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THE GHIGAGO MARTYRS
ADDRESS BY HENRY C. BALDWIN.
“ When Ireland takes her place among the nations of the earth, then and not
till then let my epitaph be written. ” Thus spake Robert Emmet, Ireland’s grand-
est patriot and martyr as he ascended the scaffold to die for his kind.
Until the world shall be girded about with justice, and hate, wrong and tyranny
shall all be in the past and spoken of as a nightmare born of ignorance in the ages
gone, then and not till then let the inscription be written on the mural tablets
over the ashes of August Spies, Adolph Fischer, George Engle and Albert R. Par-
sons. Let this be part of the inscription: “They redeemed the generation in
which they lived and for which they died of the suspicion of being utterly vile. ”
We meet here to commemorate an event that stains American history and is
the foulest blot on the thing called Christian civilization. With each return of
this anniversary the stain and blot will become more and more apparent, and the
memory of its authors more and more infamous. It is just twelve months since
the scatfold was again made radiant as the place “ where man dies for man.”
A bare allusion to this drama on this occasion is enough; for I would not
stir your passions nor arouse ‘your hate by a recital of the incidents culminating
on that memorable day. I could tell of the plotting of capitalistic thieves to
defeat the eight-hour movement in 1885 and 1886; I could show how Pinkerton’s
assassins at $5 a day were kept under arms to kill men who in our benign compet-
itive system are compelled to work for one-fifth of that sum, or even a smaller
sum if capitalism says so; I could point to the butchery at McCormick’s preced-
ing the sixth day of May, when the Haymarket tragedy occurred. I could show
how in the trial of these men, whose memory we come here to honor, every legal
barrier to protect the innocent was ruthlessly broken down by the agents of capital—
ism who wore the ermine; how the right of trial by an impartial jury was denied.
In short, how the Whole machinery of the State was prostituted to the will of a
class, and that class the one that feeds on unrequited toil. I could picture to you
the Governor of that great State of Illinois playing the role such as reduces him
too low even for contempt. He practically said to these men in Cook County jail,
“ Now I’ve got ye—beg for the privilege of a life imprisonment or I’ll hang ye.”
They did not beg. Whose place would you prefer in history; Parsons and his com-
panions, or that of Richard Oglesby?
Which name sounds the best in the ears of the American people; John Brown,
or Gov. Henry Wise?
1
The names of the judges who sentenced John Brown to death are forgotten
in the infamy of the period in which they took part, while the soul of John Brown
goes marching on, making the gallows as glorious as the cross. Let us pause lest
passions kindle, and make us forget the sublime and lofty cause for which these
men lived and died, and for which we should strive to live and if need be to die;
how little the great stupid multitude in whose behalf heroic souls go through the
fire ever appreciate the work done for them? As often as any way they join in the
cry against their saviors and actually relish their immolation.
Let us to-night, like thinking men, and not like brutes, blinded by fury as peo-
ple looked a year ago, examine what these men taught, for the teaching of which
they forfeited their lives. There has been one year in which passion has had time
to cool. I cannot do better, perhaps, than to read a section from the address of
Spies before the court that condemned him (Page 50 of Spies’ life) :
“ We have interpreted to the people their conditions and relations in society. We have ex-
plained to them the different social phenomena and the social laws and circumstances under
which they occur. We have, by way of scientific investigation, incontestibly proved and
brought to their knowledge that the wage system is the root of social iniquitles—iniquities so
monstrous that they cry to Heaven.
We have further said that the wage system, as a specific form of social development, would,
by the necessity of logic, have to make room for higher forms of civilization; that it was pre-
paring the way and furnishing the foundation for a social system of co-operation—that is, So-
cialism. That whether this or that theory, this or that scheme regarding future arrangements
should prevail, were not a matter of choice, but one of historical necessity; and that to us the
tendency of progress seemed to be Anarchism—that is, a free society without kings and classes,
a society of sovereigns in which the liberty and economic equality of all would furnish an un-
shakable equilibrium as a basis and condition of natural order. < .
