NON CIRCULATING X262 UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN SI QUERIS-PENINSULAM AMOENAM a boughtur exchangel. Ling/ NON CIRCULATING 1817 ARTES SCIENTIA VERITAS LIBRARY OF THE TCEBOR CIRCUMSPICE VELDUDUD009SUBIDOMOSAN THE GIFT OF Burr L. Boylan Keith, Robert NON Τ Η Ε CIRCULATING HISTORY Of the AFFAIRS of CHURCH and STATE I N : SCOTLAND, FROM The Beginning of the Reformation in the Reign of King JAMES V. TO THE Retreat of Queen MARY into England, Anno 1568. Taken from the publick Records, and other authentick Vouchers. VOLUM E I. INSTABILITY R.C. C Se. E DIN BURGH, Printed by THOMAS and WALTER RUDDIMANS, for George Stewart and Alexander Symmer Undertakers, and ſold by them and Gavin Hamilton Bookſellers. MDCCXXXIV. .784 D .Kas 17.34 It sur L. Boylan 1-17.1939 ✓ 21 Τ Ο The RIGHT HONOURABLE The Lady JANE DOUGLAS Only Daughter of the late JAMES Marquis of Douglas, And SISTER to ARCHIBALD, the preſent Moſt Noble Head of that Renowned Houſe ; This following HISTORY of the Affairs Civil and Ecclefiaftical in SCOT LAND, is, upon Account of her Ladyſhip’s Illuſtrious Defcent and Perſonal Merit, with great Regard inſcribed, This Book was found in the By her Ladyſhip's moſt reſpectful and most humble Servant, on minerat, Amudibor ROBERT KEITH Dumping place By. 903 minerst. Ann Arbor ( michigan ? Ee Boylan 续​梁​为​弟弟​声​多多​多多​多多​多多​多 ​ཉིཙྩཾ, ཉི ཚུ ཙུ་ཙུཉྩནྟཾ་ཏུཾཙུ་ ADVERTISEMENT TO THE R E A D E R. A S the firſt Deſign of the Compiler of theſe Hiſtorical Tranſactions was to proceed upon a firm and ſolid Foundation in collecting them together, he has carefully made it his Buſineſs to ſupport them all along by the Faith of the publick Records of the Nation, the Let- ters and Negotiations of Princes and State-Miniſters, and of other the like ungueſtionable Vouchers. In the Management however of this Collection, the Author is fenfible there are some Things for which he has Need to be ſpeak the Favour of the Rea- ders. And the firſt is, the plain Freedom he has taken to cenſure the De- fects and Miſreprehentations of former Hiſtorians. Some Perfons may poſſibly think, it had been ſufficient for him to have ſet the particular Facts in their true Light by the forementioned Authorities, without taking further Notice at all of what other Writers had narrated concerning the ſame Facts, but leaving the Readers to form their ozen Obfervations of the Sincerity or In. ſincerity, the Accuracy or Inaccuracy of Thoſe that have written before him. This Method, 'tis readily acknowledged, might do well, if all, or the great- eſt Part of thoſe that read Hiſtory, were of a Capacity to form Obſervations by themſelves, to diſcern the Intention of the Writers, the Tendency of their Narrations, or their accidental Errors only, and undefigning Miſtakes : But ſince this is known not to be the Caſe with every Reader, it was thought not improper to caſt in ſome curſory Obſervations, for the Benefit of the Genera- lity, ibo' fill without any Affectation to impoſe them on Perſons of a better Diſcernment ; whoſe candid Reception and Interpretation of theſe fort of Obſervations, is bumbly and earneſtly entreated. And as to the other Re marks and Notes that are of a critical Nature, and ſerve only for the clear. ing ſuch Things as were dark, or not ſo univerſally known, the reconciling of ſeeming Contradictions, the adjuſting of Times, or the illuſtrating any inz- tervening Occurrences; for the ſe'tis boped the Author Shall incur neither Cenfure nor Diſpleaſure. Another Thing in the Management of this work the Compiler thinks him. ſelf obliged to mention, relates to the many original Ads, Letters, &c. ine ſerted in this Collection at the juſt Length. If the firſt Intention of afford. ing a well-ſupported Hiſtory of this Nation be kept in View, it will appear evident that ſeveral original Papers muſt have been tranſcribed into it; and get if all of that kind ſhould be inſerted, the Book muſt have come out to an unſizeable Bulk, and the Readers been naufeated by running over ſuch a valt Number of them. It being neceffary therefore to infert fome Papers, and of others to give the Abſtracts only: What Choice was to be made herein, (and likewiſe which of the Papers were to enter the Body of the Book, and which of them to go into the Appendix) was matter of no Small Conſideration to de- termine ; ſince it was eaſy to forefee, that whatever might appear proper to b the rone be-96-1 vi the Compiler, might appear not ſo to another Perſon. In this great Uncer. tainty, all he can say for himſelf is, that he has done what ſeemed moſt eli- gible to him at the Time, but declares withal that he is by no means obſtinate in vindicating the Choice he has made. With reſpect to theſe original Papers, it will be obſerved that ſeveral of them are not tranſcribed after the old Orthography and Phrafe : But whata ever Complaint may be made of this, certain it is that this Omiſſion could not have been remedied without ſuch an Addition of Expences as the Undertaking was not able to have born, the tranſcribing in the old Manner of Writing be- ing as chargeable very near as the copying from an unknown Language . And this Expence muſt likewiſe have riſen to a greater Degree, in ſo far as most of all the Papers that regard this Nation about this period of Time, are not nočð to be found within the ſame, but in the Kingdom of England. 'Tis indeed true, that the Faculty of Advocates have in their fine Library at Edinburgh, a tolerably good Collection of Papers relating to this fame Period, tranférie bed from the Cotton Library in England; yet fill’iis greatly to be wiſhed that this very learned and communicative Body would provide themſelves with a more large and exact Tranfumpt of all the Scottiſh Papers to be found there, ſince this would not only become a Mining Ornament to their Library, but be of great vſe alſo for furniſhing out a true and certain Account of the Tranſactions of our Nation. The laſt and truly the principal Thing of all for which the Author is feri- fible he has very great Need to pray the favour of his Readers, is the not ranging all the particular Facts, and every Voucher of the Facts, in their due and proper Places. Had this Work been kept up for a longer Space, he would ſurely have taken care to diſpoſe the Materials in their true Situation. But as the Time projected at firſt for the Publication of it was already much elapſed (through the Loſs or falling by of some Records of the Privj-Council,) and fundry Materials having come to hand after there was Ground given to look for 10 muro, te ofurlsu? Jounit biinfcif ander w Norefity citler to sup: preſs theſe Memorials altogether, and ſo leave fome Facts untouched at all. and others but too imperfectly cleared up, or elſe to inſert theſe ſtill welcome Memorials, in ſuch Places as could then be moſt conveniently got done. But beſides all this, the Author makes ingenuous Acknowledgment alſo, that upon re-conſidering the Work, after ſome Part of it had been printed off, he obfer- ved that ſeveral Things might be added to it ; and theſe he thought far better to throw in after the beſt Manner he could; rather than alloge the Book to go abroad under any known Imperfections, or to have publiſhed afterwards theſe Additions and Memorials apart by themſelves, or with ſuch others as might hereafter caſt up, as indeed it may be expected that ſeveral new Memorials may Atill be diſcovered: And therefore on both theſe Accounts, with great Deference, the Author fupplicates a favourable Acceptation of this Diſorder; ånd tis under the Protection of this Safe-guard alone that he ventures to offer even here to his Readers, ſome Papers which he ſuppoſes they would not wiſh to be deprived of, notwithſtanding they did not arrive timeouſly enough, to be diſpoſed in any other Place. Theſe are the Things of which it was judged proper to advertiſe the Reas ders. As to the common Apologies for the want of Language and Stilé, no- thing of that kind is here intended to be made; for tho' the Author perceives already fome Words and Expreſſions that might have been put in another Dreſs, yet if Truth, Reaſon and Perſpecuity be found here, 'tis believed the Readers will be well pleaſed; and that other Diſadvantages will be ea. fily overlook'd. And as the Diſcovery of Truth will always be of Vſe to Mankind, so the animadverting and correcting any Miſtakes that may lurk in this Work, shall be agreeable to n0 Body more than to the Compiler and Publiſher hereof. (a) Ex- vii (a) Extra&t of a Letter from Monſ, le Croc the French Ambaſſador in Scotland, to the Archa biſhop of Glaſgow, dated at Edinburgh 24 December 1566. The Queen is for the preſent at Craigmillạr, about a League diſtant from this City. She is in the Hands of Mem. Scétai the Phyſicians, and I do aſſure you is not at all well; and do believe the principal part of her Diſeaſe to confift in Tom. 2. F. 224 a deep Grief and Sorrow: Nor does it feem poſſible to make her forget the fame. Still the repeats theſe Words, 1 Coll. Sceto Paro could wiſh to be dead. You know very well that the Injury the has received is exceeding great, and her Majeſty will never forget it. The King her Husband came to viſit her at Fedburgh the very Day atier Captain Hay want away. He remained there bụt one ſingle Nights and yet in that thort time I had a great deal of Converſation with him. He returned to ſee the Queen about five or fix Days ago: And the Day before yeſterday he ſent word to de- fire me to ſpeak with him half a Leaguc from this; , which I complied with, and found that things go ſtill worſe and worſe, I think he intends to go away to Morrow; byt in any Event I'm much affured, as I always have been, that he won't be preſent at the Baptiſm. To ſpeak my. Mind freely to you (but I beg you not to diſcloſe what I ſay in any Place that may turn to my Prejudice) I do not expect, upon ſeveral Accounts, any good Underſtanding between them, unleſs God efteætually put to his . Hand : I ſhall only name iwa.; the firſt is, the King will never humble himſelf as he ought; the other is, the Queen can't perceive any one Nobleman ſpeaking with the King, but preſently the ſuſpects fome Contrivance among them. [The reſt of this Letter is concerning his Appointments and perſonal Concerns: And he only adds,] The Queen reckons to be going to Stirling five or lix Days hence; and the Baptiſm is appointed to be on the 12th of this Month. Extract of a Letter from Monf. le Croc the French Ambaſſador in Scotland, to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow. Thc Bảptiſm of the Prince was performed Tueſday (6) laft, when he got the Name of Charles-James. It was the Queen's Pleaſure that he ſhould bear the Name James, together with that of Charles (the King of France's F. 336. Name,) becauſe, ſaid the, all the good Kings of Scotland his Predeceſſors, who have been moſt devoted to the Crown of France, were called by the Name of James . Every thing at this Solemnity was done according to the Forn of the holy Roman Catholick Church. The King (Lord Darnly] had ftill given out, that he would depart two Days before the Baptiſm; but when the time came on he made no Sign of removing at all, only he ſtill kept cloſe within his own Apartment. The very Day of the Baptiſm he fent three ſeveral times defiring me either to come and fee him, or to appoint hiin an Hour that he might come to me in my lodgings: So that I found my ſelf obliged at laſt to ſignify to him, that ſceing he was in no good Correſpondence with the Queeit, I had it in Charge from the moſt Chriſtian King to have no Conference with him. And I cauſed tell him likewiſe, that' as it would not be very proper for him to come to my Lodgings, becauſe there was ſuch a Crowd of Company there, ſo he might know that there were two Paſſages to it, and if he ſhould enter by the one, I would be conſtrained to go out by the other. His bad Deportment is incurable, nor can there be ever any Good expected from him, for ſeveral Rea- fons, which I mighe tell you, was I preſent with you. I can't pretend to foretell how all may turn; but I will ſay, that Matters can't lublift long as they are, without being accompanied with fundry bad Conlequences. (This is all he ſays concerning the King. He next gives an Account of his being obliged to ſupply the place et the Ambaffador of ved herſelf admirably well all the time of the Baptiſm; and thewed ſo much Earneſtneſs to entertain all the goodly Company in the belt manner, that this made her forget in a good meaſure her former Ailments. But I aim of the Mind however, that ſhe will give us ſome Trouble as yet; nor can I be brought to think otherwiſe, ſo long as the continues to be lo penſive and melancholy (C). She ſent for me yeſterday, and I found her laid on the Bed weeping (ore; and the complained of a grievous Pain in her Şide. And for a Surcharge of Evils, it chanced that the Day her Majeſty ſet out from Edinburgh for this place, the hurt onc of her Breaſts on the Horſe, which the told me.is now {welled. I am much grieved for the many Troubles and Vexation ſhe meets with From Stirling this 23d of December 1566. Ibid. Tom, 2. y ibid. Tots. Letter of the Earl of Lenox to bis Son King Henry. Indorled, To the Kingis Majeftie . IR, I have received by my Servant Nisbet zour natural and kynd Letter, for the which I humblie thank zout Majeſtie; and as to the Contentis therof, I will not trouble zow.therin, but referris the ſame till I wait upon F. 343. an Ori- zour Majeſtie at Peblis (d), which falbe ſo ſoon as I may heir the Certaintie of zour going thither. And for that ginal. the Extremitic of this ſtormy Weather caules me to dout of zour ſetting forward ſo ſoon on zour Journey, there- fore I ſtay till I heir farther from zour Majeſtie, which I fall humblý beſeech żow I may, and I fall nor fayle to wayt upon zow accordinglie. This commitling zour Majeſtie to the Bleſſing and Governance of Almichtie God, who preſerve żow in Helih, long Life and inolt happy Regne. From Glaſquo this 26. Day of December (1566.] Zour Majeſties humble subject and Father, MATHEW LEVEN AX. I fall deſire zout Majeſtie to pardon me, in that this Letter is not writtin of my nowne Hand, for trewlie at the writting heitof, a Paine which I have in my Shoulder and Arme is the Cauſe therof. Letter of Queen Mary to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow her Ambaſſador in France. Aiſt Reverend Fadir in God, and traiſt Counſalor, We greit zow weill : Ze remember we wrair.co zow at ibid. Ten. : the returning of Monſieur le Comte de Briene the Kingis Ambaſlador, at the Baptiſme of our deareſt Sone, a.F.4. in the mang utheris Materis, that in our Name ze fuld ſute the Scottis Companie of Men of Armes to be relyfted and ta. Queen's Hand ken up agane in favoris of our Sone, and he to be appoyritit and namit Captane thairof. For we beleve that the like is M b2 (a) This and the next Letter are tranſlated from the French ; which, together with all the other Letters, &c. of that Language contained in this Hiſtory, ſhall be depoſited in the Lawyers Library, Edinburgh. (6) This was the 17th Day of the Month; ſo that I was led into the Miſtake of fixing this Solemnity to the 15th Day, by the Proclamation emitted on the 14th, which I reckoned to have been preciſely the Day before the Baptilin, eſpecially ſince ABp: Spotifood gives the 15th for the Day. But this fure Inftru&tion contained in this Lettex, by naming the Day of the Week, is an undoubted Teitimony for Mä. Kiyox, who relates that the Prince was baptized on the 17th of December. (c) Tant qu'elle ſera en ces ennuyes do regrets. It ſeems the King has ſtill inclined to go into Tweeddale about this seaſon. Mr. Buchanan has forgot to tell thac his Majeſty was nok c thruſt away thither. viii is already grantit, or ſchortlie to be given to the Duke of Savoyis Sone; in reſpect quhairof we think with our ſelf it fall not preſently be denyit to us, throw zour earneſt Travell and Solicitatioun, quhilk we pray zow ſpair not ef- fe&tualy to life unto this End and Purpois, and thairupon report us ſum formal and reſoluc Anſwer, quhilk we will Juke for. This far ze may tak on hand and promys, that we fall appoynt ane Nobleman to be Lieutenant, quha fall weill eneuch content the King and all utheris quhilkis in that Poynt requiris Satisfa&tioun: Quhairof preſentlie we thocht convenient to wrait to zow, that ze micht be the better rememberit and certifiet of our earneſt Deſyre to have this Mater brocht to pas. With this alſua thair is ane uther Mater that we man fignify unto zow: Lately a Servand of zouris, namit William Walcar, came to our Preſens, being for the tyme at Sterveling, and in his Com- municatioun amangis utheris Thingis declarit to us, how it was not only oppinly bruted, bot allua he had hard be Report of Perſonis quhome he eſteimit Luffaris of us, that the King, be the Aſiſtence of fum of our Nobilitie, fuld tak the Prince our Sone and crown him; and, being crownit, as his Fader tuld tak upon him the Government; with fundrie utheris Attemptatis and Purpolis tending to this Fyne. At the heiring quhairof, ze may think weill we mervellit not a litle; and feing the Mater of fic importance, culd not bot inliſt to have farther Knawlege of the Spčikaris and Authoris, to the Effee that we micht better underſtand the Grund and Fontane quhairof it procedit. With the quhilk he being preſlit, nominat William Hiegait in Glaſquo, alſua zour Servand, for his cheif Author, quha, he ſaid, had communicat the Mater to him, as apperyt, of mynd to gratefic us; fayand to Walcar, Gif I had the Moyen and Cryder with the Quenis Majeſtie that ze have, I wald not omitt to mak hir previe of fic Purpoſlis and Bruitis that paſſis in the Cuntrie. Heigait laid further (as Walcar reportit to us) that the King culd not content nor beir with ſum of the Noblemen that war attending in our Court, bot othir he or thay behuvit to leif the fa- myn. Quhairupon we tuke occaſion with Diligence to ſend for Heigait, quha being inquirit in our Counſell cf his Communicatioun had with Walcar in this Behalf, he denyit allweill apairt, as being confrontit togidder, that evir he talkit with the ſaid Walcar upon ony ſic Purpoſlis. Onlie this far he confeffit, that he hard of a Bruit how the King ſuld be putt in Ward; and for his Author in that Poynt, namit a Servand of the Erle of Eglintonis callit Cauld. welt: Quha being alſua ſent for and examinat, expreffitlie denyit that evir he ſpak or entrit in ſic Termis with Wila liam Hiegait. This purpois of the Bruit of the Kingis Warding, wes ſchewen be Hiegait to the Laird of Mynto, quha agane declarit it to the Erle of Lenox, and be him ihe King was maid participant thairof: By quhais Defyre and Commandement Hiegait againe (as he allegeit) ſpak Cauldwell. Bot in fyne, amangis thame all, we fynd na maner of Concordance, every ane diſagreing on the haill Purpoffis fpoken : Quhilk movit us to ſay to the twa that we tak for zour Servandis, That we war alfurit thay had in thair proceding and ſpeiking, beſides our Offence, heichlie offendit zow thair Maiſter, quhome we war affurit to be fa far ouris, and affe&tionatly inclynit to our Ser vice and Advancement, that ze wald be very evill content of thair raſch Behavior, and repres and diſallow fic ground- les Purpoſlis, tending to our Inquictatioun and Diſadvantage, and troubling of the Tranquillitie of the Cuntre, quhilk our Study is to maintaine and retene in fic Integrity as poſſiblie may be. And for the King our Husband, God knawis alwayis our Part towartis him; and his Behaviour and Thankfulnes to us is ſemblablement well knawin to God and the Warld, ſpecialie our awin indifferent Subjectis ſcis it, and in thair Hartis, we doubt not, condemnis the famyne (a). Alwayis we perſave him occupeit and billy aneuch to haif Inquiſitioun of our Doyngis, qubilkis, God willing, fall ay be ſic as nane Sall haif Occaſioun to be offendit with thame, or to report of us any wayis bot kom norably; howſoever he, his father and thair Tautoris Speik, quhilkis we knaw want na gude Will to mak us haif a- do, gif thair Power wer equivalent to thair Myndis. Bot God moderatis thair Forces well aneuch, and takis the Moyen of Exccutioun of thair Pretenſis fra thame: For, as we believe, thay lall find nane, or verray few Appro- veris of thair Counſalis and Devyſis imaginit to our Diſpleſor or miſlyking. And thus committis zow to the Pro- tectioun of God. At Eainburgh tit zv. Day of Juwung agcbg- Zour sicht guid Meſtres and Freinda MARIE R. Nota, The Archbiſhop, in Anſwer to this, abandons his Servants to be tryed by Juſtice. Letter of Queen Mary to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow her Ambaſador. Aift Reverend Fader in God, and traift Counſelor, we greit ze weill: We have recevit this Morning zout 7.dan origi- M by find by effect over true, albeit the ſucces has not altogether been ſic as the Authoris of that miſchievous fa&t had preconcevit in thair Mind, and had put it in Executioun, gif God in his Mercy had not preſervit us, and reſervit us, as we traift, to the End that we may tak a rigorous Vengeance of that miſchievous Deid, quhilk or it fould re- main unpuniſchit, we had rather loſs Life and all. The Mater is horrible and ia frange, as we beleive the like was never hard of in ony Country. This Night paſt being the 9th February, a litle after twa Houtis after Midnight, the Houſe quhairin the King was logic was in ane inſtant blawin in the Air, he lyand ſleipand in his Bed, with fis a Vehemencie, that of the haill Loging, Wallis and other, thare is nathing remanit, na, not a Stane above ano. ther, bot all other (either] carreit far away, or dung in Droſs to the very Grund-ſtane. It mon be done be Force of Powder, and apperis to have been a Mync. Be quhom it has been done, or in quhat maner, it apperis not as zit. We doubt not bot according to the Diligence oure Counſal hes begun alreddie to uſe, the Certainty of all falbe uſit ſchortly; and the ſame being diſcoverit, quhilk we watt God will never ſuffer to ly hid, we hope to puniſch the ſame with fic Rigor as fall ſerve for Exemple of this Crueltie to all Ages tocum. Allwayes quha ever have ta- ken this wicked Interprys in hand, we afſure our ſelf it wes dreſlit alſweill for us as for the King; for we lay the maiſt part of all the latt Oulk in that ſame Loging, and wes thair accompanyit with the maiſt part of the Lordis that are in this Town that ſame Night at Midnight, and of very Chance taryic not all Night, be reaſon of fum Mask in the Abbaye; bot we beleive it wes not Chance, bot God that put it in our Hede. "We depeſchit this Be- rair upon the ſudden, and thair for wraitis to zow the mair ſchortlic. The reſt of zour Letter we fall anſwer at mair Lalor within four or five Dayis by zour aine [own] Servand. And ſua for the preſent committis zow to All- mightie God. At Edinburgh the ir. Day of Februar 1556-7. MARIE R. Note, The Letter which is here mentioned to be ſent by Robert Dury, is taken Notice of in the Martyre de la Reine d'Ecoffe, p. 215 of the new Edition by Jebb, and the original Minute in the Archbiſhop's Hand is ſtill extant, Tom. 3. Mem. Scot. F. 9 & 10. And for the better Satisfaction of the Readers, I have here added a juſt Extract of the Advertiſement ſent at this Time to the Queen. The Archbiſhop after writing to her Majeſty upon ſeveral other Heads, ſays thus; For nane of the Heids precedent thocht I to have depeſchic expreſlie towards zour Majeſtic, gif be the Ambaſs fador of Spane I had not been requirit thairto, and ſpecialic to advertiſe zow to tak heid to zour felf. I have hard ſum murmuring in lykewiſe be others, that there be lum Surpriſe to be traffickit in zour contrare, but he wald ne. nal. ver (a) Compare this with the Accounts that Buchanan gives of the open ſcandalous Carriage of Queen Mary about this Time. iš ver lar me knaw of na Particular, onlie atſurit me he had writtin to his Maſter to knaw gif be that way he can try ony farther, and that he was advertiſit and counſelit to cauſe me hafte towards zow herewith. Forder in this Inſtance, and at his Delire partly, I ſpake carneftlie to knaw at the Quene-Moder, gif [che had hard ony Diſcourſe or Advertiſement iatlie, tending to żour Hurt or Diſadvantage, but I cam na ſpeid, nor wald iche confes that fche had gotten nor hard ony fic Apperance, and that baithe the Comte of Bryen, and fentyne the Amballador la Forreſt, had allurit that zour Affairis were at a verie guid Point. In lyke maner that Robert Stuart had ſchawen hir, that ze hadforgifin my Lordis of Morton, Rivàn and Lindſay : Swa (che thocht thair was nathing to be fearit, and apprei- vit grcatumlie the Reucht and Pity ze had of zour awin; and appeirit to be vetic content that ze had ta gracioublie creatit thame, quhilk ſche eſteimit the right way to hald zow at Eaſe, and faw nathing that might ſtop it, but gif it war the Varience betwixt zow and the King, quhilk ſche deſirit God to appaife amang the reſt of zour Traverlis and Cummeris; for it wald be an great Mean to compas mair eaſilie all zour Deſignis and Interpryſis, and in pe- ciall it wald occaſion that Madame of Lennox, quham ſche knew weill favorit be an gryt part of the Nobilitie of Ingland, wald concur with zow, uc. [And jo goes on with Advices of Queen- Mother to Queen Mary; and at the End of this Letter he adıls,] Finaly, I wald beſeik zour Majeſtie right humblie to cauſe the Captanis of zuur Gaird be diligent in chair Office; for notwithſtanding that I have na particular Occaſioun quhairon I deſir it, zit can I not be out of Feir while I heir of zour Novellis. I defyre with all my Heart, gif it fall be zour Pleaſar, it mot be with the ſame Bearer (Robert Dury.] And ſwa I pray the eternall Lord God to preſerve żour Majeſtie from all Dan. geris, with lang Life and guid Health. At Paris the xxvii. Day of Januar 1567. * mifto Extract of a Letter of James Beaton Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, minute in his own Hand, to Queen Mary. From Paris the 9th March 1567. -The Second Head of my laſt Depeſche was the Diſcourſe ſchortlie of the horrible miſchievous and Ilid. Tom. si Itrange Interprize and Executioun done contrar the Kingis Majettie, quha be Craft of Men has ía violently been F. 26. ſchortet of his Dayis: Of this Deed give I wald writ all that is ſpoken heir, namely of the miſerable State of that Realm (and alſo in Ingland) by the Diſhonor of the Nobilitie, Miſtreſt and Treaton of zour haill Subjectis, zea that zour ſelf is gretumlie and wrangoullie calunnit to be the Motif principal of the haill, and all done be zour Command; I can conclude nathing, by quhat zour Majeſtie writis to me zour ſelf, that ſen it has pleaſit God to conterve zow to take a rigorous Vengance therof, that rather than it be not a&ualy taine, it appears to me better in this warld that ze had loſt Life and all. I ask zour Majeſtie Pardon that I writ fo far, for I can heir nathing to zour Prejudice but I man * conſtraindiy writ the famin, that all may come to żour Knawlege, for the better Re- mede may be put therto. Heir it is needfull that ze forth ſchaw now rather than ever of before, the greite Ver- que, Magnanimitie and Conſtance that God has grantit zow, be quhais Grace I hope ze fall overcome this moſt heavie Envie and Diſpleafir of the committing therof, and conſerve that Reputatioun in all Godlynes ze have con. quiſt of lang, quhich can appcar nawayis mair clearlie, than that zow doe fick juſtice as the haill Warld may de- clare zour Innocence, and give Teſtimony for ever of thair Treaſon that has committed (but Fear of God or Man) fo cruell and ungodlie a Murther, quhairof thair is fa meikle ill ſpoken, that I am conſtraint to ask zow Mercie, that neither can I or will I make the Rehearſal therof, quhilk is owr Fodious. But alas, Madam! over all Europe i toca this Day there is na Purpoſe in head fa frequent as of zour Majeſtie, and of the preſent State of zour Realm, quhilk is in the moſt part interpretic finifterly. Zit is not the Hand of God and His mighty Power ſchort, but bc His Comfort and Help, imploring truly the famin, and ſerving Him with all zour Heart, ze may have lick Conſola- Reputatioun that hithertills the haill Warld has conceivit of zour Vertue: And I beſeek zour Majeſtie right humblie całt heir the Fundament of zour Relief, and all the rett of zour Deſires fall come to paſs to zour Contentment and Honours otherwiſe I fear this to be the beginning and firſt Act of the Tragedy, quhilk I pray God of his infinit Goodnes to avoid. Thirdly, Be Dolu it has plealit zour Majeſtie to write to me, oC. * ? Order of the Lords for bringing in ſome of the Queen's Plate to be cuinzied. by He Lordis underſtanding that thair is fum Silver-werk of the Quenis Majeſtie in the Handis of hir French Of T Ibid. Tom. 3 ficeris, quhich neceſfarlie man be curizied, als weill for outridding of ſum Sumis of Money awand to the ſaid F. 136. an Obi- Frenchmen, als for furthſetting of other hit Hiénes Service, and in ſpeciall in the Handis of Servais de Conde Valet ginal. de Chambre, an Nef of Silver over-guilt, twa Coupis with thair Coveris over gilt, twa Flaskotis over-guilt, twa gryt Coupis over guilt, an Bell over-guilt, an Chalice and Platine over.guilt, twa (6). Peces over-guilt, an Croſs over- guilt in the Bordis, twa Chopinettis over-guilt in the Bordis, twa gryt Bafinis over-guilt in the Bordis, fex Gob. lettis, an Covering, and twa Feit of Coppis, extending to threeſcore fourteen Markis. Therefor ordainis, com- mandis and charges the ſaid Servais to deliver the Peiceis of Silver-werk above ſpecifieit, being in his Handis, to Johne Acheſoun hir Majeſties Cunzior, to be cuntieit be him to the Effect above mentionit. Subſcryvit at Edin. burgh the x. Day of Julij 1567. Athole, Mortoun, Sir James Balfour, Rob. Thefaurar, Créigmillar. Order of the Lords to Servais de Condy to deliver up the Regalia. SEE Ervais de Condy, Forſwameikle as it hes pleific the Quenis Majeſtie to give Commiſlioun and Commandement lbid. Temeta to crown bir deareſt Sone the Prince, to the quhilk Ceremonie it is convenient to have the Crown, Sceptar F. 143. and Sword Royall of this Realme; Thairfor zow fall incontinent, after the Sight heirof, put the faidis Crown, Sceptar and Sword before us to the Effect above written : Keipand thir Preſentis for zour Warrand. Subſcryvit with our Handis at Edinburgh the xxv. Day of Julij 1567. Athole, Mortoun, Mar, F. Grahame, W. Ruthien, Alex. Home, Sanquhar, sympyl. N. B. There are in the fame Repoſitory, Minutes of Letters from the Abp. of Glaſgow to the Queen, from the 234 June 1567 till the 10th O&ober 1568, all written by the Archbiſhop himſelf, but ſcarcely legible now in many Places. By theſe I have to advertiſe here (as an Addition to p. 443,) that the Earl of Murray was diſmiſſed in the Month of Tune out of France to Scotland, upon folemn Aſſurances that he would employ all his Intereſt and Friends for the Relief of the Queen. That at parting, the King of France told him, that he would venture his Crown to revenge any Hurt done to her Perſon. That the Earl's Aſſeverations were truſted by the French Court; but the Archbiſhop having received Information of his Dealing underhand with the Queen's Enemies, Order was ſent to ſtop rhe Earl at Diepe; but he was got off for England before the Order arrived. To C (a) The Beginning and End of this Letter are about other Matters and Affairs of France. If the other Biſhops and great Men (who with'd weil to the Queen, and were then about her in Scotland) kad ſpoken this Language to her Majeſty, Things had probably taken another Turis. (6) Inftruments for giving the Pax at Mals, X Top. 21. (a) REX. We be the Tenour of thir Prefentis gifts and committis Power to our Secretar and David Lindeſay of Adzell, to put Ordour to our Licgis and Tennentis of the Erldome of Crawfurd, Dun, Brechin, Ad. Zell and Montrols, anent thair furthcuming to our Army and Oiſt, and to caus the unable Perſonis to mak the Coiſt and Furniſling upoun mair able Perionis that may nocht furnys thameſelf, to pas for thame in our Service to our faid Army, nochtwithſtanding ony our Letteris, Proclamationis, or Chargeis paſt, that all maner of Man cum fordwart to the ſaid Oitt; and likewiſs, nochtwithſtanding our Commiflioun of Juſticiary, and Letteris paſt thairupoun, grantit to our Sheref of Forfar and his Deputis, anent the quhilkis we diſpens, be thir Preſintis ſubſcrivit with our Hand and under our Signete at Edinburgh the xix Day of October, and of our Regime the xxxth Zer. JAMES R. Item, p. 81, concerning Ecclefiaftical Affairs . In the King's Library at Paris is to be ſeen the only Copy extant this Day of the three laſt Provincial Councils of Scotland, holden in the Years 1549, 1552, and 1559 It be. longed formerly to the late learned and famous Monſ. Baluzius; and is incorrectly enough tranſcribed from the old Scottiſh Language, as having been done by ſome ordinary French Scribe. The Title of the Council Ann. 1559 is this, Concilium Provinciale Cleri totius Regni Scotia indi&tum e convocatum per reverendiſſimum in Chriſto Pa- trem & Dominum Johannem Sti Andrea Archiepiſcopum, ejuſdem Regni Primatem, Legatum natum, or affi- ſtente e conſentiente reverendiſſimo in Chriſto Patre Facobo Glaſguen. Archiepiſcopo, convocatis etiam ac prafenti- bus utriuſque Archiepiſcopi reverendis Dominis fuffraganeis Epifcopis, Vicariis generalibus, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Commendatariis, Decanis, Præpofitis, ſacrarum literarum Profeſſoribus, Reétoribus, & aliis literatis viris Eccleſia- ſticis, Ecclefiam Scoticanam repreſentantibus, coeptum efi Edinburgi in religioſa Domo Dominicanorum [Black-Friars] primo die menſis Martii anno juxta computationem Eccleſia Scoticana MDLVIII. [1559] e finitum ibidem 10 die menfis Aprilis MDL!X. Er hoc ad dicta Eccleſia Scoticane diſciplinam rečte reformandam, & Dominici Gregis falu- tem promovendam, &c. I am informed that this Copy night be got corrected in a great meaſure by any Perſon of our Nation that has Let- ters, and that it might be put in a Condition to make as good a Figure to the Honour of our Country as any of theſe Times the South of Britain could produce; and to thew likewiſe that all our Clergy of theſe Days were not ſuch Dunces as Mr. Knox has thought fit to repreſent them, and that it was not the Knowledge of Ecclefia. ftical Canons that was wamting to them, but the Practice of the Diſcipline preſcribed by the Canons. It is to be hoped that either the Reverend Dr. David Wilkins of England will take care to inſert theſe Scottiſh Coun- cils into the Body of Britiſh Councils he is about to publiſh ; or that the French Gentlemen will inſert the ſame into the Supplement of Father Labbe's Councils, which is ſhortly to be publiſhed by them. And if cither the Eng. liſh or French Gentlemen ſhall think it worth their Pains, they'll find likewiſe in the Scots College in Paris the original Letter of Convocation from the Primate Hamilton to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, this Archbiſhop's Let- ter to his Suffragans, and the Vicar-General of Galloway's Letter, ſede vacante, to the Abbots, Priors, Arch- deacons, exc. convocating them to this Council. As alſo a Remonftrance (perhaps from the Lords of Privy. Council, tho' this is uncertain) to the Prelates aſſembled in Council towards reforming Abuſes, esc: in order to preſerve the ancient Religion. From the Ori- Item, To p. 125. A Lift of the Subſcribers to the Bond 27th April 1560. ginal at Hamil- James. James Hamilton. Huntlic. Ard. Argyle. Mariſchall . Rotheſe. Morton. Gordon. Henry Stewart. Salton. ton, Lord Couper. Sommervill. Wm. Baillie of Lamingtoun. Jo. Lindſey of Covingtoun. Jo. Erskine. J. Dunbara Jo. Strachan of Thornton. Wm. Douglas of Bonjeddort. And. Hamilton of Goſlington. Jo. Bofwell of Auchinleck. Jo. Midleton. Geo. Seaton. Hew Ralfton of that Ilk. Jo. Robertſon. Walter Wood of Bonyton. James Stewart. Jo. Monteith. Ruthven. R. Lord Boyd. Ogilvie. Ochiltree. Jo. Maxwell. Par. Lindſey. Jo. Maſter of Forbes. Pat. Whytlaw of that Ilk. Ceſsfoord. Gav. Commendator of Killwinning. Wm. Abbot of Kinloitė. Mark Ker. And. Ker of Fadonſyde. Jo. Gordon of Finlator. Gco. Ker of Linton. Alex, Seaton younger of Meldrum. Hary Gra- ham younger of Morphy. Alex Gordon of Abergeldic. Ro. Arbuthnet of that ilk. Fairnicherſt . Jo. Rutherford of Hunthill. Houſtoun of that Ilk. Ja. Cockburn of Ormiefton. Wedderburn. Sir Alex. Hume. Pat. Hume of Pol- wart. Jo. Row. J. Jardin of Aplegirth. Geo. Nisbet of that Ilk. Ja. Hamilton of Garen. Jo. Somervill of Cambura nethen. Falahill . W. Henderſon of Fordell. Jo. Stewart. Cunninghamehead. I: Leſlic of Balquhain. Geo. Ogilvie. Jo. Innes of that Ilk. Arthur Forbes. Wm. Leſlie younger of Wairdis. Jo. Wiſhart of Pitarro. Alex. Dunbar of Crumnock. Ja. Halyburton of Pitcur. Tutor of Pitcur. Crachlic. Wm. Douglas of Whytinghame. Frendraught. Balhouſſie. Geo. Hume of Spot . ja. Johnſton of Elphingſton. Pat. Douglas . Rob. Campbell . And. Johnſton. Dav. Hamilton of Fingleton. Ker. Ad. Kirton. And. Moſcrop Provest of Jedbrugh, Ad. Flelher . Ro. Carnagic of Kinnaird. Jo. Clark. Wm. Lord Hay of Yeſter. Jo. Maſter of Erroll. Hen. Maſter of Sinclair. Wm. Sinclair of Roſlin. Arch. Mackenzie. J. Forreſter of Carſtorphin. Pat. Hepburn of Waghton. G. Touris of Innerleith. Logan of Reftalrigg. Jo. Somervil of Drum. Innerwharitie . Alex. Ogilvie. Ja. Tweedie of Drummelzier. Traquair. Rich. Rutherford. Cloſeburn. D. Balfour of that Ilk. Hamilton of Briggs. Alex. Hume. Ja. Hamilton. Jo. Blackadder. Lochinvar. Alex. Meinzies of that Ilk. Tho, Meinzies. Seaton of Muirhead. Wm. Hay. Wm. Wilhart. Ro. Scot of Bonytoun. Geo. Weir of Blackwood. Cunninghame of Capringtoun. R. Miniſter of Failford. Scot of Horcleuch. Ja. Lockhart of Bar. Geo. Dundas of that Ilk. Al Stewart of Garleis. Jo. Melvine of Carnbie. Jo. Macleod of Aſlint. Ja. Lockhart of Cleghorn. Dav. Ramſay of Broxſmouth. Hew Wallace of Cairnhill. H. Kennedy of Girvanmains. Ro. Fairley of Braid. Hary Creichton. "Geo. Ogilvie of Bamff. Alex. Rutherford of that ilk. Ja. Swinton of that Item, p.59. The Regiſter of the Parliaments during the Queen Regent's Government being loft, I have been at Pains to ſearch the Seals for the Lord Erskine's Commiſſion of Keeper of the Caſtle of Edinburgh, but could not find any thing thereof at all. There are two Signatures, both of them dated the 8th November 1561, relating to the Caſtle of Stirling; the Firſt of which narrates the late Thomas Lord Erskine his keeping the faid Caſtle for the Queen Dowager; the Second confers the Keeping of the ſame Caſtle to John Lord Erskine for all the Days of his Life, the ſaid Lord keipand the ſaid Place trewlie and ſtraitlie, to be reddie and obedient to our Soverane Ladie quhat Time or quhow often hir Grace requiris the ſamyn, facklike as he hes done in Time bigane. Item, p. 69. Tho'it be ſaid, upon the Faith of our Hiſtorians, that three Frenchmen got conſiderable Poſts in this Kingdom; yet I can perceive no Veſtige of a Commiſſion granted them, cither in the Regiſter of the Great or Privy Seals: The only Appearance of any ſuch thing is the Office of Comptrollery to Barthilmo Wilemoir of that Ilk, dated at Orleans, by the Queen, Sth January 1560.1, after the Death of her Husband the French King. Ilk. Item, (a) This is an Original ſubſcribed with the King's own Hand, and the signet in ſome meaſure remaining. It belongs to the Right Honourable Mr. David Erskine of Dun, one of the Lords of Seſlion and Juſticiary.. I ſuppoſe it is one of thoſe circular Letters which our Hiſtorians ſay were fent about at this Time; tho' it ſeems likewiſe to diſcover, that the King had beſides, emitted fome Proclamations for convening the Lie- ges to his Army. I thought it might not be altogether uſeleſs to fet down here ſome of the King's Dyets in this laſt Period of his Life, which i have taken from the Writs of the Privy Seal. The King is at Edinburgh ſeveral different Days in October and November; at Falkland 12th and 20th Oktober, and 12th November; at Linlithgow 9th November ; at Edinburgh again sth and 6th Days of December. And on the 8th Day of De- cember there is a Latin Letter by the King at Edinburgh to the Duke of Cleve, but it has neither the King's Name nor Signet; ſo it would ſeem the King had left that Place, or was fallen ill by that Time. On the 26th Day of November there is this remarkable Letter of Eſcheat, ------form being abfent and remaining fra our Soverane Lordis oiſt and Army, deviſit and ordainit to pas to the Eft and South Bordouris of the Realme, for Expulfiours of our old Inymeis furth of the famyn, incontrar of his Himnes Letteris and Proclamationis maid thairupoun. 1 xi Fol. 42: Item, p. 160. The Queen was at St. Germain in Laye, 4th Oftober 1560; at Orleans, 6th December, 16th ditto; and 8th January 1560-1 ; at Fontainbleau, 8th March 1560-1; at Fanville, 17th April 1561; at Meon, near Beauvais, 28th July 1561; at Beauvais, 2d Auguſt 1561. Privy Seal Regiſter. Item, p. 180. 'Tis certain the Queen arrived from France on the 19th Day of Auguſt, by the following moft di- ftin&t Inſtruction recorded in the Regiſter of the Privy Seal, which is fet down as a Title to the next following Records, in theſe Words, viz. Poſt adventum S. D. N. Regina à partibus Gallia, que pervenit ad villam de Leith, decimo nono die menſis Auguſti, Anno Domini millefimo quingenteſimo ſexageſimo primo, hora nona ante meridiem. Book 30. . That is, “ After the Arrival of our Sovereign Lady the Queen from France, “ who came into Leith on the 19th Day of Auguſt 1561, at Nine o'clock before Noon.” Item, p. 304. Lord Darnly, then Earl of Roſs, was created Duke of Albany 20th July 1565; and failing Male Heirs of his own Body, the Title is to return to the Crown. Regiſter Privy Seal. Item, p. 320. In the Records of the Privy Seal there is a moſt ample Remiſſion as can be deviſed, dated the ad of Fanuary 1565-6, to the Duke, his two Sons David and Claud, Gavin Commendator of Kilwinning (a), AC remanentibus perfonis cognominis, hoſpicii, ſervitorum, ſtipendiariorum, ac aliorum ex antiquo de domo dicti Du- cis dependentibus, tenentibufque, & inhabitantibus fuper ipſius em eorum terris. After which each of their Names are inferted at length to a very great Number: So that Bp. Spotiſwood is certainly in the right, who ſays that the Remiſſion was eaſily obtained. And in the fame Regiſter is likewiſe the King's and Queen's Licence to the Duke to go into France for the Space of five Years. Item, p. 327. Beſides the original Letter there mentioned, and which ſtands on p. 313, there are ſome others of the ſame fort to be met with in the Regiſter of Privy Seal. But it may be a Queſtion whether even in theſe the King's Name ſtands not in the preferable Rank, as being on the right Hand of the Queen's, and probably the firſt in the Order of ſubſcribihg. See the preciſe and uniform Order of their Majeſties ſubſcribing on p.313. Item, p. 333. Remiſſions to Earls of Rothes, Argile, Murray, Lairds of Pitarrow, Grange, &c. arc to be ſeen in the Privy Seal Records, of the Date the 19th, 2oth and 21st Days of March 1565.6. Item, p. 334. Earl of Morton, Lord (then Maſter of) Ruthven, and fundry others, obtain their Remiſſions 24th January 1566-7, for the Murder of Riccio, and detaining the Queen Priſoner in Holy-rood-houſe the gth, noth and 11th Days of March laſt bypaſt. And Lethington gets Licence to paſs into the Lower Germany 25th April that ſame Year. Regiſter Privy Seal. Item, p. 385. That the Earl of Bothwell was ſtiled Duke of Orkney, is certain ; and yet there is nothing of that Creation to be ſeen in any Regiſter. He gets the Earldom of Orkney on the 12th of May this year. Reg. P. S. (6) Letter Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, to the Queen of England, 2ift July 1567. To the Quenes mooſte Excellent Majeſtie, I! T may pleaſe your Majeſtie, fynce the Diſpatche of my laſte of the 19 of Julye, I have preſſed theys Lordes to geve Paper-Office , me Aunſwer to ſuche Thinges as I propoſed unto them the ss of thys Monethe; and namelye to permyt me an Originals to have Acceſſe to the Quene theire Soveraygne, without anye longer Delaye; and lykewyſe to fatisfye your Maje- ftie in th’Enlargement of her. The Earle Moreton aunſwered me, That ſhortelye 1 ſhoulde heare Aunſwer from them: But the Daye being deſtyned (as I dyd fee) to the Comunyon, contynuall Preachynge and comon Prayer, they coulde not be abſent, nor attende Matters of the Worlde; for firfte they muſt ſeeke the Matters of God, and take Counſell of Hym who could beſt dyrecte them. Norwithſtandinge he promyſed there ſhoulde be no Delaye And the fame Nighte, about 11 of the Clocke, the Lard of Lyddyngton came to me to my Lodgynge, and de- lyvered me, on the Lordes Behalfe, thys Wrytinge which I ſende your Majeſtie (c); ſayinge, becauſe the Matter was longe, and conteyned manye Partes, theye thought good, for the Helpe of my Memorye, to put the fame in Wrytinge: For the which I thanked him. Marye, I coulde have ben better contented, yf they woulde have ſub- ſcrybed theyre Names to the ſame. He fayde, that was needles; for yt was but onelye to eaſe me of Payne to cowche yt in Wrytinge: otherwyſe your Majeſtie woulde have beleaved what I had wrytten unto yow of them, of myne owne Reporte, without they’re Wryting or Subſcryptyon. And yet (quoth he] the Quene and her Coun fell wyll know, that this comethe from us; and the rather, becauſe I delyver yt yow on the Behalfe of the Lordes. I preſſed to have Acceſle to the Quene theyre Soveraygne : He aunſwered me, That, for that and other Thynges propoſed by me on your Majeſties Behalfe, I mufte needes tarye until theyre Aſſocyates weere joyned with them. This parentarye Aunſwer beinge geven me, wherewith I fhewed my felfe nothynge contented; he fayde unto me, Sr, I wyll talke more frankelye with yow than with anye Man of your Natyon, weere yt not with my Lord of Leyceſter and Mr. Secretorye. Yow ſee our Humors heere, and how wee be bent: Let the Quene your Soveraygne and her Counſell be well advyſed; for ſurelye yow run a Cowrſe which wyll breede us greate Peryll and Trowble, and yourſelves moſt of all. Doe yow not ſee, that yt dothie not lye in my power to doe that I fayneſt woulde doe which is to have the Quene my Miſtris in Eſtate in Perſon and in Honor. I know well enoughe yt is not hydden from yow th’Extremytie that the chyfeft of our Aſſemblye be in concerninge th’endynge of rhys Matter. Yow harde yeſterdaye, and ſomewhat thys Daye, how bothe yow and I weere publykelye taxed in the Preachynges, thoughe we weere not named. Wee muſt be fayne to make a Vertue of Neceffytie, and forbeare neyther to doe ourſelves good, the Quene, nor our Countreye: And the Quene your Miftris had Neede to take heede, that ſhe make not Scotlande, by her Dealynge, better Frenche than cyther they woulde be or ſhoulde be. Yow fee in whooſe Handes reſtethe the Power. Yow know the Frenchemen have a Sayinge, il pert le jeu qui laiſſe la partie; [i.e. He loſes the Game that quits the side.] To my great Gryeffe I ſpeake that, the Quene my Soveraygne maye not be abyden amongeſt us: And thys ys not Tyme to doe hir good, if ſhe be ordeyned to have anye. Therefore take C2 Peernge, P. 68. (a) Note, This Gentleman who is ſo often mentioned in this work, was of Raploch's Family, or the firſt of that Family himſelf. vid. Crawford's (6) This Letter I have by the Favour of the ingepious Dr. Patrick Forbes, who with great Induſtry, as well as Expence, has colle&ted and de- ciphered, and is juſt about to publiſh a continued Series of all the publick Tranſactions through the whole Courſe of the long and memorable Regn of Elizabeth Queen of England, in the original Accounts, which thoſe that had the Management of Affairs in their hands committed to Writing, and which upon that Account I preſume will ſerve to ſet Matters in a far better Light than hitherto they have been. I have ſeen a Part of this Collection, and can affirm that nothing comparable to it has hitherto appeared, and that it juſtly deierves all manner of generous Encouragement. () It is the ſame which begins p. 417 of this Hiſtory, but the Date is evidently falſe, and inſtead of 11th ſhould certainly be 21ſt of July, or rather zoth; as having been delivered to Sir Nicholas the Night before he wrote this Letter of the ziſt. In that l'aper, p. 419. 1. 34, Dr. Forbes has thewed that it ſhould be read thus, every Day to fecht a cruill Bartell. What, &c. And that on p. 427., 1. 33, the Reading ought to be, hir Advantage, it mycist impede bir Reſolutioun to allow of our Advyſs; quhilk , &c. Follows here the Schedule mentioned p. 426. 1. 23, which I have obtained from the fame Gentleman, viz. Barons of the Parliament, The Earle of Athell. The Earle of Morton. The Earle of Glyncarne. The Earle of Marre. The Maſter of Montroſſe, caulyd Lord Grahame, Heire to the Earle of Montroffe. The Lorde Hume. The Lorde Ruthen. The Lorde Creghton of Saker. The Lorde Simple The Lorde Innermeithe. The Lorde Ogletre. The Lörde of Craigmiller, Proveft of Edinburgh, The Comendater of Drybirge. The Comendator of Cambuíckenith. Mr. James Magyll. X11 take heede that the Quene your Soveraigne doe not loole altogether the good Wyli of thys Companye irrccupera- blye: For thoughe there be ſome amongeſt us which woulde reteyne our Prynce, people and Amyiye to Englaundes Devocyon; yet I can aſſure yow, if the Quenes Majeſtie deale not otherwyſe than the dothe, yow wyll lowſe all: And yt thall not lye in the Power of your well-wyllers to helpe yt, no more than yt dothe in our Powers now to helpe the Quene our Soyeraygne. Agreable hereunto, yt may pleaſe your Majeſtie, yow mycht perceyve by my Lettres of the 19 of Julye, upon ſuche Groundes as I made my Colleétyons, that th’Ytſue of thys great Matter heere was lyke to be determyned by one of the four Degrees and Endes in my fayde Lettres mencyoned; albeyt I dyd pryncypallye relye by Conje&ture upon the twoe laſte and extremeſt. But nowe I have by allured Intellygence (notwithſtanding this ſmo wthe Sprache uttred by theys Lordes in thys Wrytinge which I lende your Majeſtie) they bee reſolved to put in Execu- tyon forthewith the Coronatyen of the yonge Prynce, with the Quenes Content, yf they can obteyne the ſame; promyfynge her, that her Conformytye in thys Matter (hall aflure unto her, that they meane not neyther to towche her in Honor nor in Lyíte, neyther otherwyſe to procede agaynſt her judycyallye by waye of Proces: Otherwyſe they are determyned to procede agaynſt her publykelye, by Manyfeftacion of luche Evydence as they are hable to charge her with. And for the perfećtynge of thys theyre entent, they liave ſent for all the Lordes and Gentlenaen which they thynke wyll conjoygne with them; and, as I underſtande, they make theyre Accompte 'to ende thys Matter before the latter Ende of thys Monethe. They incane alſo, in the Prynces Name fo crowned, to governe thys Realme by Nyne fuche Noblemen and e- thers as I have named unto your Majeſtie in my former Lettres; and, as far as I can underſtande, theye doe not meane to ſuffer the Quene to departe forthe of theyre own Garde, neyther to paſſe forthe of thys Realme, albeyt the Frenche Kynge or your Majeſtic woulde be pleaſed to have her, and albeit the Frenche Kynge woulde deteyne the Profettes of her Dowrye. Thys is alſo to be feared, that when theys Lordes have ſo far proceded as to towche theyre Soveraygne in Ho- nor and Credyt, theye wyll never thynke to fynde anye Salfreye as longe as ſhe lyvethe; and ſo not only depryve her of her Eſtate, but alſo of her Lyfte. When I had peruſed thys Wrytinge delyvered me by the Lard of Lyddyngton, I asked hym, howe far theys Wordes, Neceſſýtie of theyre Cauſe, in th’Ende of the fame, dyd extend; and howe far they might be led He made me non other Aunſwer, but, ſhakynge hys Heade, fayd, Vous eſtes ung Renard; [i.e. You are a very Fox] (a). The Earle Bodwell, as I underſtande, hathe allembled four or fyve ſmalle Shyppes together: He hathc equipped and manned the ſame, and myndethe (as yt is fayde) to uſe the Sea for his uttermooſte Refuge: He begynnerhe, as I heare, to ſpoyle at the Sea alreadye: He meanethe to allure the Pyrattes of all Countreys unto hym. It were good that your Majeſties Fleete from Iſelande towke good Hede that they falle not into hys Lappe. Mr. Knox dothe in hys Sermons daylye praye for the Contynuacyon of Amytie berwixte Englaunde and Scot- lande; and dothe lykewyſe admonyſhe hys Audytorye to eſchewe theyre oulde Allyaunce with Fraunce, as they woulde Aye from the Pottes of Egypte , which brought them nothynge but lugred Poyſon: Nothwithſtandinge he dotlie contynew hys ſeveare Exhortacyons as well agaynſte the Quene as agaynſte Bodwell; thretnynge the greate Plage of God to thys wholle Countrey and Natyon, yf the be ſpared from her condigne Ponyſhement (6). The Earles of Mar, Glenkerne and Caſſills, with the reſt of theys Lordes Affocyatts, wyll be heare, as I am in. formed, the 24 or 25 of thys Monethe, and not before. The Convencyon of all the Churches (whereof I made Mencyon in my laſt to your Majeſtic) notwithſtandinge all my Perſwacyons to the contrarye, dothe houlde; and thys Daye (being the 21 of this Monethe) theye are allembled in the Tollebowthe, wheit ility due propoundu fuchi Marico ao clicy intend to trcaic of at ilys Tymc. The Lard of Lyddlyngeton hathe trayvaylled with ſoundrye of the wyſeſt to make them deſyſte from dealynge in a- nyc Matter which dothe concerne the Quene, or thys Cryme: But, as far as I can learne, yt wyll be verye harde to wyn thys at theyre Handes : For they be verye audacyous, and yt appearethe theyre Hartes be mervelowllye hardened agaynſt theyre Soveraygne; which God mollefye. Foraſmuckle as I heare an Inkelynge, that theys Lordes doc meane to defyre me to aflyſte with them at the Co. ronatyon of the Prynce at Sterlynge; It maye pleaſe your Majeſtic that I maye knowe your Pleaſure howe to dy. teâe niy felfe in that Matter, in caſe I be by them ſo requyred. Thus I praye Almyghtye God to preſerve your Majeſtie in perfecte Helthe, longe Lyffe, and proſperous Felycytic . At Edenboroughe this 21 of Julye 1567. Your Majeſties moolt humble, faythefull, obedryent Servaunte and Subjecte, N. THROKMORTON. Cartels of Lords Herris and Lindſay of 21ſt and 22d December 1568. Nota, Tho' the following Paper does not properly pertain to the Period treated of in this Book, yet ſince it bears ſuch Affinity to one great Event therein, perhaps the Reader may not be diſpleaſed to ſee it here. Lord Herreis, Am informit that ye haif ſpoken and affirmit, that my Lord Regents Grace and his Companie here preſent war I guiltie of the abominable Murther of the King our Soveraign Lordis Fader, Gif ye haif (wa ſpoken, ye haif fyd Coll. Scot. Par. untruely, and thairin lyed in your Throt, quhilk I will mentayn, God willing, againift yow, as becomes me of Honour and Ductie. Hereupon I deſyre your Anſwer. Subſcrývit with my Hand at Kingſton the 22d of December 1568. Anſwer thereto carried by John Hamilton of Broomhill. Lord Lindſey, Have ſeen a Wrytand of zours the 22d of December, and thairby underſtandith zeir informit, that I haif lyd I and afirmit that the Earle of Murray wham zee call zeir Regent, and his Company, are guilcie of the Queens Husbands Slaughter, Fader to our Prince; and gif I tyd it, that I lyd in my Throt, whilk zce will mantain againiſt me as becomis zow of zour Honour and Deutic. In reſpect thay haif accuſit the Queenis Majeſtie, mayn and zour native Soveraign, of that fowl Crime; far by the Deutie chat guid Subjectis aucht, or evir has bein ſein to haif done to thayr native Soveraign : I haif fyd thair is in that Company preſent with the Earle of Murray guiltie of that abominable Trayzoun, in the Foirknawledge thairto that zee war privie to it, Lord Lindſey, I knaw not; and gif zee will ſay that I haif Ipecially ſpoken of zow, zee lyd in zour Throt, and that I will defend as my Ho- nour and Deutie becomis me. But I wad anie of the Principals that was their ſubſcryve the lyke Wrytand zee haif fent to me, and I fall poynt him furth, and fight with any of the Traytoris rhçirin; for meirift it is that Tray- toris tall pay for their awn Trayſoun. Of London 23d December 1568. HERREIS. Mem. Scot. Tom, 3. F. 376. PAT. LINDSEY: Note; (a) This is a plain Confirmation of the Remark I took the Freedom to make on the ſame Expreſlion p. 420, long before I had ſeen this paper: * And this likewiſe is a ſtrong Confirmation that much of the Queen's Miſeries proceeded from Mr. Knox. Conſider alſo the Manner of Preaching narrated above in this very Letter, X111 from Dr. For bes's Collecti- ons. Note, Becauſe the Publiſher of the Collections relating to the Hiſtory of Mary Queen of Scotland, has not thought fit to inſert this following Paper at p. 93. Vol. 4. Part 2. I have therefore given it here to the Readers; and I am hopeful it will diſcover ſomewhat to them which perhaps that Gentleman has wanted to conceal. The Queen, to the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Suſſex, and Sir Ralph Sadler, her Com- miſſioners at York, 16th October 1568 W E grete yow well . We have of late receaved your ſeverall Letters of the 9th fand 11th of this Moneth; Paper-Ofice, with all ſuch other Matters conteyned in fundry Writings, as by your ſaid Letters liath ben mentioned an Originals , Upon Conſideration wherof, with ſuch of our Counſell as now attend upon us, we have, after good Deliberation, found ſuch Difficulties how to make a certen refolute Anſwer unto yow, as we are rather moved to have furder Adviſe of others of our Counſell now abſent, and likewiſe of yow ther, then preſently to make any foddayn and incertayn Determination upon the wholl Body of the Matter. the wholl Body of the Matter. Wherefore like as we meane to ſend for certen of the Lords of our Counſell as be now abſent, to have and uſe their Adviſe, ſo we are deſirous to have ſome Under- ſtanding of your Opinions, and therwith alſo to feele the Minds of both the Parties with whom you have there to doo. For which purpoſe we wold have yow Sr Raff sadleir make your Repaire hither to us, as yow may with Spede, by whom having'your Adviſees therto, we may be afferteyned in certen Queſtions and Matters conteyned in a Writing here included: And likewiſe we deſire to have here the L. of Lyddyngton and James Makgill; and on th’other Parte, the Lord Hereys and the Abbot of Killwynning. And yet for ihe procuring of them to come hi- cher, we think good theſe Meanes be uſed: We wold have yow to declare unto the Commillioners on both Partes, ether ſeverally or joyntly together, that upon the Complaints made on the Queens Behalf, and the Anſwers made therto on th’other Parte (wherof yow have ſent us the true Copies, and have required to know our furder Pleaſure for your furder proceding), we have found it very neceſſary, for our owne Information, and for the more ſpedy and good ending of the wholl Matters, to have lome one of ether Party, ether of the Commiſſioners themſelves, or of ſuch as they ſhall allowe, to come hither unto us; with whom, as with Perſons of Underſtanding, and ha- ving Creditt, we may ſo conferr, as sherby we may finally tak tome Reſolution how to direct the doing of yow our Commiſſioners for the ſpedy ending of the wholl Cauſe; wherin you may faye, We do find certen ſuch Diffi- culties, as without ſuch a Conference by way of Speche with ſome of ether Party, we cannot give yow ſuch a Di. rection as might without furder Delay of Time, by ſending to and fro, make an End of the wholl Cauſe, for the Commodity and Satisfaction of both Parties. And having propounded this Motion unto them, yow may, as of your felves, procure the Queenes Parte to allowe of the fending of the Lord Hereys, and of the Princes Parte to ſend the Lard of Lyddyngton, if yow ſhall think that th’Erle of Murrey will committ as much Truſt unto him as we think he is here able to conceave and diſcharge in Conference with us. And therwith yow the Duke and the Erle may adde, That yow wil be bold to ſend Sr Raff sadleir likewiſe unto us, to be preſent with them at our Con. ference; who may be therby the meter at his Returne with them to bryng to yow our perfect Reſolution for the wholl Matter. And this being don and accorded, we think it good that ſome privat Motion be made apart to the Abbot of Killwynning, by way of a frendly manner, to adviſe him, in reſpect of the Duke of Chatilraults Cauſe, to come upp and be here at this Conference alſo. And if it be found that Lyddyngton ſhall not be thought by the Erle of Murrey mete ynough for his Parte, than though he fend any other of hic College in Commiffion with hym, you would's ie that byovuyrysuni ungat arlo come, in reſpect of the Acquayntance he hath here. the Time of their comming, you may move them to uſe as much Dilegence as themſelves ſhall allowe of, and as foone as yow can, to wryte therof unto us. And the more willyngly to induce them of the Queens Parte therun. to, who we think will moſt ſuſpect the fame, we wold have yow to uſe all good Meanes, wherby the Queen may underſtand that this our Conference is entended to take away the Delay of Time, which of Force we ſee like to enſue, by ſending to and fro by way of Letters and Writing betwixt us and yow our Commiſſioners, in ſuch uncertayn ſort as we cannot ſee any Lyklood, but by this Meanes, how to end this Cauſe in honorable ſort, and mete for all Partes. In the dealyng herin, yow ſhall doo well to have good Regard that none of the Queen of Scotts Conimiffioners may gather any Dout of any evill Succeſs of her Caufe, but that they may imagyn this Conference of ours princi- pally to be ment how hir Reſtitution may be deviſed with Suerty of the Prynce hir Sonne, and the Nobilite thac have adhered to hym; and therin yow ſhall doo well to underſtand ther Intentions in as manny reſonable Degrees as may be deviſed, ſo as at the comming of yow St Raff Sadleir we may have the more Facilite to treate therof. Furdermore, conſideryng, uppon the Repayre of theſe Partyes hither, and uppon lack of Anſwer to yow, how yow ſhuld furder procede, ther will be an Abſtynence of Treaty betwixt yow the Commiſſioners: And that we underſtand how yow our Coofyn of Norfolk might doo us very good Service to view our Frontyers, before your Retorn out of the North; We have thought good to remitt it to your Conſideration, whyther in this Time of Abſtynence yow might, uſyng therin ſome Spede, repayre to our Frontyers: Which if yow maye conveniently doo without Danger to your Helth, than we will and require yow, and by theſe Preſents we doo authoriſe yow to repayre to our three Frontyers, that is to ſaye, the Eſt, Middle and Weſt; and calling the Wardens to yow, and ſuch others as yow ſhall thynk mete, inquire uppon what Occaſions our fayd Frontyars ar become weake, in Nombres of Engliſh People, and ſpeciall of Horſmen, and in any other thyng requiſit to be redreſſed : And ther. uppon we will yow in our Name to gyve, expreſs Ordre to cauſe all Meanes be uſed that you ſhall fynd mete to reform the ſame. And generally for the Truſt we repoſe in yow, we authoriſe yow to putt in Execution, as far furth as the Time may ſerve, and for the Time to come, to command the Execution of all ſuch good Ordres as hath bene deviſed of late Tyme for ſtrengtheing of the Countrey by Incloſures, by repayryng, of decayed Houſes, by caufyng Officers and Freeholders to dwell uppon ther Chargees and Houſees , and by ſecludyng from the Fron cýars the frequent Inhabitation of Scottiſh People: Of all which, with many ſuch lyke of late, we have perceaved our Coofyn of Hunſdon, Warden of our Eft Märchees, hath found no meane Fault to the Diminution of our Strength. And though this Tyme may ſeme very ſhort for ſo great a Service, yet knowing how both the Defalts and Remedyes ar redely knowen, we thynk your Preſence by our Authorite will doo more good to the puttyng the Reformation in Execution, than a long Abode of new Commiſſionars. And ſo whileft yow the Duke is ab- fent, yow our Coofyn of Susſex may have more Leſure to enter into the Acquayntance of your Chardg of the Pre- ſidency, from which we thynk this other Treaty hath ſomewhat detayned yow. For Top. 20. Haldenrig is not in the Shire of Merſe, but in Teviotdale, now a Part of the Shire of Roxburgh, a large Mile South Eaſt from Kelſo. To p. 34, near the Cloſe of the Note (a), -_in all ten; Mr. Sadler ſays, in Preſence of the greateſt Part of the Nobility. Were the Matter of any Moment, the Readers would form the beſt Judgment by themſelves; ſince this Gentleman acknowledges the Cardinal (whoſe Sway was then very great) and his Complices were abſent. Το xiv To p. 89. See the Bond, oc. as contained in Knox's Hiſtory, Anno 1732. To p. 259, Note (b), add, Welſh is mentioned by Camden as a Profugus, and is claſs’d by him with Yaxlery and Standon. To p. 594. The following original Paper, belonging to the Lord Dun, will ſhew that the vicious Practice of the Prelatcs was not ſuffered to eſcape, without a laudable Oblervation from the inferior Clergy. At Aberdeine 5th Januarij 1558-9. The Counſall gevin be the Deyne and Cheptour of Aberdeine to my Lord Biſchope of Aberdeine the ordinar, at his Lordſchipis Defyre, for Reformatioun to be maid, and ſtancheing of Here ſeis pullelant within the Diocie of Aberdeine, and the Ordour preſcrivit to be objervit to the ſamyn Effect. I all thair flanderus Maner of lyving, and to remove thair oppin Concubinis, allweill greie as ſmall, under fic Panis as is contenit in the Law and Actis Provinciall: And the Cheptour of Aberdeine fall do ficlyk amangis thame in all ſcharpeſt Maner conforme to the Law, allweill on thameſelfis as thair Servandis, or ony uther Perſonis dwel- land under thair juriſdictioun. Item, For Preching to be maid within the haill Diocie, that thair be ſend Letteris Monitoris upon the haill Par- ſonis, Abbottis and Prioris, to caus Preching to be maid within thair Kirkis betwix this and Faſternis-evin nixt, at leift anis in ilk Paroche Kirk, and anuther Tyme betwix that and Paſche, with Continewatioun, conforme to the Actis Provincia!l, under Panis contenit thairintill; and failzieing tha rof, that my Lord caus ſend ane Prechour to everilk Kirk that is not prechit in Lentroun thaireftir, and to tak up the Panis thairof, to be applyit to certane Precheouris to be fend throw the Diocie, and Letteris to be direct thairupoun, upon the Fermoraris thairof, con- forme to the Statut Provinciall, ſwa that the Peple be nocht in Danger becaus of the Inlack of precheing of the crew Catholik Fayth. And ficlyk, Sequeſtratioun of all Frutis to be maid, uſque ad reformationem Ecclefiarum, pro parte Restorum; and writtingis to be maid thairupoun be my Lord to thame all chat ar abſent, to cum and mak Reſidence within the Diocie and Chanonrie of Aberdeine, and to reforme the Kirkis, and caus Prechingis to be maid thairintill, according to the A&is. Item, To this Effeâ the Statute of Reledence to be putt to Executioun, conforme to the Fundatioun ſuper ſeptima. Item, Anent the Ordour and Procedeing twicheing Reformatioun of fic Enormeteis as is within the Dyoceſie. Inprimis , To ſend ane Summondis contra infamatas perſonas de hareſe, quod compareant coram Epiſcopo, Decano & Capitulo ſuis in hac parte Conſiliariis e Aſſeſſoribus, ad videndum & audiendum fe plecti e puniri, ſecundum juris exigentiam, & qualitatem delicti, vel purgandum ſe purgatione canonica : Nec non era propter abfentiam ab * Sic in autogr. Eccleſiis ſuis parochialibus, diebus ſaltem Dominicis; e ſignanter, quia non * dedignantur intereſſe facrificio Mille. pro dignantur. And quhen thai cum, to cxamine thame, quid fentiunt de Sacramento Altaris, e de poteſtate Eccleſia, e ſacrificio Milla, & reliquis Ecclefia ſacramentis; and to gif Reſoun of thair Fayth and Beleif, fecundum diſcretionem exami- nantis, conforme to the Scriptour : Quhilk Summondis falbe ſend to thair Dwelling.placis that ar within the Diocie, and execut be ane Preiſt. Notar, with thre honeſt Wyttneſlis at the leiſt, becaus thai cum nocht to thair Pa- roche Kirkis, or at thair Paroche Kirkis, on ane Sounday, or ony folemnit haly Day. Item, To this Effe&t to conſtitute Maiſter Nicoll Hay Scribe in this Beſynes, and Maſter Thomas Freſer, and Ale. xander Paip, Procuratoris-fiſcallis in this and all uther Cauſis, and every ane of the thre to haif ten Merkis, to be payit at the Senzic be the Deyne of Mar, and to be allowit in his Comptis. And in lyk maner, Maiſter Robert Lu. miſdale principall Procuratour Penſionar bayth to my Lord and Cheptour, to be requirit to procure in the famyn; and the forfaid Scribe to dire& all Letteris, and to be ſubſcrivit be him, de mandato reverendi Patris, and to haif ane ſpeciall Scil to be maid to that Effe&t; and quhat beis done thairintill, my Lord to ratify, ſtand at, and appreve in all Poyntis. Item, To require my Lord Huntle Balzie of the Biſchoprik of Aberdeine, and all utheris Fewaris of the famyn, for Ourſetting, Defence, and Mantenyng of the Catholik Fayth, to be preſent with my Lord of Aberdeine, and at his Lordfchipis Seitt at the Dayis appoyntit, conforme to thair Bandis reſpectivè: And in cais of my Lord Huntlies Abſence, to caus ſum principáll landit Man of his Lordſchipis Kyn to be in reddynes in his Lordſchipis Place, as thes beis requirit, for Affiftere. Item. To ſend certane Granatouris to New Aberdeine, Banchorie-Ternan, Echt, Kynerne, Midmar, Auchindoire, and Kierne, to moneis all thai that ar Art, Parte, Reid or Counfall of the byrnyng of the Kirk of Echt, or caſting down of Ymages in ony Kirkis within the Diocie of Aberdeine, to revele the ſainyn to my Lord Aberdeine, or his Commiſſaris in that Part; andiCurfyngis to be execut ſolemnitlie thairupoun ar the Mercat.Croces of New Aber. deine and Auld Aberdeine. And that the Premiſſis be the Help of God, may tak the bettir Effect, the Deyne and Cheptour forfaidis humlic and hartlie prayis and exhortis my Lord thair Ordinar, for the Honour of God, Releif of his awin Conſcience and Weill of his Lordſchipis Dyoſie, eveting of gretar Sclander: And becaus all thai that ar contrarius to the Religioun Criſtiane, promittis faythfull Obedience to the Prelatis, ſwa that thai will mend thair awin Lyvis and thair Inferiouris, conforme to the Law of God and haly Kirk : In reſpect herof, that his Lord. ſchip wald be fa gude as to ſchew gude and edificative Example in ſpeciall , in removing and diſchargeing himſelf of Cumpany of the Gentillwoman be quhom he is gretlie (clanderit (a); without the quhilk be done, dyvers that ar pertinax fayis, thay can nocht accept Counfall and Correctioun of him quhilk will nocht corre& himſelf: And in Iyk maner nocht to be owr familiar with thame that ar fufpe&t contrarius to the Kirk, and of the new Law; and that his Lordſchip evaid the ſamyn, that quhen his Lordſchip pleſis to veſey the Feyldis to repois himſelf, cheis ſic Cumpany as efferis till his Lordſchipis awin Ettate; and caus his Lordſchipis Servandis to reforme thair ſelfis, becaus nixt himſelf , it ſeims him to begyn at his awin Houfhald. Quhilkis Premiſlis being done, the faidis Deyne and Cheptour belevis in God, that all fall cum weil to the Honour of God, and generall Reformatioun of the haill Dyocie of Aberdeine; and thai promes to his Lordſchip thair hartlie Concurrence and Aſiſtence, with Honour, Service and Obedience at thair uter Power. Rob. Erskine Decanus Aberdonen. Patricius Myrton Thefaurarius Abd. Fa. Strachauchan a Balbelvy. Joannes Leſlie de Murthlak * SSR. * Afterwards Biſhop of Rofs. Foannes Watſon de Clat SSR. Arthurus Taillefere de Crechmond. Jacobus Gordoun ile Lonmay. Willelmus Cambell de Tulyneſfill. Alexr. Bryd Subcentor. Alexr. Anderſon Subprincipalis Cacus Abd. Appendix, (a) This Biſhop was William Gordon, a son of the Family of Huntly; and this Reprehenſion ſerves to confirm the bad Character Abp. "Spotif wood gives of him, XV Appendix, p. 88. The preſent Diſorder of the Cotton Library has deprived me of obtaining Mr. Balnaves's Letter; but there is a copy of it in the Collection which pertains to the Society for propagating Chriſtian Knowledge. There being in the Tax Roll of the Year 1633 (a fair Original whereof is in the Laigh Parliament-houſe) con- tained a Liſt of the Parſonages in the Nation, it may not be unfit to let down here ſuch of them as are neither in the Liſt p. 192, nor in p. 257 Appendix; ſince from all theſe Lifts compared together, the Deſign of inſerting theſe Lifts will be more fully anſwered. They ſtand thus in the Roll, beginning from the North Parts: Duffus, Banchöry, [but as there are two Banchories, there is no Mark of Diſtination added, ] Conveth, i.e. I ſup: pole Laurence Kırk in the Mearns; Inchbriock, Dunbarny, Cults, St. Madois, the right Appellation I reckon for Samadoſs, in the Liſt p. 292; Kemback, Dinnino, Quilts, Inchmachan, perhaps the ſame with Ecclesman chan in the other Liſt ; Tiningham, Fala, Leſwade, Petcocks, Ellem, this place is always much noticed in the Collectors Books, ec. and is called the Kirk of Ellem ; Lempitlaw, Kirkbricho, Glaſgow.fecundo, Bar- langrig, Stanehouſe, Strathaven, Southwick, this is plainly for Zudeik in the other Lift, and near to it ſtands in the Roll Monyabrock, which in p. 257 is placed in Stirling-Shire; Kirkgunyean,, Aplegirth, Ruthwell, perhaps for Rowel in the other Liſt; Kirkenner, Balmaclannochan, perhaps for Balmaclellan, Glaſſifter. And there are two In this fame Roll, among the Priories, is ſet down Fivy, in the Shire of Aberdeen, the Tax whereof is the ſame with that of Monimusk. And among the Provoſtries is Douglas, which I had obſerved likewiſe in the Books of Privy-Seal; but was ſuſpicious it might be wrong marked for Dunglas. Lintons. N. R. Becauſe ſoine of the Shires of Scotland have double Appellations, and contain ſome Subdiviſions which could not be ſo eaſily accompliſhed in the Map; 'tis not unfit to advertiſe, that the Shire of Aberdeen contains Mar, Garioch, Formartin, Buchan. The Shire of Perth contains Athole, Menteith, Broadalbin, Strathern, Stormont. The Shire of Dumfries contains Nithſdale and Annandale. The Shire of Roxburgh contains Teviotdale and the other Dales. The Shire of Aire contains Kyle, Carrict and Cuningham. The Shire of Kincardine, alias Mearnss Forfar, alias Angus; Lanerk, alias Clidſdale; Merſe, alias Berwick; Iweeddale, alias Peebles; Lothian contains three Shires, viz. Edinburgh, Linlithgow and Haddington. 000000000 E RR A' T A. P . , . 1.20. for Cathedral, -. Church. p. 17. 1. 17 and 20. for Ambaſſadors, r. Commiſſioners. p. 30. l. 18. for returned, r. withdrew. p. 38. (a) l. 7. r. 270 Pages. p. 41. I. 46. after Elphinſton, add, in Eaſt Lothian. p. 45. l. 50. for roth, r. iſt. p. 46. I. 24. dele from the Half-moon fronting the High-ſtreet. - ibid. l. 31. for Cafſils, r. Glencairn. p. 47. l. 21.7.1545. p. 48. (a) Parliament, add, and Council. p. 81 and 82. dele the in- verted Comma's. p. 90. l. I. r. 3oth. and about the middle of the Page dele and the Inhabitants a warlike fort of People. p. 129. 1. 16. dele glorious, and r. brave and bold. Þ. 131. l. 16. r: 17th. p. 132. after (a) add; See Appendix, Numb. 22. p. 161. l. 30. for Ambaſſadors, r. Envoy. p. 163. 1. 4. v. to Rheims. p. 184. 1. 38. for convene, r. contain. p. 186. l. 42. t. unfeaſonable. p. 205. on the Margin, after clever, add, or glib. p. 226 l. 4. of (a) for Mar, r. Murray, p. 237. on the Margin, r. 1562-3. p. 254. after the Abſtract of the 27th September ſhould follow immediately in the Text all that is in the Note (6). p. 288. (a) after July, add, in the Appendix. P. 313. I. 30. r. retirate, i. e. retired. p. 316. at the Cloſe of (f) r. expect to recover it. p. 320. l. 1. for Deceit, r. Diſſimulation. p. 322. 1. 1o. r. to which. and l. 11. dele it. p. 328. l. 20. r. delivered over as a Priſoner. p. 339. in the Title of Chap. 10. t. 1566.9. p. 422. 1. 28. for it, r. in. p. 432. 1. 54. dele be. p. 550. l. 27. for hes, 7. his. p.521. at (6), join the two Parentheſes into one. p. 484. the Catch-word ſhould be BOOK, for Chap. p. 488. (a), for so, r. 150. APPENDIX, p. 6. I. 10. for Kelſo, r. Kinlos. p. 141. in the Title of the Abſtract, r. 1576. Þ. 192 and 193 the two Numbers are miſplaced. d 2 Lift xvi Liſt of the Subſcribers. T E. TH THE H'Her Grace the Dutcheſs of Gordon, T . A. The Rev. Mr. Alexander Duncan at Glaſgowa HE Right Honourable the Earl of Aberdeen. David Doig of Cock.ſton. R. H. the Viſcount of Arbuthnot, John Don Sheriff-depute of Stirling. R. H. the Lord Aberdour. David Dickſon Merchant in Montrofe. The Hon. Faculty of Advocates. James Davidſon Bookſeller in Edinburgh, Michael Anderſon of Tuſſilaw. Arthur Dingwal of Brownhill. Sir John Areskine of Alva. Alexander Deans, Eſq; David Anderſon Writer in Edinburgh. Thomas Dunlop Wright in Edinburgh. James Allardice of that Ilk. Thomas Ainſley at fedburgh. "He R. H. the Earl of Eglinton. Alexander Auchanachie at Fyvie. R. H. the Lord Elphingſton. B. The Hon. James Erskine of Grange, Advocate. "He R. H. the Earl of Balcarras. The Hon. Sir Gilbert Elliot Of Minte, ] Senators of the Col- R. H. the Lord Belhaven, lege of Juſtice. R. H. the Lord Balmerino. Sir Alexander Erskine of Cambo. The Hon. the Lord Bruce. Thomas Erskine of Pittodry. Sir Alexander Bannerman of Elfick. David Erskine Clerk to the Lord Lyon's Court, Lady Bruce. Dr. James Eccles Phyſician. Captain Benjamin Barton, James Edmonfton of Ednam. James Ballantine of Kelly. William Elliot of Borthwickbrae. James Blair of Ardblair. William Elliot of Stonehedge. Alexander Blair Writer in Edinburgh. William Elliot Writer in Edinburgh. The Rev. Mr. Robert Blair. John Ewing Writer to the Signet. Henry Bethune of Balfour, Eſq; F. Walter Boſwell Merchant in Edinburgh, Uncan Forbes, Eſq; his Majeſty's Advocate, George Boſwell Writer there. Sir James Ferguſſon of Kilkerran, Advocate, John Brown of Bonnington. Mr. James Ferguſon of Pitfour, Advocate, Hary Bruce of Clackmanan. Robert Fletcher of Ballingſhoe. Brigadier Bruce of Kenneth. Thomas Forbes of Waterton. David Bruce of Kinnaird. Mr. Hugh Forbes Advocate, Andrew Broomfield Factor for the Viſcount of Primeroſe. William Forbes Writer in Edinburgh, Robert Buntine.of Mildovan. Donald Forbes Writer there. Francis Buchanan of Arnpryor. Thomas Fotheringham of Powrie. James Biſſet of Laffindrum. James Forreſter, Eſq; William Baird of Auchmedden. Robert Fotheringhain of Bandean. George Bowes, Eſq; Member of Parliament. William Fowlis of Woodhall. Mr. Thomas Burnet of Kerkhill, Advocate in Aberdeen. R. R. Mr. David Freebairn. William Brown Writer in Edinburgh. Robert Freebairn Bookſeller. Mr. George Buchan Clerk to the Commiſſion of Teindse James Freebairn Teacher of French. Alexander Binny Provoſt of Forfar. Alexander Farquhar in Montroſe. George Barclay of Cavil, Eſq; G. ris Crace che Duke of Gordon, He R. H. the Earl of Carnwath. R. H. Lady Grizel Cochran. R. H. Lord Gairlies. R. H. the Lord Crichton. Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonſton. Sir James Campbell of Auchinbrecko Sir William Gordon of Park. Colin Campbell of Blythſwood, Sir Thomas Gordon Admiral of Ruffia. Lady Cambuskenneth. James Gordon of Ellon. Sir William Cockburn of Cockburn. George Gordon of Buckic. Sir William Cuningham of Caprington. John Gordon of Glenbucket. George Cuningham Chirurgeon in Edinburgh, Arehur Gordon of Camoufie. Dr. John Clerk Phyſician in Edinburgh. Alexander Gordon of Lentsrk. Dr, William Cochran Phyſician there, The Rev. Mr. Patrick Gordon. Charles Cochran of Ochiltree. James Gordon of Gordonbank. Donald Cameron of Lochiell. Mr. George Gordon Writer to the Signet. Evan Cameron Tutor to Glendiſfary. The Rev. Dr. George Garden. William Cameron of Lochdochart. The Rev. Dr. James Gadderar. Archibald Cockburn of Langton, Eſq; The Rev. Mr. John Gillan. David Carnegie of Craigoe. Sir William Grierſon of Lags. William Chalmers Tutor to the Duke of Gordors. Mr. James Graham of Airtb, Judge-Admiral, James Cheyne Writer in Edinburgh. Thomas Graham of Balgowan, Alexander Colvill Collector at St. Andrew's, Robert Graham of Gartmore. David Couper Writer in Edinburgh. John Graham of Meiklewood. Hugh Crawford Clerk to the Signet. William Gerard of Stonehoufo. Robert Conqueror Merchant in Perth. John Grant of Rothimurchus. John Corfs Writer in Edinburgh. Samuel Graham Bookbinder, D. William Gray Bookbinder. TIs Grace the Duke of Douglas. H. The M. H. the Marchioneſs of Douglas. TIs Grace the Duke of Hamilton and Brandon, R. H. the Earl of Dundonald. The Hon. Hew Dalrymple of Drummore, one of the Senators Sir James Hamilton of Roſehaugha of the College of Juſtice. Baſil Hamilton of Balduin, Efq; Sir James Dalrymple of Hales. Charles Hay of Rannas. Mr. Hugh Dalrymple Advocate. Mr. Alexander Hay of Huntington, Advocate Robert Dundas of Arniſton, Efq; Dean of Faculty of Advocates. Thomas Hay of Mordington. Dr. James Dundas Phyſician. John Hay of Balbithan, Eſq; James Dundas of Caſtlekery. Robert Hamilton Merchant in Edinburgh, John Dundas of Mannor. Gavin Hamilton Bookſeller there. Sir James Dalziel of Binns. William Hamilton Bookſeller there. Mr. David Drummond Treaſurer to the Bank of Scotland, John Hamilton of Bardowie. Dr. John Drummond ſenior, Phyſician. The Rev. Mr. Alexander Hunter. William Drummond of Grange, Efq; The Rev. Mr. William Harper, Thomas Drummond of Logicalmond. William Hog junior, Merchant in Edinburghe William Duff of Bracco, Eſq; John Hodge Writer there, Alexander Duff of Harton, Eſq; Mr. Thomas Heriot Treaſurer in Herioi's Hoſpital, Patrick Duff of Premnay, Eſq; I. Alexander Dunbar of Machrimore. Ir Hary lanes of that Ilk. Sir William Douglas of Kilhead. James Juſtice, Eſq; one of the principal Clerks of Seſſion. William Douglas of Glenbervie, Efq; Alexander Inglis of Murdiſton. Robert Douglas of Cheſter, William Jameſon Merchant in Edinburgh John H H'Theme of Mr. Hay of Dalgasie. S" XV11 TEL. TH TH TH CO , . TH 0. John Jameſon Merchant in Edinburgh. He R. H. the Earl of Oxford. James Johnſton ſenior, Merchant there. Richard Johnſton Merchant there. R. H. the Viſcount of Oxenford. George Jameſon Candlemaker. The Hon. Sir Alexander Ogilvie of Forglen, one of the Sena- K. tors of the College of Juſtice. "He R. H. the Earl of Kintore. Mr. John Ogilvie of Balbegno, Advocate, R. H. the Earl of Kinnoul. Mr. Archibald Ogilvie of Rothenay, Advocate. R. H. Viſcount of Kenmure. Patrick Ogilvie of Balfour. The Hon. Mr. James Keith. Laurence Oliphant of Gask. The Hon. Thomas Kennedy one of the Barons of Exchequer. John Ouchterlony Merchant. Alexander Keith of Revelſton. Alexander Orme Writer in Edinburgh. Mr. George Keith Advocate in Aberdeen. P. William Keith of Bruxy. He R. H. the Earl of Panmure. Alexander Keith late Sheriff-depute of Kincardine, R. H. the Viſcount of Primeroſe. The Hon. Mrs. Primeroſe. George Keith of Caldam. Robert Keith of Knox, Alexander Pringle of Whitebank, Efq; ------- Keith of Northfield. James Pierſon of Balmadies. ---- Paterſon of Drygrange. Charles Ker, Eſq; John Pilmore Clerk to the Commiſſariot of St. Andrew's. Alexander Kincaid Bookſeller. John Paton Bookſeller in Edinburgh. L. He R. H. the Earl of Loudoun. Q. R. H. the Lord Linton. His Grace the Duke of Queensberry and Dover, R. H. Henrietta Livingſton. R. Sir Robert Laurie of Maxwelton. YOlonel Alexander Reid. Sir John Lauder of Fountainhall. James Rattray of Craighall, junior. Patrick Lindſay, Eſq; L. Provoſt of Edinburgh Robert Rollo of Powhouſe. James Leſlie of Balquhain, Eſq; Dr. George Rait Phyſician in Dundee. George Lockhart of Carnwath, Eſq; Mr. Gcorge Roberrion Writer in Edinburgh. Dr. Robert Lowis Phyſician, George Robertſon of Craigarnhall. Mr. John Lumiſden Writer to the Signet. Dr. James Robertſon Physician. Dr. --- Mr. John Leſlie Schoolmaſter at Dalkeith. --- Robertſon Phyſician. Mr. James Robertſon Bookſeller in Edinburgh. Major John Lamy of Dinkinnie. George Richardſon Writer there. George Lauder of Pitſcandlie, Eſq; The Rev. Mr. Richard Lothian, Dr. John Rutherford of Knowfouth, Phyſician. Thomas Longman Bookſeiler in London, S. HeR, H. the Marquis of Seafortha Alexander Lyon Bookſeller there. M. R. H. the Earl of Strathmore. He R. H. the Earl of Middleton, R. H. the Earl of Stair. R. H. the Earl of M------. R, H, the Counteſs of Stair. The Hón. Lord Edward Murray. R. H. the Viſcount of Stormont. The Hon. Mr. Robert Mercer of Aldica R. H. the Viſcounteſs Dowager of Stormont, Sir Alexander Macdonald of Slate, R. H. the Lord Salton. Sir William Maxwell of Monreith. John Scot of Ancrum, Eſq; Sir William Maxwell of Springkell. Mr. William Scot Advocate. Sir William Maxwell of Calderwood. David Scot of Hundleſbop, Eſq; Sir David Murray of Stanhope. Dr. Alexander Scot phyſician in Kelfo. Sir Alexander Murray of Stanhope. Alexander Scot of Swinton, Colonel Robert Scor of Langton. James Murray of Abercairny. Hugh Scot of Gala. John Murray of Philiphaugh. William Scot, Brother to Whitfaid. James Murray of Touchadam. Walter Scot, Brother to Rachunes. Dr. Adam Murray rnyncran. Mr. Adam Scot. Patrick Murray of Deuchar, David Smith of Methven, Efq; Alexander Murray of Cringlety. James Smith Chirurgeon in Perth. Roderick Macleod of Cadboll. John Stewart of Phiſgill. Lauchlan Maclauchlan of that Ilk. William Stewart of Caſtleftewart. Archibald Maclauchlan Merchant in Edinburgh. William Montgomery Son to the deceas'd William Montgo- The Rev. Mr. ------- Stewart at Dunkeld. Gilbert Stewart Merchant in Edinburgh. mery Merchant in Edinburgh. Robert Stewart Muſician there. Robert Marjoribanks Merchant in Edinburgh. Alexander Stewart Muſician there. James Marjoribanks Merchant there. Archibald Seton of Touch, Eſqs Alexander Maitland Merchant there. Captain Robert Seton, David Maitland of Soultra, Alexander Symmer, Eſq; Daniel Midwinter Bookſeller in London. Robert Symmer Governor to his Grace the Duke of Gordone Andrew Millar Bookſeller there. William Monro Bookfeller in Edinburgh. George Symmer Merchant in Aberdeen, Tohn Macdonel of Glengary. Captain Hary Straton. John Stark Provoſt of Glaſgow. Donald Macdonald of Caſtleton. Alexander Mackay of Palgown, Eſq5 John Stirling of Keir, Eſq; Luke Stokoe Bookſeller in London. James More of Leckie, George Strachan Bookſeller there. George Main Jeweller in Edinburgh. Somervile of Kennox. William Millar Bookſeller there. Thomas Sharp of Blance. Lauchlan Macintoſh of that Ilk. Alexander Macintoſh Writer in Edinburgh James Sharp of Stratyrum. Scots College at Paris. Mr. Kenneth Mackenzie Advocate, William Sands Bookfeller, James Mackenzie of Dalmore. T. Kenneth Mackenzie, Eſq; The Rev. Mr. John Mackenzie, He M. H. the Marquis of Tweeddale. Robert Turner of Turnerhall. James Martine of Clermont, Adam Mercer Writer in Edinburgh. Alexander Thomſon of Portlethen. William Moir of Whitebill. Alexander Thomſon Advocate in Aberdeen James Moir of Stoniewood. John Thain Advocate there, William Moir of Innernetty. Alexander Tait Merchant in Edinburgh Dr. James Miln Phyſician. Alexander Tytler Writer there. Robert Miln Writer in Edinburgh, John Trail Bookſeller there. W. Theodore Moriſon of Bogny. George Macdougall of Mackerſton, Efq; "He R. H. che Earl of Wigton. James Muſchet of Craighead. R. H. the Earl of Wemyſs. Mr. John Mitchelſon of Middleton, Advocate. Alexander Udny of that Ilk, Macgregor of Glengyle. George Waddel, Gent. Robert Macgregor, alias Rob Roy. Andrew Wardrop Glazier in Edinburgh, Richard Watkin Stationer there. James Macgilchritt of Northbar. james Mitchel Shoemaker. Mr. George Wingate Mathematician. N. James Walker in Pardivan. He R. Alexander Weir Merchant in Edinburgh. The Society of Writers in Edinburgh. Sir William Nairn of Dunfinnan. Society of Writers in Stirling. Mr. Alexander Nairn Advocate. Y. The Rev. Mr. Ninian Niving. John Young Sheriff-clerk of Kincards ne. The TH xviii The General CONTENTS. 201 Year 1563. 7. 238 16 254 1544 60 INTRODUCTION. Queen's Arrival in Scotland in the Month of Auguſt 1961, till the Beginning of the Year 1561-2. 180 С" Ontaining an Account of the Form of this Work; Chap 3. A Continuation of State Affairs until the End a View of the Scottiſh Nation for some time before of this Year. the Reformation; and the firſt Riſe of the Separation Chap. 4. Containing an Account of Affairs of State from from the Church of Rome. Page 1 the Beginning of the Year 1561-2,, until Mid ſummer the jame Year. 215 BOOK I. Chap. 5. Containing Matters of State from the Midſum. mer in this Year 1562, until the 1ſt of April in the next 222 Chap. I. Containing an Account of Church Affairs from Chap. 6. Containing Matters of State from ijt April the firſt Dawning towards a Reformation in Religion, 1563, until the Arrival of the Earl of Lenox in Scor- Anno 1527, to the Death of King James V. Anno land in the Month of September of the following Year, 1542. 1564 Chap. 2. Containing an Account of State. Affairs from the Time that King James V. took the Adminiſtration Chap. 7. Containing Matters of State from the Arrival of the Earl of Lenox in Scotland in the Month of Sep- of the Government upon himſelf Anno 1524, to the tember 1564, until ihe Arrival of his son the Lord Death of that King Anno 1542 ; together with his Darnly in the Month of February 1564.5. Character. Chap. 8. Continuation of State Affairs from the Arrival Chap. 3. A Continuation of the Affairs of State from of the Lord Darnly into Scotland in the Month of Fe- the Death of King James V. Anno 1542, till the De. ſcent made upon Scotland by the Engliſh Navy Anno bruary 1564:5, until the Marriage of this Lord with the Queen of Scots in the Month of July 1565. 269 25 Chap. 4. Containing an Account of Church Affairs from Chap. 9. Containing State Affairs from the Queen's mar- the Death of King James V. Anno 1542, till the rying the Lord Darnly in the End of july 1563, till Murder of Cardinal Beton Anno 1546. the Birth of the Prince in the Month of June 1566. 307 36 Chap. s. Containing Affairs of State from the Deſcent Chap. 10. Continuation of State-Affairs from the Birth of made by the Engliſh Navy Anno 1544, until the Ad- the Prince of Scotland, afterwards King James VI. on vancement of the Queen-Mother to be Regent of the the 19th June 1966, until the Murder of the King on Kingdom Anno 1544. the roth of February 1566-7. 339 45 Chap. 6. Containing an Account of Church- Affairs from Chap. II. Continuation of State Affairs from the King's the Murder of Cardinal Beton Anno 1546, till the Murder on the 10th of February 1566-7, until the ſetting up of the Congregation Anno 1558. Queen's Marriage with the Earl of Bothwell on the 15th of May in the ſame Year 1567. 365 Chap. 7. Containing an Account of State-Affairs from Chap. 12. Containing State Affairs from the Queen's the Beginning of the Queen Dowager's Regency Anno 1954, until the laſt parliament thereof in the End of Marriage with the Earl of Bothwell on the 15th May the Tear 1558. 1567, until the Earl of Murray's Acceptation of the 69 Chap. 8. Containing an Account of publick Affairs from Regency in the Month of Auguſt the ſame Year. 386 the Month of November 1558, until the taking of the Chap. 13. Containing Matters of State from the Earl of Town of Perth by the Congregation in the End of June Murray's Acceptation of the Regency in the Month of Auguſt 1967, till the Queen's Retreat into England in 1559 the Month of May 1568. 452 Chap. 9. Containing an Account of publick Affairs from the taking of the Town of Perth by ime Congregation in the End of June 1559, until the Act of Deprivation BOOK III. made by the ſaid Congregation againſt the Queen- Re gent in the End of October the ſame Year. 93 Introduction to the Eccleſiaſtical Affairs, containing fome Chap. 1o. Containing an Account of publick Affairs from Special Information about the Time of the Parliament the suſpenſion of the Queen-Regent in the End of O&o in the Month of Auguſt 1560. 485 ber 1559, until the Treaty wade at Berwick betwixt the Queen of England and the Lords of the Congrega: Chap. 1. Containing Church-Affairs from the Parliament tion, in the End of February, Anno 1559-60. 108 in Auguſt 1560, until the Queen's Return into Scor- Chap. 11. Containing an Account of publick Affairs from land in Auguſt 1561. 504 the finiſhing of the Treaty at Berwick between the Chap. 2. Containing Eccleſiaſtick Affairs from the Queen's Queen of England and the Lords of the Scottiſh Con- Arrival into this Kingdom from France, in the Month gregation in the End of February 1559-60, until the of Auguſt 1561, till the Battle of Corrichie in the End Death of the Queen-Regent on the 10th of June, Anno of October 1562. 504 1560. 120 Chap. 3. Containing Church Affairs from the Battle of Chap. 12. Containing an Account of publick Affairs from Corrichie in the End of O&tober 1562, till the Para the Death of the Queen-Regent on the 10th of June 1560, liament in December 1564. till the Eſtabliſhment of the reformed Doctrines by the Chap. 4. Containing Church- Affairs from the Parliament Eſtates of the Kingdom in the Month of Auguſt there in December 1564, till the Birth of the Prince in June ajter. 130 1566. 536 Chap. 5. Containing Ecclefiaftical Affairs from the Birth BOOK II. of the Prince in the Month of June 1566, till the Queen's Marriage with the Earl of Bothwell in the Chap. 1. Containing an Account of State - Affairs from Month of May 1567. 577 the Convention or pretended Parliament in the Month Chap. 6. Containing Church Affairs from the Quieen's of Auguſt 1560, until the Arrival of the Queen fram Marriage with the Earl of Bothwell in the month of France in the Month of Auguſt 1561. 153 May 1567, until her Removal into England after the Chap. 2. A Continuation of State Affairs from the Kaitle of Langſide in the Month of May 1568. 571 78 516 Τ Η Ε I அOேG ಅಅಅಅಅಅಅಅತಿ છછછછછછછછે MATTEN ********************************************* mom ser con 子 ​******************************************************************** 30 Τ Η Ε INTRODUCTION. CONTAINING An Account of the Form of this Work; A View of the Scottiſh Nation for fome Time before the Reformati- on ; And the first Riſe of the Separation from the Church of Rome. The Reaſon N I. OTHING being more wanted than a Hiſtory of our Sorrijte ftatis, from the Beginning of the Reforma- the Author to tion of our Religion downwards to the preſent Times ; undertake this I have entertained a Deſign of endeavouring, accord-Work, and the ing to my Ability, to ſupply that want to the Pub- which he in- lick in general, and to ſatisfy in particular the juſt tends to pros Defire of fo many Perfons of Learning, Curioſity tamc. and Diſtinction, who have long wilhed to ſee fuch a Hiſtory. I apprehended that I could not ſo well ac- quit myſelf to the Satisfaction of All, in the forming thereof, as by following cloſely the Records of the Kingdom, and ſuch private Documents as are of an authentick Character, and which may well be received in any Hiſtory, as the Vouchers of theſe Facts, which they are brought to juſtify : Yer as by the In- jury of Time, and of ſome malevolent Spirits (a), there are but few Documents of that kind to be met with for ſeveral Years immediately fucceeding the firſt Commencement of the Reformation in this Kingdom ; I hope I ſhall be readily pardoned, if, inſtead of groping in the dark, by the few Helps I could find out myſelf, I chuſe rather, when publick Documents do fail me, to narrare with all Brevity what former Hiſtorians have recorded of the Tranſactions of theſe Times. A But (a) Our Publick Records were all carried off by Oliver Cromwell ; and tho after the Reſtauration of the Royal Family, they were ordered to be returned by King Charles II. in the End of the Year 1660, yet the Ship in which they were put having been loſt at Sea, a Part of them only was ſaved, as will beſt appear by this Ad of our Parliament : Edinburgh 11, January, 1661. The King's Majeſty, and Eſtates of Parliament, conGdering that the Public Records of this Kingdom, which have been in England thoſe Yeers bygone, being be Publi& Order put into Major Fletcher's Truſt, to be caried hither in his Majeſty's Frigget, called the Eagle, whairof he is Captane, and that they were neceſitare, throw the Violence of a Storm,(which was ſo great, as Ship and all therin hade almoft periſhed,) to put Fourſcore fyve of theſe Hogſheads into another Ship, [By a preceeding Act in Favours of Major Fletcher, it appears that this ship belonged to the Town of Weymils, whereof John Weymiſs was Maſter,] which ſince is funk and dround with theſe Hogſheads, and Records in her : And that it is fund be the Tryell and Depoſitions of the Witneſſes taken in the Buſſines, That Mr. Johne Young, who was attending theſe Regiſters, did not at all con, ſent to the taking them out of the Friggot, or putting them into another Ship; Doe therefor exoner the ſaid Mr. Johne Young, and declares him free of any Acceſſion to the Lofle of theſe Regiſters, and that he caried himſelf faithfully according to his Trufts 2 The INTRODUCTION. A View of the State and sular, But before I enter even upon the Narration of thoſe Events, which are com- monly reckoned to be the firſt Beginnings of the Reformation, or at leaſt the firſt Dawnings towards one ; it will not be amiſs, in the firſt place, to take a gé- neral View of the State of our Nation about that Time, to the end the Reader may be the better prepared for receiving what follows, when he has previouſly ſeen, by the Temper and Diſpoſition of the Nation, how likely any attempted Change in Religion was to fucceed, and by what Means it would probably be carried on. II. With Reſpect to the Civil State of the Kingdom ; There had been Condition of a continued Chain of long and tedious Minorities in the Royal Family, fuccef- the Kingdom ſively following each other, for no leſs than ſix Generations. This could not preceding the fail to produce much Weakneſs in the Government, by the many Factions a- Reformation, mong the Nobility, with which Minorities are almoſt ever attended, and by the boiar as to fe- high Contempt of the Laws, which proves the conſtant Concomitant both of the one and the other. Nor did it a little contribute to the Weakneſs of our Government, and conſequently to the Inſolence of the Subjects, that the five James's were not only a long Time under Age, but that they all died in the Flower of it, before they had Leiſure to reform the Abuſes which had crept in, during their Minority, and to ſettle their Government on a ſtea- dy Foundation. In ſuch a weak and perplexed Situation of the State as this was, it is evident that any intended Alteration could moſt caſily make its Way; and that the Managers of it would haỹe little elſe to do, but to enter in- to Bonds and Aſſociations, and briskly threaten the Government, if it ſhould re- fuſe to comply with their Demands, tho ever ſo extravagant. As this will hold true in every diſtracted Kingdom or State ; ſo the laſt of the fore-mention- ed Minorities in this Kingdom (being that of Queen Mary, who was left an Or- phan of a Week old,) was the moſt dangerous of all to the Peace and Tran- quillity of the faine ; but the moſt favourable Juncture that could have fallen out to an intended Change in Religion ; the Prince being a very Infant, and a Female, and the abſent in a forein Country, where ſhe was to be married to a moſt Antichriſtian Husband, in the Senſe of the Innovators, who from thence would certainly take a ſtrong Handle to fill the Minds of the People with Fears and Jealouſies, to ſpirit them up into Fury and Rage againſt Idolatry, and to create in them a hearty Diſlike againſt the Defenders and Protectors of it. and Eccleſiaſtis Next, with reſpect to the Ecclefiaftick State ; The Clergy in Scotland were in Poſſeſſion of a great many Lands and Revenues, which by Donati- on pertained in Property to the Church ; and beſides, the Clergy being almoſt the only Men of Letters at that Time, came of Courſe to be advan- ced to the higheſt Places of Honour and Profit in the Kingdom. By Means of both which Fountains of Wealth, they not only turned idle and volup- tuary themſelves, but became likewiſe the Objects of Hatred to the Great, and of Contempt to the Small, ſo that to pull them down both Nobles and Commons could heartily agree. The Clergy had likewiſe fallen into an Error (not peculiar to that period alone) in omitting to recommend to the People the weightier Duties of the Law, and inſtead thereof in making Religi- on to conſiſt much in the Practice of ſome humane Conſtitutions that did not greatly touch the internal Nature of it. Of this Sort were Pilgrimages, In- dulgences, Donatives to the Church, Invocations of the Saints, Confeſſions, Penances, (a) &c. Some of which Things, tho they might be indifferent, and perhaps good in themſelves, yet being preſſed and urged by the Clergy, in Preference to the more eſſential Things of Religion, might afford Ground to penetrating People, to fufpect that they had their own Grandeur and Eſta- bliſhment more at Heart than any Thing elſe. And when theſe Non-eſſentials (which are the Things that ought properly to have been called Popery,) ſhall cal Matters. (a) I ſuppoſe I ſcarcely need to advertiſe, that I intend not by this to diſparage the laudable Diſcipline of the Church, nor to attack any Practice founded on the Word of God. The INTRODUCTION. Ž fhall once come to be called in Queſtion, and canvaſſed to the Bottom, 'tis very plain they will not be able to keep their Ground long. But this was not all : For the Clergy not being hitherto 'accuſtomed to hear of any Oppoſition made to the then received Doctrines of the Church, had of Con- ſequence taken no Care to inſtruct the People how to maintain or defend their Religious Principles, if ever they thould happen to be attacked on that Head. Nay, the Truth is, the moſt part of themſelves were very ignorant, and unable to give the People much Inſtruction that way ; in ſo much that even Biſhop Lefly complains, That the Alteration in Religion had gained no ſmall Ground by the Want of Catechetical Inſtruction ; to which he, and others of the Roman Church, likewiſe add the too open Licentiouſneſs of many Clergy-men. But that Reverend Author might have named other Defects alſo in the Management of Religion at that Time ; ſuch as the want of regular Preaching (a), and the feal- ing up the Scriptures from the People. By Means of all which it could hard- ly miſs, but moſt part of the People would quickly fall off to Men that not only put theſe divine Oracles into their Hands, but publickly taught and in- ſtructed them in the Principles of Chriſtianity, and who by a greater Art of Diſputation, than they had been accuſtomed to hear, ſuggeſted unto them the Weakneſs and Inſufficiency of ſuch Doctrines and Practices as they had for- merly been moſt converſant about. Under theſe Diſadvantages lay the Government of Scotland both in Church and State at the Time preceeding the Reformation of Religion. And tho per- haps ſeveral other Circumſtances might concur, yet I ſuppoſe even theſe alrea- dy mentioned, may give the Reader a pretty tolerable Gueſs what Succeſs an Attempt of a Change in religious Matters might, humanley ſpeaking, be attend- ed with. Finally, As to the Manner whereby an Alteration in Religion ſhould be car- What Sort ried on ; the Situation of our publick Affairs, and the Averſion of our Sove- of Reformati- reigns to any fuch Alteration, will probably afford us no great Proſpect of on might ra- . Regularity to be obſerved therein. The only Thing in that Juncture, that pected from could have contributed to a juſt and moderate Change, would have been the that Vicw. Diſcretion of the new Preachers, and the Diſintereſtedneſs of the Nobility. But ſince that likewiſe was wanting, alas ! what Confuſion and Diſorder inuſt of Neceſſity enſue. 'Tis true indeed, the Wealth of the Church, which was, no doubt, one great Bait to allure the Nobility and Gentry tò fayour an Altera- tion in Religion, had formerly ſerved exceedingly well to provide the younger Sons and Daughters of Families with Livings futable to their Rank and Dignity : And therefore it might be expected, that a great part of the Church- rents would be left undilapidated for that very Purpoſe ; eſpecially conſider- ing, that theſe Rents were in ſome ſort unalienable, and ſo remained a ſure and certain Fund for this Proviſion ; Whereas, were they once raviſhed from the Church, and enhanced by particular Families, they might ſooner or later come to follow the common Fate of temporal Eſtates, and ſo be of no long uſe to the Deſcendants of thoſe who ſhould obtain them. But our great Men could not endure to look fo far forward ; and the Love of preſent Gain ſo much prevailed with them againſt all prudent Conſiderations, that the Mob it felf, in- fluenced by the Preachers, was not more keen to throw down the Buildings, than the Nobility and Gentry were to plunder the Revenues of the Church. I thought here to have put an End to this Introduction ; but when I confi- dered that the following Hiſtory is to treat of the Reformation of Religion s A2 within (a) That Preaching was but very rarely performed by the Pariſh-prieſts, appears from the Preface to the Catechiſm ſet out by John Hamilton, the laſt Popiſh Archbiſhop of si. Andrews, (concerning which Book I ſhall have Očcafiori to ſpeak after- wards,) wherein he enjoins all the Curates, or Prieſts of the ſeveral Pariſhes to read a certain Portion of that Book to the People on Sundays, untill he ſhall provide Preachers, which Thing he there promiſes very quickly to do. It feems that Prelars ſaw the great Advantage the new Reformiers gained by Preaching. Any Thing of that kind was formerly practifed moſtly by iti- nerant Monks ; ſo that it was not regular and ſtared, but merely accidental. Perhaps ſince that Time we have fallen into a com trary Extreme. 4 The INTRODUCTION. grants . within our Kingdom, I thought it not unfit here likewiſe to preſent the Rea- 1517. der with ſome Account, how it firſt fell out, that any Change in that Religion, which had been eſtabliſhed for ſo long a Space, came to take effect in other Parts of the Chriſtian World, and thereby to pave the way for its Reception in this Country III. In the Year of our Lord 1517, (James V. of that Name being King of Scotland, and Henry VIII. King of England,) the Papal Authority received ſo formidable a Blow, anda Riſe was given to ſuch a ſurpriſing Ecclefia- ſtick Revolution in Germany, (where at that Time Maximilian I. and ſoon after Charles V. his Grandſon, was Emperor) that the like thereof had not fal- len out from the firſt Inſtitution of that Polity. The Occaſion of it was thus. Pope Leo X. John de Medicis, a young and expenſive Man, having been raiſed to the eences for the Dignity of the ſupreme Pontificate in the Year 1513, by the Name of Leo X. Payment of did by his private extravagant Manner of living, and the great Sums he laid out Money. on the Building of St. Peter's Cathedral at Rome, (begun by his Predeceſſor Ju- lius II.) reduce himſelf to ſuch Straits for want of Money, that he judged it expedient, and was adviſed to have Recourſe to the Method of Indulgences, for obtaining a Supply. By Indulgences is meant, a Freedom from fuffering the Puniſhment due by the divine Juſtice for Sin : And of this diſpenſing Power, or granting Indulgences, the Pope, as Vicar of Jeſus Chriſt upon Earth, pre- tends to be theſole Arbiter and Manager. Nor was this the firſt Time that theſe Heads of the Church had thought fit to grant this Favour for the Payment of à Piece of Money; and particulary the very laſt Pope had put his Hand, if I am not miſtaken, to this part of the Church's Treaſure. Whether therefore the frequency of this extraordinary ſpiritual Favour, made it be leſs valued and re- But his Bull garded, or that the People of Germany were generally diſguſted, when they meets not with underſtood that the Monies that ſhould ariſe in the Northern Parts thereof, from Receptione cord the Indulgences granted at this Juncture, were all aſſigned to the Princeſs of ſeveral Rca- Cibo, the Pope's Sifter, in Satisfaction, and for extinguiſhing of Sums of Mo- ney, formerly afforded by that Lady to her Brother, before he came to be Pope, I ſhall not take it on me, nor is it my Buſineſs, here to determine. Only this is certain, that the Scheme did not now meet with that hearty Approba- tion and Complyance, which no doubt was lookt for by the Court of Rome. There were likewiſe fome Circumſtances in the Management of the Indulgences at this Time, that did not a little contribute to the Diſreputation of them, ſuch as the (a) farming them out to publick Officers; the Farmers expoſing them by publick Cryers to the beſt Bidder ; the ſcandalous Behaviour of the Farmers by ſquandering away much of the Money they received, in Taverns and infa- mous Houſes; the Out-crys of many poor Perfons, who juſtly complained that the ordinary Alms given by the Rich, was much diminihed by their Traf- fick for Indulgences ; and finally, the too extenſive Form of Pardon that was granted to the Purchaſers. ma And becauſe 'tis not improbable that this laſt Circumſtance gave as great the Indulgence Ground as any other, to the ſubſequent Oppoſition that was made to the free granted by the Courſe of the Indulgences ; I ſhall here fer down in Engliſh the Subſtance of Managers. the (6) Form of Abſolution, as it was then given by John Tetzel a Dominican Friar, and Sub-commiſſary of this Affair, under Albert Archbiſhop of Mentz, to whom the Pope had committed in chief the Promulgation of the Indulgences in Germany. "I abfolve thee from all Ecclefiaftical Cenfures, and from all thy Sins, how enormous foever And by this plenary Indulgence, I remit thee all Manner of Puniſhment, which thou oughteſt to ſuffer in Purga. tory ; And I reſtore thee to the Sacraments of the Church, and to that In. nocence and Purity which thou hadſt at thy Baptiſm, ſo as at Death the Gates of Hell Mall be ſhut againſt thee, and the Gates of Paradice ſhall be teri laid (a) Seckendorf and Maimbourg Hiſt. Lutheraniſm. See the complete original Form in the Appendix Numb. I. lons. The Form of The INTRODUCTION. 5 ces. laid open to receive thee. In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghoſt. Amen During this fpiritual Merchandize, there flouriſhed in the Univerfity of Wit- temberg, a certain Profeſſor, named Martin (a) Luther, a Canon Regular, lookt upon by many to be the moſt learned of all his Order, and a princi- pal Ornament of the new Univerſity, lately ſet up in that City by Frederick Duke of Saxony. This Man, who had, fome Time before, inade appear in his, De Cortina publick Diſputations, that he was not altogether fatisfied with the dry ſchola- ſes the sale of ſtick Theology then in Vogue, and that he laid but little Streſs on the Senti- the Indulgen- ments of the later Doctors, began now in his Sermons to depretiate the Value which fome People were ready to put upon Indulgences : He repreſented them as ineffectual to Salvation without a religious Life ; that they could not be much eſteemed by any, but foft, cowardly or ſuperficial, Chriſtians, who had not Will, nor Courage to tread the Paths of true Religion ; that nothing but the Merits of Jeſus Chriſt could redeem from Damnation ; and that with re- fpect to the furnishing of Money for building St. Peter's Church at Rome, he thought Alms was in the firſt Place due to the Poor and Indigent ; in the next Place, to the Building of Churches in the Parts where Men have their Reſi- dence ; and afterwards, if People had a mind, they mighr, out of their Super- fluities, beſtow a Share on St. Peter's Cathedral. Theſe Things he propoſed at firſt with a good deal of Modeſty, and apparently (or rather certainly) with- out any formed Deſign to make a Breach from the Church ; to which he pro- feſſed, that he ſubmitted himſelf, and all his Doctrines; and wrote a Letter to the . Pope, owning and acknowledging that his Submiſſion. And indeed it is not eaſy to conceive, how it could ever enter into the Mind of any one fingle Per- fon, at leaſt one ſo inconſiderable, (even fuppoſing him to be pretty well fup- ported) to be able to bring about ſo great an Alteration in Church Matters, as did in a very ſhort Space afterwards enſue. And ’ris more than probable, that if gentle, and more prudon't Methods had been taken with him ; that is, if the Pope and thoſe intruſted by him, had thought fit to condemn the certain and real Abuſes that Luther complained of, all the Noiſe and Buſtle raiſed by him, might have quickly been hull’d. But their Misfortune was, that the quite contrary of this was practifed ; and the principal Perfons of the Dominican Order, (b) who thought themſelves moſtly concerned at this Time, as having the whole Management of the Sale of the Indulgences committed to them, did by their Writings, and Intereſt at Rome,fo widen the Breach, that an Accommo- dation became daily more difficult. The Pope, who, bating worldly Intereſt, was not thought to be a great Enemy to Luther, was brought over to publiſh a B new (a) It is a Pity to ſee what boundleſs and unmannerly Freedoms the ſeveral Parties of Chriſtians allow themſelves in Reproach- ing each other. Since Luther's Separation from the Church of Rome, thoſe of that Church have handed about, and publifhed moſt bitter Invectives againſt him, ſome whereof are as ridiculous as they are falſe ; ſuch as, his having been begot by a Devil upon his Mother, in the Form of her Husbånd. He was, by the Conceſſion of his very Enemies, a Man endued with a great Ge- nius, and excellent Abilities. He left the Study of Law, and applied himſelf to that of Divinity, upon Occaſion of one of his Fellow-Students having been ſtruck dead by Thunder in his Preſence, after which Time he turned more internal and spiri- tual than are the generality of Men. His Reputation was to great, that his Order made Choice of him to go to Rome, to manage fome of their Affairs; which he did to ſo good Purpoſe, that after his Return, the Vicar. General appointed him to be honoured with a Doctor's Cap, and the Ceremony was performed at the Expence of the Elector his Sovereign. He was then only Thirty Years of Age ; and Six Years before this, viz. in the Year 1507, he was received into the Holy Order of Prieſts. He was doubtleſs a Man of a very extraordinary Fortitude, who had Courage to oppoſe himſelf to the whole Power of the Church. But if there was a divine Hand in the Affair, as it is very likely, certainly a Man of his Boldneſs was the proper Inítrument. Some People have cbferved, that according as his Party prevailed, in Proportion doth appear in his Writings greater Self-ſufficiency, and leſs Dependance upon God. If it is ſo, it was certainly à Weakneſs in him ; but let the Perſon that is without this Sin firit caft a Stone at him. He was born at iſlebe in the County of Mansfeld in Saxony, on the 10. November 1483, and died there like- wiſe on the a8. February 1546. 'Tis not true that he firſt debauched a Nun, and then ſet himſelf to oppoſe the Church; for he did not marry Katharine Boren before the Year 1524, nor was there any former unlawful Dealing betwixt them. (b) This Order had increaſed in Credit and Reputation at Rome froni its firſt Foundation. The Author of it was one Dominic, born at Calaroge, a Village of old Caſtile in Spain in the Year 1170. Pope Honorius III. granted him a Bull for his new projected Society, under the Title of preaching Friars [i. e. Fellows, or Brethren,) on the 22. December 1216. Dominic himſelf , and one of his Order ever ſince, have been Maſters of the Pope's Palace. By this Dignity they were entitled to the Power of nominating fuch Perſons as ſhould preach in the Pope's own Chapel , and even publickly to rebuke the Preacher in the very Preſence of the Pope, if any Thing was found to be reprehenſible in the Sermon. And the preſent Pope Leo X. had prohibited the printing of any Book whatſoever at Rome, or in the Diſtrict thereof, without the Approbation of the Cardinal Vicar, and the Dominican-Maſter of the Palace. The Habit of the Order is a black Garmene above a white. With us they were called Black Friars. 6 The INTRODUCTION. new Bull in Confirmation of Indulgences; and in 1520 to excommunicate Lul- ther. He on the other Hand, being an undaunted Man, and finding his Doctrine. ſecretly applauded, was not idle ; he writes, proteſts, appeals, and at other Times ſubmits, upon certain Conditions. However, all ended in this, that he who at firſt had bogled to call in Queſtion the Pope's Authority, did afterwards diſclaim it altogether : And not only fo, but having been highly nettled with the Publick burning of his Confeſſion and Doctrines, which he had now enlarged to a good Bulk; he, in Retaliation, burnt the Canon Law, and the Pope's Bull, where- and gains a by all future Hopes of a Reconciliation were utterly loſt. In fine, the Fame confiderablc of the Man, and the Solidity of his Doctrines in the general, did gain ſo upon the Party: World, that he foon ſaw himſelf Maſter of a great many Diſciples and Follow- ers ; and the Church of Rome began to ſee her Error too late, in not gaining that deſpicable Monk (as at firſt he was called) at any Rate. Whole Provinces and Kingdoms did forſake her Communion ; and another ſuch Blow had done much Whereupon to raze her from the very Foundation. It was the Senſe of this great Defecti- ſeveral Perlons on from the Church, that made the Biſhops in the ſeveral Kingdoms keep a to his Senti- very ſtrict Eye, and call in the Aid of the ſecular Powers, to puniſh ſuch ments, were Perſons as thewed any liking to the Lutheran Hereſy. Other Kingdoms may in different perhaps afford more numerous Examples of Severity on this Score ; but this Places, and in ſmall and more remote Country in which we live, can likewiſe boaſt that it the kingdom hath not been ſparing of Blood, to give Teſtimony to what was believed to be Truth, The Inſtances will be ſeen in the following Narration. THE LIX H AIR SUTHERLAND SCOTLAND In which are marked the Several Shires and Principal Places mentioned in thisBook The LVII I 20 60 Western naim: 6 deer Isted EL GIN INVERNET ( BA NI :6D-CHEZA Monongal. CUDBRYI The Iſles of Orkney and Shetland be to the North here. Fair head Dung by head The CONTINENT Puna Shurts of owick r wie cunrobin c Dornock terbat neft Tayne Sluire of R O I S Fern 5 70 30 50 aCromarty Oomarty Nairn A Scale of Scottiſh Miles Dingwal o Kinros Fortrofe dClackmannan & Gullen Eigin Bant. Fraſerburghe Forres Inverness - iarnăvay Peterhead of newvburgh corichie Dee R. Aberdeen ( Lochlevin Invertochy dunotar c 2 Alloa Piarnom AMA Blair 3 llackmannan Fettercairn Bervy 4. Cutros Athol edzet. 5 Kinneil 6 Blackneſs logyrait. Brechin din montrose 7 queensferry dunkeld Forfar Inverkeithia aglaming of abertrothick g Kinghorn Inveraray (fcoon 10 Kókaldy 1. Dyfart Perth Drummond 12 veem Tillibarding; FY St Andrews 13 Largo Ochterunder Coxipar Grail dunblane, 14 Littenuvion Falkland · Llanypbeli 15Anybuthern STI: • di "I may FA Stirling Mayfellrurgh. RLI: Inverefk Dictiline northbernick Dunbarton Falkirk Wantallan C (I'ınký Greenock Kilsyth Tenbar netton p. 17 Anorum NE. Lithgow, Abby head WA Edimburg Hadington” N. Foldinghant se dymouth 18 Caſtlehill : ialder NenhadleFala 1.Kirkintillo Hamilton 20 Langside Denise Bernick 211a/tealte Kiſvinning Lanerk Lady Kirke Korham Irvine laudey Holy Ipe Arran Peebles Floudon “Roxburgh fire Selkirk RYC Sanchasi Hannick Drumlapuig Hermitagi.c. Nerv oallonav lochmaben CODumfrife Garla verek Annan Uhree ar Newcarde Port Patrick Kirkcudbright Wigton Carlile Spey River Ruthven of S Badenech ABERDEEN . Lyd IVI IC NEARA o all of-thot R Tay Rider salong G E couper Us tudos Broughty C P . this LENƠ X } IVI 5% 7: Meitha Seton Prer Traine Renfrew Glasgow lay Coast But it MER: 19:04 ungaiqdue) Douglas 'Bagari u & CRK Corsrag KIRK jedbürgh DUMFR. BURGICI Border LV CION nith R Stenluce, KIR Fungland W9 Solrau Firth Durham Dee ruhitern or'candida caji Mule of Galloway Cockermouth wirkiniai R. Cooper Sculp. GOD JUAN Τ Η Ε HISTORY Of the AFFAIRS of CHURCH and STATE IN SCOTLAN D. 1 BOOK I. From the firſt Commencement of the Reformation, to the Establiſhment thereof, Anno 1560. C H A P. 1. Containing an Account of CHURCH-AFFAIRS, from the firſt Dawning towards a Reformation in Religion, Anno 1527; to the Death of King FAMES V. Anno 1542. M WWER. PATRICK HAMILTON, (a) Son to Patrick Hamilton of Kinkavil, ſometime Captain of the Caſtle of Blackneſs, 1527-8. being in his younger Years provided to the Abbacy of Feram in Roſs-Shire, had received at Home fome Hint of the Do- ctrines propagated by Luther ; and in his Travels in Ger. many, became acquainted with the principal Perſons that fupported the ſame. At his Return into his own Country, full of Conviction of the Truth of theſe Sentiments, he ad- ventured in his Diſcourſes to lay open the Corruptions of the Church, and to diſcover the Errors that were crept into the Chriſtian Doctrine and Wor- B 2 ſhip (a) Mr. Buchanan tells us very gravely, that he was Nephew to the Earl of Arran, and to the Duke of Albany ; and Mi. Knox refers us to Mr. Fox, for an Account of his Birth; by whom we are told, That he was of a high and noble Stock, and of the King's Blood. But 'tis worthy to be obſerved, Fhat his Father was only a Baſtard of the Lord Hamilton. Vide Charters Books I. and 13. James IV. And if he was Nephew to the Duke of Albany, his Mother muſt likewiſe have been only a Baſtard of that Prince of the Blood, ſeeing we hear of no Daughter at all lawfully procreated by Duke Alexander: Or if there had 'cis not to be fuppofed, that ſhe would have been given in Marriage to a Baſtard Son of the Family of Hamilton. Every Perſon will perceive, that Mr. Hamilton's Birth has been magnified, merely to draw the greater Odium of Cruelty upon the Clergy. But ſuch indire& Methods are very unbecominga and much to be avoided. Archbiſhop Spottiſwood has been drawn into the fame Miftake by the fore-mentioned Hiſtorians. 8 The History of the Affairs of Book I. Hamilton burnt for affer- 1527-8. Mr. Hamilton's Management in this was fo diſpleaſing to the Clergy, that he was ſoon afrer apprehended at St. Andrews, whither he had been inticed to come, under Colour of a friendly Conference; and the very next Day was pre- ſented before the Archbiſhop of that See, aſſiſted by the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, and ſeveral other Biſhops and Dignitaries : And the Matter was ſo hotly purſued, that after a Hearing or two, he received a Sentence, declaring him (a) Heretick, and giving him over to the ſecular Power to be puniſhed. And the ſame Afternoon, being the (6) laſt Day of Febru. Mr. Patrick ary 1527-8, he was carried out and burnt before the Gate of St. Salvator's College in that City. His Patience and Conſtancy in the midſt of the Flames, ting the Luthe. were fo remarkable, that many Perſons fcrupled not to ſay, That he died a ran Do&trine. True Martyr of Chriſt. Drummond attributes this Exccution to a Revenge of a private Quarrel againſt the Earl of Arran. After this Execution, ſeveral Perſons in all Quarters of the Kingdom, began of Courſe, as it feldom fails in ſuch Caſes, to enquire into the Articles for which Mr. Hamilton had been ſo ſeverely treated ; and many did entertain fa- vourable Sentiments concerning them : And divers of the Religious themſelves did, from that Time forward, declaim openly againſt the lewd Behaviour of their Brethren the Clergy ; and particularly in that Lent, one Seton, Brother to Ninian Seton of Touch, of the Dominican Order, who was Confeſſor to the King, aſſum- Mr: Seton, ed the Courage to recommend fome of the new Doctrines from the Pulpit. the King's Confeffor, And when, in his Abſence at Dundee, another of his own Order had taken maintains the upon him to refute thefe Doctrines, Mr. Seton, at his Return to St. Andrew's, ſameDoktrine, did boldly confirm what he had formerly taught ; and beſides, did declare to the People, the. Virtues which St. Paul requireth to be found in a good and faithful Biſhop. This piece of Freedom was not a little grating to the Genera- lity of the Clergy ; and they found the leſs Difficulty to bring him into Diſcredit at Court, becauſe, as 'tis reported, he likewiſe had uſed much Free- dom in reproving of the King : So that Mr. Seto1 perceiving the King's Coun- tenance to be altered towards him, and dreading the Power and Influence of the Clergy, thought fit to retire from Court into England : But before he forced to Ay, went farther, he ſtopt fome Time at Berwick, from whence he wrote a (c) into England; Letter to the King, in which he declares the Occaſion of his ſudden Departure, Letter to the and begs the King would be pleaſed to communicate the ſame to the Clergy. But no Anſwer having been returned to his Letter, Mr. Seton proceeded after- wards on his Journey to London. The next Sufferer was Henry Foreſt, a young Benedictin Friar, (d) born reft burnt at in Linlithgow, who was burnt at St. Andrews about 1533, for ſaying that St. Andrews; Mr. Hamilton was a good Man, that the Articles for which he had been con- demned might be well enough defended, and that he died a Martyr. Whilſt Conſultation was held upon the Manner of his Execution, John Lindſay, one of the Archbiſhop's Gentlemen, offered his Advice (for he was a plain fimple Man) to burn Friar Foreſt in ſome hollow Cellar ; for, faid he, the Smoke of Mr. Patrick Hamilton hath infected all thoſe on whom it blew, In the Year 1534, Norman Gourlay and David Straton, two Gentlemen, were brought to their Trial at Holy-Rood-Houſe, before the Biſhop of Rofs,who fat Judge by a Delegation from the Primate, the then Ordinary of that Place. The King, who was preſent at the Trial, laboured much to have them recant what was laid to their Charge (or burn their Bill, (e) as the Phraſe was at that Time) (a) See the Articles of Hereſy ſpecified in the Sentence pronounced againſt him. App. Num. 2. (6) Some ſay the ift Day of March; and perhaps the Sentence of the Sccular Judge might not have been given till the nešt Day after the Ecclefiaftick Sentence, which bears Date the laſt Day of February; or perhaps the different Account may have ariſen from there being 29 Days in February that Year. (c) See App. Num. 3. (d) The Founder of this Order was one Benedict, born in the Year 480, at Nurſi, in the Dutchy of Spoletto in Italy. It has been the greateſt Order of all the reft; and has produced, beſides a World of holy and learned Men, manyPopes, Cardináls, ſome Eniperors, Empreſſes, Kings and Queens. The Colour of this Order is Black. (e) The Form of burning one's Bill, or recanting, was this : The Perſon accuſed was to bring a Faggot of dry Sticks, and burn it publickly, by which Ceremony he ſignified, that'he deſtroyed That which ſhould have been the Inttrument of his Death. for which he is King from Berwick. Henry Fo. Chap. I. Church and State in Scotland. Time) as he had perſuaded ſome others to do ; but they perfifted in their Pro- 1539. feffion, and were burnt at one Stake, on the 27th Day of Auguſt, at (a) Green- fide. The Pope granted the King this Year, or the preceeding, the Tenth of all anders van die Eccleſiaſtical Benefices for three Years, which was donie (as Tome Perſons have High-way bo- faid) in order to render the King more hearty in giving way to the Profecution twixt Leith of Hereticks. burgh. Four Years after this there was a Meeting of Biſhops at Edinburgh, where the following Perſons were accuſed, and condemned, viz. (6) Kilior and Be- Five Per verage, two Black Friars, Sir Duncan Simſon of Stirling, a Prieſt, Robert burnt at Edin, Foreſter, a Gentleman of the fame City, and Thomas (c) Foreſt, a Canon (d) burgh. Regular of St. Colm's Inch in the Firth of Forth, and Vicar of Dolor in Perth- Shire ; theſe five were burnt on the Caſtle Hill of Edinburgh the laft Day of February 1538-9. The ſame Year one Ruſſel, a Gray Friar (e,) and a young Geritleman of the Sirname of Kennedy, were delated of Hereſy at Glaſgow ; and in order to ſecure their Condemnation, ſome Zealots were diſpatched thither from Edin- burgh, to fpur forward the Archbiſhop of that 'See, Gavin Dinbar, who was lookt upon to be too cool in Buſineſs of that Nature. Mr. Kennedy's tender Years inclined him to fome Pufillanimity; but lie was Riffel and foon fortified by the Exhortation of Ruſſel, fo as among other Expreſſions, he ſaid, Kennel your ne Now I defy Death, do as you pleaſe, I praiſe God I am ready. Ruſelhaving rea- foncd long and learnedly, fays Bishop Spotifwood, againſt his Accufers, and being anſwered with Railings and bitter Speeches, replied, This is your Hour, and the Power of Darkneſs ; now ye fit as Judges, and we ſtand wrongfully con, demned, but the Day cometh which will ſhow our Innocency, and you thall ſee your own Blindneſs; to your everlaſting Confuſion : Go on, and fill the Meaſure of your Iniquities. Theſe Words had a mighty Impreſſion on the Arch- biſhop, inſomuch that he was heard to ſay, that theſe bloody Executions did But this great Harm to their Caufe ; but being over-awed by his Zealous Aſſeſſors, who Severity pro repreſented to him, That he would not be eſteemed the Church's Friend, if he more favour- ſhould take any milder Courſe than that which had been taken at Edinburgh ; ers to the new Doctrines. he gave Way, and condemned the Pannels to be burnt alive. However, it was found afterwards that this Archbiſhop had the beſt Judgment in theſe Mat- ters : For tho ſeveral Perſons were put in Priſon for being luſpected of the He- reſy of Luther, and many were baniſhed into foreign Countries in this fame Year; yet it was quickly ſeen that the Kingdom began to be divided much in Point of Religion ; nor was it in the Power of the King and Council to bear down the new Opinions from gaining Ground daily. But, as it generally happens in Things of this kind, the greater the publick Perſecution was, the greater ſtill was the Number of thoſe that embraced the Cauſe of the Sufferers. In the Harveſt-time of this Year 1539 died James Beton Archbiſhop of St. Andrews (f). He was Son to the Laird of Balfour in the County of Fife ; and ton Archbi- had been 22 Years Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, and was Chancellor of the King-hop of St, dom at the Time of his Tranſlation to St. Andrews, in which See he lived 17 Years. He had the Misfortune to live in a Time wherein the above-mentioned Perſons were put to Death by his Authority, tho we are told by a worthy C James Be. Andrews dies. 1 (a) An open field cloſs on the Eaſt-ſide of the High-way, betwixt Edinburgh and Leith, and near to the Caltour. (6) Al. Kello, (c) Al. Forret, who, ſome ſay, was of the Family of Forret in Fife, and that his Father had been Maſter Stabler, i. e. (as I take it) Maſter of Horſe to King James IV. (d) The Canon Regulars (i. e. Clergymen living together in one Houſe, under a Set of Rules after the Manner of the ancient Monks,) do all own St. Auguſtine, the famous Biſhop of Hippo in Africa, for their Founder. He was born at Thagafte , near Hippo in the Kingdom of Numidia in the Year-354. In proceſs of Time the Canon-Regulars came to enjoy Churches and Bencfices. (e) The Founder of this Order was one John, afterwards named Francis, born at Afiſe, a Town of Umbria in Italy in the Year 1182. Pope Innocent III. approved his Inſtitution in the Year 1210 ; but it was not confirmed by a Bull till the ber 1223" by Honorius III. Thoſe of his Society behoved to poſſeſs nothing, but live by Alms. His Habit was a gray Coat, with a pointed Cowl fixed to it: But he allowed his Monks to have two Coats if neceſſity required. They go Bare foot, and wear a Cord about their Body; and are called Gray Friars. (f) Vide Sadler's Letters, p. 17. 30. Octo- IO The History of the Affairs of Book I. The new Andrews. 1539. (a) Succeſſor of his in that Office, that his natural Temper was neither vio- lently ſet, nor was he much ſollicitous how Matters went in the Church. (6) Before his Death he had not only for ſometime paſt, committed the Charge of His Charêter. all Church Affairs to Cardinal David Beton his Nephew ; but he had likewiſe nominated hiin to be his Succeſſor in the See of St. Andrews: To which no- mination the King after his Death was pleaſed to conſent, for the great Affecti- on he had for the old Man, who had ſuffered much from the Earl of Angus's Faction. The new Archbiſhop, a Man of whom much will come to be ſpoken, did very Archbiſhop accuſeth Cap- foon after his Inſtalment, take an Opportunity to make a Shew, both of hi sown tain Borthwick Grandeur, and of his ſincereſt Intentions to proſecute all thoſe, who at that of Herefy in Time were termed Hereticks : For he brought to St. Andrews a great many Per- many great ſons of the firſt Rank, both Eccleſiaſticks and Laicks, to whom being aſſembled Perſons at St. in the Cathedral Church of that City, he from a Throne erected for the Purpoſe, did repreſent the Danger wherewith the Church was threatned by the in- creaſe of Hereticks, who had the Boldneſs to profeſs their Opinions, even in the King's Coure, where, ſaid he, they find but too great Countenance ; and he men- tioned by Name Sir John Borthwick,commonly called Captain (c) Borthwick, whom he had likewiſe cauſed to be cited to that Diet, for diſperſing of Here- tical Books, and for maintaining divers Articles repugnant to the received Faith : And he concluded with a Deſire to thoſe that were preſent, for obtaining their Concurrence and Aſſiſtance in the Execution of Juſtice againſt him. Then the Articles of his Accufation were read : But neither Sir John, nor any Perlon having a Procuratory for him, offering to appear ; he was found guilty, and a ſevere Sentence was pronounced againſt him on the 28. of May 1540 (d, Conformable to one Part of which Sentence, his Effigies was burnt the ſame Day in St. Andrews, and two Days after at Edinburgh. Captain Borth- wick after this retired into England, and was employed by King Henry to treat of a Confederacy betwixt him and the Proteſtant Princes of Germay. Yet all the ſtately Appearance and formidable Severity of the Cardinal, did not ſo far terrify the People, but that many of them fell off daily from the Church : So that the Cardinal, and the other Prelates, being very much vexed at the great Increaſe of the Favourers of the new Opinions ; and being deſirous by sir James all Means to ķeep them at under at leaſt, if they ſhould not be able totally to extir- pointed roen-pate them, gave Advice to the King, as ſome have ſaid, to lay heavy Taxes and quire after Impofitions on thoſe whom they called Hereticks. And this Advice being giv- en to the King, at a Time when they foreſaw he might ſtand much in Need of Money, by Reaſon of an impending War from England; his Majeſty went the more eaſily into it, and for that Purpoſe gave Commiſſion (according to the Nomination of the Clergy) to Sir James Hamilton of Fennard, natural Brother to the Earl of Arran (e,) to conveen before him all Perſons fufpe- cted of Hereſy, and to inflict the Puniſhinents they ſhould be found to merit. This Sir James Hamilton is ſaid to have been a Man every way qualified for this Commiſſion, being both ambitious and cruel ; and whereas he had been lately (a) Archbiſhop Spotiſwood. ) There is a merry Story related of this Archbiſhop, which perhaps it may not be improper to inſert here : The Matter is this. When the Faction of the Earl of Arran had determined by the concurrent Advice of this Archbiſnop, who was then in the See of Glaſgow, to lay Hands on the Earl of Angus, whilſt he was in the City of Edinburgh, with only a few of his Friends and Followers about him, and ſuſpecting no ſuch Deceit (as may be ſeen in our Hiſtorians) Gavin Douglas the famous Tranſlator of Vir. gil into Scottiſh Verſe, who was Uncle to the Earl of Angus, and Biſhop of Dunkeld, was ſent to the Chancellor, to beg him, according to his Offices, both Spiritual and Temporal, to uſe his Intereſt to pacify the Tumult that was like to enſue in th Streets, and to reſcue his Nephew from the Danger that threarned him : The Archbiſhop ſmote his Breaſt with his Hand, and ſaid, in Conſcience, my Lord, I cannot help it : But his Grace, not being aware that he had under his Gown a Coat of Mail , the Armour happened to give a Sound by the Clap of his Hand; whercupon the Biſhop of Dunkeld anſwered, Ay, my Lord, I think your Conſcience clatters, i. e. rattles, or is hollow. The Earl of langus unexpectedly prevailed againſt the Earl of Arran, who was fain to ſave himſelf by ſwiming over the North-Loch on Horſe-back: And in the Fray, (which fell out on the laſt Day of April 1520, and was afterwards called Cleanſe the Cauſey) his Lordſhip loft about 80 of his Followers. (c) Knox ſays he was, or had been Provoſt of Linlithgow; and Sir Ralph Sadler in his Negotiations, calls him Lieutenant of the French King's Guard. •(d) See Append. Numb. 4. (ej Mr. Buchanan thinks fit to call Sir James a Baſtard of the Family of Arran. It ſeems that Author can tell the whole Truth, or a part only, juſt as it makes for his Purpoſe. Hereticks. Chap. I. Church and State in Scotland. I I Hamilton, Bro- ther to Mr. lately in ſome Diſgrace with the King, for being too much of a Party with the 1539 Douglaſſes (a,) he reſolved now to inſinuate himſelf into Favour by fome e- minent Acts of Severity. But the Providence of God foon permitted an End to be put to his Inquiſition. For another James Hamilton, Brother to Mr. Patrick Hamilton the firſt Sufferer upon Account of Religion, and who had formerly been Sheriff of Linlithgow, and was forced to leave the Country for abetting the new Doctrines, but had now obtained a Licence for ſome Months to return Home, and put his private Affairs in Order ; finding the whole Cenſorian Power to be lodged in his Couſins Hands, and truſting to the Mr: James Bonds of Conſanguinity, had adventured to continue longer in the Country than his Licence gave him Protection (6). But he was quickly made ſenſible of his Patrick is a- Miſtake ; for Sir James being deſirous to thew his Zeal in Favour of the Clergy, that's ere to be had fully determined to make his Couſin, firſt of all, feel the effect of his Power called beforo Mr. Hamilton perceiving the Danger he was in, but knowing withal that Sir chishigh Com- James ſtood in ſome Umbrage with the King; and judging that an Aftergame he, to evite might be dangerous, deſigned to be before Hand with him. For this purpoſe, the Danger, he directeth his Son to the King, juſt as he was ready to croſs the Water to go into James of high Fife, advertiſing his Majeſty, that now there was great Neceſſity to take Care of Treaſon, who his Preſervation ; for that Sir James Hamilton was in Concert with the Douglaſ- thereupora cia . , ſes (againſt whom the King bare an irreconcilable Hatred,) to aſſaſſinate him and executed. ſome how or other, and that he only waited for a convenient Time to put his wicked Deſigns in Execution. The King who was never regardleſs of any thing that was propoſed for the Safety of his Life, diſpatched the young Gentleman to Edinburgh, and gave him his Ring to be delivered to the Privy-Council, as a Token of the Truth of the Meſſage. The Council (c) receiving the Informa- tion from the young Man, immediately cauſed Sir James to be apprehended; and ſhut up in the Caſtle of Edinburgh, till a legal Trial hould be made of the Crimes laid to his Charge ; in order to which a criminal Court was held at Edinburgh on Munday the (a) 16. Day of Auguſt 1540, in which Sir James was condemned to loſe his Head. It is a good enough Obſervation which is made by one of our (e) Hiſtorians, after his relating of this Back-blow of Fortune, namely, “That 'tis dangerous once highly to offend a Prince, and afterwards remain in his Service ; for Princes put old Offences up, as if ne- glected and forgot, and when Occaſion ferveth them, they furprize long af- ter the Delinquents, for ſome Faults of which they are ſcarce guilty". Tis likewiſe faid by the fame Hiſtorian, " That this ſudden Downfall of Sir James · Hamilton did mightily chill the Spirits of fundry of the Nobility, who, " tho they loved not the Man, yet hated the Example of ſuch ſtrict Juſtice” (f.) Some of our Hiſtorians tell us that the Clergy not being at all abalhed with the firſt Miſgivings of their Project by the Downfal of Sir James Hamilton; Ć 2 66 66 did (a) See concerning the Douglaſſes in the following Chapter. (6) So is the Story related by Drummond. And in the Miſcellanea Scotica; we are told, that Mr. Hamilton never thought himſelf ſafe while Sit' James, was Preſident of this new Court, who, tho his near Relation, was yet his mortal Enemy, becauſe when Mr. Hamilton was Sheriff, he had given a Cauſe againſt Sir James. But if the Word Indicium ought to be read for Judicium, in the Place where Mr. Buchanan writes of this Matter (as lome learned Criticks think it ſhould) then it would appear, that Mr. Ha- milton had obtained Licence to come home, on Deſign to accuſe Sir James. (c) Both Buchanan and Drummond male Mention of Sir James Lermont Maſter of the King's Houfhold, Sir James Kircaldog Treaſurer, and Sir Thomas Erskine Secretary, to have been the principal Perſons at lçaft, to whom the King ſent his Orders at this Time, and who accordingly went to Sir James Hamilton's Houſe, and apprehended him. (d) Regiſters King James y. Our Hiſtorians wander much both as to the Place and Time of this Criminal Court. (e) Drummond. í This is the common Report of all our Hiſtorians; but if there was any thing cenſurable, in Point of Juſtice, done at this Court; the Nobility and Gentry had themſelves to blame for it, and not the King. For by the publick Records, the Inqueſt or Afſize conſiſted of theſe following Perſons, viz. George Earl of Huntley, James Earl of Arran, William Earl Mariſchal , Wil liam Earl of Montroſe, Gilbert Earl of Caſſils, Fohn Earl of Athole, Hugh Earl of Eglinton, Robert Lord Maxwels Hugh Lord Sö. mervel, Henry Lord Methven, Malcolm Lord Fleming, Sir Willian Cunningham Maſter of Glencairn, Hugh Lord Fraſer of Lovat, William Lauder of Hatton, William Cunningham of Glengarnock, David Ramſay of Dalhouſy, James Douglas of Drumlanrig, Robert Moubray of Barnbougal, Sir John Melvil of Raith, John Lord Lindſay of Byres, James Lundy of Balgony. And the Ar ticles libelled againſt him, were, his deviſing and attempting the King's Deáth, three or four ſeveral times. I 2 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. 1540. did again renew the fame Requeſt to the King ; and that they delivered to his ü Majeſty a Paper, in which were contained the Names of about 360 Perſons, Noblemen, Gentlemen, and others, who were ſuſpected of Hereſy ; and with whoſe Eſtates, they ſaid, the King might enrich himſelf, and provide for his Security againſt thé Attempts of his Uncle the King of England, if he ſhould think fit to make War upon Scotland, upon Account of our King's having re- fuſed to meet him at Tork. In which Cafe they likewiſe promiſed to afford the King a large Sum of Money. After preſenting this Liſt to the King, we are A Liſt of thoſe informed that Kirkaldy of Grange, then Lord I reaſurer, diſſwaded his Majeſty ſuſpected and much from purſuing any ſuch Advice ; and that the King thereupon did call to have been ſome of the Clergy to him, and ſpoke to them in theſe Terms, as recorded by given to thc Mr. Knox, “ Packe you Jefwellis, get you to your Charges, and reform your King own Lives, and be not Inſtruments of Diſcord betwixt my Nobility and me; or elſe I vow to God, I ſhall reform you, not as the King of Denmark by Im- “ priſonment doth, neither yet as the King of England doth by hanging and heading, but I ſhall reprove you by ſharp Puniſhments, if ever I hear ſuch • Motion of you again”. And Sir James Melvill adds, that the King ſhould have ſaid, “ I ſhall ſtick you with this Whingar, and therewith he drew out “his Dagger, and they fled from his Preſence in great Fear”. Mr. Knox fays this ſame Roll was offered of new to the King, immediately before he went to the Borders, in order to engage the Engliſh at Solway-Mofs; and that then the Scroll was thankfully received by the King, and put into his own Pocket, where it remained to the Day of his Death ; and then was found. However, he only ſays, That in it were contained more than 100 landed Men, beſides other of meaner Degree, among whom was the Lord Hamilton himſelf, then ſecond Perſon of the Realm. What may be the Truth of this Story, either firſt or laſt, I ſhall not take upon me to affirm or deny. 'Tis certain that the Earl of Arran in a Conference with Mr. Sadler, mentions himſelf as having been one of this Roll ; but whether his Lordſhip ſaid fo from his own Knowledge of the Fact, or by Report only, is the main Queſtion. Whereas 'tis ſaid that the Roll was found in the Kings Pocker after his Death ; that ſeems not to be very pro- bable, feeing 'tis allowed by the Earl of Arran likewiſe, in a Diſcourſe with the fame Gentleman, and by all our Hiſtorians, that Cardinal Beton was about the King at the Time of his Death. And it is not very likely that his Eminence would let fuch a Paper fall by, or eſcape him, which he was fure could not fail to create him a world of Trouble. To blunder in fo groſs a Manner was no part of the Cadinal's Character. But not to trouble the Reader any longer with uncertain Accounts and Gueſ- fes, I fhall here prefent him with a View of the ſeveral unprinted Acts of Parli- ment that paſt touching Religion, during this King's Adminiſtration, untill the Time of his Death ; for by theſe he will beſt diſcover what his Majeſty's Thoughts and Intentions were concerning it. Vide alſo an original Diſpatch mentioned in the next Chapter. 12, June, 1535. ACT agains Heretikis for eſchewing of Hereſy within this Realme, and the Pains thairof. URE Sourane Lord Ratifeis and Apprevis tue Statute maid of befor, be his bienes in his parliament haldin at Edinburgh the 17. Day of July, the Zeir of God 1525 Zeiris, againis yame yat haldis, diſputis, o reverűs the dampnapill opinionis of the gret beretik Luther, his Diſcepulis and followeris, 02 of ony utrer Verely, with new Additioun, of the quhilk Aa and Additioun the Cenoure followis. le Chap. I. 13 Church and State in Scotland. followis. And oure laid Sovrane Lord, for the Zeile and Luf his Deines beris to the Chriſtyn faith, and the haly Birk, Oydanis and Statutis the ſaid Act of new. Item, yt is Statute and Didarit: That for afmeckle as the dampnabiu Opinionis of Derely are (pred in diverſs Countreils be the Heretik Luther and his Difcipulis; and this Realme and Leiges thairof, nas fermlie perfiftit in the baly faith, űn the famen was firt rellávit be thame, and nevir as zit adinittit ony Opinionis contrar the Chriſtyi faith, bot evir has bene ciene of all lick filth and Cice. Cherefor, tvat na Maner of perfourt, Strangear, that happinis to arrive wich thare Schip within ony Part of this Realme, bring with thame ony Buhis, or Workis of the raid Luther yts Diſcipulis, or Serbandis, difputis or reherüs his verereis, 02 Opinionis, bot gif it be to the Confuſioun thairof, and that be Clerkis in tõe Sculis allaneriie, under the Pane of er: cheting of thare Schipis and Guidis, and putting of thaite Perfonis in Pretoun ; and that this Att be publiſht and proclamit out throwgh this Bealme, at all Portis and Burrowis of the famin, ſua that that may allege na Ignojance thairof, and that uthir the Kingis Liegis, Aralaris to üc Dpinionis, be punift Camblabill wiſe, and týat nane of thame haif, uſe, keip, O2 concele ony Bukis of the faidis Vereti. kis, o contenand thair Doctrine and Opinionis, but that thai deli- ver tye ſamen to thair Ordinaris within 40 Dayis, under the Panis forfaidis, and the Effect of the ſaid Act to trick upoun thante, and Letters to be direct to make publicatioun hereof, in forme as effeiris. Eodem Die. Agains thame that fusteinis the Proceſs of Curfing be the Space of 40 Dayis. JE E MJ, Becaus the damprabil Perſuaſionis of Beretekis, and töair pervertit Doctrine gevis Occalioun to leycütlie the Pro ceſs of Curling, and otheris Cenfuris of Dalikirk. For Re: meid herof, our Sovrane Lold in this prefent Parliament, has ratifeit and applevit, and of the new, Makis, Conftitutis and Dubenis the Act made of befor, be nis Grace, with the Avife of the tyre Éftatis of this Realme in this fozſaid Parliament, agains thame that fu ftenis contemptanlie the proceſs of Curfting with new additioun thereto : Df the quhilk Act and additioun the Tenor followis. Item, It is Statute and Didanit, Chat becaus mony-and diverſs the kingis Llegis of this Realme iyis under the horreble Sentence of Curcing, ſeparate front the Suffrage and Prayer of the kirk. and Merit of the Blude of Chriſt, to the bampiratioun of thare Saulis, evil Erampil, Perrel and Danger of the other gude Subdi- tis of the Realme : Cherefor, quhen ony of oure Sovrane Lordis Leigis luftenis dampnably the ſaid horreble Senteins of Curffing, for the space of 40 Dayis, quhareupoun Captioun aucht to be gevin be the Law; the party at qunais Inſtance the perſonis are curlit, fali haif oure Sovrane Loidis Letters, to Poynd, Preſs, and Digrenze thair Gudis movable and unmovable, for payment of the Soumes. for quyilks thai lay under the ſaid Sentence. And gif the ſaidis Perſonis lyis under Curſting be the ſaid Space, for non doing, 02 fulfilling of ony Act, or Deid ; in that caiſs, the Perfonis thair Creditouris thall haif Letters in the Firk, Second, Chird and ferd Formis, according to the Didinazis Letters of Curfäng, and tyis Ad D alwayis 1 14 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 23 alwayis to be na Puejudice to thame that likis to tak Captionis. And albeit ane Perſoun may be under Appellatioun that may itop the geving of üc Letters in @anner above-written: It is Declarit and Didanit, That nane Appellatioun fra Sentence of Defectioun of Appellatiouns before interponit, cal ſtop the geving of lick Letters. N. B. The Reader will find an Addition to this A& among the printed A &s. 14. March, 1540-1. That na Man argou the Paipis Auctorite. TEN), That na Maner of perſoun argou noz intpugn the pa. pis Auctozite, under the pane of Det), and confiſcatioun of au thare Cudis, movable and unmovable. Eodem Die. For reforming of Kirkis and Kirk-men: Écauſe the Negligence of Divyne Service, the grett anyoneffe in the kirk, throw not making of Reparatioun to the Honour of 600 Aintyty, and to the bliflit Sacrament of the Altar, the Uirgyne Marie, and to al haly Sandis ; and als the unfonette and Mifreule of kirk-men, baith in Witt, Knawlege and maneris, is the Water and Caus that the Kirk and kirk-men is lychtlyit and con- tempnit : fou Remeid herof, the kingis Grace erhortis and prayis oppinly, all Archbiſhopis, Bichopis, Didinaris, and uthit Pelatis, and every kirk-man in his awn Degre, to reforme thare ſelfis, yare Obedienciaris and kirk-men under thame, in Habit and Maneris to God and Man ; and that you caus in every Kirk within your Diocy, under your Juriſdictionn, cure, Keule, Reparations and Reparaling to be honellie and ſubltantiouſly maid and done to the Honour of God Almyty, the bliſüt Sacramentis, and divine Service, every Kirk eftir the Qualite and Duantite of the Kentis : And gif ony Perroun allegiand yame eremit, and wil not obey no2 obtemper to thair Su. periour : in that Behálf the Kingis Grace Call find Remeid tvairfoz at the Papis valyneſs, and ſicklik agains the faidis Prelatis, gift thai be negligent. Eodem Die. That na private Conventionis be maid to deſpute on the Scriptour. TEM, Chat nane hald, noz let be haldin in thair Bouls, noz uthirwayis Congregationis oz Conventiculis, to commone ou de (pute of the Haly Scriptour, without thai be Theologis appäevit be famous Univerüteis, oz admittit thairto be thame that hes lauch- full power. And in likwpiſs, that na Man, quhatſumever Stait oz Conditioun he be, luge, rellave, cheriſs, noz favour ony Heretike. And in cails ony reflavis, ou knawis thame quhair thai ar, ſau inconti nent denunce and accuſs thame to the nirt lauchful Deliciar of Ju- tice, under the pane to be punilt as Heretikis. Eodem Die. Of Perfonis abjurit of Hereſy. TE), Gif ony Deretikis have bene abjurit, 02 other wayis hait bene admittit fauchſullie to pennance and Grace, nane of thame Tal converſs noz comone with utheris of ony Materis tuiching our yaly Faity under the pane to be haldin as relapüs; and allway that J J Chap. I. Church and State in Scotland. 15 na Perſoun that hes bene ſuſpedit of Derefy, howbeit thai be relavit to Pennance and Grace, fal in this Realme ererceſs, yaif no, buik ony honeft Ettait, pegue, Office, nor Judicato, Spiritual oz Tem pozal, in Burgh, noz without, noj nawile ſau be admittit to be of our Counſale Eodem Die. Of Fugitivis ſuspeat, and fummond for Hereſy. TEM, Duhair ony beis fufpectit of herefy, and lauchfully ſummond to anſwer of the ſamen, ar fugitive, That thai fal be banilt, and condempnit as Heritikis; and it call not be lefut to na Mhan to Colift, procure, noz mak Supplicatioun fou thare Pur gatioun, Reductioun 02 Grace, under the Pane to be punitt as favo raris to the Heretikis; and the Caidis Perſonis fugitivis, not to be admittit to purgatioun, noz otherwayis to Reconciliatioun, nog zit to remane oz converts in our Realme. Allua we fojbid to all our Subjectis, quhatlumever Ettait thai be, to preſent Requeiftis, mak ony Supplicatioun, defend, ſupple, dyit ol writ, counſal, help, p20 cure, ou mak Advocatioun, Solicitatioun, labours 02 afält onywayis to na Heretikis fugitivis therefoj, oz other condempnit Perfonis, that ar, og have bene of the ſaid repjevit Sent of Herelies, to have oz impetrate ony Grace of tyare Errois, quyilk wil naway be accoudit to thame, under the pane to be punitt as Acadaris to Vereliés. Eodem Die. Reward of thame that revelis Conventionis, and accuſis Heretikis. 9 ftop the privat Congregatiounis and Conventiculis of Vère. tikis, quhair thair Errours ar (pued, That ony Man that firt revelis incontinent, or accuüs ony that hes kepit the ſaid Con. ventionis, gif he have bene ane of thame himſelf ; for the firſt Tyme ve fall ve quyit, and abſolvit thairof, iwa that he be ane gude Cyzittini Man, and have the ryt Faith, promittand him never to iritroinett with the ſaid Errours in Tyine cumming. In cais he be not of the Taid Congregatioun, than he lau have ane Part of the Confiſcatioun of him that he accuűs, as the Lordis thinkis erpedient to ſtatue and ozdane. And this to be extendit to au thame that revelis, oz acculs ony Heretikis, to have ane part of thair confiſcatioun. And that na Man may pretend Ignozance hereof, that it be commandit under Panis to au Sherefis, Proveftis, and Baillies of Burrowis, to pu: blis be oppin Proclamatioun tyir Avis, at the heid Placis of thair Juriſdictiouns twyis in the zeir. D 2 CHAP I have omitted two or three Aas concerning the Freedom and Liberty of the Church, the Honour due to the holy Sacraments, ånd to the canonized Saints, as not being very material. As to this laſt, Command is given to prảy to the Virgin Mary, to in tercede for a happy and proſperous Life to the King; and a ſevere Prohibition, not to calt down, nur treat itreverently the Ima. ģes of the holy Saints. By thele Ads ic will appear, that the King had no mind to introduce ſuch a ſort of Reformation, as his Uncle had done in Enge Land, which is l:kewite abundantly cvident from his own Conference with Sir Ralph Sadler on that Head. But , if he had lived for fome time, I make as litre Doubt but he would have taken Cäre to cauſe the Abuſes be reformed, which had too much overſpread the Worſhip and Practice of the Church. This I think may be gathered from his own Expreſſions with the forementioned Gern- tlenian, and from what we have already heard that our Hiſtorians have related concerning him ; but cfpecially from that Act of Parliament concerning the reforming of Kirkis and Kirk-men. 16 Book 1. The Hiſtory of the Affairs of CH A P. II. Containing an Account of State Affairs from the Time that King JAMES V. took the Adminiſtration of the Government upon himſelf, Anno 1524, to the Death of that King, Anno 1542 ; together with his Character. Year of his Age: But vern both him dom. 1524. FTER that John Stewart, Duke of Albany (a), was ſecluded from the Regency by Conſent of Parliament, on the 16th Day of Novem. ber, in the Year 1524 (6), and the Government put into the Hands of the young King, who was then only in the 13th Year of his Age; King James his Majeſty found himſelf in worſe Condition than before, being toſſed hither Government and thither by his Mother and the Nobility, according as this or that Faction of upon himſelf them prevailed. Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus (C), was at the Head of in the 13th the moſt prevailing Party; and this Nobleman kept the King in ſuch Reſtraint, that he ſeemed to himſelf, as well as to others, rather a Priſoner at large than fome facțious any thing elſe. The Earl ſuffered no Perſon to come near his Majeſty, but thoſe eſpecially the that were in his Intereſt. He obliged him to ſign what Writs he thought fit; and Earl of Angus under the thew of the Regal Authority, he diſpoſed of all Places and Preferments, take the King both in Church and State, to his own Creatures : A Guard of his Friends ſtill at- ftody, and go-tended and waited about the King, who being of a fine and aſpiring Genius, could not bear ſuch Thraldom, nor to be ſo coop'd up by his own Subjects. He dif: and the King covered his, Uneaſineſs to ſome of thoſe he thought he could beſt truſt, particu larly to John Stewart Earl of Lennox, and begged that ſome Method might be faln upon to deliver him from his preſent Reſtraint. Some Attempts were accordingly made for his Majeſty's Enlargement; which however, by miſgiving, ſerved to no other Purpoſe than the rivetting the Earl of Angus more ſecurely in his Settlement. At laſt, in Abſence of that Earl, his Majeſty flipt out of his Bed-chamber in the Night-time, and made his Eſcape from Falkland to the Caſtle of Stirling, where the Queen, his Mother, by fecret Intelligence, was looking for him. Upon this Turn of Affairs, the King commanded the Earl of Angus to confine hinſelf be-north the River of Spey, (on Deſign, no doubt, that be- ing removed from his Friends who were moſt numerous in the more Southerly Parts of the Kingdom, he might be in leſs Capacity to diſturb the Goveri)- ment.) But the Earl diſregarding the Orders, as did likewiſe his Uncle and Brother, who had been commanded to enter themſelves Priſoners within the Caſtle of Edinburgh; they were all three forfeited on the 5th Day of Sep. tember, in a Parliament holden at Edinburgh in the Year 1528, for Diſobe- dience to the King's Command in the forefaid Injunctions ; for making Convo. cations, (a) He was Son to Alexander Duke of Albany, Brother-german to King James III. againſt whom he having been in Rebels lion, was forfeited, and baniſhed the Kingdom: After which he lived and died in France, where this Duke John was born, who was afterward reſtored to his father's Dignity, and made Regent of Scotland, when the Nobles could not agree among them- felves who of their Number ſhould be advanced to that high Station after the Queen-Mother's Marriage, whom her Husband King Fanies IV. had by his Latter-will appointed to be Regent of the Kingdom, ſo long as the fhould remain unmarried : But her Regency was of no long Continuance, the having married the Earl of Angus on the 6th of Auguſt 1514: The new Regent, Duke John of Albany, arrived in Scotland about the middle of May 1515. His Mother was a Daughter of the Earl of Bologne in France, his Father's ſecond Wife, who had for his firſt Confort a Daughter of Sinclair Earl of Orkney and Cathness, by whom he had a Son Alexander; but he being a Man of a ſoft Spirit, did after his Brother's Advancement to the Regency, enter into holy Orders, and became Abbor of Scoon, and Bithop of Murray. The Marriage alſo betwixt his Father and Mother was decla- red to have been unlawft:l, and conſequently he to be illegitimate. However, 'tis certain that in the Time of Popery, Divorces were obtained, at leaſt in this Country, upon Grounds fo Hender, that they might rather be called no Grounds at all. A Gentle. man who was larely Comnyiſſary of St. Andrew's, informs, That the Leaves are all torn out of the Books, where the Divorces of any of our great Men were regiſtrated. (b) Records of Parliament; which becauſe they will ſerve to rectify the Confuſion that appears to be in our Hiſtorians about this Time, I have tranſcribed into the Appendix, Numb. s. (c) Tho’this Earl had the Honour to be joined in Marriage to the King's Mother, Margaret, eldeſt siſter to Henry VIII. King of England; yet ſome fubitantial Grounds of Diſagreement having faln our very foon betwixt them, they ſeparated by Content for iome Time, until the Queen after wards purſued and obtained a Divorce againſt the Earl. Chap. II. Church and State in Scotland. 17 cations, and fortifying the Earl's Caſtles againſt his Majeſty ; for detaining his 1534 Majeſty, contrary to the Ordinance of the Council; and for ſome other finaller Matters (a). And 'tis by fome reported, that his Majeſty made an Aſſeveration, never to relax the Earl from his Forfeiture, nor receive him into Fayour ; which it is certain, he religiouſly obſerved. The King being a Perſon of excellent Natural Parts, how foon he attained and fets about ihe Age of a Man, reflected with Indignation upon the Defects he perceived his Kingdom, to be in his Kingdom; and therefore, the chief Things he firſt fet about were, and reforming to curb the Inſolencies of Robbers, together with the Factions of the Great Men; and to ſecure the Borders, by putting his Caſtles there in a Poſture of Defence, if they ſhould be attack’d. There was at that Time no formal War betwixt Scotland and England ; but, as the Cuſtom then was, the Subjects on either Side drove a ſort of Pillaging-Trade upon the neighbouring Marches, which the reſpective Kings endeavoured to fupprefs, by leffer Treaties, for one, two or three Years. But theſe Sorts of Truce not anſwering the Ends which the two Kings had in View, they projected to enter into a firmer and more laſting Peace. For this purpoſe King James made choice of two Ambafiadors, viz. William Stewart Biſhop of Aberdeen, his Lord Treaſurer, and Sir Adam Otter- burn of Redhall (formerly of Auldham) an Advocate (6), to repair into Eng- land, with full Power to treat and negociate with the Ambaſſadors of his Un- cle; who were, Sir Thomas Audeley his Chancellor, Thomas Cromwell the Se- cretary, Edward Fox' the Almoner, John Tregunwell, Judge of the Admi- ralty-Court, and Richard Guent, Principal Official of. Canterbury. Theſe Commiſſioners drew up a Treaty of Peace at London, the irth Day of May He enters in 1534, which was to laſt during the joint Lives of the two Kings, and One to a cloſe Ami- Year after the Deceaſe of him who ſhould die firſt. This Treaty was after- ty with the K of England; wards confirmed by both the Kings: And beſides what may be eaſily ſuppo- fed to be in all Treaties of that Kind, it contained this remarkable Article, viz. « That neither Party thould, any manner of way, directly or indirectly, by any Explication or Évaſion whatſoever, violate the Peace, upon account of any Eccleſiaſtical Cenſure, already emitted or to be emitted againſt either * of the reſpective Kings. (c) ” The Intention of which Article, the Reader will ſoon diſcover. While this Peace was treated, the Lord Herbert ſays, That he finds by the Records, how that Lord William Howard, Brother to the Duke of Norfolk, was ſent into Scotland, to carry to King James the Order of St. George. This, it appears, was done by King Henry, that he might not be behind with the Fraternity the Emperor, who had taken the ſame Method to cultivate the King's Friendſhip. of his Knight- The fame noble Hiſtorian likewiſe tells us, That Lord William had Inſtru- hood, and pro ctions, to invite our King to be preſent at an intended Interview in France be- an Interview twixt the King of that Nation and King Henry : But ſeeing that Interview was with him, diſappointed, our King was invited to meet his Uncle at York. A great deal is faid by both Scottiſh and Engliſh Writers, concerning this Propoſal made by King Henry to his Nephew, of meeting one another at Pork and talking Face to Face, which hitherto they had never done, nor indeed ever did all their Lifetime after. I cannot adjuſt their ſeveral Accounts, and ſo am obliged to leave many of them untouch'd; but tis proper that the Reader do obſerve, That this projected Interview gave Riſe to all the ſubſequent Tranſactions with Eng- land during the Life of our King, and was at laſt the Occaſion of his Death. And that the ordinary Reader may not be at a loſs to find out the true Cauſe, why King Henry did ſo much deſire a Peace with his Nephew, and fo often fóli- cite for this Interview ; he may know, That that King having pretended a Scruple of Conſcience to live any longer with Katharine his Wife, (a Daugh- ter of Spain) after having cohabited with her as tuch upwards of twenty Years, E be- who aſſumes (a) Records of Parliament. (6) Tho' our Hiſtorians make mention of Robert Reid Abbot of Kinloſs, yet I can aſſure the Reader, that he is not mentioned in the King's Commiſſion, nor during the whole Progreſs of the Treaty. (s) Fædera Angliæ. 18 The History of the Affairs of Book I. and ſendeth him ſome 1534. becauſe ſhe had been formerly married to his elder Brother Arthur, a young Man of about 16 Years of Age, and who died ſoon after his Marriage; he pro- ceeded ſo far as to divorce her from him, by the Authority of his own Clergy, in Oppoſition to the Court of Rome, which could have been induc'd to grant that Favour afterwards, had Henry been tractable enough in Time (a). This Step The Empe: of the King of England, created him as many Enemies as the Emperor (whole endeavour to Aunt the Queen was) and the Pope could raiſe up againſt him. And as this diſunite our K: obliged King Henry to ſtrive to have the King of Scotland his faſt Friend, as K. Henry, who he was his near Relation; ſo our King faw himſelf courted by the greateſt thereupon Princes in Europe : The Pope ſent a Legat hither with a conſecrated Cap and Pephew again Sword; and the Emperor and King of France ſent their Ambaſſadors, from whom and again for the King received the Orders of their Knighthood And the King of England an Interview, laboured hard, after Concluſion of the Peace I have mentioned, to meet with his Nephew ; being hopeful, that if he could talk with him, he might perſwade him Books of Re- ro Ihake off all Dependence upon Rome, and to introduce ſuch a Reformation of ligion, Religion in Scotland, as he himſelf had done in England. To diſpoſe our King the better to this, his Uncle ſent one of his Chaplains, William Barlow, Bi- ſhop Elect of St. David's, in the End of the Year 1535 ar the-fartheſt, with fome Engliſh Books, containing the Heads of the Chriſtian Doctrine, to be pre- ſented to the King: Which Books howbeit the King never once lookt into, but delivered them to be inſpected by ſome of his Clergy, who preſently decla- red them to be Heretical (). Soon after this, the forementioned Lord William Howard and Barlow caine again into Scotland, with a reiterated Propoſal for an Interview : And that they might the more eaſily incline King James unto it, they were ordered to make him divers advantageous Offers ; ſuch as, That if Matters could be got veral advanta- accommodated to the good Liking of King Henry, in that Event, he was wil- geous Offers. ling to give our King his Daughter Mary to Wife, and to declare him his Heir and Succeffor to the Crown of England, (for as yet Henry had no Son :) And that his Nephew might be brought to give the better Credit to his Pro- miſes, he propoſed to create him juſt then Duke of Tork and Viceroy of Eng- land. When theſe Propoſals of the King of England were laid before the Coun- cil of Scotland, it was reſolved, That inſtead of York, Newcaſtle ſhould be pitch'd upon as the Place; and the Feaſt of St. Michael, as the Time of Meet- ing : But Lord William Howard received theſe Alterations made by the Scot- tiſh Council, as an Affront put upon his Maſter; and fo took Leave, and went homeward in very bad Humour; having reported to his Maſter Things con- cerning our King, which his Majeſty did afterwards diſclaim. And the King thought fit likewiſe to ſend Sir Adam Otterburn into England after the Lord William, to make his Compliments to his Uncle, and affure him, that the Reaſon of his Councils diverting him from a Journey into England, was en- King James tirely owing to the Miſmanagement of Lord William (C), who had his Uncle, of “ the Counſellors, and would have forced their Votes That he was too great a Friend to the Douglaſſes and other Rebels, who had convoyed him to Scot- land, and accompanied him back again; That it was againſt the Credit and and makes fe- menaced his Ambaſſa- dor's Miſma- nagement, " Ho- (a) 'Tis to be acknowledged, that King Henry did from the very firſt ſhew a Diſlike to the Marriage with his Siſter-in-law, and that he proceeded ſo far, as to make a folemn Retractation of it on the very fame Day that he came to be of Age: However, poli- tical Reaſons made it be judged convenient to retain Queen Katharine; and 'tis even probable he would ſtill have retained her, if he had had a Son by her to ſucceed him in the Throne. Queen Katharine was married to Prince Arthur 14th Nov. 1501, who died ad April 1502. A Diſpenſation was obtained from the Pope for her Marriage with Prince Henry, 26th Decem. 1503. The Sentence of her Divorce from him was given by Cranmer Archbiſhop of Canterbury 22d May 1533. And the Pope's Excommuni- cation of King Henry was emitted Anno 1535, tho'not publiſhed till 1538. Some have doubted of the Trur the Prince's Retractation, and have thought that it was only forged, after the Divorce came to be demanded. (b) This is the common Story, as delivered by our Hiſtorians. And Mr. Strype of England, ſays it was the Book called The godly and pious Inſtitution of a Chriſten Man. But that Book was not printed, according to Strype, until the Year 1537;, yet in the Catalogus Univerſ. Libr. there is in 1534, The Doctrine of a Chriſtian Man, ſet out by Henry VIII. in 8vo. And Biſhop Burnet mentions ſuch a Book publiſhed Anno 1533. Lord Herbert ſays only, that Barlow and Holcroft, in Commiſſion with him, labou- red to give King James all Manner of Impreſſions which might bring him to a Conformity with his Uncle, but makes no Men- sion of Books. (c) Drummond. It appears alſo by King James's own Diſcourſe with Mr. Sadler, that his Majeſty blamed Lord William for reporting Things concerning him to his Maſter, otherwiſe than he ought to have done. Chap. II. Church and State in Scotland. 19 i Honour of free-born Princes to be threatried ; That what was friendly begun, 1536. fhould friendly continue and end; That Princes ſhould not be conſtrained, e- ſpecially in Matters which are not of Debt, but Benevolence.” However, there appears to be fome Ground to think, that King Henry's large and advan- tageous Offers had made fome Impreſſion on our King; fceing by an original Diſpatch in May 1536, King James did certifie his Uncle, That he had ſent to Rome, to get Impetrations for Reformation of some Enormities, and eſpe- cially anent the ordering of great and many Pofeſſions and Temporal Lands, given to the Kirk by our Noble Predeceſſors (a). For ſome time after this, I can find but little Correſpondence betwixt the two Kings, until February 1539-40, that King Henry thought fit to ſend Ralph Sadler his Ambaſſador into Scotland; which Embaſſage was occa An Account ſioned by two late Interviews of the Emperor and King of France, in which of Mr. Sadler's King Henry had perhaps Ground enough to fufpect, that ſome Things might be firft Embali, contrived not very favourable to him: Wherefore he again very wiſely laid himſelf out all he could, to gain his Nephew entirely to his Intereſt . The Let- ters and Negociations of this Ambaſſador have lately been made püblick, by u hich it appears, that his Inſtructions were: ift, To bring Cardinal Beton in- to Suſpicion with King James. 2dly, To perſwade his Nephew to break off from the Church of Rome, and to take the Revenues of the Abbeys and other Religious Houſes into his Hands, for the augmenting of his Revenue. 3dly, To diſcover King James's Affection towards his Uncle, by telling him how that Rumours were diſperſed, as if the Pope, Emperor, and King of France were to invade England; and that it was ſaid King James would do the faine. And in order to make this Embaſſy be the more favourably received, King Henry fent his Nephew a Preſent of fome fine Horſes, which King James was known to be much delighted with. And Mr. Sadler was ordered to infinu- até very cunningly, the Hopes King James might entertain of being appointed by King Henry his Succeffor, in caſe of the Death of his Son Prince Edward and how inuch it would contribute to that and many other good Purpoſes, that the Uncle and the Nephew ſhould meet together, ſince they had never yet feen one another in the Face. But this, the Ambaffador told King James, his Maſter deſired he would keep entirely to himſelf, and not communicate to his Council. Now this laſt Caution would ſeem to aſſure us, that King Henry did reckon, that the Interview had formerly been diſappointed by the Advice of ſome Perſons about his Nephew. Yer King James, by his Anſwer to Mr. Sadler, made it pretty plain, that he had little Mind to comply with the pro- poſed Meeting ; alledging, that it were expedient to have the French King pre- ſent thereat. Notwithſtanding which, it will perhaps appear probable to fome People, that our King had given his Uncle fome Reaſon to expect him at Tork, ſeeing King Henry did actually come thither in the Month of September the following Year 1541. But King James having again communicated his De- fign to his Council, the Clergy prevailed upon him to fufpend his Journey, for Reaſons that are obvious enough. And becauſe it was juſtly to be apprehen- ded, that this Diſappointment might bring on a War from England, therefore the Clergy made large Donations to the King for the preſent, and aſſured him, The Clergy that in caſe of future Exigencies, all their Rents ſhould be at his Majeſty's Ser-natives, and make By this Means, the King was induced to ſend a Meſſage to his Uncle, larger Promi- declaring, That ſome Buſineſs of great Importance did detain him from keeping in order to dif- the Interview at the Time and Place appointed. And Sir James Learmonth ſwade him was ſoon after diſpatched into England, to repreſent the fame to King Henry from mange in as favoura.y as he could; and likewiſe to complain of certain Inroads made by the Engliſh Borderers into Scotland, and for their having converted to their own particular Profit, the debateable Ground lying on the Limits of the two Kingdoms, and which ought to be in common to the Subjects of both. Af vice. E 2 (a) Lord Herbert's Life of King Henry VIII. 20 The History of the Affairs of Book I Land. 1542. After our King had thus, by the Perſwafion of Cardinal Beton (a) and others, diſappointed his Uncle of the Interview at York, King Henry returned to Lon- don, full of Indignation, and with a Mind completely bent upon Revenge: King Henry is Which however he ſuppreſſed pretty much from appearing outwardly, highly diſplea- till the Seaſon for Action ſhould return, and he ſhould be in a Readineſs to ders his Army pour out his Reſentment with the greater Fury. And acccordingly, tho' he did towards Scot. afterwards receive the Ambaſſadors of his Nephew, for treating amicably their Differences; yet the next Year he prepared a great Army, ſome fay 40000 Men, to invade Scotland: Which advanced in good earneſt for that Purpoſe in the Middle of Harveſt 1542, under the Command of the Duke of Norfolk ; a pub- lick Declaration of War having been emitted much about the fame Time (6). "But tho’the War was not openly declared till now, yet the Reader is not to think, that there had been no Acts of Hoſtility in the Interim committed betwixt the two Nacions: For, not to mention other Things of leſſer Moment, the Engliſh had ſeized on fundry Scottiſh Merchant-fhips in their Harbours, and upon the Sea; and the Scots had given the Engliſh a conſiderable Overthrow by Land at Haldenrig in the Merle, on the 24th of Auguſt the ſame Year 1542 King Fames, as appears, was ſomewhat apprehenſive of the iſſue of this War; and therefore, that he might either prevent it altogether, or at leaſt divert the Eng- liſh Army from any Action for that Year, he again fent John Lord Erskine and ſome others, Ambaſſadors to his Uncle : Who likewiſe on his Part, gave Commiſſion to the Duke of Norfolk, to his Lord Privy Seal, to the Biſhop of Durham, and to the Maſter of his Horſe, to treat with the Scottiſh Commiſſi- oners at York. But the Engliſh Commiſſioners complaining, that the Scots only trifled, and that they aimed at nothing but a protracting of Time; King Henry commanded his Troops to advance. And indeed ’tis certain, that if King James was not in earneſt in the Treaty, yet he ſo far gained his Point by thus amuſing his Uncle, that the Engliſh Army was not able to enter the Eaſt Borders of Scotland till the 21ſt of October ; ſo that the Seaſon for Action being then quite fpent, the General thought fic to return into England, after in a few Days. ders of this Kingdom. having remained but a few Days, and burnt ſome few Hamlets within the Bor- King James King James, who by this Time had gathered together an Army of about 30000 Men, prompted by his own active Diſpoſition, and much folicited there- lijk; but the to by the Clergy; was very deſirous to have followed the Duke of Norfolk Nobility will into England. But the Nobles not being forward for ſuch an Enterprize, took upon them to remonſtrate to him, by the Mouth of his Natural Brother the Earl of Murray, then General of his Army, That he had gained Abundance of Glory, by ſtopping the Progreſs of ſo mighty an Army, which had been fo long a-gathering, and had boaſted of ſuch great Matters, under the Conduct of ſo experienc'd a General as the old Duke of Norfolk was known to be, and whom his Maſter had wont to call The Scourge of the Scots. A Conſpira- over reported. That whilſt the King with his Army lay on cu of the Nobility had formed a Deſign, to cut off fuch of his Courtiers as had been moſt King's Favou- inſtrumental in the ſowing and fomenting of Differences betwixt his Majeſty and them, and were known Penſioners to the Cardinal and Clergy for keeping open that Breach: But becauſe they could not agree among themſelves who ſhould be the Victims, every one ſtriving to ſave his own Friend, they all efca- ped the Danger. However, this Conſultation and Project of the Nobility had not been kept ſo ſecret, but that both the King and the Courtiers got of it, which made them return immediately to Edinburgh; where the King, being highly exaſperated againſt the Nobility, both for their intended Refor: ܪ which returns deſires to fol- low the Eng- not confent. And 'tis more- Fala-muir, the rites. Notice mation (a) The Cardinal offered afterwards to prove, that this was unjuſtly laid to his Door. Vide Sadler's Letters, P. 154. 16) Vide Holinſhed. In it are theſe Words: “ Having a Meſſage ſent unto Us the Year paſt from Our ſaid Nephew, and a Pro- * miſe made for the repairing of the ſaid King of Scots unto Us to York; and after great Preparation on Our Part made therefore, to the ſame Meeting was not only diſappointed, er. In this Declaration likewiſe, tho' there be a long Enumeration of the leveral Homages done by our Kings to thoſe of England, yet K. Henry thinks fit to lay the Streſs of the preſent War, as much, or rather more upon the perſonal Injuries received from his Nephew; and plainly ſays, That he had no Intention to make War upon the Score of Homage. Chap. II. 21 Church and State in Scotland. gathers an Ar my, which der, mation of his Court, and their peremptory declining to march after the Duke of Norfolk into England, reproached them openly as Cowards, and Men that 1542. neither with'd to advance his Honour; nor to purſue the Glory of their Native Country; telling them, That ſince he was betrayed by them, he himſelf, and ſuch as would follow him, would do that which they had fo cowardly re- fuſed to undertake. In the Beginning of November following, the King called a Council of his principal Favourites and moſt truſty Servants ; in which Council, the Clergy, zealous of their Religion, obliged themſelves, That on Condition His Majeſty would cauſe proſecute fuch Perſons as they ſhould delate to be guilty of Here- fy (a), they would furniſh him with Money for the neceſſary Charges of ma- king a ſecond Inroad into England, on which the King ſeem'd then to be ex His Majeſty tremely bent. They alſo adviſed him to fummoni his Nobility to meet him on the Borders with their Dependents and Followers. To which he readily conde- marches into ſcended, as being a Thing moſt agreeable to his own Inclination : And for all into a mi. chat Purpoſe, he fent without Delay Letters privately through the Country, ferable Diſor leſt if he had fummoned them by open Proclamation, the Engliſh ſhould be ad- vertiſed of his gathering together a new Army It was propoſed, That the Army ſhould make its Inroad upon England by the Weſt Marches, where the Lord Maxwell was Warden, and who had generouſly offered to under- take ſuch an Expedition, at the Time that the King was chiding the Nobility, But to cover this Deſign the better, the Earl of Arran and the Cardinal raiſe Men publickly, and advance with them towards the Eaſt Borders. When Sir Thomas Wharton, the Engliſh Warden, appeared with the few Men he could gather together in that ſudden Surprize, the Scottiſh Army ſhewed a Deſire to know who was to command them as Lieutenant under the King; and how foon they faw that Oliver Sinclair, a Son of the Family of Roſline, was mounted on Mens Shoulders to be feen as General (b), the Nobles that were preſent, and eſpecially the Lord Maxwell, mutiny'd much, thát a Man of lo mean a Rank ſhould be preferr'd and ſet over them. Whereupon ſuch a Mur- mur and confus'd Clamour immediately enſued, that all military Order was quite neglected; and the Tumult and Confuſion became ſo remarkable in our Army, that the Engliſh, who perceived the fame, attacking them in that Dif- order, obtained an ealy Victory, whilſt they were in Sufpenfe whéther to fight or fly : Men, Horſes, Artillery and Baggage, were all confuſedly driven into the Solway Marſes (c); and a great many willingly ſurrendred themſelves to a few Engliſh vaſtly inferiour to their own Number (d), without making ſo much as a Shew of Reſiſtance of Defence : So that not one ſingle Man was killed on either Side. The News of this Loſs (for it cannot properly be called a Defeat) at Solway Thereupon Moſs being brought to the King, then at Carlaverock (€); he became ex-the King turns tremely diſconfolate, and began to apprehend that the whole Nobility had con- melancholy, ſpired his Overthrow. The Cardinal alſo, who had greatly adviſed him to this unfortunate Expedition, was in a huge Confternation. The Day after the Bat- tle the King returned to Edinburgh, and in a few Days he went into Fife, and retired to his Palace of Falkland, where he gave himſelf up entirely to Melancholy. No Man almoſt got Acceſs to him, except his chief Confidents; and he remained fixed to his Bed, being vexed with various Cares, and quite worn out with Watching and Faſting. F While (a) This was the Time, when (as is pretended) the Roll containing the Names of fufpe&ted Hereticks was preſented to the King, and which was mentioned in the ift Chapter. (1) Drummond ſays, that the General hip was intended for the Lord Maxwel; and that Mr. Sinclair was only entruſted by the King to read the Royal Commiflion. But ſince Biſhop Lefly, who would not fail to ſuggeſt whatever could vindicate the King owns that Mr. Sinclair was appointed General, I ſee no Room to doubt of it. (c) The Army was on the Scottiſh Side of Solway Firth, in the debatable Ground betwixt the Waters Esk and Sark. This de batable Ground is 6 Miles long, near 2 Miles broad at moſt, but in ſome places not one Mile. (d) Some Engliſh Hiſtorians ſay, that our Army conſiſted of 15000 Men, with a Train of 24 Pieces of Arcidlery; That chekk own conſiſted only of 400; and that there were taken Priſoners of the Scots about 1000, (8) A Caſtle diſtant about 12 Miles to the Weſt from the Marſhes, 22 The History of the Affairs of Book I. his Age While he lay in this diſmal Poſture, News was brought him that the Queen 1542: was brought to Bed of a Daughter at Linlithgow : And when he heard this, he is ſaid to have turned his Face to the Wall, and to have ſpoken to this Purpoſe : It will end as it began; the Crown came by a Woman, and it will go by one : Miferies approach this poor Kingdom; King Henry will labour to make “ it his own, by Arms or by Marriage. After this, either by Grief or (a) Poiſon, he died the (6) Day of December 1542, having lived 30 Years and 8 Months ; leaving his Heireſs an Infant, only fome few Days and dies. old (c). 'Tis a groſs Error in our Hiſtorians to ſay he died in the 33d Year of On the 14th Day of January 1542-3, the King's Body having been tranf. ported from the Palace of Falkland (d), where he died, to the Chapel of the Pa- lace of Holy-rood-houſe (e); was honourably depoſited there, beſide the Body of his firſt Queen; the Cardinal, the Earls of Argyle, Marſhal, Rorbes, Ar- ran, and a great many more of the Nobility attending the Corpſe : Nor was there any Thing wanted, that could render the funeral Pomp both decent and magnificent. The embalmed Body is yet to be ſeen, whole and entire, in a Vault (f) built by his Grandchild King James VI. in the South-eaſt Corner of the Neff of that ſtately Church which ſtands to this Day; the Quire whereof was demoliſhed by the Engliſh Armies that thereafter entred Scotland. King James was born in the Month of April 1512 (8), and loſt his Father at the unfortunate Battle of Flowdon-hill in Northumberland, on the oth of September in the following Year 1513. It hath been already obſerved. That the Adminiſtration of the Government during his Minority was, according to his Father's Latter-will, lodged in the Hands of his Mother during her Widow- ity; and that after her Marriage, John Duke of Albany was by the States decla- red Governor of the Realm ; in which Office he continued, till the King took the Adminiſtration upon himſelf . His Majeſty was of a middle Srature, but ra- ther tall; His Eyes of a dark-gray, and very penetrating ; His Hair of a Yellow Colour, turn'd up into Links; His Voice ſweet, his Aſpect and Countenance comely : So that he was reckoned the handſomeſt Prince of his Time. His Body was found and healthy, and of a vigorous Conſtitution ; and he rendred it ſtill more firm and ſtrong, by a conſtant Application to Labour and Exer- cife, and an exemplary Sobriety in his Eating and Drinking. He had likewife a quick and ingenious Mind; but by the Misfortune of the Age in which he lived, it was not ſufficiently cultivated with generous Education. Yet he loved Learning and learned Men, and was naturally given to Poeſy; in which he hath ſucceeded very well, if the old Scots Ballads, which Fame aſcribe to him, be really genuine, and of his Compoſition. He was likewife well ſeen in the Character of K, James V. Laws (a) Both Drummond and Melvil report, eſpecially the latter, That the Clergy cauſed him to be poiſoned. But as it is ordinary to affirm that Kings die of a Doſe, and neither Knox nor Buchanan ſaying any Thing of it, 'tis hard to determine in the Matter. Sir James Balfour ſays he died of a Lent Fever. (6) The learn'd Annotator on Buchan. Hift. Fol. Edit. Edinb. 1715, p. 450, has enumerated the principal Authors that conde- ſcend on the Day of the King's Death: Some placing it on the roth; others, on the 13th, 14th & 20th Days of December. But the moſt probable of all is, that he died the 13th; becauſe this is ſupported by a Letter written by the Earl of Arran, Governor of the Kingdom, to the Pope. vide Epift . Regum Scot. Vol. II. And there is in the Advocates Library, a Copy of the Confirmation of former Leagues betwixt the Kings of France and Scotland, which is dated the Isth of December, in the 2d Year of the Reign of Queen Mary: By which we are allured, that the King was dead before or on the 15th of December the preceding Year. (1) Leſly ſays Queen Mary was born on the 7th Day of December; Knox and Drummond, the 8th. As to the Difference that is remarked in Buchanan, who ſays, in the Cloſe of the 14th Book of his Hiſtory, That King James V. died, relictâ filiá ante quin- tum diem natá; and in the Beginning of the 15th Book, Puellam oétavo ante ejus mortem die natam reliquerat : Perhaps it may be i-conciled, by obſerving, That the 8th of December is juſt five Days before the Death of the King, if ſuppoſed to be on the 13th; which might occaſion a caſual Miſtake in the Author's own Writing, or in his Tranſcriber. (d) The Village and Palace of Falkland in the County of Fife, is 12 Miles from St. Andrew's to the Weſt, and 10 from the Wa- ter of Forth, North from Edinburgh. It was anciently the Seat of Macduff Earl of Fife, from whom it came to Murdoch after wards Duke of Albany: After whoſe Forfeiture and Execution for High Treaſon in the Reign of King James I. it hath probably fallen to the Crown. King James V. ſeems to have reſorted much there, for Love of the large Hunting Fields that lie near the Place. (e) The Palace and Abbey of Holy-rood-houſe ſtands cloſe at the Eaſt-end of the City of Edinburgh. The Abbey belonged to the Canons Regular. (f) In the ſame Vault are to be likewiſe ſeen the Bodies of Queen Magdalene, of the Lord Darnley, Husband of Queen Mary, the King's Daughter, of the Counteſs of Argyle his Natural Daughter, &c. All which Bodies are lying open to the View within the Vault; the Coffins having been broke open by a diſorderly Mob in the Month of December 1688. (8) The Day of his Birth is uncertain: Some ſay it was the asth; others, the rith; and others, the sth. Chap. II. 23 Church and State in Scotland. managd Laws and Cuſtoms of his Kingdom, and did oft-times hear and decide Contro- 1542 verſies in the Places thro' which he travelled. And becauſe he obſerved, that can his Subjects were at a great Loſs for want of a ſettled Court of Juſtice, by Judges learn’d in the Law, he firſt (a) inſtituted in Scotland THE COURT His Virtues OF SESSION, or COLLEGE OF JUSTICE, conſiſting of Fifteen Judges, to remain fix'd in a certain Place, as it ſubſiſts to this Day. And long may it do fo! Moreover his Propenſity to Juſtice was ſuch, and his Deſire to ſuppreſs the then too much prevailing Cuſtom of Robbery and Thieving, ſo great ; that whenever he got Notice of a Company of Thieves , he would mount his Horſe by Day or by Night, in hot, cold, or wet Weather, and ſeldom halted till he had diſperſed or catched them: And this many times he would do in a Manner that did but too much expoſe the Majeſty of his Perſon to thoſe wild and rude Ruffians. However it fo fell out, by the Providence of God, that he never re- ceived any Harm that Way. Nor was this Juſticiary-care of his confin'd to the Inland Parts of his Kingdom only ;. for he alſo made a bold Attempt and failed round the Iſles, miniſtring Juſtice by executing the moſt guilty, and com- pelling others to give Security for their future good Behaviour. This extreme Vigilance to deliver his Kingdom from Spoil and Rapine, the Terror which he ſtruck into theſe (6) Banditti, and a moſt eaſy Acceſs granted to the pooreſt and meaneſt of his Subjects, gained him the Name of a good Poor-man's King; and raiſed a common Saying, which continues to this Day, viz. That he made the Ruſh-buſh keep the Cow. But his princely Regard for the Welfare of his People did extend itſelf yet further, in encouraging them much to proſecuto and apply themſelves to foreign Trade; and he brought into the Country fo- reign Artificers, to fet up and reach Manufactures at home; and particularly Men skilld in Mining, by whoſe Aſliſtance he firſt digged up Gold in this Kingdom. He was a good Manager of his Treaſure, and of his private Affairs; yet Itately and magnificent when his Dignity required it. In a Word, he was a Prince adorned with many good Endowments, and might have proved a great Bleſſing to a wife Nation. His Death was certainly an unſpeakable Lofs. As to the Vices charg’d upon the King by Buchanan and Knox, two Hiſto- and Vices rians contemporary with him, tho' too much affecting a Power in the Popu- lace, not to find ſome Faults in a King, who endeavoured early to maintain the Diſtance of Majeſty, and ſupport the Dignity of a Crown ; it may be lookt upon as an excellent Apology for him, what both relate of him : namely, That his bad Morals were rather to be attributed to the Licentiouſneſs of the Times, than to his own natural Diſpoſition. By which bad Morals, are to be underſtood, his being too much addicted to Women, and making too light of taking the Name of GOD in vain ; for theſe are the only two Vices that I find fufficiently vouched againſt him : And would to God they were Vices yet leſs to be cenſured amongſt the Great in our Days, than they were in him. As to Covetoufnefs of Money, which is laid to his Charge by Mr. Buchanan : Any Perſon who is well acquainted with the Hiſtory of King James, will perceive fome Miſtake to be thereiņ : Nay, that fame Author feems not to inſiſt upon it. The ſingle remaining Flaw obſerv'd in the King, which would be lookt upon as an Imprudence, rather than a Vice, was a too great Diſregard of his Nobles. I ſhall not preſume abſolutely to vindicate or condemn him in this, un- leſs Circumſtances were better known than they now are, or ever are like to be. But this I may fay, tho' with Regret, That whoſoever fhall look into the Bo- dy of our Hiſtorians, be they never fo popularly affected, will find that the Nobles of Scotland, particularly ſince Malcolm II. divided the Lands of the King- F 2 (a) There had been a Deſign fee on foot for a fix'd Court of Juſtice by the Duke of Albany during his Regency, and perhaps ahe King took the Hint from thence; or probably they both took it from what they had ſeen in France. The Thing was in Agita- cion for a conſiderable Time by the King, as would appear from our Hiſtorians ; but the firſt Act of Parliament conſtituting the Court, is of no older Date than the 7th of May 1537. And the Pope's Bull authorizing it, is dated the 12 th Day of March 1534 For the Court conſiſted then of Seven Clergymen, Seven Laymen, and a Preſident of the Clergy. But ſince the Reformation, all she Fifteen Judges are of the Laity. (b) I chuſe to call them fo, becauſe they were worſe than what we commonly call Robbers; for they went about in great Com- panies openly and without Fear, with a Captaiu at their Head. femething of this kind is to be found in the Highlands ae this Day. 24 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1:542. Kingdom amongſt them, 700 Years ago; have not only been frequently fa- ctious, and very troubleſome to one another, but have often extended their Inſolencies even to the Sacred Perſons of their Sovereigns. And this very King had fufficiently experimented the like Treatment during his Minority. Now if, in a Country where ſuch rebellious, Practices have prevailid and be. come habitual, a King ſhall ariſe who would pretend to keep the Nobles in their Duty ; 'tis almoſt plain to a Demonſtration that Grudges will enſue. And 'tis equally certain, that if there be in the Kingdom another Sett of Men, that can be made uſe of as a Balance to ſupport the King in his juſt Prerogative; that King will as certainly place his Favour on theſe Men : Which is the very Thing that King James was blam'd for, with reſpect to the Clergy in Oppo- ſition to the Nobility. And if this was the Caſe with him and his Nobles, as indeed it was; then every one is at Freedom, to form what Judgment he ſhall think proper concerning the Conduct of this King. 