~ ~ ~º.º.º aetae ∞º ： • • • • ►ae *A*, * * * · · · · ·.º.º.º ：„º， ， ， "...º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.yº.º. º.º， cº-º · @ ₪ º w ~ ： ∞ √° s. º ſi ： • • • • • • • • • -ſ.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.， ：• • • • • • • • • • • • •）~：- ry• • • • • • • •º • • • • • • ſ.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.， º...º.º.º.º.º. · · · e ∞ √° √ſ-º.º.º.º.º.º.º.， ſ.º.º., º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º. |-‘...º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º.º. ſ.º.º.º.º.º. • • •¿•）›.º.º.º.º.º.º. º • .º.º.º…". º • • • ► • • • • • • • • • • • ∞ √°. -ș- CO O <+ CN] – <！-- • . . . . . . º ， ！ ' º ~º ~º： . . . . ,， cl475 A hart harbororith (Brm) p. 12 ºf i *... -********** * * * * * * * ******* *** **-*- : * ~~~~ ------...- :- . . . . .--...- . . . . ... - ...— . . . ... ... ... ... ---. -...---...--> -- - - - - ref. page g . . . Pref. ed. of (?) unique MS. . . $ ! . . . . . . . . . . . . . claſs pice” (Brm) ". . . . . . pp. 15-18 ref. line Kºr … - *— 's- ". . g ºpºsalsa u...'...} a woo Datz)(3%) (cla"5) foc. in Bk. Brome pp. 133–15l ref. page - * * - - * ~ * * * an. 129-74; ; Arv- * a 23ro y £ae, nº *Cº. 84.4.**, r* º: % & , -- clé75 Five Puzzles (Brm) pp. 12–13 ref. page Pref. MS Cl475 Eyrst a-rysse (Brm) pp. 13–l4 ref. page. " b , " Pref. ed. ‘of unique MS. claſs Ipotis (Brm) . , , , , , pp. 25-46 ref #2 ºf , ºf “4.” Non-prº vš . clé75 Kynge of grace (Brm) pp. 71-79 ref. line Non-pref. MS; pref. MS (claso) edited shelf no.91, , pp. 118– l25. cl475 2Lydg. 7 Counsels (Brm) p. 19 as ref. "p." + page marked. Non-pref. MS; pref. MS is edited in shelf no. 3 ºn , pp. 725–727 (lines 17–65). cl475 °Bydg. 7 Counsels Ctn. (Brm) pp. 19–20 ref. page wº, e." 20nly ed. claſs Man in merthe (Brm) pp. 14-lä . ref. page 40thy 'p.' Pref. MS and ed. - 2) (Brm) pp. 107-118 ref. line (keep letters following the no.) Non-pref. MS (incomplete). Do not transfer to pref. MS (dated 2a1500). Lines in [ ] are from pref. MS and should be trans- ferred to shelf no. 2, 3, pp. 236– 24l. claſs st. Patr. Furs.” (äri) pp. 82–106 ref. "p." + page no. Pref. MS clºš The hart lovyt (Brm) p. 11 ref. page wuti 'g. ' Pref. ed. of unique (?) MS. cl475 Tydynges trew per (Brm) 122–123 ref. page ''/...," Pref. MS and ed. º,...}. iºn fº, § { &c's 68 2 aveyſ” wa- * evztºf *** St tº gº ºfte $ºfºrº- #55% tº tº - ſº - - - - "J. A. ź £fe= ~ +5) × See?. 3,928 * 5t's , * * * * CIPHER-PUZZLES Brome M. S. folvº ºft- 2: YYYYY **** ... < ENT) OF EP OTYS. Brora e M. S., fo. 14 v 9 3 (Lummum-platt ºmoh of the fifttuth (ſtitury. 3 Common-plate OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY, CONTAINING: A /če/gious Pſay and Poetry, Zega/ Forms, and /loca/ Accounts # tinten from tiſt (Briginal ſtianuscript it 33rome #}all, Šuffolk BY LADY CAROLINE KERRISON 35uitti tuiti, 320te; by LUCY TOULMIN SMITH, OR/G/AWA L/L V PRINTEZ) FOA' A R / WA TA, CIA' CUAEA 7/O.W. TIONDON : TRÚBNER AND CO., LUDGATE HILL, NORWICH AGAS H. GOOSE AND CO, 1886. C O N T E N T S . PAGE Preface - se tººl tºs fº º ſº 1 Part I.-PoETRY :— VPuzzles and Sayings †-g sº .* * 11 ; Rules for Conduct em g º sº & 14 *Fortune told by Casting Dice $º im Lºgº 15 Fragments by Lydgate * ſº & ſº 18 2 Adrian and Epotys gº gº º E. : 20 *Play of Abraham and Isaac º & tº s 46 i-The Fifteen signs before Doomsday , / ; º TZ) 69 ! The Knight Sir Owen (Owain Miles) St.-02.0. s (ſ < • 80 Life of St. Margaret wº ſº gº - 107 Trayers gº º º- tºº tº: tº 119 vºirections for a Trental - º ſº s 119 *A Carol of the Annunciation - ſº = Em 122 Part II.—MANORIAL LAW :— The Felson Book sº tº - - 124 The Task Book * tºº * . º º 128 Church Duties - fºg tº ſºng gº 129 Forms of Charters, Bonds, &c. - gº ...tº ags 131 Articles of Enquiry at a Court Baron * gºn 151, 154 and at a Court Leet *º gº tº Eº 160 Part III.-PRIVATE Accounts:– Account of Melton or Kempe for Personal Expenses - 167 Robert Melton’s Purchases tº- gº wº 168, 172 Robert Melton’s Debtors - sº tºº gº 171 R. Melton’s Account with Mistress Froxmer g * 174 Agreement between Roger Page and Robert Melton - 175 A Medyson for the Zelow Jawdys & gº: gº 176 INDEX TO WORE)S NOTED. Agrise, p. 78 Ale-founders, 164 Basse, 14 Bate fatys, doubtful meaning, 96, 1. B 62 Berryng, 68 JBruarium, 146 Brushall, 162 Chete, 167 Chewache – chiefage, 157 Coalescence of verb and pronoun, 56 Crowche-mes, 172 Dell, 61 Dissece, 50 Dole or dowle, 162 Dow-house, 138 Erying, 162 Fal-3ate, 165 Fedyng, 141, 150 Felson, 4, 124, 126 Fey, 163 Fryntlet, 167 Gerbarium, 146 Gersom, 158 Glad, 66 Glydder, slippery, 98 Harly, 65, 66 Hent, 65 Hamsoken, 161 Hed-borow, 160 Ilock, 5, 129 Lowrar, 12 Measure, 14 Mere, 162 Mesclyn, 6, 168 Mett, measure, 6, 175 Out-take, 161 Owtas, 161 On-wylld, 106 On-wyn, sorrow, 96, 1. B 76 Ostey, 149 Pascua and pastura, 141 Purfuld, furred, 92 Purprise, 162 Quarte, 36, 69 Rememure, 85 Rescous, 158, 165 Rew = reeve, 111 Scathe, 159 Schankes, a fur, 167 Schereys, 50 Schonge, 57 School, 158, 161 Shrew, 12 Skwage = escuage, 155 Skyp-style, 163 Starlynges = sterling, 148, 149 Stock-fish, 13 Sty, 162, 163 Sweme, 75 Sylkewth, selcouth, wonderful, 89 Taske, 4, 128 Tawelyns, 167 Tayke, the king's, 165 Thyrth, doubtful meaning, 92, 1. 316 Thºrbaria, 146 Turvedole, 146, 150 Twykke, 164 TJn-wyn, see On-wyn Wache, the king’s, 165 Wyll, 9, 87, 88, 95, 97, 99, 102 Wyndolsse, 162 3are, eager, 94 Yeyed, 64 .* º ~ £2S7; s-º “ sº 22- > - ~s 3& f P. R. E. F. A. C. E. SMALL paper manuscript volume was lately put into my hands by Dr. G. H. Kingsley, who found it while turning over the interesting papers connected with the manor of Brome, in the muniment-room attached to the land-agent's office of that place. The owners, Sir E. and Lady Caroline Kerrison, having kindly given free permission to make what use I pleased of the manuscript, I printed two of the pieces, with a short account of the volume, and a few extracts, in Mr. Walter Rye's Norfolk Antiquarian Miscellany, vol. iii., and in two German periodicals, Anglia, 1884, and Englische Studien, 1885. Lady Caroline now wishing to put the whole of the little book into print, I willingly undertook, at her request, to see it through the press, and to add some explanatory notes. Brome Hall and Brome Manor are in Sufolk; there is, however, no mention of Brome in the volume; the local entries chiefly relate to Stuston (or Sturston), a neighbouring Suffolk village, and to Scole, which lies ir Norfolk, the shire boundary passing along the river Waveney and between these parishes. Brome Hall was pought by the grandfather of the present owner, Sir Edward Kerrison, Bart., from the Cornwallis family, in whose possession it had B 2 2 been since early in the fifteenth century. This book, which chiefly concerns Stuston, probably came into the Brome muniment-room in consequence of the united ownership in four neighbouring manors, of which Brome finally became the more prominent." Robert Melton of the accounts was a Stuston man : Mistress Froxmer was a daughter of the Cornwallis family, and Melton, as shown hereafter, was probably steward of the Cornwallis property and the adviser of the family. He wanted to put down his notes of manorial dues and other matters relating to Stuston leet and court baron law, and finding this volume only half filled with poetry, used it for his purpose. The book is paper, of eighty-one leaves, eight inches long by five-and-a-half wide, with a much-worn parchment cover and flap, stitched to the quires with a piece of cowhide at the back. The contents are of three classes: (1) poems, chiefly of a religious character, for which the volume was apparently originally intended, written in a neat hand of the second half of the fifteenth century, occupy about half the pages; (2) documents of territorial law entered for domestic use on the manor, partly in the same hand, partly in one somewhat later; and (3) a few private accounts on the blank leaves between, which have been utilized for this purpose. The earliest of these accounts is dated from 15th to 19th Henry VII., the latest 23rd Henry VII. - The first three leaves are filled with short pieces or fragments, a prelude to the longer religious poems. The first fac-simile represents the back of the first leaf, con- taining the curious old puzzles printed on pp. 12, 18. The second fac-simile is of the page which concludes the first of the longer poems, Epotys, a curious religious catechism or dialogue between the Emperor Adrian and Christ under I Before 1506 John Cornwallis possessed the manors of Brome, Stuston, Okeley, and Thranston (see p. 6). 3 the form of a child. Hence the appropriate design of some of the sacred signs, among which it is unusual to find the heart introduced. This poem has never before, I believe, been printed in England. The most interesting of the poems is the play of Abraham's Sacrifice of Isaac, which differs from others yet known. There is nothing to indicate, unfor- tunately, whether the play was performed in the splendid old manor-hall at Brome, or, may be, in the neighbouring town of Diss, where the two gilds of St Nicholas and Corpus Christi may possibly one or both have undertaken to set it forth (for friendly links between Stuston and Diss See after, pp. 126, 127). Imagination has room to speculate alike on the place and the actual actors in the performance, who probably did not differ greatly in their acquirements from those of contemporary plays in other parts of England, such as Coventry, Chester, and York. A single play, requiring but a small body of players, might be more easily set forth in the rural towns of the country-side of East Anglia, than the large collections, which required the combined efforts of the craftsmen in the greater midland cities. It is, however, a fact that this is the first specimen of a mediaeval religious play from this part of England. Of the three other long pieces, Fifteen Signs of Doom, Owain Miles, and St. Margaret, the second is most worthy of attention, as a good copy of a somewhat rare version. After the Carol, which ends these religious pieces, seemed the fitting place to put the directions for Prayers and for a Trental, which are found in the MS. before and after it, though in a different and later hand, apparently that of Robert Melton. Of the second class, the articles of a Court Leet and Court Baron are well known: I do not think these comprise any special local customs. The copies of deeds and grants, though perhaps connected with names or places in the neighbourhood, have been entered as forms or models; 4 in this fact, and in a few rare words, lies their chief interest. But the leaves on which are written the “felson booke,” the “boke for the taske,” and the church “duties,” all giving lists of monies due in respect of certain tenements in Stuston, are of the interest which attaches to all local details and accounts belonging to old manors and what may be called domestic law. “Pelson’’ refers to a local custom by which certain tenants paid for the right of commoning on the commons of East and West Stuston; by the law of England tenants of the manor itself should have free right of common. These lists, therefore, may refer either to strangers, i.e., non-dwellers, admitted to the common, who paid for the privilege, or to some extra privileges allowed to inhabitants upon payment. The names of the Prioress of Flixton, and the town of Diss, point to the first explanation, while, on the other hand, a comparison of the other names with those in the lists for the “Taske” and the “Church Duties” show that they are those of men belonging to Stuston. The customs of common-right were various, as is well known. I must leave the explanation to those better versed in local usage. The meaning of the word felson itself is obscure. There is an Icelandic verb fela, to hide, which among other meanings was used in the sense of putting out to keep (cattle); hence a noun fulga (fulgu in compound words), signifying the fee paid for keep. Felson apparently comes from this root used in this sense; the second syllable being another form of Sam or some, together, as in jetsam, flotsam. Jetson and flotson are the Norfolk forms of these law-words.” The assessment list of the “taske” (written in a different and somewhat later hand) shows a much higher rate of payment, even allowing for twenty or thirty years’ difference in date. This “taske” (or tax) was probably the customary * See Cleasby and Vigfusson's Icelandic Dictionary, and Glossary at end of Blomefield's Norfolk. 5 composition of the tenants for the agricultural service or socage due by feudal tenure to the lord of the manor; and here again we find that the manor cf Stuston had certainly three “foreigners” holding there, the town of Diss and two manors, How Margaretts and Facons; to the church dues “the playsse longyng to the Toune of Disse” also has to pay its quota. The “duties belonging to the church,” probably established by ancient custom, were of three kinds, plow-shot (or plough-scot), sometimes called plow-alms (Mon. Angl. i. p. 256) which was a penny paid for every plow-land or hide (carucate); a portion for curtilage and a portion for a lock or locks. These sums usually come together for one tenant (in some cases only two of the charges are named), and it will be observed that the money paid for a “lock” was a halfpenny farthing, that for a plow-land one penny, and that for a curtilage one halfpenny. “Lock” or loke is a Norfolk word for a broad lane or way, as across a common Grwaste; these are numerous in some parts, and being clear and turfy are often let as pasture. Thus, the holders were assessed to the church on the curtilage or land immediately round the tenement, and the arable land according to measure, each separately. No dates are given with any of these felson, task, or church lists, which must have been made as memoranda to guide the manorial officers. Lastly, the accounts of Robert Melton, to whom this book probably belonged when he wrote them in its blank leaves, are one more contribution to our knowledge of prices in a part of the country whose chief wealth lay in its barley crops. Melton was, perhaps, a well-to-do farmer. He was evidently a man of some position and property, from the fact that several tenements are mentioned under his name as liable to felson, task, and church dues. He was evidently also a trusted friend, perhaps the steward of the Cornwallis family, for he was co-executor with 6 William and Robert Cornwallis to their eldest brother John, who died in 1506, (lord of the manors of Brome, Stuston, Okely, and Thranston).” The only sister of these brothers, Catherine Cornwallis, married Francis Froxmer, Esq., and had a daughter Elizabeth, to whom John Cornwallis left ten pounds, “and to her sustenance ’’ 56s. 8d. This Catherine Froxmer must be the Mastras Froxmer of Robert Melton’s accounts of 1507-8, and it is not improbable that the transactions there recorded may have been in part a carrying out of his executorship with regard to her daughter. The agreement with Roger Page of Scole (p. 175) shows the importance of his dealings, which besides extended to Diss in Norfolk, Eye in Suffolk, and many other neighbouring places. The local measures, the coomb of “Chapman’s mett,” and the bushel of “Harleston's mett,” should be noted in this curious little document. The food-stuffs bought and sold in the accounts are wheat, barley, mesclin, malt, oats, and pease; the two latter only occur once. Mesclin is mixed corn, usually wheat and rye: the word appears to be French in origin—mesclaigne, blé meteil (Ducange); mesclé, masslin, wheat and rye mingled (Cotgrave); meslin, maslin (Bailey). It is still known in the two latter forms as a kind of furmenty or sweet dish made from mixed corn, and forty years ago maslin bread was much relished on good Yorkshire tables. The mixed corn appears to have been sown and threshed together : see Tusser, Februaries Husbandrie, sta. 21, and Cotgrave s.v. Tramois. Dragge or dredge was another name for mixed corn, oats and barley or oats and wheat; perhaps the same also as mesclin. See for various forms of the words, and references, Promptorium Parvulorum, Camden Soc. s.v. Mestlyone and Dragge. Mr. Thorold Rogers, in his IIistory of Prices, mentions drageum, but does not appear to understand what it was. 3 See the will of John Cornwallis at length in Collins Peerage, 1812, vol. ii. p. 539, - - 7 The interesting little account on fos. 62 vº. 33 (p. 167, 168) is written in a hand closely resembling Melton's, but if the writer were indeed he, “my brother William Kempe’’ must have been his wife’s brother. It appears somewhat improbable that he should have paid for the board of his brother-in-law two years, and for his dress (“a gown for my brother William ”). We may rather suppose that “William ” was a younger brother, who, together with their mother, looked to the writer as holding the purse in this Kempe family. Melton or Kempe, it is evident that the Stuston gentry went to Norwich when they wanted to buy a bonnet of velvet, a frontlet of satin lined with velvet, or the materials for a gown of tawny cloth. A recipe, rather imperfect, as it consists of the materials only,–and not how to use them,-for the ja:Indice, which is written on a blank page amidst the accounts, by the same hand, finds here a more convenient place at the end of the volume. The following is an account of the contents of the manuscript, in the order in which they occur. Fo. 1. Rules for Conduct. A poem in twenty-six lines, on the old saying “measure is treasure;” also four lines of common sayings (pp. 11, 14). - Fo. 1 vº. Cipher puzzles and Sayings. See fac-simile (pp. 12, 13). Fos. 2–3 r". Lines on casting the dice (p. 15). Fos. 5–14 v". Adrian and Epotys (pp. 20–46). See second fac-simile. Fos. 15–22. Play of Abraham and Isaac (pp. 46–69). Fos. 23–26 vº. The Fifteen Signs of Doom (pp. 69–79). Fo. 27. Accounts of Robert Melton of Stuston (pp. 174). Fos. 28–38. The Knight Sir Owen (Owain Miles) (pp. 80–106). Fos. 39–44. Fragment of the Life of St. Margaret and Sir Olybryus (pp. 107–118). 8 Fos. 45, 46. Accounts of Robert Melton (pp. 172, 173). Fos. 47–50. The Felson Book of Stuston (pp. 124–128). Fos. 51—55. Articles of enquiry at “The corte baronne” (pp. 151—160). - Fos. 55–59. “Articuli lete” (pp. 160–166). Fo. 59 vº. Agreement and quittance for delivery of barley (p. 175). Fo. 60 vº. Book for the Task of Stuston (p. 128). Fo. 62. Private account, P R. Melton or . . . . Kempe (p. 167). Fo. 63. Recipe for the Jaundice (p. 176). Fo. 64, 65. Church Duties at Stustom (p. 129). Fo. 65 vº–67 v". Accounts of R. Melton (p. 168.) Fos. 68–77. Forms of charters, bonds, &c., with translations into English, dated from 3rd Edward III. to 30th Henry VI. (pp. 131–151). Fo. 77 vº. Accounts of R. Melton (p. 171). Fo. 78 vº. List of Prayers to be said (p. 119). Fo. 79 vº. A Carol of the Annunciation (p. 122). Fo. 80. Directions for a Trental (pp. 119–122). Fo. 81. Part of Poems by Lydgate (pp. 18–20). For the sake of convenience and unity these miscellaneous contents are, in the present volume, grouped together in the three classes which are indicated before (p. 2). To each of the principal poems a short preface is adjoined, giving notes on the subject and its versions, with references to authorities, some pains particularly being devoted to Adrian and Epotys and Owain Miles, the former of which has hitherto received scant treatment in this country. In each instance it has been compared, and the lines numbered to correspond with other prints, if existing, while only those chief variants are given at the foot which show a different or improved reading. The aim has been to give an intelligible literary sketch and an accurate text from this manuscript, which might prove of interest to the intelligent reader, and 9 not be unserviceable to the student. Two or three other considerable entries, such as those for the Courts Baron and Leet, of a Trental, and Forms of Charters, are also accom- panied by a prefatory note and some explanations of difficult words. The language does not call for more than a few ex- planatory foot-notes. A few interesting local words occur, as in the translations of charters—ostey = hospicium (p. 149), dow-hous, turce-dolle, feeding (pp. 138, 146, 150); tayke, chewache, gersom, owtas, mere, brushall, dowle, fey, Skip-stile, fal-gate in the Articles of Courts Baron and Leet; felson, lock, mesclin, chete, tawelyns, in the Accounts (see before, pp. 4, 6, and 124, 129, 167, 168). In the pronunciation may be noticed the flat sch for the sharp ch (initial), as schereys, Schonge, for cheers, change (Abraham and Isaac, Il. 18, 179); Schyſſe for chief, (p. 142); flat ache for sharp age, as chewache for chevage (art. 15, p. 157). A peculiarity of orthography may be pointed out, namely, the doubling of the consonant after the long vowel in such words as felle, helle = fele, hele (Owain Miles, ll. 13, 14); stell = stele (1.90), sell = sele (seal) (l. 156), knell, dell, - kneel, deal (Abr. and Is., ll. 88, 409). The adverb wel has not only become well, but has shortened its vowel in this East Midland MS. to wyll, rhyming with sell, e.g. (O. Miles, ll. 151, 155, 217). The word wyll here represents six modern words—well (l. 374), while (ll, 180, 204), will (l. 162, A 7), wheel (l, B 30), weal (l. 530), and wall (l. 463, Epotys, l. 382). The gutteral g, in such words as knyth, myth, ryth, &c., is left out; while some strong consonants in the middle of words are suppressed, as the g in stronly (Abr. and Is., ll. 78, 208), nd in commawmentes, comamentes (ll, 46, 92, &c.), and the t in contenauns (countenance). In printing, the contractions of the manuscript are extended in italics, except in the case of the Latin charters.4 * The few extensions in the accounts also are not distinguished. 10 There are few peculiarities to note. The crossed it and h are constantly used in the poetry, though not in the English charters written by the same hand; but for this date (1470 or 1480) it did not seem necessary to treat them otherwise than as ll and h. The initial letters of the lines of verse are nearly all capital, and invariably rubricated; a red line, too, is drawn under every proper name and frequently under other words, especially substantives, or two or three words at the beginning of a speech: this may be to signify emphasis, but there is no apparent rule. The p is written throughout the MS. like y. The handwriting is of three kinds. All the poems, including the carol and other short pieces at the end, are written in the small close neat hand of a professional writer. The charters and their translations appear to have been done by the same ; while, very different from this, the “articuli lete’’ and “corte baron” are apparently in the same large loose hand which wrote the Accounts and the Trental, viz., that of Robert Melton (dated from 1499 to 1508, see pp. 167, 174). Only the two pages of the “Taske Book” are by a third hand. The poems and charters may have been copied-in some twenty or thirty years earlier than the rest of the volume. I must not conclude without acknowledging the valued help of Mr. C. Trice Martin of the Record Office, in making out some difficulties in the Latin charters, and of Mr. Charles Elton over the Notes to the “Articles;” Mr. Walter Rye has obligingly lent the stones for the fac-simile plates; and for myself, it is a pleasure to feel the readiness with which Lady Caroline Kerrison has most kindly and freely responded to my suggestions for the preparation of this volume. LUCY TOULMIN SMITH. Bighgate, London. 11 A A 72. __rºw_fºr-º-º-º-T-Z- #jart 1,–39 gettp, INCLUDING A FEW PUZZLES AND SAYINGS. SOME OLD PUZZLES AND SAYINGS. IFos. 1, 1 vº. (see fac-simile.) The puzzle of the riddles consists in the words being spelt in a sort of cypher; every vowel is indicated by the letter which follows it in the alphabet ; thus, what should be a is written b - ' - O 2, 3, P e 55 37 f i 25 55 k W 35 22 - X The rubricator appears to have made a mistake in writing F instead of B (for A) as the initial of the two first lines. - Professor Skeat, who kindly helped me to decipher these queer- looking puzzles, has met with several of the same kind among Anglo- Saxon MSS. In the Sloane MS. 351, fo. 15 vº. (fifteenth cent.) are some curious directions for writing in this style, but more complicated; they are printed in Wright and Halliwell's Reliqua Antigua, vol. ii. p, 15. Other instances, are, doubtless, to be found scattered here and there in old family books like the present. They are also well known in French MSS. It will be observed that the final result of all the five puzzles is highly uncomplimentary to women. I give a solution in the right-hand column. a j . º.º. sº & / $4 2a- A (6, 3% Fol. 1. … ::- I - “.. The hart lovyt pe wood, the hare lovyt pe hyll, The knyth lovyt hys sword, the carll lovyt hys byll; The fowlle lovyt hys folly, the wysseman lovyt hys skyll, The properte of a schrod qwen ys to have hyr wyll, Fo. 1 V*. [Different positions.”] F hert hfrbprpwkth. [A] hart harborowith. v’ F knyth hirbprpwkth. [A] knyth harborowith. B dowke lpggkth. - A dowke loggith. B Roo Bftdkth. A Roo betdith. B 3ſe]man Bftdkth. A geman betdith. B hbrf in b forme syttyng. A hare in a forme syttyng. Schuldryng of lenyng. [shouldering or leaning.] B cony syttyng. A cony syttyng, º *.*.*.* tº c. **{{s - * *. Sºhº, puzzles.] Take iij claterars, B plaf. A pie. B kbk. A iai (jay). B xpmbn. A WOIſlan. Take iij lowrars." B bpf. A ape. B pvlf. - A owle. B Xpmbn. A WOOOla Il. Take iij schrewys.” B xbspf. A waspe. B xfskll. A wesill. B xpmbn. . A WOIſlall. * These sentences, as well as the Daily Rules (but not the previous four lines) are found also in the Boke of St. Alban's, among the household sayings and aphorisms with which Caxton filled up the blank pages at the end of Dame Juliana Berners' Boke of Hunting. (See Mr. Blades' preface, p. 21, to reprint of 1881, and signatures f 5, f 7 b.) But Caxton has, instead of the second and third lines above, “a bucke lodgith, an esquyer lodgith ;” lines 6 and 7 run, “an haare in her forme shulderyng or leenyng,” which gives better sense; “a wodecoke beekyng” is a ninth line wanting here. * Lowrar, one of frowning or lowering countenance. * A shrew, one of sharp or biting disposition. 13' gº tº: * \, g fºr \,...} ^ --- P. ~ $3 Ma .." #"; - º cwts tº tºº. Sº 2-4ſs.:*:::::::-ºtº Take iij angry. B fºrkfr. - A frier. B ftpx. A fox. B xpmbn. A WOIOOla Dl. Ther be iiij thyngs take gret betyng. stpkfkSch. A stockfisch." B mklstpn. A milston. B fifdkrbfd. A fedirbed. B Xopmbn. A WOOIſlall. t’ [Daily Rules.]” (ºff - g- C # ** Ž: Fyrst a-rysse erly, Serve thy god devly, And the warſ l]d besylly; Do thy warke wyssely, 3yfe thy almesse Sekyrly,” Goebe the way sadly, And awnswer the pepff cwrtesly Goo to thy met happely, Syt ther at dyscreſt]ly. Of thy tong be not to lybraly, A-rysse fro thy met tempraly. Goo to thy sopper Sadly, A-rysse fro sopper soburly. Goo to thy bed myrely, And lye ther in jocunly, 7 Stockfish, a kind of fish dried for keeping, especially in the north. It was so hard that it required much beating, and soaking in water, to render it eatable. (See The Babees Book, &c., ed. Furnivall, Early English Text Society, pp. 155, 214, and Index.) The stock-fishmonger was a regular trade in London. (See Riley's Liber Albus, translation, pp. 325, 328.) * These rules differ a little from Caxton's version. They are given here to complete the explanation of the fac-simile. * Sekyrly, surely. And plesse and loffe thy wyffe dewly, And basse" by onys or tewy is myrely. All lord god, mercy, qui verba cuncta creasti. Helpe! kyng of cowmefort, qui vitam Semper amasti. -Y ;4, 6 ºz. … *}) , S. º - % 4. º i. :^, \\ --~~~~ Fol. 1. RULES FOR CONDUCT. The poet Lydgate says “An olde proverbe, mesour is tresour,” and he has left us two poems on the theme, one of which excellently descants on the various meanings of “measure,” moderation among the rest.” The following poem, starting with the proverb, does not appear to be by Lydgate, and I have not found it elsewhere ; perhaps some other East Anglian versifier thus inculcated patient virtue and good manners. Man in merthe, hath * meser in mynd, For meser ys treser whan merthe ys behynd, Better yt ys to suffer and fortyn to a-byd, Than hey for to clyme and sodenly for to slyde. He that mekely suffer ys for to comend, Vertu of vertuys ys in sufferans, To soft hartes god doth hys grace send, And to all vertuys send he most sufficyans. Man, be-war and be not rekeless. In speche of tonge, syttyng at the tabyll, For better yt is to be a pesse, Than for to trete of thynges pe wyche be not comendabyll. Wateuer god send, groche not thy fare, Be glad and of good chere with vertuys elyquens, And wat so euer thou thyngke, pi langage do spare, For a-bethe all thyng ys nownyd pasyens. 1 Basse, kiss. 3 Halliwell's volume of Lydgate's Minor Poems, Percy Society, 1840, pp. 80, 208. * I.e. have. _-º-º-º- ./ c. * º gº & º * c/475 2%. 22, 2.22:42, ſº 15 De myer * and sad of wysage, Tyll men the requere kepe mekely pi sylens, Be war thow have no gret langage, Wher pu syttyst with pi souereyns in presens. Yff thow hast lost thy good, Toke thow takyt with myld mood, And sowrow not to sore; - Make joy, suffer and a-byd, For yt may so be-tyde That thow schall have mych more. c \ºts o'ea. Sº Cºy * * * , - FORTUNE IN LIFE TOLD BY THE CASTING P º Ao, *izº, - OF DICE. º -º-º:- W sº A2. A *.. **, *... 4: A-,-, ... . . . . . * sº º Jº tº ºf . º ~ : - * - I do not know any other version of these lines, save one in Sloane MS. 513, fo. 98 vº. (the only English thing in a valume of Latin pieces) though they probably exist in other miscellaneous books. The first line is wanting in the Brome MS. and is supplied from the Sloane, this latter, on the other hand, is not perfect, being cut off at line 7o of the Brome M.S. The numerals cf each cast are set in figures in the margin of the Sloane, and are transferred here to the left side of the page; they are pictured in red like red dice, on the side of one page of the Brome MS. The 2uriosity of the poem, otherwise without merit, lies in the combination of two favourite pastimes of our fathers—nay, they are hardly extinct yet. 666 [pou pat hast y-cast tre syses here] - **** * tº(2)($0.) Fo. 2. Schall haue gowr dessyer y” same ger, How gow stabyll and ware nowt, For 3e shall haue after 3owr thowt. 4. 665 ge that haue to sysyttes and a synke, Closse gowr hart and on god thymke, And so be godes grace 3e Schall fulffyll That 3e dessyer, with hart and wyll. 8 4 I.e. demure, C 16 664 663 662 661 655 6% *:::…~~ Synys and Catyr that 3e haue cast, Schowyt pat şowr hart ys stedfast, Erre nowt but euer thymke wyll, And gowr dessyer schall cumme in euery dyll. I2 That ge haue cast synys and trey, May lytely fallyn on gowr pray, ge myst cast another chanche Yff 3e thymke gowr selffe to a-vans. I6 Be synys and dewsse 3e may trost - To haue gowr wyll at the last, But I tell gow, with owt fayll, ge schall haue myche thowt and travell. 2O Synys and asse tell me sekerly That gowr dessyer ys but folly, Schonge 3owr thowt, I cowncell the, Yffe 3e wyll not a schamyd be. 24 Be sysse and synkys" that 3e haue cast ge Schall haue swyche freynchepe at yº last, Be wom 3e schall avanteyssyd be, And set in worchop and in gret degre. 28 Sysse synke and Catter byndyn the, Chonge 3owr thowt, for yt ys but a vanyte. Be thyng gow of the same thyn y ys morabyll, For thys ys no thyng prophytabyll. 32 653 Fo. 2 v.” 3e that haue cast sysse synk and thre, 652 651 a .400 bºe (2) (9%) —3 ° Sloane, Quynze. . ...sºss-" gour dessyer to purposse browt may be, But yf dessyer be to 3ow hygth, - Kepe gow fro schame both day and nygth. 36 Sysse synke and dewsse ys gour cast; ge dessyer, but be not agast, - For yff 3e warke wysely in ded and thowt To 3our purposse, yt schall be rygth wyll browt. 40 3owr cast ys sysse synke and as; ge stond rygth in wonder casse, C. * ge dessyer and dare not tell, God be gour helpe and consell. 44 644 3e that sysse and caterys" haue in y” deysse, - Let be gour thowtes, for they be mysse, 3owr hart ys set in swyche a loue That ys no thyng for gour be-hove. 48 643 ge that hath cast sysse cater and trey, ge be set in rygth good wey, Bere gow wyll and be of good cowmºort, For 3e shall be lovyd and haue gret dyssort. 52 642 - Sysse cater and dwsse I tell gow tyte, That gour love hath 3ow in dysspyte, With draw 3our hart and ryffe gow to pley, For no man can hold that wyll a-wey. . . 56 64I He that hath cast cater, as, and sysse, ge be of wyt both ware and wysse, But be war of comberyng of synne, Thynke on the hyndyng or y' ye be gynne. 6O 633 3owr cast wosse sysse and dobyll trey; Fortewne fall not to gour pay, But yf 3e wyll haue gour wyll All that ys yll, let yt be styll. 