You may pronounce the sentence upon me, honorable judge, but let the world know that,
A. D., 1886, in the State of Illinois, eight men were sentenced to death because they believed in
a better future; because they had not lost their faith in the ultimate victory of liberty and justice.”
These words will stir the better aspirations in unborn millions, who will exe-
cralte the memories of your Garys, Boniields and Oglesbys.
No man with a heart less fusible than stone ‘could look upon society as
it is today and as it has been, and not cry out against its devilish injustice. It is
evident that “the paradise of the rich is built upon the hell of the poor.” The
strong and unscrupulous literally crunch the bones and drink the blood of the
patient and weak. The honest and really brainy men live in a constant struggle
with want, and usually die in abject poverty. The wealth produced by the patient
millions flows in an unceasing stream to the strong box of the millionaire who
already has a surfeit. Little children, weak and sickly women, old men and fee-
lile, are compelled to keep adding to the stream while they are scantily fed and
clothed, ever singing this dolcful song:
“ Love is the crown of all life, but we wear it not;
Freedom Humanity’s palm and we bear it not;
Beauty spreads banquet for all and we share it not.
Grimmer the blinding veil glooms and we tear it not;
Weaving our lite-flowers in Wrong’s robe of glory,
We stint in our starkness with hearts smitten hoary.”
This is Christian civilization. This is the fruit it yields under the reign of.
what we call the competitive system of production and exchange; and if we are
foolish enough to protest, and say the opportunities justify something better, we
are informed that this is business, and not charity, this production and distribution.
and capital carries it on for the profit it yields the capitalist-s. If we go still fur-
2
Lab-
L-Lqb- bequcs'r
thei}, 13; (did our dead friends, and declare that it is rank injustice, contrary to the
Declaration of Independence and in contravention of natural rights, we are haled
before our capitalistic masters as enemies of society, who would inaugurate a rev-
olution.
No man, no set of men, can inaugurate a revolution. Revolutions grow out
of social soil where greed and avarice have prepared it and sowed the seed, as
they did in France once on a time.
The people are slow to comprehend the working of causes that deprive them
of their liberties. All history proves this. We in this country think as long as we
have the flag, the constitution and the forms of a republic, that we are all right,
and that there is no danger. The worst enemies of true liberty and justice have
studiously fostered in the public mind that sense of security. They cheer the flag
and make the eagle scream on every possible occasion. They are so extremely
patriotic that they would spend untold millions of money, earned by somebody else,
to build forts and war ships, and arsenals in all our great cities, for the-benefit of
a dude military organization. Like causes produce like results among men. One
small class in Europe live in abounding luxury on the larger class who occupy the
opposite extreme. The landlord, the usurer and the profit-gatherer who controls
the agencies of production, find full as good, if not a better field to ply their voca-
tions in republican America as in monarchical Europe. By controling land,
money and the agencies of production they have it in their power to oppress and
rob labor just as effectually under the stars and stripes as under the Prussian
eagle or the cross of St. George. All this talk about freedom in this country now
is mere sentiment, for in point of fact there is no such thing, neither can there be,
so long as land, money and the agencies of production are subject to individual
and private ownership and used simply for private gain without regard to the gen-
eral welfare. If it be revolutionary to teach that, when private property becomes
inconsistent with the well-being of the nation, and is so used as to shut out
“ the ninety and nine ” from nature’s bounties, thus depriving them of the right
to “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” they should be merged into pub-
lic ownership that all may enjoy the “inalienable rights ”-—if this be revolution-
ary, then I plead guilty and the law can lay its hand on me. This is practically
what the Chicago martyrs did and it was really because they would not refrain
from teaching thus that the landlords, the usurers and owners of the means
of production concluded to drown their speech in death, little thinking
that their silence would be more eloquent for the cause than either the written or
spoken speech. There are ten men in this country to-day who know and feel the
keen injustice of the social conditions to where there was one a year ago, and the
influence that goes out from those silent graves in the Chicago cemetery is slowly
but surely writing the death warrant of the existing social order. The warrant
may not be executed in your day nor mine, but so sure as there exists somewhere
in nature supreme intelligence, so sure the womb of time will bring forth a social
order and system more in consonanee with justice and better adapted to the utiliz-
ing of our abundant opportunities, now insulted by the stupidity of the present
regime. We must learn the grand lesson so well learned by these honored dead;
viz., to draw inspiration for the present from our hope in the future.
