B 685,293 ! R(9)474 PROPERTY OF University of Mid Libraries 1817 ARTES SCIENTIA VERITAS TRIAL OF ROBERT WATT,' FOR HIGH TREÁSON, BEFORE THE COURT, UNDER THE SPECIAL COMMISSION OF OYER AND TERMINER HELD AT EDINBURGH. TAKEN IN SHORT HAND BY MR. BLANCHARD, REVISED BY THE COUNSEL ON BOTH SIDES, AND PUBLISHED WITH PERMISSION OF THE COURT. EDINBURGH: PRINTED FOR WILLIAM BROWN, BOOKSELLER, PARLIAMENT CLOSE. 1795. DA 507 1795 735 1 Havius Crooke And. fow 2.4433 81975 PROCEEDINGS : A SPECIAL SESSION OF OYER AND TERMINER, HEED AT EDINBURGH ON THURSDAY THE 14th or august 1794, ¦ BEFORE İLAY CAMPBELL, Lord Prefident of the College of Justice, ROBERT MACQUEEN, Lord Juftice-Clerk. ALEXANDER MURRAY, Lord Henderland. DAVID RAE, Lord Efkgrove. JOHN SWINTON, Lord Swinton. Sir WILLIAM NAIRN, Lord Dunfinaan. ALEXANDER ABERCROMBY, Lord Abercromby, JAMES MONTGOMERY, Lord Chief Baron. AND Hon. FLETCHER NORTON, Senior Baron. PROCLAMATION being made, the Commiffion was opened by Mr Knapp, the Clerk of the Commiffion. The Sherif of the County of Edinburgh then returned the Precept, ་ ་་ A which 阜 ​F [21 which had iffued to him to fummon the Juftices of the county, the Grand Jury, and Conftables to attend. The Juftices names were then called over. Then thoſe of the Grand Jury, and the following perfons. were fworn in : Sir John Inglis, Bart. of Cramond, Foreman. Andrew Wauchope, of Niddery Marſhal. Charles Watfon, of Saughton. George Ramfay, the younger, of Barnton, John Trotter, of Mortonhall. Gilbert Innes, of Stow. Robert Trotter, of Caftlelaw.. James Walker, of Dalry. William Simpfon, Royal Bank. * Walter Brown, of Currie. George Thomfon, of Burnhouſe. William Prefton, of Gorton. James Kerr, of Blackfhiells. John Davie, of Gaviefide. John Davidſon, of Ravelrig. Charles Brown, of Coalftown, John Balfour, the younger, of Pilrig John Newton, of Curriehill. James Pittullo, of Hayfield. Alexander Reid, of Ratho. Alexander Keith, of Ravelfton. Simon Frafer, of Ford. } : Thomas M⭑Millan, of Soonhope, Efquires. The LORD PRESIDENT then addreffed the Grand Jury in the following words : Gentlemen of the Grand Jury, THE HE duty which you are called upon at this time to dif charge, however important, muſt be in a great meaſure new to you, It will not therefore be improper, that I trouble : you [ ·3 you with a few words, in order to point out what I con ceive to be the leading principles and objects of the commif- fion under which you are to act.· At the fame time, you will not fail to keep in view, that whatever fuggeftions may come from me, in the way of ge- neral information, chiefly upon matter of law and of legal form, that the nature of the buſineſs may be underſtood; to you alone, Gentlemen, belongs the right of applying theſe to the individual charges when laid before you, and to the evidence adduced in fupport of thofe charges, as it will reft with you to determine by the anſwer which you are to make, agreeably to the folemn oaths which you have taken, and to the honourable dictates of your own minds, whether there is, or is not, fufficient ground for any further proceedings against the parties accuſed. Hitherto, Gentlemen, it has been our good fortune to be little acquainted with High Treaſon, or the modes of inqui ring into it in fo much, that our knowledge of that crime is derived almoff only from the Statute-book, with the com- ments upon it by learned and eminent writers on the Law, and the hiſtory of Trials, moſtly of an ancient date. The reafon is obvious, few attempts having been made in our time to diſturb the public tranquillity; the people of this country were fatisfied, and good cauſe they had to be fỡ, with the bleffings which they enjoyed, under a ſyſtem of Laws, and a form of Government, the effence of which is LIBERTY. Every man's right,-every man's franchiſe ; the fruits of his induftry; the fafety of bis perfon; the exerciſe of his religion;-his liberty;-his fame;—all havė been fecured to the utmoſt extent of his wifh.What fair pretence then could any man have to ſeek for a change? During the fame period, and as a neceffary confequence thefe ineftimable advantages, the country has continued to profper more and more; for notwithſtanding the wars, in which, from various cauſes, and chiefly from the turbu tence or ambition of our neighbours, we have been too often engaged, it is a fact indifputable, that this country has ad A 2 vanced : : 1 4 ) tanced not flowly, or in a flight degree, but rapidly and con fpicuouſly, in Commerce, in Agriculture, in every uſeful Art, in Population, and in Wealth, fo that the growing in- come, and increaſed induſtry of the country, have not only kept pace with, but far exceeded any additional burden arif- ing from the neceffary increaſe of national expenditure. Gentlemen, it is not my intention, nor do I think it in any degree neceffary, in addreffing myfelf to you, to enlarge upon theſe topics, or to confume your time, by going into minute details concerning the British Conftitution, and the admirable manner, in which the powers of the State, Legif- lative and Executive, are combined and balanced, whereby the liberty of every individual is completely fecured; I mean that Liberty which alone can be enjoyed by men living in a State of Society; Civil Liberty, which, as the celebrated Montefquieu obferves, is founded in fecurity, which confiſts i every man's doing, not what he wills but what he ought to will, the right of doing whatever the laws permit, and no more; for if one could do what the laws forbid, he would no longer be poffeffed of Liberty, becauſe every other man would have exactly the fame, power. But, Gentlemen, it will perhaps be faid, why do I make thefe obfervations? Has any fudden change of circumftances happened? Is there any imminent danger of our being de- prived of thoſe inestimable rights which have been deſcribed? I hope not; we ftill have the fame laws, the fame Conftitu- tion, the fame gracious Sovereign upon the throne who has reigned for years paft. Recent events too, have fhown that our failors and our foldiers, are not yet deficient in. valour, nor their officers in good conduct,and it is not to be doubted, that the Great Body of the People, have fufficient good fenſe and ſpirit, to refift the madneſs of innovation, and ef- fectually to oppofe the wicked attempts of enemies, without or within. But, Gentlemen, it is to be remembered, that we are en gaged in war, with an inveterate, a cruel, and a vindictive xnemy; an enemy, whofe object feems to be, to fpread defo- lation™ dation far and wide; whoſe leaders, if they ever were queft of Liberty, have been very unſucceſsful in finding it; who upon the ruins of their ancient Monarchy, and even of their own improved conftitution, have now railed up fome thing, which one is at a lofs to name or underſtand, unlefe be either complete Anarchy, or the moft ferocious Tyranny. It may be faid, what is all this to the ftate of Great Bri tain? Perhaps nothing at all, if we take care that the con- tagion does not reach us. But if it be true, as has been af ferted, that they have, by a formal decree, eſtabliſhed their National Convention, as a grand committee of general in- furrection for the purpoſe of overthrowing every exiſting government in Europe; if it be true that they have a bettors in this country, who either in connection with France, or from fimilar views and imaginations, formed in their own minds, are bufy in promoting the fame will and deftructive projects here, is it not high time that we fhould look with fome degree of anxiety to our own fits- ation, and to our fafety? • It is difficult for us to conceive, that British fubjects, who are not defperate or infane, fhould be fo loft to all fenfe of duty; fo blind to every fair intereft that men can have; or fo abandoned to wickednefs, as to enter deliberately and knowingly into the horrid confpiracy of deftroying the Con- ſtitution of their country, and rifing in rebellion againſt their Sovereign. Yet report fays, that fuch daring plans have. been formed, and you, Gentlemen, the Grand Jury of the county of Edinburgh, are met this day for the purpoſe of making a folemn, difpaffionate, and candid inquiry, in the manner directed by law, whether any fuch Treafon has been comaritted within the district to which you belong, and whe- ther the perſons now meant to be charged ought or ought not to be put upon trial for fo atrocious an offence. If I have expreffed myſelf ſtrongly against the crime which is undoubtedly the higheſt of any, as it goes not merely to a partial breach of the law, or to an injury against Individuals, but tends to the utter fubversion of all Law and Government * + t 61 } | ! Government, and the diffolution of the bonds of fociety, I hope it will not be underſtood, that I mean in any degree to excite your paffions againſt thoſe who may have the misfor- tune to be accuſed, ſo as to lead you to a hafty or ill-found- ed opinion againſt them: on the contrary, it is my duty to admonish you againſt undue prepoffeffion, and to request. that you may keep in view, that the prefumption of inno- cence is an effential and a valuable rule of Criminal Jurif- prudence, which rule is not in any degree weakened by the atrocity of the crime. Gentlemen, as to all previous inquiries before the Houfe of Commons or elſewhere, concerning this alledged Treafon, and all reports made upon thoſe inquiries, if any of you have had occafion to read or to hear of them, you are to lay them out of your minds, as you cannot proceed upon any thing extra-judicial, but can only take under your view, the proofs which are actually brought before you in a legal fhape. At the fame time it is neceffàry for you to keep in view, that it is not your province to try the parties accufed, or any of them. You are only to hear the evidence on the part of the Crown, for the purpoſe of fatisfying you, whether fuch probable circumstances of guilt appear against the prifoner, as to justify the fending him to another Jury, who are ap pointed by law to hear the evidence on both fides, and to fay whether the perfon charged be guilty or not of the crime imputed to him in the indictment; and, if upon fuch trial, any advantage can be derived to the prifoner, either from legal defences, or from favourable circumftances in point of fact, it will be the duty of the Court, as well as of thofe acting for the parties, to take care that the fame be fully ſtated and understood. Your prefentment, if you find a true bill, is not of the nature of a conviction, but is an authority to the accufation, merely to the effect of bringing the pri- foner to a fair and full trial. On the one hand, it is not your duty upon flight furmife, or mere fufpicion, to bring any perfon into the difagreeable predicament of being tried for his life upon a charge of High Treafon. On the other hand, you A } + J. [ 7 ] you are not tied down fo ftrictly to all the niceties of evi- dence, as if you were trying the whole iffue, but may and ought to proceed upon what you think a probable and rea- fonable caufe for putting the accufed party on his trial. Such is the deſcription of your duty, as given by every Conſtitu- tional Writer on this important branch of the law. By an act of the 7th of King William, two witneffes are required to make out a charge of Treafon, but two witneffes are not neceffary to each act, for the ftatute exprefsly fays, that it is enough, if " either both of them fwear to the fame "overt act, or one of them to one, and the other to another “ overt act of the fame Treafon," ſo that one witneſs to each of two different acts of the fame Treafon is fufficient. I prefume, Gentlemen, all of you know, that in confe- quence of the Union between the two kingdoms of Scot- land and England in 1707, the Engliſh Law of Treaſon, and the forms of proceeding with refpect to inquiring into, and trying the crime, came to be adopted by us as a matter of high expediency and juſtice, that the ſubjects of both parts of the United Kingdoms, who were bound to the fame du- ty of allegiance might be under the fame law, and tried in the fame manner, in cafe of any alledged breach of that duty. Accordingly it was fo fettled by the Act 7. Queen Anne, c. 21, which is the authority under which this prefent Com- miffion of Oyer and Terminer has been iſſued by his Majef- ty in the precife form and manner prefcribed by that fta- tute. The method of proceeding under fuch a Commiffion, is likewife well known. One advantage the prifoner cer- tainly has by it, namely, that of paffing through the hands of two different Juries before he can be convicted. The King's Advocate in every other cafe, exercifes the power of a Grand Jury in Scotland, and it is believed no Advocate has ever yet abufed that power. But in cafes of High Treaſon, none of us will regret that ſo high and momentous a truft is committed to no individual whatever. - The Treafon law of England, which is now alfo the law of Scotland, was fixed by a ftatute, in the 25th year of Ed- ward ! 1 . | T T ard II. from the preamble of which we learn, that before Esis time, and while matters refted upon the footing of Com- mon law, the definitions of Treafon were various and un- Ettled, different opinions being occafionally entertained up- en the fubject, whereby the fafety of individuals was much endangered, as they did not precifely know what actions Were treafonable, and what were otherwife. It was there- fore thought proper, in the reign of that wife and able Frince, that the defcriptions of Treafon fhould be precife and clear, and with that intent, this important ftatute was made, which arranges and defcribes the crime under differ- ent heads. It is needlefs to trouble you with the whole of them, as there are two only that have any application to thể prefent: buſineſs. The first is in theſe words, «When a } an doth compafs or imagine the death of our Lord the King, or of our Lady his Queen, or of their eldeſt fon and Beir 1% The fecond," Or if a man lévy war againſt our Ford the King in his Realm, or be adherent to the King's enemies in his Realm, giving to them aid and comfort in the Realm, or elsewhere, and thereof be proveably attainted. of open deed by the people of their condition," Whether the indictment be laid upon the one or the other of thefe heads, an overt act must be charged and proved. As to the firſt, we are told by Lord Chief Juftice Hale, in is excellent book upon the Pleas of the Crown, that "Com- palling the death of the King is High Treaſon, though it be not effected; but becauſe the compaffing is only an act of the mind, and cannot of itfelf be tried without fome overt act to evidence it, fuch an overt act is requifite to make fuch compaffing, or imagination, High Treafon." And Judge Fofter, in his Crown Law, another book of great authority, tays, "The care the law hath taken for the perfonal fafety of the King is not confined to actions, or attempts of the more flagitious kind, to affaffination, or poifon, or other at- tempts, directly and immediately aiming at his life. It is extended to every thing wilfully and deliberately done, or attempted, whereby his life may be endangered; and therefore # [ 9 7 the entering into meaſures for depofing or impriſoning him, or to get his perfon into the power of the confpirators, theſe offences are overt acts of Treafon, within this branch of the ftatute; for experience hath fhewn, that " between the priſon and the graves of princes the diftance is very fmall." રે As to the fecond head, both thefe learned writers agree, that a bare confpiracy, or confultation of perfons, to levy a war, is not fufficient to bring the cafe within that branch of the ftatute; but they alfo agree, that in certain circumſtances fuch a confpiracy or confultation may amount to an overt act of compaffing the King's death, and fo to bring the caſe within the first branch. Thus, Lord Chief Juftice Hale fays, An affembly to levy war againſt the King, either to depofe or reftrain, or enforce him to any act, or to come to his prefence, to remove his counſellors or minifters, or to fight against the King's lieutenant, or military commiffion- ate officers,. is an overt act proving the compaffing of the death of the King; for fuch a war is directed againſt the very perfon of the King, and he that defigns to fight againſt the King, cannot but know at leaſt it muſt hazard his life.” And Judge Fofter tells us, " Every infurrection which, in judgment of law, is intended against the perfon of the King, be it to dethrone or imprifon him, or to oblige him to alter his meafures of government, or to remove evil counſellors from about him; thefe rifings all amount to levying war within the ftatute; whether attended with the pomp and circumſtances of open war or no. And every confpiracy tợ levy war for thefe purpofes, though not treafon within the claufe of levying war, is yet an overt act within the other tlaufe of compaſſing the King's death. For thofe purpoſes cand not be effected by numbers and open force, without mani- feft danger to his perfon." 14 In like manner, Judge Blackftone, in fpeaking to the fe- cond branch of the ftatute, fays, that "A bare confpiracy to levy war does not amount to this fpecies of treafon; but, if particularly pointed at the perfon of the King, or his Go vernment, it falls within the firft, of compaffing or imagining B th: [ 10 ] the King's death." In fhort, a confpiracy to levy war a gainst the King for the purpoſe of reſtraining him in any thape, is held equivalent to a confpiracy againſt his life. Another fpecies of infurrection may take place, which not being fo immediately pointed against the King, but only by confequence, fuch as an infurrection to raiſe the price of wages; to open prifons; to deftroy meeting houſes; to throw down all inclofures; to alter the established law in any particular; or to redreſs any ſuppoſed grievance, it was more doubtful whether this fort would fall under any claufe of the ftatute. By conftruction of Law, however, even this, on account of its tendency, has been held to be a levying of war under the fecond claufe, if the rifing has actually taken place; but a bare confpiracy to effect fuch a rifing is not held as an overt act of compaffing the King's death, the parties concerned not being ſuppoſed to have in contempla- tion any attack againſt the King, or his Royal Authority, fo as to put his perfon in hazard, unleſs this alfo be charged and proved. Theſe diſtinations have at different times been the ſubject of a good deal of difcuffion; but they feem to be founded in a juſt conſtruction of the Treafon Law. In every café, therefore, of a charge for High Treafon upon the firſt branch of the ſtatute, i. e. that of compaffing the King death, when a confpiracy or confultation to levy war is alleged as the overt act, it is neceffary to inquire what fort of rifing was intended, and what was the object or purpoſe in view. It does not belong to me to ſay, nor do I know what pre- cife matters will be brought in evidence before you upon the bills of indictment, which are to be the fubject of your con- fideration: but in general, as High Treafon is the charge, and as circumſtances will probably be brought in view tend- ing to make it appear that the parties accufed were engaged in a confpiracy, or had formed plans and projects of riſing in hoftility againſt the King and his Government, perhaps, under the maſk of Reform, but no matter what the pretence was; you will firft fatisfy yourfelves as to the evidence of the [ 11 ] II the fact, and the nature of the defign, and then you will confider what the probable confequences would have been, had fuch a defign been carried into effect. If you fee reaſon to think that the object of thofe concerned, from the mea- fures which they took, was, by force of arms and of num bers, to feize the government of the country, and of courſe, to fuperfede the King's authority, and to take the power of the State into their own hands for a time, you can scarcely hefitate to be alfo of opinion, not only that the King's per- fon would, by the execution of fo defperate a project, have been put into the moſt imminent danger, but that the prob- able confequences would have been to deluge the land with blood! If the cafe appear to you in that light, you will confider whether it is not your duty to find a bill. If it appears to be of a different defcription, your anfwer will be according- ly. The character which all of you bear, leaves not the fmalleft room to doubt, that the public will be completely fatisfied whatever your determination may be. Mr Anftruther moved, That Arthur M'Ewan, William Bonthorn, John Fairley, William Brown, Robert Orrock, and Martin Tod, prifoners now detained for High Trea- fon, might be admitted witneffes on behalf of the Crown, and be conveyed before the Grand Jury to give evidence on bills of indictment againſt Robert Watt, David Downie, and John Edmonds Stock, for High Treafon, which was order- ed accordingly. The before mentioned witneffes were then brought into Court to be fworn, but refuſed to be fworn according to the Engliſh form; upon which the Lord Prefident ſwore each of them according to the Scotch form. Then the Grand Jury requeſted, That Mr Knapp, the Clerk of the Commiffion, and Mr Warrender, theCrown Agent, might attend them during their examination of the bills of indictment. T Mr Anftruther moved the Court for the fame. It was accordingly ordered. B 2 The [ 12 ] i The Court then adjourned until feven of the clock the fame evening, in order to give the Grand Jury time to con- fider of the bills; but at the fame time the Lord Preſident intimated the wiſh of the Court that they would not over hurry themſelves, but if they fhould not be agreed at that timè, that then the Court would adjourn over to the next morning. : The fame day at 7,o'clock, the Court met purfuant to their adjournment, when the fame Commiffioners were prefent. The Grand Jury then came into Court, and their names being called over, they prefented two bills of indictment. One againſt ROBERT WATT and DAVID DOWNIE, and the other against JOHN EDMONDS STOCK, for High Treafon, endorfed, True Bills. The Court theno rdered the Sheriff to have the bodies of Watt and Downie brought from the Caſtle and fet to the bar, to be informed that there were bills of indictment found against them. They were accordingly brought to the bar, and were informed by the Lord Prefi- dent, that they were entitled to have Counſel to defend them, and that the Court would affign them any they would name; but it appearing to the Court that they were not then prepared to name their Counfel, the Court indulged them till' eleven o'clock the next day to do fo; and it was ordered by the Court in the mean time, that their Agents fhould have acceſs to them in prifon, at any reaſonable times. The Court alſo informed them, that they were entitled to a copy of their indictment, and lift of the witneffes to be produ- ced againſt them, and a lift of the Jury intended to try them, delivered ten days before their trial. Then a copy of their indictment, together with the caption of the Court, and a lift of the witneffes, containing their names, profeffions, and places of abode; and a lift of the Jury, containing their names, profeffions, and places of abode were then delivered to each of the prifoners in Court. Then the Court adjourned until eleven o'clock on Friday morning. t PRO- } [ 13 ] PROCEEDINGS of the COURT on FRIDAY the 15th inftant, Eleven o'clock in the Forenoon. L PRESENT. The LORD PRESIDENT, the LORD JUSTICE-CLERk, Lore HENDERLAND, LORD SWINTON, LORD DUNSINNAN, and the LORD CHIEF BARON. The two prifoners, Watt and Downie, were then put to the bar. → Robert Watt defired the Court to affign as Counſel for him, William Robertfon, Efq. and William Erikine, Efq. and in cafe of the non-attendance of both thoſe Gentlemen on his behalf, then he named Archibald Fletcher, Efq. inftead of either of them who might be abfent; and he named John M'Ritchie as his Agent, which the Court confented to, and ordered accordingly. { Then the prifoner David Downie delivered in a lift of the names of feveral Advocates, and defired the Court would affign any two of them to affiſt him in making his, defence. The Court named, at his requeſt, John Clerk, Efq. and Archibald Fletcher, Efq. to be his Counfel, and in cafe either of them fhould not be able to attend, Robert Cullen, Efq. in their ftead, and named John Dillon to be his Agent, which the Court ordered accordingly. Then it was ordered by the Court, that the feveral Counfel_and Agents thould have access to the prifoners at all feaſonable hours; at the fame time, giving them leave to take the ad- vice and the affiftance of any other Advocate whom they might think proper, and if any of thofe Advocates fo ap- pointed ſhould not be able to attend, that then the Court would E 1 ( 14 ) 1 ! would, at the requifition of the prifoners, affign any other they fhould name. The prifoners were then informed, that they would be brought up to plead to their indictment on Wedneſday the 27th inftant, but that they were not then to be tried. The Court then adjourned to Friday the 22d inftant, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon. PROCEEDINGS of the COURT on FRIDAY the 22d August. PRESENT, The LORD JUSTICE CLERK, LORD DUNSINNAN, LORD ABERCROMBY, and the LORD CHIEF BARON. William Robertfon, Efq. My Lords, I have been ap- pointed by your Lordships as one of the Counſel for Ro- bert Watt, but I wiſh to ſubmit to the Court whether, as I have the honour of being Solicitor General for his Royal Highneſs the Prince of Wales, for Scotland, I can be af- figned as Counſel for a prifoner who is indicted for High Treafon. The duties of the ſtation I hold ſeem to me to be repugnant to thofe I might be called upon to exercife as Counſel for the prifoner at the bar. I hope your Lord- fhips will think this a fufficient excufe for my not appearing as Counſel for him. THE LORD CHIEF BARON. I hope notice has been given of this to the priſoner, that he may name fome other perfon for the appointment of the Court to fupply your place, aș your objection is very proper. William Erfkine, Efq. My Lords, I attend as Counſel for the prifoner Robert Watt, along with Mr Robertſon. I beg leave to inform the Court that, in confequence of early notice having been fent to Robert Watt, that Mr Robert- fon could not attend, he has named Mr Robert Hamilton to be 1 ( 15 Ï be one of his Counfel. To which the Counfel for the Crown readily confented, and he was affigned accordingly. Lord Advocate. The purpofe of your Lordihips adjourn- ing to this particular day, was on the motion of the Counſel for the profecution; they at that time having reaſon to be- lieve it would have been in their power to have brought ſome bufinefs before your Lordships to day, but they have been dif- · appointed in their expectations. The perſon they intended to have brought to your Lordships bar to day is not yet taken. I have therefore nothing more to trouble the Court with to day, and am forry that the Court have had the trouble of att ending. LORD CHIEF BARON. Then it will be proper for the Court to make the order of adjournment. Mr Erskine. My Lord, I obferve in this indictment a- gainſt Watt, there are feveral papers founded on by the Counfél for the profecution alledged to be of a treaſonable nature, which he is accufed of having, written and publiſhi ed. I fhould fubmit, by the forms of this Court, whether we are not entitled to fee thofe papers before the priſoner is put upon his defence. Mr Anfruther. It is almoft unneceffary for me to fay one word in anfwer to what is propofed by the Counſel for the priſoners, fuch a propofition has never been made before in any fuch cafe, The prifoner is entitled to a copy of the indictment and a lift of the witneffès to be produced againſt him, but he is not entitled to fee the evidence the Counſel for the Crown mean to produce; they will produce it in proper time at prefent, with all due deference, it is not in the power of the Court to call upon the profecutors for a diſcloſure of the written teftimony or the oral evidence they mean to produce. Therefore this motion cannot have fuc- defs. If the Counſel for the prifoner defire to have any paper produced which they rely on as evidence, they may, by means of a Subpoena duces tecum, call upon any witneſs to produce fuch papers at the trial; but before, it is impof- fible 1 * ? ( 16 ) ible to have the papers in our poffeffion, or to have a difclos fure of the evidence on which we mean to rely. Mr Erskine. I do not know that I am entitled to prefs my prefent motion. It is well known to your Lordfhips, that the Counfel for the Crown could not by the laws of this country produce a fingle paper againſt a prifoner on his trial, which his Counfel have not had an opportunity of feeing. The Gentlemen on the other fide have afferted that a different rule prevails in Englands Your Lordships will judge between us. LORD CHIEF BARON.-The Counfel for the profecution may conſent to a production of particular papers in their cuſtody. Lord Advocate.-Unquestionably, fo far as any papers in our cuſtody are proper to be produced, or fhewn, we can have no objection to their being produced to the priſoner. LORD CHIEF BARON.-They may call for it as evidence in defence. Mr Anftruther.They are to do as they think fit. LORD CHIEF BARON.What thoſe papers are, Mr Erskine wiſhes to fee I know nothing about. I have not ſeen the indictment; whatever way it may be laid, the prifoner is intitled to fee nothing without the conſent of the Counſel for the Crown-they are to produce whatever evidence they think proper--If the prifoner's Counfel think it material, the mode of coming at it is laid down by the Counſel for the Crown, that they may have the common proceſs, and may be prepared to make uſe of it, when the trial comes on. Mr Anftruther.— We propoſe to bring up the priſoners on Wedneſday next, in order to their being arraigned. The Act of Parliament allows ten days from the time of deliver- ing the copy of the indictment, which was done on Thurſday laft. Ten clear days and the two Sundays carry us to Wedneſday the 27th inftant, as the earlieft day upon which they can be arraigned. The Court was then adjourned to Wedneſday the 27th of Auguſt, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon. WFD- 1 - ( 17 ) WEDNESDAY, AUGUST the 27th, 1794. The Court met according to adjournment, when the fol- lowing Commiffioners were prefent : LORD JUSTICE CLERK, FLETCHER NORTON, Efq. LORD ESKGROVE, LORD SWINTON, LORD DUNSINNAN and LORD ABERCROMBY. The prifoners were then brought to the bar and ar- raigned. LORD JUSTICE CLERK -Gentlemen of Counſel for the Priſoners, have you any motion to make? Mr Fletcher. Formerly your Lordſhip appointed Mr. Clerk and myfelf as counſel, and in cafe either of us could not attend, the priſoner requeſted Mr Cullen might be ap- pointed, and your Lordship did appoint Mr Cullen in the place of Mr Clerk for David Downie. Mr Knapp. He was appointed provifi ɔnally. Mr Hamilton. There is a witnefs, who is extremely important for the defence of the Prifoner, (to wit) Watt, for whom I appear; his name is Kennedy; he is a witneſs for the Grown; but I understand, he is not to be found.-I wiſh to know if the Counſel for the Crown have any rea- fonable expectation of getting him brought forward as a witnefs for the Crown. If they have, he will be alfo ready for the Priſoner. Mr Anfruther. Kennedy is named among the liſt of witneffes, and the Courfel for the Crown have made every enquiry, both in England and here, to have his perfon; whether they will be fuccefsful in finding him I cannot ſay, but moſt undoubted:y, no means have been fpared for the purpoſe. Mr Hamilton. I have received a fatisfactory anſwer from the Counfel for the Crown; the reafon for my motion was, C that } [ 18 ] } { 7 that the witneſs's teftimony is of great confequence for the defence of the Prifoner, and if ſo, I apprehend I ſhould be well founded in grounding my motion for the delay of this trial. I will not fay I fhall not in a fubfequent ftage of this trial make fuch motion. I underſtood by the Law of England, when a witneſs is not prefent, who it is neceffary fhould be produced, if there is any expectation of getting him, I ſhould be entitled to move for a delay of the trial, for fuch time as might be neceffary to bring fuch wit- nefs forward. Mr Fletcher. My Lords, as Mr Downie, my client, has the fame dependance upon the teftimony of Kennedy as Mr. Watt has, if there is any delay granted to the one, I ſhould move the fame may be granted to the other. Mr Anftruther. It is not neceffary for me in this ftate of the buſineſs, to object to a motion not now made, but announced as intended to be made; but I wish to be can- did, and to inform the counfel for the prifoners, that if ever fuch a motion ſhall be made, I fhall oppofe it to the utmoſt of my power; and I have no fcruple in ftating one of the grounds on which I fhall oppoſe the motion.—I wiſh the Court to be informed, that this Mr Kennedy is a perſon, who, upon the firſt diſcovery of the treaſonable acts char- ged on the gentlemen at your Lordſhips bar, (and who is now ſtated to be a material witneſs) thought proper to elope from this country, and to fiy from Juftice, which was in fearch of him; from the 1ft of May to the prefent hour, none of the officers of Juftice, either in Scotland or Eng- land, ever could lay hands upon, or get fight of Kennedy, or gain the leaft intelligence where he is to be found,-re- wards have been offered for his apprehenfion, which have not yet had effect ;-therefore, whenever a motion to delay the trial,ſhall be made upon the ground of his abfence, I fhail oppoſe it,and the more fo, if it is made three weeks after the notice of the day of trial. If the Counfel for the priſoners know where he is to be found, I can only fay, we ſhall be ex- tremely obliged to them for fuch information, and I will an fwer [ 19 ] ' F for for it, if he is to be found, he fhall be brought in cuftody to the bar. Mr Hamilton. I have had an anſwer which is fatisfac- tory; I only mentioned that in cafe it was likely for him to be produced, I might perhaps make fuch a motion. Mr Dundas. The Counſel for the prifoners will exer- cife their own difcretion as to their motions in future; I can only fay, if fuch a motion is to be made, and it fhould fuc ceed, the trial may be deferred for ever: large rewards have been offered for Kennedy's apprehenfion in vain. Mr Hamilton. My motion was in cafe the Counſel for the Crown had any reaſonable expectation of getting him. LORD JUSTICE CLERK. Have you any other motion to make? Mr Fletcher. I understand the Defendants are to be ſeparately tried. Lord Advocate. They must be feparately tried. Mr Knapp. If they join in their challenges they may be tried together. Mr Anftruther. With refpect to that, your Lordships know, on trials for High Treafon, every prifoner may chal- lenge thirty-five; it becomes extremely inconvenient to try two perfons together, becauſe, if they differ in their chal- lenges, it would be attended with great difficulty; the Counsel for the Crown, therefore, mean to defire two ſeve- ral pannels for the trial of the two prifoners; if they agree, they would be bound down to one challenge for both. We do not aſk them to do fuch a thing. Mr Fletcher. I believe they will not agree in their chal- lenges. What we wiſh to know, as Counſel for the Defen- dants, is, which is to be tried firſt? Lord Advocate. I have no objection at all to ftate toMr Fletcher, that our intention is to bring Mr Watt to trial firſt. 瓶 ​LORD JUSTICE CLERK. The Court will now adjourn to Wedneſday next, at eight o'clock. The rest of the Judges then agreed to adjourn to Wed- neſday, at eight o'clock in the morning precifely. 1 Proclamation was then made accordingly, by the cryer of the Court. C 2 } 1 [ 20 ] * PROCEEDINGS of the COURT of Over and Terminer, held at EDINBURGH, on WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER the 3dg ཡ་ 1794. 4 7 ६ THE TRIAL OF ROBERT WATT, FOR HIGH TREASON. PRESENT, # } 1 1 Lord PRESIDENT, Lord-CHIEF BARON, Lord JUSTICE CLERK, Mr BARON NORTON, Lord ESKGROVE, Lord SWINTON, Lord DUNSINNAN, Lord ABERCROMBY, Counsel for the Crown. The Lord ADVOCATE, Mr SOLICITOR GENERAL, Mr ANSTRUTHER, Mr DUNDAS. Agent, Mr WARRENDER. บ Counfel for the Prifoner. Mr HAMILTON, Mr ERSKINE. Agent, Mr M'RITCHIE. * Clerk of Arraigns. You, the Prifoner at the Bar, thefe good men that you fhall hear called, and. perfonally appear, are to paſs between our Sovereign Lord the King and you, upon, the Trial of your Life and Death; if, therefore, you will challenge them, or any of them, your time is to ſpeak unto them, as they come to the book to be fworn, and be- fore they are fworn. ་ f The [ 21 ] The JURY were then called, as follows 1— George Gardner, John Bell, Thomas Mure, Efq. Alexander Houſton, Benjamin Yule, Donald Smith, James Carfrae, Prifoner, I challenge him. Prifoner, I challenge him. Prifoner, I challenge him." Did not appear. Prifoner, I challenge him." Prifoner, I challenge him. Prifoner, I challenge him. Sir William Forbes, Bart. Prifonier, I challenge him. Robert Young, Prifoner, I challenge him., Alexander Wallace, Prifoner, I challenge him. William Mitchell was called, and a certificate of bad health was produced, from Mr Cheyne, a furgeon; Mr Mit- chell was accordingly excufed by the Court. } Adolphus Scales. He was from home when fummoned. There is a letter from his brother, that he had been abſent for three weeks. 2. (To the fummoning officer, Andrew Scott.) Did you leave a fummons at Mr Scales's houfe? Mr Scott. Yes. 2. What number is it? Mr Scott. I will tell you. No. 15, fummoned the 28th of Auguſt laft. 2. Was he at home? A. No. 2. You left it with the fervant? A. Yes. (No further notice was taken by the Court.) Patrick Inglis. A melancholy event had prevented his attendance. James Mansfield did not anfwer. David Clark William Hunter James Mitchell John Scougall William Sibbald was fworn in, i was fworn in, z was fworn in, 3 was fworn in, 4 was fworn in, 5 John } 点 ​} [ 22 ] 1. 7 John Horner Thomas Hutchinſon Archibald Campbell George Kinnear William Frazer John Andrew William Lamb Clerk of Arraigns. Count thefe. the names of the Jurors fworn; counted. was fworn in, was fworn in, 7 was fworn in, was fworn in, g was fworn in, 10 was fworn in, II was fworn in, 12 He then called over they were accordingly Clerk of Arraigns. Cryer, make proclamation, Cryer. Oyez !-If any one can inform my Lord the King's Advocate General, or this Inqueft now to be taken, of the High Treafon, whereof the prifoner at the Bar ftands indicted, let them come forth, and they fhall be heard, for now the prifoner ftands at the Bar upon his deliverance, and all others that are bound, by recognizance, to give evi- dence, against the prifoner at the bar, let them come forth and give their evidence, or elfe they forfeit their recogni- zance, and all Jurymen that have been called, and have ap- peared, and are not fworn, may depart the Court. Clerk of Arraigns. Robert Watt, hold up your hand, (which he did.) Clerk of Arraigns. (to the Jury:) + Gentlemen, You that are fworn, look upon the prifon- er, and hearken to his charge. He ftands indicted by the name of Robert Watt, late of Edinburgh, in the county of Edinburgh, not having the fear of God in his heart, nor weighing the duty of his allegiance, but being moyed as a falſe traitor againft our Lord the King, and wholly with- drawing the cordial love, and true and due obedience, fide- lity and allegiance, which every true and faithful fubject fhould, and of right ought to bear towards our, Lord the King, and wickedly, maliciouſly, and traitorously contriving to break and diſturb the peace, and to change, fubvert, and overthrow the government happily eſtabliſhed in this king- dom, and to excite, move, and raife infurrection and rebel- lion, i 1 3 J [ 23 ] lion, and to depofe our Lord the King from the govern ment of Great Britain, and to put him to death, on the first day of March laft, and on divers other days. The firft overt act is, that he, on the firft of March, did maliciouſly, wickedly, and traitoroufly meet, conſpire, con- fult, and agree to caufe and procure a meeting of divers fubjects, to be affembled and held, within this kingdom of Great Britain, under the name of a Convention, for the purpoſe of affuming to themfelves, at fuch meeting, the powers of Government and Legiflation over this kingdom, (independant, and in defiance of the authority, and againſt the whole of the Parliament of this kingdom,) and of fub- verting and altering the rule and government, and depofing our Lord the King from the government and royal ſtate. 3 The fecond overt act is, that he met, and confulted to inftigate, incite, encourage, and perfuade the fubjects of our Lord the King to caufe and procure divers meetings and af- femblies, for the purpoſe of choofing delegates from among themſelves, to meet in a meeting, under the name of a Convention, to be held for the purpoſe of affuming to themſelves the powers of Government and Legiflation, and of depofing the King. The third Overt Act is, that he met and affembled to chufe a Convention to be held, the object of which was to redreſs national grievances by ufurping to themfclves the powers of Governinent and Legiflation of this Kingdom, in defiance of the authority of Parliament. The fourth Overt Act, is confulting to bring about in fuch a Convention to be held without the confent of Parliament, an alteration and change in the mode of reprefentation, and inftigating and inciting perfons to fend Delegates to ſuch Convention for the fame purpoſe. The fifth Overt Act, that he conſpired with other falfe traitors by force to oblige the King to alter the meaſures of Government, and to comply with certain unlawful demands, propofitions, and meafures to be thereafter made by hin, re- 1 } lating (24) lating to the King's adminiſtration of the Government of this kingdom. The fixth Overt Act is, that he confpired to raiſe and make infurrection and rebellion againſt our Lord the King. The feventh Overt Act is, that he confpired to oblige the King by force to comply with certain demands to be made by him, and conſent to the introduction of regulations and meaſures refpecting the Government of this Kingdom. The eighth Overt Act is, that he confpired, confulted and agreed with other falfe traitors, to feize and take, the Caſtle of Edinburgh into his poffeffion by force of arms, with guns, pikes, fpears, battie axes, and other offenfive weapons, and to provide leaders to be appointed and in- ftructed by him, and to lay in wait and furprize the forces of our Lord the King, ftationed in the faid Caſtle of Edinburgh, and to attack and fight them, and to take into his poffeffion by force the public Barks and Excife Office, and to ſeize and impriſon the Juftice Clerk, the Lords of Council and Sef- fion and Jufticiary, and the Lord Provost of Edinburgh. The ninth Overt Act is, that he did inftigate and incite divers fubjects of our Lord the King, to confent to, and ap- prove the laft mentioned traitorous propofals, and to aid and affiſt him in effecting and carrying the fame into exe- cution. The tenth Overt Act is, that he confpired and confulted with other falfe traitors, to procure arms for the purpoſe of arming himſelf and others to enable him to refift the King in the legal exercife of his Royal power and authority. The eleventh Overt Act is, that be confpired to raiſe and levy money, the better to carry into effect his traitorous pur- pofes aforefaid. The twelfth Overt Act is, that he compofed, printed, publifned and difperfed certain malicious, wicked and trea- fonable papers and addreffes among the fubjects of our Lord the King, inciting them to contribute and fubfcribe money for the ufe of him and other falfe traitors, and to appoint Collectors to collect and receive fuch money, and to ( 25 ) to remit and pay the fame to him, with intent that fuch money ſhould be accounted for and diſburſed in ſuch way as fhould be moft calculated to make and raife infurrection and rebellion against the King. ¿ The thirteenth Overt Act is, that he hired and employed John Fairley to carry and difperfe fuch papers as laſt afore- ſaid, and delivered him a great quantity for that purpoſe, with intent to incite the fubjects of our faid Lord the King, forcibly to refift the King in the exerciſe of his authority, and to affift in profecuting an attempt to be made to fubvert the Government. } The fourteenth Overt Act is, that he inftructed the faid John Fairley to inftigate and incite the fubjects of our faid Lord the King, to give affurance and fupport, and to remit fuch money as fhould be collected to him. The fifteenth Overt Act is, that he employed the faid John Fairley to inftigate and incite the fubjects of our faid Lord the King, to procure arms, and to arm themſelves to reſiſt the King, and to aid and affift him in fubverting the Go- vernment. The fixteenth Overt Act is, that he employed William Brown to make and procure arms for arming himſelf and other falfe traitors, and paid them money for the fame. The feventeenth Overt Act is, that he employed Robert Orrock to make arms for the fame purpoſe. The eighteenth Overt Act is, that he continued and got into his poffeffion arms, and kept them concealed in his dwelling houfe, in readiness to be made ufe of for the traitorous purpoſes aforefaid, againſt the duty of his allegi- ance, against the form of the ftatute in fuch cafe made and provided, against the peace of our faid Lord the King, his Crown and dignity. ? Upon this indictment he hath been arraigned, and there- unto hath pleaded not Guilty, and for his triat hath put him- felf upon God and the country, which country you are Your charge is to enquire whether he be guilty of this High Treaſon where of he ſtands indicted or not guilty; if you find Ꭰ hin ;: ! ( 20 ) * 1 seiab, xar him guilty, you are to enquire whatgoods and chattels, lands and tenements he had at the time the High Treafon was com- mitted, or at any time fince; if you find him not guilty, you are to enquire if he fled for it, you are to enquire of his goods and chattels as if you had found him guilty; if you find him not guilty, and that he did not fly for it, you are to fay fo and no more, and hearken to the evidence. Mr Dundas.-Gentlemen of the jury; This is an indictment against the priſoner at the bar for High Treafon. As the officer has read the feveral Overt Acts of High Treafon, and the feveral acts of the defen- dant, to carry into effect his treaſonable purpoſes, it be- comes neceffary for me to do no more than ſtate the ſub- ſtance of this indictment, which, if I do not deceive myſelf, 1 fhall be able to ſtate in almoft one fentence. The indictment ftates that the prifoner confpired to endea vour to call a Convention, which Convention was to ufurp the powers of legiflation in this country, and to take into their own hands the redreſs of certain national grievances which this defendant alledged to exiſt. The indictment ſtates that the defendant has confpired to procure arms to be placed in the hands of the ſubject againſt the Sovereign, to reſiſt the exer, cife of Royal authority, to compel his Majefty to change the meaſures of his government, to force him to adopt fuch plans and fuch fchemes as to this defendant and his affo- ciates it might ſeem expedient to propoſe, ་ Gentlemen, That I may not waste your time, as the talk of explaining the law devolves into the hands of a perfon better qualified, I will ſtate, finally, Gentlemen, that the defendant had confpired with other affaciates, to concert meaſures to overawe and reftrain the conduct of the Go vernment, and to endanger the perſon of his Majefty, which, ss the language of the indictment, and which the law ftates, is,to compaſs and imagine the death of the King-To this in- dictment the defendant has pleaded not guilty. You will hearken to the evidence, and give your verdict accordingly. + Mr. ( 27 ) Mr Anftruther. My Lords; and Gentlemen of the jury; It is my duty upon the prefent occafion, to lay before you the ftate of the cafe which the Counſel for the Crown think they fhall be able to prove against the prifoner at the bar. Iu doing this, Gentlemen, it will be neceffary for me to beſpeak a confiderable portion of your attention, and that of the Court; becauſe ſuch has been the happy ſtate of this country, fuch has been the peace and profperity with which this nation hath been bleffed, under that conftitution which the priſoner at the bar is charged with attempting to over- turn, that the law of treafon lives not in the experience of any of us. It is now nearly half a century fince, in this country, there was occafion to bring any perfon to trial for fuch an offence. It is therefore necceffary for me to ſtate to you fully, and explain to you diftinctly what the law is which we charge the prifoner with having committed a breach of, and then I fhall lay before you, thofe facts which we mean to prove as breaches of that law. In doing this I have already ſtated I ſhall have occafion to requeſt a confiderable portion of your patience, becauſe I poffefs none of thofe powers of oratory which could engage your attention for the length of time which it may be neceffary to confume. If I did poffefs any fuch powers, Gentlemen, I ſhould abſtain from the ufe of them upon the prefent occafion. It is not my duty; I am not fent here for that purpoſe; and I am ſure I ſhould ill exccute the truſt which is repoſed in me, I ſhould ill perform the duty which I owe to the Sovereign whom I ferve, if I endeavoured to excite your paffions againſt the prifoner at the bar. It is my duty to give you a plain and dry ſtatement of the law; it is my duty to give you a fuccinct narrative of the fact, accompanied with fuch obfervations as may be neceffary to explain thoſe facts and that law to you, and there my duty for the prefent ends. You all know that the law of treafon has been, fince the beginning of this century, the fame both in this country and in England. After the union of the two kingdoms, it was thought wife and expedient, that as we all owed the fame duties to our Sovereign, the meaſure and extent of thofe duties ( 28 ) duties fhould be one and the fame in all parts of the king- dom. As we ſerve one mafter, as we obey one Sovereign, and are living under one legislature, it was thought proper, not only that we should have the fame duties to perform, but that the fame modes and means of trial and punishment for the breach of thoſe duties fhould take place in both countries. Therefore I am under the neceffity of ftating to you the law of treaſon, as it exifts in the law of England, becauſe the law of England has been the law of Scotland upon that fübject for near a century paft. And give me leave to re- mind you, that it was a wife and beneficent act to the ſubject which extended the English law of treaſon to this country. Inced not tell the learned bench I addrefs, I need hardly tell´any man of common education who hears me, that the law of treafon as it exifted in Scotland, anterior to the happy period I am ſpeaking of, was a law infinitely more fevere, infinitely more oppreffive and more hard upon the fubject than the law that exiſted in England at the fame period. We are therefore indebted to the wifdom, to the beneficence, and to the humanity of that legiflature which extended to us the advantages already enjoyed by our fellow fubjects in the other end of the ifland. Gentlemen, the law of treafon lies in a fhort compafs; it has exiſted merely in its preſent form in England ever fince the reign of Edward the III. when it was reduced to a cer- tainty, and ſtated in a fhort Act of Parliament, which has been little altered from that period to the préfent day. That act ſtates three diftinct fpecies of treafon, independant of that ſpecies of treafon which has no connection with the prefent cafe, namely, counterfeiting the coin. The firſt is compaffing and imagining the death of the King. cond is levying-war againſt the King. The third is adhering to the King's enemies.: whoever fhall be found guilty of any of theſe three fpecies of offence is guilty of treaſon. Į The fe With the two laſt of theſe, it will not be neceffary that I ſhould trouble you at all. Levying war againſt the King is not the offence which the indictment charges againſt the prifones ( 20 ) prifoner at the bar, neither is the adhering to the enemies of the king the offence you are now to try. The fingle ſpecies of treaſon charged againſt the priſoner at the bar, is compaffing and imagining the death of the King Gentlemen, the charge I fay, is compaffing and imagine ing the death of the King. You cannot but take notice of the fingularity of the phrafe which conftitutes the crime in this inftance. Compaffing and imagining the death of the King.-hat is, he who intends, he into whofe imagination it enters, he who conceives the defign of deftroying the Sovereign upon the Throne is guilty of the crime. It is the intention and imagination of the perfon upon which the law affixes the guilt. And therefore it is that the law uſes the phraſe-com- paffing and imagining the death of the King. Gentlemen, the law has been thus cautious and thus anxious to preferve the life of his Majefty, becauſe the law knows the danger to which we must all be expofed; the law knows the bloodshed and ruin into which this country muſt be involved, if fuch compaffings and imaginations take effect, and therefore has gone beyond its ufual limits in its care for the prefervation of the perfon of his Majeſty, and has fixed the crime upon the intention and not upon the act done. But whilft it has been thus cautious and thus anxious to preſerve the life of his Majefty, whilſt it has gone the length of fixing the crime upon the intention of the perfon, it has Been equally anxious for the life of the fubject; and tho” it fays the intention of the fubject is the crime it puniſhes, yet it does not rafhly or lightly collect that intention; it does not gather the imagining the death of the King from loofe or vague fufpicion; for the ſtatute of Edward III, fays, **no man fhall be found guilty of compaffing or imagining the "death of the King, unleſs he be proveably attaint by open « deed, before men of his condition." Therefore it is neceſ fary that I fhould explain to you what that open deel is or what ( 30 ) what it is which is called in the language of the law, an Overt Act of High Treaſon. Every indictment muſt contain in it the overt acts charged upon the prifoner, and the truth or the falſehood of thofe now ſtated you are to try. Gentlemen, an Overt Act of High Treaſon, is the means that are uſed for effectuating the purpoſe of the mind. If a perfon barely conceives the idea of compaffing and imagining the King's death, that is not treaſon, but it becomes treaſon, and puniſhable as fuch, the moment he employs any means, whatever they may be, to effectuate the purpoſe of his mind; what the law calls an Overt Act in its own language, is ther in common language, no more than the means the perfon takes to effectuate the purpoſe of his heart. And the overt acts ſtated to you in this indictment, are the means which we charge this defendant has employed to carry his intention into practice. Gentlemen, you have heard the phraſe com- paſs and imagine the King's death. Now, you are not to fup- poſe from this that it is neceffary for me to ſtate ſome direct or poſitive defign to poifon or affaffinate the King, or put an end to his life by any direct method. It is not neceffary I ſhould prove an attempt to affaffinate or deſtroy him di- rectly, becauſe I have told you the crime is in the imagina- tion of the perſon, and the overt act is the means uſed to carry it into effect. If he intended to do that which, in its natural confequence, endangers the life of the King; if he uſed means to accompliſh a purpoſe which placed his Majeſty in a fituation of peril, and thoſe means be ſtated in the indictment, he muſt be found guilty; for men ſhall not be allowed to attempt to place the Sovereign in fuch fituations, and then ſay they did not compaſs the death of the king, becauſe they did not intend the natural and neceffary con fequences refulting from their acts. Therefore, if I produce evidence to fatisfy you of fuch intention in the prifoner at the bar, and if I have charged in the indictment, and prove in fact what amounts in point of law, to means uſed to effectuate that intention, and that purpoſe, it will be your duty to find him guilty. Theft ( 33 ) Thefe are not my ideas, thefe are not my words, thefe are not my explanations of the law; for ſtanding in the fituation in which I ſtand, in the peculiar circumſtances in which I am now addreffing a Jury of my countrymen, I ſhould feel myfelf highly criminal indeed, Gentlemen, if I ftretched the law one word beyond its fair bearing. I wish you to take no conſtruction of mine into your confideration. I will prove what I have faid to be the law by the opinions and writings of able and ſkilful men, at all periods of our conftitution, and by the words of learned and wife judges at different times. upon different trials, Gentlemen, Mr Juftice Forfter, one of the best writers. upon the Criminal Law of England, and a man not more famous for correctnefs and elegance of writing, than for the love of liberty and the conftitution of his country fays, "The care the law hath taken for the perfonal fafety of the "King is not confined to actions or attempts of the more "flagitious kind, to affaffination or poiſon, or other attempts "directly and immediately aiming at his life; it is extend- ❝ed to every thing wilfully and deliberately done or at- tempted, whereby his life may be endangered." "He goes on to fay, " And therefore the entering into meaſures for "depofing the King, or impriſoning him, or to get his per- "fon into the power of the confpirators; thefe offences are "overt acts of treaſon within the branch of the ftatute; for "experience hath fhewn, that between the prifons and the graves of Princes, the diſtance is very finall." But Gen- tlemen, he don't even ftop here, for he goes on to tell you, That offences which are not fo perfonal to the King as "thofe already mentioned, have been with great propriety "brought within the fame rule, as having a tendency, tho "not fo immediately, to the fame fatal end." He puts this cafe,which in my opinion, illuftrates the law better than any cafe I can ſtate to you. The cafe he puts is this ; “. A per• fon entering into meaſures in concert with foreigners or others, in order to an invafion of the kingdom, or going into a foreign country, or even propofing to go thither to "that ( 32 ) 1 that end, and taking any fteps in order thereto; there * offences are overt acts of compaffing the King's death. · You will obferve, Gentlemen, if the perfoni abroad happened to be a perfon who is at amity with the Crown of England, the end it meant could not be for,adhering to the enemies of the King, becauſe in truth the perfons adhered to were not enemies of the King; but fays Mr Juftice Forfter," Men who "do fuch acts ought to be, and may be, and many perfons "upon fuch a cafe, have been indicted and found guilty of "compaffing and inaagining the death of the King. Why? be "cauſe thoſe acts have a manifeft tendency to endanger the "perfon of the King, and therefore upon the cleareſt prin- "ciples of fubftantial and political juſtice are brought with- "in that fpecies of treafon of compaffing the King's death, “ne quid detrimentì refpublica capiat.” Thefe are the words of this learned judge. And upon his authority I ftate, that if I fhould lay before you any thing that has a manifeft tendency to endanger the perfon of the Sovereign, it will be your duty to find the prifoner guilty of this fpecies of treaſon. This is not the language of Mr Juftice Forfter only; and Gentlemen, you will excufe me for being a little tedious upon the prefent occafion, be- cauſe I am anxious every thing fhould be fully and perfectly understood. I am anxious to bottom myfelf upon the autho rity of great and approved writers; if it be thought that F am going too much over the fame ground, the novelty and fingularity of this cafe will, I hope, be an apology with you and the Court. This is not only the language of Forſter in George 2d's time, but the language of Lord Chief Juftice Hale himſelf, the greatest and best judge that ever fat in England in Charles ad's time, he tells you" Though the "confpiracy be not immediately and directly, and expreſsly' the death of the King, but the confpiracy is of fomething that, in all probability, muſt induce it, and the overt act is "of ſuch a thing that muſt induce it; this is an overt act to "prove the compaffing of the King's death," which is high treafon, in his language. Therefore, if I prove a confpiracy by - { ( 33 ) by the priſoner at the bar, that in all probability, might induce the death of the King, that is high treafon in the language of this great maſter of the law. In another part of his book he tells us, "An affembly to levy war againſt the King, either "to depofe, or reftrain, or enforce him to any act, or 1 to come to his prefence, to remove his Counſellors or "Minifters, or to fight againſt the King's Lieutenant or Mi- "litary Commiffionate Officers, is an overt act proving the "compaffing the death of the King; for fuch a war is di- "rectly againſt the very perſon of the King, and he that defigns to fight against the King, cannot but know at leaſt "it muſt hazard his life." • Gentlemen, the fame is the language of all the writers of all periods of time; it is the language of Serjeant Hawkins in his correct treatife of the Crown Law of England. "Such compaffing the King's death may be manifeſted, not only " by overt acts of a direct conſpiracy to take away his life, ❝ but alſo by fuch as fhew fuch defign as cannot be executed without the apparent peril thereof." What I have to conclude with is, if, in the language of Forſter, I ſtate any thing deliberately done, whereby the perfon of the King may be in danger,-if I ftate any facts of manifeft tendency to endanger the Royal life if, in the language of Hale, I ftate any thing that in all probability muft induce the death of the King if, in the language of Hawkins, I fhew any defign that cannot be accomplished without apparent peril of the life of his Majefty, then, if I prove the facts againſt the prifoner at the bar, it will be your duty to find him guilty. Gentlemen, in trials of this fort, perfons ftanding ir the fituation of the prifoner, have often fet forward a fpecies of defence arifing from a fuppofed conftruction of the law, upon which it is neceffary I fhould fay a few words. It has often been faid, upon trials of this fort, that a confpiracy to levy war (I wifh the Jury would mark my words) a con- fpiracy to levy war, is not High Treafon. Now, Gentle- men, moſt unquestionably, in ſome fenfe, that propoſition is correctly true. If the prifoner was indicted for levying war against $ E # [ 34 ] > against the King, moſt unquestionably he could not be found guilty of High Treafon unleſs war was actually levied. Under fuch an indictment, for the fpecies of treafon for levy- ing war against the King, a confpiracy to levy war would not be either an overt act in itfelf, nor would it be admif- fible in evidence, becaufe the crime charged, upon the pri- foner is levying war againſt the King; and before he can be found guilty of that crime, war muft be actually levied. The priſoner here is not indicted for levying war against the King, but for compaffing and imagining the death of the King, which is the firft fpecies of treafon; and under a variety of circumftances, a confpiracy to levy war may or may not be an overt act of compaffing or imagining the death of the King. I have ſtated to you, that an overt act is the means uſed to effectuate the purpofe of the mind. I have ſtated to you, that any means uſed to an end which has an apparent tendency to put the King's life in danger is an overt act of High Treafon; and a confpiracy to lẹvy war in many inftances, and under many circumftances, may fhew a defign which has an apparent tendency to put the King's life in danger, or which cannot be executed without putting his perfon in peril-If it is a confpiracy to levy war against the conftitution of the kingdom, of which he is an integral part, if it is a confpiracy against the three branches of the legiſlature, how can that be a defign which can be executed without apparent peril of his Majeſty's life? I ftate this to you, becauſe I know this is a point which has been ſtarted in different trials, in former periods of our hiftory, and fome quotations from books have been found to countenance the pinion, that a confpiracy to levy war is not treafon. But I take the law to be, that it is an overt act of High Treafon whenever the deſign is fuch as cannot be executed without ap- parent peril of his Majefty's life. Gentlemen, not to walk with- out authority, and being anxious to ftate nothing but what I can prove by great authority, I will take the liberty to ſtate, that this is no new idea raiſed up to meet the cafe of the prifoner at the bar, but is as old as the conftitution itſelf. Gentlemen, 處 ​1 [ 35 ] ས + Gentlemen, very early in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the principle was laid down, and from that period it has been followed up ever fince. In the 13th of Elizabeth all the judges were confulted upon a cafe fimilar to the one I have ſtated to you from Mr Juftice Forſter; a fubject of this realm being beyond fea, practifed with the prince of a foreign country to invade this realm with a great power, and his practifing declared by what means, and how and in what place the invafion fhould be, and if fuch an invafion fhould be, there were many fubjects there who would affiſt and ad- here to him, but 'there was no fuch invafion afterwards. The judges were of opinion that theſe offences were treaſon; for an invafion with foreign powers cannot be but of neceffity it will tend to the deftruction or great peril of the Prince. I give you the words of the report, and the principle which I take to be laid down is, that every thing which of neceffity tends to the deſtruction or the great peril of the perſon of the 'Prince is, if an overt act be laid and proved, High Treaſon; whether a confpiracy to levy war, neceffarily tends, if carried into effect, to the great peril of the Prince, will be according to the circumſtances of that confpiracy; but if the conſpiracy be fuch as is directly against the perfon of the Prince, or be fuch as is directly against the Government, of which he is a part, and which it is his duty to defend, it can hardly be contended that it is not fuch a defign as puts the perſon of the King in great peril, and it is, if proved by an overt act, High Treaſon. The fame thing is faid by Lord Chief Juſtice Hale; I will ufe the freedom of reading his words. "yet fuch a confpiracy, or compaffing to levy war againſt 1 "That the King directly, or against his forces, and meeting and con- "fulting for the effecting of it, whether the number of the .66 confpirators be more or lefs, or difguiſed under any pre- ❝tence whatſoever, as of reformation of abuſes, cafting down "inclofures, particular or generally-Nay, of wreſtling, foot- ball playing, cock fighting-Yet if it can appear that they confulted or refolved to raife a power immediately against the King, or the liberty or the fafety of his perſon, this con- E 2 1 } gregating SPP } } 1 E 36 ] { } 1 "gregating of the people for this intent, though no war be "actually levied, is an overt act to maintain an indictment "for compaffing the King's death within the first clauſe of the ftatute of the 25th of Edward III. for it is a kind of "natural or neceffary ccnfequence that the attempts to ſub- "due and conquer the King, cannot intend lefs than the tak- ing away his life." At other times, and by other judges, the fame thing has been faid. Hawkins fays, "That the levy- ❝ing war againſt the King's perfon," (I rather chufe to give them in other mens words than my own, which are more ac- curate than any I can ufe ;) Hawkins fays, "That the levying "war againſt the King's perfon, or the bare confulting to levy ་ fuch war, or meeting together and confulting the means "to deftroy the King and his Government, or affembling "with others and procuring them to attempt the King's death, or lifting men in order to depofe the King, or printing treaſonable pofitions, as that the King is "accountable to the people, and that they ought to take "the government into their own hands, &c. or publiſh ❝ing a book to prove that the King's Government is Anti- "chriftian and heretical, &c. may be alledged as overt acts to "prove the compaffing the King's death." If I ſhould prove confulting, agreeing to levy war, and fhew means uſed to deſtroy the Government, of which the King is a part—if I fhew means uſed directly to deftroy the conftitution of the country-I have laid before you a cafe of High Treafon; becauſe, whether it be called a confpiracy to levy war or not, I fhall have laid before you the means uſed by the priſoner at the bar, to effectuate his end, which end is ſuch a deſign as in its apparent and natural tendency muft endan- ger the life of the King, and cannot be executed without apparent peril to the perfon of his Majefty. Therefore, if you fhould, in the progrefs of this cafe, hear any thing con- cerning a confpiracy to levy war, not being High Treaſon, you will understand it under the reftrictions, and in the manner in which I have ftated it; if that confpiracy be of levying a war, which it levied, has a direct tendency to de- ftroy the life of his Majefty, there is no doubt fuch a con- fpiracy 2 [ 37 ] fpiracy is an overt act of High Treafon, a propofition fup- ported by every authority from the reign of Elizabeth to this hour in which I am ſpeaking. ' I wish, before I conclude this point, to ftate to you the law upon the fubject of confpiracies to levy war,from the very higheſt authority becauſe it is the only point, upon which I conceive any controverfy can arife; therefore, I wiſh to ftate it, not only from the dicta of writers of high authori ty, but to ſtate it from the language of judges of the firſt eminence. Probably you have all heard of the fame of Lord Chief-Juftice Holt, whofe ability and integrity, at a period of life earlier, perhaps, than any one that ever filled that high fituation, raiſed him in the glorious reign of King William, to the office of Chief-Juftice of the King's Bench, which he filled with ability and integrity, that may have been equalled, but never furpaffed, by any one that has fat there fince. In the cafe of fome perfons who were tried for being concerned, more or lefs, in a plot for affaffinating King William, this defence was fet forward, and it was argued before him, that a confpiracy to levy war is not an overt act of High Treafon: He ſays this," And there is "`another matter the prifoner at the bar infifted upon, and ❝ that is matter of law; the ftatute of the 25th of Edward "the 3d was read, which is the great ftatute about Trea- ❝ fons, and that does contain divers fpecies of Treafon, and declares what fhall be Treafon; one Treafon is the comę paffing and imagining the death of the King,-another is "the levying war.-Now, the prifoner fays, there is no war ❝ levied, and a bare confpiracy, or defign to levy war, does not come within this law againft Treafon.-Now, for "that I muſt tell you, if there be only a confpiracy to levy' "war, it is not Treafon, but if the defign and confpiracy "be either to kill the King, or to depofe him, or impriſon him, or put any force or reftraint upon him, and the way " and method of effecting of thefe is by levying of war, there the confultation, and the confpiracy to levy war for that purpofe is High Treafon, though no war be levied, : "for } 1 1 IC [ 38 ] for fuch confultation and conſpiracy is an overt act, pro- ving the compaffing the death of the King, which is the ❝ firſt Treaſon mentioned in the ftatute of the 25th of Edward the 3d; for the words of that ftatute are: That "if any man ſhall compaſs or imagine the death of the "King Now, becaufe a man defigns the death, depofiti- 66 tion, or deftruction of the King, and to that defign, a- grees and confults to levy war, that this fhould not be High Treafon, if a war be not actually levied, is a very " ſtrange doctrine, and the contrary has always been held "to be law. There may be a war levied, without any de- "fign upon the King's perfon, or endangering of it, which if actually levied, is High Treaſon, but a bare defigning to levy war, without more, will not be Treafon,-as for example, if perſons do affemble themſelves, and act with force in oppofition to fome law which they think incon- "venient, and hope thereby to get it repealed, this is levy- 66 64 ing of war, and Treafon, though purpofing and deſign- ing it is not fo; fo when they endeavour, in great num- "bers, with force, to make fome reformation of their own "heads, without purſuing the methods of the law, that is "levying war, and Treafon, but the purpoſes and deſigns "of it are not fo-But if there be (as I have ſaid to you) < a purpoſe and deſign to deſtroy the King, and to depoſe him from his throne, or to reftrain him, or have any power over him, which is purpofed or defigned to be ef- fected by war that is to be levied, fuch a confpiracy and « confultation to levy, war, for the bringing this to paſs, is "an overt act of High Treafon; fo that, Gentlemen, as to "that objection that he makes in point of law, it is of no force, if there be evidence fufficient to 'convince you that " he did conſpire to levy war, for ſuch an end.” In the reign of George the ift, on the caſe of a perſon of the name of Layer, who was indicted for a confpiracy a- gainſt his Majeſty, it was alſo attempted to be argued before Lord Chief Juftice Pratt, the then Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas, that a confpiracy to levy war was not High Treafon. t [ 39 ] ; Treafon. He told the counfel, that the contrary had been decided, a hundred and a hundred times; that he did not fit there to overturn what had been determined at all periods of our conſtitution; that a defign to levy war againſt the perſon of the King, or any defign to put the King's perfon in peril, was High Treaſon, let whatever opinions have been to the contrary. Therefore it is, that at all periods of our confti- tution, a defign, or confpiracy to raiſe an inſurrection within the kingdom has been held an overt act of High Treafon; becauſe, if raiſed, it must put the King's perfon in peril.- If I were to go over the numberleſs indictments in books which now lie before me, I could. fhow you hundreds of them, where a confpiracy to raife au infurrection has been in all times, and by all means, uniformly laid down to be High Treafon. 1 In Layer's cafe, it was laid in the indictment, as an overt act of High Treafon, that Mr Layer, in the county of Effex, did publiſh a paper, with a defign to feize the Commander in Chief, the Tower, and Sir Robert Walpole and Lord Carteret, and fome principal perfons about the King. The publication of that treafonable paper which faid not a word. about the perfon of his Majefty, was diftinctly laid as an o- vert act of High Treaſon.