tinue warring, but his restless ambition would not allow him to remain idle.
Scanning the horizon, he fixed upon Carthage in the west, the Oasis of Amon
in the far-away desert, and Ethiopia to the South, as necessary to subdue in
order to secure the conquest of Africa. Three separate campaigns, aiming at
such conquest, were planned; but at the opening, the Phoenicians declared
Carthage to be a colony of their own, and absolutely refused to fight against it.
Without such aid, the expedition was doomed to failure, and Cambyses, with
furious chagrin, was compelled to abandon it.
No such obstacle, however, prevented an advance against Amon, and the
expedition was immediately set on foot. An army of fifty thousand men
marched confidently into the desert, and was overwhelmed—by a sand-storm—
in which every soldier perished. Cambyses, soured, indignant, and sullenly
stubborn, now led what was left of his forces against Ethiopia. But this
journey took him across the desert, and soon the men began to suffer for sup-
plies. The further he went, the more distressing became their condition, until
at last the leader and army escaped the fate of the Amon expedition by turning
about and going back to Egypt.
Had the Egyptian priests understood the savage nature of Cambyses, they
would not have made the mistake of thinking that he and his remnant of an
army were to be held in no further fear. They declared a new incarnation of
Apis, the sacred bull, and broke forth into fanatical rejoicing. Psammetichus,
the Egyptian ruler under the conqueror, engaged in fomenting an insurrection,
was detected and compelled to drink poison. The nobles involved in the
intrigue were also slain, and the priests were lashed on their bare backs until
the blood coursed down their bodies. Then the new Apis, not yet fully grown,
was brought before Cambyses, who ran his sword through him. He abolished
the festival of the incarnation and insulted in every way the most revered tradi-
tions of the people. The cat was sacred to the Egyptians; knowing which, this
Savage conqueror galloped in front of Pelusium, shouting his taunts, and
flinging the cats from a cage on his saddle, high in air and to the right and
left. He even tore open the sacred sarcophagi and tumbled the royal mummies
about like so many blocks of wood. Placing himself in front of the holy image
of Ptah in the temples of Memphis, he made contemptuous grimaces at it, like
a spiteful schoolboy. His vehemence and fierce hatred effectually cowed the
Egyptians for a long time.
Once Cambyses demanded of a courtier that he should tell him what the
people said about him. The Courtier replied that he had heard some of them
complain because he drank to excess. “I will prove I do not,” was the grim
Persia—The False Smerdis 95
reply of the monarch, who, to show his steadiness of eye and nerve, sighted an
arrow at the son of the courtier and drove the missile through the lad's heart.
Having stamped poor Egypt into the dust, Cambyses decided to return to
Persia. This was in the year 522 B. C. When he reached Syria, he was met
with the startling news that Smerdis, his brother, had headed an uprising.
Since this young man had been assassinated, Cambyses knew, of course, that
an impostor was personating him. But this did not change the alarming situ-
ation, and the more he reflected upon matters, the more panic-stricken and
terrified he became. In this state of mind he died. Some accounts say he
plunged his sword into his side, while others say he was accidentally wounded
by his own dagger. Indeed, it is difficult to sift much of the truth about
Cambyses from the whirl of black stories and charges that surround him. Many
recent authorities incline to ascribe most of these charges to the malice of his
enemies, and think Cambyses was on the whole a well-meaning and able ruler.
Be that as it may, one' thing is certain: he was dead, and the world was well
rid of him.
It can be understood that the news of his taking off was welcome to all, but
especially so to Gomates, a Magian, who claimed to be Smerdis, the assassin-
ated brother. Most of the people believed him to be what he professed, and it
was necessary to keep up the imposition in order to sustain himself on his
throne. This he was able to do for a while, but detection was certain to come
sooner or later. The extreme care the king took to prevent such discovery
confirmed the suspicions of many, until after a few months the Persian leaders
resolved upon measures that would end the career of the impostor. The head
of this daring move was Darius, Son of Hystaspes, a Persian nobleman, who
himself possessed some title to the crown in case of the failure of the line of
Cyrus. That he did not lack in personal courage was shown by his course in
leading a select band to the capital and attacking the palace. But Gomates
did not wait for their coming. He hid in one of the mountain fortresses, was
assailed by the conspirators there, and was killed. Then, with proofs of his
imposture, the victors returned, and were welcomed by all. So it came about
that Darius ascended the throne without opposition in the year 52 I B.C.
Darius ranks next to Cyrus in greatness. It has been shown that Cyrus
gained an immense kingdom by conquest, but it was Darius who organized it
and built up a political system that held the monarchy together for two cen-
turies. The task was a gigantic one and attended with many difficulties and
perils. Seemingly the rebellions would never end, for as soon as one was
crushed, another reared its head. The most formidable were in Susiana, Baby
lonia, Media, Assyria, Armenia, Parthia, Hyrcania, and Sacia. It may be said
that those in Susiana and Babylonia were twins as to point of time, the latter
96 The Story of the Greatest Nations
under the lead of one claiming to be Nebuchadnezzar, son of the former king.
His aim was to throw off the Persian yoke and secure independence. At the
head of a powerful army, he marched to the Babylonian frontier, where he was
attacked by Darius and routed. Another stand was made on the Euphrates;
but the alleged Nebuchadnezzar was again defeated, and took refuge in Babylon,
where he was compelled to surrender, and was put to death.
This revolt suppressed, Darius gave his attention to the one in Susiana,
where one of his armies was making good headway. The leader of the rebel-
lion was made prisoner and sent to Darius, who was marching toward Susiana,
and who, without hesitation, put him to death. Hardly was this done, when
a new insurgent appeared with still more lofty pretensions, but he was captured
and slain by the Susianians before the king saw him.
You would say that Darius had more than enough in the rebellions men-
tioned, but in Media, Assyria, and Armenia the insurgents made common cause,
under Xathrites, who, claiming royal descent, was declared king. This revolt
assumed the most threatening proportions.
Darius, being still detained at Babylon, sent out his generals to meet these
antagonists, who proved themselves dangerous indeed. The armies of the king
had numerous battles with the insurgents, and in more than one instance were
defeated; but in the end the Persian forces were everywhere successful.
Xathrites, being made prisoner, suffered at the hands of Darius a frightful
death by crucifixion.
The successes of the king in subduing the most important uprisings, and
his severe measures against those engaged in them, frightened many of the
lesser provinces, which otherwise would have joined forces against their imperial
master. And yet, while Darius was engaged in Parthia, a second impostor
appeared at home, claiming to be the long-since-dead Smerdis. His career may
be summed up in the statement that he, too, underwent death by crucifixion at
the hands of the loyal Persians before the return of the king.
For six years Darius had little time for doing anything except putting
down rebellions, but at the end of that period the herculean task was completed,
and he turned his attention to the organization of the vast empire created by
the genius of Cyrus. He first sought the establishment of unity throughout
the country by forming a system of satrapies, or provinces, twenty in number.
Each of these was governed by a Persian governor, or satrap, and a fixed rate of
tribute was established. Each satrap was appointed by the king, and was
removable at his pleasure. He was forbidden to interfere with the local cus-
toms. He was, in short, the représentative of the king, and conducted a similar
court, though in a minor way, the resemblance being much like that which
each State in the American Union bears to the national government,
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Persia—Darius Organizes the Empire 97
With all the manifest advantages of a satrapy, it had one deplorable defect.
The chief business of a satrap was to collect revenue for the king, and so long
as this was abundant, the king was not likely to inquire too closely into methods
or accounts. Inevitably there were many abuses, and more than one satrap
acquired much wealth, at the price of ruin to his province.
A good measure of Darius was the establishment of post-houses and post-
roads, connecting different parts of the empire with the capital, and insuring
the quick arrival of news from all quarters. Persepolis, a city built by Darius
in Persia itself, was the official capital of the empire. Here still stand the
ruins of his splendid palaces, and here is his tomb, hewn, as he ordered it, from
the solid rock. The face of a cliff is carven in the shape of a cross, the door
of the tomb being at the centre of the cross. The figure of Darius himself is
carved at the top, and represents him receiving his crown from the Persian god.
In winter, the centre of Persian power was at Babylon; in summer, at Ecbatana,
and in Spring at Susa. Darius also created a system of coinage. The gold
daric was worth about five dollars, and the silver sixty cents. -
The most important event of his reign is the beginning of the Persian
invasions of Greece; but this belongs to the history of that country, and will
be told in its pages. A famous Greek vase found in recent years pictures
Darius planning his invasion. He sits in the middle with his councillors
around him; below, the subject nations bring in treasures to equip his army;
above, the Greek gods are gathered, alarmed and anxious, to protect their people.
The vase shows how impressed the Greeks were with the magnitude of the
danger that threatened them.
While Darius was engaged in the futile attempt to subjugate the Greeks
and was suppressing a rebellion in Egypt, he fell ill and died in the sixty-third
year of his age and the thirty-sixth of his reign. Xerxes, his son, succeeded to
the throne. The record of his gigantic campaigns is told in our history of
Greece. After a reign of twenty years, he was murdered in his chamber by
parties instigated by a jealous and enraged queen. Xerxes is generally con-
sidered to have been the King Ahasuerus, whose wavering between his favorite,
Haman, and his queen, Esther, form the subject of the Book of Esther in the
Bible. The story gives a striking picture of the splendor and Oriental caprice
of the Persian monarchs.
The eldest son of Xerxes was put to death on the false charge of having
been concerned in the death of his father. The other son, Hystaspes, a satrap,
was absent from court, and, therefore, could neither prevent the death of Xerxes
nor the usurpation of the crown by Artaxerxes, who became king in 465 B.C.
He made peace with Persia's most dangerous enemy, the Greeks; though
at first he threatened them with invasion. He was anxious to secure the
7
98 The Story of the Greatest Nations
services of the famous Greek physician, Hippocrates, to keep plague and dis-
ease from his armies. Hippocrates refused to desert Greece for all the riches
proffered him by the Persian ambassadors; so Artaxerxes tried force, and threat-
ened to invade and destroy the physician's native land. The Greeks, however,
were not to be frightened; and Artaxerxes had no real desire to risk a repetition,
of the disasters suffered by his father and grandfather. -
Xerxes II. Succeeded to the throne in 425 B.C. He was the only legiti-
mate heir, but the late king left seventeen other sons by his various concubines,
and most of them were ambitious. At a feast, less than two months after his
succession, Xerxes, while intoxicated, was murdered by one of these precious.
relatives. The assassin took the throne, but in a brief while he was murdered
by a half-brother, who declared himself king under the title of Darius Nothus.
Matters were certainly in an interesting shape. This ruler had been a satrap,
who married his aunt, and he managed to hold the throne for nineteen years,
during which his time was fully occupied in putting down revolts in the satra-
pies and intrigues among the Greeks. One of these rebellions was led by a
brother of the king, who made his submission under promise of terms, where-
upon, as might have been expected, the king put him to death. The principal
means employed by Nothus was that of bribing his enemies, and his successes.
in this respect often included the Greek mercenaries. He died in 407 B.C., and
was succeeded by Arsaces with the title of Artaxerxes II. On the day of his
coronation, his life was attempted by a younger brother, Cyrus, whom his
mother preferred to Artaxerxes. The young man was arrested and sentenced to
death, but the prayers of his mother prevailed, and he was sent to his satrapy
in Asia Minor.
Cyrus was burning for revenge, and set to work to organize a force with
the avowed purpose of making war on a neighboring tribe, but really to over-
turn his brother. By and by he threw off the mask, and at the head of a large
army boldly advanced to within about a hundred miles of Babylon, when
Artaxerxes, understanding his danger, pushed out with a host, numbering
nearly a million of men, to meet him. The battle which followed was fought
on the famous field of Cunaxa, and was a tremendous one. Artaxerxes nar-
rowly escaped defeat, but his vastly superior numbers enabled him to put his
enemies to flight. In the midst of the confused struggle, Cyrus caught sight
of his brother and made an impetuous rush to cut him down, but before he
could reach him he was pierced with a javelin and slain. The rout of the army
followed, but the Greeks, which composed a part of it, held together and fell
back in good order under the leadership of Xenophon, who has immortalized
the event in his history of the “Retreat of the Ten Thousand.”
Artaxerxes reigned for forty-six years, and was succeeded by Ochus, who
Persia–Conquest by Alexander 99
cleared his path by first murdering all his brothers and possible rivals. He
showed such horrible cruelty in suppressing rebellions that his subjects were
terrified into submission. In the height of his career as conqueror he was
poisoned by a conspirator (338 B.C.), who set up Arses, one of the king's sons,
and tried to make matters pleasant by killing all the rest; but when Arses
showed a disposition to manage affairs for himself, the conspirator assassinated
him and all his children, and elevated Codomanus, remotely connected with the
royal house, to the throne, with the title of Darius. He had many good quali-
ties, but it was his fate to meet the great Alexander of Macedon in battle and
to suffer disastrous defeat at his hands on the field of Issus in 33 I B. c. There
his army was annihilated by the mighty Alexander, and, seeing that all was lost,
he fled to Arbela, whither he was pursued, and then again to the deserts of
Parthia, where he was assassinated by the satrap of Bactria. Alexander dis-
covered him lying by the roadside. He asked for a drink of water, which was
given him, and then, closing his eyes, he breathed his last, and with him van-
ished for centuries the Empire of the Persians.
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Chapter IX
THE SECOND PERSIAN EMPIRE AND MODERN PERSIA
LEXANDER had planned to unite the Persians with his
own people in one great nation; and, perhaps, it is this
more than anything else which accounts for their ready
submission to his sway. With his death, however, his
mighty schemes fell to pieces.
among his generals, until finally one of them, Seleucus,
succeeded to the strictly Persian part of the empire.
He ruled the Persians as a conquered and inferior people
to be domineered over by Greek troops and Greek satraps. The
proud Persians must have welcomed gladly the change of domin-
ion, when the Parthians overthrew the Greek rule about 25o B.c.
The Parthians, though semibarbaric, were a strong and shrewd
people. They recognized the superior civilization of their new
subjects, and treated them with much liberality, and even distinc-
tion, allowing them to be ruled by their own native kings. Thus
There was civil war
the two nations dwelt together very amicably. Through the whole period of the
Parthian empire, extending over four centuries, there was no Persian revolt.
During this time Greece fell from power, and Rome became mistress of
the world. The Parthians alone, trusting in their deadly deserts and their
peculiar mode of warfare, maintained the independence of their domain against
Roman conquest.
the new religion, spreading swiftly over the world, entered Persia also.
The beginning of the Christian era came and passed; and
Finally
Persia—The Struggle with Parthia I O I
the Parthian empire began to crumble to pieces. The race seems to have
become weak and corrupt. Province after province asserted its freedom, and
hardly an effort was made to put down the various rebellions. Persia began to
dream of her ancient greatness: mere independence could not satisfy her
rearoused ambition.
There must be some deep and rare vitality in the Persian race. History
knows no parallel to their case, when a nation was so stirred by the memory of
its own famous history as to rise after hundreds of years of complete submission
and take its place a second time among the great peoples of the world. Greece
has made a similar attempt in our own times; but we all know how hopelessly
she would have been crushed by the Turks had not the generous interference
of Europe saved her, and given her the shadow of a place among the nations.
Artaxerxes, a descendant of Sassan, from whom the family and empire are
called Sassanian, was the Persian king who, in the year 226 A.D., declared his
country independent of Parthia. Then, at the head of an army of eager and
enthusiastic Persians chanting their ancient war-songs, he proceeded to seize
and subdue the bordering provinces. The Parthians made no move to stop him,
until his army actually threatened their own country. Then Artabanus, the
last Parthian king, roused himself to resistance. Apparently there was no ill-
feeling between the combatants. The Persians were merely proffering a courtly
challenge to their old friends, to meet them and prove which had the better
right to empire. -
In two great battles the Persians were victorious. The Parthians, how-
ever, refused to accept the result as decisive; so a third contest was officially
appointed, to take place on the plain of Hormuz. It was the last trial of
strength, and the Parthians were completely overthrown. One historian tells
of a personal encounter between Artaxerxes and his rival. The daring Persian,
spurring far in advance of his troops, coaxed his adversary from the shelter of
his shield-bearers by a pretended flight, and then sent an arrow through his heart.
The Parthian king was certainly slain in the battle, and his empire disappeared.
The next step in Artaxerxes' career was even more spectacular. His
actual dominion as yet extended only over the mountains and deserts of Persia
and Parthia; but he calmly announced that the Persians resumed all the terri-
tory of their ancient empire; and he sent notice of this in stately terms to
Rome. Four hundred youths, selected from the handsomest in Persia, gor-
geously dressed and mounted, presented to the Emperor Severus their master's
“order” to withdraw the Roman troops from the different Asian provinces,
since all Asia belonged to the Persians.
The astonished Severus tried to argue the matter; but you can guess how
much effect argument had on the proud and fiery Artaxerxes. He marched his
I O2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
army down from the mountains, and seized the whole Roman territory along
the Euphrates. Severus gathered an immense force to punish this insolence.
Roman dignity was not hurt when the Parthians escaped her by skurrying into
the deserts; but here was a regular army established on Roman territory, and
actually besieging and capturing Roman cities.
Artaxerxes retreated before the advancing foe. Despite his boastful mes-
sage, he was far too wise a general to risk his new empire on the chances of a
decisive battle between his raw troops and these splendidly armed and trained
legions. He withdrew into Persia, leading his adversary along as he had led
the Parthian king; and when Severus followed with his great army in three
widely separated divisions, Artaxerxes fell suddenly upon one section. It was
overwhelmed and utterly destroyed by the deadly arrows of the Persian bowmen.
Severus made haste to withdraw the remainder of his troops; but privation,
disease, and the fierce attacks of the pursuing Persian cavalry, so reduced their
numbers, that he reached the Mediterranean with scarcely a third of his orig-
inal army. It was one of the most terrible disasters the Roman arms ever
encountered.
The terms of the peace that followed are not clear. Artaxerxes certainly
did not get all the territory he had so extravagantly claimed. Probably he con-
tented himself with some small concessions, fully aware that, despite his suc-
cess, Roman power was greater than his own. Besides, he had an enemy nearer
at hand, and one easier to subdue. The King of Armenia had joined forces
with the Romans; he was now abandoned by them to his fate. His punish-
ment and subjugation were to Artaxerxes a far more immediate and important
matter than the Roman war. It was several years before Armenia was wholly
conquered, and the ambitious Artaxerxes was growing old. Some further
record we find of wars and conquests in the far East, in Scythia, and in India;
and then, quite suddenly, Artaxerxes gave up his throne. He had always been
a religious man; his first rebellion against Parthia was partly religious; and it
seems probable that he spent his old age in religious retirement and meditation.
His mission was accomplished: Persia was again at the head of a great empire.
Sapor, the son of Artaxerxes, succeeded to the abandoned throne, and ruled
Persia for over thirty years (240–272 A.D.). He was the worthy son of a great
father. Fired with the same dream of Persian glory, he deliberately reopened
the war with the Romans. At first he met reverses, but having taken several
years to strengthen his forces, he renewed the attack. His cavalry spread over
Mesopotamia and Syria with such rapidity that he had captured the great city
of Antioch, the Roman capital in the East, before the inhabitants knew of his
approach. An actor in the theatre was the first to inform the astonished audi-
ence that the Persians held possession of the city.
Persia—Sapor Defeats the Romans Iog
The Roman emperor, Valerian, hurried in person to defend his kingdom
against this formidable foe. He was a veteran commander; and the Persians,
who had defied and defeated his lesser generals, retreated before him. He
eagerly followed them toward the Euphrates. His provisions ran short; Roman
treachery conspired against him; then suddenly the Persians turned and sur-
rounded his troops. It was a trap. For a second time, an entire Roman army
was annihilated by Persian generalship. Few or none of Valerian's soldiers
:escaped, and he himself was made a prisoner.
On the pages of Roman historians, Sapor's name looms large and terrible.
Immediately on his great victory, his troops swept like a devouring flame over
all Roman Asia. We are told that, recapturing Antioch, he killed or sold into
slavery its entire population; that he filled the ravines of Cappadocia with dead
bodies, so that his cavalry might ride across; that his prisoners were left to
starve and were driven to the river to water once a day like horses. These
stories may be exaggerated, but they betray the terror in which the Romans
held him. Never before had their empire suffered such a frightful humiliation.
It ended only when the conqueror's merciless fury was exhausted. Few
even of the strongest cities resisted him, and only one successfully withstood
his assault. At last, laden with plunder and sated with blood, he withdrew
half-unwillingly to Persia.
The Romans never made any serious attempt to punish him, or to rescue
their captured emperor. Sapor is said to have used the aged and broken man
as a block to mount his horse; and whenever poet or historian seeks a tremen-
dous illustration of fallen fortunes, he quotes the tragic fate of the Emperor
Valerian. There must have been a Savage taint in all the Persian monarchs.
Irresponsible and unlimited power is always beset by strange temptations and
grossly debasing influences. Nebuchadnezzar is not the only well-meaning
despot who has sunk to the level of a beast of the field. The story of Valerian
may be, and probably is, exaggerated; for we must remember how intensely
the Romans hated Sapor. Still it seems established that, after Valerian's death,
ſhis body was flayed, and his stuffed skin hung in a public temple, where it was
left to dance in horrible mockery over the heads of Roman ambassadors of
later days.
It was this ferocious brutality that was one of the main causes of the
destruction of the Persian state. The tyranny of the kings seems to grow more
and more intolerable. Rebellions, palace-plots, and murders make up most of
the story that follows. More than one king celebrated his accession to the
throne by slaying all possible rivals.
Occasionally there are heroic deeds to tell; the nation flashes out into
sudden, splendid war against the hereditary enemy. A third Roman army was
I O4. The Story of the Greatest Nations
almost destroyed, and its leader, the Emperior Julian, slain during the reign of
Sapor II., a monarch who, being born after his father's death, found a throne
awaiting his birth, and ruled for seventy-two years, from infancy to beyond the
allotted age of man. Chosroës II. in 615 wrested Egypt from the falling
empire of Rome, and by 62o held all Asia, realizing for a few brief years the
dream of Artaxerxes. Europe was again threatened by a Persian army, for the
first time since the Greeks had defeated Xerxes, more than eleven centuries
before.
We moderns, with China and India in our thoughts, are apt to speak
scornfully of the fighting ability of Asian races. So it is well to understand
what these Persians did. No one has ever questioned the grand prowess of the
Roman legions. Only one people ever met them on equal terms in open fight.
They were the Persians. They first challenged Rome in the very height of her
power; and throughout four centuries the greatest forces the mistress of the
world could gather were repeatedly and vainly hurled against Persia. Not one
of her armies was destroyed; not one Persian king was led captive in a Roman
triumph. Battles were won as often by one nation as by the other; but Rome
suffered the great disasters of which we have told; and Rome paid Persia large
sums of money for peace so often that the Roman populace complained bitterly,
declaring they were become mere tributaries of Persia.
The defence of Petra, one of the most famous sieges in history, established
Persian courage and endurance forever. Petra was a rock-hewn fortress on the
shores of the Black Sea. The Persians had taken it from Rome, and she sent
a powerful army to recapture it. The garrison repelled for months so persist-
ent an attack that, when a rescuing army drove away the assailants, less than
one-fourth of the heroic defenders were alive, and the fortress was tumbling to
pieces around them. The garrison was increased to three thousand, the fort
hastily repaired, and the Persian army withdrew, leaving the new defenders to
meet a second siege, more savage and bloody than the first. The fort was at
last carried by an assault from every side, the Persians having become too
reduced to guard all their walls at once. Of the prisoners captured by the
Romans, only eighteen were found unwounded, while the remaining Persians,
five hundred in number, threw themselves into a central tower, and, refusing all
proposals to surrender, fought until every one of them had perished by fire or
the sword.
Chosroës II., who spread the Sassanian empire to its widest extent, saw
also the beginning of its decline. His plans of European conquest were checked
by the genius of the Emperor Heraclius; and, in the year 628, he was deposed
and killed by his son, Kobad II.
To the crime of parricide, the infamous Kobad soon added that of fratri-
Persia—The Mahometan Conquest I O 5
cide, thinking thus, perhaps, to be secure from retributive justice. All the
possible heirs to the throne, his brothers and other male relatives, over thirty
in number, were slain by his orders. His two sisters were allowed to survive;
and, frantic with grief, the unhappy women rushed from the scene of the mur-
der, and denounced the incredible wretch to his face. They cried out that he
had swept away Persia's best defence, and all would perish now in a general
ruin. They cursed him as the destroyer of his own royal line, and of his coun-
try. Remorse seems to have stricken the monster; he hung his head without
answer; he remained brooding in his seat, and grew ill. Four days later, he
followed his victims to the realm of death and judgment.
There was no one to succeed him. The land plunged headlong into
anarchy. Rivals, eager to be king, sought to win by treachery or by brute
force; and they struggled fiercely with one another. Kobad's two sisters sat
in turn for a little while on the throne, the first queens to reign in Persia. But
one died and one was slain. War was everywhere in the land. Famine and
pestilence followed in its train. The population of Persia is said to have been
reduced one-half during that period of horror. Think what it would mean to
you, if just one-half of those nearest and dearest, and half of all you know, and
half of all those you pass upon the street, were taken away forever.
The people unearthed at last one surviving descendant of the old royal line,
a boy of fifteen, whose very existence had been kept secret by his parents, lest
he, too, should be slain. The exhausted factions gladly united in raising him
to the throne, as Isdigerd III. ; but it was too late to save Persia.
The Arabs had started on their remarkable career of conquest under
Mahomet and his successors: and they now burst like a cyclone upon the help-
less country. There were years of tremendous fighting. There was one great
four-days' battle at Cadesia; but Mahometan fanaticism triumphed. The
Persian capital was captured in 639; and so enormous was the wealth of the
city that every private soldier in the Arab army had a sum equal almost to two
thousand dollars allotted to him as his share of the spoils.
Isdigerd established a new capital in the north, near the modern one of
Teheran. He continued the war for years in the face of repeated reverses,
proving himself a worthy scion of his fierce race. Finally he was able to main-
tain only a mere guerilla warfare in the mountains; and then a servant stabbed
him for his clothes and jewels. The Persian empire sank in blood and the black-
ness of night.
Persia has remained Mahometan ever since. During the centuries of Arab
rule, the Persians gradually forgot their old fire-worshipping religion and became
true believers in Mahomet; but they never forgot their old national glory and
their unity as a nation. Persia's greatest poets belong to this period of her
I oé The Story of the Greatest Nations
depression. It was not until 1499, that Persia regained political independence
under a native ruler. A religious quarrel between opposing Mahometan sects
brought Ismail, a Persian lad of eighteen, to the front as leader of one faction.
A couple of boldly planned campaigns and battles placed him on the throne as
Shah or Emperor of Persia; and the Persians, seeing in him their nationality
revived, rallied eagerly to his support.
The country was seized by the Afghans in 1722; but a brigand chief,
Nadir Kuli, a sort of Persian Robin Hood, gradually gathered strength in the
northern mountains, fought the Afghans in many battles, and at last drove
them from the country. He replaced the rightful monarch on the throne; but
growing disgusted with the dull inactivity of the court, he deposed his sovereign
again, and assumed the royal authority himself. The old Persian dream of
empire got hold of him. He conquered all the adjoining independent districts,
and then seized Afghanistan and marched into India. Its capital, Delhi, was
taken amid immense slaughter. The spoils included the famous “peacock
throne,” which is valued at thirteen million dollars, and is still preserved among
the treasures of the Shah at Teheran. The great Mogul of India was compelled
to purchase peace by a marriage between his daughter and the brigand's son.
Personally, Nadir was a big, handsome, athletic man, and his youthful
adventures form a most interesting story; though the Persians' great love of
romance has probably thrown a good deal of glamour around his robber life.
In his old age an attempt was apparently made to assassinate him. A shot
from among his own soldiers struck him as he was leading them in a brilliant
battle. He became gloomy, suspicious, cruel, and was finally murdered by his
subjects. There was no strong man to take his place; and the country fell
into a state of confusion and civil war, which lasted with little intermission
until the establishment of the present Kazar or Turcoman dynasty by Aga-
Mohammed, in I794.
Aga-Mohammed had been a sub-king of the Turcomans in the north of
Persia. In his youth he was maltreated and cruelly mutilated by Nadir Kuli;
and throughout his long life he revenged himself on all mankind. He passed
from one atrocity to another, until he degenerated into one of the most horrible
monsters of crime and brutality that have ever polluted history. He had always
been one of the contestants for the royal authority; but it was not until he was
very aged, that, in 1794, he overthrew the last of his rivals, and was generally
acknowledged as Shah of Persia. Two or three years later, he was murdered
by some of his servants, made desperate by fear for their own lives.
The date of Aga-Mohammed's accession, may be considered as the begin-
ning of modern Persia. He made his own northern city of Teheran capital of
the entire country; and he and his successors have done much in the way of
Persia—Conflicts With Russia 1 o'7
decorating it and adding to its beauty. It was in his time, too, that Persia first
came in direct contact with the modern European nations. -
The province of Georgia, famous in Eastern romance for the beauty of its
women and the courage of its men, lay at the northern extremity of Persia,
between the Caspian and the Black Sea. In I783 its ruler, taking advantage
of the general anarchy, declared himself independent of Persia, and appealed to
Russia to protect him. There was no one to interfere at the moment, and he
passed quietly under the Russian protectorate. As soon as Aga-Mohammed
was firmly seated on the throne, he attempted to reclaim his rebellious vassal.
War with Russia followed, and it was while on a campaign in this district that
Mohammed was killed.
The Persians fought with valor and resolution; but they were no match
for Russian numbers, aided as they were by modern discipline and cannon.
The war was hopeless from the first; yet, in spite of repeated defeats, the Per-
sians refused to make peace. They would not give up what they felt to be their
just claim to Georgia, and year after year made incursions into the unhappy
province. They yielded at last in 1813, but made a desperate attempt to regain
the province in 1825. This second war ended in 1827, with a further loss of
territory to them, the northern boundary becoming practically what it is to-day.
- Against Turkey the Persians have been more fortunate. There was a
short war between the countries in 182 I, and the Persians won an important
and bravely contested battle. They came in contact with England through
their claims to Afghanistan, which was under a British protectorate. The
Shahs could not forget that this wild district had been part of the domain of
Nadir Kuli, and they made repeated efforts to reclaim it. In 1837 its capital,
Herat, withstood their arms during a ten months' siege, its people being much
helped by a few Englishmen within the walls.
This siege was chiefly notable for the part European diplomacy played in
it. A Russian envoy was constantly in the Shah's camp, urging him to con-
tinue the assault; while a British envoy was equally active in persuading him
to desist. Finally John Bull gained the best of the queer contest, and the
siege was abandoned. In 1856 Herat was assailed again, and this time England
actually declared war against Persia. A peace was patched up, however, before
there was any serious fighting.
Since then Persia has been the centre of a constant diplomatic strife be-
tween English and Russian officials, each seeking to secure the ascendancy of his
own nation. Whether the country will ultimately sink into a mere dependency
on one of these richer and more progressive governments, or whether the inherent
vitality of the race will again assert itself, and enable Persia to escape what
seems to be the common fate of Eastern nations, are questions for the future.
CHRONOLOGY OF PERSIA
E. C. 558–Cyrus becomes king of Persia. 553–He revolts
P against Media. 550–He captures the Median capital,
Ecbatana. 548–He conquers Croesus. 545–He in-
-II vades the East. 538–He conquers Babylon. 529–
5 He is killed in a war with the Massagetae. Cambyses,
F his son, king. 525–Cambyses conquers Egypt. 521
º: —Darius Hystaspes, king; conquered Babylon, 5.17.
º” 498–Conquest of Ionia; Miletus destroyed. 490–
34. Darius equipped a fleet of 600 sail, with an army of
3oo,ooo soldiers, to invade the Peloponnesus, and was defeated at
Marathon. 486–Xerxes king; recovered Egypt. 480–He en-
tered Greece at the head of an enormous army; battle of Ther-
mopylae. Xerxes entered Athens, after having lost 200,000 of his
troops, and was defeated in a naval engagement off Salamis. 479
–Persians were defeated at Mycale and Plataea. 470–Cimon
takes several cities from the Persians and destroys their navy.
465–Xerxes was murdered by Artabanus; Artaxerxes I, king.
425–Xerxes I, king, was slain by Sogdianus; who was deposed by
- Darius I. 405–Artaxerxes II. king. 401–Cyrus the Younger
killed; retreat of the Io,000 Greeks under Xenophon. 399–War with Greece;
invasion of Persia. 387–Peace of Antalcidas. 359–Artaxerxes III. (Ochus)
ascended the throne. 338–He was killed by his minister, Bagoas, and his
son, Arses, was made king, 336–Bagoas killed him and set up Darius III.,
by whom he himself was killed. 334–Alexander the Great entered Asia;
defeated the Persians, 334 et seq. 331–Darius III. was treacherously killed
by Bessus. 323–Alexander died at Babylon, when his empire was divided;
Persia—Chronology I O 9
Persia with Syria was allotted to Seleucus Nicator, 312, whose successors ruled
Persia till it was conquered by the Parthians, about 250 B.C.
A.D. 226—Artaxerxes I. founded the Sassanian dynasty; restored the
empire of Persia. 227—Religion of Zoroaster was restored and Christianity
was persecuted. 232—The Emperor Severus defeated. 240—Artaxerxes suc-
ceeded by Sapor I. 258–Sapor conquered Mesopotamia. 260—He defeated
the Romans and captured the Emperor Valerian. , 273—Varahran I. persecuted
the Manichees and the Christians. 277—Varahran II. was defeated by the
Emperor Probus; and made peace. 298–The Emperor Galerius conquered
Mesopotamia; peace with Diocletian. 309–Sapor II. king. 326—He pro-
scribed Christianity. 337—He made war successfully with Rome for the lost
provinces. 363—The Emperor Julian invaded Persia and was slain; his suc-
cessor, Jovian, purchased his retreat by surrendering provinces. 365—Sapor
annexed Armenia, Iberia, 366. 420–Varahran V. persecuted Christians; con-
quered Arabia Felix 421; made peace with the Eastern Empire for IOO years,
422. 430–32—Wars with Huns, Turks, etc. 531–79–Chosroës I. king; long
wars with Justinian and his successors. 541–42—Belisarius meets the first
defeat of his career from the Persians; defeats them in turn. 550—Siege of
Petra. 603—Chosroës II. renewed the war with success. 614–16–Egypt and
Asia Minor subdued. 627–Chosroës defeated by the Emperor Heraclius; put
to death by his own son. 628–Kobad II. king; murdered all his male relatives.
630—Purandokt, daughter of Chosroës, reigned; terrible pestilence. 632–
Isdigerd III., the last of the Persian emperors. 633—The empire assailed by
the Arabs. 636—Four days' battle at Kadisiyeh. 64I—Final destruction of
Persian power in the battle of Nehavend, called by the Arabs the “Victory of
Victories.” 651–Death of Isdigerd. 661–Persia became the seat of the Shiite
or Fatimite Mahometans. Io98–Persia subdued by Togrul Beg and the Sel-
jukian Turks, who were expelled, I 194; subdued by Genghis Khan and the
Mongols, I 223. I345—Bagdad made the Capital. I399—Persia ravaged by
Timour. I468—Persia conquered by the Turcomans. I499—Ismail, a native
Persian, expels the Turcomans, and establishes the Sophi dynasty of Shiite
Mahometans. I586–1628–Reign of Shah Abbass, the Great. I590—Ispahan
made the capital. I638—The Turks take Bagdad; dreadful massacre. I722
—The Afghans seize Persia. I727—Nadir Kuli drives them out. I732–He
assumes the throne, conquers Afghanistan and invades India. I747—Nadir
assassinated. I783—Georgia revolted to Russia. I794—The present dyn-
asty established by Aga-Mohammed. War with Russia. I'796––Teheran made
the capital. I813—Georgia given up to Russia. I825–27—War with Russia.
1837–Siege of Herat. I856–Rupture with England through the Persians
taking Herat; war declared; Persians yield. I857—Peace ratified at Teheran.
I J O The Story of the Greatest Nations
I858—The Shah reorganized the government; strong British influence in
Persia. I867—Electric telegraph introduced.
I880—Rebellious incursions of the Kurds suppressed
1888—First railway constructed in Persia, from Te-
The river Karun decreed open to all
I893—Revolt of the Barharloos sup-
three-years' drought.
after much bloodshed.
heran to Shah-Abdul-Azim, opened.
nations by the intervention of England.
pressed; great earthquake at Kuchan, 12,000 deaths.
and again destroyed by earthquake, I I,000 lives lost.
I871—Great sufferings through
I895–Kuchan rebuilt,
1896—The Shah shot
by an assassin, died May I ; succeeded by Prince Muzaffer-ed-Din, his son, June
8. I900—The Shah left Teheran in April to visit the European capitals; an
attempt to assassinate him was made, near Paris, August 2.
SHAHS OF
A.D.
I499—Ismail, or Ishmael.
I 523—Tamasp or Thamas I.
I 576—Ismail II. Murza.
I 577—Mahommed Murza.
I 586—Abbass I., the Great.
I628—Sophi I.
I64 I–Abbas II.
I666–Sophi II.
I694–Hussein.
I722—Mahmoud, an Afghan chief.
1725–Ashraff, the Usurper.
I727—Tamasp or Thamas II.
1732—Abbas III. (a merely nominal
shah).
PERSIA
A. D.
I736—Nadir Kuli.
I747–Shah Rokh.
I75I-[Interregnum.]
I759–Kureem Khan.
I779—Many competitors for the
throne, and assassinations, till
I794—Aga-Mohammed obtained the
power, and founded the reigning
(Turcoman) dynasty.
I797—Futteh Ali Shah.
I834—Mahommed Shah.
I848—Nasr-ul-Deen.
I896—Muzaffer-ed-Din.
PRON OUNCING VOCABULARY FOR PERSIA
Afghan (āf'gan)
Afghanistan (āf-gān'is-tán')
Aga-Mohammed (ág'ga-mö-hām'méd)
Ahasuerus (a-hăs'u-é'rus)
Antioch (an'ti-ok)
Arsaces (ar-să'séz)
Artabanus (ar-tá-bă'nus)
Artaxerxes (ar-tak-zèrk'zēs)
Astyages (as-ty'a-jéz)
Bactria (bäctré-a)
Cadesia (kā-dé'zé-a)
Cambyses (kām-bi'séz)
Chosroes (kös'rö-àz)
Codomanus (cód'o-mân'us)
Croesus (kré'sus)
Cunaxa (ku-nāx'a)
Persia–Pronouncing Vocabulary I I I
Cyaxares (Siâx'a-réz)
Cyrus (Sirus)
Darius (da-rius)
Ecbatana (ek-bät'a-na)
Herat (hēr-āt)
Hippocrates (hip-pôc'ra-téz)
Hyrcania (her-kā'né-a)
Isdigerd (is'di-gerd)
Ismail (is-mā-él')
Kobad (kö'bad)
Magian (mā'jè-an)
Media (mēdé-a)
Nadirkuli (nah'der-köö'lé)
Nothus (nū'thus)
Ochus (Öſkus)
Persepolis (pêr-sép'o-lis)
Petra (pétra)
Sacia (Sã'she-a)
Sapor (sā'por)
Sardis (sār'dis).
Sassanian (Säs-să'né-an)
Seleucus (sê-leu'kūs)
Severus (sé-vé'rūs)
Smerdis (smér'dis)
Strymon (stry'mon)
Susiana (su-si-án'a)
Teheran (té-hrán)
Valerian (va-lè'ri-ān)
Xathrites (za-thri'tez)
Xerxes (zèrk'zéz)
ROCK-CARWING OF DARIUS CONQUERING GOMATES AND OTHER REBELS
©º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º-º->~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Birth of MiNERVA
ANCIENT NATIONS-GREECE
Chapter X
THE LAND AND ITS GODS
[Authorities : Grote, “History of Greece"; Freeman, “History of Federal Government in
Greece and Italy”; Harrison, “The Story of Greece"; Duruy, “Ancient History of the East (Greeks
and Romans)”; “History of the Greek People”; Curtius, “History of Greece " : Cox, “A General
History of Greece from the Earliest Period to the Death of Alexander the Great"; Church, “Pictures
from Greek Life and Story”; Bury, “A History of Greece to the Death of Alexander the Great";
Botsford, “A History of Greece for High Schools and Academies”; Cox, “Lives of Great Statesmen";
Bartlett, “ The Battlefields of Thessaly, with Personal Experiences in Turkey and Greece."]
y REECE is the most eastern of the three peninsulas that
project from Southern Europe into the Mediterranean
Sea. The Greeks called themselves He//ezzes and their
country He/ſas, but the Romans chose to use the words
Greeks and Greece, thus adopting the name of the
Graeci, an insignificant tribe, as applying to the whole
people of the peninsula.
This country, the most remarkable of ancient or modern times,
is 250 miles long from Mount Olympus on the north to the south-
ernmost cape, with a breadth between Attica and Acarnania of 18O
miles. Not including the many Greek islands near or remote from
the mainland, the area of the country is about 25,000 miles, or
three times that of the State of Massachusetts.
Since we have so much to learn about this country and people,
it is important that its principal geographical features should be
fixed in our minds. Its northern boundary, at the fortieth degree
of latitude, consists of a chain of mountains which crosses the peninsula from
east to west. The comparatively small area to the south was divided among a
.
Greece—Physical Characteristics II 3
number of independent states, of slight size. Midway between the Ionian and
AEgean seas, the mountains on the north are crossed at right angles by the
lofty range of the Pindus, which of course extends north and south. From
Mount Pindus a side branch reaches toward the eastern sea, parallel to the
northern boundary range. The space between them is 60 miles wide and forms
the plain of Thessaly, the largest and most fertile in Greece. The southern of
these two ranges was named Othrys; the northern is the Cambunian Mountains,
which end on the coast with Mount Olympus, the loftiest peak in Greece. Its
height is 9,700 feet above the sea level, and the crest is nearly always covered
with snow. To the south is another range, bearing the successive names of
Ossa and Pelion, which follows the coast parallel to Mount Pindus. Thus you
will observe, Thessaly is inclosed by four natural ramparts, whose only break is
at the northeastern extremity by the famous vale of Tempe, between Olympu
and Ossa, through which the river Peneus flows to the sea. s
Thessaly and Epirus are separated by the Pindus. There is no inclosed plain
in Epirus, but it is broken by rugged mountains, running north and South, with
the Achelous, the largest river of Greece, flowing toward the Corinthian gulf.
The Ambracian gulf on the west and the Malian gulf on the east contract
Greece into a kind of isthmus, which separates the peninsula of Central Greece
from the mainland of Thessaly and Epirus. Central Greece may be divided
again into two unequal portions, the eastern of which contained the countries
of Doris, Phocis, Locris, Boeotia, Attica and Megaris, while the western included
Ozolian Locris, AEtolia, and Acarnania.
To the south of these little states the Corinthian gulf cuts so deeply into
Greece as to make almost an island of its lower end, the Peloponnesus. The
connecting isthmus of Corinth is in places less than five miles broad. The
important countries of the Peloponnesus were Sparta in the south, Messenia in
the southwest, Elis in the west, Achaia in the north, Argolis in the east, and
Arcadia in the centre. The various divisions should be carefully studied in
connection with the map in order to understand the history that follows.
The numerous islands that line the Grecian shores were occupied in histori-
cal times by the Grecian race. The most important of these islands was
Euboea, 90 miles in length, with a chain of mountains extending through it.
South of Euboea were the Cyclades, and east of them the Sporades, near the
Asiatic coast. The large islands of Crete and Rhodes lie to the south of these
groups. Between Attica and Argolis are the famous islands of Salamis and
AEgina, while off the western coast of Greece, in the Ionian Sea, are Corcyra,
Cephallenia, Ithaca, and Zacynthus.
The physical features of a country always exert a great influence on the
people. You must remember that Greece is one of the most mountainous
I I 4. The Story of the Greatest Nations
regions in Europe, and its surface consists of a number of small plains, either
wholly surrounded by mountains or open only to the sea. This topographical
feature tended to produce the large number of independent states which was a
striking peculiarity of the country. A city being founded in one of the small
plains mentioned, the lofty mountains formed a barrier between it and its neigh-
bors, and caused it to grow up in Solitary independence with characteristics
that were its own.
The rough mountains also acted as a protection against foreign invasion and
held back the Grecian states from subduing one another. As was proven in
many instances, the narrow passes could be successfully defended by only a
handful of men. Then, while the mountains rose like immense walls between
the Greeks and their neighbors, the sea gave them easy intercourse among
themselves and with the rest of the world. No other country in Europe was so
favored in this respect.
In ancient times Greece produced mainly wheat, barley, flax, wine, and oil.
Its cattle found excellent pasturage on the hills and mountain-sides. In
nearly every section were rich veins of marble which gave the finest material to
the matchless sculptors and architects. The country was poor in precious met-
als, though a considerable quantity of silver was found in Laurium near the
Southern extremity of Attica, and iron was dug in the mountains of Laconia,
with copper and iron in Euboea.
Greece to-day is poisoned in many places during the summer months by
malaria, but in ancient times, when the country was more populous and better
cultivated, it was quite healthful. Its great variety of surface causes many
inequalities of climate. The winter is often long and severe in the highlands
of the interior, but soft and mild among the lowlands. The ancients attributed
to this variety of climate the difference in the intellectual character of the
natives of various districts.
The earliest history of Greece, like that of all ancient people, is hidden in
the mists of antiquity. The inhabitants were a branch of the great Aryan or
Indo-European stock, which includes all the historic races of Europe and the
Persians and Hindoos of Asia. It is probable that different tribes of the Ary-
ans entered the Greek peninsula as early as B.C. 2000. They tilled the earth
and built walled cities, of which certain monuments, known as Pelasgic or
Cyclopean, still remain. The Pelasgi belonged to the prehistoric age, and,
long before the beginning of recorded history, were overwhelmed and crushed
by a hardy and more warlike race, the Hellenes, who, sweeping down from
Thessaly, overspread the peninsula and occupied the whole country.
The Hellenes or Greeks had four chief divisions: the Dorians, AEolians,
Achaeans, and Ionians. The Dorians settled in the north on the southern slope
Greece—Myths of the Creation II 5
of Mount CEta; the AEolians spread over northern Greece and the western coast
of the Peloponnesus; the Achaeans the southern and eastern part of the Pelo-
ponnesus; while the Ionians were confined to a narrow strip of country along
the northern coast of the Peloponnesus.
As I have said, there is no history of the Heroic Age, as this period was
called. In place of history we have a mass of interesting myths or legends,
which probably contain a grain of truth to a thousand grains of fable. Keeping
this in mind, let us give our attention for a time to some of the most striking
of these myths.
In myths, as in everything else, there must be a beginning. The Greeks
begin with an immense dark mass called chaos, in which were hidden all things
that now exist, but so mingled that nothing had a distinct form. When chaos
bad lasted a long time, it separated into the earth and heaven. The sun, the
moon, and the stars chose to stay in the sky, but the water and trees and stones
remained with the earth. -
The sky contained a god called Uranus and the earth a goddess called Gaea,
who married and had a large number of children, of whom twelve were beautiful
and six ugly. The latter were monsters, for each of them had either a hundred
arms and fifty heads, or else an enormous single eye in the middle of the fore-
head. All of these children were of vast size. Six of the beautiful men were
gods called Titans, and there were six goddesses called Titanesses.
The gods made their home on the crest of Mount Olympus, and Uranus was
king over them all. He so hated the sight of his hundred-armed and one-eyed
children that he flung them into a dark pit in the earth called Tartarus, and
made them stay there, but the mother loved those monstrosities and she was
angry with Uranus because of his treatment of them. She told her son Cronus,
the youngest of the beautiful children, that if he would bring up his hideous-
looking brethren from the pit, she would help him to dethrone Uranus, so that
Cronus himself might be king. Cronus eagerly agreed to the proposal, and his
mother provided him with a keen sickle with which he was to slay Uranus
when asleep. Cronus followed instructions, and thus it was that Uranus lost
his kingdom and his life.
Cronus was now ruler of the world. He made Rhea, one of the Titanesses,
his wife and queen, but when he had brought up his frightful brothers from
Tartarus, he was so scared at their appearance that he drove them back again.
Naturally this angered his mother, who warned him that he should lose his life
and power just as his father had been robbed of his. Cronus was so frightened
that every time Rhea gave birth to a child he swallowed it, disposing of five in
this manner, much to the grief of Rhea. She and Gaea formed a scheme for
stopping the practice. Her sixth child was hidden, while a stone was wrapped
I I 6 The Story of the Greatest Nations
in swaddling-clothes and given to Cronus, who, not doubting that it was a genu-
ine baby, bolted it at one gulp, and was serene in the belief that the fate of his
father could never be his, since he had no children, as he believed, to play the
part he had played. -
Zeus was the name given to the boy, who was kept hidden on the island of
Crete until he grew up into the most beautiful and powerful of all the gods.
His mother visited him secretly when her husband was asleep, and naturally
she was very proud of her handsome son, of whose existence the father never
dreamed until Zeus was old enough to begin his war against him.
Gaea opened matters by pretending she was no longer angry with Cronus,
to whom she presented a bowl of delicious drink, which he swallowed to the
last drop. Then he was seized with nausea and brought up the stone and his
five children, the latter well and hearty and grown into two gods and three god-
desses. The names of the gods were Poseidon and Pluto, and of the goddesses
Here, Demeter, and Hestia.
Then began a furious war between the young gods and the old ones, the
Titans. The monsters were brought up out of Tartarus to help Zeus; and they
were so grateful to him for freeing them that they forged him weapons of thun-
der and lightning. The young gods took position on Mount Olympus and the
old gods on Mount Othrys, and fought their decisive battle in the wide valley
stretching between. It was a terrific contest indeed, and the earth quaked, as
well it might, for the myriad-armed hurled hundreds of pieces of rock at once,
while Zeus kept up his bombardment of thunderbolts until the rivers boiled and
the forest broke into flames. The war lasted for ten years and ended in the
triumph of the young gods, who flung their foes into Tartarus and set their
hundred-armed and one-eyed relatives to guard them.
Zeus, having become the king of gods, married his sister Here and made
her his queen, while an empire was given to each of his brothers. The sea was
made subject to Poseidon, and Pluto ruled the lower world, where the dead
abode. These gods were the parents of many children who were also gods, and
had their part to play in the government of the universe.
But despite the way matters had turned out, you will notice that Mother
Gaea had good grounds for dissatisfaction. She had planned the overthrow of
Uranus because he kept their ugly offspring in Tartarus. They were now
safely out, but the Titans had taken their places. Becoming the mother of
another hideous brood called Giants, she urged them to war against the usur-
pers. You will remember that the gods had made their homes on Mount Olym-
pus, a mile and a half high. Because of this the rocks hurled up at them lost
their force by the time they arrived, and the gods, looking down at their assail-
ants, laughed at their efforts.
Greece—War of the Giants I 17
The Giants stopped their useless assault, consulted together, and formed a
new plan. They set to work to uproot Mount Ossa and to roll it to the top of
Pelion, another mountain. When this was done, they would be as far up in the
air as the gods, and could make their prodigious missiles effective. Before the
task was finished, however, Zeus hurled an awful thunderbolt against Ossa and
made it fall again, and the gods rushed down to earth to fight the Giants.
After a battle lasting all day, the Giants were defeated, each of them being
crushed beneath a great mountain, which, while it did not kill the Giant, pinned
him fast so that he could never get up again.
One of the Giants seemed to have a chance of escaping over the Mediterra-
nean Sea, but the goddess Athene, daughter of Zeus, flung a triangular piece of
land after him and he was hit by it when well out from shore. The land buried
him from sight, and when in the course of time it was covered with trees and
cities, it formed the island of Sicily. Even a Giant cannot rest comfortably
with a mountain sitting on his chest, and occasionally they become restless and
roll over, and then the startled people exclaim, “It is an earthquake l’’
The Giants being disposed of, Gaea created the most horrible being of all,
and named him Typhoeus, not doubting that he would be able to overcome the
young gods. Picture, if you can, this appalling monster, who could stand in
the valley and peep over the tops of the highest mountains; who had a hundred
heads, each with a different kind of voice, so that he could imitate any animal
or serpent. No wonder the other gods were terrified at sight of him and hid
themselves, but Zeus boldly advanced to fight him. Typhoeus filled the air
with huge rocks, which he hurled at Zeus, and kept his hundred heads screech-
ing, bellowing, roaring and hissing; but Zeus launched his thunderbolts with
such effect that finally bright flames burst out from all parts of the body of
Typhoeus, who rolled over and over in his effort to put them out, but that was
impossible, because Zeus kept on hurling his thunderbolts and the surrounding
trees broke into flames. Gaea became so frightened that she feared the whole
earth would melt, and, catching up Typhoeus, flung him down into Tartarus,
where he died.
Gaea saw it was useless to fight against the young gods, and after a long
time she made friends with them. It was when Cronus ruled over the gods
that men were first created, in what was called the Golden Age. In process of
time, the Golden Age came to an end, but it is said that those that lived during
that period became guardian spirits, who wander over the earth performing for
us their blessed offices.
The number of Greek gods was so great that it would be confusing to
attempt to remember them all; but we should become acquainted with the
names of the principal ones and their chief attributes, Twelve of them were
I I 8 The Story of the Greatest Nations
known as the Olympian gods, because they were supposed to dwell on the
heights of Mount Olympus, where they held the grand council of the gods.
Each of them has a Greek and a Roman name, and while they were first
known by the former, the Roman is so much more familiar that we shall use it.
Six of these great gods were male and six female. Zeus, or Jupiter, was of
course the first and most important. Then came Poseidon or Neptune, the
brother to whom he had given sovereignty over the sea. His other brother
Pluto does not seem to have been a member of the great council at all, prefer-
ring to keep to himself in his chosen dominion of Hades. The remaining four
gods were Mars, Vulcan, Apollo, and Mercury, all of whom were sons of Jupi-
ter. The six goddesses were his three sisters, whose Roman names were Juno,
Vesta, and Ceres, and his three daughters, Minerva, Diana, and Venus.
Jupiter, the mighty and Supreme ruler, is generally depicted as a magnifi-
cent man in the full grandeur and majesty of his strength. He sits upon a
throne, with the eagle as his messenger bird on one side, and a bolt of the
lightning with which he vanquished the other gods, grasped in his right hand.
Juno or Here, his wife, represents the dignity of woman in the full bloom
of her beauty as wife and mother, the queen and guardian of the home. She
shielded its sanctity and watched over the birth of children, but she was shrew-
ish and intensely jealous of Jupiter, who, it must be confessed, gave her good
cause for dissatisfaction. When convinced that he was paying too much atten-
tion to the nymph Callisto, she had her revenge by turning the girl into a bear.
In her dreadful distress, Callisto wandered through the forest hunted by men
and pursued by wild beasts. It so happened that her young son went hunting
in the woods and was recognized by Callisto, who, in her transport of delight,
forgot her own repulsive form and rushed to embrace him. Not dreaming that
she was anything but the bear whose form she wore, the youth aimed his spear
at her heart, but Jupiter was smitten with sympathy and prevented the impend-
ing tragedy. He transported mother and son to the sky, where they became
constellations, and you may see them in the northern heavens on any clear
night, one being known as Ursa Major, or the Great Bear, and the other as Ursa
Minor, or the Lesser Bear. Juno's wrath was not abated by this wondrous trans-
formation, and she induced the different gods in the ocean to refuse to let the two
bears go down into the sea as the other stars do. This explains why they always
remain in the sky, never dropping below the horizon, but forever circling round
the North Pole in a never-ending pursuit of each other. The mother still
seeks her son, while he, never suspecting her identity, chases the bear, and thus
the strange pursuit and flight will continue until the stars shall be no more.
I have told enough to show you that the gods were not wholly good. In-
deed, they had all the faults and follies of human nature and were simply men
Greece—The Olympian Gods II 9
and women, magnified many times in stature and possessing inconceivable
power. Thus Mars, or Ares, the eldest son of Jupiter and Juno, was the terri-
ble god of war, prodigious, fierce, and revelling in the horrors of strife and
slaughter. His favorite bird and beast were the vulture and wild dog, who
feasted on the corpses of the battlefield. He preferred to fight on foot, and
was followed by his sons, Terror, Trembling, Panic, and Fear.
Vulcan or Hephæstus, the remaining son of Jupiter and Juno, was the god
of fire, the blacksmith god. One day when his parents were in a furious quar-
rel, Vulcan interfered to save his mother from the rage of Jupiter. In his hot
wrath, the father seized Vulcan by the leg and hurled him out of heaven. The
descent was so vast that when, after a long time, he landed on the earth, he
was lamed. His appearance had always been repulsive, and now in addition
he was deformed, but he could not lose his popularity among the other gods,
for they would have fared badly without him to make their tools and weapons.
His tremendous forges had their chimneys in the throats of the terrific volca-
noes through which the flames roared. His skill enabled him to make many
wonderful things in his underground workshop, among which were the thunder-
bolts of Jove, the weapons of Mars, and the mirror of Venus.
One of the myths makes Juno fling Vulcan from the heavens. He re-
venged himself by building her a beautiful throne, upon which she had no
sooner seated herself, than she was locked around with endless chains and
fetters and held a helpless prisoner. The gods strove in vain to release her,
but once, when Vulcan had taken too much wine, he good-humoredly set her
free. Previous to this, Mars had tried to compel Vulcan to rescue her from
her frightful situation, but was sent flying before the fearful fires which his
brother hurled at him.
Vulcan remains the typical Smith, slow, massive, and of herculean strength,
but shrewd and persistent. His repulsive appearance and clumsy gait led the
other gods continually to ridicule him, for which it is supposed he cared little,
for, according to the legend, his wife was Venus or Aphrodite, the most beauti-
ful of all the gods. -
Venus was the goddess of love and physical beauty, and, like Mars, there
was more evil than good in her composition. Indeed, Mars was in love with
her, and poor Vulcan had an unhappy time of it, for it is true even to this day
that most of her sex are more attracted by the gilt and tinsel and the physical
comeliness of man than by honesty and worth. It is this cynical bit of worldly
wisdom that the myth is intended to depict. The emblem of Venus is the
dove, the bird of love. One story represents her as being not the child of Jupi-
ter, but as springing from the foam of the sea, a fit type of the changeful and
swift-passing character of beauty.
I 2 O The Story of the Greatest Nations
Of Minerva, or Athene, it is said that she leaped from Jupiter's head, full
grown and armed with spear and shield. She was the goddess of wisdom, and
her birth typified the manner in which wisdom is evolved from the brain of
man. She was powerful, brave, sincere, always victorious, and the most ad-
mirable of all the gods. She overcame Mars in battle, as wisdom always van-
quishes mere brute force. Her wisdom surpassed that of Jupiter himself, for
his judgment was often clouded by passion. Athens, called after the Greek
form of her name, was her favorite city. She and Neptune contended as to
which should be the special god and patron of the city. They agreed that the
one who could give the best gift to man should be the victor. Neptune pro-
duced the horse, but Minerva created the olive tree, which to this day, because
of its products and varied uses, is the principal support of man in many tropical
countries, and to her therefore was awarded the victory.
Another famous contest of Minerva was with Arachne, a maiden who wove
cloth or webs, as they were called, of such exquisite beauty that the gods gath-
ered to watch and admire her when at work. Proud of her amazing skill, she
boasted that she could surpass Minerva, who, because of her deftness and wit,
was looked upon as the goddess of all such delicate arts. Minerva presented
herself before Arachne in the guise of an old woman, and reproved her for her
impious boasting, but the maid replied with a challenge to Minerva for a test
of their skill. Assuming her own splendid form, Minerva wove a marvellous
piece of embroidery, depicting the fearful fate of those who defied the gods.
Arachne was dazzled, but summoning her energies, she began weaving a web
which displayed, one after another, the evil deeds of the gods. She could not
fail to note, however, that her work was far inferior to that of Minerva, and by
and by she was so overwhelmed with remorse because of her wickedness, that
she stopped work and hanged herself with her own thread. Half in pity and
half in punishment, Minerva gave back life to the maiden, and turned her into
a spider. So you see the spiders to-day ever spinning, spinning, spinning, from
their own bodies, ever hanging in their own webs.
Apollo and Diana were twins, born of Jupiter and Latona, the goddess of
darkness. They were the rulers of the sun and moon, a fact which was in-
tended to show that the union of light and darkness produced the sun and
moon. Apollo, the sun-god, was glorious in the splendor and perfection of
manly beauty, the giver of life, the god of music. But, since the sun not only
vivifies and renews, but smites and destroys, so Apollo was the god of pesti-
lence, the slayer and destroyer whose deadly arrows were the flaming rays of
the sun.
Diana or Artemis, sister of Apollo, is his feminine counterpart. She is as
chaste and as calmly beautiful as the silvery moon whose crescent is her bow
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and whose beams are her arrows. She is a great huntress who lives in the
cool twilight and stillness of the woods, delighting above all things in the
chase. Naturally, therefore, her favorite animal is the deer, and she is gener-
ally represented with one by her side, her spear or bow in her hand and a cres-
cent set like a jewel in her hair. She and her attendant nymphs are pledged
to perpetual maidenhood, and, such is her modesty, that once when Actaeon, a
hunter, accidentally came upon her and her nymphs bathing, she instantly
turned him into a stag, which was torn to pieces by his own dogs. So Diana,
like her brother, could be cruel at times.
One legend of them is that Niobe, a queen of Thebes, boasted that her
seven sons and seven daughters were more beautiful and numerous than the
children of Latona, and that therefore she ought to be honored above the god-
dess. To avenge this insult to their mother and themselves, Apollo and Diana
slew with their arrows the whole fourteen children. Niobe strove frantically
but in vain to save them, and, after their death, wept such endless tears that
at last she turned to stone and could weep no longer. But still from the rock
trickled two streams of water. It may be this was intended to show that after
a certain amount of agony and suffering our senses become dulled, our hearts
cease to throb with grief, and we are like stone within.
Mercury or Hermes, the son of Jupiter and a nymph, was the messenger of
the gods. He was in reality the god of the wind, with its swift, resistless
power, or its soft whispering among the trees. Naturally, he was also the god
of all wanderers and travellers, and hence of merchants and of trade. He
wafted the ships from port to port, and became the god of traffic and of bar-
gaining, and hence of oratory and eloquence. Thus you will see he was cour-
ageous and useful, but he had his evil traits like the others. He was an in-
veterate thief, who stole everything upon which he could lay hands. He often
indulged in this wicked propensity through wantonness and the love of mischief.
He carried off Jupiter's sceptre, Mars' sword, Neptune's trident, and Io, the
cow belonging to Juno, who, to prevent her being taken away, set Argus, who
had a hundred eyes, to watch her. The cunning Mercury tried to lull him to
sleep, but Argus would close only two of his eyes at the same time—a forcible
illustration of the adage about sleeping with “one eye open.”
Foiled in this manner, Mercury lost patience and slew him, or, according
to another legend, soothed all the eyes to slumber by relating a prosy, inter-
minable story, when of course the cow disappeared. Juno was so angered that
she took away all the eyes from Argus and placed them in the tail of her
favorite bird, the peacock, where I am sure you have often admired them. The
remaining leading gods, the brothers and sisters of Jupiter and Juno, were not
so active and famous. Neptune did not often appear at the great council of
I 2.2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the gods on Mount Olympus, for he resented the greater honors shown to his
younger brother, and preferred to stay in the ocean, where he reigned supreme
and had a host of lesser gods around him.
Vesta, or Hestia, was the goddess of the hearth. Since she was the eldest
of the children of Cronus and of the deities of Olympus, she received great
honors from all. The fire, always kept burning on the hearth, was sacred to her,
and it was she who protected from evil spirits and misfortune the homes where
it glowed. If by neglect or accident the flame was allowed to die out, the
home was instantly invaded by malignant demons. In every city there was an
altar to Vesta, whose sacred fire was guarded by maidens known as Vestals.
Ceres was the goddess of Sowing and reaping, or of agriculture. All the
fruits and grains sprang from her beneficence and at her will. Her daughter
Proserpine was stolen by Pluto, who carried her off to be his wife in the dismal
regions of Hades. The grief-stricken Ceres wandered to and fro over the earth
hunting for her daughter, and, not finding her, sank down in despair. A child
seeing her grief tenderly called her “mother.” Soothed by the sweetness of
the little one, Ceres remained in that home, around which all was in blossom
and fruitage, while elsewhere nothing grew. Famine spread everywhere, but
the goddess would not move until Jupiter interfered. Proserpine had con-
sented to become Pluto's wife, and therefore could not be taken wholly from
him, but Jupiter compelled him to release her for one-half of each year. So
throughout the six summer months Proserpine is with her mother, and the
heart of Ceres rejoices, and the earth brings forth abundantly; but when Proser-
pine spends the six winter months with her husband in the lower world, Ceres
is sullen and resentful, and the earth shares her feelings and withholds her
vegetation and fruits and flowers.
In addition to these twelve greater gods, there were many others, some of
them of hardly less dignity, such as Cupid, the son of Venus; Bacchus, or Diony-
Sus, god of milk and wine, that is, of the goatherds and vine-dressers. Elabo-
rate celebrations and processions were held in his honor, at which drunkenness
was regarded as part of the religious ceremony. Then there were the nine
Muses, goddesses of the arts, among whom were Terpsichore, the muse of danc-
ing, Melpomene, of tragedy, and Thalia, of comedy. You will see their pic-
tures on the walls of almost every theatre in the land. You may know Mel-
pomene and Thalia by the masks in their hands. Thalia's is merry, but Mel-
pomene's is grim, and usually she holds a dagger as well. The muse for
this present book, that is for history, was Clio. She is pictured with an open
roll of paper, and sometimes with books beside her. Urania was the muse of
astronomy, with a globe. The other four muses were for the different kinds
of poetry. Euterpe, muse of lyric poetry and hence of music, is best known.
Greece. The Lesser Gods I 23
She is generally painted playing upon a flute. There were three Fates; the
poet Hesiod calls them the daughters of night. They were Clotho who spun
the thread of human life, Lachesis who measured or interwove it, that is, made
each man's lot what it is with all its varied chances, and Atropos, the inevi-
table, who with her shears cut off the thread and ended the life.
There were monsters also, such as the harpies, savage birds with human
heads, and the centaurs, half-human, half-horse, and wholly wild and savage.
Then there were the tritons, half-human, half-fish, who lived in the sea and
fought as sea-monsters do. There were Cerberus, the three-headed watchdog of
hell, and many other weird imaginings. Every fountain had its nymphs, fair
female figures, part mortal and part spirit, supposed to live in the waters. A
female spirit, a dryad, lived in every tree. Satyrs, half-man, half-goat, roamed
in the mountains; fauns, all manlike but for their pointed ears, frolicked in the
shady woods. Over all these fanciful creatures, Pan, the great god of nature,
was king.
NEPTUNE, A MOSAIC FROM PALERMo
Rºjºſº,
Menelaus Paris Diomedes Ulysses Nestor Achilles Agamemnon
HEROES OF THE TRO, AN WAR
Chapter XI
HEROES OF THE MYTHICAL AGE
*@HE Greeks believed that in those dim, far away days their
ºf native land was ruled by a noble race of beings, super-
human though not divine, and far superior to ordinary
men in strength of body and in mental attributes. This
mythical period of hero kings is made to cover about
two hundred years, from the first appearance of the
Greeks in Thessaly to the Trojan war.
Among its earliest heroes was Perseus, a son of the god
Jupiter and the princess Danae of Argos. His chief exploit
was the slaying of Medusa, the most terrible of the three
Gorgon sisters. Medusa had been a beautiful maiden, but,
having quarrelled with Minerva, her hair was turned into living
serpents and such a horror given to her face that one glance
at it turned all beholders to stone. You can imagine what
havoc she was causing in the world when the mere sight of
her meant death; and you will see also how difficult it was to overcome an
enemy at whom you could not even look. Perseus accomplished it by using
his shield as a mirror. After many adventures he reached Medusa, and, looking
at her reflection only, slew her and cut off her head. This head became a ter-
rible weapon in his hands. He used it to turn to stone a dragon, from whom
he rescued a beautiful girl, Andromeda, who became his wife. Then he turned
the head against the former suitors of his bride, against the enemies of his
mother; indeed, he seems to have caused far more destruction with it than
ever poor Medusa had done.
Greece—The Labors of Hercules I 25
The three heroes of later date who stand most prominently forth are Her-
cules, the national hero, Theseus, the hero of Athens, and Minos, king of Crete,
the principal founder of Grecian law and civilization.
Hercules was the son of Jupiter and Alcmene, a granddaughter of Perseus.
Juno, the queen of heaven, was very jealous of Jupiter's mortal loves, so she
hated Hercules even before he was born, and was his enemy all his life. She
deprived him of his birthright; for, Jupiter having declared that a descendant
of Perseus born on a certain day should rule all the Greeks, Juno held back the
birth of Hercules and hastened that of another descendant of Perseus, Eurys-
theus. So Eurystheus ruled at Mycenae as king of all the Greeks.
It is said that Hercules gave proof of his superhuman strength while an
infant in the cradle, when he strangled two serpents that Juno sent to destroy
him. He was instructed in all the arts by the first masters, and was then
employed in tending flocks until he was eighteen years of age.
The first exploit of this hero was the slaying of a lion which ravaged the
dominions of King Thespios. Returning to his native city of Thebes, Hercules
not only freed it from the humiliation of paying tribute to the Orchomenians,
but compelled them to pay double the tribute they had received. To show his
gratitude, Creon, king of Thebes, gave Hercules his daughter Megara in mar-
riage. Meanwhile, Eurystheus summoned Hercules before him and ordered
him to perform the labors which because of his priority of birth the older had
the right to impose upon him. Hercules resented this order and went to Delphi
to consult the oracle, who told him he must accomplish twelve exploits imposed
by Eurystheus, after which he should attain to immortality. This reply so
depressed Hercules that he lost his mind, and in his madness he killed his own
children. When he regained his senses, he went before Eurystheus and told
him he was ready to obey his commands.
The first task put upon Hercules was that he should kill the lion which
haunted the forests of Nemea and could not be hurt by the arrows of a mortal.
Hercules boldly attacked the beast with a club, but his terrific blows produced
no effect, whereupon he flung aside his weapon and with his naked hands stran-
gled it to death. From that time Hercules wore the skin of the lion as his
2III].OT.
The second labor was to destroy the Lernaean hydra, a monster whose many
heads immediately grew again when they were cut off. Each head had a mouth
which discharged a subtle and deadly venom. This monster was killed by
Hercules with the help of his friend Iolaus, but because of such assistance
Eurystheus refused to count it as one of the appointed tasks.
The third labor was to catch the hind of Diana, famous for its fleetness, its
golden horns and brazen feet; the fourth was to bring alive to Eurystheus a
I 26 The Story of the Greatest Nations
wild boar, which ravaged the neighborhood of Erymanthus; the fifth was to
cleanse the stables of Augeas, king of Elis, where three thousand cattle had
been confined for many years. This was accomplished by turning the rivers
Alphetis and Penetis into the stables. Since, however, Hercules had gone to
the king and offered to perform the task for one-tenth of the cattle, keeping
secret the fact that the labor had been imposed upon him by Eurystheus, the
latter refused to count it among his labors.
The sixth labor was to destroy the carnivorous birds with brazen wings,
beaks and claws, which ravaged a district in Arcadia; the seventh was to bring
alive to Peloponnesus a bull famous for its beauty and strength, which Posei-
don, at the prayer of Minos, king of Crete, had given to him in order that he
might sacrifice it; but Minos refusing to do this, Poseidon made the bull mad
and it ravaged the island. Hercules brought the bull on his shoulders to
Eurystheus, who set it free. -
The eighth labor was to obtain the mares of Diomedes, king of the Bistones
in Thrace, which fed upon human flesh; the ninth was to bring the girdle of
Hippolyta, queen of the Amazons. The Amazons were a nation of warlike
women, very famous in Greek legend. They killed or sent to other lands
almost all their male children, and the women had everything their own way.
They were the laborers, the hunters, the soldiers of their country; and a very
fierce and strong race they proved themselves. Their queen received Hercules
kindly and promised him the girdle; but Juno roused the Amazons against
him, and a desperate struggle followed, in which Hercules took the girdle,
slew Hippolyta, and made sail homeward.
The tenth labor was to kill the monster Geryon and bring his herds to
Argos. The eleventh labor was to obtain the golden apples from the garden
of the Hesperides. They were sisters who, assisted by the dragon Ladon,
guarded the golden apples which Juno had received on her marriage with Jupi-
ter, from Gaea. Atlas was one of the giants, who, as their leader, attempted to
storm the heavens, and in punishment for his supreme treason Jupiter con-
demned him to bear the vault of heaven on his head and hands. Because of
this legend, the name of Atlas was introduced into geography. Mercator in
the sixteenth century gave the name atlas to a collection of maps, probably
because the figure of Atlas supporting the heavens had been shown on the title-
pages of many such works. Now Atlas knew where to find the golden apples
and brought them to Hercules, who in the absence of Atlas took his place as
supporter of the vault of heaven. Other accounts, however, say that Hercules
slew the dragon and stole the apples, which were afterward restored to Juno.
The twelfth labor was the most dangerous of all, being that of bringing
the three-headed dog Cerberus from the infernal regions, where he kept guard
Greece—Adventures of Theseus I 27
over the entrance. Pluto, ruler of that dismal place, told Hercules that he
might have Cerberus, provided he used no arms but employed simply force.-
Hercules made the monster captive and brought him to Eurystheus, who was
so terrified by the sight that he ordered him removed, whereupon Cerberus
sank out of sight into the earth. *
Hercules had now freed himself from his servitude, but he added many
exploits to his “Twelve Labors,” such as his battles with Centaurs and with
the giants; his aid of the expedition of the Argonauts, and the liberation of
Prometheus and Theseus. After many amazing adventures, Hercules, over-
taken by misfortune, placed himself upon a funeral pile on Mount CEta and
commanded that it should be set on fire. Suddenly the burning pile was sur-
rounded by a dark cloud, in which, amid thunder and lightning, Hercules was
carried up to heaven, where he became reconciled to Juno and married Hebe.
His sons were exiled from Greece for a hundred years.
Theseus, the national hero of the Athenians, was regarded by them as the
founder of their greatness. Legend represents him as having united the twelve
quarrelling little towns of Attica under one government with Athens at its head.
His father was a noted hero, AEgeus, king of Athens; his mother was a princess
in a foreign city whither Ægeus had wandered. On departing AEgeus placed
his sword and sandals under an enormous mass of rock, and told the mother she
might send him their son when the lad proved himself worthy, by himself rais-
ing the stone. Theseus, grown to manhood, easily performed the feat, and
set out to claim his father and his inheritance.
The land in those days was filled with robbers and monsters such as Her-
cules had met, so the fond mother would have had her son go to Athens by sea.
But Theseus was resolved to prove himself worthy of his hero sire, and de-
clared he would turn aside for neither man nor monster. So he set out by
land, and met and slew one robber chief after another. The most notorious of
these was the cruel and bloody Procrustes, who had an iron bed upon which he
tied his prisoners. If they were too short to fill it, he stretched them out,
pulling apart their joints till they fitted it. If they were too tall, he cut them
down. This bed has become so well known that to-day, when any man finds
himself in an uncomfortable place where he does not fit, we say he is on the bed
of Procrustes.
After many adventures Theseus reached Athens and was hailed with joy
and pride by his father. He undertook to free Athens from a horrible tribute
which it had to pay to Minos, the great king of Crete. Every year seven
Athenian youths and seven maidens were sent to Crete to be devoured by the
Minotaur, a monster half-man, half-bull, which Minos kept in a vast confused
prison called the Labyrinth, out of which no one who had once entered could
I 28 The Story of the Greatest Nations
retrace his way. Theseus went voluntarily into the den as one of the Athe-
nian victims; but he carried his sword with him and slew the Minotaur in a
tremendous conflict, thus ending the tribute. Then he found a way out for
himself and his companions by means of a thread which he had trailed behind
him from the entrance. The thread had been given him by Ariadne, a daugh-
ter of King Minos, who loved him and sailed away with him; but he deserted
her, and for this the gods punished him with many misfortunes. Later he
succeeded his father as king of Athens, made Athens a great city, and took
part in many other famous exploits.
Minos is the name applied to two kings of Crete. The first is said to have
been the son of Jupiter and Europa, the brother of Rhadamanthus, the father
of Deucalion and Ariadne, the foe of Theseus, and after his death a judge in
the lower regions. The second Minos was a grandson of the first and son of
Lycastus and Ida. Tt is to him that the celebrated Laws of Minos are ascribed,
in which it is said he received instruction from Jupiter. Homer and Hesiod
mention only one Minos, the king of Knossus, and son and friend of Jupiter.
In this mythological period there were three expeditions so celebrated that
it will not do to pass them by. These are the Voyage of the Argonauts, the
War of the Seven against Thebes, and the Siege of Troy.
Pelias, a descendant of AEolus, had robbed his half-brother AEson of his
dominion over the kingdom of Iolcus in Thessaly. Jason, the son of AEson,
upon reaching manhood, went to his uncle and demanded back the throne that
now by right was his. AEson promised to grant the demand on one condition,
which was that Jason should first bring the golden fleece of AEa, which was a
region in the far east ruled by Ætes, offspring of the sun-god. The fleece was
that of the ram Chrysomallus, and was preserved in the grove of Mars, sus-
pended upon a tree where it was guarded by a dragon that never slept.
The most renowned heroes of the time, including Hercules and Theseus,
embarked in the Argo under the lead of Jason. They arrived after many
adventures at AEa, where the king Ætes promised Jason to deliver to him the
golden fleece, provided he yoked two fire-breathing oxen with brazen feet,
ploughed a piece of ground with them, sowed in the furrows the remainder of
the teeth of the dragon killed by Cadmus, and then defeated the men that would
spring up from the seed.
Medea, the daughter of Ætes, loved Jason, and, being a sorceress, provided
him with the means of doing all that her father had imposed upon the hero.
Her parent still delayed to surrender the golden fleece, whereupon Medea
through her magic put the dragon to sleep, seized the fleece herself, and set sail
in the Azgo with Jason and his companions. They were pursued by the indig-
nant AEtes, but this too Medea had foreseen and provided against. She had
Greece—Voyage of the Argonauts I 29
brought along her infant brother, and as their father neared them she slew the
child and scattered his dismembered limbs along their route. The grief-
stricken parent stopped to gather the fragments, and the Argonauts escaped.
On their return to Greece, Medea gave Jason still further help by her sor-
ceries. His father, Æson, being dead, she bathed the body in a magic caldron
of herbs she had brewed, and the old man stepped forth not only alive, but with
all the freshness and vigor of youth restored to him. The daughters of the
usurper Pelias urged her to do the same for their father. So, at her bidding,
they slew him, whereon she refused to restore his life, and Jason claimed the
throne. Retribution soon overtook Medea for her cruel deed. Jason forsook
her, and she was reduced in her despair to murdering her own children by
him, much as she had slain her brother.
With the exception of Hercules and Theseus, Jason's most famous compan-
ion in his expedition was Orpheus. He was the son of Apollo and one of the
Muses. Apollo was the god of music, and he made his son the most wonderful
musician who ever lived. Birds, wild beasts, and even inanimate things felt the
charm and followed Orpheus as he played upon his lyre. When his wife Eury-
dice died, he followed her to Hades to beg for her release, and so wonderful
was his music that all the monsters of hell paused to listen, and he passed
through the terrible gates unharmed. Even the god Pluto himself was moved,
and promised Orpheus he should take Eurydice back with him, if he would not
once look at her until they reached the upper world. So Orpheus climbed
back up the rugged way, still chanting to his lyre; and Furydice followed hap-
pily until they reached the very edge of earth. Then Orpheus looked back to
make sure she was behind him. That one thoughtless glance broke the prom-
ise, and Eurydice was swept back into Pluto's dominion. -
The story of the Seven against Thebes is not so widely known. Laius was
king of Thebes, one of the principal cities of Greece. He was warned by an
oracle that if he ever became the father of a son, that son would murder him.
When therefore CEdipus was born unto him, he exposed him to death, but the
infant was saved and carried to Corinth, where King Polybus brought him up
as if he were his own son. Angered because of the slurs cast upon his paren-
tage, CEqipus consulted the Delphic oracle, who warned him not to return to his
native land; for if he did so, he was destined to slay his father and marry his
own mother. CEdipus believed all this time that Polybus was his real father;
so he kept away from Corinth and made his way to Thebes, thus inviting the
very doom he was so anxious to escape. He met Laius in a narrow place; they
quarrelled as to who should pass, and CEdipus slew the king. He then made
his way to Thebes, met the queen Jocasta, and never suspecting she was his
mother, married her, his success being due to her promise to bestow her hand
9
I 3o The Story of the Greatest Nations
upon the man who should solve the riddle propounded by a sphinx or monster,
who, in accordance with his agreement, had to slay himself upon the solution
of the enigma. Two sons and two daughters followed this unnatural marriage,
and because of the horror the land was swept by a pestilence, to avert which
an oracle declared that the murderer of the king must be banished. The
investigation revealed the dreadful truth, whereupon Jocasta hanged herself, the
grief-stricken CEdipus put out his own eyes, and, being driven from the city by
his two sons, Eteocles and Polynices, he pronounced a curse upon them which
was quickly fulfilled. In a war for the dominion, Polynices was expelled from
Thebes by his brother, and, going to Argos, obtained the aid of King Adrastus
to regain his rights. In addition to that monarch, five other heroes joined the
expedition, which formed the confederacy known as the “Seven against
Thebes.” With the exception of Adrastus, all were slain and the brothers fell
by each other's hands. Ten years afterward, the sons of these allies undertook
another expedition against Thebes, which proved successful. Most of the
inhabitants having fled, the city was razed to the ground. *
The expedition against Troy forms the last and greatest of all the heroic
achievements. Paris, son of Priam, king of Ilium, outraged the hospitality of
Menelaus, king of Sparta, by carrying off Helen his wife, who was the most
beautiful woman of her time. The Grecian princes considered the crime a
personal one against themselves, and, in answer to the call of Menelaus, they
assembled in arms, chose Agamemnon, brother of the king and himself the
king of Mycenae, leader of the expedition, which sailed across the AEgean Sea,
their force so numerous that they filled more than a thousand ships. *
Agamemnon, having succeeded to the throne of Eurystheus, was the
natural leader of the Greeks; but connected with this memorable expedition
were a number more famous in war than he. There was Achilles, chief of the
Thessalian Myrmidons; Ulysses, king of Ithaca, a genius of eloquence and
wisdom; Nestor, king of Pylus, noted for his wisdom and experience; the
heroic Diomedes, king of Argos; the Telamonian Ajax of Salamis, ranking
next to Achilles as a warrior; and Idomeneus of Crete, grandson of Minos.
On the side of the Trojans was Hector, a son of Priam, more valiant than
his effeminate brother Paris, and next to him ranked AEneas, while the gods
took part on both sides, sometimes encouraging their favorites and often fight-
ing for them. Ten years passed before the siege of Troy ended with the fall
of the city, and part of the last year forms the subject of the Iliad, the
immortal work of Homer, the greatest poet of antiquity.
Achilles, being offended by Agamemnon, “sulked in his tent,” refused to
take part in the war, and even begged his mother, the goddess Thetis, to obtain
from Jove victory for the Trojans. Hector marshalled the Trojans, took leave
Greece—The Siege of Troy I 3 I
of his wife Andromache and their infant son in one of the most beautiful pas-
sages of the whole poem, and then led his forces in a tremendous attack.
They drove the Greeks back and were setting fire to the ships, when Achilles
gave his armor to his friend Patroclus, who made a charge at the head of the
Myrmidons. He drove the Trojans from the ships, but the god Apollo was
fighting against Patroclus, who fell before the spear of Hector. Fired by the
desire to avenge the death of his friend, Achilles donned the armor forged for
him by the god Vulcan at the prayer of Thetis. The Trojans fled, and Achilles,
having killed Hector in single combat, fastened the body to the rear of his
chariot and dragged it three times round the city walls in sight of Andromache
and all the Trojans.
The burial of Hector closes the poem of the J/iad, the death of Achilles
and the capture of Troy being related in later poems, as well as his victories over
the queen of the Amazons and the king of Ethiopia. Achilles himself was
killed by an arrow shot by Paris but directed by the hand of Apollo, the wound
being in his heel. This was the only vulnerable part of his body, since when
his mother dipped him in the river Styx she made him invulnerable except in
the heel, by which he was held during the immersion. Thus the most gallant
fighters had fallen on both sides and Troy remained untaken. At this critical
hour, Ulysses solved the seemingly impossible problem. Under his directions
an immense wooden horse was built, within which he and a number of equally
brave men concealed themselves.
The rest of the Greeks pretended to give up the siege, and withdrew from
the city. The exultant Trojans rushed out to explore and roamed through the
abandoned camps. Gathering round the gigantic horse, they stared at it in
wonder and amazement. Then a Greek, who had remained behind for that
purpose, came out from his hiding-place and declared himself a deserter from
his countrymen. He told the Trojans that the colossal horse was a magic ani-
mal, and that so long as they kept it their city could not be captured. The
delighted Trojans seized hold of the monstrous thing to drag it within their
walls, instead of heeding the numerous warnings they received.
Cassandra, one of King Priam's daughters, possessed the power of looking
into the future, but unhappily she always seemed to be prophesying evil, and
therefore was discredited. Sometimes you hear a person called a “Cassandra,”
which is another way of saying she is a prophet of evil. When Cassandra saw
the intention of her countrymen, she wrung her hands and begged them to
leave the huge structure alone; but they were so happy over the seemingly tri-
umphant ending of the long war that they only laughed at her wailing and
warnings.
Among the Trojan priests was Laocoön, who added his warnings to those
I 32 The Story of the Greatest Nations
of the young woman, saying that he distrusted the Greeks always, but most
when they left gifts. Then the priest drove his spear into the wooden horse,
and all were startled by hearing a groan from within. In truth, one of the
hidden Greeks had been wounded by the spear. Then the gods having deter-
mined on the destruction of the city, and resenting the interference of Laocoön,
sent two enormous serpents, which, gliding up out of the Sea, strangled him
and his two sons in their coils.
Nothing could check the infatuated Trojans. The great wooden horse was
dragged into the city; and then, in the darkness of night, the Grecian army
again silently surrounded the walls. The Greeks within the wooden horse
crept out and opened the gates to their comrades, who rushed into Troy, having
performed an exploit that has become one of the most famous in all classical
history. Troy was captured and reduced to ashes. -
The return of the Grecian leaders forms another theme for poetical legends.
Agamemnon was murdered on his arrival at Mycenae by his wife and her para-
mour. The guilty pair were then slain by his son Orestes. For thus killing
his mother Orestes was condemned by the gods to become a fugitive and
wandered with his friend Pylades into strange lands. At Taurus they were
seized by the natives to be slain in honor of the goddess Diana. One of them
was to be spared, and a memorable contest of friendship arose between them as
to which should sacrifice himself for the other. The priestess, however, proved
to be Orestes' lost sister Iphigenia; and she helped them both to escape and
returned with them to Greece.
Diomedes, who on returning from Troy also found his home outraged, was
expelled from Argos and settled in Italy. The most interesting and famous
wanderings, however, were those of Ulysses, which form the subject of the
Odyssey. The sea-god Neptune had a grudge against Ulysses, and would not
let him cross the seas back to his own kingdom of Ithaca. One storm after
another drove him from his course. One by one his followers succumbed to
privation and disaster, until he alone returned to their native home, after an
absence of twenty years. He had been in the country of the lotos-eaters, a
dreamy land, where fruit fell constantly around the people for their sustenance,
and none ever worked, but drowsed in idleness until old age and death ended
their worthless existences. He had been among the cannibals, among the
Cyclops, great giants with only a single eye. He had withstood the enchant-
ments of Circe, a famous sorceress, who turned all men who visited her into
beasts; and he had even visited the underworld of Hades.
During all this time his wife Penelope had sadly awaited his return, watch-
ing across the waters; and her pathetic figure has become typical to us of all
wives who have to watch and wait. Her friends tried to persuade her that he
Greece—Wanderings of Ulysses I 33
must be dead, and many suitors gathered in the palace. They became clamor-
ous, insisting that she choose a husband from among them, to take Ulysses'
place and rule the country. To evade them, she said she must first finish a
wonderful shroud she was weaving for her aged father; and on this she undid
each night what they had seen her finish in the day. So that now, any work
always being labored on but never advancing is called “Penelope's web.”
At last the suitors would no longer be put off; and they declared there
should be a great feast, and they would force her to wed whichever of them
proved able to bend Ulysses' great bow. At the trial an old beggar-man came
in ; and, in drunken sport, amid Sneers and taunts, they allowed him also to try
the bow. The beggar was Ulysses himself, home at last, though ragged, worn,
and solitary; and he, who had matched himself against giants, was not likely
to be awed or overcome by these idle roisterers. He bent the bow and sent
an arrow through their leader. His weeping wife recognized him. His young
son Telemachus joined him, and together they drove the drunken mob from the
palace. Ulysses was the last survivor of the chiefs who had fought against
Troy. - -
In studying Greek history, both mythological and authentic, you will often
find mention of the Oracles. The word oracle means both the response made
by a deity or supernatural being to the inquiry of a worshipper, and the place
where the response is delivered. These responses were supposed to be given
by a certain divine afflatus, either through means of mankind and the dreams of
the worshippers in the temples, or by its effect on some objects, as the tinkling
of the caldrons at Dodona, the rustling of the sacred laurel, the murmuring of
the streams; or by the action of certain animals, as displayed in the sacred bull
of Apis at Memphis and the feeding of the holy chickens of the Romans.
Oracles date from the remotest antiquity, but gradually declined with the
increasing knowledge of mankind. The Grecian Oracles enjoyed the highest
reputation for truthfulness, and the most famous were the Dodonean, the Del-
phic, and that of Trophonius and Amphiarus. The Dodonean was the only
oracle in Greece that was given by Jupiter, the others being those of Apollo,
or of certain soothsayers who had received the gift of prophecy from that god
or other gods. The greatest of all was the Delphic oracle, of which you will
read in the following pages. It was open to all Greece and was consulted for
public purposes, the faith in its responses being absolute. The consultations
were generally in the Delphic month of April, and once a day on other months.
Those who wished to consult the oracle drew lots as to who should have prece-
dence. The inquirers offered sacrifices, wore laurel crowns, and delivered
sealed questions. The response was accepted as infallible and was usually
marked by good sense, justice, and reason. As the questions grew in political
I 34 The Story of the Greatest Nations
importance, the guardians became fearful of offending, and framed their answers
in such ambiguous terms that they would “read both ways,” or they allowed
the answers to be corrupted by gold and rich presents.
Delphi, now known as Castri, was situated about eight miles north of an
indentation in the northern shore of the Gulf of Lepanto, at the southern base
of Parnassus. Homer always refers to it as Pytho. The chief magistrates and
the priests of the temple were at first taken from the Delphian nobles, while
the Pythia, or female who delivered the oracle, was at first a young maiden, but
afterward a woman not younger than fifty, usually selected from some poor
family of country people.
In the centre of the temple was a small opening in the ground, from which
arose an intoxicating vapor; and the Pythia, having breathed this, took her seat
upon the tripod or three-legged stool, which was placed over the opening in the
ground. Hence she delivered the oracle, which if not pronounced in hexam-
eters, was handed over to a poet employed for that purpose, who converted it
into that form of verse.
The reputation of its oracle caused Delphi to become a town of great impor-
tance and wealth, its fame spreading to other nations. The Pythian games
were first celebrated at Delphi in 586 B.C.
I have said that although the mythology of Greece is based upon fable, yet
in many instances there was more than one germ of truth in those grand and
sometimes shocking imaginings of the ancient people. The astonishing fact is
that later discoveries and investigations have proven that there was more truth
than has been generally supposed. When you come to study the later history
of Greece, you will learn of the pacification of Crete by the interference of the
European Powers. This has been followed by explorations on the site of
ancient cities and palaces, which have brought to light some of the most valua-
ble and interesting discoveries of later years.
The Labyrint/, of Crete was, according to legend, built by Daedalus for
Minos, king of Crete, and by his orders the Minotaur, or bull of Minos, of
which you have heard, was imprisoned within it. The Labyrinth was a con-
fused maze of Countless halls and rooms and winding passages leading nowhere.
This Labyrinth has generally been supposed to be a mere fable; but in 1900
excavations at Knossos in Crete uncovered the ancient “House of Minos,” a
remarkable building which undoubtedly suggested the stories of the Labyrinth.
We quote something of the account of the discovery, by Mr. A. J. Evans and
Mr. D. G. Hogarth:
“At but a very slight depth below the surface of the ground the spade has
uncovered great courts and corridors, propylaea, a long succession of magazines
containing gigantic stone jars that might have hidden the ‘Forty Thieves,' and
Greece—Discovery of the Labyrinth I 35
a multiplicity of chambers, pre-eminent among which is the throne room and
council chamber of Homeric kings.
“The throne itself on which (if so much faith be permitted to us) Minos
may have declared the law, is carved out of alabaster, once brilliant with colored
designs and relieved with curious tracery and crocketed arcading which is
wholly unique in ancient art and exhibits a strange anticipation of thirteenth
century Gothic. In the throne room, the western entrance gallery and else-
where, partly still adhering to the walls, partly in detached pieces on the floors,
was a series of fresco paintings, excelling any known examples of the art in
Mycenaean Greece.
“A beautiful life-size painting of a youth, with a European and almost clas-
sically Greek profile, gives us the first real knowledge of the race who produced
this mysterious early civilization. Other frescoes introduce us to a lively and
hitherto unknown miniature style, representing, among other subjects, groups
of women engaged in animated conversation in the courts and on the balconies
of the palace. The monuments of the sculptor's art are equally striking. It
may be sufficient to mention here a marble fountain in the shape of a lioness's
head with enamelled eyes.
“One of the miniature frescoes found represents the façade of a Mycenaean
shrine, and the palace itself seems to have been a sanctuary of the Cretan God
of the Double Axe, as well as a dwelling-place of prehistoric kings. There
can be little remaining doubt that this huge building with its maze of corridors
and tortuous passages, its medley of small chambers, its long succession of
magazines with their blind endings, was in fact the Labyrinth of later tradition
which supplied a local habitation for the Minotaur of grisly fame.
“The great figures of bulls in fresco and relief that adorned the walls, the
harem scenes of some of the frescoes, the cornerstones and pillars marked with
the labrys or double axe—the emblem of the Cretan Zeus, explaining the deriva-
tion of the name ‘Labyrinth itself—are so many details which all conspire to
bear out this identification.”
Minos then was real, and the legendary lore which gathered round him had
some basis in fact. The site of ancient Troy has been discovered too, and the
stories of its siege and capture are proving not wholly imaginary. With Minos
and the Trojan war therefore, we waver on the border line between myth and
history. The next legend in point of time is the “Return of the Heraclidae.”
It tells how the exiled descendants of Hercules returned and reconquered the
Peloponnesus. It is generally regarded as a poetic version of the Dorian inva-
sion, a great event which really happened, and with which we begin the true,
historic account of ancient Greece. &
|[5][5] 3|Elſalſalſalſa
Chapter XII
THE GROWTH OF SPARTA AND THE RULE OF
- THE TYRANTS
the sunlight of real history. About the year IIoo B. c.
the Dorians, who before were an unimportant tribe in
the small piece of northern territory on the southern
slope of Mount CEta, began moving southward, and,
conquering the Achaean kingdoms in the Peloponne-
sus, occupied Laconia or Lacedæmon, and in the
course of time brought the neighboring tribes under subjection.
The Achaeans, being driven out of the southern and eastern parts
of the peninsula, withdrew to the northern coast, where they ex-
pelled the Ionians, who found a refuge with their friends of the
same race in Attica. Thus the Ionians became the master peo-
ple in Central Greece, and occupied most of the Cyclades Islands
in the AEgean Sea.
Another important result of the general movement caused by
the Dorian conquest in that remote period was the planting of
Greek colonies in Asia Minor. These colonies were composed of AEolians,
Ionians, and Dorians. The AEolian colonies settled along the coast of Mysia,
and in the island of Lesbos, where the confederacy of Æolis was formed, con-
sisting of twelve cities.
The Ionians made their homes on the shores of Lydia and on the islands of
Chios and Samos, and in the course of years became numerous and powerful.
The Dorian colonies were established in the southwestern portion of Asia Minor
and the neighboring islands, but they were of less importance than the AEolian
Greece—Early Migrations • I 37
and Ionian settlements. Still other settlements were made by the Greeks, the
most noted being those on the coasts of Thrace and Macedonia, on the islands
lying west of Greece, in Sicily, in lower Italy, and in the territory of Cyrene,
along the northern Coast of Africa. A few colonies were planted on the shores
of the Euxine Sea, and there was one in the extreme western part of the Medi-
terranean at Massila, since known as Marseilles. It is probable that all these
settlements were made about IOOO B.C.
At that period the Ionians and Dorians were the two leading races or peoples
of Greece. There were many striking differences between them, which differ-
ences form a leading feature of Grecian politics and history. Athens was the
city of the Ionians, and Sparta of the Dorians, and because of the marked con-
trast in the characteristics of the inhabitants there arose a deep-seated rivalry
and enmity between the two cities. The Ionians were democratic in their
tastes, lively, fickle, fond of commerce, refined enjoyments, and the fine arts.
On the other hand, the Dorians were severely simple in their manners, prefer-
ring an aristocratic form of government, and they maintained the worst form of
slavery.
The exact chronological history of Greece opens with what is known as the
First Olympiad, B. c. 776. The Olympic games were the great religious festi-
val of Greece. During their celebration a sacred truce was proclaimed which
united all the Greeks in one brotherhood. The games were held every four
years about midsummer at Olympia in the state of Elis, and were in honor of
Jupiter, who had there a temple and an Oracle. The principal contest was at
first a foot-race, but afterward other trials of skill were instituted; and a victory
at the Olympic games was the highest honor for which a Greek athlete could
strive. The happy winner was given rewards of every kind by his fellow-citi-
zens, who felt that he had made their city famous in the eyes of all Greece.
. The Olympiad of 776 is called the first Olympiad, only because it was the
first of which a regular written record was kept. The institution was much
older, being indeed of unknown antiquity, its origin lost in the mists of fable.
From 776, however, the records of the winners were kept with great care, and
served as a standard of time from which national events were reckoned. It is
an interesting fact that those famous Olympian games have been revived in later
years, representatives of our own nation appearing at them, and more than
holding their own.
At that period, the government had become republican, the country consist-
ing of a number of little free states. Of them all, Sparta was the only one
that clung to a king. It was the city that was the state, each forming an inde-
pendent commonwealth, and it was this peculiar government which no doubt
had much to do with the marked development of Grecian political science.
1 38 The Story of the Greatest Nations
But while these petty states or cities were each independent, yet the Greeks
were bound together by a national sentiment. They were proud to know them-
selves as Hellenes, with a common language, literature, and religion. Their
festivals, temples, and rites were equally free to all, but, like Our Countrymen in
the South before the great Civil War, their strongest attachment was to their
own states, and, as in the later days, that sentiment brought woeful conse-
quences.
The early history of Greece is mainly that of Sparta and Athens, and we
begin with Sparta, which at the time of the First Olympiad possessed only a
small territory, comprising little more than the valley of the river Eurotas.
Her remarkable constitution was ascribed by the ancients to the legislator
Lycurgus, who helped in establishing the Olympian games. It is also said that
he was the son of one of the two kings who ruled over Sparta, and his father
was killed in the dissensions which existed at that time. An elder son suc-
ceeded to the throne, but did not live long. His widow offered to slay her
unborn child, if Lycurgus would share the throne with her. Lycurgus pre-
tended to consent, but, as soon as the child was born, he presented it in the
market-place as the future king of Sparta. The angered mother took her
revenge by charging Lycurgus with entertaining designs against the life of the
infant. The disgusted legislator withdrew from Sparta, and spent a number of
years visiting different countries, including Egypt, and some think India, in
order to study the different systems of government so as to devise the wise
laws of which Sparta stood in sore need.
Lycurgus did not return until the young king had grown to manhood and
assumed the reins of government. There was great disorder in Sparta and the
monarch had a hard time of it. The people were dissatisfied, and delightedly
welcomed the coming of Lycurgus, eager to accept his new ideas of govern-
ment, for anything was better than the disorder which prevailed. He had
learned a great deal during his extensive travels, and he began his work of
reform with intelligence and vigor. He first presented himself to the Delphian
oracle, from which he received strong assurances of divine support.
Lycurgus then appeared in the market-place, accompanied by thirty of the
leading Spartans in arms. The young king Charilaus was at first disposed to
resent this interference, but he could not fail to note the temper of the people,
and see the wisdom of the proposed revolution. He therefore announced him-
self as a friend of his uncle, who issued a set of ordinances called R/etra, which
revolutionized everything. All radical reforms are sure to meet with violent
Opposition, and the story is that in one of the disturbances Lycurgus lost an
eye, but he persevered and succeeded in carrying out his plans and in securing
the ardent support of the people. -
Greece—Laws of Lycurgus I 39
When this triumph was attained, he persuaded them to take a solemn oath
that they would not change the laws until his return. Then he went off and
that was the last ever heard of him. His aim in thus sacrificing himself was
to make his beneficent laws last forever.
Now it is proper I should add, that while beyond question such a man as
Lycurgus lived and greatly benefited Sparta by the laws which he framed, yet
many historians think too much credit has been given to him. One authority
uses these words: “The most that can be assumed as probable is, that a cer-
tain Lycurgus may have once existed, who at Some critical juncture in Spartan
affairs may have been selected, probably on account of his wisdom and reputa-
tion, to draw up a code of laws for the better government of the state. To
represent the entire legislation of Sparta as invented (so to speak) by Lycurgus
and imposed upon the people as a novelty, is simply incredible; the only theory
worth a moment's consideration is that which supposes him to have collected,
modified, improved, and enlarged the previously existing institutions of Sparta.”
Be that as it may, it is unquestionable that Sparta became one of the most
remarkable towns or communities that ever existed. In the first place, the
Spartans numbered only about nine thousand, and the little country they pos-
sessed was won by the sword and could be held only by the sword. Hence it
was necessary before everything else that they should be soldiers trained to the
highest possible skill and efficiency. The means by which this was done was
of fearful severity; but it could not fail of success, for it may be said that
endurance and training were carried to the utmost human limit.
You will bear in mind that Sparta or Lacedaemon, the capital of Laconia
and the most famous city of the Peloponnesus, occupied partly a range of low
hills on the right bank of the Eurotas and partly the intervening plain. The
natural defences of the place were so great that it continued unfortified down
to the Macedonian period, and in fact was not regularly fortified until the time
of the tyrant Nabis in B. C. I.Q5.
Laconia contained three distinct classes: the Spartans, the Perioeci, and the
Helots. The Spartans were the descendants of the Dorian conquerors, and
alone could hold office and be eligible for honors. All of them lived in Sparta
and were subject to the terrific discipline imposed by Lycurgus. They received
support from their estates, which were cultivated for them by the Helots.
The Perioeci, although politically subject to the Spartans, were personally
free. They had no share in the government and were compelled to obey the
commands of the Spartan magistrates. They lived in a hundred townships
spread throughout the whole of Laconia. They fought as heavy-armed Soldiers
in the Spartan armies, but were exempt from the iron regulations of their supe-
riors. Most of the lands of Laconia belonged to Spartan citizens, but nearly
I 4 O The Story of the Greatest Nations
one-half was held by the Periosci. Since no Spartan was allowed to engage in
commmerce or manufactures, those industries were wholly in the hands of the
Perioeci, who became wealthy, and formed what may be called the Laconian or
Lacedaemonian branch of the Spartans.
The Helots were the slaves who lived in the rural villages, as the Perioeci
did in the towns, cultivating the land and turning the rent over to their mas-
ters in Sparta, but they were allowed to dwell with their families on the lands.
They went with the Spartans as light-armed troops, and it does not appear that
they were ever sold. They were treated with great severity and compelled to
wear a dress consisting of a leather cap and a sheepskin as a badge of their
degrading servitude. They were so brutally abused that they formed an intense
and deep-seated hostility to the Spartans. They were always watchful for an
opportunity to rise against their oppressors, and it was said of them that they
would gladly “have eaten the flesh of the Spartans raw.” -
The Spartan government was vested in two kings, a senate of thirty mem-
bers, a popular assembly, and an executive directory of five men called the
Ephors. It was not possible for even Spartan nature to prevent jealousies, dis-
sensions, and a mutual weakening of authority between the two heads of the
government. The power of the kings gradually declined and was absorbed by
the Ephors, who in the end gained full control of the government, though the
kings at all times were treated with respect.
The Senate or the Council of the Elders included thirty members, among
whom the two kings were counted. No man was eligible until he reached the
age of three-score, and he held office for life. They had considerable power
and served as a check upon the Ephors. The Popular Assembly was of slight
importance and its actions seem to have been only formal, while the right of
discussion was not permitted.
The Ephors were elected annually from the general body of Spartan citizens,
and were chosen to protect the interests of the people against any encroach-
ments by the king and senate. As has been said, the whole political power of
the state became centred in their hands. Every one obeyed them, and they
used their vast authority like despots, without being responsible to any one. If
they chose, they could arrest both kings and bring them to trial before the Senate.
It has been shown that the whole aim of the system of Lycurgus was to
produce and maintain a vigorous race of men and soldiers. Thus he made sol-
diers, who were really nothing else. By his system, all weakly children were
exposed to perish, while of those allowed to live, the males, at the age of seven,
were taken from their homes and trained by the state educators. The child's
education, beginning at that early age, was not relaxed until he was sixty years
old. He was drilled in gymnastic games and military movements, and sub-
Greece—Spartan Education 4 I
jected to the most rigid bodily discipline. The earliest gymnasium of which
we know is the Spartan dromos, a field specially set aside for running races, and
afterward arranged for general athletic training. The youth were at times
compelled to go without food or to forage for it, which was another name for
stealing it. It was considered right to steal, but wrong to be detected. You
have heard the incident told by Plutarch of a boy, who, having stolen a fox, hid
it under his garment, and, without the slightest expression of pain, held it there
while it ate out his vitals rather than allow his theft to be discovered.
The Spartan was taught to despise literature, eloquence, and philosophy.
Long speeches were an abomination and he used the fewest words that would
express his meaning. From this fact comes our word “laconic" from the
other name of Sparta, “Laconia.” A citizen was not considered to have reached
the full age of manhood until thirty years old. Then he was allowed to marry,
to take part in the public assembly, and might be chosen to any of the offices
of state. His discipline, however, continued as unrelaxing as ever. Most of
his time was spent in military and gymnastic exercises. He slept at night in
the barracks and took his meals with his comrades at the public mess. This
mess was instituted to prevent indulgence of the appetite. Every male citizen
was compelled to eat his meals at these tables in sight of all. At each table
were seated fifteen men, whose unanimous assent was necessary for a new mem-
ber to gain admission. Fvery month each man sent to the mess a certain quan-
tity of barley meal, wine, cheese, and figs, and a small amount of money to buy
flesh and fish. At the meals there was no social distinction whatever.
The Spartan women in their earlier years underwent a system of training
almost as severe as that of the men. They were not only taught regular gym-
nastic exercises, but contended with one another in running, wrestling, boxing,
and playing with a ball. The greatest glory of the Spartan wife was to become
the mother of heroes, and she felt and instilled in her offspring the same
indomitable courage and patriotism as the men. “Return either with your
shield or on it,” was the women's command to their sons when they went to
battle. If defeat overtook their arms, the women thanked the gods for their
youths who had fallen, while those whose sons returned wept over the disgrace
that they had survived the defeat.
One result was certain to follow such a system of education, that was wholly
unknown among the neighbors of Sparta, most of whom were her rivals and
enemies. She grew rapidly, and steadily subjugated those around her. In the
time of Lycurgus, the Spartans were simply a garrison in a hostile country, but
they became masters of Laconia. This success, instead of satisfying those
warriors, only whetted their appetite for new conquests, and they cast their
longing eyes upon the lands of their Dorian brethren in Messenia.
I 42 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Of the early wars in which Sparta engaged the two waged against Messenia
were the most important. They were desperately fought, lasted a long while,
and ended in the triumph of Sparta and the conquest of Messenia. That much
is known, but we have few reliable particulars of the wars themselves. Differ-
ent causes are named for them, but the real one no doubt was the covetousness
of Sparta for the possessions of her neighbors. While it is not certain when
these wars began and ended, it is probable that the first broke out in B.C. 743
and closed in 724, while the second lasted from 685 to 668.
The pretext for the first Messenian war is stated to have been the following:
Mount Taygetus, separating the two kingdoms, contained the temple of Diana
common to both people. On this mountain, the Spartan king Teleclus was
killed by the Messenians. The Spartans said he was murdered while defending
against insult some virgins whom he was escorting to the temple. On the
other hand, the Messenians claimed that Teleclus had dressed up a number of
young men as virgins with concealed daggers, and that the king met his death
in the riot which followed the discovery of the trickery. Then a Messenian,
who gained the prize at the Olympic games, was grossly maltreated by a Spar-
tan, and, unable to obtain redress from the Spartan government, revenged him-
self by killing all the Lacedaemonians whom he met. Sparta demanded the
surrender of the offender, which being refused, she went to war.
Without making any declaration, the Spartans secretly completed their
preparations, crossed the frontier, surprised the fortress of Amphea, and put
the inhabitants to the sword. Euphaes, king of Messenia, acted with vigor
and for four years held his own. A great battle was fought in the fifth year,
without decisive results, but the Messenians were handled so severely that
they consulted the oracle at Delphi, who, to their consternation, told them that
the salvation of Messenia required them to sacrifice a virgin of the royal house.
Aristodemus offered his own daughter for the victim. A young Messenian
who loved her sought to save her, whereon her father slew her with his own
hand. The Spartans were so depressed by the tidings that they refrained for
several years from attacking the Messenians. In the thirteenth year of the
war, another severe but indecisive battle was fought. Euphaes was killed in
the action, and Aristodemus, succeeding him, pressed hostilities with energy.
Five years after he became king, a third battle took place, in which the Corin-
thians fought as allies of the Spartans and the Arcadians and Sicyonians as
those of the Messenians, who gained the victory and drove the Lacedaemonians
back into their own territory.
