|E PERIODIſ AL LETTER,
sºovy ING THE
--a cº-cal. All-PLICATIONS
- - - -
Bºonºon ºutrº
ºr tº avºr or º cºnce, or ºs ºº sº."
--- ºr g.
º sº 2d Series, Vol. 1
This number completeº half º I ºsed
to send in advance º 'º º
sumed to be intº º the subjects to which it is devoted.
It has nº ºf irregularly issued for the last few months,
...!" chiefly to a press of other matters which could not be
ostponed, without suspending the publication altogether,
: It has never yet paid the expenses of publication; but I am
encouraged to think that it will do so, and whenever it does, it
can be issued on the first day of every month.
Those who may have received the specimen numbers and
who wish to have it continued will please to notify, before the
issue of the next number and enclose fifty cents which will
pay for the volume. Those who desire very much to receive
it, yet cannot afford to pay for it, will also please tº write;
but no more than these six numbers will be sent to persons
without some evidence from them that it is desired Those
who may not wish to have it continued are not tº consider
themselves indebted for the specimen numbers—the sending
them was my own act in which they took no part and I ought
“Equitably * to bear the “cost” of it.
When subscriptions have expired, a notice to that effect
will be given in season. Several expire with this number,
which will be signified by a separate slip simply saying
“subscription expired;" the shortness of whicº, I wish to be
set down to the score of economy, but not to any want of
-
-
-
Josiºn wºn . -
sº. Losers.
-
-
-
courtesy or respect for the one to whom it may be sent.
Please write before the issue of the text number, and
address J. Warren, Thompson P. O. Log Island, N. Y. Z
-
-

82
M O N T Y.
We now enter into the minute practical workings of
* Equitable Money.”
This seems particularly in place just now while money
is absorbing all thought, and while the basing effects of
another periodical ruin are being terribly realized by all classes.
A public writer stated, not long ago, that “the world had
never produced a philosopher profound enough to adjust and
rectify money.” For a similar reason the world has never
produced a philosopher profound enough to make five ºut of
- - - --- --
º Eduº be adjusted without a principle
such thin b - (See
“Equitable Commerce” page ** has been known. ( -
This is not the time, nor he place to ent
bewildering analyses of the erºs in .
mitted in treating this great despoº uman destinies: vol-
umes might be written in this direction; ". they would not
be read. What we want now, is, money as it º ºn he anal
when this is clearly understood, the monstrous deformºil º
the “root of all evil” will be sufficiently evident without the
aid of ponderous and unreadable volumes.
Aware of the serious responsibility which any one assumes:
in lending public opinion on this or any other great human:
terest, I shall risk very little of theoretical speculation, but
rather present the practical operations of what I have to offer
as matters of historical fact, from which each one can draw:
his own theoretical conclusions.
This method, stating what has really been done over and
over again during the last thirty years, is at least secure from
the danger of theoretical delusions, while it puts the reader in
possession ºf new premises to reason from, without which, his
investigations would be thrown away.
Before entering upon the subject of the nature of true
money, I will warn the reader that it is so almost ridiculously
simple that I doubt whether one political economist will
understand it where a hundred children will work it with
scientific precisiºn. Its extreme simplicity is the principal
obstacle to its being appreciated; and this probably accounts
for its being accepted and used most readily by children and
unsophisticated adults; but even in this particular it is emin-
ently adapted to the “demand”—aid is wanted by the weak—
the strong and the cunning do not so much need it.
er into long and
orists have com-

S3
A very few words in regard to the theory of true money
will assist the reader the more readily to understand the prac-
tical details that follow, and with some few will render practi.
cal illustrations unnecessary.
If all our interchanges could be completed on the moment
when they originated, then no circulating medium would ever
have been needed. If one man could give another a horse
and take its equivalent in flour or a house, or cloth or shoes,
carpenter work &c., on the spot, then no money would be
needed in the transaction; but it is evidently impossible to
carry about us the property of the right kind and in the right
quantities to make all the exchanges we may need, and hence
the necessity of having something which we can carry, that
we can divide up into the required quantities and which other
people will be willing to receive because it will supply some
of their future wants.
This very simple statement is all I shall at present offer by
the way of theory. I will only add that anything which does
not answer these purposes is not fit for a circulating medium,
that whatever is incapable of measuring equivalents, what-
ever is incapable of supplying the receiver's wants is unfit to
act the part of money.
Common money cannot be made to measure equivalents
and instead of supplying human wants, the use of it is the
greatest of all causes for these wants remaining unsup-
plied.