64 632 Fo. 3. 3e that have sysse trey and dews cast, Off a certyn thyng ge be agast, But loke 3e be trew in 3our entencion, And 3e Schall haue gour petyssyon. 68 63 I He that sys, trey, and as to hym takys, * In hys werkes wysely he wakys, For he schall dessyer no thynge, That he nowt schall spede of hys askynge. 72 (622)? ge that haue sys, dewes, and too, ge be a folle, go were 3e goo; ge coveyt of non lefful thyng, ge Schall not spede of your askyng. 76 * Sloane, querins. 7 The figures in ( ) are supplied by me. C 2 *—–1 A2, *4. £% -á-tex- … " : , -. , '' *** * * Nº tº ſº; 3. ‘. . . . e tº is 20 tº ºl - 18 ...” (621) 3e y' haue sysse, dews, and on cast, The best 3ynd of 3our thryft ys past, But 3e may gow so well ber, That gour enmyes schall gow not der. (611) ge that haue sysse and aumbys as, 3e haue set gour hert in swyche a plase Were 3e dare neyther speke nor loke, But thowt ys fre, thus seyth y" boke. (555) ge that haue cast her thre synkys, ge dare not sey all that 3e thynkes,” But gowr dessyer geschall not fayll, All thow yt schall gow lytyll a-wall. (545) Synke, cater, synke, 3e haue on the dysse; I cownsell 3ow be war and wysse, Trost non erdely thyng that may be, For the worſlid ys but a vanite. (530) Synke and trey wos gowr ſchauns; God ys myty gow to a-wauns, Be trew and trost in Mary myld, And sche wyll gow fro Schame schyld. - ------- – --------ºº-º-º-º-º-º-º:::::"…” T.... ... " -- - - -: ----> ----...-------...-, - . :-------- T - - -** * * * : * > ----. ..."----, -, -º- ," - 2----------, ºr ºf 7: FT--------- a-->::::::::::::Fºº----- ==-ºr-saxº~ FRAGMENTS BY LYDGATE. 8O 84. 88 92 96 The three following stanzas are part of a poem by Lydgate which is found in several MSS., as Harl. 116, fo. 124, and Harl. 2251, fo. 173. These contain three or four more stanzas, on Fortitude and other virtues, the two last lines here headed Fortitudo are not however the same. The names of the first and third stanzas are reversed. The scribe was perhaps careless, and did not complete this copy, but the top of the next leaf shows that Lydgate's poems were still in mind; the same hand copied there six lines (incorrectly) from another of his short pieces, beginning—“The more I goo the ferther I am behynd,” which is printed in the volume of Lydgate's * MS. has kynkes. ºs Fortitudo. ------. . . . . . . - ... f… • *-*.*. - . ;... • - - ---...----.3i: J 23-3: * ----.S. . . … - ... -- >~ :..". -->3' ', º Pº-2- - T.I., , … --> --~~~~ - poems edited by Mr. J. O. Halliwell for the Percy Society, 1840, p. 74. See also Harl. 2251, fo. 38 vº. and Add. 29,729, fo. I 3I. g The final stanza on fo. 8 I I have not been able to identify. 3. ^ c 475 : ***, Zºe, ſº &a.” Prudencia. - -A \ Fo.80 vº. Thynges passyd Remembrans and wyll devide, - Thynges present consydris and wyll gonne, For thynges comyng prudently provide, /?a 4’ Peyse materys or thow deme or dyscerne. Y wº Let rygth yn causys hold thy lantarne, \ 2 By twyne frynd and foo stond 3evyn and egall, 7. And for no mede be nowt percyall. ſ!…” Justicia. Furst in thy Mesur loke ther be no lacke, Off thy weyghtys hold iustely y” balaunce, Be trew in rekenyng and set no summe a-backe, And in thy wordes let be no variaunce." Off cher be sad, demure of governaunce, Set folke at rest and [appes all tropyll, Be war of flaterys and of tonges dobyll. - Temperancia. By sapyens ay tempyre thy corage, Off lusty yre dout thy pacyens, Defer vengens tyll thy werth [wrath] aswage, Cheresh the good for their condycions. Puniche paeiently the transgrescions Off men desrewlyd, redressyng ther errour, Mercy preferyng or thow do rygour. Ye' lordes that desyreth to be honorabyll Cheresh your folke and hat extorcion. * Brome MS. has lacke, but variaumee is evidently right, as in the other MSS. - - 1 M.S. has The. Fo. 81. I stond as styll as ony stone The grace of god yan he wyll send, All thyng may not cum a-none But wane god wyll yt may a mend. Lua, ys leyd a downe, And veritas ys but small, Amorys owt of towne And caritas ys gon with all. _____--~~~~T" THE CATECHISM OF ADRIAN AND EPOTYS. This poem is not a romance or a legend, but a relic of the early educational method of teaching religion and philosophy. Instruction by means of question and answer was popular both in England and on the Continent from early times; and examples of such dialogues, embodying not only knowledge on the tenets of faith, the doctrines of religion and morals, but also scraps of metaphysics, ethics, and natural science, are found from the eighth century, if not earlier. The ºoca Monachorum” is a set of questions and answers which M. Paul Meyer supposes to be as old as the sixth century (on account of certain biblical names and phrases quoted in it, which are only found in an ancient Latin version of the Bible, the so-called //a/a, supposed to be older than the Vulgate); this really appears to be the prototype of our more modern Adrian and Effotys. Such a dialogue also is found among the works attributed to the Venerable Bede.” (died 735.) The celebrated Alcuin (sometimes called Albinus), 2 Printed from an eighth century MS. in Paris Bib. Nat., 13,246, fol. 7, in Romania, i. 483 (1872), and analytically compared with the Schlettstadt and Arundel 351 MSS. of Adrian and Epictetus. 3 Works printed at Cologne, 1612, vol. iii., Bedae Collectanea et Flores, pp. 479 b––487 a. This is reprinted in Salomon and Saturn, by J. Kemble, AElfric Society, 1848, p. 322, a book which contains much early literature of the kind, though the author seems to have been unaware of its middle-age issue in Adrian and Epotys. 21 who died A.D. 804, among his educational works left one of these, which has been studied and compared by Dr. Wilmanns 4 with the Altercatio Hadriani et Efficieff, an ancient dialogue, of unknown authorship, purporting to be held between the Emperor and the philosopher on Subjects of natural and speculative science.” In Old English (Anglo-Saxon) there also exist the Dialogues of Salomon and Saturn, in poetry and prose—the latter of which deals with the Creation, Adam, and the subjects arising out of Genesis. In editing these for the AElfric Society, in 1848, Mr. Kemble also printed three other similar question-books or catechisms, one of which in Latin, of a later period (probably twelfth or thirteerth century), called Adrian and Affictus," considerably resembles in substance our Brome poem. The same thing appears also to have been translated into Welsh and Provençal." On the Continent other copies of this dialogue, dating from the ninth century, have been found and plinted, with many interesting notes and comparisons of individual questions with those in other collections, by Dr. Wilmanns" and Dr. Bethmann,” with which should also be compared versions in Provençal, Spanish, and Latin, studied by Dr. Bartsch." Although this dialogue has played its part in the literature of every country in Europe, and as M. Meyer says, “apparait avec son carectère chrétien dès les premiers temps du moyen age,”” it should be noted that the various forms it takes belong to two distinct families, which existed contemporaneously, viz., the one in which Christian history and doctrine appear, the other in which they are wholly absent; the latter being current long after the rise of the 4 Disputatio Pippini eum Albino, Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum, vol. xiv. (1869), p. 530. 5 The Altercatio or Disputatio was printed by F. Lirdenbrog, Frankfurt, 1628, in a little volume. Another version may be found at the end of a folio volume, edited by S. Gelenius, Basle, 1522, entitled Notitia utraque cum Orientis tum. Occidentis, &c. * Page 212, from the Arundel M.S. 351, fol. 39. 7 Kemble's Salomon, p. 216; Bartsch, Denkmäler der Prov. Litteratur, p. 306–310; Bulletin de la Soc. des Anc. Teates Franc. (1875), pp. 71–74. 8 Zeitschrift für deutsches Alterthum, vol. xv. p. 166; see also Ib., vol. xiv. p. 546, and on the general subject E. Schröder, in the Auzeiger, band viii. p. 121, bound with vol. xxvi. of the Zeitschrift. 9 See Schlettstadt MSS. in Serapeum for 1845, p. 29. l Zur Räthsel Litteratur, in Germania (Vienna, 1859) iv. 308. * Bulletin de la Soc. des Anc. Teactes Fran. (1875), p. 72, 22 former. Combined with these are also reminiscences of the beliefs found in the Eddas of the north.” The form of question and answer gave full play to the close definition of the philosopher, the double and hidden meaning of the scholastic and the theologian, or the Statement of old belief, whence the transition to the play of wit and words in riddles was easy. Consequently, in the frequent repetition or copying of these dialogues or catechisms, one, or two, or a group of questions which commended themselves might be inserted from another catechism or from a collection of what seem to us riddles. Riddles, proverbs, apoph- thegmes, question-books, dialogues—all contained the popular wisdom, “ part of that stock of traditional sayings which prevailed with living power among us from the tenth till the sixteenth century,” “ and among our French neighbours long survived in the prose form of the popular little book, L’enfant sage à frożs azas, etc. Thus it was, in course of time, that the Christian religious legend and ethics became grafted on to the philosophic dialogue, and it is . probable that from a Latin original Some English theological rhymer, of the fourteenth or fifteenth century, drew his inspiration for the following poem. The poet must also have used other Sources, as we may judge by the study of two portions of the poem. Lines 163—218 describe the substances of which Adam was made, and the effects of the preponderance of different materials on a man’s character. This subject is found in many places; in the prose Old English Salomon and Saturn (ques. 8, 9, Kemble, p. 180); in a Latin and Old English ritual of the tenth century, a German poem of the twelfth century, and other instances quoted by J. Grimm ; " also in three French manuscripts—one a treatise, De Adam et Zze ſeme, Bib, Nat. Fr. I 553, fol. 286;" another, Bib. Nat., 4207 ; the third, M.S. A 454, at Rouen, fol. 25o," also on the creation of Adam. These declare that Adam was formed of eight substances (clay, the sea, the Sun, clouds, wind, stone, the Holy Spirit, &c.), varying with the writer, but resolving into the four elements. Perhaps a touch of Eddic doctrine here unconsciously found its way into the orthodox theology of the middle ages. For the Second portion, lines 5 II—582 : Why do men fast on * See Grimm's Teutonic Mythology, translation 1883, ii. pp. 564–569; as to Yggdrasil, Bartsch in Germania, iv. p. 312. 4 Kemble, Salomon and Saturn, p. 286. * Teutonic Mythology, Stallybrass's translation (1883), ii. p. 566. 6 Cited by Kemble, Salomon and Saturn, p. 194. 7 Bulletin de la Société des Anciens Teates Francais (1883), p. 96. 23 Friday ? we may turn for comparison to the same MS. of Rouen just named, fol. 251 vº, which gives twelve reasons in answer; to a MS. of the thirteenth century in Paris (Bib. Nat. nouv. acq. fr. Io98, fol. 60); 8 and a Russian essay on the subject by Prof. Wesselowsky. From a comparison of the style of thought, and of the theological dicta of this poem, with those of similar passages in the Cursor Mundº, the conjecture may be hazarded that Adrian and Fºotys was written about the same period, viz., the early part of the fourteenth century. The name of the old well-known Altercatio Adriani et Efficfeſſi had been adopted, the philosopher's name became shortened to Epicte, and finally pronunciation brought it to Epotis, when the dialogue itself no longer bore a trace of its heathen descent." Seven copies" of Adrian and Epotis (or Ipotis) are known among English manuscripts ; our Brome forms the eighth. It has not been hitherto printed in England, nor indeed thoroughly examined. Dr. C. Horstmann has printed two of the copies—that from the famous Vernon MS. and from the Cotton Caligula M.S., giving various readings from some of the others.” He says of four of the MSS. (the two Cotton, Arundel, and Ashmole, 61) that they are all equally poor and equally removed from the Vernon. My comparison of the following copy with the two printed by him does not tend to confirm that judgment, but rather shows that, one original having been transcribed several times, succeeding transcribers added in a piece here or left out a piece there, or may be invented a new piece; and that really the Vernon and Cotton copies, though differing, are nearly upon a par in value. Such alterations, together with the changes following from 8 Bulletin de la Société des Anciens Teates Francais (1883), p. 96. 9 Chaucer, in the thirtieth stanza of his Rhyme of Sir Thopas, mentions Ipotis:— “Men spelzen of romances of pris Of Hornchild, and of Ipotis, Of Bevis and Sir Guy.”— but, as it has been suggested by Dr. Schroeder, as all the books he speaks of here are romances, except Ipotis, under which name no romance is known, it may be that the singer had the romance Ipomydon in his head, and for once made a slip of the pen. We get no other indication from him of what Ipotis was. 1 Four at Oxford, viz., Vernon MS., fol. 296 ; Ashmol. 750; Ashmol. 61 ; Douee, 323, fol. 160. At the British Museum : (besides Add. 22283, an old copy of the Vernon MS.); Cotton Calig, A. ii., fol. 79; Cott. Titus, A xxvi., fol. 163; Arundel, 140, fol. 1. The Douce and Titus copies are imperfect. * Altenglische Legendon, neue folge, Heilbronn, 1881, pp. 341, 511. 24 difference of dialect and speech, may account for these varying versions. As the Vernon is probably the oldest, I have taken it as the basis of . comparison, and have numbered the lines of the Brome poem to correspond with it. I have also compared it with the Cott. Calig., A ii (the best of the British Museum copies); and those lines in it which are found in the latter, but not in the Vernon, are numbered between (), to correspond to the Cotton, a note pointing out here and there where parts are peculiar to the Vernon only. There remains a residuum of lines (only twenty-two in all) which are new, i.e., found in the Brome copy only : these are indicated by letters—a, 5, &c. The whole thing, though following pretty closely the Vernon, and in the latter part the Cotton, is by no means identical in language or expression; only those variants are given, however, at the foot, which may serve to explain errors or difficulties of the Brome text. Inversion of lines is shown by the figures, exchange (if it may be so called) of lines, in a few cases, may be seen from the foot notes. A few lines are supplied from the Vernon or Cotton between [ ], where they fill up the sense of the Brome copy. The substance of the poem is as follows:—A child who calls himself Epotys is brought before the Emperor Adrian in Rome. He answers the Emperor's questions (to which there is no preamble) as to Heaven, God, the Word, Trinity. He describes the seven heavens (ll, 52–87), the nine orders of angels (ll. 90–-I I4), the week of creation (ll. II 5– I58), of what Adam was wrought (11. I64—218), the sea (ll, 221–226), the hour when Adam lost Paradise (229–236 ſ), the seven sins of Adam, in which, descanting upon gluttony, he leads to the whole story of the fall and the redemption (11. 239—352). The Emperor is further told what are the five sins that lead man’s soul to hell (ll, 359–408), the four forms of penance that may save him (ll, (387)–(396), the four virtues that lead to bliss (Il. (398)—470), four deaths a man may die (ll. 418–428), the two sins that God will not forgive (ll, 431–456). He is instructed how a man shall bear himself so that the devil may not injure him for sin (ll, 471–480), and what three deeds will please God (11. 484–508). The child then gives thirteen lengthy reasons why men fast on Friday (ll, 51 I–594), after which the Emperor solemnly conjures him to say who he is, whereupon he avows himself to be Jesus, and departs (ll. 595–608). The writer boldly says that St. John the Evangelist told this tale in Latin. - The poem, in bringing Hadrian and Epictetus, St. John and Christianity thus together, offers a curious example of the power of traditional names. lle pat wylle of wysdam lere, lystyn to me and 3e Xall here off a tale of holy wryth, Seynth John the holy postyll wetnes yt,- How yt be-fell yn grete Rowme, The chyffe cyty of crystyn-dome, A chyld wos seynt throw hys mytys moste, Trow the vertu of the holy goste. The Emprore of Rome than Hys name was klepyd Adryan, Whan the chyld of grete onowre Was cume be-fore the Emprore, Down on knys the chyld hym sette, The Emprore wyll fayere hym grete. The Emprore wyth myld chyre, Askyd the chyld fro wens he came, and were, The chyld answord “for soth I the plyte, ffro my fader? I cume now ryth, ffro my fader that hey justyce, To teche them that be nowte wysse, And note fulfylled yn goddys lawe.” Than Seyd pe Emprore, note slawe, “Arte thow wysse wysdam to teche F * The chyld answord with mylde chyre,” “He ys wysse that heuyn may wynne, And kepe hym owte of deſd]ly synne.” The Emprore seyd with owtyne blame, “Tell me chyld, wat ys thy name P” “My name,” he seyd, “ys Epotys, Mekyll I can of heuyn blysse.” The Emprore seyd, “wat may heuyn be P” “Syr,” he seyd, “yt ys goddes prevyte P’’ “Wat,” he seyd, “ys god all myte f * The schyld answord a-non ryte, * Vern, and Arundel versions have moder. 4 “Speche” in Pºrn. I 2 I6 2O 24 28 26 0.1425T “He ys wyth owte be-gynnynge, * Fo. 5". And xall lestyne with owtyne enddynge.” 36 The Emprore seyd, “tell me the soth, Wat cume fyrste owte of hys mowth P” The chyld answord some a-non, * “Ther-of spake the postyll John, 4O In hys gospell all on sowne,” In principio erał verbum, This wos the fyrste begynnyng That ever spake owre heuyne kyng. | 44 At that worde wos the sunne, [Fader] and the holy goste to-geder wornne ; " iij personys yn Trenyte, Non of them may fro othyr be. • 48. Thys ys the myte full kyng, 48a With owtyne hym ys no thyng.” b The Emprore seyd woll zevyne, “Chyld, haste thow byn yn heuyne P How many heuyſ.n]s hath god all-myth?’” “vij,” seyd ye chyld, “I the plytte. 52 The heyest heuyne that euer may be, Ys of the holy Trynyte, Therys the fader and pe Sunne, And the holy goste to-geder arnne' 56 iij personys yn on god-hode, 4. - As clarkys yn holy boke rede. 58 The ioyys may no man dyscryſvle,” * Lernd non on-lernd pat ys a-lyve. A-nother heuyne ys gostly ther, Off a lower de-gre, thow Schall here, 5 “Al and sum,” Vern, and Cott. 6 “Come,” Vern, and Cott. ; wornne may be an error for wonne. 7 “Wone,” Vern. 8 Lines 61–64 resemble Cott. Calig, A. ii., ll, 63–66. They form better sense of this passage on the Second heaven than most other versions. 27 Tow * joyys may no man deme, Fo. 6a. Tyll domys day thow he wyll fayne. The iij heuyne schynyth as Crystall, Full of joyys and swettenesse all, The joy may no tonge telle,” Tyll domys day thow he woll smell. The iiijheuyn ys golde lyche, Full of presyus stonys ryche; For innocentys that place is dyth, That euer ys day and neuer myth. The v heuyn ys longe and brode, And full of goddes man-hode; Yff goddys man-hode noth were, All the ward” wore for-lore; For the paysson of hys man-hoode, Heuyn blysse schall be owre mede. The vi heuyn holy chyrch yt ys, Full of holy thyngys, i-wys, That of god redyn day and myth, Off hys strenth and of hys myth. The vij heuyn, Seyth pe story, Ys paradyse, aftyr purcatory, Whan sowlys hau done ther penans, Ther schall they dwell with-owtyn dysstans. Here be pe vij heuyns syre Emprore,” That hath god owre savyore.” Thane seyd the Emprore, “I the plyte, How many Ordyrys byn of Angle bryth?’” * Vern. has pulke. 1 MS. has donys. * For ll. 67, 68, the Vernon has, “To mon and wommon pat place is diht pat seruep god wip al heare miht.” 63 66 7O 74 78 82 86 88 3 Ward, world. 4 Lines 87, 88, follow the Cott. MS. : to two. in the Vernon they are contracted 28 Q-1413 The chyld answord and seyd a-gene, “Nine Ordyrys, syre, there byne, 90 The fyrste ordyr ys jerubyn, The secund ordyr ys secheraphym, The iij" ordyr ys tromys, The iiij" ordyr ys dominaciones, 94. The v" ordyr ys pryncipates, The vi" ordyr ys potestates, The vij" ordyr ys vyrtutes, The viiij" angelica, i-wys. 98 The ix ordyr arn arcangelys, The ylke prynce hath hys party[s], Many thowsendys to hys baner, To seruyn hym both fer and nere. - I O2 The x ordyr schall mankynd ben, That xall fulfyll the place ageyn. Fo.6°. In heuyn be that ylke syde, That Lussyfer fell owte for hys pryde. IO6 Ther schall man-hod byn with god all myth, Ben euer and that ys ryth, A-bothyn" all princys he schall be, Mytfull fader yn trenyte, I IO Of myche joy he can tell With owtyne ende that per may dwell, That schall hys owyn brodyr se, Mytfull fader yn trenyte.” II.4. "The Emprore seyd, “chyld I pe prey, What made god on the fyrste day ?” “God mad on the fyrste day, Many thynges hym to pay, II 8 The Mvnday aftyr, werement, 5 I.e. above. * Vernon has two lines which are omitted here and in the Cotton; while our ll. 117, 118 represent three lines in the Cotton version, as to the creation on the first day, which are not in Vernon. ,” 24ae-4-cº-ex /* ***. slºe ( ºr) -º-, - 29 God mad the furmament ; Sunne and mone to schyne bryth, And many sterrys ther be lyth. I22 The Twysday, I vndyr stond, God made bothe see and lond, Wellys full with watyr neysse,' To tempyr the erthe both hard and neysse; I 26 Erbys he mad, both tre and gresse, And othyr thynges, as hys wyll wos. The Wedenysday mad god all-myth Fyssys yn flod and fowlys yn flyte, I3O And bad them a-bowtyn wynd, - Fore to helpyn all man-kynd. The Thursday god mad besty's fele, Many dyuerse be down and be dale, I 34 And geffe them erthe to ther fode, And had them turne to manny's good. On the Fryday god mad Adam, After hys chap" he gaffe hym name; I38 Sythyn Eve he bad hym take, And make hyr on to hys make, Fo.7°. And mad hym man of mytys moste, And gaffe hym lyffe of the holy goste. I42 A grete lord he gan hym make, - All paradysse he bad hym take, And mad hym lord that he had wrote. The Satyrday for-3atte he nowte, I46 That ylke day he blyssyd with good wyll, All hys warkys lowd and styll, Euery-chon yn ther perty, And bad them wax and mvltyplye. I5O The Sunneday god hys reste toke, As we fyndyn yn holy boke, He bad and cummawndyd all man-kyºnd 7 “Fresche,” Vern. and Cott. * I.2. shape. 30. That restynd they schuld haue yn mynd. I 54 That day Xuld no man warke, Bute bedyn ther bedys and goo to kyrke, And kepyn them fro dely synne, That he nowte fale ther ynne.” I 58 The Emprore with wyrdys mylde,” Thus he gan askyn the chylde, Yff he cowde tellyn hym owte I63 Off howe many thyngges Adam was wrotte? The chyld answord and Seyd “vij, The wyche they byn I xall pe tellyn, Slyppe of peerthe wos on off thoo, - Watyr of the see god toke ther-too, I68 Off the sunne and of the wynde, And of the clowddes as yn wrytyng I fynd. Off the stonys be the see coste, And also of the holy goste. 172 Off the erth ys many's fleysse, And of the watyr ys blode neysse, Off the sunne ys hys harte and his bowellys, Hys mekenes and hys good thewys; 176 Fo. 7”. Off the wynd ys mannys brethe, And of the clowdys hys wyttys bothe, Off the ston ys manny's bonne, And of the holy goste ys hys sowlle than. I8O Loo! syre Emprore Adryan Off theys thyngges ben made Adam. Euery man yn thys ward' here ys made of dyvers maner; I84 How-so haue of the erth moste, He xall be heuy, wyll thow woste, Heuy yn thowth and yke yn dede, 9 Lines 159 and 160 of Vernon are omitted here, and the two following are altered. ! I.e., world. *** *** c &&. J. *A cº -- 2-77, -tº- ==x t > *- 20-27 34 Cleº & Slawe he ded fyrst of all Whan that he wos yn synne fall, He had no grace fore to sesse ; Jesus cum to him yn that wysse, 278 And seyd, ‘Adam, wat dost thow know?’ He answeryd and Seyd a-zen with mowth, ‘Lord I here the spekyne, I the plytte, But I haue of the no syte.’ 282 Owre Iord ageyn to Adam Seyd, ‘Man, wy dedyst thow that dede P’ Adam answaryd with wyrdes hylle, ‘The woman that thow toke me tylle, 286 Sche made me to don that dede.” Owre lord than to Eue gyde, ‘Woman wy worttyste pou that wylle P’ ‘The eddyr, lord, gan me gylle.’ 29O Owre lord to the eddyr gan goo, ‘Fynd, wy wrottyst thow that woo P’ The fynd answeryd with maystry, ‘For I haue to hym ynvye. 294 For that he schuld won yn blysse, That I for pryde gan mysse.’ Owre lord Seyd to Adam, ‘For thy gylte pat pou haste don, pou synfull man, 298 Thow Schalte take thy mete with swynke & swette, And be yn penawns cold and hotte. 3OO In peyn and travell sore,” (! Wyll thow levysteuer more.” - b To Eue Seyd owre heuyn kyng, 3OI ‘Woman for thy wekyd tysyng, Thow Schalte byn vndyr mannys wyll, In mekyll drede, woo, and yll; 3O4. And bere thy frwte with gronyng and care, Po.9°. Thow and thyn of-sprynggyn euer more.’ * Lines 300, a, and b, not in Vernon or Cotton. 35 ºzº-º: zz; Mºzéz- % , ºrrºre. - Owre lord seyd to satthan, “In forme of wornge thow temppyst man, 3O8 Wp-on thy wombe [thow] schull glyce, All that thow syst yn euery syde, Of the seyng be sore a-ferd. Whan thow comyst yn to yº medyll 3ard, 3 I2 A vyrgyn Schall be borne be-lyve, That thy pore schall down drywe.’ Thus Adam levydyn erthe here, fful ix hundyrd gere, 316 And xv," as I the telle, And whan he deyd he’ gede to helle. Hys sowleyn helle wos ther 32O iiij thowsend vi hundred and iiij yere. {:} Than the kyng of heuyn, 322 Rynge he wos of mytys moste, He sent down the holy goste, 324. That toke fleysse and blood of mayd Mary, With-owtyne wen) of hyr body. xxx" wyntyr and iij gere, Goddys sunne gede in erth here, 328 xl dayes for vs he ded faste; The jvys toke hym at the laste, And ded hym vp on the rode, He suffyrd fore owre good. 332 Hys sowle wente to helle— The fowle fyndys for to felle, And toke owte Adam and Eue, º And other more that were hem leve. 336 Moyses, Dauyd, and Abraham, And all thoo with hym name, And browte them yn to paradyce, Ther joy and merth euer more ys. 34O * “Two and pritti,” not fifteen, in both Cotton and Vernon. 7 MS. has “3e.” 36 And sythyn aftyr hys vp-rysynge, Fo.10". He steyed to heuyn ther he ys kynge; On hys faderes ryth hond he sette hym than, And thus he cam stedfast god and man. 344 That ylke god omnipotente Schall cume at the day of jugement, To deme vs all aftyr owre mysse-dede, He ys not wys that hym nowte drede. 348 The good with the joy, the wykyd with pe peyn, The joy nor the peyn may no man dem That he xall haue for hys servyce, That serue god yn all wysse.” 352 The Emprore Seyd, “be heuyne kynge, Chyld, that ys a fayere doynge, [And also pis I leue wel” pat pis is sop, eueridel.] But telle me, chyld, yf thow can, 357 Wer-with the fynd be-gylle moste man P How many synnys, thow me telle, Bryngyn mannys sowll to helle P” The chyld Seyd, “synnys v, 36 I That a-monge men be full ryve. Wykkyd thowth yn mannys harte, Wyll that he ys heylle and swarte,” 364 To mannys-slawth and othere shame," s That euery man ther-fore hau blame ; - 366 But yf he schryve hym and make hym clere, (361) He goth ellys to helle fere.” (362) Pryde ys the tothere, 367 Gloteny ys yº iij" brodere, * Lines 355, 356 supplied from Ternon, omitted in Cotton. * Quarte = able, hearty, was probably the original word, not swarte. * MS. has synye, Vernon shame. The lines 363–(362) differ from the corresponding lines in Vernon and Cotton, and give better sense than either of them. * Ll. (361) and (362) are not found in Vernon. º %-" *~s-ſ? - ??” * ºf 2-3- ºx”gº-º-ºr-_ FO.10b. * ! t; 3-(42. V sº 37 Lechery ys on of the v,” On of the worste a-bothyn heven or all.” Covetyse ys pe v. as I the telle; Thyse synnys bryng man most to helle. Seynth Powle wettenes yn hys story The peyn for Covetyse in porcatory, [Bi hem-selven hit is diht, * A wylle" of bras bernyng bryth, Full of hokys a-bothyn and vndyr, And whan yt gotth yt rowttyth as tonder. As full of sowlys as yt may hangyn, As eche may be other ryngyn. [A wylde fyr among hem poth renne, All pathyt towchyt hyt doth brenne.]" Wy ys covetyse lekyd to a wylle, I schall the tellyn fayer and wyll ; Men that may wynne pat prysse 3evyn hem all to covetyce, 3a, mekyll of hys lyffe he wyllyt not blynne, At the laste he deyyd ther-ynne; Sortynly, as I the telle, With-owtyn end he goth to helle. For covetyce hath end no dylle, It ys lekyd to a wylle. Falsse Pryd that ys so bolde Ys wors be an hundryd folde, For Angellys that wern yn heuyn bryth, So clere schynnyng and full of lyth ; For pryde wrethe god can take, That many arn fynndes now blake. And fellyn owte of heuyne, as I pe telle, * of the v). pe feorpe, Vernon and Cotton. * Heuen or all]. eorpe, Vernon and Cotton. * Supplied from Vernon. ° wylle, i.e. wheel. 7 These two lines in Cotton only. The next eight lines are not in Vernon. 370 374 378 38O (377) (380) (384) 381 384 388 - i - 5 2 --> 38 e_/24. /* In to the netherest pytte of helle. Summe arn yn erthe amon]ge man-kynd, That bryng man-kynd yn deſd]ly synne. 392 There-for schryve the of pryde Or than wormys hau etyn pi syde, And thy body to strenkyt pe grownd, - And thy sowllyn woo ys bownd. 396 Sore schall per-for thy sowlle smerte, That euer thw wor prowd of herte. Pryde ys most synnyg, I the plyte, \ That worth god most full of myth; Lecherithynkyth no lesse pat yt ys Fo.11". So mercy nor so swytte, i-wys, Woo yn man wykyd as I the telle, Drawyt manny's sowle to helle. 3 9 8 ) In holy wrytte yt ys woste, That lechery ys the develys neste; Repe 3ow all fro that synne, That non of gow falle there ynne. / Gloteny I wyll dyscryſvle, 399 That a-mong mankynd ys full ryve, The fynd take men with[in] And make them drownke with alle and wyne.” 4O2 |He comyth and swere as he wer wode, Be goddes herte and be hys blyssed blode, And on byddyn hys payssoyne, That many on hath of hys malyssyne. 4O6 But yf he freyn hym of gloteny, In helle xall byn hys sowle foly.” " 4O8 8 These lines, a-j, are not in either Vernon or Cotton. 9. In Vernon these two lines stand :- “The fend takep of men wreches fale, Whon heo bep dronken of wyn and ale.” 1 Six lines which follow here in Vernon, are omitted in both Cotton and Prome MSS. From this point, many of the lines follow the Cotton version more closely than the Vernon, Some parts not being found in the latter at all. The numbers between () indicate correspondence with the Cotton lines. * 39 º ºrs::::::::=- ...... =& - º - § - “Alas!” Seyd the Emprore, “pis an hard chans, (387) Wat lekyd a man to don penawns. Agen Jesus owre Savyore ?” The chyld answeryd, “thynges iiij; (390) Slawth ys 1, Schame ys a-nodyr, And wanne-hope ys the iij brothere, The iiij ys wretyn, with-owtyne faylle, That he ys god and morcyall.” (394) He wyll on synfull take no wreche, - Yffe schyrſte of mowth wyll be hys leche.” The Emprore seyd, “sythyn thys ys, What bryng a man moste to blysse?” (398) The chyld answerd and Seyd yt, 46I Good word, good dede, and good thowth. 462 Wos per neuer euyll dede wrowth, (4OI) But at the begynnyge yt wos eyll thowth, 4O2 Wos ther neuer no good thyng, Fo.11". But that god [thowth wos at the begynnyng. (404) How-so haue with hym good speche,” 463 And hys sunne wyll on hym hau pete, (4O6) And may speke * or he wynd, ... • Off hys foo and of" hys frynd. 466 Good dedes arn myche of myth, On-to god full of heuyne lyth. (4IO) A man may with good dede, Wynne heuyne to hys mede.” 47O The Emprore seyd, “thys wyll I leve; 4I 5 Good chyld, takyt to no gryffe, (414) Telle me now, yf thow can, - How many dethys may dey man P” 4I8 The chyld Seyd, “on dethys ij, Ixall the telle wych thoo be; * Cotton, “mercy[a]bull.” * MS. has spede. * “And may speke]: ‘‘Wyth good speche he may.” Cotton. 5 And of : make, Cotton. 40 FO.12a. The jys bodyly deth here That he ys gretely strong yn fere, 422 That ys yn many manny's body with-ynne, - Or lyffe and sowle may parte on tweyne. The todyr deth ys deth of schame, Yffe he dey yn dette or wekkyd fame. 426 The thred deth, so seyth the clarkys, Yffe he hath no good warkys.” Than seyd the Emprore, “Telle me chyld, paramore, 43O How many synny's a-gens god on-schrevyn Thow that schall not" be for-3evyn P.” The chyld Seyd, “synnys ij, Mysse-beleve ys on of thoo, 434 Many a man fore no resun 435 Wyll be-levyn of the coronacionn," (434) That god toke fleysse of mayd Mary, (435) With-owtyn wene of hyr body, Nor that he deyed on pe rode tre. 445 How wyll no be-leve pat yt so be, (437) And yn to heuyn he steyynd, But yſ he leve thys yn all thyng, . (438) Sertenly, as I the telle, With owtyn end he goth to helle. And wanhope ys the todyr brodyr synne, Whan man ys fule depe there ynne, (442) And doth euer ylle - And neuer not wylle, Tyll he hath agen god so mych gylte, (443) The fynd yn wanhope Sone hym spylte, 452 That he wold no mercy crave, For he wene non to haue. (446) For that wan-hope as we fynd He goth to hell with-owtyne end.” 456 6 MS. has now. 7 “Yncarnacyone,” Cotton. à &hº 2^2}~ X- i; &! ilº §r n) 4 1 The Emprore seyd, “Syn pat yt ys so, 47 I That synne warke man so myche woo, Wer with schall a man hym bere That the fynd schall hym not dere P” 474 The schyld Seyd, “with devocyun, . Thynke on goddes payssonn.” 