The latter asked the advice of the Delphian oracle, who assured them of
success through strategem. Being warned by a vision that his country was
doomed, Aristodemus slew himself on the tomb of his daughter and, soon after-
Greece—Wars of Sparta and Messenia 1 4 3
ward, in the twentieth year of the war, the Messenians abandoned Ithome,
which the Lacedaemonians razed to the ground, and the whole country became
Subject to Sparta. Many of the inhabitants fled, and those who remained were
treated with great harshness. They were degraded to the condition of the
Helots and forced to pay their conquerors one-half of the produce of their lands.
This grinding tyranny was endured for thirty-nine years, when in B.C. 685
they again took up arms against their oppressors. They had found a new
leader in Aristomenes of the royal line, who proved himself a superb warrior
and general. As before, the Corinthians fought on the side of the Spartans,
but the Argives, Arcadians, Sicyonians, and Pisatans were allies of the Messe-
nians. The first battle took place before the arrival of the allies of either side.
The valor of Aristomenes terrified the Spartans. While neither party could
claim the victory, the Messenian hero crossed the frontier, made his way into
Sparta by night, and fastened a shield to the temple of Minerva with the
inscription, “Dedicated by Aristomenes to the goddess from the Spartan
spoils.”
The Spartans were in a panic and applied to Delphi for counsel. They
were bade to ask Athens for a leader. Afraid to disobey the oracle, but not
wishing to help its rival, Athens sent them Tyrtaeus, who was a lame school-
master. He was received with all honor and demonstrated the wisdom of the
oracle in a most unexpected manner. He wrote a number of martial songs of
such stirring patriotism that the courage of the Spartans revived, and they were
roused to deeds that in the end made them successful. The following is a
specimen of his war-songs, from those that have been preserved to us:
“To the field, to the field, gallant Spartan band,
Worthy sons, like your sires, of our warlike land
Let each arm be prepared for its part in the fight,
Fix the shield on the left, poise the spear with the right.
Let no care for your lives in your bosoms find place ;
No such care knew the heroes of old Spartan race.”
It took tremendous fighting, however, before the Spartans attained success.
In the battle at Boar's Grave, when the allies of both sides were present, the
Spartans were defeated with great loss. Another battle was fought in the
third year of the war, when the Messenians were signally repulsed through the
treachery of their ally Aristocrates, king of the Arcadians. Their loss was so
severe that Aristomenes no longer dared meet the Spartans in the open field.
He withdrew to the mountain fortress of Ira, where he prosecuted the war
for eleven years, often sallying forth and attacking the Spartans, who were en-
camped at the foot of the mountain. Amazing stories are told of the exploits
of Aristomenes during those fateful years. He was taken prisoner three times
144 The Story of the Greatest Nations
but twice burst his bonds and escaped. On the third occasion, he was carried
to Sparta and with fifty of his companions flung into a deep pit. The fall was
so great that all were killed except Aristomenes, who, seeing no hope, resigned
himself to death. As he sat thus philosophically awaiting the end, he saw on
the third day a fox prowling among the bodies. Seizing its tail, he held fast,
allowing the terrified animal to lead the way in its efforts to escape. It con-
ducted him to an opening in the rock through which the hero emerged once
more into the sunlight. The following day he appeared at Ira, to the amaze-
ment of friends and foes.
But Aristomenes could not alone save his people. Ira was surprised one
night and he was wounded, but, gathering the bravest of his followers, he
fought his way through the enemy and fled to Arcadia, where he was kindly
received. He quickly formed a plan for surprising Sparta, but it was betrayed
by Aristocrates, who was stoned to death by his countrymen for his treachery.
Messenia was completely subjugated, and, as before, the people became the
slaves of the Spartans. Many fled the country, and Aristomenes died peace-
fully in Rhodes. Messenia sank into insignificance until its independence was
restored by Epaminondas in the year B.C. 369, the country up to that time form-
ing a portion of Laconia, which reached from sea to sea across the south of
Peloponnesus. - *
We have few particulars of the wars between Sparta and Arcadia. The
several attempts of the Spartans to extend their dominions over Arcadia drove
the people of that country to the help of the Messenians in their gallant fight
against their conquerors. The subjugation of southern Arcadia probably fol-
lowed the conquest of Messenia. It is known that the whole northern frontier
of Laconia belonged at first to Arcadia and was conquered from them by the
Ilacedaemonians.
The latter met with a very different reception when they attacked Tegea, a
city in the Southeastern part of Arcadia, on the border of Laconia. The popu-
lation were as brave and warlike as the Spartans, and for more than two hun-
dred years repelled every assault made upon them. In one of the early battles
the Spartan king and all his soldiers who survived the battle were taken prison-
ers. A good many years later, about B.C. 580, the Lacedaemonians again
marched against Tegea, only to meet with disastrous defeat. The chains which
they took with them to bind upon the Tegeatans were fastened to their own
limbs, and they were compelled to become slaves of their masters. About
twenty years later, however, the Spartans were successful, and in the end the
Tegeatans were obliged to submit to Sparta; but they were not made slaves
like the Messenians, being allowed to remain masters of their own territory and
becoming dependent allies of Sparta.
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Greece—Spartan Supremacy in Peloponnesus I 45
Still less is known of the early struggles between Argos and Sparta. At
the beginning, the whole eastern coast of Peloponnesus belonged to Argos, or
to the confederacy over which she presided. The Lacedaemonians conquered
all the eastern coast of Laconia and also annexed the district of Cynuria on
their northern frontier, which once formed part of the dominions of Argos.
The attempt of the Argives to recover this territory in 547 B.C. was the cause
of one of the most noted combats in Grecian history.
The Lacedaemonians and Argives agreed to settle the question by a combat
between three hundred champions chosen respectively by each side. This
strange battle was fought out with such desperation that when it ended only
one Spartan and two Argives were left alive. The latter, thinking no enemy
had escaped, hurried home with the joyful news of the victory, but the Spartan
warrior, Othryades by name, remained on the field and despoiled the dead bod-
ies of his foes. Victory was claimed by both sides, and to decide the dispute
a general battle took place, in which the Argives were defeated. What a strik-
ing proof of the heroic patriotism of the Spartans it is that Othryades, ashamed
to return to Sparta as the one survivor of the battle of the six hundred cham-
pions, slew himself on the field ! The power of Argos was broken and Cynuria
came under subjection to the Spartans.
Thus Sparta had fought her way to the most dominant position of all the
Grecian states. It has been shown that her territory embraced the whole south-
ern portion of Peloponnesus. She had made the Arcadians her subject allies;
Argos was so humbled that she dared not molest her powerful neighbor, and
north of the Isthmus of Corinth there was none to compete with her. Athens
had not yet reached the point where she could be considered a formidable rival.
It has been said that throughout the most brilliant period of Grecian history
Sparta was the single state that clung to the kingly form of government, the
only one known at first. But at an early age a gradual hatred of monarchy
grew up among the different cities, each of which, it will be remembered, formed
a separate political community. The change seems to have been brought
about without violence or revolution. In some cases when the king died, his
son was accepted as ruler for life, or a stated number of years, with the title of
Archon, sometimes the whole royal family was set aside and a noble was chosen
to act in place of the king, without the kingly title. In each instance the
new ruler was more or less responsible to the nobles. After a time he was
elected for a brief term from the nobles themselves, to whom as before he was
accountable. Thus, when the monarchy was abolished, it was followed by an
oligarchy, or the government of the few. This was the beginning of republi-
canism in Greece, and the way was thus paved for greater changes. It was the
entering wedge when the few should give way to the many.
I O
I 46 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The nobles owned most of the lands of the state, their estates being culti-
vated by a rural and dependent population. Besides these two classes there
were many small landed proprietors who tilled their own fields, and there were
also a good many artisans and traders who lived in the towns. These two
classes grew faster than any other. They had wealth and intelligence, and
demanded with good reason a share in the government, from which they had
been shut out so long. The oligarchies were oppressive, and did not increase
in numbers. Matters drifted toward revolution. Instead of the blow being
struck by the people, however, it came from the usurpers, who were named
Tyrants by the Greeks.
The word tyrant does not have the meaning in Greek that it has in English,
its reference being to an irresponsible ruler. They came forward about the
same time in different Grecian cities, their first appearance being in the middle
of the seventh century B.C. Within the succeeding one hundred and fifty years
they completed their work in almost all the towns. *
It can be easily understood that when the discontent was so general, ambi-
tious men saw a chance for advancement. The most common method was for
a noble to espouse vehemently the cause of the people. Aided by them, the
oligarchy was easily overturned and the champion was put forward as the chosen
ruler. It came about in a few instances that a noble who had been elected
president persisted in holding the office despite the other nobles, while now
and then the Supreme power was placed in the hands of a dictator for a limited
period, until he could accomplish some important object the citizens had at heart.
Naturally the Tyrants were highly popular when first raised to power by
those who exulted in the humiliation of their former masters, but in most cases
the Tyrants became oppressive and cruel. Then the people showed their dis-
content; the ruler resorted to violence; this made him more detested than
before, and he called in foreign troops to protect him; surrounded by these
mercenaries he exiled or put to death the most distinguished and virtuous citi-
zens, by which time the Tyrant had earned the English meaning of the word as
applied to him.
But all were not cruel and base. Some built splendid public works; others
tried to win the good-will of their subjects by becoming patrons of literature
and art; but although about every device possible was resorted to, the Tyrants,
in the order of things, could not prolong the life of their dynasties.
It was natural that the Lacedaemonians, who were ardently on the side of
oligarchy, should look with hatred upon the rule of these usurpers. They
gladly gave their help to crush them, and through such assistance, many of the
Tyrants were overthrown. Of course the expectation and wish of the Lace-
daemonians was to re-establish the government of the few, but this seldom hap-
Greece–Rule of the Tyrants - I 47
pened. The distinction between the nobles and the common people had been
broken down by the rule of the Tyrant, and when he was removed it was rarely
possible to restore the nobles to their former privileges. Thus the oligarchy,
having defeated royalty, was next forced to fight with democracy. These phases .
of the revolution will be most strikingly shown when we come to study the his-
tory of Athens, but for the present a few examples of other Greek states will serve.
The most celebrated Tyrants were those of Corinth, whose rule lasted for
seventy-four years. The founder was Cypselus, who overthrew the oligarchy in
B.C. 655. His mother belonged to the ruling house, but, since she was lame
none of her class would marry her, and she wedded an “outsider.” An oracle
having declared that her son would prove the ruin of the oligarchy, the mem-
bers endeavored to kill the infant, but the mother succeeded in concealing him.
Upon reaching manhood, Cypselus espoused the cause of the people against the
nobles, and with their help drove them out, and ruled as a Tyrant for thirty
years, his government being paternal and very popular.
Periander, his son, was despotic and cruel. If he thought a noble danger-
ous, he cut off his head, and all attempts at revolt were put down with merci-
less rigor. Nevertheless, he was an able man and warrior, and under his rule
Corinth attained a height of prosperity and power which surpassed all the com-
mercial communities of Greece. A number of important colonies were founded
and art and literature were encouraged. By some Periander was numbered
among the Seven Sages of Greece. In his last days he suffered great afflic-
tion. It is said he killed his wife in a fit of anger, whereupon his shocked and
indignant son withdrew to Corcyra, refusing to return when his father, in his
old age, begged him to assume the government. Then Periander offered to go
away if his son would come back. The offer was accepted, but, fearing that the
stern rule of the father would be repeated in the son, the Corcyraeans put the
latter to death. Periander reigned forty years (625–585), and was succeeded by
a relative, who held the reins of power only three or four years when he was
“removed ” by the Lacedaemonians. *
Theagenes made himself Tyrant in the neighboring city of Megara about
B. C. 630, by espousing the popular cause against the oligarchy, but some twenty
odd years later he was driven from office. Then followed a violent struggle
between the oligarchy and democracy, in which the latter triumphed; but they
grossly abused their power and robbed the rich and confiscated their property.
The expelled nobles returned and restored the oligarchy, but were driven out
a second time; and it required long and hard fighting finally to re-establish the
oligarchy.
These revolutions may serve as illustrative of the general unrest and strife
in the Grecian cities between the Few and Many, which in the fulness of time
were to end in the triumph of the people, or the Many.
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THE TEMPLEs or PERGAMUM
Chapter XIV
THE GREEK COLONIES
º HISTORY of Greece would be incomplete without an
ſºlº account of her colonies, which formed a part of Hellas
- |iº, as much as did Athens and Sparta.
º
tº the main causes of Greek colonization. The parent
Eº city generally not only gave its consent to the planting
vised their migration and settlement. When the colony
had been formed, it was usually considered independent of the
glory of belonging to the same race. It was a shocking thing
for a colony and its mother to go to war, and this very rarely oc-
When our own country was settled it was mainly by bands of
adventurers, scattered over a wide area and forming a union long
beginning. The first step was to found a city and to erect those buildings
necessary in the religious and social life of the Greeks. There were temples
the training of youth, followed in later years by a theatre for dramatic repre-
sentations.
for containing a hill high enough for an acropolis. Since the places thus colo-
nized were generally occupied by others, the Greeks either drove them away or
Civil discord and an overflowing population were
º gº
º º: of such a colony from its inhabitants, but also super-
mother city, though connected by filial affection and the common
curred.
afterward. On the contrary, a Greek colony was an organized body from the
for the gods, a place of public meeting for the citizens, and a gymnasium for
Nearly every colonial city was built on the sea-coast, and a site was looked
made slaves of them, very much after the manner of our ancestors in the case
Greece—Colonies in Asia I 6 I
of the Indians. In some instances they were absorbed by the conquerors, and
in time were admitted to political rights. It must be remembered, too, that
through intermarriages a foreign element was introduced into the population,
whose influence came to be felt more than once to a marked degree.
An interesting fact is to be noted: in most of these colonies democracy
was established before it was adopted in the mother country. Furthermore,
the enterprise of the colonists and their favorable location caused many to sur-
pass in power and prosperity the parent cities from which they sprang. This
was the case with Miletus and Ephesus in Asia, Syracuse and Agrigentum in
Sicily, and Croton and Sybaris in Italy.
The earliest Greek colonies were planted on the western shores of Asia
Minor. They formed three divisions, each named for the section of Greece
with which they claimed kinship. The northern part of the coast was occupied
by the AEolians, the central by the Ionians, and the southern by the Dorians.
Their early history reaches so far back in the past that it is lost in the blur of
the mythical age, but their later developments made them and others so essen-
tial a part of Greece that their record is inseparable.
The Ionic cities, occupying the middle of the district named, displayed the
most commercial enterprise, and soon outstripped in wealth and power their
neighbors to the north and south. Miletus was the most important, and, dur-
ing the seventh and eighth centuries before Christ, it was the leading commer-
cial city of Greece. Its navigators visited all parts of the Mediterranean and
the adjoining seas, and it is said at one time to have had no fewer than eighty
colonies of its own planting, most of which were on the Propontis and the
Euxine. Inasmuch as some of these colonies in turn planted others, the sys-
tem, beginning at the first parent city, suggests the “endless chain " of corre-
spondence.
Ephesus at a later date exceeded Miletus in population and wealth, its
greatness being due to its trade with the interior and its extensive territory,
most of which was obtained at the expense of the Lydians. It was surpassed
by several smaller cities in commercial enterprise. The Phocaeans visited the
coasts of Gaul and Spain and planted several colonies, one of which was Mas-
salia, or Marseilles. -
Coming down to the time of the first Olympiad, we can speak with some
certainty of the colonies in Sicily and Italy, for they were established about
that period. The Campanian Cumae, near Cape Misenum on the Tyrrhenian
Sea, claimed to be the oldest in Italy, the date of its founding, it is said, being
fully a thousand years before the Christian era. It stood alone for a long time,
and for centuries was the most flourishing city in Campania, but in the fifth
century B.C. it was surpassed by Capua.
r r
I 62 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The first Grecian settlement in Sicily was made in B. c. 735. The island
was inhabited by rude tribes, who were easily driven into the interior by the
Greeks. On the western side of the island were most of the Carthaginian set-
tlements, but the exceeding richness of the soil and the ease with which it could
be acquired drew many colonists from different parts of Greece, who lined the
shores with flourishing and successful cities. Syracuse on the eastern coast
contained at one time a population of half a million and was surrounded by
twenty miles of walls. Agrigentum on the western coast was not founded until
a century and a half later, by the Dorians of Gela, which was an offshoot of the
Rhodians and Cretans. Its growth was amazingly rapid. It was famous for
the magnificence of its public buildings, and was called by Pindar “the fairest
of mortal cities.”
With all its grandeur and power it was cursed by one of the most abomina-
ble Tyrants that ever climbed to a throne, and whose rule was parallel in time
with that of Pisistratus and Croesus. This was Phalaris, who roasted alive
in a brazen bull those whom he disliked. This hideous instrument of torture
was in existence for many years after the death of Phalaris. He was engaged
in numerous wars and greatly extended his dominions. Cicero called him the
“most cruel of all Tyrants,” and yet, since he was a patron of literature, some
have thought he did not wholly deserve the general execration in which he was
held.
In 1690 the learned Richard Bentley of England published a masterly “Dis-
sertation upon the Epistles of Phalaris,” in which he clearly proved that the
production, which professed to have been written in the sixth century B.C.,
was the forgery of a period some eight centuries later. Phalaris' diabolical
brutality became intolerable after a time, and the inhabitants put him to death.
The Grecian colonies in Italy were of about the same age as those in Sicily,
which after a time they surpassed. They covered an immense extent of sea-
Coast on the South, reaching from Cumae on the one sea to Tarentum on the
other. Because of their great number and wealth, the south of Italy became
known as Magna Graecia or Greater Greece. The most important event in the
history of this section is the war between Sybaris and Crotona, both cities sit-
uated on the Gulf of Tarentum and of Achaean origin. Sybaris was founded in
B. c. 720 and Crotona ten years later.
For two hundred years they ranked among the most flourishing cities in
Greece. The walls of Sybaris were six miles in extent and those of Crotona
double that, though the former city was the more powerful, for it had greater
territory and a larger number of colonies. Sybaris was one of the richest,
most effeminate, and debauched places in the world, and it is from this fact
that we derive the word “Sybarite.” Crotona, on the other hand, was famous
Greece—Colonies in Italy I 63
for the skill of its physicians and surgeons, and for the number of prizes its
citizens won in the Olympic games, the best proof of their immeasurable supe-
riority over the Sybarites. Its government was an aristocracy, the governing
body being a senate of one thousand citizens. -
There were certain to be dissensions in such a depraved city as Sybaris,
where an insurrection placed a man named Telys at the head of affairs. He
drove several hundred of the oligarchical party into exile. They took refuge in
Crotona, and Telys threatened war unless they were surrendered to him. Cro-
tona was scared because of the superior military power of Sybaris, and would
have yielded to the demand of her neighbor, but for the urgency of Pythago-
ras, who had settled there, and whose soul burned with indignation at the pro-
posed humiliation.
War followed, the force which Sybaris put in the field being more than
double that of the Crotonites, who were led by the famous athlete Milo, and
had the aid of a body of Spartans, under a brother of Cleomenes, who was on
his way to found a colony in Sicily. In the battle the Sybarites were disas-
trously defeated, their city was captured and razed to the ground. Then it
was literally washed from the face of the earth by the turning of a river over
its site (B.C. 5 IO).
Among the other important Greek settlements in the south of Italy were
those of Locri, Rhegium, and Tarentum. The first named was founded in B. C.
683 by a party of Locrian freebooters. To them belongs the distinction of
being the first Hellenic community with a code of written laws, their date
being forty years previous to those of Draco at Athens (B.C. 664). These laws
are said to have been as severe as those of Draco, but they were rigidly obeyed,
since that was the only means of escaping the turbulence of the people which
threatened the country with ruin. -
Rhegium stood on the straits of Messina, opposite Sicily, and was founded
by the Chalcidians, who were afterward joined by many Messenians, driven
thither by the results of the Messenian wars. The Tyrant who succeeded in
becoming the head of the government in B.C. 500 was of Messenian descent.
Tarentum, of which there is more general knowledge, stood at the head of
the gulf of the same name and was founded about B.C. 708. The location was
excellent, it being the only town on the gulf with an absolutely safe harbor.
After the destruction of Sybaris it grew into the most flourishing and powerful
city in Greater Greece, and held that rank until subjugated by the Romans.
With the opening of the fifth century before Christ, the cities of Greater
Greece began to decline, partly because of the aggressiveness of the Samnites
and Lucanians, who pushed forward from Middle Italy toward the south, and
in time deprived the Greek cities of all their inland territory.
I 64 The Story of the Greatest Nations
We have referred to the Grecian settlements in Gaul and Spain. Modern
Marseilles was founded in B.C. 600 by the Ionic Phocaeans, so that this well-
known city is twenty-five hundred years old. It long remained the chief Gre-
cian town west of Italy, and planted five colonies along the eastern coast of
Spain. It possessed an extensive commerce, and its navy was powerful enough
to defeat the attacks of the Carthaginians.
It was about the middle of the seventh century before the Christian era that
the Greeks were allowed for the first time to settle in Egypt and to trade with
that country. The Hellenic colonists also occupied the northern coast of
Africa between Carthage and Egypt. The commerce between the countries
extended the knowledge of the Greeks, and they founded the city of Cyrene on
the African coast about B.C. 630. Standing on the margin of a range of hills,
ten miles inland from the Mediterranean, its site was well chosen. The cli-
mate was healthful and the soil remarkably fertile. Thus favored, Cyrene
grew rapidly in power and importance, as is proven by the extensive remains
which still mark its site. It differed from most of the Grecian colonies in that
it was governed for eight generations by kings, but a democratic form of gov-
ernment was established about B.C. 460. Cyrene was the mother of several
other colonies, of which Barca was the most important.
Of the Grecian colonies on the eastern side of the Ionian Sea in Epirus and
its neighborhood the island of Corcyra (now Corfu) was the richest and most
powerful. It was an offshoot of the Corinthians, and was founded about B. c.
7OO. Corcyra gave a melancholy example of a war between a colony and its
mother country. In this case it was due to jealousy because of the great com-
mercial activity of Corcyra. The naval battle between the two is the most
ancient of which there is a record, it having been fought in B.C. 664. It was
not decisive, and the wrangling went on, notwithstanding which the two joined
in planting four Grecian colonies on the same stretch of coast— Leucas, Anac-
torium, Apollonia, and Epidamnus.
There were many colonies in Macedonia and Thrace, fringing the coast of
the AEgean, the Hellespont, the Propontis, and the Euxine, from the frontier
of Thessaly to the mouth of the Danube. The most important in Thrace was
Byzantium, now Constantinople, founded in B.C. 657. We have related enough
to show the wide diffusion of the Hellenic race for several centuries preceding
the Christian era.
º-
º º
2
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Fººtºººººº Yºº ºt
Socrates Brrone. His JUDGEs
Chapter XV
THE GROWTH OF GREEK LITERATURE AND ART
splendor has been the wonder of all the centuries that
have followed, and whose achievements will be viewed
with admiration to the end of time. There have been
many ingenious theories to explain this amazing devel-
opment of a single race amid a world of comparative
ignorance and darkness. There must have been a
variety of causes, but none perfectly explains the mar-
vel. It seems, as in the case of the Renaissance, that certain epochs
come of themselves, as may be said, in the fulness of time, and the
rest of mankind can only wonder and admire.
The activity and development of the Grecian mind seem to have
begun in the earliest dawn of its history, and continued until the
downfall of its political independence. In order to present this pro-
foundly interesting subject with clearness, we must hold other mat-
ters in abeyance for a time, and pass beyond the dates of many im-
portant political events, leaving them to be treated in the pages that follow.
Repeated references have been made to the gods of the Greeks, and you
need not be reminded that the people were not Christians. They were what is
termed polytheists, that is, they believed in many gods, and in that sense were
idolaters. Their religion, however, had little or none of the sombre supersti-
tions of most of the ancient nations. It was rather a religion of love than of
fear, and they looked upon their gods as personal friends. Their mythology
was luminous with ideal conceptions, which formed the subjects for poets,
artists, and sculptors.
I 66 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The worship of the gods consisted mainly in sacrifices, which were offer-
ings of prayer and thanksgiving, or sin-offerings, and were usually celebrated
by priests either in the open air, on the mountain-tops, in groves and forests,
or in temples, particularly during the celebration of the great national festivals.
Sometimes the offerings were fruits, wine, honey, milk, frankincense, etc., or
animals in great numbers, the last being called hecatombs. Among the other
methods of honoring the gods were short forms of prayer, repeated Standing
with outstretched arms, and solemn processions and religious dances. We have
already learned that the Greeks believed they received divine revelations from
the oracles, the most famous being the one at Delphi.
As you know, Greece comprehended the states and colonies, whose tie was
the common one of race and religion. All these people took an enthusiastic
part in the four great religious festivals—the Olympic, Pythian, Isthmian, and
Nemean Games. -
The Pythian festival was held every ninth, or later every fifth year, near
Delphi, in honor of Apollo. The Isthmian festival received its name from the
fact that it was celebrated on the Isthmus of Corinth, and it was in honor of
Neptune, the god of the sea. The Nemean festival was celebrated at Nemea,
in the Peloponnesus, in honor of Nemean Jupiter.
In these famous contests the struggle was at first for the prize in athletic
exercises, but there were also trials of skill in music and in poetry. The prizes
had no monetary value, being a simple garland of olive or laurel placed on the
victor's head. But the chaplet in one respect had a value beyond a prince's
realm. The name of the victor was proclaimed before the assembled Greeks,
his statue was set up in the sacred grove, and the poets sang his praises. He
was escorted in triumphal procession to his home, where honors and rewards were
showered upon him and fame made his name immortal.
These festivals drew an enormous number of people from all parts of Greece
and lasted for several days. Philip Smith, in his “History of the World,”
says: “In the booths around the plain of Olympia merchants exchanged the
rude wares they had brought from the banks of the Tanais and the Rhone
against the rich products of Asia and Africa; the social and political condition
of the various states of the mother country, of her farthest colonies, and of the
barbarian nations around them, might be compared. Teachers of philosophy
discussed the theories which sprang up in Athens and Italian Greece; sculp-
tors and painters took occasion to exhibit the finest productions of chisel and
brush ; while poets and historians read aloud, in all their freshness, those
immortal works which we only half admire for want of such a hearing. Such
intercourse must have powerfully tended to maintain that intellectual sympathy
which, in the absence of any political union, was the strongest bond of nation-
Greece—The Epics of Homer 167
ality among the sons of Hellas.” No literature of antiquity can compare in
value to that of Greece, which embodies the noblest conceptions of the human
mind. Poetry precedes prose, the oldest poems that have been preserved being
the Iliad and Odyssey of Homer. They are incomparably the finest ever writ-
ten, and “breathe the freshness and charm of the poetic springtime of the
world.” It is a remarkable fact that these immortal epics or narrative poems
belong to colonial and not to continental Greece. Its literature originated in
the Ionian and AEolian cities on the coast of Asia Minor.
It is a strange misfortune that in the case of Homer as of Shakespeare so
little is known of the personality of the master genius. Some have doubted
his existence, the German historians especially reducing him to a mere “sym-
bol,” but the almost unanimous verdict of competent scholars is that he was
an actuality, the internal evidence of the poems themselves pointing to that
fact.
All traditions make Homer an Asiatic Greek, and though many places have
contended for the honor of his birthplace, “through which when living he
begged his bread,” it is generally conceded that Smyrna is the city where he
first saw the light. All that relates to this remarkable man is so interesting
that we quote the following admirable account: -
“The chronology of the Homeric poems, both as respects the great central
event which they celebrate—the Trojan war—and the age of the poet himself,
is doubtful; but it is quite certain that Homer lived considerably before the
recognition of a regularly received record of dates among the Greeks—that is,
before the year B.C. 776, the commencement of the calculation by Olympiads.
The date given by Herodotus for the age of Homer—four hundred years before
his own time, that is, about 850 B.C.—is probable enough ; but considering the
entire want of any reliable foundation for chronology in those early times, we
must seek an accuracy in this matter beyond that which was attained by the
Greeks themselves, and allow a free margin of at least two hundred years from
the time of Solomon (IOOO B.C.) downward, during which the singer of the //iad
and Odyssey may have flourished. To throw him further back than the earliest
of these dates would be inconsistent at once with the historical elements in the
midst of which his poems move, and with the style of the language which he
uses; for this exhibits a luxurious freedom, a rich polish, and an exquisite
euphony, which remove it far from that roughness and clumsiness which is
wont to characterize languages in the earliest stages of literary development.
The Ionic dialect used by Homer is, in fact, a highly cultivated shoot of the
old Hellenic stock, which was in the poet's hands so perfect for the highest
poetical purposes as to have remained the model for the epic style during the
whole period of the poetical literature of the Greeks.
I 68 The Story of the Greatest Nations
“In endeavoring to form a correct estimate of the position of Homer as a
poet, the primary fact from which we must start is, that he was not the epic
poet of a literary age—like Virgil among the Romans, Tasso among the Ital-
ians, or Milton among ourselves—but he was decidedly and characteristically
an aoidos, or minstrel, a character well known to us from our own mediaeval
literature, both in other shapes, and especially as it has been presented to us by
the kindred genius of Sir Walter Scott. -
“That there is an essential and vital generic distinction between the popular
minstrel of an age when books are either not known or little used, and the cul-
tivated poet of an age which rejoices in all sorts of libraries, and possesses a
special class of literary reading, admits of no doubt. The conditions of the
work to be done being different, the work itself cannot possibly be the same.
It is quite certain, however, that the great majority of the critics and transla-
tors of Homer in this country have not recognized this distinction. The con-
equence is, that they strike an entirely false note, and blow the Seraphic trump
of Milton when they should be content to take a plain shepherd's pipe in their
hands. . . . In order to understand Homer, therefore, we must look on him as
the culmination of the minstrel or ballad poetry, in the shape of the minstrel
epos; a grand combination of popular ballad materials and ballad tone, elevated
to the highest pitch of which it is capable, with the architectural form and
structure of the epos. . . .
“The characteristics of Homer's poetry, as the culmination of ballad poetry
and the grand model of the minstrel epos, may be expressed in a very few
words. In the first place, the materials are essentially national, and if not
strictly historical in every detail of decoration, grow, like all ballad poetry, out
of the real life of the people, and rest at least upon an honest historical sub-
stratum. In this view the Iliad is as valuable for the earliest history of the
Hellenic race as Herodotus and Thucydides are for the later periods. But it
is not for the Greeks alone that Homer possesses an important historical value;
he is for all ages an important record of the earliest stages of human society,
second only to the books of Moses, and perhaps some of the very oldest of the
Vedas. The first germs of almost all other arts and sciences afterward culti-
vated by the Greeks and Romans are to be found in Homer. In this view he
was to the Greeks themselves an encyclopedia of their national culture; and,
as embodying the grand features of their polytheistic faith, he is also constantly
quoted by their great writers with all the deference due to a Bible.”
The poet who ranks next to Homer is Hesiod, who was born probably in
the eighth century B.C. at Ascra, in Boeotia. He was a peasant or herdsman,
judging by his references to himself in his poems. He was robbed of his share
of his father's estate by a brother. Nevertheless he prospered, and when the
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1906
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Greece—Elegiac and Lyric Poetry 169
brother, having squandered everything, was compelled to turn to him for aid,
he gave, in his poems, excellent advice to the spendthrift. Let us hope he
accompanied it with more substantial help. He removed afterward to Orcho-
menos, on Lake Copais, where he spent the remainder of his days, and where
in later times his tomb was shown. He and his disciples were the poets of
rural quietude and peaceful pursuits, while Homer was the poet of grand deeds.
Seven poems are ascribed to Hesiod, of which the principal are: “Works and
Days,” “Generation of the Gods,” and “Catalogues of Women.” The first
two are entire, while the famous “Shield of Hercules” is believed by many to
be a remnant of the third.
The epic was the poetry of the kingly age, but when democracy supplanted
monarchy, the “elegy,” meaning emotional poetry, became the favorite form
of expression. The best representative of this school was Tyrtaeus, who was
the lame schoolmaster of whom we learned in the account of the Messenian
war. He was sent to Sparta by the Athenians, who, ignorant of his lyric
power and jealous of their rival, thought thus to comply literally with the com-
mand of an oracle, while disobeying it in spirit. Tyrtaeus lived to see the
remarkable success of his stirring poems, which did more for Sparta than any
military genius could have accomplished.
Another writer of noble elegies was Simonides, born in the island of Ceos,
in the year 556 B.C., and educated with a view of making music and poetry his
profession. You will remember that he is credited with originating four of the
letters of our alphabet. Hipparchus, by means of large rewards, induced him
to reside in Athens. It must have been subsequent to the expulsion of Hippias
that he made his home in Thessaly, but he returned to Athens after the inva-
sion of Greece by the Persians, and used his poetic powers in the composition
of elegies, epigrams, dirges, etc. He won the prize relating to the battle of
Marathon from his rival AEschylus, and “made a record,” as may be said, when
at the age of eighty years he gained his fifty-sixth prize in a poetical contest
at Athens. He died at the court of Hiero of Syracuse at the age of ninety. It
is of him that the story is told that, being asked by Hiero what was the nature
of God, he requested a day to consider his answer. The next day he asked for
two days more, and so continued without answering, always doubling the time
of delay, until Hiero demanded why. He answered, “Because the longer I re-
flect on the subject, the more unsolvable does it appear to be.”
Now came the development of lyric poetry, whose chief feature was its con-
nection with vocal or instrumental music, accompanied also at times with danc-
ing. Sappho was the chief representative of the AEolian School of lyric poetry,
and was born at Mitylene in Lesbos. She lost her father when six years old,
and was a contemporary and friend of Alcaeus. She fled from Mitylene to some
17o The Story of the Greatest Nations
place of refuge in Sicily, because of political trouble, between the years 604
and 592 B.C. Her celebrated plunge from the Leucadian rock, on finding her
love for Phaon unreturned, is probably a fiction of later times. She is supposed
to have been the centre of a literary coterie at Mitylene, all women, and most
of them her pupils. That she possessed great genius Cannot be denied, as is
proven in her beautiful ode to Aphrodite, and no one can fail to regret that of
her nine books of poems only the fragments have been preserved to us. Hardly
second to Sappho as lyric poets were Alcaeus, Anacreon, and Pindar. Alcaeus
called Sappho the “violet-crowned, pure, sweetly smiling Sappho.” Pindar,
born in Boeotia 522 B.C., was the leader of the Doric school of lyrists, and the
Greeks esteemed him the most sublime of their lyric poets.
The drama, the highest form of Greek literature, arose in Athens in the
fifth century B.C., reaching its full development at the hands of Æschylus,
Sophocles, and Euripides. The first is ranked as the father of Greek tragedy,
and was born at Eleusis in Attica in 525 B.C. He fought in the battles of Mar-
athon, Salamis, and Plataea, and was given special honor for his martial bra-
very. He is believed to have been the author of more than seventy tragedies,
but only seven have been preserved to us—“Prometheus Bound,” the “Seven
Against Thebes,” the “Persians,” “Agamemnon,” the “Choēphorae,” “Eumen-
ides,” and the “Suppliants.” For some uncertain cause AEschylus left his na-
tive city and went to Sicily, where he died at Gela, in 456 B.C., and the inhabi-
tants raised a monument to his memory.
Sophocles was born near Athens probably in 495 B.C. He was carefully
educated, was remarkably handsome in appearance, and because of his skill in
poetry and music was selected to lead with dance and the lyre, after the victory
at Salamis, the chorus of youths in a triumphal paean of his own composition.
His first play was exhibited when he was in his twenty-eighth year, and previ-
ous to that, in a contest with rival scenic writers, one of whom was AEschylus,
he gained the first prize. He was reputed to be the author of one hundred and
thirty plays, but seventeen are believed to be spurious. He gained the first
tragic prize twenty times, often against the most distinguished competitors, and
died at the age of ninety, full of honors. The tragedy generally ranked as his
greatest is the “CEdipus Tyrannus.” Several of his other plays are also based
on the story of CEdipus, the legendary king of Thebes. We are told that in his
old age his heirs appealed to the legal authorities to be allowed to manage his
estate, claiming that he had sunk into senility. For answer he wrote and read
to the judges another tragedy, “CEdipus at Colonus,” in which he depicted
CEdipus as an old man seeking refuge from his misfortunes at Colonus, the
native town of Sophocles. The laments of the aged and forsaken king thrown
on the charity of strangers were the cries of Sophocles himself; and the judges,
Greece—The Great Dramatic Poets 171
promptly dismissing the charge, escorted him in a triumphant procession to his
home.
Euripides, the latest of the three great Greek tragedians, fifteen years
younger than Sophocles, was born at Salamis 480 B.C., on the very day of the
glorious victory of the Greeks over the Persians near that island. He first
studied painting, then philosophy, then rhetoric, and was a firm friend through
life of Socrates. The first play of Euripides that was performed was the “Ple.
iades,” in 456 B.C. He gained the prize for tragedy in 44 I B.C., and contin-
ued to write for the Athenian stage for more than thirty years. In 408 B.C.
he accepted an invitation to the court of the king of Macedonia, and is believed
to have been killed two years later by dogs, which were set upon him by two
envious poets, jealous of his fame. The plays of Euripides have been reckoned
as high as ninety-two in number. Concerning him Schlegel remarks: “Of few
authors can so much good and evil be predicated with equal truth. He was a
man of infinite talent, skilled in the most varied intellectual arts; but,
although abounding in brilliant and amiable qualities, he wanted the sublime
earnestness and artistic skill which we revere in AEschylus and Sophocles. He
aspires only to please, no matter by what means. For this reason he is so
frequently unequal to himself, producing at times passages of exquisite beauty
and frequently sinking into positive vulgarity.”
The greatest master of Greek comedy was Aristophanes, born in Athens
444 B.C.. His first appearance as a comic writer was in 427 B.C., when he pro-
duced the “Banqueters,” which received the second prize. It ridiculed the
follies of extravagance, and like all his works displayed a contempt for modern
life and an admiration for the manners of former generations. His “Babylo-
nians,” produced the next year, satirized Cleon so savagely that he tried to
deprive the author of the rights of citizenship, by asserting that he was not an
Athenian by birth. In 425 B.C., Aristophanes won the first prize by a brilliant
attempt to show the utter folly of the war then raging between Athens and
Sparta. The finest of his comedies were the “Clouds” and the “Knights.”
They overflow with the author's rich fancy, wit, humor, satire, and keen insight,
which distinguish all of his productions. The “Wasps,” “Peace,” the “Frogs,”
and the “Birds” also show splendid cleverness and ability. He produced fifty-
four comedies, of which eleven have been preserved.
It is worth noting in this place that Greek tragedy bore little resemblance
to the modern drama. The former dealt with the gods and heroes of mythol-
ogy, and the author was bound to obey the rules of unity of time and space.
The plot had to be confined to one place, and the period spanned by the inci-
dents could not exceed that occupied by the representation. There was no
“between the first and second acts three years (more or less) are supposed to
172 The Story of the Greatest Nations
have elapsed,” as you now often see on the programme of a play. When it
was necessary to exceed the limit of two or three hours, the excess was narrated
instead of being acted. Much of the story of the play was told by the chorus.
At first there was only one actor who spoke separately. AEschylus increased
this number to two and Sophocles to three. The number of individual actors
in Greek tragedy never properly exceeded this.
Down to the close of the seventh century before Christ, literary renown
in Greece was confined to the poets, but during the following century there
arose in different parts of the country a number of men known as the Seven
Sages, who became noted for their wise sayings or proverbs, which are often
quoted even in these days. The most famous were Solon, Thales, Pittacus,
Periander, Cleobolus, Chilo, and Bias. To them are attributed the inscriptions
afterward placed on the Delphian temple: “Know thyself,” “Know thy oppor-
tunity,” “Suretyship is the precursor of ruin,” etc. It was Pittacus, the saga-
cious and virtuous ruler of Mitylene, who said, “The greatest blessing which’
a man can enjoy is the power of doing good,” “The most Sagacious man is he
who foresees the approach of misfortune,” “The bravest man is he who knows
how to bear it,” “Victory should never be stained with blood,” and “Pardon is
often a more effectual check to crime than punishment.”
Cleobolus, the Tyrant of Lindus, in the island of Rhodes, uttered many
wise sayings. One was, “A man should never leave his dwelling without
considering well what he was about to do,” and that “It is folly in a husband
either to fondle or reprove his wife in company.”
When Chilo of Sparta was asked the three most difficult things for a man
to do, he replied: “To keep a secret, to forgive injuries, and to make a profit-
able use of leisure time.” Bias of Ionia saw the Persian conquest of the Ionian
cities. He declared: “The most unfortunate of all men is the man who
knows not how to bear misfortune"; “A man should be slow in making up
his mind, but swift in executing his decisions"; “A man should temper his
love for his friends by the reflection that they might some day become his ene-
mies, and moderate his hatred of his enemies by the reflection that they might
Some day become his friends.” One of the keenest expressions he ever uttered
was when he was overtaken in a storm with a wicked crew, who broke into wild
prayers for their safety: “Be silent, lest the gods discover that you are at sea.”
Turning to prose literature, the “Father of History” was Herodotus, an
Ionian Greek born in Halicarnassus, in Asia Minor, in 484 B.C. You will
remember his stories of Egypt and Babylon. He travelled extensively and was
a keen observer, but there is reason to fear that he was unduly credulous at times
and accepted as truth that which was invention on the part of the narrator. His
Contributions, nevertheless, are highly valuable, and it is a striking fact that
Greece—Prose Literature 173
many statements of Herodotus, which were the most generally questioned, have
been proven by investigation during the last few years to be true. It has
taken a long time to vindicate his memory. His style is winning, and he will
always be read because of that charm, aside from the interest one naturally feels
in the statements made by an historian who lived so many years ago. A pleas-
ing picture of those remote times is that of Herodotus reading his historical
works to the assembled Greeks.
Thucydides was born at Athens in 47 I B.C. and was the most philosophic
historian of ancient Greece. Posterity has preserved a uniformly favorable
estimate of his history of the Peloponnesian war, due mainly to its strict impar-
tiality, its honesty, the brilliant force of his style, which often in a few vivid
words gives the results of months of investigation, his graphic picture of the
plague in Athens (from which he suffered himself, though he afterward recov-
ered), and his profound insight into the motives of men. Xenophon lived at
the same time with Thucydides, and had an easy and flowing style, while suc-
ceeding him were Polybius, living in the second century, and Diodorus in the
first century B. C.
Oratory or eloquence reached a high development in early Greece. The
style of Pericles was so sublime that he was called “the Olympian.” In the
contest between Æschines and Demosthenes, political oratory attained its loft-
iest height. The occasion of this memorable debate will be told in its proper
place.
The Greeks may have originated the telling of fables. The honor of invent-
ing this witty and useful form of literature is generally attributed to AEsop, a
Greek slave of the sixth century B.C. Tradition represents him as a hunchback,
strangely deformed and ugly, and a slave. He was sold from master to master,
his intellect making him everywhere a power, until finally he was given his
freedom in recognition of his great ability. He then travelled widely, but
finally settled at the court of that Croesus whom Cyrus of Persia conquered.
Croesus raised him to high honor, and in the end sent him, with a large sum of
treasure, on a mission to the Delphic oracle. This caused his death, for he got
into some quarrel with the Delphians over the money, and was hurled from a
precipice by the angry mob.
AEsop did not write books; he only told clever little stories, back of which
there always lay a moral, a hint which could be applied to whatever subject
was being discussed. It was only in after-ages that these fables were written
down; and whether they were really the ones AEsop told or only imitations of
them, or whether he really ever told any at all, it is now impossible to say.
But, rightly or wrongly, AEsop will always stand for us as the little, deformed
inventor of the fable.
I 74 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Philosophy also, if it did not originate with the Greeks, was certainly vastly
improved by them. Their deep and earnest thinkers paved the way for the
broader and nobler thought of Christianity. The doctrines of their greatest
philosopher, Aristotle, were followed with absolute faith by students for nearly
two thousand years, and are still held in high reverence. -
The earliest of these famous philosophers of whom we have any definite
record is Thales of Miletus in Asia Minor, the founder of the Ionic school.
He lived during the seventh century B. C., and much of his wisdom is said to
have been gained from the Egyptians. To him are traced the beginnings of
geometry and astronomy. In his system it was taught that water or fluid sub-
stance is the single original element from which everything came and to
which it returns. His successor was Anaximander, who was born in 6 IO B.C.
and died in 547. He had a remarkable knowledge of geography and astronomy
for those days, and is credited with the invention of the sun-dial.
Anaximenes was the third in the list of Ionian philosophers. Like Thales
he derived all things from a single original element and made air the source of
life, while Heraclitus of Ephesus regarded fire or heat as the primary form of
all material things, a belief held by other philosophers of the same school.
The greatest of the Ionic philosophers, however, was Anaxagoras of Clazo-
menae, who was born in 499 B.C. He came to Athens when not quite twenty
years of age, and resigned his wealth that he might give his entire time to
philosophy. For thirty years he taught at Athens, and among his hearers were
Pericles, Socrates, and Euripides. He threw aside the system of those who
had preceded him and caught a glimmering of truth itself by regarding a
Supreme mind or intelligence, Outside of the visible world, as that which had
imparted form and order to the chaos of nature. He was charged with impiety,
and would have been put to death but for the influence and eloquence of Peri-
cles. As it was, he was sentenced to pay a heavy fine and compelled to leave
Athens, dying at Lampsacus at an advanced age.
The second school of Greek philosophy was called the Eleatic, and was
founded by Xenophanes of Colophon, who, when his native land was conquered
by the Persians, fled to Elea, from which place the name of the philosophy is
derived. He declared the whole of nature to be God, and boldly denounced
Homer's description of the gods. He won many disciples, and his system was
developed in the next century by Parmenides and Zeno.
Pythagoras, of whom mention has been made, was the founder of the third
School of philosophy, which included the idea of the passage of the soul through
different bodies. He was born in Samos about B. c. 580, and was the son of a
wealthy merchant. He travelled extensively and pondered the teachings of
Thales, Anaximander, and others. He believed in the transmigration of souls
Greece—Philosophy of Pythagoras 175
and possessed an unusual knowledge of arithmetic and geometry. He was
profoundly religious, and, as a teacher rather than a philosopher, was held in
the highest veneration. When he returned to Samos in middle life, he was
strongly convinced that his mission was to reveal a new and purer mode of life
to his fellow-men. His native country at that time was under the rule of the
Tyrant Polycrates and unfavorable for his work, because of which he made his
home in Crotona in Italy, where he attained great success in his missionary
labors. Among his pupils was a beautiful maiden, Theano, said to be the first
woman who achieved distinction in philosophy. Perhaps it was her powers of
mind which attracted Pythagoras, or perhaps he was won, as lesser men have
been, by a fair face and a sweet manner; any way the maid became his bride,
and in time another Theano, their daughter, also achieved distinction in her
father's school. He founded a religious brotherhood, which because of its
Secrecy, system of initiation and pass-words, and its charitable nature, must
have resembled the modern Free Masons. It was based upon noble principles,
and most of the members belonged to the wealthy and leading classes. His
doctrines spread over Greater Greece, and clubs like those named were formed
in the principal cities. Although Pythagoras did not aim at political power,
the very character of his followers made them influential, and he himself
acquired powerful influence. The immense order of which he was the head
obeyed him implicitly and exerted its strength in favor of the oligarchical
party. Because of this, its Secrecy and vast might, a reaction set in, and it
was bitterly denounced.
We have learned of the conquest and destruction of Sybaris by Crotona in
5 IO B. C. Pythagoras, as you know, was in Crotona, and it was he whose burn-
ing eloquence led the people to defy the threats of the debauched city. Milo,
the commander of the Crotonian army, was a member of the Pythagorean
brotherhood. At the close of the war, the aristocrats strongly opposed the
attempts of the common people to gain a share in the government of Crotona,
and refused to divide among them the conquered property. This caused a
revolution and the establishment of a democratical form of government in Cro-
tona. Much violence accompanied the uprising, during which many Pythago-
reans were killed, and finally the order was suppressed; but the Pythagoreans
continued to live as a philosophical sect, and Pythagoras himself is believed to
have died at Metapontum. •%
Let us come still further “down the corridors of time,” to the period of
Socrates, one of the wisest and greatest men the world ever knew. He was
born at Athens in the year 469 B.C., and did not teach any special philosophy,
but aimed to break down prejudices, to show people their mistakes, and to
impress upon them the existence of the great necessary truths—of the good,
176 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the true, and the beautiful. He loved Athens to that degree that he never
left it except to serve on the battle-field. He was of so religious a nature that
he claimed to be guided in all his actions by a divine voice. A sculptor by
trade, he accepted only the most meagre pittance in the way of wages, and
spent his time in talking with whoever would listen to him. He would accept
no fee for his instruction (though he always insisted that he was the most igno,
rant member of the company), and mingled with the rich and poor until he had
gathered around him a band of disciples who shaped the philosophy of the fol-
lowing century. Socrates wrote nothing himself, nor did he try to frame any
system of ethics or to teach any regular course. His great power lay in con-
versation. By a series of skilful and subtle questions he would lead the discus-
sion along till his opponent was hopelessly entangled, and then, while insisting
upon his own ignorance, would stimulate his listener to lay a sure foundation
of knowledge and virtue. Among his most famous pupils was Alcibiades, who
acted so prominent a part in the subsequent history of Greece. Socrates
gained great influence over him, but was unable to restrain his love of luxury
or dissipation. We are indebted to Xenophon, one of his most attentive lis-
teners, for a picture of the wonderful man, as he was seen in the market-place
at Athens, or at a barber shop, or in the house of a friend, day by day, asking
questions and tearing to shreds the answers he received. Plato, one of his
disciples, made the conversations of Socrates the basis of his “Dialogues.”
Xenophon says the philosopher could pass from his severe cross-examining
method, with its humiliating shock of convicted ignorance, and address to his
hearers plain and homely precepts inculcating self-control, temperance, piety,
duty to parents, brotherly love, and all the virtues. He maintained that virtue
consisted in knowledge. To do right was the only road to happiness; and
since every man sought to be happy, vice could arise only from ignorance or
mistake as to the means; hence the right corrective was an enlarged teaching of
the consequences of actions.
In the year 399 B.C., the Athenian magistrates pronounced Socrates guilty
of not worshipping the gods whom the city worshipped, and of corrupting
youth, and he was condemned to death. The interval of thirty days between
his sentence and execution was spent by him in cheerful converse with his
friends. He had not the slightest anxiety on account of his approaching end,
and on the last day occurred his conversation on the immortality of the soul,
referred to in the Platonic dialogue called “Phaedon.” Then he calmly drank
the poisonous cup of hemlock given him, and passed away with the serene
dignity becoming his past life and teachings.
Grote says: “There can be no doubt that the individual influence of Soc-
rates permanently enlarged the horizon, improved the method, and multiplied
Greece—Socrates and Aristotle 177
the ascendant minds of the Grecian speculative world in a manner never since
paralleled. Subsequent philosophers may have had a more elaborate doctrine
and a larger number of disciples who imbibed their ideas; but none of them
applied the same stimulating method with the same efficacy; none of them
struck out of other minds that fire which sets light to original thought.”
Plato, born in Athens in 429 B.C., was the founder of the Academic school,
thus named from the groves of Academus, near Athens, where he gave his lec-
tures. His works remain in the form of his “Dialogues,” in which Socrates is
represented as the chief speaker; but the philosophy is Plato's own. Its nature
is lofty, and, as Swinton states, the Platonic doctrines had a powerful influence
on the human mind, and are the high-water mark of spirituality in the ancient
world.
Aristotle was born at the Grecian colonial town of Stagira in the year 384
B. C., and studied medicine, but abandoned it and aimed at the cultivation of
universal knowledge for its own sake. In this he attained a distinction never
equalled by any man. He came to Athens in his eighteenth year, for it was
then the intellectual centre of Greece and of the civilized world. He devoted
three years to study, and when Plato returned from Syracuse he became his
pupil, and quickly impressed the philosopher by the astonishing reach and
grasp of his intellect. He remained at Athens for twenty years, during which
he set up a school of rhetoric, thus making himself the rival of the celebrated
orator and rhetorical teacher Isocrates, whose methods he severely criticised.
Upon the death of Plato Aristotle left Athens, having failed to succeed his
master as chief of the Academy, as the school was called, though no man was
so well qualified as he for the station. Aristotle, now in his thirty-seventh
year, made his home in the Mysian town of Atarneus, in Asia Minor, where he
lived with Hermeias, a former pupil, who had conquered his dominion for him-
self from the Persians, at that time masters of nearly all Asia Minor. Through
treachery a Persian officer arrested Hermeias and put him to death, whereupon
Aristotle took refuge in Mitylene, taking with him the sister of Hermeias,
whom he married. She died soon after in Macedonia, and at the end of two
years he accepted an invitation from Philip of Macedon to become the instruc-
tor of his son Alexander, then in his fourteenth year. He was his teacher for
three years, during which master and pupil formed a strong attachment for each
other, turned later into bitter enmity on the part of Alexander the Great.
The two parted company when Alexander was about to invade Asia in 334 B.C.,
and Aristotle returned to Athens, where at the age of fifty he entered upon the
final epoch of his life. He opened a school called the “Lyceum,” and from
his practice of walking up and down in the garden the School acquired the
other name of Peripatetic, a word in common use in these times.
I 2
178 The Story of the Greatest Nations
He was thus engaged for a period of twelve years, when his enemies prepared
an accusation of impiety against him. Aristotle had not forgotten the fate of
Socrates, and prudently fled to Chalcis in Euboea in 322 B.C., where he died
the same year from chronic dyspepsia.
Without attempting to analyze the philosophy of Aristotle, it may be said
that it was the most logical and scientific of all the systems of Greece. Quot-
ing again from Grote: “What was begun by Socrates, and improved by Plato,
was embodied as a part of a comprehensive system of formal logic by the genius
of Aristotle; a system which not only was of extraordinary value in reference
to the processes and controversies of its time, but which also, having become
insensibly worked into the minds of instructed men, has contributed much to
form what is correct in the habits of modern thinking. Though it has now
been enlarged and recast by some modern authors (especially by Mr. John Stu-
art Mill in his admirable ‘System of Logic') into a structure commensurate
with the vast increase of knowledge and extension of positive method belong-
ing to the present day, we must recollect that the distance between the best
modern logic and that of Aristotle is hardly as great as that between Aristotle
and those who preceded him by a century—Empedocles, Anaxagoras, and the
Pythagoreans; and that the movement in advance of these latter commences
with Socrates.”
It was Aristotle who first gave form to the deductive system of reasoning,
which, beginning with abstract principles, seeks to reach the truth by reasoning
downward. This system was accepted for two thousand years, when it was
supplanted by the inductive system, which reasons upward from facts to general
laws. *
In closing this fragmentary glance at the literary era of Greece, the question
arises as to whether we are not inclined to give too much credit to the ancients
as compared with the moderns. The distance of time throws a halo around
many of those heroes and their achievements, great as they were; but nearly all
have been equalled, and in numerous cases surpassed, by the moderns. Homer
in some respects was inferior to Shakespeare; no warrior of antiquity possessed
the genius of Napoleon Bonaparte, and who can be made to believe that Demos-
thenes was more eloquent than our own Daniel Webster, or others whose names
readily occur to us? Conceding all this, however, the early Greeks have never
been approached, and can never be surpassed, in some other attainments, for
the very good reason that they reached perfection. It is of those marvellous
accomplishments that we shall now speak.
The fine arts are generally classed as four in number—music, painting, sculp-
ture, and architecture. Just what artistic height the Greeks reached in the
first two of these we cannot be sure. They are perishable arts; and the frag-
Greece—Orders of Architecture 179
ments which have survived from them are of too slight and vague a character to
supply us much positive information. Sculpture and architecture, however,
express themselves mainly through the more lasting medium of stone. The
remains of Grecian triumphs in these two arts are fairly numerous; and we are
enabled to say positively that no other nation has ever approached the Greeks in
the appreciation of beauty as expressed in statues and buildings. It is not that
one man among them was great. They were a nation of beauty lovers, a nation
of artists.
In Greece, as nearly everywhere else, architecture was mainly indebted to
religion for its development. The most important buildings, therefore, were
the temples of the gods; and we find the architecture following different lines,
according to the differing religions and national character of the various
branches of the race. Thus the Grecian temple developed in three forms—the
Doric, the Ionic, and the Corinthian. The first is the most ancient and derives
its name from the characteristics of the Dorians. It is simple, massive, and
majestic. The column is without a base and thick. The shaft rapidly dimin-
ishes in thickness, with a capital that is simple and massive. The entablature
or portion which rests upon the top of the column is divided into the architrave
immediately above the column, the frieze or central space, and the cornice,
which consists of the upper projecting mouldings. In the Doric the architrave
is in one surface and is quite plain.
The Ionic order is distinguished for its gracefulness and by a richer style
of ornament. It had its origin in the Greek cities of Ionia in Asia Minor,
where the luxury of the Persians had enriched, and perhaps injured, the sim-
plicity of the Grecian mind. The shaft is more slender than the Doric and
rests upon a base. The capital is adorned by spiral volutes, and the architrave
is in three faces, one slightly projecting beyond the other, The most famous
example of this order was the temple of Diana at Ephesus, burned on the night
that Alexander the Great was born, by Herostratus, and rebuilt in more mag-
nificent form in the Roman age. It was 425 feet long and 22O feet wide.
English explorers have left scarcely a fragment to show where it stood.
The Corinthian order is a later form of the Ionic, and was the highest and
most richly ornamented of the Grecian orders. It is distinguished by its beau-
tiful capital. It arose only as Grecian liberty was declining, the earliest known
example being the monument of Lysicrates, or Lantern of Demosthenes, built
about 335 B.C. It was employed in temples dedicated to Venus, Flora, and the
nymphs of the fountains, because of the delicacy and beauty of the flowers and
foliage which form a marked feature of the Order.
The immortal illustration of the Doric order of architecture is the Parthe-
non, or “House of the Virgin,” dedicated to Minerva. It crowned the Acrop-
I 8o The Story of the Greatest Nations
olis at Athens and was built of pure white marble. Ferguson, in his “History
of Architecture,” says of this structure: “In its own class it is undoubtedly
the most beautiful building in the world. It is true it.has neither the dimen-
sions nor the wondrous expression of power and eternity inherent in Egyptian
temples, nor has it the variety and poetry of the Gothic cathedral; but for intel-
lectual beauty, for perfection of proportion, for beauty of detail, and for the
exquisite perception of the highest and most recondite principles of art applied
to architecture, it stands utterly and entirely alone and unrivaled—the glory of
Greece, and the shame of the rest of the world.”
The architects of the Parthenon were Ictinus and Callicrates, but the general
superintendence of its construction was under the master-genius of Athenian art,
Phidias. It stood on a rustic basement of ordinary limestone, and was sixty-
six feet in height to the top of the pediment. It consisted of a cella (the part
inclosed within the walls, as distinguished from the open porticoes), sur-
rounded by a peristyle (range of columns), which had eight columns at each
front and seventeen at each side (counting the corner columns twice), so that
the whole number of columns was forty-six. They were thirty-four feet high
and six feet two inches in diameter at the base. The building was adorned
with the most perfect sculptures, executed by different artists under the direc-
tion of Phidias. The wonder and masterpiece of them all, however, was the
statue of the Virgin Goddess within the temple. This came from the matchless
hand of Phidias himself. It was forty feet in height, and represented the god-
dess standing, clothed with a tunic reaching to her feet, with a spear in her left
hand and an image of Victory in her right. She wore a helmet and breast plate,
and her shield rested on the ground at her side. The eyes were made of a
marble resembling ivory, and it is probable were painted to show the iris and
pupil. Phidias used ivory instead of marble for the face, hands and feet, and
the parts that were uncovered, and instead of employing real drapery, as was
the custom, he supplied its place with robes and other ornaments of solid gold.
The gold in the statue weighed more than a ton, but could be removed at
pleasure.
The Acropolis held other works of art, which combined to make it the most
notable spot in Greece. In addition to the Parthenon there were other beauti-
ful temples to other gods. Minerva, however, or Pallas Athene as the Athe-
nians themselves called her, was their principal goddess, the patron of their
city, and the centre of their worship. The most prominent object on the
Acropolis was a gigantic bronze statue of her, seventy feet high, towering in
air like a church steeple. This statue was the pride of the city; it could be
seen over all the buildings and was a landmark for sailors far out at Sea.
Another great statue by Phidias was that of Jupiter in the temple at Olym-
Greece—Sculpture of Phidias I 81
pus in Elis. It was composed of gold and ivory, and the figure though seated
was sixty feet in height. The great, calm brow and clustering hair were sug-
gested to Phidias by the description of the deity in Homer. All the Greeks
saw the statue when they gathered for the Olympian games; and it is said that
its grandeur gave them a new and deeper idea of the splendor of the gods, and
added to the force and dignity of Greek religion.
The discovery of certain mechanical processes in the use and application of
metals, early in the sixth century before Christ had given an impulse to sculp-
ture. Dipoenus and Scyllis of Crete (580 B.C.) were the first sculptors who
became famous for their statues in marble. They founded a school in Sicyon,
while others scarcely less distinguished were at Samos, Chios, AEgina, and
Argos. There was a greater display of ingenuity which showed itself in the
representations of the gods as well as of national heroes. Those most worthy
of notice still extant are the reliefs in the metopes (spaces on the Doric frieze),
of the temple of Selinus, the statues on the pediments of the temple of AEgina,
and the reliefs on the monument of Xanthus in Lycia. Most of the friezes
from the Parthenon are in the British Museum, and two of the statues from the
pediments of the temple of AEgina are in the collection at Munich. They
were restored by Thorwaldsen, and represent Minerva leading the AEginetan
heroes in the war against the Trojans. The reliefs on the monument of Xan-
thus were probably executed about the same time. Most of the sculptures
taken by Lord Elgin from the Parthenon are broken and mutilated, but enough
remains to display the perfection of grace, loveliness, beauty, and majesty.
As I have stated, it is impossible to give a comprehensive history of the
marvellous achievements of the Greeks in sculpture, without passing far beyond
events which in chronological order precede them. Having given a mere
glimpse of that wonderland, we will return to the fascinating subject later, but
it will be interesting in this place to speak of Greek manners, life, and social
customs; or, in other words, to take a look at the people in their homes.
Their dress was simple, and they made scant display of ornaments. The
dress of the men and women was nearly alike. At first, the flowing garments
were generally made of wool and linen, and later of cotton. The women wore
no coverings for their heads, and the only men who used hats were certain kinds
of workmen and those who went on travels. When in the house, all walked
about barefooted, but out of doors they used sandals, shoes, and sometimes what
we would call boots.
They ate three meals a day, reclining on couches, but never with a table-
cloth or napkins. Forks are a comparatively modern invention, and in those
remote days knives were unknown. The fingers had to serve the purposes of
both, but the diners washed their hands before and after meals, and certainly
182 The Story of the Greatest Nations
they must have needed it at the conclusion of every meal. The principal food
of the common people was dried fish, barley, bread, and dates.
The wealthier classes had many luxuries in the way of food and drink.
When dinner was over, the host and guests drank many goblets of wine mixed
with hot or cold water, during which there were lively conversation, music,
dancing, and other amusements. This was known as the symposium.
Schools, as we think of them, were unknown, yet all the boys (though not
the girls) attended instruction, and their course of study consisted of grammar,
music, and gymnastics. Under the term “grammar” were included the pri-
mary branches of education, and under “music” the intellectual accomplish-
ments. Perhaps the most important feature was the gymnasium, where the
youths practised wrestling, boxing, running, and every sort of exercise calcu-
lated to make their bodies strong and supple. You can understand that this
was an important part of their training for the Olympic games. The man who
had charge of the youths was the grammatistes or grammarian.
Women always held a much lower station than the men, though their rank
was comparatively high during the Homeric period. It was said of the hus-
band that he treated his wife like a faithful slave, “something better than his
dog, a little dearer than his horse.” A woman's education was “finished ”
when she knew how to manage the female slaves and the household, and look
after the bodily wants of the children. Her life was secluded and narrow, and
so remained, until Christianity raised her to the rank and beneficent influence
for which the Creator intended her.
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MoUNT OLYMPUs And The WALE or Tempº
Chapter XVI
M A R A T H O N
Greece. We have learned in our study of Persia of the
rise of that monarchy, whose might for a time threatened
to overshadow the world. This immense kingdom was
founded by Cyrus, extended by Cambyses, and welded
and consolidated by Darius. Croesus, king of Lydia,
had succeeded in conquering the Greek cities on the
coast of Asia Minor, after which he himself was subju-
gated by Cyrus; in this manner the Greek cities named came under
the dominion of Persia.
It may be well to recall that Darius in consolidating his empire
divided his vast dominions into twenty provinces, and fixed the tri-
bute they were to pay to the royal treasury. Each province was
ruled by a satrap or governor, and Darius was the first Persian king
who coined money. His ambition and the aggressiveness of his
people would not allow him to rest satisfied with the boundaries of
his vast possessions. He determined to attack Scythia in Europe, on the wide
plain between the Danube and the Don, peopled by a numerous body of fierce
savage tribes. Accordingly, he collected an immense army and fleet. His
ships were ordered to sail up the Danube and to throw a bridge of boats across
the river, while his army marched through Thrace, crossed the Danube by
this bridge, after which the fleet was to break down the structure and follow
the army to Scythia. Reminded, however, of thus destroying the means of
retreating, he told the Asiatic Greeks, in whose care he left it, to hold it intact
184 The Story of the Greatest Nations
for sixty days. If he did not return at the end of that time, they could break
down the bridge and sail home. Then he marched away.
The sixty days and more came and went without bringing any signs of the
Persian army. Instead, a body of Scythians appeared, with news that Darius
had been defeated and was in full flight before the Scythians, who would
destroy him and his army if the bridge failed them. They vehemently urged
the Greeks to seize this chance of annihilating the Persian host and recovering
their own liberty, by breaking down the structure. Many were inclined to
act upon this counsel, but it was not done, and finally Darius arrived with his
weary army and safely crossed the network of boats.
The failure of this expedition did not cause Darius to abandon his plans of
conquest. Although returning to Sardis himself, he left an army of eighty
thousand under Megabazus, to subjugate Thrace and the Greek cities upon the
Hellespont. Megabazus completed the task with little difficulty. After sub-
duing the Thracians he crossed the Strymon and pressed his way as far as the
borders of Macedonia, into which he sent heralds to demand earth and water
as a sign of submission. These were granted, and thus in 5 IO B.C. the Persian
dominions were extended to the frontiers of Thessaly.
Several years of profound peace followed, and then a tiny flame was kindled,
which spread into a conflagration whose glare crimsoned the skies of Greece and
Asia. It was about the year 502 B.C., that an uprising took place on the Greek
island of Naxos, one of the most important of the Cyclades, and the oligarchical
party were driven from the island. They applied for help to Aristagoras, Tyrant
of Miletus, the leading Ionian city in Asia, and he gladly gave it, knowing that
if the exiles were restored he would become master of the island. But Arista-
goras speedily found he was not strong enough to carry out this plan, and he
went to Sardis to secure in turn the aid of Artaphernes, the Persian satrap of
Asia Minor, who was shown that he would be able to annex not only Naxos but
the rest of the Cyclades, and even the important island of Euboea. When
Aristagoras assured the satrap that failure was impossible, that he needed only
two hundred ships with their forces, and that he himself would defray all the
expenses, it is no wonder that Artaphernes did as he wished.
Everything being ready, the Naxian exiles were taken on board and Aris-
tagoras sailed toward the Hellespont. The incidents which followed were
curious and interesting. Reaching Chios, Aristagoras dropped anchor off the
western coast, meaning, as soon as a fair wind arose, to Sail across to Naxos.
The Persian general, like a prudent commander, made a personal examination
of his fleet to assure himself that all was in readiness. He was enraged to find
one of the vessels without a single man on board. He ordered the captain of
the ship to be brought before him, and then commanded him to be put in chains
Greece—Ionian Revolt Against Persia 185
with his head thrust through one of the port-holes of his own vessel. Now it
so happened that this captain was a valued friend of Aristagoras, who immedi-
ately set him free and warned the Persian general that his rank was subordinate
to his own. Naturally the Persian was not soothed by this treatment, and as
Soon as night came he sent a message to the Naxians warning them of their
danger. Until then they had had no thought that the expedition was intended
to act against them. They hurriedly carried their property into the city and
made preparations to withstand a long siege. The Persian fleet arrived, but
was repulsed by the resolute resistance, and several months later gave up the
siege and returned to Miletus.
Aristagoras was in a desperate plight. He had made a bitter enemy of
the Persian general and had deceived Artaphernes, so that no favor was to be
expected from the Persian government. Probably, too, he would soon be called
upon to pay the expenses of the disastrous expedition. There seemed but one
possible way out of his dilemma: that was to stir up his countrymen to revolt
against Persia. And while he was meditating over the step, lo! a message
Came, urging him to do that very thing.
You could never guess the cunning way this message was sent, nor why.
It came from Histiaeus, uncle of Aristagoras, and his predecessor as Tyrant of
Miletus. The Persian king, fearing the power of Histiaeus as the most influ-
ential man among the Asian Greeks, had carried him, half as friend, half as
prisoner, to Persia. Histiaeus' only purpose in advising a revolt was the belief
that Darius would send him to put it down and thus give him the liberty for
which he so ardently yearned. He shaved the head of a trusty slave, branded
the few words necessary upon his shining poll, and then kept him until the hair
grew out again. Then he sent him to his nephew, with the significant request
to shave the head of the slave. This being done, the full meaning of the words
broke upon Aristagoras, who hesitated no longer to take the exceedingly dan-
gerous step. He called the leading citizens of Miletus before him, explained
his plan, and asked their advice. All, with one exception, approved his course.
This important point being settled, the next was to persuade the other
Greek cities in Asia to unite with them. Then the Grecian Tyrants, most of
whom were with the fleet, were seized as they returned from Naxos, and a
democratical form of government was established throughout all the Greek cities
in Asia and the adjoining islands, followed by a “Declaration of Independence”
from Persia. Thus the die was cast.
Aristagoras acted with vigorous promptness. Without waiting for the Per-
sians to gather their forces to strike, he crossed to Greece to beg the help of
the powerful states. First, of course, he went to Sparta, where he met with a
singular experience. He told so winning a story to Cleomenes, showing how
I 86 The Story of the Greatest Nations
easily the Spartans could march straight to the Persian capital and secure the
measureless riches there, that the king told his suppliant he would take three
days to think over the matter. When at the appointed time Aristagoras came
back, Cleomenes quietly asked how far Susa was from the sea. “It is a jour-
ney of three months,” replied Aristagoras, failing to see the drift of the ques-
tion. “Stranger,” severely interrupted the king, “you are an enemy of the
Spartans if you wish them to journey three months' distance from the Sea.
Quit Sparta before sunset.”
Aristagoras' heart was so set upon the success of his errand that he went to
the house of the king and tried to bribe him. He offered a large sum and
probably would have succeeded, for those Greeks were very open to such argu-
ments, had not the little daughter of the king warned him to flee before he was
tempted into sin. That ended the mission, and Aristagoras did not waste
another hour in Sparta.
He went direct to Athens, then the second city in importance in Greece.
There his heart was warmed by his reception. Since she was the mother city
of the Ionic states, it was impossible for her not to sympathize with her kins-
men. The people voted to send twenty ships to their assistance. The Athe-
nian fleet crossed the AEgean, and five sails from Eretria united with them.
Leaving the ships at Ephesus, and being joined by a large force of Ionians,
Aristagoras led an expedition into the interior. Artaphernes was caught
unprepared, and he and his small force retreated into the citadel, leaving the
town of Sardis at the mercy of the invaders. While they were plundering the
houses, one of these was accidentally set on fire, and the whole city was quickly
wrapped in flames. Being deprived of a refuge, the people gathered in the
market place. While huddled there, they discovered to their astonishment that
they were more numerous than their enemies. They determined to attack
them, and while preparing to do so, were joined by a large number of reinforce-
ments. The Ionians and Athenians saw their own danger and began a hurried
retreat. Before they could reach the shelter of Ephesus, they were overtaken
by the Persians, who routed them with dreadful slaughter. The surviving
Ionians scattered to their cities, and the Athenians, Scrambling on board their
ships, sailed away. -
When Darius heard of the burning of Sardis, he was thrown into a furious
rage. “Who are those Athenians?” he roared, “that have dared to do this?”
On being told, he seized his bow and viciously launched an arrow high in the
sky, uttering a prayer to Jove that he would permit him to avenge himself upon
the presumptuous Athenians. Then he ordered one of his servants to say to
him three times each day, “Sire, remember the Athenians!” It will be seen
that there was little danger of the monarch forgetting his purpose.
Greece—Subjugation of the Asian Greek 187
Meanwhile, the uprising was fast growing formidable. The flames spread
to the Grecian cities in Cyprus, as well as to those on the Hellespont and the
Propontis, while the Carians joined in the revolt. Against the rebels Darius
launched the whole prodigious power of his empire. A Phoenician fleet, carry-
ing an immense force of Persians, brought Cyprus under submission, and the
Carians and the Greek cities of Asia were relentlessly pressed to the wall.
Aristagoras in his despair deserted his countrymen, and with a force of Mile-
sians sailed for the Thracian coast, where he was killed while besieging a town.
Darius was suspicious of the part played by Histiaeus, but that wily individ-
ual not only convinced him of his innocence, but induced him to send him into
Ionia to help the Persian generals in putting down the rebellion. When His-
tiaeus reached Sardis, Artaphernes bluntly accused him of treachery, and His-
tiaeus prudently fled to the island of Chios, but every one suspected him; the
Milesians denied him admittance to the town, and the Ionians refused to have
him for their leader. Finally, he managed to secure several galleys from Les-
bos, with which he sailed toward Byzantium and turned pirate, seizing prey
wherever he could find it. While making a raid on the coast of Mysia, he was
captured by the Persians and carried to Sardis, where Artaphernes caused him
to be crucified and sent his head to Darius, who gave it honorable burial and
condemned the act of his satrap.
Previous to this, and in the sixth year of the revolt (495 B.C.), when it was
partly suppressed, Artaphernes determined to attack Miletus by sea and land.
That city was the key to the insurrectionary districts, and, if it could be taken,
its capture was sure to be followed by the submission of the others. With
this end in view, Artaphernes collected all his land forces near the city and
ordered the Phoenician fleet to approach Miletus. Since the defenders were
not strong enough to resist the army, they decided to leave the city to its own
defences on the land side, while all their forces went on board the ships.
The fleet assembled at a small island near Miletus, the number being not
much more than one-half of that belonging to the Phoenicians. But the
Ionians were so noted for their nautical skill, that the enemy was afraid to
attack them. The Persians ordered the Tyrants who had been expelled from
the Grecian cities, and were serving in the Persian fleet, to do their utmost to
persuade their countrymen to desert the common cause. The effort was made,
but in every instance failed.
There was no discipline in the Ionian fleet. The men left the ships and
scattered over the island, refusing to obey orders, and even going to the length
of opening communication with the expelled Tyrants, to whom they promised
to desert their comrades in time of battle.
Under such circumstances the Persian commanders did not hesitate to attack
Y 88 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the vessels. Just as the battle was about to open, the Samian vessels treacher-
ously sailed away, and directly afterward the Lesbians did the same; but the
hundred ships of the Milesians fought with unsurpassable heroism until they
were crushed by the overwhelming numbers of the enemy.
This was the decisive struggle of the war. Miletus was soon taken by
storm. Nearly all the men were slain, and the few who were spared were car.
ried with the women and children into slavery. Similar harshness was shown
in the cases of the other Greek cities in Asia and the neighboring islands.
Chios, Tenedos, and Lesbos were desolated, and the Persian fleet carried death
and destruction up to the Hellespont and Propontis. At Byzantium and Chal-
cedon the inhabitants fled, and the distinguished Athenian Miltiades barely
escaped by making all haste to Athens.
The cup of Ionia was full. The Asiatic Greeks had been conquered by
Croesus of Lydia, then by Cyrus, and now they were the captives and slaves of
Darius; and the last was the worst of all. Artaphernes devoted himself to
establishing an orderly government, and did what he could to heal the bleeding
wounds of the subject province (494 B.C.).
Darius had not yet punished Athens for what to him was her unpardonable
crime against his authority. His fury was as hot as ever, and now that the
Ionic revolt had been subdued, he made his preparations for striking a terrific
blow against that gallant little commonwealth, Mardonius, his son-in-law, was
ambitious and longed for a chance of winning glory on the field of battle.
Darius removed Artaphernes from the government of the Persian provinces
bordering on the AEgean, and appointed Mardonius in his place. A large
armament was placed at the command of Mardonius, with orders that he should
send to Susa all the Athenians and Eretrians who had insulted the Great
King. The task was a congenial one to Mardonius, who crossed the Helle-
spont, and, marching through Thrace and Macedonia, brought under subjection
such tribes as still defied Persian authority. With so powerful a force, this
was easy work against the undisciplined barbarians.
But disaster was at hand. He had sent the fleet to double the promontory
of Mount Athos and join the army at the head of the Gulf of Therma, when a
tremendous hurricane destroyed three hundred of the ships and drowned twenty
thousand of the men. While in Macedonia, Mardonius had his army almost
cut to pieces in a night attack by an independent Thracian tribe, and though
he stayed long enough to subdue the country, he was obliged to retreat across
the Hellespont, and, shamed and humiliated, he returned to the Persian court.
This failure only roused the anger of Darius to greater intensity than before.
He would not rest until he had humbled Athens to the dust, and he began his
preparations on so colossal a scale that it seemed nothing short of the direct
Greece—Darius Advances Against Athens 189
interposition of heaven could save Greece from extinction. Before beginning
his fearful work, he sent heralds to the principal Grecian states, demanding
from each earth and water as a symbol of submission. When the herald
reached Athens, he was flung into an excavation in the earth, while the mes-
senger who visited Sparta was tumbled into a well and told to help himself to
all the earth and water he wanted. In nearly every other instance, however,
the Grecian cities were so cowed by the subjugation of Ionia, that they com-
plied with the demands of Darius. In the case of AEgina, the first maritime
power in Greece, the people hated the Athenians as much as they feared Darius.
They had been at war for several years with Athens, and welcomed the promise
of seeing her pride humbled. The Athenians sent ambassadors to Sparta,
charging the AEginetans with having betrayed the common cause of Greece by
sending the symbol to the barbarians, and demanding that Sparta, as the leads
ing state of Hellas, should punish them for the crime. The Spartans sent to
AEgina, and, taking away ten of its leading citizens, placed them as hostages in
the hands of the Athenians. The noteworthy fact about this is that it was
the first time in Grecian history that the Greeks appear as having a common
political cause, and Sparta was recognized by Athens as entitled to the leader-
ship. It was the impending peril from the Persians that brought about this
union, so fraught with momentous results.
Darius was busy all this time in completing his preparations for the inva-
Sion of Greece. In the spring of 490 B.C., he assembled an immense army in
Cilicia, under the command of Datis, a Median, and Artaphernes, son of the
satrap of the same name in Sardis. Their fearful resolve was to reduce the
cities of Athens and Eretria to ashes, and carry off the inhabitants as slaves,
while all the other cities that had not sent earth and water to the Persian king
were to be brought under subjection. Thousands of fetters were taken along
with which to bind the hapless people, and Darius was warranted in believing
that failure was the most unlikely thing that could happen to his hosts. There
were six hundred galleys, and numerous transports for horses, ready to receive
the troops on board.
The army set sail for Samos, and, remembering the disaster to Mardonius,
Datis decided to pass directly across the AEgean to Euboea, bringing under
subjection the Cyclades on his way. The Naxians, seeing their city about to
be attacked, fled to the mountains, and the invaders burnt it to the ground.
The other islands of the Cyclades made haste to give their submission, for it
would have been madness to resist.
The first fighting took place at Eretria, which, knowing the fate intended
for it, held out bravely for six days, when it fell through the treachery of two
of its citizens. The city was destroyed and the inhabitants were put in chains,
I 9o The Story of the Greatest Nations
as a part of the plan of Darius. Having accomplished one object of the in-
vasion, Datis now crossed over to Attica and landed on the plain of Marathon.
Meanwhile, as may be supposed, Athens was awake to her peril, and made
tremendous exertions to meet it. All her available forces had been placed
under the command of her ten generals, who, it will be remembered, were
yearly selected. Among these was Miltiades, who as Tyrant of the Cherso-
nesus, had won a reputation as one of the bravest of men and the possessor of
signal military ability. It was he who accompanied Darius on his invasion of
Scythia, and did his utmost to persuade the Ionians to destroy the bridge of
boats and thus overwhelm the Persian monarch with ruin. While the Persians
were occupied in putting down the Ionic revolt, Miltiades captured Lemnos
and Imbros, drove out the Persian garrisons and the Pelasgian inhabitants, and
turned over the islands to the Athenians. - -
Knowing all this, the Persian leaders would have exchanged thousands of
their men for Miltiades. None knew this better than Miltiades himself, who,
upon the appearance of the Phoenician fleet in the Hellespont, after the Sup-
pression of the Ionic revolt, hurriedly sailed for Athens with five ships. The
Phoenicians pursued, but were unable to overtake him, though they captured
one of the vessels commanded by his son. The enemies of Miltiades brought
him to trial on the charge of tyranny while ruler of the Chersonesus, but he
was not only acquitted, but elected one of the ten generals who were to meet
the Persian invasion.
In the very hour that Athens heard of the fall of Eretria, its swiftest run-
ner was sent to Sparta to beg for assistance. One hundred and fifty miles
separate the two cities, yet the runner covered the distance in forty-eight hours.
The aid asked for was promised, but a superstition prevented giving it until the
full of the moon, which was several days distant. Darius, however, did not
tarry for any such cause, nor could the Athenians afford to do so.
The latter had advanced to Marathon, where they encamped on the moun-
tains surrounding the plain. Upon receiving the answer of the Spartans, the
ten generals held a council of war. Half were opposed to fighting the over-
whelming army until the arrival of the Lacedaemonians, but the others, led by
Miltiades, insisted upon not losing a moment in attacking them; for, by doing
so, they would have the measureless advantage of the enthusiasm of their men,
and would forestall any treachery among their own people. It must be ad-
mitted that with all their valor the Greeks were plentifully supplied with trait-
ors, and more than once those in whom the fullest trust was reposed were
bribed to betray their country. -
Since the vote was a tie, the decision fell upon Callimachus, the Pole-
march, for we have learned that down to this time the third Archon was a col-
Greece—Battle of Marathon I 9 I
league of the ten generals. Miltiades, seconded by two other generals, The-
mistocles and Aristides, argued so earnestly with him that he was convinced,
and voted for immediate battle. It was the practice for each general to com-
mand in rotation the army for a day, but all agreed to place their days of com-
mand in the hands of Miltiades, and it was surely a wise proceeding to have
everything in the hands of a single person, whose ability had been proven.
An inspiriting occurrence took place while the Athenians were preparing
for battle. They had given help to Plataea years before when she was attacked
by the Thebans, and now the Plataeans sent their whole force to the help of the
Athenians, consisting of one thousand heavy-armed men. Athens never forgot
this favor. The whole Athenian army consisted of only ten thousand heavy
armed soldiers; they had no archers or cavalry, and only a fêw slaves as light-
armed attendants. We have no means of knowing the strength of the Persian
army, except that it was more than ten times that of the gallant body which
girded up its loins and made ready to rush forward into the life-or-death struggle.
The plain of Marathon is six miles long and at its broadest part in the mid-
dle about two miles wide. It is curved like a crescent, each end of which is
a promontory extending into the sea, with marshes at the northern and the
southern point. There is hardly a tree on the flat plain, which is inclosed on
every side toward the land by rugged mountains, which cut it off from the rest
of Greece.
“The mountains look on Marathon—
And Marathon looks on the sea.”
The Persian fleet was drawn up along the beach, and the army formed about
a mile from shore. Gazing down upon them were the Athenians who occupied
the rising ground, from end to end, so that the mountain prevented the enemy
from flanking them and sending their cavalry around to attack them in the rear.
This line, however, was so extensive that it could not be fully occupied, with-
out being weakened at some portion. Miltiades met this difficulty by drawing
up the troops in the centre in thin files, relying mainly upon the deeper masses
at the wings. The post of honor, the extreme right, was given to the Pole-
march Callimachus, while the equally difficult post, the far left, was held by
the Plataeans.
It must be remembered, in the first place, that the trained army drawn up
in battle array on the plain was ten or twelve times as numerous as the Greeks,
and the renown of the Medes and Persians was equal to theirs. They had been
engaged for centuries in sweeping dynasties and monarchies out of existence;
the Median, Lydian, Babylonian, and Egyptian empires had crumbled under
their tread, and since those woeful days the Asiatic Greeks had felt the iron heel
I 92 The Story of the Greatest Nations
of the conqueror. In truth, the Medes and Persians had never been defeated
by the Greeks in battle, and their name had long filled all people with terror.
Miltiades was eager to come to close quarters, and ordered his men to
advance on the “double quick” over the mile of plain which separated the
two armies. The Persians viewed this charge as if made by madmen, and
calmly awaited the moment when they should come within reach and go down
like ripe grain before the reaper. But those ardent Greeks, shouting their war-
cry, assailed their enemies with the fury of a cyclone. Each wing was success-
ful and the Persians were tumbled back toward the beach and the marshes, but
the weak Greek centre was broken through and put to flight. Miltiades called
back the wings from the pursuit of the enemy, and hurled them upon the cen-
tre, overthrowing the Persians, who scattered in a panic and hurried after their
friends that had made such desperate haste to scramble aboard the ships. The
impetuous Athenians strove to burn the vessels, but succeeded in destroying
only seven. The enemy were driven to the wall and fought with the energy of
desperation.
In this memorable battle the Persians lost more than six thousand men,
while of the Athenians only one hundred and ninety-two fell; but among them
was the valiant Polemarch Callimachus and several of the most noted citizens
of Athens.
As soon as the Persians were safely aboard their ships, they sailed in the
direction of Cape Sunium. Suddenly a burnished shield shone out like the
Sun from the crest of one of the Attican mountains. The watchful Miltiades
saw it, and noted the course taken by the fleet. Suspecting the meaning of the
signal, he marched his army with all haste back to Athens. The signal in
truth was an invitation to the Persian fleet to attack the city while the army
was absent, and it set out to do so. Miltiades arrived just in time to save it
from certain capture. When the Persians were about to land, they saw the very
soldiers from whom they had fled at Marathon, and they had no wish to meet
them again. The invasion was given up in despair, and the fleet returned to
Asia.
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THE STORY OF
THE GREATEST NATIONS
ANCIENT NATIONS-GREECE
Chapter XVII.
THE INVASION OF XERXES.
º
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HE victory of Marathon was one of the decisive battles of
the world. Had the tide turned the other way, Greece
would have been crushed, its whole history changed, and
Oriental barbarism would have obtained a firm foot-
hold in Europe. The victory has been celebrated by
many poets, and the Athenians firmly believed the gods
fought on their side. The one hundred and ninety-
two heroes who fell were buried on the field, and the mound
erected over them still remains. The flood of Persian inva-
sion was rolled back, and Miltiades received every honor that
a grateful people could render him. To his memory a separate
monument was raised on the immortal battlefield; and his
form is the most prominent in the picture hung on the painted
porch of Athens.
Shortly after the battle the strained relations between
AEgina and Athens resulted in a war which lasted until the next great invasion
of Greece by the Persians. A demand was made by the AEginetans for the sur-
render of their ten hostages. This was refused, and war followed. Its most
important result was the resolution brought about by Themistocles to convert
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I 94 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Athens into a maritime power. Themistocles was a sagacious though selfish.
statesman, who foresaw that Persia would ere long renew her attempt to conquer
Greece, which would be helpless without a powerful navy. The leading men in.
Athens at this time were Miltiades, Themistocles, and Aristides. Because of
his pure patriotism, Aristides was known as the “Just,” but he was stubborn
and impracticable and in these days would be called a “crank.” He bitterly
opposed the policy of Themistocles, and the people finally became so impatient
with his obduracy that they ostracized him. It is said that a countryman, not
knowing Aristides, asked him to write his name in favor of the measure, and
when calmly asked by the patriot his reason for doing so, he replied that it was.
merely because he was tired of forever hearing of “Aristides the Just.” Be
that as it may, it was undoubtedly a good thing that Athens was freed of his.
presence for a few years.
The Athenians had a full treasury, and the scheme of Themistocles was so
sensible that they willingly set about building a navy. A fleet of two hundred
ships was provided for, and a decree was passed to add twenty ships each year.
Perhaps the most potent argument was the pressing necessity for them in order
to fight the AEginetans, for few were as Sagacious as Themistocles, who saw that
another Persian invasion was inevitable. “Thus,” says Herodotus, “the
AEginetan war saved Greece by compelling the Athenians to make themselves a.
maritime power.”
How often it has happened in the history of great men that the latter part
of their lives has obscured the glory of their former deeds ! Many a bright.
name has been tarnished, and often their admirers have been compelled to feel
that the heroes lived too long. It would have been better for Miltiades had he
fallen at Marathon, when his fame was at its zenith, for he never could have
added to it by subsequent achievements, and historians would have been spared
the pain of recording his unworthy ending.
So unbounded was the admiration of his countrymen and so limitless their
confidence in him, that when he asked for seventy of these new ships, without
telling what he intended to do with them, except that he would enrich the state,
his request was promptly granted. Now, all that Miltiades wished to do was to
gratify a private spite against a prominent citizen of Paros, one of the most
flourishing of the Cyclades. He sailed to that island and laid siege to the
town. He was resisted so spiritedly that by and by he saw he would have to
retire in disgrace and return to Athens. -
One day word was brought to him from a priestess of the temple of Ceres,
that if he would secretly visit by night a temple from which all men were
excluded, she would show him a way by which Paros would fall into his power.
Miltiades went thither, but after climbing the outer fence became suspicious,
Greece—Death of Miltiades I 95
that the whole thing was a plot against him, and, yielding to the panic which
sometimes seizes the bravest persons, he hurried away with such headlong haste
that, in climbing the fence again, he received a dangerous wound in the thigh.
Reaching his ships, he gave up the siege and sailed back to Athens.
There was no concealing the ignominy of which he had been guilty, in thus
grossly violating the confidence of his countrymen. Xanthippus, the father of
Pericles, charged him with having deceived the people, and he was brought to
trial. His condition was already serious from his gangrened wound, and he
was carried into court on a couch, where he lay while his friends pleaded for
mercy. They could not, and did not, seek to justify his recent action, and
their only appeal was based upon his inestimable services at Marathon. The
judges did not close their ears to the prayer. Miltiades had committed a crime
which in any other person would have been punished with death, but in his
case he was sentenced with a heavy fine—so heavy indeed that it was beyond
his ability to pay. It has been said by some that he died in prison, but let us
hope this statement is an error, and that the death from his wound, which
occurred shortly after his conviction, came soon enough to avert the degradation.
The fine was afterward paid by his son Cimon. It was hard that the illustrious
hero should have been compelled to suffer thus, and yet it must not be denied
that he merited the punishment, for crime in a person cannot be justified by his
previous good behavior.
In laying our plans, it is always wise to remember the obstacle that, sooner
or later, is certain to block the path before us: that obstacle is death, and it
was that which now brought the far-reaching schemes of Darius to naught. In
the midst of his preparations for another invasion of Greece, he was brought low
by the enemy that is always on the watch and will not be denied. He died B. c.
485, leaving his immense kingdom to Xerxes, who was the eldest son of his
second wife, and who was appointed in preference to Artabazanes, the eldest son
by his first wife. Xerxes was tall, fair, and of attractive personal appearance, but
a contemptible man in every respect. He was indolent, vainglorious, cruel,
cowardly, licentious, mean, and in short the worst specimen of an Eastern des-
pot that the mind can picture.
Darius had been engaged for three years in his preparations for the invasion
of Greece when he was diverted by an uprising in Egypt, and it was while
suppressing it that he died, after a reign of thirty-seven years. Thus Xerxes
inherited the Egyptian revolt, which it was necessary to subdue before he could
give his attention to the important project against Greece. There was not
much difficulty in subjugating Egypt, which was accomplished in the second
year of the reign of Xerxes (B.C. 484). Impelled by that vanity which was one
of his marked characteristics, he determined to gather the largest army that had
I 96 The Story of the Greatest Nations
ever trod the earth. So it was that, although Darius had nearly arranged what
he considered a sufficient force, the din of preparation sounded for four years
more throughout Asia. The multitudes streamed into Critalla, in Cappadocia,
the appointed rendezvous, from every part of the Persian empire. The land
force included forty-six different nations, with their jargon of strange tongues,
their crude weapons, and their wide diversity of dress and appearance. The
fleet was manned by the Phoenicians, the Ionians, and other maritime nations,
and immense stores of provisions were piled at different points along the line
of march to the borders of Greece.
An important part of this gigantic work was the construction of a bridge
across the Hellespont, which was completed by the Phoenician and Egyptian
engineers. The length of this structure was an English mile, as it consisted
of boats secured together; but hardly was it finished when it was destroyed by
a violent storm. Then it was that Xerxes showed himself a ferocious fool, for
he had the heads of the engineers cut off, and, with the silliness of a child,
caused the impudent sea to receive three hundred lashes, and a set of fetters
was cast into it. Then he ordered two bridges to be built, one for the army
and the other for the beasts of burden and the baggage. This was done, and
the respective rows of ships were held in place by anchors and by cables fast-
ened to the sides of the channel.
Xerxes could not forget the peril his ships faced in rounding the rocky
promontory of Mount Athos, where the fleet of Mardonius had been wrecked.
To avoid this, he ordered a canal to be cut through the neck which joins the
isthmus of Mount Athos with the mainland. The building of this canal re-
quired three years, but it was magnificently completed, with a length of a mile
and a half, and a breadth sufficient for two triremes to sail abreast. To-day
the traces of this canal may be seen.
Early in the spring of B.C. 480, Xerxes left Sardis, the Lydian capital, for
Abydos, on the Hellespont. Professor Greene, referring to the pomp and splen-
dor of this march, says: “The vast host was divided into two bodies of nearly
equal size, between which ample space was left for the great king and his
Persian guards. The baggage led the way, and was followed by one-half of the
army, without any distinction of nations. Then after an interval came the
retinue of the king. First of all marched a thousand Persian horsemen, fol.
lowed by an equal number of Persian spearmen, the latter carrying spears with
the points downward, and ornamented at the other end with golden pome.
granates. Behind them walked ten sacred horses, gorgeously caparisoned, bred
on the Nisaean plain of Media; next the sacred car of Jove, drawn by eight
white horses; and then Xerxes himself in a chariot, drawn by Nisaean horses.
He was followed by a thousand spearmen and a thousand horsemen, correspond-
Greece—The Army of Xerxes I 97
ing to the two detachments which immediately preceded him. They were suc-
ceeded by ten thousand Persian infantry, called the “Immortals,’ because their
number was always maintained. Nine thousand of them had their spears orna-
mented with pomegranates of silver at the reverse extremity; while the remain-
ing thousand, who occupied the outer ranks, carried spears similarly adorned
with pomegranates of gold. After the ‘Immortals' came ten thousand Persian
cavalry, who formed the rear of the royal retinue. Then, after an interval of
two furlongs, the other half of the army followed. ->
“In this order the multitudinous host marched from Sardis to Abydos on
the Hellespont. Here a marble throne was erected for the monarch upon an
eminence, from which he surveyed all the earth covered with his troops, and all
the sea crowded with his vessels. His heart swelled within him at the sight
of such a vast assemblage of human beings; but his feelings of pride and pleas-
ure soon gave way to sadness, and he burst into tears at the reflection that in
a hundred years not one of them would be alive. At the first rays of the rising
sun the army commenced the passage of the Hellespont. The bridges were
perfumed with frankincense and strewed with myrtle, while Xerxes himself
poured libations into the sea from a golden censer, and turning his face toward
the east offered prayers to the Sun, that he might carry his victorious arms to
the farthest extremities of Europe. Then throwing the censer into the sea,
together with a golden bowl and a Persian scimeter, he ordered the Immortals
to lead the way. The army crossed by one bridge and the baggage by the
other; but so vast were their numbers that they were seven days and seven
nights in passing over, without a moment of intermission. The speed of the
troops was quickened by the lash, which was constantly employed by the Per-
sians to urge on the troops in battle as well as during the march.”
One of the interesting questions connected with this remarkable invasion
is the number of men who crossed the Hellespont, like so many cattle, subject
to the whim of the Persian monarch. Xerxes is said to have taken a peculiar
method of counting his foot-soldiers. He first had ten thousand told off, and
afterward crowded as close together as they could stand. Then a line was
drawn around them and a wall built on this line. Into the space thus enclosed
other soldiers quickly crowded themselves and then passed out again. This
was done one hundred and seventy times before the entire army was measured.
The process was substantially accurate, and made the number of foot soldiers
to be I,7OO,OOO. In addition, there were 8o, OOO horses and numerous war
chariots and camels, with fully 20, Ooo men. The fleet was composed of 1,2O7
triremes and 3, OOO smaller vessels. In each trireme were 200 rowers and 3O
fighting men, while according to Herodotus, every accompanying vessel carried
80 men. This would give a total of 517,61O for the naval force. During the
1 98 The Story of the Greatest Nations
march from the Hellespont to Thermopylae, the army was continually increased
by the Thracians, Macedonians, Magnesians, and other nations through whose
territories Xerxes marched on his way to Greece. . Herodotus estimates the
number of camp followers, exclusive of eunuchs and women, as greater than the
fighting men, so that the stupendous host was reckoned by the ancients as more
than 6,000,000, or double the entire population of the American colonies dur-
ing the Revolution.
The mind is dazed by this inconceivable array of men, and it is impossible
not to believe that the number was vastly exaggerated. Nevertheless, at no
other time in the history of the ancient or modern world has so prodigious a force
of men been gathered under the command of one person. Grote, who refuses
to accept the estimate of Herodotus, says: “We may well believe that the
numbers of Xerxes were greater than were ever before assembled in ancient
times, or perhaps at any known epoch of history.”
The invading host moved along the coast through Thrace and Macedonia,
and at Acanthus Xerzes looked with pride upon the canal that had been con-
structed by his order. There he parted from his fleet, which was directed to
double the peninsulas of Sithonia and Pallene and await his arrival at Thessa-
lonica, then known as Therma. There Xerxes rejoined his navy, and then
pressed forward along the coast until he reached Mount Olympus, where he in-
tended to leave for the first time his dominions and enter Hellenic territory.
All Greece had long known of the stupendous preparations in Persia for
their annihilation. During the winter preceding the invasion the Grecian states
were summoned to meet in congress at the isthmus of Corinth. The Spartans
and Athenians were vigorously united in the presence of the terrifying danger,
and put forth all effort to bring the whole Hellenic race into one resolute league
for the defence of their homes and firesides. It would seem that such a union
should have been quick and ardent, but it wholly failed. Many of the Grecian
states were so panic-stricken by the rumble of the descending avalanche that
they looked upon resistance as the height of madness, and made haste to sub-
mit to Xerxes in many cases before he had time to demand such submission.
Even those who were far beyond the line of march refused to take any part in
the congress. Let us remember that the only people north of the isthmus of
Corinth who stood true to the cause of Grecian liberty were the Athenians and
Phocians and the people of the small Boeotian towns of Plataea and Thespae.
Those in the northern part of Greece who were not allies of the Persians, like
the Thebans, had not enough patriotism to pay a fair price for their independ-
€In Ce.
Over in Peloponnesus, the powerful city of Argos scowled and grimly shook
her head to the appeal. The inhabitants could not forget the humiliation re-
Greece—Dissensions of the Greeks I 99
ceived a few years before from the Spartans, and they viewed with indifference,
if not pleasure, the prospect of the evening up of matters by the Persian mon-
arch. The Achaeans had also a sufficient grievance to hold them aloof, for had
not their ancestors been driven from their homes by the Dorians?
This desertion by their natural allies did not affect the resolution of Sparta
and Athens to fight it out to the death with the barbarian multitudes that were
pouring into the country like the inundation of the ocean itself. The Atheni-
ans were wise in securing the friendship of the AEginetans, whose powerful
navy was of vast help to the common cause. The Spartans were given the su-
preme command on land as well as Sea, though the AEginetan ships comprised
two-thirds of the whole fleet. Themistocles was the soul of the congress, his
magnetic patriotism thrilling the others with his own dauntless spirit. The
patriots swore to resist to the end, and in case of success, to consecrate to the
Delphian god one-tenth of the property of every Grecian state which had sur-
rendered to the Persians except under the stress of resistless necessity.
When the question came up of where resistance should be offered to the
Persian invasion, the Thessalians insisted that a body of men should be sent to
guard the pass of Tempe, declaring that if this were not done they would be
compelled to make terms with the foe. A force of IO,OOO men was therefore
sent to the pass in which a small body could check a large one; but, upon reach-
ing it, the Grecian leaders discovered that the Persians would be able to land a
force in their rear, and they learned also that there was another passage across
Mount Olympus, a short distance to the west. These causes led them to with-
draw from Thessaly and return to the isthmus of Corinth, whereupon the Thes-
salians carried out their threat and made submission to Xerxes. *
The Greeks now fixed upon the pass of Thermopylae (literally the “hot
gates”), leading from Thessaly into Locris, and forming the only road by which
an army could penetrate from northern into southern Greece. It lies south of
the present course of the river Sperchius, between Mount CEta and what was
formerly an impassable morass bordering on the Malic Gulf. The presence of
several hot springs in the pass is doubtless what gave it its name. It is about
a mile long, and, at each extremity, the mountains approach so near the morass
as to leave scant room for a single vehicle. Moreover, the island of Euboea is
separated from the mainland by a strait only two and a half miles wide in one
portion, so that by defending that part with a fleet, an enemy can be prevented
from landing at the southern end of the pass. This the Greeks determined to
do. Accordingly, the whole Grecian fleet, under the command of the Spartan
Eurybiades, passed to the north of Euboea and took position off the northern
coast of the island to check the advance of the Persian fleet.
A singular cause led to the sending of only a small land force for the de-
2 OO The Story of the Greatest Nations
&
fence of Thermopylae. The Greeks were on the point of entering upon the
celebration of the Olympic games, and the Peloponnesians did not feel willing
to abandon this, even when it was known that the Persians were near at hand.
They decided therefore to send only a small force which they believed would
be able to hold the pass until the celebration was over, when a much larger
number would join their comrades. This body was placed under the command:
of the Spartan king Leonidas, the younger brother and successor of Cleomenes.
It was composed of 300 Spartans, with their attendant Helots, and about 3,000
foot soldiers from different Peloponnesian states. They were joined while
marching through Boeotia by 700 Thespians and 400 Thebans, the latter of
whom Leonidas compelled the Theban government to furnish him. At Ther-
mopylae, 1,000 Phocians were added to the number.
Leonidas now made the alarming discovery that an overgrown path led over
Mount CEta, and would permit a foe to reach southern Greece without passing
through Thermopylae. He received the information from the Phocians, who,
upon their own request, were posted on the summit commanding the pass,
while Leonidas took position with the remainder of the troops within the pass.
of Thermopylae. His station was strengthened by the rebuilding of a ruined
wall across the northern entrance. I
Although the Spartan commander was calm and confident, the case was far
different with those around him. The sight of the overwhelming numbers of
Persians made the Peloponnesians clamor for the abandonment of the position,
and the adoption of that of the isthmus of Corinth. They would have done so,
but for the persuasions of Leonidas and the angry remonstrances of the Pho-
cians and Locrians.
When Xerxes came in sight of Thermopylae and was told of the handful of
men that were waiting to dispute his advance, he could hardly credit it. He
delayed his march for several days in the belief that they would disperse; but,
seeing they did not, he ordered on the fifth day that the presumptuous mad-
men should be brought before him. The Persians attacked with great bravery,
but the narrow space prevented their utilizing their superior numbers, and the
Greeks easily held them at bay. When the battle had lasted a long time, with-
out the slightest advantage to the Persians, Xerxes ordered his ten thousand
Immortals forward, but they were repulsed as decisively as the others. Xerxes.
sat on a lofty throne which had been erected for him, in order that he might
enjoy the sight of the overthrow of the audacious little band, and he sprang to
his feet several times in a transport of fear and rage.
The attack of the next day promised no better success, and the monarch.
began to despair, when an execrable miscreant, a Malian by birth, named Ephi-
altes, revealed to Xerxes the secret of the path across the mountains. As,
Greece—Defense of Thermopylae 2 O I
speedily as possible a strong detachment started over the trail under the guid-
ance of the traitor. Setting out at dusk they were near the summit at day-
break. The Phocians stationed there were so terrified at sight of them that
they fled from the path and took refuge on the highest point of the ridge. The
Persians paid no attention to them, but hurried along the path, and began de-
scending the mountain on the other side. The watchful scouts of Leonidas,
however, had brought him news of his mortal peril several hours before. He
called a council of war, in which the majority urged the abandonment of the
position they could no longer hold, that they might reserve their strength for
the future defence of Greece. Leonidas, being a Spartan, was bound to die
where he stood if necessary, but never to retreat. His comrades were equally
heroic, and the seven hundred Thespians pledged themselves to remain and
share their fate. The rest of the allies were allowed to retire, with the excep-
tion of the four hundred Theban hostages.
Xerxes waited until the sun was overhead, when, confident that the detach-
ment sent over the mountain had reached its destination, he prepared to attack;
but Leonidas and his “deathless Spartans,” knowing they must die, came out
from behind their wall and charged the Persians in the very desperation of
valor. Their assault was resistless; hundreds of the enemy were mowed down
like grass; others were tumbled into the sea, and many more trampled to death,
by the confused legions behind them. The hissing lash and savage threats
were scarce sufficient to hold the Persians to their work; but when the spears of
the Greeks were broken and they were left with only their swords, the enemy
began to wedge their way among them. One of the first to die was Leonidas,
over whose body the most furious fighting of the day took place. Again and
again the Persians were hurled back, until human endurance could stand no
more, and utterly exhausted the Greeks tottered back, “all that was left of
them,” and flung themselves down on a hillock behind the wall. A brief while
later, the detachment that had passed through the secret path appeared in the
rear of the heroes. The Thebans called out that they had been compelled to
fight against their will and begged for quarter. Their lives were spared, but
the Spartans and Thespians, surrounded on every side, were slain to the last
IIla I).
The poet Simonides said of this immortal defence of Leonidas:
“Of those who at Thermopylae were slain,
Glorious the doom, and beautiful the lot ;
Their tomb an altar : men from tears refrain
To honor them, and praise, but mourn them not.
Such sepulchre nor drear decay
Nor all-destroying time shall waste: this right have they,
2O2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Within their grave the home-bred glory
Of Greece was laid ; this witness gives
Leonidas the Spartan, in whose story
A wreath of famous virtue ever lives.”
Meanwhile, the two fleets were battling off the northern coast of Euboea. The
Greek ships under Eurybiades numbered only two hundred and seventy-one,
with Themistocles in charge of the Athenian squadron, and Adimantus of the
Corinthian. Three vessels sent out to watch the movements of the enemy
were captured. This and the sight of the vast Persian fleet approaching so
alarmed the Greek ships that they abandoned their position and sailed up the
channel between Euboea and the mainland to Chalcis, where the width was so
slight that it could have been easily defended. This retreat let the Persians
free to land any force they chose in the rear of Thermopylae.
News being carried to the Persian naval commander that the way was clear,
he sailed from the gulf of Therma, and a day carried him almost to the southern
point of Magnesia. Opposite a breach in the mountains the commander de-
cided to pass the night, but the space was so slight that he had to line his ves-
sels eight deep off the shore. The next morning a terrific hurricane tore the
ships from their anchorage, flung them against one another, and hurled them
upon the cliffs. There was no abatement in the fury of the tempest for three
days and nights, at the end of which the wrecks of four hundred ships lined
the shore, with thousands of bodies and a vast amount of stores and treasures.
The vessels that had managed to ride out the gale passed around the southern
promontory of Magnesia and anchored at Aphetae, near the entrance to the
Pagasaean gulf.
Under the belief that the whole Persian fleet had been destroyed, the
Greeks at Chalcis hurried back to their former station at Artemisium, only a
few miles from Aphetae; but to their dismay saw that an overwhelming number
of the enemy's ships had escaped and now confronted them. They would have
fled had not the Euboeans sent one of their citizens to Themistocles with an
offer of thirty talents, if he could induce the Greek commanders to stay and
defend the island. Themistocles dearly loved a bribe, and eagerly seized the
chance. By placing the money “where it would do the most good,” he per-
suaded his companions to stay, and at the same time he laid aside a tidy sum
for himself.
The Persians were so sure of victory that in order to prevent the Greeks
from escaping they sent two hundred ships to sail round to the rear and cut off
their retreat. These vessels were attacked with such sudden impetuosity that
thirty were disabled or captured. Night descended before the Persians could
rally sufficiently to strike back with effectiveness. That night another storm did
Greece—The Abandonment of Athens 2O3
great damage to the Persian fleet and many of the Greeks began to believe the
gods were fighting on their side. Their spirits rose still higher through the
arrival next day of fifty-three fresh Athenian vessels, which helped to destroy
some of the enemy's ships at their moorings.
The Persians were enraged by these attacks, and dreading also the anger of
Xerxes, who had an uncomfortable habit of cutting off the heads of those who
displeased him, they prepared for a resistless assault on the morrow. When
about noon they began Sailing toward Artemisium, their line was in the form
of a Crescent. The Greeks hugged the shore, to escape being surrounded, and
with a view of preventing the enemy from bringing all their fleet into action.
The battle was of the fiercest nature, both sides displaying great bravery.
Much mutual damage was done, but at the close of day the Greeks were so
weakened, for they could less afford their losses, that all agreed it would be
impossible to renew the fight on the morrow. Hardly had this decision been
reached when news was received of the fall of Leonidas and his comrades at
Thermopylae. The Greeks lost no time in sailing up the Euboean channel;
and, doubling the promontory of Sunium, did not pause until they arrived at
the island of Salamis.
Absolute destruction now impended over Athens, for there was nothing to
prevent the Persians from marching straight to that city. The Athenians had
relied upon the pledge of the Peloponnesians to march an army into Boeotia,
but nothing of the nature was done, and the Athenian families and property
were at the mercy of the ruthless foe. The Grecian fleet had stopped at Sala-
mis, and Eurybiades consented to pause a while and help carry away the Athe-
nian families and their effects.