But to the practical workings of scientific or Equitable
money.
Three weeks ago, W wanted Mr. L. to assist
in fixing the foundation of his house. He worked seven
hours. How much money would be an Equivalent for that
labor? Can any body give me an answer that he is willing to
have publicly criticised? If not, what claim is there to any
knowledge of justice or of the true function of money? and
if there is no such knowledge existing, is not the field fairly
open either for investigation, or for Revolution! No one can
tell me how much money would be an Equivalent for L. *s
seven hours labor; and as the two parties wished to deal
Equitably W-gave L. a note promising to pay him
an equal amount of his own labor, measured as heretofore
explained in the works on “Equity.” This note in this case
measured equivalents which common money never can, and
it immediately circulated to a third party who went with it tº



84
Vy
to pay for music lessons measured in the same way.
The labor in giving the lessons not being so hard and disa:
greeable as the work done by Mr. L. the rate was less per
hour; here again the same note measured equivalents be:
tween teacher and learner and all three parties got their wants
supplied.
Here are the three great objects of money accomplished.
The money measured equivalents, each one gets his wants
supplied, and if the music lessons should not just balance
the account, the first note will be taken up and a smaller one
given for the balance due. Will any one tell us what more
is wanted or can be properly demanded of a circulating medi-
unnº
- In this case the pupil receives music lessons for (about, say) one hour of his labor, for an
hour ºf the teacher's labor which with common money would cost from fifty cents to a dollar,
which would be as much as such youths can generally earn in one or two days, so that with som-
mon money this want of the youth might never have been supplied. To ask where the
motive shall come from to induce the teacher to nºt on such a principle, is to ask what motive
men can have for doing justice-assert that it is for their interest in every sense to do so, so far.
at least, as the natural consequences of such actions are appreciated. º -
(To be continued.)
To Horace Seaver, Editor of the “Boston Investigator.”
- Long Island N. Y. Sept. 4 1857.
SIR.—I now write a few lines to you in compliance with
your request; and, as your columns have always been open
for the discussion and examination of those subjects and pro-
jects which have been put forth from time to time as remedies
for the injustice and misery to which all classes are now sub-
jected, I take this method of answering all enquiring friends
as a matter of economy of time which is necessary with me
at present. The demand of this age is for Justice, Order and
Liberty, in place of the present Injustice Disorder and
Slavery.
The principles by which this peaceful revolution is to be
acomplished are now known: we do know how to act justly
with each other.
1st by recognizing the infinite diversity in tastes, percep-
tions, and capacities of persons and ceasing to demand con-
formity to any standard or authority whatever.
2nd by the substitution of E ſuitable Money, instead of
“the root of all evil.” The present Money only operating to
continually put Land and all the necessaries of life further
out of the reach those who produce all. Just in proportion
as the capacity of England for clothing her people has in-

85
creased, the number of the destitute, and criminals have also
increased; and in the same ratio, the number of her land
owners has steadily decreased: the same causes are producing
the same effects in this country, and the more labor-saving
machinary we have, the harder it is for persons to live by
labor. As long as we use the common money these evils
must increase.
In answer to your inquiry I will simply state that from my
seven years study and every day's experience here, I am more
fully confirmed in the conviction (if that were possible) that
ill hope for progress out of the present industrial and Social
Slavery is in the approximation and practice of the principles
ºf “Equrry" put º by Mr. Josiah Warren, by the intel-
ectual of all classes who can appreciate them. Allow me if
jou please to recommend all who see the present evils in our
so called Society, to make themselves acquainted with these
Principles. -
My time is so much taken up, enquiring friends will please
to excuse my not writing to each one particularly, and my
availing myself of the facilities of printing, instead.
If yºu can afford room, please insert this in the “ Investi-
ator.” - -
º Address me at Thompson Post Office, Long Island, N. Y.
P. L. Blacken."
- º sovºy or Tºp TºpTVIDUAL.
- - - -
ºn logº and legitimate termination of the Democratic ideº is in the Soº
eignty of every Individual, within the limit that it is not to be exercised at the
cost of others, or, in such a manner as to throw burdensome conseqences on them.
“The Sovereignty of the Individual to be exercised at one’s own cost” is, there-
fore, a two-edged sword, cutting both ways, and defining what one may not, as
well as what one may do. It is the Sovereignty of every Individual limited by the
equal Sovereignty of every other, and consequently without encroachment. It is
Self-Government, ºy the aid of a principle, and in the only sense in which self-
Government, has significance or value. Self-Government, in the vulger demo-
º: sense of submission to the will of a majority, being a mockery and *
-heat.