-I know there were other acts laid in that indictment, as High Treafon, but I know alfo, . that that paper, publiſhed by Layer at Laytonftone in Effex, was laid, as an overt act of High Treaſon, feparately and di- ftinctly, and that paper, as proved by a perfon of the name of Lynch, did not contain a fingle word reſpecting the per- fon of the King, and the Judges who tried it, and the coun- fel who drew it, and the counfel who defended Mr Layer, never doubted the publication of that treaſonable paper, which contained nothing but a defign to feize the Tower, to lay hold of the Commander in Chief, Sir Robert Walpole, and Lord Carteret, and the other Minifters of the King,- I ſay they never doubted that the publication of that paper alone was a fufficient overt act of High Treaton; therefore, upon the whole of the matter, after making an apology for + the ፡ ( 40 ) the time I have been obliged to confume, if I can lay before you, any defign, which, in its direct and natural tendency, would endanger the life of the King, and any means uſed for carrying it into execution, or any confpiracy for execu- ting a deſign, which, if executed, would put the perſon of his Majeſty in peril, theſe are overt acts of High Treafon. My Lords the Judges, when they come to ftate the law, will correct me if I am wrong, if I have over-ftated in any particular, I ſhould be forry not to be corrected. I have en- deavoured to be as accurate as I could; if I have not fucceed- ed, my Lords the Judges will tell you, when they 'come to deliver their charge, in what I have done fo. Having faid fo much upon the law of the cafe, it is now incumbent upon me, to ftate to you the fact which I mean to bring within the law, only premifing, that confuit ing and agreeing to fuch a confpiracy and plan as I have ftated, is an overt act of High Treaſon, becauſe fuch con- fultation and agreement are means taken by the prifoner at the bar, if proved againſt him, to effectuate the intentions of his mind; therefore, if I fhould lay before you, proof of fuch confpiracy, or if I fhould lay before you, proof of the prifoner at the bar's agreement to fuch a confpiracy, of his confulting for the purpoſe of executing fuch a confpiracy as leads to a defign to put the perfon of the King in apparent danger, theſe are overt acts of High Treafon in point of law; whether I fhall prove them in point of fact, is for you to determine; I ſhall endeavour to ſtate the facts to you as fhortly as in my power. • Gentlemen, the facts which I have to lay before you, are not of a ſmall confpiracy of a few obfcure individuals, in am obfcure corner of this metropolis; it is a confpiracy that has ariſen indeed, from a ſmall-beginning, which at firſt put on the appearance of a defire to purfue legal objects, which has been carried on, by connection and conjunction with the fe ditious perfons in this and other parts of the country, which has been foſtered by means of clubs, which has been raiſed by means of committees, which has been carried on by the means : [ 41 ] means of the circulation of various feditious papers, indu- triouſly ſpread through the country, by feditious and trea- fonable focieties, both here and elſewhere, and which at laft, from finall beginnings, has grown into a defign to overſet the conſtitution of the country, and which, but for the vi- gilant interference of the magiftrates appointed by the con- -ftitution of the country, to guard the public peace, was nearly being carried into execution, and might, in its direct confequences, and immediate tendency, have deluged this kingdom, from the one end to the other, with blood. Such is the confpiracy I mean to charge upon the prifoner at the bar ;-forry I am to be obliged to ftate and prove it, but fuch is the nature of the crime I mean to prove; and in do- ing this, I fhall firſt ſtate to you, the plan and confpiracy it- felf, and then lay before you, the part which the prifoner acted in it, when and how far he acceded to it, and the means he ufed to render it fuccefsful and carry it into exe- cution. 3 You must know there have been for fome time paſt, in this country, meetings calling themſelves by various names, and affuming various forms, but in general, calling them- felves, or mifcalling themfelves, by the name of the Friends of the People. 1 You are not ignorant, that their firft object, their firſt pretended object at leaſt was, to petition Parliament to obtain what-they call a reform in the reprefentation of the people. You are not ignorant, Gentlemen, that theſe peti- tions, whether they were preſented really to obtain a reform, or whether they were prefented for the purpoſe of being re- jected, I don't know, but you are not ignorant that theſe peti- tions did not procure that redreſs which the petitioners defi- red.-Soon after, early in the year 1793, a new ſcheme, and a new plan took place.-The firft. piece of evidence which I fhall lay before you, is the beginning and com- mencement of that plan, in order to fhow you where it be- gan, and how it grew to the magnitude to which it after- wards attained.-The firft dawnings of the plan I have to lay $ F`. t [ 42 ] 1 | 2 you, lay before will be found in a letter which was fent te this country, by a perfon of the name of Hardy, who was fecretary to a` feditious fociety in London, of great magni- tude. Hardy wrote to a perfon every body knows in this country, one Skirving, informing him,- Our petitions, you will have learned, have been all of them unfuccefs- "ful; our attention must therefore be turned to fome more effectual means; from your fociety we would willingly "learn them, and you, on your part, may depend upon our adopting the firmeft, meaſures, provided they are confti- tutional."-To this letter Mr Skirying returns an an- fwer, and points out what he thought were more effectual t means. Mr Hamilton. My Lord Prefident, as the counfel has faid nothing yet upon thefe letters, your Lordfhip will de- cide whether it is fit to read letters of any kind if they are not to be uſed as evidence. Mr Anftruther. They are to be read as evidence. I do not mean to ftate to you the contents of a fingle paper which I do not mean to uſe in evidence. Mr. Hamilton. I fubmit to your Lordſhip if it is proper to read thoſe letters. LORD PRESIDENT, (to the jury). Gentlemen, You will not pay any attention to letters, unleſs they be afterwards regu larly proved before you. Mr. Fletcher. In this part of the buſineſs, the jury fhould abſtain from taking notes of any thing that paffes. my Mr Anftruther. At prefent it is my duty to ftate the evidence I mean to lay before you, I fhall ftate the contents of no letter, and the words of no paper which I do not mean to prove; but as the letters and papers make a part of ſtory, and I cannot ſtate the cafe without I ftate the con- tents of the letters, I rather chufe to do it from the words of the letters themfelves, than ftate the purport from any re- collection of mine. Gentlemen, I have told you the first letter written upon this fubject, was a letter which talked of more effectual means. In ༔ £ 43 ] In anfwer to that letter, the perfon to whom it was addref fed, whofe character and fituation I will prove to you, and whoſe hand writing I will alfo prove, returned an anſwer to his correfpondent in London, in which he perfectly agrees with him, that more effectual means of reform were now to be turned to. He then goes on to ſtate, that the meetings in England are what he calls an Ariftocracy for the good of the people; but the meetings in Scotland are the people themfelves. He then ftates, that he forefaw the downfall of the whole of this Government, and that they in this country had at once perfected the plan of their organization; and the reafon of perfecting the plan of their organization was, that when that time came they might be ready to act with unanimity, and not be occupied about organization, without which however anarchy muft enfue. The letter will be laid before you, and in that letter you will fee the firſt dawnings of a meeting which calls itſelf a Convention. It was no wonder, Gentlemen, that they turned their eves to this in- ftrument, as more effectual than petitioning; they had feen the powerful effect of a Convention in other countries, and they therefore turned their eyes to it as a more effectual means of a reform; and I grant it would be more effectual in carrying on this plan thian any petition whatever. You will fee throughout the whole of this letter I have to lay bes fore you the firſt project of a Convention; you will fee that a meeting was not intended for the purpoſes of reform, by petition to Parliament, or by legal means; when tlie Go- vernment of this country was to be diffolved and be at an end, an event they looked to not only as certain, but de- firable, then the gentlemen were to be ready with their plan of organization; then they were to act as a Convention affembled from, and reprefenting, all parts of the Kingdom. Theſe papers, I fay, contain the first project of calling à Convention of the people of this country; the only obfer- vation 1 fhall make on them is this, that you will fee from them it was not the intention of the perfons calling thems felves a Convention, it was not the intention of thefe perfons Fà ἐσ { [ 44 ] to proceed by petition to Parliament, but their intent was to proceed by their own force and authority, and not by the means of the legal organs of this Conftitution; to proceed by their own-willy and not by that of the legal Government of the country, to fupercede the legiflature in all its func-- tions, and to have recourfe to means of reform, to ufe their own words, more effectual than petitioning. If their defign was to proceed by their own authority, and that defign is proved to you,—if their defign was to take into their hands the Government of the Country, or to fuperféde for ever, or a time, the exifting Government of the Country; theſe are defigns which could not be effected without apparent danger of the King's life, and I have no fcruple to fay, are High Treafon whether fuch a defign be proved in the fequel of this trial, will be a matter for you to confider :. 1 Gentlemen, foon after this plan was formed, a body, un- known to this Conftitution, met in Edinburgh, calling itfelf a Britiſh Convention; at firft it did not affume that name, but it met towards the latter end of last year, compofed of perfons deputed from different parts of this Kingdom, of different focieties in England and Scotland; its views and objects, its plans and intentions you will have to judge of. If upon the whole matter, you fhall be of opinion its views were legal, if the means intended for the execution of thofe views were peaceable and conftitutional, then there. is no harm in that Society; but, if you fhould be of opinion upon the whole matter, that its views were unconftitutional and illegal, that the means by which they intended to carry thoſe objects and views into execution, were to fuderfede the legiflature of which his Majefty is a part, to carry on its plans by its own force, power and authority; it is nothing more nor leſs but an intention to fuperfede the legiſlation, to take into its hands the power of Government, and at leaft for a time, to depofe and put afide his Majefty from the legal authority vefted in him by the conftitution: whe- ther that was the purpoſe of the Convention or not, will be for you to judge, I fhall point out fome of its acts. Gentlemen, 2 : ( 45 ) (45 Gentlemen, when this meeting was formed, I have fai it was attended by perfons from various parts of this king- dom, fome from England and fame from Scotland; and I muft call your attention to a part of the inftructions from the London Correfponding Society, to which Hardy, the writer of the firft letter I have mentioned, to Margarot and Gerald, their delegates, was Secretary, dated the 24th of October 1793. Thefe inftructions will be proved; they con- tain a direction to thofe delegates to refift the authority of the legiflature in cafe the legiflature fhould do a particular act. Sect 7. of thefe inftractions, ftates, "That it is the duty "of the people to refift any Act of Parliament repugnant "to the original principles of the Conftitution, as would be "every attempt to prohibit affociations for the purpoſe of "reform." Is this any thing more or less than a reſolution to refift the legiflature of this country in the exercife of its au- thority, a confpiracy to intimidate the legiſlature from acting fairly in the execution of its duties, and a determination to fet at defiance King, Lords and Commons, and the law it- felf, and to refift their authority, if they did not act, as this felf created Convention might think, conftitutionally. With thefe inftructions their delegates came down to this country; when they arrived, this Convention formed itfelf upon the model of another Convention in another country, and took the name of the British Convention, and formed itſelf into depart- ments; it uſed all the cant phrafes and forms uſed in France, had its fections, its departments, granted honors of the fittings had its primary affemblies and provincial departments, and ab- furdly dated its minutes, Firft year of the Britiſh Convention one and indivifible. I know you may be told becaufe juries have Been told, there is no harm in ufing French phrafes, there is no harm in ufing.cant names. Taking that as an abſtract propo- fition, it is unquestionably true; but you that are fet there to judge of the views, intentions, and plans of men; you can judge of the intentions of men by no other means than by the acts of men; therefore if you fee men adopting the acts, fallowing the plans and ſchemes, and taking the names and forms } 1 [ 46 ] J } → forms of particular focieties of a particular deſcription, I do not think you will have much difficulty in drawing the in- ference, what the views and objects of theſe men are. It is not from names and forms alone you will collect the views and intentions of this affembly; you, will find thefe men, after they took the name of the Britiſh Convention, difcuf- fing and fettling the plan for the meeting of future Coven- tions in other circumftances and places, as if a Convention was to be a permanent body in the legiflature of this coun- try; in the early part of it, before it had affumed that name, motions were made, fome for the purpoſe of petition ing Parliament for a Reform; and what I would call your attention to is this, that from the moment it affumed the name of the Britiſh Convention, all idea of petitioning Parliament for a Reform was abandoned; whenever pro- poſed, the order of the day followed; whenever hinted at, it was negatived. After this Convention had proceeded fome ſteps farther, after it had affumed the form which I have defcribed, after it had done the acts which fhall be given in evidence to you, and from which you will be able to judge of their intentions and views, fome refolutions were propofed and adopted with a fingular and extraordinary degree of folemnity, too bold even for the Convention it- felf to venture to place them upon their minutes. Whether this refolution amounts to proof of a conspiracy to reſiſt the legiflature of this kingdom, and to refift and oppofe the laws of this country, will be for you to judge; to me it feems de- cifive evidence of a defign not to rest fatisfied with the wholefome laws of their ancestors, not tó petition the Houſes of Parliament, or apply for redrefs by legal and conftitutional means, but a fettled confpiracy to oppofe every act of Par- liament that ſhould militate againſt what they ſhould pleaſe to call the conftitution of thefe kingdoms, and not only to proceed in their confpiracy, until compelled to defiſt by fu- perior force, but to provide a means of refiftance and a mode of rebellion, in cafe the exertions of legal authority and the conſtitutional powers of the executive magiftrate fhould * ! [ 47 ] i 1 fhould difperfe and ſcatter them. Some of the refolutions I allude to, I will read to you. "Refolved, that the following declaration and refolutions "be inſerted at the end of our minutes, viz. "That this Convention confidering the calamitous con- "fequences of any act of the Legiſlature which may tend "to deprive the whole or any part of the people of their "undoubted right to meet, either by themſelves or by de- "legation, to difcufs any matter relative to their common "interest, whether of a public or private nature, and hold- ❝ing the fame to be totally inconfiftent with the firſt prin- "ciples and fafety of the fociety, and alfo fubverfive of ❝our known and acknowledged conftitutional liberties, do hereby declare, before God and the world, that we ſhall "follow the wholeſome example of former times, by pay- ❝ing no regard to any act which fhall militate againſt the "conſtitution of our country, and ſhall continue to affem- "ble and confider of the beſt means by which we can ac- "compliſh a real repreſentation of the people and annual ❝ election, until compelled to defift by fuperior force. "And, we do refolve, that the first notice given for "the introduction of a Convention Bill, or any bill of a "fimilar tendency to that paffed in Ireland, in the laft "Seffion of their Parliament; + "Or any bill for the fufpenfion of the Habeas Corpus "Act, or the act for preventing wrongous impriſonment, ❝ and againſt undue delays in trial in North Britain; "Or, in cafe of an invafion, or the admiffion of any "foreign troops whatfoever into Great Britain or Ireland; "All, or any one of theſe calamitous circumftances ſhall "be a fignal to the feveral delgates to repair to ſuch place "as the Secret Committee of this Convention fhall appoint; " and the firſt feven members fhall have power to declare the fittings permanent; fhall conftitute a Convention, and twenty-one proceed to bufinefs." Thefe refolutions are of fuch a nature, that hardly a man who hears me, can doubt that they diſcloſe a conſpiracy to difobey 1 } [ 48 ]· diſobey the legiſlature in the execution of its duty, a con- fpiracy to be carried on and fupported by force; they fay, they will refift until compelled to feparate by fuperior force" force fuperior to what? force fuperior to that force which they had to bring against it ;-how is it poffible to conſtrue thefe words, without being of opinion that they point di rectly to fupporting their defigns by arms, and that they were determined to meet in fpite of the law of the country, till the fate of battle fhould decide who was to have the rule of this nation-Now, let me afk whether this be any thing short of a conſpiracy against the conftitution of this king dom, and whether it be not a deſign which could not pof- sibly be carried into effect, without apparent peril to the life of his Majefty? If it was fuccefsful for an inftant, he was in fact depofed from his throne, his authority as King gone, and the conftitution he has fworn to defend, and which it is his duty, as I am fure it is his wifh to fupport, at the hazard of his life itfelf, abfolutely annihilated. But it does not ſtop here, there is a farther part of the confpiracy, to which I muſt call your attention. "This Convention "doth therefore refolve, that every delegate, upon return “home, do convene his conſtituents, and explain to them "the neceflity of electing a delegate or delegates, and of eſtabliſhing a fund without delay, againſt either of theſe "emergencies, for his or their expences, and that they de « inſtruct ſuch delegates to hold themſelves in readinefs, at ἐσ one hour's warning." It is neceffary to call your at tention to this, not only becauſe you will find the prifoner at the bar, adopting this refolution, acceding to it, and act- ing under it, taking means to elect that delegate, taking means to prepare that fund to provide against the emergency ſtated in this paper; but, becauſe it clearly points out the means that were to be uſed to render this confpiracy fuccefs- ful, funds were to be provided, leaders were to be elected, who were to be ready at one hour's warning, to ſtep for- ward whenever the event happened, which was to rouſe them into rebellion against the law, the conftitution, and .. the ' 1 } : [ 49 ] * the King. To every part of this refolution, I will fhew the prifoner at the bar's complete acceffion, and I fhall lay be- fore you, all the means he took to carry it into effect; and what I have to charge upon him here, is a conſpiracy to reſiſt the legiſlature of this kingdom by force, and taking meaſures and providing means for carrying that confpiracy into execution. You are not ignorant that this meeting or convention was put an end to, and difperfed by the bold- nefs and activity of the perfon who then held the fituation of the firſt magiſtrate of this city, a perfon I am fure I need not name to you, one whofe merit you are well acquainted with, and to whofe conduct, on that occafion, his country is as much obliged, as perhaps it ever was to any perſon that e- ver filled that high ſtation, I mean Provoft Elder. I may be told, perhaps, what have I to do with this Convention at preſent, or what had the priſoner at the bar to do with it? It was difperfed and at an end; but I fhall fhow you, that that Convention, although difperfed, was ftill alive; the refoluti- on I have read, and another which immediately followed, and which was unanimouſly agreed to, is, that the moment of any illegal diſperſion of the Britiſh Convention, ſhould be confidered as a fummons to the delegates to repair to the place of meeting, appointed for the Convention of Emer- gency by the Secret Committee. Theſe two refolutions provi- ded againſt the event which took place, they kept alive the confpiracy in another form, and furniſhed the means of fu- ture rebellion. I fhall prove to you, that the priſoner at the bar adopted thofe refolutions, followed out thoſe plans, took means to collect that fund, and elect thoſe delegates who were to fet the Legiſlature at defiance, and provided and collected arms to render their plans fucceſsful, and their re ftance effectual.-The British Covention being difperfed, a plan reſulting from thoſe refolutions, and grounded on the difperfion of the British Convention, took place in Eng- land, of calling a Convention there; the nature of that Convention I fhall lay before you, and it is neceffary I hould, becauſe it will explain to you the nature of that Convention + G [ 50 ] } ļ Convention, to which the prifoner at the bar was to fend a delegate, for the fupport of whom he was to provide a fund, and for the maintenance of which, he was to fend money and collect arms. You will fee, that although a fimilar plan had been in contemplation in England, although the focieties there intended a Convention to be called, yet the immediate cauſe of that meafure, the peculiar reaſon which made it in their idea more immediately neceffary aroſe from the difper- fion of the British Convention, and that the refolution F have juſt read to you was acted upon, and the confpiracy I- have ſtated kept alive and proceeded on with vigor in both parts of the united kingdom. The firft confiderable meet- ing, after the period I am talking of, for the purpofe of calling this new Convention in England, was held at a place called the Globe Tavern in London. There the London Correfponding Society, one of thofe factious focieties which had fent delegates to the Britiſh Convention, met and came to certain reſolutions for the purpoſe of calling another Convention; thefe fhall be laid before you. I have only to ftate at prefent, that the leading feature of them was a refo- lution to call a general Convention, to take the Govern ment of this country into their own hands, to form a Go- vernment of their own, independent of King, Lords, and. Commons,and to frame their own laws and conftitution. They fay they must have a Convention of the people, and why? becauſe they will have redreſs from their own laws, and not from the laws of their plunderers, enemies, and oppreffors, From the papers which will be laid before you, you will háve no difficulty to diftover who they mean by their plun derers, enemies, and oppreffors; they mean neither more nor lefs than the King, Lords, and Commons of this kingdom; and if this be their meaning, you cannot doubt, that if they were to form their own laws,it was not by the authority of the Legiflature of this country, but by their own power and au- thority. They were to procure their own laws, not by the me dium of King, Lords,and Commons,but by forming laws them- felves. The Convention, therefore, which they propofed to 1 calla '' [ 5 ] + call, was meant to fuperfede the Legiſlative authority in the exercife of all its functions, When you come to read theſe refolutions, flowing from the very fociety which fent delegates to Edinburgh, figned by the very perfon who figned the instructions to thofe de- legates, it will be impoffible for you, not to remark the fin- gular and exact coincidence between thefe refolutions, and thofe of the Britiſh Convention I have read to you. The Convention is, (fay they) rendered neceffary, by the difper- fion of that in Edinburgh. It is to meet on the fame e- vents, it is to refift the government on the fame pretences, to affume the fame powers, and to be compofed in the fame manner as the Convention propoſed by the reſolution I have read to you, and to fuch a Gonvention was the prifoner at the bar to fend a delegate, for the fupport of fuch a body was he to provide a fund, and while the London Corre- fponding Society, and other bodies connected with the Bri- tiſh Convention, were playing their parts in the other end of the island, the prifoner and his affociates were not behind hand with them in this. The next important ftep in London, was, at a place called Chalk Farm, where the fame fociety met, and came to fome reſolutions, not very different from thofe of the Britiſh Con- vention, and as directly contradicting the authority of King, Lords, and Commons, in all their branches; and they there too declared that certain laws they will not abide by, they will not fubmit to, whether they have or have not the con- Ment of Parliament. * Now, Gentlemen; I have ftated to you a confpiracy, which has exiſted in this country,, the tendency and object of which was, to fuperfede the authority of the Legiſlature, and to reſiſt its decrees by force, after the difperfion of that meeting, by the ſpirit and exertion of the firſt magiſtrate of this city. I have ſtated to you the means that were taken, by thofe who had been fent delegates to that Convention, as it called itſelf, to call another Convention, to meet at another place; the nature of that Convention, when called, what it G 2 Was [ 52 ] 1 } $ 1 1 was meant to be by thoſe who meant to form it; what its nature and purpoſes were, you will learn, from the incontro- vertible evidence of their own refolutions, from which you cannot fail to fee, that their object was to form laws for them- felves, to fupport themfelves by their own authority, to refift andrepell,to ſuperfede and deſtroy the authority of the Legif- lature of this Kingdom; as the reſolutions at the Globe Ta- vern, the reſolutions at Chalk Farm in the neighbourhood of London, where they exprefsly refolved to refift certain laws, whether thoſe laws took place with or without the confent of Parliament, diſtinctly mark out what it is they meant to de- ftroy, and they meant to fuperfede; they meant to fuperfede what they call the hereditary fenators of this kingdom, they meant to fuperfede what they call the packed majorities of pretended repreſentatives of the people, they meant to fu- perfede the Legiſlative authority, and to raiſe themſelves up, as the governing power of this country in its ftead, to en- act fuch laws as they thought proper, to difobey fuch as they difliked, without the leaſt hint that they meant to leave the leaſt trace of the Conftitution, under which you now live, ſtanding. If you fhall be of opinion that this is the fair refult of the papers I fhall lay before you, if you fhall be of opinion they meant to fuperfede the authority of the Legif- lature, and the authority of King, Lords, and Commons, you cannot doubt that this is fuch a defign, which, if carried into execution, has a manifeft tendency to put his Majeſty's life in danger, in truth, it is nothing fhort of depofing the King from the throne, and putting an end to the authority of the government under which we live. 1 Such were the proceedings (which I don't ftate more at length, becauſe they will be read to you) of thoſe focieties in London, which met for the purpoſe of calling a Conven- tion. While theſe proceedings were carrying on, and theſe re- folutions adopted, letters, figned by the name of Hardy, were written, and diſperſed all over this country, to incité the people to call another British Convention; I mark thefe words, { 事 ​[ 53 ] words calling together another BritiſhConvention becau if I can fhow the priſoner acting upon this letter, or upon the reſolution of the Britiſh Convention which has been read to you, of the nature of the Convention he meant to call, you cannot doubt it was to be another Britiſh Conventi- on of the ſame nature, and tendency, and with the fame views and objects as the firft. The letter fpeaks for itſelf, its meaning no man can miſtake; I will read it to you without a comment :— + " CITIZENS, ་ "THE critical moment is` arrived, and Britons muſt ei- "ther affert, with zeal and firmneſs, their claims to liberty, "or yield without refiftance to the chains that miniſterial "ufurpation is forging for them. Will you co-operate with "us in the only peaceable meaſure that now preſents itſelf "with any proſpect of fuccefs? We need not intimate to you, "that notwithſtanding the unparalleled audacity of a cor- "rupt and over-bearing faction, which at preſent tramples "on the rights and liberties of the people, our meetings "cannot, in England, be interrupted without the previous "adoption of a Convention Bill, a meafure it is our duty "to anticipate, that the ties of union may be more firmly "drawn, and the fentiments and views of the different fo- ...cieties throughout the nation be compared, while it is yet "in our power, ſo as to guide and direct the future opera- ❝tions of the Friends of Freedom.-Roufe then, to one "exertion more, and let us fhow our conſciouſneſs of this i important truth.-If we are to be beaten down with "threats, proſecutions, and illegal fentences, we are un- "worthy, we are incapable of Liberty. We mauft, however, "be expeditious; Heffians and Auftrians are already among "us; and, if we tamely fubmit, a cloud of theſe armed "barbarians may fhortly be poured in upon us. Let us "form, then, another Britiſh Convention; we have a cen- "tral fituation in our view, which we believe would be moſt convenient for the whole iſland; but which we for- bear ! } ( 54 ) 1 bear to mention, (entreating your confidence in this par- "ticular,) till we have the anfwer of the focieties with ❝ which we are in correfpondence. Let us have your` an- "fwer, then, by the 20th at fartheft, earlier if poffible, "whether you approve of the meaſure, and how many de- legates you can fend, with the number alſo, if poffible, of your focieties. 66 "We remain yours, "In Civic affection, "THE LONDON CORRESPONDING SOCIETY, "T. HARDY, Secretary." "For the management of this buſineſs, we have appaint- "ed a Secret Committee; you will judge how far it is necef- "fary for you to do the fame." • I may here be told, what is all this to the priſoner at the bar? and if I was to stop here, I fhould be told truly; but it is neceſſary I fhould fhow to you, firſt, the exiſtence of a confpiracy, the exiſtence of a plan to fuperfede the Legifla- tive power; and then, to show you the part the prifoner play- ed in the execution of it: and Gentlemen, perhaps you may be furprized to hear that the prifoner at the bar had any fhare in ſuch a conſpiracy, but you will not be more fur- prized than I was, when I heard that he was at all concern- ed in carrying on a plan of this nature. For it is no lefs ftrange than true, that hardly fo much as two years ago, the priſoner at the bar pretended to be a friend to the exiſting government of this country, and to be particularly intereft- ed in the ſafety and welfare of a perſon in a very eminent fituation in this kingdom, known to you all. He pretended to have a particular regard, not only for the Conſtitution of his country, but to the perfon, and to the character of the reſpectable and illuftrious perfon who fills the office of one of his Majeſty's Secretaries of State; he pretended, I fay, to be particularly intereſted in his welfare, and did certainly, about two years ago, write to him certain letters, offering to } [ 55 ] to give him information, reſpecting the proceedings of foci- eties,who then called themſelves by the name of the Friends of the People. } Gentlemen, it is unquestionably true that, that illuſtrious perfon (as it was his duty to do in his fituation) did return an anfwer to the letter written to him by the prifoner at the bar; that letter will be read to you; it is ſuch a letter as it was his duty to write, and it it is fuch a letter as, being his duty to write, I am fure he would write ; becauſe in every fitua- tion which he holds I am fure he will do his duty to his Sovereign and to the public. The anſwer from the Secretary of State informed him that he ſhould be happy to have any information he thought it fit Government' fhould know, leaving it to him to give what information he thought proper. After this period, the priſoner at the bar had ſome correſpondence with my learn- ed friend who fits next me, and ſome information he did give him refpecting the proceedings of a Society which calls itſelf the Friends of the people, and fome information he did give perfonally to Mr Dundas himſelf. What that was, as the priſoner has thought fit to ſubpoena my learned friend near me, when he is examined he will ſtate; and the whole correſpondence that took place between them, its nature, contents and limits, though he might fhelter himſelf under his fituation, and might demur till he knew the queſtions that might be aſked him, he will ſtate and lay before you. I have his authority for faying there is no queſtion he will not readily anſwer that can be aſked, or any correfpondence which took place he will not lay before you, if he has it, if not, he will ſtate to you its contents to the beſt of his recol- lection and belief. Whether the prifoner conveyed true or falfe intelligence to my learned friend is not for me to determine; if he is examined he will ftate what that information was. That correfpondence, fuch as it was, continued till ſome time about the middle of the year 1793. Anterior to the meeting of the Britiſh Convention, anterior to the treafonable con- fpiracy which I have stated to exift in this country, anterior to 1 [ 56 ] R to thofe reſolutions to refift the legiſlature and all legal au- thority, all correfpondence had ceaſed between the priſoner at the bar and my learned friend. Why that correſpondence ceafed is not for me to fay. I do not chuſe to ſtate to you either the applications which were made by the prifoner at the bar to my learned friend, or the confequences and event of thoſe applications. Whatever they were, if the priſoner at the bar wiſhes them to be laid before you, my learned friend will ſtate them to you fairly and fully. I fay nothing more than this, that from the month of September laft, or there- abouts, all communication, all correfpondence of any kind ceafed between the prifoner at the bar and my learned friend or the other Officers of Government. Now, Gentlemen, it is my duty, and very fhort I fhall bein ftating to you the conduct of the prifoner at the bar, prior to the ceafing of the correſpondence I have mentioned, I do not know that Mr Watt was a member of the meeting called the Friends of the People, and unleſs I can connect him with the acts of the British Convention, unless I can fhew you his intention of calling another Convention, and the means he took to elect delegates and provide funds for their fupport, and connect him with the conſpiracy formed in this country againſt the exiſting government of the ſtate, I cannot call upon you for a verdict upon the firſt part of this indictment-But you know, and my Lords will tell you, it is not neceffary for me to prove every overt act laid in the indictment; if I prove only one of the overt acts laid in the indictment, if that be an overt act fufficient in law, it is your duty to find him guilty. For this I fhall, before I proceed further, give you a direct and ſhort authority. Mr Juſtice Forfter fays, "if divers overt acts are laid, and but "one proved, it will be fufficient, and there muſt be a ver- * dict for the Crown; and therefore though divers overt acts s are laid and the indictment is faulty as to fome of them, it fhall not be quafhed, becauſe that would deprive the Crown "of the opportunity of proving other overt acts that are swell laid." If I prove that the prifoner took çertain means which 1 6.57 which in law are full evidence of his traitorous intentions and compaffings, and which are laid in the indictments overt acts of High Treafon, it is of no importance whether I fail in the proof of others or not; becaufe I have then proved enough to fupport the verdict of Guilty if I don't couple the prifoner at the bar with a confpiracy in this country, and if I don't couple the prifoner with à confpiracy in another country, it is your duty to find him not guilty, unless I prove against him other overt acts of High Treafon laid in this indictnient. I truft however I fhall have no dif- ficulty in proving him guilty of every part of it, as well as acting his part in the confpiracy to fuperfede and overturn the Conſtitution of the Kingdom by means of a Convention as in the more direct but not lefs flagrant and wicked plans and ſchemes fet forth in the latter part of the indictment you are now to try. As foon as the activity of the Magiftrates and the force of the law had difperfed the Britiſh Convention, that body ceaſed to exift in the form of a Convention, but did not ceafe to exiſt in fact; for very foon after its difperfion, the Societies which had fent members to the Convention, and many of the members of the Convention itfelf, formed them- felves into another body for the purpoſe, as I fhall prove to you, of carrying into effect various objects of the Britiſh Convention, of keeping its fpirit alive, and of calling another Convention fimilar to that which was juft difperfed, the views and objects of which I have defcribed to you; what name they took immediately after the deftruction of this British Convention I cannot exactly tell, but I believe they called themſelves the Committee of Correfpondencé, or a General Committee; but whatever might be the name of that Committee, the priſoner at the bar was a member of it; the nature of it will be proved to you by the witneffes. I ftate to you its objects to be to carry into effect the views and projects of the Britiſh Convention, to elect a delegate or delegates to fend to another Convention that was to be called in England, and to provide a fund for defraying H + the 1 ( 58 ) + the expences of thofe delegates. And now you will fee the purpofe for which I called your attention fome time ago to the famous refolution of the Britiſh Convention. It was re- folved that every delegate fhould, on his return home, take meafures for procuring another delegate to be elected to re- preſent their ſociety in the enfuing Convention, and to pro- vide a fund for the expences of fuch delegate. Such was the object of the British Convention, and fuch the object of the Committee. I ftate therefore that the General Com- mittee or Committee of Correfpondence, did meet in con- fequence of and for the purpofe of carrying into effect the refolution of the British Convention. Mr Watt was a mem- ber of this Committee of Correfpondence; he became a member of that. Committee for the purpoſe of carrying into effect the refolution I have fo often mentioned, acceding there- by to the whole contents of that refolution, and acceding to, and acting in the confpiracy to refift the legiſlature of the country,, to repel the law, to refift by force, and to elect another Convention to be called a Britiſh Convention to meet in England, with the views, under the circumſtances, with the powers and for the purpoſes I have mentioned al- ready. If I prove that Committee exifting, and Watt acting in it, if I prove the Britiſh Convention deſtroyed in one fhape and raiſed up in another; if I prove Watt acting upon theſe views, I prove him acting and acceding to the whole of what I ftated. If that confpiracy be a traitorous confpiracy, and if the object of it was to fuperfede the legiflature of the country, I have proved enough to implicate him in all the confequences of theſe acts, however fatal.they may be. Soon- after the Committee of Correfpondence met, Mr Wats himſelf moved for the formation of a Committee of Union, the object of which was for the purpoſe of collecting the fenſe of the Friends of the People throughout Endinburgh, to further the views of the Britiſh. Convention, to further the fchemes planned by them, and above all, for the purpoſe of aiding and affifting in calling another British Convention to meet in England. 1 You 1 ( 59) 59 ). You will remark I ufe the words another British Conven tion, becaufe the prifoner, Watt, may poffibly flate to you that he meant by a Convention an innocent meeting, that he meant a Convention for the purpoſe of petitioning, that he meant a Convention for legal purpoſes, and to purfue its objects by ordinary means. I ftate to you, my Lords, and Gen. tlemen of the jury, and I truſt I fhall be able to lay before you evidence to fatisfy you that Mr Watt could have no fuch objects in view, becauſe he completely acceded to the refolution of the British Convention, whichwas a refolution to act by force, and to refift the authority of the legiflature. He completely acceded to the calling another British Con- vention, the meaning of which he could not be ignorant of. You can hardly believe that a perfon would accede to the calling another British Convention, without knowing what the nature of that Convention was, without knowing its views and without having examined its objects. The only poffible conclufion from the facts I have to lay before you is, that Watt acceded in calling another British Con- vention, and that he knew the nature of that Convention, that was fo meant to be called by all thoſe perfons engaged in the confpiracy, to be what I have ſtated, and I truft Ifhall prove it to be a direct confpiracy againſt the government and conftitution of this country. The formation, or organization as they call it, of the Committee of Union, I fhall lay before you; and among o ther things, fpecial care feems to be taken in the very be- ginning for the protection of the members of that Commit- ´tee. Their powers are fo large that I don't know what far- ther remained to be given; their powers are thus deſcribed : As repreſentatives the Committee of Union are invefted "with every power their conſtituents can claim. The will of the constituent, at the appointment of his reprefenta- tive is, that he watch over his intereſt as a member of "the community.". Mr Hamilton. Mr Anftruther has ftated a very confider- able portion of the printed book which lies upon the table, H 2 and ( 69 ) } 14 で ​A and is now going on with papers; but I do fubmit humbly to your Lordships, that the Jury's minds are not to be im preffed with a repetition of evidence, which it is faid is meant to be given. I fay, the Counſel for the Crown are only en- titled in this ftage of the cafe, to ftate what is the fubftance they mean to bring forward; take it they will mention none but what is intended to be brought forward; to ſtate it ge nerally is all they have a right to do, otherwife there would be a repetition of it, which I underſtand to be contrary to law. LORD JUSTICE-CLERK. Is it contrary to law for a coun- fel to ſtate what he means to prove for the benefit of the Court and Jury, that they may know what is meant to be proved? Mr Hamilton. He is entitled to ftate the fum and fub- stance, but not to read the papers themfelves. Mr Anftruther. The nature of the objection is fuch, that I do not think it neceffary to ftate much in anfwer to it. It is my duty to lay before you the cafe I mean to prove for the Crown; I truft I fhall not ftate any thing to you which I cannot prove, but I have a right to ſtate to you and the Jury every thing which I mean to prove. Gentlemen, I was ftating to you what was the nature of the Committee of Union, of which Watt was a member, and cannot ftate to you more correctly the nature of that Committee, than by ftating their own words, and giving their own account of themfelves; it might be faid, if I were to make comments or paraphrafes upon the words of the Com- mittee of Union, I was ftraining the evidence meant to be laid before you. I therefore give you their own account of themſelves; their own acts will fpeak what they intended to do, and you will draw the conclufion. "FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES of the Societies. "Firft, The Committee of Union is compofed of perfons appointed by the people to look after their intereft; and are conſequently amenable for their conduct to the peo- #ple. Therefore the people have the power of depofing, " by ( 61 ) "by means of a petition to the Prefident of the Committee of Union, and by him reported to the Societies for miſcon- "duct in any of the reprefentatives. "Second, As reprefentatives, the Committee of Union “are inveſted with every power their conftituents can claim ; the will of the conftituent, at the appointment of his re- "prefentative is, that he watch over his intereft, as a mem "ber of the community; but the will of the conſtituent is the conftituent himfelf-Therefore, if a repreſentative is ❝ attacked in the diſcharge of his duty, his conftituents are "bound by nature, reaſon, and honour to defend him." i Gentlemen, the other regulations for the formation of this Committee of Union will be proved and laid before you; but I muſt call your attention to this, that in the very out- fet, care is taken to provide for the defence of the Com- mittee of Union itſelf. It is eſtabliſhed as a principle to which every perfon who fent a delegate to that Committee did accede, that if the repreſentative was attacked in the diſcharge of his duty, his conftituents were bound to defend him by nature, by reafon and honour. Thofe reprefenta- tives in the Committee of Union claimed every power the conftituents themfelves could claim; the extent of that pow- er they have not defined, and I cannot ſtate. This Com- mittee, with all the powers their conftituents could claim, met for the purpoſe of procuring delegates to be elected to another Convention, and for the purpofe of providing mo- ney for the expence of fuch delegates. Not content how- ever with the formation of fuch a Committee as I have de- ſcribed to you, another Committee was chofen, of which Watt was alfo a member, called by the name of the Com- mittee of Ways and Means. It was chofen by the Com- mittee of Union, from amongst its own members; the fo- cieties at large chofe the Committee of Union, the Com- mittee of Union chofe the Committee of Ways and Means. Watt was a member of the Committee of Union, and a mem- ber of the Committee of Ways and Means. This laft was a fecret Committee; it kept no books, it committed nothing to ( 62 ) • { to writing; it had a power of expelling any of its own members; it was a permanent Committee, and had the power of filling up the vacancies which might take place in its own body; it was to tranfact all the money matters of the Friends of the People; it was to collect money for defraying the expences of delegates; it was to collect money for all the other purpofes whatever, engaged in by the Friends of the People; and particularly it was to collect money for the ſupport of what they termed THE GREAT CAUSE. The Committee of Ways and Means, which was formed fome time about the beginning of March laft, proceeded immediately to act; it proceeded to elect a perſon to be their Treaſurer, whofe name was Downie. Watt was not Treaſurer, Downie was Treafurer of that Committee; that Committee, after it had exprefsly met to regulate all the mo ney matters of the Friends of the People, it thought it right to communicate with all the different focieties that exiſted in the different parts of this kingdom. Its firft act, as far as I know, for I have told you it was a Secret Committee, was to fend round to the different parts of the country, to recommend rules which it had framed for the regulation of all the other focieties. The object was to make itſelf the centre of the Friends of the People, the point of union for all the difaffected in Scotland, and to be the medium from whence all inftructions were to be gi ven. I beg particularly to call your attention to this, that the Committee of Ways and Means, of which Watt was a member, took upon itſelf to be the medium through which directions and inftructions were to be given to all the Friends of the People throug out the kingdom; it defired all people to put their money into the hands of its Treaſurer, Mr Downie, which was not to be accounted for or diſburſed at the will of the perfon that gave it, but was to be diſburſed in ſuch a manner as fhould be moſt calculated to promotė the GREAT CAUSE. It directed the different Committees in the country to inform the Committee of Ways and Means f how 3 ( 63 ) how many Friends they had whofe patriotiſm they could rely upon with moft explicit confidence, and who would pare no exertions in promoting the Great Caufe. It conſiſted of five members only. You therefore fee, that if this plan was to be carried into execution, all Friends of the People in Scotland were to truft and implicitly obey the orders of the Committee, who were to difburfe their money as they thought fit, and who difperfed their directions from one end of Scotland to the other. This plan and thefe directions will be laid before you in a printed circular letter, fent by the prifoner at the bar to the different parts of the country, by one of the ambaffadors of this felf-created Committee, to every word of which I re- queft your particular attention. As one leading part of the duty of this Committee was to afe means to procure another Convention, as it was part of their project to carry into effect the laft refolution of the Britiſh Convention, and to co-operate with the difaffected and feditious in every part of the kingdom, in the execution of this fcheme, while on the one hand it formed itſelf as the focus of fedition in Scotland, on the other it cloſely connected itſelf with the feditious in England. I have al- ready ſtated to you the letter figned by Hardy, which was fent to this country. One of the first acts of Mr Watt and his Committee, was to meet for the purpoſe of anſwering. that letter, for the purpofe of opening a correfpondence with the London focieties, for the purpofe of aiding their views' and furthering their projects of calling another Britiſh Convention. Indeed his project and theirs were one and the fame, namely, to procure another Convention to meet to refift the authority of the exifting Government and mould the Constitution at its will. And having coupled Watt with the Britiſh Convention, by his adopting its views and fol- lowing up its objects, having coupled him with this meet- ing for the purpoſe of electing delegates and collecting mo- ney for the expence of thofe delegates when chofen, I con- nect ( 64 ) 1 hect Watt again with the Convention that was to meet in England; for I will prove him fitting in Committee and in confultation, for the purpofe of entering into a correfpon- dence with Thomas Hardy for the purpoſes I have ſtated, of calling a Britiſh Convention to meet in England, of the nature and with the powers and for the purpoſes that have been explained to you. Another of the acts of the Committee of Ways and Means was an attempt to debauch the foldiers of this country, to feduce the Fencibles who were then on their march to Eng- land, and were actually quartered at Dalkeith. I will prove that Watt and other members of that Committee met, com- pofed, printed, and circulated a paper calculated to ſeduce from their duty, the foldiers of his Majefty called the Fén- eibles, while quartered at Dalkeith. The intention of thist paper is fo plain that I fhall make no comment upon it, it will be laid before you, and it is impoffible you can read it and miſtake its meaning. I leave it to your good ſenſe to read this paper and fay whether it does not attempt to in- ſtil into the minds of the foldiers an idea that if they left this country, the Government or its friends and ſupporters would butcher their wives and children whom they had left behind them, and whether it does not inftigate them to mutiny and revolt, and hold out to them the promiſe of the fupport of thoufands in their rebellion. Such is the idea endeavoured to be conveyed, and that paper I will bring home diftinctly to Mr Watt. I will prove the types from which it was printed, fet, and ftanding in his houſe; I wilk prove his being prefent when it was compofed, and when' directions were given to a perfon where to get a parcel of thoſe papers that perfon went and got them by theſe di- rections, and having received them, he carried them by the direction of the Committee of Ways and Means to Dalkeith, and delivered them into the hands of the foldiers. Thus will I trace the paper from the priſoner at the bar to the hands of the foldiers at Dalkeith. This was not the fingle act of Watt acting in his individual capacity, but the act of * Watt } ( 65 ) J • Watt in what he called his repreſentative character, acting as a member of a public body, called a Committee of Ways and Means. After this Committee had taken the meafures I have ſtated, for the purpoſe of calling another Convention ; after it had organized itſelf as the centre of fedition in Scot- land; after it had fet agoing an attempt to debauch the ar- my at the very meeting which was called for the purpoſe of anfwering Hardy's letter, and entering into a correſpondence relative to a new Convention, Watt himfelf, at that time, and under theſe circumstances, laid before the Committee a dif- tinct and deliberate plan for destroying and overſetting the -exiſting Government of this country; the parts of this plan will be proved to you; I ftate them to be thefe: Mr Watt, at a meeting of that Committee, acting as a member of that Committee, produced a plan to be carried into exe- cution by the Friends of the people, the outlines of which were, that a fire was to be lighted at, or fome place near the Excife Office, to attract the foldiers in the Caftle; when they marched out to extinguifh the fire, they were to be met by a party of the Friends of the People. Mr Watt, a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, acting for the Friends of the People, propofed that a number of them fhould meet the foldiers on their march to the Excife Office, another party were to be ſtationed near the head of the Weſt Bows another at the Luckenbooths, the foldiers were to be en- clofed between thefe bodies, to be furprifed, deftroyed, or made prifoners: this done, the Judges, and particular- ly my Lord Juftice-Clerk, were to be feized and impri- foned, then they were to feize every Banking Houſe in the city of Edinburgh, and to get poffeffion of the Caftle itſelf, and a proclamation was to be iffued and diſperſed by couriers all over the country, ordering all the farmers and dealers in corn, grain, and meal within this kingdom, to…. bring in their grain and corn to market as ufual upon pain of death, and commanding all country gentlemen to keep in their houſes, or at leaſt not to depart from them to any diſtance exceeding three miles under the fame penalty. 1 I When [ 66 ] When this plan was carried, and when thefe objects were obtained, an addrefs was to be ſent to his Majefty, command. ing his Majefty to put an end to the war, change his Minif, ters, or take the confequences; fuch was the plan of Mr Watt propofed in the Committee of Ways and Means. I will prove it diſtinctly by evidence which cannot be miſtaken, and then I will leave to you to fay whether it is not a con- fpiracy to overturn the Government of this country, and whether, if I were to drop every thing relative to the Con- vention, I have not fhewn a fcheme, and laid before you a plan, which muſt in its natural confequence and apparent tendency, put the life of the King in danger and peril, a plan to depofe the King from his Royal Authority, a plan for the purpoſe of reftraining his Majefty, compelling him to do certain acts otherwife than he would do if left to him- felf. But you cannot forget that this is not the plan of a folitary individual, not the plan of Watt only, or thoſe three or four people that met in the Committee of Ways and Means, but the plan of a repreſentative of the Friends of the People, acting for the purpoſe of calling another Convention, and for the purpoſe of having delegates to meet in England, and doing all this at one and the fame time, Then let me afk whether it be poffible for any man to ſay that theſe perfons had innocent objects in view in the calling this Convention, when they took fuch means to carry their objects into effect and execution? Before this plan was to take effect, all the Friends of the People were to be armed; indeed you will naturally imagine that fuch a plan could not be fuccefsful without arms; but that is not all; to perfect the plan and to acquire forces to carry it into effect, a perfon of the name of Fair- ley was fent on a circuit or embaffy round the country; he carried with him the circular letter and other papers I have mentioned, from the Committee of Ways and Means; he was empowered to collect whatever money he could, and fend it to the Committee of Ways and Means, for the fup- port of the Great Cauſe, to circulate the papers I have men- tioned, to diſcover the fentiments of the different focieties, tą 1 [ 67 ] · -tô found them upon the ſubject of arming, and to find out how many in each place might be depended upon for the exe cution of the GRAND PLAN which was about to be executed, and which provided, as they termed it, for every thing Mr Watt and the members of that Committee took upon them- felves to act, as if they were already in poffeffion of all ti e au- thority which the fuccefs of their project could give them, and gave under their hands and feals, the inftructions to direct him in his peregrinations through the country; what the inſtructions were, will be proved; I fhall-not ſtate them more at length. What the GRAND PLAN was, which was to provide for every thing, what the GREAT CAUSE was in which they were engaged, what the project was for which names were to be collected, whofe utmost exertions might be re- lied on, what the object was for which arms were, upon - various pretences, to be placed in the hands of the Friends of the People, you will be at no lofs to difcover. Fairley faith- fully performed his embaffy; he went to Stirling, to Campfie, to Saint Ninians, to Glaſgow, Paifley, and other places; what he did at fome of thoſe places, and particularly at Upon his return, like a Stirling, will be proved to you. faithful meffenger, he made his report to the Committee of Ways and Means, and reſtored, as he was directed, his in- ftructions and credentials. Upon that, in order to induce the people more readily to arm, and in order to facilitate the plan, reports were fpread among the focieties of the Friends of the People, that the Gentlemen of Goldfmith's Hall were getting arms. Reports were fpread of the French land- ing; that the Friends of the People would be put in a double fituation of danger, that they would be butchered by ariftc- crates on one hand, and by the French on the other, bc- caufe the French would not know them; all thefe reports werc ſpread for exciting the people to adopt the p'an mois readily. Mr Watt and the Committee of Ways and Means, about the time that Fairley was fent upon that miffior, en- ployed perfons for the purpofe of making arms. Watt went to a perfon of the name of Orrock, who will be produced to I 2 you 1 + [ 68 ર you, and informed him, he had an order from Perth for making four thouſand pikes, employed him to make a number to be fent thither, and told him that more would be wanting to be difpofed of here. Many pikes were made by Orrock, and many will be produced to you here, which were found, ſome at Orrock's, and fome at Watt's. It will be proved that Orrock was not the only perfon employed in this bufinefs; Mr Brown, in another part of this city was alſo employed in making pikes. For what purpoſe theſe pikes were to be ufed you can hardly doubt; the witneffes wilk tell you they understood they were to be ufed for the purpoſe of the Great Plan, which would provide for all and anſwer for all. About the fame time of the miffion of Fair- ley, another officer of the Friends of the People was elect- ed, called a Collector; every diſtrict was to furnish,one for every ten or twenty of its members; they were to commu- nicate directly with the Committee of Ways and Means, to have a permanent prefes, and be immediately under its au- thority. The buſineſs of theſe collectors was to collect, to uſe their own phraſe SENSE and MONEY, the opinions of the peo- ple andwhat money they could; but another not lefs important part of their bufinefs, which was more fecret and only com- municated to the permanent prefes of thefe collectors was, that they were to have the diſtribution of the pikes and the com- mand of the parties; a number of thofe pikes will be pro- duced before you, which Watt défired to be carried down to the meeting of the Collectors; the anſwer was, I will not take them now, I cannot trust the Collectors as yet. ! Gentlemen, theſe are the facts I have to lay before you; I truſt I fhall prove them, and if I do, you can hardly doubt they will amount to High Treaſon. I ftate the plan to be to overturn the legiflature of this country, to fuperfede the King in his authority, and to fu- perfede the legislature in the exercife of all its functions. I flate the Committee of ways and means to be acting for that object, and Mr Watt as one of that Committee of ways and means, as one of that fecret Committee of the Friends of the [ 69 ] 1 the People, to have met and conſpired to overturn the con ftitution, not as an individual, but as a member of that Com- mittee of Union and of the Committee of Ways and Means, to accelerate the downfall of the conftitution, to facilitate the meeting of that Convention, which was to frame its own laws, to render eafy the election of thofe delegates, who were to refift the united authority of the legislature, to affiſt the great caufe; the Caſtle was to be ſeized, the Judges and Ma- giftrates deſtroyed, and the King himſelf compelled to yield to the demands of the confpirators, arms were bought and provided, perfons were fent round the country to collec force and feduce the fubjects from their allegiance; pikes were to be diftributed, and leaders were appointed. I fhall leave it to my Lords the Judges to fate whether, in point of law this was not a fort of confpiracy, which if executed, necef- farily puts the perſon of the King in danger and peril; and whether, in point of law, theſe facts if proved, be any thing fhort of High Treafon. I am fure, you Gentlemen of the jury, when you come to confider the law and the fact, will do honour to yourſelves and to your country by what- ever verdict you fhall think it your duty to pronounce. I fhall now proceed to call the evidence in the order I have ſtated; it was neceffary I fhould ftate it at fome length, in order that you fhould fee the tendency of it as it is given; but I have only to conclude with this fingle ob fervation which I defire you to remember diftinctly. I have laid before you the facts which I think I can prove, for the purpoſe of explaining to your underſtanding the bearings of the evidence; but you will recollect that although I have Atated the facts as a fort of clue for the purpofe of your un- derſtanding the evidence, you are to lay out of your minds all the facts I have ſtated if I do not prove them; it is from the evidence you are to determine and from that alone. Mr Hamilton-I wifh to give notice to the other fide of the bar, that the evidence for the Crown fhould be enclo- fed. Lord Ľ 70 ] Lord Advocate.-I gave fuch directions, I hope they are fo. I fhall not proceed a ſtep further, till I know that all the other witneffes are encloſed, except the Lord Provoſt, and Mr Sheriff Clerk. MR EDWARD LAUZUN, Sworn. Mr Anstruther.—Q. Who are you? A. I am one of his Majefty's meffengers. Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Hardy? A. Yes I do Sir. Q. Did you feize any papers in his houfe, in the courfe. of laft fummer? A. Ì did, on the 12th of May, on a Monday morning. Q. Have you any of thofe papers? A. I have them in my hand. Mr Hamilton.—My Lords, it is my duty, in diſcharging the truſt that is repofed in me by the prifoner at the bar, to ſee that this trial is conducted in the moſt regular man- ner, and that no circumflances may be laid hold of that may prejudife him ; and alſo, that no reflections may be made upon myſelf, tending to fhow that I have not diſcharged my duty with propriety.-I underſtand it to be the practice, and underſtand it to be the law, with refpect to High Treaſon, laid down by the Statute of Henry VI. as well as by that of King William, that there must be two witneffes produced to an overt act. I underſtand Mr Anftruther alfo, when he ſays, one witneſs to one overt act, another to another is fuf- ficient; but I underſtand, the profecutor is not entitled to lead any evidence to an overt act not laid in the indictment. I admit there is an exception to that general rule, according to the practice of the law; though he is not entitled to lead evidence with reſpect to an act not laid in the indictment. You may lead evidence with respect to an act, provided it tends to corroborate that which is fpecifically laid in the in- dictment.—There is another point which I contend is in my favour.-I fay you cannot lead any evidence in regard to any extraneous fact, foreign to the iffue, until fuch time A9 1 4 [71] i as you have eſtabliſhed and proved an overt act laid in the indictment. And now I come to the objection in point of order. The objection is, it is neceffary for the profecutor, in the firſt place, to ſubſtantiate and prove an overt act laid in the indictment brought home to the priſoner at the bar, before he goes to extraneous matter, whether done in London, or in any quarter of the globe, whether within twelve months, or done a century back from hence. Mr Anftruther.I do not exactly know how the objecti- on can ariſe to the queftion I was about to put -I am fure nobody will fuppofe it is neceffary for Mr Hamilton to fay any thing for the purpoſe of clearing himſelf from the in- putation being caft upon him;-there is nobody here who does not know his ability and readineſs to perform his duty. As to the ſtatement of the law, as laid down by Mr Hamil- ton, I take it to be perfectly correct. The ftatute requires two witneffes before a perfon can be found guilty of High Treafon; but, at the fame time, Mr Hamilton fairly and candidly ſtated alſo, that one witnefs to one overt act, and one witneſs to another overt act, are all that is neceffary.- It is alſo true, an overt act not laid in the indictment, can- not be proved, that is to fay, it cannot be proved as an o- vert act; but a fact, not laid in the indictment, may tend to prove an overt act laid ;—neither of theſe points, however, are the grounds of objection.—Mr Hamilton's objection is, that I must prove an overt act laid in the indictment, before Į can produce any evidence whatever.-If I do not prove an overt act laid in the indictment, the priſoner muſt be ac- quitted; but it is impoffible I can begin at the wrong end of a ſtory.—I am to prove Watt's acceffion to a treaforable conſpiracy; before I can prove that, I muſt prove ſuch a thing as a confpiracy to exift—I am entitled to ſhow a plot in general, before I come to give evidence of the priſoner being concerned in it.-All the Judges of England, in the Houſe of Lords, at the trial of Viſcount Staffor, held the law to be fo.-The very objection was made againſt giving } វ ( 72 ) giving evidence of a plot, without fhewing the prifoner was implicated in it;-the anſwer was, it is time enough to make your objection, when I come to that part which implicates vou. I believe the fame courfe was followed, both by the Houſe of Lords and the Judges in 1745, and 1746; ia thofe trials, the courfe was to prove a rebellion in Scotland, and then to prove the part the prifoner had in that rebelli- on. Mr BARON NORTON.-I don't underſtand the evidence that is to be objected to; it is not yet brought before us. Mr Hamilton.--The objection ſtrikes me thus.-By this evidence, a plot is faid to be exiſting in England, not a plot exifting in Scotland; and it is furely the overt act of a plot exifting in Scotland that the profecutor is to give evidence of, but not of a plot in England. Lord Advocate.—Mr Anftruther explicitly opened that a confpiracy did, and has exifted in Great Britain, which confpi- racy, whether in England or Scotland, is what the priſoner at the bar is acceffary to;-there is no objection made to the plot being in England, it is a plot in this great empire, to which, both in England and Scotland, we ſhall prove Watt acceffary. LORD CHIEF BARON.-As to the ftating of Mr Anftru- ther, it appears to me perfectly proper;-fo far as I can con- jecture, the questions that have been put are proper, and he is taking a proper method to proceed; he has ſtated a plot in England, which was transferred to Scotland, and to which the priſoner at the bar is acceffary; and what is proper to be done in this cafe? the whole plot may be brought before the Jury, and it is neceffary to prove a plot firft exifted- this I conjecture from Mr Anftruther's statement, and I am clearly of opinion, he is right in examining the evidence as he is doing. LORD PRESIDENT.-It appears to be an objection no ways material. It appears to me the examination begins in the proper way. LORD CHIEF BARON.I apprehend Mr Anftruther will conduct í } [ 73 ] conduct it in the way maft intelligible to the Court and Jury; the fair and proper way is, to prove the Corpus delicti. I know of no order in a criminal proceeding; he may exa- mine witneffes in what manner he thinks proper to prove the charge, Mr Anftruther.Q(to Mr Edward Lauzun.)Did you fearch Hardy's houſe? A. Yes, I did, Sir. Q. Did you find any papers there? A Thefe are part of them that I have in my hand. Q. Did you find among them a letter, dated 25th May, 1793, and figned by a perfon of the name of Skirving? A. Is that the letter, Sir, you mean? (The witness pro- duces a letter.} A. That is not the letter I mean. I mean one of the 25th of May, 1793. A. This is it I believe. Q. See if that is dated. A. It is the 25th of May, 1793. Q. How is it figned? A. Wm. Skirving, Q. Will you look if you have a letter of the roth of June, 1793, figned by Margarot and Hardy;-have you got it in your hand? A. Yes, I have. Q. How is it figned? A. There is no name to it, it is M. M. and T. H. Q. Did you find any printed papers in Hardy's poffeffi- on? A. Several, Sir. Q: Did you find any printed circular letters, figned T. Hardy? • A. I believe I did, Sir. Q. Did you find that letter? A. Yes, Sir. Q. That letter you found in Hardy's poffeffion? (Shewing him another letter.) K Yes * ૩ } 1 [ 74 ] * A. Yes, Sir, that letter I found in Hardy's poffeffion, Mr Knapp.—It is a printed letter, figned "T. Hardy." Mr Anftruther.I mean to prove it was found alſo ag Perth, and different places in Scotland, which will be evi- dence of the generality of the plot. Lord Advocate.-I defire this witnefs to remain in court, if you have no objection. Mr Anftruther.-(to Lauzun) You muſt take thoſe pa- pers with you, and bring them in again. It will be necef fary, as this witnefs is to be produced in another caufe, he fhould keep the papers in his own cuftody, Q: Do WILLIAM SCOTT, Sworn. you remember in December 1793, Mr Skirving being apprehended? A. Yes. I do. 1 Q. Tell the ſtory yourſelf, in your own way. A. On the 4th of December 1793, a meeting took place with the Lord Advocate, the then Sheriff of Edinburgh Mr Pringle, and myſelf, to confider what was proper to be done as to the meeting then fitting at Edin burgh, ftiling themſelves the Britiſh Convention; when it was agreed upon and confidered to be abfolutely requifite that the leaders of that meeting fhould be taken into cufto- dy and their papers ſecured, In confequence whereof I, as is ufual in fuch cafes, directly applied to, and obtained from the Sheriff, the warrants requifite, but which were not to be executed till next morning, as thofe against whom they were directed might not be found in their lodgings that night, or the papers wanted fecured. On the morning of the 5th, pretty early, the warrants were given off to the proper officers, with inftructions how to execute the fame; and as there was reafon to fuppofe that the minutes of the Convention, with other papers of confequence, would be found in Skirving's poffeffion, two of the Clerks in the Sheriff Clerk's office, viz, Mr Dingwall and Mr Mack, were fent along with the officer, who got the warrant againſt Skirving { t 15) Skirving to affiſt in ſecuring his papers, which were to be put into bags, carried with them for the purpoſe, and brought tở the office along with him for examination and inſpection be- fore the Sheriff, as it was confidered that a minute inſpection of the papers would take a confiderable time. He was accord- ingly apprehended that morning in his own houſe, his pa- pers fecured, and he and they taken immediately to the office, in the manner directed, for examination and infpection in preſence of the Sheriff. Q. What followed then ? A. So foon as the Sheriff came to the office, Mr Skirə ing was examined, the feals removed from the bags con taining his papers, and the papers infpected, when an inven- tory of fuch as appeared connected with the buſineſs on hand was taken; theſe papers marked and detained, and the others delivered to Mr Skirving. Q. Was you preſent? A. I was preſent at opening the bags containing the pa- pers, and affiſted at inſpecting and inventorying the fame. Q. Was Skirving preſent ? A. He was. Q. What became of them? A. They remained in my cuftody and the then Sheriff's until fent to the Crown Agent, with the precognition to prepare for the trials; and fince the trials were over, I bora rowed part of them from the Clerks of the Jufticiary, and got the remainder from Mr Warrender the Crown agent, fince which they have been in my poffeffion. Q. Should you know them again? A. Yes, from their being marked by me when inven- toried as above. Q. Have you any now? A. Yes, I have. Q. Produce thofe you have? A. Here is what is entitled, Scroll minutes of the Britiſ Convention. It confifts of 95 pages, and as that was con- fidered a material paper, we all figned our names on the back K 2 ! [ 76 1 2 back of it at full length; that is, the Sheriff Subſtitute Ma Davidſon, Mr Dingwall, Mr Mack and myſelf. Q. What is that? A. That is Minutes of debate of the General Commit- tee which met at Edinburgh after the arrival of the Engliſh delegates. Mr Hamilton. My Lord, it appears to me that the evi- dence as to thefe papers is entirely loft, the chain is broken; fo long as they remained in Scott's poffeffion, it will authen- ticate them, as being found in Skirving's poffeffion, but out of Scott's poffeffion, the chain is diffolved, and you cannot mend it again. It was mentioned to the laft witnefs that it was neceffary he fhould keep the papers for the fake of ano- ther trial to be had; but he did not fo formerly, fo the link is gone and it is impoffible for him to authenticate theſe pa- pers, and to prove them found in Mr Skirving's poffeffion. Mr Dundas. A ſhort queſtion will make it very clear. Q. Did you mark them? A. I did. LORD PRESIDENT. Let Scott be afked whether they are or are not the fame, and what reafon he has to believe they are the fame papers ? A. They are the identical papers I found my initials are upon them. Q. What is the printed paper ? } A. It is minutes of the General Committee wrote upon one of Skirving's letters. There is a letter from D. Stuart, dated London 16th October 1793, to Mr Skirving at the head of Horfe Wynd Edinburgh; another from Thomas Hardy from the Correfponding Society, 15th November 1793; another letter from Thomas Hardy of the 29th No- vember 1793. Q. Addreffed to whom? A. Addreffed to Margarot and Gerrald, delegates; the other was alfo addreffed to Margarot and Gerrald, delegates. Q. What is that in your hand? A. A letter from Henry Shipley, Nottingham, dated 6th July 1793, alfo addreffed to Mr Skirving-this is the Refolutions 1. [ 77 ] } Refolutions of the extraordinary General Meeting of the So ciety for Conftitutional information held at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, London, and directions to their delegates to the British Convention., Q. Was that paper taken out of Skirving's papers? A. It was. Q. What date is it? A. The 28th October 1793. Q. Look at thefe papers, and fee if you recognize theſe, and by what means you do fo-what is that you have in your hand? A A. It is a letter from Thomas Hardy to Mr Skirving, addreffed on the back to William Skirving, Secretary to the Convention and the Friends of the People, Edinburgh, dated London 17th May 1793. Here is another letter from the fame gentleman, of the 5th October 1793, directed to William Skirving at the head of Horfe Wynd, Edinburgh. This is Inftructions to Citizen Gerrald from the London Cor- refponding Society, dated 24th October 1793,figned Richard Hodfon Chairman, and Thomas Hardy Secretary, which is alfo marked Citizen Gerrald's Commiffion from the London Correfponding Society, 24th October 1793, figned by Thos. Hardy; another letter from Mr Hardy, dated 24th October 1793, directed for Mr Skirving, head of Horfe Wynd, Edinburgh, and that is the whole. Mr Dundas. Q. Did you feize any papers of Mr Mar- garot's, Mr Scott? A. Yes, I did. Q Look at thoſe and fee if you know them again, and tell us how you got them? A. On the fame morning of Thurſday the 4th of De- cember, another officer was fent to fearch the place where Margarot and Gerrald refided, being at the Black Bull Inn, Leith-street. Q. What is his name? A. Lyon; he found Margarot and Gerrald in the fame Inn, he took them into cuftody, and alfo their papers, when coming away A (4) away with the papers, Mr Margarot faid it would be more coñe venient to carry them in a trunk; accordingly they were put in a trunk, which Margarot lockt and kept the key; after being examined in the office, he was defired to deliver up the key, fo as the papers might be infpected, which he refufed to do; farther proceedings were delayed 'till next day, in hopes that he would then give up the key. But finding that he would not do fo, I applied for and obtained from the Sheriff a war- rant to open the trunk, and to bring Margarot and Gerrald to the office to be prefent; they came there, and the key being ſtill refuſed, a fmith was fent for to open the trunk, when Margarot took the key out of his pocket, held it in his hand, faying, if the meffenger took it from him he might have it, but not otherways: then the meffenger did take the key and opened the trunk, in prefence of the Sheriff, Margarot, Gerrald, myſelf and others; the papers were then inſpected, and fuch as appeared applicable to the bu fineſs on hand were inventorie and the others given up to Margarot and Gerrald. Q. What is that? A. It is a lettter figned Thomas Hardy, dated 24th No* vember 1793, directed,. Mr Margarot and Mr Gerrald, dele- gates from London. Q. Did you get any of Mr Sinclair's papers ¿ A. Yes, he was lodged in the fame houſe with Margarot and Gerrald. Q Was he one of the perfons apprehended on the war- rants which you obtained. A. Yes, he was, and was a member of the Britiſh Con- vention. Q. What meffenger took him into cuſtody? : A. Mr Lauzún. Mr Sinclair could not attend for exa mination that day, but his papers were brought by the offi cer the fame morning to the Sheriff Clerk's office, and re- mained there till Sinclair was well enough to be examined and have his papers infpected and inventoried. Witness. Here is Mr Sinclair's amendment of Mr Callen dara 1 £ 79 ] dar's motion; it was then marked by Mr Davidfon, by Mack and myſelf. Q. Did Sinclair find any of his papers there when he came to be examined? A. I think he did. Q. There is another paper entitled a motion of A. Cal- lendar; was that among Sinclair's papers too? A. Yes, it was alfo found amongſt his papers. Mr Dundas. Q. Were you in Nicolfon ftreet at the difperfion of the Convention? was you employed in that bufinefs? A. On Thurſday the 5th of December 1793, the Britiſh Convention was difperfed by the Magiftrates of Edinburgh, when affembled in their ufual place of meeting in Biack- friars wynḍ in Edinburgh; and the night following, the Convention having met in a wright's fhop in the Crofs Cauſeway, I accompanied Mr Davidſon the Sheriff Subſtitute, with others to affift in difperfing the fame, Q. Where is that? A. It was in Lady Lawfon's yard in the Crofs Cauſeway. Mr Davidſon went into the meeting before me, and on my coming in I found the place quite crowded to the door. Q. Who was in the chair when you went there? A. When I came into the room no perſon was in the Chair, but Margarot ſtanding very near it-the firſt thing I heard ſaid was, that the meeting were defired to recollect they voted themſelves a permanent Convention the laſt night. Q. Was it Margarot you heard fay this? A. Yes, he alſo addreffed himſelf to the meeting to this effect. As there was no perfon in the chair, he would take it; he was therefore called unanimoufly to take it, and he did fo. He moved they fhould proceed in their buſineſs, faying it was a petition to Parliament or to the King, that was under confideration, and Mr Gerrald was going to pro- ceed, when Mr Davidſon aſked of Margarot whether this was the Britiſh Convention, and being told it was, he ſaid he came there as Sheriff fubftitute of the County to dif perfe } [ 80 J perfe them, and if they did not do ſo he would compel them; Margarot faid force was neceffary to be uſed; where upon Mr Davidfon took Margarot, by the hand, and led him out of the chair, after which the meeting difperfed. 