All agreed that in six days at the furthest Xerxes would be at Athens.
Not an hour, therefore, was lost, and before the time had passed all who wished
to leave the city had done so. Many refused to go farther than Salamis, but
the capital was depopulated in less than a week.
Themistocles found it an almost impossible task to hold his countrymen to
the supreme work that now confronted them. When the Delphian Oracle was
appealed to, its first answer was a command for them to flee to the ends of the
earth, since nothing could save them from destruction. A second appeal to
the oracle brought forth the dubious reply that the divine Salamis would make
women childless, but “when all was lost, a wooden wall should still shelter the
Athenians.” Probably the wily Themistocles suggested this answer, for he
interpreted it to mean that a fleet and naval victory was to be their only means
of safety. But some insisted that the reply meant that the Athenians should
find refuge in the Acropolis, with the western front fortified by barricades of
timber.
2O4. The Story of the Greatest Nations
The awful danger brought all closer together. Themistocles urged a de-
cree, which was passed, recalling those that had been Ostracized, specially in-
cluding his former rival Aristides the Just. The knights, led by Cimon, the
son of Miltiades, marched to the Acropolis to hang up their bridles in the tem-
ple of Athena, and to bring out the consecrated arms fitted for the naval service
in which they were about to engage. The rich and aristocratic contributed
without stint to the funds for the equipment of the fleet and the care of the
poor. In short, nothing that promised to help the public good was left undone.
Meanwhile, the Persian army was steadily approaching the city. When he
arrived, Xerxes found a small body of citizens gathered in the Acropolis, who
refused his demand for surrender. A desperate fight followed, but the handful
were overcome; and those who did not find death by flinging themselves from
the rock were put to the sword. The temples and houses of Athens were pil-
laged and burnt.
It is said that in the midst of the embers and desolation the Athenians in
the train of Xerxes, while sacrificing in the Acropolis, saw with amazement that
the 'sacred olive tree, growing on the temple of Athena, had within the two
days following the fire thrown out a fresh shoot a cubit in length; but the hap-
less and deserted capital lay prostrate at the feet of the Persian conqueror.
The fleet of Xerxes, which had arrived at the bay of Phalerum, included, by
the least estimate, a thousand vessels, while those of the Grecian fleet at Salamis.
were about one-third as numerous. Moreover, there were disputing and dissen-
sion among the Grecian commanders. The Peloponnesian leaders urged that
the fleet should sail to the isthmus of Corinth, so as to effect communication
with the land forces, and their arguments gained force from the arrival of the
news that Athens had been captured by the enemy. Themistocles was vehe-
mently in favor of staying at Salamis and fighting in the narrow straits, where
the superior numbers of the Persian ships could not help them. But all his
enthusiasm and eloquence were insufficient to convince his colleagues, and when
night closed the council the majority voted in favor of retreat, which was to
begin on the following morning.
But there was no shaking the resolution of Themistocles. He was almost
in despair when he returned to his ship, but he soon went back to Eurybiades
and succeeded in persuading him to call the council again. The commanders
obeyed, but were surly and angered, insisting that the whole matter had been
closed. Plutarch relates that Eurybiades was so incensed by the language of
Themistocles that he raised his stick to strike him, whereupon the Athenian
exclaimed, “Strike, but hear me!”
The Spartan commander, however, was won over, and without putting the
question to a vote, he issued orders for the fleet to remain at Salamis and give
Greece—The Council of Salamis 2O5
battle to the Persians. Preparations were vigorously made, but the dishearten.
ing news received from home the next day caused an almost open mutiny. A
third council was called, and, despite the fierce pleadings of Themistocles, he
saw the majority were against him, and then it was that he did an exceedingly
clever thing.
The debate went on hour after hour. The members who were opposed to
remaining were impatient and wished to bring the question to a vote, for there
was no doubt of the result, but Themistocles dinned away with his arguments,
repeating many of them over and over again, though never without great force.
It may be wondered whether among his listeners there was none who saw there
was something, unsuspected by the others, behind all this argumentation of the
eloquent Athenian. The truth of it was that Themistocles was neither trying
nor hoping to bring his comrades over to his view; he was talking against time,
for the success of the stratagem he had on foot depended upon staving off the
vote as long as possible. Finally, when the wearied council adjourned, it was
with the understanding that it should reassemble before daybreak.
So in the gloomy hours beyond midnight the shadowy figures came together
again, sullen, angry, impatient, and each more set than ever in his view. It
did not add to the charitable feeling of Themistocles' opponents when they saw
how their wishes were baffled so continuously by one person. They resolved
to bring the matter to a decisive issue without any more delay.
But hardly had they come together when a messenger appeared with word
that a man had just arrived on urgent business and wished to speak to Themis-
tocles. The latter hurried outside, where to his astonishment he stood face to
face with his old rival Aristides. The latter with characteristic chivalry in-
stantly proposed that their former rivalry should now be directed as to which
could do the most for his country. Aristides had spent more than five years
.in exile, but his heart glowed with the purest patriotism, and it need hardly be
said that Themistocles eagerly echoed the words of the Just, who then revealed
that the Persian fleet had completely surrounded that of the Greeks, Aristides
having stolen through with much difficulty in the darkness. Themistocles
asked his friend to repeat what he had just told him to the Council, since the
members would give it more weight than if the news came from himself.
Aristides passed inside and did so, but he would hardly have been believed had
not his words been confirmed by the arrival of a fleeing ship with the same
tidings.
Now, strange as it may sound, it was Themistocles himself who had caused
the Persian ships to surround those of his countrymen. He had among his
slaves a learned Asiatic Greek, the instructor of his children, and a master of
the Persian tongue. Themistocles sent him secretly and in great haste to
2O6 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Xerxes with tidings of the quarrel among the Grecian commanders, assuring
the great king that he would not have the least difficulty in surrounding and
capturing the whole wrangling assemblage of ships. Moreover, Xerxes was
persuaded that Themistocles was favorable at heart to the Persian cause. It is
not impossible, in view of the subsequent course of the Athenian, that he
wished to gain favor in the eyes of the monarch. Be that as it may, the latter
acted upon the advice sent him, and the Greek ships being shut in on every
side had no choice but to fight.
Xerxes, in his vanity, declared that the previous naval disasters resulted
from his absence, and he now caused a lofty throne to be built, opposite the
harbor of Salamis, where all his people could see him and be inspired by his.
presence.
“A king sat on the rocky brow
Which looks o'er sea-born Salamis;
And ships, by thousands, lay below,
And men in nations ;-all were his
He counted them at break of day—
And when the sun set where were they 2”
Since the Greeks were driven to bay and forced to fight, they did so with
the utmost heroism and skill. Nor can a display of bravery be denied the
Persians, who fought as if the consciousness of being under the eye of the
great king, perched high and far away on his throne, was an inspiration. Had.
the battle been fought on the open sea, it is inconceivable that the Greek ships
should have escaped, but the narrow space fatally hindered the thousand vessels.
which collided with one another and became entangled in their efforts to reach
their opponents, who had just enough room in which to do their best. The
Greeks lost 40 and their enemies 200 vessels. A single incident will illustrate
the conditions of this famous battle more graphically than pages of detailed.
description.
Artemisia, queen of Halicarnassus, accompanied Xerxes on this invasion
and was held in high esteem by him on account of her prudence and bravery.
She was almost alone in opposing an attack upon the Greeks, but when over-
ruled, no one displayed more impetuous daring than she. Watching every
phase of the fight, however, with the eye of a general, she was not long in
awaking to the fact that the only way of avoiding capture was by flight; so she
fled, hotly pursued by Aminias the Athenian trierarch, or commander of a
trireme. Directly across her line of flight lay a Persian vessel. Without turn-
ing a hair to the right or left, Artemisia drove her boat straight into the other,
cutting it in two and sending all on board to the bottom. Aminias saw only
one explanation of this act—the queen was a deserter from the Persian cause;.
and he therefore allowed her to escape.
Greece—Flight of Xerxes 207.
But the whole fleet of the invaders was defeated and fled in a disgraceful
panic. Besides the 200 ships that had been destroyed, the Greeks captured.
many more with their crews. A considerable Persian force had been landed on
a low barren island near the Southern entrance to the straits, with a view of
helping such of their vessels as should be driven thither, and to destroy those
of the Greeks that might Come within reach. When the Persian fleet was in
full flight, Aristides landed on the island with a body of troops, attacked the
Persians, overcame, and slew every one.
Who can imagine the rage of Xerxes when from his lofty perch he wit-
nessed this crowning degradation of his arms? He was like a lunatic, and
when some Phoenician crews were driven ashore at his feet, and attempted to
make excuse for their misfortune, he answered them by ordering their heads.
cut off.
And then Xerxes, as might have been expected, acted the part of the cow-
ard. Despite the severe losses of his fleet, it was still far superior to that of
the Greeks, who, expecting another battle, prepared for it; but the whole Per-
sian fleet was ordered to make haste in returning to Asia, and the best Persian
troops were landed and marched toward the Hellespont in order to save the
bridge there. The Greeks started in pursuit, but Eurybiades and the Pelopon-
nesians, well aware of the formidable strength of the Persians, thought it pru-
dent to let them escape, instead of driving them to bay as the Greeks them-
selves had been driven. It is impossible not to believe that this was the wiser
course; but Themistocles used the occasion to send another message to Xerxes,
which proved his selfishness and Cunning, as well as his resolve to take care of
his own interests. He used his former trustworthy slave to tell the monarch
that it was because of his personal friendship for him that he dissuaded his
countrymen from destroying the bridge over the Hellespont and cutting off
his retreat.
We have learned of the failure of Mardonius in his former attempt to invade
Greece, and it was he who did much to persuade Xerxes to withdraw. He flat-
tered the vanity of the monarch by representing that the great object of the ex-
pedition had been attained through the capture of Athens, and his glory there-
fore was not tarnished by a departure from the country. He insisted that the
complete conquest of Greece was easy, and he engaged to accomplish it with
an army of 300,000 men. Mardonius was supported in his views by Queen
Artemisia and the courtiers, and thus it happened that the stupendous invasion
of Greece came to naught.
When the retreating host reached Thessaly, Mardonius gathered the army
with which he expected to subdue the Greeks; but since autumn was at hand
and 60,000 of the troops were to act as an escort for Xerxes he decided tº
208 The Story of the Greatest Nations
postpone his campaign until the following spring. The diminished Persian
army reached the Hellespont after a march of about six weeks, where it was
found that the bridge had been swept away by storms; but the fleet was there
and carried the troops across. Thus closed the prodigious invasion, and the
Greeks celebrated their triumph, after their national custom, by welcoming
the victors with all honors in a great procession, and by the distribution of re-
wards. The chief prize for valor was given to the AEginetans and the second
to the Athenians, the first individual rank being accorded to Polycritus, the
AEginetan, and to Eumenes and Aminias, the Athenians, while the deities re-
ceived their full share of honor.
The main prize, however, was to be for the commander whose skill had most
helped to defeat the enemy. Each chieftain was called on to vote for whom he
thought deserved it; and, according to the story, each with frank simplicity
voted for himself. This did not help the people much toward a choice. But
fortunately the vote had called also for a second choice, and every single chief
had selected, as next to himself in merit, the same man—Themistocles. So by
unanimous vote Themistocles was declared the greatest of the Greek command-
ers. The Spartans crowned him with olive leaves, made him presents, and
received him in their city with such honors as they had never accorded before
to any but a Spartan. He stood upon a pinnacle of glory, the most famous
man of all the known world.
While Xerxes was thus being repelled in the east, a formidable enemy was
also assailing the western Greeks in Sicily. The most powerful of the Greek
colonial cities there was Syracuse. Her strength at this time was probably
greater even than that of Sparta; and it had need to be, for the Phoenicians of
Carthage, probably in alliance with Xerxes, suddenly invaded the island. They
made some trivial pretext of interfering among the quarrelling Greek cities, and
landed an army of, we are told, three hundred thousand men to besiege the
little town of Himera. Gelon, the king, or tyrant, of Syracuse, gathered all
the troops he could from the neighboring cities and attacked the invaders, with
a force far smaller than theirs. The battle was prolonged and desperate, the
result looked uncertain. -
Finally, Gelon resorted to a clever stratagem. The Carthaginians had been
assured of aid by certain traitorous Greeks; and Gelon, knowing this, sent a
body of his own men, who pretended to be the promised support. They were
received with joy by the invaders, and, being admitted to the centre of the
Camp, turned suddenly on the unsuspecting foe, set fire to their ships, and slew
right and left. The whole Greek army rushed again to the attack, and the
Carthaginians were crushed.
Christianity had not yet come to teach charity toward a fallen foe, and that
Greece—Battle of Himera 2O 9
entire body of three hundred thousand men was practically swept out of exist.
ence. A few escaped in the remnants of the burning ships, but a storm over-
whelmed these, and if we may believe the historian Diodorus, only one small
boat reached Carthage with the dreadful tidings. Fugitives by thousands hid
in the Sicilian mountains until hunger forced them to surrender themselves to
the Greeks. The remainder of their miserable lives they spent in chains labor-
ing for their conquerors. So numerous did these slaves become that their lives
were treated as of no account whatever; some private citizens had as many as
five hundred of them being worked or starved to death. The Greek cities of
Sicily were almost entirely rebuilt by this forced labor, becoming the splendid
monuments of a cruel crime.
Herodotus places this decisive battle of Himera on the same day with that
of Salamis. Europe had hurled back the invading forces of both Asia and
Africa. Later she was to attack them in her turn. -
Meanwhile the Persian fleet, after conveying Xerxes and his army across
the Hellespont, reassembled to the number of 400 in the following spring at
Samos, with the purpose of watching Ionia, which had become restless. The
Greek fleet, consisting of I IO vessels, gathered at the same time at AEgina,
under the command of the Spartan king Leotychides, but neither force attacked
the other. Meanwhile, Mardonius completed his arrangements for the cam-
paign, which he had promised Xerxes should bring all Greece under subjection.
While a number of the towns showed disaffection toward Persia, the Macedo-
nians, the Thessalians, and the Boeotians were disposed to aid the Persian
leader, who used all his arts to persuade the Athenians to join in the alliance,
but without effect. Sparta promised to support Athens, but broke the pledge.
Mardonius marched against Athens, accompanied by his numerous Greek allies,
and occupied it again early in the summer of B.C. 479, less than a year after the
retreat of Xerxes. Seductive offers were again made to the Athenians, who fled
from the city; but such was their resentment that the only man who favored
yielding was stoned to death with all the members of his family.
Having removed to Salamis, the Athenians sent messengers to Sparta, bit-
terly denouncing such faithlessness and intimating that unless their former
allies did their duty, the Athenians might find it necessary to form the pro-
posed alliance with Mardonius. If this were done, it meant the destruction of
Sparta; so she now moved vigorously. An army of IO,OOO, exclusive of the
Helots, was sent to the field, quickly followed by other allies from the Pelopon.
nesian cities.
Mardonius abandoned Attica before the approach of this force, and passed
into Boeotia, where the country was more favorable for his cavalry. He took
illp his position near the town of Plataea, where he built a strongly fortified
I4.
2 I O The Story of the Greatest Nations
camp. It should be borne in mind that many of his troops were dispirited by
the disastrous campaign of Xerxes the year before, and by the retreat of Mar-
donius himself, while the Greeks were enthusiastic and their numbers con-
stantly increased. Although they had no cavalry and only a few bowmen, their
forces numbered IIo,000 men. Each army was afraid to make an open attack,
and for days there was much skirmishing and harassing of each other's forces.
Finally Pausanias, the Greek commander, finding his position untenable, ordered
a retreat to another, about a mile to the rear, which was superior in every re-
spect. The withdrawal, owing to disputes among the leaders, was disorderly
and confused. It was made in the night, and, when Mardonius learned at day-
light of the movement, he ordered a pursuit. The battle that followed was of
the most furious nature, but Mardonius was killed and his whole army driven
in headlong confusion back to their fortified camp. There they were impetu-
ously attacked, and, despite a valiant resistance, defeated with great slaughter.
The dead were numbered by the tens of thousands, and many days were occu-
pied in burying the bodies. Mardonius was interred with honors, and the spot
remained marked for several hundred years by a monument. The treasures and
spoils gathered from the camp of the enemy were worth a kingdom.
Thebes, which had been the most powerful ally of the Persians, was next
besieged and captured; and the most prominent citizens who had favored the
enemy were put to death. The defensive league against the Persians was re-
newed and it was arranged that deputies should meet annually at Plataea.
Meanwhile, Leotychides having crossed the AEgean, attacked the Persian
fleet at Mycale, a promontory near Miletus, where he landed on the 4th of Sep-
tember, B.C. 479, the very day of the battle of Plataea. The army of 60,000
Persians lining the shore fled to their fortifications. They made a fierce de-
fence, but were routed and both their generals killed. What was left of the
Persian army retreated to Sardis, where Xerxes had lingered. Thus his vast
host had been ignominiously routed and his immense fleet destroyed. Never
again did the Persians dare invade Greece. It took several years to dislodge
them entirely, but in the end they were driven wholly out of Europe.
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THE PIRAEUS AND LONG WALLs of ATHENS
Chapter XVIII
THE AGE OF PERICLES
*HE reason the Greeks are so renowned in history is partly,
of course, because of their splendid war against the
Persians; but it is even more because of the half-cen-
tury of peaceful achievement and development that fol-
lowed. It was the golden age of Greece. A sudden
impulse was given to the whole Greek world, to the
Greek mind and heart and eye and tongue, by their
splendid triumph, their glorious independence. Just so we,
here in America, believe that much of our progress and suc-
cess have been due to the pride and high spirit roused by our
own War of Independence. Indeed, the two wars are so simi-
lar that a parallel is often made between them. In each case,
a powerful world-conquering nation attempted to subjugate
a small but sturdy race, scattered in little groups along the
seashore with a wilderness at its back, a race of expert sea-
men, practised mountaineers. The task seemed easy and was approached at first
with confidence, almost contempt; but in each case distance paralyzed the mighty
arm of the striker. The resisting patriots were at first beaten down by superior
resources, their cause seemed desperate; but refusing to recognize defeat, they
rallied again and again, and in the end the hired troops, fighting for pay, fell
backingloriously before the men who defended their homes and liberties.
You can trace the resemblance for yourself through the years whose story
is to follow, even down to the jealous civil war which disrupted the Grecian
2 I 2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
states. Only bear in mind that our progress has been mainly intellectual, that
of the Greeks was along artistic lines.
The Athenians came back after the war to a city twice destroyed and a
country made desolate. They had lost all their wealth, but they had learned,
at least for a time, a lesson more valuable than wealth. They had learned the
strength that lies in united action. They had passed together through such
trials as had made them really brothers. They had won by their courage and
determination a fame which they were resolved to maintain and to increase.
As one man they set to work to rebuild their city on a greater scale than before.
The Spartans had learned to respect and even to fear Athens as a possible
rival for the supremacy of Greece. They could not quarrel openly with a city
which had just done and suffered so much for their common land, but they saw
a way of checking its rising power. They sent an embassy advising that no
walls be built around the new city, for fear the Persians might capture it again
and make it a Persian stronghold. Spartan advice had long been equivalent to
a command in Grecian affairs, and the Athenians were much perplexed, because
to leave their city unwalled was to leave themselves forever at the mercy of
Sparta, or even of a lesser foe.
In this dilemma it was again the crafty Themistocles who came to the front.
He got himself sent to Sparta on an embassy to argue the matter. Two other
Athenians were to follow him, but these purposely delayed. Then while The-
mistocles lulled Spartan suspicion by wondering loudly why his two colleagues.
did not arrive, every man, woman, and child in Athens set to working night and
day upon the walls. There was no time for quarrying stone. Old houses were
torn down, and ruined temples. Broken columns and statues mingled with the
heap. Even gravestones were sacrificed to the pressing need, and for centuries
after could still be seen in the remains of the ponderous walls, as proof of the
haste and spirit with which the Athenians labored.
Rumors reached Sparta of what was going on. Themistocles equivocated,
still delayed things, and at last flatly denied the charge. He urged the Spar-
tans, instead of believing idle whispers, to send messengers for themselves and
See that nothing was being done at Athens. They took him at his word and
sent the messengers, thus causing further delay. Before their return the walls
were so far advanced that Themistocles threw off the mask, flatly avowed what
he had done, and told the Spartans that Athens needed no advice; she was
capable of judging her course for herself—and also of defending herself.
That was obviously so. It was too late to go to war against the walled and
resolute city; and besides, her late sacrifices for Greece made that a shameful
thing to do. So the Spartans yielded the point as gracefully as they could, but
they hated Themistocles ever after, as much as they had formerly honored him.
Greece—The Delian League 2 I 3
Another event at this time contributed even more to the rising power of
Athens. The Greeks were still busy driving the Persians from various forti-
fied posts which they held around the AEgean sea. The Asiatic Greeks had
also thrown off the Persian yoke, and all the fleets were now acting in unison
under a Spartan commander, Pausanias. Pausanias had won great renown by
being the general of the allied forces in the victory of Plataea; but he seems to
have been an incapable sort of man, haughty, treacherous, and selfish. He lost
his head under the honors heaped on him, and treated all around him, especially
the Asiatic Greeks, as though they had been slaves, not allies. He became a
victim to the subtle disease which destroyed so many Greeks, and which they
called Medism ; that is to say, he became fascinated by the wealth and display
of the Persian Satraps, he imitated their gorgeous dress and contemptuous man-
ner, he coveted their gold. He sold his honor and his country and entered into
an arrangement with Xerxes by which he was to bring all Greece under the
monarch's power and have the rule of it himself, as a Persian satrap with un-
bounded riches.
You would think that with such an aim he would have been specially
careful to conciliate the forces under him ; but instead he became more over-
bearing and offensive to them every day. Complaints against him poured into
Sparta, and at length he was summoned home from the fleet to answer the
charges against him. Even before he left, the Asian Greeks broke into open
revolt against him. They had not the old respect for Spartan leadership which
awed the European Greeks, and as Ionian colonies they looked naturally to
Athens as their mother city. Very fortunately for the Athenians the com-
mandant of their ships in the fleet chanced to be Aristides, Themistocles' old
rival, “the Just.” Even as Themistocles' craft had helped them before, so
Aristides’ high repute served them here.
The Ionians came to him in a body, and begged him to assume the leader-
ship of the fleet, to protect them against Spartan insolence and incapacity.
They formed a great naval union, called the Delian league, of which Athens
was to be the head; and to Aristides was entrusted the entire power to draw
up a set of equitable laws, by which all were to be bound.
So well and justly did he do his work that all the maritime cities around
the AEgean readily joined the league, then or soon thereafter. Athens found
herself suddenly and unexpectedly at the head of the mightiest naval power the
world had known. At first, it was a league where all were equal. Each city
was taxed, according to its size, a certain amount in ships and in money, Aris-
tides alone estimating the amount in each case. What an opportunity it was
for bribery! Yet never a whisper was heard against him; not one apportion-
ment was protested as unfair. gº
2 I 4 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The powerful and united navy slowly drove out the Persians; it cleared the
AEgean sea of pirates; it made Grecian commerce safe as it had never been be-
fore. Gradually the lesser and lazier cities found it much easier to contribute
all money instead of ships and men. Athens readily consented to the change
and herself supplied the vessels. As years slipped by the navy became more
and more Athenian, and the lesser cities became mere tributaries, which Athens
protected in return for their money. Then some of them sought to withdraw
from the league altogether, but Athens insisted on the necessity of a Greek
fleet, insisted on her tribute; and they were helpless. Almost unconsciously,
the equal and republican Delian league had shifted into an Athenian empire.
This, however, was a matter of many years, during which many things had
happened. The traitor Pausanias had met his punishment. So high was his
fame that on his recall to Sparta no man dared accuse him, and he remained in
Sparta for years prosecuting his plans defiantly, almost openly. His agents
spread all through Greece, his revolt was fully prepared, when, at the last mo-
ment, a frightened slave revealed everything. The proof was absolute and
damning; Pausanias himself was overheard discussing the plot.
The unwilling judges could no longer refuse to believe, and determined on
the arrest of their hero. He saw the anger in their eyes and fled from them to
the shrine of a temple. It would have been irreligious to drag him thence, so
a wall was built up around the shrine, a guard set about it, and Pausanias was
left to starve within. He was carefully watched, and just as death's hand was
touching him, the wall was broken down and he was carried out, that he might
not pollute the place by dying there.
His treason had touched a greater man. Themistocles, always delighting
in intrigue, always eager to mine deeper than other men and show himself sub-
tler than they, had taken some hand in the conspiracy, what, we hardly know.
The Spartans eagerly sent the proofs of this to Athens, whence he had been
already temporarily ostracized on a lesser suspicion of bribery. Themistocles
did not wait for a trial, which must inevitably have convicted him; he fled to
Persia.
Romance entwines all his later career. His flight is represented as full of
adventures. The successor of Xerxes was so delighted at his arrival that he
started repeatedly from his sleep, crying, “I have got Themistocles, the Athe-
nian.” The fugitive asked a year to learn the language before visiting the
Persian king, and then presented to him such schemes for conquering Greece
that the tribute of three cities was given him for his support. Year after year
he delayed putting his plans for the conquest into action, until he died, perhaps
taking poison when he could no longer delay the promise he had never meant
to keep.
Greece—The Beautifying of Athens 2 I 5
At the beginning of his career he had been only moderately rich, his for-
tune amounting to two or three talents; but he left vast estates to his descend-
ants in Persia. In Athens, too, even after his friends had saved for him all
they could, there had remained of his, and been confiscated by the state, the
enormous fortune of eighty talents, an astounding sum in those days, and a
sufficient commentary on his public career. Aristides, dying soon afterward,
had to be buried at the public expense. Of all the wealth that had passed
through his hands in connection with the Delian league, not one penny had
clung to soil them.
Of the younger generation of statesmen who succeeded these, the most
famous was Pericles. Indeed, this is often called, after him, the Age of Per-
icles. He was the son of the Athenian commander at Mycale, and himself
fought as a youth against the Persians. He became the leader of the people's
party or democracy of Athens. Changes had been made in the Athenian con-
stitution soon after Salamis by Aristides, which much extended the power of
the lower classes. Indeed, after the common exile and suffering, the common
labors and triumphs of that period, it would have been difficult to reintroduce
the old class distinctions. Now all men could vote, all could hold office; and
Pericles, as a splendid orator and the consistent champion of the common peo-
ple, became the real ruler of Athens.
As the city rose from its ruins, he determined to make it worthy of its fame
and power. He had all the wealth of the Delian league at his command, he
had a people the most artistic the world has known. It was the time of the
sculptor Phidias, of whom you have already read. Pericles supplied the money,
Phidias and twenty others brought the genius, and among them they created
the wonderful Athens of story. Day after day Pericles, with his beautiful
friend and counsellor, Aspasia, visited the studio of Phidias to admire and to
criticise. Not only were the wonderful buildings and statues on the Acropolis
erected; every quarter had its temples, every street had its marble figures of
the gods and heroes. The market place, or agora, a great open Square in the
middle of the city, was surrounded with covered walks lined with statues. The
long walls were built connecting Athens with its seaports five miles away, and
making it practically secure from conquest.
Pericles had grasped the theory of modern governments, that since the state
is supported by all the citizens, it must be governed for the good of all. He
believed that every man ought to be brought in actual touch with the govern-
ment, so as to have a living interest in it. Moreover, his state had the money
to make his ideas effective. Few Athenians engaged in trade or business of
any kind. They spent their lives in the service of the state, and the state re-
paid them liberally. They served in her fleets and armies abroad, or in her law
2 I 6 The Story of the Greatest Nations
courts and assemblies at home. To such a general height of culture did the
citizens attain that most officials were chosen by lot, not elected, each man
proving about as capable as others of filling his position with success and
honor.
The leisure time of the people was occupied in the study of the arts, for the
further beautifying of their city, or in practising athletic games in the gymna-
sium. They reached a state of bodily health and strength and beauty appar-
ently far in advance of ours. They became trained orators; they built splen-
did open-air theatres and developed the drama to heights of great power. It
was the time of the three famous tragedians, AEschylus, Sophocles and Euri-
pides, and of the comic dramatist Aristophanes.
Some giddier heads unfortunately gave themselves more or less to dissipa-
tion. We have a very clear picture of the mingled wisdom and folly of the
young “bloods” in Plato's dialogue, the “Symposium.” It depicts a dinner at
the house of Agatho, a well-known tragic poet, the friend of Plato, Socrates,
Alcibiades, and Euripides. Love in all its phases is made the subject of the
speeches of those present at the banquet. Agatho, and the wise Socrates, have
a lively argument which a friend represses. The poet Aristophanes is about to
say something, when a band of revellers break into the court and the voice of
the dashing young Alcibiades is heard asking for Agatho. He is brought in
intoxicated and is welcomed by Agatho, whom he has come to crown with a
garland. He is placed on a couch at Agatho's side, but suddenly, on recogniz-
ing Socrates, he starts up and carries on a sort of wit conflict with him which
Agatho is asked to appease. Alcibiades insists that they shall drink, and has
a large wine-cooler filled, which he first empties himself, then fills again and
passes to Socrates. He is informed of the nature of the entertainment, and
joins in the spirit of it, singing the praises of Socrates and expressing the hope
that the sage will soon fall in love with him. When Alcibiades has finished, a
philosophical dispute begins between him, Agatho, and Socrates. Presently
another band of revellers appears and introduces disorder into the feast; the
sober guests withdraw; others remain, till by dawn all but Socrates are hope-
lessly drunk, and he goes to his daily devotions. -
Naturally Pericles made enemies, not personal but political ones. Sparta,
seeing herself outshone by her more active rival, intrigued against him. The
party of the aristocracy were always opposed to his liberal democratic meas-
ures. Even among the poorer classes envious men were not wanting who
would gladly have overthrown him to take his place. But hatred itself could
find no criminal charge to bring against Pericles. He had wealth of his own,
more than sufficient for his wants. In appearance he was handsome but re-
served, and even haughty. He had none of the arts of the demagogue. His
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Greece—Death of Pericles 217
leading aristocratic rival, Cimon, the son of Miltiades, stooped to curry favor
with the people, to praise them for their greatness, to scatter money among
them, to clap them on the back and set them drinking. Pericles was always
quiet, retiring, even austere; but the people trusted him, and followed him as
they would no other. His oratory is said to have been so convincing that he
carried all men with him, even his enemies.
These, finding him invulnerable to their attacks, assailed him through his
friends. In the early days of his success, when party feeling was at its high-
est, his comrade and equal, Ephialtes, was murdered by the aristocracy. It is
the sole instance of such an outbreak during the age, and by the indignation
aroused, it contributed not a little to the success of Pericles. Later his foes
tried subtler arts. His close friend, Socrates, was repeatedly accused of im-
piety in his teachings to the young, and was finally, after Pericles' death, exe-
cuted on that charge. Aspasia was also assailed because of her relations to the
great Statesman.
The main force of this cowardly method of attack, however, was directed
against the unfortunate sculptor Phidias. He was first accused of having stolen
for himself some of the gold intended for the statue of Minerva in the Parthe-
non. Fortunately, Pericles, foreseeing this very charge, had advised his friend
to place the gold on in such a way that it could be removed without damaging
the statue. So Pericles was able to clear himself triumphantly by taking off
the gold and weighing it in the presence of his enemies. Then he was accused
of impiety and insolence toward the gods in that he had placed a likeness of
himself and also one of Pericles among the figures on Minerva's shield. What
truth there may have been in this charge we hardly know. The sculptor was
thrown in prison to await trial, but when the jailors came to bring him before
the tribunal they found him dead. Perhaps he had been poisoned by those evil
foes, whose malice found in his wonderful genius only an additional stimulus to
their hatred.
It is plain, then, that Pericles' power in Athens was not absolute, yet he
remained its leading citizen and guide until his death. This occurred during
the early days of the great Peloponnesian war, a tragedy which he had long
sought to avoid, but whose early operations he managed with wisdom and suc-
cess. Athens was stricken with a plague, and Pericles was among the victims.
As he lay dying, the friends who surrounded his bed whispered of this and that
great deed that he had performed. “You forget,” said he, rousing, “the dis-
tinction of which I am most proud. No Athenian has ever put on mourning
for any act of mine.”
===================
SPARTAN SPIES Watching ATHENS FROM ELEUsis
Chapter XIX
THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR
ºHE grandest scheme of Pericles was that of uniting the
º Grecian states into a Hellenic confederation the aim
of which was to end the mutually destructive wars of
the kindred peoples. He opened negotiations for that
*Aj purpose, and had his countrymen been able to measure
- up to his far-reaching sagacity, Greece would have be-
come a mighty nation fitted to confront the world.
There would have been no danger from the semibarbarous
Macedonians, and it is not improbable that Rome herself, at a
later period, would have been compelled to stop the march of
her legions on the shores of the Adriatic instead of the Eu-
phrates. But the other Greeks could not appreciate the nobil-
ity of such patriotism, and through their secret intrigues
brought the magnificent scheme to naught. Sparta and
Athens, each jealous of the other, were long in such mood
toward each other that war was inevitable.
Their immediate cause of battle was found in the quarrels of their lesser
allies. The Corcyraeans had founded the city of Epidamnus on the coast of
Illyria. Corcyra (now Corfu) was itself a colony of Corinth, and though long
on ill terms with her, was obliged, according to long-established custom, to se-
lect the founder of Epidamnus from the Corinthians, whose city therefore be-
came the metropolis of Epidamnus also. The people of the latter were hard
pressed at that time by the Illyrians, and applied to Corcyra for help, which
Greece—Causes of the Peloponnesian War 2 I Q
was refused. Then they turned to the Corinthians, who organized a force to
assist them. This highly angered the Corcyraeans, who proceeded to upset the
Epidamnian government, and blockaded the town and its Corinthian garrison.
Then the Corinthians fitted out a stronger fleet, aided by their allies, but they
were decisively defeated by the Corcyraeans off Cape Actium, and on the same
day Epidamnus surrendered to their blockading squadron.
The Corinthians were humiliated beyond endurance. They devoted two
years to preparing to wipe out the disgrace and built so formidable a navy that
the alarmed Corcyraeans applied to Athens for help. The Corinthians also sent
an embassy thither to protest. After much hesitation the Athenians concluded
a merely defensive alliance with Corcyra. In other words, it was agreed to
help the Corcyraeans in case their country was actually invaded, but to go no
further.
In the naval battle which soon followed, the victory was won by the Corin-
thians, whereupon the Athenians abandoned their neutrality, and the small force
they had sent to the help of the Corcyraeans did its utmost to save them from
their pursuers. When the battle was renewed, the help of the Athenians en-
abled the Corcyraeans to defeat their enemies. This was in B. c. 432.
The Corinthians were not the ones to forgive Athens for the part she had
played and they longed for the opportunity of revenge. Some time previously
the Athenians had received into their alliance two brothers of the Macedonian
prince Perdiccas, with whom he was at odds. In his resentment, Perdiccas
stirred up a revolt among the tributaries of Athens, giving special attention to
the town of Potidaea, on the isthmus of Pallene. Though it was tributary to
Athens, it was originally a colony of Corinth toward which it still owed a cer-
tain allegiance. Perdiccas sent envoys to the town to start a revolt, and de-
spatched others to Sparta to urge the Peloponnesian league to declare war
against Athens.
Well aware of what was going on, the Athenian fleet on its way to act
against Perdiccas ordered the Potidaeans to level the walls of their town toward
the Sea, to send away the Corinthian delegates, and to give hostages as pledges
of their future loyalty. The reply of the Potidaeans was to raise the standard
of revolt. The Athenians were tardy in acting, and the Corinthians used the
time in throwing reinforcements into the town. A half understanding was
patched up with Perdiccas and the entire Athenian force marched overland to
Potidaea. In the battle fought outside the town, the Corinthians were defeated
and withdrew into Potidaea, which was besieged both by sea and land.
The Lacedaemonians yielded to the urgings of their allies and called a gen-
eral meeting of the Peloponnesian confederacy at Sparta. There were numer-
ous grievances against Athens, and after earnest debate it was decided by a
22 O The Story of the Greatest Nations
large majority vote to declare war against her. A second congress of the allies
was summoned at Sparta, when the whole Peloponnesian confederacy pledged
itself to the war. This important resolution was adopted near the close of
B.C. 432, or a few months later.
The formidable character of the war can be gathered from the respective
allies arrayed on the two sides. With Sparta was the whole of Peloponnesus,
except Argos and Achaia, and also the Megarians, Boeotians, Phocians, Opun-
tian Locrians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians. Their lack was a
Strong navy, though ships were furnished by Corinth and several other cities.
Aid in this direction was expected from the Dorian cities in Italy and Sicily,
and it was the intention to apply to the Persian king for a Phoenician fleet to
use against Athens.
The allies of Athens were all insular with the exception of the Thessalians,
Acarnanians, Messenians at Naupactus, and Plataeans, and they included the
Chians, Lesbians, Corcyraeans and Zacynthians, and later the Cephallenians,
and also the tributary towns on the coast of Thrace and Asia Minor, and all the
islands north of Crete, except Melos and Thera. Athens had also at immediate
Command 3OO triremes, I,2OO Cavalry, I, 6OO bowmen, and 29, OOO hoplites.
The treasury at the Acropolis contained $7,000,000, with a reserve fund in the
shape of the plate and votive offerings in the temple, besides which she could
Count upon the annual tribute of her subjects. Sad it was that these two for-
midable rivals could not have joined hands as Pericles had urged, instead of
flying at each other's throat; but such has been the madness of men from
remote generations.
The Lacedaemonians ordered their allies to send two-thirds of their dispos-
able troops to the isthmus of Corinth, for the purpose of invading Attica.
The Spartan king Archidamus was their commander-in-chief, and he hoped
that when the Athenians learned of the vastly superior force threatening them
they would yield; but at the instance of Pericles, the herald who was sent for-
ward by the Spartan commander was not allowed to enter the city.
The soldiers under the command of Archidamus numbered nearly a hundred
thousand, and for a time he held back, still hoping the Athenians would see the
folly of resisting him; but finding this hope in vain, he moved slowly forward,
and by a roundabout route crossed the border and arrived at Eleusis in the
month of June, B. C. 43 I. *
Following the orders of Pericles, the inhabitants of Attica secured them-
selves and their property within the walls of Athens, which was greatly crowded
therefrom. Encamping within a few miles of the city, Archidamus ravaged the
fertile country, destroying crops and property to such an extent that the owners
were roused to exasperation and demanded of Pericles the privilege of marching
Greece—The Plague in Athens 22 I
out and attacking the despoilers. Because he resolutely refused this Pericles
was denounced as a traitor. He would not risk an open battle, though he per-
mitted a number of forays upon the enemy by way of retaliation. Still further,
he retaliated upon Peloponnesus itself, where much damage was done by the
troops sent thither on his vessels. It was this expedition that secured the vol-
untary submission of the island of Cephallenia and its enrolment among the
allies of Athens.
The naval operations of the year were of considerable importance. In-
censed against Ægina for the part its inhabitants had taken in bringing on the
war, Pericles himself led a fleet against them and totally destroyed their sev-
enty-five ships. The island was almost depopulated, the people fleeing to the
mainland, where they settled under the protection of Sparta. It was not until
the close of the long war that they were able to return to their ruined homes.
Archidamus withdrew from Attica at the end of about six weeks, and the
Athenians took sharp vengeance upon the Megarians, whose territory they
ruthlessly ravaged; and the same thing was repeated every season up to the
close of the war. It was apparent to both sides that the hostilities would con-
tinue for a long time, and preparations were made to that end.
The next year, the invasion of Attica by Archidamus was accompanied by
a more dreadful enemy. A plague broke out which carried off one-third of the
whole population, among them Pericles himself, whose death we have already
noted. The scenes were dreadful beyond description, with the dead and dying
lying unheeded in the streets and the dogs fighting over the bodies. Those
who escaped the grisly visitation were oppressed by almost mortal despondency,
during which the invasion of the Lacedaemonians was pushed to the more
southern portions of Attica, while the privateers of their fleet inflicted great
damage upon the Athenian commerce and fisheries. Sad to say, too, each side
was guilty of atrocities more worthy of Savages than of civilized persons.
The third year of the war (B.C. 429) opened with nothing decisive accom-
plished by either party. The fact that the country had already been ravaged
by two invasions, and the fear of the plague led Archidamus to direct his ener-
gies against the town of Plataea. In reply to the protests of the defenders, he
agreed to respect their independence if they would promise to remain neutral.
The Plataeans replied that they would do nothing without the consent of the
Athenians, in whose care they had placed their families. Archidamus offered
to hand over their town and territory to the Lacedaemonians, pledging to hold
everything in trust until the end of the war, when it should be restored to
them. The offer was so fair that the majority favored accepting it, but decided
that the consent of the Athenians must first be obtained. The answer to their
message to Athens was an exhortation for them to hold out and the promise to
22, 2. The Story of the Greatest Nations
send the needed assistance. The reply was proclaimed from the walls, and
Archidamus, who seemed really to be reluctant to press the siege, felt that he
had no excuse for holding back. This siege formed one of the most remark-
able episodes of the Peloponnesian war.
The garrison consisted of only 400 citizens and 80 Athenians, including also
I Io women for the management of household affairs. This number defied the
whole army of Archidamus, who set about his work with deliberation and skill.
He first surrounded the town with a palisade, thus shutting in the garrison
against any escape during the storm or darkness of night. Then he began
building an immense mound of timber, earth, and stones against the wall, the
outer side sloping away in an inclined plane. It will be seen that when this
was completed it would give an easy road to the top of the wall, over which the
besieging troops could pass without trouble.
The entire army labored at this miniature mountain for seventy days and
nights. In the mean time, the Plataeans undermined the vast mound and caused
it to fall in repeatedly, but the besiegers overcame this difficulty. When, how-
ever, they carried the summit to the level of the wall, they were frustrated by
the cleverness of the defenders, who had built a new wall, curving inward like
a horseshoe, which left the threatened portion of the old one outside. When
that should be carried, the besiegers would be in no better position than before.
Baffled in this manner, the Lacedaemonians settled down to a blockade that
should compel the little garrison to yield through hunger. The town was sur-
rounded by a double wall, the space between being sixteen feet wide and roofed
over, with a deep ditch on the outside and one on the inside toward the city.
A large number of troops were left to guard this wall and keep watch of the
defenders, while those who could be spared were sent to other fields of opera-
tion.
The siege lasted two years, during which not a thing was done by the Athe-
nians for the relief of Plataea, but in the second year one-half the garrison es-
caped by means of a daring stratagem. Provisions were running low and the
Plataean commander urged the men to make the attempt, but only 212 had the
courage to try the hazardous venture.
On a cold, stormy night in December, these men stole like so many phan-
toms out of the gates, each carrying a ladder, adapted to the height of the wall.
These were set against it midway between the two towers occupied by the
guard, and the first party went up and killed the sentinels on duty, without
causing any alarm. Nearly all the Plataeans had gained the summit, when one
of them knocked down a tile in the darkness, the noise of whose fall told the
guards what was going on. They instantly turned out, but were at great dis-
advantage, for in the darkness all was confusion, and the lighted torches which
Greece—Destruction of Plataea 223
they carried made them targets for the arrows and javelins of the Plataeans,
who had reached the other side of the walls. All escaped except one man,
who was captured, and several who lost heart and turned back.
Starvation threatened the remaining garrison. The Lacedaemonian com-
mander could have taken the place by storm, but refrained, because if he did so
he would be compelled to give it up at the conclusion of peace, whereas if the
submission was voluntary his country would have the right to keep it. When,
therefore, the demand was made for surrender with the promise that only the
guilty should be punished, the terms were accepted and Plataea submitted in
B. c. 427. Sad to say, the 200 Plataeans and 25 Athenians, after the mockery
of a trial, were put to death, and the town transferred to the Thebans, who some-
time later levelled the houses to the earth.
The events of the remaining years of the war were indecisive down to B. c.
42 I, when a truce or pretended peace—that of Nicias—was made. A good
deal of injury had been inflicted on both sides, but since the towns captured
were mutually to be restored, Sparta and Athens, with the exception of the loss
of life and suffering, stood where they were at the breaking out of hostilities.
In the fifth year, Mitylene had been captured and the Athenian assembly,
urged thereto by Cleon and other demagogues, decreed that all of the Mityle-
neans should be put to death; but the terrible decision was reversed just in
time to prevent its being carried into effect. The awful plague came back in
the sixth year, and there were floods and earthquakes of great violence. The
Athenians proved themselves masters on the Sea, and having blockaded Sphac-
teria, where the flower of the Lacedaemonian army were shut in, the Spartans
were so despondent that they sued Athens for peace; but the terms of Cleon
were so extravagant that they could not be accepted, and the war went on.
Finally, as we have learned, peace was declared in the eleventh year of the war,
when it was decreed that the peace should last for fifty years. It was about
this time that the marplot Cleon was slain, while suffering defeat at the hands
of Brasidas, who also lost his life.
The terms of the treaty between the Athenian Nicias and the Spartan king
Pleistoanax provided for a mutual restitution of prisoners and places captured
during the war, but the Thebans retained the ruins of Plataea on the claim that
it had been voluntarily surrendered, while on the same grounds Athens was
allowed to keep Nisaea, Anactorium, and Sollium. Neutral towns were to
remain independent and pay only the assessments of Athens. By the terms of
this treaty, as will be seen, Sparta sacrificed the interests of her allies in order
to preserve her own. They were sullen and resentful, and the Boeotians, Corin-
thians, Eleans, and Megarians refused to ratify the agreement. This action
alarmed Sparta, which formed an offensive and defensive alliance with Athens,
224 The Story of the Greatest Nations
it being agreed that each might increase or diminish at pleasure the number of
its allies and subjects.
Matters were in a worse shape than before. The dissatisfied allies of
Sparta set to work to revive the ancient pretensions of Argos, and to make her
the head of a new league which should include all Greece with the exception
of Athens and Sparta. The Corinthians launched this important scheme, and
were soon joined by the Eleans and Mantineans and the Chalcidians. Tegea,
Boeotia and Megara, however, held aloof.
This state of affairs was very unsatisfactory to Athens and Sparta. The
latter confessed that she could not compel her allies to ratify the treaty, and the
successor of Brasidas, in command at Amphipolis, claimed he was not strong
enough to surrender it against the will of the inhabitants. He withdrew the
garrison, but the Athenians made no attempt to occupy the town. Athens on
her part refused to evacuate Pylus, although she removed the Helots and
Messenians from it. -
The negotiations regarding the surrender of Pylus brought forward one of
the most remarkable Greeks of his time. This was Alcibiades, born in Athens,
B.C. 450. We have already seen him as the pupil and friend of Socrates. He
was educated in the house of Pericles, his uncle, and in his youth gave evidence
of extraordinary mental and bodily gifts. He was of distinguished birth, hand-
some of person, very wealthy, and highly popular, but was unable to restrain
his love of luxury and dissipation. He bore arms for the first time when eigh-
teen years old in the expedition against Potidaea, where he was wounded and
was saved from death by Socrates. Eight years later, it was his privilege to
save in turn the life of the philosopher at the battle of Delium.
Alcibiades took no part in politics until after the death of Cleon, when he
exerted all his great ability to stir up the old enmity against Sparta. It was
due to him that the Athenians engaged in the enterprise of conquering Syra-
cuse, the most important city of Sicily. If this proved successful, Athens
would gain a vast preponderance over Sparta, and Alcibiades would be carried
to the topmost wave of prosperity and glory. In B.C. 4 I 5, the Athenians
despatched a fleet and army against Syracuse, to which the Spartans sent rein-
forcements, and thus the Peloponnesian war was renewed.
The story of Alcibiades is deeply interesting. He was appointed to the
command of the Sicilian expedition, together with Nicias and Lamachus; but
while preparations were under way, it happened one night that all the statues
of Mercury in Athens were mutilated. The people were exasperated, and well
knowing the roystering character of Alcibiades, they laid the blame upon him
and his boon companions. His enemies waited, however, until he had sailed
upon his expedition, when they kindled so strong a resentment against him
Greece—Athenian Defeat at Syracuse 225
that he was recalled to stand trial. He was incensed, and on his way home
landed at Thurii, made his escape, and, fleeing to Sparta, speedily made himself
highly popular with the people. It was he who persuaded the Lacedaemonians
to send assistance to the Syracusans, and to form an alliance with the king of
Persia. -
The Syarcusans needed help greatly, for they had been reduced almost to
despair by the bold attacks and close siege of the Athenian general Nicias.
However, Gylippus, the general sent against him by the Spartans, proved as
able as his opponent, and with his troops soon restored the struggle to an equal
footing. Sicily now became the chief centre of the war. Both sides were heav-
ily reinforced; the flower of the Athenian army and navy gathered at Syracuse.
At last the Spartans and Syracusans combined managed to win a complete
victory. The Athenian fleet was destroyed and the army, left unsupported and
unprovisioned in a strange country, surrendered in a body, after suffering all the
tortures of flight and starvation. Nicias, their general, was put to death, and
the entire army became Sicilian slaves. This is considered one of the great
decisive battles of the world, for it broke the power of Athens. It left her
hopeless of the universal empire toward which she had been aiming; and her
struggle now became only that of the captive in the toils, a battling for mere
existence among the enemies that hemmed her round.
This was in the year B. c. 413, and all Greece supposed that Athens must
now surrender on whatever terms the allies chose to dictate. Instead, she con-
tinued the war with an energy worthy of her in the best days of Pericles. Most
of her allies and dependent cities deserted her, threw off her yoke, or even
joined the attack against her; but every remaining citizen devoted himself and
his fortune actively to the struggle. Ship after ship was built and manned.
The city with its giant walls remained impregnable. Throughout the next
eight years the Peloponnesian war was carried on mainly at sea off the coast of
Asia. Sparta did not hesitate to ally herself with Persia, which could never
forgive Athens for the humiliation suffered at her hands a few years before.
Thus it was that Persian gold enabled Sparta to wage the contest against
Athens, which, however, made a bold stand and kept up the contest with amaz-
ing vigor.
Alcibiades had gone to Chios and soon had all Ionia in revolt against
Athens; but his popularity roused the jealousy of the leading men in Sparta,
who ordered their generals in Asia to have him assassinated. Alcibiades
learned of the plot and fled to Tissaphernes, a Persian satrap, to whom he soon
made himself indispensable. He resumed his old luxurious habits and repre-
sented to Tissaphernes that it was against the interests of Persia to disable the
Athenians.
I 5
226 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The next step of the audacious Alcibiades was to send word to the com-
manders of the Athenian forces at Samos that he would procure for them the
friendship of the satrap if they would commit the government of Athens to an
oligarchy. This offer was accepted by the desperate citizens, and the Supreme
power was vested in a council of four hundred persons, but the body did not
recall Alcibiades. This so angered the army that they chose him as their com-
mander, and demanded that he should lead them against Athens and overthrow
the tyrants. Alcibiades thought it wise to postpone his return until after he
had rendered Athens some signal service. Accordingly, he attacked and
defeated the Lacedaemonians both by sea and land. Tissaphernes ordered him
to be arrested on his return to Sardis, but Alcibiades found means to escape,
and, again placing himself at the head of the army, defeated the Lacedaemo-
nians and Persians at Cyzicus; captured Cyzicus, Chalcedon, and Byzantium;
restored to the Athenians the dominion of the sea, and then in the year B.C.
407 returned to Athens, where he was received with unbounded enthusiasm.
Being now in one sense the foremost man of his country, he was sent again
into Asia with one hundred ships, but being distressed because he was not sup-
plied with money for the soldiers' pay, he was obliged to ask assistance at
Caria, when he turned over the command for the time to Antiochus, who was
drawn into an ambuscade by the Spartan admiral Lysander, killed, and a part of
his ships captured. This gave the opportunity to the enemies of Alcibiades to
accuse him and appoint another commander. He went to Thrace and lived in
voluntary exile in Pactyae, one of his splendid castles and a small part of his
former spoils. A couple of years later, finding himself in danger from the
Lacedaemonians, he proceeded to Bithynia, intending to go to Artaxerxes, the
Persian king, and try to win him over to the interests of his country.
The tyrants then ruling in Athens sent a request which brought an order to
Pharnabazus, a satrap of Artaxerxes, to put Alcibiades to death. His castle in
Phrygia was surrounded and set on fire, and while trying to escape from the
flames he was pierced to death by a shower of arrows. Thus died Alcibiades
in B. c. 404, in the forty-fifth year of his age. -
Meanwhile the Spartan Lysander had inflicted another and final defeat upon
the Athenians. While they were engaged in ravaging Chios, they learned that
Lysander had begun the siege of Lamsacus, and they immediately sailed for the
Hellespont, arriving too late to save the town, but they moved up the strait and
took post at AEgos Potamos, or Goat's River (B. C. 405). The position was
a bad one in every respect, it being so difficult to obtain supplies that the sea-
men were obliged to leave their ships to procure their meals. Naturally the
Athenians were eager to bring Lysander to an engagement, but since he had
an excellent position and an abundance of provisions, he chose to await his own
Greece–Surrender of Athens 227
convenience. He refused so persistently to come out and fight that the Athe-
nians looked upon his conduct as cowardice, and became negligent.
This was what the wily Spartan admiral Lysander was waiting for, and
when his opportunity came, he passed swiftly across the strait with his ships.
Of the one hundred and eighty Athenian vessels no more than a dozen were
prepared for attack, and he captured all the rest without striking a blow. Among
those that escaped was the trireme of Conon, the Athenian commander, who,
afraid to return to Athens after such shameless incompetency, took refuge with
the prince of Salamis in Cyprus. All the Athenian prisoners, numbering
nearly four thousand, were put to death, in retaliation for the cruelty perpetrated
upon Spartan captives. A shameful feature of this crowning disgrace was that
it was aided by the connivance of some of the Athenian generals, a number of
whom were always open to corruption and bribery.
This overwhelming disaster sealed the doom of Athens. All her depend-
encies, with the exception of Samos, yielded at once to Lysander. With star-
vation stalking in her streets, the capital girded its loins for the supreme strug-
gle. But famine did its insidious work, and the gaunt defenders surrendered
on condition that the long walls and the fortifications of Piraeus should be de-
molished; that the Athenians should give up all their foreign possessions and
restrict themselves to their own territory; that they should yield their ships of
war, and should receive back all their exiles and become the allies of Sparta.
It was in the latter part of March, B.C. 404, that Lysander sailed into Piraeus,
took formal possession of Athens, and all the conditions of the surrender were
carried out amid the gloom and unspeakable depression of the people and a
carnival of rejoicing on the part of the conquerors. Thus ended the Pelopon-
nesian war, which had lasted for twenty-seven years.
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DEATH OF EPAMINONDAS
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Chapter XX
SPARTAN AND THE BAN SUPREMACY
#; *PARTA stood without a rival in Greece after the fall and
decline of Athens, and for thirty-four years the Lacedae-
monian sway was supreme. Yet, despite the humbling
of Athens, it was during the period named that Greek
genius put forth some of its choicest blossoms of art and
literature, which have been the charm of the succeeding
ages. Marvellous indeed were the gifts imparted to that
wonderful people.
We have already learned of the alliance between the Per-
sians and Sparta, by which the might of Athens was overthrown.
Now, Cyrus the Younger was the second of the sons of Darius
Nothus, or Ochus, and he plotted against his brother Artaxerxes
Mnemon, who had succeeded to the Persian throne in B. c. 404.
The plot being discovered, he was at first sentenced to death,
but afterward pardoned and even made satrap of Asia Minor.
Cyrus returned to Sardis filled with flaming resentment and re
solved never to rest until he had dethroned his brother; but he bided his time,
The peace which followed the fall of Athens seemed to be his opportunity,
for thousands of the incomparable Greek soldiers were idle or driven into exile,
and would welcome employment in his service. He hired a large number under
the pretext of a private war with the satrap Tissaphernes, for he knew that
every man of them was the equal of three or four of his own countrymen.
The preparations for so important an enterprise as that of Cyrus consumed time,
Greece—March of the “Ten Thousand” 229
and were not completed until the opening of B.C. 4OI. When he marched from
Sardis his army numbered IOO,OOO Asiatics, besides I 3,OOO Greek mercenaries.
He gave out that the object of the expedition was to chastise the mountain
robbers in Pisidia, only one or two of the leaders knowing the truth. Among
the volunteers was Xenophon, to whose Anabasis we owe the history of the
enterprise. The march was an imposing one, but when Pisidia was passed the
Greeks saw they had been deceived, and suspected the real object of the expe-
dition to be the dethronement of the Persian king. They were incensed and
would have turned back but for the dangers and the long distance behind them.
They sent a deputation to Cyrus demanding to know his real intention. He
replied that it was to march against the satrap of Syria, who was encamped on
the banks of the Euphrates. The reply was accompanied by the promise to
raise the pay of the Greeks, and, though they still suspected a trick, they de-
cided to remain with the army, which marched forward to Issus, the last town
in Cilicia, and on the gulf of the same name. There they met the fleet which
brought I, IOO more Greek soldiers. When the Euphrates was reached Cyrus
revealed the real object of the expedition; but it had generally been suspected,
and the resentment of the Greeks was soothed by the promise of abundant pay
and plunder. At a place called Cunaxa, they were attacked by Artaxerxes
with a host that numbered nearly a million men, which smothered the army of
Cyrus, who was killed while making a furious attempt to reach and slay his
brother. The retreat of the remaining Greeks, the “Ten Thousand,” as they
were called, who were fifteen hundred miles from Sardis and were compelled to
overcome all manner of danger and difficulties, is a most interesting story.
Their leaders were entrapped by the Persian monarch and murdered at a
banquet to which he invited them. This, he thought, would settle the fate of
the remainder, who must inevitably surrender. Indeed they seem to have been
on the point of doing this, when Xenophon roused them to resistance. He
was chosen one of their leaders, and, defying the whole force of Persia, led
them on their march back to Greece. They had no guides, or only such as
misled them, so they marched directly northward, knowing that thus they must
eventually reach the Baltic Sea. The Persians assailed them continually; they
had to cross mountain chains where many perished from the cold; they had to
derive their sustenance from the wild regions through which they passed, and
to defeat the ambuscades of savage tribes. Yet their valor and Xenophon's
leadership brought them safely through all, and at last, after a march of many
months, they reached the sea. After hailing it with such extravagance of joy
as might be expected from men who had hardly even dared to hope for escape,
they followed along the shores to safety among the Grecian colonies that lined
the sea. This expedition had a most important effect in after years in that it
23O The Story of the Greatest Nations
suggested to one Greek that he, too, might march an army through the heart of
the Persian empire, but toward its capital, not away from it.
We must now return to the main thread of our narrative which follows that
of Spartan supremacy, resulting from the victory at AEgos Potamos, and which
continued till the defeat at Leuctra in B. c. 37 I. Persia could not fail to see
the jealousy and dislike of the other Grecian states to the newly acquired em-
pire of Sparta, and she turned it to good account. By distributing a large sum
of money, Thebes, Corinth, and Argos were brought in line with Persia, and the
hostilities which soon opened were at first confined to Sparta and Thebes. But
the flames spread and the strange sight was seen of the Thebans applying to
their old rivals and implacable enemies, the Athenians, for help, with the offer
to assist them in recovering their lost empire, and the Athenians promptly
granted their appeal. The army of Lysander was routed by the Thebans, and
that distinguished commander slain, the Lacedaemonians being compelled to
withdraw from the territory.
This humiliation of Sparta led her enemies to take fresh courage. Thebes,
Athens, Corinth, and Argos formed a league against her, and were soon joined
by the Euboeans, the Acarnanians, the Ozolian Locrians, the Ambraciots, the
Leucadians, and the Chalcidians of Thrace. Because a large force of the allies
assembled at Corinth in the spring of B. C. 394, the war is known in history as
the Corinthian. The battle of Corinth was fought in July, and though the al-
lies of the Lacedaemonians were routed, the victory went to their leaders.
Within a space of less than two months, two battles on land and one on sea
were fought. The Spartans were successful on the land, though not decisively
so, but the naval defeat at Cnidus caused the loss of nearly all of their mari-
time empire.
In the spring of B.C. 393, the Athenian admiral Conon and the satrap Phar-
nabazus sailed from the Hellespont with a powerful fleet and headed for the
Peloponnesus. Placing an Athenian garrison on the captured island of Cy-
thera, they proceeded to the isthmus of Corinth, then occupied as a central post
by the allies. Conon obtained the consent of the satrap to rebuild the fortifi-
cations of Piraeus and the long walls of Athens, not because of the love of
Pharnabazus for Athens, but because of his greater hatred of Sparta. It was a
strange reversal of fortune that the Thebans who had been most delighted with
the despoiling and fall of Athens, and the Persians who paid Sparta to destroy
it, now joined hands in rebuilding it. -
The pendulum of war swung back and forth until the disgraceful peace of
Antalcidas was concluded in the year B.C. 387, by which Hellas was prostrated
at the feet of Persia, for the terms engraven on stone and set up in the sanc-
tuaries of Greece accepted the barbarian king as the arbiter of her destinies.
Greece—Rise of Thebes 23 I
Sparta pretended to aim to secure the independence of the Grecian cities, but
her real purpose was to break up the confederacies formed by Athens and
Thebes, and, with the aid of Persia, become supreme in Greece.
Sparta did not delay her plans for the weakening of her most dreaded enemy
Thebes, which in the end was forced to become a member of the hated Lace-
daemonian alliance. The power of Sparta on land soon reached its greatest
height, while she divided with Athens the empire of the smaller islands, most
of the larger ones retaining their independence of both.
And yet it was in Thebes that a new power was arising that was to stop the
insolent advance of Spartan despotism, and tumble Sparta forever from her high
estate. The three years during which Thebes was in the hands of the Spartans
were years of ferment, growth, plotting, and crystallization of the ever-deepen-
ing hatred of the Thebans against their oppressors. This was now to take
definite form, so that when the hour came for action, the man, or rather the
men, to strike the blow were ready and waiting.
The rise and greatness of Thebes were due to two persons—Pelopidas and
Epaminondas. The former was a daring, chivalrous young man of noble de-
scent and immense wealth, while Epaminondas belonged to the very poorest
class, but was one of the ablest generals whose names illumine the pages of
Grecian history. The inviolable friendship that existed between these two is
one of the most beautiful things in the annals of their country. Either was
ready to sacrifice his own life at any hour for the other. Once when Pelopidas
was wounded and thrown down in battle, Epaminondas stood over him and pro-
tected him with his shield, holding his ground against a ring of enemies until
help arrived. This incident cemented their friendship. Pelopidas was driven
out of Thebes in B.C. 382 by the oligarchical party, who were supported by the
Spartans. He was forced to take refuge in Athens, whence he returned to
Thebes three vears later, with a number of spirits as daring as himself, entered
the city in disguise, and recovered possession of the citadel, slaying the Spartan
leader with his own hand. Epaminondas knew of the plot, but his sense of
honor would not permit him to take a hand in what was really a treacherous
piece of work, but when the revolution was set on foot he gave it his ardent
support. The grateful assembly unanimously chose Pelopidas, Charon, and
Mellon as the first restored Boetarchs. In order to force Athens into becoming
the ally of Thebes, in the struggle against Sparta, Sphodrias, a Spartan general,
was bribed to invade Attica. This so enraged the Athenians that they made
the desired alliance with Thebes, and in B.C. 378 declared war against Sparta.
Pelopidas gave all his energies to the training and disciplining of his troops,
who soon became as formidable as the Lacedaemonians. He organized the
famous “Sacred Band,” composed of Theban youths to the number of 300, Sup-
232 The Story of the Greatest Nations
ported at public expense and always under arms. The Thebans were naturally
good soldiers, but their great fortune lay in having Epaminondas as commander-
in-chief. Under his leadership the successes of the Thebans and Athenians
were so decisive that Sparta appealed to Persia for intervention; but the suffer-
ings of the war, and perhaps also the jealousy of the growing power of Thebes,
caused Athens to open negotiations with Sparta, and a Congress assembled in
that city to arrange the terms of peace.
Now arose a dispute as to the manner in which the terms should be Šigned
by the representatives of the different parties. Sparta ratified the treaty for
herself and allies, but Athens did so only for herself, leaving each ally to sign
separately. When the turn of Thebes came, Epaminondas refused to sign
except in the name of the Boeotian confederation, maintaining that the title of
Thebes to the leadership of Boeotia rested on as good a foundation as that of
Sparta to the sovereignty of Laconia, which depended wholly upon the power
of the sword. -
This view was enforced in an able speech, which was received by the Spar-
tans as the most flagrant of insults. Their king Agesilaus angrily Sprang to his
feet, and turning upon Epaminondas called out, “Speak! Will you or will you
not leave each Boeotian city independent?” Epaminondas calmly replied with .
the question, “Will you leave each of the Laconian towns independent?”
Agesilaus was too angry to reply, but ordered the name of the Thebans struck
out of the treaty and proclaimed them excluded from it. The peace concluded
on the part of Sparta, Athens, and their allies is known as the peace of Callias.
The renewed war between Sparta and Thebes brought on the decisive battle
of Leuctra, fought in B.C. 37 I, in which the military genius of Epaminondas, the
Theban commander-in-chief, and the brilliant support of Pelopidas outweighed
the much superior numbers of the Spartans. In this engagement, Epaminondas
for the first time employed the strategy of Napoleon Bonaparte, through which
in later years he won many of his greatest victories. This was in concentrating
heavy masses of troops and hurling them irresistibly against some point of the
enemy's line. Pelopidas, with his Sacred Band, formed the front of this ter-
rific wedge, which drove everything before it. Cleombrotus, the Spartan king,
was killed, and his whole army put to flight, with a loss ten times greater than
that of the Thebans,
Two years later Epaminondas and Pelopidas marched into the Peloponne-
sus and incited several tribes to turn against Sparta, toward which city the two
marched with their troops; but it was so ably defended by Agesilaus that the
Thebans withdrew and returned to their city. These operations compelled
Epaminondas to hold the command of his army a short time beyond the period
for which he was appointed, and he was now accused of violating the laws of
Greece—Death of Epaminondas 233
his country. He replied that he was willing to die if the Thebans would record
that he was put to death because he had humbled Sparta and taught his coun-
trymen how to conquer her armies. He was acquitted and became more loved
and honored than before.
In B. C. 368 Epaminondas sent an expedition against the ferocious tyrant
Alexander of Pherae, who treacherously made Pelopidas a prisoner while acting
in the character of an ambassador. Epaminondas led a force the following year
into the country, and conducted the matter with such tact and skill that he
secured the release of his friend without harm to him.
In B. C. 364 Pelopidas led an expedition into Thessaly against Alexander of
Pherae, who met him with a much superior force among the hills of Cynosceph-
alae, but was routed by the impetuous Theban and his troops. Catching
sight of the man who had treated him so treacherously, as he was trying to rally
his forces, Pelopidas gave way to his rage and rushing forward challenged him
to a single combat. The frightened Alexander shrank back among his guards,
but Pelopidas dashed after him and was killed while desperately striving to get
within reach of his foe. His death robbed the victory of the joy that other-
wise would have been felt throughout Thebes.
It was in the spring of B.C. 368 that the war between Sparta and Thebes
was renewed with great fury. Epaminondas again marched into the Pelopon-
nesus, but did not accomplish much, and, returning home, received a check at
Corinth. To retrieve this lack of success, he advanced with 33,000 men into
Arcadia and met the main body of the enemy near Mantineia, in B.C. 362. At
the head of his troops he broke the Spartan phalanx, but was mortally wounded
in the breast by a javelin. He was carried off the field and told by the physi-
cians that he would die as soon as the weapon was extracted. He waited until
he learned that his army was victorious, when it is said he tore out the javelin
with his own hand, saying, “I have lived long enough.” Thus died a truly
great man, whose moral purity, justice, and clemency were admired as much as
his military talents, and of whom it is recorded that such was his horror of an
untruth that he was never known to tell a lie even in jest.
It may be said of Epaminondas, as it was said in modern times of Washing-
ton, that the life and death of his country was involved in him. He gave
Thebes its commanding influence, and when he died it perished with him.
Just before passing away he advised the making of peace, and it was done.
This treaty left everything as it was, with the acknowledgment of the Arcadian
constitution and the independence of Messene. Because of the last article
Sparta refused to join in the treaty, but none of her allies supported her in this
step, and Sparta herself was in the dust, from which she never fully rose again.
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THE Woux DING OF PHILIP
Chapter XXI
MACEDONIAN SUPREMACY_PHILIP
==º T was in the year B. c. 368 that Pelopidas led a Theban
- force into Thessaly for the purpose of protecting sev-
eral cities against its king, the miscreant Alexander,
who afterward treacherously made him prisoner.
Alexander was compelled to sue for peace, and Pelo-
pidas passed into Macedonia, whereupon its regent,
Ptolemy, formed an alliance with the Thebans. To
make sure it would be observed, a number of hostages were sent
to Thebes, and among them was Philip, the youngest son of the
dead Macedonian king.
Thus it came about that Philip spent several years at Thebes,
and it was the most fortunate thing that could have happened to
him. He was a remarkable young man, who employed his time
© - in studying the art of war, and the constitution and laws of the
º Greek states, as well as the literature and character of the people.
The assassination of his eldest brother, Alexander II., after a
reign of only two years, and the death of his second brother, Perdiccas III.,
in battle in B. c. 360, made Philip guardian to his nephew Amyntas, still an
infant, but the stress of events soon brought Philip to the throne, the rights of
Amyntas being set aside. -
Now Macedonia in ancient times was a country of small extent, lying north
of Thessaly, embracing only the district of Emathia, but it gradually grew until
in the time of Philip it reached on the north the Scardian Mountains, a portion
Greece—Rise of Macedon 235
of the modern Balkan range; on the west, the borders of Epirus and Illyria; on
the east, the river Strymon, and on the south Thessaly. As a whole, the coun-
try is mountainous, especially in the south and west, but it has a number of
large plains of great fertility. In remote years Macedon was famous for its
gold and silver mines and its productiveness in oil and wine. It contained
numerous populous cities, the principal of which were Pella, the capital, Pydna,
Thessalonica, Potidae, Olynthus, Philippi, and Amphipolis, some of which you
will remember as being mentioned in the Scriptures.
The language of the Macedonians differed from and yet was allied to the
Greek, but it is a singular fact that it contained words not used in the Greek,
but preserved in Latin, which would indicate that the inhabitants and those of
Greece proper were united at a very ancient period, but that unknown causes
prevented the early development of the Macedonians.
The history of Macedon is vague until about B. c. 490, when the Persians
subdued it, and its king Alexander I. was compelled to aid Xerxes in his in-
vasion of Greece, but on the retreat of the Persians Macedonia regained its in-
dependence. It grew rapidly in strength and power under the wise reign of
Archelaus, who died in B.C. 399, when a series of civil wars desolated the coun-
try, and ended in the accession of Philip II. to the throne.
He was only twenty-three years old, and he was met by dangers which
might well have daunted a less aggressive and ambitious spirit. He easily
freed himself of two pretenders to the throne, and then confronted the Paeonians
and Illyrians, who were preparing to invade Macedonia. The former were sub-
dued with little effort, and then Philip marched with a force of ten thousand
men against the Illyrians. This was his first battle, and he brought into play the
art of war as he had learned it from Epaminondas, its ancient master. By con-
centrating his troops and precipitating them against one point in the enemy's
line, he routed the Illyrians and destroyed two-thirds of their army. The peo-
ple were compelled to submit unconditionally.
Throughout the years of his young manhood, a grand scheme had been
gradually taking shape in the brain of Philip. This was not to conquer
Greece, but to have Macedonia recognized and accepted as a Greek state, and
then to make it the leading one, thus becoming the successor of Athens,
Sparta, and Thebes. The manner in which this remarkable scheme was carried
through to success reflects the highest credit upon Philip's skill. He was
handsome and attractive in appearance, very eloquent, overflowing with what
we call magnetism, and he was never bothered by moral scruples. When he
set his heart upon an object, he neglected no means of Securing it. If corrup-
tion was necessary, he used it freely, and it is said he often boasted that he had
taken more towns with silver than with iron. When, however, force was re-
236 The Story of the Greatest Nations
quired, no man knew better how to apply it than he, and his rugged strength
gave him the power to stand all the hardships of the most difficult campaigns.
With his far-reaching scheme ever before him, Philip trained his army to
the highest point of efficiency. Early in his career he introduced the cele-
brated Macedonian phalanx, and amazed and gratified most of his countrymen
by the establishment of a standing army. Here is an incident that illustrates
the methods of this extraordinary man:
Amphipolis, on his eastern frontier, was once the most highly valued of
cities to the Athenians, who, although they made several attempts, had never
been able to recover it after its capture by Brasidas, in the eighth year of the
Peloponnesian war. Its site at the mouth of the Strymon gave it the highest
value to Macedonia as a commercial port, and also as opening a passage into
Thrace. The Olynthians were equally anxious to secure Amphipolis as a
member of their confederacy, and proposed to Athens that they should form an
alliance and compel Philip to keep his hands off. Such an alliance would have
been insurmountable to him, and he set out to prevent it. His first step was
to promise the Athenians to secure Amphipolis for them if they would give
him possession of Pydna. This pledge caused the Athenians to reject the
proposal of the Olynthians. Then Philip ceded the town of Anthemus to the
latter and thus satisfied them. He next laid siege to Amphipolis, which sur-
rendered in the year B.C. 358. Advancing against Pydna, he compelled its sub-
mission, and then, on the ground that he had secured it without the help of the
Athenians, he refused to let them have Amphipolis.
But the subtle king had not yet threaded his way out of the labyrinth.
Nothing would seem more natural than for Athens and Olynthia to hasten with
their alliance when they saw how they had been outwitted. It was the Athe-
nians who were most bitter against him, so he set to work to win the favor of
the Olynthians. He helped them in recovering Potidaea from the Athenians,
but treated the Athenian garrison with great kindness and allowed them to go
home in safety.
Crossing the Strymon, Philip secured possession of the Pangaeus range of
mountains, belonging to the Athenians, and containing valuable gold mines.
There he founded the famous town of Philippi, and through superior methods
secured a product from the gold mines of more than a million dollars annually.
And all this time Athens could not raise a hand to prevent, because of the
war with her allies known as the Social War. This broke out in B.C. 357, and
was due to the heavy taxes laid upon the allies by Athens. They formed a
coalition against the parent government, which two years later was compelled
to assent to a disadvantageous peace, which secured the independence of the
more important allies.
Greece—The Sacred War 237
Everything seemed to work in favor of Philip. The Sacred War raged at
the same time as the Social War, and was between Thebes and Phocis. The
relations between those two countries, as we say in these days, had been
strained for a long time, and the Phocians reluctantly joined the Theban alli-
ance. They sullenly refused to give any assistance to Epaminondas during his
last campaign in the Peloponnesus, and after his death they struck at Boeotia
more than once.
The Amphictyonic Council was the central political and religious court of
the leading Greek tribes, and was held twice a year. Its purpose was twofold:
to determine questions of international law and to preserve the religious insti-
tutions of the Greeks. It was a powerful means of binding the different tribes
in a bond of brotherhood, but the pledges of its members were often broken,
and it never checked the ambitious projects of a really able man.
The Thebans used their influence in the Amphictyonic Council to induce
that body to impose a heavy fine upon the Phocians, on the charge that they
had cultivated a part of the Cirrhaean plain, which had been consecrated to the
Delphian god with curses pronounced upon those who should thus desecrate the
ground. The Phocians protested that the fine was so exorbitant that to pay it
would ruin them; the Amphictyons replied by doubling the amount, with the
warning that if they did not pay they would be reduced to the condition of serfs.
Driven to desperation, the Phocians seized the temple of Delphi itself, to which
they claimed an ancient right. The leader in this daring act was Philomelus,
whose force numbered about two thousand men. He destroyed the records
containing the sentence of the Amphictyons, and appealed to all Greece against
its injustice. Receiving reinforcements, he invaded the Locrian territory and
defeated the forces there in a pitched battle.
The Locrians now applied to Thebes for aid. Philomelus, as master of
the oracle, easily secured a decree sanctioning all that he had done, and sent
envoys to the different cities, assuring each that the treasures of Delphi had
not been touched. Sparta and Athens consented to form an alliance with
Philomelus, but Thebes repelled his messengers with threats and did all she
could to help the Locrians. Messages were sent to rouse the Thessalians and
all the northern tribes that belonged to the Amphictyonic Council. This new
and formidable danger caused Philomelus to throw aside all disguise, and he
announced that the sacred treasures should be used for the payment of the mer-
cenaries who now crowded around him. In the war which followed, all prison-
ers were put to death, Philomelus losing his life in the last important battle.
The war was still going on under his successor when Philip of Macedon
interfered.
In the sharp fighting which followed, Philip met several defeats, but in the
238 The Story of the Greatest Nations
main he was victorious. He assumed the character of a champion of the Del-
phic god, and by his orders his soldiers wore wreaths of laurel plucked in the
groves of Tempe. A victory in B.C. 352 made Philip master of Thessaly.
Then he marched against the Phocians, but a strong Athenian force at Ther-
mopylae compelled him to retreat.
All this time Philip was playing his deep game, but there seemed only one
man in Greece who had the wisdom to penetrate his purposes and the courage
to denounce them. That man was the greatest orator of ancient times—De-
mosthenes.
Who has not heard of this wonderful man, who was born in Athens about
B.C. 385, though the exact year is unknown He was Swindled out of his for-
tune by the stewards who had care of it during his boyhood. Upon reaching
maturity he prosecuted them, but secured only sufficient to save him from
poverty. His success induced him to study the laws and politics of his coun-
try with a labor and perseverance never equalled. His voice was harsh, his
utterance stammering, and his health frail. He strengthened his lungs by
climbing steep hills, reciting as he went, spoke with pebbles in his mouth and
thus overcame his stammering, declaimed on the shores of the sea in stormy
weather, took lessons from a famous actor, practised before a mirror, and toiled
for months at a time without intermission, except to eat and sleep. He first
began to take part in public affairs when about thirty years of age, and hence-
forward to his death his history is the history of Athens.
Recognizing Philip as the enemy of the liberties of Greece, Demosthenes
in his first “Philippic” (a word that has become incorporated in our language)
tried to rouse his countrymen to their danger, but was only partially successful.
Olynthus was the head of thirty-two towns, and, when in B. c. 350 Philip cap-
tured one of them in Chalcidice, Olynthus awoke to its danger and sent envoys
to Athens to beg for help. It was on this occasion that Demosthenes delivered
his three Olynthiac orations, in which with burning eloquence he urged an
alliance with Olynthus. He was opposed by the dry, cynical, but pure and dis-
interested statesman Phocion, whom Demosthenes feared more than any other
man. His opposition so crippled the efforts of the Athenians that Philip cap-
tured town after town of the confederacy, and finally (B.C. 347) secured Olynthus
itself, razed it to the ground and sold the inhabitants into slavery. This made
Philip master of the whole of the Chalcidian peninsula. ... •
No one could now fail to see the peril of Athens. The freedom of the
Greek towns on the Hellespont was threatened and the possessions in the
CherSonese were in danger. Demosthenes turned his efforts to persuading his
Countrymen to form an alliance among the Grecian states, to check the over-
shadowing power that threatened the liberty of all. Many of the politicians
Greece—The Philippics of Demosthenes 239
who had formerly opposed him arrayed themselves on his side, but their efforts
came to nothing.
The attention of the Athenians was next turned toward a reconciliation
with Thebes, where the progress of the Sacred War seemed favorable to the
plan, for Thebes was weary of the exhausting struggle. The shrewd Philip
saw his danger, and in the Summer of B.C. 347 made several overtures to the
Athenians, which were received with suspicion by some, and with favor by
others. It was decided to send ten ambassadors to Philip's court, among
whom was Demosthenes. This was one of the occasions when the Macedonian
used gold and lavish hospitality with effect. The peerless orator was incorrup-
tible, but it was not so with his companions, enough of whom yielded to the
blandishments of Philip to render the whole scheme a dismal failure. Subse-
quent attempts were brought to naught, and in the end Philip conquered all
Phocis, occupied Delphi, and assembled the Amphictyons to pronounce sen-
tence upon those that had taken part in the sacrilege committed there. This
council decreed that all the cities of Phocis, except Abae, should be destroyed
and their inhabitants scattered into villages containing no more than fifty houses
each, while they were to replace the stolen treasures in the temple by the pay-
ment, through annual instalments, of a Šum equal to twelve million dollars.
Still further, Sparta was deprived of her share in the Amphictyonic privileges;
the two votes of the Phocians were turned over to the Macedonian kings; and
Philip was to share with the Thebans and Thessalians the honor of presiding
at the Pythian games. This seat in the Amphictyonic Council made Philip a
Grecian power, and was sure to give him the pretext for interfering in the
affairs of Greece. To Thebes were restored the places which she had lost in
Boeotia, and the Sacred War closed in B.C. 346.
Macedon was now the leading power in Greece, and the blindest man among
the Athenians read Philip's ambitious designs. Those who had promoted the
peace with him were execrated and Demosthenes rose higher than ever in
popular favor. The wisdom and pure character of the orator shone forth like
the noonday sun. Philip, holding the position lately held by Thebes, declared
himself the protector of the Messenians and the ally of the Megalopolitans.
Demosthenes was sent into Peloponnesus to counteract his work there, but
could do nothing. With his usual fearlessness he publicly accused Philip of
perfidy, and that it hurt was proven by the act of the Macedonian in sending
an embassy to Athens to complain of the scarifying accusation. This was in
B.C. 344, and Demosthenes delivered his second Philippic, aimed chiefly against
the orators who supported the Macedonian. -
Philip steadily pushed his conquests, and began an attack upon the Greek
cities north of the Hellespont. He met with varying success, but it was plain
24.O - The Story of the Greatest Nations
that the nominal peace between Macedon and Athens was near the breaking
point. Fierce fighting soon followed at different points, but, to the disgrace of
many of the Athenian leaders, they were corrupted by the gold of Philip and
played directly into his hands. Finally, early in B. C. 338, the Amphictyonic
Council declared war against the city of Amphissa, and Philip, acting as gen-
eral for the Council, marched southward. Instead, however, of attacking Am-
phissa he seized Elatea, the principal town in the eastern part of Phocis, and
began rebuilding its fortifications. This action left no doubt that his real de-
sign was against Boeotia and Attica. -
The news reached Athens at night and threw the city into consternation.
Hurried preparations were made against immediate siege, and early the next
morning the Five Hundred met in the senate house and the people gathered in
the Pnyx, where all with bated breath discussed the astounding tidings. The
herald invited any one who chose to speak. There was no response for some
minutes, and then Demosthenes ascended the platform and soothed the fears
of his countrymen by showing that Philip apparently was not acting in concert
with the Thebans, since he had thought it necessary to secure Elatea. He ap-
pealed to his hearers to make the most vigorous preparations for defence, and
urged them to send an embassy to Thebes to persuade the people to unite with
them against the common enemy. The advice was acted upon and ten envoys
were sent thither, Demosthenes being one of the number. When they reached
Thebes a Macedonian embassy was there, and it was with great difficulty that
the Athenians persuaded the Thebans to shut their gates against Philip. The
combined Athenian and Theban army marched forth, some time later, to meet
Philip, and at first gained some advantage. The decisive battle was fought in
August, B. c. 338, on the plain of Chaeronea in Boeotia, near the border of Phocia.
It is noteworthy that in Philip's army was his youthful son Alexander, who
commanded one of the wings. At that early age he gave proof of his great
military ability, for he led the charge against the Sacred Band which won the
battle. The Band was annihilated, all holding their ground and refusing to fly,
and the whole army was routed. Demosthenes was serving as a foot-soldier
and was among the disorderly fugitives driven from the field.
This defeat prostrated Greece at the feet of Macedonia, and she now became
simply a province of that monarchy. Athens was thrown into so great dismay
that many of the wealthier citizens fled, and more would have gone had they
not been prevented. Demosthenes exhorted his countrymen to make the
utmost preparations for defence, and he was appointed to pronounce the funeral
oration over those who had fallen on the battlefield.
The elation of Philip was extraordinary. He is said to have celebrated his
great victory by outlandish drunken orgies, during which, so intoxicated that
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Greece—Philip's Power and Weakness 24. I
he could barely stand, he danced over the dead, singing and beating time to his
grotesque gyrations. When he became sober he treated the Thebans with
harshness, compelling them to recall their exiles, into whose hands their govern-
ment was placed, and he deprived them of their sovereignty over the Boeotian
towns. After restoring Plataea and Orchomenus, he filled them with people
hostile to Thebes. But he seemed to feel a certain respect and affection for
Athens, because of her supremacy in art and refinement. He sent all the
Athenian prisoners home with their baggage, and to those who needed clothing
he furnished it. The peace which he then offered gave better terms than
Athens would have dared to ask. He took Oropus from the Thebans and gave
it to the Athenians, whose only punishment was that they were required to
surrender a few of their foreign dependencies.
Philip now announced his purpose of uniting all the forces of Greece in a
war upon Persia, to avenge the invasions of Darius and Xerxes. In the con-
gress of the Grecian states assembled at Corinth, Sparta was the only state
that refused to send delegates. War was declared against Persia, each state
was assessed its quota of men and ships, and Philip naturally was named the
chief commander of the expedition. He first chastised Sparta for her sullen-
ness, and returned to Macedonia in the autumn of B.C. 338 to complete his
preparations for the Persian expedition.
No doubt the glimpses you have had of this man have shown you that he
was immoral and depraved. He adopted the Eastern practice of polygamy, and
had several wives. It was Olympias, daughter of the king of Epirus, who was
the mother of Alexander. She was a proud, imperious woman who considered
herself the legitimate queen, but soon after his return to Macedonia Philip
celebrated his nuptials with Cleopatra, daughter of Attalus, one of his generals.
At the nuptial banquet wine flowed freely and unloosed the tongues of the
feasters. Attalus in his maudlin state taunted Olympias. With a savage ex-
clamation the prince Alexander hurled his goblet at Attalus. Philip seized his
sword, sprang from his couch and dashed at his son, whom he would have
killed had he not in his intoxicated condition slipped and fallen to the floor.
Alexander rose and walked out of the banqueting hall, but at the door paused,
and, pointing at his father who was being helped to his feet, said: “Behold the
man who was about to pass from Europe to Asia, but who cannot keep his feet
in going from one couch to another l’’ *
Alexander and his mother left Macedonia. She found shelter at the court
of her brother, the king of Epirus, while Alexander made his home in Illyria.
After a time Philip patched up a reconciliation, and the prince was persuaded
to return to Pella. Olympias was compelled to return to Philip's court, but in
her heart burned an inextinguishable hatred of her husband.
I 6
242 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Before setting out on his great expedition against Persia, Philip determined
to secure the stability of his dominions by marrying his daughter to the king
of Epirus. The ceremonies at AEgae, the ancient capital of Macedonia, were
marked by great splendor, and included banquets, musical and theatrical
entertainments. The latter were opened with a procession of the images
of the twelve Olympian deities, in which Philip took part, clothed in
white robes and crowned with a chaplet. As this procession was moving
through the city a youth named Pausanias suddenly glided out from the
throng, and, before any one could suspect his purpose, drew from under his
clothes a long sword which he drove deep into Philip's side. The monarch fell
dead, and the assassin, having stumbled, was cut down before he could reach
the spot where his horse was waiting. It was said that the motive for his crime
was an insult received from Attalus, which the king refused to punish; but the
question naturally arises why Pausanias did not visit his vengeance upon At-
talus himself. Olympias could not conceal her delight over the death of her
husband, and both she and Alexander were suspected of having instigated the
assassination. The general belief now is that Alexander had nothing to do
with it, but that his mother was guilty.
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ENTRY OF ALEXANDER into Babylon–A GREEk FRIEze
Chapter XXII
ALEXANDER THE GREAT
able men that ever lived. Alexander's early education
was entrusted to Leonidas, a kinsman of his mother, while
Lysimachus, a governor, instilled in him an ambition to
emulate the heroes of the //iad. More important, how-
ever, were the three years, as the period is supposed to
have been, spent under the guidance and instruction of
Aristotle. It must not be supposed from the account of
the quarrel between the prince and his father, as related in the pre-
ceding chapter, that Philip had any intention of excluding his son
from the throne. On the contrary, he was fond of him and appre-
ciated the evidences of greatness shown in his youth. When only
sixteen years old the son was made regent of Macedonia during his
father's absence, and it was two years later that he acted his bril-
liant part in the great battle of Chaeronea. His age was but twenty
when he ascended the throne of Macedon.
Alexander announced his purpose of prosecuting his father's expedition into
Asia, but before doing so he was obliged to tranquillize his own country, in
several portions of which revolts were set on foot. The insurgents had to learn
the character of the young monarch, and they learned it so quickly and force-
fully that the various rebellions were crushed before they had time to get fairly
under way. This done, he called a general congress at Corinth, which again
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244 The Story of the Greatest Nations
was attended by delegates from all the Grecian states except Sparta, and which
appointed him generalissimo for the Persian war in place of his father.
All bowed to the rising sun. The philosophers and men of note in Corinth
called upon Alexander to offer congratulations, but he noticed the absence of
Diogenes, the eccentric cynic. The monarch could afford to be magnanimous,
and he hunted out the singular fellow whom he found lolling in the sunshine.
At sight of the king and his gorgeous retinue Diogenes raised up and looked
curiously at him. Courteously saluting, the smiling monarch asked in what
way he could serve his friend.
“By standing out of my sunshine,” was the impudent reply that startled the
attendants. But Alexander, instead of being offended, said to them : “If I were
not Alexander, I should like to be Diogenes. } }
This cynic philosopher was born in Sinope, in Pontus, in B. c. 412. He
was a spendthrift and a rake in his youth, but on coming to Athens he plunged
into the opposite extreme of austerity and self-mortification. He wore the
coarsest clothing, lived on the plainest food, rolled in hot sand during the heat
of summer, and in winter would embrace a statue covered with snow. His
home was in a tub belonging to the temple of the mother of the gods, and he
was accustomed to grope around the streets in daylight, with a lantern, with the
explanation to inquirers that he was looking for an honest man. Despite his
eccentricities the Athenians respected him and submitted good-naturedly to his
rebukes and comments. He was captured by pirates on a voyage to AEgina,
carried to Crete and sold as a slave. His ability soon enabled him to rule his
master, who gave him his freedom and appointed him tutor to his children. It
was at this time, while living at Corinth, that he had the interview described
with Alexander. Perhaps there is a valuable lesson in the fact that Diogenes,
in spite of his early excesses, lived, through his abstemiousness and privations,
to the age of ninety.
Alexander treated with indifference the pretensions of Sparta to the suprem-
acy of Greece, and did not imitate his father in punishing her for her inso-
lence in not attending his congress. He was detained from starting on his
great expedition, however, by news of disturbances among the Thracians and
Triballians. The wild tribes of these regions had been only half subdued by
Philip, and they were determined to test the mettle of this young, new king
before they would submit to him. His military genius showed itself even in
this, his first campaign. The Thracians prepared to resist his advance from
the summit of the famous Spitka Pass in the Balkan mountains. They had carts
loaded with great stones ready to roll down the mountains, hoping to crush the
advancing foe beneath the wheels, or at least break their ranks and throw them
into confusion. The Macedonian soldiers were much disheartened, and hesi-
Greece—Alexander’s Victories at Home 245
tated to climb the pass; but Alexander formed them into the famous phalanx,
and directed them to advance with shields above their heads. When the thun-
dering carts came plunging amidst them, they crouched to the ground, their
shields presenting a solid mass of steel, over which, as Alexander had hoped,
the swift carts leaped without injury to the mass of men below. Then the
phalanx rose and moved on. The Thracians, who stood ready expecting to
rush among the broken ranks and easily slay the half-crushed men, were help-
less before the long spears of the unbroken phalanx. With their inferior
weapons they could not even reach their enemies to strike a blow. Their
resistance was soon overcome, and so impressed were they with their own infe-
riority that Thrace became thoroughly and permanently a Macedonian province.
Crossing the Balkan mountains Alexander entered the territory of the
Triballians, defeated them and pursued them to the Danube, where they took
refuge on an island and fortified themselves. Leaving them there, he crossed
the river by means of a fleet brought from Byzantium and attacked the Getae;
but so great had his reputation become that they fled in a panic on his ap-
proach. Returning to the banks of the Danube, he received the submission
of the Danubian tribes and admitted them into the Macedonian alliance.
While the Illyrians and Taulantians were preparing to assault his kingdom, he
attacked and quickly reduced them to obedience.
During these months of absence nothing was heard at home from Alexan-
der, and the report was generally believed that he had been killed. Under this
belief the Thebans revolted and besieged the Macedonian garrison in the Cad-
mea, calling at the same time upon the other states to declare their independ-
ence. As might be supposed, Demosthenes threw all his energies to the aid
of the movement. Through his persuasions the Thebans were furnished with
subsidies and were promised an alliance; but before they dreamed of their dan-
ger Alexander was at Onchestus in Boeotia. The rebels fought desperately,
but were driven back in such confusion that, as they scrambled through the
gates, the Macedonians mixed with them and massacred thousands of the de-
fenders.
The punishment of Thebes for its treason was left to the decision of the
allies, who decreed that it should be destroyed. All the inhabitants were sold
as slaves, and the only house left standing was that of Pindar the poet. The .
severe punishment struck terror throughout Greece, but Alexander showed for-
bearance and generosity toward the other states, and accepted their expla-
nations and excuses.
The affairs of Greece being placed at last upon a satisfactory footing, he set
out for the Hellespont in the spring of B.C. 334 with a force of 30,000 foot and
5,000 horse. Antipater was left as regent of Macedonia, supported by about
246 The Story of the Greatest Nations
one-third as many troops as marched away with the king. The latter before
setting out divided most of the crown property among his friends. “What
have you reserved for yourself?” asked Perdiccas. “My hopes,” was the
reply.
At the end of sixteen days the army reached Sestos, where ships and trans.
ports were waiting. The march northward was along the coast of the Propon-
tis. An army larger than Alexander's, among whom were twenty thousand
Greek mercenaries, were encamped on the Granicus, waiting to dispute the pas-
sage of the river. Disregarding the advice of his veteran general Parmenio to
delay the attack until morning, Alexander led the plunge into the stream and
the climb up the precipitous bank. In the impetuous attack, which scattered
the Persians, Alexander's life was often in danger, and once he was saved by
his friend Clitus. He killed two Persian officers with his own hand.
The course of the conqueror was now southward toward Sardis, which sur-
rendered as soon as the invaders came in sight of its walls. Ephesus did the
same four days later, and Magnesia, Tralles, and Miletus fell like ripe fruit
into his hands. There was sharp resistance at Halicarnassus and a siege, until
finding it untenable, the defenders set it on fire and crossed over to the island
of Cos. The town was destroyed, and Alexander pursued his course along the
Southern coast of Asia Minor, intending to seize such cities as were likely to
afford shelter to the Persian fleet. Winter was at hand and most of the army
went into quarters under Parmenio at Sardis. The officers and soldiers who
had been recently married were allowed to return to Macedonia on condition
that they should bring back in the spring all the recruits possible. Parmenio
was instructed to join the king with the main army at the same time in Phrygia.
With a select body Alexander proceeded along the coasts of Lycia and Pam-
phylia, and crossed the Xanthus, nearly all the Lycian towns making their sub-
mission.
Alexander was a man who loved danger and adventure for their own sake.
By some historians he has been characterized as simply a colossal adventurer,
and it must be admitted that there is justice in the charge. He was restless,
and his thirst for new perils and difficulties to be overcome was insatiable.
Mount Climax, on the frontier of Lycia and Pamphylia, approaches the sea
abruptly, leaving only a narrow footway along the base, which is often under
water. Alexander found it buried out of sight on his approach, and sent his
main force by a tedious and difficult road across the mountains to Perge; but
instead of going with them, he and several of his companions waded through
the chilling waters for a whole day, obliged to struggle at times to prevent
being carried off their feet.
It was easy to subdue all with whom he came in contact on the road to the
Greece—Alexander’s Victories in Asia 247
neighborhood of Gordium in Phrygia, where he was rejoined by Parmenio and
the new recruits from Greece. Now here is an interesting story connected
with Alexander's visit to the place at that time:
There is a legend that Gordius, a Phrygian peasant, was ploughing in the
field when an eagle settled on his yoke of oxen, and remained until the labor of
the day was over. Astonished and puzzled by the strange incident, Gordius
sought an explanation and was told by a prophetess of Telmissus that he should
offer sacrifice to Zeus. He obeyed, and, grateful for the kindness done him,
married the prophetess, by whom he had a son, the famous Midas, whose touch
(until relieved of the nuisance) turned everything to gold. The disturbances
in Phrygia caused the people to send messengers to the oracle at Delphi for
advice about choosing a new king. The oracle told them that a king would
come to them riding on a wagon and peace would follow. The messengers
were telling the people these things, when Gordius with his father was seen
approaching on a wagon or car. He was immediately chosen king, and he
dedicated his vehicle and yoke to Zeus, in the acropolis of Gordium, a city
named for himself, and tied the knot of the yoke so cunningly that an oracle
declared that whoever should untie it would become ruler of all Asia. Know-
ing the legend, Alexander went to the acropolis and took a look at the wonder-
ful knot of bark which held the yoke of the wagon to the pole. Instead of
wasting his time in trying to disentangle it he drew his sword, cut the rope in
two, and took the prophecy to himself. This constituted the “untying of the
Gordian knot,” of which every one has heard.
Alexander resumed his march eastward in the spring of B.C. 333. While
heated from a trying march, he bathed in the cold waters of the Cydnus near
the town of Tarsus, and the result was a flaming fever which threatened his
life. An Acarnanian physician was called in, but directly after he had pro-
vided a remedy a letter came from Parmenio warning his master that the phy-
sician had been bribed by Darius to poison him Alexander after reading the
letter handed it to the physician, and then, to show his confidence in him, took
up the cup and swallowed the draught. The fact that he speedily recovered
his usual health warrants the belief that the veteran general did injustice to the
medical man. -
So when strong enough, Alexander advanced toward the defiles of Cilicia,
where Darius had stationed himself with an army numbering more than half a
million men. He arrived in the neighborhood of Issus, where the ground was
so unfavorable for the Persians that they wholly lost the advantage of their
superior numbers, while Alexander had full play for his consummate skill.
The splendid charges of the Macedonian troops sent their enemies flying from
the field. Before the battle Darius took his station in the centre of the line in
248 The Story of the Greatest Nations
his gorgeous state chariot, that he might enjoy the overthrow of the insolent
Macedonians; but the Persian king was an arrant coward, and the moment he
saw his left wing defeated, he dived out of his chariot, ran panting to the hills,
leaped upon the back of a fleet horse, and after throwing away his royal robes.
and his bow and shield, Scurried off at headlong speed.
The treasures of the Persian army became the spoils of the Macedonians,
but the tent of the king was reserved for Alexander, who gazed in astonishment
upon a scene of Oriental royalty. One part was fitted up as a bath, and was
heavy with rich perfume, while another was a splendid pavilion with a table
spread for a banquet. In a tent near at hand were the wife and mother of
Darius, who were treated with delicate courtesy and consideration. This
famous battle of Issus was fought in the month of November, B.C. 333.
Darius fled toward the Euphrates, which he crossed with a body of four
thousand fugitives. Meanwhile, the immense number of levies which he had
summoned were still hurrying toward Babylon, so that in a short time he would
be at the head of a still larger number than that which had been defeated.
Nevertheless, the cowardly monarch twice made overtures to peace, the latter
proposition being a proposal that Alexander should possess all Asia to the
Euphrates. Hearing this, Parmenio exclaimed: “I would accept the proposal
if I were Alexander.” “So would I,” replied Alexander, “if I were Parmenio.”
The Macedonian monarch next turned toward Syria and Phoenicia, with a
view of cutting off the escape of Darius by the sea. When he occupied Da-
mascus, he secured a prodigious amount of treasure, and with little difficulty
conquered all the cities along the shore of the Mediterranean. Tyre had such
a powerful position that it held out for seven months, when after tremendous
exertion on the part of the besiegers, it fell, B.C. 332, and was destroyed.
From that point Alexander continued his trumphant career through Palestine,
where the only city that refused to submit was Gaza, whose fate was the same
as Tyre's. Egypt, as will be remembered, was groaning at that time under the
Persian yoke, and it welcomed Alexander as a deliverer. Different from the
merciless Cambyses, he won the respect and affection of the people by restor-
ing all the old customs and religious institutions of the country. There, too,
he founded Alexandria, which became one of the leading cities of ancient
times, and is still an important metropolis of Egypt. *
Alexander next marched through the Libyan desert, in order to consult the
Oracle of Jupiter Amon, whose priests saluted him as a son of Jove. He
made the consultation in secret, and it is said never revealed the answer which
he received, though the magnificence of his offerings to the god leave no doubt
that it was favorable.
At the town of Arbela, now known as Arbil, east of Mossul, in Assyria (the
Greece—Excesses of Alexander 249
battle was really fought near Guagamela, to the northwest), Alexander met
Darius with an army numbering fully half a million men, and routed and pur-
sued them for fifty miles from the scene of the fight. He was particularly anx-
ious to make the Persian king a prisoner, but the latter fled as before on a swift
horse, leaving again his baggage and royal treasure in the hands of his con-
queror. Babylon and Susa opened their gates to him, and he next moved
toward Persepolis, the capital of Persia, which he entered in triumph.
Rarely, indeed, can a man withstand the perils of attaining the highest
pinnacle of success. Alexander had always been fond of wine and luxurious
living, and he now descended to the most degrading debauchery, during which
he spent days in Sodden drunkenness. At such times he was capricious and
as ferocious as a demon. It seems pretty certain that he set fire to Persepolis,
then the most splendid city of the world, and reduced it to ashes. We are told
that he applied the torch in the midst of a drunken feast, being prompted to
the wanton destruction by Thais, a Grecian courtesan, who urged him thus to
avenge his comrades, the soldiers who had fallen in his battles. When sober,
he was ashamed of his wicked act, and, as a diversion to his mind, set out with
his cavalry in hot pursuit of Darius. He had learned that Bessus, the satrap
of Bactriana, held the king as prisoner, and fearing the worst, Alexander made
all haste in the hope of Saving him. When he overtook Darius, he found that
Bessus had inflicted upon him a mortal wound and left him dying at the road-
side. Alexander was shocked and gave the fallen king a suitable burial.
He then resumed his pursuit of Bessus, who aspired to the throne of Persia,
and after a long pursuit to the present city of Bokhara, he found that Bessus
had been surrendered by the satrap of that city, and he was put to death by
order of the Persian court. Then a plot was revealed to Alexander in which
the son of Parmenio had conspired to take his life. The father was entirely
innocent, but the cruel monarch executed his faithful old general, as well as the
son. This act horrified all who knew it, but no one dared protest.
In B.C. 329 Alexander pushed his way to the farthest known limits of
northern Asia and routed the Scythians on the banks of the Jaxartes. The
following year he conquered the whole of Sogdiana and married Roxana, the
daughter of one of his enemy's captains, and said to be the most beautiful
woman in Asia. Returning to Maracanda, he was joined by the other divisions
of his army. It was at this time that he made Clitus, the friend who had
saved his life at the battle of the Granicus, satrap of Bactria. On the night
before Clitus was to depart to his new post, he and Alexander drank heavily.
They quarrelled, and the king in his rage drove a spear through the body of
Clitus. Then, when he realized what he had done, he was seized with an
agony of remorse, and flinging himself upon the corpse, refused for three days
25 O The Story of the Greatest Nations
to leave it or take any nourishment. It was not until utterly exhausted that
he allowed himself to be led away and consented to partake of food.
In B.C. 327 Alexander advanced upon his famous conquest of India. Cross-
ing the Indus near the modern town of Attock, he made his way under the guid-
ance of a native prince to the Jelum, where he met and defeated another native
prince, Porus, after a furious battle. Porus was brought captive before his
conqueror, who demanded frowningly how he expected to be treated. “As a
king should be,” returned the Indian, haughtily. And Alexander, pleased by
the pride of the answer, freed him and made a friend of him. Then the con-
queror marched through the part of India now known as the Punjaub, planting
Greek colonies at different points.
He was accompanied by a number of historians, and it is to them that we
are indebted for the first authentic knowledge of that wonderful country. The
strange fact is, that what they wrote more than two thousand years ago would
answer well for an account of the country to-day; for India, like China, has
stood still for centuries. Its oldest history is wholly legendary, and nothing
is known with certainty about the region and the people until the fourth cen-
tury before Christ. The narrative is a fascinating one which tells of India's
riches and valuable natural productions, its costly merchandise and splendid
manufactures, the magnificence of its sovereigns, its overwhelming animal and
vegetable life, which includes the fiercest wild animals and the deadliest rep-
tiles in the world, its smothering heat, its physical features which have led it
to be called “an epitome of the whole earth,” and its whole record from the
Mohammedan conquest in IOIO down to the present day, with its population five
times as great as that of England, of which it has long remained a princely
dependency.
The army of Alexander was sated with conquest, wearied with endless
tramping and fighting, and so homesick that when it reached the southern
boundary of the Punjaub, it refused to go any farther. The king could not
help himself, and, after erecting twelve immense altars, on the banks of the
river, to mark the limit of his conquests, he gave the order to march homeward.
Arriving at the newly founded cities of Nicaea and Bucephala, he separated the
army into three divisions, two of which were ordered to pass down the river on
opposite banks, while Alexander himself with eight thousand men embarked on
a fleet, which had been built with a view of descending the Indus to its mouth.
Setting out in the latter part of November, B.C. 327, several months were
occupied, during which there was considerable fighting with the natives. Al-
exander never had a narrower escape than in the storming of a town standing
on the present site of Mooltan. A ladder was placed against the wall, and he
was the first to run to the top. He was closely followed by four of his officers,
Greece—Alexander's Plans of Empire 25 I
but as the fifth placed his foot on the ground the ladder broke and the king
was left on the wall, a fair target for the missiles of the enemy. If he stood
still but for a minute, he was certain to be killed; he must either leap down
among his own friends or among his enemies. He chose the latter desperate
alternative, and, dropping on his feet, placed his back against the wall and
faced the clamoring mob who fought among themselves to get to him. Two
chiefs who ventured within reach of his sword were killed, but an arrow pierced
his corselet, and, overcome with weakness, he sank to the ground. Two of the
officers who had followed him fought off their assailants until the arrival of
more soldiers, who had scaled the walls and opened the gates. The place was
quickly taken and every defender put to the sword.
Having reached the ocean, Alexander ordered Nearchus, the commander of
the fleet, to sail to the Persian Gulf, while he pushed inland with a division of the
army which he intended to lead through the present territory of Beloochistan.
There he had to cross burning deserts, where thousands of his men died through
want of water. When he arrived in Persia in B. c. 325, three-fourths of the
men who had left their homes in such high hopes were absent, never to return.
In the handling of his conquests Alexander displayed many proofs that he
was more than a mere general. He seems to have had extensive and far-seeing
plans for the welding of his loosely held dominions into one united and settled
state. For this reason he had all along treated the Persian nobles with great
consideration and encouraged friendships between them and his own command-
ers. In the year 325 he announced that the two nations were henceforth to
be governed as one people; and in proof of this he himself wedded Statira, the
eldest daughter of Darius. The ceremony was celebrated with great pomp at
Susa, and at the same time many of his Macedonian and Grecian officers were
married to Persian ladies of rank.
The overbearing conduct of Alexander and the marked favoritism he showed
toward the Persians roused the jealousy of his own people, and, but for his
severity in crushing the discontent, he would have had to face a formidable
mutiny. Then he went to Ecbatana, where in the autumn he celebrated with
imposing splendor the festival of Dionysius. Then in the face of the warning
of the priests of Belus, that some evil would befall him, he entered the city of
Babylon in the spring of B. c. 324. There were to be enacted the crowning,
grandest ceremonies of all. He came as the invincible conqueror of Asia.
Ambassadors from all parts of Greece, from Italy, Libya, and still more remote
regions, were waiting to greet and do him homage. Nearchus had arrived with
the fleet and was joined by other vessels built in Phoenicia and brought over-
land and then down the river to Babylon. Nothing was wanting to make the
scene one of the grandest of which the world's history contains a record.
252 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Strange that men will go on planning, scheming, and fretting as if they are
to live forever! Alexander was still young, and his brain seethed with daz-
zling visions of conquest that opened out before him. He had already proven
himself one of the greatest conquerors that ever cursed the earth, but ambition
grows by what it feeds upon. He meant to become master of the world.
As the first step in this stupendous dream, he determined to subjugate
Arabia. Three expeditions were sent out to survey its coast; he gave orders
to build a fleet for the Caspian Sea, and the course of the Euphrates was sur-
veyed with a view of improving its navigation. With myriads as slaves to his
will, there seemed no possible limit to his triumphs, nor any reason why the
same towering success should not attend his schemes in the future as had in
the past. There was but a single contingency to fear, and that was death, and
the grim foe now rose in the path in front of him.
All preparations for the Arabian campaign being completed, solemn sacri-
fices were offered up for its success, and luxurious banquets were given before
the departure. It was natural that Alexander should be inspired by the over-
whelming grandeur of the vista opening before him. He drank deeply, and
continuing his debauch, was seized with a fever. He regarded it lightly and
refused for several days to take to his couch; but he grew steadily worse,
and eleven days after the attack, B.C. 323 (May or June), he died, in the thirty-
second year of his age, having reigned twelve years and eight months. His
body was placed in a golden coffin at Alexandria and divine honors were paid
to it in Egypt and other countries.
Although such men as Philip, Alexander, Napoleon Bonaparte, and their
like, are stupendous curses to mankind, yet it is seldom that their career proves
an unmixed evil. Alexander was selfish and, as has been said, craved adven-
ture and danger for their own sake. He was controlled by an insatiate ambi-
tion, which had no regard for the rights of others; but wherever he went, he
carried Hellenic civilization with him. Thus he bore light and blessing to mul-
titudes which otherwise would not have received them for centuries. Of the
two continents thus brought into closer communication, both were gainers. The
arts and literature of Greece obtained a footing in the East, and after Alexander
had passed away Greek kingdoms were formed in the western parts of Asia and
lasted for centuries.
“The Greek language became the tongue of all government and literature
throughout many countries where the people were not Greek by birth. It was
thus at the very moment that Greece began to lose her political freedom that
she made, as it were, an intellectual conquest of a large part of the world.”