The limitation above stated is sufficiently implied by the simple formula “the
Sovereignty of every individual,” since the admission of the Sovereignty of
others, within the domain of their own personal affairs, necessitates a correspond-
ing restriction upon our own. -
The Sovereignty of the Individual is the foundation principle of Social Order
and Harmony. It is the simplest, and yet the most radical and revolutionary of
principles. It is no true objection to the doctrine to affirm that nothing can be
done at one's own cost, since the solidarity of mankind is such that every actor the
individual ºcets more or less remotely the interests of the race. This uniº

86
-
“the Grand Man” is doubtless a profound truth, of the same kind as the unity ºf
all the planets, and of all the particles of matter in all the planets in one grand
material system, all the parts of which mutually relate to and effect each other.
The truth upon which the objection rests belongs, therefore, to what may be
denominated the Science of Social Astronomy, and is wholly inapplicable in the
sphere of Social Physics or Mechanical Science. If an objector were to urge the
impossibility of building a steamboat because every bar of iron and every stick of
timber is affected by gravitation, and because the whole gravitation of the Uni-
verse is liable to be disturbed by the jumping of a fly on the planet Jupiter, the
absurdity of the objection would be obvious, although the statement might be
theoretically true. It is an absurdity of the same glaring kind to deny that inter-
ests can be substantially individualized, or to urge against the assumption by each
individual of his own responsibilities, that every act affects the race. Sociology is
a science of actual appreciable relations, and not of remote and attenuated then-
ries. Ideny, for all practical purposes, that if I burn my finger the Emperor of
China will sufferin consequence. I deny the unity of the race in any such sense
as would interfere with the possibility of practically adjusting individual rights.
in America, and elsewhere, the Sovereignty of the Individual has already
received both a theoretical and practical interpretation in some of its applications,
as, for example, to Worship. The right of a man to worship God according to
the dictates of his own conscience, is fully recognized, precisely limited as it
should be, by the inhibition of encroachment. Nobody finds any difficulty in the
practical application of the principle. If any one should insist that the worship-
at a given church should kneel in prayer, or that those of another faith
should not kneel, and propose forcibly to compel the acceptance of his own dogma
ºn the subject, the moral sense of the community would be shocked. No such
invasion of personal rights would be tolerated for a moment in this country, and in
this age, because the whole world recognizes, among us, that the Individual is him-
self, the sole umpire over his own conduct, in this particular. In other words, the
doctrine of the Sovereignty of every Individual is already accepted and applied
in certain countries and upon a given point; and, whenever it is so, and because it
is so, the bloody religious feuds of other times and otherlands are extinguished:
intolerance, bigotry and fiersecution are allayed; and mutual respect and harmony.
secured. It has thus proved itself, so far as adopted, what it will prove itself in
the end, universally, the Foundation Principle of order in the social world. It is
nothing more and nothing less than that simple dictate of Common Sense and
Good Breeding which requires that every one should abstain from intrusion into
other people's affairs. -
Any argument, however specious, against this broad tolerance of all the forms
of worship, based on the ground that the slightest individual action is a link in
the universal chain of events, and possibly liable, therefore, to bring disaster upon
the race, would be at once rejected by every liberal mind. Any interference upon
such slenderpretensions of right would be indignantly repelled. It is known and
felt that in order to justify constraint from without, the conduct of the Individual
must be in some way, a serious, palpable, and direct infringement of the rights of
others, and not merely remotely, contingently, or possibly, injurious to them.
The Sovereignty of the Individual, as a philosophical and political dogma, is
simply the claim for the extension of the same degree of Freedom to every De-
rtment of Social Life. It is the assertion of the Individual to be “a Law unto
imself” just so fast and so far as he demonstrates in his conduct the ability to use
that freedom without encroachment upon the equal freedom of others. It is the
principle of non-intervention in private affairs, precisely as that principle is now
universally understood between national Sovereignities. It is the principle of
º or equality of participation in the common rights of self-direction and
-ontrol. .
The admission of the right of individual self-government does not imply that
every Individual is qualified to exercise that right, or is likely to exercise it wisely
fºr himself. Freedom is demanded as a basis. Wisdom and good taste in the
-

M
87
use of freedom come afterwards, form the sombination of all good influences.
Freedom is demanded also as a Right, or as a denial of the right of others to
interfere, whether it be used well or ill, provided always that the bad use of it does
not extend to encroachment.