I will conclude by reading Elizabeth Johnson’s wonderful poem, “ The Time
is Great.” ‘
THE TIME IS GREAT.
The time is great! Let us not waste our days,
Those slender links in the strong chain of life
That bind the past and future, making time
One great eternity of endless years,
That boundless stretch behind us and before.
The time is great! Who has not felt the thrill
That vibrates through the world from pole to pole,
Quick’ning earth’s children to a deeper life?
They waken from their sleep of centuries,
Forget their petty aims, their selfish cares,
v As did their ancestors, the great of old.
And, one by one, new-baptized in the light,
Do reverence to the universal soul,
Of past and present born, king of all time,
All men, all actions great and small.
The time is great, and great the hope for man:
He’s caught a glimpse of his great destiny,
New prophets preach the truth with words of fire,
And heroes die for justice once again;
The brooding hush of expectation yields
To the fierce noise of conflict or the shout
Of victory assured, and martyrs know
The felon's scaffold is a kingly throne,
Whereon sits Truth to sway and rule the world.
The time is great! What! look ye to the thrones,
Where “Mene, Mene," on their palace walls,
Cause crowned heads to tremble once again,
_For heroes? Lookmot there; 'Tis not from them,
But from the million toilers of the earth,
Shall come the heroes of these latter day s.
The time is great! We want no weaklings now
To lead us on to life’s great victory;
But men both strong and great who know no fear,
Save fear to do wrong; who learned to face
Un-flinching, long ago, what’s worse than death,
A life which is the death of mind and soul :
To face unflinching and to conquer it;
And cry to millions in despair, “ Take heart!
We've found the way to help, and hope, and life,
To feed our starving babies, to lift our wives
From the foul air of filthy tenements
To the pure atmosphere of joy and love.
There's hope—there’s help—in justice is our strength,
And reason is the sword with which she sweeps
To death and to oblivion all her toes. ” '
The time is great! We will not little be,
Unworthy sons of such a mighty age;
We’ll fight, we'll die for justice and we'll win
Freedom for both the tyrant and the slave.
LETTER BY MRS. CELIA B. WHITEHEAD.
BROTHERS AND SISTERS; I would fain be with you to-day to do honor to the
memory of our comrades who one year ago gave their lives as a sacrifice for
humanity; but other duty seems to forbid. ' So I send you a brief message to
assure you of my sympathy with the object of this gathering.
The snows of one winter, the verdure of one summer, have covered the
graves of those you have met to honor; yet how sharply we still feel the agony
of suspense and the final horror that then made our hearts quiver. ‘
I will not dwell on it further than to say what that awful time did for me. It
showed and gave to me the martyr’s spirit. Always, till the 11th of November,
1887, when I thought of those who all down through the ages had died as martyrs,
“ How did they do it?” I had said to myself, though I might be true to my con-
victions of right, I could never be a martyr as these were. The certainty that I
must feel the axe at my throat, or the rope around my neck, or the blazing fagot
at my feet would surely freeze the blood to death in my veins, stop the beating of
my heart, and so cheat the executioner of his task and myself of the martyr’s
glory. But on the morning of that solemn day there came a calm and a new light
to my soul; and since, when reading of the sublimity of the last hours of the
Chicago martyrs, I have thought that some subtle link must have stretched from
them to me on which was borne the power there is in love for humanity to nerve
one to die that others may “ have life and have it more abundantly; ” and now I
can think without a shudder of the cross, the stake, the dungeon, the block, the
gallows, and all the cruel devices by which the beast that is still left in man strug-
gles to hold its place and keep the race from growing wh‘olly human. If need be
I am ready to be offered up on this altar. Is it strange, then, that I bow with
reverent thankfulness to these men whose life and death have done this for me?