- ---
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35.5º
j
ACHAIA AND THE CORINThian GULF
º-
Chapter XXIII
THE FALL OF GREECE
S Alexander lay dying, he was asked to whom he left his
empire. “To the strongest,” was his reply; but there
was none strong enough to take his place and his vast
schemes of policy and conquest were buried in the grave
with him.
After much dispute, threatening the gravest con-
sequences, a complicated division was made, but the
empire broke apart, and the generals who had served
under Alexander fought for twenty years over the fragments.
A decisive battle at Ipeus in Phrygia, in B.C. 301, gave Syria and
the East to Seleucus, Egypt to Ptolemy, Thrace to Lysimachus,
and Macedonia to Cassander. It is not our province to give a
detailed account of the various kingdoms founded by these men,
and we must now return to the history of Greece, from which we
have been necessarily diverted by our story of the career of Alex-
ander. When the latter pushed into the interior of Asia in the pursuit of Darius,
he left his favorite Harpalus at Ecbatana, with a large force in charge of the royal
treasures. Harpalus removed to Babylon, where his rioting and wild excesses
alienated the people. No doubt he believed Alexander would never return from
Asia and the regions of the far East, but when he learned he was on his way
and was punishing with rigor all who had been faithless to their trust, Harpalus
fied, at the head of six thousand mercenaries and with all the treasures he could
collect. Crossing to Attica, he applied to Athens for admission, but obtained
254 The Story of the Greatest Nations
it only by the free use of bribes. This was such a flagrant act of hostility
against Macedonia that Antipater, the vicegerent left in charge there by Alex-
ander, called upon the Athenians to deliver up Harpalus and those of their
number who had accepted bribes. The Athenians did not dare refuse and
Harpalus was put in prison, but succeeded in escaping. Demosthenes, one of
the accused, was convicted and sentenced to pay a fine so enormous that it was
impossible to meet it, and he too was thrown into prison. Since there is every
reason to doubt his guilt, it is a pleasure to record that he also made his escape.
He lived mostly at AEgina and Troezene in sight of his native land, toward
which it is said he often turned his tearful eyes.
Alexander died the following year, and Demosthenes was recalled from exile
and once more placed at the head of affairs. The Macedonian power, however,
prevailed and the conquerors demanded the surrender of the great orator and
statesman. There was no escape this time for him, and he sought an asylum
in the temple of Neptune, in the island of Calaurea, where, before his pursuers
could overtake him, he died, there is reason to fear from poison administered
by his own hand (B.C. 322). Of him it has been said that it is scarcely possi-
ble to praise or admire him too much. His dauntless bravery, the stainless
purity of his public and private life, his splendid and disinterested patriotism,
and his services as a statesman and administrator entitle him to a place among
the highest and noblest men of antiquity. As an orator, the intelligent of all
ages have, with hardly a dissenting voice, assigned to him the highest place.
Homer is not more clearly the prince of ancient poets than is Demosthenes
the prince of ancient orators.
On the death of Antipater, his son Cassander expected to become king of
Macedonia, but the honor was given to another, which so angered Cassander
that he determined to contest the sovereignty. He had been ill-treated by
Alexander, and had formed an implacable hatred toward that monarch and the
members of his family. He succeeded in his contest for the throne, but while
engaged in conquering Southern Greece news reached him that Olympias,
mother of Alexander, was making serious trouble in Macedonia and he hurried
thither. He captured Olympias and put her to death, after which only Roxana,
widow of Alexander, and her son Ægus stood between him and the throne.
He married the half-sister of Alexander, “removed ” the widow and son who
stood in his way, and caused Thebes, which Alexander had destroyed, to be re-
built. His war with Antigonus, king of Asia, lasted from B.C. 3 I 5 to 3o I, in
the latter year of which Antigonus was defeated and killed at the battle of Ip-
sus. Then with his auxiliaries Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus, Cassander
seized and shared the dominions of the vanquished.
It was in the year B.C. 317 that Cassander placed Demetrius Phalereus at
Greece—Struggles of the Macedonian Generals 255
the head of affairs in Athens, where he ruled with so much wisdom for ten
years that the grateful Athenians heaped all manner of honors upon him, includ-
ing no less than three hundred and sixty statues. But he lost his popularity
through dissipation, and upon the approach of Demetrius Poliorcetes, the son
of Antigonus, in B.C. 307, he was obliged to flee, while all his statues except
one were demolished.
After the battle of Ipsus, Demetrius Poliorcetes had succeeded to what was
left of his father's power, and retreating with the remnant of his army to Ephe-
sus, had sailed to Cyprus. He wished to go to Athens, but the Athenians would
not receive him. He then turned toward the Peloponnesus, but found that his
allies in that quarter had joined Cassander. While engaged in ravaging the
Thracian Chersonese in B.C. 3OO, he was gratified to receive an embassy from
Seleucus with a request from that monarch for the hand of his daughter. The
request was gladly granted, and Demetrius was so much strengthened by the
new alliance that in the Spring of B.C. 296 he besieged and captured Athens.
The ferocious tyrant Lachares, established there by Cassander, was driven out,
and since the city was suffering fearfully from famine, Demetrius distributed
corn among the starving inhabitants and treated them with a kindness that was
as marked as it was unexpected. *
Cassander had died a short time before, and his successor, who was his eld-
est son, known as Philip IV., lived but a short time, whereupon the two broth
ers Antipater and Alexander quarrelled over the succession. The mother,
Thessalonica, a daughter of the great Philip, tried to smooth matters by divid-
ing the kingdom between them, but Antipater got the belief that she was favor-
ing his brother, and in a paroxysm of rage killed her with his own hand. Alex-
ander called upon Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, and upon Demetrius to assist him.
Demetrius was in the Peloponnesus, and Pyrrhus being nearer, succeeded in
partitioning Macedonia between the two brothers. This of course weakened
the kingdom, and Demetrius, seeing a good opportunity for gratifying his am-
bitious designs, entered the country with his army and did not hesitate to have
Alexander assassinated when he joined him with his forces.
Somehow or other Demetrius convinced the Macedonians that his crime
was justified, maintaining that Alexander was plotting against his life. Be that
as it may, they would not have the other brother, the slayer of his mother, to
rule over them, and therefore made Demetrius their king. But after a time
Demetrius offended his subjects by his pomp and splendor, and the scorn with
which he treated them. He aimed to recover all of his father's dominions in
Asia, but before he could take the field his adversaries forestalled him. In the
spring of B. c. 287 Ptolemy sent a great fleet against Greece, and Pyrrhus and
Lysimachus invaded Macedonia at the same time from two different directions.
256 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Pyrrhus had won the favor of the Macedonians by his generosity, kindness, and
courage, while, for the reasons named, they detested Demetrius. In the hour
that Pyrrhus appeared, the Macedonians flocked to his support and Demetrius
had to fly for his life. Pyrrhus became king, but seven months later Lysima-
chus drove him out. Demetrius tried several times to regain his power in
Greece, but failed and then set sail for Asia, where he finally fell into the
hands of his son-in-law Seleucus, who held him captive in Syria, with all his
depraved tastes gratified until his death in B.C. 283, from gross indulgences.
Meanwhile, Pyrrhus retreated to his own kingdom of Epirus, while Seleucus
and Lysimachus fought until the latter was killed. Thus Seleucus, the last of
Alexander's generals, held all of his empire except Egypt, Southern Syria, Cy-
prus, and part of Phoenicia, but while taking possession of Macedonia he was
murdered by an Egyptian Greek, to whom he had shown many favors (B. C. 28O).
This wretch, Ptolemy Ceraunus, in the turmoil that followed, made himself
king of Macedon.
The miscreant did not long escape punishment. The Celts or Gauls
swarmed into Macedonia, defeated the people, cut off the head of Ceraunus,
carried it on a pole and overran Thrace and Macedon. A second invasion by
these barbarians compelled the Greeks to rally against them, and the command
of the army was given to the Athenian Callippus (B.C. 279). The Celts pene-
trated as far south as Delphi, which they intended to plunder, but they were
repulsed and their leader Brennus killed.
Anarchy and confusion followed the death of Ceraunus, till in B.C. 278
Antigonus Gonatus, son of Demetrius Poliorcetes, succeeded in gaining the
throne. He held it with slight interruption until his death in B.C. 239. Pyrrhus
marched into the Peloponnesus in B.C. 272, at the head of a large army with
which he intended to make war upon Sparta and also to reduce the places which
still supported Antigonus. He failed to capture Sparta and then advanced
against Argos, arriving at the same time with Antigonus and his forces. Si-
multaneously the two entered the city by opposite gates. While fighting in the
streets, Pyrrhus was knocked from his horse by a tile hurled by a woman to
save her son, and was slain by several soldiers. Antigonus shed tears at sight
of the head of his enemy and caused the body to be honorably buried in the
temple of Ceres.
Finding himself master of the greater part of Peloponnesus, Antigonus
Gonatus governed the various cities by means of Tyrants and then laid siege to
Athens, in whose defence an Egyptian fleet and Spartan army assisted. Ath-
ens was finally taken about the year B.C. 262, after the defenders had been re-
duced to the last stages of famine and exhaustion.
And now while all Greece, except Sparta, lay bound and helpless at the
Greece—The Achaean League 257
feet of Macedonia, a new and strange power came into life. The troubles in
Macedonia kept Antigonus Gonatus there, thus offering the opportunity for a
well-directed revolt in the Peloponnesus. In the early part of our history we
learned something about the narrow slip of country upon the shores of the Co-
rinthian gulf known as Achaia, where a sort of religious league had existed
from a remote period. It embraced the twelve cities of the province, but was
suppressed by the Macedonians, who held possession of all the towns, now ten
in number, two having been destroyed by earthquakes. Relieved of the pres-
ence of Antigonus Gonatus, these cities began to draw together again. It was
about the year B.C. 25 I that Aratus of Sicyon succeeded in bringing the new
Achaean League into being. He had spent many years in exile at Argos, and
now collected a number of his companions and, attacking Sicyon at night, drove
out the last of the execrated Tyrants. This daring act brought Sicyon into the
league, which was governed by a general, with the sovereignty, however, resid-
ing in the general assembly, which met twice a year in a sacred grove near
AEgium. Every Achaean who had reached the age of thirty was a member, and
the body decided all questions that affected the welfare of their country. Ara-
tus was the general in B. C. 245 and again two years later, when he performed
a still more daring exploit by capturing Corinth from the Macedonians and join-
ing it to the league, which grew with amazing rapidity, embracing in the end
all the towns except Sparta, Elis, and a few of the Arcadian cities.
Sparta although independent was only a wreck, hardly suggestive of her
former greatness. The whole number of citizens was only seven hundred, of
whom no more than a hundred retained enough land to support themselves in
idleness. They removed to foreign courts to live in extravagance, for the Spar-
tan simplicity that has made the name immortal had long since departed.
The young king, Agis IV., who came to the crown in B. c. 244, was fired
by the noble spirit of the ancient founders, and determined that Spartans should
regain their virtue. He gave up all his own wealth as well as that of his fam-
ily, but was bitterly opposed by his colleague bearing the honored name of Le-
onidas, who rallied the wealthy citizens on his side. Agis, however, succeeded
in deposing Leonidas, and it looked as if the reformer would succeed in his
beneficent purpose; but he undertook an expedition to aid Aratus against the
AEtolians, and when he returned he found that Leonidas had been restored to
power and was strong enough to seize him and put him to death. Some years
later Cleomenes, the son of Leonidas, who had married the widow of Agis,
affected most of the reforms which Agis had had in view. Cleomenes made
himself powerful through his military successes, and was thus able to carry
out his political principles. Aratus in his efforts to extend the Achaean League
seized several Arcadian towns which the AEtolians had ceded to Sparta. This
I 7
258 The Story of the Greatest Nations
brought on a war (B. c. 227–226), in which the League was defeated by Cleom-
enes, who returned home and began carrying out with military rigor the re-
form measures of Agis. A natural consequence was the renewed successes of
the Spartan arms, and Aratus, driven to the wall, appealed to the Macedonians.
Antigonus and his son were dead, and the government was administered by
Antigonus Doson, a guardian of the youthful heir Philip. The Macedonians
compelled him to accept the crown, yet he remained faithful to his trust, and at
his death Philip succeeded him.
Antigonus Doson, in answer to the prayer of Aratus, marched into the Pel-
oponnesus and drove Cleomenes into Laconia. The war was not brought to a
close till two years afterward (B.C. 221), when in the battle of Sellasia in Laco-
nia, the army of Cleomenes was annihilated, and he was compelled to take
refuge in Egypt. Then Sparta, which had remained unconquered for so many
centuries, fell into the power of Macedonia.
It was a great triumph for Antigonus, but within a year he was recalled to
Macedonia by an invasion of the Illyrians, whom he defeated. He died a short
time afterward, and Philip V., son of Demetrius II., still in his teens, suc-
ceeded him. Because of his youth, the AEtolians ventured to make plundering
excursions into the Peloponnesus. They had previously united into a confed-
eracy composed of tribes instead of cities, and were held in great dread by their
neighbors. The disorganized state of Greece, following the death of Alexan-
der, had encouraged them to increase their power, which in time extended over
Locris, Phocis, Boeotia, and parts of Acarnania, Thessaly, and Epirus. Such
was the state of the AEtolians when Philip came to the throne of Macedon. In
the effort to help the Messenians, Aratus was routed and the Achaeans applied
to Philip for help. He made an alliance with them and the Social War fol.
lowed, with the AEtolians on one side and the Achaeans, aided by Philip, on the
other. The AEtolians suffered several defeats, but three years after the open-
ing of the war, B.C. 2 I 7, Philip made peace with them, because a more formida-
ble power demanded his attention.
The tremendous struggle was now going on between Rome and Carthage,
with the certainty that miserable, distracted Greece would be inevitably swal-
lowed by the victor in that mighty contest for supremacy. Philip made the
fatal blunder of uniting with the forces of Carthage, and the Romans formed an
alliance with the AEtolians who made war against him. Previous to this, Philip,
who had become arbitrary and harsh in his methods, quieted the remonstrances
of Aratus by causing him to be poisoned to death. The AEtolians pressed the
Achaeans so hard that in B.C. 209 they again called upon Philip for help. There
were a few noble spirits left among the Greeks, of whom the leader was Philo-
poemen, called by Plutarch “the last of the Greeks.” He was born in Mega-
Greece—Victories of Philopoemen 259
lopolis about B.C. 252, and received a careful education, through Cleander, a
wealthy citizen. He fought bravely in the defence of Megalopolis against Cle.
omenes, king of Sparta, in B. c. 222. At the head of one thousand horse he
joined Antigonus the next year and greatly aided in the routing of the Spartan
king Satellasia. Foreseeing the trouble that was coming to his people, he im-
proved the few years of peace by going abroad and studying the science of war.
He learned well, and, on his return to Peloponnesus in B.C. 2 IO, was appointed
general of the Achaean horse. He did splendid service, and in the expedi-
tion against Elis in B.C. 209 killed the Elean leader with his own hand. The
following year he was raised to the highest possible military rank, that of com-
mander-in-chief of the Achaean League. So admirable were his discipline and
training of the forces under his command, that it began to look as if the ancient
heroism of his country had returned to life again.
In B. c. 207 Philopoemen gained a great victory at Mantinea over the Spar-
tans, whose king and leader fell in a personal encounter with him. They had
formed an alliance with the Romans, who now withdrew to give their whole
attention to Carthage, and Greece enjoyed a few years of tranquillity. The
fame of Philopoemen had reached the highest pinnacle, and at the Nemean
festival which followed he was proclaimed Liberator of Greece. The beautiful
simplicity of his character was not touched by these honors. His influence
over his quarrelsome countrymen was so great that Philip feared Greece would
regain her independence. He attempted to have her liberator secretly assas-
sinated, but the plot was discovered in time and Philopoemen was more endeared
than ever to his people.
The conduct of Philip gave the Romans good grounds for renewing their de-
signs against Greece at the conclusion of the second Punic war. In B.C. 200
the Romans declared war against Philip, and relieved Athens which he had be-
sieged. Two years later the Achaean League was won over to the Roman alli-
ance, and since the AEtolians had already deserted him, Philip was faced by a
problem beyond his power to solve. In B.C. 197 the deciding battle between
the Romans and Philip was fought at Cynoscephalae in Thessaly. Philip was
defeated and the doom of the Macedonian empire sealed. The treaty which
he was compelled to sign in the succeeding year renounced its supremacy, with-
drew its garrisons from the Grecian towns, surrendered its fleet, and bound it
to pay more than a million dollars for the expenses of the war. The independ-
ence of Greece was proclaimed, and in B.C. 194 the Roman armies were with-
drawn from the country.
On the departure of the consul, Nabis, ruler of Sparta, attacked the Achae-
ans, but his force was almost annihilated by Philopoemen, and he was killed
soon after by the AEtolians. Philopoemen exerted himself to heal the quarrels
26o The Story of the Greatest Nations
among his countrymen, knowing that unless they stopped, Rome would step in
and take away the independence she had lately given them. The AEtolians
were mad enough to fight alone against the Romans, who utterly crushed them
in B.C. I 89, and compelled them to make peace upon the most humiliating
term S.
Sparta had put to death a number of the friends of Philopoemen, who took
a savage revenge upon the city, for which he was strongly censured by the Ro-
man senate, as well as by the commissioner sent into Greece in B.C. I 85. Two
years later, Philopoemen was elected commander-in-chief or Strategus, as it was
called, for the eighth time. He was seventy years old and was lying ill with
fever at Argos when news was brought to him that the Messenians had broken
from the league. He sprang from his couch and hurried at the head of a force
of cavalry to quell the revolt, but having fallen from his horse was captured
and two days later was presented with a cup of poison by the Messenian leader,
which he calmly drank off and died.
Philip, the Macedonian king, died in B. C. I79, and was succeeded by his
son Perseus, who, although his country was prepared for war, renewed the treaty
of peace which lasted seven years. Perseus improved this interval in making
alliances with Greek and Asiatic princes. Rome was watching his actions, and
reading their meaning, declared war against him in B. C. I 7 I. The struggle
lasted four years, the first three of which were so advantageous to him that there
was a widespread feeling in his favor in the countries bordering on the Levant
and the Archipelago. The final battle was fought at Pydna, June 22d, in which
the army of Perseus was utterly routed. He was compelled to surrender shortly
after and was taken to Rome, where he adorned the triumph of the conqueror.
Perseus was the last king of Macedonia, and with him fell the empire of Mace.
don.
The Roman commissioners charged with arranging the affairs of Macedonia
gave their attention also to Greece, which they intended to bring under Roman
sway. There were plenty of traitors who were readily bribed, and Callicrates
a man of great influence, was chief of them. He did everything in his power
to bring about the degradation of his country. Wretched, miserable Athens
had become a tramp, begging for meagre favors. Sometimes in her distress
she craved the bounty of Eastern princes or the Ptolemies of Egypt. The con-
dition of the people was so desperate that in B.C. 156 they sent out an expedi-
tion against their neighbor Oropus, and appropriated supplies without permission
of the owners. The Oropians complained to the Roman senate, which sentenced
the Athenians to pay an enormous fine; and here follows a fine story of the
state of morals at that time:
The Oropians being injured again, appealed to the Achaean League, which at
Greece—Destruction of Corinth 26 I
first refused to have anything to do with the matter. Then the Oropians bribed
Menalcidas, a Spartan, and the Strategus of the league, of which Sparta was an
unwilling member. He in turn hired the corrupt Callicrates to obtain the
intervention of the league. Menalcidas cheated Callicrates out of his share
of the bribe, and the latter in revenge charged him with having urged the Ro-
mans to separate Sparta from the league. Menalcidas would have been con-
demned had he not bribed Diaeus, his successor in office. This becoming known
Diaeus became so odious that to turn attention from himself, he stirred up the
Achaeans to violence against Sparta.
Too weak to repel the attack, Sparta appealed to Rome, which sent two
commissioners in B. c. 147 to adjust matters. They decided that Sparta, Cor-
inth, and the remaining cities, except those of Achaia, should be disjoined from
the league and restored to independence. Corinth was enraged and fierce riot-
ing broke out, the Roman commissioners narrowly escaping violence. The
new embassy sent thither could obtain no satisfaction for the outrages, and
finally the Roman Senate declared war against the league. The Strategus was
incompetent and cowardly; he fled, and upon being overtaken was routed.
Diaeus, who succeeded him, did a little better, but he was overthrown near Cor-
inth, which city was immediately evacuated by most of the inhabitants. Mum-
mius, the Roman commander, put to death the men who remained and burned
the city to the ground. Ten commissioners arrived from Rome to settle the
future condition of Greece. As a result, the whole country to the frontier of
Macedonia and Epirus was made into a Roman province, under the name of
Achaia, and thus vanished the freedom of Greece.
GRECIAN CATAPAULTS
PAUL PREACHING IN ATHENS
Chapter XXIV
GREECE AS A ROMAN PROVINCE—ITS LITERATURE AND
ART
== ſº HE story of the decline of Greece is a sad one. As
a dependency of the Roman empire, it suffered severely
during the wars of Antiochus and Mithridates, which
you will hear of in the story of Rome. Later for over
§ § º two centuries there were comparative peace and pros-
2 perity under the early Roman emperors. Julius Caesar
rebuilt Corinth and made it the capital of the prov-
ince. Standing where the isthmus was only six miles across,
with a beautiful harbor on each side, it was entered by many
travellers who, fearing to sail around the dangerous headlands
of the Peloponnesus, were accustomed to land on one side and
embark on the other, just as people do in going from New
York to San Francisco by way of the Isthmus of Panama.
Thus Corinth grew into a great commercial city, where at all
times could be found hundreds of Jews and Greeks.
Christianity was early introduced by Paul, the great apostle of the Gentiles,
whose memory is revered by Christians throughout the world. He was born of
Jewish parents at Tarsus in Cilicia, and from them he inherited the rights of
Roman citizenship. One law of the empire was that a Roman citizen could be
tried only by the magistrates and laws of Rome; so it was a fortunate thing for
a person to attain the rank of a Roman citizen. Men of eminence were com-
plimented in this way, and sometimes an entire city was given the honor. Paul
Greece—Paul Preaches Christianity 263
is said to have been of small stature, of spare frame, and able “to stand under
the arm of a man of ordinary height.” His original name was Saul. His
native city, where he was first educated, was then at the zenith of its fame as a
centre of schools of literature and philosophy. There he doubtless, learned to
speak Greek and perfected himself “in the law of his fathers.” He was next
sent to Jerusalem, where he studied under Gamaliel, a noted Jewish scholar,
and became one of the most rigid of Pharisees. In accordance with the good
rule prevailing at that time, he learned a trade, which was that of tent-maker,
and at which, as he records, he afterward labored to support himself. Among
his sect there was none more furious than he in persecuting the Christians.
This wonderful man came upon the stage of action shortly after the death
of the Saviour. The Jews of the Cilician synagogue were savage disputants
against Stephen the martyr, and no doubt Saul, still in his youth, was among
the crowd who were clamorous and headlong in their determination to crush the
humble followers of the Nazarene. When Stephen was stoned to death, young
Saul stood by consenting, and holding the garments of those who flung them off
that they might the better hurl the missiles at the man who thus perished for
his Master.
Saul now became a leader in the relentless persecution of the Christians
which broke out in Jerusalem, but, as told in the book of Acts, he was miracu-
lously converted while on the road to Damascus. He went into seclusion for
a time in Arabia, probably to prepare himself for the solemn work to which he
was henceforward to give his life. He changed his name to Paul, and with ab-
solute fearlessness and whole-souled devotion began the labors which made him
the foremost teacher and Christian of the ages. The hatred of the Jews against
him became so intense that nothing but his death could satisfy them. His
friends, however, helped him to escape and he fled to Jerusalem, where the dis-
ciples were at first frightened and suspicious, but Barnabas convinced them of
his sincerity and he was gladly received. He “spoke boldly in the name of
Christ,” disputing with such power with the Hellenistic Jews that again his life
was sought, and he escaped by fleeing to Tarsus, his birthplace, where it ap-
pears he remained until Barnabas brought him to Antioch, which was not far
off.
A brief visit was made to Jerusalem in the year 44, which was that of the
great famine. He and Barnabas were selected by the prophets and elders of
the church at Antioch for work among the more distant Jews. Starting from
Seleucia, they entered upon their first missionary expedition, which led them
to the southern regions of Asia Minor, where they met with great success.
At Pisidian Antioch, the Jews were enraged at his preaching of the gospel to
the Gentiles as well as themselves, and he boldly announced Christ as the uni-
264 The Story of the Greatest Nations
versal Redeemer. Later the two missionaries crossed the AEgean and set foot
in Europe, planting at Philippi, the capital of Thracian Macedonia, the first
Christian church on that continent. &
This remarkable work brings the great apostle into the history of Greece,
and he himself has given the account of his visits to Thessalonica, Berea, Ath-
ens, and Corinth. In Athens, the city of philosophers and followers of false
religions, he was invited to the Areopagus to set forth the new doctrine which
he taught. There, on Mars Hill, before a multitude among whom were Epicu-
rean and Stoic philosophers, he delivered his magnificent discourse, containing
the noble words: “Ye men of Athens, I perceive that in all things ye are
greatly religious. For as I passed through your city, and beheld how ye wor-
ship, I found an altar with this inscription, ‘To THE UNKNOWN GOD.’ Whom,
therefore, ye ignorantly worship, Him declare I unto you.” -
The Greeks listened attentively, but when Paul spoke of rising from the
dead, they derided and mocked him. He gained but few converts, but remark-
able success was had in Corinth, where he remained nearly two years, and sent
thence his letters to the Thessalonians. Leaving Corinth, he wrote to that city
and promised another visit, which was made on his third journey. After his
arrest in Jerusalem, where the captain of the Roman guard had to interfere to
save him from being torn to pieces by the mob, and while he was awaiting his
trial in Rome, he wrote to his friends in Philippi so bright and hopeful a letter
that it has been called the Epistle of Joy. - - -
St. Andrew also labored in Greece and suffered martyrdom at Achaia, where
he was crucified, but exhorted the spectators so long as the power of utterance
remained to him. Paul was treated with respect at Rome, where he was allowed
to live “for two whole years in his own hired house.” It is not known posi-
tively whether he ever left the city or not, but it is believed that he obtained
his liberty about A.D. 64, made journeys both to the east and to the west, and
carried out his longing to preach the gospel in Spain. He and the evangelist
St. John, and those of the apostles who still survived, appointed bishops of the
cities. Dionysius of Athens was set over Corinth, and Titus became bishop of
Crete. Christianity had taken root in Greece, and the divine work of the evan-
gelization of the world began, to continue until all nations shall acknowledge
the true God.
In the midst of Paul's labors occurred the burning of Rome, of which the
diabolical Nero was guilty. He threw the blame on the Christians, of whom
there were many in the city, and in consequence they suffered the most fright-
ful persecution. One of those who perished was Paul, whose death, according
to tradition, took place in A.D. 67. º
The rapid spread of Christianity was due partly at least to the waning of all
OCT 9, 1906
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Greece—Athens the Centre of Art 265
belief in the old gods. Both art and literature had begun to treat them lightly.
Writers invented new legends concerning them, and told these as our own wri-
ters tell stories, without any pretence that they were true. Thus a Latin author,
Ovid, wrote his “Metamorphoses,” in which he represents the gods as chang-
ing men into beasts for mere caprice. And Apuleius wrote the legend of Psy-
che, one of the most beautiful bits of classic mythology. It has been quoted as
displaying the first yearnings of the pagan mind toward Christianity. Psyche
represents the soul. She is wedded to Cupid or divine love, but loses him
through lack of faith. She then seeks him through all the sorrows of the world,
and even penetrates Hades in her wanderings, whence she brings, like Pandora,
a box of sorrows back to earth.
From the time of the Peloponnesian war, the character of Grecian art had
naturally been undergoing change with that of the people themselves. In
sculpture marble was more frequently used, and the serene majesty of the
ancient gods as depicted by the early sculptors gave place to human passions
and sentiments, with a softer and more flowing expression. Although the glory
of Athens faded, it still had its philosophers and teachers; and many rich young
men went thither from Rome, Carthage, Alexandria, and Asia to admire the
splendid buildings and works of art, and to finish their educations.
The two greatest artists of the later Athenian school were Scopas and Prax-
iteles. Scopas was born in the island of Paros, and flourished during the first
half of the fourth century B.C. His chief architectural works were: “The Tem-
ple of Athena Alla at Tegea,” which ranks first in point of size and beauty in
the Peloponnesus; the “Temple of Diana at Ephesus ” (though some mention
Deinocrates as the architect of this building); and a number of the bas-reliefs
in the great mausoleum erected by Artemisia, queen of Caria, in memory of
her husband, and now in the British Museum. His Sculptures were numerous,
and his single statues and groups illustrate the divinities of Greek mythology,
most of which were executed in marble. They include subjects from the myths
of Venus, Bacchus, Apollo, Diana, etc. The noblest piece of Sculpture exe-
cuted by him was that which stood in the Flaminian Circus at Rome, and rep-
resented Achilles conducted to the island of Leuce by the divinities of the Sea.
It contains statues of Neptune, Thetis, the Nereids, Tritons, and a variety of
sea monsters. Pliny says the whole is so beautiful that it alone would have
immortalized any sculptor. Nothing is known regarding the life and date of
death of this great artist.
Praxiteles was also a citizen of Athens, who lived in the fourth century B.C.,
and of him all that is known are the productions of his genius. His principal
works have been lost to the world. They included statues of Aphrodite at Cos,
Cnidus, Thespiae, Latmian Alexandria, and Rome, that at Cnidus being the most
266 The Story of the Greatest Nations
famous; statues of Eros at Thespiae and Parum on the Propontis; statues sin-
gle and in groups from the mythology of Dionysus at Elis, Athens, Megara,
and other places; statues of Apollo, the finest being the representation of Apollo
as the Lizard-slayer. It is generally agreed that Praxiteles by his work intro-
duced a new epoch in the history of Greece, marking the transition from the
heroic, reverential age that preceded the Peloponnesian war to the more cor-
rupt times that followed it. The witchery of woman and the intoxication of
Bacchic pleasures were his favorite themes, but he portrayed them with mar-
vellous grace, softness, and naturalness. If his god and goddesses were not
divine, they were wonders of human loveliness.
The later Athenian school gave way to the Sicyonic, distinguished by
representations of heroic strength and athletic beauty. Euphranor, one of its
chief representatives, was a painter as well as sculptor, who flourished during
the time of Philip of Macedon. His figures were of all sizes and executed in
bronze or marble. One by which he is perhaps best known is a statue of Paris.
Lysippus was more celebrated, and following the school of Polycletus, made
his ideals natural. Thus, instead of showing Hercules as a marvel of strength,
he represented him as graceful and agile. It is believed that the famous Far-
nese Hercules in the Naples Museum is a copy of one of his works. In his
paintings, which were mostly portraits, Lysippus would have delighted the
heart of Oliver Cromwell, for he represented his subjects precisely as they were.
Alexander had a wry neck and it was shown in the portrait of him, but the great
man was so well pleased with the work that he would permit only Lysippus and
Apelles to portray him. The most famous of Lysippus' statues of Alexander
shows him brandishing a lance. His works numbered over a thousand and
were mostly in bronze.
Pamphillus gained a wide reputation as a teacher of the art of painting.
He developed a number of famous artists, the greatest being Apelles, the most
famous of all Grecian painters. Apelles added scientific accuracy to the grace
and elegance of the Ionic school. He appears to have spent most of his life at
the court of Pella, where he was a favorite of Alexander, who, as has been
stated, gave him and Lysippus the exclusive privilege of painting his portrait.
He was with Alexander on his eastern expedition, and afterward travelled
through the western parts of Asia, the latter part of his life being spent at the
court of King Ptolemy in Egypt.
I wonder whether any reader of these pages is able to tell the origin of the
expression, “Let the cobbler stick to his last.” Here it is: Always anxious to
improve, Apelles used to exhibit his unfinished pictures in front of his house
and then concealing himself behind them, listen to the criticisms of those who
stopped to view his work. One day a cobbler detected a fault in one of the
Greece—Painting and Architecture 267
shoes of a picture and pointed it out. Apelles was prompt to correct it. En-
couraged by the success of his criticism, the cobbler next ventured to find fault
with the leg. At this the artist lost patience with his presumption, and uttered
the reproof which has been repeated so many times since.
The greatest of 'Apelles' portraits was that of Alexander wielding the thun-
derbolt, and his most admired painting was the “Aphrodite rising from the
Sea.” The goddess is shown wringing her hair, with the drops forming a veil
around her. It was painted for the temple of AEsculapius at Cos, and after-
ward placed by Augustus in the temple at Rome, which he dedicated to Julius
Caesar. Apelles was ranked by the ancients as the first of painters, and no one
was ever found competent to complete another figure of Aphrodite which he
left unfinished at his death.
Regarding architecture of this period, there was probably no improvement
in the style of public buildings and temples, but the cities were laid out in a
more majestic and convenient fashion. The finest examples of the improved
cities were Alexandria in Egypt and Antioch in Syria. The times were also
noted for the splendor of the sepulchral monuments, the greatest of which was
the one erected at Halicarnassus by Artemisia, queen of Caria, to the memory
of her husband Mausolus. Although this magnificent structure, which was
ranked as one of the Seven Wonders of the world, disappeared centuries ago,
late excavations have verified most of the description of Pliny, who says it was
140 feet high, the plan of the basement being 126 feet by IOO feet. The ele-
vation of the basement was 65 feet, surmounted by an Ionic colonnade 23%
feet high, on which was a pyramid rising in steps to a similar height, and on
the apex of which stood a colossal group, some 14 feet in stature, of Mausolus
and his wife, which is supposed to have been the work of Scopas. It is from
this grand structure that the word mausoleum is derived.
Greek art declined after the age of Alexander, though the decline was grad-
ual, and a number of excellent works were produced. The art centre gradually
moved from Greece to the coasts and islands of Asia Minor, Rhodes holding its
eminence down to the Christian era. Its principal artist was Chares, whose
great work, a statue of the sun, better known as the Colossus of Rhodes, was
another of the Seven Wonders of the world. It was IoS feet high, of bronze,
and of such vast size that it was a conspicuous object for many miles at Sea.
Fifty-six years after its erection it was overthrown by an earthquake.
The most impressively beautiful work of the Rhodian school is the group of
the Laocoön in the Vatican, of which innumerable copies have been made.
According to classic legend Laocoön was a priest of either Apollo or Neptune,
in Troy, who vainly warned his countrymen of the deceit practised by the
Greeks in their pretended offering of the wooden horse to Minerva, and was
268 The Story of the Greatest Nations
destroyed with his two sons by two immense serpents, which came from the sea
and first fastened themselves on the youths. The father went to their assist-
ance and was fatally involved in the serpents' coils. The theme was a favorite
one of the Greek poets and is introduced in the “AEneid” of Virgil. The sculp-
ture representing the scene was discovered in I 506 at Rome, in the Sette Sale,
on the side of the Esquiline Hill, and was purchased by Pope Julius II. for the
Vatican. Napoleon carried it to Paris, but it was recovered in 1814. The
anatomical accuracy of the figures, and the representation of bodily pain and of
passion approach perfection, and have received the highest admiration. It was
the work, according to Pliny, of three Rhodian artists, Agesander, Polydorus,
and Athenodorus, but the statement has been doubted.
Another famous work of art belonging to the Rhodian period is the Farnese
Bull, a colossal group said to be the work of two brothers, Apollonius and Tau-
riscus of Tralles, in Asia Minor. The group represents Dirce bound to the
horns of a bull by Zethus and Amphion, to avenge the ill usage of their mother.
Pliny states that it was transferred to Rome and placed in the library of Asin-
ius Pollio and afterward adorned the Baths of Caracalla. It was found in the
year I 546, restored by Bianchi, and set in the Farnese Palace. Notwithstand-
ing its striking vigor and merit, the best critics have pronounced the treatment
not quite satisfactory.
There were also eminent schools of sculpture at Pergamum and Ephesus,
to the former of which may be referred the Dying Gladiator in the Capitoline
Museum at Rome, and to the latter the Borghese Gladiator in the Louvre.
The finest relic of ancient art is the Venus de Medici, preserved in the Uffizi
Gallery at Florence. It was dug up in several pieces, either at the villa of
Hadrian near Tivoli, or at the portico of Octavia, in Rome, in the seventeenth
century. It received its name from being preserved for a while in the Medici
Palace at Rome, whence it was carried to Florence by Cosmo III., about 1680.
The figure is nude, four feet eleven and one-half inches high, without the
plinth, and has long been held as the perfection of form in woman. The sculp-
tor was Cleomenes, the Athenian, who lived about B.C. 200.
• The exquisite Venus of Milo, now in the Louvre at Paris, is so named be-
cause it was found in the island of Milo or Melos in the Archipelago. As
Greece passed into the hands of the Romans, the finest Greek treasures were
conveyed to Rome, where in time a new school arose. The many victories of
the imperial empire brought thousands of the works of art to Rome, and yet so
vast was the number in Greece that the temples and public buildings were
crowded with statues and paintings as late as the second century of the Chris-
tian era.
Grecian literature, which touched perfection with the master minds of
Greece—Later Literature 269
Athens, lost much of its splendor after the death of Alexander. Alexandria
had become not only the emporium of commerce, but the principal seat of
learning, and flourished under the munificence of the first Ptolemies. Noble
and extensive libraries were founded, and literature was cultivated by gram-
marians and critics. One of the greatest of these scholars was Aristophanes,
chief librarian at Alexandria under the second and third Ptolemies, who estab-
lished a school of grammar and criticism. He is credited with the invention
of the Greek accents, while Aristarchus, his pupil, was the editor of the
Homeric poems as we now possess them.
The greatest dramatist of these times was the Athenian Menander (B.C.
342–292), who has been called the chief of the New Comedy. Of course
tragedy would have been little welcomed in his degenerate days. So, while his
plays are full of a deep knowledge of life, they are solely comedy, and all turn
upon the passion of love. Two of the most admired relics of antiquity are the
companion statues now in the Vatican at Rome, which represent Menander and
one of his successors, the last of the famous Athenian dramatists, Posidippus.
Theocritus, the most winning pastoral poet of antiquity, was a Syracusan
by birth, but lived for a time in Alexandria. He had many imitators, his
style being followed in later centuries by Virgil, Tibullus, and other Romans.
The Alexandrine writers on pure science included Euclid (B.C. 323–283), whose
Elements of Geometry is still among the most valuable of text-books. The
work of the historian Polybius (B.C. 20.4–122) has been mostly lost, but the
fragments are a part of the treasures of antiquity. Livy closely followed him
from the period of the second Punic war.
The greatest of ancient biographers and moralists was Plutarch, who was
born at Chaeroneia in Boeotia, probably near the middle of the first century of
the Christian era. The work by which he is best known is his “Parallel Lives”
of forty-six Greeks and Romans, who are arranged in pairs, each pair consisting
of the life of a Greek and a Roman. Now and then the comparison is omitted
or lost. A distinguished critic says of the extraordinary charm and skill of
Plutarch : “There are biographers who deal with the hero, and biographers who
deal with the man. But Plutarch is the representative of ideal biography, for
he delineates both in one.” The “Lives" have preserved their remarkable popu-
larity through mediaeval and modern times, as they are sure to do for centuries
to come. In addition to this famous work, Plutarch wrote a number of treatises
on morals and other subjects.
It has been seen that the closing years of the history of ancient Greece
merge into those of Rome, whose grandeur overshadowed the world. In our
account of that majestic empire, we shall have to refer to more than one inci-
dent upon which we have already touched.
REMAINS or A FRENch CASTLE IN GREECE
Chapter XXV
THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE
N the year 330 A.D. the Roman Emperor Constantine had
resolved to shift his capital from tumultuous Rome
to some city where he could feel more secure against
sudden rebellion or assassination. Looking over his
vast domains he picked out, as having a good central
situation, the old Greek colony of Byzantium, which
stood at the entrance to the Black Sea on the narrow
strait separating Europe from Asia. He greatly enlarged and
beautified the old city, and renamed it for himself, Constantinople.
Later there came a split in the Roman world, and while one
emperor continued to rule over the East from Constantinople,
another governed the West with his capital again at Rome. This
Western empire was overthrown by the barbarian Goths, but the
Eastern remained. So that, oddly enough, for nearly a thousand
years after Rome was destroyed, an empire which called itself the
Roman Empire of the East continued to exist at Constantinople.
This state is often called the “Byzantine” or even the “Greek" empire.
Byzantium had always been a Greek city, the bulk of its people remained
Greek, and after a few centuries the Grecian language took the place of Latin
even in the palace of the emperor. The Greeks themselves, proud of this par-
tial restoration of their importance, became very loyal to this Roman ruler; but
they were a different race from the valiant Greeks of old. Through centuries
of peace and submission they had quite forgotten how to fight. Alaric, the
Greece—Contrast of East and West 271
great Gothic leader who destroyed Rome, invaded their land in 396 A.D. and
was received, not with iron, but with gold. Everywhere he collected an enor-
mous tribute. He penetrated as far as Athens itself, and her citizens flocked
around him like obsequious slaves, welcoming him as a conqueror and paying
him a huge ransom for their lives and city.
Mainly, however, the barbarian invasions passed by these Eastern lands,
and the Byzantine emperors managed to keep some shadow of power, filling
their armies not with their own subjects, but with small wandering tribes of
the barbarians, who were quite as ready to fight on one side as another.
In another story you will be told how, during all these years, Western
Europe was passing through the destruction and the rebuilding of the Middle
Ages, until it emerged with the new civilization of to-day. Meanwhile this
Greek empire retained the old civilization, which had come down through
Greece, Persia, Babylon, and Egypt. Unfortunately, all real vigor and manli-
ness seemed to have died out of this ancient civilization. The Byzantines
were over-refined; their art and literature ran into strange, capricious extremes;
their habits were luxurious and effeminate; their manners haughty; their
hearts subtle, deceptive, and treacherous. They looked on the rude and igno-
rant though warlike nations of Western Europe, with intense contempt.
This contempt of the East for the West changed gradually to fear. In
those wild ages, the only way a man could be really secure of his property, and
even of his own personal liberty, was by his bodily strength and courage. The
“valor” or “value” of a man to himself and the world was measured by just
what he possessed of these two qualities. This fact caused strength and cour-
age to be highly prized, and this estimation has descended to the present gen-
eration, when those qualities are deemed essential in the make-up of a man.
The wit and diplomacy of the Byzantines proved in the end to be no match
for the men who surrounded them. By the eleventh century commerce and
peace had made the old Greek cities, Athens, Thebes, and Corinth, very rich
and populous. Then the fierce Northmen, or Normans, who in their swift
ships had pillaged most of the sea-coast of Europe, penetrated even to this
furthest end of the Mediterranean. Three times in three large expeditions
they ravaged the peninsula of Greece from end to end, seizing the cities almost
at will, despite the feeble resistance of the terrified inhabitants.
A more numerous foe from the East followed. They were the Turks, who
had become the dominant race among those Mahometans of whom you heard
as the conquerors of Persia. These Turks began to attack the empire from the
east, and soon robbed it of most of its Asian possessions, including the Holy
Land. This brought on the Crusades. The vigorous nations of Western
Europe were all Christians, and they determined to own the Holy City of Jeru-
272 The Story of the Greatest Nations
salem. To them it was a horrible profanation that people of another race and
religion, the Mahometans, should possess the city of Christ and even bar Chris-
tians from visiting it. So great armies of them invaded Asia again and again.
The Greeks did not get on well with these Western allies, the “Franks,”
as they called them. In addition to the natural antagonism between duplicity
and openness, culture and ignorance, timidity and roughness, there arose a still
more serious ground of quarrel in the religions of the two races. Both were
Christians, but a technical point divided them. The Greeks regarded the
Patriarch, or bishop of Constantinople, as the head of the church, while the
Franks declared the Pope, or bishop of Rome, the supreme ruler. Quarrels on
small points are often more bitter than on greater ones. Through constant
friction and irritation, these two sects, both calling themselves followers of
Christ, grew to hate each other worse than either hated the Turks.
Their unfortunate enmity paralyzed the Crusades. The Turks could have
made no headway against their united foes; but the quarrelling sects almost
destroyed each other. In 1203 an army of Franks had gathered at Venice for
one of the numerous Crusades, when chance turned their arms directly against
Byzantium. The aged emperor, Isaac Angelus, had been deposed, imprisoned,
and blinded by his brother. The son of the unfortunate man begged the
Franks to help him rescue his father. They were only too glad of any excuse
for fighting the insolent Byzantines, and assaulting Constantinople, they re-
placed the blind king on his throne. He and his son were so grateful that
they went to the utmost lengths to reward their champions. The emperor even
ordered the Patriarch to submit himself and the whole Church of the empire to
the Pope at Rome.
This enraged the Byzantines as perhaps nothing else could. There were
ominous murmurs through the city. One day some citizens saw the young
prince with his own crown tossed aside, and a Frankish cap set in its place on
his head. In a flame of passion, they rushed on the prince, and both he and
his father were slain. A general uprising followed; and the Franks had to
flee the city. They soon returned with their army and fleet. The city was
captured a second time; much of it was burned, amid scenes of dreadful mas-
Sacre; and the Franks set up an empire of their own. The land was divided
among the chiefs who had conquered it, the greater part of the ancient penin-
sula of Greece going to Otho de la Roche as Duke of Athens.
This Duchy of Athens is famous in the romances of chivalry. For two
hundred and fifty years Otho's French knights held possession of the land,
never uniting with the people, but ruling them as a subject race, and gallantly.
holding with the sword against all comers the land they had won. Theirs was
one of the wealthiest courts in Europe, and it was certainly the gayest.
Greece—Capture of Constantinople 273
Dances, tournaments, and gorgeous festivals followed one upon the other as if
in story-land. Knight-errants wandered thither from all countries, assured of
a welcome reception. Chaucer made the “Duke of Athens’’ the hero of one
of his poems, and even our great Shakespeare chose him as the centre of a
play.
The Greek emperors soon won back Constantinople, though not Athens,
from the Franks; but their rule was approaching its end. The Turks, whose
career of conquest had been checked for a time by their wars with Asian
nations, gathered again like vultures around their prey. In 1453, the warlike
Sultan Mahomet II., finding himself with a most unusual peace on his hands,
swore a great oath that the famous old city of Constantinople should be his
capital or his tomb. Hearing this, its emperor, Constantine, made a similar
oath himself, and began preparations for the defence. The one really fine
story about this feeble, treacherous, old Byzantine empire is the story of Con-
stantine's struggle to save it from its doom. Among all his subjects he could
find scarce six hundred capable soldiers. He prayed the Christian West for
help, promising all sorts of returns; but again intervened that fatal schism of
the churches. The West turned coldly-away from his danger; only a few
hundred Italian troops answered his call. Yet the coming even of these was
enough to bring down on the unhappy emperor the curses of his own church.
“Better,” thundered the bigoted Patriarch, “that we bow to the turban of the
Turks, than to the hat of the Pope.”
Constantine united all these jarring elements; he gathered nine thousand
soldiers, and then calmly met the attack of Mahomet's two hundred thousand.
Deeds of thrilling daring followed. The Turks battered down the walls with
huge cannon, the largest that had ever been seen. These proved dangerous to
both parties. More than one burst in firing, but the walls crumbled before
them. Huge breaches were made, and the Turks carried the city in a furious
assault. In the largest gap, Constantine fought heroically at the head of his
men; and long after the others were swept back he was seen delivering his
terrific blows in the midst of his foes. His last desperate cry as he was borne
backward was, “Is there no Christian sword left to slay me?”
Mahomet entered the city in triumphal procession. Many of the wretched
inhabitants had refused to take part in the defence, trusting in a prophecy that
at the great church of St. Sophia an angel with a flaming sword would appear
and drive back the Sultan. So they huddled together at that point without
resistance, and were massacred in cold blood. Forty thousand were killed,
and fifty thousand sold as slaves. The body of Constantine was found, almost
unrecognizable from the many wounds, lying amid a heap of his assailants.
His head was cut off and exhibited to the people, not only in Constantinople
274 The Story of the Greatest Nations
but throughout the Turkish empire. The Greeks, too late repenting their in-
difference and cowardice, bowed before the head with secret tears.
The few remaining cities throughout Greece soon succumbed to Mahomet.
In only one part of the old empire did he meet resolute resistance. This was
in Albania, a district corresponding roughly to Epirus of ancient Greece. An
Albanian child, known as George Castriot, had been taken by the Turks and
reared as a Mahometan. He became a famous military leader among them,
and won the name of Scanderbeg (the great lord Alexander). Learning his
origin he became again a Christian, deserted the Turks with three hundred
faithful followers, and held an Albanian fortress against all the armies his for-
mer friends could send against him. The Albanians rallied round him, and for
twenty-five years the district became a death-trap that swallowed the bravest
of the Turks. Mahomet II. himself led two armies against Scanderbeg with-
out success, the first force losing thirty-five thousand men. All Europe rang
with the heroic deeds of the Albanian and his little troop; he was the bulwark
of Christendom against the Turks. But Europe was content to stand off and
praise, and never sent him an army with which to complete his work.
At last, as he lay an old man dying of fever, another Turkish force was
reported approaching. He bade his men go out against it carrying his stand-
ard; and at mere sight of the banner the enemy fled. The struggle collapsed
with his death; the Turks seized Albania; and, digging up the bones of Scan-
derbeg, they made charms of them and wore the fragments, hoping thus to
inherit something of the bravery and success of the hero whom they regarded
as more than mortal.
The centuries that followed have been called the agony of Greece. The
softening influence of Christianity, was unfelt by the Turks, whose religion
taught them to slay all who refused to believe as they did. The Greeks re-
mained steadfast on this one point. The bulk of them would not change their
religion; and the Turks grew to hate their Christian victims with implacable
intensity. More than once they meditated exterminating the entire race, even
as to-day they seem bent on destroying the Christians in Armenia. They only
hesitated because the Greeks were useful to them in many ways. Enormous
taxes were exacted from the impoverished people; they were used as slaves at
will; and, cruelest of all, every year a thousand of their fairest and sturdiest
babies were picked from among them and brought up as Mahometans. The
girls were placed in Turkish harems; the boys, knowing nothing of their
parentage, were trained to become members of the famous band of soldiers, the
Janissaries, the bulwark of the Turkish Empire.
Venice, Hungary, and other Christian nations continued fighting against
the Turks for centuries, and prevented the further advance of their power into
Greece—Destruction of the Parthenon 275
Europe. It was in a siege of Athens by the Venetians in 1687, that the peer-
less Parthenon of Pericles, which had outlived so many scenes of violence,
was reduced to ruins. The Turks used it as a magazine for powder, which was
exploded by a Venetian bomb, and the beautiful building, with its exquisite
statues and carvings, was blown to fragments.
PRINCE GEORGE OF GREECE
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GREER WESSELS or 1821
Chapter XXVI
THE REVIVAL OF MODERN GREECE
Y the beginning of the nineteenth century the Turkish
--- nation had greatly decayed, or rather it had failed to
}| % keep pace with Christian civilization. A hope of free-
. º dom began to glimmer in the bosoms of the Greeks.
s
Little, helpless rebellions of despair had broken out
now and then through all their period of slavery, and
35 they never wholly lost their nationality. The character
* of the land itself nurtured the spirit of independence.
It was impossible for an army to penetrate far into the
wild and precipitous mountains which form the most of Greece,
and small bands of soldiers were easily ambushed from the
3. overhanging rocks. So, when oppression roused a Greek to any
º resistance which put his life in danger, he fled to the mountains
ºjº and joined his fellows in the desperation of robber life. These
o - brigands or “klephts,” as they were called, became the heroes of
their more timid countrymen. They were sheltered as far as
might be, and warned against the Turks. Wonderful tales were
told of them, and ballads sung in their honor. Courage and reso-
J lution revived in the hearts of the degenerate race.
Selfish and wicked men of Russia, and perhaps of other nations, took ad-
vantage of this fact. When Russia was at war with Turkey, in 1768, and more
than once in later years, Russian agents claiming to have government authority
roused the Greeks to revolt, and promised them Russian support. This aided
Greece—The War of Independence 277
Fussia by dividing the Turkish armies; but the promised help never came to
the betrayed and wretched Greeks, who were left to suffer the unspeakable ven-
geance of their barbarous masters, while Russia made such peace as she could
with advantage to herself.
At last, in 1821, there came another rebellion more general than any before.
This was started by a secret society, called simply the Hetairia, which means
“societies.” The Hetairia were organized everywhere by the Greeks as liter-
ary societies, and it was several years before the Turks suspected there was
any unity or even any political purpose behind them. The system was elabo-
rate; there were circles within circles; members of the outer one learned
scarcely anything of the order, and only the final innermost circle of sixteen
men knew fully its plans and purposes. The dream of the Hetairists was to
restore the ancient freedom and glory of Greece, and their membership was
not confined to Greeks; many romantic scholars throughout Europe supported
the movement. They selected as their leader a Russian Greek, Prince Alex-
ander Ypsilanti, and he raised the standard of revolt in the Turkish provinces
along the Danube, March, 1821. The Greeks, armed and provisioned by the
Hetairia, joined him rapidly. Especially noteworthy was one band of five hun-
dred students, recruited partly from Greece and partly from enthusiastic young
men of the best families of Europe. They called themselves the “sacred band,”
and adopting the old Spartan motto, vowed to return carrying their shields in
triumph, or be carried dead upon them. Ypsilanti's little army was defeated by
the Turks in June at Dragaschan, he himself fled, and over four hundred of the
gallant “sacred band '' were left lifeless upon the field.
But the rebellion was begun, and the common people had taken it up
through all Greece. The klephts of the mountains were its natural leaders,
and instead of the romantic, high-minded, theoretical struggle planned by the
leaders of the Hetairia, it became a bloody carnival of revenge and retaliation
between the Savage Turks and the ignorant peasantry, brutalized by centuries
of oppression.
March 25, or according to our calendar, which differs from theirs, April
6, 1821, is the day celebrated by the Greeks as beginning their war of inde-
pendence. It was on that day that Archbishop Germanos, being summoned to
the Turkish Court to explain what was going on among the peasants, refused to
go, and raising his holy cross at Laura, called the Greeks to join him. Already
the peasantry with their secretly supplied weapons, were rising everywhere, and
beginning the fearful work of vengeance. Early in March there were twenty
thousand Turks residing in lordly comfort and security throughout Greece.
Before June they were all dead, except a few miserable survivors who had man-
aged to entrench themselves in strongholds where they were besieged. Men,
278 The Story of the Greatest Nations
women, and children had been slain without pity. Old men may still be found
in Greece who will point with calm satisfaction and say, “There we slew such
a one, and his slaves, and his harem.”
Before learning of this terrible massacre, the Sultan had instituted a similar
one. Immediately on learning of Ypsilanti's rising and the suspicion of a gen-
eral plot, the Sultan declared that the Greeks of Constantinople must be con-
cerned in it, and he turned his soldiers loose upon them. Hundreds were slain
in the streets without question and without warning. The aged Patriarch of
the Greek Church and many of its leading bishops were among the victims.
All Europe felt the vast difference between the frenzied outbreak of the
unguided peasantry, and the authorized and deliberate barbarity of the Sultan;
and Christian sympathy was naturally with the Greeks. But it was not easy
for governments which had just recovered from the disorders of the French
Revolution to approve revolution elsewhere. So for five years Greece was left
to resist the hordes of the Sultan as best she might. It is said that over half
the population perished. The land became a desert.
Early in the war it became evident that the Greeks would not stand in the
open against the regular charge of a Turkish army. They had neither the
numbers, the individual strength, nor the training to make such a stand suc-
cessful, and were too wise to sacrifice themselves uselessly. So, when the
Turks charged they fled. On the other hand, place a Greek in the mountains
with a gun and he would take desperate risks to get a shot at a few Turks;
and if a few Greeks were caught in a corner whence there was no escape, they
fought like tigers, laughing at death, and seeming only eager to slay as many
of their foes as possible before succumbing. Hence this became, not a war of
famous battles, but of small fights and sieges and deeds of individual heroism.
The Greeks were scattered in little bands, and never united under one great
leader.
Such a man might have been found in the Suliote, Marco Botzarris. The
Suliotes were a people of Epirus who had been in revolt against Turkey.
Under promise of pardon they yielded, and the Turks then started to murder
the entire race. Many escaped to Greece, and they were waiting there, hungry
for blood and revenge. Under their leader Botzarris, they became the best
soldiers of the war. Almost every schoolboy has read the poem about Botzarris's
splendid attack, beginning, “At midnight in his guarded tent.” This able and
heroic chieftain fell at the head of his “Suliote band ’’; and no other man ap-
peared who seemed really qualified to be a leader of the Greeks. The klepht
captain, Colocotrones, was almost the only chieftain who was prominent
throughout the war.
In 1822 occurred the massacre of Scio, which, for its unprovoked wanton-
Greece—Massacre of Scio 279
ness and the number slain, stands unparalleled in modern annals. The people
of the island of Scio, or Chios, had taken no part in the rebellion, but were liv-
ing in quiet and peaceful submission. They were Greeks, however, so a Turk-
ish fleet landed on their shore, a slight pretext was found, and the massacre
commenced. It continued for days. Of the one hundred and twenty thou-
sand inhabitants only a few hundred survived, by hiding half-starved in secret
places.
This atrocious deed was partly avenged by Canares, the naval hero of the
war. The Greeks had no real warships; but they were always expert sailors,
and now every little fishing smack, every tiny trading vessel, had a couple of
cannon mounted, or a stack of small arms hidden in the hold, and took a dash-
ing part in the struggle for independence. Of course they could not battle
openly against the big Turkish men-of-war, but their daring seamanship made
them enemies to be feared. Canares, while the Turkish fleet was returning
from Scio, took four small boats. Two were made to represent fleeing Turk-
ish merchants, the others pursuing Greeks. The supposed Turks were really
fire-ships loaded with explosives and ready to burst into flame the moment
the torch was applied. They steered straight for the Turks who stood in their
riggings, cheering and encouraging the fleeing boats and making ready to drive
back the pursuers. The fire-boats reached the two largest ships of the fleet,
and were quickly fastened to them with numerous ropes. Then the daring
Greeks lit the flames and leaped overboard into rowboats. One of the fire-
ships failed to explode, but on the other was Canares himself. Seeing that his
powder train had become disarranged, he remounted to the deck from his row-
boat. By this time the Turks had discovered the true character of their visi-
tors and were struggling desperately to cut the ships apart. Shots began to
fall among the Greeks; the explosion might come at any instant; but Canares
calmly rearranged his materials, relit the train, and sprang into his boat just in
time to escape. The huge Turkish ship was set on fire and completely de-
stroyed, with two thousand of her crew. Her commander, who had authorized
the great massacre of a few weeks before, perished with her.
The whole Turkish fleet, believing the remaining Greek vessels were also
fire-ships, fled in dismay. Two frigates ran ashore and were wrecked in the
confusion. So expert did the Greeks become with these fire-ships and other
similar devices, that the Turkish naval officers were terrorized, and more than
once whole fleets took to flight at sight of a few Greek boats sailing toward
them.
The most noted siege of the war, or rather series of sieges, occurred at
Missolonghi. This little town, situated near the mouth of the Corinthian
Gulf, was repeatedly besieged by both sides. Its final capture by the Turks
28o The Story of the Greatest Nations
was in 1826. The populace held out for twelve months. They were reduced
to starvation, living on rats' hides and seaweed. Yet they answered all com-
mands to surrender, with fierce defiance. When the last fragment of food was
gone, they made a desperate night attack on their besiegers. Three thousand
men threw themselves against the Turkish line, hoping to cut a passage through
which the women and children were to follow. The Turks had been warned
and were specially prepared, yet the desperate Greeks swept their cavalry aside,
cut down the infantry, and slew the artillerists at their guns. Eighteen hun-
dred of them, including some two hundred women, escaped; but the main body
of the women and children, bewildered in the indescribable confusion and up-
roar, returned to the town. The Turks poured in after them, and a general
massacre followed. It was not wholly one-sided. The wounded and decrepit
Greeks who had been left behind, had grimly prepared for their foes. Death-
dealing devices met them on every side. Beams fell, and shells were exploded
by hand. One lame soldier shut himself with his family in the principal pow-
der magazine, waited till it was crowded with howling Turks, then hurled a
torch among the explosives, and went with those he most loved and most hated
into eternity.
The capture of Missolonghi was not achieved by the Sultan himself, for he
had despaired of conquering the unyielding Greeks, and had called to his help
his overgrown vassal, Mehemet Ali, the cruel and cunning khedive of Egypt,
of whom you learned in Egypt's story. It was Ibraham, son of Mehemet Ali,
who captured Missolonghi; and he next proceeded to capture Athens and harry
Greece from end to end. He was a far more powerful and terrible foe than the
Sultan, and the Greek cause sank to its lowest ebb.
However, the turn of fortune's wheel was at hand for the heroic and de-
spairing fighters. Europe at last was roused to action. Many noble men had
espoused the Greek cause, both with sword and pen. Lord Byron, the poet,
after writing magnificent poems which made all men sympathize with Greece,
himself joined the fighters and died of fever, the most famous victim in the
great cause.
His death helped more perhaps than his life could have done. European
sentiment was stirred to the quick; and the heroic defence of Missolonghi, the
gallant deeds of Botzarris, Canares, and others—all these aided. The public
compelled their governments to take action, and slowly and lumberingly enough
the governments obeyed. They talked to the Sultan of yielding Greece some
such semi-independence as Egypt enjoyed. The Sultan obstinately refused,
and the hesitant governments came to a diplomatic standstill.
Accident brought to the Greeks all that diplomacy refused. A number of
warships of the three great allied nations, France, Russia, and England, had
Greece—Battle of Navarino 28 I
gathered outside the harbor of Navarino, in the southwest of the Peloponnesus.
The Turkish and Egyptian fleet lay within the harbor. The English admiral
in command of the allies decided that it would be wiser to have his ships inside
also, so they sailed in. The Turks thought the allies were coming to attack
them, or perhaps, with characteristic stupidity, they did not think at all, and
were spoiling for a fight; they had twice as many cannon and four times as
many vessels as the allies. At any rate, they fired on the approaching ships.
The allies promptly returned the fire, and a wholly unintended naval battle fol-
lowed in which the Turkish fleet was annihilated (1827).
Even then the Sultan refused to yield. The French landed troops and
began driving the Turks from the Peloponnesus. Mehemet Ali, with more
sense than his master, saw that the game was up; he entered into negotiations;
his helpless army was transported back to Egypt in the ships of the allies; and
Greece was free in fact, though it took the Sultan two years longer to realize
and admit it by treaty.
The European “Powers,” which had thus established the independence of
Greece almost against their wills, treated her as a child, and kept her long in
leading-strings. Perhaps she needed it, for the Greeks had shown themselves
united in only one thing—unyielding hatred of the Turks. In all else they
were as quarrelsome as the famous “Kilkenny cats.” At one time during
their life and death struggle, they had seven separate little private wars going
on among themselves. Count Capo d'Istrias was chosen president, but was
accused of injustice and assassinated in 1831. The Powers had told Greece
they could not approve of republics and that she must have a king; but it was
not easy to select one. Every native Greek had rivals as powerful as he.
Several foreign princes were privately offered the throne, but declined the
honor much as they would have declined a seat on a rumbling volcano. At
last Prince Otho of Bavaria accepted, and in 1832 became king of Greece.
It was a thankless position for the well-meaning youth of seventeen. The
people distrusted him; they had learned to be experts at falsehood and decep-
tion during their long slavery to the Turks; they were treacherously quick
with their knives; and a Greek election was more dangerous and more hotly
contested than the proverbial Irish one. King Otho was not a brilliant man,
and he soon fell back upon the simple expedient of having nothing to do with
his subjects. He called no parliaments or assemblies, and placed all the offices
in the hands of Bavarian favorites who flocked around him
One of the best handled rebellions on record followed in 1843. All Greece
united in it. The government troops themselves surrounded the king's palace
and notified him that the country meant to have a parliament and a constitu-
tion. The king tried to temporize and delay, and the foreign ministers sought
282 The Story of the Greatest Nations
to help him out with threats; but the people and soldiers insisted good-
naturedly yet firmly. The king had no choice but to yield, and thirteen hours
after it began the rebellion was over, the Bavarian ministers departed, and
Greece became a constitutional kingdom.
King Otho, however, was never a success; and as the Greek parliament
slowly grew to manhood, it felt a stronger sense of its own power as represent-
ing the people. So, in 1862, it dismissed him, and he returned to Bavaria.
The crown was again offered to various princes, and finally accepted by the
present king, George I., the second Son of the king of Denmark.
The Greeks have had endless trouble with their old enemy Turkey. This is
mainly due to the position taken by the European Powers. When they gave
Greece her freedom, they allowed most of Thessaly and Epirus, and many of
the islands in the AEgean Sea to remain in Turkish hands. These lands were
really Greek, and their people, especially those of Thessaly and Epirus, had
fought as bravely throughout the war as their more fortunate countrymen to
the south of them. The undying hope, aim, and ambition of every Greek
peasant or statesman, is to give these people their longed-for freedom and unite
them to Greece. Every war against Turkey has found Greece eager to rush into
the fray. But European policy has opposed the dismemberment of Turkey, fear-
ing lest Russia become too strong. So again and again Greece has been held
back with threats and promises, though her territory has been gradually in-
creased by successive treaties, until to-day most of the islands and Thessaly
belong to her. Epirus is still Turkish, and so is the famous old island of
Crete, the probable birthplace of Greek civilization.
It seems specially hard that Crete should remain under the Turkish yoke.
During the war of 182 I, the Cretans overthrew their oppressors and were prac-
tically free, but when peace came the “Powers” compelled them to submit
again to Turkey. The condition of the people has been much improved by
slow concessions wrung from the unwilling Sultan; but there have been nine
different rebellions in the island during the last century. All have been put
down with more or less of Turkish ferocity, at more or less expense of Chris-
tian blood. The last one occurred in 1896. The Turks in Canea, the capital
of the island, celebrated a religious holiday by massacring a few Christians.
The Cretans, who have discovered their own strength, rose in masses, retaliated
Savagely, and before troops could be marched against them, retreated to the
mountains. The Turkish forces have learned to hesitate before entering among
those wild cliffs and gorges. A few detachments did, however, and their fears
were justified. A party of about two hundred were ambushed and slain. The
“Powers ” interfered; and autonomy, that is the right to govern themselves
though paying a money tribute to the Sultan, was promised to the Cretans.
Greece—The Cretan Insurrection 283
This was an old pledge, often made but always evaded by the wily Turk. How-
ever, a peace was patched up, and the Cretans returned to their homes. More
Turkish troops were poured into the island; trouble flared up afresh, and the
Cretans called on their brethren of Greece for help.
In February, 1897, a Greek fleet came to the island and transported several
thousand non-combatants, women, children, and aged men, into Greece for
safety. The resolute Cretans who remained, joined in more than one instance
by Greek soldiers, set out to sweep every Mahometan from the island. The
Turks, driven from the hills and the open country, concentrated in a few strong
forts and towers. The insurgents attacked the capital itself.
The Sultan clamored to the Powers for protection. He was not at war
with the Greeks; he was not allowed to go to war with them, yet here they
were helping his subjects to rebel against him. Such an appeal to support
regal authority has always strongly influenced European diplomacy. Greece
was ordered to behave herself; the insurgents, again to submit; and as they
hesitated, the European fleets which had been gathered about Crete, went so
far as to bombard those portions of the capital which the insurgents had won,
February 21, 1897.
The insurgents were naturally compelled to retire from the town. Then,
as Greece still refused to desert them, a “pacific blockade ’’ of the island was
proclaimed, and all Greek vessels were prevented from either approaching or
leaving it.
This hurried Greece to the next step, open war with Turkey. From a
merely mathematical standpoint such a war was madness. Turkey, though de-
caying, is still a large Country and a fairly rich one; Greece is small and poor.
But the Greeks are not a people who move by cold-blooded and logical calcula-
tion. There was a deep, passionate public sentiment which clamored for war.
Loyalty to their brethren in Crete, the still smouldering hatred against the
Turk, the desire to prove worthy of their ancient name, bitter scorn at the pal-
tering, fruitless policy of Europe—all these flamed out together into a resist-
less cry for war. The wise and wary old King George tried to hold the nation
back. He had been popular with the people before; his popularity vanished
like straw in the blaze.
All the troops of Greece, sixty thousand in number, gathered on the Turk-
ish frontier. Twice as many Turks waited for them. There were the usual
diplomatic quibbles. Europe warned both nations that the first to strike a
blow would be held to strict account and punished. “We have no intention of
attacking,” responded the well-trained statesmen of both sides. “We are only
guarding ourselves against a threatened attack.”
Theoretically the Greek government maintained this attitude throughout;
284 The Story of the Greatest Nations
but every day little bands of Greeks slipped through the mountain passes of
the frontier and attacked Turkish outposts. The Greek minister apologized
profusely. “These are brigands,” he said, “wicked people over whom we have
no authority.” “This is war,” growled the Sultan, and his troops proceeded
to seize certain neutral ground between the two armies. “They are attacking
us,” shouted the Greeks delightedly, and rushed to resist the assault.
There was some brave fighting on the neutral ground. Twice the Greeks
charged up the slopes of Mount St. Elias and recovered positions which the
Turks had fortified. But the Turks had been prepared for the advance; the
Greeks were far outnumbered, and eventually fell back. These were mere
introductory skirmishes.
It was on April 18 that the Sultan issued a formal proclamation that war
existed. The din of battle was already rolling along the frontier from sea to
sea. The Greeks pushed forward everywhere, under the lead of the king's
eldest son, Prince Constantine, and his brother, Prince Nicholas. One division
won its way far into Turkish territory, and seemed likely to outflank a portion
of the enemy, when a message from headquarters reached the division, ordering
it to return.
This message was afterward explained as a “mistake.” If so, it was a mis-
take which extinguished the only tiny chance of success the Greeks ever had.
Everywhere else their forces, though fighting well, were unable to hold their
own. The Turks in their turn poured through the mountain passes. There
were two days of fighting (April 21, 22), mostly by artillery, known as the
battle of Mati. Then came Prince Constantine's order to his weary soldiers
to retreat from the frontier and rally at Larissa, a Thessalian town some twenty-
five miles distant.
Retreat when they had thought to surge like a tidal wave over Turkish
territory ! when they had dreamed of marching amid the cheers and prayers of
the liberated populations beyond the border The mercurial Greeks despaired;
they were beaten from that moment.
A sudden panic seized them on the gloomy backward march. It was
night; some one cried out that the Turkish cavalry were coming, and without
waiting to learn the truth, the men fled wildly through the darkness. Many
in their blind terror threw away their arms. Instead of halting at Larissa, the
Greek forces were not again rallied into anything resembling order until they
were twenty miles further south, at Pharsala and the seaport town of Volo.
The inhabitants of Larissa and the surrounding district of Thessaly were
left with far greater cause for fear than the fleeing troops. They had thought
themselves secure in the rear of their army, but they now found themselves
between the two foes, left to the mercy of the “unspeakable” Turk. What
Greece—The War with Turkey 285
they could carry of their household goods they took with them, the rest they
left, and hurried southward in bewildered pitiable crowds, questioning every-
body, helping to block the roads and add to the terrifying confusion.
The Greeks began to think of peace. This was not the kind of war they
had wanted. The European governments held sternly aloof. Private individ-
uals in many lands had expressed and continued to express sympathy with the
Greek cause, and the Greeks not unnaturally confused this with governmental
sympathy. A party of “Red Cross' nurses, women who devote themselves to
tending the wounded on the battlefield and in the hospital, came out from Eng-
land. They were received in Athens with an extravagant delight, which seemed
to see behind them every regiment and every battleship of the British Empire.
Meanwhile, the Turks were advancing in leisurely fashion. Before any-
thing definite came of the peace talk, they had driven the disorganized Greeks
from their second line of defence, and also from a third line centred at Domoko,
where the bloodiest battle of the whole war was fought. Then the patient
Powers arranged a truce, and peace followed. Greece yielded a trifle of terri-
tory, and agreed to pay Turkey $14,000,000, the Powers guaranteeing the pay-
ment and taking control of the Greek custom duties with which to pay it.
The war had lasted just thirty-one days.
It is not surprising that the Greek royal family found itself in trouble.
The king had opposed the war. The Crown Prince Constantine had proved
himself a military bungler, if not worse. There was that first unfortunate
“mistake" of recalling the successful troops; then came the order to the still
resolute and unbeaten soldiers to retreat after the battle of Mati. Many
Greeks soothed their national pride by crying that they had been betrayed from
the beginning.
An attempt to assassinate the king followed. While he was driving in the
country with his daughter, two men rose from the side of the road and aimed
their rifles at him. They proved poor marksmen, amateurs at the business
perhaps, for the shots went wide of their mark. The king displayed consider-
able personal courage; and the attack, which was intended to destroy him,
restored in a measure his popularity among his people.
Prince George, his second son, is, however, the only really popular member
of the family. He is a sailor, has had a romantic love affair, escaped the
smirching of the war, and has since done his country good service in Crete.
In Crete the Powers continued their “pacific blockade ’’ and their discus-
sion of autonomy for over a year. They might have been talking still, had not
a Mahometan mob in the town of Candia attacked a patrolling party of British
marines on September 6, 1898. Over fifty Englishmen were killed or
wounded, the survivors escaping with difficulty to their boats. Then the tri-
286 The Story of the Greatest Nations
umphant rioters swept the town, massacring over four hundred Christians. The
Turkish governor thoughtfully kept his troops in barracks, so as not to add to
the confusion, and only sent them out to restore order when the mob had fin-
ished its bloody work.
The four hundred dead Cretans might have been passed over, as so many
thousand Turkish victims have been before; but a dozen Britons were lying
among the slain. Within three months a new Order of things was arranged,
and the rule of the Turk in the island, or at least his direct interference with
its inhabitants, came to an end—let us hope forever. The island still pays
an annual tribute to the Sultan, but it is governed by its own people through
an elective parliament and a High Commissioner appointed by the Powers.
This arrangement was a temporary one for three years, and Prince George
of Greece was appointed High Commissioner. He landed in Crete, Decem-
ber 21, 1898, and has since been very successful both in governing the island
and in gaining the good will of the inhabitants, Mahometan as well as Chris-
tian. The temporary arrangement came to an end with the close of 1901,
but the Powers persuaded Prince George to reaccept office for a longer term.
Since then Greece has been at peace, although much troubled in 1903 by
the uprising across her borders, in Macedonia. The Greeks and other Chris-
tians there rose in desperate rebellion against Turkey, and though the out-
break was suppressed with great cruelty its flame still smolders. One thing
is clear, the Greek war did not settle the Eastern question. It cannot be
settled; it will not cease to be a menace and a bugbear to Europe until every
Christian in the East is free from the cruelty and treachery of the barbarous
Turk.
As far back as I 896 the Greek government in its endeavor to fraternize
with the other Christian nations, re-established upon an international basis the
ancient Olympian games, which had sunk into oblivion during the ages of Gre-
cian slavery. The friendly rivalry of these contests has already done much to
attract to Greece the attention of the world. The recent games of 1906
resulted in a triumph for the athletes of the United States.
The marvellous torch which once illumined the world has been extinguished,
the sun of Hellas has gone down in gloom and darkness, but her Sons sit upon
the throne whose splendor once dazzled the world, and they are not wholly
degenerate. No picture in human history is more pitiful than the contrast be-
tween ancient and modern Greece; yet even here we see the effort, the ctruggle,
the hope, which have been inspired by Christian civilization.
º
º
º º
º
CHRONOLOGY OF GREECE
º: #. *ś HE early history of Greece is mythical and the dates are
*śiº tºſſ either conjectural or wholly fanciful. Positive chron-
%2 §§ | ology begins with the year 776 B.C.
ſ º j. B.C. 2200–Conjectural date of the recently dis-
% \º ſº covered ruins in Crete. 2089–Sicyon founded by
º §s Kºź Ægialus, according to the historian Eusebius. 2042–
- The god Uranus rules Greece; revolt of the Titans;
war of the giants. 1856–Kingdom of Argos begun by
Inachus. I773–Sacrifices to the gods introduced by Phor-
oneus. I700–The Pelasgi hold the Peloponnesus. 1550–
The Hellenes overthrow them. 1556–Cecrops founded
Athens. I520–Corinth built. 1507–The Areopagus estab.
lished in Athens. I497–Reign of Amphictyon and founding
of the religious council in Athens. I495–Panathenaean
games begun. I493–Cadmus with the Phoenician letters set-
tled in Boeotia and founded Thebes. I490–Lelex, first king of Laconia, fol-
lowed by Lacedæmon and his wife Sparta, who gave their names to the city.
1485–Danaus said to have brought the first ships into Greece. 1474–Lanaus
usurped the kingdom of Argos. I457–Perseus built Mycene. 1453–First
Olympic games at Elis. I384–Corinth rebuilt and so named. 1356–Eleu-
sinian mysteries instituted by Eumolpus. Ig26–Isthmian games. 1313–
The kingdom of Mycenae created out of Argos. 1266–OEdipus, king of
Thebes. 1263–Argonautic expedition; the Pythian games begun by Adias-
tus, king of Argos. I234—Theseus makes Athens the capital of Attica. 1225
–War of the seven Greek leaders against Thebes. II93–Beginning of the
Trojan war. II84–Troy taken and destroyed. 1176–Teucer founded Sala-
288 The Story of the Greatest Nations
mis. II23—Migration of AEolians who built Smyrna. IIo3—Return of the
Heraclidae, who become kings of Sparta. Io98—End of the kingdom of
Sicyon. Io'70–Codrus, the last king of Athens, sacrifices himself; the mon-
archy abolished. IO44—The Ionians settle in Asia Minor. 935—Bacchus,
king of Corinth. 884—Olympic games revived at Elis. 844–Laws of
Lycurgus. 814–Macedonia founded by Caranus. 776—The first Olympiad;
from this date an exact record was kept. 743–724—First Messenian war, end-
ing with the capture of Ithome by Sparta, and the subjugation of the Mes-
senians. 735—Sicily settled by the Greeks. 734–Syracuse founded. 720
—Sybaris settled. 710–Crotona founded. 708–Tarentum founded. 700–
Corcyra founded. 685–669–Second Messenian war; the Messenians settle
in Sicily. 683—Authentic history of Athens begins; Loci in Southern Italy
founded. 664—The first sea fight on record between the Corinthians and the
people of Corcyra. 659–Cypselus, king of Corinth. 657–Byzantium built.
630–Cyrene founded. 624—Draco appointed to draw up a code of written
laws. 600–Marseilles founded. 594—Solon's laws supplant those of Draco;
period of the seven sages. 560—Pisistratus makes himself master of Athens.
547—Battle of the three hundred champions of Argos and Sparta. 544–
The Persians make conquests in Ionia. 535—First tragedy acted at Athens
by Thespis on a wagon. 531—Pisistratus collects the poems of Homer. 527
—Pisistratus dies. 514—Assassination of Hipparchus. 5IO—Democracy
at Athens; destruction of Sybaris. 504—War with Persia caused by the
burning of Sardis by the Greeks. 496–Macedonia and Thrace conquered by
Persia. 491—Sparta and Athens refuse homage. 490—The Persians defeated
at Marathon. 480–Invasion of Greece by Xerxes; defeat at Thermopylae;
destruction of Athens; battle of Salamis. 479–Mardonius defeated and slain at
Plataea; the Persian fleet destroyed at Mycale. 472—Pausanias starved to
death for treason. 469–Battle of Eurymedon and end of the Persian war.
464—Pericles and Cimon adorn Athens. 459—Athens tyrannizes over Greece.
444—Herodotus reads his history in Athens. 435—Corinth wages war with
its colony Corcyra. 433—Athens helps Corcyra. 431–404—Peloponnesian
war. 430—Plague in Athens; death of Pericles. 428–Surrender of Plataea.
413–Banishment of Alcibiades and destruction of the Athenian army at Syr-
acuse. 4Io–Alcibiades defeats the Spartans at Cyzicus. 407—Alcibiades
again banished. 405—Defeat of the Athenian fleet at AEgos Potami. 404—
Surrender of Athens; Sparta becomes the ruling state in Greece; death of
Alcibiades. 399—Socrates put to death. 378-360—Rise and fall of the
Theban power. 371–Battle of Leuctra. 362–Battle of Mantinea; death of
Epaminondas. 359–Philip of Macedon quarrels with Athens; orations of
Demosthenes. 357—Social war. 348—Philip ends the Sacred Wars, taking
|
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THE FINDING OF ROMULUS AND REMUs
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THE DESTRUCTION OF CARTHAGE
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Greece—Chronology 289
all the cities of the Phocians. 338—Philip defeats the Athenians and
Thebans at Chaeronea and overthrows the liberty of Greece. 336–Philip as-
sassinated by Pausanius. 335–His son, Alexander, subdues the Athenians
and destroys Thebes. 334—Alexander invades the Persian empire; victory
of Granicus. 33.3—Battle of Issus. 332—Siege of Tyre and Gaza; capture
of Egypt; founding of Alexandria. 331—Battle of Arbela. 327—Conquest
of India. 323—Death of Alexander. 322—Death of Demosthenes. 30I—
Battle of Ipsus settles the division of Alexander's empire among his generals.
296–Capture of Athens by Demetrius. 280—The Gallic invasion. 277—
The Gauls expelled. 278–239—Antigonus Gonatus, king of the Greeks. 25I
—The Achaean League revived. 200–Dissensions lead to Roman interven-
tion. IQI—Sparta united with the League. I68—Macedon made a Roman
province, its last king, Perseus, having been defeated at Pydna. I47—The
Achaean League defeated by Rome. I46—Destruction of Corinth; Greece
conquered and made a Roman province under the name of Achaia. 21—
Augustus visits Greece and favors it.
A.D. I22—Hadrian dwells in Athens and adorns it. 396—Invasion of
Alaric. II.46–The Normans of Sicily plunder the Country. I2O4–Con-
quered by the Latins and subdivided into small governments. I456—Athens
and part of Greece conquered by the Turks, under Mahomet II. I.466—Athens
and the Peloponnesus held by the Venetians. I540—The Turks control most
of Greece. 1552–The island of Rhodes captured by the Turks. I670—
Crete, or Candia, surrendered to the Turks. I7I7—All of the Peloponnesus'
comes into the possession of Turkey. I770—Struggle for independence, with
aid of Russia. I820–Kevolt of Ali Pasha, governor of Albania. I82I—
Insurrection in Moldavia and Wallachia suppressed; war of independence be-
gun; the Peloponnesus gained by the Greeks. I822—Independence of Greece
proclaimed; Corinth besieged and captured; horrible massacre at Scio. I823
—National congress at Argos. 1824–Leath of Lord Byron at Missolonghi;
provisional government of Greece set up. I825—Ibrahim Pasha Captured
Navarino and Tripolitza. I826—Missolonghi captured by Ibrahim Pasha.
1827—The Egypto-Turkish fleet destroyed at Navarino by the allied fleets of
England, France, and Russia, who signed the treaty of London on behalf of
Greece. 1828–Count Capo d'Istria, president of Greece; Egyptians evac-
uate the Peloponnesus. I829–Missolonghi surrendered to Greece; Greek
National Assembly begins its sessions at Argos; the Porte acknowledges the
independence of Greece by the treaty of Adrianople. I831—Count Capo
d'Istria assassinated. 1832–Otho of Bavaria made king of Greece. I843–
A bloodless revolution at Athens establishes a Constitution. I862—Provi-
sional government at Athens deposed the king; Prince Alfred of Great Britain
29O The Story of the Greatest Nations
offered the crown. I863–Prince William of Schleswig-Holstein proclaimed
king as George I. I868–Rupture between Turkey and Greece in consequence
of Greek armed intervention in Crete. 1869—Under pressure of the Western
Powers diplomatic relations were resumed between Turkey and Greece. I878
—Insurrection in Thessaly against Turks, closed through British intervention.
1880—Berlin Conference to propose settlement of the Turkish and Greek
frontiers met; order for mobilization of the army signed; national feeling war-
like. 1886–Increased warlike feeling; British intervention supported by the
Great Powers; foreign ironclads sent to Suda Bay, Crete; the Powers order Greece
to disarm, and the king finally signs a decree for disarmament. I896—Olym-
pic games reopened on the seventy-fifth anniversary of independence. I897—
Greek warships sent to Crete with troops, ostensibly to protect the Christians;
the Powers remonstrated, and compelled their withdrawal; Greece entreated
the Powers to sanction the union of Crete with her, but the Powers proclaimed
the autonomy of the island; Greek sentiment favored war with Turkey; the
Powers notified both governments that the aggressor would be held responsible.
Greek inregulars took the first serious step on the frontier, and the Sultan de-
clared war, April 18; fighting began at once; the Greeks were continually
defeated; the Powers intervened; the government accepted autonomy for Crete;
treaty of peace was signed at Constantinople. I898—Indemnity loan arranged:
attempt made to assassinate the king; Thessaly reoccupied by the Greeks,
the Turkish troops having evacuated it; massacre of Cretans and British at
Candia; Prince George of Greece made High Commissioner of Crete. 1901
—Student riots in Athens over the translation of the Gospels. 1902—Diplo-
matic relations resumed between Greece and Persia.
KINGS OF GREECE.
1832. Otho. | 1863. George I.
PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY FOR GREECE
Abydos (a-by'dos) AEschylus (és'ki-lus)
Acarnania (ak'ar-nā'ni-á) - AEsculapius (és'cu-la'pi-us)
Achaia (a-kāyā) AEsop (e'söp)
Achelous (ak'e-lo'us) AEthra (6'thrā)
Achilles (a-kil'léz) Agamemnon (āg-a-mêm'non)
AEantides (é-an'ti-déz) Agesander (aj'e-san'der)
AEgean (€-gé'an) Agesilaus (a-gés'i-lā'us)
AEginetans (éj'i-né'tans) Alcibiades (äl-si-bi'a-déz)
AEschines (és'ki-nēz) Alcides (äl-si'déz)
Greece—Pronouncing Vocabulary 29 I
Alcmaeonidae (älk'-mé-àn'i-dé)
Alemani (al'e-ma’ni)
Amphictyon (ām-fick-ti-Ön)
Amphipolis (ām-fip'o-lis)
Amphytryon (ām-fit'ri-on)
Anacreon (a-nāk're-on)
Anaxagoras (an-aks-āg'o-ras)
Anchises (än-ki'séz)
Andromache (ān-drom'a-ké)
Antigonus (an-tig'o-nus)
Antiope (an-ti'o-pé)
Antipater (an-tip'a-ter)
Apelles (a-pêl'léz)
Aphrodite (äf-ro-di'té)
Apuleius (ap-u-lé'yus)
Arachne (a-rák'né)
Aratus (a-rā’tus)
Arbela (ar-bê'lā)
Archidamus (ar'ki-dā'mus)
Archon (ār'kon)
Areopagus (a're-Čp'a-gus)
Ares (ä'réz)
Aristides (ār-is-ti'déz)
Aristocrates (ar'is-tóc'ra-téz)
Aristodemus (a-ris'to-dé'mus)
Aristogiton (a-ris'to-ji'ton)
Aristomenes (äris-têm'e-nēz)
Aristophanes (ār-is-tóf'a-nēz)
Aristotle (är'is-tūt-l)
Artabazanes (ar'ta-bä-ză'néz)
Artaphernes (ar'ta-fér'néz)
Artemisia (ār-tê-misſi-á)
Aryan (āryan or āri-an)
Astraeus (as'tré-us)
Athene (a-thé'ne)
Athenodorus (a-thén'o-dò-rus)
Athens (ä'thens)
Athos (ä'thūs)
Atropos (ätrö-pós)
Atticus (āt'i-kus)
Augeas (Öljé-as)
Beleminatis (be-lém-i-nā'tis)
Bithynia (bi-thin'i-á)
Boeotian (bé-o'shi-an)
Botzarris (bö-zar'i or bút'zā-ris)
Brasidas (brås'í-dās)
Bucephala (bu-séph'a-lā)
Byzantium (bi-zán'ti-um)
Calaurea (kāl'o-ré'a or ka-lo'ré-a)
Calchas (kål"käs)
Callimachus (kal-lim'a-kus)
Callisto (căl-lis'to)
Canachus (kan'a-kus)
Canares (ca-nar'éz)
Carneades (kar-ne'a-déz)
Caryatis (ka'ry-ā'tis)
Cassander (cás-san'der)
Cassandra (cás-sän'drā)
Cassiopea (kas'si-o-pe'ā)
Ceres (sê'réz)
Chaeronea (kér-o-né'ā)
Charilaus (kar'i-lā'us)
Chios (ki'os)
Chrysomallus (kris'o-măl'lus)
Cilicia (si-lis’i-á)
Cimon (Simón)
Circe (sir'sé)
Cleobulus (kle'o-bu'lus)
Cleomenes (kle-om'e-nēz)
Clio (kli'o)
Clitus (kli'tūs)
Clotho (klö'thū)
Clytemnestra (klyt'em-nestrā)
Colocotrones (ko-lo-'ko-trö'néz)
Colophon (köl'-o-fon)
Copais (kö-pā'is)
Corcyra (kor-Sirā)
Corinth (korinth)
Critolaus (krit'o-lā'us)
Ctesiphon (tés'i-fon)
292 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Cunaxa (kū-nāx'ā)
Cyclades (Sik'la-déz)
Cyclopean (si'klo-pê'an)
Cylon (sillón)
Cynoscephalae (sin'o-séf'a-lè)
Cynuria (si-nu'ri-á)
Cypselus (sip'sé-lus)
Cyrene (si-ré'ne)
Cythera (si-thé'rā)
Demaratus (dem'a-rā'tus)
Demeter (de-mé'ter)
Demetrius (de-mé'tri-us)
Demiurgi (dēm'é-urjë)
Deucalion (du-kā'le-on)
Diacrii (di-ā'kri)
Diaeus (di-é'ús)
Diogenes (di-öj'e-nēz)
Diomedes (di'o-mê'dèz)
Dionysius (dio-nis’i-us)
Diopethes (di'o-pê'thès)
Dipoenus (di-pê'nus)
Dodona (do-dò'nā)
Draco (drä'cö)
Eleusis (e-lu'sis)
Empedocles (em-pèd'o-klēz)
Epaminondas (e-pam-i-nón'das)
Epimenides (ep-í-mên'i-déz)
Ephesus (éfe-sis)
Ephialtes (éfi'-āl'téz)
Ephora (éf'o-rā)
Epictetus (ép-ik-té'tus)
Epidaurus (ép-i-dor'us)
Epirus (é-pi'rüs)
Eretria (e-ré'tri-á)
Erymanthus (éri-mân'thus)
Etiocles (é-ti'o-klez)
Euboea (yū-bê'ā)
Eupatridae (yū-pât'ri-dé)
Euphaes (yū-fā'éz)
Euphranor (yū-frā'nor)
Euripides (yū-rip'i-déz)
Eurybiades (yū'ry-bi'a-déz)
Eurydice (yū-rid'i-sé)
Eurystheus (yū-ris'the-us)
Euterpe (yū-tèr'pë)
Euxine (yüks'én)
Gaea (jā'ā)
Gelon (jé'lón)
Geomori (jé-öm'o-ri)
Geryon (jé'ri-on)
Graeci (gré'si)
Granicus (grä-ni'kus)
Gylippus (ji-lip-piis)
Hageladas (hâg'é-lā'das)
Harmodius (har-mö'di-ūs)
Harpalus (hár'pá-lūs)
Helios (heli-os)
Hellenes (hēl-lè'nès)
Helots (he'lóts or hēl'ots)
Hephaestos (hē-fest'os)
Here (hérè)
Hermes (hērmēs)
Hesiod (hē'si-od)
Hestia (hés'ti-á)
Hiero (hi'e-ro)
Himera (him'é-rā)
Hippocrates (hip-pôk'ra-téz)
Hippolyte (hip-pêl'í-té)
Idomeneus (i-dom'e-né'us)
Iphigenia (if'í-jé-ni'ā)
Iphitus (if'í-tūs)
Isagoras (i-sāg'o-ras)
Issus (is'sús)
Ithome (i-tho'me)
Jason (jä’son
Knossus (nés'sus)
Ancient form Cnosus (nd sus)
Lacedaemon (läs'é-dé'mön)
Lacedaemonian (läs'édé-mö'ni-ān)
Lachesis (lāk'e-sis).
Greece—Pronouncing Vocabulary 293
Laconia (lā-kö'ni-a)
Laius (lā'yus)
Laocoön (lā-öc'ö-ön)
Leocorium (lé'o-co'ri-um)
Leonidas (lé-ön'í-dās)
Leotychides (lé'o-tîch’i-déz)
Lycaonia (lic'a-o'ni-á)
Lycomedes (lic'o-mê'déz).
Lycurgus (li-kür'gus)
Lysander (li-sān'dër)
Lysicrates (li-sik'ra-téz)
Lysimachus (li-sim'a-kus)
Lysippus (li-Sip'pus)
Maleatis (mā'le-ā'-tis)
Mardonius (mār-dò'ni-us)
Medea (mē-dé'ā)
Medusa (mē-dû'sä)
Megabazus (mēg'a-bā'zus)
Megacles (mēg'a-klēz)
Megalopolis (mēg'a-löp'o-lis)
Melpomene (měl-pôm'e-nē)
Menalcidas (me-nāl'si-das)
Menander (mē-nān"dēr)
Menelaus (měn'ê-lā'us)
Messenia (měs-sé'ni-á)
Miletus (mi-le'tūs)
Miltiades (mil-ti'a-déz)
Missolonghi (mis'sö-long'gé)
Minos (mi'nos)
Mithrydates (mith'ri-dā'tez)
Mitylene (mit-i-le'né)
Mnesicles (nés'-i-klez)
Mycale (mic'a-lè)
Mycenae (mi-sé'né)
Mysia (misſi-á)
Nearchus (né-ar'kūs)
Nereid (ne'ré-id)
Nesiotes (né'si-Ö'téz)
Nicias (nic'í-as)
Nicomedia (nic'o-mê'di-ā)
CEdipus (éd'í-pús)
Olynthus (Ö-lin'thūs)
Orchomenes (or-köm'e-nes}
Orpheus (Ör'fé-us)
Ortygia (or-tij'i-á)
Othrys (Ö'thris)
Pagasaean (pāg'ā-Sé'an)
Pallene (pal-lène)
Pamphilus (pam'fi-liis)
Parali (pār'a-li)
Parmenio (pār-mé'ni-o)
Patroclus (pā-trö'clüs)
Pausanias (paw-să'ni-us)
Peliades (pe-li'a-dèz)
Pelion (pe-li'on)
Pelopidas (pe-löp'i-das)
Peloponnesus (pel'o-pon-né'sús)
Penelope (pe-nēl'o-pé)
Peneus (pe-né'ūs)
Pericles (pêr'í-clés)
Perioeci (pêr'i-e-si)
Periphetes (per'i-fi"téz)
Persephone (per-séf'o-ne)
Persepolis (pêr-sép'o-lis)
Perseus (pêr'zé-us)
Phaea (fé'ī)
Phidias (fid'i-ās)
Philomelus (fil-o-mê'lús)
Philopoemen (fil-o-pê'mén)
Phrygia (frig'í-ā)
Piraeus (pī-ré'us)
Pisidia (pi-sidi-á)
Pisistratus (pi-sistra-tūs)
Pittheus (pitthé-us)
Plataea (plå-té'a)
Plistoanax (plis-to'a-nax)
Pnyx (niks)
Poliorcetes (po'li-or-sé'tes)
Polybius (po-lib'í-us)
Polycletus (pol-i-klé'tūs)
2.94. The Story of the Greatest Nations
Polydorus (pol'í-dò'rūs)
Polygnotus (pól-ig-no'tūs)
Porus (pó'rūs)
Poseidon (po-si'don)
Posidippus (pó-sid'-di-pâs)
Praxiteles (praks-it'e-lez)
Prytanes (prit'a-nēz)
Psyche (sikē)
Psychro (si'kro)
Pyrrhus (pirus)
Pythagoras (pi-thäg'ö-rås)
Pytho (pi'tho)
Rhadamanthus (rad'a-man'this)
Rhea (re'ā)
, Rhetra (rét'rā)
Salamis (säl'a-mis)
Scio (si'o)
Sciritis (si-ritis)
Scopas (skö'pās)
Scylla (sil'lā)
Scythians (Sith'í-ans)
Selene (se-lè'ne)
Seleucus (se-lii'kus)
Sicyon (Sis'í-on)
Simonides (si-món'í-dèz)
Sinis (sinis)
Sinope (sin-Ö'pë)
Solon (solón)
Sophocles (sôf'o-klēz)
Spercheus (sper-ké'us)
Sporades (spor'a-dèz)
Statira (stá-ti'rā)
Stageira (sta-ji'rā)
Stenelus (sten'e-lüs)
Sybaris (sib'a-ris)
Tartarus (tär"tā-rus)
Tegea (té'jē-ă)
Teleclus (tél'e-clüs)
Telys (té'lis)
Tempe (tém'pe)
Terpsichore (térp-sik'6-ré)
Thais (thá'ís)
Thales (thá'lēz)
Thalia (tha-li'a)
Thasos (thà'sos)
Theagenes (the-aj'e-nēz)
Theano (the-ā'nö)
Theia (the'ā)
Themistocles (the-mis'to-klēz)
Theocritus (the-àk'ri-tus)
Theramenes (the-ram'e-nēz)
Thermopylae (thèr-möp'e-lé or lä)
Thrace (thrâce)
Thucydides (thu-Sid'i-déz)
Timoleon (ti-mo'le-on)
Tissaphernes (tis'sa-fér'néz)
Troezen (tré'zn)
Typhoeus (ti-fô'e-us)
Tyrrhenian (tir-rhé'ni-an)
Tyrtaeus (tir-té'us)
Ulysses (yū-lis'séz)
Urania (yū-rā'ni-á)
Uranus (yū'rā-nus)
Xanthippus (zan-thip'pús)
Xenophanes (ze-nof'a-nēz)
Xenophon (zén'o-fon)
Ypsilante (hip-si-lân'tee)
Zacynthus (za-sin'thūs)
Zethus (zé'thūs)
Zeus (züs)
Zeuxis (Züks'íss)
Żë ~ º:
------~~~~
Romulus AND REMUS
ANCIENT NATIONS-ROME
Chapter XXVII
THE BEGINNING OF THE CITY
[Authorities : Gibbon, “History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire"; Mommsen,
* History of Rome"; Goldwin Smith, “The Greatest of the Romans"; Horton, " History of the
Romans"; Ihne, “History of Rome"; Pelham, “Outlines of Roman History"; Dyer, . History of
the Kings of Rome"; Liddell, “History of Rome"; Smith, “Rome and Carthage”; Shuckburgh,
* History of Rome to the Battle of Actium"; Merivale, “The Fall of the Roman Republic," and
“History of the Romans"; Rawlinson, “Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy"; Forsyth, “Life of Cicero ";
Long, “Decline of the Roman Republic”; Froude, “Caesar" : Browne, “History of Rome from
A. ſ. 66"; Crevier, “History of the Roman Emperors"; Sismondi. “History of the Fall of the
Roman Empire"; Bury, “History of the Later Roman Empire"; Hodgkins, Italy and her In-
vaders”; Bryce, “The Holy Roman Empire”; Freeman, “The Chief Periods of Roman History '':
Milman. “History of Latin Christianity”; Arnold, “History of Rome"; Creighton, "History of
Rome"; Guerber, “Story of the Romans”; Taine, “History of Rome and Naples"; Duruy,
“History of Rome."]
*º. OME, the city of to-day, is only a shadow of its former self;
* it is a city of ruins. It has two present claims to fame-
as the capital of Italy, and as the centre and fountain-
head of the great Roman Catholic church. But long be-
fore Italy was thought of as a single country, long before
lº. there was any Catholic or even Christian religion, long
before Christ Himself came on earth, Rome was an im-
mense city, far mightier than it is to-day, and ruling over all the
known world.
Many kings and many countries since history began have striven
for this universal dominion, but Rome alone reached the goal.
For centuries she retained the mastery over a vast region, bounded
only by the burning deserts of Asia and Africa, and the icy wilder-
nesses of the north.
At what remote period Rome first became a great city is not
- known with certainty. Her people were not scholars like the
Greeks, but fighters. At first they had no historians, and kept no record of
296 The Story of the Greatest Nations
their doings. Perhaps they had little cause to be proud of their origin. They
became mighty before they became cultured. It was only after they had begun
conquering the Greeks, that they learned from their new subjects the value of
the arts. When they looked back through the centuries to record, as the
Greeks had recorded, the story of their own growth, much of it had been for-
gotten and was lost.
The impression made on this rude though powerful people by the culture of
the Greeks was so strong that it changed them in many ways. They tried to
imitate what they admired. Even their religion felt the change. They aban-
doned their old gods, or strove to identify them with those of the Greeks,
declaring that both worshipped the same deities under different names. The
chief Roman god, Jupiter, was declared to be Zeus; and his wife, Juno, was
Hera; Minerva was Athene, and so on. It follows that in describing the gods
and myths of Greece we have described those of Rome as well—at least as the
later Romans understood them—though we shall find some few gods peculiarly
Roman that have come down from those earlier and almost unknown ages.
So, in telling what is popularly called the history of Rome, it is necessary
to warn you that the earliest part of it is merely legendary, the invention of a
later age, intended to explain with credit the circumstances in which the
Romans found themselves and whose origin they had forgotten. In places we
can catch a glimpse of shadowy facts behind the legends; but most of the story
is as entirely imaginary as if it were being invented at this moment for your
amusement.
The story opens with the siege of Troy, of which you heard among the tales
of the Greeks. There was one Trojan warrior, Æneas, who next to Hector
was the greatest of them all. He was a son of the goddess Venus, and as he
reverenced his mother and always implicitly obeyed her commands and those
of the other gods, they took care of him, and saved him from the general
destruction which overwhelmed the Trojans. When the horse of the Greeks
was brought into the city, AEneas, by the command of Venus, departed, bearing
on his shoulders his aged father Anchises, and followed by a troop of his rela-
tives and friends. Some represent him as fighting valorously amid the ruins of
the burning city, and remaining for a year or more to rule and protect the frag-
ment of the Trojans who escaped the massacre. Sooner or later, however, he
and his followers departed from Troy.
They sailed to many lands and encountered many adventures. At last they
reached Carthage, then a flourishing city under its foundress, Dido. The
wandering hero was brought before the beautiful queen, and the two fell in
love at first sight. He stayed long at the court, telling her hero tales of the
great Trojan war, hunting with her, wooing her. Their marriage was daily
Rome—Wanderings of Æneas 297
expected by their followers, when suddenly there came to AEneas in the night
the command of his goddess mother to move onward, for not here was he to
find rest. Without a word to Dido, this excellent servant of the gods rose,
gathered his people, and departed on the instant, leaving the deserted queen to
mourn and wonder at his flight, till finally she slew herself upon a funeral pyre
built from the relics he had left behind. Thus, said the Romans, began the
ancient enmity between the Carthaginians and themselves, the descendants of
AEneas.
It was in Italy that Æneas next paused, being assured by Venus that
there his people should remain and become masters of the world. After
conquering the natives of the land, he died and was rewarded for his some-
what blind obedience to the gods by being carried up to their home in a
cloud of fire. His son Iulus founded the city of Alba Longa—“the white,
long city”—on the cliffs. Rome itself was not founded until over three
hundred years later.
Romulus and Remus, the reputed builders of Rome, were twin brothers,
descended on their mother's side from AEneas and having for their father the
stern war-god Mars. Their mother's uncle was king of Alba Longa. He had
stolen the kingdom from his brother their grandfather, so, fearing the new-born
infants might some day drive him from the throne, he exposed them in a
basket on the flooded Tiber. The tumultuous stream carried them to a safe
haven on the present site of Rome. There they were found and suckled by a
she-wolf. Then a shepherd, Faustulus, discovered them and brought them up
as his own sons.
Eventually the mystery of their birth was solved; they did slay the usurp-
ing king of Alba Longa and re-established their grandfather on his throne.
He would have persuaded the young men to stay with him; but they had
become leaders among the wild shepherds of the Tiber plains where they had
grown up, and were determined to found a city for themselves.
Ambition bred between them their first strife. Each wished to be the
leader in building the new city. Neither would yield, so finally they agreed
to leave the decision to an omen. The flight of great birds was considered a
sign of good fortune, so each brother took his stand on the spot where he
believed the city should be built, and watched for whatever sign the gods chose
to send him. For a whole day and night they stood waiting, expectant and
anxious. Then Remus saw with joy six great vultures, the largest of birds, fly
past him. He hurried exultingly to tell his brother; but just as he arrived,
Romulus discerned twelve vultures. Immediately the strife between them
broke out afresh. Remus had seen first, but Romulus had seen most. Which
did the gods mean to favor? Most of their friends decided in favor of Romu-
298 The Story of the Greatest Nations
lus; but Remus and his adherents would not submit; so for a time it seemed
likely that two cities would be built.
Romulus and his larger party were the first to begin work. Choosing the
summit of the steep hill beneath which he had been found as a babe, Romulus
performed solemn religious ceremonies, and drove around the hill a bull and a
heifer, each of purest white, and yoked to a brazen plough. The furrow thus
turned up was to mark where the walls of the city were to stand; and as he
ploughed Romulus recited this prayer:
“Do thou, Jupiter, aid me as I found this city; and Mars, my father, and
Vesta, my mother, and all other, ye deities, whom it is a religious duty to
invoke, attend; let this work of mine rise under your auspices. Long may be
its duration; may its sway be that of an all-ruling land; and under it may be
both the rising and the setting of the days.” Jupiter's lightning flashed from
the sky in sign that he had heard the prayer; and every one began work at once,
digging and heaping up the earthern rampart.
Remus, approaching, found them at work and laughed scornfully at their
feeble walls, which were no higher than a man's breast. To show his derision
and prove how little protection the wall would be, he leaped over it with a
taunting word. Romulus, or according to Some, his friend Celer, flared up in
anger and with his sharp spade struck Remus to the ground, where he lay dead.
All recoiled in grief and horror, for the victim of a brother's anger had been
their leader and their friend. Romulus, however, boasted grimly of the deed.
“So perish all,” he said, “who seek to climb these walls.” Thus the defences
of the infant city were cemented with a brother's blood.
You will notice how all these stories flattered the Romans' self-love. They
sought an origin as ancient and noble as that of the Greeks; and they found it
by tracing their descent back to the Trojan prince AEneas. They were proud
of their military prowess, as is repeatedly shown in the legend of Romulus.
He was the son of Mars, thus making the whole race of Romans what they
delighted to call themselves, “the Children of the War-god.” He was nour-
ished by a wolf, and thus his race became the strong and Savage wolves of war.
He slew his brother for insulting Rome; and his people placed the love of the
city, or patriotism, above all ties of family. Romulus is the typical figure of
what all Romans strove to be.
The city which he built stood on what is now called the Palatine Hill (Mons
Palatinus), a steep and rocky mound rising abruptly amid a group of others from
the broad, flat plain around them. It was one of these other hills on which
Remus had wished to build. In time the city covered them all, one of its
famous names being the “City of the Seven Hills.” The first settlement,
however, was on the Palatine. The river Tiber—“Father Tiber,” as the Romans
Rome—Romulus and the Sabines 2.99
called it—ran past the foot of the mount. It was a turbulent, varying stream,
shrinking to a mere creek in the summer drought, but roaring and raging in
the spring-time, flooding the low valleys between the hills, and then, as it sank
again, leaving its waters to stagnate in the hollows and form pestilent, fever-
breeding marshes.
There was not much in this stubborn rock and feverous marsh to attract
strangers to the new city. So Romulus, to increase the number and power of
his people, proclaimed that within its walls there should be an asylum ; and
that he would protect the lives of all who fled thither from their enemies, no
matter what they had done. As a consequence, criminals, rebels, escaped
slaves, and all manner of desperate and hunted outlaws must have flocked to
him. His city grew strong in men; but it lacked women. Naturally the peo-
ple of neighboring cities had no desire to marry their daughters to those wild
roisterers of Rome.
This difficulty was also overcome by Romulus with his characteristic vigor
and readiness. He held a great so-called religious festival near Rome, inviting
thither all the inhabitants of the surrounding region. When they had gathered in
large numbers, his young men rushed upon them from ambush and, seizing each
such woman as caught his fancy, carried her off within the city walls for his wife.
The remaining visitors, taken unawares and unprepared for attack on the
strong city, retired in confusion, threatening vengeance for the unparalleled
Outrage. Fortunately for Rome, they did not unite in one compact, aggressive
body; and the men of each city, making war upon her separately, were beaten in
detail. Last of all came the Sabines. They were the most numerous and
powerful of the injured peoples, and they had waited to assemble all their
forces. In them the Romans had an enemy likely to prove at least their match.
They felt this, and therefore made the most careful preparations. They fortified
the neighboring hill, the Capitoline, and gathered there all their herds of cattle
and sheep under a strong guard, while the main body of their army withdrew
within the walls on the Palatine Hill.
Treachery gave the Sabines an advantage at first. A Roman maiden, Tar-
peia, whose father held command on the Capitoline, was so fascinated by the
golden bracelets of the Sabine warriors, that she offered to betray the fortress
to them for “the ornaments on their arms.” The Sabines eagerly agreed, and
thus secured possession of the Capitoline hill, from which the defenders fled.
Tarpeia, however, failed to receive the reward she had expected; for the Sabines,
while ready to profit by her treachery, felt that she ought to be punished for it.
As she opened the way to admit them within the walls, each, as he passed,
tossed his heavy shield upon her, saying, “These are the ornaments we wear
upon our arms.” So she was deservedly crushed under the weight of metal.
3 Oo The Story of the Greatest Nations
You will presently see why the Roman story-tellers wished to give the
Sabines as well as themselves the credit of being bold, and hating treachery.
The Romans sallied from their city to retake the Capitoline hill; the Sabines
rushed to meet them, and the two armies encountered in deadly combat in the
valley between. The less numerous followers of Romulus were being driven
back up their hill, when their leader prayed to Jupiter for divine help. Instantly
the temple of the old Roman god Janus, which had been closed, burst open; and
from it poured a torrent of water, which swept the invaders down the hill
again.