From the nature of the position set forth in the preceding paragraph, the Sover-
eignty of the Individual is open to the objection that it is the assertion of a right
to do wrong, which involves both a contradiction of terms and a seeming profligacy
of moral sentiment. The liability to this imputation rests upon the poverty of lan-
guage, and the fact that the word “Right” is necessarily employed in various senses.
The civic right to do a given act, is quite distinct from the moral right or wrong
of the act in question. Thus, the civic right of locomotion belongs equally to the
citizen who travels with a good or bad motive, and the right of Free Speech and
Freedom of the Press, equally to the man who speaks or prints permicious and de-
structive opinions, as to him who announces the sublimest and most beneficial
truths. To assert this, however, is very different from affirming that it is morally
right to travel for a bad purpose, or to speak or print permicious and destructive
opinions.
The Sovereignty of the Individualis, therefore, the assertion of a civic or politi-
cal right, in the exercise of which the Individual may, if he will, do many things
which the judgment of others, or even his own conscience, may not approve.
Evil consequences are attached to every wrong act, as the natural correctives of
the tendency to do wrong, and the individual may be entitled for the completion of
his moral education, to a further experience of the evil which his conduct provokes.
Except in the case of actual encroachment, society has no more right to interfºre
with the morality º Individual conduct than it has to interfere with the orthodoxy ºn-
dividual belief. EITHER COMEs witHIN THE JURISDICTION OF THIRD PERSONs
ºxcºt AT THE Point winerº exonoxiouxtºn't begins.
The question of civic rightis, therefore, a question of jurisdiction, the limitation
of which belongs to the political or sociological department of science. The right
or wrong of a specified action is, on the other hand, a question of morality, per-
taining to the department of Ethics, and subjectsolely to the jurisdiction of the In-
dividual, within the limit which sociology defines, #. is, therefore, true that the
individual has a cºme right to do what is morally wrong; or, a right, in other
wºrds, to the application of the principle of non-intervention, even when doing that
which a sound morality condemns.
In its application to nations, the doctrine of distinct sovereignty and special
jurisdiction, over questions of right within their respective dominions, is familiar
and approved. In this sense a nation has the right, relatively to other nations, to
maintain Slavery, to oppress its own citizens, and to do other things which are
mºrally wrong. The concession of this right is the only basis of Plan and Peace—
is the necessary condition for the operation of other influences more elevating and
**onducive to the ends of morality than physical force.
The principle is equally true and equally important in its application to Individ-
ºals. The concession of the right to do wrong with one's own, without authoriz-
ing the interference of any external police, is a condition precedent to any and all
harmonious intercourse. It is the simple courtesy of admitting that other men
have consciences and standards of right as well as we, and which may equally
chance to be right. -
- Thus defined, air ºpenow CoNSISTs, IN FACT, IN THE RIGHT To Do wroxG,
-ince where no choice is permitted between Good and Evil, there is no Freedom.
It is not enough, therefore, to affirm that we claim the Right to do Right, since
there is neither merit nor dignity in a correctness of deportment for which there is
no alternative.
Let us begin, therefore, by trusting humanity to the extent to which, in all the
theologies, God himself is represented as trusting it. Let us concede freely the
ºoice between good and evil, and claim it for ourselves. Until a foundation is
laid in freedom, no true virtue is possible: or, if exist, it cannot be known, since
the opposite conduct was inhibited. Remove then, for once, the fetters from Hº-

83
manity, and consent that she shall exhibit herself precisely as she is. If a Pando.
monium results it will be something to know by experiment that the gloomy theo.
logians are right. If, on the other hand, the experiment shall prove that the Pan-
dimonium tº ºw have comes in part from constraint, and the strife engendered
thereby, and that the fruits of Freedom are contentment, and peace, and joy, with
the ultimate elevation and refinement of the Individual and the Race, it will then
be seen how badly the world could have afforded to be longer without the toleration
of ºreedom.
The double aspect of the Sovereignty of the Individual, was noticed above.
It is the claim on the one side of ones own right to Personal-
ity and Selfhood. It is the concession on the other of the
same right to all others. -
These two aspects of the doctrine are so distinct and so opposite, that some
technical terminology is needed to signalize their difference. Comte has furnished
the words Egoist and Altruist to designate the love of self and the love of the neigh-
bor, or the selfish and benevolent impulse. Adopting these terms, the egoist as-
pect of the Sovereignty of the Individual protects a right, and the Auriºus pre-
scribes a duty. The firstenancipates the Individual from an over weaning subser-
vience to authority and traditional assumptions, and teaches a prompt resistance
of invasions of all sorts, whether instigated by hostility, or by an amiable and well
meant but intrusive and misdirected friendship. The second becomes for those
who intelligently accept it, a veritable Religion of deference for the slightest man-
ifestation of desire, and of abstinence from every possible incumbrance of the abso-
ºute freedom of others. -
It recognises that the Individual has an absolute right to
himself, a right to his own time, to a companionship of his
own choice, to his own habits and characteristics, to the priv-
ilege even of whimsical inconsistency, and unreasonable con-
duct of every shade and variety, provided it be not of a kind
invade the Sovereignty of others.