Is it strange that I do not consider it sacrilege to place their names by the side of
His who more than eighteen hundred years ago was nailed to the cross by cruel
hands because vhe taught that all men are brothers, and denounced the rich and
rulers as extortionists and oppressors?
What and when shall be the end of these things? I know not. I feel the
ground shake under my feet with the mighty tread of humanity marching on to
liberty, equality, fraternity. I see old‘ institutions tottering to their fall, shaken
down as the tramping host passes by them; but I am not a prophet to see through
the murk that broods over us industrially, socially, politically. Nevertheless my
trust in God and man remains. Can such purity, nobility, generosity and love as
animated the lives of our fellow comrades come from nought and count for
nought‘? No, no! sometime the fatherhood and motherhood of God and the
brotherhood of man shall come to have a blessedness of meaning of which as yet
we only get faint, far-off touches, glimpses, sounds. You, my brother, you, my
sister, are helping this on. So let us never forget
“ We are living, we are dwelling in a great and awful time;
In an age on ages telling, to be living is sublime.”
And now I want to say a word, a sorrowful, pitiful word for the uncrowned
martyrs—those who are still living but have lost a greater treasure than life itself,
their faith in mankind. There may be some among you who started out to do‘
brave work against wrong and misery, but after years of seemingly fruitless toil
are ready to say, in bitterness of soul, “ This labor is all for naught. Man is but
5
o
a poor, low, groveling, brutish creature, and it is vain to try to lift him up. Let
him sink down to his level.” _
If we know any who have thus tired out, let us remember that these too are
no less martyrs than those who were hanged at Chicago; for who knows if the
crown of martyrdom had not been handed to them, they too in time might not have
suffered this greater loss, of faith in the divinity of humanity. They gave their
lives but they kept this treasure. I have no condemnation for one who has be
come discouraged in well doing and seems to be trying to tear down what he once tried
to build up; and I beseech you all to deal very gently with any such, for who knows
how soon we too may faint by the way and turn back sighing for the flesh pots of
Egypt-
These are some of the thoughts that crowd into my mind as I think of a year
ago. It seems a good omen that the first anniversary of this tragedy should come
on a day in which the wage slave is comparatively free from a master. Let us
take it as a symbol of that time when that freedom shall be entire and eternal.
Let us take new heart, remembering that others in this country and across the
ocean join with us in these services. Time was when tyrants could slay their
victims and the world not know; but now the lightning-charged wire and the
printing press carry the news all over the world when one dies for the right.
There is hope in this. May it inspire us and make this anniversary an occasion
of new consecration on our part to the cause for which these, whose memory we
so tenderly cherish, gave their lives.
‘-.--—————
A‘ CLERGYMAN’S LETTER.
The following is a portion of an English clergyman’s letter to an American
Socialist, and will help to give an idea of the progress of the principles of Social-
ism in England and the clergy there :
“ It is indeed pleasing and encouraging to be hailed from over the seas with
such kindly words of sympathy and cheer as yours.
I am glad to learn that the Christian Herald commends itself to you. You
say you are one of those whom some call ‘ infidels.’ My friend, it matters not what
people call us; it only matters what we are. If we hunger and thirst after right-
eousness, if we seek to do justly and to obtain justice for all, if we love mercy
and would have it shown to all who are in need of it, then whatsoever we are
labeled by the world, I take it we are Christians. For my part I care not a whit
for the Christianity of creeds. I care only for the Christianity of deeds. Why
should men waste their precious time in vain disputations over some knotty point
of theology which has no real and abiding interest to the vast majority of men,
and which moreover bears no relation whatever to morality and right living? ‘We
are the children of one Father: let us act toward one another as brethren there-

fore.’ If men are agreed on this why should they concern themselves with any '
more ‘ theology’ than is herein contained? Now you, doubtless, do not nominally
accept even this amount of theology. You cannot accept the premise that we
are the children of one Father, but you can and do accept the deduction that we
should live as brethren. That to me is infinitely to be preferred to accepting the
premise, and, in practice, rejecting the deduction, as is the case with the average
‘ Christian’ to-day.