1 Q. Do you know Skirving's hand writing? A. Yes, I do. Mr Anftruther produced' fome papers again to Mr Scott, and aſked him if they were of Mr Skirving's hand writing. A. There is none of thefe Mr Skirving's hand writing, except his fubfcription to one of them. Q. You know it to be his fubfcription? A. Yes; neither of them in my opinion are Mr Skir- ving's hand writing, but there is his fubfcription to a letter addreffed to Mr Hardy, dated Edinburgh 25th May 1793 COURT. Q. Is that fubfcription to that letter his fub- ſcription? A. In my opinion it is. Q. What is that letter? what is the date? A. The 25th May 1793, (the three papers were put in), Mr Anftruther. We must read that letter. Crofs examined by Mr Hamilten. Q. How do you know Skirving's ſubſcription ? A. I have ſeen his hand writing often. Mr Erskine. Have you feen him write? A. I have. Lord Advocate. He fays he has feen him write, it is legal evidence. JOHN TAYLOR Sworn. Mr Anftruther. Q. Where do you live? A. In Fleet ſtreet in the city of London. Q. What is your profeffion? A. I am not in any, I have a fmall independency, Q. You live upon your property? A. I do fo, Sir. Q. Do you know fuch a fociety in London as the Lon don Correfponding Society? + I A A. I do, Sir. A { 81 :) Are you a member of that fociety? I was. *. 1 Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Hardy amotig them ? A. I do, Sir. Q: What is his first name? A. Thomas. 1 Q. Is he a member of the London Correfponding So tiety? A. He was. : QIn what character did he act? A. As Secretary to the Society at large. Q. Have you feen him act as fuch? A. I have, Sir. Q. Do you know his hand writing, Mr Taylor ? A. I do, Sir.. Q. Look at that? 1 A. To the best of my belief this is his hand writing. I have ſeen him write on the divifions feveral times, and to the beſt of my belief it is his hand writing. Mr Warrender. This is the certificate of Citizen Mara · garot's election to be a delegate to the Convention; that is one of the papers produced by Scott. The next is a letter from Mr Hardy to Skirving, dated 25th October 1793- Q. Is that his hand writing? A. It is Mr Anstruther. This a certificate of Gerrald, to be a dea legate of the British Convention. (Another ſhewn Mr Taylor.) Mr Taylor. That I believe to be his. Q. Thoſe are the articles of inftruction given to Mr Gerrald by the London Correfponding Society The figna- ture at bottom is T. Hardy Secretary? A. That alfo is his, (locking at the paper.) Mr Anftruther. That is a letter to William Skirving, Ses cretary to the Friends of the People at Edinburgh, in ans Ꮮ fwer 1 } [ 82 82. J fwer to the letter of the 5th of May; alfo a letter from Hardy to Skirving, dated the 5th of October 1793are there any more? A. This I alſo know; I believe that to be his hand writing. - Mr Anftruther. This is a letter from Hardy to Margarot and Gerrald, delegates from London, dated November 8th 1793 ? Witnefs. From the general character of this, I believe it to be his hand writing. Q A Thofe initials? Yes. Mr Anftruther. You believe this to be Hardy's hand writing? A. Yes; it is a letter from Hardy figned M. M. C. T. H. S. Counsel. Which we fay is Maurice Margarot, Chairman, and Thomas Hardy, Secretary; it is dated London 10th of June 1793, found amougft Hardy's papers. Mr Anftruther. Will you explain to the Court and to the Jury, the cenſtitution of the London Correſponding Society, as far as you know it? A. I understood the London Correfponding Society was a very large body of people, that they were divided into feveral divifions; I understood as many as 30, and number→ ed 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and fo on. The leading divifions were the 2d and 29th; thofe two I conftantly attended as member of the ad divifion and vifitor of the 29th; but I believe the whole amounted to about 14. I took minutes of what paffed ge nerally, always when I took them, it was after quitting the place among them. I have got a number of the divifions wrote down, which I have in my pocket if neceffary to produce. When they met, there was a General Committee, 1 under- ſtood to be a permanent one, confifting of a delegate from each divifion. This met on a Thurfday, the proceedings and conduct of that Committee on that day were always reported by a delegate of that divifion on the following meeting night. There [ 83 ] There was a Committee of Correfpondence and a Commit- tee of Secrecy, and lately there was a Committee of Emer- gency. Q. When was the Committee of Emergency formed? A. On the 12th of May in the 2d divifion, and on the 13th May in the 29th, in May laft. I hope I may have in- dulgence to refer to my notes. Q. Do you recollect a meeting of the Society at the Globe Tavern? A. I do. Q. Was that a general meeting? A. A general meeting, advertiſed as fuck. Q. Who was in the chair at that meeting? A. A perfon of the name of Martin, whom I afterwards learnt was an attorney by profeffion. Q. Was Mr Hardy there? A. Mr Hardy I faw there, I was not on that day a mem- ber of the Society. Q. May laft? A. May 1794: Q. What date was the meeting? A. Upon the 20th January 1794, at the Globe Tavern. Q. Do you recollect what paffed at that meeting, and what number were preſent? A. What number were preſent! there were a thouſand people; the crowd was ſo great that the floor in one room gave way, and they moved from the lower room to the upper one, ufually underſtood as the affembly room; the chairman and twelve perfons, Thelwall and Richter ftood in the orcheſtra, they moved the refolutions that were af terwards publifhed. Q. Theſe refolutions you fay were agreed to by the meet- ing, and afterwards printed?. A. They were.. Mr Anstruther. A. What paffed at that meeting? A. The chairman introduced a ſmall preface as to the in- tention of the meeting, which was to have thefe refolutions ¡L Z or f [ 84 ] 1 1 or addrefs, as it was termed, read to the meeting, and to take their opinion. } Q. Was that addreſs read? A. It was by Richter, and afterwards Thelwall the chair- man put the queftion, and they were carried by a fhow of hands, unanimoufly. Q. Do you recollect the fubftance of any of the fpeeches that were made? A. The time has fo long elapfed, or fome particular paf- fages I fhould. One of the refolutions was the General or Permanent Committee, of which I have before fpoken, was to meet every day, in order to watch the motions of Parlia liament, and if they faw any bill introduced to bring over foreign troops, or fufpend the Habeas Corpus Act, or pre- vent meetings for conſtitutional information, then they were to oppofe that, and repel force by force. Q. You have faid that thoſe reſolutions were afterwards printed? A. I have, Sir, Q. Have you any copies of theſe printed refolutions? A. I have, Sir. (A copy fhewn him.) Mr Taylor. That is one. Q. From whom did you receive that copy of the refolu tions? A. I received this from the hands of a perfon of the name of Moore, in the preſence of Hardy the Secretary, and up- on my requefting him to give me one, I faw feveral of thoſe reſolutions thrown about the room and diſtributed by Thel- wall and Richter, to the beſt of my recollection, I faw one in another perfon's hands, and I believe this to be the fame, I afked Thelwall for one, and at that time he faid he had none left. 1 Q. You received it from a perfon of the name of Moore, and you faw feveral of thoſe refolutions thrown about the room, and diſtributed by Thelwall and Richter? A. Yes 1 } 1 Q. Did i [ 85 ] Q. Did you receive it as a refolution of that meeting? A. I did. Q. You went there on purpoſe to get it ? A. I did. I made an application on the 22d. On the 23d I received it. I can ſtate the converfation that paſſed at that meeting, 1 Q. State the converfation that paffed at the time of your receiving it from Moore in the prefence of Hardy. A. On my meeting Mr Moore at the corner of the Old Bailey, I aſked him for one, he ſaid he had not got one; but if I would apply to Mr Hardy, and uſe his name, he would give me one; in confequence of which I called on Hardy, he faid he had none by him, but he would go to the prin ter's that evening, and if I would look in on the following morning, I fhould have one; I went to his ſhop, and I faid I came for one of thofe addreffes--Hardy faid to Moore, who was preſent, have you any?—He ſaid, if the perfon will go to my houſe, I will give him one.-Mr Hardy faid, have you one in your pocket ;-He faid he had. He pull- ed it out, and gave it to me, and this is the paper marked by me. Q. Do you remember being preſent at a meeting of the London Correſponding Society, that was held at Chalk Farm? A. Yes. Q. On what day? A. On the 14th of April 1794, Q. Where is Chalk Farm? A. It is in the road leading from Tottenham Court Road to Hampſtead, about a quarter of a mile out of the main road. Q. How far is it from London? A. About two miles, or a mile and an half, Q. What was that meeting? A. It was exactly of the fame nature as the one at the Globe Tavern;—it was for convening together the fociety at large, upon which feveral refolutions were moved and enter- ed into. } 4 Q. [ 86 ] Q. How many people were fuppofed to be there! A. I heard three thoufand, and I apprehend about twe thouſand,—It was held upon the bowling place. QWho was in the chair? A. A perfon of the name of Lovett ? - Q. Was Lovett a member of the London Correfpond- ing Society? A. I underftood he was. Q. And was Hardy there? * A. Hardy was there; but I did not fee him act in any capacity. Q. You fay they came to fome refolutions? A. They did. Q. Were they read? 1 A. They were read by Richter in part, and part by a perfon of the name of Hodfon. Q. Which of the Hodfons was it? A. Hodfon, a hatter in Weſtminſter. Q. Do you remember whether thoſe reſolutions were put generally or ſeparately? A. They were put ſeparately. Q. One by one? A. One by one. The chairman addreffed the meeting, requesting to take their opinion, whether they ſhould be. all read together, and carried by one motion, or whether they ſhould be all read fingly, and carried feparately-they were all carried ſeparately. Q. Were their refolutions printed? A. They were. Q. Have you any copy of thoſe reſolutions? A. I have. (producing papers.). Q. From whom did you receive thoſe papers? A. By the memorandum I have made upon it, I recei ved this from Thomas Hardy, on the 21st of April, the Monday fucceeding. Q. Where did you receive them? A, At the fecond divifion of the London Correfpond- ing Society.' Q. W $ A ( 87 ) } Q. Of how many might that conſiſt ? A. A hundred and twelve,-it was proved by the book of the ſub-ſecretary, Pearce, on the 12th of May-I beg pardon, I meant to fay, it was, what I underſtood to be ef- fective members.-I underſtand that divifion had 700 be- longing to it-It at that moment confifted of 112, it was proved, from their having paid their quarterage money, on the 25th of March preceding. Q. How much was the quarterage money? A. One fhilling and a penny. Q. Theſe refolutions you fay you received from Hardy? A. I did. Q. Did you receive them as the reſolutions that had paffed at Chalk Farm? A. Yes. I did. Q. Are they the fame? ' A. Nearly fo.To the beſt of my recollection, I think there is ſome trifling variations. Q. State them. A. If I look at my minutes I can tell, Q. Did you make them at the time? A. Immediately upon my coming home. Q. What is the variation between the printed copy of the minutes you got from Hardy and the others? · A. In fenfe and ſubſtance it was thus, as, I understood the fenſe of it,that the minifters having adviſed the King to fuch conduct as brought Charles I. to the block, and drove the Prince his fon from the throne; therefore, the miniſters have been guilty of High Treafon. Mr Hamilton.I ſubmit to the Court,that the examinati- on fhould be confined folely to that paper, and the witneſs right to go to any extraneous examination. has no Mr Anftruther.-I mean to prove to the Court and Jury what paffed at the meeting at Chalk Farm. The witneſs tells you, he received from Mr Hardy, of the London Cor- refponding Society, a paper, containing a refolution, faid to be then come to, and from his minutes taken at the time, he す ​t 88 1 he fays they are not exactly the famé refolutions as were made at Chalk Farm, there is a variation. Mr Hamilton.—I don't ſee how you are to correct writtefl evidence by the teftimony of this gentleman, from his own minutes only. LORD PRBSIDENT. Q.Was you prefent at the meeting? A. I was. Q. You heard the refolutions? A. Yes. ง 2 QYou recollect thoſe were the words that paffed ? A. I attended particularly to them; they are the words that paffed. Mr Hamilton. There cannot be two refolutions of a dif- ferent tenor in one and the fame place'; the objection lies to one or the other. Mr Anftruther. The witness was preſent and took notes, but whether, hedid or not he is entitled to give evidence of what paffed at that period; there may have been reafons for Hardy's not putting in print what de facto was voted. LORD PRESIDENT. The Jury have heard every thing the witneſs faid about it. JURY. How do you know it was not the fame as the re- folution? Mr Anftruther. Read again the difference between the printed minutes, and the actual refolution that paffed: if I underſtand the gentlemen of the Jury that is what they want to know. Mr Taylor. It was therefore refolved that the preſent miniftry was guilty of High Treafon; thofe exprefs words I believe are not in the printed evidence, but being impreffed on my memory I think I can fpeak pofitively to them. you Lord Advocate. Q.. Being impreffed upon your memory think you can ſpeak pofitively to them? A. The words were impreffed upon my memory. COURT. The Jury will underftand nothing is yet put fo as to affect the prifoner. Mr Anftruther. Í ftated to the Jury I would prove the prifoner 1 1 糞 ​[ 89 ] prifoner concerned in a plan to call another Britiſh Convena tion, and I will prove who were the perfons who formed the plan, and what fort of a Convention it was they meant fhould meet. Lord Advocate. Q. At the meeting at the Globe Tavern, was any refolution made in your hearing with regard to the number of papers intended to be printed? A. I underſtood 100,000 to the beſt of my recollection. Q. One hundred thouſand copies of thoſe reſolutions en tered into that night, were to be printed? A. Yes. } Q. Did you know or underſtand for what purpoſe they were to be printed? A. To be diſtributed to the fociety; the friends and mema bers of the fociety. Q. I will put the fame queftion, whether the refolutions entered into at Chalk Farm were printed ? A. In the clofe of the buſineſs, Mr Richter moved two hundred thouſand copies fhould be printed, obferving one hundred thouſand had not been found fufficient, as voted at the Globe Tavern for diſtribution of them to the body at large. Q. Was that refolution agreed to? A. It was. Q. Of the divifion No. 2. of the London Correfponding Society, thofe that had paid quarterage were 112 perſons, whilft the members of that divifion were 700, you faid? A. I did. Q. What was the reafon of your making that a diſtinction of the effective members of that divifion? A. For this reafon; Hardy, who I underſtood was the Se- cretary at large of the Society was arrested, and Pearce, whe received the collections on the 1ft of April as Sub-ſecretary, had been a delegate, but refigned on the firft of April, then was appointed as Sub-ſecretary; the Society met then in the committee room, and a chairman was appointed; any indifcriminate perfon that voluntarily came forward was no- minated + M [ go ] minated a delegate, who always acted and did the bufiiefs when Hardy was not prefent. The delegate acted as delegate` and fecretary. The delegate then read the report of the Com mittee; after that had been done, Pearce moved that one member out of ten fhould be choſe to add to the Standing Permanent Committee, in order to make at that time a Committee of Emergency, that their proceedings might be more firm and poſitive; he produced a book, in which book was the names of the members entered which had paid the preceding quarter. He took up a book, and faid, I find here is 112, in confequence of which, one out of ten was to be appointed out of that aggregate number; he uſed this ex- preffion, I have got this book, God knows what is become of the reft, I fuppofe Mr Dundas and Mr Pitt have got them. It was upon the evening of Hardy's arreft this mea- fure was taken in the ſecond divifion of the London Cor- refponding Societies ?` A. Certainly. This was the reaſon of the Committee of Emergency; taking one out of ten and making them a Com- mittee of Emergency. Q. Have you ever heard of military divifions ? A. I have. Q. In what divifion of the Society? A. It was the 29th divifion of the Society. I underſtood there was produced an inftrument, a kind of pike and fhore ftick to act as a walking ſtick, it had at the end a braſs ferule and another at the head of it; it ftruck me, I thought it ex- ceedingly well executed. I was given to underſtand, a fhort or long dagger was to be fcrewed into it, and its execution would be done momentarily. Then this altercation upon a trifling matter arofe from a man of the name of Oxlade, who appeared in cloaths of a red colour. Some member ob- jected to it as bearing marks of ariftocracy, he faid he had been in a military line, and held a place in the Society, he faid, in the fame fituation. That the London Correfpon- ding Society was not without places of a military, refort. L aſked. [91] A i / afked where, as he ſeemed to be ſpeaking of it as to perfons that did not know. Spence of Middle Row had a direction, and he was a delegate of the third divifion, and he gave me to underſtand it was fituated fome where in Saint George's Fields. Grofs Examination by Mr Hamilton. Q. You fay you have a little competency to live upon in London? A. I have. Q. Will you explain that? } ľ A. Ì have Eaſt India Company's ftock 1350l. produces annually 941. a year, it is in two names, Mary Ann Hal- liday and another. Q. Pray, what brought you to Scotland? A. I was directed to come here. Q. By whom? Mr Anstruther. I brought him to Scotland, there is no doubt about it. I brought the gentleman here, and I have a right to bring my witneffes from whatever part I can get them. I wish to have the printed minutes read of Chalk Farm, and the Globe Tavern. A printed paper was then read of the Proceedings at the Globe Tavern, Strand, as follows. "At a general meeting of the London correfponding fo- ciety held at the Globe Tavern, Strand, on Monday the * 20th day of January 1784, citizen John Martin in the "chair; the following addrefs to the people of Great Bri- "tain and Ireland, was read and agreed to. "Citizens, "We find the Nation involved in a War, by which in the "courſe of one Campaign immenſe numbers of our coun- "trymen have been flaughtered, a vaft expence has been incurred, our trade, commerce and manufactures are al- M 2 " moſt [ 92 1 r ❝ moſt deſtroyed, and many of our manufacturers and artiſş are ruined, and their families ftarving. "To add to our affliction, we have reafon to expect that other taxes will foon be added to the intolerable load of "impofts and impofitions with which we are already over- "whelmed; for the purpofe of defraying the expences "which have been incurred in a fruitless crufade, to re ef- "tabliſh the odious defpotifm of France. "When we contemplate the principles of this war, we ❝ confefs ourſelves to be unable to approve of it, as a mea- fure either of juſtice or diſcretion. And if we are to form our calculation of the refult, from what has already paf fed we can only look forward to defeat, and the eternal ❝ diſgrace of the Britiſh name. "While we are thus engaged in an expenfiye and ruin ❝-ous foreign war, our ftate at home is not lefs deplorable. "We are every day told by thoſe perfons who are inte refted in fupporting the corruption lift, and an innumera- ble hoft of finecure placemen, that the Constitution of “England is the perfection of human wiſdom; that our laws, (we fhould rather fay their laws) are the per- fection of juftice; and that their adminiſtration of thoſe “laws is ſo imparțial, and fo ready, as to afford an equal reme- ❝dy both to the rich and to the poor,. by means of which "we are faid to be placed in a ſtate of abfolute freedom, 66 and that our rights and liberties are fo well fecured unto us, as to render all invafion of them impoffible. "When we ask how we enjoy thefe tranfcendent pri- vileges?—we are referred to Magna Charta, and the Bill "of Rights; and the glorious Revolution in the year 1688 is held out to us as the bulwark of British Liberty. "CITIZENS, "We have referred to Magna Charta, to the Bill of "Rights, and to the Revolution, and we certainly do find that our anceſtors did eſtabliſh wife and wholeſome laws ¿ # but we as certainly find, that of the venerable conftitution # of our anceſtors hardly a veftige remains. " The * [93] The only chapters of the Great Charter which are now in legal exiſtence are the 14th and 29th. "The important proviſion of the 14th chapter runs thus ; "A freeman fhall not be amerced for a ſmall fault, but after the manner of the fault; and for a great fault, after the greatnefs thereof, faving to him his contenement, " and a merchant likewife, faving to him his! merchan- dize, and any other villain than ours fhall be likewife "amerced, faving to him his wainage; and none of the amerciaments fhall be affeffed, but by the cath of honeſt and lawful men of the vicinage. CL By the ufurped power of the Judges, in affeffing fines "(and what fines!!) in the cafes of mifdemeanor, this glorious right of the fubject, of having theſe fines affef- fed by the jury, (the only poffible protection from fla- "very and the vileft oppreffion) is unjustly and infamoufly ravifhed from us. "The provifion of the 29th chapter runs thus ; "No Freeman fhall be taken or impriſoned, or be dif feized of his freehold, or liberties or free cuſtoms, or be ❝ outlawed or exiled, or any otherwiſe deſtroyed, nor we "will not pafs upon him, nor condemn him, but by the "lawful judgment of his peers, or by the law of the land, "we will fell no man, we will not deny or defer to any man, "either juſtice or right. "The various methods now in conftant practice by which the benefits of this provifion are totally defeated and deftroyed, might induce us to fuppofe that the Great Charter has been repealed; if we did not affuredly know that it is the fundamental basis of our conftitution, which even the real reprefentatives of the People (much leſs the miferable nominees of Helftone and Old Sarum) have not the right, nor (as we truft it will be found by ex- perience) the power to repeal. Yet what do we find in practice? Unconftitutional and illegal informations ex officio, "that is, the arbitrary will of the King's Attorney General, ufurping the office of the accufing fury; and the inter- efted } t i 94 ] } we efted will of a vile common informer, with the judg *ment of as vile a cominon trading or penfioned juftice, fubftituted in the room of our birth right, an impartial trial by our country. Add to this, that the exorbitant expence of judicial proceedings, the novel practice of ar "bitrarily and repeatedly annulling the verdicts of juries, and the dilatory practice of the Courts, moft openly and "fhamefully contradict the clauſe which forbids the denial, "the delay, and the fale of juftice. "A man accuſed of felony (for which by the common law "of England, his life and goods are forfeited) may be *bailed on finding two fureties for forty pounds each; "but upon a charge of miſdemeanour by words only, bail "to the amount of one thousand pounds has been de- ❝s manded. "Upon conviction alfo for fuch mifdemeanor, enormous «fines, long and cruel impriſonments, unknown to our an- « tient laws, and unfanctioned by any new ftatutes, have of late, (and but of late,) been too frequently and too op- preffively inflicted; and all this, although by the Bill of "Rights it is declared, that exceffive bail fhall not be de- "manded, nor cruel and unuſual punishments inflicted. "If we look to Ireland, we find that acknowledged pri- viledge of the people to meet for the fupport and protec- ❝tion of their rights and liberties, is attempted by terror to be taken away by a late infamous act of Parliament ; "whilft titles of honour,-no, but of difhonour are laviſh- * ed; and new fources of corruption opened, to gratify "the greedy proſtitution of thoſe who are the inftruments "of this oppreffion. "In Scotland, the wicked hand of power has been impudently exerted, without even the wretched formali "ty of an act of Parliament; magiftrates have forcibly in-, "truded into the peaceful and lawful meetings of free men, and by force (not only without law, but againſt law) have Mr Anfiruther.-I ſhall examine him as to any conver- fation among the Friends of the People, with reſpect to arms; whether I fhall bring that home to the priſoner is a- nother queſtion, but I muſt be permitted to go on with my examination, in order to make it evidence, if it can be made evidence. Mr Hamilton.-Such kind of converſation as this man heard, is not evidence. } COURT-Does Mr Hamilton mean to object to the com- petency? aye or no. Mr Hamilton.-I object to the competency. LORD PRESIDENT.-The anſwer to the queſtion may be very infignificant; I fhall think it my duty to fay fo to the Jury, if it be fuch as Mr Hamilton, has defcribed it, nothing more than report; but ftill the queſtion may be put. Mr Anftruther. The objection goes to the effect of the evidence; at preſent, I have not made any thing of arming againſt Mr Watt; I will, if I am allowed to go on. COURT.-Go on with your examination. Mr Anftruther--Q. (To Mr Aitchifon.) You will recol- lect you are upon your oath, and you know the confequences of being fo. I therefore defire, you would diftinctly and explicitly answer the queftions that are put to you. I afked you before, whether you had ever heard, among the Friends of the People, any converfations, about arms; you have told me, there were different opinions upon the fubjc&t; and told me, one ſet ſaid they would as readily arm againſt a French- man [ III ] man if he came here, as againft Heffians or Hanoveriana; I want to know what the others faid. A. The opinion of others was, that we ſhould arm in fa- vour of Liberty, but we never came to a ſpecific refolution upon that fubject.-I beg pardon.-I think it hard, that I, who was not allowed to give opinions upon the former pro- ceffes, fhould now be obliged to give them, when the opini- ons are ſtated for facts: you afk people for opinions over a pot of porter or glaſs of whiſky, to criminate people. I never ſpoke upon the ſubject to theſe two prifoners. LORD PRESIDENT.-That is not the queſtion; the queſti- on is, whether you heard, in any of theſe meetings, any thing faid of reafons for putting arms in the hands of the Friends of the People, and what they were; you have been giving an account of different reaſons, and one reaſon you affigned, as given by fome perfons, was, that they might be uſed in ſupport of Liberty. A. Certainly, that I have declared. Mr Anftruther —You recollect, when I am afking what another man faid, I am ſpeaking to a fact.-1 afk who were the perfons you had that converſation with? A. As I am to anſwer at the great day, I cannot answer to any fingle individual. Q. Were there many of them? A. Not above five or fix, at the time of the accidental meetings. Q. How often did thef. converſations happen ? A. I cannot fay. Q. Did they happen more than once or twice? A. The public news of the day, the proſecutions againſt the parties; every thing brought the converfation on the board. If a man is known to be attached to Freedom at all, he is aſked his opinion. Q. Was you ever prefent, at the meeting of the Sub- Committee, or Committee of Ways and Means, with Mr Watt ? A. Never i } A. Never but once. [112] لا Q. Now, upon your oath, what was the converfation then held in that committee? A. Upon the oath, as I fhall anſwer to God at the great day, I cannot tell a word of it, it was merely preliminary. Q. What do you mean by preliminary? A. Juft talking over a pot of porter; we muft meet this day week; we mult do fomething. Q. What was it you were to do? A. I cannot tell you, this was in company with ſeven people, of whom I was one. I never met with them again. Lord Advocate.-About what time of the year was this only meeting you had with Watt? A. When the committees were firſt appointed. Q. About what period was that?, A. About the beginning of January? Mr Anftruther. Q. Was you never at a meeting of the Sub-Committee, but at the beginning of January? A. To the beſt of my knowledge and belief, I never was. Q. Had you any converfation with the members of that Committee refpecting the buſineſs that was to come before them? A. Not that I recollect. Q. You had better recollect yourſelf. A. No. J Q. Was you ever in Mr Watt's houſe? A. Yes. Q. Had you ever any converſation with Watt in his houfe & A. Yes. Q. Was it before or after the meeting of that Commit tee? A. I cannot fay. 1 Q. What converfation was it you had with Mr Watt ? A. Upon the news of the day. Q What was the news of the day? A. I cannot recollect; is a man obliged to recollect an accidental converfation over a diſh of tea a year after? Q. Do ( 113 ] B. Do you recollect or not recollect? A. I do not recollect. Q. And you fay fo upon your great oath A. I certainly do. Q. Was any thing faid about arming? + A. I believe that was about the time Lord Stanhope's fpeech was made in the Houſe of Peers. LORD CHIEF BARON. I wish you to fay nothing againſt the priſoner that is not founded in fact, but, Sir, if it be found- ed in fact you are called upon, and you are now in the prefence of God, to anſwer the truth, let the confequence be what it may. I afk you to the beſt of your memory, had you any converſation with the priſoner about pre- paring arms, or any thing to that purpofe when you was with him? A. My Lord, neither your Lordſhip nor any perſon in this Court need inform me of the nature of an oath, I am not an atheist, not one of French principles. I know we thall all ſtand up at the great day of God, and this oath warns me to beware of faying what is not the truth, and whether it hurts me or the priſoner at the bar, I fhall fpeak the truth; if you will take the trouble to repeat the queſtion, Ì will answer it. LORD CHIEF BARON. Do you remember when you was with the prifoner having any converfation with him about preparing arms or ufing arms? if you recollect any thing however trivial it may be, you are bound to ſpeak it out. A. I can recollect none, not a ſingle circumſtance, but that Mr Watt faid fomething of importance would foọn be upon the carpet. Q Nothing mentioned about arms? A. No, only about Lord Stanhope's fpeech, and the news of the day. Q. Did you fee, any arms, any pikes, or any things of that fort in his houfe. A. I never did. t P + Q. Did 1 [ 114 ] Q. Did he mention any thing of any pikes being in his poffeffion? A. He never did. Mr Anftruther.Q. You have told the Court and me that you have had converfation with Mr Watt upon the news of the day; it is impoffible for me or the Court to know what that converfation was, if you will not defcribe the purport of it; but tell me what converfation you had with Mr Watt upon the occafion? Witness. It is a very ftrange queſtion. Q. What was the news of the day? A. It was Lord Stanhope's fpeech in the House of Lords. Q. What was faid about it ? A. That certainly Lord Stanhope had ſtood up for the rights of Britons which had been too much infringed upon. Q. What more A. I cannot recollect. Q. Upon what occafion was it that Watt faid fomething of importance was upon the Carpet? A. It is very extraordinary that fuch a tea-table difcourfe fhould come in queſtion. Q: Did he mention the Carpet, that fomething of impor tance was upon the Carpet? A. Or words to that purpoſe, is it poffible for a man to remember every word? I have told you the word Carpet, but that perhaps was not afed by Mr Watt. Q. Before whom was it to be brought upon the carpet? A. Before the public, before the world certainly. Q. Who was to bring it before the world? A. I cannot anſwer. LORD PRESIDENT., The words I took down are that Watt faid fomething of importance would foon be upon the car- pet, or words to that effect; did you fay fo? A. Yes. Mr Anftruther. Q. I think you abfented yourſelf from the meeting of the Committee? A. Yes. Q. I want 1 115 1 Q. I want to know what was your reafon for it? A. Here again my opinion is afked; put your queſtion again. • -Q. You abfented yourself from the meetings of the Com- mittee, I want to know your reafon for abfenting yourſelf from that Committee. LORD PRESIDENT. The queftion is what reaſon was there for you to leave it? A. Is it neceffary upon a trial for life and death to ſtate it? Mr Anftruther. State the reafon for your leaving that' Committee, A. I heard in feven or eight days afterwards, there was to be fomething important done, or acted upon pu- blickly. I heard there was to be fecret business before the Committee, and from that day forward I never attended the the Committee. Mr Anstruther. You heard from Mr Watt that important buſineſs was foon to be upon the carpet, and you heard a re- port out of doors that fome important fecret bufinefs was to be before the Committee? A. I heard that, and the converfation I had with Mr Watt was three months afterwards. Q. With whom had you the converfation about the fecret buſineſs, that was to come before the Committee? A. I could not tell you if my life were depending upon it. Q. Do you fwear that? A. I do. Q: You fwear that you don't know the perfons from whom you heard that fecret buſineſs was to come before the Committee? . A. I folemnly swear that. } Q. Did you ever afk any of the members of the Commit- tee whether that was true or not? A. I never did. I have already affigned my reafon, I wifhed whatever concern I had with public reform, it fhould be open and fair, and not fecret bufinefs. P 2 Q. How 1 F 116 3 1 ( Q. How did you know there was to be fecret buſineſs if not informed by the members of it? A. I took it for granted. COURT. Did you afk Mr Watt what that bufiaefs of importance was? A. No. Q. Did you underſtand it from him ? A. I did not. LORD PRESIDENT. You faid firft that fome fecret bufi- nefs was to be before the Committee, and then faid you heard it out of doors? A. Yes. Q. I think you faid afterwards you heard it from one of the Committee? A.. No. 集 ​Mr Anftruther, Then I defire you to answer me upon path, and take care of the anfwer you give this queſtion, whether you have not given a different account of your con- verfation with Watt, and your reafon for leaving the Com- mittee from what you have now given? A. I cannot recollect, but this is the folemn truth I de- clare upon oath. Q. Anfwer me this queftion,-do you fwear you never gave a different account of this converfation at another place? A. To the beft of my recollection I did not, and con- fiftent with truth I could not, becauſe it is not was to be guillotined for it I will ftand by that. true; if Į Mr Erskine, In arguing every branch of this caufe, wa muſt feel ourſelves under very great difficulties, becauſe we are on the inſtant obliged to refort to a law, of which, till this profecution, we knew nothing. The queftion put by Mr Anftruther is undoubtedty not competent by the law of Scotland, and accordingly we are told every day in the Court of Justiciary, if we attempt to shake the teftimony of a wit- nefs by showing a difcrepancy on former occafions, that fuch queſtions are not pertinent to the iffue, as he has bound himſelf by his folemn oath to ſpeak the truth. My acquain tance ว ( 117 ) tance with the law of England has been ſhort and imper- fect, but I am fatisfied it concurs with ours. Mr Anftruther. I underſtand Mr Erfkine's objections to be grounded on the law of Scotland, by which I underſtand a witnefs has a right to have his examination before the Magiſtrate deſtroyed before he gives his evidence. By the law of England he has no fuch right; he may be indicted for perjury upon it, and I have a right to make ufe of every information I can gain from it. LORD PRESIDENT. I certainly was under a difficulty with reſpect to this matter, for judging by our own practice, I fhould have conceived it to be as Mr Erfkine has ftated it. I believe the practice in Engiand to be different in this par- ticular. But I with the King's Counfel to confider whe- ther it would not be right to abſtain from queſtions, which are exceptionable according to cur ideas. Mr Anftruther. I have ſtated what I take to be the law of England, but ſhall implicitly follow your Lordship's wiſhes upon the fubject. I muſt ſay this witneſs has given his evi- dence in a manner that does not entitle him to much atten- tion from the jury. MR BARON NORTON. In general no witness is attempted to be difcredited by his own Counſel. Mr Anftruther. I thought it neceffary to bring him to this point, that the jury might fee exactly the character of the witneſs. Mr Hamilton. I fubmit My Anftruther is not competent to ſpeak upon this matter now; the Lord Advocate will fum up the evidence upon the part of the Crown, but now he is anticipating a part of the charge, and ftating that the witneſs is not to be attended to. COURT. If you can fay he has given any thing favour- able to you, you may have the benefit of it; but, ſays Mr An- ftruther, I have brought him forward to prove my indict- evidence, I place ment, but from the manner he gives his little reliance upon him. Mr { [ 118 ] Mr Anfruther. The Counſel for the prifoner are en- titled to make any uſe they think proper of the evidence of this witneſs, but I fhall not defire the jury to pay much at- tention to any thing he has faid unleſs he is confirmed by o- ther witneffes. We fhall now read part of the minutes of the Britiſh Convention. Lord Advocate. It might fave the Court and jury fome time, if it was reſerved for me to quote from the minutes of the Britiſh Convention thoſe parts which appear to me to eſtabliſh a charge, as I am to ſpeak laſt. COURT. If you are to fpeak laſt, and do not now tell the jury what you mean to lay hold of, you have an advan- tage-you have proved thefe minutes to be the minutes of the Convention, and you ought to read them. (The Clerk of Arraigns read the paper.) ft days Sitting, 19th Nov. 1793. Mr Dundas. There was a previous meeting before.-Look farther, you will fee Mr Margarot moved, "That previous "to publiſhing an' addrefs to the public, a Committee be "forthwith appointed to confider the means, and draw up "the outlines of a Plan of General Union and Co-opera- them. A Q. Da 2 } [ 123 -] Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Stock? A. Yes. Q. Did he attend the above meetings in your houſe, much about the time that Watt, Downie, Bonthorne, Or- rock and M'Ewan attended? A. Yes. I have feen him twice or thrice there. Q. After the difperfion of the Britiſh Convention, does it come within your knowledge, that the focieties of this city, who fent delegates to that Convention, continued to meet? ་ A. I believe two focieties did: Q. Who were they? A. One on the ſouth fide of the town, and the other at mmy houfe. Q. Do you know a place called Symon's Square, on the fouth fide of the town? * A. Yes. It was there the fociety met. Q. Was you ever prefent at any of their meetings? A. Yes. As the fociety which met at my houſe gave up, very few having come to it. Q. Did they continue to meet there, while the trials of Gerrald, Skirving, and Margarot were pending? A. I cannot answer the queftion put in that way. Q. From the time Skirving was tried, to the 10th of March, when Gerrald was tried, did the Symon' Square Society continue to meet ? A. I cannot fay. Q. Upon thofe occafions, when you were there, what numbers met? A. The room might be full,-it was a fmall room. Q. What number might be there? A. I dare fay, when very crowded, there might be per- haps, fixty or ſeventy people. 1 Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Hardy, in London? A. I have wrote to him:-I don't know him, I have wrote to him once. } Q 2 Q. When? ¿ [124] ་ Q. When? * A. I believe it might be about the end of last year, or beginning of this. R Q. Pray, Sir, did Mr Hardy ever tranfmit to you, fince the beginning of this year, any package, papers, or letters, which he defired you to circulate? A. No. He never did. Q. Did you ever receive any letters or papers of that de fcription, with the fignature of Hardy to them? A. Yes. I recollect fome printed letters, figned T. Hardy. Q. What time of the year did you get thefe? A. I fuppofe about February, or March, or April. Q. How did you receive them, and from whom? A. If I recollect properly I think it was Mr Stock gave them me. Q. What did you do with thefe letters? A. I fent fome of them into the country, as the letter feemed to indicate its purpofe. Q. How many might there be? A. About half a dozen I fent in that mantier. 1 Q. To whom did you think it your duty, and did you actually ſend them? A. I fent them to the members of the different focieties of the friends of the people in the country? Q. Do you recollect any town or particular perfon in that town, to whom you fent that letter? A. I fent one to Perth, one to Paiſley, one to Strathaven, and I think one to Dundee. } Q. Do you recollect to what particular perfon you ad- dreffed that letter to Perth? A. I am not very certain whether it was to Sandilands or to Walrer Miller at Perth. He was fhewn the printed let- ters here and interrogated about the hand-writing on the in- fide of it, before he was afkeď about the direction on the back. Q. Whofe hand-writing is it upon the back? A. It is mine alfo. Q. Do $ £ 125 ] ✪. Do you believe that to be one of thoſe received from Stock? A. I fuppofe I received it among the reft. QYou fay you fent one to Paifley, do you recollett who you fent it to? A. I do not. Q Do you recollect to whom you fent it to at Strathaven, A. To James Wilſon, I think. Q. And you fent it by poft? A. Yes, I fuppofe I did. Q. You did not fend a private hand with them? A. No. Q. Do you recollect to whom you addreffed one to Dun- dee? A. I do not. Q. Do you recollect any other towns you fent that pa- per to? A.. I do not recollect at prefent. Q. Doyou know a man of the name of Fairley, a cabinet” maker ? A. Yes. Q. Was he a member of that Committee? A. I am not certain if he was. Q. Do you know, or did you ever hear in any conver fation among the friends of the people, or thofe focieties, of an intention of arming about that time? A. No, I did not. } Q. Had you any occafion ever to fee any arms in the hands of the priſoner, or any other member of the focieties? A. No, I did not. Mr Anftruther. We fhall read the letter and another let ter found in the poffeffion of Hardy. Crofs Examination. Mr Erskine. Q. Have you not faid, Watt was not a member of the British Convention? A. No, Sir. Q. You [ 126 ] Q. You talked of two focieties, one at your houfe the other at Simon Square, was he a member of either? A. I dont know that he was. Q. The British Convention began in October I believe? A. About November. Q. When was it difperfed? A. It was about the beginning of the laſt year. Q. Do you know whether all their proceedings were in- ferted regularly in the papers? A. They did appear in the public papers. Q. Juſt ſo, and there was no other public intimation given of any of the proceedings of any of them? 64 A: No. (Letter read.) << FELLOW CITIZENS, "The Society in Strathaven received your circular letter "ſome time ago, reſpecting another Britiſh Convention to be "held in England, and finding it would be inconvenient for "them to fend a delegate for themſelves alone, the cauſe "being much fuppreffed here by profecutions, which we are fubject to from the petty Sheriffs in our neighbourhood- "We have united ourſelves with the Societies in Kilmar- "nock, Galfton, Newmilns, and Dervill; accordingly a "meeting of delegates from theſe ſocieties, and that in Stra "thaven was convened on the first current, when the mea- "fures met with the fulleft approbation, and a delegate "was elected for the general Convention, and a fecret Com- "mittee appointed to conduct the bufinefs; you will there- "fore forward your orders to us, when and where the "Convention is to meet with any other inftructions or in- "formation you may judge neceffary, we fhall inſtruct our "delegate refpecting the number and ftrength of our focie- "ties, and are happy to fraternize with you in any thing that may tend to promote the general good." ** We remain yours, * ALEX. MITCHELL Sec. is In 1 } E 127 ] In the cauſe of Liberty for the united Societies as above. Dated Strathaven 9th April 1794." Mr Anftruther. We will read the other paper to which this was the anfwe". Lord Advocate. It is the fame gentleman produces it, Lau- zun. It was found in the poffeffion of Hardy. Mr Erfkine. It is needlefs to read it. Here Hardy's circular letter was read. MR LAUZUN Called. Q. Did you find a paper among Hardy's papers figned Alexander Mitchell-of what date is it? A. No Sir, one Mr Gurnall found it. MR JAMES GURNALL Sworn, Q. What are you? A. A King's meffen ger. Q Look at thoſe two papers lying before you, marked with your name, tell me where you got them? A. I got this paper in Mr Hardy's houſe, Q. Look at the other. A. This I got there alſo. ALEXANDER MITCHELL Sworn. + Mr Anftruther. Q. Mr Mitchell, is that your hand writz ing? A. I could not pofitively fay Sir, I am perfuaded it is. Q Mr Mitchell, what bufinefs are you? A. A manufacturer in Strathaven. Q What letter was it written in anſwer to? A. It was written in anfwer to a circular letter received by poft. Q. Was that a written or a printed letter ? A. It was a printed letter. Q. Look at that letter and fay whether it is like it? is it like that letter A. Yes [ 128, 1 A. Yes I believe it was fimilar. Q. In anſwer to fuch a letter as that you wrote this letter? A. Yes, Sir. Q. Do you recollect the name of the perfon affixed to that printed letter? A. It was Hardy. Q. In confequence of that letter, was there a meeting of the ſociety at Strathaven? A. Yes there was, Sir. Q. Did you and the other focieties in that neighbour- hood chufe a delegate. A. There was a general meeting held, and it was agreed upon at that meeting to chuſe a delegate. Q. A delegate to what?" ą A. To what was termed a Britiſh Convention. Q. In confequence of that letter you chofe a delegate to another British Convention, from the focieties in your neigh bourhood? Mr BARON NORTON. I don't think the witness is bound to ſay any thing to criminate himſelf. Witness. My Lord, I cannot conceive wherein the pre- fent queftion has any direct relation to the object of my evi- dence, but I appeal to the judgment of the Court whether I fhall answer or not. LORD PRESIDENT., You are in no danger at all, you have taken an oath to ſpeak the truth, and you ought to do fo. Q. Did you do any thing in confequence of that letter? A. Yes, I did. Q. You was fecretary to the meeting, I think? A. Yes. Q. You wrote that letter as Secretary? A. Yes, Sir, directed to Mr T. Hardy, Shoemaker, No. 9. Piccadilly, London, for the London correfponding Society. Direct to Alexander Mitchell, manufacturer, Strathaven, county of Lanark. Mr Anflruther. From whom did you receive the printed letter? A. I da } 1 429 1 A. I do not know, it came by poſt, I fuppofe, and it was not properly directed to me, it came to another. I was not Secretary to the Society of Strathaven, but to the meeting. of the focieties mentioned in the letter. MR LOCKHART, Sworn. Q. What are you ? A. The Depute Sheriff Clerk. Q. Had you ever any occafion to fearch the houſe of Mr Watt! A. Yes. Q. Upon what occafion did you fearch the houfe? A. It was upon occafion of fearching for fome goods of a bankrupt, that they faid were fecreted in Watt's houfe? Q. What did you find there? A. I found a box of goods, and I found fome pikes. Q. Where are thoſe pikes? A. There are twelve I found upon the firſt ſearch. Q. Where did you find them? A. In a locked preſs in one of Mr Watt's rooms. Q. Had you ever occafion to make another fearch in Watt's houfe ? A. Yes, Sir. Q. Upon what occaſion ? A. I went down the fame evening to fee the windows fe- cured, it was between twelve and one o'clock; I ordered a cloſet to be broke open. Q. After finding the first parcel, what did you do? A. I took it away with me, and carried it to the Sheriff, and fhewed what I had found, and there was a warrant for .2 further fearch. 1 Q. Upon that further fearch, what did you find? A. Two halbert-headed things and more fingle pikes. Q. Where did you find them? A. In a-clofet upon the fecond ſearch. Q. This was about mid-night ? A. Between twelve and one. $$ R Q. What { * [ 130 ] Q. What month was it? A. Upon the 15th of May. Q. Did you try that pike and that ſtick ? A. I did before I came out of the houſe. Q. What did you try it with? A. I found this one firſt, and tried that on it. Q. Put it on now. A. It is a fmaller one that ſcrewed into the hole, and the large one went over it. Q. Shew that to the Gentlemen of the Jury, (a com- plete fmall halbert.) Shew them how it fits the large one with the halbert head. A. It fcrewed on in the fame manner as the fmall one did. Q. (To Lockhart) Does the fcrew of that large one fit the fcrew of tha: other? A. Yes. QWhat is that other thing? A. I fancy it is meant as a dagger. Q. So that it would fit any other pike? A. Yes. Q. You found thefe in Mr Watt's Houſe? A. Yes, Sir, Q. Where did you carry thofe pikes to from Mr Watt's houte? A. To th eSheriff Clerk's Office. Q. Did you find any thing elſe there? A. There was a fount of types. Q. A fount of types? Witness. They were entire at the time. Q. Were thofe types fet when you found them? A, Yes, they were, Q. How came they to be in the ſtate they are? A. I lifted them rather rafhly the other day, when I went to exhibit them before the Grand Jury, and they broke down. { 1 1 LORD 1 [ LORD PRESIDENT. Are there any ſtanding? A. Yes. i 7 Mr Anstruther. What did you do with thoſe types when you found them? A. They were lodged in the Sheriff Clerk's Office. Q. What was done with thofe types when they were in the Office? A. I was not preſent at any thing done there with them Mr Anftruther. I will prove an impreffion taken of them. WILLIAM MIDDLETON, Sheriff's Officer, Sworn. Mr Anftruther. Q. Had you ever any occafion to fearch the houſe of a perfon of the name of Orrock? A. Yes, I had in the evening of the 15th May laſt. Q. Under what warrant ?. A. Under the Sheriff's warrant. Robert Orrock, he is a fmith at Dean. Before I went to Orrock's, I fearched Watt's house; Q. What did you find ? A. I found in a cloſet in the under ſtory of Watt's houſe a dozen of ſpears. Q. Was Lockhart with you ? A. Mr William Lockhart was with me: Q. What did you find there? A. There were twelve fpears found in Watt's houſe on the firft fearch, and upon the fecond fearch four others found, fixteen in all. Q Are thofe the inftruments? A. Thoſe are the identical inftruments. Q. Did you ever find any thing elſe in Watt's houſe! A. There were, in the prefence of the Sheriff and Lockhart, ä ſet of types found. I feriouſly believe theſe are the ſame, but they are not in the fame fituation as when found, they have been accidentally broke down, they were fet and entire when they were found. QDid you fearch the houfe of Orrock on the 15th .May? Ri A. The [ 132 J A. The Tmiddy of Orrock was fearched, and I think there were fifteen of thefe; theſe are the inſtruments found in the fmiddy of Orrock. Q. How many? A £ A. I think 33 unfiniſhed in this ftate. Q. All halbert heads ? A. Thoſe are part of them, in the nigheft finished ftate. Shew them that are in the finiſhed ftate, and thofe ´ünfinilked? A. Here are thofe in the unfiniſhed ftate, and the others more finished. > Q. You found thefe in the houfe of Robert Orrock? A. In the fmiddy of Orrock. Q. Not in the houſe? A., No, we found nothing there but in the fmiddy. 'He was brought to the Sheriff Clerk's office, along with thoſe articles. ¢ Q. Had you ever occafion to fearch the houfe of Walter Miller ? A. I did not fearch there. Q. In what part did you find the types in the houfe of Watt? A. In the upper ftory, they were found by the Sheriff himſelf, on a ſhelf in a cloſet in the upper ftory. I lodged 'the types in the Sheriff's office, and carried them from Watt's houfe to it. 1 Mr Anfruther. Thofe found in Watt's were found in the prefsthofe in Orrock's all in the fmiddy? A. Yes. Q. Were they in a concealed place in the fmiddy? A. Thefe two were rather in a concealed way under the afhes upon the hearth in the fmiddy, but the others were in a box in the back part of the finiddy, and did not ſeem to have any thing to cover or conceal them? ey > Q. What became of thoſe types after you carried them to the Sheriff-Clerk's offi ce? १ 3 A. ་ } for the $ L t } [133] A. I believe they were carried to the Sheriff Clerk's office, and remained there ever fince for any thing I know. Q. Was you preſent when any impreffion was made of them? A. No. JAMES WALKER Sworn. Q. What is your name? A. James Walker. Q. Did you ever fee a fount of types in the Sheriff Clerk's office? A. Yes. Q. When? A. I think it was in May about the 20th, fome time after the 20th or 23d May I think, I could not ſay the day, but it was fome time in May. Q. What are you by profeffion ?- A. I am a writer in the Sheriff Clerk's office. Q. What became of that fount of types? A. I don't know what became of them. Q. Did you fee any impreffion taken off? A. Yes, I faw a dozen impreffions taken off. Q. In whofe hands did you fee that fount of types? A. I faw it in the Sheriff's hands, and if I recollect I carried it up to Campbell Denovan's printing office. Q. What diſtance is that? A. Not far, it is juft in the fame clofe. Q. Is it as far as to the window there? A. No, it is farther; we firft go up the Clofe a little, and then up a ftair-cafe to the printing office. $ Q. Did you fee the impreffions taken off at that office. ?' A. Yes. Q. Look at this? A. Yes, I faw this one. Q. Did you put your name to it? A. Yes. Q. Did you put it at that time? A. : [ 34 ] A. I put it when my declaration was takeń. Q Are you fure it is the paper you faw taken off? A. Yes, I am certain it is. JAMES CLERK, Efq. (Sheriff Depute.) Sworn, Mr Anftruther. Did you ever receive a fount of types in your office, Mr Clerk? A. I found a fount of types in Mr Watt's houſe upon the evening of the 15th of May. Mr Lockhart, the She- riff Clerk Depute, came with a pike to the office while I was there, which he faid he had found in Watt's houfe, upon which I granted a warrant to apprehend Mr Watt himfelf, and to fearch his houfe, which was accordingly done; and other pikes being found, were alfo brought to the of- fice, where Mr Watt was likewife brought for examination. After which the houfe was ordered to be fecured 'till the next day; accordingly it was fo, and next day I went with Mr Lockhart, Middleton and Watt's maid, to infpect his papers, and likewife to fecure any thing elſe found in the houfe that might appear material. In the courfe of this ſearch, and in an upper clofet, whether upon a ſhelf or on the floor I do not recollect, we found a fount of types fet up for printing; finding this in a houfe that was not a printer's, led me to examine the fount of types, which I en- deavoured to read. I could read Dundee, 12th April at that time, and a line fomething to this purport: "for, that "purpofe alone you are inlifted," it was in words to that purport. + Q. Theſe were in capital letters ? A. Yes, I could not read the fmall letters, I read the large letters. Q. State what you did with the fount? سلم A. There was a multiplicity of bufinefs going on, the fount and types were put in a place where I had the key, and afterwards I fent a lad, a young man that writes in the office, and a Mr Wishart to Campbell Denovan's printing office in the fame clofe, and defired them to throw off 12 copies; 1 [135] coples; they did it in the courfe of a few minutes while I was there; and having returned the fount to me, I then locked up the types, and they were kept in my poffeffion till fent to the Grand Jury. * Q. Did you give the Lad the fount of types exactly in the fame ftate, in which you found it in Mr Watt's houfe? A. Exactly in the fame ftate, and there were twelve co- pies taken from it, at that time. Q. Is that one of the copies? read it flow. A. It is dated Dundee April 12th 1794. Q. Is it in printing or in writing? A. It is in print. J "Friends and brethren-It is with the greateſt pleaſure "that your countrymen are informed, that ſuch is your at- "tachment and love to them, and to your native country, "that you manfully and firmly refolve not to leave it upon "any terms contrary to thofe upon which you were at firſt "engaged-Your countrymen love you, and their hearts « would be as much wounded to part with you, as yours "would be to be feparated from them; they well know "that they are fafe under the protection of their fathers, "their fons, their brothers in arms, and they neither wifh "nor defire any other defenders-they hope and believe that " your heads are filled with the fame fentiments. "The great mafs of the people from amongſt whom you have been enlifted, have been reprefented to you, as your enemies believe not the affertion, they have been "taught to confider you as foes, but they do not fear find- *ing friends amongſt their brethren. "Their caufe and yours is the fame-They are poor, but "they have honeft hearts; hearts which fympathize in your "caufe; they look for the fame friendſhip and the fame "fympathy in you. They rejoice to hear, that you are becoming daily 65 more convinced of the great truth, that the law ought to be the ſame to the Highlander, and to the Lowlander, to the rich, and to the poor, and no man can be compelled (tg 3 เ [136] to take up arms, by any authority whatfoever, unlefs his “own inclinations prompt him to do fɑ. " "This truth. has been hitherto carefully concealed from さ ​you, but it is not the lefs certain, the will of your laird “cannot without your own confent, feparate you from "your families and friends, although many of you may “ have experienced the exertions of fuch a power, however “unjuft, and however contrary to law. "We refpect and admire that principle which induces "you, (though neceffity has compelled you to take up arms) "ſtill to perfift in remaining to defend your friends at home, " and not to quit a country which holds pledges fo dear. "When you are gone, where is their defence? They may be either left without protection, or may foon ſee "their country over-run by foreign troops, fuch as in time "paſt have already fhed the blood of your anceſtors with- " out provocation, and without remorfe; and who would "feel perhaps as little compunction in fhedding yours. €6 "Prepared for every deed of horror, theſe foreign mer- "cenaries may violate the chastity of your wives, your fif- "ters, and your daughters, and when defire is fatiated, "cruelty may refume its place in their hearts, as experi- 66 ence has too well and too fatally fhewn, and friends, pa- rents, children, brothers may be involved in one com- "mon flaughter. "The cruel maffacre of Glencoe cannot yet be forgot << ten; are there not amongst you, whofe forefathers periſh- ❝ed there? their hearts throbbing with kindneſs and hof- pitality were pierced with the daggers of their treacher "ous guests, and the feaft, prepared by the hand of unfuf- "pecting friendſhip, was clofed with a fcene of blood; fuch £ is the return for kindneſs and hofpitality, fuch the pro- "tection which your families have to expect!!! "How will they look around in vain for your protecting care, when perhaps you are fighting at a distance in a "foreign land-But they hope you will not forfake them, ſtay, oh ſtay, and defend your families and your friends. & "For ť [ 137 1 For that purpofe alone you were inlifted, inlifted, they are "ready to come forward for you in the vindication of your * rights: "Thouſand's join in the fame fentiments with you, and ardently with for your continuance among then 1 A The circumftances which might require you to quit your "country have not yet taken place-No invafion has yet happened, you cannot be compelled to gc-leave not "your country-affert your independence.Your country men will look up to you as their protectors and guardi- ans, and will in their turn lift up their arms to protect and affift you." 66 16 Dundee April 12th 1794 JAMES SOMMERVILLE Sworn. Mr Anstruther. Q What is your name? A. James Sommerville. Q. What are you by profeffion? A. A Printer: * Q. Diď you ever take off any impreffions from a fount of types at Campbell Denovan's printing office? A. Yes: Q. Are you an apprentice of his ? A. Yes. Lord Advocate. Did you ever take impreffions from a fount of types brought from the Sheriff Clerk's office? A. Yes. * Q. Who brought it to you? A I went to the Sheriff's office for it: r Q. Who did you get it from? A. From the Sherif and fome other gentlemen: QÍs that one? A. Yes, we took feveral. Q. Is that one of them ? A. Yes. $ Is } f [ 138 I Q. Is that your hand writing? A. Yes. WILLIAM WATSON Sworn. Lord Advocate. Q. Where do you refide ? A. In Dalkeith. Q Do you know the prifoner at the bar? A. Which is he. Q. That perfon that is ftanding up. Do you know that perfon? A. No, I cannot pofitively fay I know him. Q. Did you ever fee him? A. Yes, I once faw him at his own houfe, a perfon they called Watt. Q. Is that the perſon you faw ? A. I cannot fay, I could not ſay upon my oath that is the perfon. Watt? Had you ever occafion to fee a man of the name of A. Yes. Q. When and where did you fee that perfon? A. It was at his own door. Q. Where is his own door? A. Why, it is in the north fide of the ſtreet. Q Is it in Edinburgh? A. Yes. Q. Upon the North fide of the Street? A. Yes. Q. Do you know the North Bridge ? A. Yes. Q. Is it above or below the North Bridge. A. It was below the North Bridge. Q. Who fent you there ? A. Why, I went with Mr Downie.. Q. Who is Mr Downie? A. He is a jeweller and goldfmith in Edinburgh. Q. In [ 139 ] - Q. In what part of Edinburgh did Mr Downie then re- Tide ? A. I don't know, but I have heard it faid he lived in the Parliament Square. Q. At what particular time was it you went with Downie, to the houſe of this Watt? A. I could not remember the very particular time. Q. Was it a year ago ? A. No, Sir, it was not a year ago. Q. Was it fix months ago? A-I don't remember. Q Was it in winter or fummer? A. It was in fummer, fome time in the beginning of fummer. Q. Had you occafion to hear foon after that time of Watt and Downie being taken into cuſtody? A. Yes. Q. How long before that time was it? A. I cannot pofitively fay. Q. Was it a long time? A. I do not remembèr. Q How long is it fince Watt and Downie were taken into cuftody? A. I don't know.. Q. Was it long after? A. No. Q. Would it be a month after your viſit to Watt, along with Downie ? A. I cannot pofitively ſay. Q. You refide at Dalkeith? A. Yes. Q. Do you remember a fencible regiment quartered at Dalkeith? A. Yes. O. When was it? A. I could not pofitively fay the time when they came. Q Was it a year ago? ༢. $ 2 A ( 140 ) A. No, it was much about that time. Q. About the time the regiment of fencibles were in Dal keith you went with Downie to Watt's houfe ? A. Much about that time. Q. What regiment was that? Do you know by whom it was commanded ? A. It was Lord Hopetoun's. Q Where did you meet with Downie before you went into Watt's houſe? A. I was in the Lawn Market, and I ſaw him go by a shop door where I then was and had heard of a paper. Q. Whole fhop door ? A. 0. A. It was Mr Ritchie's. What paper was it you heard' of? A hand bill about the fencibles. Q. And Downie paffed the fhop door? A. Yes, Q. What did you fay to Downie ? A. I heard of the hand bill, and I being curious to fee it, went and aſked Downie if he could fatisfy my curiofity and flew me one. Q. The witneſs ſays, being in the ſhop of one Ritchie in the Lawn Market, about the time of Lord Hopetoun's fen- cibles being at Dalkeith, he obferve! Downie pafs the ſhop, and went to him in order that he might fatisfy his curiofity ? Yes. A. O. But Downie ſaid he could not then? A. Yes, but he poffibly might if I would follow him. Q. Did Downie and you go to any place and where? A. Yes, he faid he was going down the ftreet, and if I would go down with him he might poffibly get it. Q. Where did he go with you? A. He went to the place which he called Mr Watt's houfe.. 1 Now, Sir, when you went to this man's houfe of the name of Watt, did you ſee that man ? A. Yes, I faw him, Mr Downie went in, I followed } him ( 141 ) him; it was juft in the entry; whether Watt knew whe- ther I got it or no, I don't know. Mr Downie came down in a few minutes. Q. Did fee this Watt at that houfe? you A. Yes, I faw a man they called Mr Watt. Q. Then, upon the great oath you have taken, fay whe ther that is the man you faw, and i defire you to give an anfwer? A. Upon the great oath I have taken, I could not pofi- tively fay, it might be the man. Q. Is it like him? A. I could not remember the features of the man. Q. What did you do after this, Downie and you? A. Mr Downie came down the South Bridge. Was you prefent when Mr Downie put any queſtions to this Mr Watt ? A. I don't recollect what they faid-he aſked about the news of the day-or whether he afked Watt where he could get them, I cannot ſay. Q. Did you hear any diſcourſe between Watt and Dow- nie about the hand bill? whether he aſked Watt if he could furnish him or not with one? A. I don't know-Mr Watt went in and Downie follow- ed him, when I went in Mr Downie faid he could not get them there. Q. I afk you, did you in this fhort fpace of time while you was with Downie, hear that man Watt open his lips or not? A. I dare fay he opened his lips. Q. You dare fay !-did he or did he not? A. Yes-I believe he did. Q. Then I ask what was the purport of what he faid- did it relate to that hand bill, the object of your viſit to Mr Watt? A. Mr Downie was coming away and he aſked Watt, how he did, and then Mr Downie afked me to come away with him. Q. You ( 142 ) Q: You went into this man's houſe to whom you was a Aranger, for the purpoſe of getting a hand bill relative to the Fencibles along with Downie, who faid he would carry you to a place where you would be fatisfied; what anfwer did Watt make to your question, or did he fay any thing more after that preliminary queſtion was put by Downie ? A. As it was a trivial queftion I did not take any parti- cular notice. Q It is a trivial queftion, and therefore I afk you, was there any more important queſtion put by Downie,-after Downie afked him how he did ?-did he not aſk Watt whe- ther he could fatisfy your curiofity? A. I do not underſtand you. LORD PRESIDENT. Lord Advocate, you had better go on. Q. After you heard Downie aſk this man Watt how he did, did Downie put any more important queſtion to Mr Watt? A. No-I do not think he did. QDid he put any queſtion at all to Mr Watt further? A. No-I do not recollect that he did put any. Q. Did he leave him directly? A. He came along with me, he was a little before me. LORD PRESIDENT. Did you aſk Downie if he had got the hand bill from Watt? A. Yes-and he faid, he had not. Q. That was the import of your converfation? A. Yes. Q. Was there any direction given to Downie in your hearing, as to the place where the hand bill might be got, which you was in fearch of? A. I did not hear any thing elfe, but Downie aſked him how he did. Q. You came out with Downie? A. Yes. Q. Where did you go to? A. We went to a fhop upon the South Bridge belonging to 1 { } ( 143 ). to Kennedy, or in the management of him, his name is on the fhop door. Q. Did you know Kennedy? A. I never faw him before. Q. What converſation paffed between you and Downie, and Kennedy? A. Downie went into the back shop, I went in and Mír Kennedy gave me fome of theſe things. Q. Pray, was you a member of thefe clubs at Dalkeith ? A. Yes, I was. Mr Anftruther. Q. You went from Mr Watt's to Ken- nedy's, and Mr Kennedy gave you a parcel? A. Yes. Q. How did he give it you? A. He threw it down upon the floor and faid, you had better take it up and fay you found it, for fear any evil ſhould acrue to any body from it. Q. Now what was in that parcel ? A. Why a kind of addrefs to the fencibles not to go out of the country. Q. What did you do with it? * A. I gave it to feveral of my friends round me. (An objection aroſe to his being aſked fuch queſtion, as might criminate himſelf.) Mr Anftruther. He need not anfwer any that may cri minate himſelf, did you give them to a perfon of the name of Sommervile ? A. No, Sir. Q. Did you give them to a perſon of the name of John- fton ? Mr Erfkine-Iconceive it to be of all things the idleft and moſt fuperfluous, to recognize as a principle of law that a wit- nefs is not to answer a question that might criminate him- felf, without at the fame time, warning him what might or not be a queſtion, where the anſwer might criminate him- felf. * Mr Ant } [ 44 ] Mr Anftruther. Moft unquestionably the witnefs is not bound to answer a question to criminate himfelf, and he is to judge for himfelf whether it does or not, and then he may anſwer if he pleaſes. My Erskine. In the cafe of Lord George Gordon a per- ſon was brought as a witnefs, and the queſtion was put tó him whether he was a Roman Catholic, and there was no ob- jection to it from the perfon himfelf; but Lord Kenyon and Mr Erskine objected to the queſtion, upon this ground that if Mr Hay anſwered it, he would fubject himſelf to penalties. 'Mr Anftruther. Mr Erskine forgets the queftion came from Lord George's Counsel, whether the perfon was a Roman Catholic or not; the witnefs afked whether he was bound to answer the queftion, the Court told him if the anſwer would fubject him to penalties, he need not anſwer. Mr Erskine. I care not from whom the queſtion came ĝ becauſe whether from the Crown or the prifoner, the prin- ciple is juſt the fame. LORD PRESIDENT. I wish to know whether the Lord Ad- vocate means to profecute this witneſs. Lord Advocate. With the exception of Downie and Stock, the perfons whom your Lord/hips know bills of indictment are found againft; I don't mean to bring any profecutions againſt other perfons upon this account, Mr Erfkine. My Lords, another Lord Advocate may be appointed to-morrow, and I fhould be glad to know whether another Lord Advocate, notwithstanding what the honour- able gentleman basnow faid, would not be competent to profe- cute any perfon he thought proper, Lord Chief Juftice Jefferies prohibited a queftion of the fame fort, becauſe it would fubject the witnefs to penalties. Mr Anftruther. It is impoffible that it can be a rule of law, that a witnefs is prohibited from anfwering fuch quef- tions; that would be to prevent an accomplice from giving evidence in any cafe; he is at liberty to give his evidence if he picales.' Mr Dutt Ì 145 ] Mr Dundas. The Court has given warning that he need not give any anſwer that may criminate himſelf. Mr Erfkine. A witnefs may anſwer the queftion, but he ought to be informed he need not anſwer it unless he pleaſes to criminate himſelf. Mr Anftruther. Q. Mr Watfon, I have told you that you are not bound to anfwer any queſtion that criminates yourſelf, you have told me you gave one of thofe papers to a perfon of the name of Johnfton? A. Yes. Q. Now, anfwer me, whether Mr Watt ever told you, or told Downie, in your hearing, whether you would get theſe papers, where they were to be found; or whether he told Mr Downie any thing about any papers in your hear ing? A. No. I don't recollect that he did. Q. But you went from Watt's houfe to Kennedy's firop, there what paffed you mentioned? A. Yes. Q. You got a parcel of them? A. Yes. Q. Now, was there any other paper? Do you know a Committee, called a Committee of Ways and Means? A. No. Q. Was you a member of the Convention ? A. Yes, I was. Q. Was you a fecretary to the Friends of the People at Dalkeith? A. I was fecretary once, WILLIAM JOHNSTON Sworn, Mr Anftruther.-Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of William Watſon? A. Yes. Q. Is he the man that was here juſt now? • A. Yes. + T Q. Did ? ( 146 ) Q. Did you fee him in the next room? A. Yes. Q. Did Did you ever receive a printed paper from him? A. Yes. Q. What did you do with it? A I gave it to James Sandilands. Q Do you remember what it related to in general? AI think it was an Addrefs to the Fencibles, or fome- thing of that nature. Q. At what period of time was this? A. I cannot tell the time; it was probably in the Spring of the year; I cannot recollect the time. Q Was it about the time that Lord Hopetoun's Fen cibles were at Dalkeith? A. Yes. I dare fay it was. Q. Can you recollect where the paper was dated? A. i think Dundee. JAMES SANDILANDS Sworn, Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of William Johnſton ? A. Yes, Sir, I do. Q. Did you fee him in the other room? A. Yes, Sir, I did. Q. Did you ever at any time receive any printed paper from him? A. Yes. I did. 2 Q. When? A. I don't perfectly recollect the time. Q. About what time was it? A. About the month of April or May. Q. Was it at the time the Fencibles went through Dal- keith? A. Yes. It was about that time. Q. What fort of a paper was it? A. I don't know. I never looked at the paper; we had fome converfation about it. } Q. What < } ( 147 ) Q. What was the converfation between you about ? A. One William Johnston aſked me if a Serjeant would look at it; I gave it to Serjeant Hardy. Q. You took it from the hand of Johnſton? A. Yes. Q. And you put it into the hand of Serjeant Hardy? A Yes, I did. Lord Advocate.