In this latter aspect, the Sovereignty of the Individualisthenractical love ºf the
neighbor equally as of ones self, rectified by a scientific knowledge of the limits of
encroachment. It is a new chivalry, teaching to all men and all women the
most delicate respect for the personality of all others. - -
This largeness of toleration, it must be repeated again, does not restin any de-
gree upon the assumption that the conduct so tolerated will be in all ºpects, or
any respect, abstractly or morally right. It rests on this other propºsition, that
the jurisdiction of the moral question belongs of right to the individual himself in
the same sense as Protestant Christendom entrusts to the rights of private judg-
ment, in matters of faith, questions, involving as it believes, the eternal salvation
of millions of souls. It rests, likewise, upon the necessity as a policy for the Indi-
vidual to concede to others what he claims or desires for himself, and the intellectu-
alterception that our own freedom is enlarged precisely in proportion as we tºlerate the free-
dom ºf others; and, finally, it rests as already ºbserved upon another intellectual perception,
ºnely, that in order to give place to other and higher influences, tending to elevate and refine
the Individual and the race, we must discard the pretention of forcing mento adopt that line of
*onduct which we individually deem to be right.
It results from all that has been said, that the Sovereignty
of the Individual is the basis of harmonious intercourse
amongst equals, precisely as the equal Sovereignty of Statesis
the basis of harmonious intercourse between nations mutually
recognizing their independence of each other. If there are
circumstances and relations which authorize the assumption
of despotic power, as one State may claim the dependence and
S9
allegiance of another; if children, who cannot yet assume the
burden of their own support, are rightfully denied the exercise
of a sovereignty which they cannot maintain; if it be contend-
ed even that inferior races of men require to be placed under
pupilage to superior races, or ignorant and undeveloped per-
sons of the same race under a similar pupilage, as we all con-
stitute ourselves guardians of idiots and the insane, the fact, if
admitted, does not in any manner affect the doctrine in ques-
tion in its just application as between those who begin by ad-
mitting an equal right to self government. If self government
is affirmed, then the Sovereignty of the Individual is the ſunda-
ºnental law of that species of government. If the right of self-
government is denied, then another and a different question
is raised, which it may be only possible to settle by an appeal
to physical force.
If man, for example, openly claims the ownership of wo.
man, and a paramountauthority over her by virtue of a supe-
rior wisdom which rightfully vests in him the title to reign,
this is a question of fact, to be settled upon its own appropri-
ate grounds. If, on the other hand, man comes first up to a
knowledge of the equal dignity of the sex, let him perceive in-
tellectually what it is he admits, and be fully prepared to ac-
cept every consequence which logically flows from the previ-
*ous admission. The assumption of equality, and of the right
of self-government as a basis of intercourse, is the assumption
of the Sovereignty of the Individual. The doctrine in all its
plenitude and all its development, is nothing in addition, but
simply a greater exactitude of definition and a greater variety
and minuteness of application.
-



90
To A. C. Cunpox, Aug. 22, 1857
Dear Sir, You may think, by this time, that I have forgot-
ten you, and the conversation we had, as well as the promise
Imade to write to you after your departure; but as no time
was fixed, it has been defered from time to time until now.
I have not forgotten you, I will assure you, nor the encourag-
ing assurance you brought to us from across the Atlantic,
that there were noble and earnest minds in England, who had,
by the aid of the principles enunciated by Mr. Warren, discov-
ered the scientific remedy for the false system of society which
has hitherto prevailed in the world. In these principles the
philanthropic mind finds rest and hope.
You asked me if my confidence in them had ever wavered
or diminished? -
For more than twenty years I have been interested in the
subject of societary reform, I have examined many, if not all
the theories that have been put forthat different periods in the
History of mankind, some of which occupied my mind, and I
labored for their dissemination for several years. My mind
was thus occupied when, more than ten years ago I heard the
principles enunciated from Mr Warren's own lips. But my
mind was so crammed with the rubbish of these theories, that
I could give them no consideration at all-they did not pene-
trate me in the least; and 1 was from that time until about
three years since, clearing away the rubbish, so that I could
understand and comprehend what I then heard and still re-
membered. But so wonderful and infinite are they in their
scope and application, that I scarcely expect ever fully to ap-
preciate and comprehend them.