'Tis hardly to be imagi- ned, that ſo fine a Gentleman as the King was, would, merely out of Caprice, have ſet himſelf to extirpate, or even diſcountenance his Nobles. But the late Minorities in the Royal Family, which have been already taken notice of, ha- ying probably rendred them out of Meaſure inſolent; and beſides, he being a Perſon of a ſound Judgment, and finding few of the Nobility capable to ferve him as Miniſters of State, for want of Education and Letters, faw himſelf un- der a Neceſſity of making uſe of the Clergy, and other Gentlemen of inferiour Rank, whofe Circumſtances in the World had obliged them to cultivate their Minds with Learning, in order to obtain Preferment, What Mr. Sadler, in his firſt Embaſſy to Scotland, writes to one of the Privy Council of England, after he had taken Notice of our King's Court; may in great Meaſure ſerve to confirm this Obſervation, and to ſupport his Majeſty's Wifdom in the Choice of his Favourites. To be plain with you (ſays the Ambaſſador) I fee none among them (i. e. the Scots Nobility) that hath any fucb Agility of Wit, Gravity, Learning or Experience ------ to take in hand the Direction of Things. So that the King, as far as I can perceive, is of Force driven to uſe the Biſhops and his Clergy, as his only Miniſters for the Direction of his Realm. They be the Men of Wit and Policy that I ſee here." The King married firſt, Magdalene Daughter to Francis I. King of France, on the ift Day of January 1536-7 (a), in the City of Paris ; with whom he lan: ded at Leith in the Month of May (6) thereafter. But as ſhe was lookt upon to be but in a languiſhing State of Health at the Time of her Marriage, fo the lived but a ſhort Space after her Arrival in this Country; for the died in the Month of July (c) that ſame Year. Yet by her gracious Deportment the little Time ſhe was among us, ſhe had ſo gained the Hearts and Affections of Perſons of all Ranks and Conditions, that her Death was much lamented: And for a Te. ſtimony of their Sorrow, they put on Mourning ; which, as Mr. Buchanan judges, was the firſt Time that Mourning-cloaths were worn in Scotland. The following Year the King married by Proxy, Mary Daughter to the Duke of Guiſe, and Widow of the Duke of Longueville ; who arrived at Crail on the 66 oc His Marria ges. (a) Lefly and Buchanan do both take Notice, That Mary of Bourbon, Daughter to the Duke of Vendoſme, was the firſt proje- Eted Wife for the King. And Buchanan fays, That tho’ the King's Ambaſſadors ſucceeded very well in their Negociation, yet they had not Courage to finiſh the Marriage Contra&, without firit acquainting their Maſter. Yet Mezeray affirms, That the Con- traốt was actually ligned. That French Hiſtorian, and not Mr. Buchanan, hath good Ground for what he relates; for I have ſeen a Copy of the Contra& in the Lawyers Library, dated at Cremien in the Dauphinate the oth of March 1535-6,' ſigned both by the King of France, the Adoptive l'ather of the Princeſs, and by all our Kings Ambaſiadors; who were, James Earl of Murray, Natural Brother to the King and Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom; William Stewart, Biſhop of Aberdeen, the Trea- furer; John Lord Erskine; Sir Thomas Erskine of Brechin; the Secretary, Robert Reid Abbot of Kinloſs; and (who lhould have been 'named firſt) John Duke of Albany, the late Governor of the Kingdom, then living in France, and whom the King by his Commiſſion, which bears Date from Stirling, the 29th of December 1535, expreſly requires to be one of the Three that muſt ſtill be preſent at the conſulting and drawing up of the Conditions of the Contract. The King, upon Advice from his Commif. fioners, took Journey into France : But it ſeems the Lady did not pleaſe him, after he had incognito ſeen her. Which ſhe took ſa ill, that the afterwards renounced the World, and turned Religious. (6) Leſly ſays ſhe arrived the 19th of the Month; Buchanan, on the 28th. (c) Buchanan ſays on the 7th Day; Leſly, the ioth. Chap. III. 25 Church and State in Scotland. the Coaſt of Fife, the 19th Day of June 1538. By her he foon after had 1542. Two Sons; James, born in the Year 1539, and Arthur, in 1540 : But they both died in the Beginning of Auguſt, about a Month after the Birth of the laſt. The Queen, after this, brought forth only one Daughter, named Mary, who became her Father's Succeſſor in the Kingdom. ** ***** * ** CHA P. III. K This Thc Cardio nal of St. An- the Earl of Ar- ran, declared A Continuation of the Affairs of State, from the Death of King FAMES V. Anno 1542, till the Deſcent made upon Scotland by the Engliſh Nacy Anno 1544. ING JAMES V. dying thus in the flower of his Age, and leaving the Kingdom under great Diſorder, both by reaſon of the War with England, and for want of a ſettled Adminiſtration at home; the Car- dinal of St. Andrew's, hoping to aggrandize himſelf 'midſt the pub- lick Calamities, did (as 'tis faid) in the laſt Minutes of the King's Life, and when he was even almoſt dead, take the King's Hand into his, and ſo leading it along, cauſed him fubſcribe a blank Páper (a) wherein afterwards he himſelf was appointed Tutor to the young Queen, and Governor of the Realm ; and three of the principal Nobility aſſigned him as Counſellors or Affeffors in the Adminiſtration, viz. the Earls of Huntly, Argile and (b) Arran. counterfeit Teſtament the Cardinal cauſed to be proclaimed at Edinburgh, on drews, first, the Monday after the King's Death, as may be gathered from Mr. Knox": But as the Truth of this Teſtament began foon to bé luſpected, the Nobles and and ſoon after other Perſons of Diftin&ion, together with the Relations of the Earl of Arran, who was next in Blood to the Crown, did, on the 22d of December, accor- Tutor to the ding to Leſly, proclaim that Nobleman Governor of the Kingdom, and Tutor Queen, and to the Queen, notwithſtanding the Struggle and Oppoſition made by the Car- the Kingdom dinal and his Party. Whilſt theſe Things were a tranſacting in Scotland, the Chief of the Priſo- ners taken at Solway Moſs were carried to London, by Sir Henry Savil and Sir Thomas Wentworth, whither they came on the 19th of December, wear ing by King Henry's Appointment, a red St. Andrew's Croſs, and were preſently The Scottiſh committed to the Tower; and on the 21ſt of the fame Month, the Nobles, toge- Nobility taken ther with Oliver Sinclair, were conducted by Sir John Gage Conſtable of the Mers, are led Tower riding before them, and the Lieutenant behind them, two by two, in new in a Sort of Gowns of black Damask furr’d with black Conies, Coats of black Velvet, and the City of Doublets of Satine, to the Star-chamber, where Thomas Lord Audeley the Chan- London': cellor reprimanded them, in the King his Maſter's Name, for the late Attempt upon his Kingdom ; but withal told them, That ſuch was his Majeſty's Benignity, that he would ſhew them Kindneſs for Unkindneſs , and Right for Wrong;” and thereupon (after their Promiſe to remain true Priſoners ) commanded that they fhould no more be returned to Goal, but be diſtributed G into (a) This is the current Report, but whether true or not true, I ſhall not offer to determine. It is indeed certain that the Earl of Arran talked of it, with Mr. Sadler, as a Crime for which he might proſecute the Cardinal; for which ſee Sadler's Letters P. 161. Biſhop Lefly takes no Notice of any ſuch Thing, but owns that the Cardinal and ſome others oppoſed the Advancement of the Earl of Arran, becauſe, as they affirmed, the late King had by his Teſtament appointed four Adminiſtrators of the King, dom, during the Nonage of his Daughter; which however that Author confeſſes they could not fufficiently make appear. If the Cardinal was really guilty of this Crime, it ſeems hard to conceive how it came not to be laid to his Charge at the Time he was ſhut up in Priſon : And that no ſuch Thing was done, is evident from the following Part of a Letter, from the King of England to the above mentioned Mr. Sadler his Ambaſſador, dated 30th March 1943, viz.“ We could never yet hear from them (the • Lords of Scotland] what ſpecial Things they had to lay againſt the Cardinal when they took him.” (6) Buchanan exprefly and only mentions the Earl of Arran, as one of the three ; but that Lord is omitted by Knox and Spottiſwood, and the Earl of Murray, the late King's baſtard Brother, put inſtead of him. 26 The History of the Affairs of Book I. vails with them to endea- the young 1542. into divers noble Houſes, there to be entertained fuitably to their Rank and Quality, which was immediately done, and they were lodged with the prin- They are civil. cipal Perſons and Office-bearers of England; ſuch as the Archbiſhop of Canter- ly treated: bury, Lord Chancellor, Dukes of Norfolk, Suffolk, 8c. Now as King Henry was well known not to be over mild in his Nature, this Management of his makes And upon the News of theit appear how earneſt he was to gain the Friendſhip of the Kingdom of Scotland; King of Scot - which, as we have already ſhewn, he had had of a long Time much at heart : land's Death. And the Truth is, he was very lucky in his late Civility to his Priſoners ; for England pre- on the morrow News (a) was brought him of his Nephew the King of Scotland's Death ; and of the Birth of his Daughter a few Days before. This begot a new vour to obtain Scheme in the Mind of King Henry, who gave Orders for the Scottiſh Lords to attend him at Court, on the 26th of the fame Month, where they were nobly to be delivered entertained, and then he diſcovered (b) to them his Inclination to have the up to him, in Kingdoms of Scotland and England united, by a Marriage betwixt his only order to her Son Prince Edward, a Child little above five Years old, and Mary their In- Prince Ed. fant Sovereign; nor did his Majeſty leave any proper Mcans (C) uncſſayed, to ward, his Son.gain the Aſiſtance and good Offices of the Noblemen, to ſecond his Deſign : And it is certain, that ſome of them did very cordially enter into his Meaſures, promiſing upon Oath, and binding themſelves to labour all they could, not only to bring about the projected Match, but likewiſe to bring the young Queen immediately into England, and to get the Government of the King- dom of Scotland devolved upon his Majeſty, and the ſtrong Holds thereof de livered into his Hands. Hereupon King Henry releaſed them all , under Obli- The Noble- gation nevertheleſs to give their Sons or neareſt Relations as Pledges for entring men are ſent themſelves Priſoners again, if they ſhould not be able to accompliſh what they home for the had undertaken, againſt a certain Day preſcribed them by that King. Under that King's In theſe Engagements they began their journey homeward on the firſt Day of January 1542-3, having in their way dined at Enfield, in order to ſee the young Prince, whoſe Cauſe they were to take in hand : And in their Company, and under the fame Obligations, returned Archibald Earl of Angús, Brother in law to King Henry, and his Brother Sir George Douglas, who had been Exiles in England for the Špace of above fourteen Years, with Letters from the King of England, containing a Requeſt for their Reſtitution to their Lands, Liberties, &c. The Lords (2) arrived at Edinburgh about the Middle of January, after having delivered their Pledges at Newcaſtle, to the Duke of Suffolk, Lieute- nant of the North Parts of England; and how foon they arrived, they decla- red to the Governor the Propoſition made by the King of England, who had wrote by them to the Eſtates of Scotland concerning the ſame, and had offe- red a ſafe Conduct to ſuch as ſhould come from Scotland to treat thereupon. The Governor hearkned readily to the Propoſal, and fummoned a great Coun- cil (a) It however be a Queſtion, whether King Henry might not have had private Intelligence of all this , even before he cauſed the Scottiſh Lords to be brought'from the Tower, our King having been dead a full week before that Time. (6) Some Engliſh Writers ſay, that the Lords of Scotland firſt propoſed the Match. (C) It is plain, from Mr. Sadler and other Engliſh Hiſtorians, that King Henry kept them in Penſion to forward his Deſigns. ) Theſe were, the Earls of Caſals and Glencairn; the Lord Somervel, Maxwel, Gray, Oliphant and Fleming. It doth not appear by Mr. Sadler's Negociations, that any other of the Scottiſh Priſoners were ſent home on this Errand; however I fhall , for the Satisfaction of the Reader, fet down here, from the Foedera Anglia, the Names of the other principal Perſons, together with the Sums ſtipulated for their Ranſoms, by the Ambaffadors of Scotland, at the Time that the Treaties of Marriage and Commerce were agreed upon this Summer. At which Time, the Ranſoms for the above Noblemen, viz. Caſſils, ec. were ſtipulated alſo : By which it would appear, that they had been diſmiſt by King Henry upon their ſingle parole, at leaſt till they came to Newcaſtle, where they remained till their Hoſtages came thither. Earls of Caffils and Glencairn, at 1. 1000 each; Lords Somervel, Max. wel and Fleming, 1000 Merks each; Lord Gray, L. 5'00; Lord Oliphant, 800 Merks; Oliver Sinclair, L. 500; George Home Lord of Aytor, L. 200; Robert Erskine, Son and Heir to the Lord Erskine, L. 200; William Seton, 200 Merks; Patrick Hep- burn, soo Merks; James Pringle, 400 Merks; James Sinclair, L. 100; Alexander Sinclair, L. 100; John Maitland, L-d of Awn Caſtle, 200 Merks; Henry Maxwel, Brother to the Lord Maxwel, L. 100; John Roſs Lord Craigie, the Lord Monkereth, William Monteith Lord of Carſý, 300 Merks each; John Leſly, younger Son to the Earl of Rothes, 200 Merks; John Carmi. Chael, eldeſt Son to the Captain of Crawford, L. 200; all Sterling Money. And it was agreed, that in caſe the Engliſh Priſoners be taxed at a lower Rate in Scotland, the Sums above limited ſhall be abated in Proportion : And likewiſe, that the Priſoners of Scotland ihall be uſed with ſuch Gentleneſs as ſhall be ſhewed to the Priſoners of England. This laſt Clauſe would ſeem to make it evident, that theſe other Scottiſh Priſoners here mentioned, were yet detained in Captivity, except the leven Noblemen firſt mentioned, and perhaps Oliver Sinclair, tcntions. may Chap. III . Church and State in Scotland. 27 cil to meet the 27th of the farne Month, to adviſe what was propereſt to be i 542- done in that Affair : The Reſult whereof was, to indite a Parliament againſt the 12th of March enſuing, in order to act in the Marriage by publick Autho- rity; and in the mean Time, to ſend for the ſafe Conduct offered by the King of England, for certain Ambaſſadors to go thither, to conclude both the Marriage and the Peace. And in the ſame Council it appears a Reſolution was taken to ſeize Cardinal Beton, and put him in Priſon, (a) upon an uncertain Information, by the Lord Lyle, that the Cardinal had procured the Duke of Proceedings Guiſe to come into Scotland with an Army to fubdue it, and take the Go- of the Council, vernment of the fame : Which Refolve was accordingly pur in Execution ; and the Cardinal was ſhut up within the Caſtle of Blackneſs, on the ſouth Side of the River Forth, ten Miles above Leith, in Cuſtody of the Lord Seton ; tho', as the Governor confeſſed to Mr. Sadler, they had no Proof afterwards of that Information. But the Engliſh Lords, as they were then called, (viz. theſe who had lately come from England, and were known to be Penſioners of that Crown) faw it abſolutely neceſſary for their Deſigns, to have this Prelate put out of their Way, who they were aſſured would, by his Mettle and Inte- reſt, be able to baffle all their Intentions : Therefore, having now got rid of him, they lay themſelves out all they can to ſet forward the Match with England. And becauſe the Tranſactions, relating to this Affair, have former- ly been repreſented too confufedly, and too fuperficially, as well by our own Hiſtorians as thoſe of our Neighbour Nation, they being all led by the Narra- tion of Mr. Buchanan eſpecially ; I expect the Reader will pardon me, if I inſiſt ſomewhat longer on this Matter, than perhaps might otherwiſe have been neceſſary, with a View of rectifying former Miſtakes, by the Help of our pu- blick Records, and the Letters and Negociations of the Engliſh Ambaſſador, tranſmitted to his Court. The firſt Thing entred upon, the next Day, after the meeting of the Pat- liament, (for there was no Buſineſs done the firſt Day) was, to declare James Earl of Arran, fecond Perſon of the Realm, and 11eareſt to fucceed to the Crown thereof, failing the Infant-Queen, and the iſſue of her Body; and to ratify his Office of being Tutor lawful to the Queen, and Governor of the Kingdom during her Nonage (b). The ſame Day, viz. the 13th of March, the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, then Lord Chancellor of the Kingdom, made a Motion concerning the Treaty of Peace with England, and the Marriage of and the Parlia the young Queen with Prince Edward ; and exhibited Inſtructions (c) to the land. Ambaſſadors that were to be ſent into England for theſe Purpoſes, namely, Sir James Lermont of Balcomy, Sir William Hamilton of Sanqúhair, and Mr. Henry Balnaves of Hallhill Secretary of State. As to the Marriage, the Am- baſſadors had Inſtructions, not to conſent to the Queen's Removal out of Scot, band into England, until ſhe was of full Age to compleat the Marriage ; but that the King of England might have Liberty to keep and entertain two Gentle men, at his own Expences; and as many Ladies, with their Servants, about the Queen during her Under-age. Item, Not to conſent to the Surrender of any of the Forts of the Realm for Security of delivering the young Queen at her perfect Age. Moreover this Parliament appointed the Archbiſhop of Glaf gow, the Biſhops of Aberdeen, Murray, Orkney, Roſs and Brechin ; the Abbots of Dumfermling and Cowper ; the Earls of Angus, Huntly, Murray, Argile, Bothwel , Mariſchal, Cafils and Glencairn ; the Lords Erskine, Ruthven, Maxwel, Seton and Methven ; George Douglas, the Provoſt of A berdeen, Sir William Hamilton, Sir James Lermont, the Treaſurer, the Se- cretary, the Clerk-regiſter, the Juſtice-clerk and the Queen's Advocate, to be the Governor's Council, fix whereof to be fill preſent at the leaſt; and ap- pointed 2 (a) Sadler's Negociations, p. 74 and 161. (6) Records of Parliament. A Copy of theſe Inſtructions may be ſeen in the Preface to Mr. Sadler's Negociations. 28 The History of the Affairs of Book I. ſecond Embar- land. 1543. pointed the Earl Mariſchal and the Earl of Montroſe, the Lords Erskine, m Ruthven, Living fon, Lindſay and Seton, and the Laird of Calder, Keepers of the Queen's Perfon, at Linlithgow or Stirling, at the Queen Dowager's Pleaſure, with Adyice of the Governor and his Council ; and the Queen not to be tranſported from one place to another, without Advice of the Queen Dowager, the Governor and Lords of Council. 'Tis likewiſe ſpecified in the Act, that the ſaid Lords ſhall be Keepers of the Queen, or any two of them, quarterly ; and that one Nobleman be added to theſe Lords, by the Lord Governor, at his Pleaſure. Afterwards, the Forfeitures of the Earl of Angus and Sir George Douglas his Brother were reverſed: And then the Parliament was prorogued on the 17th (a) of March, after that the Lords of the Articles had been impowered to make Laws for the general Benefit of the Kingdom ; but with a Reſtriction not to meddle with Affairs of the Church, nor Privileges of the ſame. The Day after, being Sunday, Sir Ralph Sadler, Ambaſſador from King Mr. Sadler's Henry, arrived at Edinburgh, with Letters to the Earl of Arran, and a Com- miſſion to act in Concert with the Noblemen before mentioned, in the Affair ſy into Scot- of the Marriage of the young Queen ; and to tender his Advice, according as it ſhould be required, to the Governor and Council . The Governor received this Ambaſſador very kindly, and gave him Aſſurance that the King his Maſter had his Heart above all other Princes, and that he ſhould have him at Com- mand in all Things reaſonable, ſaving ſtill bis Duty and Allegiance to his Sovereign Lady and the Realm. This Qualification of his Service to the King of England, the Governor, like a Man of Honour, did ever afterwards reiterate, even when King Henry, in order to break his Steddineſs in that Poinț, inſtructed his Ambaſſador to make him ſmell the Danger of a War on one Hand, and on the other did allure him by the Offer of his own Daughter the Lady Eliſabeth, in Marriage to his Son the Lord Hamilton; and at ano- ther Time, by the Offer of his Aſliſtance, to make him King of all Scotland beyond the River Forth, in caſe the contrary Party ſhould ſeize the Perſon of the young Queen. The Ambaſſador began foon to perceive, that it was in vain for him to expect any further Succeſs in his Negociation here, than fimply a Treaty of Peace and Marriage, without the Surrender of the young Queen, the Government or Forts of the Realm. Which when the King of England was advertiſed of, he ſent private Inſtructions to his Ambaſſador to labour clandeſtinely with the Lords his Aſſociates, to convey the young Queen into England. But tho' the Earl of Glencairn was ready enough to offer his Service in that Point; yet her Majeſty was ſo well look'd after, that that Project was very quickly let fall; as was likewiſe another of conveying Car- dinal Beton into England, which laſt the Governor would by no means con- ſent unto. This Determinateneſs in the Nobility and Gentry of our Kingdom, made the King of England give up ſeveral Things which he had laid down as à Plan of the Marriage betwixt his Son and our Queen ; ſo that he was at laſt content to nominate Commiſſioners to meet with the Commiſſioners from Scotland, in order to draw up two Treaties of Peace and Marriage, accor- ding to the Terms which the Parliament of Scotland could be brought to condeſcend unto. The Commiſſioners on the Part of England were, Lord Audeley the Chancellor, Duke of Norfolk Treaſurer, the Biſhops of Win- cheſter and Weſtminſter, the Lord St. John, Chamberlain, and Sir John Gage, Two Trea. Comptroller of the King's Houſhold: Thoſe on the Part of Scotland were, ties, the one the Earl of Glencairn and Sir George Douglas, in Conjunction with the o- of Commerce, ther three Ambaſſadors that were already in England. The Treaties were a- Marriage,con-greed upon, and ſigned (b) by the Commiſſioners on both Sides, at Green- cluded betwixt wich, the firſt Day of July 1543 ; after which Time, two Months were al- England lowed for Ratification of the ſame by the King of England, and by the Go- vernor (a) So it may be gathered from Mr. Sadler's Letters, but in the Regiſters there appears to be no Parliament-day after the 15th of March. (6) Sec Copies of theſe Treaties in the 2d Vol. of Epift. Reg. Scot. Chap. III. 29 Church and State in Scotland. 1 fied; vernor of Scotland, by and with the Approbation and Authority of the Par- 1543. liament of this Kingdom. In the Treaty of Peace (which was to continue during the joint Lives of the two Sovereigns, and one Year after the Demiſe of the firſt) tho' the King of England had labour'd hard to have the ancient Leagues betwixt France and Scotland annull’d, and the two Kingdoms in Britain to be Friends to Friends, and Enemies to Enemies, as the Language at that Time was; yet the Ar. ticle agreed upon concerning that Affair, contained no more, but that neither Kingdom ſhould give, or fuffer to be given by their reſpective Subjects, any manner of Aſſiſtance to any foreign Aggreſſor whatſoever, notwithſtanding any Leagues already contracted, or hereafter to be contracted or confirmed. And in the Treaty of Marriage, inſtead of the former high Demands of King Hen. ry, it is agreed that the Queen of Scots ſhall not be ſent into England until the be ten Years of Age compleat, during which Space lhe fhall remain in the Tuition of certain of her own natural Scottiſh Subjects; but that in the mean Time it ſhall be lawful for the King of England to ſend a Gentleman with his Lady, or two or more Ladies and Servants, to attend the young Queen, and overſee her Education and Diet ; provided always that this Attendance exceed not twenty Perſons. Item, That within two Months after the Date of the Treaty, two Earls and four Lords Barons of Scotland, or their apparent Heirs, thall be given as Hoſtages to the King of England, for the Performance of the Delivery of the Queen, and her Marriage ; and that if any of the Hoſtages chance to die, their Room to be fupplied within two Months after the faid Event ſhall be noti and that it ſhall be lawful for the Eſtates of Scotland to change the Per- fons of the Hoſtages once every fix Months, for other Noblemen of the famd Rank and Condition: Item, That the Kingdom of Scotland, even tho' the Queen have iſſue by the Prince of England, Thall ſtill retain its own proper Name and Title of Kingdom of Scotland, and ſhall enjoy its own Laws, Privileges and Liberties. Tho' the King of England did by thefe Treaties give up many of his high and proud Demands, yet they were not at all agreeable to a great many of this Kingdom. The Queen Dowager, a Lady of great Addreſs, had laboured all fhic could to obtain the Cardinalis Liberation from Priſon, under a Pretext of doing Service to King Henry : And that artful Prelate, or wyly Carle (as the Earl of Angus's Brother call'd him) had ſo far prevail'd with the Governor, that by his own Promiſes to accede to his Intereſt, the Practices and Perſuafions of the Earls of Argile; Huntly, Bothwel aud Murray, and the Arguments of the Abbot of Paiſly, the Regent's natural Brother, who ruled all at Court, and who being all French in his Heart, had entred into ſtrait Bonds of Friendſhip with the Cardinal; the ſaid Governor not only allowed of that Prelate's being tranſported to his own Caſtle in St. Andrews, but poſitively ordered it, the Cardinal himſelf at firſt declining, or feeming to decline the Propoſition (a). H King (a) In the Liberation of the Cardinal, the Governor might have had different Views, as may be gathered from Mr. Sadler's Letters; ſuch as, 1. That the Cardinal, whoſe Intereſt he knew to be very extenſive in the Country, might join the ſame to his . Of 2. That he might the more eaſily decoy the Cardinal, and make himſelf Mafter of the Caſtle of St. Andrews. Or 3. Which touched him moſt, he thereby might prevent what was determined upon by Oath and Bond, betwixt the Earls of Argile; Huntiy, Bothwel and Murray, with divers Biſhops ; viz. the Cardinal's Liberation, or the Governor's Deſtruction ; by being before hand with them, and making that Prelate owe his Liberty, tho' under Cover, to himſelf. For nothing is more plain, Than that even then the Governor, (if ever he was in earneſt) began to repent him of his Engliſh Bargain, ſeeing himſelf ſo like to be bubled of King Henry's Promiſes of his Daughter in Marriage to his Son, or all be-north forth for a Kingdoint , by that King's ſo warmly inſiſting to have the young Queen and the Cardinal deliverd into his Hands; which he knew would render him but a Tool in Scotland ever after, if at all continued in any Truft : Since even then thar King denied him the Title of Governor in the Letters which he addreſſed to him, calling him fimply Earl of Arran occupying the place of Governor ; and left him no Expe&ation that his Majeſty would confer ſuch Honours upon his Family, when he once had the Queen of Scotland in his Cuſtody, the Head of the Clergy in Bonds, and the Reins of the Government in his own Hands. This, which was not an- told him by Huntly, his own Brother and many of the Nobility, foon made him caft about for the Cardinal's Friendſhip, yet fo as he might ſeem to act in Sincerity with England : He therefore, in Oppoſition to all Sadler's Remonftrances, fends the Cardinal to St. Andrews, in Charge of the Lord Seton, with a Guard of about twelve or ſixteen Men; tho' he knew the Cara dinal had not only above 300 of his own, but all that Town, and indeed moſt of that Country at his Devotion : Nay further, the Lord Seton had the Governor's Orders to give the Cardinal his full Liberty about his own Houſe; yet in his communing witk Sadler, he would fain have thrown the whole Blamc of the Cardinal's Liberty upon the Lord Seton, as if he had been bribed by 30 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. The Earl of ܪ 1543 King Henry finding by his Ambaſſador, that his Demands in Scotland were highly oppoſed, not only by the Governor and the Body of the Nobility, but even coldly entertained by his very Penſioners ; reſolved to archieve by Force, what he could not obtain by Promiſe and fair Words. Theſe Meaſures of King Henry were before look’d for, both by the Queen Mother and the Cardinal : And having little Confidence in the Governor, Lennox comes they had timeouſly provided to get Matthew Earl of Lennox ſent home from from France, France, as being a Perſon very fit for their Purpoſes, by reaſon of a Grudge ſubſiſting betwixt his Family and the Governor's. This young Nobleman was and upon what not only put in Hopes of having the Queen Dowager to Wife, but was like- Account. wiſe made believe that he might have a fair Title to the Succeſſion of the Crown, and even to the paternal Eſtate and preſent Office of the Governor (a). He arrived in Scotland in the Month of April, and brought along with him many fair Promiſes of Aid and Aſſiſtance from the French King, which he offered to the Council, having come with the reſt of the Lords upon the Governor's Summons to Edinburgh : But the Governor being driven by King Henry's Penſioners to ſign the Treaty of Marriage, upon the ſhifting Terms he had himſelf inſiſted upon before, the Earl of Lennox returned, and appeared in Arms againſt the Governor about the Middle of May; yet he was able to act nothing to the Purpoſe : And the Cardinal finding that either he did not anſwer his Expectation, or that he could do his Buſineſs well enough, or ber- ter without him, began much to neglect the Earl ; ſo that he was forced to take quite contrary Meaſures to thoſe for which he firſt came home, as after- One of the firſt Things the Cardinal did after his Liberation, was, to hold, by Conſent of the Governor, a Convocation of the Clergy at St. Andrew's, in the Beginning of May, in order to determine upon a certain Sum of Money to be given by them in the Event of a War ; but becauſe fome Biſhops were abſent, the Aſſembly was prorogate till the Beginning of June : However, it was reſolved by thoſe that were then preſent, to give all their own Money, their Silver-plate, and the Plate belonging to their Churches, for the Mainte- nance of a War; and that they themſelves alſo would fight, if Need fhould fo require. By means of this Money, beſtowed by the Clergy, and with his natural Cunning, the Cardinal (beſides his Intereft with the Yulgar, who, by the Clamours of the Clergy, and the in-bred Animoſity betwixt the two Nations, then hated the very Name of Engliſh Alliance) perceived his Party to increaſe a-pace among the Nobility and Gentry. The Earls of Huntly, Argile, Bothwel and Murray, had been ſtill noted as averſe to the Match with England. Theſe Noblemen, the Cardinal and ſome others, gathered Forces together at The Trea- Stirling, after they had heard of the Concluſion of the Treaties ; and in the ties with Enge Beginning of Auguſt they came to Linlithgow, and carried off the two Queens ed by the Go-to the Caſtle of Stirling, being invited thereto by the Queen-Mother . They vernot, on the laboured likewiſe to diſappoint the meeting of the Parliament, which was fum- land, notwith. moned by the Goyernor for the Ratification of the Treaties : But not being able ſtanding the to effectuate that, the Governor did, on the 25th Day of the fame Month of Au- made by feve-guſt, ratify, ſign and folemnly ſwear to the two Treaties of Peace and Marriage with wards will appear. ral Lords : by the Cardinal's Money : But a ſhort Time took off the Mask; and how ſoon he ſaw the Cardinal and his Friends in Condition to ſecond him, he plainly and openly refuſed all King Henry's Conditions ; but ſent for the Cardinal and his Adherents, to come and join him, thowithout their Forces, to Edinburgh": whither they all came except Huntly and the Cardinal, who being now at Liberty, and all his Offers to Sadler of favouring King Henry's Intereſt, and a deſired Communing refuſed him, ſets himſelf vigorouſly a-work to oppoſe all King Henry's Meaſures. (a) Matthew Earl of Lennox had to Wife a Daughter of the Lord Hamilton, by Mary Daughter to King James II. By her he had his Son and Heir John, who was appointed a Lord of the Regency in the Minority of King James V. and was ſlain at the Bridge of Linlithgow, by a Party headed by the Lord Hamilton, then become Earl of Arran. John was Father to Matthew the preſent Earl of Lennox, whoſe Pretenſions to the Crown, cc. ſtood thus. James Earl of Arran Son to his Father by Princeſs Mary Stewart Daughter of James II. (by virtue of whom the Family of Hamilton have a Claim to the Regal Succeſſion, ) after he had been divorced from Lady Eliſabeth Home, had by his ſubſequent Wife, James the preſent Earl of Arran. Therefore the Earl of Lennox alledged he was but a Baltard, and that himſelf inherited the Rights of the Family of Hamilton, as being deſcended from a Daughter of Princeſs Mary, Chap. III. 31 Church and State in Scotland. But iramedi. with England, at High-Maſs in the Abbay Church of Holy-rood-houſe; and the ijaza Great Seal of the Kingdom was appended thereunto (a). The Cardinal and his Party did not come to the Parliament ; and 'ris not improbable, but they were the more indifferent how Things went at that Time, becauſe they were aſſured the Governor ſhould never be able to lay in the Hoſtages which are mentioned in the Treaty of Marriage, not one of the Nobility lhewing any Willingneſs to go into England in that Quality. The fame Day that the Go- yernor ſigned the Treaties, he went Northwards to St. Andrew's, in order, as he pretended, to have received the Cardinals Submiſſion : But whatever the Matter or the Management was, that Prelate did not ſo much as ſtir out of his Caſtle, to wait on the Governor, who thereupon cauſed him be denounced Rebel, in the Town of St. Andrew's; and then returned to Edinburgh, with an Intention, as he ſaid, to levy Forces, and compel the Cardinal into a Sub- miſſion : _All this the Engliſh Ambaſſador ſeems firmly to have believed as genuine Truth. But the wonderful Change (as that Gentleman words it) which foon after followed, would even ſeem to render ſuſpected that Journey of the Governor ; and that the Hand of the wily Cardinal had been deeply engaged in the whole Affair. Whether therefore ſome open Threarnings to depofe the Governor from his Office, or a ſecret Suggeſtion, that by adhering to England, he might endånger his Title, not only to the Regal Succeſſion, but to his own paternal Eſtate, both which were ſupported only by the Pope's Authority; or whether it was fome other ſeparate Views or Influence made uſe of by the Cardinal, that weighed moſt with the Gover- nor, is not neceſſary here to be determined : But one Thing is certain, that within eight Days after he had confirmed the Treaties with England, having ately thereaf- received a Meſſage from the Cardinal, by the Hands of Sir John Campbel of ter, the Gover- Lundy, and the Abbot of Pittenweem, he left Edinburghs that ſame Day in nor goes over the Evening, being Monday the 3d of September andera Pretext of viſiting intereft. his Lady in the Caſtle of Blacknefs, whó, as he ſaid, laboured of Child; and next Day he went to Calendar (b), where the Cardinal and Earl of Murray met him ; and after ſome ſecret Communication together, they all three rode forward to Stirling. And ever after, the Governor remained addicted to the Cardinal, (albeit ſometimes he wavered, at leaſt to outward Appearance) be- Cauſe, as he ſaid, “ Tho' he would do as much as in him was, to obſerve the " Treaties ; yet more than he might, he could not do.” The Engliſh Ambaſſador, after this Revolt (as he calls it) of the Governor from his Maſter's Service, feems to have given over all Hopes of ſucceeding in his Negociation here; as indeed he might well have done, confidering the ge- neral Diſguſt our Nation had conceived againſt that of England, infomuch that even he, the Ambaffador, was not free from being inſulted in the City of E- dinburgh, and was in no ſmall Danger of his Life from the Rabble. But the Thing chat gave the Cardinal and his Accomplices the faireſt Handle to act in Oppoſition to King Henry, was an Action of that Prince, if not altogether unjuſt in it felf, yet apparently moſt impolitick at this Juncture of Time deed I am moſt ſenſible, that for a private Man to cenſure the Actions of ſo great a King, may be look'd upon as a Piece of no ſmall Imprudence and Impertinence : And I am likewiſe aware, that the King of England perceiving himſelf to be much ſuperior in Force to the Power of Scotland, eſpecially as it was then ſtated ; and perceiving, in like Manner, that his Affairs in our Kingdom were not likely to fucceed according to his Mind, might readily enough think, that the beſt Way to bring them to a good Iſſue, was, to frighten and tertify us into a Compliance, by touching us in the ſenſible Part of worldly Intereſt and Advantage." But ſeeing Kings may err, as well as other Men, I am willing to fuſpend any harſh Judgment of mine upon this Head, and to lay the bad Succeſs of this Project of the King of England upon the uncertain Event of H 2 all (a) See the Confirmation of theſe Treaties by the Governor in 2d. Vol. Epift. Reg. Scor. (6) The Seat of the Lord Livingſton, near to the Town of Falkirk. 32 The History of the Affairs of 1 from that King : Book I. 1543 all humane Counſels and Devices whatſoever. The Matter in ſhort was this: The Merchants of Scotland having had their Trade a long Time interrupted by the Wars; when they knew that the Treaties with England were ſigned by the Commiſſioners of both Kingdoms, and that the Peace was proclaimed in England as well as in Scotland, were at a great Expence to furniſh and ſet forth a good Number of Ships, to ſeveral Ports; and among others to the Ports of France : Theſe Ships truſting to the Treatics already agreed upon, tho' not ratified, went ſecurely, but too rafhly, into the Harbours of England, to refreſh themſelves after a Storm : But they were ſoon made ſenſible of their Several Stor- Error ; for tho’ at firſt they were courteouſly entertained, yet in a thort Time with ships.lying they were, by Orders from Court, all ſtopt, and had their Goods confiſcated, bours of En. notwithſtanding they pleaded the Faith of the Treaties lately agreed to, and gland are ſeiz- the Proclamation of the Peace following thereupon. This was in the Month of Auguſt, and conſequently before the Expiration of the two Months ftipulated for the mutual Exchange of the Treaties, ratified by the reſpective Kingdoms. When Complaint of this bad Treatment was made, the Engliſh Ambaſſador (who appears in his own Mind to diſapprove of it, and did write to his Court, ad- viſing the Releaſe of the Ships) made Anſwer, in his Maſter's Name, That it was contrary to the Treaty of Peace, to aſſiſt France with Victuals; and next, that ſuch as were within the Scottiſh Ships, had ſpoken very ſlanderouſly of the Gover- nor and other Noblemen of this Realm. The Cardinal now ſitting in Council, together with the Governor, at Edinburgh, the 23d Day of September, made anſwer, That as to the loading with Victual, he underſtood that the Ships had no ſuch Loading, except it was Fiſh ; and that he could not perceive by the Treaties, but that the Merchants, Subjects of both Realms, might uſe their accuſtomed Traffick, with ſuch Merchandize as they have been in uſe to tran- fort to other Countries : And as to the unſeemly Words ſpoken of the Gover- nor, the Cogniſance and Puniſhment thereof appertained to him, and not to the King of England. After which the Cardinal having demanded, Whether the King his Maſter would yet ratify the Treaties, provided Hoſtages ſhould be de- livered, according to the Tenor thereof; and whether he would reſtore the Ships ; and cauſe Redreſs to be made for ſome Inroads on the Borders ? the Engliſh Ambaſſador not taking upon him to give any Aſſurance of this in his Majeſty's Name; and having deſired the Council here, to declare their Reſolu- tion to perform literally the Treaties, before he ſhould write to his Maſter to know his Pleaſure herein, as the Cardinal had requeſted him to do: And the Which Inci- Council having made anſwer, That the Matters were weighty, and they muſt Stop to the have Time to adviſe upon the fame, and would declare their Reſolution upon of the Treaties. Knowledge of his Maſter’s Intention : It doth not appear, that there was after- wards any further communing upon the Head; but that both Parties look'd upon the Treaties as good as at an End. And indeed it is probable enough, that the Cardinal, who then acted as Prime Miniſter, and who, by the Superiority of his Genius, did much out-ſhine the Governor, had no mind to adhere to the Treaties, even tho' Satisfaction ſhould be made by King Henry, for any Infra- etion of them ; and tho' he thould agree to ratify them in the Terms propoſed. It is now fit to take a View of what other Matters paſſed about this Time. The firſt step of Moment that was done, after the Union betwixt the Gover- The nor and the Cardinal, was, the Crowning of the young Queen at Stirling, on Sunday the 9th of September ; at which Solemnity, 'tis ſaid, the Gover- nor carried the Royal Crown, and the Earl of Lennox the Sceptre. Next and a Council they proceeded to make Choice of a Council, by whom the Governor ſhall be is capogedora directed, in all the great Affairs of the Realm. Of this Council the Queen Dowager was the principal Perſon : The reſt were, the Cardinal, the Archbi- ſhop of Glaſgow, the Biſhops of Murray, Orkney, Galloway and Dunblane; the Abbots of Pailly and Cowper; the Earls of Angus, Huntly, Argile, Murray, Glencairn, Lennox, Bothwel and Mariſchal; whoſe Counſel the Governor was ſworn to uſe, and to be directed by them : But I do not find that dent puts a young Queen is crowned, Governor. Chap. III. 33 Church and State in Scotland. that the Earls of Angus, Caſſils and Glencairn did meet with them at Edin. 1543. burgh the 18th and ſubſequent Days of September, as they were advertiſed to do by a Meſſage fent them by the Lord Fleming and the Abbot of Paiſly. The Earls of Angus, Glencairn, and other Lords of that Side, had likewiſe had Letters written to them, by the Cardinal, the Chancellor, Biſhop of Mur- ray, Earls of Huntly and Argile, inviting them to witnefs the Coronation of the young Queen ; which they alſo refuſed to comply with. On the contrary, theſe Engliſh Lords, (except the Lord Fleming, who had feparated himſelf from them ſome time before the Ratification of the Treaties) whéri they found how The Lords Things went, and that the Governor had abandoned them, conveened at Dou- that favour the glas Caſtle, upon the 25th of October, where they drew up and ſigned a King of Eng- Writing to the King of England, to be carried to him by the Lord Somervël, land keep importing, as may be gathered by a Meſſage of theirs to the Engliſh Ambaſſador, Conſultations, That they had entred into a Bond to abide firmly together, in order to ſerve his Majeſty; and praying his Majeſty to ſend them Affiſtance, eſpecially of Money, without which they ſhould not be able to bear the Malice of their Enemies. But the Lord Somervel was apprehended in or about Edinburgh, with his Letters; as was the Lord Maxwel; and both ſhut up in the Caſtle of that City : Only the former was ſoon after removed to that of Blackneſs : And great Endeavour was uſed by the Governor and Cardinal to get the reſt of thein into their Hands. But the Lord Maxwel having made a Shift to eſcape, he, together with the Earls of Angus, Cafils and Glencairn, Sir Hugh Campbel of Lowdon Sheriff of Air, and James Douglas of Drumlanrig (which two Gentlemen had joined the Engliſh Lords fometime before) did again affemble at Douglas, a- bout the roth of December, where they concerted Meaſures how to proceed againſt their Enemies, and to do them all the Miſchief they could deviſe. By this Time the Earl of Lennox was much weaned from the French Intereſt; and had for fome Time paſt made Suit to the Earl of Angus, for the Marriage of his Daughter, the Lady Margaret Douglas, Neice by the Mother to King Henry : Nor had his Propoſal been utterly rejected, only it ſeems that King and the Earl of Angus had found Lennox a little unſtable, and not hcarty e- nough to join their Intereſt. And the Truth is, he liked not to break from France altogether, ſo long as he had any Expectation from thence; and alſo, except he had a Certainty of being kindly received by England. But now a fair Occaſion offer’d, to do him great Service that Way, after he had perceived himſelf to be neglected by the Queen Dowager and Cardinal, and that very ſiniſtrous Repreſentations had by them been made of him to the Court of France : For in the Beginning of O&tober, fix or ſeven good Ships arrived from Some Ships that Kingdom.in the Firth of Clyde, which had on board a Legat from Rome, and France con- two Ambaſſadors, with Arms, Ammunition, and 30000 Crowns in Silver front ſigned to the France, to be diſtributed to proper Perſons in Scotland, by the Advice of the Queen Dowager and Cardinal. The Earl got the Captains of the French Ships perſuaded to land the Money, and ſome of the Arms and Ammunition, in his Caſtle of Dunbarton ; whereupon the Queen Dowager and Cardinal begin a- gain ardently to cajol the Eart, and to endeavour a Reconciliation betwixt him and the Governor : But notwithſtanding all the Cardinals Addreſs, the Earl would by no means part with the Money ; but took that Opportunity to ingratiate himſelf with the Engliſh Lords : And ’tis not improbable, but the former Neglect that Prelate had uſed towards the Earl, after he had gained the Governor, made his Lordſhip the leſs obſequious now to his Eminency's Directions. As John Hamilton, Abbot of Paiſly, had a great Aſcendant over the Mind of his Brother the Governor, and had been very ſerviceable to the Cardinal in the firſt bringing over the Governor, and ſtill retaining him fix'd to the Cardi- nal's Meaſures; the Cardinal did firſt rclign to him the Office of Privy-Seal; and ſhortly after, that the riſing Fortune of the Abbot might be more noticeable in the Parliament, which was to fit down in the Beginning of the Month of De- I cember Earl of Lene nox. 34 The History of the Affairs of Book I. Ain Account liament, : 1543. cember, he was advanced to be Treaſurer of the Kingdom, in the Room of Sir William Kircaldy of Grange in Fife, who was known to be a great Favourer of the new Doctrines, and an avowed Enemy to the Cardinal and the other eſtabliſhed Clergy. On the 8th of December, being the fourth Day of the Parliament, Direction was given to Mr. Henry Lawder the Queen's Advo- of the Procet cate, to raiſe a Summons of Treaſon againſt thoſe that ſigned the Writing at dings in Par-Douglas-Caſtle, to be ſent by the Lord Somervel to the King of England: And next Day there was an Indemnity made out to the Lords and Gentlemen that had conveened at Stirling for carrying the young Queen thither. On the rith of December, the Parliament declared the Treaties of Peace and Mar- iiage with England to be expired (a); and not to be kept on the Part of Scot- land : And that the Reader may fee upon what Grounds theſe Treaties were annull'd, I have inferted in the Appendix the Act it ſelf, as it ſtands in the publick Records (). The ſame Day were introduced into the Parliament, faques de la Broſe and James Meſage, Ambaſſadors of the King of France ; who opened the Reaſons of their Embaſſy, for renewing the old Leagues be- twixt the two Kingdoms, and offering their Maſter's Afliſtance, for Defence of the young Queen and the Liberty of the Realm, againſt the King of England's invading it Which Propoſal was accepted by the Governor and the E- ſtates, who appointed the Cardinal, the Earls of Argile and Murray, the Lord St. John and Sir Adam Otterburn, or any four, three or two of them, to meer, and conclude with theſe Ambaſſadors of France, for ratifying the former Alliances, and entring into new ones (c). Next Day the Lords Fle- ming, Ruthven, St. John and Sir John Campbel of Calder, were choſen Counſellors to the Governor, in the Place of the Earls of Angus, Lennox, Glencairn and Mariſchal, who are ſaid not to have come, or not to be wil- ling to accept. And the Day after, viz the 13th of December, the Cardi- nal accepts of the Office of Lord High Chancellor, at the Deſire of the Go- vernor and the Eſtates. This was all the State-buſineſs that paſt in the Parlia- ment at this Time. About Chriſtmas, the Earl of Lennox, and the Lords and Gentlemen that favoured King Henry, aſſembled in the Town of Air, in order to conſult what was proper to be done, fince they heard that the Governor, by the Ad- Lennoce and his vice of the Cardinal, had formed a Deſign to levy an Army, and with it to Partners raile march weſt-ward, and ſurpriſe the Earl of Lennox'; and by that means oblige Forces, him to ſurrender the French Money. There it was reſolved to gather toge- ther what Force they were able, and with it to oppoſe the Governor's Deſigns : And their Leyies of Men ſucceeded fo well, partly by the Diſpleaſure which feveral (a) The Author of the Brief Account, &c. printed at the End of Sir Ralph Sadler's Letters, tells the World, that the Clergy « were very frequent in this Parliament :” Wher cas upon Peruſal of the Parliament Rolls, I find there only fifteen Clergymen preſent at this Time, and eighteen in the laſt Parliament March 1542-3. He likewiſe ſays, " that whoever is pleaſed to examine the Rolls of Parliament , will find, there was a far more numerous and powerful Party of the Nobility in the Parliament, « wherein the Treaty (viz. of Marriage and Commerce with England] was made, than in that wherein it was broken.” own indeed, that in the Parliament March 1542-3, which gave Orders and Inſtructions to our Ambaſſadors to repair into England, there were preſent at the firſt Meeting fixty eight Members, vix. eight Biſhops, ten Abbots, eleven Earls, ninteen Lords, four Mafters, ten Burghers, fix Officers of State ; and only forty nine Members, viz, five Biſhops, ten Abbots, nine Earls, nine Lords, one Maſter, ten Burghers, five Officers of State, in the Parliament December 1543, in which the Treaties were annulled. But as the Treaties with England could not be ratified by Parliament until the Month of Auguſt 1543; at which Time the Governor called a Parliament to fit for that Effe & only, the Treaties themſelves not having been concluded by their reſpective Commiſſio- ners until the ift Day of July; and ſince there are no Rolls nor any Records extant concerning that ſhort Parliament in Auguſt, and ſeeing we are certain by Mr. Sadler's Letters, that not only many of the Nobility were not preſent at that Meeting, but did remain with the Queen Dowager and the Cardinal, in plain Oppoſition to it. For theſe Reaſons this Author ſeems not to have Foundation enough for undeceiving the World of what he ſays the the Cardinal would have made it believe, viz. « That the “ Parliament who entred into the Treaties with England were only a ſmall Party and Fa&tion.” Tis well enough known, that anciently in Scotland, the Parliament after ſome few Days Sitting was commonly diffolved, or only ſometimes adjourned; and that the firſt Day of the Parliament the Lords of the Articles, i. e, à certain Number out of each State were elected, which Lords of the Articles, were deemed a ſufficient Authority to ena&t any Law. But if an unforfeen Emergent did at any Time interveen, our Kings could by their Sovereignty call together any ſmall Number of the States upon even a ſhort Warning, and propoſe to them the enacting of this or the other Expedient into a Law. I ſay not that the Parliament in Auguſt 1543 was of this Sort in the laſt Degree; but it is much to be fufpe&ted that there were but few Members preſent, perhaps no more than thoſe whom we find marked as Witnetſes to the ſaid Treaties, in all ten. No Body can imagine that the Parliament holden by the Governor in the Convent near Hadington' Anno 1548, had a formal Summons to conveen, ſince it was not poſſible to divine the Time and Place of its Sitting : And the fame is to be laid of the Parliament at Monktownhall immediately before the Battle of Pinkie. (6) Appendix, Numb. 6. (5) See Appendix, Numb. 7. I Chap. III. 35 Church and State in Scotland. and march a- gainſt the Go But a Pacificas which is of ces ariſe feveral Perſons, in thoſe Weſtern Counties, where the Eſtates of the moſt part 1 54.2-3. of theſe Noblemen lay, had conceived againſt the Governor, for his late ſhift- ing of Sides ; but moſtly by the Power of the Money which they had in their Cuſtody ; that finding their Army in a Condition to act offenſively a gainſt their Enemies, they advanced to the Town of Leith, in order to be be- fore hand with the Governor ; and offer him Bartle in the fields between that vernor : Town and Edinburgh. But the crafty Cardinal, who well perceived that the Governor was in no Condition to hazard a Battle, together with the Earl of Huntly, did ſo manage, Affairs, that a Capitulation was agreed upon; and Lennox came in to Edinburgh to the Governor, where Matters were tranſact- ed by theſe two Lords, for ſome Days together, as if they had quite forgot their old Grudges and Animofities; and Sir George Douglas, and the Lord tion is agreed Kilmaurs, Son to the Earl of Glencairn, were delivered up as Hoſtages (a), to, for Conſervation of the late Agreement, on the Part of the Earls of Angus and Glencairn. Nevertheleſs this Settlement was of no long Continuance : For within a Week, the Governor being at Linlithgow, the Earl of Lennox, mort Continu- upon Information, as is reported, that ſome fudden Miſchief was preparing a- ance ; fo thạc ganſt him, flipt privately away from thence to Glaſgow. But as to the fubfe. new Differei quent Scuffles betwixt the Governor and Lennox, which fell out all to the Diſadvantage of this Nobleman and the Engliſh Lords; becauſe I have no fure Records whereby to unravel the perplex'd Accounts that are given of them by our Hiſtorians, in the true Order of Time, I chuſe rather to leave them un- touched, and only aſſure the Readers of our Scottiſh Affairs, that (in great Probability at leaſt) all this Buſtle, from the firſt to the laſt, was tranſacted pretty early in the Spring of the Year 1543-4; as may appear from the Dates of the following publick (6) Tranſactions, relating to the Earl of Lennox; and which I ſhall here inſert, that I may not be obliged to reſume the Confi- deration of this Nobleman's Affairs, when Things of weightier Moment re quire not to be interrupted. On the 8th Day of April, the Earls of Lennox and Glencairn diſpatched Hugh Cunningham and Thomas Biſhop from Dunbarton, with ample Com- miſſion, in their Names, to meet and treat with the Lord Wharton and Sir Robert Bowis, Commiſſioners of the King of England, at Carlıle or elſewhere the faid Royal Commiſſioners ſhall happen to be. On the 17th of May, the Severa! Earl of Glencairn is at Carlile ; and there, together with Robert Stewart, of the Earl of Brother to the Earl of Lennox, and Biſhop Elect of Cathneſs, Hugh Cun- Lennox, esce ningham and Thomas Biſhop, he ſigns a Contract, betwixt King Henry, the Earl of Lennox and himſelf; in which the two Earls promiſe all manner of glia. Amftance to King Henry, againſt their native Country : And King Henry, on his Part, promiſes to give in Marriage to the Earl of Lennox, the Lady Margaret Douglas his Neice; and that the faid Earl ſhall be Governor of the Kingdom of Scotland under King Henry, in the Event of his being ſucceſsful. The Biſhop Elect of Cathneſs is to remain a Hoſtage in England, for his Bro- ther's Performance of his part of this Treaty : And King Henry gives in Gratui- ty to the Earl of Glencairn 1000 Crowns ; and promiſes to continue in Penſion the Earl of Lennox. On the 26th of June, the Earl of Lennox is perſonally pre- ſent at a Treaty in England, (whither he had failed in the Ships of that Na- tion, when they returned home from the Deſcent upon Scotland; which will come ſhortly to be mentioned : ) In which Treaty, that Lord obliges him- felf to deliver up to the King of England, the Caſtle and Territory of Dun- barton, together with the Ine of Bute, and other Lands of his Lordíhip lying within the Kingdom of Scotland : and King Henry gives for Wife to the faid Earl, the Lady Margaret Douglas, with Lands in England amounting to the I 2 Value (a) Lefly ſays, theſe Hoſtages were delivered at this Time. But Buchanan fays, that they were delivered upon a ſecret Agree- ment made betwixt the Hamiltons and Douglaſſes , unknown to Lennox : And ſeems to inſinuate, that it was upon priyate Informa- tion thereof, that that Earl made his Elopment from Linlithgow. (b) Lefly, who (in my Opinion) gives the moſt diſting Account of theke Matters, tells us expreſly, that the ſending of Mr. Bifhoge into England, was poſterior to the laſt Conflia betwixt the Lord Governor and Lennox. taken from the Fædera Ana 36 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1543-4. Value of 6800 Merks Scots Money, equal to 1700 Merks Engliſh (a). Item, The King of England gives in Penſion 100 Merks Sterling, to George Stir- ling, Deputy Governor of the Caſtle of Dunbarton, under the Earl of Len- nox. On the 6th of July, the Earl of Lennox is naturalized a Subject of England : [This 'tis probable has been done upon the Conſummation of his Marriage.] On the 13th of July, King Henry gives a Penſion, during Life, and payable at two Terms in the Year, to the Earl of Glencairn L. 250 Ster- ling; and to his Son, Alexander Lord Kilmawrs, L. 125 Sterling, alſo dut- ring Life, and payable twice a-year. CH A P. IV. 1542-3 I Containing an Account of Church-Affairs, from the Death of King FAMES V. Anno 1542, till the Murder of Cardinal Beton, Anno 1546. HE new Doctrines concerning Religion had ſo far prevailed in Scot. land, notwithſtanding the Severities uſed againſt the Profeſſors there- of, in the late King's Reign, by the Influence of the ſettled Clergy ; so that in the very firſt Parliament holden after his Death, by James Earl of Arran, Tutor of the Queen and Governor of her Kingdom, there was a Propoſal offered by the Lord Maxwel, on the 15th Day of March 1542-3, being the fourth of the Parliament, for a Liberty of reading the Bible in the Vulgar Tongue : Which Propoſal was received and approved by the Gover- nor and the Lords of the Articles. And becauſe this was the firſt publick Step towards a Reformation of Religion, perhaps the Reader will not be diſpleaſed to ſee the Act inſerted in this Hiſtory ; which is as followeth. fered to the Tongue. The Bill of of my, Lozo Governour and Lordis of Articklis, to be avitit by theim, gif the famin be reaſonable or not, of the quhilk the Parliament for Tenoz followis: It is ſtatute and oldanit, that it ſal bg leful to all Scriptures in our Soverane Ladyis Lieges to haif the haly Turit, to wit the New the vulgar Teſtament and Auld, in the Uulgar Toung, in Inglis ol Scottis, of ane gude and true Trandatioun; and that thai ſal incur na Crimes foz the heling and reading of the famin, providing alwayis that nae Man diſpute or hald Oppingeonis, under the painis contenit in the Ads of Parliament. The Loldis of Artickiis béand aviſit with the ſaid Writting, finds the famint reaſonable ; and therefore thinkis that the ſamin may be uït amangis all the Lieges of this Realm, in oure Uuigar Toung, of ane gude, true and juft Tranſlatioun, be cauſe there was na Law thewin nor producit in the contrair ; and that nane of oure Soverane Ladyis Lieges incur ony Crimes foz haifing oz reding of the famin in form as ſaid is, nor fall be accufit therefore in Cime coming; and that na perfonis diſpute, argou oz haid Oppunionis of the lamin, under the raidis Painis contenit in the foreſaides Acts of Parliament. It (a) This authentick Document, ferves notably well to aſcertain the Proportion betwixt the Scottiſh and Engliſh Computation of Money at that Time, viz. that the Engliſh Merk contained but four of the Scottiſh. I had formerly perceived by Reading, that there was not in elder Times ſuch a great Diſproportion betwixt the Denominations of Money of the two Nations as at preſent; but I do not remember of fo clear an Inſtance as this before us. Quar. Whether the Engliſh Computation has riſen, or the Scottiſh Fallen in later Times? Or if either of the two have ſtood fixed? Chip. IV. 37 Church and State in Scotland. It ſeems this Draught of an Act, for having and reading the Holy Scriptures 1542-3 in the Vulgar Language, had not been ſo privately concerted, but that the got Notice of the Deſign: And therefore immediately after read- ing of it; the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, then Chancellor of the Kingdom, offered to the Parliament theſe following Reaſons, why the Act ſhould not be páſt into a Law at that Time, viz. Clergy had He quhilk Day, ane Mait Reverend fader in GOD, Gawine Archbichop of Glaſgow Chanceler, for himſelf, and in Name and a Protet Behalfe of all the Prelates of this Realm, beand preſent in Par- entred again.ft ſiament, ſchew, Chat ther was ane Act inſtantly red in face of Par: Archbilhop of liament; that the haly Writ may be uüt in our Wulgar Toung, and Glaſgow. that na Crime fuld follow therupon throu the uling therof ; and alegit in the ſaid act, that the three Eſtates concludit the Camen Whilk he, foz himſelfe and the Remanent of the Prelates, being preſent, as ane of the three Etates of the faid Parlianient, ditlallentit therto fimpliciter ; bot apponit thaim therto, unto the Tyme that ang provincial Counſel inight be had of all the Ciergy of this Realm, to aviſe and conclud therūpon, gif the ramen be neceſſar to be hao in Uulgar Coung, to be uït amang the Dueins Lieges, og not; and therafter to thaw the utter Determination that ſal bé done in that Behalfe : And theru pon askit Jntrumentis. But notwithſtanding this Proteſtation, the Lord Maxwel's Bill was cer- tainly enacted; ſeeing that within two Days after the Parliament had riſen, the Governor, who found himſelf beſt ſupported by the Adverfaries of the e- ſtabliſhed Religion, thought fit to cauſe iffue out a Proclamation, for Notifica- ţion to all the Lieges, of the Act concerning the Holy Scriptures. Here fol- lows the Orders for the Proclamation. C on in favours of the Bill, GUBERNATOR. Lerk of Regitter, it is our Will, and we chargé zou, that ze gar proclaim tõis Day, at the Marcat Crois of Edinburgh, the Aais Proclamati. maid in oure Soverane Ladyis Parliament, that ſuid ve pro clamit and gevin furth to yir Lieges; and in ſpeciale, the Act inade for having the New Teſtament in Culgar Coung, with certain addi: tionis; and therefter gif furth the Copyis therof actentick, as efferis, to au thain that will defyre töe famyn; and inſert this oure Com. mand and Charge in the Bukis of Parliament, foz Zoure Warrant. Subſcrivit with our Hand, at Edinburgh, the xix Day of Marche, the Zeir of GOD Jaj vc and xlii Zeris. JAMES G. The Clergy had already been highly offended with the Governor, and had taken particular Exception at his entertaining in his own Family, two Preach- ers of the Dominican Order, viz. Thomas Williams (a), and John Rough (b), who both proceeded to cenſure the Pope's Authority, the Adoration of Images K к Esc. v (a) He was born at Athelſton-Ford in Eaſt Lothians and was. Provincial of the Black-Friars in Scotland. Sir James Balfour fays, he tranſlated the New Teſtament into the vulgar Tongue, and publickly preached againſt the Pope's Authority, and that hic was winked at by the Regent, and ſupported by the Noblemen that had returned lately from England (6) He entred among the Black-Friars in the Town of Stirling at the Age of 17 Years, where he remained the space of Iš Years, at which Time the Lord Governor having a Favour for hiin, asked of the Cardinal to grant him Liberty to come out of his Monaſtery, and become his Lordſhips Chaplain ; in which Station he continued about a Ycar, until the Governor thought fit to diſmiſs fuch Perſons from his Attendance, as favoured the new Opinions. What became of Mr. Rough afterwards during his Abode in this Kingdom will afterwards appear in this Hiſtory. He preached in the Towns of Carlite, Berwick, and Newentie, in the Reign of Edward VI. King of England : But in the ſucceeding Reign of Queen Mary he fled into the Low Countries, and to gether with his wife gained' his Livelyhood by knitting of Stockings; Capes, oʻc. at Nordin in Eaſt Friſeland, until the End of October 1557, that he came over into England for providing of Neceſſaries for his Occupation. There he was elected Preacher to a private Congregation, but was taken at Ifington a Suburb of London, Sunday the 12th Day of December thereafter, and burnt Co Death on the 22d of the faid Month. 38 The History of the Affairs of Book I. The Gover nor ſends to 1543. &c. in their Sermons. Nor is it to be ſuppoſed, that the Diſcontents and Cla- mours of the Clergy were any whit allayed, but rather, on the contrary, much heightned by the late Act of Parliament, and Proclamation following there. upon. However, the Governor was not ſo ſtartled therewith, but that he con- tinued his Care to implement the Deſign of the Act. For which Purpoſe, he deſired Mr. Sadler to write into England for ſome Bibles in English, and for England for the Statutes and Injunctions made lately there by King Henry, for the Refor- Bibles and one mation of the Clergy, and Extirpation of the Biſhop of Rome's Authority. the Engliſh And about a Week thereafter, viz. on the 9th of April, he told the ſaid Mr. Tongue. Sadler, that he had given Direction for admoniſhing the People to read the Scriptures ſincerely and quietly to themſelves, for their own Knowledge, without taking upon them any ſiniſter or raſh Interpretation of the fame, as by Act of Parliament, made in that Behalf, is fully ſet forth, with the Baniſh- ment of all other Engliſh Books, except the mere Scriptures, being of the beſt and trueſt Tranſlation. And he added, that when the King of England ſhall have perfected ſuch Books as he intended to ſet forth by publick Autho- rity, containing ſuch a certain Doctrine as is maintainable by the mere Truth; if his Majeſty Ihall be pleaſed to ſend him the ſame, he would not fail to pu- bliſh them here in Scotland. But when he came to talk of the Extirpation of religious Perſons and their Houſes, which the King of England had recom- mended to him, he ſaid, That tho'he deſired no leſs the Reformation of the Abuſes of the Church, and the Extirpation of the Eſtate of Monks and Friars, with the Abolition of the Biſhop of Rome's ufurped Authority, than that King did ; yet he own’d that that would be a hard Matter to bring to paſs : (faid he) there be fo many great Men in the Kingdom that are Papiſts, that unleſs the Sin of Covetouſneſs bring them into it, (that is, the Deſire of having the Lands of the Abbays in their own Poſſeſſion) he knew no other Mean to win them to his purpoſe in that Behalf.” And the Truth is, the Go. vernor ſeems here to have hit the Nail upon the Head, as we commonly ſpeak : For how palpable foever fome Errors were that had overſpread the Chriſtian Doctrine, and however well diſpoſed the great Men might have been to apply proper Remedies thereunto; yet it is much to be queſtioned, whether they had ever gone ſo readily, as they did afterwards, into a total Suppreffion of the Monaſteries and Nunneries, (which by prudent Methods might certainly have been regulated to good Purpoſes, as had been formerly ſet forth by Her. man (a) Archbiſhop of Cologne) had not their avaritious Minds abforbed be- fore 6. For (a) This Prince and Prelate (of the Counts of Meurs) was excommunicated by Pope Paul III. for Hereſy; and in Conſequence thereof, driven from his Electorate by the Emperor Charles V. He ſeems to have been a Perſon of great Prudence and Moderati- on; and it is perhaps much to be wiſht, that the Reformers in the ſeveral Nations where their Do&trines obtained Credit, had gone more upon his Plan, than followed an extravagant Humour of departing at all Adventures from the received Practices of the ancient Church. I cannot here give the Readers a complete Account thereof; only they may know, that he publiſhed a Book con- taining his Senſe and Regulations concerning religious Worlhip, which was tranſlated into Engliſh, and printed at London by John Daye, anno 1547, in duodecimo, and conſiſting of about 27 Pages : It is intituled, A ſimple and religious Conſultation of us. Her man by the Grace of GOD, Archbiſhop of Colone, and Prince Elector, &c. by what Means a Chriſtian Reformation, and founded in GOD'S Word, of Doctrine, Adminiſtration of the divine Sacraments, of Ceremonies, and the hole Cure of Souls, and other Ecclefiafti- cal Miniſteries, may be begun among Men committed to our paſtoral Charge, until the LORD graunt a better to be appointed, either by a free and Chriſtian Counſyale General or National, or elles by the States of the Empire of the Nation of Germanie, gathered to- gether in the holye Goft. The principal Articles treated in the Book are theſe: 1. Of Do&trine. 2. That ſome Leflon muſt be recited out of the holy Scri- ptures before a Sermon, and declared unto the People. 3. That all Sermons muſt be made to the magnifying of the Lord Of the Trinity. s. Of the Creation and Governance of all Things. 6. Of the Cauſe of Sin and Death. 7. Of Ori- ginal Sin, and Man's Weakneſs before Regeneration. 8. Of the Old Teſtament. 9. Of the Difference of the Old and New Teſta- 10. Of preaching peculiar to the New Teſtament. 11. Of the preaching of Repentance. 12. Of the true and proper Uſe of GOD's Law. 13. A ſhort Expoſition of the ten Commandments . 14. Of Remiſſion of Sins and Juſtification. is. Of good Works. 16. Of the true and natural Signification of this Word Faith. 17. Of the Croſs and Tribulations. 18. Of the Church of GOD. 19. Of the Unity or Concord of the Church. 20. Of Chriſtian Prayer. 21. A ſhort Expoſition of the LORD's Prayer. 22. Of the Abuſe in Prayer. 23. Of the true and falle Uſe of Images. 2 q*Of Chriſtian Faſts. 25. Of holy Offerings. 26. A Premonition and Commandment againſt the Errors of the Anabaptiſts. 27. Of the Adminiſtration of Religion. 28. Of Sacraments generally. 29. Of Baptiſm. 30 The Form of a Catechiſm before Baptiſm. 31. The Exorciſm. 32. Of the Adminiſtration of Baptiſm. 33. How Baptiſm muſt be adminiſtred at Times not preſcribed. 34. of Confirmation. 35. Of the LORD's Suppera 36. At what Time the LORD's Supper ought to be celebrated. 37. Of the Communion of Strangers and fick Folk. 38. How ſíck Perfons muſt be viſited, and how we muſt celebrate the Communion with them. 39. Of Communion in private Houſes for Men in Health. 40. Of turning from Sins, and true Repentance. 41. Of Excommunication. 42. Of the mak- ing of Paſtors. 43. Of the bleſſing of Marriages 44. Of Burying. 45. Of holy and feaftful Days. 46. Of fafting Days and CHRIST. mnients. Lent. Chap. IV. 39 Church and State in Scotland. fore hand the whole Revenues thereof, whether it was right or wrong, Sacri- 1543. lege or not Sacrilege. The King of England (whether being requeſted ſo to do, or not, I cannot tell ) ſent down to Scotland, in the Beginning of July, one Sir Robert Richard-Soencefilets fon a Prieſt (a), who was preſented to the Governor by Mr. Sadler. The Go- the King of vernor received him courteouſly, and heard him preach ; and likewiſe promiſed England into him a Living and Entertainment in the Country : And the fame Sir Robert, by Licence from the Governor, went to St. Andrew's, and talked with the Cardinal : But 'tis a Pity we are ignorant of the Communing that paſt betwixt them; the Purport thereof being only tranſmitted to King Henry by Richard- fon himſelf, and no Part thereof dropt to Poſterity in Mr. Sadler's Letters. The Books which were ſent from England were not very much eſteemed in this Country, becauſe it ſeems they treated moſtly of true and folid Religion ; whereas the Faction that favoured the new Opinions here, were moſtly taken up with that Part which confuted the Biſhop of Rome's Supremacy, and tended to depreſs the Clergy : Which was a Point of Reformation that our great Men were ſpecially fond to advance and ſet forward, that thereby they might enrich themſelves out of the Spoils of the Church. Things went in this Channel, from the firſt Parliament of the Governor, until the Time that lie ſhifted Sides, and went over to the Cardinal. But how ſoon the Governor came with that Prelate to Stirling; his natural Brother John Hamilton Abbot of Paiſly did ſo effectually, it ſeems, repreſent to him the former falſe Meaſures he had taken, conſidering that the Legitimacy of his own Birth, and conſequently the very Title to his own private Eſtate, as well as his Advancement to the publick high Office in which he was inveſted, did ſolely depend upon the Pope's Au- thority, and the Laws of the Church as then eſtabliſhed, that the Governor himſelf was quickly reconciled to the Church, by making a publick Renun- ciation of his Errors, and receiving Abfolution from the Hands of the Cardirial, in the Church of the Franciſcans in that City. The Conſequence of which The Gover- was; that the two Preachers, Williams and Rough, and fuch Gentlemen as the new Do favoured the new Doctrines, were diſmiſt from being about the Governor. Sir etrines, Robert Richardſon alſo, and others that had come from England, were fain to return home, as being in Danger of their Lives ſince the new Turn of Af- fairs. Nor was the Governor fatisfied in the abandoning of his former Friends; but that he might the better teſtify his Zeal and Integrity in his late Converſi- on, he, in the Parliament that fat next December, made the following Propo- fition, on Saturday the 15th of that Month, viz. The K 2 Lent. 47. Of the Difference of Meats. 43. Of certain other Rites or Ceremonies of the Church. 49. Of Ecclefiaftical Rites in pon working Days. 5o. Of peculiar Days of Proceſſion. 51. Of Litany. 52. Of common Alms. 53. Of Schools for Children 54. Of Schools of Divinity. 55. Of Diſputation. 56. By what Means a Chriſtian Reformation of holy Miniſtry, and Cure of Souls, may be begun and practiſed in Pariſhes. 57. Of reforming of Canonical Colleges. 58. Of the Reformation of Monaſte. ries both of Men and Women. 59. Of free and not Monaftical Colleges of Virgins. 6o. Of the Order of Cell-brethren, and Lay- brethren. In the Article concerning the Reformation of Monaſteries and Nunneries, this judicious Prelate faith thus, " As for us, we muſt s follow the LORD's Word, and not to go before it; which Word not only enjoineth not to Man wifelels [i. e. unmarried] Life, “ neither by Neceſſity of Commandment , nor by Commendation, or Exaction of a Vow, or by the Occaſion of any kind of “ Life, or Miniſtry; but alſo it bindeth and moderateth the Praiſe of wifeleſs Life; and not of every wifelels Life, but of thar which « may cauſe a Man cleave to GOD and godly' A cions more faſtly, and with greater Continuance : It moderateth the Praiſe « thereof, I ſay, fu ſtudiouſly, and with fo fingular a Promiſe, that as oft as it bringeth forth any thing in the Commendation « of this wifeleſs Life, and of the Männer of ſerving GOD without Marriage, it addeth forthwith ſomewhat whereby it admo- “ niſheth, that it is not given to every Body to ſerve GOD out of Wedlock; and that every Man ought to conſider what Gift he " has received of the LORD, leſt labouring to higher Things, he be not able to ſtand in the lower; and left while he followetla “ the higher Virtue, he loſe the lower, and lay a Snare for himſelf . Thus the LORD's Mouth and the Holy Ghost taught o of wifeleſs Life, Matt. 19. I. Cor. 7. I. Tim. 5. Seeing then that the LORD himſelf and Maſter of Religion commendech “ wifèteſs Life after this Sort, and with this waryneſs both by himſelf and by his Apoſtles, it cannoi ſurely be lawful to us his Di. “ ſciples to lay a Snare to Men commended to our Charge, that we ſhould keep them in the Grace of GOD, either by any re- “ newing of Commandments , [i. e. making new Commandments ] or Exaction of Vows whereby they periſh, and to thrust them " from that, that might be to them a better and a furer Way.” Then he goes on to adviſe all Virgins, éc. not to act india ſereetly in marrying, but to pray to GOD for the proper Virtues, when meet Husbands to whom they might be married, fall not in their way. And afterwards he proceeds to regulate the Differences that may happen to ariſe in Families concerning Inheri- tance, when any Man or Woman ſhall chance to leave their Monaſtery, and enter into a married State. (a) i. e. A Perſon in Prieſts Orders; and not what we now commonly call a Prieſt; by which Appellation we mean one thar is a Presbyter of the Church of Rome. He had the Title of Sir from the Pope, who dubbed Knights like other Princes. But he has been one of thoſe Clergymen who afterwards renounced the Pope's Juriſdiction, and entred into the King's new Mealutes. 40 Book I. The History of the Affairs of gets of. . ve quyilk Day, my Lold Governour cauût to be fcyewin and proponit in plane Parliament, to al Efatis being tyair gade rit, how thair is gret Azurmure that weretikis mair and mair A& Sf Parlia. ribs and ſpredis within this Realm, Cawand dampnable Dppinionis ment to pafs a. in contrar the faith and Lawis of Haly Kirk, Anis and Confituti. betrof sthetc. onis of this Realme : Erhoztand thairfoz au prelatis and Didinaris, ilk ane withiit thair awin Diocy and Jurisdictioun, to inquir apoun all lic manner of Perfonis, and proceid agains thame according to the Lawis of Daly Kirk; and my faid Loud Governour Hall be rady, at all Tymes, to do thairin that accoudis him of his Office (a). During this Winter, remained in Scotland the Pope's Legate (6), who ar- fived here in the Ships that brought the Money, c. from France, to the Earl of Lennox. I mention the Legare in this Article of Church-Affairs, inerely becauſe of his Eccleſiaſtical Character and Dignity ; for I do not find that he had any particular Buſineſs to do relating to the Church, further than inay be ſuppoſed in general to recommend the Extirpation of Hereſy, and a firm Adherence to her Intereſts. His chief Commiſſion ſeems to have been, to diſſuade the Marriage of our Queen with the Prince of England; and to make promiſe of bulky Aſſiſtance from the Pope, in caſe of a Rupture with that Crown. After he had been courteouſly and {plendidly entertained, by Perfons of the greateſt Rank, from his Arrival in the Kingdom, he departed in the Beginning of the Month of March (c) 1543-4 ; and was ſo well pleaſed with the Reception he had met with here, that wherever he went afterwards, he ſtill ſpoke of the magnificent Civilities of the Scottiſh Nation ; and repre- ſented them in a particular Manner to the King of France, the State of Venice, the College of Cardinals, and to the Pope. In Proſecution, as would appear, of the Order in Parliament preſented by the Governor, in the End of the Year 1543, the Cardinal made à Viſitation The Cardi- into ſome parts of his Dioceſs, in the End of the Year 1545, or rather, as may Dal of Silican be conjectured (d), 1545-6, accompanied by the Lord Governor, the Earl of ſome parts of Argile Lord Juſtice General , the Lord Borthwick, the Biſhops of Dunblain his Dioceſs, at and Orkney, Sir John Campbel of Lundy, and fundry other Gentlemen. Yohich erisons When they were in the Town of Perth, ſeveral Perſons were delated of He- are executed refy, being indicted particularly for controveening the Act of Parliament of Religion1542-3, whereby the Lieges were forbidden to argue or diſpute concerning the Senſe of the holy Scriptures. The Pannels were quickly found guilty by the Verdict of an Aſlize : Three or four were baniſhed, and ſome were ſhut up in Priſon ; (a) Regift. Parliam. (6) Biſhop Leſly calls him Peter Francis Contareno, the Patriarch of Venice. But Mr. Sadler calls the Legate, who he heard was coming into Scotland, Mark German. And (which ſeems to be of greateſt Authority) the Earl of Arran, in his Letter to the Pope, dated the 8th December, calls him Marcus Grymanus Patriarch of Aquileia. ( His recommendatory Letter from our Infant Queen to the Pope, when he was ready to return Home, is dated the laſt Day of February 1543. Vide Épiſt. Reg. Scot. Vol. 2d. (d) The Chronology of this progreſs, as delivered by our Hiſtorians, is fo irreconcilcable, that I can make nothing of it. Mr. Knox fays, that tfic Execution at Perth was on St. Paul's Day, (i. e. the 25th of January) before the firſt Burning of Edinburgh. Now that firſt Burning was in the Year 1544; ſo that according to him, the Cardinal and Governor were at Perth in the Month of January 1543-4. But this is highly improbable, ſince we have already obſerved that about that Time of that Year, the Gover- nor was in the Wezt about Glaſgow, purſuing the Earl of Lennox ; beſides that the Pope's Legate was then in the Country and they were buſied in entertaining him. Mr. Sadler does indeed inform us, that the Governor and Cardinal went about the roth of November 1543 into Fife and Angus, in order to gain the Earl of Rothes, the Lords Gray, Ogilvy, and Glammis, to their Party, either by Force or Policy, but he ſays nothing of Perth, nor of any Execution of Hereticks. Mr. Fox allo alligns this Execution to the ſame Year, and Time of the Year 1543 with Mr. Knox, ex Regiſtr. & Inſtrumentis a Scotia miſſis, Mr. Buchanan, that the Progreſs was in the End of the Year 1545, and tliat after the Execution at Perth, and a farther Progreſs into the County of An- gus, in Search of Hereticks, the Cardinal and Governor returned and kept their Chriſtmaſs for three Weeks together in St. Andrews that fame Year 1545, immediately before the catching of Mr. Wiſhart. So that neither the certain Year, nor Seaſon of the Year are clearly accounted for by our publick Writers. However that I might afford fome Light to this Matter, I have narrowly obſerv. ed the Rolls of Parliament, and do find that the Governor and Cardinal were preſent in the Winter Parliaments, except in the End of the Year 1545, in the Months of December and January. 'Tis true there was no Seſſion of Parliament in the Month of Janus ary 1543-4: But that the Governor and Cardinal did not make their Progreſs Northward in that Year, I think is very impro- bable for the Reaſons above aſſigned Nor was it likely to have been in January or February 1544-5) Ancrum Moor having been fought the 17th of February that Year. So thắt all theſe Things being duly conſidered, I rather join with Mr. Buchanan, who places this Execution at Perth in the End of the Year 1945. Chap. IV. 41 Church and State in Scotland. TO Prifon; but theſe following were condemned to die, viz. William Anderfon, 1545-6. Robert Lamb, James Ronald, James Hunter, James Finlayſon, and Helen Stark in his Wife. Great Interceſſion was made for a Pardon, bit nothing did prevail; ſo the Men were executed by hanging, and the Woman by drowning. Perhaps the Cardinal was the more inexorable, that he might caſt a Copy for the other Prelates, what they ought to do in their ſeveral Diocefes Or perhaps he thought, by this exemplary Puniſhment, to put an effectual Stop to the grow- ing of Hereſy throughout the Kingdom, feeing that Town, and the Country thereabout, was more infected there with, than any other parts of the Nation. The Cardinal perceiving, that notwithſtanding the Severities he had uſed, many Perſons, in divers Places, did incline to the new Doctrines; and that they were much fortified in their Opinions, and diſcouraged from entertain- ing a due Regard to the Church, by the immoral Lives of a great many of the Clergy, had called a provincial Council, to meet at Edinburgh on the 13th of A Meeting January 1545-6, in the Black Friars, in order to conſult upon proper Me- of Biſhops is thods to diſcourage the ipringing Hereſy, and to reſtrain the Licentioufneſs of burgh; during Clergymen, which gave to great Scandal, and a Handle to the People to deſert them. But how far they proceeded in that Affair, remains uncertain : Or if they were not altogether diverted from any Enquiry into it, by the Informa- tion they then received, that Mr. George Wiſhart, the famous Preacher of He- refy, for whom the Cardinal had long ſearched, was juſt then at the Houſe of Cockburn of Ormiſton in Eaſt Lothian. The Cardinal went immediately the Governor, and deſired he would ſend his Servants to ſeize the ſaid Mr. George Wiſhart, that he might be purſued as an Heretick; which the Gover- nor very unwillingly complied with But the Laird of Ormiſton refuſing to de- liver him up, as hoping to have wrought his Eſcape; the Earl of Bothwel High Sheriff of the County, advanced to the Houte of ormiſton, having left the Cardinal within á Mile of the Place, and as ſome ſay, the Governor Company with him : And to this Nobleman Mr. Wiſhart was delivered up, Mr. Wiſhart is he undertaking, according to Mr. Knox, to keep the Man harmleſs at that Time, and either to ſet him at Liberty, of to reſtore him to the fame Place where he received him. This Step inade by the Cardinal in Perſon, is fuffici- ent to thew the Value he put upon the Man; which is likewiſe ſtill more ap- parent from the following Act of Council, obliging Patrick Earl of Buthriel to deliver up to my Lord Governor the Perſon of Mr. Wiſhart. kept at Edin- which in taken, 19. Jannary, 1545-6. He quüilk Day, in Puerens of my Lord Governour and Louis of counſel, comperit Patrik Erle Bothwel , and has birndin and oblitt him, to deliver Maiſter George Wiſchart to my Lord Gover- irour, oz ony neberis in his Behalfe, quyam ye will depute to reſave hint, betuit this and the penuit Day of Januar Inttant incluſive; and ſal hepe Yim furelie, and anſer for yim in the meyu Tyme, under at the hielt pane and Charge that he mai incur, gik he faizies her: intiit. Mr.Wiſhart was firſt carried by the Earl of Bothwel to the Houſe of El. phinſton, where the Cardinal was; from thence he was conveyed to the Caſtle of Edinburgh, and from that to the Cardinal's Caſtle of St. Andrew's. Thi- ther the Cardinal wrote to the other Prelates to conveen on the 27th of Fe- bruary : And in that Meeting Mr. Wiſhart was ſentenced to be burnt the iſt of March ; which was accordingly put in Execution : And that Day the Car- and burt. dioal cauſed be proclaimed thro' the City of St. Andrew's, That no Perſon ſhould pray for the Heretick, under Penalty of the ſevereſt Eccleſiaſtical Cen- fures. Mr. Wiſhart was a Son of Pitarrow in the Merns. He had been ini His Chara&ter. his younger Years Maſter of the Grammar-School at Montroſe ; and had after- wards ſtudied at Cambridge : He is reckoned to have been the worthieſt Perfon I of 42 The History of the Affairs of Book I. in Dowry: A great Sum at that Timc. The King of England gave but 6800 Merks with his Niece to the Earl of Lennox. 1545-6. of all thoſe who ſupported the new Doctrines in this Kingdom. He returned into Scotland in the Year 1544; and an Account of his Labours, and the laſt Scene of his Life, is written pretty fully by our other Hiſtorians to whom I refer. But perhaps there is one Paſſage which ſome would expect I fhould not o- mit; and that is, the prophetical Warning which he is ſaid to have declared againſt the Cardinal at the Time of his Death. The Marter was thus : The Cardinal, as is reported, was viewing the Exccution from a Window overlaid with Tapeſtry; and after the Fire had begun to burn about Mr. Wijhart, he is ſaid to have expreſt himſelf in theſe or the like Words : This Flame hath ſcorched my Bo- dy, yet it bath not daunted my Spirit ; but he who from yonder bigh Place beboldeth us with ſuch Pride, Jhall within few Days ly in the ſame as igno- miniouſly, as now he is ſeen proudly to reſt himſelf. I confefs I give but ſmall Credit to this, and to ſome other Things related concerning ſome of thoſe Pera ſons that fuffered for Religion in our Country, and which upon that Account I have all along omitted to narrate. Iown I think them ridiculous enough, and ſeemingly contrived, at lealt magnificd, on purpoſe to render the Judges and Clergymen of that Time odious and deſpicable in the Eyes of Men, And as to this Paſſage concerning Mr. Wiſhart, it may be noticed, that there is not one Word of it to be met with in the firſt Edition of Mr. Knox's Hiſtory; and if the Thing had been true in fact, I cannot ſee how Mr. Knox, who was ſo good an Ac- quaintance of Mr. Wiſhart, and no farther diſtant from the Place of his Executi- on thani Eaſt Lothian, and who continued ſome Months along with the Murderers of Cardinal Beton in the Caſtle of St. Andrew's, could either be ignorant of the Story, or neglect to inſert in his Hiſtorý ſo remarkable a Prediction. And it has even its own Weight, that Sir David Lindſay, who lived at that Time, and wrote a Poem called The Traġedy of Cardinal Beton, in which he rakes to gether all the worſt Things that could be ſuggeſted againſt this Prelaté ; yet makes no mention, either of his glutting himſelf inhumanely with the Spectacle of Mr. Wiſhart's Death, nor of any prophetical Intermination made by Mr. Wiſhart concerning the Cardinal ; nor doth Mr. Fox take notice of either of theſe Circumſtances : So that I am much of the mind, chat it has been a Story trump'd up a good Time after the Murder. Not only did the Clergy in general, and the Cardinal's Friends highly applaud him for the Execution of Mr. Wiſhart, without the Approbation, and even without the Knowledge and Conſent of the Governor, who had deſired the Trial might be delayed till he himfelf ſhould come to St. Andrew's; but the Cardinal himſelf was no doubt greatly pleafcd therewith. as hoping that now he had given a deadly Blow to the Hereſy, and that his Enemics would hence- forth be kept in Fear and Subjection. And yet ſo uncertain are the iſſues of all humane Conſultations, that this very Thing proved the Rock on which he and all his Fortunes periſhed : For not only were the Minds of the Commons much irritated by this Execution, but even the Humours of fome of high Rank, who otherwiſe bore no good will to the Cardinal, were fo tharpned and inraged at his Perſecutions, that they openly avowed the Blood of Mr. con murricth Wiſhart ſhould not paſs unrevenged. Soon after this the Cardinal went into his Daughter Angus, to be preſent at the Marriage of his Daughter Margaret (a), with to the Matter David Lindſay Maſter of Crawford, at Finhaven, the then Dwelling-houſe ; of the Earl of Crawford, where the Nuptials were folemnized with great Pomp and Magnificence. Whilſt this was adoing, Mr. Buchanan informs us, that the Cardinal received Intelligence how that the King of England was mak- ing great naval Preparations to infeſt the Scottiſh Coaſts; and that thereupon he immediately returned to St. Andrew's, and appointed a Day for the Gentlement of that Country, which lyes much expoſed to the Sea, to meet, and conſult in common, what Remedy to apply to the preſent Evil. He likewiſe began to for- tify (a) I have ſeen a Copy of the Contract of Marriage in the Hands of David Beton of Balfoser. It is dated at St. Andrew's the Toth of April 1546, and ſubſcribed by the Cardinal, who exprefly calls the Bride, My Daughter; with whom he gives 4000 Merks Cardinal Be. Chap. IV. Church and State in Scotland. 43 tify his own Caſtle of St. Andrew's more ſtrongly than it had been before. 1546. Amongſt other Perſons who repaired to the Cardinal, was Norman Lefly eldeſt Son to the Earl of Rothes. This Man had formerly done Services to the Car- dinal ; bút meeting now with fome Diſappointment from him, with reſpect to à certain Buſineſs depending betwixt them two, he departed with Thoughts full of Revenge, and inveighed openly amongſt his Friends againſt the intole- rable Pride of the Cardinal; inſomuch that they entred into a horrid Deſign to take away his Life. The Accomplices went carly in the Morning on Saturday the 29th of May, and expelled from the Caſtle of St. Andrew's all the Servants and Work- men, having firſt ſeized the Porter, and ſecured the Gate. This was perform- ed with fo little Noiſe, that the Cardinal knew nothing of it till they knock'd at the Chamber-door where he lay : Then he asked, Who was there ? John Lefly made anſwer , My Name is Leſly. Which Lelly, ſaid the Cardinal? Is it Norman ? It was anſwered, That he muſt open to thoſe that were there. This Anſwer made the Cardinal fear the worſt ; and therefore he began to ſe- cure the Door : And whilſt they were uſing Force to make it open, he asked, Will ye ſave my Life? John Leſly anſwered, Perhaps we will. Nay, re- plied the Cardinal, but ſwear unto me by God, and I will open. To which John anſwered, What was ſaid is unſaid; and then he called for Fire to burn the Door. Upon which the Cardinal, after a Promiſe given him, as fome re- late, that no Ņiolence ſhould be uſed, thought fit to open the Door; and then fat - him down on a Chair, ſaying, I am a Prieſt, ye will not ſay me. How- and ſhortly beit John Lefly ſmote him once or twice, as did likewiſe Peter Carmichael ; thereafter is but fames Melvil (a Man, ſays Mr. Knox, in his Account of this barbarous murdered. Murder, of Nature maſt gentle and moſt modeft) perceiving them both to be in Choler, faid, : This Work (a) and Judgment of God, altho’ it be ſecret, ought to be done with greater Gravity And, preſenting to the Cardinal the Point of his Sword, ſaid, Repent thee: of thy former wicked Life, but eſpecially of the ſhedding of the Blood of that notable Inſtrument of God “ Mr. George Wifþart , which albeit the Flame of Fire conſumed before Men, yet crys it for Vengeance upon thee ; and we from God are ſent to revenge • it (b). For here, before my God, I proteſt, That neither the Hatred of thy Perſon, the Love of thy Riches, nor the Fear of any Trouble thou " couldſt have done to me in particular, moved or moveth me to ſtrick thee “ but only becauſe thou haſt been, and remaineſt an obſtinate Enemy againſt “ Chriſt Jeſus and his holy. Goſpel.” This faid, without waiting an Anſwer, or allowing him the ſmalleſt Time for performing of that, to which he had fa- natically , exhorted him, he ſtabbed him twice or thrice thro' the Body, and ſo left him weltering in his Blood. - Mean Time the Noiſe ſpread, that the Caſtle was taken : Whereupon ſuch as favoured the Cardinal. poſted thither in all hafte, and called out for Ladders to ſcale the Walls; but when it was told them that the Cardinal was dead, whom they fought to reſcue, their Hearts coold, and they diſperſed at the Sight of his dead Body, being, ſhewed to them from that Place where before he had beheld the Execution of Mr. Wi- Jhart (C), as the Story is now related. Thus L 2 (a) In the 8vo Edition of Knox's Hiſtory, there is the following marginal Note, viz." Thc Godly Fa& and Words of Jamm « Melvin;” but in the 4to and folio Editions, the Word Godly is ſuppreſſed by the Editors. (6) Conformable to this enthuſiaſtick Notion, Mr. Calderwood in his Hiſtory Page 2d hath chefe Words, viz. “ The Cardinal « intended farder, if the Lord had not ſtirred up ſome Men of Courage to cut him off in Time.” And Mr. Fox in his Martyro- logy fays, theſe Men were ſtirred up by the Lord. Were I by Opinion a Predeftinarian, I would not ſtick to affirm that they had been ſtirred up to this heinous Sin for their farther and more certain Condemnation. But as I am not, I have as little Scruple to lay, that they have been ſtirred up to it by ſome one elſe than the Lord. (6) Mr. Dempſter, in his Hiſtoria Ecclefsaftica p. 598, printed at Bononia 1627, affirms that Mr. Wiſhart was in the Plot to take away the Cardinal's Life; and ſo might caſily foretell his Death. And Dr. Mackenzie, in his Life of Mr. Wiſhart, has given us a Scrape of a Letter that ſeems ſtrongly to ſupport the Truth of that Affertion. But becauſe the Letter is not among Mr. Sadler's Letters, nor can I find it in the Lawyers Library, after a great Deal of Search made for it, tho' the Doctor ſays it is there to be met with; I can determine nothing in the Matter. However I ſhall here [st down the Letter as published by the Decor. Earl 44 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. ry nal Beton. 1546. Thus died Cardinal David Beton (a); the laſt of that Dignity in scoriand. He was born in the Year 1494, and was a Son of the Family of Balfour in the Shire of Fife. The Beginning of his Promotion has very probably rifen from his Uncle the preceeding Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's. In the Year 1519 he was ſent to reſide at the Court of France : And his Uncle beſtowed The Hiſto. upon him the Rectory of Campſay; and about the 1524, he gave him the ter of Cardi. Abbacy of Aberbrothöck, reſerving to himſelf the half of the Rents. He re- turned into Scotland in 1525; and in 1528 was made Lord Privy-Seal. In 1533 Abbot Béton was again fent into France, together with Sir Thomas Erskine of Brechin the Secretary, to confirm the Leagues fubfiſting betwixt the two Kingdoms; and to negociate a Marriage for our King James V. with Magdaten the French King's Daughter : But that Princeſs being fickly, the Marriage went not forward at that Time. There is great Probability that the Abbot did remain in France for ſome good Space after this ; during which, as Tradition handed down in the Family of Balfour informs us, he became mighty agreeable to that King; who perceiving his Mettle and Parts, and knowing withal the Favour he had from his own Sovereign the King of Scot- land, was deſirous to keep liim in France ; hoping by his Influence to retain our King firm to his own Intereſt, in Oppoſition to that of the King of Eng- land, Uncle to our King. However, it appears by Sir David Lindſay's Tra- gedy, that the Cardinal was in Scotland after Queen Magdalen's Death, that he paffed again into France, and returned home in Company with Queen Mary. What former Gratifications the King of France beſtowed upon the Abbot, I can- not tell; but in the Year 1537, he was conſecrated Biſhop of Mirepoixe in that Kingdom on the 5th December; and by, that King's Favour, he was made a Cardinal on the 20th December 1538, by the Title of Sanéti Stephani in monte Cælio. And I ſee in the Advocates Library, the Copy of a Grant dated the zoth June 1539, for Services the Cardinal had already done, and which he might afterwards do to his Majeſty, allowing his Heirs to ſucceed to his Eſtate in France, altho' the ſaid Heirs ſhould be born and live within the Kingdom of Scotland, and tho’ they ſhould have no particular Letter or Act of Naturalization in France. And this new Grant, that King fays, is in conſe- quence of a former one in November 1537, by which the Abbot was allowed to hold Benefices, acquire Lands, Nobility, &c. as a Native of France. Thus 'tis certain that Mr. Beton was raiſed to the Dignity, both of Biſhop and Cardinal, by the Means of the King of France : But the Cardinal knowing that his Uncle the Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's could not live many Years, by reaſon of old Age, and that the King's Favour to both might make him hope to become his Uncle's Succeſſor, he determined to return to Scotland : Where ſoon after his Arrival, he obtained an entire Management of his Uncle's Dio- ceſs and Primacy, having been made Co-adjutor of the Archbiſhoprick of St. Andrew's ; and being recommended by his Uncle to the King ſometime be- fore his Deceaſe, the King agreed, and his Nomination to that Primacy was confirmed by the Pope. Upon the Death of King James, the Cardinal was proclaimed principal Adminiſtrator of the Kingdom, but in a few Days he was forced to quit that Office to the Earl of Arran, by whom the Cardinal Earl of Hartford's Letter to King Henry, 17th April, 1544. T His Day arrived from Scotland Mr. Wiſhart, who brought me a Letter from my Lord Brimſton, which I ſend your High- neſs herewith, and according to his Requeſts, I have taken Order of the Repair of the ſaid Mr. Wiſhart to your Majelty, “ for the Delivery of ſuch Letters as he hath to your Majeſty from the Lord Brimfion ; and alſo for the ſaid Declaration of his Credence, which, as I can perceive by him, conſiſteth of two Points ; one in the Laird of Grange, late Treaſurer of Scotland, - and the Maſter of Rothes, the Earl of Rothes his eldeſt Son, and John Chartres, who would attempt either to apprehend or flay « the Cardinal at ſome Time when he ſhould paſs through the Fife-Land, as he doth fundry Times to St. Andrew's; and in caſe “ they can fo apprehend him, will deliver him up to your Majeſty; which Attempt , he ſays they would enterprize if they knew “your Majeſty's Pleafure therein; and what Supportation and Maintenance your Majeſty will miniſter unto them after the Execu- « tion of the fame, in caſe they ſhould be purſued afterwards by any other Enemies. Nota, This might be Wiſhart of Pitarrow. (a) They now write their Name Bethune. But in the Time that the Cardinal lived, I find it written in the Records, Beron, or Betoun, Chap. V. 45 Church and State in Scotland. Cardinal was fometime after ſhut up in Priſon, for his vigorous Adherence 1546. to the French Intereſt, againſt that of England, in the Diſpoſal of our Infant- Queen : Yet he managed Matters ſo, that in a few Months, he not only got out of Priſon, but gained an entire Command of that Earl, turning him from the Engliſh to the French Alliance; was by his Lordſhip made Chancellor of the Kingdom, and prevailed with him ſo far as to follicit at Rome for his being made Vicar or Lcgate à latere (a) for the Pope in the Kingdom of Scotland, as an additional Luſtre to his former Dignities. After this Account of our Cardinal (b), I ſuppoſe I need ſay little concerning the Qualifications of his Mind. He was undoubtedly a Man of great Parts and Dexterity : It were to be wiſhed, the fame Praiſe could be given him with reſpect to his Morals. Mrs. Marion Ogilvy, a Daughter of the Predeceſſor of the Earls of Airly, bare him ſeveral Children ; ſome of whoſe Deſcendents, both of the Male and Female Line, are known to be Perſons of good Note in our Country to this Day. As leveral of our Nobility found it their temporal Intereſt, as much as their ſpiritual, to ſway with the new Opinions as to reli- gious Matters ; ſo the Cardinal found it his Intereſt to bear down the ſame with all his Might. For this purpoſe he in all his Adminiſtration, both Eccle- fiaſtick and Secular, treated the Preachers and their Abettors with great Seve- rity; that being, as he thought, the ſureſt Method to ſuppreſs the growing Evil. And what might have proved to be the Iſſue of ſuch Procedure, had he enjoyed his Life for any conſiderable Time, I ſhall not pretend to judge : On- ly this ſeems to be certain, that by his Death the Reins of the Government were much looſned; and ſome Perſons came to be conſiderable ſoon after, wlao pro- bably, if he had lived, had never got the Opportunity to perpetrate ſuch Vil . lanies, under the Cloak of Religion, as 'tis certain they did; he being at leaſt no leſs a Stateſman than a Clergyman. 6500-0956 ESO 1650 SS OSS@U$505CMOS500gs gs S BOSS0SS CHA P. V. Containing Affairs of State, from the Deſcent made by the Engliſh Na- og Anno 1544, until the Advancement of the Queen-Mother to be Re- gent of the Kingdom, Anno 1554. N the preceeding Chapter of State Affairs, I have ſhown how the 15440 Treaties depending with England had been annulled : And as it was natural for the Government of Scotland to look for new Refent- o ments from the King of England, conſidering what he had practiſed during the Courſe of theſe Treaties, or rather after they had been concluded; lo it was neceſſary our Government ſhould provide all they could to make head againſt ſuch Deſigns. In conſideration of which, Diſpatches were ſent, during the Winter Seaſon, and in the Spring following, requeſting Succours from the Pope, the Kings of France and Denmark; nor did the Government omit to endeavour an amicable Compoſure of Affairs with the King of England, by offering a new Treaty. But notwithſtanding all their Precautions, they were anticipated by the Fury of that King, whoſe Armies, both by Sea and Land, were ordered to invade Scotland betimes in the Year. To this Purpoſe Ed ward (a) The original Bull conſtituting him Legate à latere, is to be ſeen in the Appendix of Biſhop Burnet's 2d Volume of the Hi- ſtory of the Reformation. It bears Date zoth January 1543 : But this ſeems to be a Miſtake in the Tranſcriber or Printer, for 1544; for I do not remember that by the Roman Account the Year did commence at any other Time than the firſt of January. That it was in the Year 1544 appears, not only by the Addition of Pontificatus noftri Anno decimo (that Pope being created Izth October 1534) but alſo by a Letter of the Earl of Arran to the fame Pope, dated at Stirling 30th March 1544, wherein he takes notice that that Juriſdiction was granted the roth of February; which doubtleſs was the February immediately preceeding. (6) We had never but one other Cardinal in this Kingdom, viz. Walter Wardlaw Biſhop of Glaſgow, a worthy Prelate, in the Reign of King Robert II. M 46 The History of the Affairs of Book I. and burns I544 ward Seymour Earl of Hartford, afterwards Duke of Somerſet, and Uncle to the Prince of Wales, was conſtituted Lieutenant General of the North, and ap- pointed to conduct the Land Forces, conſiſting of 10000 Men (a), to be im- barked aboard a Navy of 200 Ships, lying at Tinmouth, and commanded by Dudley Lord Liſle, then Lord Admiral of Ěngland. This Fleet appeared in the A great Fleet Frith of Edinburgh on Saturday the 3d Day of May 1544; and having lan- arrives in Scot, ded the Army a little above Leith, they began to commit Hoftilities in that land, Town. Hereupon the Governor ſent Sir Adam Otterburn Provoſt of Edin- burgh, to enquire the Reaſon of fuch Threats and Hoſtilities, without a pre- vious Declaration of War; and to offer a Treaty for a friendly compoſing of Differences. The General made anſwer, That his Commiſſion extended to the burning and laying waſte the Country, unleſs the Governor would deliver the young Queen to his Maſter (6). To this the Provoſt replied, That the Scots were reſolved to endure the laſt Extremity, rather than yield to ſo unjuſt a Demand. After this, the Governor finding himſelf in no Condition to make Reſiſtance againſt ſo great a Force, retired to Linlithgow : And the Engliſh, after having landed their Ordnance, &c. and being joined at Leith with 4000 (our Hiſtorians ſay 6000) Horſe from Berwick, under the Conduct of the Lord Evers, came up to Edinburgh; but were repulſed at the Eaſt Gate cal- led the Nether-Bow; on which they retired to Leith. That Night the Inha- bitants left the City; and next Day the Engliſh advanced again, and broke open the Ports with their Cannon, and began to raiſe a Battery againſt the Caſtle; but Hamilton Laird of Stenhouſe, Captain of the Caſtle, ply'd them ſo cloſe with his great Guns, from the Half Moon fronting the high Street, that he foon diſmounted their Battery, killed many Men, and forced them to quit their Enterprize : Whereupon they ſet themfelves to the burning of the City, Leith and E- which laſted three Days. Mean time the Governor, the Cardinal, the Earls dinburgh, of Huntly, Argile, Bothwel , Murray and others, did all they could to get together an Army; and that all Party-differences might be buried in a national Preſervation, the Earl of Angus, his Brother Sir George Douglas, the Lord Maxwel, and the Lord Kilmaurs, eldeſt Son to the Earl of Caſils, then in Cuſtody, were all fet at Liberty. The Engliſh, after they had thus burnt E- dinburgh, and the Palace of Holy-rood-houſe, retired, and remained at Leith, and ravages all ſpoiling the Country for feven Miles round, and making Pillage of every thing the Country a- they could carry to their Ships. After which, finding that an Army was a- coming againſt them, they firit fet Fire to Leith on the 13th of May, then re- imbarked ſo many of their Forces as they thought proper, and on the 15th ſet Sail and were gone, taking along with them two large Ships, the Salamander and Unicorn, which Mr. Stow lays were of notable Fairneſs, beſides other Merchant Ships from the Harbour of Leith; and as they failed by the Coaſt, they took out of every Creek or Haven, all the Ships and Boats they found in them. . Nor was the Land Army leſs cruel and coverous in their March to Berwick, burning and pillaging Seton, Haddington, Dunbar, and other ſmal- ler Villages on the Road, as in a crueller Manner (ſays Lord Herbert) than “ became ſuch as would obtain the Favour, either of that Queen or Coun- try, for their young Prince.” Aboard this Fleet the Earl of Lennox failed into England, as hath been already obſerved. This Expedition, thus gloriouſly ended, ſays the laſt mentioned noble Hi- ſtorian, (one would think ironically) the King of England found his main Deſigu nothing advanced : He had done too much for a Suiter, and too little for a Conqueror. However, it ſeems that King pleaſed himſelf with this Re- flection, That ſeeing he could not obtain, he would ſtudy to chaſtiſe; and if ſuch violent Meaſures did not procure a Wife to his Son, he would at leaſt ſtrive bout, (a) Some of our Hiſtorians ſay, they were near 20000. (6) I ſuppoſe this may be all the Ground that Mr. Buchanan has, for affirming that King Henry ſent Letters into Scotland full of juſt Complaints, before he ſent his Fleet and Army. No other Author that I know, makes Mention of theſe Letters. But we are (ure that a Letter was ſent by the Earl of Arran to that King, entreating an Accommodation; which ſee in the Appendix, Numb. 8. 7. Chap. V. Church and State in Scotland. 47 ſtrive to add a Conqueſt to his Kingdom : Which that he hoped, is plain from 1545. the Treaty of Marriage mentioned before, betwixt him and the Earl of Len- 110x, for his Niece, dated June the 26th this Year ; wherein he ſtipulates to conſtitute the faid Earl, Governor of Scotland, for the King of England, after he ſhall become Maſter of that Kingdom. And it was in view of ſuch a Conqueſt, that ſoon after this Treaty, and the Confummation of the Marriage, the foreſaid Earl was fent, with eighteen Ships (a), and about 600 Men, into the Frith of Clyde, for ſecuring to that King the Caſtle of Dunbarton, then kept for the Earl by George Stirling ; for recovering what other places pertained to himſelf in thoſe Parts, and for haraſſing and intimidating this Kingdom all they were able. Mr. Stirling at firſt received the Earl very joyfully ; but The fame how foon he underſtood his Deſign of betraying his Country into the Hands Year, the Earl of a foreign Power, he obliged his Lordſhip, and the Engliſh Men that landed cives in the with him, to return to their Ships. After this Repulle, the Earl of Lennox Weft; with failed back into England, having in his Paſſage hither, according to Holinſhed, and does great , burnt and deſtroyed ſeveral Places along the Weſt Coaſt; and likewiſe in his Damage. Return skirmiſhed much with the Earl of Argile, who endeavoured to ſtop his Ships in the narrow Part of the Frith. And that he pillaged and burnt the Coun- try, and havocked the Ifes of Bute and Arran, is fufficiently documented by the Tenor of the Forfeiture paſt againſt him in Parliament, iſt October 1545. Theſe Things fell out in the Month of Auguſt 1544. The King of England had croſſed the Seas, and landed at Bologue in France, in the Month of July; and thither the Governor of Scotland, conſidering the many Inroads the Engliſh made upon our Borders, had ſent Sir George Meldrum of Fyvie in Aberdeen Shire, Ambaſſador to that King, to demand a Truce, until fuch Time as Commiſſaries from both Kingdoms could meet on the Borders, in order to ſettle their Mattersg thereof, after his Return into Tecnis King Henry confen- King Henry ted, and granted a Truce : But notwithſtrading thereof, after his Return into grants a England in the Month of October following, he ſent the Earl of Lennox, but foon the Lord Dacres, and Sir Thomas Wharton, with Forces into Scotland; who breaks it. carried all before them, and drove away much Plunder without Reſiſtance. Theſe Succeſſes fo puffed up the Engliſh, that ſome of their principal Men ſeveral ſucceil- made a ſecond Inroad into Scotland during the Winter, to the no ſmall Defo- ful Inroads u- lation of our Southern Provinces. This ſtill emboldned them more and more, ſo that in the Spring following the fame Perſons inade us a third Viſit ; at which Time they found to their Coſt, Succeſs is not always to be relied upon : For now the Governor, the Earl of Angus, and others of the Nobility, being worited wat gathered together, with about 6 or 800 Men, entirely routed the Engliſh, to Ancrum-moor. the Number of at leaſt 5000, at Ancrum, on the 17th Day of February 1544-5, with the Loſs only of two or three private Men. But Biſhop Leſly fays, that our Soldiers were much too cruel againſt the Engliſh in their Flight; fo as he takes notice, after that Day we had never any tolerable Succeſs. About the Middle of the Month of May 1545, or thereby (b), arrived in Scotland Captain Lorge Montgomery, Knight of the Order of St. Michael, rivecom with about 3500 Men from the King of France, as a Supply to ſupport us a- France. gainſt the prevailing Power of England: Soon after whole Arrival, viz. 7th June, the Lord Governor and Council ordained Letters to be directed to all Prelates, Earls, Lords and great Barons of the Realm, to aſſemble at Edin- burgh on the 23d of the ſame Month, for their Advice and Counſel. And on the 28th of the fame Month, the Lord Governor and Lords of Council ordain Letters to be directed to all Sheriffs, &c. by open Proclamation to command and charge all the Lieges, between fixty and ſixteen, to conveen at the Moor of Roſlin on the 28th of July, in order to paſs forward with my Lord Gover- nor to the Borders, for Defence of the Realm, and reſiſting of our auld Iny- M 2 myis (a) Epiſt . Reg. Scot. Vol. 2d, p. 218. 6). Tho' our Hiſtorians, both Scottiſh and Engliſh, differ widely concerning the Time of this Gentleman's Arrival; yet it muſt have been at the Time I here aſſign, becauſe the A&t of Council here mentioned, takes Notice of him, as being laitlie arrivit with his Cumpany. See the Act in Vol. 2d Epift. Reg. Scot. His Men make pon Scotland: But are at laſt Succours ar- 48 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. Tlic Parlia- Borders. 1545. myis of England (a). In Compliance with this Ad, an Army of 15000 Scots, as our Hiſtorians fay, marched together with the French Auxiliaries to the Borders of England; but I find no material Thing performed by them. After that this Army had broken up, and had returned home, the Earl of Hartford gathered together about 12000 Men, and entred Scotland, and did great Miſchief in our Borders, as far as the Merſe and Teviot dale ; and then retired. In the Beginning of the Winter Monf. de Lorge returned into France : rent orders And the Parliament of Scotland being met at Linlithgow, and taking under 2000 Horfe to their conſideration the lamentable Condition of the Borders, did, on the 2d Defence of the Day of Oétober, appoint 1000 Horſemen to be hired for lying there during the remaining Part of Winter, after the 15th Day of that Month, to ſecure the Inhabitants of thoſe Countries, and their Goods, from the Incurſions of the Engliſh : And the Parliament ordered the Sum of L. 16000 to be levied, from the Spiritual and Temporal Eſtarés, and the Burrows, according to the old Taxation, for the Maintenance of the ſaid Horſemen (6). Which Precaution, as far as I can perceive, put a Stop to the Border-depredations for that Year. 1544 Before I enter upon the new Scene of Affairs which the next Summer pre- ſents us with, 'tis proper to take a View of what other Things fell out in the Therection State during the preceeding Space. The Queen-Mother had ſtill retained in a Party of the her Mind a Grudge againſt the Governor ; and therefore, the, with fome Lords: fets up Lords of her Faction, having the young Queen in their Hands at Stirling, gainſt the Go. cauſed proclaim a Parliament to be holden in thar Town, the 12th of Novem- vernor, and ber 1544; in the mean Time fufpending the Governor from the Adminiſtration proclaims a of his Office, and fummoning him to appear before them. The Confequence Parliament at Stirling of which was, that in the Parliament ) holden at Edinburgh by the Go- vernor, in the ſaid Month of November 1544, there is an Act, dated the ſeventh Day'thereof, declaring the pretended Parliament at Stirling to be null, and of none Avail, Force or Effect ; and all Perſons are prohibited to concur with the ſame under Pain of Treaſon. And on the morrow, the Earls Mari- fchal and Montroſe, the Lords Seton and Sempil, and Sir James Lermont of Balcomy, are ſent to Stirling by the Governor, at the Requeſt of the Par- liament, to notify to the Queen-Mother and Lords with her, what had paſſed in Parliament, and to endeavour an Agreement, according to the Inſtructi- ons to be given them : And in caſe the Queen, and Noblemen with her, ſhall not think fit to come into Meaſures of Concord; then the Parliament imme- diately declared, that they will ſtand by the Governor, and defend him in his But the Go. Authority to the utmoſt of their Power. And morcover the ſame Day they paſſed another Act, which was inſtantly proclaimed at the Croſs of Edin- burgh, fummoning all Perfons preſently within that City, or that ſhall happen to come into it, and all manner of Man that dwells within the Sheriffdom of Lothian, to meet the Lord Governor at that City, on Monday the roth of the ſaid Month, with four Days Victuals, to paſs forward with his Grace, un- der the Pain of Loſs of Life, Land and Goods (d). Theſe vigorous Reſolutions having been communicated by the foreſaid Lords Commiſſioners to the Queen- Mother, had probably the Effect which the Parliament deſigned, ſince we hear no more of theſe Matters. I now proceed to the Hiſtory of the Year 1546, which, as I have before hinted, opened a new Scene of Affairs in this Kingdom, by the inhumane Murder of Cardinal Beton. Whether any ſuch Thing had been whiſpered a- bout, upon the apprehending of Mr. Wiſhart, or that the Government was only ſuſpicious of new Troubles from England, I offer not to gueſs : But u- pon (a) Records of Parliament. c) The Brief Account, at the End of sadler's Letters, makes but 35 Members to be preſent in this Parliament; whereas there are 38 marked in the Rolls. I ſuppoſe the Author obſerved this, to Thew the ſmall Number of Members preſent in the Parliament, at this Time; but certainly, whoever ſhall infpe& the Rolls of Parliament, will not find the Difference to be very great, confider- ing alſo, that there muſt have been ſome Lords with the Queen at Stirling, (d) Records of Parliament, and Epiſt. Reg. Scot. Vol. 2d, p. 316. pre- vails. 1540. (6) Ibid. Chap. V. 49 Church and State in Scotland. ment is ad pon perufal of the publick Records, I find the Parliament, on the 4th Day of 1540 February preceeding the Murder, to be adjourned in the following particularm Manner, viz. ve quyilk Day, fožſamekle as it is underſtand to my Lord Go The Parlia vernour and three Ellatis of Parliament, that thair is divers gret Materis occurrand and may occur, and the Decitioun thair journed, fing of cannot be guidlie tretit bot in face of parliament, becauſe it is uncertane quhen fic Beſynes Cal happin : Chairfoze it is thought er: pedient, be my laid Loid Governour and three Etatis fozſaid, that this preſent parliament ryn ftill oure, but ony particular Contineuation, ay and quhil the ſamyn be diſolvit be my laid Lold Governour, con form to the Axis maid yairapoun of befoz. Some Perſons have affirmed to me, that there are Papers to be ſeen in the Tower of London, which can ſerve to inſtruct, that ſome of thoſe concerned in this Murder, were ſet on and bribed to it by the Court of England : And the Prefacer to the Hiſtory of the Campaigns 1548 and 1549 fays, that this is made out by two original Letters yet extant. It is much to be wiſh'd he had informed us where to find them; or that ſuch Perſons as are ſaid to have reco- yered Copies of them, would afford the World the Satisfaction of ſeeing fo re- markable a Piece of Hiſtory cleared up. Perhaps indeed ſeveral Perſons may be ready enough to give into the Belief of fuch Management by King Henry, whọ was not reckoned to have been over nice in Matters of Conſcience; and eſpecially when he was in ſuch a Chaff at the miſ-giving of his Projects upon this Kingdom by Means of the Cardinal, that he advertiſed Mr. Söidyer to at- tempt the getting into his . Hands, and ſending Priſonero zato England, the Cardinal, the Lord Governor and the young, yet of this we are certain, that Orsow. But tho we can ſay no. thing particularly as to the Marton za no looner was the Murder committed, but a cloſe Correſpondence was ſettled betwixt that Court and the Murderers ; notwithſtanding that in a Trcáty of Peace con- Peace betwixt the Kings of France and England, concluded the 7th of June cluded betwixo that Year, in the open Field near the Village of Campenſton in the Neighbour- England, una hood of the Town of Ardres in Picardy, the Scottiſh Nation is comprehen- which scos- ded (a); the King of England obliging himſelf , not to wage. War againſt us, land is com prehended: unleſs new Occaſion be given him. Thirty Days were allowed to the King of France to make Notification of this Peace and Comprehenſion, to the Govern- ment of Scotland. And on the 14th of Auguſt thereafter, there is an AC of our Parliament, accepting of the faid Comprehenſion : And the Peace be twixt the two Nations was proclaimed thro' all the Borders of this Realm. But ſeems the King of England altered (b) his Mind, after his hearing of the Cardinal's Death: For the fame Day that the Act of Acceptance was paſt in our Parliament, we find in the Regiſters, Inſtructions to be lent to the Ambaf ſador of France, then at the Court of England, defiring him to complain that the Wardens for that Crown upon the Borạers, had made Proclamation of Abſtinence from War during the King of England's Pleaſure only ; as alſo, that even after the ſaid Proclamation, divers Incurſions had been made within this Realm by Engliſh Men. Likewiſe the foreſaid French Ambaſſa- N dor (a) Fædera Anglie. 6) Or rather it is certain, that King Henry had never any real Will to grant any ſuch Comprehenſion, tho’ it ſeems the Necefli of his Affairs, and the Peremptorineſs of the Court of France, obliged him to accept of it as an Article of the Peace. For in a Letter to his Ambaſſadors, ſometime before the concluding of the Peace, we find him exprelling himſelf in the following Manner; << And touching the Comprehenſion of the Scots, our Pleaſure is, that you ſhall travell as earneltly as you may, to have this Truez « concluded, without any Comprehenſion of them ; whom we wold moſt gladely, and think it neceſſary, to be left out; for o without that, this Truex, ſerving the French King to many Purpoles, ſhould be to us every way overmuch prejudicial; and « therfor, lykas we for our Parte, can be pleaſed to conclude this Truex generally with them, without Comprehenſion of any « States or Princes; ſo we think it Reaſon, that they ſhall conclude with us after the like Sorte; For it hath not ben ſeen in any 66 Treaty of Truex, that we have made with any Prince in all our Tyme, that any other Prince hath byn comprehended. " And further, you may alſo declare to 'th' Ambaſſadors, as wel French, as of the Proteſtants, how that by ſuch Treaties of A- et mitie, as be betwene us and our good Brother th’Emperor, we may not in any wile comprehend the Scots, in this, or any o " ther Treaty of Truex or Peace.” Fædera Anglia. An Original. an ty 50 The History of the Affairs of Book T. ܪ 1546. dor is requeſted to deſire the King of England, that he will not fuffer any Trai- my tors of the Realm of Scotland, and eſpecially the Murderers of Cardinal Beton, to be received, maintained, helped nor ſupplied within his Realm. Inſtructions But King Hen- ry not intend to the ſame Purpoſe were drawn up, and given to our Ambaſſadors who were ing to keep the to be ſent ſometime after this to the King of France. And becauſe our Gö- vernor prelles vernment had certain Advertiſement that the King of England intended to ſend for Alliſtance an Army into Scotland in the Month of February following, our faid Ambaf- from France. fadors had it in their Inſtructions, to preſs the King of France to ſend us Aſſia itance of Men, Money, Arms and Engines, before the 15th of that Month. I lay theſe Things together, only to fhew by authentick Documents, what the Behaviour of the King of England was towards our Nation in a Time of Peace, then in much Perplexity by the Murder of Cardinal Beton, who tho' he was not the Governor of the Kingdom, yer undoubtedly had in his Hands the Direction of all our principal Affairs. And becauſe his Death did bring upon the State much Diſturbance, both from the Abetrors of it at home, and from the King and Go- vernment of England; it will be neceſſary here to narrate diſtinctly what fell out in this Kingdom after the Commiſſion of that inhumane Barbarity. Immediately after the Murder, the Perpetrators thereof ſhut up the Gates of the Caſtle of St. Andrew's, being reſolved to make the beſt of it againſt the Go- Proceedings of the Govern-vernment : And that odious Fact being noiſed abroad, ſeveral of thoſe that af- ment, after the fected a different Way of Worſhip from the Cardinal, repaired thither, and entred the Caſtle, to the Number of about 140 Perſons, being determined to venture their Lives in the Quarrel. The firſt Thing the Court ſet about, was to make a new Chancellor in place of the Deceaſt : And the Choice fell upon the Earl of Huntly, quha, (as the Regiſter of Council bears) acceptit (a) the ſaid Of- fice, in and apoun him. And the ſame Day being the roth of June, the great Seal was appended by the new Chancellor ar Stirling, to a Summons of Trea- ſon ſerved againſt the Murderers, (b) citing them to compear before the Par- liament on the 30th of July, within the City of Edinburgh. Next Day, the Council iſſued out an Order, diſcharging all Perſons to correſpond with the Murderers of the Cardinal, or furniſh them with Eatables or Implements of War, under the pain of Death, Forfeiture, &c. On the 29th of July the Parlia- ment met, and continued the Summons of Treaſon, until the 4th of Auguſt following. Upon Perufal of the Regiſters it appears, that Norman Lely, James Kircaldy, Peter Carmichael and John Lelly, had offered to the Go vernment and Eſtates of Parliament, a Confeſſion of all Things relating to the Murder, and to deliver up the Governor's eldeſt Son, whom they had found in the Caſtle of St. Andrew's; as alſo the ſaid Caſtle, upon Condition that they haye granted them a Remiſſion under the Great Seal. To theſe Offers the Go- vernor and Eſtates gave Ear ; but the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow proteſted, that no Remiſſion ſhould be allowed them, unleſs they firſt obtained an Abfoluti- on from the Pope, for the Murder committed by them. The Chancellor like- wiſe proteſted, that in caſe the ſaid Norman Leſly and his Collegues, fulfilled not the Articles promiſed by them, the Remiſſion ſhould be null in itſelf, and of no Avail. It appears likewiſe from the Regiſters, that the foreſaid Perſons began very early to flinch from theſe their Propoſals, notwithſtanding that their Remiſſion Cardinal Be- ton us, (a) By this, the Reader will obſerve a Miſtake in the formerly mentioned Author of the Brief Account, exc. who, p. 451, tells " That Cardinal Beton came into the Chancellor's Office, in a very haughty Manner ; for both before and ſince that Time, 66 when any Alteration was made in that high Office, the Records bear ſuch a perſon to have been made Chancellor. But ſuch of was the Pride and Ambition of the Cardinal, that 'tis entred in the Records of Parliament, That he accepted the office upon him, at the Deſire of the Governour and the Eſtates.” I hope this hath been only a Miſtake, and that this Author had no ſiniſter Intention therein. (6) The Perſons contained in the Summons were theſe, viz. Normane Leſlie Fear of Rothes, Petir Carmichael of Balmadie, James Kirkcaldie of the Grange, William Kirkcaldie his eldeſt Son, David Kirkcaldie his Brother, Jhonne Kirkcaldie, Patrick Kirk Saldie , George Kirkcaldie Brothir to the faid James Kirkcaldie of the Grange, Thomas Kirkcaldie his Son, Jhonne Leſlie of Parkhill , Alexander inglis, James Malvil elder, Jhonne Malvil Baſtard Son to the Lard of Raith, Alexander Malvile, David Carmichael, Gilbert Geddes Zounger, Robert Muncrief Brothir to the Lard of Tibbermello, William Symforn, Alexander Anderſoun, David Bal- four Son to the Lard of Monquhany, Thomas Conygham, Nicholl Hart, William Guthre, Jhonne Sibbald Brothir to the Lard of Cuikſtoun, Petir Carmichael, Walter Malvil Zoungar, Sir Jhonne Auchinlek Chaplane, Nicholl Lermonth, Sir Jhonne Zoung Chap, lane, David Kirkcaldie Cuik, Ninian Cockburn, Jhonne Poll Gunnar, William Orock, Jhonne Rollok and Andro Tanzou. Chap. V. Church and State in Scotland. 51 Remiſſion was agreed to by the Governor and Eſtates : And therefore when the 1540. Parliament met again on the 14th of August, the Remiſſion is ordered to be deſtroyed, and all the Articles relating to that Affair, if inſerted in the Books of Parliament, to be revin and tane furth thairof, ſwa that na Memoir be of the ſamyn in Tyme tocum. Alſo the fame 14th Day, the Parliament paſt ano- ther Act, excluding the Governor's eldeſt son [the Cardinal, 'tis ſaid, had detained this Gentleman as a Pledge of his Father's good Inclinations ] from all Right of Succeſſion, either publick or private ; and fubſtituting his other Sons to the ſaid Succeſſion, according to their Age, ſo long as his eldeſt Son ſhall be detained Priſoner. The ſame Day alſo the Summons of Treaſon againſt the Murderers (after ſeveral Continuations) being called, and none of the Per- fons therein mentioned appearing; they were all declared guilty of High Trea- fon, and their Lands and Goods forfeited, except Norman Leſly, whoſe Doom was delayed till the 16th Day of the Month, (perhaps ſome Compliance having been expected from him) but was then pronounced againſt him. On the irth June, the Earl of Angus (who had already fought very valiantly againſt the Engliſh at Ancrum-moor) and the Earl of Caſſils, the Lord Maxwel and Sir George Douglas, approved in Council the Act of Parliament December 1543, for Diſſolution of the Treaties made with England; and diſcharged all Bonds made by them to that King. On the 21ſt Augufi, the Council ordains all fencible Men, of whatſoever Rank, within the Sheriffdoms of Lothian, Haddington, Lin- lithgow, Stirling, Perth, Strathern and Monteith, to be at St. Andrew's, weil bodin in Feir of Weir, on the 29th of the fame Month of Auguſt, for commencing the Siege of the Caſtle thereof. The Governor aſſiſted at the Siege in Perfon, and lay before the Caſtle till The Caſtle of towards the End of December, but with very ſmall Succeſs, the cattle being . Andrew's is beſieged Irong, and the Paſſage to it open by Sca; by which Means the Beſieged recei- ved Victuals and Supply from the King of Fossand, to whom they had obli- ged their Faith for defending the Caitle, maintaining the Contract of Marriage betwixt our Queen and his Son, and for detaining the Governor's Son their Prix foner (a). Therefore the Governor perceiving the Improbability of gaining the Caſtle, even by way of Famine, and the Beſieged ſhewing ſome Deſire of being reſtored to the Peace; the Council took under their Conſideration the bad Con- ſequences that might accrue, if the Beſieged ſhould yield up the Caſtle and the Governor's Son to the Engliſh; and ſo conſented to an Act, on the 17th Decem- ber, impowering the Governor to treat with the Beſieged, and to give and re- ceive Hoftages for the mutual Performance of what thall be ſtipulated in the and the Siegen future Appointment. It was about a Month after this, according to ſome of raiſed on cer- our Hiſtorians, that the following Articles were condeſcended upon, viz. tain Terms 1. That the Government ſhould procure unto the Beſieged, a ſufficient Àb. ſolution from the Pope, for the Slaughter of the Cardinal ; and that they ſhould not be purſued by Force until the faid Abſolution be obtained. 11. THAT the Beſieged, nor any belonging to them, thall never be profectited at Law for the Slaughter aforeſaid ; and that they ſhall enjoy all Commodi- ties, ſpiritual or temporal, as freely as if it had never been committed. III. THAT the Beſieged ſhall give Pledges, for ſurrendring the Caſtle how ſoon the Abſolution is brought from Rome, and delivered unto them; and that for Surety of thoſe Pledges, the Beſieged ſhall in the mean Time re- tain in their Cuſtody the Governor's Son. It is confidently reported, and indeed ſeems to be truë, that neither Party had any real Deſign to implement theſe Articles; but that they rather entred into them merely to protract Time, until they ſhould receive Succours from their reſpective Friends in France and England. N 2 as (a) Fædera Anglia. 52 The History of the Affairs of Book I. *547 As the Beſieged, notwithſtanding their Pretences to a more pure Worſhip, ħad during the Siege lived in much Debauchery within the Caſtle ; fo now after they had got this Reſpite, and were out of all Fear of an Enemy, they did not only make frequent Excurſions into the neighbouring Parts, and commit Depredations with Fire and Sword; but, as if the Liberty got by their Arms, were to be ſpent in Whoredoms, Adulteries, and ſuch like Vices, they ran into all the Wickedneſs which idle Perfons are ſubject to ; and they meaſured Right The Death of and Wrong by no other Rule than their own Luft. But much of their expect- both the Kings ed Supply from England was fruſtrated, by the Deceaſe of King Henry VIII. and France. who died the 28th of January 1546-7 : And Francis King of France died like- wiſe on the 30th Day of March thereafter. About the Beginning of the Month of June, the Abfolution ſtipulated to thoſe within the Caſtle arrived from Rome; whereupon they were required to fulfil the Capitulation. But they excepted againſt it, becauſe of thoſe Words contained in it, viz. Remittimus crimen irremiſſibile, i. é. We pardon this unpardonable Crime : Fór, ſaid they, if our Crime is unpardonable, then we have no Security by this Abſolution ; ſince it is in it felf null, if the Crime committed by us cannot be pardoned. It was anſwered, That the Clauſe was inſerted only for aggravating the Crime; and that the Abſolution notwith- ſtanding thereof was fufficiently valid. However, the Beſieged would not be fatisfied; but complaining that Promiſe was not kept to them, they reſolved to ſtand to their Defence; in hopes, no doubt, that the Succours, which they knew were preparing in England, would arrive in time for their Support : For King Henry at his Death had recommended the Proſecution of the War with Scotland, and the Counſellots of the young King Edward VI. were making vigorous Preparations for it Of theſe Tranſactions in England, and of their Intention to invade this Kingdom both by Sea and Land, and as the Regiſter bears, to do na leſs nori Proclamati . Thai may to ſubdew the ſamin, our Government was fully appriſed; and there- fore, on the 19th March, the Council cauſed to be proclaimed thro' all the ing all the fen. Kingdom, That all the Lieges be in Readineſs, on forty Days Warning, to cible Men to come, with Victuals for one Month, to whatever Place ſkiall be aſſigned for geno arbacenter the Rendezvous. And on the 25th of May, another Order was emitted, for Lettingup Fires fetting up Fires, as Beacons, on all the high Hills from the Coaſt towards to ad verifene Stirling, where the Court lay, how foon any Fleet from England ſhould ap- Coming pear ; and if the Fleet happened firſt to be ſeen in the Day-time, that Pott- horſes ſhould be in Readineſs for advertiſing the Governor : And chat all fen- cible Men, betwixi fixty and fixteen, be charged, at the Market-croſſes of the Towns of Dunbar, North-berwick, Haddington; Edinburgh, Linlith- gow, Stirling, Lawder, Selkirk and Peebles, to repair to the City of Edin- burgh, weil boddin in Feir of Weir, at the firſt Notice of the Engliſh Ships, to aſſiſt the Governor in the Defence of the Realm, who on his Part declares, That he will wair his Life thairupoun, with the Help of God, the Noblemen and Subjectis of the famin. And that I may not be obliged to reaſſume the Con- fideration of this Affair, but give the Reader at once a View of the Care of our Government, againſt the Preparations made by the Engliſh; on the firſt Day of July, the Privy Council and moſt part of the Nobility being aſſembled, a Proclamation was ordered out, commanding all the Lieges throughout the Kingdom, betwixt fixty and fixteen, to conveen on the firſt of Auguſt, as they ſhall be charged and advertiſed at eight Days Warning. Áll our Hiſtorians agree, that the Governor ħad gone to the Borders with a competent Army, to drive the Engliſh from out the Caſtle of Langhope, pertaining to the Lord Maxwel, and from other Places which they had for- rives beforest. merly ſeized upon ; and that while he was there, Advertiſement was brought him, in the End of June, that a French Navy was arrived on the Coaſt. from France. The Goyernor haſted to St. Andrew's, where the Navy had landed, confift- ing ons in Scotland Andrew's Chap. V. Church and State in Scotland. 53 ing of fixteen Gallies, commanded by Leon (a) Strozzi, Knight of Malia, 154.71 Prior of Capua, and Captain General of the Gallies of France. There, by their joint Advice, the Caſtle was beſieged. Mr. Knox, who was in the Caſtle, informs us that the Siege was not fully formed, both by Sea and Land, till the 23d of July, tho' immediately upon Arrival of the Ships they began to fire a- gainſt it by Sea; and for the firſt three Weeks, he ſays thoſe within the Caſtle had many proſperous Chances. But their Hopes and Succeſs ſoon dwindled in- to nothing, how ſoon the great Battery began to play, which was early in the Morning the 30th of that Month, when ſuch a Breach was made in the Wall that fame Day being Saturday, as encouraged the Beſiegers to prepare for an Aſſault : Which when the Beſieged perceived, they offered to treat; and which recor rendred the Caſtle to the Prior of Capua, becauſe they would noč acknowledge vers that Gafuis any lawful Magiſtrate within the Kingdom being a Native. What theſe Men, or derers upon. Mr. Knox who relates it, could mean by their knowing no lawful Magiſtrates certain Condiz then in Scotland, is no eaſy Matter to gueſs ; unleſs it be, that a lawful Ma- giſtrate falls from his Office and Right, whenever they are diſpleaſed with him. The Conditions of Surrender were theſe, viz. tions. Í. That the Lives of all within the Caſtle ſhall be ſaved. II. That their Perſons fliall be tranſported into France. III. That if they like not the Entertainment they ſhall ineet with in France, in that Cafe they ſhall be conveyed, at the Expence of that King, into any other Country they pleaſe, Scotland only excepted. By this Surrender of the Caſtle of St. Andrew's, the Governor received his Son : And the French Gallies having got much Spoil withier die Caſtle, where all the late Cardinals Treaſure was lying, put to Seo gain four or five Days after ; and the Caſtle was by Ast of our dataoliſhed. Some of the Priſoners were kept all the Winter following in the Gallies ; of which Number was Mr. John Knox, who tells us, that in July 1550 all the Priſoners were releaſed by the Intervention of the Queen Dowager. In the Beginning of September, the Duke of Somerfet, Treaſuter, Earl Marſhal, Lieutenant General, and Lord Protector of England in the Minority of Edward VI. and that King's Uncle, entred Scotland with a well appointed Engliſh Ara Army of about 18900 Men, whilft a Fleet of about ſixty Sail of Ships arrived my camers alſo on our Coaſt about the fame Time, one Half of which were Ships of War, the reſt were filled with Stores, Ammunition and Victuals. At his Advance he found the Scottiſh Army very numerous, and well prepared to receive him : Upon which Account, we are told, that before the enſuing unhappy Battle was fought, he (6) wrote a Letter to the Governor of Scotland, in which he de- clared his earneſt Deſire to have Matters amicably accommodated ; and for that End conſented that our Queen ſhould remain within Scotland until ſhe were fit for Marriage ; and further declared, that provided the Scots would agree to this, he would preſently withdraw his Forces, and compenſate all the Damages he had done ſince he came into Scotland, as they ſliould be valued by indiffe- rent Perſons. But the Governor (as 'tis ſaid) communicated theſe Letters only tò bis Brother (formerly Abbot of Paiſly, but now Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's) and two or three other Fayourites ; who all adviſed him to ſuppreſs the ſame, and to give out that they contained only Threatnings from the Engliſh to take away the Queen by Force, and to reduce the Country by Arms to their own 0 Subjection. (a) Tho' Lefly calls him Peter, yet his Chriſtian Name was certainly Leon; foś I have ſeen an old French Copy of the Circumnavis gation of the Coaſts and Illes of our Kingdom, performed by King James V. which was publiſhed firſt at Paris , in French, about the Year, as I remember, 1586, by one Arfeville, chief Colmographer to the French King: And in his Preface, he tells how that he failed in this Fleet commanded by Leon Strozzi Prior of Capua, and Captain General of the Gallies of France. The Fleet, he ſays, conſiſted of 16 Gallies, and other Forces: And he adds, that the Beſieged beat a'Parly, immediately after a Brcach was madein the Wall, and before the Aſſault was given. There was another Peter Strozzi in the Army commanded by Monſ.de Deſė, 1548 and (6) He refuſed to decide the Quarrel by a ſingle Combat offered him by the Earl of huntly at this Time, 99 54 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. Subjection. The two Armies did for ſome Time ly facing one another; the 1547. Engliſh near to the Town of Preſton-pans, (otherwiſe called Salt-preſton) fix Miles Eaſt of Edinburgh; and the Scots about Muſelburgh, Inveresk and Monkton-hail, four Miles diſtant from that City. At which laſt Place, on the 8th of September, an Act of Parliament was made, which provides the neareſt of Kin of any Kirk-man that ſhall happen to die in the publick Cauſe at that Time, to have Liberty of conferring the Benefice of the Deceaſt, upon his neareſt Re- lation that ſhall be found moſt qualified to diſcharge the Office. It was then alſo enacted, That the Heirs of any Perſons that Thall happen to die in De- fence of their Country, ſhall have their Ward (a), Non-entreſe, Relief and Marriage, frec. As alſo, That the Heirs of any perſons whatſoever fo dy- ing, thall have their own Ward; &c. free ; and that their Wives, Bairns, c. fhall bruik (i. e. enjoy) their Tacks, Poſſeſſions, &c. as well of Kirk-lands as of Temporal Mens Lands, for five Years, without any Gratification to the Landlord, except the Mails and Duties uſed and wont. After ſeveral Skirmiſhings for a Day or two with various Succeſs, tlie Scots perceiving a Movement in the English Army, (whoſe Hiſtorians affirm that they were only advancing to a more commodious Piece of Ground, whereas ours ſay that they deſign’d to retire home for want of Proviſions) moſt unfortunately croſſed the Water of Esk; and after ſome ſmall Succeſs, too inconſiderately following the Purſuit, engaged unawares with the whole Body and gains the of the Engliſh Army, and were utterly routed on the riſing Ground on the the Battle of Eaſt Side of that River, toward Preſton, oppoſite to Muſelburgh, the Engliſh Pinky. Ships doing them much Mifchief all along on their Flank, as they marched to the Field of Battle. This Battle of Pinky (ſo called from a fine Country Seat on the Eaſt Side of Esk) was fought on Saturday the 10th of September; in which the Scots loſt above 8000 Men, (ſome ſay near double thatNumber) and among thoſe (b) ſundry of the Nobility and Gentry. Many Priſoners were alſo taken, of which Number was the Earl of Huntly, Chancellor of the King- dom, who commanded the Rear of the Army. After the Battle was over, the Engliſh advanced, and took the Town of Leith; which they pillaged and burnt : And they made an Attempt on Edinburgh, but in vain. Their Fleet likewiſe ſeized upon ſome ſmall Iſlands, or rather Rocks, in the River Forth ; and on the Caſtle of Broughty at the Mouth of the River Tay; and on what Shipping they could mect with in the ſeveral Creeks and Harbours. They al- fo fet Fire to Kinghorn, and ſome other Towns and Villages on the coaſt of the Frith. However, they made 110 long Stay in the Country, but departed homeward about the 18th of the fame Month. The Governor, and ſuch of the Scottiſh Nobility as had eſcaped ſafe from the Battle, went ſoon after to wait upon the two Queens at Stirling ; where on is taken, to the Governor, in a very elegant and bold Speech, declared his Mind for con- fend the young tinuing the War, rather than ſurrender the young Queen their Sovereign, their France : Bur Rights and Privileges, to the ambitious Deſires of their haughty Enemies . The the is preſently reit of the Nobility that were preſent, applauded what he had láid ; and talk'd of Cattle of Dun. nothing but of Means for proſecuting the War. They determined to ſend the barton for faſe young Queen ſpeedily to the Caſtle of Dunbarton, under the Cuſtody of the Lords Erskine and Livingſton ; and in the mean Time, to advertiſe Henry King of France how Matters went in Scotland ; and to intreat of him a time- ous Supply, both of Men and Money. Our Ambaſſadors had it alſo in Com- mifſion, to ſignify to that King, the Deſire of the Eſtates, that their young Queen might retire into France till Time ſhould ripen her for a Husband; with plain Inſinuations, that his Son the Dauphin ſhould be the Bridegroom. Succours ar- This was no doubt a Piece of welcome News to the King of France; who ſent over Monf. de Deſfé, with 5, or as others ſay, 6000 Men under his Com- A Reſolutis Preſervation. tive from France. mand : (a) Theſe are certain Duties payable to the King, or other Superiors of Lands, by the Law of Scotland. 6) The noble Perſons that were killed in this Battle, were the Lord Fleming, the Maſter of Montroſe, the Maſter of Erskine, the Maſter of Methven, the Maſter of Ogilvy, the Maſter of Livingſton, the Maſter of Roſs, ero. Chap. V. 55 Church, and State in Scotland. mand: They arrived about the Middle of June 1548. This General, and his 1548. Succeffor Monf. de Thermes, performed many brave Actions during their Stay here : But becauſe it is not our Deſign to enter får into the Detail of theſe Things, we therefore refer the Reader to the Book, intituled, The Hiſtory of the Campagnes 1548 and 1549 ; I only beg Leave to deſire the Reader, to ob- ferve the Difference betwixt that Author's Narrative of the unfortunate Accia dent wherein the Provoſt (a) of Edinburgh was killed, and the Accounts there- of as publiſhed by Mr. Knox and Mr. Buchanan ; as alſo, how differently the Story is told even by theſe two Gentleinen themſelves; and he will foon be able to judge, whether there is any Partiality in theſe Hiſtorians. The Protector of England, and the Privy Council of that Kingdom, finding they could not, by the Force of War, bring the Scots to yield their young Queen in Marriage to their King Edward, reſolved to alter their Manner of wooing (b); and for that Purpoſe, a long Declaration was emitted (c), dared the 5th February 1547-8, wherein they would try, if by fair Means they could gain a Conſent to the Match. But that alſo not taking Effect, the Lord Grey The Englifia of England entred Scotland the 18th of April following, where he took and for- enter Scotland tified the Town of Haddington with a ſtrong Garriſon. This the Governor, again, with the Aſiſtance of the French Troops, immediately after their Arrival en- deavoured to recover. And becauſe a great many of the Nobility, &c. were there preſent with the Governor, he then, in the Abbay of Haddington, held a Parliament (d), the 7th Day of July 1548 ; and therein renewed the Con- ſultation concerning the Courſe to be taken with the Perſon of the young Queen. The Queen Dowager, the French Ambaſſador and General (e), (who were both there to adviſe) gave their Opinion for ſending the Queen into France, and marrying her to the Dauphin. But the Noblemen were not all of the fame Mind; for ſuch of them as favox-cd a Reformation of Re- ligion, as it was called, were for accepting circ Terms offered by the Court of England; while the Governor and the reſt, who were the more numerous, gave their Voices for the Match with France. Monf. de Villegagnon had then four Gallies lying in the Harbour of Leith : With theſe he made a Feint as if he would have failed into France ; but how ſoon he got out of Sight of Land, he tack'd about to the North Seas, and failed round the Iſles till he came to Dunbarton. There the young Queen was de- The Queen livered over to Monf. de Breze, who had been ſent by the French King tơ by Conſent of receive heř ; and with her went the Lords Erskine and Livingſton, and, as Bu- Parliament; is chanan writes, her natural Brother James Prior of St. Andrew's, together with ſeveral young Noblemen and Gentlemen, her natural Aunt by the Father the Lady Fleming, and four young Virgins, all of the Name of Mary, viz. Living- fton, Fleming, Seton and Beton. Mean time the War was carried on with England for the Space of two Years, the Advantage for the inoſt Part inclining to the Scots Side, till at laſt a general i $ 497 Peace was concluded in the Fields near Bologne in Picardy, on the 24th Day Peace corta of March 1549-50, betwixt France and England ; at which Congreſs , England, 'tis ſaid Panter Biſhop of Rofs was Plenipotentiary for the Crown of Scot- France and but there is no mention of him in the Copy of the Treaty in Rymer. Scotland. By this Peace it is agreed, O 2 THAT ſent to France land; nos (a) This was James Hamilton of Stenhouſe, Captain alſo of the Caſtle of Edinburgh, whoſe Father or Grandfather, was a Baſtard of the Family of Hamilton. vide Regiſters of Charters. (6) The Earl of Huntly having been asked after he was made Priſoner, what he thought of the Match betwixt our Queen and the King of England, or ſome füch Queſtion to that Purpoſe ; made anſwer, that however he might like the Match, he did like the Manner of wooing, (©) This paper is to be ſeen at full Length in Grafton's Chronicle of England. It contains only a Perſuaſive to the Scots to ac compliſh the Marriage, as a Thing moſt conducive to them. () It is expreſly named a Parliament in the Acts of . * The firſt was the sieur d Oyfel, (fo I find his Name written in the French King's Letters, which are recorded among the Regiſters of the Parliament 1558) and the ſecond was Andrew de Montalamberi Siear d' Eſlé : So alſo is he deſigned in the ſame Letters. And it is from theſe Letters, and other Papers in the ſame Regiſters, that I clearly perceive theſe cwo Gentlemen were preſent in this Parliament holden in the Convent near Haddington. 1 50 Book I. The History of the Affairs of 1550. THAT the Fort of Douglas [ I ſuppoſe it ought to be Dunglaſs) and Latt- der, built by the Engliſh, with all the Cannon, &c. be delivered to the Scots ; except the Cannon that were brought from Haddington : But if theſe two Forts be not in the Hands of the Engliſh, in that Event the King of England ſhall be obliged to demoliſh the Towns and Caſtles of Roxburgh and Eymouth; nor ihall it be lawful to the Engliſh, French or Scots, to rebuild them. Item, Tho' the King of England ſhall reſtore Douglas and Lauder, yet he ſhall demoliſh Roxburgh and Eymouth, provided the Queen of Scotland do the ſame with the Caſtles of Douglas and Lauder; in which Caſe, it thall not be lawful to the Sovereigns of France, Scotland nor England, nor their Succeſſors, ever to rebuild Roxburgh or Eymouth. Item, The Kingdom of Scotland ſhall be comprehended in this Peace and the Engliſh muſt not invade Scotland without a new and juſt Offence given. And the Queen of Scotland is obliged, within forty Days after the Date of this Treaty; to certify the King of England, under her Great Seal, that the accepts the faid Comprehenſion (a). In conſequence of this Treaty, the Queen grants a Commiſſion, on the 19th of April , to Thomas Lord Erskine, to repair into England; and there viva voce (b) to accept and ratify the ſaid Comprehenſion. The Peace was proclaimed at Edinburgh the Beginning of April; and in conſequence of ir, the French Soldiers were tranſported back into their own Country. How- beit the French General Monf. de Thermes; and other French officers, re- inained ſome Months longer in Scotland ; and went about viſiting ſeveral Places for their Diverſion, as was given out; tho' indeed it would appear, they tarried here for other Ends: For in the September following, Leó Strozzi arriving at Leith with ſome Ships from France, the Queen Dowager imbarked aboard him, and fet Sail from thence for that Kingdom, accompa- nied with the above ſaid French Gentlemen, and ſeveral of the Scots Nobili- Dowager goes ty and Gentry ; of whom the Principal were the Earls of Huntly, Sutherland, (or according as Knox calls him, Glencairn) Mariſchal and Caſſils; the Lords Maxwel, Fleming, Biſhop of Galloway, 6c. The Queen Dowager landed at Diep in Normandy after the Middle of October, from whence ihe went to Rouen, where the French King then was ; and after ſome Time ſpent there in Jollity and Mirth, the Court ſet forward to Paris; and thence to Chartres ; in which City they reſided the remaining Part of the Winter. And here it was that the Queen Dowager opened her Mind to the French King, concerning cates to that the Buſineſs which had brought her into France, namely, That he would be Kiego e Re pleaſed to uſe his Intereſt, to obtain for her the Regency of the Kingdom of Scotland, and the Adminiſtration of publick Affairs there. The King was well Kingdom of enough fatisfied with the Motion, but on this exprefs Condition, that the Eart of Arran do voluntarily demit the Government'; and in order to diſpoſe him thereto, the French King was adviſed to beſtow Honours and Profits upon him, and upon ſuch other Perſons as might be ſerviceable to the Queen's De- ſign. The King of France, alſo by Advice of the Queen Dowager, calls for Robert Carnegie of Kinnaird, one of the Governor's Council, who had been ſometime before ſent over by him into France, to give that King Thanks for the Aſſiſtance he had given to the Scots againſt the Engliſh: He alſo called for David Panter Biſhop of Rofs, who had for ſome Yeårs paft been Am- baſſador in France from Scotland; and alſo for Gawin Hamilton Commenda- tor of Kilwinning; all three firm Men to the Earl of Arran. To them the King declared, how agreeable it would be to him, would the Governor freely demit the Government of Scotland in favours of the Queen Dowager : And as the Queen to France, and communi- gent of the (4) Foedera Anglia. (6) Ibid. Chap. V. 57 Church and State in Scotland. In which the prevails : turns by the the Requeſt was both juſt and equitable, ſo if the Governor would comply with 0551 it, the King ſhould take care that his Intereſts ſhould no way ſuffer thereby in He further willed them to fignify to the Governor, that he had already con- firmed him in his. Title of Duke of Chaſtelherault, and had actually made his Son Captain of all the Scots Soldiers in France, and had beſtowed other Marks of his Royal Favour upon his other Sons and Relations. On this Meſſage was Robert Carnegie diſpatched into Scotland, and within a few Days the Biſhop of Rofs, as being a Man of great Parts, and of much Intereſt at Court ; who, by his Management ſoon after his Return home, did fo deal with the Governor, that he contented (tho' nor without ſome Difficulty) to reſign the Government into the Hands of the Queen Dowager : For which Diligence and faithful Service, the King of France preſented him with an Abbay in Poictou. Matters being thus far tranſacted to the Satisfaction of the Queen Dowager, ſhe left France in the End of Harveſt, or Beginning of Winter 1551; but made choice to paſs thro? England in her Return home (a). She landed at Portſmouth; and the 2d of November the came from Hampton Court by Water to the City of London, and lodged that Night and the next Day in the Biſhop's And there Palace near St. Paul's Church And on the 4th Day the rode in her Chariot upon the re- to the Palace of Whitehall, where the was received by King Edward (6) Way of Enga After that King had very kindly entertained the Queen Dowager, we are told land. that he took Occaſion to demand her Daughter in Marriage, as (he laid) had been formerly agreed to by the Scottiſh Nobility; adding, that this Match would be moſt beneficial to the Scots, whereas the Match with France would be moſt detrimental; and that he would entertain conſtant Enmity againſt any other Man that thould marry her. To this the Queen wiſely anſwered, That the Cauſe of her Daughter's deſigned Marriage with the Dauphin of France, was chiefly owing to the Protector of England las entring Scotland with armed Force : For; "faid Nac; it was unadviſedly done of him, to ſeek to compell by Force of Arms a Woman, who ought rather to be allured with fair Promiſes, than forced by open Violence : Therefore, added ſhe, the Scots being lo vehe- mently preſſed by the Protector, were in Self-Defence neceſſitated to demand Help from France ; and for the more ſpeedy obtaining thereof, they were on bliged to ſend their Queen into France, as a Pledge. She likewiſe faid, that the was forry this Buſineſs was come ſo near an Iſſue, contrary to what he deſired and wiſhed; but that ſhe would uſe her Endeavours with the French King in Bez half of him the King of England. Two Days after, - viz. the 6th of Novema ber, the Queen left London, and entred the Borders of Scotland towards the latrer End of December ; and how ſoon the came to Edinburgh, ſhe was moſt kindly welcomed by the Governor and others of the Nobility. P This (a) The Licence granted her by King Edward, at the Requeſt of the French King, for returning thro' England, is dated at Weſt- minſter, 12th May, and 17th September 1551. (6) Mr. Stow and Holinſhed tell us, that ſhe came to Whitehall accompanied with the Lady Margaret Douglas Countess of Len- nox, the Dutcheſſes of Suffolk, Richmond and Northumberland, and divers other Ladies, both Scottiſh and Engliſh. At the Gate of the Court, the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk, and the Lord Treaſurer , were ready to receive her: And at her entring into the Hall, the King ſtood in the upper End thereof, the Earl of Warwick holding the Sword of State before him. As the advanced to the King, thele Hiſtorians ſay, the knceled down; but I fuppoſe, they mean no more, than that the obſerved the common Forms of Decency, obſerved among Princes of her Rank, at that Time. They add, that he took her up, killed her, and taking her by the Hand, led her into his own Chamber of Preſence, and afterwards into that of the Queen, where he killed all the Scot. tiſh Ladies; and fo departed for a while. Her Majeſty dined that Day in the Queen's Appartment with the King; our Queen ſitting by the King apart by his Cloth of State: And all the Ladies both of Scotland and England dined in the Queen's great Chamber. After Dinner the King Chewed her his Gallery and Gardens, oc. and about 4 Afternoon, he brought her down again by the Hand into the Hall where he firſt received her; and there kiſſing her, ſhe took her Leave, and returned to the Bishop's Palace from whence ſhe came. The 6th Day of the Month the departed for Scotland, paſſing forth of the City at Biſhopſgate. The Duke of Northumberland, the Earl of Pembroke and the Lord Treaſurer conducted her to shore-ditch Church, and there took leave of her. The Duke of Northumberland had 100 Men on Horſeback with Javelins, whereof 40 Were Gentlemen clad in black Velvet Coats garded with White, and Hats of black Velvet with white Feathers , and Chains of Gold about their Necks. The Earl of Pembroke Had 120 Men, well appointed alſo, with black Javelins, and Hats with Feathers : And the Lord Treaſuréi had 100 Gentlemen and Yeomen, with Javelins, in like Manner well apparelled : Which three Companies of Horſemen furniſhed the Streets on cither side, from the Croſs in Cheapſide, to Birchenlane End. The Sheriffs of London conducted her to the Town of Waltham, where ſhe lod- ged that Night. And in every Shire thro' which ſhe paſſed, the Sheriff with the Gentlemen gave her Majeſty Attendance, till the came to enter into the next Shire. And that Order was obſerved, until ſhe came to the Borders of Scorland: All her Charges for Mear and Drink to herſelf and all her Train, and Proviſion for their Horſes being born and allowed by the King, fays Helindhed, but Stow ſays, at the Charges of the Shires thro' which the paſſed. 58 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1551 This Journey of the Queen Dowager into France, her Negociation there, ür and her Return thencé, have been all laid together on purpoſe not to break the Thread of that Adventure ; but now we muſt caſt our Eye back to other Affairs which were a-tranſacting in Scotland during that Time. In conſequence of the Comprehenſion of Scotland, in the laſt Treaty of Peace betwixt France and England, there was a formal Peace concluded betwixt the two Nations of Scotland and England, ar Norham, on the South Side of the River Tweed, the roth June 1551. The Commiſſioners on the Part of Scotland were Rom bert Biſhop of Orkney, Robert Lord Maxwel, Thomas Maſter of Erskine, Ludovick de Sanéto Gelafio Knight, (a Frenchman) and Robert Carnegie of Kinnaird, Clerk to the Treaſurer : Thofe for England were Thomas Biſhop of Norwich, Robert Bowes, Leonard Beckwith and Thomas Chalonar, Knights. The iſt July 1552, a Commiſſion was granted to Sir James Douglas 1552. of Drumlanrig, and Richard Maitland of Lethington, to meet with Com- miſſioners from England, for making a Diviſion of the debateable Ground on the Borders : Which Diviſion was ratified on the 9th November following (a). While the War was hot in the Country, Men had ſcarcely Leiſure to think of o- ther Buſineſs ; and this gave Occaſion to feveral looſe Perſons to commit many Irregularities; which the Governor now reſolved to put a Stop to. In the The Regent Summer 1552, the Governor, accompanied by the Queen Dowager, went in goes in Circuit Circuit as far North as Inverneſs, holding Juſtice Courts in the ſeveral Towns thro’the King- during that Seaſon. And in the Harveſt and Winter he paſſed in Circuit thro' holds Courts. the Weſt and South Parts of the Kingdom : But it was much noticed, as a Thing not formerly practifed in Scotland, that in all theſe Circuits, moſt of the Criminals were diſcharged for the Payment of a Fine in Money. This was uot generally approved of, as favouring too much of Covetouineſs; fo that the Governor, it was ſaid, gained ſtill little Reputation by theſe Circuits. But, on the other hand, the Queen Dowager made it her Buſinefs, in all Places where the came, to gain to herfelf the Favour and Good-liking of the Nobility and Gentry, and was fecretly well enough pleafed to foment their Diflike at the Governor's Proceedings, as being aſſured, whatever Degree of Favour he loft, returned upon her: So at laſt ſhe having, partly by Fear, and partly by Hope, won over to her the Nobility, the gave Commiſſion to the Biſhop of Rofs, to deal with the Governor that he would reſign to her the Government according to Paction. Much Time ſeems to have been trifled away in this Negociation, even all the Year 1553 ; tho' indeed it muſt be acknowledged, that 'tis no 1553 eaſy Marter for a Man to diveſt himſelf of a ſupreme Juriſdiction and Com- mand, when once he is clothed therewith. Several Infolences were likewiſe committed during this uncertain State of Government. At laſt the Governor's His Friends ad- Friends perceiving, that even then Things were managed by French Counfels; viſe him to de- and that if he ſhould continue refractory, he would not be able to make Aca count for his Intromiſſions, when the young Queen ſhould be of Age : They adviſed him to embrace, and he ſeemed willing to acquieſce in the Queen pon conditi. Dowager's Propoſal, on the following Terms. 1. That the French King ſhould ſee him indemnified for what Goods he had made uſe of belonging to the late King, and of all Accounts during his Regency II. That an Act of Parliament ſhould be paſt, declaring that if the Queen died without Iſſue, he ſhould be the next Heir. Theſe Conditions of the Surrender were fent into France, in order to be confirmed by the Queen and her Curators, whom by the Advice of her Mother ſhe had choſen, viz. Henry King of France, Francis Duke of Guiſe, and his Brother the Cardinal of Larrain, both her Uncles. But notwithſtanding the Gover- mit the Go- vernment to the Queen ons. (a) Fædera Anglie. Chap. V. Church and State in Scotland. 59 per- ty to perforna Governor's Promiſe, the Queen obſerving, that as the Time drew near, he be- 1554. gan to reſile ; as deeming it a ſhocking Thing for him, to deſcend from the fupreme Magiſtracy to a private Life : She therefore retired to Stirling, wait- ing the Expiration of the few Months which remained for the Governor to de liver up his Charge. The Earls of Athole, Huntly, Argile, Angus and Caſils, followed the Queen to Stirling; and, by their Advice no doubt, ſhe fome- time after appointed a general Council of the Nobility to meet her there, in the Spring anno 1554 : In which Council the claimed the Government of the King- dom, by virtue of a Power granted her thereto from her Daughter, being then a- bove twelve Years of Age; the Laws of the Land allowing the Prince to rec- kon up, as a Part of his Āge, whar Space of Time he lived in his Mother's Belly. He makes The Governor ſeemed to refuſe this Privilege to Feinale Princes : But ſome Difficult ceiving that the Nobles, who were fully conveened at Stirling, did all in- cline to give their Suffrages for the Queen ; and that not one of them had remained at Edinburgh with him, 'except his own natural Brother the Arch- biſhop of St. Andrew's, and the Lord Livingſton his near Kinſman; and hav- ing been adviſed, by a Letter from the Earl of Huntly, to lay down the Go- vernment, unleſs he had a mind to incur the Anger and Hatred of the Nobility in general; he went to Stirling, and there made å folemn Promiſe to the Queen Dowager, to reſign into her Hands the publick Adminiſtration, at the next Parliament, which was indicted to be held at Edinburgh, the roth of April 1554, for that Effect, and for ratifying the Conditions upon which the Go. vernor was to demit. Which Conditions appear to have been the fame as thoſe two already mentioned, with the Addition of a third, viz. That the Gover: nor be actually inveſted in the Right of the Dukedom of Chaftelherault in France. But becaufe the Records of this Parliament are loft, we can affirm nothing but as we gather from Hiſtorians. At laſt, the Day for the meeting of the Parliament being come, the Articles made betwixt the Queen Dowager and the Governor were read, as confirmed by the young Queen herſelf in France, with Conſent of the King of France, the Duke of Guiſe and the Cardinal of Lorrain, her Curators cholen, as before. And to theſe Articles the Eſtates in Parliament aſſembled gave their conſent, But he acquž ratifying and confirming them by their Subſcriptions and Seals : Which being Queen Dowa done, the Governor aroſe, and publickly gave up the Royal Crown, Sword ger is pro- and Sceptre, the Enſigns of Government, to Monf. d' Oyſel the French Am- baſſador ; who received them in Name of the Queen in France : And by a Mandate from her, with Conſent alſo of her Curators, which was preſently fhewed, delivered them to the Queen Dowager : Who, as appears by the Regi- Iters of Council, was proclaimed Regent of the Kingdom on the 12th of April. Mr. Buchanan tells us, that the Lord Erskine was at this Time made Go. vernor of the Caſtle of Edinburgh, and that he received Orders from the Par- liament, to deliver it up to no Perſon without an expreſs Warrant from the E- ſtates. The fame Author likewiſe informs, that there was a ſeparate Article ftipulated by the Queen Regent in favours of the Earl of Arran, namely, Thar in conſideration of his ſurrendring the Government, his Lordſhip ſhould be al- lowed to have the Command of the Caſtle of Dunbarton : And I am much miſtaken, if I have not ſeen authentick Writs to confirm this; tho' I am not able at preſent to recall where they are to be feen. Biſhop Leſly likewiſe takes notice that the Caſtle of Edinburgh was committed to the Lord Ersa kine, but with this Difference in the Narration, viz. That the Eſtates of the Kingdom, fearing the Governor might repent him of his fürrendring the Management of publick Affairs, and thereupon endeavour ſome Diſturbance, which he might the more eaſily bring about by having the Caſtle of Edina burgh in Cuſtody; they therefore appointed him to deliver it up to the fore- named Lord; who, in ſuch an Event, had Orders given him to ſurrender ic immediately to the Queen. I ſhall not pretend to judge which of theſe Ac- counts is the juſteſt ; only we know, that in the After-diſturbances which fell claimed Res gent, A P 2 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1554. fell out about Matters of Religioii, the Lord Erskine kept ſtill the Caſtle of È- dinburgh, and would deliver it to neither Party. N. B. Whereas I have ſaid, Page 49, that a cloſe Correſpondence was ſettled betwixt Henry King of England, and the Murderers of Cardinal Beton, immediately after the ſaid Murder ; I perceive that the Correſpondence which was there meant, and which is inſtructed by publick Contracts and Obliga- tions binc inde, was not until the Month of March 1546-7, betwixt King Edward and the Murderers. Vide Fædera Angliæ. However, tho' I have not ſeen authentick Récords to aſcertain the Correſpondence with King Hen- ry, yet I ſuppoſe the Conſent of our Hiſtorians is ſufficient to verify the Thing. Even Biſhop Burnet tells us, Hift. Reform. Vol. 1. p. 322, That the Murderers ſent a Meſſenger to King Henry for his Aſiſtance, and that they declared for him. And, Vol. 2. p. 7, he tells, That in February 1546-7, Mr. Henry Balnaves, one of thoſe who entred the Caſtle of St. Andrew's to take one Lot with the Murderers, and was then their Agent at the Court of England, received L. 1180, for one half Year's Pay to the Soldiers of that Caſtle. He informs us alſo, that Norman Leſly had L. 280, Sir James Kircaidy L. 200, and many others ſmaller Penſions allowed them, for their Amity, as it is expreſt in the Council-books. Patrick Lord Gray of Scotland contracts alſo with King Edward, at the Caſtle of St. Andrew's, with March 1546-7; to deliver up to him his Caſtle of Broughty, together with the Fiſhing and Pertinents, worth 200 Merks Scots Money, in confi- deration that that King fhall aſſiſt him in recovering the Town of Perth in- to his keeping : Which being obtained, he agrees alfo, that his Majeſty ſhall take into his Hands the principal Strength of the Town, called the Spey. tower. I obſerve likewiſe in the Fæderă Angliæ, that the Earl of Bothwel receives a Penſion of 3000 Crowns a-year from England, and 100 Horſe main- tained for a Guard to his Perſon in the Year 1549. I had almoſt forgot to take notice, that our Hiſtorians obſerye, that none of thoſe who embrewed their Hands in the Cardinal's Blood, died a natural Death, without ſome Vio lence or other WEB2%25292 228252s 929292 OM C H A P. VI. Containing an Account of Church- Affairs, from the Murder of Cardinal Beton Anno 1546, till the ſetting up of the Congregation Anno 1558. 1 ton is made 1546. MMEDIATELY after the Death of Cardinal Beton, John Hamil- ton Abbot of Paiſly, and now Biſhop Elect of Dunkeid (of whom frequently before) was by the Governor nominated, and by the Chapter elected Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's, and had his Election John Hamil afterwards confirmed by the Pope ; who, together with his Bull to that Effect, Archbiſhop of wrore both to the Governor and the new Archbiſhop, exhorting them to make St. Andrew's, their Zeal appear, in vindicating the Injuries done to the State Ecclefiaftick. 'Tis not to be doubted, but the Loſs of ſo great a Man as the Cardinal at the Head of the Church, and I may fay of the State alſo, did mightily affect the whole Clergy of the Kingdom : Nor did the brutal and odious Manner of his Murder, lels inſtigate their Revenge on the Perpetrators thereof, fo far as their Power or Intereſt could go. Our moſt reverend Hiſtorian Archbiſhop Spottiſwood tells us, that the inferior Clergy exclaimed much againſt the Mur- der, as the moſt odious which in any Memory had been committed ; and that the Chap. VI. Church and State in Scotland. 61 the Biſhops did inceſſantly importune the Governor, that a ſpeedy Courſe might 1547. be taken for effectually apprehending and puniſhing the Authors of fo black a Crime ; and that, the Eccleſiaſtick Judges did in a ſolemn Manner anathema- tize them, and all that ſhould ſuccour or receive them. And probably it has been upon a Petition from the Clergy, that the following Act of Council was emitted, on the rith Day of Fune, being the ſecond Day the Council fat after the aforeſaid Murder Act againſt invading, de troying or with-holding of Abbays, &c. 11. June 1546. Regiſt. Counc. C De quyilk Day my Lojd Governour, with quite of the Dueris Grace and Lodis of Counſale, underſtandand that throw the Dccatioun of this trublous Cyme, and grete inobedience maid baity to God and Man, in the committing of diuers enormis ad era Horbitant Crymis, it is dude and ferit, that evil difponit Perronis will invaid, diftroy, calt doun and with bald Abbays, abbap places, Birkis, allwele paroche Kirks as utheris religious places, fteris of all Didouris, Nuneries, Chapellis and utberis fpirituale Cennis wou des, aganis tye Lawis of God and man, and in contrair the Liberte and fredome of halie kirk, and Anis of Parliament maid thairupouri, obſeruit and kepit in al Cymes vigane. And fou eſchewing and a op- ping of au fil Inconvenientis, it is deuilit, ftatuté and ozdanit, that Letteris bé directit oure all Partis of this Beaime, to all Sherriffis, Stewartis, Ballies and thair Deputis, and to the Proveüis, Aldermen and Wallies of Burrowis, and to utheris Dficiaris of the Duenis Syereffis in that part, chargeing thame to pas to the Mercat Croces of al Burrowis within this Realme ; and cuair, be oppin Proclama- tioun, command and charge ad ano Cundzie our Souerane Ladyis Liegis, that nane of thamē tak upoun hand to całt down oz did roy ony of the faidis Birkis, religious Places, and uthéris Birkis and kirk-mennis Douſes forfaidis; oz to with hald, intromett cz tak the ſamin at trair awine Hand, be way of Deid, in ony Cyntes cuming; 02 to ſpulze the Jewellis 02 Omamentis of the birk, ozdanit fox Goddis. Seruice, and dedicate to the famyn, under the pane of Tin Tell of Lyff, Landis and Gudis : And giff ony lik kirk-mennis Voules al Places be ellis takin bé quhatfomeuir perfonis, ozdanis the ca: karis and With-haldaris of the ſamyn, to rettoz and deliuer the ia- myn agane to the Awneris thairof and thair fadozis, under the ſaid Pane; and oldanis this Act to be ratifti in Parliament. Thereafter, when the Parliament was deliberating how to regain the Arch- biſhop's Caſtle of St. Andrew's out of the Hands of the Murderers, the Clergy, The Ciera; on the 14th of Auguſt, agreed to a Taxation of L. 3000 monthly, for the grant a Subliky Space of four Months, towards defraying the Charge of beſieging the faid for beſieging Caſtle; and conſented to the further Payment thereof during the Continuation Ste and comes of the Siege. And it was from this Supply that the Siege was firft undertaken, and afterwards carried on. But however much the Romißh Party were damped bỳ the Slaughter of the Cardinal, thoſe who affected a Manner of Worſhip contrary to his, were no leſs elevated. The Enterprize was applauded, and the Actors highly commen- ded : Even Mr. Knox calls it a Godly Deed. Many of their Friends went to the Caſtle to congratulate them upon the Fact ; and Mr. John Rough, a Preacher of the new Doctrines, entred there, and took one Lot with them. The Reader will remember, that this Rough had formerly attended the Gover- nor, while that Nobleman followed that Party. He is ſaid to have been a pious Man ; but 'tis much to be wilh’d, he had 1100 fo far betrayed an erro- neous 62 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. 1547. neous Judgment, as to have aſſociated himſelf with the Perpetrators of a Deed To highly contrary to, and deſtructive of the Principles of the Chriſtian Reli- gion. However, after he had remained with that debauched Crew within the Caſtle, until the firſt Pacification was made, exhorting them all the Time to forbear their godleſs Courſe of Life ; and perceiving that he prevailed nothing, he then left them, and began to preach in the Town of St. Andrew's. But to make amends for his Deſertion, Mr. John Knox very ſoon thereafter, viz. at Eaſter 1547, entred the Caſtle : He ſays himſelf, for Protection and Safety of his Perſon ; but his former Words llew that he did not diſapprove of the Deed of that Company. During the Time that interveened betwixt this and the fe- cond Siege of tắe Caſtle, Mr. Rough and Mr. Knox continued to preach in the Town of St. Andrew's, and to diſpute with the eſtabliſhed Clergy. Nay a Congregation was formed in the Town, conſiſting partly of thoſe within the Caſtle, and partly of the Inhabitants ; , ,who, by the Mouth of Mr. Rough, made choice of Mr. Knox to be their Preacher ; which was all the Call, or lawful Vocation to the Miniſtry, that Mr. Knox fought after, as himſelf in- forms us : But when the Caſtle was beſieged the ſecond Time, Mr. Rough de- parted into England, and Mr. Knox ſhut himſelf up with the reſt. By theſe and the like open Proceedings about that Time, the Clergy were much alarmed; and thereupon preſented to the Governor and Council the following Supplica- tion, the 19th March 1546-7. V Loyd Governour, and Loidis of the Greit Counſale, unto Supplication zour Glace and L. humlie menis and ſchewis, we zour Dia- of the Clergy. touris, the Bifchopis, Pulatis and kirk-men, now preſent in this Town, fo: ourſellis, and in Name of the remanent of the kirkmen of this Realme, how that it is nocht unknawin to zour Grace and L. tyat fundzie Partes of tyis Realme, quhilk hes bene evir Catholic fen the Begyning of the faith to thir Dayis, now in- fedit with the petilentious Herereis of Luther his sect and follow- aris; and fa perleweris unpuneitt, quyil diuers of thame ar becumin Sacramentaris, and (pecialie aganis the blillit Sacrament of the Altar ; uthéris of thame abiurit and relaplis, baneift of auld, now cummis pertiie without ony Diedour, nocht alanerlie in the tar Partis of the Realme, but als to the Court and preſense of zout L. and fumtyme pjechis oppinlie, and incrucis utheris in the Caidis dampnable Herereis; quhilkis and the ſamin be nocht remedit ve zour Grace and 1. be your Help and Aſſiſtance to the Juriſdicioun (piri. tuale, it will ſpied, increſs and ryſs dalie mair and mair, ano ay the langer, the mait difficul to remeid : Duhairfoi we humlie bereik zour Grace and noble L. for your pzincelie Honour and Mobiliteis. to gif zour haiftlie Help and Remeid in thir Behaluis, to the plea ſure of God, Manteinance of the Criftin ffaitý, and zouz awin Ho nour, with our Antler. 1 Y Lold Governour, and Lordis tempojale, oldanis and detris the Kirkmen, to gif to his Grace the names of the Heretikis The Anſwer. that ar Kelapus, oz haldis Opinionis aganis the Sacramentis of the Altar, o2 that techis Hereſyis; and his Grace, and the Loidis temporale, tal tak thame, and cauſs the Lawis of the Realnie to be crecute on thame, ay as he is requirit thairto, conform to the Lawis of haly Kirk: Ano ozdanis this Supplicatioun, and Deliverance paſt thairuppoun, to be putt in the Bukis of Counſale. The War continuing with England, as it did for two Years after, had fo poſſeſſed Mens Minds, that little or no Attention was given to other Buſineſs : And perhaps the Clergy thought it no proper Time to exerciſe Severity againſt thoſe Chap. VI. 63 Church and State in Scotland. thoſe that diſſented from them, till they ſhould ſee what Turn Matters might 1550. take in the State. The King of England was a profeſſed Proteſtant, and the w iſſue of the War was uncertain ; wherefore it was judged beſt for them, to wink at many things, until they ſhould fee farther about them. This Relaxation brought many Perſons over to the new Doctrines, and Diffenters increaſed daily. Upon which Account, when the War was ended, the Clergy began to look more narrowly into their own Affairs. There was one Adam Wallace, a fimple, bur very zealous Man for the new Doctrines; who, together with his Wife Beatrix Livingſton, uſed to be much in Company with the Lady Ormiſton, and to inſtruct that Lady's Children, during the Abſence of her Husband (a). 'Tis likely enough, that the cate- chiſing of theſe, and perhaps alſo of other Children, in the new Forms, had made the Man to be more taken notice of, than otherwiſe he would have been. So he was taken at Winton in Eaſt Lothian, by the Lord Primatė's Direction, and brought upon his Trial in the Church of the Black Friars in Edinburgh: Where, in Preſence of the Governor, the Earl of Argile Great Juſtice of the Realm, the Earls of Angus, Huntly and Glencairn, and divers others of the Nobility and Prelates, he was accuſed by Mr. John Lauder (6), of ſeveral Adam Wei Articles, which may be ſeen in Knox's and Spottiſwood's Hiſtories, and in lace bummet Fox's Martyrology; and, being found guilty, was the next Day C) burnt on the Caſtle-hill of Edinburgh. They ſay, he was inhibited to ſpeak to the People at his Execution; yet they tell us that he intreated them not to be offended ac the Truth becauſe of his Suffering, faying, The Diſciple is not above his Ma- fter, and in a few Words more, commending his Soul to God, he took his Death moſt patiently Sometime after this, viz. the 26th of January 1551-2, there was a provin- cial Synod of the Clergy kept at Edinburgh, in which was agitated the merry Story concerning the Pater nofter, related by Archbiſhop Spottiſwood; who tells us likewiſe, that at the ſame Convention, Order was taken for publishing a Catechiſm in our Mother-tongue, containing a ſhort Explanation of the Com- of St. An- Archbiſhop mands, Belief and Lord's Prayer; and the Curates were enjoined to read a drew's publiſh, eth a Cate Part thereof every Sunday and Holiday to the People, when there was no Ser- mon, and until fit Preachers thould be provided by the Biſhops (d). The next Year, which was 1552, another provincial Synod was kept at Linlithgow ; in which the Maintainers of any Opinion contrary to the Church of Rome were ac- cuſed, and the Decrees of the Council of Trent, made in the Time of Pope Paul III. received. Some Acts alſo were made for reforming the corrupt Lives of the Clergy, but little or no Execution followed, ſays the foreſaid Author : But Biſhop Leſly ſpeaks in another Strain concerning that Matter. On Thurſday the 6th of July 1553, died Edward VI. King of England : Edvard To whom ſucceeded Mary his eldeft Siſter, a Woman of a ſtrict and ſevere King of Eng- Life, conſtant at her Devotions ; but violently addicted to the Intereſts and Humours of the Romiſh Church. This Alteration in England, together with Q2 thé chilm. land dies. (a) John Cockburn Laird of Ormiſton, was forfeited 14th December 1548, for going into England, and bringing the Lord Grena of that Nation into Scotland, in the Spring of the Year 1547-8. (6) He was Arch-dean of Teviotdale, and a Notar Publick, and probably was Brother to Mr. Henry Lauder Queen's Advocate for the Time. (c) Fox in his Kalendar, places this Execution on the 12th of October 1551: Yet in the Body of his Hiſtory he tells, that he had his Accounts thereof, ex teftimoniis et literis è Scotia petitis, anno 1550. There muſt be an Error in the Print. (d) This Catechiſm, as it is indeed called on the Title Page, confifts of 205 Leaves in a ſmall 410. It is printed at St. Andrew's the 29th of Auguſt 1552, by the Command and at the Expence of Archbiſhop Hamilton, whoſe Compoſition it is commonly reck. oned to be. The Preface bears his Name, and is directed principally to all the Clergy, who are appointed to read it in place of Sermon, if there be none at the Time. It is a judicious Commentary upon the Commands, Belief, Lord's Prayer, Magnificat, Ave Maria ; and the Author lhews both his Wiſdom and Moderation, in handſomely eviting to enter upon the controverted Points, In a Word, no Divine at this Day need be ashamed of ſuch a Work. Therefore ſince it was commonly ſold for two Pence, and called in Deriſion The Twopenny Faith, as Archbiſhop Spottiſwood and other of our Hiſtorians inform us; I readily allent to Dr. Mackenzie, who thinks, that Archbiſhop Hamilton having been at the Charges of the Printing, allowed the Pedlars to take only two Pence (pot Shillings) Scots, for each Copy of it from the People, as a Fee for their Pains in diſtributing it. It appears, that who ever ſlighted this Book, have been reſolved, to fight every Thing that ſhould come from ſuch a Hand. And this Compoſure, tho’ there were none elſe, ſhews that all the Clergy in thoſe Days, have not been ſuch Dunces as ſome People would make us appre, hend. The Book is yet extant, and ſpeaks for it felf. Mr. Knox and Mr. Buchanan mention a Twopenny Faith in 1558. Perhaps Biſhop Spotriſwood takes one Thing for another: If ſo, that reconciles the Difficulty concerning the Value of the Catechiſm. 64 The History of the Affairs of Book I. ly, èrs, return Home 0554 the Advancement of our Queen Dowager the Year following, to be Regent of this Kingdom, ſeemed to daſh all Hopes of a Reformation of Religion in Scoto land. And yet the quité contrary of what was expected, fell out: The Preachers and Fàyourers of the new Doctrines, found themſelyes neceſſitated to fly out of England, whitherſoever they could meet with Shelter. One of theſe, William Harlaw (a), a Scottiſhman by Nation, but who had preached William Har. ſometime in England, returned at that Time to his native Country, and preached to ſuch as favoured the reformed Opinions and Principles. After him came hither John Willocks; who had formerly been a Franciſcan Friar in the Town of Air : He likewiſe had remained in England; but upon Queen Mary's Perfecu- tion, had fled over into Friſeland, where he profeſſed Medicine, and was ſent by the Counteſs of Friſeland with ſome Commiſſion or other to our Queen- Regent, in the Year 1554. Again he returned the very next Year, with ano- Fohn Willocks, ther Commiſſion from the ſame Perſon ; after which Time he abode in Scot- land, and preached to as many as reſorted to him, who, 'tis faid, were nei- ther few, nor of the meaner Sort. But that which gave the greateſt Life to and John the ſucceeding Alteration in Religion, was the Arrival of Mr. John Knox (6) Knox Preach in the End of the Haryeſt 1555; to whom many of good Note repaired, and hcard his Diſcourſes ; in which he chiefly inſiſted upon the Unlawfulneſs of be- ing preſent at the Maſs, which he ſaid was an idolatrous Worship. He ſucceed, cd ſo well in theſe his Exhortations, that a great many Perſons withdrew from the Churches, and began to make an open Separation : Which being obſerved by the Clergy, Mr. Knox was ſummoned to appear before the Eccleſiaſtick Ju- dicatory, on the 15th Day of May 1556, in the Church of the Black Friars in Edinburgh. But when the Day came, the Cauſe was dropr upon ſome Infor- mality in the Summons, as was pretended; tho’’tis more likely, that the Arri- val of a great Number of his Friends in Town; might make ſome Uproar to be dreaded. Hereupon his Sermons were ſtill more publickly frequented: And 'tis certain that Mr. Knox preached to a greater Auditory the very Day he Mould have made his Appearance, than ever he had had before ; and he conti- nued doing ſo for ſeveral Days thereafter. The Earl of Glencairn did at that Time take along with him the Earl Mariſchal, to hear one of Mr. Knox's Diſcourſes ; who was ſo well pleaſed therewith, that it was thought adviſeable Mr. Knox ſhould write a Letter to the Queen-Regent, intreating for a Refor- mation in the Church. Which he accordingly did ; and the Letter was deli- vered to her by the Earl of Glencairn. But the Queen calling it a Pafquil, put it into the Hands of the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow : And this gave Occaſion to Mr. Knox to make ſome Additions to his Letter, two Years after ; both which he cauſed to be then printed at Geneva, and which the Reader will find at the Ènd of the latter Editions of his Hiſtory of the Church of Scotland. Not long after this, Letters were brought to Mr. Knox from an Engliſh Congregation in Geneva, befeeching him to repair unto them to be their Paftor. In Compliance with which, he departed in the Month of July 1556. But he Mr. Knox was ſcarce gone, as himſelf tells us, when the Clergy cited him a-new to ap- departs again pear before them : And becauſe he appeared not, he was condemned as an He- and is burnt in retick, and burnt in effigie at the Crofs of Edinburgh. The Copy of his Sen- effigie. rence having been tranſmitted to him at Geneva, he publiſhed a fort of Apology, which he intituled, The Appellation of John Knox, from the cruel and moſt anjuft Sentence pronounced againſt bim by the falfe Biſhops and Clergy of Scotland, &c. and this Paper alſo may be ſeen printed with his Hiſtory. In the Year following, viz. 1557, the new Doctrines were mightily ſuppor- ted by the Teachings of ſundry Perſons in different Parts of the Country : Wih Liam Harlaw and John Willocks in Edinburgh and Leith; Paul Methven, a (a) Or Harly. He had been by Occupation a Taylor in the Canongate of Edinburgh, before he took up that of Preaching. Cal- derwood's large MS. and Biſhop Lefly. (6) He had been carried Priſoner to France at the Time the Caſtle of St. Andrew's was taken, and after his Eſcape from that Kingdom had remained in England cill the Death of King Edward, from whence he went to Geneva, from that to Francfort; a. gain to Geneva ; and from thence to Scotland. Chap. VI. Church and State in Scotland. 65 Many Peri a Baxter, in Dundee ; other Perſons in Angus and Merns : And eſpecially Mr. 1956 Foba Douglas, a Carmelite Friar, became Chaplain to the Earl of Argile, and my ſpoke openly at Court (where that Earl then reſided) againſt the prevailing Superſtitions of the Times. And it was obſervable, that from that Time forward, the Eſtimation of the Clergy daily diminiſhed ; and even divers of that Order, both Secular and Regular, but eſpecially of the latter Sort, began publickly to eſpouſe the Party of the Reformation, and to declaim againſt the Corruptions fons refort to of the Church of Rome. And now the Biſhops, perceiving their oppofices to the Preachers, increaſe daily, and that they were a-forming of ſtated Meetings and Conventi- ons among themſelves, moved the Queen-Regent to call the Preachers before her Council, and arraign them for railing of Mutinies, and conveening together the Lieges without Authority: But the Day appointed for their Appearance being come, ſuch Numbers of People did flock together, and the Queen was ſo menaced, that ſhe was forced to declare fhe meant no Harm to their Preachers, and that the preſent Diet ſhould be diſcharged. And now it ſeems theſe Gentle and fenià for men, judging their Affairs to be in a pretty good Poſture, thought fit to ſend Mr. Knox ; the following Letter to Mr. Knox, requeſting him to return into theſe Parts. Dearly beloved in the Lord, the Faithful that are of your Acquaintance in thefe Parts (Thanks ke unto God) are ſtedfaſt in the Belief wherein ye left them, and have a godly Thirſt and Deſire, Day by Day, of your Preſence again ; which-if the Spirit of God will ſo move, and permit Time unto you, we will hartelie defire you, in the Name of the Lord, that ye will return a. gain into theſe Partes, where you ſhall find all faithful that ye left behind you, not only glad to hear your Doctrine, but will be ready to jeopard Lives and Goods for the ſetting forward of the Glory of God, as he will permit Time. And albeit the Magiſtrates in this countrie be as yet but in the State Je left them, yet at the making hereof. quo have no Experience of any more cruelty to be uſed, than was before ; but rather we have Belief, that God will augment his Flock, becauſe we ſee daylie the Frears, Enemies to Chriſt's Goſpel, in leſs Eſtimation, both with the Queen's Grace, and the reſt of the Nobility of our Řealm. This, in few Words, is the Mind of the Faithful being preſent, and others abſent. The reſt of our Minds this faithful Bearer will ſhew you at length. Thus fare ye well in the Lord. At Stirling, 10. March 1556. GLENCARNE. Lorn. ER SKINE (a). JAMES STEWART (b). Mr. Knox, upon Receipt of this Letter, did at their Deſire, and by Advice of Mr. Calvin, &c. begin his Journey homeward : But when he was come but ſoon after as far as Diep in France, in the End of October, he there received, other they counter Letters, adviſing him not to continue his Journey; for that all things were at ing. a Stand in Scotland. And it ſeems that the Favourers of a Reformation, being uncertain' what Turn Matters might take, began to reckon it more ſecure to be allowed the Worſhip of God after their own Manner in private Aſſemblies, (which was connived at) than to drive at greater Enlargements, and perhaps fail in the Attempt ; and ſo come to loſe all. Mr. Knox being therewith vexed at the Heart, wrote, in Return to his Friends, a very pathetical Letter; in which he tells them how much he was confounded to find them ſo unſtable in their Conſultations; and that if any perſuaded them, for Fear of the Danger which might follow, to faint in their intended Purpoſe, and to prefer their worldly Reſt to God's Praiſe and Glory; ſuch a one was to be accounted their mortal Enemy : That they ought to hazard their own Lives, be it againſt They are erm Kings or Emperors, for the Deliverance of the People from ſpiritual Bondage couraged by And finally, having laid before them many ſtrong Inducements to quicken them unto the Work, he ends with telling them, That the Reformation of Religion, R and him, (a) I ſuppoſe this has been John Erskine of Dun; for the Lord Erskine had not yet joined himſelf to that Party. 