476 (454) Whan cryst knelyd on hys holy knesse and fete, For drede of deth hys body gan swete, Whan he stod bowmdyn to a pyllere strong, And betyn wos with schurges long, y (458) That crystes body ther yt stode Wos coullertyd yn hys owe blode. Whan he wos with thronny's kyne, The wonddes yn hys hed were sene. (462) And whan he bare the crosse to Caluery, And sythyn there on he gan deye, Thynke on hys wonddes smerte, 477 And haue hys payssoyn yn pi herte. (466) Ther-with may euery man be ware, That the fynd schall hym not dere.” 48O Fo.12°. The Emprore seyd, “thys leve I wylle,” - That yt ys Sothe euery delle. 3yt telle me chyld, yf pou cane, What ded paye mane to god thane P” 484 The schyld than seyd, “dedys iij, Ixall the tell wych they be, Yffe there be ony man, of schamys," That ledyth hys body yn penans, 488 And doth ageyn the fyndes levynge, And kepe hys body fro fowle lekynge, * Line 436 of Vernon, = 1. (434) above, ends with ‘godes passioun,” hence perhaps the confusion of the scribe among the lines 9 Wylle = well. 1 Evidently schans = chance, is intended. 2^ - º *:::: -, a =222 Slſ A-1 / 2. \s. { Ç.J) God ys payed with that fore on of ye iij,” He schall hau heuyn fore hys servyse. 492 And a-nodyr thyng pay god yn herte, L- A man be grete yn poverte, And take hys poverte meke and stylle, And pe pore to helpyn be of good wylle, 496 And gladly helpyn and Socore, Hys hevyn crysteyn po pat be pore, Yffe he may helpyn non more, But yf hys poverte lessy tº sore, 5OO He schall haue for hys good wyll, At his partyng that ys so schyll. The iij thynge payed god mych, Yffe a man be yn erthe rech, 5O4. And be cume of grete kynne, For-sake reches and werdly wynne, And 3effe hym selfe to poverte, - Ther-for yn heuyn schall he be.” 508 Than Seyd the Emprore “Telle me chyld, paramore, Qwy faste men the Fryday More pan pei don ony odyr day ?” 5 I2 The chylde answerd and Seyd agen, “xiij skyllys ther-fore sothe byn ; Fo.13". The fyrste resun tellyn I can, On a fryday god mad man, 5 I6 In the vale of Ebrojn after hys grace He schap man after hys owe face. The secunſd]* resun thow may leue,” On a Fryday Adam & Eue 52O They loste paradyce, as I the tell, They wer damnyd yn to hell. The iijº telle I schall, * Fore—iij]: emprise, Vernon and Cotton. 8 “But here pouerte rewe,” Cotton. Vernon has the same sense. 4 MS. has sceſſ, 5 MS, has here. == -º º/ 43 On a Fryday Kayn slew Abelle. 524. The forte resun" for-soth, I the plyte, That wos slayn be-fore god all myth, 526 | Kayme for hys wykyd tysynge," (515) He had the cors of owre kynge. (516) The iiij resun ys full swete, - 527 Whan Gabryell owre lady gan grete, On a Fryday with myld mode, Goddes sunn toke fleysse and blood 53O Off the mayde Mayry, With-owtyn wen of hyre body. The fyffe resun, I telle pe be-form, On a fryday goddes sun wos born 534 | Off the clene [holy] vyrgyn,' (525) To byen manny's sowle owte of peyn. (526) The vi resun ys fayere,” the chyld Seyd,” 535 “Whan Jesus crystwos sircumcysyd, On a Fryday he gan blede' & (529) For the gylte of owne mysse-dede, And for the synne of Adam and Eue, The blood wos bled fore owne mysse be-leve. (532) The vij resun telle I can, 537 That seyn Stevyn, that good man, On a Fryday wos stomyd to dede, 54O Throw the falsº Arowdys rede. 539 Fo.13%. The viljº resun wyll I gow telle, Yffe 3e wyll a wylle dwelle; - On a fryday seyn John the Baptyste, Wos hedyd for the love of cryste. 544 [In pe heruest after pe Assumpcion pat is i-cleped pe Decollacion.]" 546 * Forte resun] : “furste martir,” Vernon and Cotton. 7 These four couplets are in the Cotton, not in the Vernon. * The chyld Seyd] : “emprise,” Vernon and Cotton. 9 M.S. flas. * Supplied from Pernon and Cotton. * Arae ſeed---4-4-7-6- _*-m-tº- - 44 tº ſºlº, The ix resun ys full good, That goddes sun deyed on the rode. 548 On a fryday, as I the telle,” (545) | He browte mannys sowle owte of helle. (546) Thys ys the x resun, 55 I Off owre ladys assumcyun, On a fryday sche 3ylde pegoste To god that sche lovyd all moste. - 554 In heuyn nowe that vyrgyn ys, With body and sowle all holle, i-wys; Ther he ys kyng and sche ys qwene, Blyssyd motte that tyme byne. 558 The xi resun ys full trew, That the postyll Seynt Andrew On a Fryday wos don on cros, To god he klepyd with myld voys, 562 And seyd ‘fadyr yn trynyte, My sowle I be-qwethe to the.' The xij resun ys myld of mode, That seynt Ellynge fond pe rode 566 Wpon a Fryday at Calvery, The rode that cryst ded on dey; Ther wos the holy cros fownd, Dowyn depe vndyr grownd, 57O | And borne wos yn to the syty,” (563) With merthys and with solemyty. (564) The xiij resun ys verament, 57 I ~, That [Crist] schall cume at the day of jugement,” Fo,14*. On a Fryday with dolful mode, (567) With handes and syd all on bloode;— (568) Haue the Fryday euer yn mynd. 579 Theſsel xiij resun wrytyn I fynd. 58o * The two lines replace two very different lines in Vernon. * This couplet not in Vernon. 4 Six lines here in Vernon are omitted in Cotton and Brome. cº-ºr---> That the Fryday ys day of chans, Fastys” to fast and to don penans. The satyrday aftyr Sekyrly, For the love of owre lady, 584 Ther we wern yn balys bownd, Sche browte vs owte of helle grownd. Scheys full of mercy To all that to hyre klepyne or cry, 588 [To wasche and to make clene Alle pat euere in synne bene.]" * 590 A good sterre klepyd sche ys, The beste wey vs to wysse; Off hyr spranke a fayre flowere, (583) Jesus cryste, owre Savyore, (584) Blyssyd mot they all be 593 That seruyn that mayd with hert fre.” 594 The Emprore with grete sterne, To the chyld he sey full gayrne, “Chyld,” he seyd, “I cungere the, In the vertu of the Trynyte, 598 And yn the paysson of cryste, And yn hys deth and yn hys vp-ryste, Tſh]at thow me the soth sey Or than thow wynd a-wey. 6O2 What thow arte and fro wentes pou cam?”" The chyld answerd some a-non, “I ame he that the wroth, - And on the rode the dere bowte,” 6O6 [The childe wente to heuene po To the stude pat he com fro.]” * Fastys): Best, Vernon and Cotton. * Supplied from Vernon and Cotton. - " Vernon and Cotton have the question differently: “Whepur art pou a wikked angel or a good?” * Supplied from Vernon ; also in Cotton. - s. sºº (; * ---.” *. Sº 5-c. ~ The Emprore knelyd down on the grownd, And thankyd god that stownd, - 6 IO Fo.14". And he be-cum a good man as we rede, (603) In bedys bedynge and almesse dede; And seruyd god yn eche wysse, (605) And leuyd and deyed yn hys servyce. 6I 2 Seynt John the evangelyste, 6I 3 That gyd yn erth with cryste, Thys tale he tolde yn latyn, In holy wryth yn parchemyne; 6I6 He bad and commawndyd all man-kynd, The payssoyn of cryste pei Schuld haue yn mynd. Thus gendyth the talkyng, 619 God gyffe vs all hys blyssyng.” finis. (ºr PLAY OF ABRAHAM AND ISAAC. (yº &N, Five English plays on the subject of Abraham's sacrifice are known, the Brome MS. gives a sixth, and no two are alike." Each of the four great collections of plays, the Chester, York, Towneley, and Coventry, includes it ; one is also found in a separate form at 9 Vernon ends thus:– pus endep pis spellyng Of Jhesu, vre heuene kyng God graunt vs alle his swete blessyng Schrift and hosel, and good endyng. Amen. Cotton has but two lines after 1. (606) 612, viz.:- God geue grace yt so mote be Sayth all amen for charyte. The total of lines in this Brome version amounts to 660. The Vernon contains 622, the Cottom. Calig. A II. 608 lines. * Besides these, Arthur Golding translated one from the French of Theodore Beza, in 1575, (a copy is in the Bodleian Library). See Mistére du Yiel Testament, pub. par Baron J. de Rothschild (Soc. des Anciens Textes Franc. 1879), vol. ii. p. xviii. 47 Trinity College, Dublin. In the lists of plays performed at Beverley and Newcastle, too, this subject has a place; and there is little doubt that it was a favourite piece, both on account of its human and pathetic interest, and its capabilities of conveying instruction, either of the mystic-typical kind familiar to the early centuries, or of a directly religious and moral nature. When complete in itself, as in the York or Dublin MSS., the play may in some instances have been performed separately, independently of the great cycle of which it formed a part; the fact that it is scrimetimes found in detached manuscripts would seem to indicate this. Even at Dublin, however, we know from the city records that the play of “Abraham and Isaac, with their offering and altar,” was performed by the weavers’ company as one of the Corpus Christi plays.” I have found nothing to show that the play in the Brome MS. belonged to such a cycle in any town in East Anglia (traces exist of per- formances of religious plays at Wymondham, Manningtree, and Cambridge, and probably may be found in other places); but though it did, its separate preservation thus, copied among a number of other poems, is a proof that it was held in much estimation. The poet allowed himself space as though for a distinct play ; it is nearly one hundred lines longer than the Dublin, and eighty-six lines longer than the York, the longest of the other Abraham plays. And that it may have been performed as an independent piece is confirmed by the analogy of the French Sacrifice d'Abraham out of the collection Ze Miséére du Vie! Testament, which M. Rothschild says “parait avoir Été plus d’une fois represente comme une mys:ére distinct.” The performers to whom the play of Abraham and Isaac was allotted in various towns did not always belong to the same trade ; in Newcastle-upon-Tyne the slaters produced it;" in Beverley the * History of Dublin, by Walter Harris, Iondon, 1766, p. 148. * Vol. ii. pp. 1–3. 4 Though the Newcastle play has not been preserved, the following account of expenses incurred in performing it in A. D. 1568, was extant in 1789 in the book of the Slaters' Company:– S. d. “The plaers for thear dennares . 3 0 for wyme º () 8 for the rede clothe . 2 () for the care 0 20 for four stoopes . 0 6 for dreamke * @ ºn tº º 0 6 for bearers of the care and baneres . 0 18 E 48 bowyers and fletchers; in Dublin, as we have seen, the weavers; in York, the parchminers and bookbinders; in Chester, the barbers and wax-chaundlers; for Coventry and Wakefield (Townley mysteries) the performers are not recorded. The play now printed from the Brome MS. is superior to other versions” in touches of child-nature, and the varied play of feeling skilfully shown—the dear coquetting between the love of his child and the committal of the deed by the obedient but agonised father. The child begging his father not to kill him, and his fear of the Sword, even after all danger is over (lines 168, 18O, 378-9), are touched in with a life not found elsewhere. The thought of the mother (though Sara herself is not brought in) breaks out in the most natural and affecting manner (lines 175, 205, 254—261, 372); and the joyful rebound, of emotion after the painful strain between duty and affection, expressing itself in the kisses of Abraham and the apostrophes of Isaac to the “gentle sheep,” must have warmly appealed to the hearts of the audience. Finally, the lesson of faith for “learned and lewed " and “the wisest of us all ” is taught by the “Doctor” in the simplest manner, without reference to types or Christianity. With regard to the versification of the play the reader will observe that it is irregular, in several places the lines run in clear stanzas of five lines, rhyming a b a a b ; in others they appear to be in stanzas of eight lines, rhyming alternately, with a frequent short line or in drencke 3d. to theme that bare the care, and 1d. to the plaeres in drencke, and 2d. the horse mete . . . . . . : () 0 for rosemare . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 for the pyper for detten of the swearde & - for charcole 2d., for the detten of the croones Dertram Sadler for plaers whan they came home from the playe in mete and drenk had . . 0 6" (History of Newcastle, by John Brand, 1879, vol. ii. p. 370). We have here a car, on which was perhaps carried the altar for sacrifice, as the bearers are mentioned; banners preceded it, as was usual at such performances. Red cloth, a sword, and crowns are the other properties. The players and probably the piper also seem to have been well provided with meat, drink, and wine. * See for a more detailed comparison of the various English plays of Abraham and Isaac with the Brome version, Anglia, vol. vii. part 3. (Halle, 1884). 49 tag following. There are also many lines which seem to be formless as regards metre, rhyme, or stanza. Judging by the analogy of other plays of the kind, it is probable that this also was originally composed with much care for its poetical form, but has become partially corrupt through oral repetition and the errors of copyists. In one or two instances only have the sense and the rhyme required enabled me to suggest restorations (lines I32, 141, 354, 428): a local or corrected pronunciation will lead to the restoration of other rhymes, as in lines I7—2O, 38, 40, 76, 286, 409, 410. It must be remarked also that interjectional phrases and ex- clamations were probably often treated as prose in this piece, as they certainly were in the York plays. This adds to the difficulty of discovering the normal stanza. Three stage directions only are found (after lines 289, 315, and 383): they are written in the MS. as part of the text. The rest, with the title perscnages, and scene of the play, are my addition. The names of the speakers are written in the margin of the original. -------------" Ns esse-Nº- Ne sº ~\ ^e. 1448 [A TLAY OF A AND ISAAC. \*. *=== 43-s / HBramatiº 33¢rgoma. DEUs. ABRAHAM. ANGELUs. ISAAC. Scene—The field near Abraham's abode in Beersheba). Abraham. Fader of heuyn omnipotent, Fo. 15. With all my hart to the I call, Thow hast 30ffe me both lond and rent, And my lyvelod thow hast me sent, 4. I thanke the heyly,” euer more, of all. Fyrst off the erth pou maydst Adam, And Eue also to be hys wyffe, All other creatures of them too cam, 8 And now thow hast grant to me, Abraham, Her in thys lond to lede my lyffe. * Heyly, highly. I, 2 >v - 50 In my age pou hast grantyd me thys, That thys gowng chyld with me shall wome; I2 I love no thyng so myche, i-Wysse, t Except pin owyne selffe, der fader of blysse, As ysaac her, my owyne swete sone. I haue dyuerse chyldryn moo I6 The wych I love not halffe so wyll;" Thys fayer swet chyld, he schereys” me soo, In euery place wer that I goo, That noo dessece" her may I fell." 2O And ther for, fadyr of heuyn, I the prey For hys helth and also for hys grace, Now lord, kepe hym both nygth and day, That neuer dessese nor noo fray 24 Cume to my chyld in noo place. [To Isaac. Now cum on, ysaac, my owyne Swete chyld Goo we hom and take owr rest. Ysaac. Abraham myne owyne fader so myld, 28 To folowe gow I am full glad, Bothe erly and late. Abraham. Fo. 15 vº. Cume on, swete chyld, I love the best Of all the chyldryn that euer I be-gat. 32 Deus [in heaven]. Myn angell, fast hey the thy wey, An on to medyll-erth anon pou goo, 7 The adverb “well” is spelt throughout wyll, it was pronounced to rhyme with feel, deal, &c. 8 Schereys, cheers. 9 Dissece, dis-ease, i.e. hurt or discomfort. 1 Fell, feel, 51 Fo. 16. Abram’s hart now wyll I asay, Wether that he be stedfast or noo. 36 Sey I commaw[n]dyd hym for to take Ysaac, hys gowng sonne, pat he love so wyll, And with hys blood sacryfyce he make, Yffe ony off my freynchepe yf he wyll fell. 40 Schow hym the wey on to the hylle Wer that hys sacryſtyce schall be, I schall a-say now hys good wyll, Whether he lovyd better hys chyld or me. 44 All men schall take exampyll be hym My commawmentes how they schall kepe. Abraham. Now fader of heuyn pat formyd all thyng, My preyeres I make to the a-geyr, 48 For thys day my tender offryng Here myst I geve to the certeyn. A lord god, all myty kyng, Wat maner best woll make p" most fayn P 52 Yff I had ther-of very knoyng Yt schuld be don with all my mayne, Full sone a-none. To don thy plesyng on an hyll, 56 Verely yt ys my wyll, Dere fader god in trinyte. [Enter Angel. The Angell. Abraham, Abraham, wyll pou rest | Owre lord comandyth pe for to take 6O Ysaac, thy gowng Sone that thow lovyst best, And with hys blod sacryfyce pat thow make. $º \\ . . º \ }. --- ... . ." § “. ..., wº \ # * , ſº a' . ." § wº . . . . * . .” Nº Yº sº. A ji " . . . * * * * > . ." ... " ' " ...~ * * -.' <--> --> # '. , - * , , 52 In to the lond of Wsyon thow goo, And offer thy chyld on-to thy lord; I Schall the lede and schow all soo; Wnto goddes hest Abraham a-cord, And folow me vp on thys grene.” Abraham. Wolle-com to me be my lordes sond, And hys hest I wyll not with-stond: 3yt ysaac, my gowng sonne in lond, A full dere chyld to me haue byn. I had lever,” yf god had be plesyd. For to a for-bore all pe good pat I haue, Than ysaac my sone schuld a be desessyd, So god in heuyn my sowll mot saue ! I lovyd neuer thyng soo mych in erthe,” And now I myst the chyld goo kyll. A lord god, my conseons ys stronly steryd, And 3yt my dere lord I am sore a-ferd, To groche ony thyng a-gens gowre wyll. I love my chyld as my lyffe, But gyt I love my god myche more, For thow my hart woold make ony stryffe, 3yt wyll I not spare for chyld nor wyffe, But don after my lordes lore. Thow I love my sonne neuer so wyll, 3yt Smythe of hys hed sone I Schall. * Perhaps grene should be hond, to rhyme with stond in line 69. * Lever, comparative of lief, dear; I had lever, it were dearer to me, I had rather. * Pronounce erde, cf. lines 220, 222. 64 68 72 76 8O 84 53 .3 Fo.16V9. A fader of heuyn, to the I knell,” 88 An hard dethe my son schall fell For to honor the, lord, with-all. The Angell. Abraham | Abraham thys ys wyll Seyd, And all thys comamentes" loke pat pou kepe, 92 But in thy hart be no thyng dysmasyd. Abraham. Nay, nay, for-soth, I held me wyll plesyd. To plesse" my god with the best pat I haue For thow my hart be heuely sett 96 To see the blood of my owyn dere sone, 3yt for all thys I wyll not lett, But ysaac my son I wyll goo fett, [Erit Angel. And cum asse fast as euer we can. IOO Now ysaac, my owyne son dere, Wer art thow, chyld P Speke to me. YSaa,C. My fader, swet fader, I am here, And make my preyrys to pe trenyte. IO4. Abraham. Rysse Vp, my chyld, and fast cum heder, My gentyll barn pat art so wysse, For we to, chyld, must goo to-geder, And on-to my lord make sacryffyce. IO8 * Knell, kneel. * Comamentes, commandments. 7 MS. pelsse. 54 Fo. 17. Ysaac. I am full redy, my fader, loo! 3evyn at 30Wr handes I stand rygth here, And wat so euer 3e byd me doo, Yt schall be don with glad cher, II 2 Full wyll and fyne. Abraham. A l ysaac, my owyn son soo dere, Godes blyssyng I gyffe the and myn. - Hold thys fagot Vp on pi bake, II6 And her my selffe fyer schall bryng. Ysaac. Fader all thys here wyll I packe, I am full fayn to do gowr bedyng. Abraham. Aſ lord of heuyn, my handes I wryng, 120 Thys chyldes wordes all to wond my harte. Now ysaac, on, goo we owr wey [They set off. On to 3on mownte, with all owr mayn. Ysaac. Gowe my dere fader as fast as I may, I 24 To folow gow I am full fayn, All thow I be slendyr. Abraham. A lord! my hart brekyth on tweyn,” Thys chyldes wordes, they be so tender. I28 7 In MS. tewyn. 55 A ysaac, Son, a-non ley yt down, No lenger vp on pi backe yt bere, For I myst make redy bon To honowr my lord god as I schuld.” I 32 [They arrive at Mount Vision. Ysaac. Loo! my dere fader, were yt ys, To cher gow all-wey I draw me mere. But fader, I mervell sore of thys, Wypat 3e make thys heuy chere? I36 And also, fader, euer more dred I, Werys gowr qweke” best pat 3e schuld kyll ? Both fyer and wood we haue redy, But queke best haue we non on pis hyll. I4O A qwyke best, I wot wyll, must be ded, gowr sacryfyce for to make." Abraham, Dred the nowgth, my chyld, I the red, Owr lord wyll send me on to thys sted, I44 Summ maner a best for to take, Throw hys swet sond, Ysaac. 3al fader, but my hart begynnyth to quake, Fo. 17 vo. To se pat scharpe sword in gowr hond. I48 Wy bere 3e gowr sword drawyn sop P Off gowre conwnauns* I haue mych wonder. Abraham. A fader of heuyn, so? I am woo! Thys chyld her brekys my harte on too. I 52 * Perhaps the original version had that I fere, for as I schuld. * Qweke, quick, alive. 1 In the MS, lines 141 and 142 are reversed. * This word appears to be countenance. - 8 MS. os. 56 Ysaac. Tell me, my dere fader, or that 3e ses, Ber 3e gowr sword draw for me? Abraham. A 1 ysaac, Swet son, pes! pes! For i-wys thow breke my harte on thre. I 56 Ysaac. Now trewly sum-what, fader, 3e thynke, That ge morne thus more and more. Abraham. A lord of heuyn, thy grace let synke, For my hart wos neuer halffe so sore. I6O Ysaac. I preye gow, fader, pat 3e wyll let me pat wyt, Wyther schall I haue ony harme or noo? Abraham. I-wys, Swet son, I may not tell the 3yt, My hart ys now soo full of woo. I64 Ysaac. Dere fader, I prey gow, hydygth" not fro me, But sum of gowr thowt pat 3e tell me. Abraham. A ysaac, ysaac 1 I must kyll the. 4 Hydygth, hide it. This appears to be a relic of the coalescence of a verb and pronoun, a peculiarity of East Midland dialect. See also lines 257, 300, 304. - 57 Ysaac. Ryll me, fader, a-lassel wat haue I done? I68 Yff I haue trespassyd a-gens gow owt, With a gard 3e may make me full myld; And with gowr Scharp sword kyll me nogth, For i-wys, fader, I am but a chyld. I72 Abraham. I am full sory, son, thy blood for to spyll, But truly, my chyld, I may no chese. Ysaac. Now I wold to god my moder were her on yis hyll, Sche woold knele for me on both hyr kneys 176 To save my lyffe. * And sythyn that my moder ys no here, I pray gow fader, Schonge” gowr chere, And kyll me not with 3owyr knyffe. I8O Abraham. For-sothe, son, but ºyf I the kyll, I schuld greve god rygth sore, I drede, Yt ys hys commawment and also hys wyll That I schuld do thys same dede. I84 He commawndyd me, son, for sereyn, - To make my sacryfyce with thy blood. Ysaac. Andys yt goddes wyll pat I Schuld be slayn P Abraham. Za, truly, ysaac, my son Soo good, I88 And ther-for my handes I wryng. * Schonge, change. 58 Ysaac. Now fader, agens my lordes wyll, Twyll neuer groche, lowd nor styll; He mygth a sent" me a better desteny Yf yt had a be" hys plecer. Abraham. For-sothe, son, but yf I ded pis dede, Grevosly dysplessyd owr lord wyll be. Ysaac. Nay, nay, fader, god for-bede, That euer 3e schuld greve hym for me. ge haue other chyldryn, on or too, The wyche 3e schuld love wyll, be kynd; I prey gow, fader, make 3e no woo, For be Ionys ded and fro gow goo, Ischall be sone owt of gowre mynd. Ther-for doo owre lordes byddyng, And wan. I am ded than prey for me : But, good fader, tell 3e my moder no thyng, Sey pat I am in a-nother cuntre dwellyng." Abraham. A ysaac, ysaac, blyssyd mot thow be My hart be-gynnys" stronly to rysse, To see the blood off thy blyssyd body. * A sent, a be—have sent, have been. 7 MS. dewllyng. * MS. begynnyd. gy?!?!y I92 2OO 2O4. 2O8 59 Fo.18 vo. Ysaac, Fader, syn yt may be noo other wysse, Let yt passe ouer as wyll as I. But fader, or Igoo on to my deth, 2 I 2 I prey gow blysse me with gowr hand. Abraham. Now ysaac, with all my breth, My blyssyng I geve pe vpon thys lond, And godes also ther to, i-wys. 2I6 Ysaac ysaac, some up thow stond, Thy fayer swete mowthe pat I may kys. YSala,C. Now, for wyll,” my owyne fader so fyn, And grete wyll my moder in erthe." 22O But I prey gow fader to hyd my eyne, That I se not pe stroke of gowr Scharpe sword, That my fleysse schall defyle. Abraham. Sone, thy wordes make me to weep full sore, 224 Now my dere son ysaac, Speke Ino more. YSala G. A my owyne dere fader, were fore ? We schall speke to-gedyr her but a wylle.” And sythyn that I must nedysse be ded, 228 3yt my dere fader to 3ow I prey, Smythe but feve" strokes at my hed, And make an end as Sone as 3e may, And tery not to longe. 232 * That is, fare well. * See note to line 76. 2 Wylle, while, * I.e. few. 60 Fo. 19. Abraham. Thy meke wordes, chyld, make me afrayed, So welawey! may be my songe, Excepe alonly godes wyll. A ysaac, my owyn Swete chyld ! 236 3yt kysse me a-gen vp-on thys hyll ! In all thys warſld ys non so myld. Ysaac. Now, truly, fader, all thys teryyng Yt doth my hart but harme. 24O I prey gow, fader, make an enddyng. Abraham. Cume up, swet son, on to my arme, I must bynd thy hands too, [He binds Isaac's hands. All thow thow be neuer soo myld. 244 Ysaac. A mercy, fader, wy schuld ge do soo? Abraham. That thow schuldyst not let [me], my chyld. Ysala G. Nay, i-wysse, fader, I wyll not let 3ow, Do on for me gowre wyll, 248 And on the purpos that 3e haue set gow, For godes love kepe yt forthe styll. I am full sory thys day to dey, But 3yt I kepe not my god to greve, 252 Do on gowre lyst for me hardly, My fayer swete fader, I geffe gow leve. 61 But, fader, I prey gow euer more, Tell 3e my moder no dell.” 256 Yffe sche wostyt sche wold wepe full sore, For i-wysse, fader, sche lovyt me full wyll; Goddes blyssyng mot sche haue ! Now for-wyll, my moder so swete, 26O We too be leke no mor to mete. Abraham. A ysaac, ysaac 1 son, pou makyst me to gret, And with thy wordes thow dystempurst me. Ysaac. I-wysse, Swete fader, I am sory to greve gow, 264 I cry 30W mercy of that I haue lonne, And of all trespasse pat euer I ded meve 3ow, Now, dere fader, for-3yffe me pat; I have donne. God of heuyn be with me. 268 Abraham. A dere chyld, lefe of thy monys, In all thy lyffe thow grevyd me neuer onys, Now blyssyd be thow, body and bonys, That euer thow were bred and born, 272 Thow hast be to me, chyld, full good. But i-Wysse, chyld, thou I morne neuer so fast, 3yt must I nedes here at the last In thys place sched all thy blood. 276 Ther-for, my dere son, her schall pou lye, On-to my warke I must me stede, I-Wysse I had as leve my selffe to Čey, Yf god wyll plecyd with my dede,- 28O And myn owyn body for to offer. FO. 19 V8. * Dell, deal, bit; no dell, not at all. 62 Ysaac. A mercy, fader, morne 3e no more, gowr wepyng make my hart sore, As my owyn deth that I schall suffer. 284 3owre kerche fader a-bowt my eyn 3e wynd. Abraham. So I schall, my swettest chyld in erthe. Ysaac. Now gyt, good fader, haue thys in mynd, And smyth me not oftyn with gour scharp sword, 288 But hastely that yt be sped. Abraham, [Here Abraham leyd a cloth on Ysaaces face, thus Seyyng— Now, fore wyll, my chyld, so full of grace. Ysaac. A fader, fader, torne downgward my face, For of 3owre scharpe sword I am euer a dred. 292 Abraham. To don thys dede I am full sory, But lord thyn hest I wyll not with stond. Ysaac. " A Fader of heuyn ! to the I crye, Lord, resey've me in to thy hand. 296 Abraham. Loo! now ys the tyme cum certeyn, That my sword in hys necke schall synke. A lord, my hart reysyth the ageyn, I may not fyndygth” in my harte to Smygth; 300 * See note to line 165. 63 Fo. 20. My hart wyll not now ther too, 3yt fayn I woold warke my lordes wyll. But thys gowng Innosent lygth so styll, I may not fyndygth in my hart hym to kyll. 3O4 O ! Fader of heuyn ! what schall I doo? Ysaac. A mercy, fader, wy tery 3e so, And let me ley thus longe on pis heth? Now I wold to god pe stroke were dio, 3O8 Fader, I prey gow hartely, schorte me of my woo, And let me not loke thus after my degth. Abraham. Now hart, wy wolddyst not thow breke on thre? 3yt Schall pu not make me to my god on-myld. I wyll no lenger let for the, [312 For that my god a-grevyd wold be, Now hoold tha stroke, my owyn dere chyld. [Her Abraham drew hys stroke and the angell toke the sword in hys hond Soddenly.] * The Angell. I am an angell, thou mayist se blythe, 3 I6 That fro heuyn to the ys senth, Owr lord thanke the an c. sythe, For the kepyng of hys commawment. He knowyt pi wyll and also thy harte, 32O That thow dredyst hym above all thyng, And sum of thy hevynes for to depºrte A fayr Ram Gynder Igan brynge, He standyth teyed, loo! a-mong pe breres. 324 Now, Abraham, a-mend thy mood, For ysaac, thy gowng son pat her ys, Thys day Schall not sched hys blood; F 64 Fo. 20 vo. Goo, make thy sacryfece with 3on Rame. Now, for-wyll" blyssyd Abraham, For on-to heuyn I goo now hom, The wey ys full gayn. Take vp thy son soo free. [Ea;it Angel. Abraham. A lord, I thanke the of thy gret grace, Now am I yeyed" on dyuers wysse, A-rysse Vp, ysaac, my dere sunne a-rysse, Arysse Vp, Swete chyld, and cum to me. Ysaac. A mercy, fader, wy Smygth 3e not gyt? 328 332 336 A " Smygth on, fader, Onys with 3owre knyffe. Abraham. Pesse, my swet sir! and take no thowt, For owre lord of heuyn hath grant pilyffe Be hys angell now, 34O That pou Schalt not dey pis dey, sunne, truly. Ysaac. A fader, full glad than wer I, I-wys fader, Isey, i-wys' Yf thys tale wer trew. Abraham. - An hundyrd tymys, my son fayer of hew, For joy pi mowt now wyll I kys. Ysaac. A my dere fader, Abraham, Wyll not god be wroth pat we do thus? * For-wyll, farewell. 7 Yeyed, joyed, rejoiced. 344 348 65 Abraham. Noo, noo! harly” my swyt son, For gyn" same Rame he hath vs sent EIether down to vs. gyn" best Schall dey here in pisted, In the worpchup of our lord a-lon. Goo fet hym hethyr, my chyld, in ded. Ysaac. Fader, I wyll goo hent” hym be the hed, And bryng gon best with me a-non. 352 356 [Isaac catches the ram, A scheppe, Scheppel blessed mot pou be, That euer thow were sent down heiler, Thow schall thys day dey for me, In the worchup of the holy Trynyte, Now cum fast and goo we to geder To my fader of heuyn, Thow pou be neuer so jentyll and good, 3yt had I leuer thow schedyst pi blood, I-Wysse, Scheppe, than I. Loo! fader, I haue browt here full smerte, Thys jentyll scheppe, And hym to 3ow I gyffe. - But lord god, I thanke ye with all my hart, For I am glad that I schall leve, And kys onys my dere moder. Abraham. Now be rygth myry, my swete chylld, For thys qwyke best pat ys so myld, Here I schall present be-fore all other. Fo. 21. * Harly, heartily. * $yn, yon. 1 MS. worpchup. * Heni, seize. 36O 364 368 372 F 2 66 Ysaac. And I wyll fast be-gynne to blowe, - 376 Thys fyere schall brene a full good spyd ; But, fader, wyll I stowppe” downe lowe, ge wyll not kyll me with gowre sword, I trowe ? Abraham. Noo, harly,” swet son haue no dred, 38O My mornyng ys past. Ysaac. 3al but I woold pat sword wer in a glad," For i-Wys, fader, yt make me full yll a-gast. [Here Abraham mad hys offryng, knelyng and Seying thus— Abraham. Now lord god of hevyn in Trynyte, 384 All myty god omnipotent, My offeryng I make in the worehope of the, And with thys queke best I the present. Lord resey've thow myn intent, 388 As art god and grownd of owr grace. DeuS. Abraham, Abraham, wyll mot thow sped, And ysaac, pi 30wng son the by, Trvly, Abraham, for thys dede, 392 I schall myltyplye gowres botheres sede As thyke as sterres be in the skye, Bothe more and lesse; And as thyke as gravell in the see, 396 So thyke myltyplyed 3owre sede schall be, Thys grant I 3ow for 3owre goodnesse. * Stowppe, stoope, bend. * Harly, hertely, heartily, truly. * Glad, glede, hot ash in the fire, Isaac wishes the sword were in the fire, it terrifies him so greatly. (37 Fo. 21 yo. Off gow Schall cume frowte gret, And euer be in blysse with-owt gynd,” 4OO For 3e drede me as god a-lon, And kepe my commawmentes eueryschon. My blyssyng I 3effe, were so euer je goo. Abraham. Loo, ysaac, my son, how thynke 3e 4O4. Be thys warke that we haue wrogth, Full glad and blythe we may be Agens pe wyll of god pat we grucched nott, Wp-on thys fayer hetth. 408 Ysaac. A fader, I thanke owr lord euery dell, That my wyt servyd me so wyll, For to drede god more than my detth. Abraham. Why dere-wordy son, wer thow a-dred ? 4. I2 Hardely, chyld, tell me thy lore. YSaac. 3a, be my feyth, fader, now hath I red, I wos neuer soo afrayd be-fore, As I haue byn at 3yn hyll. 4I6. But be my feyth, fader, I swere I wyll neuer more cume there, But yt be agens my wyll. Abraham. 3a, cum on with me, my owyn Swet sonn, 42O And hom-ward fast now let vs goon. Ysaac. Be my feyth, fader, ther-to I grant, I had neuer so good wyll to gon hom, And to speke with my dere moder. 424 * 3:/nd, end. N - _` sº 68 N eſt- Abraham. A lord of heuyn, I thanke the, For now may I led hom with me Ysaac, my gownge sonn Soo fre. The gentyllest chyld a-bove all other,” 428 Thys may I wyll a-voee. Now goo we forthe my blyssyd Sonn. YSaa.G. I grant, fader, and let vs gon, For be my trowthe wer I at home, 4.32 I wold neuer gon owt vnder that forme. I prey god 3effe vs grace euer mo, And all thow that we be holdyng to. Doctor. Lo! sovereyns and Sorys," now haue we schowyd, 436 Thys solom story hath schowyd to grete and smale, It ys good lernyng to lernd and lewyd, Fo. And pe wysest of vs all, 22. Wyth owtyn ony berryng.” 