I sometimes feel almost overwhelmed with their sublime
power; and enraptured with their trancendent simplicity and
beauty, if I may use such expressions. But I have never wa-
wered in my confidence in them, but the more I study and ex-
amine them, the severer the tests I apply to them, and the
more I practically apply them, the more certain am I that they
constitute the grand and fundamental laws of individual rights
and social life; so that it is no longer a matter of doubt or
belief with me, but a matter of fact. I know these are true,
the same as I know the attraction of Gravitation is the law or
principle of planetary motion. But the practical realization
ºf the principles will be a thing of growth. They cannot be
instituted, inaugurated by any means or appliances under heavº

91
en. If they could it would only prove that they were false,
which would be a solecism. Any attempt at their realization
in any of the hitherto popular modes of reform, will fail of
course, for the reason above stated. So far as that idea was
held, and that course attempted by those who have taken part
here it has been a failure, and so it has been proclaimed by its
best friends: but in other respects it has been the greatest suc-
cess ever atchieved on earth.
You have been here, Sir, and I ask you, considering thema-
terial obstacles to overcome, if you ever saw greater material
success attained in so short a time, by the same number of
people, without capital, and with only their hands and brains
to operate with, under all the disadvantages of habits formed
by a false education and training – in combined interests
and responsibilities? Ask your transatlantic friends how they
think any enterprise would succeed with them, without capital
upon at-unbroken soil?
And can you say that there are any where to be found, in
any city, town or county, so many men and women who so
well understand the science of life 2 If not, then is it not the
greatest success, ever known? And as it regards individual and
social happiness, and the entire absence of what is denominated
vice and crime, I am confident the settlement cannot be equal-
ed. This is, emphatically, the school of life. It is what has
been learned here, infinitely more than what has been done,
that constitutes what I consider the great success of the settle-
ment. What has not been done, is, I think, of far more con-
sequence than what has been done. That which has been a-
chieved here is probably more of a negative, than a positive
character. I would rather that my children (six in number)
would live here, and have the advantages of the society, and
the practical lessons taught here, than for them to have what
is called an education in the best institution of learning in the
world.
Still I dont know that I shall be able to stay here.
Having no capital myself with which to provide myself and
family with employment, it is quite doubtful whether we will
be able to procure a livelihood here at present. But I shall
stay iſ possible, for life is scarcely worth having any where
else and if I cannot stay now, I shall come again at some
future time. All who are here are honest and earnest work-
ers: and nothing that willing hands and stout hearts can do:
will be left undone, and there are hundreds more who ac,

92
cept the principles, and who would gladly come to labor for
their realization, if there was capital here ready to be invested
in afording facilities for productive industry. Bºt capital or
no capital, additions will be gradually made to the numbers
here, and although it has been proclaimed a failure, and has
been a failure, in the sense alluded to before, it cannot ſail as
it has not hitherto failed in growth, industrially, socially and
educationally, but gradually aud ultimately, commercial and
social equity and Individual Sovereignty will be triumphant-
ly established on this ground; and from this will radiate to all
parts of this land and world. Here the principles have made
wondrous progress already. Here I think they will triumph
first; and here, (considering what has already been atchieved,
the excellence of the climate, the cheapness and availability of
the soil, the favorable locality &c. &c.) is the very place above
all others, for the practical co-operation of all those who are
interested in the principles. Tens of thousands of acres of land
can here be secured at a very cheap rate; and with facilities
for clearing it up and putting it in cultivation, it could imme-
diately be made remunerative and profitable.
But whether I ever live to see the practical realization of
the principles or not, here or elsewhere, I never can feel suſ-
ficiently grateful to the unostentatious man, whose remark-
able and peculiar constitution of mind enabled him to discov-
er the most subtle and sublime truths ever made known to
man for his self-government, and the regulation of his inter-
course with his neighbor. In my own person, and in my own
domestic affairs, I have been incalculably benefited.
These principles teach me how to regulate my own con-
duet, and to make peace and harmony in my private and do-
mestic relations, where before was discord and confusion.
Hoping to see you again and to hear from you often.
I am most truly yours. E. D. Linton.
To H. H. Lowpox, England.
Dear Sir. I have inst received your kind letter of the 28th
August, and I think it would be useful to answer it in print.