(i
With you I am not astonished that the materialistic Socialist feels so bitterly
and sometimes speaks so bitterly against the Christian churches. The churches
have betrayed their trust. They have been false to their own ideals. It is they
who deserve the name of ‘ infidels,’ for they have been unfaithful, which we
should remember is the real meaning of the word ‘infidel.’
Still, we Christian Socialists feel that the great movement for the emancipa-
_ tion and the uplifting of the masses can never be brought to a triumphant issue
unless it is based upon the great modifying principles of Christianity. Greed will
never destroy greed. Nor can men cast out devils through the prince of the
devils. Physical force may effect the social revolution, but moral force can alone
maintain it. For this reason I think our propaganda is distinctly the most useful,
and the most urgently called for, of the different Socialistic agitations. It is a
source of great pleasure to me to find you have found so much sympathy with us
and that you are so much at home with us on main points.
Thank you further for your pamphlet, which I have read with deep interest.
I am quite with you. I am a Socialist because I believe in individual liberty—
liberty not merely of a man’s will but his whole nature, that it may expand and
develop to the full. This liberty is only possible in a just and orderly society as
you rightly insist.
With best wishes and kind regards,
_ Yours heartily,
W. H. PAUL CAMPBELL.
JOU RNA L OF CIVILIZATION.
ScENE—OFFIcE, A FEW WEEKS BEFORE ELECTION.
MANAGER. Well, John, have you made out the list of new stereotypes we shall
need ?
JOHN. Yes, sir; here they are: The poor workingman, the poor farmer, we,
liberty, freedom, protection, high wages, cheap goods, foreign pauper labor, trusts,
shylocks, taxation, it's a forgery. I guess that will do with what we have on hand.

SCENE—DAY AFTER ELECTION.
JOHN. What are we to do with all the plates we have no use for, such as the
poor working man, the poor farmer, trusts, etc.?
MANAGER. Have them packed away carefully, and we can use them for the
next presidential campaign. Exit J ohn.—J . E. H., in Workman’s Advocate.

-Q‘
' THE INEVITABLE.
The last census shows that in the ten years 1870-1880 the increase in the num-
ber of manufacturing establishments was only a small fraction of one per cent.,
while the capital at the command of those establishments had increased $700,000,-
000. Since then the average number of failures has been 10,000 a year, of which
more than one half were failures of small manufacturers, driven out of business
by their mighty competitors; so that the next census may show an actual decrease
'-
, I
in the number of manufacturing establishments, with a large increase of capital.
The “ trusts,” of course, are hastening this process of concentration.
The whole telegraph system of the country is now in the hands of Jay Gould.
In the same manner, before long, the whole railroad system will be under one
management, with its ten thousand millions of capital, one thousand millions of
annual revenue, 200,000 miles of single track, 40,000 engines, 30,000 passenger
cars, 1,000,000 freight cars, and 500,000 employes.
The water and steam power in manufacturing and mining increases twice as
fast as the number of workers. It has come to that point in some industries that
the number of employee is actually (lecreasing,'while the steam power and the
production are largely increasing.
Of the class of small traders which in the past constituted so large a fraction
of the total population, we need not remark that it is fast disappearing, one large
emporium taking the place, even in villages, of hundreds of retailers.
But it has been generally believed that, in this country at least, the wage sys-
tem did not affect agriculture to the same extent as it did other employments; and
that, in proportion to the population, the number of farmers was largely increas-
ing, while the number of farm laborers was remaining insignificant. This illusion
should be dispelled. In the New England States, while the area under cultivation
increased 900,000 acres, the number of farmers decreased 23,000, and the number
of farm laborers increased 24,000. In the State of New York the area under cul-
tivation increased in ten years 3,359,000 acres, but the number of farmers
decreased 13,300, while the number of laborers increased 10,000.