-Q. Hardy is a Serjeant in Lord Hopes toun's Fencibles? A. Yes. SERJEANT HARDY Sworn: Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Sandilands ? A. Yes.. Q: Did you ever receive from him any printed paper? A. Yes. Q. What was it about? A. It was a feditious paper, concerning the Fencibles not going out of Scotland. Q. What regiment do you belong to? A. The Earl of Hopetoun's. Q. You are a Serjeant in it ? A. Yes: Q About what time was it? A. About the toth of May. Q. Was your regiment in Dalkeith about that time? A. Only part of the regiment were marching through it. Q. How long were you at Dalkeith? A. Three days. Q. What day of the week do you recollect was it? A. It was on Saturday I got the paper, Q. Was it in Dalkeith you got the paper? A. It was on the ſtreet in Dalkeith. Q. Where was the regiment going at that time? A. It was going to Liverpool. Q. Did the regiment go to Liverpool? T 2 A. Only i (148) • A. Only part went to Liverpool. Q. Did the part you went with go to Liverpool? A. No.-To Whitehaven:-105 went to Whitehaven two hundred to Liverpool Q. Is that the paper? look at it. A. Yes. The very paper. Q. Do you recollect what converfation paffed at the time you had that paper delivered to you?-State what paffed at the time. A. This gentleman, Sandilands, came to me, and bade me look at that paper; I aſked him where he got it. He told me; but I do not recollect the man's name. I aſked him, if he had any thing to do concerning that paper, or the peo- ple that put it out; he ſaid no, he had not; there were meetings in towns, but he never attended any of them. Q. And he gave you that paper? A. Yes. Mr Anftruther.-Gentlemen, it is the fame paper that has been read to you, which answers, verbatim, to the copy taken off the types, and the very identical paper which Har- › dy received from Watfon, Q. (To Hardy,) Do you know of any other being diſtri buted in your regiment? A. No. I never faw any other but this I received my felf. ARTHUR MEWAN Sworn. Examined by Mr SOLICITOR GENERAL. Q. Pray, what is your occupation A. I was bred a weaver. Q. Where do you live? + A. At the Water of Leith. J + Q. Do you know if there is a fociety of the Friends of the People at the Water of Leith? A. Yes. Q.. Was you a member of that fociety P A. Yes. A. Yes. [ 149 ] Q. Do you know that they fent feveral delegates to the British Convention ? A. Yes. They fent feveral. Q. Was you a delegate ? A. Yes. Q. Did you attend the Convention regularly? A. Yes. Q. Did you attend them when they were diſperſed ? A. Yes. Q. At what time? A. At the end of November or beginning of December Q. After this difperfion happened by the Civil Magiſtrate, did the Water of Leith Society continue to affemble as be- fore? A. Not fo frequently. Q. But you affembled fome times ? A. Yes. 1 Q. Do you know the other Societies affembled here? A. I never went to any of them but that which I belong- ed to, I was elected by them to a Committee. Q What was the Committee called? A. A Committee of Union, by a printed paper; what it was formerly, I don't know. Q You was a delegate from the Society? A. Yes. Q. Where did it meet, that Committee of Union? A. At George Rofs's. nion? What might be the number of the Committee of U A. I don't know. Q. Might it be twenty or thirty? A. I ſuppoſe it might be more than that. Q. Had they many meetings, this Committee of Union ? A. They had frequent meetings. Q Did they form another Committee of themſelves? A. Yes, they did. 1 Q. How Q. How did you call that? A. That Committee was called a Sub-committee: Q. Had it any other name? A. It was after that called a Committee of Ways and Means. Q. Were they choſen by the Committee of Union, from their members? A. Yes. Q. Was you one of the Committee of Ways and Means ? A. I was a member of the Committee, but it was called a Sub-committee. Q. But it got the name of a Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes. Q. What did you underſtand to be the object or purpoſe of this Committee of Ways and means? A. The object I underſtood' was, two or three weeks bes fore, that there was a letter read to that Committee, inti- mating that a letter had been received from Mr Skirving, wherein it appeared that the Convention owed him' a fum of money, and hoped they would pay him, as he was going to leave the land. Q: How many did the members of that Committee con- fiſt of? A. It confifted of feven. Q. Was Watt one? A. Yes. Q. Who elfe? 3 A. Mr Atchiſon, Mr Stock, Mr Burke. Q. Was Bonthorne ? A. Mr Bonthorne and myſelf. Q. Was Downie a member of it? A. Yes, David Downie. Q. Had you many meetings of this Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes, there were many meetings. $ Where 1 ing? ( 151 ) Where was it held, was you there at the firft meet- A. I was. Q. What bufinefs paffed at that meeting? A. No bufinefs paffed that night, but a letter brought by Alexander Aitchison. Q. Do you recollect what it was about? A. I think it was about the Gazetteer. Q. But nothing elfe happened at the first meeting? A. No. Q. About what time was it? A. About the tenth of March. Q. At which no material bufinefs was tranfacted? A. No, no further than I mentioned. Q Was you at the fecond meeting of the Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes. Q. Who attended at that meeting? A. I think there was Mr Burke, Mr Stock, Mr Watt, and Downie, Mr Bonthorne and myſelf. Q. Was Aitchefon there? A. No, he was not. JURY. Repeat the names of the Committee; was Watt at the fecond meeting? A. Yes. Q. Now, at this fecond meeting of the Committee of Ways and Means, at which you was prefent, and Watt was prefent, was there any propofition or plan laid before the Committee by Watt? A. Not that night, there was nothing done that night, the ſecond night, but a letter wrote of congratulation to Mr Gerrald. 1 Q. Then, who were prefent at the third meeting? tell firſt who were preſent at that third meeting? A. Ar the third meeting, there were Mr Watt, Mr Dow- nje, Mr Bonthorne, Mr Stock, and I ' Q. The [152] } Q. The others were not preſent? A. No. Q. Whether at this meeting was any propoſal made by Watt or any plan laid before it by him? A. My Lords, as far as I can recollect, Mr Watt pro- duced a paper that night, which contained a plan to ſeize the Lord Juſtice-Clerk, the reft of the Lords of Seffion, and the Lord Provoft; alfo, to have a number of men placed at the Weigh-houſe, and a number at the Lucken-booths ; to put a fire at the Excife Office, to draw the military from the Caſtle, and when they came down, thofe placed at the Weigh-houſe, with the others at the Lucken-booths, were to encloſe them, at the fame time numbers were to feize the different Banks of this town, and to appoint Commiffioners to go and demand the caſh of them. Counsel, Gentlemen, I ſuppoſe, you have heard whạt he stated. JURY. Q. Do you fay this propofal was made by Watt? A. I think it was in writing. Q. Did Watt take it out of his pocket? A. Yes, he did. Q. Did he read it? A. Yes, he did. " Q. Did he make any corrections as he went along? A. If I recollect right, he feemed to interline fome things in it. Q. You mentioned you were to ſeize certain perfons, men- tion them over again ? A. It was the Lord Juftice-Clerk, the reft of the Lords of Seffion, and then the Lord Provoſt. Q. What were they to do with them ? . A. That I cannot remember. Q. Only that they were to be feized ? A. That was the expreffion. Q. Was there any thing mentioned about feizing the Castle? A. No, I don't remember that being ſpoke of in the pa- per. 1 Q. At 1 } [ 153 ] Q. At what time was it propofed, it should be done, was it to be done at night or day, or when, or how foon? A. There was no day mentioned. Q. Pray was it mentioned in the plan who was to have the direction of theſe people, who were to get the better of the military in this way? A. No, I don't remember. I Q. Was it mentioned there were to be leaders appoint- ed? A. Upon my word I cannot remember that. Q. You don't remember whether it was mentioned to be executed in the day time or night? A. I cannot fay as to that, but I rather ſuppoſe it was to. be in the night time. Q. You mentioned they were to take poffeffion of the banks? A. The different banks. Was there any thing mentioned of having commif fioners to take an account of the caſh? A. Yes, to demand the cafh; I think it was fufficiently mentioned in the papers to demand the cafk. Q. After they had got poffeffion in this way, what were they to do next? A. I cannot fay any thing farther. I cannot remember any more particulars in that paper. Q. After the plan was read over, what became of it? did Watt deliver it to any body or put it back? A. If I recollect right he put it into a prefs. Q. Did you ever fee that written plan again, after the time you mentioned ? A. No, never after. Q. Did you fee any writing that had any connection with it afterwards? A. No. Q. Did Watt ever ſhew you a copy of an addreſs, after all things were feized in that way, or a proclamation? A. No, he did not, but he read a paper of that kind. ม $ Q. When - -y ; } 1 } } When was that? [ 154 ] A. It was a Committee night. Q. A. Q. 2 You cannot be fure any body was there but Downie ? I think Downie was there. Where was this meeting? A. It was a Committee night in Mr Watt's own houſe. Q. You are not fure whether Mr Watt fhewed you the paper, or only read it? A. 1 am fure I heard it read. Q. Will you tell us what was the fubftance of the paper A. As far as can remember the fubftance run thus : it was a copy of a proclamation to all farmers and dealers in corn, meal and hay, not to remove the fame from their ha- bitation under the pain of death; and alfo for all gentlemen refiding in the country not to leave their habitation above three miles under pain of death. QAnd when was it to be done? A. According as I remember, it was to be done imme- diately after the attack. Tull Q. Do you remember in whoſe name this proclamation ? by what authority or what perfon was to fign it? A. No, I heard of no perfon that was to fign it. Q. Now, at the time when this plan was the fubject of converfation, or read in the Commiitee, was any thing faid about arming the Committee? A. No. Q Was any thing faid about addreffing the King? A. Yes, there was upon the other fide. I cannot be fitive. 1 po Q. What was the nature of the addreſs to the King? A. The nature of the addreſs to the King was thus: to difmifs his Minifters, to put an end to the prefent war, or to meet bad confequences, or expect bad confequences. JURY. The witn.fs fays he heard nothing about,arming,. we have not heard how they were to attack the foldiers. Q. Was there any queftion made about the arms to be ufed ? ; A. A. No. [ 155 ] Q. At any other time had you converfation with Watt about procuring arms, or did he take any means? A. I never knew that he did, or that it was in conver- fation till he aſked me to go to Robert Orrock, a ſmith in the Dean. Q. What was the purpoſe? A. He did not mention the purpoſe to me, I went with him, as he asked me the favour to go with him.. Q. What converſation had he with him? A. He wished him to make fome pikes, and Robert Orrock drew a model of a pike upon the table; and Mr Watt afked him to work as faſt as he could, for he had 4000 to fend to Perth, befides what he wanted to diſtribute about Edinburgh, and ordered Orrock to be bufy, and as faſt as he brought them in he fhould have the money. Q. What did he ſay? A. He ſaid he had 4000 to fend to Perth, befides what he had to diftribute about Edinburgh. : Q. Was it Orrock that drew the drawing of the pike or Watt? A. It was Orrock. Q. Was you ever back at Orrock's houfe again except that time? A. No. Q. Do you know any thing of Orrock making the pikes? A. I heard him get the Order, I never faw him working at one of them, only one day I was going up to the Dean, and we had fome other buſineſs with him, a man and we were ſtanding at the door of the ſmiddy, I faw a man work- ing at a thing ſimilar to this, and Lord Swinton's fervant afked the lad what it was, what was the uſe of it, and he told him it was to put on a gate. Q. Did you ever fee fion than this? MA. No. any U 2 of them upon any other occa : 134 : ! : [156] 1 Q. Did you ever fee any of them in Watt's poffeffion? A. Yes. Q. Are you acquainted with John Fairley? A. No, I am not acquainted with him. Q. Did you ever ſee hiin? A. Yes. Q. A wright? A. Yes. * Q. Did you ever fee him in your Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes. Q. What did you underſtand to be the buſineſs? A. What I underſtood was he had been fent to the weft country-before I faw him, I understood that he had been fent to the west, but what his orders were to the weft I do pot know. Q. Had Had you any reaſon to know it? A. Not till I heard himfelf. Q That was upon his return? A. Yes. Mr Anftruther, Q. Was Watt preſent ? A. Yes. 1 Q. When he (Fairley) returned from the weft, and made his report to the Committee of Ways and Means, what did he ſay? A. I can give you but a very ſmall detail he faid he had been to visit a vaft number of places, Mr Wait took a note of them down upon paper, I think of the places; there 1 was Queens-ferry, Falkirk, Kilfyth, Stirling, St Ninians, Kirkintulloch, Campfie, Glafgow, Paifley. Q. Was there any thing particular mentioned with re- ſpect to Paiſley or the others? A. He faid that Paifley was in a ftate of great readinefs. Q. Did he mention any thing about any other place? A. No. Q. What did you underſtand by their being in readineſs? A. I cannot tell what his orders were, I did not know what they were. 1 { Mr. } [157] 1 1 Mr Anftruther.' Q. Did you ever hear any other con- verfation about arming?. A. No. I don't remember any. Q. You difapproved of it? f A. Yes, I did. I faid when that paper was firſt read, I by no means agreed to any thing tending to diſturb the peace, or tending to fhed the blood of my countrymen. JURY. Q. Did you think fomething of that nature was propofed ? A The paper that he had read in my prefence led me to think fo, in my weak opinion. Mr Anftruther. Q. What bufinefs was it the Committee of Ways and Means met upon the night Mr Watt propof- ed this plan ? A. They met upon no other buſineſs when firſt that Sub-Committee was appointed they were to meet every Tueſday night. Q. Did not they do fomething that night, that he read that paper? A. O aye. Q. Did he not write fome letter? A. I do'nt recollect it. Q. Do you remember ſeeing any printed letter figned by Hardy in the Committee? A. No. Q. Then you dont know the anſwer to it? did you ever fee a printed letter in the Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes I faw it in the Committee, I heard it read in the Committee of Ways and Means. Q. Was Mr Watt prefent? A. He was prefent when the anſwer was wrote. Q. Who wrote it? A. He wrote it perfectly himſelf, and after he wrote it, he faid he would read it over again, and he would correct it, and I never faw it more; I have never ſeen it fince-I think it is yery fimilar to what I faw before. Q. Have you heard of any fet of people called collectors? 1 A. I [ 18 ] } 1 A. I dont know what they were to do, I cannot give any poſitive anſwer. Q. Where did you hear it? A. It was in the Committee of Union. Lord Advocate. Q. Was Watt prefent when you heard thoſe perfons called collectors mentioned ? A. I cannot fay. Q. Do you know of any money that was collected by the Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes, the fociety of the Water of Leith gave me 155. to pay into the Committee, for they were of opinion with me, as I faid before, it was-to go for the benefit of Mrs Skir- ving under the direction of that Committee, I recollect none but that and a bill of 151. they received from Perth. Q. For what purpoſe was that money ? A. I fuppofe this Committee were to look into the cir- cumftances of Mrs Skirving, and give her the money as they thought prudent. Q. Did you ever fee a printed paper called Fundamental Principles ? A. Yes. Q. Was that the principles of your Committee? A. The Committee, I never faw them take it up. Q. Was it produced in the Committee? A. Yes. Q. By whom? ! A. It was produced by Mr Watt. t ! Q. It was produced by Mr Watt in the Committee, you then being preſent ? A. Yes. } Q. Now is that the paper? A. That is the very paper I have feen there produced by Mr Watt. ! (Here he was ſhewn the papers entitled Fundamental Prin- 7 ciples.). MR BON. t 1 1 [ 159 ] MR BONTHORNE Sworn. + Mr Antruther. Q. What are you? A. A teacher. Q. Now take your own time-I believe you was a member of fome Committee of the Friends of the People in the begin- ning of this year? A. I was. Q. I believe you thought it right to come to a refolution to withdraw yourſelf from that Committee? A. Yes. Q. About what time was it you formed that refolution to withdraw yourself? A. Perhaps about (I cannot pofitively fay, but perhaps a- bout) the 17th of April. Q. I don't want you to be particular as to a day-was Mr Watt a member of that Committee? A. Which Committee? Q. That Committee you determined to withdraw your felf from? * A. He was. Q. What was the name of that Committee? A. The Sub-Committee. Q. Had it any other name? A. Not that I know of, I underſtood it had another name, but I did not hear it. Q. What was the other name? A. I have heard it fince I was in confinement, it was call- ed the Committee of Ways and Means. Q. Have you ever heard of a Committee of Union ? A. Yes. Q. Who choſe the Sub-Committee? A. The Committee of Union. Q: Who were the members of that Sub-Committee ? A. Mr Aitchefon, Mr Stock, Mr Burke or Burt, I am not certain which, Mr Robert Watt, I think, Mr David Downie, Arthur M‹Ewan. & 5 { LORD [160] LORD JUSTICE-CLERK. Is that the Robert Watt ? A. (The witnefs looking at him) Yes, and myielt. Q. Now, Mr Bonthorne, had any thing paffed in that Committee that induced you to come to a refolution to with- draw yourſelf from it? A. I thought fo, my Lord. Q. Now, what was it that paffed in that Committee? A. There were different things that paffed in that Com mittee, that I could not preſently fay. Q Did you ever hear Mr Watt, in that Committee, pro- poſe any plan? A. No, I never heard him propofe any plan. Q Did you ever hear him read any plan ? A. I have heard him read a paper, my Lord. Q. Now, what was that paper? A. I cannot fay what that paper was, it is a confiderable time fince. LORD PRESIDENT. Recollect the fubftance of it as well as you can. A. My Lord, if you will pleaſe to ask me a queſtion a- bout it, I will anſwer, Mr Anfruther. I rather with you to recollect your yourfeif? A. I thought my oath required me to answer questions. Q. How much do you remember of the purport of that paper? A. I remember very little more about it, becauſe up on the hearing of it, I was in fuch confufion, it has cut off my recollection. Q. What was the purport of that paper ¿ A. I know nothing what the purport was. Q. What was it, as near as you can recollect ? A. I can fly very little about it. Lord Advocate. You are under an oath to God to tell the truth, and nothing but the truth, if you conceal the truth you are criminal. LORD 161 1 ! LORD PRESIDENT. Did that paper fay any thing about the Friends of the People rifing upon any occafion, and to do what? # A. No, if I recollect, it rather went upon a fuppofition that fuch a thing could be done. 1 Q. What was it that could be done? A. My Lord, I looked upon the whole as if it had been a kind of phrenzy, or fomething of that kind, and it ítruck me with fuch confufion. LORD PRESIDENT. You are bound to tell whatever it was. A. Yes, as foon as I can recollect it. Q. Was there any thing about feizing the Caftle in it? A. If I miſtake not, my Lord, there was. Q. Surely you can tell whether there was or not? A. I think there was. Q. What was it? A. Nothing at all that I recollect. you LORD PRESIDENT. It is my duty to tell you, Sir, that are in very great danger. Every body must be fenfible that you heard fomething, and can tell fomething, and you are bound to tell it. I must put you upon your guard. The Court will take it up. Did that paper contain any thing, or did it not, about feizing the Cattle.? A. I think fo, my Lord. Q. What 'did it fay upon that fubject? A. I cannot recollect, my Lord, particularly what it faid, I juſt looked upon it as a fuppofition, that it could be done. Q. By whom? A. By a number, if they could be collected; it was upon a fuppofition that a number could be collected for the pur- poſe. Q. A number of whom? A. A number of perſons. Q. Did you fuppofe this meant the Friends of the People? A. I fuppofe fo, my Lord. X + $ C. Did { 1 [162] i } Q Did it fay any thing about feizing, furrounding, or attacking the foldiers in the Caſtle. A. I do not recollect any thing of that kind. Q. Did it fay any thing about lighting a fire, or doing any thing in order to draw the foldiers out of the Caſtle? A. I am not certain whether there was not fome expref- fion about the Regiſter Office. Q. About what? A. About raifing an alarm by fire at the Regifter Office. Q. For what purpoſe ? A. I ſuppoſe it was to bring the foldiers from the Caſtle. Q. And in caſe they ſhould be brought from the Caſtle, what do you fuppofe was then to happen? A. I ſuppoſe to take poffeffion of the Caſtle. Q. Did you fuppofe any attack would be made upon the foldiers themfelves, or any attempt to take poffeffion of them. A. I don't remember any thing of that. Q Was there any thing faid about the Lord Provoſt or the Judges, or any body in power? A. I recollect no perfons. QWas there any deſcription of perfons, fuch as Judges and Magiftrates? A. I don't recollect any thing of it. Q: Was there any thing faid about Banks? A. Yes, perhaps, my Lord, the word Bank or Banks was in it. Q. What expreffion was in it ? A. I think about feizing the Bank or Banks. Q: Was there any thing about feizing the Excife Office? A. I am not certain but there was. Mr Anftruther. Was there any thing about poffeffing themſelves of places of truft? A. I am not poſitive of it. · Q. What was the general defign of the plan or paper ? A. I cannot fay, my Lord. Q. What was it that frightened you ſo much. 1 A. The 163 1 A. The appearance of it in general. Q. The appearance of what? A. Of a paper read. Q. What fort of a paper ? A. A paper that has been juft now quoted. Lord Advocate. That was the thing frightened him fo much, and induced him to leave the Committee. Mr Anfiruther. What were the contents of that paper? A. I have endeavoured to anfwer the different queftions. Q. Was the purport of that paper to feize the Cafle ? A. That I believe, I faid. Q Was it to feize the people of note or name about E- dinburgh? Was it to feize any body? A. Not one, that I recollect. Q. What were they to do? A. Indeed I know not, it ftruck me with fuch a confu- fion, it put me from my recollection altogether. Q. Was any thing faid about the Guard-houſe, or about the Baillies or Magiſtrates? A. No. Q. Any thing about Officers ? A. No. Q. Any mention of Lord Juftice-Clerk ? A. No, not that I recollect, I believe the whole of it went upon a fuppofition, if fuch a number were or could be collected. Q. What were they to do? A. Thoſe things formerly mentioned. Q. Do I underſtand you right, that the plan was, that if a certain number could be collected, they were to feize thofe places that have been mentioned ? A. I underſtood fo. Q. Do you recollect any thing of what the numbers were ? A. No, I don't recollect any number. Q. Do you know whether they were large or finall nume bers? A. I do not recollect the numbers. } X & Q. Were [ 164 ] Were they large numbers or finall numbers & A. I cannot give the numbers. Q. Did this plan alarm you, or did it not? A. It alarmed me. Q. Now, tell me what was it that alarmed you in that plan? A. The whole of it, as far as I underſtood or heard. Q. What did you do upon re ding that plan ? 7 A. As far as I recollect, there was a perfon that ſhewed an oppoſition to it. Q Who was that? A. Arthur M'Ewan fhewed an oppofition to it. Q. You agreed with Arthur M'Ewan? A. I repeated the words, "No, no." I think fo. Q. Then, the plan you faid “ no, no" to, was the fame plan that Arthur McEwan diffented from? A. It was the fame paper. Q. What was the buſineſs of the Committee of Ways and Means? A. The Sub-committee you mean? Q. Yes. A. As far as ever I underflood, it was juft to tranfact the bufinefs of the Friends of the People.. Q. Was it to collect money, or was it not? A. No, my Lord, I did not underſtand it was to colle& money. Q. Do you know any thing that was written or read in that Committee, of a paper that was afterwards printed ? A. Name it, if you pleafe. Q Called a circular letter? A. I could not fay unless I faw it. (The circular letter from the Committee of Ways and Means A. Yes, my Lord. fern him) Q. You have feen that paper? A. Yes, my Lord.. 1 2 Q. Where 1 [ 165 ] Q. Where did you fee it? A. I think I have feen it in manufcript? QWhere did you fee it in manufcript? A. Perhaps in the Gazetteer office. Q. Did you ever fee it at a meeting of the Committee? A. It is the Committee I mean. Q. Whofe office did you fee it in? A. I don't know I ever had it in my hand, I was pre- fent when it was read. Q. Who wrote it? A. I think it was Mr Stock. Q. I afk if the place where the Committee met, was in the Gazetteer office? A. Yes, it was. Q. It was not there that the other paper was read ? A. What do you allude to ? Q. The paper that frightened you fo much? A. It was not there, it was in Mr Watt's houfe. LORD PRESIDENT. What did Watt do with it, after he had read it, and you faid no, no,-what did Watt ſay? A. If I remember right, he rofe from his chair, and put it into a prefs. ? Q. Did you and M'Ewan come away upon that? A. We did not till we parted. Q. What did you do when you went home? Lord Advocate. Q. You fay you was very much alarmed and confounded at the import of the paper Watt read. You faid before you was fo confufed when you heard the paper read, it took away almoſt all your recollection? A. Yes. Q. I afk you this queftion; in confequence of this a- larm, did you take any ftep immediately for fatisfying the public, you was no longer an affiftant to thofe perfons? A. No, I took no ſtep, but foon after left the meeting altogether. Q. Did you advertiſe in the public newspapers that you had fo done? A. t A [166] 7 ۰۲ A. Q. I did not. Did you take any fteps towards doing fo? A. Yes, my Lord. Q. State to the Jury what ftep it was you took or ine tended to take towards that purpoſe ? A. The alarm this paper gave me, caufed me to refolve in my own mind to quit the meeting altogether; and I re- folved a few days after to make fuch an advertiſement; but after I had done fo, an acquaintance of mine called upon me and told me he was going a jaunt to the weft country, and made fome application to me, and I wrote a line or two to him to call upon Mr Watt to advance him a few Shillings. He was an intimate acquaintance of mine, and he thought he might be ſhort of money upon fome bufinefs he was going about, which he did not make known to me, and from the in- tereſt I had with him, I wrote a line or two after I had with- drawn myſelf from the meeting altogether, to Mr Watt to advance him a few fhillings, for which he would account on his return. Q How did that prevent you from taking the ſtep you have just now ſtated? Why fhould writing to Watt to get Watt to advance you a few fhillings for a friend of yours who was going to the weft, prevent you doing that? A. I had taken a farewell of all the Committees. Q. Did you compofe any advertiſement for the purpoſe I have just now ſtated to you? - A. Yes, my Lord, that fame week I did. Q Was there any particular newſpaper in which you propoſed to infert that, was it the Edinburgh Advertiſer ? A. It was the Edinburgh Advertiſer. Q. You did not infert it in that, becauſe you afterwards wrote to Watt to advance a fum of money to a friend of yours going to the weft country & A. Yes. Q. Who was that friend? 1 A. An intimate acquaintance-John Fairley was his name. Q. A [167] t Q. A journey to the weſt? A. He told me he was going to Falkirk to fee a fifter of his own; and he added, he propofed going a little farther. QAnd did he fay befides a vifit to his fifter, he had any other buſineſs? A. No, he did not; he told me he had a commiffion from Watt, but what that commiffion was he did not ftate. Q. Did he make any application to you for money to make this journey? A. From the intimacy between him and I, I would have lent it him, but it was not in my power, for that reaſon I wrote to Watt. Q. Did you give thoſe reaſons to Fairley? A. I did. Q. Did Fairley leave you to go to Watt? A. Yes. { Q. Did you fee Fairley after he performed the journey? A. I did not. : Q. I thought you faid before he went away you did ? A. Yes. Q. But after he came back, did you or not meet with Fairley? A. Yes. Q. Did Fairley communicate to you the names of the places where he had been in the courfe of that journey? A. He did not. A. Did he mention the names of the perfons he met in the courſe of that journey? A. No, he did not, Q. Did he ſtate that Watt had complied with the re- queft for money or not? A. He did not. Q. You did not afk him? A. I did not aſk him. Q. Would you know the advertiſement again you pre- pared after hearing that alarming paper read, and before you • [168] } 1 1 you wrote that note of introduction to Fairley, if you faw it again? 19 A. I certainly fhould. { Q. Is that the very paper? (fhewing him a paper) A. Yes, my Lord. Q. Your own hand writing? A. Yes. That paper was read as follows : "TO THE PUBLIC, { Broughton, April 21. "I William Bonthron, teacher in Broughton, was chofen a member of the Committee of Union in March last, and "Sub-Committee; but for reaſons of weight with me, de- clare that I have dropped all connection or communica- tion with the faid Committees, " WILLIAM Bonthrone.” Q. Is that the paper you prepared for infertion? A. Yes. Q Was there any particular reaſon why you applied to Watt to advance a fum of money to Fairley for this journey, in preference to any other perfon? A. It was purely out of friendſhip to Fairley. Q. I ask you why you felected Watt to be the perfon to lend money to Fairley rather than any other perfon? A. Becauſe he told me he was going to Watt, or was going to receive a commiffion from Mr Watt. Q. Did you ever hear of a man of the name of Hardy ? A. Yes. 1 Q. In what place have you heard of that perfon's name? A. I cannot fix upon a particular place. Q Did you ever hear of that man Hardy in the Com- mittee of Union or the Sub-Committee? A. Yes, I think fo. Q. Upon what occafion was it you heard the name of that perſon mentioned ? 1 1 ' [ A } [ 169 1 A. I think it was upon the letter that he fhould have fent if I miftake not that I heard his name mentioned. Q. It was in the Committee that you heard his name mentioned, and it was upon the occafion of a letter that Hardy had fent-It was in the Union Committee or Sub- Committee? A. Either one or the other. Q Was that a written or a printed letter? as far as you recollect? A. I do not pofitively recollect. Q. Do you recollect whether it was written or printed? A. I think it was a printed paper. : Q. Do you recollect if this Hardy figned himſelf in any particular character? A. I do not know in regard to his fubfcription, but I recollect the character he went under was ſecretary to fome Committee in London. Q. Would you know that paper again if you faw it? take time and look at it. A. I think it was like this letter. Q. But an answer was agreed upon to that letter in the Committée ? A. I think fo. Q. Do you remember what particular members of the Committee were prefent when the answer was drawn up to this letter of Hardy's ? A. I think, all the feven excepting two. Q. Who were the two, that were abſent? A. Aitchison and Burke. Q. Do you recollect what the import of that letter was what it related to? A. The anſwer do you mean? Q. Either the letter or anſwer. A. The letter was fhewn me. Q. What was the anſwer? A. I don't recollect one fentence of the anfwer, but only that an anſwer was given to it. * Q. Did [ 170 J 1 Q. Did this anfwer or did it not relate to your choofing delegates to attend a Britiſh Convention to be called in Eng- land? A. I remember hearing of fuch a thing but whether that letter contained fuch a thing I cannot be pofitive, but I re- member perfectly fuch a thing was fpoken of. Q. Who drew the answer to the letter? A. I think if I recollect well it was Mr Stock. Q. Do you recollect in what manner this anfwer was to be forwarded to Hardy? A. Yes. Q. How was it? 1 { A. If I recollect Mr Stock was to take it to London him- felf. Q. You fay Mr Stock was to take it to London himſelf? A. I think fo. Q. Do you know whether Stock is gone to London, or that he went foon after this? A. He meant then to go a few days after by fea. Q. Did you ever in the Committee hear of any paper Being compofed relative to the Fencible Regiments? A. I think fo. Q. Who compofed that paper ? A. I think Mr Stock. Q: Was Watt preſent? A. Yes, Mr Watt was prefent as far as my recollection eads me. Q. Look at that paper and fee if that paper be like the paper, that was compofed in your hearing? (The witneſs, looking at the paper ſaid,) A. Yes, perhaps, with fome variations or alterations. I only faw it in manuſcript. Q. Upon the whole that is fimilar, there may be fome variation from the paper Stock produced, and you faw in the Committee? A. Yes. 1 > Q. Look [ 171 ] Q. Look at that, and fee if ever you faw it before, is that your hand-writing, Mr Bonthorne ? A. Yes, it is. Lord Advocate. What paper is that? A. That is a paper, my Lord, that was a minute wrote în the Committee of Union, I did not write it in the Com- mittee of Union, I only took a copy of it, I was ſent for and I took a copy of it. You will fee who the original was wrote by, by that. } Q. Who compofed that paper? As mentioned, Robertfon, I think, is his name, (That paper read as follows : ) Edinburgh, 5th March 1794. The General Committee having met, Citizen Stock appointed Præfes, and Citizen Robertfon, Secretary. "The buſineſs commenced by forming a plan of organiza- "tion of the Friends of the People in Edinburgh, Citizen "Watt propoſed to recommend to the different Societies to chufe a Permanent Committee to fit once a-week, and that there should be a Committee of feven to be empow- "ered to tranfact the bufinefs of the Friends of the People. "This Committee to report to the different Societies, and "that this Committee recommend to their different Socie- "ties to chufe two or three members for this Committee, "to meet on Tuefday next at feven o'clock, and that they "ſhould chuſe the Sub-committee to fit the fame evening, and report to the General Committee." t Q That was dated Edinburgh, 5th March? } A. It was juſt about the beginning of March the Commit- tee of Union met, Crofs-Examination by Mr. Erskine, 劈 ​A Q. At the time you left the Committee, did you not take a new ſchool? I wish to know whether you was not forming Y 2 a new [ 772 ] a new Connection in another part of the town when you left the Committee of Ways and Means. A. Yes, I was going to remove at Whitfunday. Q. Did you give that as a reaſon for removing from the Committee? A. Yes, I did, perhaps, it was the only reafon that I gave. Mr Hamilton. Q. You mentioned in a former part of your examination, that Mr Watt produced a plan with re- gard to fome ineafures that he thought might be adopted? A. He took fuch a paper from his pocket and read it over, I know nothing more about it, than that he juft read it, Whether it was a copy or not, I can't fay, he juſt read it, without any comment upon it. Q. How long had you been together that evening? A. I cannot afcertain it, perhaps, a few minutes, I could not afcertain it, it might be half an hour or an hour. Mr Erfeine. Did Watt propofe it and prefs-it upon upon the Committee, as a plan to be put in immediate exe- cution? A. No, he just read it and put it up in the prefs without any comment upon it, as far as I recollect. Q. Did you drink tea with him that night, or fup with Watt? R A. No, I did not, as I remember. Did you fay fup? Q. Yes. A. Perhaps I did take a cup for fupper, or fomething of that fort. MR SHERIFF CLERK, Sworn, Mr Anstruther, Q. Did you make any fearch amongſt Watt's papers ? A. Yes, I fearched Watt's houfe for papers, and carried away fuch papers as I thought related to the proceed- ings of the Friends of the People. Q. Did him. you find that paper there? (Shewing a paper to A. Yesa ; [ 173 ] A. Yes, I remember that paper was found there, and was marked in my prefence with the initials of the perfons pre- fent in Watt's houfe, before we left it. Q. Was this other there? (Shewing another paper.) A. Yes I remember this particularly. Q. Do you remember that? (Shewing a third paper.) A. Yes, I remember this perfectly likewife. Theſe papers were found in Watt's houſe. Mr Anftruther. There were three of them? The import- ance of one muſt appear from inſpection and not from read- ing. It is a drawing of pikes, and was found in Watt's houfe. Mr Clerk. A. There were papers found in three rooms. Mr Anstruther. This is another paper found in Watt's poffeflion. It is the paper that Aitchiſon mentioned he had written by direction of the Sub-Committee, and fent to a perfon he did not mention. Lord Advocate. And the Sheriff fwears he found that paper in Watt's houſe. "SIR, (The paper read as follows :) "Laft night, at a meeting of the General Committee of the Friends of the People in Edingburgh, a motion was prefented by Citizen William Robinfon, in confequence "of a repreſentation from Citizen Dr Hunter, that you ❝ wished to be informed of the ftate of public fpirits in this "city, and that you likewife defired to have fome fubfcrip- " tion papers forwarded to you, whereupon it was refolved that the Sub-committee fhould be authorized to write you; and, while they tranfmit to you the fubfcription papers, "requeſted to inform you at the fame time that the fpirit "of freedom, notwithſtanding all the unconſtitutional mea- "fures lately adopted, is by no means depreffed, but like a "fire attempted to be fmothered, increaſes ten fold, and will, ere long, confume all thofe who attempt to extinguiſh fit. There are many things which we might wish to write, which } 1 ~ [174] which perhaps, in the prefent crifis, it would be impru- dent to commit to paper; we ſhall therefore conclude, "with wifhing an encreaſe to the numbers of the real "Friends of Freedom all over the Globe, and of the Friends ❝ of Conftitutional Reform in this iſland in particular. "When you, or any of the worthy members of your Af- "fociation have buſineſs this way, we fhall be happy to fee you. Societies of the Friends of the People, meet every "night except Saturday and Sunday, either at C Philip's fchool, Calton, or C "bertfon's fchool, "Geo. Rofs's, Liberty Court, South Bridge. Ro "In name of the Edinburgh Committee of the Friends of the People, I am, &c, を ​"P. S. Either on Saturday, or at fartheft on Tueſday “ next, you may expect the firſt number of the New Gazej- "teer, which will then begin to be publiſhed in the fpirit "of the old. Left the proprietors ſhould fall fhort of funds " to pay the ſtamp duties, it is propofed that every ſubſcribers "fhould pay per advance. Subſcriptions by C Geo. "Rofs, Gazetteer Office, South Bridge, who will grant rẻ ceipts for the money." *Sub-Committee, April ft. "Reſolved, That Mr Reid, the former treaſurer, be re- *quefted to continue in his office, fubject to the reftricti- ons to be hereafter laid down. 16 "Refolved, That till his determination be known, be requested to take charge of the monies which "may be received by the Committee this evening. "MINUTES. "Report of the Committee of Correſpondence given in,” "From the Canongate Society, No 3, received the fum "of one pound, ten fhillings and three pence half penny, "which is hereby placed to their credit. DAVID DOWNIE." < F "Regulations [ 175 1 Regulations of the Sub-Committee, with refpect to the Tred "furer." "April 1. 1794• "All monies that ſhall be paid into the treaſurer's hands, "from this day, fhall be applied to ſuch purpoſes only, as "the Committee of Ways and Means, for the time being, "fhall direct. "The treaſurer fhall give a receipt to the faid Commit- "tee, for what monies he may have received from them. "The treaſurer fhall not give up any part of the faid "monies, on any pretext, except on a requifition, figned by "four members of the Sub-Committee, and fpecifying the "fum wanted." Mr Anftruther.-Part is in Aitchiſon's hand, and part by fomebody elſe, we don't know. It was found in Watt's poffeffion. ་ JOHN FAIRLEY Sworn, Examined by Mr SOLICITOR GENERAL. Q. What is your business? A. A wright. Q. Where do you live? A. In Broughton. Q. Is there a fociety of Friends of the People there? A. Yes. Q. Was you a member of the Britiſh Convention that met laſt year? } A. Yes. Q. Was you a member of that Convention, when it was diſperſed by the Lord Provoſt, and other Magiftrates of this city? A. Yes. Q. Did the members of the Convention meet after that? A. Yes. Q. Can you tell when it was? A. I } £ 196 ] A. I think it was in the month of December: Q. And you fay your fociety continued ſtill to meet after that Convention was diperfed? A. Yes. } Q. Was you chofen in any office after the diſperſion of the convention? was you made collector ? A. Yes, I was. QExplain what was the meaning of this office of collec- tor-what was you to do? A. When I came into the Broughton fociety (I never heard of the collectors before) they were juft choofing; they had chofen one and beginning to chooſe another, and they chofe me. I aſked the bufnefs, Mr Bonthrone came for ward and told me they were to collect money and to collect fentiments. Q. By fentiments do you mean ſenſe of the people ? A. What I underſtood by it was, that there were a great many of the focieties who were as warmly attached to the cauſe as ever, but on account of buſineſs, could not give at- tendance regularly, but at the fame time were fo attached as to contribute money for the expences; that was the reaſon of having collectors; and for the collection of fentiments. Bonthrone faid, we want to know who will be for procuring Univerfal Suffrage and Annual parliaments; there were two collectors for our fociety. Q. Did the other focieties appoint collectors alfo ? A. I underſtand fo, but I could not attend any other fo- cieties but my own; there was one or two meetings held. Q. Who was chofen prefes of the meeting of collectors ? was you? A. Yes. Q. Was you chofen prefident of the Committee of Union? A. No, I was not. Q. Do you know that there was a Committee of Union, and of Ways and Means that met at George Rofs's? A. Yes, there were Committees that went by that de- fignation, but I was not at the founding of them. Q. t 1 [ 179 -] 6. Had you any occafion to do bufinefs with the Coma mittee of Ways and Means? A. I was twice at the Committee of Ways and Means. Q. Among other perfons, was Watt prefent when you ata tended there? A. Yes, I think he was there. Q. Pray, Mr Fairley, had you any occafion to have any converfation amongſt yourſelves about the Friends of the Peo- ple arming themſelves, foon after you was appointed collec- tor, or about that time ? A. Had we converſation about arming? Q. Yes, about arming the Friends of the People? A. I never heard any thing about arming the Friends of the People. I heard there were ſome pikes getting ready. Q. Was you well acquainted with Watt, and when did you firft become acquainted with him? A. It was not very long before I was apprehended, that I became acquainted with him. Q. Did Watt call upon you reſpecting theſe pikes? A. Yes, Mr Watt called upon me. Q. Did Mr Watt mention to you any thing about a num- ber of pikes having been provided, and what number ? . A. I could not fay that he mentioned any thing about the number I don't recollect Watt fpecifying any particua lar number of pikes. Q. Did he mention that any had been preparing? What I aſk you again is juſt to mention what converfation paffed between you and Watt relative to the pikes-Did he tell you there were pikes preparing for the uſe of the Friends of the People? A. He fhewed me ſome pikes firſt. Q. Had he ever mentioned the fubject to you before? A. Yes, we had ſpoke about this fubject before. Q. Did Watt come to your shop and make a drawing of a pike in your prefence ? A. Mr Bonthrone had been talking about it. I don't know whether I drew a plan of the pike according to the defcrip $ Z tion } [ 178 ] tion I had from Sheffield Bonthorne faid I might draw one and he would take it-I met with Mr Watt in the ſtreet one day and I was telling him I had been mentioning to Mr Bonthorne my drawing fome-I cannot fay what an- fwer he gave me; but fometime after he came to my fhop and defired me to draw one-I fcratched one upon a flate -I told him I would draw two or three, upon a piece of paper and bring it up to Mr Watt. Q: Did you accordingly do fc-look at thefe drawings and fee if you know them-Are thofe the drawings you made for • Watt? A. I think they are. + 1 Q. Thefe are the defigns found in Watt's poffeffion- Now, Mr Fairley, at the time when you carried this paper to Watt containing the drawings of thefe inftruments, what converſation had you with him upon the fubject of pikes and arms, and in what manner were they to be uſed? tell all you know to thefe gentlemen. A. Fcannot remember every particular converfation we had about pikes. } Q. Did he mention to you what uſe was to be made of them, by putting them into the hands of the people? A. He faid they were intended for felf defence. Q. And did he tell you they were intended to be the hands of the Friends of the People? put into A. Mr Watt faid to me there was no perfon to get then But fuch as wanted them and would pay for them. Q. Did you exprefs any fear of bloodfhed upon this oc- cafion? did you fay any thing to Mr Watt about what was ſaid? did not you fay you were afraid of bloodſhed ? A. He faid they were intended for felf defence. Q. Did you fay any thing at all about bloodſhed, and what anfwer did Watt make upon the occafion? did you fay any thing about your fear of bloodfhed when you heard of thefe weapons being mentioned ? 15 A. Watt and I were once talking together about dif- ferent things I could not fay the particular words, but I will } [ 179 ] will tell you the meaning-I was expreffing my fears that the preſent meaſures of Government would drive the pep- ple to defpair, and I was afraid for the confequence-I could not fay what the particular words were, it was fome- thing to that purpoſe. Q. And what did Watt fay? A. He faid, he hoped there would be no bloodshed. Q. Did he ſay the plan could be executed without blood- thed? A. I don't recollect the particular words now; it is the fubftance. Nobody can remember words. When I was expreffing my fears for the confequences, he faid they would bé imprifoned. Who would be impriſoned? A. Thofe, I underſtood, that were moft active againſt the Caufe of the People. Q. Who faid fomething of your apprehenfion of blood- ſhed? repeat what you faid juſt now about certain perfons being ſeized. A. All I recollect is, I was afraid the preſent meaſures of government would drive the people to defpair, and I was expreffing my fears for the conſequences. Q. What did Watt ſay? A. He faid he hoped no blood would be thed, for they would be imprisoned. Q. Who were they that were to be impriſoned? A. Thoſe that were most active againft the Caufe of the People. Q. Pray, Sir, did you fay any thing at all about the fol- diers being any obftacle to completing your plan; and what did Watt fay about them? ย A. I could not fay; I might be faying fomething about the foldiers,—that if they had any fears about an extremity, I would not be for offering any violence to the foldiers,- would juft fpeak to them, and I hoped there would be no eccafion for violence. Q, What did Watt fay? N Za } A. I E 180 ] A. I don't recollect what.Watt faid. Q. Recollect as well as you can. A I cannot recollect the particular words. Q. But the fubftance, as well as you can, about the di- ſpute between you and the foldiers? A. I think all that was faid about the foldiers, was, that I faid, I would be juft for ſpeaking to them, for they would be as glad of freedom as we would be. Q. Was it after your enemies had been imprifoned, that this was to happen, you were to ſpeak to the foldiers ? A. I had given my opinion to Mr Watt; I never heard it before; I gave it as my opinion. Q. Was there a deputation to be fent to the Caſtle? A. I juft faid, if meafures came to an extremity, and that the foldiers were called out against us, and there would be reaſon to fufpect they would, I would juſt ſend up fome- body to ſpeak to them, whether in or out of the Caftle, Q. To prevail upon them to do what? A. To ſpeak to them, fo that they might not harm us. Lord PRESIDENT.-I ſhould be glad to know, when the witneſs faid, that the foldiers would be as fond of freedom as they were, whether it was his meaning, that there was any body in this country not free? A. My Lord, the cauſe in which we were engaged, was for procuring Univerfal Suffrage, and Annual Parliaments, and till that was obtained, I thought it was my right, as a fubject of a free ftate, to have a fhare in the reprefentation of my country; and I confidered, if I had it not, I was not free. Q You mean then, that you were entitled to oppoſe thoſe who were againſt Annual Parliaments and Univerſal Suff- `rage? A. I did not fay fo. Q Did Mr Watt propofe any thing violent with refpect to the foldiers? A. There were reports going, that the Friends of the People were to be attacked,-and different things. Q. What [181] } Q. What things? A. There were reports going, that the Friends of the People were to be attacked,-and different things, and, we did not know in what manner, and I juſt gave it as my o- pinion, if matters came to that extremity, we had reafon to expect the foldiers would be called out if they were, I would be juſt for ſpeaking to them.I cannot fay the exact words. Mr. Solicitor General. The prifoner I fuppofe means to afk a queſtion, but he had better wait till our examination is over. COURT. He muft wait; you will be allowed to aſk any queſtion when the examination is over. Mr Solicitor General. Q. Had you any converſation with Mr Watt about this plan of feizing thoſe enemies of the peo- ple? Was there any propofition made for feizing them in different parts of Scotland at one time? A. I don't recollect faying they were to be ſeized in dif- ferent parts of Scotland at one time. COURT. The Court does not hear you. Q. You heard that queſtion, give me the anſwer to it? A, I have ſome idea of fomething being mentioned, tho' I cannot be quite fure of it. We entered into a fort of con- verfation. I cannot fay exactly what I faid, or what he faid. Q. Was there fomething faid about Couriers? A. Yes. Q. After feizing upon theſe people, you were to fend Couriers to all parts of the country about what had been done? A. I think there was.fomething of that kind mentioned. Q. Was any thing mentioned about what the collectors were to do? A. Mr Watt once faid to me he would' give me ſome of the arms to fhew the collectors. Q. Theſe were pretty important converſations? 1 A. I [182] A. I mean to ſpeak fairly. I cannot recollect what I faid. Mr Anftruther. We don't want the very words. Lord Advocate. The fubftance and purport of what you faid, to the best of your recollection, at the time when Watt propofed fhewing the ar ns to the collectors? A. We talked about it at different times; it was Mr Bonthron who firft talked to me about fhewing them to the collectors; and Mr Watt fhewed me fome, and my an- wer was, there was no harm in fettling any thing by way of merchandize, and that expreffion he understood relative to the pikes. Q. Did Mr Watt accordingly fhew the collectors fome of the inftruments? A. I could notfay whether he fhewed fome to them or not. Q. Did he ſhew them to you? A. Yes. Q. Where were they? A. In his own houſe. Q. What were they like? A They were not exactly like thefe. (looking at fome pikes on the table) Q Look at thofe pikes. A. I cannot fay whether they were them or not, they were made after that form. Q. Did he defire you to carry them any where to fhew any body? A. It might be at that time, he faid he would give them to me to fhew the collectors. Q. Did you ever carry any to Rofs's ? A. No. Was you ever afked to carry any to Rofs's? A. I fhould imagine it would be at that time when they were given to me to fhew the collectors. I underſtood I was to take them to the collectors. Q, And what were the collectors to do? A. I was only to fhew them to the collectors, and the method I was told was-I was to fhew them, and if any perfon } ( 183 ) perfon aſked, would I fell one of thoſe, I would have done it, if no perſon afked, I was to bring them back; if any col- lector faid they wanted fuch an inftrument, I was to give it him. I was to fell them if not, I was to bring them back to Mr Watt's. Q. Did you accordingly do fo? A. No, I did not. Q. What was your reafon for refufing to carry thefe articles of merchandize and allowing them to buy them if they choſe? A. I made fome objection. Q. Then you muſt tell to the Court and Jury what that objection was-you cannot have forgot it. A. I do not recollect what the objection was, but the fact of the matter was, I did not wiſh to take them. Q Why did you not wish to take them ? A. I did not take them at that time. Q. Did you take them at any other time? A. No, I did not. Q. What was your objection? I know you did not take them at that time, you fay that you had an objection. A. Becauſe none of the Collectors had aſked me, and I wanted to ſpeak to the Collectors before I would think of doing it. Q. Then did you ever ſpeak to any one Collector upan the ſubj &t? A. I do not recollect. Q. Then I put this queſtion to you. Was the reafon why you objected to carrying thofe p kes from Watt's houfe to the collectors. that you thought it unſafe and dangerous for you to do fo? Now, anſwer this queſtion, was it, or was it not? A. I did not wish to take them. Q. Was it for the reaſon you have heard mentioned ? No anſwer. Lord Advocate. You can fay whether it was, or not the reafon ? A. I did not think myfelf of doing any harm with them, but 1 } [ 184 ) but I did not wish to take them to the Collectors, they would juſt have faid that I had been bringing them for the purpoſe of diftributing them. LORD PRESIDENT. If the Collectors wifhed to have them, you were to fell them; was there any price fpecified ? A. I don't recollect any, I fuppofe it was whatever price they propofed. Lord Advocate. Did Watt tell you the coſt? A. No, he did not. Q. Is it a common trade for people to fell articles of that fort exactly at the price they coft ? No anfwer. COURT. Had you no profit upon the trade? A. I had an objection. Q. What objection? A. That although I thought no harm in it myſelf, if I took them, they would be faying I wifhed to impofe on the Collectors before they aſked me. Q. Pray, was you ever fent to the weft country by the Committee of Ways and Means? f A. Whether I was fent by the Committee of Ways and Means, I know not. I was going to the weft country to fee a friend of mine at Airth. The night before I fet out, I had been in company with Mr Bonthrone, who faid, he had a letter or fomething of that kind to fend to Borrowftounnefs. I told him I was going to the weſt, and would take any letter for hin. The next morning I went to Mr Watt's, and told him I was going to the weft country, and aſked if he would give me a letter; he faid he would. I faid, whatever I had to take for him, he was to leave at Mr Campbell's the hatter at the Luckenbooths, and I would get it, in caſe he was not in at the time I went away. I went to Mr Camp bell's the hatter, and got a parcel to be carried weſt, Q. What did that parcel contain ? A. There were different copies of papers. Q. Would you know them again, look at that paper, was that one of the papers in the parcel ? } 啻 ​1 A. f [185] } 1 A. I think it was one of them. Q. Was there any more than one copy ? A. I cannot fay the number. Q. Might there be ten or twenty ? A. I can fpeak to upwards of ten, but I cannot ſpeak to the number. Q. Look at this other paper? A. I think that was another paper. Q. Had you more than one copy of this other paper A. Yes. Q. Might there be ten copies of them ? A. Yes: ? Mr Anftruther. Gentlemen, they are papers that have been proved by a variety of people, but have not yet been read. Mr Solicitor General. Q. How was you to difpofe of thoſe papers A. He faid Q. Who faid? A. I called upon Mr Watt before I went to Mr Campbell's, and aſked if he had left it, he faid yes, he had left fome- thing for me yonder, at Mr Campbell's, which I would know what to do with. Q What was it you was to do with them? A. That was what Watt faid to me, I knew what to do with them. Q. What was you to do with them? A. I will tell you what I did, I called upon different peo- ple in the west country. Q. At what different places of the weſt country? A. At Queensferry Stirling, Saint Ninians, Kilfyth, Kirkintulloch, Campfie, Glafgow, Paiſley, and Falkirk. Q. What did you do at all thofe places? A. I gave them a copy of each of theſe. Q. You give a copy of each of thefe, at each place you have named? A. Yes. A a Q Had } Q. Had the weſt? you any ( 186 ) written inftructions when you went to` A. In the fame parcel there were two bits of paper. Q. What were they? A. Inftructions. It is fo long fince I don't remember particularly. Q. But the fubftance? A. The fubftance was to correfpond with Mr Downie, and to fend money to him. Q. Where were they found? A. In the packets he left at Campbell's. Q. There you found written instructions? A. In the parcel. Q. What did you do with the written inftructions? A. I returned them to Watt. Q. After your return from the Weft? A. Yes. Q. When did you first open this packet? A. I opened it firft at the Queensferry, and then found thefe inftructions. Q. Who was this Campbell? was he a member of the British Convention? A. He was, Q. Was there any thing. mentioned about founding the fenfe of the people? A. Yes. Q. Upon thofe plans you had been formerly talking with Mr Watt about, regarding a Grand Plan; recolle& yourſelf, the queſtion is plain. * A. I could not fay, he fpoke about founding. I think there was fomething about a number of patriots, there was fomething about that. Q. Now, in all the different places did you enquire for the patriots, to take an account of the number? A. I never aſked about any number. Lord Advocate. Now, Sir, you fay Watt told you, you would find a parcel at Campbell's the hatter's, and you found one. > one, [187] [ 187 Did Watt tell you any particular towns in the west, to which you were to go? A. No, he did not. Q. Did that paper of inftructions contain the names of any particular towns or places to which you were to go? A. I don't recollect getting any names. Q. Then it was perfectly left to you to go to any place you pleaſed in the west of Scotland ? A. I fuppofe it was left to my own diſcretion. Q, Did any perfon recommend you to go to Borrowſtoun- nefs? A. I do not recollect any more about going to Borrow- ftounnefs than what I have faid. Q. Did you go to Borrowftounnefs? A. I went first to Stirling, and came through Borrow- ftounnefs in coming back. Q. You was in Queensferry? Did you ſhow any of thoſe papers in Queensferry? A. No, I did not. Q. Did you diſtribute any in Stirling? A. I think I did, Q. Did you or not? I will not take that anſwer, Ą. I think I gave fome in Stirling. Q. You did not leave any in Queensferry? A. Becauſe I did not fee any perfon there in particular. Q. Had you any particular perſon that you was directed to at the Qeensferry ? A. No, I had not. I had an acquaintance at Queensferry. Q. Then you went to Stirling? A. Yes. Q. Did you or not give one or more of theſe papers to any perſon in Stirling. A. Yes, I gave them to all the folks I called at. Q. Now, Sir, do you, upon your oath, recollect the name of any fingle perſon in Stirling to whom you gave that pa- per? A. There was a Dr Forreft, and there were two or three A a 2 more 413 1 ← 188 ) more there, I gave one or two. I juſt gave them in the morning. Q. In whofe houſe was it you gave the papers to Dr For- reft and the others? A. It was in Dr Forreft's Houſe. Q. Pray had you ever feen him before? A. No. Q. Then how came you to go to his houfe? A. I had heard him ſpoken about before in Edinburgh. I aſk you-was it not in the Committee of Ways and Meaus Dr Forreſt's name was mentioned? A. D. Forreſt's name was not mentioned to me there. Q. Was it Mr Watt that mentioned the name of Dr For reft to you? A. No, Sir. Q. Do you fay that upon your oath ? A. Yes. 、 Q. Did you mention to him any thing with reſpect to the Committees that were eſtabliſhed in Edinburgh? A. I fuppofe that letter would tell him. Q. Did you do it yourſelf? A. I ſuppoſe I might tell him fo. Q. D.d you afk of Forreſt the number of Patriots in Stir- ling? A. I could not fay whether I aſked him the particular number or no—I aſked him how the fociety was flourish- ing there or fomething of that nature, -Q. D'd you ask him any thing elſe about the Society? A. I do not recollect aſking him any thing more about it. Q. Do you not recollect aſking him any thing elſe? A. Other perfons were prefent in Forreft's houfe at that țime QWho were thoſe perſons-do you remember them? A. Doctor Forreft went with me and got them-I think there was one of them they called Thomſon. Q. How many were there of them ? A. There were two or three befides that Mr Thomfon. Q. How [ 189] 1 - How long might you remain in company with theſe perfons? 痛 ​A. We might be there an hour or two. Q. Did you underſtand thefe perfons to be what they call Patriots or Friends of the People? A. Yes. 1 Q. What was the fubftance of your converſation in ge- neral ? A. They would begin with the news of Stirling, and I was telling them the news of Edinburgh. Q. Do you recollect in general any one circumſtance re- lative to the Committees in Edinburgh which you ſtated to Forreft, and Thomfon, and others? A. I have no doubt I would tell them about the Com- mittees, but I fpoke to Dr Forreft about the plan I have already told you, Q. What was that? A. About imprifonias thoſe that I have already ſpoke of, Q. Well what did Forreſt ſay? A. I am fure i do not recollect what he faid. Q. Did Forreſt fay any thing in reply ? A. I do not recollect. Q. You mentioned that plan to Forreſt? QA. Yes, I mentioned it to him. Q. Did you mention any thing in that company with re- ſpect to the plan of arming in Edinburgh, whether for ſelf defence or any thing elſe? A. I may have told them that I heard the Friends of the People had offered their fervice to the Duke of Buc- cleugh or fomething of that foit-I might alſo have told them what was done in Perth, Q. While talking to Dr Forreſt or any one elſe, did you or did you not draw upon paper or upon the table in com- pany with one of thefe men in Sling a drawing of that pike or battle-axe fimilar to what you had feen in Edin- burgh? take care before you give the anfwer, it is very ma- terial you ſhould take care. A. I ( 190 ) A. I recollect it-I believe I did. Lord Advocate-He now recollects in confequence of a fpecific queftion I put to him-he recollects making a drawing of thofe weapons which he had feen in Edinburgh to fhew Dr Forreſt. Q. Where did you go to from Stirling? A. I went to St. Ninians. Q. Who did you ſee there? A. A Mr M'Crofs. Q. What is he? A. A minifter. Q. Did you fhew him any of the papers or leave a copy with him? A. I read it to him and as far as I can recollect I left par pers with all the gentlemen. Q. Was M-Crofs a relief minifter, or minifter of the pa- rith? A. A relief minifter. Q. Pray, was M'Crofs an acquaintance of your's before that period? A. No, he was not. O. Did you ever fee him in your life before? A. No. Q. How came you to go to M'Croſs? { A. It was fome of the folks of Stirling gave me a direc tion. Q. You went to Kirkintulloch or Campfie or St. Nini- ans; pray, whom did you call on there? A. I called upon a Mr M'Ewan a minifter, and Mr Wheeler a minifter, a relief minifter. > Q. Did you ever ſee them before? A. No. Q. Who directed you to them? A. I think it was Mr M'Croſs-the man at St. Ninians. Q. Where did you go next? A. I went to Campfie. Q. To whom there ? 1 A. I [ 191 j A. I do not know the names of any in Campfie, Mr M'Ewan went with me. Q. What kind of people did you wish to be introduced to ៛ A. The Friends of the People. Q. You went to Glaſgow and Paifley at laft? A. Yes. Q. Was that the utmoſt extent of your tour? you went no further weft ? A. No. Q. Had you any acquaintance in Paisley before? A. No. Q. And who did you go to there ? A. I called firſt at a Mr Hafty's there. Q. Was he a Friend of the People? A. Yes. Q. Was he a member of the Britiſh Convention? A. Yes. Q. And you left papers with him? A. Yes. Q Now, after you was at Paifley what did you do next, did you come home again ? A. Come home? I came to Glasgow. Q. Why not to Edinburgh? why not ſtraight home ? A. I came home by the Canal, but did not call on any body, and came home to Edinburgh. Q. When you came back to Edinburgh where did you go Erft? A. Straight home to my father's. Q. How long did you remain at home? A. Juft a fhort time after reſting. Q. Where did you go then? A. To the Committee of Ways and Means. Q. Was it the ufual night of the Committees meeting? A. Yes. . Did you find any of them affembled? A. Yes. 1 Q. Whe ( ìóż j Q. Who were they that were affembled ? A A. Thoſe that were there, were Mr M'Ewan, Mr Dow nie, and Mr Watt. Q. You remember thoſe three? A. Yes. Q. Now Sir, did you report to them the refult of your journey? A, Yes. Q. Did you give any one of them the inftructions you had found encloſed in the packet you received at Campbell's ? A. Not at that time, I gave them to Mr Watt fome days after. T Q Did you, after your journey was over, or on your way, or in the Committee, make up a lift of the places and perfons to whom you gave thofe papers, whom you had feem in the courfe of your embaffy? A. I took a lift as I went along. Q. What did you do with that lift? A. I gave the lift to Mr Watt alfo. { Q. You talked of inftructions you found in that packet, was there any other paper you found in that packet, differ- ent from the two copies you intended to diſtribute? A. There was another paper, authorizing me to call at the focieties. Q. Did you fhew that paper to the different focieties you faw in the courſe of your rogreſs, as your warrant ? A. I never was in the focieties, but I fhewed them to the perfons I ſpoke with. Q. Do you remember what the general purport and te- nor of that commiffion was? A. It was juft defiring me to call at them. Q Do you recolle& any thing elſe in it ? A. It just directed me to call at them, and tell what I did when I came back again. Q. Was the purport of this commiffion, that they might pay credit to you, and receive you? A. I fuppofe fo. Q. Was [ 193 ] Q. Was that commiffion figned by any perfon or perfons? A. I don't recollect it being.figned by any períon or per- fons. Q. You don't recollect whether it was figned or not? A. No. Q: Do you recollect whether it was fealed or not? A. There were feals at it. Q. Were there no names oppofite to thoſe ſeals? A. No. Not as I recollect. Q. When you vifited perfons in the courfe of your jour- ney, whom did you state your authority to come from? A. I faid it was from the Committee of Ways and Means, and it was fealed.I underſtood it was fomething to that purpoſe. Q. And the people you fhewed it to, thought fo too? A. Yes. Q. Whom did you give that commiffion to ? A. I gave it back to Mr Watt alfo. Q. After your return? A. Yes. Q. Pray, Sir, did you defray the expence of this journey out of your own pocket, or out of what fund? A. I received from Mr Downie, about 30 fhillings. Q. By whofe order did you get that money? A. Mr Bonthrone gave me a line to Mr Watt, and Mr Watt gave me a line to Mr Downie, and Mr Downie gave me the money. Q. Look at that paper, and refreſh your memory. A. That is the lift I gave in to Mr Watt. Mr Anftruther.—Is that your hand writing? A. Yes. It is my hand writing. Q. What is that a liſt of? A. Some of the folks I did, and fome of them I did not call at. Q. Did you call at all of thofe placès? A. No. I did not call at any other of the places, than what I told you. は ​B b Q. For 1 } 1 1 ( 194 ) Q. For what purpoſe did you make out that lift? -A. I made it out that they might be correſponded with. Q. Who were to correfpond with them? A. The Committee. Q. Now, this is your hand writing, is it? A. Yes. Q. Now, read the two firft lines? Lord Advocate. Begin at the top and read the three or four firſt lines legibly and audibly to the Jury. A. "Stirling, fupport by money." Q. Tell me what word that is that is next to money? A. It is a blank. Q. What is the meaning of that blank? there are three letters and a ſtroke between them, ſee what it is and make it out from them? A. I fuppofe t is "courage." Lord Advocate. Read it on now. Witness. "Stirling, fupport by money, courage not great.” Mr Anftruther. Gentlemen, there is S――g, which he hath filled up with the word, Stirling; then it goes on, fupport by money, at full-length; then follows C▬▬ge, which he tells you, means courage; then he tells you the line would run: Stirling, fupport by money, courage not great." Q. What do you mean by courage not great? perhaps that paper may refresh your memory as to what paffed with Forreft and the reft; tell me what is the next word, you fay there is Stirling, fupport by money, courage not great; what comes next? LORD PRESIDENT. What paper is that? Mr Solicitor General. It is his own report, it means Stir- ling, fupport by money, but courage not great. Mr Anftruther. Tell me what is the next word. A. I tuppoſe it means "fupport." Q. Cannot you tell us? A. It is a blank. Q. You 1 ( 195 ) Q. You have filled up two blanks after a little difficulty, how fil! up that. A. That is "fupport," I ſuppoſe. And what are the words that are next? A. Not certain." Q. There are two other little words? A. "Support as yet not certain." A." Q. Then the first beginning of this paper delivered back to Watt is," Stirling, fupport by money, courage not great, "fupport as yet not certain." Now, tell me, why did you leave thoſe three words blank? A. I left them blank.' Q. Why did you leave them blank? was it, that it was not very ſafe to fill them up? No anfwer. Lord Advocate. Q. Give an anfwer to the queftion, tell us whether your reaſon was, that you thought it not fafe or what? fay one thing or the other. You A. I did not like to be writing that in the lift. Mr Anftruther. The jury will look at the names. have faid there were two papers in this bundle, one your com miffion, the other your inftructions? Q. Did you ever ſhow thofe inſtructions to any body? A. I fhewed them to the different people I called upon. Q. Did you fhew your inftructions to D: Forreſt? A. Yes, I fhewed them to all the people I called upon, and fhewed them to him among the reft, no doubt. Q. You fhewed your commiffion to Dr Forreft-and all the reft ? A. Yes. Q. Do you recollect no more of thoſe inftrutions than you have told us? becaufe if you do, I defire you to tell them now-if you do not, fomebody elfe will. Lord Advocate. Take care what you fay, they all faw your inftructions. Witness. Thoſe inftructions I think ſpoke fomething a- bout a plan, but I do not recollect the particular words. `B b z Mr > } } ( 196 ) Mr Anftruther. I don't want them; I don't defire the particular words: but tell me what the general purport of your inftructions was, as far as you recollect, and what plan it was it referred to? A. I did not fay, the plan. Q. What did it faý about a plan ? A. It was fpeaking about a plan, but I cannot ſpeak the words. I have it in my idea, it ſpoke fomething about a plan, but I cannot fay. Q. Did it call it a great plan, or a grand plan, or ſome- thing like that-did it or not? } A. I have an idea of that word being in, but I cannot tell exactly that there was the word grand plan. QWhat was the grand plan to do? A. What that was to do, I could not tell. Q. Was it to fettle every thing? A. I do not mind of its juft fpeaking in that way. Q. What did you underſtand it to mean at that time, when a plan was mentioned in your inftructions? A. I understood Mr Watt fpeaking to me. * Q. But what did you underſtand it to mean? A. It might be that plan Mr Watt was telling me. Lord Advocate. You will fee what he fays, half an hour after afking the queſtion. Mr Arfirutker. Did it fay any thing about the Commit- tee of Secrecy? A. It fpoke fomething about a Committee. Q. What fort of a Committee? A. It fpoke about, I don't know whether it was fecret or not; it is impoffible, I cannot keep in my mind every thirg. Q. What did you fay about a Committee? try it again. A. I have fome idea that it ſpoke ſomething about a Com- mittee of Secrecy. QDid it fay any thing about Britain being free? you have told us that it fpoke about the grand plan which Mr Watt fpoke about-did it tell any thing about being free? Loxd. [ 197 ] Lord Advocate. Say yes or no, which ever you like. A. I think I remember of its faying fomething about that. Was Britain to be free when that plan was executed or not? was the plan you mentioned before to be MrWatt's, was that the plan that was to make Britain free or not? A. I tell you what I remember, viz. about its fpeaking fomething about thoſe things, but I cannot fay what. Q. Did it fay Britain was to be free; what was it, that was to make Britain free, was it this plan or not? -A. I cannot recollect the expreffions. Lord Advocate. Q. What was it that was to makė Britain free, was it the grand plan? A. It faid fomething about it. Q. What was it that was to make Britain free-the fub- ftance-the fenfe ? A. I think they were different fentences as far as I could make them out. Q. What was the fenfe of all th different fentencės ? A. It faid they hoped Britain would be free, fomething of that kind. Q. But you cannot fay whether the plan was to do it or not? A. It did not fay, whether the plan was to do it or not, it might mean that. Q. Who were the Committee of Secrecy to correfpond with? A. They were to correſpond with Mr Downie. Crofs Examination by Mr Hamilton. Q. I wish to know, Mr Fairley, did Mr Watt at any time fay to you he had any intention of maſtering the foldiery any where, of making himſelf maſter of the foldiers? you mentioned in the former part of your depofition you had fome apprehenfion about the foldiers, and Watt faid he had no fear, and he conceived there were a great many friends, and repeated it. I wish to know whether Watt expreffed himfelf } [ 198 ] himſelf fo, that he propofed the foldiers fhould be got the better of? A. - I don't recollect his ever faying any thing about getting the better of the forces. Mr Erskine. I think he faid he made the tour of thoſe different places without any inftructions from Mr Watt, but merely of his proper motive. I wish to know if you have not fworn this? A. He gave me no inftructions. Q. You laid you had no inftructions to go to all thoſe places? A. I just went and told them to correfpond with Mr Downie. DR FORREST Sworn. Mr Anftruther. Q. Where do you live? A. In Stirling. Q. You are by profeffion a furgeon? A. Yes. Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Fairley? A. A perfon of the name of Fairley called upon me fome time ago. I am not abfolutely certain, I think about the be ginning of May laft I think Fairley called upon me then. Mr Anftruther. Give the anſwer to the queſtion, Dr For- reft. Q. Did Mr Fairley produce to you any written or printed papers? A. A written paper he produced, after talking of fome little matters of indifference. QIn what manner or character did Fairley introduce himſelf to you ? A. He faid he was defired to call upon me by a" Mr Bell of Edinburgh. > Q. What was the general purport of the converfation? A. I cannot recollect at this diſtance? QDid he tell you for what purpoſe he came to Stirling? A. I } t [ 199 ] A. I think he mentioned it was with a view to fhew in what fituation the fociety was. Q. You mean the fociety of the Friends of the People? A. The Friends of the People, my Lord. Q Did he flew you any written paper? A. He gave me three copies, of the number I am not abfolutely certain, I think three, and a letter, a printed letter, I think it refembles this very much. Q. Look at that. A. And that likewife. Q. The papers he gave you were deftroyed? A. Yes, I deftroyed them and the copy of the letter, and the copy of the regulatiors I gave to one Douglas, thofe that remained were deſtroyed by my friends. Q. Now, did he fhew you any written paper? A. Yes. Q. Recollect as near as you can, not the words, I don't want them if you cannot exactly ſtate them, but ſtate as well as you can, the purport of the written paper he fhewed you. A. I cannot pretend to ftate the real purport, I will ſtate the general purport of the paper. Q. What was it about? A. He mentioned that fome money was wanted. I think he mentioned Mr Skirving and fome other fufferers in the caufe of Freedom, and withed the fociety would endeavour to procure fomething for that purpoſe. Mr Anfiruther. That is not the written inſtructions, but converfation; I want you to ftate the contents of his writ en inftructions. A. There is nothing particular that I can recollect of his written inftructions, except it be one part of his inftructions. Q. Speak out, and fiate that part of his inftructions you do remember. A Why. I am not abſolutely certain of it. That there were to be collectors of a certain number, whether fourteen or not I cannot ſay, and they were to be provided with- Q: } ! 