You suggest, that as practice thus far, has contradicted
theories, (however ardently or fondly they were entertain-
ed) a history of “every fact, every scrap of statistics as well
as every event in the practical development of ‘Equity be
written and published.” so that (as I understand you) theory
and practice may be seen, at last, to coincide.

93
I at once accord the propriety of the proposal, inasmuch as
we have notest of the truth of any theory but in practice; yet,
the work you propose would demand more time than I could,
at present bestow upon it, and I think would involve more
expense in the publication of it than could, at present, be com-
pensated. -
I have taken notes of the minute details as they occurred
moment by moment, during the operations of the “Equitable
store” in Cincinnati; in 1827, and in the Education of child-
ren, in the common, every day intercourse of adults, in con-
ºversation, in the exchange of labors, in the workings of the
Equitable money, in teaching and learning new trades, and
in the thousand other phases of human intercourse; and
have a pile of manuscripts sufficient for volumes; but, as I
could not hope to do any justice to a history now – as there
would, probably not be, at present a sufficient demand for it
to justify its publication, until the subject is more extensively
introduced, I think I shall be obliged to partly meet your
wishes in another way; which, you will see, has already been
begun in this number of the Periodical Letter. In view of
the inherent “Individuality” of every person and every event,
the precedents of one village might not be those of another-
the events of today may not be safe guides for tomorrow ex-
cept sofar as they confirm “Individuality or ‘diversity” itself.
or some other great universal law, or illustrate the working of
some important idea of general application.
This great fact of “Individuality” partly explains to me, why
theories, being built upon precedents, failin new practice; and it
was this great fact that suggested the idea of repudiating all
theorising and commencing at the other end—with practice: at
the same time keeping the eye steadily fixed on principles or
universal facts as guides, leaving each one to draw whatever
theoretical conclusions the practice might suggest. It was in
this manner that the first effortin Equity was made in Cincin-
nati in 1827; and, in a similar manner, I propose to take
up the most immediately interesting public matters, and in-
stead of treating them merely theoretically, to draw on the his-
tory of the actual facts that have been developed in “Equity”
on those particular subjects; leaving every one to form his own
theoretical conclusions therefrom. To let each one judge how
far these past facts will probably harmonise with the future,
and with their wishes and interests. In this way you will
have first, those particular historical facts that are first wanted,
94
-
most useful, and likely perhaps to create a more sustaining
demand for a more voluminous history.
In this view, you will see my reason for entering into the
most minute details from past facts as I proposed, in the
article on money page 82: and I am in hopes that what I
intend to give in this way, in future numbers on money, trade,
Education, Labor, Land, and various other great interests,
will meet to some extent, the want that you have expressed in
your very acceptable and interesting letter.
º-s, CA Boº & Co.. Nºw Yoº lººs.
80 C-ºn-St., New York, Box 1179-
The above is the address of an anterprise just commenced
in New York city, to supply a wantintensely felt by thousands
at a distance from this great mart; but which want has not,
heretofore, been satisfactorily met. Whether it is possible to
meet it without a total revolution in money and the principle
of prices remains to be seen: but it seems, from what I have
learned, that iſ this is practicable it will be done." -
These gentlemen propose to purchase any thing that is in the city; from a
sixpence worth, to a whole stock of goods, and forward them by the best modes or
according to order, and to charge certain fixed rates, made known by their
pamphlet as far as they can be classified. The charges are from 2 to 5 cents, on
the dollar for their services, with a few exceptions in particular cases.
The great features of the enterprise which interest us, are, that those stated and
published rates are the whole compensation of these gentlemen and they announce
that when they cannot conduct the business and retain their self respect, they
will abandon it.
Heretofore, such schemes have been started, but immediately, those having
goods to sell, would offer a bonus to these purchasers, and send a ºise bill, so that
the rºeiver of the goods gained little or nothing by such an agency.
There is no guarantee, at present, against such double dealing, but a proper
estimate of one's ºwn self respect, and a knowledge how to secure it. These gen-
tlemen most decidedly take the position that they will not receive, in any form,
anything beyond their stipulated, specific charges; and that all deductions made by
sellers shall go to benefit the receivers of the goods, and all other items shall be put
down simply at their cost.
For want of room in this number, I am obliged to omitextracts from letters re-
ceived, especially from our intelligent friend L. M. B-
The difference between Combination and Co-operation is vital, but not many
ean see it. All the parts of a steam Engine Co-operate to produce the power, though
no two parts are perhaps exactly alike; they are all separate, distinct Individualities.