A second time the resolute fighters were about to join battle in the valley,
when suddenly the captured Sabine wives rushed between them. The women
were happy, it seems, in their new homes; and now they begged their husbands
and their relatives to become reconciled, and not, by mutual slaughter, plunge
both nations into mourning. Their intervention was successful, so much so
indeed that the two races, mutually respecting each other's prowess, agreed to
unite in one. The Sabines stayed where they were; the two hills were joined
as a single city; and both kings reigned together. Soon after, however, the
Sabine chieftain died, and Romulus continued sole ruler of the united races and
the growing city.
He commanded the temple of Janus always to be left open in time of war,
so that the god might again help his worshippers if he wished; and this god
Janus was one of the few Roman gods who were never forgotten. Even when
sacrifice was made to the other gods, an offering was first presented to Janus.
He was the beginner of all things, the opener and guardian of all gates. Jan-
uary, the first month of the year, is named for him, and from him we have our
word “janitor,” a gate-keeper. He was represented as a two-faced god look-
ing both ways, perhaps because gates generally open in both directions.
Romulus reigned for thirty-seven years, and then in the midst of a terrific
tempest he disappeared, carried up to the gods, as his ancestor AEneas had been,
in a cloud of fire. His shade or spirit, anxious that there should be no doubt
about this, appeared to a Roman and told him so. The vision explained also
that Romulus was now to be worshipped as a god under the name of Quirinus.
So Romulus became a sort of semi-human Mars, and was honored as a second
god of war. *
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THE GRAvrº or the Horatii and Curiatii
Chapter XXVIII
THE EARLY KINGS AND THEIR OVERTHROW
S. EVEN kings reigned in the early days over the City of the
º Seven Hills, counting Romulus as the first. Of these
rulers it is noteworthy that no one was the direct de-
scendant, or what we should consider the legitimate suc-
cessor, of the preceding. The earlier ones are repre-
sented as having been freely chosen by the people. You
remember that the death of the Sabine king left Romulus
alone upon the throne of the dual city. After Romulus died it
was agreed that a Sabine should be king; but to make the choice
equitable, he was to be selected by the Romans. They chose
Numa Pompilius, a man of peace, a sage and a philosopher. He
was one of the disciples of Pythagoras, the Greek philosopher of
whom you heard as teaching and ruling at this time among the
Greek cities in Italy.
The temple of Janus was never opened during Numa's reign, that
is to say, there was no war. As a consequence, the city throve might-
ily, and grew great and strong and rich. The people no longer lived wholly
within the walls, on the summits of the two steep hills. Farms and villas
spread over the surrounding plains. The shepherds of Romulus, half-barbaric
nomads, whose herds in time of peril could all be driven within the city walls
for safety, had become civilized agriculturists, with permanent homes and with
crops which, as they must remain upon the ground, were not so easily protected.
The pacific wisdom of Numa succeeded, therefore, to the fierce valor of
Romulus. Numa's wisdom, however, was not all his own. He was a hand-
3O2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
some youth, beloved for his beauty by the nymph Egeria, a goddess of the
woods. Or let us say, following the obvious allegory, the beauty of this peace-
ful, flower-blooming Rome charmed Nature itself, and Nature guided and pro-
tected it.
Numa often visited Egeria in her cavern, and brought to the city her coun-
sels for his people. Once when men doubted whether this invisible Egeria
really came to help him, he invited them all to a banquet and set before them
the plainest food, in wooden dishes. “This,” he said, “is all I have to give
you of my own.” Then, while they dined grumblingly, he suddenly cried out,
“Now Egeria is come to visit me !” and at once the food before them became
rich and magnificent, and the wooden dishes changed to gold and silver. After
that no man questioned the friendship of the goddess.
Numa was the law-giver of Rome. He aimed to break up the threefold
tribal division which separated the nation into the Ramnes or people of Ro-
mulus, the Titienses or people of Tatius, king of the Sabines, and the Luceres,
a minor race, probably the aboriginal people of the land. To make these tribes
forget their ancient antagonism, the king divided the people into guilds accord-
ing to their occupation, and decreed that men should be referred to not as
members of their tribe, but of their guild.
Numa also established the religious customs of the land, and regulated the
rights and duties of the priesthood. The pontifices or main priests were to
offer sacrifices to the gods. The augurs were to read omens, and thus interpret
the future and the will of the gods. The vestal virgins were to watch and keep
always alight the sacred fire which burned before the altars.
The religion seems at this time to have been a worship of the productive
powers of Nature, fitting to an agricultural people. All their gods had more
or less to do with farm life. Saturn, the chief god, was the maker of all
peaceful and useful inventions. He taught men to gather their grain, mow
their hay, and trim their fruit-trees. There was a great festival held at har-
vest time in honor of Ceres, the goddess of harvests. Numa sought also to
teach the people the worship of the goddess Fides or Faith, that is, he tried to
make them honorable and faithful; and ever afterward the Romans were par-
ticularly proud of possessing this quality. It was their boast that they never
broke their plighted word. The one building that we are told Numa erected
is his temple to Fides.
After Numa's death it was the turn of the Sabines to choose a king from
among the Romans. They conferred the honor on Tullus Hostilius, who
proved a warlike king and also a most generous one. Instead of building him-
self fine palaces, he lived as simply as any of his subjects, distributing almost
all his property among the poor.
Rome—The Early Kings 3O3
Under him another race descended from the Trojan AEneas was added to
the many differing peoples that made up Rome. Tullus declared war against
Alba Longa, the long, white cliff city, where Romulus and Remus had been
born. Realizing that the fierce armies of these two kindred races would almost
exterminate each other, their leaders came to an agreement by which the war
was to be decided by a combat between six picked warriors, three from each
side. The selected champions were typical of the fratricidal character of the
war. Three brothers, the Horatii, or members of the family of Horatius, rep-
resented Rome, and three brothers, the Curiatii, old friends of their antagonists
—one of them about to marry a Horatian maiden—fought for the Albans. In
the combat, two of the Romans were killed, while all three of the Curiatii were
wounded. The remaining Horatius then displayed the craft which always
mingled with the courage of the Romans. He pretended flight. The three
wounded men feebly pursued, to complete their victory. They became separated
and still further exhausted, whereon the shrewd Roman turned and, meeting them
one by one, slew them with ease.
As Horatius marched back to the city at the head of a triumphal proces-
sion, he was met by his sister, the maid whose betrothed he had just slain.
She was weeping; and Horatius, enraged that she thus put her own private
grief above the glory he had won for Rome, slew her with the same sword that
had just killed her lover. He was tried by law for his crime; but the people
insisted that it should be pardoned, because it was committed for “the honor
of Rome.” .
The victory of Horatius bound the whole Alban nation to become subject
allies of Rome; but in the first battle to which they accompanied their new
masters, their assistance seemed half-hearted to the Romans. So King Tullus
summoned his new allies to hear a speech by him. While they listened un-
armed, his troops, taking them by surprise, surrounded them. Their leaders
were slain, their city destroyed, and the survivors and their families compelled
to settle upon another of the “seven hills.” Thus all the descendants of
AEneas were gathered at last into one nation within the walls of Rome.
Their continued success caused the Romans to become proud and over-
confident; consequently they neglected the worship of the gods. For this they
were punished by a dreadful plague. Many died, and King Tullus himself fell
into a lingering illness. In his extremity he endeavored to penetrate the sanc-
tuaries of the gods, and commune with them personally as the good Numa had
done; but when he approached the temple of Jupiter, the lightnings of the god
flashed forth and destroyed him.
The Romans now chose a Sabine king, and, seeking to return to the happy
days of Numa, they crowned his grandson, Ancus Martius. Legend has little
3O4. The Story of the Greatest Nations
to say of Ancus. He sought peace, but could not win it. The enemies of
Rome were too many and too determined. Perhaps the very concessions of
the new king brought war, by making his foes believe him weak. The forced
wars of Ancus were, however, successful, and the country of the Latins was
added to Rome. Such intervals of quiet as came to the king, he devoted to
building. Dykes began to bind the uncertain Tiber to its bed, and shut out
its waters from the low valleys between the hills.
As we come down from Ancus we begin to catch dim outlines of genuine
history. The impossible golden age of brotherly love disappears. The ideal
arrangement of the alternate, freely selected kings no longer exists. The
sons of Ancus expected to succeed to his throne, and made trouble when they
were denied.
The crown went to a newcomer in the city, Lucius Tarquinius, or as we
would say, Lucius of Tarquinii, the city whence he came to Rome. Tarquinii
was in Etruria, the broad land to the north of Rome, of which we shall have
much to tell; but the father of Tarquinius was a Greek, who came to Italy from
Corinth. By what arts the stranger persuaded the Romans to make him king,
we do not know. Many Greeks, with their restless, venturesome natures, their
shrewd wit, and higher civilization, must have thus won exalted rank when
they went among half-barbaric communities. Perhaps we have here the shadow
of a successful plot or rebellion against the old kings. At all events, Tarquin
was at first governor of the sons of Ancus and then king in their stead.
His reign was splendid and successful. He added much of Etruria, in-
cluding his native city, to the Roman domain. Rome was no longer a single
city, struggling for existence against the neighboring towns; it was become
the centre of a powerful kingdom, stretching far to the north and south. Most
of the enormous buildings of ancient Rome which still remain are attributed
to Tarquinius.
In his old age, King Tarquin had two sons; but feeling that the lads were
too young to succeed him, he selected from his servants a youth, Servius Tul-
lius, pointed out to him by an omen from the gods. This youth, of unknown
origin, Tarquin trained as his confidential assistant. Now we are told that
the sons of King Ancus had all these years been hoping to regain their king-
dom on the death of Tarquin. Seeing this hope fade with the rising power of
Servius, they became desperate and employed assassins who slew Tarquin.
Servius immediately took control of affairs. He announced that Tarquin
was not killed, but only stunned, and was recovering. The wife and servants
of Tarquin said the same. Servius exercised the duties of king, but with the
pretence always that Tarquin bade him do so. On every important matter he
left the judgment hall and went ostentatiously to consult his wounded master.
Rome—Patrician and Plebeian 3 O 5
When at last the true state of things leaked out, Servius was secure upon the
throne; the people readily accepted him as their ruler; and the Sons of Ancus
abandoned the city in despair.
With the reign of Servius a new class division comes into the story. His
people are separated into the rich patricians and the poor plebeians. The quar-
rels between these two orders make up much of the history of early Rome.
The patricians seem to have been the first inhabitants of the city, who alone
had the full rights of citizenship, and could vote at the public assemblies.
The plebeians were the strangers who, never having been admitted as citizens,
did not share in the divisions of the public wealth, which were the spoils of so
many successful wars. The plebeians had thus small chance of growing rich.
In later years they gradually acquired all the rights of citizens, so that the
original distinction between the two classes disappeared. The names, how-
ever, continued in use, to signify the rich and the poor.
Servius was the “commons’ king.” He had himself, as we have seen, been
a servant, and was probably a stranger in the city. Naturally he became the
champion of the common people against the nobility. Indeed, the whole story
of his coming to the throne is probably a confused recollection of some upris-
ing of the lower classes against their masters. Through all his reign he kept
changing the old laws, so as to bring more power and privileges to the ple-
beians. He encountered determined opposition from the higher classes, espe-
cially from the aristocratic priesthood, who declared the omens sent by the
gods forbade these changes. Some improvements in the laws were made,
however, and more were contemplated. It was even rumored that Servius in-
tended to abandon his throne, and make the country a republic, in which all
men should be equal.
This was more than the haughty patricians could stand; they expected the
king to be the chief of their own order, ruling for their good. A plot was
formed among them for the murder of the king. In its details it is one of the
blackest stories in history; and here at least we may be thankful for leave to
doubt the reality of what we tell.
Servius Tullius had two daughters, and for his greater safety he had wed-
ded them to the sons of King Tarquin, whom he had supplanted. Unfortu-
nately for his plans, one of his daughters, Tullia, was as wicked as she was
ambitious. She wished to be queen, so she urged her husband to seize the
throne, which she told him belonged by right to his family. Failing to drive
him to the Crime she contemplated, and seeing that the other brother, Lucius
Tarquinius, was a man of her own stamp, she slew her husband and also her
sister, the wife of Lucius. Then she and Lucius Tarquinius were wedded and
perfected their plot.
2 O
306 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Waiting till the king was away and most of the common people far off in
the fields, Tarquin suddenly entered the senate house with his followers and
seated himself in the king's place. He made a speech calling Servius a “slave
and the Son of a slave,” and urging the patrician Senators no longer to submit
to him. Many of the senators were already in the plot, while others hesitated
to speak for fear of the swords of Tarquin and his party. Meanwhile, a friend
had hurried to warn Servius, who strode boldly into the council hall, confronted
his antagonist, and commanded him to leave the kingly chair. Tarquin was
the younger man; he seized his father-in-law, struggled with him, and hurled
him down the stone steps of the building. As Servius staggered to his feet
half-stunned, he was set upon and slain at the command of Tarquin. The
murderer was hailed as king by the half-terrified, half-approving senate.
Meanwhile Tullia, who knew the whole plot, came dashing in her chariot
to the Senate house, and entering, was among the first to salute her husband as
king. Fearing the impression her appearance might make on the consciences
of the senators, Tarquin bade her begone. As she hurried off to spread the
news of success among their friends, she came upon the body of her father
lying across the narrow street. Her charioteer would have stopped, but she
savagely ordered him to drive on. Thus her horses' hoofs mangled the body,
and her chariot wheels splashed her father's blood upon her robe. The street
was held accursed forever after. The Romans called it “wicked street.”
You will see how the legends trace step by step the change from the free
election of King Numa to the bloody usurpation of Tarquinius. This King
Tarquin is called Superbus, or “the proud,” to distinguish him from the other
Lucius Tarquinius, his father. He proved a merciless tyrant. Abolishing
the liberal laws of Servius, he ruled without law, relying wholly on the terror
in which the people held him. This was satisfactory enough to the patricians
at first; but after a while, Tarquin's cruelty was visited not only upon the
poor plebeians, but upon the patricians as well. Tarquin was determined that
no man should do to him as he had done to Servius. All those who could
boast of wealth, or power, or ability, were marked as his victims. Private
feuds were stirred to flame by his cunning. Party was incited against party.
Senator after senator was slain, and his property taken by the king. The
patricians had digged a pit, and now had fallen into it.
All Rome groaned under the yoke. Rebellion became only a question of
time and opportunity. It was not, however, any crime of King Tarquin him-
self, which led directly to his overthrow; but a wicked deed performed by his
son, Sextus Tarquin. The king and the army were absent at war, and the
younger captains seated in their camp began a jesting discussion as to how,
during their absence, their wives might be engaged at home. A wager fol-
Rome—Expulsion of Tarquin 307
lowed; and, taking their horses, Sextus Tarquin, his cousin Tarquin Collatinus,
and a few others, galloped away to Rome. Bursting suddenly in upon their
wives, they discovered one lolling in idleness, another engaged in riotous feast-
ing; but when they came to the home of Collatinus, they found his wife Lucrece
sitting in simple, matronly dignity among her maidens, spinning. So Colla-
tinus won the wager, and rode back to camp among his comrades in high
feather.
He had no prevision of the sad result. The black heart of Sextus had
become inflamed with love for Lucrece. He returned secretly to Rome and
embraced her. Feeling herself dishonored by his caresses, she sent for her
husband and relatives, told them what had occurred, and stabbed herself to the
heart before them all.
Among the relatives who stood by, was one Lucius Junius, called Brutus,
which meant the dullard. He had been a youth of great brightness and prom-
ise; but as he grew up he pretended to become dull and half-witted, hoping
thus to save himself and his wealth from King Tarquin, who, as we have seen,
maintained his own power by destroying all those who seemed likely to become
his rivals. As Brutus stood by the dead body of Lucrece, he knew that his
chance had come. Plucking out the bloody dagger from her poor breast, he
held it up and swore that never again should a Tarquin or any other be king in
Rome. Then, in a brilliant, passionate speech, he called on the husband and
the others to join him in his oath. They took it as an omen from the gods,
that the dullard had suddenly been inspired, and they swore as he had sworn.
Going publicly forth, the party summoned the senators and the people to
assemble. Brutus made a speech, and again his eloquence seemed a miracle
to all men. Rome pledged itself to his support; and the rebels went boldly to
the army of the king, which also espoused their cause. Tarquin the Proud
was left a king without a kingdom; and he and his wicked son Sextus fled.
Rome had become a republic.
Having thus traced the famous and ancient legend of the beginnings of
Rome, let us pause a moment to look at the truth, and learn what little is really
known of the early city. The traditional date of its founding by Romulus is
753 B.C., and of the expulsion of the Tarquins, 509 B.C. Recent excavations
show, however, that a city existed on the spot much earlier than 753. The
Tiber seems to have formed the dividing line between two races—the Etrurians
to the north, and the Latins to the south. Rome, the city on the Palatine, was
probably a frontier fortress erected at a very early date by the Latins to guard
against the raids of the Etrurians. This would seem to account for the warlike
character of its people and also for its gradual rise to be one of the leading Latin
towns, the enemy of the others, and in the end their master. Romulus and
308 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Remus are clearly mere eponyms, heroes invented to account for the city's
name; but Rome must have passed through some such experiences as the
legends suggest. By the latter half of the sixth century B.C. it had become the
centre and capital of an important kingdom, ruled probably by Etrurian kings,
the Tarquins.
These kings possessed a wealth and power which enabled them to erect
enormous walls and buildings, whose ruins still remain. The massiveness of
these suggests that the kings must have had at their disposal the unpaid labor
of thousands of slaves. In no free land are such monuments built, but only
under despotisms such as the story of Tarquin the Proud describes.
These early structures are easily distinguished from those of later date, be-
cause they are built from the coarse, gray stone found on the site of the city
itself. When Rome became mistress of the world, her palaces were composed
of marble and other costly stones, transported from the distant mountains.
The best-preserved and most noted work of the kings is the Cloaca Maxima, or
great sewer, which may still be seen where it empties into the Tiber. Its
mouth is a great arch, eleven feet in height. Boats sailed through it, and it
remained the main sewer of the city for over a thousand years.
Recently, by digging far underground, a relic even more ancient has been
brought to light. This is nothing less than a remnant of the original wall
around the Palatine hill, and must date at least as far back as 750 B. c. In
building it, the slopes of the hill were cut away almost perpendicularly, and
great blocks of stone were then piled one upon the other, up the sides of this
embankment. The top of the hill thus became an unassailable platform, tow-
ering a hundred feet above the plain below. From this vantage-ground the
inhabitants must have kept watch on the bands of Etrurian raiders, that crossed
the Tiber and slipped away southward, to foray in the heart of the Latin land.
Then messengers sped from the hill with warnings to the other cities, and the
garrison marched down to attack the invaders in the rear.
In the time of the first Tarquinius there were at least five of these fortifi-
cations rising on five of the seven hills, while unprotected houses filled the
narrow valleys between. Servius Tullius is credited with building the great
wall which ran across the valleys, connecting hill with hill and making a com-
plete circuit within whose bounds lay the whole of Rome. This wall, whose
ruins are still fifty feet high and whose protecting ditch was a hundred feet
wide and thirty deep, remained the one great defence of the city till eight hun-
dred years later, when the Emperor Severus erected on a wider circuit the walls
which still surround the city.
Before the expulsion of the Tarquins, the centre of Roman defence had
shifted from the Palatine to the Capitoline hill. This renowned height, natu-
Rome—The Ancient City 309
rally steeper, higher, and more rocky than the Palatine, was made by Roman
art a fortress utterly impregnable to assault. Gunpowder was unknown, and
starvation was the only weapon the defenders had to fear.
It is worth while to keep in mind the location of these places, because be-
tween the two hills, in the valley which the Cloaca Maxima had drained, stood
the Roman Forum, the broad paved square in which the public assemblies were
held, and in which originated most of the famous events of which we are now
to tell.
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JEWELRY OF ROMAN WOMEN
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INVASION OF THE GAULS
Chapter XXIX
THE YOUNG REPUBLIC CONQUERS ITALY
military power and empire of early Rome. They were
not the men to submit tamely to humiliation, and the
suddenly created republic, which Brutus and his friends
found on their hands, had to face sore dangers.
The people chose two Consuls, as they were called,
to govern them each year. Brutus and Tarquin Col-
latinus were the first of these; but the people so hated the very
name of Tarquin that presently they begged Collatinus, for his
name's sake, to leave their city. This he did with a long train
of his followers and servants. A similar train had doubtless left
with the king; and thus the city was weakened by the loss of
much of its best fighting stock.
Nor were those who remained united in support of the new
government. Tarquin had hushed the quarrel between patrician
and plebeian by trampling upon them both. Brutus and his next
associate, Valerius, upheld the cause of the common people. They
restored the liberal laws of Servius, and the old dispute flamed out again.
Many of the young nobles began to plot the return of the Tarquins. A con-
spiracy was discovered; and to his amazement and everlasting sorrow, Brutus
found among the conspirators his own two sons, youths of great promise.
With a firm, patriotic heroism, which has preserved his name forever, Brutus
condemned his sons to death along with the other traitors, and himself saw
the sentence executed upon them.
Rome—Wars Against the Tarquins s 3 II
Meanwhile the Tarquins had been gathering what forces they could, both
from the neighboring cities which had owned their sway, and from the more or
less independent nations beyond. For what followed we have no record but
the Roman legends; and it must be remembered that the Romans were ever
a boastful people. They themselves admit that their city was brought to
the verge of ruin. All their war-won territories were lost, and they entered
on a grim struggle for mere existence. During a hundred years thereafter
Rome was once more a single town, battling in petty strife against its nearest
neighbors.
Three times the Tarquins stood with an army before the walls of the city.
The first time the invaders were defeated in battle; but the hero Brutus was
among the slain. The second time it was the great Etrurian king, Lars Por-
sena, of Clusium, who took up the Tarquin cause.
The story of Porsena is very confused, but two of Rome's most famous
legends are built upon it. It was against the army of Porsena that Horatius
“kept the bridge.” The foe had come so suddenly and in such overwhelming
numbers against Rome, that the only way to check them was to destroy the
bridge across the Tiber. Even for this there was scarcely time, so Horatius
with two companions stood at the far end of the bridge and held back the whole
Etrurian army. Champion after champion came against them and was slain in
the “narrow way,” while the bridge was being cut down. When at last it was
about to fall, the two comrades of Horatius darted back across it to safety.
The hero, though wounded, remained behind to cover their retreat. The crash
of the bridge left him alone with the enemy.
“Alone stood brave Horatius, but constant still in mind;
Thrice thirty thousand foes before, and the broad flood behind.
‘Down with him,' cried false Sextus, with a smile on his pale face.
‘Now yield ye,' cried Lars Porsena. “Now yield ye to our grace.”
“Round turned he as not deigning those craven ranks to see;
Naught spake he to Lars Porsena, to Sextus naught spake he ;
But he saw on Palatinus the white porch of his home;
And he spake to the noble river that rolls by the towers of Rome.
“‘Oh, Tiber father Tiber 1 to whom the Romans pray,
“A Roman's life, a Roman's arms take thou in charge this day !’
So he spake, and speaking sheathed the good sword by his side,
And with his harness on his back plunged headlong in the tide.”
Of course he escapes in safety; but the vast Etrurian army still threatens
Rome, so another hero appears. The brave youth Mucius resolves to save his
country single-handed by killing King Porsena. He boldly enters the Etrurian
camp, pushes his way to the king's tent, and drives his dagger into the richly
dressed lord, he finds seated within. Unluckily this is not Porsena, but only
3 I 2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
his secretary. Mucius is seized and brought before the king, who threatens
him with torture to make him tell all he knows. To show how little they can
force him thus, Mucius plunges his hand into a burning flame, and holds it
there till it is consumed to ashes. -
This exhibition so impressed Porsena that he bade his guards set the young
man free. Mucius thereupon declared that what they could never have won
from him by cruelty, they had won by generosity; he would tell what he could.
There were three hundred young men in Rome, he said, each as resolute as
himself, and all banded together by an oath to slay King Porsena. He himself
had failed, but he was the first to try. The other two hundred and ninety-
nine were to come. Porsena, staggered by the grim prospect before him, aban-
doned the siege, and hurried his army back into Etruria.
So much for the legends. As a matter of fact, it seems Porsena, if he did
not actually conquer Rome, at least received submission and tribute from the
people. What became of the Tarquins in the arrangement is not clear. Per-
haps “false Sextus” was never really with Porsena at all.
The Latin cities to the south next took up the Tarquin cause. In face of
this great danger, the Romans laid aside their regular government, and chose
one man as Dictator. That is, he was to have absolute power for six months.
The property, and even the life of every Roman was at his command, so that
he might concentrate all their force against the foe. At the end of six months,
and sooner if he saw fit to lay aside his power, the dictator became a private
citizen again; and any man who felt himself wronged might accuse the former
ruler as a criminal before the law.
Spurius Lartius was the first of these dictators; but it was the second one,
Aulus Postumius, who ended the Latian war. A great battle was fought at
Lake Regillus. The Latins were completely defeated, Sextus and all the
leading Tarquins were slain, and Rome was at last left to the government of
her own people; left free to work out her high destiny as a republic.
Despite the innumerable conflicts with the neighboring tribes, the gravest
danger which threatened Rome was from within, and lay in the quarrels be-
tween the patricians and plebeians. The latter were poor and were forced to
borrow from the former, who were harsh and exacting to the last degree. If a
debtor was unable to pay, his creditor could take the last farthing of his estate,
lock him in prison, and sell him and all the members of his family into slavery.
Still further, it was provided that the creditors might divide the body of the
wretched debtor among themselves, though it is hard to see what they would
gain by so doing.
It is said that one of the bravest officers in the Roman army, whose praise
was in every one's mouth because of his patriotic deeds, broke out of prison
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Rome—Civic Tumult 3 I 3
and dashed into the Forum. Covered with rags and chains, he proclaimed
his wrongs to his amazed listeners. It happened that almost at the same mo-
ment the alarm sounded for the approach of the hostile Volsci. The consuls,
Appius Claudius, one of the haughtiest and bravest of men, and the popular
Servilius, called the people to arms. Sullen and incensed, the plebeians re-
fused to enlist and defied their masters. The crisis was so threatening, that
the consuls yielded for the moment and promised to right the wrongs of the
sufferers, who now marched against the enemy and helped to defeat them.
The Senate refused, however, to keep the promises made, and threatened to
appoint Appius dictator, that he might be free to carry out his merciless dis
position against the malcontents. The following year a dictatorship was pro-
claimed, but the choice fell upon a milder man than Appius. The plebeians
united and determined to abandon the city, withdrawing to an adjoining eleva-
tion known as Mons Sacer (Sacred Mountain), some three miles from the city.
They listened to persuasion, however, and returned, and the promises made
were this time fulfilled by the Senate (B.C. 494).
The plebeians were still the victims of many wrongs, and there could be no
lasting peace or security until these were righted. They were shut out from
the consulship by law, and now insisted upon the right to elect one from their
own order, whose power would thus balance that of the patrician executive.
An important change followed, by which two magistrates were chosen from
the plebeians and known as “Tribunes of the Plebs.” They were afterward
increased to ten in number, and held office for a year, during which period
their persons were sacred. Moreover, they could nake ineffective any decree
of the Senate which they believed was against the public good by the word
Veto (I forbid it).
Caius Marcius Coriolanus was among the bravest and proudest of the patri-
cians, whose heroism and skill at the capture of Corioli, a city of the Volscians,
gave him the title which made him illustrious—the first, indeed, ever borne by
a Roman leader from the place he had conquered. He despised the favor of
the people, and bore himself so haughtily toward them that despite his bravery,
he was disliked and was denied the consulship. This angered him, and in
resentment, when the city was suffering from famine and a present of corn
came from Sicily, he urged the Senate not to distribute it among the plebeians
unless they gave up their tribunes. The people were so exasperated that he
would not have lived a moment could they have laid hands on him. The
tribunes Summoned him before the Comitia of the Tribes. Coriolanus strode
forward, defiant and insulting; his kinsmen and friends pleaded in vain for
him, and he was sentenced to banishment. Shakespeare has made him exclaim :
“Romans, / banish you /*
3 I 4 The Story of the Greatest Nations
He went directly to the Volscians whom he had so recently beaten, and
they, appreciating his ability, gave him supreme command of their armies.
Decisive success marked every step he took toward Rome. Nothing could
check him, and he came resistlessly onward until within five miles of the city,
ravaging the lands of the plebeians, but sparing those of the patricians.
By this time all was dismay and despair in Rome. Nothing remained but
to appeal to the pity of the conqueror, and he seemed to possess little or noth-
ing of that quality. The ten leading men of the Senate went out to him and
threw themselves on his compassion, but he was as immovable as a rock. The
disappointed and sorrowful delegation was followed the next day by the pontiffs,
augurs, flamens, and priests who came in their robes of office, praying him to
have mercy and spare the city. But he was no more moved than before, and
all hope seemed to have departed.
A last recourse remained. The next morning the noblest matrons in Rome
walked mournfully toward the camp of the man who held their fate in his hands.
At their head was Veturia, the aged mother of Coriolanus, and among them
Volumnia his wife, leading his little children by the hand. They and the feeble
mother entered his tent weeping. The stern warrior looked at them for a
moment, and then his self-control gave way. The appeal was one against which
he could not close his heart. Tears filled his eyes, and turning to his parent,
he said in a broken voice: “Mother, thou hast saved Rome, but lost thy son 1"
Coriolanus led the Volscians homeward, and some reports represent him as
living many years among them, frequently remarking as he passed down the
decline of life that “none but an old man can feel how wretched it is to live
in a foreign land.” The date of the incident is given as 488 B.C., but it may
have been somewhat later.
It came about that on one occasion, when Rome was at war with the
AEquians, the latter surrounded a Roman camp on the Alban hills. The danger
was so imminent that the Senate made haste to select a dictator and chose
Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus (458 B.C.), who was a noble that, having tired of
popular tumult, had retired to his modest farm. Here the messengers found
him ploughing in the field, clad only in his tunic or working garment. Cincin-
natus asked his wife to throw over him a toga or mantle, so as to show proper
respect to the officers of the commonwealth. Yielding to their urging, he left
his plough in the furrow and assumed the command. He chose Lucius Tarqui-
tius, the second bravest of the state, as his master of the horse, and the next
morning before daybreak was at the Forum levying a new army. Attacking
the AEquians in the rear, he hemmed them in and compelled them to “pass
under the yoke,” as token of their humiliating surrender. This yoke was
formed by fixing two spears upright in the ground, with a third fastened across
Rome—Legend of Cincinnatus 3 J 5
them, the contrivance resembling in form the goal used on the modern football
field. The Latin for the ceremony is subjugum, from which we have the word
subjugate. Cincinnatus entered Rome at the head of his army within twenty-
four hours after leaving it, the troops laden with spoils in which the consuls
were forbidden to share. After holding his dictatorial powers for only fourteen
days, Cincinnatus laid them down and returned to his plough.
The reader will not fail to notice the parallel between the course of Cincin-
natus and that of our own Washington, who has been called the “Cincinnatus
of the West.” The surviving officers of our Revolutionary army in 1783
formed the Society of the Cincinnati, “to perpetuate their friendship, and to
raise a fund for relieving the widows and orphans of those who had fallen in
the war.” Washington headed the illustrious list and was the President-
General to the close of his life. The story of Cincinnatus is a beautiful one,
but some of the historians reject it altogether, and it must be remembered that
it is supported upon flimsy authority.
It will be noted that the plebeians had gained many rights by their con-
tinual agitation, but grounds of complaint remained, one of the most oppressive
being that there was no regular code of laws in existence. After much debate
it was finally decided (B. C. 450) that a Council of Ten, hence called Decemvirs,
should be appointed to prepare a code of laws; and meanwhile, all the officers
of the government should give up their places and leave the control of the
state to the decemvirs. -
The decemvirs appointed for the first year seemed to be actuated by a de-
sire to meet the expectations of their countrymen. In the course of their term,
they promulgated ten tables of laws, framed on the principles of those of
Greece. In the second year, several new decemvirs came into power in place
of the more moderate members, and two more tables of laws were added which
proved anything but satisfactory. The atrocious crime of Appius, one of the
officials, roused the people to fury. Virginia was the beautiful daughter of the
brave plebeian Virginius, and was betrothed to young Icilius. In order to ob-
tain her, Appius persuaded one of his friends to claim her as a slave. Her
relatives proved the falsity of the claim; but the diabolical purpose of Appius
prevailed, the decemvirs decreeing that the maiden was a slave. Her father
thereupon took her aside from the crowd to the booths near the Forum, where
with his own hand he struck her dead, as the only means of saving her from her
dreadful fate. Then wild with fury, he rushed to the camp of the legions, told
what he had done, and persuaded them to hurry back to Rome and occupy their
stronghold on the Aventine. They were joined by large numbers of the citi-
zens, and, uniting with the Sabines, defied the authority of the decemvirs, who,
clearly reading the sentiment against them, resigned their power. Two of
3 I 6 The Story of the Greatest Nations
their number, both most worthy men, visited the insurgents and promised them
the restoration of the tribunate and the right of appeal. These measures
were carried out, and the two were elected to the consulship. But retribution
came to the guilty decemvirs. Virginius accused them, Appius was thrown
into prison and committed suicide, while most of the others fled.
It would seem that everything now ought to have been satisfactory, since
the tribunes had been restored and the authority of the Comitia Tributa, or
assembly of the tribes, was put on the same footing as that of the Centuries;
but there were just causes for discontent among the plebeians, since the choice
of the consuls, who were the chief executives, was made from the patricians.
While the disputation continued, the Etruscan city of Veii, twelve miles
beyond the Tiber, began looming up as a dangerous rival, and against her the
Roman forces were mainly arrayed. With intermissions, the war lasted for
thirty years, terminating at last in the capture of Veii by the dictator Camillus.
Rome now adopted a new and forceful policy for destroying the power of an
opponent. It had been the custom of the city to transplant conquered people
to itself, but now, and in many cases afterward, bodies of Roman people were
transferred to the foreign site and established upon the forfeited lands of the
enemy. - e
About this time another new feature was introduced which was that of giv-
ing pay to the military legions. Hitherto every citizen had been liable to con-
scription, but the hard law was softened by confining the campaigns to the
spring or summer months, so that the conscript could return home to reap the
fields and enjoy the fruits of harvest. This establishment of a regular army
was an indispensable step to the grand scheme of conquest which afterward
became so marked a feature of the Republic and Empire.
To return to the wrangle among the patricians and plebeians; the former
proposed (B. c. 444) that a certain number of Military Tribunes should be
chosen equally from the two classes and should exercise supreme power. The
number was three at first, and was afterward increased to six. Two Censors
were also appointed, and as they were chosen exclusively from the patricians,
the power of the latter was much increased. The censors had authority to
determine the rank of every citizen and to value his taxable property. Still
further, although it was decreed that the military tribunes might be chosen
from either order, yet the patricians found little difficulty in securing them
from among themselves. Thus matters stood until about B. c. 400, when the
trouble was removed and the plebeians were freely elected.
We have now reached the period (B.C. 390) when Rome received its first
great check through the invasion of the Gauls, a mighty people, of whom we
shall learn further in our account of France and other early nations. Under
Rome—Conquest by the Gauls 3 17
the general name of Gauls may be included the vast mass of the Celtic race
which occupied the west of Europe from the Rhine to the Atlantic.
This restless people fought for slaves and cattle and gold rather than for
territory, and at the time named were pressing upon the Etruscans south and
west of the Apennines. They were under the lead of their great chieftain
Brennus, which was the title rather than the name of several Gallic princes.
Crossing the Apennines, Brennus advanced rapidly through the country of the
Sabines, at the head of 70, OOO men, and met the Roman army on the banks of
the Allia, some ten or twelve miles from the capital. In the battle which fol-
lowed, the Romans were routed, and, had the barbarians promptly followed up
their advantage, they could have blotted Rome from the face of the earth. In-
stead of doing so, they spent hours in drunken revelry on the battlefield, which
interval was employed by the Romans in fortifying the Capitol, to which were
removed all the treasures and holy things of the city.
The defeat of the Romans had been overwhelming, and it was not long
after they had swarmed into the city, before the Gauls rushed in after them.
It is said that the proud senators calmly seated themselves in the Forum in
their chairs of office, and by their majestic mien overawed for a brief while the
Gauls, who paused and looked wonderingly at them. Finally one of the bar-
barians reached out his hand to stroke the snowy beard of the venerable Papi-
rius, who with flashing eyes struck him to the ground with his ivory-headed
staff. Then the Gauls fell upon the senators and ruthlessly slew them all.
The city was given over to pillage and fire; the people fled. The vestal
virgins bore away the sacred fire from the altar of Vesta, the goddess of the city
homes. This flame was considered a symbol of the life of the city, and its
extinction would have been a sign that the gods had abandoned Rome to its fate.
So it was carefully preserved by its guardians, who escaped down the Tiber
secretly in the night. The Capitol alone remained unconquered. The attacks
of the Gauls were repulsed, and they resorted to regular siege. Starvation is
a foe to which the bravest must sooner or later yield; and, unless something
very unexpected intervened, the Capitol was doomed. -
One dark night, Pontius Cominius passed silently down the escarpment of
the Tarpeian rock, swam the Tiber, and carried to Camillus at Veii the invita-
tion of the Romans to come to their rescue. Camillus, as we have learned,
had conquered Veii. He had afterward exiled himself there, because of re-
sentment over his treatment. He possessed the highest military ability, and
was made Dictator several times after the incident we are relating. The faint
footmarks left by Pontius Cominius on the face of the cliff were seen by the
Gauls, and they naturally decided that the man who made them intended to
return, and they could do the same. The place was so strong that the Romans
3.18 The Story of the Greatest Nations
had not thought it necessary to crown the rock with a rampart, or even to place
a guard there. The Gauls laboriously climbed up like so many phantoms in
the gloom of the night, and would have burst into the citadel, unnoticed by
man or dog, but the sacred geese in the temple of Juno discovered them, and
broke out into vociferous cackling. The defenders leaped to their arms, and
led by Manlius, a patrician, assailed their enemies, who were easily tumbled
down from their slippery footing and the danger turned aside. This is the
famous incident in which it is claimed that the Cackling of a flock of geese
saved Rome.
Camillus, despite his grievance against his countrymen, lost no time in
going to their help. He gathered an army from the remnants of the legions
of Allia and the fugitives from the city, and pressed with all speed to the relief
of the Capitol. The defenders had already been pushed to such an extremity
that they had asked for terms. The Gauls agreed to accept a thousand pounds
of gold and retire without doing further harm. The story is that while the
half ton of precious metal was being weighed, Brennus flung his sword into
the opposite scale, with the insolent exclamation, “Woe to the worsted l’’
Then Camillus suddenly appeared at the head of his warriors, declared the
bargain void, because it had been made without his consent, and pursuing the
fleeing Gauls, routed or scattered them. This is improbable, but there is no
question of the capture of Rome by the Gauls in the year named.
Camillus has been called the second founder of Rome. He restrained the
inhabitants from abandoning in despair the Smoking ruins and moving in a
body to their recent conquest, Veii. He caused the stones of Veii to be re-
moved to the site of Rome where the new city was built. But it was all askew,
for the streets were narrow and crooked, and the dwelling-houses small. In-
stead of building for the future, the afflicted people thought only of their pres-
ent WantS.
Rome was indeed compelled to pass through “the pangs of transformation,”
for hardly had the city been reared, when the patricians again asserted their
claims, and, though the twelve tâbles of the law had been reserved from the
ruins, they demanded a revival of the fearful severities of the acts governing
the debtor and creditor. The plebeians had been reduced to the greatest pov-
erty and distress through the Gallic invasions, and the measures insisted upon
by the patricians, if carried out, would crush them into abject slavery.
It need hardly be said that the quarrel was of the most bitter nature, and it
came to a crisis in B. c. 376, when two of the ablest tribunes of the people,
Licinius Stolo and Lucius Sextus, proposed their plan for the settlement of
the troubles. To meet the unbearable political inequality, they demanded that
the consuls should be restored as the chief magistrates and that one of the
Rome—Democracy Established 3 I 9
two annually chosen should always be a plebeian. To abolish the grinding
poverty of the plebeians, the new plan provided that the interest already paid
on debts should be deducted from the principal, and the remainder of the debt
should be paid in three years; that the public lands, hitherto held almost en-
tirely by the rich, should be redistributed so that no person should have more
than about three hundred acres, the remainder to be divided in small portions
among the plebeians.
The Licinian Rogations, or new plan of constitution, was fiercely fought by
the patricians, but the plebeians were equally resolute, and their tribunes pre-
vented the election of officers and military levies. The patricians were help.
less, and, in B.C. 367, the plan as outlined became Roman law. Lucius Sextus
was elected consul the following year, and all the other offices, of whatever
nature, were thrown open to the plebeians, and perfect political equality was
at last established in Rome. The aristocratic republic that lasted for a cen-
tury and a half after the expulsion of the kings, had now become a truly demo-
cratic republic or government by the people.
In tracing the history of the greatest nation of ancient times, we must bear
several leading facts in mind. We have learned that it began as a kingdom,
which was overthrown in B.C. 509, when the Republic was born, in the very
midst of enemies, as may be said who were continually clawing at its life.
The crisis came in B.C. 390, with the Gallic invasion, when having overcome
its external enemies, the Republic in B.C. 367 conquered its domestic foes,
and Rome stood forth a young giant, strong, self-confident, and in sturdy
health.
Down to the middle of the fourth century B. C., the Romans were a small
nation, their territory consisting of only a few townships on the Tiber, and the
adult Roman citizens numbering hardly 300,000. They were environed by a
number of similar petty nationalities. Rome gradually towered far above
them all. The struggle for existence had been won, and she now entered upon
the next great step in her remarkable history: this was the war for dominion.
Nations, like individuals, in order to accomplish definite results, must have
what is termed in homely language “elbow room.” Rome could never meas-
ure up to the full grandeur of her mission until she conquered her neighbors
and brought them under her sway. She now began the wars which opened
the way for a career whose equal is not recorded in the annals of the world.
These pages would become tedious, if devoted merely to the record of that
warfare, which one can almost fancy was the normal condition of mankind in
most of the ages since creation. The heart wearies over the endless story of
sieges, battles, bloodshed, cruelty, wrong, treachery, and suffering, nor is it our
purpose to dwell upon the series of wars which form so marked a part of the
32O The Story of the Greatest Nations
early history of Rome. Still we must have a general knowledge of them in
order to understand the events that follow.
The “Latin wars” and the “Samnite wars” are the names by which the
various struggles are usually distinguished. They were complicated and jum-
bled with one another, and kept the Romans well occupied down to B. c. 29O.
The Latin wars established the supremacy of Rome over the other Latian cities.
The decisive battle of these wars took place on the slope of Mount Vesuvius.
Sacrifices were made by the Roman priests before the hostile armies met, and
from the entrails of the slain bullock the augurs foretold that a general would
perish on one side, an army on the other. The Roman general Decius Mus
thereupon determined to give himself to be the sacrifice demanded. The
priests dictated to him the proper ceremonial. Having called on each god
separately, and upon all together to grant him his prayer, he said, “I now on
behalf of the Commonwealth of the people of Rome devote the armies of our
enemy along with myself to the gods of the dead, and to the grave.” Wrapped
in his toga as though already dead, he mounted his horse, dashed furiously amid
the ranks of the foe, and was slain. -
Their religious faith taught the Roman soldiers that their lives were now
secure, and their enemies doomed. They rushed into the opening made by
Decius, with an impetuosity not to be resisted. The battle became a butchery.
The Latins sought safety in flight; but scarce one in four of them escaped.
The Latin confederacy was broken up forever, and its people became subject
to Rome. -
In the Samnite wars the question at issue was whether Rome or the Sam-
nites, the hardy mountaineers of the Apennines, should rule the whole Italian
peninsula. The struggle was not decided in favor of Rome until 290 B.C.; and
immediately after the Samnites became the allies of the Greek king Pyrrhus,
who came to help the Greek colonies of Italy against the overshadowing power
of “the barbarians of the Tiber.”
The war with Pyrrhus began with the battle of Pandosia (280 B.C.), in
which the troops of elephants employed by Pyrrhus terrified and stampeded the
Romans, who did not know what they were. Pyrrhus was successful again the
following year, but at such a cost that he uttered the oft-quoted exclamation,
“Another such victory and I am undone !” He now left Italy for Sicily, but
soon returned and renewed the contest, only to be utterly routed at Beneventum.
in B.C. 274.
In this last famous battle the Roman leader was the consul Curius Dentatus,
of whom the story is told that once when he had defeated the Samnites, they
sent an embassy seeking to bribe him with a large sum of money. The ambas-
sadors found him at a meal consisting solely of boiled turnips, and Dentatus
Rome–War with Pyrrhus 32 I
asked them what a man who lived as they saw he preferred to do, could need
of money. He thought it more glorious, he said, to conquer those who had it,
and thus prove himself their superior.
Pyrrhus retired to Greece, and the Greek colonies in Italy yielded to the
sovereignty of Rome. By the close of the year B.C. 272 Rome was supreme
master of the whole Italian peninsula, from the Tuscan Sea to the Adriatic,
and from the southern boundary of Cisalpine Gaul to the Straits of Sicily.
Thus she had laid, broad and sure, the foundation of her future grandeur, but
before she could enter upon the next great step in her career, she must weld
the newly won nations into a single unified whole. The Roman territory proper
included the body of free inhabitants of the thirty-three tribes, north and south
of the Tiber, together with a large number of persons in other parts of Italy
who had received the rights of Roman citizenship.
The real governing power was the Roman people or populus Romanus, but
in addition there were the /talians and the Latins. The former belonged to
the allied or dependent Italian states, and there was little or no interference
with their laws, offices, and municipal arrangements. They did not have the
Roman franchise, and therefore could take no part in the political affairs of
the Republic. The Latins belonged to cities which had what was termed the
“Latin franchise,” so called because it was conferred first upon the cities of
Latium. It gave partial but not full Roman citizenship to the possessor.
Rome displayed wisdom by leaving the local governments to themselves,
holding her sovereignty by three distinct rights reserved to herself: That of
making peace or declaring war; of receiving embassies; and of coining money.
Politically she showed far greater wisdom than Greece.
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Chapter XXX
CONQUEST BEYOND ITALY, ROME AND CARTHAGE
O doubt you have often noticed on your map of Africa the
collection of countries in the northern part known under
|3 the general name of “The Barbary States.” From the
- $7% one now called Tunis projects a peninsula into a small
- & bay of the Mediterranean Sea. It was on this penin-
§sº sula that Carthage, the great Phoenician city of antiq-
uity, stood. Its origin is unknown, though, as we have
learned, it is attributed by legend to Dido, Queen of Tyre. It
was probably an offshoot of that “mother city," and was older
than Rome itself. In its palmy days its population numbered
about three-quarters of a million, mainly Phoenician and Libyan
in descent. The territory of the Carthaginians in the middle of
the fifth century B.C. extended southward to Lake Triton, east-
ward to the Greek city of Cyrene, and westward to the present
Bona.
Carthage was a great maritime power which extended its
settlements and conquests to the other coasts of the Mediter-
ranean. In the sixth century B. C., the Carthaginians were masters of Sardinia
and began to strive for the control of Sicily. Hanno founded colonies on the
west coast of Africa beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, and Himlico visited the
coasts of Spain and Gaul. Commercial enterprise gave Carthage her great-
ness, for she was the common carrier of the trade of the vast population along
the coasts of the mighty inland sea. Her relations with the Greeks, the
Phoenicians, and the Egyptians were wholly commercial, and her treaties with
Rome—Growth of Carthage 323
Rome were based on the principle of political non-interference. She estab-
lished trade along the coasts of Northern Africa, of Spain, of Sardinia, and of
Corsica. Through the Phocaeans of Massilia, she reached the Swarming pop-
ulation of Transalpine Gaul; she worked the iron mines of Ilva, the silver
mines of the Balearic Isles, and the gold mines of Spain, trading with the
Britons for tin and with the Frisians and Cimbri for amber. When she
found her establishments in danger, she protected them with fortresses.
Abundantly supplied with money, she had no trouble in enlisting what mer-
cenaries she needed, and these included Libyans and Moors from Africa, Span-
iards, Gauls, Greeks, and also Italians, who were trained under her own officers
and disciplined into the best of soldiers.
Now here was Rome, which had brought all of Italy under subjection, and
was beginning to look out over the adjoining world for more territory to Con-
quer. Just across from Sicily loomed the mighty city of Carthage, energetic,
enterprising, and ambitious, with a mind to encroach upon the possessions of
Rome. The two were rivals, and nothing was more certain than that in the
near future they would come into Titanic collision. The first false step was
made by Carthage when she undertook to possess herself of the Greek colonies
on the coast of Sicily. She held back for a long time, but when Pyrrhus made
his attack on the Romans, the longed-for opening seemed to present itself.
Upon the Carthaginians moving against Sicily, Pyrrhus came back to the island
to protect the Sicilians. Meeting with no substantial success, however, he
withdrew from the island.
Naturally Rome watched the movements of Carthage with a jealous eye.
The Greek cities were closely connected with the Greek subjects of Rome in
Southern Italy, while the Carthaginians had large possessions in the island.
For several centuries the Greeks had been the dominant power there, owning
such flourishing cities as Messana, Syracuse, Catana, Egesta, Panormus, and
Lilybaeum, each independent but all loosely bound together for mutual pro-
tection. These cities were rich, but effeminate, and with no sturdy self-re-
liance. Hence they called upon Pyrrhus, when threatened by the Carthaginians.
They were sure to become the victims of the first strong power that attacked
them.
There were also Italians in Sicily. They were mainly adventurers and rob-
bers, the refuse of the great armies of the peninsula; but they had seized many
of the formidable places on the island and threatened to oust the more peaceful
Greeks. This state of affairs brought about the clash between Rome and Car-
thage, which, as I have said, was certain to come.
The Mamertines were a body of Campanian mercenaries, who seized the
town of Messana on the Sicilian Straits. Only a short time before, the Romans
324 The Story of the Greatest Nations
had destroyed just such a band of adventurers, that had taken possession of
Rhegium on the other shore. The Mamertines, finding themselves in danger
of destruction by the combined Carthaginians and Syracusans, applied to the
Romans for protection. They were simply brigands, but they sent envoys to
Rome with the proposal to place the city under her protection. The Senate
was eager to accept the offer, since it gave the pretext she was seeking for an
attack upon the Carthaginians, but the case was so flagrant that that body
shrank from Stultifying itself, and turned the question over to the assembly of
the people, which declared in favor of the measure, nor can it be believed that
the Senate was sorry to give its assent.
Messana was at that time the most important city in all Sicily, as the port
of passage from Calabria, and was a convenient point for the landing of Roman
troops from the continent. It was ordered that a military force should be sent
across the strait to the assistance of the Mamertines, who were in danger of
attack at that very time by Hiero, king of Syracuse. This was in B.C. 264.
The Romans found that the Carthaginian fleet had blocked the passage against
their expedition, and they had no marine with which to assail the powerful ships
of Carthage. The few vessels they were able to bring together from their
Greek subjects in the south of Italy could do nothing; and the Carthaginian
admiral scornfully sent word to the Romans that they must not seek to meddle
with the sea, even to the extent of washing their hands in it, without first ob-
taining his permission. While the Carthaginian leader was arranging terms
of a treaty with Claudius, the Roman tribune, the latter seized him, and he
agreed to surrender the citadel as the price of his release. A troop of Romans
was admitted, and thus Messana passed under the dominion of Rome.
The Carthaginians were so incensed with their general that they condemned
him to death by torture, and united with Hiero in laying siege to Syracuse,
while, under the pretence that they dared not trust the Italian mercenaries
whom they had hired, they massacred them all. The vigilance of their fleet,
however, failed to prevent the Romans from landing enough troops to keep
possession of the town. Hiero was defeated and driven back to Syracuse,
while the Carthaginians found refuge in Africa. An army of Romans remained
through the following year in Sicily, and gained possession of a large number
of towns. Hiero was so alarmed by the success of the Romans that he hastened
to send back his prisoners, and to propose the payment of tribute and the forma-
tion of an alliance. -
Thus it was that the first Punic War (Punica from Paezzi, the Latin form of
Phaemicians) began in B.C. 264. The submission of King Hiero brought peace
to his corner of the island; for the Romans let him alone and prosecuted their
operations in other directions against Carthage. The important city of Agri-
Rome—Building of the Navy 32.5
gentum on the southern coast was besieged by them for a long time, during
which they were obliged to depend for their supplies on the loyalty of the
ruler of Syracuse, who never once failed them.
One of the most remarkable features of this first Punic War was the amaz-
ing development of the Roman navy. At the beginning, they had no fleet at
all, but one day a storm flung a Carthaginian quinquereme, as it was termed,
on the beach of Latium; and it was seized upon as a model. Workmen began
plying their axes in the forests; timbers were sawn and hewn into shape; and
two months after the discovery of the wreck, Rome had launched a hundred
galleys and crews were trained in their management. Now this was wonderful
work, but you need not be reminded that the art of navigation and of naval
tactics, even as crudely understood in those days, could not be acquired in the
short period taken to build the boats. We know that the Carthaginians were
masters of the ancient art, and would eagerly welcome a battle with their
enemies on the sea. The Roman levies, therefore, were taught not to try to
outsail or outmanoeuvre the Carthaginians, but to await their attack coolly, and,
when they were near enough, to drop frames of timber from their own decks to
those of their foes, and use them as drawbridges in boarding. This was not
fighting according to regular tactics, but it worked to perfection. The as-
tounded Carthaginians were utterly bewildered and routed, and lost thousands
of men and half their fleet, the rest fleeing in headlong panic to Sardinia. This
great sea-fight of Mylae was fought in B. C. 260. It was the first naval triumph
of the Romans and of the highest importance, since it gave them a confidence
on the water that was fully warranted by their subsequent exploits. In the
first Punic War, however, they suffered about as many defeats as their enemies.
The campaigns in Sicily were made up also of successes and defeats. The
Carthaginians were driven from those parts of the island lying nearest the con-
tinent, but they retained strong positions on the western side, where they could
readily keep open their communications with Africa.
The brilliant success at Mylae led the Romans to put forth such prodigious
efforts in the building of ships, that the expedition which sailed from the shores
of Italy in B.C. 256 is said to have numbered 330 vessels, carrying IOO,OOO
sailors and 40, OOO legionaries. Off the headland of Ecnomus, not distant from
Agrigentum, it met a fleet still larger, which it defeated with severe loss. The
remainder of the Carthaginian ships sailed back to their own shores, whither
they were followed by the victorious armaments of Rome, who were emboldened
to attack the enemy in his own country.
Regulus was the name of the general who thus “carried the war into Africa.”
His advance was cautious. Africa was a ferra incognita to the Romans, and
they dreaded its fabled monsters more than they did the Carthaginians. Had
326 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the Roman discipline been less stern, the soldiers would have refused to set
foot in the country, but, a beginning being once made, they pressed on with
steady success. The army under Regulus captured so many prisoners and ac-
cumulated such an immense mass of plunder that the Senate, upon the general's
assurance that he had shut up the Carthaginians within their city, recalled one-
half of his force.
Full of confidence because of his repeated successes, Regulus next captured
Tunis, where an immense number of the enemy were slain. But now the Car-
thaginians resorted to the wise recourse of calling in the aid of Xanthippus, a
Spartan general of courage and genius. He brought the Romans to battle at
disadvantage and not only worsted them, but took Regulus himself and a large
number of his men prisoners (B.C. 255). Xanthippus was splendidly rewarded,
and he returned home. The story of Regulus from this time forward is a
favorite one with the Roman poets and historians, who tell how, after being
held a prisoner for five years, he was sent to Rome by the Carthaginians to solicit
peace, because of their numerous reverses. He was on parole and went in the
company of the Punic envoys, on the pledge that if he failed to obtain the terms
proposed, he was to return and suffer the penalty of death. It is said that at
first Regulus refused to enter the capital because he was no longer a Roman
citizen; but his scruples being overcome he appeared before the Senate, and,
when questioned, declined to give his opinion of the proposals he brought. But
he was commanded to do so, whereupon he earnestly prayed his countrymen
not to agree to the terms submitted by Carthage. His eloquence won them
over, and then, with characteristic Roman integrity, he refused to break his
parole, even declining to see his family, and returned to Carthage, where, as he
anticipated, he was put to death. The method used is said to have been that
of placing him in a barrel filled with nails projecting inward, and rolling him
about until he died. The best authorities believe this horrible story was an
invention of the Romans to excuse their own atrocities to Carthaginian prison-
ers, though it is hardly to be doubted that Regulus actually suffered death
for his patriotic fortitude.
The final victory of the Romans at the AEgates Islands made them masters
of the situation, and led the Carthaginians to seek peace in B.C. 24.I. By the
terms which closed the first Punic War, the Carthaginians were required to
evacuate Sicily and the adjacent islands, to pay a large indemnity, and to recog-
nize the independence of Hiero, king of Syracuse. The war had lasted twenty-
four years, and, according to Polybius the historian, cost Carthage five hundred
and Rome seven hundred galleys; but Rome had gained an immense prestige
and had taken the first step that was to win for her the proud title of Mistress
of the World.
Rome–Conquest of the Islands 327
It should be noted that that part of Sicily which was wrested from the Car-
thaginians was now organized into a province, this being the commencement
of the new system which Rome adopted, of the institution of provincial govern-
ment in her possessions outside of Italy. An immense advantage was held by
Rome over Carthage from the first: this lay in the difference of their system or
policy toward their conquered subjects. The Romans associated them in their
own enterprises on equal terms, not only paying for their services, but sharing
the booty obtained, and allowing them to retain their own laws, customs, and
national identity. The system, in brief, was similar in the main to that which
has made England the greatest colonizing Power of modern times. But while
those who fought beside the Romans were her allies, the soldiers of the Car-
thaginians were simply servants who risked their lives for wages. As a con-
sequence, Carthage soon became involved in a desperate struggle with her own
mercenary forces, who were not put down till after several years of bloody
warfare.
A specially shrewd law was made by the Romans regarding Sicily. The
citizens were given permission to sell all the land they chose, but never to one
another; it must always be to Roman purchasers. The Romans thus came
gradually and peacefully into possession of most of the island. Ere long, Sar-
dinia and Corsica were also subdued, though considerable fighting was neces-
sary. The islands were formed into another province, administered by a
Roman officer under the name of praetor. Thus the system of provincial gov-
ernment was fairly established.
Having won prestige on the sea, Rome was now ready to extend her do-
minions across the water in almost any direction. Her coasts on the Adriatic
were harried by the piratical hordes on the opposite shore of Illyria. It was
a hard task to root out these marauders, and, in doing so, Rome could not avoid
colliding with more than one established power on the continent, but her gen-
erals acted with prudence and wisdom. Western Greece, as well as Italy, was
pestered by the buccaneers of the Adriatic, and the Greeks were glad indeed to
see the vigor of the young Republic turned against them. Greece in her grati-
tude hailed Rome as her ally, and invited her to take part in the Hellenic
festival of the Isthmian games. The equally grateful Athenians presented to
the Romans the franchise of their city, and offered them admission to the
Eleusinian mysteries, the sacred rites with which the annual festival of Ceres
was celebrated at Eleusis.
The eyes of the Romans were next turned northward with the thought of
carrying their dominion to the Alps. The Gauls still occupied the entire valley
of the Po and the ridges of the northern Apennines. We have learned of their
desolating campaign southward, when they captured and burned Rome. They
328 The Story of the Greatest Nations
were as fierce and wild as ever, though too wise to molest again the growing
power they had once harassed. They were quite willing to leave the Romans
alone, so long as they were left alone themselves, which was precisely what
the Romans did not intend to allow.
Had not the Gauls been wrangling with one another, it is more than likely
they would have struck Rome when she needed all her energies to combat the
Carthaginians; but they were dangerous neighbors, and Rome concluded that
the best way to avert an attack from them was by making the first assault.
The preparations were thorough, the legions being sent to the front and an im-
mense reserve formed. Every city was ordered to place itself in a state of de-
fence, and to lay up a stock of supplies, while the clever agents of Rome won
over a number of auxiliaries to threaten the Cisalpine territory in the event of
the Gauls leaving it.
The Gauls saw what was coming, and decided to advance from their own
country and invade that of their enemies; but, for the reason named, were
compelled at the outset to leave a large force at home. This prevented sending
an army into Roman territory strong enough to defeat that which it was cer-
tain to encounter; for it must be remembered that Rome at that time had
within her dominions 350,000 men capable of bearing arms.
The Gaulish army pushed itself between two Roman armies on the right
and left, passed through the Apennines, and moved down into the valley of the
Arno. It was soon attacked by a Roman force, which was routed and would
have been destroyed but for the arrival of the second army, before which the
Gauls, laden with plunder, retreated. They eluded the pursuit of the two
armies, and had reached a point near the mouth of the Arno, when unexpect-
edly they were assailed by a third Roman force, which had landed at Pisa on
its return from Sardinia. They made a brave defence, but were overwhelmed.
The tide of Gaulish invasion having been rolled back, the war was trans-
ferred to Gaul, where it raged for three years. The chief interest of this
struggle lies in the character and exploits of several of the Roman leaders. The
idol of the people was C. Flaminius, because of his opposition to the ruling
aristocracy of the city, and his unselfish friendship for the poorer classes, whose
favor gave him the command of one of the consular armies. He showed his
natural strength of mind by his contempt for many of the superstitions which
were universal among his countrymen. The Senate, jealous of his successes,
sent him letters ordering him to refrain from a battle, on account of the omens
which were declared unfavorable. Flaminius refused to open the letters till
after he had won a victory, when he read them with ceremony to his soldiers,
naïvely remarking that it was then too late to obey the orders. His campaign
was crowned with successive triumphs, and when he went home, laden with
Rome—The Military Roads 329
spoils, he demanded his right of a triumphal reception. The piqued Senate
denied him the well-earned honor, and then the Assembly, headed by the
tribunes, voted him full honors.
The enduring fame of Flaminius, however, rests upon his construction of
the Flaminian Way, the great road of northern Italy, which gave free com-
munication with the recently conquered Gaulish provinces. It was built by
Flaminius during his censorship (B.C. 22O). Beginning at Rome, it followed
the course of the Tiber till it reached Narni, where it turned off in a north-
easterly direction and came to the foot of the Apennines at Forum Flaminii;
then crossing the central ridge of the Apennines, it again took a northerly
direction to the Adriatic, whence it followed the coast to Rimini, where its
name ceased, but the Via AEmilia was a continuation of it. The whole length
of the road proper was about 220 miles, and remains of it are still to be seen.
The Appian Way antedated this great work, for it was built in part at least by
Appius Claudius Caecas, when he was Censor in B.C. 3 I 3. It is the oldest and
most famous of all the Roman roads; it led from the Porta Campana at Rome
in a southerly direction to Capua, and subsequently it was extended to Brun-
dusium. It had a fine foundation, from which all the loose soil had been re-
moved, and above this were various strata cemented with lime; and lastly came
the pavement, composed of large hexagonal blocks of stone consisting mainly of
basaltic lava, and jointed together with great exactness, SO as to appear One Smooth
mass. Remains of the Appian Way are still visible, especially at Terracina.
The building of the military roads consolidated the conquest of the Cisal-
pine. Colonies were planted at Placentia and Cremona, after which the Romans
entered the peninsula of Istria and thus gained access to the regions beyond
the Adriatic.
M. Claudius Marcellus was another hero of this epoch, and served as consul
in the year B. c. 222. He belonged to an eminent plebeian family, and in his
decisive victory over the Insubrians in Cisalpine Gaul, he slew with his own
hand their king, whose spoils he dedicated to Jupiter, and was honored with a
triumph. This was the third and last time in Roman history on which the
spolia opima, or prize of prizes, was offered to the gods, and it was the highest
distinction that a Roman could attain. We shall have something more to tell
concerning this great man.
The Carthaginians had been too deeply wronged by the Romans ever to
forgive them, and from the day the first Punic War ended they began studying
how best they could be revenged. One of the foremost advocates of war
was the powerful Barcine family, whose head, Hamilcar Barca, had performed
brilliant service in the first war. His bitterest enemy at home was Hanno, the
leader of the aristocratic faction. Thwarted by him, Hamilcar turned his at-
33O The Story of the Greatest Nations
tention to Spain as being the best vantage-ground for operations against the
Romans. His idea was correct, for Spain was rich in gold mines, and her
sparse population were rugged mountaineers, who made the best kind of soldiers.
A well-known anecdote illustrates Hamilcar's deadly enmity toward Rome.
When he crossed into Spain in B.C. 235, he took with him his son Hannibal,
only nine years old. He made the lad swear with his hand upon the altar
that he would ever be the foe of the Romans, and well he kept the vow.
Hamilcar met with a number of notable successes, and then fell in battle,
whereon the people compelled the appointment of his son-in-law, Hasdrubal, to
complete his undertakings. Hasdrubal was more of a statesman than a soldier,
and was doing much to bring an end to the domestic feuds of the Spaniards, and
persuade them to accept the rule of Carthage, when the Romans, under a
threat of renewing the war against Carthage, compelled him to sign a compact
by which the advance of his countrymen should stop at the Ebro.
Hasdrubal was assassinated in B.C. 22 I, by a Gaulish slave, whose master
he had slain, and the command of the Carthaginian army devolved upon young
Hannibal, now twenty-six years old, and one of the greatest military geniuses
that ever lived. Knowing something of his skill, young as he was, the Romans
saw that a new danger threatened them. They were on the point of beginning
their final Operations against Illyria, when the people of Saguntum, the last in-
dependent Spanish city within the line of the Ebro, appealed to them for pro-
tection against the attacks of Hannibal. The Romans sent ambassadors to the
latter, reminding him of the treaty made with his father, and warning him
that under no circumstances must he attack an ally of Rome. But this warning
fell upon deaf ears, and while the Romans were advancing into Illyria, Hannibal
marched against Saguntum. *
The siege of this city was attended by one of the most remarkable occur-
rences in historical annals. Hannibal, as we have learned, ranks among the
greatest of all military geniuses, and he laid siege to the place in B.C. 218, at the
head of an army of I 50,000 men; but the months passed and he was unable to
compel its surrender. Nearly a year went by before the Saguntines were re-
duced to the last extremity of starvation. Everything that could answer for
food was gone, and famine stalked in the streets.
In this woful extremity, the inhabitants brought all their treasures to the
Square and heaped them in a great pile, around which the gaunt women and
children were gathered. Then the men went forth in their last despairing,
desperate attempt to beat back the enemy. They failed and were cut down to
the last one, whereupon the women set fire to the huge pile, and, casting
themselves and their children into the flames, also perished. It was this awful
tragedy that brought about the Second Punic War.
SCIP10 VICTORIOUS AT NEW CARTHAGE
Chapter XXXI
THE FALL OF CARTHAGE
ANNIBAL had shown his contempt for Rome, which
he hated with unquenchable fierceness, and Rome
could ill abide the insult. She sent envoys to Car-
thage to complain of the act of her daring general.
The Carthaginians temporized, but in the end ac-
cepted the situation and braced themselves against
the shock of the consequences.
There was no hesitation on the part of Hannibal.
jº Before Rome could recall her legions from other quarters, he
º
º -- crossed the Ebro with an army of 90,000 foot and 12,000
§§ * horse, accompanied by about two-score elephants. The time
º was the early summer of B.C. 218, and the march of Soo miles
*: led through hostile tribes, whom it was necessary to cow into
º: subjection, and thus compel them to furnish contributions to
§ the invaders. When he reached the foot of the Pyrenees,
Hannibal left a force of Io, Ooo under the command of his
brother Hasdrubal (this name was a common one among the Carthaginians,
and it will be recalled that it was also borne by a brother-in-law of Hannibal).
A number of Spanish auxiliaries were also dismissed, so that when Hannibal
crossed the Pyrenees near the Mediterranean coast he was at the head of only
50,000 foot and 9, ooo horse. He was on the direct road through France to
Italy, when the alarming news reached Rome that, instead of waiting to be at-
tacked outside of their territory, Hannibal was heading straight for it.
Previous to this, the Romans had collected their usual consular armies, one
3.32 The Story of the Greatest Nations
of which, under P. Cornelius Scipio, was to act in Spain against Hannibal,
while the other, under Sempronius, was equipped in Sicily for operations in
Africa. The unexpected movements of Hannibal compelled a change in the
plan of the campaign. Scipio had not yet embarked for Spain, and was
ordered to sail for the coast of Gaul at Massalia, a loyal ally of the Republic,
and there stop Hannibal's advance. When he reached the point, he learned
that Hannibal had crossed the Rhone the day before.
The plan of this military genius was to avoid battle with his adversaries
until after his entrance into Italian territory, where he hoped to set an uprising
on foot that would add heavily to his strength as well as his prestige. It is
difficult at this distance of time to comprehend everything done by Hannibal,
but the results he accomplished leave no doubt of his consummate ability as a
military leader. Scipio did not attempt to follow him into the Alps, but took
the lower and much easier route into Italy, so as to meet him when he entered
the valley of the Po.
It was late in autumn (B.C. 218), and the Alpine passes were encumbered
with snow, the paths hidden, and scant food and shelter were to be found in
the mountains. The passage of the Alps under these circumstances was one
of the most memorable exploits of which we have record. The route taken is
believed to have been that known as the passage of the Little St. Bernard,
which had been often used by travellers and bodies of men, but never before at
so late a season in the year, nor in the face of an enemy. It was a tremen-
dous task, and, when at last the army issued from the terrible wastes and
poured into the sunny valleys of the Cisalpine, thirty of the elephants and
30, Ooo of the soldiers were left behind frozen like so many blocks of ice. The
Carthaginian army was reduced to 20,000 men and 6,000 horse.
Perhaps worse than all was the refusal of the expected allies to rally to
Hannibal's standard. A few auxiliaries were gained by playing the hostile
chiefs against one another, but their force was insignificant. The Romans
were waiting on the banks of the Po, and the shrewd Gauls held off until sure
of being on the winning side.
The Romans were fully roused to their danger. Sempronius was recalled
from his expedition against Carthage; but the larger part of Scipio's army was
kept in Spain, with a view, no doubt, of cutting off the supplies of Hannibal.
The Carthaginians, now ready for battle, advanced almost to Ticinus, on the
left bank of the Po, where they encountered the van of the Roman army which
meant to oppose them.
It may be said that Hannibal had risked all upon the single cast of the die,
for such was the meaning of the impending struggle. He could never recover
from a defeat at this stage of his daring enterprise, while a victory would add
Rome—Hannibal in Italy 333
immensely to his strength. The affair was no more than a skirmish, but the
advantage was with the Carthaginians, and the retreat of Scipio behind the Po
gave to the invaders all the advantages of a great triumph. They were imme-
diately joined by 2,000 Gauls from the Roman camp; and more recruits poured
in daily, all eager to strike a blow against the hated Romans.
Since Scipio had destroyed the bridge behind him, Hannibal was forced to
find a suitable ford over the Po, and two days after the battle he drew up in
front of the main army of the Romans. There were probably 40,000 men on
each side. Scipio was wounded, and the command was with Sempronius, who
was eager to distinguish himself. The combat was a fair match of ability be-
tween the respective commanders, and Hannibal won, driving his enemies
before him in headlong confusion into the new colony of Placentia. Scipio
withdrew to Ariminum on the upper coast, while Sempronius crossed the Ap-
ennines into Etruria, the Cisalpine country thus falling wholly into the hands
of the invaders.
Early in the following year, Hannibal passed through the Apennines to the
valley of the lower Arno, where the dampness of the soil caused much suffer-
ing among the men, and the commander himself lost an eye from overwork and
illness. The Romans still kept a large force in Spain, but two armies were
placed under the command of the consuls, one remaining within its quarters at
Ariminum, the other at Arretium, and each afraid to venture out to meet the
invader. These consuls were Cn. Servilius, popular with the Senate, but of no
special military ability, and the other C. Flaminius, of whom we have already
learned considerable, and who was greatly liked by the people, but not by the
nobles.
Hannibal used all his art to draw these leaders into an engagement, but
they were too wary, so he boldly left his strongholds behind and plunged into
the heart of Italy, where his soldiers were sure of securing the richest booty.
He carried on the war with fiendish ferocity, sparing nothing except as a mat-
ter of policy, and he seemed never to forget his oath to refuse all quarter to a
Roman.
These outrages at last roused Flaminius to follow and attack Hannibal.
He came up with the marauders at Lake Trasimenus, where Hannibal gave
another proof of his wonderful military genius. He completely outmanoeuvred
Flaminius, cut the main army to pieces, killed the Consul, and as usual mas-
sacred his captives without mercy.
The news of the disaster awoke Rome to its peril. The best consul had
been slain and his army destroyed, while the other was trembling behind the
walls of Ariminum, two hundred miles away, his army dispirited, and the victor
between him and Rome. In the crisis, the Senate appointed Q. Fabius Maxi-
334 The Story of the Greatest Nations
mus to be Dictator. An army of four legions (from about 4,000 to 6,000 men
each) was quickly raised, and Fabius started in quest of Hannibal wherever he
might be found. º
Many expected Hannibal to lay siege to Rome, but he was too wise to at-
tempt a task which could not possibly meet with success. Those whom he had
counted upon as allies were backward, the city was strongly fortified, and the
legions of Servilius might at any time rally and attack him in the rear. Al-
though he had defeated the Romans three times, his plight was almost as bad
as theirs. His efforts to stir up strife among the Greek population of Southern
Italy failed, for, despite their grievances against Rome, the Greeks looked with
horror upon the Carthaginians, while they felt that there was a certain tie be-
tween themselves and the Romans. In other words, it was another illustration
of the truth that blood is thicker than water.
Fabius saw the fatal miscalculation of Hannibal, and used it to the best ad-
vantage. The plan he followed was to rob the country around the hostile camp
of supplies, to harass his enemy in every possible way, but to avoid a decisive
engagement. This method of conducting warfare has ever since been known
as “Fabian tactics,” and is rarely popular among the unfortunate people whose
leaders find themselves under the necessity of employing it. Certainly the
system was odious to the Romans, who were compelled to stand idle while the
invaders ravaged their homes and property. Fabius firmly restrained them,
however, till Hannibal was revelling in the very garden of Campania, the valley
of the Vulturnus, when the Romans began closing upon him and the brave
Carthaginian seemed to have been entangled in a trap. When escape looked
absolutely impossible—as it would have been with any other leader—Hannibal
resorted to his famous stratagem of driving the cattle among the hills at night
with flaring torches tied to their horns, thus distracting the attention of the
enemy and opening the way for the escape of his army.
The success of this ingenious trick exhausted the patience of the Romans
with the dilatory tactics of Fabius, who was replaced by two consuls, Paulus
AEmilius, who was inclined to the policy of Fabius, and Terentius Varro, who
represented the headlong impatience of the people. The two were placed at
the head of an army of 80,000 men and 6,000 horse, each alternating daily
with the other in the command. With the chiefs holding diametrically oppo-
site views and continually exchanging places, it is impossible to conceive of a
more absurd and inevitably fatal arrangement. -
Hannibal was followed to the field of Cannae, on the borders of Apulia,
where he had chosen his own position, which could not have been more favor-
able. On the day of the battle (B. c. 216), Varro was in command. Although
the Roman army was double in numbers to the Carthaginian, yet the cavalry of
Rome—Hannibal Threatens the City 33.5
the latter were the superior, and the broad plain gave admirable scope for their
operations. In the midst of the fighting, a strong detachment of Hannibal's
Numidian horse galloped to the enemy, as if to join them, and were welcomed
as recruits; but the movement was a trick of Hannibal, who had sent them for-
ward to attack the Romans in the rear, and at the right moment they did so.
Blindly confident, Varro attempted to surround the enemy, and soon awoke to
the astounding fact that his own army was surrounded. The defeat of the
Romans was of the most crushing nature, and the loss due to the furious energy
of the cavalry was appalling. The Roman historians admit it was 45,000,
while Polybius gave the total at 70,000. Among the slain were the consul
AEmilius, twenty-one tribunes, eighty senators, and knights beyond estimate.
The defeat of Cannae seemed to sound the death-knell of Rome, for nothing
like it had ever occurred.
But the battle-field was two hundred miles from the city, and the route led
through mountains and across rivers and among an unfriendly population, while
Rome was as strongly fortified as ever. Hannibal knew the tragedy of Brennus
could not be repeated, and he gave his principal efforts for the time to stirring
up discontent among the Greeks, the Campanians, and the different people in
Southern Italy, waiting meanwhile for reinforcements from Carthage, which he
was confident would soon reach him.
Finding their capital in no immediate danger, the Romans devoted them-
selves with their usual energy to the raising of new legions, and when these
were equipped they were placed under the command of Varro, the man who
had suffered the disgraceful rout at Cannae, the explanation of his appointment
being that he was the favorite of the Senate.
No movements of importance took place in Italy during the remainder of
the year, but the tremendous contest between Rome and Carthage was carried
on elsewhere. Scipio in Spain attained many notable successes. He drove
the Carthaginians across the Ebro and recaptured the fortresses that had been
taken from the Saguntines. In B.C. 212, however, he was defeated and slain by
Hasdrubal, the brother whom Hannibal had left in Spain. In this victory the
Carthaginians were mainly successful because of the fiery valor of Masinissa,
who led their cavalry. Masinissa was the young king of Numidia in Africa;
he was in love with Sophonisba, daughter of Hasdrubal, and had therefore a
Special stimulus to gratify his chief. But his hopes were disappointed. Polit-
ical expediency led Hasdrubal to give his daughter to another African king,
Syphax, the neighbor and foe of the young lover. Thereupon Masinissa, with
all his splendid cavalry, went over to the Romans.
The whole situation in Spain changed. The greatest of all the Scipios, he
who later was to conquer Hannibal, was sent out to retrieve the fortunes of his
336 The Story of the Greatest Nations
family and his country. His military genius, combined with the headlong
valor of Masinissa, proved more than a match for Hasdrubal. .
The first operations of Scipio were against the powerful Spanish city of
New Carthage. This he captured after a long siege. The inhabitants were
treated with a clemency that made them loyal friends to Rome. The prisoners
were sent to their homes without ransom. One beautiful maiden, we are told,
had been assigned to Scipio as his special share of the spoils. Observing her
Sad, he inquired the reason and learned she was betrothed to a young native
chief. Sending for the lover, he restored the maiden to him with all honor,
and himself supervised the wedding. Throughout Spain the people could not
but compare Scipio's constant generosity with the harshness of the Cartha-
ginians. It was this even more than his military genius that won the land for
him. He conquered the hearts of the people.
Rome was also fortunate in Sicily, where she had striven so many times be-
fore. The venerable King Hiero of Syracuse remained faithful to the Romans,
though his son Gero attempted without success to draw the city to the side of
Carthage. When Hiero died, however, Syracuse swung over to the Cartha-
ginians, who, counting upon, the severe blow it would prove to the Romans,
diverted to Sardinia the supplies which Mago was about to send to his brother
Hannibal. This led the Sardinians to revolt against Rome, and Philip, or
Philippus, a degenerate king of Macedonia, promised to send a large army to
help Hannibal. Both plans failed. The force which reached Sardinia was de-
stroyed by the praetor Manlius, and Philip was so sluggish that the Romans
landed an army ahead of him which defeated his movements. Marcellus had
become consul for the third time, and was given the work of reducing Syracuse,
which labor brings forward a man in whom every one is interested.
This was Archimedes, who was born in Syracuse, B. C. 287, and was said to
have been a relation of King Hiero, though he devoted his whole attention to
science. No mathematician of ancient times equalled him, and he was the
only one who contributed anything satisfactory to the theory of mechanics and
hydrostatics. Hiero had employed a goldsmith to make him a crown of pure
gold, but suspecting that it contained alloy, he asked Archimedes to ascertain
whether such was the fact. The problem perplexed the mathematician for a
time, but one day, while in his bath, the solution flashed upon him. He was
so overjoyed that, without waiting to don his clothing, he rushed homeward
shouting, “Eureka! Eureka! (“I have found it! / /ave found it / "). He
had recognized the fact that the level of water in a vessel rises when a solid
body is immersed in it, and that the liquid mounts in exact proportion to the
volume or size of the solid introduced. The weight of the crown had been
right; the thieves were clever enough to see to that. But they had substituted
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for some of the gold cheaper and lighter metals; and they had been obliged to
use more of these, to get the proper weight. So the volume of the crown was
too great, and when Archimedes plunged it into the water the liquid rose too
high ; thus the cheat was proven.
Among the many inventions credited to Archimedes are the endless screw
and the water-screw, in the latter of which the water is made to ascend by its
own gravity. During the siege of Syracuse, he exerted his wonderful ingenu-
ity in its defence; but while Polybius, Livy, and Plutarch speak with amaze-
ment of the machines he employed, they fail to mention the common story that
he set fire to the enemy's ships by means of mirrors. When the city fell, tradi-
tion says Archimedes was sitting so deep in thought over a number of geomet-
rical figures before him, that he knew nothing of the assault. The Roman
general had given special orders to save the valuable life of the philosopher.
A soldier, bursting in on him, demanded if he was Archimedes; but the sage
only called out to the intruder to be careful not to destroy the figures he had
drawn, and the warrior cut him down. In accordance with the wishes of Archi-
medes, a cylinder inclosing a sphere was engraved upon his tombstone, in com-
memnoration of his discovery of the relation between these solids—the discov-
ery being one upon which he placed great value.
Let us now return to the operations of Hannibal. He had been driven from
the plains of Cannae by the tactics of Fabius, but his success enabled him to
select Capua as his headquarters. There he and his soldiers surrendered them-
selves to the charms of a balmy climate and luxurious living, while awaiting the
arrival of his brother Mago from Africa or Hasdrubal from Spain; but neither
came, and the people around him, instead of flocking to his aid, showed a hostile
disposition. He therefore roused himself and set out to reduce the strong
places in his neighborhood. He suffered numerous repulses and was deserted
by a large body of Spanish foot and Numidian horse, but even with his reduced
forces he accomplished wonders. In the same year (B. c. 212) that Syracuse
fell into the hands of the Romans, he captured Tarentum, and, pushing north-
ward, advanced so near to Rome that he was in plain sight from the walls.
Half of the Romans who were besieging Capua hastened to the defence of the
city, and Hannibal dared not make an attack. It may be doubted whether he
had any thought of assaulting the city from the first. He fell back, and Capua
was soon after taken by the besieging Romans, who showed the inhabitants no
mercy, because they had been conquered before, treated generously, and then,
when the chance offered, went over to the side of the invader. Seventy of its
senators were executed ; three hundred of its foremost citizens thrown into
chains, and the remainder sold into slavery.
The tide had turned, and other Roman successes followed the fall of Capua
22
338 The Story of the Greatest Nations
(B.C. 2 II). A treaty assured the AEtolians against the attacks of Philip of
Macedonia, and Rome secured a base for aggressions on the eastern shore of
the Adriatic. The following year Laevinus, who had become consul, captured
Agrigentum, the last Carthaginian stronghold in Sicily, and Scipio had reduced
Spain. Terms of friendship were renewed with Ptolemy the Egyptian, and in
B.C. 209 the Romans captured Tarentum, which was so abominated that 30,000
of the inhabitants were sold into slavery.
The situation of Hannibal was steadily growing worse, and his brother
Hasdrubal decided to abandon Spain and go to his relief. The march was long,
and had to be a circuitous one to escape the Roman forces that were on the
watch to head him off. He entered Italy at the head of a large and powerful
army. Driving the Roman generals before him, he crossed the great plain of
the Cisalpine and moved along the line of the upper coast, in the attempt to
make a junction with Hannibal in the south. To C. Claudius Nero, the consul
chosen by the patricians, was assigned the task of holding Hannibal in check
in Brutium, while M. Livius, the representative consul of the plebeians, was
ordered to check the advance of Hasdrubal, with his new invaders. He was
unable to do this, and they pressed steadily on till they arrived in front of the
camp of Livius before the walls of Sena. Hannibal as yet knew nothing of
the arrival of his brother, who now sent horsemen to him with the news, but
they fell into the hands of Nero, and the letters they bore explained all the
plans to the Roman general, who hitherto had been as ignorant of them as
Hannibal himself.
It will be understood that the news was of the highest importance, and
Nero acted promptly. After a feint to deceive Hannibal, he hurriedly advanced
northward with a portion of his army, and, as soon as he joined Livius, urged
him to make immediate attack. Hasdrubal had been quick to note the arrival
of the reinforcements and had fallen back, but was surprised by a flank attack
of Nero, totally routed, and killed (B.C. 207). Wheeling about, Nero moved
swiftly toward Hannibal. The latter still had no knowledge of the arrival of
his brother from Spain. Hardly had Nero appeared, when a soldier flung the
head of a man into the Carthaginian lines. When it was picked up and exam-
ined, it was recognized as that of Hasdrubal. *
It was the beginning of the end. Hannibal must have seen that sooner or
later he would be obliged to withdraw from Italy; but he held his ground at
the extremity of the peninsula for a long time, and it is not impossible that he
might have stayed indefinitely, had not the Romans made a radical change in
their policy. It was decided by the Senate, in B.C. 205, in answer to the ur-
gent insistence of Publius Scipio, who had made himself master of Spain, that
an army should be sent against Carthage, while Hannibal was still in Italy.
º
Rome—Scipio Defeats Hannibal 339
This would be “carrying the war into Africa,” of which we often hear in these
days.
Scipio was highly educated, refined, possessed of consummate military ge-
nius, and so popular, not only with his own countrymen, but with others, that
it was said of him that wherever he set foot he could have established himself
as king. The Senate did not consent to his plan of invading Africa until he
threatened to appeal to the people, who would not have been denied. Scipio
landed in Africa in B.C. 204, and laid siege to Utica, but was unsuccessful and
suffered the loss of his fleet. -
With the story of this campaign is interwoven one of the most pathetic ro-
mances in history. You will recall Masinissa, the young African king, who
had joined Scipio in Spain to revenge the giving of his beloved Sophonisba to
his rival, Syphax. Syphax was still an ally of the Carthaginians; Masinissa
therefore clung to the Romans, and united his forces once more with those of
Scipio. Their combined armies overthrew those of Syphax and the Cartha-
ginians. Masinissa was given charge of the pursuit, and followed Syphax re-
lentlessly for fifteen days, overtook him, completely overthrew him in a second
bloody battle, and seized his royal city. In the palace of the captured city,
met the conqueror and the queen. There old love flamed up anew. Syphax
was by this time a prisoner doomed to a Roman dungeon, so Masinissa wedded
the queen. Their happiness, however, was of short duration; Sophonisba was
of the race of Hannibal, Rome's ablest and most inveterate foes, and Rome
claimed her as a prisoner. Masinissa pleaded all his services, but the envoys
were inflexible. The daughter of Hasdrubal must march captive in a Roman
triumph, and then languish in a Roman dungeon. Masinissa knew there was
but one way of escape, and himself gave to his bride the cup of poison which
she calmly drank, and died.
After the defeat of Syphax, the Carthaginian Senate, alive to its peril, re-
called Hannibal from Italy, and he sailed from Crotona in the autumn of B.C.
2O3, under the protection of an armistice. He did not land at Carthage, but
at Leptis, and many months passed before a battle took place. This was fought
on the plain of Zama in the autumn of B.C. 202, and was of the most decisive
character. Scipio and Hannibal were pitted against each other, but the soldiers
under the Roman were immensely the superior of the Carthaginians, who were
totally routed and Hannibal himself was put to flight. Scipio—known there-
after as Scipio Africanus—on his return to Rome was honored with the most
magnificent triumph ever seen in the capital.
Scipio proved his real greatness by his moderation and generosity. Car-
thage lay at the feet of the conqueror, and the chiefs of the legions vehemently
insisted that it should be utterly destroyed, but Scipio refused to permit this.
34 O The Story of the Greatest Nations
&
nor would he demand the delivery of Hannibal himself. Carthage was allowed
to retain her laws at home and to continue to rule her countries in Africa; yet
she was compelled to pay dearly for her defeat. She had to surrender all her
ships except ten, all her munitions of war, and agree to make no war even in
Africa, without the consent of Rome. These terms, if hard, were exceedingly
mild, compared with many others imposed in similar cases, and as nothing to
the bitter cup which Carthage was yet destined to drink to the dregs.
Hannibal execrated Rome as bitterly as ever, and he began plans for another
and far better prepared campaign in Italy. He brought about a number of
constitutional reforms in Carthage, but he had jealous enemies, and they accused
him to the Romans of stirring up Antiochus III. of Syria to revolt. When the
Roman ambassadors came to Carthage, Hannibal fled to the court of Antiochus
at Ephesus. At the conclusion of the war which followed, one of the condi-
tions of peace was the requirement by Rome of the surrender of the illustrious
Carthaginian ; but, expecting such a demand, Hannibal had fled to Prusias, king
of Bithynia, for whom he gained a naval victory over the king of Pergamum.
Finally, he was peremptorily demanded by the Romans. Expecting this also,
Hannibal was always prepared with a bottle of poison, which he now drank, and
thus closed his extraordinary career.
There is a story that when Hannibal was spending his exile in Syria and
Bithynia, Scipio had to go into exile also for a time; and the two made their
home in Ephesus, where they spent many hours together in friendly conversa-
tion. Naturally the principal subject of these talks were the campaigns in which
they had confronted each other, and in which Scipio had finally proved the
victor. One day as they sat thus together, the Roman asked Hannibal whom
he thought to be the greatest general.
“Alexander,” was the prompt reply; “because with a small body of men
he defeated immense armies and overran a great part of the world.”
“Whom do you rank next?”
“Pyrrhus, for he first taught the method of forming a camp to the best
advantage.”
“And whom do you place next to those 2 ” asked Scipio.
“Myself,” replied Hannibal.
Scipio smiled and mildly inquired, “Where, then, would you have placed
yourself if you had conquered me 2"
“Above Alexander,” was the bold answer of the Carthaginian; “above
Pyrrhus and above all other generals.” -
Rome steadily advanced her dominion. While the second Punic War was
going on, King Philippus, of Macedon, as related in our history of Greece, made
a treaty with Hannibal, which embroiled him with Rome. She sent an army
Rome—Destruction of Carthage 34 I
against Philip, and in the hostilities that followed some of the Greek states
sided with Rome and some with Macedon. It has been shown that in the battle
of Cynocephalae, fought in Thessaly, in B.C. 197, the power of Macedon was
broken and Philip was forced to become a dependent ally of Rome. In B.c.
I68 the Macedonians were utterly crushed at Pydna, and in B. c. 146 Corinth
was taken and burned. All resistance to the triumphant Romans ceased, and
Greece became the Roman province of Achaia.
The third Punic War began in B.C. I.49 and was waged in brutal wantonness
by Rome. Carthage had become her dependent ally, though left free in its
internal government; but there was a party in Rome bent on humiliating it to
the very dust. The leader was Porcius Cato, the censor, and master of the
Roman Senate. He became such a monomaniac that every speech he made,
no matter to what he referred, closed with the impressive exclamation, Delenda
est Carthago /—“Carthage must be destroyed l’”
The fateful words fell upon willing ears, but the aged Cato died before the
awful blow was struck against the helpless city. The Carthaginians made
every submission, giving up their arms, their ships, their munitions of war, and
they went so far as to offer to surrender their own government and become
subjects of Rome. But the cause of Rome's hatred was her fear and jealousy
of her rival. Carthage had once threatened the very existence of Rome, when
the African armies were led by a military genius. True, Hannibal was dead,
but who should say that one as great as he would not rise up to take his place 2
Carthage still contained three-quarters of a million of people; and so long as she
was allowed to exist, she would be a menace to Rome. It was decreed, there-
fore, that the city should be razed and the people be sent to dwell inland. And
then, realizing that their destruction had been determined upon, the inhabitants
resolved in the desperation of despair to die rather than submit to the ferocious
mandate.
The siege of Carthage was conducted by P. Scipio AEmilianus, and lasted
for four years. The harrowing story makes one shudder even after the lapse of
more than twenty centuries. The city had no ships, no allies, and only a few
crude weapons, but the women gave their tresses for bowstrings, and they and
the men shrank from no sacrifice or suffering. When the loss of the citadel
of Byrsa and the defeat of the Punic general (another Hasdrubal) rendered all
resistance useless, the gaunt defenders still manned the walls. The fighting
was kept up for six days in the streets, and then for more than two weeks fire
raged, until the proud city that had stood for seven hundred years was turned
to Smouldering embers and ashes.
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THE CAPITOLINE EIILL
Chapter XXXII
ROME CONQUERS THE WORLD AND GROWS
CORRUPT
ET us note the tremendous strides that Rome was
making in acquiring dominion. She was now mistress
of Greece and of Carthage, the East and the South.
Spain still defied her authority and kept her arms at
bay for some years. She advanced step by step, how-
ever, though the Lusitanians, on the western shores
of the peninsula, produced a great leader whose name
will always stand out among the brightest on the
pages of the early history of that ancient land. Viriathus, origi-
nally a guerilla chief, put forth his utmost efforts to check the
Romans in their attempt to conquer his country. By an act of
atrocious treachery, the Roman general Galba succeeded in de-
stroying a large body of the natives. A few escaped, among
them Viriathus, who was so incensed by the treachery that he
roused his countrymen to undying hostility against the invaders.
For a time he and his band kept among the inaccessible moun-
tains and harassed the enemy by sudden, swift raids. In B. c. 147 he felt strong
enough to give battle to the Romans, and inflicted on them a severe defeat.
Throughout the following two years he continually repeated his victories; but
in B. c. 144 a large Roman army drove him back into his native fastnesses. He
rallied, and the force sent against him was utterly crushed at the “Hill of Venus.”
In B. c. 141, Viriathus was once more successful, and the whole Roman army was
surrounded in a mountain pass and compelled to surrender. He showed mag-
Rome—Conquest of Spain 343
nanimity in his triumph, allowing his captives to go away unharmed on condi-
tion of the recognition of the independence of the Lusitanians. These terms
were accepted, but in B.C. I.4O, Caepio having been appointed to command in
Spain, treacherously and suddenly renewed the war. Fearing from the past
that his arms would not succeed, he bribed a number of Lusitanian envoys who
had been sent to him to propose peace, and they murdered their hero while he
lay asleep in his tent. No one was fitted to take his place, and, though the
brave struggle was continued for a number of years, it was hopeless. Spain
became, like so many other countries, a province of Rome (B.C. 133). Some of
the inhabitants were taken to the capital behind the conqueror's chariot, but
most of them were sold as slaves; and Numantia, which had bravely withstood
a long siege, was so completely razed that it is almost impossible to trace its
ruins to-day.
Thus the power of Rome was supreme in the four principal peninsulas
which project into the Mediterranean, and among the chief islands. When the
period of conquest was opened in B. C. 266, the Roman dominion was confined
to the single peninsula of Italy. When it closed in B. c. 133, Rome was su-
preme over the whole of Southern Europe, from the straits of Constantinople
to the Atlantic, over the principal Mediterranean islands, over Carthage in
North Africa, and over Egypt, Asia Minor, and Syria in the East.
Rome was able to retain her hold upon these distant provinces because of
her wisdom in governing them. In many districts the inhabitants found their
condition more tranquil, more secure, and more pleasant than when distracted
by the petty rivalries of their own chiefs. All these conquered provinces were
allowed to retain their native religion, laws, habits, and peculiarities; but each
was governed by a military president sent from Rome, with his staff of officials.
The people had to pay large taxes; and these were farmed out by the censors
to Roman citizens, who were known as Publicans, and who settled in the re-
spective districts where their interests lay. Thus Rome was the great heart
whose pulsations were felt to the remotest point of the immense organization.
These vast successes led her to regard her mission as that of conquest, in-
stead of civilization. The work of the Romans was to rule, not to 771struct man-
kind. If there was security in some of her provinces, there was none the less
tyranny and oppression, for the policy often acted on was that, by robbing and
impoverishing the conquered, they would be shorn of the means of future revolt.
Now there were two distinct effects produced upon the Romans themselves
by their conquests, and while one was perhaps good, the other was bad. The
spoliation of the provinces poured an enormous stream of treasures into Rome.
Among them were many of the choicest works of art in Greece, which could
not fail to exert, in a greater or lesser degree, a refining influence upon the
344 The Story of the Greatest Nations
spoilers, for the very perfection of these immortal products of almost divine
genius commanded the reverence of the most degraded.
The veins winding inward from the remote provinces brought the scholars,
rhetoricians, tragedians, and philosophers to the great heart, whose throbbings
did not send them out again. Hundreds of Greek tutors, philosophers, and
schoolmasters made their home in Rome, where their services were bought by
the patricians, sometimes at an immense price. Thus it may be repeated
that, to a certain extent while Greece was conquered by the might of Rome, yet
in an intellectual sense she conquered her master. Of course among the
Romans there was no lack of native literary power, but they needed stimulus
to awaken them to action and development. This they received from the
Greek literary culture that flowed all around them. While the flowering of
the Augustan age was still a century away, yet there rose a number of writers
of unquestioned ability.
The unbounded wealth which poured in also enabled Rome to carry out a
series of magnificent public improvements. Italy was welded together by
numerous military roads, so finely built that many remain to this day. The
Tiber was spanned by excellent bridges of stone, the city was sewered, and the
streets paved. Of the two new aqueducts, the Marcian, built in B.C. I.44, cost
$IO,OOO,OOO. The ordinary clock, or time-piece, of course was unknown till
centuries afterward, but in B. C. I 59 the consuls set up a public clepsydra or
water-clock, so that for the first time all might learn the exact hour of the day
or night.
Thus gorgeous benefits accrued to Rome through her far-reaching con
quests; but it cannot be doubted that even greater evils also resulted. The
brilliant culture of Greece was crimsoned with impurity. The rugged virtues
of the Romans were corrupted; love of luxury rooted out the once Spartan-like
simplicity; physical strength collapsed before flabby degeneracy; marriage
was openly scoffed at ; even the old Roman faith, in which there was nothing
of Christianity, lost its grip upon the people, and it was said that when two
augurs, the pretended prophets of the faith, met on the street they could not
avoid laughing in each other's faces.
There is no decay so shrivelling, so deadly, and so fearful as moral decay.
It is the sure precursor of death. As Rome soared aloft like the imperial eagle
toward the mid-day sun, the venomous serpent was twisted about its neck, and
burying its fangs in its vitals. The political system of Rome grew to be as
rotten as that of the purlieus of the worst-governed city of modern times.
Bribery was open; the slave-trade was extended to meet the demands of the
extensive planters. Syria and the interior of Asia Minor were swept back and
forth by the ferocious traders, who hustled their droves of wailing wretches
Rome—The Mother of the Gracchi 345
into the Italian peninsula until, a century and a half before the Christian era,
their number was more than double that of the freemen. The doom of the
mightiest city the world ever knew was as plainly written as was that of Baby-
lon by the handwriting on the wall at the impious feast of Belshazzar.
The name Gracchus is such an honored one in Roman history that you will
be interested in a brief account of the illustrious members of the family. Ti-
berius Sempronius Gracchus, who was consul in B.C. 238, did superb work in
the military operations in Corsica and Sardinia, while another of the same name
distinguished himself in the second Punic War, and for his success in opposing
Hannibal received the consulship in B.C. 2 I 5, and again in 2 I 3, only to lose
his life after many victories, in battle with Mago, the brother of Hannibal, per-
haps through treachery. Hannibal honored him with a splendid funeral, as the
one Roman whom he held in admiration.
There were several other Gracchi of lesser note, till we reach another Ti-
berius Sempronius, who was born about B. C. 2 IO, and for many years was one
of the foremost citizens of Rome. He served as tribune, aedile, praetor, twice
as consul, as censor, and was one of the most distinguished of military leaders.
He brought about a number of excellent constitutional changes, and marrying
Cornelia, a daughter of Scipio Africanus, became the father of twelve children,
nine of whom died in youth.
It is of two of his sons, Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and Caius Sempro-
nius Gracchus, that we have now to speak. Their father having passed away
while they were very young, they were educated with great care and gentle
wisdom by their mother. She told them that she wanted the world to remem-
ber her, not as the daughter of Scipio, but as the “mother of the Gracchi.”
On one occasion a lady of rank had boastfully displayed all her jewelry, and
suggested that Cornelia should in turn display hers. The wise mother drew
her two young sons toward her, saying, “These are my jewels.”
It is not to be wondered at that the lads grew to be noble and high-minded
as well as ambitious men. Their sister became the wife of the second Scipio
Africanus, and with him the elder lad, Tiberius Sempronius, served, and was
present at the capture of Carthage. He is said to have been the first Roman
to scale the walls of the doomed city. When he was with the army in Spain,
the Numantines, remembering the good faith of his father forty years before,
refused to treat with any one but him. It was because of their admiration for
his character that they spared a Roman army of 20,000 men who were at their
mercy. The aristocratic senate in Rome repudiated the treaty, and the result
has already been told.
Observation and inquiry impressed the young quaestor with the sad condi-
tion of the whole of Italy. The Roman magnates lived in luxury and sloth in
346 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the cities, while their estates were cultivated by slaves. These were Thracians,
Africans, or Iberians in Etruria, which once furnished powerful armies to the
Republic. The old law of Licinius, that possession of the land should be lim-
ited to a certain extent, had become dead; and nearly everywhere the immense
estates had fallen into the possession of a few, who drove away the free culti-
vators of the soil and gave it over to the wretched bands of foreign laborers.
These facts caused Tiberius Gracchus gloomy reflections. “Not long ago,”
he said to himself, “Italy could arm 700,000 foot-soldiers and mount 70,000
cavaliers. All were disciplined, and all were freemen; but suppose another
Hannibal should strike at her, what resources has she to parry the blow or to
strike back? Should the Italian tribes rise up on their mistress, how can she
control them 2 What can she do if one of her generals marches her own
legions against her ? Ah the glory, the power, the might of Rome have be-
come an empty shadow.”
The disease demanded heroic treatment. There was but one solution of the
problem, and that could scarce be made a peaceable one. The system of so-
ciety must be wholly overturned. The only aristocracy in Rome was the one
founded on wealth. No longer were there any patricians or plebeians, but the
two great divisions, the rich and the poor, the worst division conceivable.
Corrupt to the core, the hordes in the city lived in noisy idleness by selling
their votes to the highest bidder. The destruction of the Republic was as near
as it was certain, unless the drastic remedy was applied with merciless rigor.
Tiberius Gracchus proposed a land or agrarian law, which was in effect a
revival of the Licinian law, and which limited the amount of public land that
could be held by one person to something less than 300 acres. The vast area
which this would leave vacant was to be distributed among the poor in the
form of small homesteads. He allowed some additional land to proprietors who
had children, and devised a plan for indemnifying those that were to be de-
prived at once of their actual occupations.
As may be supposed, the aristocracy immediately raised a furious protest,
and the debates were bitter to the last degree. Now, it was Roman law that
no proposal could become legal unless all the tribunes agreed to it. The aris-
tocracy induced one of the tribunes to interfere by veto. Tiberius was so en-
raged that he appealed to the assembly of the tribes, and a decree was passed
turning the obnoxious tribune out of office after which the law was passed.
Then Tiberius, his brother Caius, and his father-in-law, Appius Claudius, were
nominated triumvirs for carrying the proposed law into effect.
Face to face with the momentous question, the aristocrats determined to
prevent the election of these men by force; learning which, Gracchus bade his
friends to arm themselves with staves. Seeing this, some of the people asked
Rome—Fall of Tiberius Gracchus 347
Gracchus the meaning of it. He raised his hand to his head to signify that
his life was in danger. Several of his enemies ran to the Senate, exclaiming
that he demanded a crown.
Scipio Nasica, a leading noble, urged the consul Scaevola to kill Gracchus,
but seeing him hesitate, he sprang forward himself, flinging the skirt of his
toga over his own head, as if about to perform a sacrifice, and shouted to the
citizens to revenge themselves upon the traitor. Instantly a furious riot
started, in which several were killed. Tiberius, seeing his friends defeated, ran
to the temple of Jupiter for refuge, but the priests shut the doors in his face.
His foot struck a dead body, and while in the act of recovering himself, one of
his associate tribunes stretched him on the ground with a fearful blow of his
club. As he lay, he was beaten to death, and with him perished three hun-
dred of his supporters. The bodies were dragged to the bank of the Tiber and
flung into the water. Thus, in the year B.C. I.33, the era of civil strife opened
in Rome.
In the midst of the clamor, Scipio AEmilianus came back victorious from Nu-
mantia. When he was told of the death of his brother-in-law, he declared that
the fate was deserved. Scipio was now the foremost man in Rome. Though
belonging to the aristocracy, he was more moderate than they, and did nothing
except to obstruct the carrying out of the measures he disliked. Soon the
opening of war with the Illyrians gave excuse for suspending the further exe-
cution of the hated law until a more tranquil season.
Rome had dignified her subject states in Italy with the name of allies, and
followed the policy of entrusting the affairs in those states to the control of the
aristocratic party in each. So the chiefs of Samnium and Campania were as
anxious as the aristocrats in Rome for the defeat of the new law; but they
were angrily disgusted to see the freedmen or former slaves of the Romans
elevated to citizenship, while they themselves were not allowed to vote. They
determined to secure the citizenship, and chose Scipio as their champion in.
bringing this about. He had been twice consul, and now the people, wearied
of the continual turmoil, wished him to become Dictator.
Momentous questions were at issue, and Scipio retired to his chamber to
meditate upon the words he would speak on the morrow to the citizens; but,
when morning came he was found dead, and the mystery of his taking off was
never explained. No wound was discovered on his body, but his slaves said
that his house had been entered at night and the crime committed by persons
unknown to them. Some accused the mother of the Gracchi, and Some the
wife of Scipio, but the Senate pressed no inquiry and thereby drew suspicion of
guilty knowledge to that assemblage itself.
The loss of their champion threw the Italians into consternation. One of
348 The Story of the Greatest Nations
their captains, Perpena, had gained Roman citizenship and finally been elected
consul. His people were steadily working their way to the franchise, but the
Senate now ordered their expulsion from the city. Then the leaders of
the popular party made common cause with the Italians. Caius Gracchus, the
younger brother of him who had been slain eight years before, claimed and
obtained the tribuneship, and then took up his dead brother's work. Fulvius,
being elected consul, assisted him by introducing measures to further their
policy; but the Senate managed to have the consul removed to the command of
an army, while Caius was sent to an official post in Sardinia. The object of
all this was so plain that the Italians were exasperated. One of their little
commonwealths in its desperation flew to arms, but was put down with such
harshness (B. c. 125) that the Italians remained cowed for years.
The nobles thought they saw their opportunity for crushing Caius, and im-
peached him on the charge of inciting the insurrection. But they had over-
stepped themselves; the impeachment failed and he was elected tribune. He
threw all his energies into carrying out the policy of his brother. Indeed, he
went further, for he aimed at the full reconstruction of the whole Roman sys-
tem of government. With all his unquestioned patriotism, it cannot be
doubted that Caius was strongly stirred by ambition and the feeling of revenge.
Octavius, the tribune who had interfered with his brother's action, was threat-
ened with proscription from office, and another, who had persecuted his brother's
adherents, was in such danger of impeachment that he was frightened into vol-
untary exile.
The course of Caius now made him the idol of the people. He confirmed
the principles of his brother's agrarian law; had corn regularly distributed
among the poorer classes; caused taxes to be laid on different articles of lux-
ury; supplied the soldiers gratuitously with clothing, which formerly they had
to provide for themselves; planted colonies for the immediate relief of those
who had been waiting long for the promised division of lands, and gave employ-
ment to hundreds in the construction of roads and bridges.
A revolution, which Caius was determined to bring about, was that of grant-
ing full admission to the Latins and Italians to the right of suffrage. His mar-
tyr brother had held the same wish, but the prejudices of the populace would
not permit the measure to be carried to success, since it threatened to derive
them of some of the gratuities that now fell to their share.
The Italians were hungry for the public lands, for the assignment of land
as colonists, and for a share in the honors of the city, and the offices in the
provinces. The nobles saw all this and became more alarmed, for Caius seemed
never to rest content with what he had accomplished, but was resolved to spur
forward till a complete revolution was established. This fear became fierce in-
Rome—Defeat of the Democracy 34.9
dignation when he proposed and carried through a bill for founding colonies in
the very cities that had been the most dangerous rivals of Rome. Thus he
tried to restore the political importance of Capua and Tarentum in Italy, as well
as to plant a colony of plebeians amid the ruins of Carthage—a project sufficient
almost to make Cato turn in his grave. -
In his ardor, Caius left the city upon this business, having been unwise
enough to divest himself of his tribuneship before going. His absence gave his
enemies the opportunity which they were not slow to improve. Their most de-
termined leader Opimius was appointed to the consulship, so that Caius upon his
return found himself deprived of the protection which no one needed more than
he. He was insulted, and when his friends would have interfered the Senate
was hurriedly called together, declared the state in danger, and made Opimius
virtually Dictator for the time.
This was the “bell of revolution,” and both sides caught up arms and rushed
at each other. Opimius and his partisans had had more time in which to per-
fect their plans, and, being the more powerful, Scattered the party of Caius.
Three thousand were slain in headlong flight. Caius sought refuge on the hill
of the Aventine, but was driven out and ran across a bridge over the Tiber.
He plunged into the woods on the other side, but his enemies pursued him re-
lentlessly, and they pressed him so hard that his escape was soon cut off. All
through his peril he was attended by a faithful slave, whom he now ordered to
give him the fatal blow, which he saw must come. The slave obeyed, and
afterward slew himself (B.C. I2 I).
Caius was declared a rebel, his estates were confiscated, and his widow was
deprived of her dowry. The time soon came when the people awoke to the hor-
ror of what they had allowed to be done. They erected statues to the memory
of the two murdered brothers, and declared sacred every spot where their blood
had stained the earth.
Yet, for all practical purposes, the success of the nobles was complete; and,
that they so considered it, was shown by the triumph which they celebrated.
Their friends were assured that all the acts of the Gracchi would be reversed,
and the former balance of political power restored, in which of course the whole
advantage would be on the side of the nobles and aristocracy. The Sempro-
nian laws were abolished one after another, or so modified that their effective-
ness was taken away. The long delay in carrying out the agrarian laws, and
their imperfect execution, had caused the people to lose faith in them, while the
distribution of provisions among the poorer classes went a long way to Satisfy
them, and make them content to live in idleness in the city, in preference
to going out in the country and tilling the land, even though it belonged to
them.