44O For thys story schoyt gowe How we schuld kepe to owr pore Goddes commawmentes, with owt grochyng. Trowe 3e, sores, and god sent an angell, 444 And commawndyd 3ow to Smygth of gowr chyldes hed, Be Gowre trowthe ys ther ony of gow That eyther wold groche or stryve ther ageyn P * MS., erthe. * Sorys, sirs. 8 Berryng, from berry, to thresh. The “learning” or teaching of this story comes out without any threshing. -ve sº- * # /4B, ºp. 43-57 How thyngke 3e now, sorys, ther-by ? 448 I trow ther be iij or iiij or moo; And thys women that wepe so sorowfully Whan that hyr chyldryn dey them froo, As mater woll,” and kynd. 452 Yt ys but folly, I may wyll awooe, To groche a-gens god or to greve gow, For 3e schall neuer se hym myschevyd, wyll I knowe, Be lond nor watyr, haue thys in mynd. 456 And groche not a-gens owr lord god, In welthe or woo, wether that he gow send, Thow 3e be neuer so hard be-stad, For whan he wyll he may yt a-mend. 46O Hys comawmentes treuly yf 3e kepe with gooſd] hart, As thys story hath now schowyd gow before, And feytheffully serve hym qYvyll ge be qvart," That 3e may plece god bothe euyn and morne. 464 Now Jesu, that weryt the crown of thorne, - Bryng vs all to heuyn blysse Finis. THE FIFTEEN SIGNS BEFORE DOOMSDAY. IN the first century after Christ the expectation of the last day gave rise to descriptions of the signs which should betoken it, shaped by fervent imagination, not only upon our Lord’s predietions in Luke xxi. 9–II; Math. xiv. 7 and xxiv. 29; Mark xiii, 24, but also on other passages, as Ezekiel xxxii. 7, 8 ; Joel ii. IO, 32; Isa, xiii. 9, Io, and xxxiv. 4, and others. The apocryphal fourth book of Ezra, Bishop Hippolytus, Lactantius, Eusebius, Jerome, and ALgustine, one after the other, took up the legend,-increased, defined, Cr modified it. * Woll repeated twice in MS. | Quart, active, hearty, in good condition. 70 A Greek acrostic, which in the fourth and fifth centuries was embodied by Lactantius in his Divina Institutio and translated by Augustine into Latin hexameters,” seems to be the original source of the narration of fifteen definite signs of doom predicted by one of the Sibyls, which, perhaps mainly through this translation of Augustine's, became widely spread in the works of Bede, Adso, Comestor, Aquinas, and others, during the middle ages. Poems, on varying versions of the subject taken from these writers, are found in nearly every country of Christendom, from the twelfth century onwards,-French, Provençal, Italian, Spanish, German, Old Friesic, Dutch, Anglo-Saxon, English, Old Irish, and Icelandic.” A great many of these poems and writers, the earliest of whom appears to be Bede," attribute the legend to Jerome ; nothing of the kind is, however, to be found in his works printed by the Benedictines, though it may have been in some writing of his now lost. There are many middle English poems on the Signs of Doom. It is found Sometimes included as part of a long collective poem, as in the Cursor Mundº, Il. 22428–227 Io, in part iv.; Hampole's Pricé of Conscience, ll, 4738–4817; and Sir David Lyndesay’s Monarche, book iv. Il. 5450–5509. The legend is embodied in a shorter poem * Civitate Dei, lib. 18, cap. 22. * It would be impossible to give here full details. Those who wish to go further into the subject are referred to Dr. Nölle's useful and suggestive essay, Die Legende von den Fünfzehn Zeichen wor dem ſingsten Gerichte, in Paul and Braune's Beiträge, Halle, 1879, vol. vi. p. 412, and to the references in it; to an article by E. Sommer, in the Zeitschrift für Deutsches Alterthum, vol. iii. p. 523; and especially to that by Caroline Michaëlis in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, &c., 1870, vol. xlvi. p. 33; to references in Mätzner's Altenglische Sprachproben, i. 120, and in Furnivall's Adam Davy's Five Dreams, &c., E. E. T. Soc., 1878; for French version to the Bulletin des Anc. Teates Francais, 1879, pp. 74, 79– 83, and to the drama of Adam, ed. V. Luzarche, Tours, 1854, p. 71 ; as to Provençal, see Daurel et Beton, ed. P. Meyer, Soc. des Anc. Textes Fr. 1880, p. xovii. The Northmen of the tenth century, or thereabouts, put the story into the Wolospa (see Vigfusson and Powell’s Corp. Poet. Boreale, i. lxvii. ii. 625, 637, 650; in Old Irish about the twelfth century, Dr. Whitley Stokes tells me, it is found in a collection of poems on the histories of the Bible, Saltair na Rann (Anecdota Oxon. Oxford, 1883, ed. Whitley Stokes), Nos. cliii.-clix. The old Friesian version is printed in Max Rieger's Lesebuch, p. 213. 4 Collectanea et Flores, Works, Cologne, 1612, iii. p. 494. ‘. ...’ 4. } º, #1 º’ - º * ~, ; : & _º º?' º; 4 × 2. º ź '. *} %2.5 6. / 27° ƺ a 2 & º &c.) tº *:::::2 - .*: - - - - - ‘.…? - º -- e. ** ** - - - - - cº-----4------fº = . // 17 § !? 1% to enforce the argument, as in one of the versions of the Debate between the Body and the Soul,” Harl. MS. 2253, fol. 57, ll. 49–86, printed in the Latin poems of W. Mapes, edited by Thomas Wright, Camden Society, 1841, p. 346, and in the play called Æ2echzel, foretelling Anti- Christ and the End of the World, in the Chester Plays, ed. T. Wright, Shakespeare Soc., 1847, vol. ii. p. 147; or it is a short detached piece confined to the subject alone. Examples of these have been printed from eight manuscripts.” Our Brome example is another copy of that found in the Cambridge Trinity College manuscript mentioned in the note. It contains sixteen lines at the beginning (ll, 3–18) not found in that copy, and several other variations; but on the whole follows it pretty closely. The last thirty- two lines are, however, wanting at the hand of the Brome scribe. As the two are nearly contemporary, the Cambridge MS. being dated by Mr. Furnivall at about 1450 A.D., I have numbered the lines of the Brome copy independently. The version printed by Varnhagen from the Cotton MS. (see note below) is a third copy of the same. It contains fifty-six lines of preamble before the line “ Kyng of blysse, blyssyd pou be ” with which the Trinity College and Brome copies begin, and wants a few lines in other places, otherwise it bears a close resemblance to these. 7/ –? .--" /~~ Fo. 23a T7 yng of blysse, blyssyd pou be, K lord of myth and of pete Grawnth vs, for thy holy myth, That we synne neuer with-ynne pi syth ; 4 Off thy wyll, we prey the, That pe fynd yn vs hath no poste. * This version agrees with that in the Saltair na Ranr, in describing only Seven signs. ° Mätzner, as before, i. p. 120; Furnivall's Adam Davy, &c., p. 92, from Laud MS. 622; Furnivall's Hymns to the Virgin and Christ, E. E. T. Soc., 1867, p. 118, from a MS. at Trin. Coll., Cambridge, B. xi. 24; J. Small's JEnglish Metrical Homilies of the Fourteenth Century, Edinburgh, 1862, p. 25; Chester Plays, ed. for Shakespeare Soc. by T. Wright, 1847, vol. ii. p. 219, from Harl. 913, fol. 20, and Harl. 2255, fol. 117; Warnhagen, in Anglia, vol. iii. 1880, pp. 533, 543, from Cambridge University, F. ii. 38, fo. 42, and Cotton Caligula, A. ii. fol. 89. 7 Graunte, Cotton version, ij. Mayden Mary, full of grace, Be-seke thy some yn euery place, As he ys lord of myche grace, That the fynd yn vs haue no space, *The sowle pat 3e toke and vs 3eweffe, That ys be Jesus cryste to qveweffe. A pater noster sey we all, In deſd]ly synne pat we per-in nougt fall, And an aue and a crede, - Lord! for-geue vs owre mysse-dede, Granth vs, lord | * be-forne owre ende, For we wote neuer wan we xall wynde. The xv tokenys tellyn I may, The wych. xall cume or domys day, And also Seyth Seynth Jeromye In the boke of prophecye. . The fyrste day Xall reyne blode, For drede men xall byn all-moste wode, All that yn erthe than xall stand Schall waxyn blake, and blod xall wond. The chyldryn on-borne, I tell the, Off thoo tokenys a-ferd xall be, And cryen Vp-on heuyne bryth, Ryth as they spekyn myth. The secunde day ys hard to telle, The starrys schuldyn fro heuyne falle, Also dreful and also bryth As the fyer of thundyr lyth. Men owt to seyn “[well-away] | These byn the tokenys of pe domeſs-day]!” Fo.23°.They xall cryen and syen sore, 8 Lines 11 and 12 stand thus in Cotton :- The sowle, pat he tooke us to eme, That hyt be to pe Jesu for to qveme. 9 Shrºfte instead of lord in Cotton. I 2 I6 2O 24 28 32 36 iij. iiij. And [say], “Jesu cryste, thyn hore.”" The thredde day ys day non swech 4 In erthe nor yn heuyn-ryth,” The hey sunne that ys so bryth, So fayer and so full of lyth, Schall be-cume blakker than pe pyke. In that day trlewe-lyche, Men xall than pe Sune se Also swart as yt may be, Men xall sore a-ferd be For the tokenys that they xall se. Alas ! that we xall here a-byde To syne sweche sorowe on euery syde. The forte day tokynys full long, With wepynge and with sowrowe strong. The mone xall at the erpe stond, To rede bloode he xall wond; He hastyd hym sore to the grownd, He wyll ther be leuyn no stownd, To the see he goth for drede, As Moyses be-form vs seyd. The Mone xall waxyn brod and full rawe, And wyndyn owth of hys ryth lawe. The man xall sey to hys wyffe, “A-las ! that we byn a-lyve.” . The fifte day comyth full swype, For euery best that ys on-lyve Toward heuyn hys hed he halte, Wondyr yt ys that he may walke. He wold spekyn, and he myth, And cryen, “mercy Jesu cryste,” And klepyn, “Jesu, thyn ore, Off that myschyffe we se no more.” * This word is ore in the Camb, MS., i.e., mercy, pity. 4O 44 48 52 56 6O 64 68 * In the Cambridge these two words are “syche” and “heven-ryche.” So Seyth the prophecye, In hys boke of Joromye, Fo.24°. That euery beste a-ferd schall be vj. vij. viij. Off thoo tokenys that they xall se. Wyll they mown vndyr-stonde That all thys word xall vndyr-fonde, That Jesu haue on vs pete, As he vs bowth on the rode tre, That we mown cume to hys blyse, Jesu, lord yf thy wyllys. The sexte day xall down fall Trysse with ther croppys all, Toward heuyn turne the rote, And to the grownd the toppys for pe fote. Man for drede xall lesyn hys wyffe, The wyffe hyre [child] and pe chylde the lyffe ; All pou leuyn xall lesyn ther wyth,” Wo ys hym that day on byth. The folke than that arn on-lyve, Myche peyne they schall dryve. A-las ! that lyve ys so towth, That yt may with sowrow nowth, Bettyr yt wer to byn on-lyffe.” Than wyche sorow for to dryve. The sente day schall [f]all down Chyrch, and castyll, and euery town, All xall brekyn euery dell, The mowteynys xall pedalles fyll; For strong drede yt schall schake, That all the word fore dred xall quake. Than schall pe ward yevyn be, Woys hym that yt xall se! The eygte day ys day of drede, As moyseys be-form vs Seyd, 72 76 8O 84 88 92 96 IOO 3 I.e., wit. 4 Camb, has “oute off lyve.” IO4. - - - § 22. -- **--w r ... : " AE - º º: * Č/475 A*222sgaz º.º.º.º.º. &z.) *tac------. : ~~~~: £775,7 % That the see Schall rysyne and fle More than hys myth schall be. For drede he rysyth, hebbyth, and flowyth, For the stronge wynd that blowyth, The wavys Schuldyn so grete be Fo.24°.In-to heuyn yt wold fley. ix. All that leuyn that yehe day, He wold flyen and he nogte may, Wnder erthe they woldyn be, That god Xulde hym nogte se. Than he hym with-drawe, And gon a-gen yn-to hys ryth lawe. God of heuyn that yehe day, So he brynge vs the der as he wyll may. The nyngth day, wondyr yt ys, As prophycye vs Seyth, i-wys, For euery watyr xall spekyn than, And steyn Vp be-fore a man, And cryen than to Jesus cryste, Ryth as they spekyne myth, “Lord ' thys myschyffe pou ful-fyll, For we dedyn neuer a-gen pi wyll Wyth synne nor with wykyd dede, Lord! bryng vs owte of thys drede. And gran|[t]wºt vs all to reste Ther bale ys moste, and boote ys beste.” . The tenthe day ys day of sweme,” As Gregory Seyth and Jeromye, That knelyn Schall angelys bryth, A-form the fote of Jesus cryste. Seyn pater" and hys felow-rede Schall not dore speke a word fore drede, He xulldyn syn heuyn on-do, And the erthe ryth also, * Sweme, trouble or grief. 6 I.B., Peter. IO8 II 2 II6 I2O I24. I 28 I32 Fo:25. xj. xij, He Seyth and crystes swete sone For drede of the strong dome; - Owtgt xulld commyſ.n] pe devyll of helle, As Symon be-gan to telle, And cryn, “lord ' thow vs borowe Outge of owre peyn and out; of owre sowrowe, Thow hytyst vs to heuyn cumme, Woll longe thow haste vs for-gonne. p[rough]' Wykydnesse of owre mysse-dede, We haue loste thy felow-rede; Synne we haue suffyrd woll long, Woll byttyr balys and woll strong, Grawte vs, lord, thy felow-rede, We wyll amend owre mysse-dede.” Thys ys pe day of strong sowrow, A wyll strenger cumme to-mowrow. Th’elente day comyth wondyr lyth, With strong stormys and mych flyth ; Thow tokenys schallyn thow se That euer and euer schall be ; The reynbowe xall on-wryed be Gostlyche pat we mown se, That [the develyn] schall woll garne For grete drede to helle ronne, Therbyn peynys hot and colde; Judas ther-in deyed he wolde, God Seyd ther-yn 3yt he xull be, We woll nout; gyt hym se, Theryn he xall wonyn and dwell, And all that euer he mown qiwell. God loue vs to be-tyde, That byn be the bettyr syde. The Twelte day ys drede-full than, Ther wos neuer no falsse mane " The MS. has a contraction, poº, which is unintelligible. I4O I44 I48 I52 I 56 I6O I68 I72 That he ne wolde to god hym hyth, gyf he durste and troste most of hys myth. The angelly's 3e Xuldyn syn all, And on knesse Xuldyn down fall 176 To goddes fote fore owre synne, For owre good and all man kynde. Lord we be-sekyn the - That yn thy pore that we mown be I80 Fo.25°. Than schall heuyn to-gedyr gon, Lenger to a-bydyn helpe ys ther non. xiij. Dredfull comyth the thertene day [Tol All the folke that leuyn may ! I84 Fro the be-gynnynge of Adamys sunne, In to the endynge of the day of domme, That may tellyn neuer no rede Halfe the sowrow and halfe pe drede, I88 That god hym selfe Schall seyn than, - Whan he comyth down yn º the face of man, All the stonys grete and smale,” That byn yn erth, with-owtyne tale, I92 All Schall to-geder rynge For drſe]de of owre heuyne kynge. They schall rysyn and Seyth so, The rede blood schall fro them go. I96 xiiij. The fortene day ys day of sorow, Wyll strenger comyth to mowrow. . Therys no thyng yn thys ward ynne, - But yn that fyer yt schall brene, 2OO Fowlle nor beste xall non be a-lyve, But yt schall brene fro morowe tyll even. 3yfe ony man leue and se thys, He may be sory and hevy, i-wys. 2O4. Thys pacyt' nougt woll Sone, - 8 MS. has ynto. 9. In the MS. 11, 191 and 192 are reversed by mistake. 1. I.e., passeth. 2-743- º: g -------- Alºxº~…~~~~}=ºzzºfº ** –.--> * ... ... -- “. . . .-...-: *ºtº-c: º-º: --- - - - _-->~~ . ...” *i. . & c/423. A pºe ºf 22.2% tºrs *** * **** z-z-z-z- To morow comyth the day of dome. xv. The fyftene day comyth ful swype; Ther wos neuer no man a-lyve, - 2O8 Fro Adamys day, formeste man, But to the dome xall cume than ; And fro deth he schall ryse, And of the dome woll sore a-grise.” 2 I 2 Euery man as of xxx" 3ere olde Schall cume to the dome to be-holde. Fo.26". Euery man schall other mete. At the mownth of Olyuete; 2 I6 The Angelys xall blowyn with per hornys, And pepyll schall [come] all at onys, Full sorely they mown a-gryse Fro the deth that they schall ryse. 22O The Angell xall cume Jesus be-forn, With schurgys and a crown of thron, With dred-full chyr and with grete mode, All-so to hys harte yt stode,- 224 The spere so bryth and so scharpe, And yt stonge hym to the herte. For no ylle no for no spyth Longes stonge 3ow to the harth, 228 Owte sprange the blod all so rede, As prophycye a-fore vs Seyd; He strake ther with hys eye syth, Yt cum as bryth as candyll lyth : 232 “Kynge and lord of grete pete, - Thys [mysdede] thow for-3yffe me. Longes ded gow [non]* Wykyd dede, And [for no covetyse of mede]; 236 * Agrise (verb), fear, be afraid. 3 The Brome has a instead of non ; but it is not good sense. The next line is blank, but is here supplied also from the Cambridge MS. Lines 239 –242 come between ll, 234 and 235 in the MS.—an evident mistake. - ºx `s * 2. Aſ * - \, *~e? ... *-* … - *::: * , •. º & ºzº.” Áº } - … . .”:**.*.* tº 3.x=& : §§sº:*:::::= *** {{== 2 - *:::sº tº gº s: zº, y = ± * ... <>, C/º ºzcº 2 × 2 ** & J A £79 & *-tºº And I wos blynd and myth note se, Ther-for lord I prey pe for-3evyt me.” And angell xall brynſg] pe rode so bryth, With blody maylys, precyus of syth. 24O “Lord of myth, we prey the, - - On all mankynd thow haue pete Than comyth owre lord with grete mode, Hys armys spred vp on pe rode, 244 “Man, thow mayist here the soth se, What I haue suffyr for the, ge wer woll lef for to swere, - Be myn eyne and be myn ere, 248 Fo.26°.Be my flesse and be my blode, Be my leuer and be my lowde; Man, yt was to the woll ryffe, To sweryn be my wondysfyve, 252 Be my brayn and be my hede, My sowle wos full oftyn rede; Yt wos to the grete ondoyng, So oftyn to make sweryng. 256 Thow woldyste me neuer clothe nor fede, Thow woldyst me helpyn at no nede, Oftyn thow woldyst for-swere the, Man, wat sufferyste thow for me.” 26O Than came owre lady hyr sonne be-forn, Blyssyd be the tyme that sche was born, Hyr eyes be-ran all with blode, Woll sore wepynge and with grete mode. 264 Fader the sonne and the holy goste, Kyng and lord thow arte moste. * 3% ik Sk - * 80 ST. PATRICK'S PURGATORY AND THE KNIGHT SIR, OWEN.4 THE story that St. Patrick, in order to excite the tardy faith of his fellow-countrymen, built an abbey in Ireland, at the entrance to a Cavern, in a valley (or, as some say, on the top of a mountain), and established a ceremonial by which those who would go through the horrors of passing a night locked up alone in the cavern, and should come out alive from it, should escape purgatory after death, became popular and widely spread from the twelfth century. The narration of the experiences of Sir Owen or Owain, an English knight, who victoriously made this expiation for his sins in A.D. 1153, has been left on record by Henry of Saltrey, a monk born at Huntingdon, living about that time.” It has been alluded to by several early chroniclers, including Math. Paris; and, developed or altered, is found in not a few Latin and French manuscripts and printed books. The poets Marie de France, Calderon, and it is thought even Dante, are indebted to the legend for inspiration. The Legend of St. Patrick's Purgatory also gave rise to some other stories, such as the Visions of Tundalus, and the Vision of St. Paul : but these are distinct from the Visions of Sir Owen, which have an air of historic veracity given them by the mention of King Stephen, in whose time the events are supposed to have occurred. Setting aside Latin, French, or Spanish redactions, we find in English three separate metrical versions, dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In the first volume of Englische Studiem," (pp. 57–121), Professor Kölbing printed the two later versions of the legend in English metre (commonly called “Owain Miles”), namely, that contained in the Auchinleck MS. at Edinburgh (fourteenth century), and that contained in a paper MS. of the fifteenth century, Cott. Calig., A II. at the British Museum. Of each of these but one * This poem and part of the note are also printed in Englische Studien, vol. ix. part i., 1885. I am indebted to Herr C. Stoffel of Amsterdam for Several corrections of that print. - * Henry of Saltrey's account is printed in Triadis Thaumaturgae sew Divorum Patricii, Columbae, et Brigidae acta, ed. Johannes Colganus, Lovan., 1647, tom. ii. pp. 274–280; also in Florilegium Insulae Sanctorum Hiberniæ, Paris, 1626, ed. Thomas Messingham. * Some literal corrections, made on a further collation of the MS., were printed by Prof. Kölbing in Engl. Studien, bd. i. p. 186, and bd. v. p. 493. 81 copy has at present been known. Our Brome MS. supplies us with a second copy of the Cotton version. On comparison of the Brome with the Cotton copy, the differences between the two appear con- siderable, amounting in one case to the addition of 75 new lines from the new copy. Although, on the one hand, several lines of the Cotton MS. are either omitted or contracted, on the other the additions and the improved readings in various phrases mark the Brome, in Some respects, as the better copy of the two. There are eighty-seven new lines in the Brome, while it omits or alters about the same number found in the Cotton MS. It has been impossible to give here all, or even most of the various readings, on account of their number ; the words are inverted or the line re-cast, while retaining the thought, in innumerable instances : in many cases naturally the Cotton MS. offers the better sense. It will be easy for students to collate them ; meanwhile, in order to make an approach to a complete version, the lines (and occasionally words) wanting in the Brome are here supplied from the Cotton between [], and where necessary to the understanding of the text different readings from it are given beneath. To facilitate comparison the lines are numbered on the basis of Kölbing’s Cotton text, the additions being sub-numbered, as A 1, 2, &c., or 295*, *; by this means the displacement or inversion of lines, in several places, is easily to be recognised at sight. To account for such considerable variations it seems that the scribe of one, or perhaps of each manuscript, must have written down the poem from memory; some of the changes (it is not safe to call them in either case mistakes, not knowing which is nearest the original) are such as would follow from the recollection of similar phrases, as cues, which occur more than once (see ll. 3O2, 360, 395). Others would arise from a recollection of the ryme, or of the sense, while the exact words failed the memory. It may be useful to recall that another English metrical version of this legend, differing much from the others, and in a southern dialect, has been printed from three MSS.," with variants from two others, by Dr. Horstmann, in his first volume of Altenglische Legenden, (Paderborn, 1875), pp. 149—2 II. Some of these MSS. are a little earlier in the fourteenth century than the Auchinleck MS. ; but probably those two versions of the popular story existed side by side 7 One of these, MS. Egerton, 1993 (Horstmann, p. 175, is found as part of the miracles at the end of The Life of St. Patrick, in a collection of the Lives of Saints in verse. J G 2 c +15 stºº sº (fiº) before the Cotton and Brome type was written. On the general history of the legend, besides the article and references in Engl. Stud. i. pp. 57—98 (see St. Patrick’s Purgatory, by Thomas Wright, 1844, and Ze Voyage did guys S. Patrix, réimpression featuelle augmentee d’une motice bibliographique, par Philomneste, junior, Genève, 1867, under which mom de fºlume M. P. G. Brunet has given a valuable sketch of the development of the legend and its bibliography. Fo. 28. Jesu patys moste of myth, And of wronge makyth ryth, Sendyth wyssemen vs to wysche The ryth weye to heuyn blysche. [Fyrste his prophetys, pat wer bold, 5 Off pat was comyng, pey us told ; But pe folke pat were yn londe Ne myght hem not unpurstonde.] To teche hem more redely, Cryste com hym celfe woll preuely, IO And all moste 111 and XXX" gere, A stedfaste man that dwellyd here. Bothe in word and tokynys felle He tawte men ther sowll helle, - Aftyr warde for manys good, I5 He dede hym selfe vp-on pe rode, And bowth vs with hys blody syde, Fro hym that was 8 lorn for pryde. I8 And or than he to heuyn wente,” a Hys Apostollys forth he sente, 2O To telle men of heuyn reche, 3onge and olde, all a-leche. 3et we and boschepys al soo," And holy precherys many moo, * Cotton has, “All hem pat were.” * Brome gives 1, 18* instead of Cott. 1, 20, “pat pey shulde pe folke amende.” - Cott. 1. 23, “He hadde bysshoppus gode also.” as 1 S-Pi—ºn. sa-i-º-º: Pe. gº & * tº- c.1+15 St. Rt. º ( ºwn) That schewyd vs many tokenyng 25 That he ys god and stedfast kyng ; Holy bochoppys sum tyme yer were, That tawte men of godes lore. In pe lond” prechyd seynt Pertryke, In all pat lond wos hym non lyke, 3O He preched goddes wordy's full wydie And tolde men wat Schude be-tyde. Fyrste he spake of heuyn blysse, How-so go the der he go not a-mysse, And sythyn he spake of helle peyn, 35 Who ys he pat comyth ther-yn ; Fol.28w°. And 3yt he spake of porcatory, As yt ys wretyn º in pe story. The folke pat wer in pe contre, Wolde not be-leue yt myte so be, 4O [And seyde, but 3yf hyt were so, But one myth + myth hym selfe gon, And syn all pat and cum a-geyn, Than many wolde hym beleuyn fayn. Seynth Pertryke hym be-thow the, 45 Jesu he than be-sowth º That he wolde hym sum tokenys schowe, That in pe lond yt myth be knowe, That he myth throwe hys be-heue, Bryng pat folke yn a beter be-leue. 5O Cryste" peryd to hym vpon a day, As he yn hys bed lay, Tweyn reche thmyges he hym gaffe, A boke of gospell and a staffe. With goode chyre pe bosschoppe yt toke, 55 Bothe pe staffe and pe boke; * pe lond]. Cotton, “Irlonde.” * As — wrety.n]. Cotton, “As he fonde.” * But — myth.]. Cotton, “pateny mon.” * Cryste]. Cotton, “Our Lord.” * ~~~~ :=- i & º J 84 3yt arn thes reche relekys gowre,” And heuery heyr feste bere,’ With full good devocyun, The boschoppys baryth prosessun. 6O The herche boschoppe of pat lond, • Schall bere pe staffeyn hys hand, Beyat woll wete wat pe staffe hyte, Jesu pº stafte men clepete rythe. Cryste spake to seynt Partryke tho, 65 Be name, he bade hym [wyt hym] goo, He led hym yn to a wyldyrnesse, Ther neyther man nor beste was,” And schowyd hym pat he wyll myth se Fol. 29. In to the erthe a preuy entre, 7o Yt was in a depe dekys ende; “What man,” he seyd, “pat wold here yn wende,” - And dwellyn hyr-yn a day and a mythe, And howe he ys be-louyd" a-rythe, And commyn a-geyn, he note wyll, 75 Meruellys talys he may tell. What man pat goth thys pylgrymage, Ixall hym grante for hys wage Beyt man, woman,” ore knaue Oper porcatory xall he neuer haue.” 8O As Sone as he to hym had seyd soo Jesu went pat bochoppe froo. Seynt Partryke went a-non rygth, ° 3owre]. Cotton, “pere.” 7 Cotton, ll, 58, 59, “And at euery festeday yn pe 3ere, They ben bore in processiun,” 8 Cotton, 1.68, “Wher was no reste more ne lesse.” * Wende]. MS. has “wynde.” Howe–be-louyd]. Cotton, “Holde his byleue. * Be—woman]. Cotton, “Whepur he be sqwyer.” Fo. 29 yo. & * { * ...~2. - • , fºilº.’, Jº o ‘i: ºzº; ... *----> Q, H & * {{ w - He not stode" day nor nygth, But get hym helpe fro day to day, And ded make per a reche abey. Schanonys good he dede per yn Wnder pecunsel of Seynt Austyn. Thus men clepyd pe reche Abeye,” Regelys pat hath pe same day. Seynt Partryke ded make full wyll A dore bowndyn with yryn and stell; Loke and keye he made per too, That no man schuld that dore ondo); The key he toke to pe preyor, And bad hym loket as hys tresor. Ther he loked pat hentre thoo,” That no man myth yer yn goo, But yf he wer at the Seynt" Of pe preyor and hys couent, 3yt fro pe boyschoppe he muste haue a letter, Or ellys he wer neuer the better. 3yt ys thys stede yn rememure' Rlepyd Seynth Partrykys purcatore. In hys tyme sum were ther yn To gette for-3euenes of ther syn, And cum a-gen all on the morow, God with yem, toldyn of mykyll sorow, Of peynys that yey seyn ther,” [And of mykyll joye also.] Whath pey seyn woll pey wete, * Not stode]. Cotton, “ne stynte ner.” * These two lines, which are not in the Cotton MS., show that the name of * Cotton, 1.95, “And euur close pe entre so.” * Seynt, i.e. assent. 7 Rememure, i.e. memory. * Ther]. Cotton, “tho.” 85 88 90 95 IOO IO5 the abbey was the same as that given in the Auchinleek version (see after, 1, B. 68). - - - 86 Fo. 30. For pey haith yn bokys wryte, Sum wentyne yn that bodyne care,” And comyne a-geyne neuer more. In Steuys tyme, I vndyr-stond, pat per woS a knyth yn Ingelond, A knyth per wos men klepynd syr Howyne, He was per yn and come a-geyn; What he sawe per I wollyow telle, Bothe of heuyn and of helle. The knyth was a dowty man and a bold, A moſn]ge men mekyll he was of told, Tyll throw folly he fell yn synne, And long letyd hym ther ynne; And aftyr-ward be-thowte hym sore,” And thowte of synne he wolde no more. To pe boschope of that cuntre, He went and fond hym yn pat Sete, To hym a-non he gan hym Schrywe, At hys myth of all hys lywe. The boschoppe blamyd hym yn paſſ hete, For hys synnys many and grete, And sythyne Seyd at pe laste, That all hys lyve he muste faste, For to a-mend hys mysse-dede That he hathe done and Seyd. “Syre,” he seyd, “I gow be-seche, As 3e be my sowle leche; A bone pat 3e grante me also To Seynth Partrykys wey to go. And sythyn qūhan I cum a-geyn, Ixall fulfyll 3owre word full fayn.” II 5 I 20 I25 I 30 I 35 I4O “Seyrteyn,” Seyd pe boschoppe, “pat xall I nowte, For many follys the dyr han Sowte, * Bodyne care]. Cotton, “bolde wore.” 1 MS. ‘‘ onem.” * Sore]. MS, “sere.” So mykyll on hem selfe they troste, Wher pey be cum, no man woste. I rede the for they devociun Thow take abyth of relygium So myth thow both mythe and day,” Serue god wyll to pay.” [“Syr,” he sayde, “y pe pray, 3efe me lefe to gon my wey! I hope ryth wyll to cum and wynde, Throw goddes grace yt ys so hynde.” The boschoppe geffe hym leue thowe A goddes name for to goo: A-non he worthe hym a letter wyll, And selydyth with hys howyn sell. The knyth yt toke and wente hys wey To pe preyore of that Abbey. As sone as he to pe priowre cam, Of hym pe letter pe priowre nam, He yt rede and stod full styll. Anon he knewe pe knythtys wyll, And spake to hym yn fayer maner, “Syr, pou harte wolcum hethyr, Be thys letter yn my hand I haue rythe wyll pi wylle vnderstond, IBut I rede not the so for to doo,” Por grette perellys yt ys the der to goo. I rede the dwell her and be owre brother, And take abyte, and do no nother. So myth thow bothe nyte and daye Serue god [full] wyll to paye, [Then may py sowle to heuen wende And haue per blysse wyt-owten ende.”] I45 I 50 I 55 I6O I65 Fo. 30 V8. * Cotton, ll. 147 and 148—“And $yf pu wylt py synne lete In pys wyse may pu heuen gete.” 4 Cotton, 1. 168—“Nopur for wele ner for wo. I7O e-ºrce sa:-paſtºratºr +-ca. * 88 elſº. 75 “Syre,” he seyd, “I felle my wytte" I75 For my synnys many and thyke, Thedyre I wyll, what so be-falle, To gette for-3euenes of hem alle.” Than seyd pe priowre, “syn pou wylte Soo, Jesu the saue fro sorow and woo ! .. I8O But 3et a wyll" with vs pou xalte dwell And of thow perellys I xall pe tell.” Fyftene dayes he dwellyd ther' In fastynge and in holy lore, And at the xv. dayes ende, 185 The knyth muste forth hys wey to wynde. Fyrste on mowrow he hard messe, And sythyn howsyld he wos; Holy watyr and holy boke, Ryche relykys forth he toke, I90 Iche pryste and Schanown Wente with hym yn proseyssun, All for hym pey gan to prey,” And Seyd for hym peletaney, And browth hym to pat entre I95 Theryat syre Howyn wolde be. There pe knyth knelyd downg - And toke pe priowrys benycyon.” The priowre on-ded the dore tho, Fo. 31. And lete syre Howyn yn goo, 2OO And lolkyd pe dore and turnyd a geyn And they preyed for * syr Howyn. * Probably read “me wyke” for “my wytte.” Ll. 175—178 are a good deal altered. Cotton, 1. 175 runs, ‘‘‘ Syre,’ he sayde, ‘puredest me well.’” 6 Wyll, i.e. while. - 7 Cotton, “pore.” 8 Cotton, “And as lowde as pey mysth crye.” * This line is imperfect in the Cotton MS. 1 Cotton, 1. 200, “In goddus name he badde hym go.” * They — for.] Cotton, “Lafte per.” ^*-es-sº & gº) /. 3% * w ſ ſºn) 89 Forth than wente yat bolde knyth, And wyll” he had lytyll lyth, But he faylyd lyte full sone, - 2O5 For per schon neyther son nor mone; - He had no-thynge hym for to lede He gropyd pe wye as he had nede. Forth he wente ferder ynne, A lytyll lyth he saw be-gynne, 2 IO A lytyll lyght per hym be-fore,” Glad wos syre Howyn per fore; Sweche was hys lyght whan yt was beste As yt ys in wentyr at the sunne reste. Whan he had lythe, forth wente he, 2 I 5 Tyll he cam yn a grete cuntere. It semyd wyll for to be wyldyrnes, For ther was neyther tre nor gres; But as he be-hylde hym on hys ryth hond, A woll fayur halle he sawe per stond, 22O It was hey, bothe longe and wyde, . But yt wos opyn on euery Syde; 222 Sengyll pyllerys ther-on were, ô That metely pe walys bare, (2 5 Yt was made of sylkeweth" gyse 224 Lyke an cloyster on all wyse. . 223 As he stod and lokyd a-bowte, 225 Ther.com xv. men on a rowte, The eldes man gan for to sey, Fyrst he seyd, “benedicite ” Syr Howyn toke ther benysun, And all be hym pey setyne down. 23O Fo. 31 v". Alle ther crownys wer new schauyn, * And wyll.] Cotton, “A whyle.” * Cotton, “Sone per after a lytull more.” * a, b.] These two lines in Brome MS, only. - * Cotton, “selkowth.” 