6) This was the Prior of St. Andrew's, natural Son to King James V. by a Daughter of the Lord Erskine ; he was afterwards commonly called the Lord James. 66 The History of the Affairs of Book I. fubfcribed a Bond called by fome the Firſt Covenant. 1557. and of publick Enormities, doth appertain to more Perſons than either the Clergy, or the chief Rulers called Kings. This Letter, written from Diep the 27th of October 1557, and which may be feen at large in Mr. Knox's own Hiſtory, had a wonderful Influence upon the Minds of thoſe to whom it was directed; ſo that they reſolved ſpeedily to proſecute their now intended Purpoſe, and to enter into Meaſures for profécut- ing the ſame. In order to which, and that every one ſhould be the more afſu- red of other, as Mr. Knox ſays, a Bond was drawn up and ſubſcribed by ſome ärd thereupon principal Perſons ; the Tenor whereof followeth. W VE, perceiving how Sathan, in his Members the Antichriſts of our Time, cruelly do rage, ſeeking to overthrow and to deſtroy the Goſpel of Chriſt and his Congregation, ought, according to our bounden Duty, to ſtrive, in our Maſter's Caufe, even unto the Death, being certain of the Victory in him. The which our Duty being well conſidered, we do promiſe, before the Majeſtie of God, and his Congregation, that we (by his Grace) Shall with all Diligence continually apply our whole Power, Subſtance, and our very Lives, to maintain, ſet forward and eſtabliſh, the moſt bleſſed Word of God, and his Congregation ; and ſhall labour, at our Poſſibility, to have faithful Miniflers, truly and purely to miniſter Chritt's Goſpel and Sacraments to his People : We ſhall maintain them, nouriſh them, and defend them, the whole Congregation of Chriſt, and every Member thereof, at our whole Powers, and waging of our Lives, againſi Sathan and all wicked Power that doth intend Tyrrany or Trouble againſt the for faid Congregation. Onto the which holy Word and Congregation we do jogne us ; and ſo do for fake and renounce the Congregation of Sathun, with all the fuperftitious Abomination and I do- latry thereof; and moreover Mall declare our felves manifeftly Enemies thereto, by this our faithful Promiſe before God, teftified to his Congrega- tion, by our Subſcription at theſe Preſents. At Edinburgh, the 3d Day of December 1557 Years. God called to witneſs. God called to witneſs. A. Earl of Argyle. ĞLENCARNE. MORTOUN. ARCHIBALD Lord of Lorne. John ER SKINE of Dun, &c. Immediately after the Subſcription of the foreſaid Bond, the Lords and others that concurred with them conveened together ; and after Deliberation on what was fitteſt to be done, they concluded upon the following Articles, viz. I. It is thought expedient, adviſed and ordained, that in all Pariſhes of this Realm (a), the Common Prayer be read weekly, on Sunday and other Reformation, Feſtival Days, publickly in the Pariſh-Churches, with the Leſſons of the Old and New Teſtament, conform to the Order of the Book of Common Prayer (6) : And if the Curates of the Pariſhes be qualified, to cauſe them to read the fame ; and if they be not, or if they refuſe, that the moſt qualified in the Pariſh uſe and read the ſame. 11. It is thought neceſſary, that Doctrine, Preaching, and Interpretation of Scriptures, be had and uſed privately in quiet Houſes, without great Con- ventions of the People thereto, while afterward that God move the Prince to grant publick Preaching, by faithful and true Miniſters. In Heads of a (a) Obſerve how theſe Men give Orders to the whole Realm. Such an A& would be juſtly adjudged high Treaſon now, I know not what it might be then. (b) It hath been much controverted, what is meant by this Book of Common Prayer ; fome Perſons ſtrenuouſly affirming it to have been the Liturgy of the Church of England, and others as pertinaciouſly denying it. For my own Part, I humbly think the Affirmers need not be very ſolicitous to gain their Point. However, I muſt take Notice, that thc firſt Liturgy printed at Geneva 1558, with a Preface dated roth February 1556-7, is commonly called the Book of Common Order, and ſometimes only that of Common Prayer ; thap in it there is no Mention of Lellons taken out of the Old and New Teſtaments; and that there is Mention on- ly of conveening once a-Week, to hear ſome Portion or Place of the Scripture orderly expounded. What Weight theſe Obſerva- tions may have, joined to the Publication of that Book, which was poſterior to this Regulation in Scotland, I ſubmit to the Judg. ment of theReader. Chap. VI. Church and State in Scotland. 67 In Purſuance of the above Reſolve, we are told that this Regulation was in Fact obſerved in ſuch Places where theſe Lords and Gentlemen had any Inte- reft ; particularly, that the Earl of Argile made Mr. Douglas preach publickly in his Houſe. This new Practice, as it could not but give great Diſpleaſure to the eſtabliſhed Clergy, fo we are told that they made very preſſing Com- plaints againſt it to the Regent; who anſwered, it was not then a fit Time to enter upon theſe Matters, but ere long ſhe would find Occaſion to take Order about them. And the Truth is, ſhe behoved then to manage very warily the Lords and others concerned in that Affair ; becauſe tho' the Marriage of the young Qucen her Daughter with the Dauphin of France, was in a manner alrea- dy conſented to in Parliament, it was not yer accompliſhed; and the knew well enough how imprudent and unſafe it was for her, to imbitter the Minds of any againſt her at that critical Conjuncture, and before every thing was got accommodated that related to the Marriage of her Daughter. On the 25th of March 1558, the Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's wrote a very againſt which, civil Letter to the Earl of Argile ; and with the Bearer of it Sir David Ha- the archbi milton, ſent a very artful Commiſſion, conſiſting of ſeveral Heads, all tending thopof St. Az to draw off that Earl from perſiſting in the Practice of their new Regulations, to the Eart of and to perſuade him to diſcharge Mr. Douglas from any farther Attendance Argile. upon him; promiſing at the ſame Time, that if his Lordſhip was deſirous of a Preacher to inſtruct him, he (the Archbiſhop) would provide him with a lear- ned Man, that ſhould teach nothing but true Doctrine according to the Catho- lick Faith : And in end the Archbiſhop gave the Earl to underſtand, that he lay: under a high Reproach, not only from the Queen, but from Perſons of all Ranks and Degrees, for being too remifs in his office; and inſinuated as if he ſhould be forced to take a more narrow Inſpection into the prevailing Practices, and bring the Perfons principally concerned to a condign Puniſhment. To this Letter and Commiſſion, the Earl wrote a large, and reſpectful Anſwer, but ſuch as thewed plainly, he had neither a mind to comply with the Archbiſhop's Requeſt, nor ſtood afraid of his Threats. It is well known that this Prelate was a wiſe and judicious Man, and no doubt he perceived the impetuous Cur- rent that then began to poffefs the Minds of the People; whereupon he has thought it the wifeſt Courſe, to try to regain them by gentle, rather than ſtubborn Means. 'Tis likewiſe acknowledged, even by Mr. Buchanan, that he was not at all a Man of Blood : And therefore I muſt inclirie to think, that what fell out a very little after, was given Way to by him, either to make a Trial of the Effects it might produce, or merely to fatisfy the Importunity of thoſe who clamoured againſt him. The Matter was this : One IValter Mill , who in his younger Years had travelled into Germany, and upon his Return had been inſtalled Prieſt of the Church of Lunan in Angus, uponi an Information of He- reſy, in the Time of Cardinal Beton, had been forced to abandon his Charge, and had abſconded ever ſince; was now taken in the Town of Dyfert in Fife, and carried to St. Andrew's in order to his Examinationi, before the Archbiſhop and ſeveral of his Suffragans there conveened ; by whom he was condemned to be burnt. He was a decrepit Man, of eighty two Years of Age : But ’tis repor- ted, that tho' it was hardly expected his Voice could be heard, yet he deli- vered his Mind with that Courage and Compoſure as amazed his Enemies; and that when he was brought to the Stake in order to be burned, he ſpoke thus to the By-ſtanders; The Cauſe why I ſuffer this Day, is not for any Crime, Walter till (tho? "I acknowledge my self a miſerable Sinner) but only for the Defence of the Truth of Jeſus Chriſt ; and I praiſe God who bath called me by his Mer- cy to ſeal the Truth with my Life : Which as I have received of him, jo I willingly offer it to his Glory. Therefore, as ye would eſcape eternal Death, be no more feduced with the Lies of the Seat of Antichriſt , but depend only on Jeſus Chriſt and his Mercy, that you may be delivered from Condemnation, And 'tis reported likewiſe that he ſhould have ſaid, he truſted to be the laſt who ſhould ſuffer Death in this Land upon ſuch an Account. The Spectators, R2, is burnt. 68 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. A merry Sto- ceflion. 1558. 'cis ſaid, were much moved with his Words; and they took his Death fo grie- vouſly, that, as a Monument of it to future Times, they made a great Heap of Stones in the Place where his Body was burnt : And this they renewed ſeveral Times, after it had been thrown down by Order from the Clergy, until at laſt they ſet a Watch for apprehending any Perfons that fhould be found carrying Stones to that Place. This plain good Man was put to Death in the Month of X- pril, with this remarkable Circumſtance, as is recorded, that the Baillic of the Regality having refuſed to pronounce Sentence againſt him, no other Perſon could be feund to ſupply his place as a Judge ; nor in the whole City could they purchaſe a Cord for Money to tie him with, after he ſhould be condemned: And that for this Reaſon his Condemnation was prolonged for a Day, till the next Morning, that one of the Archbiſhop's Domeſticks took upon him to offi- ciate as a temporal Judge, and condemned him to the Fire; when the Ropes of the Archbiſhop's Pavilion, for want of others, were taken thence to bind him. What preciſe Truth is in this, cannot be determined, unleſs there were more certain Documents to inſtruct the ſame. However, 'tis remarked, that this Man's Death prov'd the Death of Popery it ſelf in this Realm : And the Truth is, it appears the Clergy were ſo ſenſible of their Affairs falling now into Decay, that they ne. ver after had Courage to proceed to a Capital Puniſhment upon account of Reli- gion ; infomuch that in the Synod holden at Edinburgh in July this Year, fome Perſons that had been delated for Hereſy, were only condemned, upon their Non-compearance, to make a publick Recantation at the Market-croſs of that City, on the firſt of September following, being St. Giles's Day, the Tute. lar Saint of that City. Mean time the Feaſt of St. Giles approaching, the Cuſtom was, to carry the Image of that Saint in Proceſſion thro' the Town; and the Queen-Regent was ry Sk. Giles's Pro-to honour the Solemnity with her Preſence. But when the Time of it was come, the Image was a-miſſing ; having been ſtoln from its Station by fome who were too wiſe to favour it with their Devotion. This cauſed a Halt to be made, till another little Image was borrowed from the Gray-friars ; with which they ſet forward : And after the Queen had accompanied them a good Way, ſhe withdrew into the Lodging where ſhe was to dine. But ſhe was no ſooner gone, than fome Perſons appointed on Purpoſe, pluck'd the Picture from the Shoulders of thoſe who carried it, threw it down into the Dirt, broke it to Pieces, and ſpoiled the Glory of the whole Pageantry. The People here- upon fell a ſhouting, the Prieſts betook themſelves to their Heels, and a great Stir was in the Streets for ſome Hours åfter ; till at laſt the Magiſtrates having quelled the Mob, and the Clergymen underſtanding there was more Fear than Danger, crept again out of their Lurking-holes : And being re-aſſembled, they judged it beſt to put on a Face of Confidence, hoping thereby to ſtrick a Terror into their Enemies ; and for this Purpoſe, they indicted a ſolemn Meeting to be held at Edinburgh, the 7th or 8th Day of November following. To this Dier Paul Methven was fummoned : But he not appearing, Baniſhment was pronounced againſt him ; and a ſevere Puniſhment denounced againſt thoſe who thould preſume to receive or harbour him in their Houſes, or ſupply him with any Neceſſaries to ſupport his Life. Nevertheleſs, the Inhabitants of Dundee, where he moſtly reſided, were not at all terrified by that Commination ; for they ſtill continued to entertain him ; nay and even dealt with the Regent, by ſome who were in Favour at Court, that his Baniſhment might be reverſed : However, the Intereſt of the Clergy prevailed with the Queen, ſo that the for- mer did not fucceed. Whilft theſe Things were acting, (that is, during the Courſe of this Summer Subſcriptions fome Perſons travelled thro' all parts of the Kingdom, foliciting Subſcriptions are takeo in for from the People, to join in the Work of Reformation, and not fuffer them- Fence in the felves or their Friends to be oppreſſed by a Party not fuperior to them in Num- Work of Re- ber, and far inferior to them if Juſtice and Truth be conſidered. And theſe fuc- ceeded ſo well in their Circuits, that ſome being moved with Zeal to Religion, others formation. Chap. VII. Church, and State in Scotland. 69 others out of a Deſire of Change, and the greater Part longing to be relieved from 1558. the Oppreſſion of the Clergy, were eaſily moved to conſent to what was propo- ſed; by which Means, the chief Leaders perceiving their Party was become con- fiderable, and their Numbers not inferior to their Adverſaries; they then, ſays The Congre- Mr. Buchanan, firſt aſſumed the Name and Title of the CONGREGATION, gation is felup. which became much more famçus afterwards, by the Multitudes of thoſe who joined them. Perhaps indeed this might be the firſt Time that the Word Congre- gation was taken up, to denote the united Body of thoſe who pretended to ſet forward a Reformation in Religion, in Contra-diſtinction to thoſe who were then the eſtabliſhed Church : But that this was not the firſt Time theſe Men had aſſumed the Name of Congregation, is evident from their own Bond of the 3d of December the preceeding Year, lately mentioned, and inſerted in theſe Papers ; in which, tho' it be very conciſe, the Reader may obſerve, that they ſtile themſelves no leſs than leven Times the Congregation ; and that alſo with this ſingular Speciality, as being The Congregation of the Lord, in Oppoſition to thoſe of the Church, whom they are there pleaſed to call, The Congrega- tion of Sathan. CH A P. VII. Queen-Re. gent formetha many Frencha men. Containing an Account of State- Affairs, from the Beginning of the Queen Dowager's Regency Anno 1554, until the laft Parliament thereof in the End of the Year 1558. O W foon Mary of Zorratn, the Dowager Queen, was veſted with 1554. the Regency anno 1554, the began to form to herſelf a new Court, to which the preferred a greater Number of Frenchmen, than was a- greeable to the native Subjects of the Realm. One Vilmort was made Comptroller of the Royal Revenues ; Rubay got the keeping of the Court of too Great Seal, and was conſtituted Vice-Chancellor of the Kingdom ; which was in effect to thuffle out the Earl of Huntly from his Office of High Chancel- lor : And one Bonot was made Governor of the Iſles of Orkney, a Place of great Profit. Theſe Preferments of the French to ſuch conſiderable Poſts in the State and in the Royal Council, joined with a viſible Neglect of the Nobility of the Kingdom, filled the Minds of the People with Indignation and Diſcon- tent'; which foon after broke forth in Reinonſtrances and Rebellion. Much a- bout this Time, Mary Queen of England and our Queen-Regent being u- nited in Matters of Religion, reſolved likewiſe to cement the two Nations in a firm and laſting Bond of Peace. For this End Commiſſioners were appointed to meet together from both Sides, viz. Sir Robert Carnegie of Kinnaird, and Sir John Ballenden of Auchnoul, on the Part of Scotland; and Sir Thomas Cornwal, and Sir Robert Bowes, on the Part of England. But what were the Articles agreed upon by theſe Commiſſioners, we know not, except theſe two, viz. mo. That if any Perſon of the one Kingdom, ſhould forcibly take from another Perſon of the other Kingdom, any one Fiſh or Fiſhes (a) that had been caught by that other Person ; in that caſe, the injuring Perfor Peace witla ſhould pay twenty Pence Sterling, over and above any Mulēt that might be England. forfeit'd by former Laws. And 2do . That if any of either's Subjects Mall happen to come, by Streſs of Weather or otherwiſe, into any Part of either's Kingdom ; ſuch Perſons ſhall be allowed to depart without any Interruption, provided that he obtain a Certificate of his Arrival from the Magiſtrate of the S next (a) This reſpected chiefly the filhing on the Borders about Solway, either in the Sea or the Rivers. See Lefly. 70 The History of the Affairs of Book I. Great Im- the Laws. 1555. next adjacent Port or Town, and that during his Abode he hath atted nothing contrary to the Laws of the Kingdom whither it hath been his Lot to arrive. The Queen-Regent alſo applied herſelf very much, in the Beginning of her Regency, towards rectifying the Diſorders of the State. The Laws relating to the Adminiſtration of Civil Juſtice before the Seſſion, were much improved by the good and prudent Advice of Mr. Henry Sinclair, Dean of Glaſgow, and Vice-Preſident of that Court. And in the Month of July 1555 ſhe called a Parliament ; wherein likewiſe ſeveral good Laws were made for the Peace of the provement of Country. And ſometime thereafter ſhe undertook a Journey into the Southern Parts of the Kingdom, in order to keep Juſticiary Courts, and ſettle the Coun- try. She had the laſt Year ſent the Earl of Huntly into Muydard, and the Weſtern Countries and Iſles thereabout, to ſuppreſs the Inſolences of the High- landers. But he not anſwering her Expectation, fell under her Diſpleaſure ; for which he was committed Priſoner, and was ſentenced to be baniſhed into France for five Years; but the Sentence was afterwards changed into a Fine, and his Lordſhip was received again into Favour.. But the Earl of Argile together with the Earl of Athole, were ſent this Year to take the Charge of thar Com- miſſion, which theſe Noblemen performed to the Queen's great Satisfaction. Nevertheleſs, the Highland Clans having ſoon after broke out of Priſon to which they had been confined, the Queen found herſelf under a Neceſſity to go North likewiſe, in order to chaſtiſe theſe diſorderly Rebels. In the Summer 1556, the Parliament fat again, when the Regent granted Pardon to ſeveral Perſons that had been forfeited upon account of the Murder of Cardinal Beton. This probably was deſigned, to gain the Minds of the adverſe Party to a Compliance with a Bill that was quickly brought into the Parliament; by which it was propoſed, that the Eſtates of all the Subjects ſhould be entred into Regiſters, A Projc& for and that a certain Portion ſhould be paid out of them into a Treafury, fet a a regular Tax, part to ſerve as a Fund for raiſing of mercenary Soldiers ; by which Means the Nobility and Gentry might remain quiet at home ; except at ſome extraordinary Emergent, which an ordinary Force could not reſiſt . But this new Project of an eſtabliſhed Tax, and a ſtanding Force, (for hitherto there was no fuch Thing known in this Country) was not at all acceptable to the People. The Nobi- lity ſtormed at it, yet fuppreſſed their Diſpleaſure ; every one fearing, that if he ſhould firſt oppoſe it, the whole Envy of the Refuſal would fall upon him alone. But the Gentry were more fierce and open ; for about 300 Barons met together at Edinburgh, and fent Sir James Sandilands of Calder, and John Wemyſs of that ilk, Men of great Prudence and Eſtimation, to the Queen, to repreſent to her " the Novelty and Ignominy of this Taxation : That their much oppoſed Anceſtors had not only defended themſelves and their Eſtates againſt the by the Gentry, - Engliſh, when much more powerful than now they are, but alſo had made “c often Inroads into England; and that themſelves had not ſo far degenerated - from their Anceſtors, but that they were willing to lay down their Liyes and Fortunes for the Good of their Country, when Need required; yea and " that they were even obliged, by the Tenure of their Lands from the Crown, to be preſent themſelves in the Wars, and not to commit the Management “ of the fame to any other Perſons whatſoever ; and that they could not in- novare any thing in this Matter, eſpecially at this Time when their Sove- reign was under Age.” They repreſented likewiſe, “ That mercenary Sol- diers, who had nothing to loſe, would never fight fo heartily and coura- giouſly, as thoſe who had their own Lives, their Families and Eſtates at Stake. And laſtly, That by this new Management, the Minds of the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom would become fo enervated, that they would eaſily " become a Prey to the firſt Invaders.” After this Remonftrance, the Queen-Regent fearing left that tumultuous and dropt by Inſurrections might enſue, did very wiſely and readily give up any further Pro- the Quecn. fecution of that Deſign; and frankly owned, after being ripely adviſed, that theſe who had firſt put her upon it, were no Friends to the Commonwealth. 'Tis Chap. VII. 71 Church and State in Scotland. 'Tis related, even by Mr. Buchanan, that ſhe was often heard to ſay, " No isso. “ obſcure Men of the Country were the Authors and Architects of that Pro- ject (a).” By which it plainly appears, the Queen's Penetration and Judg- ment were no leſs conſpicuous, in diſcovering and declining the dangerous Confe- quences of ſuch a Mean of Support to her Government, however much ap- proved of ſince ; than the Equity and Juſtice of her Mind were eminent, in publickly confeſſing That to be hazardous to the Subject, which muſt infal- libly have rendred her State more firm, and her Adminiſtration more ſecure, againſt the mutinous Caprice of a turbulent People. The fame Author, and Biſhop Lefly, do both of them declare, that this Project was ſet on foot at firſt by the Courtiers, as well Scottiſh as French. This was the firſt Time that the Reſentment againſt the French Miniſters did publickly appear. During the Months of July, Auguft, September and October this Year, Commiflioners (6) from Scotland and England repaired to the Village of Duns in the County of the Mers; and drew up a Treaty of Peace betwixt the two A new Treaty Nations. While this was a-tranſacting, the Queen went North to Inverneſs ; with England. where the kept Courts, took Cogniſance of all Crimes and Miſdemeanors, and ſeverely punished the perpetrators of them. From thence the came to the Towns of Elgin, Banff, Aberdeen, Dundee and Perth; in all which ſhe ad- miniſtred Juſtice, and left the Countries thro' which ſhe went, a great deal more peaceable. A freth Opportunity for ſhewing Reſentments againſt the French Courtiers, was this : The Kings of France and Spain being at open War, the French King fent to the Queen-Regent, defiring her to declare War againſt England, according to the League ſubſiſting betwixt the two Crowns. The Occaſion of which Deſire was, that Mary Queen of England was preparing to ſend Forces into Flanders, to the Amítance of her Husband Philip II. King of Spain. is The Queen-Regent being inclined to favour the Frenc intereft, called toge- The Rege thian; and there requeſted them to concur in a Declaration of War againſt gainet Eng- England. But the Nobles, perceiving that this War was merely intended for land, the Aſſiſtance of the French, and knowing very well that the Engliſh had in- vited Commiſſioners from Scotland, to treat about ſertling the Borders, and any Controverfies that remained unadjuſted in the laſt Year's Treaty; and that the Commiſſioners had actually met at Carlile in the Month of July, viz. Robert Reid Biſhop of Orkney, Henry Sinclair Dean of Glaſgow, and Sir Robert Carnegie, (both Senators of the College of Juſtice ) and the Lord Harris Warden of the Weſtern Marches, on the Part of Scotland, and Cuth- bert Tonſtal Biſhop of Durham, the Lords Dacres and Wharton, on the Part of England : I ſay, the Scottiſh Nobility perceiving the Drift of this project- ed War, did modeſtly enough decline it, by telling the Regent that they could are avetle. not give their Suffrages for it, until they had more ripely conſidered the Matter. Mean time the Queen-Regent, by the Advice of the French Miniſters, or- ders Mons. d' Oyfel to build a Fort at Aymouth, which lyes near to Berwick; as reckoning the Engliſh would do their beſt, to hinder a Garsifon from being erected fo near them. The Event anſwered the Expectation; and thereupon the Commiſſioners were recalled from Carlile : A Herauld is ſent to denounce War againſt the Queen of England, unleſs the recalled her Forces out of France; and a Proclamation is emitted, by Conſent of the Nobility, for a general Ren- dezvous at Edinburgh. And accordingly a conſiderable Army did advance to- wards Kelſo, in the Month of October, under the Command of the Earl of Arran ; the Earl of Huntly having before, with the Forces that had attended the Queen, made two or three proſperous Inroads into the Engliſh Borders, without meeting with any confiderable Reſiſtance. But an Affair fell now out, S 2 which deſirous to de but the Nobles (a) He mentions the Earl of Huntly and David Panter Biſhop of Rofs. ( Theſe for Scotland were the Biſhop of Dunblane, Richard Maitland of Lethington, and James Macgill Clerk of Regiſter : Thoſe for England were the Biſhop of Durham, 72 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1557. which made a very quick Turn in the Queen's Meaſures : For Monf. d' Oyfel, of his own Motion, and without waiting an Order from Council, carried ſome French Troops and Ordnance over the River Tweed; which fo incenſed the Nobility, now ready to catch at any thing that might give a Handle to their Return, that they very ſpeedily agreed in Council, (a) That they thought it not proper to invade England, and thereby venture the whole Strength of the Kingdom; but that the Army might continue on our own Borders, lo long as it could be maintained. This was not what the Queen wanted ; and therefore ſhe gave Orders for disbanding the Army ; and left only the French Soldiers at Aymouth, with ſome few of her own Forces. On the 14th of December 1557, a Parliament was holden at Edinburgh; Commiſſio- in which the Queen-Regent ordered a Letter (b) from the King of France, ners are nomi- directed to the Eſtates of Scotland, to be laid before them, requeſting, That nated to paſs , fome Perſons of the firſt Rank might be ſent into France, in order to witneſs pon Account the Marriage of our Queen with his Son the Dauphin, and to tranfact what of the Queen's might be proper for them on that Occaſion. In Compliance with which, I per- Marriage. ceive by the Records, a Commiſſion to have been given the ſame Day to the fol- lowing Perſons, to go over into France for that Effect ; namely, james Betou Archbishop of Glaſgow ; David Panter . (C) Bishop of Roſs, Principal Secre- tary of State; Robert Reid Biſhop of Orkney, Preſident of the Seſſion; George. Lejly Earl of Rothes, a Privy Counſellor ; Gilbert Kennedy Earl of Caſils, Lord High Treaſurer ; James Lord Fleming, High Chamberlain ; George Lord Seton ; James Stewart Prior of St. Andrew's, natural Brother to the Queeni, and John Erskine of Dun (d). I fee alſo in the Records of Parliament, a Commiſſion by our Queen, dared at Fountainbleau 16th March 1557 (e), to the very ſame Perſons, and to Antonia de Bourbon Dutcheſs of Guiſe, to be her Majeſty's Procurators at the Treaty of her Marriage ; and likewiſe a Procuratory, dated at Riſeburgh (f) the 4th February 1557, from our Queen- Regent, to the ſame Duthceſs Dowager of Guiſe her own Mother, to appear for her, and act in her Behalf in the fame Affair. Tho' the Regiſters of this Parliament be loſt, yet I am enabled to give the Reader a pretty exact Account of the Inſtructions which were given to the Ambaſſadors, from the Records of the next Year’s Parliament, (from whence alſo I had a-Sight of the former Papers) when theſe Ambaſſadors preſented themſelves to give an Account of their Ne- gociation. At which Time, they received a very honourable Approbation of their Management ; in the Body whereof is ingroſſed the Subſtance, at leaſt of all their Inſtructions, and that at much greater Length than what is contained in the Parliament's Nomination of the Commiſſioners : Which Inſtruments, upon that (a) Thus the Matter is related by Mr. Buchanan, who likewiſe adds, (upon what Ground I know not) that the Nobles fortified their Reſolution of not invading England at this Time at the Humour of a private Perſon, upon this Ground, viz. “ That they were never wont to obey their lawful Princes in that Cafe:” But Biſhop Lefly relates, that the Nobles being called, and having given it as their opinion, that they ought not to invade England at this time, the Queen thereupon disbanded the Army. But he ipeaks not a Word of Monf. de oyſel's Attempt, thu' it is not unlikely but he may have induſtriouſly omitted that Affair. Howbeit he ſeems freely to own, that this Matter of the intended War with England, from firſt to laft , did the Queen a great deal of Harm, every Body in a manner perceiving, that her Mind was wholly turned to ſerve the intereſts of the French King; and that her Enemics the Abettors of the new Doctrines took Occaſion from thence, to infuſe into the People an Averſion againſt her Go. vernment and Religion. (6) Mr. Buchanan ſeems never to have ſeen it, when he ſays it contains a prolix Enumeration of the ancient Leagues between the two Nations, and a long Chain of fair Promiſes from himſelf to this Nation. There is nothing in the Letter, but what every Perſon would have ſaid on the like Occaſion. See a Copy of it in the Appendix Numb. 9. (c) This Prelate went not on this Commiflion: It would appear by this Time he had turned fickly, for he died ift October next Year at Stirling. He was a Man of excellent Learning, and notably skilled in the Latin Tongue, as well appears by the Letters of State penned by him while he was Sccretary to King James V. and the Governor the Earl of Arran, published lately under the Title of Epift. Reg. Scot. &c. Vol. 2d. He was at firſt Prior of St. Mary, I fle in Galloway, and was elected Biſhop of Roſs in the Year 1545; bur before his Confecration he was ſent Ambaſſador to the Emperor Charles V. Mary Queen of Hungary Governeſs of Flanders, C. and to the Court of France, where he reſided in that Quality until his Return Home in the Year 1552, when he was ſolemnly confecrated in the Preſence of a great Number of the Nobility at Fedburgh. (d) It is a Miſtake of Mr. Bachanan to ſay, that only three of theſe Commiſſioners were of the Nobility, and two of the Oto der of Gentlemen, viz. George Seton and John Erskine : "For it is certain, that George Seton not only was of the ſame Rank with James Fleming, i. e. they were both Lord Barons; but I am informed that Seton was the eldeſt Lord Baron in Scotland at the Time. (e) Whether this and the next Inſtrument do nor both belong to the Year 1557-8, as that of the 4th February certainly doth, I can't ſay: But the Reader may depend upon theſe Dates being exact. ( Of Lifeburgh, as I alſo lee it written: But what Place it is, I know not. . Church and State in Scotland. 73 Abſtract : ons Commiſlio ners. that Account, the Reader will find in the Appendix (a). The Inſtructions 1557. were in ſhort, imo. They have Orders to obtain from their Sovereign before her Marriage, by and with Advice of her Curators, and again after her Mar- riage, by and with the Advice of the King of France, and the Dauphin her the Inftructi- Husband, a Ratification of the Act paſt in the Parliament holden in the Con- vent near Haddington July 7th 1548, touching the ſending her Majeſty into France. 2do. To obtain from the King of France a Ratification of his former Promiſes, made to the Duke of Chaſtelherault, for aiding and ſupporting him in his Succeſſion to the Crown of Scotland, if the Queen ſhould chance to die without Children of her own Body. Item, To obtain a Declaration to the famé Purpoſe from her Majeſty and the Dauphin. Item, A Diſcharge to the laid Duke for all his Intromiſſions with the publick Money, &c. during his Government. 3tio . To obtain from the Queen and Dauphin a Promiſe, in ample Form, to obſerve and keep the Liberties and Privileges of the Realm of Scotland, and the Laws of the fame, whole and entire, as in the Days of all her Royal Progenitors Kings of Scotland. 46. That the Queen and her future Husband grant a Commiſſion for a (b) Regent to govern the Kingdom of Scotland. Theſe I take to be the principal Heads of the Inſtructions given to the Am- baſſadors ere they went to France. They ſet Sail from Leith in the Month of February 1557-8 ; and in their Paſſage they met with a violent Storm, in- ſomuch that one of their Ships was loſt about St. Abb’s-head foon after their Departure, and another near to Bologne ; in which Port at laſt they all ſafely arrived, at leaſt as to their perſons. Upon their Arrival at the French Court, in the Month of March, they. They arrive in quickly ſet about the Performance of their Inſtructions ; and eaſily obtained France. the Ratifications, Declarations, &c. which I have already mentioned; the true Originals of all which are to be ſeen bound up with the Regiſter of the Parlia- ment 1558, according as they were preſented to that Parliament by the Am- baſſadors themſelves at their Return home. But it is choaking to hear of the Per- fidiouſneſs of the French Court at that Time : For notwithſtanding all the fo. lemn Declarations made by that King, his Son the Dauphin and our Queen ; yet in one Day, viz. the 4th of April, they make the poor young Queen ſubſcribe the three following Papers, viz. One, Wherein the makes over the Kingdom of Scotland in free Gift to the King of France, to be enjoyed by him and his Heirs, in caſe ſhe thall happen to die without Children. Another, In which (leſt, I ſuppoſe, that King might be diſappointed in the former) ſhe is made to aſſign to the King of France, the Poſſeſſion of the Kingdom of Scot- Tand, after her Deceaſe without Children, until he ſhall be reimburſed of a Mil- lion of Pieces d'Or, or of any greater Sum that he thall be found to have ex The perfidious pended on her Entertainment and Education during her Abode in France. And Dealing of that T Court, a (a) Appendix Numb. 10. This Commiſſion was granted to the Queen-Mother anew, and the Original of it is to be ſeen in our Records. Both the Requeſt and the Conceſſion ſerve to diſcover the Partiality or unexactneſs of the Author of the Hiſtory of the Reformation in England, if he meant that no ſuch Regulation was now taken Care of, when he ſays thus, Vol. 34. p; 280 Edit. 1715. It was a great Piece of Foreſight (viz. in the Treaty with England anno 1543) to ſecure the Nation by having a Governor with full Powers ¢ ſtill reſiding amongſt them. In the ſubſequent Treaty with France, there was not that Care and Precaution uſed.” If by the ſubſequent Treaty , with France, he mean a Treaty of Marriage different from this preſent one; tho’ he were yer alive, it would coſt him all his Skill to find it out, except it were by Hear-ſay. As to what this right reverend Author ſays, p. 279, “ It ſeems they (the Parliament) intended that no Peers ſhould be created, but with the Concurrence of the Parliament; for the Lord Gover- « nor with the Advice and Conſent of the Eſtates of Parliament, made the Lord Stewart of Ochiltree a Peer, to have Vote and Place in Parliament.” The Matter was this; Andrew Stewart Lord Avandale , did in the Year 1534 exchange that Lordſhip with Sir James Hamilton of Finnart for his Barony of ochiltree ; and the Alteration of the Title of Lord Avändale to that of o. chiltree, was ratified in the Parliament 1542-3 in theſe expreſs Words, The quhilli Bap my Lod Governdur, with #viſe and Conſent of the three Eftatis of Parliament, hes create, maid, and ozdanit ane nobil and mpty Man Andrewr 1020 Hvandale Baroun and Paroun rent, and told of our Souvrane Ladpis Parliament, and to be callit he and his Succeſſouris in Cyme to cume Lord Stewart of Ochiltre, and to haif vote and place in the Parliament, as útheris Lo2dis of the Healme aucht and fould haif in the ſame, haifand all Honours and Digniteis efferand thairro. This is all the Foundation the Biſhop has for his Obſervaticn. I ſuppoſe it is not unuſual to ratify in Parliament ſuch Excambions of Lands and new Titles at this Day, tho' no Body will thereupon infer, that the Sovereign cannot create a Peer without Conſent of Parliament. Beſides, I know not if a Governor or Regent of a Kingdom can create a Peer by his own Authority; perhaps not even by Conſent of Parliament. I omit to take Notice of ſome other Eſcapes in Dr. Burnet reſpecting the Dates of Papers, ecc. 74 The History of the Affairs of Book I. An Account tract of Marri- age betwixt and our Queen. 1558. a third, (the worſt of all) by which the Queen declares, That altho', both be- fore her Marriage and after it, in Compliance with the Deſire of her Parliament, ſhe ſhall ſign a Declaration touching the lineal Succeſſion of her Crown; yet the proteſts, that the genuine Senſe of her Mind is only contained in the two preceeding Papers (a). After the Ambaſſadors had obtained every thing that was contained in their Inſtructions previous to the Marriage, they afterwards, on the 19th Day of April, proceeded to the Marriage-Contract betwixt their Sovereign and Fran- cis Dauphin of France. It was drawn up in the French Language. And be- cauſe ſome curious Perſons may perhaps deſire to ſee it verbatim according to the Original, I have put it in the Appendix (6) ; but ſhall notwithſtanding give of the Con- . the Engliſh Reader à ſhort Account of its principal Contents. It is, as I have ſaid, dated the 19th Day of April 1558 ; and contains an Obligation to cele- the Dauphin brate the intended Marriage on Sunday thereafter, being the 24th of that Month. The Jointure aſſigned by it to our Queen, is 60000 Livres, in cafe the Dauphin ſhall die King of France; or a greater Sum, if ſuch ſhall be found to have been ever given to a Queen of France : And it provides 30000 Livres, in caſe her Husband ſhall die being only Dauphin. The eldeſt Son of the Mar- riage to be King of France and Scotland : The eldeſt Daughter (in caſe there be no Sons) to be Queen of Scotland only, and to be given in Marriage by the Advice of the King of France, and the Eſtates of Scotland; and beſides her Inheritance of this Kingdom, to have, as a Daughter of France, 400000 Crowns in Portion; and each younger Daughter 300000 Crowns. After the Death of her Husband, the Queen to be at Liberty, either to remain within France, or return into Scotland at her Pleaſure ; and to carry along with her, her Servants, Cloaths, Jewels, and fuch other Things as belong to a Queen of France; and to have her Jointure duly paid her, in what Place loever the ſhall chuſe to abide. The Commiſſioners from Scotland to give, preſently after the Marriage, in Name of the Eſtates of Scotland, an Oath of Fidelity to the Dauphin, during the fubſiſting of the Marriage. And the Dauphin ſhall bear the Name and Title of King of Scotland, and have his Arms quartered with thoſe of Scotland : And when he comes to be King of France, Thall bear the Titles and Arms of the two Kingdoms of France and Scotland, united un- der one Crown. And to this all Parties concerned did likewiſe promiſe and fwear. In conſequence of this Contract, the Marriage betwixt Francis Dauphin of The Marri. France, and Mary Queen of Scotland, was folemnized at Paris, on Sunday age is folem- the 24th of April 1558; the Ceremony being performed by the Cardinal of Bourbon, Archbiſhop of Rouen, in the Cathedral Church of Notre Dame or Our Lady. And upon the 28th of that Month, the Commiffioners from Scotland took an Oath of Allegiance to the King-Dauphin and the Queen, in Name of the Eſtates of Scotland; a Copy whereof fee in the Appendix (c). Thus far we are led in a fure Path by the Faith of publick Records ; but now we muſt again have Recourſe to our Hiſtorians. After fome Time was ſpent in nuptial Feaſting and Mirth, we are told by Mr. Buchanan, that the Scottiſh Commiffioners were called into the Royal Council of France; where the Chancellor of that Kingdom recommended to them, to deal with the Parlia- ment of Scotland, to deliver up to the Husband of their Queen, the Crown and other Enſigns of Royalty, and that he ſhould hereafter be ſtiled and decla- red King of Scotland. To which, that Author fays, they made anſwer, That they had received no Commands concerning that Matter : And that when the Chancellor replied, no more was deſired of them at preſent than what was in their (a) Copies of theſe three Inſtruments are to be ſeen in a fine large MS. in the Lawyers Library, containing all the Treaties, prc. betwixt our Kings and the Kings of France. Tis ſaid this was tranſcribed from the Regiſters of France by Order of the late King Lewis XIV. and given as a Prefent by that Monarch to Graham Viſcuunt of Preſton, Miniſter from our King Charles II. to the Court of France ; who requeſted to have this in Place of a Gift in Gold. (b) Appendix Numb. 1. (C) Appendix Numb. 12. nized. Chap. VII. Church and State in Scotland. 75 their Power, viz. that when theſe Matters ſhould come to be propoſed in the 1558. Parliament of Scotland, they would give their Suffrages in the affirmative, and in the mean time give it under their Hands that they would do ſo ; their An- ſwer was, That their Embaſſy was limited by certain Inſtructions, which they neither could nor would tranſgreſs ; but if they had been left free from all Re- ſtriction, yet it was not the Part of faithful Friends, to require that of them which they could not grant without certain Infamy and Treachery, tho' there were no Danger of Life in the Caſe : That they were willing to gratify the French, their old Allies, as far as the juſt Laws of Amity required; and there- fore they deſired them to keep within the ſame Bounds of Moderation, in making their Demands. Thus far this Author, who ſeems to ſay, that ſoon after this the Ambaſſadors were diſmiſt from Court. 'Tis indeed certain, that there was ſuch a Motion as this made in France, as I ſhall foon have Occaſion to in- form the Reader ; but whether it underwent all theſe different Steps, I cannot fay. Another of our Hiſtorians informs us, that during the Abode of our Com- miſſioners in France, James Stewart Commendator of the Conventual Priory of St. Andrew's, the Queen's natural Brother, being wearied of an Ecclefiaſtick Life, made fuit to the Queen'to be created Earl of Murray : But that the Queen being advertiſed of this Deſign by her Mother, exhorted him to continue in his facred Function, to which his Father had deſtin'd him; and the better to perſuade him to do ſo, ſhe gave him Hopes of Church-preferments both in France and Scotland : Which Refuſal he took in ſo ill Part, that ever thereafter he fet himſelf to oppoſe the Queen-Mother. After the Commiſſioners were come the length of Diep, there to imbark for Scotland, ’tis very remarkable, that no leſs than three of their Number died in Four of the that Place, viz. the Biſhop of Orkney on the 6th of September, the Earl of Commillio- Rothes about two Days after, the Earl of Caſils (a) om de 14th of the ſame one Time. Month; and the Lord Fleming having ficknoldere, returned to Paris, where he died on the 18th of December. Several Perſons alſo of their Retinue having died, and all this falling out at a Time when there was no peſtilentious Diſeaſe in the Country, created in the Minds of Men a ſtrong Suſpicion of Poiſon, and did very much contribute to ſharpen the Hatred againſt the French : And even Mezeray, the French Hiſtorian, ſeems to affent to the Suſpicion of Poiſon, by the Contrivance of the Duke of Guiſe and his Brothers, leſt theſe Commiſſioners ſhould put a Bar to their intended Meaſures againſt this Kingdom. The other four Commiſſioners arrived at Montroſe, a Town lying on the North Side of the River Southesk in Angus, in the Month of O&tober ; and imme- diately after their Arrival, a Parliament was ſummoned to meet at Edinburgh, on the 29th of November 1558. And becauſe Bishop Leſly tells us that this Parliament was fully conveened, in order no doubt to hear the Report of the Ambaſſadors, I ſhall here give the Number of the Members, as I find them in the Rolls. They are as follows, viz. feyen Biſhops, fixteen Abbots, thirteen Earls, fifteen Lords, two Mafters, ten for the Burrows; in all fixty three (b). On the firſt Day of the Parliament, the four Commiſſioners who had the good Fortune to return home ſafe, exbibited the ſeveral Papers which have been The Parlia- already named, as being the authentick Documents of the Succeſs of their Ne- ment approves gociation; and together with theſe, an Act of Naturalization granted by the of their ma- King of France to all Scotſmen, to enjoy all the Privileges and Immunities of the natural-born Subjects of his Kingdom (€). Which Papers having been feen and read in the Parliament, an Act was paſt that fame Day, declaring them to have faith- (a) Tho' Biſhop Lefly gives theſe Dates; 'yet 'tis very doubtful, whether they be exact as to the Death of the Earls of Rothes and Calils, ſince in the Regiſter of the Parliament holden the 29th of November 1558, Mention is made of theſe two Earls, as remain- ing yet in the Parts of France. (6) The Reader is not to think, that I have here omitted the Repreſentation of the Shires in Parliament ; for at that Time, the Earls, Lords and Maſters, are all marked in the Rolls under the Title of pro Baronibus: And yet ſometimes we meet with the Ora der of Barones, as well as thoſe of Comites, Domini and Magiſtri. Gentlemen came ſeldom to the Parliament. (C) In Retaliation of the A&t of Naturalization granted by the King of France to all Scottiſhmen, our Parliament at this time paſa fed a like Ad of Naturalization of all Frenchmen, to enjoy the Privileges of home-born Subjects Copies of both which Ads, are to be ſeen in our printed Acts of Parliament. nagement. T2 76 The History of the Affairs of Book I. Act for ſend to France. 1558. faithfully and honeſtly diſcharged the Office and Truſt repoſed in them. Next I find in the Records of the ſame Date, an Account of the Project för honou- ting the Dauphin with our Crown, and the Title of King. I Mall nột pretend to give the Reader any Abſtract of it, but rather chuſe to fatisfy his Curioſity, by inſerting here the Motion made by the Commiſſioners to that Effect in Face of Parliament, and the Act that immediately followed thereupon. IT . Tein, The forefaid Commillionaris, eftir the chawing and delivering of the Quiens Glace our Soveranes Trittingis, direct to the thrie ing the Crown Etatis in general, and als hir Hienes ſpecial particular Writtingis of Scotland in- direct to ſeverale perſonis of the ſaid Eftatis, haifand the Credite re- ferrit to thame, declarit that our faid Soverane, defyrit the thrie E. ftatis of her Realme (uld finde it gude, and conſent tħairto, That nir Vienes may yonoz hir Spous the king Dolphine with the Crowne matrimonial, ve way of Bratificatioun during the marriage, with out ony manner of Prejudice to hir Wienes ſelf, the Succellioun of bir Body, oz lauchful Succellioun of yir Blude quhatromevir : And this Crowne to be ſend with two 02 thrie of the Lordis of hir Realme, to the Entent that the mailt Criſtin King, and king Dolphine hit Husband, may underưand witò quhat Zele and affectioun hir Sub. jegis are myndit to obſerve and recognos hir faid Spous. The Due. nis Grace Dowziare and Begent, and tynie Etatis foglaid, yes thocht and declarit the Caid Deüre gude and rellonabil, and confentis thair- to, during the Mariage alanertie, but Prejudice of our Soverane Ladie, the Succellioun of nir Bodie, ou lauchfui Succeflioun of yir Bludé quhatſumevir, and Liberteis of this Realme : And thairfoze yes oldanit and oldanis A, B, C, 02 one of thame ück as pleñs the Duenis Grace to name, to paſs with the ſaid Crowne to the effect foirfaid aïanerlie. I Tem, The Quenis Grace Dowziar and Regent foirfaid, and thrie & tatis of parliament, ozdanis the Commiſſioun oi Commifliounis to be maid to the Commiſſionaris, depute to paſs with the Crowne ma- trimonial, conform to the Ac maid thairupoun, to paſs in the hail Etatis Mámes, and to be feilit with ter of the principale of every es ftate, and ſubſcrivit with thair yandis : Muhais Seillis and Sub (criptiounis fall be als autentick and ſufficient, as and the Camyn wer feillit and ſubſcrivit with every perticulare perſoun of the ſaid Etatis, havand Toit in Parliament as Caid is. Proteſtation Arran. After this Act, there is to be ſeen in the fame Records, a long Proteſtation entred in Parliament by the Earl of Arran; the Subſtance whereof is contain- by the Earl of ed in the following Clauſe. That notwithſtanding ony Counſale or Conſent “ beis geyin in this rynnand Parliament, othir in generale be the thre Eftatis, or ony Parte thairof, to the Coronatioun of the lade maiſt excellent and pu- “ iſſant King Daulphine ; or quhat Contract or Conſent it fall happin ony Per- ſoun or Perſonis that paſſis thairwith, or ſal be depute thairto be Commiſſiouii, “ to mak or gife to the fade Coronatioun ; that the famyne na way prejuge us, and the rychrius Blude forſade, anent the Succeſſioun and Titill that eve- ry ane of us may have to the fade Croun ; bot that wi may ſuccid thairto im- mediately, ilk ane in our awn Degre, gife it fall happin, as God forbid it do, our fade Soverane departe of this mortale Life, without Airis iſcheit of hir Body, conform to Equitie, Reſſoun, and the fade Chriſtin Kingis Promiſs, " with Ratificatioun bayth be his Hieneſs ſelf and the fade King Delphine, be- foir and eftir the contracting of the fade Marriage; the Lawis of this Realme, and Articlis that wes directit and obtenit be the Commiſſionaris for complet- " ing of the ſaid Mariage." By Chap. VII. Church and State in Scotland. 77 By this Account the Reader diſtinctly perceives all that paſt in Parliament, 1558. with reſpect to this whole Affair of the Marriage of our Queen, I ſhall only add, that whereas it hath been a very Current Report, that the laſt mentioned Act, concerning the Crown matrimonial, was brought to bear by the Art and Rhetorick of French Ambaſſadors, as related by Mr. Buchanan; I can aſſure the World, there is not one Syllable of an Ambaſſador from France to be mer with ; nor is there any mention made of the particular Perſons that were no- minated by the Queen to paſs into France, to carry the Crown matrimonial thither ; tho' I doubt not but her Majeſty did, according to the Power ſhe was inveſted with by the Parliament, nominate the Earl of Argile and the Prior of St. Andrew's to go on that Errand, as the above mentioned Hiſtorian and Bi- ſhop Leſly do both relate. But whatever be in this, certain it is, that our Crown was never ſent into France : Nor do theſe Hiſtorians ſay, that the two Perſons above mentioned went thither. On the contrary, they tell us, that being either not much inclin’d of themſelves to undertake the Journey, or being diſſuaded by thoſe of their own Party, (for they were both mighty Favourers of the projected Reformation) who were afraid, that during their Abſence they might ſtand in need of the great Power of the Earl of Argile, and the crafty Wit of the Prior of St. Andrew's; they ſhow'd no great Inclination, but de- layed from Day to Day to fit up their Equipage, and at laſt gave up all Thoughts of going upon that Embaſſy, by reaſon of ſome things which fell out about that Time, as ſhall be related in the next Chapter. There is nothing elſe ma- terial to be met with in the Records of this Parliament, which ſeems to have fate only two Days, except that on the 5th of December, the Acts of Forfei- ture paſt againſt Crichton of Burneſton and Cockburn of Ormiſton, on the 14th of December 1548, for aiding and aſſiſting the Engliſh ia cúc Spring of that Year, were now reverſed. Mary Queen of Engvand traving died on the 17th Day of November in this Year, and Things having ſucceeded fo favourably for the French Intereſt in our Parliament ; this ſo buoyed up the leading Men at that Court, who were chiefly the Family of Guiſe, Uncles to our young Queen, that immediately Mary Queen upon hearing the Account of the Queen of England's Death, they declared our dies; and Ma- Queen to be Queen of England-by Right of Blood, in Excluſion of Eliſabeth, ry Queen of Daughter indeed to King Henry VIII. but born, as was alledged, of an unlaw - red Heir of ful Bed, whilſt that King's Wife, the Mother of the lately deceaſt Queen Ma- that Crown, ry, was yet alive. And in conſequence of this Recognition, the Arms of England were engraven and quartered with the Arms of Scotland and France, on all the Plate and Houſhold-furniture belonging to our Queen and her Hus- band the Dauphin. Whatever Right our Queen might claim to the Crown of England, yet there could not be a more improper Juncture, than the preſent, to make Declaratioiî of that Right ; ſeeing the Affairs of Scotland were in great Perplexity at this Time, by reaſon of the prevailing Force of the Favou- rers of the new Doctrines, and that England ſeem'd to be pretty unanimous in Defence of their new Queen ; who, as ſhe was a Woman of quick natural Parts, and of a Religion contrary to that of our Queen, laid this Action of the French Court ſo much to Heart, that ſhe took all Methods thereafter to ſupport thoſe of her Perſuaſion within Scotland, and conſequently to humble our Queen’s Authority ; the Particulars whereof will beſt appear in all the fub- ſequent Parts of this Hiſtory during her Reign. N. B. Becauſe after this Period, Matters Ecclefiaftical (if they can be ſo cal- led) did entirely take up the whole Attention of the Regent and her Coun- cil; any Affairs relating to the State being altogether blended with, and loſt in theſe : Or perhaps, to ſpeak more properly, becauſe all Church-Matter's were henceforth turned into a State-Policy; I ſhall not be able, at leaſt for ſome Time, to treat feparately of theſe Affairs, but ſhall be neceſſitated to lay them before my Readers under the general Title of Publick Affairs. U C H A P. 78 Book I. The Hiſtory of the Affairs of CH A P. VIII. Containing an Account of Publick Affairs, from the Month of Novem- ber 1558, until the taking of the Town of Perth by the Congrega- tion, in the End of June 1559. 1558. HEAVING already given an Account of the firſt Riſe of the Congre. gation, a Name that came afterwards to be much talk'd of in Scot- land, as being the common Appellation by which thoſe Perſons did denominate themſelves, who entred into an Aſſociation to promote a Reformation (ſuch as it was) in Religion, and to ſet up a ſeparate Form, agree- able to their own Notions; and for that Purpoſe to defend each other mutually againſt ail Opponents whatſoever : The Thing that comes naturally now before us, is, to follow forth the ſubſequent Steps made by thoſe of the Congrega- tion, in order to accompliſh the Buſineſs for which they had formed their Aſto- ciation. But before we advance, it will not be amiſs to obſerve, that their A- gents could not ſo privately travel into the ſeveral Counties, nor Subſcriptions ſo latently be obtained, but the Court muſt have Information thereof. And accordingly we find that the Queen-Regent did lay the Matter ſo to heart, (e- ſpecially now that Mary the Popiſh Queen of England was dead, and Eliſa- beth a Proteſtant advanced to that Throne) that ſhe laboured what ſhe could to make up the Differences that had arifen in point of Religion ; tho' there is no doubt but ſhe would have laboured ſtill more, had the ſuſpected what very quickly followed. For the Sticklers for a Reformation underſtanding, by the numerous Sub- ſcriptions that were returned, that the greater Part of the Populace were in- clined for them; and foreſeeing by their Numbers, that Matters would foon come to an Extremity, it not being probable that their Adverſaries would join Party with them, and that they themſelves were reſolved not to be over-awed by a Party leſs conſiderable than themſelves : They therefore by joint Conſent, The first Step that they might not ſeem to contemn the legal Authority, determined to preſent made by the their Demands to the Queen-Regent and her Council; to which they prefixed a Congregation. pretty large Preamble, which I take the Freedom to preſent here to the Reader. The førſt Oration and Petition of the Proteſtants of Scotland to the Queen-Regent. A Lbeit we have of long Time contayned our felves in that Modeſtie, moſt noble Princeſė, that neither by Exile of Body, Loſſe of Goods, nor pe- riſhing of this mortall Life, was able to convene us, to aske at your Grace Reformation, and Redreſſe of thoſe Wrongs, and of that fore Griefe patient- ly borne of us, in Bodies and Minds, of long Time; yet are we nowe, of ve- ry Conſcience, and by the Feare of our God, compelled to crave, at your Grace's Feet, Remedy againſt the moſt unjuſi Tyrannie, uſed againſt your Grace's moſt obedient Subjects, by thoſe that be called the Eſtate Ecclefiaffical. Your Grace cannot be ignorant, what Controverſie hath bin, and yet is, con- cerning the true Religion, and right worſhipping of God; and how the Cler- gie (as they will be termed), ufurpe to themſelues ſuch Empire above the Conſciences of Men, that whatſoever they commaund, muſt be obeyed; and whatſoever they forbid, muſt be avoyded, without farder Reſpect to God's Pleaſure, Commaundement, or Willrevealed to us in his moſt holy Worde; or elſe i here abideth nothing for us, but Fagot, Fire and Sword. By the which many of our Brethren, moſt cruelly and moſt unjuſtly have bin ſtricken of late Tears within this Realme; which nowe we finde to trouble and wounde Qur Chap. VIII. Church and State in Scotland. 79 our Confciences. For we acknowledge it to have bene our bounden Duties 1558. before God, esther to have defended our Brethren from thoſe cruell Murthe- rers, (ſeeing we are a Parte of that Power which God hath eſtabliſhed in this Realme or elſe to have given open Teſtification of our Fayth with them. Which now we offer our felves to doe, left that by our continuall Silence, we mall ſeeme to juſtifie their cruell Tyrannie : Which doth not only diſpleaſe us; but your Grace's Wiſdome moſt prudent lie doth forefee, that for the guieting of this inteſtine Diſention, a publike Reformation, as well in the Religioni, as in the temporall Government, were moſt neceſſarie. And to the Perfor- mance thereof, moſt gravely and moſt godly (as we are informed) ye have ex- horted, as well the Clergie as the Nobilitie, to employ their Studie, Dili- gence and Care. We therefore of Conſcience dare no longer diſemble in po weighty a Matter, which concerneth the Glorie of God, and our Salvation : Neither now dare we withdrawe our Preſence, or Counſell, or Petitions, left that the Adverſaries hereafter ſhall object to us, that Place was graun- ted for Reformation, and yet no Man ſued for the ſame ; and so mall our Silence be prejudiciall unto us in Time to come. And therefore we, know- ing no other Order placed in this Realme, but your Grace" and your grave Counſel ſet to amend, as well the Diſorder Eccleſiaſtical, as the Defaults in the temporal Regiment, moſt humblie proſtrate our felves before your Feete, asking Juſtice, and your gracious Help, againſt them that falſiie tra- duce and accuſe us, as that we were Heretikes and Schiſmatikes, under that Colour ſeeking our Deſtruction ; for that we ſeeke the Amendment of their corrupted Lives, and Chriſtes Religion to be reſtored to the originall Puritie. Farther, we crave of your Grace, with open and patent Eares to bear thoſe our ſubſequent Requeſts; and to the yoy and Satisfention of our troubled Con- ſciences, mercifullie to graunt the ſame, ontelle by God's playne Word anie be able to prove, that juftly they ought to be denied. In this Petition the Rcader will obſerve two Things that are not a little re- markable. One is, they declare, That hitherto neither the Exile of Body, Two remark- “ Loſs of Goods, nor periſhing of this mortal Life, had been able to make able Things in " them ask Reformation at her Majeſty, and Redreſs of thoſe Wrongs ; but this Petition. that now they are compelled to crave it, by very Conſcience and the Fear of God.” Now, tho' it is no eaſy Matter to judge of the Conſciences and Thoughts of others, yet one may, without Breach of Charity, bc tempted to fufpect, that a Confidence in their Numbers, as much as any thing elſe, had fo inſpired theſe Congregationers with Courage and Reſolution, to do then what they had not dared to do before. The other remarkable Paragraph in their Sup- plication is, That they acknowledge it to have been their bounden Duties be- fore God, either to have defended their Brethren from their cruel Murderers, “ ſeeing (ſay they) we are a part of that Power which God hath eſtabliſhed “ in this Realm; or elſe, &c.” Compare this with theſe following Words, viz. “ We knowing no Order placed in this Realm, but your Majeſty and your grave Council, ſet to amend, as well the Diſorder Eccleſiaſtical , as the Defaults in the temporal Regiment.” Might not the Queen and Council, after comparing theſe Expreſſions together, be a little ſtartled at the Subtlety of the Doctrines of theſe Supplicants; and caſily prognoſticate what would fol- low, according as their Power and Force encreaſed ? And indeed Mr. Bucha nan very honeſtly acquaints us with what they themſelves reckoned on as the Conſequence , ſhould the Queen-Regent refufe her Conſent to their Supplica- tion and Demands. For in that Event he tells us, it was the common Opi- nion, that the Multitude could not be reſtrained from an Inſurrection : Which in other Terms, was much the ſame as to declare, that in ſuch an Event, there certainly shall be an open Rebellion. The Demands annexed to the Supplication were theſe. U 2 1. THAT 80 Book I. The History of the Affairs of The Demands gation. 1558. 1. That it may be lawful to meet publickly or privately to Common Pray- ers in the vulgar Tongue, to the End they might grow in Knowledge, and be induced, in Severity of Prayer, to commend to God the holy uni- of the Congre- verſal Church, the Queen our Sovereign (a), her honourable and gracious Husband, the Ability of their Succeſſion, her Grace the Regent, the No- bility and whole Eſtate of this Realm. II. That it ſhall be lawful for any qualified Perſon in Knowledge, to inter- prete any hard Places of Scripture that ſhall happen to be read in the Meetings III, and IV. That Baptiſm and the Lord's Supper be admittiſtred in the vul- gar Tongue; and this laſt in both Kinds, according to our Saviour's Inſti- turion. V. THAT the wicked and ſcandalous Lives of Churchmen be reformed, ac- cording to the Rules contained in the New Teſtament, the Writings of the ancient Fathers, and the Laws of Juſtinian the Emperor. Which three they are willing thall decide the Controverſy betwixt them and the preſent Clergy We underſtand by Mr. Buchanan, that theſe Demands and Supplication were preſented to the Queen-Regent by Sir James Sandilands of Calder, about the Time of the ſitting of the Eccleſiaſtick Convention at Edinburgh, in the Month of November 1558 (6), mentioned in the foregoing Chapter of Church- Affairs. The fame Author tells us likewiſe, that Demands to the fame Purpoſe were preſented to that Convention by the Gentlemen of the Congregation ; and that the Clergy were willing to have allowed Prayers, Baptiſm and the holy Communion, to be performed in the Language commonly uſed in the Country, provided that the Reformers would keep up the Maſs, and acknowledge a Pur- gatory after this Life, and Prayers to the Saints and for the Dead : But as to the Election of Pariſh-Miniſters, the Canons of Councils behoved to take place. It is alſo related by the ſame Hand, that in this Eccleſiaſtick Aſſembly, the Bi- ſhops were appointed to take Information, in their ſeveral Dioceſes, of ſuch Per- ſons as neglected to give Obedience to the Laws of the Church ; and that when Mr. Erskine of Dun came to them from his Brethren of the Congregation, to ask a Toleration to worſhip God in their Mother-tongue ; he was ſent back with nothing but Threats and Reproaches. With reſpect to the Reception To which the which the Supplication met with from the Queen ; tho' it be certain her Ma- Queen-Regent jeſty reliſhed it no better than did the Clergy, yet becauſe the Parliament was Anſwer , as approaching, wherein the Commiſſioners that had been preſent at her Daugh ſeems to con- ter's Marriage, of which Number Mr. Erskine of Dun was one, were to give an Account of their Reception, c. in France ; and in which Parliament, the Queen ſtill wanted ſome Acts to paſs in favours of her Son in law the Dauphin of France; ſhe thought it beſt to keep them in hope, telling them, That all they could lawfully deſire, ſhould be granted them in a proper Seaſon : And that for the preſent, they might uſe their Prayers, &c. in the vulgar Tongue; but with this Exception, that they ſhould not aſſemble publickly in Edinburgh or Leith, for preventing of Tumults. And Mr. Knox informeth us, that the Congregation departed from the Queen fully fatisfied with her Anſwer : And he farther ſays, that they uſed themſelves fo quietly, that for her Pleaſure they put to Silence Mr. John Douglas, who would have preached in the Town of Leith. At the Time of the meeting of the Parliament, in the latter End of November A new Sup. 1558, thoſe of the Congregation did with one Conſent frame a humble Suppli- plication. cation to that ſupreme Court, to which were annexed theſe following Requeſts. tent them. 1 I. THAT (a) How defe&tive theſe Men were in this, their future Behaviour will beſt evidence (6) It is evident from the firſt Demand, that the Queen was married before they were preſented, and yet Mr. Knox ſays, that Walter Mill was put to Death ſometime after the Preſentation of the Demands, whoſe Execution, nevertheleſs he fixeth to the 8th of April 1558, which was above two Weeks before the Queen's Marriage. But that Writer has formerly told us, that he relates Facts, but is no Obſerver of Times and Seaſons. Chap. VIII. Church and State in Scotland. 81 1558. 1. That all Acts of Parliament, impowering Churchmen to proceed againſt them as Hereticks, may at leaſt be ſuſpended, until a general Council of the Church, lawfully aſſembled, ſhall decide the preſent Controverſies ini Rcligion ; and that in the Interim, Churchmen be only allowed to accuſe, but not to judge. II. LEST this preceeding Demand ſhould ſeem to ſet all Men at Liberty to profefs what Religion they pleaſed, therefore the Parliament are requeſted to enact, That Tranſgreſſors of this Kind be carried before a Temporal Judge, reſerving Power only to Churchmen to accuſe as above; with this ſpecial Provilo alſo, that an authentick Copy of the Accuſation, Depoſitions, &c. be delivered to the Perſon accuſed ; and that the Judge allow him a com- perent Timć to anſwer the ſame, after having taken lufficient Bail for his Appearance at the Day appointed. III. That all Defences competent in Law be allowed to the Perſons accuſed; and they to be at Liberty to except againſt Witneſſes according to Law. IV. That the Party accuſed be allowed to interprete his own Mind and Meaning, and that his Declaration be preferred to the Depoſition of any other Witneſs whatſoever ; ſeeing no Perfon ought to ſuffer for Religion, that is not found to be obſtinate in his Opinions. V. That none of the Congregation be condemned for Hereſy, unleſs they be convicted, by the Word of God, to have erred from the Faith which the holy Scripture witnefíeth to be neceſſary to Salvation. This Petition, with the annex'd Demands, word firſt ſhown to the Queen- Regent ; and it ſeems they expected her Alliſtance in getting them paſt into a That now was not a pro- diverts its be- The Queen Law, by publick Authority. But ſhe told them, per Time for preferring their Requíts to the Parliament, where ſo many in preciented " Churchmen did fit; who would undoubtedly oppoſe her, not only in that, to the Parlia- but in all her other Affairs, which at that Time were very great. But, ſaid ment. óc ſhe, how ſoon Order can be taken with theſe things, which might now “ be hindred by the Churchmen, ye Shall know my good Mind; and in the mean time, whatſoever I may grant unto you, shall gladly be granted." But this Anſwer of the Queen not ſatisfying the leading Men of the Party, and they knowing that their Demands could not be paſſed into a Law without her Majeſty's Conſent ; ſaw themſelves brought under a Neceſſity of complying ſo far, as to forbear preſenting them to the Eſtates, and to reſt ſatisfied with of fering a Proteſtation; which 'tis ſaid was read in Parliament, but when they de- fired it might be inſerted in the Records thereof, that was denied them ; only the Queen-Regent told them, that ſhe would remember their Proteſt, and ſhould put a good End to all things that were then in Controverſy among them. And indeed Biſhop Lefly acquaints us, how that the Queen took much Pains, to pre- vent the Diviſions that appeared to encreaſe in the Minds of the People, con- cerning religious Matters : And for that Purpoſe ſhe recommended mutual En- tertainments and Banqueting among the Nobility, as being a prevalent Mean of cementing Differences and Animofities. But her Majeſty's good Example and Advice was utterly ſlighted; and therefore ſhe went upon another Expedi- The Queen ent, which was, to conveen at Edinburgh all thc Eccleſiaſticks of the King-calica Crime dom, that were known to be Men of Learning and Capacity, that they might learned fall upon fome Method to heal the preſent Sores , that had infected the Body of Clergy s the Church. The fame Author tells us, that this Synod late down on the 2d of March (a); and that thoſe of the Congregation then preſented to the Queen- Regent ſome Articles of Reformation in Matters of Religion, fupplicating her X Majeſty (a) It would appear to have been this Synod that Mr. Knox ſays was fitting, when he arrived in Scotland in the Beginning of May 1559. 82 The History of the Affairs of Book I. to which ſhe Demands of the Congrega. tion. tion to the Den mands. 1558-9. Majeſty for her Conſent to the fame : Which Supplication the Queen delivered to the Synod, by the Hands of the Earl of Huntly Chancellor of the Kingdom. The Articles are much the ſame with theſe formerly preſented to her Majeſty : However, I ſhall here inſert them as they are recorded by that right reverend preſents theſe Writer. I. That publick Prayers be conceived, and the Sacraments adminiſtred in the vulgar Tongue. II. That Biſhops be elected by the Conſent of the Gentry of the Dioceſs, and Pariſh-Prieſts by Conſent of the Pariſhioners. III. That ſuch Incumbents as are inſufficient for diſcharging the Paſtoral Office, be deprived of their Benefices; and others put into their Offices, who ſhall be found qualified and willing to inſtruct the People by conſtant and daily preaching IV. THAT all ſuch Churchmen as are either immoral or 'unlearned, be ex- cluded from the Adminiſtration of the Sacraments, and other Eccleſiaſti- cal Functions. The Return The forementioned Author informs us, that after a long Debate upon theſe of the Covoca. Articles, the Synod returned the following Anſwers. I. That they could not diſpenſe with the uſing of any other Language than the Latin, in the publick Prayers, &c. as being appointed by the Church under moſt ſevere Penalties, which cannot be infringed without violating the Majeſty of God. II. That what is decreed by the Canon Law, concerning the Election of Biſhops and Paſtors, ought to be maintained entire. And moreover, fee- ing the Election of Prelates was a Privilege belonging to the Crown, which required only the Conſent of the Pope ; to determine any thing in Op- poſition thereto, at a Time when the Queen was ſo young, would be a Piece of very high Indiſcretion and Infolence, and a treaſonable Incroach- ment upon the Royal Prerogative. III. and IV. That as to the other two Articles, they agreed, that the Decree of the Council of Trent ſhall take place, whereby all Churchmen, of what Rank and Dignity foever, are obliged, within fix Months, either to diſcharge their Offices in Perfon, or be deprived of their Benefices. The forementioned Gentleman informs us, that the Queen perceiving what was the Mind of the Synod, did put on a Reſolution to alliſt the Churchinen in The Queen every thing ; upon account of which, and of fome Words that had dropt from favours the her Majeſty, as if the intended by ſome eminent Example to reſtore the Royal , Authority; thoſe of the Congregation apprehending a Storm to fall on them at that Time, gave Commiſſion to Alexander Earl of Glencairn, and Sir Hugh Campbel of London, Sheriff of Air, to repair to the Queen, and to beg her, not to moleft their Miniſters, unleſs they could be charged with preaching falſe Doctrines, or behaving themſelves diforderly. To which the Queen is ſaid in Paſſion to have replied, That maugre all they could do, theſe Miniſters “ Thould be baniſhed, tho' they preached as foundly as ever St. Paul did.” The Earl and Sir Hugh marvelling to ſee her Majeſty fo commoved, humbly beſought her, to call to mind the Promiſe ſhe had often made them. She an- ſwered, as they tell it, “ That Promiſes of Princes were no farther to be urged upon them for Performance, than it ſtood with their Conveniency.” Where- upon they rejoined, “ If this be the Reſolution you have formed, we cannot any longer own your Authority ; but will henceforth renounce all Allegiance unto you:” And withal they adviſed her to conſider what Inconvenience was Chap. VIII. Church and State in Scotland . 83 was likely to enſue thereupon. This unexpected Anſwer calm’d the Queen a 1559. little, ſo that after a few Words more, the ſaid, " She would think how to re- “ medy thoſe Evils in the beſt and moſt quiet Manner.” But ſoon after, Ad- vertiſement being brought to her Majeſty, that one of their Miniſters had preach- ed publickly in the Church of Perth, ſhe was much diſturbed at the News; and calling to her Patrick Lord Ruthven, then Provoſt of that City, the comman- ded him to go thither, and ſuppreſs thoſe Tumults and Novations in Religion. His Anſwer was, That he ſhould make their Bodies and Goods ſubject to her ; “ but as for their Minds and Conſciences, he had no Power over them.” At which Anſwer ſhe was fo diſpleaſed, that ſhe vowed to make both him and them repent what they had done. Then ſhe gave Orders to James Haliburton Pro- voſt of Dundee, to apprehend Paul Methven, and ſend him Priſoner to her : But he being before-hand advertiſed by the Provoſt, ſlipp'd out of the Town ; and fo eſcaped. The Queen being much affected with theſe different Occur- rences, and likewiſe finding, that her Orders concerning the Obſervation of the Eaſter-Solemnities, had been totally diſobeyed by thoſe of the Congregation ; and gives Oi- ſhe cited all their Miniſters (a) throughout the Kingdom, to appear at Stirling ders to cite the on the roth of May (6). The which Dier approaching, the Profeſſors of the Miniſters to new Doctrines, in all parts of the Country, made Preparations to accompany the Council. their Preachers thither ; but eſpecially throughout the Shires of Angus and Merns, their Zeal was ſo fervent, that few remained at home ; but all would needs conduct their Miniſters. And having advanced as far as Perth, they de- puted the Laird of Dun to the Queen-Regent, then at Stirling, to declare to her Majeſty, that the Cauſe of their coming thither, was, openly to make Con- feſſion of their Faith with their Preachers, and to aſſiſt them in their juſt Defence. The Queen underſtanding fufficiently what Intereſt that Gentlemau had among thoſe of his Party, and apprehending the Confoqacnce of fo numerous a Con- vocation of Men, tho' unarmd, the increated him, to perſuade them to return to their own Houſes; and gave him a Promiſe, that the Diet ſhould be deſerted, and nothing done to the Prejudice of their Miniſters. Mr. Erskine ſeeming deſirous to do the Queen a Pleaſure, wrote to the principal Perſons aſſembled at Perth, adviſing them to ſend home the Multitude, ſhewing them what Pro- miſe and Hopes he had of the Queen's Favour. After ſome reaſoning at Perth upon the receipt of theſe Letters, many of the common Sort were ordered home; but moſt of the Gentlemen, with the Miniſters, remained in Perth. When the 1oth of May came, and the Miniſters had not appeared, according to the Cira- They are des tion given them; they were all denounced Rebels, notwithſtanding the Pro- miſe given by the Queen-Regent; and every body inhibited, under the Pain of High Treaſon, to aſſiſt, comfort or receive ther, or in any manner of way to maintain them. Certainly this was a very raſh Action, and much unbecoming the Majeſty of the Queen ; which could not fail to rankle the Minds of her Adverſaries, and to create in them the urinoſt Diſtruſt in all her future Promiſes : Nor is it to be vindicated by any Rule of Policy, unleſs by ſo doing ſhe could haye cruſh'd theſe Men, ſo as to have rendred them incapable ever after of making head againſt her; and thereby have perfectly ſecured herſelf and her Government. The Laird of.Dun being highly offended with this Procedure of the Queen, quickly withdrew from Court, leſt ſome Misfortune might have befaln himſelf (which perhaps he might have ſome Ground to fuſpect, ſeeing the Maſter of Maxwel was that fame Day committed to Ward, for ſaying, that he would not defift from alfiſting the Congregation, notwithſtanding any Sentence which alrea- dy was, or afterwards ſhould be pronounced againſt them :) And being come to Perth, and finding the Gentlemen yet together in a Body ; he firſt excuſed himſelf for the Advice he had given them, and next declared unto them, it was his clared Rebels. X 2 (a) Leſly mentions only Willocks, Douglas, and Paul Methven. b) This is the Series as related by Mr. Bachanan; but I rather ſuſpect, that the Summons to 'appear at Stirling has precesded cheſe Reparties betwixt the Queen and the Congregation, if any ſuch there were. Mr. Knox ſeems to favour this Order. 84 The History of the Affairs of Book I. Mr. Knox at his Return the Minds of 1559. his Judgment that the Queen was implacable towards them; and therefore they ought to provide for the worſt. The other Gentlemen, perceiving by this Di- ſcourſe, that Matters could no longer remain diſſembled, but that they ſoon muſt come to an Iſſue; without further Ceremony they prepared themſelves to act with open Force againſt the Queen ; and the Multitude was fo inraged, that they were then ready and eager to pull down and demoliſh the Convents, and even the Churches, which in thoſe Days they thought fit to diſtinguiſh as Places of Idolatry : To which Piece of religious Madneſs, they were much whetted and encouraged by a Sermon, preached to them that or the next Day by Mr. Knox, who was returned into the Kingdom, and had come very oppor- tunely for them to Perth at that Nick of Time: Mr. Knox had received Letters in the Month of November 1558, from the principal Lords and Gentlemen concerned in the Affairs of the Congregation, inviting him once more to return to Scotland; and left he ſhould be any way averſe or dilatory in undertaking the Journey, in conſideration of the Diſap- pointment he had met with from them the Year before, the fame Perſons thought dit to write alſo to Mr. Calvin, that he would uſe his Authority with Mr. Knox to oblige him to comply with their Deſire. It was in conſequence of theſe Let- ters that Mr. Knox did now return. He arrived ar Edinburgh the 2d Day of May 1559; and having ſtay'd there two Nights only, he went ſtraight to Dun- dee, where it ſeems many of the Congregationers and their Miniſters then were : Theſe he requeſted, that they would permit him to attend them to Perth ; which, no doubt, they were as ready to grant, as he was to demand; no Man being more fit for their Purpoſe at that Juncture, than he was. On the rith of that ſame Month, being the next Day after the Miniſters had been denoun- Home whets ced Rebels (a), he preached at Perth (as before mentioned) that thundring the People, Sermon againſt Idolatry. And indeed, the adjuſting it fo exactly to the Time, when the Laird of Dún had returned thither from Stirling, with an Account of the Proceedings there, and to the Ferment which that Gentleman's Account of Things had already wrought in the Minds of Men ; it was juſtly to be ſuſpected, that ſomething more than ordinary was intended by that vehement Diſcourſe ; which Suſpicion is put beyond doubt by the honeſt Manner in which Mr. Buchanan relates the Story : For he ſays, That Mr. Knox, finding the “ Multitude gathered together in that tickliſh Poſture of Affairs, (occaſioned by the Diſcourſe of the Laird of Dun) made ſuch a pathetick Sermon to them, " that he ſet their Minds (which were already fir’d) all in a Flame.” And ac- cordingly we find that after the Sermon was ended, and the better Sort of the People had gone to Dinner, ſome godly Men (ſo Mr. Knox calls them) remain- ed in the Church ; whilſt a certain Prieſt was ſo imprudent as to open a Taber- nacie or Cafe, in which was curiouſly ingraved the Hiſtory of a great many Saints; and fo prepared himſelf to ſay Maſs . A young Boy ſtanding by among the reſt, called out, “ This is intolerable, that when God, by his Word, hath “ plainly condemned Idolatry, we ſhall ſtand and ſee it uſed in Deſpight.” The Prieſt (Mr. Knox ſays) being offended thereat, gave the Child a Blow. This Child, if he muſt be ſo called, one would think has been wiſer than what fell to his Share ; but ſure the Prieſt does not appear to have been fo too: For that Blow help'd to throw him and all his Brethren, their Saints and Wealth, and which was the greateſt Loſs of all, many a fine Church, to the Ground. For the Child firſt threw a Stone, which broke one of the Pictures ; and im- mediately the whole Multitude being in a Rage, ſome fell upon the poor Prieſt and his Frame, others upon the remanent Altars; ſo as in a Moment of Time, every thing in the Church that carried, in their Eyės, the leaſt Mark of idola- who foon after trous, prophane or ſuperſtitious Worſhip, was demoliſhed by them. This being pull down the noiſed abroad in the City, the reſt of the People gathered together in great Num- bers, and ran furthwith to the Monaſteries of the Gray and Black Friars; both which Altars, oc. at Perth. (a) By the Scottiſh Law, when Perſons do nor obey a Citation given by the ſupreme Judges requiring them to appear in the Courts, they are thereupon declared Rebels againſt the King, for Diſobedience to his Majeſty. Chap. VIII. Church and State in Scotland. 85 which they gutted in a ſhort Time. The next Viſit they paid, was to the Houſe 1559. of the Carthuſians, a noble and coſtly Édifice, which they treated in the ſame Manner with the former : And then they threw down all theſe three Buildings, ſo that within two Days nothing remained of them but the naked Walls: Mr. Knox would fain perſuade us, that there was not a Gentleman, nor an earneſt Profeſor, préſent in all this raſcally Multitude ; yer he tells us, that this Mob was fo ſelf-denied and upright, by the threatning of the Preachers, that they took none of the Spoil to themſelves; but gave it either to the Poor, or permitted the Monks to carry it off : “ So beatten (ſays he) were Mens • Conſciences with the Word, that they had no Reſpect to their own particu- “ lar. Profit ; but only to aboliſh Idolatry, the places and Monuments thereof." A rare Inſtance of a raſcally Multitude! This Precedent ſet by the Men of Perth, was quickly followed by thoſe of Cowper in Fife; which, Archbiſhop Spotti- fwood ſays, the Curate took ſo hcavily, that the Night following he put violent Hands in himſelf. After this grand, but ſhameful Step towards a Reformation, was executed at Perth, ſeveral of the Country-people departed homeward ;- and Mr. Knox was left in that City,“ to inſtruct the Flock, becauſe they were young and tude in Chriſt." But when the Report thereof was brought to the Queen-Regent The Queen- at Stirling, ihe was highly incenfed; and ('tis ſaid) vowed to expiate this highly incen- Rcgent is nefarious Wickedneſs with the Blood of the Citizens. She immediately diſpatch-fed by theſe ed Letters to the Earls of Arran, Argile (a) and Athole, deſiring them to come to her, with the Aſſiſtance of all their Friends and Followers. The French Soldiers were likewiſe ordered to come in. And ſhe thought to have furpriſed Perth, before theſe Incendiaries could put themſelves in a Poſture of Defence, or were provided to make any Reſiſtance. But notwithſtanding all the Haſte The was able to make, it was a full Week before the Ordnance could be brought before the Place. In which Time the Congregationers, being advertiſed of the Queen's Deſigns, returned to that City about the 22d of May; where, after in voking the Name of God, they put themſelves in Condition to defend the Town. And becauſe they did not altogether deſpair of finding Grace from the Queen, whom they either knew to be of a mild Nature, or had not that bad Opinion of their own A&ings which other Men might entertain, they drew up a Letter to her Majeſty ; which, whether conceived in ſuch Terms as were likely to obtain her Pardon for ſuch a Riọt, ſo committed by a raſcally Multitude, who could not be ſtayed from deſtroying the Places of Idolatry, neither by the Exhorta- tion of the Preachers, nor the Commandment of the Magiſtrates, I leave the Rea- der to judge. The Letter is as followeth. Practices. To the Queenes Grace Regent, all humble Obedience and Dutie promiſed. S heretofore, with Jeopard of our Lives, and yet with willing Harts, ASMA The Congrega. we have ſerved the Authority of Scotland, and your Grace nowe Regent hier's Letter to in this Realme in Service, to our Bodies dangerous and painfull; ſo now with moſt dolorous Mindes we are conſtrained, by unjuſt Tyranny purpoſed againſt us, to declare unto your Grace, that except this Cruelty be flaied by your wif dome, we ſhall be compelled to take the Sword of juft Defence, againſt all that Shall purſue us for the Matter of Religion, and for our Conſcience Sake ; which ought not, nor may not be ſubject to mortall Creatures, farder than by God's Word, Man is able to prove that he hath Power to commaund us. We ſigni- fie moreover unto your Grace, that if by Rigor we be compelled to ſeeke the extreme Defence, that we will not only notifie our Innocencie and Petitions to the King of France, to our Miſtreſſé and to ber Husband; but alſo to the Princes and Counfell of every Chriſtian Realme ; declaring unto them, that this cruell, injuſt and moſt tyrannicall Murder, intended againft Townes and Multitudes, was, and is the only Cauſe of our Revolt from our accuſtomed Obe- Y (a) This is the Son of the Earl formerly mentioned, who died in the Month of August the preceding Year. dience; 86 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1359. dience ; which, in God's Preſence, we faithfully promiſe to our Soveraigne Miſtreſſe, to ber Husbande and unto your Grace Regent, provided that our con- ſciences maye live in that Peace and Liberty, which Chriſt Jeſus hath purcha- Yed to us by bis Bloud, and that we may have bis Word truly preached, and holy Sacraments rightly miniſtred unto us; without which, we firmly purpose never to be ſubject to mortall Man. For better we think to expone our Bo- dies to a thouſand Deaths, than to hazard our Souls to perpetuall Condemna- tion, by denying Chriſt Jeſus, and his manifeft Verity; which Thing not on- lie do they commit open Idolatrie, but alſo all ſuch as ſeing their Brethren purſued for the Cauſe of Religion, and having. ſufficient Meanes to comfort and a fill them, do nevertheleſſe withdraw from them their doubtfull Support. We would not your Grace ſhould be deceaved by the falfe Perſuaſions of thoſe cruell Beaſts the Church-men, who affirm, that your Grace neadeth not great- lie to regard the Lofle of us that profeffe Chriſt Jeſus in this Realme. If (as God forbid) ye give ear to their peſtilent Counſel , and ſo uſe againſt us this Extremity pretended; it is to be feared, that neither ye, neither yet your Pow ſteritie, ſhall at any time after this find that Obedience and faithfull Service within this Realme, which at alt Times you have found in us. We declare our Judgements freely, as trew and faithfull Subjectes : God move your gentle Heart, favourably to interprete our faithfuil Meaning. Farther ad- vertiſing your Grace, that the-félf fame Thing, together with all Thinges that we have done, or yet intend to do, we will notifie by our Letters to the King of France; asking of you, in the Name of the eternall God, and as your Grace tenders the Peace and Quietnes of this Realme, that ye invade us not with Violence, till we receave Aunſwer from our Maiſter ber Hus- band, and from their adviſed Counſell ther. And this we commit your Grace to the Protection of the Omnipotent. From Saint Johnſtone, the 22. of May 1559 Your Graces obedient Subjectes in all Thinges not repugnant to God, 2017 The faithfull Congregation of Chriſt Jeſus in Scotland. e vendi 1201010 10 stort As alſo to the They wrote in like Manner to Monf. # Oyfel and other of the French Com- French Soldi- manders in Scotland, and to all the French Captains and Soldiers in general, adviſing them, “ Not to uſe Violence againſt them, nor to provoke them to Enmity; for that if they ſhould enter into War, the ſame ſhould remain longer than their own Lives, even as long as Scottiſhmen ſhould have power to take Revenge.” And particularly they repreſented to Monf. d' Oyfel, “ That he declared himſelf no faithful Servant to his Maſter the King of France, if for " the Pleaſure of the Prieſts, he would perfecute them; and fo compel them to “ take the Sword of juſt Defence." But neither their Letters to the Queen, nor to the French Soldiery, had Weight enough to divert the Undertaking. For which Reafon, they in Perth ſent out other Letters to their Friends in Angus, Merns, Lothian and other Counties, deſiring them to repair thither to their Aſſiſtance with all Speed: And the Number of thoſe that came was ſo great, that (ſays Mr. Knox') the Work of God was evidently to be eſpied : But he had forgot, it ſeems, that Multitudes may be gathered together, as well for evil as for good Ends; and oftner perhaps for the one than for the other. When they were all met, and had conſidered that moſt of the principal No- bility of the Kingdom were preſent with the Queen, they thought it adviſeable to ſend a long Letter to them alfo ; in which they take notice, " That they To the Scottiſh Nobility in the ought not to be perſecuted upon account of Religion, until firſt their Cauſe Queen's Ar “ be tried in an open Aſſembly : That what they had done at Perth, they my: had done at God's Commandment, who plainly commands Idolatry and all “ Monuments of the ſame to be deſtroyed and aboliſhed : That the Name of Authority under which they pretended to act againſt the Congregarion of " Fesus crs: ૮ ૮ 66 Chap. VIII. 87 Church, and State in Scotland. • Jefus Chriſt, will not excuſe them in the Preſence of God; becauſe that tho' 1559. “ all Authority eſtablifhed by God is good, and to be obeyed of all Men under “ Pain of Damnation ; yet they ought to underſtand, that there is a great Diffe- “ rence betwixt the Authority, and the Perſons of thoſe who are placed in Au- "thority.”. Finally they addreſs themfelves to thoſe of the Queen's Army who had been formerly on their Side ; and they tell them, “ That as they are re- “puted already Traitors by God, they ſhall likewiſe be excommunicated from their Society, and from the Participation of the Sacraments of the Church, which God by his mighty Power hath erected among them ; whoſe Miniſters have the fame Power which Chriſt Jeſus granted to his Apoſtles in theſe “ Words, Whoſe Sins ye ſball forgive, shall be forgiven; and whoſe Sins ye - Shall retain, Jhall be retained." Moreover, that no Party of Men might be ignorant of their Intentions, they fent alſo the following Declaration to the Clergy of the Kingdom. To the Generation of Antichriſt, the peſtilent Prelates and their Shavelinges within Scotlande, the Congregation of Chriſt Jeſus within the ſame fayeth. TO the end that ye ſhall not be abuſed, thinking to eſcape juft Puniſhment, and to the after ye, in your blind Furie, have cauſed the Bloud of minie to be thedde, Clergy of the this we notifie and declare unto you, that if ye proceede in this your malitiouſe Kingdom. Crueltie, ye ſhall be intreated where foever ye Mall be apprehended, as Mur- therers and open Enemies to God and unto Mankinde : And therefore betimes ceaffe from this blind Rage. Remove forft from your felves your Bands of , bloudie Men of Warre, and reforme your felves to a more quiet Life; and thereafter mitigate ye the Authoritie, which, without Crime committed up- pon our Part, ye have enflamed againſt us: Onetje be ye aſſured, that with the fame Meafure that ye huoc medjured againſt us, and yet intend to meafure to others, it ſhall be meaſured unto you ; that is, as ye by Tyrannie intend not onely to deſtroy our Bodies, but alſo by the Same to hold our Soules in Bondage of the Devill, ſubject to Idolatrie; so hall we, with all Force and Power which God ſhall graunt unto us, execute jaft Vengeance and Puniſh- ment upon you : Tea we ſhall begin that ſame Warre which God commaundeth Ifraell to execute againſt the Cananites ; that is, Contract of Peace shall never be made, til that ye defift from your open Idolatrie, and cruell Perſecution of God's Children. And this we fignifie unto you, in the Name of the eternall God, and of his Sonne Chriſt Jeſus, whoſe Veritie we profeſſe, and Goſpell we have preached, and holy Sacraments rightly miniſtred, ſo long as God will aſſiſt us to gainſtand your Idolatrie. Take this for Advertiſement, and be not deceaved. To sobas As the Reader will obſerve thé peſtilent Spirit, and unmannerly Stile of this laſt Paper, far indeed from the Meekneſs that would have become the Reformers of Abuſes in Chriſtianity; ſo by the Tenor thereof, and of their other Letters to the Queen-Regent, &c. 'tis pretty evident, they had a moral Certainty of Victory ariſing from the Numbers that joined them; otherwiſe 'tis much to be doubted if they would have writ in fuch a Strain. But ſtill none of their Paper- artillery had any Force on thofe to whom they were diſpatched : For notwith- ſtanding all their Advertiſements and Expoftulations, the other Army, confift- ing both of Scots and French, advanced, and formed a ſort of Camp at Och- terarder, about ten Miles from Perth : Againſt whom the Gentlemen of the Shires of Fife, Angus and Merns, with their Followers, marched out, and lay ſome more than a Mile without the City. Whilft Matters ftood thus, the Earl of Argile, the Prior of St. Andrew's and the Lord Sempil, on the 24th of May, were directed from the Queen to Perth, to enquire the Cauſe of the Convoca- tion of the Lieges there, and whether they deſigned to hold out the Town a- gainſt her the Regent and the legal Authority ? To which thoſe of the Con- gregation Y 2 88 The History of the Affairs of Book I. the Queen and tion. 1959. gregation made anwſer, That they had conveened there, only to reſiſt the cruel u Tyranny deviſed againſt the Town ; and that if the Queen-Regent would ſuffer the Religion already begun to proceed, then they and all that belonged to them should be at her Command. And farther, they beſought theſe Lords to report their Cauſe favourably to the Queen, and to become Interceſſors with her Ma- jeſty in their Behalf: 'Which they promiſed to do. And the next Day Mr. Knox went in the Morning and waited on theſe Lords, when he made a Speech to them, and delivered them a Meſſage to be reported to the Queen in his Name; the Contents whereof were, That they whom her Majeſty in her blind Rage perſecuted, were God's Servants, and obedient Subjects to the Civil Authority : That her Religion was expreſly contrary to that of Jeſus Chriſt; which he of- fered to prove againſt all that within Scotland will maintain it. And laſtly, That her Majeſty was fighting, not againſt Man, but God; and therefore her Enterprize ſhould not proſper in the End. But the Queen was fo little moved with this Meſſage, or ſo little ſatisfied with the Anſwers of the Congre- gation in general , that ſoon after ſhe fent a Lion-herauld, with Letters, char- ging all who were not Inhabitants, to lcave the Town of Perth, under the Pain of High Treafon : Which Letters the Herauld proclaimed in the Town on Sunday the 28th of the Month (a). Of all the Perfons that came to Perth at this Time, none was fo much talk'd of as the Earl of Glencairn; who tho' he lived at a great Diſtance, in the Shire of Air ; yet, on Advertiſement given him, he travelled Night and Day over the Mountains, (the ordinary Paſſes being ſhut up by the Queen's Troops, and, by her Orders, the Bridges over the Ri. vers of Forth, Gudy and Taith, cut) until he arrived at Perth, with 1200 Several Mel Horſe, and 1300 Foot. The Queen having certain Intelligence of the March fages betwixt of this Earl, (in whoſe Company were the Lords Ochiltree and Boyd, the the Congrega. Lairds of Loudon, Cragie Wallace, Cefnock, and other Gentlemen of the Weſt) took particular Care that no Advertiſement of his coming might reach thoſe at Perth, on deſign that they, deſpairing of Force ſufficient to withſtand her, might be the more eaſily induced to condeſcend to ſuch Terms as ſhe had a mind to offer them. And to anticipate their Stubbornneſs, which ſhe knew would encreaſe upon Glencairn's Arrival, ſhe ſent to Perth, demanding ſome Perſons to be ſent to her Camp, in order to talk with the Earl of Arran and Monſ. ď Oyfel, concerning ſome reaſonable Agreement. In obedience to which Deſire, Erskine of Dun, Ogilvy of Invercarity, and Scott of Abbotſball. were ſent to Ochterarder. The Earl of Arran and Mont d'Oyfel required, that the Town of Perth ſhould be left patent to her Majeſty, and all other Matters referred to her Diſcretion. The Gentlemen replied, they had no War- rant to go in to ſuch Propoſals; but that if the Queen would promiſe no body ſhould be diſturbed for the laſt Commotion in Perth, and if fhe would ſuffer the Religion begun, to go forward, and would leave the Town at her Departure free from French Soldiers ; then they would deal with their Aſſociates, that the Queen ſhould be obeyed in all things : Nothing however was formally agreed to. The Gentlemen were courteouſly uſed and diſmiſt , with a Deſire that they would labour to perſuade theſe their Brethren to Peace and Concord; which ar their going off they ſeem'd to be well ſatisfied with. But ſcarce were they re- turned, when the Queen was certified that the Earl of Glencairn had paft by her Out-guards, was got ſafely thro' all Impediments, and was in a plain March to Perth : Upon which ſhe diſpatched thither a ſecond Time the Earl of Ar. gile, the Prior of St. Andrew's, (then commonly called Lord James) and Gavin Hamilton Abbot of Kilwinning. But the Earl of Glencairn was arriv- cd at Perth before theſe three Commiſſioners could reach it, where they found the Multitude much more uppifh than formerly. Mr. Knox, with Mr. Willocks, who was newly arrived in Company of the Earl of Glencairn, came to the Earl of Argile and Lord James, and bitterly accuſed them of Infidelity, in not taking Part with their Brethren ; both of them being look'd upon as great Favourers (a) Mr. Knox ſays, Sunday the 27th Day; but if it was done on a Sunday, it muſt have been on the 28th. Chap. VIII. Church and State in Scotland. 89 an Agreement. Favourers of a Reformation. They anſwered, Their Hearts were ſtill conſtant 1559. with their Brethren; but becauſe they had promiſed the Queen to labour an A- greement, they could not falſify their Word: Adding, that if the Queen did violate the leaſt Jot of what should now be agreed upon, they would, in that Caſe, join themſelves openly with the Congregation in all Time coining. This Promiſe being made, and theſe two Lords preſſing much an Agreement, Mr. Knox fays, the Preachers, with múch ado, perſuaded the Multitude to conferit thereto But he likewiſe tells us, that in their Sermons they plainly and open- ly affirmed, that they were aſſuredly perſuaded the Queen meant. no Truth. Whịch end in The Agreement was made on Monday the 29th of May ; the Articles were, 1. That both the Armies ſhould be disbanded; and the Town left open to the Queen. II. That none of the Inhäbitants ſhould be moleſted on account of the lare Alteration in Religion. III. THAT no Frenchmen ſhould enter the Town, nor come within three Miles of it : And that when the Queen retirés, no French Garriſon fhall be left in the Towti. IV. THAT all other Controverſies be referred to the next Parliament. The next Day the Congregation departed from Perth, after that Mr. Knox, in a Sermon, at which were preſent many of the oppoſite Party, had exhorted them to thank God for ſtopping the Effuſion of Blood; but ar the ſame time not to faint in ſupporting ſuch as ſhould afterwards bé perſecuted: For (ſaid he) “ I am aſſured that no Part of this Promiſe made hall be longer kept, than the This Exhortation had the Queen and her Frenchmen have the upper-hand." intended Effect ; for before that the Multitude of the Congregation left the City, they took care tot to diſſolve themſelves, but to enter into a ſtraiter Contede racy, by entring under a new Bond, which was drawn up by the Perſons com- miſſioned ſo to do, and ſubſcribed the next Day, the Tenor whereof followeth. The Cangre- T Perth, the laſt Day of May, the Year of God 1559 Years, the Congre- gation frame a gations of the Weſt Country, with the Congregations of Fyfe, Perth, new Affociati. Dundee, Angus, Mearns and Montroſe, being conveened in the Town of Perth, Second Cove. in the Name of Jeſus Chriſt, for forth ſetting of bis Glory, underſtanding no- nant. thing more neceſſary for the same, than to keep a conſtant Amity Unity and Fellowſhip together, according as they are commaunded by God; are confederat, and become bounden and obliſt, in the Preſence of God; to concur and alit together, in doing all things required of God in his Scripture that may be to his Glory; and at their whole Powers to deſtroy and away put all things that doth Diſhonour to his Name'; fo that God may be trewly and purely wore ſhipped. And in caſe that any Trouble be intended againſt the ſaid Congre- gations, or any Part or Member thereof, the whole Congregation ſhall concur', affift and conveen together, to the Defence of the fame Congregation or Per. fon troubled; and ſhall not ſpure Labour's, Goods, Subſtance, Bodies and Lives, in maintaining the Liberty of the whole Congregation, and every Member thereof; againft what foever Power that ſhall , intend the faid Troublé , for Cauſe of Religion, or any other Caufe depending thereuponi, or lay to their Charge under Pretence thereof , although it happen to be coloured with any other outward Cauſe (a). In witneſſing and Te timony of the which, the whole Congregations aforeſaid have ordained and appointed tlse Noblèmen and Perfons underwritten to fubfcribe thir Preſents. ARCH. Argyle. JAMES STEWART. GLENCARNE. R. Lord Boid. WCHILTREE, MATTHEW CAMP'BE L'L of Tarmgannarr. Imme. (a) This was no leſs than a dowüright Rebellion againſt the civil Authority in every Reſpect, ſince it was caly for theſe Men To explain all Acts proceeding therefrom, as injurious to their Religion, z 1 go The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559., ژو thro' the A- greement : Immediately after the Departure of the Congregation, on the zoth of May, the Queen entred the City of Perth, with ſome French Soldiers in her Reti- nue : One of which paſſing by the Houſe of Patrick Murray, a violent Man in the Cauſe of Religion, fhot his Son, a young Boy, who, with the reſt of the Family, was leaning on a Balcony to behold the Queen's Entry and Caval- cade. Some ſay there were fix or ſeven Shot diſcharged againſt the Houſe. The dead Corps was laid before the Queen's Lodging : And when ſhe was told of what had faln out, ſhe is ſaid to have replied, 6. That the Chance was to be “ lamented, and ſo much the rather, becauſe it had lighted on the Son, and not on the Father ; but thar fhe could not prevent nor help fuch caſual Acci- “ dents.” And which was ſtill worſe, three Days had not paſt, when all the Heads of the Capitulation were broke ; ſome of the Citizens were exiled, and others fined; the old Magiſtrates were turned out, and new ones appointed in their Places. After which her Majeſty going for Stirling, ſhe left in the Town four (a) Companies of Scottiſh Soldiers for a Garriſon, with Orders to permit no other Worlhip there, but that of the Roman Church. Some Perſons about the Queen, who wiſh'd that Matters might not be carried ſo high, having re- The Queen preſented to her, that tho' the Garriſon conſiſted of Scotſmen, yet they would Regent breaks be look'd upon as French Soldiers, ſince they received Pay from the French King; ſhe ſaid, That Princes ought not to have their Promiſes too ſtrictly urged upon them; nor were Promiſes to be kept with Hereticks : And that “ for her Part, the could freely kill and undo all that ſort of Mcn, if ſhe could “ do it with as plauſible an Excuſe.” Indeed her Majeſty ſeems to have been but ill adviſed in theſe Actings and Expreſſions, if ſo be they were real, and have received no Exaggeration in the narrating; which I very much ſuſpect : For tho’ ſhe had good reaſon to ſecure the Town of Perth, as being highly convenient for the aſſembling of Forces from all Quarters of the Kingdom, and being the only walled Town in it, and the Inhabitants a warlike fort of People, and at that Time, together with the Gentry about, greatly inclined to thoſe of the Congregation ; yet the Advantage ſhe made thereby, was little or nothing, when compared with the Hatred the incurred by her Breach of Promiſes. For if it be true that Mr. Buchanan relates, after this ſhe never ſaw a good Day; but was by moſt People deſpiſed, and publickly contemned (b). Whereupon, The Earl of Argile and Lord James perceiving how. Things went, did pre- the Earl of Ar. ſently withdraw to St. Andrew's : And tho' by Letters the charged them, upon their Allegiance, to return to Perth; yet they refuſed, excuſing themſelves drew's deſert becauſe of her Proceedings. After which they wrote to the neighbouring No- bility and Gentry of their Faction, to meet in that Town the 4th of June, in order to concert Meaſures for their mutual Defence ; becauſe the Queen-Regent was at Falkland with her French Soldiers, deſigning to take Poſſeſſion of the Towns of Cowper and St. Andrew's. Their Call was obeyed, and Mr. Knox came thither with the reſt. On the oth of that Month, the Lords and others went to Crail, a Sea-town about ſix Miles South of St. Andrew's: There Mr. Knox, in a Sermon he made them, put the Congregation in mind of what he had foretold them at Perth ; exhorting them not to be any longer deluded with fair Promiſes; and wiſh'd them to prepare themſelves to die as Men, or to live vi- orious : By which Exhortation his Hearers were ſo moved, that they imme- diately proceeded to the pulling down of the Altars and Images. Next Day he preached in the Town of Anftruther, another Sea-port three Miles South- weſt from Crail; where the like Hayock was made ; but ſtill we are told, with more Anger than Avarice. The Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's, hearing that Mr. Knox intended on the Morrow, which was Sunday the Irth of June, to preach to the Congregation in his Cathedral Church of St. Andrew's, came thi- ther the Satarday before, accompanied with 100 armed Men, to ſtop him. And (a) Lefly ſays, 600 Men. (6) I fuppoſe the Contempt is to be meant by thoſe of a certain Party only. And as to her not ſeeing a good Day after this, 'tis certain, that ſome Time afterwards ſhe had fo far reduced the Congregation, that unleſs the Queen of England had itept in to their Relief, ſhe had, in all humane Probability, cruſht them to Pieces. gile and Prior of St. An- her. Chap. VIII. Church and State in Scotland. 91 Great Des And the Lords were ſo apprehenſive of the Miſchief that might follow, confi- 1559. dering that Falkland, where the Queen and the French lay, was but twelve Miles diſtant from St. Andrew's ; that they counſelled Mr. Knox to forbear preaching at that Time. But no Perſuaſion of his Friends, nor threatning of his Enemies, could prevail with him. He told them among other things, That to delay to preach to Morrow, he could not in Conſcience, becauſe in that Town and Church, God firſt began to call him to the Dignity of a “ Preacher ; from which tho' he had been reft by the Tyranny of France, " and Procurement of the Biſhops ; yet he had often foretold, that his aſſured " Hope was, in open Audience to preach in St. Andrew's, before he departed " this Life.” Some perhaps may have Difficulty to find out, what Obligation lay upon the Conſcience, to have preached that particular Day at St. Andrew's, from the Reaſons here aſſigned. But the Archbiſhop having thought it expedi- ent to depart to Falkland next Morning, becauſe he found the Affections of the Generality of the Citizens inclining to the Congregation, (which, no doubt, the Preacher had likewiſe perceived ; and perhaps that, as much as any thing elfe, had rendred him fo peremptory) Mr. Knox did preach that Day: And having taken for his Subject that Portion of holy Scripture which treats of our Saviour's driving the Buyers and Sellers out of the Temple, he from thence fo incited the People, that after Sermon they went, in a moſt tumultuous Man- ftruction of ner, and ſpoiled all the Churches in the City; pulling down and levelling the Monafteries , Monaſteries of the Franciſcan and Dominican Friars to the Ground. The The Towris where News whereof being brought to the Queen, the preſently gave Orders for Mr. Knox the French Soldiers to march to St. Andrew's ; directing Proclamations thro' preacheth, all the adjacent Parts, ordering the fencible Men to meet her in Arins the next Morning at Cowper. The Lords at St. Andrew's getting Intelligence of this, reſolved to prevent her Majeſty; and accordingly came to Cowper on Mon- day Night, accompanied only used about 100 Horfe. And they alſo having called their Adherents to their Aſſiſtance, fo readily was their Summons obey ed, that next Day before Noon, their Number was encreaſed to above 3000; and Mr. Knox tells us, " That God did ſo multiply them, that it appeared i as Men had rained from the Clouds." On the 12th of the Month, before of the Queen The Arinies Sun-riſing, the Queen's Army departed from Falkland; and the Congrega and the Cosa- tion encamped very carly the ſame Day, on the Moor be-weſt Cowper. When each otherde it was perceived by the Queen's Party, that the other was the moſt numerous, Cowper. and that they all appeared forward to fight, the Duke and the Earl Marifchal had fome private Conference with the Earl of Argile and Lord James, with deſign to divert an Engagement, which might prove fatal to both Parties. This Conference had the deſired Effect; for immediately the Lord Lindſay, with the Laird of Waughton, were fent from the Earl of Arran, by Content of the Queen, and as Commander in Chief of the Scots, to hear Propoſals for Peace. But becauſe the Queen alledged, ſhe could not agree to the Demands of the Congregation, until ſhe had firſt adviſed with the French King, (viz. about ſending away the French Soldiers) a Truce only was made for eight Days. Bi- ſhop Lefly tells us, that after this Agreement, the Duke and the Earl Mariſchal earneſtly befought the Queen that he would preſently go for Edinburgh, and call a Parliament to meet her there, as the beſt and only Mean for healing the Diſturbances that were then in the Kingdom. And that Author adds, that her Majeſty did ſeriouſly lay to heart the Advice of theſe Noblemen, but that whilft fhe was deliberating thereupon, ſhe got an Account of the March of the Congregationers towards Perth. The Hiſtorians of the oppoſite Party give a different Turn to their Account of theſe Affairs : And ſeeing the Account we have from them, is by much the largeſt, I muſt proceed with the Hiſtory as it is related by them; and this requires that a copy of the Truce, as it was then concluded, be laid before the Reader ; the Tenor whereof follows: Z 2 92 The History of the Affairs of Book I. eight Days. 1:59. . E James. Duke of Chattellerault, Earl of Arrán, Lord Hamiltone, and my Lord d' Ozel Lieutenant for the King in theſe Parts; for our felves, our Affiftaries and Partakers, being preſently with us in Company, by the A Truce for Tenor hereof promits, faithfully of Honour, to my Lords Archbald Earl of Argyle, and James Commendator of the Priorie of St. Andreus, to their Al- ſtaries and Partakers, being preſently with them in Company, That we and our Company aforeſaid shall retire incontinent to Falkland, and ſmall with Diligence tranſport the Frenchmen, and our other Folks now preſently with Hs; and that no Frenchmen, or other Soldiers of ours; ſhall remain withinz the Bounds of Fyfe, but so many as before the railing of the laſt Army, lay in Dyſert, Kirkaldie and Kinghorne ; and the ſame to lye in the fame Places Onlie, if we ſhall think good. And this to have Effect for the space of eight Days following the Date hereof excluſive, that in the mean time certain Noblemen, by the Advice of the Queen's Grace, and the reſt of the Councib, may convene, to talk of ſuch Things as may make good Order and Quyetnes amongſt the Queen's Lieges. And farther, we nor non of our Affiftaries be- ing preſent with us, Jhall invade, trouble or diſquyet the ſaid Lords nor their Aſiftaries, during the ſaid Space. And this we bind and oblige us, upon our loyal Fidelity and Honour, to obſerve and keep in every Point above written, without Fraud or Guile. In Witneſs whereof we have ſubſcribed thefe Preſents with our own Hands, at Garle-banke, the 13. Day of June 1559. JAMES. The other Subſcription, ſays Mr. Knox, we could not os read; but the Similie is this, MENEITS.” This Aſſurance, ſubſcribed by the two Generals of the Queen's Army, hay- ing been delivered to the Lords of the Congregation ; theſe firſt withdrew from the Field, and next, diſmiſſing the Multitude, they and the Gentlemen went ſtraight to St. Andrew's . But when no body came thither from the Queen, to treat of ſuch Things as had been promifed, and that Complaints were daily brought in to them of the Hardſhips uſed by the Laird of Kinfawns, whom the Queen had placed Provoſt in the Town of Perth; the Earl of Argile, and Lord James Prior of St. Andrew's, the two Chiefs of the Congregation, wrote to the Queen, Thewing, “ how that at her ſpecial Deſire, they had dealt with " the Congregation at Perth, and had brought them to accept of the Condi- do tions propoſed by her Majeſty ; the Breach whereof, chiefly in one Point, “ viz. the placing of a Garriſon in the Town of Perth, was no leſs diſhonou- " rable to them, who had given their Promiſes to the contrary, than it was grievous to the People. Therefore their Requeſt was, that the Garriſon might be removed, and the Town reſtored to its former Liberty : Which " Thing, were it done, they doubted not but good Succefs would follow thereupon, to her Majeſty's Content." No Anſwer having been returned by the Queen-Regent to this Letter, the Lords and Gentlemen of the Congregati- on took a Reſolution to expel the Garriſon out of Perth by Force : And hay- ing warned their Friends of Fife, Angus, Merns and Strathern, to conveen thereabout on the 24th of June, they ſummoned the Magiſtrates and Garrifon to leave the City open to all her Majeſty's Lieges. But theyanſwering, that they would maintain the City for the Queen-Regent ; and the Earl of Huntly Chan- cellor of the Kingdom, together with the Lord Erskine, and John Bannantine Juſtice Clerk, having.come from the Queen, to perſuade them to delay the Siege at leaſt for ſome Days; the Lords foreſaid declared, that they would not de- lay it for one Hour : And therefore they ſummoned the Town a fecoud Time, certifying them in the fame Manner as they had done before. And likewiſe they declared to the Chancellor, that if but one Perſon ſhould happen to be killed in the Aſſault, all their Lives ſhould pay for it. The Chancellor being much offended herewith, departed from before the Place, ſince he ſaw he could not bring about any good Accommodation for the Queen. Nevertheleſs the Garriſon The Congrega. tion form a Re- folation to re- take Perth. Chap. IX. 93 Church and State in Scotland. Garriſon perſiſted to anſwer as formerly. But when on Saturday, at ten in the 1559. Night, they perceived the Battery to begin, and that no Relief was like to w come from the Queen, they beat a Parly, and agreed, that if againſt twelve a-clock on the Morrow, no Succours did arrive, then they ſhould be allowed to march out with Colours flying. Which accordingly they did on Sunday which ſurren- the 25th of June : And the Lord Ruthven was repoffeffed of his Office of Ma- ders to them. giſtracy in the City. The next Day, fome zealous Men, as Mr. Knox fays, were of Opinion that ſome Courſe ſhould be taken with the Biſhop of Murray (a), and the Palace and Abbey of Scoon, ſituated a Mile North of Perth; be- cauſe that from it he had threarned Perth with his Men that lay there : Upon which the Lords wrote to him, that unleſs he would come and aſſiſt them, they could not ſave his Palace. He promiſed to do ſo : But it ſeems his An- fwer was ſomewhat late a-coming; whereupon the Men of Perth and Dun- dee marched forward to demoliſh that ſtately Edifice. The Lords, ſome Gentle- men and Mr. Knox went after them, to diſſuade them from Violence; but no- thing could prevail. When the Flames were aſcending, an old Woman, per- The Abbey of ceiving that many Perſons were offended thereat, ſaid, Now I fee and un- Scoon is burnt “ derſtand that God's Judgments are juſt, and that no Man is able to ſave where down. “ he will puniſh. Since my Remembrance this place hath been nothing elſe but a Den of Whoremongers : It is incredible to believe, how many Wives “ have been adulterated, and Virgins defloured, by the filthy Beaſts which “ have been foſtered in this Den ; but eſpecially by that wicked Man who is called the Biſhop. If all Men knew as much as I, they would praiſe God, *s and no Man would be offended." At which Words, Mr. Knox fays, ny were pacified, affirming with her that it was God's juft Judgment.” Tho' he adds, “That if the Labours or Travel of any Man could have ſaved " that Place, it had not been at that Time deſtroyed; for Men of greateſt E- “ ſtimation laboured with all Diligence for the Safety, of it.” This methinks might have made Mr. Knox alhamed of his own Conduct, by which he infla- med the Paſſions of the Multitude, and even urged them forward to theſe dif- orderly Proceedings, that are fuch a Scandal to themſelves, and fo contrary to the Spirit of true Chriſtianity. He ought to have blamed himſelf, when he ſaw the diſmal Conſequences which attended his fiery Counſels ; fince, as he himſelf relates, neither the principal Lords and Gentlemen, nor even he the In- ſtigator, was able to put a Stop to that religious, or rather irreligious Fury. 'Tis an eaſy Matter to raiſe the Devil, but few know how to lay him again. 66 ma- ཊྛི་ CH A P. IX. Containing an Account of Publick Affairs, from the taking of the Toron of Perth by the Congregation, in the End of June 1559, until the Act of Deprivation, made by the ſaid Congregation, againſt the Queen- Regent, in the End of October the ſame Year. FTER the taking of Perth, and the Demolition of the fine Abbey of Scoon, the place where our Kings were uſually crowned, the Queen- Regent juftly ſuſpecting that thoſe of the Congregation would advance farther into the Country, and pay a Viſit of Reformation to the Coun- ties ſituated on the South of the River Forth; and conſidering that the Town of Stirling was the only Paſs thither over Land, by means of its Bridge : Her Majeſty had determined to ſend thither fome French Soldiers, in order to pre- A a yent (a) This was Patrick Hepburn, who was likewiſe Commendator of the Abbey of Scoon. 94 The History of the Affairs of Book I. ling, and Edin- 1559. vent their Paſſage. Which being underſtood by the Friends and Spies of thoſe on the other Side of the Water; the Earl of Argile and the Lord James Stewart departed fecretly from Perth, late the fame Night they had been at Scoon; and entring Stirling carly next Morning, their Preſence did ſo animate thoſe who were of a like Mind with them, that immediately they deftforedinics (a) pulled down all the Monaſteries to the Ground, in and about that City": and about Stir- and, among the reſt, the remarkable Abbey of Cambùskeneth, ſituated in the Midſt of the Valley a little below the Town, on the North Bank of the Forth. After three Days Abode ar Stirling, in reforming, and in levelling the Churches, they fet forward to Edinburgh, for Reformation to be made there likewiſe, as Mr. Knox is pleaſed to word 'it : But made a Halt ar Lin- lithgow, which is a Town lying Half-way betwixt Stirling and Edinburgh, Einlithgow, being twelve Miles diſtant from each. There they made the ſame Hayock as ar Stirling. And tho' they were not above 300. Men, they ſtruck ſuch a Ter- ror wherever they came, that the Queen, who was then at Edinburgh, and ſufficiently informed by the Lord. Seton, then Provoſt of that City, that the Inclinations of the People were moſt on the other Side, thought fit to remove thence to Dunbar, with all her French and Scots Soldiers. Mean time the Congregation marched forward to Edinburgh, on the good Errand of Reformation ; whither, ſays Mr. Knox, we arrived the 29th June. But before their coming, fuch Havock was made in the Monaſteries, that, adds this Author, we were the leſs troubled in putting Order (b) to ſuch Places. burgh. In this Capital of the Kingdom, the Congregation determined to remain ſome Time, for putting their Affairs in Order, and for ſuppreſſing all Monuments of Idolatry within that City, and the Places next adjacent. And beſides cleanſing the Churches of every thing that, according to them, came under that Denomination, they appointed Preachers, of whom Mr. Knox was one, to ex- pound the Scriptures to the People . They alſo took Poſſeſſion of the Coining- irons in the Mint ; becauſe, as they pretended, the common Neceſſaries of Life were become exceeding dear, by the ſtamping of bafe Money The Queen being much perplexed, by thefe Proceedings of the Congregation ; and dreading, from ſuch Inſults, a total Overthrow of the Regal Authority, knowing herſelf in no Condition to repel Force by Force, the determined to try a new Method for recalling the Minds of the People to their duc and ſworn Allegiance, by repreſenting to them theſe their turbulent Seducers in a třue and proper Light : For which Purpoſe the emitted the following Proclamation. Rancis and Maric by the Grace of God king and Queen of Scots, Doulphin and Doulphinelle of Viennois : To our Loved Lyon the Congrega. king of Arms, &c. our Sheriffs it that part, conjundly and ſeves rally, fpecialy conftitute, greeting. Fozarmuch as our deareft Mo- ther Marie Queen Dowager Regent of our Realme, and Lords of our ſecret Council, perceiving the Teditious Tumult raiſed by one Part of our Lieges, naming themſelves the Congregation; who, under Pre- tence of Religion, have put themſelves in Arms: And that her Grace, fo2 ſatisfying of every Man's Conſcience, and pacifying of the ſaid Troubles, had offered unto them, to affir a parliament to be yoiden in January nert to come, ou fooner if they had pleaſed, foz ettabiithing of a univerſal Dider in Matters of Religion, by our Advice, and Eltates of our Realme ; and in the mean time, to ſuffer every aan to Proclamation by the Queen- tion. (a) So ſays Buchanan: But Mr. Knox ſays, the raſcally Multitude had done this before the coming of the Lords ; but the Diffe- rence is not very material : Only 'tis ſtrange to find this laſt Author giving the Name of raſcally Multitude, to thoſe very Perfonis, whom in the next Sentence, he very plainly looks upon to be Reformers. So that "tis hard to know, what Difference there was betwixt thc Company that followed the Lords and him, and the Multitude that was in each City; for they both wrought the (6) It ſeems then, that the Rabble and the Congregation had one and the ſame Buſineſs to do. Biſhop Lefly ſays, that beſides the pulling down of the Monafteries, they likewiſe beat down the Houſes belonging to the Prebends of the Collegiate Church de dicated to the Trinity, and the College it ſelf : [It is that Church which ſtands at the foot of Leith-Wynd. ] And laſt of all, they went and plundered the Abbey of Holy-rood houſe. ſame Work. Chap. IX. 95 Church and State in Scotland. to live at Liberty of Conſcience, without Trouble, unto the Time 1559. that the ſaid Dader was taken by Advice of our foreſaid Ettates. And at laf, becauſe it appeareth much to itand upon our Borough of Edin. burgh, offered in like Manner to let tye Inhabitants thereof chule what Manner of Religion they would fet up and uſe for that Time; ſo that no Man might alledge that he was fozced to do againīt bis Con. ſcience. Which offer the Queen's Grace, our faid dearett Mother, was at all times, and yet is ready to fulfiu. Nevertheleſs the ſaid Congregation, being of mind to receive no reaſonable Dffers, bath ünce by open Deed déclared, that it is no Religion, nor any thing thereto pertaining, that they feek; but onlie tyje Subverñon of our Authority, and Uſurpation of our Crowne : Jn manifeft witnelling whereof, they daily receive Engliſhmen with Meữages unto them, and ſendeth ſuch like into England: And latt of all, have violently intro. mitted witý, taken and yet with-hold the Jrons of our Cunzie-houſe; which is one of the chief Points that concerneth our Crowne: And Tuch like have intrometted with our Palace of Holy-rood-houſe. Our Wil is therefoje, &c. that ye pals to the Market Croſs of our ſaid Bo- zoug of Edinburgh, oz any other publick place within the ſame; and there, by open Proclamation, in our name and Authocity, commaund and charge all and fundzy perſons of the ſaid Congregation, oz yet being preſently within our ſaid Bogough, other than the Jnhabitants thereof, that they, within ür Dours nert after our ſaid Charge, depart furth of the ſame, under the pain of Treaſon. And als, that ye com Maund all and ſundry Perſons to leave their company, and adhere to our Authority ; with Certification to ſuch as do the contrary, that they hall be reputed and holden as manifeft Craptozs to our Crowne, &c This Proclamation was not without its Effect : For tho' the Congregation which is noi denied the Facts aſſerted in it, except that ſingle one of ſeizing the Irons of without Ef the Mint; yet it had fuch Influence over the Minds of ſome Perſons engaged with them, that they began viſibly to ſhrink and fall away. For this Realon it was thought expedient by the leading Men among them, to purge themſelves, by a Letter directed to the Queen, of whatever falſe Aſperſions they judged to be fixed upon them; and which was delivered to her Majeſty by the Lord's Ruthven and Ochiltreè ; a Copy whereof here followeth. P4 Leaſe your Grace to be advertiſed, it is come to our Knowledge, that your The Congre- Grace hath ſett furth, by your Letters openlie proclaimed, That gation's Letter Called by Name The Congregation, under Pretence and Colour of Religion, the Queen.Ro to convene together to no other Purpoſe but to ufurp, our Soveraigns Authority, gent. and to invade your Perſon repreſenting theirs at this preſent. Which Things, appeareth to have proceeded of finifter Information, made to your Grace by our Enemies, conſidering that we never minded ſuch Thing, but only our Mind and Purpoſe was, and is, to promote and ſet furth the Glorie of God, the true Preachers of his word, and, according to the fame, aboliſh and putt away Idolatry and falfe Abuſes, which may not ſtand with the ſaid Word of God ; beſeeching your Grace to bear patiently there- with, and interpone your Authority to the Furtherance of the fame, as is the Duty of every Chriſtian Prince and good Magiſtrate. For as to the Obedi- ence of our Soveraigns Authority in all Civil and Politick Matters, we are, and ſhall be as obedient, as any other your Grace's Subjects within the Realme: And that our Convention is for no other Purpoſe, but to ſave our Preachers and their Auditors from the Injury and Violence of our Enemies, which ſhould be more amply declared by some of us in your Grace's Preſence, if ye were not accompanied with ſuch as have purſued our Lives and fought our Blood. Thus we pray Almighty God to have your Highneſs in his eternall Tuition. Att Edinburgh, the 2d of July 1559. The we, А а2 96 The History of the Affairs of Book I. betwixt the Queen.Re. 1559. The Queen taking hold of the laſt Clauſe of this Letter, did make offer of a w ſafe Conduct to any that ſhould come unto her. Whereupon the Lairds of Pitárrow and Cunninghamhead were ſent to her Majeſty, with Commiſſion to declare their Deſires ; 1. That they might enjoy a Liberty of Conſcience. 2. That inſufficient Miniſters be removed from Eccleſiaſtical Adminiſtrations. 3. That Chriſt be truly preached, and his Sacraments rightly adminiſtred. 4. That their Miniſters be diſcharged from the Proceſs of Treaſon, and be ad- mitted to execute their Office without Moleſtation, until ſuch Time as, by a general Council lawfully conveen’d, or by a Parliament within the Realm, the Controverſies about Religion be decided.' 5. That the French Soldiers be ſent home. Which Things being granted, they promiſe to her Majeſty Experience of their accuſtomed Obedience. What Reckoning her Majeſty could make of ſo qualified an Obedience, I thall not fay : But we are told, that to theſe Pro- poſitions the Queen anſwered with ſeeming Favour, and deſired to talk with ſome Perſons of greater Authority ; promiſing, that if they would aſſure her of their dutiful Obedience, ſhe would deny none of their Requeſts. In compli- ance with this, the Earl of Glencairn, the Lords Ruthven and Ochiltree, and Conferences the Laird of Pitarrow, were quickly diſpatched with the fame Commiſſion as above, and came into her Majeſty's Preſence the 12th Day of July. But now, gent and the it ſeems, ſhe had become more ſenſible of the Differences that were ariſen among Congregation. thoſe of the Congregation ; and ſo was probably willing to ſpin out as much Time as poſſibly ſhe could, hoping their Numbers might divide or diſperſe, either upon account of their preſent Miſunderſtandings, or of their domeſtick Affairs. And therefore ſhe began with complaining that ſhe had not been fought to in a be- coming enough Manner, and talk'd of ſome other Matters which were but little to the Purpoſe ; and in the End of her Diſcourſe, ſhe ſhewed a Deſire that the Earl of Argile and the Lord James might wait upon her. It appears likewiſe, that during this petty Negociation, and whilſt the two Parties lay in the Neigh- bourhood of one another, her Majeſty had not been wanting in promoting the Miſunderſtanding among the Leaders of the Congregation, upon very colourable Suſpicions and Repreſentations. For it was whiſpered about, that the grand Intention was, to deprive the young Queen of the Regal Authority, next to ſet aſide the Earl of Arran from his Right of Succeſſion to the Crown, and laſtly, to ſet up the Lord James in his Room. Which Infinuation did not only ſerve to rivet, in the Queen-Regent's Intereſt, the Earl of Arran, his Dependents and Friends; but it likewiſe inflamed the Hearts of a great many other Perſons, and even of ſome of the Congregation, who diſliked ſuch rebel- lious Principles; infomuch that, for this very Cauſe, ſeveral of them began in good Earneſt to murmure : So that in order to regain, or at leaſt to foften the Minds of ſuch as ſeemed to be alienated from them, thoſe that remained firm were forced to emit a Counter-declaration ; in which they call God to witneſs, that ſuch Crimes as they were charged with, had never entred into their Hearts; and that their only Intention was, to baniſh Idolatry, and advance true Reli- gion, and defend the Preachers thereof; promiſing to continue in all Duty to- wards their Sovereign, and her Mother the Regent, provided they might enjoy Liberty of Conſcience in Matters of Religion. When the Queen's Deſire, concerning the Earl of Argile and Lord James's waiting upon her, was notified to the Congregation, it was by no means thought expedient to hazard their Perſons in ſuch an Employment, becauſe the Queen had been heard to ſay, that if by any means ſhe could divide theſe two from the reſt, (the Truth is, they were the Heads of the Party) ſhe was fure ſoon after to reach the whole of her Purpoſe. And likewiſe one of her chief Courtiers was ſaid to have boaſted, that before Michaelmaſs next both theſe Gentlemen ſhould loſe their Heads. However, that the Queen's Deſire might not be altogether rejected, it was propoſed, that the two above named Perſons ſhould meer, in any Place void of Sufpicion of Danger, with a certain Number in Company, which ſhould be equal on both sides. To this the Queen agreed, and deputed the Chap. IX. 97 Church and State in Scotland. the Earls of Arran and Huntly, the Lords Erskine and Somervel, Mr. Gavin 1559 Hamilton Abbot of Kilwinning, and the Juſtice Clerk : And from the Congre- gation were deputed the Earls of Argile and Glencairn, the Lords Ruthven, Boyd and Ochiltree, the Prior of St. Andrew's, and the Lairds of Dun and Pitarrow. A hundred Perſons on each side did accompany theſe Commiſſio. ners to the Town of Preſton in Eaſt-Lothian, the Place of meeting nominated by the Queen-Regent. After a whole Day's Conference, there was little or nothing agreed upon : For the Queen, ſeeming to yield a free Exerciſe of Re- ligion, would have it provided, That in what Place ihe happened to come, the Preachers ſhould abſtain from preaching, and the Maſs only be uſed. But this the Commiſſioners from the Congregation rejected, alledging that this were to leave them no Church at all; for whenever the Queen pleaſed, ſhe might change the Place of her Reſidence; and ſo there could be no certain Exerciſe of Reli- gion; which would be the ſame thing as to overthrow it altogether. In theſe Terms they parted for that Night; yet the Congregational Lords, ſeeming unwilling to break off the Conference, faid, they would think more of the Buſineſs, and advertiſe what could be yielded unto. The Truth is, they were then deſirous enough to have ſome tolerable Accommodation made, be- cauſe fundry of their Numbers had left them, and were returned to their Dwelling- houſes. Afrer further Deliberation, the Lord Ruthven and the Laird of Pitara row were ſent back with this Anſwer, viz. That as they could not hinder her Majeſty to uſe what Exerciſe of Religion the pleaſed (a), ſo they could not agree that the Miniſters of Chriſt ſhould be ſilenced upon any Occaſion, much leſs that the true Service of God ſhould give place to Superſtition and Idolatry: Wherefore they humbly requeſted, (as they faid they had often done) Liberty to Conferences ſerve God according to their Conſciences; and did beſeech her Majeſty to remove the French Soldiers, otherwiſe there could be no firm nor folid Peace. And if her Majeſty would promifc, on the Word of a Prince, to allow, that no on ther Foreigners ſhould be brought into the Country, they would not only furniſh Ships and Victuals for the Tranſportation of thoſe that were already here, but would pawn their Honours to protect her Perſon from Injury. And more over that they would promiſe, in the Preſence of God and of the whole Realm, to ſerve their Sovereign her Daughter, and her as Regent, as ever they did any King within Scotland. They added alſo, that they ſhould cauſe their Preachers give an Account of their Doctrine, in her Majeſty's hearing, to any that pleaſed to impugn any thing they did or taught. Finally, that they were willing to fubmit to a lawful Parliament, provided that the Bishops, as the Party accuſed, and their plain Enemies, ſhould be removed from Judgment. The Queen, hearing all, replied only in the general, that ſhe wilh'd there might be Peace; but to none of the Points proponed made the any direct Anſwer : For ſhe had got certain Intelligence, that many of the Congregation were di- ſperſed ; and therefore ſhe was not without Hopes of bringing them all quickly to her own Terms. On the other Side, the chief Men, perceiving fufficiently what the Queen drove at, agreed among themſelves, that the Lords and Barons, with their servants, ſhould remain in Edinburgh during the Winter; and that they would ſtill retain in their Hands the Mint-irons, left the Queen Mhould cauſe tranſport them privately to Dunbar, and impoveriſh the Country by the con- tinual coining of baſe Money. The Queen, hearing of theſe Reſolves, was extremely diſpleaſed; and averr’d, that now they had openly declared what ſhe had long fuſpected, namely, that they meant in good Earneſt to uſurp the Go- vernment : And ſhe further laid to their Charge, the rifling of the Mint-houſe of grcat Sums of Money. To theſe Complaints the Lords made anſwer, both by Letters to the Queen and Council, and by open (6) Proclamation to the Bb People, (a) The Reader will be able to judge hereafter, how long thefe Gentlemen continued to be of this Mind. 6) This Proclamation is the fame which I juſt now mentioned under the Name of a Counter Declaration ; but becauſe I ſee no where a juſt and full Copy of it, therefore I cannot affirm for certain, whether it was emitted immediately after the Queen-Regent's Proclamation, or delayed till ſome Time after. Archbiſhop Spottiſwood who gives the beſt Abſtract of it, ſays, that the Congrega tion 98 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559. People, that they being born Counſellors of the Realm, and ſworn to procure the Profit thereof; when they underſtood the Subjects to be greatly hurt by the Baſeneſs of the Money, which increaſed the Dearth of all neceſſary Wares, they could do no leſs of their Duties, than ſtay the coining of more Lay-mo- ney, until the Nobility and Council had taken further Deliberation therein. And whereas it was given out, that they had ſpoiled the Mint-houſe of great Sums; in that point they did remit themſelves to the Declaration of Mr. Ro- bert Richardſon Maſter of the Mint, in whoſe Hands they delivered all the Gold, both coined and uncoined, which was found there. The Queen being not only certified that the Congregation at Edinburgh was turn'd pretty thin, but likewiſe that thoſe that remained there kept no military Di- fcipline, nor regular Watch; it was adviſed by thoſe about her Majeſty, not to let ſlip the Opportunity, but to march immediately to Edinburgh. And accordingly, The Queen's on Sunday the 23d of July, in the Evening, they left Dunbar ; and the next Army admin Morning, before the riſing of the Sun, they were within two Miles of Edin- burgh, burgh. "The Lords of the Congregation found themſelves now in much Perplexi- ty: For tho’they could have ſaved themſelves by Flight, yet they neither liked to abandon the Citizens, who were generally in their Intereſt ; nor cared they to ſee their Eccleſiaſtick Affairs defaced, which they had then brought into the Order of their own .Model. Somewhat encouraged they were by the Inhabitants of Edinburgh, as well as by thoſe of Leith, who promiſed to ſupport them; as alſo, by the coming in of ſome few Gentlemen from the Shires of Lothian and Fife, whom they had writ for the Saturday before : Which in the End deter- mined them to march out of Edinburgh towards Leith, in order to join their Adherents there. But before they could reach thither, that Town had furren- dred it ſelf to the Queen's Army ; ſo that the Congregation made a Turn, and re- tired to the Eaſt Side of the Craigingate, on purpoſe to receive the Enemy there. But the Queen's Party, being privately aſſured beforc-hand of the Friendſhip of the Lord Erskine Governor of the Caſtle of Edinburgh, which was little thought of by the other Party, they prepared to croſs the Water of Leith, in order to enter Edinburgh by the Weſt-port. The Lords of the Congregation, perceiv- ing that it would be but the expoſing of a great many Lives, ſhould they offer to make Reſiſtance, ſince the Lord Erskine had ſent them a threatning Meſſage, declaring he would fire upon them ſhould they pretend to ſtop the Queen from and forceth the entring the City, they judged it moſt expedient to accept of the following Terms Congregation of Accommodation, drawn up in the Links of Leith on Monday the 24th of July, and which had been offered them that ſame Day by the Queen. I. That (a) the Congregation and their Adherents, other than the Inhabi- tants of the Town of Edinburgh, fhall remove themſelves forth of the faid Town the Morrow at ten Hours before Noon, the 25th of July, and leave the ſame void and rid of them and their faid Company, conform to the Queen's Majeſty's Pleaſure and Deſire. II. The ſaid Congregation ſhall cauſe the Irons of the Coining-houſe, taken away by them, be rendred and delivered to Mr. Robert Richefon : And likewiſe, the Queen's Majeſty's Palace of Holy-rood-houſe to be left, and rendred again to Mr. John Balfour, or any other having her Majeſty's ſufficient Power in the fame Matter, as it was reſolved ;, and that betwixt the making of theſe Articles, and the Morn at ten of the Clock. For ob- ferving to an Accom- modation. tion took no Notice therein of what the Regent laid to their Charge, concerning Intelligence with England, and the Deſign of expelling the French Soldiers by Force: Wherefore that Author ſuſpects that they knew themſelves to be guilty of that Charge, as certainly they were; which the Reader will perceive by original Letters in the Appendix Numb. 13. (a) Becauſe Biſhop Lefy gives theſe Articles ſomewhat differently, I ſhall here fet down ſuch of them as agree nut with theſe. 1. The Inhabitants of Edinburgh (i. e. ſuch of them as were Congregationers) may cither remain in it, or depart as they fhall think fit . 2. That the Congregation do reſtore what Monies belonging to the Publick, they had privately or by Force taken. 5. That the Congregation thall at no Time hereafter violate any Church or religious Houſe. 6. That the City of Edinburgh ſhall enjoy here. after Liberty of Conſcience. 7. The Queen ſhall take Care, that the Preachers be not moleſted by the Magiſtrates of the ctabliſh- ed Religion ; nor ſhall the in any Manner vex them her ſelf. Chap୨୨ IX. Church and State in Scotland. . ſerving and keeping of theſe two Articles above written, the Lord Ruth 1559 ven and the Laird of Pitarrow have entred themſelves Pledges. III. The ſaid Lords of the Congregation, and all the Members thereof, ſhall remain obedient Subjects to our Lord and Lady's Authority, and to the Queen-Regent in their Place; and fhall obey all Laws and laudable Cuſtoms of this Realm, as they were uſed before the moving of this Tumult and Controverſy ; cxcepting the Cauſe of Religion, which ſhall be hereafter ſpecified. IV. The Congregation, nor any of them, thall not trouble or moleſt a Churchman by way of Deed; nor yet ſhall make them any Impediment in the peaceable brooking, enjoying and uptaking of their Rents, Profits and Duties of their Benefices ; but that they may freely uſe and diſpoſe upon the fame, according to the Laws and Cuſtoms of this Realm, to the roth of January next to come. V. The ſaid Congregation, nor none of them, fhall uſe in noways from thenceforth any force or Violence, in cafting down of Churches, religious Places or Apparel thereof; but the fame ſhall ſtand harmleſs of them unto the roth Day of January. VI. THE Town of Edinburgh ſhall, without Compulſion, uſe and chufe what Religion, and Manner thereof they pleaſe, to the ſaid Day; ſo that every Man may have Freedom to uſe his own Conſcience, to the Day a- foreſaid. VII . The Queen ſhall not interpoſe her Authority, to moleſt and trouble the Preachers of the Congregation, nor their Miniſtry, (to them that pleaſe to uſe the fame) nor no other of the ſaid Congregation, in their Bodies, Lands and Goods, or Poffeſſions, Penſions, or whatſoever kind of Goods they poffefs ; nor yet fuffer the Clergy, or any other either ſpiritual or temporal Juriſdiction, to trouble them in any manner of Sort, privately or openly, for the Cauſe of Religion, or any other Action depending there. upon, to the faid 10th of January within written ; and that every Man in particular live in the mean time according to his own Conſcience. VIII. That no Men of War, French nor Scots, be laid in daily Garriſon within the Town of Edinburgs; but to repair thereto to do their lawful Buſineſs, and thereafter to retire them to their Garriſons. Before I proceed farther, 'tis fit to notice here the Death of Henry II. King The Death of France, which happened on the 8th Day of this Month of July. Which of the French Death, as it was much unlook'd for, ſo it could not but mightily influence the King. Affairs of this Kingdom. And if it is true what Sir James Melvil relates, (and I ſee no Reaſon to doubt of it) our Country ſuffered a great and irretrie- vable Lofs thereby. For that Gentleman informs us, how that King, having been fufficiently appriſed of the Troubles which had ariſen in Scotland upon account of Religion, and that theſe Commotions were rather fomented than fettled by the bad Counſel which the French Officers gave to the Queen-Regent, had taken a Reſolution, by the Advice of his Prime Miniſter the Duke of Montmorency Great Conſtable of France, to ſend over Mr. Melvil into Scotland, in order to inform himſelf, whether the Subjects thereof had taken up Arms merely for Conſcience Sake, and in Defence of their Religion? Or if the Prior of St. Andrew's had any ſecret Hand in the Inſurrection, with a ſiniſter View of uſurping the Crown? Whether the Congregation in Scotland were rankled by the Falſification of any Promiſes that had been made them by the Queen- Regent ? Or whether they deſired another Lieutenant ſhould be ſent into Scota land in Place of Monf. – Oyfel; who, his Majeſty had heard, was unaccept- B b 2 able 100 The History of the Affairs of Book 1. 1559. able to that People ? Mr. Melvil arrived at Falkland, where the Queen- Regent then was, the very Day on which her Army and that of the Congre- gation faced each other on Cowper-Moor. The chief Thing that he laid him- ſelf out for, was, to know the Intention of the Lord James Prior of St. An- drew's. To him he was introduced by Mr. Henry Balnaves : And the Prior (as who would doubt it) proteſted he had no bad Deſigns; and, for a Teſtimony of his Innocence and Integrity, declared, that he was willing to baniſh himſelf for ever out of Scotland, provided the Queen and the King of France would be pleaſed to allow to his Aſſociates a Liberty only, ſuch as ſhe had formerly granted them. Mr. Melvil ſatisfied himſelf with this Anſwer of the Prior, (one would think he had been a little too credulous) and, without more ado, returned with it into France ; where, to his great Mortification, he found that King lying fick unto Death. Immediately after which Event, the Duke of Mont- morency was diſcharged from Court; and the Duke of Guiſe and his Brother the Cardinal of Lorrain, Brothers to our Regent, and Uncles to our native Queen, became the chief Favourites of the new King Francis II. Husband to our Sove- reign. Theſe Men preſently adviſed the King and Queen, to give Orders to the Queen-Regent to proſecute the Rebels in Scotland with the utmoſt Force and Rigour ; and aſſured her of a ſpeedy Aſſiſtance from France to quell and reduce them into Order. What was performed by the Crown of France, and what Succeſs this Advice had, will be ſeen in the following Part of this Hiſtory. After the Accommodation on the Links of Leith was agreed to on Tueſday the 25th of July, and ſigned by the Earls of Arran and Huntly, and Monſ. d' Oyfel, the Queen-Regent came and took Poſſeſſion of the Palace of Holy- rood-houſe, ſituated at the Eaſt End of the City of Edinburgh; and, looking upon Matters as now brought to a tolerable Iſſue, allowed the Earls of Arran, Huntly and Mariſchal, to return home to their own Houſes. But the two former Earls, the next Day after the Pacification, ſignified a Deſire to ſpeak with the Earls of Argile and Glencairn, the Lord James, and ſome others of the Congregation. Accordingly they all met at the Quarrel-boles betwixt Leith and Edinburgh; and there the two firſt named Earls promiſed to the o- ther, that if any part of the Agreement ſhould be violated or infringed, but eſpe- cially if the French Soldiers were not tranſported out of the Kingdom; that then they would willingly join their Forces to effectuate and make good the fame. Next Day, being Wedneſday, the Lords of the Congregation, after having heard Sermon in Edinburgh, cauſed Proclamation to be made at the Crois thereof, with Sound of Trumpet (a), of the Stipulations agreed upon in behalf of themſelves ; and then they left the Town, and went to Stirling ; where, after a new Conſultation, they drew up the following Bond of mutual Defence for Maintenance of Religion, which was ſubſcribed by all who were preſent. The Congre. After which the Earl of Argile and the Lord James took Journey Weſtward, gation arrives and appointed the Earl of Glencairn, the Lords Boyd and Ochiltree, and ſome where they others, to meet them at Glaſgow, in order to concert Meaſures for defeating enter into a the Queen's Projects in the Weſtern Counties. third Cove- nant. The Tenor of the Bond. W? E foreſeeing the Craft and Sleight of our Adverſaries, tending all man- ner of Ways to circumvent us, and by privey Means intendeth to aſſayle every one of us, particularly by fair Heghts and Promiſes, therethrough to ſeparate one of us from another, to our utter Ruin and Deſtruction : For Remedy thereof, we faithfully and trewly bind us, in the Preſence of God, and as we tender the Maintenance of trew Religion, that none of us Mall, in Time coming, paſs to the Queen's Grace Dowager, to talk or commune with her, for any Letter or Meſſage ſent by her unto us, or yet to be ſent, without Confent of the reſt, and common Conſultation thereupon : And bore foon (a) Such a ſolemn Proclamation was then (and indeed deſerved to be) look'd upon as a Piece of too much Arrogance. Chap. IX. IOI Church and State in Scotland. CC foon that either Meſſage or Writing ſhould come from her unto us, with utter 1559. Diligence we ſhall notifie the fame one to another; ſo that nothing Shall prom ceed therein without common Conſent of us all. Att Stirling, the firſt Day of Auguſt 1559. I ſhall leave the Reader to make his own Reflections on the Narrative of this Bond, and on the following Reſe ve made preſently thereafter, viz. “ To ſeek Aid and Support of all Chriſtian Princes, againſt the Tyranny of the Queen- Regent, in caſe the ſhould go on to moleft them; but eſpecially of England, as being of the fame Religion with themſelves.” But it is remarked by our Hiſtorians, that the Queen-Regent was more careful to obſerve the laſt Agree ment, than ſhe had been of ſome former ones. Only they tell us, that ſhe took ſeveral diſcreet Methods to obtain the High Church of Edinburgh for ſaya ing Maſs, if it were but before or after Sermon ; but that ſhe was ſtill anſwe- red with a flat Denial : Or that if ſhe would offer to take the Church by Violence from them, they behoved to fuffer what they could not help; but aſſured her that they would make uſe of the next Remedy. And this, we may gueſs, was to repel Force by Force. It is likewiſe ſaid, and probably enough too, that the French (a) Soldiers made great Diſturbances in the Churches the Time that the People were at Sermon, on purpoſe to make them forſake the Churches, and go to ſome more retired Places for that End. But none of their Inſolences ſignified any thing at all, ſo as to induce a voluntary relinquiſhing of the Churches. Mr. Knox retired with the Congregation to Stirling, and Mr. Willocks remained Preacher in Edinburgh. In the Beginning of September there came a French Gentleman, named Mons de la Croc; to certify the Queen-Regent that an Army was a-getting together in France, to be tranſported into Scotland, under the Command of her Brother the Marquis d' Elbeuf; and that in the mean time a few Troops, with Money and Ammunition, and fome Gentlemen that were capable to affiſt her Majeſty with their Counſel in theſe Troubles, would very ſpeedily arrive. The ſame Gentleman brought likewiſe Letters from the Queen, and Francis, now King of France, her Husband, bearing Date at Paris the 17th and 24th Letters from Days of July 1559, to the Lord James Prior of St. Andrew's, full of Re- the King and proaches and Menaces. And the Bearer alſo declared, by Word of Mouth, Queen to the that he was commanded to ſay unto him, That the King his Maſter would Andrezu's. “ rather ſpend the Crown of France, than not be revenged of the feditious - Perſons in Scotland." To all which the Lord James returned an Anſwer in Writing, to the King of France only, dated from Dunbarton the 12th of Au- guſt 1559, importing, That he had done nothing againſt God, nor the Obe- dience due to his Majeſty nor the Queen ; and that he hoped if his Majeſty “ were informed, how that all the late Proceedings in Scotland were grounded upon the Advancement of God's Glory, he, nor any of his Subjects, ſhould have no Occaſion to fear his Majeſty's Wrath and Indignation. The Queen, who had now got notice of the Appointment made by the Lords of the Congregation in the Weſt, and that they had ordered their friends to aſſemble together on Govan-Moor near to Glaſgow on Monday the 28th of Auguſt , wrote Letters on the roth of the ſame Month to the Earl of Arran, and to every other Lord and Baron in whom ſhe had the leaſt Confidence, fignia fying to them the certain Knowledge ſhe had got of that Matter, and praying them to convene with their Followers to whatſoever Place ſhe ſhould advertiſe by her Proclamation. According to the Advice given the Queen-Regent by, Monf. de la Croe, Recruits ar there did very quickly arrive at Leith about 1000 French Soldiers, comman-rive from ded by one Octavian, who brought along with him Money and other neceſſa- ry Proviſions for War. Theſe Soldiers were immediately employed to fortify Leith is for the Town of Leith : But their Commander was in a few Days diſpatched back tified. Cc into (a) One Half of theſe lay in the Canongate, the principal Suburbs of Edinburgh, and the other Half lay in Garriſon at Leitla. 66 France. 102 The History of the Affairs of Book I. from the Pope, and The Lord Hamilton ar- 1559 into France by the Queen, with a Requeſt to that King for as many more Sol- diers, and 100 Horſemen in Armour, and four Ships of War to cruiſe in the Frith of Edinburgh. With which Supplies, if ſpeedily ſent, ſhe doubted not to reduce the whole Kingdom to a peaceable Condition. And that the French King might be the more quick in granting theſe Supplies, the Queen did at the ſame time advertiſe him, that the contrary Fifty had demanded Aſliſtance from England, Germany and Denmark; and that they kept Correſpondence even with ſome principal Perſons of the Kingdom of France, who had promiſed to uſe their Endeavours that no Supplies (hould be ſent her from thence. Be- fore the Return of this Captain, viz. on the 19th September, there arrived in Scotland Nicolas de Pelue Biſhop of Amiens, together with three French Do- A Legate ctors of Divinity, and Monf. là Broſſe a military Perfon. The Biſhop came with the Character of Legate à latere from the Pope : And Leſly tells us, that there is Do&ors ſometime after his Arrival he fet about purging the High Church of Edinburgh of the Sorbon. from heretical Pollutions; which, he ſays, was done with a great Shew of Piery and Devotion ; and that ſeveral of the Scottiſh Prelates and inferior Cler- gy, following his Example, were very diligent and ſucceſsful in their Eccleſia- ſti Miniſtrations. The ſame Author alſo informs us, that theſe Sorbon Do- ctors, by their Sermons and Reaſonings, had great Succeſs in eſtabliſhing un- ſettled Perſons in the Belief of the Catholick Doctrine. The Lords of the Congregation, purſuant to an Appointment made themſelves before their laſt Departure from Stirling, mer again there on the Ioth of September, and thither came to them the Lord Hamilton eldeſt Son to the Earl of Arran. He had been Colorel of the Scots Guards in France : But having imbibed fome how or other a good liking to the new Opinions, and having expreſt himſelf too freely on that Subject at Court, he found it prudent to retire, firſt to Geneva, and then to England, from whence he came home zives, and re-into his native Country. And having viſited his Father, (then commonly conciles his Fa- called (a) The Duke) he went next to Stirling; and from thence returned to his father at Hamilton, accompanied by the Lords of the Congregation. Congregation. There he made up ſome old Feuds that were then ſubſiſting betwixt his Father and ſome of thoſe Lords, and gained him ſo entirely over to the Congregation as to take part with them. After which there was a Letter wrote to the Queen- Regent, dated at Hamilton the 29th of September, and ſubſcribed by the Duke, the Earls of Arran, (that is the Lord Hamilton) Argile, Glencairn, Mon- teith, the Lords Ruthven, Boyd and Ochiltree, and ſome others; the Sub- ſtance whereof was, That they marvelled how ſhe unprovoked could ſo foon deviate from the late Appointment, and place a Colony of Foreigners in the Town of Leith, minding thereby to keep the Country under a tyrannical Sub- jection. They intreated her Majeſty to deſiſt from that Courſe, and not to drive them to a Neceflity of ſeeking the Concurrence of their Fellow-fubjects, for reſiſting the Miſchief intended againſt the whole Community. But there were ſo many Letters (b), Proclamations, Declarations, &c. fent and diſperſed up and down the Kingdom, both to private Perſons and the Body of the People, from the Queen and the Congregation, that I cannot pretend to give an Abſtract of them all. I ſhall only take notice in general, that they all tended to clear their own Side, and load the other with Reproaches ; and by that Means they ſerved chiefly to widen the Differences more than ever : So that both Parties proceeded to a vigorous Proſecution of each other by Force of Arms. The Queen's Deſign of fortifying Leith, and making it a Place of Arms, hath been already mentioned. And the Congregation, to be ſomewhat even with the Queen in that Point, had ſeized on Broughty Caſtle on the North Side (a) viz. Of Chaſtelherault in France. And he was ſtiled ſimply the Duke, becauſe there was none other of that Dignity in Scot- land at the Time. His Son after his Return was fometimes ſtiled Earl of Arran. (6) They are to be ſeen in Mr. Knox's Hiſtory : And that Author ſeems to own that the Queen's Papers gained moſt Credit in the Nation, which is the more to be admired, that in the Papers emitted by the Congregation (in forming whereof he no Doubt had a great Hand) there are the moſt folemn Appeals to Almighty God for the Uprightneſs of their Undertakings. But it appears our Forefathers have then ſeen, and we their Poſterity have ſince learned by dear-bought Experience, that the Uſurpation of the Sacred Name of God is not always a furc Sign of the Truth, even in publick Deeds. ther to the Chap. IX. 103 Church and State in Scotland. The Congres Side of the Mouth of the River Tay, as being commodious for receiving foreign 1559. Aſſiſtance, and likewiſe for preſerving the Towns of Dundee and Perth. The Congregation alſo entred into a Reſolution to diſlodge the Queen's Forces from Leith; and for that Purpoſe they came to Edinburgh the 18th of October ; gation take and the fame Day the Queen went from the Palace of Holy-rood-boufe, and Browery entred into the Safeguard of the Garriſon at Leith. Now, tho'it be true, (as Caſtle : is evident by this laſt Movement) that neither Party had been able, by their ſeveral Declarations hinc inde, to gain much Ground over the other; yet ’tis as certain, that the Charge laid by the Queen againſt the Duke in particular, of a Deſign to uſurp the Government, and in general againſt all the other Lords, to ſubvert the fame one way or other, under the ſpecious Pretence of Religion, had its own Weight with ſeveral of their Friends ; infomuch that many Gentlemen, and eſpecially thoſe of Lothian, began to murmure; and did actually ceaſe from giving the Congregation any Afliſtance for ſome Days after they had come to Edinburgh. To eradicate this Suſpicion from the Minds of Men, it was judged proper that the Duke (a) ſhould make a folemn Purgation of himſelf from any ſuch Deſign, (which was likewiſe done by Sound of Trumpet at the Market-croſs of Edinburgh the 19th of October ;) in which he proteſted, that neither he nor his Son had ever an Intention to affect any Pre-eminence, or to uſurp the Regal Authority ; but that they had joined themſelves to the reſt of the Nobility and others, merely to ſupport the Cauſe of Religion, and the Liberty of the Country ; which, he ſaid, were plainly invaded by the Queen- Regent and her French Soldiers. The fame Day the Congregation ſent a Letter to the Queen-Regent, requi- And require ring her to command all Soldiers and Foreigners to depart the Town of Leith, the Regent to and leave it patent to the Queen's Lieges; aſſuring her Highneſs, that if the refuſed to comply with their Requeſts, they would take it as an Argument of Leith. her Intention againſt the Liberty of the Kingdom, and that they would provide In Anſwer to this Meſſage, the againſt the ſame the beſt Remedy they could. Queen, on the 21ſt of October, ſent Lion King at Arms with this Writing, viz. Fter Commendations, we have received your Letter of Edinburgh the 19th A Letter of this Inftant, which appeareth to us rather to have come from a Prince to bis Subjects, than from Subjects to them that bear Authority. For Aun- fwer whereof, we have preſently directed unto you this Bearer Lion Herald King of Arms, ſufficiently inſtructed with our Mind, to whom ye ſhall give Credence. Att Leith, October 21ſt 1559. MARIE R. Town of A His Credit was this. " That the Queen wondred how any durſt preſume to command her in that • Realm, which needeth not to be conqueſt by any Force, conſidering that it from the and Meſſage was already conqueſt by Marriage : That Frenchmen could not juſtly be called Queen, by the Lord Lion. Strangers, ſeeing that they were naturalized; and therefore that ſhe would “ neither make that Town patent, neither yet ſend any Man away, but as the thought expedient. She accuſed the Duke of violating his Promiſe. She made long Proteſtation of her Love towards the Commonwealth of Scotland: " And in the End commanded, that under the Pain of Treaſon, all Afiftaries to the Duke, and unto them, ſhould depart from the Town of Edinburgh." The Lord Lion having thus delivered his Credit, and performed the other Part of his Office of Herald; the Lords, in the firſt Place, ordered him to re- main in Edinburgh until he ſhould receive their Anſwer to her Majeſty ; then they gathered the Nobles, Barons and Burghers of their Faction, within CC 2 the (c) It is to be noticed, that the Lord Hamilton returned Home by England, where he ſaw Elizabeth ; who, 'tis ſaid Hopes not only of the Crown of Scotland, but alſo of her marrying him herſelf: which, if true, no Doubt was the Argument that brought over fo eaſily his father, and made both fo forward to make up old Feuds. But ſee Appendix Numb. 14. gave him 104 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559. the Tolbooth of that City, the ſame 2 Iſt of October. The Lord Ruthven was or choſen Preſes of the Meeting ; who, after he had declared how Matters then ſtood betwixt the Queen-Regent and them, he deſired every one to give his Sentiment concerning this Queſtion, viz. Whether she that fo contemptuouſly refisſed the moſt humble Requeſt of the born Counſellors of the Realm, being alſo but a Regent, whoſe Pretences threatned the Bondage of the whole Com monwealth, ought to be ſuffered ſo tyrannically to domineer over them? This Motion ſeemed dangerous to fome, as wanting a Precedent in this Kingdom, at leaſt for a great many Years back ; nay, and that ſuch an Action had been always done under the Shadow and Name of the Regal Authority. Others à- gain laid, the Queen, being only Regent, might very well be prohibited to uſe the Name of their Sovereign, when her Proceedings were known to be perni- The Preach-cious to the Kingdom. In this Diverſity of Opinions, it was thought meer to ersgive Advice take the Judgment of their Preachers. Mr. Folon Willocks, as having perfor- ouden from med that Office for ſome Time paſt in Edinburgh, was firſt called upon. He, the Regency, after having ſpoke ſomewhat concerning the Divine Ordinance of Magiſtracy, the Limitation of it by the Word of God, and the Inſtances of depoſing Kings recorded in the Scriptures, did conclude, “ That ſince the Queen-Regent de nied her chief Duty to the Subjects of this Realm, which was, to miniſter Juſtice to them indifferently, 'to preſerve their Liberties from Invaſion of Strangers, and to ſuffer them to have God's Word freely and openly preach- ed amongſt them ; ſeeing moreover that the Queen-Regent was an open and " obſtinate Idolatreſs, a vehement Obtainer of all Superſtition and Idolatry; as alſo, ſhe openly declares the Country to be conqueſt, and no more free; 66 and finally, that ſhe utterly deſpiſeth the Counſel and Requeſts of the Nobi- lity : He could fee no Reaſon why they, the born Counſellors, Nobility “ and Barons of the Realm, might not juſtly deprive her from all Regiment " and Authority amongſt them. After this the Judgment of Mr. Knox was required, who, approving the Sentence of his Brother, added firſt, “ That the Iniquity and Diſorder of the Queen-Regent ought in no wiſe to withdraw our Hearts, nor the Hearts of “ other Subjects, from the Obedience due unto our Sovereigns. Next, That if we depoſed the ſaid Queen-Regent, rather from Malice and private Envy, than for the Preſervation of the Commonwealth, and for that her Sins ap- peared incurable; that we ſhould not eſcape God's juſt Puniſhment, howio- ever that ſhe had deſerved Rejection from Honours. And in the laſt Place he required, that no ſuch Sentence ſhould be pronounced againſt her ; but " that upon known and open Repentance, and upon her Converſion to the Commonwealth, and Submiſſion to the Nobility, Place ſhould be granted unto her of Regreſs to the fame Honours, from the which for juſt Cauſes the juſtly might be deprived." Theſe were the Sentiments of the Preachers : Concerning which Arch- biſhop Spottiſwood judiciouſly obſerves, that it had been a better and wiſer Part in them, to have excuſed themſelves from giving any Opinion in theſe Mat- ters ; ſeeing they might be ſure to have it caſt in their Teeth, to the Scandal of is proclaim of their Profeſſion. However, it ſeems the Multitude of the Congregation was ſo well diſpoſed to be guided by the Preachers, that no ſooner had they given out their Oracle, and every Man being commanded to ſpeak, as he would an- ſwer to God, what his Conſcience judged in that Matter, there was none found in the whole Number who did not by his Tongue conſent to the Queen's De- privation ; which was quickly drawn up, and formed into an Act : A Copy whereof may be ſeen in Mr. Knox's Hiſtory; who tells us, that the ſame was proclaimed by Sound of Trumpet at the Market-croſs of Edinburgh, and that thereafter the Lord Lion was diſmiſt to the Queen with the following Letter. ܪ An Aet where cd. Pleaſe Chap. IX. 105 Church and State in Scotland. WE Pleaſe your Grace (a); E have receiv'd your Anſwer, and heard the Credit of Lion King of 1559. Arms; whereby we gather fufficiently your Perfeveration in evil Mind towards us, the Glory of God, our Commonwealth, and Liberty of our native Countrey. For ſaving of the which, according unto our Duties, we have, in our Soverain Lord and Ladie's Name, ſuſpended your Commiſſion, and all Ad- miniſtration of the Policy your Grace may pretend thereby ; being moſt afſu- redly perſwaded, that your Proceedings are directly contrary to our Soveraine Lord and Lady's Will; which we ever eſteem to be for the Weál, and not for the Hurt of this our Commonwealth. And as your Grace will not ac- knowlege us, our Soverain Lord and Lady's true Barons and Lieges, for your Subjects ; no more will we acknowlege you for any Regent, or lawfull Magiſtrate unto us; ſeeing, if any Authority you have by reaſon of our So- verain's Commiffion granted unto your Grace, the fame, for moſt weighty Reaſons, is worthily ſuſpended by us, by Name of Autority [Knox, in the Name and Authority] of our Soverains, whoſe Councill we are of native Birth, in the Affairs of this our Common Weal. And foraſmuch as we are determined, with Hazard of our Lives; to ſett that Town at Liberty, where- in you have moft wrongfully planted your Soldiers and Strangers; for the Re- verence we ow to your Perfon, as Mother to our Soveräin Lady, we require your Grace to tranſport your Perfon therefrom ; ſeeing we are conſtroined, by the Neceflity of the Commonwealth, to force the ſame by Arms; being de nyed Liberty thereof, bý fundry Requeſts made before : Your Grace woul! cauſe depart with you, out of the said Toun, any Perfon having Commiſſione of Ambaſſade, if any fuch be, or Lieutenant ſhip of our Foverains, together with all Frenchmen Soldiers, being eithin the frame; whole Blood we thirſt not, becauſe of the old Amity and Friendſhip betwixt the Realm of France and us; which Amity, by.the Marriage of our Soverain Lady to the King of that Realm, mou'd rather increaſe than decreaſe. And this we pray your Grace and them to do within the Space of twenty four Hours, for the Reverence we ow unto your Perſons. And thus, recommending our humblè Service to your Grace, we commit your Highneſs to the eternal Protection of God. At Edinburgh, the 23d of October. By your Grace's humble Serviteurs, The Council having the Authority anto the next Parliament, en rected by common Election of the Earls, Lords and Baronis; conveer'd at Edinburgh, of the Proteſtant Faction. The Maſter of Maxwell. E A R L S. My Lord Duke's Grace, and Earl of Arran. The E. of Argile. The E. of Glencairn. LORDS. James of St. Andrews. The Lord Ruthyen. B A R ONS. Tullibardine. The Laird of Dun. The Laird of Pitarrow. The Provoſt of Aberdeen for the Burrows. The Names of the whole twenty nine Lords and Barons, out of which the forenamed Counſellors were choſen, are, My Lord Duke ; Earls of Arran, Eglington, Argile, Rothes, Morton, Glencairn, Mariſchal, Sutherland: Dd Lords (a) Cotton Library, Caligula, B. 30. And Lawyers Library Edinburgh, Drumfoy's Collections, 106 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559. Lords Areskine, Ruthven, Hume, Athens (a), Prior, Livingſton, Maſter of Maxwel, Boyd, Ochiltree : Barons, Tullibardine, Glenurchy, Lundy, *** Dun, Lauriſton, Cunningham, Calder, Pitarrow : Provoſts of Edinburgh, St. Andrews, Dundee. The whole Streſs, as I conceive, of the Act of Deprivation, and of this Let- ter tranſmitted to the Queen-Regent by the Lord Lion, ſeems to hang upon the Deprivers their being born Counſellors to their Sovereign. It will how- ever remain a Queſtion, whether the Counſellors of the Realm could in Rea- fon convene together of their own Accord, without the Knowledge, and cer- tainly without the Approbation of their Sovereign ; declare that to be the Will of their Sovereign, which they were inwardly aſſured was not their Sovereign’s Mind; and proceed to the Suſpenſion of a Perſon from the Government, who had her Commiſſion immediately from the Sovereign, and independently of them, without ever ſo much as acquainting, or pretending to acquaint their Sovereign of their Intention, or deſiring her Commiſſion to be recalled ? Be- ſides, ſeeing of this Council, that proceeded to deprive or ſuſpend the Sovereign's Repreſentative, fome were indeed Lords of the Realm, others only Barons of the inferior Order, and others only Magiſtrates of Towns ; if all theſe ſhall be fuppoſed to be born Counſellors, (which however I think is much to be queſti- oned) it would appear to have been requiſite, that the greateſt Part of theſe born Counſellors had been convened, in order to take under their Confideration ſuch a nice Point of Government, and to form an Act which ſtruck at the very Foundation of the Government. But that this was not the Caſe, I think may be pretty evident to every one that inſpects our Hiſtory, even as recorded by the ſtauncheſt Supporters of this Act; very few Perſons having been preſent at the framing of it, in compariſon of the whole. And for this Reaſon perhaps they thought fit not to ſign the AA Man by Man, but to wrap it up after this general Manner, viz. By us the. Nobility and Commons of the Proteſtants (6) of the Church of Scotland. But their Hand was already in Rebellion ; and, for my Part, I think it was their honeſteſt Courſe to avow it openly. Biſhop Burnet, in his Hiſtory of the Engliſh Reformation, Vol. 3. p. 281, “ of a long Repreſentation, which he met with in the Cotton Library, • of the Breach of Faith and Violation of the Laws during the Queen-Regent's “ Government ; at the End of which there is a Petition to the Queen (c), of the Engliſh as ſigned by the great Lords of this Kingdom, in which both Papiſts and Pro- teſtants concurred. And in order to obtain that concurrence, the Matters of Religion are not inſiſted on; but the continued Courſe of a perfidious so and illegal Adminiſtration is charged on the Queen Dowager : So that from “this it appears, that the War was not begun, nor carried on upon the Account “ of Religion, but upon the Pretence of publick and national Rights.” This long Repreſentation he hath put in the Appendix to his Hiſtory, where our Readers may find it. It takes notice of the fortifying of Leith, and Suſpen- fion of the Dowager's Authority; and yet the Petition at the End of it bears Date in Auguſt 1559. The Subſcribers to the Petition are, James HAMIL- TON, (this the Biſhop ſuppoſes to be the Lord Hamilton ; but that Gentleman did not arrive in Scotland till the Month of September ; ) Ard. Argyll ; CLEN- tells us, A Miſtake in the Author Rcformation. 60 (a) This was Alexander Gordon, Son to the Lord Gordon, by his Lady & natural Daughter of King Fames IV. He was bred up for the Church; and after the Death of Dunbar Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, he was named for his Succeſſor in that See : But James Beton Abbot of Aberbrothock's Intereſt being greater than his at Rome, Beton was conſecrated anno 1552. However, the Pope beſtowed on Gordon the empty Title of Archbiſhop of Athens : He likewiſe got a Promiſe of the firſt vacant Bencfice in Scotland to fupport his Dignity. Accordingly he became Biſhop of the Illes 26th November 1553, and obtained the Abbey of Inchaffray in Commendam. He was afterward tranſlated to the Biſhoprick of Galloway, 1558. He was a Judge of the Seſſion till his Death in 1576. A late Writer ſays, this Gentleman remained ever addicted to the Queen's Intereſt: How true that is, his Subſcription here doth beſt evidence. (b) If the Virtue of this Ac proceeded from the Conſideration of Religion, had not the Papiſts of the Church of Scotland equal Right to make an Ad of Reſtoration to, and Confirmation in the Regency? (©) What Queen the Biſhop meant, is uncertain ; nor is there any thing in the Petition to clear it. But in the End of the Re- preſentation, 'tis very plain that they mean the Queen of England; for their Words are theſe, And therefore they have com- * municated their hole Cauſe to certayn of the Queen's Majeſtie's Miniſters upon the Borders,”? Chap. IX. 107 Church and State in Scotland. GLENCARNE; JAMES STEWART; ALEX. GORDON, ( Son to the Earl 1559. . of Huntly, according to the Bifhop : I reckon he has been the Archbiſhop of Athens ; ) JOHN *****, (I fuppoſe this might be the Laird of Dun;) R. Boyd; UCHILTRE; JOHN MAXWELL; RUTHVEN; J AMES STEWART, (this the Biſhop conjectures, tho' without any Ground, to be the Earl of A- thole's Son, and the former of this Name to be the Prior of St. Andrew's ; in which laſt no doubt he has Reafon.) But 'tis ſtrange to hear the Biſhop affirm, that theſe few Subſcribers were the great Lords of the Kingdom, both Papiſts and Proteſtants : For by the whole Tenor of our Hiſtory, the Reader will per- ceive that theſe Subſcribers, except Gordon and Stewart, were the great and conftant Sticklers for an Alteration in Religion : So that the Biſhop's Readers would take care, not to ſuffer themſelves to be carried off with every Miſrepre- ſentation of our Affairs. This Declaration of the confederate Lords, as it is called, ſerves to inform us, what was the Foundation of the Authority of the Council that proceeded to the Suſpenſion of the Queen-Regent ; for towards the End thereof there are theſe Words, And nowe the Duke and the reſt of the Nobilitie, with the Barons and Burgefes of the Realme, were in the End conſtrayned to conſtitute a Counfayle for the Governance of the Realme, to the Uſe of theyr Soverayn Lady; and therewith humbly to ſignifie to her the reaſonable Suſpenſion of the Dowager's Authoritie; wbich to mayntayn they have of themſelves, as natural Subjects. Having hitherto forgot to take notice of two Treaties of Peace made with England this Year, I ſhall here give my Reader an Account of them. The A Treaty at firſt was concluded on the 2d Day of April this Year 1559, at the Caſtle of Cambray be- Cambray, a City in the Low Countries. There was a double Ticaty here at and England this Time (a) ; one betwixt the Crowns of France and England, the other be. twixt the Crowns of Scotland and England. They are both of the fame Date, and the Plenipotentiaries are the ſame in both, viz. for the Part of France and Scotland, Charles Cardinal of Lorrain, Anne Duke of Montmorency, Jacques d' Albon Marſhal of France, John de Morvillier Biſhop of Orleans, and Claude de l' Aubeſpine Knight, and Secretary of State : For the Part of England, Sir William Howard Lord Chamberlain to the Queen, Thomas Biſhop of Ely, and Nicolas Wotton Dean of Canterbury and York. The only Articles of this Peace that are worth noticing are theſe, 1. That the Fort built at Aymouth, and any other Fortification or Innovation that ſhall be found to have been made within the Limits of Scotland, before the Publication of this preſent Peace, from the Time of the Peace concluded at Bologne in March 1545, fhall be demoliſhed within three Months after the Concluſion of this Treaty ; nor ſhall there be built, or re-fortified, any other Place of Strength, contrary to the preſent Treaty. The like Obligation to be binding upon the Engliſh Nation, with reſpect to any Fort already built, or to be built by them, within or near the ſaid Limits of Scotland. 3. That all Rights, Actions, Ex- ceptions, Sc. fhall remain entire, as they are preſently claimed by the reſpective Sovereigns of the Kingdoms of Scotland and England; nor ſhall any Altera- tion be inade therein by the preſent Treaty (b). 3. Seeing the Plenipotentia- ries for Scotland have not ſufficient Knowledge of the State of Affairs depending betwixt the Crowns of Scotland and England, therefore they have deferred to decide on certain Articles reſpecting the Peace and Concord of the two King- doms, viz. the granting of Paſſports and Letters of Safe Conduct, Murders, Thefts, Robberies, Depredations, cutting of Trees, Shipwrecks, &c. and they do agree and ſtipulate, that Commiſſioners, duly inſtructed by the reſpective Sovereigns of Scotland and England, fhall meet, at a certain Day and Place appointed for that Effect, before the Expiration of two Months from the Date Dd 2 of (a) Fodera Anglie. (b) This ſhews that Queen Eliſabeth has not thought this a proper Seaſon for her to enter upon the Diſcuſſion of the Righ claimed by our Qucen to the Realm of England. 108 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559. of this preſent Treaty ; and then and there ſhall determine of the above men- tioned Articles, as ſhall be found moſt for the Benefit of both the Kingdoms. And in the mean time, the Subjects of both Kingdoms ſhall be bound to re- gulate themſelves, in the foreſaid Points, conformable to the Treaty of Peace above mentioned. Another at Up fettlington. The other Treaty of Peace concluded this Year betwixt Scotland and England, was that of Upſettlington, a pleaſant Country-village on the North Side of the River Tweed, within the Borders of Scotland, five Miles Weſt from Berwick. It was a fuppletory Treaty, ſet about merely for adjuſting the Points left undecid- ed at the former. The Commiffioners for Scotland were James Earl of Morton, Alexander Lord Hume, Henry Sinclair Dean of Glaſgow, and James Mac- gill Clerk of Regiſter and Council : Thoſe for England were Thomas Percy Earl of Northumberland, Cuthbert Biſhop of Durham, William Lord Dacre, and Sir James Crofts Captain of the Town and Caſtle of Berwick. Beſides the regulating of theſe things that were reſerved to be adjuſted in this Treaty, it was agreed, That the Bounds, Limits, &c. of the two Kingdoms ſhould conti- nue the ſame as in the Time of Philip and Mary King and Queen of England: That the Town of Berwick ſhould not be moleſted by the Scots, nor thould the Engliſh give any Moleſtation to the Scots from that Garriſon : That no Letters of Safe Conduct be granted to the Subjects of either Kingdom, without they be futed for by the proper Sovereign of thoſe Subjects (a). This Treaty was finiſhed and drawn up at the Church of Our Lady of Vpſalinton the 31ſt of May, and Duplicates thereof were delivered and exchanged in the Pariſh-Church of Norham, juſt oppoſite on the Engliſh Side of the Tweed, that ſame Day. #L ESLEgy gy ASSE-Gidy9-08 AGE 19 BATAYes les de 38-3-Agile * sed CH A P. X. T Containing an Account of Publick Affairs, from the Suſpenſion of the Queen-Regent in the End of October 1559, until the Treaty made at Berwick, betwixt the Queen of England and the Lords of the Con- gregation, in the End of February Anno 1559-60. DHE Act of Deprivation or Suſpenſion (as it was termed) having been notified to the Queen-Regent, in the Letter directed to her by the Congregation ; the next Step they made, was, on the 25th of the fame Month, to ſummon, by a Herald, all Scottiſh and Frenchmen to deſiſt from fortifying the Town of Leith, to depart out of it within the Space of twelve Hours, and to leave it påtent and open to all and fundry their Sovereign Lady's Liéges. But this Summons being diſregarded, it was reſolved The Congre- by the Lords and Chiefs of the Congregation, to enter the Town of Leith by gation attempt ſcaling Ladders ; which they appointed to be made within St. Giles's Church Fortifications in Edinburgh, to the great Diſpleaſure of the Preachers; who affirmed, that they dreaded the Succeſs of that Enterprize, which began by ſuch Irreverence put upon the Places where the People ought to convene to Common Prayers and Preaching; and that God could not fuffer fuch Contempt to remain long unpuniſhed 6). And the Truth is, the Diſorder which appeared already among them, and which emboldned their Preachers to deal fo plainly by them, did hourly encreaſe ; for the Queen, by her Addreſs, had wrought off many of their Party; and beſides, ſhe had fallen on Ways and Means to entertain her Spies among them, who acquainted her from Time to Time with their moſt of Leith. ſecret (a) What Regard the Queen of England paid to this Article, will appear from this Hiſtory, and the Collection of original Letters in the Appendix relating to this Period. (6) Theſe very fame Men thought it no Crime to pull down Edifices built for, and employed in the Worlip of God. Bus dicir Forin of Worſhip was purer than the other. Chap. X. Church and State in Scotland. 100 ny land, ſecret Projects. And, which was worſt of all for them, the Soldiers they had 1559 hired began to mutiny for want of regular. Pay. And if any one endeavoured to appeale theſe Soldiers, he was ſeverely threatned by them; nay they a&ual- ly flew one of the Earl of Argile’s Gentlemen, who would have reaſoned them Their hired. Soldiers musi into better Order. And to thew what little Truſt was to be repoſed in them, theſe very Men had formerly made Proclamation in Linlithgow, That they were ready to ſerve and aſſiſt any Man for Money, to ſuppreſs the new Con- gregation, and to re-eſtabliſh the ancient Worſhip. Nor was this all; for even the Duke, who had ſhewed himſelf ſo keen for that Party of late, being now fhaken by the Diſcourſes of ſome of his Friends, and the falling away of ſeve: ral of his Followers to the Queen, grew fearful, and by his Terror diſcouraged many. In this vexatious Poſture of Affairs, the Lords of the Congregation called a Meeting, in order to conſult what was moſt proper to be done in the preſent Juncture, and in it they reſolved, that it was firſt of all neceſſary to pay off and appeaſe the Soldiery. But ſeeing Money could not be raiſed, ſome being really poor, and others preferring their Calh to their Cauſe ; it was reſolved on and agreed, that every Nobleman ſhould give in his Silver-plate, to be melted down and coined, for a Supply to the preſent Neceſſity. But when that came to be done, the Workmen of the Mint ſtole away; and conveyed with them the Stamps and Irons thereof. This Expedient thus failing, the only remaining and låſt Reſource of Money was from England. To which Purpoſe Mr.Cock- a burn of Ormiſton was privately directed to Berwick, to confér with Sir Ralph supply of Mac Sadler, and Sir James Crofts Captain of that Town and Caſtle, in order to ney from Eng. obtain ſuch a Sum as would ſupply their preſent Occaſions. Yet this their De- ſign was not kept fo fecret, but that the Queen had notice of it, who there- upon perſuaded the Earl of Bothwel to way-lay Drmiſton in his Return; which that Earl did fo effectually, potwickfanging fome Engagements to the Congre- gation, that he made himſelf Maſter of 4000 Crowns; being the whole which that Gentleman had procured at Berwick (a). On the laſt Day of October, James Haliburton the Provoſt, and the other Townſmen of Dundees together with ſome Soldiers, marched towards Leith, in order to plant againſt it ſome great Guns which they had carried with them. This being perceived by the French Soldiers in Garriſon there; they fallied out, beat off the Men of Dundee, took their Cannon, and chaſed them up in- They are to the very City of Edinburgh. The Conſternation was ſo great, leſt the twice forted Frenchmen ſhould prevent their Return thither, that while each endeavoured to ſave himſelf, the Weak were trodden down by the Strong, and the Foot were trampled under by the few Horſe that were preſent; each ſtriving who Thould get firſt into the Port of the Nether-boiy, which is the Eaſt Gate of that City : And at which narrow Paſſage the Clamour and Diſorder was ſo great, that, ſays Mr. Knox, we luſt not to expreſs with Multiplication of Words.; and the Amazement became ſo univerſal in the City, that with much Difficul- ty the Citizens and others could be reſtrained from running out by the Weſt- port : And even ſome who ſtood in the higheſt Eſtimation among them, and others who had pretended the greateſt Zeal for the Work of Reformation, began to withdraw themſelves ſecretly from the Cauſe ; and ſuch as had the Hardineſs to continue firm, appeared quite at a Lofs what Counſel they ſhould follow, never abiding fix’d in one Opinion for twenty four Hours together. And becauſe the Queen's Partiſans were, according to their Duty, very diligent in taking off fuch Perſons as they could have any Influence upon, from the ad- verſe Party; therefore Mr. Knox doubts not but ” God would recompenſe their malicious Craft in their own Bofom, and thus prays, Render, Lord, " to the Wicked according to their Malice.” In this Conflict, that Author Еe reckons (a) See Appendix Numb. 15. By the Letters referr’d to in the Appendix it appears, that the Difference betwixt the Engliſh and the Scottiſh Money was become the ſame at that Time as it is now, if ſo be that one Crown contained three Scottiſh Pounds as at preſent'; which ſeems to be exceeding probable, ſeeing the Letter mentions L. 1000 of Engliſh Money to have been deli- vered to Mr. Cockburn. ITO The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559. réckons not above ten Soldiers on his Side to have been flain : But Biſhop Lefly ſays, a good many were a-miſſing, and of that Number Mr. Haliburton the chief Leader of that Day's Expedition On Monday the 6th (a) of November, when News was brought that the Garriſon of Leith had marched out to intercept fome Proviſions coming towards Edinburgh; the Earl of Arran and Lord James Stewart iſſued out, and char- ged the French Soldiers more fiercely than prudently, by which they were upon the very Point of being fhut out from the City. They were almoſt to- tally furrounded on the Marthes betwixt Reftalrig and the Palace of Holy-rood- houſe; and in that Jeopardy the whole Company very narrowly eſcaped being cut in Pieces : However, there were only about thirty Perſons killed, and ſome few taken Priſoners. This ſecond Misfortune had its natural Conſequence of rendring the Affairs of the Congregation ſtill more perplexed ; many more withdrew from them, and all were grown now almoſt deſperate. And when ſcarce any could be perſuaded to remain at Edinburgh in a military Poſture, tho’much preſſed by the Earl of Arran and Lord James; it was at laſt agreed to leave the City, becauſe, as was pretended, the Lord Erskine Governor of the Caſtle, who had ſhewed them fome Favour during the Skirmiſh that hap- pened on the laſt Day of October, would not promiſe to befriend them for the Which obli. future. And accordingly they all departed from Edinburgh (b) that fame Day get them to towards Midnight, marching directly for Stirling ; and ſo great was the Pan- Getire to Stir- nick that then leized them, that they never halted till they had arrived there. ling. On Wedneſday the 8th of November, Mr. Knox gave a Sermon to the Congre- gation at Stirling, who, he tells us, were much erected by his Diſcourſe After Dinner he was called on by the Lords to come into the Council ; at which it was concluded, to ſend William Maitland (C) younger of Lething- ton to London, (he had been Secretary to the Queen ; but had ſometime before left her at Leith, and joined himſelf to the Congregation) there to expoſe their State and Condition to the Queen and Council of England. He was likewife ordered to lay before them the eminent Dangers that would ariſe to England, if the French were ſuffered to fortify Places, and plant Garriſons in Scotland; and that if the Scots were overcome, either by Force or by Fraud, the French would thereby have an eaſy Step to invade the Engliſh, and infringe their Power. It was alſo agreed in Council, that their next Meeting, ſhould be at Stirling, on or about the 16th Day of December following; and that in the mean time the Noblemen ſhould depart each to their own Home, and there remain quier until the Day appointed. This Account we have from Mr. Knox, who ne The Chiefs af- vertheleſs informs us, in Concurrence with our other Hiſtorians, that the terwards fepa-Chiefs of the Congregation did ſeparate themſelves into two Parts of the King- rent Counties. dom, viz. the Duke, Earl of Glencairn, the Lords Boyd and Ochiltree, and their Friends, into the Weſt, and had their Reſidence in the City of Glaſgow, for Comfort of the Country, and for giving of Anſwers as Occaſion ſhould require ; and that the Earls of Rothes and Arran, the Lord James and Maſter of Lindſay, and their Adherents, did remain together within the County of Fife, for the fame Purpoſes. And finally, for keeping up and conveying Intelligence berwixt theſe Diſtricts, Mr. Henry Balnaves was ordered (as a Secretary) attend the Noblemen reſiding at Glaſgow, and Mr. John Knox thoſe in Fife. The Duke, at his coming to Glaſgow, cauſed all the Images and Alțars in the down the Al. Churches there to be pulled down, and ſeized on the Caſtle which belonged tars at Glaſ- to the Archbiſhop of thar See. This piece of News having reached Edinburgh, the Queen-Regent ſent inſtantly fome French Soldiers, along with the Arch- biſhop, for the Recovery of the Caſtle; who being likewiſe aſſiſted by the Lords Seton, Sempil and Roſs, and the Duke's People having left the Town upon to They pull Sowj (a) Monday was certainly the 6th of November this Year; but Mr. Knox ſays it was the sth: And Mr. Buchanan ſays, this Exploit was on the 5th of the Month; but mentions not the Day of the Week. (b) See Appendix Numb. 16. Sce Appendix Numb. (17. There was no need of Mr. Maitland's refined Art to perſuade the Court of England; for it was a fure Retreat for them, as may be ſeen by the Letters in the Appendix written by the publick Miniſters of that Kingdom. Chap. X III Church and State in Scotland. upon Notice of their Approach, the Caſtle was foon regained, and the French 1559. immediately returned to Edinburgh. We are not told the exact Time when this Expedition happened; but if it was in November, 'tis certain the Duke has ſpeedily repaired to Glaſgow after the French left it : For on the 29th of that Month we find him there, commanding, by publick Proclamation, all the Cler- gy to come and join themſelves to the Congregation, or otherwiſe to be holden as Enemies to God and true Religion, and to have their Benefices taken from them. But becauſe the Proclamation is not long, and that for its Singula- rity ſome may be deſirous to read it, I ſubjoin it as recorded by Mr. Petrie, who had it, he tells us, and the other after mentioned, from the Laird of Dun : and emit two And tho’ they be only in MS. yet he aſſures us that the Signer affixed to them very ſingular was (at that Time] whole and entire ; which makes him conjecture, not with-in Namcofthe out Reaſon, that theſe Proclamations have never been in Print. Proclamations Queen. FR Rancis and Mary king and Queen of Scots, Dauipyin and Daul, phinners of Viennois (a) : To Our Lovets, Metiengers our Sheriffs in that part, conjundly and ſeverally ſpecial, ly conftitute, greeting. Foz Co much as it is underſtood by the Loos of our privy Council that be reformed, of the Suſpicion of the Queen Dowziers Authority; the famine is, by Conſent of the nobis lity and Barons of our Realm, now by God's Providence devolved unto them: And their chief and krt Charge and Study is, and mould bee, to advance the Glozy of God, by maintaining and upſetting true Preachers of the Wozd, reforming of Religion, and Subverlion of Jdolatry. And there are divers of the Clergy who have not as yet ad- joined themſelves unto the Congregation, noz made open Certification of their Faith, and Benunciation of Idolatry : Dur Wil is heres fore, and we charge you ftraitly, and command, That incontinently, theſe our Letters teen, ye pals, and, in our name and Authority, command and charge all and fundry of the Clergy, who have not as yet adjoined themſelves to the Congregation as ſaid is, by open P20, clamation at al Places needful, that they compear befoze the Lords of Counſet at Saint Andreus, the Day of and there give open Teſtification of their Converüon, with plain con- fellion of their faith, and Kenunciation of al manner of Super. ftition and Idolatry; with Certification unto them, if they fail , they thall be reputed and hoiden as Enemies to God and true Religion, and the fruits of their Benefices mau be taken away, one Part there. of to the true Preachers who miniftrate truly the Tiloid, and the re- manent to be applied to the forthſetting of the common Weil of our Realm. The which to do, we commit to your conjunaly and ſeverally our full power, by theſe our Letters, delivering them by you dury erecute, and indorſed again unto the Bearer. Given under our Sis gnet, at Glaſgow, the penult Day of November, of our Keigns the firit and ſeventeenth Dears. Notwithſtanding this Proclamation, fome Biſhops, ſays Mr. Petrie, inten- ded a new Perfecution; whereupon the Council of the Congregation fent forth another Proclamation in the following Words. Rancis and Mary, &c. fotomuch as the Lods of our F Council, underſtanding the great Hurt and Jniquity that in Times paſt hath proceeded to the Members of Chriſt's Church, by main- taining and upholding of the Antichriis Laws and his Conütory, boating [i. e. threatning ] and fearing the ümple and ignojant people E e 2 with (a) It ſeems the Congregation liked not to give the Queen and hex Husband thcir rightful Title of King and Queen of France, which they were then become. The History of the Affairs of Book 1. 