35O The Story of the Greatest Nations
The result of the free distribution of provisions which Caius himself had
brought about was thus another illustration of the harm that is done by indis-
criminate charity. But for such distribution, thousands of men would have be-
come industrious husbandmen and laborers. As it was, they were transformed
into so many dangerous vagrants.
While thus corrupting the commons, the Senators had themselves grown
equally corrupt. Never has there been an age when bribery and dishonor were
more openly displayed. An instance of this is the Senate's treatment of the
kings of Numidia in Africa, the grandsons of Massinissa. One of these,
Jugurtha, was illegitimate, but he seized the kingdom and defeated the lawful
heir, Adherbal, who fled to Rome for assistance.
The able Jugurtha had learned the power of a bribe, and the gold which his
envoys carried to the Roman Senate did effective work. The commissioners
who examined the matter divided Numidia between the rival claimants. Even
with this Jugurtha was dissatisfied, so he again attacked Adherbal, took him
prisoner, and put him to a cruel death. Then the Romans, glad of the excuse
for interfering, ordered that Numidia should be occupied by a consular army.
Again Jugurtha used his gold, and the expedition made such dishonorable terms
that Memmius rose in the Senate and denounced in burning words the venality
of some of its members. Jugurtha was summoned to Rome, being guaranteed
safe-conduct, but was ordered to give the names of the men who had accepted
his bribes. He obeyed the summons, and seemed to be ready to do all that
was demanded of him, but with characteristic cunning contrived to have an-
other tribune interpose in the proceedings against him. He was allowed to go.
home, and it is said that as he passed out of the gates he exclaimed : “O venal
city as soon as a purchaser can be found, thou art destined to fall.”
Behind Jugurtha tramped a Roman army. The consul Albinus did nothing
decisive, and when he returned to Rome to hold the comitia, or public assembly
for electing officers, he left the army in command of his brother Aulus, who
was defeated by Jugurtha and his soldiers compelled to pass under the yoke.
The angered Senate disavowed the surrender, and sent, Albinus back to renew
the war. The senators demanded the prosecution of the members who had ac-
cepted the bribes of Jugurtha. AEmilius Scaurus, one of the most eminent of
the nobles, was the centre of general suspicion, and undoubtedly he was
among the most guilty; but, with a cunning which has often been imitated
since, he contrived to have himself made chairman of the investigating com-
mittee, and in this position presided at the condemnation of four consuls.
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DEFEAT OF THE TEUTONES
Chapter XXXIII
BARBARIAN INVASION AND CIVIL WAR
ºn the midst of the furious wrangling in Rome, a thrill of
alarm was caused in the year B.C. I 13, by news that
the barbaric races of the Cimbri and Teutones were
moving southward from central Germany, with the
intention of passing through the Alps, which
towered like a wall between Italy and the northern
wilderness. A formidable army interposed against
the barbarians, and the Roman general Carbo made such threats
that they retired, though they repulsed a treacherous attack by
Carbo with great loss. Other Roman forces were sent into Trans-
alpine Gaul, and they gradually pushed forward, till the Republic's
dominion was established from the Alps to the Rhone.
This work, however, was tremendous, and accompanied by
many defeats. Four armies were beaten in succession, and had
the Cimbri and Teutones united and pressed southward, they must
have overrun Italy and secured a success hardly second to that
of the Gauls. But the barbarians were divided, and the Roman
Senate was rousing to a sense of its own folly and weakness. More manly
counsels were followed. The first step must be to crush Jugurtha, Q.
Caecilius Metellus was sent to supersede Albinus in the war against the Afri-
can king; and no better choice could have been made. The integrity and
honor of Metellus were so marked in an age where those qualities were wo-
fully lacking, that once when he submitted his accounts to the judges, in an-
swer to the charge of malversation, they refused to look at the documents.
352 The Story of the Greatest Nations
They would not permit his name to be sullied by even the appearance of
Suspicion.
Associated with Metellus was a young man destined to win a unique glory
for himself, since he rose from the humblest to the highest station in the Re-
public, and made a record which in many respects was never surpassed. This
man was Caius Marius. He is said to have been an ordinary laborer in his
youth, but he enlisted in the army and speedily attracted attention by his cour-
age and skill. His services under Scipio before Numantia won the admiration
of that general, who prophesied a brilliant future for him. This roused the
ambition of the young Italian, who entered politics, and, in B. C. I I 9, was
elected tribune. He was the ardent champion of the plebeians, and therefore
was intensely hated by the nobles. His marriage with the distinguished family
of the Caesars (his wife being the aunt of Julius Caesar) gave him an interest
in the nobility, despite his natural tastes and instincts. He was one of the
most valuable aids to Metellus in his successful campaign, and gained the love
of the soldiers by laboring with them in the trenches and sharing all their pri-
vations. Metellus sneered at the political aspirations of his lieutenant, because
of his humble birth, but, despite the opposition of the aristocracy, Marius was
unexpectedly elected to the consulship. As consul he was assigned to com-
mand the attack on Numidia, in defiance of the Senate, who wished to prolong
the command of Metellus.
Marius, in still further opposition to all traditions, enlisted his soldiers from
the rabble and beggars of the city. This was against the rule which forbade
any one to bear arms who had not a stake in the welfare of the Republic, but
Marius welcomed all who flocked to his standard, drawn by the hope of plunder,
and proud of the low-born origin of their leader. Metellus was prosecuting his
war against Jugurtha, when news reached him that he had been superseded by
Marius. He returned to Rome in anger, which was only partially soothed by
the triumph granted him, without his having done anything specially to earn it.
Marius added to his laurels by his conduct of the war in Numidia. He
captured stronghold after stronghold, but was baffled by the scorching desert to
which Jugurtha withdrew, when hard pressed, and from which he dashed forth
upon sudden raids that were of the most exasperating nature. Finally, Jugur-
tha was captured, without doubt through betrayal, and carried loaded with
chains to Rome, where his fate was more cruel than he deserved. He was kept
for two years to grace the triumphs of his conquerors, and finally thrown into
the prison under the Capitol, where he lay dying for days with cold and hunger.
The capture of Jugurtha closed the war in Numidia, which had lasted from
B.c. I I I to IOG. Marius returned to Rome in IO4 to claim his triumph, and to
find that the honors of the consulship had been given him during his absence.
Rome—Marius Defeats the Barbarians 353
The vast hordes of the Cimbri had continued their plundering to the westward,
but threatened to come back and burst through the Alps to gather the richer
spoils that awaited them in Italy. Since the loss of her armies in that quarter,
Rome had refrained from active operations, most of the inhabitants fleeing to
the cities for shelter. Their helplessness was intolerably galling to the Ro-
mans, who clamored for Marius to lead their avenging forces. The nobles
dared not oppose, and he was raised again to the consulship and given the con-
duct of the war. He was elected for the third, fourth, and fifth time in the fol-
lowing years, for all felt he was the only man who could save the Republic.
The recruits of Marius were raw and needed long and rigid training. He
made his camp near the mouth of the Rhone, and would not allow his men to
meet the enemy until they had undergone a long system of preparation. In
the end, the barbarians began a hostile movement. The Cimbri proposed to
flank the Alps and swarm into Italy through the Tyrol, while the Teutones
were to crush the resistance of Marius and double the southern extremity of the
mountains, where they touch the Mediterranean, after which the two armies
were to meet at a point on the Po.
The Romans divided their legions to meet this attack. Marius was to hold
his post in the Transalpine Province, while his colleague Catulus was to lead a
second consular army to check the Cimbri. Marius restrained the impatience
of his men, and refused all efforts of his enemies to draw him out into the plain.
At last they gave over the attempt and determined to leave him in the rear.
The hideous warriors by the thousands defiled past his camp, many derisively
offering to take any messages which they might wish delivered to their families
in Italy.
Marius grimly waited till the horde had gone by, when he broke camp and
followed them. The barbarians were so confident and eager to attack him that
he had only to choose his own ground. The spot selected was near Aquae Sex-
tiae—the modern Aix—in Provence, where for nearly three days raged one of
the greatest battles of ancient times. The invaders were destroyed. The loss
of the barbarians was, according to some authorities, IOO,OOO, while other his-
torians make the number still greater.
The other Roman general Catulus was not equal to the task required of
him. His men were panic-stricken at the approach of the Savage Cimbri, and
fled in headlong haste, with Catulus himself in the lead. Marius checked their
flight, effected a junction of the two armies, and stopped the enemy on the
further side of the Po. When at last the barbarians were forced to battle, it
was only to suffer annihilation. When the men had been defeated, the women
were attacked, and after a grim resistance from the shelter of their wagons the
survivors slew themselves and their children. The whole nation perished.
23
3.54 The Story of the Greatest Nations
This second famous fight was at Vercellae to the west of Milan. It was really
won mainly by Sulla, of whom we shall hear more, but it was natural that
the people should give the glory to Marius, who had gained so many previous
triumphs. --
Troublous times had come to Rome. The condition of the slaves in Italy
was unendurable. Driven to desperation, they had started fierce revolts, that
were put down with merciless brutality, thousands of lives being sacrificed.
Some of these uprisings took place while Marius was absent in Gaul, and the
Romans grew alarmed for their own safety. In the year following his return,
he was raised to the consulship for the sixth time. He was now filled with a
consuming ambition and lent himself to the clamors of the popular faction,
which was bent on reviving the agrarian demands of the Gracchi.
Despite his repeated elevation to the consulship, Marius was a failure in the
important labor he had now to perform. In political matters, he lacked steadi-
ness, courage, and persuasive argument; his policy offended many of his adher-
ents. He heaped rewards upon the Italians and by that course filled the Roman
commons with jealousy. In one instance, he conferred citizenship on a thou-
sand veterans from Camerinum. The act was illegal and added to his unpopu-
larity. To offset this he had numerous grants of land made to distinguished
soldiers, on the ground that the territory in the Transalpine Province had been
lost to the native population and reconquered by the Romans, who had the right
to dispose of it as they pleased. Violence accompanied the measure, and Ma-
rius held aloof, supporting neither side. With the tribune Saturninus at their
head, the populace drove their opponents out of the Forum ; the venerable gen-
eral Metellus was so grossly insulted by Saturninus that he retired into voluntary
exile. Saturninus soon offered himself for re-election, and in his arrogance
caused one of his adversaries to be assassinated in the Forum. Then he seized
the Capitol; the state was declared to be in danger, and Marius was called upon
to save it. He besieged Saturninus, and, by cutting off the water-pipes, com-
pelled him to surrender, which he did under the pledge of safety. The exas
perated people, however, would not be restrained, and slew the marplot.
Violence, anarchy, and bloodshed followed. In the year B. c. 90, the Social
War, between the Romans and their Italian subjects, commenced and lasted
through three campaigns. It is useless to give the long list of engagements, in
which the victories, if the Roman historians are to be trusted, were almost uni-
formly on the side of their countrymen. In the midst of these alleged victories,
the Romans empowered the consul Caesar to offer such cities as had remained
faithful the citizenship which they had refused to their adversaries. Marius
was not entrusted with any important command in this war, perhaps because
his sentiments were too similar to those of the enemy, but he had able repre-
Rome—Rise of Sulla 3.5 5
sentatives. Two years after the offer named, it was extended to all the Ital-
ians, every one of whom, if he chose to come to Rome and claim the franchise
within sixty days, was to receive it. The thirty-five tribes already existing were
increased by ten, but the offer itself was not very generally accepted, because
of the ceremonies required, which could only take place in the capital. The
distant citizen did not think the reward worth the trouble it cost.
The full franchise, however, was given in special instances to different
states in Spain, Gaul, and Africa, while the Latin franchise, which brought a
certain advantage to the Roman, was bestowed even more widely, the entire
nation of Transalpine Gauls receiving it. It was this liberal policy that un-
doubtedly saved Rome for the time from the ruin that impended over her.
We have now come to an important epoch, and it is necessary to pause for a
moment to glance at the history of the ablest Roman, from the time of the
younger Scipio until the appearance of Julius Caesar. This was L. Cornelius
Sulla, surnamed by himself Felix. He was born in B. c. 138. Mention has
been already made of him, when he was elected quaestor, or state treasurer, and
sent to Africa with the cavalry that Marius needed for the prosecution of the
Jugurthine war. He rapidly gained a fine reputation, and it was he who se-
cured the surrender of Jugurtha, whom he took in chains to Rome. Marius
already showed jealousy over the distinction acquired by his subordinate, and
the feeling afterward intensified into a resentment bordering on insanity.
After his victory at Vercellae Sulla lived quietly in Rome for several years,
until in B.C. 93 he stood for the praetorship, and won it by the plentiful use of
money. The smouldering animosity between him and Marius would have burst
forth in B. c. 91, but for the breaking out of the Social War, which caused the
burial of all quarrels until the common danger was settled. In this war, the
services of Sulla far outweighed those of Marius and intensified the enmity of
that general.
Now it must be remembered that these two men represented different fac-
tions, which had long been warring against each other. You have learned of
the humble origin of Marius, who was a plebeian, rough, impatient, irascible,
and ignorant; Sulla was a patrician, subtle, wise, and highly educated. At the
close of the Social War, Sulla was not quite fifty years old, while Marius was
about seventy. Sulla was trained in all the Grecian accomplishments at which
Marius sneered ; he spoke and wrote Greek and was proud of his connection
with the illustrious house of the Cornelii.
The personality of great men is always interesting, and it may be said of
Sulla that the historians represent him as addicted to debauchery and degraded
associates. He had bright blue eyes, but his complexion was coarse and
blotched, and the Greeks compared it to a mulberry sprinkled with meal.
356 The Story of the Greatest Nations
While there is no act of kindliness recorded of him, and his manners were
haughty and morose, he would shed tears over a story of suffering or sorrow.
The nobles did not like him personally, but accepted him as their champion, for
the reason that no one else could be secured who compared with him in ability.
If Marius hated Sulla with an insane fierceness, the latter held much the
same sentiment toward Marius, though his feelings were under better control.
Marius in the course of his campaigns carelessly left many tempting opportuni-
ties, which his younger rival was quick to seize and turn to the best account.
- Mithridates, king of Pontus, was a bold, and able soldier, who formed a
grand plan of uniting the Asiatic states and Greece in a formidable conspiracy
against the Roman dominion. His generals repeatedly defeated the Asiatic
levies of the Romans, and he took possession of Bithynia, Cappadocia, Phrygia,
and the Roman possessions in Asia Minor. By his orders, an appalling mas-
sacre of the Romans in the East took place, during which, in B.C. 88, eighty
thousand were slain in a single day. He sent three powerful armies to assist
the Greeks in their rebellion.
Sulla was consul when it became necessary to select a general to conduct
the campaign against Mithridates. Sulla's claim to the position was therefore
highest, but the thought that it would go to him was wormwood and gall to the
aged Marius. He hurried from his retreat in Campania, and tried to convince
the young soldiers in the Campus that he was still able to run, wrestle, and
swim with the best of them; but his efforts were pitiful failures, and he was
advised to return to his home and give place to a younger and better man. To
his unbearable chagrin the Senate declared that younger and better man to be
Sulla.
This was the time that Marius might better have died, but it was his mis-
fortune as it has been that of many great men, like Miltiades, Themistocles, and
others, to live long enough to shame the glory and brilliancy of his earlier
years. Brooding over his treatment, Marius determined to commit treason to
further his own ambition. Aided by demagogues, he started an agitation
against the Senate and army, and secured his nomination to the command of
the forces in the East in place of Sulla. But Sulla was still in Italy, and, at
the head of six legions, he marched upon Rome. He was not expected, and the
insurgents dissolved like snow in the Sun upon the appearance of the army,
while Marius was barely able to effect his escape from the city.
Sulla displayed his wise cunning by calling the people together the next
day in the Forum, where he explained that a faction had obliged him to use
force, and having taken arms, he would not lay them down till the power of the
Senate was secured against mobs. He abrogated the enactments of Marius and
his friends in favor of the Italians and the commons of the city, and repealed
Rome—Flight of Marius 357
the provision of the constitution which gave the force of law to the resolutions
of the people alone. Thus, while Marius had gone to one extreme, Sulla went
to the other.
A price had been set upon the head of Marius, who was straining every
nerve to prevent any of his enemies winning the reward. The romantic adven-
tures which befell him are told by Plutarch, who says he first retired to a pri-
vate farm at Solnium on the Latian coast, but, learning that he was unsafe, hur-
ried to Ostia, hoping to embark on a vessel kept waiting there for him. He
hid in a wagon under a load of beans, and finally made his escape in a trading
vessel bound for Libya. The agonies of sea-sickness compelled him to land
near Circeii, where he wandered in the pine groves of that lonely coast, keep-
ing up the spirits of his companions by repeating the prodigies that had fore-
told his greatness. This was followed by numerous adventures, until, in the
last extremity, he hid himself among the reeds at the mouth of the marshy
Liris, where he was discovered and dragged from his dismal retreat. He was
thrown into prison at Minturnae, and the magistrate determined to put him to
death and claim the reward. But when the slave, sent to despatch him, stepped
into the gloom of the prison, he declared that he saw a vivid light issue from
the captive's eyes, while an awful voice demanded: “Wretch dare you slay
Caius Marius 2 ” The slave and the magistrate were terrified and released their
prisoner, who succeeded at last in reaching the coast of Africa. Even there he
was not allowed to rest. He was discovered seated amid the ruins of Carthage,
comparing his fallen greatness to that of the city. The Roman governor Com-
manded him to “move on,” and he took temporary refuge on an island of the
COaSt.
Meanwhile there was turbulence in Rome. The Samnites rose in revolt,
and drew thousands of slaves and robbers to their standard. Metellus Pius,
who was entrusted with repressing this new social war, could not force the in-
surgents to a decisive battle. A second Roman army, under Pompeius Strabo,
was still at Picenum, and the Senate sent the late consul Pompeius Rufus to
take command of the legions. There was not money to pay the soldiers, and
a mutiny broke out in which Rufus was killed. Strabo, who was suspected of
inciting the revolt, now appeared and restored order, but did not inquire into or
punish any one for the crime.
No sooner had Sulla left for Asia, than Cinna the demagogue rushed to the
front. He was consul, and announced himself as the restorer of the ancient
order of things, demanding the recall of Marius and the exiles, and the full
emancipation of Italy. Octavius, his colleague in the consulship, some of the
tribunes, and a large number of citizens rallied and drove Cinna out of the city.
He had counted upon the help of Strabo, but that general was not yet ready to act.
358 The Story of the Greatest Nations
It was a time when no respect was paid to law, and Cinna was deprived of
his consulship and L. Merula appointed in his place. Cinna fled into Cam-
pania, where he made the people believe he had suffered in their behalf, and
soon collected a large number of armed followers, among whom were many ex-
iles of the Marian party, and Samnites and Lucanians, the open enemies of the
Republic. News of these doings was carried to Marius, wandering hither and
thither in danger of capture and death, and he finally threaded his way through
the ambuscades of his innumerable enemies and threw himself on the coast of
Etruria, where he was joined by hundreds of slaves and others. With a force
increasing as he advanced, he moved upon Rome from the north, while Cinna
came from the south, and two of his generals threatened from other directions,
so that Rome was surrounded by four of her own rebellious armies, with the
warlike Samnites as their allies.
In the fearful extremity, the Senate turned to Metellus, and ordered him to
make peace with the Samnites on whatever terms he could obtain. The con-
ditions proposed by the foe were so intolerable that Metellus indignantly broke
off the negotiation. Leaving a small force to watch the enemy, he made
all haste to return and guard the city. The detachment left behind was
quickly overpowered, and the Samnites rushed toward Rome, fiercely bent on
its destruction.
Reduced to the last pitiful extremity, the Senate begged the mutinous
Strabo to help them, trying to win his services by promises and flatteries; but
he was dallying with the Marians. In the midst of his hesitation mutiny broke
out in his own camp, and he would have been killed but for the devotion of his
son Pompeius, who was greatly liked by the soldiers. A pestilence suddenly
appeared, carrying off many in the armies and in the city. Strabo died either
from the pestilence, or from a stroke of lightning, or from assassination, for each
of these causes was assigned, and the last is the most reasonable.
All hope being gone, the Senate sent to Cinna to arrange terms, and when
these were refused, to beg him to extend mercy. The scenes that followed are
terrifying and shocking to the last degree (B.C. 86). Picture the merciless
Cinna, Seated in his magistrate's chair, with Marius, shaggy, unshorn, squalid
and terrible in his grim triumph, standing beside him, the two waiting to de-
cide the fate of their hapless victims. The victors had promised to spare the
life of Octavius, and he, relying upon this pledge, refused to make his escape.
When he came forward, he was seized in his robes of office. His head was cut
off and by the orders of Cinna suspended from the rostra or stage of the Forum,
the first time the barbarous exhibition was made, though it took place many
times afterward.
Then followed a massacre in which the mangled heads of the senators were
Rome—Sulla Conquers the East 359
displayed in the Forum, and the bodies of the knights and others were cast out
for burial. Among the slain were many of the noblest citizens of Rome. At
last Cinna and Marius saw fit to check the horrible carnage, and steps were
taken to restore order. They did not deign to call the assembly of the tribes,
but nominated themselves to the highest magistracy. Marius became consul
for the seventh time. He had reached the summit of his ambition, but he was
old and his health was broken. He wished to leave his colleague to preside in
the city, while he assumed the chief military command and wrested from Sulla
the direction of affairs in the East. Soon after he fell ill, and taking to his
bed remained a week, when he was found dead. The presumption is fair that
the gloomy, lonely old man, who had long outlived his usefulness, took his life
with his own hand.
Cinna next chose as his colleague Valerius Flaccus, who set himself vigor-
ously to work to carry out the pledges made to the allies. The ten Italian
tribes were suppressed, and the new citizens enrolled among the thirty-five
tribes of the city; but the Samnites, the Lucanians, and others scornfully re-
fused to accept the privilege. A proclamation was made adjusting all debts by
the payment of one-fourth of them. Then Flaccus put himself at the head of
the legions intended for the Pontic War, and proceeded to the East to meet.
the movements of Sulla. -
Meanwhile, Mithridates had gained a series of brilliant successes. He
captured Bithynia and Cappadocia, and then, crossing the AEgean Sea, received
the submission of its islands, while his fleet took Athens with its harbor and
all the naval equipments. He was generally welcomed as a deliverer, and the
danger to Rome was of the gravest nature, when Sulla landed on the eastern
shore of the Adriatic.
This general was at the head of five legions, whom he encouraged to plun-
der and devastate to the fullest extent. He laid siege to Athens, and finally
reduced it by breaking through the long walls of Themistocles. Many of the
citizens are said to have escaped by lowering themselves from the walls at night.
Sulla gave unrestrained license to his troops, and the sacking of the once proud
capital was marked by fearful excesses. The Romans next met a vast force of
Orientals in the open plain, and routed them in the terrific battle of Chaeronea.
Then Flaccus appeared and summoned Sulla to surrender. Before the struggle
between them could open, a second armament of Mithridates came within
reach. This was disastrously defeated at Orchomenus, and the king of Pontus
was compelled to withdraw from Greece.
The country was thus left vacant for the struggle between the two Roman
armies. A mutiny broke out in that of Flaccus, during which he was assassi-
nated. The soldiers selected his successor, and then demanded that, instead of
360 The Story of the Greatest Nations
being led against Sulla, they should advance into Asia that they might plunder
the provinces. In the fighting which followed, it fell to the lot of Sulla to
save Mithridates from capture by the other Romans. This gave to Sulla the
power of making his own terms with the king of Pontus, who surrendered
Bithynia and Cappadocia and the Roman province of Asia, with most of his
fleet and treasures, whereupon he was admitted as an ally of the Republic.
Then Sulla turned upon the other Roman army; but, instead of fighting the
soldiers, he bribed them to leave the standards of their commander, who in his
extremity fell upon his own sword and perished.
The eyes of Sulla were upon Rome, from which news had been brought to
him of the success of Cinna and his savage partisans. He hurried thither,
arriving in Italy in B.C. 83. He gave out that on his arrival with his thirty
thousand veterans he would punish the foes of the Republic and not forget his
own enemies. This was a terrifying warning, for the triumph of the Marians
had filled half of the Senate with their partisans. Cinna and Carbo, the suc-
cessor of Flaccus, prepared themselves for the struggle, but the Italian levies
refused to join them. Cinna led a body of troops across the Adriatic, and then
some of his own mutineers slew him. Carbo raged like a wounded lion in
Rome, where he hurled many of his enemies from the Tarpeian Rock and
drove the tribunes from the city. By this time, Sulla had landed with five
legions in Italy. He defeated one enemy after another, until, through long and
desperate fighting, he entered Rome in triumph. Then, with a cruelty as fiend-
ish as that of Cinna and Marius, he carried out his threat of revenging himself
upon the foes of himself and the Republic. Day after day, the lists of pro-
scribed ones were published, and the victims fell as swiftly as they did centu-
ries later in France during the hideous Reign of Terror. The inhuman mis-
creants even refused to let the body of Marius rest in peace, but dug it from
its sepulchre on the banks of the Anio, and flung it into the stream. One of
the dead warrior's relatives was captured, and instead of being decently killed
was tortured to death. We weary of the carnival of violence and crime, and
close the record with a curious incident.
Among the Romans was a youth of eighteen, a gay, roystering fellow, who
was related by blood to Marius and by marriage to Cinna. His easy good-
nature made him popular with all his acquaintances, and Sulla promised to
spare him on condition that he should repudiate his wife. The young man re-
fused and fled into the Sabine mountains. The assassins hurried after him,
like so many bloodhounds, while his friends in Rome pleaded for his pardon.
Finally Sulla consented to spare him. “But beware,” he added; “in that
young trifier there is more than one Marius.” Well might he utter the excla-
mation, for the youth to whom he referred was Julius Caesar.
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Rome—Sulla the Fortunate 361
It was inevitable that from this anarchy, rioting, fire, blood, death, and utter
wretchedness, a Dictator should spring forth. Sulla was declared Dictator for
an unlimited term in B. c. 81. He undertook the reconstruction of the govern-
ment, but the obstacles and difficulties were innumerable, and his own vehement
temper prevented a successful management of many of the delicate questions
that came before him. He was the Red Terror, at the mention of whose name
the bravest blanched, since he held in his hands the issues of life and death, and
no one dared thwart his ferocious will. He carried his ends by his own resist-
less personality, and when he looked upon what he conceived to be the full
fruition of all his grand schemes, he declared himself the favorite of Fortune,
which was the only divinity he acknowledged. Then when his despotism was
absolute, he suddenly resigned the dictatorship in B.C. 79.
No doubt the cause of this was the breaking down of his strength. He
had been a furious debauchee for years, and he now abandoned himself to the
grossest vices and indulgences, until his body became a mass of loathsome
disease, and he breathed his last in the year following his abdication. The
wretch was honored with a magnificent funeral, and on the monument was
engraved the following epitaph, written by himself:
“I am Sulla the Fortunate, who in the course of my life have surpassed
both friends and enemies; the former by the good, the latter by the evil, I
have done them.”
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Divitiacus BEFoRE CAESAR
Chapter XXXIV
POLITICAL INTRIGUE POMPEY AND CAESAR
† OMAN history had now reached a period when the grand
days of the Republic were gone out in darkness, when
patriotism vanished, and there was simply a struggle
among a few ambitious men as to who should attain su-
preme power. These men were the leaders of warring
mobs, which might number five, ten, fifty, or a hundred
thousand rioters, but they were mobs none the less, and
most of them were swayed by the basest passions. Wo-
ful indeed was the condition of the country that had once been
the grandest in the whole world.
When a republic falls into the throes of anarchy, this one
result is almost inevitable: as in the case of Sulla, some man
strides forth with the ability to gain the upper hand and seize the
supreme control. The people weary of the horrors of civil strife,
and welcome their master as their deliverer. The question in
Rome now was only, who this man should be.
After the death of Sulla, the foremost leader of the aristocratic party was
Cneus Pompeius, who afterward gained the title of Magnus or “the Great.”
He began his military career at the age of seventeen under his father, Strabo,
whom he saved, as we have seen, from his mutinous soldiers. At that early
age, Pompey gave proof of remarkable valor and energy. His father died in
1.c. 87, and the son narrowly escaped death at the hands of the Marian party
when they were in power.
Upon the return of Sulla from Greece to Italy, Pompey hastened into Pice-
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Rome—Successes of Pompey 363
num, where he possessed large estates and had considerable influence. He
raised three legions, with which he drove the Marians out of the district and
effected a junction with Sulla. His prudence and valor throughout the re-
mainder of the war were so marked that, on the restoration of peace in Italy,
he was entrusted with the work of stamping out the fires kindled by the Marian
factions in Sicily and Africa. He performed this task so well that, on his re-
turn to Rome, he secured the name of Magnus, and a triumph unprecedented
in the case of one who had not yet held any public office.
The next exploit of Pompey was the conquest of the followers of Lepidus,
whom he drove out of Italy, and the extinction of the Marian party in Spain,
where they were under the leadership of the valiant Sertorius. Having been
absent from Italy for five or six years, Pompey came back in time to overthrow
the remnants of the army of Spartacus, the leader of a band of gladiators, who
with a large force of insurgents kept the country in a turmoil from B. c. 73 to
7 I. These exploits made Pompey the idol of the people, by whom he was
elected to the consulship in the year B.C. 70. He was not of legal age, but the
Senate removed the bar, well aware of the danger of refusing to do so.
At the end of his year in office, he retired to private life, but was soon called
upon to exterminate a band of pirates which infested the Mediterranean with
their headquarters in Cilicia, Asia Minor. In the space of three months, he
cleaned out the pests, root and branch. Meanwhile, Mithridates had again
launched his grand scheme of conquering the Eastern Roman provinces, and
the most natural act of the Senate was to send Pompey thither to suppress this
dangerous enemy. The war lasted throughout B. C. 66–64, and ended in a
splendid triumph for Pompey, who crushed Mithridates and his son-in-law
Tigranes, conquered Phoenicia, turned Syria into a Roman province, and cap-
tured Jerusalem. Mithridates, one of the most accomplished of Orientals (it
was said he could speak with perfect fluency twenty-five languages and dia-
lects), committed suicide. Returning to Italy, Pompey disbanded his army
and entered Rome in triumph for the third time in B.C. 61.
Now, soon after the death of Sulla, the warring elements in Rome gradually
crystallized into four distinct factions, which may be thus described:
The oligarchical faction was composed of the few families whose chiefs con-
trolled the Senate and thus in reality governed the Republic. At the head of
this faction was Pompey, though some of the members had come to look upon
him with distrust, and, while he was absent in Asia its representatives were the
coldly honorable Cato and Marcus Tullius Cicero, who had reached the proud
rank of the greatest orator in Rome. He was given to boasting, and was very
vain, but his patriotism and virtue were never stained. -
Another aristocratic faction was composed of the Senators who sought to
364 - The Story of the Greatest Nations
regain the power thus usurped by a few of their colleagues. The leader of this
party was Marcus Licinius Crassus, whose father and brother had been exe-
cuted by the Marians, while he himself had narrowly escaped because of his
youth. He afterward joined Sulla and distinguished himself in the battle
against the Samnites at the gates of Rome. He was made consul in the year
B.C. 70 with Pompey, but he hated him and was his bitter rival. Crassus was
the richest of the Roman citizens, as proof of which he gave a feast during his
consulate to IO,OOO people, and distributed a provision of corn for three months.
Plutarch estimates his wealth at more than $8,000,000, while others make it
still higher. It was his riches rather than his ability that gave him influence.
The Marian faction embraced all the common people who had suffered at
the hands of Sulla and were eager for the chance to strike a blow for them-
selves. The leader of this party was Caius Julius Caesar, whose transcendent
ability was destined to make him the “foremost man of the world.” As you
will recall, he was gay and riotous in his youth, was a nephew of Marius, and
belonged to an old patrician family. It was his own ambition that led him to
take up the cause of the people. Caesar was born on the 12th of July, B.C. IOO,
and was the son of a Roman praetor of the same name. It will be recalled that
Caius Marius married his aunt, while Caesar himself in 83 B.C. married Cor-
nelia, daughter of Cinna. We remember how narrowly he escaped with his
life from Sulla. As it was, he was robbed of his property and rank, and wisely
went abroad to Asia, not returning to Rome until he heard of the death of
Sulla.
The military faction was made up of the old officers of Sulla, who, having
squandered the fortunes gained by plunder under him, were now waiting for
some revolution that would allow them to regain what they had lost. They
were adventurers and soldiers of fortune who knew not the meaning of patriot-
ism or unselfishness, but were ready to cast their swords on the side that offered
the surest gain. Their leader was Catiline, formerly one of the ablest and
most cruel of Sulla's officers. He was eight years older than Caesar. His full
name was Lucius Sergius Catilina. He was descended from an impoverished
patrician family and seemed to be intended by nature for a successful master of
crime; his body was capable of bearing any amount of fatigue and hardship,
and he had no moral scruples whatever. No crime can be conceived which he
would not willingly commit to further his own ends. Naturally his adherents
were mainly debauched young patricians and broken-down military men, who
differed from him only in the degree of ability.
Bearing these distinctions in mind, let us trace the events that follow. In
B.C. 68, Catiline was elected praetor; the next year governor of Africa, and in
the following year he wished to stand for the consulship, but was disqualified
Rome—Conspiracy of Catiline 365
because of charges of maladministration in his province. Catiline was bur-
dened by enormous debts, and, with his moral recklessness, he saw his only
hope in setting a revolution on foot, trusting to his skill to place himself on top
in the overturning of the government. He, therefore, entered into a conspiracy
with a number of young nobles, as abandoned as himself, but the plot was re-
vealed to Cicero by the mistress of one of the conspirators. The first blow was
to have been Cicero's assassination in the Campus Martius, but he was kept
informed of every step in the conspiracy, and with little trouble frustrated the
design.
Defeat for the moment did not affect the diabolical purpose of Catiline.
He called his confederates together on the night of November 6 (B.C. 63), and
explained to them the new plan he had formed for the assassination of Cicero;
for bringing up the Tuscan army which he had seduced from its allegiance, and
which was under Manlius at the encampment of Faesulae; for setting fire to
Rome and slaying all such senators and citizens as they disliked.
Here was as devilish a plot as was ever evolved by the brain of man; but on
the same night that Catiline explained the particulars to his brother conspira-
tors, the details were laid before Cicero as well. When the assassins came to
his house under pretence of making a call, he was prepared and repulsed them.
Two days later, Catiline had the insolence to appear in the Senate. Cicero,
who had just received news that the insurrection had begun in Etruria, launched
his celebrated invective against the arch conspirator which, opened with the
words: Quousque tandemn abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra 2 (“How long now,
Catiline, will you abuse our patience?”)
The miscreant was incapable of shame through the exposure of perfidy, but
he was astounded by the intimate knowledge the orator showed of his plot. He
made an attempt at reply, but it was so bungling that his words were drowned
in cries of execration. Muttering curses, he flung himself out of the Senate
and fled from Rome during the night. He and Manlius were denounced as
traitors, an army under the consul, Antonius, was sent against them, and the
conspirators who remained in Rome were arrested and executed. The upris-
ings in different parts of Italy were suppressed, and many who had flocked to
the camp in Etruria left when they learned what had taken place in Rome.
Catiline retired to Pistoria in Etruria, in January B.C. 62, where he met the
forces under Antonius and fought with the most desperate courage, only to be
defeated and slain.
Had Pompey been able to measure up to his opportunity, he could have
easily placed himself at the head of affairs on his return from the East, but he
lacked the capacity, and his former supporters in the oligarchic party distrusted
him. When the Senate, under the lead of Cato, refused to ratify his measures
366 The Story of the Greatest Nations
in Asia, he joined the opposition and was thus brought in touch with Caesar.
The two leaders compared views and found that on almost all points they were
in agreement. Naturally they decided to unite their forces. To cement the
union as closely as possible, Caesar gave his only daughter Julia in marriage to
- Pompey. Then the far-seeing Caesar convinced his friend that the wisest step
they could take was to admit Crassus to their political partnership. This was
done, and, in the year B.C. 60, was formed the historical coalition known as
the “First Triumvirate.” Its object, or rather the object of Pompey and
Caesar, was to defeat the senatorial faction in every possible way, and to secure
the supreme power for themselves.
It cannot be doubted that the mighty genius of Caesar saw the future with
a vastly clearer vision than did Pompey, his intimate associate. Caesar was al-
ready aiming at the single-handed mastery of Rome, and he required no one
to point out the several steps he needed to take in order to reach the exalted
summit. The three chiefs had pledged themselves not to speak or act except
with a view to the common interest of all, yet not one of them could have been
sincere. Each was looking for the first place in the commonwealth, for each
believed it was due him, Pompey because of his services, Crassus because of his
wealth which might at the proper time buy it, and Caesar because he knew that
his genius could command it. -
Aided by a wealthy candidate, Lucceius, Caesar was able to carry his elec-
tion to the consulship (B.C. 59), in the face of the violent opposition of the
nobles. In this new and important office, he cultivated the good-will of the
people, and, against the efforts of the other faction, brought about the enact-
ment of an agrarian law, which included an assignment of lands to the Pom-
peian veterans. He had proclaimed himself the friend of the provinces, and
did not forget his promises. His first consulship was a stormy one; civil fac-
tion ran high. The power of Cato and his party was broken. Cicero abandoned
political life and retired to his country villa to engage in the literary work by
which he is remembered. Many sighed with relief when Caesar's year of office
drew to a close. But he had taken no false step, and every rival had yielded to
him. He saw in the confusion of affairs, in the corruption of the people, and
in the weakness of the Senate, the speedy numbering of the days of the free
state. Pompey was fretting and waiting for the Senate to place its power in
his hands as Dictator. Caesar knew that if he was ever to attain Supreme rule
he must seize it for himself.
And how was this to be done? It would be suicide for him to attempt it
amid the warring factions at home. He must leave Rome, and, in the field of
foreign adventure and conquest, gather the laurels that in due time would en-
able him to return to the city and demand the prize of the conqueror. He had
Rome—Caesar Conquers Gaul 367
the example of Alexander before him, and it shone forth as his guiding star.
His generous nature leads us to believe that he had absolute faith in the bene-
fits which he would thus be able to bestow upon his country.
The Senate gave him an insignificant mission near home, but the people set
aside the decree, and offered him the provinces of Cisalpine and Illyricum for
five years, with an army of three legions. The threatened disturbances in those
regions called for a strong hand to repress them, and, to use a modern vulgar-
ism, the “pull” of Caesar induced the Senate not only to consent to the assign-
ment, but to add to it the Transalpine Province. ”
It was in the spring of B.C. 58 that Caesar entered Gaul, and for nine years
he turned all his energies to conquering the tribes from the Rhone to the Seine,
the Rhine and the Atlantic. The opportunity was a golden one, for it gave
full play to his military genius, and promised to exalt his reputation far above
that of Crassus and Pompey, who were to be compared with him.
Caesar's first campaign was directed against the Helvetii, whom he disas-
trously defeated near Autun, then known as Bibracte. Out of 368,OOO foes
only I Io,000 were left, whom he bade return home and till their lands.
By this time the attention of all Gaul was centred upon the terrible con-
queror who had burst upon them with his invincible legions. Divitiaéus, an
AEduan chief, begged his help, which being granted, Caesar became involved a
second time in a war with a German prince, who was overthrown. Two impor-
tant campaigns being successfully concluded, Caesar and his army went into
winter quarters. The following year (B.C. 57) brought the Belgic war. Sev-
eral tribes were so frightened by the successes of the Roman arms, that they
formed an alliance against the invaders, only to be defeated one after the other. .
Upon the receipt of the news of these triumphs, the Roman Senate decreed a
thanksgiving of fifteen days, an honor never before received by any general.
The following winter and spring were spent by Caesar in Lucca, where he dis-
pensed a lavish hospitality, and indulged in dissipation and debauchery that
were anything but creditable to him.
The fires of insurrection again broke out, this time among the Veneti in the
northwest of Gaul. Caesar laid his plans with matchless skill and carried them
to perfect success. The Veneti were crushed, and nearly all the rest of the
Gallic tribes forced into submission. Caesar wintered in the present district of
Normandy, having completed the conquest of Gaul in three campaigns.
In the year following (B.C. 55), Pompey went to Spain, Crassus to Syria, and
Caesar's provincial government was extended five years. His next campaign
was against two German tribes, who were preparing to enter Gaul, and it
proved as successful as the others had been. The barbarians were pursued
pell-mell across the Rhine, where the Romans spent eighteen days in plunder-
368 The Story of the Greatest Nations
ing the district of the Sigambri. Caesar then invaded Britain, landing in the
face of the desperate opposition of the wild natives. He remained in the
island, however, only a short time, and then returned to Gaul. The Roman
Senate were so amazed and delighted by his successes in regions where their
arms had never before penetrated, that they accorded him a second public
thanksgiving—this time of twenty days.
Caesar's next campaign was opened by a second invasion of Britain, where,
as we shall learn in our history of that country, he received anything but a
“hospitable” reception. A drought caused such a scarcity of corn that he was
obliged to winter his army in divisions. The scattering of his forces encour-
aged the Gauls to attempt to regain their independence, and an insurrection
broke out in the northeast, which was successful at first, but in the end was
crushed, and Caesar wintered on the site of Amiens, so as to be within striking
distance of the malcontents.
The sixth campaign (B.C. 53) was devoted mainly to crushing a second in-
surrection among the Gauls. All this time Caesar kept in close touch with his
friends in Rome. He returned frequently to Northern Italy, so as to be ready
to hurry to the city when the right hour should come, and all the signs pointed
to its being close at hand. In the weak government, the increasing anarchy,
and the poisoning corruption, he must have seen the rapid drawing near of the
time when he was to take the decisive step that was to bring him irretrievable
ruin, or glory such as never before had come to any man.
But at this crisis the roseate sky was darkened by a cloud which threatened
to eclipse his dreams of greatness. Under the lead of Vercingetorix, a warrior
of immense vigor and ability, a tremendous rebellion broke out all through
Gaul. The startling news came to Caesar in the dead of winter. He saw on
the instant that he must preserve his army and crush his enemy, or all would be
lost. Turning his eyes away from Rome, he began with the utmost vigor to
collect his scattered legions, and then led them through the mountains of Au-
vergne, where the snow was six feet deep, and rushed like a cyclone among the
Arverni, who, terrified at his unexpected appearance, sent in all haste to their
chief Vercingetorix to come to their help.
This was what Caesar desired, for it would bring the formidable leader be-
fore him, and the ability of the two commanders would be pitted against each
other. Once Caesar himself was defeated, but with surpassing skill he outgen-
eralled his adversary and finally shut him up in Alesia (Alise in Burgundy).
where, despite the harassments of 3OO,OOO infantry, who tried in vain to break
through the Roman lines, Vercingetorix was compelled to capitulate.
Many of the tribes then submitted, and Caesar wisely determined to winter
among the vanquished. Again the Senate voted him a great thanksgiving.
Rome—Defeat of Crassus 369
The following year (B. c. 51) he completed the conquest of the tribes which
still held out. In addition, he reduced the whole of Aquitania, and passed the
winter of his eighth campaign at Nemetocenna in Belgium. He treated the
Gallic princes with generosity and kindness, and won the good-will of the com-
mon people by sparing them the imposition of further taxes. As for his sol-
diers, they would have gladly marched to the ends of the earth under the lead-
ership of their idolized commander.
Leaving out all consideration of the wonderful brilliancy of Caesar's cam-
paigns in Gaul, during the nine years he was there, it cannot be doubted that
his influence in the capital was much greater than if he had remained in the
city. He was able to keep out of many petty disputes, which would have in-
jured him, and was free to plan the measures looking to his great final triumph.
He had loyal adherents, who were eager to do his will, and, as has been shown,
he kept in close touch with the politics of the city. He intrigued, schemed,
and moulded men and events to his will, and with powerful enemies as well as
friends in the city, his ascendancy steadily grew. His sun rose higher and higher.
It was in the nature of things that Crassus and Pompey, the remaining mem-
bers of the Triumvirate or political partnership, should be jealous of Caesar's
growing strength. One hope of his enemies had been that a man so addicted
to excesses would succumb to the rigors of campaigning in the fearful winters
among the mountains of Gaul. But he did not. He who had been looked
upon as a frail gallant was heard of as climbing the wildest regions on foot
through deep snows and arctic weather; as swimming rivers, riding his horse
without a bridle, and sleeping amid the sleet and storms of the dismal morasses.
If sometimes he was carried on a litter, it was only to husband his strength;
he maintained an enormous correspondence and read and wrote on a variety of
abstruse subjects. His life seemed to be an illustration of the power of the
mind to rise superior to the weakness of the body.
But what were Pompey and Crassus doing to press their own interests
throughout those years 2 Pompey as proconsul of Spain was made governor of
six legions. This was his desire, for he was a fine soldier, and saw the means
of furthering his ambition in his chosen field. He, however, remained in Italy
and was allowed to act through his lieutenants. While he claimed this as a
merit, it was displeasing to many, because it violated an ancient usage. More-
over, it elevated him for the time above either of his colleagues and was a step
toward monarchy. He devoted the remainder of his consulship to planning
legislation that would please the people and hush the murmurs of Cato and
others in the Senate. He tried by every means at his command––though with
slight success—to win back the popularity that had gradually drifted away
from him.
24
370 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Crassus, also eager for fame, overstepped the laws, and seized upon his
province before the termination of his consulship. It was Syria, and he boasted
that from it he would reach the farthest limits of the East. Pompey was will-
ing he should make the effort, and Caesar encouraged him to do so. Still
vaunting, Crassus arrived at the seat of his government, and directed the move-
ments of his troops toward the Euphrates. The Parthians at that time were
the most powerful nation in the East, their realm extending from the Caspian
to the Persian Gulf, and they were a brave and warlike people. Orodes, their
king, did not oppose the passage of the Euphrates by the Romans. Several
towns were captured and garrisoned, and then Crassus withdrew to spend the
winter in Syria, and prepare for more important conquests. In order to obtain
the means, he robbed the holy temples, and was tauntingly asked by the Par-
thians whether his acts were meant as a declaration of war, or whether he was
engaged on a private speculation of his own. Crassus replied that he would
answer the question in their capital. The Parthian envoy smiled, and, holding
out his hands, said that hair would grow on their palms before the Romans
should ever set eyes on Seleucia.
This grim self-confidence of the Parthians impressed the Roman soldiers,
but Crassus sneered, and, with a blind reliance on his own ability, disregarded
the advice of his ally, the king of Armenia, as to the right course to follow.
He marched straight across the desert. His guide purposely misled him, and,
when the Romans were inextricably caught, slipped off and joined the Par-
thians.
Several days later the exhausted army of Crassus reached a stream where
they found the enemy awaiting them. His officers urged Crassus to extend his
lines to prevent the Parthian cavalry from outflanking them; but Crassus would
not do this, and formed his men in a solid square, which was utterly useless
against the assault of the light Parthian cavalry and the clouds of arrows that
darkened the air. Crassus ordered his son to charge and disperse their assail-
ants. The youth at the head of a strong force pressed forward, but was soon
cut off from the legions and overpowered. His captors displayed his head on
a pike in full view of the Romans, who made a brave defence, though they suf-
fered severe losses, until darkness brought a lull. Then a retreat was ordered,
and the exhausted legions, their ranks dreadfully thinned, staggered back tow-
ard their most advanced outposts, which they managed to reach. But they felt
unsafe even there, and a disorganized flight followed, with the Parthians relent-
lessly pressing them. Crassus was finally brought to bay and ordered to sur-
render. He did not wish to do so, for he distrusted his enemies, but his un-
disciplined soldiers compelled him to submit, since the Parthians promised the
fairest terms; but in the ceremonies accompanying the surrender, Crassus and
Rome—Political Anarchy 37 I
his officers were attacked and all slain. Such was the end of the wealthiest
member of the celebrated Triumvirate. His expedition had proven a failure of
the most disgraceful nature. Ten thousand Romans were captured and twenty
thousand had perished. The captives were so well treated that most of them
settled in Parthia. -
The amazing successes of Caesar and the turbulence in Rome prevented the
excitement which the news of the death of Crassus and the overthrow of his
expedition would have caused under other circumstances. Matters in the city
steadily went from bad to worse, until the best men came to despair of the
Republic and to see that their only hope was in a dictatorship. The year B.C.
53 opened with an interregnum which lasted for six months. Bribery was so
open and shameless that the Senate and tribunes, who had still a sense of honor
left, combined and prevented any elections whatever, so that at the beginning
of the year no consuls had been elected. After a time, Cato became alarmed
and persuaded Pompey to order an election. This was done; but the same
state of affairs occurred the next year, and it was suspected that Pompey him-
self was the cause of it. Rioting and bloodshed followed, and a savage affray
took place betwen Milo, who demanded one of the consulships, and Clodius,
who had been tribune and obtained Cicero's banishment. The two men met
on the highway, and the quarrel began between their servants. Clodius was
wounded and took refuge in a wayside tavern, where he was furiously attacked
by Milo and killed. After the body had lain by the roadside for a time, it was
picked up by a friend and carried into the city, where it lay exposed to the gaze
of the multitude, who worked themselves into irrestrainable fury at the sight.
They wrenched loose the benches and tore the books and papers from the curia,
where the Senate was accustomed to assemble; they set fire to the pile, which
consumed the remains of Clodius and burned several buildings. The homes of
a number of nobles were attacked, and a Savage mob assailed that of Milo, who,
however, was prepared and repelled his assailants.
Such an incident vividly shows the frightful state of Rome at that time.
Cicero, in despair, left the city, where the tribunals were corrupt or cowardly
and from which law, order, and security had disappeared. Even Cato, though
he did not lose courage, believed the evil day had come when they must look
to a single man to save them from ruin. “It is better to choose him now,” he
said, “when we are free to fix upon the best one, than to wait for the tyrant
whom anarchy may impose upon us.”
There really was no choice, and Pompey was begged by the Senate to be-
come sole consul. This was practically making him Dictator, though he dared
not directly assume the title, which had been made odious by the tyranny of
Marius and Sulla. Pompey promised to govern in the interests of the people,
f
372 The Story of the Greatest Nations
and took Cato as his adviser. A colossal task was before him, for disorder,
corruption, extravagance, and lawlessness were everywhere.
He entered upon his duties as sole consul at the close of February, B.C. 52.
Almost his first act was to throw aside all pretence of alliance with Caesar, and
to devote himself wholly to the aims of the oligarchic party. He surrendered
Milo to the incensed populace, and although Milo was defended by the eloquence
of Cicero, he was sentenced to banishment. Something like tranquillity reigned
for a time, since the people could not forget the military qualities of their ruler,
who knew how to be severe when his will was thwarted. But if Pompey was
a soldier, he was nothing more. He failed to measure up to the demands of
his position. He could not think out any distinctive or far-reaching measures
for the relief of the people, while he had a way of violating the law in his own
person, that was fatal to the respect in which all laws should be held.
Pompey retained the sole consulship for six months, when he caused his
father-in-law, Metellus Scipio, to become his associate. On the whole, he had
done good service, for order prevailed in the city, and corruption, if not extin-
guished, was compelled to hide its head. Before quitting the office, he had the
consulship conferred upon Servius Sulpicius, a noble of exalted character, and
upon Marcellus, an aristocrat of the most rabid kind, and the mere creature of
Pompey.
This happened directly after Caesar had crushed Vercingetorix, and the
Senate had decreed a thanksgiving of twenty days in honor of the conqueror.
In spite of this, Marcellus demanded the recall of Caesar, and was backed by
the aristocratic faction, who felt secure of Pompey's support whenever it should
be needed. Cicero, the most prudent counsellor of the party, was silenced by
sending him to the distant government of Cilicia. Cato thundered against
Caesar. Marcellus, the bitter enemy of Caesar, continued to cry for his recall.
But Pompey hesitated, as he always did when confronted by a grave political
problem. Instead of going to his province, he remained in command of his
legions, even at the gates of Rome. In a daze of doubt and bewilderment as
to what he ought to do, he went to his villas and shut himself from the leaders
of his party. Finally he decreed that the matter should be postponed for six
months. By this he merely added to the anger of Caesar, offended many in the
Senate, and gave Caesar time for preparation. Some attribute Pompey's course
to an attack of sickness, which at one time threatened a fatal termination, and
roused the sympathy of the Italians, so warmly shown in prayers for his recov-
ery, that when he regained his health he was blindly infatuated with his popu-
larity—which was only superficial—among his countrymen, and believed they
were ready to support him to the extreme of his most ambitious designs.
Thus, in the year B.C. 50, Caesar was able to take up his residence in Cisal-
Rome–Pompey Made Dictator 373
pine Gaul, with the three hundred tribes beyond the Alps not only conquered
and pacified, but personally attached to him. He now offered himself for elec-
tion to the consulship. The mere suing for this office required that he should
relinquish command of his army, although, if he refrained from his suit, his
term would not expire until the close of the following year.
The friends of Caesar, however, demanded that if he were compelled to sur-
render command of his legions, Pompey should be required to do the same, and
end his proconsulship in Spain. The Senate refused to agree to this, and
instead passed a decree that if Caesar did not disband his army by a certain
day he was to be regarded as the enemy of the Republic, and punished as
such. The decree had the ring of open defiance. The dignity of the con-
sulship, if once attained, would have held Caesar safe from attack; but if he
now obeyed orders and came to Rome as a private citizen, unsupported by his
army, it was but too evident that he would be sacrificed to the vengeance of his
enemies.
Some senators, with the consul Marcellus at their head, sought Pompey in
his villa and fairly thrust a sword into his hand, bidding him take command of
all the troops in Italy and defend the Republic. In this they exceeded their
legal authority; but legal authority had sunk into contempt. The long game
of diplomacy which Pompey and Caesar had been playing was clearly at an end.
Pompey was Dictator; Caesar had either to yield himself a victim to his enemies
or to stand forth in open defiance.
- * = ,
Tº TTTET`
ROMAN CHARIOT
C.ESAR’s LEgions Crossing the ALPS
Chapter XXXV
CAESAR DEFEATS POMPEY_END OF THE REPUBLIC.
been done. He was expecting it, and had laid his
plans. He had only one legion of soldiers with him
at Ravenna, but before them he laid his peril, declar-
ing that the time had come to appeal to arms. He
possessed the magnetic art of drawing his soldiers to
him with the fervor shown centuries later by the
troops of Napoleon Bonaparte in the zenith of his success. In
all Caesar's campaigns he had never confronted a mutiny. He
knew his men would stand by him to the death. Most of them
were provincials or foreigners, who cared a thousand-fold more
for their leader than for the country whose nominal soldiers they
Were.
Caesar sent forward some cohorts to the river Rubicon, about
twenty miles distant, forming the frontier of his province. He
followed them the same evening. The crossing of this stream
into Italy would be a declaration of war against the Republic. It
is said that when Caesar reached the bank, and realized the momentous im-
portance of the step, he hesitated for a long time. At last, his resolution was
formed, and, exclaiming, “The die is cast !” he plunged into the river and made
his way to the other shore.
Now that the irrevocable step had been taken, there was no thought of
turning back. The fight between him and the Republic had opened, and could
not stop till one was the victor and the other was in the dust. Reaching Ari-
Rome—Caesar’s Rebellion 375
minum, a few miles away, Caesar sent back orders calling for the advance of all
his armies. Three legions were stationed at Narbo to watch the forces of Pom-
pey in Spain, while the rest were to come to him with all possible speed. His
whole invading strength for the time did not number more than 6,000 men,
hardly a third of those at the disposal of Pompey, who could perhaps have over-
whelmed him by a vigorous attack. But when the news of the crossing of the
Rubicon reached Rome, Pompey quaked with fear, for neither he nor his gov-
ernment had dreamed of such a daring act. Pompey hurried away through the
Southern gate of the city, shouting for all good citizens to follow. Thousands
streamed along the Appian Way, angered less against the man from whom they
were fleeing than the one who had made their flight necessary.
Meanwhile, Caesar steadily advanced toward Rome. He was welcomed by
the various towns, and the road to the city lay open. But, learning that his
adversaries were crossing from Capua to the northern coast, he swung to the
left, passed through Picenum, captured Cingulum and Asculum, and then boldly
attacked the strong central position of Corfinium. This point the brave Domi-
tius insisted should not be abandoned, and, gathering a few troops, he demanded
of Pompey that he should bring up the rest of the army. Pompey refused and
continued his flight. Domitius was determined to stand a siege, when his plan
was overthrown by a most unexpected and significant occurrence.
Hardly had the invading army appeared, when the defenders not only sur-.
rendered without striking a blow, but delivered Domitius himself into the
hands of the conqueror. Caesar was as much astonished as his men, but he
could not fail to read the meaning of the act. It was the prestige of his name,
with which that of no other man could be compared. It had been the invari-
able custom in the civil wars for no mercy to be shown by the Roman captor to
the Roman prisoner. But Caesar, for the first time, granted Domitius his life
and his freedom, and he displayed the same generous forbearance in subsequent
instances. It could not be expected of the officers that they would join the
forces of Caesar, but the soldiers did so with ardor. Recruits continually
flocked to his standard, and he found his troops rapidly increasing as he ad-
vanced.
All this time, Pompey was issuing fierce proclamations, warning all that he
would treat even neutrals as enemies of the Republic; but the fulminations were
received with contempt. He led the consuls and magistrates to the port of
Brundisium, where he had collected a number of transports, and several legions,
which immediately set sail for Greece. Caesar, hurried from Corfinium, but had
no ships; and the vessels from Greece returning carried away Pompey and the
remainder of his army.
Sixty days sufficed to make Caesar master of all Italy. The campaign was
376 The Story of the Greatest Nations
one of the swiftest in history. Pompey retreated or rather fled in disgraceful
panic, heedless of the demands of his officers and men that he should stop and
fight, and refusing to reveal his plans, if indeed he had any. When at last he
stepped on board his vessel at Brundisium, thousands yielded to their disgust
and homesickness, and turned back toward Rome. They feared some huge
treachery on the part of Pompey, and preferred to entrust themselves to the
generosity of Caesar rather than to Pompey's ferocious whims. Among those
who thus returned to Rome were many of the best citizens, while the spend-
thrifts and adventurers clung to Pompey in the hope that the tide of war would
turn sooner or later and their fortunes mend.
By and by, it became clear that Pompey intended to summon the servile
people of the East to trample under foot the liberties of Western Europe. It
was to be an exterminating war against Italy and against Rome. He had cor-
rupted many of the nobles and consuls. Cicero said: “He left the city, not
because he could not defend it; and Italy, not as driven out of it; but this
was his design from the first, to move every land and sea, to call to arms the
kings of the barbarians, to lead Savage nations into Italy, not as captives, but
as conquerors. He is determined to reign like Sulla, as a king over his sub-
jects; and many there are who applaud this atrocious design.” -
Caesar entered Rome unattended, assuring the people that they had no pil-
.lage or punishment to fear from him. He arranged to reward his soldiers to
the extent of about $80 apiece, with $12 to every citizen. For his own needs,
he made no requisition except the treasure hoarded in the temple of Saturn,
under the Capitol. A curse had been declared against any one who should use
it except to repel a Gallic invasion. When the tribune Metellus forbade Caesar
to touch it, he thrust him aside with the words: “The fear of a Gallic invasion
is gone forever; I have subdued the Gauls.”
Rome was of necessity placed under military control. In these times, we
should say that martial law was proclaimed. The granaries upon which the
city depended for its daily food—Sardinia, Sicily, and Africa—were all in the
power of Pompey's forces, and Caesar lost no time in setting out to recover
those provinces. The Sardinians received with open arms the legion sent
thither; and Cato, who was holding Sicily for Pompey, left there the moment
danger appeared.
Caesar placed Italy under the command of Antonius and Rome in charge
of AEmilius Lepidus, and started for Spain. The armies there must have fallen
readily before the great leader, had he not been checked by the defection of
Massilia, where Domitius, who had escaped from Italy, had roused the people.
Caesar, unwilling to delay, left a large part of his forces to blockade the place,
and began his Spanish campaign with only three legions.
Rome—Caesar made Dictator 377
These came face to face with the enemy at Ilerda. Caught between the
waters of two suddenly flooded rivers, with the bridges washed away and nearly
all his provisions gone, Caesar's situation was so critical that his enemies ex-
ulted over what seemed his inevitable destruction. But by means of light
boats, constructed of wicker frames, and covered with leather or oiled cloth, he
kept open his communications, secured food for his men, and finally brought
the two armies once more in front of each other. Then took place another of
the impressive scenes already mentioned. After a parley, the Pompeian forces
deliberately passed over to the side of Caesar.
Thus it may be said Spain had conquered itself. Massilia was still in re-
volt, but the inhabitants, shut up within the walls, were in sore straits. They,
too, hastened to surrender to Caesar, confident of generous treatment. Domi-
tius managed to escape and joined his friends at Epirus. Massilia was permit-
ted to retain her independence, but she never recovered her former importance.
All danger from the west being thus ended, Caesar could give his undivided
attention to Pompey.
While at Massilia, he was notified that the people in Rome had declared
him Dictator. In the hurly-burly many of the prescribed forms for the confer-
ring of this office were necessarily omitted, but it was justified under the stress
of necessity. This was mainly due to the distressful condition of the people
caused by the exorbitant usury charged by the money-lenders. Thousands of
citizens were ground to the very dust by their debts, and it was absolutely nec-
essary that something should be done to relieve the intolerable burdens. Now,
there could be none toward whom the debtors and repudiators would more natu-
rally turn with confidence than Caesar. He had inherited through Marius a
connection with the party opposed to the wealthy and the nobles; he had known
by experience what it was to suffer from crushing debt, and his private con-
duct had been anything but a model for the youths of Rome. What then
could induce him to refuse the prompt relief which only he could give 2
But to their amazement he resolutely refused to grant their demands. As
Dictator, he could do without question whatever he thought proper or right,
but no appeal could persuade him to resort to confiscation. He selected arbi-
ters for the valuation of debtors' property and compelled its sale, only stipulat-
ing that the creditors should yield their claims to excessive interest. All this
being done, he gave great help to the bankrupts by distributing land among
them, and by giving corn to the poorer classes.
Caesar held the dictatorship for just eleven days, but, before resigning it, he
presided at the comitia of the tribes and caused himself to be nominated consul
for the year B.C. 48, with Servilius Isauricus as his associate. This was effected
with due formality, as was the case with the other magistracies conferred upon
378 The Story of the Greatest Nations
his friends. Even the Senate, or such of it as remained, joined in approving
these elections. Caesar was now the legally appointed general and champion of
Rome. Pompey, with his threatening body of troops in Greece, was become
the rebel.
The Eastern potentates still regarded Pompey as the greatest of living
generals, and they began rallying to his cause. He ordered them to meet
him at Thessalonica, and there gathered the monarchs of Galatia, of Thrace,
of Cilicia, of Cappadocia, and of Commagene, besides others of less impor-
tance. These forces, with their horsemen, bowmen, and slingers, were his
allies, his main body consisting of five Roman legions taken with him from
Italy, besides four others called from the Eastern provinces. Two more were
expected under C. Metellus Scipio from Syria. This made nine legions, whose
numbers must have exceeded 40,000 men, which was more than doubled by
his cavalry and auxiliaries. It should be remembered, however, that most of
the allies were raw levies, who needed disciplining and moulding into effective
shape; and indeed this was also true of a number of the legionaries themselves.
Another serious hindrance to Pompey was the divided counsels of his party.
He had many of the leaders of the Senate in his camp, where also were Cato
and Cicero, and there was continual wrangling over the plans of the campaign.
Naturally vacillating himself, Pompey was made more so by this lamentable
state of affairs. Nevertheless, the motley horde converged to the coast of
Epirus, where months were spent in preparations for the decisive struggle.
On the other hand, Caesar, while unable to marshal an army of half the size
of the enemy, commanded veterans. Every one of them was accustomed to
hardships, privations, and fighting, and all were devotedly attached to the man
in whose genius they held the most implicit faith. This confidence filled
every one, from the officers to the lowest private, and it made the legions so
many veritable thunderbolts of war.
It was at the close of the year B. C. 49, that Caesar arrived at Brundisium,
with his seven legions, numbering about I 5,OOO men, and some 600 horse.
The first division was taken across the Adriatic on his transports, but on their
return to bring the remaining troops they were intercepted and many destroyed
by Pompey's fleet of 500 galleys. This compelled Caesar to remain compara-
tively idle until a second convoy could be equipped, which brought over the
remaining legions. It is said that, in making the passage himself, Caesar was
caught in a violent tempest, and observing the white-faced pilot trembling with
fear, he said sternly to him : “Fear not; you carry Caesar and his fortunes.”
Pompey was blind to the favors that fortune threw in his way. The trans-
ports were driven so far from their course, that Caesar's troops were landed a
hundred miles from the point where their chief was awaiting them. This,
Rome—Battle of Pharsalia 379
placed Pompey directly between them, and it would have been easy for him to
overwhelm each division in turn, but he remained idle, while Caesar brought
the two forces together. Caesar then interposed his whole army between his
foes and their base of supplies at Dyrrhachium, and held them to the position
they had taken on the promontory of Petra. The good anchorage below and
the fleet at his command enabled Pompey to secure the supplies he needed, and
he improved the period of inaction by training and drilling his raw soldiers.
Caesar carefully drew his lines around Petra. With his army so much the
inferior, and the sea open to Pompey, this action gained little except to add to
the morale of his own indomitable soldiers. But it brought recruits to his
ranks, and he cut off his adversary's supply of fresh water. Pompey did not
dare venture on an open attack, but landed a strong force in the rear of the be-
siegers, who were thrown into confusion and might have been crushed, had Pom-
pey possessed half the ability of his opponent, but he suspected a feint upon
Caesar's part, and recalled his troops before they could strike a blow.
Caesar now left the seaboard and passed into Macedonia and Thessaly,
where he combined his detachments for the camapign in the open country.
Pompey broke up at Petra, and also marched into Macedonia, but he was too
late to overtake his rival, who had reached the valley of the Peneus in Thes-
saly. Goaded by the taunts of his followers, Pompey advanced southward from
Larissa in search of his enemies, who were posted on the bank of the Enipeus.
At last the two armies were in front of each other, and began intrenching
with a space of about four miles between. The elevation on which stood Phar-
salia, now known as Fersala, was the most conspicuous object in the neighbor-
hood, and therefore gave its name to the battle which followed.
Pompey refused for a long time to meet his opponent, but was driven to do
so by a threatened flank movement, which endangered his communications.
The respective forces are given at 22,OOO infantry, 1,000 cavalry, and a few
irregular battalions on the side of Caesar, and a legionary force of 40,000 men,
with 7,OOO horse and an immense horde of auxiliaries, on the part of Pompey.
The sun was almost directly overhead on August 9, B.C. 48, when the Pom-
peians issued from their camp and took position on the plain, with a stream on
their right. Caesar, his eyes flashing with the light of battle, pressed confi-
dently forward, with his cavalry thrust out obliquely on his right, to prevent his
being outflanked, while the other flank was protected by the stream. The front
line was ordered to charge, and obeyed with its usual impetuosity. The Pom-
peians were directed to stand still and await the coming of their foes, who
would be partially exhausted from their long and hard run; but they halted
when almost within reach, recovered their wind, and dashed forward again
with renewed vigor. The Pompeian cavalry had also charged, but the German
38o The Story of the Greatest Nations
horse were not shaken. Far inferior in number, they had picked men among
the animals, who fought bravely on foot, and fell slowly back in good order,
till they reached the reserve of six cohorts. Observing that the knights and
senators of the Pompeian party were clad in full armor, the officers of the
Caesarians ordered their men to aim all their blows at their faces. Before this
fierce assault, these defenders soon broke their ranks, and were tumbled back
upon their own lines. The Pompeian infantry stood their ground, but, on the
breaking of the Pompeian cavalry as described, Caesar brought up his reserves
and charged both on the front and flank. By his orders, the assaults of his
men were directed at the Romans opposed to them, and no heed was given to
the allies, but when he saw the fortune of the day was with him, he commanded
his troops to spare the Romans, and devote their energies to the annihilation of
the foreigners.
The slaughter among these was fearful: the overthrow of the Pompeians
was complete, and Pompey himself, when he saw the rout, leaped upon his
horse and galloped in headlong haste from his camp. The victory at Pharsalia
left Caesar the foremost man in the Roman world, and therefore is ranked as
one of the decisive battles of history.
The blind confidence of the Pompeians is shown by the fact that they had
made no provisions for disaster. No place had been appointed for a rallying
point, the fleet was far away and the forces scattered; and yet, with all that, if
the fragments were brought together they could still be made very formidable.
But neither heart nor judgment was left to Pompey. He kept up his flight
through Larissa, and gained the Thessalian Coast at the mouth of the Peneus,
where he and several of his officers went on board a merchant vessel, which
carried them to Lesbos, whither his wife Cornelia had been taken. Leaving
that port, the ship coasted Asia and picked up more fugitives, and it can be
understood how earnestly they consulted together over their future movements.
Different plans were proposed, and it was finally agreed to seek an asylum in
Egypt, whose boy-king Ptolemaeus owed gratitude to the Senate, and who it
was believed would welcome them into his wealthy kingdom, which was almost
inaccessible to an enemy without a fleet.
When Pompey arrived at Pelusium, he was accompanied by about 2,OOO
men. The situation in Egypt at that time was peculiar. By the will of Ptol-
emy Auletes, the late king, his daughter Cleopatra was to marry her young
brother Ptolemy Dionysus, and to reign jointly with him, under the guardian-
ship of a council of state. But Cleopatra, the “ Serpent of the Nile,” had been
driven from court by an intrigue, and Egypt was governed in the name of the
young king by the chamberlain Pothinus, the general Achillas, and the precep-
tor Theodotus. The resentful Cleopatra threatened to invade the country with
Rome—Death of Pompey 381
a force, and the troops of the king were drawn up on the eastern frontier to
oppose her. The body of men brought by Pompey was comparatively insigni-
ficant in numbers, but they probably would have brought success to whichever
side of the contestants they assisted. The royal council discussed Pompey's
claims to their hospitality and finally decided to reject the dangerous alliance,
for they were not only confident of success without his aid, but saw how embar-
rassing the obligation for such aid would become to them.
It was all-important, however, to prevent Pompey from going to the help of
Cleopatra's party, and to check him a crime was committed. The refusal of
the royal council was concealed from Pompey, and he was asked to come alone
in a vessel to the presence of the king. Without hesitation, he accepted the
invitation and seated himself in the boat. Soon after, Septimius, a Roman
centurion, who was behind him, struck him down, and he was speedily killed by
Achillas. His head was cut off and carried ashore, but the body, which was
flung overboard, was washed upon the beach, where a freedman of the Romans
wrapped it about with his cloak, and, gathering some dry wreckage, burned it
on the rude pyre. The ashes were laid in the sand, and over them was placed
a stone, on which was scrawled with charcoal the name “Magnus.” Such was
the end of Pompey, not yet three-score years old, who had been consul three
times, who had gained three triumphs over as many continents, whose procon-
sulate had embraced in alternation the East and the West, who might have been
Dictator, and who could have seized the empire.
Caesar never failed to follow up an advantage. He left a detachment to
watch Cato, who still commanded in Illyricum, and he ordered another to com-
plete the subjection of Greece. Then, with a single legion and a squadron of
horse, he pressed the pursuit of Pompey, following the route around the Med-
iterranean, since the sea was closed against him. From the coast of Syria he
reached Alexandria with thirty-five vessels and 4,000 men. Pompey had been
slain only a few days before, and the head of the miserable victim was brought
to Caesar as a present. He turned from it with horror, and ordered fitting
burial to be given the remains.
The arrival of the great Roman with his armed force frightened the advisers
of the king. There were several collisions between their soldiers and the
Romans, and Caesar, who was in need of funds, insisted upon the payment of
money due him from the king. Pothinus dallied in the hope of gaining time in
which to overpower his unwelcome visitors; and thereon Caesar seized the per-
son of the king and held him as a hostage for the satisfaction of his claim.
It was at this juncture that the beautiful Cleopatra visited Caesar to urge
her demands for justice. She dared not place herself within the power of
Pothinus, so passed through the ranks of the Egyptian army wrapped in a roll
382 The Story of the Greatest Nations
of carpet and borne on the shoulder of a sturdy slave. Thus hidden she was
carried into Caesar's apartment, and appeared suddenly before him, ready for
the conquest of the conqueror. Caesar was completely bewitched by the fasci-
nating woman, and became her champion and lover. He ordered the king to
share his power with her; Pothinus was seized and executed, but Achillas, es-
caping to his soldiers, summoned them to arms. The populace responded, and
Caesar was shut up in a quarter of the city, where, by damming the canals that
were supplied from the Nile, his supply of water was cut off. To keep open
his way of retreat by the sea, Caesar seized and set fire to the Egyptian fleet.
The fire spread to the city and inflicted a loss which subsequent ages could
never repair, for it was on this occasion that the great Alexandrian library was
probably consumed, with its 400,000 precious volumes.
The situation of Caesar and his men was desperate. He was surrounded by
a turbulent and hostile population, and the only water to be obtained was by
sinking pits in the sand, whence the brackish fluid added to rather than de-
creased, the thirst. He made an attempt to capture the isle of Pharos which
commanded the harbor, but was repulsed, and saved himself by swimming.
The legend says he carried his Commentaries in one hand as he forced his way
through the water. Hoping to bring the struggle to an end, he restored the
young king to his subjects, but soon afterward Caesar's reinforcements arrived
on the frontier, captured Pelusium, and, when they crossed the Nile, he charged
out of the cantonments, attacked the royal forces, and defeated them, the king
losing his life in the river. -
This disaster broke the spirits of the Egyptians, and they made no resist-
ance to the enthronement of Cleopatra. Following the strange custom of her
country, she was married to a still younger brother than her former consort.
Her sister Arsinoe, who had inspired the revolt against her, was surrendered
to be carried to Rome as a captive.
Caesar had thus gained a footing in the wealthiest kingdom in the world,
and he remained for three months, held by two powerful motives—the recruit-
ing of his finances and the enjoyment of the society of the woman whose won-
derful fascination has made her name known to subsequent generations. As
to which of these motives was the stronger, historians have disagreed, but the
majority believe it was the witchery of the “Serpent of the Nile.” Be that
as it may, it must be conceded that Caesar ran little or no risk in dallying with
his fortunes; for Pompey was dead, his adherents scattered, and no name had
the power of his own with which to conjure in distant Rome.
By way of a diversion, he marched into Pontus, where Pharnaces, son of
Mithridates, had attacked his neighbors, who applied to Caesar for assistance.
He left Alexandria in April, B.C. 47, and, landing at Tarsus, crossed Cilicia
Rome—End of the Republic 383
and Cappadocia and routed the barbarian host at Zela in Pontus. Pharnaces
was killed and the war was over in less than a week. It was this campaign
which Caesar described in the briefest despatch ever penned : “ Veni, widi, vici ’’
(“I came, I saw, I conquered ”).
The enemies of Caesar did not dare to raise a hand in Rome, and in Octo-
ber, B.C. 48, he was created Dictator for the second time, with the powers of
the tribunate decreed to him for life. Ingenuity was exhausted in preparing
new honors for him, but there was turbulence in the city, mainly owing to the
indecision of the dissolute M. Antonius, whom Caesar had appointed as his lieu-
tenant there. The Dictator himself arrived in Rome in September, B.C. 47.
His course was marked by the same generous statesmanship that always
guided him. The only estates confiscated were those of the men who remained
in arms against him. Among them was the property of Pompey, whose sons
were still in the hostile camp. Caesar smoothed and restrained the vehemence
of his own supporters, gave Antonius to understand what course he must fol-
low, and appointed two consuls to serve for the remainder of the year. For the
year following, he nominated himself for the third time, and also Lepidus. He
heaped honors and offices upon his friends, and gorged the populace with
largesses.
The Pompeian forces that escaped from Pharsalia had made their way to
the Roman province in Africa, Cato reaching there by a famous march through
lion-haunted deserts. So long as this nest of conspirators was left to hatch
plots, so long must there be a certain degree of danger to Caesar and his
schemes. He, therefore, determined to destroy them.
Among the leaders of the republicans was the head of the ancient race of
Scipio, and, in the course of the year B. C. 47, the forces assembled at Utica,
his headquarters, reached the grand total of ten legions, with the promise of
more reinforcements, in which were included I2O elephants. There was still
much wrangling and jealousy on the part of the leaders, but all seemed to be
confident of final victory, and they often argued and quarrelled over the division
of the prodigious spoils which none doubted would soon fall into their hands.
Early in the year B. c. 46, the expected enemy appeared off the coast and
summoned the republicans to surrender to “Caesar the imperator.” The reply
was that there was no imperator there but Scipio, and the envoy was put to
death as a deserter. Shortly after, Caesar landed, fortified his position with
five legions, and then formed alliances among the Mauritanians and secured a
diversion of the Numidians.
On the 4th of April, the armies met on the field of Thapsus. Even Caesar
could not restrain the ardor of his men, and, placing himself at their head, he
charged upon the enemy. The terrified elephants wheeled about and trampled
384 The Story of the Greatest Nations
under foot the ranks they had been placed to cover, until officers and men fled
in irrestrainable panic. Scipio escaped from the field by sea, but was overtaken
and killed, or, some say, killed himself. Cato called his officers together at
Utica, explained the situation, and allowed them to decide between flight and
surrender. The knights and senators preferred to defend themselves, but the
people insisted upon surrender. Soon afterward, it was learned that Caesar
was approaching, and Cato ordered the gates to be closed, except the one that
led to the shore. He urged all who wished to flee to lose no time in taking
to the ships; but he sent away his associates, leaving it clear that he intended
to remain. That night, as he lay alone upon his bed, he drove his own sword
into his stomach. He did not die immediately, but refused to allow his at-
tendants, who rushed to the room, to do anything to save him. When Caesar
learned of Cato's death, he expressed his sorrow at being robbed of the pleasure
of pardoning him. Caesar came back to Rome after the battle of Thapsus,
master of the Roman dominion. The Republic died when Cato buried his
sword in his own body at Utica.
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CAESAR REurcting the WARNINGs of His DEATH
THE STORY OF
THE GREATEST NATIONS
ANCIENT NATIONS-ROME
Chapter XXXVI
CAESAR'S RULE AND DEATH
AESAR'S series of triumphant victories had made him
as a god in the eyes of Rome. There was no honor too
exalted for him. A Supplication, or thanksgiving of
forty days, had been ordered when he stepped foot once
more in Italy, at the close of July, B.C. 46. His statue
was erected in the Capitol, and another bore the ful-
some inscription, “Caesar the demigod.” His image
was to be carried in the procession of the gods, and a golden chair
was provided for him in the Senate house. The month Quintilis
had its name changed to Julius, which we still retain as July.
While he was not king in name he was in substance, for no mon-
arch could have been more absolute. He was made Dictator for
ten years, which was soon changed to perpetual Dictator, and he
was hailed as Imperator for life. This title was one that was given
under the Republic to a victorious general (for the word means Com-
mander), but it was always laid aside at the close of the military command.
By clipping the word /m/erator, it will be seen that it readily becomes Emperor
25
386 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Moreover, he was invested for three years without a colleague with the
functions of the censorship, the title being the Guardianship of Manners, carry-
ing with it the authority to revise, as he saw fit, the lists of the knights and
senators. To him the people surrendered their right of election, and the Sen-
ate that of administration. In the latter body, he was to seat himself between
the consuls and first give his opinion, after which, as may be supposed, that of
the consuls was of no weight at all, since they dared not oppose him and their
support was unnecessary. He had not forgotten the vanities of youth when he
used to spend hours before the mirror in curling his locks, for now that he had
grown bald about the temples, he wreathed them with the laurel, which not
only hid the lack of hair, but was a badge of martial greatness. He wore no
beard, and, despite his foppish weaknesses, he welcomed the title of “Father of
his Country,” fit only to come from the hearts of a free people.
Caesar celebrated four triumphs—that over the Gauls, over Ptolemaeus, over
Pharnaces, and over Juba, who had brought the reinforcements of elephants and
light cavalry to Scipio at Thapsis, but he declined a triumph for Pharsalia it.
self. He gave a banquet at which were seated fully 60, OOO people, who were
afterward entertained with shows, the circus and the theatre. The combats of
wild beasts and gladiators surpassed anything of the kind ever seen before.
When at last the magnificent ceremonies were over, Caesar once more left
Rome to suppress in Spain the last resistance of the republicans. There
Cnaeus, the eldest son of Pompey, had rallied a motley force, and baffled the
generals sent against him, until Caesar lost patience and went thither to
conduct the campaign for himself. It lasted for several months, and his situa-
tion at one time looked hopeless, but, with his matchless ability, he finally
gained the crowning victory at Munda on March 17, B.C. 45. On that day of
desolation, 30,000 of the vanquished perished. Cnaeus extricated himself from
the whirlpool of death, gained the coast, and put to sea, but was identified when
he made a landing, and killed.
Caesar remained for some time in Spain, arranging affairs, and returned to
Rome in September, when the fresh triumph over the Iberians was celebrated,
followed by the usual games and festivals which delighted the people. At the
theatres, plays were presented in different languages, for the entertainment of
the numerous nationalities in the city, which included ambassadors from the
Moors, the Numidians, the Gauls, the Iberians, the Britons, the Armenians, the
Germans, and the Scythians. And, perhaps greatest of all, came Cleopatra,
queen of Egypt, crown in hand, to lay her treasures at the feet of her royal
lover and preserver. Amid these bewildering flatteries and honors, which
would have turned the head of any man, it is to the credit of Caesar that no
person was made to feel the weight of his resentment. Others with less power
Rome—Caesar's Reforms 387
had waded in massacre, but his clemency amazed his friends as much as his
enemies. His worshippers had removed the statues of Sulla and Pompey, but
he caused them to be restored to their places among those of the grandest
champions of the Republic. “I will not,” he declared in one of his speeches,
“renew the massacres of Sulla and Marius, the very remembrance of which is
shocking to me. Now that my enemies are subdued, I will lay aside the
sword, and endeavor solely by my good offices to gain over those who continue
to hate me.” -
Now Julius Caesar was one of the clearest-sighted men that ever grasped
the reins of power. Nothing was plainer to him than that the old political
system of Rome was hopelessly shattered. It was equally clear that security
and prosperity could be obtained only through the firm and just rule of a single
man. Such a man must be a genius of statesmanship, as well as invincible in
war, and to whom could such transcendant ability be ascribed with more pro-
priety than to Julius Caesar 2
He had obtained power by overriding the laws, but such is the necessity of
all revolutions, and having secured that power, he was determined to use it for
the good of the people. He laid the foundations broad and strong. He pro-
moted distinguished and trustworthy foreigners to places of dignity in the city;
Gauls and others were introduced into the Senate; whole classes of useful sub-
jects, such as those of the medical profession, were admitted to the franchise,
and colonies were planted at Carthage and Corinth. An elaborate geographical
survey was made of the immense regions in his dominion, and a most important
project undertaken was the Condensation and arrangement into a compact code
of the thousands of fragments of the old Roman laws. This work had been
dreamed of by Cicero and others, who were forced to believe it an impossible
task, but Caesar set about it with such practical sense and system that it assur-
edly would have been completed, had his life been spared to the usual limit.
As it was, six centuries had to elapse before the glory of the work was earned
by Justinian the imperial legislator.
One notable achievement was the reform of the calendar. The Roman
year had been calculated on the basis of 354 days, with the intercalation or
insertion every second year of a month of twenty-two and twenty-three days
respectively; but another day had been added to the 354, so as to secure an odd
or fortunate number, to meet which an intricate process, which only the scholars
understood, was brought into use. The jumble became intolerable. Caesar
was a good astronomer, and with the aid of Sosigenes, the most eminent in the
science, the Julian calendar was devised. This is still known by that name, and
makes each year to consist of 365 days, with an additional day added to every
fourth or leap year. Even this is not mathematically exact; and the slight
388 The Story of the Greatest Nations
error, in the course of centuries, grew into an importance which required the
correction made by Pope Gregory XIII., and put into effect in Rome, October
5–15, 1582. By this Gregorian calendar leap year is omitted at the close of
each century whose figures are not divisible by 400. Thus it will be remem-
bered that the year 1900 was not a leap year. -
Spain, Portugal, and a part of Italy adopted the Gregorian calendar with
Rome; France, in December, I 582, and the Catholic states of Germany in
I 583. In Scotland it was adopted on January I, 16OO ; and in the Prot-
estant states of Germany in 17OO. England and Ireland and the English colo-
nies, however, kept the Julian calendar until 1752, when the change was made.
Russia alone has retained the Julian system, its dates being now thirteen days
behind ours. -
Julius Caesar was undoubtedly one of the greatest geniuses that ever lived.
No general ever surpassed him in ability; he was a statesman, an orator, a
mathematician, a historian, an architect, a jurist, and was pre-eminent in each
capacity. His personality was impressive. Tall and dignified of presence,
with a fair complexion and keen, expressive black eyes, he never wore a beard,
and, as he grew bald, he showed that care for his looks which was almost a
passion with him from youth. He wore, as we have stated, a laurel chaplet,
which hid his baldness and was at the same time a badge of his military great-
ness. He was well worthy of the line applied to him by Shakespeare,
“The foremost man of all the world.”
Many of the designs of this remarkable genius were never carried to com-
pletion, for the reason that his life was cut off in its prime and before he had
time to do more than form the far-reaching plans. His Scheme of extending
the pomoerium of the city was completed by his successor. Other plans of his
were even further delayed. Many years passed before the Pomptine marshes
were drained. His scheme of changing the course of the Tiber, so as to en-
large the Campus Martius, was never followed out, nor did he cut through the
Isthmus of Corinth.
He shone as a leader among the intellectual men of his time. While he
was modest and affable in his intercourse, none talked or wrote better than he.
His “Commentaries,” despite the great length of some of the sentences, remains
as a monument of his extraordinary skill as a historian and writer. He was
abstemious among the free livers, and Cato has said of him that, of all the revo-
lutionists of his day, he alone took up his task with perfect soberness at all
times. In this respect he was a marked contrast to Alexander.
Moreover, it is impossible to study the character of the man without giving
him credit for nobility of purpose. He judged rightly, when he felt that the
Rome—Caesar Refuses the Crown 389
only safety of Rome lay in its government by a wise, firm, and discreet ruler,
and certainly there was none in that age who so fully met the requirements of
the position as himself. The blot upon the character of Caesar is that he ac-
cepted the blind, sacrilegious idolatry of his people without protest, and that
his private life was scandalous. He openly declared his unbelief in immortal-
ity, and lived defiantly with Cleopatra as his wife, though he never made her
such.
But worldly ambition is never satisfied, and grows by what it feeds on. He
became restless. The stirring excitements of military life and the incentive to
put forth his best exertions were lacking, and the fact oppressed him. He
became haughty and capricious, and, like Napoleon at St. Helena, dreamed of
the glories of his past campaigns and longed to engage in more. Brooding
over all this, he formed the plan of crushing the Parthians, conquering the
barbarians of the North, and then attacking the Germans in the rear. In the
closing months of the year B.C. 45, he ordered his legions to cross the Adriatic
and meet at Illyricum, where he would speedily join them. He expected to be
absent for a long time from Rome, and arranged for the succession of chief
magistrates for the following two years. He entered on his fifth consulship
on the 1st of January, B. C. 44, M. Antonius being his colleague.
At that time, Caius Octavius, the eighteen-year son of Caesar's sister, was
in camp at Apollonia, receiving instructions in war from the ablest teachers.
He showed great ability, but was of delicate health. Caesar let it be known
that he intended to make Octavius his son by adoption, and to bequeath to him
all those dignities which the Senate had declared hereditary in his family.
It was about this time that the title of £ing became associated with the
name of Caesar. His flatterers suggested it, and his enemies urged it upon
him, thereby hoping to make him unpopular. One morning, it was found that
some person, either a friend or enemy, had attached a laurel and a kingly dia-
dem to the statue of Caesar before the rostra. As soon as the tribunes saw it,
they tore it down, the populace applauding. Caesar joined in the applause,
though one cannot help suspecting the genuineness of his feelings. Some
time later, when returning from a festival, a number of men had been hired to
hail him as king. There could be no mistaking the angry disapproval, and the
listening imperator exclaimed indignantly, “I am no king, but Caesar.” On
the 15th of February, while he was seated in his gilded chair before the rostra
to preside over a festival, his faithful ally Antonius, now consul, approached
and offered him a diadem, saying it was the gift of the Roman people. Faint
applause followed, but when Caesar thrust the diadem from him, the acclama-
tions were enthusiastic. Then Antonius, fresh from a religious ceremony and
thus expressing sacred authority, presented it a second time. The clear-headed
390 The Story of the Greatest Nations
*
ruler had been quick to read the signs, and with considerable heat he replied,
“I am not king; the only king of the Romans is Jupiter,” whereupon he
ordered the diadem to be removed and suspended in the temple in the Capitol.
Human nature has been the same in all ages, and no man can rise to
exalted position without incurring the deadly envy of those who have failed to
keep pace with him. There were many such in Rome. They met in secret,
whispered and plotted, and finally formed a conspiracy for taking the life of
the imperator. The persons concerned in this hideous crime were sixty or
eighty in number, and among them were many who had received marked favors
at the hands of Caesar and professed the warmest devotion to him. The leader
was Caius Longinus Cassius, who had lately been appointed praetor. At the
breaking out of the civil war, he had sided with Pompey, but was pardoned by
Caesar, and besides being made praetor was promised the governorship of Syria
in the following year. The more favors he received, the more malignant he
seemed to become in his hatred of the benefactor. Associated with him were
Decimus Brutus, Trebonius, Casca, Cimber and more, all of whom were under
deep obligations to Caesar for numerous favors.
These men knew they were taking frightful risks, for the crime they con-
templated would shake Rome to its centre and resound through the coming
ages. They needed a strong name to help them through, and fixed upon Marcus
Junius Brutus, who had also been a partisan of Pompey, but made his submis-
sion to Caesar after the battle of Pharsalia, and in the following year was ap-
pointed governor of Cisalpine Gaul. Brutus was a nephew of Cato, and claimed
to trace his descent from a son of the famous Brutus who had founded the Re-
public, and whose other sons had perished by the axe of the executioner. His
descendant was now made vain by the many favors shown him by Caesar, who
one day remarked that, of all Romans, Brutus was the most worthy to succeed
him. Brutus accepted this as earnest, and it was easy for the conspirators by
appealing to this, to procure his consent to become their leader in the dark
counsels they often held together.
Caesar received hints of what was going on. He had dismissed the guard
appointed for him, and was, therefore, continually exposed to treacherous at-
tack. When his friends remonstrated because of the fearless way in which he
walked through the streets, he replied that it was better to die and have done
with it, than to live in continual fear of dying. He scorned to take the least
precautions, and since he had almost completed his preparations for leaving
on his campaigns, his enemies determined to wait no longer. The Senate was
convened for the Ides of March, the 15th day of the month, and it was agreed
that on that day he should be struck down as he entered the Curia,
Caesar is said to have shown some hesitation, due to the many warnings he
Rome—Murder of Caesar 39 I
had received, but he naturally shrank from appearing timid. He determined
to go. On the way along the Forum to the theatre of Pompey, in the Cam-
pus, several persons pressed near to warn him of his peril. One man hastily
shoved a paper into his hand and begged him to read it without an instant's
delay. He paid no heed, but held the roll, when he reached the Senate House
remarking with a smile to the augur Spurinna, “The Ides of March have come.”
“Yes,” replied the other, “but they are not yet passed.”
As he entered the hall, his enemies kept near him so as to hold his friends
at a distance. Caesar advanced to his seat, when Cimber immediately ap-
proached with a petition for the pardon of his brother. The others, as agreed
upon, joined in the prayer with much importunity, seizing his hands and even
attempting to embrace him. Caesar gently repelled their attentions, but they
persisted, and Cimber caught hold of his toga with both hands and snatched
it over his arms. Then Casca, who was behind him, drew a dagger from under
his cloak and reaching forward struck at Caesar, but in the flurry merely grazed
his shoulder. Caesar saw the blow, and tried to seize the hilt of the dagger
with one hand. Then Casca uttered the signal that had been agreed upon.
This was the cry “Help!” Immediately the others swarmed forward, pushing
and striving to get closer to their victim, and all striking vicious blows, even
though a number were not within reach of him. Caesar defended himself as
best he could, and wounded one of his assailants with his stylus; but when he
recognized the gleaming face of Brutus among the panting countenances and
saw the upraised steel in his hand, as he fought to get near enough to strike,
he exclaimed, “What thou too, Brutus !” (“Ft tu, Brute / "), and, drawing his
robe over his face, made no further resistance. The assassins plunged their
weapons into his body again and again, until at last, bleeding from twenty-
three wounds, he sank down and breathed out his life at the feet of the statue
of Pompey.
The awful crime was completed, and the assassins, flinging their gowns over
their left arms, as shields, and brandishing aloft their dripping daggers in their
right hands, marched out of the Curia to the Forum, calling aloud that they
had killed a tyrant, and displaying a liberty cap on the head of a spear. The
multitude were dazed and stupefied for the moment, but the signs were so
Ominous that the conspirators hunted out a place of refuge in the temple of
Jupiter, on the Capitol.
In this place they were joined by others, and among them Cicero, who,
though he had nothing to do with the conspiracy, did not condemn it, and ad-
vised that the Senate should be called together at once. Brutus was distrust-
ful and determined to make another appeal to the populace. He entered the
Forum the next day, and his speech was listened to coldly, even if with respect.
392 The Story of the Greatest Nations
When, however, others followed in the same strain, the hearers broke out with
such violence that the republicans were driven back to their quarters.
Meanwhile the consul Antonius had been active. He communicated
secretly with Calpurnia, the widow of Caesar, who seems to have been a woman
of little force of character, and secured possession of her husband's immense
treasures and also his will. Assisted by his two brothers—one of whom was a
tribune and the other a praetor—Antonius opened, as consul, the national coffers
in the temple of Ops, and drawing a large sum, secured the promise of support
from Lepidus, who had been leader of the army during Caesar's absence in
Spain, and was his colleague in the consulate B.C. 46. Lepidus was weak of
character, lacking both military ability and statesmanship.
Antonius, as the minister and favorite of Caesar, was looked upon by many
as his natural successor. Cicero alone opposed the conspirators' negotiations
with him, for, though a brave man, Antonius was dissipated to the last degree.
He was agreed upon as the proper man to act, and it was arranged that he
should convene the Senate on March 17th. He selected as a place for the
meeting the temple of Tellus, near the Forum, and filled it with armed sol-
diers. Since the assassins were afraid to leave the Capitol, the discussion took
place in their absence. The majority favored declaring Caesar a tyrant, but
Antonius pointed out that this would invalidate all his acts and appointments.
While the discussion was going on, Antonius went out and entered the Forum.
He was received with acclamations, and Cicero showed that the only dignified
course that could relieve them from their embarrassment was an amnesty which
should confirm every acquired right and leave the deed of the conspirators to
the judgment of posterity.
Cicero carried his point, and by his eloquence the next day he calmed the
populace, who invited the conspirators to descend from the Capitol, Lepidus
and Antonius sending their children as hostages, and one entertained Brutus
and the other Cassius at Supper. The following morning all parties met in the
Curia, and Caesar's assignment of provinces was confirmed. To Trebonius
went Asia, to Cimber Bithynia, and to Decimus the Cisalpine, while Mace-
donia was to go to Brutus, and Syria to Cassius, when their terms of office at
home expired.
Caesar was dead but not buried. Inasmuch as his acts were valid, his will
had to be accepted and his remains honored with a public funeral. Antony
read to the people the last testament of their idol, by which it appeared that
the youthful Octavius had been adopted as his son; that the Roman people had
been endowed with his gardens on the bank of the Tiber, and he had bequeathed
some twelve dollars to every citizen.
This liberality roused all to fury, which was kindled to the ungovernable
Rome–Rebellion at Caesar's Funeral 393
point by the funeral oration of Mark Antony. The body was laid out on a
couch of gold and ivory, on a shrine gleaming with gold and erected before the
rostra. At the head was hung the toga in which Caesar had been slain, show-
ing the rents made by the daggers of the assassins. The mangled remains
were concealed, but in their place was displayed a waxen figure, which faith-
fully showed every one of the three-and-twenty wounds.
When the people were swept by grief and indignation, Mark Antony
stepped forward, as the chief magistrate of the Republic. He did this with
marvellous dramatic power. Then pointing to the bleeding corpse, and striding
toward the Capitol, he proclaimed in a thrilling voice: “I at least am prepared
to keep my vow to avenge the victim I could not save' "
The people were now beyond restraint, as the orator intended they should
be. They would not allow the body to be carried outside of the city, but in-
sisted that it should be burned within the walls. Benches, tables, and chairs
were torn up and heaped before the pontiff's dwelling in the Forum, and the
body placed upon it. The torch was applied by two youths, girt with swords
and javelin in hand, while the people flung on more fuel, wherever it could be
gathered, the veterans adding their arms, the matrons their ornaments, and the
children their trinkets. It was a touching fact that among the most grief-
stricken of the mourners were Gauls, Iberians, Africans, and Orientals, all of
whom had loved Caesar with no less fervency than did his own countrymen.
Caesar had been the friend and champion of the common people. Attack-
ing him unawares, his enemies had struck the fragile, human life from his
body. Yet so great had been the spirit of the man, so enormous his influence,
that even that dead body was sufficient to defeat the conspirators. The sud-
den, unquenchable rebellion that sprang up round his corpse, was Caesar's last
and greatest triumph.
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Chapter XXXVII
ANTONY AND OCTAVIUS–ROME BECOMES AN EMPIRE
O orator had ever attained more perfect success than did
Mark Antony in that celebrated speech over Caesar's
body. The frenzied people rushed like madmen
through the streets, with blazing brands, determined
to set fire to the houses of the conspirators and slay
the inmates. The blind attacks were repulsed for the
time, but Brutus and Cassius and their associates made
haste to get out of the city. Had the incensed populace been
able to lay hands upon them, they would have been torn limb
from limb.
Ah, but Mark Antony was sly He interfered and stopped the disorder,
and then set himself to win the good will of the Senate, which was needed to
carry out his plans. He secured the passage of a resolution abolishing the office
of Dictator, and it was never revived; and then, with a stern hand, he put down
the rioting which broke out in many quarters. He even visited Brutus and
Cassius in their hiding, and offered to guarantee their safety, but they wisely
declined to enter the city. Their praetorial office required them to reside in
Rome, but he obtained for the two a charge for supplying provisions which
would justify their absence. In return Antony asked one small favor: since
he, too, was in danger, he asked the Senate to grant him an armed body-guard.
The Senate promptly did so, and he as promptly raised it to six thousand men
and thus made himself safe.
Antony was for the moment as much Dictator as Caesar had ever been.
He secured the sanction of the Senate, not only for all the imperator had done,
but for all that he might have planned to do. Having won over the secretary
Rome—Antony in Power 395
of the deceased, and secured all his papers, Antony carried out what schemes
he liked, and when he lacked authority for them, he, with the help of the
secretary, forged Caesar's authority. It is unnecessary to say that with such
boundless facilities at command, he did not neglect to “feather his own nest,”
and to secure enough funds to bribe senators, officers, and tributary provinces.
He did not hesitate to break the engagements he had made with the conspir-
ators, by taking from Brutus and Cassius the governments that had been
promised them, and seizing Macedonia with the legions Caesar had ordered to
assemble at Apollonia. Beholding all this, Cicero sadly murmured : “The
tyrant is dead, but the tyranny still lives.”
Now, you will remember that Octavius, the young nephew of Caesar, was at
Apollonia preparing himself for the campaign in which he had expected to take
part. When he learned the particulars of his uncle's assassination, and the
letters from his mother made known that he was the heir to all that had been
left, he was thrilled by the ambition that sprang to life within him, and deter-
mined to return to Rome in the face of every danger. His friends tried to dis-
suade him, but he had the fervent devotion of the soldiers, who burned to avenge
the murder of their idolized chief. Nothing could restrain the young man's
resolution, and, when he landed on the coast of Apulia, copies of the will and
the decrees of the Senate were shown to him. He immediately assumed the
title of Caius Julius Caesar Octavianus, and offered himself before the troops
at Brundisium as the adopted son of the great imperator. He was received
with the wildest demonstrations, and the veterans who crowded around drew
their swords and clamored to be led against. all who dared to oppose the will of
him who, being dead, yet spoke in the same trumpet tones as of yore.
Octavius, in spite of his years, was prudent, even while impetuous. In-
stead of appealing to force he addressed the Senate in temperate language,
claiming that, as a private citizen, he had the right to the inheritance left him
by Caesar. On his way to Rome, he visited the despondent Cicero, who was
staying near Cumae, and succeeded in convincing the orator of his loyal and
wise views.
Octavius entered Rome in April, and, despite the remonstrance of his
mother and stepfather, went before the praetor and declared himself the son
and heir of the Dictator. Mounting the tribune, he addressed the people,
pledging to pay the sums bequeathed to them by his illustrious parent. He
made many friends and won over a large number of enemies. Antony had no
fear at first of this stripling, but the news that reached him led him to return to
Rome about the middle of May. When he and Octavius met, the latter pro-
fessed friendship for him, but at the same time upbraided the consul for his
failure to punish the assassins. Then the daring youth demanded the treasures
396 - The Story of the Greatest Nations
of his father; Antony replied that they had all been spent; that it was public
money, and that the will under which Octavius claimed the funds would have
been set aside by the Senate, but for the interference of Antony.
Octavius now sold the remnant of Caesar's effects, all of his own, and bor-
rowed from friends sufficient with which to pay every obligation of his father.
Naturally the people were grateful, and the popularity of the young man rapidly
increased. Antony saw that the most foolish thing he could do was to despise
this competitor, who had won the affection of his countrymen.
At the same time, the conduct of the conspirators was timid. Cicero at-
tended their conferences and strove to animate them with his hopefulness.
Brutus resolved to quit Italy and like Cassius summon the patriots to arms in
Greece and Macedonia. Cicero entered Rome and was delighted with the
warmth of his reception. The day after his arrival, Antony convened the
Senate. Cicero was afraid to appear, and Antony made a bitter attack on him.
Stung by the insult, he came before the Senate and made a terrific assault upon
the tyrant's policy. The several speeches which Cicero uttered against the
consul in the course of the following month are known by the name of Philip-
pics, in allusion to the harangues of Demosthenes against the tyrant of Mace-
don. Octavius let the two wrangle, while he carefully undermined the strength
of Antony. The latter fled from Rome and raised the standard of civil war.
There was promise of the most sanguinary struggles between the leaders and
their partisans, when Octavius awoke to the fact that his own safety depended
upon his coming to an understanding with Antony. Word was sent to Antony
by the young man that he had no wish to injure him, and Octavius refrained from
preventing the junction of the consul's forces with Lepidus in the Transalpine.
This gave to Antony a force of more than twenty legions, while Octavius, with
less than half as many, and in the face of the prohibition of the Senate,
marched his troops to the gates of Rome. Then the people elected him to
the consulship. He cited the murderers of Caesar to appear before the tri-
bunals, and in their absence judgment was passed upon them.
Octavius was now in a position to treat with Mark Antony on equal terms.
As an entering wedge, he caused the Senate to repeal the decrees against him
and Lepidus. This was in the latter part of September, and, about a month
later, Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus held their memorable meeting on a small
island in the Rhenus, and not far from Benonia. They parleyed during three
days, when an agreement was reached by which Octavius was to resign the
consulship in favor of Ventidius, an officer of Antony's army, and the three
chiefs should associate themselves together under a second Triumvirate, for
the establishment of the commonwealth. They were to rule the city, the con-
suls, and the laws, claiming the consular power in common, with the right of
Rome—The Second Triumvirate 397
appointing all the magistrates. Whatever they decreed should be binding
without first obtaining the consent of the Senate or the people. This Second
Triumvirate, formed in B.C. 43, also divided among its members the provinces
around Italy. Antony was to have the two Gauls; Lepidus the Spains, with
the Narbonensis, while Octavius secured Africa and the islands. Italy, the
heart of empire, they were to retain in common, while the division of the
eastern provinces was postponed until after Brutus and Cassius should be driven
out of them. Octavius and Antony, with twenty legions each, were to take
charge of the conduct of the war, while Lepidus remained to protect their in-
terests in Rome.
Having formed their far-reaching scheme, the three agreed that the first
necessary precaution was to leave no enemies in their rear. All from whom
danger threatened must be crushed beyond the possibility of doing harm. Oc-
tavius, Antony, and Lepidus entered the city on three successive days, each at
the head of a single legion. The troops occupied the temples and towers and
their banners waved from the Forum. The farce of a plebiscitum was gone
through, and on November 28th the Triumvirate was proclaimed. Instead of
a massacre like Sulla's, they decreed a formal proscription. Each man had
his list of chief citizens before him, and, sitting down, picked out the names
of those whose deaths would give him special happiness.
Now, since every one was certain to want the sacrifice of the relatives of
the others, they made a ghastly agreement among themselves to the effect that
each, by giving up a relative, would be entitled to proscribe a kinsman of his
colleagues. As a result, among the first names on the fatal list were a brother
of Lepidus, an uncle of Antony, and a cousin of Octavius. The scenes that
followed were too dreadful for description. It is recorded that three hundred
Senators, two thousand knights, and many thousands of citizens were put to
death. Many escaped by fleeing to Macedonia and others to Africa, while
more found refuge on the vessels of Sextus Pompeius that were cruising off
Africa. Some bought their lives with bribes.
Antony demanded the death of Cicero, whose blistering philippics still
rankled in his memory, and Octavius, to his eternal shame, consented. Cicero
was staying at the time with his brother at his Tusculan villa. As soon as
they heard of the proscription, they fled to Astura, another villa, on a small isl-
and off the coast of Antium, whither they intended to embark for Macedonia.
In the pursuit the brother was overtaken and killed, but Cicero gained the
sea, set sail, and landed several times, distressed in body and mind and
caring little what became of him. The last time he went ashore near
Formiae, he was warned of the danger of delay. “Let me die here, in my
fatherland,” he said mournfully, but his slaves placed the man, who was suffer-
398 The Story of the Greatest Nations
ing great bodily pain, upon a litter, and moved as rapidly as they could toward
the sea-coast.
Hardly had they left the house, when an officer, whose life Cicero had once
saved, appeared and pounded on the door. A man pointed out the course taken
by the fugitives, and he and his small force ran after them. Cicero saw them
coming up and noted that they were in less number than his own party, who
prepared to defend him. -
But he would not permit it. He ordered the slaves to set down the litter,
and, fixing his eyes calmly on his enemies, he bared his throat to their swords.
Many of the spectators covered their faces with their hands, and the leader
hesitated and bungled, until at last he pulled himself together and then all
was quickly over. The head of the orator was sent as a gracious present to
Antony, whose wife Fulvia, remembering how nearly she and her husband had
been overthrown by that bitter tongue, thrust long pins through it, taunting the
dead man and crying that she had given the final answer to his orations.
The Second Triumvirate had crushed its enemies at home; it had still to
destroy the republican forces. Brutus and Cassius, knowing they could not
sustain themselves in Italy, had retired to the East. When Brutus appeared
before Athens, the citizens erected his statue by the side of those of Harmo-
dius and Aristogiton, and many of the younger men enlisted in his ranks.
Horace, the future poet, was made a tribune, and numerous veterans also joined
the patriot forces. The kings and rulers of Macedonia were quick to declare
themselves on the same side, one of the adherents being a brother of Antony.
Cassius had gone to his promised government of Syria, where he was held
in high esteem, because of the courage he had displayed in the conquest of the
Parthians, after the fall of Crassus. He devastated the country and then pre-
pared to pass over into Macedonia. The legend is that Brutus, watching in his
tent at night, saw a fearful apparition, which being addressed replied: “I am
thy evil spirit; thou shalt see me again at Philippi.” When he and Cassius
encamped on an eminence, twelve miles east of Philippi, their forces numbered
probably IOO,OOO men. Those which Octavius and Antony brought against
them were fewer, but in a better state of discipline. In the battle Brutus op-
posed Octavius; Cassius, Antony. Octavius was ill, and at the first shock his
division yielded, but Antony was successful. Cassius fell back, and was left
almost alone and unaware of the success of his colleague. Observing a body
of horsemen approaching, he was panic-stricken, and, believing them the enemy,
threw himself on the sword of a freedman and died. The messenger sent by
Brutus with news of his triumph, arrived just a moment too late. It was a
drawn battle, and each side withdrew, glad of a respite.
Brutus found it difficult to hold his legions in hand, and, yielding to his
Rome—Antony and Cleopatra 399
impatience, he renewed the battle twenty days later on the same field. The fight
was well contested, but the Caesarians under Octavius broke the ranks of their
enemies, and attacked them in their camp. Brutus held an anxious position
throughout the night on a neighboring hill. When daylight came, his remain-
ing men refused to renew the fight, and in despair he ended his life with his
own sword. The remnant of the shattered republican armies was carried off
by the fleet which had attended their movements.
The decisive victory having been gained, the victors made a new partition
of the spoils. Octavius took Spain and Numidia; Antony, Gaul beyond the
Alps; and Lepidus the province of Africa. But the division was hardly made
when the possessors began to quarrel over it. Lepidus was feeble, and of such
insignificance that his share was soon taken from him, after which nothing was
more certain than that Octavius and Antony would soon come to strife over
their portions, and each would intrigue against the other. Octavius was still
suffering in health, and chose to seek repose by returning to the balmy climate
of Italy, and undertaking the task of placing the veterans on the estates of the
natives. The gross Antony stayed in the East, indulging in the lowest dissi-
pation.
He ordered Cleopatra to meet him at Cilicia, on a charge of intrigue with
his enemy Cassius. It is said that the wit and piquancy of this remarkable
woman were more effective than her dazzling beauty, and none knew better how
to use her gifts than she. Sailing for Tarsus, she glided up the Cydnus in a
gilded vessel, with purple sails and silver oars, to the sound of flutes and pipes.
Under an awning, Spangled with gold, she reclined in the garb of Venus, sur-
rounded by Cupids, Graces, and Nereids, while Antony appeared in the charac-
ter of Bacchus. Impressed by her splendid equipage, he invited her to land
and sit at his banquet, but with the air of a queen she summoned him to at-
tend upon her.