Where the number of farmers increased, the number of farm laborers increased
in much greater proportion. For instance, in Pennsylvania the first increased
14,700, but the' second increased 31,000; and all the great agricultural States of the
West show a similar tendency. As soon as they will be fairly settled the number
of farmers will begin to show a positive decrease, as is the case in Newv England
and New York. In fact, many of the so-called farmers in Ohio, Illinois, Indiana,
Iowa, etc., are already mere tenants, and hardly less dependent and miserable
than wage laborers.
These facts and figures are sufliciently suggestive. Any reference to them is
studiously avoided by the stump orators of boodle parties in their “ tariff” and
“ no tariff" speeches. They point to a condition of affairs which, under free trade
and protection alike, lead inevitably, and with a rapidity of which we have no
conception, to the final triumph of socialism, and the establishment of a co-ope-
rative commonwea1th.—New York Volkszeitung.
‘J
PLATFORM OF THE SOCIALISTIC LABOR PARTY OF NORTH
AMERICA.
I Labor being the self-evident creator of all wealth and civilization, it is but
equitable that those who perform all labor and thus create all wealth should en-
joy the product of their toil.
But this is rendered impossible by the modern system of production which,
since the discovery of steam power and since the general introduction of machines,
is in all branches of industry carried on with such gigantic means and appliances
as but a few are able to possess.

8
The present industrial system is co-operative in‘ one respect only, which is:
That not, as in former times, the individual works alone_and for his own account,
but dozens, hundreds and thousands of men workwtogelther in shops, in mines, on
huge farms and lands, co-operating according to the ‘most efficient division of
labor, while the fruits of the co-operative labor are not reaped by the workers
themselves, but ‘ are in a great measure appropriated by the owners of the means
of production. ' .
This system, by gradually extinguishing the middle classof people, necessa-A
rily separates society into two classes—the class of the wage-workers and that of
the capitalists. '
This system causes :
The planlessness and reckless rate of production.
The waste of human and natural forces. '
The commercial and industrial-crises.
The constant uncertainty of the material existence of the wage-workers.
The misery of the laboring masses.
The accumulation of wealth in the hands of a few.
These conditions, which under the present industrial system cannot but be-
come more and more aggravated, are inconsistent with the interests of mankind,
and with the principles of justice and true democracy, as they destroy those
rights which the Declaration of Independence of the United States holds to be
inalienable in all men: the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
These conditions shorten and imperil life by want and misery. They destroy
liberty because the economical subjection of the wage-workers to the owners of
the means of production leads immediately to their political dependence upon the‘
same sources, and finally frustrates the pursuit of happiness, which is never pos-
sible when‘ life and personal liberty are constantly endangered.
__In order, therefore, to ‘abolish these humiliating conditions, we strive to intro-
duce the perfect system of flcoioperatiye productionT-that is, we demand that the
worker's obtain the 'undividediproduct‘of their toil. '
I This system, however, carries within itself the germs of a new organization
of humanity in the modern industrial'states, both economically and morally.
By the evolution of this system to the last stage, the proletarianized masses
of workers will finally have opposed to them comparatively few industrial despots,
and by reason of the unbearable uncertainty of living conditions, the former will
be compelled to abolish the wage-system, and establish the co-qoperative society.
The basis of co-operative society stipulates the ‘substitution of public owner-
ship for private ownership of land, instruments of labor (machines, factories,’
etc.), and with it co-operative production and guarantee of a share in the product
in accordance with the service rendered by the individual to society. _
The Socialist Labor Party bases its name, “ Labor Party,” upon the acknowl-
edgment of the oppression of the class of wage-workers by the class of capital-
ists.
DEMANDS.