1559 with their Turlings, Gravatures, and ſuch like others their Thieat- nings, wherevy they late on the Conſciences of Men of long Time bygone ; Odained that no onliftory thould be afterwards bolden, han ed noe uſed, having reſpect that there be enough of Civil ordina ry Judges, to the which oui Lieges may have Recourſe in ali tr eir Actions and Caufes. And not the leſs, the ſaid Lolds are intoje med, that certain wicked perſons with n the City of Brechin (a), malevolent Members of the ſaid Antichrift, contemptuoully diſobey the ſaid Didinance, and ceaſe not fit to yold Confidory, and erecute vis peftilent Laws within the raid City, in Contempt of us and our Nuthouity : Dur Wil is therefore, command and charge the commitary and Scribe of Brechin, and all other members of the ſaid Confittozy, and others our Lieges whatſoever having Inter Is, That none of them take in hand to hold any conltozy foz Adminis &ration of the ſaid wicked Laws, of aſſiſt thereto in any way from thenceforth, under the pain of Death, as ye will anſwer, &c. Given under our Signet, at Dundy, tye fozteenth Day of December, and de our Reigns the ſecond and eighteenth Pears (6). 66 "Out of theſe Proclamations, and all other Proceedings heretofore, (ſays " this Author) it appears clearly, that whatſoever was done, had the Autho- rity of the publick Convention of the Eſtates; and leſſer Things were done by the Council.” As to the Contents of theſe two Proclamations, I ain apt to believe an unbi- Refle&tions u afs’d Reader will look upon them as pretty ſingular, and will judge it á no ſmall pamation Hardſhip for Men to be charged by ſuch Pretenders to Authority, either to alter clamations their Sentiments with reſpect to religious Matters, or to loſe their Livings, and further to be expoſed to áll manner of Inſult from an inraged Rabble, ſuch as can- not fail to fall upon Men, when once they are declared publickly, Enemies to God and the true Religion. But it is not as of late; the Tables are now turned, and thoſe poor Men who but yeſterday petitioned for a Liberty only to ſerve God in their own Way, have now obrained a new Light together with their new Force, and Death it ſelf is become the Penalty of Diſobedience to their high Commands. Again, with reſpect to the Gloffes and Reflections placed by Mr. Petrie upon theſe Proclamations ; if theſe be all the Documents he can produce for a re- gular and lawful Proceeding in the Work of Reformation, 'tis much to be que- ftioned whecher he will convince the fudgment of the Impartial : For tho’ſuch Arguments may ferve to blind the Eyes of thoſe who are once engaged in a Party, and who ſee every thing thro' the falſe Colours of Faction; yet they who are willing to allow naked Truth to take place, whether it make for or againſt them, can never think themſelves obliged to maintain, That Proclama- tions emitted by eight or ten Lords, with ſome Thouſands of the Populace at their Heels, combined together upon whatſoever Account, in Name of, but pal- pably againſt an uncontroverted fupreme Authority, can be of any force to ju- ſtify the Proceedings following thereupon. There is no honeſt Man of a cool and impartial Judgment; who would preſerve facred that Authority, which is the great Band of the People, and keep inviolated the fundamental Rock on which Society it ſelf is built up in Safety, but muſt look with Horror and Deteſtation upon ſuch preſumptuous and unwarrantable Attempts, however clothed with audacious Pretenſions, aſſuming more than a Papal Infallibility, in dogmati- cally dictating á Faith they ought at moſt to have but perſuaded, and impo- ſing and dragooning upon others a Religion which they themſelves had but juſt taken up. 'Tis (a) It is the Seat of a Biſhop in che County of Angas, five Miles Weft of Montroſe, and ſituated on the North Side of the Ri. rer of Southesk. The preſent Biſhop was Mr. John Sinclair Lord Preſident of the Seſſion, and formerly Dean of Reſtalrig Rear Edinburgb. (6) This thews it to be certain that the Queen's Father King James V. did not die later than the !1 4th of this Month Chap. X. 113 Church and State in Scotland. 'Tis true, a fupine Negligence had poffeſt the Clergy, and egregious Abuſes 1559. had crept into the Church : Nothing was indeed more wanted than a Reforma- tion in both; yet our Religion tells us, and the Practice of our Saviour and his Apoſtles fully manifeſts unto us, Evil is not to be done that Good may come of it. Herman Biſhop of Cologne made a pious and Chriſtian Attempt for recovering the primitive and Apoftolick Inſtitutions, and purging from Error and Superſtition the Houſe of God; for which he was deprived of his fpiritual Authority by the Pope, and of his temporal Poſſeſſions by the Emperor ; yet the Method he took was highly religious and commendable. Nay Henry VIII. of England, in the Reformation begun by him, (if he can be ſaid to have made any Reformation, further than from the aſſumed abſolute Authority of the Biſhop of Rome) tho' few ſuppoſe his Motives either holy or juſt, yer in fo far as his legal Supremacy was interpoſed, and his Management authoriſed by the Laws of the Land, and followed forth by his Son and Succeſſor King Ed- ward, and afterwards by his Daughter Queen Eliſabeth; the Affair of Reli- gion was managed in that Kingdom on a legal Foundation, and to much a better Purpoſe than here in Scotland, where all was carried on fronı à Principle of Coveroufneſs in ſome great Ones, and where popular Fury was egg'd forward by hot-headed Zealots, who thought there could be no Reformation withour pulling up ſome good, and all indifferent Things, together with the bad; and fo totally defaced the Ecclefiaftical Polity, and trampled under Foor all Civil Authority, that the Wounds given to the one and the other at that Time, are rather a Scandal than an Ornament both to our Reformation and its Authors. Nor ought any to be traduced and cenſured, as Enemies to a Reformation, merely becauſe they cannot approve of the falſe Steps ſo taken to bring it about : For had the Earl of Arran during his Regency ſtood firm to the new Doctrines, and brought Matters regularly before the Parliament, it might have been hoped that ſeveral of the Biſhops would have concurred in a Reformation of ſuch Things as were moſt blameable ; by which means we might have enjoyed a true Chriſtian Miniſtry, and the Service of God might have been performed with that Decency and Beauty which the Nature of it requireth. But when the Biſhops faw Things carried on by open Rebellion and mobbing, when they faw ſuch univerſal Rapine and levelling, and when nothing would pleaſe but a Renunciation of their own facred Orders, and a truckling under fome of the meaneſt Mechanicks, to be either received or not received as Miniſters of the Church of Chriſt, according as they ſhould think proper ; what Wonder is it. that ſuch a Reformation look'd formidable and deteſtable unto them, and in very deed no better than an utter overturning of all that was ſacred (a)! To return now to our Hiſtory: The Queen-Regent, the Day after the Congregation had left Edinburgh, gave Orders to the French Troops to march The Quech- up from Leith, and take Poſſeſſion of that City; which accordingly they did : Regent takes a- And immediately all the Favourers and Abettors of the Congregation, that had of Edinburgh, not departed with them, were now conſtrained to leave the place; the Romiſh Worſhip was reſtored, and the High Church was conſecrated a new by the Bi- fhop of Amiens. The Queen diſpatched likewiſe an Expreſs to France, with an Account of the proſperous Situation of Affairs, and with a Requeſt for more Forces to be ſent her with all Expedition, which might help to render the Vi- ctory compleat : And 'tis indeed very probable, that if the Congregation had not received Succours from England, they would have been in no Condition to hold it out longer againſt the Queen-Regent, even tho' ſhe had not received any further Aſſiſtance from France. But the Queen of England was too clear fighted to let flip the preſent Opportunity, in fupporting thoſe of the ſame Re- ligion and Intereſt with herſelf in Scotland : For tho' it was argued by ſome of Ff her (a) Alexander Gordon Biſhop of Galloway was the only Prelate of that Dignity, in Office at the Time, who turned Proteſtants and yet he was ſo far froin being allowed to exerce any Epiſcopal Juriſdi&ion, that when he craved to be Viſitor only of the Churches in the Diſtrict of Galloway, it was refuſed him, and another was preferred: Nor was he ever nominated to be a Super intendant by the new modelled Aſſemblies; nay he was once ſuſpended by them from the Office of an ordinary Preacher. 114 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559. her Council (a), that it was of bad Example to aſſiſt the Subjects of another Prince in their Rebellion ; yet ſhe, knowing the Claim (6) that was laid to her Crown by Mary Queen of Scotland, and that if the Romilh Party prevail. Adiſtance ed there, ſhe run a great Risk of having it wreſted from her Head, fent back promiſed by Word to the Lords of the Congregation, that they might expect Aſſiſtance from England to the her, upon ſuch Conditions as thould be agreed to, at a Meeting of Commiſſioners Congregation. duly inſtructed with proper Powers for that Purpoſe (c). With this Anſwer from the Qucen of England, Robert Melvil Brother to the Laird of Raith, who went in Company with Secretary Maitland to London (d), arrived the 20th of December ; and ſome Chiefs of the Congregation having according to Appointment met at Stirling, fent again into England with all Di- ligence a Return to that Queen. What this Return was, we are not told; but we may ſafely conclude, that it conſiſted of Thanks to her Majeſty for her gene- rous Promiſe, and an Acceptation of the Preliminary propoſed by her : For very quickly thereafter, we hear of the Duke of Norfolk's being arrived at Berwick, with full Inſtructions to enter into a Treaty with Commiſſioners from Scotland. After this the Lords of the Congregation ſeparated from Stir- ling, and went again into their former Diſtricts. At which Time the Queen- Regent of Scotland, having Intelligence of the Aſſiſtance promiſed them by the Queen of England, the determined to make an End of the War, by fubduing the Reinainder of the Faction before that Supply Tould come to their Relief. And in order to this, a Reſolution was taken to begin with thoſe of Fife, and that with the particular View of taking and fortifying the Town and Caſtle of St. Andrew's, as being a Place proper for receiving Auxiliaries from France on that Coaſt. But whether it was not thought expedient to venture a Tran- ſportation of the French Soldiers by Sea into that Country, ſince they might meet with Reſiſtance from thoſe on the Shore; or that there was not a fuffi- cient Number of Barks ready to tranſport them to the other Side of the Frith of Edinburgh; the Frenchmen received Orders to take the Road to Stirling : The French And in their March-thither they plundered the Town of Linlithgow, and the Soldiers paſs Houſe of Kinneil about a Mile diſtant from it, belonging to the Duke of Chaſtellerault, and all the Lands which pertained to that Nobleman in thoſe Parts. The like Pillage they made at Stirling, and in the Villages by the Way as they paſt (which are very numerous on the North Side of the Forth) until they came to Kinghorn. There ſome Soldiers and others belonging to the Congregation, endeavouring to ſtop from landing at the Petticurre (a little Bay to the Weſt of the Town) ſome ſmall Veſſels that were a-coming from Leith, into Fife ; (a) See Appendix Numb. 18. The Reader will pleaſe know, that after the Death of the Children of Henry VIII. King of England, our Queen had the un- doubted Right to that Crown, as being neareſt Heir, deſcended of the eldeſt Daughter of Henry VII. who was Wife to our King James IV. But Eliſabeth, now in Poffeffion of the Crown of England, having been born of Anne Bolen, whom King Henry had married, after divorcing, and during the Life of his firſt Wife ; and her ſaid Father during his Lifetime having by Ad of Parlia- ment, ſet her aſide from all Succeſſion; her Birth was look'd upon by our Queen as fpurious : So that immediately after the Death of Mary Queen of England, King Henry's lawful Daughter, our Queen took upon her (as hath been already remarked) the Title of Queen of England, and bare a Coat of Arms as ſuch, which for the sake of the curious I ſhall here deſcribe. The Coat (bc- cauſe of the Marriage of our Queen with the Dauphin of France) was born Baron and Femme. In the firft was the Coat of the Dauphin, which took up the upper Half of the Shield, and the lower Half contained the Arms of Scotland. This impaled quar- terly, 1. The Arms of Scotland, 2. The Arms of England, The 3. as the 2. The 4. as the i. Over all, Half an Eſcutcheon, the ſiniſter Half being, as it were, obſcured or cut off: Perhaps to denote that another had gotten Poſſeſſion of the Crown to the Bca- rer's Prejudice. Under the Arms were writ theſe Lines. The Arms of Mary Queen Dolphineſs of France, The nobleſt Lady in Earth for till advance : Of Scotland Queen and of England, alſo Of Fraunce, as God hath providit it ſo. Strype's Annals of Queen Eliſabeth. () Mr. Camden acquaints us that after the Arrival of Mr. Maitland in England, the English Secretary Cecil laboured to ſift the Intentions of the Scottiſh Congregation, and that they anſwered with their Eyes lifted up to Heaven, « That they had no other Deſign in the World than the Promotion of God's Glory, the ſincere preaching of his Word, the Extirpation of Idolatry, the ſhunning the Rage of their Perſecutors, and the Preſervation of their ancient Liberty : That for their Parts they were at a Loſs " how to bring all this about, but hoped that God's Providence would happily finiſh what it had begun, to the Confuſion of their Enemies; and for an Union between the two Kingdoms, that was the very Top of their Wiſhes; and to cultivate and improve “ it they would contribute all the Money, Credit and Reſolution they were Maſters of.” See Appendix Numb. 19. (d) So ſay our Hiſtorians ; but the Letter in the Appendix Numb. 20. mentions one Thomas Barnavie to have been Companion to Mr. Mailand; and ſpeaks nothing of Mr. Melvil. Chap. X. Church and State in Scotland. 115 Leith, were repulſed by the French, with the Loſs of fix or feven of their 1559. Number, and ſome few made Priſoners : And in all Appearance the Lofs, had been greater, if the Lord Ruthven had not come very opportunely to the Top of the Hill, and favoured their Retreat. This Lord was ſent by the other Lords, who had all aſſembled at Cowper after they had heard that the French Soldiers had left Stirling, with Orders to prohibite their Friends to enter into any En- gagements till they were all preſent in Perfon. This Reſolution was according to the Advice they had received from their Engliſh Allies, for preſerving their Forces as entire as poſſible, and not to allow them to be diminiſhed by any Party-skirmiſhes, until their Friends from England ihould arrive to their Sup- port (a). In this Attack the Earl of Sutherland received a Wound in the Arm : He had come in Company with the Lord Ruthven; as was given out, from the Earl of Huntly, in order to complement the Lords of the Congregation ; but it was privately whiſpered, that his real Errand was a ſecret Commiſſi- on from that Earl to the Queen-Regent (6). The French Soldiers having made themſelves Maſters of Kinghorn, the Earl of Arran and Lord James came up with all the Force they could make, which was about 600 Men, and entred into Dyfart, a ſmall Town three Miles North-Eaſt of Kinghorn, with a Deſign to ſtop, as much as they could, the French (C) from advancing fur- ther towards St. Andrew's; being hopeful that in a fhort Time the Supply from England would appear, to drive out the French altogether. And the Truth is, they performed ſo well what they intended, that for three Weeks Time they skirmiſhed the French thereabout, with ſuch Succeſs, that they obliged them to be very heavy on their own Friends for Subſiſtence, and even to receive Victuals and other Neceſſaries by Sea from the South Side of the Frith. Then alſo it was that William Kirceldy of Grange, having got his Houſe burnt by the French, laid an Ambuſh for them. The Maſter of Lindſay joined him in this Enterprize, in which they had the good Succeſs to kill a French Captain (d) with fifty of his Men, and to take the reſt Priſoners. This Accident fo inraged Monf. d' Oyfel, that after he had found Means to pillage Dyfart and Wemyſs, another ſmall Town a little further North-Eaſt, he marched with his Army a- long the Coaſt, deſigning firſt to take Poſſeſſion of St. Andrew's, and from thence to proceed and attack the Town of Cowper, which was the Place of Rendezvous for the oppoſite Party, and whither probably the Earl of Arran and Lord James had withdrawn themſelves upon hearing of this Movement. The French began to march on Monday the 15th (e) of January 1559-60; and 1559.60. about Noon they eſpied fome large Ships of War (f) bearing up the Frith, which they took to be French with a further Supply of Men to them : But how foon ged to return they ſaw theſe Stranger-ſhips ſeize (8) the two Ships commanded by Captain upon th Arri- Culben, which were employed in carrying Proviſions to them from Leith, they from England, began to fufpect what a little after they were fully confirmed of, by one Alex- ander Wood who had been aboard their Admiral, that they were an Engliſh Fleet ſent to the Support of the Congregationers, and that a Land-army was quickly to enter Scotland for the ſame Purpoſe. This piece of News ſtruck them with a great Confternation ; for they feared to be fhut up from their Countrymen in Leith, and ſo to loſe both that Garriſon, and to expoſe them- felves to the Danger of being ſurrounded by their Enemies, or cut in Pieces if they ſhould ſtir abroad for Proviſions : Wherefore they reſolved ſuddenly to direct their March to Stirling ; which was no eaſy Matter to accompliſh, by Ff 2 reaſon But are obli- val of a Fleec (a) See Appendix Numb. 21. (6) So fays exprelly Biſhop Lefly : But the Readers will find how this Nobleman is characterized by the Engliſh Miniſters, in ſome Letters of the Appendix relating to this Period. (c) Mr. Knox, and from him apparently Archbiſhop Spottiſwood affirms, the. Erench to have been 4000: Fur Biſhop Lefly ſays but 2000 or thereabout ; which is more likely. (d) He was a Savoyard by Nation ; and his Name Labaſt, or as others Le Batu. () Lejly ſays the Engliſh Fleet caſt Anchor in the Frith on the roth of January. ) Buchanan ſays there were but eight of theſe Ships: But Lefty ſays they were fixteen in Number. So ſays Mr. Knox ; but I ſhould rather incline to think that they only poke with Captain Cullen; otherwiſe where was the Occaſion of the Queen-Regent's Mecage mentioned below? IT6 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559-60. reaſon of a great Storm of Snow that then lay upon the Ground; but Neceſſity u had no Law; they were obliged to be expeditious, and to make as long Marches as poſſible. And accordingly they ſet out for Stirling early the next Morning, fome by the Way of Kinghorn, others by Dunfermling; and tho' the Thaw came en in the Time, and rendred travelling the more difficult ; yet they ar- rived at Leith the third Day after, having loft divers of their Men by the Way, How ſoon they reached Leith, whither alſo fome of their Number adventured to come by Sea, they preſently fet about fortifying that Place more ſtrongly than it was before, as alſo Inchkeith, a ſmall Inand lying ſtraight out from Leith, about Mid-way betwixt the two Shores. When the Engliſh Ships had dropt Anchor in the Road, the Queen-Regent ſent to enquire at Mr. Winter the Vice-Admiral, What was the Occaſion of his The Falle coming hither? He anſwered, That he came to look out for fome Pirats that Pretext of the infeſted the Scottiſh and Engliſh Seas; and that in order to ſurpriſe them the English Admi. more eaſily, he had judged it proper to ſculk fome Time in the Frith ; and that he had no Intention to harm any other Perſon (a). But this Anſwer not at all ſatisfying the Queen-Regent, who was a Perſon of too much Penetration to give Credit to ſuch a Prerext, the difparched immediately thereafter a Meſſenger to Seury the French Ambaſſador in England, defiring him to require Queen Eliſabeth to recall theſe Ships ; and moreover not to ſend any Soldiers to the Aſiſtance of the rebellious sectaries in Scotland, left thereby a new War might enſue betwixt France and England. To this Memorial the Queen of England made anſwer, « That in Truth ſhe deſigned to do no ſuch Thing; but that " ſeeing the French Auxiliaries were daily encreaſing in Scotland, the judged “ it but prudent to place fome Troops in the Border-garriſons, in cafe any In- “ road might be attempted that Way ; but that they ſhould have Orders not to " ſet a Foot in Scotland, unleſs they firſt received Provocation (b).” On this Royal Aſſurance given by the Queen of England, 'tis faid our Queen-Regent did ſo far rely, that thoſhe received repeated Advices of contrary Deſigns and Preparations, yet ſhe nevertheleſs gave no Ear to them : But ſhe quickly found her Miſtake, being foon after certainly informed, that the Duke of Norfolk was arrived at Berwick, with full Inſtructions, Power and Commiſſion, to enter into a Treaty with the Lords of the Congregation ; and that an Army confift- ing of 10000 Men was ready to join them how ſoon the Treaty was ſigned; which ſhe had no reaſon to doubt of their doing at any Rate, ſince without Englifh Aſſiſtance their Affairs were in a very uncertain and decaying Condition. How foon the Duke of Norfolk arrived at Berwick, about the End of Ja- *nuary, or the Beginning of February, he ſent to the Lords of the Congrega- Duke of Nor.tion, and deſired (with Abundance of Complaiſance, even more than could be folk invites the well expected) that ſome of their Number, inſtructed with full Powers, might come and meet him, on ſuch a Day and at ſuch a Place as ſhould pleaſe them to Congregation co a formal appoint. This Advertiſement came firſt to Glaſgow, by the Maſter of Maxwel, Treaty who procured from the Lords there, to appoint the Meeting to be at Carlile. In conſequence of which, Letters were directed to the Lord James Stewart then in Fife, deſiring him ſpeedily to repair to the Weſt Country, in order to pro- ceed from thence to Carlile. But it not having been thought ſafe for that Lord to travel ſo far thro' the Country, where his Enemies might way-lay him, and his Preſence being look'd upon as abſolutely neceſſary in Fife; the Lords in the Weſt agreed to ſend ſome of their Number into Fife, to aſſiſt in making choice of ſuch Perſons as ſhould be judged moſt proper to go into England. The Election was at Cowper; and the Commiſſioners choſen were the Lord James, the Lord Ruthven, the Maſters of Maxwel and Lindſay, the Laird of Pitarrow, Lords of the (a) This Anſwer we have related by Bihop Lefly, and it ſeems to be the more genuine, that we find a Relolution taken by the Council of England in the Beginning of Queen Eliſabeth's Reign, to ſend Ships into the Frith of Edinburgh, and to pick as many Quarrels as they might of themſelves, and to hinder any more Succours coming out of France to Leith : And this to be done by them as of themſelyes, without Notice of any Command ſo to do, and ſo to order Matters as the Cauſe might appear to come of the French. Strype’s Annals of Queen Eliſabeth, (6) Ibidem, Chap. X Church and State in Scotland. 117 Pitarrow, Mr. Henry Balnaves, and William Maitland younger of Lething- 1559-60. ton, who had not as yet returned into Scotland. The Place of Congreſs was ſettled to be at Berwick, whither the Scottiſh Commiſſioners went all by Sea, except the Maſter of Maxwel : And they had full Powers, from the Duke and remanent Lords of the Congregation, to contract and agree with the Queen of England, and her Lieutenant the Duke of Norfolk, upon all ſuch Matters as might ſerve for the Welfare and Conjunction of the two Kingdonis ; and particularly, for expelling the French Soldiers out of the Kingdom of Scotland. After they arrived at Berwick, a formal Contract was ſoon entred into ; which, becauſe of the remarkable Stipulations therein contained, and the great Luſtre, as well as Security, which it added to the Affairs of the Congregationers, with whom a crown'd Head did fo folemnly enter into Treaty ; I chuſe here to lay before the Reader, as taken from an authentick Copy (a). A Conventiones Scotorum contra Reginam unionem Franciæ & Scotiæ deſignan- tem, & pro defenſione contra Francos. T Barwyck, the twenty ſevinct Day of Februare, the Zeir of our Lord God Treaty of one Thouſand five Hundred fifty nyne Zeris : It is agreed, contractit Berwick. and finalye appoynted, betwixt the noble mychty Prince, Thomas Duck of - Northfolk, Erle Marſchell of Ingland, Lieutennent for the Quenis moft ex- cellent Majeſtie of Englaud in the North, in the Name and Behalf of bir Hienes, of the one Partye ; and the Ryght Honorable Lord James Steward, Patrick Lord Ruthven, Sir John Maxwell of. Teiregles Knycht, William Maitland of Lethyngtonne zoungare, Johnne Wyſchert of Pittarrow, and Mai- ſtre Henry Balnaves of Hal-hil, in the Name' and Behalf of the noble and myghtie Prince, James Duck of Chaſteau la Rault, ſecund Perſonn of the Realme of Scotland, and the romanent of the reſt of the Lordes of his parte, joyned with him in this Caus for Maynteinance and Defence of the aun- cient Ryghteis and Liberteis of their Cuntree, on the other Partye, in Forme as hereafter followeth; That is to ſay, that the Quenis Majeſtye having fuffi- cient lie under ftanded, allweall by Information ſent from the Nobilite of Scot- land, as by the manifeſt Proceadingis of the Frenche, that thei intend to conquer the Realme of Scotland, fupprefe the Liberteis thairof, and unyte the ſame unto the Crown of France perpetualie, contrarie to the Laws of the faid Realme, and to the Pactes, Othes and Promeſſis of France; and being thairto moſt humilie and earneſtlie required by the ſaid Nobilite, for and in the Name of the hole Realme ; Shall accept the ſaid Realme of Scotland, the ſaid Duck of Chaſteaulerault, being declared by Afte of Parliament to be Heyre apperand to the Crowne thairof, and the Nobilite and Subjectes of the ſame, into hir Majeſties Protection and Maynteinaunce, onelie for Prefer. vation of theym in their old Fredomes and Liberteis, and from Conqueſt, during the Tyme the Mariage ſhall continew betwix the Queyn of Scottis and the Frenche King, and one Zeir after ; and for expelling owte of the Jame Realme of ſuche as preſent lie goeth abowte to practiſe the ſaid Conqueft. Hir Majeſtie ſhall with all Speyd fend into Scotland a convenient Ayd of Men of Warre, on Horſe and Foot, to joyne with the Power of the Scottiſhmen, with Artailze, Munition, and all utbers Inſtrumentis of Warre mete for the Purpoſe, alfweall by Şea as by Land, not onlie to expel the preſent Power of Frenche within that Realme, oppreſſing the fame, but alſo to ſtop, as far as convenientlie may be, all grytare Forces of Frenche to enter thair- in for the like Purpoſe ; and shall continue hir Majeſties Ayde to the ſaid Realme, Nobilite and Subjectes of the same, until the Frenche, being Enne- mies to the ſaid Realme, be utterlie expelled thence; and ſhall never tran act, compound or agree with the Frenche, nor conclude any League with thame; except the Scottes and the Frenche ſhall be aggreed, that the Realme of Scotland Thall Gg (a) Fædera Anglia. 08 The History of the Affairs of Book I. 1559-60. Shall be left in a dew Freedome by the Frenche. Nor ſhall leave the Maynte, w naunce of the ſaid Nobilite and Subjectes, wheirby thei might fall as a Praye in their Ennemeis Handes, aljlong as thei Jhall acknowledge thair Soverane Lady and Quene, and ſhall endever theymſelves to maynteyn the Libertie of their Cuntree, and the Eſtait of the Crowne of Scotland ; and yf in caife any Fortes or Strenthes within the ſaid Realme be wonne out of the Handes of the Frenche, at this preſent, or at any time hereafter, by her Majeſties Ajde, the fame Jhall be immediatelie demoliſhed by the Scottilhmen, or delivered to the Duck and bis Partye at their Optionn and Choiſe. Neyther ſhall the Power of England fortifye within the Grounde of Scotland, being owt of the Bowndes of England, but by the Advyſe of the ſaid Duck, Nobilite and Eſtates of Scotland. For the wiche Cauſe, and in reſpect of her Majeſties moji gentle Clemency, and liberall Supporte, the ſaid Duck, and all the Nobilitie, alfweal fucbe as be now joined with him, as ſuche as ſhall bereafter joyne with bim for Defence of the Libertie of that Realme, Mall, to the uttermoſt of their Power, ayde and ſupporte her Majeſties Armye, againſt the Frenche and their Parttakaris, with Horſemen, Footmen and Viëtuals, by Land and by Sea, and with all manner of uther Ayde, to the beſt of their Power ; and ſo shall continew during the Tyme that her Majeſties Armye ſhall remane in Scotland. Item, Thei ſhall be Ennemeis to all ſuche Scottiſh Men and Frenche as Mall in any wayis thewe themſelves Ennemeis to the Realme of England, for the ayding and ſuccouring the ſaid Dwke and Nobilite, to the Deliverye of the Realme of Scotland from Conqueſt. Item, Thei ſhall never aſſent nor permit that the Realme of Scotland Jhall be conquered, or otherwys knytt to the Crowne of Fraunce then it is at this preſent, onelie by the Mariage of the Quene their Soverane to the Frenche King, and by the Lawes and Liberties of the Realme it aucht to be. Item, In caiſe the Frenche fall at any time invade, or cauſe to be in- vaded the Realme of England, they ſhall furniſh the Nombre of twa Thou- Jand Horſemen, and twa Thouſand Footemen at the leaft, or fuche Parte of eyther of theym, at Choyfe of the Quenys Majeſtie of England, and ſhall con- dučte the ſame to paſs from the Borders of Scotland next England, uponn her Majeſties Charges, to any Parte of the Realme of England, for the Defence of the fame ; and in caife the Invaſion be uppon the North Pertes of England, on the North Parte of the Water of Tyne towardes Scotland, or aganft Barwyck on the North Side of the Watter of Tweyd; thei ſhall convent and gadder their hole Forces uponn their owen Charges, and ſhall join with the Engliſh Power, and ſhall continew in goode and earneſt Proſecutionn of the Quarrel of England, during the Space of thretty Dayes, or ſo muche longer as thei were accuſtomed to tary in the Fieldes for the Defence of Scotland, at the Mandement of their Soveranis at any tyme by paſt. And alfwa, the Erle of Ergyle Lord Juſtice of Scotland, being preſentlie joyned with the ſaid Lord Duck, hall employ his Force and Good will, whair he ſhall be required by the Quenys Majeſtie, to reduce the North Partës of Ireland to the perfytt Obedience of England, conforme to a mutuall and reciproque Contraiêt to be maid betuixt her Majeſties Lieutennent or Deputie of Ireland for the Tyme being, and the ſaid Erbe, wheirein ſhal be conteyned what he ſhal do for his Parte, and what the ſaid Lieutennent or Deputie ſhall do for his Supporte, in cafe he ſhall have to do with James Monneil, or any other of the Iſles of Scotland or Realme of Ireland. For Performance and ſure keaping wheirof, thei Shall for their Parte en- ter to the ſaid Ducke of Northfolk the Pledges preſentlie named by him, be- foir the Entrée of her Majeſties Ayde in Scottiſhe Ground, to remane in Eng- land for the Space of fax Monthes, and to be then excheanneged uppon Delive- rie of new Hoſtages of lyke or als goode Condition as the former, or being of the lauchfull Sonnes, Brethren or Heyres, of any of the Érlis or Barronis of Parliament, that have or hereafter ſhal ſhewe thamefelves, and ſo perfift - pen Chap. X. Church and State in Scotland. 119 of England, And for the Performance of this preſent Contracte for the Parte pen Ennemies of the Frenche in this Quarrell; and ſo furth from fax Monethis 1559-60. to fax Monethis, or from foure Monethis to foure Monethis, as ſhall beft pleaſe the Partye of Scotland · And the Tyme of the Continewance of the Hoſtages jhal be during the Mariage of the Quene of Scottes to the Frenche King, and one Zeare after the Difolutionn of the ſaid Mariage, untill forder Or der may be had betuixt both the Realmes for Peace and Concord. And furthermore, the fard Ducke, aná Nobilite, being Erlis and Barones in Parliament, joyned with bim, ſhall fubfcribe and ſeale theſe Articles and Compactes within the space of twenty, or thretty Vayes at the uttermof, nixt following the Day of the Deliverye of the fardis Hoſtages ; and ſhall al- Lo procure and perſwade all utbers of the Nobilite, that ſhall joyn theymſelves hereafter with the faide Ducke for the Cauſſe above ſpecifyed, lykewyis to ſubſcryve and ſeale theſe Articles preſent, at any Tyme after the Space of twenty Dayes after their Conjunction, uponn Requiſition maid to theym on the Partye of the Quenis Majeſtie of England. And fynalie, the ſaid Duck and Nobilitie joyned with him, certanelie per- ceaving that the Quenys Majeſtie of England is theirunto onelie moved uponn reſpect of Princelie Honour and Neygbbowrbeid, the Defence of the juſt Freedome of the Crowne of Scotland from Conqueſt, and not of any other fini- ſter Entent, doeth by thefe Prefentis teſtifye and declaire, that thei nor any of theym meane, by this Compacte, to withdrawe, any deu Obedience from their Soverane Ladye the Queyn, nor in any lefull Thing to withſtand the Frenche King, being her Husband and Head, that during the Mariage shall not tend to the Subverſionn and Oppreffionn of the juſt and auncient Liberties of the ſaid Kingedome of Scotland; for the Preſervation wheirof, both for their Soveranis Honour, and for the Continewance of the Kingdome in aun- tient Efiait, thei acknowledge theim ſelwer bound to ſpend their Goodes, Landes and : , the and all theirin conteyned, by her Lettres patentes, under the Greate Seale of England, to be delivered to the Nobilite of Scotland, uponn the Entree of the Pledges afoir faid within the Ground of England. In Witnes wheirof, the Commiſſionaris for the Ducke of Chaſteaularault and Nobilite of Scotland befoir named, haif ſubſcryved theſe Preſentis, and thereunto affixed their Seales, the Day, Zeare and Place afoirfaidis. JAMES STEWART. PATRIK L. Ruthwen. JOHNE MAXWELL, W. MAITLAND. JHONE WYSHART. HENRICUS BALNAVÉS. Sub Sigillis prædictorum Commiſſariorum de cera rubea pendente à duplici, bus caudis pergamenæ (a). G g 2 CH A P. (a) At the Beginning of the Copy of theſe Articles in the Cotton Library, on the Margin there is a Remark by Sir Robert Cotton, which is this, « It ſeems by the Commiſſion given by the Queen for Confirmation of theſe Articles, dated in the Month of March “ following, that this Treaty was concluded, before the Queen wou'd openly profeſs herſelf a Party; which is to be noted, The Commiſſion is ſet down after this paper, in Caligula B. 10. The Date is 29th March 1559. I 20 Book I. The History of the Affairs of C H A P. XI. at EN Recruits that came from France. Containing an Account of Publick Affairs, from the finiſhing of the Treaty Berwick, betwixt the Queen of England and the Lords of the Scot- tiſh Congregation, in the End of February 1559-60, until the Death of the Queen-Regent on tbe 10th of June Anno 1560. 1559-60. COULD nor till now, without interrupting too much the Chain of our Hiſtory, find a proper Place to notice the Returns which the Queen-Regent received from France, to the Meſſages ſhe had former- ly ſent thither for more Troops. And even now that ) am to do it, the Reader muſt, by reaſon of the Diſcongruity of our Hiſtorians in this Mat- tei, be ſatisfied with what can be pick'd up from each of them. Mr. Knox and (from him, I ſuppoſe) Archbiſhop Spotti fwood affirm, that immediately after the Receipt of the Queen-Regent's Lerters, her Brother the Marquis d' Elbeuf and Count Martigue, a young Nobleman of great Courage, were diſpatched thenče with an Army of Horſe and Foot; but that a violent Storm did to break their Ships on the Coaſt of Holland, that eighteen (a) Enſigns were cait away, and not a Ship ſaved but one or two, wherein the two Generals had imbarked and theſe were driven back to Diep from whence they had ſet fail. The Arch- Some Ac- biſhop adds, that foon after the Marquis's putting again to Sea, he arrived at count of the Leith, about the Beginning of the Spring, with 1000 Foot and ſome few Horſe- men. Biſhop Lefly makes no mention of this unfortunate Voyage ; but ſays, that whilſt the Queen-Regent was anxiouſly looking for her Brother from Francë; Count Martigue arrived at Leith with 1000 veteran Soldiers in the Month of November. Mr. Buchanan alſo makes no mention of the firſt Ex- pedition ; and only takes notice, that the Spring being now at hand, Count Martigue, a young Gentleman of undaunted Courage, landed from France with two Ships, bringing with him about 1000 Foot and a few Horſe ; that he and his Soldiers preſently went afhore ; but that the Ships were taken in the Night by the Scots. And he adds, that about the ſame time the Marquis d' Elbeuf, who was bringing an Aid of Men and Money in eight Ships, returned back into the Haven from whence he had ſet ſail, excuſing himſelf partly becauſe of the Seas being full of Engliſh Ships, and partly becauſe of the Badneſs of the Weather : That beſides, a ſecond Fleet of Engliſh Ships was ſent to the Scots Coaſt to ſecond the former ; who ſcoured continually up and down the Frith, and kept the Iſland of Inchkeith beſieged, and ſtopping all manner of Provi- ſions from paſſing by Sea into Leith 6). And finally, Mr. Knox obferves like- wiſe the Arrival of Count Martigue, (about the roth of January, as may be collected from him ;) but ſeems to take no notice of any Soldiers that came with him : However, what he ſays on this Occaſion may be properly inſerted here, becauſe it gives a good Account of the taking of the French Ships that brought Count Martigue. He informs us then, how that after the Laird of Grange had defeated the French Company mentioned above, Care was taken to furniſh them with Proviſions by Sea, without obliging them to ſtraggle thro' the Coun- 'try to provide themſelves : That for this Purpoſe one Captain Cullen was ap- pointed, with two Ships, to carry Victuals continually from the South Side of the Frith, to Kinghorn, Kircaldy, &c. lying on the North : That to watch Captain Cullen, two Ships were fitted out at Dundee, and the Command of them given to one Andrere Sands : That about the ſame time Count Mar- tigue " (a) I reckon this meant 1800 Men. 6 Mr. Knox likewiſe ſays, there came moře Engliſh Ships into our Frith than what came at firſt : And Mr. Camden, in the Life of Queen Eliſabeth, ſays, That they fell furiouſly upon the French Men of War, and upon the French Soldiers, in the Ille of Inchkeith. Chap. XI. Church and State in Scotland. 121 66 Count Mars theſe Auxilias tigue arrived from France, who without Delay landed himſelf, the Coffers, 1560 5c and principal Gentlemen that came along with him, at Leith, leaving the “ reſt in the Ships till a better Opportunity. But the foreſaid Sands and his Company, ſtriking Sail, and making as if they would caſt Anchor hard by them, boarded them both, and carried them to Dundee. In them were gotten ſome Horſes, and much Harneſs, with ſome other Trifles; but of Money we heard nought. Hereat the French being much offended, avow- " ed the Deſtruction of St. Andrew's and Dundee.” And in conſequence of this it was, that the French Soldiers made that Movement on the i5th of Ja- nuary, when firſt they diſcovered the Engliſh Ships bearing up the Frith, Thus it appears from our Hiſtorians, that only about 1000 Men came from France at this Time, and that moſt probably they arrived the Beginning of January 1559-60, under the Command of Sebaſtian Martigues of the Houſe tigue made of Luxenburgh, as Mr. Camden informs us ; who likewiſe fays, that beſides Commander 1000 well diſciplin’d Footmen, there were one or two Cornets of Horſe. This in Chict of Count Martigues, immediately on his Arrival, was declared Commander in rics. Chief of all the French Soldiers in Scotland, ſays Biſhop Leſly. After the French Soldiers had left Fife, the firſt Thing the Lords of the Congregation did, was to return Thanks to God, in the Church of St. An- drew's, for the Deliverance he had given them : And then they beſet and took fome Houſes belonging to the Gentlemen who had appeared againſt them ; but ſoon after, they reſtored theſe Houſes, and ſet the Gentlemen at Liberty, upon Promiſe not to aſſiſt the French for the future. Much about that Time, the Gentlemen of the Shire of Merns that were of Party with the Congrega tion, being fluſh'd with the Expectation of a ſpeedy Change in their Affairs, went to Aberdeen; where, being aſſiſted by ſome of the Citizens, they quite Monaſteries demoliſhed the Monaſteries of the Dominican and Carmelite Friars ; and, pro- deverdeler ceeding next to treat the other religious Houſes and the ſtately Cathedral Church of Old Aberdeen in the fame manner, they were hardly with-holden from act: ing their Deſign, by fome Men belonging to the Earl of Huntly, and ſome of the Leſlies headed by --- Lefly Laird of Balqubain, at the Deſire of this Earl, who was Nephew to the then Biſhop of that See. And 'tis noted by Biſhop Leſly, who was then Official or Commiſſary of that Church, ithat the ancient Form of Worſliip was kept up there, a long Time after it was ſuppreſt almoſt in all other Parts of the Kingdom. The Earl of Huntly, whom we have already mentioned to be Chancellor of the Kingdom, had, it ſeems, an unfix'd Reſolution what Side to party with, as may appear in his former, and will ſtill more appear by his preſent and after Conduct : For now when he heard that the Engliſh Forces were on their Märch to Scotland, he ſent to the Lords of the Congregation, and made offer to join them. To which Effect a Meet ing having been appointed at Perth, betwixt him and thoſe who commanded ini Fife, they there conferred together for three Days; and that Earl cáme, or ſeemed to come into the other's Meaſures, promiſing to bring over to them all his Followers in the North Country, and to return himſelf in a ſhort Time after to their Army (a). Orders were then diſperſed by the Congregation thro the Kingdom, charging all the capable Subjects to meet in Arms at Linlithgow the laſt Day of March. Soon after this, the Hoſtages (6) ſtipulated in the Treaty at Berwick were delivered at Newcaſtle ; and the Engliſh Army, conſiſting of 2000 Horſe si (their (a) In the Inſtructions given to the Perſons who went on the Part of the Congregation to treat with the Duke of Norfolk at Berwick, as recorded by Mr. Knox, the Earl of Huntly is expreſly called one of the Neutral Lords : And again, That his Lorda fhip held a Correſpondence with the Earl of Arran, that he had deſired a Copy of the Suſpenſion againſt the Queen-Regent to be tranſmitted to him, and other Letters for arreſting the Rents of the Clergy, with Proclamations for ordering all his Men to march forward to the Aſiſtance of the Congregation. (6) Mr. Knox ſays, the Hoſtages were delivered to Mr. Winter the Engliſh Vice-Admiral, who ſet them aſhore at Newcaſtle. Archbiſhop Spottiſwood gives their Names thus : Colin Campbel Couſin to the Earl of Argile; Robert Douglas Brother to the Laird of Lochlevin, ſhe was Nephew to the Prior of St. Andrew's, whoſe Mother was married into that Family;] and Ruth ven Son to the Lord Ruthven. But the Engliſh Hiſtorians mention them thus : Lord Claude Hamilton fourth Son to the Duke of Chaſtelherault, Robert Douglas, Archibald Campbel Laird of Longhennel, George Graham ſecond Son to the Earl of Monteith, and James Cunningham Son to the Earl of Glencairn. Hh ; 1 22 The History of the Affairs of Book I. ſhelter in the Caſtle of Edin. 1360. (their Hiſtorians ſay only 1200) and 6000 Foot, began their March, and en- tred Scotland the Beginning of April 1560. It was commanded in Chief by the Lord Grey; and under him by the Lord Scroop, Sir James Crofts, Sir Henry The Engliſh Percy, Sir Francis Lake, Sc. And the Army of the Congregation joined them ters Scotland. a Day or two after at Preſton (a); the chief Leaders of which were the Duke of Chaſtelherault, the Earls of Argile, Glencairn and Monteith, the Lord James, Lords Ruthven, Boyd and Ochiltree; who were aſſiſted by the Gentle- men of Lothian, Fife, Angus, Merns, and ſome Counties in the Weſt. At Whereupon the fame time the Queen-Regent was received, at her Deſire, into the Caſtle of Regent takes Edinburgh, by the Lord Erskine Governor thereof, a Nobleman noted by our Hiſtorians for his ſingular Honeſty and Wiſdom. It may be remembred, burgh : that he received the Command of this Caſtle from the Eſtates of the Kingdom in Parliament, at the Time the Earl of Arran ſurrendred the Regency to the Queen Dowager, with this expreſs Condition, as is ſaid, That he ſhould re- deliver the fame to none but by Order from the ſaid Eſtates. We may likewiſe remember, how he inclined to favour the Intereſt of the Queen-Regent at the Attack intended to be made by her Majeſty on the City of Edinburgh, in the Month of July laſt; and that his Lordſhip was earneſtly ſolicited by both parties to declare for them. Notwithſtanding which Importunities, he cautiouſly own'd himſelf openly for neither ; but thought it his Duty, not to deny her Majeſty Entrance at this Time, for herſelf and her Attendants, as being a Place proper to ſecure her Perſon from the rude and unmannerly Treatment, he had Realon to apprehend the might now meet with : But, at the ſame time, he took care that the ſhould ſtill be in his Power, and the Caſtle ſtill under his Command. The principal Perſons who entred the Caſtle with the Queen, were the Arch- biſhop of St. Andrew's, the Biſhop of Dunkeld, the Earl Mariſchal, James Macgill Clerk-regiſter, and ſome others. The leading Men of the Congregation, having had ſeveral Conſultations with the General and other Commanders of the Engliſh Army, mer together at Dal- keith April the 4th ; and there, judging by the Queen-Regent's betaking herfelf to a Place of Strength and Retreat, that the no leſs apprehended the Succeſs of the War, now her Enemies were ſo ſtrengthned by the Acceſſion of their Engliſh Auxiliafies, than ſhe feared that a fufficient Aid from France could not arrive time enough for her Defence and Support; they determined once more to ad dreſs her Majeſty by Letter, not doubting but a due Senſe of their Force, and the Hardneſs of her own preſent Circumſtances, might bring her, not only to hearken to, but even to comply with their Propoſals. Accordingly a Letter is formed, voted and agreed to the ſame Day : Which Letter I would here in- ſert as recorded by Mr. Buchanan, and from him by Archbiſhop Sportiſwood, were I ſure of its being a Tranſcript from the Original ; and yet fince the Rea- der could at beſt even then have but a Tranſlation of it from the Latin, I rec- kon the Contents of it will be ſufficient, which are, That they having been Where ſhe re-“ formerly inſtant with her Majeſty to remove the French Forces out of the Kingdom, they had been neceſſitated to addreſs the Queen of England for Chiefs of the “ Aid to expel them by Force of Arms, unleſs the [the Queen-Regent] will a- Congregation. 60 gree to diſmiſs them without the Effuſion of Blood; in which Cafe , the Queen “ * of England will afford them a ſafe Paſſage, and even lend her Fleet to tran- “ ſport them. But if the Queen-Regent ſhall refuſe to grant this their Requeſt, they then call God and Man to witneſs, that they were driven to take up “ Arms merely thro' Neceſſity, and for the Preſervation of the Commonweal, themſelves, their Eſtates and Poſterity from utter Ruin. But that in no Dan- ger ceives a Letter 46 from the is (a) Mr. Staw, in his Annals, gives the Names of the principal Scottiſh Perſons that came to meet the Engliſh Generals while theit Army lay at Preſton, viz. the Duke, with his Son; the Earls of Argile, Glencairn, Sutherland, Monteith, Rothes; the Lord Fames; Lords Ruthven, Ochiltree and Boyd; the Maſters of Maxwel and Lindſay; the Biſhop of Galloway, (this is Alexander Gordon ; ] the Abbot of St. Colm's Inch, [his Name was James Stewart, Son to Sir James Stewart of Beith. He was afterwards ereated Lord Down; and was paternal Anceſtor to the preſent Earls of Murray. 'Tis very probable, that this has been the Perſon whom we find fubfcribing the Remonftancc mentioned p. 107.) the Abbot of Culrofs; the Lairds of Ormiſton, Pitarrow, Cun. ninghamhead, Grange, erlo Chap. XI. 123 Church and State in Scotland. ger, how great foever, fhall they depart from their dutiful Obedience towards 1560. their Sovereign the Queen, or refift the King her Husband in any thing that lhall not (a) tend to the Subverſion of their ancient Liberties, or the Deſtru- “ ction of themſelves and their Poſterity.” This Letter, dated at Dalkeith, a fine Village four Miles South from Edinburgh, the 4th (b) of April as aforeſaid, was ſubſcribed by all the Noblemen that were preſent ; and Spottiſwood tells us, that the Engliſh General did in like manner direct Sir George Howard and Sir James Crofts to make offer to the Queen-Regent, That if the French would peaceably depart forth of Scotland, they likewiſe ſhould return into their own Country without molefting any Perfon : And that the Queen's A11- ſwer was, That ſhe would think on what was propoſed, and give antwer there- to againſt next Day. But the Army, not liking to admit theſe Delays, advan- ced the next Day towards Leith. This Matter is very differently related by Leſly, viz. That the Lord Grey defired from the Queen-Regent a Truce for twenty four Hours, that he might have an Opportunity to declare to her the Cauſe of his coming into Scotland, and at the fame time to propoſe to her Ma- jeſty Terms of Accommodation : That the Queen fent down a Herald to Leith, who might ſignify her Mind concerning theſe Propoſals ; but that before his Arrival there, the Armies had engaged. That the Engagement being fomewhat ſlackned, the two Gentlemen above mentioned were ſent to the Queen-Regent, and told her, that the Engliſh Army was ready to return home, if the French were ſent home likewiſe : That to this the Queen anſwered, That ſhe could do nothing without firſt adviſing with the French Generals, and that ſome Time muſt be allowed her for that Purpoſe : That ſhe gave command to one Drum- mond a Herald to carry a Letter to Mons. La Broſfe then in Leith, and to take fome Engliſhman along with him as a Companion : That this Herald had his Ler- ters taken from him by the Engliſh, and was ordered to return to the Queen- Regent, and ſignify to her, that inſtead of Peace, they were now meditating how to revenge the Lofs they had ſuſtained the Day before from the French: And that henceforth nothing but War was thought upon by both Parties (c). But on which ever Side of theſe Narrations the Truth of the preceeding Tranf- action hangs, 'tis certain the Engliſh Army did advance towards Leith on Sa- turday the 6th of April, being the Eve of Palm Sunday, keeping along the Sea-coaſt till they came to the Village of Reſtalrig. The French in the mean time, under Count Martigue, marching out of Leith, to the Number of about 1300 (d) Men, took Poffeſſion of a fmall riſing Ground called the Hawk-hill, bea cauſe they judged the Engliſh had a mind to encamp there. Both Parties ſeemed indeed to contend for this little Eminence : For a ſharp Fight enſued, which ment betwixo laſted from ten in the Morning till four in the Afternoon, for recovering and the two Ar- keeping the Place, with no ſmall Lofs on either Side ; till at laſt the Scottiſh Horſe, charging the French with great Fury, drove them back into Leith ; from which, 'tis ſaid, they had been quite cut off, had the Engliſh Horſe come up fooner to ſupport the Scots, as had been agreed. Immediately after the Re- H h 2 (a) This Clauſe ſeems to be fhuffled in, to afford them a good Pretext for Rebellion : But ſome People think nothing to be Re bellion that is attended with Succeſs. (6) Archbiſhop Spottiſwood, by what Authority. I know not, ſays, the sth. (c) Mr. Stow relates the Matter thus. “ On the 6th of April, as the Engliſh Army marched from Salt-Preſton, and was ad- “ vanced near to Reſtalrig, there came Trombull the Queen-Regent's Trumpet to the Lieutenant, and brought with him a Safe « Conduct, given under her Hand and Seal, for the ſafe Repair of Sir James Crofts, Sir George Howard, and ſix other to accom- pany them : Whereupon they preparing themſelves, departed towards Edinburgh, where the ſaid Queen as then lay within the « Caſtle : There went with them Mr. Somerſet, Mr. Pelham and four other Gentlemen. Whilft they were in Conference with " the Queen, the Frenchmen, to the Number of 900 or 1000 Shot, backed with soo Corſets and Pikes, and about 50 Horſemen, “ were come forth of Leith, under Conduction of Monſ. d' Oyfel and Count Martigues. The Lord Grey underſtanding " thereof, came up to the Hill, appointed an Officer at Arms called Rouge Croſſe to go unto them, with Commandment from « him, That they ſhould retire their Forces forth of the Field into the Town of Leith; for if it were not for the Promiſe whicha “ he had made to the Queen Dowager, he would cauſe them to depart. The Herald doing his Meſſage, received Anſwer, That « they were upon their Maſter and Miftris's Ground, and therefore meant not to remove from it. Rouge Croſje returning « would be fent away " again to go their way back to Leith; for if they did not, they with a Miſchief.” Then follows an Account of the Engagement, the French giving the firſt Fire. And after that the Hiſtorian adds, « The ſame Day Sir James Crofts and Sir George. Howard returned from the Queen-Regent, afiez « they had ſpent a long Time in talking with her.” (d) Lefly lays only 900. An Engagen mies. treat 124 The History of the Affairs of Book I. upon their Succeſs. 1560. treat of the French, who in this Engagement loſt about 300 Men, the Engliſh advanced, and pitched their Tents on the Ground betwixt Leith and Reſtalrig; in which Village the Horſe were quartered, and the General lodged at the Dean's Houſe. The Duke of Chaſtelherault, with his Counſellors about him, lay in the Abbcy of Holy-rood-houſe, or in Edinburgh, as he thought proper ; and his Son the Earl of Arran, and the other Lords of the Congregation, lay in their Camp about Leith, on the South and South-Eaſt Side thereof, where Trenches were caſt up, and a ſmall Mount erected, on which they planted eight Piece of Cannon to play upon St. Anthony's (a) Steeple, from whence eſpecial- ly, and from other Parts of the Town, great Damage was done in the Camp. However the Engliſh ſucceeded ſo well with their Battery, that in a few Days they diſmounted the Ordnance placed by the French in the Steeple. This, with their orher good Succeſs during the Courſe of the holy Week (6), fo e- lared them, that they grew as uſual on ſuch Occaſions, more negligent and re- The Engliſh miſs; and, ſuppoſing the French would now make no more Sallies, they began turn negligent to follow their ordinary Sports and Diverſions ; fome of the Caprains for this End going to Edinburgh, and the common Soldiers falling to play at Cards and Dice, as if there had been no Enemy to fear. The French getting Intelligence hereof, iſſucd out of Leith, on Eaſter Monday the 15th of April, about Noon; and with great Violence entring the Trenches, ſlew, ſay ſome, about 600 Men, and nailed three Cannon, before any conſiderable Body could be formed to re- ſiſt them. This Misfortune taught the Engliſh to be more upon their Guard in Time coming; and perceiving likewiſe that their Trenches lay too open to the Enemy, and that their Cannon was at too great a Diſtance to do much Execu- tion on the Town-wall, they removed their Camp to the Weſt Side of the Wa- ter of Leith, and caſt up ſeveral Mounts there, on which to plant their Ord- nance nearer to the Town than formerly : Such Mounts they alſo built at cer- tain Quarters and Diſtances, that they might prove Safeguards and Places of Re- treat to the Soldiers, in caſe of any ſudden Irruption from the Town. During this Siege, the Queen-Regent finding herſelf in a fickly Condition, ſome Con ferences were had for an Accommodation ; but to no Effect. Biſhop Leſly ſeems to ſay, that in theſe the Earl of Huntly was a great Agent for the Queen, and that he left no Stone unturned to bring Things to a happy Period; but that when he ſaw the State of Affairs deſperate, he returned North, and meddled no further : But how to reconcile this with other Accounts of this Nobleman, i cannot ſee. And Mr. Buchanan ſays, that on the 22d of April, John Mon- luc (c) Biſhop of Valence in France was firſt carried into the Engliſh Camp, next into the Caſtle of Edinburgh to the Queen-Regent, where he ſtaid two Days; and then that he repaired to the Lords of the Congregation : But that Propoſals for after all, he could prevail nothing, becauſe the Scottiſh Lords perſiſted perem- dation, by the ptorily in their Demand, that the foreign Soldiers ſhould return home ; which Bilhop of Va. it appears the Queen-Regent was adviſed not to conſent to : Therefore, when no Agreement was like to take place, the Congregation thought fit to enter into a new Bond of Aſſociation, ſubſcribed by all the Nobility, Barons and o- ther Gentlemen profeſſing the new Form of Religion ; among whom Mr. Knox expreíly ſays the Earl of Huntly was a prime Man. The Bond was as followeth lence. Anc (a) The Church of South-Leith is dedicated to that Saint; and that of North-Leith to St. Nicolas. (6) The Engliſh Hiſtorians ſay, that on the 14th of April , being Eaſter Day, there was great firing of Cannon on both sides, and skirmiſhing; But our Biſhop Lejly affirms, that there was not ſo much as one ſmall Shot diſcharged by the French all that Day; but thar the Engliſh did continually play with their Cannon againſt the Church, even tho the Ordnance in the Steeple was ditmounted ; and that during the very Time when they were aſſured the People were gathered together in the Church for Divine Service; for a Bullet was ſhot thro' the Window where the Altar ſtood, juſt before the adminiftrating of the holy Communion. (c) The Arrival of this Prelate, and his conferring with the Queen, is confirmed by the Engliſh Hiſtorians. He came into their Camp at Reftalrig, and was conveyed to Edinburgh by the Engliſh Herald Rouge Croſje. Chap. XI. 125 . Church and State in Scotland. venant. Ane Contract of the Lords and Barons to defend the Liberty of the Evangell 1560, of Chriſt. Fourtki Co. A T Edinburgh, the twintie ſeventh of Apryll, the Year of God ane Thou- Sand fyve Hundred threeſcore Tears ; We, whaes Names are underwrit- ten, baif promittit and obliedged our felves faithfully, in the Preſence of our God, and be thir Preſents promitts, That we altogether in general, and ea very one of us in ſpecial be himſelf, with our Bodies, Guods, Friends, and all that we may do, fall ſet forwart the Reformation of Religion, according to Goddes Worde ; and procure, be all means poſſible, that the true preach, ing of Goddes Word may haif free Paſſage within this Realme, with dew Adminiſtration of the Sacraments, and all Thinges depending upon the faid Worde. And ſicklyke, deiply weighing with our felves the Misbehaviour of the Franche Miniſters heir, the intolerable Oppreſſions committed be the Franch- men of Weir upon the puir Subjects of this Realme, be Meyntenance of the Queen Dowriare, under Collour and Pretence of Authority; the Tyranny of their Captains and Leaders, and manifeſt Danger of Conquerſt, in cubilk this Countrie preſently ſtands, be reaſon of diverſe Fortifications on the Sea-coaſt, and other Novelties of late attemptat be thém; promitts, that we fall, als weell every one with others, as altogether, with the Queen of England's Ar- mie, preſently come in for our Deliverance, effectually concurr and joyn ton gether, taking onefold and plain Part of the Expulſion of the ſaid Strayn- gars, Opprefors of our Liberty, furth of this Realme, and Recovery of our ancient Freedomes and Liberties; to the end in Tyme coming we may, under the Obedience of our King and Queen our Soverains, oe only reulyt be the Laws and Cuſtomes of the Countrie, and by the Men of the Land: And that never any of us all haiff pryvy Intelligence, be Writing or Meſſage, or Communican tion with any of our faid Enemys or Adverfars in this Cauſe, bot be the Ad. vyce of the reſt , at leift of fyve of our Numbers. Attour, that we fail ten der this preſent Cauſė, as if it were the Cauſe of every one of us in particu- lar; and that the Cauſe of every one of its now joyned together being leiful and honeſt, ſhall be all our Cauſes in general : And be that is Enemy to the Cauſe forſaid, fall be Enemy to us all ; in ſo far, that what,fomever Perfora will plainly reſist thir our godly Interpryſis, and will not concurr as ane guid Member of this Common-weill, we fall fortify the Authority of the Counſell , 'to reduce them to their Deuty; lykeas we fall fortify the faid Au- thority of the Counſale in all things , tending to the Furtherance of the said Cauſe. And giff any particular Debate, Quarrell or Contraver fee fall aryse: for what ſomever Cauſe bygain, preſent or to come, betwixt any of us, Tas God forbid;) in that caſe we Jall ſubmit our ſelves and our ſaid Queſtions to the Deciſion of the Counfalé, or to Arbitrators to be named be them; pros vyding allwayes that this be not prejudicial to the ordinar Juriſdiction of Judges, but that Men may perſue their A&tions, by Ordour of Law, civita ly or criminally, before the Judges Ordinars, gif they pleaſe (a). When the Queen-Regent ſaw this Bond, even. Mr. Knox confeſſes the faid: " The Malediction of God I give unto them that counfailed me to perfecute so the Preachers, and to refuſe the Petitions of the beſt part of the true Şubjects 6c of this Realnie. It was ſaid to me, that the Engliſh Army could not lie " in Scotland ten Daies; but now they have lien near a Month, and are more as like to remain than they were at the firſt Day that they came.” It appears then to have been bad Advice, and not the Queen-Regent's own Inclination, that made her ſuffer Things to come to ſuch Extremities; and yet this fame Au- I i thot (a) This Bond is in Mr. Knox’s Hiſtory : But that Author has, it ſeems, taken the Freedom all along to turn the Scottiſh Pa pers into the Engliſh Dialea, with which he has been pretty well acquainted. Wherefore I have taken this from the Copy in Bi. ihop Burnet's Hiſtory of the Engliſh Reformation, Vol. 3. p. 287. which he ſays he copied from the Original at Hamilton, I 26 Book I. The History of the Affairs of A caſual Fire in Leith. vain. 1560. thor throws the moſt virulent Reflections upon her Majeſty, as if the had been the wickedeſt of all Miſcreants. But by what he ſays of her, in all the Parts of his Hiſtory, he ſhews what kind of a Perſon he himſelf has been, rather than what ſhe was. A foul Tongue is the Sign, either of a naughty Heart, or of a great want of mannerly Education. On the laſt Day of April, about two Hours before Sun-ſer, a caſual Fire broke out in Leith; which, being aſſiſted by the Violence of the Winds, burnt fiercely till next Morning, deſtroying many Houſes, and conſuming a great Part of the publick Proviſions. During this Conflagration the Engliſh were not idle; they turned their Cannon upon thoſe Parts of the Town where they law the Flames riſing, and played ſo warmly upon the People, that they durſt not come near enough to quench the Fire : And they likewiſe laid hold on this Opportunity to adventure meaſuring the Height of the Wall in fome Places, in order to provide Ladders for the Scalade which they intended. However, the French had been ſo cautious, that from the Beginning of the Fire, dreading ſome fecret Attempt might be made in time of ſuch a general Confternation, they kept a pretty narrow Eye upon the Walls ; otherwiſe 'tis probable that Day had put an End to the War. The Engliſh, knowing that a good Part of the publick Granary within Leith was burnt down, and that of courſe Proviſions would begin to be ſcarce ; they, on the 4th and 5th Days of May, fet Fire to the Water-mills that ſerved the Town, on purpoſe to ſtraiten it yet the more. And on the 7th of the ſame Month, their Ladders being ready, they reſolved to make a general Aſſault ; but to their great Mortification, when theſe Ladders were applied to the Wall The Engliſh fattempt -a sca- a little before Day-break, they proved too ſhort by an Ell and half : So that lade; but in Project failed them, and came to nought. The Engliſh General was deſirous to make this Aſſault, becauſe the Soldiers were grown weary with lying ſo long in the Camp; and beſides, they ſaw no Hopes of gaining the Town any other Way, the Breaches which their Cannon made in the Walls (which were only built of Earth) by Day, being quickly repaired before next Morning ; ſo that they found themſelves under a Neceſſity of endeavouring to become Maſters of the Place after this ſpeedy Manner. Sir James Crofts was ſuſpected of ſome Treachery in his Behaviour that Day; for it was obſerved, that he did not ad- vance in Time to the Attack of the North-Weſt Quarter of the Town upon the Sea-ſide, which was alorted to him : So that tho' the reſt of his Countrymen, who made the Attack, did behave themſelves very bravely, and ſeemed once to have gained the Town; yet not having been timeouſly ſupported, they were forced to a Retreat, with the Loſs of 160 Men, beſides many wounded. And Pris certain that Sir James, for this Misbehaviour of his, and for an alledged fecret Correſpondence with the Queen-Regent of Scotland, was impeached by the Duke of Norfolk and the Lord Grey, to the Queen of England; and after Examination of his Cauſe before her Council, he was removed from his Govern. ment of Berwick, and the Lord Grey put in his place. This late Succeſs gave new Courage to the French ; and the three following Days they employed themſelves very chearfully, tho' with much Hazard, in repairing the Town- walls ; for the Engliſh ſhot inceſſantly upon them, wherever they perceived them in greateſt Numbers. After this Defeat, the Queen-Regent was hopeful the Siege would have been raiſed, and that the Engliſh would depart home. But ſhe was miſtaken ; this Misfortune did not fo diſmay either the Engliſh or the Scots, but that they exhorted each other to Conſtancy. And accordingly, we find, that on the The Treaty Ioth of May, the Treaty of Berwick was confirmed and ratified in theſe Words, of Berwick is as related by Mr. Knox, " Which Contract we find honeſt and reaſonable, and confirmed " that our ſaid Commiſſionars therein had confiderately reſpected the Common- wealth of this Realme, of us and our Poſterity ; and therefore do ratifie, allow, confirm and approve the ſame, with all Clauſes and Articles therein os contained, by theſc Preſents. In witnes hereof, to the ſame ſubicribed with “ our Chap. XI. I 27 . Church and State in Scotland. 66 CARNE. " MERVAIL. A Reinforced our Hands, our Seals of Arms in ſuch Cauſes accuſtomed are appended. At 1560. " the Camp before Liet), the 1o. Day of May, the Year of God 1560 Yeares. " The Duke of CHASTELHERAULT. Earl of ARRAN. Earl of ARRAN. Earl of GLEN- Earl of ROTHESSE. Earl of ARGYLE. Earl of HUNTLIE. “ Earl of MORTON. Earl of MENTEITH. Lord OGILBYE. Lord J AMES STEWARD. ALEX. GORDON. Lord Boyd. Lord UCHILTRIE. GA- “ WIN HAMILTON Abbot of Kilwinning. Abbot of Culrofs. Lord BORTH- WIK. Lord of St. John, [James Sandilands ſecond Son to Sir James Sana * dilands of Calder · He was Lord of St. John of Jerufalem, a military Order os of religious Knights, of whom formerly ; and was thereafter created Lord Torphichen.] Lord Jo. A BERBROTHOCK, [John Hamilton ſecond son “ to the Duke of Chaſtelherault : Upon the Death of his elder Brother, he " became Earl of Arran, and was afterwards created Marquis of Hamilton ; of “ whoſe Body is lineally deſcended the preſent Duke of Hamilton.] Lord So- Lord ROB. STEWARD, [he was Abbot of Holy-rood-houſe, “ and natural Son to King James V. and was afterwards Earl of Orkney. ] Abbor of Kinlofs. JA. STEWARD of St. Colm's Inch.” Moreover the Engliſh promiſed to continue here till they ſhould receive freſh Orders from their Court. Soon after which Aſſurance, Letters arrived from the Duke of Norfolk, (in Return, 'tis to be preſumed, to thoſe that had been wrote him upon the late Miſcarriage) by which he adviſed the Lord Grey to continue the Siege, promiſing him a ſpeedy Reinforcement of Soldiers, and de- claring withal, that, if need were, he would himſelf come, and command the Army in Perſon : And to convince them the more of his Sincerity, he ordered his Tent (a) to be ſet up in the Camp, and ſent thither his own Officers and Proviſions; and, in a few Days after, he fent chem 2000 Men, to ſupply the ment of Viena Place of thoſe they had loft lisce clicy entred Scotland, This Reinforcement arrives to the gave ſuch Strength to the Beſiegers, that tho’the French made frequent Sallies Engliſh Army. afterwards, yet ſcarce any of them proved ſucceſsful from that Day forward. It is true, the Beſieged were oppreſt with Famine, while the Beſiegers wallowed in Plenty ; neither had the firſt any Proſpect of Relief, while the other had Reaſon to hope a Supply of every thing. Indeed the French had no Appearance to bring their Affairs to any tolerable Iſſue; neither was there any thing re- markable fell out in the Siege any time after this, tho' ſeveral Sallies were made, and frequent Skirmiſhes happened, not without Blood to both Sides. The Queen-Regent having, as is before hinted, been ſeized with a lingering Diſtemper, the Diſeaſe encreaſed ſo faſt upon her, (heightned, .no doubt, by the Grief of her Mind) that ſhe died, in the Caſtle of Edinburgh, on the roth Day The Queen of June 1560. Sometime before her Death, ſhe is faid to have cauſed write Regent dics. down in a Book the Names and Characters of the principal and moſt diſtinguiſh- ed Perſons in the Kingdom, either for Birth or otherwiſe; which ſhe recom- mended to be ſent her Daughter into France, that thereby ſhe, or any intruſt- ed by her in the Adminiſtration of the Government here, might be the more able to form a Judgment, who of her Subjects were fit to be truſted, and who A little after this, her Majeſty deſired to ſpeak with Monf. d' Oyfel (6); but he being denied by the Beſiegers a Safe Conduct from Leith, her next Requeſt was, that ſhe might talk with ſome of the confederate Nobility. This was granted her, yet to as that they might not be all preſent with her at a Time ; for, it ſeems, their Guilt had made them afraid ſome treacherous Blow might be prepared for them, at leaſt they were ſuſpicious of being detained Pri- foners within the Caſtle : So little Faith had they in the Aſſurance of a dying Queen ! But how Chriſtian, juſt or charitable, ſuch a Sufpicion might be, eve- ry one is at Liberty to judge. The Perſons whom I find named then to have waited on her Majeſty, were, the Duke of Chaſtelherault, the Earls of Argile, Mariſchal not. I i 2 (a). This perhaps may have given Occaſion to Biſhop Lefly to write, that the Duke did actually come privately into the Campa and that he likewiſe did viſit Edinburgh. (6) See Appendix Numb. 22. 128 The History of the Affairs of Book I. at her Death. 1560. Mariſchal and Glencairn, and the Lord James (a). To them the expreſt her Grief for the Troubles that had ariſen in the Kingdom, commending earneſtly unto them the Study of Peace, and adviſing them to ſend both the Engliſh and the French out of the Country. She recommended to them the faithful Obſer- vation of the ancient League with France, which had been lately confirmed, in a more ſpecial Manner, by the Marriage of the Queen her Daughter with the King thereof; às alſo, a dutiful Obedience and Regard to their native and law- ful Sovereign. She expreſt, in very pathetick Terms, her Love and Affection to the Country, and to the People of Scotland; and exhorted the Nobles to take care of their own and the Nation's Liberties. And Mr. Knox adds, That the profeſſed her Sorrow for having compelled them to ſeek their Support from any other than their own Queen : That the repented her of bringing Matters to ſuch Extremities; but that the Blame was entirely owing to the wicked Counſel of her own Friends on the one Part, and that of the Earl of Huntly on the other; Her Behaviour for had it not been for him, ſhe would have agreed with them in every thing at the Conference held in Preſton (b). And after many ſuch endearing Expreſſions, The åt laſt burſt forth into Tears, asking Pardon of all thoſe whom ſhe had in any manner of Way offended, and moſt heartily forgiving thoſe who had of fended her, wiſhing thein alſó Pardon and Forgiveneſs at the Hand of God. And the more to demonſtrate the Sincerity of her Love and Affection, the em- braced, and with a ſmiling Countenance kiſſed the Nobles one by one ; and to thoſe of inferior Rank who ſtood by, the gave her Hand to kiſs, as a Token of her Kindneſs and dying Charity. In a Word, ſhe manifeſted ſo much Good- neſs and unfeigned Affection, that ſhe drew Tears from all who were preſent. What particular Returns the above mentioned Lords made to her Majeſty, our Hiſtòrians have not recorded ; only we are told in general, gave unto her what Counſel and Comfort they could in that Extremity, and willed her to ſend for ſome godly and learned Man of whom ſhe might re- et ceive Inſtruction ; for (ſays Mr. Knox) theſe ignorant Papiſts that were * about her, underſtood nothing of the Myſtery of our Redemption. Upon their ** Motion John Willocks was fent for, (who was then returned from Èngland) t6 with whom ſhe talked a reaſonable Space, and who did plainly 1hcw unto her, is as well the Virtue and Strength of the Death of Jeſus Chriſt, as the Vani- ty and Abomination of that Idol the Maſs.” And he adds, " That ſhe did openly confeſs, That there was no Salvation but in and by the Death of Jeſus Chriſt (C); but of the Maſs we heard not her Confeſſion.” She died the next Day; and, Archbiſhop Spottiſwood ſays, she ended her Life most Chriſtiany As to the Character of this Princeſs, tho' ſeparately given by Archbiſhop Spottiſwood, Biſhop Lefly and Mr. Buchanan, yet in general they ſeem to a gree; and in their Senſe I ſhall give it the Reader as near as I can, with a very little Addition. Mary, Daughter of Claude, the firſt Duke of Guiſe (d), was firſt inarried to Lewis Duke of Longueville, and, after his Death, to fames V. tier Character. King of Scots. She was a Lady endowed with a ſingular Wit , and a penetrating Judgment ; fae had a Mind full of Humanity and Compaſſion, and was a great Lover of Juſtice. From the Time ſhe firſt came into Scotland, ſhe ſeemed to make it her Buſineſs to ſtudy the Inclinations of the People, and to accommo- date herſelf to their Manners ſo far as they were laudable. In her Court ſhe maintained a decent Gravity, nor would ſhe tolerate any licentious Practices therein. Her Maids of Honour were always buſied in commendable Exerciſes, the herſelf being an Example to them in Vertue, Piety and Modeſty. Nor was the That they co 66 (a). Theſe Lords ſeem to bę nientioned becauſe they only were of the oppoſite Party, and ſo could only be called to the Queen; others needed not to be mentioned, as being conſtantly about her. 'Tis true, the Earl Mariſchal was with her in the Caſtle; but he was look’d upon as a Favourer of the new Reformation, as no doubt he was, tho' I have never obſerved him ſubſcribing any of the publick Papers emitted by that Party. (6) If this laſt Expreſſion be genuine, it confirm's what hath been above obſerved of the Earl of Huntly. Ö) So does every Papiſt : But it was this Author's Buſineſs to repreſent them in the vileft Colours . (d) The Family of Guiſe is a Branch of that of Lorrain; therefore the Queen is ſometimes called Mary of Lorrain. Chap. XI. Church and State in Scotland. 129 the leſs conſpicuous in her Charity, and Good-will to Maukind, carefully relie- 1560, ving ſuch as were in Neceſſity, and whoſe Birth rendred them aſhamed to beg. She ſhewed a great Concern for thoſe that were ſick, viſiting them often in Per- fon, and aſſiſting them by her Skill and ſeaſonable Advice. A great Dexterity ſhe had in Government, which appeared eminently in her wiſely compoſing the Tumults which happened in the North, the Highlands and the remoteft ifles, during her Regency; and which, by her Wiſdom and good Conduct, the reduced to Quiet and a perfect Obedience. It was believed, that had the been left free to act according to the Dictates of her own Mind, ſhe never had had thoſe up- happy Differences with the Subjets, which brought fuch Havock upon the Coun- try, and at lait ended in her own forrowful Death ; for ſhe had really once fo gained upon the People, by her ſweet Behaviour and Complaiſance towards all Ranks, that the appeared able to have accompliſhed every reaſonable Thing Ilic could deſire, without Force: And the natural Propenſity ſhe had to Juſtice was ſo univerſally known, that had not the great Ones been much too great to bear Rule, (as her brave, her bold and glorious Husband had too fadly experiment- ed) ſhe would undoubtedly have made all of them ſubmit their Deſires to her De- termination. But her Misfortune was double; the bare the Name and Office of Regent nor without much Envy, cho' her exemplary Vertues, no leſs than her eminent Birth, and high Station as Queen Dowager, rendred her moſt worthy of both; and ſhe was obliged to act in her Adminiſtration, not according to her own native Goodneſs and Propenſity, nay not even with a Regard to her own wife Conduct and prudent Forefight; but merely as the Council of France, and their Miniſters reſiding with her, ſhould adviſe and direct. Often was this Queen heard to ſay, If her own Counſel might take place, the doubted not of being able to compoſe all the Diffentions within the Realm, and to ſettle the fame, upon good and equal Conditions, into a perfect Tranquillity and laſting Peace. In fine, her Death was not only much lamented by all of her own Party, but even bewailed by many of thoſe who were in Arms againſt her. Beſides the concurrent Teſtimony of theſe three Hiſtorians of our own Nation. we find the fame good Character given her likewiſe by the Hiſtorians of Eng- land. Mr. Holinfhed writes, “That ſhe was a wife and prudent Princeis : That during the Time of her Regency ſhe kept good Juſtice, and was well obeyed in all Parts of the Realm : That tho' the Eſtates and People of the Land did grudge under her Government, (viz. by reaſon of her following " the Advice of Strangers] yet it was not for any miſliking they had of her, " who ſurely deceaſed to the great Grief and Lamentation of the whole Num- • ber of the Eſtates and People of the Realm.” And Mr. Camden fays, “ She " was a pious and wiſe Princeſs, who had ſuffered the moſt bitter Reproaches « from fome virulent and furious (a) Preachers (as may be ſeen in their own K k " Church- (a) of theſe the principal was Mr. Knox, who has all along treated this Queen in a Set of Language peculiar indeed to him- felf, and too much below either a Gentlenian or a Divine to utter. Speaking of her Burial, he faich, If all things liould be 6 rightly weighed, we ſhall perceive God's juſt Judgments, how ſecret that ever they be. Before, we heard the barbarous In- sr humanity that was uſed at Leith by the French, who expoſed the naked Carcafics of the Slain as it were in a Spe&acle; deſpi. - ting God: We have heard that the Queen Regent rejoiced at the Sight; but her Joy was fuddenlý turned into Sortow, as o we have heard. The Queſtion was moved of her Burial: The Preachers boldly gainſtood that any ſuperſtitious Rites ſhould 6 be uſed within that Realm which God of his Mercy had begun to purge; and fo Concluſion was taken, that her Burial ſhould s be deferred till farther Adviſement; and ſo was the clapped in a Coffin of Lead, and kept in the Caſtle from the oth of June o until the 19th of October, when ſhe by Pynours was carried to a Ship, and ſo carried to France. What Pomp was uſed there, o we neither hear nor yet regard: But in it we ſee, that ſhe that delighted that others lay without Burial, gat it neither fo foon The herſelf (if ſhe had been of the Counſel in her Life) would have required it, neither yet lo honourable in this Realm as « lometimes ſhe looked for. It may perchance be a Pronoſticon, that the Guiſian Blood cannot have long Reſt within this Re- « alm.” There is added in the later Editions, “ As Men do, ſo they receive." "I will take the Freedom to infert here the Ground of this Reflection of his, which he intends as an Accompliſhment of a Prophecy emitted by him. He tell us, That a little before the Queen's Death, ſhe having eſpied, from the Caſtle of Edinburgh, the dead Bodies of the Slain, which the Garriſon of Leith had laid over their Walls after a Skirmiſh with the Beſiegers, ſhould have ſaid, “ Yonder are the faireſt Tapeſtrie that ever I ſaw: " I would that the whole Fields that is betwixt this place and yon were ſtrowed with the ſame Stuff. Againſt which [he ſays] « John Knox ſpake openly in Pulpit, and boldly affirmned, That God ſhould revenge that contumelie done to his Image, not on- « ly in the furious and godleſs Soldiers, but even in ſuch as rejoiced thereat. And the very Experience declared that he was not « deceived; for within few Days after, (yea fome ſay that fame Day) began her Belly and lothſome Legs to ſwell, and fo conti- « nued till that God did execute his Judgment upon her, as after we ſhall hear.” He ſhould have remembred that the Judgments of God are a great Depth. s Shortly thereafter the finiſhed her unhappy Life, unhappy we ſay to Scotland, from the as first 130 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book 1. 1560. Church Hiſtory (a) called in by Queen Elizabeth when it was juſt going to the Preſs) as likewiſe from the Hands of the Congregation, who as na- " tive Counſellors of the Kingdom had in the Name of the Queen of Scots and “ her Husband, by their own Authority excluded her from the Regency, as one that oppoſed the Glory of God, and the Liberty of the Scots." The Queen's Body was put into a Coffin of Lead, and carried over into France in the Month of Ołtober following, and buried in the Benedictine Monaſtery of St. Peter at Rheims in Champagne, where her own Siſter Renée was then Abbeſs. 06 CH A P. XII. Containing an Account of Publick Affairs, from the Death of the Queen- Regent 10th of June 1560, till the Eſtabliſhment of the R formed Do- Strines by the Eſtates of the Kingdom in the Month of Auguſt thereafter. SI IX Days after the Death of the Queen-Regent, the Commiſſioners- Plenipotentiaries both from France and England arrived in Scotland, in order to compoſe che Differences that had fallen out in this King- dom. For the King of France, finding that he was not in a Condi. tion to continue and carry on the War here againſt the Power of England, nor able even to extricate himſelf out of it with Honour by Force of Arms, thought fit to enter into a Reconciliation of Differences ariſen with the Queen of England, by aſſembling of Men on the Borders, (ſo it is worded in the Commiſſion :) By, which Method he reckoned that he would both gain the End he aimed ač, which was Peace, and ſave his own, and his Wife the Queen of Scots her Dignity, from ſtooping ſo low as to enter into Treaty with their own rebellious Subjects. Accordingly, on the 2d of May 1560, a Negotiation Commiſſion is granted, by Francis and Mary King and Queen of France and for a Peace. Scotland, at Chenonceau, to John Monluc Biſhop of Valence, Nicolas Pelue Biſhop of Amiens, Jacques de la Broſſe, Henry Clentin Sieur d'Oyfel, and Charles de la Rochefaucault Sieur de Randan, to meet on the Borders of Scota land, or where it ſhall be thought convenient by them, in concert with the Com- miſſioners of the Queen of England, viz. Sir William Cecil the Secretary, Ni. colas « firſt Day ſhe entred into it, anto the Day that the departed this Life. God for his Mercies Sake rid us of the teſt of the Guiſian << Blood, Amen. For of the Tyranny of the Guiſian Blood, in her that for our Unthankfulneſs now reigneth above us, we have « had ſufficient Experience : But of any Vertue that ever was eſpied in King James V. whole Daughter ſhe is called, to this « Hour we have never ſeen any Sparkle to appear.” What Enthuſiaſm, Venom, Scurrility and Indecency! Bad Qualities in a Reformer! Much Room left here for Reformation at home. The bleſſed Apoſtles converted the World by a better Spirit. (a) By this be means Mr. Knox’s Hiſtory, an Edition whereof was printed at London, but at what preciſe Time has not as yet fully appeared. Mr. Camden ſays here, that this Book was called in by Queen Elizabeth when it was juſt going to the Preſs; he ſhould rather have ſaid, when it was juſt going to be publiſhed, ſince of this Engliſh Edition in a ſmall Octavo, there are ſome few Copies to be met with at this Day; but every one of them is imperfe&. The Author of the Life of Mr. Knox prefixed to the late Edition of his Hiſtory at Edinburgh 1732, gives a Paſſage from Calderwood's MS. to aſcertain the Time when this Octavo Edition was printed at London, in the following Words, " February 1586, Vaultrollier the Printer took with him a Copy of Mr. « Knox's Hiſtory to England, and printed twelve hundred of them; the Stationers at the Archbiſhop's Command ſeized them the “ 18th of February. It was thought that he would get Leave to proceed again, becauſe the Council perceived that it would bring “ the Queen of Scots in Deteſtation.” This ſeems to be the beſt Account of the Date when theſe Books were ſeized; but the Ex- pectation of obtaining Leave to proceed again, ſeems to have failed. True indeed the Ground of the Expectation ſeems to be plau- lible enough, ſeeing Mr. Knox has laid himſelf out as it were to bring the Queen of Scots his Sovereign into Deteftation; but it ſeenis likewiſe that the Council of England ſtood no longer in need of Mr. Knox's detra&ing Pen; they had gained their Point before that Time, and now they ſaw well that ſuch Language and Repreſentations as that Book contained, was not fit to be al- lowed a free Paſſage into the World. That wiſe Council acted herein ſomewhat like thoſe who fawn on a Traitor while his Treachery may be ſerviceable to them ; but when that Seaſon is over, they deſpiſe both the Traitor and the Treachery. It may be obſerved that the deepeſt Favourers of Mr. Knox appear willing to let this firſt Oétavo Edition of his Hiſtory flip away unre- garded; perhaps becauſe there are ſeveral Expreſſions in it, which at this time of Day they are loth to juſtify, and as loth to con demn. Chap. XII. 131 Church and State in Scotland. colas Wotton Dean of Canterbury and Tork, Henry Piercy and Peter Craw, 1960. whoſe Commiſſion bears Date the 25th of May the ſame Year. It is acknow- ledged by Mi. Buchanan, that both Scots and Engliſh were as deſirous of Peace as the French. But becauſe the ſubſequent Treaty has been variouſly, and yet not diſtinctly repreſented by him nor our other Hiſtorians; ſome of them blend- ing the Treaty with the Queen of England, and the Conceſſions granted to the Subjects of Scotland into one ſingle Inſtrument: Others again narrating the firſt only, and entirely omitting the laſt ; or, è contra: I ſhall here lay the ſeveral Parts and Portions both of the one and the other before my Readers, from uncontrovertible Authorities. I. T: 2. 4. (a) ARTICLES agreed between the Commiſsioners of the Queen of England, and thoſe of the King and Queen of France and Scotland, at Berwick the 14th Day of June 1560 (6). HE faids Commiſſioners have agreed, That the Town of Edinburgis ſhall be the Place of Treaty. “ 'Tis agreed, That on Monday next [the 16th of the Month] the faids " Commiſſioners ſhall convene all together in the ſaid Place, and begin the Treaty; which ſhall endure no longer than until Saturday thereafter inclua * fivè, unleſs the faids Commiſſioner's ſhall prorogate the ſame for ſome juſt Cauſe. 3. “ On the ſaid Monday, the Commiſſioners ſhall agree upon the Method " and Form of a mutual Abſtinence or Ceſſation of Asus (C), during the time " of the Treaty " The French Commiſſioners, and their Retinué, included it their Let- ters of Safe-conduct, ſhall be obliged to enter the Limits of Scotland, iti Company with the Commiſſioners of England; and none of them mult car: ry along with them more Money than hall appear to be juſtly neceſſary foť their ordinary Expences. Neither shall it be lawful for them to have any Conference with French or Scottiſh Men, either on the Road to Edinburgh, or during their Abode in Scotland, in the Time of the Treaty, but by Con- “ſent of the Commiſſioners of England, or of ſuch Perſons as thall be appointed by them, to look after this Matter. 5. “ No Perſon belonging to the Retinue of the Sieur de Randan and Bi- ſhop of Valence (d) ſhall go out of the Lodgings which ſhall be appointed “ for them at Edinburgh, without Conſent of ſuch Engliſhmen as ſhall be “ deputed by the Commiſſioners of England to accompany them. 6. “ 'Tis agreed by the Engliſh Commiſſioners, That the French Com. miſſioners, during the time of the Treaty, may confer with the Archbiſhop " of St. Andrere's (e), and with one that was Secretary (f) with the Queen • at her Death, and the Juſtice-Clerk. And if any of theſe three ſhall refuſe the ſame, or cannot (g), then they ſhall have Licence to ſpeak with ſome other Scotſman, not being in any of the Forts holden by the French. Kk a ) 7. “ IT (a) Cotton Library, Calig: Book X. a Copy; and Lawyers Library, Edinburgh. (6) One half of theſe Articles are in the Latin Tongue, and the other in Engliſh. (c) This Abftinence ſerved the Engliſh to good purpoſe. See Appendix, Numb. 23. (d) Theſe were the only two French Commiſſioners who ſate upon and concluded the Treaty, (e) Note, from this Part, the Articles are verbatim as here, in the Engliſh Language. (f) The Perſon is not deſigned. (8) By a Letter from Sir William Cecil to the Queen of England, it would ſeem that the Archbiſhop thought not himſelf ſafe to appear in Publick; ſo the French Commiſſioners went to the Canle of Edinburgh, where he was, in order to confer with him. See Appendix, Numb. 23. 132 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book I. 1560. 2. “ It ſhall be aſſured, That every of the ſaid three Perſons of Scotland, ſhall, after their Communication with the ſaid Commiſſioners of France, re- o turn to the Place from whence they came. 8. “ It ſhall be lawful for the ſaid French Commiſſioners to demand, and to have and retain ſuch Cyphers and Writings as were left by the Queen Dowager in the Hands of the Secretary, and likewiſe that Captain Chappe- ron (a) ſhall come and ſpeak with them, and deliver to them luch Com- “ miſſions and Writings as he carried into Scotland from France. 9. “ It ſhall be alſo permitted, That they may ſend to the Ladies and os Gentlewomen of France, which ſerved the Queen, to comfort them; or, so that they ſhall come to the faid Commiſſioners. “ The ſaid Commiſſioners of France do bind themſelves, Thar they 66 ſhall obſerve, and cauſe to be obſerved by them and theirs, every thing in " the Premiſſes appointed to be obſerved by them, and any of them. Finally, “ The faid Commiſſioners of England do bind themſelves like- * wiſe, That they for their Parts ſhall obſerve, and cauſe to obſerve the Pre- miſſes, as far forth as concerneth their Parts.” > IO. (6) Conventiones fuper demolitione ville de Lyethe ; or, The Accord for the Demolition of the Fortifications of Leith. 66 I. (c) N the Day after the Publication of the Peace, fix Gentlemen ſhall be nominated on both sides by the Deputies (d), with " the Advice of the Lieutenants (e) of both Parties; that is to ſay, three of " the French Side, and three of the Engliſh Side: Thoſe of the French Side ſhall repair to the Lieutenant of England, and thoſe of the Engliſh Side to " the King's Lieutenant. And theſe fix Gentlemen ſhall have the Charge of ſeeing the following Article put in Execution, viz. That all the Artillery or which is in Leith ſhall be brought into the Market-place of the ſaid Town: And in the inſtant that one of the faids Pieces of Artillery ſhall be removed from the Ramparts of the ſaid Town, one Piece ſhall likewiſe be taken down from the Engliſh Batteries; and ſo forward, one Piece ſhall be removed “ from the Town, and another Piece from the Engliſh Batteries, or two Pieces, • if there be more Pieces upon theſe Batteries than within the ſaid Town: In “ fuch manner, that when all the Artillery ſhall be taken from the Ramparts • of the Town, and laid in the Market-place, and all the Engliſh Artillery fhall be laid in a certain open Place near to their Batteries and Forts ; then “ ſhall all the Artillery of both Parties be removed again from the Market- place, and from that other place where they were conveniently laid for Em. barkation, and ſhall be embarked with all poſſible Speed, after the ſame man- ner as was obſerved in taking down the reſpective Artillery, without any 5. Fraud or Deceit whatſoever. Next, All the Colours and Enſigns, as well in the Town as in the Trenches and Forts, ſhall be taken down in good and peaccable Order, after " the ſame manner as was done by the Artillery. 3. “ Then the fix Gentlemen ſhall be exchanged, and two of the principal “ Gentlemen of Leith ſhall be delivered Hoſtages to the Engliſh, for Accom- pliſhment of what followeth. 4. (a) This Gentleman had lately brought from France a Letter in Cyphers to the Queen Regent. (6) Rymer's Fædera Anglia. (c) This Accord is all in French. (d) i, e. The reſpective Ambaſſadors Plenipotentiaries. (e) i, e. The reſpective Commanders in Chief of the French and English Soldiers, viz. Monf. de Oyſel and the Lord Gray. 2. - How Chap. XII. 133 Church and State in Scotland. 4. 66 How ſoon a Cannon ſhall be diſcharged on both Sides, the French 156ô. “ Ihall begin to demoliſh the Baſtions, Curtins, and other Fortifications of the ſaid Town; and the Engliſh Army, that is, all the Foot, ſhall retire to • Muſſelburgh: And then the Lords of Scotland ſhall furniſh as many Pio- ncers as they are able, for to finiſh the Demolition of the ſaid Town; and if " thoſe be not fufficient, the Engliſh fhall fupply them. 5 The French Soldiers ſhall embark; and after they are einbårked, the Engliſh Camp ſhall remove directly to Berwick, where the Soldiers ſhall be reviewed, have their Wages paid them, and be disbanded. 6. “ After all the French Soldiers ſhall be embarked, the faids Hoſtages • ſhall be delivered up, provided that four of the principal French Gentlemen “ be given to the Engliſh as Hoſtages, to anſwer for the Ships in which the “ French are embarked, that they ſhall return in Safety without any Hindrance or Diſturbance from the French, or any other Let whatſoever with the Knowledge of the French; and likewiſe for Satisfaction and Payment of the Fraught of the ſaid Ships, and of the Vivres which ſhall fübfiſt the faid “ Frenchmen, or may be embezled by them. And theſe Hoftages ſhall go to London, and there remain until the Arrival of the faids Ships, and that Satilo si faction be made for the Charges. 7. “ That the French ſhall not defiſt from embarking, nor the Engliſh “ from retiring, although the Demolition of the ſaid Town be nor perfectly compleated, provided there be left fix Gentlemen on each side who thail “ aſſiſt in the faid Demolition, until the fame be perfected to the Satisfaction 66 of both parties. 8. . That the Soldiers of either Side, both Horſe and Foot, ſhall be pro- or hibited to enter either into the Camp or Town, without Licence from fix 6. Gentlemen appointed by both Parties for this Effect ; and of this Prohibi. • tion publick Notice ſhall be given by Beat of Drum io both Armies. 9. “ If there chance to be any fick Perſons, whether Gentlemen or Ladies, " who have a Deſire to paſs into France rather by Land than by Sea, the fame being known to be ſober and diſcreet Perfons, diſpoſed rather to Peace than “ War ; they ſhall have Liberty granted them to paſs through England, pro- or vided there be not more than forty in Company together. 10. “ If any Difficulty ſhall ariſe in the above Articles, the fame ſhall be determined by us the faids Ambaſſadors, with the Advice of the Lieutenants 66 of both parties. In Teſtimony of all which, we the above named Ambaſſadors have ſigned * thefe Preſents, and have cauſed the Seals of our Arms to be affixed, this sth * Day of July 1560. J. MONLUC. E. de Valence, RANDAN. W. CECIL. N. WOTTON be L. S. (a) Con: 134 Book 1. The Hiſtory of the Affairs of (a) Conventiones Scotiæ ; or, The Treaty of Peace at Edinburgh (b). 1560. Art. I. & II. (The Treaty of Cambray is confirmed: But I omit to ſet down theſe two Articles at length.] III. “ 'Tis appointed, agreed and concluded, That all the military Forces * pertaining to either Party by Sea or Land, fhall depart out of Scotland, after * the Manner and upon the Terms as ſhall be agreed by particular Articles ſigned and ſealed by the reſpective Commiſſioners ; ſuch a certain Number, " of French Soldiers excepted, as ſhall be condeſcended upon by the Commiſ- - fioners of France and the Lords of Scotland, to remain in the Caſtle of Duna bar and Fort of Inch-keith. IV." "Tis appointed, agreed and concluded, That all manner of warlike Preparations in England and Ireland againſt the French or Scots; and in “ France againſt the Engliſh, Iriſh or Scots, ſhall hereafter ceaſe : So that 10 Ship having on board any Soldiers or warlike Inſtruments, or Prepara- “ tions for War, ſhall be allowed to paſs from England or Ireland, or from any other Part, into France or Scotland, by and with the Conſent of Eliſan “ beth Queen of England; nor from France, nor any other Part, to Eng- si land, Ireland or Scotland, by and with the Confent of Francis and Mary King and Queen of France and Scotland. V. " SEEING in the forementioned Treaty of Cambray, it was agreed and concluded, That the Fort built at Aymouth in the Kingdom of Scotland, * ſhould have been demoliſhed within three Months after the Date of the ſaid Treaty, razed to the Ground, and nothing ever thereafter to have been built there : And although the ſaid Fort be in ſome fort demoliſhed, yet nor ſo as was agreed upon; Therefore 'tis now appointed, agreed and concluded, 66. That the ſaid Fort of Aymouth ſhall be utterly demoliſhed and razed, before • the End of four Days after the Demolition of Leith ſhall begin. And in the demoliſhing of the faid Fort, fuch Scottiſh Men as ſhall be deputed thereunto by the Commiſſioners, ſhall be at Freedom to make Uſe of the Labour of Engliſh Pioneers. VI. “ Seeing the Kingdoms of England and Ireland do by Right pertain to the Moſt Serene Lady and Princeſs Eliſabeth; upon which Account it is not lawful for any other Perſons to call, write, name or entitle themſelves, nor yet to order themſelves to be called, written, named or entitled King “ and Queen of England or Ireland, nor to uſe or take to themſelves the En- ſigns armorial, or Arms of the Kingdom of England or Ireland: Therefore " 'tis appointed, agreed and concluded, That the ſaid Moſt Chriſtian King and Queen Mary, and both of them, ſhall in all Times coming, abſtain from uſing ise and bearing the ſaid Title and Arms of the Kingdom of England or Ireland, and thall itrictly prohibite and forbid their Subjects in France and Scot. “ land, and the Provinces thereof, from uſing the faids Title and Arms any manner of way; and ſhall likewiſe prohibite and take care, ſo far as in them lyes, that no Perſon quarter the faids Enſigns armorial with the Arms of " the Kingdoms of France or Scotland. And if there be any publick Letters or Writings which carry in them the Title of the Kingdoms of England or Ireland, or be ſealed with the Seal of the ſaids Kingdoms, or either of them ; * the ſame ſhall be renewed, without the Adjection of the Title and Arms of England and Ireland; and all Letters and Writings containing the ſaid Title, or ſealed with the Seals of the faids Arms, which Ihall not be renewed within sa Toa 26 66 66 fix (a) Rymer's Fædera Anglie. (6) This Treaty is all in Latin, Chap. XII. 135 Church and State in Scotland. fix Months after the Publication of this preſent Treaty, ſhall be void and of 1560. no Avail. Finally, They ſhall take care ſo far as they can, that in the • faids Kingdoms of France and Scotland, the ſaids Arms be no where extant, " ſeen, or found mixed with the Arms of the faids King or Queen Mary; and is that the ſaid Title be no where extant, fecn or found aſcribed to the faids King " or Queen Mary. VII.“ WHEREAS the Commiſſioners of the Moſt Serenc Queen Eliſabeth “ did require, that the foregoing Caution and Proviſion contained in the Clofc " of the Article immediately preceeding, ſhould be publiſhed by open Procła- - mation ; and did likewiſe infilt on a farther Compenſation and Reparation “ for the Injuries which they alledged were done to the ſaid Moft Serend Queen Eliſabeth, by the laids Moft Serene King and Queen Mary : And “ whereas the Commiſſioners of France, after having replied fundry Things “ in Aniwer thereunto, did farther add, That they had no Authority to treat * or conclude any thing concerning theſe Particulars ; and if they ſhould wait “ until a Return ſhall come from France, not only would there ariſe from " thence a great Lots of Time, but moreover ſtrong Impediments may come " in the way of compleating the preſent Treaty of Peace and Amity : There- • fore it is appointed, agreed and concluded, That this Difceptation concern- « ing the above Demands, namely, concerning the Publication of the foreſaid “ Caution, and concerning a farther Reparation, ſhall be remitted to another Meeting at London between the faids Commiſſioners of both Parties, to be aſſembled as quickly as conveniently may be. And if nothing can be got “ concluded concerning the faid Dilcepration before the End of three Months, " to be reckoned from the Date of this preſent Tocacy; In that Caſe the ſaid Difceptation ſhall, by Conſent of beda Parties, be referred to the Arbitration “ of the Moft Mighey Prince Philip the Catholick King of Spain, to whoſe Sentence and Award both Parties ſhall ſtand. And if the ſaid Catholick King ſhall not find it convenient for him to pronounce a final Decree iti “ Writing concerning theſe Matters, within a Year after the aforeſaid three “ Months are elapſed, excepting ſtill if the Term thall not chance to be pro- longed by Content of both Parties; whether there be no fuch Prolongation o of the Time, or the ſaid Catholick King do not put an End to the ſaid Dir. ceptation within the Time fo prolonged : In either of theſe Caſes, the ſaid Moſt Serene Queen Eliſabeth's Right of fuing for theſe Things ſhall be re. ferved entire to her, in the ſame State and Condition it was in before the “6 Commencement of this Treaty. VIII. " SEEING it hath pleaſed Almighty God, in whoſe Hands árë thie ** Hearts of Kings, fo to incline the Minds of the faids Moſt Chriſtian King " and Queen Mary, that they have largely manifeſted their Clemency and Be nignity towards their Nobility and People of their Kingdom of Scotland, " and that reciprocally the faids Nobility and People have willingly, and of “ their own Accord, acknowledged, profeſſed and promiſed all Duty and Obc- “ dience to the faids Moſt Chriſtian King and Queen their Sovereigns : For " the better Preſervation, cheriſhing, and Continuancé whereof, the faids “ Moſt Chriſtian King and Queen have, by their faids Commiſſioners, grant- “ed their Affent to certain fupplicatory Petitions preſented by the faids Nobility and People to the faids King and Queen, tending to the Ho- " nour of the faids King and Queen, to the publick Benefit of the faid King- dom, and to the Continuation of their Obedience. And the faids Moſt Chri- ftian King and Queen being deſirous to have their faid Benignity towards " their faid Subjects attributed to the good Offices of the laid Moit Serend Queen Eliſabeth, their moſt dear Siſter and Confederate, ar whoſe Inter ** ceſſion and Requeſt the faids King, and Queen have been more propenſely moyed hereunto ; Therefore 'tis agreed between the forefaid Commillioners LI 2 66 of 136 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book 1. 1560. “ of both Parties, That the faids Moſt Chriſtian King and Queen Mary ſhall fulfil all thoſe Things which by their faids Commiſſioners they have granted " to the faids Nobility and People of Scotland at Edinburgh the 6th Day of “ July, in this preſent Year 1560, provided the faids Nobility and People of « Scotland ſhall fulfil and obſerve all thoſe Things that are contained in the “ faids Articles and Conventions to be performed on their Part. IX.“ In this Treaty of Peace and Amity is comprehended on the Part of 6 the faids Moſt Serene Princes Francis the Moſt Chriſtian King of France " and Queen Mary, as likewiſe on the Part of the Moſt Serene Eliſabeth Queen of England, the Moſt Potent Prince Philip the Catholick King of Spain, conformable to the Force and Effect of Treaties ſubſiſting between " the faids Kings and Queens, their Kingdoms, Territories, Countries and Dominions. X. “ 'Tis appointed, agreed and concluded, That this preſent Treaty, or with all and ſeveral the Conventions and Contents thereof, ſhall be ratified s and confirmed by the faids Moſt Mighty and Illuſtrious Francis and Mary, 6 and Eliſabeth, and each of them, within the Space of ſixty Days after the • Date of this Treaty, and ſhall be turn'd by them into Letters Patents, with " their Great Seals appended, and their proper manual Subſcriptions adjoined: " And the faids Princes, and each of them, 'fhall deliver the faids confirmatory of authentick Letters, fo ſubſcribed and fealed, To the Commiſſioner or Com- or miſſioners of the other Prince, having Authority to this Effect. XI. “ 'Tis appointed, agreed and concluded, That the ſaids Moft Illuſtrious s and Moft Mighty Princes, Francis and Mary, and Eliſabeth, and every of them, ſhall in the Preſence of the Commiſſioner or Commiſſioners of the “ other Prince, having fufficient Authority for this Effect, if required by him " or them, promiſe on their Royal Word, and ſwear upon God's holy Go. " fpel; and every of them ſhall fo fwear, That they ſhall truly, inviolaby, “ and in good faith, obſerve for their Part, all and every the Articles, Con. o ventions, Proviſions and Pacts comprehended in this preſent League and " Treaty (a).” Here follow the Tenors of the Commiſſions, IN N Faith and Teſtimony of all which and ſingular the Premiſſes, we the foreſaids Commiſſioners and Ambaſſadors have cauſed theſe Lerters Pa. o tents fubfcribed with our Hands, to be fortificd and corroborated by our 6. Seals. " These Things were done at Edinburgh within the ſaid Kingdom of « Scotland, the 6th Day of July 1560. J. MONLUCIUS Ep. Valentinus. J. RANDAN W. CECIL. N. WOTTON From (a) By the Tenor of the Commiſſions to the reſpective Plenipotentiaries, their Royal Conſtituents had obliged themſelves in good Faith, and upon their Royal Words, to hold frm and ſtable every thing that lhall be concluded by their reſpe&ive Depu- ties within the Time agreed upon, and never to come into the contrary any manner of way. And the Queen of England, for her Part, did racify the preſent Treaty in Form at Windfor the ad of September the ſame Year. Fædera Anglie. Chap. XII. 137 Church and State in Scotland. From theſe Articles it appears, that nothing concerning the Differences be isão tween our Sovereign and her Subjects, was engroſſed in the Treaty concluded by the French and Engliſh Ambaſſadors-Plenipotcntiaries at this Time. We have nevertheleſs ſufficient Ground to be aſſured by the VIII. Article preceed- ing, that at the Interceſſion of the Queen of England, certain Conceſſions were granted by the French Commiſſioners, in Name of the King of France and his Queen, our Sovereigns, to certain Petitions preſented to thein by the Nobility and People of Scotland. It has been deem'd too derogatory from the Majeſty of Sovereigns, to enter into Treaty with their own Subjects; and therefore this iniddle Way has been fallen upon, that the Nobility and People of Scotland ſhould offer Petitions for redreſſing of ſuch Things as were grievous to them : And the King and Queen had condeſcended, by the friendly Offices of the Queen of England their Fellow Sovereign, to concede fuch Things as might introduce a good Harinony and Underſtanding between them and their People (a). D Do (c) The Conceſſions granted by the King and Queen, to the Nobility and People of Scotland (b). A for ; LTho'War be ſometimes permitted, for Neceſſity, for Self-defence: • fects thereof are afflicting and miſchievous, it muſt of Conſequence be diſagree • able and hateful to all thoſe who have any thing of the Fear of God remaining s in them. For beſides that there can be no War without a Diffolution of the * Bond of Charity, which is the true and certain Mark whereby true Chriſtians * are diſcernable from thoſe wicked on.wno bear the Name only of Chriſtiani: ty; humane Blood is therein ſhed with far leſs Regard than that of the bruto Beifts in the Shambles; the whole Body of the People is cruelly treated and trampled upon ; the ill-deſerving are ſupported and favoured ; the Virtuous are oppreſted, and conſtrained to abandon their Houſes and Families; mar- • ried Women are forced from their Husbands ; Virgins are hald away, and made ſubfervient to abominable Practices ; Widows and Orphans are left a Prey to thoſe whoſe chief Buſineſs it is to work Miſchief. Theſe are the Ef- fects of War: And therefore the Cry of ſo many poor afflicted Perſons can: not fail to reach unto Heaven, and be heard by Him who cannot lie, and hath promiſed to revenge the Evil which is done to the Defolare, whom Ho hath taken under His own Protection and Safe-guard. All which Inconvés • niencies and Miſchiefs having been maturely and wiſely conſidered by the · King and Queen our Sovercigns, who deſire nothing more than to maintain · their Subjects in Peace, Union and Tranquillity: And being to their great • Grief advertiſed of the Troubles which have fallen out of late in this Kingdom • of Scotland, following their own good and chriſtian Diſpoſition, they have given expreſs Deputation to the Reverend Father in God, John de Monluc Biſhop and Count of Valence, one of his Majeſty's Privy-Council, and to Meſſire Charles de la Rochefoucault Knight, Seigneur de Randan, Chama • berlain in ordinary to the King, and Captain of 50 Gens d'armes (d), to tran iport themſelves into Scotland, with Orders to appeaſe the Commotions of • War, and reconcile, if poſſible, all Differences, and to notify to the Nobi: lity, and all their other Subjects in that Kingdom, their Majeſties gracious M m 10% & 6 6 (a) See Cecil's Letter 20th June 1560, in the Appendix, Numb. 24. (6) The following Paper is drawn up in Fronch. The Title prefixed to this atteſted Copy in the Cotton Library, is not writies by the ſame Hand, but by Secretary Cecil; and is this, Ascord betwixt the French Kyng and Queen of Scots and the Nobilita of Scotland, 3. die Julii 1560. (C) Cotton Library, Calig. Book 9. Fol. 126. (d) Capitaine de so hommes d'armes des or dennancess 138 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book I. 1. (a) 66 U 1560. Intentions to receive them into Favour, and to retain no Remembrance of any thing that has intervened from the Beginning of thoſe Troubles. Which • gracious Clemency the Scottiſh Nobility have received with all due Submiſ- * fion and Reverence, both in Name of themſelves here preſent, and of thoſe • that are abſent : And in Teſtimony of their Duty, have offered to render to • their Majeſtics all that Obedience which the true, faithful and natural Subjects of this Crown owe to their Sovereigns; promiſing at the fame time to ſerve • their Majeſties ſo faithfully, and ſo to acquit themſelves of their bounder . Duties, that their Majeſties ſhall ever have occaſion to treat them favourably. And in order to remove all Differences which are at preſent ſubſiſting, as . well as to take out of the way the Occaſions that may chance to create new ones for the time to come, they have prelented to the Lords Deputies a Pe- • tition, containing certain Articles for the Preſervation and Maintenance of • their Liberties, Laws, Cuſtoms and Privileges, and of Peace, Union and • Love among the whole Subjects: Of the which Articles, ſuch as have ap. peared to be juſt and reaſonable to the Lords Deputies, the ſaid Deputies have granted the Confirmation, in Name of the King and Queen our Sovereigns, : in manner after following ; Pon the Complaint made by the Nobility and People of this Country againſt the Number of Soldiers kept up here in time ss of Peace, fupplicating the Lords Deputies of the King and Queen to afford so fome Remedy therein, for the Relief of the Country : The faids Deputies having conſidered the ſaid Requeſt to be juſt and reaſonable, have conſented, agreed and appointed, in the Name of the King and Queen, That hereafter " their Majeſties ſhall not introduce into this Kingdom any Soldiers out of “ France, nor any other Nation whatſoever, unleſs in the Event of a foreign “ Army's attempting to inyade and poſſeſs this Kingdom : In which Caſe the King and Queen Thall make Proviſion, by and with the Counſel and Advice " of the three Eſtates of this Nation. And as for the French Soldiers that are juſt now in the Town of Leith, they ſhall be ſent back into France, at the es fame time that the Engliſh Naval and Land Armies, together with the Scot- tiſh Army, ſhall remove in ſuch Form as ſhall be more amply deviſed. And so it is likewiſe agreed, that fach Bands of Scottiſh Soldiers as are within the • Town of Leith ſhall be disbanded. Item, That no more than Sixſcore “ French Soldiers ſhall be retained in the Forts of Dunbar and Inch-keith, o to be divided between them two Places; ſixty whereof, and no more, ſhall " remain in the Fort of Dunbar. And if the States can fall upon any ſecure " Means whereby to retrench the Expence laid out on theſe two Places, with- out incurring the Dangeroof rendring them a Prey to thoſe that would pre- • tend to make themſelves Maſters of them, they are at Freedom to acquaint " their Majeſties thereof with the fooneſt. But the foreſaid Number of Six- oc ſcore French Soldiers ſhall in nowiſe be augmented : Nor ſhall it be allowable " for them to do Harm or Injury to any Perſon, nor yet to receive within so their Forts any Scottiſh Men of what Quality or Degree foever, with In- « tention to ſecure them from the Magiſtrates of the Country, or defend them againſt the Officers of Juſtice; nor ſhall they take any part in any private Quarrels, which may chance to fall out among the great Men or other Per- “ fons within the Kingdom : And if any Complaint shall be made againſt any “ of themſelves, they ihall be bound to anſwer before the ordinary Judges of " the Land, and that be liable to Puniſhment according to the Laws and Cu- ſtoms of the Country. Item, It is provided, that to prevent their taking Things upon Loan, they ſhall receive their Wages regularly each month. " And it ſhall be lawful for two Scottiſh Gentlemen choſen by the Council, “ to be preſent at their Muſters, and to inſpect the Forts, left there be more Meu (a) The original atteſted Copy is not broken into Numbers: I have only taken ebat Freedom. Chap. XII. 139 Church and State in Scotland. ir Men got into them, than the ſtipulated Number. Item, The Soldiers be- 1500. longing to thoſe two Garriſons Thall not take to them any Victuals, with- " out paying ready Money for the ſame ; at leaſt, they ſhall not take them o againſt the Good will and Confent of thoſe to whom they belong: And the Nobility ſhall be obliged to furniſh them with as much as they ſtand in need "of, provided they have Money to pay for the fame. II.“ As to the Petition preſented to the Lords Deputies concerning the " Demolition of Fortifications, they have confented, agreed and appointed, ** That the Fortifications of Leith ſhall be demoliſhed: And as for Dunbar, " two Commiſſioners ſhall be appointed by the Lords Deputies, who, together " with two Scottiſh Men, fhall viſit the Place, and conſider what therein is “ fit to be demoliſhed; and ſuch new Works as have been adued co it ſince the “ Beginning of theſe Troubles, together with ſuch as may ferve to cnlarge the Fortification, and render it capable to receive Soldiers, hall all be thrown “ down three Days after thar Leith begins to be demoliſhed. And forafinuch as by the ſaid Demolition, and the few Soldiers that are to be left in Garri- “ fon, the Place will be in danger to be ſurprized ; 'tis accorded. That thoſe who have preſented this Petition, ſhall each in particular oblige themſelves to " defend it with all their Force, againſt all thoſe that would attempt to ſeize it. 6. The ſame thing thall in like manner be agreed upon by the States, with reſpect to the Wardens of the Marches. And neither the King nor the Queen ſhall hereafter cauſe to be built any new Fortification within this Kingdom, nor yet enlarge thoſe that are now fubfiſting, nor repair thoſe " that are now to be demoliſhed, but by the Advice and Conſent of the States. “ Neither fliall they cauſe to be imported any Artillery: Ammunition, Gun- powder, or Vivres, in a greater Quantity chan fhall be neceſſary for the 6c Defence of the two foremeationca Forts, and the Complement of their Gara ““ riſons from one Half-year to another, or at moſt from Year to Year, with out the Advice and Conſent of the States foreſaid. TOUCHING the Petition for the Payment of ſuch Debts as be owing óc within this Kingdom by the French and Scottiſh Bands in the Service of the King, the Lords Deputies have agreed, That the King and Queen ſhall cauſe or to be reimburſed whatever has been given to the King's Lieutenant, to the Captains and other Officers, for the Subſiſtence of the laid Bands; and gene- rally whatever the King's Lieutenant is in Debt for his Majeſty's Service, is whether the ſame appear by Writing, or by the Confeſſion and Acknowe ledgment of the Parties. IV. “ CONCERNING the Petition relating to the aſſembling of the States, • the Lords Deputies have agreed, conſented and appointed, That the States * of the Kingdom may aſſemble, in order to hold a Parliament, on the roth Day of July now running; and that on the ſaid Day the Parliament ſhall be adjourned and continued, according to Cuſtom, from the ſaid roth Day of July until the 1ſt Day of Auguſt next : Provided that before the States ſhall • enter upon any Buſineſs, all Hoſtilities both by Engliſh and Scottiſh Men so be at an End, that ſo the Votes of the Meeting may be unconſtrained, and none of them be overawed by Soldiers, or any other Perſons whatſoever. And during the Interyal of Adjournment, the Lords Deputies ſhall order a Diſpatch to the King and Queen to advertiſe them of this Conceſſion, and ſupplicate them molt humbly, that they would be pleaſed to agree to that " which they have herein accorded. And this Aſſembly ſhall be as valid in all Refpects, as if it had been called and appointed by the expreſs Command- “ment of the King and Queen ; provided always that no Matter whatſoever fhall be treated of, before the foreſaid iſt Day of Auguſt. III. " 66 M m 2 V. " CON 140 Book I. The Hiſtory of the Affairs of 156. V.“ CONCERNING the Article relating to Peace and War, the Lords Dea puties have conſented, granted and appointed, That neither the King nor the Queen fhall order Peace or War within Scotland, but by the Advice and o Conſent of the three Eſtates, conformable to the Laws, Ordinances and Cu- “ ſtoms of the Country, and as has formerly been done by their Predeceſſors “Kings of Scotland. VI. “ TOUCHING the Petition preſented to the Lords Deputies, relative " to the political Government and the Affairs of State within this Kingdom, as the faids Lords have conſented, accorded and agreed, That the three Eſtates or ſhall make choice of twenty four able and fufficient Perſons.of Nore of this ** Realm; out of which Number the Queen ſhall ſelect ſeven, and the States ** five, for to ſerve as an ordinary Council of State during her Majeſty's Ab, • fence, for Adminiſtration of the Government. And it ſhall not be allowed “ for any perſon of what Rank ſoever, to meddle in any thing that concerns “ the civil Government, without the Intervention, Authority and Couſent of " this Council : And the ſaid Counſellors ſhall be obliged to convene as oft as they can conveniently, and not under fix at a Time: And when any Matter “ of Importance ſhall occur, they ſhall all be called to conſult and give their Orders therein ; at leaſt, the greateſt part muſt be preſent. And when any “ one of the Queen’s Nomination ſhall happen to die, their Majeſties Thall make choice of another to fill his Place, out of the Remainder of the twenty four which were at firſt preſented to them. And it like manner, when one of the five that were nominated by the States happens to deceaſe, in that Event, or the other ſurviving four ſhall elect another, out of the Remainder of the twenty four that were nominated firſt. Moreover, if the States ſhall find • it convenient to add to the Number of twelve, two more Counfellors; in " that Caſe the King and the Queen ſhall chuſe one, and the States another. And it is ſpecially declared, That the Conceſſion of this Article ſhall in 110. “ wife prejudge the King and Queen's Rights for hereafter, nor the Rights of “ this Crown. And as for the Salaries and Expences to be paid to the faids Counſellors, and the Officers under them, the Lords Deputies engage to en- ploy their Intereſt and good Offices with the King and Queen, to obtain ss there for them out of the Revenues of the Crown, provided they take care * to attend and wait upon their Charge. VII. “ CONCERNING the Petition preſented to the Lords Deputies, reſpect- as ing the Offices of the Crown, they have confented, agreed and appointed, ** That hereafter the King and Queen ſhall not employ any Stranger in the Management of Juſtice civil or criminal, nor yet in the Offices of Chancel- ** lor, Kecper of the Scals, Treaſurer, Comptroller, and ſuch like Offices; " but ſhall employ therein the native Subjects of the Kingdom. Item, That " their Majeſties iliall not put the Offices of Treaſurer and Comptroller into the Hands of any Clergyman, or other Perfon who is not capable to enjoy ** a State-Office (á); and the Treafurer and Comptroller ſhall be inveſted with * Powers fufficient for the Exerciſe of their relpective Offices (6): But it «fhall not be lawful for them to alienate or diſpoſe of the Wards of Marriages, Non-cutries, Caſualties, nor of any other Things which have relation to se their offices, without the Advice and Conſent of the Council; that thereby " the Counſellors may be aſſured, that every thing is made to return to the Queen's Profit . Yet the Deputies inean not by this Article, to have the Queen limited and reſtrained from a Liberty to grant Penſions and Gifts 15 where ſhe ſhall think fit. VIII. THE (a) It is in the Original, qui ne ſoit capable de l'eſfar. And Mr. Knox renders it, which are not able to exerciſe she said Ofices And ſo does an old Copy in the Lawyers Library. Which laſt Tranſlation is indeed ſupported by the following Claule. (5) Pour exercer leur effata Chap. XII. 141 Church and State in Scotland. 66 VIII. " The Lords Deputies have agreed, That in the enſuing Parliamerit 1560. " the States ſhall form, make and eſtabliſh an Act of Oblivion, which ſhall be ** confirmed by their Majeſties the King and Queen, for fopiting and burying " the Memory of all bearing of Arms, and ſuch things of that Nature as have “happened ſince the 6th Day of March 1558. And by this Act, all thoſe " who have any manner of way contravened the Laws of the Kingdom, ſhall “ be exempted from the Pains and Penalties contained therein, as if they had never offended : Provided nevertheleſs that the Privilege of this Ac be not 66 extended to thoſe whom the Eſtates ſhall not deem worthy thereof (a). IX. " 'Tis agreed and concluded, That the Eſtates ſhall be ſummoned to the enſuing Parliament according to Cuſtom (6); and it ſhall be lawful for all “ thoſe to be preſent at that Meeting who are in uſe to be preſent, without being frightned or conſtrained by any Perſon. And the Estates fhall oblige er themſelves, that in caſe there happen any Sedition, or gathering together of “ armed Force, without the Orders of the Council, conſiſting of the foremen- " tioned Number ; the whole Country ſhall look upon the Authors and Af- ſiſters thereof as Rebels, and as ſuch ſhall purſue them, in order to have them puniſhed according to the Laws of the Kingdom; that fo neither the King nor the Queen may be at any Trouble in ſending foreign Soldiers hither, for enforcing Obedience to themſelves. X. “ 'Tis agreed and concluded, That there ſhall be a general Peace and “Reconciliation among all the Nobility and other Subje&ts of Scotland; and “ it ſhall not be lawful for thoſe Perſons who have been called the Congrega- " tion, nor for thoſe who were not of the congregation, to reproach each * other with any thing that has been done ſince the aforeſaid 6th Day of March. XI. “ 'The Lords Deputies have offered (c), agreed and concluded, That “ neither the King nor Queen ſhall profecute, nor take Revenge for any thing " that is now paſt and gone; nor ſhall not allow their French Subjects to pro- " ſecute nor revenge the ſame, but ſhall forget the fame as if it had never been • done : And that the Lords and Gentlemen of Scotland ſhall comport them- “ felves after the fame manner, for ſuch Things as have paſſed between them " and the Frenchmen in this Country. Morcover, if by falſe Reporrs, or by other Means, their Majeſties have conceived finiſter Thoughts of any of " their Subjects, they ſhall forget and change the ſame: Neither fhall they de- “ nude or deprive any of their Subjects of their Offices, Benefices or Eſtates, “ which they held formerly within this Kingdom, upon account of their having “ had any meddling in the Things which have fallen out ſince the 6th Day of March foreſaid, nor yet aſſume a Pretext or Colour from any thing elſe, " to deal ſo by their Subjects, but eſteem and treat them in all Time coming as good and obedient Subjects : Provided alſo that the faids Nobles and the reſt « of the Subjects render unto their Majeſties, fuch an entire Obedience as is due " from faithful and natural Subjects to their proper Sovereigns. XII. “ 'Tis agreed and concluded, That it ſhall not be lawful for the Nobles nor any other Perſons to convene together in Arms, except in ſuch caſes as are approved by the Laws and Cuſtoms of the Land ; nor yet to invite and bring in foreign Soldiers, nor to enterprize any thing againſt the Authority “ of the Queen, the Council, or any inferior Magiftrates, under the Pains of " Rebel- Sc' N 1 (a) Was nor this too great a Truſt? Or might not the Sovereign have had a joint Privilege with the States? But the States wanted to have themſelves and their friends only indemnificd. (6) Comme il appartient, où pourront intervenir tous ceulx qui ont accouſtumé de s'y trouver. (C) The Reader will here obſerve an Alteration in the Stile of this article. The other Articles proceed upon a Petition; whereas this is a free Offering by the Lords Deputies, 142 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book I. 1560. - Rebellion and other Penalties contained in the Laws of the Country. And if « it happen that any Perſons whatſoever ſhould pretend, that they had Occa- • fion given them to complain of Injuries, and to take up Arms ; in that Cafe " it ſhall be free to them to preſent a Supplication to their Majeſties, but not “ until they have firſt communicated the fame to the Council within the King- “ dom. And all in general ſhall bind themſelves to perform this and all other " Things which belong to good and loyal Subjects, for the Peace and Tran- quillity of the Country, under the Pains foreſaid, and to do every thing that lýes in their Power for the Preſervation of the Kingdom and the Rights " of their Sovereign. XIII. “ 'Tis agreed and concluded, That if any Biſhops, Abbots, or other “ Eccleſiaſtical Perfons, ſhall make Complaint, that they have received any “ Harm either in their Perſons or Goods, theſe Complaints ſhall be taken in- to Conſideration by the Eſtates in Parliament ; and ſuch Reparation ſhall be appointed, as to the faids Eſtates ſhall appear to be reaſonable. And in the “ mean time it ſhall not be lawful for any Perſon to give them any Diſturbance « in the Enjoyment of their Goods, nor to do them any Wrong, Injury or Violence. And whoſoever fhall act in Contravention to this Article, ſhall be parſued by the Nobility as a Diſturber of the publick Weal and Tranquillity, XIV. “ 'Tis agreed and concluded, That the Nobility ſhall bind and oblige themſelves to obſerye, and to cauſe be obſerved all the ſeveral Points and Ar- “ ticles comprehended in and granted by this Treaty: And if it should fo. hap- pen, that any one among them, or any other Perſon or Perſons ſhall contra- vcue the fame, in that Caſe all the reſt of the Nobility and People ſhall be " come Enemies to them, and ſhall purſue them until they be punished according “ to their Deſerving. XV.“ And to the end the whole Kingdom may perceive that the King and Queen are willing to retain no Remembrance of all the bypaſt Troubles and Differences, and how deſirous they are to treat in a favourable manner the • Nobility and the other Subjects of this Kingdom, the Lords Deputies have “ agreed, That the Duke of Chaſtelherault, the Earl of Arran his Son, and all other Scottiſh Gentlemen, ſhall be reinſtated in the Lands, Goods, Eſtates and Benefices which they formerly held within the Kingdom of France, and poſſeſs and enjoy them after the lame manner as they did before the Com- inencement of the Troubles on the 6th Day of March 1558, and as if thofe Troubles had never fallen out. And likewiſe 'tis agreed, That all the Ca- pitulations made in Times paſt , ſhall be maintained and obſerved as well by is their Majeſtics as by the Nobility and People of Scotland; and in particular that which was made and agreed at the Marriage of the King and Queen. And the Lord David, Son to the Duke of Chaſtellerault; who is now · [Priſoner) in the Caſtle of Bois de Vincennes , ſhall be fet at Liberty to re. turn into Scotland, or to diſpoſe of himſelf at his own Pleaſure. XVI. “ And whercas the Lords Deputics have ſignified, that the King may " have Uſe for his Artillery in France ; 'tis adviſed and concluded, That no “ other Artillery ſhall be tranſported out of Scotland, than what was ſent thither ſince the Death of the late King Francis; and that all other Pieces, but cípecially thoſe which are marked with the Arms of Scotland, ſhall be reſto “ red to the Places from whence they were taken : And for the diſtinguiſh- ing of theſe ſeveral Pieces of Artillery, four Commiſſioners ſhall be appoint- ed, before the Embarkation of the Troops, viz. two Scottiſh and two French Gentlemen. XVII.“ Whereas on the Part of the Nobles and People of Scotland, * there have been preſented certain Articles concerning Rcligion, and certain other " Chap. XII. * 43 Church and State in Scotland, «« other Points in which the Lords Deputies would by no means meddle, as 15601 «« being of ſuch Importance, that they judged them proper to be remitted to I - the King and Queen : Therefore the faids Nobles of Scotland have en: * gaged, that in the enſuing Convention of Eſtates, lome Perſons of Quality + ſhall be choſen for to repair to their Majeſties, and remonſtrate to them the * State of their Affairs, particularly thoſe laſt mentioned, and ſuch others as « could not be decided by the Lords Deputies; and to underſtand their Intens si tion and Pleaſure concerning what Remonſtrances ſhall be made to them oil “ the Part of this Kingdom of Scotland: And thoſe Gentlemen fhall carry along with them to the King and Queen, the Confirmation and Ratification made by the Eſtates, of the leveral Articles which are preſently granted by so the Lords Deputies ; at which Time they ſhall get delivered to them the s« Confirmation and Ratification done by their Majeſties, and even ſooner, if or the Eſtates ſhall tranſinit their own Ratification before that Time. In Wire ós nefs whereof, the laids Lords Deputies have ſigned theſe preſent Articles, at "Edinburgh the 6th Day of July 1566. Follows a Copy of the King and Queen’s Commiſſion to the Deputies. RANCIS and Mary, by the Grace of GOD, King and Queen of France + and Scotland, To all who ſhall ſee theſe preſent Letters, Greeting The Thing which We have above all others deſired ſince the Death of Our moſt honoured Lord and Father the King lately deceaſed, whom God abſolve, has been to preſerve that Peace, Amity and Confederacy eſtabliſhed in his Lifetime with Our neighbouring Chriſtian Princes, eſpecially with Our moſt * dear and well-beloved Siſter and Couſin the Oscan of England, by the beſt • Offices of Friendſhip that lay in a rower, as every one may perceive and know, by the Sincerity of Our Actions, and Our gracious Deportment to- wards each of the faids Princes. But whereas the Rebellion of ſome of our · Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland has been the Occaſion, that upon the • Frontiers of the ſaid Kingdom, and thoſe of England, there has been ſome gathering together of Soldiers from both Kingdoins, which may have inter- rupted in ſome fort Our common Amity : For the Re-eſtabliſhment whereof, • and to pacify the Differences which upon this Occaſion may have intervened, We having received Information, that Our faid Siſter is willing to depute fome Perſons to repair thither on her Part, do hereby publiſh and declare, Thač being deſirous above all other Things to ſee Chriſtendom in Repoſe, and to continue that Peace which God hath been pleaſed to beſtow upon Us, to • His Honour and the Repoſe of His People ; ; a Thing which has been allo very dear to Us: And having perfect and entire Confidence in Our Truſty and Beloved John de Montluc Biſhop of Valence, and Nicolas de Pelue Biſhop of Amiens, both Members of Our Privy-Council ; James de la Broje, Sieur de la Brolle, Knight of Our Orders, and Chamberlain in ordinary ; Henry Clentin, Sieur d'Oyfel, Gentleman of Our Bed-chamber. · and Our Lieutenant-General in the Kingdom of Scotland, and Charles de la Rochefoucault, Sieur du Randan, a Captain of fifty Men of Our Gens • d'armes ; and We being well ſatisfied of their good Underſtanding, Vir tues, Loyalty, Experience and Conduct : For theſe and other Conſiderations Us moving, have given Commiſſions to then, or any three or two of them . in Abſence of the reſt , or during their neceſſary Avocation elſewhere; and by theſe Preſents do give Commiſſion, Order and Appoitirment to the faids • Perſons, or any three or two of them, to tranſport themſelves to the Fron- · tier of Our faid Kingdom of Scotland, and to meet and aſſemble with the Deputies of Our faid Siſter the Queen of England, at fuch Time, and in · fuch Place, together with fuch other Circumſtances as depend thereupon, and as ſhall be agreed upon by their common and mutual Confent, and then and N n 21 there 6 6 Ć • 144 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book 1. 1560. there to treat concerning the renewing of Our foreſaid mutual Amity, and to deviſe ſuch Means as may ſerve to compoſe and make up the Differences which · may have brought an Alteration therein, according as they ſhall perceive the · fame to be for the Behoof of Our Service, the Peace and Tranquillity of Our Kingdoms, Territories and Subjects. And in like manner, to give Aſſurance " to Our Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland, that notwithſtanding they have • of late committed fo grievous a Crime, as to forget their Duty towards Us, . if nevertheleſs they fhall repent, and return to that Obedience which they owe to Us, We are willing to receive them into Favour, and to forget all ' that is paſt, and not afterwards to make any Enquiry into their former Beha- • viour ;- becauſe we are deſirous of nothing more, than to ſee them living un- • der Obedience to Us, and in Peace, Union and Tranquillity together. And generally to do in the Premiſſes, the Circumſtances and Dependences thereof, • all and ſundry Things which We Ourſelves would or could do, if We were perſonally preſent, even altho' fomething ſhould fall out which might appear ' to require a more ſpecial Inſtruction (a) than is contained in theſe Prelents. By which likewiſe We promile in good Faith, and in the Word of a King and Queen, to hold agreeable, firm and ſtable all and every Thing that ſhall be agreed, done and concluded by Our foreſaid Deputies, or any three or two in Abſence of the reſt : And to maintain, keep, obſerve, approve and ratify the ſame within the Time and after the Manner as they ſhall agree to; . and that We ſhall never act in the contrary thereof any manner of way. • For ſuch is Our Will and Pleaſure. In Witneſs whereof, We have ſigned • theſe Preſents with Our proper Hands, and have cauſed Our Seal to be ap- pended. Given at Remorentin the 2d Day of June, in the Year of Grace 1560, and of our Reigns the Firſt and Sixteenth (6). 6 Signed, FRANCIS MARY And in the Folding, By the KING and QUEEN, De l'Aubeſpine. Seald with yellow Wax. Signed thus, MONLUC E. de Valence. RANDAN. And we Subſcribers in our own Names, and in the Names of the reſt of the Nobility of Scotland, do promiſe and ſhall bind ourſelves to the within Contents. Then follows in Engliſh, This is the trew Copy of the Originall conferred and colationed. JAMES STEWART. RUTHVEN. W. MAITLAND. (C) Ву (a) Jaçoyt qu'il y euf choſe qui requeſt mandement plus ſpecial qu'il n'eſt contenu en ces preſents. (6) This is an Error; for the Qucen was now in the Eighteenth Year of her Age and Reign, (c) Theſe three Signatures are in the proper Hand-writing of the Subſcribers; the firſt of whom is the Earl of Murray. Note, On the Back of this paper is again written by Secretary Cécil•what follows, viz. 3. Julii 1560, Articles of Accord inter Regem e Reginam Francie o Scotie ac Nób. & populum Scotia. Chap. XII. 145 Church and State in Scotland. By the above Accord, the Readers will eaſily obſerve, that the Subjects 15601 of Scotland had procured every thing relating to their own Security, to be ingroſſed in the ſtrongeſt Terms. If the fame Care has been taken to bind them to their Obligations, I ſhall leave to the Judgment of others. Two Days after the Cloſe was put to the Treaty, viz. on the 8th Day of July, the Articles were publickly proclaimed at Edinburgh (a): And on the 16th of the fame Month, the French Army put to Sea in Engliſh Bottoms; atid the Engliſh After Proc's Army departed towards Berwick, having taken care, as they went along, that mation of the the Fort lately begun to be built before the Caſtle of Dunbar, ſhould be de- Engliſh Army moliſhed. Moſt Part of our Scottiſh Nobility who were of that Intereſt, gåvě marches them the Convoy for ſome Miles; but the Prior of St. Andrew's carried the homeward, Complement farther, and accompanied them to Berwick, in Acknowledgment of the good Services they had done his Country. On the third Day aftet their Departure, at the Exhortation of the Preachers, a folcmn Thankſgiving (b) to God was kept in the High-Church of Edinburgh, for the Mercics which He had lately beſtowed upon them; and ſoon after, by the faine Advice, the Preachers were diſtributed among the principal Burghs of the Kingdom : John Preachers ap- Knox was appointed to ſerve at Edinburgh, Chriſtopher Goodman (c) at St, pointed in iem Andrere's, Adam Heriot at Aberdeen, John Row at Perth, Paul Methuen veral Towns. at fedburgh, William Chriftifon at Dundee, David Ferguſon at Dunferm- ling, and David Lindſay at Leith. They did likewiſe nominate the follow- ing Perſons' for Superintendants, viz. Mr. John Spottiſwood for the Diſtrict of Lothian, Mr. John Willocks for that of Glaſgow, Mr. John Winram (Sub- prior of St. Andrew's) for Fife, John Erskine of Dun for Angus and Meris, and Mr. John Carſwell for Argile and the Illes ander this Reſtriction, ſays Mr. Knox, “. Unleſs the ſeveral Countries could in the mean time find out 6. Men more able and fufficient, or elſe ſhew fuch Cauſes as might diſable them « from that Dignity.” And he tells us, that all the above Appointments were made by the Commiſſioners of Burrows, with ſome of the Nobility and Barons (d). Oo (a, The Preamble of the Proclamation the Readers may ſee ſet down by Mr. Knox. (6) The Form of this Thankſgiving may likewiſe be ſeen in Mr. Knox. (c) This Goodman or Gudman was an Engliſhman, formerly a publick Reader of Divinity at Oxford, one of thoſe Proteſtants that fled away under the Reign of Queen Mary, and that fixed their Reſidence at Geneva: In which City, in the Year 1558, he publiſhed a little Tract againſt his Sovereign under this Title, How ſuperior Powers ought to be obeyed of their Subjects, and where- in they may lawfully be diſobeyed and rejected : Wherein alſo is declared the Cauſe of all this preſent Miferry in England, and the only way to remedy the ſame. In this Book he bitterly inveighs againſt thoſe Proteſtants that ſet up Mary for their Queen, 1. Be. caufe ſhe was a Woman. 2. Becauſe the Government of a Woman the Law forbad, Nature abhorted, and the Word of God ever declared to be a sign of his Wrath for the Sins of the People. 3. Becauſe ſhe was an Idolarrefs and a wicked Woman. 4. Be- cauſe ſhe was a Woman begotten in Adultery. To inſtigate the People further, he added, That if without fear Princes trans greffed God's Law themſelves, and commanded others to do the like; then they had loſt that Honour and Ubedience which other wile their Subjects did owe unto them, and ought no more to be taken for Magiſtrates, but puniſhed as private Tranfgrediors. However, it ſeenis Change of Times and Perſons had Force likewiſe to change Mr. Goodman's Opinions; lince, after his Return into England in the Reign of Queen Eliſabeth, hc thought fit to make the following Retractation before the Lords of the Council or the Biſhops of the Ecclefiaftical Conimiſlion, “ Forſomuch as the Extremity of the Time, whercih I did write my Book; s brought forth Alteration of Religion, ſetting up of Idolatry, Banilhment of good Men, murdering of Saints, and Violation “ of all Promiſes made to the Godly; I was, upon Conſideration of the preſent Grief, moved to write many Things therein, " which may be, and be offenſively taken; and which alſo 1 do miſlike, and would with had not been written. o ſtanding the which Book fo by me written, I do proteſt and confeſs, That good and godly Women may lawfully governa whole Realms and Nations; and do from the Bottom of my Heart allow the Queen's Majeſty's moſt lawful Government, and « daily pray for the long Continuance of the ſame. Neither did I ever mean to affirm, that any Perſon or Perlons, of their “ own private Authority, ought or might lawfully have puniſhed Queen Mary with Death; nor that the People, of their own 404 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. for the fame, who ſhewed unto hini a Letter fert by her to the Earl of Botha well, promiſing, among many other fair and comfortable Words, never to a- " bandon or forget him, which, he ſaid, had ſtoped his Mouth, marvelling that o her Majeſty conſidered not that the ſaid Earl could never be her lawful Huf- « band, being ſo lately before married with another Woman, whom he had deſerted without any juſt Ground, altho' he had not been ſo hared for the Murder of the King her Husband. And therefore he requeſted her Majeſty " to put him clean out of Mind, ſeeing otherwiſe ſhe could never get the Love or Reſpect of her Subjects, nor have that Obedience paid her which other- “ wiſe the might expect. Grange's Letter contained many other loving and humble Admonitions, which, Sir James ſays, made the Queen bitterly to weep; for ſhe could not do that lo haſtily which proceſs of Time might “ have accompliſhed." But had the Lords acted fo diſcreet a Part as the Laird of Grange here propoſed to the Queen, it may be reaſonably ſuppoſed the would have followed the good Advice; and, as Sir James Melvil very wiſely ſub- joins, proceſs of Time might have wrought in her a better Mind: And no doubt gentle Treatment might have contribured much to the ſame Purpoſe. But this was not the Thing, as the Conſequence will fhew, that theſe Lords, at leaſt the deſigning Part of thein, wanted to fall out; but they had another but fecretly Point in View : For ſpeedily, without any the ſmalleſt Delay, the Queen was ſend her away delivered over into the Hands of the Lords Ruthven and Lindſay, to be by into Priſon, them conducted to Lochlevin (a); tho', 'tis faid, they very narrowly eſcaped the being intercepted by the Lords Seton, Tefter and Borthwick, the Barons of Waughton, Baſs, Ormiſton, Wedderburn, Blackader and Langton (b), who had gathered ſome Men together on a Sudden to attempt the Queen's Relief. and draw up Beſides the Reſolve of incarcerating her Majeſty in the Fortalice of Lochlea vin, the Rebels did moreover on the fame 16th Day of June frame a Confede- racy, or Concurrence, as it was termed by ſome Perſons; the Tenor whereof under the following Title in the Regiſter of Privy-Council, I have thought not amiſs to inſert here. a Band of Concurrence. Firt Band. O Whairas the Richt nobill and excellent Prince umquhile King Henrie, the Quenis Majeſties our Soveran's lait Husband, being in his Ludge- ing ſchamefullie and treffonabillie murtherit, the Fame thairof wes in ſic fort blawin abrode and diſper fit in all Realmes, and amangis all Chriſtian Nationis, that this Cuntrie wes abhorrit and vilipendit, the Nobilitie and haill People na utherwayis eſtemit bot as thai had bein all participant of fa unworthie and horribili a Murthour, that nane of ony of the Scotis Natioun, thouch be wer nevir ſa innocent, wes abill for Schame in ony for ayne Cuna trie, to ſchaw his Face; and that nocht without Occaſioun, ſeing na maner of juft Tryall tane, nor menit to be tane for the Cryme, albeit, in all this Tyme, the Murthourirs wer weill eneuch knawin : For quba ſuld be igno- rant thairof, and not cleirlie ſie it, behalding the proceiding of the Erle Bothwell the Tyme of the attempting of that odious Fact, and continewallie senſyne ; That wer ſufficient, althocht thare were na uther Pruiff: Wes not the Tryall be bim impedit and delayit (c)? And the speciall Authoris of the Murthour being requyrit to be wardit quhill the Tryall of thair Cauſe; howbeit the Petitioun wes maiſt reſonabill, and nocht repugnant to the Lawis, (a) “ In the Night privily ſhe was conveyed, and with Hafte, in diſguiſed Apparel, to the ſtrong Fort of Lochlevin; and af- e ter a few Dayes, being ſtripped out and ſpoyled of all her Princely Attirement, was clothed with a coarſe broune Caffoke.” Leſlie's Defence. (6) The Sirnames of theſe Gentlemen were, Hepburn, Lauder, Ormiſton, Home, Blaskader, Cockburn; all of them now ex. tincts except the laſt. (6) Ie docs not appear ſo by the Queen's and Earl of Lenox's Letters, Chap. XII. Church, and State in Scotland. 405 ne murtherit, juftlie deſyrit, Lawis, zit could na part thairof be grantit, becauſe the chief Murtherour, 1567. being preſent, maid the Stay. And then qubat an inordinat Proces wes de und ducit, to cleangé and acquite him of that horribill Deid, all Men perfa. vit, quhen nowther the accuſtumat Circumſtance in Cauſis of Treffous, non the ordinar Forme of Juſtice wes obfervit (a); bot quhat foevir the Fader contrair wes alwayis done : The ſaid Erle, the Day that be choiſit to thole [undergo] Law, being accompanyit with a greit Power, alſweill of waigit Men of Weir as of utheris (6), that nane fould compéir to purfew him. Qubenfua this cruell Murthour wes committit, and Juſtice (morit [ſmorher’d] and planlie abufit; nevir ceafit be of his uickit and inordinat Pretenſes, bot eikand Miſchief to Miſc bief, treſonablie, without Feir of God, or Re- verence of his native Prince, qubill on a foirt boucht Conſpiracie, he ambelet hir Majeſties Way, tuke and reveiſt bir maiſt nobill Perſoun, and led the Samyne with him to Dunbar-Caftell, thair deteining bir Prefonar and Cap- tive; and in the mean tyme procurit dowbill Sentences of Divorce to be pronuncit betwix him and his lauchfull Wyff, groundit upon the Cauſe of his awin Turpitude : And to mak his pretendit Mariage, qubilk ſchort lie fola lowit, the mair valiabill, uſit the Ordour of Divorce, as weill be the ordi. nar Commiſſaris, as in Forme and Maner of the Roman Kirk, declarand that he was of na kynd of Religioun, as the fame unlauchfull Mariage, ſuddanlie thairaft ir accompliſhit on baith the Faſhionis , did manifeſt and teſtifie; al. beit nochttheles of Goddis Law, nor na Law maid be Men, of qubat fumevir Religioun, micht the ſame Mariage leiſumlie have bein contractit: Qubilk being endit, and he ſtill proceiding from a kynd of Iniquitie to anë uthir, his cruell and ambitious Nature being knawin, and how na Nobillinan, nor uthir, darſt reſort to bir Majeſtie to ſpeik with bir, or procure thair lefum Bufi nes, without Sufpitioun, bor be him and in his Audience, bir Chalmer-duris being continewallie watchit with Men of Weir; We (althouch too laite begouth [began] to conſider the Eſtait, and to tak beid to our ſelffis, bot ſpe- ciallie to the Preſervatioun of the Lyff of the faderles Prince, the onlie Sone and rychteous Air apparent of our Soverane; bir Hienes ſchamefult Thraldome and Bondage with the ſaid Erle, and with that foir ſaw the greit Danger quhilk the Prince ftude in, qubenas the Murtherour of his Fader, the Řaviſcher of the Quienis Majeſtie his Moder, wes cled with the princi. pall Strenthis of the Realme, and garniſchit with a Guard of wagit Men of Weir, and how in all Appearance be mycht unproviditly oppreſs and deſtroy that innocent Infant, as he had done bis Fader; and fwa, by Tyrrannie and cruell Deids, at laſt to ufurp the Royal Crown and ſupreme Government of this Realme. At laft, in the Feir and Name of God, and in the lauchfuil Obedience of our Soverane (c), movit and conftrenit be the juft Occaſiounis above writtin, we have takin Armes to revenge the ſaid horribill and cruelt Murtbour upoun the ſaid Erle Bothwell, and utberis Authoris and Devy: faris thairof, to delyver our faid Soverane furth of bis (d) Handis, and of the Ignominy, Schame and Sklander, quhilk, being in Thraldome with him, ſcho hes ſuſtenit, undir Pretence of the ſaid unlauchfull Mariage (e); to preſerve the Lyff of our native Prince, and finallie to fie Juftice equallie miniſtrat to all the Liegis of this Realme. QVHAIRFOIR we, the Erlis, Lordis, Baronis, Commisſionaris. of Burrowis, and utheris underfubfery- vand, 5. K (a) Neither does any thing of this appear to have been faa. (6) This, for what we know, may be as far from the Truth as the former Afleverations. (C) GOD's great Name has been often taken in vain and blafphemed by wicked Men: Bur to what earthly Sovereign they were now paying Obedience, is no eaſy Matter to ſee. (d) This is a complete Banter on the common Senſe of Mankirid; ſince the poor Queen was not now in his but in their own Hands. By all this Bond they viſibly declare the Queen innocent of any bad Practices with the Earl of Bothwell: It was not yet Tiine to diſcover their whole Purpoſe, it would ſeem. (0) Yet afterwards theſe good Men changed their Note, and the Queen was directly guilty of all the bad Things now only laid to the Door of the Earl of Bothwell. 406 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. na- 1567. vand, be thir Preſentis, bindis and obleiſlis zes, and everie ane of ws to 11- witheris, that we fall tak plane, trew and upricht Part, togidder with our Kin, Friendis, Servandis, and all that will do for ws, in the Advance- ment, Furthſetting and Perfute of the ſaid Querrel, with our Lyffis, Landis and Guidis at our uttermaiſt, and fall nevir ſchrink thairfra, nor leif the ſamyne for ony maner of Occafioun i hat can or is abill to occur, qubill the Authouris of the ſaid cruell Murthour and Raviſching be condignlie puniſit, the ſaid unlauchful Mariage diſolvit and annullit (a), our Soverane relevit of the Thraldome (6), Bondage and Ignominie qubilk ſcho hes ſuſteinit and underlyis be the ſaid Erlis Occaſioun, the Perſoun of the innocent Prince repoſit in full Suirtie, and relevit of the eminent Danger qubilk now be Standis in, and finallie, Juſtice reſtorit and uprichtlie miniſtrat to all the Liegis and Subječtis of this Realme. The qubilk to do and faythfullie per. form, we promitt, as we will anſwer to Álmichtie God, upon our Honour, Trewth and Fidelitie, as we are Nobillmen, and lufis the Honour of our tive Cuntrie, quhairin, as God forbid, gif we failzie in ony Point, we' are content to fuftein the Spott of Perjurie, Infamie and perpetuall Untrewth, and to be comptit culpabill of the above namit Crymes, and Enemeis and Be- trayeris of oure native Cuntrie for evir (C): In Witneſs of the qubilke Thing we have fubfcrivit thir Preſentis with our Handis, as followis, at Edinburgh the 16 Day of Junij, the Yeir of God 1567 leiris fame Night of the Queen's Tranſportation, we are told (d) that are ſeized as the Lords Aſſociators cauſed a diligent Search be made through the Círy of acceffory to Edinburgh for Perſons fufpected of the late King's Murder ; and that they had the good Fortune to ſeize only two Perſons, viz. Sebaſtian a Frenchman who chanced afterwards to make his Eſcape (e), and Captain William Black- ader. However, by the following Record of Privy.Council, we come to to know that they had, ſoon after, fome ocher Perſons in Cuſtody upon the fame Account. Edinburgh 27. June, 1567. SE DE RU N T The very Some Perſons Murder. Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Joannes Comes de Athole, Alexander Comes de Glencarne, Joannes Comes de Mar, Alexander Dominus Hume, Willielmus Dominus Ruthven, Robertus Dominus Sempil, Eduardus Dominus San- quhair, Andreas Dominus Ochiltrie (f). FOL. (a) What Sincerity was in this folemn Profeſſion, the Readers will have occaſion to perceive ſome two Years after. And why did they not proceed juſt now to diſſolve it by Law, as well as to diſſolve it by taking the Earl of Bothwell's Life? For they had it in their l'ower to do any thing. (6) Her immediate Thraldom was ſurely owing to themſelves. 'Tis eaſy to give Names, when Men want to confound Things. () See the ſame or worſe Imprecations in the End of their Bond in favour of the Earl of Bothwell 19th or 20th April laft, al- ready ſet down. With what Face could the principal Perſon here concerned, viz. Earl of Morton, fubſcribe or frame this fo- lemn Oath and Obligation, ſeeing he himſelf was in Knowledge at leaſt of the intended Murder of the King? But the true Ana ſwer is, he was a Man of no Conſcience: And there might have been others here in his Condemnation: (d) Crawford's MS. (e) This being one of the Perſons named in the Tickers that were ſet on the Tolbooth, and whom the Earl of Lenox deſired thould be put in Priſon; May we not fufpe&t that he has even been allowed to flip out of their Fingers, left his Depuſition ſhould not prove agreeable enough to ſome of the Lords ? A Stranger lyes under many Diſadvantages either to make an Eſcape, or to conceal himſelf when eſcaped; he muſt take Wing and fly. There is Art we ſay in the ſnjalleſt Matters. (1) The fame Sederunt is marked on the 21ſt of June, which is the firſt Time the Rebels affumie to themſelves the Title of Lords of Secret-Council; tho' by whoſe Authority they convened as a Council be a difficult Point to reſolve. Their Ad of that Day commands all the Lords of Sellion, Advocates, Writers, and all other Perſons pertaining to the Court of Seſſion, to repair to Edinburgh, and proceed in the Adminiſtration of Juſtice to the Lieges, with Alſurance of Safety to them; and Certification, that if they abſent themſelves, they ſhall be eftecmed as Partakers with the Authors of the King's Murder, and puniſhed according ly. And likewiſe Intimation to be made to all the Lieges, that they may repair to Edinburgh in all Safety, for the Proſecution of Their Affairs before the Court of Seffion. Probably the Rebels have taken this Step, in order to obtain to themſelves Credit, and the Appearance of Authority from the People. Abp. Spottiſwood's MS. in mentioning the Rebels, adds, for ſo they were ſtiled tilt they prevailed. So we ſee Succeſs confers Right. Chap. XII. 407 Church and State in Scotland. F intromets with the Difamekil as William Blackater, James Edmondſtoun, Johne Blackater, 1567. and Mynart Fraſer, al ſuſpedit of the king's Murthour, are ta: ur kin and appjehendit ; The Lordis of Secreit-CounCall thairfoir An Act for oddanis the laidis perfonis to be put in the Irins and Tormentis, putting them for furthering of the Tryall of the cteritie; providing that this Caule, zure. being fou the trying of a Princes Aurthour, induce na Preparative to utheris Perfonis ſuſpectit of utheris Crymes. All theſe Perſons it ſeems were put to Death (a), and probably denied their Acceſſion to the King's Murder as well as Captain Blackater (6); otherwiſe no doubt we ſhould have ſeen their Trial and Confeſſion in Print before this time of Day, in Conjunction with ſome others. Shortly after the Queen's Commitment, the Lords took up an Inventary of The Fa&tiora all the Platc, Jewels and other Moveables within the Palace of Holy-rood. houſe (6). And yet this was not all; for we are likewiſe informed that they Queen's Jew, {pared not to put violent Hands on her Majeſty's Cup-board, melted the Spe- els, Plate, eys. cies thereof, and converted all inco Coin, thereby to forge a Staff to break her own Head of the weight of ſixteen Stones (d).” And much about the ſame Time the Earl of Glencairn went to the Palace, accompanied with his own Servants oply, and demoliſhed the Chapel, with all its Ornaments and Furni- ture: Which Action was highly extolled by Mr. Knox and other hot Men, but the other Nobles his own Partiſans were not a littlc offended, becauſe he had done this Thing of his own Accord, without their Direction and Concur. rence. But he could the more eaſily obtain their Forgiveneſs for that piece of Forwardneſs, that tho’the Faction had now entertained Hopes that no farther Let was likely to thwart their Deſigns; yet to their Mortification they begati to find an Alteration in the Minds even in the meaner fort of the People, and that moſt part of the Nobles of the Kingdom, and theſe too of greateſt Power, did by no means favour their late Actions. “ Various and profound (ſays Mr. Buchanan) were the Speculations of the Nobles; thoſe who were revenging “ the bloody Deed hoped, that aſſoon as cyer their Intentions ſhould take Air, and be publickly known, the greater Part, if not all, would yield them their Approbation, and even concur with them in ſo famous and glorious an Undertaking : But it fell out far otherwiſe ; for popular Envy being abated, but are not partly by Space of Time, and partly by the Conſideration of the Uncer- ſupported by tainty of humanie Affairs, was turned into Commiſeration : Nay, ſome of as they cx- " the Nobility did then no leſs bewail the Queen's Calamity, than they had pected. before execrated her Cruelty. Their Faction was thought to be ſtrong. " eſt who either conſented to the Murder, or elſe in Obſequiouſneſs to the Queen ſubſcribed to the impious Deed after it was committed.” A great many of the Nobles that favoured the Queen, and condemned her Impriſonment as a Crime of the higheſt Treaſon that could be committed, had convened at Hamilton to concert what Meaſures ſhould be deem'd proper in the preſent Occurrence ; and the Aſſociators being ſenſible of their own decaying Applauſe, and how needful it would be to bring over the other Nobles, if poſſible, to take part with them, determined to ſend Letters to them entreating their Concurrence for eſtabliſhing the State by a common Harmony : But the Nobles at Hamilton would neither admit the Meſſenger, nor receive the Let- ters. The Aſſociators hereupon willing to leave no Stone unturned to compaſs what ſo nearly concerned them, employed Mr. John Knox and three of his Brethren to carry Letters from the Aſſembly of the Kirk, which then was fita ting, to the other Lords who were either Neuters or Oppofers of their late Pro. 5 K 2 (a) Calderwood's MS. (6) Crawford's MS. (c) Calderwood's MS. Food) i. e. The Queen's Cup board amounted to Sixteen Stone-weight. Crawford's MS, 408 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. They emit a Charge for the Earl of 1567. Proceedings, inviting them to come to Edinburgh the 20th of July next, in v order to regulate what might be nieedful and wanting in the Polity of the Church ; hoping no doubt by that means, if they could once draw them to Edinburgh, either to perſwade them to join Iſſue with their late Proceedings in the State, or intending to force them into a Compliance with their Meaſures. But theſe other Lords (a) were not ſo eaſily decoyed as the former imagined ; for they all excuſed themſelves from coming to the Afrembly, alledging that they could not repair to Edinburgh with Freedom and Security of their Lives, where there were ſo many Men gathered together in Arms (6). On the 26th of June the pretended Lords of Council ordain Letters to be di- apprehending “ rected in the Queen's Name (c) to Heraulds, &c. to paſs and charge the Keeper of the Caſtle of Dunbar, to ſurrender the ſame to the Executer of the faids Bothwell, &c. 6. Letters within ſix Hours, becauſe the Earl of Bothwell was reſet and re- ceived within the faid Caſtle." And the fame Day (d) a Proclamation was likewiſe emitted for apprchending the Earl of Bothwell, with the Promiſe of 1000 Crowns to whoſoever ſhall bring him to Edinburgh, to be puniſhed " for the late Murder of thc King, &c." Now ſince thele People were fully convinced in their Minds that the Earl of Bothwell was really the Perſon principally concerned in the Murder of the King, and for which Reaſon eſpe- cially they juſtified their taking up of Arms ; May not their Delay to make ſome publick Act againſt him for no leſs than ten Days after he left the Army at Carberry-hill, afford too much Suſpicion that the Aſſociators had fome: thing elſe in View, and which lay nearer their Hearts in their late Proceed. ings, than the bringing that Nobleman to Juſtice ? Several Authors who wrote in the Times theſe Things were adoing, have not only taken notice that the Earl of Bothwell was by Content allowed to depart from Carberry-hill, buc have likewiſe objected this dilatory Management with reſpect to the Earl, and theſe Acts ſeem to confirm their Complaints not a little. For it may be ſaid that the Charge to the Keepers of the Caſtle of Dunbar might have been much more ſpeedy, unleſs the Aſſociators were willing that the Earl of Bothwell fhould firſt be gone before they ſent ſuch a Charge, left the Keepers within had diſagreed among themſelves, and condeſcended to deliver up the principal Keeper the Earl of Bothwell, whoſe Eſcape the Aſſociators perhaps were as well pleaſed with as the Earl himſelf. At what preciſe Time the Earl of Bothwell.left the Caſtle of Dunbar, is no where faid; but I perceive in the Records a Charge dared 9th July, “ prohi- “ biting any Perſon in the Iſles of Orkney to reſpect or be aſſiſting to him." And on the 21ſt of the fame Month there is an AĆ," prohibiting the Biſhop “ of Murray's (e) Tenants, either belonging to the Biſhoprick, or to the Ab. bacy of Scone (whereof he was Commendator) to make Payment of his " Rents, becauſe he had received and entertained that Earl within his Houſe “ of Spynie, and divers other Parts of Murray: And this Prohibition to con- “ tinue until the faid Biſhop be tried for the ſaid Crime, and the Arreſt duly, - looſed” (1). The Aſſociators now finding that they were not able to induce the better Parc of the Nobility of the Realm to come and take part with them in their preſent Enterprizes, but perceiving nevertheleſs that it might contribute much to their Advantage (a) Theſe Nobles were the Earls of Huntly, Argile, Caithneſs, Rothes, Crawford and Menteith; the Lords Boyd, Drummond, Herries, Cathcart, reſter, Fleming, Levingſton, Seton, Glamis, Ogilvie, [ſo it is right in spottij wood's MS. inſtead of Ochiltree in Knox, &c.] Gray, Oliphant, Methuen, Inner meth and somervil; the Commendators of Arbroath, Kilwinning, Dunfermling, New-Bottle, Holyrood houſe and St. Colm. (6) The Readers ſhall get a larger Account of this Meſſage in our Eccleſiaſtick Part. What a ſtrange Jumble of Authority is here! Rebels ere& themtelves into a Council of State; and yet they ſend forth their Orders in the Name of their Sovereign whom they detain Priſoner! (by Robert Miln has put the 27th of June to theſe ſeveral Aēts, viz. Charge againſt Dunbar-caſtle; againſt reſetting the Earl of Bothwell; and for torturing the Priſoners, Blackater, &c. But the Abftracts of Council and Anderſon's Collections fix theſe te the 26th of June. (e) He was Patrick Hepburn a Relation of the Earl's. Ő Sce the A& at full length in Anderſon's Collcations, Yol. s. p. 14216 Chap. XII. 409 Church and State in Scotland. them. Advantage to have the Town of Edinburgh join with them, in a more folemn 1567. Manner than hitherto they had done by a tacite Conſent only and Connivance; cr they deputed two principal Lords of their Faction to repair to the Town-Council, and make Ap- and therein propole to obtain their Approbation of and Subſcription to the Bond lichamets drawn up by the Aſſociators on the 16th June ; the iſſue of which Depurá - Edinburgh to tion the Readers will beſt ſee by the following Act of the Council of Ėdin. take part with burgh. 2. Julij, 1567 The gubilk Day, Sir Symone Preſtoun of Craigmillar, Knicht, Proveſi, An authentick Edward Lyrill, Alexander Uldarte ånd Alexander Clerk, Baillies of the Account of Burgh of Edinburgh; Mr. John Preſtoun Dean of Gild, John Harwood durc. Theſaurer, Alexander Park, David Forreſter, James Nicholl, Andro Stiven- fon, William Fowller, James Oliphant, Nicholl Uddarte, Thomas Redpeth Skinner, Robert Abercrombie Säidler, of the Councill; James Young Dea- con of the Hammermen, Thomas Jackſon of the Mafons, Patrick Shang of the Wrights, George Heriot of the Goldſmiths, Alexander Sauchie of the Taylors, Alexander Davidſon of the Cordiners, Thomas Aikenhead of the Skinners; Thomas Dickſon of the Furriours, James Wood of the Baxters, John Blyth- man of the Fleſhers, Alexander Bruce of the Barbours, Leonard Thompſon of the Wobſters, James Johnſtone of the Bonetmakers, Thomas Andrew of the Walkers : Being convenit in the Councill-houſe of the ſamen, Compeerit nobit and michtie Lordis, my Lordis Erbes of Mortoun and Atholl having with thame the maiſt honourabil and godlie Band lait lie maid and ſubſcrivit be ane greit Partie of the Nobilitie of this Realme, bering in Effect that thai the faids Lordis altogither binds and obleiſes thame, ilk ane to útheris, upon the Reſpect of thair Dutie towart thair Soveraine, the Common-weill of tbis thair native Countrey, and Honour of the Samen ; That thai altogither, with thair haill Force, Power and Friendis, Sall per few the cruall Mura therours of the King our faid Soverain's Husband to the uttermaiſt, feik the Diſolution of the ungodlie Mariage maid bet wix bir Hienes and the Erle of Bothwell; our faid Soveraine to be relevit of the Thraledome, Bondage, Igno- minie and Schame quhilk ſcho bes fuftenit and underlies through the ſaid Erle's Occaſion ; the Perſon of our un doubtit and innocent Prince repoſit to full Suirtie, and relevit of imminent Danger qubilk now he ſtands in ; and final lie, Juſtice reſtorit and uprichtlie miniſtrat to all the Liegis and Subje&tis of this Realme. The gubilk maiſt godlie and bonourabil Band, in Preſence of the Proveſt, Baillies, Councill and Deacons, being read and confiderit, Thai all in one Voce APPROVES the ſamen ; And grantis, confentis and promittis thair Aſiſtance and Fortificatioun to the ſaid Lordis in furthſetting, per ſewing and advanceing of the Premiſſes to thair utir Power; and for å ſurance beirof hes requeſt it and deſyrit the Richt honorabil Sir Symone Pre- ſtoun of that Ilk, Knicht, thair Proveſt, for thame, and in thair Namis, with the ſaids Lordis, to ſubſcrive the said Band, quhilk fall be als fuffi- cient as gif thai had ſubſcryvit the famen with thair awin proper Handis. And for obſerving heirof, ordanis this preſent Ordonance to be inſert and regiſtrat in thair Council.booke, for the mair fuir Teſtificatioun of thair Coria fent, as ſaid is. Here followis the Copy of the Band and Obleiſſing above ſpecifict (a), &c. 5 L The (a) The Bond is almoft Word for Word as already let down in p. 404, & c. There is ſome little Difference in the Beginning of it, thus, “ King Henrie Stewart, the Quenis Majestie oure Soverainis lait Husband, being in his Loging, ſuậntyme callit ilie Loging of the Provest of Kirkfield, beſyde the jamen, within this Burgh, wes ſchamefullie and trellonablic murtherit, exc." But in an atteſted Copy of the A&t of the Town-Council, inſerted in the Regiſter of the Privy Council of the fame Date 2d July, there is ſome greater Variation. I ſay not however, that there is any great Alteration as to the Senſe and Meaning of the Act; but ſince the Copy thereof as it ſtands in the Privy Council Regiſter, is ſaid to be extracted from the Regiſter of the Town- Council by the Town-Clerk, and to be atteſted by his manual Subſcription, I am ſuſpicious that that Liberty of Variation affumed by the Clerk, may ſerve to invalidate any other pretended atteſted Copies by theſe Aflociators. I have for this Reaſon judged it not amiſs to put into the Appendix, Numb. 20. the A& as it is in the Privy-Council Regiſter: And perhaps this following Varia. tion may even appear ſomewhat too bold, viz. “ maiſt honourabill and godlic Bande laitlie maid and iubferibit be thair Lord. Schips The Hiſtory of the Affairs of 410 Book II upon Record 1567. The Community of Edinburgh being thus become a Branch of the Aſſocia- tors, they applied themſelves in good earneſt to defend and maintain the com- mon Cauſe; and ſo we have theſe other two following Acts of their Council 9. Julij, 1567 The quhilk Day, Sir Symoun Preſtoun of Craigmillar, Knicht, Proveft , Alexander Uddarte, Alexander Clerk and Edward Lytill, Baillies; Mr. John Preſtoun Dean of Gild, Andro Stivinſon, David Forreſter, James Oliphant, William Fowller, Alexander Park, Thomas Redpeth and Robert Abercrombie, of the Councill, Ordanis John Harwood Thefaurer to cauſe ſtock, band and mount the Toun's Artiliarie now prefentlie lyand in the End of the Kirk, and to buy and cauſe forniſch all Thingis neceſſar thairto, to the Effect the ſamen may be in reddines preparit and reparit, in cais ony forane "Enemies wald come and perfew this Burgh, or Nichbouris thairof, to do thame Harme in thair Bodies or Gudis : And quhat Expenfis be makis thairupen, fall be al. lowit to bim in his Accompts be the Auditoris thairof. 23. Julij, 1567 The quhilk Day, the Proveſt, Baillies, Councill and Deacons foir faid, underſtanding the greit and apparent Danger qubilk is lyke to ryje within this Realme, be Diviſion of the Nobilitie thairof, for the Caufis laitlie oca curit ; And als conſidering that the Inhabitantis of this Burgh, thair Houſe haldis, Families and Gudis, in fic Tumultis, are evir ſubject to large greit- er Danger nor ony Burgh of this Realme, be reſſoun that with certain wickit Perfonis awaiting upon the Spulzie of the famen, gif Occaſion ferve. THAIRFOIR thai all in one Vote, and with Avyis and Conſent of Sir James Balfour of Pittendreich, Knicht, Clerk of our Soveranis Regiſter, and Captain of the Caſtell of Edinburgh, bes thought and thinkis it expedient, That for Defence not onlie of the said Burgh, bot alfwa of the ſaid Caftell, that ane Band and Lege be maid in Writ, betwix the ſaid Captain on the ane Pairt, and the Proveſt, Baillies, Councill, Deacons, and Communitie of the ſaid Burgh, on the uther Pairt, for mutuall Defence and Support to be maid be aither of thame to utheris, againſt quhat ſumevir that wald or will perfet the ſaid Caſtell, Burgh, or Inhabitantis thairof, in thair Perfonis or Gudis ; the Authorite onlie except. And ordanis Alexander Gu. thrie thair common Clerk to mak the famen again Fraday nixt to come, and thair that Day to perfew it afoir the Councill , that it may be read and con- fiderit be the ſaid Captain and thame, and thairin finallie endit, concludit and ſubſcribit be and upon baith the ſaid Parties, quba are preſent lie apa point it to compeir the ſaid Fraday at Ten Houris afoir Noon in the Councili. houſe, to the Effect foir ſaid. As the Aſſociators had already laid thcir Hands on all the Queen's Plate, Money, and other Moveables, to fupport them in carrying on their wicked Devices againſt her own Perſon and Authority ; to now on the 7th Day of July they made an Act of their Council, diſcharging all the Lieges to anſwer or make Payment of any of the Queen's Property, Thirds of Benefices, or of any thing elſe belonging to the Crown, to her Majeſty's Comptroller James Cockburn of Scraling, under the Pain of repaying the ſame, and of being pur- lued " chips and utheris of the Nobilitie of this Realme, bearand in Eftect , exc." This is plainly a ſoftning of the Expreſfion in the Ad of the Town Council, which ſays that the Band was " ſubſcribit be aine greit Partie of the Nobilitie of this Realme, bearand e in Effect, exc.” The Town-Clerk has been aware that the Town Council have been highly impofed upon, and made believe that the band was ſubſcribed by a great part of the Nobility; upon which Account he has not had Confidence to infort the ſame Words in his atteſted Copy which was to be put into the Privy.Council Regiſter, left the ſame might have been challenged as a falſe Allegation by ſome Perſons that might afterwards come to inſpect that Regiſter; whereas the Tling might eaſily ly buried in the Town Council Books. The Town-Clerk was himſelf a mighty Man for the Aſſociators; and he could the more willingly Lufter the Council of Edinburgh to be dup'd by that Party. Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 411 ſued as Art and Part of the King's Murder and the Queen's Raviſhment. Which 1567. Act howſoever indeed bears, that the ſaid James Cockburn was called to under- ly the Law, for being himſelf Art and Part of the faid Murder ; and that his Commiſſion of Comptrollery had been granted to him the Tyme of hir Hienes Bondage and ſchameful Thraldome in the Erle of Bothwell's Company. The Court of France having by this Time received Intelligence of the bad A Minifter Situation of the Queen's Affairs here in Scotland, diſpatched hither to her Ma- the Court of jeſty a Gentleman named Villeroy, with their beſt Advice as may be ſuppoſed, France and how ſhe ought to extricate herſelf from the preſent Calamity, wherein the had returns home. in a great meaſure involved herſelf . But as that Gentleman got no Acceſs to the Queen, he returned again immediately into his own Country (a). The Queen of England alſo after ſhe had heard of our Troubles, ſent into The Queen Scotland Sir Nicholas Throckmorton with a Meſſage and Inſtructions full of of England Friendſhip and Diſcretion, and every way becoming the good Senſe and high publick Mini- Station of chat neighbouring Princeſs and near Relation. I know it has been fer, too confidently faid by ſome Writers, thar Sir Nicholas was ordered hither on a very villanous Deſign at this Time, namely, to endeavour ſeemingly at a Re- conciliation berwixt our Queen and the Faction oppoſite to her Majeſty, but really and underhand to foſter a Diviſion ; and that he acted his Part herein to his Miſtreſs's Contentation. Men, and eſpecially Hiſtorians, ſhould methinks be very well aſſured, before they proceed to throw Reproach and Infamy upon any Perfon, much more on the Perſons of Princes and their publick Miniſters. We have already ſeen that Sir Nicholas Throckmorton did on a former Occa- fion behave himſelf in a very friendly Manner towards our Queen ; and how diſguſted he was, when he found that he had indirectly trepan'd ſome of her dif- quiet Subjects into over haſty Meaſures : And from thence we might aver, tho' there was no other Proof, that his lotegrity would never allow him to act now fo diſhoneſt a Part as theſe Writers roundly affirm without any proper Credential. But the Queen of England's Inſtructions to him, and his Letters to her Maje- with double ſty, being for the moſt part preſerved entire, theſe will ſerve better to diſcover Inſtructions , to the World the Mind of that great Princeſs, and her Miniſter's Negotiation at this Time, than the blunt Affirmation of any Hiſtorian whatſoever. As I could not afford my Readers ſo good an Account of our Affairs in the preſent Interval, as what is to be had from theſe and other publick Papers ; therefore I chuſe here to fubjoin them, without the Icaſt Curtailing or Addition, as I find them in the publick Repoſitories. Y 6 Inſtructions by the Queen of England given to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, fent into Scotland to the Queen Cof Scotland, ] 30th June 1567 (6). OU ſhall in the Beginning declare to Her, how much we have been imo, To our of long Time troubled and grieved in our Mind, to behold ſuch evil Quecn. Accidents as of late from time to time have happened to her, wherein her • Fame and Honour have been in all parts of Chriſtendom much impaired and decayed; and ſpecially upon the Death of her Husband, beiag fo apparently and horribly murdered fo near to herſelf, yea and within fo few Hours af. • ter ſhe parted with him in the Night, and nothing done by her effectual for · the Search of the Malefactors, and due Puniſhment thereof. Next, her fa- vouring and maintaining the Earl of Bothwell and his Aflociates, being Men of notorious evil Name, whom the World charge alſo moſt of all with this deteſtable Murder. And Thirdly, with the Maintenance of the fame Earl L 2 • being 6 5 (a) Cecil, in lis Letter to Norris, 26th June 1567, mentions the French Ambaſlador and Villeroy to be in Scotland; by the firſt of whom he means, I ſhould think, Monf. le Croc. Cabala. And Crawford's MS. ſays, “ In that Month (viz. when the « Queen was put into Lochlevin] came an Ambaſſador from France, called Monf. de Villeroy, to know the Eſtate of Queen and “ Country, with Letters parent to her Majeſty, in caſe the were at Liberty; otherwiſe not to divulgate them, but to diſpoſe “ of them as he lift. And becauſe he found ſuch a troubled Eſtate without the Majeſty of a Prince, he departed the Country < patiently through England." (6) Calig. C. 1. a Copy. 412 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567, • being ſo charged to procure ſuch a ſtrange Divorce from his Wifc, a good Lady, as never was heard, that a Man guilty ſhould for his Offences put a- way his innocent Wife, and that to be coloured by Form of Law ; but that • which followed, ſay they, hath added to the fame an immortal Reproof to her, that is, ſuddenly, haſtily and rafhly to take ſuch a defamed Perſon to · her Husband." All which Things, truly you may ſay, haye pierced our very • Heart with daily Thoughts for many Reſpects, as by ſundry our Letters to her • we have friendly and plainly declared. In all which we have felt our Sor- rows mixed alſo with Offence and Diſpleaſure to her, in ſuch fort as we thought never more to have dealt with her by way of Advice, taking her by • her Acts a Perſon deſperate to recover her Honour; aud fo do we know o. ther Princes her Friends and near Kinsfolk to be of the like Judgment : Yer • nevertheleſs now at the laſt, this Miſchief that hath followed in the End, af: ter all theſe, hath ſtirred up io us a new Alteration and Paſſion of our Mind, and hath ſo increaſed and doubled our former Sorrow and Grief of Mind. Behold ſuddenly the raiſing an inteſtine Trouble, in manner of War, betwixt · her and her Nobility and Subjects, wherein finding her to have light into · fuch hard Terms, that ſhe is reſtrained by her Nobility and Subjects, as we • hear, from her Liberty ; our Stomach ſo provoked, we have changed our for. mer Intention of Silence and forbearing to deal in her Cauſes, firſt, to an in- • ward Commiſeration of her, our Siſter, for this laſt Calamity; and next, to a Determination to aid and relieve her by all poſſible Means for the recover- ing of her to her Liberty, and not to ſuffer her, being by God's Ordinance • the Prince and Sovereign, to be in Subjection to them that by Nature and * Law are ſubjected to her. For which very Purpoſe, you ſhall ſay, We have • fent you at this Time to underſtand truly her Eſtate, and the whole Manner how the fame has happened ; and to confer with her what may be thought meet for us, as her Siſter and next Neighbour, to do for her, be it by Coun- fel, Force or otherwiſe: And therefore you ſhall require her to impart to you that which indeed ſhe can require of us in Honour to be done for her, to bring her to Liberty, and her Realm to Concord and inward Peace ; and ſo doing you ſhall aſſure her we will do as much for her (the Circumſtances of • her Caſe conſidered) as ſhe were our very natural Siſter, or only Daughter. • And at the hearing of her Declaration, you ſhall require her to bear with you, if according to our Direction you do declare alſo unto her wherewith her Nobility and Subjects charge her; and ſo you ſhall orderly make full Decla- • ration thereof, adding therewith, that your Meaning is not to incrcafe her Calamities, but to the End, upon the Truth known, her Subjects may be • duly reprehended and corrected for Things unduly laid to her Charge: And ' in other Things wherein her Fault and Overſight cannot be avoided, or well · covered, the Dealing therein and Order thereof may be with Wiſdom and · Policy fo uſed and tempered, as her Honour may be ſtayed from urter Ruin, and her State recovered with ſome better Accord to follow betwixt her and her Subjects. And after ſhe ſhall have fully declared to you her Anſwer, or Requeſt , or her other Defences ; if the ſhall require our Aid by Force to re- · cover her Liberty, and be revenged; you shall lay, That you have Commif- · fion directly to charge and reprove her Subjects with this their reſtraining of her their Sovereign Lady, and to procure her Liberty; or otherwile to aſſure • them plainly, That the ſhall not lack our Aid to compel them thereto; where • unto if they ſhall not yield, you may tell her, You will ſpeedily advertiſe us, who you doubt not will perform our Promiſe. · In the Dealing herein allo it ſhall behove you to know before hand, the Diſpoſition in the Nobility, whom you ſhall aſſure we neither can nor will endure, for any reſpect, to have her, being a Queen and their Sovereign, to • be by them, being Subjects, impriſoned, or deprived of her Scate, or put in any Peril of her Perſon. And 6 6 Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 413 · And you 6 8 > ſhall alſo do your beſt, in reaſoning with the Queen, to move 1567. her by all good Perſwaſions to uſe Wiſdom and not Paſſion in this her Ad- verſity, as the Time requireth ; whereunto you ſhall add, that all the World feeth her own Defaults and Overſights to have brought her : Altho' on the • other Side we confeſs, that her Subjects ought not to be allowed to take from her and to themſelves any Sword or Juriſdiction to puniſh or reform her Faults, • but ought to ſeek the Amendment of any of her Faults by Counſel and humble • Requeſts . And finally, (not finding that they would deſire to remit them- ſelyes to Almighty God, in whoſe Hands only Princes Hearts remain) you • ſhall add, that to bring the Calamity to ſome ſpeedy and quiet End, you ſhall move her to remit and pardon ſuch Things as by Rigour of Law inė, as their Sovereign, may extend againſt them; and to yield alſo to ſuch Re- queſts, which ſhall be made to her, and ſhall tend directly for Advancemenė of Juſtice, and 1pecially for the Puniſhment of the Murder of her Husband, upon any Subject whoſoever the fame be, being found guilty. And further . alſo, to yield to her Nobility and People ſuch other reaſonable Requeſts as may ſeem convenient and neceſſary for the Security of their Lives and Lands, living hereafter obediently. In which laſt Matter you ſhall ſay, if any ſuch thing Iliall be by them demanded, as ſhe cannot nor ought not to like of, nor can be induced to; if ſhie will commit the Judgment thereof to us, being a Queen as ſhe is, we will frankly deal therein (as far as poſſibly we can with our Honour) moſt to her Satisfaction: And in Things unmeet to be granted by her, we will aſſiſt her ip the plain Denial thereof. And to bring this • manner of End the better toʻpaſs, you may labour to perſwade her, that fee- ing Things done and paſt, as well of her Part as on theirs, cannot now be undone, it is altogether vain to contend much hereupon : But Wiſdom muſt • be uſed in theſë, and fuch Extremities as theſe be, to aboliſh the Memory of • both, and yet to have principal Regard of her being the Prifìce and Head. • In your Diſcourſe with her you muſt remember to her, that we have de- • termined and reſolved to reſt upon theſe three Heads. The Firſt is, to reco- ver her to her Liberty with good Accord of her Subjects, either by Perſwa- fion, or Treaty, or by Force. Next, to procure a due Puniſhment of the • Murder of het Husband; whereunto alſo we have by Nature good Title to • be a Party purſuant, conſidering the Party murdered was both our Subject • born and neareſt Kinſman of the Blood Royal both of England and Scotland. The Third (which alſo Nature movęch unro) is to have the Royal Prince preſerved from all ſuch Danger, as manifeſtiy hc ſeemeth to be in, if the Mur- • derers of his Father be juſtified. And concerning the Firſt of theſe, which is • her Liberty, your Coming is at this Time ſpecially ; and therein we have principally charged you to labour and travel to the urtermoſt. For the Se- • cond, which is the Proſecution of the Murderer, you may plainly fay, tho' • we cannot affirm any ordinary Power in her Subjects by Force to compel • her thereto, yet we would be very ſorry to find her unwilling to conſent thereto ; for then we muſt nccds hold her fo condemned, as we would not " think her free from ſuch other Compulſion as one Prince and Neighbour may • uſe towards another, for Puniſhment of ſuch horrible and abominable Facts. · Neither may ſhe think it ſtrange, tho' cherein we do fhew our ſelf a Party a. gainſt the Murderers, as a Thing more properly pertaining to us for many Reſpects, than to any other Prince of Chriſtendom. For the Laſt, you may uſe fome good Reaſons to her to accord, that the young Prince her Son may be brought out of Danger there, and kept and nouriſhed in our Realm, · whereof, beſide the good Surety of his Perſon, many other good Things may • enfue to him of no ſmall Moment, hereafter to be by her well allowed; and for the more Surety of his Perſon, whereof percafe fome buſy Heads may make Argument, he may be ſo well provided for by Hoſtages or Pledges, as no doubt can be made : Which Matter we would have you, according to your Wiſdom, warily and alſo carneſtly profecute, wherein we mean truly 5 M and 6 & oy 8 414 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. • and well to the Child. And. of all other Things by you to be compaſſed, we ſhall moſt eſteem thereof. You ſhall alſo do well to learn of her what the French have therein dealt • with her, or any other : And becauſe in ſuch Times and Matters as thefe arc, Changes of Proceedings may daily alter the Judgment of proceeding, · we remit to your Diſcretion to order, as you ſhall lee Cauſe, this Charge, which we commit to you in any other Form of Proceeding; to as always it • may appear that we do not allow of her Impriſonment, and yet do allow of the juſtifying of any her Subjects for the Murder. And Secondly, We do not miſlike to have her ſo delivered, as the Security of them be provided which have fincerely herein dealt to puniſh the Murder. And the Laft, · which we alſo moſt regard, That the Prince might be brought in to our Re- alm, to be in the Cuſtody of his Perſon with his Grandmother, and that with • all Security thac can be deyiſed. Of which Things, if you have Regard to • direct your Negotiation, we ſhall very well allow you.'' C And zdo, To the Lords Ar- {ociators. Y au thall Together with theſe Inſtructions, which the Reader fees were to be impart- ed only to our Queen, Sir Nicholas received likewiſe another Set of Inſtructie ons of the ſame Date, which he was to communicate apart to the Lords Aflo- ciators, and are as follow here. Copy of Inſtructions for Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, for Matters to be im. parted to the Lords of Scotland, 30th June 1567 (a). OU ſhall let the Lords underſtand, That we hearing of theſe Troubles lately happened, could not forbear but to ſend you thither, and to underſtand the Certainty thereof, and ſpeak both with the Queen and with them. And thereupon you thall require them to allow you to relate to her, aſſuring them that you have nothing to deal in with her bur for the Weal of • that Realm, and principally for the ſame Matters they have published to be the Cauſe of their Allembly; that is, for to further the Proſecution of the Murderers of their King, and the Preſervation of the Child their Prince (b). · In which Two you ſhall aſſure them, there is no honourable and reaſonable * Demand that can be made by them, but we will allow and further the ſame as ſhall appertain unto us. The Third Matter is, which you are charged ſpecially to folicite upon theſe late Accidents, Thai lome final good Accord might be · made berwixt the Queen their Soverčign and them, and that we might have the Truſt on both Parts to be a Mcan herein, wherein they ſhall have no juſt • Čauſe to miſlike our Doings. · And becauſe we know not how the Matrers do ſtand on both sides, but · hearing of the Queen's Impriſonment, we have ſent you thither in our Name to declare unto them what we think of thar Matter. Requiring them not to • find it ftrange, that we being a Queen, and a Prince ſovereign, as their Qucen is, do in this part intermedle and notify our Opinion and Requeſt, which is, That in nowiſe ſhe, being a Queen and Sovereign, be detained as a Priſoner, or deprived of her Princely Eſtate. And ſo as the may be by them uſed and regarded as a Queen ought to be by her Subjects, we can be very well con- · tent to uſe all good Means to induce her to all other Things that may tend to a quiet Accord with them, and that in ſuch good fort as may be with good and honourable Order, for their Security hereafter to come, and for Quietneſs to the Realm. In this fort you may deal generally with them as you ſhall ſee Cauſe ; alſo by earneſt Speeches to ſhow them how incredible we took it at the firſt, when we heard of her Impriſonment, thinking ſurely that Perſons of luch Honour 6 (a) Calig. C. 1. a Copy. Thele two things were indeed the revealed Will of the Rebels ; but they had another ſecret Will which they rcſerred in perto, not to be made known until a proper Seaſon ſhould caſt up. Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 415 6 6 · Honour as they be (being the principal of the Nobility of that Realm) could 1567. • never be induced to offer ſuch Violence to her their Sovereign, as to commit her to any manner of Priſon : For tho' we will not deny but ſhe may be charged with fome Defaults or Overſights, yet we take it not to be apper- taiving to Subjects in ſuch manner to reforin their Prince, but otherwile to * deal by Advice and Counſel ; and failing thereof, to recommend the reſt to Almighty God. And this you may fay, we do not think as a Prince that . • would partially regard the Privilege of another Prince, becauſe we our felves are called by God's Order to that Eſtate; but that we think it ſo ordained by • God, and received for a Truth io Doctrine in all good Chriſtian Government. · And tho' we thus think of the Order of their Preceedings, yet you ſhall aſſure them, we hereby mean not to allow of ſuch Faults as we hear by Report are imputed to her, but therein have given you ſtraitly in Charge to lay before, • and to reprove her in our Name for the ſame ; which we think not unlawful • or inconvenient for us to do, being a Queen as the is, and her next Couſin and Neighbour. And in the End alſo, we mean not with any ſuch Partiality to deal for her, but that her Princely Stare being preſerved, Me ſhould con- • form herſelf to all reaſonable Devices that may bring a good Accord betwixt • her and her Nobility and People, and that may reſtore her Realm to Quiet- • neſs, and purge it of the Slander which lately it hath received by the abomi. nable Murder of the King, and by the Lack of due Purſuit of Offenders. • And in this doing, we truſt they ſhall have Caulc to think us a good Neigh- • bour ; and whoſoever ſhall move them to take any other way, thall in the • End be proved to feck their own private Cominodity, with the Ruin both of • the Queen and the Realm. And in this fort you thall deal with them in Ge- • nerality to deliver our Opinion to be, according as at your Departure from us upon ſuch Intelligence as we had, we could of our Honour and in our Con. • ſcience think meer. You ſhall alſo, with ſome other, ſuch as you thall make • Choice of for the Purpoſe, deal as followeth. Where they have diſcloſed to us the Means uſed to them to be directed at this Time by France, and to renew their old Alliance with them ; you may • well remember to them by former Experience both of old and late, what nota able Diſcommodities have followed thereupon, whereof both their Hiſtories 6 and their owo felves are good Witneſſes : And as Things ſtand at this Day in • the World, it may be eaſily ſeen what Perils may fail to them by putting • themſelves and the Realm into the Governance of France ; wherein you may · enlarge more boldly to them which be of the Religion, the manifeſt Peril for • the Overthrow of Religion, as a Thing at this Day much practiſed and intend- • ed in all parts of Chriſtendom, and mect to be well forcſeen. And as for • Aid required of us, you may let them know how (trange we found it, that until they had aſſembled themſelves in Force, and until their Queen and they · had both their Forces gathered and in Field, we never heard from them in any « fort to us credible, or as was convenient for us to truſt unto, nor indeed hi- • therto have heard any Perſon'authorized from them, until who • could fhew us no Letrer nor Writing from them whereunto we might give Truſt; nor yet at his coming from thence ſpoken with the Lords himielf, . but had by And therefore we have fent you, whom we know • beſt acquainted with the Affairs of that Realm, by whom we may be adyer- tiſed of their full Intentions and Mçaning in thele their Requeſts, and what Surety we may have reciprocally at their Hands for any Benefit that we • ſhall beſtow upon them; and thereupon we may certainly reſolve whać • we will grant or leave, which, before better Knowledge had from them, we cannot do, And aſſoon as poſſible we may have knowledge from you, we ſhall give them herein à reſolute and reaſonable Anſwer Beſides theſe two ſeparate Inſtructions to be delivered to our Queen and the aſſociated Rebel-Lords, we find alſo upon Record fome Terms of Accom- 5 M 2 modation 416 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. greement pro- poſed likewiſe 1567. modation propoſed by the Queen of England to both Parties here in Scotland; which Terms, conſidering how Matters were now poſted, I ſuppoſe few Per- ſons will reckon to have been extravagant, but rather conducible to our Queen's Peace and Security. PROPOSALS delivered to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton at his going into Scotland in July 1567 (a). Terms of A: THe Queen to be at Liberty, with theſe Priſoners following . The Truth of Bothwell's Fact to be duly proved before her, and that the by the Queen may; for her Satisfaction herein, be induced to believe the same by all pro of England. bable Means. That thereupon a Divorce be effettually made. That he give Commiſſion to certain Noblemen to proceed againſt Bothwell and his Complices. That a Parliament be aſſembled with Speed. That a general Peace be proclaimed through the Realm. That the Caftles of Dunbar and Dunbarton be in Cuſtody of ſuch of the No. bility, as be not Partakers with Bothwell, as the Queen ſhall name, they gi- ving Pledges to the Lords which keep the Prince, that neither Bothwell nor any Foreigners ſhall be therein maintained. That for the Government of the Realm and the Prince, the Queen, with the Advice of the Parliament, do conftitute certain Wardens of the Marches, and of Edinburgh, Stirling, Dunbar, Dunbarton, Inch-keith, c. That all Offices of Wardens, Chaſtelans, Provoſtings, Judicatures, and the principal Officers of the Realm, and all Ecclefiaftical Promotions, be given by the Queen, by the Advice and Conſent of the more Part of the Great Council. That upon the Death of any of the Great Council, the Queen name others with the Conſent of the reſt. That the eſtabliſhing of the Succeſſion of the Crown be renovated and con firmed according to the laſt Act of Parliament. That the Cauſe of Religion be eſtabliſhed, excepting none but the Queen's Perſon and ſome competent Number for her Attendance, not exceeding That a general Pardon be granted by Parliament. That ali Bothwell's Lands be annexed to the Crown, and be empboyed upon the Education of the Prince. That the Grand Council confift upon ſuch a Number, as always there may be attending monthly at the leaſt Five or Six. And That Orders be accorded upon for their ſitting in Councils, and foliciting of Cauſes to the Queen. That no Strangers born bear any Office in the Queen's Houshold. That all the Articles above faid, and all other thereupon depending, be es ftabliſhed by Parliament; and that it be made for the firſt time puniſhable by loſs of Goods and Impriſonment ; the ſecond time Treaſon, whoever fall contrary, it ; and that it ſhall be lawful to all manner of Perſons to pur- ſue him that all break the ſame as a Traitor. That the Queen of England may be moved to become a Maintainer of the fame Parliament. When Sir Nicholas Throckmorton arrived in Scotland, he found to his great balfador is not Surprize that tho’he came with a publick Character from ſo worthy a Friend as the Queen of England, yet the aſſociated Lords would not allow him any Ac. ceſs to the impriſoned Queen ; fo that he found himſelf under a Neceſfity to de- liver only the Inſtructions which the Queen his Miſtreſs had given him to be communicated to thefe Lords. And by the ſhifting and uncảndid Anſwer which theſe Lords returned to that Miniſter, the Readers will eaſily diſcern that theſe deſigning Men had ſmall, or rather no Intentions at all to ſettle the Peace of the Kingdom even on fuch Terms as they themſelves had fraudulently pretended. The (a) Calig. C. 1. a Copy. But hér Am allowed to lcc our Queen. Chap. XII. 417 Church and State in Scotland. W? The Anſwer of the Lords of Scotland to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton Am. 1567. baſador there, 11th July 1567 (a). TE cannot convéniently at this Time give you a reſolutė Anſwer to the Soine Lords firſt Part of your Meſſage, declared unto us on the Queen's Majeſty terim. Anſwer • your Sovereigo's Behalf, being here but a ſmall Part of that Number for the to that Mini preſent aſſembled to whom you are directed; the others being before your Co- fter ming diſperſed in ſeveral Corners of the Realm upori good Occaſions, tending to the Maintenance of the juſt Quarrel we have in hand, and for ſuppreſſing dangerous Enterprizes that might be attempted for the Overthrow thereof: In “ Abſence of whom (their Conſents not obtained) we may not reſolve any Mat- “ ter of Conſequence, left the ſame night breed in them occaſion of Miſliking, and conſequently Breach of the Aſſociation whereby we are joined toge • ther; wherein we pray you to bear with us. Nevertheleſs acknowledging ** how far we are bounden to the Queen your Sovereign, in that it hath pleaſed her Highneſs thus lovingly to deal with us, and to allow of the “ Grounds whereupon our Enterprize is founded, adding alſo hereunto a ſpe- &cial Care of our Safe-guard; we mean to drive no more Time with you to- " wards the anſwering of your Demands, than the Cafe itſelf doth of Neceſſity require: For which Purpoſe we have written out of hand for the remanent Noblemen now abſent to be here with all Speed; at whoſe Coming we “ doubt not you fliall well perceive by our and their Proceedings with you, “ what Reſpect we bear to the Queen your Miſtreſs as in a Princeſs in " whom we have répoſed our ſpecial Truſt, as well in Confideration of the Ju. “ ſtice of our Cauſe, as that the Murder which we go about to reyenge was perpetrated in the Perſon of him who had that Honour to be near of her Majeſty's Blood; and that the Prince, for whoſe Preſervation we have put " our felves in Hazard, is her Highneſs’s next Coufin. Altho' we can pre- * fently ſay no further for ſatisfying of your Demands till the coming of the re- " manent Noblemen ; yet perceiving by that you have propounded to us, that " the Queen's Majeſty your Miſtreſs finds ſtrange our Behaviour towards the Queen's Majeſty our Sovereign, and her Highneſs Impriſonment; where upon you have made us a great and large Remonſtrance, putting us in Mind on of the Duties of Subjects towards their natural Princes : We will, for your « better Satisfaction herein, declare ſome Part of our Intents and Proceedings, *which we will defire you to impart to the Queen your Miſtreſs ; not doubt. ing but when her Highneſs ſhall have underſtood the fame, ſhe ſhall not fo “ far diſallow of our Doings in that Behalf. And firſt, We pray her Highneſs to conceive of us, that we take no Plea. * ſure to deal with our Sovereign after this fort, as we are preſently enforced " to do, being the Perſon in the World (whom according to our bounden Dury) 65 we have in our Hearts moſt revered and honoured, whoſe Grandeur we have " moſt earneſtly wiſhed, and with the Hazard of Our Lives would have endea. *** voured our felves to have procured it. We never went about in any ways “ to reſtrain her Liberty, nor never entred in Deliberation at the Beginning of " this Cauſe of any Thing might touch her Perſon. The Grounds of our In- “ tents are too well known to the World, and better a great deal than we with they were for as much as they impart the Ignominy of this whole Nation, " and touch in Honou as well the Queen herſelf as us all. How horribly the King her Husband was murdered, is the common Fable of the Vulgar through- out Chriſtendom: What Form of Juſtice hath been kept for Punishment • thereof, or rather how ſcornfully a diſguiſed Mask was ſet up in place of “ Juſtice; if our Teſtimony Be ſuſpect, we truſt the Queen your Miſtreſs's own Conſcience is fufficiently informed by other Means. How hamefully the 86 5. NO (a) Calig. C. d. a Copy: 418 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. “ the Queen our Sovereign was led captive, and by Fear, Force, and (as by many Conjectures may be well ſuſpected) other extraordinary and more un- lawful Means, compelled to become Bed-fellow to another Wife's Husband, or and to him who not three Months before had in his Bed moſt cruelly mur- 6. dered her Husband, as is manifeſt to the World, to the great Diſhonour of • her Majeſty, us all, and this whole Nation. In what Cafe the innocent o Babe, our native Prince, then ſtood, is eaſily to be conſidered, when the 6. Murderer by ſuch ungodly Means had attained the Place of him whom before to the famé End he had murdered. What End think ye could we have looke for of the Earl of Bothwell's Proceedings with proceſs of Time? • Or in what Bounds could his immoderate Ambition have been concluded, o who not content with his own Eſtate, had in three Months found ſuch Hap “ in an unhapy Enterprize, that by the Murder of the Babe's Father he had purchaſed a pretended Marriage of the Mother, ſeized her Perſon in his or Hands environed with a continual Guard of 200 Harquebuziers, as well Day as Night where ever ſhe went, beſides a Number of his Servants, and • other naughty Perſons Murderers and Pirates, who to impetrate Impunity is of their wicked Lives and Liberty to do III, made their Dependence on him, and by theſe Means brought the Nobility to that miferable Point, that if any Man had to do with the Prince, it behoved him before he could come to her Preſence, to go through the Ranks of Harquebuziers under the Mercy of a notorious Tyrant, as it were to paſs the Pikes : A new Example, 6. and wherewith this Nation had never been acquainted, and yet few or none " admitted to her Specch; for that his luſpicious Heart brought in Fear by the Teſtimony of an evil Conſcience, might not ſuffer her Subjects to have Ac- “ ceſs to her Majeſty as they were wont to do. Beſides all this, the princi- pal Strengths, Fortreſſes, with the whole Artillery and Munition, the whole " Government and Direction of all the Affairs of the Realm. What reſted to or finiſh the Work begun, and to accompliſh the whole Defire of his ambitious Heart, but to ſend the Son after the Father ; and, as might be ſuſpected, ſeeing him keep another Wife in Store, to make the Queen alſo to drink of - the fame Cup, to the End he might inveſt himſelf with the Crown of the Realm? Which bchoved to be the Mark he ſhot at ; for that which by wice ked Means is purchaſed, muſt be by the like maintained. When this was the Condition and Eſtate of the Realm, what was the Office of the Nobilis what became it them to do whom God had called to honourable on Place in this Common-wcal? Should they have winked at it? Alas! that was too long done, and that we may fore repent. Should they have con- tented themſelves to deal by way of Advice or Counſel, when no Coun- “ ſellors of the Realm had the Liberty of free Speech, nor Surety of their Life, if they ſhould in Counſel reſiſt the inordinate. Affections of that bloody Tyrant: Yea when a few Number, or in a manner none durſt reſort os to Court. When ye have ſpoken that failing thereof we ſhould have recom- a mended the reſt to Almighty God, the Advice may be good for the Soul, " but not ſafe for the Body, and hard to be followed: For therewithall it be “ hoved us aſſuredly to have recommended the Soul of our Prince and of the os moſt part of our felves to God's Hands, and, as we may firmly believe, the o Soul alſo of our Sovereign the Queen, who ſhould not have lived with • him half a Year to an End, as may be conjectured by the front Time they o lived together, and the maintaing of his other Wife at home at his Houſe. • The Reſpects , aforeſaid, with many others, and very Neceſſity, moved us to enterprize the Quarrel we have in hand, which was only intended againſt " the Earl of Bothwell's Perſon, to diſſolve the diſhonourable and unlawful “ Conjunction under the Name of Marriage, which neither by God's Law nor Man's Law could be vailable or allowed by either Religion, Papiit or oo Proteſtant, but was deteftable in the Eyes of the whole World. To remove “ the lhameful Slander which among all Nations was ſpread of this poor Realm, by ty, own Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 419 36 by revenging that cruel Murder, and to preſerve the moſt noble Perſon of 1569. ** that innocent Babe ; thefe Effects could not be otherwiſe brought to paſs, 6. than by Puniſhment of the Earl of Bothwell in his Perſon, which could not ** be apprehended unleſs we had put our felves in Arms to that Effect. “ It appeared well when at firſt we came about Borthwick we meant no thing to the Queen's Perſon, in ſo far that hearing he was cſcaped out of the Houſe, we inſiſted no farther to purſue the fame, it being moſt eaſy to have “ been taken, but came back to Edinburgh (a), here to conſult how we " ſhould further proceed for his Apprehenfion; during which Time, for a voiding of the Danger hung over his Head, covering himſelf with the Sha- ** dow of the Queen's Authority, carrying alſo with him her moſt noble Pers fon, he put a great Number of her Subjects in Arms, of mind to invade us « in Edinburgh, and to diſturb our Conſultation, which he knew to be ſo dana gerous to him. What did enfue thereon, we think ye fufficiently under- ſtand, and how caring little or nothing for her, he ſaved himſelf; and the " came in our Company to Edinburgh. As our Enterprize was directly in- " tended againſt him, to we began to deal with her Majeſty, and to perſwade her, that for her own Honour, the Safety of her Son, thc Diſcharging of “ her Conſcience, and the publick Tranquillity of the whole State, the would so be content to ſeparate herſelf from that wicked Man, to whom ſhe was ne- * ver lawfully joined, and with whom ſhe could not remain, without inanifeft “ Loſs of Honour, and Hazard of her whole Eſtate; with all the good Re- " monſtrances that to good Subjects did appertain to ſpeak to their Prince in ** ſuch a Caſe: But all in vain ; for plat contrary to our Expectations, we “ found her Paſſion fo prevail in Maintenance of him and his Cauſe, that the or would not with Patience hear ſpeak any thing to his Reproof, or ſufíer his Doings to be called in queſtion ; but by the contrary, offered to give over o the Realm and All, ſo the might be ſuffered to enjoy him; with many Threatnings to be revenged on every Man had dealt in the Marter (b). The Sharpneſs of her Words were good Witneſſes of her Vehemency of “ her Paſſion, whereupon we had juſt Occaſion to conceive that the would not “ fail (enduring that Paffion) ſo long as any Man in Scotland would take Arms • at her Commandment, to put them to the Ficlds for Maintenance of the Mur- s6 derer ; and ſo ſhould it behove us every Day. What Inconveniencies might " have followed thereupon to herſelf, to her Son, to us and the whole Realm, 6 we leave to your Judgment: And yet we thought, as we ſtill do think, “knowing the great Wiſdom wherewith God hath endued her, that within a 66 ſhort Time her Mind being a little fettled, and the Eyes of her Underſtand ing opened, ſhe would better conſider of herſelf and the ſtate of every thing, se and to far eſchewing the preſent Inconveniencics, being ſuch as of Neceſſity “ would have brought on the Decay of her own Honour and Overthrow of 6. the whole State, it behoved us of two Evils to chuſe the leaſt, which was to fequeſtrate her Perſon for a Seaſon from his Company, and from having In- telligence with him, or ſuch others as were of his Faction, to the cnd we might have a breathing Time and Leiſura ro go forward in the Proſecution 6c of the Murdor , livl doubting but ſo ſoon as by a juft Trial we might make the Truth appear, and that he had received the Recompenſe due to " that moſt abominable Fact, ſhe would conform herſelf to allow of our Don ings, tending more to her own Honour than any particular Intereſt that a- ny of us hath in the Matter. Of this Opinion we are, that when all our 5 N 2 66 Proo (a) We ſee there are more Ways than one of telling a Story. b) No Mention here at all of a Letter wrotc by her Majeſty to the Earl of Bothwell , and iittercepted by her Detainers; which may afford a ſtrong Suſpicion, that there never was any ſuch Letter. If theſe good Men were not the Parties concerned to make the Repreſentation as here laid out, we might reaſonably give better Credit to them than to all thoſe Hiſtorians, who have given it in a different Light: But as this may be ſuſpected to be a Friendly Teſtimony, fo of Conſequence it cannot claim to be credited much. Conlider likewiſe the after Behaviour of theſe Men; otherwiſe indeed their Story is pretty plauſible. (c) 'Tis ſtrange to ſee what Deceit Men are capable of! Theſe People would now only pretend that they had fequeftred the Queen until, esc, but we ſhall foon fee another Scene laid open, 420 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. he writes to I567. Proceedings from the Beginning of this Action to the End ſhall be examined " and rightly weighed, it ſhall appear manifeſtly that no Chriſtian Prince os ſhall have Occaſion to miſlike of us, but rather by the contrary think that her Honour hath been of us ſo reſpected, that we have not cared for the Regard thereof, what became of our ſelves, or what Judgment might be ta. " ken in the World of our Doings. And of ono Point you may well aſſure the Queen's Majeſty your Miſtreſs, that in the Proſecution of this Matter we have always kept ſuch Moderation, that we have not gone, nor ſhall any ways proceed further than Juſtice and the Neceſſity (a) of the Cauſe ſhall " lead us. Thus far only for Diſcharge, Icaving the Anſwer of your Demands to the coming of the reſt.” By the above Anſwer I make no Doubt but the Readers will be ready enough to prognoſticate what ſhall be the Uplhot of Sir Nicholas Tbrockmorton's Neo gotiation with the Rebels in favours of our Queen: But whatever Apprehen- fions we may form thereof in our Minds, we can't pretend at this diſtance of Time to have fo juſt a Notion and thorow Knowledge of the different Inten- tions and Speculations of the Men then upon the Stage, as this Gentleman had by his perſonal Conferences with them, and the juſt luformations he gathered a mong them. And this excellent Piece of lotelligence is communicated to us in the following Letters by that Miniſter. A Letter from Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, To the Queen's Majeſty of England, 19th July 1567 (6). Whereupon Leaſeh it your Majeſty : Your Letters of the 13th of July dated at Richmond I received the 19th of the fame at Edinburgh, containing the Queen of your Majeſty's Pleaſure for my Proceedings with the Queen of Scotland, to England. · induce her by Perſwafions to accord unto your Majeſty the Poſſeſſion of her Son the young Prince. I would to God ſhe were in Caſe to be negotiated with. It appeareth none of my Letters ſince my Conference with the Lord · Hume and Lord of Lidington at Faſt-Caſtle, that is to ſay, of the 12th, 14th, · 16th and 18th, were come to your Majeſty's Hands, at the writing of yours; • for by them is manifeſted ſucceſſively by Degrées, that it is very unlike this Queen ſhall be in Caſe to diſpoſe of any thing regally; and every Day I ſee • inore and more to move me to think, that this people will leave her little Alz- thority to diſpoſe of any thing whatſoever ſhe could be perſwaded to. The Repair to this Town doth begin to be great, and Men which kept no Place of Counſellors, and yet of good Regard, do boldly and overtly by their Speech utter great Rigour and Extremity againſt their Sovereign, ſaying, It ſhall not ly in the Power of any within this Rcalm neither without, to keep her from condign Puniſhment for her notorious Crimes. I know not whe- ·ther the Lords and Counſellors do concur in Affection with thoſe which be do · Counſellors, and ſpeak ſo boldly ; I muſt needs confeſs in all their Conferences either together or apart with me, they fhew no ſuch Extremity : Notwith. ſtanding by the beſt Means that I can procure Intelligence to decypher all their Humours, and by mine own Collections upon Conferences with them, I find • the Matter likely to be brought to one of theſe four Iſſues ; of which to chule I ſee grear Variety among them. The Firſt and beſt is, to reſtore their Queen and Sovereign to her Liberty and Royal Eſtate, with Conditions and Capitulations for their Sureties ; for the puniſhing the Murder in all Perſous; for the Preſervation of the Prince ; for an effectual Divorce to paſs between • the Queen and Bothwell; and for the Eſtabliſhment of Religion. Which De- gree and End-making I find the Lord of Lidington (6) only (amongſt all the s reſt (a) Neceffery may be extended far enough; but the Queen of England did not now, nor for fome time hereafter, fee the Ne celliey they lay under to a& the ihameful Part which they did. This ſeems to be a very cover'd Exprellion. Original. C) For the Satisfaction of the Readers, and to make publick as many original Papers as conveniently may be, I have put in the Appendix, Numb, 23. a certain Scheme of Accommodation projected by this Gentleman, bearing Date roth Auguſt 1567 0 s 6 6 (b) Calig. C. 1. an Chap. XII. 421 Church and State in Scotland. 6 6 of Timeshat " reſt of Couoſellors which be here) affected unto, who (as God knoweth) is 1567. fortified with a very ſlender Company in this Opinion. in The next and Second Degree is, that the Queen ſhall abandon this Realm, . and remain either in France or in England, with Aſſurance of the Prince where ſhe remaineth, to perform the Conditions enſuing ; that is to ſay, To reſign all Government and Regal Authority to the Prince her Son, and to appoint under his Authority a Council of the Nobility and others to govern this Realm, and ſhe never to return hither again, nor to moleft or impeach the Authority of her Son, nor the Government in his Name. To this Opinion I find the Earl of Athole and his Followers only inclined ; albeit the Earl of Morton doth not ſeem to impugn it. · The Third End and Degree is, to proſecute Juſtice againſt the Quecn, to make her Proceſs, to condemn her, to crown the Prince, and to keep her in • Prifon all the Days of her Life within this Realm. To this Opinion there doth lean (as far as I can underſtand) both the moſt part of the Counſellors ' and a great many others. · The Laſt and worſt Degree of all is, not only to have the Queen's Proceſs • made, and her Condemnation publick, but alſo the Deprivation of her Eſtate and Life to enſue. A great Number do prefer this before the other next going • before, becauſe they fear they ſhall want fure Means to keep her alive in Pria fon; doubting Mutacion amongſt themſelves; doubting alio Coinmiferation ' of your Majeſty and other Princes; and likewiſe in proceſs of Time that her own People may have compaſſion I have inſiſted by the beſt Means I can to have the Firſt Degree take Place, aſſuring them that for their own Securities, Performance of Condi- tions and Capitulations, your Majeſty would give them good Aſſurance, and cauſe to be performed effectually what ſhall be contracted. I have ſaid allo, That I think the French King and the King of Spain • will beſt allow of this End, and likewiſe all the Princes of Chriſtendom. Notwithſtanding I find Perſwaſions will move them nothing ; and as for the Counſellors, they thake their Heads. And to tell your Majeſty the Truth, • I ſee no manner of Likelihood that any of the Two firſt Degrees will take Place with theſe Men : And becauſe they do ſo much lean to the Two laſt • Extremes, I have thus reaſoned with ſome of the Council and ſome of the learned Men (a). • It ſhall be convenient for them ſo to proceed, as that by their Doings they do not wipe away the Queen's Infamy, the Lord Bothwell's dereſtable Murder, and by their outragious and inordinate Dealings, bring all the Slan- • der upon chemielves, bring the Indignation of all the Princes of Chriſtendom upon them, and cancel the ill Speech that other Folks were charged withall • for Doings paſt, with the turning the whole by their ill Doings upon their own Heads. • I ſaid further, There was no ordinary Magiſtrare, no competent Judge nor Judges, no ſufficient Aſſembly nor Tribunal before whom their Queen • and Sovereign ſhould have her Proceſs made and her Cauſe adjudged , for • there was no ordinary Juſtice but they had their Authority derived from • the Authority of the Queen ; and it was to be thought the would not give Commiſſion againſt herſelf. And to abuſe the Great Seal, co make any Com- • miſſion, to borrow her Name without her Conſent and Warrant, to make a. 'ny Proceſs, and to abuſe her Title, was inſufficient and High Treaſon. 'I was anſwered, In extraordinary Enormities and monſtruous Doings, there • hath been and muſt be extraordinary Proceedings (6). It was ſaid the States of the Realm and People aſſembled might in this Caſe be competent Judges, whereof they had in their own Country fundry Experiences in criminal Of. fences committed by their Princes : And there was recited unto me fundry Examples (a) Of which fort no doubt Buchanan and Knox were principal Leaders. (b) The ſame kind of Argumentation may be ſeen in Buchanan's ſatyrical Detection. 6 6 5.O 422 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 6 1567. • Examples forth of their own Hiſtories; grounded (as they faid) upon their own · Laws (a); but I believe it was but Practices (b). They ſaid, if there were o no Law written for new Offences, and for ſuch Perſons as the good World paſt could not think would be fo evil, and therefore provided no peoal Pro- • viſion; they ſaid, new Offences did in all States occaſion new Laws and new · Puniſhments . All this as yet taketh little Place, nor moveth them any thing at all to change their opinions. As yet by no means it will not be accorded unto, that I ſhall have Acceſs to the Queen : Neither hath Nicholas Elphinſton, who was ſent from my · Lord of Murray, Liberty to repair unto her. · This Day being at Mr. Knox’s Sermon, who took a piece of the Scripture forth of the Books of the Kings, and did invcigh vehemently againſt the Queen, and perſwaded Extremities towards her by Application of his Text. · I did after the Sermon move ſuch of the Council as were preſent, to perſwade • the Lords to adviſe the Preachers not to intermedle with the End of theſe • Matters, until they were reſolved among themſelves what they were minded to do ; for otherwiſe, the Miniſters going on fo rigorouſly (as they did in • their daily Preachings) might fo draw the Multitude from them and their Re- • ſolutions, that though among themſelves they would make Choice of ſome · reaſonable End, yet they ſhould not be able to bring it to pafs, the People being once by the Preachers Arguments and Perlwaſions fettled another way (c). It is fit that your Majeſty know and be perſwaded, that the Power to diſ- poſe of the Prince doth reſt and is like to reſt in theſe Lords Hands, ſo as • the Bargain that your Majeſty is to make for him muſt be compaſſed by theſe Mens Favours and Capitulations. And whereas your Majeſty might perceive by ſome of my former Adver- • tiſements, that the Opinion of the Lord of Lidington was, that I ſhould in . no means ſpeak on your Majeſty's Behalf publickly, neither privately to a- ny Man but himſelf, of having the Prince into England ; I do find he is of the ſame Mind ſtill, and yet he hath yeſterday had tome private Conference thereof with the Earl of Athole, whom he hath found (as the L.of Lidington telleth me) better inclined to conſent thereunto upon honourable Conditions, than he either looked for or did believe. This much the L. of Lidington faid further unto me, That ſurely your Majeſty had taken a very ill way to · have theſe Men at your Devotion, ſpecially becauſe the Earl of Murray and others in their Troubles, and ſince, had found cold Relief and ſmall Favour • at your Majeſty's Hands. And now to impair the Caſe, your Majeſty hath • ſent me hither ſpecially to procure the Queen's Liberty, which Matter was moſt odious and dangerous to them which had dealt in this Acicu, conſider: ing that the other Things which your Majeſty deſired could not be perform- ed, if this went before ; concluding that it was a Device to enrrap them, and to leave them to the Mercy of the Queen and Bothwell. He faid alſo, That your Majeſty might conſider how unable they were, * without fome Aid of Money, either to maintain their Proceedings, to defend • the Prince, to preſerve themſelves, and be in cafe to gratify your Majeſty and your Realm with any thing; which they had declared both by Writing and Meſſage, and yet your Majeſty would not give Ear thereunto. He ſaid further, For the good Will I bear the Queen and the Realm of England, I would I had been baniſhed my Country for ſeven Years with ſmall (a) Defiance may be given to any Man for producing one Inſtance of this kina through any part of the Scottiſh Hiſtory. If an Inſtance be adduced during the Reign of the Kings preceeding Fergus 11. it muſt reft upon the Adducer of ſuch Inſtances to anſwer, in the firſt place, the Difficulties thrown in the way concerning thofe Kings by the Author of the Critical Esſay on the ancient Inhabitants of Scotland; as likewiſe his Obſervation concerning the Act of Parliament 1491-2, in the Caſe of K. James III. (6) A very juſt and neceſſary Diſtinction. Practice is one thing; but Law is quite different. No Nation perhaps can free themſelves from treaſonable Conſpiracies; but no Nation did ever enact a Law for putting Hands into the Perſons of their Sove- a eigns. To infer Right from Faèt, is a plain way to prove any thing whatſoever to be both right and wrong 'Tis more than probable that a great many of this Queen's Misfortunes took Riſe from that Quarter. Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 423 6 1 6 fmall Relief, on the Condition the Queen your Miſtreſs had dealt liberally 1567. · and friendly with theſe Lords ; for now they do conclude amongſt them- ur felves, that howſoever the Caſe falleth out, they ſhall find little Support or Favour at your Majeſty's Hands more than fair Words. And yet they think you are rather diſpoſed to beſtow them to their Prejudice than to their Ad- vantage. I do aſſure you (ſaid he) with the beſtowing of ten or twelve thou- • fand Crowns now at the Beginning, her Majeſty might have brought to paſs thoſe Things which the French could not do with the ſpending of a hundred ' thouſand Crowns, nor peradventure will not be eaſily brought to paſs herc- after by your ſelves. And to the End your Majeſty may ſee whar Courſe o theſe people do take, and how they be bent, I have ſent you herewith a Dialogue made in Metre, publiſhed and ſent abroad into all Parts, and regi. • ſtred as it were in every Man's Heart, and uttered by every Man's Mouth, reſerving the Counſellors which ſpeak with Rcipect. This Ballad was printed • two Days paſt, which I did omit of purpoſe to ſend by my laſt ; but now finding they be ſo univerſally publiſhed, even as it were to work a Concur- rence in all Mens Minds, I have thought meet to ſend your Majeſty one of them, that thereby your Majeſty inay perceive what End they tend unto. I do find there is like to be ſomewhat ado about the Satisfaction of the Hamiltons and their friends, both for the Succeſſion of this Crown and the Tutlethip of the Prince, and Governance of the Realm; about which Matters • the Lawyers and Noblemen according to their Partialities be divided. Some do hold Opinion by Law (and do deſire to have it ſo) that the Earl of Le- ' nox's Son living ſhall inherit this Crown, if the young Prince die without If. ſue, the ſaid Crown being inveſted in the Prince, and in his real Poſſeſſion. Durus eft hic fermo to the Hamiltons ; for they cannot ſuffer this by a. ny means. Touching the Tutor to the Prince and Governor of the Realm in his Mi- · nority, this is taken to be the Opinion of the beſt learned in the Law, that • this Charge and Prerogative doth duly appertain to the Earl of Lenox . The Reaſon is this, He the ſaid Earl is next agnatus to the Prince capable of ſuch Charge, becauſe of the maſculine Line, which is preferred in theſe Reſpects before the Duke of Chaſtelberault's which is cognatus, and excluded be- • cauſe of the intermarrying of two Women whereof he is deſcended. Theſe • Matters have been in Deliberation one Day among the Counſellors, and, as I learn, therewith they be greatly perplexed : But I am much deceived, in cafe . the Queen be either deprived or do miſcarry, neither the Duke of Chaſtelhe- • rault nor the Earl of Lenox ſhall have either the Governance of the Prince or of the Realm, but the ſame ſhall be committed to the Perſons named in my laſt Advertiſements. . Since the writing of the Premiſſes, the Lords have accorded to Mr. Nicho- las Elphinſton Leave to repair to Lochlevin, to the Queen, from my Lord of Murray, and to declare unto her his Commiſſion. · Theſe Lords have ſent unto me, ſince the writing of the Premiſſes, by Ro- bert Melvil, ſaying, That the L. of Lidington ſhould have come unto me, had it not been that he is occupied about this great Aſſembly, to confer with the wiſeſt and beſt choſen of them upon what Heads they ſhall intreat. The ſaid Robert Melvil ſaid unto me, on Behalf of the Lords, That your Ma- jeſty had ſent them Word by him in the Preſence of ſome of your Council (a), That I ſhould have Commiſſion to aid them in their Action with Money, and alſo Power to conclude with them in maintaining of ſuch their Pro- ceedings as tended to the Preſervation of the Prince, to the Puniſhment of the Murderers, and for their own Surety ; wherewith your Majeſty conjoin- ed the Liberty of the Queen. 5 0 2 8 $ 6 I ans (a) Mt. Melvil was in England at the Time of the Queen's Misfortune, fent thither by her Majeſty with Inkrudions to notify bier Marriage with the Duke of Orkney, as hath been obſerved already. 424 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. I anſwered, Such Commiſſion as your Majeſty had given me I had utter- ed unto them, the 15th of this Month, whereunto as yet they had given me no Anſwer, but had delayed me upon the Repair of their Aſſociates. Robert • Melvil faid, Such a Sum of Money as the Lords deſired would have preſent- • ly ſtand them in great Stead, and ſhould have done the Queen's Majeſty • little Harm; and ſure I am in the End her Majeſty ſhould have received the • beſt Commodity. He ſaid further unto me, I will ſpeak to you as of my • felf. I would be ſorry theſe Lords ſhould be ſo much ar any other Prince's Devotion, as at the Queen your Sovereign’s ; but I ſee they are determined • to make very hard Shifts rather than they will prefs her Majeſty again for Money, ſeeing that of herſelf ſhe will not conſider their Caſe. It is (laid he) a great Charge unto them to live here in this Town, to entertain lo many Men of War, both here and in other places, and to have ſo little Means to de fray the Expences as they have. I anſwered unto him, That I had proponed amongſt divers Things, to know what Pleaſure and Benefit reciprocally your Majeſty might have at their Hands for any Charge you ſhould beſtow upon them, whereunto thcy had made me no Anſwer. Robert Melvil faid, I will thew them what you ſay ; but I think the L. of Lidington will come and confer with you this Night. Now that your Majeſty ſeeth the State of the World here, it may pleale you to give me Direction with convenient Specd, how I may proceed in all Things upon all Events. Thus Almighty God preſerve your Majeſty in per- • fect Health, Increaſe of Honour and happy Felicity. At Edinburgh 'the * 19th of July 1567. Your Majeſty's moſt humble, faithful, obedient Servant and Subject, N. THROCKMORTON . A ſecond Letter to the Queen of Eng. land by her 6 Another Letter from Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, To the Queen of England, 25th July 1567 (a). TT T may pleaſe your Majeſty : The Earls of Glencairn and Mar, the Lords Sempil, Ochiltree, and the Maſter of Graham, accompanied with many · Gentlemen of the Weſt of this Realm to the Number of two hundred Horſes, Miniſter here.. arrived in this Town the 23d of this Month; fo did the Lord Lindſay alſo, being ſent for by theſe Lords from Lochlevin. The ſame Day all the Lords and others of beſt Quality had Conference together concerning their . Proceedings with the Qucen their Sovereign ; and, · as I can learn by aſſured Intelligence, this was among them reſolved, That the • Lord Lindſay ſhould this Day, being the 24th, accompanied with Robert Melvil, repair to the Queen, and have in Charge to declare unto her, That the Lords here aſſembled conſidering her former Misbehaviours, as well in the Government of the Realm as in her own Perſon (the Particularities of both which Miſgovernments they would forbear to touch, for Reſpect they had to • her Honour) could not permit her any longer to put the Realm in Peril by her Diſorders, which were ſuch and ſo many as they could not think meer that ſhe ſhould any more ſtand charged with the Governance of the Realm ; and there- · fore they did require and adviſe her to accord quietly, and thereto to give her Conſent, that her Son the Prince might be crowned their King and Sove- reign; and alſo by her Aſſignment, that a Council might be appointed and e- ſtabliſhed to govern the Realm in his Name : And thus doing, they would endeavour themſelves to ſave borh her Life and Honour, both which other. • wife ſtood in great Danger. And further, it was reſolved, That in caſe this Queen would not be con- formable to their Motions, then her Liberty should be reſtrained to more • Straitncls. (a) Calig. C. 1. an Original. 6 G in other Chap. XII. 425 Church and State in Scotland. & 6 6 · Straitneſs, and the Ladies, Gentlewomen and Gentlemen which be about her 1567. to be ſequeſtred from her. And as far as I can underſtand in this caſe of the Queen’s Refuſal to theſe their Demands, they mind to proceed both with · Violence and Force, as well for the Coronation of the Prince, as for the O. verchrow of the Queen. • At this preſent, the Counteſs of Murray, Wife to the Earl of Murray, is with the Queen at Lochlevin. Your Majeſty might by my former Diſpatches perceive how I had preſſed • theſe Lords to have Acceſs to the Queen, and likewiſe to have their Anſwer to all ſuch Matters as on your Majeſty's Behalf I had propounded unto them. So have I again ſince the Repair of theſe other Lords to this Town, moved to have Audience. · The Lord Lindſay departed this Morning froin this Town to Lochlevin, accompanied with Robert Melvil: He carrieth with him three Inſtruments ' to be ſigned by the Queen. The One containing her Conſent to have her Son crowned, and to relinquiſh the Government of the Realm (a). The Other is a Commiſſion of Regency of the Realm to be granted to the Earl • of Murray during the King's Minority. The Third is a like Commiſſion to • be granted to certain of the Nobility and others for the Governance of the • Realm during the King's Minority, in caſe the Earl of Murray will not ac- cept the Regency alone (b). The Earl of Argile hath an Aſſembly of the principalleſt of his Country at this preſent, to take Advice of them for his Behaviour in theſe Actions. 6. Theſe Lords have ſent a ſpecial Meſſenger unto him, to require him either to repair to this Town unto them, or to his Houſe named Caſtle-Campbell in the · Fife (c). The Hamiltons, as I learn, be quiet, and ſeem to impugn nothing of thele Lords Doings. The Earl of Huntly in the North is quiet alſo. So as theſe Men may go on with what pleaſes them. • In this Convention of the Shires and Churches, this hath been as yer pro- poned amongſt them, To eſtabliſh the Religion by fome effectual Decree; To reſtore the Miniſters to the Thirds, which the Queen did refuine into her own Hands; To aboliſh Papiſtry and Maſs-ſaying through the whole Realm without reſpect of Perſons; which Article to put in Ure, they mind or it be 5 P • long (a) In the firſt Reſolve concerning the Queen, Crawford's MS. ſays, it was decerned tliat (ke fhould remain in Captivity - during her Life, and tranſport her Authority to the young Prince, to the end that they might rule as they liſt without any “ Controulment of lawful Authority, which [ Anarchy] continued many Years." (6) Sir James Melvil, Mem. p. 85. ſays, that " after his Brother Sir Robert bad refuſed flatly to medle in that Matter, the - Lords were minded to ſend the Lord Lindſay firſt to uſe fair Perſwalions; and in caſe he could not ſpeed that way, they were os reſolved to enter in harder Terms. The Earl of Athole, Mar, Secretary Maitland and Grange, who loved her Majeſty, ad- e vifed my Brother to tell her the Verity, and how that any thing ſhe did in Priſon could not prejudge her, being once again « at Liberty. 'He anſwered, he would give no fuch Advice as coming from him[elf, but he thould tell it as the Opinion of thote c he knew to be her true Friends. But ſhe refuſed utterly to follow that Advice, till the heard that the Lord Lindſay was at the 6c new Houſe at the Shore, coming in, and in a very boaſting Manner; and then ſhe yielded to the Neceflity of the Time, and o told my Brother, that ſhe would not ſtrive with them, lecing it could do her no Harm when ſhe was at Liberty: So at o my Lord Lindſay's coming the ſubſcribed the Signature of Renunciation and Dimiſſion of the Government,” Bp. Leſlie in his Negotiations narrates much the ſame Things with Sir James; and adds: “ The like Advertiſement was made to her by Sir Ni- « cholas Throckmorton Ambaſſador for the Queen of England, then Reſident at Edinburgh, by his Letters by the ſame Melfen- ger (Robert Melvil] and conveyed in the Scabbard of his Sword, adviſing her to ſatisfy their Deſire, affirming the ſame would << never hurt her, being done in Priſon and for fear of her Life, which he would teſtify and avow to the Queen his Miltreis and s all other Princes, in reſpećt of the Determination taken againſt her, to the which he was privy, and therefore the being mo- « ved with theſe Cauſes of juſt Fear, with many Tears and weeping ſet her Hand to all Letters that was preſented by the Lord • Lindſay, never reading what was written or contained within them; and farther faid at the fame Time, that whenfoever God o thould put her to Liberty, ſhe would not abide thereat, for it was done againſt her Will.". The Abp. Sportiſwood mentions likewiſe a I etter from Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, declaring exprefly that no Reſignation made in the Time of her Captivity would be of Force, but was null in Law becauſe done out of a juſt Fear. " Which (this Prelate ſays) the Queen having conſidered with « herſelf a while, without reading any one of the Writs preſented, flie fet her Hand to the fame, the Tears running down in « abundance from her Eyes." And Crawforil's MS. ſays, “They went to eſtabliſh a Prince of Blood Royal, under the thadow “ of whoſe Wings in Minority they ſhould convey all to their own Purpoſe ------ And to the Effect it ſhould ſeem to have " the better Succels, and that the ſubjects of all Degrees should make no Obſtacle of the contrary, they directed their Mellage " to their captive Princeſs, deſiring her to allow of that their Purpoſe; which ihe, being in that Cáſc, neither could nor duritre “ fuſe. For the Meſſenger was commanded (in cafe ſhe ſhould refuſe it) to denounce Punishment and Death unto her for the “ Murder of her lawful Husband King Henry. She therefore conſidering with herſelf that her Refuſal could profit nothing, de. “ liberated to yield to their Purpoſe, and ſubſcribed her Aſſent thereunto, not of any free will, but as I have ſaid.” Mr. Knox and ſome others take notice, that the Lord Ruthven went likewiſe to the Queen, in order to preſs her ſubſcribing theſe Writs: And it has been ſaid, that both theſe Lords made uſe of moſt barbarous Menaces, to induce hier Majeſty to a Compliance. (6) It does not appear his Lordſhip obeyed either of theſe Demands. 1 426 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 6 6 1567. long to proceed firſt againſt the Biſhop of St. Andrew's, and then confequent- ly againſt all other Billiops and Men of his Faction. The Aſſembly (a) alſo hath made Requeſt, that the Murder of the late King may be ſeverely puniſhed, according to the Laws of God, according to • the Practices of their own Realm, and according to the Laws which they call • Jus Gentium, without reſpect of any Perſon. I do perceive if theſc Men cannot by fair Means induce the Qucen to their Purpoſe, they mean to charge her with theſe three Crimes, that is to ſay, Tyranny, for Breach and Violation of their Laws and Decrees of the Realm, as well that which they call Common Laws as their Statute Laws; and namely, the Breach of thoſe Statutes which were enacted in her Abſence, and • confirmed by Monf. de Randam and Monf. d'Ofell in the French King her Husband's Name and hers. Secondly, They mean to charge her with Incontinency, as well with the Earl Bothwell as with others, having (as they ſay) ſufficient Proof againſt her · for this Crime (6). Therdly, They mean to charge her with the Murder of her Husband, whereof (they jay) they have as apparent Proof againſt her as may be, as • well by the Teſtimony of her own Hand-writing, which they have recover- ed, as alſo by ſufficient Witpeſles. • It may pleaſe your Majeſty, upon my Requeſt made in the Morning the 24th of this Month, to have Conference with the Lords, the fame Day about . Four of the Clock in the Afternoon, the Lord Graham Heir to the Earl of Montroſe, the Lord Ruthven (c), and the L. of Lidington, came unto me · from the Lords, and deſired me to repair to the Tolbooth, where being af. ſembled, they deſired to have Conference with me. Whereupon, accompanied with the foreſaid Lords, I went thither ; there I found theſe Lords (whoſe Names I ſend your Majeſty in a Schedule) ſet about a long Table, and round about them a great Number of Barons and Gentle- men (whoſe Names I do omit to makc Mention of) to the Number of Forty, • beſtow'd upon Seats. At my coming in they did all riſe ; and after I had faluted and embraced ſuch as I had not ſeen before, we ſat down. Then the L. of Lidington and the Earl Morton required me to declare unto that Al- ſembly fuch Matters as I had to open on your Majeſty's Behalf unto them, and ſuch as I had declared unto ſome of them at my laſt Conference. Then · I did deliver unto them all the Points of your Majeſty's Inſtructions, which you gave me in Charge to open unto the ſaid Lords, preſſing earneſtly the Enlargement of the Queen, and their Permiſſion to let me have Acceſs unto her. I was anſwered by the L. of Lidington, who (after ſecret Conference had · with the Earl of Morton at the Board's End) ſaid thus unto me, My Lord Ambaſſador, To Part of theſe Matters which you have opened on your So. vereign's Behalf, the Lords have already three Days paſt anſwered you; and . for the reſt, the Lords do pray you to have Patience, that they may conſult upon them, moſt of this Aſſembly not having heard till now what you had • in Charge to ſay unto them. Whercupon I retired my ſelf accompanied with the fame Lords which brought me thither. It may pleaſe your Majeſty, betwixt Ten and Eleven in the Night, the L. of Lidington came to my Lodging, and declared unto me fummarly on Be- • half of the Lords ſuch Matter as the Writing herein cloſed doth contain, and · after delivered me the ſaid Writing for the Help (he ſaid) of my Memory, So as your Majeſty may perceive, fay I what I can, theſe Men are determined to fee an Ifiue of their Reſolutions. Thus Almighty God preſerve your Ma- jeſty 6 6 3 Ć Ć · (a) The Proceedings of this Aſſembly of the Kirk íhail be narrated in their proper Place. (6) I don't remember that ever any Charge was exhibited againſt her, except with the Earl of Bothwell. (c) From this 'tis clear that the Lord Ruthven went not to the Queen at this Time, when the Inſtruments were preſented to be ſigned by her. Chap. XII. 427 Church and State in Scotland. jeſty in Health, Honour and all Felicity. At Edinburgh the 25th of 1567, July 1567 Your Majeſty's moſt humble, faithful, obedient Servant and Subject, N. THROCKMORTON. WE Affociarors give in a for. Ambalador. The Paper here mentioned by Sir Nicholas to have been delivered to hirti by the Laird of Lethington, containing the Anſwer of the Lords Aſſociators to the Declaration made by him to them in Name of the Queen of England; is this that followerh. The Lords fecond Anſwer to Sir Nicholas Throckinorton, July 24th 1567 (a). E underſtand by that brief Declaration it has pleaſed you to make unto The Scottiſh; us upon the Queen's Majeſty your Maiſtreſs's Behalf, in general, of 6 the Heads whereupon you have Commandment to confer with the Queen's mal Anſwer Highneſs our Soverain, that the Sum of the whole conſiſteth in two Points, to the Engliſho The Firſt is to lay out plainly before her the Defaults of her Marriage, " and other her Doings, whereof your Maiſtriſs has a miſliking. Whilk Head as it mon on Force be grievous unto her, ſo the other bearing with it • a Commiſeration of her preſent Trouble, and a ſpecial Care to ſee the ſame te redreſs’d, will be to her, as the Caſe now ſtands, comfortable. We are not ſo inhumane that we would wiſh her Majeſty to lack Comfort, yet does do the preſent Eſtate require that good Confideration be had, how, after what " fort, and by whom ſhe be comforted; otherwiſe that Office whilk ſhall be « uſed for her Commodity, may hurt her and us all. We are about to give her Majeſty good Advice, and ſome are already in hand with it ; whereunto 6 if ſhe will give good Ear, it ſhall be to the great Commodity of herſelf, her « Son the Prince, and this haill Reali. Albeit we are fully aſſured, thar yé being the Queen's Miniſter, and admitted to her Preſence, will do na Office -- but that whilk is honourable for your Maiſtreſs, and according to your Charge ſhall appear unto you ſafe for, us; yet we have good Cauſe, upon co reafonable Confiderations worthy to be foreſeen of us, to doubr, that if the so ſhould ſuddenly receive any Comfort at your Hands, or conceive of your Speech any thing tending to that End, by conſtruing the leaſt of your Words to her Advantage, whilk otherwiſe we have good Hope the wald altogether “ follow; whereby, contrary to the Queen your Maiſtreſs's Deſire, ye ſhould is do her Highneſs Harm (b), Prejudice to our Cauſe, and bring no Part of or that to paſs wherefore we underſtand you chiefly to be fetit. And therefore " we mon pray you, not only your ſelf to take in Patience, but alſo defire the « Queen your Maiſtreſs to bear with us the Delay of a ſhort Time, whilk mon - be ſpent in treating with her Majeſty, to ſee if by good Advices we may bring her to fome Conformity, whereunto we truſt God ſhall incline her · Heart. And if the ſame may take good Succeſs (as we hope,) it ſhall be ſafeſt de for her Highneſs and us all, and we doubt not beſt content the Queen your ** Maiſtreſs" (c). AS 5 P2 (a) Calig. C. I. a Copy. (6) Theſe are kindly People: They look much to the Advantage of their Sovereign. But the great Misfortune is, all their Care of her is to keep her deſtitute of all Help, and to force her into a Compliance with their Impoſitions. The World will be now able to judge of the Sincerity of theſe Mens Declarations, at and after the Time they firſt began to take up Arms. If we could then have given Credit to them, it was only Bothwell they fought after, and to deliver her Majeſty from His Thraldom. Alas chat Men thould have ſo little Ingenuity! (c) The following Lift, i fuppoſe, is made of thoſe that gave in this Anſwer, or whom Throckmorton found met in the Tol booth. See his foregoing Letter. Barons of the Parliament, The Earl of Athol, Earl of Morton, Earl of Glencairn, Earl of Marre, Maſter of Montrose, called Lord Grahame, Heir to the Earl of Montroſe; Lord Hume, Lord Ruthven, Lord Creighton of Sanquhar, Lord Sempill, Lord Enermeith, Lord Ochiltree, L. Craigmillar Proveſt of Edinburgh; the Conimendator of Driburgh, the Com mendator of Cambuskenneth, Mr. James Macgill. This Lift is alſo taken from the Cotton Library. 428 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. As 'tis very much to be hoped that my Readers have not taken in bad Part the preceeding circumſtantiated Accounts of the Engliſh Ambaſſador’s Nego- tiation and Behaviour hitherto with the Lords Aſſociators; fo may I preſune that they'll receive with no leſs Satisfaction the following Letter by the Queen of England to her faid Ambaſſador. Letter from 6 the Queen of England to her Amballa. dor. T 6 Queen's Majeſty's Letter to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton in Scotland, 27th July 1567 (a). Ruſty and well-beloved, we greet you well: Be your Letters of the 21ſt of this Month we have at good length perceived what Anſwer you have at length received in Writing at the Hands of the Lord of Liding- • ton from fuch of the Lords as be there aſſembled at Edinburgh ; by which well conſidered, we are very ſorry to ſee the Matters growing into ſuch Ex- tremity, as we cannot well bear without plain Reprehenſion of that which we find therein amiſs. And therefore our further Pleaſure is, you ſhall continue · in Proſecution of your firſt Charge, to procure the Liberty of the Queen, and to have Licence to ſpeak with her, to the Intent ſhe may underſtand how • much we miſlike her Doings, and thereby to induce her for to accord to that which ſhall be moſt to the Safety of her Honour and Quietneſs of her Realm for ſo we have from the Beginning (as you know) reſolved to proceed ho- nourably betwixt her and her People. And now conſidering theſe Lords have ſo long delayed you from Anſwer, and the fame being given, contain- eth nothing but colourable Defences of their own Doings, and that they have ' not licenſed you to deal with the Queen ; we are moved to miſlike their whole Actions. And ſo we will have you declare it unto them in this Man. ncr following: • Firſ, Howſoever good Words aud Thanks they give us in their Writings, we do not think our ſelves well uſed, in that they have ſo long delayed to give you Anſwer, being ſent thither, as our Ambaſſador, to be a Mediator betwixt the Queen their Sovereign and them, as well for their Weal as hers; • and to procure reaſonable Means for the Puniſhment of the Murder and Pre- · fervation of their Prince, as any of them can in good Order and Duty require. . And we take it for no reaſonable Excuſe, that the Abſence of ſome who for ſmailer Cauſes might reſort and uſually do reſort to that Place, you have • been hitherto deferred, and yet is delayed to reſort to the Queen: A Matter, you may ſay in our Name, that breedeth in us fome Suſpicion (6) in their Actions; for otherwiſe they need to ſtay your Repair unto her, conſidering · that you have plainly affirmed unto them, that our Intention is to allow and · aſſiſt the Proſecution of the Murder and Preſervation of the Prince, which be the two principal Foundations as they profeſs and publiſh) of their whole Actions (c). Wherefore you ſhall require them, as they will regard their · Duties to God, and their Eſtimations to the World, that they be better ad- • viſed how to proceed any further in this fort as they ſeem to continue : For you ſhall plainly declare unto them. That if they ſhall determine any thing • to the Deprivation of the Queen their Sovereign Lady of her Royal Eſtate, . we are well aſſured of our own Determination, and we have fome juſt and probable Cauſe to think the like of other Princes of Chriſtendom, that we will make our felves a plain Party againſt them, to the Revenge of their Sove. reign, for Example to all Poſterity (d). And therein we doubt not but God will affiſt us, and confound them and their Devices, conſidering they have no · Warrant nor Authority by the Law of God or Man to be as Superiors, Judges or Vindicators over their Prince and Sovereign, howſoever they do gather (a) Calig. C. 1. a Copy. 6) The Suſpicion was indeed very flagrant in every step of their Conduct. (6) But Profeſſion is one Thing, and Practice another; whereof the wiſe Queen of England could not be ignorant. (d) Perhaps the Aſſociators might have had ſome Inkling of the Engliſh Queen's Determination, and that has made them to deſirous of obtaining what they called a voluntary Demiflion from their own Sovereign. < Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 429 1 6 gather or conceive Matter of Diſorder againſt her. And therein, we require 15673 them to appeal to their own Conſciences, what Warrant they have in Scri- pture, being Subjects, to depoſe cheir Prince; but contrary, and thar with ex- preſs Words in St. Paul, who to the Romans, commanded them to obey Po. teſtatibus fupereminentioribus gladium geftantibus (a), although it is well known that Rulers in Rome were then Infidels ? Or what Law they find " written in any Monarchy chriſtian, how and what ſort Subjects ſhall take · and arreſt the Perſon of their Princes, commit and detain them in Captivity, proceed againſt them by Proceſs and Judgment, as we are well aſſured no ſuch · Order is to be found in the whole Civil Law? And if they have no Wara • rant by Scripture or Law, and yet can find out for their Purpoſe fome Ex- amples, as we hear be feditious Ballads they put in Prinr, they would pre- rend; we muſt juftly account thoſe Examples to be unlawful, and Acts of Rebellion : Aud foʻif the Stories be well weighed, the Succeſs will prove them (b). You ſhall ſay, that this may ſuffice to ſuch as do pretend to be • carried in their Actions by Authority either of Religion or of Juſtice. And as to others that for particular Reſpect look only to their own Surety, it were well done, before they proceeded any further, they did well conſider · how to ſtay where they be, and to deviſe how to make Surety of their Doings already paſt, than to increaſe their Peril by more dangerous Doings to fol- low. And yet generally we do yield unto them, that for Things already paſt which cannot be revoked, we will be the Means to appeaſe all Contro- • verſies, and doubt not but, if they will give you Acceſs to her, to induce · her to accord hereto. In this ſort our Meaning is you ſhould anſwer them, • and by the way, for ſatisfying their Objections which be amplified in their Anſwer, you may aſſure them, we fo deteft and abhor the Murder commit- • ted upon our Couſin their King, and miſlike as much as any of them the Marriage of the Queen our Siſter with Bothwell. But herein we diſſent from • them, that we think it not lawful nor tolerable for them, being by God's · Ordinance Subjects, to call her, who alſo by God's Ordiuance is their Supe- rior and Prince, to anſwer to their Accufations by way of Force; for we do not think it conſonant in Nature the Head ſhould be ſubject to the Foor. · And becauſe we have found by ſome of your Letters heretofore, that ſome of theſe Lords that now concur in theſe Actions, do note us to have been · fomewhat cold in our Amity towards them in their Diſtreſs, amongſt which we note the Earl of Morton one, and that ſome others of them pretend that our Favours heretofore ſhewed, were for particular Reſpects of our own, or • at leaſt did concern them: We think it good that as ye fee Time and Occa- fion, both the one and the other may be herein anſwered. Firſt, The Earl of Morton had Refuge in our Realm when we might have delivered him to · Death, as his Father alſo and Uncle had before with no ſmall Favour at our • Father's Hands, and he himſelf was reſtored to his Pardon for gratifying us, • upon Inſtance made by our Order at the Earl of Bedford's being with the Queen. And as to others which pretend to have had no Intereſt in our for- mer Favours, for delivering of that Realm from the Tyranny of the French; • You may well anſwer them, That the Fruit of our Charges therein thewed, we think they do find and have found unto this Day to concern them as much • as others which did then ſolicite us. And becauſe we ſee a general Courſe • taken in debating with you, that this our manner of ſeeking the Queen's Li- berty, and our not aiding of them at this preſent with Money whilſt ſhe is in Captivity, is likely to draw them to link themſelves after their old manner · with France ; You ſhall ſay, We doubt not but if they do conſider of Things heretofore paſt which have followed upon their partial Band, they themſelves for their Country ſhall have as great Cauſe to miſlike thereof as we 5 5 Q 6 for 6 (a) i. e. Obey ſovereign and ſuperior Powers that bear the Sword. 6) The Queen of England ſpeaks here both like a wiſe Woman and grcat Princeſs: The Stories they pretended for Examples were certainly nothing elſe but Acts of Rebellion, for which theſe, nor no other Men, could ever produce any Law whatſoever. 430 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book T. 6 Inſtrument M ef- Princc her Son, 1567. · for ours: And yet if it were otherwiſe for us to think thereof, we cannot, nor will, for reſpect of our particular Profit at this Time, be induced to con- ſent to that which we cannot in Conſcience like or allow ; but ſhall remit the Conſequence thereof (as we have done many ſuch like Things touching our Eſtate) to the good Will and Favour of Almighty God, at whoſe Hands we • have found no Lack in the doing or omitting of any thing whereunto our Conſcience hath induced us. Laſtly, For Anſwer to your Letter, requiring to know our Pleaſure what you Thall do if you be required to be preſent at the Coronation of the • Prince (a) : We think, knowing our Mind in all this Action as you do, that you will not by any ſuch Act affirm their Doings. And for your bet- ter Satisfaction, we do prohibite you to aſſent thereto by any means.” By Sir Nicholas Throckmorton's preceeding Letter of the 25th July, we come to know that the Lord Lindſay had gone to Lochlevin and carried a- long with him three Inſtruments, already drawn up by the aſſociated Rebels, in order to procure the Queen's Aſſent and Subſcription. And now before we proceed farther in that Gentleman's Negotiation, the Thread of our Hiſtory and the Series of Affairs will require that theſe ſeveral Inſtruments be laid be- fore the Readers, together with ſuch other Things as have a natural and neceſ. fary Dependence on that great Occurrence: They were as follow; Arie be the Grace of GOD Quene of Scottis, To all and findrie our by the Queen Jugeis and Miniſteris of Law, Liegis and Subjectis quhome it conftituting cventual Re feiris, to qubais Knawlege thir our Letteris fall cum, Greting ; FORSA- gents to the MEKLE as be lang, irkjum and tedious Travell takin be us in the Go- vernement of this our Realme, and Liegis thairof, we ar ſa vexit and weryit that our Body, Spirité and Sencis ar altogidder becum unhabill langer to travell in that Rowme. And thairfore we have dimittit and re- nuncit the Office of Governement of this our Realme, and Liegis thairof, in favouris of our onlie maiſt deir Sone, native Prince of this our Realme. And becauſe of his tender Zouth, and Inhabilitie to uſe the ſaid Governe- ment in his awin Perſoun, during his Minoritie, we have conſtitute our derreſt Brother James Erle of Murray, Lord Abirnethie, &c. Regent to our Said Sone, Realme and Liegis foirfaidis. And in reſpect that our faid der- reſt Brother is actuallie furth of our Realme, and cannot inſtantlie be pre- ſent to accept the ſaid Office of Regentrie upon him, and uſe and exercé the Samin during our faidis derreſt Sonis Minoritie: We quhill his returning within our Realme, or in cais of his Deceis, have maid, conſtitute, namit, appointit and ordanit, and be thir our Letteris makis, conſtitutis, namis; appointis and ordanis our traift Couſingis and Counfallouris, James Duke of Chartellerault, Erle of Arrane, Lord Hammiltoun ; Matho Erle of Levinax, Lord Dernley, &c. Archibald Erle of Argyle, Lord Campbell and Lorne, &c. Johne Erle of Athole, James Erle of Mortoun, Alexander Erle of Glencarne, and Johne Erle of Mar, Regentis to our ſaid derreſt Sone, Realme and Liegis. And in cais our ſaid Brother James Erle of Murray, cum within our Realme, and refufis to accept the ſaid Office of Regentrie upon his fingulare Perfoun; We mak, conſtitute, name, appoint and ordeine our traiſt Couſingis and Counfallouris foirfaidis, and our ſaid Brother, Regentis of our faid deir Sone, Realme and Liegis. Gevand, grantand and committand to thame, or ony Fyve of thame, conjunctlie, full Powar for our faid Sone, and in his Name to reſave Reſignatiounis of Landis, mak Diſpoſitiounis of Wairdis, Nonentrefjis, Relevis, Mariageis, Beneficeis, Eshetis, Officis, and utheris Caſualiteis and Privilegeis qubat fumever concerning the ſaid Office, Signa. touris thairupoun to mak, ſubſcrive, and cauſe be paſt throuch the Seillis. And (a) By this 'tis apparent the Aſſociators had talked to the Engliſh Miniſter concerning the ſetting up the Prince for King, as a Thing they intended to perform. Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 431 MA the Queen's Demiffion in And to uſe and exerce the ſaid Office of Regentrie in all Thingis, Privilegeis 1567. and Commoditeis, ficlyke as frelie, and with als greit Libertie, as ony Re- Cru gent or Governour to us, or our Predeceſſouris, ufit the ſamin in ony tymes bygane. Promittand to hald firme and ſtabill, in the Word and Faith of ane Prince, to gubatfumever Thingis our faidis traiſ Couſingis dois in the Pre- miſſis. Chargeing heirfore zow all and ſindrie our Jugeis and Miniſteris of Law, Liegis and Subjectis foir faidis, to anſwer and obey to our ſaidis traiſt Couſingis, Regentis foirfaidis, in all and findrie Thingis concerning the ſaid Office of Regentrie, during our faid derreft Sonis Minoritie , and ay and qubiil he be of the Age of Sevintene Zeiris compleit. As ze and ilk ane of zow will declair zow luifing Subječtis to our ſaid maiſt deir Sone, zour native Prince, and under all Paine, Charge and Offence that ze and ilk ane of zow may commit and inrin againis his Majeſtie in that Pairt. Subſcrivit with our Hand, and gevin under our Previe-Seill at Lochleyin the xxiv. Day of Julij, and of our Regne the Twentie fyve Zeir. ARIE be the Grace of GOD Quene of Scottis, To all and Jindrie our Inftrument of Jugeis and Miniſteris of Law, Liegis and Subjeétis quhome it ef- feiris, to quhais Knawlege thir our Letteris fall cum, Greting ; FORS A- favours of the MEKLE as ſen our Arrivall and Returning within our Realme, we wil. Prince. ling the commouin Commoditie, Welth, Profeit and Quyetnes thairof, Liegis and Subječtis of the famin, have employit our Body, Spirite, baill Sencis and Forcis to governe the ſame, in fic fort that our Royall and honorabill Eſtate myckt ſiand and continew with us and our Poſteritie, and our luif- ing and kynde Liegis mycht enjoy the Quyetnes of trece Subje&tis. In tra- velling quhairin, 1100 onlie is our Body, Spirite and Sencis ja vexit, brokin and unquyetit, that langer we ar not of Habilitie be ony meane to indure sa greit and intolerabill Panis and Travellis, qubairwith we ar altogidder weryit, bot als greit Commotiounis and Troublis, be findrie Occaſiounis, in the mein tyme bes en fewit thairin, to our greit Greif. And ſeing it bes bene the Ple four of the eternall God, of his kyndlie Lufe, Mercie and Gud- nes, to grant unto us, of our awin Perſoun, ane Sone, quha in cais be the Hand of God we be veſeit, will, and of Rycht and of Equitie man and aucht to fucceid to us and to the Governement of our Realme : And knawing that ali Creaturis ar ſubject to that immutabill Decreit of the Eternall, anis to rander and gif up this Lyfe temporall, (the Hour and Tyme quhairof is maiſt uncertane) and in cais be Deceis we be takin fra this Lyfe, during the Tyme of his Minoritie, it may be dowtit greitlie that Refiſiance and Troubill may be maid to orir ſaid Sone, now native Prince of this our Realme, in his tender Zeiris (being fwa deſtitute of 15.) to ſucceid to that Rowme and King- dome gubilk maiſt juftlie of all Lawis appertenis to him. Quhilk Inconve. nient," be Godis Help and gude Providence, we mene to prevent, in fic ma- ner, that it fall not ly in the Power of ony unnaturall Subjectis to reſiſt Godis Ordinance in that Behalf. And underſtanding that nathing * eirdlie is mair earthly. joyous and happy to us | nor to ſe our faid derreft Sone, in our awin Lyfetyme, t than. peciablie placit in that Rowme and honorabill Eſtate qubairto be juſt lie aucht and man ſucceid to; We of the motherlie Affectioun we beir toward our ſaid onlie Sone, have renuncit and dimittit, and be thir our Letteris, frelie, of our awin motive Will, renuncis and dimittis the Governement, Gyding and Governing of this oure Realme of Scotland, Liegis and Subjectis thairof, and all Intromiſioun and Diſpoſitioun of ony Caſualiteis, Propertie, Bene- fices, Offices, and all Thingis appertening, or heirtofoir is knawin, or heir. efter fall happin to appertene thairto, in favouris of our faid derreſt Sone, to that Effect, that he may be plantit, placit and porefit thairin, uſe and exerce all Thingis belangand thairto, as native King and Prince of the fa- min, and Jiclyke as we or only our Predeceſſouris, Kingis of Scottis, bes done in ong Tymes bypaſt. Attoure, that this our Dimiſſioun may tak the mair 5 Q 2 ſolempie * 432 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. Solempne Effect, and that nane pretend Ignorance thairof, we have gevin, graniit and committit, and be thir our Letteris gevis, grantis and commit- fis our Commiſſioun, full, frie and plane Power, generall and ſpeciall Com- mand, to our traift Confingis, Patrik Lord Lindelay of the Byris, and Wil- liame Lord Ruthven, and to ilk ane of thame conjunétlie and ſeverallie, to compeir before fa mony of the Nobilitie, Clergie, Burgeſſis, and uther Pe- pill of our Realme, as fall happin to be aſemblit to that Effcat in our Burg! of Striviling, or ony nther Place or Placis qubair it falbe tbocht maiſt con- venient, at ony Day or Dayis, and thair publiet lie in thair Preſence, for us, in our Name, and upoun our Behalf, dimit and renunce the Governe- ment, Gyding and Reuling of this our Realme, Liegis and Subječtis thairof, all Iniromisſioun with the Propertie, Caſualitie, ör utheris Thingis apper- tening to us thairby, and all Rycht and Tytle that we had, bes or may have be ony maner of way thairto, in favouris of our faid Sone, to that Effect, that he may be inaugurat, placit and rowmit thairin, and the Crowne Royall deliverit to him, and be obeyit in all Thingis concerning the ſamin, as we or our Predeceſſouris hes bene in tymes bypaſt. And in lykewiſe be thir Preſentis, gevis, grantis and committis our full, frie and plane Power, to our rycht traiſt Couſingis, James Erle of Mortoun, Lord of Dalkeith ; Johne Erle of Athole, &c. Johne Erle of Mar, SC, Alexander Erle of Glencarne, Williame Erle of Menteith, Johne Maiſter of Grahame, Alexander Lord Hume, Adam Biſchop of Orknay; the Proveftis of Dundie, Montrois, or ony of thame, to refave the ſaid Renunciatioun and Dimiſioun in favouris of our faid Sone, and thairefter the reſaving thairof, to plant, place and inaugurat him in the Kingdome, and with all Ceremonies requyfit to put the Crowne Royall upon his Heid, in Signe and Takin of the eſtablefing of bim thairin, and in his Name to mak and gif to the faidis Nobilitie, Clergy, Burgeſſis, and utheris our Liegis, bis Princely and Kingly Aith, detfully and lauchfully as effeiris; and to reſave thair Aithis, for dew and lauch. full Homage to be maid be thame to him, in all tymes cuming, as becumis Subječtis to thair native King and Prince. And generally all and Jindrie uther Thingis to do, exerce and uſe, that for ſure Performance and Accom- pliſhment beirof, may or can be done, firme and ſtable baldand, and for to hald all and quhat ſumever Thingis in our Name, in the Premiſis leidis to be done, in the Word and faithfull Promis of ane Prince. And ordanis thir our Letteris (gif neid beis) to be publift at all Places neidfull. Subſcrivit with our Hand, ånd gevin under our Previe-Seill at Lochleyin the xxiv. Day of Julij, and of our Regne the Twentie fyve Zeir. 1567. Arie be the Grace of GOD Quene of Scottis, To all and findrie our Jugeis and Miniſteris of our Lawis, Liegis and Subjectis qubome it Murray Re effeiris, to quhais Knawlege thir our Letteris fall cum, Greting ; FORSA- ning telurling MEKLE és efter lang, greit and intollerabill Panis and Labouris takin his Non-age. be us fen our Arrivali within our Realme, for Governement thairof, and keiping of the Liegis of the famin in Quyetnes, we have not onelie bene vexit in our Spirite, Body and Sencis thairby, bot als at lenth ar altogid- der fa vexit thairof, that our Habilitie and Strenth of Body is not habill langer to indure the ſamin. Thairfoir, and becauſe nathing eirdlie can be mair confortabill and happy to us in this Eird, nor in our Lyfetyme to se our deir Sone the native Prince of this our Realme placit in the King- dome thairof, and the Crowne Royall ſet on his Heid, we of our awin fre Will, and Speciall Motive, have dimittit and renuncit the Governement, Gyding and Governing of this our Realme of Scotland, Liegis and Subjectis thairof: in favouris of our faid Sone, to that Effect that in all Tymes beir- efter he may be peciablie and quyet lie enjoy the jamin without Troubill, and berbeyit as native King and Prince of the famin be the Liegis thairof. And underſtanding that be refroun of his tender Zouth, he is not of Habiktie in Infuruinent conſtituting the Earl of M 1 bis Chap433 XII. Church and State in Scotland. . 1 Landis, Benefices, Efcbetis of Gudis movabil and unmovabil, Déttis and his awin Perſoun to adminiſtrate in bis Kinglie Rowme and Governement, in as Equytie requyris, gübt that heirefter he cam to the Zeiris of Difcroa tioun; And als knawing the Proximitie of Blude ſtandand betwix us, our faid Sone, and our derreſt Brother James Erle of Murray, Lord Abirnc- thie, &c.' And havând Experience of the naturali Affectioun and tenderly L be hes in all Tymes borne, and preſentlic beiris towardis es, Homonyo and Eſtate of our faid Sone, of qubais Lufe, and Favour towardis him we can not bot aſſure our ſelf; to qubome ne greter, Honour, Joy, nor Felicia tie in Eird tan cum, vor to le.our faid Sone inaugurat in his Kingdome, feia rit, reverencit and obeyit be his Liegis thairof: In reſpect quhairof, and of the Certanet ie and Notoritic of the Honeftie, Habilitie, Qualificativiti and Sufficiencie of our ſaid derreſt Brother, to have the Cure and Regiment of our faid Sone, Realme and Liegis foirfaidis, during our faid Sonis Minori. tie, We have maid, namit, appointit, conſtitute and ordanit, and be thir our Letteris, nainis, appointis, makis, conftitutis and ordanis our faid der- reft Brother James Erle of Murray, Regent to our ſaid, derreſt Sone, Realme and Liegis foirfaidis, during bis Minoritie and les age, and an and gubill he be of the Age of Sevintene Zeiris compleit; And that onr ſaid Brother be callit during the ſaid Space, Regent to our faid Sone, his Reaime and Liegis. Swa chat our faid Soue efter the completing of the Zeiris foir- faidis, in his awin Per foun may tak upon him the ſaid Governement, and afe and exerce all and findrie Privilegis, Honouris, and at beris Immuni- teis that appertenis to the Office of ane King, alfweill in governing his Re- aime and Pepill according to the Lawis, es in repreſſing the Violence of fic as wald invaid, or injuſlie refift him or thame, or his Artboritie Royall. With Power to our faid derrel Brother James Erle of Murray, in Name. Authoritie and Behalf of our faid Baift deir Sone, to reſave Refignatiounis of qubat fumever Landis haldin of him, or zit of Offices, Caftellis , Tomris, Fortalices, Mylnis, Fiſchingis, Woddis, Benefices, or Pertinentis qubat- fumever, the famin againe in our faid Soris Name to, gif, and deliver Signde turis thairupon, and upon the Giftis of Wairdis, Nonentreſſis and Relevis of Landis, and Mariageis of Airis Falland, or that fall happin to fall in our faid Sonis Handis as Superiour thalrof. And als upon Preſentatious of Takkis, Refpittis, Remiſſiounis, Super federeis, and upon the Difpofitious of Offices vacand, or quhen thay fall happin to vaik, to ſubſcrive, and caufë be paſt the Seillis. The ſaid Office of Regentrie to uſe and exerce in all Thingis, Privilegis and Commoditeis, ſiclyke as frelk, and with als greit Libertie, as ony Regent or Governour to uſe , or our Predeceſſoiris ufit in ony tymes by gane, and ficlyke as gif everie Heid, Privilege and Article concerning the ſaid Office wer at lenih expreſſit and amplifyit in thir our Lëtteris. Promiſand to hald firme and fahill in the Iord and Faith of ane Prince, to gubat (umever Thingis our faid derreſi Brother in the Premiſſis happinnis to do. Chargeirig bèirfoir zow all and findrie our Jugeis and Miniſteris of Law, Liegis and Subjeétis foir faidis, to anſwer and obey to our faid derreſ] Brother, in all and Jindrie Thingis concerning the ſaid Office of Regentrie, as ze and ilk ane of zow will declair zow lui fing Subje&tis to our ſeid naili deir Sone, and under all Paine, Charge and Offence that ze and ilk ane of żoww may commit and inrin aganis his Majeſtie in that Pairt. Subſcrivit with our Hand, and gevin under our Previe-Seill at Lochlevin the xxiv. Day of Julij, and of our Regne the Twentie fyve Zeir (a). The foregoing three Inſtruments having been all ſigned by the Queen on the 24th of July, the very next Day the Lord Lindſay returned with them to Edina burgh, where meeting with the other Aſſociators, he notified to them the Sica cefs 5 R (4) Black Acts of Parliament, and R. M. 434 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. ceſs of his Errand; and thereupon we find the following Record of Privy, Council, viz. U Apud Edinburgh 25. Julij, Anno Dom. 1567. S E D E R U N T Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Joannes Comes de Athole, Alexander Dominus Hume, Eduardus Dominus Sanquhair, Willielmus Dominus Ruthven. Preſenting of the Quenis Majeſties Commiſſionis. He quhilk Day, in Prefens of the Lordis of Secreit-Counfale, and utheris of the nobilitie, Pelatis, Baronnis, and commits lionaris of Burrowis, convenit within the Tolbuyth of Edin- The forego-burgh, comperit Patrick Loid Lyndefay of the Byris, and pzelentit this ing Inſtru Commiſſioun under-writtin ſubſcryvit be the Duenis Majettie, our in Council; Soverane Ladie, and under hir Prieve-Seil, defyrand the ſame to be opiniie red; of the quyilk the Tenour followis, MAKIE be the Grace of GOD, &c. as in p.431. which contains the Queen's Demiſſion of the Go. vernment in favour of the Prince her Son ; for no other Paper was read at this Time. Then follows in the Record, Qubilkis being opinlie red, the faidis Lordis of Secreit-Counfale, and utheris of the Nobilitie, Prelatis, Baronnis, and Commiſſionaris of Burrowis, convenit as faid is, glaidlie aggreit thair. to, allowiť and apprevit the famyn; and in Verificatioun and Teſtificatioun thairof, ſubſcryvit the Obligatioun following. and thereupon a new Affocia- tion is formed. Second Band (a). TE qubilkis hes subforyvit this under-writtin Band, underſtanding that the Quenis Majeſtie willing nathing mair eyrniſtlie nor that in bir Liftyme bir maiſt deir Sone, our native Prince, be placeit and inaugu. rat in the Kyngdome of this his native Countreye and Realme, and be obeyit as King be ws and utheris bis Subječtis: And being weryit of the greit Panis and Travillis taken be hir in hir Governament thairof, hes be bir Letteris dimittit and renuncit, and geuin Power thairby to dimitt and re- nunce the ſaid Governament of this Realme, Liegis and Subje&tis thairof, in favouris of hir faid Sone our native Prince, to the Effect he may be in. augurat thairin, the Crowne Royall put upon his Heid, and be obeyit in all Thingis as King and native Prince thairof, as hir Hienes Letteris paſt thair. upoun beris. Thairfoir, and becaus it is ane of the maiſt happy Thingis that can (a) It is ſo ſtiled in the Regiſter of Privy Council; and tho' the Date in the End be left blank, yet it has probably been made on the 25th of July, as appears here by the Time of preſenting the Queen’s Commiſſion, as likewiſe by another Paper en- titled, Articles of the Kirk, immediately following this Bond in the Regiſter, of the Date che 25th July alfo. Bp. Burnet in his 3d Vol. of the Reformation, and Mr. Anderſon in his Collections, Vol. 2d, have both given Copies of this Band from an Origi- nal in the Library of Glaſgow, to which are adjected a great many Subſcriptions. The Copies of the Bond are indeed word for word the ſame with that in the Regiſter; but the Subſcriptions in the Biſhop's Copy come far ſhort of Mr. Anderſon's; neither are they in the fame Order, fo far as they proceed together. Mr. Anderſon obſerves that the Subfcribents began to fign upon the 25th of July 1567, and continued to ſign as they came in, till the December following that the Parliament met; and he likewiſe obſerves in his general Preface, that “ moſt of the Perſons Subſcribers of this Bond, and of thoſe who were preſent at the Par- « liament in December 1567, are the ſame with theſe who attended the Parliament or Convention in Auguſt 1560.” If it was ſo, it follows that Faction had gained but few Proſelytes in theſe ſeven Years bygone. But tho’ the Regiſter of Privy Council mentions that the Queen's Demiflion was read in Preſence of the Lords, of Secret-Council, and others of the Nobility, Prelates, Barons, and Commiſſioners of Burrows, who did all gladly agree thereunto ; yet we may juſtly ſuſpect, that few, if any at all, have been preſent that Day in Council beſides the five Lords marked in the Sederunt: And this, becauſe the Regiſter affirms that all theſe preſent did in Verification of their Approbation of her Majeſty's Demiſſion ſubſcribe the following Bond; and yet we are told, that the Subſcriprions to this Bond were purchaſed up and down the Kingdom from this Date until the Month of December next. The whole Truth then of this Record has been, that the few Lords who ſate in Council this 25th of July have approved the Queen's Demiffion, and drawn up this Bond with Intention to procure Subſcribers afterwards to it by all their Means and In duftry: Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 435 1 can cum to ony Pepill or Cuntre, to be governit and rewlit be thair awin na- 1567. tive King, We and ilk ane of ws qubilkis hes fubfcryvit thir Prefentis, be the Tenour beirof. promittis, bindis and obliſis ws faithfullie to convein and aſſembill our ſelfis at the Burgh of Scriviling, or ony uthir Place to be ap- pointit to the Effect foirfaid, and their concurr, aſſiſt and fortifie our ſaid native King and Prince, to the eſtabliſſing, planting and placing of him in his Kingdome, and putting the Crowne Royall thairof upoun his Heid: And in the Feir of our God, being inſtructit and techeit be his and all uthir Lawis, fall gif our Ayth of Fidelitie for Homage and detfull Obedience to be maid be ws to him during his Grace's Lyftyme, as it becumis fait lýfull Chriſtianis and trew Subject is to do to thair native King and Prince. And fardir, that we fall with all our Strenth and Forceis promote, concurr, fortifye and aſſiſt to the Promotioun and eſtabliſſing of him in his Kingdome and Governament, as becumis faithfull and trew Subječtis to do to thair Prince, and to reſiſt all fic as wald oppone thame thairin, or mak ony Troubill or Impediment to him thairin ; and fall do (a) all uthir Thingis that becumis faithfull and Chri. ftiane Subjectis to do to thair native King and Prince. In witneſs of the gubilk Thing, we haif fubfcryvit (6) thir Preſentis with our Handis at Edinburt the Day of the Zeir of God Ane thouſand fyve hunder threfcoir ſevin Žeris. R. M. Matters being thus far prepared, the Aſſociators reſolved immediately to pro- ceed to the Coronation of the Infant King, which Solemnity they appointed to be on Tueſday the 29th of the fame Month of July at Stirling : But forafınuch- Several Lords as ſeveral Noblemen were mer together at Hamilton, who were, not without withdraw; Ground, deemed to favour the ſequeſter'd Queen; the Lords Aſociators pro- gether at Ha poſed to ſend Sir James Melvill to acquaint them with their Intention to ſet inilton ; the Crown upon the Head of the Infant-Prince, conformable to the Queen's Commiſſion, &c. and to require their Concurrence. Sir James Melvil ſays which is the he made fome Difficulty at firſt to go, but that however he went to Hamilton, Occaſion of chiefly by the Advice of Secretary Lethington, the Laird of Grange, and ſome fages. others, who ſecretly favoured the Queen; but he adds, that after he had de- livered his Meſſage, fome of the younger Lords at Hamilton made Anſwer, That they did not believe that the Queen had demitted the Government; and that if ſhe had done ſo, it had been merely to ſave her Life. But, he ſays, the Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's, who had more Experience, reproved the younger Lords, and acknowledged that the Lords Aſſociators had dealt dif- creetly by them; and that he went aſide with the Lords that were with him, and then returned and gave Sir James the following Anſwer, We are beholden to the Noblemen who have ſent you with that friendly and diſcreet Commiſ fion; and following their Defire, we are ready to concur with them, if they give us ſufficient Security of that which you have ſaid in their Name : And in ſo doing, they give us occaſion to conſtruct the Beſt of all their Proceed ings paſt, and to come. So that if they had acquainted us with their firſt Enterpriſe of puniſhing the Murder, we should heartily have taken part with them. And whereas now we are here convened, it is not to purſue or offend any of them, but to be upon our own Guards, underſtanding of so great a Concourſe of Noblemen, Barons, Burroughs, and other Subjects. For not being made privy to their Enterpriſe, we thought fit to draw our ſelves toge- ther, till we ſhould ſee whereto' Things would turn. Sir James being returned to Stirling with this Anſwer, he tells us the wife and honeft-hearted of the Aſſociators judged the ſame to be fatisfactory enough, (as no doubt it was, and ought to have been) but others, not being able to diſ- commend or find any Fault with it, pretended that Sir James had painted out a 5 R2 fine (a) We do theſe Men no Injuſtice to ſuppoſe that all theſe uthir Thingis that becumis, &c. might be reftri&ted within row Bounds. 'Tis an eaſy Marrer to talk of the Fear of God, c. but Actions are the beſt Indications of that and Virtue and Grace. (6) See the Names of the Subſcribents in the Appendix, Numb. 22. very nar every other 430 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. Hamilton to 1567. fine Story of his own making, for them and in their favours: By which ford of Dealing, that Gentleman ſays, he began to perceive that there were different Opinions and Intereſts among them. Such as were entirely devoted to favour the Crown of England (upon account of the gilded Favours they received from thence] defired no Peace and Tranquillity to be in the Country; and ſuch as bare Ill-will to any of the other Lords at Hamilton, laboured to keep the Dif- ference with them open, in hopes afterward to reap Profit by their Fincs and Forfeitures. Thus that Author obferves, that theſe Noblemen were but ill uſed, and laid under a plain Neceſſicy of betaking themſelves to contrary Courſes, their Friendſhip and Society being rejected at this Time, and they neither per- mitted to be preſent at the Coronationi , ñor yet allowed to take Inſtrumeats, that their Abſence ſhould not prejudge them in any fort (a). Thus far Sir James. From this Time the Lords at Hamilton endeavoured to draw over as many Noblemen and Barons as they poſſibly could, to ſtand up for the Queen's Right and Authority; and thoſe began now to obtain the Name of the Queen's Lords, The Queen's as the others had the Denomination of the King's Lords. The former Claſs werds mascle y of Lords perceiving that they were rejected from being taken into Friendſhip, tetire from withdrew to the ſtrong Fortreſs of Dumbarton (of which the Lord Fleming was Keeper) and there entred into a Combination againſt the King's Lords, Dumbarton, which the ſame Author obſerves, they would not have done, if they could have been accepted in Society with the reſt. The Tenor of the Bond which they drew up at Dumbarton was this that followeth ; and enter into Foraſmuchas conſidering the Queen's Majeſty our Sovereign to be detained at fence, of preſent at Lockleven in Captivity, wherefore the moſt part of her Majeſty's Lieges cannot have free Acceſs to her Highneſs, and ſeeing it becomes us of our Duty to ſeek her Liberty and Freedom ; We Earls, Lords and Barons under. Subſcribing, promiſe faithfully to uſe the utmoſt of our Endeavours, by all rea- Tonable Means, to procure ber Majeſty's Liberty and Freedom, upon ſuch boneſ Conditions as may ſiand with her Majeſty's Honour, the common Weal of the whole Realm, and Security of the whole Nobility who at preſent have her Ma- jeſty in keeping : Whereby this our native Realm may be governed, ruled and guided by her Majeſty and her Nobility, for the common Quietneſs, the Admini- Stration of Juſtice, and Weal of the Country. And in caſe the Noblemen who have her Mayeſty at preſent in their Hands, refuſe to let her at Liberty upon Such reaſonable Conditions as ſaid is ; in that caſe we ſhall employ our felves, our Kindred, Friends, Servants and Partakers, our Bodies and Lives, to let her Highneſs at Liberty, as ſaid is; and alſo to concur to the Puniſhment of the Murther of the King her Majeſty's Husband, and for ſure Preſervation of the Perſon of the Prince, as we shall anſwer to God, and on our Honours and Credit : And to that Effe&t Shall concur every one with other at our utmoſt Power. And if any ſnall ſet upon us, or any of us, for the doing as aforeſaid; in that Caſe we promiſe faithfully to eſpouſe one anothers Intereſt , under Pain of Perjury and Infamy, as we shall anſwer to God. In witneſs whereof, we have ſubſcribed theſe Preſents with our Hand at Dumbarton, the Day of St. Andrews, Arguile, Huntly, Arbroth, Gallway, Roſs, Fleming, Herris, Skirling, Kilwonning, Will. Hamilton of Sanchir, Knight (6). The 29th of July being come, the Lords Aſſociators, and their Fautors, re- paired to Stirling, for performing the Ceremony of the Coronation; the Para ticulars whereof, taken from the authentick Records of Privy Council, 'tis not only proper but neceſſary to have ſubjoined here, by rcaſon of fome Remarks that may naturally occur to be made thereupon. Apud (a) Yet there was a publick Proteftation made immediately before the Coronation, in Name of the Duke of Chaſtelherault and the remanent Perſons of the Royal Blood, that the ſaid Coronation ſhould in no wiſe prejudge their Right of Succeſſion. (6) Mr. Crawford of Drumſoy has ſet down this Bond, p. 60. of his Memoirs, tho’ there be not the leaſt Notice of it in the MS. from which he fays he publiſhed theſe Memoirs. He likewiſe delays this Bond until the Time of the l'arliament in Decem ber following, and inſerts the Date to have been on the 25th of that Month, and the Place to have been Hamilton: It were to be wiſhed this Gentleman had given us fome Voucher for one or both theſe Inſertions. 1 Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 437 T 66 Apud Striviling 29. Julij, Anno Dom. 1567. 1567.. He quhilk Day, in Preſens of nobill and michtie Lordis, James Erle u of Mortoun, Lord of Dalkeyth; 7ohne Erle of Atholl, Lord of Bai- vany; Alexander Erle of Glencairne, Lord of Kilmaceris; Johne Èrle of Mär, Lord Erskine; Williame Erle of Menteith, Johne Maiſter of Gra- hame, Alexander Lord Hume, Patrick Lord Lindſay of the Byris, Ed-An authentick ward Lord Sanquhair, Robert Lord Sempill, Johne Lord Innermeyth, whole Pro- Andro Lord Vchiltrie, James Lord of Sant Johnes, Adame Biſchope of Or-greſs of the knay, Robert Comendature of Dumfermline, Mr. Robert Richart foun Co Kings.Core. mendature of Sanet Marie Iſle, Theſaurare, Williame Murray of Tullibardin Knycht, Comptrollar, Williame Maitland of Ledingtoun zoungar, Secre- taré, Sr Johne Bellenden of Auchnowle Knycht, Clerk of Juſticiarië; Johne “ Erskine of Dun Proveſt of Montrois, Maiſter James Halyburtoun Proveſt is of Dundie, and diverſe of the Nobilitie, Spiritualitie, and Commiſſionaris b. of Burrowis, conveint for Coronatioun of the Richi Excellent Prince, JAMES, be the Grace of God, Prince and Stewart of Scotland : Com. perit Arthur Hamiltoun of Muretoun, Procuratour ípeciallie conftiture be Hohne Archbiſchope of Sanet Androis, and Gawin Comendature of Kil- wyning, Commiſſionaris lauchfullie conſtitute be ane nobill and michcie • Prince, James Duke of Cheftellarault, in all his honeſt and lauchfull Beli- “ nes during his remaning furth of this Realme, as at lenth is conreint in his “ Commiſſioun under his Seill and Subſcriptioun-manuall, of the Date the ferd Day of Auguſt, the Zeir of God 1566 Zeiris, and in the faids Letteris of ** Procuratorie, of the Dait at Hamiltoan the xxviii. Dáy of July inftant, ſub- ſcryvit, as appeirit, with the Handis of the faids Archbiſchope and Comen- " dature; And thair the ſaid Arthur, Procurator foirfaid, in Name and Behalfe “ of the ſaid Duke of Cheftellarault, proteſtit, That quhatlumevir Thing is • done, or to be done, towart the Coronatioun of the ſaid maiſt excellent « Prince, quhat Actis, Confentis, Conſtitutionis beis maid thairupoun, ſould on nawayis prejuge or be hurtfull to the faid nobill and michtie Duke of Cheſtellarault, and the remanent of the Quenis Majeſtie of Scotlandis Royall Blude, lauchfullie deſcendit, in thair Titill and Succeſſioun of the ſaid Crowne, quhen evir it fall pleis God, be ony juſt Rycht, to call thame thairto, mair nor the ſaid Coronatioun had nevir bene done ; and thairupoun askit Inſtru- • mentis and Documentis of us Connoraris publict under-ſubſcryvand. This wes " done in the Counfall-hale within the Caſtell of Striviling, Day, Zeir and 56 Place above-writtin. “ The ſame Day, within the Paroch-kirk of Striviling, conveint the nobill os and michtie Lordis under-writtin ; thay are to ſay, James Erle of Mora toun, Lord Dalkeyth; Johne Eile of Atholl, Lord of Balvany; Alexander • Earl of Glencairne, Lord of Kilmawris; Johne Erle of Mar, Lord Erf ** kine; Williame Erle of Menteith, Johne Maiſter of Grahame, Alexander " Lord Hume, Patrick Lord Lindſay of the Byris, Williame Lord Ruth- ven, Edward Lord Creichtoun of Sanquhair, Robert Lord Sempill, Johnie , “ Lord Innermeyth, Andro Lord Vchiltrie, James Lord Sanči Johnes of Trophechin, Adame Biſchope of Orknay, Robert Comendature of Dum, fermline, James Comendature of St. Colmes Inche, Adame Comendature " of Cambuskynneth, Johne Comendature of Dryburgh and Inchmahome, A. lexander Comendature of Culrofs, Robert Miniſter of Failfurd, Mr. Ro. “bert Richart foun Comendature of Sanet Marie Iſle, Theſaurare, Sr Wil- “ liam Murray of Tullibardin Knychr, Comptrollar, Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun zoungar, Secretarc, Sr Johne Bellenden of Auchnowle Knych, * Clerk of Juſticiarie, Maiſter Jobine Preſtoun and Nicholl Vdart Commiſ: * fionaris of the Burgh of Edinburgh, Johne Erskine of Dun Proveſt of M09- trois, Maiſter James Halyburtoun Proveſt of Dundie, Johne Stewart of “ Mynto Knycht Proveſt of Glaſgow, Jobine Craigingalt of that Ilk Proveſt “ of Striviling, Charles Drummond Proveſt of Linlythgow ; the Commiſ- 5 S os fionaris 438 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. fionaris alfwa of Air, Irving, and diverſe utheris of the Nobilitic, Spiritua- litie, Commiſſionaris of Burrowis and Baronnis : Quhair the Rycht heich and “ illuſter Prince, JAMES, be the Grace of God, Prince and Stewart of “ Scotland, being preſentit in Preſence of his Grace, and of the Lordis of the Nobilitie, Spiritualitie, Commiſſionaris of Burrowis, and Baronnis foirfaids, “ eftir Invocatioun of the Name of God, the faids Patrick Lord Lindſay of o the Byris and Welliame Lord Ruthven, at Command and be Vertew of the Quenis Majeſtie our Soverane Ladies Letteris, ſubſcryvit with hir Hand and " under hir Previe-Seill, comperit, and in hir Majeſties Name, and upoun hir Behalfe, dimittit and renuncit the Governament, Gyding and Rewling of this Realme, Liegis and Subje&tis thairof, all Intromiſſioun with the Propertie, Caſualitie, or utheris Thingis apperteining to hir Hienes thairby, and all • Richt and Titill that ſcho had, hes or may haif, be ony maner of way thair- to, in favouris of the ſaid maiſt excellent Prince, hir derreſt Sone, to the ef- oc fect that he micht be inaugurat and placeit in this Kingdome, the Crowne Royall delyverit to him, and be obeyit in all Thingis concerning the fame, as hir Majeſtie, cr hir Predeceſſouris, hes bene in Tymes bypaſt : Andiu Signe and Takin thairof, the faids Lordis Lindſay and Ruthven preſentit, “ befoir the faids Lordis of the Nobilitie, Spiritualitie, Commiſſionaris of Bura rowis, Baronnis and Peopill conveint, the Sword, Sceptour, and Royall “ Crowne of this Realme, requireing the faids Letteris and Commiſſioun to be o red and inſere in the Buikis of Secreit:Coupſale, ad perpetuam rei memo- " riam. As alſwa, the uthir twa Commiſſiounis following, concerning the Regiment of this Realme during the Minoritie of the laid maiſt excellenc “ Prince; of the quhilkis the Tenouris followis, MARIE, &c. as in p. 430. Quhilkis being opinlie red, the faids Erlis of Mortoun, Atholl, Glencairne, " Mar, Menteith. Maiſter of Grahame, Lord Hume, Bifchope of Orknay, “ in Name of the Thre Eſtaittis preſentlie conveint and aſſemblit, according to o the Command and Tenour of the ſaid firſt Commiſſioun, reſſavit the faid • Renunciatioun and Dimiſſioun in fayouris of the ſaid maiſt excellent Prince ; • and eftir the reſſaving thairof, the ſaid James Erle of Mortoun inclynand his “ Bodie, and layand his Hand on the Buik of God, in Name and upoun the Be- 6. halfe of his Grace, folempnlie maid the Ayth and Promeiſs following, to wit, “ I JAMES, Prince and Stewart of Scotland, promeiſs faythfullie, in " the Preſence of the Eternall, my God, that I induring the baill Cours of “ my Lyf fall ſerve the ſame Eternall, my God, to the uttermeſt of my Power, according as he requirit in his maiſt holy Word, reveliť and con. " tenit in the new und auld Teſtamentis ; and, according to the ſame Word, “ fall ment aine the trew Religioun of Jeſus Chriſt, the preaching of his holy Word, and dew and rycht Miniſtratioun of his Sacramentis, now reſſavit " and practizit within this Realme, and ſall abolyſche and gaineſtand all falfé Religioun contrair to the fame : And ſall rewle the Peopilt commit. " tit to my Charge, according to the Will and Command of God revelit in • his foir faid Word, and according to the lovabill Lawis and Conftitutiounis reſavit in this Realme, nawayis repugnant to the ſaid Word of the Eter- nall, my God; and fall procure to my uttermeſt, to the Kirk, of God and " haill Criſtiane Peopill, trew and perfyte Peace, in all Tyme cuming. The Rychtis and Rentis, with all juf Privilegeis of the Crowne of Scot- “ land, I fall preſerve and keip unviolat, nather fall I transferr nor alie. “ nat the ſame. I fall forbid and repreſs, in all Efaittis and all Degreis, Reiff, Oppreſioun, and all kynd of Wrang. In all Jugementis 1 Sahl com- " mand and procure that Juſtice and Equitie be keipit to all Creaturis with “ out Exceptioun, as he be merciefull to me and zow, that is the Lord and - Fader of all Mercies : And out of all my Landis and Impyre I fall be cairfull to ruite out all Heretickis and Enemeis to the trew Worſchip of • God, that fall be convict be the trew Kirk of God of the foir faid Crymes. And thir Thingis above.writtin I faythfullie affirme be my folempuit Ayth. 66 Eftir Chap. XII. Church and Statê in Scotland. 439 “ Eftir the quhilk ſolempnit Aych and Promeiſs; the faids Lordis of the No. 1567. bilirie, Spiritualitie, and Commiſſionaris of Burrowis, as the Eſtaittis of the u Realme, be the Miniſtratioun of the ſaid Reverend Fader Adame Biſchope of Orknay, anoincit (a) the ſaid maiſt excellent Prince, in King of this Realme, s" and Dominiounis thairof, inveſtic and inaugurat his Grace thairin, deliverit " in his Handis the Sword and Sceptour, and put the Crowne Royall upoun « his Heid, with all due Reverence, Ceremoneis and Circumſtanceis requiſite and accuſtomat ; and gaif thair Ayths for dew and lauchfull Homage and O. bedience to be maid be thame to him in all Tymes cuming, as becumis Sub- jectis to do to thair native King and Prince: Quhairupoun the ſaid Sr Johne Bellenden Juſtice-Clerk, in Name of the faids Eftaittis, and alſe Fohne Knox Miniſter and Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleuch, askit Actis, Inſtrumentis and Documentis.' R. M. 66 upon. With reſpect to the preceding Management, of the Queen's Reſignation, &c. Some Re it may not be amiſs to remark, that one Part of her Majeſty's Procuratory marks there. runs in thoſe preciſe Terms, And in ljkewiſe be thir Preſentis gevis, grantis and committis our full, frie and plane Power to our Richt traiſt Couſingis, ******* to reſave the ſaid Renunciatioun and Dimiſſioun in favouris of our ſaid Sone; and thaireftir the reſaving thairof, to plant, place and in. augurat him, &c. But at the Time of performing this Part of the Procuratory at Stirling, the Words of it are in this Strain, viz. “ Quhilkis being opinlie red, faids Erlis of Mortoun, Atholl, &c. in Name of the thre Eſtaittis " preſent lie conveint and aſſemblit, according to the Command and Tenour of the ſaid firſt Commiſſioun, reſſayed the ſaid Renunciatioun and Dimiſſioun in ** favouris of the ſaid maiſt excellent Prince.". Here is a moſt manifeſt Fallhood, to aver that it was according to the Command and Tenor of the firſt Commiſſion; and a plain contravening of the Queen's Procuratory likewiſe , who granted Warrant to the Lords, and others named in her Procuratory, to receive her Re- nunciation and Demiſſion in favour of the Prince her Son only, without one Word conceived relating to the Three Eſtates; whereas the Earls of Morton, Ai hole, &c. received the Queen's Demiſſion in Name of the Three Eſtates: And therefore all and every Thing that followed thereupon, was both in Law and Equity void, and of no Effect , the Procurators having not only exceed ed the Limits of the Power entruſted to them, but having acted in expreſs Con. tradiction to it. True indeed it is that the Parliament in the Month of Decem- ber following did find that the Quenis Dimiſſioun and Procuratioun fall be baldin, repute, and eftemit lauchfull and perfyte according, &c. And als, that the Coronatioun and Inauguratioun of our ſaid Soverane Lord, maid and folemnizat conforme to the ſaid Commiſſioun wes dewlie, rychtlie, and ordourlie done and execute, and als lauchfull and vailzeabill- withſtanding ony maner of Tytil, Aetioun or Entres, [Intereſt] or ony uthey Thing that preſent lie may or cán beireftir be objectit in the contrare, &c. Bur as it is not the Weight of an Act of Parliament, but the Truth of Facts that muſt determine the Juſtneſs of our Enquiries and Obſervations, we ſhall leave the Readers to form a Judgment, whether the Inauguration of the Prince was performed according to the Queen's Commiſſion for that Effect ? of, whe- ther a conſtrained Demiſſion, for fear of immediate Death, could be eſteemed lawful and perfect? There is po body necds to be at a lofs co perceive the Intentions of this Meeting at Stirling: The Members of it had already acted as if the fupreme Authority of this Nation had been lodged in the People, and that the Kings of Queens of Scotland derived their Right folely from them; and now they want- ed not 5 S2 (a) “ About the Anointing there was ſharp Diſpute; bur in end he was anointed, notwithſtanding. Mi. Knox, and other 6c Preachers, repined at this Jewish Ceremony," Calderwood's large MS." In the very Parith-Kirk of Stirling the Prifice was 66 anointed King by At the which Aſſembly, pafſing from the Pariſh Kirk to the Caſtle again, the Earl of Afhold er bare the Crown of Honour, the Earl of Morton the Sceptre, the Earl of Glencairn the Sword of Honour; the Earl of May carried the new inaugurate King to his own Chamber in the Caſtle," Crawford's MS. 440 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. ed to engrofs their Syſtem into this ſolemn Settleinent of the Crown upon the Head of an Infant-King, who could make no Remonſtrances againſt their Inno- vation : And in Conſequence of this Model, we find theſe Words contained in the above Ceremony of the Coronation, Eftir the quhilk folempnit Ayth and Promeiſs, the faids Lordis of the Nobilitie, Spiritualitie, and Commiſſionaris of Burrowis, as the Eftaittis of the Realme, be the Miniſtratioun of the ſaid Reverend Fader Adame Bifchope of Orknay; Anointit the ſaid maiſ excel- lent Prince, in King of this Realme-inveſtit and inaugurat his Grace thairin, deliverit in his Handis the Sword and Sceptour, and put the Crowne Royall nipoun his Heid; Where 'tis obvious that the Anointing, Crowning, 6c. tho' performed by the Biſhop of Orkney, are recounted as Deeds done by the People, and in their Right of Difpofal. All which is in complete Agreement with the Book of Politicks written and publiſhed ſome time after by Mr. Bu- chanan, and entituled, De jure Regni apud Scotos, i. e. the juſt Principles of the Scottiſh Government; tho'it be certain that nothing can be more oppo- ſite to the Scottiſh Laws than that Book is (a). One would be ready to think there had been no Repreſentatives of the Gentry preſent at this Meeting in Stirling, ſince there is no Mention of them at all, in the firſt and laſt part of the Solemnity; and even in the middle Part, after the Words, Commiſſionaris alfwa of Air, Irwing, they are only ſeemingly in. cluded in theſe general Terms, and diverſe utheris of the Nobilitie, Spiri. tualitie, Commiſſionaris of Burrowis, and Baronis. If any of the Barons were preſent, why were not their particular Names and Deſignations ſpecified, as well as the Burrows? or, why are they, contrary to all order, mentioned here in the groſs, after the Commiſſioners of Burrows, when they ought, with- out all Peradventure, to precede and be ſee before them in the Nomination ? Whether Sir John Bellenden the Juſtice-Clerk, or together with him John Knox (6) Minifter, and Robert Campbell of Kinzeancleuch, could regularly ask Inſtruments in Name of the Three Eſtates, I leave it to be diſcuſs’d by abler Judges. For my own part, I do perceive no farther Connexion between them and the Three Eſtates, than that they were Three in Number. They certainly had no Depuration from the Three Eſtates to capacitate them to take Inſtru- ments in their Names; and I believe 'tis equally certain that the major Part of one of the Eſtates, and the principal one too, did not conſent to the Proceedings of that Time. Beſides, I preſume it may be a Queſtion, whether theſe three Gen. tlemen could in Law have received a Deputation from the Three Eſtates, ſeeing they were not each of them a diſtinct Member of the three different Ranks of Eſtates. Two of them did indeed perrain to the leſſer Barons ; but Mr. Knox could properly belong to no Eſtare at all. However this under Correction. The Day after the Coronation we meet with the following Paper in the Re- cord of Privy-Council. Striviling penult. Julij, 1567. S E D E R U N T Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Joannes Comes de Athole, Alexander Comes de Glencairn, Joannes Comes de Mar, Alexander Dominus Hume, Willielmus Dominus Ruthven, Robertus Dominus Sempill, Eduardus Dominus San- quhair, Andreas Dominus Uchiltrie. Diſcharge of the Erle of Huntleyis Lieutenendrie. foglas (a) One moſt remarkable Inſtance of this Scheme (and this likewiſe extended to the puniſhing of our Kings capitally) we have in the Stamp and Inſcription of the publick Coin of our Nation, as it was appointed by the new Privy Council eight Days only after the Earl of Murray's Acceptation of the Regency; which Stamp and Inſcription, common Tradition has affirmed to have been the Invention likewiſe of this famous Author. Several Pieces of this Stamp remain to this Day; and I have thought it not amifs to put the Act of Council into the Appendix, Numb. 23. (6) He prcached at the Coronation, Chap. XII. 440 Church and State in Scotland. ܪ Dilamekilas it is underđand to the kingis Hienes, that thair 1569. is ane commiſűoun of Lieutenendzié laitlie proclamit in the North partis of this Realme, be George Erle of Huntley, conti: nand Commiflioun of Juſticiarie thairin, with diverſe greit Paib Diſel:arge of legeis and immuniteis, as at mair lenth is conteint in the ſaid Com, the Earl of millioun ; quhairby aŭ the Legeis and Subjectis of the 2ozch-partis cnandry. are chargeit to be in Reddienes, put thamfellfis in Armis, and meit the ſaid érte at Dayis and placeis as he fall appoint, to paſs with pin quhair he fall command. And becaus, be the occaüoun thairof, the commoun peace of the Realme in thai Partis is appearandlie to be troublit, and that Upore, Seditioun and anguietnes may arryis thairtyzow; Tyairfoir ozdanis Letteris to be direct, to command and charge all and lindzie bis vienes Legeis and Subjectis of this Reaime, (peciālie within the Boundis foirfaid, to contene' thamlelffis in Peace and Duietnes ilk ane within thair awn Boundis, and that nane of thame put on Armour, ou arryis at Command of the ſaid Commiflioun, with the ſaid Érle, oz ony uthir, without tyái have new and fpecial Commandment of the kingis Hienes to that Effect, under tye pain of Creatloun, notwithltanding the ſaid coniinilliount of Lieutenendzie, Chargis or pains paſt thairupoun ; quyilk Com- miffioun of Lieutenendzie grantit to the ſaid Erle, with the commit. loun of Juđiciarie conteint thairin, and haill' effect thatrof, his Hienės diſcharges refcindis, and deciairis callit, retreivis and des cernis of nane Effect, and nul foz evir, be thir Preſentis; togidder with all utheris Commiſüounis of Juticiarie giantit to him in ony Tymes bigáne. R. M. And the fame Day a Proclamatioun of the Kingis Authoritie, ſo called in the Regiſter, was publickly emitted to the Lieges in theſe Terms following: forlamekilas it hes piefit Almichtie God to call the kingis Majettie Proclamatiora our Soverané Lold unto the Royal Crowne and Governament of this of the King's Realme, be Dimiſſioun of the Duene his Moder patt be hir under hir Hand-write and Previe-Seil, as the Tamyn of the Daite the 24th Dap of Julij inſtant propostis: Accouding to the quyilk, upoun the 29th Day of the ſame Monety his yienes is crownit, inaugurat, and eſtabliſäit in this kingdome, in Buelence of the Mobilitie and Efaittis, conveinit for Erecutioun and Accomplilchment of the Quenis Will and Commiftioun foirfaid; and hes gevin his Princely Ayth foz dew Adminiſtratioun and governing of the Etaittis of this commoun. weill, and of all his luifing and gude Subjectis, as the Cuſtom is: Quhairfoir nis vienes ordanis Letteris to be direct to mak Publica tioun heirof, be opin Proclamatioun at the Mercat-croces of al Sur rowis of this Realme, and utheris Places neidful ; and to command and charge au and ündzie the Caids Subjegis, that thai, and everie ane of thame, obey, ſerve and reverence his Hienes in al Chingis as becumis faythful and gude Subjectis to do unto thair lauchful and native prince ; and that thai keip publict Peace and Tranquillitié a mangis tyamſelffis, in the feir of God and detful Obedience of his Majettie, and #udy to contene thame, and direct thair Lyffis and Behaviour according to the Lawis of this Realme: As his bienes on the uther Patrt promittis to all yis gude Subjectis to erécute his Kinglie Dffice in avanceing the Glozie of God, and mentening of Wertew and Juſtice, and in punifching and repreſüng of cyce, Enola mities, and au Tranſgreflouris of the Lawis; Certifying thame that preſumis of dois ony thing in the contrair, thai faii ve egemit as 12. 5 T 442 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. rebellious perſouns, Diſobeyaris and Gaintandaris of his Autozitie. and ertremelie puniſchit thairfoir with all Rigour, in Érempill of utheris. R. M. zvell. Charge to On the roth of Auguſt there is a Charge in the Regiſter of Privy-Council fend, our Ships to ſome particular Maſters of Ships belonging to the Town of Dundee, and in Earl of Both. general to all Maſters of Ships, and other Mariners Indwellers within that Burgh, to prepare themſelves and their Ships to paſs with Sir William Murray of Tullibardin the Comptroller, in queſt of the Earl of Bothwell, within fix Hours after they be charged. And on the rith Day of the ſame Month there is a Commiſſion to Sir William Murray Comptroller and Sir William Kirkaldu of Grange, to conyene the King's Lieges in warlike Manner, and provide Ships, to purſue the Earl of Bothwell , his A giftars or Collegues, by Sea or Land, with Fire, Sword and all kind of Hoftility, and fence and hold Courts of Ju- ſtice whereſoever they ſhall think good. And Letters are directed to charge all and fundry Inhabitants of the Sheriffdoms of Orkney, Inverneſs, Cromarty, Nairn, Élgin, Forres, Banff and Aberdeen, in general or in particular, as the faids Sir William Murray and Sir William Kirkaldy ſhall deſire, to rife, concur and aſſiſt with them, or either of them, in the Purſuit and Invaſion of the faid Earl of Bothwell, his Complices, &c. as often as Need thall be, and as they ſhall give Warning, under the Pane of Treſoun, and Tynſall of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. And tivo Days after, the Secretary receives Orders to paſs and direct See-brieves in due and competent Form under the Signer, to the foreſaid Sir Williams ; with Direction to the Secretary to keep a Copy of faids Brieves, with this preſent, for his Warrant. Item, on the 12th of Auguſt we ſee this Abſtract, viz. Diſcharge of James Curle Cuſtomer; and Command to anſwer James Murray, Brother to Tullibardin, of the Cuſtoms (a). Preciſely at this Juncture arrived ®) in Scotland the Earl of Murray from tay arrives in France, by the way of England: The Aſſociators had from the very Begin- ning diſpatched Letters to him entreating his Return; and how foon he found all their Affairs in Readineſs, he loft no Time to come to the Aſſiſtance of his Friends (€). I will not take upon me to affirm the Truth of the Reports made by fome Authors concerning him before his Departure out of France; ſuch as, That this Lord was concerting Meaſures with Admiral Coligni, the Chief of the Proteſtants in France, for poſleſſing himſelf of the Crown of Scotland ; Thar, by Letters to his friends in Scotland, he ſignified his Unwillingneſs to return, unleſs they would deprive the Queen of her Life as they had done of her Li- berty : That, on the other hand, he fware ſolemnly to the King of France, and our Queen's Uncles, that at his Return he would ſet her Majeſty at Liberty, and reſtore her to the Regal Authority, and that to animate him the more in this, Earl of Mur- Scotland. he (a) The Readers will remember that this Murray is the Perſon againſt whom the Proclamation in March laſt was cmitted. He and his Brother Sir William have now in their Hands the wholc Royal Revenue: A good job for theſe Gentlemen. (6) Both Melvil and Spottiſwood ſay he arrived on the rith at Edinburgh; Cambden, that he arrived in Scotland the twentieth Day after the Queen's Reſignation, i.e. according to him, on the 13th of Auguf. The ſhort Diary in Anderſon's Collections, Vol. 2. p. 277. on the 14th. He was certainly at Edinburgh before the 15th. See Sir Nicholas Throckmorton's Letter to the Queen of England, zoth Auguſt. (c) It would appear thele Lords had projected what they afterwards put in Execution, ſooner than they would make the World believe; ſince they had taken Care to lend Letters by Mr. Robert Melvil into England, to be forwarded from thence into France, for their truſty Friend the Earl of Murray. Secretary Cécil writes to Sir Henry Noris the Engliſh Ambaſſador at the Court of France, thus; “ At this Time I ſend unto you certain Packets of Letters left here by Mr. Melvin, who lately came his “ther from the Queen of Scots : The ſending of theſe to my Lord of Murray requireih great Haſte, whereof you may not « make the Scottiſh Ambaſſador privy; but I think you may make Robert Steward privy, with whom you may confer for the « ſpeedy ſending away of the ſame Letters. His Return into Scotland is much deſired of them; and for the Weal both of “ England and Scotland, I wilh he were here, [i. e. in England:] And for his manner of Returning, touching his Safety, I pray “ require Mr. Steward to have good Care.” This Letter is dated as far back as the 26th June 1567. (N. B. This Robert Stewart , is certainly that ſanie Perſon who was the reputed Affaflın of the French Prefident Minard, in the End of the Reign of our Queen's Husband. Sce Mezeray.] And again in another Letter 14th July 1567, ". If my Lord of Murray thould lack Credit for « Money, my Lord Steward, [1. e. the Earl of Pembroke Lord Steward of England) would have his Son give him ſuch Credit as « he hath; for my Lord alloweth well of his Friendſhip,” Cabala. Nothing can be a clearer Inſtruction of the Correſpondence of the Lords Affociators with Secretary Cecil at leaſt, from the beginning of this inteſtine Broil in Scotland, and of the Earl of Murray's Support by the Court of England with Money at the time of his returning from France; the Earl of Pembroke, we may reckon, being ſufficiently aſſured of his Reimburſement, otherwiſe that Nobleman would not have been ſo ready to offer his Credit, Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 443 ing he received valuable Preſents from the King, and Family of Guife. His Lordſhip, 1567. they ſay, was no ſooner departed from Court, but the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow un the Ambaſſador ordinary from our Queen, having demanded an Audience, re- preſented the Earl of Murray as the chief Promoter of all the Troubles in Scot. Several Re. land, and therefore deſired he might be "detained in France : Which being bores concerdas granted, that Meſſengers were fènt after him with Orders to bring him back; but the Earl had by his expedite travelling, and the good Management of his Friends, prevented all their Endeavours; for he had loos'd from the Port of Diep, ſome fhort Space before the Orders arrived from Court. In England, they fay, he had an loterview with that Queen, and engaged his Service to her Majeſty upon the Security of a plentiful Sum of Money to be paid yearly to him, and the leading Men of his Party. But whatever Truth or Faldhood be in theſe Things, of this we are aſſured, that how foon the Aſſociators were in- formed that the Earl was ar London, they ordered Sir James Melvil to meet him at Berwick, and acquaint him how that the Office of Regent was appoint- ed for him; and beſides, that Gentleman received from one part of theſe Lords, a Commiſſion to adviſe my Lord Murray not to deal too gently by the Queen, while another part of them adviſed the Earl to thew Mildneſs towards her Ma- jeſty, becauſe ſhe being now free from bad Counſellors, a little Time might, by the Aſſiſtance of her own good Judgment and Inclinations, reduce her to ſuch Moderation, as they ſhould all with her to be at Liberty again. This laſt Ad- vice, Sir James ſays, the Earl ſeem'd much to reliſh; but this is not the firſt Time that Sir James has been deceived by that Perfon. The Earl alfo feign'd to be averſe from accepting the Regency', tho' Sir James is ſo honeſt as to ac- knowledge that he was privately informed by ſome of the Earl's Retinue, that “ he was right glad when he underſtood firſt that he was to be Regent.” Ac- cordingly how loon he met with all his Friends, he even granted to accept the Government. And how fincere, or to ſpeak more truly, how unfincere this Lord was in his Anſwer to Sir James touching his future Behaviour to. wards the Queen, this Author likewiſe diſcovers to us in theſe Words, “ And when he went to viſit the Queen in Lochlevin, inſtead of comforting her and following the good Counſel he had gotten, he entred inſtantly with her Ma- jeſty in Reproaches, giving her ſuch injurious Language as was like to break “ her Heart; and the Injuries were ſuch, that they cut the Thread of Love “ and Credit betwixt the Queen and him for ever. We (adds this Author) “ who found Fault with that manner of Procedure, loft his Favour." Now that the above Fact may not hang folely upon Sir James's Repreſenta- tion, we ſhall juſt now hear what Account the Earl himſelf gave of this In. terview with the Queen, ás is contained in the remaining Part of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton's Negotiation; and by which we are likewiſe ler into the Knows ledge of the Contents of a Meſſage which the French King fent to the Lords Af- ſociators, together with the Anſwer by thefe Lords to the French Envoy : This Gentleman's Name was Lignerol, and we get Information by Sir James Melvil, that he came into Scotland in the Company of the Earl of Murray, having been ſent, as he informs-üs,' to ſee how Matters paſt, to comfort the captive Queen, and to intercede for her : Which Thing, that Author obferves; he atted very ſenderly; (and who ſhould doubt' of that, ſince he had been in all Likelihood moulded into the Mind of the Earl of Murray, as he was his Companion on the Journey.) The French Gentleman, he ſays, told the Lords, *. That he came nor to offend any of them, alledging that the old • Band and League betwixt France and Scotland was not made with any one “ Prince, but betwixt the Eſtates of the two Kingdoms, and with those who were Commanders over the Country for the Time.” 'Tis indeed true che League here referred to was ancient ; but I'm much miſtaken if this Interpreta. tion be not moderni, T 2 Letter 444 Book II. The Hiſtory of the Affairs of C ' France, and the en (wers to it. 1567. Letter from Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, To the Queen of England, 20th Auguſt 1567 (a). IT T may pleaſe your Majeſty : The 14th Day of this Month, towards the Evening, the Earls of Glencairn and Morton, Mr. James Macgill, and Account of a « Juſtice-Clerk, went to Monf. de Lynerols Lodging; and the ſaid Mr. James Meflage from Macgill (on the Behalf of the Lords, as well thoſe preſent as the other ab. • ſent, for Auſwer to ſuch Things as were propoſed by the laid De Lynerol on the Behalf of the King his Malter) declared unto him as followerh. That the faids Lords did again render their humble Thanks to the King and • the Queen his Mother, for this Demonſtration of their Favour, which the ſaid King and Queen had thewed by ſending him hither, and to treat with • them ſo amicably. And where they had by his long Diſcourſe at his firſt • Audience, comprehended the Sum of his whole Negotiation into four Points: They were now to anſwer to every of them as had been reſolved among all • the Lords, and others of the King's Council. • To the Firſt, which tended to the Union of all the Nobility of this Re- • alm; They thanked the King humbly for his Care in that Matter : But there was no ſuch Diſſenſion amongſt them (Thanks be to God) that they needed any Reunion. To the Second, for the Care the King had to their Surety, which he willed • them to provide for, and cherein offered them his Aſſiſtance; They did hum- • bly thank the King alſo, for his gracious Difpofition towards them: But (God • be thanked) they took themſelves to be in as great Surety as any Men were or could be within this Realm. To the Third, concerning the Queen's Liberty, and his Acceſs to her ; They had made an Aſſertion amongſt themſelves, that no Prince's Ambafia: • dor, nor Stranger, ſhould ſpeak with her, until (b) the Earl Bothwell were · apprehended, which they hoped ſhould not be long to; for they had given · Order for his Apprehenſion: And that which ſerved for Anſwer to refuſe him Acceſs unto the Queen, muſt alſo ſerve for Anſwer concerning her En- largement. · To the Fourth and laſt, concerning his Acceſs to the Hamiltons, and • Conference with them ; They could not allow nor permit apy Prince's Am- baſſador or Miniſter to repair unto them, or to treat with them. Well corr. • tented they were that Mons. de Lynerol ſhould ſend unto them any Gentle. • man he had, or write unto them, or otherwiſe to confer with them at his Pleaſure, if the ſaid Hamiltons would repair to this Town (C); otherwiſe • they could not accord any other Mean of Negotiation for any Prince's Am- baſſador with any Subjects of this Realm, left thereby they thould derogate · from themſelves the Authority which was given them by the Queen their Sovereign, in the Name of the King her Son, for the Government of this Realm; and ſo give occaſion thereby, as well to Strangers as to the Sub- jects of the Realm, to think that there were as well two lundry States as two fundry Authorities. Monf. de Lynerol thanked them with courteous Words for their Pains, and required them, becauſe nothing might be endamaged to the Matter which was declared, nothing to their Sufficiencies, nor nothing to his own Duty, that he might have in writing what had been ſaid by the ſaid Mr. James Mac- gill, (who pronounced all the Premiſſes in the Scottiſh Tongue) which up- on the ſaid De Lynerol's Deſire, was interpreted into French by Juſtice. Clerk. 6 6 • The (a) Calig. C. 1. an Original. 6) And by what Right could they make fuch an Affertion? Beſides, as the Reaſon here offered ſeems to'have no true and proper Foundation, ſo it could only be contrived to keep the Queen ignorant of the Friendſhip of the neighbouring Princes, and thereby keep her in a deſperatc, forlorn and helpleſs Condition. (1) This was what theſe Men Wanted extremely, that ſo they might ſhut up the Queen's Friends in Prilon. Chap. XII. Church and State in Scotland. 445 A moft cus rious Account 8 8 The ſaid Lords anſwered, That they would declare to the reſt of the Noble. 1567.5 men, and others of the King's Council, his (the laid Lynerols) Requeſt. This the ſaid De Lynerob, coming the 15th of this Month to viſit me at my Lodging, declared unto me; which alſo was otherwiſe confirmed unto me by other Intelligence. • It may pleaſe your Majeſty; The 15th of this Month the Earls of Murray, Athole, Morton, Glencairn and Mar, with the Lords Sempil and Lindſay, • and the Secretary Lethington, departed this Town towards Lochlevin. Not- withſtanding (upon Advice taken among them by the Way) none of the Per- ſons aforeſaid did accompany the Earl of Murray to the Queen but the Earls • of Athole and Morton, and the Lord Lindſay. The Secretary Lethington • did take his Journey to his Wife to Dunkeld, the Earl of Athole's Houſe, • The Earls of Glencairn and Mar; with the Lord Sempil, went to Stirling " to the Prince, who is called here King. At the Earls of Murray, Athole and Morton's Arrival at Lochlevin, they went immediately to the Queen, who had Conference with them all together: Notwithſtanding the Queen broke forth with great Paſſion and Weéping, re- tiring the Earl of Murray apart, who had with her long Talk in the hearing of a Confe- of no Perion. That Talk, as I do learn (which continued two Hours, uui- rence between • til Supper-time) was nothing pleaſant to the Queen, and chiefly for that the the cute cand • Earl of Murray talked nothing ſo frankly with her as ſhe deſired, but uſed ray. • covert Speech, and ſuch as the judged he would not diſcover neither the • Good nor the Ill he had conceived of her, nor meant unto her. After Sup. per ſhe deſired to talk with the Earl of Murray again ; and every body be- ing retired, they conferred together until One of the Clock after Mid-night : • In which fecond Communication, the faid Earl did plainly, without diſguiſing, diſcover unto the Queen all his Opinion of her Miſgovernment, and laid be fore her all ſuch Diſorders as either might touch her Conſcience, her Honour or Surety I do hear that he behaved himſelf rather like a ghoſtly Father unto her than like a Counſellor. Sometimes the Queen wepr bitterly; lometimes the ac- knowledged her Unadviſedneſs and Miſgovernment ; ſome things ſhe did • confeſs plainly; ſome things the did excufe ; ſome things ſhe did extenuate. • In Concluſion, the Earl of Murray left her that Night in hope of nothing . but of God's Mercy (a), willing her to ſeek that as her chiefeft Refuge. • And ſo they parted. · The next Morning betime ſhe deſired to ſpeak with her Brother ; he repair- • ed unto her : They began where they left over Night. And after thoſe his Reprehenſions, he uſed fome Words of Conſolation uäto her, tending to this end, that he would aſſure her of her Life, and, as much as lay in him, the o Preſervation of her Honour : As for her Liberty, it lay nor in his Power ; neither was it good for her to ſeek it, nor preſently for her to have it, for many Reſpects. • Whereupon the took him in her Arms and kiſſed him, and ſhewed herſelf very well ſatisfied, requiring him in any ways not to refuſe the Regency of · the Realm, but to accept it at her Deſire (b): For by this means (faid ſhe) my Son ſhall be preſerved, my Realm well governed, and I in Safety, and in • towardneſs to enjoy more Safety and Liberty that way than I can any other. • Whereupon the Earl declared many Reaſons why he ſhould refuſe it. The Queen (a) i. e. That the Lords had a mind to put her to Death. (6) Skin for skin, and all that a Man hath will be give for his life . The Craft of the Earl of Murray is here moſt conípict's ous: He firſt puts the Queen into the Terror of Death; next allures her of Life as much as ſhould ly in him, tho' ſtill not of her Liberty. The natural Conſequence of this he well forefaw would be, a thankful Acknowledgment to him for preſerving her Life , and a willing ſurrendring of herſelf, her Son, and her Government, into his Hands. A dextrous Piece of Management ini truth; and which ferved moreover as a fine Handle for the Eari's Friends to give it out to the World, that the Queen confirmed by Word of Mouth what ſhe had formerly ſigned with her Hand; and that he prelied and obteſted her Brother to take the Go: yernment! This was materially truc, yet we fee from what Source it proceeded : And her Majeſty was ſo fenfible of the Earl's Misbehaviour towards her, thát, as Mr. Melvil has already told us, it cut the Thread of Love and Credit betwixt her and him for 6 < 6 5 U fuer; 446 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 6 6 1567. Queen again replied with earneſt Interceſſion, and prayed him to prefer her Reaſons and Requeſts before his own u hich were particular. At leogth he accorded unto her the Acceptation of the Regency (a). · Then the Queen required him to leave no Means undone to bring all the • Forts of the Realm into his own diſpoſing, and likewiſe to take her Jewels · and Things of Value which were hers, into his Cuſtody, offering unto the ſaid Earl her Writings, the Uſe of her Name and Authority to bring all theſe Things • to paſs. He ſhewed himſelf very unwilling to have the Cuſtody of her Jewa • els(6). Then the Earl of Murray requiring the Lords Lindſay, Ruthven, and Lochlevin, to treat the Queen with Genticneſs, with Liberty, and all other good Uſage (c), he took his Leave of her ; and then began a new Fit of · Weeping, which being appeaſed, the embraced him very lovingly, kiſſed him, · and ſent her Bleſſing unto the Prince her Son by him. · Since whoſe Departure from her ſhe hath written a Letter of her own Hand • unto the faid Earl, requiring him to take her Jewels, and all the hath of Va- lue, into his Cuſtody ; for otherwiſe ſhe is ſure neither the nor her Son ſhall have Good of them. • Thus much, and it pleaſe your Majeſty, concerning my Lord of Mur. ray's Proceedings at Lochlevin, ſaying that I did omit to declare how the Queen did amicably take her Leave of the Earls of At hole and Morton, with whom ſhe had fome Talk, but not very much ; unto whom, amongſt other • Things, ſhe had theſe Words, My Lords, you have had Experience of my Severity, and of the End of it; I pray you alſo let me find, that you have • learned by me to make an End of yours; or, at leaſt, that you can make it $ final (d). The 16th Day the Earls aforeſaid went from Lochlevin to Stirling, where they remained until the 19th of this Month, what Day they returned to this • Town in the Evening. That Night I ſent unto my Lord of Murray, requi. ring him that I might ſpeak with his Lordſhip and the L. of Lethington to- gether quietly. The Earl fent me Word, that he would not fail in the Morn- ing but come to my Lodging, requiring me to hold him excuſed for chat Night, not finding himſelf well at Eaſe. The next Morning, being the 20th • of this preſent, the ſaid Earl came to my Lodging, and had theſe Words, • My Lord Ambaſador, whether will you that I ſhould make Declaration • to you of my Doings at Lochlevin? or have you any thing to ſay to me? • I required him to declare his Proceedings with the Queen his Siſter, and how they had agreed : The faid Earl made Declaration unto me of all Matters par- * ticularly as is before written, ſave that he ſpake not ſo confidently of the Af- • ſurance of the Queen's Life, as is before ſpecified, but treated with her of that Marrer with this Caution, That for his own Part, according to his many Ob- ligations, he had a Deſire to ſpend his own Life to fave her Life, and would • employ all that was in him for that Purpoſe; but it was not in his Power only e), the Lords and others having Intereſt in the Matter. Notwith- ſtanding he ſaid, Madam, I will declare unto you which be the Occaſions • that may put you in Jeopardy, and which be they that may preſerve you. First , for your Peril, theſe be they; Your own Practices to diſturb the Quiet • of your Realm, and the Reign of your Son ; to enterprize to eſcape from where you are, to put your ſelf at Liberty ; to animate any of your Subjects to Troubles or Diſobedience; the Queen of England or the French King, to moleft this Realm, either with their War, or with War inteſtine, by your • Procurement or otherwiſe (f); and your own perſiſting in this inordinaté Af- fection with the Earl Bothwell. • Foi (a) The only Thing in the World he longed for. ro) Good ſelf-denied Man! We thall afterwards hcar more concerning theſe Jewels. c) Which they would underſtand well enough in what ſhape to obey. (a) A very ſmart, but touching Word. Nothing cuts ſharper than Truth. le) In his Power alone. So it would ſeem the Earl has ſtill left the Queen in a State of Suſpence, and to himſelf a Back-door të zelile, when he ſhould want it. The different Turns of this World are affecting enough, even when they don't touch our ſelves, ) More Sketches ſtill of the Earl's Cunning, Chap. XII. 447 Church and Stätë in Scotland. 6 6 • For your Preſervation, theſe be they ; Your acknowledging your Faults 1567. to God, with Lamentation of your Sins paſt, ſo as it may appear you do de- o teſt your former Life, and do intend a better Converſation, a more modeſt Behaviour, and an apparent Shew that you do abhor the Murder of your Husband, and do miſlike your former Life with Bothwell. Laftly, an cvi- • dent Demonſtration that you mind no Revenge to theſe Lords and others which have fought your Reformation and Prelervation (a). Further, the laid Earl declared unto me, that the Queen his Siſter ſent me • her hearty Commendations, and required me to thank your Majeſty for your good Affection to her, whereof you had made good Proof, in tending me • hither. And as ſhe was beholding to your Majeſty for this your Favour, employed for her Relief already ; fo the deſired your Majeſty to be pleaſed, • and to procure that ſhe may live with you in England, in what fort and man • ner it ſhould pleaſe your Majeſty to appoint: For truly ſhe had no Deſire to live in her own Country, nor any other but there in your Realm (6). The faid Earl declared alſo unto me, that he never ſaw the Queen in bet- ter Health, nor in better Point. This being the Sum of the Earl's Talk had with me, ſave that he ihowed me particular Letters written from the Earls of Rothes, Crawford, the Ma- • ſters of Monteith and Errol, the Lords Drummond, Ogilvie, Oliphant and Somervil, Borthwick and reſter ; whereby they did promile and aſſure un- to hin their Obedience and Fidelity. I did require the laid Earl of Murray, that I might have ſome convenient Time this Day to declare to him and the • L. of Lethington fuch Commiſſion as your Majeſty had given me in Charge. The Earl of Murray anſwered, We muſt now ferve God, for the Preacher tarrieth for us and after the Sermon we muſt adviſe of a Time to confer withi you. And ſo the ſaid Earl took his Leave of me. It may pleaſe your Majeſty, Your Letters of the rath of Aaguf, dated at • Windſor, I received the 17th of the ſame; the Contents of the fame, accord- ing to your Majeſty's Inſtructions, I will at my next Conference with the Earl of Murray and L. of Lethington accompliſh. And albeit your Maje- ſty's Lerters do purport, that I ſhould declare to all theſe Lords your milli- king of their Proceedings, as is preſcribed in your faid Letter ; yet being ad- • viſed by Mr. Secretary (by your Majeſty's Commandment) to make Choice • of the Earl of Murray (c) and the L. of Lethingtoil, as Men firteſt to treat • with for this Queen’s Benefit and Relief, I do abſtain from publick Negotiation • with this whole Aſſembly, as the beſt Mean to bring That to paſs which your Majeſty deſireth. The Biſhop of St. Andrew's is detected by a Perſon of good Credit to have Some other been privy and confenting to the Murder of the late King. ting to our The Abbot of Kilwinning is looked for to repair to this Town to Morrow ni or next Day. The Biſhop of Galloway (the Earl of Huntly's Uncle, and ſent by the faid Earl) hath made Offer to the Earl of Athole and the L. of Lethington, that • the ſaid Earl his Nephew ſhall deſiſt from making any Trouble in this Realin, • and ſhall conjoin with theſe Lords to obey the Authority eſtabliſhed, ſo as he may have the Earl of Murray his aſſured Friend, whereof he is in fome Felonżye, becauſe in the Time of the Earl of Murray's Diſgrace the ſaid Earl of Huntly was his great Enemy. The Lords Fleming, Boyd and Livingſton have written to the Earl of Murray (which Letter I did fee) offering him either to come to this Town, or to any other Place, if he the ſaid Earl will give them Aſſurance under his * Hand; which he hath refuſed to do, ſaying there is no Hoftility nor dead- • ly 6 6 Matters relas 6 5 U2 (a) This is a very Maſter-piece of Device. (6) What ſtrange Alterations may occur in humane Affairs! (c) The unfitteft Man in the World, as Mr. Secretary Cecil very well know; but the filteft Man indeed for the Secretary's Poetry poſso 448 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book 11. 1567. ly Feed amongſt them, and therefore no Cauſe why they ſhould require any Safe-conduct : Well hc doth aſſure them on his Word, that if they come, neither they nor any of theirs ſhall be moleſted. Thus Almighty God preſerve · your Majeſty in Health, Honour and perfect Felicity. At Edinburgh 20th Auguſt 1567. Your Majeſty's moſt humble, faithful, obedient Servant and Subject, N. THROCKMORTON. I have thought good not to ſtay this Diſpatch until my Conference had with • the faid Earl and Lord of Lethington, and their Reſolution thereupon ; the * rather becauſe your Majeſty is in ſome Expectation to hear what hath been done at Lochlevin, and the State of this Queen.' Account of a tare Confe- rence between the Engliſh the Earl of 6 Secretary Maitland : With ſome o- 6 Another Letter from Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, To the Queen of England, 220 Auguſt 1567 (a). May it pleaſe your Majeſty, "TH "He 21ſt of this Month I declared to the Earl of Mtirray and the L. of Lethington at good length ſuch Commiſſion as I received by your Majeſty's Letters of the 11th of Anguſt, in as carneſt and vehement lort as I · could ſet it forth. It was by them thereunto anſwered as followeth : • They never meant Harm (God they took to witneſs) neither to the Queen's Perſon, nor to her Honour : They do not forget the manifold Benefits they • have received of her, and therefore their great Affection always born unto her Ambaſſador, cannot be altogether extinguiſhed; yea they be ſo far from ineaning her Harm, that they wilh ſhe were Queen of all the World (6). Preſently ſhe is none Murray and otherwiſe to be ſatisfied, than a very ſick Perſon in an extreme Diſeaſe is to be pleaſed in their inordinate Appetites: For, ſaid the L. of Lethington, One fick ther Things. of a vehement burning Fever will refuſe all Things which may do him Good, and require all Things which may do him Harm; and therefore the Appetite • of ſuch'a Perſon is not to be followed. This Matter doth carry with it many • Parts, fome concerning the Queen's Perſon, ſome the King her Son, fome the • Realm, and ſome the Lords and Gentlemens Sureties; and when they ſhall · fee a Moderation of the Queen their Sovereign's Paſſion, they mean nothing • but Well unto her, and the ſhall have nothing but Good at their Hand (c). • There is no way to do her ſo much Harm as to precipitare Matters before they o be ripe, or to put there Lords to a Strait ; for ſo againſt their Wills they ſhall · be conſtrained to do That they would not do. It is evident they have been con- • tented hitherto to be condemned, as it were, of all Princes, Strangers, and namely of your Majeſty, being charged of grievous and infamous Titles, as to be noted Rebels, Traitors, feditious, ingrate and cruel; all which they ſuffer · aud bear upon their Backs, becauſe they will not juſtify themſelves, nor pro: • ceed in any thing that might touch the Queen their Sovereign's Honour. But ' in caſe they be with theſe Defamations continually oppreffed, or with the · Force, Aid and Practices of other Princes (and namely of your Majeſty) put • in Danger, or to an Extremity, they ſhall be compelled to deal otherwiſe with the Queen than they intend, or than they deſire: For, my Lord Ambaſſador, ſaid he, you may be fure we will not loſe our Lives, have our Lands forfeita ed (d), and be reputed Rebels through the World, ſeeing we have the Means (a) Calig. C. 1. an Original. 6) That they might rule over all the World in laer Stead; otherwiſe why did they deprive her of the ſmall Dominion to which the had fo proper a Title? 'Tis eaſy to varniſh over the fouleſt Actions with falſe or fine Speeches. (c) We can perceive nothing but Moderation in her at the Conferenee with the Earl of Murray. ra) Very probably indeed this has been the grand Reaſon for refuſing to hearken to Queen Elizabeth's repeated Solicitations, o^c. When Men have once dipt into Rebellion, no doubt the Fear of After-punichment withholds them from relenting, and inſtigates them to proceed in their evil Courſes, Chap. XII. 449 Church and State in Scotland. to juſtify our felves : And if there be no Remedy but that the Queen your Só. 1567. vereign will make War, and nouriſh War againſt us, we can be but ſorry for it, u and do the Beſt we may. But to put you out of Doubt, we had rather en- • dure the Fortune thereof, and ſuffer the Sequel, than to put the Queen to Li- berty now in this Mood that ſhe is in, being refolved to retain Bothwell and • to fortify him, tó hazard the Life of her Son, to put the Realm in Peril, and • to forfeit all theſe Noblemen (a). You muſt think, my Lord Ambaſſador, • your Wars are not unknown to us, you will burn our Borders, and we will · do the like to yours; and whenfoever you invade us, we are ſure France · will aid us ; for their League (tandeth faſt, and they are bound by their League to defend us. And as to the Practices which you have in hand, to • nouriſh Diſſenſion among us, we do overlook your Doings, and foreſee the · End well enough; for either the Hamiltons, and ſuch as you practiſe withall, will take your Silver, and laugh you to ſcorn, when you have done, and a-> grec with us, (for we have in our Hands to make the Accord when we will) or elſe you will make them attempt ſome fuch Act, as they and their Houſe · ſhall repent it for ever. The Queen's Majeſty your Sovereign harh connex- ed together with the Queen's Liberty and her Reſtitution to her Dignity, the Preſervation of the King the Queen's Son, the Puniſhment of the Murder, • and the Safety of theſe Lords. Many Things have been done, much Time fpent, and ſtrange Language uſed (as you have done in this your laſt Commif- ſion) charging us another Prince's Subjects (for we know not the Queen's « Majeſty to be our Sovereigo) to ſet the Queen at Liberty, but nothing hath · been done by her Majeſty, either for the Apprehenſion of Bothwell and the • Murderers, for the Safeguard of the King, or for the Safety of theſe Lords. • Will the Queen yout Miſtreſs arm two or three Ships to apprehend Bothwell? Pay a thouſand Soldiers for a Time to reduce all the Forts of this Realm to • the King's Obedience ? Then we will ſay, doing this, that her Majeſty mind- • eth as well theſe other Matters ſpoken of, as the Queen's Liberty (b). I directed then my Speech to my Lord of Murray: Sir, you have no ſuch Intereſt in this Matter as theſe Men have, for you have committed no ſuch · Exceſs; and therefore I truſt this Anſwer given me by the L. of Lethington, though it may be the Mind of the other Lords his Aſſociates, yet I truſt it • be not agreeable to yours. The Earl faid, Sir Nicholas, truly méthinketh you have heard Reaſon at the Laird of Lethington's hand; and for mine ower • Part, though I were not here at the Doings paſt, yet ſurely I muſt allow of • them; and do mean (God willing) to take ſuch Part as they do. And ſeeing • the Queen and they have laid upon me the Charge of the Regentry, (a Burden · which I would gladly have eſchewed) I do mean to ware my Life in Defence of their A&ion, and will either reduce all Men to Obedience in the King's Name, or it ſhall coſt me my Life (6). And if the Queen your Sovereigi • do look into the World, ſhe will find more Profit for her and her Realm, to fortify and aſſiſt us, than to be againſt us : For though we may have Cover by her Means, yet if the Matter be well conſidered, thoſe which her Maje- ſty doth fortify againſt us, will bring little Commodity to her or England. • This was the Effect which paſſed betwixt the Earl of Murray, the L. of Le- O'thington and me at my laſt Negotiation. I did write a Letter to the Biſhop of St. Andrew's and the Abbot of Ar: brothe, the Copy whereof I ſent your Majeſty by my Diſpatch of the 14th. • Here- 6 5 X (a) With what Confidence could this Gentleman ſay fo, not only after what the Queen had talked with the Earl of Murray; but after ſhe had demitted the Government, and that voluntarily too, as they repreſented it? 'Tis even ſomcwhat diverting to oba ſerve the various Shapes into which the Queen's Enemies caſt her Sequeſtration and continued Detention. But for all this ill Mood they repreſent her Majeſty now to be in, ſome of them at leaſt might have remembred that they deſired Sir James Melvil to ac- quaint the Earl of Murray at his Arrival, that the Queen was beginning already to repent her of many Things; and 'tis not very likely that ſhe did now repent that Repentance again. (b) In all Lethington's Diſcourſes, the great Man ftill ſhines. (0) The laſt of theſe did indeed fall out; for he loft his Life in the Quarrel. 450 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book IT. 6 6 1567. Herewith I ſend your Majeſty Anſwer to the my Letter ſent • from the ſaid Biſhop and Abbot, and the Lords Fleming and Boyd, together with ſuch Avfwer as I have returned to them preſently by a Gentleman named John Hamilton, whom they ſent unto me, and whom I think they will Thortly ſend unto your Majeſty, and to into France to the Duke of Chaſtel- • herault.. The ſaid John Hamilton, on the Behalf of the Biſhop and others, required me to deſire a Paſport of your Majeſty for the Dake of Chaſtelbe. • rault, and twenty four with him, to return forth of France through your Majeſty's Realm into Scotland. He required alſo Recommendation to the Lord Scroop, that by his Order he might be furniſhed with Poſt-horſes to paſs to your Majeſty's Court; and • for that purpoſe I have written to the faid Lord Scroop. The faid Hamilton faid further, the Lords of that Faction deſired that your Majeſty would (in caſe I were revoked) ſignify your Pleaſure to the Lord Herries from time to time, by the Order of the Lord Scroop, who may communicate your Majeſty's Intent to the Hamiltons, and others of that Party. I do gueſs by the Contents of their Letter, that both they be not very haw fty in this Matter, but would gladly make your Majeſty to ſerve their Turn; • and alſo that there be not many to adhere unto them, ſeeing their Letter is • fubfcribed with ſo few Hands, and thoſe of no great moment. Many of thoſe • Noblemen and Gentlemen, whercof the Hamilton's made Account to run their • Fortune, do write daily to the Earl of Murray, and do offer unto him Obe- • dience and Fidelity ; ſo as I think the Hamiltons Faction will be far too weak, • and indeed their Party is nothing ſo well made as theſe Lords; for beſides their · Forces which ly united, they have the Town and Caſtle of Edinburgh, the · Town and Caſtle of Stirling, the Town of Leith, and the Paſſages from all • Parts of the Realm at their Devotion. The Earl of Argile doth bear the Earl of Murray in hand as fair as he doth • the Hamiltons, and hath written hinn a Letter this Day full of great Kindneſs. The Earl of Huntly hath aſſayed in his own Country what he can do; and • ſince the Earl of Murray's coming home, he findeth himſelf no Party in the North, and therefore dath make great Offers this way, The Lady Bothwell, Siſter to the faid Earl of Huntly, paſſed through this • Town within theſe two Days, and is gone to her Mother and Brother in the North-parts : She hath proteſted to the Lady of Murray in this Town, that • ſhe will never live with the Earl Bothwell, nor take him for her Husband. The Earl of Argile doth ſeek to be divorced from his Wifc, half Siſter to • the Earl of Murray. His Incontinency is alledged to be the Cauſe of the Di- vorce, and the fame procur'd at his Suit ; but his Wife will not confent unto • it, neither will the Earl of Murray fuffer it to pafs : So as it is thought this « will be the occafion of Breach of Amity betwixt the ſaid Earls. The Earl of · Murray hath the better Part in the Action, becauſe the Earl of Argile is not juſtifiable by no Law. Carl of It may pleaſe your Majeſty, Monf. de Lynerol hath made great Shew that · he would not carry here, as not beſt ſatisfied with his Anſwers; but in the • End, theſe Lords have made him find it good to prolong his Abode here, and, as far as I can learn, De Lynerol is contented to go to Stirling, there to do • Reverence to the Prince as to the King: At which Place 'tis intended and procured by De Lynerol , that the Hamiltons ſhall meet with ſome of theſe • Lords there, and fo compound (in the French King's Name) all Differences betwixt them. And though John Hamilton ſeemed to me to be ſpecially dif- . patched to this Town to confer with me; yet I am well adviſed that the ſaid • Hamilton was chiefly addreſſed to the French Ambaſſador : So as your Maje- • ſty may perceive to what End both theſe Lords aud the Hamiltons do conduct • their Matters, that is, as methinketh, to run the Courſe of France. The Chap. XII. 451 Church and State in Scotland. 67 엄 ​The Law-day for the Murder of the late King doth hold in this Town this 1567. Day (a), where it is thought few or none will appear which be fummoned. Notwithſtanding there is a great Number of Gentlemen have made their Re- pair hither forth of all Quarters of the Realm, and many of them well accom- panied. * This Day the Abbot of Kilwinning is come to this Town, ſince whoſe coming, as I learn, there is fome Doubt made of the Hamiltons repair to Stir- ling; which not taking Place, 'cis like De Lynerol will not go thither; and • then I reckon he will make no long Abode here. Now that your Majeſty doth fee an Iſſue, as well for the Preſervation of this Queen's Life, as what is reſolved for her Liberty, and ſo of all the French Ambaſſador's Negotiations here, and the Hamiltons Anſwer to my Letter ; • it may pleaſe your Majeſty to be fo gracious unto me as to revoke me hence. • Thus Almighty God preſerve your Majeſty in all Health, Honour and per- fect Felicity. At Edinburgh the 22d of Auguſt 1567. Your Majeſty's moſt bumble, obedient, faithful Servant and Subject, N. THROCKMORTON. Before we ſhut up this Chapter, it may be proper to add here the Queen of England's Letter to her Ambaſſador of the 29th of Auguſt; becauſe tho' it be indeed pofterior to the Earl of Murray's Acceptation of the Regency, yet at the time of its writing, that Princels had not probably received Intelligence of that Emergent. 6 dor. Letter from the Queen of England, To Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, 29th Auguſt 1567 (b). 6 “Ruſty and well-beloved, we greet you well: We have within theſe two The Queen of Days received three fundry Letters of yours, the 20th, 220 and 23d, England fignia having not before theſe received any ſeven Days before ; and do find by theſe concerning your Letters you have very diligently and largely advertiſed us of all the hafty her Ambaris • and peremptory Proceedings there, which as we nothing like, ſo we truſt in • time to ſee them wax colder, and to receive fome Reforination : For we can- not perceive that they with whom you have dealt, can anſwer the Doubts moved by the Hamiltons, who howſoever they may be carried for their pri- vare Reſpects, yet theſe Things which they move will be allowed with all • reaſonable Perſons; for if they may not, being Noblemen of the Realın, be ſuffered to hear the Queen their Sovereign declare her Mind concerning the Reports which are made of her by ſuch as keep her in Captivity (C), how • ſhould they believe the Reports, or obey them that do report it? And therefore our Meaning is, you ſhall ler the Hamiltons plainly underſtand, thar we do well allow of their Proceedings ſo far forth as the ſame doth concerni • the Queen their Sovereign for her Relief; and in ſuch things as fhall appear realonable for us to do herein for the Queen our Siſter, we will be ready 6 5 X 2 to (a) Calderiwood's large MS. ſays, “ Upon the 22d Day of Auguſt, skirling, Ricartoun, and ſome other Gentlemesi, ſhould « have been tried by an Aſlize for the Murder of the King, but were continued till October. But the fame Day the Laird of Or. « miſtoun in Teviot dale, his Father's Brother, Sir Patrick Hepburn of Whitecaſtle, the Laird of Talo younger, with divers others € were denounced Rebels, and put to the Horn, for not Compearance.” (b) Calig. C. 1. à Copy. This may give us to underſtand that the Hamiltons had complained, that as they were not allowed to ſee the Queeñ, fo neither on the other hand did they think themſelves under an Obligation to credit the Stories reported of her by thoſe who kept her Priſoner; for perhaps ſhe had already given, and was ſtill ready to give all reaſonable Satisfaction concerning her late Misbe haviour. And as theſe Lords who firſt took upon them to ſhut her up, could in Reafon pretend to no ſuch Authority in Exclus fion of the other Peers of the Realm; fo their peremptory Refuſal to give other Noblemen Acceſs to her Majeſty, is a threwd Sus ſpicion that they did this that they themſelves might thereby have Opportunity to put what Glofſes they found convenient for their Purpoſes on the Queen's preſent Deportment, and ſo deprive her of undeceiving her faithful Subjects. 452 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. to perform the ſame (a). And where it is required, that upon your coming thence, the Lord Scroop ſhould deal with the Lord Herries, to impart their Meanings to us, and ours to them ; We are pleaſed therewith, and we re- quire you to advertiſe the Lord Scroop thereof by your Letters, and to will him to fheir himſelf favourable to them in their Actions that may appear plainly to tend to the Relief of the Queen, and Maintenance of her Authority : And as we willed our Secretary to write unto you, that upon your Meſſage done to the Earl of Murray, you might return; our Meaning is, you ſhall. And if theſe our Letters ſhall meet you on the Way, yet we will have you adverciſe the Lord Scroop and the Hamiltons of our Meaning.' CH A P. XIII. Containing Matters of State from the Earl of Murray's Acceptation of the Regency in the Month of Auguſt 1567, till the Queen's Retreat into England in the Month of May 1568. Fter the Earl of Murray had returned from viſiting the Queen in the Caſtle of Lochlevin, and that every thing had been put in Or- der by him and his friends for the Proſecution of their Deſigns, his By Lordſhip, in the Space of two Days after his coming to Edinburgh, was pleaſed to accept and enter upon the Office of Regent of the Kingdom, within the ſaid City of Edinburgh, in the Manner and Form here ſubjoined. The Earl of Murray en- ters upon the Regency, Apud Edinburgh 22. Auguſt, 1567. SE DE RU N T Jacobus Moraviæ Comes Dominus Abernethie Regni Scotie Regens, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Joannes Comes de Athole, Alexander Comes de Glen- cairn, Joannes Comes de Mar, Robertus Comes de Buchan, Joannes Magi. Ster Graham, Alexander Dominus Hume, Willielmus Dominus Ruthven, Patricius Dominus Lyndelay de Byris, Robertus Dominus Sempill, Williel- mus Dominus Borthwick, Robertus Commendatarius de Dunfermline, Wila. lielmus Maitland de Lethington junior Secretarius, Magiſter Robertus Ri- chardſon Commendatarius Infula Sanctæ Mariæ The ſaurarius, Joannes Bellenden de Auchnoule Miles Clericus Juſticiariæ, Jacobus Balfour de Pittendreich Miles Clericus Regiſtri, Magiſter Jacobus Macgill de Rankil- lor-nether, Joannes Spens Advocatus, cum diverfis Baronibus & Commi. ſariis Burgorum. Acceptatioun of the Regencie. The (a) That the Queen of England ſpoke here as ſhe thought, the following Part of her Secretary Sir William Cecil's Letter to her Ambaſſador in France, Sir Henry Norris, ſeems to be a fure Evidence : “ Sir, You fhall perceive by the Queen's Majeſty's Letters " to you at this preſent, how carncſtly ſhe is bent in the favour of the Queen of Scots ; and truly ſince the beginning ſhe hath becn « greatly offended with the Lords: And howſocver her Majeſty might make her Profit by bearing with the Lords in this Action, yet no Counſel can ſtay her Majeſty from inſiſting on her milliking of them,” 19th Auguſi 1567. And in another Letter from the fame to the fame, “ The Queen's Majeſty our Sovereign remaineth ſtill offended with the Lords for the Queen (of Scots; 1 • the Example moveth her,” 3d September 1567, Cabala. By theſe two Shreds of Letters we can eaſily diſcern, that the Englilin Secretary has done all that lay in him to divert his Miſtreſs from frowning at the Scottiſh Rebels; but that the Queen of England perliſted ſtill hitherto in carneſt willing to relieve our Queen. She thought it a bad Example to the Subjc&ts of other Nations ; and no doubt it was ſo, and ought not to have been tolerated by Sovereign Princes. And had the Queen of England in particular followed forth her preſent Reſolution, there is as little doubt to be made, that the Power of the Rebels in Scotland would ſoon have dwindled to nothing: But other Views came afterwards before her Majeſty's Mind, and a preſent Intereſt prevailed witła her above future Glory. Chap. XIII. 453 Church and State in Scotland. He quhilk Day, in Pufens of the Lozdis of Secreit-Counfale, 1567. Nobilitie, Spiritualitie, Commillonaris of Burrowis, and Bar ronnis, conveint within the Colbuity of the Burgb of Edin- burgh, wes preſentit ane Commiſãoun ſubſcryvit be the Duenis Ma- jettie, our Soverane Loidis derrett Moder, and under hir Dienes Pievie-Seil, of the Dait, at Lochlevin, the xxiv. Day of Julij latt vipatt, quyilk wes opinlie red, the Cenour quhairof followis, MARIE, be the Grace of GOD, Quene of Scottis, To all and Jindrie our Jugeis and Minifteris of our Lawis, Liegis and Subjectis qubome it effeiris, to quhais Knawlege thir our Letteris fall cum, Grering: Forſamekleas efter lang, greit and intollerabill Panis and Labouris takin be us ſen our Arry- vall, &c. as is erpzellit at lenth in the Act above-writtin, maid the xxv. Day of Julij lat bipaft, “ Efter the publict reding of the quhilk Commiſſioun, and Invocatioun of " the Name of GOD, the laid nobill and mychtie Lord James Eric of Mur- ray, &c. reflavit and acceptit (a) 'upoun him the Office of Regentrie of our Soverane Lord his Realme and Liegis, and gaif his Aych for debtfull Adminiſtratioun thairof, efter the Forme and Tenour of the ſaid Com- “ miſſioun in all Pointis : Of the quhilk Aych the Tenour alfwa followis. I James Erle of Murray, Lord Abernethie, &c. promeiſs faythfullie, in “ the Preſence of the Eternall, my God, that I induring the haill Cours of my Lyff fall ſerve the ſame Eternall, my God, to the uttermeſt of my “ Power, according as he requirit in his maiſt holy Word, revelit and con- “ tenit in the new and auld Teſtamentis ; and, according to the ſame Word, “ fall mentaine the trew Religioun of Jelus Chriſt, the preaching of his holy Word, and dew and rycht Adminiſtratioun of his Sacramentis, now relavit " and practizit within this Realme ; and als fall abolyſche and gaineſt and * all falfe Religioun contrair to the fame : And fall rewle the Peopill com- “ mittit to my Charge and Regiment during the Minoritie and les age of the King my Soverane, according to the Will and Command of God revelit in • his foir ſaid Word, and according to the lovabill Lawis and Conſtitutiounis reſavit in this Realme, nawayis repugnant to the ſaid Word of the Eter. “ nall, my God; and fall procure to my uttermeſt, to the Kirk of God and " haill Criſtiane Peopill, trew and perfyte Peace, in all Tyme cuming. “ The Rychtis and Rentis, with all juf Privilegeis of the Crowne of Scot- “ land, I fall preſerve and keip unviolat; nather ſall I transferr nor alie- * nat the famyn. I fall forbid and repreſs, in all Eſtaittis and Degreis, Reiff, Öppreſſioun, and all kynd of Wrang. In all Jugementis I fall com- “ mand and procure that Juſtice and Equitie be keipit to all Creaturis with- * out Exceptioun, as he be merciefull to me and zow, that is the Lord and " Fader of all Mercies : And out of this Realme of Scotland, and Impyre thairof, I fall be cairfull to ruite out all Heretickis and Enemeis to the “ trew Worſchip of God, that fall be convict be the trew Kirk of God of tbe foir ſaid Crymes (b). And thir Thingis above-writtin I faythfullie affirme "be this my folempuit Ayth” (c). R. M. 5 Y The (a) Buchanan ſays that the Earl of Murray was elected Regent by the States. This Writer would fain make the World believe, Bhat the ſupreme Governors of Scotland come at their Office always by Election of the People. But the whole authentick Pro- greſs of this new Regency (ſuch as it was) belies this Author egregiouſly. Even herein alfo Abp. Spottiſwood blindly follows the Tradition of Mr. Buchanan! (6) And what better Right had he to do ſo than the laſt Regent, viz. the Queen's Mother, had to root out all thoſe whom ſhe accounted Hereticks? The Addition of the Words, convict be the trew Kirk of God, is of no Service at all, lecing every Kirk will call itſelf the trew Kirk. And I make little Doubt but the trewer the Kirk is, the leſs Perſecution will be made by it. (c) In the Lord Pitmedden's Abſtracts of Privy-Council it is ſaid that " at this Time compeared Arthur Hamilton of Mure- ton, as Proctor for John Archbilhop of St. Andrew's and Gavin Commendator of Kilwinning, Commiſſioners nominate by S. James Duke of Chaſtelherault, Earl of Arran, and proteſted, that the Queen's Commiſſion, and the Coronation of the King “ her Son, ſhould not prejudge the Duke and his Succeſſors in the Right of Succeſſion to the Crown of the Kingdom, whenfo- “ ever it ſhall pleaſe God to call him thereto.” But whether this has been only the Proteſtation made at the Time of the King's Coronation, already ſet down p. 437; or if theſe fame Perſons have now repeated the former Proteſtation, I cannot determine. 454 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book 11. Proclamation of the Earl of Murray's Re- gency. vur 1567. The fame Day an Order was publiſhed for proclaiming the Earl of Murray's ur Acceptation of the Regency, and a Charge to the Lieges, enjoining them to give Obedience to the Lord Regent in all Things, under the Pain of Treaſon. Which Proclamation, becauſe it contains fome Clauſes the Readers might wil- lingly deſire to ſee, I have therefore taken the Freedom to annex here at full length. Apud Edinburgh, 22. Auguſt 1567. Diſamekilas the Duene, Moder to our Soverane Loid the king, the Tyme of hit Subſcriptioun of the Commillioun and Letteris of Procuratorie, be the quhili (che dimittit and renunceit the Go- vernament of this Realme in the favouris of ourſaid Soverane Lold; Conüderand that, be relloun of his tender Zouth, he wes not of Abi- litie of his awn perſoun, to adminiſtrat in his Kinglie Bowme and Governament, as wes requiſite ; and knawing the proximitie and Tendernes of Blude itanding betwir him and hir derrett Beuther, James Éric of Murray, Lord Abernethie, of quhais Affeaioun and kynd lie Luſ towartis his Majeſtie, and the Commoun-weill of tyis Kes alme, fche wes, and is maiſt aưurit: in reſpect quhairof, as of the Cer- taintie of hir ſaid Brutheris Sufficiencie and gude Dualificatioun, vir Grace, ve hir Letteris alfwa Cubſcryvit with yir Hand, and under bir pievie-Seil, of the Dait above writtin, maid, namit, appointit, conditut and ozdanit him Regent to hir Caid derred Sone this Re: alme, and Liegis tgairof, during his minoritie and les Aige, and ay and quvil he be of the Aige of Seventein zeiris complert, wilano that he be callit, during the ſaid Space, REGENT to our Soverane Lozd, his Realme and Liegis; with Power to hir ſaid derreft Bluther, in Name, Authoritie and Behalf of our ſaid Soverane Lod, to uſe and ererce the ſaid Office of Regentrie, in au Chingis, Privilegeis and commodities pertaining thairto, úctyke, als érelie, and with als guit Libertie as ony Regent of Governour to the Duene, oj hir Pre- deceflouris, ult in ony Tymes bigane ; lykeas, at mair lenth, is con: teint in the Commiſioun foirfaid, paſt thairupoun, of the Dait the xxiv. Day of Julij laf bipact ; quhilk befoir and in the tyme of Soverane Lozdis Coronatioun, folempnizat upoun the xxix. Day of the ſaid Moneth, wes red, conüderit, fund gude and expedient ; and be the Ettaittis than conveint, ratifeit, appzovit and condeſcendit un: to. Sen the quyilk Tyme, at the Pleſour of Alinichtie God, the ſaid nobill Lord returning to this Realme, his native Countrie, confiders ing the Duenis deliberat Will and hynd, not onlie be hir taid Com, milliounis, bot ailwa be yir awn Mouth and Woce, that he could acs cept the ſaid Dffice and charge (a); ko? Obedience thairof (b), and movit of the natural and entire Affectioun quyilk he veris towart the Teilfair and Preſervatioun of our faid Soverane Loyd and Coins moun weill of this. Realme, yes acceptit and reflavit the Charge and Dffice of Regentrie upoun yis Perſoun, and hes gevin his Ayth in Prefens of the Lordis of Secreit-Counſal, foz debtful Adminiſtra. tioun thairof, to the plelour of God, our Soveranis Bonour, and Commoditie of all the gude Subjecis of this Realme: Chairfoir ola danis Letteris to be direct to mak Publicatioun heirof be oppin F20- clamatioun, at the Mercate-Croce of Edinburgh, and all utheris Mer- de cates « The Queen was perſwaded by theſe that were her Keepers, and others intromitted (allowed to enter into Lochlevin) for e ihat Purpoſe, to delire him (Murray] to take the Government of the Country upon him; to which he was ſo eaſily perſwa- “ ded, that without great delay of Time, by coated Conſent of the captive Queen, the good Mind of the Fa&tioners, and his “ own bent Will thereunto, was publickly proclaimed, ecc." Crawford's MS. (b) What if the Queen had refuſed to grant him a Commiſſion of Regency? Would this obedient Lord have in that Caſe obeyed his siſter and Sovereign? We ſee the moſt rebellious are fond to talk of obedience as a Virtue, and to allume the Merit of it to them- felves as oft as they can. Chap. XIII. 455 Church and State in Scotland. 6 cate-Croces of the Heid-Burrowis and schyris of this Realme, and 1567. utheris Places neidful, that nane pretend ignorance of the famyn; and to command and charge al and indzie the Liegis and Subdittis quyatlumevir, to redcilie anſwer, intend and obey to the ſaid Lold Regent, in his faid Office and charge of Regentrie during the ſaid Space of our Soverane Loidis Minoritie, and to nane utheris, lic- Iyke as ony princes, ou utheris Governouris and Regentis hes bene obeyit in tymes vigane, under the Pane of Trecoun; certifieing all and quhatlumevir perlounis that dois in the contrair, reliftand our Soveranis Authoritie and diſobeyand the ſaid Regent, thay ſau be re- puite and haldin as plane Ganeftanderis of his Majeties Authoritie, and fall be puneitt tvairfoir with all Rigour, in Erempill of utheris. R. M. The firſt Thing we find done by the Regent, was to publiſh an Order, the very next Day after his Acceptation, for deſtroying all the publick Seals of the King- dom which carried the Name and Title of the Queen (a). Another Thing the Regent immediately fer about, was to ſtrengthen his Party by Force as well as by Authority, wiſely enough conſidering that the one would ſoon become de- ſpicable without the other : For this Purpoſe he dealt to get the Caſtle of Edin. burgh furrendred to him by Sir James Balfour, who, tho' he had been made Governour thereof by the Intereſt of the Earl of Bothwell , yet he quickly laid aſide the Gratitude he owed both to the Queen and that Nobleman, and entred into the Meaſures of the aſſociating Lords. But that Parry it ſeems, tho' they loy'd the Treachery, had no great liking to the Man ; and this made them to very earneſt to have the Caſtle out of his Hands: And on the other hand, he, as would appear, dreading to be called to account for his former Deportment, whilft a Partiſan with Bothwell , inſtantly agreed to deliver the Caſtle into the The Caftic of Hands of the Earl of Murray, on the following Conditions (b); 1. A Remif- Edimburela iz fion for Art and Part of the King's Murder.. 2. The Gift and Donation of the Regent on the Priory of Pittenweem (C). 3. A Penſion of Viftual to his eldeſt son out certain Condi- of the Priory of St. Andrew's, to remain with him heritably. 4. A great pecunial Sum to him felf in hand. [Spottiſwood calls it 5000 Pounds.] 5. That the Caſtle Mall be put into the Hands of the Laird of Grange. Theſe Articles were ſpeedily agreed to ; and they ſay, that upon Payment of the Mouey contained in the fourth Article, the Regent took Poffeffion of the Caſtle, and ſlept the Night of the 24th Auguſt (à) in the fame Room where the Queen had been laſt Year delivered of her Son the Prince. Some time after the Regent gave this Caſtle to be kept by Sir William Kirkaldy of Grange. The next Thing the Regent took in hand was to get likewife into his Pof- “ mand and charge James Erle ot Bothwell, "Patrick Qubytlaw of that Ilk, Fobne Newtoun zoungar of that Ilk, Mr, Thomas Hepburne Parſon of Ald . hamftocks, and all utheris Keiparís of the Caftell of Dunbar, to render and deliver the fame, with all Artaillierie, Pulder and Munitionis being thairin, “ to the Officiaris Executoris heirof, within fex Houris after the Charge, with Certificatioun of Forfaultour, &c. as Traittouris, in caſe of Refufal." The fame Perſons were likewiſe charged at the faine Time to deliver before the Ju- ſtice and his Deputes, within the Tolbooth of Edinburgh, in the Space of twenty four Hours next after the Charge; *** the Perſon of Patrick Wilſon, who had bene declarit Traittour, and Art and Part in the Kingis Murthour, " under the Pain to be repute, haldin, callit, perſewit, and denunceit as plane . Parrakaris with the ſaid Patrick in his Rebellioun and treaſonabill Deids, dito para ord sobibs 2015 Y 2s gro] 25 11:0 d: 4 16 and hitmo bari wa Ardor ut sond solidabb_170. () The A& of Council appointing this Matter, I have put intend the Fifth alone in Melvil's Memoirs. The firft Four of theſe Conditions are intem aukave put into the Appendix, Numb. 24. (c) This Priory was held by the Regent in commendam; together with that of St. Andrew's. (d) So ſays Crawford's Memoirs; bu Calderwood's MS. fays, this Caſtle was only ſurrendred on the sth Day of September. tions : ; 456 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. " and to be puneiſt thairfoir with all Rigour, in Exempill of utheris.” But notwithſtanding the Charge given for the Surrender of this Caſtle, thoſe within took no Care to obey; and therefore the Regent ſaw himſelf under a Neceſſity to carry it by a formal Siege. And we are enabled to aſcertain the preciſe Time of this Expedition, by an Order of Privy Council iſſued the 23d of September, and contained in the Abſtracts, charging “ the Browſters, Bax- ters and Fleſchers (a) of the Town of Haddington, to paſs and gang ford- wart with bakin Breid, browin Aill, and Fleſche, to furñiſche the Camp lyand at the Sicge of Dunbar-Caſtell, at competent Pryces, under the Payne to be repuit Aſliſtaris of the Rebellis : And charging the Proveſt and “ Bailzies of Haddington to ſee the ſaid Breid, Aill and Fleſche furniſched to “ the ſaid Camp, as chai will aniwer upoun thair Obedience, and under the Payne foirfaid.” The Captain, at the firſt Summons to ſurrender, is faid to have given the ordinary Anſiver, That he would defend the Caſtle to the laſt Extremity. But when he ſaw the Regent was wholly bent upon getting it into his Hands, ha- Likeas the ving for that End conveyed heavy Cannon from the Caſtle of Edinburgh, and Caſtle of Dua- that he ſaw no Probability of Relief, ſurrendred the Caſtle to the Regent on certain caly Conditions (b). “ The Caſtle was delivered on the iſt Day of “ October"; and the Earl of Morton, the Lords Hume, Lindſay, and ſome o- - thers, deſired the Keeping of it... But the Regent cauſed carry all the Artil- lery and Munition of it to Edinburgh, and committed it to the Cuſtody of " the Town of Dunbar until the Parliament-time" (c). And then he pro- cured an Act for the Demolition both of it and the Fort upon Inch-Keith; which Act ſhall be hereafter noticed. Before we proceed farther, it will be proper to ſet down the following Letter. bar. Letter from Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, To Sir William Cecil, if Septem- ber 1567 (d). C YO SIR, 031305 coca Our Letter of the 20th of Auguſt, dated at Guildford, I received the 127th of the fame, containing the Queen's Majeſty's Order preſcribed • unto me by you for my Proceedings with the Earl of Murray (now Regent) • in ſuch Points as are mentioned in your laid Letter; and containing alſo, • fomewhat to my Comfort, her Majeſty's Pleaſure for my Return, which is · to take Place when I ſhall have accompliſhed ſuch Things as be preſcribed me by you. For Anſwer whereunto, this ſhall be to advertiſe you and her Ma. jeſtý by you, that she Earl of Murray, in the Preſence of the Lord of Le- thington hath anſwered me as followeth. Firſt, to the Matter declared by me, as I was ordered by her Majeſty's Letter of the 11th of Auguft, the Earl of Murray ſaid, That the Lord of Lethington had before him made Anſwer at good length five Days paſt, fo as that Matter needed no Repetition. All which their Anfwer and Diſcourſe • I fignified to her Majeſty, by my Letters of the 22d of Auguft. To my going to the Queen at Lochlevin, he ſhewed me that the Lords faw ' no Reafon more yow to accord unto mě Acceſs to the Queen, than they have done all this s while; but much leſs, ſeeing they have retuſed it to the • French Ambaffador, who has gone his way, without it. odlm aigni sis ni 118 9 bis 11 A bus 10 (a) i, e. Brewers, Bakers and Butchers. B 1100 Jilligibled (6) So ſays Crawfordºs!MS. But Cecil to Norris 9th October 1507, fays, " All Things be quiet in Scotland fince the laſt of Sep- tember, at which Time the Caſtle of Dunbar was rendred to the Earl of Murray; and one named the Lord Waughton, fol. as lower of the Earl Bothwell, which kept the Caſtle as long as he could, was adjudged to pay for the Charges of them which be- fieged it; and the Charge of the Carriage of the Ordnance back to Edinburgh: A new kind of Punishment, fufficient enough for “ ſuch a Beggar,” Cabala. umur tubig door (c) Calderwood's MS. and ſo far with it agrees Crawford?s MS. that " all the Cannon and Guns therein competent were car- « e ried to the Canle of Edinburgh." (d) Calig. C. fi a Copy. • As Chap. XIII. Church and State in Scotland. 457 this Lettet. 6 • As to the Acceptation of the Regency, he ſaid (a), It was now paſt : And 1507, as for Ignominy and Caluniniation, he had none other Defence againſt that • but the Goodneſs of God, his upright Contcience, and his Intent to deal in- cerely in his Office ; and if that would not ferve, lie could not tell what to Sundry re. fay ; for now there was none other Remedy but he muſt go through with the markable of • Matter. 7 • As to the Queen's Majeſty's Satisfaction for the Queen his Sovereign's Conſent, touching the Government conferred upon him ; he faith, he would * be loth to allow any fuch Matter, and ſpecially a Thing that toucheth him- felf, if he had not the Queen's Conſent thereunto, confirmed by her owni Mouth (6). • As unto foie certain Time for the Queen's Enlargement to be preſcribed; which I demanded; he faid, the Lords could not reſolve thereupon, becauſe her Liberty, and the Time thereof, depended upon Accidents : Albeit (faid he) for mine own Part, I could be contented it were undelayedly (c). As unto that which I demanded for the Queen's Condirion and Eſtate after Bothwell's Apprehenſion and Juſtifying; he anſwered, They could not mer- • chandize for the Beat's Skin before they had him (d) • I did reply thereunto, ſaying, They did foreſee by Imagination what ſhould • be meer for them to do, and what they would do at that Time. The Earl of Murray anſwered, As far as I can perceive, the Queen's Liberty then will depend chiefly upon her own Behaviour and conſiderate Doings for if the Lords may perceive that ſhe doth digeſt well the * Juſtifying of Bothwell , the* ie. bring: • Puniſhment of his Adherents, and doch not diſcover a wrathful and revenge- ing to Jultice ..ful Mind towards theſe Proceedings; and likewiſe, if the Queen your Sove- reign will ſo deal as we may have Cauſe to think that ſhe fecketh the Quietneſs • of this Realm, and not the Trouble of it, as by countenancing and nouriſh- ing certain Factions; then theſe Lords will ſeek to do all grateful Things to the Queen our Sovereign, and to the Queen's Majeſty of England : Marry, to fiſh fo far before the Net, and to tell now what ſhall be done theri, neither • do I nor they think convenient to give any determinate Anſwer (e). So aś having theſe refolute Anſwers to the Matters aforeſaid, I have thought good • to make no longer tarrying, but uſe the Benefit of her Majeſty's Pleaſure, fi- gnified unto me by you, concerning my Return. And after I had given Knowledge to the Earl of Murray and the other • Lords that I would depart forthwich, they deſired me to tarry, to the end they might make ready my Diſpatch. I told them. My Diſpatch might be ex- pedited within an Hour, for I had nothing to receive from them but my Safe- • conduct. The Earl of Murray required me to ſtay, for that he would write ſomethiog to the Queen's Majeſty, and would alſo require me to fay ſomething • to her Majeſty on his Behalf . I required him there might as little Delay be • uſed as could be. The 30th of Auguſt the Earl of Murray ſent unto me, and required me, · after the Sermon, that we might go together to his Lodging : Whereupon, · the Sermon being finiſhed, I did accompany him thither ; where were af- • ſembled all the Lords. The L. of Lethington, in Name of all the Lords, made 6 6 5 Z liament? (a) In this and other Letters tliat ate reſponſory, the Readers will eaſily repreſent to themſelves the Contents of the Letters to which they anſwer. (6) of this we have obſerved enough already. And he wanted not Intereſt to have procured it. Why did he never propoſe it either to his Council, or his enſuing Par- (d) The plain Scottiſhs of this was, that lie and the other Lords his Supporters had no mind in any Érent ever to ſet the Queen aheir Sovereign at Liberty again. Tho' by the following Teſtimony it appears plain that they had féd the Queen of England witly Tome better Hopes: “ If Bothwell might be apprchended, I think the Queen there (in Scotland) ſhall be at good Liberty, for the Nobility,” Cecil to Norris, 14th July 1567, Cabala. But now that there was a certain Proſpect of Rothwell's Ruin, or ra- ther that he was already as good as ruined, theſc Lords forget what they had formerly given to underſtand. (?) Sure the Readers hereof will eaſily diſcern that in all this Anfwer there is nothing but Tergiverſation and Shifting, and that how ſoon one Thing is ſet out of the way which the Lords pretended was the Obſtacle of the Queen's Liberation, another is imits mediately ſtarted ; and laſt of all, they think it not convenient to give any determinare Anjwer. Well ſpoken indeeds and hors tieſtly! 458 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. & 8 < o 6 6 6 1567. made a ſummary Repetition of all their Proceedings fince the beginning of this Matter, yielding there thefe particular Reaſons to every their particular Actions; which was in effect the ſame that I have heretofore in fundry of my Diſpatches advertiſed her Majeſty. At length he concluded, that no Men in the World would be more ſorry than they to have the Queen's Majeſty con- ceive otherwiſe than favourably of them : Touching, by way of Digreſſion, the Accord of Religion betwixt the Countries, the particular Favours fhew- • ed to many of them by 'her Majeſty heretofore, and the general Relief that the whole Country and Nation received at the Time of Leith, when Stran- gers were in way to oppreſs them, their Liberty and Religion. When the L. of Lethington had finiſhed his Talk, the Earl of Murray ſet forth at great length, what great Grief it ſhould be to him in particular, to have the Queen's Majeſty think otherwiſe of him than well, alledging many general Reaſons, • and ſome particular touching himſelf, concluding there was no Prince, next thoſe which he ought his chiefeſt Duty unto (a), that the Alienation of their • Favour might trouble him ſo much as the Queen's Majeſty's. Then the Earl of Morton ſaid, I will omit to ſpeak of theſe Things which have been touched by others, and pray you to render mine humble Thanks to her Majeſty, for the Favour I received in the Time of my Trouble in her • Realm. Then the Earls of Murray, Athole, Morton, Mar and Glencairn, and the L. of Lethington, led me into a little Cabinet, where they had prepared a Preſent of Gilt-Plate, as I eſteemed it berter than Merks, which the • Earl of Murray required me to accept by way of Preſent, as from the King • their Sovereign Lord. I declared that I could not accept any Preſent from any Perſon within that Realm, but from the Queen their Sovereign, of whom I would not make any Difficulty to receive a Preſent, if ſhe were in cafe to beſtow any ; but as from the King (whom I took to be Prince) I could receive none, ſeeing he had attained to that Name by injuring the Queen his • Mother. Whereupon the Lords required me to deſiſt from ſuch Matters, for it • would but breed Contention to no purpoſe; and ſo earneſtly preſſed me again to receive the Preſent in the King's Name, which (to be ſhort) I refuſed; and Thc Engliß! ſo we parced (as it ſeemed to me) they not beſt pleaſed. Then my Leave be- Ambaſſador ing taken of them, the L. of Lethington accompanied me to my Lodging, and there perſiſted with many Perſwalions to move me to change my Mind from refuſing the Preſent; whereunto I did not yield, but fo took my Leave of him (6). Somewhat he required me to ſay unto you in his Behalf, which I will declare at my Return. I was accompanied forth of the Town, and ſo ſix or feven Miles of my • Way towards Haddington, with a good Company of my Lord of Murray's Gentlemen. And becauſe it was late before I departed Edinburgh, I lay at Haddington all Night, and ſo came the laſt of Auguſt to this Town, accom- panied with Mr. Robert Melvil, from whence towards the Court I will make the Speed I may. But I pray you, Sir, look not for any great Hafte at my • Hand, for ſurely I am not in Cafe ſo to travel. At my departing Edinburgh, which was the 30th of Auguſt, there was · no News come that the Force of the L. of Tullibardinc and Grange had mec with Bothwell, but that their Ships were diſcovered to be within forty Miles of Shetland, where Bothwell was (C). The principal Man of the ille na- 6 6 takes his Leave, and re. turns home- ward. 6 • med (a) If the Queen his Sovereign was one of thoſe to whom he owed Duty, the Duty he paid her was ſo fine ſpun as not to be difcerned without his own Glalies. (b) This Gentleman has now, and in all this his Negotiation, acted a very honeſt and good Part, contrary to what ſome Pcople have ſaid of him; ſo that we ſhould not give Credit too readily without good and ſufficient Credentials. 'I pray the Rea- ders to look into Sir James Melvil's Memoirs, p. 89. where they will find a very large Character of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, with ſeveral Particulars worth while to be known. (c) Bothwell is not yet taken, to our knowledge, though it be faid he ſhould been taken on the Seas by a Ship of Bremen," Cecil to Norris, ad October 1567, Cabala. Becauſe I ſee not any where a better Account concerning the Fate of the Earl of Bothwell, as that which is contained in Crawford's MS. I chuſe to ſet it down here, and I ſhall not return to ſpeak of this unhap- PY Chap459 XIII. Church and State in Scotland. . 6 6 متن ترانه ها در زندان 1 med Fogge doth favour Bothwell, as it is ſaid, whereby his Party ſhall be the 1567. ſtronger. The L. of Glamis and the Maſter of Sinclair are come to Edinburgh, and « have aſſociate themſelves with theſe Lords. The Earl of Caffils is looked for fhortly • The Hamiltons and others have a Convention at Lanerk in the Weſt of Scotland, from whence they mean to make a Diſpatch to the Queen's Majeſty. Herewith I ſend you a Confabulation lately ſet forth by one of theſe Poets. Thus I do humbly take my Leave of you, au Berwick this ift of September 1567. isfaction blue Yours to uſe and command, vas sada planit vreo - 3 hot N. THROCKMORTON: The Regent and his Council had perceived it ſeems from the beginning, that the Gentlemen of the Countries lying to the South and South-Eaſt of Edin- burgh, were little favourable to their preſent Undertakings : Under the Pretext therefore of ſettling Peace and Tranquillity in the East-March, the Regent and Council on the 23d Day of Auguſt give Charge to the following Gentlemen of Charge a- the Shire of Merſe, viz. John Hume of Blacater, David Hume of Wedder-gainſt ſeveral burn, John Lumſden of Blanern, George Hume of Aytoun, Patrick Cock-the Shire of burn of Langtonn, John Swyntoun of that Ilk, Alexander Cockburn of that Merje. Ilk, John Renton of Billy, Patrick Sleich of Cumledg, William Chirnſide of Eaft-Nisbet, John Sinclair of Longformacus, Thomas Ridpeth of that Ilk, John Haitlie of Mellerſtanes, John Hume of Coldingknows, and James Ker of Merſingtoun, to compear perſonally before the Regent and Council on the laſt Day of Auguſt then running, to give their Advice concerning the ordering of Juſtice and eſtabliſhing of Quietneſs within the Bounds of the Eaſt-March, as they will anſwer at their uttermoft Peril. S R. M. And by the Abſtracts we learn, that on the iſt of September, Lerters are di rected by the Council to charge Alexander Hamilton of Inverweik to enter in- to Ward within the Caſtle of Falkland in the Space of four Days; the Laird of Bafs to deliver up his Fortalice (the Baſs) within forty eight Hours ; Hepburn of Waughton to deliver Waughtos; and the Laird of Roſlin to de- liver Roſlin in the Space of twenty four Hours : Hepburns of Smiton and Gil merton to enter Priſoners in Edinburgh-Caſtle within twenty four Hours ; Oli- ver Sinclair [of Whitekirk] and the Laird of Newton, to enter into Ward within the Caſtle of Down (a), in the Space of three Days: All theſe under the pain of Rebellion. And by the fame Abſtracts, on the roth of September, Charge is given to the Lairds of Blanern and Mellerſtanes to enter into Ward in Edinburg' within three Days, under the Pain of Rebellion; becauſe they had diſobeyed a former Charge (viz. of the 23d of Auguft] to have come to Edinburgh, and there. to have given their Advice, &c. And this preſent Charge is under the Pain of Re- 5 Z 2 . bellion; PY Perſon any more. “ In the mean time the Regent Murray direeted certain Perſons to the Seas to profecute Bothwell where & he might be found, and eſpecially in Orkney, where he underſtood him to make his Reſidence. Certain of his Men were taken « and put to Death for their odious Crimes; but he, eſcaping their Invaſion, addreſled himſelf to the Coaſt of Norway: And he being accompanied with certain fine Ships as Admiral of Scotland, [this Office he did indeed hold) and the ſame condu&ted by good Captains, they chanced to efpy a fair Ship of Turkey then lying on the Coaſt within the Dominions of the King of Den. « mark; which Ship he ſeized upon, and made a Prey thereof. But the Governour of the Town ſeeing that Ship taken away « which once had made Obedience within the Seas of his Prince, directed our two great Ships to relieve her from the Hands of - her Enemies, and the Invaſion of this Port of Norway. The Earl of Bothwell was compelled to give over, and ſo was led Prifon. his Captains and Mariners heavily tortured, and himſelf committed to ſuch Prifon wherefrom he was not freed till his Death. “ The Regent with his Council underſtanding of this Accident, dire&ed certain Commiſſioners to the King of Denmark, deſiring « that Prince to render him back to Scotland, to be puniſhed for the Murder of the late King Henry, whereof he was culpable: « But it was refuſed by the King of Denmark, becauſe he would not acknowledge their Authority.” Calderwood's Ms. ſays , the Laird of Grange, 'ec. came to Schetland in the Purſuit of Bothwell on the ift Day of September; that they took three of his Ships, and apprehended the young Laird of Talo, with divers others. This Account indeed may be truc, ſince on the 13th of September we ſee this Gentleman was examined at Edinburgh, concerning his Acceſſion to the Murder of the King. But Mr. Bu, chanan's Mention of the Winter Storms ſeems not to concord ſo well with it. () Three Miles North-Weſt of Stirling. er, 460 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of 1 Book II. 156.7. bellion; and if they fail to obey the Charge, immediately to denounce them Rebels. That the Intention of the preceeding Acts of Council was the ſame as I have here repreſented, is not only verified by the Account of one of our Hiſto- rians (a), at that Time in the following Words, “ During the Accompliſh- ment of this Purpoſe (viz. the Affair of the Caſtle of Dunbar] all the Noble- men and Gentlemen of Eaſt-Lothian that were expected to be Favourers to " the Queen, or Friends to the Duke of Orkney, were charged under the high- on eſt of ſubſcribed Obedience to the new clected Regent, and to give their “ Aid for proſecuting the late King's Murder. Certain for Eafe of their Bo- “ dies, to the Effect they ſhould not be fpulzied of their Rents, conſented is thereunto, albeit againſt their Hearts ; others, Diſobeyers, were denounced • Rebels, and their Goods confiſcated.” Now 'tis very likely that the Paper which this Author here intends to be fubſcribed by theſe Gentlemen, has been the Paper called the Second Band, already ſet down here p. 434. fince, if the Readers will take the Trouble to inſpect the Subfcribents of that Bond as marked in Mr. Ander fon's Collections, they will there meet with the Names of almoſt all the Gentlemen againſt whom Charges were iſſued on the 230 Auguſt and iſt September bypalt ; to the ſubſcribing of the which Bond, 'tis clear like the Light, they have been driven to ſave their Lives and Eſtates: And ſo by this Means we cannot bur perceive what Dependence is to be given to the fubfcribing of Bonds, Addreſſes, &c. even none at all. som But as a further and moſt inconteſtable Proof that there was no ſmall Diſafa fection to the preſent Eſtabliſhment in the forementioned Places, theſe follow- ing Things are to be ſeen in the Regiſter of Privy Council, viz. Iſt September, The Burgh Ait of Paddingtoun: The gubiik Day, Thomas Pantoun Provest, and Ber: of Haddington nard Thomſon Baillie of the Burgh of Haddiogtoun, convenit the Communis knowledge * * nite and Inhabitantis of the ſamyn Burgh, within the Tolbuith of the famyn, the Regent's and thair according to the Command gevin to thame be the maiſt nobill James, Regent of the Realme of Scotland, inquirit at the Communitie under-wryttin, Gif thai will conſent and accept the Coronation of our Soverane maid befoir And ficlyke, Gif thai will conſent to the electing (6) of the ſaid nobili- in Regent, and Acceptatioun of the Regentrie of this Realme foir faid, ac- ceptit be him afoir, now as gif thai hadbene preſent at the ſaid Coronatioun and Electing of the ſaid Regent, or not? Qubilkis Perfonis under-wryttin, with ane Conſent, Voce and Mynd, gaif thair expreſs Conſent and Aſent tbairto, &c. (C). R. M. to be On the faine iſt Day of September we fèc a Proclamatioun to au Men to be in Reddines, viz. Forſamekillas it bes pleſit Almychtie God lauchfullie and rychteouſlie to call our Soverane Lord the Kingis Majeſtie to the Royall Crowne of this bis King- dome, Title. (a) Crawford's MS. (6) The Readers will here obſerve, that this Fa&tion of Lords have been at Pains to foiſt in the Words Elect, Electing and Ele- čtion, in the Earl of Murray's Act of Regency; with a Deſign no doubt to propagate in the Kingdom the Notion of clecting the fupreme Governours and Princes by the Voice of the People. But nothing is more expreſs than that the Regency at this Time proceeded fimply upon a Commiſſion from the Queen (no matter how obtain’d;) and that previous to the Earl of Murray's Ag. ceptation of it, the Queen's Commiſſion was only read, and nothing elſe at all ſuperadded. And this Nobleman, as we have ſeen in all his Diſcourſe with the Engliſh, Ambaſſador, mentioned the Queen's Commiſſion only, and his Willingneſs to accept the Re- gency in Obedience only to her. Upon the whole, our Surprize may now ceaſe concerning Buchanan's inſerting the Word Ele. ition in his Account of this Buſineſs, ſince it has been plainly a Contrivance of that whole Faction, whoſe Orator and Spokeſman Mr. Buchanan was. But after all other Things, may we not juftly enquire who were the Electors of the Regent? Since both in Stirling at the Coronation of the Prince, and afterwards in Edinburgh at the Regent's Acceptation, a very ſmall Handful was on- ly preſent; nor did we ever hear that those few who were preſent, pretended to have a Deputation from the reſt of the Nation. (c) To take this A & apart by itſelf, there is no doubt but the fame would appear little to our purpoſe; but when it is taken jointly with what has gone before, and is yet to follow, we may probably enough affirm, that ſome Diſaffe&tion has been in the Town of Haddington, a Burgh much under the Influence of the Family of Bothwell , as lying in the Bofom of their Eſtate, and chat of the Lord Seton, a moſt faithful Subject of the Queen : otherwiſe why ſhould this Burgh only have been ſingled out to make this Declaration ? And the Compliance of that Burgh with a more powerful Party, is no Evidence at all of its hearty Affent to the Queſtions propoſed. We have ſeen, and Men will hereafter ſec, unanimous Votes, Addreſſes and Subſcriptions, procu- red by the Authority and Countenance of great Men, or a domineering Faction, or by ſome powerful Self-Interest, or other in- cident Motive, when nevertheleſs it has not only been no Secret, but an avowed Confeſſion that ſuch Deeds, exc. did not at al flow from the inward Sentiments and rcal Opinion of the Voters and Subſcribers. Chap. XIII. Church and State in Scotland. 