3 22 1 Q. What? [ 200 ] A. I cannot fay, it was a blank. } Q. What did you ſay? A. Provided with, or provide themfelves with.. JURY. Who were to be provided ? A. The collectors or the people, I don't recollect exactly which, Mr Anftruther. Provided with what? A. I did not fee any thing. Q Was it a blank? A. Yes, it appeared to me a blank. ↑ Q. Now, Dr Forreft, what converfation had you with Mr Fairley on that fubje&t? ་ A. I don't remember the converfation particularly; I am ready to anſwer any queſtion fo far as I know, but I cannot pretend to ſtate the whole of a converfation I do not parti- cularly remember. Q. What was the import of Fairley's converfation with you? A. The import feemed to me to be to know in what ſtate Stirling was, and to procure money for the relief of thoſe that fuffered in the cauſe of reform. Q. Did it appear to you to be proper or improper conver- fation? A. I don't know whether I am a proper judge or not. Q. How did it ftrike yourfeif; was it any thing about arming? A. I don't recollect that any thing about arms was men- tioned ! Q. What occurred to you at the time to be the meaning of that blank ? A. Am I here to ftate facts I pofitively know, or fill up that blank with what I conjecture, or not? LORD PRESIDENT. The meaning of that converſation, you are bound if you know it, to explain. No answer, LORD I 201 ] LORD JUSTICE CLERK. You must have had fome idea at the time, tell the Court and Jury what it was. Q,Did you afk Fairley what that blank was? A. I really did not, I was rather adverſe to aſking him any queſtions about it. Q. Why was you adverfe? A. It ſeemed a little odd there fhould have been any blank. Q. What conftruction did you put upon it ? A. I fancied it might be fomething that might not be proper for me to inveſtigate or enquire into. LORD PRESIDENT. What do you mean by that fome- thing? A. I fuppofe, had it been a proper thing it would natue rally have been filled up. Q. Did you fuppofe it was arms?! A. Yes, my Lord, I did. Q. Why did you not mention it before ? A. Lthought I was not to give any conjectures. Mr Anftruther. You have told me you ſuppoſed the blank was to be filled up with the word arms, whât did you fay to Fairley upon that? ( 7 A. I don't recollect immediately what paffed. J Lord Advocate. İt having occurred to you this blank meant arms, did you or did you not prohibit Fairley to proceed any farther? A. It was mentioned to him. I believe I mentioned it to him myſelf. I did not wish to have it in our power to injure any one; but he fhould be cautious of what he ſaid: Q. Now, Sir, did Fairley accordingly stop upon that cau= tion which you gave him? A. I don't remember what particularly followed that. Q Did he afk you any thing with regard to the number of friends in Stirling or its neighbourhood, or with regard to the friends in whom they could place any reliance? À. I am really not certain whether he did or not. Q. Then, did Fairley mention to you any thing with re- $ C c Spec ་ 1 Γ. 102 Τ fpect to pikes being manufactured or provided in Edin burgh? 1 A. I do not recollect the word pikes was mentioned. Q. Arms of any kind ? · A. Arms, I do not rele&. Q. Weapons ? A. No, my Lord, he made fomething of a form like one of theſe upon a bit of paper. Q: Say that out to the Jury, I hope you are not conceal- ing the truth? A. It was fomething like a foldier's halbert; we were talking about an invafion, or fome fuch thing, and we were aſking about fuch things for the purpoſe of defence. Q. And he drew fomething like this, upon a paper upon the table? A. Yes. * Q. After he drew that inftrument, what did he fay fur- ther; did he fay any number of thofe were provided or, providing; and where were they fo providing? A. I don't recollect any particular number; if I recollect right, he ſaid he knew fome perfon who could procure in- ftruments of that kind. Q. Did he mention the name of the perfon, or place where he refided? A. He did not mention the name of the perfon that F recollect. { Q. Did he convey to you, or did you underftand where that perfon, refided, from Fairley's converſation ? A. The idea I had at the time, was, it was fomewhere a- bout Edinburgh; I cannot pretend to give it pofitive; it was my conjecture. Mr Anftrutber.--Now, Dr Forreft, did Mr Fairley re- main with you after e company feparated? A. Yes. He flept in my houſe.. Q Now, I want you to tell me what converfation paffed. between you and Mr Fairley, after the, company feparated? A. Very } ! [ 203 ] A. Very little. It was about midnight, and I went very foon to bed. Q. Did he fay any thing about collectors? A. It was mentioned; I am not certain whether it was ›mentioned in the printed or written inſtructions. Q. Did Fairley fay any thing about them? A. He mentioned ſomething about them. Q Did he fay any thing to you; and I defire you to re- collect, that you are a perfon in a confiderable fituation of life, that you are fpeaking in a great audience, who hear you,—and above all, upen your oath; answer this queſtion diftinctly, did Mr Fairley or not, fay, to you any thing rela- tive to a rifing of the people, in any way whatſoever? Now anfwer that queſtion diſtinctly and plainly. A. Something was ſtated to that purpoſe; but whether he afferted it was a thing agreed upon; or as a thing that might poffibly be done, or as a thing that might happen, I cannot fay upon my oath. Q. Now, did he, or not, fay any thing to you, reſpecting difarming the foldiers? A. That was mentioned. Q. Who was it mentioned by? A. If I recollect it was Fairley. Q. Now, what was mentioned about difarming the fol- diers? A. That, my Lord, I have heard fo frequently in other places, and in the common converfation of the day, I can- not pretend to fay the particulars Fairley related; but it oc- curs to me, he mentioned that circumſtance about difarming the foldiers. Q Who was to diſarm them? A. I don't know whether he ſaid that it could be done, by taking their arms while they were abſent, or in the night ſeaſon; I am not abſolutely certain of it. Q. Who was to do it? A. He did not ſtate who was to do it, if I recollect. Q Was it the Friends of the People, or was it not? Cc 2 A. He } $ है [ 204 ] A. He did not mention the Friends of the People. Q. Was it the people that fent Fairley there, or not? A. He did not fay. $ Q. Did you underſtand, from the converfation that you had with Fairley, that this plan, fuch as it was, was to be effected by the people who had fent Fairley there? A. I cannot fay, upon my oath, whether it was an agreed plan. Lord Advocate-That is a different thing,. Mr Anftruther-I do not ask whether it was an agreed thing or not or whether a thing that might be done-or was to be done-if it ever was done who did you under- ſtand it was to be done by Did you not underſtand if it was ever done it was to be done by the perfons who fent Fairley there? A. Perhaps. Q. Don't you tell me perhaps was that your idea? A. Yes, my Lord. Q. Did Fairley tell you any thing or not refpecting im- priſoning certain people at Edinburgh? A. So far as I recollect he mentioned ſome people were to be put up-but he did not ftate names as far as I recol lect. Q. But fome people were to be put up-to be impriſoned? A. That is what I meant. Q. Who were they to be put up by? A. I fuppofe the fame people that were to feize and take the foldiers arms. Did you underſtand from the converfation this was to be done by the people who fent Fairley to the country? A. Yes, my Lord. Q Did Mr Fairley tell you any thing-or fày any thing to you about certain people in Edinburgh repenting of their conduct ? 1 A. Yes my Lord-that probably fome would repent-or regret their conduct-or fome fuch words. Q. Now if I underſtand you-were not thoſe people who 1 were [ 205 ] were to be made to repent their conduct the people that were meant to be put up? A. I understood fo. Q. Certainly it would have been much better for a gen- tleman in your fituation of life to have told this ſtory plain- ly than to have had it ferued out of you in the manner it has been-I aſk you now who Fairley defired you to corref pond with? A. I think he mentioned what money was to be collec- ted on the behalf and relief of fuffering friends, was to be fent to a Mr Downie. QNow, I afk you again and I defire you to recollect what it was Fairley faid to you with refpect to collectors- or what their duty was to be-what they were to do—were they to be for every fourteen or fifteen members the ſociety confifted of? A. Yes. Q. What were thoſe collectors to do over theſe fourteen or fifteen ? A. He did not ftate what they were to do. Q. Were they to collect nothing but money? A. He did not fay any thing elſe but money. Q. Upon your oath were the collectors to command the people whether they were to rife or not? A. He did not fay fo. Q: Did you underſtand that from him? A. I had that idea. Q. Did you gather that idea from the converfation you had with Fairley? A. Yes, I did. Mr Anftruther to the Jury-He gathered the idea that the collectors were to head and command the people when they did rife, from the converfation with Fairley. Q. Had you no other converfation about arming? A. None that I recollect. Q. What led to the converſation between Fairley and you 2 * ' ! 1 [ 206 ] you upon which Fairley drew the plan of a pike upon the table? A. The ſubject we were talking of was the proſpect of an invafion. Q. Had you any converſation about a Convention? A. The Convention was mentioned. Q. What was faid about a Convention ? A. I don't recollect-there was fome talk about it-I can- at recollect it. Q. Was it that there was to be a Convention or none? A. They expected there was to be a Convention. Q. Where was the Convention to meet ? A. It was not known. Q. Was it to meet in Scotland or England ? A. I don't know. Q. Had you no converfation about it? A. Yes. Q. What was it? A. Little more than what I have told you. Q. You have told me nothing yet, you have told me you had a converfation about a Convention; what was it? A It was faid a Convention was to meet, but no time nor place mentioned. Q. What fort of Convention was it, was it of the Royal Burghs > A. It was a Convention fimilar to that which met in Edinburgh, of the friends of the people. Q. You was a member of that Convention? A No. QYou was a member of the fociety of the Friends of the People? A. Yes, I was. Crofs Examination. Mr Hamilton. Q. Pray, was it your own conjecture or Aid Fairley tell you there were concerted meaſures taken; 1 that 2 + 1 } [ 207 ] that it was abfolutely a fixed matter there was to be a rifing here? A. I gathered that from the purport of his language. Q. What did you gather? A. That the people who were provided with fuch inftru- ments might defend themſelves in cafe of an attack. Q. That was the conjecture you gathered from the con- verfation of Fairley with you? No Anfaer. Mr Anstruther. Did you or not from the purport of Fairley's converfation gather that there was to be a rising of the people, and ſeizing the foldiers arms ? A. Yes. Q. Did you ever ſee a circular letter figned " T. Hardy?" A. I don't recollect it. Q. Did you ever fee that letter, or a fimilar letter ? (fhewing him a letter.) A. No, my Lord, I never faw it. Mr Anfruther. I want now to read this circular letter which has been proved by witneffes, and is alfo proved to have been carried by Fairley round the country; It is the printed circular letter from the Committee of Ways and Means. "FELLOW CITIZENS," "At a time when power feems to be making fuch rapid "ſtrides amongſt us, while the friends of freedom are per- "fecuted and hunted down on every fide, and the genuine "principles of the Conftitution repeatedly violated by thofe "who at the time they are profeffing their attachment to "it, are aiming the fecret blow which undermines it, the ""friends of peace and reform in Edinburgh call upon their "brethren throughout the kingdom: we call upon you to st warn you of your danger; we would remind you of the prefent melancholy ftate of affairs, our commerce di- • minifhed, our manufactures drooping, the induftrious "poor wanting bread, and the mingled cries of the widow " and orphan affailing the ears of Heaven! Thefe, theſe " are " } [208] " are only a part of the cruel effects of the most difaftrous "and bloody war, the end of which is wrapped up in a "gloomy obfcurity, which has fcarcely one ray of hope to " penetrate or illumine; in the mean time we behold arm. "ed affociations forming in different parts of the country; "6 we fee the partia, felection of citizens who are entruſted "with arms, and fhudder in contemplating what may be "the motive of this alarming and novel procedure." "Under theſe circumftances, what is our reſource? Ci- "tizens, there is but one thing that can reſcue us, a com- "plete Reform in Parliament. Let us not be awed into a "fervile fubmiffion by any illegal artifices. Let us not fink "before the blaft of oppreffion, but let us unite firmer than "ever, and the number of voices that call for redrefs of our grievances fhall yet be heard; but never let us re- "linquifh this Great Work. “Remember, that till we are fairly reprefented, no check ❝ can ever be oppoſed to the ftrides of power; but we may 'be cruſhed beneath its weight, like a worm beneath the "foot of the paffenger. "In the mean time, we fend you a few rules which are "drawn up for the uſe of our own focieties; we recommend "them to you, and hope they will be equally ferviceable. "A Committee of Union is appointed here, to expreſs the "united wishes of the feveral focieties; and a Sub-commit- "tee which is called the Committee of Ways and Means, as treaſurers for the united focieties, and a 'centre of union "for all Friends in Scotland. Through their medium di- "rections and inftructions will be given. The money put "into their hands will be accounted for, and diſburſed in "fuch a way as fhall be moſt calculated to promote our "Great Caufe. If therefore, you have any fums collected "beyond what your immediate exigencies require, or if you "can collect any among your friends, though they should 4 not be members of focieties, you are requeſted to remit "the fame to Mr Edinburgh, who is ap 66 pointed to receive the feveral fums for the Committee.. We } { } ( 209 ) "We fhould alſo wiſh to be informed of the number of Friends which you have, on whoſe patriotiſm you can rely "with the moſt implicit confidence, and who you are fure "will ſpare no exertion whatever in promoting the Great "Caufe in which we are engaged. "We would thank you to communicate the beft method ❝of making our mutual fentiments known to each other, and the perfon to whom our letters may be addreffed with the greateſt fafety. Direct your letters as above, for Mr We beg for an anſwer with all convenient fpeed, and remain, "Your Brethren and Fellow Citizens, "The Committee of W. and M.” Which means Ways and Means. Mr Anftruther. We will read a paragraph or two of this paper, called, "Fundamental Principles or Regulations of the "Societies;" the two first regulations after the introduction. 35 "Fundamental Principles of the Societies" "The Committee of Union is compofed of perfons ap- pointed by the people to look after their intereft; and are conſequently amenable for their conduct to the people. "Therefore the people have the power of depofing by means "of a petition to the Prefident of the Committee of Union, "and by him reported to the foțieties for miſconduct in any "of their repreſentatives. Second, As reprefentatives, the Committee of Union are inveſted with every power their conſtituents can claim ; the will of the conftituent at the appointment of his re- "preſentative is, that he watch over his intereft as a mem- "ber of the community, but the will of the constituent is the "conftituent himſelf. Therefore if a reprefentative is at- "tacked in the diſcharge of his duty, his conftituents are "bound by nature, reafon, and honour to defend him." Mr Anstruther. I would call your attention to the ap- + pointment Dd · 4 [210] E pointment of Collectors, and particularly a Committee of Ways and Means. 1 "Each fociety ſhall appoint one or more perfons, the "moft active and intelligent to be Collectors of Money, and * each of thoſe Collectors are to have the fuperintendence "of fifteen or twenty perfons, whom they are enjoined to fit $ as oft as their time may allow. What money they may "collect is to be delivered to the Treaſurer of their different "facieties every week.. "2d, Such Collectors are permanent, unleſs diſqualified ❝ by inattention or otherwife. They are to meet with the "Committee of Ways and Means to report progreſs, once every three weeks. 66 "V. Of the Extent of Delegation. "ft, The election of delegates, to the Committee of Union, takes place on the firſt Thurſday of February, « May, Auguſt, and Noyember, annually. "2d, Each fociety fhall fend a delegate for every twelve members to the Committee of Union, with a letter, fign- ❝ed by the Prefident and Secretary, for the time being.-- "How foon an addition of twelve is made to any ſociety, - that fociety is entitled to fend an additional delegate.- "But no fociety, however numerous, can ſend more than "three reprefentatives.. "3d, The powers of fuch repreſentatives ſhall continue "only for three months, at which period, they must either "be re-elected, or others chofen in their room. XVI. £ < "Ift, The focieties fhall adopt fuch regulations, and ad- #here to fuch inftructions as the Committee of Ways and Means may think proper to iffue, after being fanctioned "by the Committee of Union. ་ ་ “2d, No mèmber fhall introduce religious topics into de- { bate, nor motion for prayers to be faid, either at the ga- thering } [ 21 ] 1 thering or difmiffion of the focieties, becauſe every thing that tends to ftrife and diverfion, muſt be avoided. " Laws relative to the Committee of Union. Q. Now Robert, recollect yourſelf; do you remember be- ing prefent at the Committee of Union, about the beginning of 1 [ 213 ↑ of May, when they talked of fending arms into the country? A. No. Q. You don't recollect that ?. A. No. I do not. Q. When did you firſt hear about arms at all? A. It was before that. Q. At what time was it? A. I dare fay it was in March. I fuppofe it was about the latter end of March. Q. Where was it? A. It was in George Rofs's. Q. About what time in March was it ?` A. I fuppofe it was near the end of March. Q. Do you recollect who was preſent at George Rofs's, when this converfation took place? A. The first time that ever I heard it mentioned, was at à reading of the newſpapers, when were preſent, Mr Watt, Mr M'Ewan, and Mr Downie, I believe. Q. Do you recollect what was faid at that time? tell us as near as you can remember, the fenfe and purport of the converſation. A. The fenfe of the converfation was,it was in the News about an invafion,-they began to ſpeak about it,—and they were faying, that there were arms come to the Gold- fmiths' hall gentlemen;-that was the fenfe, I believe, to the beſt of my recollection. 1 Any thing more faid to the beft of your recollection, Robert? A. Any thing more! Yes!-the next thing I heard faid, but I could not fay pofitively, who it was that ſaid it,- We had better apply for ſome of them.-It was likewiſe ſaid, that there was none that was for a reform, that need apply, to the beſt of my recollection. Q. Do you recollect any thing more paffing? A. Yes. I recollect of its being faid, but I could not po- tively fay by whom, whether it was Mr Watt that faid, that 1 is 1 [ 214 ] that there was no law in being, that could hinder us fromt getting arms,—I am not certain. Q Now, did Mr Watt come to you at the Dean, in the courfe of the month of April, or foon after that time? A. Yes. Q. Do you remember his coming to enquire if you had made a certain weapon? A. Yes. Q. What did he ſay? A. He asked if I had. Q. What time might that be? A. Sometime in April. QWhat did you ſay to that? A. I faid I had. Q. And what paffed then? ५ A. He asked me to make one of another pattern. Q. You ſhowed him one as a pattern ? A. No. He did not fee it. Q. How did he know what pattern? Á. He aſked, I fuppofe he was told before I fhewed him. Q. What faid Watt to that? A. He faid he thought fuch a pattern would be better it was a kind of a draft. Q. He fhewed you a draft of a different pattern? A. Yes. Q. What did he ſay ? A. He aſked me to make one, and bring it in to fhew him Q. Did you bring in what you had made ? A. Yes. Q. Where to? A. To George Roſs's. Q. Who were there preſent when you brought it? A. There was Mr Watt, Mr Downie, Mr Bonthrone, Mr M'Ewan, and another man, that I did not know. Q. What did you do? A. I fhewed them it. 1 1 1 Q. And what did they fay to that? A. He E 215 1 A. He was looking at it, and afked me. Q Who aſked you? A. Mr Watt. Q. Åfked you for what? ! A. He defired me to go out, after looking, which I did. He aſked me, before I went away, if I would leave it with him all night, and I faid I would, and did ſo. Q. When did you fee Mr Watt again? A. I faw him that fame night again. Q. And when did you fee him, after that again? A. I don't know, but it was at George Rofs's I faw him after that. Q. Do you remember Mr Watt coming to your fhop at the Dean, a few days after that ? A. Yes. Q. Do you remember it? A. Yes. Q. How long after that might it be, ſpeaking to your re- collection? A. About the firft of May. Q. He came to your ſhop at the Dean, and what did he defire you to do? A. He defired me, that night at George Rofs's, to make a few of them. Q. A few of what? A. A few of theſe weapons. Q. Theſe croſs pikes? A. Yes; a few, without any number. wh Q. Did he defire you to make any other fort of pike? A. Yes. Q. How many of that other fort? A. He faid two or three dozen. Q. Did he aſk you how many you could make in a week? A. Yes. Me, and my two men. Q. What did you ſay? A. I ſaid fifty, Jy 1 } ン ​Q. Did [216] Q. Did you fee Mr Watt fometime after that? A. Oh! but there was more paffed then, Q. Tell all that paſſed. A. When he ſaid how many could I make in a week and my men, I ſaid that quantity; bụt 1 faid poffibly none; Oh faid he, I am not upon that; that is not my meaning; 1 took it he conjectured he had asked me the price; and I was really confidering, at the fame time he was calculating the price what I could afford them at; becaufe, when I told him with reſpect to the price,-poffibly 1 might make none. Q. Was there any thing elſe paffed? A. He did aſk me to make two or three dozen of each kind. Q. Now, you faw Mr Watt fome time afterwards ;-did you not? A. Yes. And he likewiſe ſpoke, and aſked me, if I could get any ſticks for them; I faid, I dare fay I might ; that I could. Q. Did any thing more paſs at that time? A. I do not recoilect. Q. Do you recollect Mr Watt coming to enquire at your ſhop afterwards, if you had made any progreſs in your work? À. It was the day he was enquiring whether I had madę any progreſs, in George Rofs's. He asked me to make a few, and then, when he came, he asked me what progrefs I had made. Q Do you remember receiving a meffage from Watt, by a perfon you did not know? - A. Yes. Q. What meffage was then brought to you? A. He was twice there.-When he came firſt, it was afk- ing, if there was fomething done, which I did not like to do at that time, when Mr Watt was out with me; I told him I had not made any, for there was one of my men away; he faid that was a pity, and he aſked me, whether I could get one; I faid I fuppofed I might; I had not been in the town, 1 1 [217] town;-I did not fay he was to feek a man ;-but Mr Mac- Ewan, fome days after, faid, Mr Watt had a kind of a man for me;—but I never faw Mr Watt, nor did he tell me that he had: Q. I afk you, what the meffage was, this unknown per fon brought you from Mr Watt? No anſwer. COURT.-Q. How do you know it was a meffage from Mr Watt, if you did not know the man ? No answer. Lord Advocate.How did you know this perfon came from Watt? A. He told me. Mr Erfkine. That is hearfay: Mr Anftruther.Let us afcertain the delivery of the mef ſage; the man is not far off, and he will tell you from whom he received it. A. He was afking me about making the inftruments; if I had got any of them ready; I faid they were making. Q. Who was that perfon? A. It was Martin Todd. Q. What meffage did Martin Todd bring to you? A. It was aſking me what I had made, or got made, of was I making them; that was his firft meffage; I told him; I was making them. Q. Who did he ſay he brought this meffage from? A. From Mr Watt. Q. Who was the fecond meffage from? 3 A. The ſecond meffage was fhewing me two weapons. Q. Look upon the table, and fee if you can ſee one of them? A. I fee one of them, Q. What did he tell you? A. He defired I would make mine in like manner; faid I would not, and if I had known it, I would have made none of them. Q. Why would not you make them of that fort, Mr Or- rock? E e + A. I } J t [ 218 ] A. I had a little more alarm in myſelf at that time. Q. Now, what was your alarm for at that time? ? A. I can give you that;-I did not at firſt know how ma ny there was of them. me. Q. When did you take the alarm? A. It was when with him, William Brown came out to Q. Who was he? A. A fmith. Q. Where did he live? A. He lives at Goofedub.-I fay William Brown came out to me, and afking me; fays he, you are making fo and fo; I was at a meeting of the Friendly Society that night; and he fent for me out, and he aſked me, if I was making fo and fo for Watt; and then aſked me, what would we do for ſticks ;—and I faid, what was to hinder us to get ſticks? He faid there would be thouſands wanted. Mr Anftruther. I am defiring him to explain the cauſe of his alarm. Q. Why was you alarmed? A. Becauſe thouſands would be wanted in the firſt place. I am telling you when Watt ſpoke to me, he spoke in no fort of fecret way, but very open. William Brown ſeemed all in hidlings. Q. Why was you frightened, Robert ? you know, if thouſands of them were wanted, you would have more trade. A. It was not for that, becaufe, if there had been thou- fands wanted, I could make thouſands as well as fifty, that did not alarm me in the leaft. Q. What did alarm you? A. I will give you that; becaufe, in making them, I did not like it being in fuch a hidling concealed manner; I thought there need not be fo much hidling. QHow many of theſe pikes did, Watt order from you altogether? A. Mr Watt faid, to my knowledge you can make three dozen in one week, and then he came to five dozen. Q. Did { [219] Q. Did you ever hear any thing about their being for the top of a gate? A. Yes. I QNow, who told you any thing about their being for the top of a gate? A. Mr Watt. Q. What did he fay? A. He faid, what would I fay when I was making them, fuppofing none of them finished? what would I fay to in- quifitive people that would be aſking of me? 1 anſwered I don't know. Q. What did he then fay to you? A. That I might ſay they were for the top of a gate or a railing. Q. Did you ever fee fuch things as thefe upon the top of a gate ? A. I have feen fomething like the ſtraight ones. Q. Did you ever ſee the croſs ones on the top of a gate? A. No. Q. Did you ever fee any of the crofs ones upon the head of a halbert ? A. Yes. Q. Was there any thing faid about laying them by? A. He faid, I might lay them by or put them by as ſoon as made. Q Did not you think it very odd that he ſhould tell you theſe were for the top of a gate? A. No, I was never much alarmed at that, Q. What were the ſticks for? No answer. Q. Had you an order for any more of thefe than five dozen? A. I had no more. Q. You got alarmed about them? A. Yes. Q. Why was you alarmed? what purpoſe did you think they were for when they were beſpoke ? E e 2 A. I } سمجھد + [ 220 ] A. I thought they were defenfive weapons for the coun- try in cafe of invafion. Q. What did you think? A. I did not think there was occafion for any ſecrecy,' Q. Did you not think they were for another purpoſe ? A. I did. Q. Where were they to fend the pikes? A. He did not ſay. Q. He never mentioned any number? who was to pay you for thefe pikes? A. Mr Watt, I knew no other, I fufpected him to be the paymafer. Q. Was you ever told fomebody elſe was to be your pay- mafter? A. I was by Mr M‹Ewan, Q. And who was you to be paid by? A. By Mr Downie, Q. Did you not think it a very odd thing pikes fhould be ordered by one man and paid for by another? A. That was part of my reafon, as I told you before, for my being alarmed. Q. You thought it an odd thing that pikes fhould be ordered by one man, and paid for by another? who was to get thoſe pikes? A. I don't know what he intended, but he did not fay to me who was to get them. Q. Did you ever take home any pikes? A. Home! where. Q. To Mr Watt's? A. I never did. Q. What became of them that you made? were they feiz- ed by any Sheriff Officer ? ed. A. Yes. Q. Was you taken up at the fame time? A. Yes, there were fome in the fhop that were not finish Q. Were all that were in your fhop got? A. Na [ 221 ] A, No, they were not all found. Q. Some of thoſe on the table are of your making? A. Yes. Q. What became of thofe that were not got? A. That is what I cannot tell. Q. Robert, was you a member of the Committee of Union? A. Yes. 1 Q. Where did it meet? A. It met in George Rofs's, Q. What was the purpoſe of that Committee of Union? A. There was no other purpoſe than meeting and getting news from other focieties; and there was to be a Conven, tion; and the getting up money for the delegates that were to go to it. LORD PRESIDENT. He faid all in his fhop were not found? A. I know certainly they were not all got. I came in a- long with what was got. Q. Did you know where the reſt were? A. The reft were juſt in the ſhop. Q. Were they all open in the fhop. A. There were none hidden. Q. How came they to take fome and leave others? A. Becauſe they were not in the fame place. Q. How came they not to be in the fame place? A. They were lying under the vice board. Always when we ſoften any iron, we fhoot them in the afhes, and there were two or three of them lying in the afhes, and the reft were below the vice board. I will give you all candidly. Q Now, you fay, this Committee of Union was to chuſe members from another Committee to collect money for them? > A. No, I underſtand it was always in the other Commit- tee; they were leading men, and there was money given; they got 15s. from us. Q. What was that Convention to do ? $ } Q. I [222] A. I never heard it was for any thing but to meet for Univerfal Reform. Q. Now, Robert, did you ever hear of any Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes. 1 Q. Do you know of any Committee of Ways and Means? A. Yes. Q. Do you know that Watt was a member? A. Yes. Q. Do you know that Downie was a member? A. Yes. Q. Now, Robert, who was to make the fticks for thefe? A. I faid I could get them made by different perfons ; to the best of my recollection I mentioned Mr Black. Q How many ſticks were to be wanted ? A. I was to get fticks for as many as I was to make. Q. Did you ever hear any thing about fome thouſand flicks wanted? A. Yes. Q. Then, I believe you were determined not to make any more pikes after what you had heard ? A. Yes. Q. Why did you determine fo? A. I thought it at firft was not for that intent, and I be- gan to be alarmed as to the hidlings of them. I could not pofitively fay what they were for. Q. Did you not begin to be frightened becauſe you thought a few pikes might just as well get the end you had in view, as a petition? A. I never had that in view. Q. You began to be frightened? A. I did, becauſe I did not know what uſe he intended to make of them. Q. Did Mr Watt ever give you any orders for pikes be- fore? A. Never. Q. Did } } ( 123 ) Q. Did ever any other body give you orders for pikes ! A. No. you ever know any other body that dealt in that Q. Did manufacture? A. No. Q. Now, Robert, you ſaid ſomething about a pike which you had made before Mr Watt befpoke this of you? A. Yes. Q. What has become of that? A. I don't know, it was left with Mr Watt. A. That was the pike you left with Mr Watt the firft night? A. Yes. Q. Who employed you to make that? A. I did it immediately myſelf. I told you that in my firſt declaration. Q. I know nothing of a declaration you made any where but here; who employed you to make that pike? A. Nobody. Q. You made it for yourſelf? A. Yes, when they were fpeaking of arms, I faid I would make arms for myſelf. Mr Anftruther. In the Committee of Union, there was a diſcourſe about making of arms. -he told the Committee he would make arms for himſelf; Watt wanted to ſee a pike he had made—he faw that and employed him. + Q. Watt faw the firſt pike you made ? A. Yes. Croſs Examined by Mr Hamilton. Q. You faid Watt told you, you might fay they were for the top of a gate. A. Yes. Q. How did he exprefs himself, did he feem ferious or in jeft? A. No, £ 224 3 A. No, he did not feem ferious; he did not fay they were to be made in a concealed manner, but juſt to tell any offi- cious perfon they were made for the top of a gate. Q. When you are making any thing in your fhop, is it common for you to fay it is made for one thing when it is made for another? A. When a man comes and as fuch queftions, I call it fiſhing—that I thought they had very little buſineſs with. Q. Is it the uſual direction of thoſe that employ you, to tell thoſe who aſk you about it, that you are making fuch work for one purpoſe when you are making it for another? A. No, Sir. Mr Anftruther. He has never faid people gave him that direction. Mr Hamilton. Do you ſometimes get directions from peo- ple that employ you to fay things are made for one purpoſe that are made for another? A. To inquifitive people I have, in certain things; but it is not common nor a cuſtomary thing. MARTIN TODD, Sworn. Mr Dundas. I understand you don't hear eafily? A- No, I am hard of hearing. Q. You are a ſmith, are not you? A. Yes, Sir. Q. And I believe you belonged to the Calton Society of the Friends of the People, did not you? A. Yes, Sir. A. Do you remember receiving a meffage from Mr Watt to carry to Mr Orrock? recollect yourſelf and take your time. A. I remember going with one. Q. What did you go for? A. I went to Mr Orrock with a bundle and parcel. Q. For what? A. I cannot fay what it was. Q. What [ 225 ] Q. What did Watt defire you to ſay to Orrock? A. I don't remember any thing material he defired me to fay; he ordered me to give him a parcel. I gave it to Mr Orrock? : Q. What was the parcel? A. I don't know perfectly what it was. I believe it was one of theſe things, (looking at the pikes on the table in Court.) Mr Anstruther. We ſhould call that a pike not a parcel ? A. But it was in a parcel when I had it. Q. Was it opened by Orrock in your preſence ? A. It was. Q. What was the Meffage? { A. He ordered me to take it back to Mr Watt with his compliments, and that he was going on with the things as fast as poffible. Q. What things? A. The things that were in the parcel. Q. What things? A. Things like this I ſuppoſe, (pointing to the weapons on the table.) Q. What became of them then? A. I brought them back and gave them to Mr Watt. Q There were two meffages you carried? A. No, Sir, not that I remember at prefent. I don't think there were two. Mr Dundas. Q. Did you underſtand that Orrock was to employ you? A. No. WILLIAM BROWN, Senior, Called. Brown. My Lords, I want my liberty. I have been kept theſe four months in goal. Lord Advocate. You are called here to give your evidence, do you refufe it? 1 A. No, I do not. $ Ff Casual WIL- 1 1 [226] 3 WILLIAM BROWN, Sworn. } Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Robertion A. Yes. Q. Did Mr Robertfon ever afk you about making any Spears? A. Yes. Q. What did he fay? 1 f ' A. He aſked me if I would make fome fpears for a Mr Watt. Q. What did you fay to that ? A. I faid, I did not know. Q. What more did you ſay? A. I don't remember. Q. What did Mr Robertfon fay to you? & A. He faid, if I was in the town, I might call upon Mr Watt and fee himſelf. Q. Did you ever fee Mr Watt after that? Did you call upon him. A. Yes. Q. And what paſſed between you and Mr Watt? A. He ewed me a ſpear, and aſked me if I would make fome like that. QWhat fort of a fpear did he fhow you? fee if you fee any thing like that lying upon the table there, turn them over. A I don't fee it here. Q What converfation had you with Robertſon about Watt-? A Robertfon faid he was a merchant. Q Where? A. Below the New Bridge, on the north fide of the High Street. Q Where did you call upon him? A. When I was down a little below the cloſe. 1 Q. What Q. What clofe? ť 227 ] A. Below Carrubber's Clofe. Q. New, when you called upon Watt in the Clofe, what converfation had you with him? A I don't think I was above five minutes with him. Q. Did he fhew you a pike? A. He fhewed me a pike, but I do not fee it, it was like that one, a ſcrew one with a fpike halbert-head, a long pike. Q. What did Watt fay? . A. He asked if I would make one like that, but a little larger. Q. What did you fay? A. That I would fee and make them. Q. Did you make any? A. I made one. Q. See if you can ſee one l'ke it? } A. I think that is like it, there was no particular mark upon it. Q Did that firrel fcrew off in your's? A. It was juſt the ſame. Q. Did it fcrew off? A. Whether it be that or no I do not know, I made an- other one, but then Mr Watt did not get it. Q. Did you ever make another fcrew for it? A. No. Q. Did you ever make another ſtick for it? A. No. Q. How many of theſe did Watt order from you? A. He fet no quantity, he ſaid two or three. Q. Was it half a dozen ? A. I took it to be thereabouts. Q Did he fay half a dozen? A. He did not ſeem to fay any quantity of them. Q. That you call a croſs call a crofs pike, don't you. A. I don't know what you call it, but it muſt be croſs, I don't know what name to put to it. Ffa Q. Did ན་ } (228) 1 } Q. Did you ever fee Watt again? A. Yes. QUpon what occafion ? A I faw him fome time afterwards. He came to fee if I had made any. Q. Where do you live? A. At the Goofedub. I fhewed him one fimilar to it, half done. Q. Did you ever fee him again? A. Yes. Q. Had you any converfation with him about the pikes or fpear-heads being ready? + A. That was when he came out at this time, when I fhew- ed this half done. I did not chufe to make any more of them of that kind. them. He wanted He faid he did not want any more of mole fpears ftraight. I did not know what it was for, and I did not chufe to inake any more of that kind. Q. Did you ever afk Mr Watt what they were for? A. No. Q. How many dr you make? A. I made only one for Mr Watt, but there was another that went another way. Q. Who took that away? A. There was a plumber's apprentice took it away. Q What was his name? A. Of the name of Allan. He took it away at the time. Q. Allan did not pay you at that time ? A. No. Q. Did you ever make any other fpears? A. He ordered me to make fome mole ſpears. Q. Did he order you to make any ſtraight ſpears? A. I faid that was mole fpears. He anfwered, yes. He wanted fome ſtraight fpears with a focket like a fork. I faid that was like mole fpears, and he anſwered, yes. Did you ever make any mole fpears? } J A. I (229 ( 229 ) A. I fald, I would make fome and bring them in, and fee if they were the things he meant. Q. Did you make any? A. I made two, and brought them in. Q How many did you make? A. Fourteen altogether. The first two I took in, he ſaid, would do. Q. How came you to make the fourteen. A. I delivered the two firft to him, and then a dozen of the ſtraight ones. Q. Were you paid for them? A. Yes. Q. Who paid you ? A. Mr Watt faid, he was forry, 'when I went in, that he had not money to pay me. I told him I was needing money. He faid, if that was the cafe, he would give me a line upon one Mr Downie, and he would give me the money, as he had it not. Q. Did you get the money? A. Yes. Q. From whom? A. Mr Downie. Q. Who was he? A. A jeweller in Parliament Square. Q. Where did you carry theſe pikes ? A. I carried them to that houfe where Mr Watt was. Q. Look at them, and fee if you know your own work? A. I have no particular mark, they were of the fame fhape, make, and fize. Q. Did you ever make a mole fpear like that? A. Yes. Q. For whom? A. I cannot tell. QAs big as that? A. Much the fame. Q. How many did you make? * } A. I [ 230 ] A. I cannot fay, fome people make them one fhape, fome another; fome fmiller and fome larger. Q. How many croſs pikes did Watt order? A. He did not mention any quantity, he faid two or three. I took it to be halt a dozen. I did not underſtand it to be any quantity. Q Did you ever fee Robert Orrock ? A Yes. Q Had you ever any converſation with him about theſe Spears? A Yes. Q. What was that? 1 A I was at the Water of Leith about fome buſineſs, and we were ſpeaking about it, and I faid I was making ſome mole fpears; he faid he was making fome for the top of a rail, and fome croſs ones. I never had feen any of them, but he did not tell me who he was making them for. Q. Did you tell him who you were making your's for? A. I am not very certain whether I did or not. Q. Did Mr Watt ever tell you any thing more? A. No. Q. Were you making no more for Watt? A No. Q. Had you an order for making more? A. I don't know that I had, whether he ordered me to make fome more or not I cannot be poſitive to that point; whether he bid me make a dzen or half a dozen more or not I am not poſitive. Q. Did any b dy ever tell you about any orders that Mr Watt had got from the country? A No. Q. Don't you recolleſt that ? A. No, I don't recolect that. Croft Examination. Mr Hamilton. Q. You faid you had fome converfation with Orrock ; did you ever fee any pikes of his making? A. 1 never did. Q. Had 231) Q. Had you any converſation with Orrock about pikes? A. I had fome converfation with Orrock about pikes, he faid they were for the top of a rail. Q. Ha i you any converſation with him about ſticks? A. No, none that I remember. Mr Anftruther. I have juft now been informed that one of the witneffes (Fairley) defires he may be called in to cor- rect ſome part of his cvidence. I fhall not fay a word to him. Lord Advocate. I fhall not put a fingle queſtion to him. (FAIRLEY brought into Court.) LORD PRESIDENT. Mr Fairley, a meffage has come from you, de firing leave to explain fomething in your former evi- dence, what was it? Fairley. I recollect Mr Watt faying the banks and public offices were to be feized. COURT. Can you recollect any other circumftances? A. I connot recollect any other particulars, unleſs a quef- tion was put. I recollect Watt faid thoſe who were moſt ac- tive againſt us were to be imprisoned. Q. Say that again. A. Thoſe who were most active againſt us were to be imprifoned, ard the banks and public offices to be feized; and that couriers were to go into the country. Mr Hamilton. When did he ſay that? A. He faid there would be more who would ſtart up; and that thoſe moſt active againſt us were to be ſeized; and couriers were to be ſent to announce it, or that couriers were to be fent to the country to announce this. Mr Hamilton. Have you had any converfation with any perfon fince you went out of the room? A. No, Sir, I have not. 1 Q. Who did you underſtand was meant by thoſe that were againſt us, who were to be feized at that time? A. That } ( 232 ) A. That is, thofe that were againſt us were to be arreſted or fomething of that kind. Q. Di : he mention any particular perſon? A. I don't know that he did. Q. Did he mention any particular perſon? A. I cannot fay whether he mentioned the Magiftrates of Edinburgh. I do not recollect any other perfons. I think the Magiftrates of Edinburgh were ſpoken of. Q Did he exprefs himſelf as if they had any particular refen ment against them for any particular caufe, or why thofe perfons were to be ſeized ? A. He did not fay. Q. Explain that; was it expreffed as animofity againſt thofe perfons on account of proceedings inimical to them? A. I fuppofe fo. WILLIAM ROBERTSON, Sworn. Mr Anftruther. Do you know Robert Watt? A. I have feen Robert Watt.. Q. Had you any converfation with him about fpcars? A. Once. Q. What was that converfation, Mr Robertfon ? A. He aſked me if I knew any fmith that would make thoſe things. Q. What things? A. spears. QWhat did you fay? A. I faid I did. I knew one William Brown. Q. Had you any converfation with Brown upon the ſub- ject. A. I fpoke to him about it, and asked if he would make them. Q. Did you do that by Mr Watt's defire? A. No. Q. Now, what converfation had you with Brown upon that fubject? 1 A. I 1 મ 1 [ 233 ] A. I aſked him if he would make them. Q. What did Brown ſay? A. He faid he was not very fure at that time. Q. Had you any other converfation with Watt about it ? A. Yes, once he aſked me if I had ſpoke to Brown. Q. What faid you? A. That I had. Q. Spoke to Brown about what? A. About fpears. 1 Q. Did Watt tell you what thofe fpears were for? A, No, he did not. Q. Did you ever afk Watt what they were for? A. No, I never did. Q. Did it not ſtrike you, it was an odd thing a man in Watt's fituation ſhould be ordering fpears? A. I did not think any thing about it at that time. Q. Did you think any thing about it fince? A. No. 1 Q. Had you no converfation with Watt about it at all? A. No, I did not afk him any queſtion at all. Q. I believe you was a member of the Britiſh Conven- tion? A. Yes. Q. Do you know a perfon of the name of Skirving? A. Yes. Q. You have written him fome letters? A. One letter. Q. Where do you live? What part of the town do you live in? A. In Simon's Square, Q. Now, fit down and read that letter quietly. Tell me firſt whether it is your hand writing? A. It is. "Edinburgh, April 7th 1794." (The witneſs looked over the letter.) Lord Advocate. Did you write that letter of the date it bears? $ G g A. Yes, } [ 234 ] A. Yes, I did write that letter. Q. Now, what was the number of your Society at the dif perfion of the Britiſh Convention? A. I do not recollect particularly what the number was. Q. About how many? A I could not really fay how many at that time, Q. About how many Mr Robertſon? You could tell Mr Skirving, you might as well tell me. A. I could not be pofitive how many at that time. Q. Was it from thirteen to twenty? A. It might be twenty, or between thirteen and twenty, Q. Did it increaſe much after the difperfing of the Britiſh Convention? A. It increaſed very faft. Q. They increaſed very faſt after that? to how many did they increaſe? A. They might be near one hundred. Q. I believe your ſchool was the place where the Britiſh Convention met the day after it was difperfed? A. No, it was not. Q. It met in your neighbourhood? A. Yes. Q. Did it meet in your ſchool afterwards ? A. No, it never did. Q. The Friends of the people met in your ſchool? A. A fociety met. Q. That is the ſociety that increaſed ſo much? A. Yes. Q. Now, what was the object of that fociety? A. I know of no object but to obtain a Reform. Q. What fort of a Reform ? A. Univerfal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments. } Q. Was there any obſtacle to the profecution of that end? A. I don't know. There was a meeting. QWas there any obſtacle to it? A There was no obſtacle, but a petition to Parliament. Q. But E 235 j 1 } it ? Q. But what was the obſtacle that ſtood in the way of A. I did not fee any, but to petition Parliament. Q. You could tell Skirving, now, you may as well tell me? ∙A. I could not fay what was the obſtacle. Q. Did you think that poverty was the obſtacle? A. They could not get their petitions made up fo foon owing to that. Q. Did you ever hear of a Committee of Union? A. I have heard of it. Q. Was you ever at it? A. I never was at it. I know it was a Committee of Union. Q. Was you ever at the General Committee? A. Yes, it went from January to March by the name of the General Committee. Q. I think you was Secretary to that General Commita tee? if A- I never was Secretary except one night. Q. And Stock was Prefident or Prefes that night? A. I do not recollect. Q. Do you recollect any motion made that night? See you remember that motion made in the Committee? A. Yes. I remember there was fome motion of that kind. Q. There was a motion to that effect? A. Yes. Q. Was that motion carried? A. Not that night. It is not in my memory. Q. Who propofed it? A. I cannot fay who propoſed it firſt. Q Was it propofed by a perfon whofe name is there? read that and tell me whether it was propofed by the perfon named there? A. I do not know whether it was Mr Watt that propoſed that motion that night or not. Gg 4 Was ; L [236] Was he there? A I think he was, but I cannot be certain whether he propoſed that motion or not. Mr Anftruther. It is the paper that has been read already for the inftitution of that Committee. Q Did your Society fond delegates to the Convention. ? A. They fent three. Q. Do you recoliect their names ? A. I think Mr Stock was a delegate. Q. Mr Stock was a delegate from your fociety? A. Yes. Q. Who was the other? A. One Mr Hardyman. Q. Who was the other? A. I cannot recollect. Q. Have you ever heard any thing of a Committee of Ways and Means? A. I have heard of it. Q. What was it? A. I have heard no more but that there was fuch a Com- mittee. Q. Now, what was the purpoſe of that Committee to which you fent delgates? A. It was to form a correſpondence among the Societies in Edinburgh. Q. Do you know of any correfpondence in the country with that Committee? A. No, I do not. Q. Do you know any thing of one perfon going to the north and another to the weft? A. I heard of them going, but did not know them. Q. Who did you hear of them from? A. I heard of them froin feveral. Q. Name them? A. I cannot name them. QWho were the perfons that told you of one perſon go- ing to the north and another to the weſt ? A. I [ 237 ] A. I believe, I heard it openly in the fociety, I cannot recollect any perſon in particular. Q. You don't recollect, you fay, who it was? A. No, I do not. Q. Do you know any thing about greater fecrecy being obferved in your proceedings now than formerly? A. I might have faid fomething to that purpoſe, it was merely myfelf, no other perfon uas faid it, I could not fay but there might be more fecrecy. Q. Don't you know that there was ? A. I cannot answer that queftion. No Crofs Hxamination. COURT. Would you know Mr Watt if you ſay him a. gain? A. Yes, I believe I would. Q: Watt? Look and fee if you fee him at the bar. Is that Mr A. Yes. Mr Anftruther. Q. Is that the perfon that gave you the meffage to Brown? A. Yes. WALTER MILLER Called. Walter Miller. My Lords, I have fome difficulties, be- fore I can fubmit to be a witnefs in this trial; when I am called an honeft man, and abiding by the laws, I have no ob- jection to give my evidence; but when I have been impri- foned for feveral months paft, it may appear I come here guilty of all the crimes laid to thoſe men; if that be the in- tention of the profecutor, I beg he will indite me. Lord Advocate. I have no fuch intention. WALTER MILLER, Merchant, Sworn. Mr. Anftruther. Q. Now, Mr Miler, I will tell you before you begin, that you are not bound to answer any queftions that tend to criminate yourfelt. The firſt queſtion I afk } [ 238 ] I aſk you is, whether that letter ever came to you by poſt ? (Shewing him a letter.) A Yes, that letter certainly came to me? Q. How did it come to you? A. By poft. Q Look at it, there is no poft mark? A. There is undoubtedly a poſt mark. Q. Do you know whom it came from? A. It is figned by the gentleman that fent it, I fuppoſe ? Q. Look carefully at it, and look at the back of it, then the fide of it, don't be in fuch a hurry? A. The anſwer was to be fent to Rofs, Liberty Court. Q. Was there an anſwer ſent to London? A. There was none fent to Edinburgh; there was an an- fwer fent to London, I believe. Q Do you believe it was fent? was you at the meeting that refolved upon writing an anfwer to it? A. Yes, I certainly was at the meeting. Z A. Was it an anſwer agreeing with the letter or not? A. Yes, it was an anſwer fo far that if a Convention was called, we refolved to fend a delegate. Q. Did you ever remit any money to Edinburgh for the purpoſe of the friends of the people ? A. Yes, I did. Q. In confequence of what did you remit it, and by whofe directions did you remit it? A. Why, I remitted the money in confequence of being appointed treaſurer for the fociety of the Friends of the People at Perth. Q. How much? A. Fifteen pounds Sterling. Q. To whom did A. To Mr Downie. you remit it? Q. Why was it to be remitted to Mr Downie? A. Becauſe I underſtood fome inftructions had come to our place to fome perfon or other to fend any money we were [239] 1 were fending to Edinburgh to Mr Downie: We underſtood he was treaſurer of thoſe ſocieties. Q. What focieties? A. Societies of the Friends of the People. Q. What was the purpofe of remitting that money? A. For relief of patriots, and ſupport of the cauſe of freedom. Q. Did not thoſe inſtructions come to yourſelf? A. No. Q. Did that letter ever come to you, Mr Miller ? A. Yes, it did. Q. Was it before or after that letter came to you remitted the money? that you A. As to that I don't know, but it was a confiderable time before this letter come to me that this money was ga- thered for that purpoſe. Q. Was it before or after that letter came to you, you re- mitted it? A. It was certainly after, for no letter came directed to me before I remitted the money. Q. How was you informed that Downie was treaſurer for the Friends of the People? A. I told you before fome people in Perth got it by word of mouth or letter. Mr Anftruther. The letter is figned « T. Hardy." Crofs Examined by Mr Hamilton. Q. You mentioned you had agreed in your ſocieties to chufe a delegate to fend to the Convention? A. Yes. Q. Did not you underſtand in that Convention it was their intent to procure a reform by legal means? A. Certainly it was for the cauſe of a reform, for carry- ing it on. Q. Did you think or did you ſuppoſe the object and in- tent of that Convention to which the delegates were to be fent [240] វ fent was to fubvert the authority of this Kingdom? A. I had no fuppofition of it at all. ARTHUR M'EWAN, examined again. Q. The night when the Committee of Ways and Means met, when Watt told you of the plan you have told us of already, for what purpofe did it meet that night? A. I don't know what purpoſe it met for, only it was in ufe to meet weekly. Q. Was it not to answer a circular letter that night? A. I do not know of it. Q. Did you ever fee a letter figned "T. Hardy." A. No. Q. Did you ever know of an anfwer ſent to Hardy? A. No, never. Q. Did you ever know of any converſation reſpecting the mode in which the correſpondence between your fociety and Hardy was to be carried on ? A. I never heard it till Mr Stock faid he was to do every thing in his power to open a correfpondence between Watt and Hardy. Q. Was it that night the Committee met or not? A. It was the laſt night that the Committee met. Q Was it not that night they were to anſwer a letter from Hardy? A. No, there was no letter wrote that night. Q. Was not Stock to carry a letter to Hardy? A. Not that I know of. Q. How was that correfpondence between Hardy and Watt to be carried on, did Stock plan fome mode of cor- refpondence between Hardy and Watt; what paffed upon that occafion? it on, A. I could not make it diftin& how he was to carɛy it was to be done in ſuch a droll way, I could not make it diftinct; if I recollect right he had a piece of paper, and it was like dividing down this way (drawing his finger down the centre (211) 1 centre of the paper in a perpendicular line) the arifocrats doing fo and fo on one fide, and the democrats doing fo and fo on the other fide. Q. Then the correfpondence was to be carried on in two columns? A. Yes, I fuppofe fo from the mode he propofed that night. Q. What was the meaning of carrying on a correfpon- dence in fuch a way A. I cannot tell. ? Q. Did it not ftrike you as odd to be carrying on fuch a correſpondence ? * A. It did, Sir. Prifoner. May I put a queftion to that man? COURT. Certainly. Prifoner. You are aſked whether or not any correfpon- dence was to take place between Hardy and me, rather than any other perfon? A. I mentioned this, that Stock did fay, you wished to have a correſpondence with Mr Hardy, and you could not fettle upon a fure plan how you could correſpond, and Mr Stock drew out that model upon which you could cor- refpond with fafety. Mr Stock drew the plan. I thought the defign fixed on his part, was to carry on that correfpon- dence, notwithstanding that plan drawn out by Stock. I did not ſee it, but Mr Stock drew out the plan by which you ſhould correspond with Mr Hardy. Prifoner. That I did wish to correfpond with Mr Hardy? A. That you wiſhed to correfpond with Mr Hardy. The Lord Advocate. I think it my duty to the Court and Jury to flate, that we mean to leave the charge against the prifoner at the bar, upon the evidence written and pa- role that has now been given to the Jury, Mr Erskine then informed, the Court, that only one of the Counſel for Mr Watt propoſed to addrefs the Jury, which Mr Hamilton would do, when the evidence for the prifoner was clofed. Being defired by the Court to ftare in * H h + general t [242] 1 1 ་ general the points to which he meant to call evidence for the prifoner, he ſtated that in general, he would inform the Court and Jury, that Mr Watt first of all applied to Mr Dundas, then Secretary of State, conveying certain in- telligence with regard to the proceedings of certain focieties, which appeared to Mr Watt of a feditious nature; and that he was recommended by Mr Dundas to the Lord Advocate both by letter and converfation. This communication with the Lord Advocate continued from the end of 1792 to the end of 1793, when the British Convention met, whoſe pro- ceedings their Lordships would recollect, were all publiſhed in the newſpapers; from that time there was no communica- tion with Mr Watt. Then Mr Watt became a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, the Lord Advocate went to London, Mr Watt would have conveyed fuch an account of the proceedings, but from the beginning of March to the 15th of May, the Lord Advocate was in London; Watt when taken up by the Sheriff Clerk, faid, he could not fay any thing in anſwer to him till the Lord Advocate came to town. This is in general the proof meant to be adduced. MR SHERIFF CLERK Called as a Witneſs for the . Defendant. Mr Erskine. Q. You fearched Mr Watt's houfe ? A. Yes. Q. You found fome papers? A. Yes. Q Did you find any letter from Mr Dundas to Mr. Watt? A. I found one among others. Q. Did you find this? A. I don't recollect any thing of that paper, there is no mark on it. Q. Mr Watt was examined before you? A. Mr Watt was examined. Q. Was 1 ( 243 ) Was he open to you upon the ſubject? A. Mr Watt was brought up upon the 15th of May, long with the arms found in his houſe, and was interrogated by me refpecting them. He declined giving any explana- tion, and gave for anfwer that he communicated with Mr Dundas and the Lord Advocate about certain circumftances, he did not chufe to give an anfwer. I told him this would hot do, and that theſe arms were a very fufpicious circum- ftance. 'I defired to know what uſe he intended to make of them, when he told me, you will find lying upon mỹ table, an advertiſement for the newſpapers, intimating that pikes were to be fold by me at fo much a-piece. I think it is a laudable thing of me as a merchant in fair trade, and I as a merchant am entitled to do it. Q. Is that a fcroll of a letter to Mr Dundas? A. Yes, it is a feroll of a letter. I brought here all the papers I found. Mr Anflruther. What is it they are afking for? Mr Erskine, It is a letter to Mr Dundas we wish to have. Mr Anstruther. I have not the leaft objection to your making uſe of any letter of Watt's in evidence. Mr Sheriff Clerk. That appears to me to be the letter that was the cauſe of Mr Dundas's anfwer. Lord Advocate. I have no objection to its production. Mr Knapp. It is dated Auguft the 31ft 1792. Mr Anstruther. That paper as it ſtands is not, and I be- İ lieve, cannot be made evidence; it is a paper in Watt's hand- writing, found in his houfe, purporting to be a letter to fomebody; it is attempted to be made evidence by proving that the contents of that letter ſeem to relate to a letter of Mr Dundas's, found in the poffeffion of the prifoner; that could not in any view of the cafe make it evidence, all the papers found in the poffeffion of the prifoner are evidence againſt him, but it is impoffible pretended copies of letters, faid to be written by him, found in his poffeffion, in his own hand-writing, can be evidence without fomething more; Hh2 at > { *** 1 [ 244 ] 1 at the fame time, fo far from the Counsel for the Crown, on the prefent occafion, wifhing to prefs things againft the prifoner, or preclude the prifoner from producing any thing he may think tends to-exculpate him, whether it be legal evidence or not, that they have not the fmalleft ob- jection to thefe being read. I only thought it neceffary to ftate this, not to object to the papers, being read which I know not to be legal evidence, but to prevent the doing of it in this cafe, from being ftated as a ground for its being * done in another trial. R Mr Erskine (to Lord Advocate.) I must call upon your Lordship. Mr Anftruther. Do you mean to read the letter? Mr Erskine. Yes. LORD PRESIDENT. You faid all the circumſtances of the pikes being found, happened between February and May. I underſtand that was during the ceafing of the correſpon- dence between the prifoner and Mr Dundas? Ex Lord Advocate. Yes. That letter read, dated August 31ſt, 1792- «Although I have not the honour of being known by you yet from my attachment to the Conftitution of this "country and of which I have the happiness of being a "native, and the fears I cntertain of its conftitution be- GS ing fubverted; have hereby taken the liberty of laying "before you facts which merit your moſt ſerious attention. "For fome years I have cbferved accounts of affociations "formed in different boroughs in Scotland for petitioning Parliament for the redrefs of grievances, but knowing the character and comparatively the finallneſs of the number "of thoſe who compofe the fociety at Perth from a refi- "dence there of eleven years at my education, and of thoſe in Edinburgh from a refidence of eleven years in buſineſs, part of which acting as a clerk to a refpectable houfe, and "the remainder on my own account, and from the year "1789, have informed myſelf of the character of many of "thoſe who compofe the focieties at Glaſgow, and Dun- > 6 dee, t € [245] "dee, buſineſs requiring me to be frequently in theſe and "other parts of the country, I was fatisfied to find that "Perth did from year to year oppofe petitions that had no "other tendency than to vitiate the morals of the inhabi- tants, and get into the magistracy, men of weak heads "and factious minds; but Sir when I fee and hear of fo- cieties forming in conjunction with thofe already men- “tioned in this city and in other parts of the country when "principles ftrike at the very root of the British Conftitu- "tion; I cannot as a friend to my country but inform you "of their proceedings and intentions; the leaders of theſe "factious clubs have the audacity to go from houfe to "houfe, endeavouring to enamour the weak in under- "ftanding, and to infiame factions in minds by reprefenting "to them certain fuppofed grievances, and inforcing by "fufpicious arguments the evil confequences that will una- "voidably refult to the nation if they are not fpeedily re- મ dreft, being visited by Mr William Johnfon the chair- ❝ man of their Committee here accompanied by another gentleman, I was after fome converfation invited to attend the Committee which was to meet in Mather's Tavern that evening the 24th current; from a delire of knowing more particularly the nature and tendency of fuch an affociation I complied; the only bufinefs before them was the reading of letter from the chairman of the focieties at Glaſgow, and SE 66 t a Perth, and appointing the time and place of a general meeting "here; after bufinefs was over - ropofed to Mr Johnfon and of four gentlemen towhom he feemed to pay more than ordinary attention to fup together to which they agreed; my intention "in this was to learn if poffible their fecret defigns in which "I was in fome meafure fuccefsfull, their fentiments on po- litics were fuch as aſtoniſhed me how any reafenable man living under the British Government, could adopt and have the affurance to exprefs the miniftry must be dif placed, Government expences retrenched; none belong- ing to the Treaſury ſhould have á feat in Parliament, the following expreffion of one of the gentlemen, in a Com- ** 66 && "mittee { } Ĺ 246 ] émittee of fourteen met laſt night in the fame tavern, and "received with great applaufe, will inform you of the fecret 65 purpoſes much better than any language of mine can do. "It is a maxim of mine (faid he) that a king fhould be facri- "ficed to the nation once in every hundred years ; years; theſe are his own words, for I was perfonally prefent at the time, their meaning must be obvious to every thinking mind; they propoſe to accomplish their helliſh deſigns "by pretending moderation at firft in their demands, and "proceedings and by degrees artfully to infinuate their dan r¢ gerous ideas into the minds of their adherents, and when "they fuppofe themfelves fufficiently powerful, then to attack perforce the Throne and the friends of the Conftitution; this they think they can do with more eafe and fafety "than even the French; That I might be able to give you as full an account as poffible of their proceedings, I at- "tended their general meeting in the Barbers Hall on the 28th inftant, where there were prefent about two hun- dred perfons of various defcriptions, a Mr Clerk in the chair the plan of organization was laid before the meet- "ing and referr'd with amendments to a Committee, and to "be laid by them before the general meeting which is to "take place on the 5th of September, as alfo a letter to Mr Gray the fecretary to the London fociety; as they "expect their number to encreaſe greatly; the fociety to "be divided into fmaller ones, for the more eaſy diſpatch of buſineſs, and their future Committees to confift of one "or two delegates from each of thefe focieties, they are to "put their declaration to the public into the newſpapers af- ❝ter it is approved of by the general meeting on the 5th of September; as I could not be prevailed on to fubfcribet their book of admiflion, no withſtanding their uſing ſe- veral arguments to that effect on three different occafions, "they fent me for my conviction, and information Pains Rights of Man, M'Intofh's anfwer to Burke and Flow- "ers publication, expecting that againſt next general meet- ❝ing I will fubfcribe. Be pleafed to advife lady Arnſton « (your 3 1 } í 1 [ 247 ] " (your mother) not to go to Mr Elder the bookfeller fho? to look after feditious books, fuffice it to ſay, that that fellow has at one of thefe feditious Committees where I was prefent, irritated the refibility of the company at the "expence of yours and her ladyihips character; Elder is their bookfeller. Thus I have without the knowledge of "any one, done myſelf the honour of ftating to you the "proceedings of this dangerous boly of men, and the mo- tives that actuate their leaders, that you may have it more in your power to take cautious vigorous and effec- "tual meaſures to baffle their wicked intentions, I truſt you will not reveal my correſpondence with you to any bur fuch " as you can pofitively rely on, and be aſſured that I will "with the utmoſt iecrecy inform you from time to time of their proceedings, if you are pleafed to honour me with ." your commands by adreffing to me Merchant Edinburgh." August 31st, 1792. .86 ra Letter read, dated London, 5th September 1792, addreſſ- ed to Robert Watt, North Gray's Clofe, Edinburgh. SIR, I have receiv'd your letter of the 31ft ultimo, and ſhall feel indebted on behalf of the public, for anv communicati- on you may find it convenient to make to me. I truſt the number of evil difpofed perfons you defcribe are not great, but it is ftill neceffary to keep a watchful eye over them. You may reft affured, you are perfectly fafe in any corre ſpondence you may hold with me. 1 I am, with refpect, Your moft obedient humble fervant, HENRY DUNDAS. Another Letter was read, dated Horfe Guards, Auguſt 29. 1794. SIR, I have the receipt of your's, of the 26th inſtant, and lofe ( 248 ) } { } lofe no time in informing you, that having made a diftinct fearch, I do not find that I am in poffeffion of any one of the letters addreft to me by Mr Watt, or the copy of any one of my letters to him; to the best of my recollection, all Mr Watt's letters were put into the hand of the Lord Advocate. I am, Sir, Your obedient humble fervant, HENRY DUNDAS. To John M'Ritchie, Efq. Edinburgh. LORD ADVOCATE Sworn. Mr Erfkine.-Your Lordfhip has heard what I have fta- ted, reſpecting the communication between your Lordship and Mr Watt; be fo good as inform us of it. Lord Advocate-In the month of October 1792, Mr Dundas came to Scotland, and I had repeated converfations with him, during that month, and till his return to London in the beginning of December, with refpect to the then fi- tuation of this country.-If I recollect right, Mr Pringle, then ſheriff of the county, was prefent at moft of thoſe converfations, the particular fubject whereof was about the meetings of the Friends of the People, then taking place in the weft country to a great degree, and the general alarm occafioned by thefe meetings.This was a fhort while be fore the meeting of Parliament. He mentioned to me, he had received a letter, a fhort time before, from a man of the name of Watt, a merchant in Edinburgh, he defired me and Mr Pringle to enquire who Watt was, and whether he was a fafe perfon to have any correfpondence with; the refult of thofe enquiries, which were made as accurately as we poffibly could, were fuch as to induce us to put a confi- dence in Mr Watt; and from that period, to the month of May laft, when I received in London, when attending the Secret Committees of the Houfe of Commons, information of what had been difcovered here, I never apprehended that confidence was misplaced. # Q. Da ( 249 ) Q. Do you recollect receiving any letter from Mr Watt when you was in Dunkeld? A. In confequence of thoſe inquiries we made, on Mr Dundas going to London, the duty devolved upon me, and I conceived it my duty to carry on a correfpondence with Watt and any perfon that was of the defcription of Watt. In the courfe of thofe inquiries, I remember receiv- ing Watt one night in my own houfe, when he gave me a variety of information. I don't mean to mention it, nor the names informed againſt by him, unleſs he think it neceffary. He informed me that at a meetting in James's Court about the beginning of November, 1792- Mr Hamilton. Q. I don't aſk you what were the parti- culars of the information that Watt gave you. Lord Advocate. He once gave me in writing feveral informa- tions in regard to the ftate of thofe parts of the country in which he had lately been particularly the counties of Fife, Perth and other places, and one piece of information he gave me, I thought it my duty to tranfmit to Mr Secretary Dundas. Q. What I mean to afk is, (I hope with propriety) whether you did not think the information you got from Watt to be from a perfon you had no reaſon to doubt ? ! A. I ftated before that I had no reaſon to heſitate about the confidence I had placed in Watt, with reſpect to the infor- mation which I tranſmitted to Mr Dundas at that period; it was to the following purpoſe: that a party of foldiers com- ing from Chatham through England to Perthshire, had been tampered with at feveral places in England and Scotland, by perfons in whofe company they had been, to mutiny, and particularly a certain number of them ftated, in their march at a certain place in Fifeshire, that if they were called out to fupprefs any riot, fuch as was faid to have taken place in Dundee, they would not fight or do their duty. I con- fidered this as fo materail and important that I tranfmit- ted it to Mr Dundas. I received in a few days a letter wrote by his order, encloſing a letter wrote by General Fox, then commanding at Chathain Barracks, ftating the names す ​ᏞᎥ of 1 [ 250 ]. of the parties who had left Chatham fome time before, and pointing out them who had gone to Perth. 1 communicat ed this to the Commander in Chief, Lord Adam Gordon ; he brought the foldiers to Edinburgh: among them he brought the corporal of a regiment; it was a regiment then ferving in India, in which Colonel M'Leod was the Lieutenant-Colonel. Lord Adam Gordon fent to me pri vately when they were come; I went down to the Ab- bey, where his Lordfhip and I examined the men feparately; and as they compleatly denied every fingle particular of the information which I had received from Watt, nothing fur- ther was done upon the fubject. Lord President. Q. This was when? A. This was in December 1792, or January 1793. Mr Erfkine. Does your Lordſhip recollect any communi- cation with reſpect to the plan of feizing the banks? Á. Never; pleaſe to repeat your queſtion. Mr Erfine. Whether your Lordship received from Mr Watt any communication with refpect to a plan for feizing the banks, while you were at Dunkeld in September 1793? A. I was at Dunkeld in September 1793. I don't re- collect having received any letter from Mr Watt, or hav- ing feen Mr Watt fince June or July 1793, it may be other- wife, but I don't recollect it. Q. Do you remember having feen any letter from him when you were in London? A. In February 1793, before going to London, I faw Mr Watt at night once or twice. I cannot tell the number of times. At that time the trials were going on against Craig and Anderfon and other perfons of a fimilar defcription; Mr Muir and others were bufy at Glaſgow, and I heard that a good deal of money was going amongst thoſe people. I thought the money muſt come from fome concealed quarter. I was defirous to know, and I ftated, that I was pretty pofitive it must come either from France or London, and I defired him to direct his attention particularly to that object. In March, about the end of it when in London, I received a letter from Mr Watt; he ftated } [ 251 ] · ftated that he had been in company with certain individuals, their names I fhall not mention, unless the Counfet defire me fo to do; two of them were of that deſcription whom he watched, and whofe proceedings he communicated. He wrote me that two of them had given him reaſon to believe that fomething of a very ſerious nature was going on which they were acquainted with, and which they were inclined to divulge, but which they would not diſcover uniefs they re- ceived a thousand pounds Sterling down, or fome very large fum I am fure it was. It occurred to me this was not a propoſal to which I could liften, I did not ſuſpect Mr Watt ; it occurred to me that the men deceived Watt, and that pro- bably after having received the money, (if the money could be given) the intelligence might not be worth having; be- fore I returned the anſwer, Ì fhewed the letter to the Se- cretary of State, and to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and they having both concurred in the fame opinion, I re- turned that anſwer, and I heard no more of Watt till I túrned to Scotland. In the month of May or June, Watt men- tioned to me that he had been obliged to accept a bill on ac- count of theſe men of L. 30 Sterling, which he would'be ob- liged to pay. I wrote to a perfon in Edinburgh to pay, that fum, and it was, accordingly paid. re- Mr Erskine. Q. Have you any letter written by Watt. to Mr Dundas? Lord Advocate. A. After having received my Subpoena, I fearched every place where I thought it poffible, and or- dered my clerk to do the fame, I fearched every place where I thought any correfpondence with Watt could exift. I wiſhed to get every correfpondence between us, and there is what I have been able to find. Mr Erskine-I fhould be extremely ſorry to take up the time of the Court to read thofe papers, and the prifoner fays he does not wifh them to be read. Mr Hamilton. The Lord Advocate has given a fufficient account of the correfpondence that paffed between Watt and him. Ii2 Lord 1 1 } : [ 252 ] Lord Advocate.-I do not think I have feen or heard from Mr Watt, fince June or July laſt year; I may have re- ceived a letter from him at Dunkeld; if I did, it has efca- ped my recollection completely. Mr Hamilton.-I fhall trouble your Lordship, with only one queftion more;-Whether Watt, in the interviews he had with your Lordſhip, did not afk of you, how he was to conduct himfelf, and whether he did not conduct himſelf in. the mode that was prefcribed for him; whether he had not. offered to Mr Secretary Dundas, to give him the informati- on that ſhould appear to him to be important upon the occa- fion? Lord Advocate-In the way I came to be introduced to him, and knowing I confidered him as a perfon giving infor- mation to government voluntarily, of what was going on, I confidered him as a man of refpectable character, in confe- quence of the inquiries I had made about it. Mr Anftruther.