90 Q ſºft/6 As prystes be-falle wyll for to hauyn ; The eldes man of them all, Fyrste he spake as be-fall, “Knyth,” he seyd, “for pi synne 235 Gret perellys pou puttyste pe ynne,’ But god, pat deyed vp-on pe rode, Full fyll thy wyllyn all gode 1 We may no lenger with pe here dwell, We werseyth * hethyr pe to tell 24O Off thow perellys pat Jesus pe” be-fall, God geyffe pe grace to schape hem all! As some as we be gon pe fro Ther xall cum other to do pe wo, But loke pat pou, throw thy be-haule," 245 IBe stedfast yn pi be-leue ; And yt pey wyll pe bete or bynd, Euer more haue thys word yn mynd, Jesu ! god sunn full of myth ! IHaue mercy of me, pigentyll knyºh 25O And hath euer more yn thy thowth Jesum pat hath the euer bowth. We may no lenger with pe preche But Jesu cryste we pe be-teche.” Thyes holy men wente hym fro, 255 And than be-gan the knythtys wo, [As he sat per alone by hym self, He herde grete dynn on eche half] As all pelenne and all pe thundyre That men hath seyn of myche wordre;’ 26O And all petryn, and all pe Stonys, 7 Cotton, “A grete aventur pu art inne.” * We werseyth.] Cotton, “But be sente.” * pat Jesus pe.] Cotton, “pe shall.” 1 Cotton, “But loke py pow;th on god be styffe.” * Cottom, “That euer was herde heuen vndur. zºº. '------------- - - -->4- Fo. 32. re **:- - 2 ... .º § 22 tº 27.7s. s: ſº // ; •'. - z Fºr:} ^ ---. f; A 2- | *\,...}. }}, ſº- *) | &f A ‘. . 3. N. ...A fºº','º',' §ºr:{ſº} o ! sº %2 | º 9 l * – - - *::::::2- Had row to-gedyr all at Onys. In that wedyr so yt faryde,” Yt made syre Howyn sore a-ferde, And he had nowth be-tawte be-fore, He had be rewyd fore euer more. Flyen myth he nowt, he muste a byd, They com yn on euer syyd, Wykydgostes owte of helle, Ther may corage hym full telle.* * Full pe howsys, rowys be rowys, And many stodyn with owte pe wowys, 265 27O Summe fyndys gernyd and summe made a mowe, Syre Howyn wos a-ferd, I trowe; And summe fyndes pat stode hym oy, Seydyn to hym, all on hey, “Thow haste wyll done pat pou cum here, Thus be-tyme to be owre fere; Oper cum not tyll they be dede, But thow haste a woll better rede; Thow comyst hethyr to do penawns And with vs pu xalte lede the dawns. Thow seruyd vs many a day, We xall the gyldyth yf we may. Thow hast be to vs a woll good knawe," As pou hast seruyd thow schallte haue. But neuer pe lesse, wyll pou harte hynd, Yf pou wylte a-geyn wynd, And gone and leuyn as pou haste down We xall pe sprer,' tylleft sunne; 3 Cotton, ll. 263, 264, “For all pe worlde so hit ferde And perto a lowde crye he herde.” 4 Cotton, “So mony, pat no tonge myºte telle.” * Ll. 271–274 much altered. 6 Cotton, “All py kynne shall pe not säue.” 7 Sprer.] Cotton, “Spare.” 275 28O 286 285 29O 92 Bettyr yt ys thy sowle haue who, Than body and sowle all-so.” “Nay, Seyd pe knyth, “pat wyll I nowte, I take me to hym pat hath me bowte.” The fyndys madyn a fyere a-none Off blake pyke and brymteston, And kyste pe knyth per-yn to brenne,” And all on hym they gan grenne. [pe knyºth pat payne full sore he powgth, To Jesu he called whyle he mowgth, Fo.32 vº. “Jesu,” he seyd, “full of myth,” Haue mercy on me,” pigentyll knyth” . [All pat fyre was qweynte anone] The fyndys fledyne euery-schone, And lettyn syre Howyn all alone;” [And pen pe knygth anone up stode As hym hadde ayled now;t but gode, All alone be-lefteyn pat place, And he ponked god of all hys grace; Then was he bolder for to stonde 3yf pat pey wolde hym more fondel. And as he stod per all a-lone,” Oper deuelys a-bowte hym gan gone, And ledyn hym yn to a fowle cuntre, That euer ys myth and neuer daye. Ther yt was both therke and colde, Ther was neuer man so boold That, thow hys clothys wer purfuld, ” Some hys thyrth xulde be colde. 295 3OO 3O2 3O3 3O8 9 a, b, in Brome MS. only. 1 Brenne.] MS., “berne.” 2 Myth.] Cotton, “Pyte.” 3 Cotton, “Help and haue mercy on me.” 4 The MS. has this line in place of 1. 302. 5 Lines 309 and 310 are also re-cast. 6 Cotton, “Hadde he neuur so mony clopus on, But he wolde be colde as ony stone.” 3 IO 3 II 3I 5 * See boºi Wałºck, Yaeva. 2 jº' sº Fo. 33. ~2% ºr f £º º gº & { º “-ºxº~ *º-º: Than felte he per wynd blowe, And 3yt yt blewe bope hey and lowe. They ledyn hym yn to a fyuld brode, Ouyr sweche-on he neuer rode, The lenkyth per-of cowd he not tell, Ther-ouer he muste, so yt be-fell. And as he gyd he hard a cry, And he lokyd what wos hym by." He sawe per men and women tho That lowd cryend fore who, They loyn thyke on euery lond, Fast naylyd, fute and hond. Vpward-there belyys wer cast,” And yn to peerth naylyd fast. The fyndys spokyn to pe knyth, “Syste pou how theys folke be dyth P But yf pou wylte to owper cunsell turne, Hyre xall pou lynth and make pi mone.” “Nay,” seyd pe knyth, “pat wyll I nowth, Myne hope ys yn hym pat hath me bowth.” A-none pe fyndysleydyne hym downe, To don hym peyne pi wer all bone, They fettyn forthe naylys stronge, Bernynge pat werne and reyth full longe, Whyll pat pey streynyd forth hys fete, He clepyd to hym pat ys so swete, “Jesu !” he seyd, “full of mythe, Haue mercy on me, pigentyll knythe.” The fyndys fledyn euery on, And let syre Howyn all a-lon. 7 Cotton, “He wondered what hyt was and why.” - 8 The nineteen lines (329, 330, 335—352) are replaced here by the ten lines A—A, the intervening four lines are here inserted in the account of the third torture (beginning 1, 365). 32O 325 328 A I IO 353 357 36O 94. sa-is-a-o-º-ee-f fºLºck's-Yºr. --~~~~ *m-. –a And as he stod and lokyd abowte,” 395 Othyr delys ther comme on a rowte, 396 *And ledyn hym yn to a-nothyr fylde, 365 Sweche a-nother he neuer be-hylde; It was lenger mych more Than pe tother he sawe be-fore. 368 He sawe yn that fylde brode,” B I Many an edder and many a tode, Men and women he sawe thoo, That yn yat fylde bodyne woo, For they wer febyll and woll lene, B 5 And loyne thyke one euery kyne. Hyre facys werne turnyſd] to pe grownd, 33 I They seydyne, “spare vs summe sto[u]nd.” 332 The fyndys woldyn hem” not spare, 333 To don hem peynys they were full 3are,” 334 Ther hedys yat wer wont for to be kempte full ofte, And one pyllowys layne full softe, The todyssotyne one euery herre, Ther myth men vetyne wat pſey] were. B I O Edderys, todys, and othyr wormys, In hyr bodyes wer ther howsys. They leddyn hym yn to a-nother fylde The wyche was brodest yat he euer be-hylde, |But ther was neyther game nor songe B I 5 - Neuer with them a-monge. Fo.33 vº. Iche man of hys turment, 9 The two lines which stand in Cotton, 361 and 362, are in Brome MS. found preceding lines 395 and 396, which latter are repeated here. Doubtless the similarity of the recurring phrases preceding them caused the error. * Lines 363 and 364, here omitted, are ; — “Some of pe fendes turned affeyne, And forp pey ladde syr Owayne.” * Here follow (B) 76 lines which do not occur in the Cotton MS. 8 MS., “hym.” * Cotton MS. has yare (misprinted pare). w } 7 / .4% & t ºf AE ! I $º ſº.ſ. w :* -> C The knyth sawe as he went, He thowte ryth wyll to be-holde Men and women, Synge and olde, With schenys bernynge as the fyer; Many per hynge be the sqwyer, B 2C) Summe be the tonges and summe be the chynnys, Summe be the membrys and summe by the novelys, Summe hynge hey and summe hynge lowe ; Many he knewe that he per sawe. Summe hynge on hokys be pe chynne, Mykyll sowrowe pey hadyn for ther synne, As they haddyn hym ferder inne, A woll" myche wylle he sawe yer irne; It was brod and yt wos heye, s And nedys to pe ouerest gend he seye, The halfe wylle yn ye erthe ranne, And ther on hyngyn many a mane; Be-nethyn wos fyer and brynstone, That bernythe them euer a-none, Yt semyth a trendyll pat ran so garne, Ryght as a stone of a qVerne. They tokyne hym be pe handes than, And kestyne hym on pe wylle to brene. A-non wos the knyth wyll, And ther he stoke styll, A-non he klepyd on-to Jesu cryste, So pat no more herme he wyste. The fyndys Seyn pey myth note spede, They grenyd on hym as woluys in wode, All a-bowte hym they gangoo, They wolde fayn a-don hym woo. Fast pey hadyne hym ferder more, A woll mych howsse he sawe be-fore, Fo. 34. The lenkyt per of he cowd note ame, 5 Wylle] i.e. wheel, cf. 11, B 33, 37. H B 25 B 3O B 35 B 4C B 45 B 50 o/4-75° Owte of the dore comme a grete flame; There was so mych stynke" and Smeke, Yt wold a made an heyll man seke. The knyth stynted and yer-with stod, B 55 For pat stynke he was nere wod, The fyndys turnyd a-geyne, And greSely spake to syre Howyne “Why goste pou so faste and pou halte? Wyll pou wyll, forth thow xalte. B 60 Syst thow now 3yn grete gatys P Therbyn owyr bate fatys, Ther syth owre maystyr and owre kynge, He ys full glad of thy comynge; .* Thow seruyst hyme full wyll at home, B 65 He ys woll glad yat thou arte cumme; Syste thow thy home, wyll pou soo, Or thow wylte a-geyne goo A-geyne to pe gatys of Regelys,” Than may pouseyn pou hath byn at pe B 7O develys.” “Nay,” seyd the knyth, “that wyll I nowte, That xall neuer cume yn my thowte, God hath holpe me hethyr be-fore, And 3yt I hope he wyll do more.” As they hadyn hym ferder inne B 75 Ther he sawe woll mykyll on-wyn, As he lokyd hym be-syde, 369 He sey ther pyttys many and wyde, Thykker myth they not byn, All but a fote them be-twyn. • MS. has “skynte.” * The MS. has relegys: this form must be a mistake of the scribe, as the above reading is required by the ryme; it is also that found in line 88 b. The name of the abbey does not occur in the Cotton MS. Regles is the name in the second English version (Auchinleck M.S.), see Englische Studien, i. p. 100. No name is mentioned in the first version. Fo. 34 vº. Eche maner of metell, He sey yn pe pyttys wyll; * Men and women he sawe tho, 375 That yn the pyttys bodyn full mych wo. - Summe stod ther-yn vp to the chyr, 377 Summe to the pappys and summe to Peschyn,” Summe stod per yn vp to the kne, 38 I All owte they wolde fayn a be. The fyndys hentyd a-non ryth, And to pe pyttys pey keste pe knyth, So Sore a-ferd he was of that, Tyll almost Jesu he had for-3ette; But sythyn wan goddy's grace was, Whan he felte pe hoote bras, “Jesu,” he seyd, with good yntent, - “Help me, lord, yn thys turment.” 390 As Sone as he to Jesu calde Ther was no metell myth hyme Schalde, But all be-syd was caste," The fyndes fleddyne a-wey full faste. . “Jesu,” he seyd, “I thanke the, 361 Euer at nede pou helppyst me.” 362 As he stod and lokyd a-bowte, 395 Off othyr fyndes per camme a rowte, “Rnyth,” they seyd, “wy stan]dyst pou here, And all we byn felowys yn fere.” All pey sedyn that her was hell, But owther weyes we xall pe tell, 4OO Cume her forth yn to pesowth, We xall the brynge to hell mowth.” 8 Wyll, i.e., well up, bubble. * Cotton has a line following 377; “And 3et hadde pey nošt bete her synne”; while lines 379, 380 are contracted into the present one. 1 Cotton, “But anone he was out caste.” * Cotton, “And wher ar all py false feere.” * Ll. 403 and 404 are altered. H 2 98 a jºys As they haddyne hym forth more, A woll mych wattyr he say be-fore, That was brod and blake as pyke, 4O5 Men and women ther werne thyke, Fyndys stodyne on euery syde As thyke as motys yn somer tyde. 408 ..[The water stonke fowle per to, And dede pe soles mykyll woo, Up pey come, to ese hem a stownde, pe deuelus drewe hem ageyn to pe grownde.] Ouer the water a bryge was, 4. I3 Yt wos glyddyr" as ony glass, Fo. 35. Ther-of he was full sore a-ferd,” Yt was as Scharp as ony Sward, 416 The medys wer hey, pe endys wer lowe, Yt faryd ryth as a bent bowe. “Knyth,” Seyd a fynd, “here may pou see, Loke to-ward hell the ryght entre, 42O Ouer thys bryge pou muste wynd; Wynd and wether we xall the send, We xall the send wyndys wood, Thowe xall caste pe yn to owre flood.” Ther the knyth knelyd a down, 425 To Jesu he made hys Orysune, “Jesu,” he seyd, “full of myth, That made bothe day and myth, Wynd and weder at thy wyll, For to blow and fore to be styll, - 43O Thow makyst the wynd fore to blowe, And whan thow wylte to be lowe, Send me here thy grete grace That I may thys bryge pace. 4 Glyddyr.] Cotton, kener. * Cotton, ll, 415 and 416, “Hyt was narowe and hyt was hy;e. Wnepe pat opur ende he sy;e.” Fo. 35 vo. 3 - $ºs---> wº 2’ º * \ & /) .# => /3 - Lº / ºf !! º fºº # p *** fºs . . . ~. --> t 0.20) o J/ £4 hº ( Áºy 99 ſ Helpe me, lord ' pat I nowte fall, That I lece nowth my travell.” To the brygge a-non he 3ydde, “Jesu,” he seyd, helpe me at nede l’” Hys one fote he sette ther vp-one, And klepyd to Jesu euer a-none, He felth [his fote] stand stedfastly, He sette a-nother fote per by, And klepyd to hym euer a pasce, That get ys and euer was. The brygge waxyd a lytyll broder, So mych was syr Howyn pe glader, Whan he comme yn to the myde bryge, Euery dewyll to other chyd, And all they setyn owte a cry For to a don hym fall from hey. * Pray.] * Cotton, 1.465, “Hyt was whyte and bryºth as glasse.” The cry mad hym a-ferd more, Than all pe tother he saw be-fore, Neuer-the-lesse forth he wente, On Jesu cryste full wos hys yntente. So brod was the brygge thoo, Tweyn carty's myth per-on goo, He com to pe end woll Sone, Than was the develys pray” done. He thankyd Jesu with harte and thawth, That he had hym ouer browte; Forth he wente a lytyll wyll,' He thowt yt myth a byne a myll, He sey a wyll” wondyrly fayre, That ran, hym thow[t], vp to pe eyre, He cowd noth wyte were-of yt was In to the eyere yt was.” 435 44O 445 450 449 45.5 460 464 466 Cotton, “power.” 7 I.e. while, see ll. 181 and 204. 8 Wyll.] Cotton, “wall.” 100 [When he was ny; per at Agayne hym openede a fayr gate Full craftyly for pe nones, Of metall and of presyous stones], Owte of pegate cam a smell, All-most for yoy dow he fell, Thow all pe flowyre and all peerbery,” And all the wardly spycery • Yt myth not smell be a hundre fold, To pat swetnes myth be tolde. Than was he so mery and so lyt Off that savor and that syth, That all pe peynys he had yn ben, And all pe sorow he had syn, All was for-3ete yn hys thowth, Hym thowth yt grewyd hym noth. As he stod he was woll fayne, Owth of the gate eam hym a-geyne Fo. 36. And a woll fayer proseyssun Off euery man of relygyoun ; Fayer vestemens they haddyne Vp-one, Swech sawe he neuer none. Woll mych joy yt was to see Boschoppys yn hyr dygnyte, And other maysterys per Sey he,” Eche man yn hys degre. He say ther Monkys and Schanonys, And fryerys with ther brode * crownys, And ermytys them a-monge, And nonnys with ther mery songys, Personys, prystys, and vekerys, * Cotton, 473 and 474: “As per hadde ben all maner of floures, Such was pat Swete sauoures.” * Cotton, “Ilkone wente opur be and be.” * Brode.] Cotton, “newe Shauen.” C.J.'ſ 725. 467 47 I 476 479 48O 485 490 495 */A i sº He sey kyngges and emprorys, Devlys, castelys, and towerys," [Erles and barones fele, That some tyme hadde pe worldes wele. Opur folke he sy; also, Neuur so mony as he dede poo.] And women he sey on euery syde, That merthys madyn yn pat tyde, [For all was joye pat with hem ferde, And myche solempnyte per he herde.] All pey wer clothyd yn reche wed, What clothyn yt was cowd he noth red, But Schap they had on euery maner, As men wer wonte to were here. Be ther clothyn men myth them know, As they stod eche on a row, gownge and held, more and lesse, Off wat degre that pey wasse.” [Ther was no wronge but euur rygth Euur day and neuer ny3th, . They shone as brygth and more clere Then ony Sonne yn pe day doth here]. Fayer they spokyn to syre Howyn, All the folke of hym were fayn. A-non he gan metyn ther Tweyn boysschoppys, hym thowy pey were, And both they went forth hym by, + And bore syre Howyn cumpany. They schowyd hym pat he myth se, The forest of that cuntre." It was grene on euery syd, 5OO 5O5 506 508 3 ~5 º 54O 544 509 5 I2 Fo. 36V9. * Cotton, “And dukes pat hadde casteles ard toures.” * Cotton, “As hyt her owene wyll was.” * Forest] : Cotton, fayrnesse, 516 5 IQ 102 As medowys byn yn summer tyd, And all so full of fayer flowerys, Off many dyuers colorys. Tryn he sawe with leuys grene, Full of frute euer more, I wene, Frut of so many kynd In thys ward can no man fynd. Ther he sey the tre of lyffe, That they haue with owtyn stryffe; Fryuth of wesdam all so ther ys, Ther-of ete Adam and ded a-mys; And other frutys yer arn full felle, And all maner of joy and wylle.” [Moche folke he sy; there dwelle, Ther was no tonge pat mygth hem telle.] Thow tweyn boschoppys turnyd a-geyn, And fayere spake to syre Howyn, “Blyssyd byn they euery-chon, That mad pe thys wey to gon, Purcatory thow hate be inne, To do penans for thy syne. [Loke pat pou do synne no more] For Purcatory comys pou yn neuer more,” We wote wyll where thow was, For we hau passyd" all thow pas; So xall iche man aftyr hys day, Pore and reche gon that wey. Many hau hem for to schryve," Ner don penans of all ther lyve, But at the laste he comyth for drede, 7 Wylle, i.e., weal. 8 Brome MS. has yn after more, evidently an attempt to ryme with the preceding line 550; l. 551 having been forgotten. 9 All — pas.] Cotton, pat ylke plas. 1 Cotton lines 557 and 558 are altered. c/47& sao 5 I? 518 52 I 525 53O 532 545 550 552 555 - 2 §- -2.3% 2:) - --- - -***) w <&l=\, , Ö . ſº <> -.* ºJ 103 'Summe [penaunce] to don they muste nede. 560 [If pey woll nowgth do here They shall do hytelleswhere, Suche maner men, erly or late, To purgatorye pey mote algate. Ther mote pey dwelle stylle, - 565 And abyde goddes wylle, - But some frende for her mysdede For hem do opur synge or rede; For pus may man porow Suche dyuyne The soner come out of hys pyne. 57O And pu art monn get a-lyue, And haste gon porow swythe, Thorow grace of god and good entent, Thow art passed pat turnement.] Thow pat arte cum to joy and blysse, 575 We woll the tell wat yt ys, Ertely paradyse thys ys, Here yn dwellyd Adam and dede a-myse, For on appyll that he ete Fo. 37. Alle hys joy he for-3ete. 58o ix hundgred 3ere and XV, He levydyn desert with sowrow and tene, iiij thowsond vi hundred and iiij 3ere, He lay *yn peynys with Lussyfere. Aftyr-ward, th[r]owe goddys grace,” 585 He toke hym fro that fowlle place, And all hys kymre * was hym by That wordy wos to haue mercy, 588 [And ledde hem forthe wyt hem, y wysse, Ry3th ynto hys Owene blysse.] 590 * MS. has “layll.” * Cotton, ll. 585 and 586, “Tyll pat goddes wyll was To fecche hym out of pat place.” * Kymre.] Cotton, kynde. 104 And here we dwellyd at goddes wyll, In joy and blysse to a-byd styll.” [But when we come hym by fore, Then shall our joye be mykyll more] And eche day we wax moo, And Angellys fyttyn vs summe froo, 3yte haue we nowte pat dygnyte To cum be-for hyys magyste, [But oon and on, as he wyll calle At pe laste we shall come all.] Euery day cumme owre fode, Fro hym yt for vs bled hys blode. That xall pou syn or that pou goo.” As he stode he seyd hym soo, Ther cam a gleme was wondyrly bryth, T[h]at spredde ouer all pe lond full ryth, [Hyt was swote and hyt was hote, In-to euery monnus mowpe hyt smote.] That he sey on euery syd, He nere woste what he ded pat tydde, Nor wyther he was qwekke or dedē, So blyssyd hym that reche brede. Than Seyd he to pe knyth pat be hym stod, “How seyste pou knyth, wos thys good?” “A lord, mercy,” he seyd them there, “Lete me dwell ere euer more,” “Nay, nay, son, thow may is notte Soo, A-gen all-gatys pou muste goo, [And telle opur men what pu haste sene, And yn what aventure pu haste bene, And yn pat ward deyen onys, “And at hys Ordynaunce we be, In joye and blysse wyt solempnite.” & a ſºft/~ 598 597 593 594 595 596 599 6OO * .* º –) 603 608 6I 2 62O 622 623 * Cotton, “All 3yf we be out of penance ylle.” Besides ll. 597 and 598, the two lines above also appear to represent lines 591 and 592 of Cotton : Fo. 37 vo. And ther yn erth to bery pi bonys; Sythyn pi sowll xall cum a-geyn, Ther-of we xall be full fayn,” The knyth Sey he muste nedys goo, With wepyng and with wolle myche wo, A-non he knelyd, ther a-down And fayer toke ther benycyun; Ther a-none a-wey he fond Hom yn to hys Owyne lond. To pe halle" the wey laye, That he com by the tother day. The fyftene men he fond there That he had spake with be-fore, They thankyd god full of myth, That sent grace to that knyth, To ouer-cum pe fyndys myth With pe grace of god full ryth.” They blyssyd hym euery-chon, And sythyn bad hym go hom In to hys howyn cuntre,’ [For ryºth now spronge pe day.] For now the prime bell ryngyth, And sythyn messe xall they syngth ; And aftyr messe with owte delay, The pryowr of the abey Bothe with Prystys and chanowynys, That cum hym with yn prosessyoneſs] To pe entre ther a-geyn; “And of the they xall be full fayn.” Be a good man all thy lyue, And loke pou do pe oftyn Schrywe, 630 636 638 64O 645 65O 6 Halle] Cotton, hole. 7 Lines 637 and 639 of Cotton are expanded into these four lines. * There seem to be some lines missing here, both in the Brome and Cotton copies, Fo. 38. And whan pou arte ded yan xall pou wende To pat joy that hath non ende.” The knyth to gon full wyll he lyste, He was at hom longe ar he wyste, To pe gate cam syre Howyn, Ther was pe priowr redy hym a-geyn, With schanowynys and with mery songe, And summe wepynd all wey a monge, [All pey wer both gladde and blype, pat god hadde Saued pe knyºte a-lyue.] xv dayes and summe-wat more, With the chanowynys he dwellyd there, And told them wat he had syn, And wat peynys he had yn byn, And oftyn he tolde hym to make hym wysse Off the joy of paradysse. [Thene pey wryten aftur hys mowth That yn londe now hyt ys kowpe.] Ther toke he staffe and crosse yn hond, And wenth yn to the holy lond, And cam a-geyn bothe heyll and sownd, And sythyn leuyd a woll good stownd, In bedys and yn Oryson, As men of good relygyon. Whan he was full wyll of held, That hys body gane wax on-Wylld,” He deyed and went the ryth wey, To the blysse that leste euer and ay. To blysse brynge vs he, That euer wos and euer xall be," That ys lord of mythtys moste, Fadyr and pe Sunne and pe holy goste. 655 66O 663 668 671 675 ° I.e. wax un-wylld = grew infirm. Finis. 1 End of the Cotton version, 107 THE LIFE OF ST. MARGARET. THE trials and martyrdom of 'St. Margaret appear to have been popular in England in early times. Several versions of the legend, in prose or verse, are found from the eleventh to the fourteenth centuries: four in Old English, several in Latin. The former have been printed by Mr. O. Cockayne ; 4 and one of them, a poem, copied about A.D. 1330, was reprinted by E. Mätzner.” .. The Auchinleck MS. at Edinburgh (date about 1310), fo. I6 8, contains another redaction, and a later one still is found in a M.S. at Oxford, written about 1450 (Ashmolean, 61, fo. I45). These two have been printed by Dr. C. Horstmann.” The story of the saint was also told in verse by Osbern Bokenham in 1445, among whose thirteen Legends" of Saints that of Margaret stands the first. Our Brome example is another copy of the Ashmolean poem; there being, indeed, not many years between the dates of the two MSS. The verbal variations made by the scribe are numerous, but not for the most part very important ; but while, on the one hand, omitting two or three lines found in the Ashmole (which are here printed between square brackets), on the other several fresh lines are given (here marked by a, b, &c.), which are evidently omitted in the Ashmole copy. Unfortunately, however, the Brome copy is incomplete, stopping short at line 365 of the Ashmole, of which the corcluding 253 lines are wanting. The numbering of the lines is made to correspond with that of the Ashmolean copy, as printed by Dr. Horstmann. Fo. 39. lde and yowng pat ben here, Lystyn and to me clare Wat Ixall gow sey, - How yt be-fell vp-on a day 4 1 Seinte Marherete, the Meiden ant Martyr, edited by Cswald Cockayne for the Early English Text Society, 1866. This contains three Old English versions; the fourth he printed in “Narratiunculae.” (See Foreword, pp. vi. vii.) * Altenglische Sprachproben, Berlin, 1867, 1st Abtheilung, p. 200. * Altenglische Legenden, Heilbronn, 1881, p. 236. 4. Roxburghe Club, 1835. A recent edition, by Dr. Horstmann, with an interesting introduction, has also been issued in Frofessor Kölbing's Altenglische Bibliothek, Heilbronn, 1883. 108 Off a vyrgyn fayer and swete, Hyr name wos Margarete. Hyr fader wos a nobyll clarke, And a man that cowde myche warke, 8 And a prynce of heye degre, No wordyer myth ther be. In Antyoch he had a wyffe That wos an hethen woman all hyre lyve, I 2 Hyr fader wos of grete powere, And of all that cuntre governowre. False he was of hys lay, A-3ens goddes lawys, pe Soth to sey. I6 Teodyus" wos hys name, - A nobyll man of grete fame. Hyr fader yt knew long be-fore That a dowter he xuld haue bore, 2O As the wrytyng hym told, That wan sche wax old That Crysteyn sche wyll be, And be-leve vpon pe Trynyte, 24 Vp-on Jesus pat vs bowth And pat all pe ward wroth. He comawndyd long be-fore, That a-non as sche wos bore, 28 To deth sche schuld be browght, In wat wysse he not rowth. And hyre moder that hyre bare, Made fore hyr heuy chyre, - 32 And a-non as sche was borne Sche be-thowte hyre be-forne, In to A3y sche hyr sent, A messanger forth with hyre went 36 To a noryce that was there, And bad hym put yt to hyre to lere, Fo. 39b. * Ashmole has Theodosyus. S-3c r 3. *:::: § º: --- &º *jº st men.” (Rºº Fo. 40*. / 109 And toke with hym speyndyne, For to kepe that mayd gyngne. 4O The noryce hyr kepte fore Soth yn Cede, And euer cheryste hyre yn hyre nede; Sche waxyd fayere and comly of chere, And of colowre fayer and clere. 44 All hyre lovydyn that cuntre, Both olde and 3yng pathyre myth se. Whan sche waxyd more yn age, And had vndyr-standyng and k[n]owlage, 48 re- Sche toke here to crystys lorel, _* ºr Wºr And be-leuyd on hem euer more; To the fader and sune and the holy goste, (2. That ys kyng and lord of mytys moste, 6 That heuyne and erth all wroght, C To hym sche be-toke all hyr thowght. d The noryce that keppe hyr fro dysspeyere, 5 I Had vij chyldryn that wer fayere, And wyll sche kepet hyr chyldryn vij, The viij was Margarete crystes mayd of heuene. 54 Talys she gowd will tell 㺠IBothe of heuyne and of hell, A & And how they suffyryd mertyrdhum, 59 Both Lawrens and Stevone, 6O And wat they Xulld haue to per mede, 57 As they deseruyd yn ther dede; 58 And of other Seyntes many moo, How they syfyryd wyll and woo, And how thye dede ther mertydam take, All for Jesus crystes owyne sake. 64 Off many a seynth sche tolde pe lyffe, Bothe to chyld, man, and wyffe. Whan she was xv. 3ere olde Sche wos a fayer mayd and a bold, - 68 Hyr moder hyr sette for to kepe c. 4- ". 5 110 In the fyld hyr faderys schepe. Hyr felowys ded hyr be-holde, Whan sche to Jesus preyed wolde, 72 How sche hyr preyore be-game to make (Z On to Jesus pat he myth hyr to hym take. b her wos in that cuntre a kyng, A nobyll man of grete conyng, He wos a prynce of myche myth, Olybryus that knyth hyth. 76 All A3Ve, as I 3ow tell, - Wos hys owyn to gyue and to sell, Also he serwyd day and nyth * Hys falsse goddes, I gow be-hyth. 8O He serue euer the devyll of helle, And crystem mene he ded qwelle, From Antyoche on to Azey, Be mylys more than fyfty, 84 Euer to dysstrow crysten men He ded hys pore euer than ; What with warre and with stryffe, - He lefte but v.” pepyll a-lyfe. - 88 Than yt be-fell vp-on a day, As he rode forth on hys wey, He sey pat lovely mayden clene, Kepe chepe vp-on the grene, 92 A-non he comandyd a knyth. To feche hyr a-non ryth. The knyth wente a-non hyr too, Fo. 40°. And seyd sche must with hym goo. 96 The mayde pat wos so myld of chyre Answerd hym as 3e xall here, And seyd sche had no-thyn to do, Owte of hyr grownd with hym to go. IOO Sche preyed hym, fore hys curtesye, - * Ashmole has few, not five. 111 To passe hys wey and let hyr a-bye. And schortly hys tale to telle, He wente from pat damselle, IO4. And cam' to Olybryus pe kynge And told hym all pat tydynge, IO6 That sche wod not hym cum to ; * For no thynge that they myth do, But they [schuld] with hyr stryffe, And hyr thrſelte vp-on hyr lyue. & To Jesus Crystegan sche calle, H [O That suffyrd deth for vs alle, That he wold hyr defend, Fro thow men that wer hynd, II 3 And be-sowth hym of hys grace, Hyr to Sokyryn euery place, And Seyd, “lord, for thy love I wyll dey, I IG And for-sake all thy werdely cumpany.” I 17 Than spake syr Olybryus t On to his men he seyd thus, “Off all the men that I haue here, I 2G That non of them can bryng hyr mere P And they hyr to me bro [w]th, Full sone I schud schonge hyr thowte; Sche schud op-on my goddys be-lewe, I 24 Or ellys I schuld hyr full sore greve.” I 25 They went a-gen to that mayde, And on to hyr thus they seyd, “Thow muste cume a-non with vs I28 Fo. 41*. On to owre kynge syre Olybryus, But thow cume with-owte stryffe I3O We schall rew 9 the of pilyffe.” 7 MS. has “to cam,” cam being interlined in the wrong place. ° Line 107 in Ashmole rymes with the two preceding lines, and l. 109 a is omitted. * I.e. reeve. 112 e i tº 5 Wyth them sche went, meke and styll, On to the kyng a-gens hyre wyll, And full fayere sche gan hym grete. 134. He askyd hyre name, and sche Seyd, “Margarete.” He seyd, “yff thow be boryn fre, For-soth my leman thow xall be, I wyll haue the to my wyffe, I 38 To leue yn joy all thy lyffe, Goolde and reches I wyll pe Syffe, All the wyll that thow may leve.” - Sche Seyd to hym a-non than, I42 “I wyll haue non erdely man, But for the love of Cryst alone, I wyll be baptysyd yn a fonte stone; For sothe I wyll hym neuer foresake, I46 For non erdyly man to take.” Than a-non to hyre he seyd, “We ded Jesus Cryst to deth, And ded hym streyn Vp on pe rode, I 50 Tyll he swete watyr and blode, And crownnyd hym with a crown of thorne;" Yf thow leve on hym thow arte for-lorne.” To hym sche Seyd a-non ryth, I 54. “Syre, he ys a lord of myth, And deyed on crosse for all man-kynd, For that we schull haue hym yn mynde. He rosse from deth and to helle wente I 58 The fyndys powre for to schente, - And many sowlly's he fete owte there, . . That long yn peynys were.” To stryve with hyre he fond no bote, I62 But dede hyre bynddyn hand and flote. Fo. 41*. And keste hyre yn presun strong, For to ouer-cume hyre with worng. 1 M.S. has throne. ~~~~ -v- § *. gº.g. *… . . . & gº º - ºt, ºana . tº ºva ) tº- Mºº-ºº: --~~~~~~£ºw ...A twº-tºº-ºº- 113 Mayd Margarete all that myth I 66 In presun lay with mych on-ryth, - And on the mowrow whan yt was day, They sente for hyr, the sothe to sey. They browte hyre be-form Olybryus, 170 And some to hyre he seyd thus: “Margarete, be-leve vp-on my lore,” Or I chall the grewe full sore, Thy goddys that pou dost on be-leve, I 74 Schall not saue thee" from my greve. - Trow on me and be my wyffe, 2nd leve yn joy all thy lyffe ; All Antyoche and all Agye, 178 Aftyr my deth I geve yt the, Sylke and goold and purpyll pall, And I the wed, weryt thow xall, Wyll fyrryd with ryche armynge; * I 82 In all thys warlde ys per non more fyne; ſº with pe beste metys Pat is in lond, tº 3:2:5 º:- schall pe fede, Ivnderstond;] 'sº- zºst-ºr--~~~~ ***** *** **** ---------------------, And Jesus Cryst pute owte of pi thowte.” I86 “Nay,” sche seyd, “thyt wyll Inc.wth. Jesus wyll I neuer for-sake, Fro all that ys yn erth to take.” Olybryus Seyd, “ yt schuld be sene full sone, 190 Wat thy goddys wyll fore the done.” He bad hys servanttys, as I vndyr-stond, Take and bete hyre, fote and honde [The sergeantys dyde as he heme bade, I94 They turment hyre as pei were made; They bete hyre with scow (r)gys stronge, And turment hyre with grete wronge]; They bete hyre, both man and wyffe, I98 And faste with hyre they gan stryve, a MS., “lord.” 8 MS., “me.” - a I.e. ermine. I 2 114 - Tyll the redde bloode fell downe, Fo. 42. To the fote from the crowne, Tyll they wente sche had be dede, 2O2 So faste on hyr they had leyde. Than seyd Olybrys, ther he stode, “Margarete, thynkys thow thys good, Be-leve on my lord and be my wyffe, 2O6 And I wyll no more with the stryffe. Haue mercy of thy fayere fleysse, And on thy skyne that ys so nesse.” To Jesus cryst sche cryed than, 2 IO That deyd fore the love of man, That of a vyrgyne wos borne, Eor man-kynd Schull note be fore-lorn,-- - “Thys peynys that I suffur and yn swyſn]ke 214 Be full swete to me, as me thynke, . All the peynys that I here dryve Be Swetter to me than ony thyng a-lyve.” Olybryusseyd to hys servantys thoo, 2 I 8 “Sche gyffe no-thyng of all thys woo, For all the peynys that I hyr gyffe Sche woll not on owre goddys be-leve.” He bad hys servanty's euery-chone, 222 That they xuld turment hyre a-non. The servantes ded as he them bad, Lytyll mercy on hyre they hade, With there maylys they gan hyre fleysse draw, 226 Lyke as howndys had hyre knaw. *. Also hyre eyne that wer so bryth, They put them owte and marryd hyre syth, They ded hyre myche peyn and woo; 23O They ded reue the skyn frome pe fleysse soo, Many of the pepyll that were there, - In ther hartys were full sore, & And Seyd to hyr standyn there, j 234 Whan they sey hyre so sore tere, And seyd, “fayre mayd Margarete, Fo. 42°. That arte so fayre and so swete, Turne to hym and be hys wyffe, And no more with hym stryffe. Mayd Margarete, fore the woo haue care, And woll that pou sauyd were.” “Aftyr gou,” sche seyd, “I” wyll not doo, But goo gowre wey me froo, All thoo pat for me do now repente, And se me haue thys turment, As thynkyd bothe good and ylle, They schall be quyttyd aftyr ther wyll, The angell of Cryste cumme me too, As faste as he myth cumme and god.” han be-spake syre Olybryus, With wylde wordys seyd thus, “Margarete, I haue [s]weche poste, That blynd I haue mad the all moste, For be-fore thow haddys thy syte, Now pou haste non throw my myth. Trow on my god, thow mayde,” “Nay, for-soth syr,” sche seyd, “For thy goddy's pat thow be-levys on, They arn dom as ony ston, My lord to me ys full kynd, He schall neuer owte of my mynd. Yff thow haue pore of my fleysse To do pi wyll, both arde and neysse, To reue the skyne from the bon, Powre of my sowll gettys thow non.” To hyr a-non than he seyd, 238 242 .246 25O 254 258 262 266 { *-i- e 7 Tºº-º-º---...