461 try, dome, be the Dimiſſioun of the Quenis Grace his Moder; and that he, accord- 1567. ing to the fame, is folempulie inveſtit and poleft in the Same Kingdome, qubairof all his guid and Lufing Subjectis are debt-bound to prais God that This Procla- hes ſo favourablie and grationſlie lukit upoun this Natioun; and conforme to matione diferent bis Ordainance and Will to reverence, obey and ſerve bis Hienes as thair fećtion of the native Prince and Soverane Lord: Nevirtheles the malicious Hartis of ſum South Coun: unnaturall and diſobedient Perfonis, Legeis to his Majeſtie, ceis nocht fa far as in thame lyis planelie to reſiſt and gainſtand his Hienes Authoritie, now in the begyning thairof, contempnandlie plukkand down and ſtoppand the He e-by ſtopping rauldis and ordinar Officiaris of Armis to mak Proclamatioun and Significa- the Heraulds tioun of his Majeſties Coronatioun; tending nathing ellis, ás weill appears in the Au- be thair Procéidings, bot planelie to diſobey his Hienes, and nawayis re-thority of the cognofce him as thair Soverane Lord. And lykwayis, James Erle Bothuile, Regent: denunceit Rebell and Traitour for the treſonabill, ſchamefull and unworthie Murthour of umquhile King Hennrie our Soveranis derreſt Fader, being fu- gitive frae the ordinar Lawis, and culpabill be the Law of Armis for Rea fufall of that ſingular Combat qubairunto of befoir be offerit himſelf for Pur- gatioun of his allegat Innocencie, bes bayth ſtuffit and garniſit our Soveranis Caftell of Dunbar with Men, Munitioun, and utherwayis; and being re- quyrit to delyver the ſame, hes planelie refufit, mynding to detein and bald the faid Caſtell againſt our Soverane Lord and his Authoritie : And in the mean tyme the ſaid Erle, accumpanyit with a greit Numer of notorious Py- rattis, Fugitives frae all Lawis, and utheris brokin Men, being paſt to the Sey, daylie committis Reiff, Depredatioun, plane Pyracie and Oppreſſioun on the Subjectis of all Criſtiane Princes, Freindis and Confederatis of this Realme, evir thynking at his Plefour to retyre bim to our ſaid Soveranis Caftell of Dunbar as a Saifguard and Receptacle to keip him frae Juſtice ; and alfwa, be the Ayd of fic utheris as abſtractis thair dew Obedience free his Hienes, to reſiſt his Authoritie foirfaid, and eſchew the dew Puniſchment qubilk wortbielie he defervis for his Rebellioun and treaſonabill Deids, to the incourageing of fic ungodlie and wickit Men to continew in thair mifchei- vous Deids, and to the greit Hurt of this Commoun-weill, gif tymous Remeid be nocht providit : QVHAIRFOIR our Soverane Lord, with Avyis of bis derreft Couſing James Erle of Murray, Lord Abernethie, Regent of his Hie- nes, his Realme and Legeis, and Lordis of our Secreit-Counfall, ordanis Letteris to be direct to command and charge all and ſindrie our Soverane Lordis Legeis and Subdittis quhat ſumevir betwixt Sexty and Sextein Zeiris, and utheris fenfabill Perfonis, alfweill dwelland to Burgh as to Land, within Regalitie and Royaltie, that thai and ilk ane of thame, weill bodin in feir of Weir, with twenty, Dayis Viftualls and Proviſioun eftir thair cuming, addres and prepair thame to meit my ſaid Lord Regent at Edinburgh, as thai ſalbe newlie adverteift be Proclamatioun on four Dayis Warning, and fwa to paſs furthwart with him, or the Lieutennent, ac- cording as thai ſalbe commandit for furthſetting of our Soveranis Authori. tie, and Perfuite of all ſic as wald invaid or diſobey the ſame, and to remane for that Effect during the space of twenty Dayis eftir thair cuming, 19 der the Payne of Tynfall of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. R. M. On the 3d of September we find the following large Abſtract of Council- As does this Regiſter (a), viz. Becauſe the Towne of Drumfries ſuffered his Majeſties He- A& of Coun- rauld of Armis makand Publication of the Election (6) of James Erle of Mur- ray in Regent, to be violentlie pluckt off the Croce; Thairfore ordanis the Proveſt , Bailzies, Counfall , and Communitie of the ſaid Burgh, to aſſiſt the Sherrif of Drumfreis, bis Deputis, and utheris Officiaris gubat ſumevir, to execute his Hienes Letteris and Chairges, and nawayes ſuffer thame to be 6 A impugned (a) Haddington's Abſtracts. cil alſo. (6) Still we ſee Election Ihuffled in. 1 462 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. impugned or ſtopped within thair Fredome or Juriſdiction, under Payne of Tinfall of thair ſaid Fredome perpetuallie, and to be repute and perfewed as Vjurpars of his Hienes Authoritie, and Aliftars of the Contemnars thairof. And als, that the faids Inhabitants, before the Feaſt of Michelmes, ele Et lik Perfonis in Proveſt and Bailzies, &c, as are affectionate to our Soverane's Service and Obedience (a), removand all factious Perfonis pretendand the contrarie: And als, that thai fend certain boneft (b) Men of thair Number to the Counfall , authorized with ſufficient Commiſſion, to give thair Advyse in furthſetiing our Soverane's Authoritie, and eſtabliſhing Juſtice and Quyet- nes in the Guntrey, under the Payne to be puneiſt as Reſiſtars of the Autho- ritie (C). Thus much for the Matter which theſe Acts and Abſtracts are ad duced to clear up: Mr. Camb den, when ſpeaking of the late Proceedings in this Country, obſerves, that “ this rafh Procedure in depoſing the Queen, joined with the inſolent Car- riage of the Cabal toward the Ambaſſadors (of France and England] was highly ſtomach'd both by Queen Elizabeth and the French King, as an Af- “ front to the Royal Prerogative : So that they began to appear for the Ha- miltons, who adhered to the Queen ; and Paſquier the French Ambaſſa- “dor ſolicited the Queen of England to attempt her Reſtoration by Force. “ But the thought it the better Method to puc a Stop to the Trade of the Scottiſh Subjects, until their Queen were let at Liberty; and by this means to ſet the Lords and Commons of Scotland at odds, who ar preſent ſecm'd “ but too firmly united againſt the Royal Intereſt.” The firſt part of this. Au- thor's Obſervation, we have already ſeen to be abundantly well grounded; and for Verification of the latter, we need only peruſe the following > A new Pro. 6 ject by the TR 6 Letter from the Queen of England, To Sir Henry Norris her Ambaſador in France, 27th September 1567 (d). Ruſty and well-beloved, we greet you well: By our late Letter we fi- Queen of Enga gnified unto you what our Ambaſſador's Proceedings had been in Scoto land for Relief land, ayd what our Pleaſure was you ſhould declare on our Behaif unto our of the Scottiſho good Brother the French Kivg, and to the Cardinal of Lorrain, and other Queen. . the Uncles and Friends of our Siſter the Queen of Scots, touching ſome ho. nourable Means to be deviled for her Relief and Liberty. Whercupon (as we now perceive) Monf. de Paſquier, a Gentleman of the Order of France, ha- ving been ſent unto us from the faid King, arrived lately here ; and being the 25th of this Month (accompanied with the Ambaſſador-Reſident) brought unto our Preſence, he ſhewed unto us, that upon the underſtanding of the Meſſage that you had on our Behalf declared unto the King his Maſter, touch. ing the Proceedings in Scotland, and our good Will and Meaning towards the furthering of the ſaid Queen's Relief, his ſaid Maſter and the Queen- • Mother had thought good to addreſs him hither unto uś, as well to give us Thanks for the Care we ſhowed to have for the Queen of Scots Liberty, as to confer with us, and to uſe our Advice for his proceeding at his coming into Scotland towards the Furtherance of the ſame, by all ſuch Means as ſhould 6 (a) What a hainous Crime this would have been in the Qucen! But it never fails that thoſe who make the loudelt Complaints againſt Grievances in the lawful Magiſtrate, commit the ſame, and perhaps greater Faults themſelves when they are in Power. (6) That is, well affected to the preſent Eſtabliſhment. The proper Meaning of Words is oftentimes ſet aſide, and to be ad- juſted according to the Circumſtances of the Speaker. (c) of the fame Date is the following Abftra&t, Revocatioun and annulling of the Licence gevin to the Biſchop of Dumblanc, to pas and remane furth of the Cuntrery; and Intimatioun thairof ordanit to be maid be Proclamatioun at the Mercáte-Croce upon fexty Dayis Wairning. [The Readers will call to mind that this Gentleman was ſent into France by the Qucen, to inspare to that Court her Marriage with the Duke of Orkney.) And on the 18th September, Inhibitioun agains the Bifchop of Dumblanc, in re- spect of his mony Offenſes and Crymes for the which he is callit to underlye the Law; Thairfore diſchair ges all his Tennentis , Few. aris, Fermoraris, Takiſmen and Poſſeſſouris of the Landis, Teyndis and Rentis of his Benefices, to anſer or mak Payment to him of Pairt thairof, under the Payne to be repute as Partakaris with him in his Wickednes, and that thai ſall be compellit to pay the same over agane. Attour, ordanis to arreift all the ſaids Rentis quhill he be tryed of the faids Crymes, and the jaid Arreifiment dewlie louſit. (2) Calig. C. 1. a Copy. ony . Chap. XIII. Church, and State in Scotland. 463 • ſhould be thought moſt honourable and expedient, which he had in Charge 1569. * from his Maſter to follow according to our Advice and Direction. We told him, that as we had been always inclined to favour Equity and Juſtice as much as in us hath lain, ſo hearing of the pitiful and hard Caſe that the Queen of Scots our good Siſter was in, we could not, for the Commiſeration we had • of her wofül Eſtare, but procure to eaſe her thereof to the uttermoſt we could, and thereupon fent our Ambaffador into Scotland, who by our Order dealt • firſt in all mild and gentle fort with the Lords there, for the Relief of the ſaid Queen; and perceiving thar that manner of dealing, although it had been at fundry Times and iir divers Degrees attempted, could nothing prevail, we • letted not to cauſe ſharp and threarning Words to be alſo uſed; which profitá ing as little as the reſt, we thought' beſt, ſeeing the ſmall Fruit that had fol: • lowed upon our good Meaning, to revoke our Ambaſſador, and thereupon a fent our Advice and Opinion unto our ſaid good"Brother by you our Ambaſſa- dor, fince which Time che ſtate of Matters ſeem to be very much altered in Scotland: For whereas at that Time it was thought that the Hamiltons, and * certain others of their Faction, would have made a good Party in that Realm, if they might have been therein aſſiſted by the French King of us, towards "the fáid Queen's reſtoring to her Liberty; now it is certainly adviſed from • thence, that they are all come in, and have joined themſelves with the reſt of the Lords; to as there is now 119 Means left within that Realm to make any Party to join 'with any Fotce that ſhould be ſent to make any Exploit " there. Beſides, we were (we ſaid) born in hand, that if the Matter thould • be dealt withall by way of Force and Hoftilicy, the Queen our Siſter's Life were like thereby to ſtand in great hazard (a); and therefore ſeeing Gentle neſs had not hitherto prevailed, and that Extremity and Force might bring Danger to her Perlon, whom both the King and We mcan to preſerve to the • beſt of our Power, we faid, the Matter hanging thus in Balance, would be well thought upon, and ripely conſidered, before any thing were taken in hand, Paſquier hearing us fay thus much, faid, That the Cauſe ſtanding now in o- ther Terms than it did at his coming from his Maſter, he thought good Ada * viſement would be had how to proceed therein ; and therefore for his Parc he thought beſt to ſtay here, and not to go forwards until he may write up: to his Maſter, and underſtand what ſhall be fit to be further done herein ; • for loth he would be, he ſaid, (being called to the Degrees he is of) to rea . turn with fo flight an Anſwer as Lynerol brought. And finding him of that Diſpoſition, we did not difſwade him from it. Whereupon he concluded, . that with Speed he would give Advertiſement of theſe Martets, as well unto the King our good. Brother, as to the Cardinal of Lorrain, and the reſt of the • Queen of Scots Uncles and Friends, to the Intent chat, conferring together, " they may adviſe what ſhall be the beſt way to be taken for further proceeding herein. Whereunto we anſwered, That upon his Advertiſement, and the • Reſolution of the King notified unto us, we would, in any thing that ſhould be honourable and convenient for us to do, gladly accord to the faine as far forth as may ſtand with our Honour. And hereupon the ſaid Paſquier took • his Leave and departed, intending out of hand to diſpatch one unto France • with this Reſolution. Nevertheleſs, ſince his Departure from us, we have thought upon a third Device, which may be a Mean between the gentle deal- ing that hath been hitherto uſed, and any Hoſtility or Extremity that might henceforth be intended; which is, that by common Content' both of the faid King our good Brother aud us, Order may be taken that the Subjects of Scotland may not from henceforth be fuffered to traffick into any of both 6 A 2 our • (a) We find the fame Thing ſaid by the EngliſhSecretary to this ſame Gentleman, and on this very ſame Day: "Sir, ſays hie; you may perceive by the Queen's Letter, [viz. this fame Letter juſt now in our hand] how this Noblemani (meaning Pasquier is partly of his own Mind, partly by Perſwafion ſtayed (from going into Scotland; and in this no doubt this Secretary had good large hand] and ſurely if either the French King or the Queen ſhould appear to make any force againſt them of Scotland " for that Queen's Cauſe, we find it credibly, that it were the next way to make an End of her; and for that Cauſe her Majeſty " is loth to take that way, for avoiding of Slanders that might grow thereby," Cabala. 464 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. our Realms, unleſs they do acknowledge the Queen our good Siſter to be their Sovereign Lady and Queen, and renounce their Obedience to her Sou, otherwiſe than as Prince of that Realm. By which Means we think it will caſily come to paſs, that the People being letted of their Traffick, and there by conceiving an evil Opinion of the Lords Doings, they hall eaſily be brought to forſake the Lords Party, and ſtand for the Queen their Miſtreſs, and to bring the ſaid Lords to yield ro fome better Conformity; and this laſt Matter alſo we have cauſed to be ſignified unto the faids Ambaſſadors ſince • their (a) Departure from us, as a third Degree thought upon by us ſince their being here, which we have with the reſt required them to advertiſe over ; and * middle. • this we have done to fhew our Device for a* mcan Degree of proceeding, as thereby alſo to decipher their full Intention and Meaning on that Side. Of all this we have thought neceſſary to give you Knowledge, to the Intent that if • the King our good Brother, or the Cardinal of Lorrain, or any other ſhall either be deſirous to ſpeak with you herein, or ſhall take occaſion, when you have to deal with other Matters, to confer with you thereof, you may not be ignorant of that which hath paſſed therein here, which you may uſe as to your Diſcretion ſhall ſeemn moſt expedient. Given under our Signet at our Caſtle of Windfor the 27th Day of September 1567, the Ninth Year of our Reign. Shortly after the Surrender of the Caſtle of Dunbar, the Regent had an In- tention to cmploy himſelf in the South Country, as we may learn from this Abſtract of Privy-Council on the 7th Day of Oétober, viz. Proclamation of an Road to the South Country. "Item, Command to the Magiſtrates of Bur. rows to cauſe them make ready to the Army, Bread, Ale, Flesh, and other Neceſaries, for the Payment. Conformable alſo to this, Crawford's MS. tells us, that “ Proclamations were made deſiring the King's Subjects to ac- company the Regent for ſuppreſſing the diſordered Thieves on the South Bor. "ders." "Only this Author places theſe Proclamations poſterior to the Parlia- ment in the Month of December next; at which Time 'cis certain by another Ab- ſtract, that Courts of Juſtice were appointed to be kept in all parts of the King- dom: And with reſpect to both theſe Buſineſſes performed by the Regent, Sir James Melvil, tho otherwiſe his Friend, makes a very ſharp Reflexion againſt him, which I ſhall have Occaſion by and by to inſert. However, that the Re- gent has not gone fo very quickly into the South Country, would appear by Mr. Calderwood's telling us, that “ on the 14th of Oétober the Lord Herries " came in to Edinburgh to acknowledge the King's and Regent's Authority. " and was received, notwithſtanding his former Stubbornneſs; for he at the “ firſt oppoſed to the Coronation of the King, and the proclaiming of the Earl of Murray Regent' (b). The fame Author proceeds next to inform us, The Regent that “ upon the 30th Day of October, commonly called Hallow-Even (c), Thurſday the Market-day of Haick, the Regent, accompanied with Morton, “ Hume and Lindſay, made a privy Road, and furpriſed forty three Thieves • in Liddiſdale, in the Town of Haick, viz. twenty two of the Sirname of Eliot, fix of the Sirname of Crofar, and the reſt of other common Sirnames; • of which Number, eleyen were hanged, ſeven drowned, one ſlain in the ta- king, three or four led to Edinburgh, and the reſt cleanſed by an Aſſize.” After what manner the remaining Part of the Year was ſpent, until the Time that the Parliament came to fit, the Penury of any publick Inſtructions what- foever diſables me from ſatisfying my Readers, tho' very probably the ſame has been employed in founding the Minds of the great Men, and in making Provi- fion for that folemn enſuing Meeting. If we may credit Buchanan, and from him goes into the South Coun- try. (a) Namely, the French Reſident in ordinary, and Monf. de Paſquier. (b) This ferves to confirm the Diffatisfaction which appeared in the South Country againſt the new Model of Scare. (c) This Author is in a ſmall Miſtake here; for the latt Day of QEtober only is Hallow.Even, Galder wood's MS, Chap. XIII. 465 Church and State in Scotland. him Spottiſwood, who relates the Matter with ſome more Circumſtances, 1567. " The Lords who were conven'd at Hamilton perceiving how Matters went, " and that all Things grew ſtrong on the Regent's Side, upon a new Delibe- “ ration, did write unto him, and the reſt that ſtood for the King's Authority, deſiring a Conference; and offering to ſend the Earl of Argile, and ſome others, to any Place they would for meeting : But becaule in the Super- fcription they gave not the Regent his due Title , ſtiling him only Earl of Murray, the Letter was rejected by the Council, and the Meſſenger di- mitted without Anſwer. Argile knowing what had given the Offence, te- “ folved to go to the Regent (a); and taking with him the Lord Boyd and the “ Abbot of Kilwinning ®), came to Edinburgh: There it being declared, so that the Election of the Regent was not made upon any Contempt or Mif- regard of the Noblemen who were abſent, but upon Neceſſity, to keep the • Realm in Order; it was agreed, that a Parliament ſhould be called for ſettling A Parliament * all Affairs by Advice and Conſent of the Eſtates, and that the fame ſhould appointed. “ be kept at Edinburgh the 15th Day of December next.” And to this we ſhall add what Buchanan further ſays, • When the King was ſet up, and the “ Power of the Regent well nigh ſettled, there was ſome Reſpite from out- “ ward Force and Arms, tho' ſtill the Peace ſtood but on a tottering Founda- • tion; Mens Minds were yer in a Ferment, and their Indignation, which they could not hide, ſeem'd to portend ſome fudden Miſchief . In this great Uncertainty of Affairs, all Men had fix'd their Eyes and Thought on the enſuing Parliament: The Time of its ſitting was the 25th Day of the Month “ of Auguſt; and the Aſſembly was ſo numerous, that no Man ever before “ remembred ſuch a Concourſe." 'Tis not a little ſtrange that in the ſmall compaſs of this laſt Line, this fo Buchanan's famous a Writer ſhould have given the World ſo glaring a Sample of two Infidelity coro wretched Defects, namely, Inaccuracy and Infidelity; both which are ſtill the more chargeable upon him, that he was perſonally preſent within the King- dom of Scotland at the Time (C) of this Parliament, and without all Doubt in the very City of Edinburgh alſo, and moſt probably admitted within the Walls of the Houſe where the Parliament did ineer; ſo that we may fafely a- ver, he has both ſeen it with his Eyes, and heard it with his Ears : And yet after all this good Opportunity of knowing, this Author ſays the Parliament ſat down on the Twenty fifth Day of Auguſt; whereas nothing is more cer- tain, than that the Time of the Meeting thereof was the Fifteenth Day of 6 B De rected. (a) Concerning the Earl of Argile, Crawford's MS. ſays thus, “ Norwithſtanding of this, the Lords finding their Facilion do " to ſtrong as their Need required, having potent Enemies againſt them, of which Number the Earl of Argile was one, (this was quickly after the Queen’s Impriſonment) they thought expedient to ſend the Earl of Glencairn either to perſwade him direaly os to be of their Faction, or elſe that he ſhould ſo abſtain as not to be their Enemy : Whereby he grew ſo corrupted, that altho - he ſhewed himſelf in outward Behaviour a good Subject to the Queen, yet in effect thewed himſelf her Enemy, as by conſo " quent ſhall be ſufficiently proven.”. (6) “ The Hamiltons had ſent to the Queen of England to crave her and becauſe ſhe favoured the Queen's [of Scots] cc Cauſe, as a common Cauſe to Kings and Queens ; but they got not fuch Anſwer as they expected: Therefore upon the roth 6c of September, Mr. Gavin Hamilton (Abbot of Kilwinning] came in for the Hamiltons, the Earl of Argile, my Lord Livingſton < and Boyd; who Firſt proteſted for the Queen's Liberty: Secondly, that the crowning of the King ſhould not take away the - Hamiltons Title and Right. The Lords anſwered, They were not minded to deprive any Man of his Right,” Calderwood's MS. “ The Queen underſtanding of this particular Dealing, tending greatly to her Prejudice, The ſuborned a Faction of her own, of « the Houſe and Friendlhip of the Hamiltons, and others in whom the confided, that the Regency of the Realm, if « be eſteemed lawful, uncoa&ted or compelled, but by her own free motive Will , it ſhould rather be given to James Duke of Chaſtellerault, Earl of Arran and Lord Hamilton, than to any other : And for this Cauſe made and ſubſcribed a free Com- « miſſion of her own Invention to Archibald Earl of Argile, William Lord Boyd, William Lord Livingſton, and Gavin Comment « dator of Kilwinning, to talk with the new elected Regent of this Purpoſe, and for her Liberty from Captiviry: But all their talking came to this Effect, that becauſe Duke Hamilton was then forth of the Country, it was not expedient that the Eſtate " then confirmed as ſaid is, ſhould be caſt looſe, but should remain in the ſame Form that it was of, unto the Time of the Ren turn of the ſaid Duke in the Country; whereupon the Queen's Commiſſioners thought expedient to direct the Commendator “ of Kilwinning toward France, for the specdy Return of the Duke,” Crawford's MŠ. And Secretary Cecil ſays to Sir Henrie Norris, 2d October 1567, “ The Duke of Chaſtelherault is at Diep Ca Sea.port in France, oppoſite to England, in the narrows “ Part of the Channel] and meaneth within theſe ten Days to be here, as his Servants report: I think he ſhall not be able to ante ( noy the Lowth [perhaps the Earl of Murray] as he and his, I ſee, do deſire,” Cabala. (c) He was Moderator of the Kirk-Aſſembly ac Edinburgh in the Month of July bypaſt, in this fame Year. any ſhould 406 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1567. December (a). But fuppoſing this Error not to be attended with much bad Mr Conſequences, as being only the miſplacing of a Date (6); yet the other Fal. flood he aſſerts has been viſibly obtruded, to create in the Minds of Poſterity an Idea of the high and mighty Approbation the Regent and that Faction mer with from all the Repreſentatives of the Nation, and conſequently, as he would infer, the low and poor Regard of the Queen throughout the whole Realm. The Aſſembly, ſays he, was ſo numerous, that no Man ever before remembred ſuch a Concourſe (c). Now as Mr. Buchanan was a contemporary Writer of what he delivers here, he may upon that Account fcem juſtly to claim and de- ſerve Credit at home in our own, as well as abroad in foreign Countries ; and no queſtion but many, very many People have made no Scruple to give Faith to this his Narration : And nevertheleſs this is as bare-faced an Impoſition as any this Author could have put upon Mankind. Buchanan could not be ignorant, that no more than ſeven years were elapſed ſince a Scottiſh Parliament (I lay, a Scottiſh Parliament in his Judgment) had conſiſted of more than double the Members, viz. the Parliament in Auguſt 1560, not out of the Memory of Man ſurely. And tho’it may be true that this preſent Parliament in December 1567 was a right numerous Meeting, yet when the Reader fees a Liſt of this Parliament, and compares it with other preceeding Parliaments, he will not find ſo much Ground for this Flouriſli of Mr. Buchanan’s, as he deſigns to im. preſs upon his Readers. For the Satisfaction therefore of other Perſons, I ſhall only ſet down a View of this Parliament in December, and of the Parliament in the Month of April immediately preceeding, at which Time 'tis certain the Queen can't be ſaid to have been in the high Tide of her Fortune; that fo the one ſtanding in Sight of the other, the Difference may the more eaſily be diſcerned. Members of Parliametit in April 1567 were, Biſhops 9, Abbots 13, Earls 12, Lords 16, Burrows 9, Officers of State 6 ; In all 65. Members of Parliament in Den cember 1567 were, Biſhops 4, Abbots 14, Earls 12, Lords 15, Maſters 3, Burrows 30, Officers of State 5 ; In all 83. Now that there is a conſiderable Difference betwixt 65 and 83, is very true ; but then to balance this Diffe- rence, we are to take notice that the principal Members which compoſe the Parliament, and who had a perſonal Right to fit in Parliament, viz. Biſhops, Earls, Lords and Abbots, together with the Officers of State, do exceed by two in the Parliament holden in the Month of April, above the Parliament holden in December. And as to the Exceſs of the Parliamenr in December, when the whole Members are taken together; this ariſeth purely from the vaft Number of Burrows being preſent at this Time. Now every body knows thac the Repreſentatives of Burrows are commonly under the Direction of the regnant Miniſtry; by which means it was moſt eaſy for the Earl of Murray to draw as many of theſe low-rate Members as he pleaſed into his Parliament, with an In tention not only to make his own Party appear the ſtronger in the Kingdom, but likewiſe that he might render himſelf ſecure to carry the grcar Matrers he projected to bring before this Parliament, by a Majority of their Voices; which Otherwiſe he was not ſure to have got done, and moſt certainly had not been able to effectuate. 'Tis therefore to no purpoſe for Mr. Buchanan to inſtitute a Compariſon betwixt the Frequency or Infrequency of Parliaments, from the temporary Members thereof; this, i humbly conceive, is only to be made from the . (a) Abſtract of Privy.Council 13th December, Proclamatioun befoir the Parlement, That nane invaid, troubill or per few uther in Worde, Deid, or Countenance; bot obſerve the Kingis Peace: And wear na Waponis aither offenſive or defenſive, except Swords and Whingars, under the Payne of Deid. Certifieand thame that dois the contrare, that the Payne of Deid fall be execute upon thama. Item, Printed A &s of this Parliament immediately after its Riſing: Item, Liſt of the Parliament 15th December 1567, Cotton Library; for which ſce Anderſon's Collections, Vol. 2. Item, Crawford's MS. “ After this a Parliament was proclaimed to be holden at Edinburgh the 19th (erroneouſly for 1śth) December.” (b) And it can't be deem'd an Érror of the Print only, ſince not only is there no Copy (not the firſt Edition excepted, which was printed in the Author's own Lifetime) but what bears this Date; but moreover the original Words are written out in fuch Length, and in ſo plain an Expreſſion, that no tolerable Excuſe can well be made in favours of the Author. Ejus habendi diese inquit, erat vicefimus quintus Auguſti menfis. (C) Is (conventus] tanta frequentia ef celebratus, quanta nullum ad eum diem homines meminerant, Chap407 XIII. Church and State in Scotland. . 66 the capital and ordinary Members. The Repreſentation of Burrows in the Par- 1567-8. liament in December is no leſs than 30, and all the other Members make up but 53, even with the Addition of 3 Maſters, or elder Sons; and therefore by Pro- priety of Speech and Juſtneſs of the Thing, this Parliament may properly be cal- led the Parliament of Burrows: And Buchanan might; if he had pleafed, have juſtly ſaid, that the Burrows in the preſent Parliament were ſo numerous, that no Man ever before remembred ſuch a Concour fe (a); and indeed inay be this is the Thing he has meant by his formidable Bravado. Any one that will be a the Pains to inſpect the regiſter'd Rolls, will meet but with a very ſmall Nuniber of that Eſtate in the moſt part of our Parliaments preceeding this Date. The Regiſter of this Parliament having been loit in the Year 1661 (6), as would appear, we have however the Acts thereof preſerved in Print, publiſlied by Authority immediately after the riſing of the Parliament, and becauſe there are two or three Acts in the firſt Edition (commonly called the Black Acts (0) becauſe printed on a Saxon Type) which are not to be met with in the ſubſe- quent Editions of the Acts of Parliament, and which are nevertheleſs worthi the noticing, I ſhall put them in the Appendix (d), for the Benefit of thoſe that may not have the former Edition at hand. Abp. Spotti(wood informs, that in this Parliament “ the Honours accuſtom'd (i. e. the Royal Enſigns) Crown, Scepter and Sword, were carried by the Earls of Angus, Hunt- " ly and Argile; and every Thing done with the greateſt Shew of Solcmni- ty that could be uſed.” But howſoever great Solemnity might be uſed, yet it would ſeem the Men in Power were afraid to allow the Parliament to be à free Meeting; for another Author (e) acquaints us, that “ the Burgeſſes of The Parlia- Dundee and Perth were in Armour the firſt Day with the Town of Edino ment ſupport burgh; but the ſecond Day, the Burgeſſes of Dundee and St. Jolinſtoun ed by Forces ſtriving for the neareſt Place to the Tolbooth, there was appearance of great - Stir and Commotion, if it had not been prevented by charging them to de- “ part off the Town.” On the 29th of December a Cloſe was put to the Parliament; and next Day we ſee the following Abſtract of Privy-Council, Conclufion to bold Juſtice-Airs in all the Parts of the Kingdom, quhilk the Nobility promiſes to aſſiſt.. And on the 3d Day of January, as a Prelude to theſe Courts of Juſtice, the Regerit ordered the Execution of four Perſons, convicted of aſſiſting in the executed for King's Murder, and detained in Priſon for a good Space bygone : Their Names the King's were, Dalgleilh, Powrie, Hepburn and Hay; and their leveral Confeſſions, with the Manner of their Death, may be ſeen as lately publiſhed by Mr. An- derfon. And beſides this Puniſhment ſo ſpeedily taken after the riſing of the Parlia- ment, which however was deſervedly enough inflicted ; 'tis not improbable that the Regent had given ſome other Indication of farther Severity to be uſed as 6 B 2 gainſt (a) As other Hiſtorians have followed Buchanan in his account of this Parliament, fo Mr. Anderſon in the general Preface to his Collections, fets himſelf to make the Truth of that Affertion appear ; but how far all that he ſays there is of any Weight, after what I have here obſerved concerning the Burrows, is taken into the Conſideration, I muſt ſubmit to our common Readers. That Gentleman's whole Enquiry relates to thoſe only that had a perſonal Title or Right to fit in Parliaments: The Caſe of the Royal Burrows he does not concern himſelf with; and if theſe be once turned out of the Computation, with what Truth can he affirmi that " in all Queen Mary's other Parliaments, there is a ſmaller Number of Perſons preſent than in the Parliament in December - 1567?" And when it is moreover conſidered, that in all the Kingdom there were at this Time but twenty one Earls, and the five ancient and capital ones were abſent, viz. Sutherland, Marſhal, Rothes, Cafſils, Eglinton; what Wonder is it that ſome Wil ters ſhould have obſerved, that this Parliament 'Was a pack’d Meeting only, and conſiſted of Perſons pick'd out for the purpoſe; namely Burrows to over-vote the Peers, ecco (b) See p. I. In one of the Aes in this Edition we ſee the Lords of Articles to have been theſe following Perſons, viz. Alexander Biſchop of Galloway, Adam Biſchop of Orknay, Robert Commendatour of Dunfermling, Mark Commendatoui of Newborril, Johne Coma mendatour of Balmerinoch, and Schir James Balfour Priour of Pettinweme, for the Spiritual Eſtate. George Erle of Huntlie, Ar. chebald Erle of Argyle, Fohne Erle of Atholl, Fohne Erle of Mar, Alexander Etle of Glencarne, and Patiik Lord Lindeſay of the Byris, for the Baronnis. Schir Symon Preſtoun of that ilk Knicht Proveſt of Edinburgh, Maiſter James Halyburton Tutor of Peta cur Proveſt of Dundie, Williame Lord Ruthven Proveſt of Perth, Johne Ereskin of Dune Proveſt of Montrois, Thomas Menzies of Pitfoddels Proveſt of Abirdene, and Patrik Lermonth of Derſie Knicht Proveſt of Sanctandrois, for the Commiſlaris of Burrowis. (d) Numb. 25. e Calderwood's MS. and it ſeems the Proclamation emitted on the 13th December, fet down in the preceeding Page, has bicei only intended againk the Enemics of the Government, not their Friends. Four Perſons 408 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. diers. 1569-8. gainſt thoſe that might be ſuſpected not friendly enough to his new Govern ment. And this might have been the Ground of the Abbot of Aberbrot hock's haſty Journey into France about this Time, concerning whom we ſee this Concluſion, ſo called in the Regiſter of Privy-Council. Edinburgh, 7th February 1567-8. The quhilk Day, the Lordis of Secreit-Counfal find gude that the Didour of Law be ſet foydwart and ulit aganis Johne Tommendatoz of Aberbrothock (a), in càice he be paft furty of the Realme without Licence (6) R. M. Another Thing that poſſibly might create ſome Suſpicion and Diſpleaſure in the Minds of ſome Men, was an Act of Council on the 14th February, in which it is declared, that ſeeing Proviſioun muſt be maid for the interteining of the Men of Weir qubais Service cannot be ſparit, qubill the rebellious and diſobedient Subjectis, Troublaris of the Comoun-weill in all Partis of this The Lead on Realme, be reduceit, &c. Therefore appointing the Lead to be taken from the the Cathedral Cathedral Churches in Aberdeen and Elgin, fauld and diſponit upoun for Su- Aberdeen and ftentatioun of the ſaids Men of Weir : Prohibiting all the Lieges from giving off, and fold any Moleſtation in the down-taking of the faid Lead. Attour, lays the Act, for the main. to command and charge the Erle of Huntly Scheriff-principall of Abirdene, taining of Sol. Williame Leſlie of Balquhane Scheriff-deput thairof, and utheris Scheriff-de- putis of the famyn, Alexander Dunbar of Cumnock Knicht Scheriff of Elgin and Forres, and his Deputis ; Williame Biſchop of Abirdene, Patrik Biſchop of Murray, Thomas Menzies of Pitfoddels Proveſ of Abirdene, Johne Ano nand Provejt of Elgyne, the Bailzies of the faids Burrowis, and als the Bailzies and Inhabitantis of the Towne of Auld-Abirdene; That thai forti. fie, mentein, defend, aſſiſt and further the faids Alexander Clerk and Wil- liame Birnie, thair Fattouris, Pertinaris and Servandis in thair Names, in the doun-taking, Intromiſſioun, keiping, carying, convoying and diſponing of the ſaid Leid, and nawayis to ſuffer thame be hinderit, stopit or delayit, or to reljave ony Harme, Greiffe or Injurie thairin in Bodie or Gudis; bot cauſe thame be furniſſit of Meit, Drink, Servandis, Workmen, and utheris Thingis neceſſar at thair reffonabill Expens: Certifying the Perfonis qubat. fumevir doand in the contrair, or that beis fund remis or negligent in the Premiſes, thai ſalbe eftemit, callit, perfewit and puneiſt na utherwayis nor gif thai committit the Offence thame ſelffis in thair proper Perfonis; and farther, to anſwer upoun thair Dewtie and Alleadgance, according to the Lawis of this Realme, and Band, contenit in the generall Band (C), R. M. Now that this latter Part of the Act would in a ſpecial Manner be diſagree- able to the Earl of Huntly and the other Perſons therein concerned, we may reaſonably enough conclude ; and that this and the like Proceedings in diffe- rent Parts of the Kingdom have raiſed and augmented the former Diſſaffection. But to free us of Gueſs-work only in this Particular, I ſhall now reckon it Time to inſert here Sir James Melvil's Reflexion which I had already men- tioned: It is thus, “ Then he [the Regent] took great Pains to ſteal ſecret « Roads upon the Thieves on the Borders, tending much to the quieting there- of. of Hamilton. (a) He was ſecond Son to the Duke of Chaſtelherault, but ſucceeded afterwards Heir of the Family, and was the firſt Marquis (6) “ The Lord of Arbroath came lately out of Scotland this Way, and ſpake with the Queen's Majeſty, pretending to go into o France to ſolicite Aid for the Delivery of the Queen of Scots. He came out of Scotland without the Licence or Knowledge of es the Regent there [here follows ſomething in Cyphers] this way of late, but I truſt ſhortly to hear from (more Cyphers) of “ ſuch Things as he carried with him;" Cecil to Norris 26th February 1567.8. We may here diſcern the faſt Friendſhip of the Engliſh Secretary to the Scottiſh Regency. C) The Members of this Sederunt are, Murray, Morton, Athole, Cathneſs, Maſter of Graham, Lindſay, Glammis, Bord, Cathcart, Salton, Uchiltree, Epiſcopus Orchaden. Epiſcopus Galloway, Commendator of Coldingham. And the ag of Council narrates, how that it proceeds upon the Authority of an A & of Parliament made thereupon: Which Ad of Parliament would, no doubt, be equally diſagreeable as the Act of Council. However I ſee no where ſuch an Ad of Parliament. Chap. XIII. Church and State in Scotland. 469 ance. " of. He likewiſe held Juſtice- Airs in the In-Country, but was not ſo dili. 1508. gent as he might have been in ſettling the Differences among the Nobility, " and to draw them, by a ſweet and diſcreet equitable Behaviour, to the Obe- “dience of the King's Authority; which might have been eaſily done, if they A ſharp Re- “ had gotten Security for their perſons and Eſtates. But ſuch as were about the Regeilt by him having their own ambitious and covetous Ends, countelled hiin other- Sir James wiſe, thinking by the Wreck of others to make up themſelves. They were Nielvilo ſo blinded by their Affections and greedy Appetites, that they thought all “ would ſucceed proſperouſly according to their Deſires, without any Relift- Thus ruthing forward, the Regent's rough Proceedings gave occaſion to many to draw to the contrary Faction (a); and they to ſtrengthen them- “ ſelves, under the Name of Authority, deviſed how to draw the Queen's Majeſty out of Lochlevin, to be their Head before the Time was ripe : Whereof the Regent was oft and frequently warned, even by divers who were upon the Council of her Quc-taking, who deſired that way to win Thanks at his Hands. But he would credit nothing but ſuch Things as came out of the Mouth of thoſe who had crept into his Favour by Flattery." And to confirm this Reflexion and Teſtimony, another good Friend to the Regent, even Buchanan himſelf, acknowledges that the Regent's Deſign of going round the Country to hold Courts of Juſtice was variouſly interpreted according to Mens ſeveral Humors and Situations ; and that thoſe that were oppoſite to him complained of the Cruelty which he uſed in theſe Courts, and his other Management : And this Author is even forced to mention the Words Rigour and Severity in his Patron. By both which contemporary (6) Teſti- monies of Men chat were Natives of the Country, and faſt Friends likewiſe to the Regent, we have ſurely conveyed to us a juſter Character of the Regent and his Proceedings at this Time, than what the Engliſh Secretary gives of the 011e and the other in his Letters to the Ambaſſador of that Crown reſiding in France. “ In Scotland, ſays he, all is quiet and the Earl of Murray ruleth quietly as Regent." And again, " In Scotland, Things are quietly governed by the Regent, who doth acquit himſelf very honourabiy, to the “ Advancement of Religion and Virtue, without Reſpect of Perſons” (c). For farther Information of Affairs at this Juncture, I have nothing better to impart to my Readers than this following 6 Letter from Sir William Drury (d), To Sir Williain Cecil, 3d April 1568(e). T may pleaſe your Honour : Since the Diſpatch of Nicholas Arrington I have underſtood of ſome more Certainty of ſuch Matter as paſſed be- tween the Queen and the Earl of Murray, at his being with her now laſtly The Earl of at Lochlevin, where at the firſt the burdened him of the Rigour that was uſed Murray pays unto her at this laſt Parliament. And he anſivered, That he and the reſt of to felice delin the Nobility could do no leſs for their own Surety, in refpect they had en- in Lochlevin. terprized to put her into Captivity (f). From that the entred into another • Purpoſe, being Marriage, praying the might have a Husband, and named one to her liking, George Douglas Brother to the Lord of Lochlevin (8): UB- to the which the Earl replied, That he was over meau a Marriage for her 6 C 6 Grace; (a) The Laird of Tullibardin was one of thoſe who now deſerted the Regent, tho’ formerly a great Stickler against the Queen. As for the Earls of Huntly and Argile, their Compliance with the Regent was all along but conttrained. (6) Indeed Abp, Spotti/wood repreſents the Regent acting a quite different Part at this Time; but as that Prelate was not then born, and beſides had never the Opportunity of ſeeing Sir James Melvil's Memoirs (so far as we know) what he relates on that or any other Head, can merit no further Faith than the Author does from whom he takes his Information. And in general, we may ſafely reſt aflured, that the preceeding Letters of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton do convey to us by far the beſt View of this Kingdom, after the home.coming of the Earl of Murray. (c) Cabala, 30 November 1567; and 12th February 1567.8. (d) He was Marſhal of the Gariſon of Berwick. (e) Calig. C. 1. an Original. (f) This was ſurely a very honeſt Confeſſion, ſuitable to the Chara&er given the Earl of Murray by fome People; vizi Thar he was a plain blunt Man; tho' I ſee not much Ground to think that he always kept up to it. (8) And uterine Brother to the Regent. 470 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1568. 6 5 9 Grace; and ſaid further, that he, with the reſt of the Nobility, would take Advice thereupon. This in Subſtance was all that paſſed between the Queen and Earl of Murray at that Time : But after upon the 25th of the laſt the en- terprized an Eſcape, and was the rather nearer Effect, through her accuſtomed long lying in Bed all the Morning. The Manner of it was thus ; There * cometh in to her the Landreſs early as other times before ſhe was wonted, and the Queen (according to ſuch a ſecret Practice) putteth on her the Weed of the Landreſs, and ſo with the Fardel of Cloaths and her Muffler upon her Face, paſſeth out, and entreth the Boat to paſs the Loch; which after ſome Space, one of them that row'd ſaid merrily, Let us ſee what manner of Dame this is ; and therewith offered to pull down her Muffler, which to de- The Queen fend the put up her Hands, which they ſpied to be very fair and white; where- is diſcovered with they entred into Suſpicion whom lhe was, beginning to wonder at her ing an Eſcape.. Enterprize: Whereat ſhe was little diſmayed, but charged them, upon Danger i of their Lives, to row her over to the Shore; which they nothing regarded, but eftſoons row'd her back again, promiſing her that it ſhould be fecreted, and eſpecially from the Lord of the Houſe, under whoſe Guard fhe lyeth. It feemeth ſhe knew her Refuge, and where to have found it, if the had once · landed; for there did, and yet do lipger at a little Village called Kinroſs, • hard at the Loch-ſide, the fame George Douglas, one Sempil , and one Beton ļ the which two were ſometime her truſty Servants, and, as yet appeareth, they mind her no leſs Affection. • The Lord Fleming, notwithſtanding he ſtill victualleth and maketh Pro- viſion (a), he hath offered three Perſonages of as great Livehood as him- · felf, to enter Caution and Surety unto the Earl of Murray, that he ſhall on- ly hold the Place at the Devotion and Service of the young King, and to no other. Which of the wiſer Sort is judged but Delay, and therefore not accepted. William Leſlie is ſtill in the Caſtle of Edinburgh, and hath been divers • Times examined by the Secretary, the Preſident, Mr. James Macgill and Mr. Henry Balnaves; but nothing of Effect can be tried from him. The • Writings that he had, as they ſay, were of no great Conſequence, directed for the moſt part from the Biſhops of Glaſgow, Dumblain and Kilwinning, to their Friends, containing no notable Purpoſe : Nevertheleſs he ſhall not yet be ſer at Liberty till he be better tried. · The Earl of Murray hath upon underſtanding of the two Appointments paſt to be fruſtrated, fent Mr. Nicholas Elphinſton into Teviot dale, to Cefs- ford and others, to fpur them to Juſtice; and as ſeemeth, he raketh their Re- miſſneſs in ſuch good Work, in very diſpleaſant fort, and thinks himſelf ill handled in particular 6). • There hath ſuffered ſince the Earl of Murray's Seſſions at Glaſgow (C), • ſix Lenox Men ; and the other Day, one of the Hamiltons and Stewart's, • of purpoſe awaiting one of the Sempils, met with him upon the Way, and • there killed him. The Earl of Caſſils makes means to come to the Regent, ſo he might be earneſtly ſought unto; which the Earl of Murray will not grant unto. And thus I commit your Honour to the Tuition of God. From Berwick this 3d of April 1568. Your Honour's bumbly at Commandment, WILLIAM DRURY. 6 6 Our (a) His Lordſhip had the ſtrong Caſtle of Duxbarton in keeping. © By this Part of the Letter, and the foregoing Obſervation made by Sir James , Melvil and Mr. George Buchanan, we may eaſily collect that the Remifineſs here complained of, has reſpected ſome rigorous Proceedings appointed by the Regent, and which the Gentlemen here mentioned have been averſe from executing. © Mr. Buchanan therefore is in the wrong to ſay, that at the first Court in Glaſgow the Qucen eſcaped in the Month of May, The Archbiſhop takes the Story from him too. Chap. XIII. Church and State in Scotland. 4.71 66 from France to the Queens BE Our Hiſtorians take notice, that about the End of April, on the 22d (à 1568: Day thereof, arrived in this Kingdom Monſ. Beaumont Ambaſſador from the King of France : Agreeable to which Date we ſee that Cecil acquaints Norris An + mbatia: thus, 14th April 1568, “ The Gentleman that lately came hither, named dor comes Mons. de Beaumont, one of the late Diſorder (b) of France, paffeth into • Scotland; which is not much to be liked" (C).' Buchanan informs us, that this French Gentleman demanded in the Name of the King his Maſter, to be ala lowed to viſit our Queen; and that he threatned to be gone forthwith, if'this Thing was not granted him. To which the Regent ſhould have replied, That this lay not in his Power, but in theirs who had firſt fequeſter'd the Queen, and afterwards approv'd the fame in Parliament; but that he promiſed to introduce him into an Affembly of the Nobility on the 20th Day of May. And with this Anfwer, this Author adds, the Ambaſſador ſeemed to be ſomewhat pacified. But Crawford's MS. tells ſomething more of this Matter, namely, that this Miniſter had a Meſſage to the Regent, “ deſiring him to ſatisfy that his Promiſe made to the King of France ar his Departure, which was to fe- "v lieve the Queen from Priſon, and to ſet her at Liberty; and he being con- “ (titute Governour of the Realm, and accepting the ſame upon him, might “ fufficiently perform the famen by himſelf , without any Tumult or Danger " that might enſue. But he [the Regent] carefully excuſed the Matter, lay- ing, that he could then neither give fufficient Anſwer thereunto, neither " could he perform the fame without Conſent of the Three Eſtates of the Re- so alm to be convened in Parliament; and becauſe there had been a Parliament out is denice “ fo lately concluded before his Arrival to Scotland, he could not goodly make " a new Aſſembly fo ſuddenly without their Grudge: And thus ſhiftingly poſt- “ poned the Ambaſſador, to his great Grief." Thus we find here a heavy Charge laid to the Regent's Door, which however muſt reſt upon the Faith of the Narrator. The two forenamed Authors do both ſeem to agree, that the French Ambaſſador was not allowed to ſee the Queen ; and yet Sir James Melvil ſays in expreſs Words, that “ he himſelf had procured to this Ambaſi os fador a Sight of the Queen while captive." I ſhall not pretend to reconcile theſe different Accounts, but proceed to narrate the great Events which fell out in a few Days after. We have been told already, that the Earl of Murray had been advertiſed of an Intention to fetch the Queen out of Priſon, and of an Attempt which had likewiſe been made for that End; which notwithſtanding did at that Time prove unſucceſsful. We find alſo, that upon Account of the late Attempi, George Douglas Brother to the Regent, a young Lad not yet Eighteen Years of Age, had been put out of the Caſtle of Lochlevin, thereby to extinguiſh all Hopes of a future Eſcape: Yer this young Gentleman having been heartily en- gaged to procure the Queen's Releaſe, either from the Motive of Compaſſion or Intereſt, or perhaps both, had ſo far prevailed with the Queen's Keepers and other Servants about the Houſe, that while his Mother, Brother, Sc. were ſitting at Supper, about Seven of the Clock in the Evening of the Second Day Her Majesty of May, being Sunday, her Majeſty, together with one waiting Maid, got fafé- c.capes out of Priſon, ly out of her Place of Confinement, into a ſmall Boat, which was rowed to the Shore by the ſaid George Douglas (d). “ The (e) reſt of the Queen's Liberty was performed by a Gentleman cal- 6 C 2 Acceſs. 66 led (a) Crawford's MS. (6) This is ſaid ironically; for Sir James Melvil calls him Knight of the Order of the Cockle. An Order of Knighthood of the beft Eftcem in France. (c) Cabala. (1) Here Blackwood tells ſomewhat that differs from our other Hiſtorians, viz. “ That George Douglas, uterine Brother to the " Regent, commiſerating the Queen's Misfortunes, prevailed with ſome of her Keepers to favour her Eſcape, and among the reft, "one William Douglas, a young Lad about Sixteen or Seventeen Years of age, who ſtole out the Keys of the Caſtle, that were « lying on the Table while the Laird of Lochlevin was at Supper; that with theſe he locked the Gates behind him, and thereafter S conveyed the Queen by Boat to the Shore.” Calderwooit's Ms. calls this William Douglas the Laird's Daftard Brothers ) Crawford's MS. 472 The Hiſtory of the Affairs of Book II. 1568. ron. led John Bethune (a), who paſſed oftentimes betwixt Lochlevin, Hamilto12 w" and Seton with Intelligence; and fo when as all Things were perfectly and privily agreed upon within the Houſe, there was a certain Day prefixed to Lord George Seton, James Hamilton of Rochbank, either of them having feveral Companies to attend upon her out-coming; and if the ſhould happen or to be within the Boar, ſhe ſhould give a Sign unto them for their Aſſurance ; which was preſently performed when ſhe was coming to the Land. They horſed her with Gladneſs. and the Queen was firſt conveyed to Niddrng [in Weſt-Lotbian,] my Lord Setou's Houſe, that Night, and within three and is convey." Hours thereafter was tranſported to Hamilton." Whither repaired, upon cd to Hamil, the joyful News of her Eſcape, the Earls of Argile, Caſſils, Rothes and Eglin. ton; the Lords Somervel, Teſter, Livingſton, Borthwick, Herries, Max- well , Sangubair, Rofs, Fleming; and many other Barons and Gentlemen, who together with their Friends and Attendants, and other Incomers, made up an Army very quickly of about 6000 Men. Certain it is that the French Ambaſſador having gone to wait on the Queen at Hamilto12, did confeſs that he had never ſeen ſo many Men fo ſuddenly convened (b). The News of her Majeſty's Eſcape was on the firſt Report not credited in Glaſgow, where the Regent then was holding a Juſtice-Court ; but in a few Hours there was 10 Room left for Heſitation. And then a ſtrange Alteration might have been diſcerned in the Minds and Faces of a great many; fome Dipt privately away ; others ferit quietly to beg the Queen's Pardon ; and not a few went publickly over to her Majeſty, infoinuch that the Regent was adviſed by his Friends to leave the City of Glaſgow, which is within eight Miles of Hamil ton, and retire to the Town of Stirling, where he would be in greater Security, until he might gather fome Forces about him. But this Advice his Lordſhip prudently rejected, upon the Account that his Retreat would be interpreted a Flight, and would thereby diſcourage his Friends, and ſtrengthen his Enemies. The particular Realons both for and againſt the Regent's withdrawing to Stir. ling, as they were propoſed in his Council, may be ſeen ſer down by Mr. B4- chanan. The firſt step taken by the Queen, was to ſend a Meſſage to the Earl of Murray, defiring him to deſiſt from his Regency, and to repone her Majeſty in her juſt Government; which Thing that Earl ſimply refuſed to comply with. Whereupon the Queen finding herſelf now at Liberty, and ſo many Lords and Gentlemen about her, declared in Preſence of thein all, that the Writs which ſhe had ſubſcribed in the Priſon at Lochlevin, bearing her Reſignation of the Crown, &c. were all extorted from her by Fcar ; and this Declaration ſhe ſup- ported by the Teſtimony of Robert Melvil, now preſent at Hamilton, and who had been with her in Lochlevin about the Time theſe Writs were fub- fcribed, and of certain others : And therefore a Sentence was pronounced by the great Men now with the Queen, importing, That the Reſignation, &c. extorted from her Majeſty under her Fears in Priſon, was ipfo facto null and void; of which the Queen's Oath was a ſufficient Confirmation (C). The Il. ſue of the Earl of Murray's Denial to repone the Queen, and of her Majeſty's Proclamations Declaration, and Sentence of the Lords thereupon, was a hafty Preparation for illued out to War ; for levying whereof, Proclamations were emitted by both sides (d): And the Queen fent John Bethune into England and France, to give Notice of her Eſcape out of Priſon, and to ſolicite Succour from theſe Princes in levy Men on both sides. her (a) He had the Title of Pitlochie, and was a near Relation of the Family of Balfour; I have ſeen his Pi&urc in that Houſe, and he wears the Enſigns of the Knights of the Thiſtle. (b) Melvil's Memoirs. (c) Sir James Melvil acknowledges the French Ambaſſador “ dealt between the Parties for Peace, but was not heard.” And I ſuppoſe this Gentleman's Authority, who was now preſent with the Regent, is preferable to Mr. Buchanan's, who had his Accounts moſt probably by Hear-ſay only. (d) Crawford's MS. mentions the Queen's Proclamations to have been publiſhed at Hamilton, Lanerk, and ſome other capital Burrows; but I can no where ſce a Copy of theſe Proclamations. But of the Regent's Proclamations we have not only a Copy preſerved by Sir William Drury, but a more authentick ons in the Regiſters of Privy.Council, which the Readers will find in the Appendix, Numb. 26. Chap. XIII. Church and State in Scotland. 473 her Behalen 1568! quickly, even before this Gentleman might be got into France, 'tis proper to caſt our Eyes on the following Letters, viz. 6 IT T may pleaſe Letter from Sir William Drury, To Sir William Cecil, 6th May 1568.C). your Honour : Since the Diſpatch of my laſt I cannot hear of any more, than that the Queen continuerh ſtill at Draffen amongs the Hamiltons, and all the Dependers thereupon. She came thither'accom- panied with threeſcore Horſe, or ſomewhat more, and now increaſeth. The Earl of Murray upon Tueſday at five Hours after Noon, publiſhed a Procla- mation for the gathering of Men, a Copy whereof I ſend herewith. He is yet at Glaſgow, and not idle ou any Side to provide for the King's Sure- ty and his own. The Queen hath diſpatched one of the Betons into France, or elſe to our Court. . Upon Monday, Dunbar. had like to have been ſurpriſed; for at one inſtant ful attempt there arrived into the Town the Parſon of Auld-Hamſtock with a XX, 6 D and 1001 An unſucceſs for the Queen ? upon Dunbar. 6 (a) Sir William Cecil to Sir Henry Norris, 16th May 1568, "Sir, By the Queen's Majeſty's Letter you may perccive what is « her Pleaſure at this Time. Beaton is paſſing thither (into France) ſo as I thiņk he'll be at the Court before the coming of this « Bearer. In your ſpeaking with the King, you may not by your Speech ſeem to utter that you know of Beaton's comin, for Aid there, upon Advertiſement given from hence; for he being adviſed not to ſeek Aid there, and promiſed Aid here for his “ Miſtreſs, hath in Words allowed thereof, and theweth that he will forbear to require Aid from thence, and will only but no- tify the Queen's Liberty. But yet, ſurely I am not bound to believe him; but he hath required us here to ſay nothing of «s that which he at his firſt coming told iis, That the Queen his Miſtreſs ſent him to France to require aid of one shouland Harquebuſiers and a Sun of Money, with fome Ordnance. Wherefore, except you ſhall learn there that he demandeth Aid, you Thall not ſpeak thereof; but if he do, then ſhall ye do well to make Mention thereof to the King,” Cabala. Upon Mr. Bethune’s Arrival at the Court of England, that Queen cauſed immediately inſtructions to be drawn up in order to be ſent into Scotland, as an Anſwer to our Queen's Meſſage by Berhune; but the Misfortune of our Queen, which fullowed to quickly, hindred Mr. Leighton from coming hither with the Inſtructions: However I have thought it not amiſs to lay theſe Initru- &tions here before the Readers, for their more ample Satisfaction. viz. Inſtructions given to Mr. Thomas Leighton, jent into Scot- {and by the Queen of England in May 1968: You ſhall make your Repaire with our Lettres to the Queene of Scott's our good sie Book I. A P P E N D I X. 51 Robert Boyd of Kilmarnok, Nychol Oubitfurde of Findol, Patrik Howme of Broomhouſe, George Douglas.(a). He , Lord Cardinall, and all the remanent of the Lordis ſpiriruall and temporall above-written, hes chefin the Erlis of Anguſs, Huntly, Ergile, Bethwill, Rothes and Glencairii, to ſite with the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and Cardinall foreſaids, and to article, declair and conclude upon ſik Matteris as concernis the Forme and Manner of the Weir, baith to defend agains the com- mon Inimy of Ingland, and to invaid the Realmc of Ingland als oft as the Oc- caſion of Tyme fáll occur, ånd fall be thocht neceſſar and proffitable; and fika like upon the Marteris concerning the ordering of the Bordoris. Linlithgowe 1. November, 1545. Præfente Domino Gubernatore, SEDERUNT Cardinalis Cancellarius, Epifcopus Candidæ Cafe, Domins Roſs, Sempil; Abbates Paſlay, Melroſs; Secretarius, Clericus Regiſtri. anentis Scotland (b), hes commandit and chargit that na Prefoneris In- gliſmen takin be Scottiſmen, and latrin hame again. upon thair Band and Faith to entre how ſoon thai were callit for be thair Takarris, fuld entre again to thair Takarris agains the auld Uſe and Confuetude obfervit and kepit upoun the Bordoris brekand thairthrow thair Faith and Hurt to thair Honeſty gretlie: Thairfore my Lord Governour, with Aviſe of the Lordis of Counfall, hes fta- tute and ordanit that nane Scottiſmen takin Preſoneris be Ingland, and lartin hame upoun thair Faith and Goidteis, entre again to thair Takarris in Ingland, under the Pane of Treſoun : Becauſe it is confonant to all Law, Reloune, Equi- tie and Juſtice, that every Man do and keip fik Law and Part as is done, (ta. tute and kepit to thame be thair Partie adverſar ; that Lerreris be directir heir- upoun to the Wardanis of the Eftir, Myddill and Weſt Merches, and thair Dea putis, to mak Publicatioun and Intimatioun of this Ordinance at all publick Pla- ces of the Bordoris, as hes bene uſit in tymes bigane, and to command and charge all and ſundry our Soverane Lady is Liegis dwelland within the Boundis of thair Wardanance, to obſerve and keip the famyn, under the Pane foreſaid. Apud Edinburgh 23. Maij, 1546. Preſente Domino Gubernatore, SEDERUNT Cardinalis Cancellarius, Epiſcopi Candide Caſa, Dunblanen. Orchaden. Comes Errole; Abbates Paſlay, Dunfermling ; Dominus Max. well, Dominus Wilielmus Hamilton. , underſtandand that thair is diverſs of Mers and Teviot dale that fitrs under Aſſurance of Ingland, incontrar the Tenour of the Act maid thairupoun, incur- rand the Pånes contenit thairintill; Thairfore my Lord Governour and Lordis of Counfall ordain the Juſtice-Clerk to call all fik Perfonis that fitris under Affu. rance, as faid is, quhais Names falbe gevin in Bill att particular Juſtice-Courtis, to underly the Lawis for the ſamyn, after the Forme and Tenour of the Act maid thairupoun (C). Striveling 10. Junij, 1546. T is diviſit and ordainit be the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour, and haill Lordis convenit in this preſent Conventioun, That certain Lordis remane with my Lord Governour, and be of ſecrete Counfall with him in all Marteris, and thai to remane monethly with him, and that to the Nowmer of Foure; and the firſt Moneth to begin this Day, viz. the tent Day of Junij inſtant. Thir (a) This has been the Convention of Prelates, Earls, Lords, and great Barons, appointed to meet in Edinburgh the 24th of Fune by the Act of Council 7th June 1545. Sec Epiſtola Regum Scotia, Vol. 2. p. 328. (6) The firſt two Lines of the Regiſter cannot be read; but in the Earl of Haddington's Collections we find the A& runs thus, viz. Proclamation that ſeeing the Earl of Herford Lieutenant of England fornent Scotland, has diſcharged all Engliſh Priſoners let- tin free upon their Faith and Suretie to return unto Scotland, being required to obſerve the ſame: Therefore, &c. (6) There are ſeveral A&ts to be met with in the Records againſt aſſured Perſons; and very juſtly, becauſe theſe Perſons affifted she Engliſh in making Depredations within the Limits of Scosland. N 2 52 A P P E N D I X. Book I. 3 , William Lord Ruthven, Sir George Dowglas of Pettindrech, Knicht. Thir ar the Lordis deviſit to remane the firſt Moneth, and to begin the ſaid tent Day of Junij inſtant, and to remane quhill the tent Day of Julij nixo thairafter ; Inprimis, Robert Bifchop of Orknay, George Erle of Huntly, ar the Lordis deviſit to remane the ſecond Moneth, and to begin the ſaid tent Day of Julij, and to remane unto the tent Day of Auguſt nixt thair- after; Gawin Archbiſchop of Glaſgow, Archibald Erle of Angus, Hew Lord Somerveil, George Abbot of Dunfermelyn. Thir ar the Lordis deviſit for the third Moneth, and to begin the ſaid tent Day of Auguſt, and to remane qubill the tent Day of September nixe thair- after William Biſchop of Dunblane, Archibald Erle of Argile, Wila liam Erle of Glencairn, Donald Abbot of Couper. Thir ar the Lordis deviſit for the ferd Moneth, and to begin the ſaid tent Day of September, and to remane quhill the tent Day of October nixt thairafter ; Patrick Biſchop of Murray, Patrick Erle Bothwell, Gilbert Erle of Caſellis, Malcolme Lord Fleming. Thir ar the Lordis deviſit for the fift Moneth, and to begin the ſaid tent Day of October, and to remane quhill thc tent Day of November nixt thairafter ; William Erle Merſchell, William Erle of Montroſe, Andro Bifchop of Galloway, Sir William Hamilton of Sangubar, Koicht. Item, It is deviſit and ordanit chat my Lord Thefaurar, Secretar, Comptrol. lar and Clerk of Coupiali, and Juſtice-Clerk and Advocat, be of Counfall, and remane continually thairupoun. Item, It is deviſit and ordanit that quhen thir five Moneths ar furt runnin, and the Lordis hes bidden thair Moneths after the Manner and Order foreſaid, that the foure Lordis that begane the firſt Moneth, viz. at the tent Day of Junij, fall entre again the faid tent Day of November, and remane during the Space of ane Moneth; and ficlike, the remanent of the Lordis above-written, to cum and renane be the faid Space of ane Moneth, ilk ane of thame in thair awne Rowme, eftir the Forme, Order and Maner before expremit. Item, Notwithſtanding this Diviſion of the Lordis of Counfall deviſit to re- mane with my Lord Governour monethly, It is deviſit and ordanit that quhen ony utheris of the Lordis of Counfall before namyt cummys or happynis to be preſent, that thai fall be of Counfall with my Lord Governour and the foure Lordis that fall happyn in that Moneth with his Grace for the tyme. Item, Becaus the Lordis Erskin and Levingſton, Lordis cheſin to be of fe. cret Counfall, may not remane with my Lord Governour, becaus of the keip- ing of our Soverane Ladyis Perſone; Nottheleſs it is deviſit and thocht expedient that quhen any of thame cummys, that thai falbc of Counfall with my Lord Go. vernour as faid is. St. Andrews 11. Junij, 1546. He quhilk Day my Lord Governour, in Preſence of the Quenis Grace and the Lordis of Counfall, hes for gude Concurrance to be had for the Com- monweill of the Realme and ſtanchyng of Diviſion, diſchargit the Contract and Band maid to him be quharſumever Noblemen of the Realme, anents our Sove- rane Lady is Merrage, and fall deſtroy the famyn, and diſcharge all Noblemen that hes confentit thairto of the ſaid Band. And fiklik, the Quenis Grace hes diſchargir all Bands maid to her be all manuer of Noblemen, incontrar the faid Contract. And als, my Lord Governour, with A viſe of the Quenis Grace and Lordis of Counfall, hes diſchargit and diſchargis all Bands betwix the Noblemen of the Realme and utheris, and decernis the famyn to be of nane Avail, Force nor Effect in all tymes to cum, conforme to the auld Ad of Parliament maid thairupoun. And als, iny Lord Governour hes declaric that he will reward all Noblemen of the Realme, every Man in his awne Degre, for his gude Service done and to be done to the Quenis Grace, and the Autorite, to thair Contentation, in fa far as he may Edina Book I. 53 A P P E N D I X. Edinburgh penult. Julij, 1546. Præfentibus Regina & Gubernatore, SEDERUNT Gavinus Archiepiſcopus Glaſguen. Epiſcopi Candida Café, Orchaden. Comites Huntlie Cancellarius, Angus, Bothwell, Caſſellis, Merſchell; Abbates Paſlay, Culros, Dryburc, Dunfermelyn ; Domini Fle. ming, Ruthven, Setoun, Hume, Linde ſay de Byris, Hay de Veſtir, Somer- veill, Glammys, Elphinſton, Secretarius, Dominus Georgius Douglas, Wilielmus Hamilton de Šanchar Milites, Clericus Regiſtri. And becaus the ſaid umquhill Cardinall Chancellar hes mony greit Freindis in Fiff, Lowthiane, Angus, and utharis Pairtis, quhairthrow the faidis Perfonis may allege ane Feir and Dredour that thai may nocht cum to allege thair Defens in the ſaid Mater, nor have fure Paſſage to the Town of Edin- burc; Thairfore ordanis Letteris to be directit to Officeris of the Quenis She- riffis in that Pairt, to pafs, command and charge all and ſundrie our Soverane Ladyis Liegis, be oppin Proclamatioun at the Mercat-Croces of the Burrowis of Edinburc and Cowpar, and utharis Placeis neidfull, That nane of thame tak upone hand to mak ony Moleſtatioun, Truble or Impediment to the faidis Perfonis in thair Bodeis, Landis and Gudis, utharway is than Law wilt; bot that thai may frelie cum to the Burc of Edinburc, paſs and repaſs thairfra, and uis thair Defens aganis the ſaid Summondis as accordis, under the Pane of Typſell of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. Edinburgh 21. Auguſt, 1546. THE "He quhilk Day, Forſamekleas thair is ane Pece takin and ſtandand betwix our Soverane Lady and hir derreſt Uncle the King of Ingland, quha hes written to hir Grace, ſhawand that thar is certape Scottis Schippis in the Eſt- Seis and utheris Placeis that dailie takis, rubbis and ſpulzeis his Schippis and Liegis of his Realme, paſſand to and fra ; defyrand thairfore hir Grace to puto Remeid thairto, for keiping of the ſaid Parte : Thairfore ordanis Lerteris to be directic to Officeris of the Quenis Sheriffis in that Paire to paſs to the Mercat- Croces of Edinburc and Kyngorne, Dyfart and Pittinweme, Kircaldy and Lnverkeithing, Quenisferrie, Pere and shore of Leith, Dunde, Aberdene, Montrois, Åre, Irwyne, Dunbertane, Glaſgow, and uther Placeis neidfull , and thair be oppin Proclamatioun command and charge all and fundrie our So- verane Ladyis Liegis, that nane of thame tak upoun hand to paſs furt in Weir- fair, unto the tyme thai cum unto my Lord Governour and Lordis of Counfall, and have his Graces Licence under our Soverane Ladyis Previe Seil or Great Signer, and Subſcriptioun of my Lord Governour, with fik Reſtrictionis as fall be gevin to thame, under the Pane of Tynſell of Lyft, Landis and Gudis; and gif ony Schippis happynis to depairt, that nane of thame tak upoun hand to in. vaid, tak, truble or moleft ony Inglis Schippis, under the Pane foreſaid. sowie Apud Edinburgh 24. Augufti, 1546. Preſente Domino Gubernatore, SEDERUNT Epiſcopi Dunkelden. Orchaden. Comites Angus, Caſillis; Abbates Couper, Dunfermelyn, Ad. Otterburn, Clericus Regiſtri. THE He quhilk Day, That forſamekleas it was deviſit before be my Lord Go. vernour and Lordis of Counfale, for apprehending of Norman Leſlie fome- tyme Fiar of Rothes, James Kirkaldy of the Grange, Petir Carmichell of Balmadde, Johnne Leſlie of Parkhill, and thair Complices, our Soverane La- dyis Traitoris and Rebellis, and recovering of the Caſtell of Sanet Androis furth of thair Handis, that the ſaid Caſtell fuld be affegit: And to that Effect it was thocht expedient that the Realme fuld be devidit in foure Quarteris , and every Quarter to remane with my Lord Governour at the ſaid Allege for the Space of xx Dayis; and the firſt Quarter to begin upon the xxix Day of Au- guft inſtant, and to remane with his Grace unto the xviij Day of September O pixt 54 Book 1. A P P E N D I X. nixt thairefter ; And that his Grace fuld not be diſſolar of Men, the ſecond Quarter to begin twa Dayis before the outryoning of the ſaid xx Dayis, and ſa furt quarterlic during the tyme of the faid Aſſege, as in the firſt Act and Ordi- nance maid thairupoun is at mair lenth contenit : Thairfore ordanis Letteris to be directit to the Sheriffis of Perth be-eſt Tay, Forfar and Kincardın, and thair Deputis, and uthcris Officeris of the Quenis Sheriffis in that Pairt, Charge- ing chame to paſs to the Mercat-Croces of all Burrowis within the faidis Schiris, and utheris Places neidfull, and thair be oppin Proclamatioun command and charge all and findrie Erlis, Lordis, Barronis, Landit-men, Gentlemen, and uther ſubſtantious Zemen, Men dwelland within the Boundis foreſaidis, baith to Burc and to Land, alſweill Regalitie as Rialte, dwelland upon ſpretualle Mennis Landis as temporalle Mennis Landis, That thai weill bodiu in feir of Weir, in thair maiſt ſubſtantious manner, be in Sanet Androis the xyi Day of September nixt tocum, weill furneiſcht, to remane thairintill unto the ſixt Day of Oétober nixt efter thair cuming to the ſaid Town, to the Effect foreſaid, un- der the Pane of Tinſell of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. Item, Siclik, Letteris to be directit to the third Quarter in the ſamin Sort and Manner. Item, Siclik, Letteris to be directit to the feird Quarter in the ſamin Sort and Manner. Apud Sanctum Andream, 2. Otobris, 1546. SEDERUNT Epifcopi Dunkelden, Moravien. Comites Angus, Ergile, Bothwell; Poſtúlatus Roſſen. Ad. Otterburn de Reidhall, Wilielmus Ha miltón de Sanchar Milites, Clericus Regiſtri. TH He quhilk Day it is thocht expedient be the Lordis above-written, that ane Commiſſioun be maid to certane Perfonis to paſs in Ingland wele inſtructit, for to offer to the King of Ingland the Acceptation of the Comprehenſion of the Quenis Grace, this hir Rcalme, and Liegis thairof, maid in the Article and Treatie laſt paſt betwix the King of France and Ingland, and efter the Forme of the Articlis fend thairupon with Monf. de Mandoiſe; and ask the King of Inglandis Confirmatioun thairupoun. Item, Comprehenſion a poſible Dilligence of the King of Inglandis utir Anſwer, and fall remane quhill the Anſwer cum agane. Item, That ane Commiſſioun be maid to the faidis Ambaſſatoris that paſs in Ingland, to commone, treate and conclude upon ane Peace and Abftinance of Weir as fall be deyiſir, for ane Space lang or ſchorte, efter the Informe of the Inſtructions and Articlis to be gevin in that Behalf. Item, In cais the King of Ingland will not accept the Comprehenſion in Ma- ner and Forme as it is maid, that ane Perſone have Power and Commiſſion to paſs to the King of France, and fchaw in quhar Pointis this Realme is dampnagit and skaithit throw the ſaid generall Comprehenſion: And gif the King of Ing- land will mak Weir upon this Realme, and invaid the ſamyn, To require thair- fore the King of France, be virtew of his Leig, to declair the King of Ingland his Inimy, and defend, ſupple and debait this Realme, conform to the Treateis paſt betwix the Kingis of France and Scotland, and thair Predeceſſoris of before. Sanet Androis December, 1546. T He ſamyn Day it is chocht expedient be the Quenis Grace and Lordis of Counſall, that my Lord Governour fall paſs towart the Bordoris, with fik Cumpany as he fall pleis to tak to him, and to veſy the ſamyn, and put Ordour thairto as he fall think expedient, at the xxiij Day of Zule : Nottheleſs the Quarteris to cum, to cum, and remane at the Aſſege of the Caſtell of Sanet Androis, ilk Quarter in his tour, efter the Forine and Tenour of the Letteris and Proclama- tion directit thairupon. II. Octo. Book I. 34 AP P E N D I X. II. O&tober, 1547. SEDERUNT Epiſcopi Dunblanen. Moravien. Candide Caſe; Abbates Couper, Dunfermelyn, Culros ; Poftulatus Glaſguen. Thefaurarius Glaſ guen. Vicarius Generalis ejuſd. T He quhilk Day, Forſamekleas the haill Clergie, Prelattis and beneficed Meri of this Realme, laitlie grantit to my Lord Governour for the furt bering of our Soverane Ladyis Auctorite, and repreſſing of Faltors, and for divers u- theris Cauſis, the Sowme of 2500 Lib. to be payit be thame to his Grace at the Feiſt of Midſomer laſt bipaſt, and the Sowme of 2500 Lib. at the Feiſt of Sanct Andro nixtocum ; likeas in the Act maid thairupon is at mair lenth contenit. And now the Prelatis and Kirkmen above-writtin haifand reſpectis to the Effaris of this Rcalme preſentlie occurránd, and in ſpeciale that our auld Ynemeis of Ingland hes be way of Deid takin the Places of Sanet Colms Inche, the Craig and Places of Bruchty, the Place of Hume and Aldroxburgh, and hes ramforſac the ſaid, and biggit Fortalices and Strenthis thairintill, and daylie and con- tinuallie perfeveris in thair bigging and ramforſing of the faidis Places, quhilks may engenner ane greit Inconvenience, without the famyn be haiſtelie remedit ; and for recovering thairof furt of thair Handis, the faidis Prelatis and beneficia Men above-writtin hes inſtantlie avanſit to my ſaid Lord Governour, to the Ef- fect foreſaid, chair Partis of the ſaid Androis-Meſs-Terme, togidder with the reſt of the laſt Midſomer-Terme awand be thame, and promittis to pay the fa- myn now incontinent in hand: And thairfore exhortis and prayis the remanent of the Prelatis and beneficit Men of this Realme that ar awand ony Reſt of the laſt Midſomer-Terme, and ſiclik that aucht to pay the nixt Androis-Meſs-Terme, That thai and ilk ane of thame for thair awin Pairt, awans now inſtantlie in continent the ſaid Taxt, and pay the famyn in hand to the Effect foreſaid, for the Cauſis above-writtin ; and in likwys ordanis Letteris to be directit heirupon as effeirs. And gif ony Inferiors. He famyn Day ane Reverend Fadir in God Biſchop of Dunkeld, and the remanent of the Kirkmen above-writtin, underſtandand the Place of Sanet Colms Inche is laitlie takin be our auld Ynimeis of Ingland, and that thai now inſtantlie ar biggand and ramforſand the famyn ; and without the famyn be haiſtilie perſewit and recoverit furt of thair Handis, thair may fol- low greit Inconvenientis to this Realme, quhilkis may not be weill heireftir ramedit : Thairfore ordanis the Abbor of San&t Colms Inche to content and pay to my Lord Governour the Sowme of Five hundredth Pounds uluale Money of this Realme, of the reddieſt furth of the ſaid Abbacy, of this inſtant Zeir and Crop, to fee Wageors and Men of Weir, for recovering of the ſaid Place furt of the Handis of our faidis auld Ynimies, becaus his Grace hes inſtantlie deburſit the famyn before hand to the Effect forcſaid ; and ordanis the ſaid Ab- bot and his Convent, religious Men, be honeſtlie ſtakit and furniſchit, as effeirs, in the Places of Sanet Androis, Arbroth, Scone, Lundors, Dunfermling, Paſley, Cambuskynneth, and fik utheris religious Places as fall be thócht expe. pedient to put thame into for this Zeir. 19. February, 1547 THE He quhilk Day, the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour, and Lordis of ſecret Counfale, underſtandand perfytlie that our auld Ynimies of Ingland being in the Hous of Brouchty, ar apperandly to invaid the Burc of Dunde, and haill Cuntre, and to burn, hery, lla and deſtroy our Soverane Ladyis Lie- gis dwelland within the Boundis thairof, without thai be reſiſtir : Thairfore it is deviſit and ordauit be my Lord Governour and Lordis foreſaidis, that thair falbe raſit thre hundreth Men of Weir, of the quhilkis ane hundrerh Haga buttis, ane hundrech Speirmen, the ane half tobe equallic furniſt be the greit Prolatis conftitut in Dignite of this Realme, thair Payment extending to 600 O 2 56 Book I. A P P E N D I X. 600 Lib, and the uther half be che Inhabitantis of the Burc of Dunde; and ane hundreth Horſemen tobe furniſt be the Baronis and Landit-men of the Sheref- dome of Perth, fra Tay Eiſt, and Sherifdomes of Forfar and Kincardin ; pro- viding that thairbe at all cymes ane cerrane of the Baronis of the Sherefdomes foreſaidis with the faidis Horſemen as 'ſalbe thocht expedient be my Lord Lieutennent, and all the faidis Men of Weir to be haldin and payit for the Space of ane Moneth, beginnand at ſik Day as falbe appointit to thame be my Lord Lieutennent; and ordanis Letteris to be directie heirupon to command and charge all and ſindry the Baronis foreſaidis, and Landit men of the foreſaidis Sherifdomes, to Burc and to Land, of quhat Degre thai be of, to anſwer and obey the Premiſſis as thai ſalbe commandit be my laid Lord Lieutennent, under the Pane of Tinſell of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. And ſiklik, to require the faidis Prelattis to mak Payment of thair Partis of the ſaid Taxt, deviſit to the Effect above-writtin, ilk ane for chair awne Pairr, efter the Forme of the Taxta Roll maid thairupon, within xxiv Houris nixt efter thai be requirit, under the Pane of Rebellion ; and failzieing thairof, to put thame to the Horne. TH Vlt. Februarij, 1547. SEDERUNT Epiſcopi Dunkelden. Abbates Dunfermelyne, Melros; Dominus Borthwick, Clericus Juſticiarie. He quhilk Day, in Preſence of the Lordis of Counfale comperit Johnne Lord Borthwick, and at my Lord Governours Command hes takin upoun him the Cuire and Keiping of the Place and Fortalice of Halis, and hes bund and obliſt him to keip the lamya furlie fra our auld Inimies of Ingland and all utheris, and fall nocht deliver the ſaid Place and Fortalice to Patrick Erle Bothville, nor nane utheris in his Name, but my Lord Governours Aviſe and Command, under the Pane of Ten thouſand Pundis. And in cais ony Adverteiſment cummis, that our auld Ynimies intendis to cum and perſew the ſaid Hous, and to recover the ſamyn furth of the faid Lordis Handis ; than and in that Cais the ſaid Johnne Lord Borthwick bindis and obliſſis him to mak ſik Adverteiſment to my Lord Governour upoun the Space of four Dayis warning, that his Grace may ſend xxiv Horſemen to the ſaid Place of Halis for keiping thairof, and fall mak thame convoy furlic to paſs and repaſs fra the famy, within the ſaid Space, un- der the Pane foreſaid ; and the ſaid Adverteiſment to be maid outher to the Capi- tane of the Caſtell of Dunbar, or to the Capitane of the Caſtell of Edinburc, in my Lord Governours Abſence: And at the cumming of the ſaid Horſemen, the faid Lord Borthwick bindis and obliſſis him to deliver the ſaid Place to thame, to be uſit as falbe commandit be my Lord Governour, under the Pane above-writtin. THe famyn Day, Elizabeth Priores of Hadyngton hes takin upon hir the Cuire and Keiping of the Place and Fortalice of Nunraw, and hes bundin and obliſt hir, and be the Tenor heirof bindis and obliſſis hir to keip the famyn furlie fra our auld Ynimies of Ingland and all utheris, and fall not deliver the ſaid Place to na maner of Perfonis, but my Lord Governours Avife and Com- mand: And in cais the famyn, and that Place; than and in that Cais bindis and obliſſis hir to caſt down and deſtroy the famyn, ſwa that na Ha- bitatioun ſalbe had thairintill frathynefurt. THe famyn Day, Forſamekleas my Lord Governour and Lordis of Counfale haifand reſpect to the divers enorme and exorbitant Crymis committit and done be the Lardis of Ormeſtoun and Bruntſtoun, and ſiklik be the Keiperis of the Hous of Saltoun, and for thair falſe and treafſonabill Dedis, and how that thair Houſis of Ormeſtoun, Saltoun and Gilbertoun, hes bene put in our auld Ynimeis Handis, to the Subverſioun of the Cuntre to thair Opinioun ; and laſt of all, our faidis auld Ynimeis hes bene preſentlie in the laidis Houſis, quhair- Book 1: 57 A P P E N D 7 X. quhairchrow thai have declătit chame oppin and manifeſt Tracòriş and Refatoris of our faidis auld Ynimeis; and for the Perſure thairof my Lord Governour hes preſentlie aflegit the faidis Houſis, and recoverit the famyn be way of Deid; and becaus the faidis Houſis may engennet Curicris in the Cuntre, and that na Perfonis will tak upoun hand to keip the famyn fürliè frá our faidis auld Thia meis, thait Affilteris and Parterakaris : Thairfore it is diviſit, Ítacur and oia danit, that the faidis Houſis of Saltoun, Ormeſtoun and Gilbertoun, be caſtin down, ſwa that na Habitatioun falbe had in ony of the faidis Places to out faidis auld Ynimeis fra chyne furt in ony tymcs tocum. Nota, Becauſe the Regiſters of Privy-Council from this Time to Anno 1550 aré loft; theſe following are taken from Earl of Haddington's Collections: 28. Aprile, 1548. PRocla Roclamatioun commanding the inhabitantis of Lowthian, Mers, Tiviota daill, Lawderdaill, and Foreſt of Ettrik, quho war aſlürit with Ingland to cum to the Governour upon Monanday at Evin to the Armie; to tak Pairç with the Enimeis of Ingland; aſſuring thame that thai fall haif are frie Remif fioun for Byganes, excepting fuch Perfonis as ar preſentlie under the Proces of Treaſoun; with Certification that quha faillis fall be reputt aue Traittour. 26. Junij, 1548. The Towne of Durdie ordanit to ſtay from the Raid, and tą waig tod Sowldiers to attend the Laird of Diin, directit to ſtay in Angus to teline the Ingliſhmen, and that the Townſmen of Dundie await upon the Laird of Dun, and watch and waird with him as thai falbe commandit be him; under the Pane of Tinſell of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. î. Julij, 1548. George Lord Setoün appointit to be Merthall of the haili Årmie at this tyttiê; and to appoint every Nobleman, and otheris, thair Rowme and Place where thai fall ly; with Command to all Men to obey him and his Deputtis thaira anent, under the Pane of Death. Ordinance that thair fall be ane michtie Watch of the haill half of the Armies and that the one half await upon the Erle of Angus, and the other half upoti the Erle of Ergile, chair Nicht about. to. Fanuarij, 1548. Ane Fort appointit to be biggit at Inneresk, and the Townie of Edinburgi furniſch 300 Men with Pick, Marcock, Schule, Spade, to work thairat be the Space of fax Dayis, as thai fall be commandit be the Commiſſionar appointic for thảr Effect: As alſwa, that every Pleugh of aucht Oxen betwix Lithgowe and Hadington, in the Sherifdome of Lithgow and Lowthian, furniſch ane Mari boddin as ſaid is, for the Space foreſaid; and ilk Fotch-Pleuch furdiſch twa Men, under the Pane of 40 Sh. to be upliftit be the faidis Commiſſionaris for ilk Pleueli April, 1549. Mention maid of the Taxt of 30000 Lib. grantit be the Clergie: 6. Maij, 1549. Ane Taxi of Twelve thouſand Pundis, impoſed by the Lordis of ſecret Counfall upon the Borrowis, for waiging Sowldiers for Defenſe of the Realme aganis Ingland. Apud Edinburgh 22. Junij, 1549. THE He quhilk Day, the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour, and Lordis of ſecrer Counfall, having Reſpect of the Neceſſitie of the Tyme, and the Eaſe and Profeit that may redound to this Realme for the biging of are Foro P upon 58 Book I. A PP EN DI X. upon Inche-Keith, for xeſiſting of our auld Inimics of Ingland; hes thocht ex. pedient, devy fit and ordabit. That the haill Burrowis on the Sydis of Forth, and great Townes and throuch Fares that lyis within twa Myles to the Coiſt of the famyn; that is to ſay, Sanet Androis, Carraill, Pearth, Weymes, An- Pruther Kingis-Barns, Sanct Monanys, Kilnowqubar, Larg, Erles-ferrie, Levyng-mouth, Wemys Eiſtir and Weſtir, Dyſert, Kircaldie, Kinghorne Eiſtir and Weltir, Brunteland; Abirdour, Innerkeitbing, North-ferrie, Dunfermeling, Citros, Clackmannane, Alloway, Cambuskennoch, Stiruling, Falkirk, Kina neill, Lynlythgow, Quenis-ferrie, Cramond, Leith, Edinburgh, Mufilburgh, Preſtoun, the Panes, Dalkeith, Duding fiou, Seytoun, Tranent, Langnidrie, Abirlady, North-Berwick, Dirleton, Gosfurd, Gullau, Ballincrief, fall furniſch Four hundreth Pioneris, ilk Man fwa ſh. in the Day for the Space of xvi Dayis, to work at the ſaid Fort in the ſaid Inche ; and ordanis the Towne of Edinburgh to divyde and taxt thir Four hundrech Men amaigis the faidis Townes; and Letteris be direct to Officiaris of the Quenes, to paſs, command and charge the faidis Townes to mak Payment of the Sowmes of Money that thai fall be taxt to, ilk ane of thame for thair awin Partis, within xxiy Houris. eftir the ſaid Charge, under the Pane of Rebellion and putting of thame to the Horne; and ordanis Commiſſioun to be direct heirto incontinent, and to put Men to the faid Work upoun the Expenſis of the faidis Townes; and ordanis the faidis Townes to ſend all able Men to work furth of thair Boundis s to the ſaid Inche, to reſſave dailie Waiges, quhair the faidis Commiſſionaris fall mak thankfull Payment to thame, ilk ane of thame for thair awn Partis as effeiris : And ordanis the Towne of Edinburgh to deput the faidis Commiſſionaris to mak Payment of thair Workmens Waiges to chame, and fiklik, to mak and de put Maiſters of Work to fie the Workmen do thair Labouris juftlie and trewlie, and omit no Tyme, for the Caufis forefaidis. bastian 3. Julij, 1549, THE He quhilk Day, the Lord Governour and Lordis of ſecret Counfall, and the maiſt Pairt of the haill Nobellis of this Realme, being convenit and al- ſemblit togidder, havand Reſpect to the greit and mony Incurſiounis daylie and continualie maid upoun this Realme be our auld Inimeis of Ingland, and furelie informit of the greit Preparatiounis devyſit and ordanit be our faidis auld Ini. meis for the Deſtruction of this Realme this nixt Harveſt approchand; Hes for ſubſtantious Reſiſtance thairof, willinglie of thair awin Cowrage, offerit thamea ſelfis reddie to defend thair awin auld Liberties with thair Bodies and Subſtance, and to win the haill Nobilitie thairupoun: Thairfore ordanis Letteris to be direct to all Officiaris, Stewartrie Bailleis, alſweill Regalitie as Royaltie, and thair Deputtis; Proveſtis, Aldermen and Bailleis of Borrowis, and to thair Officiaris, of the Quenis Sheriffis in that Pairt, chargeing thame to the Mercat-Croces of all Borrowis and Townis of this Realme, and uthir Places neidfull, and thair be opin Proclamatioun command and charge all and findrie our Soverane Ladyis Leigis be opin Proclamatioun, berwix Sixtie and Sixteine Zeiris, and utheris fenlabill Men, baith to Burt and Land, alſweill Regalitie as Royaltie, dwelland upon ſpirituall Menis Landis or temporall Menis Landis, that thai and every ane of thame be in reddineſs, weill boddin in feir of Weir, in thair maiſt dubſtantious Manner with Armis and Wapounis, eftir the Forme of the Actis of Parliament, to cum, fend, wait, at the firſt Day of Anguft nixtocam, thai fall be chargit and advertiſit, upon aucht Dayis Warneing, with forty Dayis Victuall, eftir thair cumming to the Place thair falbe aſſignit and appointit in the Letteris of Warneing, for reſiſting of the faidis auld Inimeis, Defenſe of this Realme, and Libertie thairof, under the Pane of Tinſell of thair Lyfis, Landis and Gudis; nochtwithſtanding the Actis and Ordinances maid of before for rai- fing and liſting of ane furniſcht Man of everie Seven-Mark , Land of auld Ex- tent, furniſche for the Expenfis thairof for the Space of twa Monethis, likas the ſaid Act at mair lenth proportis: Quhilk Act and Ordigance my Lord Go Vernoux as Book I. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DIX. 59 vernour and Lordis forefaidis hes diſchargit, and be the Tenour heirof diſchar- gis the fame, becaus chair is no Prelattis, Sheriffis, Erlis, Lordis, Baronis, and uchir Frie-halderis that hes takin up the Taxt foreſaid fra the Tenentis within thair Boundis, and Landis and Juriſdictioun ; Thairfore iny Lord Governour and Lordis foreſaidis, willis and ordanis chame, and everie anc of thame for thair awin Pairtis, to deliver, content and pay agane the ſaid Taxi, takin up as faidis, to the faidis Tenentis, ilk Man his awin Paire, within teu Dayis nixt eftiri the Charge; with Certification to ilk ſpirituall Man that faillzies heirintilly, that he fall be callit and accufit as ane Contemnar and Brekar of this preſent Act, to ane particular Dyet, and fall be puniſchit chairfoir in his Landis and Gudis, with all Rigour for his Contemption. And for performing of the Premiſſis, ordanis the Juſtice-Clerk and Theſaurer-Clerk to tak diligent Inquiſitioun of the Perfonis baith fpirituall and temporall that randeris nocht agane the faid Taxt to the faidis Tenentis reſpectivè, and roll thair Names, fwa that my Lord Sanct Air- drois on the ane Pairt mayo direct Legteris of Curſing upoun the Prelatris and Kirkmen for not Payment of thair Pairtis of the haill Taxţrin maner foreſaid ; and the ſaid Juſtice Clerk and Theſaurer-Clerk on the uthir Pairt may direct Let- reris upoun the temporall Men in manner above-writtin, for thair Contemption. And ordanis the Clerkis to content, pay and deliver the Sowme of 15000 Lib. of the haill Taxt of 35000 Lib. grantit of befoir to be equallie diſtribute and payit amongis thame, ilk Man for his awin Pairt, effeirand to the Rait and Quan- titie of thair Benefices, conforme to the Taxatioun maid amongis thame thair- upoun ; providing alwayis that the Sowmes of Money ellis payit be the Clergie of the ſaid Taxt to the Colle&oris thairof, be allowit in pairt of Payment of the ſaid Sowme of 15000 Lib, Apud Edinburgh 13. Julij, 1549. He famyn Day, the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour, and Lordis of fecret Counfall, underſtanding that thair is diverſe our Soverane Ladyis Lieges that fittis under Aſſurance with our auld Inimeis of Ingland, quhairthrow the Countrie is become herriet and deſtroyit; and for Remedie heirof, it is advyſic and ordanit that Letteris be direct to Officiaris of the Quenis Sheriffis in that Pairt, charging thame to paſs to the Mercat Croces of Edinburgh, and uthir Places neidfull, and thair be opin Proclamatioun command and charge all and findrie aſſurit Perfonis with Ingland, that thai and everie ane of thame betwix this and the Day of Julij inſtant, give up thair Aſſurance to our faidis auld Inimeis of Ingland, and declair to thame that thai ar and will be trew Sub- jectis to our Soverane Lady and hir Realme, and will defend the famyn and Li- bertie thairof; and that thai come to the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and Counfall, and declair the maner of the upgiving of the ſaid Aſſurance to our faidis Inimies betwix and the ſaid Day, with Certification to thame an they failzie, the ſaid Day being bypaſt, that thai and ilk ane of thame fall be perfewit as Inimeis baith by Fyre and Sword, and put to urtir Ruine with all Rigour : And the ſaid Day being bypaſt, and the faidis aſſurit Perſones failland in the Premifſis, ordanis the Lovetennent and Gariſones to paſs and perſew the faidis aſſurit Perſones, as thai falbe direct be my Lord Governour and Counſall, baith be Fyre and Sword, and puniſch thame in maner above-writtin. cil. Edinburgh 25. Marcij, 1550. Prefentibus Regina 6 Gubernatore, Regiſter of SEDERUNT Archiepifcopus Sanéti Andr. Comes de Huntlie Cancellarius, Privy Coun: Epifcopi Moravien. Candida Caſa, Dunblanen. Orchaden. Comites Ara gile, Merſchell, Caſillis, Errole; Domini Ruthven, Drummond, Dominus Georgius Douglas, M. Semple; Clericus Regiſtri, Clericus Fufticiaria, Advocatus, Robertus Carnegy. TH He quhilk Day it is deviſit, ftatut and ordanit, That for reſiſting of our auld Ynemyis of Ingland, and Defenſe of the Weſt-Bordoris, and for reparing of P 20 60 Book I. Å P P E N D I X. of ane Fort and Strenth in the Towne of Annand, for Defenſe of the Cuntre, and diverſe utheris Reipectis and Conſiderationis moving thame; That the Sowme of 4000 Lib. be raſit and upliftit of the Prelartis and Clergie of this Realme, to be rafit and inbrocht ro the Collectouris to be deput thairto, to the Effect above-writtin; and in cais the ſaid 4000 Lib. be thankfullie payit and deburſit bé the Prelattis and Clergie, than and in that Cais my Lord Governour and Lordis of ſecret Counſale promittis that thair fall na Taxatioun be raſit agane upoun thame for the Spade of ane Zeir nixtocum. THe famyn Day it is devifit, ftatue and ordanir, That the Shereffis of Edini burgh principall, Edinburgh, within the Conſtabulary of Haddington, Sela kirk and Lacederdaill , and thair Deputis, fall aſſiſt and concure with the Lardis of Lethingroun, Qubictinghame, Elphinſtoun, Trabroun and Wauchtoun, in the aviſing of the furneſching of the Oxin and Pyoneris deviſit for the furt bringing of our Soverane Ladyis Munitioun and Arrailzery to the Oiſt and Army deviſit to aſſemble and convene in Edinburgh the xvi Day of Aprile nixtocum, cons forme to the Actis maid thairupoun. Apud Ēdinburgh , 3. Aprilis, 1550. Præfente Regina, SEDERUNT Archiepiſcopus Sanéti Andree, Comites Merſchell, Caſſillis, Abbates Dunfermelyn, Clericus Regiftri, Robertus Carnegy. THE "He quhilk Day, Forſamckill as thair is diverſs aſſurit Perſonis, bé our auld Yneinyis of Ingland, and fittis undir Aſſurance, dwelland within the Boundis of the Mers, and uthir Partis adjacent to the famyn, quhilk upoun this laſt Monanday at Evin, the laſt Day of Merchè laft bypaſt, that hes furpiſt Carriage and Carriage horſs to our laidis auld Inemyis, for the furniffing of the Fort of Lauder, and our faidis auld Ynemyis being in the famyn, takảnd Art and Part with thame, aſſiſtand and favourand thame in the Deſtruction of the Cuntre: Thairfor it is diviſit and ordanit that Alexander Lord Hume paſs furt and feik the faidis Perſonis furniſſaris of the faidis Carriage and Carriage- horſs to our faidis auld Ynemeis and Fort forlaid, and tak and apprehend fex of the Principallis of thame, and punis thame to the Deid for thair Attemprattis ; with Power to the ſaid Lord to juſtify the faidis Perſopis, Court and Courtis of Juſticiarie to hald to that Effect: And will and grantis that this preſent Act and Ordinance be of als greit Strenth, Faith, Force and Effect, as and the famyn had bene gevin in Forme of Commiſſioun under the quhit Walx, to the Effect above- writting for the Cauſis forfaidis, Proclamatio pacis. Apud Edinburgh 20. Aprilis, 1550. WE do zou to win, Forfamekil as in the moiſt honorable and perpetuale Peče takin betwix the. maiſt Criſtine King of France on that ane Pairt, and the King of Ingland on that uchir Palrt; for thame, thair Aris and Succeſſoris for evir, Ourc Soverane Lady hir Realme, Dominionis, Rewines and Poſſeſſiounis baith be Sey and Land, Liegis and Subjectis of the famyn, ar comprehendit, for hir, hit Hienes Airis and Succeſſoris perpetuallie; lik as in the Contractis and Tretyis of Peax paſt thairupoun, and Comprehenſioun forfaid, is at mair lenth contenit: Quharefor we command and charge, in our Soverane Ladyis Name and my Lord Governoris, all and ſindrie our Soverane Ladyis Liegis, of quhatſumevir Eſtait, Dignitie, Ordour, Preeminence or Conditioun that evir thai be off, That nane of tháme tak upoun hand to violett or brek the ſaid Pece in ony ſort, or to do ony Hurt, Harme, Moleſtatioun, Inquietatioun or Perturbatioun to ony of the Liegis of the Realme of Ingland owther be Sey or Land, Nycht or Day, boć so obſerve and kepe the ſaid Peax and Comprehenſioun foreſaid clerelie and en- terelie Book I. A P P E N D 1 X. 61 terelie in all Punctis; or to pretend to mak ony Offence to ony Ingliſhman quhilk may * tynde to the Violatioun of the ſaid Peax. And fiklik, we com- mand and charge all and findrie Bordoraris, and all utheris our Soverane Lady is tynde or tend Liegis, That nane of thame tak upoun hand to ryde into Ingland, or to mak ony Perturbatioun thairintill Nycht or Day frathy nefurth, under the Pane of Trefon. * Ita MS. É Apud Edinburgh 22. Aprilis, 1550. Preſentibus Regina & Gubernatore, SEDERUNT Comes de Huntlie Cancellarius, Johannes Archiepifcopus Sancti Andreæ ; Comites Ergile, Merſchell, Glencarn, Caſillis; Abbates Dunfermling, Cowper ; Domini Ruthven, Magiftri Erskin, Semple, Dominus Georgius Douglas. Antweris to the maift Criſtine King of Francis Memoriale, reffavit fra Monf. de Finnell, gevin to Thomas Maiſter of Erskin, Ambaſſador for the Quenis Grace of Scotland and my Lord Governour thairof; To be fchawin to bis Hienes upon thair Behalf. IN the Firſt: The Quénis Grace, my Lord Governour and Counfale under's ſtandand the Report of the faid Monf. de Finnell and Memoriale foreſaid, how that the ſaid maiſt Criſtine King, efter that his Hienes had maid fik İnvas fioun upoun our auld Inimeis of Ingland within the Cuntre of Boullennois, and thairthrow conſtrenit thare to retere the maiſt Part of thair Army, quhilkis thai had lyand upoun this Realme, furth of the famyn, and tranſport thame to wart the ſaid Cuntre of Boullennois ; and his Hienes perſeverand in fik ſharp Perfute of the ſaidis Ingliſhmen, mare in reſpect of this Realme of Scotland, nor ofony uthir Conſideratioun, brocht to fik Neceſſite, that it behufit thame to feke Peax of his Hienes divers tymés, and be ſindry Perſonis; and that his Hienes havand Conſideratioun of the grete Scathis, Oppreſſiounis and Dampnagis quhilkis this Realme hes ſufferit be ſo lang Weris, and bcand deſyrous to putc the famyn at Reſt and Quietnes, accordit to trete with the faid Ingliſhmen a- pone ane Peax: To the quhilk, efter lang Reſonyng, wes condiſcendit be his Hienes Commiſſionaris, comprehendand our Soverane Lady and this hir Realme in the famyn; the quhilk the Queriis Grace, my Lord Governour and Counfale of this Realme, acceptis maiſt thankfully, as ane Thing done be his Majeſtie for the Wele and Releiff of this Realmė, and Tranquillite to the Sub- jectis thairof, and haldis thame thairthrow addetrit to his Hienes mare than thai ar hable preſentlie to acquite: And namelic, inſafer as it hes not onlie plc- fit his Hienes to have refufit the grete Offeris of Ingland maid to him, anent the quyting of thare Penſion, randering of Boulongne of all that thai with- held bezond the Sey, for the geving of our Soverane to thame, but alſwa by all the infinite Coſt maid be his Hienes for the Defens of the Liberte of this Realme of before, now to deburs ſwa large Sowms for Peax and Reſt to us as to his awin; and thairfore that the ſaid Maiſter of Erskin upoun thair Behall giff maiſt humyl Thankis thairof to his Majeſtie, quhilk hes preferrit the Reſt and Eis of this Realme to his awin particular Profitt, as he that is the fure and only Defender and Releyf under God of all this Realme, and hes deliverit the ſamyn furt of the Thraldome in the quhilk it was for the tyme, and fafit it fra the apperand perpetuale Subjectioun it wes hable to have fallin in, giff his Hic- nes had not tane the hale Byrding of the Defens thairof upoun him ; and fina- lie not broucht the famyn to the auld Libertie and Fredome, unto his Hienes infynite Honour, and our ineſtimable Wele. And according to the Deſyre of the ſaid Memoriale, the Quenis Grace and my Lord Governour fendis thair welebelufit Thomas Maiſter of Erskin Berar of thir Preſentis, thair Ambaſſador to the King of Ingland, with Commiſſioun undir our Soverane Ladyis Grete Sele, for to ratifie, affirmé and appreve in our Soverane Ladyis Name, the Comprehenſion of hir Grace and hir Realme of Q Scota 62 Book 1. A P P E N D I X Scotland, maid in the ſaid Trettie, and all the Punctis and Articlis contenit thairintill, inſafer as it concernis or may concerne hir Grace, or hir Realme foreſaid. Item, Conforme to the Kingis Article, my Lord Governour, with Aviſe of the Counfale, hes inſtantly diſchargit all Weir-Schippis to depart or pas furth of the Realme of Scotland in ony maner of Weirfare; and ſiklik, hes ſend and gevin ſpeciale Charge to the Maiſter of Erskin, That in cais he fyndis ony Weir-Schippis of Scotland in France, to putt Inhibitioun to the Capitanes, Mai- ſteris and Awoaris of the famyn, thar nane of thame tak upoun hand to mak Wear upoun the Emperoris Subjectis, unto the ty me the King be advertiſt : And that he ſend his Mynd unto us thairupon ; and the famyn Charge to be uſit at the Kingis Plefour. Item, Ås to the Anſwer towart the Cardinale of Carpy, The Quenis Grace and my Lord Governour hes ellis writtin thairupoun to the King, quharewith thai think his Majeſtie ſalbe ſatisfyit ; likeas the Maiſter of Erskin will declare. Item, Tharefter the ſaid Maiſter of Erskin fall report to the King how re. joſit the Quenis Grace and my Lord Governour war of the Novellis of our So. verane Ladyis Welefare, and to heir that the Kingis Hienes was ſwa wele con- tentir with hir, and that ſche was ſwa hable to encres in Vertew, and that the Kingis Majeſtie takis ſik Confolatioun, feying the begynying of hir upbringing to have bene fwa gude, that he hopis fum Day to ſee his Sone the Husband of ane of the maiſt vertuous Princes that Men can defyre ; beſikand God of his infinite Gudnes that his Hienes may fee nocht allenerlie that Thing that his noble Hart defyris, but alſwa that oure Soverane Lady be efter this fwa en- dewit with the Graces of God, that fche may be hir Birth mak his Hienes to be callit the Gudſer of ane of the maiſt victorious Princes in the Warld, and King to ryng lang proſperouſlic abufe baith the Realmes. Item, The Occaſioun of the ſending of the Hereld to the King, quha wes directit to the Emperor, wes be this Motive; Monſ. d'Oſell the Kingis Am- baſſador here ſchew the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and the Counſale, That the King mervellit that we continuit the Waris with the Emperor, ha- vand actually Weir with Ingland, and michc have had Peax of him, deſyrand us to ſek ane honourable Peax of the Emperor be the Kingis Aviſe and Myance, rather than to procure furthir Weir be ony oure Occaſioun: Upoun the quhilk we directit the ſaid Hereld to the King with ſpeciall Writtingis to our Ambal- ſador, gift he had bene preſent, defyrand his Majeſtic to ſend to the Emperor for ane Conduct to certane Ambaſſadors of Scotland, to cum and trete upoun Peax with the Emperor ; quhilk Ambaſſadors firſt fuld have cumin to the King for his Aviſs and Informatioun, and tharefter to have departit to the Emperor for the ſaid Peax, and the Kingis Ambaſſadors with thame to thar Effect. The Abſence of our Ambaſſador wes the Caus that the King wes not fo amplie infor- mit of oure Defyris, as oure Directionis wes unto his Majeſtie. Item, It is deſyrit of the King that he will ſend his Ambaſſadors towart the Emperor, to procure ane Peax to the Quenis Grace oure Soverane Lady, hir Realme and Subjectis, in ſemblable maner as hes bene accuſtumaľe of before, always referring the Tyme to his Majeſties Diſcretioun, with Abolition of all Thingis paſt, becaus an honourable Peax wes takyn be the King, quham God aſſolze, and the Emperor for ane hundreth Zeiris. Quhilk Peax without Oc- caſioun maid be us, wes violet and brokyn be the Emperor and his Subjectis, in takyn and withhaldyn of ane grete Nowmer of the Schippis of Scotland, at the Defyre of Ingland, to the grete Hurt and Dampnagis of the Liegis of this Realme, lykas our Ambaſſadors the Biſchop of Rofs and the Maiſter of Erskin, or athir of thame can declare at lenth ; togidder with the maner of the Trettie laſt takyn, quhilk hes bene alfwa to the grete Hurt and Dampbage of baith the Emperors Subjectis and ours. Item, Becaus that the Kingis Majeſtie hes ellis writtin to my Lord Cardinale of Book I. AP P E N D I X. 63 of Guiſe, lyaud preſently in the Court of Rome, to mak Inſtance to the Papis Halynes for the Legacie of Scotland, to be grantit to my Lord the Archbiſchop of Sanet Androis, Brother to my Lord Governour, and to do his utir Pol- ſibilitie for obteyning of the famyn; Tharefor to thank his Hienes, and befck him to continew in che famyn, unto the tyme it be brocht ro fik ane Perfe- ctioun as that the ſaid 'Legacie be grantit in maiſt ample and large maner, fwa that all Benefices within the Realme of Scotland, exceptand Bifchopricks alle- narlie, be providit within the Realme : Quhilk Thing being done be the Kingis Majeſtie, fall purches be his Hienes ane grete Wele, Profitt and Eis, in reſpect of the tymc and in bering of the greit Chargis of the Waris, and findry uthir wayis, togidder with the Favour of the Subjectis, inſafer as it is of fa grere Advantage to the famyn ; and to informe his Hienes how grete Sowmes paſt furth, and daylie paſſes furth of this pure Realme to the Court of Rome, and how coſtlie ane Thing it is to mak Fynance evin through all Partis quhill thai cum to Rome, be reſoun of the Diſtance of the Places and perellous Paſſages baith by Sey and Land, through ſindry Princis Juriſdictioun, and how that this Realme is ſwa hercit with lang Weris, that it will not be hable to recover the Scaith it hes ſufferit in mony Zeiris, in cais that the Subſtance thairof be tranſportit be the Occaſioun foreſaid to the Court of Rome in ſik aboundance as it hes bene thir Zeris bipaſt; and that the Kingis Hienes be informit that this Legacie be nocht alucerlie deſyrit for the private Wele of ony ane Perſone, but for the common Wele of the hale Inhabitantis of this Realme. Item, Becaus the Kingis Majeſtie hes defyrit to knaw of the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and Counſale here, quhat Charge is neceſſar to him to hald in this Realme, and as litle as is nedfull; It is thocht expedient be thame, for ſparing of the Kingis Expenſes in tyme of Pece, giff it ples and falbe thoche expedient to his Hienes, That the Fort of Luffnois be kepit be the Lard of Wauchton in tyme of Pece, upoun Caution ; and the Fort of Inveresk be kepit be the Abbot of Dunfermeling, upoun ficlik Caution ; and the Forts of Sanet Colmys Inche, Inchegarvie, the Fort of Bruchty and Montrois be caſſin down, becaus thai ſerve of nathing in tyme of Pece; and the laſt four Forts ar not neceſſar in tyme of Weir. Item, That the King putt fik Gariſones in Dunbar, Blaknes, Caſtell of Bruchty and Incheketh, as his Majeſtie or his Lieutennent thinkis neidfull for Preſervatioun of the famyn in tyme of Pece, and that thai be fortifyit, and ſpe- cialie the Forts of Incheket he and Caſtell of Bruchty, becaus thai ar the Entres of twa of our Soueranes maiſt ſpeciale Revars: And that the Lord Hume kepe the Caſtell of Hume, and the King to fupport him as he pleſes, becaus it is our Charge, and to the ſaid Lord to kepe the famyn as an Hous of Were, fo nere the Bordoris. Item, It is chocht expedient be the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and Counfale, That the Fortis of Lauder, Dunglas, Roxburc and Aymouth, be all caſſin down, for fik Motivis as the faid Maiſter of Erskin can fchaw. Item, Giff it be the Kingis Plefour to tak away his Army heir, it wer neid- full that thair wer ane thouſand Futemen left in this Realme by thame that kepis the Caſtellis and Fortis, quhill the finall End and Perfectioun of the Peax, and down-caſting of the Fortis, and that fure Klawledge may be had of the Pece betwix us and the Emperor : And the Peax, with the Effects thairof, beand fi- nalie performit, fik Ordour falbe takin for Execution of Juſtice, and ordouring of the Cuntre be the Aviſe of the Quenis Grace, as the Lieutennent and Am- baffador fall knaw, quharewith the King fall have Caus to be contentit, and fal- be advertiſt chairof in dew tyme. Item, Anent the Preſoneris, The Quenis Grace, my Lord Goverbour and Counfale hes ſene the Anſwer cum fra the Counſale of Ingland, and Articlis ſubſcrivit be the Commiſſionaris Tretars of the Pece betwix France and Ing- land, to Monf. de Finnell, with the quhilkis chai ar contentit for the Pairt of Scotland; and to deliver all the Prefoneris of Ingland now being in Scotland, Q2 frelie, 64 A P P E N D I X. Book I. frelie, als wele thame that hes aggreit upoun thair Ranſoum, and gevin Bandis or Plegis thairfor as urheris ; and to reſſave all Preſoneris and Plegis being in Ingland ſemblablie, and to defyre Day and Place to be appun&tit chairto. Finalie, To inforine the Kingis Majeſtie, That the Biſchoprick of Dunkeld is now vacand be the Promotioun and Tranſlatioun of my Lord Archbiſchop of Sanét Androis fra the ſaid Sete of Dunkeld, quha broukit the famyn pece- ablie but ony Interruptioun the Space of thre Zeris and mare: And now my Lord Governour hes writtin diverſe ty mes to the Papis Halynes quhilk laſt de- ceſſit, for the Promotioun of Donald Abbot of Cowper, Uncle to the Erle of Ergile, to the ſaid Biſchoprick; nochtheleſs the ſaid Papis Halynes as zit poſt- ponis the ſaid Promotioun, be the inoportune Soliſitatioun and wrang Informa- tioun of ane Maiſter Robert Creichtoun, quha on his maner intendis to pur- cheſs the ſamyn, but ony Supplicatioun or Licence of my Lord Governour, or ony havand Autorite for the ty me, to the grete Hurt of the Quenis Grace Pri. vilege, and ſwa wer, quhilk is and ay hes bene in uſs, that na Promotioun of Prelacy pas in Rome but the Princis Supplicatioun thairfor ; deſiring his Grace to write ryche effectuouſlie to the Papis Halynes, College of Cardinallis, and his Graces Ambaſlador ſtanding in Rome, for Preſervatioun of the Quenis Grace Privilege and Promotioun of the faidis Abbot, conforme to the Quenis Grace Supplicatiounis and Writingis fend be my Lord Governour in hir Graces Name. And ferther, Becaus we defyr preſentlic the maiſt Criſtine King to trete ane Peax betwix the Emperor and us, be his Ambaſſador preſentlie being with the Emperor ; Ze fall ſchaw the King thir Inſtructionis and Articlis following to be ſend to his Hienes Ambaſſador with the Emperor, quhareby his Ambaſſador for- ſaid may underſtand and knaw perfitelie the maner of the Pece contractit of auld betwix the Emperor and our Soverane, quham God aſſolze, and the Occaſioun of the Brek thareof; and tharethrow to be the mare reſolute to anſer to ſik Que. ſticnis as may be demandit of him be the Emperor and his Counſale. In the Firſt, To informe the ſaid inaiſt Criſtine King how it is underſtandin to the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and Counſale of Scotland, be diverſe In- formationis and Writtingis ſend fra ſindrie gret Men Subjectis to the Emperor in Flanders, that honorabill Peax may eſelie be tretit betwix the Emperor his Sub- jcctis and us; Thairfor to defyr the ſaid maiſt Criſtine King to ſend his Ambaſſador with zou to the Emperor to procure the ſamyn, conforme to the Contract of Peax laſt maid betwix his Majeſtic and our Soverane the Kingis Grace that laſt deceiſfit. And giff the said maiſt Criſtine King thinkis this gud to be done, ze fall with his Avile pads to the Emperors Majeſtie, and uſe thir Inſtructionis following: In the Firſt, To reduce to his Remembrance the Contract of Peax betwix his Majeſtie, for himſelf, his Realme, Dominionis and Subjectis, and the Kingis Grace our Soverane that laſt deceiſſit, his Realme and Subjectis, for the Space of ane hundreth and ane Zeris. Item, To declair to his Majeſtie how the ſamyn Peax wes brokin upoun us be his Subjectis of Flanderis, but ony Occaſioun maid be us, and without De- nunciatioun of Weir, quhen our Schippis come in Flanderis as to our Freyndis for Traffy que of Merchandice, efter that thai had bene weil reſſavit, freyndlie treatit, interchangic thair Merchandice, and reddy to depart, the haill Floit of xiv riche Schippis laydyn with Flanderis Wair wer takin, haldin and diſponit, and the Merchandis tharcof perſewit as Inimeys, be the Emperors Subjectis, in the Portis, Havynis and Townis of the Vdir-Myddilburt, and utheris of the laich Partis of Flanderis. Item, To fchaw his Majeſtie how we, incontinent efter the taking of the ſaid Schippis, ſend Heraldis with Letteris ſupplicatouris to bim, and to the Quene of Ungary Regent of Flanderis, for Redreſs thareof, and culd get nane; boc than ane Weir oppynlie proclamit and denuncit in Flanderis in the Emperors Name, upoun the Subjectis of this Realme. Item, To declair how efter the laſt Peax contractit betwix his Majeſtic and the maiſt Criſtine King of France, we ſend ane Ambaſſador to his Majeſtic and his Book 1. A P P E N D I X. 65 his derreſt Syſter the Regeor of Flanderis, defyrand as Confiderattis with the faid maiſt Criſtin King to have bene comprehendit in the ſaid Peax, and to have acceptit the famyn, quhilk wes inlykwys refuſic for ſik Motivis as than movit his Majeſtie : Nochttheles, for the Quiet of bayth the Realmes; it weś convenit that certane Conductis fuld be grantit of equale Nowmer be his Majeſtic to the Subjectis of this Realme, and our Soverane Lady to his. Item to declair, That albeit thir Conductis wes than thochr equivilent to ane Peax, zit the Witkitries and perverſit Myndis of Pyráttis on aither Syd had chairthrow takin occaſioun to harme baith the Cúntreis and Subjectis thairof, Twa that the lamyn wes rather Caus and Occaſioun of Haitrent and Trubill nor ony Quitte to the Cuntreis; and diverſe Inconvenientis followic thairupoun, quhairof the Verite may not be tryit, nor Redres maid, becaus that Pýrattis on ather Syd apprchendand Schippis with Conductis, as is ſuſpectit, diſtroyis and puttis away the famyn, howbeit the Princis and Counfalis Myndis on achir Syd be weill willit thairtó. Item to defyre thairfor his Majeſtie, That he will grant of new ane fono. rabill Peax to our Soverane Lady, hir Realme and Subjectis, for famony Zeris as falbe thocht convenient, conforme to the auld, ſen the occaſioun of this Weir movit noche as we underſtand, of ina Haitrent nor evill Mynd that he bure to- wart this Realme, bot allannerlië of the Occaſioun and Perluaſioun of our auld Ynemeis, Esc. Item to declair to his Majeſtie the greit Trubill, Cruelte and Iúvafionis daylie maid upoun our Soverane Lady and hir Liegis be the Tyrany of our ſäidis auld Ynemcis in hir Graces Minorite, and greit apperance of blad-ſchedding thair- throw in tymecummyng; and thairfor defyre and require his Majeſtie, That he firſt of his Gudncis will endevoir himſelf to procure ane honorable Peax of the King of Ingland to our Soverane Lady, hir Rcalme and Liegis, gif it may be had with the auld Liberteis; or otherwayis, becaus he of his Imperiall Dewité is obliſt to defend Pupillis, That he will grant Support of Men, Munition; and fic uthis reaſonabill Help as he may ſpair (a). Apud Edinburgh 22. Maij, 1550. THE He quhilk Day, Forſamekill as in the Treaty of Peax laitlie takin berwix the maiſt Criſtin King of France on that ane Part, and the King of Ing- land on that uthir Part, our Soverane Lady hir Realme and Subjectis ar com- prehendit ; into the quhilk Pece it is diviſic and ordanit, That the Fortis of Roxburc and Aymouth falbe randerit at ane certane Day appoyntit tħairto : Nochttheles the Perſonis Ingliſmen preſentlie being in the laidis Fortis, daylie and continewalie makis Incurſionis upoun our Soverane Ladyis Liegis nixt ad- jacent unto thame, reifis, ſpulzeis and oppreſſis thame, tending to do that is in thame to violate and brek the Pece contrair the Myndis of the Princis; and for to evaid ſik Inconvenientis as may heirefter follow thairupoun, and Reſt and Quietnes of bayth the Rcalmes, it is diviſit, ftatut and ordavit be my Lord Governour and Counfale, That Letreris be direct to command and charge all and findry our Soverane Ladyis Liegis, be oppin Proclamatioun, at the Mer- cat-Croces of and urheris Places neidfull. That thai, and ilk anë of thame, gif gud Attendence at all ty mes quhen the forfaidis Perſonis happynis focumi furt of the faidis Fortis without Licence, to the Effect above-writtin ; and gif thai pretend to do ony Hurt or Harme to the Cantre, or Liegis chairof, Thao thai, and every of thame, tak and apprehend thame as Preſoneris; with Certi- ficatioun tò thame, that all fik Perfonis cuminand furt of the Fortis forfaidis, to the Intent above expremit, falbe teput and haldyn as juſt and lauchfull Pre- foneris, and that thait Takaris fall nocht be callit nor accuſit, nor incur ony Danger or Skayth thairthrow, in thair Perfonis, Landis or Gudis, but falbe re. put and haldin as faythful and trew Liegis to this Realme in all ty mes tocum, R Apud (a) The curious Readers may ſee a Cópy of this 101 Years Treaty of Peace between the Emperor Chaile. V. and our King Fames V. July 24ch 1531, in the late large Collections of the Trcalics of Peace, v. 66 Book I. A P P E N D I X. Apud Edinburgh 23. Maij, 1550. Præfentibus Regina & Gubernatore, SEDERUNT TH He quhilk Day, Forſamekle as the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour, and Lordis of ſecreit Counſale, haifand Reſpect to the greic and hie At- temprattis committit and done be Patrik Erle Bothwile, and how he hes had him towarc our Soverane Lady, my Lord Governour, and the Autorite, in fin. dry Behalfis : Thairfore it is diviſit and ordanit be the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and Counfale, That Summondis of Treſoun be raſit upoun him the ſaid Erle; and ordanis the Quenis Advocat to libell the famyo), conforme to Informatioun to be gevin to him thairupoun; and ordanis the Clerk of Cancel- larie and Kepar of the Quarter-Seill to anſwer the famyn accordinglie, as uſe is. Apud Edinburgh 2. Augufti, 1550. THe qubilk-Day, Forlamekle as thair is diverſe Franchmen that hes committit ſindry Attemptattis upoun our Soverane Ladyis Liegis, quha ar tobe accuſit and puniſt for thair Demeritis; and thairfore neceſſar it is that ane Allifs be ſum- mondir thairto : Thairfore the faidis Lordis ordanis ape Maiſſer, or uther Of ficiar of Armes, to pas and fummond certane Perſonis quhais Names ſalbe gevin in Bill, to compeir before the Jugis Commiſſionaris deput to fit in fik lik Materis, in the Lugeing of Monf. de Termes in the Abbay of Halyrudhouſe, upoun Weddniſday the vi Day of Auguſt inſtant, and thair to beir Witnes in fik Ma- teris as ſalbe inquirit at thamc; or to paſs upoun an Aſſiſs, gif neid be, ilk Pere ſon under the Pane of 40 Lib. Apud Edinburgh 27. Januarij, 1551. "He quhilk Day, Forſamekle as the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour and Lordis of ſecreit Counfale, being remembrit of the mony and diverſe Gra- tituds done to our Soverane Lady, hir Realme and Liegis thairof, for Defens of the famyn, be the maiſt Criſtin King of France, and ſpeciallic in bigging of the Fort of Abirlady at Lufnes, and ſtrenthning thairof with Men and Munitioun in tyme of Weir; and that the famyn is ſumptuous to his Majeſtie, and noche neceſſary to be keipit now in tyme of Peax; and willing to diminiſche the ſum- ptuous Chargcis fuſtenit be his Majeſtie in this Realme, inſafer as thai may: Thairfore the Quenis Grace, my Lord Governour, and Lordis foreſaidis, ordanis the faid Fort of Abirlady to be randerit and deliverit to Patrik Hepburn of Wauchtoun, and the famyn to be caſſin down and deſtroyit to the Erd, except the Hous and Manſioun thairof, ſwa that na Fort nor Strenth be thair in cymes tocum ; and the faid Manſioun and Houſis to be broukit and joiſit be the ſaid Patrik as his Heritage, lik as his Forbears brukit the ſamyn of before in tymes bipaft, conforme to his Infeftment; providing always that the ſaid Patrik caus the Munitioun and Artailzery being in the ſaid Fort to be had and caryit to Dun. bar upoun his Expenfis. Apud Striveling 20. Marcij, 1551. Præfentibus Regina Gubernatore, SEDERUNT Archiepifcopus Sancti Andrea, Epiſcopi Moravien. Dun- blanen. Rollen. Orchaden. Comites Huntlie, Ergill, Merſchell, Erroll, Glencarne, Caſſillis, Athole, Menteith; Abbates Dunfermelyn, Sancte Crucis, Kilwynyn, Culrofs ; Domini Ruthven, Maxwel, Flemyn, Forbes, Drummond, Dominus Georgius Douglaſs. TH He quhilk Day, the Lordis of the greit Counſale being aſſemblic at Strive- ling upoun the Treatie paſt betwix France and Scotland, and inlykwys the Treatie laſt paſt betwix our Soverane Lady and the Emperour, of the Dait at-the- -the-Day of the Zeir of God Ane thouſand fyve hundred and fifty ane Zeiris; and finding be the famyn that in the ſaid Treatie with the Emperour is ſpeciallie reſervit, incluſit and comprehendit the maiſt Criſtine King of France his Realmes and Dominionis, efter the Forme of the Treaties paſt be- twix Book I. 67 A P P E N D I X. (wix his maiſt nobill Forbearis and the Quenis Grace maiſt nobill Forbearis Kingis of Scotland; weying alfwa the King of Frances Writing and Requiſitioun lait- lie cum in to the thre Eſtaittis of this Realme, to declare thamefelfis, and tak his Part, according to the Tenour of the auld Treatyis, and to the greit Freynd- fchip that fen his cumming to the Crowne of France he hes ſchawin in iuppleying of this Realme in thair greit Miſtir, againſt the greit Forces of Ingland, being at that tyme all redy enterit and fortifyit far within the ſamyn ; Hes at laſt condi- ſcendit and reſolvit thameſelffis in this maner, that thair falbe ſend to the King of France ane Gentilman to ſchew for the Part of this Realme unto his Majeſtic quhat lucommodite may cum to this Realme, gif the Peax with the Emperour beis brokin, quhat Harme may be done thairthrow to the faid Emperour his Enimie, and quhat Chargeis his Majeſtic falbe conſtranit to entere into on this Syd, in cais the Emperour put ony greit Force to thir Seyis, and thairthrow to perfwaid the Kingis Majeſtie to be content and ſatisfyit thair with, als far as he may : Bor gif alwayis his Majeſtic perſiſtis and abidis ar that Poynt, that he will haif Declaratioun of Weir maid to the Emperour in Naim a Belialf of this Realme; in that Cais thair falbe ſend to the Emperour ane ſufficient Perſonaig to gif up the famyn Peax, and declare unto him that this Realme cannot re- mane at Freyndſchip with him, he ſtandand at Enmity with the ſaid maiſt Cri- ſtin King of France, maiſt antiant and maiſt ſpeciale Freynd unto the Quenis Grace our Soverane Lady, and this hir Realme. Apud Edinburgh ultimo Novembris, 1552. TH He quhilk Day it is diviſit be my Lord Governour, and Lordis of ſecreit Counfale, That ane certane Number of Fitmen be reſit and upliftit of this Realme, to be ſend in France for the Support of the maiſt Criſtine King, con- forme to the auld Liegis, Bandis, Amitie and Allyanſis quhilk hes ſtand of lang tyme betwix the Realmes of Scotland and France, renewit and confermit be every Kyng and Princes ſen the tyme of Achaius Kyng of Scotland and Chairlis the Maine Kyng of France, and laitlie in thir Dayis be our Soverane Lady and of Franſis lalt Kyng of France, as he hes requerit be his ſpeciall Letteris, as the famyn at mare lenth proporttis; the quhilk Men of Weir can nocht gudlie be reaſit without the Rcalme be ſtentit : Thairfor it is thocht ex- pedient, that of everie Fourtie Merk Land of auld Extent in this Realme, als weill of our Soverane Ladyis awin Propertie as the temporall and ſpirituall Mennis Landis, rogidder with all Waird-Landis, Terce and conjunct Fie-Landis, and Landis in Non-entres, thair be ane ebill, ſufficient Firman, weil furniſchit, cled in new Hois, and ane new Dowblett of Canweſs at the left, with Jack of Plett , Steilbonet , {plent Slewis of Mailzie, or Plait, with ane Speir of fix Elne lang, or thairby, be reafie to paſs with thair Generall, Corrowner and Capi- tanes to chat E to chat Effect, to the ſaid Pairtis of France : Thairfore ordanis Letteris direct to every Sherif and Bailzie within this Realme, and thair Deputtis, alfwele generall as reall, alfwele of fpirituall Mennis Landis as temporall Mennis Landis, charging thame that thai conveine the Friehalderis of everie Schyir and Bailzarie foreſaid, in the heid Brut of the Schyir, with all Dilligence poſſible, and at the farreſt berwix this and the xx Day of December nixtocum, confid- dering it ſtandis upoun the hie Pleſour to the ſaid maiſt Criſtine King, and Ho- nor of this Realme ; and thair retour all the faidis Landis within thair Schyris and Boundis of thair Offices, alſwele our Soverane Ladyis Landis. Item, Ic is diviſit and ordanit, That thair be reafit of the haill Burrowis of this Realme ane Anfaingzie of Fitmen extending to thre hundrethe Men; and in fwa far as is poſſible, that all the thre hundrethe Men bc Hagbutteris fur- nifchit with Powdir, Flask, Morſinghornis, and all uthir Geir belanging thair- to: And ordanis the Proveſt of Edinburc to tax the remanent of the haill Bur- rowis as uſe is; provyding alwayis that it fall nocht be an Tabroun or Suaſche gang throw ony Burc for futting of Men to the reſt of the Anfaingzies unto the xx Day of December nixtocum be bypaſt. R 2 Inſtru. to to 68 Book I. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. Inftruétionis for Roſs Herald, to be fchawin to Monſ. Novellis Ambaſadour for the maif Criſtine King in Londoun. N the Firſt, To fchaw him quhow the Bordouraris of Inglande daylie ridis in Scotlande upoun the Fronteris of the famyn, takand Heirſchippis of Gudis, coinmitrand Slauchteris and utheris greit Crymis and Wrangis upoun the Liegis of this Rcalme, quharçof the Wardanis can get na Redres ; qubilk apperis ma- nifeſtlie to move Occaſioun of Weir betwix the Realmes, gif haiſty Remeid be not providit, and Ordour put thairto : And ſpeciallie to ſchaw how ane Capi. tane of Norhame, twa Zeir fyne or thairby, viz. in the End of Junij 1551 Zeris, ſchot Artailzerie at the Lord Humis Fiſchearis of his Salmond-Fiſching upoun Tweid in Halywell, and put thame fra the Fiſching thairof; and conti- puallic ſentyne the ſaid Capitane of Norhame occupyis and withhaldis the famyn Fiſching, fiſchis and applyis the Fiſchis thairof to his awin Uis, quhairof the Lord Hume can get na Redres: Howbeit Mr. Gray of Chillinghame, Wardane of the Eft-Bordouris of Ingland, within the Boundis of quhais Office the ſaid Capitane of Norbame, Reiftar of the ſaid Fiſchemen, dwellis, hes bene diverſe tymes requirit tharefor, alſwele be my Lord Governouris awn ſpeciall Wrýtting aš be the Wardanis of Scotlande frauente him, nochtwithſtanding that the fa- myn Fiſching of Halywell wes at the Confirmatioun of the laſt Trete of Peax betwix the Realines be the Commiſſionaris of Scotlande and Inglande; depute thairto realie be virtew of the ſaid Peax, reſtorit to the Lord Hume and his Por ſellioun the xxiij Day of Junij the Zeit of God foreſaid, and he ſufferit peceablie to occupaye and labour the ſaid Fiſching thairefter be the Space of viij Dayis. Item, The ſaid Mr. Gray of Chillinghame being for the tyme Wardane-de- pute of Inglande upoun the Eft-Merchis of Inglande, lykas he is zit, Cuth- bert Muſgray Capitane of Harbottill-Caſtell in Inglande came in the Moneth of Julij laſt bypaſt with ane greit Cumpany of Ingliſbemen to the Nowmer of Fyve hundreth, upoun Fair-day lycht at x Houris afoir None to the Laudis of Žettem and Kirk-Zettem iu Scotlande, and thair reft and had away with thame thrette fyve hundrethe Scheip, føve hundrethe Nolt, and as zit withhaldis the ſamyn, quhairof the ſaid Mr. Gray will mak nå Redres, he being Wardane.de. pute of Inglande in thair Partis ; bor quhen he wes requiſit thairfore be the Wardane of Scotlande, maid Anfwer, That he was commandit to tak the Gudis perteining to Scottiſmen within the Landis forefaidis be the Lorde Quhartoun, Generall Lieutennent and Wardane-depute of all the Merchis of Inglande an. nentis Scotlande, under the Duke of Northumberland ; and howbeit he hes ſenſyne bene requirit to redres the famyu be my Lord Governouris awin ſpeciall Wryttingis, zit he will inak nane. Item, The Capitane of Warke upoun the xxiv Day of Auguſt laſt bypaſt, the famyn Day being appointic ane Day of Tréw and Meeting of the Wardanis of Scotlande and Inglande at Reddame-burne, Place accuſtomic to convene at Dayis of Trew upoun thai Merchis, come with ané greit Cumpanye of Men to the Nowmer of ſexſcore and ma, to the Landis of Haldane within Scotlande, noche half ane Scotis Myle fra the ſaid Meryng-place of Reddame-burne, and fcànt twa Houris efter tlie Meryng of the Wardanis, and cruellie ſlew Patrik Jameſoun and Jhone Davidfoun Scottiſmen, quharof apperit to haif followit Occaſioun ofane greit Truble heſtilic, bé Meryng of the faidis Wardanis ftark- lie, accumpany it as thair uſe is, at ſik Meryogis, la ſuddenlie eftir the faid Slauch- tir, and fa neir the Place quhar it wes committit; the hale Kyn and Frendis of the Men that wes ſlane being accumpanyit with the Scottis Wardane thairof, as zit thair can be na Redres had for na Requiſitioun that the Wardane of Scot- lande can mak, nor zit for my Lord Governouris awin fpeciali Wryttingis ſend to the Wardane of Inglande chairupoun. And to defyr the Ambaſſadour foreſaid to ſchaw thir Thingis to the Queiic of Inglande and his Counfale, and to declair to thame how the Bordouris of Inglande, Book I. A P P E N D I X. 69 Inglande, or at the leaſt ſum of thaine that ar of evill Nature arid Diſpoſitioun, Inemyis to Peax and Quietnes, inclynit to Slouche and Reif, accuftumit to leif thairupoun, daylie and nychtlie makis Invaſioun upoun this Realme, ſuni tyme in ane Part thairof, and ſum tyme in ane uther, with grcte Cumpanyis of Meri cogidder in plane Reif, Heirſchippis and Slauchteris, allwele in plane Day-licht as in the Nycht, ſum tyme xx Myle within Scotlande, in plane forroyng, ten- dying alway be all the Craft thai can to provoke the Liegis of this Realme to do fiklyke, and thairthrow to mak Occaſioun of Weir, contrare the Myndis of the Quene and Counſalis of baith the Realmes. And thairfore to perſwaid the Quene and Counfale to direct Commiſſioneris, twa, thre or four of Inglaïdiſmen to meit ane lyk Novvmer Commiſſioneris for Scotlände, at convenyert Day and Place, als fchorrlie and haſtilie as he may gudlie upoun the Bordouris, fór redief- ſing of fic Attemptatis, ſtanchying of Malefactouris, and ordouring of the Bora douris, Mapteinance of the Peax and Quier of the Liegis of baith the Realimes : And gif this be refufit, that the Ambaſſadour mak the King Advertiſment thairof. Item, In cais it be anſwerit to the Ambaſſadour of France be the Counſale of Inglande, That this Fiſching of Halywell on Twead hes bene in all tymes of Peax fifcheit be the Capitanes of Norbame, becaus it lyis neir the Wall of the Caſtell, and that my Lord Hume gat bot allanerlie in tyme of Peax ane Dewtic of Sylver payit to him thairfore be che Capitanc of Norhame, in Name of Maill or Ferme allancrlie ; In that Cais the Heralde foreſaid fall informe the Ambaſſa- dour, that the Lordis of Hume be chairſelfis and thair Servandis Scottiſmen in all tymes of Peax bypaſt, fifcheit and occupeir that Fiſching of Halywell als neir the Wall of Norbame as thai do now, and brocht the Fiſche thairof daylie and continuallie away in Scotlande, but ony Stop or Truble of Ingliſchemen ; and that the famyn was never ſet to the Capitane of Norhame, bot allaperlie ác ane tyme be the Lord Hume that laſt deceiſſit, for the space of ane Zeir, for Payment of ane certane Sowme of Money : Quhilk Afledatioun wes lyk as all ſik Aſſedatiounis war, and is unlefull and forbyddin be the Lawis of this Realme, that ony Scottiſmen fall fee ony of the Quenis Dominionis or Poſſet- fionis to ane Ingliſcheman, or ony Inglifcheman ſet ony of the Quene of Ing- landis Dominionis to ane Scottiſcheman; and (wa upoun ane Alſedatioun of ane Zeir Tak maid in maner forefaid, but Conſent or Kilawlege of the Autho. rite or Counſale of Scotlande, unlefullie be ane private Perſoun, can never the Quene of Inglande, por her Capitanes of Norhame-Caſtell; pretend Richt with. in the Quene our Soveranc Ladyiş Poffeffionis and Doinipionis. Item, In cáis it be allegit be the Counſale of Inglande to the Ambaſſadour, That the Gudis takin be the Ingliſchemen fürt of the Landis of Zettem and Kirk-Zettem Townes, war juftlie takin upoun the Frontiers, becaus thai war paſturit and kepit within the Merchis of Inglande, and thairfore efchaet and juſtlie takin away be Mr. Gray foirfaid off the ſeverall Ground of Inglande ; In that Cais to informe the Ambaſſadour, that ſupponand thai had bene fund paſturand upoun the ſeverall Ground of Inglande (as thai war noche indeid, bor takin off the ſeverall Ground of Scotlande) zit he micht on nawayis eſchaetit thame, nor haldin thame langer, be the Lawes or Cuſtomes of the Bordouris, boč quhill thai had payit ane Grote for the Heid of ilk Peax for thair Poundlaw. Item, Gif it happenis to be allegit to the Ambaſſadour, That the Scottiſment war ſlane be the Capitanc of Warke in his Defenſe, and thair Perfure within the ſeverali Ground of Inglande ; The Heralde fall informe him, That thai war flane, and tane up deid upoun the ſeverall Ground of Scotlande, nowthir pley- able nor debarable, ane greit way within the peceable Merche of Scotlande, in Defenſe of thameſelfis and thair Cornis, quhen the ſaid Capitane and his Cumpany war etand with thair Horfs. Item, In cais the Quene and Counfale of Inglande condiſcend to aggre to ſend Commiſſioneris to the Bordouris, deſyre the Ambaſſadour to knaw the Namis of thame fall cum for the Pairt of Inglande, and caus him name for this Realme Men of fic Eftait as thai name ; that is to ſay for Biſchopis, Murray, S Dum 70 A P P E N D I X. Book 1. -Day of ces: 8 d. of everie Pund Land of auld Extent within the Boufidis of thair Offi. Dumblane, Orknay; for Erlis, Marſchell, Rothes and Calellis ; Kuychris, Sr Williame Hammiltoin of Sanguhair, Jhone Maxwell of Tarreglis, Matelande of Lethyngtoun, Andro Jhoneſtoun of Elphynſtoun, Robert Carnegie of Kinnarde. Maiſter Jhone Ballenden of Auchtnowle; Maiſter James Macgill of Balgawys, Maiſter David Borthwick of Lochhill, fwa thar ſå mony of thir Perfonis above-wryctin fall convene and meit with få mony as thai fåll caus come down for the Part of Inglände, of ſemblabill Eſtait. N.B.The Record being deficient, this is gathered from Haddington's Collettions. 12. Aprile 1554. Proclamation of the Quene Douarier Regent. 2. June 1554 Ordinance that the Erle of Hunt lie raiſe an Armie of the Quenis Liegis fra the Water of Die Northmand the Erle of Argyle raiſe an Armie of the Lic- gis convenient and habill within the Boundis of_be Sea and Land; to con- vene upon the to pas with Fyre and Sword, to the utter Exterminion of the Clanranald, Donald Gorme, Macloyde of the Lewis, and thair Complices, that fendis not and enteris thair Pledges as thai ar chaitged. it. Oftober 1554. The Erle of Hunt lie being called before the Quene Regent and Counfall, to give Account of his Lieụtenendrie accepted be him; and he compeirand, efter lang Reſſoning, and divers Witneſſes and Probation reſfavit, decerned that he had not uſed his Commiſſion according to his Acceptation and Dewrie, but had fail- zied thairin, and thairfore wes ordanit to be puneiſſed at the Quenis Pleſſour. 22. January 1554. Ane gret Sederunt of Biſchoppis, Erlis, Abbotis, Lordis, calling thamſelffis the Lordis of ſecreit Counfall, concludand that ane Forth be bigged befyde Keba So; For bigging quhairof, ordanis chat ane Taxt of 20000 Lib. be railed, to be upliftit of the Kirkis temporall Eſtait, to wit, 10000 Lib. of the ſpirituall Eſtait, and 10000 Lib, of the Barronis, Landit-men temporall Eſtait, and Bourrowis, thairof to be payed be the Barronis 6666 Lib. 13 ſh. 4 d. and be the Bourfowis 3333 Lib. 6 Jh. 8 d. every Pund Land pay and 6 ſh. 8 d. except the Quenis Properte and Landis pertening to the Kirk; and that Letteris be direct to She- riffis, Stewartis and Bailzles, and thair Deputris, chargeing thame within the Boundis of chair Office, that thay with all Diligence raiſe the faid Sowme of 6 . and inbring the fame to the Collectoris depute to refſave the ſame at the Termes following, undir the Pane of Rebellion ; and gif thai failzie, to de- nunce: And for the Relief of the faidis Sheriffis, &c. ordanis ficlyk Lerteris to be gevin at thair Inſtance upon the Erlis, Lordis, Baronnis and Frehaldaris within thair Boundis, chargeing thame to mak Payment to the faidis Sheriffis, &c. of the faidis Sowme of 6. 16. 8 d. for everie Pund Land of auld Extent perteining to thame, within ten Dayis eftir the Charge, undir the Payne of Rebellion; and that ſiklik Letteris be gevin for Relief of the faidis Erlis, Lordis, &c. againſt thair Subvaſſallis, Ladyis Tearceris, conjunct Fiaris and Liferenteris, to contri- bure with the Proprietaris pro rata, and to mak Payment to the faidis Proprie- taris for chair Relief. And whair Lordis hes Landis in Sheriffdomes whair thai dwell not, that Letteris be direct to poynd the reddieft Gudis of thair Tennencis being upon the ſaid Land within the Sheriffdome, for the Taxt of the faidis Landis; whilk Poynding ſalbe allowed to the Tennent in Payment of thair Maillis and Dewties of the Terme following. 23. June, Book I. AT PE N D I X. 2 23. June 1555. Proclamation for repreſſing the Weſt Bordouris, chargeing the Landit-men of the Sheriffdomes and Bailžieries of Lanerk, Renfrow, Kyle, Carrik, Cunning- hame, Wigton and Kirkcudbright, weill bodin in feir of Weir, with thair ſub- ftantious Houſhaldis, meit the Quene and hir Commiſſionaris at Dumfries upon the xx Day of Julij, with xx Dayis Victuall and Furnifching eftir thair cumming co the Towne of Dumfries, undir Pane of Tinſell of Lyfe, Land and Gudis. 27. Jane 1555 Commiſſioun to the Erlis of Argile and Atholl upon the Ilis. Commiſſioun to the Erle of Cathnés. Articlis offered be Macloyd of the Lewis for his Obedience and Redreſs of Wrangis, and the Erle of Argile as Cautioner for him. 2. Maij 1556. He Lordis of Articlls, for bettir uplifting of the preſent Taxation and in lä с2 tyme cumming, hes thocht expedient that the Taxt Rollis of all Landis within the Realme, als weill Landis perteinand to the Crowne, as ſpirituall and temporall Mennis Landis, be juſtlie retoured, what thai extend to of auld Ex- tent of everie Sheriffdome, and to be inbrocht and delivered to the Theſaurer and fiklik the Names of Friehalderis and Feuaris, Tennentis and Párochinaris of everie Parochin, as weill of Craftiſmen as ucheris, and Cottaris Inhabitantis of this Realme, be put in Roll and Writ be the Sheriffis of everie Schire; and cer- tane Commiſſaris to be nominat thairto, and be the Deanis, Rurall Viccaris, Curattis, and Paroche-Clerkis of ilk Paroche and Dioce of this Realme, cogid- der with the Qualite and Habilitie of everie Manis Perſon, and Quanțitie of thair Subſtance and Guidis movabill and immovabill, ilk Man effeirand to his ſwa that the haill Number of the Pund Landis of this Realme, the haill Number of the Barrònis and Friehaideris, the haill Number of Parochinaris, Tennentis, Craftilmen, Cotraris and utheriş, may be underſtand; the Qualite of thair Perſonis and Quantite of thair Gudis and Landis may be knawn and put in Roll: And for Tryell and performing of the Premiſſis, that Leſteris be di. rect to cyerie Sheriff, Stewart, Bailzie, Proyeſt, Aldermen and Bailzies of Bure rowis within thair awn Juriſdiction, to command and charge the Commiſſaris to be named to convene with thame at the heid Burgh of the Schire, and ap- poynt whar thai will begio, and require the Ordinar to caus the Deanis Rurall of everie Juriſdiction, the Parſon or Vicar of ilk Parochen, the Paroche-Clerk or his Depute, with thair Paroche-buke and Clerk-buke; convene and meit wich the ſaid Sheriffis and Bailzies, with the Commiſſioner forelaid, and to lam mond four, five, fix, ſeven or mae of everie Parochine to convene at thair Paroch-Kirk att the Dayis appoyntit; and being convened, that diligent Inqui- ſition be tane of the Number of all Friehalderis, Feuaris, Tennencis, Cottaris, Craftiſmen, and all utheris IŅhabitantis of everie Parochine, the Qualite and Habilite of thair Perſonis, Quantite of thair Subſtance and Gudis moyabill and immovabill, what Landis thai have within the Parochine in Hererage, Feu, Takkis or Mailling for Maill or Ferme paying, or be what Craft and Induſtrie, or utherwayis thay leive, and roll and put the fame with everie Manis Name in Writ, and inbring and delyver the ſaidis Rollis to the Quenis Theſaurer betwix and Züle nixcocum, undir the Payne of Diſobedience. 25. O&tober 1557. A Diſcharge of the Dukes Office of Licurennendrie and Ratification of his proceeding thairin, and of the Act maid at Maxwell-beuch be Adviſe of the Nobilite thair preſent: Ordaining the Armie to be brocht bak, and the Siege of che Caftell of Warke to be left. This Act refers to p. 72 of the Hiſtory. Eftait ; S2 14. De 72 Book 1. A P P E N D I X. 14. December 1557. Ane Taxation of 15000 Lib. for Direction of Ambaſſadouris to the contract. ing of the Quene in Marriage with the Dolfin ; Diſtribution thairof, and maner of ingaddering of the fame. Beſides what has been ſaid p. 18 of this Hiſtory, concerning the Meſſage by King Henry VIII. of England to his Nephew King James V. of Scotland; luch Readers as have Opportunity will ſee in Mr. Strype's Annals, Vol. I. Appendix p. 115, an original Paper under the Name of an Ambaſſiate or Declaration of King Henry VIII. to James V. King of Scots, concerning the Supremacy, &c. in which that King labours to perſwade his Nephew to vindicate his own Authority froin the Encroachments of Rome. And this Declaration is made by William Barlow Biſhop Elect of St. Aſaph, and Thomas Holcroft afterwards Knight and Knight-Marthal, in the Year 1535. Item, Beſides the Diſpatch mentioned p. 19 of our Hiſtory, the King had ob- tained from the Pope a new Indult for the Enjoyment of one Year's Rent of Eccleſiaſtical Benefices, to be counted from the Day of the Deceaſe of the laſt Prelate, &c. The Tenor of which Indult, for the ſake of the Curious, I have thought might be here fubjoined, not only for the Illuſtration of this particular Part of our Scottiſh Hiſtory, but as it likewiſe narrates ſome former Indults and Privileges granted to our Scottiſh Kings; a Matter which the ge- nerality of People ſeem to know but little about. Bulla Indulti pro fereniſſimo D. JACOBO Scotorum Rege, ad percipiendum fructus Ecclefiarum & Monafteriorum omnium ad unum annum a die cujug- libet illorum vacationis computandum, ut infra, 1534. Plus Ius Epiſcopus, fervus fervorum Dei, cariſſimo in Chrifto filio Jacobo Scotorum Regi illuftri, falutem & Apoftolicam benedictionem : Fidei con- ftantia & fincera devotio, quibus in noſtro & Apoftolice ſedis confpectu clare- re dinofceris, promerentur ut illa tibi favorabiliter concedamus, per que incum- bentia tibi onera, pro ſubditorum tuorum benigna gubernatione, facilius valeaś perferre. Sane pro parte tua nobis nuper exhibita petitio continebat, quod licer alias felicis recordationis Innocentius VIII. quod occurrente vacatione Ecclefia- rum & Monaſteriorum Regni Scotie, quorum fingulorum fructus; redditus & proventus ducentorum Florenorum auri, fecundum communem extimationem, valorem annuum tranſcenderent, in providendo poſt vacationes hujuſmodi ad minus per octo menfes fuperfederi, & clare memorie Jacobi Scotorum Regis, tunc in humanis agentis, ac ſucceſſorum fuorum Scotorum Regum, interim defuper littere & humiles fupplicationes, durante dicto tempore octo menfium, expectari deberent, ut illis intellectis falubrius per fedem Apoftolicam ad pro- viſiones hujuſmodi procedi poſſet, per quafdam voluerit & Leo X. Roman. Pontifices predeceſſores noftri, motu proprio literas Innocentii predeceſſoris hu- jufmodi, per ſuas litteras approbaverit & innovaverit, prout in fingulis litteris predictis dicitur plenius contineri : & tui predeceſſores Scotorum Reges qui pro tempore fuerunt, per tantum tempus, cujus contrarii memoria hominuin non exiſtit, confueverint; tuque prefati Jacobi Regis natus & fucceffor confueveris fructus, redditus, & proventus quarumcunque Eccleſiarum etiam Metrapolitan. & Primacialium, ac quorumvis ordinum Monaſteriorum in dicto Regno confi. îtentium, & quovis modo pro tempore vacantium, ac ad nominationem vea ſtram, ex privilegio Apoftolico fpectantium, quoufque Ecclefiis & Monafteriis hujuſmodi de perfonis idoneis, per eundem Regem nominandis, per nos & fe- dem predictam provideatur percipere & levare, ac perceptos & levatos, quouf- que proviſi Ecclefiarum & Monafteriorum hujuſmodi poffeffionem affecuti fue- rint, Book I. A P P E N D I X. 73 nos rint, in veſtram & Regni ejuſdem tuitionem ac alios honeſtos ufus convertere. Nichilominus tu cupis, pro, majori conſcientie tue dilucidationę, tibi per de. ſuper licentiam impartiri. Quare pro parte tua nobis fuit humiliter fupplicatum; ut conſcientie tue, paci & quicti in premiſſis opportune providere, de benignitate Apoſtolica dignaremur. Nos igitur volentes te, quem fpeciali dilectionis affectu ex viſceribus caritatis profequimur, favore profequi benivolo, hujulinodi luppli- cationibus inclinati, Majeſtati tue, ut quoad vixeris, fructus, redditus, proven tus, jura & emolumenta temporalia quecunque quarumlibet Ecclefiarum, etiam Primacialium & Metropolitan. & quorumvis etiam Cluniacen. Ciſtercien. Pre- monſtraten, ordinum Monaſteriorum, & aliorum quorumcunque dicti Regni, pro tempore quomodolibet vacantium, ad que jus nominandi perſonas idoneas tibi per ſedem eandem conceſſum eſt, ad annum integrum, duntaxat a die illo- ruin vacationis computandum, & non ultra, exigere, percipere, & levare, ac in tuos & Regni tui hujuſmodi uſus honeſtos, abſque alicujus cenſure feu pene incurſu, aut inhabilitatis nota, feu conſcientie fcrupulo; convertere libere & licite valeas, auctoritate Apoftolica tenore prefentium concedimus & indulge- mus. Quocirca, venerabilibus Fratribus noſtris, Archiepiſcopo Glaſguen. & Candide Cafe ac Cathenen: Epiſcopis, per caſdem preſentes commitțimus & mandamus, quatinus ipſi, vel duo aut unus eorum per fe, vel alium feu alios, tibi in premiſlis efficacis defenfionis preſidio aſſiſtentes, faciant auctoritate no- ſtra te Indulto hujuſmodi pacifice gaudere ; non permittentes te deſuper per quoſcunque, contra preſentium tenorein, quomodolibet impediri ſeu moleftari ; contradictores quoſlibet & rebelles per cenfuras & penas Eccleſiaſticas, appel- latione poſtpoſita, compeſcendo, ac cenſuras & penas ipfas, etiam iteratis vici- bus, aggravando ; invocato etiam ad hoc ſi opus fuerit auxilio brachii fecularis : non obſtantibus quibuſvis Apoftolicis, ac in Provincialibus,& Synodalibus Con- ciliis, editis generalibus vel fpecialibus, conftitutionibus & ordinationibus, nec non Ecclefiaruin, Monaſteriorum & ordinum predictorum juramento, confirma- tione Apoſtolica, vel quavis firmitate alia roboratis, ftatutis & confuetudinibus ac quibulvis privilegiis, exemptionibus & Indultis Apoftolicis eiſdem Ecclefiis, Monaſteriis & ordinibus, ac illorum Prelatis, Conventibus, & perfonis, fub qui- buſcunque tenoribus & formis, ac cum quibufvis etiam derogatoriarum deroga- toriis, aliiſque efficacioribus & infolicis clauſulis irritantibufque, & aliis decreris, etiam motu proprio, & ex certa fcientia, ac quayis conſideratione, & ex quibuf- vis cauſis, per quofcunque Roman. Pontifices predeceſſores noſtros & ſedem predictam, etiam iteratis vicibus, in genere vel in fpecie conceſſis, approbatis & innovatis. Quibus oinnibus etiamſi de illis eorumque totis tenoribus fpecia- lis, fpecifica, individua & expreſſa, ac de verbo ad verbum, non autem per clau- fulas generales idem importantes, mentio, feu quevis alia expreſſio habenda, aut aliqua exquiſita forma ad hoc ſervanda foret, tenores hujufmodi ac formas & dat. nec non decreta in illis appoſita, ac fi de verbo ad verbum nichil penitus ómiffo, & forma in illis tradita obſervata inſerti forent preſentibus, pro ſuffi- cienter expreſſis habentes, illis alias in ſuo robore permanluris hac vice duntá- xat ſpecialiter & expreffe derogamuś contrariis quibuſcunque : Aut fi aliqui- bus, communiter vel diviſim, ab eadem fit fede indultum, quod interdici, fufpen- di vel excommunicari non pofſint per literas Apoſtolicas non facientes plenam & expreſſam, ac de verbo ad verbum, de Indulto hujuſmodi mentionem. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam noſtrorum conceſſionis, Indulti, mandati & derogationis infringere, vel ei auſu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc atremptare preſumpſerit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei, ac beatorum Petri & Pauli Apoſtolorum ejus; ſe noverit incurſurum. Dat. Rome apud Sanctum Pe- trum, Anno Incarnationis Dominice millefimo quingenteſimo trigefimo quarto, Non. Martii, Pontificatus noftri anno primo. L. DE TORRES (A).. T т Itein, (a) Belides the Secretary De Torres, there are about cight other Subſcriptions which we cannot diſtinctly read. 74 Book I. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. manear. Item, p. 19. As a fure Authority that the Clergy had made a large Donative to the King in the Year 1541, ſee Epiſtolæ Regum Scotie, Vol. 2. p. 109. Item, p.23. That the Inſtitution of the Court of Seſſion may be moſt fully and ſurely aſcertained, I reckon the Curious may receive with Pleaſure the two following authentick Bulls of the Popes. CL LEMENS Epiſcopus fervus fervorum Dei, ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Pre- clara merita, quibus chariflimus in Chrifto filius nofter Jacobus Scotorum Rex illuſtris, in noſtro & Apoftolice ſedis conſpectu, fide conſtantiſſima conti. nuo reſplender, nos excitant, & quodammodo ejus de fide, predictis meritis id exigentibus, nos impellunt, ut illa fibi ejuſque poſteris regalis faſtigii celſitudine fulgentibus favorabiliter concedamus, per que juſtitia in eo, equa lance omni- bus mature miniſtrata, Regnum ipfum in quietis & tranquillitatis amenitate per- Sane cum, ficur dilectus filius nobilis vir Johannes Albanie Dux, no. ſter fecundum carnem affinis, dicti Jacobi Regis nomine nobis expoſuit ; prefa- tus Rex benigno ſubditorum fuorum regimine, & ut in Regno fuo juſtitia ma- ture & fecurius miniſtretur, cupiar in ipfo Regno unum Collegium proborum & literatorum virorum, per ipſum Jacobum Regem & fucceffores ſuos prefatos e- ligcndorum, quorum media pars in dignitate Ecclefiaftica conſtituta exiſtat, qui de cauſis ſuorum Regnicolarum cognofcant, inſtitui : quia tamen id fine ma- gnis cxpenfis fieri nequit, & ad hujuſmodi fuftinendas expenfas facultates ipfius Regis, qui quamplurima alia onera pro dicti Regni regimine fubire cogitur, non parum extimate minus fuppetant; dictus Johannes Dux, dicti Jacobi no- mine, nobis humiliter fupplicavit, ut a Prelatis Regni fui, quorum non minus quam aliorum Regnicolarum intereſt, ut ipfum Regnum in quiete, tranquillitate & amenitate permaneat, juſtitiaque ibi vigeat, & mature miniftretur ; aliquod eidem Regni fubfidium miniftrari, & procurari de benignitate Apoftolica dignare- mur. Nos igitur Regnum predict. in tranquillitate, amenitate & juftitia per- manere, & perpetua quiete frui exoptantes, ac equum reputantes, ut Prelati ejuf- dem Regni ad expenfarum hujuſmodi fupportationem fua fuffragia & fubfidia im- pertiantur ; hujuſmodi ſupplicationibus inclinati, auctoritate Apoftolica tenore preſentium, perpetuo ſtatuimus & ordinamus, quod de cerero, quamdiu tamen, dict. Jacobus Rex & ejus ſucceſſores in noſtra & fedis Apoftolice fide, obedien- tia & devotione permanſerint, univerſi quarumvis Metropolitan. & aliarum Ca- thedralium Eccleſiarum, fecularium & regularium, Archiepiſcopi, etiam Prima- tes & Legati nati, ac Epiſcopi, necnon quorumvis ordinum Monaſteriorum Ab- bates, & Prioratuum conventualium ejufd. Regni Priores, ſeu Eccleſiarum, Monaſteriorum & Prioratuum eorund. perpetui vel temporales adminiſtratores & commendatarii pro tempore exiſtentes, & alii ipfius Regni Prelati etiam ex- empti, ex fructibus, redditibus & proventibus Ecclefiarum, Monaſteriorum & Prioratuum, eidem Jacobo Regi & fuccefforibus fuis Scotorum Regibus pro tempore exiſten. pro inſtitutione & manutentione unius Collegii proborum & literatorum virorum, quorum media pars in dignitate Eccleſiaſtica conſtituta O- mino eſſe debeat, per Jacobum Regem & ſucceſſores prefatos alias rite pro tempore eligendorum, qui de caufis Regnicolarum predict. cognofcant, illafque audiant, decident & fine debito terminent, ac eis juſtitiam miniſtrent : per eund. Jacobum Regem de novo in dicto Regno inſtituen. perpetuo annis ſingulis realiter & cum effect. uſque ad fummam decem millium Ducatorum auri de Ca- mera, juxta quantitatem fructuum, reddituum & proventuum Eccleſiarum, Monaſteriorum, & Prioratuum eorundem, per eos diſtribuen. & colligen. fol- vere debeant & teneantur. Quocirca venerabilibus fratribus noftris Archiepiſ. copo Glaſguen. & Moravien. ac Candide Caſe Epiſcopis per Apoſtolica fcripta mandamus, quatinus ipfi, aut duo aut unus eorum, per ſe aut alium ſeu alios, Jacobo Regi & fuccefforibus prefatis, in premiſlis efficacis defenfionis preſidio aſſiſtentes, faciant auctoritate noſtra, per Prelatos predict. uſque ad dictam ſummam decem millium Ducatorum hujuſmodi, Jacobo Regi & ſucceſſoribus fuis prefatis, annis fingulis, juxta preſentium tenorem, integre perfolvi ; contra- dictores Book I. A P P E N D I X. 75 f ㅏ ​dictores quoſlibet & rebelles, per penas & cenfuras Eccleſiaſticas, & alia juris remcdia, appellatione poftpofita, compeſcend. non obftan. conftitutionibus & ordinationibus Apoftolicis, ac Ecclefiarum, Monaſteriorum & Prioratuum pre- dict. etiam juramento, confirmatione Apoſtolica, vel quavis firmitate alia robo. ratis, ftatutis & conſuetudinibus, nec non quibuſvis cxemptionibus, immunita- tibus, privilegiis, indultis & literis Apoſtolicis, etiam Primatibus & Legatis nacis, Epiſcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Adminiſtratoribus, Commendatariis & aliis Prelatis, fub quibuſcunque tenoribus & formis, ac cum quibufvis claufulis & decretis, etiam motu & ſcientia fimilibus conceſſis & approbatis. Quibus omnibus tenores illorum, ac fi de verbo ad verbum infererentur preſentibus, pro fufficienter expreſſis habentes, illis alias in fuo robore permanſuris, hac vi- ce duntaxat ſpecialiter & expreſſe derogamus ; & eis adverfus premiſl nullate- nus fuffragari volumus; ceterifque contrariis quibufcunque: Aut fi Archiepif- copis, etiam Primatibus & Legatis natis, Epifcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Ad- miniſtratoribus, Cominendatariis, & aliis Prelatis prefatis, vel quibuſvis aliis, communiter vel diviſim, ab eadem fit ſede indultum, quod interdici, ſuſpendi & excommunicari non poffint, per Literas Apoftolicas, non facientes plenam ac de verbo ad verbum de Indulto hujuſmodi mentionem. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam noſtre Inſtitutionis, Con- ceſfionis, Indulci, mandati & derogationis infringere, vel ei auſu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare preſumpſerit, indignationem omnipo. tencis Dei, ac beatorum Petri & Pauli Apoſtolorum ejus, ſe noverit incurſurum. Dat. Rome apud Sanctum Petrum, anno Incarnationis Dominice 1531, Ponti- ficatus noftri anno octayo. Proceſſus ſuper Bulla confirmationis Collegii Juſtitie ſereniſſimi Domini Scotorum Regis femper illuftriffimi. Niverfis & fingulis reverendifimis ac reverendis in Chriſto Patribus & Do- minis, Dominis, Dei & Apoſtolice ſedis gratia quarumvis Metropolitan. & aliarum Cathedralium Ecclefiarum, fecularium & regularium, Regni Scotiæ, Archiepifcopis, etiam Primatibus & Legatis natis, ac Epifcopis, corumque & cujuſlibet eorum vicariis & officialibus, generalibus ac ſubdelegatis, & commif. fariis, nunc & pro tempore exiſtentibus; necnon quorumvis ordinum Monafte. riorum Abbatibus, ac Prioratuum conventualium Prioribus, feu Eccleſiarum, Monaſteriorum & Prioratuum eorundem perpetuis vel temporalibus adminiſtra- toribus & commendatariis nunc & pro tempore exiſtentibus, & aliis quibufcun- que di&i Regni Scotie Prelatis, etiam exemptis , omnibuſque aliis & fingulis quorum intereſt, intererit aut intereſſe poterit, quoſque infrafcript. tangit ne. gotium ſeu tangere poterit quomodolibet in futurum, communiter vel diviſim, quibuſcunque nominibus cenfeantur, aut quacunque perfulgeant dignitate, HIERONIMUS de Ghimitiis (a) cadem gratia Epiſcopus Wigornien. curie cau- farum Camere Apoſtolice generalis auditor, judex & executor ad infrafcripta, una cum quibufdam aliis noftris in hac parte Collegis ; cum illa clauſula Quati- nus ipfi vel tres, aut duo, ſeu unus eorum, per fe vel alium, feu alios, &c. a fede Apoftolica ſpecialiter deputatus, falutem in Domino ; & noftris hujuſmodi ymmo verius Apoftolicis, firmiter obedire mandatis. Literas fanctiſſimi in Chriſto Patris & Domini noftri, Domini Pauli divina providentia Pape tertii, ejus yera Bulla plumbea, cum filis ſericis rubei croceique coloris more Roman. curie inspendentes, bullatas, fanas fiquidem & integras , non vitiatas, non can- cellatas, neque in aliqua fui parte fufpectas, fed omni prorfus vitio & fufpicione carentes, ur in eis prima facie apparebat ; nobis, pro parte ſereniſſimi ac illu- ftriſſimi Principis & Domini, Domini Jacobi Scotorum Regis illuſtris principalis, in T 2 (a) In the Epiſtola Regum Scotia, Vol. 2. towards the End of the Reign of this King James V. there is much Mention made of che Cardinal Hieronymus de Ghymiciis; who we are aflured, p. 96, cc. was Vice-Protector of the Scottiſh Nation in the abſence of Rodulphus Cardinalis Carpenſis . Any of the Cardinals comes to get the Denomination of Protector, according as he takes upon bim thc Charge of the Affairs of a Nation at the Inſtances of the Prince. 2 76 Book 1. A P P E N D I X. in eiſdem Literis Apoſtolicis principaliter nominati, coram Notario publico Archia yii Roman. curie ſcriptore, & teſtibus infrafcriptis, preſentatas, nos, cum ea qua decuit reverentia, noveritis recepiſſe, hujuſmodi ſub tenore: PAULUS Epiſcopus ſervus fervorum Dei, ad perpetuati rei memoriam. Preclara cariſſimi in Chriſto filii noſtri Jacobi Scotorum Regis illuſtris merita, quibus ipſe, more clariſſimo- rum Regum Scotorum, progenitorum fuorum, in noftro & Apoftolice ſedis con- fpectu clarere dinoſcitur, non indigne merentur, ut petitionibus ſuis, preſertim ju- Iticie cultum ac fubditorum fuorum benignam gubernationem, ac tranquillum fta- tum concernentibus, quantum cum Deo poſſumus, favorabiliter annuamus: ac ca que per eum propterea provide gefta funt, ut illibata perſiſtant Apoftolici munimi- nis foliditate, prompta benevolentia roboremus : Dudum cum prefatus Jacobus Rex felicis memorie Clementi Pape feptimo predeceſſori noftro exponi feciſſer, ſe ſummopere cupere, Regnum ſuum Scotie in quietis & tranquillitatis amenitate per- petuo permanere, ac omnibus illius Regnicolis juſticiam equa lance liberius mini- Itrari : prefatus Clemens predeceſſor, eodem Jacobo Rege id ab ipfo predeceſſore inſtanter petente,ac deſuper humiliter ſupplicante, quod ex tunc de cetero perperuis futuris temporibus, univerfi & finguli quarumvis Metropolitanarum & aliarum Caa thedralium Eccleſiarum, fecularium & regularium dicti Regni, Archiepiſcopi, eta iam Primates & Legati nati, ac Epiſcopi, nec non quorumvis ordinum Monaſte. riorum Abbates, ac Prioratuum conventualium Priores, ſeu Eccleſiarum Monaſte- rioruin & Prioratuum eorundem perpetui vel temporales adminiſtratores & com- mendatarii pro tempore exiſtentes, & alii ipſius Regni Prelati, etiam exempti, ex fructibus, redditibus & proventibus Eccleſiarum, Monaſteriorum & Prioratuum hujuſmodi, pro inſtitutione & manutentione unius Collegii proborum & literato- rum virorum, quorum media pars in dignitate Eccleſiaſtica conſtituta omnino effe deberet, per Jacobum Regem, & fucceffores fuos prefatos, alias rite pro tempore elegendorum, qui de caufis civilibus & prophanis Regnicolarum predictorum co- gnofcerent, illaique audirent, deciderent & fine debito terminarent, ac eis juſti. ciam miniſtrarent, per eundem Jacobum Regem de noyo in dicto Regno perpe. tuo inſtituendi annis ſingulis realiter & cum effectu, uſque ad ſummam decem millium Ducatorum auri de Camera, juxta quantitatem fructuum, reddituum & proventuum Ecclefiarum, Monaſteriorum, & Prioratuum corundem, diftribuen- dorum & colligendorum, ſolvere deberent & tenerentur ; per ſuas ſub plumbo confectas literas ſtatuit & ordinavit, prout in eiſdem literis plenius continetur. Cum autem, ficut prefatus Jacobus Rex nobis, qui, dicto predeceſſore, ſicut Do. inino placuit, fublato de medio, divina favente clementia, ad fummum Apofto- latus apicem affumpti fuimus, nuper exponi fecit ipfe hujuſmodi Collegium Ju- ſtitie proborum & literatorum virorum, unius Preſidentis, Prelati femper Eccle- ſiaſtici, ac quatuordecim aliarum perfonarum, quarum media pars in dignitate Ec- cleſiaſtica conſtituta ſemper exiſtat, per eundem Jacobum & pro tempore exi- ftentem Scotorum Regem electorum & eligendorum, qui de dictis caufis Regni- colarum predictorum, ut prefertur, cognofcant, illafque audiant, decidant, & fine debito terminent in ejus fupremo Parliamento, de concilio & aſſenſſu trium ſtatuum dicti Regni, ſua regia auctoritate inſtituerit : & erga Archiepif- copos, Epiſcopos, Abbates, Priores, Adminiſtratores, Commendatarios & alios Prelatos predictos, prout ejus predeceſſores facere conſueverunt, fe liberalem & munificum reddere volens, fumma decem millium Ducatorum predicta, ad mille & quadringentas libras utualis monete Regni predicti, trecentas quinquaginta libras ſterlingorum vel circa conſtituentes, reducta, cum eiſdem Archiepifcopis, Epiſcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Adminiſtratoribus, Commendatariis & aliis Pre- latis etiam exemptis, predictis convenerit, quod pro hujuſmodi Collegii Juſticie per cundem Jacobum Regem de novo inſtituti, annua & perpetua ſuſtentatione & manutentione, per Archiepifcopos, Epiſcopos, Abbates, Priores, Admini- ſtratores, Commendatarios & alios Prelatos predictos, folum ſumma predicta mille quadringentarum librarum ufualis monete dicti Regni folvi debeat ; ipfa- que fumma mille quadringenrarum librarum fic reducta, ex fructibus, redditi- bus & proventibus beneficiorum Ecclefiafticorum, fecularium ac etiam regula- rium, Book I. A P P E N D I X. 77 rium, ad eorum collationem, proviſionem, preſentationem & quamvis aliam difpofitionem, communiter vel diviſim, ſpectantium ; aut alias, per eos & eo- Tum ſingulos, Capitulorum, Eccleſiarum & Conventuum, Monaſteriorum & Prioratuum fuorum, ad id reſpective, expreſſo accedente conſenſu, nominando- rum ; per dictum Collegium, ac collectorem ab eiſdem pro tempore deputatum, annis fingulis perpetuis futuris temporibus, l'evetur & exigatur ; ac per imme- diatos in nominandis beneficiis hujuſmodi futuros fucceffores & poffeffores, in perpetuum cedentibus, etiam ex caufa permutationis, vel decedentibus modernis corundem nominandorum beneficiorum poffefforibus, feu illa alias quomodoli- bet dimittentibus vel amittentibus, & illis quibufvis modis etiam per privatio- nem fimul yel ſucceſſive vacantibus, etiam apud fedem Apoſtolicam, feu provi- fionibus de illis eiſdem Apoftolica & alia quavis auctoritate quibuſcunque per- ſonis faciendis, ex quibufcunque cauſis nullis & invalidis forſan exiſtentibus, & effectum fortiri nequeuntibus, fingulis annis perpetuis futuris temporibus, in lo- cis & terminis in mandatis Archiepifcoporum, Epifcoporum, Abbatum, Prio- rum, Adminiſtratorum, Commendatariorum & Prelatorum prcdictorum defuper confectis, expreſfis, & conficiendis, exprimendis, ac fub cenfuris & penis Eccle- fiafticis etiam privationis beneficiorum predictorum per nos & fedem Apoftolicam apponendis, in eventum non folutionis ipfius ſumme, feu rate five partis illius cos contingentis eo ipfo incurrendis, plenarie, & integre perfolvatur : feu Collegium prefati, aut collector ab eis pro tempore depuratus, eandem fummam mille quadrin- gentarum librarum, ut prefertur, reductam ad corum manus proprias, per ſe vel alium, feu alios eorum nomine, propria auctoritate exigant, levent, & perci. piant ; ac in dicti Preſidentis & aliarum quatuordecim perfonarum Collegii Ju- ſticie hujuſmodi pro tempore exiſten. uſus & utilitatem, per modum diſtribu- tionum quottidianarum, ad ratam reſidentic per cos & corum quemlibet pro tempore faciende, loco annuarum penſionum, que ab omni juriſdictione ordina- ria, ac ob omni decima contributione collecta, exactione ac ſubſidio eriam cari- tativo, oneribuſque ordinariis & extraordinariis, quavis etiam Apoſtolica aucto- sitate, etiam regia inſtancia, & ex quibuſvis cauſis, etiam expeditionis contra Turchas & Infideles, ſeu alias quomodoliber pro tempore impofitis & impo- nendis, libere, immunes & exempte fint, convertant; prout in literis patenti- bus ipſius Regis, & inſtrumentis publicis deſuper confe&tis, quorum tenores pre- ſentibus pro fufficienter expreſſis haben. plenius dicitur contineri : Et propterea pro parte Jacobi Regis, ac Archiepiſcoporum, Primatum, Legatorum natorum, Epiſcoporum, Abbatum, Priorum, Adminiſtratorum, Commendatariorum, & aliorum Prelatorum predictoruin, nobis humiliter ſupplicatum fuerit, ut inſti- tutioni, conceſſioni & conventioni hujuſmodi, pro illarum fubfiftentia firmiori, robur Apoftolice firmitatis adjicere, & alias in premiffis opportune providere de benignitate Apoſtolica dignaremur : Nos dicti regni profperum & tranquillum ftatum paterno zelantes affectu, ac fperantes ex premiſlis in illo tranquillitatis & pacis dulcedine ſucceſſurum ; hujuſmodi fupplicationibus inclinati, inſtitu- tionem, conceſſionem & conventionem predictas, ac prout illas concernunt, omnia & fingula in literis & inſtrumentis predictis contenta, licita & honeſta, ac facris canonibus non contraria, rata & grata habentes, illa, auctoritate Apo- ſtolica tenore preſentium, approbamus ac confirmamus, & plenum effectum for- tiri, & inviolabiliter perpetuo obſervari debere decernimus : Supplentes omnes & fingulos juris & facti defectus, fi qui forfan intervenerint in eiſdem. Et nichilominus eidem Collegio pro illius manutentione ultra dictam fummam mille quadringentarum librarum dicte monete, ut prefertur, reductam, ac inter Archi- epifcopos, Epifcopos, Abbates, Priores, Adminiſtratores, Commendatarios, & a- lios Prelatos predictos diſtributam, & alios redditus, proventus & emolumenta quecunque per dictum Jacobum & ſucceſſores fuos Scotorum Reges pro tempore exiſtentes, ac alios quofcunque, ipſi Collegio, pro uberiori illius manutentione legitime donata & conceda, ac donanda & concedenda, pro tempore, cum aſli- gnata fuerint : Nec non dicto Rege in hoc confentiente tot beneficia Ecclefia- ſtica, cum cura vel fine cura, de jure Patronatus ex docacione vel fundacione ipfius U Regis 78 Book I. A P P E N D I X. nus. Regis vel predeceſſorum fuorum exiſtentia ; quorum inſimul fructus, redditus & proventus ducentarum librarum ſterlingorum ſimilium, fecundum communem exa timationem, valorem annuum non excedant, de cetero per obitum cujufcunque feu quorumcunq; illa obtinentis feu obtinentium vacatura, cum vacayerint, cum omni. bus juribus & pertinentiis ſuis, ita quod liceat Preſidenti & Şenatoribus pro tem. pore exiſtentibus, Collegii hujulmodi per fe vel ab eis deputatos collectores unum vcl plures, feu alios eorum nomine, fummam ipſam, a dictorum nominandorum beneficiorum immediatis ſucceſſoribus & luorum fucceſſorum ſucceſſoribus prefa- tis in perpetuum, exigere & levare, feu propria auctoritate percipere, ac in dicti Collegii ufus convertere : nec non decedentibus fimul vel fucceſſive beneficia hu- juſmodi obtinentibus, corporalem poſſeſſionem beneficiorum juriumque & perti- nentiarum prædictorum propria auctoritate libere apprehendere & perpetuo retine- te, ac illorum fructus, redditus & proventus ſimiliter in dictos ulus & utilitatem convertere, Ordinariorum locorum & collatorum ac poſſeſſorum pominandorum beneficiorum hujuſmodi, ac quorum vis aliorum, licentia fuper hoc minime requi- ſita ; fic tamen, quod beneficia hujuſmodi debitis propterea non fraudentur obſe- quiis, & animaruin cura in eis, fi qua illis immineat, nullatenus negligatur, ſed per probos y doneos animarum cura exerceatur, & eorum congrue ſupportentur o- nera conſueta, ex nunc, prout ex tunc, & e contra, auctoritate & tenore predi- ctis perpetuo applicamus & appropriamus, ac unimus, annectimus, & incorpora- Er ipfuper cum juxta inſtitutionem Collegii & conventionem hujuſmodi, Preſidens dicti Collegii femper Prelatus Eccleſiaſticus, & quattuordecim perſone predicte Collegium ipfum juſticie conſtituentes, fimul & continuo refidere, ac indies juſtitiam Regnicolis predictis miniſtrare ſint aftri&ti, ne cos a civitate, oppido aut alio loco, in qua, ſeu quo, eos collegialiter pro tempore reſidere conti- gerit, ad alia loca quoviſinodo in judicium a quibuſcunque trahantur, Preſiden tem & quattuordecim Senatores Collegii hujuſmodi pro tempore exiſtentes, quamdiu actu Senatores extiterint, ac corum Clericos, Scribas, Notarios & Ad- vocatos pro tempore deſcriptos, & ad actuale exercitium admiſſos, nec non reliquos dicti ſenatus officiales neceſſarios, ſimiliter pro tempore exiſtentes, dum in excrcitio hujuſmodi officii verſabuntur, ab omni juriſdictione, fupcrio- ritate, dominio, imperio, poteſtate, preeminentia, viſitatione & correctione quorumcunque Archiepiſcoporum, etiam Primatum, & Legatorum nátorum, ac Epiſcoporum & aliorum Ordinariorum dicti Regni, nunc & pro tempore exiſtentium, & ſuorum Officialium & Commiſſariorum pro tempore quomodo- libet deputatorum, auctoritate & tenore ſupradictis, penitus & omnino in per- petuum eximimus & totaliter liberamus, ac lub beati Petri & ſedis Apoftolice ac noſtra protc&tione fufcipimus ; ita quod Archiepifcopi, Primates, Legati na- ti, Epiſcopi , Ordinarii Officiales & Commiffarii prefati, nullam in eos etiam ra- tione delicti, contractus domicilii, & rei de qua ageretur, ubicunque commit. tatur delictum, ineatur contractus, aut res feu domicilium hujuſmodi conſiſtant, juriſdictionem, dominium vel poteſtatem poflint quomodolibet exercere. Sed teneantur Preſidens & quatuordecim Senatores pro tempore exiſtentes, & juſti- tiam ut premittitur miniſtrantes, eorumque Clerici, Scribe, Notarii & Advo- cati ac Officiales fenatus predicti, coram venerabili fratre Candide Cale & Ca- pelle Regie Strivelingen. Epiſcopo, ac dilectis filiis Abbate Monaſterii beare Marie de Newbottill Sancti Andree Dioceſis, nec non Prepoſito Capelle Regie beare Maric de Rupe, infra ſeu prope civitatem Sancti Andree, de le querelail- tibus, de juſtitia, in illis que ad forum Eccleſiaſticum ſpectant reſpondere; di. ſtrictius inhibentes eiſdem Archiepiſcopis etiam Primatibus, & Legatis natis, Epifcopis, Ordinariis, Officialibus & Commiſſariis, ne Preſidentem, Senatores, Clericos, Scribas, Notarios, Advocatos, & reliquos Officiales Collegii hujuf- modi pro tempore exiſtentes, contra exemptionem, liberationem & fufceptionem noftras predictas, per fe vel alios, directe vel indirecte, quovis queſito colore, moleftare, inquietare feu perturbare quoquo modo prelumant : ac decernentes irritum & inane quicquid fecus fcienter vel ignoranter contigerit attemptari. Quocirca, venerabili fratri Vigorinen. curic caularum Camere Apoſtolice rali Book I. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DIX. 70 ráli Auditori, & prefatis Candide Caſe & Capelle Regie Epifcopis, nec non Ab- bati & Prepofito, per eafdem preſentes committimus & mandamus, Quatinus ipfi, vel tres vel duo vel unus corum, per fe vel per alium ſeu alios, preſentes literas, & in eis contenta quecunque, ubi & quando opus fuerit, ac quotiens, pro par- te Jacobi, & pro tempore exiſtentis Scotorum Regis, nec non Preſidentis & Senatorum Collegii predictorum, feu alicujus eorum, fucritis requiſiti ; folenni- ter publicàntes, cilque in premiſſis efficacis defenfionis preſidio aſſiſtentes, fa- ciant auctoritate noftra literas & in eis contenta hujuſmodi firmiter obſervari, ac fingulos quos ipfe preſentes litere concernunt, illis pacifice gaudere ; non permittentes eos defuper per quofcunque, contra earundem preſentium teno. rem quomodolibet moleftari ; Contradictores quoſlibet & rebelles per cenfuras & penas Eccleſiaſticas, ac etiam pecuniarias eoruin árbitrio moderandas, & alia opportuna juris remedia, appellatione poftpofita, compefcendo; Ac legitimis fuper his habendis ſervatis proceſſibus, cenfuras & penas ipfas iteratis vicibus aggravando, invocato criam ad hoc, ſi opus fuerit, auxilio brachii ſecularis, non obftantibus noſtra, per quam dudum inter alia voluimus, quod petentes beneficia Ecclefiaftica aliis uniri, tenerentur exprimere verum annuum valoreni fecundum extimationem predictam, etiam beneficii cui aliud uniri peteretur, a. lioquin unio non valeret, & femper in unionibus commiſſio fieret ad partes, vo- catis quorum intereſſer, ac Lateran. Concilii noviffime celebrati ; Nec non feli, cis recordationis Innocentii quarti, que incipit volentes, ac Bonifacii octavi Pontificum, predeceſſorum noftrorum, qua cavetur, ne quis extra ſuam civitatem vel Dioceſim, niſi in certis exceptis caſibus, & in illis ultra unam dierain, a fine fue Diocef. ad judicium evocetur; Seu ne judices a ſede prefata deputati extra civitatem vel Diocef. in quibus deputati fuerint, contra quofcunque procedere, aut alii vel aliis vices ſuas committere, quoquomodo prefumant ; & de duabus dieris in Concilio generali edica, dummodo ultra tres dietas aliquis auctoritate preſentium non trahatur, ac quibuſvis aliis conſtitutionibus & ordinationibus Apoftolicis : Nec non Ecclefiarum & Monafteriorum ac Prioratuum, etiam in quibus beneficia nominanda hujufmodi forfan extiterint, ac illorum eciam Clu- niacen. Ciſtercien. Premonftraren. & Cárthuſian. ordinum, nec non hoſpitalis Sancti Johannis Hierofolimiran. juramento, confirmationc Apoftolica, vel qua- vis firmitare alia roboratis, ftatutis, & conſuetudinibus, ſtabilimentis, uſibus & naturis, ac quibufvis privilegiis, exemptionibus, immunitatibus, confervato- riis, indulcis & literis Apoftolicis illis in genere vel in fpecie, fub quibufcunque tenoribus & formis, ac cum quibufvis ctiam derogatoriarum derogatoriis aliif. que efficacioribus & inſolitis claufulis, nec non irritantibus, & aliis decretis talibus, quod illis nullatenus, aut non niſi fub certis modo & forma derogari poſſit etiam motu proprio & ex certa fcientia, ac quavis etiam regia confide- ratione, & ex quibuſvis caufis per quofcunque Roman. Pontifices predeceſ- fores noftros, ac per nos & fedem predictam, etiam iteratis vicibus concellis, approbatis & innovatis. Quibus ominibus, etiamfi pro illorum fufficienti dero gatione, de illis corumque totis tenoribus ſpecialis, ſpecifica, individua & ex preſla mentio habenda, aut aliqua alia exquifita forma ad hoc fervanda foret, te- nores hujuſmodi, ac fi de verbo ad verbum nichil penitus omiffo, & forma in il- lis tradita obfervata inferti forent, prefentibus pro fufficienter expreſſis habentes, illis alias in ſuo robore perinanſuris, hac vice duntaxat ſpecialiter & expreſſe dcro. gamus, contrariis quibufcunque aut fi quibuſvis communiter vel diviſim ab eadem fit fede indultum, quod interdici, fufpendi vel excommunicari non poffint, per li teras Apoftolicas non facientes plenam & expreffam ac de verbo ad verbum de In- dulto hujufinodi mentionem. Volumus autem, quod fi aliquas parrochiales Eccle- fias, vel alia beneficia curata, predicto.Collegio in unum prefentium uniri, annecti & incorporari contingat, animarum cura parrochialibus Ecclefiis, ſeu aliis benefi- ciis fic unitis, imminens per perpetuos Vicarios, quibus fufficiens portio ad fuften, tationem, fructuum, reddituum & proventum parrochialium Ecclefiarum feu be neficiorum unitorum hujufmodi reſervetur, omnino exerceatur & fuftentetur. Et quia difficile foret preſentes ligeras ad ſingula loca ubi opus fuerit deferre, Apo- tolica 80 A P P E N D I X. Book I. ſtolica auctoritate predicta, decernimus, quod tranſumptis earundem preſen- tium manu Notarii publici ſubſcriptis, & ſigillo alicujus perſone in dignitate Ec- cleſiaſtica conſtitute munitis, eadem prorſus fides in judicio & extra adhibeatur, que eiſdem preſentibus adhiberetur, fi forent exhibite vel oſtenſe. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam noftre approbationis, confirmationis, de- creti, fuppletionis, applicationis, appropriationis, unionis, annexionis , incor- porationis, exemptionis, liberationis, fufceptionis, inhibitionis, mandati, vo- luntatis & derogationis infringere, vel ei aufu temerario contraire. Si quis au- tem hoc attemptare preſumpferit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei, ac beato- rum Petri & Pauli Apoſtolorum ejus, ſe noverit incurfurum. Dat. Rome apud Sanctum Petrum anno Incarnationis Dominice millefimo quingenteſimo trigeſi- mo quarto, ſexto Idus Martii Pontificatus noftri anno primo. Post QUARUM QUIDEM-literarum Apoſtolicarum preſentationem & receptionem nobis & per nos, ut premittitur, factas, fuimus pro parte prefati ſereniſſimi & illuſtriſſimi Domini, Domini Jacobi Scotorum Regis, nec non modernorum Preſidentis & Senatorum Collegii, de quibus in preinfertis literis Apoftolicis fit mentio, principalium in eifdem preinſertis literis Apoſtolicis principaliter nominatorum debita cum in- ftantia requiſiti, quatinus ad executionem dictarum literarum Apoftolicarum & contentorum in eiſdem procedere dignaremur, juxta traditam feu directam per eas a ſede Apoftolica nobis formam: Nos igitur Hieronimus de Ghimi- tiis Epiſcopus & auditor, judex & executor prefatus, attendentes requiſitio- nem hujuſmodi fore juſtam & rationi conſonam, volenteſque mandatum A- poftolicum ſupradictum nobis in hac parte directum reverenter exequi, ut te- nemur ; idcirco auctoritate Apoſtolica nobis commiſſa, & qua fungimur in hac parte, prefatas literas Apoftolicas & hunc noftrum proceſſum, ac omnia & fin- gula in eis contenta vobis omnibus & fingulis fupradictis, communiter vel di- viſim, intimamus, inſinuamus, & notificamus, ac ad veſtram & cujuſlibet ve. ftrum noticiam deducimus & deduci volumus per preſentes. Et nichilominus vos reverendiſſimos ac reverendos, patres Dominos Archiepiſcopos, etiam Pri. mates, & Legatos natos, nec non Epiſcopos, Vicarios, Officiales generales ac Subdelegatos, & Commiſſarios ac Abbates, Priores, Adminiſtratores, Com- mendatarios & Prelatos, omneſque alios & fingulos fupradictos, quibus preſcas nofter proceſſus dirigitur, tenore preſentium requirimus & monemus, primo, ſecundo, tertio, & peremptorie, communiter vel diyiſim, ac vobis & veſtrum cuilibet in folidum, in virtute fancte obedientie, & ſub infrafcriptis fententiarum penis, diſtricte precipiendo mandamus, quatinus infra fex dierum fpacium, poſt preſentationem ſeu notificationem dictarum literarum Apoftolicarum & preſentis noftri proceſſus, ac requiſitionem vobis feu alteri veftrum factas ; & poftquam pro parte dicti illuftriffimi & fereniſſimi Domini, Domini Jacobi & pro tempo- re exiſten. Scotorum Regis, nec non modernorum & pro tempore exiſtentium Preſidentis & Senatorum Collegii hujuſmodi, vel cujuſlibet eorum, fuper hoc vigore preſentium fueritis requiſiti, ſeu alter veftrum fuerit requiſitus, imme. diate fequentes ; Quorum fex dierum duos pro primo, duos pro fecundo, & re- liquos duos dies vobis univerſis & fingulis fupradictis pro omni dilatione termi- noque percmptorio ac monitione canonica aſſiguamus ; penam etiam duorum millium Ducatorum auri de Camera, partim parti & partim Camere Apoftolice applicandam, & totiens quotiens incurrendam & exigendam, fententiis fupra & infrafcriptis hujuſmodi adjicientes, faciatis auctoritate noftra ymmo verius Apo- ſtolica, preinfertas literas Apoſtolicas, nec non approbationem, confirmationem, decretum, fuppletionem, applicationem, appropriationem, unionem, anncxio. nem, incorporationem, exemptionem, liberationem, fufceptionem, inhibitio. nem, mandatum, voluntatem & derogationem, omniaque alia & ſingula in di- ctis preinſertis literis quomodolibet contenta firmiter obſervari; ac vos prout ad vos communiter vel divifim pertinet, firmiter & inviolabiliter perpetuis futu- ris temporibus obſerveris : Nec non eoſdem illuſtriſſimum & ſereniſſimum Do. minum Jacobum, & pro tempore Scotorum Regem, ac Collegii Preſidentem & Senatorcs hujufmodi, omnefque alios & fingulos, quos dicte preinſerte litere quo . mode. Book 1. 81 A P P E N D I X. modolibet concernunt, & concernent in futurum, eiſdem literis, ac omnibus & fingulis in eis contentis fupradictis, pacifice & quicte frui & gaudere, quan- tum in vobis eſt vel fuerit, faciatis & permittatis ; INHIBENTES nichilominus vobis omnibus & fingulis fupradictis quibus preſens nofter proceſſus dirigitur, & quibufvis aliis judicibus & perfonis Ecclefiafticis & fecularibus, cujufcunque di- gnitatis, ſtatus, gradus, ordinis vel conditionis exiſtant, fub infrafcriptis fen- tentiarum, & dictorum duorum millium Ducatorum auri de Camera, ur prefer- tur, applicandorum & exigendorum, penis hujufmodi, ne modernos & pro tein- pore exiſtentes Scotorum Regem, ac Preſidentem & Senatores Collegii hujuſmo di, necnon quoſcunque alios, quos dicte preinſerte litere quomodoliber con- cernunt, & concernent in futurum, contra dictarum preinſertarum literarum te- norem, per vos vel per ſe, aut alium feu alios, publice vel occulte, directe vel in- directe, quovis queſito colore vel ingenio, moleſteris feu moleſtent, aut mole, ſtari permitrátis vel faciatis, aut permittant vel faciant ; ſed in omnibus & per omnia, mandatis Apoftolicis atque noftris pareatis ſeu pareant, realiter & cum effectu. Quod šİ FORTE premiſla omnia & fingula non adimpleveritis, ſeu ad- impleverint, aut diſtuleritis, ſeu diftulerint contumaciter adimplere, mandatiſ. que & monitionibus noſtris hujuſmodi, ymmo verius Apoſtolicis, non parueri. tis, feu paruerint, realiter & cum effectu : Nos in vos omnes & fingulos ſupra- dictos, qui culpabiles fueritis, ſeu fuerint in premiſſis ; & generaliter in contra, dictores quoſliber & rebelles, ac iinpedientes modernos ac pro tempore exiſten- tes Scotorum Regem, ac Collegii hujuſmodi Preſidentem & Senatores fupradi- ctos, ac alios quos dicte preinſerte litere quomodolibet concernunt, vel eorum aliquem fuper premiſſis, & in preinfertis literis contentis in aliquo, áur ipfos impedientibus dantes auxilium, conſilium vel favorem, publice vel occulte, di- recte vel indirecte, quovis queſito colore, cujuſcunque dignitatis, ſtatus, gra, dus, ordinis vel conditionis exiſtant, ex nunc prout ex tunc, & ex tunc prout ex nunc, fingulariter in finguloš, predicta ſex dierum canonica monitione prea miſla excommunicationis , in Capitula vero, Conventus & Collegia quecunque in his forfan delinquentia ſuſpenſionis a divinis, & in ipforum delinquentium & rebellium Eccleſias, Monaſteria & Capellas interdicti Eccleſiaſtici, fententias ferimus in his ſcriptis, & etiam promulgamus ; ac quemlibet ex impedientibus, moleftantibus, delinquentibus & rebellibus fupradictis, duotum millium Duca- torum auri de Camera penam hujuſmodi incurriffe & incurrere, illainque ab eis & eorum quolibet exigi, &, ut prefertur, applicari poſſe & debere, jutis & fa- cti remediis quibuſcunque, cadem Apoſtolica auctoritate, decernimus vobis vero reverendiflimis ac reverendis patribus, Dominis Archiepiſcopis & Epifcopis prefatis duntaxat exceptis, quibus ob reverentiam veſtrarum Pontificalium dignia tatum deferimus in hac patte, fi contra premiſſa vel eorum aliquod feceritis, feu fieri mandaveritis, per vos vel fubmiflas perſonas, publice vel occulte, di. recte vel indirecte, quovis queſito colore, ex tunc prout ex nunc, predicta fex dierum canonica monitione premiſſa, ingreflus Ecclefiarum interdicimus in his fcriptis. Si vero hujuſmodi interdictum per alios fex dies prefatos ſex immediate fequentes ſuſtinueritis, vos in eifdem fcriptis, fimili canonica monitione premiffa, ſuſpendimus a divinis. Verum fi prefatas interdicti & ſuſpenſionis fententias per alios ſex dies prefatos duodecim immediate fequentes, animis, quod abfit, füſti. nueritis induratis ; vos ex nunc prout ex tunc, & e converfo, hujuſinodi cano nica monitione premiſſa, in his fcriptis excommunicationis ſententia auctoritate Apoftolica fupradicta innodamus, ac penam duorum millium Ducatorum fupradi. &am incurrere & incurriſſe ſimiliter declaramus. CETERUM cum ad executionem premiſſorum, & per preiviſertas literas nobis commiſſorum ulterius faciendam ne- queamus quoad prefens perfonaliter intereſſe, pluribus aliis arduis in Roman. Cu ria legitime prepediti negotiis; univerfis & fingulis Dominis, Abbatibus, Prio ribus, Prepoſitis, Decanis, Archidiaconis, Cantoribus, Theſaurariis, Scolaſticis, Sacriſtis, cuftodibus tam Cathedralium etiam Metropolitan. quam Collegiatarum Ecclefiarum, Canonicis, Parrochialiumque Ecclefiarum Rectoribus, feu locate. nen, eorundem, Plebanis, Viceplebanis, Archipresbyteris, Vicariis perpetuis, X Capellanis, 82 A P P E N D I X. Book 1. Capellanis, Curatis, Altariſtis, Presbyteris, ceterifque viris Eccleſiaſticis, cum cura & fine cura, ſecularibus, & quorumvis ordinum regularibus, in quibuſcun- que dignitatibus, gradibus, vel officiis conſtitutis, ac Notariis & Tabellioni- bus publicis quibuſcunque, per univerſum Scotie Regnum ac alias ubilibet con- ſtitucis, & corum quemlibet in folidum, fuper ulteriori executione dicti manda- ti Apoſtolici atque noftri facienda, auctoritate Apoftolica fupradicta tenore pre- fentium plenarie committimus vices noftras, donec eas ad nos ſpecialiter & ex- preſſe duxerimus revocandas : Quos nos etiam & eorum quemlibet in folidum eiſdem auctoritate & tenore requirimus & monemus, primo, fecundo, tertio & peremptorie, communiter vel diviſim, eiſque nichilominus & eorum cuilibet in virtute ſancte obedientie, & fub excommunicationis pena, quam in cos & co- rum quemlibet, niſi fecerint que mandavimus, ferimus, in his fcripris diſtricte precipiendo mandantes, quatinus infra fex dies poſt preſentationem fcu noti- ficationem preſentium, ac requifitionem pro parte prefati illuftriffimi Do- mini, Domini Jacobi, & pro tempore exiſtentis Scotorum Regis, ac moderno. Tum & pro tempore exiſtentium Preſidentis & Senatorum Collegii hujuſmodi, aut alicujus corum, eis ſeu corum alteri deſuper factas, immediate fequentes ; quos dies ipfis & eorum cuilibet pro omni dilatione terminoque peremptorio ac monitione canonica aſſignamus ; ita tamen quod in his exequendis alter eorum alterum non expecter, nec unus pro alio, feu per alium fe excuſer : Ad vos o mnes & fingulos ſupradictos, perſonaſque & loca alia de quibus, ubi, quando, & quotiens opus fuerit, perfonaliter accedant feu accedar, & prefatas literas A- poſtolicas ac omnia & fingula in eis contenta vobis omnibus & fingulis fupradi- atis communiter vel diviſim lcgant, intiment, inſinuent, & fideliter publicare procurent, ſeu legat, intimet, inſinuet, & fideliter publicare procuret ; ac illu- ftriſſimo Domino Jacobo, & pro tempore exiſtenti Scotorum Regi, necnon mo- dernis & pro tempore exiſtentibus dicti Collegii Preſidenti & Senatoribus fupra. dictis, fuper premiſlis & in preinfertis literis contentis, efficacis defenfionis pre- fidio affiftentes, eaſdem preinfertas literas, & in eis contenta omnia & fingula, quantum in eis eſt vel fuerit, firmiter obſervari; ac fingulos quos dicte preinſer- te litere quomodolibet concernunt, illis pacifice & quiete frui & gaudere faciant : Non permittentes cos per quoſcunque, contra earundem literarum tenorem, quo. modolibet moleſtari, inquietari, feu perturbari ; Contradictores quoſlibet & re- belles per cenfuras & penas Eccleſiaſticas, ac etiam pecuniarias, corum arbitrio moderandas, & alia opportuna juris remedia, appellatione poſtpoſita compefcen. do; ac legitimis fuper his habendis ſervatis proceſſibus, cenfuras & penas ipſas iteratis vicibus aggravando ; invocato etiam ad hoc, fi opus fuerit, auxilio bra- chii ſecularis. ET NICHILOMINUS, fi forfan aliqui, quos fupradictum tangit ne- gocium, feù tangere poterit quomodolibet in futurum, mandatis & monitioni- bus ac inhibitionibus noſtris hujuſmodi parere & obedire recuſarent, ſeu differ- rent, vel negligerent contumaciter adimplere ; ex tunc prefatum ſereniſſimum & illuſtriſſimum Dominum, Dominum Jacobum, & pro tempore exiſtentem Scoto- rum Regem, ceterofque Principes & Nobiles quofcunque in toto Scotie Regno, & alias ubiliber, juriſdictionem temporalem & ordinariam quomodoliber exer- centes, eorumque locatenentes, & ipforum quemlibet, tanquam religionis & fi- dei Chriſtiane participes, & etiam defenſores, ex parte Domini noftri Pape re- quirimus, & ex noftra auctoritate rogamus ; quatinus ipfi & eorum quilibet, fi & prout requiſiti fuerint, feu alter corum fuerit requiſitus, pro parte dictorum Dominorum modernorum & pro tempore exiſtentium Preſidentis & Senato- rum Collegii hujuſmodi, vel alicujus eorum, per fe vel alium, feu alios, ut veri Catholici, lui in hac parte officii dexteram extendentes, infra fex dies poft pre- fentationem feu notificationem predictarum literarum Apoftolicarum, & requi- ſitionem eis feu eorum alteri ut premittitur factas, immediate fequentes ; quof- cunque in premiſſis contradictores & rebelles & corum quemlibet, prout culpa. biles fuerint, qui fic judicium & cenfuram Eccleſiaſticam contempferint, per captionem & detentionem bonorum ſuorum, mobilium & immobilium, in ipſo- rum juriſdictione conſiſtentium primo ; & deinde per ipforum captionem, & quem- Book I. A P P E N D I X. 83 quemcunque alium modum canonicum, qui eiſdem Dominis temporalibus & in pforum Officiariis videbitur expedire, auctoritate noſtra, ymmo verius Apofto- lica, compellant, videlicet manu forti, abſque ramen gravi leſione corporum eo- rundem, ufque ad integram paritionem omnium & fingulorum in preinferris lites ris & preſenti noſtro proceflu contentorum ; & alias ipfos inobedientes & re- belles & eorum quemlibet aftringant ipforum potentia brachii ſecularis, donec ad obedientiam fancte matris Eccleſie devenerint, & proceffibus noftris antedictis paruerint, beneficium quoque abfolutionis a predictis fententiis, cenſuris & penis merueriot obtinere : ET GENERALITER, dicti Subdelegati noftri omnia & fill- gula nobis in hac parte commiſſa plenaric exequantur, juxta predictarum litera- rum Apoſtolicarum & preſentis noſtri proceſſus vim, formam & tenorem: Ita tamen quod ipfi , vel quicunque alius feu alii, nichil in prejudicium dictorum il- luſtriſſimi Domini Jacobi & pro tempore exiſtentis Scotorum Regis, ac Prefi- dentis & Senatorum Collegii hujufmodi valeant attemptare quomodolibet in pre- miſſis, neque in proceſſibus per nos habitis, aut fententiis per nos latis abfol- vendo vel fufpendendo aliquid immutare: In ceteris autem que eifdem pro tem- pore exiſten. Scotorum Regi, ac Preſidenti & Senaroribus predictis, vel eorum alteri in premiffis nocere poffent, vel quomodolibet obeffe, prefatis Subdelegatis noftris, & quibufcunque aliis poteſtatem omnimodam denegamus. Et fi cori- tingat nos ſuper premiſlis in aliquo procedere, de quo nobis poteſtatem omni- modam reſervamus, non intendimus propterea commiſſionem noftram hujuf- modi in aliquo revocare, niſi de revocatione ipſa expreſſam in literis fecerimus mentionein. Per proceſſum autem noftrum hujuſmodi, nolumus nec intendimus noftris in aliquo prejudicare Collegis, quo minus ipfi vel eorum alter, ſervato tamen hoc noftro proceffu, in hujuſmodi negotio procedere valeant, prour eis vel eorum alteri vifum fuerit expedire; prefatafque literas Apoftolicas & hanc noftrum proceffum ac omnia & fingula hujuſmodi negotium tangentia, volumus penes dictos pro tempore exiſtentes Scotorum Reges, ac Preſidentem & Sena- tores, vel eorum Procuratores remanere; & non per vos aut aliquem veſtrum, feu quemcunque alium, ipfis invitis, & contra eorum voluntatem quomodolibec detineri: Contrarium vero facieutes prefatis noftris fententiis, prout in his fcri- ptis per nos late ſunt, ipſo facto volumus fubjacere : Mandamus tamen copiam fieri de premiſlis eam petentibus & habere debentibus, petentium quidem fum- pribus & expenſis. Abſolutionem vero omnium & ſingulorum, qui prefatas noftras fententias aut earum aliquam incurrerint ſeu incurrerit quoquomodo, nobis vel ſuperiori noftro tantummodo reſervamus. IN QUORUM omnium & fingulorum fidem & teſtimonium premiſſorum, preſentes literas five prefens pu- blicum proceſſus inſtrumentum exinde fieri, & per Notarium publicum Archivii Roman. Curie ſcriptorem infrafcriptum ſubſcribi mandavimus, ſigillique dicti Archivii juffimus & fecimus appenſione communiri. Dat. & act. Rome, in edi- bus noſtre folite reſidentie, anno a nativitate Domini milleſimo quingenteſimo trigeſimo quinto, indictione octava, dié vero ultima menſis Martii, Pontifica- tus fanctiſſimi in Chriſto patris & Domini noftri, Domini Pauli divina providen- cia Pape tertii, anno primo: preſentibus ibidem diſcretis viris, Dominis Martino Jordan & Roderico Urrunno, Notariis Dertofen. & Calagurritan. Diocef. Tc. ftibus ad premiffa vocatis atquc rogatis. Et ego Didacus de Avila, Archivii Rom. Cur. Scriptor, guia premiſis omnibus prefens fui, ideo hoc publicum procesus inſtrumentum ſitbe ſcrip}i* & publicavi, rogatus requiſitus (a), Item, p. 47. See the Tenor of Forfeiture againſt Matthew Eart of Lenox in 21.the Appendix to the Epiſtola Regum Scotia, Vol. 2. p. 333. 