-My Lord Advocate, if I understood your Lordship right, you faid, the only information you thought material, you received from Mr Watt, was that which refpected the foldiers which you have mentioned. A. Yes. Q. And that, I understand your Lordfhip to have faid, upon inquiry, turned out, as far as you could difcover, to be void of foundation. A. It certainly did. Q. Did I underſtand your Lordſhip right, when you faid, that Mr Watt, in the month of March laft, had made an application to you, ftating, that fome pertons would make a diſcloſure, provided they could receive a füm of money? A. In March 1793. Q That was not accepted? A. I wrote to him, declining to do it. Q. Have you had, to the beſt of your recollection, any letter from, or any meeting with Mr Watt, fince the meet- ing of the Britiſh Convention that met in October 1793 ? A. I mentioned already, I think I have not feen him, nor ↓ received } i } (253 ( 253 ) received any letter from him, fince June or July 1793, and I was afked, if I received a letter from him at Dunkeld, to which I gave for anfwer, that I do not recollect having re- ceived any fuch; but I am pofitive, I have neither received information from him, nor feen him fince October 1793. Mr Anftruther, (to the priſoner's counſel.)—Do you call any body elſe? any Mr Erskine.No. Mr HAMILTON then addreſſed the COURT and JURY, as foliows:- MY LORD PRESIDENT, GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY, The cafe that has this day come before you, is one more deferving of your attention, than any that ever, perhaps, was heard within thefe walls. Gentlemen, it is a cafe of perfect novelty; for I can ven- ture to fay, that, though near one hundred years have elap- fed, fince the law of Treafon in England and Scotland have been declared to be the fame, (except in one cafe, relating to the eſtabliſhed coinage,) the prefent is the firſt trial for that crime that has occurred in the criminal annals of this country. It is a cafe, Gentlemen, of fingular importance indeed; for, as it is the higheſt crime known in fociety, ſo it is necef- farily attended with the moſt ſevere and deepeſt puniſhment. Gentlemen, it is a cafe of blood, and you are, this day, by your verdict, to decide the fate of the prifoner at the bar; you are to determine, whether the gates of Eternity are to be immediately thrown open to him, or if he is to be allowed to pafs the remainder of his days in peace, till the due courſe of Nature, and difpenfation of Providence ſhall call him at length to the grave. I have 1 } [ 254 ] I have been appointed, by the Court, counfel for the pri foner at the bar; in that fituation, I am bound to do him. all the fervice that I can, and I can fafely lay my hand upon. my heart, and, as a man of honour, declare, that I fhall do him all the juſtice that lies in my power-It is a duty I owe > to the feelings of my own mind;It is a duty which I owe to the profeffion to which I have the honour to belong; and above all, it is a duty I owe to the prifoner before you, who has entrusted the defence of his precious exiftence to my charge.—I do not mean to make any apology for my appear- ance here; but from the anxiety I muft feel, in the fitua- tion in which I ftand, I may perhaps be led into error, in more reſpects than one. The prifoner may reft affured, that nothing fhall be left undone on my part. And I hope, that he will pardon me, if, from inability or inexperience, I fhall fay too little; and I hope, Gentlemen, to meet with your indulgence, and with that of the Court, if, from perhaps a laudable anxiety, I fhall fay too much. The crime charged is High Treafon, an attempt to over- turn the government of this country, the moſt important of all events, as it loofens the bands of ſociety, and undermines all fecurity. You, Genilemen, who live under, and enjoy the bleflings of this happy Conſtitution, can you fuppofe, that any one fhould attempt to cut himſelf off from fuch advantages! where the road to profperity and happineſs, is laid open to all; where the lives of the ſubject are not wan- tonly ſported with; but where fecurity and ftability exiſt, and I truft, ever will remain, as the defirable and ultimate object of all our wifhes and defires! No, Gentlemer, you will, from thefe circumftances, infer the ftrongeſt prefump- tion to the contrary; you will not imagine it poffible, that the pannel, who has been living within the mild adminiſtra- tion of this country, ſhould ſtrive to overturn its Conftitu- tion. It is not a thing you will lightly prefume, but, on the contrary, you will require the ſtrongeſt evidence that can be figured, of fuchra wild intention. 1 } I " [ 255 ] If I am entitled to lay hold of this, as one general pre fumption, I am equally well entitled to ftate another: The crime, Gentlemen, charged in this cafe, is the atro- cious crime of High Treafon. But, when we look into the melancholy annals of our own hiſtory, where the crime of High Treafon ftains even the darkeſt pages of our criminal records, we do not find that fuch men as thoſe now at the bar have ſtirred the mighty mifchief. Often, too often, has the beſt, the nobleft blood of our country from³ miftaken notions, ſtreamed upon the fcaffold; but never till now, have we heard of men of low pretenfions, endeavouring to rear themſelves into importance, by ſuch unſuitabie attempts; fuch, however, is the perfon now before you; you know his fituation, and you will not eaſily prefume, that he fhould engage in attempts, entirely out of his reach, and which his ſphere in life cut off and deprived of all probability or pof fibility of fuccess. `now Gentlemen, the crime charged in the cafe is not (and I am happy it is not) a direct attempt upon the life of his Sa- cred Majefty. Had it been fuch, I for one declare I would not have appeared as his advocate at this bar; as ftand I am bound no doubt to do as much as in me lies, in my capacity as an advocate; but had the charge been other- wife, I could not have fo far difguifed my feelings. I could not I avow have lifted up my voice to defend one who could either in thought or idea have meant to attempt the life of that gracious Sovereign, whom in a former period of my life, I am proud to fay, I ferved, in what I fhall ever efteem the moſt honourable of all ftations. But the crime charg- ed is of a different complexion. It is a charge of con- ſtructive treaſon, which bears not perfonally againſt the So- vereign, and which is only brought within the meaſure and compafs of the law, if it is brought at all, by the moſt artis ficial and ſtrained chain.of argument. It is indeed faid in the indictment, and which was fo ably urged and enforced by Mr Anftruther, who ſpoke fo fully on this cafe, that the prifoner was guilty of "Compaffing and imagining the death of the King." Yet notwithstanding the (256). the high expreffions of that honourable gentleman," and tho' he poffeffes as many advantages I can never hope to attain, having the knowledge of every particular of the law of England, and particularly that knowledge he has of the ſubject of this day, which he has urged fo forcibly and fo well, I fhall nevertheless be bold enough to exert my beft endeavours in controverting the doctrine he has been pleaſed to lay down. I ſhall accordingly ſet out with what I take to be the law of this kingdom, as to that fpecies of treafon which falls un- der the indictment fubmitted to your contideration. The indictment is laid upon the Statute of the 25th of Edward III, wherein it is enacted, "That the compaffing and imagining the death of the King fhall be High Trea- fon;" but where only the imagination of the crime exiſts, and it can exiſt only in the mind, it is neceffary that it fhould be manifefted in fome fufficient manner; it requires a fufficient indication and a fufficient overt act to bring it within the compaſs or intendment of the ſtatute. Gentlemen, I need fcarce inform you that by the happy union of this country with England; the laws of England and Scotland with regard to High Treafon are declared to be the fame. This is by the VII. of Queen Anne, the in- tent of which you well know. But Gentlemen, I must get you to confider what the import of that ftatute is; it ftrikes me that this ftatute, which declares the laws of the two countries fhall be one, has reference only to the laws as eſtabliſhed by the ftatutes which conftituted that law. It will be aſked me by the bench as a grand leading propofi- tion, why we argue upon a matter that ſtands already in fo clear a light; the judicial proceedings of a Court, and a long train of practice which will establish it. Practice is no doubt in general the rule of deciſion in the law; but, I ap- prehend when the ground and foundation of that law, and eſpecially in criminal cafes, is a ftatute or ftatutes, you are tied down explicitly to the tenor and import of the words of fuch ftatutes; "Judicandum eft Legibus non exemplis." This I apprehend to be the legal rule, and therefore I con- fider [ 27 ] fider the law of the two kingdoms made one and the fame, in fo far only as the exprefs enactments could apply in let- ter and conſtruction. All that was demanded by the enact- ment of Queen Anne was that the law of High Treafon, as expreffed in the ftatutes then in force, fhould be adopted into the law of this country, and no more; more explicit ly what I mean to fay is this: that this country did not ex- prefsly adopt or give compleat and full fanction, even to writers I fhall afterwards have occalion to mention to you, nor did it give up or implicitly go into cafes afterwards re- garded as precedents. The opinions of writers upon any fcience will no doubt be regarded, and the opinions of judges meet with due refpect; but you are not tied down by them, you are to regard them if you pleafe, but you are at the fame time bound to confider, to weigh well, and uſe your own judgment and difcretion to decide upon the law of treafon as applicable to any particular cafe which occurs in this country. You are in fact to be bound by the words and fpirit of the ftatutes, and not to regard all the former precedents quoted to you as the eſtabliſhed law, not of this country but of another, whofe ftatute I admit you have adopted, but whofe opinion upon that ftatute you are at liberty either to chufe or reject. In fhort, fo far as the ſtatute 25th of Edward regulates the law of High Treafon it is to be regarded, but you adopted only that ſtatute, and not the whole of the law of England, opinions and prece- dents upon that important branch of Criminal Juftice. If I am right and fuccefsful in maintaining this legal pro- pofition, there is an end of the prefent queftion.-For, if the words only of the ftatute are to be regarded as to com- paffing and imagining the death of the King, what muft be the refult? muft not the facts charged have a direct ten- dency to endanger the King's perfon? must they not ex- prefsly indicate the worst of crimes? the endeavouring to ſeek or procure the death of the King? If that was the cafe, if the facts charged here amounted to fuch black and daring atrocity, there would be an end of the cauſe; but KK this ! ( 258 ) } this is not the cafe. It is not attempted to be faid that the life of the King is, or ever has been the object of the pre- fent attack it is not the compaffing and imagining of the death of the King, directly with an intent to kill, but it is a conſtructive imagination only. It is not here a levying of war, thats trea on independently and altogether, but the contr ving and confpiring to levy war, which, in the conftruc- tion that is contended for is endangering the life of the So- vereign, and thereby compaffing his death. The words then of the ftatuie appear in every fenfe that language can admit of to have a pointed relation only to an immediate. defign againſt the Royal perfon, and the overt act muſt fhew that the mind had an equally definite, and certain relation to the accompliſhing of fuch defign. ' Many authorities were quoted by Mr Anftruther who op ned this cafe, and thefe were no doubt of high reputę in the law of England, and made formidable mention of; many alfo were paffed over which were equally well intitled to be duly regarded. Tho' I do not build upon them I am not afraid to inveftigate their import; I well know they confirm and fupport in the ſtrongeſt terms the construction of the law of treafon which I have hitherto contended for. One of the moft antient writers on the law of England was entirely paffed over, that is Lord Coke. I will take notice of him, as he is an older writer than any that have been taken notice of this day. I fhall take the liberty to tatę his opinion, and I have no doubt but that it will have a good deal of weight in your minds on this occafion. In his third Inftitute, page 9, he treats of the law of Treaſon, and takes notice of the prefent ftatute. By the common law, he mentions that a compaffing or confpiracy to levy war is no Treafon, for there must be a levying of war in facto; nor is this contrary to what the Gentieman faid who fpoke before me. Afterwards, in page 12, he men- tions the mode of compaffing the King's death, and how it is to be proved. "In this branch four things are to be ob ferved; firft, this word (proveablement) provably, that is, 3 } 3 upon $ 1 [ 259 ] upon direct and manifeft proof, not upon conjectural pre- "fumptions or inferences, or ſtrains of wit, but upon good and fufficient proof; and herein the adverb [provable- "ment] provably, hath a great force and fignifieth a direct "and plain proof; which words the King, the Lords, and "Commons in Parliament did ufe, for that the offence was "fo heinous, and, was fo heavily and feverely puniſhed, as none other the like; and therefore the offender muſt "provably be attainted, which words are as forcible as up- έσ on direct and manifeft proof. Note, the word is not έσ (probably) for then commune argumentum might have fer- "ved, but the word is (provably) be attainted." " 3 Thefe are the fpecial words to afc.rtain this crime, and regard alfo the mode in which it is to be brought to puniſh- ment, which shows how very exactly and critically that high crime was in thofe days to be judged of and punished. In the fame treatife, taking notice of what he had before ſaid, and taking alfo notice of the fame ftatute, he fays, (p. 14.) "The compofition and connection of the words are to be "obferved, viz. [thereof be attainted by overt-deed] this relateth to the feveral and diftinct treafons before ex- દ preffed, (and efpecially to the compaffing and imagina- "tion of the death of the King, &c. for that it is ſecret in "the heart,) and therefore one of them cannot be an overt • act for another: as for example, a confpiracy is had to levy war, (this, as hath been faid, and ſo reſolved,) is no ἐσ treafon by this act until it be levied; therefore it is no σε overt act or manifeft proof of the compaffing the death "of the King within this act; for the words be (de ceo, &c.) "that is, of the compaffing of the death. For this were to confound the feveral claffes, or membra dividentia et fic is de cateris." And he alfo mentions, " And the wifdom of the makers "of this law would not make words only to be treafon, fee- is " ing fuch variety amongst the witneffes are about the fame, as few of them agree together. But if the fame be fet "down in writing by the delinquent himſelf, this is a fuf- Kk 2 "ficient } } * f } [ 260 J "ficient overt act within this ftatute." In the paffage mentioned before concerning High Treafon in the quota tion I read to you, you will obferve, Gentlemen, it is fai exprefsly, that confpiring to levy war againſt the King ſha not be deemed an overt act of treaſon within the ftatute therefore it is clear by plain conftruction that this crime fha not be inferred. A confpiracy to levy war, is a high mifde meanor, and on account of the danger which may be th refult, fhould be confidered, no doubt, as a crime of deep and ferious nature, and fhould not go unpuniſhed but according to this author, who confiders the point m nutely, fuch a confpiracy, unleſs the war was actually levie falls not within the ftatute. This great authority is the olde. we have, in the law of England as to treafon, of any weight he was Chief Juftice in the reign of James I. at which perio of our hiſtory, it will not be pretended but that as high an mighty ideas were entertained of the royal prerogative an authority as in any reign we know of. Lord Chief Juftice Hale was referred to by the Gentle man who opened the cafe in point of law, and I alſo hope Gentlemen, that you will find him of fome fervice to yo in judging of this cafe; 'you will pay a good deal of atten tion to what that great judge writes upon the fabject in hi hiftory of the pleas of the crown. This author was Chie Juftice, and wrote in the reign of Charles II. and we know that in that reign, any matter which related to the prero gative would not be overlooked. The paffage I mean t take notice of, is that which was read by Mr Anſtruther page 109, and upon which he refted as an authority in hi favour. The words are, "Though the confpiracy be no "immediately and directly and exprefsly the death of th GE King, but the confpiracy is fomething that in all probabi "lity muſt induce it, and the overt act is of fuch a thin "that muft induce it; this is an overt act to prove the com "paffing of the King's death, which will be better explain "ed by the inftances themfelves, and therefore, of I [261] If men confpire to imprifon the King by force and a "ftrong hand till he hath yielded to certain demands, and *for that purpofe gather company or write letters, this is 4 an overt act to prove the compaffing of the King's death," &c. This paffage, you will perceive, treats of a confpiracy a- gainst the King's life; and though by this time, the writers upon the law of treafon had begun to diverge fomewhat from the plain and unequivocal conſtruction put upon the tatute of treafon by Sir Edward Coke, ftill it is clear that the immediate perfonal danger of the Sovereign was the ob- ject in view. The paffage I have read, points not to any ftrained and forced conftruction of circumftances from which the King's life might be remotely put in peril, but refers pofitively and pointedly to fuch circumftances and fituations where the life of the King is exprefsly pointed at, and where his death could not fail to be the certain confequence. "The confpiracy," fays he, "fhould be of fomething, that in all probability must induce it, and the overt act is of fuch a "thing as muft pofitively induce the death of the King." Here there is no ftraining or laboured conftruction, but a plain and poſitive direction which affirms what no one will deny, that a confpiracy to levy war, which in its effect muft be immediately directed against the King's perfon, or ac- cording to Lord Hale's words, muft induce his death, is High Treafon. I will therefore reſt upon the authority of this great author, for I think it is potitive and exprefsly in fa- vour of the conftruction which can truly be put upon the criminal laws of this kingdom. 66 Gentlemen, I am forry to trouble you with fo much re- ference to books, but I feel it neceffary in this cafe, and the more fo, as the law was very largely argued from them by the Gentleman who opened this cafe upon the part of the Crown. He took fome notice of this writer, and I muft ob- fèrve, that this fame refpectable judge, in another paffage, gives a moſt pofitive and direct opinion as to the expediency and propriety in giving a proper explanation and juſt con-- Bruction : 1 £ 262 j 1 Atruction of the ftatute of treafon. Talking of the 25th of Edward, and of conftructive levying of war, he lays, "Theſe refolutions being made and feitled, we muſt ac- 66 έσ quiefce in them; but in my opinion, if new cafes hap- pen for the future that have not an expreſs refolution in "point, nor are exprefsly within the words of 25th of Ed- *ward III. though they may feem to have a parity of rea- fon, it is the fafeft way and moft agreeable to the wif "dom of the great act of 25th Elward III. firft to confult "the Parliament and have their declaration, and to be very હૈદ wary in multiplying conftructive and interpretive treaſons, « for we know not where it will end.” W Serjeant Hawkins was referred to by the Honourable Gentleman upon the other file, and from what I could learn, and I could learn but very little: only from one part I learnt that "a confpiracy to levy war against the King's perfon may be ſtated as an overt act of High Treafon." I have gi- ven all along what I conceive to be the true conſtruction and meaning of the law, which this opinion of Hawkins perfect- ly co-incides with; it takes notice of the King's perfon, and only draws a conclufion when the perfon fhould be put in danger; and by mentioning the perfon without affinity or relation to Government or any thing elfe, it is a plain in- ference that he underſtood the ftatute meant to apply only to a cafe where the royal perfon is immediately and particu- larly in danger. Judge Fofter, in his excellent difcourfe on Crown Law, is the great authority referred to and relied on this day, by the Gentlemen on the other fide of the bar, and though, perhaps at the firſt view, it may ſeem that he bears hard up- on the doctrine I have been maintaining, as to what is or ought to be deemed an overt act of compaffing the King's death in terms of the ftatute; yet, when more minutely ex- amined, it will be found that this judge draws the very di ftinction I have been all along contending for. He draws a marked diſtinction between a confpiracy to levy a war im- mediately and directly against the King's perfon, or which is 1 - E 263 ] is the fame thing, when the King's perfonal fafety muft ne, ceffarily and of confequence be endangered, fo that he ne- yer lofes fight of what was the original intendment of the ftatute. His words are (page 195) “The care the law hath "taken for the perfonal fafety of the King, is not confined to actions or attempts of the more flagitious kind, to affaffination or poifon, or other attempts directly and im- "mediately aiming at his life. It is extended to every thing "wilfully and deliberately done or artempted, whereby his "life may be endangered. And therefore the entering in- " to meaſures for depofig or impriſoning him, or to get his "perfon into the power of the confpirators, thofe offences are overt acts of treafon within this branch of the fta, "tute." ; Now, the truth and juftice of this legal opinion cannot, nor fhall it be denied; and what does it come to? It a- mounts to no more than what I have all along mentioned, that the law of treaſon, that branch of the ftatute which re- ſpects the compafling or imagining, had a relation only to fuch acts, attempts, or defigns, as had a hoftile tendency to the perſon of the Sovereign; and you will not fail to notice, Gentlemen, that all the cafes mentioned in the paffage I have now read, to wit, depofing, impriſoning, or getting his perſon into their power, neceffarily imply immediate vio- lence; and confequent danger to the perſon is then moſt properly regarded as High Treafon, and will, I truft, ever be the law of this country. In the next chapter, where he treats of levying war, the Learned Judge mentions what kind of infurrections and rifings will amount to a levying of war within the ftatute, as alfo, when and in what cafes a confpiracy to levy war for fuch and fuch purpoſes, though not treafon within the claufe of levying, is yet an overt act of compaffing or ima gining the death of the King. To the diſtinction here fixed, 1 muft, Gentlemen, call your earneſt attention "Infur- rections," fays he, (page 211) " in order to throw down If all inclofures, to alter the eſtabliſhed law, or change re- ligion, 1 ; CC : [ 26 ] 1 ligion, to enhance the price of all labour, or to open all prifons, all rifing in order to effect theſe innovations of a "public and general concern by an armed force, are in con- ftruction of law High Treafon, within the claufe of levy- ❝ing war. For though they are not levelled at the perſon "of the King, they are against his Royal Majefty; and, be- fides they have a direct tendency to diffolve all the bonds of fociety, and to deftroy all property and all government too, "by numbers and armed force. Infurrections likewife for "redreffing national grievances, or for the expulfion of foreigners in general, or indeed of any ſingle nation here living under the protection of the King, or for the re- "formation of real or imaginary evils, of a public nature, ، 1 and in which the infurgents have no fpecial intereft. Rif ings to effect thefe ends by force and numbers, are by "conftruction of law within the claufe of levying war, For they are levelled at the King's crown and royal dig- nity." He then goes on to notice Benftead's cafe, where an infurrection was raifed to feize Archbishop Laud at Lambeth-houfe, and which was adjudged High Treafon, Gentlemen, I call your attention to this paffage, and I request of you to confider whether fome of the cafes there enumerated, do or do not very ftrictly reſemble the object for which a rifing was faid to be intended, as charged in this indictment. But, Gentlemen, you will obferve that the learned judge in the paffage I have now read, is ſpeaking of an actual levy- ing of war, where an infurrection has been raiſed, and war actually levied, which makes the criminality and brings the cafes within the flacute; and in the very next page and fec- tion, what are his words?" But a bare confpiracy for ef- A fecting a rising for the purpoſes mentioned in the two "preceeding fections, and in the next, is not an overt act "of compaffing the King's death, nor will it come within any fpecies of treafon within the 25th of Edward III. "unleſs the rifing be effected, and in that cafe the confpi- Fraters, as well as the actors, will all be equally guilty; for 66 j?? } [ 265 ] " in High Treafon of all kinds, all thé participës criminis "are principals ;" and he refers to the cafe of Damaree and Purchaſe, upon the trial of Doctor Sacheverell, which would not have been High Treafon unleſs a rifing had actually take en place. Gentlemen, this is a pointed and great authority, and I am well pleafed with this opinion; for it ſuits exactly the cafe before you. It is not faid that any war has been actually levied, but that there has been a confpiracy only to levy war. Gentlemen, you will judge if the exiſtence of that con- fpiracy is made out by evidence, and although it was, al- though there was fome appearance of ſome deſign to effectu ate ſome kind of rifing, fure I am, you will never believe or imagine that it was a war of the greater degree, directly tending to endanger the King himfelf, but, if at all, of the leffer fpecies only, as diftinguifhed by Fofter, which never having been levied, amounts to no overt act ſo as to indicate a compaffing of the King's death in terms of the ſtatute. I am confirmed in the inference I draw from this evident - diſtinction by the opinion of a great lawyer indeed, quoted to you by the Gentleman on the other fide of the bar, Chief Juſtice Holt; he was not one that wrote books, but he was one upon whoſe authority books have been written; I will ſhortly take notice of the paffage in his charge to the Jury on the trial of Sir John Friend, which bears on this cafe; his doctrine is laid down in very ftrong, and I think, very clear and expreffive terms, and applies moſt pointedly to the cafe now before you, fo that you will therefore weigh it with fufficient attention. Taking notice of the argument that had been uſed for Sir John Friend, he fays, "here is “ another thing that he did infiſt upon, and that is matter of law. The ftatute of Edward III. was read, which is "the great ſtatute about treaſons, and that does contain di- "vers fpecies of treafon, and declares what fhall be treaſon; "one treaſon is the compaffing and imagining the death of "the King, another is the levying war. Now, fays he, "here is no war actually levied; and a bare confpiracy or "defign to levy war, does not come within this law of "High LI + 1 [ 266 ] * High Treafon. Now, for that I must tell you, if there Be only a confpiracy to levy war, it is not treaſon; but if the **defign and confpiracy be either to kill the King or to de- pofe him, or imprifon him or put any force or reſtraint upon him, and the way and method of effecting thefe is by levying a war, there the confultation or confpiracy to levy a war for that purpofe is High Treafon, though no « war be levied; for fuchi confultation and confpiracy is am "overt act, proving the compaffing the death of the King, ❝ which is the first treafon mentioned in the ftatute of Ed- "ward III. for the words of that ftatute are, that if any "man thall compafs or imagine the death of the King. "Now, becauſe a man defigns the death, depoſition or de- struction of the King, and to that defign, agrees and "confults to levy war, that this ſhould not be High Trea- « ſon, if a war be not actually levied, is a very ſtrange doctrine, and the contrary has always been held to be * law." Now, to this doctrine I moft cordially fubfcribe, for you will obferve that this is the greater degree of war he is fpeaking of, which the words he has ufed evidently fhew bears directly upon the King's perfonal fafety, who by fuch a war muſt either be deftroyed or put in extreme danger. ર ་ N He then proceeds to draw the diftinction; "There may," fays he," be a war levied without any defign upon the King's "perfon or endangering of it; which if actually levied is "High Treafon ; but a bare defigning to levy war without « more, will not be Treafon. As for example, if perfons do affemble themselves and act with force in oppoſition "to fome law which they think inconvenient, and hope "thereby to get it repealed; this is a levying of war, and "Treaſon, tho' purpofing and defigning it is not fo; fo "when they endeavour in great numbers with force to "make fome reformation of their own heads without pur fuing the methods of the law, that is a levying of war and Treaſon, but the purpofing and defigning it is not 46. fo." 1 Here, } I 267 1 Here, Gentlemen, do I close my legal authorities, for I am fure there is no occafion to cloſe them with one ftronger in my favour than that I laft mentioned. It establishes exprefs- ly the diftinction contended for of the major and minus de- gree of war, to levy which a confpiracy may be on foot, having done fo I leave you to draw the conclufion, and I am confident you will not hesitate to think but that the caſe before you with all its circunftances clearly falls under the laft of thefe degrees, and cannot therefore be attended either with conviction or puniſhment. Gentlemen, you have, I believe, all the authorities on both fides before you, and as you are intitled to judge both of the law and fact, in this cafe I thought it a part of my du- ty to ſtate what I thought applicable, that you might have at leaft both fides of the question fairly fubmitted to your own judgment and difcretion. / It is faid, Gentlemen, that compaffing to levy war, muſt al- ways be held as an overt act of compaffing the king's death; but, Gentlemen, I cannot agree to this, for the conftruction which I apprehend is to be given to this flatute of Edward third, is fortified by another argument of very great impor- tance. It contains two fpecies of Treafon; it contains a compafting the death of the King, which is Treafon of a moft dangerous nature; and it contains alfo a levying of war against the King, which alfo is Treafon; but if a con- Ipiracy to levy war was fufficient to bring any one within the other claufe of the Statute, the compaffing the King's death, the making the levying of war alfo Treafon, is an enactment perfectly fuperabundant and unneceffary; it be- ing abfolutely neceffary that before a war is levied there be a confpiracy to levy that war. In this view then the Sta- tute is abfurd, and tho' fhort and most important, is yet in the very outfet overwhelmed with inexplicable language and unneceffary redundancy. Gentlemen, I have a higher ref pect and efteem for the wifidom of our anceſtors than to go into this idea. I don't think they would throw away their words in vain and without intending that they fhould have fome L12 effect $ 1 [268] } Į ་ effect or meaning, yet according to the meaning of the claufe which the gentlemen contend for, they have been grofly guilty of mifapplying their words to no purpofe. I cannot prefume this, and I muft on the contrary conclude that the legislature of England, at that time as well as in later periods, really underſtood that there was a diftinct dif- ference as to what was meant to be expreffed in the two branches of the Statute, that they were different fpecies of crimes altogether, and could not be taken by implication and ftrained conſtruction to explain, aid and affift one ano, ther. ༣ Gentlemen, the fame opinion and idea is confirmed and powerfully ftrengthened by the confideration of one or two Statutes in fubfequent periods. By the ftatute of 13th of Elizabeth, I dare fay I have no occaſion to read it, I will ſtate what I conceive to be the import of it, but I ftand under the correction of the gentlemen on the other fide if wrong, by that act it was declared that a bare confpiracy to levy war of itſelf fhould be deemed High Treafon. Gentlemen, did not this import the confideration, the conftruction, and un- derſtanding of the nation at large, and the opinion of the Legiflature and fages of the law that made this Statute, that at that time a bare confpiracy to levy war could not be brought any how within the clauſe of compaffing or imaginę ing the King or Queen's death? ง hat occafion was there for that Statute if the law ftood. as it is now contended it does, that a confpiracy to levy war without any diftinction, was a compaffing of the King's death, and came under the Statute of Edward III? but this was under the view of thoſe who enacted the ftatute of the 13th of Elizabeth, it was under their confideration, but ftill they thought it neceffary to make fuch a law. This ftatute was only for the life of the Queen, fo that on her demife, and upon that ftatute's expiring, the queſtion re- verts to what was the law before that ftatute was enacted ¿ and this I have endeavoured, I think upon found reafon and conſtruction, fully to point out. Again, Gentlemen, in the 13th M L 269 J 13th of Charles the II. another ftatute was enacted fimi- lar to that of Elizabeth, whereby it was declared, "That whoever ſhould compafs or imagine to levy war against his "Majefty, within the realm or without, fhould be deemed "guilty of High Treafon." Here again the enacting of this law bears me out in this cafe as well as in the former; for it was underſtood and muſt have been acknowledged to be the law by our anceſtors, and the lawyers both in the reign of Queen Elizabeth and of Charles II. that by the 25th of Edward III. a compaffing to levy war was not High Treafon, nor could fall under the ſpirit or tenor of the ftatute of treaſon, Here alfo the fame conclufion follows that act was only made for the life of Charles the II, fo that hav ny expired, the law reverts to that conftruction which I fay it ſhould have, and which according to my argument, it certainly had before theſe temporary acts were paffed. Gentlemen, I don't really think I am ftraining the mat- ter too far, and God forbid that even in a caſe of death, which it muſt be if the priſoner is found guilty, God forbid, I fay, that I fhould ſtrain the matter too hard where a con- fpiracy it is faid comes in competition, a confpiracy against the life of our gracious King; but from authorities I have been at ſome pains to diſcover and digeft in my own mind, I do believe I am not preffing this matter farther than I ought. I have examined a good many precedents and cafes which have occurred fince the period I was talking of, but I will not refer you farther back, as I don't wish to engage much of your time, than to the reign of Charles the II.; and it appears to me, that wherever there has been an in- dictment upon the compaffing aud imagining the death of the King, there has always been a direct reference to fome attempt upon the perfon of the Sovereign, or fome relation to it in fome circumſtances, fo that imminent danger to him muſt have followed from the meaſures purſued. In the Rye Houſe plot bufinefs, fo well known in hiſtory, an attempt was made to affaffinate Charles the II.; in that cafe, { [ 20 ] 1 +3 cafe, there was no occafion for ufing any ftrained conftruc- tion, or of bringing proof of any overt act, which, by in- ference might have perhaps accomplished the King's death ; there was a direct attempt against the life of the Sovereign, a violent attempt to cut off and affaffinate him, but which however never took effect; no doubt two trials followed thefe of Wallcot, Hone, and others, who were concerned in the Rye Houſe plot; I mean the trial of Algernon, Sidney, and Lord Ruffel. Thefe were tried upon indictments for High Treafon, and an overt act was endeavoured to be proved upon Lord Ruffel, that he had been in Converfation about the feizing of the King's Guards; but that was held to be an overt act of compaffing the King's death; but you will not be led away by confidering that cafe as a cafe of precedent in point of law, for we know well that the at- tainder and the proceedings against that noble Lord were re- probated and reverſed in the next reign, and the ground of the reverfal, both in that cafe and in that of Sydney and Armitrong, was the having flown in direct oppofition to Law. The next cafe that ſtrikes me, as having any relation to the prefent cafe, is that of Lord Prefton, who, in the reign of William III. endeavoured to fupport the intereft of the exiled monarch, James II. 1 1 Now, it is a fact, Gentlemen, that the chief charge, laid in that indictment, was, his having endeavoured to bring in the Pretender, for fo James II. was then called. It is no doubt true, that the indictment was framed alfo, upon his having been guilty of compaffing the King's death; but this is eafily explained, for there the direct effect which Lord Prefton's attempt muſt have had upon the life of the Sovereign, was fo obvious, that it would admit of no other conftruction; it was to bring in James II, it was as much as to fay, we will attempt to take away the life of the Sove, reign, King William; for there cannot be two Kings in this country, cne or other muft fail: fo that in fact, it may not entirely have gone according to the judgment, which, by inference [271] : # Inference, was formed upon that fact; and, I do believe, apon looking into the record, it went upon the other ground, to wit, endeavouring to bring in the Pretender, and not at all upon the ground of his coinpaffing and imagining the King's death. The next great inftance which occurred, was the affali- nation plot, in the reign of William II. you muſt be well acquainted with the circumstances. Thole who were firſt tried, to wit, Charnock, King, and Keys, were accuſed of a confpiracy to affaffinate the King; the indictment was laid upon an attempt to compaſs the King's death; it was proved there were pofitive and direct acts, in order to take away the life of the Sovereign, by compleat affaffuation; it fays, it was by having that in view, only, and not any attempt a- gainſt the life of the Sovereign, by conftructive reaſoning, or far fetched inference, which would at all times admit of dubiety. A good many cafes were tried at the fame time, to wit, the cafes of Rockwood, Cranbourne, Lowick, Cooke and Knightly, but they all went nearly upon the fame point: For in thefe, the indictment was laid, both on the plot for affaffinating the King, and for adhering to the King's e- nemies, being then at war with France; fo that, upon either branch, there was no occafion for any ftrained or artificial chain of argument. The cafe of Sir William Parkyns, was precifely fimilar, and then it was that the opinion of Lord Chief Juſtice Holt, in the caſe of Friend, formerly noticed, made its appearance. That opinion, ſo far from militating upon my argument, confirms it; for, in that cafe, the indictment was laid, both upon compaffing and imagining the King's death, and upon adhering to the enemies of the King, and it is well known, Sir John Friend had as nigh a connection as poffible, with the perfons concerned in the affaffination plot; but, although that was not, perhaps, complea ly pro- ved, certain it is, that in that cafe, there was a diſtinct ground of Treafor, that of adhering, and correſponding with our enemies. And as to Sir John Friend, it was pro- ved, that he had a commiffion from James II. and enlifted men 1 [272] men for his fervice. This was, in fact, an attempt to levy war, againſt the intereſt of William III. It comes to the caſe of Preſton and Aſhton, where there was an intentio to dethrone one party, which was to be done, by introdu cing James II. and it is clear, that had as direct a tendency to endanger the perfonal fafety of the Sovereign, as cán be brought, by fair conftruction, within that branch of the ſtatute which relates to compaffing or imagining the King's death. 1 Mr. Anftruther took notice of a later cafe than any of thefe, the cafe of Chriſtopher Layer, in the year 1722. This, I believe, has always been confidered as a leading cafe, and certain it is, that it is by no means a fhort one. This gentleman was indicted, tft, for compaffing thể King's death; 2d, for an attempt to bring in the Pretender: Now, as thefe were two grand conclufions, I am furely not tied down to conclude that it went entirely either us pon the one or the other of the two charges; and one or the other, are equally and fufficiently broad to bring it within the meaſure of High Treafon: Accordingly, the acts laid were very numerous, no lefs than five different acts were charged: That he confpired to flir an infurrection; to bring in the Pretender; enliſted men for him; publiſhed a treaſonable declaration; and lastly, confpired to feize the perfon of the King. The confpiracy to bring in the Pre- tender, and the enlifting men for him were proved, ſo that here he fell within two claufes of the treafon law, the bringing in the Fretender, and adhering to the King's ene mies, and the charge of compaffing, might be left out alto- gether The publishing of the treafonable declaration, and conſpiring to ſeize the King's perfon, were proved by Lynch the chief witneſs, fo that here was a compleat cafe, nay, the compleateft of all cafes, no iefs than a direct attempt to take away the life of the King, by feizing his perfon, an act which I must always conftrue, as putting him in fuch dan- ger that death may foon be expected to follow; nor do I deny what is fo well faid by the learned Judge Fofter," that • between 1 ( 213 273 1 between the priſons and the graves of princes, the diſtance is very fmall." I truft, Gentlemen, that thefe cafes will have confiderable weight upon your minds, in judging of that which is now be- fore you; for though I have attentively confidered the indictment which lies before you, yet I do not think it is fuch an indictment, as bears fo exactly, or in any degree bears fo much upon the perfonal danger of the King, as any one of thofe cafes I have mentioned. } If there fhould be a defect in the law of this kingdom, I am forry for it; and if it fhould be neceffary, as in the 13th of the reign of Elizabeth, and 14th of Charles II. let an act be pafled for the temporal life of the Sovereign, or let it be perpetual, declaring, that a bare cona fpiracy to levy war, fhall be High Treafon; let it be fo, and in God's name, let the lieges know which way the law is to go, that they may not find a precipice under their feet.-I hope and truft, however, that there will be no occafion for any addition to the voluminous penal code of this kingdom; for I am confident, that his Majefty refts fecurely in the bo- fom of his country, and requires no farther fupport, thari that which I am fure he defervedly enjoys, the love, affecti- on, and loyalty of his faithful fubjects. Having taken up fo much of your time, Gentlemen, in ftating what I conceive to be the law of Treafon, as appli cable to this cafe, and the particular view you are to take of the conſtruction, allowed to be given to the indictment, which has been preferred againſt this man, I now call your attention to the conftruction you are to allow your minds to give to the import of the evidence that has been given this day; and in doing fo, I fhall endeavour, not tơ trefpafs much farther upon your time or patience. ན The accufation contained in the indictment, in order to make out the propofition, that there has been a compaffing and imagining of the King's death. feems, according to my ideas, to reſolve itſelf into four heads. That there have been means uſed, and actual meaſures taken, in order to raiſe and effablifh à Convention, inimical to the prefent government of this kingdom. That a confpiracy has been alfo entered into, M m } 274 I } into, by certain perfons, the prifoner being alledged to be one, for feizing the Caftle of Edinburgh, for fighting with the forces, drawing them out of the Caftle, and putting them in fuch a fituation as to get an advantage over them; and for feizing the Judges, Magiftrates, the Banks, and Ex- cife Office in this place. Another charge is, for publiſhing addreffes of an inflammatory and treasonable tendency, to draw off the attention of the foldiers from their duty, and ftir up mutiny among them. And the laſt is, having taken meafures to provide arms, in order to carry thefe proceed- ings into effect. In the outset of this caſe, much evidence was brought forward, relative to what took place in London fome time ago, in a fociety called the London Correſponding Society. That evidence, all along, appeared to me, totally unconnected with the prefent queftion, but when objected to as fuch, it was then avowed, by the Gentleman who opened the cafe, that it was done, with a view to connect the prifoner at the bar with the proceedings that took place between the London Correfponding Society, and the Britiſh Convention here. I am fatisfied fuch was the intention, but at the fame time, I find I have no occafion, and fhall therefore take no notice whatever, of that fociety, nor any of their proceedings: Let their intentions be as wicked as what that Gentleman may figure them, it is of no confe- quence to my argument; for I fay, no connection whatever has been eſtabliſhed between that fociety and the priſoner at this bar, and the mode in which it was attempted to be made out, as clearly, nay, ftill more clearly fhewed, that the eaſure had failed. We mean, fay they, to prove a connec- tion, betwixt the London Correfponding Society, and the prifoner at the bar, by means of the British Convention in Edinburgh, and evidence was led to make out this propofi- tion. That evidence, however, made out no fuch point; on the contrary, it´ at once eſtabliſhed, that the priſoner, Mr Watt, never was, or had been a member of the Britiſh Convention at all. It is needlefs, therefore, for me to take notice of any thing that took place in reſpect to the London Correfponding C 275 ; Correfponding Society, or of any correſpondence or com- munication that was carried on betwixt that Society, and the Britiſh Convention at Edinburgh, for with that Con- vention, and its meaſures, whatever they were, he had no connection. When the Britiſh Convention was put an end to in the clofe of the year 1793, it has been faid that on the back of that, there arofe other meetings, and that the private fo- cieties were not only more numerous than before, but they were alſo better and more punctually attended than ever; that there then aroſe two ſeveral meetings, the one called a Committee of Union, out of which was formed another, called the Committee of Ways and Means; and it is stated that the prifoner at the bar was a member of both, and having been at one and the other of theſe meetings, is to be implicated in all the guilt which can be affixed to their proceedings. Gentlemen, I fhall not I truft be long in ftating what I conceive to be the import of the evidence laid before you upon that head, and I fhall do it the more readily, as it is a duty incumbent upon me for the fatisfying of your minds, as well as of my own. But what was attempted to be carried into effect by theſe two meetings, the Committee of Union, and the Committee of Ways and Means? We were told in the opening of this cafe, that it was to feize the whole power of Government into their own hands, and to mould the law into their own form and fhape. This is the mode in which this point was opened in the outfet, but I do not find any ſupport given by the evidence, to fuch a high ftrained and overbearing hypothefis. I fee no evidence of there being any danger whatever of fuch a defign. This fuppofition, however, was endeavoured to be fup- ported by proving an attempt to feize the Caftle, the Excife office, the Banks, the Magiftrates and Judges; ftill, however, I do not find any evidence that brings the actual attempt for feizing of the Caftle home to this gen- leman. There was an account given no doubt, that this gentlema M m 2 f } [ 276 ] gentleman had brought forward fome kind of plan of that fort, but the witneffes for the Crown, both Mr Bon thron and M'Ewan fay nothing that can be conftrued into a plan of that nature having been agreed upon, digeſted and put in train, fo as to be carried into ultimate effect. If it could even have been mentioned at all, it is impoffible to conceive that the practicability of fo abfurd and ridiculous a plan could have entered into the head of man. I have taken down what was faid when this ftrange plan was talked of; Arthur M Ewan faid nothing particular was faid about feizing the Caftle, and no time was mentioned when it was to be done. Now, if this had been an establifhed plan, would not ſomething have been done in order that it might actually be carried into effect? fome time would have been fixed, fome meafures taken, and fome preparations made, but there is not one witneſs to ſpeak to an allegation of that nature: all that they point at is a converfation about ſuch a plan, if it was thought it might be practicable, and if its fuccefs and effect depended upon its practicability, I am fure it could have no exiſtence whatever, even in the moft vifions ary imagination. According to my underſtanding of the matter, I conceive it was meant never to be carried into execution, it exiſted only in the moſt fpeculative form imaginable, if at all, but there was no fyftem or correct plan laid down, no particu- lar act propofed, no means prepared, for that extravagant wild ſcheme that is brought into evidence. In this evidence- of Bonthron's, he takes notice of his having been at the Sub Committee, which I understand to be the Committee of Ways and Means, confifting of Watt, Downie, Stock, Fair- ley, Burke, M.Ewan and himſelf, in all feven perfons: That he never heard Watt propofe any plan about feizing the Caſtle, but heard him, fays he,`make fome kind of propoſal, but does not fay (and I will ftand corrected by the Gentleman that has taken down the depofitions) he never heard him propofe any plan about feizing the Caftle. Is not this con- cluſive that there was not in fact any ferious determination." te, ( 27 ) 2 1 to make, fuch a rash attempt ? it appears conclufive that there never was fuch a propofition, and you muſt of courſe lay it out of your minds in weighing and judging of this cafe altogether. It is alfo faid an attempt was to be made to attack the King's foldiers, a party to be at the Luckenbooths, and a party at the Weft bow. From this gentleman's evidence (Bonthron) a witnefs for the Crown,whole name I would with you to take notice, I perceive is more frequently mentioneu in all the meetings that took place than that of any other of the members, fo that he muſt know the amount and fum total of every thing that was talked of at thefe meetings; he tells you hardly any thing at all about attacking the foldiers: he tells you of ſome kind of wild fcheme of kindling a fire at the Ex- cife Office, and that this would naturally draw out the fol diers to extinguifh the fire, fo that an opportunity would be given to carry on the dangerous fcheme intended. This would bring the foldiers from the Caftle, and then he fuppofes (he is a gentleman that makes' many fuppofitions) the tol- diers being drawn out of the Caftle, perhaps the party he belongs to would take a part in the propofed fcheme. Gen- tlemen, it will not be pretended to be faid, that taking a Caſtle by force or without force, are one and the fame thing; if they found this Caſtle empty, they might be en- titled to go there as well as to any other place. This would not however have been a levying of war, for the only cha- racteriſtic quality of levying war, being uſing force, and in this cafe it is clear there was none ufed, nor any fuch thing either done cr propofed to be done; but only an in- tention, it is faid, of a confpiracy to ſeize the Caſtle (I have it from his evidence) not to be done, if fuch a mad fcheme- were ever in agitation, by force; and he exprefsly fays he heard nothing, nor knew nothing of attacking the King's foldiers at all. Therefore, Gentlemen, I have a right to call upon you to lay out of your minds altogether that rodomontade ſcheme, if it ever existed, of feizing the Caſtle. Could there be a more # men. [ 278 ] more ridiculous abfurdity than fuppofing the poffibility of fuch an attempt! In order to accom, lith this mighty ef fort of human ſtrength and ingenuity, the only force is feven With ſeven men to feize one of the ſtrongeſt Caſtles. in the kingdom! I fee no more produced to you by the evi- dence than ſeven men; theſe feven men, who compofe the Committee of Ways and Means, meet, and then they lay their wife heads together, it is faid, in order to lay hold of the Caftle of Edinburgh. It is too abfurd a fcheme in fact to be got over, or to come into the heads of men to con- ceive. It was fo abfurd and ridiculous, I am furprized it could be laid in this indictment. And then, Gentlemen, be pleaſed to confider what is the evidence brought forward of this mighty confpiracy? Who are the witneffes who ſpoke at all to this firange confufed and inconfiftent fcheme? The witneffes which the Crown entirely relies upon are Bonthron and M'Ewan, who are fuppofed to be accomplices in this intended confpiracy. They are both participes criminis, if there has really been any crime in contemplation, and on that account not intitled to or de- ferving of any credit in your minds. If again there has been no crime committed, if no ſcheme of this nature ever was in agitation, they are ftill lefs to be credited; for they have fo far volunteered in the myfterious ftory, that they cannot now with any confiftency entirely fall back from the ftrange tale, abfurd and unaccountable as it turns out to be. : But, Gentlemen, I dread not their evidence, ſome of theſe are not very ready in their ſtory, and tho' in a fituation where they have no intereft to be very delicate, either in evaſion or in concealment, yet when interrogated and defir- ed to ſpeak out boldly, they tell you they cannot pofitively fay, or they cannot tell, they ſuppoſe fo, but their depofi- tions are even more favourable to fupport my argument, for they pofitively fay they never faw any fcheme that was propofed or agreed to be put in execution, or any attempt made to carry into effect the mighty project of feizing the Caſtle of Edinburgh. A great 1 1 : ? [ 279 ] A great deal of evidence was produced as to a fuppofed confpiracy for feizing of the Banks. I need not trouble you, Gentlemen, with recapitulating that evidence, nor with what related to the feizing of the Excife Office which ftands pre- cifely in the fame fituation. But I do maintain, that if this cafe is to be brought within the deſcription of a confpiracy to levy war againſt the King, which is thence faid to be an overt act of compaffing the death of the King; I have noth- ing to tell you more than that the actual feizing of the Banks would not be levying of war according to the law of England. The Banks are the private property of indivi duals, and a burglary of a dangerous and aggravated na- ture might have been committed. The injury in fuch a cafe might to fome individuals be greater than to others, but I truſt that it never will be laid down for law, that the feizing of the Banks or open attack of any fuch building or repofitory, or any other building of a private nature would be a levying of war. It might amount to a rict, and if it was done fecretly to a burglary, but no more. But the cafe is a thouſand degrees ftronger, for it has not been faid, that any attempt or attack was actually made upon the public Banks; no, Gentlemen, no fuch thing has been alledged; it is only faid that there was a conſpiracy or deſign to ſeize the Banks, but which you well know never was carried into effect. How then does the queſtion reft, even upon the Crown's own fuppofition? There is the intention to do an act which had it been done would have been fo far criminal, but which it is agreed never was effected; without going farther therefore it is enough to ſay that there is not the ſlighteſt reſemblance of a criminal act before you, far leſs fuch an one as would tend to eſtabliſh and fill up the deep accufa- tion of High Treafon. I need not I am fure, Gentlemen, la- bour this which is fo clear a point any longer, but the fame obfervation was made as to the defign to feize the Excife Office, and the fame obfervation in anſwer preciſely applies. It is the King's Houſe no doubt for a certain branch of his revenue } [ 280 ] 1 révenue, but it is not a place of ſtrength belonging to the King. I am equally ftrong here, the pofitive attack upon fuch a houfe, upon fuch a repofitory, could not be levying war; and although it was proved, it will never bear the conftruction intended to be put upon it in order to make out the cafe which is a cafe of High Treafon. It does not appear to me there is any proof to fhew any fuch intention as feizing either the one or the other of thefe two public buildings, fo that whether the fact is admitted or denied, the legal conclufion is in either cafe, equally ſtrong in the pris foner's favour. ༢ Much was faid of a defign fuppofed to be connected with this alledged plan, and of which the witneffes fpeak equi- vocally, that is, a defign to ſeize fome of the very Honour- rable Judges upon this Bench, and the Honourable Chief Magiftrate of the city. I am fure I fhould be extremely forry if ever the flightest harm came to any one of theſe honourable perfons; it would give me, I am fure much pain; but I am ſpeaking of a cafe of law, and I muft obferve in point of argument, that an attack upon any one of the honourable Judges or Magiftrates whom I now fee before me, would not, though attended with force, amount to an act of High Treafon. We know well that any violent attempt upon the perfon of a judge by the Statute-is High Treaſon, but only when fitting in judgment. But if not fitting in judgment, then it is clear that tho' attended with even the moft fatal confequences, which God for ever deprecate, it would not be an act of High Treafon. If the actual perpe- tration of fuch a crime would not have amounted to a charge of High Treafon, far lefs can the bare defign to make fuch an attack as might be attended with fatal confe- quences, be deemed according to the conftruction of law an act of High Treafon. But the cafe is infinitely ftronger, for the attempt was to do what? It was to feize the perfon of the Judges and that of the chief Magiftrate of the city a this is aegree immenſely remote from the crime of High Treaſon, and tho' deferving of exemplary punishment, if it 1 £ 28r ] it had taken effect yet would not fall within the deſcription of a crime of that heinous nature. But this is not all, for it was only faid there was a conſpiracy to ſeize the perſons of the Judges and Magiftrates, not that any actual attempt was made to ſeize them. What then does this accufation ´come to? It comes to nothing at all; it is frittered down to the moſt harmleſs accufation in point of law that can be figured to the fuppofed converfation about doing what would have been a miſdemeanor, but which never either was ef- fected or attempted to be carried into effect. Upon this I need fay no more, for whatever evidence might be brought upon that charge, it is one that cannot weigh in your minds in the prefent fhape of this Indictment, it muſt have been brought forward in a different form and fhape, and not upon the face of this Indictment which is the only one for your final determination. Gentlemen, you have heard much of the inftruments that are now before me upon the table; they have been tumbled, held up and brandiſhed about in order to convince you that there was here a dangerous confpiracy lurking in the bow- els of the country, which might in its tendency and effect deprive us all of life; and in order to make this out, theſe wea- pons were brought forward and laid upon the table and evidence brought of the perfons by whom made, Orrock and Brown, and of the perſons by whom they were ordered. Gentle- men, in the outſet, I would require no more to fhew you the abſurdity of rearing any argument upon ſuch a fuppofition than this, that but a very ſmall number of theſe weapons, dangerous as they may appear to be, and every weapon of that fort appears dangerous to thoſe who are unuſed to look at them: but if I can make it appear that this is all falſe apprehenfion, and I truft I can do fo, thefe inftruments will not give the alarm they did when firſt brought into this Court. It was faid but not clearly establifhed, that Watt went to Orrock and defired him to make one or two of a certain conſtruction, and theſe being done then a few more; and that Brown made fome others; but what does the Na 本 ​whole } 1 [282] whole number of thefe dangerous hoftile weapons amount to? even with all the attention paid to find them out, and I am fure the Sheriff has ufed the greateft attention to find all that could be found, how many are produced? about 46 or 47 pikes, not I am fure 50, and theſe were to be put into the hands of how many men? I have paid all the at- tention to the evidence that was poffible, and I have been able to diſcover only feven men that are alledged to have born any chief part in this confpiracy; I cannot find upon recollection there was any evidence produced fo as to make you believe there were more concerned in the plot than that number, yet every thing however was to be accom- plifhed and atchieved by thefe feven men, armed with 47 pikes. Gentlemen, you have ſeen before you this day thoſe feven confpirators, and it does not ſtrike me that they bear any refemblance to thofe heroes of antiquity which we read of in romance, and who might perhaps, in days of yore, have been able to accomplish fuch a wonderful adventure; yet thefe feven champions were to perform wonders, they were to uſe forty-feven pikes, and with theſe were to take the Caſtle of Edinburgh; with theſe forty-feven pikes they were to way-lay all the foldiers who were to be marched out for fear of fome fire at the Exciſe Office; then theſe ſeven men are to fecure the Banks, and with theſe forty-feven pikes are to lay hold of the whole Government of this country; nay it was to be carried to a ftill greater extent; they were to ufurp the management of the whole kingdom, were to lay wafte, if refifted, the whole country, were to change the King's miniſters, force him to alter his meafures and to make. peace, befides every thing elfe which they fhould require. Now this clearly appears to be one of the moſt abfurd in- confiftent ftories that was ever heard of. I need do no more than ſtate it, taking it as ftated by the evidence, to convince you it never could be a ſcheme that could have any tendency to fuccefs; and if they could not excite the people to run their heads into danger on a mad fcheme that could never be carried into effect, what had they to hope?. Here it appears that the evidence on the part of the crown } [ 28 283 1 ap- is extremely lame; for notwithstanding all the difcoveries that have been made, theſe forty-feven pikes are the whole that are to be found. I leave it to you to judge how it can be fuppofed thefe arms were meant and intended to be plied in the advancement of theſe hazardous attempts of this Committee of Ways and Means. It is impoffible for a moment to believe that they were provided for, or even meant to be uſed in the wild fcheme fo often mentioned, if ever ſuch a phrantic propofal had any exiftence. No, they were moſt certainly provided for fome other purpoſe, and hère I will direct your attention to what the witneſs Aitchifon fays; he is a man of a good deal of knowledge, he is a witneſs for the Crown and is not to be impeached; I hold him to be a good witnefs, and he.fays he thought they were well adviſed in procuring ſome arms; fome peo. plè it is true were not fit to be trufted, but he thought it fit to procure fome arms to prevent an affault by a foreign-in- vafion, or otherwife. Would to God, Gentlemen, that the happy fituation of this country was fuch that every one might be trufted with arms in his hands or in his houfe! We might then be a National militia altogether, we might do without the fatigue and expence of a ſtanding army, and exiſt in fecurity and mutual confidence with one another. But, it is faid, thefe people are not fit to be truſted with them, perhaps it may be fo, perhaps not, but fuch, fays Mr Aitchison, wer the purpoſes for which thefe arms, if ob- tained, were to be applied. I have endeavoured, Gentlemen, to give you what I con- ceive to be the true and juft notion of this fuppofed plan of this fuppofed Committee of people, met, it is ſaid, and fram- ing a confpiracy to overturn the government of this country, and you have heard what it was faid to be by fome of the witneffes I addreffed, and from their defcription you will judge of its practicability, and if it really ever did exiſt, either in idea or in contemplation. But I fay there is not evi- dence before you to ſhew that there was an attempt of that nature that ever was intended to be carried into effect. Nn 2 I know 7. 2 1 ! [ 284 ] I know the right honourable Gentleman on my left hand will put it, and the other honourable gentleman did put it, that this ſcheme, had it been forwarded, was a levying of war; but altho' that might perhaps have been the caſe, had the matter been pufhed on, as thefe Gentlemen ſay it was intended to be pushed, yet the rude, undigested, wild and abfurd fcheme, of which there is no doubt ſome mention. made by the evidence, was nothing that could be called a confpiracy to levy war; it might be called by fome name of inferior degree, that might in time perhaps rife up to fome- thing of a dangerous defcription and tendency, but in the way in which you now muſt view it upon the evidence, it can not be called ſuch a confpiracy to levy war as to fall within the ſtatute, and fubject all that are principals or acceffories to the dreadful pains and penalties of High Treafon. - Much has been faid of an addrefs or hand bill, which it is alledged was artfully and infidiouſly circulated among the fencible regiments of this country, in order to draw them from their duty and allegiance, and a ftrange attempt has been made to trace this tranfmiffion and circulation to Hardy, a ferjeant of the Hopetoun fencibles. But, Gentle- men, it appears that it is impoffible to trace this publication, whatever its tendency may be, either to Hardy or from the priſoner at the bar; and I have not yet begun to take no- tice of its tendency, but whatever that may be, it is nothing to the prifoner at the bar, as it is not brought home to him in any one ſhape. The only evidence upon this point, is that of William Watſon, who tells you a ftory with respect to a hand bill or paper containing fuch an addrefs, and wiſhing to fee it, goes with Downie, who fays, perhaps I may be able to procure you one; he does not ſeem to be very certain about it; when he is fhewn Watt at the bar, and aſked if he knew him, he fays he could not fay he did, or if that was him; he then goes to his houſe and Mr Downie with him. I don't know, however, that it was Watt, I don't go upon the fuppofition it was not him, but it might be ano.her; but as to the alledged converfation between Downic - } [285] Downie and Watt about it, I fee no evidence whaterer. Downie turns his back and comes out and takes Watfon to a ſhop in the South Bridge, to the ſhop of one Kennedy, be fays I will get you one; but very cautionfly, Downie throws fome of them down upon the floor, and ſays, “take up one;" Watfon accordingly takes up one and gives it to one Johnſon, who it feems gives it to one Sandilands, and he gives it to a ferjeant Hardy. This is the chain, but there is no proof of any connection that the prifoner had with thefe perſons, not even of this man Watſon's getting it from him. He gets it, I will prove by a ftrict legal alibi, he gets it from Kennedy by means of Downie, then it goes to the hands of Johnſon and ſo to ferjeant Hardy. He does not tell you what he did with it, he might put it in his packet or de- ſtroy it. As to the ferjeant, I muſt ſuppoſe him, being a non- commiffioned officer, to be a good foldier, and if fo, he would not, I am fure, circulate a paper which might create a mutinous fpirit in the corps, and accordingly he tells you In exprefs terms, that this was the only one of thefe papers that was feen, and I am pretty pofitive as to that, nor will it I believe be controverted. But although I were to allow this had been a hand-bill of the moſt dangerous tendency and inflammatory nature, is it meant to be faid by the Honourable Profecutor on my left hand, that this is treafon or a fufficient ground to make out the cafe of a confpiracy to levy war? I will venture to ſay, it cannot be confidered as a thing of that nature. I have read the addrefs, and I will again make bold to fay, it is a very complete and well penned addrefs to excite that re- giment or any other regiment into mutiny; mutiny, I well know, is by the mutiny bill punishable with death, but this is not mutiny, and though I have no heſitation in faying, that an attempt of this nature is at all events a high miſdemeanor, and punishable in a moſt ſerious degree; yet I know of no capital punishment that could be put upon that attempt; I know nothing like it in any law whatever, whether civil or military, that can draw on the dreadful confequence of High Treafon. [286] 4 Treafon. The exciting foldiers to defert, is a crime that would meet with an exemplary and fixed puniſhment, and I would have no hesitation to fay, it is entitled to meet a very fevere puniflament; but it is clear this addrefs or hand- bill is not preffed upon them in any conclufive manner, in fact, in no manner whatever; for it is loft in the outfet, in one or two tranfmiffions, and never heard of again; there- fore it can have no weight with you in making any proof, or of aggravating the charge laid in the indictment. Gentlemen, much firefs was laid upon what alſo ſeemed to have been a part of this propofed plan, which it is faid, was to be attributed to the unfortunate prifoner at the bar, af- ter they had feized the Caftle and public Banks, and the perfons of the judges; this was in publiſhing fome declara- tions, enacting laws and taking upon themſelves the powers of Government and of Legiflators; that no perfon ſhould leave the town under pain of death. All the abfurd tenor of this fcheme, if there ever was fuch a fcheme in exiftence, is it not all of a piece? Who could fuppofe fuch a wild Don Quixote ſcheme as that of feizing the Caſtle and all the o- ther confequences, and is not this one in every refpect tinged with the fame abfurd complexion? I fhall not trouble you with further obfervations upon it. If the feizing of the Caftle was in fact fuggefted, they never could be fuppofed to be in earneſt upon it; if there is that abfurdity upon the face of the plan fpoke to by their own two witneffes, M'Ewan and Bonthron, the detail of their own plan is ftill lefs worthy of meeting with any degree of credit and belief from you. I have fo far endeavoured to fhew you that the evi- dence on the part of the Crown has not filled up the mea- fure of the facts charged in the indictment, and if I have fucceeded in that, my cafe is good; becauſe I fucceed equal- ly by a failure on the part of the Crown, as by eſtabliſhing any defence of my own; and if I have done fo, I think, notwithſtanding all the fufpicious circumitances in this cafe, I must ultimately prevail. That there are fome fufpicious circumſtances in this cafe, I have not the leaft heſitation to acknow [ 287 1 acknowledge; but at the fame time, I will take it upon me to affirm, that they are not fuch as will allow you, Gentle- men, thinking with ferious deliberation upon the refult of this man's actions, that he fhould be guilty of fuch attempts, or his mind bent upon fuch purpoſes, as could be conftrued in- to any act of confpiring to levy war, for the purpoſe of over- turning this truly bleffed, happy, and long citablished Go- vernment. Gentlemen, I reft not here, and you might perceive from the evidence in exculpation of this man at your bar, that he ftands in a different fituation from any other prifoner; and though you were to conclude that all thefe matters he is faid to have done and acquiefced in are true, and that they were to be aggravated to every degree of apprehenfion and danger in which you can figure them; though all thoſe matters were fixed perfectly by proof; I fay, he ftands in fuch a fituation, as in my idea, muft render him fafe. It is an eſtabliſhed principle of law, that it is the animus with which any perſon commits an offence or accedes to it, that is the teft whether fuch act is criminal or not. Now, I fay, the fituation in which this man ftood, was fuch, as notwithstanding of the appearance of external cir- cumftances against him, was fufficient to excufe him from all the participation he feemingly took in the meafures of thoſe with whom he was apparently connected, if you ſhould think, which I by no means concede, that theſe meaſures were in themſelves criminal and deferving of puniſhment. The Right Honourable the Lord Advocate's evidence and that of Mr Clerk the Sheriff, eſtabliſhes completely the fitu- ạtion in which Mr Watt ftands. Though that evidence re- lates to a correfpondence he carried on in the outfet of mat- ters, when diſturbances began in this country, yet it will be found, he was all along faithful to that caufe in which he had embarked. Mr Henry Dundas's letter he has produced, in anſwer to one which he wrote him in September 1792, and it was admitted on the part of the Crown, moſt hand- fomely, to be that Right Hon. Gentleman's writing and fubfcrip- [ 288 ] fubfcription. This letter then under the hand and ſeal of Mr Henry Dundas is now before you, wherein Mr Dun- das defires Mr Watt to perfevere and to proceed in thoſe meafures he had held out he would do; that he would be doing well of his country, and that he would be in perfect fecurity in following them up. This letter of the Right Hon. Secretary, was in every refpect a proper letter; it was the anſwer not only of a ſtateſman, but of a man; it nei- ther rafhly rejected information, which might perhaps be attended with advantage to the country, nor did it betray any anxious apprehenfions or unſeeming eagerness for a cỡn- tinuation of the proferred intelligence and correfpondence. Upon that letter Mr Watt relied and followed the line of conduct which that letter preſcribed, and this account is fupported by the evidence of the Right Hon. the Lord Ad- vocate, who was fo obliging as to give information upon the matter; he fays, in confequence of a communication with Mr Dundas, who mentioned this matter to him, and he de- fired him, when he went to Scotland, to inquire him out. The Lord Advocate and Mr Watt have accordingly had feveral different meetings; Mr Watt gives his Lordſhip in- formation upon feveral particulars, which the Lord Advo cate himſelf fays were facts of importance, and upon which his Lordſhip took fuch meaſures as the importance of the cafe feemed to require and dictate. Mr Watt accordingly fairly enters into this correfpondence with the officers of the Crown, and I am authoriſed to fay, continued in it; and if fo, I am èqually well authoriſed, I think, to prefume and be believed, when I ftate to you, Gentlemen, that he had not deſerted this line of conduct, nor had taken up any o ther line which stood in oppofition or contradiction to it. In the fituation Mr Watt flood, he had not furely nor ever had an intention of deferting that line of conduct he had chalked out for himſelf, nor will it eafily and rafhly be pre- fumed, that he had changed his mind, and had fallen back from that chain of correfpondence and communication, which } } 1 789 1 which I have proved, was eſtabliſhed betwixt him and the Honourable Secretary and the Lord Advocate of this coun- Ary. Gentlemen, Iftate to you, fimply the fact, as I am def- red to state it, and you may perhaps be nevertheless inclined to conclude, that this Gentleman's profeffions and it ry, are contracted by that line and chain of conduct he has oftenfibly, and apparently fubfequently purfeed. But this, Gentlemen, is what I cannot poffibly allow: For, when I find that a than is fairly embarked in a particular line of cons duct, I muſt ſuppofe, that he follows that line up, more e Apecially, when you find circumſtances ſo ſtrong in that ſitu- ation, as to preclude any idea whatever of his having be troyed his truft. You muſt not, therefore, be led away by external appearances, no- are you entitled to conclude, that a perfon, in that dangerous and delicate fituation, is not acting with ſtrict fidelity merely, because he appears under negative colours, and gives ao polive and active indications of the fincerity of his conduct. But this argument, Gentlemen, is to be carried ftill far- ther; for, though I should discover fuch a perfon to be act- ing, to all appearance, in manifeft and direct opposition to his fecret profeffions, yet I am not, from thence, entitled to conclude that he has made an abſolute and total deſertion. The very reverſe holds; for, let it be fuppofed, that the un happy times of the rebellion in the year 1745, and 1746, were to return to this country; and fuppofe, that it was ne- ceffary or expedient, that one of the royal army fhould in- trude bimſelf into the enemy's army, in the character of a py, how, I pray you. was he to difcharge his duty as fuch, with effect to the party he meant to ſerve, and fafety to him- felt? There is but one, but one mode and line of conduct, in following which he could be of any fervice, and that is by diſguiſe and deception; no otherwife could he be of any advantage; for if ever he appeared in his true character of an enemy, it cut him off from all confidence, and rendered him + [290] 1 <=1 $ him incapable of gaining any intelligence in the capacity of a fpy, which it was intended he ſhould act in. For fuch a perſon, therefore, it would be neceffary, not only that he fhould abandon all appearance of connection with his own party, but that he fhould even adopt, and go into every meaſure of that party he was employed to watch. He would be obliged to enroll himſelf in the corps of the ad- verfary, to forego his own diftinction of drefs, and adopt theirs, as the only means of fafety from detection. An ad- verſe cafe to this has occurred within my own remembrance; it was by failing to take theſe neceffary precautions, that an honourable Gentleman, and most valuable officer, with whom I was well acquainted, was laid hold of, as a lament- able inſtance of ſevere puniſhment, and at length fuffered a cruel and ignominious death. You muſt at once, therefore, Gentlemen, perceive, and it furely does not require much illuſtration, that in order to act with effect, in a fituation of this nature, it is neceffary, feemingly totally to defert and abandon that cauſe which he had really at heart; and fuppofe a man, engaged in fuch an adventure, was to be found in the fituation deſcribed, in the uniform of an enemy, and even in arms, that would no doubt be a ſtrong cafe, a very ftrong cafe, and one where- in there would be much ground for fufpicion of fidelity; yet ftrong and even ftrange as it would appear, it would not be fufficiently ftrong for you to prefume that he was acting deceitfully; but, on the contrary, you would be tied down to believe, that he was ftill acting in character, as that particular ſituation, in which he was found, was the only one that could enable him to follow up the line he was in, and give that effectual fervice which was intended. Had fuch a perſon appeared in any other deſcription or character, he then unavoidably loft the opportunity of doing that fer- vice, and of following up that duty he was strictly bound to diſcharge. This, Gentlemen, is a ſtrong cafe, but it ftrictly applies to that which is now before you, ſtrong as it may be put. It was [291] A * was admitted by the Lord Advocate, who faid he believed the prifoner was ſuch a character as could be relied on, that at the time he was in correfpondence with him, he believed him to be fincere. Can you, Gentlemen, ſuppoſe, that without any caufe, he was led away by evil-difpofed perfons, and adopted another line of conduct? You are not, nor can you ſuppoſe that he was fo. He apparently followed, what was the only line of rendering ſervice to the cauſe in which he was engaged, and he was to follow this up, and then to take an opportunity of diſcloſing, when the effect came near to a dangerous tendency: You are not to fuppofe a perfon in that fituation has abandoned his former truft, and I fay, that as long as there is no open and manifeſt declaration upon his part, he is to be prefumed faithful in that truft.