- Giºiºmºrºus waſ sº & gº. 5 MS. has the. 6 M.S. has sche. *******:::::::ss.x=3 *c. - 7 The Brome has, l, 267, erroneously, “We pute Jesus Cryst to death.” 116 Fo. 43*. And yn presume thy body Schall ly, Thy fayre fleysse for to dystroy, - Than thow schall be bowndyne, fote and hand, 270 With bondys of yryn grete and strong.” “Jesus cryst,” sche sayd hym tyll, “He may delyuer me whan he wyll.” Fast yn presun they gan hyre done, 274. The Angell cume to hyre full soune, Be the grace of god all-myth, As the sune Schynyt bryth: With parte of the crosse god was on done, 278 To that vyrgyn he camme full sone, And seyd to hyr with myld steuyn, “Blyssyd thow arte, with all that ys yn heuyne The fadyr, pe sune, and the holy geste, 282 Lord and kyng of mytys moste, Thys croce to the hath seynte, Thy enmyse there with to defend.” Sche Seyd, “lord, blyssyd thow be 286 That thys gyfte haste sente to me, All-mythy god, I the prey, A bone thow graunte me to-day, That I may with syth them see, 29O What they be thus turment me.” The Angell bad hyre dowth notte, For to heuyne sche Schull be browth, “Thar was no tunge that tell myth 2.94. Off joy pat wos made of the to myth, Off all the meledy that ys yn heuyne, The, Margarete, for to wyffyne.” 8 And be the grace of god all-myth, 298 Ther anon sche had hyre syth. The holy Angell passyd hyre fro, . Off hym sche Sey non moo, * This word is “neuyne,” i.e. to name, call, in Ashmole. & 27 sº *…, Sche lokyd hyre a lytyll be-syde, Fo. 43b. And sey a fowll dragun by hyre glyde, That of colowre as gres grene, With fyre flamynge, full to sene, Owte of hys mowth brenynge bryth. Sche was a-ferd of that syth ; Sche fell downe on to the grownd, For fere tryndylld yn that stownd. He toke hyre yn hys mowth a-mon, And swalowd hyr vp body and bon; And whan he had so hyr doo, Ther he myth no ferder goo, But to-broste vp-on the grownd, The mayde came owte saffe and sownd And as yt was, be crystys wyll, With-yn hym sche had non ylle. J3ut vp on the dragone sche stod, With glad chyre and mylde mode, And thankyd Jesus of his myth, That sche had ouer-cume that fowll wyth. Sche vnder-stode wyll that yt was Throw the vertu of the holy crosse, That fowll Dragun was slayne there, Throw goddys myth and hyre preyore. A-non sche wente the dragone fro, And sey a-nother cume hyre too, A gresly syth fore-soth was he, So fowlle a beste myth neuer man se. To hym sche wente, Ivnder stond, With the holy crosce yn hyr honde, And smote hym so vpon the fynnys, That he myth a-byde hyr dynnys. She streyffe with hym so long, That throw crystys myth so strong. Down to the grownd sche hym keste, 3O2 3O6 3 IO 3I4 318 322 326 33O 334 And with hyr wympyll bownd hym faste. In hys neke sche sete hyre foote, 338 To stryve with hyre he fond non bote, To hym sche Seyd, “I cvnger the That wat thow arte thow tell me, Eor thow arte so lothely a thyng, 342. Wat thow arte I wyll haue wetyng, Eor beste sey I neuer non So lothely for to loke vp-on.” - He seyd, “for thy lordys sake, 346 Fro my neke thy foote thow take, I haue gonne wyd be watyr and be lond, 3yte wos I neuer so sore bownd; My rythe name hyth Belgys, 35O For to lye non a-vayleys, My broder hyth Resun that pou slew, In the warld we ded sorow i-now. Brostyn and ded ys my broder, 354. And thow haste ouer-cume me, Isey no nother. Whan we wer both to-geder We made the sone to sle the fader, We stroyed the pepyll day and myth, 358 And ded all the sorow that we myth. In a Dragonys wyce we wer sent to the, To spylle thy wyt and make pe wod to be. The kynge Syr Olybryus - 362 In thys lekenes sente to pews For to stroye thy fayre body With hys crafte of negramency.” PRAYERS. NOTHING is said as to what was the special occasion on which the following repetitions were to be made; there is nothing else on the page. Fo. 78 vº. In the worchepe of god and of owre lady and of all the holy Cumpany, he shall sey XV pater nosters, XV aves, and iij credys. * Also ye must sey in the worchepe of Seynt Ramayn and Seynt Barbera, Seynt Symond and Seynt Mawtholde, xy paternosters, xv aues, and iij credys ; and thes must be seyd v tymys, that is, to nyte onnys, and to morow in the mornyng ageyn, and to-morow at nyte ageyn, and the nest day in the mornyng ageyn, and the nest day at nyte Cnnys; and ther is all. l-47E. e-ºrge—73-4- - “K”--- DIRECTIONS FOR A TRENTAT). // ? – / ST/ A TRENTAL was an office of thirty masses, three of a sort, which were said for the dead, to deliver their souls from torment, according to Canon Rock on the burial day; low masses were said in the side chapels, and at all the altars in the church: a trental of masses used to be offered up for almost every one on the burial day.” Be- quests were frequently made for the saying or singing of trentals. “In 1480 John Meryell left . . . to the friars of Eabwell, to pray for his soul a trental of masses, Xs.”* Sometimes a yearly trental, or tricenarium, was said for departed brethren. See examples from early times in Ducange, s.v. trentale, and tricenarium. The masses of the trental appear to have been performed, sometimes all on the one day, sometimes on thirty separate days, one each on three days within the octaves of each of the ten feasts ; and to the proper mass for the day might be added the Zirige (or morning ° Church of our Fathers, vol. ii. p. 504. | Cullum's History of Hawsted, 2nd ed., p. 16. 120 service for the dead)” and any special prayer or prayers desired. In the poem called St. Gregory's Trental” the virtues of this means of saving a departed soul are exalted, particular directions are given, and Several additions are specially recommended for greater certainty, One of these additions is the dirige, but the prayer also desired by the Brome writer is not among them. The poem (of 240 lines) tells how his mother's ghost, in torture for her sins, appeared to Pope Gregory, and enjoined him to sing “a trentelle Of ten chef festes of peyere, * To syng for me yn pis manere; ſh º {}_{}^** : Thre masses of crystys natyuyte, } * * # And of pexii day opur pre, Thre of our ladyes puryfycacioun, And opur pre of here Annunciacioun, Thre of crystes gloryous Resurreccioun, And oper pre of his hyz Ascencioun, And of pentecoste opur pre, And pre of pe blessed trinite, And of our ladyes Assumpcioun opur pre; And of here joyfulle natiuite pre; These ben pe chefe festes ten, That Souerenly socouren synfulle men.” (Lines IO4—I 18. Line II 8 is from Zambeth A/S.) She added that they should be said “within the octaves of the feasts.” The Pope carried out his mother's behests, which were quite effectual; yet the writer rather inconsistently desires (as before mentioned) that a good many other prayers, which are named, should be joined to the masses. The correspondence of the Brome trental with the trental thus ascribed to the authority of Pope Gregory will be remarked, and we may feel pretty sure that we have here a usual composition of this favourite Office for the Dead. That the rest of the form was variable, according to the wish of the person who ordered the masses, is indicated by this little record at Brome no less than by a will of 1448, 2 Called dirige or dirge, from the beginning of the first anthem at matins, “Dirige Domine Deus meus in conspectu tuo viam meam.”—Rock, ii. 503. 3 Found in two MSS., Cott. Caligula, A ii. fo. 84 vº. of the fifteenth century, and Lambeth, 306, fo. 110, printed in Furnivall's Political, Religious, and Love Poems, 1866, Early English Text Society, p. 83. 4 Line 124, with which compare ll. 144-5 and 231-2. 121 quoted by Ducange, in which the testator order=d a “trental de messes” to be said for his soul “le plus brief que fare se porra.” But who it was at Brome or Scole who showed this preference for a dirge, and the prayer Deus summa spes, there is nothing in the manuscript to tell. - The “month’s mind,” sometimes mentioned in connection with a trental, appears to have been a day kept in reſ.tembrance of the departed a month after death, when a number of masses, probably a trental, was performed for his soul, and a dinner or feast given. “In Ireland,” writes Sir Henry Piers, 1682, “after the day of interment of a great personage, they count four weeks; and that day four weeks, all priests and friars, and all gentry, far and near, are invited to a great feast (usually termed the month’s mind). The preparation to this feast are masses, said in all parts of the house at once, for the soul of the departed. If the room be large you shall have three or four priests together celebrating in the several corners thereof. The masses done, they proceed to their feastings ; and after all, every priest and friar is discharged with his largess.”* Compare this with Dr. Rock's description of the trental above. Payments for the feast, as well as for the priests, are not infrequent in old wills, churchwarden's accounts, &c. (see Archaeologia, vol. i. pp. II—I4 ; Brar.d's Dicţionary of Anfiguàies, ed. I 870, ii. 229; also Rock's Church of our Fathers, ii. 518; and Dr. Skeat's Moſes to Piers Plowman, text C., x. 320, p. I 98. Spenser, in Mother Auðberd’s Tale, 1. 453, refers to the old state of things as past :— “Their diriges, their trentals, and their shrifts, Now all those needlesse works are laid away.” These Directions for Trental and for Prayers (p. 119) are written apparently by the same hand which wrote the Accounts, Articles of Leet and Baron, &c., 2.e., Robert Melton. . 5 5 4- A 7" & Fo. 80. Trentals er comonly seyd xxx" massis and no derege; they shulde be sayd with euery masse a derege, soo I wolde haue them Seyd yff I shulde cavsse them to be seyd for my selffe, euery derege with this preyur, Deus summa spes : they know it that hath seyd trentals. The massis er thes folowyng;—First iij of the mateuite of owne lord as of Crystmes day, iij of Epiphanie as of Twelth day, iij of the 5 Quoted in Brand's Dictionary of Antiquities, ed. 1870, vol. ii. p. 231. \ purificashon of owr lady as of Candylmes day, iij of the Salutacion of owre lady as of owre lady day in lent, iij of the resurrecshon of owre lord as of Ester day, iij of the Assencion as of holy Thursday, iij of the holy gost as of Whytsſonday], iij of the Trenite as of trenite sonday, iij of the assumpcion of owre lady, iij of the nateuite of oure lady. - De nateuite domini de Epiphania domini de purificatione marie de annunciacione raarie de resurrecione domini de assencione domini de pentecoste de trinitate de assumpcione marie de natiuitate marie Of eche of thes, iij messes. – =r----------...----------- * * - *-* a 2:22–23.2%z-Żyż’ fazsef Doc. #36° It. Watur Cowper for the tenment sumtyme Thomas Cowpers . º e e e . jal, ob. It. John Cowper for the tenment Rolffy's sumtyme Stylys, antea Wardes . e e º . jq. It. Joh. Byrd for the tenment Frennys. tº já. It. Thomas Cade for the tenment sumtyme Nycolas Caddes . & ſº ja. It. Recherd Edone for yº tenment Berkers . . jã. It. y” same Edone for yº tenment Roger Hoppers . ijd. It. y” same Edone (Mr. Twaygth) * for yº tenment Roger Gyllysire . º e c º º ob. It for the tenment Barthulmew Lelyes e º ob. [Summa] ijs. iiijd, qr. Fo. 49. - This is the bille of the Felson in Stuston. Fyrst Robert Melton for the tenment Tomas Cadys . e © e o • • jd. It, the Toune of Dysse for the tenment Clerkys and after Edon * . e º º e º q". It. Joh. Byrd for the tenment late Roger Cade . o e º e c º jø. It. Joh. Moton for the tenment Rolffys, Sumtyme styledº Warddys . º o o o jd. It. Robert Cowper for the tenment, late Watur Cowpers e e ſe e - jd, ob It. Recherd Hobard for the tenment Calyd Grennys Yerd . º º ob. It, the same Recherd for the tenment Jurdons . jd. 8 Interlined. 4 Blomefield mentions “the lands that were given by Richard Edon, in 1494, to pay the leet fee, or common fine of Diss, for ever, and to keep his obit, &c.,” (Hist. Norfolk, ed. 1805, i. p. 36) as part of the town lands of Diss. This tenement in Stuston is identified by his name as one of these lands for which the town owed to felson, task, and church dues. 5 MS. stylys. w nel. & 84.4.x. Tº" It, the same Recherd for yº tenment Kateryne Taylers. ſº Q e © ſe © & ob. It. Robt. Clerke for the tenment Leweryche . . ijd, q". It, the same Robt. for the tenment Joh. Porsons . jal. ob. Fo. 49 vo. It. Sr. Joh. Harolde, preste,” for the terment - Sumtyme Joh. Clerson . ge tº e . ja, ob. It. Joh. Permanter for the tenment lat Ardrew Smalburo & e § * e e. ... ijd. It. Watur Turnor for the tenment called Baw lys . jal, ob. It. the same Watur for the tenment cºwlyd Dobmanys ge e e ſº ſe . jd. ob. It. the same Turnor for the tement cawlyd Bar- nardys . ſe • - e { } jd. ob. It the same Turnor for the tenment cawlyd Chalundlers . e º o te e & ob. It. Joh. Cade for the tenment sumtyme Water Cadys . e tº tº º ſº º . jd. It, the same John for yº tenment cawlyd Recherd Osborn . tº ſº ſº © t g jd. It. Roger Calthaw for the tenment lat Margery Ropkyn ſº e e e © e . j6. Ob. It. Willm. Waren for the tenment sumtyme Betrys Wheyberds . . Re . . * . ijd. It the same Waren for the tenment Sumtyme Thomas Snowhyte . . & & tº jø. ob. Fo. 50. - It, the londholders of Recherd Edon (Mr. Joh. Twaygth)? for a tenment in Thranston sum- tyme Roger Gylys, ob. It, the same Lond- ° In A. Page's Supplement to the Suffolk Traveller, London, 1844, p. 487, it is stated that John Herold, Parson of Stuston, gave certain gifts to gilds and a service in Diss, in 1504. This must have been the same Sir John Herold, preste, above named. " Written above the line. K holders for another tenment in Thranston Sumtyme Roger Hopers, jil. . . Summa jal. ob. It. Joh. Cheweler for a tenment in Thranston sum- tyme Berthulmew Lyly's ob. [Summa] ijs. iiijd. 7~ a 4. a7 & ~ TEIE TASK BOOK. FO, 60 yo. - ‘A - . Thys ys the boke for the holle Taske of Sturston.” John Warne Item Thomas Cawthaw Item John Clarke ... • tº Item Master Mynster chamber for Cadys Item Robt. Harrold . Item Water Turner . Item Thomas Parmenter © º e Item Master John Mynster chamber for yº tene- ment sumtyme Parsons Harrolds Item John Clarke Item Robt. Cooper Item John Muttur Item Rychard Hubberd Item Thomas Byrde . Fo. 61. Item Wyllyam Jesepht Item the towne of Dysse Item Thomas Jesepht Item Robt. Popy º e & e Item the maner of (Stustone als.") How Margettes iijs. xvjd. iiijd. iijs. iiijd. xvjd. xvjd. xv.jd. xv.jd. xv.jd. xiiijd. ijs. viijd. xvjd. vjd. vid. ijs. Vjd. * These two pages are in a different hand from the rest of the accounts. See Introduction, p. 10. 9 Interlined. 129 Too / A 7"Af Item the maner off Facoms © & © . iijs. iiijd. Item Master Robt. Meltun for the tenement - - late Thomas Cades . $ e te . iijs. Item the same Master Robt. Meltun for Jesephs xv.jd. Thrandston. Item Master Yaxflay for Edons landys and late Ropkyns . § tº ſº tº ſº ijs. iiijd. Item Pullam . ſº * e e ſº tº vd. Item John Qwayght! e º ſº e © iiijd. Item John Cheveler . e g ‘e e e iiijd. Item Wroo . . g e e © * jd. Jaffery Row . . . & e . g ijd. CEIURCH DUTIES. 2 Fo. 64. Thes be the dutes longing to the Cherche of Stuston as apeurth her aftur – In primis Thomas Jesope for ij lokys” . ſº ... ja: ob. It, the same Thomas for plowshote” . e tº ob. It. the same Thomas for Curtelage . G º ob. It the plasse late Thomas Cadys for a locke, halffe a busshell of barly. It. for ij lockys . e ſº tº o o ... jal. ob. It. for plow shot . e . . e * > jø. It. for curtelage . . . . ge gº e & ob. It, the plasse longyng to the Towne of Disse for ' plowshete . ſº e te tº © jø. 1 Perhaps Twayght, but the initial letter is not T. * See Introduction, pp. 5 and 10. This list appears to be in R. Melton's hand. - * See before, p. 5, as to plow-shot and lock. K 2 It. for curtlage .. * tº ſº © tº sº ob. It. John Burgat for a locke . o e Ae ... ob. q’. It. for curtlage . g e & © © º ob. It. John Byrde for iij lockes . e te º . ijd. q". It. for plow shote . © g & , G is . ja. It. for curtlage . † $ e * gº ſº ob. Fo. 64 vo. It. Raberd Cowper for the tenment nest Byrdys, lat in the holde of Chawercurte, for a locke ob. q". It for plowchote for one holl plow a jq., and di plow ob. It. for curtlage . © ë g fº * ob. It. Robard Harolde for the tenment lat watur cowpers for ij lokes tº gº ſº o . ja. Ob. It. for plow chot for one holl plow tº & jø. It. for curtlage . e . e. o wº g q. ob. It. Recherd Hoberd for iſ lockys . * * . jal. ob. It for plow chot for one holl plow g g jø. It. for curtlage . e tº . . ob. It. Rabard Clerke the bocher for iij lockes . . ijd. q". It. for plowchot . tº tº & tº ſº . jd. ob. It. for curtlage . . iº * ſº ‘g • ob. It the tenment lat Smalborows for plowchot for di. plow obol . ſo e e te i.e. . ob. q". It. for curtlage . wº e & e * º ob. It. Thomas Turner for iij lockes . e º . ijd. q’. It. for curtlage . ſe • * • . . ob. Eo. 65. - It, John Cade for plowchot . . . . . © jd. It. for curtlage . ſº e & e . . . e ob. It. John Pennyng for the tenment lat Raberd Clerkes y bocher for curtlage . . . ob. It. Will Davy for a locke . . . * ob. q’. It for curtlage . tº tº tº wº * tº ob. It. John Kyng for curtlage tº t ſº e ob. N. 131 It. Nycolas Spray for curtlage . . . . ob. It. Willm. Warene for iij lockes . © * ijd. q". It. for plowchot . º e e tº º t jd. It. for curtlage . º e e º e & ob. LEGAL FORMS OF PRIVATE CHARTERS, BONDS, &c. THE following forms appear to have been copied from original documents, as among them are found the names of some well-known neighbouring places and of Lord Scales. The transcriber translated each one as he copied it, writing in first the Latin, then the English ; probably the local scriveners were none too strong in their Latin grammar, and it would be useful to be sure of the right form, when a legal deed had to be drawn up.” The translation is very literal, even in the rendering of the historic infinitive, which becomes somewhat obscure in English, so treated ; * and occasional lapses occur, here * Charters, deeds, writings, “evidences, or mynyments that concern men's enheritance,” “feates” as they were called, were from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries made by scriveners, who formed a craft or mystery in chief towns, such as York and London. In 1497 the Company of Scriveners in London ordered that every apprentice to their fellowship should be examined whether he “have his congruity in the Latin tonge or not,” because it was found that many “ have not had their perfect congruity of grammar, which is the thing most necessary and expedient to every person exercising and using the scyence and faculty of the said mistery; and in default whereof they cannot have the perfect knowledge and cunnyng of the said scyence, wherethrough oftentimes they err, and their acts and feates been incongruous and not perfectly done.” The masters were accordingly enjoined to set their apprentices to Grammar School.—(Ordinances from the “Common Paper,” quoted in The Case of the Free Scriveners of London, 1749, pp. 24–27.) If the London scriveners were thus leficient, it is not surprising that those who fulfilled their functions in the country should be glad of such aid as these forms and translations would furnish. It may be noted that several words in Nos. 9 and 12 were a puzzle to the translator, who left them blank in the English. " See Nos. 8 (), 10 (), near the beginning of each. 132 supplied between []. It furnishes, besides, one or two interesting English words or phrases, such as mysse = messuage (I); dow- hows = pigeon-cote (4); ſeeding = pascua (5); sterm " (i.e. strem) = stangna ; £urve-dole = turbaria ; //egys of corſe = visu franciplegii (5); thowys, plural of thow, - those (5 b); ostey = hospicium (11). “In to the wytenesse of the wych thynge,” is the rather clumsy equivalent sometimes used for the formula “ in cujus rei testimonium.” The Addit. MS. 24,844 in the British Museum (kindly pointed out to me by Mr. E. J. L. Scott) is a volume of the time of Henry VIII., containing a number of legal common forms of grants, &c.; but they purport, in nearly every case, to issue from the king or central authority, while the Brome collection illustrates only private or domestic law. The following is a schedule showing the nature of these twelve documents:— I. Grant of a messuage in fee simple. - 2. Grant of land and buildings thereon, with reversion to grantor, if grantee die without heirs. 3. Grant of a messuage on pepper-corn rent, to pass to a second grantee, on death of the first grantee without heirs. 4. Grant of a pigeon-cote, with reversions to second and third grantees, if the first and second grantees respectively die without heirs. 5. Grant, by a priest, of two messuages with lands and tenements to four named persons, in trust for the father of one of them, with reversion after his death to the son and his wife. 6. Grant of a manor with its appurtenances, which latter are enumerated. 7. Summons in a plea of debt, on a payment not being fulfilled. 8. Bond for the payment of £10 on demand. 9. Grant of certain herbage, heather, and turves, i.e. the right to cut fodder and fuel on certain ground. - Io. Bond for payment of A, IOO at a given future date, due for live goods sold and delivered at date of the bond. II. Bond for payment of wages due to a chamberlain, and for giving him a yearly livery. - - 12. Grant by a man and wife of all their property in the hundred of East Flegg, to Lord Scales and two others, one messuage and eight acres only being excepted. * This, however, is perhaps a mistake for pond or pool, the true meaning of stangna or stagna, (Fr. Étang). - - -a-u- g-- eat Le». ---- - rarxrzarr “za e mazzaro- a Fo. 68. 1 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri, quod ego Galfridus Sprot de Sutton dedi, concesci, et hac presenti carta mea confirmaui Ade Laurence de Walton, Vnum mesuagium cum suis pertinenciis iacens in Walton, inter terram Petri Alexander ex Vna parte, et terram Hamonis filii Clerue ex alteri parte, et vnum capud abuttat super regiam viam, et aliud capud abuttat super terram Roger de Wosted; Habendum et tenendum predictum mesuagium cum suis pertinenciis predicto Ade, heredibus et assinatis suis, de capitalibus dominis feodi, libere, bene, et in pace, in feodo et imperpetuum per servicia inde debita et consueta. Et ego, predictus Galfridus et heredes mei, predictum mesua- gium cum pertinenciis predicto Ade, heredibus et assinatis suis, contra omnes gentes Warantizabimus imperpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium hinc presenti carte sigillum meum apposui. His testibus, &c. Data apud Walton, die Mercurii proxima post festum Sancti Luce evangeliste, anno regni regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum. Fo. 68. 1. (b). All men presont and for to cum be a knowyn, that I Gafrey Sprot, of Sutton, hath Tns, deles, 3owyn and grantyd and be my presont cherter "ºi hath confermyd to Adam lawrons of Waltcn, on º myse with hys pertinences, lyyng in Walton be-twyn pe lond of Peter Alysander on pe on pare and pe lond of Hamonys pe son of Clere on pe tother parte, and on hed abutth Vpon pe kynges wey on pe on parte, and a nother hed abutth vpon pe lond of R. of Wosted; To haue and to hold pe forseyd mese with hys pertynences to pe forseyd Adam to hys heyrys and to hys Assyneys, of pe schyffe lordes of pe fee, frely, wyll, and in pesse, in fee with owtyn end, be servyse per-of due and costum. And I, pe forseyd Gafrey and my heyrys, pe forsed messe with pe partyners to pe forseyd Fo. 68 vº. Adam, to hys heyrys and to hys assyneys, a-3ens a Zaa-/£v£z- _-v-~ exæ. &£ ßex $.3 . /e/e/%)J)ec- -;;;ere --- all men xal warant fore euer more. In pe weche thyng Wytnes to thys presont chertar I haue put to my sele, be thes wetnessys, &c. Govyn at Waltom on pe Wedemys- day nex after pe feste of seynt Luke pe ewangelyst, and pe 3ere of pe reyng of kyng Edward pe iij"* after pe conqueste, pe iij"* (3ere). 2 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri, quod ego Matheus JBurgensis Cantabrigge, dedi, coneessi, et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Willelmo, Duke de Cantabriggea, et Mabilie vxori eius, [Vnam placeam terræ cum edificiis super edificatis] ' et suis pertinenciis in Cantabriggea» iacentem in parochia Sancti Petri extra portas vocatas TrumpetOngates, in suburbio predicte ville, inter terram Johannis Moris ex vna parte, et terram Roberti de Caston ex altera parte : Habendum et tenendum predictam placeam terre, cum edificiis super edificatis et pertinenciis suis, de me et heredibus meis predictis W. et M., et heredibus de corporibus eorum legitime procreatis, libere, bene, et in pace imperpetuum, reddendo inde annuatim mihi et heredibus meis duos solidos argenti ad festum natalis domini, et dominis capitalibus feodi illius pro me et heredibus meis omnia seruicia inde debita et consueta. Et si contingat quod predictus W. ex predicta M. nullum heredem procreauit, post mortem dictorum W. et M, predicta placea terre, cum pertinenciis, mihi et heredibus meis plenarie reuertetur. 1Et ego predictus Matheus et heredes mei predictam placeam terre cum edificiis super edificatis et pertinenciis, predictis W. et M. et heredibus de corporibus eorum legitime pro- creatis contra omnes gentes Warantizabimus imperpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic, &c., hiis testibus, &c. Data apud W., die Januarii° proxima post festum sancte, &c. Anno regni regis Edwardi, &c. 7 The words between brackets are omitted in this place in the MS. 8 This seems to be a mistake, it was usual to fix the date by Bome day of the week, before or after a feast, or else the rec3Oned day of the mOnth. Fo. 69. 2 (b). All men presont and fore to cum be a knowyn, pat I, Matheu Burges of Cambrege, hath gowyn and grantyd and be my presont cherter hath confirmyd to Wylliam doke of Cambrege and Mabyle hys wyffe, and to pe eyrys of there bodyes lawfully comyng, j place of lond with pe byldynys per-upon edyfyed and hys pertynences in Cambregge, lyeng in pe paryes of Seynth peter with-owte pe gates calyd Trumpetoungates, in pe suborb% of pe Seyd Town, betwyn pe lond of John Morys on pe j parte and pe lond of Robert of Caston on pe toper parte: To haue and to hold pe forseyd place of lond with pe byldynys per- vpon edyfyed and hys pertynessys, of me and my eyres pe forseyd Wylliam and Mabyle and pe eyrys of per bodyes lawfully comyng, frely, wyll, and in pesse for euer more, yeldyng perof gerly to me and to my eyres ij" of mony at pe feste of pe berthe of owre lord, and to" pe schyſſe lordes of pe fee for me and my eyres all seruyes per-of dew and coston. And yf yt happyd pat pe forseyd W. or pe forseyd Mabyle non eyres begotyn, after pe deth of pe Seyd W. and Mabyle pe forseyd place of lond with hys pertynences to me and to my eyres [shall be] fulfyllyd and retornyd ageyn. And I pe forseyd Matheu and my eyres, pe forseyd place of lond with pe by dynys per-vpon edyfyed and 'pe partynences, [to] pe forseyd W. and M. and to pe eyres of per bodyes lawfully comyng, a-genns all men xall warant for euer-more. Into pe wytnesses, &c.; be pis wetenessis, &c. Govyn atte W. of pe day of Janywere nexte after pe feste of Seynt, &c., and pe 3ere of pe reyng of kyng Edward pe therd, &c. Fo. 69 vº. 3 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri, quod ego Johannis Broun de Burigate, consessi, dedi, et hac presenti carta mea confirmaui Ricardo de S. et heredibus de corporibus eorum legitime procreatis, vnum mesuagium cum suis 9 MS. has ‘‘ of.” ! Sic plural, also in English. *… . —e-7 ==- /...azoº at 8% º es:-->====" 136 - º --- –42;&aw. 42e. a. pertinenciis in Preston, jacens, etc. Habendum et tenendum predictum mesuagium cum pertinenciis, de meet heredibus meis, prefato Ricardo [et] heredibus de corpore suo legitime procreatis, libere, bene, et in pace : Reddendo inde annuatim michi, ſet] heredibus meis vnum granum piperis, ad festum Pasche, pro omnibus aliis demandis. Et si contyngat quod predictus Ricardus” obierit sine herede de corpore suo legitime procreato, volo quod post ejus * descessum predictum mesuagium cum suis pertinenciis remaniat Waltero de Bardeweyth heredibus et assignatis suis imperpetuum ; Habendum et tenendum de capitalibus dominis feodi, per servicia que ad dictum mesuagium pertinent. Et ego predictus Johannes et heredes mei predictum mesuagium cum pertinenciis predicto Ricardo et heredibus de corpore suo legitime procreatis, ac eciam predicto Waltero heredibus et assignatis suis, contra omnes gentes warantizabimus imperpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium, etc. Hiis testibus, etc. Data apud, etc. 3 (b). All men presont and for to cum be a-knowyne, pat I, John Broun of Bery, hath grauntyd and gow.yne, and be my presont chartyr hath confermyd, to Rychard of S. and to pe eyres of per bodyes lawfully be-gotyn, j messe with hys pertymences in Preston, lyenge, &c. To haue and to holde pe forseyd mysse with hys pertymences of me and my eyres, to pe forseyd Rychard to pe eyres of hys body lawfully begotyn, frely, wyll, and in pesse; 3eldynge per-of gerly to me and to my eyres j corne of pepyre at pe feste of Esterne for all owthere duteys. And yt yt happyd pat pe forseyd Rychard deyet with-owte eyres of his body Fo. 70. lawfully begotyne, I woll [that] after pe dysses of hym pe forseyd mysse with hys pertynences re- mayne to Watere of Bardewyht, to hys eyres and to hys 2 The MS. has Rec. ; but the contraction for Ricardus was intended. 3 The MS. has “ei.” 137 /e/47sº pºz. ~~ 2%. 8222*2. asseyneys, for euer more ; To haue and to holde of pe chyffe lordes of p" fee be all seruyes pe wyche to pe Seyd [messe] perteyne. And I, pe forseyd John and my eyres, pe forseyd messe with pe pertynences to pe forseyd Rychard and to pe eyrys of his [body] lawfully be-gotyn, and also to pe forseyd Watere, to hys eyres and to hys asseyneys, a-gens all men xall warant for euer more. In to pe wyſt]nesse, &c.; be pis, &c.; gow.yne. Fo. 70. 