If these parts were combined so that each part lost its individuality in one mass
of irºn, it would be no steam engine.
so too, just in proportion as the individuality of persons and property and re-
sponsibilities is “comº or lost in masses of men, so are their true interests
and legitimate aims defeated, and society becomes a hideous abortion.
Mr. J. D. will please notice that I only undertake to state principles or facts.
I do not undertake to say what applications others anºt to make of them.
Lassert that Isurvipuº is the true and harmonic basis for society, and that
all combined or communistic interests whethernational, state or domestic, are neces.

sarily discordant, just in proportion to the magnitude of the interests involved.
Those who cannot see this, or who caumotor will not disentangle their interests,
will meet with discord, confusion, disappointment, defeat, and violence, as the natu
ral consequences of Combination. - - - - - -
| The great problem is to preºrve Individuality inviolate, and at the º º
to produce hºrmonic Co-operation. This is naturally effected by the principle of
“Equivalents” and “Equitable money:” but this is a new subject and requires time
and study. - -
To ARON EVANS, four kind letter of the 29th Aug. will the ºnce
came safely. I have forwarded one book, and the first series ºf º Lººs and ºul-
ited you for the remainder of the second series. The price of all the most necessa-
ry workson” Equity” isºl, 25.
Hºnºvº LAL SOVER-FIGN'``
As ose ºroa or numan nºncourse. (Continued from page 78.)
If there is anything new in this idea, it is perhapsº is capable of becoming
* practical regulator of life-every day, all the tinº-ºn idea to ºil wº
life - - - - seal abstract be ºmitºs a
and activity; instead of becoming a poliº º - -
fundam nº truth (as in the American Deº ºpendenº) and then, laid
upon the shelf to be forgotten and disregarde: ºre is anything of º
- - - - - - - - º, in all our inte-urs
relative to it, it is, that this idea, kept to mily in mind. - ---
woº gº ºn political laws and º º unnecessary as they are defective
and inefficient. * P. A.” is s - - -
The article commº-ºn º sº-S. P. A." is sººn digested and so
beautifully sº- * *-ºſºte, as a general statement of the idea, that those
ºto contemplate it in this form—to take it in to the mind at a glance,
* were, I would refer, with conſidence to that article—my purpose is (under the
ºbove head) to show, in minute detail, how it applies as a regulator of the most
ºninute, varied and difieult phases of human intercourse, and to enable readers to
judge whether we can afford, any longer, to live without the knowledge of and con-
stant regard to, such a regulator.
We will take any case—take the present one. A proper respect for your right
of Sovereignty forbids my writing in an authoritative manner-It invests you with
supreme power to judge and decide upon the truth and value to you of what I may
present; and restricts what I write to mere counsel. I may know, from long experi-
ºrce that you cannot do without what I have to offer you, yet it is you, not I, who
*ave the right to decide what use you will make of it suppose the opposite-sup-
* Istand on my experience and study, and say it is for your good and therefore
$ou must accept and live by this principle-your instinctive sovereignty would at
*ace arise as it aught to do, to repel the impertinence, and we should be at war.
Not only does this right rebukemy word as authority, but it teaches me to present
what I have to say, at a time when you choose to attend to it—in language which
is most acceptable to you – easiest understood, agreable to your taste and con-
sonant with your capacities. The same right invests me with the power to decide
how much pains or “cost” I am willing to assume for these purposes, or to com-
municate at all—and this rebukes all the authoritative rules relative to penevolent
“duties” and enables you to understand that I am not prompted by any of them,
but simply because I think you would be glad of it.
I have seen a person stop on the side walk to kick of a piece º glass bottle
ºr it might ºut the feet of passing children was this from benevºlenººr
selfishness? One theorist will ºccide one way, another, the oppºsiº fºr
editill theºrists could agree, the glass would lay there indefinitely individualsº
º invests them and us with the right to differ, and roºt, wº º each.
others santion or authority in the case; yet, at the same time º - careful
(To be continued.)
* Agentleman, tºº. M.) ºnce ºn, ºr contemplating the subject some days that “the
only objection be could see to it º it would º ºs of Godunnecessary”





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-- P A R T C ºf I. A R NOT ICE.
Please be particular to read the article on the first page.
Postase stamps are prefered to banknotes; “Equitable mºney".
prefered to ºther, where it represents what is in “ſemand” and
based on a tangeable responsibility. In the next number,
more will be said on this matter.
Address J wansen, Thompson Post Office, Long Island,
Nº.