'Where the Readers will have the Opportunity to obſerve, that that Parliament was no- thing elſe but a Meeting of the Lords of Articles, or of ſome ſuch like Com- mittee of Parliament, Bishop Leſlie makes Mention of fuch another Meeting in the Summer of the Year 1556; and he acknowledges it obtained (for the rarity (a) This and the two preceding Papers are taken from the Originals in the Laigh Parliament-houſe. X2 84 A P P E N D I X. Book 1. rarity of the Thing I ſuppoſe) the Name of Comitia currentia, that is to ſay, a Diet of Parliament continued. Read in the following Line here, p. 47. Theſe Things fell out in the Month of Auguſt 1545, (not 1544.) Item, p. 57. Sce an authentick Account of the Queen Dowager's Reception in Mr. Strype's Annals, Vol. 2. P. 284, 285. Item, p. 68. By Buchanan's Authority I had placed the Riot on St. Giles's Day, under the Year 1558 : But the following authentick Voucher will af- ford us better Information. 23. September 1556. THE He quhilk Day, in Preſens of the then Proveſt, Baillies and Counſale, Mr. Alexander Forreſt Proveſt of the Kirk of Foirdy, in Name of my Lord Archbiſchop of Sanctandrois, &c. preſentit ane Wryting of the Quenis Grace, ſubſcryvit with hir Graces Hand, havand hir Graces Signet, and deſyrit the famyn to be regiſtrat, and the Effect thairof to be obeyit : Of the quhilk the Tenor followis; Proveſt, Baillies and Counſale of Edinburgh, we greit zou weill : Forſamekle as we ar informit that thair is certane odious Ballets and Rymes lait lie ſett furth be ſum evill inclinit Perfonis of zour Town, guha hes alſua tane doun diverfis Imagis (a), and contemprandlie brokin the famyn, qubilk is ane Thing verray ſclanderous to the Peple, and con- trarious to the Ordinancis and Statutis of haly Kirk; and it is givin us to underſtand that the Maikaris of the ſaid Mifordour ar all Indwellaris and Inhabitaris of zour ſaid Town : Qubairfoir we chairge zou that inconti. nent efter the Sicht heirof ze diligentlie inquire, ferche and ſeik for thair Names, and delyver thame in Write to our Cuſing the Archbiſchop of Sanct- androis, to be uſit conforme to the Statutis of the Kirk; aſuring zou, giff zou do not zour extrem Devoir thairin to bring the famyn to Lycht,' that ze Salbe na utherwayis eftemit be us nor as Favoraris and Mainteinaris of fic Perfonis , and fall underly the famyn Puniſchment that thai aucht to jus without. Tiene, in cais wegett Knawledge beirof be * zou. Subſcryvit with our Hand and under our Signet at Aberdene (b) the xxi Day of September 1556 (c). Item, p. 69. By the Authority of Bp. Leſlie I was led to place the Negotiation and Indenture of Peace there mentioned, ſome time after the Advancement of the Queen Dowager to the Regency : But by inſpecting Bp. Nicolſon's Border- Laws, we are aſſured this In denture was made on the 4th Day of December in the Year 1553. The Indenture is there ſet down at full length; and by looking it over, the Complaint contained p. 68, 6c. Appendix, will be ſtill the better underſtood. Item, p. 70. It was in the Month of June (not July) 1555, that the Queen Regent held a Parliament: See the printed Acts. And that her Highneſs went thereafter into the Southern-Shires to hold Juſticiary-Courts, is con- firmed by the Act of Privy Council 23d June 1555, P.71 Appendix, con- trary to what Mr. Strype ſeems to ſay of the Year 1554. However it may not be improper to ſet down here the Shreds of two Letters which thác Gentleman gives, from the Lord Conyers to the Earl of Shrewsbury. The one is 19th July, “ So far as I can learn, the Scotch Queen doth greatly de- es fire that Juſtice be miniſtred on the Borders. And, for the more Appear- ance thereof, firhence her Repair to Jedworth, I do well underſtand, " that ſhe hath called before her divers of the moſt and greateſt Faulters both of Tividale and the March, and doth puniſh them in Ward : So that by mine Intelligence I cannot wit that ſhe meaneth any thing at this Time (a) By a Repreſentation in Name of the Archbihop of St. Andrew's to the Town-Council the Day before, they were the Ima- ges of the Trinity, of our Lady, and of St. Francis. (6) As this aſcertains the Time of the Queen Regent's Progreſs to the North-Parts, ſo it quite confounds Buchanan's Story of the Quecn's being preſent at the Time of the Riot. (c) Regiſter of the Town-Council of Edinburgh. And Nota, There is nothing reſembling this Outrage to be ſeen at all in this Regiſter under the Year 1958. Book I. A P P E N D 1 X. 85 66 ". Time towards theſe Pieces, ſaving only the Adminiſtration of her Laws, " and the pacifying the deadly Feuds which are among divers Surnames of - her Borders." Th’other Letter is 28th July, " That the Scotch Queen departed from Jedworth the 13th inftant, and came the fame Night into Kelſay, and the next Day to Hume-Caſtle; and fo along the Borders in- " to Langton, Haymouth, Donbarr, and Addington : And that ſhe had travailed very earneſtly to bring her Subjects into Ainity and Love one * with another; and took, of divers Surnames, Pledges for the obſerving * and keeping of good Rules, as of the Carrs, the Scots, with divers others. 6. And that for the Redreſs of theſe Marches between him [the Lord Co. nyers] and the Wardens of Scotland, he was well anſwered, and as to E- quity and Juſtice appertained ; and as good Delivery made on both Parts « as had been done in a great while before." Item, p.71. Bp. Leſlie gives Authority for both the Treaties mentioned on this Page, viz. in the Year 1556 and 1557 ; and Mr. Buchanan likewiſe ſpeaks of the latter : Yer of neither of the two is there the leaſt Veſtige in Rymer's Fædera, or the Border-Laws; only in the Federa there is a Safe-conduct by the King and Queen of England, for Sir Robert Carnegie of Kinnaird to come into England as Ambaſſador from the Queen of Scots, of the Dare the roch Day of February 1557, (i. e. 1556-7.) Nevertheleſs this is no de- ciſive Mark that no ſuch Treaties ever were ; foraſmuchas in the Federa there is no Notice taken at all of the Indenture ſet down by Bp. Nicolſon Anno 1553. Note, In the Middle of this Page ſhould be placed on the Mar- gin, Anno 1557 Item, P: 72. By an Act of the Town-Council of Edinburgh roth April 1557. I ſee the Lords are ſaid to have been aſſembled in a Convention at Edinburgh the laſt Day of March, at which Tiine they had appointed a Taxation of 60000 I. to be uplifted for defraying the Expences of the Nobility who ſhall happen to go into France to the Solemnization of the intended Marriage be- tween the Queen and the Dauphin of France; and the other neceſſary Charges to be expended on that Occaſion ; 10000 I. of which Taxation the Town- Council (in whoſe Hands was lodged in thofe Days the Aſſeſſment of the other Burrows) appoints to be taken from the ſeveral Burghs of the Kingdom. It would appear however that the foreſaid Sum of 60000 l. has not been deem- ed fufficient for clearing all the Charges of the Queen's Marriage, Ambaffa- dors, &c. and therefore on the 14th of December following an additional Taxation of 15000 1. has been judged neceſſary likewiſe to be uplifted. See P: 72 Appendix. Item, P.74. Copies of the fame Inſtruments are likewiſe to be ſeen in the prine- ed Collections of the Treaties, Sc. ibid. in place of a Gift in Gold; means only, any other valuable Gift which Princes are pleaſed ſometiines to beſtow on publick Miniſters. Item, P.92. This paper was taken from Mr. Knox's Oétavo Book ; but fee the Subſcription in the late Edition 1732. Item, P.94, &c. For a larger Illuſtration of this Part of the Hiſtory, the Red- ders may be pleaſed to take the following Records from the Town-Council of Edinburgh. 12. Julij 1559. He quhilk Day, Mr.Jhone Spens, David Forreſtar and jaines Curle Bailliès of the Burgh of Edinburgh; James Carmichael, James , Williain Lawſon, Andro Sklatter, Thomas Thon foun and Zoung of the Coun- fall of the ſaid-Burgh, Mr. James Linde ſay Theſaurär, with ane certaine of the Deikynnis, and ane gryt Part of the Communitie of the famyn, being convenit within thair Tolbuith for reſſoning upon the Cauſis of thair commoun Weill, comperit befoir thame ane nobill and mychtie Lord, Patrik Lord Ruthven, Jhone Sandelands of Calder zoungar, direct frome the Lordis of the Congre- gatioun to the Baillies, Counfall and Communitie foirfaid, and defyrit of thame Y to 86 A P P E N D I X. Book 1. rane, &c. to be harde to declair ſic Thingis as wes gevin thame in Commiſſioun be the faidis Lordis ; of the quhilk the Tenour followis, Beluffit Brethering, we think ze ar not ignorant quhat hes movit my Lordis of this preſent Congre- gatioun to convene within this Burgh at this tyme ; and in cais ze be, thair Lordſchipis, be quhome we ar direct to zou, hes gevin us ane ſpeciale Charge and Command to declair and oppyn to zou the Samyn ; that is, to mak'it known to zou, and every ane of zou, that thai pretend na ſic thing as the commoun Brute is, triching the Inobediance of the Prynce, or ufurping of hiear Powars (a), bot that thai ar onlie convenit for the Awarciement and Furthſetting of Godis Glore, according to the trew and pure Evangell, and thairwith evir mening the dew Obediance of the Princes to be mentenit be thame, thair Bodye and Gudis, at thair uter Powars: Reguering alfwa the ſamyn of zou, and that zou will adjoine zou with thame unfen ziet, as thai fall with zou, to the furthſetting of Godis trew Worde and dew Obe. diance of the Prince, as ſaid is; and that ze will heir plainlie, and in all tymes cummyng, tak upon zou the Mantenance and Defence of the ſamyn ; and fwa mony of zou as will glaidly conſent heirto, to bynd and obléis zou, be uphalding of zour Handis, and to ſend thame zour Names in Writt. 29. Julij 1559 He quhilk Day, in Preſens of the Proveſt , Baillies, ane Part of the Coun- fall, Dekynnis, and ane greit Number of the Communitie, comperit the nobill and mythry Lordis, viz. James Duke of Catelheraulte, Erle of Ar- Erle Huntlie, &c. and Jhone Lord Erskein, and declairit, That anent the Appointment maid betwix thame as Commiſſionaris for our So- verane Lady Queine Marie Dowriar and Regent of this Realm and the Lordis of the Congregatioun the Day of Julij inſtant, it wes appointit and contenit thairin that the Town of Edinburgh fould without Compulſioun uis and cheis quhat Religioun and maner thairof thai pleiſit to the tent Day of Ja. nuar nixt to cum, ſwa that every Man may have Fredome of his Conſcience unto the ſaid Day. For farefeing of the quhilk Artikle, it wes the Quenis Graces Will that the Inhabitantis of the Burgh wer convenit, and every ane to be examined quhat Religioun he wald be of, and that Religioun to be mainte- neid to the ſaid Day that the greitaft Number conſentit to; and deſyrit the Com- munitie preſent, quhider thai wald voit ſeverallie, or remit the famyn to the Voitis of the Proveſt, Baillies, Counfall and Dekynnis, as hes bein uſit in Or- dour taking of civill Caufis befor. And thairefter comperit Adame Foullertoun, for himſelf and in Name and Behalf of the haill Brethir of the Congregatioun within this Town, being perfonallie preſent, and preſentit to the faidis Lordis the Supplicatioun efter following; and the famyn being red and confiderit be thame, deſyrit the Supplicatioun to be infertit in thair Bukis, of the quhilk the Tenour followis, My Lordis, unto zour Lordſchipis humlie meinis and Schawis the faytfull Brethren of the Congregatioun within Edinburgh, In- dwellaris thairof, That guhairas we ar informit zour Lordſchipis ar heir convenit, of Mynd and Purpois to tak every Mannis Voit qubat Religioun he will be, and quhair the Miniſtratioun thairof Salbe uſit: And we for our Partis knawand the Religioun qubilk we have preſent lie to be of God, and conforme to his Word; and on the utler Part knawand the Meſs and the Papis haill Religioun to be without the Word of God, alltogether fuperftia tious, dumpnable Idolatrie, and of the Devill, can nocht conſent for oure Partis, that Godis Treuthe, and that oure Religioun now eſtabliſchit forme to his Worde ſalbe fubje&t to voiting of Man, as gif the maiſt part of Men allowit it nocht, it yould be rejettit ; for it is na new Thing, bot mair nor notoir that fra the begynnyng of the wyd Warld to this Day, and evin now in all Countries, Townis, and whair the maiſt part of Men hes ever beine Con- (a) Compare this Profeſſion with their depoſing the Queen-Regent in October following: Book I. A PP E N D I X. 87 beine aganis God and bis Houſe, at the leiſt bes not plainlie embraced the fa- myn (a). Secoundlie, Anent the Place we ſay that in the Appointment maid betwix zoure Lordſchipis and the Lordis of the Congregatioun, it is in ſpeciall. provydit that oure Prechers fall nocht be moleſiiť nor troublit, nor zitt thair Miniſteris, nor that the ſaid Congregatioun fall nocht be troria blit in thair Gudis, Bodyis, Landis or Polefionis qubat fumevir unto the tent Day of Januare: Bot fwa it is that we the Congregatioun of this Town, the tyme of the making of the ſaid Appointment lang of befor, and continew. lie ſenſyne wer in Poffeſſioun, lyk as we ar zit, of the hie Kirk of this TOV12 callit Sainct Geillis Kirk, have and oure commoun Prayeris, preiching of the Word, and the Miniſtratioun of the Sacramentis, and hailluther Miniſterie thairintill bot Interruptioun, and thairfor aucht and fould to poljefs the ſa- myn unto the ſaid Day bot ony Voiting, Controverſie and Troubill, and fwa can na way conſent to firbmit that tò voit ing qubilk the ſaidis Lordis left us pofleft in, and (wa in effect zour Lordſchipis of zour Honours can nocht ſuf- fer us to be trublit in oure maner of Religiouni , nor zit in the Place of Mi. niſtratioun thairof qubilk we peciabillie poſſeſs , mekill leſs troubill us zour. ſelfis, be compelling of us apoun the Thingis qubilkis we have ellis bot Con. traverſie, as ſaid is, without ze will plainlie contravene the ſaid Appoynt- ment; befeikand zour Lordfchipis that ze will have Regarde to the fard Ap. poyntment, and to zour awin Honouris: And ſeing that we can ia way cone ſent to ony voiting in the Caiſis foirfaidis, except we will, by the Appoyntment ellis maid, mak new Tranſactioun, or be ouré awin Conſent putt the Thingis in doubt qubilkis be the ſaid Appoyntment ar to us fre; and in reſpect that we can orz nawayis do the ſamyn without the faidis Lordis of Congregatioun wer heir preſent to conſent tbairto, that zour Lordſchipis will mantene and defend, at the leiſt nocht troubill nor ſuffer us to be troublit, in orire Maner of Religioun and Place of Miniſtratioun qubilk we now poreſs, and poſest the tyme of the making of the ſaid Appoyntment: Proteſting heir in zour Prefens befoir God, gif ze do in the contrare, and ſubmit the famyn to voita ing, the voiting of the Wikkit (as for us we aicht nocht, nor cannocht con- fent thairto, nor voit thairintill) that ze do us plane Wrang and Injurie, and plainlie contravenis zour faid Appoyntment; befyde the opponying of zour felfis to God and bis Treuth, qubilk we furelie and ſtedfaftlie beleif he will noclit leiff Judainlie unrevengit. And zour Lordſchipis Anſwer bume- lie we befeik. Quhilk Supplicatioun being opinlie red, the faidis Lordis decla- * beſides rit thar thai wald compell na Man to do * by his Conſcience, nor do ony thing contrary to that mycht contravene the faid Appoyntment; and chairupoun askit Inſtru. mentis. 29. Julij 1559. TH He quhilk Day, in Prefens of the Baillies, Counfall, Dekynnis and Com munitie foirfaid, my Lord Proveſt declarit, That all the commoun Quc- ftionis and Cauſis of this Burgh were in tymes paſt referrit to the Deciſioun of the Counfall, as for the Merchantis and Dekynnis, as for the Craftis reſpective; and in cais the Mater proponit be the Lordis, contenit in the Act above-wryte tin, come to voiting, defyrit the ſaid auld Ordour to be obſeryit thairin : Proa teſtand alwayis, in cais Novatioun wer inbrocht, and that the haill Commu. nitie voitit thairin, that the famyn wer nocht imputt to him, and that he wor nocht accuſit be the Authoritic as negligent in his office chairanent. Item, p. 103. The Credit, or Commiſſion which was intruſted by the Queen Regent to be declared to the Nobility, &c. by the Lyon-Herauld, is taken from Mr. Knox, who I make little doubt has curtailed the ſame, and fram’d it ſo as to ſerve his own Purpofes: And had this Credit been contained in as few Words as this Author relates it, the Regent might have eaſily inſerted Y 2 the (a) By this it would appear the Retainers to the old Religion had been moſt numerous as yet within the Town of Edinburgh 88 Book I. A P P E N D I X. the whole of it in her Letter, without any unbecoming Prolixity. I do therefore recommend to my Readers not to latisfy themſelves with this Ac- count of the Credit, but to look into that which Abp. Spottiſwood narrates ; which, as it is much more diſtinct in anſwering to cach Point of Complaint for the Congregationers, ſo it has all the Air of Ingenuity, and feems fully to anſwer the Character of that wiſe and worthy Princeſs. And ſince this Pre- late has adjected ſomething in the MS. of his Hiſtory, written (as far as I can gueſs by comparing) with his own Hand, concerning the Depoſition of the Queen-Regent, which immediately followed the preceeding Meſſage by the Lyon-Herauld, I judge it not amits to be here inſerted. This (lays the Archbiſhop) was a Buſineſs wherein Preachers ought not to have medled : " And when their Judgments were asked, lawfully they might have excu- • ſed themſelves; which had been the wiſer Part in them, and furniſhed the Adverſaries leſs Occaſion of ſlandering true Religion. Alſo the Inference they make is upon Grounds moſt untrue ; and the Examples they bring do noway fit the Purpoſe. That the Power of Magiſtrates is limited by the 6. Word of God, and their Office in ruling their Subjects preſcribed by the ſame, none will deny : But that Subjects may deprive Princes from their • Authority when either they offend, or that it ſeemeth to them they do lo, “ is directly contrary both to Scripture and Reaſon; God having reſerved " the Puniſhment of ſovereign Princes to Himſelf, and no where granted the People Power over them. The Example of Aſa is quite milalledged; for “ he was King of Judah, and in Poſſeſſion of the Crown: And Maacha, though in Nature his Mother, was in Condition his Subject, and might • lawfully be put from the Authority or Dignity which by his Favour The enjoyed, when ſhe fell to the erecting and worſhipping of Idols. The Allegation of Jehu his Fac, ſerveth them as little ; for that which he did is was by God's Commandment, who may take and give Kingdoms as He 16 will : But no Man nor Men may do it; and to believe or practiſe other- wiſe, is utterly againſt the Religion of Christ." Theſe are the preciſe Words of the MS. which by all the Marks appears to be the very fame which Bp. Burnet, Hift . Reform. Vol. 3. p. 285. fays belonged once to himſelf, and was preſented by him to the Duke of Lauderdale. There is indeed a Scorė drawn over the firſt four Lines, ending at the Words is upon Grounds; and there is a Correction on the Margin in a very wretched Hand: But the Correction is not at all what we have in the Print, nor am I able to read it, ſo vilely is it written. And yet I muſt acknowledge that ſeveral Places of the Print are done after Corrections made by the ſame bad Writer, which I am there enabled to read by the help of the Print. I have been at Pains to get into my Cuſtody ſeveral Samples of Abp. Spottiſwood's Hand-writing, (which is very fair and near) and as far as I can gueſs by the Reſemblance, this MS. of his Hiſtory is written by himſelf; but moſt certainly the Corre- ctions on the Margin are by another Hand. I cannot therefore juſtify Bp. Burnet (otherwiſe my Blood-Relation) in the Narration he gives of this Fact in the Place referred to; and I ſhall be ready to afford any Perſon ocular Inſpection into the Truth of what I here affirm: However the Space of forty Years might naturally deprive a Man of the exact Remembrance of ſuch a Matter. Note, That the Readers mayn't imagine this Depoſition of the Re- gent to have been a ſudden Rcfolve, or that Knox and Willocks delivered their Sentiments here unforethought and unprepared; I can aſſure, that I have ſeen a Letter written by Mr. Henry Balnaves from Stirling ſome- time in the Month of Auguſt or September before, (my Memory ſerves me not which) when the Lords no doubt were met in that Town; in which Ler- ter that Gentleman, after obſerving the Diſorders in the Affairs of his own Fa. ction, has this ſort of Expreſſion, We muſt get rid of this Authority, ing the Royal Authority lodged in the Queen Dowager, whoſe Proclamations the Generality of the Subjects thought themſelves obliged to obey. A Copy of 66 1 mean- Book I. 89 A P P E N D I X. k of this Letter from the Cotton Library I may perhaps afterwards impart to the Publick. Item, p. 107, 108. In the Shatter'd MS. (which I often mention afterwards) are ſeveral Letters exchanged concerning the Peace between the Queen-Re- gent and Queen of England, the faid Queen. Regent and Earl of Northuma berland, Lieutenent in the North of England. By a Letter from the Queen of England we learn that the young Laird of Lethington had been employ- ed to negotiate the Affairs of Scotland at the Engliſh Court, before the Con- cluſion of the Treaty of Cambray. Of this Treaty there is in the fame MS. a Proclamation iſſued at Stirling on the 15th Day of April 1559. The Earl of Northumberland's Letters are much filled with Complaints againſt the Scot- tiſh Subjects, and even againſt the Wardens of Scotland; and he ſpeaks of his having met with the Earl of Bothwell, Lieutenant on the Marches of Scotland, at the Riding-burn, for ſettling of all Differences on either Side. The Queen-Regent makes likewiſe Complaints on her Part: And perhaps it was indeed no eaſy Matter to keep the unruly Borderers in any tolerable Order. Item, p.113. 'Tis certain that none of the other four Perſons who had the De- ſignation of Biſhops, were in their nominal Sees at the Time of the great Al- teration ; and 'tis even a Queſtion whether any ſingle Man of them was ever conſecrated a Biſhop; the Probability is greatly againſt them: Theſe were, James Hamilton Biſhop of Argile, Alexander Campbell of Brechin, John Campbell of the Iſles, and Adam Bothwell of Orkney, Robert Stewart was only Elect of Cathneſs at the time of his Brother the Earl of Lenox's Misfortune, and ſo was forced to quit the Kingdom together with him. Item, p. 117. 'Tis proper that the Readers look into the Inſtructions given the Commiſſioners who went to Berwick at this Time: They are fer down by Mr. Knox. Item, p. 128. Tho' the Character of Queen-Dowager the Regent be ſufficient- ly declared, yet Abp. Spottiſwood having added ſomewhat to his Diſcourſe concerning that Princeſs, as the ſame is contained in the MS. Copy, which is not to be found in the Print, I inſert it here for the farther Confirmation of this Queen's Character: It is thus, Realm, and ſettle the ſame upon good Conditions in a perfect Tranquillity. Theſe Things I have heard Father often affirm, whoſe Teſtimony deſerved Credit ; and have many “ times received the like from an honourable and religious Lady, who had " the Honour to wait near her Perſon, and often profeſſed to me that the Queen-Regent was much wronged in John Knox his Story. The Author, whoſoever he was (for I am perſwaded it was none (a) of Knox his Writ- ings) in his whole Diſcourſe theweth a bitter and hateful Spite againſt her, forging diſhoneſt Things," &c. as in his printed Hiſtory. Item, p. 145. Of thoſe Preachers Mr. Petrie tells us, P. 352, that John Row had been a Friar at Rome, and was ſent Anno 1559 as Nuncio into Scot- land; and that when he ſaw the Differences in the Country, inſtead of a- genting the Pope's Buſineſs, he turned Preacher. John Craig was a Domi- nican at Bononia in Italy; in which City chancing to ſee Mr. Calvin's Book of the Inſtitutions, he embraced the Faith delivered in them; for which he was ſent to Rome, and was there condemned to be burnt the 19th Day ofi Auguft: But a Tumult happening the ſame Night by the Occaſion of the Death of Pope Paul IV. and the Priſon-doors having been broke open; he with other Priſoners made his Efcape, and came into Scotland. Jolin Dury had been a Monk in Dunfermline. John Knox he only calls a Follower of Mr. Wiſhart : But he might have added, that he likewiſe was in the Or- der of Prieſthood, as moſt certainly he was ; the Inſtruction whereof I will z have qa my ..(a) This good Prelate has elſewhere aſſigned his Reaſons why this Book could not be written by John Knox; but theſe Reaſons are now without all Controverſy found to be groundleſs . Beſides, Mr. Knox's Friends are at the utmoſt Pains to ſecure to him she Right of his Labours in penning this Work; and it is ſurely a Matter beyond all farther Doubt. 90 A P P E N D I X. Book 1. Mem. Glaſs have occaſion afterwards to notice. But at this Diſtribution of the Preach- ers, I miſs William Harlaw by Occupation a Taylor. However that he has been one of the Men of Renown about this Time, the following Paper is an aſſured Evidence. 23. O&tober 1558. THE He quhilk Day, Maiſter Archbald Menzies Officiall of Nycht beand in Colleg. Scot. adverteiſt that ane Williame Harlo Tailzour, ſometyme Burgeſs of E- . an Original." dinburgh, wes conduced be Alexander Steward of Garles zoungar (a) to preach in his Maner, and preacht allreadie this ſaid inſtant Day plainlie in the Fore-hall of Herbert Cuninghame within the Burgh of Dunfrefe, at Nine Houris afore None: The faid Officiall conſidering that the ſaid Harlo had na Layman. Commiſſioun to mak fic Preaching, bot [wes] an Lauit-man *, and againſt the Actis of Parlement, paſt incontinent thairefter to the Preſence of the ſaid Aa lexander Steward of Garles, and the faid Harlo, within the ſaid Burgh, and required him, of quhais Authoritie, and quha gaif him Commiſſioun to preach, he beand ane Lauit-man, and the Quenis Rebald, and excommunicate, and wes repelled furth of uther Partis for the faid Caufis ? To the quhilk the ſaid Ale- xander Steward anſwered and ſaid, I will avow him, and will mantain and defend him againſt zou, and all uther Kirkmen that will putt at him. Of the quhilkis the faid Officiall asked frae me Notar under-wryttin, Inſtrument and Inſtrumentis: The quhilk Inſtrument wes tain in the Lodging place of the ſaid Laird of Garles at Nine Houris or thairby, before thir Witneſſes, Schir Pa- trik Wallace Curat of Dunfres, Schir Jhonie Ireland Perſon of Rewll; Schir Herbert Pater fon, Schir Oles Wilſon, Chaplains ; Robert Maxwell, Wila liame Maxwell, Herbert Maxwell, Jhone Trude, Jhone Menzies, Mark Rewll, and utheris diverſe. Ita eft, David Makgee Notarius publicus ad præmiſa vocatus, manu propria. Eodem die. The faid Officiall paſt to the Preſence of David Cuninghame and James Rig Baillies of the Burgh of Dunfres, efter that Schir Patrik Wallace Curat of the faid Kirk had maid ane Sermon into the Parioch-Kirk of Dunfres, for the Weill and Inſtruction of his Pariochinaris, and in contrare the ſaid Harlo ; and thare alledged and opponed that the faid Harlo wes excommuni- cate, and ane Rebald at our Soverane Lady the Quenis Graces Horn, and Caption directed to other Burghs upon him for fic Enormities and Contempti- ons as he hath committit againſt the Privilege of haly Kirk and Actis of Parle- ment, and requyred thame in the Quenis Name to hald him to the Quenis Challance, and putt him in ſuir Hald : The quhilk the ſaid Baillies refufit to do. And upon the quhilkis the ſaid Officiall asked Inſtrument, qubilk wes maid and rain in the Parioch-Kirk of Dunfres at Elevin Houris or thairby, be. fore thir Witneſſes, Williame Paterſon, Herbert Raning, Jhone Cuninghame, Burgeſſes of the ſaid Burgh; Jhone Menzes, Jhone Trude, with utheris die verle. Ita eft, David Makgee Notarius publicus ad pramiſſa vocatus, manu propria. Item, p. 147. When here and in ſome other Places I uſc the Expreſſion leffer Barons, I think it proper to advertiſe that this is only in Compliance with the manner of ſpeaking which now prevails; for of any Diſtinction of greater and leſer Barons, in our Law, there is no Foundation at all, nor in the Rolls of Parliaments. BOOK II. (a) Alexander Stewart of Garlies younger, mentioned in this Act, never came to the Eſtate; but having followed the Party of the Regent Murray, under the Name of King James VI. againſt Queen Mary his Mother, he was killed with the Regent Earl of Lenox at the Road of stirling in September 1571, during his Father Sir Alexander his Time, who as appears by a very kind Letter of his to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow of roth December 1560, lived in great Intimacy with that Archbiſhop. He was fuc- ceeded in the Eſtate by his Grandſon Sir Alexander, who was Father to another Sir Alexander, who was made by King James VI. Lord Garlies A. D. 1607, and Earl of Galloway A. D. 1623. Book II. 91 A P P E N D I X. BOOK II. ing- No. I. N the Firſt, To ſchaw and declair Service and Obedience, that the ſaid of Scotland willis to be done beof faithfull Subjectis to thair- Item, To fchaw unto thair faidis Soverane in thie lait Treatie betwix thair Majeſties Valence and Monf. de Randan- -upon the vi Day of Julij laſt bypaſt -fuld convene togidder in Parliament the -Julij, and at that Day continew Auguſt nixt thaireftir, accord- the foirfaid tent Day of Julij-faid firſt Day of Auguſtuhilk firſt Day of Auguft Thingis ceiſit and wes diff. Item, Ze fall declair Day of Auguſt, that James Duke [Here follows a broken Liſt of the Parliament in Auguſt 1560, agreeable e- nough to that in the Cotton Library, some two or three Names excepted, for which ſee p. 146 Hiſt. After t!be Liſta Piece of an imperfect Sentence, thus] For thair Partis to be preſentit and deliverit to thair Majeſties, and to require and to reſſave thair Hienes Confirmatioun and Ratificatioun thairof, to be brocht in this thair Realme according to the Treatie under thair Ratificationis and Greit Seil. Item, In likwiſs ze fall declair to thair Majeſties, that according to ane Ara tikle in the ſaid Treatie, That the Eftaittis fall nominate twenty four gude and notable Perfonis of this Realme, of the quhilkis thair Majeſties ſuld cheis levin, and the faidis Eſtaittis fyve, quha fuld mak the ordinar Counfall to governe the Cauſis of this Realme : And gif it wer thocht be the faidis Eſtaittis that XIV fuld be cheſin of the faidis XXIV. then the King and Quenis Majeſties to name VIII. and the faidis Eftaittis VI. The faidis Eftaittis hes thocht the gretar Nowmer beſt; Thairfor ze fall preſent unto our faidis Soveranis Majeſties the XXIV nominat be the Eſtaittis, and defyr and requyr of thair Hienes VIII of the faidis XXIV to be chefin be thame, with Commiſſioun to the ſaid VIII. with VI of the faidis XXIV to be chefin be the faidis Eſtaittis to governe the commoun Affairis and Eftaittis of this Realme, and the faid Commiſſioun to be extendic with all Clauſes neceſſary to the Effect foirfaid, fubſcrivit be the King and Quenis Majeſties under thair Greit Seil, ordaining the famin to be inſert in the Bukis of Parliament for perpetuall Memoric. Item, Ze fall declair to the ſaid King and Quenis Majeſties, That the to the Nobilitie and People of this Realme_according to chair bund Dewtis ſchaw thameſelffis-to thair Majeſties. Item, Ze fall defyr to knaw our faidis Soveranis the Dutcheſs Dowriar of Guiſs, hir Spous, and the uther the umquhill Quene Regentis Frendis Myndis and Intentioun anent the burying of hir Body; quhairin we for our Part will do anent the Ceremonyis requirit quharſumevir we may, of the Law of God, and according to the Hienes of hir Eſtait. teur, & No. II. Monſieur Ambaſadeur, JA Ay leu la lettre que vous m'aves eſcrite par le gentilhomme preſent pora pour ce j'etant ſur mon partement de ce lieu, je ne puis vous faire reponce pluſtot qu’à Reims, où j'eſpere d'etre au Sacre de Roy. Je ne fe ray ce plus long que pour vous dire, quant à Lord James qui eſt devers moy, il y eſt venue pour ſon devoir, comme deyers fa ſouveraine Dame, que je ſuis, fans charge ou commiſſion qui concerne autre choſe que ſon droit. Je prie Dieu, Monſieur Ambaſſadeur, vous avoir en fa garde. Eſcrit à Nanci, ce 22 Avril 1562. Voſtre bien bon amy, MARIE. Z z No. IIl 92 Book II. A P P E N D I X. pray im- No. III. IV. V. Theſe three Numbers having been erroneouſly twice marked, I have taken care to inſert them here according to the Pages where they come in. No. III. p. 179. A Letter from the Laird of Lethington to Sir William Cecil. SIR Calig. B.10. THE Hat thus long I have delayed to write unto your Honour, I an Original. pute it only to my Abſence: I have been theſe forty Days in the North- parts of Scotland with my Lord James, where we have not been altogether unoccupied, but ſo far forth as Occaſion would ferve, advancing the Reli- gion and common Cauſe. Since our returning I have underſtood the Stay of Monſieur d'Ofel, and judge that you have wiſely foreſeen the Inconveniencies that might have followed upon his coming hither. I do alſo allow your Opi- nion anent the Queen our Sovereign's Journey towards Scotland; whoſe co- ming hither, if the be Enemy to the Religion, and ſo affected towards that Realm, as the yer appeareth, ſhall not fail to raiſe wonderful Tragedies. Al- though the Religion here hath in outward Appearance the upper hand, and few or none there be that openly dare profeſs the contrary ; yer know we the hol- low Hearts of a great Number who would be glad to ſee it and us overthrown, and if Time ſerved, would join with her Authority to thar Effect : But I fore- ſee that the Difficulty thereof fhall make that which is moſt principal in Inten- tion, be laſt in Execution. Sure I am the ſuppreſfing of Religion is chiefly meant, but the fame muſt be preſs’d at by indirect Means. Firſt of all, the Comfort which we have of the Queen's Majeſty's Friendſhip muſt be cut off by Diffolu- tion of the Intelligence begun of late; which being not feaſible in her Abſence, her own Preſence will make more eaſy. The Papiſts, you know, be in their Hearts, for Religion's fake, altogether Enemies to this Conjunction. Thoſe that gave themſelves forth for Proteſtants be not all alike carneſtly bent to maintain it. Some have been accuſtomed ſo to feed upon the French Fare, thac their delicate Stomachs cannot well digeſt any other. Some be ſo coverous, that wherefoever the Lure of Commodity is ſhowed unto them, thither will they fly. Some 1o inconſtant, that they may be eafily carried away by the Countenance of their Princeſs's Preſence , ſometimes ſewing them a good Vi- fage, and ſometimes, as Occaſion ſhall require, frowning on them. Others there be fo. careleſs and ignorant, that they will rather reſpect their preſent Eaſe, which ſhall bring after it moſt grievous Calamities, than with the hazard of a little preſent Incommodity put them and theirs in full Security afterwards : Theſe to be a great Number in our late Danger, we had large Experience ; yet I doubt not but the beſt fort will conſtantly and ſtoutly bear out that which they have begun. Mary, what Difficulty and Hazard ſhall be in it, you may judge, when the Queen ſhall ſo eaſily win to her Party the whole Papiſts, and fo many Proteſtants as be either addicted to the French Faction, covetous, in- conſtant, uneaſy, ignorant or careleſs. So long as her Highneſs is abſent, in this Cafe there is no Peril; but you may judge what che Preſence of a Prince, being craftily counſelled, is able to bring to paſs . Every Man once in a Year hath to do with his Prince's Benovelence: If at that Time, when his particular Buſineſs occurreth, her Countenance ſhall be but ſtrange to him, in Sight of the Peril, in what Cafe ſhall the Subject then be ? Every Man hath in his private Cauſes fome Enemy or Unfriend: What Boldneſs ſhall they not take, ſeeing an Advantage, and knowing their Adverfary to be out of the Prince's good Grace? She will not be ſerved with thoſe that bear any good will to England. Some Quarrel ſhall be picked to them, not directly for Religion at the firſt; but where the Accuſation of Hereſy would be odious, Men muſt be charged with Treaſon. The like of this in that Realm I think hath been ſeen in Queen Mary's Days; a few Number thus diſgraced, diſpatched or diſperſed, the reſt will be an calý Prey; and then may the Butchery of Bonner * plainly begin. I make not this Diſcourſe He was a Popiſh- Biſhop in England, Book II. A P P E N D 1 X. 93 Diſcourſe as our meaning to debar her Majeſty from her Kingdom, or that wo wouid wiſh ſhe ſhould never come home (for that were the Part of an unnatu- ral Subjed) but rather defiring fuch Things as be neceſſary fo to be provided fór in the mean time, that neither ſhie by following the wicked Advice of God's Enemies, to loſe the Hearts of her Subjects, neither yet ſo many as tender the Glory of God and Liberties of their native Country to be the Sons of Death. The beſt is, that Intelligence begun betwixt theſe two Kingdoms may endure and be increaſed, the Breach whereof I know will be attempted by all Means pof- ſible . The great Deſire I have of the Continuance, maketh me fo earneſt to wilh that her Majeſty may be induced by good Means to enter in the fame Con- junction; whereunto if ſhe cannot by one way or other be periwaded, thea can I not but doubt of the Succeſs in the End. Although I do chiefly reſpect the common Cauſe and publick Eſtare, yet doth my own private not a little move me to be careful in this Behalf. In what Cafe I ſtand you will eaſily judge by Sight of the Incloſed, which I pray you return to me with Speed *. I know by my very Friends in France that ſhe hath conceived ſuch an Opinion of my Affection towards England, that it killeth all the Means I can have to enter in any Favour: - But if it inight be compaſſed that the Queen's Majeſty and her Highneſs might be as dear Friends as they be tender Couſins, then were I able enough to have as good Part in her good Grace as any other of my Quality in Scotland. If this cannot be brought to paſs, then I ſee well at length it will be hard for me to dwell in Rome and ſtrive with the Pope. I aſſure you this whole Realm is in a miſerable Caſe. If the Queen our Sovereign come ſhortly home, the Dangers be evident and many , and if ſlie ſhall not come, it is not without great Peril : Yca, what is not to be feared in a Realm lacking lawful Government? It is now more than two Years paſt that we have lived in a manner without any Regiment; which when I conſider ſometimes with my ſelf, I marvel from whence doth proceed the Quietneſs which we preſenta ly enjoy, the like whereof I thiok, all Circumſtances being weighed, was never ſeen in any Realm. It would ſeem impoſſible that any People could ſo long be contained in Order without fear of Punishment and ſtrict Execution of the Law's; and indeed I cannot by ſearching find out any probable Reaſon, but only that it has pleaſed the Goodneſs of God to give this Glory to his Truth preached a. mongſt us; but by all worldly Judgment the Policy cannot thus long endure: So that for this reſpect her Abſence to us is moſt pernicious. Thus whether the come or not, we be in a great Strait. But you will fay, Hath not the Council the Regiment? Yes, fome in Ap- pearance, but none in very Deed; and that which is, doth in a manner ferve only for a Shadow to ſo many as do willingly obey : But to know what Autho. rity it hath, you muſt reduce to your Remembrance the Treaty made at Edina burgh, wherein for the Government of the Realm was accorded an Article, That the Eſtates in Parliament ſhould nominate Twenty four Perſons of the most capable of the whole Realin, of whom the Queen ſhould chuſc Eight, and the E- ſtates thereafter Six; which Fourteen ſo cholen ihould be the Council. Accord ing whereunto the Eſtates in the next Parliament thereafter nominated Twen- ty four, whoſe Names were ſent to the Queen ; but neither would her Majeſty, being required, ratify that Treaty, confirm our Proceedings in that Parliament, nor allow the Nomination of the ſaid Twenty four, but hath always deferred, and thus long fed us with hope of her own coming. It is true that fome of the Perſons nominated have taken upon them the Management of Things ſince that Time to do the beſt they might. You may reply, Why? Dorh not the whole Regiment appertain to the Nobility in Abſence of your Sovereign ? Yes: Buc how willingly think you will fome of the Noblemen obey, Chich think them- ſelves nothing inferior to the others? and yet being Papifts, or otherwiſe un- apt for Counſel, were neglected by the Eſtates in the Nomination, and now are ſtirred up privily and comforted by the Queen to diſallow our Proceedings: And А а if * In the Margin is added, I pray you that the Letter incloſed come not to Light. 94 Book 11. A P P E N D I X. if the Council ſhould take the way which is moſt meet for Maintenance of their own State and forthſetting of their Authority, then fear I that eſchewing Scylla they ſhould fall into Charybdis. Many Things are requiſite to bear out a pu- blick Authority, which cannot be done without publick Charges; and we dare not once touch 'any part of the Prince's Revenues : The Noblemens Eſtates be ſcarce ſufficient to maintain their own Port, ſpecially abſent from their Houſes. I believe it would be hard for a Number of Noblemen in England to conti. nue always at London upon their own Charges, where they could have nothing but bought for ready Money. Thus if they medle with no part of the Prince's Rents, the publick Charges cannot be born ; and if they ſhould but medle with so much as is neceſſary, thereupon ſhall the Queen take occaſion to accufe us to all Princes as Ulurpers of the Patrimony of her Crown: So muſt we either in- cur in this Accuſation, or elſe ſuffer the whole Policy to be diſſolved for lack of Regiment. I pray you by your next Letters let me in this point hear your Advice, and what the Queen's Majeſty will think in it ; for if her Highneſs allow our Doings, we will the leſs care what other foreign Princes think of us. For my Opiniou anent the Continuance of Amity betwixt theſe two Realms, there is no danger of Breach 1o long as the Queen is abſent; and if all Men were fo perſwaded as I am, or did conſider the Conſequence which I forefee, little Peril would be after her coming ; but her Preſence may alter many Things. I truſt ſo many as have made Promiſe to the Queen's Majeſty thall ſooner be driven from your friendſhip by Force, than they will forſake it by their good Wills. I will always at my uttermoſt ſtudy that no Seed of Diviſion take root betwixt the Duke of Chaſtelherault and my Lord James, on whoſe Concord the Weal of our Cauſe doth depend : It will ſerve as well to confirm them in the Queen's Majeſty's Devotion, as alſo to encourage them to go conſtantly and ſtoutly forward, if they ſhall underſtand from her Highneſs, that ſo long as they will continue Friends to England, her Majeſty will nor forſake them, but will ſuccour and aid them, if Neceſſity require it, in caſe the Queen at her coming home either mean to alter the State of Religion, or yet begin to perſe- cure ſuch as have advanced the common Cauſe. For renewing of a League this I have thought; it would more irritate and offend the Queen our Sovereign La- dy, and ſhe will worfe take it, as meant particularly againſt herſelf, if we now, being delivered from the preſent fear of Strangers, ſhould enter in a-new, than when the King her Husband was alive ; and theſe that be faint-hearted amongſt our ſelves will not ſo eaſily be perſwaded. Therefore methinks it were conve- nient, if it could be compafs’d, that a League were deviſed betwixt the Queen's Majeſty, the Princes Proteſtants of Germany, ſo many of France as profefs the Religion, the Kings of Denmark and Sweden, at leaſt ſo many as would embrace it for Maintenance of Religion ; in which League we alſo would deſire co be comprehended : Which Caule as it is moſt plauſible to the World, ſo will it of us be beſt allowed. To the end the Eſtares may be ſhortly aſſembled for an. Swering of the Queen's Majeſty's Letter, which Mr. Randolph hath for them, we have framed a Letter for their Convocation (whereof I ſend you herewith a Copy) pretending only the Queen's coming; for if the moſt part knew it were for any Matter concerning England, they would abſent themſelves. It will breed Tome Jealouſy to the Queen, if we after our Aſſembly ſend any of our Nation to the Queen's Majeſty; and yet it is moſt neceſſary that the preſent E- ſtate of this Realm, and apparent of the future, be imparted to her Majeſty : For which purpoſe I have thought (if you ſhall allow of it) convenient that Mr. Randolph fhall come, by whoſe Report you will be more amply informed than you can by writing, and we ſhall more particularly underſtand the Queen's Intention and ygit Opinion in every Behalf. Let me by your next underſtand what you think hercof. In times coming when it ſhall happen the Queen's Ma. jeſty to write to the Duke's Grace, it ſhall be well done that either her Majeſty, or at leaſt you by her Commaudment, write ſomewhat to my Lord of Arran his Son, Book II. 95 A P P E N D I X. Son, to further the Matrer. So I wiſh your Honour to fare well. From E- dinburgh the forh of Auguſt 1560. Yours at Commandment, W. MAITLAND, гу, Cal. B. 100 No. IV. p. 181. The Indent betwixt the Lord Dacre and the Maſter of Maxwell. Cotton Librat Articles indented of Orders taken and agreed upon at Carlile the 22d of an Original . Auguſt in the Year of our Lord God 1551, by the Right Honourable the Lord Dacre, Lord Warden of the Weſt-Marches of England forenenj Scotland, and the Honourable Sir John Maxwell Knight, Lord Wardere of the oppoſite Marches there, and Sir William Cordell Knight, Maſter of the Rolls, Sir Thomas Gargrave Knight, and Thomas Garns, the Queen's Majeſty of England's Serjeant at the Law, for and concerning certain Mat- ters, Attemptats and Offences, to be ordered and uſed as enfueth, and to beobſerved by the Lords Wardens and Subjects of the Weſt-Marches of both the ſaid Realms. First, That Jaftice ſhall not be long protra&ed, to the Hindrance of the good Subjects of both Realms, and encouraging of Offenders, but ſhall proceed according to the Treaty and Amity betwixt both Realms; it is oro dered and agreed, That onc Day of March ſhall be kept by the foreſaid War- dens, or their Deputies, upon the 17th Day of September next. Alſo it is further agreed and ordered, That at thar Day either Warden ſhall make Delivery to other reciprocally, after twenty Bills or Artemptars ſeveral- ly, and that every one of the Bills before the Principal, under the Sum of Twenty Pounds, and the Double and Saughe not to be accounted in thar Sum. It is alſo further ordered and agreed, That Deliverance ſhall only be made for the ſingle Value of all Attemprats committed before the 20th Day of Septema ber paſt, and that Deliverance fhall be made of Double and Saughe of all At- temprats committed ſince the ſaid zoth Day of September, according to the Articles and Agreement heretofore taken for both the Realms. It is further ordered and agreed, That for all other Attemptats committed in the forefaid Marches ſince the laſt Peace, and before the Dare hereof, Deliverance Thall be made at one Day of March to be kept in October next, according to fuck Order as ſhall be appointed by the Councils of both the ſaid Realms. It is alſo further ordered, That for all Attemprats that is or ſhall be filld for any attemptat done ſince the faid 20th Day of September laſt, Deliverance and Redreſs ſhall be made with Double and Saughe; and for all Offences commit- Ted before the faid 20th Day of September, Deliverance and Redreſs to be made only with the ſingle Value, according to the forefaid Agreement of both Realms. It is alfo further ordered and agreed upon, That if any Subject of either Re- alm ſhall fow any Corn or Grain upon the Grounds of the other Realm where he is not a Subject, that the fame Corn thall be forfeited and loſt ; and thac the Lord Warden of the Marches where the faid Corn ihall be fown ſhall take, uſe or deſtroy the fame at his Pleaſure: And upon the filing of a Bill upon the Party that ſhall offend to enter and fow the Ground of the other Realm, the Oftender to pay the Double and Saughe for the occupying the ſaid Ground. Jo witneſs whereof, as well the Parties above ſaid, Lord Wardens, as the fore- laid Commiſſioners, have to both the Parts of theſe Articles indented ſet their Hands, the Day and Year firſt above written. WILLIAM DACRE. JOHN MAXWELL. WM. CORDELL. Tho. GARGRAVE. THO. GARNS. A a 2 No III 96 Book II. A P P E N D I X. Council. IN No. III. p. 237. Apud Edinburgh 23. Januarij 1562. 1 03.02 SEDERUNT Jacobus Dux de Chatellarault, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Jacobus Moravie Comes, Alexander Comes de Glencarne, Johannes Do- minus Erskin ; Thefaurarius, Rotulator, Secretarius, Clericus Regiſtri, Clericus Juſticiaria. A &s of Privy TN Preſence of the Quenis Majeſtie and Lordis of ſecrete Counfale comperit . Fobne Achifone Maiſter-Cunzer, and Johne Allowane Burges of Edinburgh, and gaif in this thair Band undir-writtin, and deſirit the famin tobe inſert in the Bukis of ſecrete Counſale, with Letteris and Executorialis of Horning or Poind. ing to be gevin thairupoun, for cumpelling of thame to fulfill the famin in Forme as efferis : Quhilk Deſire the Quenis Hienes and Lordis foirfaidis thoche reſſonable, and thairfore ordanit the famin tobe inſert in the faidis Bukis, with Letteris and Executorialis to be gevio thairupoun in maner foirfaid ; of the quhilk the Tennor followis, We Yobne Acbifone and Johne Aflowane Burges of Edinburgh, be the Tennor heirof, bindis and obliſſis us faithfullie to the Quenis Majeſtie, and hir Hienes Thefaurar in hir Name; Forſamekill as hir Grace hes grantit and gevin Licence to us, oure Partinaris and Servandis in oure Name, to wirk and wyn in the Leid-mynis of Glengoner and Wenlek, ſaniekih Leid-ure as we may gudlie, and to tranſport and carie furt of this Realme to Flanderis, or ony utheris Partis bezond Sey, Twenty thouſand Stane weche of the ſaid Leid-ure, comptand Sexskoir to the Hundreth, Trone-wecht, com- prehendand thairin Five thouſand Stanc-wecht of the ſaid Ure ellis feud be us to Flanderis, as hir Hienes Licence grantit to us thairupoun beris: Heirfore we bind and obliſs us faithfullie to the Quenis Majeſtie, and hir ſaid Thefaurar in hir Name, to deliver to hir Graces Cunze-hous betwix this and the firſt Day of Auguſt nixtocum, Fourtie five Unce of uter fyne Silvir for every thouſand Stane wecht of the faidis Twenty thouſand Stanes of Leid-ure, extending in the hale to Nyne hundredth Unces of uter fyne Silvir, without ony farther De lay : And heirto we bind and obliſs us faithfullie be thir Prefentis, and ar con. tent that this oure Obligatioun be actit and regiſtrat in the Bukis of ſecrete Counſale, with Letteris and Executorialis of Horning or Poinding tobe gevin thairupoun for compelling of us to fulfill the famin in Forme as efferis. Sub- ſcrivit with oure Handis at Edinburgh the xxiii Day of Januar, the Zeir of God 1562 Zciris. No IV. p. 238. Apud Edinburgh 11. Februarij 1562. For Orſamekill as the Quenis Majeſtie and Lordis of ſecrete Counfale undirſtand- ing that in the Spring of the Zeir callit Lentryne, all kindis of Flelche de- bilitatis, dekayis, and growis out of Seafone, fwa that in that Tyme thai ar na wils commodious to be eittin: And als, that be the tempeſtuous Stormis of the Winteris paſt, the hale Gudis wer fa trakit, ſmorit and deid, that the Prices of the Fleſche ar riſin to fik extreme Derth, that the like hes not bene fene with- in this Realme ; and gif fik Derth continew, it wilbe to the grete Hurt of the Commoun-wele chairof: For Remeid of the quhilk, it is ſtature and ordanit be the Quenis Majeſtie, with A viſe of the Lordis of hir ſecrete Counſale, That nane of hir Graces Liegis, of quhat Eftait or Conditioun that cvir chai be, ex- cept fik as ar veſyit with extreme Sicknes, cit ony kinde of Fleſche in the Tyme of Lentryne, in ony. Tyme heireftir ; that is to ſay, fra the Day of Februar to the Day of Marche, undir the Páne of Ten Pundis for the firſt Falr, Twentie Pundis for the nixt Falt, and Confifcatioun of all thair movable Gudis to oure Soverane Ladeis Uſs for the thrid Falt : And or. danis Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of the Quenis Sheriffis in thar Parr, chargeing thame to pas to the Mercat-Croces of all the Burrowis of this Re. alme, and utheris Places neidfull, and thair be oppin Proclamatioun in ourė So- verane Ladeis Name and Autorite, command and charge all and findrie hir Graces Liegis, That nane of thame tak upoun hand to eit in ony Tyme heir- eftir, Ibid. Book II. 97 A P P E N D I X. eftir, in the Tyme of Lentryne foirfaid, ony maner of Fleſche, except ſik Per- ſonis as ar veſyit with extreme Sicknes, undir the Pane foirfaid; and chat na Fleſcharis, Oiſtlaris, Cukis, Tavernaris, or ony utheris Perſonis, fell ony ma- ner of Fleſche, or prepair the famin tobe fauld to ony of the Liegis of this Re- alme, undir the Pane of Confiſcatioun of all thair movable Gudis to oure So- verane Ladeis Uis, for thair Contemptioun. No. V. p. 244. This Appendix having fwell’d ſo much beyond Expectation, I hope the Readers will not take amils that I have not inferted here the Let- ter of Secretary Lethington, which he read before the Queen and Privy. Council at Dumfries the 20th of Auguſt 1563, in Anſwer to a Letter he had received from Sir John Foreſter Warden of the Middle-Marches of Eng- land: They that have Curioſity for ſuch Marrers, may ſee the Secretary's Letter among the original Acts of Privy-Council. See this Treaty at length in the Border-Laws. Mehr No. V. p. 270. ARIA Dei gratia Regina Scotorum, univerſis & ſingulis pateat per præ- Shatter'd MS ſentes. Cum nihil nobis, ex quo in Britanniam appulimus, fuerit anti- quius, quàm ut ea inter Scotos & Anglos cſſet concordia, quam & generis propin- quitas, & Chriſtiani nominis charitas, & ex vicinitate regnorum tot contractu neceſſitudines poftulant ; Idque multis & illuftribus declaraverimus indiciis, quoties ejus rei declarandæ fefe obtulit occaſio, utque magis hanc noftram vo. luntatem animique ad communem tranquillitatem propenſionem declararemus, de re omnium maxima, id eſt de matrimonio, à quo fpes poſteritatis, & omnis in pofterum viræ ducendæ ratio pender, ftatuiſſemus cum fereniſſima Anglorum Regina noſtra communicare conſilia, eque noftro erga eam amore, ſtudio & be- nevolentia, ejus erga nos reſque noftras metiremur ; nec tamen ratio temporum, negotiorumque pateretur, ut coram, quod maximopere cupiebamus, iis de rebus ageremus; ad eam rem conficiendam, dilectum & fidelem confiliarium noftrum Gulielmum Maitland à Lechingtoun, Secretarium noſtrum primarium, noftrum Oratorem, Procuratoremque conſtituimus, & cum liberis mandatis mittimus, ut quid is cum fereniſſima Anglorum Regina egerit, convenerit, tranfegerit, id actum, conventum, tranſactum, atque æque rarum & firmum habeamus, ac fi nos coram eiſdem de rebus egiſſemus, conveniſſemus & tranfegiſſemus, omnia- que & fingula quæ per eum erunt acta, conventa, tranfacta confirmamus ac rata eſſe jubemus & volumus. In cujus rei teſtimonium, hoc diploma Sigillo noftro appoſito comprobamus & confirmamus. Datum Striviling die menfis Marcii 1564, No. VI. The Perils and Troubles that may preſently enfue to the Queen's Majeſty and this Realme, and in time to come follow upon the Marriage of the Queen of Scots to the Lord Darnly, 2d June 1565. of , for herſelf, or for the Opinion of her Pretence to this Crown, or for the ry, Cal. B.10. an Original. Defire in the Change of Religion in this Realm, or for the Diſcontentation they have of the Queen's Majeſty's Succeſſion, or of the Succeſſion of any other be- fides the Queen of Scors, ſhall be by this Marriage erected, comforted, and in- duced to deviſe and labour how to bring their Deſigns to paſs. And to make fome Eſtimate what Perlons theſe are, to the Intent the Quan- tity of the Peril may be weighed, the ſame may be compriſed in theſe Sorts, either within the Realm or without. Firſt are ſuch as are ſpecially devoted to the Queen of Scots, or Daruly, by Blood and Alliance ; as first of all, the Houfe of Lorrain and Guiſe for her Parr, and the Earl of Lenox and his Wife, with all ſuch in Scotland as be of their Blood there, and have received Difi Вь plcalures 98 Book II. AP P E N D I X. pleaſures by the Duke of Chaſtelherault and the Hamiltons. The Second are all manner of Perſons, both in this Realm and in other Countries, that are devo. ted to the Authority of Rome, and miſlike of the Religion received here. And of theſe two Sorts are the Subſtance of them comprehended that ſhall take Com- fort in this Marriage. Next is to be conſidered what Perils and Troubles theſe kind of Men ſhall intend to this Realm. Firſt, The general Scope and Mark of all their Deſires is, and always ſhall be, to bring the Queen of Scots to have the Royal Crown of this Realm; and therefore though the Devices may vary amongſt themſelves, for the accompliſh. ing hereof, according to the Accidence of the Times, and according to the Im. pediments which they ſhall find by means of the Queen's Majeſty's Actions and Government, yet all their Purpoſes, Drifts, Devices and Practices ſhall whol- ly and only tend to make the Queen of Scots Queen of this Realm, and to de- prive our Sovereign Lady thereof. And in theſe their Proceedings there are two Manners to be conſidered, whereof the one is far worſe than the other. The one is intended by them, That either for malicious Blindneſs in Reli- gion, or for natural Affection to the Queen of Scots or the Lord Darnly, do perſwade themſelves that the Queen of Scots hath preſently more Right to the Crown than our Sovereign Lady the Queen ; of which Sort be all their Kin. dred on both sides, and all ſuch as are devoted to Popery either in England, Scotland, Ireland, or elſewhere. The other is meant by them, which by leſs Malice are perſwaded that the Queen of Scots hath the only Right to be the next Heir to ſucceed the Queen's Majeſty and her Iſſue; of which Sort few are without the Realm, but here within, and of them not ſo many as are of the contrary. And from theſe two Sorts ſhall the Devices and Practices proceed. From the Firſt, which imagine the Queen of Scots to have preſent Right, are to be look'd for theſe Perils : 1. 'Tis to be doubted that the Devil will infect ſome of them to imagine the Hindrance of the Life of our dear Sovereign Lady by ſuch means as the Devil ſhall fuggeſt to them; although it is to be aſſuredly hoped that Almighty God will (as hitherto He hath) graciouſly protect and preſerye her Majeſty from ſuch Dangers. 2. There will be attempted by Perſwaſions, by Bruits, Rumours, and ſuch like, to alienate the Minds of good Subjects from the Queen's Majeſty, and to conciliate them to the Queen of Scots; and in this Behalf the Frontiers and the North will be much folicited and laboured. 3. There will be attempted fome Tumults and Rebellions, eſpecially in the North ; ſo as thereupon may follow fome open Enterprize by Violence. 4. There will be by the ſaid Queen's Counſel and Friends a new League made with France or Spain, that ſhall be offenſive to this Realm, and a Furtherance to their Title. And 'tis alſo very likely that they will alſo ſet afoot as many Practices as they can, both upon the Frontiers and in Ireland, to occaſion the Queen's Majeſty to increaſe and continue her Charge ; thereby to retain her from being wealthy or potent. And for the attempting all theſe Things, many Devices will be imagined from time to time, and no Negligence will therein ap- pear, From the Second Sort, which mean no other Favour to the Queen of Scots but that ſhe ſhould ſucceed in Title to the Queen's Majeſty, is not much to be feared; but that they will content themſelves to ſee, not only the Queen's Ma- jeſty not to marry, and ſo to impeach it, but to hope that the Queen of Scots Thall have Iſſue, which they will think to be more plauſible to all Men, becauſe thereby the Crowns of England and Scotland ſhall be united in one, and there by the Occaſion of War ſhall ceaſc. With which Perſwaſion many people may be feduced and abuſed, to incline themſelves to the Part of the Queen of Scota land. No. VII Book II. 99 A P P E N D I X. No. VII. Mr. Tamworth's Meſage in Auguſt 1565. Hat hir Majeſtie hes ſent me to impart with zour Hienes certane Thingis of Shatter'd MS Importance, als weill for zour Grace as for zour Eſtait at this preient : The quhilk the Quenis Majeſtie my Soverane requireth zour Grace wcill to con- ſider and wey, as Thingis that cummis frome ane that hes mair Regard of zour weill doing than ſum wald think that hir Majeſtie hes. Quhair hir Majeſtie hes fund zour Graces proceeding now of lait verie ſtrange, nocht onelie in zour Graces Actionis. towartis hir Hienes, bot alfwa towartis zour awin Subjectis, and that in fic maner as gif zour Grace fall continew the fame, as in apperance is fene, the Confequens moſt be ſic as in the End hir Hie- nes is weill aſſurit bayth zour Grace and zour Realme moſt nedis reſſave greit Dampnage, and mair Harme than hir Hienes will now expreſs. The Strange nes quhilk hir Majeſtie conſaved in zour Grace towartis hirſelf conſiſtit in thir Pointis; Firſt, Scho takech God to witnes that the Offir maid to zour Majeſtic of a Mariage in hir awin Realme, being thairto requirit be zour Graces felf, wes be the Quenis Majeſtie iny Soverane ſincerlie, feriouſlie and lovinglie menit and intentit for zour Graces Weill, and to advance zour Defyre in zour greiteſt Mater. And quhair hir Majeſtie heris ſay, That zour Grace is inducit be finiſter Advyſe as hir Majeſtie thinkis contrare to zour awin naturall Diſpoſitioun, to report that hir Majeſtie did nevir nathing thairin bot to abuſe zour Grace, quhairwith hir Hienes Conſciens geving hir witnes ſcho can nocht content hirfelf, bot doeth di- rectlie affirme that all fic that doeth adviſe zour Majeſtie ſa to report of hir Hies nes, dois gif zour Grace fals Counſale thairin, do untrewlie, 'for thair awin privat Reſpectis, devyſe and confave fic fals and unfenzeit Materis. Secundlie, Hir Hienes findis it ſtrange, that quhair zour Grace did ſend to hir Majeſtie the L. of Lethingtoun zour Majeſties Secretar, to requyr hir Majeſties Opinioun and guid Will in zour Graces Mariage, making Mentioun of zour Majeſties Diſpoſitioun and Favour towartis the Lord Dernlie, gif hir Majeſtie wald fa thairof allow: Hir Hienes finding reſſonabill Caus to advys zour Grace to forbeir frome that, and thairfoir lending hir Majeſties Servand Sr Nicholace Ibrokmortoun to impart unto zour Grace hir Majeſties Mynde in the ſame; hir Hienes fand that befoir his cumming, or ony Anſwer reſſaved from hir, zour Grace had enterit fa far with the Lord Dernlie, as at the cumming of hir Hienes Ambaſſatour zour Grace wes not in cais to reſſave for that Mater ony Advyſe; and fo hir Majeſtie in hir Expectatioun wes plainlie abuſic: And zic nevirtheleſs zour Grace maid Promis with greit Aſſurance, and thairupoun pleaged zour Honour that ze wald forbeir frome the Mariage the Space of thre Monethis, the End quhairof fuld be about the xv Day of Auguf now prea fent; quhairupoun, evin for zour Graces Promis ſaik, hir Hienes did mak that Accompt certanelie; and fa be hir Majeſties Occaſioun did ſum uther Princes, hir Hienes Nychbouris, perſwaid thamefelffis, quhome hir Majeſtie knawis, upoun the firſt Brute of zour Graces Love that way, thocht thairof als ſtranglie as hir Majeſtic did : And now contrare unto zour Graces Promis, hir Hienes herith that zour Majeſtie fould nocht onlie caus the Band of Matrimonie to be askit the xxii Day of Julij, bot alſwa to celebrate the fame the xxix of the fame, without ony Caus notifeit to hir Hienes quhy zour Majeſtie fould brek zour Promeis to hir Majeſtie, cannot but note this maner of proceeding lum- quhat ſtrange. Thirdlie, For dereining of hir Majeſties Subjectis the Erle of Lennox and Lord Dernlie, hir Majeſtie be hir Seryand Maiſter Randolphe alreddie haith gevin zour Grace to undirſtand quhat ſcho thinkith thairof, hes nochtwithſtanding willit me to renew the fame to zour Majeſtie, and alſwa to requeir ſum conve- nient Anſwer, conſidering that the ſame is directlie aganis the Treatie of Peace betwix zour Grace and hir Majeſtie my Soverane, as nowther can zour Grace nor thai be ignorant ; and thairfoir hir Majeſtie can nocht bot think hirſelf B b 2 ſtrange 100 A P P E N D I X. Book II. ſtrange uſit, zour Grace profeſſing fa ſtrict ane Amitie with hir, to allure and allow of hir Majeſties Subjectis the Erle of Lennox and Lord Dernlie, under Pretens of Suit for Landis, to cum thyther, and to procede in this Mariage as thai haif done, without hir Majeſties Conſent and Licens requirit. How greit and unnaturall thair Offens is, the Warld ſeith it, and hir Hienes cannot forzet ir. Fourthlie, Quhair zour Majeſtie lene Maiſter Johne Hay, Maiſter of zour Graces Requeiſtis, with Commiſſioun to demand of hir Hienes quhairwith ſcho wes offendit, and quhar myche fatisfie hir Hienes; and having na Commiſſioun to anſwer thairunto, bot to defer the Treatie thairupoun, with Anſwer, to Men to be appointit thairfoir : And thairby hir Majeſtie did conſave thar nathing wes menit bot Delay of Tyme, conſidering that hir Hienes knew weill that zour Majeſtie could not be ignorant quhat did offend hir Hienes in the Ma- riage, and quhat ſcho did miſlyke thairin, as it weill apperit be Maiſter Throk- mortoun's Embaſſage ; fo as gif it had bene planely meanit, owther he or ſum uther mychc haif had Authorite to haif maid hir Majeſtie fum Offeris to haif contentit hir Hienes, and that thais Offeris had not bene fufficient for hir Hie- nes Satisfactioun, zit mycht hìr Majeſtie haiffene thairin a moir direct Dealing with hir Majeſtie than hes bene. And quhair it apperit be a Lettre fent be Maiſter Betoun, that zour Grace will be content to offer all reſſonabill Con- ditionis unto hir Majeſtie, and aiſwa gif it fall lyke the Quenis Majeſtie my Maiſtres, zour Grace will ſend for that Purpois, and to ſchaw guid Reaſonis quhy zour Grace makis Haift to this Mariage, fum ane of zouris weill in- ſtructir; and to the Intent zour Grace fall find direct Dealling in the Quene my Soverane, hes bene the Caus quhy hir Hienes willit me to ſchaw unto zour Grace the firſt Caus of zour Majeſties Offens towartis hir. Fyftlie, The Quenis Majeſtie peruſing the faid Lettre, findis the Sentens fumquhat obſcure, the quhilk fcho requireth to be reſolvit, quhilk is this, Je n'eſtimeray jamais que cela vienne de vous, & ſans en chercher autre vengeance, auray recours a tous les Princes mes allies, pour avecques moy vous remonſtrer ce que je vous fuis par parentage. Vous fcavez allez ce que vous avez refolu ſur cela. Nixt, ſcho feith how all zour Subjectis A- &tionis, Counfallis, Practizes and Devyſis dois tend to thai Thingis quhilk ze weill knaw fall mak Diſcord betwix thir two Realmis, and as it war a Divorce in Amitie, and how Devyſis ar y maginit to offend hir Majeſtie, be alluring of Fugitivis and Offendaris, hir Majeſtics Subjectis, to depend upoun zour Grace · heir ; and mony ucher ſempill Devyſis within hir Majeſties Realme, quhairof hir Majeſtie is not ignorant. As for the Strangenes of zour Graces Proceidingis within zour Graces Realme, althoch fcho knaweth ſcho hes not to deal thairin utherwayis than as zour Nichbour and guid Siſter, for Friendſchip to advyfe zour Grace, or as zour Graces Actionis at home may appearandlie touch the Repoſe and Tranquillitie of hir Majeſties Realme Ches bene thairof evident Exem- pill; zit for baith theſe Reſpectis at this Tyme, hir Majeſtie cannot forbeir bor friendlie and nichbourlie admoniſch zour Grace, that ze are mekill abuſit gif ze be fa counfalled : And gif zour Majeſtie do it of zour ſelf, than dois zour Grace forzet zour ſelf marvellouſlie, to rais up fic Factionis as be commoun and conſtant Report is underſtuid amangis zour Grace and Nobilitie, quhairof na maner of Guid can inſew to zou or zour Realme, bot rather Danger to zour ſelf, and at the leiſt Rewyne to zour guid Subjectis : And if the Materis be fa handillic as thai ar reportit, fuirlie zour Grace is ſeducit be Counfallouris of ſmall Underſtanding, to confave Offens and Indignatioun aganis thame quhome zour Grace hes had beſt Tryall of thair Fidelitie towartis zour Majeſtie ; and thairof hir Majeſtie requyreth zou to tak guid Regard, and not to be owre hai- ſtie to ymagine, throch malitious and particular Informatioun, ony Evill in thame that be thair Actis hes ſchawin thamſelffis reddie to ſpend thair Lyvis and all that thai haif for zour Majeſtie and zour Eſtait. And in Materis of Religioun, if zour Majeſtie fall be advyſed to mak owdir Alteratioun or Change, as chair is greit Appeirance that zour Majeſtic will, be fic as Book II. A P P E N D 1 X. TOT as hes devyſit with thameſelffis vanelie to perſwaid zour Majeſtie, that be perfe- cuting of thois with quhome zour Grace is brocht to be offendit, and think thairby to ſuppres and extirpe out of zour Graces Realme the maner of Reli. gioun alreddie reſſavit be zour Graces Subjectis, with Ordour of Law within zour Realme, and conſequentlie to ymagine ſumquhat ellis to content zour Graces Fantaſie in the Quene my Soveranis Rcalme, as vanelie ze may be per- fwadit. My Charge thairfoir is erneſtlie to advyſe zour Majeſtie to tak guid heid to fic Counfallis and ſic vane Ymaginationis; for quhat fall iníew in zour Majeſties Realme to altir Religioun, I will not ſpeik, bot wiſſis zour Grace nor to beleif fair Spechis thairin : But for ony Devyfis that zour Grace may be fed with that may conſerne the Quenis Majeſtie my Maiſtres and hir Realme, hir Hienes can be Goddis Grace weill aſſuir zour Majeſtie, that ze fall find all zour Diffeignes, Conſultationis, Intelligencis and Devyſes, frome quhairfoevir thai come to zour Grace far or neir, vayne and deceytfull. Hir Majeſtie dowtit not bot to convert thame to the Perrell and Dampnage of thame quhilk fall cre- deit chame : And howſoevir zour Majeſtie dois tak thais Advyſis, the Quene my Maiſtres thinketh heirby that ſcho is diſchargeit in Honour and in Friend- fchip; and according unto that quhilk zour Majeſtic fall anſwer, fo will hir Hienes direct hir Hienes Anſwer and Actionis as ſcho fall find meit for hir ſelf, hir Honour, hir Suretie, Proffeit and Repoſe of hir Realme. And towartis my Lord of Murray, hir Majeſtic wiſſith that zour Grace ſould nocht fchaw zour self ſo ſubject unto Change, as to conſave Evill of him, of quhome zour Grace hes this lang Tyme, upoun juſt Deſert, conſaved ſo weill, for his Trewth, his Lufe and Habilitie to ſerve zour Majeſtie and zour Realme; for in ſic Cais I may weill fe thar thair be plentie of Examplis quhair, for lak of Indifference, mony fic nobill Men hes bene juftlie conſtrained to ſeik fic Meanis, for ſaving of thair Lyvis, as urherwayis thai nevir wald haif done. This be part of the Occaſionis quhilk I gif zour Majeſtie to undirſtand, quhilk the Quenis Majeſtie iny Maiſtres hes to be offendit with: And thairfoir as zour Grace hes in Wordis offerit that all hir Grevis ſaibe reparit, ſo I truſt that füm Overture zour Majeſtie will mak unto me thairof, quhairunto I will willinglie mak fic Anſwer as hir Majeſtie fall not think hir ſelf ony langar [ſoothed] with Wordis, bot performit with Dedis on zour Majeſties Part. Anſwer for the Part of the Quenis Majeſtie, to the Propoſitioun maid be Maiſter Thomworth upoun the Behalf of the Quene of Ingland. То O the Firſt Article, Hir Majeſtie nevir conſavie ony fic Opinionis of hir guid Siſter, that ſcho menit ony uther Thing in the Propofitioun of hir Mariage bot ſincerlie and uprichtlie; and nethir hes hir Majeſtie ſpokin uther- wayis, nor hes ony gevin hir Counfall fa to fpeik : And gif the contrarie hes bene reportit, the ſamyn hes na Foundment. To the Secund Article, twiching the firſt Part thairof, Hir Majeſtie hes al- reddie maid ſufficient Anſwer to si Nicolas Throkmortoun at his being heir ; as alſwa ſenſyne to the Quene hir guid Siſteris felf be hir Ambaſſatour Maiſter Johne Hay, purpoſlie ſent for that and uther the like Effectis. To the later Part of the faid Article, quhairin is allegit a Breik of Promeis upoun hir Majeſties Part, becaus the ſame twichis hir Hienes fùmquhat in Ho- nour bering, is [as] unwilling to violat or ſpot the ſame, as hir faid derreſt Siſter, or ony uther Prince in Chriſtendome. This is hir Hienes Anſwer ; Trewth it is, that at Sr Nicolas Throkmortoun's being in Scotland, hir Majeſtie did plainlie declair unto him hir full Reſolutioun to joyne in Mariage with the Kingis Grace hir Husband, than being Erle of Rofs, and that for na Caus, nor na Řeſpect, fcho wald change hir Deliberatioun alreddie takin in that Mater: Nochtheles for full Declaratioun of hir Hienes ſinceir Meaning towart the Quene of Ingland hir guid Siſter, and Conſervatioun of the Amytie and guid Intelli- gence betwix thair Majeſties, ſcho wald be content to forbeir the Conſumma. Сс tioun ܪ 102 Book II. A P P E N D I X. tioun of the ſaid Mariage for a Tyme, during quhilk.the Doubtis quhilk hir guid Siſter had conceivič upoun the Occaſioun of hir Choyſe in Mariage mych be removit be convenieot Meanis, and in ſiclyk that hir ſaid guid Siſter lould haif na juſt Occaſioun of ony forder Scrupill, that be hir Matche ony thing wes in- tendit aganis hir ſaid guid Siſter or hir Realme; according unto the quhilk hir Majeſtie aſſures ſcho lende with all Speid the ſaid Maiſter Johne Hay hir Maiſter of Requeiſtis, Ambaſſatour to the Quene hir guid Siſter, to mak Declaratioun of hir Meaning, having alſwa full Authoritic to appoint and nominat Men of Honour and guid Credcit within this Realme, Commiſſionaris for hir, and to joyne with utheris of the like Qualitie to be appointit and nominat on the Part of Ingland for that Purpois, to reſſave the Nominatioun of thame that ſould be appointit, as faid is, for the Part of Ingland, to aggre upoun the Tyme and Place of Meiting; quhairby albeit hir Majeſtie gaif perfyte Demonſtratioun of hir guid Will to deiil juftlie and uprichtlie with the Quene hir guid Siſter, zit was not hir Offer excepit, bot in plane Wordis refufit: And thairfoir feing the Caus for the quhilk the Offer wes frelic inaid to differ the Conſummatioun of the Mariage, be the Quene of Inglandis Refufall to appoint Commiſſionaris, wes takin away, in vane it had bein for hir Hienes ony langar to delay or dryve Tyme, ferving to na Purpois. And to deill planelie and franklie upoun Occa- ſiounis twiching hir awin Stait and the Eſtait of hir Realme, hir Hienes had guid Caus to conſummat hir Mariage, in ſic Ordour and at ſic Tyme as fcho hes done; of the quhilk being knawin to hir ſelf and to hir awin Peopill, fcho thinkis na uther Prince will defyre Reckning nor Accompt. And quhair in the ſaid Ar- ticle it is mentionat, that uther Princes thocht as ſtrange of hir Majeſties Choyſe as hir faid guid Siſter did ; Hir Majeſtie hes perfyte Knawlege and Allowance of the principall and greitteſt Princes in Chriſtendome, and is abill to mak the famyn appeir quhen evir it falbe chocht meit. To the Third Article, Hir Majeſtie can nocht bot marvell that the Quene hir guid Siſter fould ony wayis inſiſt upoun that Heid; for how can it be fund ſtrange that hir Majeſtie ſould detene within hir Realme that Perſoun with quhome ſcho hes joynit hir felf in Mariage, or zit that ane Erle of ţhe Realme of Scotland, termit be thameſelf be the Name of his Erledome within Scotland, ſould remane within the ſame; and weyivg the haill Circumſtances of thair Perſonis, being alſwa recommendit be the Quene hir guid Siſter at thair firſt reparing towart hir Majeſtie, and uther, hir Hienes dowbtis nocht bot the Warld leith it, and will accordinglie juge that the detening of chame within Scotland is na wayis prejudiciall nor derogatorie to ony Treatie of Peace ſtand- ing betwix the twa Realmis; and hir Majeſtie is content to remit the ſame to the Jugement of uther Princes, ſpecialie feing be thair detening within Scotland, thair nowther hes bene, nor is intendit ony Annoyance towart the Quene of Ingland, hir Realme and Eftait. To the Fourt Article, The Quene of Ingland mycht haif had fum Cullour to find ſtrange that the ſaid Maiſter of Requeiſtis had na Authoritie to mak hir Offeris, gif the Materis depending betwix thair Majeſties had ſtand in fic Termis that nathing wer to be requirit to be performit to the Quenis Majeſtie for the Part of Ingland, and onlie Offeris to be maid for hir Majeſties Part : Bot uther. wayis it is to be conſiderit, that as hir Majeſtie is weill pleſit to mak reſfonabill Affurance to the Quene hir guid Siſter in fic Thingis as fcho may juſtlie fufpect, ſa hes hir Hienes to require che lyke Aſſurance to be maid to hir in ſic Thingis as ſcho may lauchfullie demand : For quhilk Purpois being to entir in a reciprocus Contract, obliging the Partiis on bayth Sydis, hir Majeſtie thocht ir maiſt or- dourlie to proceid in the fame be meting of Commiſſionaris, being weill inftru. Ait and fullie auctorizit to mak ane End of all Scrupulis aryfing on ather Part, qubairby hir Hienes gaif fufficient Significatioun that ſcho intendit na Drift of Tyme, bot fincerlic to proceid be the Ordour accuſtumat awangis Princes in lem- lable Caiſſis; and zit nochtwithſtanding the Thingis paſt, is of the fame Mynd, gif la fall pleis the Quene hir guid Sitter : Or ucherwayis , gif Maiſter Tbom. worth Book II APP E N D I X. 103 ony worth haif Commiſſioun to require and heir Offeris, and to anſwer the ſame aca cordinglie, hir Hienes, for Declaratioun of the Sinceritie of hir Meaning, will not refuſe preſentlic to mak Offeris. To the Fyfc Article, Hir Majeſtic be the haill Lettre and Wordis thairof, meanis na uther Thing bot to defyre to remane in perfyte Amytie and guid In- telligence with the Quene hir guid Siſter, and to be delt withall as Reſſoun and Nature requiris a Princeſſe to deill with ane ucher being hir nixt Cuſing: And gif, as God forbid, and as hir Majcſtie will nocht zit ſuſpect without forder Caus be offerit, the contrarie fould fall out, hir Hienes can do ná les por mene hir Cais to uther Princeſſe hir Hienes Freindis, Allyas and Confidderatis, to quhome thair faid Cuſinage and hir Hienes Intereſt is weill kvawin. To the firſt Part of the Sext Article, Hir Majeſtic is altogidder ignorant of fic Practizes or Devyſis, and being particularlie informit thairóf, fall an- fwer the fame particularlie ; alwayis hir Majeſtic will not beleif that hir guid Si- fter dois fa difdanefullic juge of hir, or hes hir in ſa ſmall Eſtimatioun, that ſcho will meddill with fempill Devyſis; for ſcho willis it be knawin that ſcho is not of fo low a Birth hir ſelf, nor hes fa ſmall Moyens in uther Partis, that quhen ſcho may be dryven to Extremities in Practizes, ſcho fall not be abill to mak it appeir to the Warld be this, that hir Devyſis aucht not to be ſet at få ſmall a Pryis. To the lattir Part of the ſaid Article, concerning hir Majeſties Proceidingis within hir awin Realine, Hir Majeſtie hes nevir bene curious in Tymes bypaſt to inquire quhat Ordour of Governament hir guid Siſter obſervic within hir Realme, nor zit menis to do, thinking it not the Cuſtum amangis Princes that ony of thame ſould put Fute in the Regiment of uther Princes thair Nychrbouris, knawing thame to be ſubject immediatlie to God, and to aw Aca compt or Reckning of thair Doingis to na uther bot to Him; and (wa hir Ma- jeſtie lukis for the lame at the Quene hir guid Siſteris Handis, that ſcho will na wayis meddill with ony Materis within the Realme of Scotland, bot truſt hir Diſcretioun with the handilling thairof to quhome it onelie apperrenis. To the firſt part of the Sevint Article, twiching the Alteratioun of Relia gioun in Scotland; Hir Majeſtie mervellis quhat Report fould be maid thairof, conſidering hir Majeſtie hes maid na Innovatioun of ony Thing, nor zit heir- eftir menis to do ony Thing chaitio bot that quhilk fall be maiſt convenient for the Stait of hir Majeſties telf and of hir Realme, and that be the Advyis of hir guid Subjectis. As for the uther Part of the Article twiching Devyſis con- cerning the Realme of Ingland, Hir Majeſtic knawis nane ſic; and being con- diſcendie upoun in particular, fall do guid Will to cleir hir guid Siſter thairin al- wayis as of befoir : Hir Majeſtie doeth planelie anſwer, That fcho can nocht weill degelt ſum Termis uſit in the pennyng of the faid Article, ſic as hir Fan- tafic to be fed with vane Yinaginationis, and hir Vanerie to be perſwadir, with uther like; and be Goddis Grace it fall weill appeir to the Warld be all hir Pro- ceidingis, that hir Deſignis, Conſultationis, Intelligencis and Advyſis fall prove als fubſtantiall, and na mair vane and deceptfull than fic as hir Nychtbouris thame- felffis hes at ony tyme takin in hand. To the Aucht Article, twiching the Erle of Murray; Hir Majeſtie deſyris maiſt hartlie hir guid Siſter to meddill na furder with thair privat Caiſlis con. cerning him, or ony utheris Subjectis of Scotland, than hir Majeſtie hes heir- tofoir meddillit with ony Caiſſis concerning the Subjectis of Ingland, quhilk doing ſcho fall do the verie Office of a Prince and of a guid Nychthour, as fcho dall find the lyke upoun hir Majeſties Part : And in the mene tyme fcho prayis hir faid guid Siſter to conſider how moderatlie hir Majeſtie hes uſic hit ſelf in a Cais quhairin for mony Reſpectis ſcho had guid Occaſioun to haif medlie mait erneftlie, that is in the Cais of hir Modir in Law the Lady Margaret Countes of Lennox, being alfwa fa tendir of Blude to hir Majeſtie, quhome being in- ducit be hir Exempill , ſcho dois maiſt erneſtlie and effectuouſlie redueiſt bit guid Siſter to releif furth of Captivitie, as alfwa to reſtoir hir to bir Landis, Poflef- fionis, Libertie and formar Favour; quhairin as ſcho fall nowther offend aganis C € 2 Juſtice 104 A P P E N D I X. Book II. Juſtice nor hir awin Honour, fa fall ſcho do hir Majeſtie maiſt acceprabill Ple, four. Finalie, Gif thair be ony uther Occafionis quhilk the Quenchir guid Siſter hes to be offendit with, the famyn being declarit to hir Hienes, falbe anſwerie accordinglie. This next Paper following cloſe upon the preceding Anſwers of the Queen in the broken MS. without any Stop, Date or Title but what it here bears, I have thought fit to ſubjoin it becauſe of the Matter it contains. IT Thir ar the Offeris to be proponit to the Quene of Ingland upoun the Behalf of the King and Quenis Majeſties. T is verie hard to thair Majeſties to mak ony Offeris to repair the Quene of Inglandis Greiffis, the Occaſionis of the fame nevir being knawin to thair Majeſties ſelffis, nor zit declarit at ony Tyme, nor be ony Perloun, to hir Ma- jeſtie in particular, albeit at Sr Nicolas T hrokmortoun's being in Scotland, he wes erniftlie inquirit thairof, alſweill be the Quenis Majeſties ſelf, as eftirwart be the Lordis of hir Hienes Counfall, quhais Anſwer wes, That he wes na wayis inſtructit to gif Reſſoun of his Maiſtres Miſcontentment, bor onelie ſim. pillie to declair that hir Choyle in Mariage wes to the Quene his Maiſtres and hir Counfall intolerabill ; and ficlyke ſenlyne it wes a ſpeciall Poynt of Maiſter Fohne Hayis Commiſſioun, hir Maiſter of Requeiſtis, to inquire particularlie the faidis Occafionis, quhilkis alfwa the Quene hir guid Siſter wald not oppia unto him : Nochtheles, for Declaratioun of the guid Will thair Majeſties hes to contineiv the guid Intelligence betwix thair Majeſties, and guid Nychbourheid betwix the twa Nationis, and confequentlie to lat the Quene of Ingland undir- ſtand that the Quenis Majeſties Choyſe in Mariagę fall rather be proffitabill thaiz dangerous to the Quene and Realme of Ingland, the Articles following fall ſerve. In the Firſt, Thair Majeſties being aſſurit of the Quene thair guid Siſteris Amyrie and Freindſchip towartis thame in ſic fort as eftir falbe ſpecifiit, is con- tent to aſſuir the Quene thair guid Siſter, that during the Terme of hir Lyff, as alfwa the lauchfull iſſue of hir Body, thair Majeſties ſall nocht directlie or in- directlie attempt ony Thing prejudiciall to thair ſaid guid Siſteris awin Tytill, or the lauchfull iſſue of hir Body; or zit be ony Ac proceiding of chame di. ſturb the Quiernes of Ingland. Secundlie, Thair Majeſties fall not medill with ony Practize or Devyſe, to haif Intelligence with ony Subject or Subjectis of the Realme of Ingland, in Prejudice of thair faid guid Siſter and the lauchfull iſſue of hir Bodie, or zit ref- ſave in thair Protectioun and Maintenance ony ſic Subjectis of the Realme of Ingland, as thair laid guid Siſter fall haif Occaſioun to be offendit withall. Thridlie, Thair Majeſties fall nocht entir in ony League or Confederatioun with ony forcyne Prince, to the Hurt, Dampnage or Dilpleafour of the Quene and Realme of Ingland. Ferdlie, Thair Majeſties ar content to entir in ſic League and Confederati- oun with the Quene and Realme of Ingland, as falbe fund fit for the Weill of the Princes and Subjectis on baith Sydis. * Fyftlie, Thair Majeſties fall not ga about or procure in ony ſort the Altera- tioun, Innovatioun or Change of the Religioun, Lawis or Liberteis of the Re- alme of Ingland, albeit ir fall pleis God at ony Tyme heireftir to call thame to the Poffeffioun of That, to the Succeſſioun quháirof thai haif lotereſt. Be it allwayis underſtud that thir Offeris ar maid in reſpect of a perfyte Ami- tye to be had with thair faid guid Siſter; and upoun Conditioun of the lyke reſſonabill Hedis to be performit to thair Majeſties upoun the Part of Ingland: That is to ſay, Book II. A P P E N D I X. 105 Fir;4, That the Quene thair guid Siſter fall be Act of Parlia:nent, Proclama- tioun, and utherwayis, as falbe fund expedient be thair Majeſties lernit Coun- fall in the Law, eſtabliſche the Succeſſioun of the Crown of Ingland, and Ap- pertinentis thairof, failzcing be Deceiſe the Quene thair guid Siſter and lauchfuill Iſſue of hir Bodie, firſt in the Perſoun of the Quenis Majeſtie, and the lauchfull Iſſue of hir Bodie; and failzieing of the ſame, in the Perſoun of the Lady Margaret Countes of Lennox, Modir to the King hir Majeſties Husband, and lauchfull Iſſue of hir Bodie, as the Perſonis be the Law of God and Nature nixt inheritabill to the Crown of Ingland, and Appertinentis thairof; and that the Quene thair guid Siſter fall not do or procure, or fuffir be done or procurit be ony hir Subjectis, be Law or utherwayis, ony Thing prejudiciall or derogatorie to thair Majeſties, and the ſaid Lady Margaret hir Graces Modir, and thair Airis Intereſt foirfaid. Secundlie, The Quene thair guid Siſter fall not meddill with ony Practiſe or Devyſe to haif Intelligence with ony Subject or Subjectis of the Realme of Scotland in Prejudice of thair Majeſties, nor zit reſſave in thair Protectioun and Maintenance ony fic Subjectis of the Realme of Scotland as thair Majeſties fall haif Occaſioun to be offendit withall. Thirdlie, Thair faid guid Siſter fall noche entir into ony League or Confide- ratioun with ony foreyne Prince, to the Hurt, Dampnage or Diſpleſour of chair Majeſties and the Realme of Scotland. And Finalie, Thair Majeſties wilbe content to aggre to quhatſumevir Thing falbe furder fund expedient for eſtablifching of perpetuall Amytie berwix the twa Realmis, the Honour and Commoditie of the Princes on bayth Partis, as falbe particularlie condiſcendit upoun be the Commiſſionaris to be appointit for that Purpois, or ucheris the Princes Miniſteris. È No. VIII. 23. Auguft 1565. 6. Hotold be in THE He quhilk Day, the Proveſt Archibald Douglas of Kilſpindie, Johne Acts of the Syme, David Forreſter, Allan Dickſon and iVilliam Paterſon, Baillies, Town Coun Alexander Park Dean of Gild, Mr. Robert Glen Theſaurer ; David Somer' , burgt Robert Kar, Mr. Johne Spence, Alexander Guthrie, Archibald Grabame, James Macfell, Alexander Clark, James Lowrie, William Fouller, Ale- xander Vddert, Alexander Samfone and Mungo Hunter, of the Councill; Allan Purves Skinner, Fobne Cuninghame Wright, Archibald Gray Maiſon Johne Purves Taylor, William Gauſton Cordiner, George Heriot Goldſmith Fohne Crichtoun Baxter, Nicoll Purves Hammerman, Thomas Dobie Fleſcher, Fohne Scot Wobſtar, George Hunter Walker, James Lawfon Bonetmaker, and Wauchop Furrier, all Dekynnis, beand convenit in the Nether: Councill-houſe of this Burgh ; Compearit George Drummond Servand to my Lord Atholl, and producit the King and Quenis Majeſties Wrytting, of the quhilk the Tennour followis, REX & REGINA, Baillies, Councill and Communitie of our Burgh of Edinburgh, wee greit zou weill; And for di- verſe reſonabill Cauſes and Conſiderationis moving us, wee charge and com. mand zou, That zeé depoſe and diſplace zour prefent Proveft of our faid Burgh, and in his Place that zee elect, receive and admit our Lovit Symon Preſtoun of that Ilk in Proveſt thairof, and readilie anſwer and obey him in all Thingis belanging and concerning the faid Office as appertenis , as zee will anſwer to us thairupoun. Subſcryvit with our Hand at Edinburgh the Day of Auguſt, the Firſt and Twenty third Zeiris of our Reignis. The quhilk Wrytting beand rcad in Preſence of the Proveſt, Baillies, Councill and haill Dekynnis foirfaid, the ſaid Proveſt of his frie Will relignit and gaif ovir iš thair Handis his faid Office of Proveſtrie, and of his frie Will diſchargit him ſelf thairof, and all that mycht appertene thairto; craveing Inſtrumentis and Documentis, That nather the King nor Quenis Majeſtics had ony juſt Caus of Dd Offence 106 Book II. A P P E N D I X. Offence to imput to his Charge quhairfoir he fould be depoſit : And further de. fyrit of the ſaid Baillies, Councill and Dekyouis, gif ony of thame mycht wor- dilie burden him with only fic Wrang done be him the Tyme of his office paſt, as mycht merit the Puniſhment of Deprivatioun befoir the Councill-Terme ; quha all in ane Voce deciarit thai had na Fault to lay to his Charge: And gif it micht pleaſe the King and Quenis Majeſties, it wer thair Pleſſour that he fould joiſe the ſaid Office quhill Michaelmas nixt ; quhairupoun he askit Inſtrumentis as of befoir, and that he obeyit the Quenis Majeſties Wrytring, and fwa re- movie himſelf. TH “He ſaid Day, the Baillies, Councill and Dekynnis foirfaid ordanis Johne Syme, David Forreſter and Allan Dickſon Baillies, Mr. Robert Glen Theſaurer, James Macfell and William Fouller of the Councill, this Efter- noon to pas to the King and Quenis Majeſtics, defyring to be heard of thame twiching the diſchargeing of Johne Knox Miniſter of furder Preaching (a), the depoſeing of Archibald Douglas Proveſt, and to defyre Licens to remane at hame fra the Armie or to convene in this Town the xxy of Auguſt inſtant, and fra thence to pås forwart for the Perſuit of the Erle of Murray and his Complices, and to report thair Anſwer the Morne. 24. Auguſt 1565 TH He quhilk Day, in Preſence of the Baillies and Councill foirfaid, compearit Mr. Johne Spence of Condic, Advocat for the King and Quenis Majeſties, and in thair Names deſyrit the Laird of Craigmillar to be electit Proveſt, con- forme to hir Hienes Wryrting ſend with George Drummond. To the quhilk Defyre it wes anſwerit, That gif thai ele&tit befoir the Feaſt of Michaelmas ony Magiſtrat, it muſt appear to be prejudiciall to the Act of Parliament Ita- tut for ele&ing of Officiaris within Burgh, and thai abill to incur Danger thair. throw: Notwithſtanding, thai knawing it to be the King and Quenis Majeſties Will and Pleſour, thai wald accept the ſaid Laird of Craigmillar in the Office of Proveſtrie quhill Michaelmas nixt, and obey and ſerve him according to the Deſyre of the ſaid Wrytring; and the ſaid Mr. Johne Spence askit Inſtrumentis. TH He ſamen Day Symon Preſtoun of that Ilk is made Burges and Gild-Brother, acceptit and admittit Proveſt to the Feaſt of Michaelmas nixt, and hes gevin his Aith for trew Miniſtratioun of Juſtice, and forder, in communi forma. Council, R. M. Nº. IX. Apud Edinburgh 12. Julij, 1565. Ads of Privy. S EDERUNT Mattheus Comes de Lennox, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius, Joannes Dominus Erskin, Richardus Maitland de Lething- toun Miles, cuftos ſecreti Sigilli ; Secretarius, Thefaurarius, Computo- rum. Rotulator, Clericus Juſticiarie, Advocatus. Aſſurance towart the Stait of Religioun. FOrſameikle as divers evill gevin Perfonis, Subjectis of this Rcalme, irkit of E the guid Tranquillitie, quhilk fen the Arryvall of our Soverain Lady the Quenis Majeſtie within the ſame, and during hir gracious Government, hes continewit; wickatlie and ungodlie hes pretendit be untrew Reporţis to alienar the Hartis and Luif of the guid Subjectis fra hir Hienes, and that hir Majeſtie had begun or intentit to impede, ſtay or moleft ony of thame in uſing of thair Religioun and Conſcience frelie ; quhilk as in deid it nevir enterit in hir Ma- jeſties Mynd, fa can nocht hir Hienes mervel aneuch of it, ſeing the Brute ſpred fa far, contrarious to hir Expectatioun, and guid Pruif that all hir Hiencs Lic- ges (a) This Matter is touch'd in our Eccleſiaſtick Part. Book II. A P P E N D I X. 102 ges hes had of hir Clemencie in tyme bypaſt : Quhairfoir, and to the Effect that nane of hir Majeſties guid Subjectis, owthir be chair vane Brutis, or be ony ſea ditious Perfonis Soliſitatioun, fufter thameſelffis to be perſwadit utherway is nor the verrie Trewth is, ordanis Letreris to be direct to Officiaris of the Quenis She- riffis in that Part, charging thame to pas to the Mercat-Croces of all Burrowis of this Realme, and utheris Places neidfull, and thair be opin Proclamatioun to mak Publicatioup of this hir Majeſties Mynd and Meining; certifying and af- ſuring all hir guid Subjectis, that as thai nor nane of thame hes hiddertillis bene moleſtit in the quiet uſing of thair Religioun and Conſcience, fa fall thai noche- be inquietit in that Behalf in ony tyme tocum ; bot bchavand thameſeifis hos neſtlie as guid Subjectis, fall find hir Majeſtie thair guid Prince, willing to do thame Juſtice, and to ſchaw chame Favour and Clemency, bot Innovatioun or Alteratioun in ony fort. Apud Edinburgh 15. Julij, 1565. SEDERUNT Domini ut in die pradict. Proclamatioun to cum to Edinburgy. Forſameikle as eftir divers wickit , ungodlie and feditious Perfonis, irkic of R. M R. M. the guid during hir gracious Government hes continewit, had wickatlie and ungodlie ſpred untrew Reportis amangis the Subje&is, as that hir Majeſtie had intentit to impede, ſtay or moleſt ony of thame in uſing thair Religioun and Conſcience fre. lie; the Succeſs of the untrew Report hes takin Effect, to the greit Greif of hir Hienes, ſeeing a greit Nowmer of hir Lieges cauſes to tak on Armis, and thair- by to miniſtrat fufficient Occafioun of Jealofy and Miſlyking ; quhairas in deid hir Majeſtie nevir preſumit Alteratioun of the Quiet and guid Eftair of the Com- mon-weill: And fen this Defectioun is enterit altogidder contrarious to hir Graces Expectatioun, hir Majeſtie baith gaif plane Declaratioun of hir Will and Meaning to hir guid Subjectis, and with that provydis for the dew Saiftie and Preſervatioun of the Eſtait quhairin God hes placeit hir Hienes; Ordanis thair. for Lerceris to be direct to Officiaris of Armis, charging thame to pas to the Mercat-Croces of all Burrowis of this Realme, and utheris Places neidfull, and thair be opin Proclamatioun to mak Publicatioun of hir Hienes Will and Mean- ing; certifying and aſſuring all hir guid Subjectis, that as thai nor nane of thamc hes hiddertillis bene moleſtit in the uſing of thair Religioun and Conſcience fre- lie, fa fall thai nocht be unquierit in that Behalf in ony tyme tocum ; bot be- hayand thameſelffis honeftlie as guid Subjectis, fall find hir Majeſtie thair guid Prince, willing to do thame Juſtice, and fchaw chaine Favour and Clemency, bot Innovatioun or Alteratioun in ony fort : And to charge all and ſindrie hir Subjectis, alſweill to Burgh as to Land, Regaltie as Roaltie, That chai , and ilk ane of thame, weil bodin in feir of Weir, addres thame to cum to hir Majeſtie, furneiſt to remaine for the Space of xy Dayis eftir thair cuming, for attending and awayting upoun hir Hienes, and that with all poſſibill Dilligence eftir thai be chargir thairto, under the Pane to be reput and haldin Affiffaris and Parta: karis with the Diſobedientis, and to be puneiſt thairfor accordinglie. Apud Edinburgh 17. Julij, 1565. SEDERUNT Mattheus Comes de Lennox, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Ibide Cancellarius, Joannes Dominus Erskin, Cuſtos ſecreti Sigilli, Secreta. rius, Thefaurarius, Computorum Rotulator, Clericus Regiſtri, Clericus Juſticiarie, Advocatus. Extraordinarii, Joannes Dominus Fleming, De- canus de Reftalrig Preſidens Seffionis, Robertus Carnegy de Kinaird Miles, Magifter Jacobus Balfour Rector de Flysk. Dd 2 Maiſter 1 108 Book II. APP E N D I X. Maiſter of Requiftis and Advocat direct towart the Erlis of Ergyle and Murray. T! He quhilk Day, the Quenis Majeſtie being informit how James Erle of Murray and Archibald Erle of Ergyle hes planelic faid, and perſwadio all Men fa far as in thame lyis to beleif, that the Deid of the ſaid Erle of Mur- ray wes conípyrit and devyſit in the Back-Gallerie of hir Hienes Ludging in Sanet Johnſtoun, be Henrie Erle of Roſs, and utheris being in hir Majeſties Company : Quhilk Taill and Brute, beſydes the Sclander that it importis to thame, quhilk ar allegit to haif bene the Authoris and Devyſaris, is to hir Hienes ſelf verie prejudiciall, and fic a Mater as hir Majeſtie can nocht fuffer un- tryit ; and thairfoir hes preſentlie thocht guid, with Advyſe of the Lordis of hir Privy-Counfall preſent, to ſend and direct Maiſter Johne Hay Commenda- tor of Balmerinoch, hir Hienes Maiſter of Requeiſtis, and Maiſter Robert Crey. chtoun of Elyok, hir Graces Advocat, towart che faidis Erlis of Murray and Ergyle, or ather of thame, quhome thai fall apprehend; and that thai com- mand, and in the Quenis Majeſties Name and Autoritie, requeir the faidis Erlis of Murray and Ergyle, or ather of thame, upoun thair Alledgiance, and as thai will declair thame guid and faythfull Subjectis to hir Grace, and nobili Men, to declair planelie and uprichtlie the Wordis and Brute maid ro thame of the ſaid alledgit Conſpiracie; the Forme and Maner of it, and the Name of the Reporter ; and that thai put thair faid Declaratioun in Write, and tubſcryve it with thair Handis, ſend it againe with hir faid Maiſter of Requeiſtis and Ad. vocat to hir Majeſtie ; certifying and aſſuring thame, gif thai ule Delay heirin, or in ony wayis conceilis the fempill Trewth of the faid Brute and Report maid, to the Effect that the famyn may cum to a clear Tryall, than hir Majeſtic will think na utherwayis of thame, bot that thai thamefelfis hes forgit and inventit this Brure and Taill of thair awin Heidis, thairby to raiſe Tumult, and be fic un- trew Report to bring hir Hienes and the ſaid Erle of Rofs in hiatrent of hir guid Subjectis. Apud Edinburgh 19. Julij, 1565. Preſente Regina, SEDERUNT Matthæus Comes de Lennox, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius, Joannes Dominus Erskin, Cuftos fecreti Sigilli, Secretarius, Tbefaurarius, Clericus Regiftri, Clericus fufficiarie, Advocatus, De- canus de Reftalrig Preſidens Seſſionis. Extraordinarii ratione conventus, Alexander Dominus Hume, Joannes Dominus Fleming, Wilielmus Do- minus Leving ſtoun, Patricius Dominus Lyndſay, Hugo Dominus Lovet, Jacobus Dominus Somervell, Joannes Dominus Borthick, Andreas Ma. giſter de Erroll, Robertus Commendatarius de Dumfermling, Robertus Commendatarius Sanéte Crucis, Wilielmus Commendatarius de Kelſo, Ana dreas Commendatarius de Fedburgh, Marcus Commendatarius de Nerebot. till, Robertus Commendatarius de Deir, Alexander Stewart de Garleis, Walterus Ker de Cesfurd, Thomas Ker de Pharnyhirft, Joannes Stewart de Traquair, Wilielmus Edmiſioun de Duntreth, Milites. Allurance to the Erle of Murray. He quhilk Day, the Quenis Majeſtie having underſtandit be the Report Maiſter Johne Hay Commendator of Balmerinoch hir Hienes Maiſter of Requeiſtis, and Maiſter Robert Creychtoun of Elyok hir Graces Advocat, quhilkis be hir Majeſties Commandment were direct towart the Erlis of Ergyle and Murray; amangis uthir Purpoſis haldin with thame, had declarit that he wes contentir to cum to hir Majeſtie, for Declaratioun of the Trewth of the Report maid to him towart the allegeit Conſpiracie of his Slaughter in Sanct Fohnſtoun, fa that he mycht be affurit of his Lyfe: And hir Majeſtie willing that the Trewth and fempill Veritie of the faid untrew Brute may be tryit, and that the ſaid Erlis Sulpitioun and Feir may be removit ; To the Effect that he may R. M. ΤΗς of Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. 109 may be preſent, and that he bc puc in full Aſſurance alfweill of his Lyte, as be frie of all uthir bodilie Harme, or of Diſplcalour quhatſumevir be quhatlumevir Perſon ; hir Majeſtie hes aſſurit, and be the Tenour heirof, in the Word of a Prince, aſſuris and takis undir hir Graces Protectioun and Defence, aganis all deidlie, the ſaid Erle of Murray, and fic Perſonis as falbe in his Cumpany : Lykeas alfwa the Lordis of hir ſecrete Counſall, and utheris of hir Nobilitie preſent, upoun thair Honouris, Credeit and guid Fayth, hes aſſurit and affuris thame, that thai may faiflie cum and repair towart hir Majeſtie upoun the third Day nixt eftir the Reflet and Syche heirof, to the Effect that the ſaid Erle may frelie diſcharge him of the ſaid Brute allegit be him, as appertenis, on his Ho- nour, and cum fullie inſtructit with all Thingis neceſſar for Verificatioun thaira of, and nowthir he nor thai of his Cumpany lalbe moleſtie, inquietit, or in ony fort grievit ot troublit in Bodies or Gudis in thair cuming and repairing towart hir Majeſtie, remaining, departing, and quhill he and thai be at the ſame Place and Rowme he cumis fra in full Libertie ar thair Pleaſour : And in Fayth and Securitie heirof, the Quenis Majeſtie hes ſubſcryvit thir Preſentis with hir Hand; lykeas alfwa the Lordis of hir ſecrete Counfall, and utheris of hir Nobilitie pre- ſent, at hir Hienes Commandment; hes lykwayis ſubſcrývit the famyn. woteal Eod. die. Charge on the Erle of Dourray, THE He quhilk Day, Forlameikle as the Quenis Majeſtie directit hir Charge of R. M. befoir, with Advyis of hir Counfall, commanding James Erle of Murray to ſend his Declaratioun in Write, twiching the Report maid to him of the Con- ſpiracie of his Slaughter allegir devyſit in Sanet Johnſtoun ; quhilk being brocht to hir Majeſtic be hir Servandis fend for that Purpoſe, it apperis be hir Hiene's and hir Counfall that his Purgatioun in that Behalf is nocht fa fufficient as the Mater requirit ; Thairfoir hir Majeſtie, to the Effect the ſaid Erle of Murray may pretend na Excuſe, bot that he may ſurelie repair towart hir Grace, for making of his Purgatioun and farder Declaratioun of the Trewth anent the ſaid Alleadgance, ordanis ane Officiar of Armis to pás, command and charge the ſaid Erle zit, as of befoir, That he within three Day is nixt eftir the ſaid Charge preſene himſelf befoir the Quenis Majeſtie within hir Graces Palace of Haly- roodhous, to the Effect above-wrytrin ; with Certificatioun to him, and he fails zie thairin, that hir Hienes will uſe ſic Rigour aganis hiin in bringing of the faid Alleadgance to Lycht, as hir Grace may of the Lawis of hir Realme. Apud Edinburgh 22. Julij, 1565. SEDERUNT ut in die prædiét: FOrlameikle as eftir divers wickit , ungodlie and feditious Perfonisirkit of the vid; guid Tranquillitie quhilk fen the Arryvall of the Quenis Majeſtie, and du- ring hir gracious Government hes continewit, had ſpred untrew Reportis amarigis the Subjectis, as, that hir Majeſtie had interitic to imped, ſtay or moleſt ony of chame in the ufeing of thair Rcligioun and Conſcience frelie; the Succeſs of thie quhilk untrew Report hes takin Effect, to the greit Grief of hir Hienes, feing á greit Nowmer of hir Liegis caulles to haif takin on Armis, and thairby to anioiſtrat ſufficient Occaſioun of Jelofy and Miſlyking; quhairas indeid hir Ma- jeſtie nevir preſumit Alteratioun of the guid and quiet Eſtait of the Commoun weill : And fen this Defectioun is enterit alcogidder contrarious to hir Graces Expectatioun, hit Majeſtie man proveyd for the dew Saiftie and Preſervatioun of the Eſtait quhairin God hes placeir hir Hienes ; Ordanis thairfoir Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of Armis, Sheriffis in that Part, charging thame to pas to the Mercat-Croces of the Burrowis of Edinburgh, Haddingtoun, Duns, Law- der, Peebles, Lanerk, Linlythgow, Striviling, Clakmanan, Kulros, Cuper, Dumbartane, Renfrew, and thair be opin Proclamatioun to command and charge all and ſindrie hir Hienes Liegis, álſiveill to Burgh as to Land, Regalitic as Roaltie, That chai, and ilk ane of thame, weill bodin in feir of Weir, with Еe IIO Book II. A P P E N D I X. xv Dayis Proviſioun eftir thair cuming, addres thame to cum to hir Majeſtie with all poſſible Haiſt and Dilligence, eftir tliai be chargeit thairto for awayting and attending upoun hir Hicnes, under the Pane of Tinfall of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. R. M. Apud Edinburgh 28. Julij, 1565. SEDERUNT Matthæus Comes de Lennox, Jacobus Comes de Mortourz Cancellarius. Joannes Comes de Atholl, Joannes Dominus Erskin, [this is the laſt Time this Nobleman fits in Council under that Title] Patricius Dominus Ruthven ; Secretarius, Thefaurarius, Computorum Rotulator, Clericus Regiſtri, Clericus Juſticiaria. TH He quhilk Day the Quenis Majeſtic having underſtuid be the Report of hiſ traiſt Cuſingis and Counfallouris Fohne Lord Erskin and Sr Johne Mux- well of Terreglis Knycht, Wardane of the Weſt-Marches of hir Realme, the ardent Delyre quhilk James Erle of Murray beris to declair the dewtifull Obe- dience aucht be him to hir Majeſtie, with quhat erneſt Will he deſyris to ſpeak with hir Majeſtie, and for diſcharging of himlelf of fic Brutis as hes bene reportit be hiin towart the allegeit Conſpiracie of his Slauchter : And to the Effect that he may be preſent for Demonſtratioun thairof, and be put in full Aſſurance all- weill of his Lyfe, as be frie of all uchir bodilie Harme or Diſpleaſour quhat- ſumevir, be quhatſumevir Perion; Hir Majeſtie hes aſſurit, and be the Tenour heirof, in the Word of a Prince, aſſuris and takis under hir Graces Protectioun and Defence, aganis all deidlie, the ſaid James Erle of Murray, and Fourſcoir utheris Perfonis with him in Cumpany, or within, of quhatlumevir Eſtait, De- grie, Qualitie or Conditioun thai be of: Lykeas alfiva, the Lordis of hir fe crete Counfall, and utheris of hir Nobilitie preſent, upoun thair Honouris, Cre- dit and guid Fayth, hes aſſurit and affuris thame, That thai may faiflie cum and repair towart hir Majeſtic betwix the Dait heirof and che laſt Day of Julij in. ſtant at ony tyme, to the Effect above-wrytrin ; and nowthir he, nor thai of his Cumpany falbe moleſtit, inquietit, or in ony ſort grevit or troublit in Bo- dies or Gudis in chair cuming and repairing towart hir Majeſtie, remayning, de- parting, and quhill thai be at the fame Place and Rowme thai came fra, in full Libertie at thair Pleafour, and 48 Houris thaireftir: And in Fayth and Securitie heirof, the Quenis Majeſtie hes ſubſcryvit thir Preſentis with hir Hand; lykeas alfwa the Lordis of hir ſecrete Counfall: and ucheris of hir Nobiliric preſent, ar hir Hienes Commandment, hes lykwayis fubfcryvit the fanyn, Day, Zeir and Place foirfaid. Apud Edinburgh 22. Augufti, 1565. SEDERUNT Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius, Joannes Comes de Atholl, Joannes Comes de Marr, [formerly Lord Erskine] Patricius Dominus Ruthven ; Secretarius, Thefaurarius, Clericus Regiſtri, Cleri. cus Jufticiariæ, Advocatus. Proclamatioun anent the Stait of Religioun. De Forfamekili as the King and Quenis Majeſtics remembering that fone eftir hir Majeſties firſt Arryvall and Hame-cuming in this Realme, the greit Inconveni- entis being perfavit qubilk might follow of the Diviſioun ſtanding in thc famya be difference in Materis of Religioun, and being deſyrous to ſee the famyn pa- cifiit be ane guid Ordour, to the Honour of God and Tranquillitie of the Re- alme, mynding to tak the famyn be Advys of the Eftaittis, la fone as conveni- entlie thai mycht be aſſemblit, directit Lerreris, Proclamationis and Chargis throchout hirhaill Realme, ſtraitlic commanding all hir Lieges, That thai, and everie ane of thame, fould content themſelffis in guid Quietnes, and keip Peace and comelie Societie amangis thaieſelffis : And in the mean tyme, quhill the Eſtaittis of the Realme mycht be aſſemblit, and that ane finall Ordour be thair Advyis and publict Conſent mycht be takin in the faidis Materis, that nane of the laidis Liegis fould tak upoun hand, privatlie or opinlic, co mak ony Alte- ratioun of the Eſtait of Religioun, or attempt ony thing aganis the Forme quhilk hir Ibid. Book II. II Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DIX. hir Majeſtie fand publictlie and univerfällic ſtanding at hir firſt Arryvall within the Realme, under the Pane of Deid; with Certificatioun, that gif ony ſould cum in the contrair thairof, he fould be haldin ane ſeditious Perſoun and Railar of Tumult : Aud albeit the famyn hes bene diverſe rymes dewlie proclamit, ſiva that nane can pretend Ignorance thairof; nochtheles ſum forzertand thair Dew- tie, it is murmurit that thai haif contravenit, and purpoſlie intendis to contravein the famyn, innovating of the Religioun and Miniſtratioun of the Sacramentis utherwayis then be publict Forme quhilk wer fund at hir Hienes Arryvall, as ſaid is; utheris Perſonis having alreddie diſobeyit diverſe thair Majeſties Chargeis and Commandmentis, and fwa worthelie denuncit Rebellis and put to the Horne, to covir thair Rebellioun, dois quhat in thame lyis to perſwad and mak all the guid Subjectis to beleve that thair Majeſties in the condigne Profequutioun of che faidis Rebellis Reſiſtaris of thair Authoritic, preſſis to nocht ellis bot to the plane Subverſioun of the Eſtait of Religioun fund be thame at hir Arryvall pu- blictlie ſtanding, as faid is; and be fic uptrei Reportis, to alienat the Hartis of the guid Subjectis fra the Obedience of thair Hieneſſes, thair naturall and rychteous Princes and Soveranes under God, albeit thair bigane Proceidingis and preſent Clemencie makis a plane Declaratioun of the contrair : For cſchew- ing of the quhilk untrew Brute and fals Rumour, thair Majeſties ordanis Let- teris to be direct to Officiaris of the King and Quenis Majeſties, Sheriffis in that Part, chargeing thame to pas, and in thair Majeſties Name and Authoritie, com: månd and charge all and findrie chair Lieges of quhar Eſtaiſ, Qualitie or Con- ditioun thar eyir thai be of, That thai, and everie ane of thame, fa far as in thame lyis, endevoir thamėſelffis to obſerve and keip the ſaid formar Proclamatioun in everic Point and Conditioun ; and that nane of thame preſume to attempt to do any thing that may tend to the Violatioun and Breking thairof, be the Meanis foirfaid, or ucheris, preyatlic or opinlie, under the Panes conteint in the famyn. R. MI Apud Callendar 2. September, 1565. The Army callit back. . FOrlamčkill as the King and Quenis Majeſties departis this Nycht towart Strivling, for repoſing of thair Hieneſles ; Thairfoir ordanis ane Herauld, or uthir Officiar of Armis, to pas to the Mercate-Croces of Falkirk, Linlytha gow, Edinburgh, and all utheris Places neidfull, and thair be opin Proclama- tidun in thair Majeſties Name and Authoritie, command and charge all and fin- drie thair Liegis and Subdictis preſentlie convenit with chair Hieneſſes at this preſent Raid, That thai, and ilk ane of thame, meit thair Majeſties to Morne, the 3d Day of September, at Killyth, be Sun-ryſing, and on nawayis depairt during the Tyme preſcryvit in the formar Proclamatioun maid to that Effect, under the Pane of Tiutall of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. Apud Glaſgow 5. September, 1565. SEDERUNT Matthæus Comes de Lennox, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Foannes Comes de Atboll, Joanntes Comes de Marr, Patricius Dominus Ruthven. Extraordinarii, Gilbertus Comes de Caſillis, Hingo Comes de Eglintoun, Robertus Dominus Sempill, Jacobus Dominus Rofs, Jacobus Dominus Somervell, Alanus Dominus Cathcart. Charge on the Liegis to put thamelelffis in Reddines Orſamekill as the King and Quenis Majeſties hes now perfyte Knawlege of the manifeſt Defectioun and Rebellioun of diverſe thair Subjectis, quhilk hes nocht onlie armit thameſelffis, and with greit Convocatioun riddin and paſt to and frå in the Realme, doand that in 'thame lyis to ſubvert the haill Stait of the Commoun-Weill, bot als hes fortifiit and withhaldis diverfe Houſis; Caſtellis and Forraliceis aganis chair Majeſties and thair Authoritie, mynding, as may weill appeir be thair Proceidingis, to abſtract all debtfull Obedience, and to draw in E e 2 ibida Strans II 2 A P P E N D I X. Book II. faid Moneth of September; quhilk Vyage, for the above mentioned Reſpectis, Strangeris and utheris to participat with thame in thair Attempris: And thair- foir it is neidfull and convenient that all thair Majeſties guid, faythfull and trew Subjectis be in reddines to-cum to thair Hicneſſes upoun Adverteiſment, owther for Perſute of the faidis Rebellis, or Reſiſtance of Ingland, in cais it fall hap- pin to invaid ; Ordanis Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of Armis, Sheriffis in that Part, chargeing thame to pas to the Mercate-Cruces of all the heid Bur- rowis of this Realme, and thair be opiu Proclamatioun in thair Hicncſſes Name and Authoritie, command and charge all and findrie thair Liegis betwix lx and xvi Zeiris, and utheris fentabill Perlonis, alſweill dwelland to Burgh as to Land, within Regalitie as Rialcie, That thai, and ilk ane of thame, prepair thameſelffis and put thame in reddines, with xx Dayis Proviſioun, as thai ſalbe commandit, upoun three Day is warning, to cum to thair Majeſties, to the effcct above- wryctin, co fic Part and Place as thair Hieneſles íall happin to appoint, under the Pane of Tinfall of Lyff, Laudis and Gudis. In a Gentleman's private Abſtract I ſee marked at this fame Place and Date, an Act in favours of the Heirs of ſuch as Jhould be ſlain in this Ex- pedition, under Command of Matthew Earl of Lennox, to whom Commif- fion of Lieutenandry was granted. Mr. Miln has tranſcribed this Com. miffion at full length: It bears no Date, but is added after another Pa- per at Glaſgow the 6th September 1565; and gives that Lord, whom the King and Queen call their Fadir, a very large Power in theſe following Sheriff domes, viz Lanerick, Strivling, Dumbartane, Renfrew, Air, Wig- toun; Stewartrie of Monteith, and Bailliaries of Kyle, Carrick and Cu- ninghame ; Sheriffdome of Drumfreits, and Stewartries of Kirkcudbryght and Annandirdaill. Which Commiſſioun to indure quhill thair Majeſties expreflié diſcharge the famyn. Proclamatioun befoir the Army quyilk paſt to Dumfries. R. M. Forſamekill as the King and Quenis Majcfties he now perfyte Knawlege of che manifeſt Detectioun and Rebellioun of diverte thair Subjectis, quhilk hes nocht onlie armit thameſelffis, and with 'greit Convocatioun riddin and paſt to and fra in the Realme, doand that in thame lyis to fubvert the haill Stait of the Commoun-weill, bot als hes fortifiit and withhaldin diverſe Houſis and Caftellis aganis thair Majeſties and thair Authoritie: For repreſſing of quhais temera- rious Attemptis, and reduceing of thame to Obedience, or expelling thame furth of the Realme, thair Majeſties intendis, God willing, to leif nathing undone that to thair Honour apperrenis ; and to the Effect that thai may be weill and and ſubſtantiouſlic accumpancit, ordanis Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of Armis, chargeing thame to pas to the Mercate-Croces of the Burrowis of Perth, Forfar, Kincardin, 'Aberdein, Bamff, Elgin, Forreſs and Nairne, and chair be opin Proclamatioun command and charge all and findric thair Ma. jeſties Liegis betwix Lx and xvi Zeiris, and utheris tenſabill Perſonis, alſweill dwelland to Burgh as to Land, within Regalitie as Rialtie, dwelland within the Boundis of the Sheriffdomes of Perth, Forfar, Kincairdin, Aberdein, Bamff, Elgin, Forreſs and Nairn, and Stewartrie of Stratherne, That thai , and ilk ane of thame, weill bodin in feir of Wcir, with Palzeonis and uthir neidfull Pro- viſionis to ly on the Feildis, prepair and addres tháme to meit thair Majeſtics at Strivling the laſt Day of September inſtant, and providic to remane for xx Dayis eftir thair cuming thairto, pas furthwart and attend upoun thair Hieneſſes as thai ſalbe commandit, under the Pape of Tinfall of Lyff, Landis and Gudis ; and that nochtwithſtanding the formar Proclamatioun, commanding the Inhabi. tautis of the faidis Boundis to haif convenit with Johne Erle of Atholl Leueten. . nent of the North-Parris of this Realme in Lorne upoun the xxviii Day of the thair Majeſtics hes delayit and preſentlie omittit. Apud Book IT. 113 A P P E N D I X. R. M. Apud St. Androis 12. Septembris, 1565. Præfentibus Rege & Regina, SEDERUNT Jacobus Comes de Atholl, Joannes Comes de Mary, Pätri- cius Dominus de Ruthven ; Secretárius, Wilielmus Murray.de Tullibar's din, Computorum Rotulator, Magiſter Jacobus Balfour Restor de Flysk. Band in fyfte. WE the Baronis and Gentillmen under-ſubſcrivand bindis and oblieflis us, and upoun our Honouris faythfullie promittis, That we, and ilk ane of us, fall trewlie ſerve the King and Quenis Majeſties our Soveranes, and quhome thair Majeſties hes conſtitute and appointit thair Leuctennent within the Boundis of the Sheriffdomes of Fyffe, Kynrofs and Clackmanan, and fall ryis and pas furthwart with him in thair Majeſties Service, als oft as he fall gif Adverteiſment, owther for reſiſting thair Hieneſſes Rebellis, or perſewing thame, or expelling chame furth of the Cuntre; or to reſiſt and invaid Ingland; in cais it fall happia to perſew: And gif neid be, ilk ane of us fall concur and aſſiſt with utheris, and in that reſpect fall lay apart all Actionis of deidlie Fied, or uthir Grudge or Contraverſie ſtanding berwix us, or ony of us, during the Tyme of thair Majeſties Service, and quhill thair faid Leuerennent be diſchar- git, without all Affectioun or Reſpect to ony Perſon or Perſonis, under the Pane of Perjurie and perpetuall Defamatioun, as we will anſer to God, and upoun our Allegiance to thair Hieneſſes. The quhilk to do, we haif maid our bodilie Aithis, and in takin thairof hes fubfcry vit chir Preſentis with our Handis as followis, at Sanèt Androis the xii Day of September, the Zeir of God 1565 Zeitis. Sic fubfcribitar, Henry Maiſter of Sinclair, Kynneir, David Bar- clay of Cullerny, Burlie, Balvaird, Johne Anſtruther of that Ilke, Johne Bofwell of Balmowto zounger, Patrik David Spens, James Sandilandis, Andro Wod of Largo, Alexander Trayll, Sr Willianz Bruce of Erlishall, David Myrtoun of Randerſtoun, Patrik Lyndſay, Johne Weims of that Ilke, mis Fohne Forret of that Ilke with my Hand at the Pen led be Alexander Hay Notrar, William George Mowbra zounger of Feyfield with my Hand at the Pen led be the ſaid Notrar above-writtin, Andro Farny of that Ilke with my Hand at the Pen led be the ſaid Nottar, David Linde ſay of Pyetſtoun, Sr William Scot: Note, There is a Band to the ſame purpoſe by the Baronis of the Weſt-Countrie (ſo is the Title) ſubſcribed the 5th Day of September at Glaſgowe, in Pre- ſence of their Majeſties, by the following Perſons, viz. Cafſillis, Eglin. toun, Robert Lord Sempil, James Lord Roſs, James Lord Somervel, A- lan Lord Cathcart, Edward Lord Sangubair, Matthew Campbell of Lowdoun, Thomas Kennedy of Bargany, Hohne Wallace of Craigj, Wila liam Hamilton of Sanchar Knycht, sr James Hamiltoun of Crawfurd- Fobne Knycht, William Cuninghame of Capringtoun, Johne Coninghame of Glengarnock, fobne Muire of Rowallane, fobre Dunbar of Blantyre, William Cuninghame of Cuningbameheid zounger, Johne Bofwell of An chinleck, William Baillie of Lamingtoun, Robert Dalzeti of that Ilke, William Cuning hame of Craigains. Item, Another Band of the Men of Nithfdale and Annandalé (fo is the Title) dated at Edinburgh 21ſt September 1565, and ſubſcribed there by the fol- lowing Perfons, viz. Johne toun, Clofeburne, Johne Jardane of Aplegirth; James Johneftoun of Corre, William Kirkpatrik of Kirkmichael with my Hand at the Pen led be Alexander Hay Nottar, at my Command. Item, Band of Teviot dale, at Edinburgh 23d September 1565, ſubſcribed by theſe Perſons, viz. Cesfurd, Pharnibirſt. Thomas Turnbull of Bedruelt, Johnë Rutherfurd of Hunthill with my Hand at the Pen led be Alexander Hay Nottar, Andro Ker of Litilden, Hohne Mow of that Ilke with my Hand at the Pen led be Alexander Hay Notcar. Ff. Declas 114 Book II. A P P E N D I X. R. M. Declaratiouit of the Jntentiount of the Rebellis. HE ENRÍE and MARIE be the Grace of GOD King and Quene of Scotis, to all and findrie our Liegis and Subdittis to quhais Knawlege thir our Letreris fall cum, Greiting; Forſamekill as in this Uprore laitlie raiſit up aganis us be certane our Rebellis and thair Aſſiſtaris, the Authoris thairof, to lyle the Eyis of the ſympell People, hes gevin thame to underſtand that the Querrell thai had in hand wes onlie Religioun, thinking with that Clock to cover thair uthir ungodlie Deſignes, and ſwa, under Pretence of that plauſabill Argument, to draw eftir thame a large Tale of ignorant Perfonis, eaſie to be ſeducit ; now for Preſervatioun of our guid Subjectis, quhais Cais wer to be pityit, gif thai blindlie fould be ſufferit to be trappit in ſa dangerous a Snare, it hes pleſit the Gudenes of God, be the Utterance of thair awin Mouthes and Writtingis to us, to diſcover the Poylon that befoir thai hid in thair Hartis, albeit to all Perfonis of cleir Jugement the famen wes evident anewch of befoir: For quhat uthir Thing mycht move the principall Raifaris of this Tumult to put channeſelffis in Arinis aganis us fa unnaturallie, upoun quhome we had beſtowit ſa mony Be- nefittis, bot that the greit Honour we did unto thame, thai being thairof maiſt unworthie, maid thame to mysknaw thameſelffis; and that thair inſaciabill Am- bitioun could not be ſatisfyit, with heiping Riches upoun Riches, Honour upoun Honour, onles thai mycht receave in thair Handis us and our haill Re. alme to be led, uſit and difponit at thair Pleſſour? Bor this could nocht the Multitude haif perfavit, gif God for diſcloſing of thair Hypocriſie had noche compellit chame to utrer chair unreſſonabiil Delyre to govern ; for now be Ler- teris fend fra thameſelffis to us, thai mak plane Profeffioun that the eſtabliſling of Religioun will nocht content thame, bot we mon on Force be governit be fic Counfall as fall pleis thame to appoint unto us : A Thing fa far bezond all meafour, that we think the onlie Mentioun of fa unreſſonabilla Demand is fuffi- cient to mak thair nerreſt Kynsfolk thair maiſt mortall Inymies, and all Men run on thame without forder Scrupill that ar zealous to haif thair native Coun- trie remane ſtill in the Stait of a Kingdome: For quhat uthir is this bot to dif- folve the haill Policie, and in a maner to invert the very Ordour of Nature, to mak the Prince obey, and the Subjectis to command ? The lyk wes nevir de- mandit of ony our maiſt nobill Progenitouris heirtofoir, zea nocht of Gover- nouris or Regentis ; bot the Prince, or ſic as occupyit thair Place, evir chefit thair Counfall of fic as thai thocht maiſt fit for the Purpois. Quhen we our felffis wer of les Aige, and at our firſt Arry vall in our Realme, we had frie Choyfe of our Countall at our Pleſſour; and now quhen we ar at our full Majo- ritie, fall we be brocht back to the Stair of Pupillis and Minoris, or be put un- dir Tutelage ? Sa lang as ſum of thame buir the haill Swynge with us thameſelffis, this Mater wes nevir callit in queſtioun. Bor now quhen thai can nocht be langar permittit to do and undo all Thingis at thair Appetyte, thai will put a Brydill in our Mouthes, and gif us a Counfall choyfen eftir thair Fantaſic. This is the Querrell of Religioun thai maid zou beleif thai had in hand; this is the Querrell for the quhilk thai wald haif zou haſart zour Lyffis, Landis and Gudis, in Cumpany of cercane Rebellis, aganis zour naturall Princes. To fpeik it in gud Language, thai wald be Kingis thameſelffis; or at the leiſt, Icaving to us the bair Name and Titill, tak to thameſelffis the haill Uſe and Admini- ſtratioun of the Kingdome. We haif thocht gude to mak Publicatioun heirof unto zou, to the end ze ſuffer nocht zour felffis to be deceaved, under Pretence of Religiou, to follow thame, quha preferring thair particular Advancement to the publict Tranquillitie, and having na Caire of zou in reſpect of thiameſelffis, wald, gif ze will harkin to thair Voce, draw zou eftir thame to zour utter De- ſtructioun; aſſuring zou, that as ze haif heirtofoir had gud Experience of our Clemencie, and under our Wingis enjoy it in Peace the Poffeſſioun of zour awisz Gudis and Lyffis at Libertie of zour Conſcience, ſa may ze be in full Aſſurance of the lyk Honeſtie, and haif us alwayis zour gud and lufing Princes, fa mony 1 as Book II. A P P E N D I X. 115 as fall contein zour ſelffis in dew Obedience, and do the Office of fayth full and naturall Subjectis. Gevin under our Signer, and ſubſcryvit with our Handis at Sanet Androis the 3d (a) of September, and of our Reignis the Firſt and Twenty third Zeiris. K. M. Apud Cafilehill () iu exercitu, 1o. die menſis O&tobris, 1565 SEDERUNT, Preſentibus Rege & Regina, Matthæus Comes de Lennose , Georgius Comes de Huntlie, facobus Comes de Bothwell, Joannes Comes de Athöll, David Comes de Crawfurd, Gilbertus Comes de Cefills. Pa- tricius Dominus Ruthven, Jacobus Dominus Fleming, Patricius Domi- nus Gray, Edwardus Dominus Creichtoun, Patricius Dominus Lyndſaj, Franciſcus Magiſter de Forbes; Secretarius, Cómputorum Rotulator, Ma. gifter Jacobus Balfour Rector de Flysk. Divilioun of the Batteu. THe quhilk Day, the King and Quenis Majeſties having thair haill Armie prefentlie in reddines to pas furthwart for Perſute of thair Rebellis, with thair Alliſtaris, hes choucht convenient to devy de thair Cumpanyis in Battell as eftir followis; that is to ſay, The Van-gard to be led be the rycht nobill and mychtie Lord Matthew Erle of Lennox Lord Dernlie, thair Lcuerennent in the Weſt-Partis of this Realme; and he to be accumpanyit with the Erlis of Caſillis, Eglintoun, Lordis Sempill, Roſs, Cathcart, Sancbar, Sheriff of Air, Laird of Garleis, Sr James Hamiltoun, and remanent our Soveranes Liegis within the Boundis of his Leutengendrie: The Reit-gard to be led be George Erle of Huntlie, Johne Erle of Atholl, and David &rle of Crawfurd; and thai to be accumpanyit with the Lordis Ruthven, Glamis, Forbes, Drum- mond, Innermeth, and commendatare of Deer, ſupplieand the Place of his. Fader the Erle Marſhall, and lic utheris as will accumpany thame. The Bat- tell to be led be the Kingis Majeſties felfe, being accumpanyit with the Erlis of Mortoun, Bothwell, Marf; the Lordis Ogilvy, Fleyming, Levingſtoun, So- mervell, Borthwick, Zeſter, Lyndſay, Hume, and haill remanent of the Re- alme; provyding that the preſent ordouring and diſpoſing of the Battellis foir- faidis be nawayis prejudiciall to the Erle of Angus his Titill and Interes quhat- ſumevir (c). Apud Edinburgh 19. Ottobris, 1565. SEDERUNT Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius, Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Joannes Comes de At bolt, Joannes Coines de Mar ; Secrèta- rius, Thefaurarius, Computorum Rotulator, Clericus Regiftri, Clericus Jufticiariæ, Advocatus, Robertus Carnegy de Kynnaird Miles, Magiſter Jacobus Balfour Rector de Flysk, Magiſter Joannes Leſlie Rector de for attending unto the Coiſt Syydes and Patages. THe quhilk Day, the King and Quenis Majeſtics having diverſe wayis tcr favit fum Adverreiſment, that noche only thair Rebellis, with thair Als liſtaris in proper Perſonis, daylic and commounlie at thair Pleſſour repairis and paſſes be Sey and uchir wayis throw the Countreis of Lowtheane, Fyffe and Angus, bot als divers ſuſpect and wickit Perſonis hes nocht abſtenit planelie to pas and repas to and fra the faidis Rebellis, vilipendánd thairthrow thair Maje. ities Authoritie, and gevand evill Exampill to utheris to do the lyke, gif hai- fty and tymeous Remeid be nocht provydit; Thairfoir thair Majeſties, be the Avyis of the Lordis of thair fecieit Counfall, hes thocht meit and convenient to deput and appoynt the Keiping of the Hayynis and comnioun Paſſages witli- F f 2 (a) So it has certainly been in the Council-Books, becauſe it is exactly thus in another Copy I have of this Proclamation beliche Mr, Miln's; but the Miſtake has been owing to the Clerk. For the Queen was not in Fife ſo carly as the 3d September. (b) This is a Place on the Road towards Dumfries, about ten Miles diſtant therefrom. (c) By this we'are affiired the Earls of Angus had enjoyed the hereditary Privilege of Icading the Van of our Royal Armies! ibid our ini 116 If. À P P E N D I X. Book in the faid Boundis, to fic Perſonis thair trew and faythfull Subjectis as thai fall haif beſt Opinioun of: That is to ſay, for Culros, Torryburn, &c. [here fol- lows a large Liſt along all the Coaſtſ And ordanis Letteris to be direct to Of. ficiaris of Armis, Sheriffis in that Part, chargeing thame to pas, command and charge the Perfonis reſpectivè above-wryttin, and every ane of thame, that thai within the Boundis appoyntit and limitat to thame, keip continwell and fuire Watche, and diligentlie ſerche and tak Inquiſitioun quhat Schippis, Crayaris or Boittis pas furth of the famyn, or cumis within thame; As alſwa, quhat Jaſpect Perſonis being of the faidis Rebellis, thair Aſſiſtaris or Servandis, re- pairis, paſſis and repaſſis be the faidis Boundis, and tak and apprehend thame, and owther put rhame to the King and Quenis Majeſtics with poſſibill Dilli- gence, or gif tymcous Knawlege and Adverteiſment of the Apprehenſioun of thame; and in the tyme of thair taking, to ſerche and rype thame as the Per- ſonis above-wrýtrin fall think maiſt meit and convenient; and that thai inquire at the depairting of ony Schippis, Crayaris or Boitis paſſand furth of the ſaid Boundis at ony Port or Place above-wryttin, the Caus of thair depairting, the Place thai ar frauchtit unto, the Namis of thair Cumpany and Equipage, and fic utheris Thingis as thai fall find neidfull and requiſit ; as alfwa, to mak the lyke Serch and Inquiſitioun of quharfumevir Schip, Crayar and Boit that fal} happin to arryve within ony of the Portis and Places above-wryttin, quhat. Part and Place thai ar cum fra; and finding the Velſchellis, or Perfonis or Gudis being thairin ſufpitious, that thai ſtay the Schippis or Veſſchellis, tak the Sailis fra thair Rais, apprehend and impriſſoun the Perſonis qubill thai kyaw the King and Quenis Majeſties Will and Pleſſour in that Behalf. And that thai charge all and ſindrie Inhabitantis within the Boundis limitat and appointit un- to thame, to concur and aſſiſt with thame in the Executioun of the Premiffis, under the Pane of Deid; with Certificatioun and thai faillie, gif ony thing beis attemptit in the contrair, Compt chairof ſalbe inquirit at thair Haudis. R. M. Apud Edinburgh 22. Oftobris, 1565. Charge on the Wardenis to attend the paſtaige of the Rebelis. He quhilk Day, the King and Quenis Majeſties ar ſuirlie informit that thair Rebellis with thair Affiltaris having now withdrawin thameſolffis in Ing. land, daylie and continwallie at thair Pleſſour reſſortis and reparis within this Realme as thai wer thair Hieneſſes frie Liegis, perſwadand and ſeduceand the guid Subjectis to the lyke Rebellioun and Defectioun, and uſand utheris unlei- full Practiſes : For Remcid quhairof, thair Majeſties ordanis Letteris to be di- rect to command and charge the Wardanis of the Eiſt, Midle and Weſt Marches, That thai, and ilk ane of thame, appoint Watches in everie hie Paſſaige and u. theris Places neidfull within the Boundis of thair Chargeis reſpective, and dil- ligentlic ſerch and gif Attendance what Perſonis owther pallis in Ingland, or cumis thairfra towart this Realme; and finding thame to be ony of the faidis Rebellis, thair Aſſiſtaris, Partakaris, Servandis or Meſſengeris, or ony uthir- wayis ſuſpect, that the Caus of thair Paffaige be inquirit quhome for thai ar cum, and to quhome thai ar direct ; and gif thai be found in ony wayis fufpitious, that than thair Perſonis be ſtayit, takin, apprehendit and brocht to thair Maje- ſties, and thameſelffis rypit, gif neid be, as the ſaidis Wardanis will anfwer to thair Majeſties upoun thair uttermaiſt Charge and Perell; and that thai com- mand and charge all and ſindrie the Liegis dwelland within thair Boundis to un. derly fic Directioun and Appointment as falbe gevin thame be the faidis Wa danis , for fulfilling of the Premiſſis, under the Pane of Deid; and to command alſwa James Erle of Bothwell, Lord Halis and Crychtoun, &c. Leutennent- Generall to all the ſaid Marchis, to fie the Premiffis fulfillic in all Pointis, as he will anſwer upoun the Executioun of his Office. ar Apud Book IT. 17 Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν ΟΙ Χ. R.M Apud Edinburgh 26. Ottobris, 1565. SEDERUNT Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius, Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Jacobus Comes de Bothwell, Joannes Comes de Atholl, Pa. tricius Dominus Ruthven, Magiſter de Maxwell; Secretárius, Theſaui. rarius, Magiſter Jacobus Balfour Rector de Flysk. Proclamatioun to be reddie tô pas with the Erle of Atyou. N. B. This Proclamation narrates, how that divers wicked Perſons (from Ara gile perhaps) having committed many Deprédations in At hole, and the Bounds adjacent; Therefore charging all the Lieges between Sixty and Sixreen, and all other fencible Perſons within the Sheriffdoms of Perth and Forfar Stewartries of Stratherů and Monteith, to attend the Earl of Athole Lieu tenant of the North-Parts of the Realm, under the Pain of ſinſal of Life, Lands and Goods. Ibich. Apud Edinburgh 29. Oftobris, 1565. SEDERUNT Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius. Georgius Comes de Huntlie, David Comes de Crawfurd, Patricius Dominus Ruthven; Secretarius, Ihefaurarius, Computorum Rotulator, Clericus Regiſtri Clericus Jufticiaria, Advocatus, Magiſter Jacobus Balfour Rector de Flysk, Joannes Commendatarius de Lindores, Symon Preſtoun de eod. Præpofitus de Edinburgh). The Earl of Crawford gives his Oath, and is received upon the Privy Council Charge on the Erle of Ergyle and Lord Boyd. Forſam Orſamekill as our Soverane Lordis and Ladyis Letteris wer direct, chargéing Archibald Erle of Ergyle and Robert Lord Boyd to haif comperit perſo- nallie befoir thair Majeſties at certane Dayis of lang týme bigáne, to haif anſwe- fit to ſic Thingis as fould be laid to thair Charge, lykeas at maii lenth is con. tenit in the Chargeis direct to that Effect: And albeit the faidis Erle and Lord hes bene ſerchit and focht, žit can nocht the ſaid Charge be dewlie éxecute, be. caule thair is nocht faire Paffaige to the ſaid Erlis Preſence and Dwelling placeis, nor zit is the Dwelling place of the ſaid Lord certanė ; And tliairfoir the King and Quenis Majeſties, with the Advyſe of the Lordis of thair ſecretë Counfall, ordanis Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of Armis, Sheriffis in that Patr, charge- ing thame to pas to the Mercat-Croces of the Burrowiś of Síriviling, Dum- bartane, Air, and utheris Placeis neidfull, and thair be opin Proclamatioun ini thair Majeſties Name and Authoritie command and charge the faid Erle of Er gyle and Robert Lord Boyd to compeir befoir the King and Quenis Majeſties and Lordis of thair ſecrete Counfall, upoun the fext Day nixt eftir thai be chargit thairto, under the Pane of Rebellioun and putting of thame to the Horic, Ťd ápfwer to ſic Thingis as ſalbe laid ro thair Charge; and gif thai faillie thairin, the faidis fex Dayis being bipaſt, tò denunce thame Rebellis, and put tháme to che Horne, and to eſcheat, &c. Apud Edinburgt, 1. Decembris, 1865. SEDERUNT Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Joannes Comes de Athöll, David Comes de Crawfurd, Alexander Èpiſ copus Candidæ Cafe ; Secretarius, Theſaurarius, Clericus Regiſtri, Clea ricus Jufticiarie, Advocatus, Magiſter Jacobus Balfour Rector de Flysk, Robertus Carnegy de Kinaird, Miles. Declaratioun anent the erécutioun of the Summondis of Creflour. He quhilk Day, in Preſence of the King and Quenis Majeſties and Lordis of ſectete Counfall , comperit Mr. Joline Spens of Condy Advocac to thair Hieneſſes Ibid, TH Gg 118 A P P E N D I X. Book 11 R. M. , Hieneſſes, and exponit how at thair Majeſties Command he had lybellit Suin- mondis of Treſſoun aganis Archibald Erle of Ergyle, James Erle of Murray, Alexander Erle of Glencairne, Andro Erle of Rothes, Andro Lord Vchiltrie, Robert Lord Boyd, and diverſe utheris, to compeir in the nixt Parliament, to begin the Ferd Day of Februarij nixt tocuin, to heir thame decernit to haif in- currit the Cryme of les Majeſtie, and to háiftynt and forfault Lyff, Landis and Gudis, for certane Crymes of Treſſoun and les Majeitie ſpecificit in the ſaid Sum- mondis: Bot becaus chair wes diverſe of the ſaidis Perfonis outwith the Realme, and havand na certaue Dwelling places, utheris to quhais Dwelling-places and Preſence thair is na luir Paſſage ; It behuvir chame be ſummond be opin Procla- matioun at the Mercat-Croce of Edinburgo, and utheris Croces nixt adjacent, according to the commoun Law, and thairupoun defyrit a Declaratioun and De. terminatioun of thair Majeſties and Lordis foirfaidis : The quhilk being reſſonit with guid Deliberatioun and Avyſment, thair Majeſties and Lordſchipis findis and declaris, That the faidis Perſonis being ſummondit in maner eftir ſpecifiet, the Executioun is als fufficient in all Reſpectis as gif the fame Summondis wer execute upoun thame perſonallie, or at thair Dwelling-places. Apud Edinburgh 22. Decembris, 1565. SEDERUNT Jacobus Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius, Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Joannes Comes de Atholl, Joannes Comes de Mar, Patricius well de Terreglis, Miles. The new Kial cunziet. IT is ſtatute and ordanit be our Soveranis Quene and Kingis Majeſties, with Avyſe of the Lordis of thair Majeſties Privie-Couufall, That thair be cunzeit ane Penny of Silvir callit the MARY RYALL, the fynes of clevin Deneirs fyne, and of Weicht ane Unce Troce-weicht, with twa Granes of Remeid (f. Allay) alfweill of Weicht as Fynes ; hayand on the ane Syde ane Palme-tree crownit ; ane Schell-padoke crepand up the Shank of the famyn; ane Axill about the Tre, wryttin thairin Dat gloria vires, the Dait of the Zeir thair- undir, with this Circumſcriptioun begyning at ane Thirfill, exurgat Deus & diſſipentur inimici ejus: And on the uthir Syde, our faidis Soveranis Armis co- verit with ane cloſe Crown, ane Thirſill on ilk Syde, with this Circumſcriptioun begyning at ane Croce directlie above the Crown, Maria & Henricus Dei gratia Regina & Rex Scotorum (a), the ſaid Penny to haif cours for xxx h. Money of this Realmcb), the Twa-part for xx ſh. and the Third-part for x h. all of this famyn Fynes and Prent, and of Weicht equivalent; to witt, the Twa- part of Weicht xvi Deneris, and the Third-part viii Deneris. In Conſidera- tioun quhairof, we charge David Foreſt Generall of our Cunzie, Johne Ache- roun Maiſter-Cunzeour, and all utheris Officiaris of our Cunzie-hous, ilk ane in thair awin Office, to forge, prent, and caus be forgeit and prentit fic Peices of Weicht and Fynes within thair Remcids, as is above-ſpecifiet; and that Letteris be direct for Publicatioun heirof in dew Forme as efferis, ſiva thar nane pretend Ignorance heirof. No. X. (a) This was the firſt large Silver-Piece that had been coined in this Kingdom. I have elſewhere obſerved that this is the on. ly Inſtance almoſt of the King's Name being put poſterior to that of the Queen. However to make Amends herein, as it were, to the King, (tho indeed I can hardly ſee how the Queen could place her Husband's Name before her own on the publick Money of the Nation;) the famous Ewe-tree of Crookſton, the Inheritance of the Family of Darnly in the Pariſh of Paiſley, is made the Reverſe of this new Coins and the Inſcription about the Tree, Dat gloria vires, is no doubt with a view to reflect Honour on the Lenox-Family. This Trće, which ſtands to this Day, is of to large a Trunk, and ſo well ſpread in its Branches, that it is ſeen at ſeveral Miles diſtance. (6) This aftords abſolute Certainty of the Value of Silver with us at that Time as to its Denomination, vize that the Ounce of Silver contained but half the Number of shillings, by what it contains at preſent; and conſequently that the Denomination of our Money was then Six to One of the Engliſh, whereas it is now Twelve for One; and that our Shilling was double in weight of Silver, by what it is now. Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. 119 vibioM No. X. 01 W 154 RYcht excellent, Rycht heich and mychtic Princelic, oure derreft Sifter and Shater'd MS: Couſing, we commend us unto zou in oure maiſt hartlie Maner ; We pera ceave that in Place of the guid Amytie and mutual Intelligence quhilk heitto- foir hes of lang tyme continewit betwix us, thair is to oure Greif ane Cauldnes enterit in, as we ſuppone, be Informatioun of fum Miniſteris, quhilkis hes nocht fa faithfullie reportit the Materis than being in hand amangis us, as chair Dewric requirit ; zit for removing thairof on oure Párt, quhilk be all Meanis honeſt poſſibill we mynd to do, and reducing of our auld Familiaritic to the former E. Itait, we haif thocht guid that ane of oure awin Servändis be neir unto zou, quhais Report ze may credit, and that be him mair commodiouſle že may haif Intelligence of oure guid Will towartis zou in everie Behalf; and having fund this Berare Robert Malvile fit for the Purpois, quhome in reſpect of his humill Submiſſioun maid to us, and of the Sute of diverſe nobill Men and utheris oure truſtie Servandis his Freindis, we haif pardonic of his formar Offenceis, in hope of his honeſt Behaviour and faythfull Service in ryme cumming, hes directit him to remane and attend upoun zou, alfweill for continewing of oure guid In. telligence of Amytie, as to mak us trew Advertiſment from zou of all Materis: Praying zou, derreſt Sifter, not onlie to gif him Acces and favorabill Audience as occafioun fall require it, bot alſwa to credeit him fra tymc to tyme on ouré Behalf, as we fall particularlie wryte unto him. RY Ycht truſtie and weilbelovit, we greit zou weill: The Berare heirof Robert Malvile being of us, at the erniſt Sute of diverſe nobill Men and utheris oure truſtie Servandis his Freindis, pardonit of his formar Offenceis, hes chocht meit to direct bim to oure derreſt Siſter and Cuſing the Quene zour Maiſtres, to attend upoun hir for ſic Befines, as be a Lettre of oures iend with him to hir ze will knaw, quhairto we doubt not bot ze wilbe maid previe: And for that we haif heirtofoir fund that ze as a guid Miniſter hes dene guid Offices amangis us, wald nor prerermit at this prelent to wryte alſwa unto zou with the faid Robert, to delyre and pray zou that ze will continew zour formar Faſioun of doing, in beltowing zour Labouris for nuriſſing and mantaining of the guid lo- telligence betwix us and oure faid derreſt Siſter, and that be żour Meanis the faid Robert may haif Acces to hir frome tyine to tyme ; quhairby as ze fall declair the Frute of zour guid Miniſterie, la will ze do us acceptabill Pleſlour in this Behalf. Ibid. No. XI. A Diſcourſe of the late Troubles that happened in Scotland betwixt ſulitis, ti so: the noble and mighty Princeſs Mary by the Grace of GOD Queen ofa Copy: Scots and her Husband Henty the King; with other Earls, Barons, Gentlemen and Freeholders, Merchants and Craftſmen on their Parts, the 9th Day of March 1565. Written in Berwick the laſt of April 1566. W Ꮃ Hereas the Lord Ruthven of Scotland, aged Forty ſix, was viſited by the Hand of God with great Trouble and Sickneſs, having two Infirmities, an Inflammation of the Liver, and a Conſumption of the Kidneys, whereby he kept his Bed continually for the Space of three Mouthis under the Cure of Medi- cines, as the Queen's French Doctor, Dr. David Preſton and Thomas Thon- Son Apothecary, and ſo feeble that he ſcarcely might walk twice the length of his Chamber. In the mean Seafon the King, Husband to the Qucen, conceived an Hatred againſt the Italian called David Ricchio, and about the 10th of Fe. bruary the King fent his dear Friend and Couſin George Douglas Son có his Uncle Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus, and declared unto the faid Lord Ruthven how that the faid David abufed the King in many forts, and G g 2 ftay'd I 20 Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X. Book II. ſtay'd the Queen's Majeſty from giving him the Crown Matrimonial of Scota land, which her Majeſty had promiſed to him fundry times, beſides many o- ther Wrongs which he could not bear longer, and behoved him to be revenged. And becauſe the ſaid Lord Ruthven was one to whom he truſted, in respect thar his Children and the King were Couſins of the firſt.Degree (a), he required his Counſel which way he might be revenged of the ſaid David. The Lord Ruthven anlivered, That he would give no Anſwer in that Matter, becauſe he know the King's Youth and Facility to be fo, that fundry of the Nobility be- fore, giving him Counſel ſuitable to his Honour, he revealed the fame to the Queen's Majeſty, whereby her Grace had them in high Diſpleaſure ; and there- fore would have no dealing with his Proceedings, till he underſtood that he could better kecp his own Counſel : With which Anſwer the ſaid George Dou- glas departed to the King. About the 12th of February the King hearing the Anſwer, was much diſcontented, and ſaid, 'Tis a fore Caſe that I cannot get any of the Nobility to aſſiſt me againſt this Villain David. To which George anſwered, The Default was in himſelf, in that he could not keep his own Se- cret. Then the King took a Book and ſwore thereon, That what Counſel the Lord Ruthven would give him, he would not reveal the ſame to the Queen, or to any other; and immediately diſpatched the faid George Douglas again to the Lord Ruthven, to declare what Oatli the King had made. Notwithſtand- ing the Lord Ruthven remained eight Days cre he would give any Advice therein. Then again George being fent unto him, the faid Lord underſtood the King's Intent was the Slaughter of David, and conſidering he had now a good Time to labour for certain of the Nobility baniſhed the Realm, anſwered, That he would not medle with the King's Affairs, unleſs the King would grant that the Lords baniſhed for the Word of God might return to their Country and E- ſtates ; to which he yielded, on Condition that they ſhould ſtand by him by their Subſcription, which Ruthven promiſed. On which the King directed the Taid George Douglas to the Lord Ruthven, with certain Articles to be ſubſcri- bed by the Lord Ruthven and the reſt, which was done : And they ſent cera rain Articles to the King to be ſubſcribed on his Part, which he did; and the ſame was delivered to the faid Lord Ruthven, who demanded Articles for the Earl of Murray, Argile, &c. which was granted, and delivered to the ſaid Earl, the Tenor whereof enfueth: Certain Articles to be fübfcribed by James Earl of Murray, Archibald Earl of Argile, Alexander Earl of Glencairn, Andrew Earl of Rothes, Robert Lord Boyd, Andrew Lord Ochiltree, and other Complices of the noble and mighty Prince Henry King of Scotland; which they offer with all Lorea lineſs to the faid Prince, for whom they pray. TH He ſaid Earls, Lords and Complices ſhall become, and by the Tenor hereof becomes true Subjects and faithful Servants to the noble and mighty Prince Henry King of Scotland, Husband to our Sovereign Lady; That they and theirs will take his part in all his Cauſes and Quarrels againſt whomſoever it be, to the uttermoſt of their Power, and ſhall be Friends to his Friends, and Enemies to his Enemies, and therein neither ſpare their Lands, Lives or Eſtates. 2. The ſaid Lords and their Complices ſhall , at the firſt Parliament that ſhall be after their Return, grant, give and ordain the Matrimonial Crown to the ſaid noble Prince all the Days of his Life ; and if any Perſon or Perſons withſtand or gainſay the ſame, the ſaid Earls, Lords and their Complices ſhall take ſuch Part as the ſaid noble Prince likech, in all ſorts whatſoever for obtaining the fame. 3. Item, The ſaid Earls, Lords and their Complices ſhall fortify and maiii- tain the ſaid noble Prince in his juſt Title to the Crown of Scotland, failing of Succeſſion of our faid Sovereign Lady, and thall juſtify and ſec forward the fame I. at (@) He married a natural Daughter of the Earl of Angus, who was thereby indeed Aunt natural to the King Book II. I 2 A P P E N D I X. at cheir uttermoſt: And if any Man will uſurp or gainſay the ſaid juſt Title, the faid Lords, &c. fhall defend the ſame without Fear of Life or Death, and ſhall purſue, ſlay or expel the faid Ulurpers. 4. As to the Religion eſtabliſhed by the Queen's Majeſty ſince her Arrival in to this Realm, whereupon Proclamations and Edicts were made, that they and every one of them thall fortify and maintain the fame at their uttermoft Power. 5. Item, As they are become true Subjects to the ſaid noble Prince, ſo ſhall they not ſpare Life of Limb in ſetting forward all that may tend to the Advance- ment of his Honour. 6. Item, The faid Earls, &c. fhall labour at the Queen of England's Hands for the Title of the faid Prince's Mother and Brother as they may by any Means. 1. Certain Articles to be fulfilled by the noble and mighty Prince Henry King of Scotland, Husband to our Sovereign Lady, to James Earl of Murray, Archibald Earl of Argile, Alexander Earl of Glencairn, Andrew Earl of Rothes, Robert Lord Boyd, Andrew Lord Ochiltree, remaining in England. THE He ſaid noble Prince ſhall obtain their Remiſſions, if they require the fame, for all Faults of whatſoever Quality or Kind, and perſevere in purſuing for the fame till obtained, aſſoon as by their Help and Supply he ob- taip the Crown Matrimonial, and ſtop and impede, that they ſhall not be called nor accuſed for whatſoever Crime; and freely remit and forgive the ſaid Earls, Lords, and their Complices, all Crimes of whatſoever Quality or Condition they be, and to bury and put them in Oblivion as if they had never been; and ſhall receive them at their Return thankfully as other true and faithful Subjects and Servants. 2. Item, We ſhall not ſuffer the ſaid Earls, &c. to be called or accuſed in Par- liament, nor faffer any Forfeiture to be laid againſt thein, but fhiall ſtop the fame to our utcermoſt Power. 3. Item, That the foreſaid Earls, &c. returning into the Realm of Scotland, ſhall uſe and enjoy their Lands, Livings, Benefices, as before their paſſing into England, and maintain and fortify them in the Enjoyment of the fame againſt all Perſons to the uttermoſt of our Power. 4. Item, As to the faid Earls, &c. their Religion, We are contented and con: ſent that they uſe the fame according to the Queen's Majeſty's Proclamation made thereupon ; and if any Perſon or Persons offer to make Jinpediment there- in, we ſhall take part with the aforeſaid Earls, Sc. to the urcermoſt of our Power. And after their Return, upon their adhering and good Service to be done to us, We the ſaid noble Prince ſhall confent, aid and aſſiſt to the eſta. bliſhing the Religion now profeſt, and concur with them, if any Power ſhall withſtand them. 5. Item, We ſhall fortify and maintain the ſaid Earls, &c. againft whomſo: ever, in all their juſt Cauſes and Quarrels. . All this while the King kept Sight from the Queen's Majeſty all his Proceed- ings ; and as her Majeſty fought by fubtile Means to learn of him what was in his Mind, fo he crafted with her to underſtand her Mind. In the mean time he fending to the Lord Ruthven, ſaying that he would not abide David any longer; and if his Slaughter were not haſted, he would ſlay him himſelf, yea though it were in the Queen's Chamber ; the ſaid Lord Ruthven counſelled him to the contrary, and thought it not decent that he ſhould put hand on fuchi a mean Perfon; whereupon the ſaid Lord Ruthven affixed a Day whereon Da. vid ſhould be flain, though he would have him rather to be judged by the No- bility. To which the King anſwered. That it was cumberſome to them in ſuch a Caſe, but would have him hang'd or diſpatched otherwiſe. In the mean time the King and Queen's Majeſties rode to Seton-houſe: The King burning in his Deſire of the Slaughter of David, fent divers privy Writings in his own Hh Hand 1 22 Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. Book II. Hand to the Lord Ruthven, and a Meſſage to George Douglas to be ſhewed to Ruthven, to have all Things in a readineſs againſt his Return to Edinburgh, towards the Slaughter of the ſaid David, otherwiſe he would put the ſame in Execution with his own Hands. Mean time the Lord Ruthven practiſing with the Earl of Morton the King's nigh Kinſman, and the Lord Lindſay whole Wife was a Douglas, and with a Number of Barons and Gentlemen, to aſliſt the King in ſuch Affairs as he had to do, and that they ſhould have their Reli- gion freely eſtabliſhed, conform to Chriſt's Book, and to the Articles ſubſcribed by the King to the Lords. And after the King's Return from Seton, he direct- ed George Douglas to the Earl of Morton and Lord Ruthven, to ſee what Day thould be appointed, with Place and Time for Performance of the Enterprize againſt David: To which they anſwered, That they would have a fufficient Number ready againſt Friday or Saturday the 8th or 9th of March, and they thought it beſt to take him in his own Chamber, or in paſſing through the Clofe, which the King refuſed ſimply; and that he could not be taken in his own Cham- ber, for the laſt Night hc tarried late with the Queen's Majeſty, he lay in the o. ther Cabinet, and ſometimes in Seignior Francis Chamber, and ſometimes in his own Chamber, which had ſundry Back-doors and Windows through which he might eaſily eſcape : Therefore he would have him taken at Supper-time fitting with her Majeſty at the Table, that he might be taunted in her Preſence, be. cauſe ſhe had not entertained her Husband according to her accuſtomed Manner, nor as the ought of Duty. To which the ſaid Earl and Lord were loath to yeild; but no Rcafon would prevail, and he deviſed the Matter himſelf as fol- lowerh. Upon Saturday at Supper, Morton and Ruthven and Lindfay ſhould have been ready, ſo many as would be Partakers with the King, and aſſoon as he ſent them Word, the Earl Morton ſhould go up to her Majeſty's Cham- ber, and the Lord Ruthven to come through the King's Privy-Cham- ber; and that the King ſhould paſs up before a private Way to the Queen's Chamber, and open the Door, wherethrough the ſaid Lord and his Company ſhould enter; and when the King himſelf ſhould be ſpeaking with the Queen's Majeſty, the reſt of the Gentlemen and Barons to be in the Court of the Gates. Whereupon the faid Earl of Morton and Lord Ruthven confidering the King's Device toward the killing the ſaid David in the Queen's Majeſty's Chamber, conſidering he was a young Prince, and having a luſty Princeſs afterwards to lie in his Arms, who might perſwade him to deny all that was done, and allodge that others perſwaded him to the fame, thought it neceſſary to have Surety thereupon, who made a Bond to the Earls, Lords, Barons, Freeholders, Mer- chants and Craftſmen in the King's Name, declaring, That what was to be done was his own Device and Invention ; and by Bond obliged himſelf, his Heirs, Esc. to them, their Heirs and Succeſſors, to keep them skaithleſs for executing David in the Queen's Majeſty's Preſence, or otherwiſe as the ſaid Bond more at large declareth. Upon Saturday the 9th of March, conform to the King's Ordinance and Device, the ſaid Earl Morton, Lord Ruthven and Lord Lindſay, having their Men and Friends in a Readineſs, abiding the King's Advertiſement ; the King having ſupp'd the ſooner for the fame Purpoſe, and the Queen's Majeſty in her Cabinet within her Inner-Chamber at Supper, the King Tent for the faid Earl, Lords and their Accomplices, and deſired them to make haſte and come to the Palace, for he ſhould have the Door of the Privy-Chamber open, and ſhould be talking with the Queen before their coming. The ſaid Earl Morton, Lords Ruthven and Lindſay, with their Accomplices, entring the Palace by the King's Commandment, and the ſaid Earl Morton to the King's Outer-Chamber, and certain with him ; and the ſaid Lord Ruthven the other way through the King's Chamber to the Cabinet, up to the privy Way to the Queen's Chamber, as the King, directed them, and through the Chamber to the Cabinet, where they found her Majeſty at Supper, ar a little Table, the Lady Argile at the one End. and Book II. A P P E N D I X. 123 and David at the other End, his Cap on his Head, the King fpeaking wich her Majeſty, with his Hand about her Waſte. The laid Lord Ruthven at his entring in, faid unto the Queen's Majeſty, Let it pleaſe your Majeſty that yonder Man David come forth of your Privy. Chamber, where he hath been over-long. The Queen anſwered, What Offence hath he done? Ruthven anſwered, That he made a greater and more hainous Offence to her Majeſty's Honour, the King her Husband, the Nobility and Common-wealth. And how? ſaid the. If it would pleale your Majeſty, ſaid the Lord Ruthven, he hath offended your Honour which I dare not be lo bold as to ſpeak of. As to the King your Husband's Honour, he hath hindred him of the Crown Matrimonial which your Grace promiſed him, beſides many o- ther Things which are not neceſſary to be expreſſed; and hath cauſed your Ma- jeſty to baniſh a great Part of the Nobility, and to forfeit them, that he might be made a Lord. And to your Common-weal he hath been a common De- ſtroyer, hindring your Majeſty to grant or give any thing but what paſſed through his Hands, by taking of Bribes for the ſame; and cauſed your Majeſty to put at the Lord Roſs for his whole Land, becauſe he would not give over the Lands of Melvin io che ſaid David, beſides many other Inconveniencies that he folicited your Majeſty to do. Then the faid Lord Ruthven faid to the King, Sir, take the Queen your Wife and Sovereign to you, who ſtood all amiazed, and wiſt not what to do. Then her Majeſty roſe upon her Feet, and ſtood be- fore David, he holding her Majeſty by the Plates of her Gown, leaning back over the Window his Dagger drawn in his Hand, and Arthur Areskin, and the Abbot of Holy-rood houſe, and the Lord Keith Maſter of the Houſhold, withi the French Pothecary, and one of the Chamber, began to lay Hands on the Lord Ruthven, none of the King's Party being there preſent. Then the ſaid Lord Ruthven pulled out his Dagger, and defended himſelf until moe came in, and ſaid to them, Lay no Hands on me, for I will not be handled. At the co- ming in of others into the Cabinet, the ſaid Lord Ruthven put up his Dagger ; and with the ruſhing in of Men, the Board fell into the Wall, Meat and Candles being thereon, and the Lady of Argile took one of the Candles in her Hand. At the ſame inſtant the Lord Ruthven took the Queen in his Arms, and pur her into the King's Arms, befceching her Majeſty not to be afraid, for there was no Man there that would do her Body any Harm more than they would do their own Hearts; and aſſured her Majeſty, that all that was done was the King's own Deed. And the remnant of the Gentlemen being in the Cabinec took David out of the Window, and after they had him out of the Queen's Chamber, the ſaid Lord Ruthven followed, and bade take him away down to the King's Chamber the privy Way; and the faid Lord returned to the Cabinet, thinking that the ſaid David had been taken down to the King's Chamber, the Preſs of the People hurled him forth to the Outer-Chamber, where there was a great Number ſtanding who were vehemently moved againſt him, ſo that they could not abide any longer, but ſlew him at the Queen's Fore-door in the other Chamber. Immediately the Earl Morton paſſed forth of the Queen's Outer, Chamber to the Nether-Court, for the Keeping of the fame and the Gates, and deputed certain Barons to keep certain Chambers, until he knew the Queen's Majeſty's Pleaſure and the King's. Shortly after, her Majeſty ſaid to the Lord Lindſay, Arthur Areskin and the Earl Mort012 , to paſs to David's Chamber to fetch the black Coffer, with the Writings and Cyphers, which the ſaid Earl Morton delivered, and gave the Chamber in keeping to John Symple Son to the Lord Symple, with thoſe Goods, both Gold and Silver and Apparel therein. In the mean time the Queen's Majeſty and the King came forth of the Cabinet to the Queen's Chamber, where the Queen's Majeſty began to reaſon with the King. My Lord, Why have you cauſed to do this wicked Deed co me ? confidering that I took you from low Eſtate, and made you my Huſ, band? What Offence have I given you that you ſhould do mc fuch Shame ? The King anſwered, I have good Reaſon for me, for ſince yonder Fellow H h 2 David 1 24 Book II. APP E N D I X. David came in Credit and Familiarity with your Majeſty, you neither regard- éd me, entertained me, nor truſted ine after your wonted Faſhion ; for every Day before Dinner you were wont to come to my Chamber, and paſt the Time with me, and this long Tíme you have not done ſo; and when I came to your Majeſty's Chamber, you bare me little Company except David had been the third Perſon ; and after Supper your Majeſty uſed to ſit up at the Cards with the ſaid David till One or Two after Midnight : And this is the Entertain- ment that I have had of you this long Time Her Majeſty anſwered, That it was not a Gentlewoman's Duty to come to her Husband's Chamber, but rather the Husband to come to the Wife's. The King anſwered, How came you to my Chamber in the beginning, and ever till within theſe fix Months, chat Dan vid fell into Familiarity with you? Or am I fail'd in any fort in my Body? Or what Diſdain have you of me? Or what Offences have I done you that you ſhould coy me at all Times alike, ſeeing I am willing to do all Things that be- cometh a good Husband ? Suppoſe I be of mcan Degree, yet am I your Huſ- band, and you promiſed me Obedience at the Day of your Marriage, and that I ſhould be participant and equal with you in all Things ; but you have uſed me otherwiſe by the Perfwaſion of David. The Queen anſwered, My Lord, all the Offence that is done me, you have the Wite thereof, for the which I ſhall be your Wife no longer, por ly with you any more, and ſhall never like well till I cauſe you have as forrowful a Heart as I have at this preſent. Then the Lord Ruthven made Anſwer, and befought her Majeſty to be of good Comfort, to entertain her Husband, and uſe the Counſel of the Nobility, and then her Government would be as proſperous as in any King's Days. The faid Lord Ruthven being fore felld with his Sickneſs, and wearied with his Travel, deſired her Majeſty's Pardon to ſit down, and called for Drink for God's fake; fo a Frenchman brought him a Cup of Wine, and after he drank, her Majeſty began to rail at him, laying, Is this your Sickneſs? He anſwered, God forbid your Majeſty had ſuch a Sickneſs. Then the Queen ſaid, If ſhe died of her Child, or her Common-wcal periſlied, flic would leave the Revenge thereof to her Friends to be taken of the ſaid Lord Ruthven and his Poſterity ; for ile had the King of Spain and the Emperor her great Friends, and likewiſe the King of France her Good-Brother, with her Uncles of Lorrain, beſides the Pope's Holineſs, and many other Princes in Italy. Ruthven anſwered, That theſe noble Princes were over great Perſonages to medle with ſuch a poor Man as he was, being her Majeſty's own Subject : And what her Majeſty laid, that if the or her Child and Common-weal periſhed, ſhe ſaid Lord Ruthven would have the Wyte thereof; he anſwered. If any of theſe three periſhed, her Majeſty's ſelf and her particular Council ſhould have the Wyte thereof before God and the World; for there was no Man within the Palace but would honour and ſerve her Majeſty as became true Subjects, and would ſuffer no Harm to come to her Body more than to their own Hearts : And if any Thing be done this Night that your Majeſty miſlikes, the King your Husband, and none of us, is in the Wyte ;, which he confeſſed to be true. At this Inſtant, Gray knocked faſt at the Queen's Door, declaring that the Earls of Huntly. At bole, Bothwell, Cathneſs and Sutherland, the Lords Fle- ming, Leving ſton, thc Secretary, and Tullibardin the Comptroller, with their Officers and Servants, were fighting in the Cloſe againſt the Earl Morton and his Company, being on the King's Part. The King hearing the fame, would have gone down, but the Lord Ruthven ſtay'd him, and went down himſelf, deſiring the King to entertain the Queen's Majeſty in the mean time. The ſaid Lord Ruth- ven went down fupported by the Arms, and before his coming the Officers were going in at their Houſes, and the Lords were bolden in at the Gallery.door by the Earl Morton and others, who were conſtrained to paſs up to the Gallery, and to their Chambers; fo the laid Lord Ruthven paſſed up to the Earl Both- well's Chamber, where he found Huntly. Cathneſs, Sutherland, and divers others, where he ſhewed the whole Proceedings of that Night, and how it was inyented Book II. A P P E N D I X. I 25 Invented by the King himſelf, as his Hand-writ ſhould thew ; and how he had ſent for the Lords that were banillied in England and Argile, who would be there before Day. And becauſe there was ſome Enmity unreconciled between the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell, and Argile and, Murray, the fame ſhould be made up at the Sight of the Nobility, they doing the like. Whereupon the Earls of Huntly and Bothwell gave him their Hand, and after they drank, the faid Lord Ruthven took his Leave of them, and paſſed to the Earl of Athole's Chamber, accompanied with the Earls of Cathneſs and Sutherland and the Lord Gray, and found with the faid Earl the Comptroller, Secretary and James Balfour, with divers others; and becauſe of the Familiarity between the ſaid Earl and Ruthven, the Earl began to be angry with Ruthven for concealing from him what Enterprize foever he had to do, who anſwered, That it was the King's Attempt and Device, and that none of them had any further medling therein than as the King commanded, as he had Writing to teſtify;, and that ic was the King's Secret, and fear'd that if he had given him Knowledge thereof, he would reveal it to her Majeſty, which might hinder the Purpoſe, and cauſe the King to have holden Ruthven for a diſhoneſt Man. The Earl perceiving all to be the King's own doing, deſired Ruthven to go to the King, and obtain Leave for him to paſs into his own Country, with them that were then in the Chamber with him. Mean while Bothwell and Huntly hearing of the other Lords return out of England, thought it better to eſcape than remain ; ſo they went out at a low Window, and away. Mean time while the Lord Ruthven was with Athole, the King declared to the Queen's Majeſty, That he had fent for the Lords to return again ; whereunto the anſwered, That ſhe was not to blame that they were ſo long away, for the could be content to have them home at any Tizie but for angring of him: And to verify the ſame, when the Queen gave Remiſ fion to the Duke, he was iniſcontent therewith. Then came the Provoſt of Edinburgh, and a great Company of the Townſmen armed to the Outer-Court of the Palace, where the King called out of the Window to them to return to their Houſes, for, he and the Queen's Majeſty were in good Health. The Lord Ruthven being come up to the Queen's Chamber, where the King was, he ſhewed them that there was no Hurt done. Then her Majeſty enquired what was become of David ? Ruthven anſwered, that he believed in the King's Chamber ; for he thought not fit to flew how he died. Then her Majeſty ask- ed the ſaid Lord Ruthven, what Kindneſs was betwixt Murray and him ? Re- member you, ſaid the, what the Earl Murray would have me do unto you, for giving me the Ring ? Ruthven anſwered, That he would bear no Quarrel for chat Cauſe, but would forgive him and all others for God's fake; and as for that Ring, it had no more Vertue than another Ring, but was a little Ring with a pointed Diamond in it. Remember you not, faid her Majeſty, that you ſaid it had a Vertue to keep me from poiſoning ? Liketh your Grace, ſaid he; I ſaid ſo much, that the Ring had that Vertue; but I take that evil Opinion out of your Head, of Preſuppoſition that you conceived that the Proteſtants would have done, which he knew the contrary, and that the Proteſtants would do no more Harm to your Majeſty's Body than to their own Heart. It was ſo im- printed in your Majeſty's Mind, that it could not be taken away without a contrary Impreſſion. Then ſaid her Majeſty to the Lord Ruthven, What Of fence or Default have I done to be thus handled ? Enquire, ſaid he, at the King your Husband. Nay, ſaid the, I will enquire of you; who anſwered, Madam, Madam, if it would pleaſe your Majeſty, to reinember that you have this long Timc a Number of perverfe Perſons, and eſpecially David a Stranger Italian, who hath ruled and guided the Country without Advice of the Nobility and Council, eſpecially againſt thoſe Noblemen that were baniſhed. Her Majeſty anſwered, Were you not one of my Council ? why would you not declare if I Would do any thing amiſs ? Becauſe your Majeſty would hear no ſuch thing in all the Time your Majeſty was at Glaſgow and Dumfries, but when ever you I i called I 26 Book 11. A P P E N D I X. called your Council together, did Things by your ſelf and your privy Per- fons, albeit your Nobility be at the Pains and Expences. Well , ſaid her Ma- jeſty, you find great Fault with me, I will be content to ſet down my Crown before the Lords of the Articles, and if they find that I have offended, to give it where they pleaſe. Then anſwered the Lord Ruthven, God forbid Madam : But who choſe the faid Lords of the Articles ? Not I, ſaid the. Saving your Majeſty's Reverence, ſaid he, you choſe them all in Seaton, and nominated them; and as for your Majeſty's Council, it hath been ſuffered to wait this long Time, and what was done it behoved them to ſay it was your Majeſty's Pleaſure. And to the Lords of the Articles, your Majeſty firſt choſe fuch as would ſay whatſoever you thought expedient to the Forfeitures of the baniſhed Lords: And now when the Lords of the Articles have ſitten certain Days rea- foning, if they could find any principal Cauſe why they ſhould be forfeited, no Madam, not ſo much as one Point, except falfe Witneſs be brought in againſt them: Whereunto the gave no Anſwer. Then the Lord Ruthven perceiving that her Majeſty was very ſick, he ſaid to the King, It was beſt to take Leave of her Majeſty, that the might take her Reft: So the King rook his Gooda night, and came forth of the Queen's Chamber, and we with him, and left none there but the Ladies and Gentlewomen: And when the King came to his own Chamber, Ruthven declared unto him the Meſſage he had from the Earl of Athole to the King, to have Leave to return home; which the King was loath to do, unleſs he gave him a Bond that he ſhould be his. To which Ruth- ven anſwered, That he was a true Man, and kept the Thing he ſaid as well as others their Hand-writing and Seals. Then the King deſired the Lord Ruth. ven to fetch Athole to him, which he did; who after he had talked with the King, he deſired the ſaid Earl to be ready to come to him whenfoever he fent for him. He anſwered, Whenfoever it would pleaſe the Queen's Grace and him to ſend for him, he would gladly come at all Times; and deſired the King that he might ſpeak to the Queen, which the King denied: And the Earl took his Leave, and paſſed to his Chamber, and the Lord Ruthven with him; for he made him ready, and in his Company the Earls of Sutherland and Cathneſs, the Maſter of Cathneſs, the Secretary and Comptroller, with James Balfour, the Lord Grahame, with divers others. Immediately the King directed two Writings ſubſcribed by his own Hand on Saturday after the Slaughter of David, to certain Men of Edinburgh bearing Office, charging them to convey Men in Arms, and make Watch in the Town, and to ſuffer none to come out of Doors except Proteſtants, under all high Pain that after might follow. And upon the Morrow, which was Sunday the roth of March, directed a Letter fubfcribed with his own Hand, making Mention that it was not his Will that the Par- liament ſhould hold, for divers Cauſes, and diſcharged the fame by the Te- nor thereof: And therefore commanded and charged all the Eſtates, and others warned to the ſaid Parliament, to depart Edinburgh within three Hours, un- der Pain of loſs of Life, Lands and Goods, except ſuch as the King by his fpe- cial Commandment cauſed to reinain : Which Letter was openly proclaimed at the Market-Croſs, and fully obeyed. The Gates being locked, the King being in his Bed, the Queen walking in his Chamber, the Lord Ruthven took Charge of the lower Gate and privy Paſlage by the King's Commandment, and David was thrown down the Stairs from the Palace where he was ſlain, and brought to the Porter's Lodge, who taking off his Cloaths, ſaid, this was his Deſtiny; for upon this Cheſt was his firſt Bed when he came to this place, and now he lieth a very Niggard and misknown Knave. The King's Dagger was found ſticking in his Side. The Queen enquired at the King, where his Dag. ger was? who anſwered, That he wiſt not well. Well, faid the Queen, it will be known hereafter. Upon the Morrow, which was Sunday the roth, the King aroſe at Eight, and paſſed to her Majeſty's Chamber. At his coming from her, ſhe deſired him to let all the Ladies and Gentlewomen come to her, which was granted : Aud at his coming down, thewed the fame to the Earl Morton and Book II. APP E N D I X. 127 and Ruthven, who yielded to the fame, yet ſhewed the King they feared her Majeſty would traffique by them with the Lords, and all others that would do for her : Likcas it followed; for her Majeſty wrote ſome Writings, and cauſed others to be written in her Name to the Earls of Argile, Huntly, Bothwell, Athole, and others. After that the King had dined on Sunday, he paſt up to her Majeſty's Chamber, where the Queen made as if she would part with Child, complaining that the could not get any of her Gentlewomen to come to her, Scots nor French. The King fending Word to the Earl Morton and Ruthven, they were all admitted to her that would. At the ſame time her Majeſty appre- hended that the Lord Ruthven would do her Body harm, and ſent the Lord Semple his Son to the Lord Ruthven, to enquire what her Majeſty might truſt to in that Reſpect? whoſe Anfwer was, Thac he would do no more Harm to her Body than to his own Heart ; and if any Man intended to do otherwiſe, he would defend her Body to the uttermoſt of his Power : And ſaid, Her Maje- ity had Experience the Night preceeding, when he ſuffered none to come nigh her Majeſty's Perſon to moleft or troublc her. The faid John Semple brought the faid Meſſage to the Lord Ruthven at Two of the Clock on Sunday after Noon, ſitting in the King's Outer-Chamber at his Dioner ; and at Four the King came down to his Chamber, where Ruthven ſhewed him the Queen was about to ſteal out about the Throng of her Gentlewomen, as he was adverti- fed : So the King commanded him to give Attendance thereunto, and put cer- tain to the Doors, and ler no Gentlewoman paſs forth muffled. About Seven or Eight of the Clock, the Earls of Murray and Rothes, with their Accom- plices, out of England, and * lighted at the Abbey, and were thankfully re- ceived of the King, and paſſed to the Earl of Murray's Houſe to Supper. Im- mediately the Queen fent one of her Uſhers called Derſell for the ſaid Earl of Murray, who pafled unto her Majeſty, who received him pleaſantly as ap- peared; and coming from her, paſſed to the Earl of Mortor's Houſe, where he remained that Night. Ar this Time the King was communing with the Queen's Majeſty ; and after long Reaſoning with him, the granted to ly with him all Night. He coming to her Chamber, and putting all Men out of his Outer-Chamber, except the Waiters of his Chamber, made a Complaint that the Queen's Gentlewomen would not go forth of the Door unmuffled. At the King's coming down, he lhewed the Earl Morton and the Lord Ruthven the whole Manner of his proceeding with her Majeſty, which they liked 110 way. The King grew effeminate again, and they ſaid unto him, We ſee no other but that you may do what both you and we will have Cauſe to repent : But he would have the ſaid Earl and Lord to rid all the Houſe conform to her Maje- ſty's Deſire, which they did; and the ſaid Lord went and lay in the King's Wardrobe, and after he was laid down George Douglas came to him, and Dhewed him that the King was fallen aſleep, the faid Lord cauſed the ſaid George to go and wake him ; and after wakeing of him two or three times, and finding him ſtill aſleep, he would wake him no more, at which the Lord Ruthven was miſcontent. The King ſlept till Six in the Morning, when the Lord Ruthven came and reproved him that he did not keep Promiſe with the Queen, in lying with her all that Night: He anſwered, That he had fallen into fuch a dead Sleep that he could not awake, and put the Fault to William Elder, one of his Friends, that permitted him to ſleep; but always, faid he, I will go and take my Night-gown, and go up to the Queen. Then ſaid the Lord Ruthven, I truſt the ſhall ſerve you in the Morning as you did her at Night. The King paſſed upon Monday the orth of March to the Queen's Chamber, and fate on the Bed-ſide, the being aſleep, or pretending to be fo, and fare there by the Space of an Hour. Then when her Majeſty waked, ſhe enquired of the King why he came not up yeſternight? He anſwered, That he fell into ſuch a dead Sleep that he waked not before Six ; and now I come and offer my ſelf to have lyen down by your Majeſty, and you will not fuffer it, ſaying you are fick: And • Ei her there is ſomewhat wanting, or this and is fuperfluous. I i 2 128 Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DIX. And then ſhe ſaid ſhe would riſe incontinent. Then the King fell in reaſoning with her concerning the Return of the Earls that were baniſhed, and of for- giving all Offences, and alſo of the Slaughter of David; who, as appeared to him, was contented; for the King came down to his own Chamber merrily at Eight, and fliewed Morton and Ruthven thc Proceedings between her and him, who anſivered him, All was but Words, and inſtead of your perſwading her Majeſty, we fear ſhe will perſwade you to follow her Deſire, becauſe ſhe was trained from her Youth in the Court of France. Now, ſaid the King, will you let ine alone, and I will warrant to bring all to a good End. After the King had put on his Cloaths, he paſſed at the Ninth Hour to the Queen's Cham- ber, where he reaſoned of many Things with her Majeſty ; and after returning to his Dinner at Two, he declared to Murray and Morton, Ruthven and Lindſay, that he had obtained of her Majeſty that the ſaid Earls and Lords ſhould come in Preſence, and ſhe would forgive all Things bypaſt, and bury them out of her Mind as they had never been. The ſaid Earls and Lords an- ſwered, That fair ſpeaking was but Policy, and ſuppoſe it promiſed, little or nothing would be performed. Always the King took in hand, and bade them make what Security they pleaſed, and her Majeſty and he ſhould ſubſcribe the ſame. After Dinner the King again paſſed into the Queen's Chamber, where the Midwife was made to come to him, and ſaid to him, That the Queen would nor fail to depart with Child, if her Majeſty went not into ſome other Place where there was more free Air, and divers of the Ladies ſaid the ſame ; and the King returned to his Chamber at Three after Noon, and declared the fame to the Earls and Lords; and in the mean time came in the French Doctor, who declared to the King that it was not poſſible for the Queen's Majeſty to eſchew a Fever, which if ſhe took, the could not eſchew to miſcarry, if ſhe did not depart from that Place to fome ſweeter and pleaſanter Air. The Doctor being departed, the King asked the ſaid Earls and Lords, what they thought of the ſpeaking of the Doctor ? They ſaid they feared all was but Craft and Policy. But the King would not credit the ſame, and ſaid, That ſhe was a true Princeſs, and he would ſet his Life for what the promiſed. And between Four and Five in the Afternoon the King paſſed to the Queen, and took the Earls Morton and Murray with him, alſo the Lord Ruthven, and leaving them in the Outer- Chamber, the King went in to know if her Majeſty would come to the Outer- Chamber, or admit the Lords to come in ; and the came out to the Outer- Chamber led by the King, the ſaid Earls and Lords fitting down on their Knees, made their Speech by the Earl of Morton Chancellor, and offer their particular Orátions by themſelves. And after that her Majeſty had heard all, her Anſwer was, That it was not unknown to the Lords that ſhe was never blood-thirſty, nor greedy upon their Lands or Goods ſince her coming into Scotland, nor would be upon theirs that were preſent, but would remit the whole Number that were baniſhed, or were at the laſt Deed or Death of David, and put all Things in Oblivion as if they had never been, and ſo cauſed the ſaid Earls and Lords to riſe on their Feet, and afterwards her Majeſty deſired them to make their own Securites, and the would ſubſcribe the ſame. Then her Majeſty took the King by the Hand, and the Earl of Murray by the other, and walked in the ſaid Outer-Chamber by the Space of an Hour, and then paſſed into her Inner-Chamber, when ſhe and the King appointed that all they that were on the King's Part ſhould go forth of its Place. After Supper, at Six a Clock, the King coming down to his Chamber, the Articles which were for their Security were given to the King to be ſubſcribed by the Queen, which the King took in hand to be done, and deſired the ſaid Lords to remove, that her Majeſty's Guards and Servants might order all as they pleaſed. The Lords anſwered, You may make us do what you pleaſe, but 'tis fore againſt our Wills, for we fear that all is but Deceit that is meant towards us, and that the Queen will paſs away ſhortly and take you with her, either to the Caſtle of Edinburgh or Dunbar. And the Lord Ruthven proteſted, That what Bloodfed or Mil- chief Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. 129 chief fhould enſue thereon, ſhould fall upou the King's Head and his Poſterity, and noč upon theirs. The King ſaid he would warrant them all : So they part- ed and took their Leave of the King, and paſſed all out of Holy-rood-10uſe to the Earl of Morton's Houſe, where they luppd. And on the Morrow, which was Tueſday the 12th of March, the Lords hearing the Queen's Majeſty with the King was departed contrary to their Expectation, after the Matter was ap- pointed, they required one another's Opinion ; which coocluded, all to re- main within the Town of Edinburgh till fuch Time as they might ſend ſome Nobleman to her Majeſty for Performance of the Articles promiſed for their Security; and to that Effect they fent for the Lord Semple, and deſired him to pals to the Queen at Dunbar with the Writing of the Lords, which he granted to do, and received the ſame with the Copy of the Articles which the King re- ceived before, and promiſed to do his utter Diligence to get the fame ſubſcribed : Who coming to Dumbar, preſented the Lords Writings to their Majeſties; which was evil taken of the Queen, who made him to remain three Days: Who ar his Return, reported that there was nothing to be look'd for bur Extremities to all choſe Earls, Barons and Gentlemen that were at the Slaughter of David, notwith- ſtanding her Majeſty's Promiſe. At that Time her Majeſty wrote to all Earls, Lords and Barons to meet her at Haddington the 17th or 18th Day of Marcli, and directed her general Letters, charging all Men above Sixtecn to be at the ſaid Meeting in Armour with Weapons after the fort of War; and ſent a Charge to the Lord Areskin Captain of the Caſtle of Edinburgh, to fire on the Town unleſs the Lords departed out of it. On Saturday the 23d, her Majeſty cau- ſed to ſummon the Earl of Morton and the Lord Ruthven, with their Accom. plices, the Maſter of Ruthven, Laird of Ormeſtone, Wareſtone, Haltonē, E- verſtone, and others, to appear before her Majeſty within ſix Days, under Pain of Rebellion, and putting them to her Majeſty's Horn; which before hath never been uſed in Scotland (a), but newly invented by them that underſtood not Law. And how her Majeſty hach handled the Barons, and others out poor Brethren at Edinburgh, and how they are oppreſſed by the Men of War, God knoweth, who will put Remedy thereto when He thinketh beſt; and how the Barons Wives are oppreſſed, by {poiling their Places, and robbing their Goods, it would pity a good Heart 6). And whereas her Majeſty al ledgeth, that Night that David was flain, fome held Piſtols to her Majeſty's Breaſt; ſome ſtruck ſo near her Majeſty, that the felt the Coldneſs of the Iron, with many other ſuch like Things: Which we take God to record, there was not one Stroke in her Majeſty's Preſence; nor was David ſtriken till he was at the farther Door of her Majeſty's Outer-Chamber. And her Majeſty maketh all thir Allegations to bring the ſaid Earl of Morton, Lord Ruthven, and their Complices, into great Hatred with foreign Princes, and with the Nobility and Commons of the laid Realm, who have Experience of the contrary, and know that there was no Evil meant to the Queen's Body. The Eternal God, who hath the Rule of all Princes in His Hand, ſend her His Holy Spirit, that ſhe may rule and govern with Clemency and Mercy. Since the former Diviſion the King hath revolted from the Queen to the Lords, and now is come to her again. The Conſtancy of ſuch a King I leave to you to judge of. The Earls of Murray and Argile are come to Court. This 20th of April the French Ambaſſador palling through Berwick, was accompanied with the Brother of David, who is now Secretary to the Queen. Kk No. XII. (a) Mr. Knox will certify the contrary; for he honeſtly acknowledges that this “ Practice was deviſed in the Earl of Huntly's Cafe, before thc Battle of Corrichie.” And may be that Writer, had the Matter been different, would have here found out a divine Judgment . But ’tis obſervable chat Judgments are all for, not againſi him. (b) It might have even pitied a wicked Heart, to have ſeen a poor miſerable Creature crying for Juſtice, to be forcibly torn from the Prince's Preſence, and butcher'd in a molt barbarous Manger ! A good Heart would not engage in a Murder of any kind. I 20 Book II. A P P E N D I X. R. M. No. XII. Dunbar 16. Marcij, 1565-6. A ets of Privy SEDERUNT Georgits. Comes de Huntlie, Jacobus Comes de Bothwell, Council, Joannes Comes de Atholl, Wilielmus Comes de Mariſcal. David Comes de Crawfurd, Gilbertus Comes de Cafills, Georgius Comes de Caithnes, Proclamatioun to meit at Muſſelburgh. THe King and Quenis Majeſtics underſtanding that be vertew of thait Maje- ſties Lefteris and Proclamationis direct of befoir under thair Majeſties Sub- ſcriptionis, the Inhabitantis of the Sheriffdomes of Edinburgh principall , with- in the Conſtabularie of Hadingtoun, Linlythgow, Strivling, Lanark, Rox- burgh, Selkirk, Peiblis, Berwick, Lawder, and utheris ſpecifict in the faidis Proclamationis, wer warnit to convein and meit thair Hieneſſes at Hadingtoun and Muſſelburgb reſpective, the 16th, 17th and 18th Dayis of March inftant, with viii Dayis Proviſioun and Victuallis eftir thair cuming, as in the faidis for- mer Proclamationis paſt thairupoun at mait lenth is contenit : And thair Maje- ſties, God willing, being of purpois to be ar Hadingtoun this nixt Sonday the I7th Day of March inſtant, ordanis thairfoir Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of Arnies to pas to the Mercat-Croces of the ſaid Burgh of Hadingtown, and utheris Places neidfull, and thair be opin Proclamatioun in thair Majeſtics Name and Authoritie command and charge all and ſindrie thair Hieneſſes Legeis; alſweill convenit as heirefter fall happin to convein be vertew of the laidis former Pro- clamationis; That thai, and ilk ane of thame, remane and await at the Places foirfaidis appoyntit in the famyn Proclamationis, ſufficientlic provydit for the Space of viii Dayis eftir thair cuming; and to attend and pas furthwart with thair Majeſties towart thair Hieneſſes Burgh of Edinburgh, or uther Place as thai falbe commandit, conforme to the faidis former Proclamationis paſt thair- upoun of befoir, under the Pane of Tynfall of Lyff, Landis and Gudis. 