4 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri, quod ego, Lawrencius de W., dedi, consessi, et hac presenti carta mea confyrmaui Johanni de Foxton et herediſbus] de corpore suo exeuntil bus], vnum columbarium, cum curtilagio [ad]jacente, prout includitur sepibus et fossatis in villa de W., et cum suis pertinenciis; Quodguidem columbarium jacet inter terram Willielmi Coleyn versus orientem, et allyud capud abutat super terram Thome Waryn versus occidentem: Habendum et tenendum predictum columbarium, cum curtilagio adjacente et suis pertinenciis, de me et heredibus meis, predicto Johanni et heredibus de corpore suo exeun- tibus, libere, quiete, bene et in pace, reddendo inde annuatim, michi et heredibus meiis vnum denarium, ad festum Sancti Botulphi, et faciendo dominis capitalibus fecdi omnia seruicia inde debita et consueta. Et si contingat predictum Jo- hannem sine herede de corpore suo exeunte descedere, volo quod predictum columbarium, cum curtilagio adjacente et suis pertinenciis, remaniat Johanni fratri Suo de Foxton; habendum et tenendum predictum columbarium cum curti- lagio adjacente et cum suis pertinenciis, de me et heredibus meis predicto Johanni et heredibus de corpore suo exeuntibus Reddendo inde annuatim mihi et heredibus meis vnam rosam. ad Nativitatem Sancti Johannis Baptiste, et faciendum dominis capitalibus feodi omnia servicia sicut pre- dictus Johannes fecit. Et si cortingat predictum Fo. 70 vº. Johannem sine heredibus de corpore suo * ſe/47s) 3)se. ~~ 3A 3’tº 2. - <-ºvº 138 exeuntibus discedere, volo quod predictum columbarium, cum curtilagio adjacente, provt includitur sepibus et fossatis et suis pertinenciis, remaniat Waltero de Loke heredibus et assinatis suis, imperpetuum, Habendum et tenendum predictum columbarium, cum curtilagio adjacente et cum suis pertinenciis, de capitalibus dominis feodi per seruicia inde debita et consueta. Et ego predictus Laurencius et heredes mei, predictum columbarium cum curtilagio adjacente et cum suis pertinenciis, predicto Johanni et Johanni et heredibus de corporibus eorum exeuntibus, et predicto Waltero, heredibus ejus et assinatis suis, in forma prenotata contra omnes gentes warantizabimus imperpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium his testibus, &c. Dat., &c. Fo. 70 vº. 4 (b). All men presont and for to cum be a knowyn, pat I, Lawrens of W., hath gowyn and grantyd and be my presont charter hath confermyd, to John of Foxtune, and to pe eyres of hys bodi be-gotyn, j dowhows with pe curtlyge lyenge-to, as yt ys in-closyd with hedgys and dechys, in pe Town of W., and with hys pertynens; pe wych dowhows lyth be-twyne 'pe lond of W. of B. on pe on parte, and pe lond of John of W. on pe tothere parte, and on hed abuttyt vpon pe lond of wylliam Coleyn toward pe este, and a-nothere hed abuttyt vpon pelond of Thomas Waryn toward pe weste: To haue and to hold pe forseyd dowhows with pe curlyche lyenge-to and hys pertymens, of me and myn eyres to pe forsed John and to pe eyres of hys bodie begotyn, frely, quiette, wyll, and in pesse, geldynge per-of gerly to me and to myn eyres já. ate pe. feste of seynt Botholl, and to doo to peschyffe lordes of pat fee all servyes per-of dew and custon. And yf yt Fo. 71. happyd pat pe forseyd John dessesse with-owt eyrys of hys body be-gotyn, I woll pat pe forseyd dowfhows with pe curtlege lyeng to and hys pertinences remayne to John hys broder of Foxton; To haue and to ~ree–43-4-4- /*re-r- (ezzº) fee. … 84 &e 139 holde pe forseyd dowhows, with pe corlege lyeng-to and with hys pertynences, of me and my eyrys to pe forseyd John and to pe eyrys of hys body be-gotyn, 3eldyng per- of gerly to me and to my eyrys j rosse at pe Natyvite of Seynth John pe Baptysyd. And to make of pe chyffe lordes of pe fee all seruyce as pe forseyd John hath donne. And yf yt happyd pat pe forseyd John dyssesce with [out] eyrys of hys body be-gotyn, I woll pat ye forseyd dow- howsse with pe cortlege lyyng-to as yt ys in-closyd with hedges & deges and hys pertynences remayne to Water of Loke, to hys eyrys and to hys assyneys, with owtyn end; To haue and to hold pe forseyd dowhows with pe corlage lyenge-to and with hys pertymences, of pe chyffe lordes of pe fee be pe Seruys perof Čew and custum. And I pe forseyd Lawrons and myn eyry's pe forseyd dowhows with pe corlage lyyng-to and with hys pertynences, to pe forseyd John and John, and to pe eyrys of ther bodyes begotyn. And to pe forseyd Water to hys eyrys and to hys asseyneys, in forme a-bothe" notyd a-gens all men [warrant for ever], &c. * : Fo. 71. 5 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri, quod Ego dominus Johannes Smyth capellanus, dedi, concessi, et hac presenti carta mea confirmaui, Willelmo B. juniori, filio Willelmi B. senioris, de E., et A. vKori sue, Johannes B. et Thome. S., heredibus et eorum assignatis, Omnia illa mesuagia, terras, tenementa, cum omnibus et singulis eorum pertinenciis, in villis de E. W. et A. et condam Fo. 71 vº. fuerunt Willelmi M. Ac ecºam totum illud mesuagium edificatum, ac omnia terras, tene- - menta, prata, pasturas, pascuas, cum omnibus eorum pertinenciis, jacencia, et situata in villis et campis de E. predicta, et W., et nuper fuerunt Willellmi A. de Norwico, et que nuper hujusmodi ex dono, concessione, et con- * I.e. above. firmacione Willelmi B. senioris patris dicti Willelmi B. junioris provt per cartam ejusdem Willelmi B. michi nuper inde confectam manifeste apparet. Habendum et, tenendum omnia et singula supradicta mesuagia, terras, tenementa, prata, pascuas, pasturas, & cetera premissa, cum eorum pertinenciis, prefatis Willelmo B. juniori et A. vºori sue, Johanni B. et Thome S., heredibus et eorum assignatis, ad vsum dicti Willelmi B. senioris, videlicet ad totam vitam ipsius Willelmi, de capitalibus dominis feodorum illorum, per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta. Et quod post mortem Sepedicti Willelmi B. senioris, omnia et singula Supradicta mesuagia, terre, tenementa, prata, pascue, et pasture, cum seteris premissis, et eorum partium remaniant prenominatis Willelmo B. juniori, et A. vºori sue. Haben- dum et tenendum sibi et heredibus de eorum corporibus legitime procreatis et procreandis de capitalis dominis feodo- rum illorum, per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta, Sicut pro defectu heredum dictorum Willelmi B. junioris et A. vKoris sue quod omnia et singula supradicta mesuagia, terre, tenementa, prata, pascue, pasture, cum seteris premissis et eorum pertinenciis remaniant rectis heredibus sepedicti Willelmi B. senioris, tenendum sibi heredibus et assignatis suis de capitalibus dominis feodorum - illorum per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta imperpetuum, per presentes, In cujus rei testimonium utrique parti hujus carte indentate Ego, dominus Johannes Smyth, capellanus, sigillum meum apposui: his testibus, &c. Data apud E. predictam, &c. Fo. 71 vº. 5 (b). All men beyng present and for to cum be a knowyne, pat I syr John Smyth, pryste, Fo. 72. hath gow.yne and grantyd and be my present Chartyr confermyd to W. B. pe 3ownger, sonne of W. B. the elder, of E, and A. hys wyffe, [to] J. B. [and] T. P., to pe eyrys and Seyneys of them, all thowys myssys, 141 (e/4235 bezº. 34.8°te londes, tenementes, with all and iche of ther pertynans, in the Townys of E. W. and A., and sumtyme werne William M., and also all pat holl mysse edyfyed, and all londes, tenementes, medowys, pasturys, fedynges,” with all thyr pertymences lyyng and edyfyed in pe Townys and fylddes of E forseyd and W, and late worne William A. of N., and pe wych late I have had of that gyfte, grantyd, and con- fymacone of W. B. pe elder, fader of Seyd W. B. pe gownger, as be dede of pe same W. B. to me late per-of made manyfestly apperyt. To haue and to hoold all and iche a-bothe"-seyd myssys, londes, tenementes, medowys, fedynges, pasturys, and the oder premeces with per perty- nences, to be-for-namyd William B. pe gownger, and A. hys wyffe, J. B. and T. P., to pe eyrys and Seyneys of them on to pe evse of pe Seyd William B. pe elder, pat ys to sey on to pe holl lyffe of pe same William, of pe chyfe lordes of thow feys be pe serueys per-of dew [and] costum of ryte. And pat after pe deth of pe oftynſty]mys seyd William B. pe elder, all and iche a-both seyd myssis, londes, tenementes, medowys, fedynges, pasturys, with peoder premyces and per pertymans, xall remayne to be-for-namyd William B. pe 3ownger and A. hys wyffe; To haue & to hoold to hem and to pe eyrys of per bodyes lawfully comyng and for to cum, of pe chyffe lordes of thow feys, be seruyes per-of dew & custum of ryth. So for pe defaulte of pe eyrys of pe Seyd William B. gynger and A. hyswyffe, that all and iche a-bothe Seyd mysces, londes, tenementes, medowys, fedynges, & pasturys, with pe oder premyces and per pertynences, xall remayne to peryth eyrys of pe oftyntymys seyd William B. * The difference between pastura and pascua is shown in this translation. Lindwood, speaking of tithes, says that a pasture is Eny kind of feeding- ground, whether in meadow, stubble, or field ; but that pascua is a place chiefly devoted to feeding sheep, as on hills, moors, and uricultivated ground.- See Ducange, s.v. pastura. - 6 I.e. above, 142 ... - - - - - pe elder; To hoold to hem to [per] heyr[ys] and Seyneys of pe schyffe &c." for euer more. In to pe wytenesces of pe whych to eyther party of thys dede ind[e]ntyd I be-for namyd syre John Smyth, hath putte-to my sele be thys, &c., 3ouyn at E. forseyd. Fo. 72 vº. 6 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego, Petrus" Gardener de Hopton, dedi, concessi, et hac presenti carta mea confirmaui Johanni de M., heredibus et assing- natis suis, manerium meum de Cryssy[n]gham cum omnibus suis pertinentis in comitatu Lyncolnie, vt in pratis, pascuis, pasturis, viis, semitis, boscis, planis, moris, fossatis, turbariis, aquis, stangnis, ripariis, gardinis, curtilagiis, wardis, releuiis, maritagiis, hamonis,” redditibus, assisis, consuetudinibus, serviciis, libertatibus, aysiamentis, escaetis, visu franciplegiis, reconnicionibus, cum libero ingressu et egressu, infra villam et extra, cum omnibus alliis rebus, comoditatibus, proficuis, ad predictum manerium meum quouis modo pertinentibus: Habendumet tenendum dictum manerium cum suis pertinenciis de capitalibus dominis feodi, libere, integre, bene et in pace, dicto Johanni heredibus et assinatis suis, per servicia inde debita et consueta. Et ego, predictus Petrus et heredes mei, predictum manerium cum suis pertinenciis vt supradictum est, dicto Johanni heredibus et assignatis suis, contra omnes gentes warantizabimus imperpetuum. In cujus rei, &c. 6 (b). All men beyng present and for to cum xall know, pat I, Peter' Gardener of Hopton, hath gowyn and grantyd and be my present chartyr hath confermyd to John of W., 7 The translator, being near the bottom of the page, is here content to let an &c. express some necessary repetition : ‘‘ dominis — consueta.” 8 Johannes in the MS., but see below. 9 This word should be “homagiis.” See the English. 1 John in the MS. The same mistake was made in copying the Latin charter; plainly the copyist translated from his own copy, instead of the original. - 143 (c/s) Dºe, 2, #4 ºne to hym” and to hys asseyneys, my maner of Cryssygham with all hys pertinences in pe cownty of Lyncoln, as in medowys, fedynges, pasturys, weyes, bypathys, woodes, playnys, mores, hegys, tvruedollys, watyrys, stermys, reverys, gardenys, curleges, wardys, relyvyes, maryages, hommages, rentes, sysys, custumys, servyes, lyberteys, ese- mentes, exschetes, plegys of corte, knowlages, with pelyberte of in-gate and owtte with-in pe Town and with-owte, with all other thynges, cometyteys, profytes on to pe forseyd my maner, ony maner of wey perteynyng: To haue and to holde pe forseyd maner with hys pertynences of the Fo. 73, chyffe lordes of the fee, ffrely, holl, wylle, and in - pesse, to the Seyd John, to hys eyrys and to hys assyneys, be pe servyes ther-of dew & custum. And I, the fforseyd Peter and my eyrys, the forseyd maner with hys pertynences as yt ys a-bothe seyd, to the Seyd John to hys eyrys and to hys assyneys, a-gens all men Schall warant for euer more. Into the wettenesse of pe wych thynge, &c. Fo. 73. 7 (a). Thomas Myngy summonitus fuit ad respondendum Edmundo Tunsted in placio debiti, quod reddet ei viginti vinum solidos quos ei debuit et injuste detinet. Et vinde idem querens per Johannem O. attornatum suum, dicit quod vicesimo-quarto die Januarii anno regni regis Henrici vij" quinto apud T. infra jurisdictionem hujus curſi]e, predicti Thomas et Edmundus insimull compu- taverunt inter se super diuersis debitis et pecuniarum summis per prefatum Thomam de predicto Edmundo per antea habitis et receptis, Super quoquidem compoto predictus Thomas inventus fuit in areragis et claris debitis, erga predictum Edmundum in winginti vnum solidis Soluendis eidem Edmundo quandocunque inde requesitus fuisset per eundem Edmundum, predictus tamen Edmundus licet sepius requisitus fuisset de Solucione dictorum viginti * MS. has “hys.” L wnius solidorum per dictum Thomam, idem Thomas eidem Edmundo nondum reddidit, sed illos ei reddere contradixit et adhuc contradicit. Wnde idem Edmundus dicit dete- rioratus est et dampnum habet ad valenciam sex solidorum et octo dinariorum, costas sectae tres solidos et quatuor dinarios, et Vnde producit sectam, etc. 7 (b). Thomas Myngy wos summund on to ansswere to Edm. Tunsted in a ple of det, that he schuld Fo. 73 vº. 3yld to hym xxjs. the wyche he to hym owth and on-trewly with-hold; and wer-vpon the Seyd pleyntyffe, be John O. hys attorny, Seyth that the xxiiij day of Jenyvere and the 3ere and reyn of king Herry the vij" the v" gere, at T. with-in the jurdyxyun of [t]hys curt, that the for seyd Thomas and Edm. to-gedyr hath [reckoned be-twyn themselfe, vpon dyuers dettes and summys of mony be the forseyd Thomas of the forseyd Edms, be-for had and received], vpon the wych cownt the forseyd Thomas wos fownd in a-rerage and clere dette a-gens the forseyd Edm. in xxis, to be payid to pe Seyd Edm. wane-someuer he wer requeryed be the forseyd Edm. Neuer-the-lesse all-thow ge for-seyd Edm. oftyn- tymys hath requeryd hym for the payment of the said xxjS., the same Thomas to pe Seyd Edm. hath not 3yt content nor payid, but the same xxjS. to hym hath denyed to pay and 3yt denyeth. Were-for the Seyd Edm. Seyth that he ys hurt and harmyd be that wn-to the valew of vis. viijd. and the costes of Sute iijs. iiijd., and ther-vpon prosedyth pe sewte. 8 (b). Nouerint vniversi, me Willelmum T. de O. teneri et per presentes firmiter obligari Thome Foxton de S. in decem libris legalis monete, soluendis eidem Thome aut suo certo attornato in festo omnium Sanctorum proximo futuro post datum presentium sine dilacione vlteriori, ad ~~~4324c gº-º-º-re (2/473-22-2. …d4 &e. . . . . . . 43 ºf 145 quam quidem solucionem vt predictum est faciendum obligo me, heredes et executores meos, per presentes. In cujus rei testimonium presentibus sigillum meum apposui. Data apud O. predicto, in festo Sancte Thome apcstoli, anno regni regis Henrici Sexti post conquestum vicesimo nono. To. 74, 8 (b). Beyt a known to all pepyll, me, Wyllm. T. of O., to be hold and be thys presont wrytyng freythe- fully to be bound to Thomas [Foxton] of Sudebery in xli. of lawfull mony, to be payid to the same Thomas or to his certeyne attornyis at the fest of all Seyrites nex comyng after the date of thys presont wyrttyn, with owt ony ferder delae; to pe wych payment as ys be-for I by nd me my eyrys and my executors be thys presont. In to the wytenesse of the wych thynge presentyd, I haue put to my sell. 3Owyne at O. the forseyd, in the fest of Seynth Thomas the Postyll, the 3ere of the reyne of kyng Herry the sexth after the congquest [twenty-ninth. 9 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego, Robertus Thed de Terrynton, dedi, consessi, et [h]ac presenti carta mea confirmaui Johanni Collys de eadem villa, heredibus et assinatis suis, tres rodes erbarii, bruarii et turbare, jacentes in quodam loquo vocato Brakynholme, inter gerbar' bruar’ et turbare * Willelmi Tunsted ex parte australe, erbar' bruar’ et turbar’ nuper Thome Greyn ex parte aquilonario, et abuttat super comunam de Terryntun versus occidentem, et super pasturam nuper Roberti Clarke versus orientem: habendum et tenendum predictas tres rodes erbarii, bruar’ et turbar’, cum suis pertinenciis prefato John Collys, heredibus et assinatis suis, de capitalibus dominis feodorum illorum, per seruicia inde debita et de jure consueta. Et ego, predictus Robertus et heredes mei, predictas tres rodes 3 The gender and inflexion of these three words is uncertain. They are printed here as they are written, without attempting to extend them. L 2 146 Če /47s-) Dºe º 24 Bºwe erbarii, bruar' et turbar’, cum suis pertinenciis prefati Johanni Collys, heredibus et assingnatis suis, contra omnes gentes warantizabimus imperpetuum. In cujus rei testi- monium huie presenti carta sigillum meum appossui; hiis testibus Johanne Man, Johanne Rekessond, Johanne Knyt, et alliis. Data apud Terrynton predictam, sexta die mencis Januarii, anno regni regis Henrici sexti post conquestum tricessimo primo. Fo. 74 vº. 9 (b). All men beynge presont and for to cum schall know, that I Robert Thed of Terrynton, hath gowyne and grantyd and be my presont charter hath confermyd, to John Collys of the same Towne, to hys eyres and to hys assyneys, iij rodys of [herbage, heather, * and Turve dolly's lyth in the wych place callyd Brakyneholme betwyne [herbage, heather], and turvedollys of Wylliam Tunsted of the parte of pe sowth, and the [herbage, heather, and turvedollys late Thomas Greyne of the parte of the north, and a-but v-pon pe comon of Terrynton a-gensse pe est, and v-pon pe paster late Robert Clarke agens pe west; To haue and to hold pe forseyd iij rodes [of herbage, heather, and turvedollys, with hys pertynessys, to pe forseyd John Collys to hys eyrys and to hys a-syneys, of the cheffe lordes of thow freys be the servyis Fo. 75. ther-of dette and of rygth custom. And I the forseyd Robert and my eyrys, the forseyd iij rodes of [herbage, heather, and turvedolys with hys pertynences, to pe forseyd John Collys to hys eyrys and to hys assynis * The translator was evidently puzzled how to English erbarium or gerbarium, and brueria or bruera, as the five places where the words occur he left blank. The first appears to be the herbage or coarse hay, the right for mowing which was purchasable from the lord of a manor; bruarium was a heath or waste, and implied a right to cut heather; turbaria was a place where turves could be cut; turve-dollys = turf-deals, i.e., pieces of turf or peat. The grant was thus one for the right of cutting certain fodder and fuel. . • ¥ • - z. scr*? • *«-«.* **<*r s* *-* - ------- _* • '.- -N • 7 J'_<» // <; 2/473) Dec. -2-2. Ag.42 > & .- .- - s======-=-====-i-:r-•***-*-**•<•-=*<=-_--.--.--,--- -- =-====== 147 a-gens all men schall warent for euer more. In the Wyche thynge Wytnes be thys presont scharter my sell I haue put-to; be thys wetenessys, John Man, John Rakessond, John Kent, and other. 3ovyn at Ormysby the forseyd, the sexte day of the monyth of jenyuer, pe 3er of pe reyn of kynge herry the sexte after the conquest xxxj 3ere. 10 (a). Universis presentes literas inspecturis vel audi- turis, Willelmus de Hopton salutem in dcmino ; noueritis me temeri, et per presentes literas fideliter obligari, Thome Waryn de Cryssyngham in centum libris bororum et legalium sterlingorum, pro bonis vivis mihi venditis et liberatis in villa de Noramptum, die confescionis presencium, vnde sum bene contentus, quasquidem centum libras sterlingorum predictas teneor et bona fide promitto solvere et deliberare eidem Thome vel suo certo attornato presentes literas ostendentes apud Lincolniam, infra proximos octo dies post quam presentes literas fuerunt vise et ostense sine vlteriori dilacione; et ad istam solucionem sie fideliter faciendam obligo me, heredes et executores meos ; et ad maiorem hujus rei securitatem faciendam tales inteni fidejuseores subseritos, videlicet, Johannem de Snoryngs, Thoma de IRokelond, qui sigilla sua vmaeum sigillo meo alternatim presentibus apposuerunt. His testibus, &c. Date apud Norampton die omnium sanctorum, anno regni regis E. tercii post conquestum tercio. 10 (b). To all pepyll [that] thys present letter behold or see, William of . Hopton sent gretyng in owre lord. IKnow 3e me to be hold and be thys presont letter feyth- fully to be bownd to Thomas W. of Cryssyngham Eo. 75v°. in a cli. of good and lawfull mony, for qweke goode8 to me sold and delyueryd in the Town of Noramptom, on pe day of thys present letter makynge, wer-of I am Wyll content ; of the Wyche cli. of the forseyd starlynges I am bownd, and be my good feyth permettyd to pay and delyuer to pe same Thomas or to hys sorteyn attornyys, thys letter schoynge, at Lyncoll with-in pe nexth viij day after the wych presont letter mad byn syn and schowyd, with-owt ony ferder delay; and on to thys payment so feythfully to be don I bynd me, my eyres and my executores. And on to the more suerte of thys thyng to be don I haue fownd thys Suertys Vnder wryttyn, that ys to sey, John of Snorynges, Thomas of Rockelond ; the wych hyr selys to-geder hau put with my sell, alternatly, to thys present letter hau put to; be thys wetnessys, A., &c. 3owyn at Norampton on Hallownesse day, the 3ere of the reyn of kynge E. pe iij after conquest, iij Gere. Fo. 75 vº. 11 (a). Omnibus Cristi fidelibus ad quos presentes litere pervenerint, J. de S., dominus de W., miles, salutem in domino; Noueritis me teneri et fideliter obligari R. de N. camerario meo, pro laudabili servicio suo, hactennus inpenso in xx solidis sterlingorum annue pencionis, et vna roba de secta hominis de officio osspicii mei, soluendis eidem R. annuatim vel attornatis suis apud S. de costys meis ad totam vitam suam, ad festum natalis domini, sine contradictione quacunque; ad quam dicte annue pensionis Xx solidorum predictorum solucionem vna- cum roba prenotata, bene et fideliter faciendam obligo me, heredes et executores meos, et omnia bona mea, mobilia et inmobilia, presencia et futura, wbicunque fuerint in- venta. In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti, &c. His testibus, &c. Dat. apud. - Fo. 76. 11 (b). To all feythfull pepyll of Cryst on-to wome thys presont letter xall cum to, John of S., lord of W., knyth senth gretynge in owre lord. Know 3e me to be hold and feythfully to be bownd to R. of N., my schambyrleyn, for hys laudabyll servysse in old tyme, cº-ºrs:--" " 1 4 9 **==rss&i------------------ . . . . . . . . *=> hangynge in xXs. of starlynges,” of gerly pensyne, and j robe, pat ys to sey, j gowne of cloth of j mane of the oftyce of my ostey," to be payed to pe same R. 5erly or hys attornys at S. of my coffres, on to hys holl lyffe, at pe feste of the berth of owr lord with-owt Ony geyn-Seyyng; on-to the wyche Seyd gerly penschyn of the forseyd xxs. to be paid with j robe a-for notyd, wyll and feythfully to be done, I bynd me, myn eyrys and myne executorys, and all my goodes mevabyll and on-mevabyll, present and for to cum, were-so-meuer they may be fownd. In to pe wytensse of the wyche thynge be thys present, &c. Be thys wytnessys, &c. 3Owyn, &c. - |Po. 76. 12 (a). Sciant presentes et futuri, quod nos Willelmus B. de O. et Agnes VXor mea, Vnico assensu nostro dedimus, concessimus, et hac presenti carta nostra confir- mavimus domino Thome Schalys, Edwardo M. armigero, et Willelmo S. de Walton, heredibus et assignatis ipsius Willelmi, omnia terras et tenementa nostra, redditus et servicia, prata, pascua, et pastura, bruare", junccar', turbar’, et mariscos, cum omnibus suis pertinentiis, comoditatibus et proficuis eisdem terris et tenementis qualiterounque pertinen- tibus, in villa, campis, bruaris, communiis, et mariscis de O., seu alibi infra hundredum de Estfegge Habendum et tenendum omnia predicta terras et tenementa, redditus et servicia, prata, pascua, et pastura, bruar’, junccar', turbar’ et mariscos, cum omnibus suis pertinenciis, prefatis domino Thome Schalys, Edwardo et Wyllelmc, heredibus et assingmatis ipsius Willelmi, de capitalibus dominis feodi illius per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta ; excepta * That is 20s. of sterling money. The word is believed to have come from the name Easterlings, the merchants of the North German Hans Towns, who were the earliest moneyers in England. ° Ostey, i.e. household, seems to be this translator's equivalent for hospicium. Compare the French houste, given in Ducange. 7 See note to charter 9 (a), p. 145. #3 :- Ł ń Tº -- r - ac ºr 8% º /2/423) L 150 vnum messuagium et octo acras terre cum pertinentiis in O., quod quidem messuagium et octo aeras terre cum pertinentiis, nuper predictus Willelmus S. de O. habuit ex dono et feoffamenta Thome Grene et Marie vzoris sue. Et nos, predicti Willelmus et Agneta et heredes nostri omnia predicta, terra, tenementa, redditus, et servicia, prata, pascue et pasturas, bruar’, junccar', turbar’, et mariscos, cum omnibus suis pertinentiis, exceptis preexceptis, prefato domino Thome Schalys, Edwardo et Willelmo, heredibus et assingnatis ipsius Willelmi, contra omnes gentes waran- tizabimus imperpetuum. In cujus rei testimonium huic presenti carte sigilla nostra apposuimus. Hiis testibus Johanne Seyve, &c., et alliis. Data apud O. predictum vicesimo primo die mensis Januarii, anno regni regis Henrici Sexti post conquestum tricesimo secundo. Fo. 76 vº. 12 (b). All men beynge presont and for to cum be a know, That we, Wyllm. B. of O. and Anneys my wyffe, with on a-sent hath gow.yne and grantyd, and be owre presont chartyr hath confermyd to lord John Schalys, and to Edward M. esqwyer, and to Wyllm. S. of Walton, to the eyrys and syneys of the same Wyllm., all owre 8 londes, tenementes, rentes, and Seruyes, medowys, ffedynges, pasturys, [heaths, reed-beds.]” torvedollys, merchys, with all hys pertymences, comedyteys, proftytys, of the same Fo. 77. londes and tenementes, were-so-euer they perteyne, in the towne or fyld [heaths]” comownys and mercys of O. or ony othere were-with in the hunderede of Estfiege: To haue and to hold all the forseyd londes and tenementes, rentes, and Seruyis; medowys, fedyngyes, and pastures, [heaths, reed-beds, towrvedowlles, and merschys, * In the MS. “owre * is placed before “rentes.” - * These words are untranslated in the MS., a blank being left in each case as before, p 146. - 1 Ib. 151 - (e/423-) Dec. … &. 3227a. with all there pertynences, to the forseyd lord Thomas Scalys, Edward, and Wyllm., to the eyrys and to the assyneys of the same Wyllm., of the chyffe lordes of the ffeys be the seruyis there-of dew and rygth custum, excepte on messe and viij acrys of lond with the pertynens in O., the wych messe and viij acrys of lond with the pertynens late the forseyd Wyllm. S. of O. haue had of gyfte and feffement of Thomas Grene and of Mary hys wyffe. And we pe forseyd Wyllm. and Angn’, and owre eyrys, all the forseyd londes, tenementes, rentes, and seruyis, medowys, fedynges, and pastures [heaths, reed-beds.] Turvedowllys, and merces, with all ther pertynences, excepte befor excepte, to the forseyd lord Thomas Sealy's, E. and Wyllm., to the eyrys and the syneys of the same Wyllm., a-gens all men Schall warant for euer more. In the wyche thynge wettenesse of thys presont chartyre owre selysse ar put to ; be thys wytenesse John Seyve, etc., et allijs. Dat. apud O. predict. THE ARTICLES OF ENOUTRY AT A COURT BARON AND A COURT LEET. THESE “articles” carry us back to the older system of English law and polity, when the people being more equally distributed over the land bore a closer relation to the soil than at present, when local justice and local responsibilities were relied on as agents in the administration of public welfare, when peace and order had to be cared for by the people themselves. The Courts Baron and Leet were two important factors in this system. The Court Baron, or lord’s court, was held in every manor, and properly consisted of the free tenants of the lord ; the freeholders as suitors (i.e., those who owed suit, or ought to come to each Court, from Fr. stºr = Suivre, to follow) being the judges, the steward being merely the registrar and president. The term is also used to include the customary courts of the copyholders and customary 152 tenants, of which the lord or the steward was the judge. The Court Baron was of two natures, “the Freeholders' Court, which hath jurisdiction for trying actions of debt, trespasses, &c., under forty shillings, may be had every three weeks, and is something like a county court . . . . . The other, for taking and passing of estates, surrenders, admittances, &c., is held out once or twice in a year (usually with the Court Leet) unless it be on purpose to grant an estate ; and then it is holden as often as requisite. In this court the homage jury” are to inquire, that the lords do not lose their services, duties, or custom ; but that their tenants make their suits of court, pay their rents and heriots, &c., and keep their lands and tenements in repair ; they are to present all common and private nuisances which may prejudice their lord’s manor, and every public trespass must be punished in this court oy amercement, on presenting the same.” A steward presided at the meeting on behalf of the lord, and gave the charge to the homagers (or freeholders), who were sworn in to enquire and adjudicate whether the general articles here following had been kept within the manor. The Court Baron thus, “chiefly regards the suit and service, the trespasses and offences, of the tenants, as relating to the rights and privileges of the lord of the manor.” “ - On the other hand “the Court Leet takes cognizance of felonies and misdemeanors, offences and nuisances generally,” being “the older and superior tribunal, a Court of Record and the Court of the King.” That is, the Court Leet included powers of dealing with the public peace and welfare, and matters which had to be dealt with by the general law of the land; it was the Law-day, held usually in manors, sometimes also in the larger jurisdiction of the hundred, when it was called the Sheriff's Tourn and Leet, because the 2 Mr. Charles Elton, a recent authority, speaking of the Court Baron and the homage jury, says, “the rame is given by common usage to the customary court of the copyholders, which concerns the copyholders only, and may be held without free ter ants; and in the same way the word “homage' is used to denote the jury of copyholders.”—Custom and Tenant Right, 1882, p. 90. - 3 Court Leet Records of the Manor of Man Bhester, edited by John Harland, Chetham Society, 1864, preface, p. 9. This passage is based upon Coke's 4 Report, 26; 6 Report, 11, 12; Compleate Copyholder, $ 31 (ed. 1641, p. 60); and the Statute 4 Edw. I. - 4 Jbid. 153 sheriff, on behalf of the king, held court for the dispensing of justice in the different hundreds in turn. I cannot do better than quote the words of John Kitchin, a lawyer of Gray’s Inn, in the preamble to his well-known treatise on “Le Court Leete et Court Baron,” written in 1580, fo. 3, “Fineux (12 H. VII., fol. 18) says, that at the beginning all the administration of justice was in the crown, and wherever the king was, there was the law administered. Then, afterwards, because of the multiplying of the people, were the Court Leet and the Court Baron ordained ; to wit, the Leef for the punishment of enormities and nuisances against the public weal, within the precincts of the same, and its articles and pains are ordained to this end. And it is called the ‘View of Frankpledge, because the king may there have ascertained by the view of the Steward, how many people are within any leet ; and thus have account, and view, by the steward, of their good government and behaviour in any leet. And also the leet was ordained to have every person of the age of twelve years who has dwelt therein a year and a day, to be sworn to be faithful and loyal to the king. And also that the people there might be held in peace and obedierce, these Courts Leets were established.”” It would require a Small treatise to explain the details of these different Articles, dealing with various laws, tenures, and customs anciently in use and derived from a feudal origin. The articles to be inquired of in a Court Leet were dealt with by the Statute of Winchester, 13 Edward I., and articles of the View of Frankpledge. of the date of Edward I. or II., are found in 7%e Słażuſe Book (Record edition, vol. i., p. 246), with which the reader may usefully compare these Articult lefe. The great value in cla times of this system of inquiry and justice in the matters touching public health, highways, bridges, and Sewers, and as to keeping the peace and taking criminals has been shown by my father in several published works,” and the present collection is an excellent illustration of the reality and life of those local institutions which, though reviled or forgotten, have helped to make the England of the present. Some of the inquiries made in a Court Baron were often regulated by * This translation is quoted from Court Leet Records of the Manor of Manchester, 1864, prefatory chapter, p. 7. This chapter contains a mass of valuable information collected in illustration of the history and practice of these courts. - 6 See for example Practical Proceedings for the Removal of Nuisances, by Toulmin Smith, 1856, pp. 2–10; The Parish, pp. 128 and notes, 367–369. 154 a Customary or Custumal, in which, the jurors at some date having made a searching inquiry and Statement of the customs in use within their manor (as is well known they varied greatly in different parts of England), these were all enrolled. Examples of such Custumals may be seen in that of Tettenhall Regis, printed in English Gilds (ed. Toulmin Smith, Early Eng. Text Soc., 1870, p. 432), and of Sutton Coldfield, printed in Dugdale's Warwickshire, vol. ii., p. 91 I. There is no reference to such a roll for Stuston, though it may possibly have existed. For useful information on the old terms, tenures, and customs, see Elton's Custom and Tenant Right, quoted above, and the Introduction to the same writer's Treaſise on the Zazy of Copyholds, 1874." The “charge " given in a Court Leet and a Court Baron, with articles similar to the following, will be found in Kitchin's work above referred to (fourth English edition, 1663, pp. 16 and IO9), and in Sir Edw. Coke's Order of Keeffing a Court Zeet and Court Baron, 1650. These two sets of articles appear to have been written in the book__ by Melton himself, the hand resembling that of the accounts. →...→-----------------------------.' -- *- : *======-->====~~~----- ------ ---- - -- fa/so? Lee. Zh eč tox Fo. 51. [Charge by the Steward to the Homagers, of Articles to be enquired by them]. 