That meeting sealed his fate. He was utterly enthralled. Under the spell
of the arch temptress, he forgot wife, Rome, and every duty, and only asked the
bliss of becoming her slave and adorer; and, inasmuch as that was the object
for which she played from the beginning, she made sure of retaining her sway
over him.
In the middle of the summer B.C. 36, Antony had gathered IOO,000 men on
the Euphrates with the intention of completing the conquest of the Parthians.
His alliance with Cleopatra had delayed him so long, that he advanced too
rapidly, and, on reaching Praaspa, three hundred miles beyond the Tigris, he
found himself without any artillery with which to conduct a siege. He, there-
fore, settled to an attempt at the reduction of the city by blockade, but
the Parthian horsemen cut off his supplies and a number of his Armenian
4.OO The Story of the Greatest Nations
allies deserted. This compelled him to retreat, and for twenty-seven days his
men were subjected to incredible sufferings. Not until they had crossed the
Araxes did the Parthians cease their attacks. Antony still hurried his wearied
soldiers, intent only on rejoining Cleopatra at the earliest moment. She had
come to Syria to meet him, and, caring nothing for honor or duty, he returned
with her to the dissipations of the Egyptian capital, not hesitating in his
shamelessness to announce his recent campaign as a victory. It suited Octa-
vius to maintain the appearance at least of friendship, and he did not dispute
the claim.
Antony's second wife, the faithful Octavia, hoping to save her husband
from the thraldom of Cleopatra, obtained the consent of her brother Octavius
to rejoin Antony. He had returned to Syria, and was preparing for a new ex-
pedition, when he learned that his wife had arrived in Athens. He sent her
orders to come no further. She could not mistake the meaning of the mes-
sage, but asked leave to send forward the presents she brought with her, which
consisted of clothing for the soldiers, money, and equipments, including 2,000
picked men as a body-guard for the imperator. Then the “Serpent of the
Nile” exerted all her devilish arts, and the fool Antony fled with her to Alex-
andria. Octavia, with the serene dignity of wounded womanhood, resigned her
unworthy husband to the fate which he richly deserved.
Some modern courts have illustrated the depths of debauchery of which
men and women are capable, but none have surpassed the court of Cleopatra,
whose dominion over Mark Antony was so complete that he seemed unable to
live except in her presence. It was as if nature had displayed the utmost
achievements of which she is capable in the creation of this woman. While
her portraits do not show a superlative degree of beauty, yet she must have pos-
sessed it to a remarkable extent, and her magnetism of manner was resistless.
She was a fascinating singer and musician, spoke several languages, and was
past-mistress in all the arts and artifices of her sex. None knew better how to
capture and to retain her dominion over such a coarse wretch as Antony.
What strange stories have come down to us of that extraordinary couple !
When he dropped a line into the water, trained divers by her orders slipped
unperceived underneath and fastened live fish to the hook; she dissolved a
pearl of princely value in a cup of vinegar, and drank it to his health.
The rumors of these orgies caused resentment in Rome, where the tact and
wisdom of Octavius steadily added to his popularity. One of the chief Sup-
porters of Antony became so nauseated that he appeared in the Senate and
openly declared his abhorrence of his late master. Then he went to Octavius
and revealed the testament of Antony, which reeked with treason. It declared
the child of Cleopatra and Caesar the heir of the Dictator, and ratified Antony's
Rome—Battle of Actium 4O1
drunken gifts of provinces to favorites, finally directing that his body should be
entombed with Cleopatra's in the mausoleum of the Ptolemies. All this hid-
eous wickedness being known, every one was ready to believe the story that
Antony when drunk had given his pledge to Cleopatra to sacrifice the West to
her ambition and to remove to Alexandria the government of the world.
Octavius, while refraining from declaring Antony a public enemy, pro-
claimed war against Egypt, and did not renew the terms of the Triumvirate
which had expired, but directed the Senate to annul the appointment of Antony
as consul, assuming it himself at the opening of B.C. 3 I.
Antony still had friends, and they now begged him to wrench himself free
from Cleopatra. He replied by divorcing his legitimate wife, thus breaking
the last legal tie that bound him to his country. He could not wholly close
his eyes to his peril, however, and showed some of his old-time vigor in prepar-
ing to resist Octavius, who was equally energetic in preparations against him.
The forces of Antony are given at IOO,OOO infantry and I2, OOO horse, while
his fleet numbered 500 large war-galleys. Octavius had 20,000 less, and only
I 5o smaller vessels, which on that account were more manageable. The deser-
tion of many of his troops awakened distrust in the mind of Antony, who be-
came suspicious of Cleopatra herself and compelled her to taste all viands be-
fore he partook of them. At last the two great armies gathered in front of
each other on the shores of the gulf of Ambracia, the narrow channel between
being occupied by the fleet of Antony.
This field of war was ill-chosen, for it was confined and unhealthful, and
Antony wished to remove his forces to the plains of Thessaly; but Cleopatra,
fearing for her own way of retreat, dissuaded him. Distrusting the issue of
the battle, he secretly prepared to lead his fleet into the open waters of the
Leucadian bay, so as to break through the enemy's line, and escape to Egypt,
leaving the army to do the best it could to retreat into Asia.
The wind was so high for several days that the rough waters would not per-
mit the ships of either side to move; but it fell, and, on September 20, B.C. 3 I,
at noon, while the galleys of Antony lay becalmed at the entrance to the
strait, a gentle breeze sprang up, so that the immense armament moved out
to Sea.
It immediately became apparent that the ships were greatly handicapped by
their bulkiness, which held them from moving with the nimbleness of their op-
ponents. They hurled huge stones from their wooden towers and reached out
enormous iron claws to grapple their assailants, which dodged and eluded them
like a party of hounds in front of a wounded bear. How curiously the account
of this naval battle reads when compared with one of our modern contests on
the water | The Caesarean rowers shot forward and backed with great agility,
4O2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
or swept away the banks of the enemy's oars, under cover of showers of arrows,
circling about the awkward masses and helping one another against boarding or
grappling. It was a school of whales fighting sharks, but the result was inde-
cisive, for although the whales were wounded, the sharks did not disable them.
Then suddenly took place a shameful thing. Cleopatra's galley, anchored
in the rear, hoisted its sails and sped away, followed by the Egyptian Squadron
of sixty barks. Antony caught sight of the signal, and, leaping into a boat,
was rowed rapidly in their wake. Many of the crews, enraged at the desertion,
tore down their turrets, flung them into the sea to lighten their craft, and has-
tened after him, but enough remained to put up a brave fight. Then the
Caesareans, unable otherwise to destroy them, hurled blazing torches among the
ships, which, catching fire, burned to the water's edge, and sank one after the
other. Thus ended the great sea-fight of Actium. Three hundred galleys fell
into the victor's hands, but the army on shore was still unharmed. It was
not until its commander abandoned it and sought the camp of Octavius, that
the legions surrendered.
Antony and Cleopatra had fled in the same vessel. Proceeding direct to
Alexandria, she sailed into the harbor, her galley decked with laurels through
fear of a revolt of the people. Antony had remained at Paraetonium to demand
the surrender of the small Roman garrison stationed there, but was repulsed,
and learned of the fate of his army at Actium. In his despair, he was ready to
kill himself, but his attendants prevented and took him to Alexandria, where he
found Cleopatra preparing for defence. Defections broke out on every hand,
and she proposed to fly into far-away Arabia. She commenced the transport
of her galleys from the Nile to the Red Sea, but some were destroyed by the
barbarians on the coast, and she abandoned the project. Then the distracted
woman thought she could seek a refuge in Spain and raise a revolt against Oc-
tavius. This wild scheme was also given up, and Antony shut himself up in a
tower on the sea-coast; but Cleopatra was not ready to yield, and showed her
boy dressed as a man to the people that they might feel they were governed by
him and not by a woman. e
Still hopelessly captivated, Antony sneaked back to his royal mistress, and
the two plunged into reckless orgies till the moment should come for both to
die together. It is said that at this time the woman made many careful ex-
periments of the different kinds of poison on slaves and criminals, and was
finally convinced that the bite of an asp afforded the most painless method of
taking one's departure from life. -
Meanwhile, she and Antony applied to Octavius for clemency. He dis-
dained to make any answer to Antony, but told Cleopatra that if she would kill
or drive away her paramour, he would grant her reasonable terms. Octavius
Rome—Death of Antony and Cleopatra 4O3
was playing with his victims like a cat with mice. He meant to have her
kingdom, but was determined to carry the detested woman herself to Rome and
exhibit her in his triumph. Cunning agents of his suggested to her that Oc-
tavius was still a young man, and she no doubt could exert the same power over
him that had taken Antony captive. It was not strange that she should believe
this, for her past experience warranted such belief. She encouraged Antony
to prepare for the last struggle, and all the time was secretly contriving to dis-
arm and betray him. The forces of Octavius drew nearer. Pelusium was cap-
tured, but Antony gained the advantage in a skirmish before the walls of Alex-
andria, and was on the point of seizing the moment for a flight to sea, when he
saw his own vessels, won away by Cleopatra, pass over to the enemy. Almost
at the same moment, his cohorts, seduced by the same treachery, deserted him.
Cleopatra had shut herself up in a tower, built for her mausoleum, but fear-
ing that the man whom she had ruined would do her violence, had word sent to
him that she had committed suicide. This was the final blow to Antony, who
with the aid of his freedman Eros inflicted a mortal wound upon himself. Im-
mediately after, he learned that he had been tricked, and that the queen was
unharmed. He caused himself to be carried to the foot of the tower, where,
with the assistance of two women, her only attendants, he was drawn up, and
breathed his last in her arms.
By this time, Octavius had entered Alexandria and sent an officer to bring
Cleopatra to him. She refused to admit the messenger, but he scaled the tower
undiscovered and entered. She snatched up a poniard to strike herself, but
the man caught her arm and assured her that his master would treat her kindly.
She listened for some minutes, and then allowed herself to be led to the palace,
where she resumed her state, and was recognized as a sovereign by her victor.
Then Octavius called upon her. Never in all her wonderful experience did
she so exert herself to capture one of the sterner sex; but Octavius had nerved
himself for the meeting, and for the first time the charmer found she had no
power to charm. He talked with coolness and self-possession, demanded that
she should give him a list of her treasures, and then, bidding her to be of good
heart, left her. *
Cleopatra was chagrined at her failure, but she did not despair, till she
learned that Octavius was determined to take her as a captive to Rome. She
then retired to the mausoleum where the body of Antony still lay, crowned the
tomb with flowers, and was found the next morning dead on her couch, her two
women attendants expiring at her side. Although the common account makes
Cleopatra die of the bite of an asp, brought to her in a basket of figs, the truth
concerning her end will never be known with certainty. As we have learned
in Egypt's story, there were no wounds discovered on her body, and it may be
4.O4. The Story of the Greatest Nations
that she perished from some self-administered subtle poison. At the triumph
of Octavius, her image was carried on a bier, the arms encircled by two ser-
pents, and this aided the popular rumor as to the means of her death. The
child which she had borne to Julius Caesar was put to death by Octavius, who
could brook the existence of no such dangerous rival, but the children of An-
tony were spared, though deprived of the royal succession. The dynasty of the
Ptolemies ended, and Egypt became a Roman province (B.C. 30).
The death of Antony closes the dreadful period of civil strife. The com-
monwealth was exhausted and Octavius was supreme. With masterly ability,
he regulated his new province, and then made his tour through the Eastern
dominions, dispossessing his enemies and rewarding his allies and friends.
When everything was settled, he went to Samos, where he spent the winter in
pleasant retirement. He reached Rome in the middle of the summer of B.C.
29, and was received with acclamations of joy. With a wisdom worthy of his
adopted father, he recognized the authority of the Senate and claimed to have
wielded delegated powers only. He had laid aside the functions of the Trium-
virate, and it was as a simple consul, commissioned by the state, that he had
conquered at Actium and won the province of Egypt, while his achievements
in Greece and Asia still awaited confirmation by the Senate. So modest and
loyal did his conduct appear, that his popularity was like that of the great im-
perator whose name he inherited.
To him was awarded the glory of a triple triumph, at the conclusion of
which, according to the laws of the free state, he as imperator must disband his
army, but he overcame the necessity by allowing the subservient Senate to
give him the permanent title of Imperator, as it had been conferred upon Julius
Caesar, and to prefix it to his name. He was thus made lifelong commander of
the national forces. This accomplished the all-important result of securing to
him the support of the army, which was the real strength of the country. He
acknowledged the Senate as the representative of the public will, but caused
himself to be vested with the powers of the censorship, which, you will remem-
ber, gave him authority to revise the list of senators. This right he exercised
with discretion and wisdom. It will be recalled that Julius Caesar degraded the
body by adding to it many men of low degree, including obnoxious foreigners.
Octavius restored the old number of six hundred, and kept strictly to the re-
quirement of property qualification. He placed himself at the head as Prin-
ceps, which, while it implied, no substantial power, was looked upon as the
highest honorary office. This civic dignity was always held for life.
While he was thus gathering these powers to himself, he prudently waived
all formal recognition of his sovereign status. He refrained from reviving the
dictatorship, and permitted no one to hail him with the title of “King.” Still
Rome–Octavius Establishes the Empire 4O 5
he craved a title, and consulted with his trusted friends. Some suggested the
name of Quirinus or Romulus, but the one was a god and the other had perhaps
been slain as a tyrant. Finally the name “Augustus’’ was proposed, and it
seemed to “fit” the requirements exactly. It had not been borne by a pre-
vious ruler, but as an adjective it possessed a noble meaning. The rites of the
temples and their gods were “august,” and the word itself came from “augu-
ries” by which the divine will was revealed. And so the name of Octavius was
dropped, and the lord of Rome stood forth as Augustus Caesar.
This man was thirty-six years old when he became master of the Roman
world, though there was no open establishment of a monarchical government.
He aimed to maintain, so far as possible, the old law, to defend his country
from foreign aggressions, and to make it as truly great as was within the com-
pass of human endeavor. The example of Julius Caesar was ever before him,
and, since the first Caesar had been assassinated for grasping at the name of
king, the second avoided his error. Remembering, too, that the great impe-
rator lightly regarded religion, Augustus strove to revive the faith of Rome.
The decaying temples were repaired, the priesthoods renewed, and the earlier
usages of the Republic restored. Augustus did not allow his impulses to lead
him astray. He saw with vivid clearness, and the grandest political work ever
accomplished by a single man was his, in the establishment of the Roman
Empire.
In reflecting upon the ease with which the Romans “passed under the
yoke,” as may be said, it must be remembered that they had been carried close
to the verge of exhaustion by the century of civil strife. Many of the nobler
families of Rome had been nearly or quite wiped out, and the survivors were
weary of the seemingly endless warring of factions. So many mongrels had
mixed their blood with that of the Romans that the pure strain was vitiated.
In short, the people were in just the mood, and just the condition, just the
epoch had arrived when they needed a single, stern ruler. And since that
must be, it was surely fortunate that their sovereign should be Augustus.
He is described as a model in his personal traits and habits. He avoided
the personal familiarity with which Julius Caesar was accustomed to address his
legionaries. The elder loved to speak of his soldiers as “comrades,” the
younger referred to them as his “soldiers” only. While he encouraged the
magnificence of his nobles, his own life was of striking simplicity. His home
on the Palatine Hill was modest in size and in ornament. While his dress was
that of a plain senator, he took no little pride in calling attention to the fact
that it was woven by his wife and the maidens in her apartment. When he
walked the streets, it was as a private citizen, with only the ordinary retinue of
attendants. If he met an acquaintance, he saluted him courteously, taking him
(
406 The Story of the Greatest Nations
by the hand or leaning on his shoulder, in a way that was pleasing to every one
to whom he showed the delicate attention.
He willingly responded to the summons to attend as a witness the suits
in which any of his friends engaged, and on occasions of domestic interest he
appeared at their houses. He was abstemious in eating and drinking, and was
said to have been the last to arrive at the table and the first to leave. He had
few guests, and they were generally selected for their social qualities. The
discreditable stories sometimes told of him referred to his earlier years, when
his habits were open to criticism.
One striking fact regarding the reign of Augustus was the friendship which
he secured from the poets. It was Horace who taught others to accept the
new order of things with contentment, while Virgil wreathed the empire of the
Caesars in the halo of a legendary but glorious antiquity. The ºneid proved
that Octavius was a direct descendant of the goddess Venus and a worthy rival
of Hercules. Thus spake the giants among the poets, but there were minor
singers as well, who called upon their countrymen to remember in their prayers
him who had restored order and brought universal felicity. The citizens were
urged in the temples and in their own homes to thank the gods for all their
prosperity, and to join with the gods themselves the hallowed name of Æneas,
the patron of the Julian race. Then, too, when they rose from their evening
meal, the last duty of the day was to call with a libation for a blessing on
themselves and on Augustus, whom they called “the father of his country.”
No prouder title than this could be conferred upon any Roman. It had
been associated in private with their hero, and finally the Senate, echoing the
voice of the nation, conferred it on him publicly and with all solemnity. That
he was deeply touched was shown in his tremulous response:
“Conscript fathers, my wishes are now fulfilled, my vows are accomplished.
I have nothing more to ask of the Immortals, but that I may retain to my dying
day the unanimous approval you now bestow upon me."
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Romans Burning A GERMAN WILLAGE
CHAPTER XXXVIII
“THE GRANDEUR THAT WAS ROME ''
whole peninsula from the Alps to the Messina Strait,
was divided into eleven regions, governed directly by
the praetor of the city. The rest of the empire was
apportioned between the emperor and the Senate. The
extent of the great territory may be given as follows:
The boundary on the north was the British Channel,
the North Sea, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Black Sea; on the
east, the Euphrates and the Desert of Syria; on the south the
Great Sahara of Africa; and on the west the Atlantic Ocean.
From east to west the extent of this domain was about 2,700
miles, with an average breadth of 1,000 miles. It embraced the
modern countries of France, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, Western
Holland, Rhenish Prussia, portions of Baden, Wurtemberg and
Bavaria, all of Switzerland, Italy, the Tyrol, Austria proper,
Western Hungary, Croatia, Slavonia, Servia, Turkey in Europe,
Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, Palestine, Idumaea, Egypt, the Cyre-
naica, Tripoli, Tunis, Algeria, and most of Morocco.
Outside of Italy, the empire was divided into twenty-seven provinces, of
which the Western numbered fourteen; the Eastern, eight; and the Southern,
five. Within this area were three distinct civilizations: the Zatºn, which em-
braced the countries from the Atlantic to the Adriatic; the Greek, from the
Adriatic to Mount Taurus; and the Oriental, around Egypt and the Euphrates.
The empire was admirably policed. Peace was so clearly to the interest of
the people of the inland shores that the Mediterranean provinces held scarcely
408 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the shadow of a garrison. Each state and town could be trusted to govern it-
self. There were hardly even defenders of Italy and Rome. Augustus' per-
sonal safety was confided to a few body-guards, though during the reign of his
successor the battalions were gathered in camp at the gates of the city. The
legions forming the standing army of the empire were placed on the frontiers
or among the restless provinces. There were three legions in the Spanish
peninsula, eight on the banks of the Rhine, two in Africa, two in Egypt, four
on the line of the Euphrates, four on the Danube, while two were held in re-
serve in Dalmatia, where in a contingency they could be readily summoned to
Rome. Each of these twenty-five legions contained 6, IOO foot and 720 horse,
with little variation in their strength for the following three hundred years.
The entire military force of the empire, including the cohorts in the capital,
was about 350,000 men.
Within this mighty area there were, during the age of Augustus, probably
one hundred millions of human beings, of whom one-half were in a condition
of slavery. Of the remainder, only a small proportion were Roman citizens,
living in Italy, enjoying political independence and having a share in the gov-
ernment. The different lands and their inhabitants were governed by Roman
legates, half of whom were appointed by Augustus and the other half by the
Senate, and they held supreme military command. Following the wise cus-
tom which prevailed from the first, the provinces were allowed to have their
own municipal constitutions and officers. *
Throughout the district of Latin civilization, embracing the peninsula of
Italy and all Western Europe, as well as the North African provinces, the
Latin language took firm root, and the whole civilization became Roman.
Greek civilization included Greece and all those regions of Europe and
Asia which had been Hellenized by Grecian colonists or by the Macedonian
conquerors. Politically their condition was changed, but they remained Greek
in language, manners, and customs.
Oriental civilization prevailed in all the Eastern provinces, particularly
Egypt and Syria. The people there retained their own languages and religious
ideas, and never became Latinized.
Augustus was the first ruler to appoint a regular and permanent naval force.
Three powerful armaments were maintained, and, although we have no account
of their taking part in regular warfare, they policed the seas, drove away pirates,
secured the free carriage of grain from the provinces to Rome, and convoyed
the vessels that brought tribute from the East or the West. s
Rome was the metropolis of the Roman Empire, and at the height of its
prosperity probably contained a population of more than two millions. The
circumference of that portion inclosed by walls was about twenty miles, but
NOV 8 1906
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Rome—Splendor of the City 4O9
there were numerous populous suburbs. The walls were pierced for thirty
gates. Under Augustus Rome grew into a magnificent city, and he was able
to boast that he found it brick and left it marble.
Among the most notable buildings was the Colosseum, as the ruins of the
Flavian Amphitheatre are called. It could seat IOO, OOO spectators, while the
Circus Maximus, which was reserved for races, shows, and public games, ac-
commodated 200,000 persons. The Emperor erected theaters and public
baths, as did his successors, as if to lead the people to forget in their enjoy-
ments the loss of their liberty.
We have learned of the Forum, which stood in the valley between the Pala-
tine and Capitoline hills. It was the great market and place for public assem-
bly, and was early decorated with statues of illustrious citizens, which were
probably of wood rather than stone. The Comitium was an open platform
raised a few steps above the Forum, and, being a mecting-place of the patri-
cians, was furnished with a hall or curia. Opposite to this upon a platform
was the rostrum or pulpit from which the orators addressed the patricians. The
Forum was surrounded with temples, public offices, and halls for the adminis-
tration of justice. There too was the famous Temple of Janus, built of bronze
by the earliest kings, when the custom was established of closing its gates dur-
ing peace, but so continuous were the wars of the Romans that during a period
of eight centuries the gates were shut only three times. -
The Campus Martius was the favorite exercise-ground of the young nobles;
on it the elections of magistrates, reviews of troops, and the registration of citi-
zens were held. It was surrounded by a number of fine residences, with orna-
mental trees and shrubs planted in different parts, and provided with porticoes
so that the exercises could be continued in bad weather.
The Pantheon is the only ancient edifice in Rome that has been perfectly
preserved, being now known as the Church of Santa Maria Rotonda. It was
erected by Agrippa, the son-in-law of Augustus. It is lighted through one
aperture, in the centre of the magnificent dome, and was dedicated to all the
gods. g
The aqueducts of Rome were among its most remarkable structures. Pure
water was brought from great distances through these channels, that were sup-
ported by massive arches, some of them more than a hundred feet high. Under
the different emperors, twenty of these prodigious structures were raised, and
they brought to the city an abundance of the purest water for all purposes.
Innumerable fountains were thus supplied, many being of great architectural
beauty.
The imperial city became in many respects the grandest exhibition the
world has ever known of the genius and enterprise of man. Nowhere else
4. I O The Story of the Greatest Nations
were constructed such immense circuses. These were seven in number, and in
addition there were two amphitheatres, five regular theatres, and four hundred
and twenty temples. The public baths numbered sixteen, were built of marble,
and were the perfection of convenience and luxury, while to these were to be
added the triumphal arches, obelisks, public halls, columns, porticoes, and
palaces without number. -
Speaking now for the whole period of the Empire, let us give some attention
to the Roman manners and customs, the account of which we gather from Col-
lier's “Domestic Life in Imperial Rome.”
The best-known garment of the Romans was the toga, made of pure white
wool, and in its shape resembling the segment of a circle. Narrow at first, it
was folded so that one arm rested in it as in a sling, but afterward it was draped
in broad, flowing folds round the breast and left arm, leaving the right nearly
bare. In later times it was not worn on the street, its place being taken by a
mantle of warm colored cloth, called the Žal/iu/z or /acerma, but it continued to
be the Roman full dress, and when the emperor visited the theatre, all present
were expected to wear it.
No Roman covered his head, except when on a journey, or when he wished
to escape notice, at which times he wore a dark-colored hood, that was fastened
to the lacerna. When in the house, solea were strapped to the bare feet, but
outside, the calceus, closely resembling our shoe, was worn. Every Roman of
rank wore on the fourth finger of the left hand a massive signet-ring, while the
fops loaded every finger with jewels.
The dress of the Roman women consisted of three parts, –an inner tunic,
the stola, and the palla. The stola was the distinctive dress of Roman matrons,
and was a tunic with short sleeves, girt round the waist, and ending in a deep.
flounce which swept the instep. The palla was a gay-colored mantle that was
worn out-of-doors. It was often bright-blue, sprinkled with golden stars. The
most brilliant colors were chosen, so that it will be seen that an assembly of
Roman belles in full dress, gleaming with scarlet and yellow, purple and pale
green, made a picture whose beauty is not surpassed in our own times. The
hair was encircled with a garland of roses, fastened with a gold pin, and pearls
and gold adorned the neck and arms.
The chief food of the early Romans was bread and pot herbs; but as pros-
perity increased, they lost their abstemious habits, and every species of luxury
was introduced. When the days of the decline came, the ambition and enjoy-
ment of the rulers, nobles, and wealthy citizens was to gormandize on the rich-
est of viands and the choicest of wines, and there is no surer sign of the decay
of a nation or people than when they yield to such gross indulgences.
As with us, the Roman meals were three daily. The ſentaculum was taken
Rome—Customs of the People 4 II
soon after rising, and consisted of bread, dried grapes or olives, cheese, and per-
haps milk and eggs. The prandium was the midday meal, when the Roman
partook of fish, eggs, and dishes cold, or warmed up from the Supper of the
night before. Wine was generally drunk, though sparingly. The cana was
the principal meal of the day, and corresponded to our modern dinner. Instead
of opening with Soup as is our custom, eggs, fish, and light vegetables, such as
lettuces and radishes, served with palatable sauces, were first eaten and were
intended to whet the appetite for what followed. This consisted of the be-
wildering courses, known as fercula, which, among other delicacies, included
fish, turbot, sturgeon and red mullet, peacock, pheasant, woodcock, thrush, and
the fig-pecker. Venison was popular, and young pork a favorite. When the
feaster was through with these, he tackled the dessert of pastry and fruit.
At the table, the Romans did not seat themselves as we do, but low couches
were arranged in the form tric/inium, which made three sides of a square, the
open space being left for the convenience of the slaves in removing the dishes.
The middle bench was the place of honor. Afterward, round tables came into
fashion and the semicircular couches were used. Table-cloths were not em-
ployed, but each guest brought a linen bib or napkin, called 7/eap/a, which he
wore over the breast. Knives and forks were unknown, their place being taken
by two kinds of spoon,-one, cochlear, Small and pointed at the end of the
handle; the other, lingula, larger and of no clearly defined shape. Modern
usage has greatly improved on the oil lamps that were used at the late meals.
Like the table utensils, they were of fine material and beautiful pattern, but the
thick Smoke blackened the wall and ceiling, and the pungent oil soaked the table.
During the feast short dresses of bright material were worn instead of the
toga. Chaplets were handed round before the drinking began, and were made
of roses, myrtle, violets, ivy, and sometimes parsley. The hair of the guests
was anointed with fragrant unguents by the slaves, before these chaplets were
put on. The drink was mainly wine. Previous to being brought on the table,
this was strained through a metal sieve or linen bag filled with snow, and was
known as black or white, according to its color. The Falernian, of which we
often read, and which was celebrated by Horace, was of a bright amber tint.
The diners also drank mulsum, a mixture of new wine with honey, and calda,
made of warm water, wine, and spice.
The Romans were fond of their baths. In the rugged days, nothing suited
them better than a cold plunge in the Tiber, which tingled the blood and
braced the iron muscles, but this gave place under the Empire to the luxurious
System of warm and vapor bathing, sometimes repeated six or eight times a
day, with greatly enervating results. The bathers spent hours lolling in the
baths and gossiping to their hearts' content.
4 I 2 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The Romans found their amusements in the theatre, with its comedies and
tragedies, the circus, and the amphitheatre. At the circus, which was really a
race-course, they made bets on their favorite horses or charioteers, while in the
amphitheatre they revelled in the bloody combats of the gladiators, of which we
shall learn more hereafter. -
The Roman books were rolls of papyrus, or parchment, written upon with
a reed pen, dipped in sepia or lamp-black. The edges were rubbed smooth
and blackened; the back of the sheet was often stained yellow, while the
ends of the stick on which it was rolled were adorned with knobs of ivory or
gilt wood. From the form of the book we have the word volume, meaning
“a roll.” Letters were etched with a sharp-pointed iron, called a stylus, on
thin wooden tablets coated with wax, and from the instrument employed, we
have our word style. The letters were then tied up with a linen thread, the
knot being sealed with wax and stamped with a ring.
There were three forms of marriage, of which the highest was called comfar-
reaſio. The bride attired in a white robe with purple fringe, and covered with
a brilliant yellow veil, was escorted by torchlight to her future home. A cake
was carried in front of her, and she bore a distaff and a spindle with wool.
When she reached the flower-wreathed portal, she was lifted over the threshold
that she might not risk a stumble, which was an omen of evil. Next, her hus-
band brought fire and water, which she touched, and then, seated on a sheep-
skin, she received the keys of the house, the ceremony closing with a marriage
Supper.
The household work was done by slaves. They were few at first, but, as
time passed, it was thought a disgrace for a citizen not to have a slave for every
separate kind of work. Thus one managed the purse, another the cellar, an-
other the bedrooms, another the kitchen, while there were slaves to attend their
masters when they walked abroad. The wealthiest Romans had their readers,
Secretaries, and physicians, and for amusement there were musicians, dancers,
buffoons, and idiots. In the slave-market the unfortunate were bought and sold
like cattle, but the beautiful females were disposed of privately and brought
prices which often reached several thousand dollars.
The principal apartments of a first-class Roman house were on the ground-
floor. Passing through the unroofed vestibule, generally between rows of
pleasing statues, one entered the dwelling through a doorway ornamented with
ivory, tortoise-shell, and gold, looking down on the word Salve (welcome)
worked in mosaic marble. He then passed into the atrium, or large central
reception-room, which was separated from its wings by lines of pillars. Here
were placed the ancestral images and the family fireplace, dedicated to the
Lares or tutelar deities of the house. Beyond lay a large saloon called the
Rome—Early Writers 4 I 3
petrisyle, whose floor was usually a mosaic of colored marble, tiles, or glass,
with the walls covered or painted, with gilt and colored stucco-work on the
ceilings and with the window-frames filled with talc or glass. There were
bright gardens on the roof, and within the house would be found ivory bed-
steads, with quilts of purple and gold; tables of rare and precious wood; side-
boards of gold and silver, bearing plate, amber vases, beakers of Corinthian
bronze, and exquisitely beautiful glass vessels from Alexandria.
You will bear in mind that these descriptions apply only to the homes of
the wealthy, who, with all their extravagance and luxury, lacked many of the
comforts found to-day in the humblest modern homes. It followed that the
poorer Romans had even less in the way of convenience, and were obliged to
get on as best they could.
It was not until the time of Augustus that the literature of Rome became
really noteworthy. He gave the Empire the peace and settled condition which
enable literature to flourish. A brilliant galaxy of writers consequently gath-
ered round him, and his reign constitutes the world-famous “Augustan age" of
literature.
Ennius, called the father of Roman poetry, had lived over a century and a
half before, and marks the beginning of Latin literature. He was a native of
Calabria, enjoyed the esteem of the most eminent men, among them Scipio
Africanus, and attained the honor of Roman citizenship. His poems were
highly regarded by Cicero, Horace, and Virgil, and his memory was lovingly
cherished by his countrymen.
Plautus was a contemporary of Ennius, and a great comic poet. He pro-
duced numerous plays, a few of which have descended to us. His work was
immensely popular, for he displayed liveliness, humor, rapid action, and great
skill in the construction of his plots. His plays have served as models in
some respects for Shakespeare, Molière, Dryden, Addison, and others.
Terentius, the most famous of the comic poets, was a native of Carthage,
but was purchased by a Roman Senator, who manumitted him because of his
handsome person, winning ways, and remarkable talents. His first play was
immediately successful, and the author became a favorite among the leading
citizens of Rome, and an intimate of the younger Scipio. Six of his comedies
have come down to us, and they possess great educational value, for they share
with the works of Cicero and Caesar the honor of being written in the purest
Latin.
Cato the elder, or Cato the Censor, as he is called to distinguish him from
Cato of Utica, was elected consul, and displayed such remarkable genius in
quelling an insurrection in Spain (B.C. 206) that he was honored with a tri-
umph. In B.C. I 84, he was elected censor, and was so rigid in the discharge of
4 I 4 The Story of the Greatest Nations
his duties that the epithet Censorius was applied to him as his surname. He
was fanatical in his views, but displayed the highest moral heroism in combat-
ing the evils around him. You will remember that it was he who ended every
address in the Senate with the exclamation that Carthage must be destroyed.
His implacable enmity was caused by what he conceived to be an insult put
upon him in the year B.C. I75, when he was sent to Carthage to negotiate con-
cerning the differences between the Carthaginians and the Numidian king, Ma-
sinissa. In his eightieth year his second wife bore him a son, who became the
grandfather of Cato of Utica. The elder was the author of a number of liter-
ary works, but unfortunately his greatest historical production, the “Origines,”
has been lost, though there have been preserved many fragments of his orations.
These writers with Cicero constitute the entire list of illustrious literary
Romans previous to the “Augustan age.” Returning to that brilliant period
we encounter Virgil, Horace, Sallust, Catullus, and a score of others.
Virgil ranks second only to Homer as an epic poet. He was born on Octo-
ber I 5th, B.C. 70, at Andes, a village not far from Mantua. The last and great-
est of his works is the “AEneid,” which occupied the latter years of his life.
Meeting Augustus at Athens on his triumphal return from the East, the poet
was persuaded to go back to Rome with him, but he was seized with illness on
the road and died in his fifty-second year.
Horace was born in a part of the modern kingdom of Naples, on the 8th of
December, B. c. 65. We have learned that when Brutus went to Greece he
made Horace a tribune, and he served with the republicans until the “end of
all things ’’ came at Philippi, when he made his submission and returned to
Rome. Highly accomplished in Greek and Roman literature, he set his genius
to the mastering of two great tasks,—the naturalization in Latin of the Greek
lyric spirit and the perfect development of the old Roman satire. He attained
an artistic success in both objects, and became one of the most influential writ-
ers of the world, who will be recognized as such throughout all coming gener-
ations. He became the friend of Virgil, and, while still a young man, was
introduced to the great Etruscan noble Maecenas, the intimate friend of Au-
gustus, who endowed him with an estate and honored and encouraged him in
every possible way. Horace showed a manly gratitude, and complimented the
Emperor on those features of his reign which were worthy. Horace was the
author of numerous Odes, satires, poems, and epistles, and was witty, good-
natured, and one of the most vivacious of song-writers.
Sallust was born B.C. 86 in the Sabine country, and, though a plebeian, rose
to distincton, first as a quaestor and afterward as a tribune of the people. His
private life was immoral. He was a devoted friend of Caesar, who in B. c. 47
made him a praetor-elect and thus restored him to the rank of which he had
Rome—The Augustan Age 4. I 5
been deprived. The following year he was made governor of Numidia, where
he ruled badly and greatly oppressed the people. The immense fortune which
he dishonestly acquired enabled him to retire from political life, and devote his
whole time to literary work. His reputation rests upon his historical produc-
tions, the principal of which were his history of the conspiracy of Catiline and
the Jugurthine War. His writings are powerful and animated, and the speeches
which he puts into the mouths of his chief characters are strong and effective.
He was the first Roman to write what is now accepted as history.
Lucretius was born in the opening years of the first century before Christ,
but comparatively nothing is known of his personal history, one account
making him die of poison swallowed because of his infatuation with a woman.
The great work on which his fame rests is the “De Rerum Natură,” a philo-
sophical didactic poem in six books. His great aim was to free his countrymen
from the trammels of superstition. “Regarded merely as a literary compo-
sition, the work named stands unrivalled among didactic poems. The clearness
and fulness with which the most minute facts of physical science, and the most
subtle philosophical speculations, are unfolded and explained; the life and in-
terest which are thrown into discussions in themselves repulsive to the bulk of
mankind; the beauty, richness, and variety of the episodes which are interwoven
with the subject-matter of the poem, combined with the majestic verse in which
the whole is clothed, render the ‘De Rerum Waturá,' as a work of art, one of
the most perfect which antiquity has bequeathed to us.”
Catullus was born at Verona, B.C. 87. His father was an intimate friend
of Julius Caesar, but the son wrote Savage attacks upon the great politician.
His poems are one hundred and sixteen in number, chiefly consisting of lyrics
and epigrams, and have been justly admired for their exquisite grace and beauty
of style, though many are tainted with gross indecency. He was equally suc-
cessful in the higher style of writing, especially in his odes, of which only four
have been preserved. He resided in his country villa, surrounded by aristo-
cratic friends, and was one of the staunchest supporters of the Senatorial party.
Of the life of Livy, the renowned historian, we know little except that he
was born early in the latter half of the century before Christ. He lived to his
eightieth year, and, having been born under the Republic, died under the Em-
peror Tiberius. The great history by which he is remembered was probably
written shortly before the birth of the Saviour. His fame was such that a
Spaniard travelled from Gades to Rome to see him. His work ranks as one of
the masterpieces of human composition. Originally, his Roman history was
comprised in one hundred and forty-two books, divided into decades, but only
thirty books and a part of five more exist.
“In classing Livy in his proper place among the greatest historians of the
* 416 The Story of the Greatest Nations
ancient and modern world, we must not think of him as a critical or antiquarian
writer—a writer of scrupulousky calm judgment and diligent research. He is
pre-eminently a man of beautiful genius, with an unrivalled talent for narration,
who takes up the history of his country in the spirit of an artist, and makes a
free use of the materials lying handiest, for the creation of a work full of grace,
color, harmony, and a dignified ease. Professor Ramsay has remarked, that he
, treats the old tribunes just as if they were on a level with the demagogues of
the worst period; and Niebuhr censures the errors of the same kind into which
his Pompeian and aristocratic prepossessions betray him. But this tendency,
if it was ever harmful, is harmless now, and was closely connected with that
love of ancient Roman institutions and ancient Roman times which at once
inspired his genius, and was a part of it. And the value of his history is incal-
culable, even in the mutilated state in which we have it, as a picture of what
the great Roman traditions were to the Romans in their most cultivated period.”
Ovid was born B.C. 43, at Sulmo, in the country of the Peligni. Although
he was educated for the law, his poetical genius drew him aside. Acquiring
considerable property through the death of his father, he went to Athens and
mastered the Greek language. He was gay, indolent, and licentious, and, prob-
ably because of his disgraceful intrigues, he was ordered by the emperor to
leave Rome in the year A.D. 9, for Tomi, near the delta of the Danube and on
the limit of the Empire. Augustus refused to shorten his term of exile, and
Ovid died in the lonely place in his sixtieth year. It was there that he com-
posed most of his poems to while away the dismal hours. He possessed a
masterly style of composition, a vigorous fancy, a fine eye for color, a very
musical versification, and, despite an occasional Slovenliness of style, he has
been a favorite of the poets from the time of Milton to the present. A large
number of his works have come down to us, but more have been lost, the one
best known to antiquity being his tragedy “ Medea.”
Other famous writers follow, after the Augustan age. Pliny the Elder was
born in the north of Italy in A. D. 23. He went to Rome when quite young,
and his high birth and ample means secured him every advantage in education
and advancement. He served in Germany as the commander of a troop of cav-
alry, but spent the greater part of the reign of Nero in authorship, producing a
number of miscellaneous works. In the year 79, he was stationed off Misenum,
in command of the Roman fleet, when the great eruption of Vesuvius occurred
which buried Herculaneum and Pompeii. Eager to examine the phenomenon
more closely, he landed at Stabiae, and was suffocated by the noxious fumes.
His nephew, Pliny the Younger, attributed this misfortune to his corpulent
and asthmatic habit, since none of his companions perished. Of Pliny's
numerous works, only his “Historia Naturalis” has come down to us. It has
Rome–Later Writers 4 I 7
many faults, lacking scientific merit and philosophical arrangement, but it is a
monument of industry and research, and supplies us with details on a variety of
subjects which could be obtained in no other way. * - -
Juvenal, the satirist, was a native of Aquinum, a Volscian town. The date
of his birth is unknown, but he wrote during the time of Domitian (81–96 A.D.)
and lived many years later. The sixteen of his satires which still survive hold
the first rank in satirical literature, and are invaluable as pictures of the Roman
life of the Empire.
Tacitus is remembered as receiving marks of favor from the emperors Ves-
pasian, Titus, and Domitian, but there is no record of the date and place of his
birth, nor of the time of his death, which was in the early part of the second
century. He was one of the greatest of historians. In love of truth and in-
tegrity of purpose none surpassed him, and he possessed a remarkable concise-
ness of phrase and the power of saying much and implying more in one or two
strokes of expression. - -
27
ANCIENT CAMEO REPRESENTING THE APOTHEosis or AUGUSTUS
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Chapter XXXIX
THE EMPERORS PERIOD OF POWER
-
º gºy far the most impressive event of the reign of Augustus
º sº sº was the birth of the Saviour at the little village of Beth-
º § * lehem, in Judea, -an event that marked the most mo-
gº tºº/, #|) º - - - - - -
Gºlº | §: mentous crisis in the spiritual history of the world.
# - º). Although early tradition assigned this to the year 75.3
ºn 1- gy/|| of Rome, it really occurred four years earlier, as has
- ſºlº - - - -
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O-ºſ- - -
& º º: ance of Christ took place at the time when there was
º general peace throughout the earth, and was, therefore,
in accordance with Scripture prophecy. The government of Au-
gustus was tranquil, and there were no civil wars, though there may
have been some unrest on the frontiers.
There was, indeed, only one serious war during the forty years
of Augustus' supreme power. This was with the Germans, the
wild tribes which Caesar had defeated. They had never been fully
subdued, and in the year B.C. 9 they rose in sudden rebellion under
their chief Hermann, or, as the Romans called him, Arminius. The
\) three Roman legions along the Rhine were commanded by Varus,
who proved both reckless and incompetent. He marched his entire
force into the wild German forests where they were surrounded by the rebels,
and, after three days of savage fighting, exterminated. Great was the conster-
nation at Rome. Augustus beat his head against the wall, crying, “Varus,
Varus, give me back my legions.” The people feared the Germans would
imitate the ancient Gauls and make a terrible raid upon Rome. But the Ger-
Rome–Reign of Tiberius 4. 19
mans were busy quarrelling among themselves; fresh legions were hastily raised,
and the danger passed away.
Augustus died in A.D. I.4, and was succeeded by his step-son, Tiberius
Claudius Nero, known as Tiberius, who was born B. c. 42. Jesus Christ was
crucified in the nineteenth year of this reign. It was at Antioch, in Syria,
where Saul and Barnabas taught the faith, that the believers first received the
name of “Christians.” Then began those wonderful missionary journeys of
the Apostles, which carried the gospel through Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy,
and Rome became the capital of Christendom. Silently but irresistibly the
true faith spread, first among the Jews, then among the Greeks, or eastern, and
the Latin, or western, Gentiles, until it became the one true and accepted re-
ligion throughout the civilized world.
When Tiberius ascended the throne, his manliness and moderation gave
promise of a prosperous reign, but he was jealous from the first of his popular
nephew Germanicus, who was intrusted with important commands in Dalmatia
and Pannonia, and raised to the consulate before he was thirty years of age.
Two years later he repressed a terrible revolt of the Germanic legions, who
wished to Salute him as emperor. In a campaign against the Germans, he
ousted Hermann their chief, A. D. 16, recaptured the eagles lost by Varus, and
earned for himself the surname of Germanzicus. Tiberius summoned him
home, and he returned as a victorious general. The Senate awarded him a
magnificent triumph, in which Thusnelda, wife of Arminius, preceded his car
with her children. Germanicus died in A.D. 19, from poison, as he declared,
and then Tiberius revealed himself as moody and irresolute, with scarcely a
trace of affection or sympatthy.
He became a tyrant. The number and amount of taxes were increased,
all power was taken from the people and Senate. Prosecutions for high treason
were based on mere words or even looks that gave displeasure to the Emperor,
who found thus a convenient method of ridding himself of those who displeased
him. As years advanced, he abandoned the real government of the empire to
AElius Sejanus, commander of the Praetorian Guards, and wallowed in licentious
excesses at his villa in Capri, until, worn out by debauchery, he ended his
infamous life in the year 37, his death being hastened either by poison or
suffocation.
There were many Roman emperors whose history is not worth the telling.
Some held the throne but a short time, and others played an insignificant part
in the annals of the Empire. We add the list, with the dates of their reigns,
and in the following pages will recall the most important events connected with
their rule.
Caius Caesar, or Caligula, as he is more generally known, was in his twenty-
42O The Story of the Greatest Nations
fifth year when he became emperor. He was suspected of helping the death
of Tiberius, who had appointed him his heir. He was another of the diabolical
miscreants produced by licentiousness and debauchery. It took him just one
year to expend the three million dollars left by Tiberius, and he confiscated
and murdered and banished until it is only charitable to believe he was
afflicted with insanity. He enlivened his feasts by having those whom he
disliked tortured in his presence, and once expressed the wish that all the
Roman people had but one neck that he might decapitate Rome at a single
blow. He stabled his favorite horse in the palace, fed him at a marble manger
with gilded oats (how disgusted the animal must have been l), and afterward
raised him to the consulship. As a climax to his foolery, he declared himself
a god and had temples erected and sacrifices offered to his family. The people
stood all this and much more with incredible patience, but finally formed a con-
spiracy and removed him by assassination from the earth which he had cumbered
too long.
Claudius I., fortunately for himself, was suspected of imbecility, else Ca-
ligula would have “removed ” him. As it was, he might have done well had he
not in A.D. 42, when terrified by hearing of a conspiracy against his life, aban.
doned himself wholly to the will of his ferocious wife Messalina, who robbed
and slew with a mercilessness worthy of the former emperor. Abroad, however,
the Roman armies were victorious, Mauritania became a Roman province,
progress was made in Germany, and the conquest of Britain was begun. The
experience of Claudius in the matrimonial line was discouraging. Messalina
was executed for her crimes, after which he married Agrippina, who poisoned
him in 54, so as to make sure of the succession of her son Nero. After the
death of Claudius, he was deified, though the sacrilege surely could not have
benefited him much.
And now comes another of those infamous wretches, with which an all-wise
Ruler finds it expedient to chastise mankind at certain intervals. This was
Nero, whose full name was Nero Claudius Caesar Drusus Germanicus. He be-
gan his reign well, and but for the baleful influence of his mother, Agrippina,
might have continued in the good way, under the tutelage of Seneca the phi-
losopher. He soon yielded, however, to temptation or to his natural in-
clinations, and plunged headlong into tyranny, extravagance, and every species
of debauchery that human ingenuity could devise. Falling out with his mother,
he caused her to be assassinated to please one of his mistresses, the wife of
Otho, afterward emperor. To marry this woman Nero had put to death his
own wife; now his mother followed, and the servile Senate actually issued an
address congratulating the matricide on her death.
The rebellion which broke out in Britain under Queen Boadicea was Sup-
Rome—Atrocities of Nero 42 I
pressed in 61, but the war against the Parthians the next year was unsuccess-
ful. In July, 64, occurred the great conflagration in Rome, by which two-
thirds of the city was reduced to ashes. It is recorded that while the
conflagration was raging, Nero watched it from a turret in his palace, singing
verses to the music of his lyre, and it is the general belief that it was his hand
that kindled the flames. Sated with every known indulgence, he had set out
to discover some new kind of enjoyment.
Could his guilt have been established, the populace would have wreaked
quick vengeance upon him. The cowardly miscreant was scared, and strove
to turn aside the suspicion whose whispers had reached his ears. He traversed
the stricken streets with hypocritical expressions of sympathy, and gave away
all the money he could steal to help the sufferers; but seeing the necessity of
directing distrust toward some one, he cunningly chose the new sect known as
Christians, who had become numerous and active in Rome. Scores were ar-
rested, and he condemned them to be burned. Many were wrapped in pitched
cloth and set up in his own gardens, which were illuminated by the awful hu-
man “torches.” It was not the Emperor's pity, but that of the refuse of the
city, which finally brought the horrible spectacles to an end. Among the vic-
tims of these tortures were probably St. Paul, St. Peter, and Seneca.
Nero was guilty of atrocities that cannot even be hinted at. Suspecting
Seneca and the poet Lucian of conspiring against him, he took the lives of both.
One day, because he felt out of sorts, he kicked his wife to death. Being re-
fused by another lady, he had her slain by way of teaching her a lesson, and
then secured another wife by killing an obstinate husband.
The blow which brought Nero low, came from an unexpected quarter. In
the year 68, the Gallic and Spanish legions revolted, and the Praetorian Guards
followed, all animated by the purpose of making Galba, one of their command-
ers, Emperor. Their approach to the city heartened the Senate and terrified
Nero, whose frame shivered and whose teeth rattled with terror. He fled at
night to the villa of one of his freedmen, learning which the Senate proclaimed
him a public enemy. Being warned that his death by torture had been ordered,
and hearing the sound of the approaching hoof-beats of the guard, he at last
mustered enough courage to place a sword to his breast and order his slave to
drive it home.
Galba entered Rome on January Ist, 69, and was accepted as Emperor with
the right to assume the title of Caesar. He was a simple soldier and nothing
more. Among those who accompanied him was Otho, whom Nero had robbed
of his wife. He found the troops discontented with Galba's parsimony and
strict discipline, and succeeded in working them up to the point of revolt, when
Galba was slain and Otho succeeded him.
422 The Story of the Greatest Nations
His reign, however, was to be brief, for Vitellius had been proclaimed Em-
peror by his troops almost on the same day that Galba reached Rome. This
was in Gaul, and came about because, through his liberality, he had made him-
self extremely popular with the soldiers. He was drunk all the way to Rome,
whither most of his military supporters had preceded him. Arrived there, hav-
ing routed the forces of Otho on the road, his first act was to deify Nero. After
that sacrilege, there was nothing too base for him, and he became such a vile
debauchee that he was unable even to act the tyrant. The administration was
mostly in the hands of the freedman Asiaticus, though P. Sabinus, brother of
Vespasian, was high in authority. Their government was marked by moder-
ation. The legions of Pannonia and Illyricum proclaimed Vespasian Emperor,
and advanced into Italy under Antonius Primus. Several battles were fought,
and Rome was desolated by violence and bloodshed, till the troops of Primus
entered the city. Vitellius was found wandering about his palace in a state of
drunken terror, and when he appeared on the streets was pounded to death by
the angry mob. His head was carried about Rome, and his body thrown into
the Tiber.
Vespasian had left his son Titus to prosecute the siege of Jerusalem, and
was joyfully received in Rome, where he set vigorously to work in restoring
order. He was a fine soldier, held the troops under firm discipline, improved
the finances, co-operated with the Senate, and, best of all, set a good example
by his own conduct to his subjects. He was simple in his habits, indifferent
to flattery, good-humored and easy of access. Although parsimonious in his
private life, he was lavish in embellishing the city with public works, and was
a liberal patron of the arts and sciences. He reigned ten years, and died in
the sixty-ninth year of his age.
Titus was the eldest son of Vespasian, and through his careful training had
become an accomplished scholar and an adept in manly exercises. He was an
admirable soldier, and the task which his father left him, of prosecuting the
siege of Jerusalem, had been carried through with success. His victory caused
the utmost joy in Rome, when the news reached the city. He laid the trophies
of victory at his father's feet, and the two were given the honor (A.D. 71) of a
joint triumph. Becoming the colleague of his parent in the Empire, Titus
made an unfavorable impression by his immoral and cruel conduct. He caused
persons whom he suspected of enmity to be put to death, and his liaison with
Berenice, daughter of Herod Agrippa, gave great offence to the Romans.
When, however, Titus became emperor, he agreeably disappointed every
one. He immediately stopped all persecutions for treasonable words and looks;
repaired the ancient and venerated structures of Rome; built new ones, among
them the Colosseum and the baths which bear his name, and delighted the
Rome—Herculaneum and Pompeii 423
populace by games which lasted one hundred days. The splendid beneficence
of his reign was sorely needed, for in 79 occurred the appalling eruption of
Vesuvius which destroyed Herculaneum and Pompeii and many other towns
and villages. Herculaneum stood in the Campagna, close to the Bay of Naples.
It is not known when it was founded, but its inhabitants took an active part in
the social and civil wars of Rome. It was completely buried under a shower
of ashes, over which a stream of lava flowed and afterward hardened. The con-
figuration of the coast was so changed that the city was entirely lost for sixteen
centuries, when an accident led to the discovery of its ruins in 1713. Twenty-
five years later a systematic course of excavation was begun. The interesting
relics of antiquity, so far as they were capable of removal, were taken to Na-
ples, and are now deposited, along with other relics from Pompeii, in a large
museum attached to the royal palace. They include not only frescoes, statues,
and works of art, but articles of household furniture, such as tripods, lamps,
chandeliers, basins, mirrors, musical or surgical instruments, and even cooking
utensils. Excavations have been resumed of late years with the most interesting
results.
Pompeii was about twelve miles southeast from Naples, in the plain at the
foot of Mount Vesuvius, and was one of the fashionable provincial cities of the
Roman Empire. Though most of the citizens escaped during the incessant
bombardment of lava stones, a large number must have perished, as is proved
by the finding of the skeletons of soldiers on guard, and citizens apparently
overtaken by death in the midst of their usual employments. As in the case
of Herculaneum, the discovery of Pompeii in 1750 was accidental, but the ex-
cavations have brought to light a living picture of a Roman city more than
eighteen hundred years ago, with all its departments of domestic and public
life, the worship of the gods, the shows of the arena, architecture, painting,
and sculpture, and in short all the appliances of comfort and luxury as they
existed in a wealthy community of those remote days.
The year following the destruction of these cities, a three-days’ fire in
Rome reduced to ashes the Capitol, Augustus' library, Pompey's theatre, and
numerous houses, while on the heels of the conflagration came a dreadful pesti-
lence. Titus did everything in his power for the homeless sufferers, even to
the despoiling of his palaces of their ornaments to obtain money, and he
Schemed and planned to find occupation for them. He became the idol of his
subjects, the “love and delight of the human race,” but at the beginning of the
third year of his reign he suddenly fell ill and died, September 13th, 81, his
younger brother Domitian being suspected by some of having poisoned him.
Be that as it may, Domitian came to the throne in 81, and ruled till 96.
At first, he passed many good laws, governed the provinces carefully, and ad-
424 The Story of the Greatest Nations
ministered justice, but the failure of his campaigns against the Dacians and
the Marcomanni (87) soured his whole nature. He became ferocious in his
suspicions, jealousy, and hatred; and through murder and banishment, it is said,
deprived Rome of nearly all of the citizens conspicuous for their learning,
talent, or wealth. He held the army to him by greatly increasing its pay, and
won the favor of the people by extravagant gifts and gladiatorial games and
shows, in some of which he took part. His cruelties finally became so intoler-
able that his wife Domitia joined in a conspiracy against him, and he perished
from the dagger on the 18th of September, 96.
The Senate immediately elected M. Nerva as his successor, though he was
past three-score years of age. He had twice held the honor of the consulship
before his election, and displayed great wisdom and moderation. The taxes
were lessened, and the administration of justice improved, but his advanced
age rendered him unable to repress the insolence of the Praetorian Guards,
and he adopted M. Ulpius Trajanus, known as Trajan, who succeeded him on
his death, January 27th, 98.
Trajan began his administration by the usual largess to the soldiers, extend-
ing the same to the Roman citizens and their families, and he made large pro-
vision out of the imperial treasury for the upbringing of the children of poor
freemen in Rome and other Italian towns. It was in the year IOI that Rome
beheld, for the first time, its Emperor leading forth its legions in person upon
their career of conquest. Trajan then set out on his first campaign against the
Dacians, who had compelled Rome since the time of Domitian to pay them
tribute. The struggle was long and severe, but was completely successful
(IO4–105), and Dacia became a royal province. This was the first conquest
since the death of Augustus, and was celebrated on Trajan's return to Rome
by a triumph and splendid games which lasted for four months.
Trajan's appetite for foreign conquest was whetted by his success, and in
IO6 he again set out for the East. Landing in Syria, he moved northward,
receiving the submission of numerous princes on the way, and occupying Ar-
menia, which he made a province of the Empire. Though he was busy for the
succeeding seven years, we have no clear record of what he did. Once more
he went to Syria in II 5, his objective point being the Parthian empire.
Its capital hardly offered the semblance of resistance, and he descended the
Tigris subduing the tribes on both banks, and being the first and only Roman
general to navigate the Persian Gulf. When he returned, he found it necessary
to re-conquer Mesopotamia, North Syria, and Arabia, and he did it more thor-
oughly than before. By this time he was in a sad bodily condition from dropsy
and paralysis, and, while on the return to Italy, died at Selinus, in Cilicia, in
August, I I 7.
Rome—Hadrian Limits the Empire 4.25
Although so much of Trajan's reign was taken up with his military cam-
paigns, his administration of civil affairs was admirable. Equal justice was
secured to all; the imperial finances were greatly improved, and peculation on
the part of public officers was severely punished. One of the fads of the Ro-
man emperors was the improvement and beautifying of Rome, and none did
more thorough work in that respect than Trajan. The Empire was traversed
in all directions by military routes; canals and bridges were built, new towns
arose, the Via Appia was restored, the Pontine Marshes partially drained, the
“Forum Trajani ’’ erected, and the harbor of Civita Vecchia constructed. A
striking proof of the sincerity of this Emperor's labors to improve the condition
of his subjects was shown in the wish, which it became the fashion formally to
utter, on the accession of each of his successors: “May he be happier than
Augustus, better than Trajan.”
Trajan died childless, and his successor was P. AElius Hadrianus, or Ha-
drian, the son of Trajan's cousin. He had not only displayed great ability in
the various high offices he filled, but he was a favorite of the empress. Trajan
had the right to name his heir, and when the empress announced that it was
Hadrian, the citizens and Senate accepted him without murmur.
The Empire at this time was in a critical condition. There were insurrec-
tions in Egypt, Palestine, and Syria; the barbarian hordes were swarming into
Moesia in the east and Muritania in the west, and the turbulent Parthians had
once more asserted their independence and administered several defeats to the
imperial forces.
Looking calmly at the situation which confronted him, Hadrian was con-
vinced that a peaceful policy was the true one. He decided to limit the
Roman boundaries in the East, and concluded a peace with the Parthians by
which he surrendered all the country beyond the Euphrates to them. Return-
ing to Rome in I I 8, he treated the people liberally, but suppressed with re-
lentless severity a patrician conspiracy against his life. He then, by means of
large gifts, induced the Roxolani, who are the modern Russians, to retire from
Moesia which they had invaded. -
The year I 19 saw the beginning of Hadrian's remarkable journey, most
of which he is said to have performed on foot. He visited Gaul, Germany,
Britain, Spain, Mauritania, Egypt, Greece, and Asia Minor. In Britain, he
built the wall which extends from the Solway to the Tyne, and did not return
to Rome until after seven years, when he received the title of Pater Patriae.
He was so fond of the city of Athens that he spent the years I 32 and I 33
there. Making another visit to Syria, he came back to Italy, and passed the
remainder of his life around Rome, dying July IOth, I 38, at Baiae.
The vigor and thoroughness with which Hadrian reorganized and disciplined
426 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the army remove all thought that his peaceful policy was attributable to fear
or weakness. He did more than any emperor to consolidate the monarchical
system of Rome. He divided Italy into four parts, each under a consul, to
whom was entrusted the administration of justice. Among the numerous
splendid edifices he erected was the mausoleum called the Moles Hadriani,
the AElian bridge leading to it, and the splendid villa at Tibur. He also laid
the foundation of several cities, the most important of which was Adrianopolis.
He placed a high value on Greek literature, and was a lover and patron of the
fine arts.
Hadrian adopted as his heir T. Aurelius Antoninus, of excellent abilities
and in middle life. Him Hadrian required to select two heirs, M. Annius,
his own sister's son, and Lucius Verus, the child of his late comrade. Anto-
ninus Pius (the Senate having added the latter name) had served Hadrian as
proconsul in Asia, where the gentle wisdom of his rule gave him a higher
reputation than any of his predecessors. He inherited great wealth and made
one of the best emperors who ever ruled imperial Rome. He was simple, tem-
perate, and kind, his highest object being that of benefiting his people, who
looked up to him as in the truest sense the father of his country. His mild
hand partly stayed the persecution of the Christians which was continued dur-
ing his reign. Fond of peace, the only important war in which he engaged
was against Britain, where the Roman power was extended. He also built a
wall between the Forth and the Clyde, as a check against the predatory tribes
of the north. He was so widely known for his integrity and justice that he
was often employed to arbitrate in the affairs of foreign states. To his wis-
dom, kindness, and unvarying courtesy was due the freedom of his vast empire
from insurrections, violence, conspiracies, and bloodshed. It may be said in
brief that he furnished a model for those who came after him, though, sad to
say, few were able to measure up to his splendid standard. He died in 161,
and was succeeded by Marcus Annius, called Aurelius, who, as we have
learned, had been selected as his heir at the command of Hadrian.
Aurelius had been made consul in 140, and, up to his accession to the
throne, he discharged the duties with faithfulness and ability. He and the
Emperor had been the closest of friends. Aurelius, on becoming Emperor,
showed his chivalry of character by voluntarily sharing the government with
young Lucius Verus, who from that time bore the title of Lucius Aurelius
Verus. Such a ruler as Aurelius was sure to win the respect and love of his
subjects, but Lucius, when sent to take part in the Parthian War, remained in
Antioch, sunk in debasing pleasures, leaving his officers to prosecute the strug-
gle, and at the close he returned home and enjoyed the triumph to which he
had no claim. The troops brought a pestilence, which, together with appalling
Rome—Government of Marcus Aurelius 427
inundations and earthquakes, laid much of the city in ruins, and destroyed the
granaries where the Supplies of corn were kept. A formidable insurrection
had long been fomenting in the German provinces; the Britons were on the
point of revolt, and the Catti (the Suevi of Julius Caesar, who lived in the coun-
try nearly corresponding to the present Hesse) were ready to devastate the
Rhenish provinces.
The manifold calamities that had fallen and still threatened to fall so terri-
fied the Romans that, to allay them, Marcus determined to go forth to war him-
self. For a time Marcus and Lucius were completely successful. The Mar.
Comanni and the other rebellious tribes, living between Illyria and the sources
of the Danube, were compelled to sue for peace in 168, the year preceding the
death of Lucius. The contest was renewed in 170, and, with little intermis-
sion, lasted throughout the life of the Emperor. Marcus carried on the cam-
paign with amazing vigor and skill, and nearly annihilated the Marcomanni and
the Jazyges.
Connected with this war was a victory so unprecedented that some histo-
rians accept it as a miracle. According to Dion Cassius, the Romans were
perishing of thirst and heat, on a Summer day in 174, when, without warning,
the flaming sky was darkened by a black cloud from which the cooling rain
descended in torrents. The feverish soldiers abandoned themselves to the life-
giving draughts, when the barbarians assailed them with furious energy, and
assuredly would have annihilated them, had not a storm of hail and fire de-
scended upon the assailants alone, and scattered them in headlong terror. So
profound indeed was the dread inspired that the Germanic tribes hastened from
all directions to make their submission and to beg for mercy." -
This astounding occurrence could hardly be believed were it not established
by every soldier of a large army, and by Aurelius himself, who was incapable
of falsehood. It certainly was one of the strangest incidents in history.
At this juncture, a new outbreak occurred in the East, brought about by the
shocking treachery of the Emperor's own wife. This wicked woman urged to
rebellion the governor, Avidius Cassius, a descendant of the Cassius who had
slain Caesar. The Emperor, though in poor health, was obliged to leave Pan-
nonia with the least possible delay. Cassius seized the whole of Asia Minor,
but was slain by his own soldiers. Marcus Aurelius expressed his sorrow that
the fates had thus deprived him of the happiness of pardoning the man who
had conspired against his happiness. He exhibited the same magnanimity on
his arrival in the East, where he refused to read the papers of Cassius, and or-
dered them to be burned, so that he might not be led to suspect any one of
being a traitor. He treated the provinces with such gentleness that he won
their love and disarmed them of all enmity. While he was thus engaged,
428 The Story of the Greatest Nations
his disloyal wife died in an obscure village, and the husband paid her every
honor.
On his way back to Rome, he visited Lower Egypt and Greece, and by his
noble efforts in behalf of his subjects won their profound gratitude. In
Athens he founded chairs of philosophy for each of the four chief sects—Pla-
tonic, Stoic, Peripatetic, and Epicurean. Reaching Italy, he celebrated his
bloodless triumph on the 23d of December, 176. Fresh disturbances having
broken out in Germany, he went thither in the following autumn and was again
successful. But his weak constitution by this time was shattered by the hard
ships, sufferings, and anxiety he had borne so long. He died either at Vienna
or at Sirmium, on March 17th, 180.
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VICTORY OF CONSTANTINE OVER MAXENTIUS
Chapter XL
THE GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY
㺠ITH all that has been said of that extraordinary man and
-- emperor, Marcus Aurelius, justice requires mention of
a feature of his character which the reader probably
has not suspected,—that is, his hostility to Christianity.
He was a persecutor of the new religion, and must
have known of the cruelties perpetrated upon the be-
lievers. There have been many explanations of his
course, the generally accepted one being that he was
led astray by evil counsellors, but the more probable cause is that he
was actuated by his earnestness in the heathen faith of his ancestors,
and the belief that the new doctrine threatened to undermine the
Empire itself. He did not comprehend the religion of gentleness
and love, and thought it his duty to extirpate the dangerous sect.
The words of John Stuart Mill on this point are worthy of quota-
tion:
“If ever any one possessed of power had grounds for thinking him-
self the best and most enlightened among his contemporaries, it was the Emperor
Marcus Aurelius. Absolutely monarch of the whole civilized world, he preserved
through life not only the most unblemished justice, but, what was less to be ex-
pected from his stoical breeding, the tenderest heart. The few failings which are
to be attributed to him were all on the side of indulgence; while his writings, the
highest ethical product of the ancient mind, differ scarcely perceptibly, if they
differ at all, from the most characteristic teachings of Christ. This man, a
better Christian, in all but the dogmatic sense of the word, than almost any of
430 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the ostensibly Christian Sovereigns who have since reigned, persecuted Chris-
tianity. Placed at the summit of all the previous attainments of humanity,
with an open, unfettered intellect, and a character which led him, of himself,
to embody in his moral writings the Christian ideal, he yet failed to see Chris-
tianity was to be a good and not an evil in the world, with his duties to which
he was so deeply penetrated. Existing society he knew to be in a deplorable
state. But such as it was, he saw, or thought he saw, that it was held to-
gether, and prevented from being worse, by belief and reverence of the received
divinities. As a ruler of mankind, he deemed it his duty not to suffer society
to fall in pieces, and saw not how, if its existing ties were removed, any others
could be formed which would again knit it together. The new religion aimed
openly at dissolving these ties; unless, therefore, it was his duty to adopt that
religion, it seemed to be his duty to put it down. Inasmuch, then, as the the-
ology of Christianity did not appear to him true, or of divine origin; inasmuch
as this strange history of a crucified God was not credible to him, and a sys-
tem which purported to rest entirely upon a foundation to him so wholly unbe-
lievable, could not be foreseen by him to be that renovating agency which, after
all abatements, it has in fact proved to be; the gentlest and most amiable of
philosophers and rulers, under a solemn sense of duty, authorized the persecu-
tion of Christianity. To my mind, this is one of the most tragical facts in all
history. It is a bitter thought, how different a thing the Christianity of the
world might have been if the Christian faith had been adopted as the religion
of the Empire, under the auspices of Marcus Aurelius, instead of those of Con-
stantine. But it would be equally unjust to him, and false to truth, to deny,
that no one plea which can be urged for punishing anti-christian teaching was
wanting to Marcus Aurelius for punishing, as he did, the propagation of Chris-
tianity. No Christian more firmly believes that atheism is false, and tends to
the dissolution of society, than Marcus Aurelius believed the same things of
Christianity; he who, of all men then living, might have been thought the
most capable of appreciating it. Unless any one who approves of punishment
for the promulgation of opinions, flatters himself that he is a wiser and better
man than Marcus Aurelius—more deeply versed in the wisdom of his time—
more elevated in his intellect above it—more earnest in his search for truth—
let him abstain from that assumption of the joint infallibility of himself and
the multitude, which the great Aurelius made with so unfortunate a result.”
The foregoing extract may introduce one of the most important facts con-
nected with the history of the Roman Empire: that is, the spread of Chris-
tianity within its confines. The variety of peoples had a variety of religions,
but all, with the exception of the Jews, were pagans and polytheists, or believers
in many gods. Such was the spiritual state of the myriads of human beings,
Rome—Persecution of Christianity 431
when Christ was born in an obscure corner of the dominion of Augustus, and
when the seed was sown whose harvest no man could foresee or dream of in
his wildest imaginings. -
The propagation of the new faith was marked by ferocious persecutions.
We have learned of the first one, which was that by the fiendish Nero, who
aimed to turn suspicion against the Christians as the incendiaries of Rome, in
order to hide his own guilt. Tacitus, the great Roman historian, who was
born under Nero, says of this diabolical infamy: “Some were nailed on crosses,
others sewn up in the skins of wild beasts and exposed to the fury of dogs;
others again smeared over with combustible materials were used as torches to
iſiuminate the darkness of the night. The gardens of Nero were destined for
the melancholy spectacle, which was accompanied with a horse-race, and
honored with the presence of the Emperor, who mingled with the populace in
the dress and attitude of a charioteer.”
Now it may be asked why the Romans, who permitted innumerable religions
to flourish within their Empire, concentrated their furious persecutions upon the
Christians. The main cause was the proselyting ardor of the Christians them-
selves. The believer in that faith was taught as one of its basic duties that he
must not selfishly absorb it unto himself, but do all he could to persuade his
brethren to share it with him. Its very nature, therefore, made it aggressive,
while the numerous pagan faiths were passive. Christianity did what no other
faith did. It boldly taught that all the gods of the Romans were false, and
that it was a sin to bow down to them. Not only that, but it did its utmost to
lead all others to think the same. The early Christians held their meetings
secretly and at night, and this was looked upon with disfavor by the authorities,
who saw the germs of danger in the practice. But, as has been said, the blood
of the martyrs was the seed of the church, and as we progress in the history of
the Roman Empire, this truth will manifest itself again and again.
The reader has gone sufficiently far through these pages to note another
fact: the real power of the Empire lay in the soldiery who stood behind the
throne. We have learned of the insolence of the Praetorian Guards, who dared
to insult an emperor to his face, and who did not hesitate to make and unmake
sovereigns at will, with the Senate always ready to record and accept the decree
of the soldiers. Inasmuch as each new ruler signalized his accession to the
throne by distributing largesses, it followed that the more emperors there were,
the greater would be the gifts distributed. So the troops became addicted to
deposing emperors and selecting new ones. The man fixed upon for the purple
was usually a favorite general, and as there were plenty of them, it followed
that Rome sometimes had several emperors at the same time. No man dared
aspire to the crown without the backing of the soldiers.
4.32 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The only accession of territory by Rome during the first century of the
Christian era was Britain. In the words of Gibbon : “After a war of about
forty years, undertaken by the most stupid (Claudius), maintained by the most
dissolute (Nero), and terminated by the most timid (Domitian) of all the em-
perors, the greater part of the island of Britain submitted to the Roman yoke.”
We remember the addition of the province of Dacia by Trajan in the early part
of the second century. -
One cruel amusement of the Romans was their gladiatorial fights, which
date from their earliest history. The popularity of these increased, till the
time came when magistrates, public officers, and candidates for the popular.
suffrage gave shows to the people, which consisted mainly of the bloody and
generally fatal encounters; but no earlier leaders equalled the emperors in pro-
viding the people with the fearful exhibitions. In one given by Julius Caesar,
three hundred and twenty couples engaged in combat. In the terrific display
offered by Trajan, lasting one hundred and twenty-three days, ten thousand
gladiators were exhibited at once, and two thousand fought with and killed one
another, or contended with wild beasts for the amusement of the seventy thou-
sand spectators in the Colosseum, who included every grade of Society from the
highest to the lowest. -
Sinewy, athletic slaves were brought from all parts of the dominions and
trained for the combats, as horses have been trained in later times for races.
There were so many gladiators during the conspiracy of Catiline that they were
deemed dangerous to the public safety, and the proposal was made to distribute
them among the different garrisons. The exhibitions became so numerous that
efforts were made to limit the number of gladiators. Cicero advocated a law
forbidding any one giving a show for one or two years before becoming a can.
didate for public office, and Augustus prohibited more than two shows a year,
or the giving of one by a person worth less than twenty thousand dollars; but
the passion was so strong that it was impossible to keep the terrible exhibitions
within moderate limits.
A gladiatorial show was announced by pictures and show-bills, after the
fashion of modern theatrical plays. All the trained contestants were sworn to
fight to the death, and the display of cowardice was followed by fatal tortures.
The fighting at first was with wooden swords, which soon gave place to steel
weapons. When one of the combatants had disarmed his opponent, he placed
his foot on his body, and looked at the Emperor, if present, or to the people,
for the signal of life or death. If they raised their thumbs, he was spared; if
they turned them down, he was slain. The gladiator who conquered was re-
warded with a palm and in some cases with his freedom. At first the glad-
iators were slaves, but afterward freemen and even knights entered the arena.
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Rome—Decline of the Empire 4.33
In the time of Nero senators and knights fought, and under Domitian women
appeared as combatants. The gladiatorial contests were prohibited by Con-
tantine in 325, but it was not till nearly two centuries later, under Theodoric,
that they were finally abolished. .
The decline of the mighty Empire was thus begun through the sapping of
Roman manliness; the process continued to the final crash. Commodus (180–
192) was the legitimate son and heir of Marcus Aurelius, and under him the
worst days of Caligula and Nero were revived. He brought the Macedonian
war, inherited from his father, to an end by a dishonorable peace, and aban-
doned himself to the most degrading debauchery. Seven hundred and fifty
times he posed as a gladiator in the arena. He had arranged to enter a spe-
cially splendid festival as a gladiator on the Ist of January, I 93, but was mur-
dered the night preceding, and the Senate by resolution declared his memory
dishonored. The honorable and vigorous Senator P. Helvidius Pertinax spent
three months in bringing order out of chaos. His ability made him feared by
the Praetorians, and they murdered him. They then openly offered the empire
to the highest bidder, and set a pretender on the throne. At the same time
three other claimants were advanced by three other bodies of troops.
L. Septimius Severus (193–2 II), commander on the Danube, was the first
to enter Rome, where by his energy and address he won over the Senate. It
required four years of vigorous fighting to dispose of his competitors, and he
then became supreme. The Parthians having supported one of his opponents,
he waged successful war against them and succeeded even in gaining a new
province in Mesopotamia. He was finally compelled to take the field against
the turbulent tribes of Britain, and died at the present city of York in Febru-
ary, 2 II.
M. Aurelius Antoninus Caracalla (21 1–217), son of Severus, was another
miscreant, who, impatient to obtain the throne, made an attempt on his father's
life. He lost no time in killing his brother and fellow-emperor Geta, with all
who supported him, twenty thousand in number. He found means for his
extravagance and excesses, in robbing his subjects. A monument of his lav-
ishness as a builder is the immense ruins of the famous “Baths of Caracalla,”
in Rome. An important political act of his reign was the bestowment of
Roman citizenship on all municipalities of the Empire, a step necessary in
order to obtain new taxes for filling his treasury. He showed feebleness in his
wars on the frontiers of the Rhine and the Danube, and against the Parthians.
He showed his savage cruelty at Alexandria in Egypt. He had entered that
city in triumphal procession; but in the midst of all the pomp the “Emperor
of the World’’ fell back in his chariot and slumbered in drunken stupor. The
young men of the city laughed and made a jest of this, whereon Caracalla
28
434 The Story of the Greatest Nations
sent his troops out through the streets for six successive days on a general
II] a SS2UCITC.
While engaged in a last campaign against Parthia, he was murdered by
order of Macrinus, his prefect of the guard, who wore the purple for a brief while,
until the Syrian troops raised to the throne Elagabulus, who was a distant
relative of the house of Severus, and only fourteen years old. The soldiers
endured this degenerate youth for nearly four years, and then murdered him and
his mother.
Alexander Severus (222–235), a cousin of the wretch who had been mur-
dered, was too young to carry on the government alone, and it remained for the
time in the hands of his grandmother, Maesa. The young Emperor meant well,
but was too weak by nature to impress himself upon those troublous times.
His wars brought no credit to the Roman Empire, and he vainly combated the
assaults on the Roman possessions in Asia made by the new Persian empire.
Equally fruitless were his campaigns against the Germans, which he next un-
dertook. His attempts at discipline angered the legions, and when Maximinus,
a popular general, presented himself as a rival emperor, the soldiers slew
Alexander and went over to Maximinus in a body.
Thus passed away the last of the descendants of Severus, and the decline
of the Empire grew more rapid. Rome became the scene of anarchy, violence,
and bloodshed, for the struggle was fierce and continuous among those bitten
with the madness of ruthless ambition. Our list contains the names of all these
imperators, some of whom held their power for only a few weeks or months.
Gordianus (238–244), prosecuted a successful campaign against the Persians,
and compelled them to give back Mesopotamia, but he was slain before the
close of the war by his prefect of the guards, Philippus (244-249), who fell in
battle with a rival, Decius.
Valerian (253–26O) braced all his energies against the tide that was sweep-
ing everything to destruction, but was unable to stay it, and was carried with
the resistless current. The territory between the Limes and Rhine was lost;
the Saxons plundered the coasts; the Goths were edging into Greece; the
Franks and Alemanni tramped through Gaul, and Valerian himself was taken
prisoner by the Persians and died in captivity. Claudius II. (268-270) started
well, but had only fairly done so when he died.
Aurelian (270–275), a famous general, roused the hope of his countrymen
by his skill and patriotism. He repelled the Alemanni and Goths, and restored
for a brief while the unity of the Empire. He conquered a Gallic usurper and
destroyed Zenobia's kingdom of Palmyra. Zenobia was a beautiful Arab
queen. Her husband founded an empire in the Asian deserts, and defeated
both the Persians and the Romans. After his death Zenobia maintained and
Rome—Diocletian Divides the Empire 435
even increased the power of her empire. Great men rallied round her, and for
a moment it seemed that Rome had found a rival. Aurelian, however, besieged
and mastered her capital after a struggle heroic on both sides; and the proud
and beautiful queen was led as his captive in a Roman triumph. Aurelian's
home government was firm and wise, and the circumvallation of Rome, still
largely preserved, is a monument of his public spirit and enterprise. While
fighting against the Persians, he was murdered near Byzantium in 275.
Probus (276–282) was, like Aurelian, of Illyrian descent, and was com-
mander of the Syrian troops. He displayed brilliant ability in driving back the
Germans, and restored the old frontier of the Limes. He was wise in inducing
thousands of Germans to settle on Roman soil, where they were encouraged
in vine-growing and the tillage of the land. He also took many of them into
the army, and treated the Senate with consideration, but he was doomed to
share the fate of so many of his predecessors, for the soldiers, angered by his
goodness and strictness, put him to death. From the swirl of strife and blood-
shed finally emerged Diocletian (284–305), who introduces a new era in the
history of the monarchy. -
The first years of his administration were so disturbed by the aggressions of
the barbarians that he took a colleague, Maximian, who, under the title of
Augustus, became joint emperor in 286. Diocletian retained for himself the
government of the eastern empire and gave the western to Maximian, but the
attacks became more threatening and Diocletian divided the kingdom again.
In 292, Constantius Chlorus and Galerius were proclaimed as Caesars, and the
fourfold partition was appropriated as follows: Diocletian the East, with Nico-
media as his seat of government; Maximian, Italy and Africa, with Milan as
his residence; Constantius, Britain, Gaul, and Spain, with Treves as his capital;
Galerius, Illyricum and the valley of the Danube, with Sirmium as his head-
quarters. Diocletian seldom took the field, so that most of the fighting fell to
his colleagues. Among the reconquests was that of Britain, which in 296
was restored to the Empire. In addition; the Persians were defeated and com-
pelled to submit in 298, and the northern barbarians were driven beyond the
frontiers. Diocletian's tempestuous rule lasted for twenty-one years, when he
abdicated his throne, forcing his colleague Maximian, much against his will, to
do the same at Milan. Two years before his abdication, he was instigated by
his colleague Galerius, his son-in-law, to that bloody persecution of the Chris-
tians which has made his rule memorable in history.
The Emperor issued an edict commanding all Christian churches to be de-
molished, all copies of the sacred Scriptures to be burned, and every Christian
to be degraded from honor and rank. Hardly had this proclamation been
posted up, when a Christian noble stepped forward and tore it down. He made
436 The Story of the Greatest Nations
no attempt to conceal his act, and being arrested was roasted to death. A fire
broke out in the palace, but, since it was quickly extinguished, there is cause
for belief that it was kindled to furnish a pretext for persecuting the Chris-
tians. They suffered every conceivable torture, and the flames of persecution
raged everywhere in the Empire except in Gaul, Britain, and Spain, where Con-
stantius ruled. Diocletian and Maximian abdicating as we have shown, Ga-
lerius gave unrestrained indulgence to his infernal hatred of the Christians.
“With little rest, for eight years,” says a writer, “the whip and the rack, the
tigers, the hooks of steel, and the red-hot beds continued to do their deadly
work. And then in 3 I I, when life was fading from his dying eye, Galerius
published an edict permitting Christians to worship God in their own way.”
Christianity from its divine nature is deathless, and no persecution or
human enmity can stay its advances. Galerius, its fiendish foe, was dead, and
now came the wonderful occurrence of a Roman Emperor professing Christian-
ity. While Constantine Chlorus was fighting in Britain, he died, and the sol-
diers proclaimed his son Constantine Emperor. This was easy enough, and in
accordance with the usual fashion, but the first step the new Emperor had to
take by way of self-preservation was to overcome five rivals.
In the prosecution of this stupendous task, he was on his way in 312 to at-
tack his rival Maxentius near Rome, when, so he declared, he saw with his own
eyes the form of a flaming cross in the heavens, standing out above the sun
and inscribed with the words: In hoc vince—By this conquer. In the battle
which shortly followed, Maxentius was overthrown, and like Saul of Tarsus,
who saw the great light on the way to Damascus, Constantine resolved to ac-
cept the new faith and become a Christian.
It is said by the early church historians that on the night following this
vision, the Saviour appeared to Constantine in a dream, and commanded him to
frame a similar standard, and to march under it with the assurance of victory.
Thus originated the famous Labarum, or standard of the cross, displayed by the
Christian emperors in their campaigns. The X in the top of the Labarum
represents the cross, and is the initial of the Greek word for Christ.
While the personal conduct of Constantine in many instances was shock-
ingly contrary to the spirit of Christianity, for he was cruel and licentious, it
cannot be denied that he dealt prodigious blows in favor of the new faith. His
first act was the issuance of the Edict of Milan, which brought peace to the
sorely harried Christian church. In 324, he defeated the last of his rivals, and
made Christianity the religion of the state. He sent out circular letters to his
subjects, whom he exhorted to embrace the divine truth of Christianity. His
example could not fail to have tremendous influence, and thousands did as he
asked them. It is estimated that during his reign a twentieth part of the
Rome—Constantine Establishes Christianity 437
population were professing Christians. Instead of persecuting paganism in its
turn, Constantine assailed it with ridicule and neglect. With the public money
he repaired the old churches and built new ones, so that it came about that in
all the leading cities the strange sight was presented of the pagan temples
being surpassed in splendor by the new places of worship. The Christian
clergy were no longer required to pay taxes, and Sunday was proclaimed a day
of rest. Finally, Constantine removed the seat of government to Byzantium,
which henceforth became known as Constantinople, in his honor, and was es-
sentially a Christian city.
A notable result of the crushing of political aspiration had been the turning
of the thoughts of the ablest intellects to the grand problems of the Christian
faith. The theological writers, both in Latin and Greek, are known as the
“Christian Fathers,” the principal of whom were as follows:
Tertullian, the son of a proconsular centurion, was born in Carthage in 16O.
He was brought up a heathen, but was converted by a Christian wife. He
possessed a fine education, and was well versed in Roman law, in ancient phi-
losophy, history, and poetry; but he was bigoted and uncharitable, with a strong
inclination to asceticism. His writings were numerous. Neander says of his
theology: “In Tertullian we find the first germ of that spirit which afterward
appeared with more refinement and purity in Augustine, as from Augustine
the scholastic theology proceeded and in him also the Reformation found its
point of connection.” His chief work was his “Apologeticus,” written in 198,
and urging the right of the Christians to freedom of worship.
Origen was born at Alexandria in 185, and has been termed the “father of
Biblical criticism and exegesis in Christendom.” When seventeen years old
he saw his father die the death of a martyr, and would have willingly shared
his parent's fate, had not his mother, who had six younger children dependent
upon her, prevented. He was the most rigid of asceticists. He was liberal
in his views, and accepted the Christian faith in its fulness only after careful
study of all the different religions of which he could gain knowledge. His
denial of belief in eternal punishment caused his excommunication, through the
efforts of the Bishop of Alexandria; but the churches of the East remained
faithful to him, and he kept up constant communication with Palestine, Arabia,
Phoenicia, and Achaia. He was obliged to flee several times, and died in 254
at Tyre, from the tortures he had suffered during the Christian persecutions.
His tomb remained for centuries near the high altar of the cathedral, until it
was destroyed during the Crusades.
Origen wrote in Greek, and his essays and sermons numbered thousands,
the great bulk of which are lost. The most important that have survived are
his two editions of the Old Testament, called respectively “Tetrapla” (four-
438 The Story of the Greatest Nations
fold), and “Hexapla” (sixfold). Only a few fragments remain, which have
been collected and edited by Montfaucon. Among his other partly extant and
partly lost works are “On the Resurrection,” “On Martyrdom,” “Eight Books
Against Celsus,” “On Prayer,” besides Epistles, etc. e
Cyprian was born in Carthage about the beginning of the third century.
He belonged to a distinguished family and taught rhetoric before his conver-
sion to Christianity. He was greatly liked because of his benevolence, and his
piety was so venerated that he was soon made bishop of his native city. To
escape the persecutions of Decius, he fled into the desert in 250, and remained
for a year, during which he carried on an extensive correspondence with his
clergy. In the persecution under Valerian, he was banished in 257 to Curubis,
but having returned to Carthage the following year was beheaded. He was
learned, eloquent, but modest and dignified. His writings contain besides
eighty-one Epistolæ, or official letters, a number of treatises, the most impor-
tant of which is the “Unity of the Church.”
Ambrose was born about 34o at Treves, where his father, the Prefect of
Gaul, was accustomed to reside. It is said that when an infant lying in his
cradle, his nurse was astonished to see a swarm of bees cluster about him and
gather over his mouth, without stinging him. This was regarded as a most
fortunate omen, and the father anticipated a high destiny for his son. He was
excellently educated, and went to Milan to pursue the study of the legal profes-
sion. He so distinguished himself that the Emperor Valentinian appointed
him prefect of Upper Italy and Milan. His wisdom and kindness attached all
to him, so that by both Arians and Catholics he was unanimously called to be
Bishop of Milan in 374. He shrank from the dignity and even left the city;
but before long he returned, and was baptizéd and consecrated eight days after-
ward. The anniversary of this event is still celebrated as a fête by the Catho-
lic Church. He won the love and admiration of all by his mildness and gen-
tleness, as well as by his unyielding severity toward wickedness in every form.
His Christian bravery was shown by his driving the Emperor Theodosius from
the door of the church, because of his cruel massacre of the Thessalonians.
He excommunicated the Emperor and compelled him to do severe penance for
eight months before restoring him to the church. Ambrose died in 397. The
“Te Deum Laudamus" and several other works have been attributed to him.
He is the patron saint of Milan, and the Ambrosian Library received its name
in his honor.
Athanasius was born in Alexandria about the year 296. Although only a
deacon and but a mere youth when appointed to the first general council of the
church at Nice, he attracted great attention by his learning and eloquence. He
was still young when elected Patriarch of Alexandria. He was persecuted by
Rome—Early Christian Writers 439
the Arians and driven out of Alexandria, then restored only to be driven out
again. Once he had to remain hidden for four months in the tomb of his father,
but was finally restored to his bishopric, which he held until his death in 373.
He was a leading ecclesiastic of the church, able, judicious, wise, perfectly
fearless, and though twenty years of his life were spent in exile, his exertions
were crowned with complete success. His writings are clear and powerful, and
he was the great champion of Trinitarianism, his polemical works relating
chiefly to the incarnation of the Saviour and the divinity of the Holy Spirit.
Gregory Nazianzen (called also the Theologian, because of his erudition in
sacred literature) was born about 329 in Cappadocia, not far from Caesarea.
His father, also of the same name, became a Christian, through the instrumen-
tality of his wife, and was raised to the dignity of Bishop of Nazianzus. Thus
the son grew up in a religious atmosphere. It is a curious coincidence that
while studying at Athens he came in intimate contact with Julian, afterward
Emperor and known as the Apostate, and from their numerous discussions
Gregory predicted no good to him because of his “unsettled and arrogant
mind.” Gregory became brilliant in eloquence, philosophy, and sacred liter-
ature, and, receiving baptism at the hands of his father, consecrated to God
“all his goods, his glory, his health, his tongue, his talents.” In order to be
able to devote his years to austere devotion, he retired to a solitary life and
took up his abode with Basil in the desert near the river Iris, in Pontus. He
was recalled by his father and made priest, but fled, was recalled again, and
became assistant to his parent in the ministry and preached to the people. He
shrank from a public life, but after the death of his father came back to Con-
stantinople, where in a short time his eloquence and erudition led to his ap-
pointment as archbishop, which so exasperated the Arians that for a time his
life was in danger. Although upheld by the Pope and the Emperor Theodo-
sius, Gregory preferred to resign his bishopric voluntarily. He returned to
Nazianzus, where after some years of ascetic devotion he died in 389. His
ashes were removed to Constantinople, and thence during the Crusades to
Rome. He was one of the finest orators and most thoughtful writers of his
times. His surviving writings include fifty-three orations, two hundred and
forty-two letters, and one hundred and seventy-six poems.
John Chrysostom (Golden-mouth), so-called from his eloquence, was born at
Antioch in 340, and had the guidance of a noble, pious mother. At an early
age he surpassed his teachers in eloquence. He was ordained deacon in 38 I,
and presbyter five years later, soon becoming known as the chief orator of the
Eastern Church. He bestowed so large a portion of his revenues at Constan-
tinople on hospitals and other charities that he was called “John the Almoner.”
One of the purest of men himself, he strove to reform the lives of the clergy
44 O The Story of the Greatest Nations
and sent missionaries into Persia, Palestine, Scythia, and other lands. His un-
ceasing war against vice led to his exile, but he never abated his zeal, no mat-
ter where his lot was cast. The Emperor, incensed by the love and sympathy
shown for him, ordered his further banishment to a remote tract on the Euxine,
whither the old man plodded all alone with his bare head exposed to the burn-
ing sun. This cruelty caused his death, and he passed away at Comanum, in
Pontus, September 14th, 407, murmuring his gratitude to God with his dying
lips. Who would not prefer a thousandfold such a death to that of the proud-
est emperor or potentate that ever lived 2 Thomas Aquinas said he would not
give Chrysostom's Homily on St. Matthew for the whole city of Paris. The
name Chrysostom was not applied to him until after his death. His works are
numerous, are in Greek, and consist of Homilies, Commentaries, Epistles,
Treatises, and Liturgies. His Homilies are held to be superior to anything of
the kind in ancient Christian literature.
Jerome was born in 340 in Dalmatia, of parents who were Christians. He
was highly educated and exceedingly devout. Retiring to the desert of Chalcis
in 374, he spent four years in study and penitential exercises. In 379 he was
ordained priest at Antioch, after which he passed three years in close intimacy
at Constantinople with Gregory of Nazianzus. Visiting Rome on a mission,
in 382, he resided there till 385, as secretary of the Pope. He became very
popular because of his eloquence, learning, and sanctity. He fixed his abode
in Bethlehem in 396, where he died, September 30, 420. His great work
was the translation of the Bible into Latin. He was the author of other
religious works, letters, treatises, and commentaries, and was the founder of
Monasticism.
Augustine was born at Numidia, in Africa, and ranks as the greatest of the
Latin fathers. His pious mother carefully instructed him, but he fell a victim
to the temptations of Carthage, as he freely confessed, and thereby was caused
sorrow all through his life. He went to Rome, followed by the prayers of his
devoted mother, and then to Milan, where he fell under the influence of the
Saintly Ambrose, who was Bishop of Milan. It was the most fortunate thing
that could have happened to Augustine, for after much study and meditation
he felt the necessity of a living, personal God and Saviour to rescue him from
the condemnation of his own conscience. He was baptized by Ambrose on
the 25th of April, 387. Soon after, he set out on his return home. His
mother, who was his companion, died happy and grateful because of the salva-
tion of her son. Before leaving Italy for Africa he wrote several of his most
noted treatises. His inflexible character as a Christian had become fixed, and
he devoted his majestic intellect to the propagation of the truths of Christian-
ity. He divided his goods among the poor, retired to private life, and com-
Rome—Death of Constantine 44. I
posed other treatises, which added to his already high reputation. In 391 he
was ordained priest, and although busily occupied for the next few years in
preaching, he wrote three more works, and in 395 was made colleague with
Valerius, Bishop of Hippo. In 397 appeared his “Confessions,” in thirteen
books. It is an earnest autobiography of one of the greatest minds the world
has ever known. Some of its passages are paralleled nowhere outside the
Psalms of David. In 426 he finished his greatest work, “De Civitate Dei,”
which, despite some faults of premises and reasoning, has been accepted as one
of the most profound and lasting monuments of human genius. He died on
August 28, 430, in answer to his own prayer, during the siege of Hippo by the
Vandals. No man ever exerted a greater influence over the church than he.
Now, while Constantine professed Christianity, it is impossible to believe
that his heart was touched by its gentle teachings, for his private conduct was
in ferocious contrast to the blessed example of the Fathers, of whom we have
been learning. He must have been controlled largely by political and selfish
motives. He and Licinius, through the famous edicts of Milan and Nicomedia,
simply declared the equality of Christianity with the old state religion. The
path of Constantine was crimsoned with blood, for he shrank from no crime
against even his nearest relatives, in order that he might accomplish his aims.
His father-in-law Maximinus, his brother-in-law Licinius, and the latter's son,
fell before him in the struggle for the monarchy, and finally his own son by his
first marriage, the worthy Caesar Crispus, because of his popularity, aroused
the fatal jealousy of Constantine. This Emperor died, May 22, 337, while
making his preparations for a Persian war in Nicomedia.
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Chapter XLI
THE BARBARIANS DESTROY THE EMPIRE
# E approach the breakdown of Roman power. Constantine
--------- had shifted his capital to Constantinople. In the vigor
of his career, he had appointed his three sons by his
second marriage to be Caesars, and at his death the
Empire was apportioned among them. Constantine II.
received the West, Constantius, Asia with Egypt, and
Constans, Italy and Africa. Almost from the first a
furious quarrelling raged among them. Constantine
was defeated by Constans and killed at Aquileia in 340. This gave
the latter dominance in the Empire, and he gained some creditable
successes over the Germans, but he made himself so odious by his
arbitrary conduct that his troops slew him and proclaimed as emperor
one of his generals, Magnentius, a Frank by birth (350). Magnentius
suffered defeat at the hands of Constantius, and in despair slew him-
self. Thus Constantius became sole monarch in 353, and reigned
until 360. Before leaving the East, he had appointed his cousin
Gallus as Caesar, but, suspecting his fidelity, caused him to be murdered in 354.
There was urgent need of the presence of the Emperor in the East, and the in-
roads of the Germans into Gaul demanded a strong commander in the West.
Constantius, therefore, sent his cousin Julianus, brother of the murdered Gallus,
into Gaul as Caesar.
This was the man of whom we have already learned something, and who
figures in history as Julian the Apostate. He was successful against the
Alemanni and Franks, and checked the tide of German invasion for several
Rome—Julian the Apostate 443
years. Constantius did not do so well in the territory of the Danube, and, be-
coming jealous of Julian, ordered him to send him a part of his troops to help
in an impending Persian war. These soldiers refused to leave Julian, and pro-
claimed him Emperor in Paris. Before Constantius could march to the attack,
he died at Cilicia, and Julian became sole Emperor (361–363).
He gained the name of the Apostate through his efforts to supplant Christian-
ity with paganism. He had been brought up in the former belief, but he aban-
doned it; and it is not unlikely that the bloody quarrels of Constantine and
other professing Christian leaders had much to do with his contempt for the
faith they claimed to follow. How far Julian would have succeeded in his
purpose it is impossible to say, had his life been spared, but all his plans came
to naught through his death in June, 363.
Jovian was the nominee of the army, and, having made a disgraceful peace
with the Germans, he retreated and then died in February, 364, whereupon
Valentinian I. was elected Emperor, and, at the request of the army, took his
brother Flavius Valens to share the throne with him. Valentinian had charge
of the West, and reigned from 364 to 375, while Valens, beginning in the same
year, held power till 378.
Valentinian fought with success against the Alemanni and Sarmatians, and
his distinguished general Theodosius, father of the later emperor of that name,
held Britain and Africa. Valentinian, dying in the year named, was followed
by his two sons Gratian and Valentinian II., the latter still a minor. The
former was persuaded by Ambrose, the famous Bishop of Milan, to deprive the
pagan worship of the support hitherto received from the state.
You have not failed to note the great change through which the Roman
Empire had been passing for a long time. The “pangs of transformation ”
were protracted through centuries, but they were complete. The Empire con-
sisted of Italy and the provinces, and for a time their respective governments
were on a different footing. The inhabitants of Italy were Roman citizens,
with the provincials under the rule of Roman officials. But there began the
formation of a nation of Romans in the provinces through the expedient of in-
troducing colonies and of admitting the most deserving of the provincials to
the freedom of Rome. Under Caracalla (2 II–217), the distinction between
Romans and provincials was wiped out, and Roman citizenship was given to all
the free inhabitants of the Empire. By this time, the inhabitants of Gaul,
Spain, Northern Africa, and Illyria had become thorough Romans, a proof of
which is that several of the later emperors were provincials, as they would have
been called at an earlier date.
It inevitably followed that when all distinction ceased between Italy and the
rest of the Roman Empire, Rome lost its importance as the centre of imperial
444 The Story of the Greatest Nations
dominion. You recall the division of the Empire under Diocletian, and the
removal of the capital to Byzantium or Constantinople, by Constantine. The
pulsations of the great heart at Rome had sent all the blood through the arter-
ies into the provinces, where it remained.
Theodosius I. (392–395) was the last Emperor who ruled over the whole
Roman Empire. He was a great man and a zealous friend of the Christian
religion. You have been told of the meekness with which he submitted to the
repulse by Ambrose, Bishop of Milan, because of the massacre in Thessalonica.
His reign, however, was very brief, for he died in January, 395, at Milan. He
left the Empire to his two sons, Honorius ruling in the West, which was the
Latin Empire, while Arcadius held sway over the East, which was the Greek
or Byzantine Empire. This division was in reality only the continuance or
rather completion of what had been done by preceding emperors.
There could be no mistaking the signs which foretold the fall of Rome. It
has been shown that the Romans had ceased to be a nation, because the nation
was absorbed by the Empire. There had been a steady mixture of foreign
bloods, until only a mongrel race remained in the ancient city. The sturdy
ancient Roman—the perfection of manly vigor and strength—was gone, and in
his place remained a debauched, effeminate, luxury-loving people, wholly aban-
doned to self-indulgence. If a few exceptions rose here and there, like tower-
ing oaks in a decaying forest, the majority were rotten to the core. The em-
perors and wealthy classes lived for animal pleasure alone. They were a
flabby, Sodden race, oozing with rheum, diseased, debased, and in many in-
stances with no more sensibility than the swine wallowing in the gutter. They
were not worth saving, and their downfall drew near with the surety of the
tread of doom.
The death-blow was to be dealt by the northern barbarians—those magnifi-
cent specimens of manhood. They were like great bulls, charging with lowered
horns, ramming the walls until they trembled; and their savage bellowings made
the so-called Romans shake with dread as they braced their decrepit bodies
against the tottering gates and vainly tried to hold them shut.
The lusty Teutonic or German tribes had lived for centuries among the
forests of the North, and gave more than one Roman emperor all he could do
to shove them back over the boundaries which they persisted in crossing. In
time the question arose whether it was not a wise step to permit these barbar-
ians to come into the country and mix with the Romans, who could not fail to
be improved by the infusion of so superb a strain. Moreover, these massive
neighbors had heard of the new faith—Christianity—and in a crude way ac-
cepted its truths. Finally, in the latter half of the fourth century, under the
Roman emperor Valens, a large body of Teutons were permitted to make their
Rome—The Goths Seize Rome 445
homes within the limits of the Empire. Their dwelling-place north of the
Danube is now called Moldavia and Wallachia, and had been the province of
Dacia in the time of Trajan, but it was abandoned by the Romans under Aure-
lian. These Goths accepted Christianity in the Arian form (Arius held Christ
to be inferior to God the Father in dignity and nature), from Bishop Ulfilas,
whose translation of the Scriptures into the Gothic tongue is the oldest Teu-
tonic writing of which we have knowledge.
In the latter part of the fourth century, the Goths became restless under
the pressure of the shaggy Huns—Tartars or Kalmucks—who, yielding to that
strange impulse known as the “wanderings of nations,” were come out of East-
ern Asia, and were pushing their way into Europe. Helpless to hold their
own against them, the Goths appealed to the Emperor Galens, then ruling over
the East, to allow them to cross to the south side of the Danube, and thus
place that river as a barrier between them and their ferocious enemies. The
Emperor was suspicious of the fealty of the Goths, and consented only on con-
dition that they should surrender their children and weapons. This hard pro-
posal was accepted, and the Romans furnished the boats which for days and
nights were rowed back and forth, carrying their loads of innocent ones. Then
having given them up, the Goths bribed the Roman officers to allow them to
keep their arms. Thus, in 376, a million men, women, and slaves crossed one
of the natural frontiers of the Empire and settled within its borders.
But the Romans counted unwisely upon the forbearance of the Goths, when
they treated them with great brutality and left them with no means against
starvation. In their desperation, the Goths marshalled their fierce warriors
and marched against Constantinople. The angered Roman army met them
near Adrianople, and were disastrously defeated, the Emperor losing his life in
the battle, which was fought in 378. Then the horde overran the fertile region
westward to the borders of Italy and the Adriatic Sea.
Theodosius, who well deserved the name of the Great, compelled the Goths
to submit and settle down quietly, many of them taking service in the Roman
armies. But this did not last long. The sons of Theodosius were weaklings,
and, when they divided the Roman Empire between them, the Visigoths or
Western Goths rebelled, and elevated their chief Alaric upon their shields,
which was their national mode of electing a king. Alaric spread desolation
through Greece, conquered the Roman armies there, and sacked their cities.
Then he and his Goths hurled themselves upon Italy. They captured and
sacked Rome in 4 Io. It was what Pyrrhus and Hannibal, the Greek and the
Carthaginian, had failed to do. Until Alaric entered, Rome had not seen a for-
eign master within her gates since the time of Brennus, 800 years before.
After six days of pillage Alaric withdrew from Rome and ravaged Southern
&
446 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Italy. His adoring followers looked on him almost as a god. When he died
they turned aside the waters of the river Busentinus and buried him on horse-
back within its depths. Then the waters were allowed to flow back over the
grave, and all the slaves who knew where it lay, were slain, so that he might
rest forever undisturbed. 8
The Western Empire was fast crumbling to pieces. Britain was abandoned
by the Romans and was soon inundated by the German tribes known as Angles
and Saxons. The different Teutonic clans invaded Gaul and from Gaul passed
into Spain, which was conquered by Vandals, Sueves, and other German races;
while Gaul was overrun by Franks, Burgundians, and Goths, all members of
the Teutonic family. Then a host of Vandals under Geiseric crossed from
Spain into Africa. Carthage was captured in 439. Thus the most vigorous
limbs were lopped off from the decaying trunk. $
Meanwhile, a hideous creature, squat of form, with huge head, broad shoul-
ders, gleaming deep-set eyes, emerged from his log hut on the plains of Hun-
gary, and set out on his career of conquest and desolation. He was Attila, the
Hun, who had murdered his brother rather than permit him to share in his
sovereignty over the prodigious hordes of Savages scattered through the north
of Asia and Europe. Christendom called him the “Scourge of God,” and his
superstitious followers believed he carried a supernatural sword. Under his
bloody banner fought the Vandals, Ostrogoths, Gepidae, and many of the Franks.
In a short time, he forced his dominion over the people of Germany and Scythia.
He ruled from the frontiers of Gaul to those of China. His campaign in 447
in Persia and Armenia was unsuccessful, but he afterward swept through Illyria
and desolated the countries between the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. At
his approach cities were left desolate; the unhappy people fled to crouch in
caverns among the woods and cliffs. Starvation was less cruel than the Hun.
He gave to all only the choice of annihilation or of following in his train.
Theodosius fought three terrific battles with him and was beaten in all. Con-
stantinople escaped because the shaggy demons did not know how to besiege
the strong fortifications; but Attila wrought his ferocious will in Thrace,
Macedon, and Greece, where seventy cities were desolated. Theodosius, after
treacherously trying to murder his conqueror, was compelled to cede to him a
portion of his territory south of the Danube and to pay him an immense tribute.
In 45 I, the Scourge wheeled his horse westward to invade Gaul, but was
confronted by Aëtius, leader of the Romans, and Theodoric, king of the Visi-
goths. There Tartar despotism and Aryan civilization met in the life-and-
death struggle, and the latter triumphed. The Huns were routed on every
side, Attila himself narrowly escaping capture or death. If we can trust the
older historians, this was the bloodiest battle ever fought in Europe. It took
Rome—Invasion of the Huns - 447
place near the site of the present city of Chalons-sur-Marne, and it is said that
the dead left on the field numbered from 250,000 to 300,000.
Attila was in despair, and, having retired to his camp, collected all the
woodcn shields, saddles, and other baggage into an immense funeral pile, de-
termined to die in the flames, rather than surrender; but through the advice of
Aëtius, the Roman commander, the Huns were allowed to retreat in safety, lest
they should gain from despair the strength to conquer.
The Scourge recovered his strength in the following year, and again invaded
Italy, devastating Aquileia, Milan, Padua, and other cities, and driving the
panic-stricken people into the Alps, the Apennines, and the lagoons of the
Adriatic, where they founded the city of Venice. Rome was utterly helpless,
but was saved through Pope Leo I., who boldly visited the terrible barbarian
and by his majestic mien and apostolic majesty terrified him into sparing the
city. Attila returned to Hungary, but two years later regained his ruthless
courage, and was making preparations for another invasion of Italy, when he
burst a blood-vessel and died. What a grim comment on the folly of puny man
in arraying himself against the cause of truth and justice Attila boasted that
the grass never grew on the spot trodden by the hoof of his horse, but the prick
of a pin or the most trifling occurrence has been sufficient many a time to bring
the proudest wretch to the dust. The immense empire of the “Scourge of
God” immediately crumbled to fragments.
Attila had hardly shrunk away from Rome before the imprecations of the
Pope, when Geiseric, the Vandal chief of Africa, sailed with his fleet from
Carthage and anchored at the mouth of the Tiber. This time Leo could not
turn aside the fury of the barbarians. Rome was captured (455), and for two
weeks the Vandals and Moors plundered and pillaged and looted, without a
gleam of mercy. Scores of ships were laden with captives and treasures, and
sailed across the sea to Carthage.
The emperors of the West still came and went like a procession of phan-
toms. Scan the list and you will find their names, but they were no more than
so many figments of sleep, so far as their power went to stay the rush of the
Empire to destruction. Finally, the Roman Senate declared that one emperor
was enough, and that he should be the Eastern Emperor Zeno, but the govern-
ment of Italy was to be trusted to Odoacer, who took the title of Patrician of
Italy. This Odoacer had been a bandit among the Noric Alps, and, entering
the Roman service, rapidly rose to eminence. He aided Orestes, in 475, in
driving the Emperor Julius Nepos from the throne, and conferred on his son
Romulus the title of Augustus, which the people in ridicule changed to Augus-
tulus. This feeble youth, who, by a strange sarcasm of destiny, bore the names
of the founder of Rome and of the Empire, was pensioned off, and, when
448 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Odoacer became king, the Senate sent back to Constantinople the tiara and
purple, for the Western Empire had passed away forever.
The western or Latin provinces of the Roman Empire having dissolved be-
fore the onrush of the barbarians, let us now glance at the history of the East-
ern Empire, which survived the general wreck for a thousand years, though
steadily decaying and going to ruin. The Greek or Byzantine Empire reached
its zenith in the sixth century, under Justinian, who reigned from 527 to 565.
Although of little military capacity, he had the wisdom to select the ablest
generals of the last days of Roman ascendancy, and under their direction, espe-
cially that of the distinguished Narses and Belisarius, the Empire was restored,
at least so far as outward appearance went, to its ancient limits, and the East
and West were reunited under a single rule. His first war, that with Persia,
had scarcely been brought to a half-successful conclusion when a revolt took
place against him. A rival emperor was elected, and Justinian was so fright-
ened that he would have fled but for the vigor and resolution of his wife, Theo-
dora. Narses repressed the rising with merciless severity, and it is said that
30, OOO of the insurgents were slain in one day.
Belisarius by the force of arms re-annexed the Vandal kingdom of Africa
to the Empire; and he and Narses restored the imperial authority in Rome,
in Northern Italy, and in a large portion of Spain. One of the remarkable
works of Justinian was the renewing and strengthening of the immense line
of fortifications along the eastern and southeastern frontier of the Empire.
These works of defence and many public buildings in Rome and other cities
involved enormous expenditures, but they were ably and honestly carried out.