- This correſpondence with theſe honourable perfons; is car- ried on, as late as July 1793. Then comes the manner of ftating the proceedings of the British Convention, which were openly publiſhed in the Edinburgh Gazetteer. It is well known their proceedings were never kept ſecret, or con- cealed, fo that, for this period, from July till December 1793, when the Convention was diffolved, nothing was carried on of a ſecret nature, which he could give informa◄ tion of. The Convention is diffolved; and then, it was re- folved, foon after, to wit, on 'the 5th of December 1793; as appears by the evidence and information laid before you, to form this Committee of Union, and immediately fubfes quent thereto, the Committee of Ways and Means is raifed up, ſometime in the month of January 1794. Their pro- ceedings accordingly go on, and Mr Watt fhewed that very fame inclination of following up the intention he ſet out with; he became a member of both, of one and the other of theſe committees, and though perhaps, he did not in fact, yet I have not the ſmalleſt doubt to fay, it was his intention to give the neceffary information, when the proper period for doing it ſhould occur. If there had been that confpis racy actually exifting, which is pretended, he would then moſt certainly have given that information in due and pro- 002 per [ 22 ] t per time, to the rulers of this country, that they might take advantage of it, and be prepared; he would, in that cafe, have given all the infight into this ftrange and mylte, rious plot, that would have been required, had fuch a plot really had any exiftence, or had it occurred to him, that the proper period was arrived, when the fecret ſhould be divulged. " ཟླ་ If, Gentlemen, you can poffibly conceive any thing more abſurd than another, it would be this; if there is any thing more irrational than another, if is the conclufion you muft draw as to Mr Watt's conduct, upon the forced fuppofition that he was not acting with fidelity. If you give belief to Mr Watt's fituation, then itate to you, that he was known to the public officers of the Crown, as one who was in their ein- ploy and fervice, as one who fecretly paid attention to the matters which were going on and who gave information- to the rulers of this country, when time and opportunity ferved.: Pertons of that defcription have in fome inftances endeavoured to conceal themſelve, with fecrecy, and may perhaps have fucceeded. But he was a perfon that was well known, and could have no hope or expectation that he could betray his truft without the attendance of a great and dread- fut confequence as the ultimate refult. What temptation had he, therefore, to play doubly falfe? did not every mo◄ tive whatever incline him to be true to his employers under government, and what inducement had he to act otherwife He was known to the officers of the Grown, as well as the fituation in which he was acting. Can you, therefore, Gentlemen, fuppofe, that with a millſtone about his neck, he fhould voluntarily, and without any temptation whatever, fink himſelf to the loweſt pit of ruin, difgrace and death? No, Gentlemen, you cannot, even for a moment, indulge fuch a rank ſuppofition; un efs he had been compleatly in fane, he could not poffibly have acted in this manner, it was fo abfurd, fo ftrange, and paſt all human belief. Had he really meant to act in this irration d manner, perfectly mad. "The fool in fcripture who 1 he muſt be fcatters fires 6 brands . 1 k € 293 1 brands and death, and fayeth am I not in fport," was a wife man to him, or to any one, who without any earthly object could foolishly confign his fame and exiſtence to utter and certain destruction. If this gentleman, in fhort, had poff ffed one particle of fenfe, he could not poffibly have acted as it is pretended; the prefumption is fo ftrong, I hold it fo conclufive, that I do in fact think there cannot be any thing more faid upon it; and I do fay farther, that it wilk turn out to be a matter of extreme danger, if this man is to be abandoned to his fate. Gentlemen, I have fome idea that this unfortunate and unhappy man has been deceiving himtelf, and that he did not openly make a full and fair difcovery of all the particu lars and circumſtances with which he was acquainted, when examined by Mr She: ff Clerk. This conduct is easily ex- plained and accounted for; the Sheriff fays be was unwilling to speak out; fo he was, but what was the reafon? it was becauſe the perfon he kept up correfpondence, with, the Lord Advocate, was not prefent, to whom alone he very naturally wiſhed to diſcloſe himſelf. I don't at all wonder at his refufing to fpeak out to the Sheriff upon his exami ṇation; and of his defire to delay till he had an opportu nity of ſeeing the Lord Advocate himflf. He was in a habit of correspondence with that Honourable Lord, if he was confcious that he was acting in the character of a ipy, (for I will not mince the matter) it was extremely natural that Re thould with da every account to make his fituation known to as few perfons as poffible; he is accordingly un- fatisfactory to the Sheriff, which must be allowed in this cafe to be at leaſt a pardonable inftance of caution. He does not fay any thing; but he expected the Lord Advocate in town in a day or two, and then he would tell his cafe. It is alſo faid that when examined by the Sheriff, he would not give an account of the arms that were found in his houſe. Here the fame anfwer as that given just now moſt aptly and readily occurs. He, very wifely confidering the delicate fituation in which he food, would not give in- telligence € 294 telligence to any one, but to the fountain head, to him only with whom he was in the habit to communicate; he would give his information to him alone, and I have given a very good reaſon why he ſhould wish to communicate it only to that Gen- tleman. His wifh for a temporary concealment, fufficiently explains the evaſive account he gave of the pikes when firft examined; for it was not a true account with reſpect 'to thefe pikes which he then gave. I will not allow him to fay, that he meant to fell them or make a trade of them, but I will fay he had them in his houſe, and for what purpoſe ? that he might have them in fecurity, in fuch a fituation' that no danger ſhould happen to this country; it is in evia dence they were in a cloath's preſs, locked up, and not left in the way of any wild or rafh young men, who might ufe them to bad purpoſes; they were put there till he ſhould have an opportunity of giving his account to the Lord Ad- vocate, and this examination of the Sheriff accounts for and explains the fact in the moſt conclufive manner. Gentle men, I will and muft lay a great deal of ftrefs upon the fituation in which this perfon was placed; I will alfo men- tion, that very dangerous confequences would enfue were this unfortunate man to be abandoned to that fate, which now difmally hangs over his head; we all know that in the prefent political ftate and Government of this country, it is abſolutely neceffary that thoſe who have the ſuperintendance and management of public affairs, fhould be furniſhed with fecret intelligence from every quarter of the kingdom where danger of any kind may poffibly take root: without this ad- vantage, which I muft confider as in every reſpect a necef- fary one, the rulers of the land would, in many inftances be lefs able as well to ward off or refift the impending ftorm, as to cut the root of the evil by the cautious expedient of timely and feaſonable prevention. For this purpoſe are perfons, fuch as the prifoner at the bar, unquestionably ne ceflary; but if he falls, I queſtion if any one will again be found fo hardy as to enter the lift in fuch a dangerous em- ployment ? ; E 295 ] ployment. Gentlemen, Iftate to you the fact only, and leave the application to your deep confideration. Gentlemen, I am happy to think, both upon your ac- count and my own, that I am now arrived at the cloſe of my labours, and that I fhall have little or no occafion to trouble you further upon this cafe; if, Gentlemen, I am right in what I maintain to be the true and juſt conſtruction of the law of England as to High Treaſon, there is an end of the queſtion; as the overt acts, laid in this indictment, bear not at all upon the perſonal danger of our gracious So- vereign, neither do thefe acts come up to the meaſure of what is neceffary to make out a conſpiracy to levy war of the firſt or higheſt degree noticed in the diftinction. If, on the other hand again, there is not evidence fufficient to make out the overt acts charged, the man is fafe; for the failure of the Crown to rear up their fabric, makes a fufficient cafe in my favour. Again, if you fhall be of opinion that the facts laid and charged in the indictment, and of which there is no doubt ſome proof, were fuch as would have been at tended with dangerous confequences, only if followed up, I do think that the prifoner may ftand firm and cool in that fituation in which he is now placed; for the whole maſs of the evidence undoubtedly fhews, that the plans in contemplation, if ever ferioufly thought of, were fuch as never could have been attended with fuccefs, fo that the alledged danger to the Conftitution never had in fact any exiſtence. Now, whatever, Gentlemen, fhall be your opinion upon the cafe before you, certain I am that you know well your duty; and though it is, I believe, the first time you fat in a court regulated by English procedure, you have neverthe- lefs all of you been upon juries of your own country, where the fate, life and character of an individual was at ſtake; you know what are your powers, your privileges, and your duties; you know you are intitled to bring in whatever verdict fhall be confiftent with the dictates of the human mind and your own confciences; you may bring it in either fpecially { : : 1 [ 296 T fpecially or generally as you fhali think fit; if you find that the facts charged in the indict sent are proved, you may alfo find the defence I have made out for the orifoner, and I think fully made out, alfo proved; or, you may ſteer the fafeft of all courtes, and find a general verdict of not guilty. Gentlemen, you are to judge yourſelves of the verdict you are to pronounce this day; you have paid due regard to the evidence, and you have honoured me with that attention in endeavouring to throw this additional light on the caſe, that I can have no doubt but that the judgment you are now to give will be founded on juſtice, tempered, however, I truſt, with a due portion of mercy. } But one thing more, Gentlemen, and I am done: tho' we are engaged in a bloody war with an antient, inveterate, and formidable foe abroad; and tho it is rumoured about that a treacherous enemy, fraught with danger, lurks within; and tho' you must alfo well know that there have been fuch deeds done in a neighbouring country as feem to leave a threatens ing and impending danger lour ng over this our native land thefe are misfortunes which we muft all as good citizens regret and ftrive to avert, but they are fuch as you are not in this cafe at all to regard; they are circumftances which may affect the public mind. but can have no weight upon your judgment; for, Gentlemen, you have fully ftudied this cafe, you are men of property and high refpectability, you have God and a good conſcience before your eyes, and you cannot fail to do right, and to act justly. If then, you are of opinion that the public accufer both in law and evi- dence has made out his cafe, your deterinination will there- by be fixed; but if not, which I ruft, is the fact, your ulti- mate reſolve muſt be equally fixed and decided; whichever pf theſe ſhall be the refult, to you, Gentlemen, as fellow creatures, good fubjects, and honeft men, fitting in your fupreme tribunal, does the priſoner at the bar, with willing confidence fubmit. If the cup of iniquity is full, bitter, bit ter indeed muſt be the draught, but if it is not, and that fuch, I truft, will this day be your opinion, I know that I fhal! [ 297 ] hall fee the juft and humane arm of the law dafh it untafted from his lips. + THE LORD ADVOCATE (in reply to the Defence) thea addreffed the COURT and JURY, as follows:- MY LORDS, AND GENTLEMEN OF THE JURY, HOWEVER much I may differ in point of law with my friend who has juft fat down, however much I may differ 1 from him in many of the propofitions which he affumed in his opening of the defence, it will be to me in many refpects a more painful talk to review the evidence which has this day been laid before you, on the import of which Mr Hamil ton and I are equally at wariance, There is one obfervation with which he concluded, to which I muſt profefs my most complete and moſt hearty af- fent. In any cafe, of any kind whatever, fubmitted in the courſe of criminal proceeding to the confideration of Jury- men, and much more in a cafe of this awful and folemn nature, which you are at prefent to try, God forbid, that from the circumſtances which have occurred in another country, or from the circumſtances which may occur in this country, any general opinion or any general préjudice, how ever laudable that opinion or that prejudice may be, fhould lead your attention, for one moment, from the cool, and the candid, and the impartial confideration of the evidence which is laid before you, which is the only text to which you can look, and the only fubject on which you are at liberty to de- cide. But when I ftate this, Gentlemen, I know that it will follow from the fame motive, and that it will flow from the fame principle, that be the confequence of that verdict, which your oath, and your confcience, and your duty to your t Country [298] 2 1 country lead you to give, what they may, if juftice demands a verdict against the prifoner at the bar, you muſt fatisfy your oaths and your confciences, and will return that verdict against him. { In a trial which has lafted now for feventeen or eighteen hours, I hope, in fumming up the evidence, which it is my duty to do, and in replying to thofe obfervations which have been just now ſtated upon the part of this unhappy priſoner, that I fhall confume as little of your time as I poffibly can; and I have determined, upon that account chiefly, though ftill, I truſt, without departing from my duty, which upon all occafions must be the only rule of my conduct, to abridge very much what in the courfe of hearing the evidence read and the teftimony given, it was my intention at an earlier. period of the trial, to have ſtated for your confideration. I fhall confine myſelf to thoſe points of the cafe which have all along ftruck my mind as decifive of the guilt of the prifoner; which in fpite of every with that, as an indivi dual, I entertained to excufe in my own mind the offence, and explain away the facts which have been imputed to him, and which I have not till the prefent moment been able to fatisfy my own mind upon, which do not prefs upon it ftill as forcibly as when the circumftances first came under my confideration; and which, exclufive of thofe circumftances, which in defence have been ſtated for him, and with which his council concluded, but which appear to me to be cir- cumſtances which do not exculpate the gentleman, have, after all the attention I could give to his former fituation, only tended to aggravate not to extenuate his guilt. If you fhall be of an oppofite opinion, I fhall moſt heartily acquiefce. If it should be your opinion, either that this fcheme was, as my friend has attempted to perfuade you, a wild, abſurd rhodomontade, formed in frenzy, conceived in madneſs, and never ſeriouſly intended to be carried into execution; or, if you ſhould think that the part this man played in it was merely for the purpofe of detecting it, and in due time to do his duty to his King and Country by divulging it, in God's ปี { } } 13 [ 299 ] 1 ļ God's name return your verdict in his favour. And I re peat it again, moft fincerely will I rejoice if your own im partial minds will permit you to do fo. I ftated that one reſpect in which I differed from my friend was on the law which he in this part laid down That a confpiracy to levy war was not an overt act tending to fhew compaffing or imagining the death of the Sovereign. It is one of the peculiar bleffings of the, conftitution under which we live, that the law of treaſon, although occafionally during fome centuries additional ſtatutes were paffed which added to the code of law upon that ſubject, that from the days of Edward III. to the prefent moment, the fame code of laws fublifts which exifted then, and which, I truft, will continue to exift as long as Britain is free. 1 Let' it not then be faid, or as it was faid to night, let not your minds be mifled by the idea that the law of treafon, according to that definition of it which was given by my brother in the morning of this day, and which I fhall alſo give in a few minutes, not in my own words, but in thofe of the beſt of men and lawyers that ever exifted, holds out precipices under the feet of the fubjects of this country, which they are not aware of, and which they cannot diſco- ver till they drop into the pit which has been laid for them. I never can conceive that a confultation for a traitorous pur- pofe for levying war againſt the King or Government of this country, or taking fteps to compell the King or the Go- vernment to alter their meaſures by force, or that a conful- tation for a purpoſe directly touching the perfonal fafety of the King, is not an overt act fufficient, in the common ſenſe of every man who hears me, to prove an intention upon the part of the confulter to compaſs and to imagine the death of the King. The doctrine which my learned friend laid down I underſtand to be this, that unless a war is actually levied, à confultation to levy that war, is not an overt act of com- paffing and imagining the King's death. If the war, whe ther it be with the pomp of war or not is perfectly immate- rial, be directed againſt the perfon of the King, or if the confulta. Pp 2 ļ + I 300 I confultation or ſcheme has in its object and tendency fuck meaſures as muſt neceffarily, in the completion of them bring him under reftraint or into danger, the best and moſt eſtabliſhed authorities we have in the law of England, uniformly concur in declaring that it is an overt act of com- paffing his death; and, although it is not material for me to fhew that the confultation was directly and immediately intended to the murder of the King in his natural capacity, yet I think, if I attended to the evidence at all, the proof this day laid before you did, diſtinctly and pofitively, go that length. That upon the part of the perſon who was the principal framer and ringleader of this confpiracy, there was a ferious confultation for putting.reftraint upon the King by force, and compelling him by intimidation to alter the mea- fures of his Government, under the penalty of taking the confequences if he dared to refufed; that precife fact was brought out in evidence, and brought out by evidence di- rectly againſt the man who is now ftanding upon his trial before you. Gentlemen, I fhall beg leave to read two paffages, both of them are ſhort, the words of Mr Juftice Fofter and the words of Mr Serjeant Hawkins, becaufe they put the law in fuch plain and diftinct terms to the underſtanding of eve ry body, that I am fure when I read them I fhail not have a word more to fay in explanation or in illuftration of them, Mr Juſtice Fofter, after ſtating that rifings or infurrections for a particular purpofe do not fall under the idea of High Treaſon, expressly lays it down, "But every infurrection ❤which in judgment of law is intended againſt the perſon of "the King, be it to dethrone or impriſon him, or oblige him <<< to alter his meaſures of Government. ar to remove evit "counſellors from about him, theſe rifings all amount to પ levying war within the ftatute, whether attended with "the pomp and circumſtances of open war or not. And " every conſpiracy to levy war for theſe purpofes, though "not treaſon within the claufe of levying war, is yet an « overt act within the other clauſe of compaffing the King's * death f 301 1 death; for thefe purpoſes cannot be effected by numbers and open force without manifeft danger to his perſon " Gentlemen, I hope, when you come to confider the evi- dence, you will keep this fhort, this diftinét ſummary of that law of treaſon in your minds; and if the facts which are proved, and which I fhall feel it my duty to recapitulate, do not amount and apply preciſely, and almoft in the very words to the authority which I have just now ſtated, then I fhall have no objection to abandon my caufe, and the cauſe of my country altogether. I faid that I would read the words of Mr Serjeant Haw- kins, as the only quotation I fhall further give; he ſays, "As to the first point, that of confpiring the King's death, "It ſeems clearly agreed by all, Tha confpiring the King's "death, and providing weapons to effect it, or fending let- "ters to incite others to procure it, or actually affembling "people in order to take the King into their power, and "all other fuch like notorious facts, done in purſuance of "a Treaſonable purpoſe again.t the King's perfon, may be alledg'd as overt acts to prove the compaffing his death. "It has alſo been adjudg'd, that the levying war againſt the King's perfon, or the bare confulting to levy fuch "war; or meeting together and confulting the means to "deſtroy the King and his Government, or affembling with "others and procuring them to attempt the King's death; "or printing Treafonable pofitions, as that the King is ac- "countable to the people, and that they ought to take the "Government into their own hands may be alledg'd as "overt acts, to prove the compaffing the King's death." Gentlemen, the authority of Lord Coke was referr'd to in order to controvert this propofition. Is it likely, Gen- tlemen, that this opinion of Lord Coke's, had it been a folid and well founded opinion, would not have been held to have been law at this moment, or that you would have found fubfequent writers declaring the reverſe, and quot- ing in fupport of their propofitions, not the trials of Trea- fon alone which have occurred between the days of Lord Coke A f jóż j Coke and the prefent moment, but cafes before that period and particularly a cafe that is quoted by Lord Holt, and Chief Juftice Pratt, two of the firft Lawyers and beft of men that England ever faw at the head of her Courts of Juftice, which exifted long before the time of Lord Coke, the cafe of Lord Cobham, in which this very point was ful- ly difcuffed, and then fixed and fetled upon a foundation never to be ſhaken? I will ftate to you the words of Chief Juftice Pratt in the noted cafe of Chriftopher Layer who was indicted under a train of circumftances, for compaffing the King's death, fimilar in fome reſpects to thoſe ſtated in the indictment against the prifoner at your bar, but diffimi- lar in this refpect only, that when you come to compare them together, the cafe of Layer, and the circumſtances of confultation proved againſt him, and for which he was con- victed, and fuffered, fhrink to nothing in compariſon with that extent of confpiracy, that degree to which the trai- torous ſcheme now before you, had advanced towards com- pletion, and that ferious and well arranged fyftem of mea- fures, which was not only devifed, but actually in forward- nefs, and carried partly into excution by the orders, and under the directions of the priſoner at the bar. Gentlemen, I blame not my learned brother for arguing as he has done, and extremely well, and ſtating every thing he could, in a cafe where a man ftands in that dreadful fitu- ation, in which the prifoner now does. But when he has ſtated as law, what I apprehend is not; and brought for- ward to your attention points, which if ever dubious or de- bateable, have long fince been fettled and put to reft, it is my duty to fet the matter to rights, and I fhall do fo in the words of the Chief Juſtice, who prefided in the trial of Lay- er, where the ſelf-fame plea in law was urged by Mr Hun- gerford, counſel for Layer, in arreſt of judgment. In that particular cafe, what were the words of the Chief Juſtice? "Mr Hungerford, we would hear you on every "matter, but confider whether you are not offering a mat- "ter in arreft of judgment, that hath been determined a હ gainft [303] 1 "gainſt you a hundred times; hath it not been conſtant- ❝ly allowed as an overt act of Treafon, in compaffing and ¶ imagining the death of the King, if the parties did meet "and confult, and agree to levy war? hath it not con- ftantly been agreed, and doth it not ftand allowed? Now "to perfuade us, at this time, to over-throw the refolutions "taken by our predeceffors, is fuch a thing as is not right. "Do you think we will give a judginent, contrary to "what our learned predeceffors have given in cafes of the "greateſt moment? "If I thought it was of any effect I would not grudge "fpending, time to hear you, but you muſt agree it has ❝been over-ruled a hundred times." Standing upon this authority in point of law, and liable to the correction of the Court if I am wrong in ſtating it, I come to what I feel my peculiar duty, in this ftage of the trial, to fum up the evidence, and to reply to the obferva- tions ſtated against it, on the part of the prifoner. · Gentlemen, though the indictment is branched out, in- to a variety of different overt acts intended, in point of form, to embrace every poffible circumftance we had to prove against him, and calculated out of mercy, nay out of justice to the prifoner, to explain to him every thing which we had to urge against him; yet it is material for you to know, that if we fu ceed in proving only one overt act, we are intitled, thoug'. all the other feventeen (as I believe there are eighteen) were not proved, to a verdict a- gainst the prifoner. ; But the matter refts not upon fuch narrow ground; be- caufe, if I confider this evidence right, every word that is ftated in that indictment, however diverfified in expreffion, and varied in form, are completely, and fully, and diſtinctly proved before you, Gentlemen, the charge againſt this man is comprehended under two diftinct heads : In the first place, a confpiracy exiſting in this country, not confined to Scotland alone, but extended alſo to England for ! $ [ 304 ] for calling a new British Convention, as the writings and wtneffes have told us, the purpoſe of which Convention is diftinctly ſpoken out by all thofe writings to have been nothing less than a bold, audacious and defperate attempt to introduce ſomething like the French Government amon among ús, to level the preſent order and eſtabliſhment of things, and, in the apprehenfion of the confpirators themſelves, to bring upon this country all the evils of ararchy, unleſs pre- vented by the wild, the abfurd, and the ridiculous ſcheme which thofe confpirators had devifed, in the moment of the diffolution of the prefent Gernment, for fubftituting in its ſtead fomething which they fancied was to be more permanent and free, and more calculated for the good of thur country, and for the good of mankind, than that for the ownfall of which they were conſpiring. Gentlemen, if I ftopt here and went no farther, I fhould be intitled to ſay I have proved my cafe: For the King be ing, what I truft he will always remain to be, an eſſential and a component part of the British legiflature, if I prove this man acceffary to a confpiracy, which had for its object the fubversion and overthrow of the legislative authority, of which the King forms a part, I have proved him guilty by the found confìruction of the ftatute of Edward the III. of compaffing and imagining the death of the King; becauſe he could not hul the King from that place which he holds in the legiflature, and reduce him for a time to bondage, without bringing his perſonal ſafety and life into danger, and which amounts to what is defcribed in the Act of Parlia ment, which paffed five centuries ago, in Edward the Third's time, as con paffing and imagining the death of the King. his I take to be he found conftruction of the Act of Parliament. The law of England, which is now the law of this country in matters of treafun, and has juftly been for fince the Union, when our allegiance was the fame, and when the breach of it ought to be puniſhed in the fame manner, is peculiarly jealous of the fafety of the Monarch, With what juftice it is fo, with what good fenfe, with what knowledge "[305] 1 knowledge of mankind the Parliament of Edward the III, who were fo famous for paffing this and other fuch ſtatutes, as to obtain in hiftory the appellation of the bleffed Parlia- ment, and which, I hope it continues to deferve, declared the bare imagination of meaſures tending to effect the life of the Sovereign to amount to High Treafon, is fully evinced, not only by the hiſtory of ſucceeding ages, but by the re- cent experience of thofe things which have happened in a neighbouring country, and to which I am intitled to advert, and which juſtifies that jealouſy with which they guarded, the life of their monarch, and erected a barrier againſt even the confultation of the fubjects of this country to any attempt which could fall under the definition of compaffing or ima- gining the death of the King. Will you then, Gentlemen, permit this man and others engaged in fuch a deteftable and dangerous confpiracy, to be excuſed under the idea of an idle and abfurd rhodomontade? will you permit them to go free under the more fpecious but falſe pretext of general reform of national grievances, or fuffer either reftlefs ambition, or the mad defire of inno- vation to break thro' that barrier of ftrength, of refpect and of fecurity with which the wiſdom and policy of our anceſ tors have encircled the perfon of the Prince, and eſtabliſh- ed the ſtability of our conftitution? We have not indeed far to go back for evidence of the danger to which fuch meaſures are liable; for if the barrier of loyalty and reſpect is once permitted to be affailed with impunity by every one who takes it in his head to do ſo, it will foon in- deed be broken completely through, the conftitution and Government itſelf fubverted, and the life of the monarch not only endangered, but forfeited, merely becauſe he has the misfortune to be the Chief a giftrate. Gentlemen, I have just now ftated what the Parliament of England has done, in its juftice, for the fafety of the King. I have now to ſtate, what to its immortal honour it has alſo done for the moſt unbounded fecurity to the perfon accufed of treafon. Look to the forms of the law of treafon which + Q g now [306] now for the first time fince the union with England we have the misfortune to be in practice acquainted with ; confider thé manner in which the charge is preferred againſt him; con- fider the time for preparing his defence with which he is in- dulged; that he has a lift of the witneffes and of the jurors who are to ſerve upon his trial furniſhed to him, at leaſt ten days before it; confider his unbounded power of challenge, as large as can be admitted of, confiftent with the adminiftra- tion of juftice; that twelve men fitting upon his trial muſt concur in finding him guilty, and I venture to affirm, that the country never exifted, or that history tells us of, where the fafety of the ſubject was under fuch a charge fo amply protected, where we are tied down to prove every thing we aver againſt him, and laſt of all, an overt act is to be found by you, to have been committed before you can find a ver- dict againſt him; and I fay the human mind cannot con- ceive a poffibility of trial more fair for the priſoner, or a fyftem of law provided that could be more effectual to fecure, I had almoft faid, the indemnity of a man who is guilty. Gentlemen, I ftated that the first point was the confpir- ing to call another Britifh Convention. And if I have proved that which I ſtated in point of law, fuch would have been, by the conftruction of the ftatute, an overt act of compaffing the death of the King. But I reft not upon that alone, becauſe I fay the other not more but equally material point of the cauſe is, that in this country a confultation did`take place, not only for the purpoſe of compelling the King to alter his meaſures by force, and a confultation alone would have been of itſelf fufficient, but in that confultation the per- fon of the King was directly pointed at, his perfonal ſafety was to be brought into queſtion and danger; and I go further, and ſtate, that fhort of the actual completion of that plan, ſhort of an actual infurrection, ſhort of an actual arming of every perſon in Scotland, who, by emiffaries, they could arm for that purpoſe, the confultation was followed up, and pro- fecuted to the utmoft poffible extent. It was proſecut- ed to an alarming extent. God knows where it would have L " i 307 1 have ftopt, if it had not been for the goodnefs of provi dence, for it was ftopt by an accidental discovery. It was ftopt by a moft extraordinary difcovery, and after the mea fures which they had taken in the profecution of the con- fultation had been, though but for a very fhort time, actual- ly in a ſtate of execution. If theſe things are proved (leaving at prefent Watt's defence out of the question) I fhall be at a lofs to diſcover how you cań hefitate in the finalleft de- gree upon the fubject. I ſhall run over the evidence upon the firſt point very briefly, becauſe it confifts chiefly of written evidence, and that evidence has already been read to you by the proper officers of Court; and becauſe I doubt not you will, when you deliberate upon your verdict, if you find it neceffary, look yourſelves over thoſe material papers. You will remember in general, that as early as the 17th of May, 1793, and immediately after the Houfe of Commons had thought it confiftent with their duty to reject the pe fitions for a reform in Parliament, a letter appears from a Mr Hardy, Secretary of the London Correfponding So ciety, afking from Mr Skirving, with whom we are ali ac- quainted, what more effectual meafures could be now at- tempted. You will remember Mr Skirving's anfwer of the 25th May, equally well proved and of his hand writing, proved to be found in the poffeffion of Hardy, as Mr Lauzuy has told you, when Hardy was apprehended under a warrant from the Secretary of State. You will read that letter; I had much to ſtate upon it, I had marked feveral paffages of it as fit for your attention, but which at this early hour, I fhall omit, making on this letter only one obſervation, that the writer of it ſeems to have been a very wild enthuſiaſt to have feriouſly fixed in his idea, that the preſent government was to fall into ruins, and that anarchy would enſue in confequence, unleſs they in the mean time, unleſs Hardy and Skirving, with the aid of thofe focieties, much too numerous I am afraid for the public good, fhould be prepared with their new fyftem of Government with which they were occupied. After reading that letter, it will be for you, Gentlemen, to Q ૧ confider [ ·C 308 3c81 308 1 } confider whether thefe men were engaged in a wild, abford rhodomontade; or, whether they were not feriously occupied in forming a plan of organization, as Skirving terms it, which they were to be ready to fubftitute in lieu of the edifice they thought was about to fall into deftruction. I fhalk paſs over feveral of the other letters that are proved to have paffed among thefe people, between the months of June and November laft, when the British Convention of eternal and notorious fame was eſtabliſhed in this city. You find Mr Skirving, then correfponding with Mr Hardy, the Se- cretary of the London Society, which as Taylor and Gofling told you, met in January laft, to the number of 1200 people at the Globe Tavern, and as late as April, to more than 2000 perfons. You find this London Correfponding So- ciety chufing members to go to that Convention. Tous it is matter of notoriety that thofe two delegates are fuffering this moment, for their conduct in that Convention, that juft puniſhment which the juftice of Scotland awarded againſt them. You find by the evidence of Scott and others, there were other focieties in England who fent delegates to this Scotch Convention. You have it in evidence from that Mr Aitchifon whom we faw to day, and who acknowledged a páper with his hand writing upon the back of it, entitled Citizen Sinclair's amendment of Citizen Callendar's motion; and you have the iminutes of the Convention itfelf proved to be the writing of Rofs and Aitchifon. From theſe and from the evidence of Rofs and Aitchifon, it appears that this motion of Sinclair's, with which you are fo well acquaint- ed, was folemnly and deliberately adopted by the Con- vention; and followed up on the 28th November, by a mo- tion from Citizen Margarot, viz. "That a Secret Committee "of three, with the Secretary, be appointed to determine t the place where fuch Convention of Emergency fhall "meet: That fuch place fhall remain a fecret with them, "and with the Secretary of this Convention; and that • each delegate ſhall, at the breaking up of the prefent Sef- "fion, be entrusted with a fealed letter, containing the name ~ [ 309 ] *name of the place of meeting: That this letter fhall be delivered unopened to his conftituents, the receipt of which fhall be acknowledged by a letter to the Secretary, "preferved in the fame ftate until the period fhall arrive, "at which it ſhall be deemed neceffary for the delegates to fet "off" You have it proved by Scott that they were diſperſed by the Magiftrates and Sheriff on two fucceffive days. It is proved that this Convention attempted once to affemble in the face of lawful authority, and that upon the fecond ´occafion, Margarot called out exprefsly to the Convention to recollect they had the preceding evening voted themſelves permanent, and they were not at liberty to retire. You will confider theſe circumſtances, and connect with them the two other printed papers on the table, proved to contain the proceedings at the Globe Tavern a few weeks thereafter, and the proceedings at Chalk farm the 14th of April. I will not fatigue your attention or diſtreſs you at this hour of the morning, by reading the one or the other of theſe papers; much had I' to fay, much had I to argue on each, but I leave both to your impartial confideration. > The refolutions at the firft, amount to a direct attack on the legal proceedings of the courts of law in your own coun- try, affert in feveral paffages in the ftrongest terms, their determination to refift the legal authority of this country, and juftify the Convention for that conduct for which the Jury of Scotland had convicted their delegate Margarot, and for which he was ſentenced to Botany Bay. They take up- on themſelves the whole merit, and ftate the whole pro- ceedings of the British Convention to be fuch as to demand applaufe, and avow they will continue to follow them in all particulars till the laft moment. The reſolutions on the 14th April, attack in terms ftill more violent and out- rageous, the proceedings, which they fay, difgrace the Su- preme Court of Criminal Juftice in Scotland, and declare that theſe ought to be confidered as diffolving entirely the focial compact between the English Government and the People, and driving them to appeal to that uncontrovertible maxim [ 310 ] mazim of eternal juftice, that the fafety of the people is the fupreme, and, in cafes of neceffity, the only law; that a meaſure then under the confideration of Parliament, the employing Emigrants in Britiſh pay, on which meaſure Par liament had alone the power to determine, they ſtate, that on no pretence whatever, ought the people to fubmit to it; they ftate, as a queſtion of doubt, what Mr Taylor told you was at firft a direct affertion, that the King and his Mini- fters had been guilty of High Treafon in railing money by fubfcription; and that this, and arming one part of the country againſt the other, were the meafures which brought Charles I. to the block, and drove James II. and his pofteri- ty from the throne. If arming a free and loyal nation a→ gainſt a foreign enemy, be the medfure which theſe perſons confider as arming one part of the people against the other; and if they favour the caufe, and are defirous to bring that enemy into this country, then they have a right to ſay they are a part of the people againft which the others are armed. Since they take it to themſelves, it is for you, Gentlemen, to confider to what extent this refolution goes, and of what complexion are the members of this London Correſponding Society. The concluding refolution ftates their conviction, "That a fteady perfeverance in the fame bold and energe "tic fentiments avowed by the Friends of Freedom, can- "not fail of crowning with ultimate triumph the virtuous "caufe in which we are engaged." What caufe? the cauſe of the Britiſh Convention, which in the preceding refolu- tions they have fo warmly extolled as being in ftrict con formity to the withes and inftructions of the Society; and they conclude this inflammatory and treaſonable paper, by obferving, fince, "whatever may be the intereſted opinion of "Hereditary Senators, or packed majorities of pretended reprefentatives, truth and liberty in an age fo enlightened "as the prefent, muſt be invincible and omnipotent." In a fubfequent part of their addrefs to Jofeph Gerald, they have expreſsly ſtated, "The equal laws of this country "have for ages paft been the boaft of its inhabitants, but "whither [311] whither are they now fled? We are animated by the fame fentiments," (talking of the British Convention,} 1 ཐ we are daily repeating the fame words, and committing *the fame actions for which you are thus infamouſly ſep- - "tenced, and we will repeat and commit them until we "have obtained redrefs; yet we are unpunifhed! Either * therefore, the law is unjuſt toward you, in inflicting pu- "niſhment on the exertions of virtue and talents, or it ❝ought not to deprive us of our fhare in the glory of the * martyrdom."/ What is this but falfely ſtating that the laws of the country are not adminiſtered with equality and juftice? What is it but vindicating and making their own, the whole proceed- ings of the British Convention, and thoſe perfons who have 'been puniſhed for thoſe proceedings, and avowing their de- termination to commit and perfevere in the fame criminal conduct till they obtain redrefs? They hope to have their fhare in the glory of the martyrdom! I hope that the laft part of their prayer is not far diftant. What I have read now, is from the refolution of the 14th of April, at a meeting at Chalk Farm, where it is proved there were no lefs than 2000 people prefent. At the meeting at the Globe-Tavern in January, they adopted a fimilar refolution to that on your table, which was proved to be Aitchiſon's own hand writing, which was for calling a General Convention, which in fact, was to affume all the powers of legiflation over this country, and to exercife a fupreme authority in any manner it might think proper; and which, in cafe Parliament thould think fit to land foreign troops, in cafe they ſhould think fit to fufpend the Habeas Corpus Act, which has been done`; (and for the wifdom and neceffity of that meafure, need I refer you to any thing elfe but what this day's evidence his prefented to you?) and in feveral other given cafes, was im- mediately to be fummoned for the clear and indubitable pur- pofe of rebellion againſt the legiſlature of Great Britain. * Before I leave this, attend alfo to the letter of Hardy, I mean the printed letter which we have traced home to the poffeffion [ 312] poffeffion of Miller of Perth, and Mitchell of Strathaven; that paper, combined with thofe refolutions which I have juſt now read, appears to me, and I truſt and know it muft appear to you, as nothing less than founding the alarm for a rebellion in this country. "Citizens, the critical moment is arrived, and Britons "muft either affert with zeal and firmneſs their claims to EL liberty, or yield without refiftance to the claims that mi- 66 nifterial ufurpation is forging for them. Will you co- 16 operate with us in the only peaceable meaſure that now prefents itſelf with any profpect of fuccefs. We need not ❝ intimate to you, that notwithſtanding the unparalleled au- dacity of a corrupt and overbearing faction which at preſent ❝ tramples on the rights and liberties of the people, our meetings cannot in England be interrupted, without the 66 previous adoption of a Convention Bill, a meaſure it is our "duty to anticipate, that the ties of union may be more firmly drawn, and the fentiments and views of the different fo- "cieties throughout the nation be compared while it is yet "in our power, ſo as to guide and direct the future opera- ❝tions of the Friends of Freedom. Rouſe then to one ex- "ertion more, and let us fhew our conſciouſneſs of this "important truth. If we are to be beaten down by threats, "profecutions, and illegal fentences, we are unworthy, we 66 are incapable of liberty. We muſt however be expeditious. "Heffians and Auſtrians are already among us, and if we "tamely fubmit, a cloud of thofe armed Barbarians may fhortly be poured in upon us. Let us form then another "British Convention. We have a centrical fituation in our view, which we believe, would be moft convenient for the whole iſland; but which we forbear to mention, intreating your confidence in this particular, till we have *the anſwer of the focieties with which we are in corre- ❝ fpondence. Let us have your anfwer then by the 20th at fartheft; earlier of poffible, whether you approve of the meafure, and how many delegates you can fend, with the "number [ 33 ] x1 "number, alfo if poffible, of your focieties. We remain yours in pure affection. "The London Correfponding Society, “T. HARDY, Secretary." 23 "For the management of this bufinefs we have appointe "ed a Secret Committee; you will judge how far it is ne "ceffary for you to do the fame.” Now, having eſtabliſhed this clofe union with the Lon- don Correſponding Society, united in the fame meaſures, fending delegates to the fame place, and taking up the cauſe of the Britiſh Convention where they left it, and corre- fponding again, with every part of the country, let us con- fider what are the inferences which you are to draw from theſe proceedings. After the evidence was read to you, you could have no doubt, that this other Britiſh Convention, which was to rouze itſelf to one exertion more, was to be a Convention, not only as ftrong, but more effectual than the one in Edinburgh, diſperſed ſix months before. This letter of Hardy's appears to have been fent tó Stock, and a num¬ ber of copies given by him to George Rofs, the man in whoſe houſe the Committee of Union met, and in whoſe houſe the Committee of Ways and Means met; a fact which one of the witneffes, with a very mean equivocation, attempted to deny, for, when I aſked him if he went to the Committee of Ways and Means, he anſwered, no, he went to the Gazetteer Office; but it turned out, that the Gazetteer Office was the very place where theſe Commit- tees always met; George Rofs was a member of the Britiſh Convention, and of the Committee of Union alfo; and George Rofs told you, he fent thefe printed letters to dif ferent places in Scotland, particularly Perth, Paiſley, Strath- aven and Dundee. In this you find him confirmed by the evidence of Miller and Mitchell. The copy fent to Perth is on the table, addreffed in the hand-writing of George Rofs and Miller admits, that he received it from Edin- burgh by poſt, and he fays, in confequence of that invitati- · *9 ‡ R 'r 1 OB 1 1 t.314 ] en, the club at Perth agreed to chufe a delegate, who was to be ready to ſet out, and to attend in that place, then kept a fecret, where Mr Hardy fhould afterwards notify the Convention fhould affemble. This happened in April, and the little man, Taylor, I believe, told you, that it was underſtood in London, that the Secret Committee had fixed the place, and that the Convention of Emergency was appointed to meet about the beginning of May. I took his words down, for the coincidence of dates ftruck me to be extreme- ly material You have it in evidence, that Mitchell of Strathaven received fuch another letter; he acted as chair- man of the United Societies of Strathaven, and various o- ther villages in that neighbourhood, who met, as Mitchell fays, in confequence of that letter, and likewife chofe a de- legate, to attend the propofed Convention. The letter it- felf, figned by Mitchell, and diſpatched by him to London, notifying the election of the delegate, was afterwards found by the meffengers in Hardy's pofleffion, and is now on the table. It is dated the 9th of April, which tallies again ex- actly with the periods of Miller and Taylor. From how many other towns in Scotland, and from how many towns in England they had received affurances of co- operation, in the one great exertion which remained, it is not neceffary for me to inquire; it is enough for me to have proved what I have done,and I now leave it for your confider- ation, whether I have not, clearly and fatisfactorily, made out, what I hope the profecutor always will, in fuch a cafe, be obliged to make out, ere he can afk a Jury to believe the exiſtence of a conſpiracy or treaſonable plot; one of as feri- ous, as alarming, and as extenfive a nature, as ever was formed in the annals of our hiſtory. I confefs, Gentlemen, that, when in a different capacity, I first heard of the exi- ftence of this extraordinary ſcheme, it ftruck me, that it could not be ferious, as it bore all the marks, and the fi militude of fancy and madnefs. But the evidence this day has proved, that this fcheme was not the fancy of the mo- ment, not the effort of any one, two, or three individuals in ( 315 ) in a corner, acting under the influence of an overheated imagination, but part of a ſerious, and a deep conſpiracy, which began eighteen months ago, which gradually grew in maturity, as the parties, of which it was compofed, conti- nued to increafe in activity, and boldness, and has now, by dint of unwearied induſtry, extended to numbers which we ſhould have eſteemed incredible: when you find one meet- ing of 1200 perfons publiſhing 100,000 copies of their re- folutions, to be fent all over the country; and a ſecond, of 2000 and upwards, publiſhing no iefs than 200,000, becauſe the former had not been fufficient; when you find it thus gradually increaſing, will you, Gentlemen, permit this con- ſpiracy to go on in its progreſs? will you fuffer it to rear its head any longer against the legal conftituted authority of the State; to hold in contempt, and attack with impunity, the Laws and the Juftice of the country, and to justify the conduct of condemned criminals, with an avowed determi- nation to repeat the fame crimes, and never to defift, 'till they have obtained their object.-All this you have in evi- dence; and the point, fit for you, as a Jury, to confider, is how far it is brought home againſt Watt. It is brought home againſt Watt, by this evidence; in the Committee of Ways and Means, which affembled in the houſe of George Rofs, the man who received the paper from Stock, that letter was laid before the meeting, in the prefence of Bon- thron, Stock, Watt, and Downie, where an anfwer was concerted to that letter, and Watt, who is proved to have been alarmed with refpect to correfponding with Hardy, he- fitated, till advifed by Stock, whom I am entitled to ftate as a traitor, becauſe the Grand Jury have found a Bill of In- dictment against him, removed his doubts, by aſſuring him he had deviſed a proper mode, in which Hardy and Watt could correfpond with fafety. This circumftance, I am a fraid, proves that this man, artful and cunning as he was, knew fufficiently well the criminal nature of the correfpon- dence in which he was engaged, and from the peculiar mode in which M'Ewan anfwered the queftion put by the priſoner Rr 2 himſelf OF. [ 316 1 himfelf, he was, notwithſtanding, fully refolved to carry it If the excufe of ignorance was admiffible at all, fome kind of apology might perhaps be found for a perfon, fuch as Bonthron, fuch as M'Ewan, or a man fimilar to Mr Aitchison, or any of thofe perfons, who, after being miſled by others more defigning than themfelves, embarked in ſchemes, of the guilt of which they were utterly incapaci tated to judge; and which, from their fituation, they could not difcover; who were gradually led, as many of the Bri tiſh Convention were from lefs to more, without knowing the full extent of the crime they had committed. could Watt plead that apology? He was not a member of the Britiſh Convention, but he knew the proceedings of it. He could not be ignorant of the puniſhment of the ring- leaders of that Convention and yet you find him, after the Sword of Juftice had reached thofe men, engaged in the fame meaſures, and carrying them on, in that very place in which they had fuffered for their offence,by a ſentence more lenient than it merited. It was with his eyes open, there- fore, he muſt have done all this. But The only ufe puniſhment ever was contrived for in this world, for the fake of example to others, had completely failed in regard to him. When you find nim in this Committee of Union, when you find him in the Committee of Ways and Means affifting at that Committee with Stock, con- certing the anſwer to be given to one of thoſe letters, and confulting as to the ſafe and proper mode of correfponding with Hardy, and agreeing with Stock, that he was to carry with him to Hardy the anſwer which was drawn up upon this occafion; if you think this was an acceffion on the part of this man to the ſcheme of calling a new Britiſh Conven- tion; if you think that his becoming a member of the Com- mittees of Union and of Ways and Means, taking up the cauſe of the British Convention where they left it ; and perfevering, as he clearly did in the ſelf fame fyftem is prov- ed againſt him, you will then judge if he is not deeply en- gaged in this confpiracy, and if you will not hold him an- fwerable 辈 ​if [ 317 ] fwerable for the confequences of the offence laid to his charge. I have been dwelling perhaps too long upon this part of the evidence: I hope I fhall not be fo long upon what remains. I ftate to you with perfect confidence, that you look alone to the evidence of Bonthron and M′Ewan, a cafe cannot be figured, where the facts are more com pleatly proved than thoſe which have come out in the evi- dence this day laid before you. By the laws of this country, two witn ffes are neceffary to prove one crime. By the law of England in common cafes, one credible witneſs to a crime, entitles a jury to convict: But though in matters of treafen, the concurrent teftimonies of two witneffes are requifite, it has been uniformly held, that one witneſs to one overt act, and another to another of the fame fpecies of treafon, is fuf- ficient. In the prefent cafe you have three witneffes to the treafon. 1 McEwan, was the firft witneſs. I am fure when I in a few words bring to your recollection the manner he gave his teftimony, you will join with me in paying that compli- ment to him I cannot pay to Bonthron or Fairley; that he ſeemed defirous to tell the truth, and nothing but the truth. If you look at your notes, you will find, one particular thing only excepted, which Bonthron did not recollect, you will find every part of his ſtory confirmed by Bonthrou, and indeed by all the others beyond the poffibility of doubt. { This Committee of Ways and Means, like a felf elected Committee in France was invefted with full powers to con- duct the bufinefs of the party in Scotland, was to turn out old members and bring in new ones at pleaſure, and was not to be refponfible or accountable to the perfons that chofe them. It confifted of feven perfons, Bonthron, Downie, Stock, Watt, M-Ewan, Aitchifon and Burk; the two laft however foon gave up their attendance, and if it is worth while to build any thing on the teſtimony of Aitchiſon, his reaſon for retiring was by no means a bad one. His tefli- mony however I fhall leave perfectly out of the cafe. fer you to better evidence, and evidence not to be fhaken, I re when [ 318 ] when I direct your attention to that of M'Ewan, who tells you the purport of the plan Watt propofed, when Downie, Stock and Bonthron were prefent; he tells you it was nei- ther more nor lefs, (it is needlefs for me minutely to go over the circumſtances of it) than a confpiracy, not only to com- pel the King to alter the meaſures of his Government, but to conſtrain him by force; to feize during the night the Caftle, the Banks and public offices, and to fend couriers to excite a general infurrection through the country, and to iffue a proclamation to the country gentlemen, farmers and others to the purpoſe M'Ewan has told us. An addreſs was next to be fent to the King, ftating what had happened, and if he did not difmifs his. Minifters and put a stop to the war, the words are, "he must either abide by the confe- quences, or ftand to the peril of the confequences. In almoſt every particular was M'Ewan confirmed by Bon- thron, although he was not furely a willing witneſs for me, and equivocated as much in giving his teftimony as ever a wit- nefs did in a Court of juſtice, who was not fent to gaol for perjury or prevarication. He corroborated, however, the account of M'Ewan at leaſt in all its material points, though with the utmoſt difficulty, and a difficulty which will, on your minds, have the fame effect it had upon mine; that this witneſs faid nothing but what was ftrictly true, and meant to keep clofe every circumftance he poffibly could, which might be prejudicial to the priſoner, whoſe conduct he meant to conceal, but which, by that very reluctance, Bonthron clearly fhewed he felt to be highly criminal, and which, but for the obligation he was under to ſpeak the truth, he did every thing in his power to conceal. He concurs alfo with McEwan in defcribing what he felt refpecting the ſcheme Watt propoſed to them, and which, to the eternal honour of M'Ewan, he inftantly oppofed, by declaring he never would agree to any meaſure which tended to diſturb the peace of the country, and to lay his country in blood; for Bonthron declares that M'Ewan ftrongly diſapproved of that plan, and that he joined him in doing ſo. Bonthron does [319] does not tell you indeed any thing with reſpect to the addrefs to the King, but he tells you he was fo frightened and a- larmed when he heard this fcheme propofed, that it is not extraordinary that if this addrefs to the King was read in his prefence, it ſhould have eſcaped his memory. It does not indeed exactly appear whether this addreſs was read at this first meeting, or not till the next day, in which cafe the addrefs was not divulged to Bonthron at all, and he ne- ver heard of it. But when you find M'Ewan fupported in every thing by Bonthron, one circumftance only excepted that does not take from the credibility of the evidence of M'Ewan, on the contrary it confirms him, and fhews M.Ewan has been telling the truth: For how is it poffible to believe, that where he does fo in every other part of the teftimony, in which Bonthron and he perfectly coincide and agree, that in this particular he was telling a falfehood? We had a third witneſs, Mr Fairley, and there I must re- peat with a ſtronger degree of application the obfervation E made on the conduct of Bonthron: Did that man, during an hour or more that he ſtood at the foot of that table, did he or did he not conceal the truth? you faw his behaviour while under examination, and you will think I truſt, as I do, that he was determined to conceal the truth. We forced it out of him at laſt in ſpite of his heart; and material and conclufive as his evidence is, decifive as it, is in every circumſtance, even the moſt minute, of the guilt of the prifoner, I will not recapitulate one of them; obſerving only in general, that he has deponed to every thing to which M'Ewan and Bonthron had ſworn before, with this only difference, it coſt him an hour and a half's work to tell you what he could and ought to have done in ten minutes, what he well knew was no idle plan, but a ſcheme, the criminal nature of which he was fufficiently aware of, and which he wiſhed to bury in eternal oblivion. Bonthron fays, he was fo alarmed on hearing the plan read, that he went home immediately and wrote an advertiſement for the purpoſe of inferting it in Donaldſon's next paper, but that he did not put it in. Being : [320] 1 Being asked the reafon, he ſaid, that before he had time to carry it to the printer, Fairley had come, mentioning that he was to go upon a journey to fee his friends, in the courfe of which he was to do fome bufinefs for Watt; and, that having, in confequence of Fairley's folicitation, given him a line to Watt for fome money, he confidered this as to a certain degree of new engaging with the Committee, and on that account kept the advertiſement by him. But that paper he produced, which, he faid, he drew up at the time, dated 21st of April, a fhort while before Stock appears to have left the city, and on the import of which I need not fay one word. In fhort, take the evidence of theſe three men, Bonthron, M'Ewan, and Fairley, compare and com bine them together, and if you hefitate a moment in believ ing every thing they have ſtated to you, to be true, any ar- gument which I could offer to you on the ſubject, would be in my apprehenfion, extremely idle and unneceffary. Now, it has been faid in defence of the prifoner, that grant- ing all this to be true, it is at beft an idle, incredible, and impracticable plan, and a mere confultation of meaſures ne- ver intended to be carried into execution. If it be a conful- tation for the purpoſe of levying war againſt the King, it is enough for my purpofe; for that of itſelf is an overt act to prove the compaffing and imagining the death of the king. But it is impoffible for me to agree to this ſtate of the cafe. I have proved that the matter did not reft at a mere conful- tation, but that, the confultation was acted upon and follow- ed up as far as the prifoner and his accomplices could go, and to the utmoſt extent in their power, till their progreſs was ſtopped by being thrown into feparate cuftody, where they have remained ever fince. It has been faid that the fcheme is incredible. Not long ago it would have been in- credible. But let me afk you, Gentlemen, have not things equally incredible lately happened? I afk you, could you have believed in the month of May 1793, that Skirving and Hardy were then confpiring against the ftate? Could you have fuppoſed, laft winter, when the Britiſh Convention met here, 1 I 321] ✔ here, that they would have dared to have openly paffed a re- folution in the face of the country, avowing a determination to refift the British legislature by force? Could you have believed, till the fact actually happened, that in London, there would be found men, bold, wicked, and daring enough to meet in public affembly, to the amount of 1000 perfons, to pafs refolutions in almoſt the ſelf-fame words, to vindicate the crime of thofe men whom the Supreme Court of Juftice in Scotland had condemned to tranſportation, and avowed their determination to commit the fame offence? Could you have believed, if it had not been proved to you, that they fhould fince have attempted to affemble another, and a more numerous Britiſh Convention, fimilar in its nature and objects to the former, and for the purpoſes ſtated in the lef- ters I have read ? Recollect thefe things, and judge betwixt us, of the merit of this plea of general improbability. Re collect alſo, that we live not in the age of high families or powerful fubjects confpiring, as in times of old, againſt their lawful Sovereign, but in a time unparalleled not in the hif- fory of this kingdom alone, but in that of the world, when a fyftem, originating in that country, which has excited a convulfion in every part of Europe, has with a zeal propor tioned to the magnitude of the object, and the defperation of its adherents, been attempted to be introduced into Britain by inflaming the multitude, by fetting every man of low fitu- ation against his immediate fuperior, by holding out to the people the delufive idea of equality, not only of rights, but of property; which propofes to renounce all rank and order în fociety, and to eftablish what implies in it the deftruction of the conftitution of this country, and without which, fome of the witneffes have told you, they were taught to believe they were not free, Annual Parliaments and Univerſal Suf- frage, the falfe and fpecious pretext under which is hardly concealed a plan to introduce that confufion and anarchy which have deluged another country in blood, and which it muft Tong continue to lament. It is the confpiracy and treafon of the day which I impute to this man. Tell me not then that } Sf + Bonthron, E322] • Bonthron, Watt, and the others are not to be believed ferious in their attempt to lift their hands againſt the Government, when we find that the means by which the treaſon was to be carried on in every town and village in this country, was by feducing the ignorant and unwary, and deluding the peo- ple to obtain what, if they ever could obtain it, would end in their own defolation, ruin, and deftruction. Tell me not that this ſcheme is unlikely on the ground that the actors apparently have not the power to be mischievous. If you fhew me that it is impracticable in the execution, I agree to your holding it to be an unlikely plan both in its forma tion and ſtructure, But if you tell me it is unlikely to be ferious merely becauſe this Committee of Ways and Means confifted only of feven men, recollect, I beg of you, Gen- tlemen, in what fituation thefe men were placed, and in what character they acted. They state themſelves to be the repreſentative of the constituent, whom the conſtituent is bound to protect against every attack made against him, be- cauſe the will of the reprefentative is the will of the confti- tuent. It is proyed that the Committee of Ways and Means was a Secret Committee armed with the moſt uncontrouled and abfolute authority over thoſe who either directly or in- directly concurred in its nomination. That it poffeffed a pow er of diſpoſing of money collected under various falſe pre- tences, to any purpoſe however treaſonable without being called to any account for it; and that with the utmoſt arti fice and caution, it deviſed and directed every poffible ſtep by which the multitude difperfed in clubs and focieties throughout the country, could be brought to act together with vigour and by furpriſe againſt the eſtabliſhed authority and government of the State. When I look to the circumftances proved this day beyond the reach of doubt, can we hefitate in being of opinion, that there exiſted in the bofom of Watt and this Committee of Ways and Means, a fcheme which bears all the features of ſerious, black, dreadful treaſon, in every line and in every Rep which they took to carry it into execution. You find them A [323] 1 1 I them by means of an inflammatory páper attempting tỏ ſẻ- duce the Fencibles from their duty. You find in the cloſet of this delinquent a font of types difcovered, which the Sheriff tells you he took into his poffeffion, conceiving it fome- thing extraordinary, that a merchant and ſpirit dealer fhould have any uſe for ſuch a machine, and you find the Fencible paper taken from that fet of types. My brother was pleaſed to ſay, there was nothing feditious in that paper; but had he forgot the peculiar fituation of the Fencible Regiments on the 12th of April when this paper is dated, and will he ftill venture to affert, that the paper is not feditious? What elfe than fedition, and what lef: than treafon can you impute to the man who at fo critical a time, when all the Fencible Regiments had hefitated, fome been induced to refuſe, and a few had to their honour agreed to march to England, to join in protecting the country at large under a threatened invafion, could be bafe enough, criminal enough, and daring enough, deliberately to fit down to compofe, print, and publiſh ſuch a paper, exciting the foldiery under falſe pre- tences not to croſs the Tweed to affiſt in repelling a foreign invader: which holds out to them in the moſt inflammatory language, the danger of Scotland being over-run by foreign troops, as the only object againſt which they ought to guard; and what foreign troops? Not the troops of France, the only foreign enemy whofe invafion we had to defend against, and to whom, from beginning to end of this paper there is not the moft indirect or diftant allufion, but foreign mer- cenaries, as they are termed, an expreffion, of which, on read- ing that paper, not a foldier in the ranks could miſtake the true meaning. To render the meaning ftill more obvious; theſe foreign troops are defcribed to be fuch as have in times paſt ſhed the blood of our anceſtors, and immediately is introduced the cruel maffacre of Glencoe, where the troops of King William were guilty of an act which has fix- éd a ftain which will not be foon removed from the annals of this country. They were not French troops then, but men in the fituation of King William's troops; foreigners- indeed, Sf 2 ; . } 1 [ 324 J Indeed, but auxiliaries, and who alone could be introduced into this country in the hour of extreme danger and the faſt neceffity, and by the authority of Parliament, whom, under the appellation of foreign troops and foreign mercenaries it was to guard againft, and whom alone the author had in his eye, when he compofed this printed addrefs to the Fen- eibles. Will you be of opinion that there was nothing fedi- tious in this paper, when you find the parties themſelves concerned in the publication of it, confcious of their danger Remember the evidence given by Watfon, who told you that while he was ftanding in a fhop in the Lawn Market, he faw Downie pafs by, and having the curiofity to inquire after that paper or hand-bill, he followed him and aſked for it. This curious gentleman is a Friend of the People and lived at Dalkeith, where 300 of Lord Hopetoun's Fen- cibles were at that moment quartered on their march to Eng- land. Downie tells him "I have none of them, but I will take you to a place where you may get them." Where do they go ? Watfon could not or would not fwear to the perfon of the priſoner; but he fays, that Downie carried him to the houſe of a man who lived a little below the North Bridge, the very place where Watt lives; that after remaining there a few minutes, Downie and he came out. He fays he did not hear Watt fay any thing, or direct them where to go; but he admits, underſtanding he was going to have his cu- riofity fatisfied, which had not been done at Watt's houfe, as Downie had led him to expect: That they went directly from thence to Montgomery's fhop, on the South Bridge, where Kennedy, a perfon who abfconded the evening after Watt was feized, and who after every exertion remains con- cealed, and has probably by this time eſcaped beyond the reach of the justice of this country, went with Downie into the back fhop, and in two minutes they called Watſon in, when Downie threw a parcel down upon the floor, and faid, he would not give it him, but defired him to take it up, adding, that "if any body afks you how you came by it, tell him you found it." For what reafon Mr Downie was not } 3 * 1.325 I not to give the parcel to Watfon, but he was to find it, I feave, Gentlemen, to your own confideration; the parcel contained a number of copies of the addrefs to the Fencibles, which Mr Watfon admits, he loft no time in diftributing at Dalkeith, and one of which we have traced out of his hands, directly and completely, to the perfon of Serjeant Hardy, who produced and identified the copy, and which is proved to be the fame as thofe ftruck off by order of the Sheriff, from the font of types difcovered in Wait's houfe, and is the very paper. Is it poffible you can afk, or expect great- er evidence of guilt? My brother ftated, that the circula- tion of this paper, if it was criminal, was a crime againf martial law, and deferved fevere military puniſhment. Watt. is not a földier, and I am not trying him for an offence by martial law; but I am trying him for High Treafon, and as a circumſtance fhewing