1. Ye schall treuly enquere and forth presente on my lordys be-halffe all ye pointys yat longeth to the Corte, and to ye plasse” betwyx party & party, and for no thyng spare, but yat 3e Schall so do ; so helpe you god and hullydum,” & be this boke. 2, Fyrst ye schall enquere of all y” yat owe sute to this Corte, yf they be here, and all they that make defawte present ther namys, be the otthe that ye haue take. 7 I am indebted to Mr. Charles Elton for several kind hints and corrections of my notes on these “Articles.” * Plasse, pleas. * Hullydom, halidom, the company of Saints. Zaz-e? Lee. neºte sº gº & 155 3. Also ye schall do us to wete if ther be ony tenaunte ded sithe the last Corte, and ye schall do us tc weete what he hylde of my lord, and be what serwyce he is, his nexte eyur, and of what age ; what profyte my lord may haue after his deth, as ward, mariage, releeffe, harryet," other eschete * or ony oyer profiyte; do us to wet what proftyte he owte for to haue, be gower othis. Fo. 51 vº. 4. And also be well awysed whether he ware a fre tenaunte or a bonde, for geffe he ware a fºre tenaunte yan must 3e enquere be what seruyce he helde of this lordscheppe, whether he hylde be skwage” or be sokage, for if they holde be skwage, that is knytes serwyce, and 3effe he died sesyd in the lond and his eyur with-in age, my lord schall haue the ward of ye lond and the maryage of the chylde. And if the chylde be of full age yat holdith be yat venuer of knyte serwisse, whan his fadyr is ded the eyur Schall enter the lond and pay a releeff, and do his omage and sewte, and althow it be sokage lond get ye eyur schall pay a releſſe and do his sewte ; and ther-for geffe ony sweche be, do us to wete. 5. Also geschall enquere 3ef ony manne be owte-lauyd of feloney, convycte or atteynte of felonye, do us to wete what he heelde of my lorde, and wheyer he helde Fo. 52, frely or bondly. For if he helde frely the kyng schall hawe the wauntege and the profyttes a yer and a day, and after yat it hath be in ye kynges hande a yer and a day, my lord Schall serve it owte of the kynges honde be a wryte of eschete; and 3effe it be bond Iond it is a cleer eschet to my lord of this lordscheppe and to no oyer manne. 6. Also ge schall enquere yf ony manne dyed sesyd of 1 H.arryet, heriot, a gift due to the lord on the death of a tenant. * Eschete, escheat, that which falls in due to the lord. * Skwage, escuage, knight's service. 156 º a zº"Ø' % 2ee. :-ºr------- ony lond or tenement of this maner, and if he ware a basterd borne, and hath non eyur of his body in wedlok, his lond schalbe eschetyt to my lord be it fre or bond. 7. Also enquere 3efe yer be ony manne or woman dyed Sesyd of ony londys or tenementes yat is helde of this maner, and yf he haue non eyur of his body noyer non eyur colaterall, his lond shall be eschetyd to my lord, be it fre lond or bonde lond. Fo. 52 vº. 8. Also ge schall enquere 3efe ony lond befall be desent of ye faderes syd, and if yer be non eyer forth of moderys syd, and if it be ye enherytauns of the moderes side it schall neuere turne to ye eyurs of the faderes syde, but it shalbe eschettyd to yis lordscheppe: thus cum eschettes into lordscheppys; geeffe ony sweche be, do us to wete be [3]owre othis. 9. Also 3e schall enquere if ony mann yat wasse bond tenaunt of this lordscheppe, and dyed Sesyd of ony bond lond, 3e Schall enquere of how meche he dyed sesyd of, and how is his neste eyer, and what auauntage my lord may have after his tenaunttes deth, as fynne or haryet, lyke as the custom of the maner Wyll. - 10. Also 3e schall enquere 3eef ony man hath pur- chasyd ony lond yat is holde of this maner frely, and be what seruyce it is holde 3e schall enquere, and wee Schall warde owte a dussces * a-gens heme yat haue purchased this lond, to schowe how they be entryd in-to my lordes 4 A. Writ of Duces teeum was one commanding a person to appear in the Court of Chancery, bringing certain evidences or writings. From the above it appears that the steward and homagers in the Court Baron could make the same kind of order. 157 fee, that they may do homage and sewte to my lord, a-cordyng to the custom of this lordscheppe. Fo. 53. 11. Also 3e schall enquere 3ef ony man hath bowt or sold ony bond lond sythe ye last corte, or be for, and hath nowte be presentyd, present yt " nowe. 12. Also 3e schall enquere 3ef ony man or woman hath ocupyed ony of my lordys demen landys, medowis, or pastures, with owte lysens of the lord or of his offeser, or ony bond lond after tyme it hath be sesyd be the omage of ye corte in to my lordys hande, do us to wet, how it is, and how longe he hath ocupyed it so, and of what walew it is be yer, be the othe that ye haue made. 13. Also 3ef ther be ony man hath lete ony bond lond to ferme for terme of lyffe, or for terme of yerres, with owte lysens of the lord and fynne-makyng in the corte, do us to Wete ther-of and of ther namys. 14. Also ye schall enquere 3ef ony mar hath alyenyd ony bond lond be chartre or crafte for terme of lyff or for terme of yerys, the wheche here-after may be in preiudyce to my lorde or hurtyng to his eyurs in tyme cummyng. Fo. 53 vº. 15. Also je Schall enquere yef ony bond mane or bond womane of blood of this lordscheppe be dwelyng ougte of this lordscheppe with ougt lycens of my lord or chewache" paying yerly of record in the Cort Rollys, do us to wet how it is. 16. Also 3e Schall enquere 3ef ony bond manne of * MS. has presentyd. * Chewache, i.e., chevage or chiefage, head or poll money, paid by the bond man or woman in sign of the link between lord and tenant, of right due from the tenant, and of protection due from the lord. 158 blood hath sete his some to skole," or hath maryed his douter with ougte lycens of my lord, or 3ef ony bonde woman hath hade chylde ougt of wedloke, my lord not hawyng 2", 8", of gersom,” or agre with my lord; gef ony sweche be, presenttyd” be youre othis. 17. Also 3e schall inquere 3ef ony mane or womane hath made ony Stryppe or waste in my lorddy's bond tenmenttes, as lat fall doun ony howses or hewyng ony tymmber wheche ougt to be to repare the same tenment with-thall,—do us to Wete. 18. Also 3efe ther be ony mane with-holdith ony rent, Sute, or Seruice of this maner, be it coke, henne, gosse, pyge, - egges, wyntir worke, or summer worke, or ony Fo. 54, other rent or serwisse, as peper, gynger, clow, gilofre, or red-roffe, or ony other dewte, with- holdyng & wil not pay,+do us to wete,_ho it is, and how long it hath be with-holde, and wher the fee lyth, yat ye baly may destreyne ther-for, gef nede be. 19. Also 3e schall enquere 3ef ony manne hath made ony rescous” up-on ony officer of my lordes, what tyme yey cume to take ony dystresse, oyer atte sute of partye or for rent, sute, or servyce, or for ony other dute longyng to my lord, and so takyng the dystresse fro the offycer in contempt of my lordy's lordscheppe; and if ony man hath broke my lordy's pounde, and stolyn, takyn, and drewyn a-wey his * Perhaps with a view to taking holy orders, cf. art. 3, p 161; the eccle- siastic being exempt from military and feudal services, the lord was so far a loser by him. But it appears elsewhere that a villein was forbidden to send his son to school. - * Gersom. A fine or amercement. * I.e., present it. 1 This word is contracted wº in the MS. - * Reseous. Rescue of the goods distrained by driving away the officer. 159 bestes with ow;te lycens of my lord or his officer, do us to wete ther-of be gouer othis. 20. Also geffe yer be ony mane vsurpyth upon my lord in this lordscheppe, claymyng free boole” or fre bore, or fre foldage other-wysse yan ther ougte for to haue of rygth, or hath be acustumed of olde tyme, do us weete be the othe that yew haue made. Fo. 54 vº. 21. Also geff ony mane hath huntyd or hawkyd in my lordis wareyn, takyng hare or cony, larke, ffesant, or partrych, or any oyer best or fowell of warenye, -presente ther namys be goure othis. 22. Also gef ony mane hath fisshed my lordys seuerall wateres, as pondys, pyttes, or reueres,-do us to wete how they be and what fisshe they haue takyne, be [3]owre othis. 23. Also ye schall enquere 3ef ony custumable scathe" be done in my lordy's londys, medowis, pasturys, or woodys, with hors, nete, or Schepe, or ony other beeste, do us to Wete. 24. Also 3e Schall enquere ef ony bonde mane of blod hath purchasyd ony free lond be chartre, or ony free lond be falle to hyme be desent of erytage, and that land hath nate be sesyd to my lord and takyne aftyr of my lord be copy, and be encres of rent;—do us to wete be the othis that ye haue made. Fo. 55. 25. Also ye schall enquere 3ef ony mane hath done ony skathe * in my lordys woodys, or in his undurwoodys, hewyng dong ony tres or roddys, brekyng * Boole, bull. * Skathe, injury, damage. M 7 a.r.s of D& #º ºt 160 dong ony heggys, and beryng a wey the wood, presentith beſg]oure othys. * 26. Also 3e Schall enquere 3ef ony strayes be comyne in to this lordschepe, be it horsse, nete, or schepe, or ony oyer catell, and no mane knowith hos ye propirte is, 3e schall do us to wete. For gef it hath be with in this lordschippe twelmoneth and a day it schall be forfete to my lord, and 3ef it hath not be so long ge schall tell us how long it hath be in this lordschepe, and proclamaschone schall be made ther-of; and 3ef ony mane come and make lawfull pruf, he schall haue his best agene, and 3ef he pay my lord for the pasture for the tyme ther beyng. Fo. 55 vº. ARTICULI LETE. 1. Ye that be hedborwes” of the lete 3e schall trewly enquere and make presenment of all maner of poyntys that longith to the lete on the kynges be-halffe and on my lordes. The kynges counsell, my lordes, the stuerdys, yower felowes, and yowre owyne, 3e schall well and trewly kepe, and for no-thyng spare, nowther for maleys nor yl-wyll, nor for loue nor for fauor no-thyng present, but as ye know of ryte, and may know or enquere, and trewe sertyficat make. So helpe you god and holy-dom, and be this boke. 2. Fest 3e schall enquere gef all the persons yat Schulde do sute to this lete atte thys day, gef yat they be her, and they that make defawte presente ther namys be [3]owre othis. 3. Also 3e schall enquere gef all y” y' haue dwelyd 5 Hed-borowes. The head-borough, or chief-pledge, was originally one man out of every ten who gave surety to keep peace and Order, as head of the ten others in the tything. - 161 with-thin ye preseint" of this lete twelmonth and a day, and if they be xijyer olde or a-boue, gefe yey be Fo. 56, sworne in this lete; and gef yei pe note sworne her ge schall present their namys, and hoo hath ressettes heme, howsed or harbernyd heme, for ther be non owt-take' but knytes and knytes' eldest chyldryn, and chyldyrne that go to skole to take holy Crdurs. 4. Also geschall enquere 3ef ony hedborgh of ony oyer lete be come demoraunt” with-thyne this lete, do us to wete ho it is, be [3]oure othis. 5. Also ge schall enquere of all ye defawtes yat ware presentyd at ye last lete, 3efe they be suffisauntly amendid or not, be the othe yat ye haue made. 6. Also ye Schall enquere of all maner assawtes, as of frayes of hamsokenys,” and how hath made hem and of whome; and of blood drawtys drawing, and how hath draw.yne heme, and up-one whome; and of owtas' made or resyd, ho hath reryd and what they be, and wheyer it hath be a-reysyd ryº- fully or wornfully; for gef it haue be areryd rygtfully thane he that it hath be arreryd up-one shall be ponysshed Fo. 56 v". yer for, and 3ef it ha be arreryd wrongfully” than * Preseint, precincts. 7 Out-take, excepted. As to school, see before, p. 158 ° Demoraunt, dwelling. * Hamsoken (A.S. ham soon, home liberty), the privilege of a man's own house. Hence it came to mean the fine for breaking this privilege, and the offence itself. Compare the Scotch hamesucken, i.e., the assault on a man in his own house. Frayes of hamsokenys is equivalent to house-breaking or burglary. * Outas, hue and cry (the word seems to be an intermediate between hue and hoot). To raise the hue and cry, for a constable or a private person, was the ancient method of pursuing and taking offenders against the peace and person, and the above article shows how it was regulated. * This word was first written “worng ” and then struck out, which shows the intention of the previous similar spelling. M 2 Zazsef Dº —#:~ 162 he yat hath areryd shalbe ponysshed yer for, and therfor whether it hath be arrerid rigtfully or wrongfully, present it and tell us ther-of, I charge you be the othe ge” haue made. 7. Also ge schall enquere of all maner purprises and purprestures,” in feldys, fennys, and in comyns, as eryng up of merys,” rasyng up of dowlys," streityng or stoppyng of the kynges hey wey, pyttyng or plantyng in ye comyn or in the comyn wey to the nosons' of ye cuntre; present all sweche thynges be ye othe 3e haue made. 8. Also ge shall enqueſ re] gef ony mane make ony wyndolsse,” and ley oney dong in the comyne wey or comyne sty, or ley ony tymber, oyer hath ony bowis of heggerewis” hangyng ouer ye comyne Wey or comyne sty," or ony brusshall” growyng in ye comyne wey or in the comyne sty, yat is nosauns to ye peple; present all sweche thynges be the othis yat 3e haue made. 3 MS. has he. * Purprises and pºrprestures, inclosures and encroachments. * Erying = earing, ploughing; merg/s, land-marks or boundaries (A.S. mare, a boundary). Probably these which could be ploughed up were the earth- balks, strips of raised ground left untouched by tillage between each plot. See next note. * Rasyng up of dowlys, i.e., lifting or moving a boundary stone or post. According to Marshall's Rural Economy of Norfolk (among Reprinted Glossaries, iii., English Dialect Society) a dole-stone in Norfolk is a land- mark. Forby says a dole is a boundary-mark in an unenclosed field, often a low post. A dole in some places means a narrow strip of pasture left between strips of arable land; but its primary meaning appears to be a small allotment of land. See Jacobs' Law Dictionary, s.v. dalus and dole. " Nosons, nuisance, hurt. * I am unable to explain this word; lay-stall (a dung-hill), carrion, or garbage laid on the highway usually comes in this place. * Bowis of hegge-rewis, boughs of hedge-rows. * Sty, lane or path. For different kinds of stys or paths see article 10. * Brusshall, i.e., brushwood. 163 Fo. 57. 9. Also 3e shall enquere 3ef ony mane hath stoppyd, streytyd, or turned ony rizt cors of ye watur or hath not feyd” his dickes wher-thurgh ye water ouerfloweth ye comyne or ye comyne wey, or gef ony manne hath nougt defendyd agens ye comyne, or Gef oney mane hath nougt stoppyd his skyp-styles” in resonable tyme ; ge shall present it and tell us ther-of. 10. Also ge shall enquere gef ony mane hath made ony wrong wey or ony wrong sty,”—for yer be no mo of rište but cherche wey or sty, market sty, mylle sty, and welle sty. And 3ef ony mane hath turnyd ony rigº wey or rigte sty, oyer wyse thane of olde tyme hath be acustumed, with oute yat he have a wrigte yat is calyd ad quod dampnum, that is dyrecte doune to the eschetor to enquere be ye visnete;" geschall enquere and do us to wete be youre othis. 11. Also ge shall enquere 3ef ony man hath encrochid to hyme of the comune, with dyche, hege, hows, walle, or pathe, settyng ther up-one with-owte lysens of ye kyng or of my lord; do us to wete what length, what bred, and ther namys yat ded it, be 3owre othis. - - Fo. 57 vº. 12. Also ge shall enquere 3ef ony mane Vse ony fals weytes or fals mesorys, yat is for to sey he yat bey be on and selle be anoyer, for to desey the pepull with-thall, or oyer vse to selle be punds, the weche is forbode be statute; 3ef 3e know oney sweche do us to wete, be ye othis yat 3e haue made. * Fey, to cleanse a well, pit, or ditch, by clearing out the mud. * A Skyp-style appears to be no other than a stile, i.e., a stationary gate which can be easily leapt over. * Sty. See article 8. * Wismete, i.e., vicinity. The enquiry made under the writ ad quod dammum (to find out what harm would ensue by the encroachment) was to be made by sworn men of the neighbourhood, according to old constitutional principle. Zazso? Dºe ** {} { 164 13, Also ge shall enquere 3ef yer be ony gret the Vys a- monges gow, sweche as ar stelers of hors, nete, or schepe, or ony oyer good or catell, or ravisshors of mene wyves or servauntes; do us to wete; for this 3e haue full power to endite heme, and we shall takit under gowre selys as ye law wolle. 14. Also 3e shall enquere 3ef ony pety bryburs be yer a- monges gow, sweche as stelyne shewis’ in harwest, hennys or caponns or ony other thyng, or to twykke” and bere awey Swech good as mene hanne with-thyn ther howsys, oyer gef yer be ony suspeschus leueres a-monges gow, yat is for to sey stafe-strykers, nyte-walkers, ewysdropers, and swiche as slepe on the day and walke a ye nyte, and haue but lytyll or nowte for lewe by ; present ther namys yat wee may know what they be, be ye othes 3e haue take. Fo. 58. 15. Also 3e schall enquere 3ef yer be ony comune bakers or breweſrls and typelers, 3ef yeido and selle as ye statute woll, and ellys ther defawtys; and of yower alle- founders,” gef they hawe do yer office well and trywly, and ellys present and chese newe. . . 16, Also 3e shall enquere of all oyer witayllers yat selle in this lordshepe, as bochers yat selle on-holsume flessh and wynne no more than ye statute wolle, of xij" a peny; ellys present. 17. Also 3e Schall enquere 3ef ony manne communeth in gour comune but yei that be communers of ryºte, or 3ef ony mane surchargeth yowre comune, yat is to Sey he yat hath " Shewis, sheaves. 8 Twykke, twitch. * Alle-founders, usually called ale-conners or ale-tasters—officers yearly chosen to see that the ale was rightly made, according to the assize. 165 mo bestes in yowre comune thane ye quantite of his tennure woll bere, or ellys kepith ony bestis of ony straungers under colour of his owene; loke yat ye present ther namys, be yowre othis. 18, Also 3e shall enquere 3ef ony mane hath made ony recuse' a-gens the kynges constable, nowt standyng to his areste whane he is requeryd; oyer 3ef ony be rebell, and woll nowt wake the kynges wache,” gadere ye kynges tayke” whane he is requeryd on ye kynges name; 3e Fo. 58% shall present theme; oyer gef ony mane hath made ony rescw up-on oyer, yat is for to Sey gef he fynd his meybor's bestes doyng harme in his cornne, medowes, or pasturs, and he make a rescusse on yat destresse so takyne, ye shall do us to wet, for he may make his pounde a day and a ny;te, and after yat brynge ye dysstresse to the lordys pounde a-bovyne; and ther-for 3ef yer be ony sweche present them be ye oth. 19. Also ge shall enquere of weyfe, of stray of catell, de futifes, and de felone, gefe ony haue come with in this lordshape; a weyffe is 3efe a thefe haue stole hors, shep, or net, or ony oyer good or catell, and for drede of takyng or be bywrayyng fleth a wey fro that good or catell; gef ony sweche haue be take or sene with-thyne thys lordshepe, do us to wet, be the othes 3e haue made. 20. Also ge shall enquere 3ef yer is ony mane yat hath nogte hangyd his fal-gates” at resonable tymes as he owte to * Rescuse, a shaking off, driving away. See note to Art. 19 of Court Baron. * The king's watch and the king's take ; the first is the watchman to keep the public peace, the second the public taxes which were collected by local officers. - * A fall-gate in Norfolk is a gate across a public road.—Marshall’s Rural Economy, Reprint III. in English Dialect Society. do, the whiche on hangyng hath be noyans to hys neyburs, 3ef ther be ony swich, present theme, be ye othis yat 3e haue made. Fo. 59. 21. Also ge shall enquere 3ef ony baly hath come with this lordshepe and take or made ony wrong distrese, or ony mane arestyd, ageyn the custom or the fraunchisse of this lordshipe, in preiudice or deshertyson * of ony lord and his lordshipe; present ther namys how and wher, be 3owre othis. 22, And ther-for of thees poyntes and all other yat long to ye corte or to ye lete, in the kynges name and in my lordes, be the othes yat 3e habe mad, I charge 3ow yat 3e enquere truly and make us a trew werdyte.” Expliciunt Articuli Cure et Lete. * Deshertyson, disherison. * I.e., verdict. 167 #9 art 3.—#jritrate 3 ccoutittà. |- A TE ACCOUNT OF (?) ROBT. MELTON OR . . . KEMPE FOR EXPENSES OVER HIS MOTHER AND BROTEIER, A.D. 1499 TO 1503.9 Fo. 62 vº. [A.D. 1499.] M”. delyuered to my mother for to pay Goodwyn in the xv. yere of Kyng Harry the vij" . e e © . XXS. Item I sent to hyr the same yere by my wyffe and my brother Willm. to pay Markantes manne . º & e . xxvis. viijd. It. for a bonet of welwete bowte for hyr at Norweche . e e º e . XVS. It, for a fryntlet of saten with the lynyng cf welwete . e e º e e e vjs. It. for if yerddys and iij quarturs of tawny clothe for my mother, the price of a yerd iiijs. SUIIſlDOI8, Xjs. It. for a chete of Schanckes" made for the same gownne with a ly[n]ing of lether . ijs. Xd. It. for v tawelyns of Schanckes for the coler and the coffe of the same gown e e xijd. * As to these accounts see Preface, pp. 5, 6, 7. * Shanks was an ordinary fur from the legs or thighs of rabbits and other animals (see Fairholt's Dictionary of Costume, and Halliwell's Archaic Dictionary). A chete appears to be part of the dress, perhaps for chute, a . hanging piece. Tawelyns seem to be a measure ; these two words I am unable to find. (Chete is now “Norfolk" for a false front, Mr. Walter Rye informs me.) 168 It for a gown for my brother Willm. . . vjS. viijd. It. for a hosse clothe of roset, the price . • viijd. Summa iiijli, ixs. xd. Fo. 63. It for vij hundurd wood and a halffe that my mothere hade at Schelfſangguy,” the price of a hundurd xxd., summa vij hundurd and di. . º e & & O . xijs. Vjd. It. for vij cumbe whete and ij bushell, the price of a cumbe iijs. iiijd. summa xix.S. viijd. It, for a cumbe of mesclyn, the price . º ijs. viijd. It. for v cumbe of whete that sche bowte of me a-for Imaryed, the price . * : . v.js. viijd. It. for ix cumbe and iij by of mawlte that sche bowte of me at dyuers tymys the price of a cumbe XXd. Summa xvis. iijd. [A.D. 1503]. - It. for iſ yere bordyng of my brother Willm. Rempe yendyng upon Seynt Edmonddys day a-for Crystmes in the xix yere of Kyng Harry yº vij" . tº e . iijli, vis. viijd. Summa vil. iiijs. v.d. Summa totalis xli. xiiijs. iijd, wher of abate [but it does not say what]. ROBERT MELTON'S ACCOUNTS: PURCHASES. Fo. 65 vº. [A.D. 1502.] This boke witnesseith of sweche cornne as I, Melton, haue bowte of dyuers menne frome Mydsummer in the xvij yere of king harry the vij" as apeurth her-aftur. * Shelfarger, a parish in Norfolk, near Diss. |-}}- 169 TZT Fyrst bowte of Thomas Mason of Eye at dyls tymes befor Seynt Petur, iij cumbe of mesclyn, the price tº º e Item bowte of the same Mason ij bushell of barly, the price . tº iº { } g Item bowte of Willm. Porsson of Belyngforth upon Seynt Peturs day laste past x cum pe of barly and ij busshell, the price . Item the same day bowte of John Wheymond of Ocle xx cumbe barly, the price Fo. 66. Item bowte of Thomas Mason of the Fryday nest aftur seynt Peter and Powle a cumbe of whete and ij cumbe mesclyn, price Item for a cumbe of barly bowte of the sarne Mason ye same day, the price . § It. bowte of the same Mason the Fryday nest after seynte Thomas a cumbe barly It. bowte of the same Mason a the Saturday nest seynt Thomas, a cumbe barly, the price . o e © is tº ſº It. for a cumbe of mesclyn bowte of hyrne upon Mary Magdalyn day, the price It for vi busshell mesclyn bowte the same day of Kateryn Chapman ge e e It. for iij cumbe and a b% of mesclyn bowte the same day of Wheymond of Ocle, the price FO. 66 Wo. It. bowte of the porsson of notSuts in the weke nest befor Seynt Jamys xx cumbe of rey, the price *D7 iij cumb mesclyn. vjs. D$ ij b$ barly. viijd. D$ vij cumbe barly, vijs. v.jd. D$ v merke. xv.js. viijd. xxxiijs. Xd. vjs tº Seed. Xd. xd. xiijd. Seed. ijs. iijs. viijs. iiijd. xxijs, jal. D3 xxs, di, seed. . xxxiijs. iiijd. * This mark against the many items in this account seems to mean debet or debtor. 170 D3 xs, seed. It. bowte of Jamys Prime iij cumbe mesclyn, the price e © e • * © vjs. P: vibs barly. It bowte a the same Jamys in the weke of lammys x cumbe barly and ij bushell, y” price º - tº º º º ix.S. ijd. Seed. It. bowte of Thomas Mason of Eye y” Fryday in the same weke a cumbe of mesclyn, yº price . . . . . . . ifs. It. for a cumbe of barly bowte the same day, the price e º xijd. It. bowte of John Prime the elder in the weke of Seynt Margaret v busshellys cf barly, the price e º © o & tº xvd. D: iiibº and di. It. bowte of Harry Cade in the weke of - Lammes v cumb barly & a busshell, the price iiijs. Vijd. lvijs. iiijd. Po. 67. [A.D. 1501.] Barly bowte in the xvi yere of the reyne of Kyng Harry the vijºhe. Eyrst bowt of Wiſłm Long of Carton the Turnur xxij cumbe barly, and he payd Item of Rabard Eyterd of Ocle x cumbe and ij busshellys of barly, and he payd . [Eight items similar to these, each concluding with the words “and he payd,” follow, but they are all crossed through. At the bottom of the page are the following words:—This whete, mesclyn, and barly must be delyuered at Stuston wºthyn xxij dayes aftur halowmes nest comyng.] Fo. 67 vº. M' delyuered to my wyffe in the weke of - Seynt Thomas xxxiijs. iiijd. in golde for John Cade and iijs. Vjd. in Sylwer rec, at Dyse market and of John Prime. 171 7 A Fo. 77 vº. [A.D. 1502.] ROBERT MELTON'S ACCOUNTS : TEBTORS, Thes parsell folow.yng be owyng to me R. Melton up on the xiiij day of Juyff Ao. H. VII. xvij". Fyrst Jamys Prime for ij cumbe mesclyn It. for the same Jamys for v cumbe barly It. Joh. Prime y” elder for ij cumbe barly and iij busshell . e º e ſº It. Lamdon of Eye, hoser, for a cumbe of mesclyn, the price . º © g It. Rabart Tayler of Eye, wryte, for a cumbe of whete e © e e It. Goslyn of Hoxon, thacher, for a b% of whete e o º g º It. R. Page” of Skolle for a cumbe of whete iijs. Vjd., and a cumbe of mawlteijS., and for a cumbe pesse xxijd. Fo. 78. - It. Kateryn Chapman of Ocle for a by of whete xijd. and for ij by of mesclyn xviijd, and a by of maulte vid., or ellys v. b3 of mesclyn at myhylmes . º ſº It. Will. Long of Carton rode for xj cumbe and ij by of barly º o It. Hew Gey of Stuston for a by of whete xjd. and a by mawlte vid. Summa It. Deston of ocley for if by of mesclyn . It. for a cumbe of maulte delyuered to the same Desston . o e o e It. Dedham of Ocley for whete and mesclyn . It. to Mother Rymston of Eye for a cumbe of whete vjs. ix8. ijd. iiijS. ix.d. iijs. iijs. viijd. xjd. vijS. iiijd. iijs. xix.S. ijd. xvijd. v marke já. xviijd. ijs. xjd. vijs. iiijd. * I.e. a bushell. *See as to R. Page also p. 175. 172 Fo. 45 [A.D. 1502-3.] ROBT. MELTON'S ACCOUNTS: PURCHASES. Thys boke witnessyth of sweche kornne as I Robt. Melton hath bowte in the xviij yer of Kyng Harry the vij". Fyrst I bowte of Robt. Eyterd of Ocle x cumbe of barly and ij by, the price . vjs. Item of Jamys Prime v cumbe and a b% of whete and v cumb and a by of mesclyn xviijs. Item of Recherd Adhams of Ocle xxj cumb barly, the price , tº ſº gº . XVS. Item to Popy for x cumbe and ij by of barly - bowte of hyme, the price ſº º XS. Item to Hary Cade for v cumbe and a b% of barly bowte of hym e e WS. Item to Jamys Pryme upon Seynt Peter ewyn, for viij cumbe barly and a by bowte of hyme the same day, the price . vjs. Fo. 45 V*. Itm bowte of Joh. Wheymond of Ocle, betwyx Wesonday and Mydsummer, x cumbe mesclyn and ij b%, the price xiijs. Item bowte of the same Wheymond the same tyme xlv.j cumbe berly . xxxiijs. Item at another tyme vij Gumbe barly and ij by, ye price . º o © e º WS. Item at the iij" tyme for xij cumbe barly and ij b%, the price ix8. Fo. 46. viijd. iiijd. viijd. iiijd. iiijd. iiijd. ijd. Whete, mesclyn, barly, and ottys, bowte frome Crowche- mes * in the xix yere of Kyng Harry the vijº. * Crowche-mes, or Cross week, another name for Rogation week. See Brand’s Popular Antiquities, ed. 1873, vol. i., p. 202. 173 Fyrst I bowte of Jamys Prime x busshellys of whete and di, and x busshell of mesclyn and a halffe. Item bowte of the same Jamys xxxiiij cumbe barly and iij b%. Item bowte of Roger Page xxxvi cumbe barly and iij busshell. Item bowte of John Wheymond xlij cumbe barly. Item bowte of Recherd Adhams xxiij cumbe barly. Item bowte of Robert Eyterd vicumbe whete. - Item bowte of the same Robert x cumbe barly and ij busshell. The sum of the barly of this seyd is vijº cumbe and vi [i.e., 146 coombes]. Fo. 46 vo. Item bowte of Thomas Mason of Eye in the same yere a-forseyd x busshellys and a halffe of whete and x busshellys and a halffe of mesclyn. Item bowte of the same Thomas V cumbe and a busshell of barly. Item bowte of Joh. Grenne of Ocley x busshellys and di of barly. Item bowt of Willm. Lyng ij cumbe of barly. Item bowte of Desston of Belyngforth v cumbe barly and a busshell. Item bowte of Roger Cawthaw or Stuston v cumbe berly and a b%. - Item of Harry Cade v cumbe barly and a b% I bowte of hym. Item I bowte of Robert Popy xxxj cumbe barly and ij b%. Item I bowte of the same Popy xxj cumbe ottes. Summa of this seyd is lvij cumbe barly. 174 FO. 27. R. MELTON'S ACCOUNT: WITH MISTRESS FROXMER. This byll witnessith of sweche money as I, R. Melton, reseyuyd of Mastras Froxmer 4 for serteyne cornne y' I, R. Melton, solde longyng to the seyd M. Froxmer from Candylmes in the xxiij" yere of the reigne of Harry the vij" [A.D. 1507-8] on to mydsummer neste after that. Furst I reseyuyd for x cumbe for the seyd Mastras Froxmer . o & de . XXX8. Item for v cumbe mesclyn . g gº e Xjs. Item for vij cumbe mawlte . g © . xijs. iiijd. Summa lijs. iiijd. Wher of payed to the seyd Mastras Froxmer in money upon the xx day of Agust the same yere aboue Seyd . tº ſº tº vjs. viijd.” Fo. 27 V8. Item delyuered to Mastras Froxmer up on the xxijº day of Agust in the same yere afor seyd a qVartur of whete, the price . § vjs. Item for a quartur of maulte delyuered the same tyme to mastras Froxmer, the price. vjS. viijd. Summa payed and delyuered to the - seyd Mastres Froxmer . tº . xviijs. viijd. And so ther restyth in the handes of me R. Melton . © tº & .xxxiiijs. viijd. And with that xxxiiijºs. viijd. Furst I bowte iiij quarturs of whete, the price of a quartur is iiijs. [jd.] . . Summa xvis. iiijd. Item for iiij quarturs mesclyn, the price of a quartur is iijs. iiijd. º . Summa xiijs. iiijd. 4 I.e., Catherine, daughter of Thomas Cornwallis, married to Francis Froxmer.—Collins' Peerage, 1812, ii. p. 538. * There are two mistakes in this account, Melton probably overlooked this viijd. in his addition, being over the leaf. ** ". º: cº-º 175 Item for ij quarturs of barly, the price of a quartur is ijs. viijd. . º . Summa vs. iiijd. Summa payed for whete, mescly[n], and barly xxxvs. And so is owyng me iiijd. AGREEMENT AND QUITTANCE [Between Roger Page of Scole and Robert Melton of Stuston, 31st May, 1504, for the delivery of 36 coombs of barley to the latter.] Fo. 59 vº. [A.D. 1504]. Be it knowen be thes present bill yº I, Roger Page of Skoles in the Counte; of Norffolk, haue sold onto Robert Melton, of Stuston in y” Counte; of Suffolk, upon y' last day of May in ye xix yere of y' reigne of kyng Harry ye vij", xxxvi combes of barly of Chapmannys mett and Chapmannys ward, to be delyuered be y” bushell of y" seyd Robert so his bushell passyth not Harleston mett, and to be delyuered befor the fest of y" natiuite of Cryste next commyng after y” date of this presenttes; xx combes yºof to be deleuered at my plase at Skoles aforseyd, and xvi combes to be delyuered with in a myle of the dwellyng plase of the seyd Robert: and Iy" Seyd Roger Page knowlage me fully content and paid for the seid fyve" and thretty combes barly the day of makyng of thes presentes, sealed with my seale. Yowyn the last daie of May in the xix yere of the reigne of kyng Herry the vij", and if I the seid Roger or myne assignoris make defawte in the deleueraunce of ye [fo. 60] seyd fyve and thretty combes barly befor the fest of Cristmes next commyng, than I the seid Roger Page bynde me myn heyres and executors to for 'atte and paie to the seid Robert Melton and his assignoris iiijli, of lawful money of Ynglond. 6 “Fyve ” is evidently a mistake for six, thirty-six being the number twice mentioned above. N Ża zsoz Zee. Z he/ſºu. Fo. 63 vº. . . A MEDYSON FOR TEIE ZELOW JAWDYS.7 Fresh rosmary, tyme, betany, nepe, igope, selendyn. safurun, long pepur, clowes, grennys, hony, tarmaraks. [A blank space of two lines.] Nutmygges, and greynys, and long peper, Senamun and clowes, masys. [The rest of the page is blank. The above occurs on a vacant page between some of the accounts, in a hand of the same time, but differing slightly.] 7 Apparently in Melton's hand, or one Gontemporary, A. H. 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