The most famous of his buildings is the great church of St. Sophia in Con-
stantinople.
But the chief renown of Justinian rests upon his work as a legislator. Di-
rectly on his accession, he set to work to collect the vast mass of previous leg-
islative enactments which were still in force; and, to make this thorough, he
first compiled a code comprising all the constitutions of his predecessors (527–
529). Next the authoritative commentaries of the jurists were harmonized and
published under the title of Digesta Pandecta (529–533). The code was re-
published in 534, with the addition of Julian's own laws. His third important
legal undertaking was the composition of a systematic treatise on the law for
the guidance of students and lawyers, which was published shortly before the
Digest, under the title of Institutiones (Institutes). All these great works
were completed under the guidance and Superintendence of the learned jurist
Tribonian. They were originally written in Latin, while the later treatises
which Justinian caused to be prepared were in Greek, and bore the name Mo-
vellae or “New Works.” This complete system, known as the Civil Law, formed
Rome—End of the Western Empire 449
the groundwork of the law of nearly all of the nations of Europe, England being
the most notable exception.
After the fall of Rome and the collapse of the Western Empire, Odoacer, the
Visigothic chief, continued governing, claiming to do so by authority of the Em-
peror of the East, but he paid little attention to the Byzantine court at Constan-
tinople. Meanwhile, the Ostrogoths, or Eastern Goths, had established a kingdom
between the Black Sea and the Adriatic, under the rule of their own hero, Theo-
doric. The Emperor Zeno commissioned Theodoric to invade Italy and bring
that country back into the Empire. With Theodoric went all his people, including
women and children and aged men, So that it was another migration of a nation.
The campaign against Odoacer lasted for three years, but in 493 he was compelled
to come to terms, and soon after was assassinated by his rival. Theodoric distrib-
uted one-third of the conquered territory among his soldiers in military tenures,
and ordered his men to be kind to the people and to obey the laws. The wise
rule of Theodoric brought peace and prosperity to Italy, which continued till his
death in 526.
Then came turmoil, confusion, bloodshed, and lasting anarchy. It was at
this time that Justinian, Emperor of the East, interfered, and the imperial forces
under Belisarius captured Rome. Narses, his successor, overthrew the Ostro-
gothic power in Italy in 553, in a great battle on the slopes of Mount Vesuvius.
The last king of the Goths, Teias, was slain; and his warriors asked permission
of the Romans to depart in peace, bearing with them the body of their leader.
Narses gladly consented, and the whole nation of Goths marched in a body out
of Italy forever. It became a Byzantine province, governed by rulers appointed
from Constantinople, with the title of Exarchs of Ravenna.
Justinian had been dead only three years, when Italy, still governed by an
exarch living at Ravenna, was overrun by the third and last of the Teutonic in-
vasions. The Lombards or Longobardi, thus named perhaps from their long
beards, came from Central Europe, swarmed through the Alps, and, Sweeping
into the valley of the Po, occupied the extensive district still known as Lombardy,
with Pavia as its capital. They were cruel in their treatment of the Italians, and
committed so many atrocities that a large number of Roman families removed
to the islands and lagoons at the head of the Adriatic, where, as we have learned,
the foundations of Venice had been laid not long before.
F5&F
LANDING or The Normans in Sicily
Chapter XLII
ROME UNDER THE POPES
UT of all the hideous turmoil of blood and flame, one
power rose indestructible and triumphant. This was
Christianity, the single influence that had remained
pure and sweet and strong, amid the corruption and
decay of the Empire.
Awe of this new, strange power of holiness checked
even the wildest marauders. Goths and Vandals stayed
their swords before the doors of churches. The hand
of God became, as it were, visible to save what was left of the
world from utter destruction. When Alboin, the first Lombard
king, conquered Pavia, he had sworn to slay every person in the
city. His horse reared in the gateway of the town, and refused
to advance. “It is because of your unchristian oath,” cried his
followers; and, awed by the seeming interposition of heaven,
Alboin retracted his evil vow. Even the unspeakable horrors
that accompanied the sack of cities were lessened by Christianity,
since each church became an asylum in which the terrified inhabitants might
crouch in safety.
All earthly rulers and protectors seemed to have abandoned Rome. Even
ner nominal Emperor in Constantinople thought of the city only to rob her of
what statues and works of art she still retained. It was then that her bishops
stood forth as her defenders. We have seen how Leo checked the ravages of
the Huns by the might of his dignity, purity, and mysterious strength, and
how he won concessions and partial mercy even from the savage Vandals.
Rome—Pope Gregory the Great 4-5 I
Other bishops of Rome strove as earnestly as he. The name “papa,” or, as we
call it in English, pope, which means father and had once been given freely to
all heads of the church, now began to be applied specially to these heroic
bishops. -
The position of Pope of Rome was not one likely to be sought by ordinary
men in those days. It brought with it neither wealth nor ease, but only sor-
row and danger. When Gregory I., greatest of all the early popes, was offered
the high place, he shrank from it; he begged the people to choose another than
he, legend says that he even fled from the city. But the citizens knew their
only hope lay in having over them one who was their best and bravest and
strongest, so at last Gregory yielded to their prayers.
At this time (590–604 A.D.) the Pope had no official position in the govern-
ment of the city. The old republican forms were still maintained, as indeed
they had been during all the Empire. The city was still nominally governed
by the Senate, and two yearly consuls elected by the people. But these men
had long sunk to mere figureheads, representing the contemptuous authority of
some barbarian chief, or some shadowy Eastern emperor. In time of peril such
magistrates were the first to flee, and it was the Christian bishop who came
forward to guide and shelter his defenceless flock. &
Gregory was himself the son of a Roman senator. He inherited great
wealth and high rank, all of which he sacrificed in the cause of the poor. It
was in the midst of a deadly plague that the people forced him to become
bishop, and of course they were thinking of him only as their “pope,” their
father, whose protection they so sorely needed. In this noble work of charity,
Gregory's patience and generosity and wisdom proved through all his life un-
failing and unbounded. Never did erring and mortal man better deserve the
saintship with which he has been crowned. But the papacy brought with it
another and wider field of duties, and it was in this that Gregory displayed the
wonderful energy, aptness, and success which have won him the unquestioned
title of “The Great.”
Gregory believed it his duty to watch over Christianity throughout all the
earth. He cared nothing for empty titles. Other bishops urged him to assume
the name of Universal Bishop, and he refused. But the unending labor, the
awful responsibility of the position, he did not refuse. He had accepted them
solemnly as his own, when he yielded to his people's cry.
In speaking of the supremacy which the bishops of Rome came to hold over
other bishops, we approach a question which has been much debated, and which
of course it would be impossible to discuss fully in such little space as we have
at command. Suffice it to say that, while Rome ruled the world, its bishop
had naturally vast influence among his brethren. St. Peter, the leader among
4.52 The Story of the Greatest Nations
the apostles, had been the city's first bishop, and his successors claimed to
continue his authority. Several of them had vigorously asserted this claim
before Gregory's popehood. Bishops of other great cities had at times allowed,
at times opposed it. So far as all Western Europe was concerned, Gregory's
leadership was taken as a matter of course. In the East the Bishop of Con-
stantinople assumed, by authority of the Emperor, the title of Universal Bishop.
that Gregory had refused.
This rivalry led to nothing more vehement than words. John of Constan-
tinople was a student and a man of quiet. Gregory had his hands more than
full with his work of supervision in the West. It was under him that Britain
was Christianized. Spain was converted from heresy to the orthodox church.
His missionaries, fired with his own zeal, penetrated the wilds of Germany
and the North. A new and vast impulse was thus given to the spread of Chris-
tianity, an impulse which virtually settled the question of headship of the
church; for all these newly converted nations looked naturally to Gregory and
to Rome.
The Lombards at this time were the special fear of Rome. They did not
belong to the Orthodox faith, and again and again it seemed certain that they
would swarm over Rome, as they had over most of the rest of Italy. But each
time Gregory held them back, threatening, praying, and commanding, as occa-
sion served. Many of the Lombards were converted. Nevertheless another
of their inroads threatened even as Gregory died, exhausted at last, his frail
body worn to a shadow with the work and worry of his life. His successors
kept up the struggle by the methods he had taught them. The Lombards never
did seize Rome; and, after two centuries of effort, it was the popes who brought
about the downfall of the Lombard kings.
The one strength of the popes in this, as in other contests, was their spiri-
tual supremacy and influence, a weapon which time taught them to use in many
ways. They employed it here to command the help of Pepin of France.
Pepin was a great Frankish noble who ruled his country in the name of a
weak and foolish king whom he held a prisoner. Whether through shame or
fear, he hesitated to put aside his puppet master. Professing to be troubled
in conscience as to his proper course, he appealed to the Pope for advice. The
Pope declared that one who ruled in fact should rule in name as well; and
Pepin, promptly accepting the verdict, declared himself king. So when another
Lombard attack threatened Rome, it was to Pepin that the Pope appealed for
help, and the Frankish king led an army into Italy. He easily defeated the
Lombards; and he presented to the church the broad territories surrounding
Rome, from which he had driven her enemies.
These events form an important era in the history of the Roman church.
Rome—Rise of the Papal Power 453
The Pope began to exercise a voice in the government of foreign kingdoms.
He had made, or helped to make, a king of France. Perhaps more important
still, he had become a sovereign in his own right. The lands that Pepin so
liberally tossed him formed the nucleus of the “States of the Church,” which
remained a more or less independent power in Central Italy until our own times
witnessed their extinction, in 1870.
The friendship between the Franks and the church continued, though Pepin
had died. His son and successor, Charlemagne, also marched an army into Italy
at the call of the Pope. With stronger hand than his father, he utterly extin-
guished the troublesome Lombard monarchy, and set its ancient iron crown
upon his own head.
All Northern Italy became part of the vast empire Charlemagne was build-
ing; and wherever he conquered a nation, he compelled it to accept Christian-
ity. A new Italy, a new Europe, resulted from his labors. Calm succeeded to
tempest, order to anarchy. Those wild hordes that had wandered at will over
the dead Roman Empire had finally developed into settled nations. Charle-
magne brought the confused period of destruction to an end, and set on foot the
growth from which our modern Europe was to rise. On Christmas day of the
year 800, while Charlemagne was devoutly kneeling at divine service in the
church of the Vatican in Rome, the Pope, Leo III., stepping up to him, placed
a golden crown upon his head and saluted him as Emperor. All the people
around shouted their approval, as had been the custom in the old days when an
emperor was chosen; and Charlemagne, accepting the honor, declared himself
lord of the “Holy Roman Empire.” It was a fitting culmination, a fitting
testimony to the labors of the great king.
Note, however, that this was not the old, but distinctly a new empire that
was thus brought into existence. Its territory embraced much of Germany
which had never been Roman, while Rome itself, instead of being the centre
of the new empire, lay at its extreme southern border. The name, too, had
been changed by adding to it the word “Holy,” thus stamping its religious and
Christian character with the approval of the pope. It was he who, as head of
the church, had assumed to re-create a government and an authority that had
been extinct for over three centuries.
Gradually the pope had thus come to possess a far higher position abroad
than in his own city. To the Romans he was merely their own bishop, chosen
as they pleased from among themselves, to be liked or disliked, praised or dis-
praised, and having no legal authority whatever to govern them. To Franks
and Germans the pope was, on the contrary, the source of their religious in-
struction, the leader of their faith on earth. When Pope Leo III., fleeing from
an insurrection at home, visited Charlemagne, the whole court and army were
4.54 The Story of the Greatest Nations
drawn up to receive him. As he approached, every troop fell prostrate to
implore his benediction; Charlemagne, advancing with humble salutation,
embraced and kissed him.
These contradictory facts will, perhaps, explain the decline which appears
in the character of the popes. The papacy was no longer the poor and unat-
tractive office from whose duties and sufferings Gregory I. had shrunk. It now
carried with it the opportunity of wealth for the covetous, of power for the
ambitious, of ease for the luxurious. The Roman gentry began to plan and
intrigue for the place among themselves. Soon they did not hesitate to fight
for it. What could be expected from prelates chosen by such means? Some
of them were good and noble men; but others plunged from evil into evil.
The future of the church began to look dark indeed.
It was in IO45 that this unhappy condition of affairs in Rome came to an
end. The lordship of the shadowy “Holy Roman Empire’ had passed from
Frankish into German hands, and was held for the moment by Henry III., one
of the greatest of German monarchs. He found three, perhaps four, priests in
Rome, each claiming to be pope, each supported by his little band of adherents.
Henry called a council of the church, deposed all of the papal claimants, and,
marching to Rome, set a bishop of his own, a German, on the papal throne.
He wisely carried his pope back to Germany with him, since he could not spare
an army to remain on guard in turbulent Rome. On the death of his protégé,
Henry named a second pope who never left Germany, and then a third, who is
known to history as Leo IX. * ,
Leo was a good and noble man who was determined to be a good and noble
pope. He took for adviser an even greater man than he, a young monk named
Hildebrand. By Hildebrand's counsel, Leo refused to consider himself pope
unless he was chosen by the people of Rome themselves in the old way; and
he travelled as a pilgrim to Rome to ask for the election. The people gave it
readily enough; doubtless they had no desire for another encounter with
Henry's iron hand. So Leo IX, had the advantage of starting with his papacy
recognized by all parties and in all lands.
The principal evil he set himself to fight was what is called simony, the
selling of places in the church. This had become common everywhere, a natu-
ral consequence perhaps of the character of some of the late popes, and of the
resultant assumption of power by various kings, who had begun to appoint their
own bishops as they pleased. A man who bought an abbacy or a bishopric was
not necessarily a bad man; but certainly he was likely to think far more of the
wealth and power of his place than of its religious duties.
Leo called council after council to drive offenders of this sort from the
church. The Emperor helped him, and between them they restored the church
Rome–Reforms of Hildebrand 45.5
to much of its former dignity and influence—and, let us hope, also to its former
purity.
It was in Leo's time that the Normans conquered all Southern Italy and the
island of Sicily. Their leader was called Robert Guiscard, which means
Robert the crafty, or the wizard. The pope led an army against them, but the
fierce Normans easily defeated and took him prisoner. The shrewd Robert,
however, had no wish to fight the whole German Empire, so he received his
distinguished visitor with great reverence, protested his regret at being forced
to withstand the holy father in battle, and sent him back to Rome with a train
of honorary attendants. In return the cunning Robert persuaded the Pope
to confer upon him the right to rule the lands which he had already con-
quered with his sword. This spiritually legalizing process the Pope went
through readily enough, and the Norman adventurer became Robert, King of
Sicily.
Leo returned to Rome broken in health, and soon died. The monk Hilde-
brand had been the guiding influence of his papacy, and it was Hildebrand who
really secured the appointment of the next four short-lived popes. He became
known in Rome as the “pope-maker.” The first of the four was appointed by
King Henry, but Henry died, leaving his empire to an infant son, Henry IV.
The Pope passed away too, and Hildebrand and his Romans immediately re-
asserted their old right to elect their own popes. The guardians of young
Henry had all they could do to uphold his feeble throne even in Germany.
Rome was left to itself.
So under one of the new popes, Hildebrand called a council of the church
to decide finally just how their head was to be chosen. The original method
of selecting all Christian bishops was apparently by the free vote of their peo-
ple. Of course the clergy had much influence in this choice. Sometimes the
matter was left almost entirely in their hands. Hildebrand and his council
decided that it should be so in Rome. They had seen, through two hundred
years of crime, the evils of trusting to the people. Hence they fixed their
method substantially as it stands to-day. The higher orders of the clergy
elected a pope, while the lower orders had a sort of secondary vote. Then the
people were allowed to express their approval and so also was the Emperor.
One pope was elected by this means, and then Hildebrand himself was
chosen in Io/3. It had long been the custom for the elected pope to abandon
his own name, and rule under a new or papal one. So Hildebrand becomes
known to history as Gregory VII., the greatest of the pontiffs. Next to Charle-
magne he is the foremost man of the Middle Ages.
His life, his ideas have impressed themselves for centuries, perhaps for all
time on the world. As Hildebrand he had practically ruled the religious world
456. The Story of the Greatest Nations
for a generation. He had found the church feeble, failing, and sinful; he had
made it powerful and respected.
As Gregory VII, he was about to claim for it a higher and yet more danger-
ous eminence. Henry IV. had proven a weak and vicious prince. Among
other things he revived the selling of church positions. For this crime of
simony the Pope boldly summoned him to appear before the papal court. The
issue between Pope and Emperor was thus brought plainly before all men.
We can imagine the amazement of the rough Germans when the full meaning
of Pope Gregory's bold summons dawned on them. They had seen Henry III.
make and unmake popes at will. Had the pendulum swung so far that a pope
could command an emperor 2 .
Never has the simple power of righteousness been more impressively shown.
Such a summons from a bad pope to a good emperor would have meant nothing.
But it came from one of the best of popes, to one of the worst of emperors;
and the world, already groaning under Henry's tyranny, watched almost breath-
lessly for the result. Which was the stronger, religion or physical force 2
At first Henry ignored the summons. Gregory excommunicated him.
This was the most terrible weapon of the church. Theoretically it debarred
its victim from all services of the church on earth, and from salvation in
heaven. Of course there were plenty of Henry's German bishops ready to
serve him on earth, and to guarantee his hereafter. Indeed, he summoned a
religious council of his own, which declared the Pope himself deposed and
excommunicated in his turn. This sentence Henry swore he would execute
as his father had done, by marching an army into Rome and dragging the
Pope from his throne. .
The boast proved beyond his power to fulfil. Many of his greatest lords
abandoned him, moved partly by religion, partly, no doubt, by motives of per-
sonal ambition or dislike. The rebellion spread, and Henry seemed likely to
prove a king without subjects. The very men who had formed his religious
council, seeing whither events were tending, began, one after another, to make
the toilsome journey over the Alps to submit themselves to the Pope in Italy,
and to obtain his pardon and forgiveness.
At last came the oft-narrated climax. Henry himself crossed the moun-
tains as a penitent, almost alone, and stood barefooted in the snow, seeking
admission to the Pope's presence in the castle of Canossa. Three times the
king toiled up the rugged path to the castle gates and waited upon Gregory's
will; until at last the Pope admitted him, and removed the excommunication,
though declaring that Henry must still stand trial for his crimes.
What a triumph for the monk Hildebrand, if he were indeed what some
men have supposed him, a mere politician struggling for renown | What an
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HENRY v. AT CANOSSA
THE van DALS IN ROME
Rome—Triumph of the Papacy 457
ineffable sorrow, if his was a true heart seeking to regenerate religion on earth !
For never was mockery more hollow. The Pope sat in the strong fortress of
Canossa because he dared not trust his own Italians in the plain below. Henry
expressed remorse only to save his kingdom, and went away with black hate
gnawing in his heart. To one who objected that the Emperor's path to salva-
tion had been made too easy, Gregory answered with bitter irony, “Never fear !
He has gone away worse than he came.”
It was true. In later years, he managed so far to regain his Supremacy in
Germany that he marched an army against Rome. He captured the city, and
besieged Gregory in one of its strong towers, the still standing castle of St.
Angelo. Henry, however, was obliged to retreat before the Normans of Robert
Guiscard, who marched to the relief of the Pope. True to his old craftiness,
Guiscard managed to find his profit in the expedition by sacking Rome while
he was there. Henry still hovered in the neighborhood, and the Pope was
compelled to retire with the Norman troops into Southern Italy, where he died
in less than a year (IO85). His last words were, “I have loved justice, and
hated iniquity; and for that I die in exile.”
Yet his cause triumphed. The pretensions of the popes remained on the
high plane where he had placed them. Future emperors acknowledged his
claims, at least in part, and for over two centuries thereafter the popes stand
out in tremendous political prominence, until their power waned again through
new causes of which Gregory and his time knew nothing.
Scarce ten years after Gregory's death the church began preaching the cru-
sades. These prodigious outbursts of religious enthusiasm carried army after
army of Europeans into Asia to wrest Jerusalem, the city of Christ, from its
Mahometan conquerors. These armed hosts embraced many races. They were
not national but religious; and the popes were recognized as the source and
centre of the stupendous movement. Their power vastly increased. A strong
pope was indeed the leading man in Europe, and kings and emperors bowed to
his commands.
The pope generally regarded as representing the height of papal power is
Innocent III., who ruled from I 198 to 1216. He interfered in the affairs of
Germany and made an emperor. The king of France divorced his wife, and
Innocent compelled him to take her back. To do this, he first excommunicated
the king, and that failing, he laid an interdict on the whole of France. The
interdict forbade all religious services in the land. No one could be baptized,
no one could receive holy communion, no one could be buried with the rites of
the church. The French people were overwhelmed with terror, and a general
outburst of rebellion compelled the king to yield obedience to the Pope.
Innocent clashed also with King John of England. John refused to accept
458 - The Story of the Greatest Nations
an archbishop whom the Pope sent him. So Innocent excommunicated the
king, declared him deposed, and urged the French to invade and capture his
kingdom. They were on the point of doing this, when John submitted. In
his craven terror, he even went further than was demanded. He resigned his
crown absolutely to the church, that he and all his successors might receive it
thereafter from the Pope as a free gift. He acknowledged the pontiff as his
over-lord, and promised that one-tenth of all the taxes of England should be
sent annually to its Roman master. iº
In the midst of all this power and triumph Innocent sowed some seeds
which had no small part in their destruction. The church had grown through
persecutions and martyrdoms; now most unhappily it became persecutor in its
turn. We have seen how Innocent turned the crusades from their original
purpose by preaching a holy war, or crusade as he called it, against John of
England. That crusade had passed off in clouds and vaporings, but another
which he started burst into blood and flame. This was directed against the
Albigenses of Southern France, a people who differed from the church in cer-
tain matters of faith, and were therefore known as heretics. A so-called “holy
army’’ assailed the Albigenses, laid waste their lands, stormed their cities, and
slew over a million of the wretched people.
Innocent also founded the Inquisition, that frightful engine whose cruelty
did so much to turn the people of Europe against the Catholic church. In his
time originated two great religious orders, or brotherhoods of monks. One of
these, the Franciscans, was founded by St. Francis of Assisi, on the basis of
universal love, and tenderness toward all living things. Its labors have proved
a help and hope and beauty to all the world. The other order, the Dominican,
was a sterner body. Into its hands was entrusted the power of compelling
people to believe as the church commanded. The Dominicans questioned all
suspected persons as to their faith, and, if not satisfied, tortured them in many
horrible ways. If the victim persisted in his heretic ideas, he was burned to
death. This was the terrible “questioning ” or Inquisition.
The plea urged by the church was that men's bodies were valueless as com-
pared to their souls, hence any amount of bodily torture was really a kindness,
if by it the victim was brought into the true faith. The world had not yet
reached that degree of civilization where it realized that men's consciences can-
not be forced or controlled, that faith must come from within, not from with-
out. The Inquisition added nothing to the power of the church. It won over
only the weak and the hypocrites. Strong men learned to hate and defy the
torturers. Oppression opened the path to rebellion.
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Żëééé <<<<<<<<<<<<<<<<
FREDERICK BARBARoSSA ENTERING MILAN
Chapter XLIII
THE CITY REPUBLICS OF MEDIAEVAL ITALY
º,0 understand clearly the story of Italy during the Middle
Ages, you must think of the country as divided into
three parts. In the south lay the kingdom which
Robert Guiscard had formed. This sometimes included
the great island of Sicily, sometimes not. It passed
through many hands, and was known at different times
*T*. as the Kingdom of Sicily, that of the Two Sicilies,
and that of Naples. In Central Italy lay the “States of the
Church "; while the north of the peninsula and the great plain
lying between the seas and the Alps was split up into a number
of small city states, not unlike those of ancient Greece.
The growth and splendor of these cities is one of the most
striking features of the Middle Ages. While all the rest of
Europe was still sunk in poverty, ignorance, and barbarism,
they had grown rich, cultured, and independent. They united
in confederacies more powerful than those under Sparta; they ruled empires
wider than that of Athens.
Most of them had been cities in the old Roman days, and had passed
through the same fearful period of fire and desolation. Only their devastation
had been even more terrible than that of the capital. The ruins of ancient
Rome still tower stupendous among its modern buildings. Few of the north-
ern cities retain more than the merest fragments of that mighty architecture.
In the days of the first German emperors the population of these cities
must have contained a mingling of almost every blood on earth. Lombard and
460 The Story of the Greatest Nations
old Roman-Italian were the dominant strains; but the slave system of Rome
had brought into Italy the unfortunate of almost every race, who, in the cen-
turies of disaster, were blended indiscriminately with their masters. Necessity
taught hard lessons to this motley horde. There were no longer vast nations
of Goths and Vandals to sweep resistlessly over them; but every petty lord
and robber chief continued to prey upon them, until they had learned the lesson
of resistance. When they gathered again into cities and surrounded these with
walls, they found themselves easily able to beat off the lesser marauders. So
the cities grew bigger, the walls stronger, and the people more and more inde-
pendent and self-reliant.
Four of these towns stood out more prominently than the rest. They
were Milan, which was the chief city of Lombardy, the central plain in the
north; Venice in the northeast, at the head of the Adriatic; Genoa, occupying
a similar position in the northwest on the Mediterranean coast; and Florence,
farther south than these, in the peninsula itself, chief city of Tuscany, the
ancient land of Etruria.
Milan was the first to become famous. Nominally the cities were all sub-
ject to the German emperors; practically they governed themselves. Once
every twenty years or so a German army climbed laboriously over the Alps,
and escorted a new emperor to be crowned at Rome. Then the cities bowed
down to him. He helped himself to as much as he could in the way of tribute,
kept his rough soldiers as well as he could from doing the same, and marched
back again. Many of the cities began to feel that it was time to resist this
last and largest of the robber chiefs. In the quarrel between popes and em-
perors most of the Italian cities supported the pope. His partisans were
known as Guelphs; those of the emperors as Ghibellines. One of the most
powerful of the emperors, Frederick Barbarossa, resolved to punish the rebel-
lious Guelph cities, and in the year II 54 marched a formidable army into Italy.
Some of the smaller Guelph towns submitted to him and begged for mercy;
one resisted and was captured; but Milan, the strongest of them all, closed her
gates and defied him. His army was wearied with long absence from home,
wasted with sickness; and he found himself too weak even to besiege the city.
Other cities promptly refused him entrance as Milan had done. Bands of the
enemy hovered near, treachery surrounded him, and his retreat into Germany
became almost a flight.
Great was the triumph of the Guelph towns; bitter the humiliation of the
few Ghibellines who had remained faithful to the emperor. Frederick, how-
ever, was not a man to be defeated so easily. Four years later he came again
with another army, expressly to punish the Milanese. For three years they
withstood his attacks with the utmost heroism. City after city submitted, but
Rome—Victory of Milan 46 I
Milan held out. Frederick's German army faded away as the first had done;
but he continued with immovable persistence in Italy, prosecuting the siege
with the Ghibelline troops he had gathered there. At length a third German
army reached him, and Milan surrendered.
After taking possession of the city, Frederick waited a month in solemn
deliberation before announcing its fate. Then he commanded the trembling
inhabitants to evacuate it and disperse. When the long sad train had passed
out, he set his Italian soldiers to destroy the city. The walls were torn down,
the houses, palaces, even the churches were demolished, and the entire place
levelled with the ground (I 162).
Frederick must have intended this as a terrible warning to all other rebel-
lious cities. But how often force defeats its own object ' The scattered
Milanese became in every town the centres of pity and admiration, the parti-
sans and preachers of revolt. Scarce was Frederick's army out of Italy before
town after town rose again in rebellion against him. The tyrannical agents he
had left in charge were everywhere driven out. A league was formed among
the Lombard cities, and the very soldiers who had helped him destroy Milan
now agreed among themselves to rebuild it. Their militias gathered on an
appointed day at the desolate site, the Milanese themselves returned, and all
hands set to work with such a will, that in six weeks a new and equally power-
ful Milan had risen on the ruins of the old (I 167).
The resolute emperor, being alone in Italy, called a council of his subjects
there to support him; but so few of the cities sent delegates that he found
himself able to do no more than denounce the rebellious places in a fiery
speech, after which he fled back across the Alps for the second time. Another
Germany army and then another was raised by him with great exertion. The
last one, the sixth which he had led into Italy, met the Milanese in decisive
battle on the field of Lignano (I 176). At first the Germans were successful;
their charging cavalry had almost reached the carroccio, or sacred car, which
bore the standard of Milan. The citizens wavered; but a band of nine hundred:
young men, who had formed themselves into the “Company of Death,” knelt
on the field, prayed God's help, and then threw themselves with reckless des-
peration upon the enemy. The Germans gave way before them, and the Italian
army renewed its attack. The victory was complete. Frederick himself fled
in disguise, and for a time was mourned by his court as dead.
The battle of Lignano broke the power of Frederick and established the lib-
erty of the Italian towns. A treaty of peace followed, the first that Europe had
seen between a sovereign and his subjects. The towns pledged themselves to pay
a small yearly tribute, but beyond that they were free. They governed them-
selves, they upheld the pope, and they could make war or peace as pleased them.
462 The Story of the Greatest Nations
The Hohenstaufen emperors, as Frederick and his descendants were named,
were among Germany's most powerful sovereigns, yet the conquest of Italy
proved beyond them. Their struggle against the popes and the Guelphic cities
destroyed only themselves. Frederick's grandson, Frederick II., brought him-
self to ruin by such a war lasting from 1229 to 1250. Frederick II. was born
in Italy and educated there under the great Pope Innocent III. His youth was
brilliant and promising. He seems to have had a real regard and even affec-
tion for the Italians, and his war with them must be ascribed rather to their
arrogance than to his. -
From about the year 900, the power and wealth of the Italian cities had
been for over three centuries steadily growing. The energy and intellect of
their inhabitants made them the centres of manufacture and commerce for most
of Europe. With their wealth and their military success increased also their
self-confidence and their pride.
Frederick was fairly successful in battle against them; but the Pope excom-
municated him, friends fell away from him, treachery surrounded him; and at
last, worn out in health and spirit, he begged the mercy of the church upon
any terms. He offered to lead a crusade to the Holy Land, with the promise
that he himself would never return. Before even this submission was accepted
by the exacting Pope, Frederick died, a despairing and heartbroken man.
The long war brought its punishment upon all alike. It had much to do,
though indirectly, with the decay of the papacy; and it precipitated the down-
fall of the Italian cities. War, civil war, had become their accustomed state.
There were Guelphs and Ghibellines in every city, and although the latter had
originally been the Supporters of the Emperor, they proved quite capable of
maintaining themselves after his shadowy support had disappeared. Generally
speaking, the Ghibellines were the aristocrats, the great lords who sought to
rule the country, they cared little whether in the Emperor's name or their own.
The Guelphs were the commoners and the lesser nobles, who, too weak to hope
to rule themselves, were the more unwilling to be ruled by others. The names,
however, had become mere rallying-cries of faction. Men called themselves
Guelph or Ghibelline merely because their fathers had done so. There was a
Guelph emperor and a Ghibelline pope. On each side were murders, massa-
cres, reprisals. The fiery Italians were forever plunging into reckless, head-
long contests. Chains and barricades stretched across the streets of every
city; and at the war-cry men rushed from their houses to fight, they knew not
whom or why. All they cared for was that their factional cry had been raised,
their party was in the strife.
The long contests had led also to a great change in the methods of war.
There were sieges, countermarches, elaborately planned campaigns. War had
Rome—Devastation of Italy 463
become an art, and skilled generals were required to conduct it. These ap-
peared among the nobility in every city. Once given the command, it was easy
for them to clinch their power. They became masters where they had been
received as servants. This happened in city after city, the people in many
cases yielding their liberty indifferently, even gladly, where it saved them from.
the ceaseless turmoil of the days of faction. -
These unhappy wars had yet another woful issue. Citizens could no longer
sally forth to battle, and return to their work within the week or, the month.
Campaigns were perpetual, and skill with weapons was indispensable. A man
must give his whole life to war, or hire some one to fight for him. This led
to the employment of foreign soldiers, who, flocking from the rougher lands in
the north, eagerly sold their swords to wealthy bidders. Formidable bands of
these mercenaries were formed. They soon learned their power and made war
on their own account, ravaging the lands they had come to protect. The
smaller cities were in constant danger from them. One band even attacked
Milan, and was driven off only after a pitched battle. The “Great Company,”
as one horde called itself, traversed Italy from end to end, pillaging and tortur-
ing everywhere. Its leader, a German duke, known as Werner, bore on his
breast the motto, “Enemy of God, of pity, and of mercy.” The old awful days
of despair and ruin seemed to have come again to scourge the land.
Even the pope was not safe from the ferocious marauders. A company of
them under the English captain, Sir John Hawkwood, held a pope in ransom
for ten thousand crowns. The story is that the prelate sent them word that
they should have the ten thousand with his curse or two thousand with his
blessing; and they accepted the blessing, though with some grumbling that it
came high at the price.
Small wonder the popes fled from such a distracted Italy. In 1309 they
retired to France to live in quiet at the little city of Avignon. It is impossible
for us to judge now of the necessity which may have compelled so radical a
change in the papal policy. Of its results, however, we can speak positively.
It lost to the popes that high supremacy in European politics which they had
held for over two centuries. During the seventy years (1309–1378) that they
remained at Avignon, they were more or less dependent on the French mon-
archs. Most of the popes elected during this period were French by birth.
They were swayed by French ideas. Other nations began to look on them as
mere vassals of France, and to resent their interference in other governments.
In matters of religion the papal authority remained as yet unquestioned; but
in questions of worldly government it was gone forever.
Rome, left to its own devices in the pope's absence, became a mere battle-
ground between its most prominent families of nobles, the Colonna and the
464 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Orsini. They made fortresses of the old ruins. The Colosseum was the
stronghold of the Colonna, the Castle of St. Angelo of the Orsini, and from
these the opponents Sallied out to fight like ravening wolves in the streets of the
unhappy city.
One strange, brilliant, fantastic spectacle flashes for a moment amid the
gloom. Bulwer has immortalized it in a novel. Cola (N icholas) di Rienzi was
a poor Roman, a notary and a student, who, having long dreamed of the an-
cient glory of Rome, resolved to restore it. He explained to his friends the
story of the ruins and inscriptions that surrounded them. He had allegorical
pictures painted on the public walls, and with fierce and vehement oratory he
interpreted their meaning. The nobles laughed at him. But suddenly he
leaped from words to action, and, Summoning the excited populace around him,
drove the nobles from the city. Rome seemed all in an instant to become
again a great and glorious republic. Rienzi was its tribune. He defeated the
nobles in battle; he invited the other Italian cities to send delegates, and draw
up a new scheme for the reunion of Italy under Rome. Many of these dele-
gates actually arrived. The fame of the new republic spread far through
Europe. In distant Asia Mahometan caliphs offered up prayers against this
new danger which seemed to threaten them. • *
But it was all a dream. Rienzi was a mere visionary, utterly incapable of
filling the high, strange station to which poetic inspiration had raised him.
He went on amusing himself with empty pageants. Men fell away from him;
he became hard, suspicious, cruel. He drank deeply, became mad perhaps, had
himself crowned emperor, and committed a hundred other extravagances. In
the end the Colonnas drove him from his palaces, and he was slain with every
indignity by the very populace that had upraised him (1354).
The republics of Italy were almost at their last gasp. Genoa and Venice
survived the rest. This was largely because they were maritime states whose
interests abroad had kept them more or less estranged from the Italian civil
strife.
Genoa became prominent as a naval power as early as the tenth century.
So also did its near neighbor and rival, Pisa. The Mahometans had established
themselves in the islands of Sardinia and Corsica, from which they ravaged the
Italian coasts. This interfered with the commerce of Genoa and Pisa. So the
two cities united their navies, and drove the Mahometans from the islands
(IO2 I). Corsica became a Genoese province, and Sardinia passed to Pisa.
Thus began their maritime empires. But the allies quarrelled; naval battles
between them became frequent. At last, in 1284, a newly constructed Pisan
fleet paraded before the harbor of the Genoese, and challenged them to come
out and fight. The Genoese, being unprepared, offered to accept the challenge
Rome—Wars of Genoa and Venice 465
as soon as their ships were ready; but the Pisans sailed scornfully away. The
ships of Genoa followed in hot haste, and overtook their rivals at Meloria. A
great battle followed. The Pisan fleet was destroyed and the flower of its sea-
men, eleven thousand in number, were carried prisoners to Genoa, where they
were kept as common laborers. The strength of Pisa was broken. All her
possessions passed to her rival, whence arose the Italian saying, “If you want
to see Pisa, you must go to Genoa.”
The century that followed marked the height of Genoese power. The bulk
of trade in the western Mediterranean was hers, most of the islands were her
provinces, her colonies dotted the seashore as widely as had those of Carthage.
The plains around the distant Black Sea, which had supplied the granaries of
Athens, now supplied those of Genoa, and from Genoa, Europe. Her ships
bore the crusaders to the Holy Land, and thus earned even there commercial
advantages, colonies, and power. She grew to contest with Venice the trade
of India and the East. •
In this second struggle with a great commercial rival, Genoa seemed for a
time likely to be again successful. Her fleet won a great naval battle at Cur-
zola in 1298. Seven thousand seamen of Venice were brought captive to
Genoa. Among them was that most famous of Venetians, Marco Polo. He had
led the van of his country's fleet, and fought desperately. It was in the idle-
ness of his Genoese prison that he wrote the fascinating books of travel which
have familiarized all the world with his wanderings in China and the Far East.
The naval war between the two cities continued at intervals for a century.
At last in I 379, the Genoese admiral Pietro Doria defeated the Venetian fleet,
and reduced the enemy to such straits that the Venetians sent him a blank
sheet of paper and begged him to write on it his own terms. “No,” was the
haughty answer, “not till we have bridled those horses of yours on St. Mark's.”
The admiral referred to some famous bronze horses on the great Venetian
Cathedral, and the ambassadors saw that he meant to enter and seize upon the
city itself. So the Venetians determined to resist to the last. Their case
seemed hopeless, but by resolute skill and courage they trapped the entire
Genoese fleet in the harbor of Chioggia, whence it could not escape, and was
starved into surrender. This broke Genoa's power in the East (1379).
Genoa's fortunes in the West were unwittingly destroyed by the most
famous of all her citizens, Christopher Columbus. By discovering a new
world, he disjointed or disturbed all the old lines of traffic. New and more
powerful competitors clashed with the Genoese sailors. The ships of Spain and
Portugal, England and Holland, brought goods to Europe from the wider re-
gions of the great Ocean; and the wealth which had centred itself in Genoa,
spread now over these broader lands.
466 The Story of the Greatest Nations
Venice had never seemed really a part of Italy. Her career and her for-
tunes from the first stood apart from those of the other cities. Her long and
brilliant history has, therefore, little place in the story of Italy. It deserves
rather to be recounted by itself. Let it suffice here to summarize it very
briefly.
Even in her foundation, she differed from the other cities, dating, not from
the Roman days, but from the centuries of destruction, during which fugitives
began to gather on the islands off the coast at the head of the Adriatic. By
degrees a city was formed among the islands; and whatever its founders may
have known in their former homes, in Venice they had never once to yield
themselves to the horrors of sack and conquest. Already in Pepin's time it
had become a place powerful enough to defy him. He sent a fleet to attack
the city, but the falling tide left his ships stranded and helpless in the mud off
the great lagoon, where they were destroyed by the lighter boats of the Vene-
tians. The first doge, or duke, of Venice was chosen by the people in 697, and
confirmed in his appointment by the Emperor of the East at Constantinople.
The relations between Venice and the Eastern Empire continued cordial until
the new power had outdistanced the old, and the Overgrown doges laughed at
the feeble efforts of the emperors to control them.
Venice became the great naval and commercial power of the East. She
had commercial stations everywhere. She fought with the important Asiatic
city of Tyre, overthrew it and secured its trade, the trade from Persia and
India. She turned aside a crusading army from Jerusalem, its destination,
and with its help attacked Constantinople. The doge, Dandolo, who led the
expedition, was over ninety years old, and the fiery young Emperor of the East,
riding down to the shore in martial attire, ridiculed his aged and feeble enemy.
But Constantinople was stormed, and much of the Eastern Empire fell into
Venetian hands.
The doges claimed the Adriatic as a sea belonging solely to their city, and
excluded other ships from it. This claim was confirmed by both the popes and
the emperors. The city was called the “Queen of the Adriatic,” the “Bride
of the Sea”; and every year the doge performed the strange ceremony of sail-
ing forth in a splendid ship, dropping a ring into the water, and going through
a marriage service to unite the city and Sea.
Venice was the bulwark of Europe against the Mahometans. Her fleets
contested with them the dominion of the Mediterranean. She won great vic-
tories from them, and sustained severe defeats. Yet almost single-handed she
maintained her position, and prevented their fanatic hordes from penetrating
farther west by sea. The fight which finally broke the naval power of the
Mahometans is counted one of the decisive events in the world's history. It
Rome—The Last of the Republics 467
is called the battle of Lepanto (1571), and was won mainly by the Venetian
ships, though under a Spanish admiral. Twelve thousand Christian slaves were
liberated from the captured galleys.
The inner state of Venice corresponded but ill with her triumph and mag-
nificence abroad. Her republican government became gradually an oligarchy
in the hands of a few aristocratic families. While still calling herself a repub-
lic, Venice sank under the narrowest and most merciless “ring" of tyranny that
ever existed. The doges grew to be mere figureheads, and all real power was
lodged in a council consisting at first of ten nobles, and afterward of three.
The terrible “Three" held absolute power in their hands. Criminals were not
openly tried. They were seized secretly and mysteriously, and brought before
the Three, who condemned them, sometimes without a hearing. The noblest
and richest Venetians were tortured to force confessions from them. A man
might stand one day happy and prosperous among his friends, the next he had
disappeared, and no one dared ask whither. Perhaps he never reappeared,
perhaps he was seen again on the public scaffold, broken and worn to a skeleton
by unnamable tortures. Men were even brought forth gagged to execution,
lest they should scream out the horrors which they had endured.
Venice was the last existent of the Italian republics—if indeed she can be
called a republic. No single tyrant ever rose in the city to overthrow the oli-
garchy. Her power and wealth faded, however, when the trade of the world
expanded into wider channels, and the broad Atlantic superseded the narrow
Mediterranean as the high-road of the world's commerce. She was a mere
shadow of herself when the conquering Napoleon entered the city in 1797, and
put an end to the “last of the Italian republics."
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THE CRUSADERS ATTACKING CONSTANTINOPLE
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DEATH or Savoxanola
Chapter XLIV
THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE
º -
see-sºº -º-TALY has been the seat of five of the greatest movements
in the world's story. Four of these we have shown you,
passing like panoramas across the stage. We have traced
* the rise and fall of the Roman Republic, with its stern
heroism; of the Empire, with its stupendous power and
- wealth; of the mystic, religious mastery of the popes;
º ** and of the opulent city republics ofcommerce. We have
yet to tell you of the fifth movement, the one whose influence
º * has perhaps been greatest of all. This is the Renaissance, the
º º re-birth or re-awakening of life, of literature, and of art. Start-
$ ing in Italy, this movement spread through all Europe. It roused
3 men to think and to invent. It launched science on its splendid
7. !. career. It transformed mediaeval into modern life.
- The date generally set for this remarkable outburst is about
º 1450. Within the next seventy years, the time allotted to one
man's life, there occurred the Protestant Reformation, the dis-
covery of America, the invention of printing, the beginning of
modern astronomy. There is something impressive in the power of such an
age, in its very prodigality of success. Note that not one of these great events
was really a new thing—only its success was new. There had been reformers
before Luther, but men's sluggish minds had rejected them, and they had
failed. America had been discovered, we are told, again and again, by the
Norsemen, by Madoc, by St. Brandon; but these wanderers failed to grasp
the value of what they had done, and allowed life to creep on, unchanged.
The printing-press had been known to the Chinese for ages, but they thought
Rome—Growth of Florence 469
of it as a toy, not as an engine to move the world. The Arabs had bungled
with the telescope for centuries. Men with seeing eyes were needed to read
through the glasses the construction of the universe. That is the real mean-
ing of the Renaissance; it is the birth of the seeing eye, of the inquiring,
understanding mind.
Of course it is not possible to set an exact date as the beginning of such
a movement, or to trace with certainty its cause. Perhaps it was the slow
natural growth of the human mind; perhaps it was, as some historians have
explained it, the chance result of this or that accidental occurrence—perhaps it
was the direct gift of God.
In describing the Italian part of its growth and glory, we must turn our
attention more especially to the cities of Rome and Florence. Historians,
seeking for comparisons, have called Venice the Sparta of mediaeval Italy, be-
cause of its ever-narrowing oligarchy, which, while it gave vigorous and con-
centrated power to the government abroad, crushed individual impulse and aspi-
ration at home. Even more aptly is Florence compared to Athens. The
government of Florence was extremely democratic; every citizen took part in
it, the love of liberty was intense in every breast. Faction and dispute at
home paralyzed the energies of the nation abroad; but individual aspiration,
individual effort, was encouraged and stimulated to the highest point. Never
has any city, except perhaps Athens itself, produced so many truly great men
in such rapid succession.
Florence, like Athens, was particularly liable to fall under the rule of dema-
gogues. One man's power again and again rose above the rest, only to be as
often overthrown, until at last the great house of Medici established a more
lasting tyranny, and their chief became Duke of Florence and then Grand
Duke of Tuscany.
The first Florentine citizen to gain world-wide fame was the poet Dante,
who is ranked with Homer and Shakespeare among the earth's immortals. It
is also in Dante that we can trace the first seeds of the Renaissance. He lived
from 1265 to I32 I, in the years when the Guelphic party, having destroyed the
Hohenstaufen emperors, was everywhere triumphant. As a lad he was shy
and intense, sure to burn out his intensity on whatever life brought him. Thus
in Florence he became naturally an ardent patriot. He held offices and strug-
gled for reforms. Then, during his absence from the city, there came one of
the sudden, common enough, Florentine revolutions. His party, the “White
Guelphs,” were driven out by the “Black Guelphs” (1301), and Dante spent
the rest of his life wandering through Italy, an exile from his beloved city.
He had always been a poet, now he became a prophet as well. His great poem,
the “Divine Comedy,” not only sums up all the past and shows Italy as he knew
47O The Story of the Greatest Nations
it, its religion, its factions, its beauty, and its crime: the poet's vision looks
into the future as well, and foreshadows the growth and change that were about
to come. Beatrice, the ideal woman whom Dante loved, is the heroine of his
poem. In its three books he tells how he descended into hell (the Inferno),
passed through the middle stage of the hereafter (the Purgatorio), and finally
is shown by Beatrice heaven itself (the Paradisio). Through these wanderings
the writer takes for his guide the great Latin poet Virgil. Something of the
spirit of the old Romans flashes through the poem. It was the study of the
classic authors, Latin and more especially Greek, that prepared men's minds
for the Renaissance. It started with the revival of classic learning.
Petrarch (I 3O4–1374), Italy's second great poet, shows this even more
plainly. He was an enthusiastic collector of old manuscripts. He wrote in
Latin more than in Italian, and expected to be remembered for his Latin works.
Trifles which he thought of lesser importance he tossed off in Italian. Yet it
is by these trifles, his exquisite little love-sonnets to his lady, Laura, that he
is remembered to-day.
The father of Petrarch was expelled from Florence at the same time with
Dante, and Petrarch was born during the exile. His life covers the time of the
popes' residence at Avignon, and it was at their court that he was brought up.
He was in Rome as the guest of the Colonnas during Rienzi's time, and was
one of the visionary's most delighted supporters. He won enthusiastic praise
for his poetry and learning, and was welcomed everywhere. “Princes have
lived with me,” he said, “not I with princes.” The proudest moment of his
life was probably in Rome in I 34 I. He was crowned with solemn ceremonies
specially devised to do him honor, and was declared the “poet laureate,” or
laurel-crowned poet, of all Italy.
The enthusiasm of such a man for ancient literature naturally directed
other men's attention to it. The collection of old manuscripts became a fad.
Much that had been lost was found. Much that had been forgotten was re-
understood. Men began to realize that life was a pleasant and good and beau-
tiful thing in itself. The old nations had found it so. The tendency of one
extreme of Christianity had been to represent this life as of no importance; it
was a mere passage to the next, and nothing in it was worth a moment's
thought. The actual physical joy which the old Greeks had found in mere liv-
ing and inhaling the sunshine came like a revolt against all this icy asceti-
cism. In his old age Petrarch set himself to studying Greek, that he might
read of these things for himself.
The third writer of Italy's great trio, Boccaccio (1313–1375), expresses
most fully this detail of the Renaissance, its eager comprehension of the deli-
ciousness and worth of life itself. Boccaccio was also a Florentine, and though
Rome—The Rebuilding of Rome 47 I
he wrote both prose and poetry, he is certain to be best remembered by his
collection of prose stories, the “Decameron.” In this he catches up all the
little popular tales of his time, and narrates them in a style so exquisite that
his countrymen have always held him as a model of prose. Boccaccio
introduced the regular study of Greek into the Florentine university, and he
himself translated for his countrymen the great poems of Homer.
Meanwhile art was also blossoming into splendor. The architects of Flor-
ence were erecting stately palaces and solemn cathedrals. Her artists with the
painter Giotto at their head were decorating the interiors of the great buildings
with paintings, and the exteriors with statues. The soaring ambition of the
proud city may be read in one of its decrees: “The Republic of Florence,
mounting ever above the expectation of the ablest judges, desires that an edifice
shall be constructed, so magnificent in its height and beauty as to surpass
everything of the kind produced in the time of their greatest power by the
Greeks and Romans.”
Cosimo di Medici (1389–1464) was the great patron of this growing move-
ment. The Florentines had long been the bankers and money-lenders for all
Europe; and the Medici were the chief bankers of Florence, merchant princes
indeed, whose wealth and sumptuous life have never been surpassed. Cosimo
was the first of the Medici to hold supreme power in Florence. Though the
forms of the Republic were preserved, he was practically its dictator. Yet so
loved was he by the people, so generous in the help he gave to all the awak-
ened intellectual life of the time, that the Florentines inscribed on his tomb
the honored record, “Father of his Country.”
One of the many poor scholars who had found a home and an education
with Cosimo became pope at Rome under the name of Nicholas V., and reigned
there from 1447 to I 455. Under him the wealth of the church also was de-
voted to art and literature. He conceived the idea of making Rome the most
beautiful city in the world. His purpose was to impress deeply the pilgrims
who flocked to it from all lands, to lead them through its architectural into a
comprehension of its spiritual grandeur. To do this he set to work to rebuild
almost the entire city. For over a century Rome had been in a state of sad
decay. The long absence of the popes at Avignon had left it uncared for and
crumbling. Then there had come an unfortunate quarrel in the church, and
again, as in the old evil days, there had been two and even three rivals claiming
to be pope at the same time. The city left to itself had become a mere nest
of thieves and ruins. Nicholas V. gave it once more a splendid start on the
upward career which was to make it the beautiful city of to-day.
In 1453, the Eastern Empire in Greece was overthrown by the Turks.
The result was that Greek scholars with ancient manuscripts flocked into Italy.
472 The Story of the Greatest Nations
A tremendous impetus was given to the artistic and literary spirit already
existing. The Renaissance rose to its fullest power, and its impulse spread
over all Europe. It escaped in other countries, however, the somewhat irre-
ligious tone it had begun to take in Italy. Indeed, it seemed to deepen and
strengthen the religious fervor among the peoples of the North.
In Italy its divorce from religion and all true nobility became marked.
Lorenzo the Magnificent (1448–1492) had become the head of the Medicis at
Florence, and under him the city acquired splendor indeed. He was the most
liberal and generous among the patrons of art. He founded a school for
artists, many of whom lived in his palace, He collected a museum of manu-
scripts, paintings, and statues. He wrote poetry which his courtiers assured
him was superior to that of Dante. But through it all he was reckless, treach-
erous, and licentious. Under him Florence forgot her liberty, in the pursuit
of pleasure, and grew, like ancient Babylon, into a city of sin.
Only one man dared stand face to face with Lorenzo, and tell him the crime
he was committing against himself and his city. This was Savonarola, a monk
who had come to Florence as a stranger from a little neighboring village. By
his piety, his energy, and his eloquence he rose to be head of the monastery of
San Marco, and he warned the Florentines in trumpet tones of their fall and
degradation. He fancied he saw visions of the woe to fall on Italy. The im-
pressionable people gathered in crowds to listen to him ; they reverenced him
as a saint, and honored him as a hero. They did everything except follow his
advice and reform.
Lorenzo himself was impressed by the terrible earnestness and passion of
the man. Instead of crushing him as he might easily have done, he sought to
make a friend of him. The fierce reformer evaded the luxurious tyrant, and
preached more and more bitterly against him. These two were typical of
Renaissance and Church, each at its best. Courtiers hinted to the monk that
he might be banished. “Tell Lorenzo,” he answered, “that he shall go, but
I shall stay.”
*. It was like a lightning-flash of that spirit of prophecy which seemed at
times to inspire the visionary monk. Lorenzo did go; he died. As he lay in
his sudden illness, he would receive the last sacrament and blessing from none
of the obsequious priests who surrounded him, but sent for Savonarola. He
felt that it was only through such a good man as this, that he could really make
his peace with God. “Go back,” said the unrelenting priest, “it is not such
as me he wants.” But Lorenzo's messengers came again and again, promising
in his name to do whatever Savonarola bade. So the stern monk stood by the
dying bed of the “Magnificent.” He demanded that Lorenzo do three things,
if he wished the Church's pardon. First he must throw himself wholly on
Rome—Death of Savonarola 473
God's mercy, and hope for nothing from his own merits, his fame, and his gen-
erosity. The shrewd prince saw readily the right of that, and promised. Next
he was to restore all his wealth, so far as possible, to those from whom it had
been taken, leaving his descendants only enough to live as ordinary citizens.
This, too, he promised, though after long hesitation. Lastly Savonarola de-
manded that the prince should set Florence free again, as once she had been.
Lorenzo gave no answer, but, turning his back upon the priest, lay silent and
still with his face to the wall, until he died—unshriven (1492). -
The power which had so twined itself about Lorenzo's heartstrings was lost
to his family in spite of him. Florence, stirred to its depths by Savonarola,
declared itself a religious republic with God as its head. The Medici were
driven out. A day was appointed on which all the people came and laid their
“vanities,” their rich apparel, ornaments, and treasures at Savonarola's feet.
The world beyond the city gates looked on in wonder. Savonarola began to
preach against the sins of other cities, and of the Roman church. Fear took
the place of wonder among the evil who were set in high places.
But all this self-renunciation was only a passing craze with the frivolous
Florentines. They soon tired of these solemn, monkish ways, and sighed for
their “vanities” back again. There were tumults; a rebellion was encouraged
by a wicked pope, and Savonarola was overthrown. He was tortured and, by
public approval, was strangled, and his body burned in the great square of the
very city which had hailed him as its prophet. His public career covered, as
in the beginning he had foretold it would, just eight years (1490–1498).
The wickedness of Italy was growing blacker and more appalling. It had
invaded even the papacy. The crime of simony, which Hildebrand had driven
from the church, came back in worse forms than ever. Alexander VI., a Span-
iard of the family of the Borgias, was perhaps the most wicked of all the popes
(1492–1503). His son was the terrible Caesar Borgia, whose name, with that
of his sister Lucrece, has become a horror to all succeeding ages. Caesar, with
his father's help, set to work to make for himself a kingdom in Italy, deliber-
ately murdering all who stood in his way. This was done usually by slow and
mysterious poisons. Lucrece was married to three princes in succession, one
of whom at least was murdered by her brother to give Lucrece opportunity for
a more brilliant match.
All Europe trembled before these secret assassins. Caesar Borgia became
lord of much territory around Rome. The plans of the wicked father and son
seemed approaching assured success, when suddenly the two were stricken down
together. Some writers say it was a fever seized them; but the popular legend
represents them as caught in their own snare. They had prepared poison for
one of their cardinals, and gave it to him at a banquet in his own house. By
474. The Story of the Greatest Nations
Some accident, or by the suspicion of their victim, the cups were changed, and
the Borgias drank the draught they had themselves mixed. Alexander died a
horrible death. Caesar wavered long upon life's edge. Unable to assert him-
self, he saw a stranger succeed to his father's place; and he was hurried with
all his treasures, like some unclean thing, from the papal palace of the Vatican.
When he finally recovered, his power had passed away like a shadow.
Alexander was soon followed on the papal throne by Julius II. (1503–1513),
who again worked, as Pope Nicholas had done, for the material splendor and
adornment of Rome. He had excavations made among the old ruins, and
brought to light many of the exquisite statues which had adorned the ancient
city. The famous “Apollo Belvedere” was unearthed, and acted like a revela-
tion on men's minds. Indeed, it was during the reign of Pope Julius that the
artistic side of the Renaissance reached its highest expression.
Donatello and Michael-Angelo are the two great names in modern sculp-
ture. Both were Florentines. Donatello was the artist who first broke fully
from the old, hampering traditions, and started modern sculpture in its great
Career.
Michael-Angelo Buonarotti (1475–1564) ranks as the greatest of modern
sculptors. Even among the ancient Greeks the master Phidias is the only
one usually classed above him. But Michael-Angelo was far more than a
sculptor. He had the varied, all-pervading power which is one of the most
impressive features of the period. Indeed, his extraordinary career is worth
dwelling upon, for in his many-sided genius he may be considered the typical
figure of the Renaissance.
In his youth his talent was discouraged by his father, a poor but proud citi-
zen of Florence, who opposed his son's following a profession then considered
inferior. But the lad's persistence attracted the attention of the magnificent
Lorenzo, who placed him in his school and made him his friend.
At Lorenzo's command he made beautiful statues. But Lorenzo died, and
the critics of art would enthuse only over ancient work. Michael-Angelo
made a beautiful Cupid, buried it, and then sent it all dirty to Rome. Every
one was delighted with the supposed antique; and when the artifice was dis-
covered, they admitted that a great sculptor had risen in their own day.
He worked at Rome, and then again at Florence. Two great pictures were
wanted for the walls of the grand Florentine Council Hall. Angelo now stood
forth as a painter, and was commissioned to paint one wall, while Leonardo da
Vinci, the leading artist of the time, painted the other. A fierce rivalry arose,
and Angelo's picture was adjudged the better of the two.
Pope Julius called him again to Rome, to beautify that city as architect and
sculptor. Then, on a sudden whim, the Pope bade him paint instead of build.
Rome—Michael-Angelo and Raphael 475
Angelo pleaded that he was a sculptor, not a painter, and urged his young rival
Raphael for the work. But the Pope was obdurate, and Angelo executed the
paintings of the wonderful Sistine Chapel.
The next Pope set him at sculpture again in Florence, but insisted on his
using a certain marble which had to be hauled far, over bad roads. So the
great artist turned road-maker, and for eight years that seems to have been his
main employment. Then, he became a military engineer, fortified Florence
against a terrible siege, and was foremost in his city's defence. On its capture
he was forced to flee and hide; but a pardon being assured him, he returned
to painting and sculpture. The old cathedral of St. Peter, which had stood for
centuries at Rome, was being replaced by the massive structure which towers
there to-day. Michael-Angelo was made its architect, and gave himself to the
work with religious devotion. It occupied the last twenty years of his long
and strenuous life. During this time he turned to poetry as well, and crowned
the diversity of his career by writing a series of sonnets which hold no mean
place in Italian literature.
The three great painters of the age have been mentioned. In the order of
their appearance they were Leonardo da Vinci, Michael-Angelo, and Raphael;
and they are generally regarded as improving each upon his predecessor. Leon-
ardo was, like Michael-Angelo, a man of varied genius: architect, sculptor,
painter, and military engineer. His greatest painting is the famous “Last
Supper" in Rome. The patronage of dukes and kings led him out of Italy;
and he became as much a Frenchman as an Italian. He died at the court of a
king of France, legend says, in the monarch's arms.
Raphael Santi (1483–I 52O), considered by many the greatest of all painters,
lived through a short and calm existence in keeping with the serene tone of
his art, and forming a singular contrast to the long and stormy career of his
rival, Angelo. Raphael's genius was early recognized; he was called to Rome
and became the personal favorite of the two artistic popes, Julius II. and his
successor Leo X. He painted for them one splendid picture after another, until
his death from fever, at the age of thirty-seven. All Rome mourned him, and
his funeral was one of the spectacles of the age.
Raphael's second Pope, Leo X., was a Medici. That family had regained
their power in Florence, and they seem now to have formed a scheme for wider
dominion. They purposed to use the papacy as a means of establishing their
power over all Italy. Leo X. was distinguished by all the artistic zeal and
much of the irreligion of his family.
He was soon succeeded by Clement VII., another Medici, under whom an
awful retribution came upon Rome for the wickedness which had been contin.
ually growing more horrible within her walls. A German army was formed
476 The Story of the Greatest Nations
with the avowed purpose of pillaging the city. It traversed Italy, duke after
duke letting it pass by him, or secretly aiding it on its way (1527).
Rome offered little resistance. It was stormed and given over to a sacking
more dreadful and more complete than it had suffered in the wildest days of
the Huns and Vandals. . Clement, securely shut up in his fortress of St. Angelo,
went from window to window looking out and wringing his hands. “Oh, my
poor people !” he cried, “my poor people!” For seven months the army of
brigands camped in the streets, working their hideous will, until even their
brutal lust and senseless cruelty and savage avarice were sated. Torture and
violation could wring no more money from the broken Romans.
Then the Emperor, in whose name this sickening thing had been done,
somewhat tardily bestirred himself to repudiate it. He sought peace with the
Pope, and Clement, forgetful apparently of the “poor people” in other cities,
forgave him on condition that what remained of the army of invasion should be
turned against Florence, and used to re-establish there permanently the domin-
ion of the Medici. •
So Florence, which had been in one of its chronic enthusiasms for liberty.
and no Medici, had in its turn to withstand a siege (1529). It was then that
Michael-Angelo exerted himself to fortify and entrench his beloved city. There
is a high and hopeless heroism about this last Florentine rebellion. The
days of Savonarola were recalled, and God was once more declared King of
Florence, the question being put to a regular vote in the assembly of citi-
zens and carried, some eleven hundred voting for Him, and only eighteen
against. The siege was long, but it was pushed with grim resolution, and
could have only one termination. Famine and treachery drove the citizens
to surrender. The famous Fiorentine Republic came to an end. The city
had retained at least the form and officers of a republic, even when the Medici
held all real power. Now the old machinery was swept away, the city with its
dependent territories was made a duchy, and its tyrant Medici became Dukes
of Florence.
The fall of these two principal cities is generally accepted as ending the
Renaissance in Italy. Its period of greatest splendor and of greatest evil had
thus extended from 1453 to I 527. Clement, on his return to power, started
what has been called the “counter-reformation" in the Roman church. The
church itself struggled to crush the internal evils which were destroying it.
By degrees the respect of men returned to better popes, and with it returned
something of the church's power. The Northern nations had broken away
from it forever; but the Southern ones still clung to the old religious idea for
which Rome stood. Within the past century the lasting vitality of this idea
has again been strikingly demonstrated. In our world to-day the Roman Cath-
Rome—Misery of Italy 477
olic Church is still a vast influence, and many thinkers believe that influence
to be upon the increase.
From 1527, however, Italy lay helpless beneath the feet of domestic tyrants
and foreign kings. Dominion over her varied states shifted with every change
of policy in the greater kingdoms to the north. These fought out their bloody
feuds upon Italian soil. She became, as she has been called, “the battle-
ground of the nations.” Her common people sank into a misery as abject as it
seemed hopeless.
Pope LEO X.
Žižº
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--
II:
BATTLE OF SOLFERINo.
Chapter XLV
MODERN ITALY
*ś tº ºf * HE dream of Italian unity, which had inspired Dante,
£º and has swayed every noble Italian since his day, was
left for the nineteenth century to realize. In the latter
end of the eighteenth century, Italy was divided into
about a dozen little states, of which only five had any
size or importance. The “Kingdom of Naples” in-
cluded Sicily and the south of the peninsula. It was
under the rule of an absolute monarch, King Ferdinand, who
robbed, tortured, and murdered his subjects with a ferocious
cruelty and in a wholesale manner worthy of Nero or Calig-
ula. He was assisted by his queen, an Austrian princess,
even more bloodthirsty and treacherous than he. The “ States
of the Church '' in Central Italy belonged to the pope, but en-
joyed a certain amount of liberty and peace under his govern-
ment.
Most of the north of Italy was subject to Austria, which was by far the
greatest power in the land. Austrian dukes or generals ruled in Florence over
Tuscany, in Milan over Lombardy, and in other smaller states. In the north-
east Venice still retained its freedom as a republic, and governed the surround-
ing district of Venetia. In the northwest lay Piedmont, a power the most in-
teresting of all, since its rulers were to become the kings of the Italy of to-day.
The lords of Piedmont had a threefold dominion. They held Savoy, the
French province to the north and west of the Alps. This was their original
home, and gave them their earliest title. Through all the Middle Ages they
º
º
Rome–Kings of Sardinia 479
had been known as Dukes of Savoy. Piedmont was added to their domain by
slow degrees, some bits by marriage, others by conquest, but most by their
own free consent. Many little cities, and even the large one of Nice, had vol-
untarily placed themselves under the protection of these strong, just, and
humane Dukes of Savoy. Thus all the country of the lower Alps, both in
France and Italy, was under their control. The mountain passes were easily
defensible by the sturdy natives, so that no army could cross the Alps without
Savoy's consent. Its dukes were known to European politics as the door-
keepers, the “Janitors of the Alps.” In 1720 the island of Sardinia passed to
them by treaty, and it was from this that they took their best-known title,
“King of Sardinia.”
Piedmont, however, was their main strength. In it lay their capital, Turin.
The people respected and trusted them; and these people were a far different
race from those of lower Italy. Mountains breed men of courage, loyalty, and
strength. Napoleon wrote home to France that one regiment of the Pied-
montese was worth all the troops that could be gathered from the remainder of
Northern Italy.
When Napoleon invaded Italy in 1796 he overthrew all the little govern-
ments we have described, and substituted four republics. Later, as his
imperial ambition grew, he changed these republics into kingdoms for the
members of his family. On his downfall, in 1814, the Powers, endeavoring to
rearrange Europe, placed Italy so far as possible under its old sovereigns. Only
the republics were destroyed; Venice was given to Austria, and the shadowy
remnant of Genoa passed to Piedmont.
But this restoration was only superficial. The absolute power of the kings
could not thus be handed back to them. The people had tasted freedom, and
there were constant plots and uprisings, which no severity could repress.
Austria, entrenched in the very heart of the land, stood firmly for absolute
monarchy, and lent her troops to the little kings around her. Italy was kept
in subjugation by Austrian bayonets, and by those alone.
Piedmont's king had been already recognized as representing the cause of
Italian freedom. Yet even his subjects in 182 I demanded from him a consti-
tution. He tried to temporize with them. As a matter of fact, when the
Powers restored his kingdom to him, they suspected his liberal tendencies, and
required from him a pledge that he would never grant his people the very thing
they were now asking. So what could he do? The revolutionists were sin-
cere when they sent him the message: “Our hearts are faithful to our king,
but we must save him from perfidious counsels.” His generals assured him
that their soldiers would be loyal to him personally, but could be guaranteed
no further. He refused to test them by giving the order to fire on the rebels.
48o The Story of the Greatest Nations
It would have been easy to summon Austria to his help, but sooner than do so
the kindly old king resigned his office. His brother, the next heir, was at a
distance. So a young cousin, Charles Albert, was appointed regent till his
arrival. Charles immediately granted the constitution. But the new king
dashed in breathing fire and fury. He summoned the Austrians to his help,
the constitution was promptly revoked, and the people were forced back into
subjugation.
Young Charles Albert was ordered off to do penance, by fighting in the
Austrian army. Its officers greeted him with a shout of ridicule: “Behold
the King of Italy | " Yet the taunt came near to being prophecy. Charles
lived to have that very title offered him; and it was his son, following out his
plans, who actually won the rank. - -
In 1831, in default of nearer heirs, Charles Albert was allowed to become
Ring of Sardinia and Piedmont, though he, too, was first compelled by Austria
to pledge himself against a constitution. Of course the Piedmontese knew
nothing of this, and they welcomed his coronation with delight. Secret societies
of patriots had spread through all Italy; and at the head of the best known of
them was Mazzini, a young Piedmontese. He promptly summoned “Young
Italy” to rise against Austria, counting on the help of the new king. But
Charles was too shrewd to thrust his head into the jaws of the Austrian lion.
He put down the uprising with an iron hand. There were executions and
imprisonments, and Mazzini had to flee from Italy.
For eighteen years there was no further step to mark outwardly the advance
of Italian unity and freedom. Yet it was during those years that its main
strength was built up. Charles Albert was educating his people and creating
an army. All Europe was advancing along the path of constitutional govern-
ment. With the growth of men's minds and hearts, freedom was becoming
more and more inevitable, despotism more and more impossible.
At last, in 1848, rebellion flamed up all over Europe. In France alone was
it completely successful. There a republic was again established. But the
Austrian despots had their hands full at home, they had no time to spare for
Italy. Charles Albert seized the opportunity to grant his people the long-
deferred constitution, and no protest was uttered. The down-trodden states of
Central Italy rose one after another against Austria; and Charles, also declaring
war upon the common enemy, placed himself at their head. Piedmont, chang-
ing her ancient colors, adopted the Italian tri-color, red, white, and green. All
Italy seemed burning to march under the flag; and troops came from Rome
and even from distant Naples. It was then that the enthusiastic soldiers of-
fered Charles the crown of Northern Italy. He refused it till it should be
earned. -
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Rome—Rebellions of 1848 481
But, alas ! Charles was not a military genius. The Austrian general, Radet-
sky, old and skilful, gathered such troops as he could find in Italy. He out-
manoeuvred and outfought Charles. There was a Savage battle at Custozza,
which gave Milan and Lombardy to the Austrians. The Milanese cried trea-
son; though indeed here, as always, the Piedmontese showed themselves the
best of the Italian soldiers. Shots were fired at King Charles in Milan; and
it was only by the heroism of some of his officers, and the cool valor of his
troops, that he was saved from the mob's fury. Still he did not give up hope.
“The independence of Italy,” he said, “was the first dream of my youth. It
is my dream still; it will be till I die.” The next year another fiercely con-
tested battle was fought at Novara on Piedmont's own soil. Charles, hopelessly
defeated, sought death upon the field. Not finding it, he abdicated, that his
son might sue for the peace he would not ask.
As Charles left his native land forever, he declared that wherever any gov-
ernment raised the flag of war against Austria, he would be found fighting her
as a simple soldier. But he did not live to make good the despairing vaunt;
he died within four rhonths, broken-hearted.
His power, however, had been left in strong hands. As his eldest son, Vic.
tor Emmanuel II., stood in this suddenly acquired responsibility of his new king-
ship looking across the bloody field of Novara, amid all the defeat and destruc-
tion of his father's plans, he murmured, “Yet Italy shall be.” He marched
the shattered army back to Turin. He accepted the hard terms of peace Aus-
tria proposed. He accepted the suspicion of his people, their taunts, their bit-
terness. Like his father he knew how to bide his time.
With Piedmont and the neighboring cities trampled down, rebellion still
burned in only two spots in Italy. These were Venice and Rome. Venice
made heroic resistance under a splendid leader, Daniel Manin. From August,
1848, to August, I849, she withstood the determined siege of the Austrians.
Manin was made Dictator, and every foot of ground was stubbornly contested.
It was only when the Venetians stood alone of all Italy, and with starvation
actually among them, that they consented to an honorable Capitulation.
The resistance in Rome, though briefer, was still more heroic. Mazzini,
the leader of the secret societies, had returned to Italy, and with him came an
exile even more famous than he. This was Garibaldi, the hero of modern
Italy. During his banishment from his native Piedmont, Garibaldi had led a
wandering, adventurous life in South America. He had proved himself, by his
enthusiasm and high daring, a superb leader of men. After the defeat of Pied.
mont, he and Mazzini, holding together a handful of followers, retreated to
Rome. f
Rome had declared itself a republic. Its Pope, Pius IX., had fled. Maz-
3 I
482 The Story of the Greatest Nations
zini was appointed one of a triumvirate to protect the city. They appealed for
help to republican France, and a French army was sent to Rome. It was
received at first with welcome, then with suspicion. The French general de-
clared that he was sent to make peace between the Pope and the triumvirate.
But where both parties insisted on their right to rule, no compromise was poss
sible. Then the French troops assaulted Rome. They were repulsed with
desperate valor by Garibaldi and his men.
The Austrians advanced upon Rome. Spain landed troops at Naples to
repress the rebellious spirit of Southern Italy, and the forces of the King of
Naples also marched toward Rome. Thus three of the great Powers were
uniting against the one unfortunate city. Unluckily for him, the King of
Naples came first within striking distance. His army numbered ten thousand
men. Garibaldi slipped out of Rome with four thousand, and completely de-
feated him. The king retreated, but there seemed to be some doubt in his
mind as to his defeat. He ordered hymns of victory sung in his churches. So
Garibaldi slipped out of Rome again, and this time the King of Naples was
fully convinced that he was beaten in the battle of Velletri. He celebrated
only the splendid rapidity of his retreat.
Unfortunately, France was not so easily disposed of. Her troops drew in
close siege around Rome. Mazzini opened negotiations, and a peaceful agree-
ment seemed secure; but the French general, smarting under his first defeat,
was determined to capture the city. It was bombarded and stormed. For a
whole week there was fighting every day. Numbers told; and after a heroic
and bloody defence, the republic surrendered. Mazzini had again to leave
Italy. Garibaldi, summoning such as cared to follow him, marched out of
Rome. He hoped to find somewhere in Italy the flag of freedom still waving,
but it had gone down everywhere except in Venice, where they needed not men
but food. So he dismissed his despairing band, and himself became a hunted
fugitive. After dreadful suffering, he escaped to America, where he lived for
some time in the city of New York.
The warfare of 1848–1849 was not useless, for it impressed on all the
world, and even, it may be, upon Austria, Italy's heroic determination to be free.
The Italians themselves learned to moderate their ambitions, to see that a
republican Italy was hopeless, and that their one chance of freedom from foreign
tyranny lay in the King of Piedmont. He alone had armies which could make
a hopeful stand against those of the great Powers; and he alone of all the petty
kings and dukes was really Italian. The house of Savoy can trace its Italian
ancestry backward for eight centuries, or, according to some authorities, for an
even longer time, through the Lombard and Roman periods.
Piedmont's new King, Victor Emmanuel, found a most able minister in
Rome—The War of 1859 483
Count Cavour, and together, by splendid statesmanship, they built up the power
and glory of their little kingdom. It became the recognized champion of all
Italians who fled from Austrian tyranny. At last in 1859, Austria, irritated
and overbearing, declared war again. This time she found she had more than
Piedmont to meet. Cavour had secured the new French Emperor, Napoleon III.,
as an ally, and French troops fought side by side with the Piedmontese. Volun-
teers flocked from all Italy to join them. Garibaldi came back from his exile,
and, as general of the volunteer force, swept the Austrians out of the Lombard
hills. Victor Emmanuel proved himself, before all men's eyes, a hero in battle.
The French Emperor reproved him for his rashness; the French zouaves,
wildest and most daring of fighters, elected him a corporal in their ranks.
The allies won an important and fiercely contested battle at Magenta.
Through that little town the fight raged backward and forward all day long,
and by evening ten thousand dead lay in its streets and fields. The battle freed
Lombardy, and it was added to Piedmont, the people of Milan celebrating the
union with extravagant enthusiasm.
One little Italian state after another burst its bonds, and each immediately
begged Victor Emmanuel for admission into his kingdom. A second and even
more bloody battle was fought at Solferino, in which the Austrians were again
compelled to fall back, though fighting stubbornly. Italy was half crazy with
delight. She thought her freedom accomplished, the terrible Austrians crushed.
But the French Emperor, looking out over the ghastly plain of Solferino, with
its twenty-five thousand dead, declared for peace.
His announcement came, it would seem, suddenly and unexpectedly to all
parties. The Austrians were only too glad to agree. The Italians, with Vic-
tor Emmanuel and Cavour at their head, protested excitedly, madly, but in
vain. They had to accept the situation. The French Emperor arranged that
everything should stand as it was. Lombardy should belong to Piedmont; but
Venetia, as yet unconquered, was to remain Austrian, and the states of Central
Italy were to go back under their former lords. And in return for the help he
had given Italy, and the lands he had turned over to Piedmont, the Emperor
demanded for himself the city of Nice and the duchy of Savoy.
Victor Emmanuel must have faced the most terrible moment of his life.
All his high ambitions were suddenly checked, and Savoy, his own home, the
birthplace of his race, was demanded from him. Even the diplomatic Cavour
lost his self-control, wanted to defy France as well as Austria, and threw up
his office as minister. Garibaldi had learned to admire and love his king, but
when he learned that Nice, his birthplace, was to be given up, he cast duty to
the winds, and threatened every one indiscriminately. The king alone stood
firm, and insisted on agreeing to what he could not help.
484 The Story of the Greatest Nations
His two great assistants soon rallied again to his side. Together the three
plucked success from the ashes of defeat. The treaty of peace had said that
the little states of middle Italy were to take back their old rulers. But who
was to compel them to obey They refused positively, and Victor Emmanuel
declared as positively that neither France nor Austria should use force upon
them. They had appealed to him for protection, and he had promised it. So,
after much diplomatic bickering, they were allowed to do as they wished. An
election was held, and every little state voted to join itself with Piedmont and
Lombardy to form the “Kingdom of Northern Italy.”
All Southern Italy was still subject to the King of Naples. It was to be
Garibaldi's contribution to the cause of “United Italy.” In two old vessels
with something less than a thousand men, he sailed secretly for Sicily. With
this famous force, known to history as “the Thousand,” he conquered both
Sicily and the mainland. The first battle was the hardest. The Thousand
attacked the Neapolitan troops at Calatafimi, stormed the entrenchments, fought
their way up a mountain against Overwhelming numbers, and swept the foe from
the field. Of all Garibaldi's battles, this was his greatest personal triumph.
Nothing but his almost superhuman will, energy, and magnetism carried his
exhausted little army through the tremendous task imposed on them.
The rest was easy. The Sicilian peasants joined him. The Neapolitan
troops were rapidly driven from the island. Garibaldi was made dictator; but
be had no intention of stopping here. Gathering what volunteers he could, he
crossed to the mainland, and marched against Naples. The Neapolitan army
contained, on paper at least, eighty thousand men; Garibaldi had less than five
thousand. Every one thought that, despite his heroism, he must fail now, as
he had failed twelve years before at Rome. But the Neapolitan troops had
little heart in their work, and their fear of Garibaldi and his wild, guerilla fight-
ers was almost ludicrous. An army of seven thousand surrendered on being
summoned to do so by a single unsupported officer. Garibaldi entered Naples
without a battle, and here, too, he was declared dictator.
Victor Emmanuel and his great minister were prompt to see that the mo-
ment was favorable. To attack Rome itself would have meant war with
France, and perhaps Austria as well. But they attacked what was left of the
“States of the Church" outside of Rome, defeated the papal army, annexed
the territory to their own, and established communication with Garibaldi in the
South. -
Garibaldi soundly defeated the Neapolitan army, which had at last rallied
against him; then he rode north to meet Victor Emmanuel who, almost alone,
was riding south to meet him. They found each other on the road, Italy's two
heroes, the outlaw and the King. Sitting upon their horses, the two clasped
Rome—The Capital of United Italy 485
hands like brothers. Garibaldi saluted his sovereign simply as “King of Italy,”
in those words resigning his dictatorship, and proclaiming their united triumph.
Victor Emmanuel was no longer King of Piedmont, or of Northern Italy, but
of Italy.
Venetia and Rome were still outside the pale. So Italy fought Austria
again in 1866, and, though defeated in the field, won once more a diplomatic
victory. Through the French Emperor's help she secured Venetia.
Only Rome remained. All the world recognized the famous old city as
the natural capital of united Italy. Twice Garibaldi made sudden, character-
istic dashes at the coveted goal, but without success. His government had
finally to arrest him, lest he plunge the country into war with France, which,
as a Catholic state, was resolute in support of the Pope. French troops pro-
tected Rome until 1870, when the disastrous Franco-Prussian war summoned
them home to save the wreck of their own country. Then Victor Emmanuel
with his troops marched in triumph into what has since been the capital of
“United Italy.” His work was accomplished. * &
The Pope, Pius IX., ordered his soldiers to resist until a breach was actu-
ally made in the walls, when he bade them surrender. Knowing resistance to
be useless, he sought thus to save bloodshed; but he wished all the world to
see that he had yielded only to force. The Italian Government offered him a
large income, and guaranteed his spiritual control, as also his personal security,
that of his palaces, and of the Church. But Pius IX. steadily refused to sub-
mit to the loss of his temporal power as an Italian prince. He declined all
compromise, shut himself up in his splendid palace, the Vatican, and declared
himself a prisoner there. He forbade all good Catholics to take part in, or
even vote at, the elections of the Italian Government. This attitude the Church
has maintained to this day. The Pope is still called “The Prisoner of the
Vatican,” and good Catholics are still compelled to leave the government of
Italy to their Protestant countrymen.
One by one the men who had taken part in the splendid drama of Italian
unity died and gave place to a younger generation. Cavour sank under his
labors before the goal was reached. Victor Emmanuel died in 1878, mourned
by all Italy. The Church continued in opposition to him, until he lay dying,
when Pius IX. sent him his blessing, forgiving and loving the man, though
still defying the king. The inevitable summons came to the Pope in the same
year, and Cardinal Pecci was elected to succeed him as Leo XIII.
At the solemn coronation of Leo, it seemed almost as if he would
make peace with the government. After receiving the tiara, or triple crown
of the papacy, he rose as if to step out from the Vatican and address the
people, as former popes had done. But his advisers hurriedly encircled
486 The Story of the Greatest Nations
him, and reminded him that he was a prisoner—and a prisoner he has re-
mained.
Garibaldi, the most picturesque figure of the nineteenth century, died in
I881. A national statue was erected to him in 1895, on Mount Janiculum, a
hill just outside of Rome, where his defence during the siege of 1848 had been
bravest and most successful.
King Humbert, Victor Emmanuel's eldest son, succeeded his father on the
throne and reigned for twenty-two years. He was a brave and generous, though
not a particularly brilliant king. His wife was his cousin, Margherita of Savoy.
She was even more popular than her husband, for he is said to have neglected
her, and the people sympathized with her unhappiness.
The task of Italy, during the generation that has elapsed since her enfran-
chisement, has not been an easy one. She had been impoverished by long
wars; her people were ignorant, and brutalized by centuries of oppression.
They had been taught to hate all law as the seal of tyranny. Their heroes
were the free brigands of the mountains. Gradually all of these faults seem
to be growing less under the watchful care of the government; but an evil
equally serious remains. The Italians are not content with Italy; they keep
dreaming of the old days when Rome ruled everywhere. Such an ambition has
no place in our modern world, yet it has led Italy into squabbling with her
neighbors, maintaining huge armies, building fleets, and trying to plant colo-
nies. This has brought grinding taxes on her poor, and military disaster to
her soldiers. ->
From 1882 to 1896, the government made strenuous efforts to conquer, or
in diplomatic language establish a military protectorate over Abyssinia, an
African negro kingdom, which has existed since the days of King Solomon.
Twice small Italian forces were completely annihilated by overwhelming masses
of the tall and muscular Abyssinians. At last an entire Italian army of four-
teen thousand men was defeated in a desperate battle at Adowa, in 1896. Six
thousand Italians were slain, and twenty-five hundred compelled to surrender
to the Abyssinian king, or negus, Menelik. The Italian government wisely
submitted to the rebuff, and abandoned its aggressive colonial policy. A
treaty of peace was made in August, 1897, between Menelik and the Italian
commissioner, Major Nerazzini. It provided for the return of the prisoners,
and acknowledged the independence of Abyssinia.
On July 29th of the year 1900, King Humbert was assassinated at Monza
near Milan, by the anarchist Bresci. The man was an Italian, who had emi-
grated to America, had learned his anarchy here, and then returned to Italy
with the deliberate purpose of killing the King. Humbert, secure in the affec-
tions of his people, strong with the hereditary courage of the house of Savoy,
Rome—Assassination of King Humbert 487
was protected by no guards. He rode into Monza from his country villa to
distribute the prizes at an athletic meeting. As amid cheering crowds he re-
seated himself in his carriage to return home, Bresci shot him. “It is noth-
ing,” said the King reassuringly, and sank back unconscious, and dying. The
perverted mind of the anarchist seems to have led him to expect praise from
the crowd around, but, in their rage at the cold-blooded murder, they almost
tore the unfortunate criminal to pieces. Athletes, citizens, and even women,
united in battering him to and fro, until he was rescued by the police. Later
he committed suicide in prison. s
For two days there was no king. Humbert's only son, Victor Emmanuel,
a young man scarce thirty, was on the seas, no one knew precisely where. But
there was no disorder; Victor Emmanuel was found and promptly took the
oath as king, August I I, IQOO, Swearing to uphold the laws and constitution
granted by his grandfather, for whom he was named. The new King, unlike
most of his race, is physically weak, though mentally he is regarded as a man
of ability. His wife is the Princess Helene of Montenegro, to whom he was
united in 1896. They have only one daughter, born in 1901, and the heir to
the throne is the King's cousin, Emmanuel, Duke of Aosta. The most popu-
lar member of the reigning family is the duke's younger brother Victor, Count
of Turin. After Adowa he fought a duel with a French prince who had sneered
at the Italian army. The Count of Turin has visited this country and is well
known here.
The year 1901 saw a change in the Italian Government. The conserva-
tives were overthrown, and Signor Zanardelli, an old Garibaldian, became prime
minister. The followers of Garibaldi have always been bitter against the
papacy, and under Zanardelli and his successors the breach between Pope and
government may become even more serious than it has been. Pope Leo XIII.
died in 1903, and the Bishop of Venice, Giuseppe Sarto, was chosen to succeed
him as Pius X. His coronation took place on August 9th, in the basilica of
St. Peter's, but as yet he has shown no disposition to alter the policy of his
predecessor. - -
Italy is strong, however, in the “Triple Alliance,” a political agreement be-
tween Germany, Austria, and Italy, which was reestablished in 1902 to guaran-
tee the peace of Central Europe. Italy seeming thus secure from war, the
quarrel between Pope and King is the only serious menace to her future.
How can a government be successful when so large a fraction of its best and
ablest subjects persistently refuse to bring their intellect to its aid, or take any
share in its support and guidance? If only the disastrous antagonism between
church and government can be brought to an end, Italy has every prospect of
peace, happiness, and returning prosperity.
Christianity Axiid the Ruins or Rome
CHRONOLOGY OF ROME AND ITALY
ºHE early history of Rome is legendary and the dates con-
jectural.
B. C. 753–Foundation of the city laid by Romulus.
750–Romans seized the Sabine women and detained
them as wives. 747–War with the Sabines, who were
incorporated with the Romans as one nation. 710–
Numa Pompilius instituted the priesthood, the augurs,
and the vestals. 667–The three Horatii, Roman warriors,
overcame the three Curiatii, Albans, and united Alba to Rome.
627–Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, built. 615–The
Capitol founded. 550–Liberal laws of Servius Tullius. 509
–Tarquinius II, and his family expelled, and royalty abol-
ished; the Patricians established an aristocratical common-
wealth; Junius Brutus and Tarquinius Collatinus first praetors
or consuls. 507–War with the Etrurians under Lars Porsena.
The Capitol dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus. 501–First dictator Spurius
Lartius. 498–Latins conquered at Lake Regillus. 494–Secession of the
Plebeians to the Sacred Mount; establishment of tribunes of the Plebeians.
491–Wars with the AEquians and Volscians; exploits and exile of Corio-
lanus, who besieged Rome, but retired at the intercession of his mother and
wife. 486–5–First agrarian law passed by Spurius Cassius, who was put
to death by the Patricians. 458–Victory of Cincinnatus over the AEquians
and liberation of the Roman army. 451–448–Appointment and fall of
the decemvirs, death of Virginia. 444–Military tribunes first created. 443
–Office of censor instituted. 396–Veii taken by Camillus after ten years'
siege. 390–Great victory of the Gauls, who sacked Rome, but were repulsed
in an attack on the Capitol; they accepted a heavy ransom and retired.
Rome—Chronology 489
389—Rome gradually rebuilt amid great distress and wars with neighboring
states. 367—Passage of the Licinian laws. 360—The Gauls defeated in
Italy. 365-342—War with the Etruscans, ended by a truce; war with the
Latins; league renewed. 343–340–First Samnite war, indecisive. 34I—
Mutiny in the army in Campania and rise of the commons in Rome;
peace restored by concessions and the general abolition of debts caused by
the Gaulish invasion. 339—The Publilian law passed, equalizing Plebeians
with the Patricians in political rights. 326 et seq.—The second Samnite
war. 3II—War with Etruria. 309—Victories of Q. Fabius Maximus; the
Etrurians and Umbrians submitted. 312–308—Appius Claudius Calcus, cen-
sor, favored the lower classes; with the public money made a road from Rome
to Capua, termed the “Appian Way,” and erected the first aqueduct. 304–
302—Conquest of the AEquians, Marsians, etc. 300–Third Samnite war.
294–290—The Samnites subdued after desperate struggles. 281—The Taren-
tines formed a coalition against Rome and invited Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, to
join them. 280–Pyrrhus defeated the Romans at Pandosia. 275–Romans
defeated Pyrrhus at Beneventum. 272-265—Subjugation of Tarentum, Sam-
nium, Bruttium, and their allies. Rome Supreme in Italy (265). 264—24I—
First Punic war. 260–First Roman fleet built. Sea fight at Mylae. 255–
Regulus put to death at Carthage. 238 et seq.—Corsica and Sardinia an-
nexed. 225—Invasion and defeat of the Gauls. 220–Building of the Fla-
minian Way. 218–2012–Second Punic war. 216–Battle of Cannae. Rome
saved by the adhesion of eighteen colonies, by the free-will offerings of gold,
silver, and money from the Senate and the people, and by the defeat of Has-
drubal at the Metaurus (207). 212—Syracuse taken by Marcellus. 202—
Hannibal defeated by Scipio at Zama. 213–200–The Macedonian wars with
Philip begun. I97–His defeat at Cynocephalae. I7I—Third Macedonian
war begun. I68—Perseus beaten at Pydna; Macedon annexed. I49–Third
Punic war begun. I46—Carthage and Corinth destroyed by the Romans.
I53–133–Celtiberian and Numantine wars in Spain. I33–Civil strife begun;
Tiberius Gracchus slain. I21—Further agrarian disturbances; Caius Gracchus
driven to suicide. III–Ioé–The Jugurthine war. Io9–63—The Mithridatic
war. Ioz—Marius defeats the Teutones at Aquae Sextiae. IOI-Marius an-
nihilates the Cimbri at Vercellae. Ioo–Julius Caesar born. 90–88—The
Social war. 87—Marius driven from Rome by Sulla, returns in triumph and
institutes a savage massacre. 82—Sulla defeated Marius; Sanguinary proscrip-
tions; declared dictator. 79–Sulla abdicated. 73–71—Revolt of Spartacus
and the slaves. 66–Pompey wipes out the Mediterranean pirates. 65–63–
Syria conquered by Pompey. 62—The Catiline conspiracy defeated. 60–
The First Triumvirate–Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. 58–Caesar's campaigns
49 O The Story of the Greatest Nations
in Gaul. 55—Caesar in Britain. 53—Crassus killed by the Parthians. 51–
Gaul conquered and made a Roman province. 50—War between Caesar and
Pompey. 48—Pompey defeated at Pharsalia. 47—Caesar defeated Pharnaces
and wrote home, “Veni, vidi, vici.” 46–Cato killed himself at Utica; end of
the Republic. Caesar made dictator. 44—Caesar killed in the Senate house
(March I 5). 43—Second Triumvirate–Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus; Cicero
killed. 42—Battle of Philippi; Brutus and Cassius defeated, and killed them-
selves. 36—Lepidus ejected from the Triumvirate. 32—War between Octa-
vius and Antony. 31—Antony overthrown at Actium. 30–Egypt became a
Roman province. 27—Octavius made Emperor, as Augustus Caesar. 5—The
Empire at peace with all the world; the temple of Janus closed. 4.—Jesus
Christ born. (There is an error of over three years in the date commonly
used.)
A. D. 9—The Germans annihilated the army of Varus; Dalmatia subdued
by Tiberius. I4—Augustus succeeded by Tiberius. I'7—Cappadocia became
a Roman province. 27—Thrace became a Roman province. 42—Mauretania
conquered and divided into two provinces. 48—Lycia made a Roman province.
54—Nero becomes Emperor. 64—Destruction of Rome by fire, said to have
been the work of Nero. 65–67–Persecution of Christians; St. Paul, St.
Peter, Seneca, and others, put to death by Nero. 68—Nero stabbed himself.
69–Vitellius became ruler, and was mobbed to death. 70–Titus destroyed
Jerusalem because of a rebellion. 75—Vespasian founded the Colosseum. 79
—Destruction of Herculaneum and Pompeii by an eruption of Mt. Vesuvius.
Io5—Dacia was made a Roman province, and Arabia Petraea conquered, II5
—Armenia became a province, and the Roman Empire under Trajan reached
its widest extent. I31–135––Last rebellion of the Jews, the survivors driven
from their country as wanderers over the earth. I61–180—Happy reign of
Marcus Aurelius; persecution of the Christians. 215—Caracalla offered the
privileges of Roman citizenship to all who would pay for them. 250—Inva-
sion of the Goths. 273—Aurelian conquered Zenobia and destroyed Palmyra.
284–Diocletian and Maximian divided the Empire between them. 286—Last
and cruelest persecution of the Christians begun under Diocletian. 292—A
fourfold division of the Empire was made. 312—The Emperor Constantine
was converted to Christianity and did all he could to make it the religion of
the Empire. 330—Constantine dedicated Byzantium (Constantinople) as the
capital of his Empire, and Rome lost much of its importance. 361-363—Brief
reign of Julian the Apostate. 376—The Goths swarmed into the Empire.
379–395—Theodosius I. last Emperor to rule over the whole Roman Empire.
404–Stilicho defeats the Goths under Alaric and celebrates the three hun-
dredth and last Roman triumph. 4IO—Rome sacked by Alaric. 412–Death
Rome—Chronology 49 I
of Alaric. 439—Carthage captured by the Vandals. 451—Invasion of the
Huns under Attila, defeated at Chalons. 452—Venice founded by fugitives
from Attila. 455—Rome captured and sacked by the Vandals. 476—Romu-
lus Augustulus laid the insignia of the Roman Empire at the feet of Odoacer,
who assumed the title of King of Italy; end of the Empire. 536—Belisarius
captured Rome for Justinian. 553–Narses again captured Rome and annexed
it to the Eastern Frmpire. 568–596—Invasion of the Lombards under Alboin ;
they conquered Italy. 590–604—Popehood of Gregory I. the Great. 728–
Rome became an independent republic under the temporal sovereignty of the
Pope. 754—Pepin gave the Pope the Lombard territories around Rome. 774
—Desiderius, the last Lombard king, dethroned by Charlemagne. 800—Charle-
magne crowned Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire by Pope Leo III. 896
—Rome captured by the Germans. 962–Otho I. Crowned at Rome, each
German emperor henceforth receiving a triple coronation as King of Germany,
as King of Italy, and as Emperor of Rome. 997—Venice established her
independence from the Eastern Empire and began her career of foreign con-
quest. IoI6—Normans invaded Sicily and began its conquest. IO21—The
republics of Genoa and Pisa won the islands of Sardinia and Corsica from the
Mahometans. IO45—Papal scandals ended by the Emperor Henry III., who
appoints a German Pope. IO49–Pope Leo IX. reforms the church. IoSI—
The Normans seize Naples. They capture Pope Leo and make friends with
him. IoS9—Formal adoption of the method of selecting the popes by vote of
cardinals. Io'73–Hildebrand made Pope as Gregory VII. ; he asserts the
spiritual supremacy of the Pope over the Emperor. Io'77—The Emperor,
Henry IV., comes as a penitent to Gregory at Canossa. IOS4—Henry avenges
himself by seizing Rome; Gregory rescued by the Normans. Io&5—Death of
Gregory. Io94—Pope Urban II. authorizes the first crusade; the crusades
vastly increase the power of the popes. III5—Matilda of Tuscany leaves most
of her kingdom to the popes. II24–Venice captures Tyre and secures the
trade of the East. II54–Guelph and Ghibelline wars begin. II62—Milan
captured and destroyed by Frederick Barbarossa. II67–The cities form the
Lombard League and rebuild Milan. II.76—The Milanese defeat Frederick
at Lignano. II83–By the Peace of Constance Frederick frees the Italian
cities. II98–1216–Height of the papal power under Pope Innocent III. ; he
founds the Franciscans and Dominicans. I2O4—Venice conquers Constan-
tinople. I229–1250—Wars of Frederick II. with the Italian cities, their tri-
umph, and his death. I268–Defeat and execution of Conradin, the last of the
Hohenstaufen emperors. I277–The Visconti become tyrants of Milan; the
Italian cities begin sacrificing their liberty for peace; the “free companies”
ransack Italy. I282–The “Sicilian Vespers,” a massacre of all the French
492 The Story of the Greatest Nations
conquerors in Sicily. I284—The naval power of Pisa destroyed by her rival,
Genoa, at Maloria. I298—The Venetians humbled by Genoa in a naval battle
at Curzola. I301–Dante exiled from Florence; the first signs of the Renais-
sance. I309—The court of the popes removed to Avignon by Pope Clement
V. I34I—-Petrarch Crowned as poet-laureate at Rome. I347—Cola di Rienzi
holds Rome as a republic during seven months. I354—Rienzi seizes power a
second time and is slain by the people. I360—Interest in Greek thought shown
by the establishment of a Greek professorship in Florence. 1377–78–The
popes return to Rome. I379—Naval power of Genoa crushed by the Vene-
tians at Chioggia. I420–64—Cosimo di Medici rules Florence and makes it
the centre of the Renaissance. I447–55—Pope Nicholas V. rules Rome and
starts its complete reconstruction in architecture and art. I453—The capture
of Constantinople by the Turks sends a flood of Greek learning over Italy.
I461–77—Venice wars with the Turks, loses much of her power, but checks
their advance into Europe. I469–Lorenzo di Medici becomes President of
Florence and increases her artistic ascendancy. I490—Savonarola preaches
in Florence. I492—Death of Lorenzo; Florence becomes a religious republic
under Savonarola; Alexander VI., the wicked Borgia, becomes Pope. I496–
Michael Angelo begins work at Rome. I498–Overthrow and death of Savon-
arola. I503—Power of the Borgias overthrown by their own poisons; Julius
II. becomes Pope. I508–12—Michael-Angelo paints the Sistine Chapel.
I508—20—Raphael paints in Rome. I525—Battle of Pavia, Germany defeats
France for supremacy in Italy. I527—Rome sacked by a German army. I529.
—The Florentine republic crushed, the Medici become Dukes of Florence.
1530–Clement VII. starts the papal reformation. I540—The Jesuit Society
founded. I57I —The Turks crushed by Venetian and other ships in the great
naval battle of Lepanto. I626—The Cathedral of St. Peter dedicated. I683–
99–The Venetians once more win victories over the Turks in Greece. I720
—The Duke of Savoy made King of Sardinia. I796–Napoleon invades Italy.
I797—He overthrows the various kingdoms and forms republics. I805–He
changes the republics to kingdoms of his own. I815–The old rulers restored,
Austria given the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. I821—The Piedmontese
demand a constitution; it is granted by the regent, Charles Albert, but revoked.
1831—Charles Albert becomes King of Sardinia and Piedmont. I831–33–
Insurrections of “Young Italy" and other secret societies headed by Mazzini,
1846–Pius IX. is made Pope and displays liberal tendencies. I848—Italians
everywhere revolt against Austrian dominion. Piedmont changes her flag to
the Italian tricolor, and heads the insurrection; defeated at Custozza. I849–
Piedmontese defeated at Novara; Victor Emmanuel made king; Austria every-
where triumphant; Rome declares itself a republic under Mazzini and Gari-
Rome–Chronology 493
baldi; is stormed by the French; Venice surrenders to Austria after a year's
siege. 1859–French and Italians war against Austria, and win victories at
Magenta and Solferino; Victor Emmanuel is given Lombardy, but loses Savoy.
1860–The states of Central Italy unite themselves by vote with Piedmont;
Garibaldi heads a successful insurrection in Sicily and Naples; the papal
states revolt and Victor Emmanuel interferes; he defeats the papal troops;
Garibaldi turns over Sicily and Naples to the King, 1861–First general Ital-
ian parliament meets; it votes Victor Emmanuel “King of Italy” (February
26th); the statesman Cavour died. 1862–Garibaldi with volunteers makes
an unsuccessful expedition against Rome; is defeated and made prisoner by
Italian troops. 1866–Disastrous war with Austria; Austria overwhelmed by
Prussia; Venice, left free, joins the Italian kingdom. 1867–Garibaldi again
assaults Rome; defeated by Roman and French troops. 1870–Italian troops
seize Rome (September 20th); Rome declared the capital of Italy (December
5th). 1871–Kome formally inaugurated as the capital (July 3d). 1878–
Victor Emmanuel died (January 9th); Pius IX. died (February 7th); Leo
XIII. elected (February 20th). 1881–Garibaldi died. 1896–Terrible defeat
of Italians at Adowa in Abyssinia. 1897–Peace with Abyssinia. 1900–
King Humbert assassinated (July 29th), succeeded by his son Victor Emmanuel
III. 1901–Beginning of a liberal ministry under Zanardelli. 1903–Pius X.
elected Pope (August 4th).
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EROMAN THEATRE MASKS
RULERS OF ROME
EARLY KINGs. A. D.
B. C. | Pertinax, . o ę « » . I93
Romulus, . ę (… e - 753 | Julianus, . «e ę ę . I93
Numa Pompilius, ę e • 7 I 5 | Septimius Severus, . *• . I93
Tullius Hostilius, ú eo . 673 ( Caracalla,
Ancus Martius, . ę e . 64O l Geta (slain 2 12), . . 2 I I
Lucius Tarquinius, . * . 616 | Macrinus, . ę ę ę . 2 I 7
Servius Tullius, � ę - 578 | Elagabalus, ę « ò C. . 2 I 8
Tarquinius Superbus, ce • 534 | Alexander Severus, . ç . 222
Maximinus, … o • ę . 23 5
REPUBLIC. ( Gordianus I.,
Lasting from 509 to 27 B. C. l Gordianus II. . � . 237
Pupienus,
EMPERORs. iii. ¢ * . 238
Augustus, . «… � * • 27 ] Gordianus III., . & » « ò . 238
A. D. | Philippus, . ę ę ę • 244
Tiberius, . ę ę ę • I 4 | Decius, . « ò « * o . 249
Caligula, . « ò © ¢ • 37 i Gallus, «… ę ę ę . 25 I
Claudius, . c • ę ę . 4 I | Æmilianus, o* «• © . 253
Nero, «* «… ę * » • 54 ( Valerian (slain 26o),
Galba, «e o ę ę . 68 l Gallienus, ç » «• . 253
Otho, ę ę ę ç . 69 | Claudius II., «» ę ę . 268
Vitellius, . © C- ę . 69 | Aurelian, . ę ¢ ę . 27O
Vespasian, e* ® ę . 69 | Tacitus, . ç ę * * . 275
Titus, . o» © » . 79 | Florianus, . . o o . 276
Domitian, . «… ę ce . 8 I | Probus, ę ç ( ) C. . 276
INerva, ę e c» ç . 96 | Carus, ę o � ¢… . 282
Trajan, ύ ès ę ę . 98 ( Carinus,
Hadrian, . « ò q. ce . I I 7 l Numerianus, ę � . 283
Antoninus Pius, * q. . I 38 f Diocletiam, o ç . 284
M. Aurelius, ] Maximian, « • • . 286
l L. Verus (died 169), . I 6 I ` Constantius, . ę . 3O5
Commodus, * «* G. . I 8O l Galerius, ę «… . 3O5
Rome—Emperors and Kings
A.D.
Galerius (died 311), gº . 3O 5
| Constantine I., the Great, . 3O6
Licinius (slain 324), & . 3O7
Constantine II. (slain 340),
| Constantius, -
Constans (slain 350), & . 337
Julian, e & tº ge . 36 I
Jovian, . tº º º . 363
The successor of /ovian, Valentinian,
divided his dominion and made / is
brother, Valens, Emperor of the East.
Hencefortſ, the two empires are sepa-
7ate, though Theodosius zenited them for
about a year in 394.
EMPERORS OF THE WEST.
Valentinian I., . g tº . 364
Gratian, . wº tº e . 367
Valentinian II., . e © . . 375
Eugenius, . e g tº . 392
Theodosius, the Great, tº . 394
Honorius, . tº g g . 395
Interregnum, tº e . 423
Valentinian III., { } tº . 425
Maximus, . e e ſe . 455
Avitus, . iº e e . 455
Majorianus, g & * > . 457
Severus, . e ge tº . 46 I
Interregnum, . . . 465
Anthemius, e ſº e . 467
Olybrius, . e e ge . 472
Glycerius, . tº * > . . 473
Julius Nepos, . © wº . 474
Romulus Augustulus, º . 475
Theodatus,
Vitiges,
Theodebald,
Tortila, or Baduila,
Teias,
4.95
A.D.
- 534
. 536
. 54C)
. 54 I
. 552
Italy subject to the Eastern Empire
till the time of the Lombard King,
Alboin,
Cleoph,
Autharis, .
Agilulph, .
Adaloald, .
Arioald,
Rotharis,
Rodoald, e
Aribert I., e &
Bertharit and Godebert,
Grimoald, . © •
Bertharit (re-established),
Cunibert, .
Ragimbert,
Aribert II.,
Ausprand, . .
Luitprand,
Hildebrand,
Rachis,
Astolph,
Desiderius,
. 568
. 573
. 575
. 59 I
. 6 I 5
. 625
. 636
. 652
. 653
. 66 I
. 662
. 67 I
. 686
. 7OO
. 7OO
. 7 I 2
. 7 I 2
. 744
. 744
. 749
. 756
Charlemagne deposed Desiderius in
774, and Italy became nominally subject
to the lands of the North.
KINGS OF ITALY.
Odoacer, . ſº e
Theodoric, the Great,
Athalaric, .
. 476
- 493
. 526
MODERN KINGS OF ITALY.
Victor Emmanuel II. (of Sar-
dinia), tº e g . I 86 I
Humbert, e e e . 1878
Victor Emmanuel III., . . I 900
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TRIUMPIIAL PROCESSION OF THEODOSI US
PRONOUNCING VOCABULARY FOR ROME
Achillas (ā-kil'las)
Adige (ādī-jë)
Adowa (ah'do-wä)
AEgades (é'ga-déz)
AEneas (é-ne'as)
Afranius (a-frå'ní-iās)
Agrippina (à-grip-pi'nā)
Alboin (āl'boin)
Amulius (a-mü'li-às)
Angelo (ān'jā-lo)
Antiochus (an-ti'o-küs)
Antoninus (ān-to-ni'nus)
Apulia ((à-pü'lí-ā)
Araxes (a-ráx'éz)
Archimedes (ar-ki-mé'déz)
Ariminum (ä-rím'í-num)
Arminius (ār-min'i-us)
Athanasius (äth-a-nā'shi-us)
Attila (ät'íl-ā)
Auletes (5-lè'téz)
Aurelius (Ö-ré'li-us)
Auximum (Öx'i-mum)
Avignon (ah-vén-yôn')
Balearic (bål'é-ar'ik)
Belisarius (bél-i-sā'rius)
Boccaccio (bök-kāt'cho)
Borgia (bör'jāh)
Brundisium (brün-di'zhi-um)
Buonarotti (bö-nā-rötte)
Byrsa (bér'sa)
Byzantium (bi-zán'shi-um)
Caesar (sé'zār)
Calabria (kā-lā'bri-a)
Calatafimi (kā-lāh'tá-fé'mē)
Caligula (kā-lig'u-lā).
Camerinum (käm'é-ri'nām)
Camillus (kā-mil'īās)
Canossa (kā-nós'sā)
Caracalla (kär'a-kāl’lā)
Catana (kátá-nā)
Catiline (kat'i-lin)
Cavour (kā-voor')
Charlemagne (shārlé-mân)
Chioggia (ké-öd'jā)
Cicero (sis'e-rö)
Cincinnatus (sin-sin-nā'tūs)
Claudius (klaw'di-us)
Clodius (klö'di-us)
Cneus (né'us)
Colonna (kö-lón'na)
Colosseum (köl'o-sé'um)
Collatinus (köl’lā-ti'nus)
Rome—Pronouncing Vocabulary " . 497
Constantinus (kön'stán-ti'nus)
Corcyra (kor-Sirā)
Cosimo (kös'í-mo or kös'mo)
Crassus (krás'ús)
Curzola (koord-zö'lā)
Cyrenaica (Sir'e-nā'ī-că)
Dandolo (dān'do-lo)
Dante (dān'té)
Decimus (dès'í-müs)
Decius (dé'shi-às)
Dentatus (dén-tā'tūs)
Divitiacus (div'í-ti'ā-kus)
Domitian (dö-mish'í-an)
Domitius (dö-mish’i-us)
Donatello (dö-nā-tël'lo)
Doria (dö'ré-ā)
Garibaldi (går-í-bal'di)
Genoa (jën'o-ā)
Ghibelline (gib'él-lèn)
Gracchus (grák'us)
Gregory (grég'o-ri)
Guelph (gwělf')
Guiscard (gès-kar')
Hamilcar (hä-mil'kar)
Hannibal (hān'ni-bāl)
Hasdrubal (hâs"drü-bal)
Hiempsal (hi-Émp'säl)
Hiero (hi'é-rö)
Hildebrand (hil'dé-bränd)
Hohenstaufen (hö'én-stow'fèn)
Horace (hör'ês)
Iapygians (i'à-pig'í-ans)
Icilius (i-cil'í-us)
Iguvium (i-gū'vī-um)
Ilerda (i-lèr'dā)
Illyria (il-lir’i-á)
Jugurtha (jū-gūr'thā)
Justinian (jūs-tin'í-ān)
Juvenal (jū'vén-al)
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32
498 The Story of the Greatest Nations
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Y OF MICHIGAN
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