We consider it the first duty of the Government and Legislatures to change
the present economical conditions into a co-operative system of society, by proper
legislation, and thus avoid a conflict between the possessors and the non-possess-
ors. For that purpose we strive for the acquisition of political power with all
appropriate means.
. 9
SOCIAL DEMANDS.
1. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the progress of produc-
. tion; establishment by Act of Congress of a legal work-day of not more than
eight hours for all industrial workers, and corresponding provisions for all agri-
cultural laborers.
2. The United States shall obtain possession of the railroads, canals, tele-
graphs, telephones, and all other means of public transportation.
3. The municipalities to obtain possession of the local railroads, of ferries,
and to supply the light to streets and public places.
4. Public lands to be declared inalienable. They shall‘ be leased to agricul-
tural labor associations. Revocation of all grants of land by the United States
to corporations or individuals, the conditions of which have not been complied
with or which are otherwise illegal.
5. Legal incorporation by the States of local Trades Unions which have no
national organization.
6. Furthering‘ of workmen’s co-operativc productive associations by public
allowances, such associations to be preferred in the placing of contracts for pub-
lic works. '
7. Inauguration of public works in times of economical depression.
8. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue money.
9. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific management of for-
ests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste of the natural resources of the
country. _
10. The United States to have the right of expropriation of running patents,
new inventions to be free to all, but inventors to be remunerated by national
rewards. '
11. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances; but smaller incomes to
be exempt. '
12. Compulsory school education of all children under fourteen years of age,
instruction in all educational institutions to be gratuitous and'to be made accessi-
ble to all by public assistance (furnishing meals, clothes, books, etc.). All instruc-
tion to be under the direction of the United States and to be organized on a uni-
form plan. ‘
13. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy and sumptuary laws. Unabridged
right of combination.
14. ‘ Oflicial statistics concerning the condition of labor. Prohibition of the
employment of children in the school age, and of the employment of female labor
in occupations detrimental to health or morality. Prohibition of the convict labor
contract system. _
15. All wages to be paid in cash money. Equaliaation' by law of women’s
wages with those of men where equal service is performed. .
16. Laws for the protection of life and limbs of working people, and an
efficient employers’ liability law.
17. Uniform national marriage laws. Divorce to be granted upon mutual
consent, and upon providing for the care of the children.
POLITICAL DEMANDS.
1. The people to have the right to propose laws (initiative) and to vote upon
all laws of importance (referendum).
ll)
2. Abolition of the Presidency, Vice-Presidency and Senate of the United
States. An Executive Board to be established, whose members are to be elected,
and may at any time be recalled, by the House of Representatives as the
only legislative body. The States and Municipalities to adopt corresponding
amendments to their constitutions and statutes.
3. ' Municipal self-government.
4. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections. Universal and equal right
of suffrage without regard to color, creed or sex. Election days to be legal holi-
days. The principle of minority representation to be introduced.
5. The members of all legislative bodies to be responsible to, and subject to
recall by, the constituency. .
6. Uniform law throughout the United States. Administration of justice to
be free of charge. Abolition of capital punishment. ,
7. Separation of all public affairs from religion; church property to be sub-
ject to taxation.
LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRRTERNITY-
_“
7*‘
PROGRAMME OF EXERCISES.
OVERTURE.
Introductory address by . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Ghairman.
FUNERAL MARCH,
Composed expressly for the occasion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Orchestra.
PARSONS’ LAST SONG,
Annie Laurie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Orchestra.
COLLECTION,
For benefit of families of martyrs; during which was rendered
Tannhauser’s March . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Orchestra.
READING,
Mrs. Whitehead’s Letter, by . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Chairman.
Oration . . . . . . . . . . .' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Henry 0. Baldwin.
John Brown's‘ Body . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Orchestra.
German Oration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Herr Most.
Marseillaise, audience standing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .Orchestra.

The orchestra was composed of the best musical talent of Bridgeport, under the
leadership of Mr. Fussel.
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