his guilt, I have proved him to be the man to whom Downie directly went for the papers Wat- fon aſked for, and theſe papers are found to have been im- printed and caft off from the font of types difcovered in his poffeffion: I found on this circumftance, among a variety of others, as convincing evidence of Watt's treafon; and I maintain that the whole of them completely difproved the defence fet up for him by my brother, that the plan was an abſurd, idle rhodemontade; on the contrary, that he and his affociates were engaged in a ferious deliberate fcheme of addreffing the King, compelling him by force to alter his Government, and of exciting and raiſing an infurrection a- gainst him. J But the evidence of Fairley is of itfelf decifive of his guilt and, if the circumftances he has fworn to, and in which he is completely confirmed, can, upon the part of Watt, be reconciled by you, to the idea that he was in jeſt, and which, from the first moment I knew them, to the pre- fent, I have reflected on again and again, I am bold to fay, with every poffible wifh to excufe, in my own mind, the conduct of a man, to whom I once looked with a favorable eye, and on whom my duty, as a fervant of the Crown and the ' [ 326] L 1 1 ? the Public, led me to beftow confidence, but without my ever being able to do ſo, if you can ſtill teach me how to believe him pardonable, innocent of the Treaſon, and that he was not compleatly determined in the fcheme he had propofed, inftruct me in that leffon, if you can, and, moft truly and fincerely will I thank you. He fends Fairley to the weſt country, and upon what errand I need not remind you, nor of the reluctance with which Fairley was compell ed to ſpeak out. He corroborated, in every thing, what Bonthron and M'Ewan had formerly told us, except the circumftance of feizing the banks and public offices, which, though queftioned for half an hour, by my brother, the Solicitor General, he fwore, after repeated cautions, that he did not remember any thing about; and yet, after having left the Court, he voluntarily came back, and declared, us pon recollection, he remembered that alfo. He proves, that he was directed by this Secret Committee, to advife, in the different towns he vifited, the eftablifhment of Collectors, to levy, and remit to the Committee of Ways and Means, money to carry on the Great Caufe; and, although he ad- mitted, that he did not know even a fingle perfon in the various towns and villages to which he was fent, it is fingu- lar that he ftumbles upon the Friends of the People, and the most active ringleaders of the Britifh Convention, wherever he goes, and is by them courteoufly entertained, and received with open arms. What does Dr Forreft ftate? He ftates, what if any doubt could remain in your minds, as to the ſeriouſneſs and guilt of this confpiracy, muſt completely remove all heſitatis on; and which of itſelf, is a damning circumftance to the priſoner at your bar: He ftates, and he ſtated it with a res luctance, which ſhewed he did not wifh to load the priſoner, very much the reverfe, that Mr Fairley did communicate to him written inftructions that they fhould provide themſelves with-what? A blank followed, which Forreft underſtood to mean-arms: That an infurrection was foon to take place in Edinburgh; that the foldiers were either to be dif armed, + C. 327 1 armed, or brought over to join the infurgents; a circum ftance, which tends alfo to fhow, for what purpoſe, and with. what intention the addrefs to the Fencibles was compofed and circulated, and which proves Watt and Downie's con- fidence in the probable fucceſs of the wicked and treaſon- able underſtanding, in which they were engaged. From whom does Fairley receive the money, neceffary for defraying the charges of this treaſonable embaſſy? He gets a line, I think from Bonthron, addreffed to the priſoner, who configns him to whom? To Downie, the treaſurer of the. Committee of Ways and Means. From whom, and in what, circumftances and manner does he receive his inftructions? Watt directs him to a fhop in Edinburgh, kept by one Camp- bell, a hatter, one of the fame kidney with themfelves; and, on the counter, Mr Fairley finds a parcel lying,which he im- médiately takes up, and carries away with him, in order, I prefume, that in the event of his being queftioned regarding its contents, Mr Fairley might, by the fame ingenious de- vice practifed with Mr Watſon, be enabled to ſatisfy his con- ſcience in denying that he had received it from Watt, tho' in truth it came from Watt alone. He goes as far as the: Queensferry, ere he opens this parcel, which was to direct his whole journey; and he finds inftructions, of a direct treaſonable purpoſe, and a parcel of printed papers, direct- ing, among other things, the focieties in the country to ap point Collectors over every fourteen or fifteen perfons, who were to conduct and fuperintend their proceedings. Forreft fwears to the fame thing pointedly, and tells you what this inftitution meant: That thefe Collectors were to be appointed over ſmall divifions of fourteen or fifteen peo- ple, for the pretended purpofe of collecting money and fen- timents, but chiefly to act as commanders in the propoſed infurrection. Thus were you to have a fyftem of inſurrec- tion eſtabliſhed, which, if fuch a plan could ever be carried into execution, did ample honour to the ability of the con- triver; for it was not a plan, partial in its nature, and con- trived to excite tumult and diſorder in one city or diſtrict Dr. alone ; ť 328, 1 alone; but a confpiracy, calculated to include all Scotland, at leaſt, and constructed in the best way to infure fuccefs, when carried into execution. It is proved, that the focieties were to be previouſly ſub-divided into ſmall bands or détach❤ ments, from twelve to twenty, each headed by their collec tor, who, when the moment of infurrection arrived, was to act as their leader: That thefe collectors were again to meet in a ſeparate body, with a prefes at their head, who was to communicate with the Secret Committee of Ways and Means, and receive, and convey to the other collectors its directions and orders. The reaſon of veſting this Se- cret Committee, with that fupreme controuling power which they are proved to have poffeffed, is now obvious, Ą con- fpiracy of this magnitude and extent, could not be conduct- ed and managed, unlefs fuch a ſmall number was placed at the head of it, as could enfure fecrecy, till it was ripe for execution;' unleſs theſe men were vefted with uncontroul- ed powers, unless they had devifed a mode of fetting the machine in motion in a moment, and of conveying, inftan taneouſly and fuddenly, through proper channels, to the multitude, without whofe prompt co operation, it could nos fucceed, the fteps they were to take, and the orders they were to obey. By the means proved this evening before you, did this Committee, not unreaſonably hope and expect, to make the people, not in this city and country alone, but- throughout Scotland, for aught we know, perhaps in London, and all the towns in the kingdom to operate under them, as if acted upon by one mind, whilft the ſcheme it- ſelf was fafely confined to the breafts of the Secret Com- mittee, and was only divulged in the moment of its burfting into rebellion. Such is the confpiracy, the particulars of which have been fully laid before you, which was to have been acted upon, in the way I have ſtated, and to the ex- tent I have juſt now obſerved. $ In reviewing the evidence,I had almoſt omitted mentioning the circumftance of arming, which, though hardly neceffary: to the eſtabliſliment of his guilt, is indiſputably, and direct- ly C 329 1 ly brought home to Watt. What purpofe could he have in view, in providing thofe dangerous and extraordinarý weapons? He faid, for the purpoſe of merchandiſe. Did the countryman, Orrock, believe them intended for the purpoſe of merchandife? No. Did Brown believe it? No. By whom were they paid? By Downie, the treaſurer of the Committee of Ways and Means, the felf fame treaſurer who received and difpofed of the money for the advance- ment of that Grand Caufe, which was to be carried into ex- ecution, by means of privately and fecretly arming the Friends of the People, under different falfe pretencès, un- neceffary for me to recapitulate, but in truth, for the pur- poſe you have heard ſo fully and diſtinctly proved this even- ing: Brown tells you the manner in which he was firſt émployed in this new manufacture; and under what fufpici- óús circumſtances, Robertſon the ſchoolmafter prevailed u- pon him to undertake executing the order, which is proved to have come from Watt. I fhall not dwell on the evidence of Orrock, confirmed as he is, by a variety of witneffes, fürther than requeſting you to give due weight to the or ders he received, for fitting his inftruments all to the fame fcrew; and the complaints made by Mr Watt, and his e- miffaries, that his first productions were not fufficiently harpened. It is proved alfo, that Orrock finding, on an accidental converfation with Brown, that he was alfo em- ployed in the fame buſineſs, took alarm at the bidling way (to uſe the witneſs's own words) in which the manufacture was going forward, and had reſolved to give it up, when the difcovery prevented him. Is it not proved, that Watt went, of his own accord, to Orrock, and defired this man to fay, if any perſon aſked him what theſe inftruments were in- tended for, that they were making for the top of a gentle- man's gate? And can you, Gentlemen, in the face of all theſe, and every circumſtance in the conduct of this Believe for a moment, that theſe arms were intended as mer- chandiſe, or for the purpoſes of legal felf defence? I know you cannot : Your oath, and your confcience will not per- mit you. ? man, T I have [ 330 ] I have gone through, I think, every thing which appear ed to me neceffary to obferve in general on the evidence? } I regret 1 could not ſay it in fewer words. Laft of all comes the defence he has ftated, and inftructed his couníel to maintain, upon a former connection with the Secretary of State for the home department and myfelf. That he vo- lunteered in forming this connection is admitted by himſelf; is proved by the copy of the letter which was found in his own poffeffion, and which, without objection on our part, he gave in evidence, and it is corroborated by the letter of Mr Se cretary Dundas, of the 5th of September, which appears to have been its anfwer. For having given him my evidence, and having waved any privilege which I underſtand would have authoriſed the Attorney General of England to have refufed it, I take no merit; it was my duty to give this man, circumſtanced as he and I once were, the benefit of my evidence upon oath, fince he confidered it as material, and to tell you every thing I know regarding him. You have heard my evidence, and upon that fubject it is impoffi ble I can fay one word. You will confider whether it is with- in the bounds of the most diftant probability to believe the ſtory he has inftructed his Counfel to tell for him, that he meant to communicate in due time to me or the Minifters of this country, the defigns of thefe men, and that he was only watching them for the public good. From the month of July, moft affuredly fince the month of October laft, he chofe to difcontinue his attendance upon me; though the proceedings of that period were fufficiently momentous, and fuch as to call for both his attention and mine. He fays, I went to London in March, and fince that could not ſee me : and as the proceedings of the Convention were printed in the Edinburgh Newspapers, his more early attendance was unneceffary. But a letter would have reached me in Lon- don in three days: and you are at full liberty to fuftain, if you can, as fufficient, the apology he has offered for his abfence from October to March, whilft he and I were refi- dent in this city, and when he was fure I was ready to re- } $ ceive [ 33 ] eive him with any communication he chofe to give me, and which, as a faithful fervant of the King and of the country, I felt it my duty to receive from him. Can it be doubted, after what you have heard this night, that he was the principal actor and prime mover of all theſe plans, conducted with an artifice andcunning I hardly ever knew equalled; and is it with- in the reach of the moſt charitable credulity to believe he was there for the purpoſe of giving information to government? and with what other purpoſe, or from what motive, he conducted thefe proceedings, and took the lead in theſe counfels, it is for you to determine, hardly neceffary for me to hint at or enquire; but whether he did it in order to keep well with both fides, and ultimately prefer that moſt likely to prevail, the moſt charitable and advantageous view you can take of his conduct, or whether recurring to the original habits, or being mifled by the converfation of thofe with whom he affociated before he wrote to Mr Dundas; what- ever may have been the cauſe of the alteration of that line of conduct, I know of no circumftance occurring in that period, nor have I heard any argument deduced from it, which ſo far from extenuating, does not to my mind aggra- vate the guilt which has been fo diftinctly made out againſt him. If he ſtates that which cannot be ſeriouſly ſtated for him, which my brother's difcernment would not allow him directly to ftate, though the inference neceffarily flow- ed from his argument, that in all this he was playing the part of the ſpy and informer, that he was gradually leading theſe men into the criminality of a ſcheme of treaſon for their ruin, and for his own advantage, I aſk you, Gentlemen, will the utmoſt exertion of mercy on your part admit of your fwallowing fo incredible a ſtory, or reconciling it to the active ſhare he had in this bufinefs? If you can do fo, good God, what opinion are you to form of the man before you,. who could coolly and deliberately devife fuch an infernal fcheme, from which human nature revolts with horror: a Scheme which was calculated to involve innocent, or at leaſt deluded men, in the moft certain and and dreadful ruin, Tt & whofe £ 3321 whofe lives he was to facrifice to his own fordid views of advantage! No, Gentlemen; guilty as this man is againf the life of his Sovereign and the existence of the State, he neither is nor can be guilty to fuch a horrid extent as this defence would involve him. When you find him perſever- ing with his affociates in this confpiracy, long after he had full opportunities of difcovering it; when you find him, long after the meaſure of iniquity was full, and the treaſon of thoſe it is fuppofed he meant to betray, perfectly com, plete, not only concealing the confultation, which of itſelf was fufficient for that infamous purpofe, but acting upon it in every particular, and devifing and executing every ſtep which could lead to ſerious execution, and inture its being fucceſsfully carried into effect; I leave it with you to con fider if you can, like honeft men with the oath of God upon you, and with juſtice to your country, liften to and believe, fo abfurd, fo incredible and fo fhocking a defence, I Gentlemen, painful and fevere as the task is which the law and juſtice of your country impotes on you, I know that if neceffary, you will not fhrink from performing it, In this, as in every other cafe, you will, in prefence of your God and your country, return'a verdict according to the evidence, which, in this caſe is ſo clear and fatisfactory, that it is impoffible for me to diſcover where you can have the fmalleft doubt. The reafons for being of that opinion I have fully laid before you. If on theſe we differ, it is your right and your duty to acquit him of the charge, and I fhall be fincerely happy if you can do what, I repeat again, it has not been in my power, after the moſt anxious and painful reflection to bring my mind to. But the verdict is yours, not mine, and for its truth and its juftice you alone are an, fwerable. Be that verdict what it may, fure I am it will be that of honeft men; you will do what appears to you con fiftent with truth and with juftice, you will do that which will fatisfy your confciences in every future hour of your life. ! After 333 ] . After the LORD Anvacate had finiſhed, the LORD PRE- SIDENT then addreffed the Jury as follows: X GENTLÉMEN OF THE JURY, IN confequence of an indictment found against this prifon- er, by the Grand Jury of the county of Edinburgh, upon a charge of High Treaſon, he now ftands trial for his life ; and the proofs on both fides being clofed, it remains with you to confider, and by your verdict to declare whether that charge has been fufficiently madƐ out againſt him, yea or not. . I need fcarcely abferve, that this is a truft of a high and important nature, which is repofed in you by the laws of your country, and that of courfe you muft feel yourſelves bound as honeft men, by every tye of duty and of conſcience, to difcharge it with ftrict fidelity, by returning a verdict accord- ing to the truth of the cafe, and the conviction of yourown minds, without regard to any other confideration whatever. In order that you may be enabled fo to do, it is neceffary in the first place, that you have a diſtinct view of the law of treafon, I mean that branch of it which is connected with the prefent fubject; and in the next place, that you take into your moſt deliberate confideration, the whole amount of the evidence, and every circumftance attending it, whe ther it be for the prifoner or againſt him. : With regard to the law of treafon much has been faid, and with great ability, by the gentlemen at the bar, but as it could fcarcely be expected that they fhould be at one in their conclufions, it is my duty to lay a ſtate of it before you, which I hope will appear to you not to be attended with much difficulty, * It muſt be obvious to you, that the King ftands at the head of the Conftitution of this Country. The Execu tive Government is placed entirely in his hands, for the due execution T~~ 1 [ 334 J Ľ xecution of which the Minifters chofen by him are r fponfible. The King alſo forms one branch of the legiſlative power, which you know is compofed of three eftates, King, Lords and Commons; fo that in more than one capacity, the King is an effential and integral part of the conſtitution, without which it could not for a moment exift. Indeed no part of the fyftem can be difturbed or incroached upon; without manifeft danger to the whole. Of late, great pains have been taken to introduce among as the odious terms and diftinctions of Ariftocrate and Demo- erate. But, Gentlemen, no good fubject of this country is either an Ariftocrate or a Democrate; he is both the one and the other, and a Royaliſt too. Every Britiſh fubject enjoys the protection of the King's Government as defined by law, and on the other hand, he owes the duty of allegiance to the Sovereign as infeparable from his condition; and being the fubject not of an abfolute monarchy, but of one which is fimited and circumfcribed by law, his rights, and his liber- ties, religious and civil, are completely fecured. You have heard a great deal about another diſtinction, Some men have affected to call themſelves the Friends of the People. Friends of the People! Gentlemen, if by that term is meant that thoſe affuming it are friends of the whole, that is, friends of the King and of all ranks of men in this country without exception, then it may be allowed that they are good fubjects and friends to the conftitution; but why they affume to themſelves exclufively, a name which ought equally to belong to every Britiſh ſubject, one is at a lofs to fee: If on the other hand, their affection be only partial, if they come with friendſhip in the one hand and daggers in the o- ther; if they mean to adopt only one part of the conftitu- tion and to reject another, then may it truly be afferted, that they are the bittereſt enemies the people of this coun- try ever faw. Gentlemen, what a wretched delufion is it that has taken poffeffion of the minds of many men in this country, whe fay 【 335 1 fay that they want Liberty, when their own proceedings are proof of the reverfe, and who think their condition is to be fome how made better, and their fituation to be amended! by what? By the deſtruction of Government, by the intro-, duction of Democracy, and eſtabliſhing a French Conven- tion in this country, which would be the infallible confe- quence of their meaſures, were they to take effect. But, Gentlemen, without going farther upon theſe gene- ral topics, I now come more cloſely to the point in quef- tion. It has been explained to you by the council at the bar, that the law of treafon which we are to judge and act upon, is the English law, which was made ours in confequence of the Union'in 1707; and it furely cannot be a part only of that law, as thrown out by one of the Gentlemen, but the whole, which we have adopted; becauſe it is now impoffible that the law of treafon can in any particular be one thing in England and another thing in Scotland. The ftatute of Edward III. like moſt other laws of an an- cient date, being concife and fhortly expreffed, we muft have recourfe to the explanations which it has received by a variety of adjudged cafes, and eminent authorities in the courſe of four centuries. Gentlemen, to compaſs the death of the King, if fach compaffing be manifeſted by any overt act, is by the expreſs terms of the ſtatute itſelf, High Treafon; but what is or is not a fufficient overt act, within the intent of the ftatute, muſt always be open to inference and conftruction, accord- ing to the circumftances of each cafe as proved; for the ftatute does not ſay preciſely what is an overt act, but it fays, to compaſs the death of the King is treaſon, if accompanied by fome overt act. The mere compaffing or imagining the death of the King, fo long as it remains an act of the mind only, cannot be reached by proof, and is not a proper fub- ject of trial; but if it be manifeſted by a poſitive act, fuch as confpiring, plotting, forming plans, or providing arms, &c. thefe ' I 336 1 thefe are circumſtances capable of proof, and we muft ac- cordingly enquire into the nature of fuch circumstances, and fee whether they do or do not amount to that which in thế conftruction of the ftatute, has been held fufficient as an overt act, to prove this branch of treafon, although the de- fign may not have been carried into full effect. The diffe- rent authorities from the law books have been read to you from the bar, particularly thofe of Lord' Chief Juftice Hale and Judge Fofter, upon that part of the law. They a- mount to this, that fo much care does the law take of the perfonal fafety of the King, that it is not confined to fuch attempts as are directly aimed at his life, but is extended to thofe whereby his perfon may be endangered; and therefore, fays the laſt of theſe authors, "Every infurrection which * in judgment of law is intended against the perfon of "the King, be it to dethrone or imprifon him, or to oblige « him to alter his meaſures of Government, or to remove " evil counſellors from about him, thefe rifings all amount " to a levying war within the ſtatute, whether attended with * the the pomp and circumſtances of open war or no´; and eve at ry confpiracy to levy war for thoſe purpoſes, though noť * treaſon within the clauſe of levying war, is yet an overt act within the other claufe of compaffing the King's • death, for thofe purpoſes cannot be effected by numbers and open force without manifeft danger to his perſon. The doctrine is there laid down in plain and intelligible terms, which apply very cloſely to the prefent cafe, viz. that a confpiracy to levy war for the purpoſe of compelling the King to alter his Government, whether there be any direct intention of killing him or not, amounts to an overt at of compaffing the King's death, in the fenſe of the ſta- tute. It is very true that there may be rifings of the people for the purpoſe of obtaining redrefs of grievances of a certain kind, ſuch as to obtain a repeal of particular laws, or for obtaining other ends of a public nature, which do not, in the 1 [ 337 ] the conſtruction of law, amount to an overt act of compaf- fing the King's death, there being no view to the diſturb- ance of Government in general, or to bring the King's per- fon into hazard; which rifings however, if they do take place, are held as conftructive treafon, on account of their dangerous tendency, though a bare confpiracy or plan to effect fuch a rifing, is not held to be an overt act under the firſt branch of the ftatute. But a confpiracy to riſe in re- bellious war againſt the King and, his Government, for the purpoſe of new modelling or altering the frame of the Go- vernment, which neceffarily includes the King as a part of it, or to ufurp the powers of Government and Legiflation, which of courſe muſt ſupercede the authority of the Sovereign, at leaft during that period; fuch confpiracy, I fay, muſt be theld as an act of compaffing the King's death, and is High Treaſon, by the plain fenfe of the ſtatute, and upon every conſtruction it has ever received; for it goes virtually and neceffarily to a depofing of the King, by depriving him of his royal authority and functions, which it is the King's duty to refift by force of arms, and he is even bound by his coronation oath fo to do, as he muſt govern by the exiſt- ing laws and conſtitution of the country; fo that in ſuch a cafe his life muſt be put into the moſt imminent danger, and civil war muſt be the confequence. If fuch a deſign is car- ried into execution, the country is in a ſtate of rebellion, and the King's perfon and Government directly invaded. A confpiracy therefore to put the country into that ſtate, muſt be a treaſonable confpiracy of the most dangerous kind. 1 In the preſent caſe, a number of overt acts are laid in the indictment, which feem to be of the nature that I have ſtated, they are divided into no leſs than eighteen different articles; but I think ſeveral of them may be compreffed in- to one, and they will appear more fimple, when they are claffed under fewer heads, fuch as the following: First, That the prifoner, along with others, confpired, confulted, and agreed to procure a meeting to be held, un- der the name of a Convention, for the purpofe of ufurping $ U a the [338 ] } I the powers of government and legiflation, redreffing alled. ged grievances, and bringing about certain changes. Secondly, That the prifoner and others did meet, con- fult, and agree, anout compelling the King, by force of arms, to alter the meaſures of Government, to introduce new laws, and to comply with certain demands. Thirdly, That they coufulted and confpired about fei- zing the Caſtle of Edinburgh, attacking and ſurpriſing the King's forces, and taking poffeffion of certain public offices, and certain perfons in authority. Fourthly,That he and others, inftigated and excited a number of perfons to affift in their meafures, employing one Fairley, to go about as an emiffary, to divers parts of the country, to collect money and opinions; and that, in profecution of the fame meaſures, they cauſed pikes, fpears, and other warlike inftruments to be provided, to enable them, forcibly to refift the King and his government. Gentlemen, if theſe acts, or any of them have been pro- ved against the prifoner, it will then be neceffary for you, to deliberate upon the effect of fuch proof; but firſt, we are to examine what evidence has been adduced for fubftantia- ting the different branches of the charge. As to the firſt, viz. the project of a Convention, to ufurp or controul the powers of government and legislation, a doubt was ftated from the bar, whether it could apply to the cafe of the prifoner, who was no member of the Con- vention held at Edinburgh, which was difperfed in Decem- ber 1793, without being fllowed by any fubfequent Con- vention. But it has been clearly proved by M'Ewan, Bon- thron, Fairley, and others, that the prifoner, within a very ſhort time after the Convention at Edinburgh, called the Britiſh Convention, was difperfed, became a very active and´zealous member of a certain committee, or fub committee of the Friends of the People, called the Committee of Ways and Means, the object of which was to raiſe money; and Aitchi- fon, who was one of the members of it, has exprefsly tworn, that one of the purpofes, to which that money was to be applied, [ 339 ] applied, was "to pay the delegates to a future Convention, ❝ to be held ſomewhere in England." The exiſtence of different focieties, both in England and Scotland, for the o- ſtenfible purpoſes of reform, but truly for controlling and overawing government, fuch as the Correfponding Society in London, the Friends of the People at Edinburgh, &c. is clearly inftructed by written evidence, viz. their minutes, and letters of correspondence, which alſo pretty clearly point out what their ultimate objects were, and that a more gene- ral Convention was in view, to conſiſt of delegates from all the particular focieties, and confequently to act by Reprefen- tation, and to treat of matters of fate, a priviledge which be- longs to no other body, except the Commons of England in Parliament affembled, who, by the nature of the Confti- tution, are repreſented from the boroughs and counties.—— Delegates, met in a Convention, for public purpoſes, and to confult upon public meaſures, while we have a King and Parliament, cannot poffibly exift, without introducing a new power into the State, paramount to that of Parliament itſelf, and confequently adverſe to every idea and principle of the Conſtitution. The circumftance of t..is prifoner's being a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, and the active affiftance which he gave in carrying on the bufineis of that Committee, muft leave in your minds, very little room to doubt of his acceffion to the project of a new general Convention. But if you have any doubt of his guilt, in this particular, it will be your duty to lean to the favourable fide, and to lay this branch of the charge out of your view, which, however, will be of no material confe- quence to the prifoncr, if you are of opinion, that the o- ther overt acts are fufficiently proved againſt him. It is ftated, under the fubfequent heads, which, (in view- ing the evidence,) may be taken together, That they did, in fact, meet, confult, and agree about compelling the King, by force of arms, to alter the meaſures of government, to introduce new laws, and to comply with certain demands, with a view to which, they alfo confulted and treated about U u 2 the ! F 340 T the neceffary means of carrying their plan into execution; fuch as feizing the Caftle of Edinburgh, the public offices, &c. The proof of theſe facts arifes, chiefly from the evidence of fome of thofe very men who affifted in the deliberations, Aitchison is the firft witnefs upon this part of the charge. He was a little fparing of his words, and he ſeems to have proceeded with caution. He was told by the prifoner, that fomething of importance would foon be upon the carpet; and he alfo heard, out of doors, that fome fecret bufinefs was to be before the Committee, for which reaſon, as he acted upon public grounds, he did not chuſe to attend their meetings any longer." έσ ་ ་ -The next witnefs, and a very material one, is MEwan, who was himfelf a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, and had occafion to be at the meetings of that Committee, where the prifoner attended. He ftates, that at one of theſe meetings, confifting of Stock, Downie, Bonthron, the witnefs himſelf, and the prifoner at the bar, the priſoner took a paper out of his pocket, which he read; that it contained a plan for feizing upon the Lord Provoſt of Edinburgh, and the fudges; that, in order to draw the foldiers out of the Caftle, a fire was to be lighted at the Excife Office; that certain perfons were to be ſtationed at the Weigh-Houſe, and other places, and the foldiers were to be furrounded by them; that they were to ſeize on the Excife Office, and Banks, and to demand money of the bankers. As to the defign of feizing the Caftle, this wit nefs is filent, but, in ſpeaking of the attack to be made u- pon the foldiers, when they were drawn out, he fays, he was told what was to be the mode of doing it, which he defcribes; and, that the prifoner, after having read this pa- per, made fome corrections upon it with his pen, which feems to denote, that he himſelf was the author of it, or that he had a right to uſe that liberty with it; and he thien put it up in a prefs, in the room where the company were. The witneſs goes on to ſtate, that, on another night, in the : fame } 場 ​F 34 ] } fame houſe, he and Downie being preſent, the priſoner read another paper, containing a notice, in the form of Procla mation, (one of the higheſt exerciſes of ſovereign authority) which was to be made," for the purpoſe of intimating to "the farmers, to bring all their grain to market, and for "the gentlemen refiding in the country, not to leave their ❝houſes, or at least not to go more than the diſtance of “two or three miles from home;" and he adds, that there was the form of an addrefs to the King, "to difmifs his "minifters, and put an end to the war with France, for, that if he did not, he muft abide the confequences, or that worſe confequences would enfue." He further ſtates, that the prifoner conducted him to the fhop of Orrock the finith, with whom he had a converfation about making pikes: That Orrock drew a model upon the table, and the prifoner defired him to be bufy about them, for that he was to fend four thousand of them to Perth, be- fides what were to be diftributed at Edinburgh. That the witnefs was in Crrock's fhop, when Lord Swinton's fervant came in, and obferving one of the pikes, afked what it was, and Orrock ſaid it was for a Gentleman's gate. This extraordinary narrative, was given by the witneſs with great clearness and precifion, and in fuch a manner as muſt have carried conviction to your minds, of the truth and candour with which he fpoke, and at the fame time of the alarm which he was under, he himſelf having expreffed his diffent to any meaſure by which the blood of his coun- trymen might be fhed. I cannot beſtow the fame encomium upon the next wit pefs, who ſpoke to the fame facts, viz. William Bonthron, who, after a good deal of hefitation, and with the utmoſt difficulty, ackowledged that he heard the paper read by the prifoner, and in fubftance concurred with the preceding witneſs, as to the tenor of it, with this addition, that he be- lieved it contained a plan for feizing upon the Caſtle. This witnefs, in the fame way with M'Ewan, appears to have been very much alarmed indeed; he fays his confufion was ſuch, that } 争 ​[ $42 1 that it deprived him of the power of recollection, and he feems defirous that this fhould account for the manner in which he gave his evidence. That the witneſs was averfe to the plan, is evident from the circumſtance of the Advertiſe-´ ment which he drew out and figned, though for reaſops given by him, he did not actually publiſh it in the new papers. The next is Fairley, whofe evidence is extremely material, for you will recollect that he was employed as an ambaſſador to go to different parts of the country, upon the buſineſs of the Committee of Ways and Means, with written Inftruc- tions from them, which he got from the prifoner. He, with no ſmall reluctance and helitation, gave an account of this miffion, of the places which he went to, and fome of the conferences which he had with the perſons to whom he was directed, particularly at Stirling. That his inftructions bore fomething about a grand plan, "which might be what the Co priſoner had previouſly informed him of," meaning the plan already mentioned, of feizing the public offices, &c, which he faid Watt told him might be accompliſhed with- out bloodſhed, “ as it would be enough to ſpeak to the fol- "diers, who would be as glad of freedom as the people "were." He refers alfo to the report which he made to the Committee of Ways and Means, a paper of a very cu rious tenor, fome parts of which were read to you. His evi- dence, fo far as regards what paffed at Stirling, is corrobo- rated by that of Foreft the furgeon, whofe difficulty in fpeak ing out was no lefs remarkable. Gentlemen, this is a concurrence of feveral witneffes, to the very material circumftances of that plan or project, which was read and propofed by the prifoner Watt. There is one thing in Bonthron's evidence which ftruck me at firſt, as tending to create a doubt whether the paper read by the prifoner contained any ferious propofition to the effi&t men- tioned in it, the witness hinfelf affecting to confider it, as mere phrenzy, or as no more than a chimerical fuggeftion of what was poſſible to be done in certain circumftances. But 4 [ 343 ] But I am afraid there are other parts of the evidence which leave little room to doubt of the ſeriouſneſs of the plan. M.Ewan and Fairley fpeak of it as a plan form- ed, of doing thofe things which the writing fſpecified; and the procuring of arms for the exprefs purpoſe of making fome fuch hoftile attempt, which arms were befpoke by the priſoner himſelf in perfon, as fwore to by Orrock and others, is a cir- cumſtance which feems to be concluſive upon this head. The whole, I am afraid, hangs together; the parole and written proofs all go to one point against the prifoner, and thoſe with whom he affociated; that they were employed in carrying on certain meaſures, unquestionably hoftile to the King and Go- vernment, and calculated for nothing lefs than by forcible means to overfet the government of this country. The pro- viding thoſe dangerous weapons which lie on your table, the myſtery and difguife which appear in fome of their mi- nutes, and the blanks in Fairley's journal, are fo many cir- cumſtances of real evidence, which ſpeak a language ftill more forcible than the direct teſtimony of witneſſes. With regard to the evidence brought on the part of the prifoner, founded on his correfpondence with the Lord Advocate, I confeſs it did not appear to me that it was very judicious in him to ftate that defence, at leaſt as far as I could underſtand the refult of it; for though it appears, that there was at a certain period fuch a correfpondence, it is equally clear that all communication ceafed when the Lord Advocate either had become fulpicious of the truth of his information, or did not chufe to comply with his de- mands; after which we find the prifoner going, with great activity and zeal, into the moſt deſtructive and hoſtile plans. Whether his conduct in this particular was actuated by refentment, or by what other motive, it is not worth while to enquire. Such, Gentlemen, being the amount of the evidence, you will weigh all the circumftances, and all the obfervations. which have come either from the Court or from the bar, as well as thoſe that occur to yourſelves upon the various mat- ters } £ 344 ] ters which have been proved before you. If it appears to you that the prifoner and thofe with whom he affociated, have not entered into any undue combination for effectuating thofe illegal and defperate purpoſes which are ſpecified in the indictment, or any of them, it will be your duty to find a verdict in his favour. 4 But if, on the other hand, you think there is fufficient evidence of his having been acceffary to, and an active perfon in forming a moſt dangerous and deftructive plan of raifing inſurrection in the country, feizing upon the Government by force of arms, compelling an alteration of meaſures, in fhort, confpiring to overturn the conftitution, and to in- volve us in ruin, mifery, and bloodshed, I need not tell you what your duty is as honeft men, and that you are bound by the folemn oath which you have taken, to return a verdict agreeable to the truth. If the cale be in your opinion doubtful in point of evi dence, you will naturally be inclined to the merciful fide; but if it be not doubtful, your own fenfe of duty will dictate to you the verdict you ought to pronounce. The Jury then withdrew for about ten minutes, and brought in their verdict-GUILTY. APPENDIX. · APPENDIX.-No. I. The following DECLARATION, was put up under a fealed cover, addrefed on the out-fide to JAMES CLERK, Efq; Sheriff Depute, Geo. Square.-In the infide of the cover was writ- ten the following Letter by Robert Watt to him ;- SIR, THE inclofed papers, with another parcel, containing fundry miſcellaneous letters and papers, I commit to you; requeſting they may be tranſmitted to Principal Baird, and the Rev. Mr Jones, to do with them as they may find pro- per. The little emoluments which may ariſe from them, I am perfuaded they will give to Binning who attended me. My watch and my clothes, and any little effects I may leave behind me, I requeſt them to be given to Mr James Stalker, at Mr Wilfon's, baker in Crofscaufeway, to whom I owe money per bill; and to whom I gave a difpofition to thefe and other effects, before my condemnation. I have the honour to be, SIR, Your obed. humble Servant, (Signed) ROB. WATT: Edinburgh Castle, Oā. 14. 1794. WE, who are referred to in the above letter, and who fubſcribe this note, do hereby ATTEST, that the contents of the following Declaration are tranfcribed verbatim from the manufcript of Robert Watt, tranfinitted to us by the SHE- RIFF. GEO. BAIRD. T. S. JONES. Xx > DECLARATION, &c. AS the beſt fervice I can now do to religion, which I have injured by the unhappy conduct which has brought me to my preſent unfortunate fituation,—to my Chriſtian acquain- tances, whom I particularly esteem, and by whofe company and converfation I have been both improved and comforted; and to my country, for which I have had more than ordi- nary attachment, I fhall give a general, but conciſe hiſtory of the moſt material part of my life;, and diſcloſe fully the unfortunate circumſtances that have been the cauſe of ter- minating my life in fuch a melancholy manner, in the middle of my days. Having but four days before I am abforbed in eternity, I hope that what follows will be received as the truth.-In the view of fuch an awful proſpect, it cannot be fuppofed I can have any intereſt whatever to conceal it. No fooner is the foul feparated from the body, than fhe is difconnected with the purfuits of mortals, and enters an hitherto unknown fcene, and her powers of perception and communication are then enlarged, in proportion to the fublimity and grandeur of the objects exhibited to her view. With aftoniſhment and prying curiofity, the travels over the vaſt expanſe of the heavenly Jerufalem, collecting from the moſt ancient and intelligent of its inhabitants, every in- formation they can communicate of the myfteries of Pro- vidence and redemption, while fhe feems, as her knowledge increaſes, to rife in her accent of praife. I was influenced by religion when very young. A reflec- tive diſcovery of the goodness of God, in his interpofition 3 when [ 347 ] when in very imminent dangers, and of my ingratitude (T exceeded my companions in youthful follies, but could never bear ſwearing,) firſt led me to cry for mercy. My convicti- ons were exceedingly ftrong; fo that I would in the fpace of two hours be three or four times at prayer, drowned in penitential tears. I have always found, that my penitential joy was in proportion to my contrition for fin. For a long fpace of time, I was not a day (if I remember right) with- out affurance of a faving intereft in Chriſt; and, at times, my feelings and views were more like an heavenly, than an earthly inhabitant. On fuch occafions, I had inexpreffible diſcoveries of the infinitude and holiness of God, and of my own vilenefs. I wondered, admired, adored, lamented, and rejoiced at one and the fame time. No fooner did my convictions take place, than I was, as it were, compelled to allot fome particular hours every day to reading the Scriptures, meditation, felf-examination, and prayer. Thefe hours I found to be the life of my foul. I learned, from experience, that faith must be the gift of God. That I could as foon take up my perfonal refidence in the fun, as truly believe in Chrift, or fix my heart on him in the exercife of faith. This unbelief and treachery of heart drew tears of forrow from my eyes. Though my pleaſure in religion was great, my grief from Satanical fuggeftions and a depraved nature was alfo fo. I was ftrongly tempted to deſpair and fuicide; but He who keepeth Ifrael preferved me amidst thefe ftorms. Religion did no fooner operate on my mind, than I hated the ways of fin, and the company of the profane; and fought, according to my then knowledge, the company of the wife and good. Though my pleafure was particularly in devotional exerciſes, and in fuch company; yet I ſpent a great part of my time, in boyiſh purſuits and pleaſures, with my fchool-companions; but in thefe, my devotional frame of mind never left me,-and how foon I came home, I re- tired by myſelf, and wept over my vanity of conduct. Even in fchool, the thought of my crucifying the Lord X X 2 of 1 } ₤ 348 ] of Glory by fin, often bathed my eyes in tears, and impell- ed me to pray with my head leaning on a table.The fenfe of his love, and the injury done him, produced in me a zeal for the falvation of others-to fuch a degree, that I e- ſtabliſhed the worship of God in fome families I lodged with, who never had it before. I was often furpriſed to fee. the fame effects not produced on the minds of others in reading the fcriptures, &c. as on myfelf. But this arofe from my ignorance of the fovereignty of God. ? As I advanced in knowledge, my high enjoyments were the lefs frequent; and the inftability of my mind in exer- cifes of devotion became more and more perceptible.- Thefe foul exercifes, lefs or more, have continued with me amidſt grievous provocations, and fore backflidings. I fall now proceed to ſtate the caufes of my backflidings, fo far as I can trace them. ; A referved difpofition, founded on pride, feems to have been my conftitutional fin-In my earlieſt youth it difcover- ed itſelf, by taking pleaſure in vexing my guardians when they croffed my inclination. I was fo much under the in- fluence of this bafe paffion, that more than once I gave them the greateſt alarm and vexation of mind, by conceal- ing myſelf, and previously faying that I would put an end life by perſonal violence; and enduring fore perfonal chaftifement without difclofing any fecret intrufted to me. Sometime after I knew the grace of God, this paffion diſappeared; yet it was not deftroyed-but manifefted itfelf in oppofition to the inclination of my friends to ſend me abroad. to my ร My friends propofed to fend me either to the Eaft or Weſt Indies, but refufing to comply on the ground of a weak conftitution; but the true motive with myſelf was a fear of not enjoying the means of Grace.-After which they propofed to fend me to London; but not executing this propofal in the time I wifhed (though their delay un- doubtedly proceeded from the beft of motives,) I refolved to act independently of them. Accordingly, I came to Edinburgla ་ [349] Edinburgh in the year 1786, where I remained for a con- fiderable time without their knowledge, and got into bufi- nefs without their affiftance.-So far was my vanity gratifi ed. • Here I digrefs, and I beg leave to obferve, though per- haps it may be unneceffary; That parents or guardians fhould be particularly careful to ſtudy the ruling paffions of young perfons under their charge; and, fhould they be te fuch as tend to hurt their morals or blind their beſt judge- ment, to correct them by timely, proper, and wholeſome in- ſtruction. -But above all things, they fhould ftudy to learn the inclination of their mind as to buſineſs, and to put them carly to it. - Becauſe this will give a full fcope to the young hind in the purfuit of fortune, in a way confiftent with his profeffion; whereas when not put early to bufinefs, they are apt to feek after her by indirect methods. After I began bufinefs on my own account, I adopted e- very method that my ingenuity could fuggeft, to arrive at fome eminence in fociety. } For one, I ftudied the difpofitions and ruling paffions of individuals; and, not having the gift of ſpeech equal with others, I fpoke but little when in company, left I fhould either ſpeak improperly, or hurt the feelings of another by interruption. From what I have faid, the reader will eafily diſcern the following paffions to have born rule in my conduct, viz. Pride and Ambition. Pride is the fruitful mother of all the other irregular paf- frons, It was the origin of rebellion in heaven, and the thunderbolt that hurried Satan into the bottomlefs Pit; and ftript innocent Adam of his original purity. Ever fince, it more or leſs holds a place in every human breaft. It is capable of affuming various forms.-At times it af fumes the garb of humility, rigidity, and moderation.—But none can trace its various evolutions fo well, or diſcover its malignity, as the fincere Chriftian.-It may poffibly keep him company in all his devotional exercifes; and, even un- der 1 + [ 350 ] der the fpecicus pretext of humility, may be apt to drive, him from God, as judging himſelf unworthy of eternal life. But its influence over me was remarkable.-I could not brook the idea to be indebted to any perfon for advice, even in difficult and doubtful cafes. I therefore very feldom con- fulted any perfon, though many confulted me.-Had I act- ed the prudent part, I fhould have confulted intelligent and difintereſted men, previouſly chofen.-The friendship and eſteem of fome fuch I have had the honour to enjoy. Ambition.-Though this paffion be the offspring of Pride, it is to be no lefs watched againſt than its fource.-It blinds our best judgment by the appearance of utility, and is apt to drive to acts of injuſtice in the purſuit of the wiſhed for object; while it is but a diftruſting of, and a contend- ing against divine Providence.-Influenced by this bafe paf- Hon, under the femblance of utility, I was induced to carry on a fecret correfpondence with Mr Dundas and the Lord Advocate. This conduct, I confefs, was altogether inconfiftent with the fpirit and defign of Chriſtianity, which requires the moſt unbounded fimplicity, integrity, and love to my fellow creatures. My first connection with the Friends of the People was in the year 1791, or 1792.-I feveral times attended the Committee which met in Mather's tavern; but would ne- ver ſubſcribe my name, though repeatedly required to do it. This was the era of my correfpondence with Mr Dundas. Two reafons induced me to this unhappy conduct.—One, a love of the peace of fociety.-I apprehended, that if they were permitted to continue their meetings, the public tran- quillity would be interrupted. This opinion was founded on my ignorance of the many abufes in the adminiftrative, the offspring of corruption in the legislative branch of Government.-For when the legislative becomes more cor- rupted than the executive, there is an end of true liberty.- And that the people had a right to meet and deliberate on, and . [ 351 ] and to obtain a redrefs of grievances. The other reafon, to obtain Mr Dundas's favour, that I might the fooner arrive at that ſtation in fociety to which my views were directed. Some may imagine that I had perfonal hatred at fome of the Friends of the People, but this was by no means the cafe. Mr Dundas wifhed me to correfpond with the Lord Ad- vocate, and accordingly recommended me to him-My cor- refpondence with him continued to Auguft or September 1793, when it was diſcontinued. My mind being then changed in favour of Reform, I enter- ed into the Committees of Union and Ways and Means,* in order to co-operate with them to the obtaining of a Re form. Naturally ambitious and enterpriſing, I was foon the leader of thefe Committees. By my advice, the Commit- tee of Ways and Means, or Secret Committee, was formed; and its regulations drawn up by me.-Theſe regulations contained alfo directions to the Primary Societies, and to the Committee of Union.-The Circular Letter, though com- pofed by Mr Stoke, was adviſed by me.-And though the Addrefs to the Fencibles was not moved by me, I heartily approved of it.-All theſe papers I got printed; and the whole impreffion was difperfed, but the Addrefs to the Fen- cibles, of which I knew nothing, after printed. My plans, I doubt not, would, when ripe for execution, be effectual.-Bloodfhed was what I abhorred from the bot- tom of my foul; they therefore guarded againſt that evil as much as may be. I fhall here narrate them. Other perfons, as Archibald Wright, weaver in Edinburgh, and Craig, Perth, befides John Fairley, were fent at different times through the country, to found the public mind, and to give inftructions. The intelligence brought me, from time to by theſe perfons, from every quarter of the kingdom, was more and more favourable. All their inſtructions were deli- vered by myſelf.—But fuch as I knew I could fully confide in, Of the Friends of the People, their } 1 I 352 352 1 their inftructions went farther than thofe of others. In deed, at the time I was apprehended, there were but very few places that information was not received from; and there remained almoſt nothing to do, for the execution of the whole, but a vifit to England and Ireland, by intelligent and confidential perfons. The firſt movement was intended to be made in Edin- burgh, London, and Dublin; while every town throughout the kingdoms were in readinefs to act, according to the plan, on the very firſt notice, which was to be given by couriers diſpatched by exprefs. The nature of the plan was this body of men, to the number of four or five thouſand, were to be affembled in a place to be fixed on. Theſe were to be armed with pikes, guns, grenades; to be properly divided, with proper lead- ers. In regard to Edinburgh, thefe were to be placed at the Gaelic Chapel, head of the Weft Bow, Tolbooth, or head of the High Street, that when the Caſtle foldiers came out, they might be furrounded. In order to prevent bloodſhed, means were to be uſed to gain as many of the foldiers as poffible over to their fide. The regiment was to be enticed out by companies. But, previous to this, the Magiftrates, Lords of Jufticiary, Commander in Chief, and many others in town to be ſelected, were to be apprehends ed; but to be treated, in every reſpect, becoming their ſta tion in life, and detained till the mind of the enfuing Con vention, or rather Parliament, was known. There was no intention whatever to put any to death; but if found guilty of oppreffion and injuftice to the patriots, to fhare a fimilar fate with them, vis. tranſportation. The manner in which the foldiers were to be induced to leave the Caſtle was by means of a letter, either figned by the Lord Provoft or Commander in Chief, previoufly in cuſtody, ordering the Commandant to fend a company, without any ammunition, to a fire that was to be kindled in St. Andrew's Square, under the pretence of its being a boufe on fire; and the faid company to be fecured and dif- armed `E 353 T Armed in the meantime. The most of the remainder to bè drawn out in the fame manner, by means of fires kindled in fucceffion in other quarters of the city. But in caſe they either could not be drawn out of the Caſtle, or had obtained information of what was a‐doing, they were to be compelled to ſurrender, by being deprived of victuals the incarceration of the Commander in Chief, and the influence of party among themfelves favouring the plan. The Public-offices and the Banks were to be fecured, by placing proper perfons as centinels over them, till the pro- prietors and managers appeared next morning. The fame were to be confulted with by qualified perfons, to be pre- viouſly chofen. The property of fuch perfons, either re- fiding in town or country, deemed inimical to liberty, in the hands of Bankers, was to be fealed up, but what was neceffary for their maintenance, till their fate was known. The Poft-office was to be taken poffeffion of; as thereby all intercourſe would be cut off between ſuch as were hoſtile to the patriots, while the channel of communication was left open for them. After theſe things were effected in Edinburgh, London, and Dublin, in one and the fame night; and which was expected to be accompliſhed about fix or feven o'clock in the morning,-couriers were immediately to be diſpatched throughout the whole nation, to the leaders in other parts; while troops were to be marched from places to be fixed on, that could ſpare them to the affiftance of fuch as would be deemed neceffary. No fooner was the plan executed in the three Metropoliffes, than proclamations, previously pre- pared, were to be iffued to the landholders, and officer's under government, as did not cordially unite with the pa- triots in their views and deſigns, not to go above three miles beyond their dwelling-places, under pain of death;-to farmers, not to conceal or export any grain ;-to fhip-maf ters, not to carry any perſon coaft-ways, without giving in- timation of the fame; place come from, and where going + 4 Y y to, + C. 354 I to, of fuch perfon or perfons, within a reaſonable time af ter fuch intimation was given, to the nearest Justice of Peace, that the fame might be called to an examination, under a fimilar penalty to fuch perfons as were authorif ed to levy men, to deliver up their commiffions and men to perfons to be nominated, under the fame penalty. There was preparing an addrefs to be made to the King at the fame time, confifting of a long catalogue of abuſes, both in the Legislative and Executive branches of Govern- anent; and requeſting of him the difmiffal of his prefent fervants, and a diffolution of Parliament, the fame to be replaced by men in whom the people could confide. With regard to the pikes, I got them made both for fale and diftribution. I do not at prefent recollect what inftructions I might have given at the making of them. Whatever thefe inftructions were, I am certain that none had were ever diſtributed * There was no perfon concerned in theſe things but the Com. of W. and M.-Becauſe I was morally certain, from the afpect of affairs, that how foon the operations were commenced, perfons in the various ranks of fociety would carry it on, have therefore no new diſcoveries to make. I can judge of my intentions from my feelings, my views were the good of fociety, and not robbery or murder. I will not fay but my own interest was blended in thefe views; for who is he, that if he ferves fociety, but will naturally expect a reward? But divine Providence has been pleaſed to permit me to be brought into circumstances of mifery and woe I hope they have been the beſt reward that could be conferred on me. I however patiently, and I hope thankfully, accept of theſe as coming from God, not only as the Sovereign difpofer of all events, but as my merciful Redeemer. • ·In * The pikes were found in my houfe, when the Sheriff's Officers were in fearch of the goods of a bankrupt in Muffel burgh, fent to my houfe, about an eight days before, under the pretence of their being to be forwarded to Glasgow. £ 355 T In reflection, I fee that although my intentions were good, and probable evils endeavoured to be guarded a gainft, yet circumftances might have proved fuch, as would have caufed me to repent my having gone fo far, although my perſon were fafe, which I fincerely do this day. Though the part I acted proceeded from the beſt of mo- tives; yet, on reflection, I perceive that I erred in taking fuch an active part, without maturely weighing the proba- ble confequences; bloodfhed and rapine might have enfued. This would have involved me in guilt; being fomewhat acceffory to them, though not intentionally fo. The duty of all fincere chriftians is," to lead quiet and "peaceable lives in all godlinefs and honefty, giving ho- nour to whom honour is due, and fear to whom fear." To leave the reformation of abufes in the State to thoſe who mindonly earthly things, except when called to affitt in a legal manner. At the throne of grace they may be of more real utility, than either in the Cabinet or field of battle. Had my life been prolonged, I think this would have been my mode of conduct. And I blefs God for timely preventing me going the perhaps awful length my ambi- tious and enterpriſing mind might have induced me. I have given no private offence that I know of. Indeed, my fympathifing mind, though compounded of pride and ambition, would foon relent. I may truly fay, if I know my own deceitful heart, that fympathy to the unfortunate was one cauſe of my adopting the part that has brought me to my preſent fate. Reflection on the hardships of others has often brought tears of fympathy from my eyes. Nor have I borrowed money, nor purchafed goods, but with the moſt upright intentions. For the fatisfaction of my creditors, I will obferve, that I had views of being able to, pay what I had either borrowed or purchafed, had I lived altogether diſconnected with the matter that has brought me to my prefent unfortunate fituation; but in this fitua Y y 2 tion 蠱 ​[356] } tion it would be improper to mention what thefe views were. Though I have always kept up the worſhip of God, at ſtated times, both in the cloſet and family, and had honeſt intentions towards my creditors, yet I am convinced, that my departures from God have been very great; and that, in the glafs of his holy law, they are innumerable and highly aggravated. And efpecially the crime for which I am a- bout to fuffer, as viewed in its probable confequences. I humbly hope, that the Spirit of God has given me a faving difcovery of my fins; and that in the fpirit of genuine con- trition, I am led to the precious blood of fprinkling. In the foregoing narrative, if any article appears imper- fect or obfcure, I hope the imperfection or obfcurity will be ascribed to the urgent preffure of the occafion on which this paper is written. It is a firft copy; and, alas! there is not now time to revife or correct. Of the minutes of - life that yet remain to me, even the writing of this fentence has confumed one. But you who now read or hear of thiş - account, remember as you read, that the period is coming when death (fhall be as near to you as it is to me; and, be affured, you will find that a period when you will fhrink with horror from the idea of duplicity or deception. With candour then confider this folemn declaration of a dying man. Nor let prejudices, which appearances have produ ced against me, lead you to fuppofe, that, on the brink of eternity, with the throne of judgment in my view, I darę to approach the Omnipotent with a lie in my right hand. Thoſe who, in an official character, began and managed my profecution, I freely forgive. Forgive me, my fellow Chriftians, for the reproach thrown by my conduct on Religion. My prayer to God is, That he may infpire all the people with a fpirit of fubordination and loyalty; and teach them to lead, under the powers that be, quiet and peaceable lives, in godliness and honefty. O God! foon fhall my body be given to the duſt, and my 2 1 E 357 ] my foul will afcend to thee.-Thou knoweft my fincerity in the narrative I have given; thou feeſt my forrow for all my fins-Hear me gracioufly;-And, for the fake of the Lord Jefus Chrift, receive my foul to everlafting Glory. Amen. This is truth, and the whole truth, as far as I recollect, I declare as a dying man. Tueſday Evening, Oct. 14th, 2 about 8 o'clock at night, 1794. S (Signed) ROBT. Watt. In regard of fending Pikes to Perth, to the beft of my recollection, I talked with Craig about them, and that he told me they ſhould be fent fecretly; but I cannot fay to what number, nor to whom. Note. Although WATT, foon after his condemnation, pro- miſed the Clergymen who vifited him, to write a confeffion of his crimes, he delayed the commencement of it till within eight or nine days of his death.-On the Wedneſday before that event, he had written one ſheet; this, it is fuppofed, he deſtroyed, as it was not among the papers he left behind him; Hitherto he appeared eafy in his mind: but on the Friday, Saturday, and Lord's Day, much agitated--On this laſt day he again began to write, but advanced no further than the ac- count he has given of his childhood, &c.—By what he ſaid afterwards, it is plain, his hefitation arofe from the vain hope of a reprieve. On Monday morning he again appeared calm, and in good ſpirits; and faid he had at laſt determined to de- çlare all he knew, and employed the morning of that day in writing what is now given to the public. In the evening, the order for his execution was officially intimated to him.-On Tueſday he continued writing; and in the evening, between feven and eight o'clock, finifhed and fubfcribed the paper now published, 2 44 C 358 ] publiſhed, and put it under a cover to the Sheriff.-On Wedg neſday, 15th October, he was executed. The paper was feal- ed up in Watt's prefence, together with another parcel, con- taining the letters he received whilſt in priſon, and other pa- pers of no importance.-Both parcels were by Watt himſelf addreffed to the Sheriff, and delivered to the Commanding Officer of the Caſtle, who fent them to the Sheriff on the Tueſday evening, agreeable to Watt's own particular request, No. II. COMMISSION OF OYER AND TERMINER, G EORGE the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To our Right Trufty and Right well beloved Coufin and Counfellor David Earl of Mansfield, our Juftice General, of that part of our kingdom of Great Britain call- ed Scotland, or our Juftice General for the time being, Ilay Campbell, Efq. of Succoth, Prefident of our College of Juſtice, or the Preſident of our College of Justice for the time being, James Erfkine, Eſq. of Alva, Senior Senator of our faid College of Juſtice, Robert Macqueen, Efq. of Brax- field, our Justice-Clerk, or our Juftice-Clerk for the time being, Alexander Murray, Eſq. of Henderland, David Rae, Efq. of Efkgrove, John Swinton, Efq. of Swinton, Sir William Nairn, of Dunfinnan, Baronet, and Alexander A- bercromby, Efq. of Abercromby, Commiffioners of Jufticiary; James Montgomery, Efq. of Stanhope, Chief Baron of our Court of Exchequer, in the aforefaid part of our kingdom aforefaid, or our Chief Baron of our Court of Exchequer aforefaid, for the time being, and Fletcher Norton, Efq. Senior Baron of our faid Court of Exchequer, Greeting. KNOW YE, that we, by virtue, and according to the form of the Statute, made in the feventh year of the Reign of our Royal Predeceffor, Anne, late Queen of Great Britain, &c. Intituled (An Act for improving the Union of the two king- doms,} i 35.9 1 doms,) have affigned you, and any three or more of you, fof whom we will that any of you the faid David Earl of Mansfield, or our Juftice General for the time being. Ilay Campbell, or our Prefident of our College of Justice for the time being, Robert Macqueen, or our Juftice Clerk for the time being, Alexander Murray and David Rae ſhall be one) our Juftices, to enquire by the oath of good and lawful men of our fhire or county of Edinburgh, in that part of Great Britain, called Scotland; and by other ways, means, and methods by which you fhall or may better know, (as well within liberties as without,) by whom the truth of the mat- ter may be better known and enquired into of all High Trea- fons and mifprifions of High Treafons within the fhire or county aforefaid, as well within liberties as without, by whomfoever, and in what manner foever, and by whom, when, how, and after what manner done, committed, or perpetrated; and of all other articles and circumſtances con- cerning the premifes, and every of them or any of them in any manner whatfoever; and the fame High Treafons and mif- prifions of High Treafons, according to the form of the afore- faid Statute, to hear and determine. And therefore we command you, that at a certain day and place within the faid fhire or county, which you or any three or more of you, (of whom we will, that any of you the aforefaid David Earl of Mansfield, or our Juftice-General for the time be- ing, Ilay Campbell, or our Prefident of our College of Juftice for the time being, Robert Macqueen, or our Juftice- Clerk for the time being, Alexander Murray and David Rae fhall be one,) ſhall appoint for that purpoſe, you meet together, and diligently make enquiries about the premiſes, and hear and determine all and fingular the faid premiſes, and do and fulfill them, doing therein what to juſtice ap- pertains, faving to us the amerciaments and other things from thence to us accruing; for, we firmly command all and fingular, Sheriffs Officers, Minifters, and our Subjects, by virtue of theſe preſents, that they be attending advifing, aiding, and affiſting to you in the execution of the premiſes as £ 360 1 as it becomes them. We command alſo by virtue of thefe prefents, the Sheriff of our fhire or county aforefaid, that at a certain day and place which you, or any three or more of you, (of whom any of you the aforefaid David Earl of Mansfield, or our Juftice-General for the time being, Ilay Campbell, or our Prefident of our College of Juftice for the time being, Robert Macqueen, or our Justice-Clerk for the time being, Alexander Murray and David Rae ſhall be one;) ſhall make known to him, he cauſe to come before you, or any three or more of you, (of whom we will that any of you, the aforefaid David Earl of Mansfield, or our Juftice-Gene ral for the time being, Ilay Campbell, or our Preſident of our College of Juftice for the time being, Robert Macqueen, or our Juſtice-Clerk for the time being, Alexander Murray and David Rae fhall be one,) fo many and fuch good and lawful men of our faid fhire or county of Edinburgh, (ás well within the liberties as without,) by whom the truth of the matter in the premiſes may be better known and en- quired into. In witnefs whereof, we have caufed thefe our letters to be made patent. Witnefs ourſelf, at Weſtminſter, the twenty-fourth day of July, in the thirty-fourth year of our reign. By the KING himſelf, YORK E; No III PRECEPT FOR THE GRAND JURY. EDINBURGH, (to wit) Alexander Murray, Efquire, of Henderland, David Rae, Esquire, of Eſkgrove, John Şwin- ton, Efquire, of Swinton, Sir William Nairn, Baronet, and Alexander Abercromby, Efquire, of Abercromby, Commif- fioners of our Lord the King, of Jufticiary, in that part of the [ 361 ] the Kingdom of Great Britain, called Scotland, Juftices of our faid Lord the King, affigned by Letters Patent of our faid Lord the King, under the Great Seal of Great Britain, made by virtue of, and according to the form of the Statute, made in the feventh year of the reign of the Lady Anne, late Queen of Great Britain, &c. intituled, an Act for Im- proving the Union of the two Kingdoms; To Us and o- thers, in the fame Letters Patent, named, and to any three or more of us and them directed, (of whom our faid Lord the King willed that one of us, the faid Alexander Murray, and David Rae, fhould be one,) to enquire, by the oath of good and lawful men, of the county of Edinburgh, in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, and by other ways, means, and methods, by which we and others, our fellows Juſtices aforefaid, fhall, or may better know, as well within liberties as without, by whom the truth of the matter may be the better known, and inquired into, of all High Trea- fons, and Mifprifions of High Treaſons, within the county aforefaid, as well within liberties, as without, by whomſo- ever, and in what manner foever, and by whom, when, how, and after what manner done, committed, or perpetrated, and of all o:her articles and circumftances concerning the premi- fes, and every of them, or any of them, in any manner whatſoever; and the fame High Treafons, and Mifprifions of High Treafons, according to the form of the aforesaid Statute, to hear and determine: To the Sheriff of Edin- burgh, Greeting; We, on the behalf of our faid Lord the King, do command you, firmly enjoining you, that you do not omit, by reaſon of any liberty in your Bailiwick, but, that you caufe to come before us, and others, our fellows Juftices aforefaid, in the faid Letters Patent named and af figned, or before any three or more of us and them, (of whom our faid Lord the King willed, that one of us, the faid Alexander Murray, and David Rae, fhould be one,) at the town and city of Edinburgh, in your faid county, on Thurſday, the fourteenth day of Auguft next, twenty four good and lawful men of your faid Bailiwick, to enquire, prefent, + Z z [362] prefent, do and execute, all and fingular thofe things with which they fhall be then and there charged and en- joined: And, that you give notice, to all Juftices of the Peace, and Chief Conftables in your faid county, that they be then and there, in their proper perfons, to do, whatfo- ever to their reſpective offices, in this behalf appertain to be done: And, that you yourself, together with your mini- fters and officers be on the fame day, at the place aforefaid, in your proper perfons, to do and execute thoſe things, which to your office, in this behalf, appertain to be done: And that you have, then there, the names of the faid Jurors, Juftices of the Peace, and Chief Conftables; and alfo this Precept. Given under our hands and feals, at Edinburgh, this twenty-ninth day of July, in the thirty-· fourth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, George the Third, now King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and fo forth. Alex. Murray, (S. L.) WM. NAIrne, (S. L.) DAV. RAE, S. L.) ALEX. ABERCROMBY, (S. L.) JOHN SWINTON, (S. L.) 1 No. IV. PRECEPT FOR THE PETIT JURÝ. EDINBURGH, (to wit) Robert Macqueen, Efq. Juftice Clerk of our Lord the King, David Rae, Efq. of Eſk- grove, John Swinton, Efq. of Swinton, Sir William Nairne of Dunfinnan, Baronet, Alexander Abercromby, Efq. of Abercromby, Commiffioners of Jufticiary of our faid Lord the King, and Fletcher Norton, Efq. Senior Baron of our faid Lord the King, of his Court of Exchequer, in that part of Great Britain called Scotland, Juftices of our faid Lord the King, affigned by Letters patent of our faid Lord the King, under the Great Seal of Great Britain, made by vir- tue of, and according to the form of the ftatute, made in the t (363) the feventh year of the reign of the Lady Anne, late Queen of Great Britain, &c, intituled, an Act for improving the Union of the two kingdoms, to us and others our fellows juſtices of our faid Lord the King, in the ſaid letters patent named, and to any three or more of us and them made and directed, (of whom our faid Lord the King willed that one of us, the faid Robert Macqueen and David Rae, amongſt others in the faid letters patent named fhould be one) to en- quire by the oath of good and lawful men of the County Edinburgh, in that part of Great Britain, called Scotland, and by other ways, means and methods, by which we and others our fellows juftices aforefaid, fhould or might better know as well within liberties as without) by whom the truth of the matter may be the better known and enquired into, of all High Treafons and mifprifions of High Trea ons with- in the county aforeſaid (as well within liberties as without) by whomfoever, and in what manner foever, and by whom, when, how, and after what manner done, committed or perpetrated, and of all other articles and circumſtances con- cerning the premiſes, and every of them, or any of them in any manner whatſoever; and the fame High Treafons and mifprifions of High Treafons, according to the form of the aforesaid ftatute, to hear and determine; To the She- riff of the faid County of Edinburgh, Greeting; We, on the behalf of our faid Lord the King, Command you, that you do not omit, by reafon of any liberty in your Bailwick, but that you cauſe to come before us and others our fellows juf- tices aforefaid, in the faid letters patent named and af figned, or before any three or more of us and them, (of whom our faid Lord the King willed, that one of us the faid Robert Macqueen and David Rae, amongst others in the faid letters patent named, fhould be one) at the Town and City of Edinburgh, in your faid County, on Wedneſday the third day of September next, twelve good and lawful men of the neighbourhood of the parish of St Giles, in your faid county, every one of whom muſt have lands and tenements within your faid county of the yearly value of Forty Shil- I lings, (364) lings Sterling at leaft, by whom the truth of the matter may be the better known and enquired into, and who are not of kin to Kobert Watt, late of the ſaid pariſh of St Giles, in your faid county, wine merchant, to try upon their oath, whether the faid Robert Watt be guilty of a certain High Treaſon, whereof before us, and others our fellows juftices aforefaid, he ftands indicted or not, becauſe the faid Robert Watt hath put himſelf upon that jury, and have you then there the names of the faid jurors, and this precept. Given under our hands and feals at Edinburgh aforefaid, this twenty-feventh day of Auguſt, in the thirty-fourth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, and fo forth. ROB. MACQUEEN, (S. L.) ALEX. ABERCROMBY, (S. L.) DAVID RAE, (S. L.) WILLIAM NAIRNE, (S. L.) JOHN SWINTON, (S. L.) FLETCHER NORTON, (S.L) DO NOT CIRCULATE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN 3 9015 08241 3199