1bid. Edinburgh 19. Marcij, 1565-6. SEDERUNT Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Wilielmus Comes de Mariſcal. Joannes Comes de Mar, Joannes Dominus Fleming, Joannes Maxwell de Terreglis Miles, Symon Preſtoun de eod. Præpofitus de Edinburgh, Jacobus Balfour de Pittendriech Miles, Thefaurarius, Alexander Epis copus Candida Cafe, Joannes Commendatarius de Lindores, Joannes Com- mendatarius de Balmerinoch, Magiſter David Chalmer Cancellarius Rollen. Charge on the Perſonis delaitit of the Slauchter of David Riccio. TH He quhilk Day, the King and Quenis Majeſties, for certane reſſonabill Cauf- ſis and Conſiderationis moving thair Hieneſſes, ordanis Letteris to be di- rect to Herauldis, or uther Officiaris of Armes, Sheriffis in thar Part, charge- ing thrame to pas, and in thair Hieneſſes Name and Authoritie command and charge James Erle of Mortoun Lord of Dalkeyth, Patrick Lord Ruthven, Patrick Lord Lyndefay of the Byris, William Maiſter of Ruthven, George Douglas Son naturall to umquhill Archibald Erle of Angus that laſt deceilit, Andro Ker of Fawdounſyde, William Douglas of Quhittinghame, Mr. Ar. chibald Douglas Parfoun of Douglas, Brut her to the faid William, Johne Cockburne of Ormieſtoun, James Johneſtoun of Elphingſtoun, Johne Creich- toun of Bruntſtoun, William Lawder of Haltoun, James Sandilandis of Calder, James Giffert of Sheriffhall, William Douglas of Lochlevin, Adam Erskin Cominendature of Cambuskynneth, Johne Monteith Fear of Kerſe, Parick Murray of Tibbermure, Patrick Wod of Bonytoun, Patrick Bellen- den of Stanehous, Brucher to Sr Johne Bellenden of Auchnowle Knycht, Ju- ſtice-Clerk, Thomas Scot of Cambufmichaell, Andro Murray of Balvard, David Murray his Brucher, Thomas Diſchingtoun in Ardros, George Dif. chingtouu his Bruther, Andro Diſchingtoun, fames Fohneſioun of Wejt-Raw, Fobne 3 Book II. APP E N D I X. ig! Johne Carmichaell zoungar of char ilk, Archibald Carmichaell his Brother, James Douglas of Todboles, James Somervell in Humby, Patrick Somervell his Bruther, David Somerveil, Mr. James Macgill, Mr. Thomas Douglas in Clappertonn, James Douglas of Knytifrig. Fobne Douglas in Howden, James Lermonth of the Craig, Alexander Wardlaw of the Hill, Alexander Qubytlaw of Newgrange, Patrick Qubytlaw his Son, William Twedie of Drummelzeare, Adam Twedie of Drava, Johne Brown of Cultirinains, James Stewart of Doun Knycht, Alexander Ruthven Bruther to the Lord Ruthven, Johne Douglas in Scheill, Hector Douglas in Spittlehauch, James Douglas thair, Thomas Scot of Abbottiſhall, David Lyndefay of Pyot foun, George Douglas Bruther-gerinane to Francis Douglas of Langnudry, Thomas Towe (or Cowe], Richart Cranſtotin, Servandis to the Secretare, Robert Lero month in Drein, Richart Murebeid in Crawfurd-mure, James Cochrane, Johne Somervell of Cambuſnethame, Johne Douglas in Gleſpen. William Watt in Murefute, föhne Macmorem in Hefylljde, William Inglis in Scrog- toun, Diones Inglis in Braidley, Johne Mowbray in Deyn, Alexander Borthwick in Kirknewtoun, Walter Wod Servand to Patrick Wod of Bony- toun, Mr. Andro Hay Parſoun of Renfrece, James Weddirſpune of Brigbous, Andro Lamby, Johne Edmonſtoun of that Ilk, perfonallic, or at thair Dwel- ling-places, and failzieing chairof, be opin' Proclamatioun at the Mercat-Croces of the Heid-Burrowis of the Sheriffdomes quhair thai dwell, To compeir per- fonallie befoir the King and Quénis Majeſties and Lordis of thair ſecrete Coun- fall at Edinburgh, or quhair it fall happin thame to be for the tyme, upoun the fext Day nixt eftir thai and ilk ane of thame be chargic thairto reſpectivè, to anſwer to fic Thingis as falbe laid to thair Charge, under the Pane of Rebellioun and putting of thame to our Horne; and gif chai failzie thairin, the faid fex Dayis being bipaft, to denunce thame Rebellis, and put thame to the Horne, and to efcheat, &c. Edinburgh 2. Maij , 1566. SEDERUNT Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Archibaldus Comes de Ergyle, Jacobus Comes de Murray, Jacobus Comes de Bothwell, Joannes Comes de Atholl, David Comes de Crawfurd, Georgius Comes de Caithnes, Joan. nes Comes de Mar ; Joannes Maxwell de Terreglis Miles, Alexander E- piſcopus Candida Caſa, Epiſcopus Roffen. Præpofitus de Edinburgh, Joan nes Commendatarius de Balmerinoch. Devyis for Rebellis that wer at David Biccio's Murder. FO. Orſameikle as our Soveranis referrit to the Lordis of fecrete Counfall to de- vyis the way how the Perfonis Rébellis culpabill or ſuſpect of the lait haya nous Attemptat perpetrat in thair Majeſties Palice, falbe ordourit; The Lordis thinkis expedient that all that wer of the Devyis, Counfall, or actuallie at the committing of the Slauchter, falbe profecütc be Ordour of Juſtice, and the fa. myo fcharplie execute on thame: And as for the Commonis and utheris thać accidentalie cum thaireftir to thair Majeſties Palice, thai offerand to abyde the Law for the Devyis, Counſalling, and actuall Deid of the Slauchter; That thadi thair Supplicationis be hard, and Ordour takin with tháme, owther be warding, baniſling, or fyning be Payment of Scumes of Money. , R. M. ibid. Apud Edinburgh 8. Junij, 1566. SEDERUNT Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Joannes Comes de Atholl, Georgius Comes de Caithnes, Clericus Regiſtri, & Epiſcopus Candida Café. Foz Rebellis acceflozie to Riccio's Murder. Orſamekill as it is humlic meanit and complanit to our Soveranes Lord and Lady be Maiſters Johne Spens of Condy and Robert Creichtosin of Elyock, thair Advocates ; That quhair James Erle of Mortoin, Patrick Lord Lynde- K k 2 132 A P P E N D I X. Book II. fay of the Byris, William Maiſter of Ruthven, William Douglas of Quhita tinghame, Mr. Archibald Douglas his Bruther, James Giffert of Sheriffball, Hohne Creichtoun of Bruntſtane, James Johneſtoun of Elphing ſtoun, Andro Ker of Fawdounſyde, James Somervell of Humby, David Somervell, Pa- trick Somervell his Brecher, Patrick Bellenden of Stanehous, George Douto glas, callit the poſtulat Sone naturall to Archibald Erle of Angus, Alexander Ruthven Brusher to umquhill the Lord Ruthven, Patrick Murray of Tibber- mure, Mr. Thomas Douglas of Clappertoun, James Douglas of Knytifrig, Johne Douglas in the Schiell, James Johneſtoun of Weſtraw, Johne Carmi. chaell zoungar of that Ilk, Archibald Carmichaell his Bruther, Heator Duu- glas in Spiti lebauch, James Douglas thair, Andro Diſchingtoun Bruther to the Laird of Ardros, Robert Lermonth in Drein, Johne Mowbray in Deyn, Patrick Wod of Bonytoun, Alexander Guthrie Burges of Edinburgh, Wil- liam Jobneſtoun Bowar thair, Andro Armſtrang thair, James Zoung Cutlar thair, Thomas Brown Cordinar thair, William Cheyn, &c. with diverle utheris thair Complices ar lauchfullie denuncit Rebellis, and put to the Horne for Non- compeiring befoir chair Majeſties and Lordis of thair fecrete Counfall, to anſwer to fic Thingis as fould be layd to thair Charges, as in the Letteris direct thair- upoun mair fully is contenit: And albeit the ſaid Rebellis be delaicit of the vyle and treſlonabili Slauchter of umquhill David Riccio thair Majeſties Secretare in Franche, committit in thair Hieneſſes Preſence within thair Palice of Hally- rudhous; and als, of the treſſonabill Keiping and Halding of the Quenis Grace Perloun in Caprivitie and Firmance, and of findrie uthir abhominabill Crymes ; and that thairthrow it pertenis to the Sheriffis, Stewartis and Baillies of the haill Realme, bayth to Burgh and to Land, within Regalitie and Rialtie, for to ferch, ſeik, tak and apprehend the faidis Rebellis, and bring thame to be puneiſt for thair Demeritis according to the Lawis of this Realme; nochtwithſtand- ing our Soveranis as zit can perſave lytill or na Executioun of thair Devoir and Offices in that Part, quhairthrow the faidis Rebellis ſpair nocht to remane with- in this Realme, and to haunt and refort quhair thai pleis, in manifeſt Contempt of our Soveranis Authoritie: Lykas alſwa diverſe utheris thair Majeſties Legeis, in contrare thair Dewtie, ceiſfit noche to reſſer, harbry, and ſupply the faidis Re- bellis with Mear, Ludging and uthir Neceſſaris, and to intercommoun with thame in treſſonabill maner, in manifeſt vilipending of thair Hicneſſes Autho- ritie and Lawis of the Realme; Quhairfoir thair Majeſties ordavis Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of Armis to pas, and in thair Hieneſſes Name and Au- thoritic command and charge all and ſindric the Liegis of this Realme, That thai, and ilk ane of thame, ceis and abſtain -fra all forder reſetting, fupplye- ing, fupporting or intercommuning with the faidis Rebellis in treſlonabill ma- ner, under the Pane to be callie thairfoir, and puneiſt as Art and Part with thame in thair treſſonabill and wickit Deids with all Rigour, conforme to the Lawis and Practik of this Realme: And als, to charge all and findrie the She- riffis, Stewartis and Baillies within this Rcalme to pas, ferche, feik and appre. hend the faidis Rebellis, and bring thame to the Juſtice, to the Effect above- wrytrin; and to that Effect thair Majeſties be thir Preſentis committis full Power to the faidis Sheriffis, Stewartis and Baillies, to mak Conventioun of thair Majeſties Liegis in weirlyke maner, and to invaid the laidis Rebellis with in and without Strenthis, as beſt fall ſerve for the Purpois, and conforme to the Actis of Parliament maid thairanent; quhairintill gif the faidis Officiaris falbe fund remiſſe and negligent, thai ſalbe puneiſt as Favouraris with the faidis Rebellis in thair Rebellioun and wickit Deids. Nº. XIII. The former Reaſon, viz. the Bulkineſs of this Appendix, obliges me to retrench the original French Copies of the Letters here referred to ; eſpecially ſeeing there will be free Acceſs to the politeft Part of Readers, 10 ſee them in their preſent Repoſitory. No. XIV. Book II. 133 A P P E N D 1 X. Tom.2. F.269. in Colleg. Scoto No. XIV. Letter of the Council of Scotland to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow Ambaſador in France. MY Lord, after our hartlie Commendationis, we onderſtand that Monf. de Mem. Scot. Croc hes preſentlie ſend this Bearer expreſlie to advertis the Quene-Moder of the Quenis Majeſtie our Soveraygnis Diſeaſe, quhilk is greit indeid. And Pariſ, nochtheles becaus we fear that the ſuddayn Advertiſement thairof rais Bruyr, that the Danger is greiter then zit appeiris to us, we haif thoche gude to wryo thir few Lynis unto zou, that ze be not ignorant of the Trewth, quhilk is, That hir Majeſtie hes bene fick chir ſex Dayis bypaſt, and this Nicht hes had ſum Dwaumes of Swouning, quhilk purtis Men in fum Feir ; nochtheles we fee na Takynis of Death, and hopis in God that He will ſchortlie releave hir Majeſtie, and reſtoir hir to hir Health, and will not ſuffer this pure Rcalme to fall in that Miſerie as to lack ſa gude and gracious a Governour. All Thingis ar in Godis Handis, bor aſſuritlie, for our Opinionis, we fee na appeirance of Death: Quhilk we wryt, to the Effect that neither ze zourſelf be diſcouragit, nor ſuffer ucheris to be farther then Reſſoun is. And la we committ zour Lords ſchip to God. Frae Jedburgh the xxiii October in the Morning, in haiſt. Zour Lordſchipis aſurit Freindis, HUNTLY. JAMES STEWART [E. Murray.] ATHOL. W. MAITLAND. [Poftfcript by Secretary Maitland.] Gif I had knawin a quarter of ane Hour ſoonar, I wald haif maid zour Lord- ſchip a langer Diſcourſe ; bot the Berar his haſtie Departure mon ſerve me for aue Excuſe, quhilk I pray zour Lordſchip cak in gude Part. Ifall, God willing, mend it heirafrer. Monſieur , je Lettre de M. le Croc Ambaſſadeur de France a M. l'Archev. de Glaſgo. Onſieur, je penſe que les Seigneurs de ce pais qui vous ont eſcript, ne vous ibid. F. 2738 ont pas tant eſtonné par leurs lettres, que je fais par la myenne, pour ce an Original. que le Courier qui fut envoié, fut retardé lept ou huit heures apres que j'cuſſe aſcript. Nous commençaſmes à eſperer beaucoup mieulx de la Reyne, ce que nous avons toujours fait depuis de mieulx en mieulx. Pour l'heure, les Mede- cins n'en doubtent plus. Si eſt ce qu'elle a des vomiſſements apres ce qu'elle prend qui font un peu facheux, mais pour cela, les Medecins ne s'eſtonnent point, car elle dort fort bien & poſement. Ceſte nuit paſſée elle a dormy cinq heures fans s'eveiller. Je vous aſſure, que fa Majeſté eſtoit bien fecouruë, & Dieu ſcait comme tous les Seigneurs qui font icy s'y employent. Vous pou- vez penſer la peine en quoy ils eſtoient, & l'extremité que c'euft eté de ce pauvre Roiaume. Le Roy eſt à Glaſco, & n'eſt point venu icy. Si eſt-ce qu'il a eté adverty par quelqu'un, & a eu du temps aſſez pour venir s'il cuſt voullu ; c'eſt une faulte que je ne puis excuſer. J'ay adreſſé cette depeſche au Gouverneur de Baruic, & le prie la faire tenir à Monſieur de la Forreſt, cſperant que dans cinq ou fix jours la Royne fera en eſtat de ſigner, & que fa Majeſté depeſchera bientoft un autre Courier, par lequel je vous manderay , plus amples Nouvelles. Je n'ay point voullu eſcrire à Monſeigneur le Cardinal de Lorraine de fi facheux propos : car il ſemble que ce Prince n'entend jamais que fortune malheureuſe qui luy vienne de jour à autre. Si croy je que la Royne luy aura envoié la lettre que j' ay eſcripté à fa Majeſté. Je vous prie s'il vous vient à propos, de votre part le deſcharger d'un ennuy qu'il aura receu ſi grand. Me recommendant humblement à votre bonne grace, je prie Dieu, Monſieur, vous donner bonne & longue vie. De Jedouart, ce xxiv Octobre 1566. Votre humble & obeiſant Serviteur, LE CROC. L1 Letter 134 Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DIX. ibid. F.285. an Original. Letter of Mr. John Leſlie Biſhop of Roſs to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, upon the Queen's Sickneſs. MY Y Lord, after maiſt hartlie Commendationis, I wryt upoun haiſt to zour Lordſchip with Sanderis Bog, quha was ſend be Monſ. de Croc this laſt Weddenſday to adverteis of the Quenis Majeſties Seykues, quhilk at that Tyme was wonderous gryt; for aſſuritlie hir Majeſtie was la handleit with gryt Ve- hemencie, that all that was with hir war diſparit of hir Convaleſcens. Nochtheles foone after the departing of Sanderis Bug; hir Majeſtie gat ſume Relief, quhilk Iſtit quhill Furiſday at Ten Houris at Evin, at quhilk Tyme hir Majeſtie ſwounic agane, and failzier in hir Sicht, hir Feit and hir Neis was cauld, quhilkis war handleit be extreme rubbing, drawing, and utheris Cureis, be che Space of four Houris, that na Creature culd indure gryter Paine; and throch the Vehemencie of this Cure hir Majeſtie gat ſume Relief, quhill about Sax Houris in the Morning on Fryday, that hir Majeſtie become died, and all hir Memberis cauld, Eene cloſit, Mouth faſt, and Feit and Armis ſtiff and cauld. Nochtheles Maiſter Naw, quha is ane perfyt Man of his Craft, wald noche gif the Mater owr in that maner, bot of new begoud to draw hir Neis, Leggis, Armis, Feit, and the reſt, with fic vehement Tormentis, quhilkis leftit the Space of three Houris, quhill hir Majeſtic recoverit agane hir Sicht and Speeche, and gat ane gryt Swyting, quhilk was halden the Releif of the Seyknis, becaus it was on the nynt Day, quhilk commounlie is callit the Creiſis of the Seyknis, and ſwae heir thöche the Culeing of the Fever. And fenfyne continuallie, Thankis to God, hir Majeſtie convaleſcis better and better ; bot the vehement Preſſe of vomiting and laxative, with the gryt Paine of rubbing and drawing of hir Mem- beris, quhilkis hir Majeſtie hes ſultenit, hes maid hir la waik, that fche is noche abill haiſtlie for Travell furth of thir Partis. Always I affuir zour Lordſchip, in all this Seyknes hir Majeſtic uſit hirſelf marvelous godlie and catholic, and contineuallie defyrit to heir ſpeik of God and godlie Prayaris, and cauſit me re- mane contineuallie with hir to that Effect, to remember hir on hir Dewtie, aud pray contineuallie befyd hir. Hir Majeſtie hes maid the maiſt godle Exhorta. tionis to all the Nobilitie being heir at this preſent Ty'me that cvir Prince or u- thir máid ar fic Tyme; firſt making hir Confeſſioun to God of hir Offenceis, re- cognofland Him Creator of all, and hir to be the Wark of His Handis, defyrand His godlie Will to be fulfillit ; That gif it hes plefic His Majeſtie to ſuffer hir to remane in this preſent Wardill for the governing of His Pepell committit to bir Cair, or to reſcif hir to His Bliſs, fche glaidlie wald accept that Thing quhilk His godlie Will hed appoyntit, and with als gude Hart and Will to die as to leif; proteſtand alwayis that fcho deit in the Catholic Fayth, in the quhilk ſche was nuriſſit and brocht up intill; of the quhilk hir Majeſtie tuke me oft to witnes. And thaireftir turnii hir to hir Nobilitie, and befechit thame to tak Attendance to the governing of this our Realme ; and to the Effect thai may do the fame the bettir, that thai keip Luf, Unitie and Charitie amangis thame ſelffis, reherſand quhat gryt Gudnes cumis of Unitie and Concord, and be the contrar, of Diſcord all Deſolationis ; and recommendit alſwa hir Sone the Prince to thair Governance, praying thame effecteouſlie to ſuffer nane to be with him in Cumpany in his Zoutheid that war of evill Conditionis, or wald gif him evill Exempill in Maneris, bot that fic war preſent with him quha wald and culd inſtruct him in Vertew and in all Godlienes, and vocht to fuffer him to tak or uſe ony evill Conditionis and Inclinationis quhilk may him throch' his Fader, Moder, or ony his naturall Parentis. Thaireftir hir Ma. jeſtie recommendit unto thame the Srait of the Religioun within this Realme, praying thamc effectcouſlie to truble nor preſs na Man in his Conſciens that pro- fefſit the Catholic Religioun, aggreging mcikle the Prik and Stinnell of Conſciens, quhilk is ane fair Mater to preale; with hir awin Determinationis to die con- ftant in the Catholic Religioun. Thaireftir recommendit hir Servantis, ſum in particular, and fum in generall, to be rewardit for thair gude Service. Laft, fall unto Book II. A P P E N D I X. 135 Laſt, hir Majeſtie fend for Monf. dit Croc, and thair in his Preſens declarit hit conſtant Mynd to die in the Catholic Religioun, the gude Mynd hir Majeſtie bair and bairis at all ty me to the Realme of France, and Crowne thairof and Allyance, and recommendit hir Sone the Prince to the King and to Madame che Quene: Moder ; and requeſtit the Nobilicie preſent to keip thair Amycie as ſche hes done in tyme paſt , and to bring up hir Sone in the ſame Friendſchip ; and de- fyric du Croc to mak hir hartlie Commendationis to the King, the Quene-Mox der, the Cardinall, and utheris hir Friendis in France, and deſyrit him to tċa queiſt the King and Quene to grant ane Zeir of hir Dowaric to reward hir Sera vantis in France, with mony uthir godlie and profitabill Exhortationis and Prayaris, la perfytlie as neiver we hard ane fpeik in the maner, being fwa han- dillic with få gryc Infirmnities, quhairof this is the Sumare. Thaireftir the Lordis heir preſent, ſic as the Erlis Huntlie, Murray, Boythwell, Rothes, Cathnes; Lordis Levingſtoun, Arbroth, Setoun, Zeiſter, Borthwick, Som- merveill, with mony uthir Baronis and Biſchopis, hes concludit and promiſſit faithfullie to retane thameſelffis togidder till thair cuming to Edinburgh, and thair to mak ane Conventioun, and oppin the Quenis Teſtament, and caus the fame be put to Executioun, gif it may ſtand with the Lawis of the Realme utherway is to appoint ſuch for the governing of the Cuntrie and keiping of the Prince as accordis of the Law: And in the mene tyme to ſuffer na Brek in ony Part of the Realme ; and quha evir attemptis to begin ony Troubill in ony Part, thai all falbe Ennemyis to the Beginnar, befyd that he falbe puniſic be the Law. And ſwa this Promiſſe is maid in cace ony thing happen, quhilk is the beſt can be taken at this preſent. But I hop in Erernall GOD that He will noche fuffer us to be ſwa plagic to tak fra us fic ane Princes, quhilk gif He dois for our Iniquityis, we luk for nathing bot for gryt Troubill in thir Partis, leſs God in His Gudenes ſchaw His Mercy upoun us. The King all this ty me remaneis in Glaſcow, and zit is nocht cumm towart the Quenis Majeſtie. The Quenis Majeſtie is ſa waik in hir Perſoun, that hir Majeſtie can nocht be'empeſchit with ony Beſines concerning the Nunce, bot alwayis hir Majeſtie maid ane Depeſche befoir ſche fell ſeik, bot at this preſent may nocht be inqueſt thairof; and thairfoir it is gude ze foliſit the Cardinall of Lorraine to caus the Nunce tak Patience, for hir Grace is verry deſyrous to haif him heir, bot alwayis wald haif his cumming differrit to the Baptiſme war endit. In the mene tyme it fal- be gude zour Lordſchip bear himn gude Cumpany, that he tak na cvill Opinioun of the differring of his Anſwer, for the Caufis occurrand. As zour Lordſchip findis Opportunitie, it will pleis zour Lordſchip remember on my Biſinefs ; the quhilk i dout not bot my Lord Cardinall of Lorraine will fòliſit and hauld hand, gif his Lordſchip be remembrit thairupoun. In reſpect I remane conti- neuallie with the Quenis Majeſtie, being my allane, for lack of Concurrens, quhairthfow it is meikle to be meryalit that the Papis Halynes is la difficille in granting of my Proviſioun, gif his Halynes be weill informit; and in reſpect thair is la few of this Cuntric that ſuitis for Securitie furch of thai Partis, quhilk I do nocht without the Diſdane of mony: Bot, God willing, I ſall conſtanrelie do my Dewitié, quhilk I pray God to grant me at all tyme His Strenth to per- ſevere, quha alfwa haif zou in His Protectioun. At fedburgh the xxvi Day of October lait at Even.-The Quenis Medicinar and Maiſter Naw hes wounderous gude Houp of hir Graces Convaleſcens, in reſpect hir Grace is pafſit this Nicht without Seiknes, quhilk was fearit be reaſon of hir awin Con- laite that fche fearit this Saturday at Even to be ſeikeſt of all. Bor I treſt God of His infinite Gudenes, throw the Prayaris of mony maid for hir at this pre- fent, hes preſervit hir to the Avanſement of His Glorie and Comfort of His Pepill committit to hir Cure, quhame I hop zit to be weill governic be hir mo- ny Zeiris. It will pleis zou ſend Aufwer agane with Capitane Hay the Bearer. Monf. du Croc ſeing the Quenis Graces Infirmitie to haif maid hir waik, hes wryttin to the Ambaſſadouris, That gif thai be nocht cumm furth of France, as zic to remane ſtill quhill he fend Word, or to ſtay in Lunden, Siclyk, my LI 2 Lord 136 A P P E N D I X. Book II. Will, Lord Boythwell is heir, quha convaleſcis weill of his Woundis; and thair is gude Obediens and Quyetnes upoun the Borderis bayth of Ingland and Scotland. As ony uther occurris, zour Lordſchip falbe advertiſit. I fall do Dilligens to collect the Quenis Gr&ces Exhortationis and larter Declarationis of that fa godlie and vertuous Sayingis pereis not, and ſend the fame to zou : Boc this I wryr for Shortnes with the Bearer at this preſent; and God Eternall be zour Helpar. At Jedburgh this Sunday at Morning the xxvij October 1566. Vefter ex animo, JOANNES Epiſcopus Rofenfis. No. XV. Shatted Ms. de the Quenis Majeſtic our Soverane hes underſtuid be the Report of hir fa- miliar Servitour Robert Malvile the gude Offeris maid to hir Behuif be the Quenis Hienes hir gude Siſter zour Soverane; Hir Majeſtie thinkis hirſelf ob- leiſt to do to the Quene zour Maiſtres quhatſoevir a gude Siſter and tendir Cou- fing aucht, quhair ſcho findis fa greit Thankfullues, and that ſcho could not declair the Affectioun ſcho beris towart hir faid derreft Siſter bettir nor that quhilk fcho did quhen ſcho lukit nor to haif brukit this Lyff xij Houris in hir lait Seiknes; ar quhilk tyme hir Meaning wes, That the ſpeciall Cair of the Protectioun of hir Sone fould reſt upoun zour Soverane: Hir Hienes belevis zour Lordſchipis hes alwayis bene gude Miniſteris to move zour faid Soverane to ſchaw hir awin reſſounabill Favour to the Avancement of the Quene our Majſtres in that quhilk is rycht, and firmelie lukis ze will fa continew. Hir Grace takis hirſelf, as we doubt not bot zour Lordſchipis knawis, to be the Quene zour Soveranis nixt Couſing, and nixt hirſelf and the lauchfull iſſue of hir Body, to haif grerteſt Intereſt of all uther to that quhilk hes bene, as is re- portit, laitlie mentionat in the Parliament-hous : And albeit ſcho be not of mynd to preſſo the Quene hir gude Siſter farder than fall cum of hir awin gude Pleſſour, till put that Mater in queſtioun ; zit becaus in that Cais fcho will be jugeit be the Lawis of the Realme of Ingland, hir Majeſtie dois effectuuſlie re- queir zour Lordſchipis ro haif reſpect to Juſtice with Indifferencie, quhenſoevir it fall pleis the Quenis Majeſtie thair to put the fame Mater in Deliberatioun. from Cotton Library. Anderſon's Nº. XVI. The Proteftation of the Erles of Huntley and Argyll, Touching Colle&.vol.4. the Murthour of the King of Scots. WE E George Erle of Huntlie. Lord Gordoun, and Great Chancellor of Scot- land, and we Archibald Erle of Ergile, Lord Campbell and Lorne, and Greit Juſtitier of the ſaid Realme; It mote be kend till áll and ſyndrie quhais Knowledge thir Preſentis fall cum, how we being informit that ſum diſobedient Subjectis to the Qucnis Majeſtie our Soveraine Lady, for excuſe and covering of thair taking Armor agains hir Hienes, impreſoning of hir maiſt nobill Per- foun, ufurping of hir Graces Auctoritie, practiſing the Keiparis of the principal Places and Fortereſiis of hir Realme, invading thairof, reving and ſpoiling hir Majeſties pretious Meubles, Jewills, and Stains of greit Valor, durft in leying falfly and calumniouſly accuſe hir Hienes to haife bene of the Foirknowledge, counfalit, dewyfit, perſwadit, and commandit the Murthor committed in the Perſoun of umquhile Henry Stewart her Majeſties Husband ; Will for the Dewitic of gud and faythfull Subjectis, and Dilcharge of our Conſciences atoir God and the Warld, declair that quhilk we knaw of the ſaid Murthor. That is to faye, In the Yeir of God 1566 Yeiris, in the Moneth of December or thairby, Book II. A P P E N D I X. 137 thairby, after her Hienes greit ånd extreme Seiknes and retourning from Jeda wart, her Grace being in the Caſtell of Craigmillar accupaueit be us above written, and be the Erlis of Bothuel, Murraye, and Secretaire Lethingtoun ; The faid Erle of Murraye and Lethingtoun come in the Chambre of us the Erle of Ergile in the Morning, we being in our Bed, quha lamenting the Bàn niſhment of the Erle of Mortoun, Lordis Lindſay and Rowen, with the reſt of their Factioun, faid, That the Occaſion of the Murthor of David ſlaine by them in Preſens of the Quenis Majeſtie, was for to trouble and impeſche the Parliament; quhairin the Erle of Murraye and others fould have bin forfalted and declarit Rebellis : And feing that the ſame was chieflie for the Veilfar of the Erle of Murraye, it fould be eſtemic Ingratitude gif he and his friends in reciproque Manner, did not interpoyſe all that wair puiſſance for Relief of the faids Baniſhed ; quhairfor thai thocht, that we of our Part fould hafe bene aš deſyreous thairto as chai war: And we agreing to the fame to doe all that was in us for thair Relief, provyding that the Quenis Majeſtie fould not be offendie thairat. On this Lethingtoun propone and ſaid, That the nerreſt and beſt way till obreine the ſaid Erle of Mourtounis Perdoun, was to promeiſé to the Quenis Majeſtie to fynde an Moyen to make Devorcement betwixt hir Grace and the King hir Husband, wha had offendit hir Hienes ſa hielie in mony wayes: Quhairunto we anſwering, That we knew not how that mycht be done ; Lea thingtoun ſaid, (the Erle of Murraye being ever preſent) My Lord cair you not thairof, we fall fynde the Meane weil aneuch to make her quyte of him, ſo that ye and my Lord of Hunt lie will onlie behald the Maiter; and not be offendit thairat ; and then thai ſend to my Lord of Huntlie, praying hiin to come to our Chalmer. This is as thai dealit with us particularlie ; now latt us fchaw quhat followit eftir that we war aſſemblit. We Erle of Huntlie being in the fåid Chalmer, the faidis Erle of Murraye and Lethingtoun oppynit the Nat- ter lykwiſe to us in manner forſáid, promeſing if we wald conſent to the fame, that thai fould fynde the Meane to reſtoir us in our awin Laudis and Offices, and thai to ſtand gud Freind unto us, and caus the faid Erle of Mortoun, Rowen, and all the reſt of that Company to do the like in tyme coming. Our Anſwer was, It fould not ſtop be us, that the Matter come not to effect in all myght be proffitfull and honourabill baithe for thame and us, and ſpeciallie quhair the Pleafor, Veill and Contentment of the Quenis Majeſtic conſiſted. And thaironi we foure, viz. Erlis of Huntlie, Ergile, Marraje; and Secre: taire Lethingtoun, paft all to the Erle of Bothuellis Chalmer to underſtand his Adwyfe on thir Thingis proponit, quhairin he ganefaid not mair then we: Swa thairefter we paft altogidder toward the Qucnis Grace, quhair Lething- toun eftir he hade remembrit hir Majeſtie of ane greit Nombre of grevous and intollerable Offencis, that the King (as he faid) ingrait of the Honour reflaivit of hir Hienes hade done to hir Grace: And continowing every Day from evil to worſs, proponit, That gif it pleaſit hir Majeſtic to perdonnc the Etle of Mortoun, Lordis Rowen and Lyndſaye, with thair Company, thai fould fyndé the Meanes with the reſt of the Nobilitie; to make Devorcement betwixt bir Hienes and the King hir Husband, quhilk fould not neid hir Grace to mel thairwith. To the quhilk it was neceſſary that hir Majeſtic take heid to make Reſolution thairin, alweill for hir awin Eaſment, äſweill of the Rcalme, for he troublit hir Grace and us all; and remaining with hir Majeſtic, wald not ceis till he did hir fum uther evil Turnc, quhen that hir Hienes wald be mickill impeſchic to put Remeid thairto. Eftir thif Perſuaſions, and utheris dyveľs, quhilk the ſaid Lethingtoun uſed, by theis that every ane of us fchew particularlie to hir Majeſtie to bring hir to the ſaid Purpoſe; Hir Grace anſwerit, That under twă Conditiouns ſhe might underſtand the fame : The ane; That the Devorcement war made lauchfullie: The uthir, That it war not Prejudice to hir Son; uthira wiſe hir Hienes wald rather endure all Tormentis, and abyde the Perrelles that mycht chaunce hir in hir Graces Lyftyme. The Erle of Bothuel anfwerit; That he dowcit uot bot the Devorcement micht be maid, but Prejudice in any wyic MI 138 A P P E N D I X. Book II. wyſe of my Lord Prince; alleging the Example of himſelf, that he ceiſfit not to fucceid to his Fatheris Heritage without any Difficulty, albeit thair was De- vorce betwixt him and his Mother. It was als proponit , Thar eftir thair De- vorcement, the King fould be him allane in one Part of the Cuntry, and the Quenis Majeſtie in ane uther, or ells he ſhould reteir him in ane uthir Realme. And heiron hir Majeſtie faid, Thar peradventure he wald change Opinioun, and that it war better that the hir ſelft for ane tyme paſſit in Fraunce, abyding till he acknawlegit himſelf. Then Lethingtoun taking the Speache, ſaid, MADAME fancie ye not we ar heir of the principall of your Graces Nobilitie and Counfale, that fall fynde the Moyen that your Majeſtie fall be quyte of him without Prejudice of your Sone; and albeite that my Lord of Murraye heir preſent be lyrill les fcrupulus for and Proteſtant, nor your Grace is for ane Papift, I am affurit he will looke throw his Fingeris thairto, and will behald our Docings, faying nathing to the fame. The Quenis Majeſtie anſwerit, I will that ye do nathing quhairto any Spot may be layit to my Honor or Con- ſcience, and thairfor I pray you rather let the Matcer be in the Eſtait as it is, abyding till God of His Goodnes put Remid thairto ; that ye beliefing to do me Service, may poſſibill turne to my Hurt and Diſplealor. MADAME, faid Lethingtoun, let us guy de the Matter amongis us, and your Grace fall fie na- thing bot gud and approvit be Parliament. Swa after the Premiilis, the Mur- ther of the ſaid Henry Stewart following, We juge in our Conſcience, and haldis for cercane and treuth, that the faids Erle of Murraye and Secretary Lethingtoun war Autors, Inventors, Devyſeris, Counſalors and Cauſeris of the ſaid Murthor, in quhat Mauner or be quhatſumevir Perſonis the ſame was exe- cut. And quhair the faidis Erle of Murraye and Lethingtoun, or any of thaine, will denaye and gainſaye to the foreſaid, we are deliberat to defend the fame be Law of Armes as our awin proper Honor, in quhatſumevir Place thai will cheile in Scotland afoir the Eſtaitis theirof; owt of the quhilk Realme we cannot paſs be reſſoun of the Trublis are thairintill: And gif the Quenis Majeſtie of Ing- land pleiſis to ſend any in hir Name to heir and le the Premiſſies defendit , That faine lal be pute' to Execution in thair Preſens. And albeit that Lethingtoun be nouther of Quality nor Bloode equal unto us, notwithſtanding we will ad- mitc and reſſaif him in Combat with the ſaid Erle of Murraye, gif thai will baith preſent thameſelffis thairto. And quhair ane of thame only wold deny and ganeſaye it that is afoir reherfit, and accept the faid Combat, outher che ane or the uthir of us ſhall reſſaif the fame; proteſting that gif thai anſwer not die rectlie to this our preſent Acceſtatioun, Declaratioun, Accufatioun, and Cartell, thai falbe repute giltie and vainqueſier of the ſaid Murthor. In Witneſs of the quhilk we have fubſcryved thir Preſentis with our Handis and Sealis of our Armes affixit thairto, at the and the Day of the ſaid Moneth, the Yeir of God anę thouſand five hundred threeſcoir aucht Yeiris, and of our Soveraine Ladyis Reginne the xxvij Yeir. Day of at 'Ibid. Ane Anſwer by the Earl of Murray Regent, To the forfaid Proteftation paſted on the Back therof, 19 January 1568-9. BE Ecauſe the Cuſtume of my Adverſaries is and hes bene, rather to calumpniat D and back-bite me in my Abſence then before my Face, and that it inaie hap- pen thaime when I am depairtit furth of this Realme, ſlanderouſlie and untrew. lie to report Untruthis of me, and namely, towards fum Spechis halden in my Hearing at Craigmillar in the Moneth of November 1566. I haif alreddie de clarit to the Quenis Majeſtie, the Effect of the haill Purpoſes ſpokin in my Au- dience at the fame Time ſincerely and trewlie, as I will anſwer to Alniighty God, unconceling ony Part to my Remembrance, as hir Hienes I traiſt will report : And farther, in caſe any Man will ſay and affirme, That evir I was pre- fent quhen ony Purpoſes was halden at Craigmillar in my Audience, tending to Book II. 139 A P P E N D I X. to ony unlawfull or diſhonourable End; or that evir I ſubſcrivit any Band there, or that ony Purpos was haldin anent the fubſcriving of any Band be me to my Knawlege : I avow they ſpoke wiketlie and untrewlie, quhilk I will mana tene aganis chame, as becums an honeſt Man, to the End of my Lyff; onlie this far the Subſcription of Bandis by me is crew, That indeed l ſubicryvit an Band with the Erlis of Hunt lie, Ergile and Bothuile in Edinburgh, at the Be. ginning of October the fame Yeir 1566, quhilk wes deviſit in ſigne of our Re- conciliation, in reſpect of the foriner Grudgis and Diſpleſſors that had bene a- mongis us : Quhairunto I was conſtrerit to make Promis before I culd be ad- micrit to the Quenis Preſence, or haif any ſchew of hir Favor; and thair was nevir na uther Band ethir maid or ſubſcrivit, nor yet proponit to me in ony wyſe before the Murthor of umquhile the King, Father to the King, now my Soveraine : Nowthir yit afrit the Murthur wuld I evir for ony Perfuafion agree to the Subſcriptioun of ony Band, howbeit I was erneſtlie urgit and preſſit thair. to be the Quenis Commandment. This far I thochte guid to put in Write and deif behynde me, in cais (as I haif before faid) my Adverſares in my Abſence halde Speche and report untrew Materis of me, to my Diſhonor or Diſadvan- tage. Subſcrivit with my Hand at London the Nyntene Day of Januar 1568. JAMES REGENT Below is written in Secretary Cecil's Hand, thus, 19 Januar 1568, An Anſwer of the Erle of Murray to aWryting of the Erle of Huntly and Argyll. No. XVII. 87 The Evidence I intended to have inſerted here is that of Tbo. mas Neilſon, which I did not rake Notice the Readers might find in Ander- ſon's Colle&tions, Vol. 4. However 'tis to be obſerved that Mr. Crawford of Drumſoy has fubjoined the following Norë to the Copy of this Depoſition, which he has tranſcribed from the Cotton Library, viz. This Paper is written in a miſerable Hand: I have left Blanks for ſuch Words as I could not read; nor is the Senfe loft though they ſhould never be filled up. As for Crawford's Depoſition mentioned in the preceding Journal, 'tis not to be found in Caligula, only fo far as I can gueſs it ſeems to be ſtoln; at leaſt either it, or some other Paper, is torn out juſt before Neilſon's. The Journal here mentioned by Mr. Crawford is alſo contained in Ander fon's Collections, Vol. 4. Part 2. from p. 170 to P. 178. It might indeed have been expected that the original Copics of theſe Sonnets, &c. faid to have been found in the Box brought down from the Caſtle of Edinburgh, ſhould have been preſerved as the beſt Inſtructions to Poſterity againſt the Queen ; but as this has not been done, it may create no ſmall Suſpicion of ſome ini- quous dealing in the Matter. 'Tis true there is in the Council-Books a fort of Declaration, &c. as the Reader fees here below; but let the Ingenuity of theſe noble Peers be ever ſo ſpotleſs, I conceive it had been incumbent on their Lordſhips to have cauſed make out an authentick Double of Dalg leiſh's Examination, where, from whom, and by whoſe Command he received the Box; together with a Liſt of all the Papers contained therein, ſigned not only by their Lordſhips and their Clerk, but by publick Noraries likewiſe, that fo the fact might have been handed down with all humane Certainty But of all this nothing is done ; nay there is not ſo much as a Veſtige to be ſeen either of the Box or Papers now remaining; and for what we can diſ- cern, was not to be ſeen any time after the Conferences at Hampton-Court were over. The Engliſh Lords who fate in theſe Conferences found the Form of the writing of the Sonnets, &c. to agree wich the Hand-writing of our Qucen : But as there is little Conſequence to be drawn from thence (where ſo many dexterous Heads and Hands may be ſuppoſed to have been employed in the Forgery) we know that by this time Queen Elizabeth, as well as her truſty Secretary formerly, were engaged in Meaſures directly a- Mina gainſt 140 II. A P P E N D I X. Book gainſt our Queen's Enlargement; and ſo may it ſafely be preſumed that ſuch Lords only would be called to the Conferences as would be pliable to all the Intentions of their Miſtreſs. Follows the Act I promiſed on p. 367. R. M. Edinburgh 16. September, 1568. SEDERUNT Jacobus Dominus Regens, Jacobus Comes de Mortöun, Pa. tricius Dominus Lindſay, Epifcopus Orchaden. Commendatarius Duma fermling, Commen datarius Balmerinoch; Secretarius, Clericus Juſticia- riæ, Magiſter Henricus Balnaves. sa ons ou Ditcharge to my Loyd Woztoun. 1901 He quhilk Day, the nobill and potent Prince James Erle of Murray, Lord Abernethie, Regent to our Soverane Lord his Rcalme and Legeis, grantit and confeſſit him to haiff reſſavit fra James Erle of Mortonn, Lord Dals keyth, Chancellar of Scotland, ane Silver-Box owergilt with Gold, with all miſ- ſive Letteris, Contractis or Obligationis, for Mariage-Sonetis or Luif-Balletis, and all ucheris Letteris contenit thairin, ſend and paſt betwix the Quené our ſaid Soveranc Lordis Moder and James fumey me Erle Bothuile ; qubilk Box and haill Peices within the famyn wer takin and fund with umquhill George Dalgleiſch Servand to the ſaid Erle Bothuile upon the xx Day of June the Zeir of God 1567 Zeiris : And thairfoir the laid Lord Regent for himſelf, and takand the Burding upoun him for the remanent Nobillmen and utheris profelling the Querrell and Obedience of our faid Soverane Lord, exoneris, quite clames and diſcharges the faid Erle of Mortoun of the ſaid Box, and of all the faidis miſſive Wryttingis, Contractis, Obligationis, Sonetis, Luif-Balleris, and utheris Letteris quharſumevir fund and contenit thairin the ryme of his Recept and Intromiſſioun thair with ; teſtifying and declaring that he hes trew- lie and honeſtlic obſervit and keipit the ſaid Box and haill Wrytis and Peices foirfaid within the fame, without ony Alteratioun, Augmentatioun or Dimi. nutioun thairof in ony Part or Portioun: And als, the ſaid Lord Regent upoun his Honour faythfullie promittis, That the ſaid haill Letteris and Wrytringis ſalbe alwayis reddie and furthcumand to the ſaid Erle Mortoun and remanent Nobillmen that enterit in the Querrell of revenging the King our Soverane Lordis Faderis Murthour, quhenfoevir thai fall haif to do thairwith, for mani- feſting of the Ground and Equitie of thair Proceidingis to all quhome it effeiris. Here is a publick and authentick Acknowledgment that a Box with Papers was found with Dalgleiſh on the 20th Day of June 1567: But Dalgleiſh was not executed for the Murder of the King until the Month of January fol- lowing. May we not therefore juſtly ſay, Why was no Queſtion put to Dalgleiſh during the Time of his Trial, or at his Death, concerning this Box'? And why were ſo many Queſtions put to Paris the Frenchman con- cerning the Letrers, &c. ? i fay not that the Story of the Box did affect Dalgleiſb's Partnerthip in the Murder ; but ſo neither did Paris's carrying of the Queen's Letters. And I can never think but that ſeeing theſe pretend- ed Letters, &c. were to ſerve as the greateſt Evidence againſt the Queen, it had been bur prudent co have left ſomething on Record concerning the Truth of their being found. To ſay that a Box was found, is a very ealy Matter ; but it was not ſo eaſy to make Dalgleiſ own at his Death, that the Box was found with him. To counterfeit the Queen's Hand, or to ſay it was like to the Queen's Hand, was an eaſy Matter ; but to tranſmit to Poſterity the original Papers and Writings has not been found ſo adviſeable, altho' in the Clofe of the AC above, they ſeem ſenſible they ought to have done ſo. Mr. Buchanan's Sonnets, &c. may be true Copies of the Papers ſaid to be found in the Box; but 'tis as true they may not be ſo, for what Poſterity now knows, or ever can know. He may ſay the Sonnets, &c. are agreeable to the Queen's Stile of Writing; but I am pretty lure Monſieur Brantôme, who was better acquaint- Book II. A PP EN DI X. 14.! acquainted with the Queen's manner of Writing, ſays the contrary, lo a word, unleſs ſtronger Evidence can be aſſigned againſt the Queen than what theſe Letters amount to, I ſuſpect it would be too ſcrimp to determine the Mind of any Judge in a criminal Matter. Nor will the preceding Sederunt of the Queen's avowed Enemies carry great weight with others that are not on the ſame bottom. As to the other Letters mentioned on p. 367, publiſhed at Wejiminfier in the Year 1726, I acknowledge to have made a very heedleſs Obſervation, by ſup- poſing thein to be originally in Engliſh, &c. altho' I liad often and many times lookt into their Preface. I may now however take the Freedom to obſerve, that the Publiſher of theſe Letters inight have thought it incumbent on him to have acquainted the World, who this Secretary of the Earl of Bothwell was, and what Family he means whoſe Race is now extinct, and the Name of the Gentleman into whoſe Hands the Letters are now fallen, and what is preſently become of the Letters. At the rate this Publiſher goes to work, 'tis the eaſieſt Thing in the World to produce Lettets every Moment. It were therefore to be wiſhed the pretended original Letters were depoſited in ſome publick Repoſitory, that Men might have Acceſs to inſpect them, and compare them impartially with our Queen's Hand-writing otherwiſe what is ſaid concerning them is of no Value at all. Next, as to the Publiſher's Re- marks on each Letter, and the Contents of the Letters theinfelves, I think ! may ſafely fay, they confiſt nearly of one continued Anachroniſm, and fucli like Inconſiſtencies. The firſt two Letters he would have to be written in the Year 1563 ; but the Lord Darnly never faw Scotland before the 1565. To follow forth more of theſe Miſdates, is needleſs; any Reader Inay eaſily examine them by the authentick Letters, Negotiations, c, contained in this Hiſtory of ours. Then for the Earl of Bothwell, I do not remember that any Writer has at all made Mention of any Intrigue betwixt the Queen and his Lordſhip ſo early as this Gentleman would inlinuare. A Lady Lacy within Scotland I remember not. In the ſixth Letter the Queen is made to ſay, that the Earl of Morton was within Scotland'twiže the Time of the Murder of Riccio,and che, Birth of the Prince: A moſt manifeſt Abſurdity! And again, that Hamilton came in and broke off our Converſation : But fo it is that Hamilton the Father, I mean the Duke of Chaftelherault, went by the Queen's Licence beyond Sea in the End of the Year 1565, and had never feen her Face for fome time before her Marriage with Darnly; nor did he ever return into Scotland all the Time her Majeſty was in the Poſſeſſion of the Crown. And Hamilton the Soul, cr Earl of Arran, was long before this fatuous, and continued ſtill to be fo, and was kept in a fort of Priton at this very Time. This Sample inay be ſufficient to overturn all the alledged Ingenuity of theſe Letters; And it would viſibly appear they had been forged by ſome Perſon who has been at no Pains to ad juſt his Times ; an Overſight which moſt commonly, but juſtly, is the Mif- fortune of wicked Impoſtors. Nº. XVIII. Extract of the deciphering of a Letter of Queen Mary's to her Ambaſſador the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, from Sheffield, 1ſt June 1556. On m'a donné avis de la mort du Comte de Bothuel ; & qu'avant ſon Mem. Scot. decez, il fiſt une ample confeſſion de ſes faultes, & fe declara autheur & coul- Tom.9, F.143. pable de l'aſſaſſinat du feu Roy, inon mary, dont il me decharge bien expreſsé- Parij . in Colleg. Scose ment, jurant ſur la damnation de ſon ame pour mon innocence. Et d'autant s'il eſtoit ainſy, ce temoignage m' importeroit de beaucoup contre les faufles calomnies de mes ennemis ; Je vous pric d' en rechercher la verité, par quelque moyen que ce ſoit. Ceux qui aſſiſterent à laditte declaration, depuis pár eux ſignée & ſcellée en forme de teſtament, ſont Otto Braw du chateau d' Élcambre, Paris Braw du chateau de Vaſcut, M. Gullunſtarné du chateau de Fulccnftcre, l'Eycque de Skon, & quatre Bailiffs de la Ville, &c. The NI 142 Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X. The ſame in Engliſh. -I have Advice of the Death of the Earl of Bothwell, and how that before he died he made an ample Confeſion of all his Sins; and among the réſt, that he owned himſelf to have been the Author, and in Fact likewiſe guilty of the Murder of the late King my Husband: And in Terms moſt ex- preſs, nay upon the very, Damnation of his Soul, declared me innocent thereof. If this be the real Truth, you muſt eaſily diſcern the Advantage it would be to me in defeating the falſe Calumnies of my Enemies. I pray you therefore try all Means to come into the preciſe Knowledge of this Fait. I am told that the Perſons who aſſiſted at the emitting this Declaration, and which was afterward ſigned and ſealed by them in Form of a Teſtament, were Otto Braw of the Caſtle of Cambre, Paris Braw of the Caſtle of Vaſcut, Mr. Gullen. ſtearne of the Catle of Fulkenſtere, the Biſhop of Sconen, and four Bailiffs of the Town. Ibid. Tom.ge F. 194: che argentina Extract of a Letter in Cypher of Abp. Beaton to Queen Mary, 30th July 1576. Il y a desja long temps que nous avons entendu les nouvelles de la mort du Comte de Bochuel : & des ce temps, la Reine Mere a eſcrit (ainſi que M. de Lanſac m'aſſuré) à l'ambaſſadeur du Roy en Danemarq, pour envoyer le teſtament en forme: Ce qu'il n'a encore fait. Je trouverois bon d'y envoyer de Monceaux, qui entreprendroit volontiers le voiage: mais vous voyez le peu de puiſſance que j'ay de luy delivrer de l'argent. The fame in Engliſh. We received the News of the Earl of Bothwell's Death, a good Space ago; ſince which Time the Queen- Mother here (as Monf, Lanfac acquaints me) has wrote to the King her Sou's Ambaſſador in Denmark, to tranfmit hit her a Copy of the Teſtament in Form : But this hath not hitherto, been done. I would think it very proper to ſend over into theſe Parts Monf. de Monceaux, and I know alſo be world willingly enough undertake the Journey; however your Majeſty cannot but ſee that I am in no Capacity to afford him Money ne. ceſary for ſuch a Journey. Bothwell's foreſaid Teſtament or Declaration was brought to Scotland about the End of the Year 1576, or Beginning of 1577; of which the Abp. of Glaſgow gives the Queen the following Account in a Letter in Cypher the 4th January 1576-7, whereof follows the Extract: Extract of a Letter of Abp. Beaton in Cypher to the Queen, 4th January 1577. Gartely [Barclay] dés fon arrivée en Eſcoſſe, fut fait priſonier, parce qu' il divulga ce qu'il avoit entendu à Londres, du teſtament du feu Comte de Bothuel ; & à ce que l'on dit a eſté contraint d'envoyer un homme en Dane- marcq pour la verification d'iceluy. Monceaux n'a voulu entreprendre le voi- age fans avoir argent contant. Les 500 Livres qu' il a receu par votre liberali- tě, avoient eſté dependus, à ce qu'il dit, avant qu'ils etoient receus. Sur ce propos, je ne veux oublier à vous dire ce qui m'a eſté rapporté par un gentilhomme, qui m'a dit l'avoir entendu du Controlleur Tullibairn, qui eltoit dans la Chambre de Monſeigneur le Prince (Jacques VI.] votre fils à Ster. lyng ; ayant ledit Tullibairne entre les mains la Copie du dit teſtament, en le liſant à un autre gentilhome, mòn die Seigneur vint à l'improviſte les acoſter de la table où il eſcrivoit, & à force youlut voir ce que le dit Tullibairn tenoit entre fes mains, encore qu' il lay refuſa deux ou trois fois. Et l'ayant leu de mot à mot, fans leur dire aucune paroles, le leur remit entre les mains. Ec apres Ibid. Tom. Io. F. 4. Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν ΟΙ Χ. 143 apres avoir achevé ce qu' il avoit à cſcrire, il ſe mit plus guay que de coutume, à entretenir les gentilhommes qui eſtoient à l'entour de luy ; ce qu'il conti- nua toute certe aprés dinée, à fon fouper, & aprés fouper : ce qui rendit toute l'aſſiſtance curicux de ſçavoir l'occaſion. Enforte que ledict Tullibairn luy demanda aprés fouper, en luy diſant, qu'il avoit tousjours aimé & honoré, mais à cette heure-là, plus que jamais, le voyant ſi gaillard & diſpoſé, avec un fi bon viſage, entretenir les Seigneurs qui le viſitoient. Il luy refpondit, Tullibairne, n'ay-je pas juſte occaſion, m'ayant eté imprimé ſi ſouvent & de ſi long temps, les accuſations & calomnies de la Majeſté de la Reine ma mere, de ce que aujourd'huy j'ay vû une ſi ouverte approbation de ſon innocence ? [To which the Archbiſhop adds,] Dieu lay donne la grace, s'il luy plait, d'augmenter ce que plus que naturellement il a desja, au rapport de tout le monde, de bon commencement en toutes choſes vertueuſes. The fame in Englifli. Gartely [Barclay] was clapt up in Priſon how foon be arrived in Scors land, becauſe he took the Freedom to talk what he had heard at London 2012- cerning the late Earl of Bochwell; and 'tis ſaid likewiſe that he has been ob- liged to ſend fome one into Denmark to obtain the Certainty of what he re- ported. Monceaux would by no means undertake the Journey without he got ready Money in his Pocket : For he affirms the 500 l. which your Majeſty made be paid unto him, had been all expended before he received this sum. And here I can't but acquaint your Majeſty with ſomewhat that was impart- ed to me by a Gentleman who ſays be had it from the Laird of Tullibardin Com- ptroller : The Story is this; Tullibardin being one Day in your Son the Prince's Chamber [K. James VI.) at Stirling, was by Chance reading to another Gentle man the Eari of Bothwell's Teſtament. The Prince on a Sudden roſe from the Table where he was writing, and would needs have a Sight of the Paper which Tullibardin held in his Hand, notwithftanding his Refuſal once and a. gain to deliver it. The Prince then read it all over, and delivered it back again without ſaying one Word. But after he had finiſhed what he had been writing, he began to talk with the Gentlemen that were preſent, more plea- fantly than uſual, which he likewiſe continued to do all the Afternoon, in the Time of, and after Supper was over. The Company being earneſt to dive into the Ground of this Behaviour, Tullibardin told the Prince after Supper, That as he had always loved and honoured him, he could not but do so in a more eminent manner at preſent, ſince he perceived him to be fo very cheerful; and to entertain the Lords and Gentlemen that came into his Preſence with fo ao greeable a Manuer, and kindly Countenance. Hereupon the Prince replied, Tullibardin, have not I very good Reaſon to do fo; for whereas formerly grievous Accuſations and Calumnies bave been all along impreſed upon me “ againſt her Majeſty my Mother, this Day I have ſeen a manifest Declara- • tion of her Innocence?" [Here the Archbishop adds,] May Almighty GOD by His heavenly Grace augment (if it be His holy Will and Pleaſure) the happy Beginning of all vertuous Things, which, by the Report of every Body, are already in him (a). Extrait d'une Lettre de la Reine Marie, à M. de Glaſgo, fon Ambaſadeur, en chiffre, à Scheffield, du 6. Janvier 1577. - J'ay cu avis que le Roy de Danemarcque a envoyé à cette Reine Ibid. Tom. 10: [Eliſabeth] le teſtament du feu Comte de Bothuel, & qu'elle la ſupprimé F. 8. Iccrerement, le plus qu' il luy a eré poſſible. Il me ſemble, que le voiage de Monceaux n'eſt néceſſaire pour ce regard, puiſque la Reine mere y a envoyé, comme vous me mandez. The Nn 2 (a) The Prince, or King James VI. was then only Ten Ycars fix Months old. But we fee by this Paflage what good Inſtructing ens ho had uſed to receive from Buchanan and his other Maſters that Morton kept about him. 144 Book II. A P P E N D I X. The fame in Engliſh. Extract of a Letter by Queen Mary to her Ambaſſador the Abp. of Glaſgowe', written in Cypher, from Sheffield, 6th January 1577. 10.00 I hear the King of Denmark has ſent to this Queen [Elizabeth of England] a copy of tlse Earl of Bothwell's Teſtament ; and that she has fup- preſſed it as far as ſhe is able. I begin now to be of Opinion that Monceaux's Journey is not neceſſary, ſeeing you tell me the Queen. Mother has diſpatched one away thither. Ibid. Tom. 9. F. 145. vie dort s lui cul uc noble Copy of a Relation of the Earl of Bothwell's Declaration at his Death, by one that was preſent. LE Comte de Bothuel malade a l'extremité, au chateau de Malmay, a veri- L' Evefque de Scone, avec quatre grands Seigncurs, à fçavoir, les Seigneurs Berin Gowes du chateau de Malmay, Otto Braw du chateau d' Ottenbrocht, Paris Braw du chateau de Veſcut, & M. Gallunſtarne du chateau de Falcenſtrie, avec les quatre Bailifs de la Ville, prierent le dict Comte de declarer librement ce qu' il ſçavoir de la mort du feu Roy Henry, [Darnley] & des authcurs d'icelle, coinme il vouloit repondre devant Dieu au jour du jugement, là où toutes choſes, tant cachées foyent elles, feront manifeſtécs. Alors le Comte remonſtrant pour la grande foibleſſe qui le detenoit, qu' il ne pouvoit diſcourir tout ce qu'il en fçavoit par lui-même, affirma la Reine innocente de la ditte mort ; lui ſeul, ſes parents, & quelque nobleſſe aucheurs d'icelle. Eſtant derechef prié defdicts Seigneurs, de declarer quelques uns, nomma my lord Jacques Comte de Morray, my lord Robert Abbé de Sainte-Croix, (main- tenant Comte des Illes Orchades) tous deux freres baſtards de la Reine, les Comtes Argueil, Crauford, Glencarn, Morton, my lord Boyd, les Barons de Ledington, Buccleugh & Grange. Pourſuit aprés, comme par enchantement, auquel dés fa jeuneſſe, à Paris, & aillieurs, il s'cſtoit beaucoup addone, il avoit tiré la Rcine à l'aymer, foy depeſtrant de fa feinme. Le mariage conſommé, cherchoit tout moyen à faire mourir le petit Prince, & toute la Nobleſſe qui n'y vouloit encendre. Aprés, conīme [ilj avoit debauché deux filles d'un grand Seigneur de Dane- marque, les menant en Eſcoffe, & deux autres d'un grand Seigneur de la Ville de Lubecque, foubs ombre de mariage avec leur filles, & tant d'autres filles nobles, tant en France que Danemarque, Angleterre & Eſcofſe : demandant pardon à Dieu, recevant ſon corps, eſtant attenué mourut. Tout cecy plus à plein, a eſté eſcrit en Latin & Danois, ſigné du fcel du Roy de Danemarque, & des Affiftants furuoinmez, & viendra quelque jour en lumi- ere, pour averer l'innocence de la Reine d' Eſcofle. L'adjointe Copie ayant eſté donné par un inarchand digne de foy, affiftant alors à la derniere atteſtation dudict Comte. The ſame in Engliſh. THe Earl of Bothwell being fick unto Death in the Caftle of Malmag, made folemn Faith of what bere followeth, viz. The Biſhop of Schonen, together with four great Lords, namely, Berin Gowes Governour of the Caftle of Malmag, Otto Braw of the Caftle of Otten brucht, Paris Braw of the Caſtle of Veſcut, and Monf. Gullenſterne of the Caſtle of Falkenftrie, and together likewiſe with the four Bailiffs of the Town, prayed the ſaid Earl to declare freely and truly what he knew of the Death of the late King Henry, [Darnly] and of the Authors thereof, according as be Book II. A P P E N D I X. 145 he should anſwer before God at the Day of Judgment, where all Things, how fècret foever they may be here, Jhall be laid open. Then the said Earl declaring that through his preſent great Weakneſs he was not able to diſcourſe all the ſeveral Steps of theſe Things, teftified that the Queen was innocent of that Death, and that only he himſelf, his Friends, and fome of the Nobility, were the Anthors of it. And being thereafter preſſed by thoſe Lords to name ſome of the Perfons that were guilty ; be named my Lord James Earl of Murray, my Lord Ro- berr Abbot of Holy-rood-houſe (now Earl of Orkney) both of them baſtard Brothers of the Queen ; the Earls of Crawford, Argile, Glencairn, Morton, my Lord Boyd, the Lairds of Lethington, Buccleugh and Grange. He declared likewiſe, that as he had from bis Touth addicted himſelf much to the Art of Enchantment at Paris and elfewhere, he bewitched the Queen to fall in Love with him, and ſo invented Means to get rid of his own Wife. That after the Marriage was confummated be fought all Means bow to de. ſtroy the Infant-Prince, and the whole Nobility that would not fall in with him. He added, that he had debauched two Daughters of a great Man in Den- mark, with Pretext to carry them over into Scotland ; and other two Virgins Daughters of a great Man in the Town of Lubeck, under Promiſe of Mar. riage; and many other Women of Rank in France, Denmark, England and Scotland: For all which be begged God's Pardon, received the holy Sacra- ment, and died. This whole Narration, and much more largely extended, was written bot li in Latin and Daniſh, and ſealed with the King of Denmark's Seal and of the Perſons who a ſlijted, as above ; and may come to Light One Day for Verifi: cation of the Innocence of the Queen of Scots. This preſent Copy of this Inſtrument was imparted by a Merchant of good Faith and Reputation, who was preſent at this laſt Atteſtation of the Earl of Bothwell. no Extrait d'une Lettre de la Reine, à M. l'Archeveque de Glaſgo, du 2 May 1578. -Madame [la Comteſſe] de Lenox, ma belle mere, eſt decedée depuis un lbid. Toma, ita mois en ça ; ayant laiſſée une fienne petite fille, dont la Reine d'Angleterre N. Śsi s'eſt retenuë la garde. J'eſcris à ceux qui ſont prés de mon fils, de faire in- ſtance en ſon nom de cette ſucceſſion ; non pour envie que j' aye qu'elle luy demeure, mais pour ſervir de declaration, que luy & moy ne devons eſtre repu- tez ni traittez en etrangers au Royaume d'Angleterre, puiſque nous ſommes nais dans la meme Ille. Cette bonne Dame s'eſtoit, graces à Dieu, fort bien reconnuë vers mois, depuis cinq ou fix ans que nous avons eu intelligence en- ſemble : & m'a advouée par lettres eſcrites de fa main, que je garde, le tort qu'elle m'avoir fait en ſes injuſtes pourſuites, dreſſées, comme elle me la fait entendre, par fon conſentement, pour avoir eté mal informé : mais principalement, par exprés commandement de ladite Reine d' Angleterre, & perſuaſion de ceux de ſon Conſeil, qui avoient toujours empeſché noftre appointement ; lorſque ayant connu mon innocence, elle vouloit deſiſter de me pourſuivre, juſqu'à refuſer pleinement d'adyouer ce qu'ils feroient contre moi foubs ſon nom. The fame in Engliſh. Extract of a Letter from the Queen to her Ambaſſador in France the Abp. of Glaſgow, 2d May 1578. The Counteſs of Lenox my Mother-in-law died about a Month ago ; and the Queen of England has taken into her Care her Ladyſhip's Grand- daughter. [This, no doubt, is the Lady Arabella Stewart only Child to Charles Earl of Lenox, who died Anno 1576.] I would defire thoſe who Oo are 1 A P P E N D I X. Book 11. 146 66 are about my Son to make Inſtances in his Name for this Succeſſion; not for any Deſire I have that he ſhould actually ſucceed unto it, but rather to teſtify that neither be nor I ought to be reputed nor treated as Foreigners in England, who are born within the fame Iſe. This good Lady was, Thanks to God, in very good Correſpondence with me theſe five or fix Years bygone, and has confeſſed to me by ſundry Letters under her Hand, which I carefully preferve, the Injury Me did me by the unjuſt Purſuits which the allowed to go out againſt me in her Name, through bad Information ; but principally, She ſaid, through the expreſs Orders of the Queen of England and the Per. fwaſion of her Council, who alſo took much Solicitude that she and I miglit never come to good Underſtanding together. But how ſoon ſhe came to know of my Innocence, the defified from any further Pur fuit againſt me; nay went so far as to refuſe her Gonſent to any Thing they ſhould act againſt me in ber Name.- To the above Letter my Correſpondent in Paris fubjoins this that follows, viz. What che Queen writes here of the Counteſs of Lenox being fully per- . fwaded of her Majeſty's Innocence of the Crime laid to her Charge, by the Calumnies of her Enemies, fomented by the Council of England, is con- · firmed by other Letters of her Majeſty's , particularly in the Years 1574, 1575, 1577: Among others, that this Lady had exhorted her to endea- vour to get the Prince her Son removed forth of the Hands he was in, left he might be delivered up to the Court of England." And now that I have imparted to the Readers both here and elſewhere fundry valuable Papers from the Scottiſh College in Paris, I judge it moſt proper to communicare alſo part of a miſſive Letter which I have lately received from that Seminary Paris, 25th May 1733, ---For your farther Information as to the Remains of the laſt Archbiſhop of Glaſgow our ſecond Founder, “ I muſt tell you, that tho’all, or almoſt all his Papers and Letters of Nego. tiations ſhould naturally have come to this Houſe, to which he left the ſmall Remains of his Fortune, to wit, his Moveables; yet it happens that many of theſe Papers were ſcattered and wanting before our Time by ſes rs veral Chances, and 'cis even much that there are to many remaining as yer. • The firſt time that I had occaſion to ſee them here, in or abcur A.D. 1686 or 1687, they were lying in confuſed Heaps or Bundles in old Trunks without Lock in a Wardrobe expoſed to all Hands, and thus they had lyen for about eighty Years after the Archbiſhop's Death; and beſides that, many of themi were carried off by curious or unskilled People during that Time, " as I found by ſome important Papers found in a Scots Gentleman's Houſe " in the Country, the Remains of which I recovered. Beſides, I ſay, Acci- dents which happened to them ſince the Archbiſhop's Death, I find by Coun- " cellor Blackwood's Letter to the Archbiſhop, that he had the Uſe of many « important Pieces concerning Queen Mary in the Archbiſhop's own Time, whilft he was writing at Poitiers the Apology for chat Queen ; and ſo of is others. But as I formerly wrote to you, to prevent farther Dilapidacions od of theſe Papers in time to come, after reading them all over, and aranging " them in Order of Time, we have cauſed bind them up in Volumes, and cypher'd the Pages. The chief Reaſon why I take notice to you of the " Lofs made before our Time of many of them, by the fittle Concern and Eaſe our Predeceſſors had of them, is to apſwer an Objection made to me “ 'more than once, That it would ſeem thac Queen Mary's Cauſe was not fufficiently juſtifiable, fince there were no more important Pieces for her Juſtification to be met with now among the Archbiſhop her Truſtee's Pa- pers. And I doubt noc but that there were many and more important Pieces among them when the Archbiſhop died, than now remain By the fame Conveyance I receiyed the following Extract Book II. 147 A P P E N D I X. Tom.3. F.367 in Colleg. scor. , B. 9. F. 2876 lis of all thai haif Extract of the principall Heidis contenit in the laſt Letter that came fra Mem. Glaſs the Quenis Áienes our (a) Maiſtres, direct frome Bowton the 19th De- cember 1568. Parif. WE E haif reſavit the Eik (6) gevin in be the Erle of Murray and his Com- Item, Cotton plices: And quhair thai haif ſaid thairintill, or at ony tymc, That we knew, counfallit, devy ſit, perluadit or commandit the Murthour of our Huſ- band; Thai haif falllie, tratouruſlie and miſchantlie leid, imputeing unto us ma- litiouſlic the Cryme quhairof thai thameſelffis ar Aucthoris, Inventoris, Doeris. and ſum of thame proper Exccutoris. And quhair thai allege we ſtoppit Inqui- fitionis and dew Punifchment to be maid on the ſaid Murtheroris, and ſiclyko of the Sequele of the Mariage with the Erle Bothwell; It is lufficicntlie anierić in the Replie gevin in at Yorke to thais twa Pointis, and diverſe utheris chair Allcgences, gif thai be weill conſiderit. And quhair thai charge us with unnaturáll Kyndnes towart: our Sone, allege- ing we intendit co haif cauſit him follow his Fader haiſtellie. Howbeit the na. rurall Luif the Moder hes to the Barnes is ſufficient to confound thame, and miſters na ucher Anſer; zit conſidering thair Proceidingis bypaſt quha did him wrang in our Womb, intending to haif jane him and us baith, thair is nane of gude Jugement bot thai may cafilic perſaif thair Hypocraſie, how thai wald fortifie thameſelffis in our Sonis Name, till the Tyrannie war better eſtabliſfit. And to the Effect our gude Siſter may underſtand we ar not willing to lett thair fals inyentit Allegeancés pas owr with Silence, adhering to zour former Proteſtationis, ze fall deſyr the Inſpectioun and Doublis of all thai haif pro- ducit agapis us. And that we may ſee the allegeit principall Writtingis, gif thai haif anye, producit ; and with Godis Grace we fall mak ſic Anſer thairto, that our Inno- cencie fàlbe knawin to our gude Siſter, and all utheris Princes; and liclyke, fall charge thame as Aucthoris, Inventoris and Doeris of the ſaid Cryme thai wald imput to us, and prove the famin fufficientlie, fwa that we may haif our gude Siſteris Preſence as our Adverſaris hes had, and reſſonabill Space and Tyme gec fic Verificatioun as appertenis chairto, and to add, as Tyme, Place and Neid fall required to bobina Tho' this paper ought, ſtrictly ſpeaking, not to have come into this Appendix, as being poſterior in Time to the Contents of the preceeding Hiſtory; yet it being uncertain when another Volume of it may come to Light, and Mr. Anderſon's Collections being already in the Hands of the Publick, and it be- ing generally believed that theſe Collections do contain à faithful Liſt of all the Papers that might ferve to juſtify as well as condemn our Queen in the Matter of her Husband's Murder : Theſe Things being conſidered, I thought my Readers might receive this preceeding Paper with a ſort of Satif- faction, ſince Mr. Anderſon has not thought fit to publiſh the ſame, tho'he had it before his Eyes in the Cotton Library, Calig. B. 9. F. 287. with the very Title it here bears; a Copy whereof was at the ſame time ſent to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow. It is to be obſerved that by the two laſt Pieces of the Conference at Weſtminſter and Hampton-Court, viz. Queen Elizabeth's Anſwer to Queen Mary's Commiſſioners the 16th December 1567 (Ander- fon's Collections, Vol. 4. Part 2. p. 179.) and Queen Elizabeth's Letter to Queen Mary 2 iſt December 1567 (Ibid. p. 183.) By thoſc cwo Pieces, I fay. Queen Mary is ſuppoſed to take the Guilt upon her, if ſhe made no Anfiver to the Accuſations contained in the Eik. Now Queen Mary made Anſwer, and the Subſtance of it is contained in the Extract above fet down. This be- ing done; Doth not the Omiſſion to inſert this Extract or Anſwer in Mr. An- derſon's Collections, ſeem to import that the Publiſher intended that his Reader O 02 ſhould (6) viz. Queen Mary's Commiſſioners at the Conferences in England. (b) See this infamous Paper fo ſtiled in Anderſon's Collections, Vol. 4. Part 2. p. 119. to 148 Book II. A P P E N D I X. ſhould look upon Queen Mary as having taken the Guilt upon her ? and that the Conferences both at York and Weſtminſter ended in that Acknowledgment? Was this fair Dealing in a Writer that brags ſo much of his Impartiality? Note, Tbefe Extracts contained above are all Originals. No. XIX. Batter'd MS. S. veſtræ verendi Patris Epiſcopi Dunblanen. Oratoris noſtri, intelleximus quâ be- nevolentiâ ac pictate paternâ S. veftra nos profequi dignatur : cum, non fa- lum cognito noitri Regni ſtatu nobis condolaiſtis, verumetiam manus adjutri- ces, ex veſtræ liberalitatis munificentia, adhibere, alioſque Principes Catholi- cos, in noſtrum fubfidium, veftrâ perſuaſione impellere, ac Nuncium Apoftoli. cum, qui in noftris laboribus vice veſtrâ adſit, tantâ diligentiâ ad nos deſtinare decreveritis. Pro quibus in nos collatis beneficiis, gratiam quam debemus, re- ferre non poffumus. Certò tamen pollicemur, nos nunquam à Catholica reli. gione, ac S. fedis Apoſtolicæ obſervantia dcfc&uros : quod reipsa Nuncius ve- iter, cum primùm ad nos pervenerit, teſtatum reperiet ; quem brevi ad nos ven. turum ſperamus. Cujus adventum, una cum pecunia ex veſtra liberalitate ad nos miſſa, non fine magno deſiderio expectamus. Dei opt, maximi gratiâ, veſtrâ ope, Principumque Chriſtianorum auxilio, nobis perſuademus res noſtras in me- liorem ftarum propediem reduci poffe. Quod ipfe conferre diguetur qui folus omnia poteſt, & tuam S. incolumem, in multos annos, nobis & Ecclefiæ fuæ conſerver. Edinburgi, &c. CIL Everendiffimc Domine, Cognitum nobis eſt ex literis Archiepiſcopi Glaſguen. Oratoris noftri, & aliorum fide dignorum relatione, quàm-noltra per te in Galliis tractetur, quippe qui non folum Chriſtianiſſimum Regem ad noftrum fub- fidium adhortaveris, verum etiam Sanctiſſimi- & auctoritatem in caufis noftris lubenter quotidie interponas Quare certo perſuaſum habeas nos noftraque omnia tibi vel maximè devincta. De noſtro, & Regni noftri ſtatu, egimus fatis abundè cum Oratore noftro ; eundemque admonuimus, ut te de fingulis certio- sem redderet. Ex illo, quid conſilii penes Nuncium Apoftolicum, quem S. ad nos deſtinare decrevit, per nos captum fuerit, plenius intelliger Dominatio tua; quam diu foſpitem & incolumem ad vota noſtra conſervet Deus opr. max. Dat. Edinburgi decima ſexta die Julij 1566. The other Letters concerning this Nuncio the Readers may ſee in Con's Life of Mary Stuart Queen of Scots, fub fin. Ibid. R. M. No. XX. Edinburgh 2. Julij, 1567. Act of Edinburgh. He quhilk Day, the Proveſt, Baillies, Counfall and Dekynnis of the Burgh of Edinburgh, being convenit in the Counfall-hous of the famyo, com- perit nobill and michtie Lordis , the Lordis Erlis of Mortoun and Atboll, ha- ving with thame the mailt honourabill and godlie Band laiclic maid and fubfcri- vit bc thair Lordſchipis and utheris of the Nobilitie of this Realme ; bearand in effect, That chai the faidis Erlis, Lordis, Baronis, and utheris Subſcrivaris of the faid Band, for thamcſelffis, Kin, Freindis, and all that will do for thame, bindis and obleiſſis ilk ane of thame to utheris, upoun reſpect of thair Dewtic towart thaiş Soverane, the Commoun-weill of this chair native Cuntrie, and Honour of the fame, that thai alcogidder, as ſaid is, with thair haill Force, Power and Strench fall perſew the cruell Murthararis of the King our faid So- veranis Husband to chair uttermeſt, ſeik and procure the Diffolutioun of the Book II. A P P E N D 1 X. 149 unlauchfull Mariage maid betwix hir Hienes and the Erle Bothuile, be all meanis lauchfull; as alfwa our faid Soverane to be relevit of the Thraldome, Bondage, or Ignominie and Schame quhilk fche hcs ſuſtenit and underlyis be the faid Erlis occaſioun; and the Perſoun of our undoubric and innocent Prince repofie to full Suirtie, and relevit of the imminent Danger quhilk now he ſtandis in ; and finallie, Juſtice reſtoric and uprichtlie miniſtrat to all the Legeis and Subjectis of this Realme: The quhilk maiſt godlie and honourabill Band, in Preſens of the ſaid Proveſt, Baillies and Counfall , being red and conſiderit, Thai all in ane Voce underſtanding the famyn to be bayth honourabill and godlie, ratifies and approves the famyn, and grantis and conſentis and promittis thair Aſſiſtance and Fortificatioun to the faidis Lordis in furthſetting, perfew- ing and avanceing of the Premiſſis to thair utter Power: And for Affiſtance heirof, hes requeiſtit and deſyrit the Rycht Honourabill Sir Symon Preſtoun of Craigmillar Knycht Proveſt of Edinburgh, for thame and in thair Names, with the faidis Lordis, to ſubſcryve the ſaid Band, quhilk falbe als ſufficient as gif thai had ſubſcryvit the famyn with thair proper Handis ; and for obſerving heirof, ordanis this preſent Ordinance to be inſert and regiſtrat in the Counfall- bukis of the ſaid Burgh, and for the mair fuire Teſtificatioun of thair Confentis as faid is. Extractum de libro Aftorum Conſilii Burgi de Edinburg! per me Alexandrum Guthre principalem fcribam curie dićti Burgi ſub meis ſigno & ſubſcriptione manualibus A. GUTHRE. No. XXI. A Platt Executory, deviſed per Lethington, Auguſt 1567. TH He Conceptionis of thame that wer within the Caſtell, towart the publick Calig. C.It , Srait of the Realme, wer thir: Firſt, That the publick Controverſie ſould haif bene componit be the Quene of Inglandis Mediatioun, be quhome thai offerit thamefelſfis to be directie in this Behalf, and thocht by hir Meanis to haif obtainit that the Staic fould haif bene governit be a Counfall or 24, 16 or 12 ; and the Affairis directit in the Names of the King and Quene conjunctlic. Efter thai perceaved na Likelyhood of the obtening of a conjunct Authori- tie, thai wer content to give thair Obedience to the King, and wer about to perfwaid that this Forme of Government wes fitteſt to ſerve the Quene of Ing- landis Turne to keip this Cuntrie at hir Devotioun, ſeeing it wes eaſier to hit to keip fum Part of a Nowmer, and ever to haif fum Factioun of thame (ſince it is hard to a Nowmer to contiuew without Particularis) then to keip ane at hir Devotioun, having the haill Government alane, quha ſeeing his Commodi- tie, wald not fpair to run a contrar Courſe, gif fche had not fum utheris that with hir Favour and Countenance micht countervail him. Be this Forme of Government thai thocht thai fould conciliat the gude Willis of a greit Part of the Nobilitie, quha be this Mean ſould be callic to haif thair Part of the Government, and ſould haif bene aſſurit that little fould procede bot be thair Advyis. Gif this had bene fund ſtrange, or a Noveltie, and ſuſpectit in a Monarchie (quhilk fum fear) thai wer in hope to haif obtenit ane indifferent Regiment of Five, to witt, twa of everie Partie, and ane neutrall, quha wes thocht to be the Erle of Atholl; and gif he micht be movit to incline to thair Courſe (as thai putt na doubt he micht) the Ballance fould haif inclinit altogidder that way. Or gif this had bene faſpectit or miſlykit of, for the Erle of Athollis Religi- oun, [Popiſh] thai hopit aſſuritlie to haif obtenit that the Stait fould be governit be Four of the principall of the Nobilitie, the Dukes Houſe being exceptit, quhais Confent thai wald haif procurit. Qubilk Four thai went about to perfwaid wer the Erlis of Hunt lie, Ergile, Atholl, and my Lord Regent that preſent- lie goverois, or my Lord of Mar. Gif this had bene impetrat, it wes lykelie that the Erlis of Hunt lie and Atholl running one Courſe, and either winning che PR 150 A P P E N D I X. Book II. the Erle of Ergile, or keiping him in Indifferencie, with the Aſſiſtance of the Caſtell , and remanent of thair Fellowſchip, the Quene of Inglandis indifferent Favour and Countenance, and the aſſurit Favour and quiet Intelligence of France, thar thai fould haif had the chief Management of the Affairis, and carryit the whole Sway of the Rcalme efter thame, and fwa with Tyme had the Moyen to haif reſtorit the Quene, at leiſt to haif re-eſtablifchit hir" Authoritie, as Materis fould haif happenit to haif fallen out in foreign Cuntries. The foreigu Nation in quhome thai had greiteſt Confidencé wes France, quhairfra thai fould haif had Threeſcoir thouſand Franks be Zeir during the Troubills to be paid quarterlie. That quhilk Jhone Chiſholme brocht hame wes for the firſt Quarter. The Cauſe quhy the King of France wes ſa earneſt to mentein that Factioun, and beiris fa greit Emnitie to the Kingis Stait, is, that he thinkis not onlie he hes loft be that Mean the Amitye and gude Intelligence ſa lang continewit be- tween this Realme and his Crowne, bor alſwa that he receaved diverſe Foyles, and bene conſtranit to fuffer greit Indigñities of Ingland; He intendis be all meanis poffibill to ſubvere the preſent Stait, and alter the Government, quhilk he thinkis havaņd quietit his awin Cuntrie, fould be caſie to compas, either be Force, the Quene of Ingland beand utherwayis occupyit, or be Captitulatioun, or componand his Differences with the Quene of Ingland, and offerand himſelf to be a Mean to divert the Violence intendit aganis hir and hir Cuntrie (a). No. XXII. p. 435. 'Tis hoped the Readers will be pleaſed upon Account of the former Reaſon ſtill) to view theſe Subſcribents in the Places mentioned on the foregoing p. 434. R. M. No. XXIII. Edinburgh penult. Auguſti, 1567. SEDERUNT Dominus Regens, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Joannes Co. mes de Atholl, Joannes Comes de Mar, Alexander Dominus Hume, Row bertus Dominus Sympill. New Cunzie. IT T is ſtatutc and ordanit be my Lord Regent, with Advyis and Counfall of the Lordis of ſecreit Counfall, That thair be cunzeit ane Penny of Silver cal- lit the JAMES RYALL, the Fynes of elevin Deneirs fyne, and of Weiche an Unce Troyis-weicht, with twa Grains of Remeid alfweill of Weicht as Fyne. nes, havand on the ane Syde ane Swerd with ane Crown upoun the ſame, on the Syde of the ſaid Crown a Hand putting a Finger to the Price of the Peice; on the uther Syde thairof the Dait of the Zeir, half on the ane Syde, half on the uther of the Swerd, with this Circumſcriptioun begyning at the Syde of the Crown directlie above the ſaid Price, Pro me ſi mereor in me ; and upoun the uther Syde our Soveranis Armis coverit with ane clois Crown, and ane 3 crownie on the ane Syde, and ane R crownit in lyke maner on the uther Syde of the fa myn, with this Circumſcriptioun begynand directlic above the Crown with this Titles, Jacobus 6 Dei gratia Rex Scotorum; the laid Penny to have Courſe for thrertie Schillingis Money of this Realme, the Twa-part for twentie Schillingis, and the Third-part for ten Schillingis, all of the fame Fynes and Prent, and of Weicht equivalent ; to witt, the Twa-part of Weicht of fextein Deneirs, and the Third-part of the eight Deneirs Troyis-weicht. In Confide ratioun quhairof, my ſaid Lord Regent, with the Advyis of the fecreit Counfall , in our Soverane Lordis Name, commandis and chargeis David Forreft Generall of his Hienes Cunzie-hous, Jobne Acheifour Maiſter-Cunzier, Andro Hen- derſoun Wardane, James Moſman Allayour, and James Gray Sinker, and all Meltaris, Forgearis and Prentaris wichin the ſaid Cunzie-hous, ilk ane in thair awin Office, to do thair Dilligence in melting, forgeing and prenting of the (a) The Readers may ſee another Paper by this Gentleman, containing a Project in favour of the Queen, in Anderſon's Cole lections, Vol. 4, Part 2. po 140 Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DIX. 151 R. M. sont this the faid Peices as thai falbe comiñandit bè the Generall and Maiſter-Cunzier thairto, according to the Weicht and Fynes, within thair Remedis, as is above fpecifyit ; and that Letreris be direct for Publicatiouu heirof in dew Forme as effeiris, fwa that nane pretend Ignorance heirin. No. XXIV. Edinbürgh 23. Auguſti, 1567. SEDERUNT Jacobus Moravia Comes Dominus Abernethie Régni Scotie Regens, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, joannes Comes de Atholi, Alexan- der Comes de Glencairne, Joannes Comes de Marr, Robertus Comes de B1- chane, Joannes Magiſter de Grahame, Alexander Dominus Hume, Pa- tricius Dominus Lyndſay, Wilielmus Dominus Ruthven, Patricius Do- minus Gray, Robertus Dominus Sympill, Wilielmus Dominus Borthwick; Henricus Dominus Methven, Jacobus Dominus de Trophechin. Forlamekill as it hes pleſit Almichtie God to call our Sovetane Lord the King to the Crown and Government of this Realme, qukairthrow it is convenient that all the Seillis and Signertis be maid in his Majeſties Name, and the auld Seillis callit in, broken and deſtroyit, that na Thingis pas thairby in tyme cuming: Thairfoir my Lord Regent, with the Avyis of the Lordis of fecreit Counfall, ordanis Lerteris to be direct to diſcharge all the auld Seillis and Signertis within this Realme quhairin the Name and Circumſcriptioun of the Quene our Soverane Lordis derreſt Moder is contenit; and to command and charge that na Letreris, Charteris, Patentis, or uther Thing quhatfumevir pas in tyme cumeing, bot under our Soverane Lordis Name, and under the Seillis conteining his Name. And als, to charge George Erle of Huntlie Lord Gordoun and Badzenoch, to bring, preſent and produce befoir my ſaid Lord Regent the cwa Greit Seillis being in his Handis and Keiping; that is to ſay, the ane of Silver coúteining in the Circumſcriptioun Maria Dei gratia Regina Scotorum, maid in the tyme that Marie Quene Dowriare of this Realine ac- ceptit the Regiment thairof; the uther Seill of Tyn, conteining in the Circum- fcriptioun Franciſcus & Maria Dei gratia Rex & Regina Scotorum Delphi. nus & Delphina Viennen. and all utheris Greit Seillis, gif ony be in the ſaid Erles Handis upoun the eighth Day nixt efter the ſaid Erle be chargeit thaitto : Sr Richart Maitland of Lethingtoun Knycht, to bring, preſent and produce the Previe-Seillis quhatfumevir being in his Handis; Francis Tennent, Mungo Tennent his Sone, and William Oigill , the Teſtimoniallis of the Greit Seillis being in thair Handis: Sr Jobře Bellenden of Auchnowle Knycht, the Seillis of Juſticiarie on the South and North fydes of the Water of Forth: Maiſters Robert Maitland, Alexanuer Sym, Edward Henryfon and Clement Littill, Commiffaris of Edinburgh, the Seill of the Commiſſariot of the Juriſdictioun of Edinburgh; Thomas Makcártnay Keipar of the Cocqueit Seill of Edin- burgh, James Curll Keipar of the Cuſtom Stampis of the ſaid Burgh, to bring. preſent and produce the famyn befoir my ſaid Lord Regent and Counfall upoun the Morne efter the Charge, to the Effect above wryttin, under the Pane of Rebellioun and putting of thame to the Horne; or ellis to compeir upoun the Dayis particularlie above ſpecifyit, and allege ane reſſonabill Caus quhy the famyn aucht not to be done; with Certificatioun to thame, an thai failzie, Let- teris falbe direct fimpliciter to put thame to the Horne: And als, to charge all the Commiſſaris, Clerkis of Cocqueitis and Cuſtumaris within this Realme, to compeir and rander, preſent and deliver all thait Commiſſar-Seillis, Cocqueit- Seillis and Cuſtum-Srampis befoir my ſaid Lord Regent and Counfall upoun the eighth Day nixt efter the Charge, to the Effect above ſpecifyit, under the faid Pane of Rebellioun, and putting of thame to the Horne ; or ellis to compeir and fchaw ane Caus quhy: With Ceřtificatioun an thai failzie, Letteris falbs direct to put thame to the Horne. PP 2 No. XXV 152 Book II. A P P E N D I X. No. XXV. Asta Party: Tem. It is fundin and declarit be the thre Eſtatis and haill Body of this pre fent. Parliament, That the Dimiſſioun and over-geving of the Crowne and Regiment of this Realme, maid be the Quenis Grace, our Soveranc Lordis der- reſt Mother, be verrew of bir Letteris of Commiſſioun and Procuratioun fub- ſcrivit with hir Hand, and under hir previe Seill, of the Dait the xxiv. Day of Julij laſt bypaſt, was, and is, and fàlbe in all Tymes cuming haldin, repute and eſtemit lauchfull and perfyt (a), according to the ſamin Commiſſioun pro- ducit, avyſit and admittit be the faidis thre Eftatis : And als, that the Corona- tioun and Inauguratioun of our faid Soverane Lord, Sone to his faid derreſt Mo- ther and native Prince of this Realme, maid and folemnizat, conforme to the ſaid Commiſſioun, at "Striveling the xxix. Day of the ſaid Moneth of Julij , be the Erlis, Lordis, Prelatis, Commiſſaris of Burrowis, Barronis, and utheris faithfull and trew Subjectis aſſemblit and convenit for that Effect, was dew- lie, rychtlie and ordourlic done and execute (b), and als lauchfull and vail- zeabill in the ſelf in all reſpectis, and his Majeſtie als rychteouſlie inveſtit and poſſeſſit in this Kingdom, as his faid Mother, his Guidſchir, Grandſchir, or ony ucher his maiſt nobill Progenitouris native Princes of this Realme wer, and hes bene of befoir, or as gif hir Grace (the Tyme of the ſaid Coronatioun) had bene departit out of this mortall Lyfe, or had comperit perſonallie in Pre- fence of the haill chre Eftatis of this Realme aſſemblit in Parliament, and maid the ſaid Dimiſſion, notwithſtanding ony maner of Tytill, Actioun or Enteres, or ony uther Thing that preſentlie may or can (c) heirefter be objectit in the contrare. And als, ratifyis, apprevis and confirmis the ſaid Dimiſſioun, Coro- natioun and Inauguratioun of our faid Soverane Lord, and all Thingis done, or that heirefter fall happin to be done in his Hienes Name and Authoritic (d). d 7 Tem Tem, Anent the Artickle proponit be the Erlis, Lordis, and uther Nobill- men, quba tuik Armis ar Carbarrie-hill, upon the xv. Day of Junij laſt bypaſt ; And anent thair Conveningis of befoir, and of the Cauſe of the Appre- henſioun of the Quene, Mother to our Soverane Lord ; And quhidder the faidis Nobillmen, and utheris quhilkis ruik Armis of befoir hir faid Apprehen- fioun, and quhilkis joynit with thame, and aſſiſtit chame at that Tyme, or ony wayis fenfyne, hes done the Dewtie of Nobillmen, gude and trew Subjectis of this Realme, and na wayis offendit nor tranſgreffit the Lawis in char Effect, or ony thing depending thairupon, outher preceding or following the famin : Our Soverane Lord, with Aviſe of my Lord Regent, and thre Eftatis, and haill Body of this preſent Parliament, hes fundin, declairit and concludit, and be this preſent Act findis, declairis and concludis, That the Cauſe and Occaſioun of the Conventiounis and Meſſageis of the faidis Erlis, Lordis, Nobilimen, Bara ronis, and utheris faithfull and trew Subjectis ; and confequentlie, thair taking of Armis, and cuming to the Feildis with oppin and diſplayit Baneris, and the Cauſe and O.ccaſioun of the taking of the ſaid Quenis Perton upon the ſaid xy. Day of Junij laſt bypaſt , and halding and detening of the famin within the Houſis and Fortalice of Lochalevin, continuallie, feniyne, preſentlic, and in all tyme cuming : And generallie all uther Thingis inventit , ſpokin, writtin, or done be thame, or ony of thame to that Effect, ſen the tent Day of Februar laſt bypaſt, upon the quhilk Day umquhile Henry King, than the laid Quenis lauchfull A&t 19. (a) If there was Compulſion offered to the Queen to make her ſign this Demiſſion, no Power on Earth can render it lawful and perfect in itſelf. We would ridicule the Infallibility and diſpenſing Power of the Pope in fuch a. Matter: But Men never ſee their own Faults in the ſame Light with theſe of their Neighbours. (6) It was not duly, rightly and orderly done and executed according to the Queen's Commiſſion, by which they pretended to act. It were to be wiſhed that nothing was ever enacted to be Right, which Senſe (beſides Reaſon) declared to be wrong. (1) This is a ſhort way to looſe the Gordian Knot; an eaſy Manner to obtain and eſtabliſh Right, and defeat all Objeđions . (a) It might perhaps be no improper Queſtion, Whether the King's Inauguration and Authority was ſuſpended upon the AAs donc at Ssirling on the 29th July bypaſt, or upon the Art of this Day at Edinburgh: Book II. 153 A P P E N D I X. lauchfull Husband, and our Soverane Lord the Kingis derreſt Father, was treſ ſonablie, ſchamefullie and horriblie inurthourit, unto the Day atid Dáit of this preſent Act, and in all týmes to cum, tuichcing the fald Quene, and detening of hir Perfon. That the Cauſe and all Thingis dependand Thaifon, or that ony wayis may pertene thairto, the Intromiſſioun, of diſponing upon hir Propirtie, Calüaliceis, or quhatfumever thing pertening, or that onỹ way is inycht pertene to hir, wes in the ſaid Quenis awin Default, in fa far as be divers hir previe Lerceris writtin halelie withi hir awin Hand (a), and ſend be hir to fames lumtyme Erle of Bothwell, cheif Executour of the fäid horribill Murthour, aſweill befoir tlie committing thairof as chairefter: And be hir ungodlic and diſhonourabill proceding to ane pretendit Mariage with him, ſuddandlie and un- proviſitlie thairefter, it inaiſt certaine that ſcho was previe, Airt and Pairt of the actuall Deviſc and Deid of the foirnamit Murthour of the King hir lauchfull Husband, and Father to our Soverane Lord, committit be the ſaid Jaines ſum- tyme Erle of Bot! well, his Complices and Pertakeris; and thairfoir juftlie de- ſervis quhatſumever hés bène done to hir in ony tyme Bygaine, or that ſalbe (6) uſic towartis hir for the ſaid Caufë in tyme cuming, quhilk falbe uſit be Adviſe of the Nobilitie, in reſpect that our ſaid Soverane Lordis Mother, with the ſaid James fumtyme Erle of Bothwell, zeid about be indirect and colourit Menis, to colour and hald bak the Knawlege of the Treuth of the Committaris of the faid Cryme : Zit all Men in Hair Hartis war fullelic perſwadit of thé Authouris and Devyſaris of that miſchievous and unworthie Fact, awaiting quhill God ſould move the Hartis of fum to enter in the Querrell, for revengeing of the famin. And in the menc tyme, ane greit Pairt of the Nobilitie, upon juſt Feir to be handlit and demanit in ſemblabill Maner as the King had bene of befoir, perſaving alſwa the Quene la thrall, and fwa blindlic affectionat to the private Appetyte of that Tyrane, and thắt baith hc and ſcho had confpytit togidder fic horribill Crueltie, being thairwith all garniſſit with ane Cumpanie of ungodlic and vitious Perſonis, reddy to accomplifche all thair unlauchfull Commande- mentis, of quhome he had ane ſufficient Number continuallic awaiting upon him for the famin Effect, all nobill and vertuous Men abhorring chair Tyrannte, and Cumpanie, bot cheiflie fufpecting that thay quha had fa treſſonablic put downe and diſtroyit the Father, fould mak che innocent Prince his onlie Sone, and the principall and almaiſt onlie Confort fend be God to this afflictić Natioun, to Caiſt of the famin Coup (as the mony inventit Parpoſis to pas quhair he was, and alſwa quhair the Nobillmen war in) be thair oppin Confuſioun gaif fuffi- cient Warning and Declaratioun, quhairthrow the faidis Erlis, Lordis, Barronis, and utheris faithfull and crew Subjectis taking Armis, of utherwyſe quhatlum- ever joyning and aſſiſting in the ſaid Adioun, and in the faidis Conventiounis, diſplaying Baneris and cuting to the Feildis, taking and retening of the Quenis Perlon, aſweill in tymes by paſt as Heirefter, and all utlieris that lies thairefter, or fall in ony cyme cuming adjoyne to chame, and all Thingis doné bë thame, or ony of thame, tuicheing that Caufe, and all uther Thingis depending thair- on, or that ory wayis may appertene thairto : The Intromiſſioun or diſponing upon hir Propirtie, or Caſualiteis, or quhatlumever ather Thingis pertening, or ony way is mycht appertene to hir, was in Default of hir ſelf and the faid James fumtyme Erle of Bothwell, and be the horribill and cruell Murthour of our Qq ſaid (a) Not to infift on the Facility of counterfeiting Hand-writing; Can we imagine that all the petty Members of this Parliament could juſtly take it on their Conſcience, that theſe Letters were really written by the Queen? They could hardly write themſelves. (6) Bp. Leſlie in his Defence of Queen Mary's Honour hath thele Words, ** Ye never ceatfed nor ſtaied until ye had procured «s and obtained a colourable Parlement; whereby ye gottc your ufurped and unnatural Kingdom, ratified and confirmed, and not « onely all your wicked Practiſes already paft, bịt even quhat Miſchjefe foever ye wald, thould after pafſc likewiſe agaipit her Quietnes and Safetie. And thus behold how theſe humble, obedictít and loving Subjects have purchaſed and procured a Com- “ miſſion long before-hand! The like whereof (as I luppoſe) was never in the world heard of afore, in any whatſoever rude, ſavage and barbarous Nation or Countreý, to ſay, kill and murther their owne Sovereigne Qucene, and a moſt innocent Ladie, at their owne Willes and Pleaſure. The which their ſaied Commiſfion they had in this wife executed long ere this, as it is cres “ dibly thought, if God had not wonderfully eluded and miraculouſly fruſtrated this their miſchievous malitious, Purpoſe and “ Intent,” it would appear by the manner of wording this act, that if the Regent and that Party had no Intention of depriving the Queen of her Life, they at leaſt wanted to keep her Majeſty in the Terror and Fear of Death, and conſequently force her to satify ſtill the former Demillion, &c. Ćs & 154 A P P E N D I X. Book II. Act 20 ſaid Soverane Lordis umquhile derreſt Father, conſpyrit, devyfit, committir, coufeilit and colourit be thame, and not condignelie puneiſt according to the Lawis. And that the laidis Erlis, Lordis, Barronis, and utheris trew and faith- full Subjectis, convening at ony Conventioun bygaine, and now preſentlie, ef- ter the ſaid Murthour ; for furthering of the Tryell thairof, and als thay, and all utheris that war on the Feildis, tuik Armis, apprehendit, held, kcipit or detenit, or prelentlie haldis, keipis or detenis hir Perſon, or fall thairefter, or that hes joynit or aſſiſtit, or fall in ony tyme heirefter joyne to thame in that Querrell, tuicheing the Premiſſis, at, war, and falbe innocent, frc and acquyte of the ſamin, and of all Actioun and Cauſe criminall and civill that may be in- tentit or perſewit aganis thame, or ony of thame thair foir, in ony tyme cua ming (a). And that ane Pairt of the thre Eſtatis foirfaidis , Prelatis, Biſchopis, greit Barronis , and Burgeſſis, gaif thair Seillis thairupon, to be uſit as lalbe thocht maiſt expedient be thane, for the Honour of the Realme, and Securi- tie of the Nobillmen, and utheris havand Enteres in the ſaid Cauſc. Avd des cernis this Declaratioun to be na wayis prejudiciall to the Iſſue of our Soverane Lordis Mother, lauchfullie cumin of hir Body, to ſucceid to the Crowne of this Realme, nor thair Airis. A Nent the Supplicatioun gevin in be Williame Dowglas of Lochlevin, beirand that the Erlis of Mortoun, Atholl, Mar, Glencarne, the Lordis Ruthven, Holme, Lindeſay, Sempill, and diveris utheris honorabill Barronis and Gentilmen of this Realme, upon the xvi. Day of Junij laſt bypaſt, be thair Letteris fubſcrivit with thair Handis, gaif Command to the laid Williame Dowgla:, upon his dew Obedience, and as he tenderis the Commoun-weill of this Realme, his native Cantrie, to reſſaye our Soverane Lordis Mother in keping, within his Fortalice and Place of Lochlevin, as being ane Rowme maiſt convenient thairto, and keip hir ſurelie thairintill, ay and quhill farther Tryall be taine anent che cruell Mur: thour and treffonabill ślauchter of umquhile Henry King, Spous to the Quene, than our Soverane, and the laid Williame fufficientlie exonerit and diſchargeit of hìr faid Keiping, as the Letteris and Charge direct be the faidis Erlis, Lordis and Nobillmen, Ichawin in Preſence of my Lord Regent and thre Eftaris of this Re- alme beiris: And thairfoir defyring our Soverane Lord, my Lord Regent, and thre Eſtatis of this preſent Parliament, to gif Declaratour to the faid Williame Dowglas of Lochlevin, that he hes done his detfull Diligence in reſlaving and keiping of our faid Soverane Lordis derreft Mother; And thairthrow that he and his Airis may be fre of all Actioun and Cryme that may be imputit to thame thairthrowị and ofony uther Thing done to hir fen bir cuming to the faid Place and Fortalice, in reſpect of hir awin Declaratioun ſchawin, and producit in Pre- fence of my faid Lord Regent and haill Eſtatis of this preſent Parliament, lykeas the faid Supplicatioun, Wrytingis and Chargeis direct thairanent ichawin and pro- ducit, as faid is, beiris . Our Soverane Lord, with Avilé of the ſaid Lord Rc- gent, and thre Eſtatis and haill Body of this preſent Parliament, declairis the faidis Letreris and Chargeis, direct to the laid Williame Dowglas of Lochlevin in maner abone writtin, to be dewlie and reſlonablie direct, and procedit upon ane juſt, trew and ſinceir Ground; and thairfoir be Cenſement of this preſent Par- liament; authoriſis and declairis the famin to have bene dewlie, weill, ordourlie and juftlie direct, upon gude Cauſis and Conſideratiouvis, lyke as alſwa our So- verane Lord, with Aviſe of my Lord Regent and thre Eftatis of Parliament foir- ſaid, authoriſis and declairis the Wrytingis and Declaratioun maid be our ſaid So- verane Lordis derreſt Mother upon the xxviij. Day of Julij laſt bypaſt, declairand that fcho on na wyſe was trerit nor compellit be the ſaid Williame Dowglas of Lochlevin, nor na utheris of his cauſing to do ony thing contrar hir Pleſour, ſen hir cuming to the ſaid Place of Lochlevin. And thairfoir ordanis the ſaidis Let- reris, Chargeis, and utheris Wrýtingis abone writiin, to be inſert and regiſtrat in the (a) Had this Declaration and Exoneration proceeded from a Company of Perſons different from thoſe that were the Parties concerned in the Actions here recited, the fanic had been much more ſatisfactory. Book II. A P P E N D I X. 155 the Buikis of Parliament, to remaine thairintill perpetuallie for Declaratioun of the ſaid Williume Dowglas trew and juſt Obedience in the ſaid Mater: And des clairis he hes done his detfull Dewtie in obtempering, obcying and fulfilling of the Command and Charge abone writrin, and decernis him, his Airis, Succeſſouris and Pofteritie to be harmles and skaithles thairanent, for now and ever; And diſ- chargeis all Actioun and Cauſe criminall and civile that may be intentit or për- fewit aganis thame or him for the ſamrin, för now and ever, be this preſent Act. 1Tem, Forſamekle as thair hes bene of befoir divers , large and fumpteous Ex- AĞ 35! penſis maid be our Soverane Lordis Predeceſſouris, and himſelf, in keiping, fortifying and reparatioun of the Caſtell of Dunbar and Forth of Inchekeith, quhilkis ar baith unprofitabill to the Realme, and not abill to defend the Ene. meis chairof, in cais the ſamin war aſſaultit : And now ſeing that the ſaid Caſtell and Forth ar baith becumin ſa ruinous, that the famin fall alluiterlie decay, ex- cept thair be ſic Expenfis maid thairupon as is unhabill to be performit withouc greit Inconveniencis ; And alſwa havand Conſideratioun of ane Act of Parlia- ment maid in umquhile our Soverane Lordis Grandſchiris tyme, King James the Feird, of mailt worthịe Memorie, ordinand the laid Caſtell of Dunbar to be demoliſchit and callin downe, as in the Act maid rhairupon ar mair lenth is contenit, quhilk Act as zit is not abrogar. Thairfoir our Soverane Lord, with Aviſe aud. Conſent of my Lord Regent, and the Eſtatis of this preſent Parlia- ment, hes ordanit, and ordanis, That the Caſtell of Dunbar and Forth of Inthe- keith be demoliſchit and caſſin downe urterlie to the Ground, and diſtroyic in fic wyſe that na Foundment thairof be Occaſioun to big thairupon in ty me cu- ming. R. ME No. XXVI. Glaſgow 3. Maij, 1568. SEDERUNT Jacobus Dominus Regens, Jacobus Comes de Mortoan, Alexander Comes de Glencairn, Joannes Comes de Marr, Robertus Do- ininus Sympill, Magiſter Grahame, Dumfermling, Balmerinoch, Theſau- rarius. Proclamatioun to cum to Glaſgow. Forfameiklé as my Lord Regentis Grace and Lordis of ſecreit Counfall being and keipit in the Place of Lochlevin, be the Avyis and Conſent of the haill Eſtaitis in Parliament, for fic Cais as is nottour and manifeſt in the Act of Par- liament maid thairupoun ; is now eſcapit and cum furth of the ſaid Place, and reparit to the Place of Hamiltoun, remaineing thair, quhair ſindric his Maje- ities Legeis and Subjectis repáris towart hir, for quhat Purpois it is uncertaine; bot as is ſupponit be the Convoy and Counſall of wickit Perſonis, Inemyis to his Hienes and his Authoritie, and all Quietnes within this Realme, tending to troubill the Commoun-weill, and Tranquillitie and Quiernes thairof, and Obeyſance of his Authoritie : Willing thairfoir to prevent all Danger that thair- throw may be pretendit to his Majeſtie and his Authoritie Royall, neidfull ic is that my faid Lord Regevt be accumpanyit and aſſiſtit with his Hienes trew and faythfull Subjectis; My Lord Regentis Grace thairfoir, with Avyis of the Lordis of ſecreit Counfall, ordanis Letreris to be direct, chargeing all and fin- drie Erlis, Lordis, Barronis, Frehalderis, Gentillmen, ſubſtantious Zemen, and utheris our Severane Lordis Legeis and Subdittis quhatſumevir, alfweill to Burgh as to Land, Regalitie as Rialtie, within the Boundis of our Sheriffdomes of That thai with thair Kin, Freindis, Servandis, and haill Forceis, weill bodin in feir of Weir, addres and prepair thame to cum fordwart to my faid Lord Regent at Glaſgow with all Dilligence poffibill, for Preſervatioun of our Soverane Lordis Perſoun, his Authoritie, and eſtabliſſing of Juſtice and Quiet- nes within this Realme, under the Pane of Tinfall of Lyff , Landis and Gudis. 092 Here 156 Book II. A P P E N D I X. Here follow ſome Letters; &c. which have lately come to hand, and ſerve ſtill to illuſtrate the Hiſtory ; together with the Abftraits which were mention- ed here and there as we went along. That the Readers may have the more eaſy Recourſe to them, I have ſometimes made References to the Pages where they may be uſeful, and have inſerted them according to the Order of Time. Cotton Libra sy. p. 185. Letter from the Nibility of Scotland to Queen Elizabeth, Edinburgh if September 1561. MAy it pleis zour Majeſtic : That havand Commoditie be the preſent de pairting of the Secretar, being directit towardis zour Hienes fra the Qucnis Majeſtie our Soyerane ; Wc haif alſwa thocht gude to commit unto him cer- tane Thingis quhilkis he hes of us in Charge to declair, tending to the Conti- nowatioun of Amitie betwix baith the Realmes, praying zour Majeſtie to give him as firmę Credence in that Behalf as to ourſelffis. Thus we commit zour Majeſtic to the Protectiouti of Almichtie God. Zour Majeſties lawchfullie at Command, Signed by the Duke and Arran, Huntly, Morton, Athol, Caſſils, Suther- tand, James Stewart, Areskin, Ruthven, Innermeith, James Lord Ogilby, R. Boyd, Seaton, Ochiltree, St. John. Zbid. The Copy of Articles between Lord William Howard Lord Chamberlain, and Mr. William Maitland the Queeri ‘of Scots Secretary, 7th July 1561 (a). 11 Mprimis, It is agreed betwixt the Commiſſioners foreſaid, upon certain Know- ledge both of their Sovereigns Affection to cach other, and of their Deſire of an Interview : Therefore it is agreed that the Place ſhall be the City of York, or in fome City betwixt it and the River of Trent in England, berwixt the roth of Anguſt and 20th of September; and that their Meeting may be full of Joỳ, and cauſe them to continue in mutual Love, it is concluded, That neither they, or any of their Counſellors, Servants or Subjects, ſhall motion any thing that may be prejudicial to either of the Queens, their Realms or Liberties; neither ſhall Queen Mary be preſs’d to any thing to which the ſhall ſhow her. ſelf averſe, till her Return home. Alſo neither flie nor any of her Retinue Thall be challenged or diſturbed during her Abode in England; provided that the Queen of England may, have Liberty to require the Ratification of the Treaty of Edinburgh made 3d July 1560. Itein, If any perſons with Train of thc Queen of Scots ſhall commić any Offence within the Realm of England, contrary to the Laws there, that neither the Queen of Scots for any of her Retinue ſhall be troubled for this, except the Oftender : And if the Offence ſhall be committed by any of her Train upon another of the fame, if it be not capital, the Offender ſhall be judged by the Queen's Marſhall, or other her Officers; and if it be againſt any Engliſhman, the Scotch Marſhall ſhall aſſiſt and be preſent with the ordinary Judge of Eng. land, to ſee that Indifferency be uſed in the Trial. Item, The Queen of Scots may come to England with the Number of 1000 Perſons or under, of all Eſtates and Degrees, with their Horſe and to re- main as long as it ſhall pleaſe her, and to returti when the thinks fit; and that any may come to her out of Scotland, or other Places, with Letters or Meſſen gers, if they exceed not that Number, and may return without Impediment ; only they are to acquaint the Officer on the Border, or his Deputy. Item, 'For the more certain Knowledge of the Number of her Train, there fhall be a Certificate made in Writings of their Names and Surnames, and of their Qualities. This Certificare is to be given ten Days before her coming to the Warden (a) There muſt be a Mildate here. Sir Robert Cotton obſerves theſe werc the firft Articles, and were by reaſon of the Wars in France (which hindřed the Interview) continued till the next Year 1562. Book II. A P P E N D 1 X 157 next. Cotton Libra Warden of the Marches, who is to deliver it to the principal Nobleman who shall be ſent by the Queen of England to receive the Queen of Scots on the Frontiers, and to conduct her to the Place of Interview. It is alſo granted to the Queen of Scots, if the pleaſe to enter England by Berwick, ſo that her Train exceed not 200 Perſons at once; and from her Entry till her Return, there may paſs and repaſs through that Town, to the Number of 300 Perſons ; and the reſt to paſs by Norham and Wark. Item, The Queen of Scots and her Train may uſe the Rites and Ceremo nies of their Religion, as now they do in Scotland. Item, Becauſe the Money of Scotland is not current in England, Queen Elizabeth is content that her Treaſurer of Berwick, receiving of the Officer of the Queen of Scots the Sum of 10000 Pounds of Gold or Silver, ſhall deliver in Exchange ſo much current Money of England as the ſame ſhall be worth in Value. Item, It is accorded that both the faid Princes ſhall ratify theſe Acts inter- changeably under their Hands and Great Seals before the 18th Day of July A Declaration of Mary Queen of Scots. WE ". and Determination was to have ſeen our faid dear Siſter and Couſin the Queen of England this preſent Summer, which cannot take place for divers weighty Conſiderations moving our faid dear Siſter of late, imparted to us by her Ambaſſador ; which Lers and Impediments we have no leſs Cauſe to weigh, being ſuch as touch us near, and for the which we are moſt ſorry, and would the fame were in our Power to remedy: And ſince ie hath not pleaſed God to grant us both the Occaſion to meet together this Year, we have nevertheleſs thought good, for manifeſt Declaration and Continuance of our great Deſire to meet with our faid dear Siſter, to confirm and ratify the Tenor of theſe Ara ticles of Accord, which by theſe Preſents we do confirm and ratify ; referring the Time of our Meeting until next Summer, and truſt that Almighty God will remove this Impediment, and all Things tending, thereto, and of His Goodneſs further our good Meaning, being grounded and intended principally to the per- petual Well and Repoſe of both our Rcalms and Subjects: And therefore, by thefe Preſents, we declare our Contentation to meet by the Permiſſion of Al. mighty God with our faid Siſter at the City of York about the 20th of June next to come, truſting that before that Time, all Impediments will be taken a. way, according to her Offer declared unto us by her Ambaſſadors, ſhe will by • her Writings accept and avow the ſame before the laſt Day of O&tober next, and renew the like Letters of Safe-conduct to all Intents and purpoſes as the pleaſed to do before. In witneſs whereof we have ſubſcribed this with our own Hand, and thereunto ſer our Great Seal of Scotland. At our Burgh of Perth the Day of Auguſt 1562, in the Twentieth Year of our Řeign. Pag of Augu! Arguments againſt the Queen's [Elizabeth] Majeſty's meeting with the Queen ibid. an Origi of Scots at the firſt Appointment betwixt June and Auguſt, 20th June 1562. nal in Secreta ry Cecil's Hand. 1. Не ed in France by the laſt of June, without Prejudice to the Eltate of this Realm, then her Majeſty might go. 2. The Affairs of France ſtand and remain not only uncompounded, but by Bloodſhed upon both Parts likely to increaſe their Troubles and to continue in civil Wars; therefore it is convenient to remain and attend the Events, and rather to comfort the Proteſtants than the Guiſians, who fhall receive Com- fort by the Eſtimation that the Queen is in theſe Troubles pleaſed to make a Journey to meet the Queen their Neice ; and what Occaſion may happen for her Majeſty to take Advantage, is uncertain : And if any ſhould happen, the Ab- fence of her Majeſty and Council would loſe the fame. RE 3. The 158 A P P E N D I X. Book 11. F. 340. ber 1564. 3. The Defire of the Queen of Scots to meet the Queen's Majeſty is only for her own Profir, which by this Journey the may make many ways; for fee- ing ſhe hath pretended Title to the Crown, and hath done nothing to renounce it, 'tis thought by this ſhe may inſinuate herſelf into ſome ſorts of People of this Realm, to further her Claim, and give Occaſion to fome People of this Realm as love Change, eſpecially Papiſts, to confirm them in their opinion, when they perceive that ſhe retainech the famen Rcligion, notwithſtanding of her Conference with the Queen. 4. Tho’the Matters in France were well ended, yet the Seaſon of the Year is 1o far gone, it ſeems impoſſible to provide for the fame with Honour : 1. Proviſions of Wine, Fowl and Poultry that ought to be fat, cannot be had by the laſt of Auguſt. 2. The Houſes, ſuch as, Grafton, Nottingham, Fo. thringay, Colly iv efton, being in Decay, cannot be conveniently repaired. 5. The Preparation of Lords, Ladies, Gentlemen, cannot be gor ready in ſuch a ſhort Time. 6. The great Rains lately fallen makes the Roads impaſſable. p. 276. Principal Points to be remembred and conſidered in the Affairs of Scotland, 24th September, apud Weſtm. Anno feptimo Elizabethæ Reginæ, [being an Abſtract of Letters out of Scotland in Secretary Cecil's Hand.] Calig . B. 10. 18th Novem- THe Earl of Murray and Lethington met at Berwick with the Earl of Bedford and Thomas Randolph, to treat of a Marriage with the Queen of Scots; where they liked not of the Nomination and special Words of the Earl of Leiceſter, but would have the Choice given to the Queen of any Nobleman within the Realm of England; and further, to have the Queen of Scots Title examined and ſtabliſhed to be next Heir to the Queen's Majeſty. November 23d they departed. 30 December. Earl of Lenox reſtored by Parliament to all his former Eſtate in Scotland. The Queen was content that it ſhould be ordered, that po Maſs ſhould be uſed within the Realm, but in her own Chapel, only for her own Houſhold. 11th January 1564-5. It was fought to have a new Conference for the Queen of Scots Marriage; whereunto was anſwered by the Queen's Majeſty's Order, by the Secretary's Letters to the Earl of Murray, That the nominating any Perſon by the Queen's Majeſty came of the Queen of Scotland, who always profered her Majeſty to give her Advice, and exprefly to nominate ſome Perſon. 13th February. The Lord Darnly went to the Queen in Fife from Edin- burgh. N. B. About the 5th of February a Noiſe of armed Men was heard in the High-ſtreer of Edinburgh at Midnight, and yet no Perſon could be feen. 4th March, Mr. Randolph. That the Qucen of Scots deſires to be made ap. parent Heir, Daughter adoptive, or Siſter to the Queen of England. He notech by his Letters exceeding great Love in the Queen of Scots towards the Queen's Majeſty ; and giveth great Hope of a full Contentation in the ſaid Queen to marry as the Queen of England will, and a Deſire to live here in England with her Majeſty 5th March. Before the Receipt of Letters from Randolph, the Queen wil. leth him to aſcertain the Queen of Scots, that if the will be content to follow her Advice in the Marriage with Leiceſter, the ſhall find her ready to advance him to all the Honour the can, and to favour her Title in all ſort that fhe may, ſaving for the Inquiſition and Declaration thereof. She would have the Queen underſtand that therein nothing ſhall be done until her Majeſty ſhall be married, or ſhall notify her Determination never to marry, the one of which ſhe meaneth ſhortly to do. Hereupon is the Queen of Scots offended, as the uſerh evil Speech of the Queen's Majeſty, alledging the abuſed her, and made her ſpend Time. 15th March. Randolph writech, that the Earl of Argile told him that he mif- liked the coming of Darnly into Scotland, for he fulpected the Queen's grear Favour Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DIX. 159 Favour to him. But Randolph affirmeth, that he doth not doubt any thing there- in, but only that it is of her courteous Nature 17th March. Randolph writerh, that he hath ſhewed thar Queen the Mel- ſage ſent from the Queen's Majeſty by Letters of the 5th of March, where- with ſhe is much diſmayed, and wept ; and ſaid, ſhe would ſend for a Paſport for Lethington to paſs through England into France; and complained, that the Duke and Earl of Argile complained to him of Danger like to come to Rc- ligion and themſelves, if the marry with a Papift. Meſſage was fent to that Queen from the two Cardinals, Lorrain and Grandville, that ſhe ſhould not haften her Marriage. 20th March. Randolph writes, that great Miſlikings are grown betwixt chat Queen and her Subjects. She hateth the Duke and Argile : Theſe two fear that ſhe will marry with a Papiſt either in Spain or elſewhere. The Lord Darnly much favoured by the Qucen, yet Mr. Randolph doth not think any Marriage likely. The Earl his Father maketh a Band with the Earl Athole, Cathneſs, the Lord Ruthven, and ſuch. The Queen proteſteth thar fhe will be at Liberty in Religion, and that all Perſons thould live as they will. 27th March 1565, Mr. Randolph. How much that Queen is grieved with the News of the Cardinal of Lorrain's evil Treatment at Paris by the Mare- fchal Monmorency. The Earl of Murray faith, that the ſaid Cardinal hath mo- tion'd Marriage to that Queen with the Duke of Orleance; which the Queen mifliketh: The Cardinal alſo deſireth that Lethington might be ſent into France, to confer of his Mind as to the Marriage. The Earl of Murray ſtill profecuteth the Marriage with England ; and without that fucceed, doubreth of all Things in Scotland. The Queen herſelf theweth ſtill a Diſpoſition there- unto. The Queen's Chaplain at Holy-rood houſe, when the Queen was in Fife, ſaid openly Maſs; whereupon Complaint was made to the Queen, who antivero ed, it ſhould be remedied. 30th March. The new Biſhop of Dumblane came from Louvaine with a Jea ſuit. The Queen's Phyſician paſſeth into France with ſeveral Frenchmen. 7th April. The L. of Lethington is in readineſs to depart [into England.] The Earl of Murray gone from Court, to avoid ſuperſtitious Ceremonies of that Qucen in Religion ; but 'tis reported he is departed in that Queen’s Diſpleaſure, becauſe he hath been carneſt with her to diffivade her from Idolatry. 15th April. Randolph writech, that now he findeth it plain here that the Queen is affected to the Lord Darnly, even to marry him: And he thinkerh the L. Lethington at his coming will thew the Truth thereof. 18th April. Randolph writech, that all good Men ſee the Ruin of that Coun- try by the Marriage with the Lord Darnly, which they deſire may be diſap- pointed. A Cave found at Muſelburgh, like a Monument of the Romans, wherein is a Stone found graven thus, APOLLINI. GRANNO. Q. L. SABINIANVS. PROC. AVG. (a). The L. of Lethington arrived at Weſtminſter 18th April : His Meſſage is to require the Queen's Conſent to the Marriage with the Lord Darnly. 230 April. A Conſultation at Weſtminſter upon Lethington's Meſſage of the Marriage ; miſliked of all . The Qucen's Majeſty lendeth Letters to the Earl of Lenox and the Lord Darnly to revoke them. 30th April. The Lord Darnly fick of the Meaſles, the Queen watcheth with him. iſt May. A general Determination by the whole Council at Weſtminſter, to diſallow of the Marriage with Darnly. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton appointed to return with the L. of Lethington, to fhew the Queen's Majeſty's Diſcontentation therewith. His Inftru&ions teſted upon two Points; the one, co procure the Queen to ſtay her Marriage RI 2 with (a) See Sir James Dalrymple's Engliſh Edition of Cambten's Deſcription of Scotland, p. 39. where you will find the Continuga gion of the Inſcription to be thus; V. S. S. LV. M. i.e. according to that learned Antiquary, Vorum ſuſcepit folvit lubens meritd. He likewiſc delivers his Opinion concerning Apollo Grannus, 160 A P P E N D I X. Book II. with Darnly; the ſecond, to marry with the Earl of Leiceſter, or ſome other in England: And if he ſhall find it paſt Remedy, then to flew how much it fhall grieve the Queen's Majeſty. Sir Nicholas went towards Scotland the 7th May. 3d May. Randolph writech, that the Earls of Argile and Murray came to Edinburgh with 5000 Horſe, the Law-day againſt the Earl of Bothwell , who was condemned for lack of Appearance: And yct the Queen commanded the Ju- ſtice-Clerk to forbcar Judgment. Whercupon a general miſliking of that Queen by her Nobles, and the Earl of Murray openly in Diſpleaſure with the Queen, 8th May. Randolph writeth, that niy Lord of Murray was ſent for to Stir. ling, where that Queen made as much of him as ever she did ; and being toge- ther in the Lord Daruly's Chamber, ſhe fhewed him a Writing, containing a Promiſe to conſent to her Marriage with the Lord Darnly, and that he ſhould fortify it: And ſo being required to ſign it, he deſired Time to conſider upon it ; but that was denied him, and he inore preſſed to ſign it, becauſe others had promiſed to do the like after him. He refuſed, and alledged that it might be fome Diſhonour to her, fo haſtily in that fort to ſeek it, without firſt making her Friends abroad privy thereto ; and in ſpecial, ſeeing the had fent Lething- ton to the Queen's Majeſty, who was not yet returned, but was on the Way. Beſides this, he miſliked this Match, becaule he doubted that the Lord Darnly would be an Enemy to true Religion. Hereupon he departed in fome Difplca- ſure of the Queen. Other Noblemen are ſent for to be at Stirling the 13th of May. The Queen fent Beaton to ſtay Lethington, for ſhe would neither have him, nor any from England, until the Matter were accorded by the Nobility. IIth May. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton and Lethington arrive at Berwick. Lethington received Letters from that Queen about Newark, by which he was commanded to return to the Queen's Majeſty, and to declare, That ſeeing the had been ſo long train'd in her Marriage without Fruit by the Queen's Majeſty, the was derermined with the Advice of her Eſtates to uſe her own Choice in her Marriage. He was alſo willed to repair into France, to move the French King to allow of her Choice; but Lethington did not follow this Commandment, but procecded Northwards. 12th May. Throckmorton writes, that thirteen of the Nobility have conſent- ed and ſigned a Writing of Accord to the Marriage; the Duke is one, to whom is promiſed Aſſurance for his own Eſtate. The Earl of Morton and Juſtice- Clerk are great Doers in it. The Earl of Murray will not conſent. The Earl of Argile cometh not to the Court. 21ff May, To the Earl of Leiceſter. Mr. Randolph writes how the Lord Darnly was on the 15th of May, 1. Created a Lord and Knight. 2. A Baron, a Bannaret, and named Lord of Armanagh. 3. He was belted Earl of Rofs. And after that he made fourteen Knights, whereof four were Stewarts. He made Oath of a Knight, which have ſundry Articles. He did alſo Ho. mage to the Queen, not reſerving any Duty to the Queen's Majeſty or Crown of England. There is ſuch miſliking of this Marriage, that if fome there might know whereunto to truſt, they want no Will to put both Father and Son from their Purpoſe 2ift May, To Cecil. Randolph writeth how the Lord Darnly offered to have ſtruck the Lord Ruthven with his Dagger, becauſe he brought him word, that the Creation of him to be a Duke was prorogued to another Day. 21ſt May. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton to the Queen's Majeſty writerh, That he arrived at Edinburgh 13th, where Lethington was commanded to ſtop him till all the Creations were done at Stirling. Nevertheleſs he departed to Lith- gow 14th, in the Moruing on the 15th at Stirling, and coming to the Caſtle, the Gates were ſhut upon him. The Maſter of Areskin and the Juſtice-Clerk came to him, and required him to return to his Lodging, and afterward he ſhould know the Qucen's Pleaſure for his Audience; ſo he went to his Lodging, and Book II. A P P E N D I X. 161 and in the Afternoon was ſent for by the Lords Areskin and Ruthven. And at his coming to the Queen, he did his Meſſage, by ſetting forth her Majeſty's miſliking of the Match, as well for the Matter as the Manner; and for that the Lord Darnly and his Father had fail'd in their Duties, to enterprize ſuch a Matter without her Majeſty's Advice. That Queen anſwered, That ſhe had made the Queen's Majeſty privy to her Intent, aſloon as herſelf was determi- ned: And for the Party, the thought that of all other her Majeſty would be content therewith, becauſe ſhe was by Mr. Randolph advertiſed, that the Queen's Majeſty left to her Choice, ſo ſhe would forbear the Houſes of France, Spain and Auſtria; and conſidering the Lord Darnly was an Enga liſhman, and a near Kinſman to the Queen's Majeſty, ſhe thought him meereft. Throckmorton replied, and ſhewed the Queen's Majeſty's Advice to have 'al- ways conſiſted in three Points: 1. To take one for her own Contentation. 2. One allowed by her People. 3. To continue the Amity between them and their Countries. He writeth that the Matter is irrevokable otherwiſe than by Violence, and yet it is not conſummate ; but the promiſes not to finiſh it theſe three Months, which ought to be about the 15th of Auguſt; and deſigns in the mean time to procure the Queen's Majeſty's Allowance, for which Purpoſe ſhe will ſend one, but not Lethington, who is in Suſpicion with her (a). The Lord Darnly received all the Honours above mentioned the ſaid 15th Day, after the Audience of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton. The 18th Sir Ni- cholas dined with the Queen alone, and Mr. Randolph with the Duke. At his coming away the 19th, the Queen ſent him a Chain of fifty Ounces of Gold. A Memorial ſent by Sir Nicholas Throckmorton for Advices of Things to be done. 3d June. Randolph writes, - that Monſ. Malvaſor arrived at Edinburgh (b). A Man of the Lord Bothwell's, coming by Sea, was taken in Fife with ſun- dry Letters of Practices againſt the Earl of Murray. 4th June. Conſultation of the Council hewed to her Majeſty in Writing. 14th June. The Queen of Scots Letters by Mr. John Hay; he came hither the 24th. The ſame Day the Lady Lenox was committed to the Tower. ult. June. The French King writeth to the Queen's Majeſty in favour of the Lord Darnly, and to releaſe his Mother. 4th July. Randolph writech of a falſe Rumour ſpread, that the Earls of Ar- gile and Murray had aſſembled a Power to take the Queen and the Lord Darnly ; when indeed my Lord Murray was ſick at Lochlevin, and Argile quietly at his Houſe at Campbell. Hereupon the Queen came in haſte to E- dinburgh, and declareth her Indignation againſt the Lords; and they make all Means they may to pacify her Ire, but nothing availeth. 4th July. A Command from the Queen of Scots to apprehend four Burgeſſes of Edinburgh, being known Proteſtants: Hereupon riſeth Alarm, and the No. bility begin to look to themſelves. 6th July. Mr. John Hay arrived at Edinburgli. iro žth July. The Earl of Argile and At hol gather Forces, one to offend the other. The Lords of Ruthven and Lethington are ſent to Athol; the Juſtice. Clerk and St. Colme to Argile, to perſwade them to Peace. with July. The Queen's Majeſty ſent by Letters to Randolph, to give good Advice both to the Queen and Lords. 16th July, To Queen Elizabeth. The Queen of Scots was married to the Lord Darnly at Holy-rood-houſe privately (c) the 9th of this Month, and from thence went to the Lord Seaton's Houſe to Bed. 16th July, To Cecil. Mr. Randolph writes, that the Queen and Lord Sf Darnly (a) Perhaps becauſe he did not obey the Order he received at Newark to go into France, but continued his Journey homeward notwithſtanding (b) This feeins not to quadrate ſo well with Mauviſſiere's Journies, as related by himſelf. (c) Of this private Marriage we never hcard in any other Author. 102 A P P E N D I X. Book II. Darnly walked diſguiſed in Edinburgh in the Streets. The Queen chargeth Mr. Randolph with three Things : 1. That the Queen's Majeſty ſhould lend a Herauld to Edinburgh to proclaim Lenox and Darnly Traitors to England. 2. That he perſivaded the Earl of Lenox and Darnly's Men to forſake their Maiters. 3. That he had ſpoken Evil of their Servants. She alſo faid, That King Henry VIII thought the Lord Darnly by his Teſtament worthy of more Favour than is ſhowed him. The Lord Gray, Sir Andrew Ker, and young Coldingknows, being Priſoners to England, Thould be ſent for to repair into England; for they are pot Friends. 18th July. Letters ſent by Livingſton from the Lords to Richmond. 19th July. Mr. Rendolph anſwers her Majeſty's Letters of the irth. The Queen hath aſſembled all her Force to be at Edinburgh the żoth, either to attack the Duke, Argile and Murray, who are aſſembled at Stirling to con- ſider for their own Surety; or elſe to affiſt at the Solemnization of the Mar- riage, which ſhall be the 29th of July. N. B. In the Letter ſent by her for aſſembling her Force, the makes Mention of her old Enemies. 2ift July. Randolph anſwers the Queen's Majeſty's Letters of the toth, for giving Advice to the Queen and Lords. The Queen thanketh the Queen's Majeſty for her good Will; but they that are called her beſt Subjects are not ſo to be called, and therefore ſhe hath Re- medy enough to ruin them, Sc. At that Anſwer were the Earl of Morton, Lord Areskine, Lethington, Juſtice-Clerk, and Maſter of Maxwell. He alſo writeth, that the ſame Night after he had ſpoken with the Queen, he fpake with the Earl of Lenox, putting him in mind of the former Charge given him to return, upon Pain of his Allegiance; for that he before ſuſpended his Anſwer until the Return of Mr. John Hay. The Earl anſwered, That conſidering the Impriſonment of his Wife, he meant not to come into England, except he was more fure of the Qucen's Majeſty's Favour. The, Lord Darnly anſwered, That he did acknowledge no other Duty or Obedience but to the Queen there, whom he ſerveth and honourcth; and ſeeing (faith he) that the Queen your Miſtreſs is fo envious of my good Fortune, I doubt not but ſhe may alſo have Need of me, as you ſhall know within a few Days. Wherefore to return I'ino tend not ; I find myſelf very well where I am, and ſo purpoſe to keep me. 23d July. Livingſton from the Lords. The Earl of Murray is commanded, upon Pain of Treaſon, to fhew who were the Authors of the Report that he ſhould have been killed at St. Johnſtoun. 24th July. Beaton ſent to the Queen's Majeſty, who came to Richmond 28th July. 24th. Randolph writes, that the 22d, being Sunday, the Bands of Matrimony were asked betwixt the Queen and Lord Darnly. 25th July. The Earl of Bedford arrived at Berwick the 20th. He moveth to have Licence to ſuccour the Earl of Murray, and himlelf to bear the Blame. 29th July. The Queen of Scotland's. Anſwer to the Lords of Scotland's Re- queſt. 28th July. The Queen's Majeſty's Letter to the Lords by Livingſton. 30th July. Randolph writes, that on Sunday the 29th the Marriage was early betwixt Five and Six. The Lord Darnly was not preſent at Maſs. The Queen was thus ferved: Earl Athol Sewar, Morton Carver, Crawfúrd Cúp- bearer. He was ſerv'd by Eglinton, Caſſils and Glencairn. 31ſt July. Mr. Tamworth is ſent by the Queen's Majeſty with Inſtructions, to ſhew the Queen of Scots the Cauſes of her Majeſty's Miſlike of the Mar- riage, whoſe Negociations with the Anſwers are in Writing. Alſo with a Com. million of Lieutenendry for the Earls of Salop and Bedford. Nota, That he was ſtaid at Dunbar in his Return. 19th Auguſt Mr. Tam- worth returned from Edinburgh. 21ſt Auguſt Mr.Tamréorth at Hume Caſtle. 25th Auguft Captain Brickwell ſent from Berwick. 27th Anguft Maſter of Maxwell's Book II. A P P E N D I X. 183 Maxwell's Letter to the Lord Scroop, with a copy of the Queen's Letter of the 23 July to repair to Stirling. 27th Auguft. Randolph writerh, that the Queen would have had hiin guarda ed, or promiſe not to deal with her Rebels, or to refort to Berwick ; but withi good Anſwer made, he enjoyed his Liberty. The Queen hath levied a Power, and hath in Pay 600 Harquebuſiers. The Lord Gordon reſtored to Honour by Proclamation: The Provoſt of Edinburgh put out, and Craigmiliar put in. Pitarrow the Comptrollet re- moved, and the Laird of Tullibardin in his Place. Yaxly arrived the 26th of Auguft. The Queen hath gone with her Power againſt the Lords, who are iii Air. 28th Auguſt . Captain Brickwell diſparched with Power for too new Med to be Icvied in Yorkſhire. ult. Auguft . Randolph The Duke and his Company came that Day to Edina burgh, being about 1500 Horſe; the Queen is 5000, iſt September. The French Ambaſſador with Malvaſor, with the Court at Windſor. Stefton ſent with the Letters of the French Ambaſſador, and Malvaſor in to Scotland. iſt September. Earl of Bedford writeth of the taking of the Earl of Suthers Land by Wilſon. ad September. Randolph writeth, that the Lords departed from Edinburgh for the Barrery of the Caſtle. 3d September. Randolph writes, that the Lords are at Dumfries, conduct- ed by the Maſter of Maxwell. 5th September. The Maſter of Maxwell ſignifieth to the Lord Scroop the coming of the Lords to Dumfries, and requireth Aid. Ioth September. Beaton came from Berwick, and ſo paſſed through into France. 11th September. Mr. Melvil with Letters from the Lords at Dumfries: (This was Robert Melvil.] 12th September. The Queen's Majeſty ſent to the Earl of Bedford to ſend 300 Soldiers to Carlile to be near to aid the Lords at Dumfries. 19th September. Mr. Randolph writes, of Juſtice denied to fundry Engliſh: 1 men. Other Abſtracts of Letters from the Cotton Library. iſt July 1565, Lochlevin, Letter from Murray and Argile to Randolph. That they and my Lord Boyd had met about fome Affairs which they deſign- ed to communicate to him; and for that End had fent to him that Bearer, whom he would credit. 3° July, Letter from Randolph to Leiceſter. That the Subjects of Scot: land arc diſpleaſed with the Marriage with Darnly, because they fear the Lofs of their Religion and Friendſhip of England. Many Noblemen are fear’d for their Lives; their only Expectation is from England, and Care muſt be takeri to prevent their Ruin ; they deſire Expedition and ſmall Sums of Money, and a few Men may be ſufficient to keep Life in their Party. That Darnly faid, that he cared more for the Papiſts in England than for the Proteſtants in Scoto jand; which ſhews his finall Love to the Queen of England, in loving her Ene- mies. He trims betwixt Popery and the Proteſtant Religion ; ſometimes he comes to Church. He is of an inſolent imperious Temper, and thinks that he is never fufficiently honoured. The Queen does every Thing to oblige him, tho' he cannot be prevailed upon to yeild the ſmalleft Thing to pleaſe her. He claims the Crown Matrimonial, and will have it immediately: The Queen tells hiin, that that muſt be delayed till he be of Age, and done by Conlenè of Pais liament, which does not fatisfy him. roth Auguſt, Randolph to the Earl of Bedford. That if the Noblemen have Sfa ho 164 Ä PP EN DI X. . Book II. no Support from the Queen of England, they ſhall not be able to make head a- gainſt their Queen. 18th Auguſt, Berwick, original Letter Earl of Bedford'to Queen Elizabeth. He informeth, that he had received her Letters for the taking and fortifying of Aymouth to the urmoſt of his Power ; but lays before her the many Difficulties in taking and ſure keeping thereof, and ſo he will wait further Orders. 20th Auguft, To Sir William Cecil. Randolph is urged to promiſe upon his Honour not to medle with the Rebels, or elſe he ſhould have a Guard upon his Gate. Lethington adviſed him to go to Berwick, which he refuſed. Ran- dolph is to ſend Darnly's Refuſal to return to England to be an Evidence to the Jury. 27th Auguſt, To Sir William Cecil. Randolph complains to the Queen of Scotland, that Tamworth the Engliſh Ambaſſador was ſtopt by the Lord Hume. She faid it was his own Fault, who refuſed a Safe-conduct. He anſwered, that it was ſigned by Darnly his Miſtreſs's Subject, and could not acknowledge him King, whoſe Duty it was to come and wait upon his Sovereign's Ambaſſador. The Queen told him, that the French King would aſſiſt her. Randolph re- plied, that it was owing to her Majeſty that the Queen of England was not her Friend. She anſwered, ſhe demanded nothing before her marrying Leiceſter but what was juſt, which was refuſed her : He whom ſhe had now married had a Right, which Leiceſter had not. She blamed Randolph for entertain- ing Intelligence with her Rebels, eſpecially Murray on whom the deſigned to be avenged, tho' it ſhould coſt her Crown; ſhe is gone to purſue them, and pro- claims that whoſoever ſhall deſert them ſhall be pardoned. iſt September, To Sir William Cecil. The Duke, Murray, Glencairn, Ro- thes, Boyd and Ochiltree, with 1200 Horſe, came to Edinburgh; Argile is to join them : They deſign rather to meet the Queen without the Town than ſtay in it. Murray will accept of nothing but the Advice of the Queen of England. 4th September, Letter to Sir William Cecil. The Lords were forced to leave Edinburgh; they are gone from Hamilton to Drumlanrig, whoſe Lord and Maxwell have joined them; from thence they march to Dumfries or Carlile. She wears a Piſtol charg’d when in the field. None but her Husband have gilded Armour. Several of the Lords are appointed to aſſaſſinate Darnly. He deſires that Cecil would order them to be relieved with more Money from England. The Lords doubt not but if Queen Elizabeth would aſſiſt them with Men and Money, but one Country will receive both the Queens (a). Queen Mary hates Queen Elizabeth; the muftered the Citizens of Edinburgh, and could not make above 150 Harquebuſiers, and not in all above 800. He hears from Maxwell, that the Lords are at Dumfries, and require Aſſiſtance of the Lord Scroop. 7th September, To Sir William Cecil. Queen Mary is willing that ſome may be ſent from the Queen of England with Malvejor (b), to treat of the Differences that are betwixt them, but not to intermeddle with her rebellious Subjects. 8th September. The Declaration of the confederate Lords, that they took up Arms for the Defence of the eſtabliſhed Religion, and that Popery may be abo- liſhed; and that the Kingdom may be governed by Advice of the Nobility, ac- cording to the ancient Laws and Cuſtoms, and not by Strangers. 8th September, Letter from Murray, then at Dumfries, to Randolph. He deſired that the Men from my Lord of Bedford be ready at Carlile accord ing to Appointment, and that the Money be alto ready. He deſires Randolph's Advice about his going to England. 9th September, Randolph to Sir William Cecil. Morton has now left the Queen (a) i.e. They would be able to carry their Sovereign Priſoner into England. (6) Mauviſſiere ſays, he found the Queen married w Darnly when he came into Scotland, p.333. and that he was ſent back in, to France by our Queen, and from France again into Scotland in a very ſhort Space. Book II. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. 165 Queen (a). Argile has plundred the Countries of Lenox and Athole. The Queen is offended with Dundee and Perth, becauſe they have affifted the Lords. The Queen has put Proviſions into the Caſtle of Edinburgh, and allows none to carry their Goods out of the Town, that the Citizens may be kepe more in Awe, 19th September, Letter to Sir William Cecil. There is now no hopes of Agreement; the Lords árc able to withſtand the Queen's Forces: Proclamation that all the Subjects may attend the Queen at Stirling with twenty Days Provi- fions. Several Towns have given her a Benevolence to maificáin the Wat . She has impriſoned ſeveral Gentlemen in Fife. She could not find Murray's Lady. Francis Yaxely has ſworn himſelf Scortiſh, and Servant to the King and Queen, and is ſent Ambaſſador to Spain. David Chalmers is this Day diſpatched to England (b). Juſtice is denied to ſeveral Engliſh Merchants againſt Scotch Pirates (c). 8th Oktober, Randolph to Leiceſter. Yaxely's Employment in Spain is to put the Queen and her Husband into the Protection of that Kingdom. Makes This a fit Time to make Queen Mary ſenſible whom ſhe has injured. The only way to compaſs this, is to aſiſt the Lords. She is adviſed now by very weak Men. Her Chancellor has förſaken her, and turned over to the Lords Party: 8th October, To Sir William Cecil. This Day the Queen marched to Duma frieš. Gordon is reſtored to the Earldom of Huntly, and brings to her Aid the Strength of the North. The Queen gives out, that England will not aſſiſt the Lords, which diſcourages many. All are obliged to ſwear againſt the Rebels: and the Engliſh the old Enemies, and take the Oath of Allegiance to Darnlys. Huntly and Bothwell are the new Counſellors. 13th Oktober, Letter Sir John Foſter to Sir William Cecil. That the Meti of Liddiſdale were firm in their love to England, and could not by all Bothwell's Promiſes be gain’d to engage to be for their Queen's Service : He thinks that Means muſt be uſed to kcep them ſtill in that good Diſpoſition, for they can do notable Service to England upon many Occaſions. 12th November, To Sir William Cécil. Murray is now at Newcaſtle. The Duke of Chaſtellerault fent his Subiniſſion by James Orineſton, which probas bly will be accepted. Murray and Grange cannot be admitted into Favour, tho' Argile may. It is reported that the Queen is with Child. Iſt December, To Sir William Cecil. Complaints againſt Lenox for Oppreſ. fion in the Bounds of his Lieutenancy, Lethington is in favour with the Queen, but not with Darnly. 7th December. A Pamphlet againſt the furmiſed Title of tlie Queen of Scots) and the Favourers of the lame: This probably is done by Hales. The Author thinks it dangerous to the Liberties of England to admit one of a ſtrange Naa tion, and their ancient Enemy, to their Throne; that Foreigners would be pof- feſſed of all Places of Truſt. His chief Argument againſt Mary Queen of Scota land's Right, is from that Maxim of the Law of England, that whoever is not born in England, or at leaſt of Father and Mother that at the Time of the Birth were at the Obedience of the King of England, cannot have or enjog any Inberitance in England. It is plaini, ſays he, that the Queen of Scotland is not born under the Subjeđion of England. He owns that the Title of Eng- Land to the Superiority of Scotland was never founded in Juſtice, &c. 25th December, To Sir William Cecil. Lord Darnly goes to Mafs. Ro bert Melvil ſent to procure Murray's Pardoni, cannot obraiti it, which is more owing to Darnly than to the Queen. There was lately nothing but King and Queen, and now it is come to the Queen's Husband only. The Money that had Henricus & Maria upon it is recalled, and other Money ftamped. He T C thinks (a) He might indeed have left her in his Affe&tions ; but the Records of Privy-Council do teſtify that he ſat there long after this, and ſtill enjoyed the Office of Chancellor. (6) Mr. Holinſhed lays, this Gentleman was likewiſe ſent into France. He is the ſame that writes a ſhort Hiſtory of our Kings in the French Language. See his Life by Dr. Mackenzie. () This is exprefly denied by our Queen. See ker Inftradions to Sir Andrew Ker in this Appendix. 166 Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. Book 11. thinks theſe private Jars will ſoon be over, and that Amantium ire amoris fung redintegratio. Original Letter, the Earl of Murray to Cecil, Newcaſtle 15th January 1565-6. S! IR, After my moſt hearty Recommendations : My Lord Bedford being here in this Town, has declared to me that he underſtood by you the Queen's Ma- jeſty's good Mind to the Furtherance of my Caute, and that her Highneſs is re- lolved to travel with the Queen my Sovereign earneſtly for my Weal; and I hcartily deſire you to render to her Majeſty my muſt humble Thanks in my Name. I do allo moſt heartily thatîk you for your Pains and Travel, of which I am able to cap the Benefit, as I have often done before, and am aſſured you will continue, according to my aſſured Hope and Expectation of your Friend- thip; that will not refule Pains in the laſt and greateſt Extremity. I have alſo underſtood by my Lord Bedford, it ſhould be meant by the Queen's Majeſty to direct Commiſſion to his Lordſhip and Sir John Forreſter for this Conference. Sir, Albeit I perſwade my ſelf aſſuredly of theſe Noblemens Favours and great Goodwill, yet ſomewhat doubted I of my Sovereign's Opinion of them, which may make the Matters themſelves that they treat of to be the lefs pleaſing un. to her Highneſs. Others, I truſt , there be with you who have not the like Impediments, and could with no leſs Dexterity handle theſe Matters, which I refer unto your Wiſdom. One Thing, Sir, I muſt put you in Remembrance of: This Parliament of Scotland draweth nigh, and is affix'd to the 12th of March ; 'tis chiefly ſet and purpoſely to be holden for leading the Procels of Forfeiture upon me and the Noblemen here with me: Wherefore unleſs this Conference iliall with due Time prevent the fame, it will be found very diffi. cult to revoke ſuch Matters having once taken Effect; and therefore, Sir, will recommend the Expedition and Hafte thereof to your accuſtomed Care of my Weal at all times. What Robert Melvil hath done in my Action, I cannot tell further than this, that ſo far as ever I have underſtood, it ſtandeth worſe and worſe. So ſoon as he arrives (which I look for ſhortly) ye ſhall know my Judgment what is the beſt way that my Affairs may be brought to fome good Point. And in the mean time, if it may be your Pleaſure, by the ordinary Polts paſſing by, to let me know further of the Queen's Majeſty's good Mind towards me, it ſhould be to me no ſmall Comfort, whereof we are here very indigent. I incline not tò trouble the Queen's Majeſty with my continual Wris tings, alluring my ſelf of your good Remembrance, whom I commit to the Pro. tection of God. Your Honour's moſt aſuredly, JA. STEWART. P.S. Even now have I received Word from Mr. Melvil, that his Suit for my poor Servants, that they might refort in that Country for their feeble Affairs, has received a plain Refuſal ; whereof your Honour may conje- cture what I my ſelf may look for. 24th January 1565-6, Letter Randolph to Sir William Cecil. That the Queen of Scotland had appointed the Earl of Bothwell and the Laird of Cefs. ford to meet the Earl of Bedford and Sir John Foſter, to ſettle Matters thac are in Debate betwixt the two Realms. Randolph told the Queen, that Both- well was a Perfon hated by the Queen of England, and known not to incline to Peace; ſo if bad Conſequence followed upon her Choice, the had herſelf to blame. She told, ſhe could alſo make Exceptions againſt Bedford (a), and ſo would not name another in the Place of Bothwell. She is not fo much an Ene. my to Murray as formerly. Darnly demands the Crown Matrimonial with tuch Impatience, that the Queen repents that ſhe has done ſo much for him. 6th (4) See our Queen's Complaints againſt this Nobleman in her Letters to the Queen of England, 31ft December 1565, &c. in the Shatter'd Ms. together with ſome others, which thall be inſerted here, after theſc Abſtracts are finiſhed. Book II. APP E N D I X. 167 6th February, Randolph to Cecil. and thar Robert Melvit ſhould return to the Lords with ſome good comfort. Since that Time there came from France, Clernau by Land from the Cardinal Lorrain, and Thornton by Ses from the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow ; ſince whoſe Arrival 110 Good to the Lords. Band to introduce Popery in all Chriſtendom fign'd by Queen Mary, and the Original to be ſent back by Mr. Stephen Wilſon. Rambouillet came here Sunday; he is willing to do Service to the Lords. Queen Mary intends to ſend Robert Melvil again into England, and negotiate there with her Friends ; but Queen Elizabeth will take Precaution. 8th February, Lerter my Lord Bedford to Sir William Cecil. He writes, that the Scotch Parliament met at the prefixed Time; that it is their Cuſtom to conclude firſt upon ſuch Articles as ſhall be matter of Debate in that Parliament. It is agreed that the baniſh'd Lords ſhall forfeit their Éſtates. Murray's Lands are given away. He deſpairs of Juſtice on the Borders while Bothwell is War- den, who neither fears God nor loves Juſtice. Darnly is a zealous Papiſt. On Candlemas Day the Queen and King carried their Candles. Maſs is ſaid in many Places of Scotland. iſt March. Proclamation by Henry King of Scotland, That with the Ad. vice of ſome Noblemen and others who had aſſociated together, it was found neceſſary for the good Government of the Kingdom, to reinove fome dangerous Perſons and bad Counſellors from the Queen, particularly Rizio the Italian, and to puniſh them according to their deſerving where they ſliall be found, tho it were in the very Palace and in the Preſence of the Queen: He takes the Blame of this upon himſelf, and promiſes that none ſhall ſuffer for any thing that may happen upon this Engagement. 20th March. Proclamation by King Henry, whereby he declares himſelf iia nocent of the Murther of Rizio and detaining the Queen's Perſon in Captivity; that he never counſelled, adviſed or encouraged any of the Murtherers of Rižio to char Murther. He owns that in this he was to be blamed, that at the Per- ſwalion of the Conſpirators, without the Queen's Knowledge, he conſented to the bringing home the baniſhed Lords, as, Murray, Morton, Glencairn, Ro. thes, and others. 27th (a) March 1566, Letter from Earl of Bedford and Randolph to the Earl of Leiceſter and Sir William Cecil. To prevent the Condemnation of Murray and of his Accomplices deſigu'd in preſent Parliament, Morton, Lindſay, Rutl. ven, and others, addreſs themſelves to the King, entreating him for Murray, and promiſing himn the Crown Matrimonial, if he will follow their Advice in reſtoring theſe whom the Queen diſliked, who would be his true Friends; and to give way to them to reinove David Rizio from the Queen, who by his Counſel and Practices hindred him from the fole Rule. 2d April, Queen of England to the Earl of Bedford. Her Majeſty is wil- ling that Morton may ftay in England till the give further Orders. 3d April, Letter from Alnwick. One of Bothwell's Servants confeſſed, that himſelf and four more of his fellow Seryants had conſpired to murther or poiſon the ſaid Bothwell, and that Lethington had engaged them in that Dc fign. The other Servants, that were concerned in that Deſign, upon Examina- cion confeſſed the fame. 4th April, Randolph to Sir William Cecil. Queen Mary deſires the Caſtle of Stirling from the Lord Areskine, which he refuſes, becauſe that Truſt was committed to him by the Three Eſtates. Diverſe Arraignments at Edinburg), but pardoned at the Place of Execution. Ruthven's Under-Sheriff is executed for the Murther of Rizio. The King is not loved by the Queen upon the ac- count of the ſaid Murther : The People hate him becauſe he has broken his Oath to the Conſpirators. Tt2 416 (a) This Letter is certainly wrong dated; for it is ſcarce pofGble the Writers of it could be ignorant that David Rizie was mur. chered more than two weeks before this. It is therefore probable that it was dated 27th February, 169 A P PENDI X Book II. a to sing given 4th April, Earl of Bedford to Sir William Cecil. Lethington deſpairs of Pardon, and muſt fly into England- 25th April. Argile and Athol are almoſt agreed. Queen Mary deſires Mur gay and Bothiveli inay alſo be ac Peace. Lethington has liberty to live in Flanders: 26th April, Lethington to Mr. Randolph. The Queen of Scotland order- ed Mackalling to entertain Friendſhip with O-Neal; and told him, that he ſhould know the Reaſon afterwards. iſt May, Lethington to Mr. Randolph. Argile doubts of Queen Eliza- beth's Affection to their Party, becauſe îhe did not countenance them in their late Action; he aſſures him of as many Friends in Scotland as ever, if ſhe do not change to them. Murray and Bothwell are great Friends. 2d May, To Sir William Cecil. Arran has got his Liberty upon his Bond of 12000 I. Scots Money to anſwer when he is called. Lethington's Friends intercede for him that he may not be baniſhed: The Queen is more his friend than Darnly. 13th May, To Sir William Cecil. O-Neal's Meſſenger had his Audience of Leave, and was ſent away with good Words. A Servant of Argile's was ſent with him to ſee if he could hold againſt the Qucén of England with lome Af ſiſtance. But if Queen Elizabeth will but concern herſelf in making the Peace of the baniſhed Lords, Argile promiſes to alift het againſt O-Neal. 23d May, The Queen of England to Randolph. He is to deal with Argile to be a Friend to the Queen of England, and not to aſſiſt O-Neal; and de fires that Murray be employed to take off Argile from his correſponding with 0-Neal, who is not only a Rebel to herſelf, but alſo an Enemy to the true Re. ligiou. 26th May, Randolph to Sir William Cecil. Queen Mary accufes Randolph of Murray's; he denied it. She alſo blames him for being the Author of a ſcan- dalous Book, reflecting on that Queen's Birth, Dignity and Government. She fent Robert Melvil to the Engliſh Court to have him recalled. Argile is or- dered to ſupport O-Neal the Iriſh Rebel; which he deſigns to do, if Queen Elizabeth would not befriend the Scotch Proteſtants, and relieve with Necef. ſaries the baniſhed Lords. 31ſt May, Earl of Morton to Randolph. That the Queen of England will not allow Morton and his Aſſociates to ſtay in England: They deſire a Safe. conduct, that ſhe would intercede with Queen Mary for their Return home, fecing they had done ſo much formerly for the Queen of England's Service(a). 7th June, Randolph to Sir William Cecil from Berwick. Lerhington's Li- cence to travel to Flanders is recalled, and he is confined to Cathneſs. The Regiſter is ordered to remain on the other Side of Tay. The Queen is reconci. led to Darnly. 14th June, Randolph to Sir William Cecil. Charleboys is now at Liberty, and terveth O-Neal with all his Friends. As to the ſecret Management of Morton's Conveyance, it is now well enough; he hopes to hear always the lame Account of it, ſeeing Morton had ſufficient Warning. 14th Junë, Randolph to Sir William Cecil. The Scotch Queen has given Argile Liberty to ſuffer as many of his Tenants and Vaffals as pleaſe to go over 10 O-Neal. Murray and Grange have dealt with Argile to bring him from 0-Neal's Paity, and that he ſhould not forget the Aſſiſtance Queen Elizabeth gave to drive the French out of Scotland : That 'tis not fafe to diſoblige her, when they are ſo uncertain of their own Sovereigo's Favour. Argile is per. Jwaded to leave O-Neal, and to promiſe his Service to Queen Elizabeth, prom vided ſhe be a Friend to their Religion and the Profeſſors of it, and procure che Return of the baniſhed Lords, and ſtop the Practices now in hand betwixt his (a) The Argument was both true and Atrong, as Truth never fails to be. Book II. A P P E N D I X. 169 his Sovereign and O-Neal and the Papiſts in England. Rokesby's Practices arc ſo managed by Andrew Carr and the Biſhop of Rose, that they cannot be dif: covered. 17th June, Randolph to Sir William Cecil. He is glad that he has Liberty to return from their Borders to Court. He acquainted the Scotch Proteſtant Lords that he is to be ſucceeded by Mr. Killigrew, with whom they are to communicate their Affairs, 20th June, Randolph to Sir William Cecil. Lethington deſires to leave Scotland. Argile ſeeks Leave to travel: And tho' Murray and he are in Truſt with Queen Mary, notwithſtanding this they deſire to be from the Court. 26th June, Sir William Drury to the Earl of Bedford. Proclamation at Kelſo, a Place near the Engliſh Borders, That no Scotchman muſt have any Commerce with an Engliſhman, upon Pain of Death. 17th July, Earl of Bedford to Sir William Cecil. Randolph is recalled, and Killigrew comes in his place. This Change is a grear Lofs to the Intelli- gence from Scotland, and which can only be fupplied by the Laird of Grange. 2d Auguſt, Berwick, Earl of Bedford to Cecil. Lethington's Peace is to be made with his Sovereign. Murray has procured the Return of Ormeſton and Elphinſton, who were with Morton at the Murther of Rizio. Queen Mary Tulpects that Morton is in Scotland, and that he is with his old Miſtreſs . Ce ford's Party, Buckleugh, and all the Sirname of Scot, are his Friends. The Eliots deſign to aſſiſt him, and for that purpoſe have procured Liberty from the Wardens of the Engliſh Marches to be concealed there four or five Days, if need be (a). The Lord Maxwell and Bothwell are now Enemies ; the former refuſed to come to Court to have thoſe Differences compoſed. Botha well is generally hared, and is more infolent than ever David Rizio was. Grange dare not write more, Letters to Bedford, becauſe he is ſuſpected. 3d Auguft, Earl of Bedford to Cecil. -Lethington ſhould ſpeak with his Queen as yeſterday at Alloway, and 'tis thought this meeting will bring Reconciliation. Queen Mary meaneth ſhortly to go againſt Cefa ford, &c. and keep Juſtice. Court at Jedburgh. Bothwell ſhall come in with Forces. The Queen and her Husband agree worſe. Malvaſor workech for calling home the Lords. 9th Auguſt, Earl of Bedford to Sir William Cecil. Malvaſor returns to- wards England, and reports that the Queen and her Husband have been toge- ther theſe two Nights; that he has uſed his Endeavours for their Reconciliation. Bothwell is ſtill in Favour, and has a great hand in the Management of Affairs. 13th November, Queen Elizabeth to the Earl of Bedford. She complains that in fome late Book upon the Birth of the Prince of Scotland, he is called Prince of Scotland, England and Ireland: She orders him to have the Au- thor to be puniſhed, and the Book ſuppreſſed ; and that this would be a cere tain Sign of the true Amity betwixt her Siſter of Scotland and herſelf. 17th November, Queen of Scotland to the Queen of England. Queen Mary in her Sickneſs commits the Protection of her Son to Queen Elizabeth. And tho' ſhe knew herſelf to be next Heir to the Crown of England, and was appriſed of the Practices of her Enemies to call her Title in queſtion, ne- vertheleſs ſhe will not ſeek any Declaration from Queen Elizabeth. In the mean time the promiſes to be an Enemy to her Siſter's Enemies. 3 [Letter from the Queen of Scotland to the Earl of Bedford.] RY Ycht traſtie and weilbelovit Couſing, we greit zou weill: We haif reſſavit Shatter'd MS. zour Lettre complenyng of mony Diſorderis committit be our Subjectis upoun divers Perſonis within the Boundis of zour Charge; quhairupoun we U u. did (a) It might perhaps be the Conſequences of this Combination the Earl of Bothwell was ſent to look after, at the Time he re- ceived his Wounds, and was carried to his Caſtle of Hermitage to be cured. However, theſe Borders were always very diſor, derly, 170 A P P E N D I X. Book II. did examinar the Lard of Cesfurd our Wardane of our middill Marches, and be his Reporç hes underſtude that she Occaſioun of the Delay of Juſtice, gif ony hes occurrit this †yme bypaſt , itude nocht in his Default, being alwayis reddie to haif obſervit Dayis of Trew, and to haif maid and reſſavit Redres of all At- temptatris according to the Law of Marchis; and zit wer the Dayis of Trew ſchot on zour Partie, nochtwithſtanding for ony thing heirtofoir attemptit , or that of Reſſoun can be requirit of our Wardanis, thai will willinglie do it, ref ſeyand the Semblabill, and to that Effect appoint Day is of Trewis als off as ze will think convenient. Mairover we haif reſſavit certane Advertiſement of the Lord Hume, and utherwayis, that Golwiche zour Deputie at ane appointiç Tryſt with Sanderis Hume of Hutounhall Deputie. Wardane to the fald Lord Hume, ſpak in plane Termis upoun zour Behalffis, that gif the ſaid Lord Hume, or ony Nowmer of Men within his Chargeis, ſuld cum and ſerve us aganis our Rebellis, that than ze with zour haill Forceis wald invaid the Mers with Fyre and Swerd: This we traiſt be not the Meaning and Commandment of our guid Siſter the Quenę zour Soverane, in conſideratioun of the guid Amitie ſtanding amang us ; nather think we that he hes fa fpokin be ony Commandment pro cedit, of zou, and thairfoir haif we purpoiſlie direct unto zou the Berare heirof, our Servand, to knaw the yerie Trewth and Certantie towart the faidis Wordis, defyring zou to certific us by żour-chis Berare, quhither we gaif the ſaid Colwiche purpoiſis or not; and in cais he hes ſpokin of his awin. as we truſt he hes, that than ze will mak plane. zour miſlyking of his Misbehaviour in that Behalf, in ſic Forme the Mater being in the ſelf ve- rie prejudiciall to the Amitie and Peace ſtanding betwix the Realmes. And thus we Att Edinburgh the - Day of Shatter I MS [Letter Queen of Scotland to the Queen of England.] R Ycht excellent, Rycht heick and mychtic Princeffe, our derreft Siſter and of cuming from bezond Sey and reparing towart his dative Cuntreis latelie takin, ſtayit and devenit as Preſonar at Berwik (a); We haif thocht guid to ſignifie the fame unto zou, and in reſpect of the Amytie and guid Peace ſtanding berwix us and our Realmis, hartlie to defyre zou that it may pleis zou to gif ſtrict Com- mandinent to żour Lieutennent, Officiaris on the Border, or utheris zour Sub- jectis in quhais Handis he is, that immediatlie thai put him to Libertie, and fuf- fir him frelie to depart towart this Realme ; praying zou to caus fpedie Ordour to be takin heirin, and that a Thing tending ſa manifeſtlié to the Brek of the guid İntelligence betwix us, as taking of Perfonis in tyme of Peace be not per- mittit , as we fall be willing nocht onclie to do the lyke, bot alfwa to omit na guid Offices quhairby it may appeir quhat Offices we beir to manteine Amytie and guid Nychbourheid, and all Trewis, as the Effectis fall declair. And thus 1 Rycht hcich, &c. Ibid. Inſtructionis to our truſtie and weilbelovit Sr Andro Ker of Hirſell Knycht, to be declarit in our Behalf to the Erle of Bedford Lord Governour of Ber- wik and Lieutennent of the North-Partis of Ingland. IN the Firft, Zefall declair that laitlic we reſtavit his Lettre complenyng of mony Diſorderis committit be our Subjectis upoun diveris Perfonis within the Boundis of his Charge; quhaiřupoun we did examinat the Lard of Cesfurde our Wardane of our middill Merchis, and be his Report undirftude the Occa- fioun of the Delay of Juſtice, gif ony hes occurrit this Tyme bypaft, ſtude not in his Defalt, being alwayis reddie to haif obſervit Dayis of Trew, and to haif maid and reflavit Rcdres of all Attemptartis according to the Law of Merchis, and fa) By an Abſtrax here of the Iſt September 1565, we perceive this Nobleman was ſtopt by one Wilſon about Berwick; and by Sir William Drury's Letter, February 1505.0, we find his Lordhip was then juſt going into Scotland. Book II. A P P E N D I X. 171 or and zit wer the Dayis of Trew ſchot on the Partie of Ingland, notwithſtanding for ony thing þeirtofoir attemptit, or that of reſſoun can be requirit of our War: dauis, thai will willinglie do it, reſſavand the ſemblabill; and to that Effect ap. point Dayis of Trewis als oft as the Wardanis of Ingland will think convenient. Secundlie, Zę fall declair unto the ſaid Erle, Lieutennent above mentionat, that we haif reſſayit certane Advertiſement of the Lord Hume, and utherwayis, that Maiſter Golwiche his Deputie at ane appointit Tryſt with Sanderis Hume of Hutounhall Deputie-Wardane to the faid Lord Hume, fpak in plane Termis upoun the Behalf of the ſaid Liqutenueạt, That if the ſaid Lord Hume, ony Nowmer of Men within his Charge, fould cum and ſerve us aganis our Re- bellis, that phan the ſaid Lieutendent with his haill Forceis wald invaid the Mers with Fyre and Swerd, quhilk we traiſt be not the Meaning nor Com- mandment of oựr ſaid guid Siſter the Quene of Ingland, in confideratioun of the guid Amytie ſtanding amängis us ; neythir think we that Colwiche hes fa {pokio be ony Commandment procedit of the ſaid Lieutennent, and that thair, foir we haif purpoiſlie direct zou to knaw the verie Trewth and Certaintie to- wart the faidis Wordis, and that ze in our Name defyr him to certifie us be his writting with zou, quhyther he gaif the ſaid Colwiche Commiſſioun to hald ſic Purpoſis or not. And in .cais he hes ſpokin thame of his awin Heid without Commandment, as we truſt he hes, that than the ſaid Lieutennent will mak plane Demonſtratioun of his miſlyķing of Çolwichis Misbehaviour in that Behalf in fic Forme aş is convenient, the Mater being in the ſelf verie prejudi, ciall to the guid Nychtbourheid and Peace ſtanding betwix the Realmis. And fordir ze fall declair, That albeit in the lait Lettre fent us from the ſaid Lieuten, nent be the ſaid Colwiche, Mentioun is maid that he is' weill inſtructit towart the Purpoſis mentionat in the ſange, and to attend our Pleſſour and Reſolutioun for that Purpois; zit nochtwithſtanding he departit without ony Declaratioun to us of his Credeit, and unreſlaviç Anſwer of the ſaid Lieutennentis Lettre brocht be him, quhairin as we think the Doing range, fa we doubt not bot , the faid Lieutennent will nawayis allow Colwichis Misbehaviour in that Part, and gif Demonſtratioun that fic Procedingis węs not of his Commandment, At, tour the ſaid Colwiche being inquirit be our ſelf in our Counfall, quhyther he ſpak fic Wordis to Sanderis Hume of Hutounhall, wald nowther , anſwer affir- mativelie nor negativelie, bor ſaid, hecame nocht to anſwer to ony Queſtionis quhilk Anſwer as we hạif guid Occaſioun to find itrange, fá we doubt not bot the faid Erle will nawayis allow. And Laft, quhair the faid Lieutennent dois wryte in his Lettre that he did ſtay the Erle of Sutherland our borne Subject, upoun the Conſideratioun of the Deniall of Deliverie of cercane Pyrattis co Maiſter Randolphe ; Ze fall declair that as nane knawin Pyrattis wer ſtayit and deteinit be us or ony our Miniſteris, ſa wald we wyſche that fould nocht upoun that Pretence detene the ſaid Erle unput to Libertie rather in reſpect of the guid Amytie ſtanding be- twix the Realmis. may be deliverit without forder Delay; and in cais he upoun the Deliverie of the Pyrattis, ze fall offir the ſaid Erle of Sun therland being deliverit, that all kuawin and notorious-Men heir falbe likwayis deliverit. will [Letter Queen Mary to Queen Elizabeth.] RYcht excellent, Rycht heich and mychtic Princeffe, our derreft Siſter and shatter'a 105 Couſing, We commend us unto zou in our maiſt hardlie Mader : Quhairas laitlie, as we ar ſuirlie informir, certane zour Subjectis to the Nowmer of Auch hundrith Perfonis enterit within our Realme of Scotland, at the Townis of Edingtonn and Chirnfyde, four Mylis from Berwik, or thairabout, and thair nocht onlie maid Slauchter, tuke Preſoparis, ſpulzeit and reft a greit Quantitie of Gudis, bot alſwa uſit thame in fic fort, as it had bene oppin Weir and Hoſtili tie betwix the cwa Realmis; and zit detenis and kepis fum of the Preſonaris at U u i Berwik, 172 Book II. A P P E N D I X. Berwik, as gif it wer inſtant Weir : A Thing quhilk we undirſtand to be ex- pres aganis zour Mynd and Pleſſour, in reſpect of zour Declaratioun diveris wayis notifyit unto us, That zour Meaning hes bene, and is alwayis, to inter- teny Peace and Quietnes aniangis the Subjectis of bayth the Cuntreis. And al- beit our Counfall in our Abſence twa ſindrie tymes wrait to the Erle of Bed- forde zour Lieurennent for Redreſſe of the faid Attemprate, he nocht onlie re. fufit to mak the ſamen, bor alfwa be his Servand Colwiche ſent with his Anſwer, ſaid, That he wald planelie tak thé Deid upoun himſelf, avowing the ſame to be done att his Command, as zour Agent Mr. Randolphe being preſent at the Declaratioun thairof can teſtific. Quhairupoun, and being movit with the la. mentabill Complaint of our Subjectis, we haif takin Occaſioun to wrait prea: ſentlie unto zou, derreſt Siſter, that ze will ponder the Mater according to the Wecht thairof, and Conſequence that thairon may follow; and nocht onlie tak haiſtie Ordour that the ſaid Attemptate may be ipedelie redreſſit, bot alfwa to mak plane Demonſtratioun that ze miſlyke this and mony uther ſtrange Proce- dingis in him, quha being zour Miniſter, aucht to be maiſt cairfull to nureis Quietnes and interteny the gude Nychtbourheid that heirtofoir hes continewit berwix us, and zit be his Behavour of lait diveris way is, fa far as in him lay, endangerit the Peace. And this not dowting be zour Anſwer with this Be. rare, to be certifyit of zour guid Mynd in this Behalf, tending to the dew Reformatioun of this fa notorious an Offence, Rycht excellent, Rycht heich and mychrie Princeſſe, our derreſt Siſter and Couſing, we commit zou to the Protectioun of Almychrie God. Gevin under our Signet at our Palace of He. lieruidhous the laſt Day of December and of our Reginie the xxiv. Zeir. Shatter'd MS. [Letter Queen Elizabeth to Queen Mary.] R , . Couſing, We commend us hartlie unto zou: Be zour Lettre daitit the laſt of December, and brocht to us be ane of zour Herauldis of Armis, we perſave that ze haif bene informit of ane Entre maid into the Realme of Scotland at the Townis of Edingtoun and Chirnſýde, be certane of our Subjectis, to the Now- mer of 'Aucht hundrith Perfonis, making Slauchter, taking of Preſonaris, and ſpulzeing of thame, as it had bene oppin Weiris; and that ſum of the fame Pre- fonaris ar detenit at Berwik : A Thing quhilk ze ar content to underſtand to be expres aganis our Mynd and Pleſfour, as indeid Reſſoun is. And quhair forder ze wryte, that althoch zour Counfall had ſent twa ſindrie tymes to our Couſing the Erle of Bedforde our Lieutennent, for Redreſſe thairof, that he did not onlie be his Anſwer refuſe the ſame, bot did avow it to be done be his Commandment: Quhairupoun ze requeir us to ponder the Mater and Conſe- quence thairof, and to tak Ordour for ſpedie Redreſſe; with forder Demon. ftratioun of our miſlyking baith of this and uther Procedingis in our ſaid Lieuten- Upoun the Conſideratioun of this zour Lettre, finding the Materis thair- in, for the maner of the ſame, as thai be expreſſit with thair Circumſtances, ve- rie ſtrange and unlýklie; and underſtanding that zour Servand had na Inſtru- Ctioun to explane the Mater forder than wes contenit in the Lettre, bot onlie to requeir ſpedie Anſwer ; We find it meit to mak Anſwer preſentlie be this our Wryring, according to our Knawlege, That we knaw of na maner of ſuch Entre into Scotland with fic Nowmeris, nowther of ony Slauchter, 1pulzeing, or ony uther thing belanging to Hoſtilitie ; and thairfoir ze haif verie weill confavit, that na fic thing could be bor aganis our Mynd and Pleſſour. And foraſmekill as our Lieutennent thair hes maid Anſwer, Thar he wald avow his Doingis; We prefuming furlie of his guid Difpofitioun to keip Amytie, and knawing the Feir he hes to offend us in doing ony thing to the contrarie, ar thairby movic to think thar the Informatioun quhilk is maid unto zou of this Marer is tcharpe- ned and fet furth by fum fic as haif moir Diſpoſitioun to pick Querrellis than to compound chame : And we be the rather inducit heirunto, becaus we tak this Mater nent. Book II. A P P E N D I X. 173 Mater to be the fame quhairof we hard in the begynning of December laſt, quhilk wes, as we were informit credibly, ſa far different from this as ze com- plane, aucho rather to have bene maid be our Subjectis, being firſt ſpoyled, robbed, takin, hurt and careit away be zouris ; for Recovery quhairot, ſome of ouris fekirig to apprehend the Thevis, quho had not onlie robbed our Sub- jectis, and ſpoyled of thair. Victuales quhilk thai had lauchfullie bocht, bor al- fiva robbed ſum of zouris, wer by Ambulches of Men of Weir aſſailed and per- ſewit in ſuche maner of Hoftilitie, as fyve or ſix of our Subjectis wer takin lyke Preſonaris, with thair Horſs and Gudis; and ſum utheris wer woundit and hurt to the Perrell of Deith : Quhairupoun as followed, as we think, that quhairof the Complaint is now maid fo grevous, that a couple of the Capitanis of Ber. wik; with a ſmall ordinarie Nowmer, leſs be ane half than is contenit inz zour Lettres, reſorted quietlie to the Place •quhair our Subjectis wer kepit as Preſonaris, to demand thame, and to bring thame home with thair Horts and Gudis, quhilk thai could not fullie nor quietlie obtene, bayth becaus thai wer refuſit; and for that thre of our Subjectis wer careit as Prefonaris further in the Land, and zit do remane, contrarie to the Ordour of Peace: And of ony Wyer or Hoſtilitie uſit, we nevir hard, bot rather by this had Caus to complene for our Subjectis, quha receaved the firſt Harmes, by ſpoyling, robbing, taking and detening thame as Preſonaris. Nevirtheleſs conſidering be zour Lettres, that quhilk ze wryte is bot upoun Informatioun, and we alſo can prefentlie anſaver bot as we have bene informit, and that we tak it zour Meaning is, as ouris alſo is, to have Peace and Quietneſs kept upoun the Frontieris, and the contrary Attemptis redreſſit: We have thocht it meit furthwith ſtraitlie to command and charge our faid Lieutenent to have guid and crnift Regaird to theſe Complaintis, and as he will anſwer to us at his Perrell, bayth to adverteis us the verie Trewch, with all the Circumſtances of all this Mater paſſed, and not ſpair to mak dew Report of ony Miſdemeanour in ony of ouris, gif ony fic wer. And fordir als fo, in the mene tyme, to mak Satisfactioun and Redreſle of ony thing that,fall, lye in his Power ; for ſo is our Pleſſour and plane Intentioun, truſting that the lyke will be ordourit and commandit be zou to zour Officiaris, in ſic Caiſes as ouris fall haif neid. And eftir that we fall haif Anſwer from our Couſing of Bedford, quhairin we will command him to uſe Speid; We fall caus zou to un- dirſtand planelie, that as we haif figuifeit heirtofore our Meaning towartis the keping of Peace betwix our Realmes, to it fall manifeſtlie appeir by our Or- douris that fall inſue in this Mater, that we do not change in our Determinationis. And thus, Rycht excellent, Rycht heich and mychtie Princeſſe, our derreſt Siſter and Couſing, we commit zou to the Tuitioun of Almychty God. Gevin under our Signet at our Palace of Weſtminſter the nynt Day of Januarie, the aucht Zeir of our Regime, 1565. Zour gude Siſter and Couſing, ELIZABETH. Beſides the Act of Privy-Council with February 1562, prohibiting the eating of Fleſh, as it is fer down in the Appendix here, P.96 ; there is juſt ſuch an- other in the preceeding Year, viz. 12th February 1561 : And the Continua- tion of the Prohibition is therein inſerted to be from the Publication of the Act till the 29th March next to come. And to this Act is fubjoined another of the ſame Date, as followeth; THE He ſamyn Day, Forſamekle as be Tempeſt and Stormis of Weddir fallin this laſt Wynter, the maiſt part of the Scheip of Scotland ar periſcht and deid, quhilk caufis the Derth thairof fa to increfs, that the Poor cannocht gud- lie abyde the famyn; and gift the Lammis be lykewayis waiſtit and conſumit, the Derth fall noche onlie increſs, bot als the Scheip of the Cuntre tall fa decay, chat X X 174 Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X. Book II. that few or nane íalbe left thairin for fuſtenyng of the Liegeis of this Realme : For Remeid quhairof, it is ſtatute and ordanit be the Quenis Majeſtie, with A- vyfs of the Lordis ot hir ſecreit Counfale, That na maner of Lammis be ſlaine or eittin be ony of the Liegis of this Realme for the Space of thre Zeris nixtto. cum, under the Pane of eſchering of all the movable Gudis of the Perſonis controvenaris of this preſent Ordinance, Statute and Act, to our Soycrane La- deis Uſs; and ordanis Letteris to be direct to Officiaris of the Quenis Shireffis in that Parr, chargeing chame to paſs to the Mercat Croces of Edinburgh, Lin. Lythgow, Striviling, and utheris Places neidfull, and thair be oppin Proclamatioun in our Soverane Ladcis Name and Autoritie, command and charge all and findrie Fleſchouris and Manglaris of Fleſche, and utheris oure Soverane Ladeis Liegis , that nane of thame tak upoun hand to fla or eit ony maner of Lammis, fra this tyme furth, for the Space of thre Zeris nixttocum, under the Pane foirfaid : And to charge all and ſindrie oure Soverane Ladeis Shireffis, Stewarcis, Crownaris and thair Deputis, Proveſtis, Auldermen and Baillies of Burrois, diligentlie to ſerche quhair ony Perfonis beis fundin brekand this preſent Ordinance, and to report the famyn to oure Soverane Ladeis Thefaurar, that the Panis above writtin may be execute upoun the ſaids Brekaris, under the Panc of Tinfall of thair Officcs, &c: By one ſingle Ad in the Body of the original Regiſter of Privy-Council, dated at St. Andrew's the 20th April 1563, we learn that the Queen has been in thoſe Parts at this Time; an Occurrence I had not formerly obſerved, by reaſon that the Act reſpects only a very private Perſon, upon which Ac- count I had eaſily overlooke the place and Date. See more of the Queen's being at St. Andrew's at this Time, is the Additions to Appendix, Book III. And by the following original Paper delivered juſt now into my Hands by a Deſcendent of the Gentleman mentioned therein, we come likewiſe to know of another Progreſs the Queen had made in the Spring of the Year 1564, concerning which we have nor the leaſt Hint any where elſe. REGINA Heſaurair, Forſamekle as we, at the Nominatioun of our traiſt Counfallour Williame Maitland of Lethingtoun zoungar, our Secretair, have admit- . tit our Lovit Alexander Hay (a) as Subſtitute and Depure under him in the Of- fice of Clerkſchip of our ſecrete Counſell, during the Tyme that our faid traift Counfallour fall brouk the famyn: Thairfore it is our Will, and we charge zou, that ze thankfullie anſwer and mak Payment to the ſaid Alexander of the Sowme of ane hundreth and fiftie Pundis Money of our Realme zeirlie, for his Service in awaiting upoun the faid Office, payand the famyn monethlie to him, ficlike as ze had wont to pay to Johne Jobneſtoun, begynand upoun the firſt Day of Marche laſt bipaſt, at the quhilk Day the ſaid Alexander enterit in Ser- vice; and the famyn falbe thankfullie allowit to zou in zour Compts be the Au- ditors of our Chekker, quhom we command to allow the ſamyn to zou, thir Preſents being anys [once] ſchewn upoun Compt, and regiſtrar in the Rollis as uſe is. Subſcrivit with our Hand at Falkland the firſt Day of Aprile the Zeir of God 1564 Zeirs. MARIE R. BOOK (a) He was a Son of Park's, one of the eldeſt Branches of the noble Family of Errot. He came afterwards to be Lord Regiſter, and purchaſed the Etate of Eafler-Kennet. From him deſcended Hay of Woodcockdale and Hay of Caribber; and his lineal Repre- tentative preſently is David Bruce of Kinnaird, by being the Son of the Heireſs of this Family. Book III. 175 A P P E N D I X. BOOK III. No. I. Apud Edinburgh, 22. Decembris 1561. SEDERUNT Jacobus Dux de Chattellarault, Georgius Comes de Hunt lie, Archibaldus Érgadie Comes, Willelmus Marefcalle Comes, Joannes A. tholie Comes, Willelmus Comes de Montrofs, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Alexander Comes de Glencarne, Jacobus Commendatarius Sanéti Andree & Pittenweme, Joannes Dominus Erskin, Magifter Robertus Richardſour Thefaurarius, Magifter Jacobus Mackgill de Nether-Rankeilour Cleri- cus Regiftri, Joannes Ballenden de Auchnoule miles Clericus Juſticiarie, Willelmus Maitland de Lethingtoun junior, Secretarius. Præſentibus etiam Dominis ſubſcriptis ratione Conventionis, viz. Joanne Comite de Sutherland, Georgio Comité de Cathnis, Andrea Comite de Rothes, Joanne Domino de Menteith, Joanne Domino Glammis, Hugone Domino Somervell, Roberto Domino Boyd, Joanne Domino Flemyng, Georgio Domino Seytoun, Joan- ne Domino Innermeth, Alexandro Domino Hume; Davide Domino Drum- mond, Andrea Domino Stewart de Vchiltrie, Jacobo Domino Sancti Jo- annis, Joanne Magiſtro de Maxwell, & Jacobo Dowglas de Drumlang- rig, milite. I cil. T is ſtatute and ordaoit be the Quenis Majeſtie, with Advyis of the Lordis Regiſter of of hir ſecreit Counſale and Nobilitie aſſemblit at this preſent Conventioun, Privy.Couin; Thar na maner of Perſone nor Perſonis be removit fra chair Rowmes or Stea dingis of quhatfumeyir Kirk-landis ſett in Feu fen the vi Day of Marche, the Zeir of God 1558 Zeris, bor bruke and joiſs the famyn without Danger of Violence, quhill the Feiſt of Witfounday in the Zeir of God 1563 Zeris, that in the mean tyme Ordoure may be takin thairin be the Eſtaitis in Parliament for the Weall of the Cuntre; and ordanis the Lordis of Seſſioun, and utheris Jugis of this Realme, to deſiſt and ceis fra all proceding aganis ony of the faids Perfonis callit for violent Occupatioun of the ſaids Landis, ſett in Feu fep the faid yi Day of Marche, as ſaid is, quhill the ſaid Feift of Wit founday, the Zeir of God foirfaid, diſchargeing thame thairof, and of thair Offices in that Part, in the mean tyme; and ordanis Letteris to be direct heirupoun, gif neid beis. THE He famyn Day, Forſamekle as the Quenis Majeſtic, be the Advyis of the Ibid Lordis of hir ſecreit Counfale, forſeand the eminent Truble quhilk appear- andlie wes to ryis amangis the Liegis of hir Realme, for Materis of Rcligioun : To evaid the famyn, and to ſtay all Inconvenientis that may follow thairupoun, intercommonit with ane Pairt of the Clergie and Stait Éccleſiaſticall, with quhome than reſſonyng being had, it wes thocht gude and expedient be hir Hienes, that ane generall Conventioun fuld be appointit the xv Day of De- cember inſtant, quhairto the reſt of that Eftait mycht have reparit ; and be the Advyis of the hale, anc reſſonable Overture maid, and Ordoure takin for ſtay- ing of the appcrand Truble, and quieting of the hale Cuntre. Quhilk Conven- tioun being be hir Majeſtie appointit, and findrie Dayis of Countale kepit, and the ſaid Eccleſiaſticall Eftait ofrymes requirit, that the ſaid Ordoure mycht be takin, and Overture maid, for ſtaying of Truble, and quieting of the Cuntre. Laſt of all, in Preſence of the Quenis Majeſtic and Lordis of Counfale foirfaid, and utheris of the Nobilitie of this Realme, comperit Johne Archibiſchop of Senet androis, Robert Biſchop of Dunkeld, Patrik Bifchop of Murray, and Henrie Bifchop of Rofs, and for thametelffis reſpective, offerit to the Quenis Grace to be content with thre Partis of the Rentis of thair Benefices, and the ferd Part thairof to be employit as hir Grace thocht expedient: And becaus the Certaintie thairof wes not knawin, nor zit quhat Sowmes of Money wald fuffi- cientlie fuftene the Miniſterie and Miniſteris of Goddis Word within this Realme, X X 2 nor 176 A P P E N D I X. Book III. nor zit how mekle wes neceſſare to ſupport the Quenis Majeſtie, above hir awin Rent, for the commone Effaris of the Cunrre; Thairfoir it is concludit, dccer- nit and determint be the Quenis Grace and Lordis of Counfale foirfaid, and u- theris of the Nobilitie preſent, That gif the ferd Paire of the Frutis of the hale Benefices Ecclefiafticall within this Realme may be ſufficient to fuſteine the Mi- niſteris throw the hale Rcalme, and ſupport the Quenis Majeſtie, to interteny and fert fordwart the commone Effaris of the Cuntre; failzieing thairof, the thrid Pairt of the ſaids Frutis, or mair, quhill it be fund ſufficient to the Effect foirfaid, to be takin up zeirlie in ty me cuming, quhill ane generall Ordoure be takin thairin ; famekle thairof to be employit to the Quenis Majeſtie, for inter- tenyng and ſetting fordwart of the commone Effaris of the Cuntre, and famekle thairof to the Miniſteris and Suſtentatioun of the Miniſterie, as may reſſonablie fuftene the famyn, at the Sycht and Diſcretioun of the Quenis Majeſtie and Counfale foirfaid, and the Excreſcence and Superplus to be aſſignit to the auld Poffeſſouris : And to that Effect that the Rentis and zeirlie Avale of the hale Benefices within this Realme may be cleirlie knawin to the Quenis Majeſtie and Counfale foirfaid, it is ſtatute and ordanit, That the hale Rentalis of all Bene- fices within this Realme be producit befoir hir Grace and Lordis foirfaid at the tymes undirwrittin; that is to ſay, of the Benefices on this Syde of the Months (a), the xxiv Day of Januar nixttocum, and bezond the Month, the x Day of Februar nixt thaireftir : And ordanis Letreris to be direct to Officiaris of the Quenis Shireffis in that Part, to pafs, charge and require all and findrie Archi- biſchoppis, Biſchoppis, Abbottis, Commendataris and Prioris of this Realme, on this Syde of the Month, perſonalie, gif thai can be apprehendit ; and fail- zieing thairof, at the ſaids Archibiſchoppis, Biſchoppis, Abbortis, Commenda- taris and Prioris Dwelling-plaçes, Cathedrale-Kirkis or Abbayis; And all Denis, Archdenis, Subdenis, Chantoris, Subchantoris, Proveſtis, Parfonis, Vicaris, and utheris beneficit Men, thair Chalmerianis and Factoris, perſonalie, or at thair Dwelling places, or at thair Paroche-Kirkis quhair chai fuld remane: To exhibit and produce befoir the Quenis Majeſtie and Lordis foirfaids, the faid xxiv Day of Januar nixttocum, the juſt and trew Rentale of the Avale and Rentis of thair Beneficis, to the Effect foirfaid ; And to charge the Prelattis, and utheris beneficit Men on the zond Syde of the Month, in maner refpe- Etive foirſaid, To produce the juſt and trew Rentale of chair Beneficis befoir the Quenis Grace and Lordis foirfaids, the ſaid x Day of Februar nixttocum, to the Effect above reherſir ; with Certificatioun to thame that failzeis, the Quenis Majeſtic and Counſale will proceid heirin as accordis. And ſiclyke, to charge the hale Superintendentis, Miniſteris, Eldaris and Deaconis of the prin- cipale Townis and Schiris of this Realme, to gif in befoir the Quenis Grace and Lordis of Counſale foirfaids, the ſaid xxiv Day of Januar nixtrocum, ane for- male and ſufficient Roll and Memoriall, quhilk may be fufficient and reſſonable to fuftene the Miniſterie and hale Miniſteris of the Realme, that hir Majeſtie and Lordis of Counſale foirfaids may tak Ordour thairintill as accordis. And forder, that the Quenis Majeſtie and Lordis of Counfale foirfaids, ryplie and digeſtlie wey and conſider quhat neceſſar Support is requirit to be takin zeirlic of the Frutis of the faidis Beneficis, by hir Graces awn zeirlie Rent, to inter- teny and ſert fordwart the commone Effaris of the Cuntre, agape the ſaid xxiy Day of Januar nixtrocum, that than it may be procedit in the ſaid Mater, all Parteis be ſatisfeit, and the hale Cuntre and Licgis thairof fete in Quietnes. He famyn Day, Forſamekle as the weichtie and debatable Cauſis ſtandand amangis the Liegis of this Realme, quhilk mycht gif Occaſioun of breking and inquiering of the hale Eſtait of the famyn; for eſchewing chairof, the Quenis Majeſtie appointit ane Conventioun of the Nobilite and Clergye of his Graces Realme foirfaid, to compeir the xv Day of December inſtant ; quhilk being (a) i. c. Mount, or Mountains; meaning the Grampian Mountains. Month was an ordinary Expreſſion in this Kingdom te fignify deſart Mountains. The Grampian Mountains run from about Dumbarton in a continued Chain towards Aberdeen. Ibid. Book III. d P P E N D I X. 177 being haldin, and divers tymes continewit, comperit Johne Archibiſchop of Sančtandrois, Robert Biſchop of Dunkeld, Patrik Biſchop of Murray, and Henrie Biſchop of Rofs, and offerit as eftir followis; that is to fay, Thár thai being reſtorit to thair Beneficis and Privilegis, and anſwerit thairof, offerris to the Quenis Majeſtic for the Space of ane Zeir, the ferd Part of the Rentis of thair Bencficis, to be employic as hir Grace thinkis expedient : And this thai offerit, and na forder. Apud Edinburgh, 12. Februarij 1561. SEDERUNT Georgius Comes de Hunt lie, Archibaldus Comes Ergadie, Jacobus Comes de Mar, Willelmus Marefcalli Comes, Joannes Atholie Comes, Alexander Comes de Glencarne, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Joana nes Dominus Erskin, Joannes Ballenden de Auchnowle miles Clericus Ju- ſticiarie. TH He quhilk Day, Forſamekle as be Statute and Ordinance maid be the Quenis ibida Majeſtie and Lordis of ſecreit Counfale, and hir Hieneſſes Letteris direct thairupoun, ali and findrie Archibiſchoppis, Biſchoppis, Abbottis, Commenda- taris, Prioris, Archidenis, Denis, Subdenis, Chantoris, Subchantoris, Proveſtis, Parſonis, Vicaris, and utheris beneficit Men of this Realme, wer chargit to exhibit and produce the Rentalis of thair Beneficis befoir hir Majeſtie and Lordis foirlaid, in maner following; that is to ſay, The ſaids beneficit Men on this Syde of the Month, the xxiv Day of Januar laſt bipaft ; and on the uther Syde of the Month, the x Day of Februar inſtant to that Effect, thar Ordour mycht be takin thairin, conforme to the faid Ordinance : With Cere tificatioun to thame and [if] thai failzeit, the Quenis Majeſtie and Coun- ſale wald tak Ordour thairin, as the famyn Ordinance beris : Notwithſtand- ing the quhilk, and that the Quenis Majeſtie and Counfale, and utheris ap- pointit be hir for reſſaving of the faids Rentalis, hes continualie fen the ſaid xxiv Day of Januar awaitite upoun the reſſaving thairof; zit ane varray ſmall Nowmer of thame hes producit the faids Rentalis, contempnand chairthrow, nocht onlie hir Graces Ordinance and Proclamatioun foirfaid, bot als hirſelf and hir Autoritie, lyke as thai wer Princis and nocht Subjectis, expres aganis Reffone, Equitie and Juſtice. For Remeid quhairof, the Quenis Majeſtie or- danis, be Advyis of the Lordis of hir ſecreit Counfale, That Factouris and Chalmerlanis be appointit to intromett, gadder, uplift and refſave, to oure So. verane Ladeis Uls, all and findrie Malis, Fermis, Teindis, Rentis, Proventis, Emolumentis, Canis, Profittis, and Dewteis of quhatſumevir Beneficis, qubair- of the Rentalis ar nocht producit, conforme to the ſaid Ordinance : And gif ony Rentale ellis producit beris noche the juft Avale, bot is fraudefullie maid; to intromete and uptak fameikle of the Frutis and Profittis of the faids Beneficis as ar omittit furth of the ſaid Rentale: And the Ingevaris of the Rentalis, and Poſſeſſouris of the Beneficis thairof. fall neyir haiff Actioun to craif, claime or reſſaif fra the Tennentis and Poſſeſſouris forther nor [than] is contenit in the ſaids Rentalis ellis producit be thame; And the faids Tennentis and Poſſeſſouris fall nawayis be haldin to pay ony moir for thair Rowmes to the Poſſeſſouris of the faids Beneficis and Ingevaris of the ſaid Rentalis nor is contenit in the fa- myn Rentalis ellis producit, as ſaid is : And that the ſaids Factouris and Chalmer- lanis to be appointit be the Quenis Majeſtie falhave ſufficient Power to intro- mete and uptak the Frutis and Profitris foirfaid, ficlyk as gif ſpeciale Letreris of Factourie and Chalmerlaurie wer grantit to thame thairupoun; and ordanis the Lordis of Seſſioun to direct furth Letteris at the ſaids Factouris and Chalmerlanis Inſtance, owther Horning or Poinding, as falbe thocht expedient, for cauſing of thame to be anſwerit of the Frutis of the ſaids Beneficis, to be forthcomand to the Quenis Majeſteis Behuif, quhill forther Ordour be takin thairin. Apud Уу 178 Book III. A P P E N D I X. Abid. Apud Edinburgh, 15. Februarij 1561-2. SEDERUNT Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Archibaldus Ergadie Comes, Jacobus Comes de Mar, Joannes Atholie Gomes, Jacobus Comes de Mor. toun, Willelmus Marefcalli Comes. He quhilk Day, Forfamekle as the Quenis Majeſtie, be the Advyis of the Lordis of hir ſecreit Counfale, and utheris divers of the Nobilitie, had of befoir, upoun the xxii Day of December laſt bipaſt, ordanit, That gif the fourc Part of the Frutis and Rentis of all the Beneficis within this Realme, wer nocht fufficient for the Support of hir Majeſtie, and other particular Chargis under- writtin, neceſſar to be borne for the Tranquillitie of the Cuntre, then the thrid Part of the faids Frutis, mair or lefs, fuld be takin up, to the Effectis foirfaid : And arcoure, ordanit Leteeris to be direct, chargeing all and ſindrie beneficit Men on this Syde of the Month, to produce thair Rentalis upoun the xxiv Day of Januar laſt bipaſt; and the x Day of Februar inſtant wes prefixt be the faids Lecteris, for inbringing of all Rentalis of the Beneficis bezond the Month : With Certificatioun, that quha producit nocht the faids Rentalis at the Day is foirfaid reſpective, the Quenis Majeſtie and hir Counſale wald provide Remeid. According to the quhilk Certificatioun, hir Hienes, with Advyis of hir Counfale foirlaid, hes ordanit, that thai quha hes noche producit thair Rentalis, hale and full Intromiſſioun ſalbe had of thair Frutis, be thame quhome hir Majeſtie fall direct thairto ; and quha hes nocht gevin in chair juſt Řentalis, quhatſumevir Part omittit in thair faids Rentalis falbe intromettit with in lyke maner. And forthir, having conſultit ryplie, and diligentlie advyſic upoun the commone Effaris and Neceſſiteis concerning the Quenis Majeſtie, and Chargis to be borne for the commone Weill of the Realme, and Suſtenta- tioun of the Precheouris and Readaris, conforme to the faid Ordinance maid thairupoun of befoir, hes fundin and declarit the hale thrid Partis of all Benefi- cis within this Realme of the quhilks the Rentalis ar producit, to be takin up be the Perſone or Perſonis to be nominate be hir Majeſtie, and to begin upoun this laſt Crope of the Zeir of God 1561 Zeris, the famyn to be employit to the Effect foirlaid ; togidder with the hale Frutis of the Beneficis, quhairof the Rentalis ar nocht producit, and alſua of ſamekle as is omittit in the Rentalis producit : And that Ordoure be directit be the Quenis Majeſtie to the Lordis of Seſſioun, that the auld Poſſeſſouris may be anſwerit of the remanent Frutis of the faids Beneficis, providing that the thrid Part foirfaid be full and hale ta- kin up be the Perfonis to be depute to the uptaking thairof; and this Ordoure to continew and ſtand, ay and quhill forther Ordoure be takin be the Quenis Majeſtie, with Advyis of hir Eſtaitis. Mairovir hir Hienes, be the Advyis of hir Counſale foirfaid, hes ſtatute and ordanit, That all Annuellis, Malis and Dewiteis within fre Burrowis, or utheris Townis of this Realme, alfweill per- tenyng to Chapellanreis, Prebendareis, as to Freris ; togidder with the Rentis of the Freris Landis quhairevir thai be ſetting and diſpoving thairupoun, be in- tromettit with and takin up be fik as hir Grace fall depute chairto, for employ- ing of the ſame be hir Hienes to Hospitaliteis, Scolis, and utheris godlie Uſis as fall feme beſt be hir Hienes, be the Advyis of hir Counſale: And knawing that nathing is mair commodious for the faid Hoſpitalitie nor the Places of Freris as zit ſtandand undemoliſfit, as als to the intertenyng of Scolis, Collegis, and u- theris Uſis foirfaids; Ordanis the Proveſt and Baillies of Abirdene, Elgin in Murray, Innernes, Glaſgow, and utheris Burrowis of this Realme quhair the ar nocht demoliſſit, to interreny and uphald the faids Freris Places ſtand- and in the faids Townis, upon the commone Gude thairot, and to uſs the famyn to the commone Weill and Service of the faids Townis, ay and quhill the Quenis Majeſtie be forther advyſit, and tak finale Ordour in fik Thingis ; nochtwith- ſtanding ony uther Gift, Title or Interes gevin to quhatſumevir Perſonis of the faids Places, with thair Zardis, Orchardis and Pertinentis, be oure Soverane Lady of befoir. Apud famyn Book III. 179 A P P E N D I X. Apud Edinburgh ultimo Februarij, Anno 1561-2. SEDERUNT Georgius Comes de Huntlie, Archibaldus Comes Ergadie, Jacobus Comes de Mar, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Willelmus Marefcalli Comes. The firſt part of this Act recapitulates the Ads December 22d and Fe bruary 12th proceeding: After which it proceeds thus, And becaus the Quenis Majeſtic and Counfale foirfaid underſtanding and ibido perfytlie knawing that the auld Poſſeſſouris, be vertew of Lerteris purcheſt and Faſit be thame of auld on that fane Part, and certane utheris Perſonis pretendent thame to be conſtitute Collectouris and Factouris in the Quenis Majeſteis Ab- fence, to the Frutis of the Beneficis, be virtew of Letteris purcheſt be thame conforme chairto, on the uther Part, tendis to intromett with the hale Frutis of the faids Beneficis, alſweill of Zeris auid Termis bigane as tocum, expres a- ganis the Tennor of the ſaid Ordinance, to the greit Hurt and Hinder of the commone Effaris and Weill of this Realme, Tranquillitie and Quietnes thairof, and aganis Juſtice: For Remeid quhairof, the Quenis Majeſtie, with Advyis of hie ſecreit Counfale, ordanis Letteris to be direct to hir Hieneſſes Officiaris, Shireffis in that Part, chargeing thame to paſs to all Paroche-Kirkis and Mercat-Croces of the Burrowis of this Realme, and utheris Places neidfull, and thair be oppin Proclamatioun, in hir Hieneſſes Name and Autoritie, command and charge all and findrie Parochinaris, Takkifinen, Teliſmen, Fewaris, Rentalaris, Poffef- ſouris, and utheris Intromettouris with quharſomevir Teind-ſchavis, and utheris Teindis, Frutis, Rentis, Proventis, Emolumentis, Males, Ferines, Fiſchengis, Cayne-Fowlis, Areages, Careages, Greflumes, and utheris Dewiteis of quhat- fumevir Kirkis, alſweill Parſonages as Vicarages, Chapellanreis, Landis, Rowmes and Poſſeſſionis pertenýing to ony beneficit Men within this Realme, alfweill Freris Landis, Annuellis or utheris ;. That nane of thame tak upoun hand to anſwer, intend or obey to ony beneficit Men, thair Chalmerlanis or Factouris, or to opy of the Collectouris or Factouris conftitute in the Quenis Majeſteis Abſence, to the uplifting of the faids Frutis, thair Servandis or Chalmerlanis in thair Names, of the faids Teind-ſchavis, and utheris Teindis, Frütis, Rentis, Proventis, Emolumentis, Males, Fermes, Cayne-Fowlis, Arcages, Careages, Greſſumes, or uther Dewiteis of quharfumevir Kirkis, alſweill Parfonages as Vicarages, Chapellanreis, Landis, Rowmes, Fiſcheingis, Coalheuchis and Pof- ſeſionis, pertenying to ony beneficit Men within this Realme, be quhatſum- eyir Letteris paſt, owther under the Quenis Majeſteis Signet or Subſcriptioun- manuale, be Deliverance of the Lordis of Seſſioun, Lordis of previe or fecreid Counfale, or ony uther maner of way, precedand the firſt Day of Marche nixtrocum ; bot that thai retene, keip and hald the ſaids Males, Fermes and Dewiteis foirfaid, in thair Handis, undeliverit to the faids beneficit Men, thair Chalmerlanis or Factouris, or to ony of the faids Collectouris or Factouris con- ſtitute in the Quenis Majeſties Abſence, únto the Tyme thai be chargit of new be Letteris, paſt be Deliverane of the Lordis of Seſſioun, daitit eftir the faid firſt Day of March nixtrocum: With Certificatioun to thame thar failzeis heirin, thai ſalbe compellit to refound and pay againe to the Quenis Majeſtie, and utheris as falbe appointit be hir thairto, the Dowble of chair faids Males, Fermes, Teindis and Dewiteis, And als, to charge all and findrie Shireffis, Stewartis, Baillies, Heraldis, Purſevandis, Meſſingeris, and utheris oure Soverane Ladeis Officiaris, That nane of thame tak upoun hand co execute ony Letteris purcheſt ar the Inſtance of ony uther beneficit Men, thair Chalmerlanis or Factouris, or at the Inſtance of ony uther Collectoure or Factoure conſtitute for uplifting of the faids Frutis, daitit befoir the ſaid firſt Day of Marche nixtrocum, under the Paine of Tinſale of thair Offices, and Deprivatioun of chame fra all forther uung of the ſaid Office in tyme cuming. In Y y 2 i 80 Book III. A P P E N D 1 X. q In Conſequence of theſe ſeveral preceeding Acts, Rentals were given up of all the Ecclefiaftical Benefices within the Kingdom, Two-parts whereof were to remain with the beneficed Perſons, and the other Third was appointed to be uplifted by Collectors nominated by the Queen ; out of which Third-part her Majeſty was to ſupport the new Miniſters, and the Superplus to be em- ployed by her in the Adminiſtration of the State. I have been at Pains to draw out an Account of the Revenues of the Billiopricks and principal Reli- gious Houſes, which I thought would be an agreeable Piece of Inſtruction to my Readers ; and the Books from which I have made up the ſame, are theſe, viz. imo, The Collectors Books of the Thirds of Benefices, by way of Charge and Diſcharge, to be ſeen among the other Records in the Laigh Par- liament-houſe, Edinburgh. The firſt of theſe Books is for the Years 1562 and 1563 ; and for Brevity's ſake I have marked them C. 2do, The Books of Aſſumption, the only Copy whereof that I have chanced to fee or hear of, is in the Poſſeſſion of thc Family of Panmure. This contains the particular Payments which make up the full Rental of the feveral Benefices ; and is ſo much the more valuable, that the Rentals are ſigned either by the Biſhops, Abbots, &c. themſelves, or by their Chamberlains and Factors; and that by it are to be ſeen what Lands up and down the Nation pertained to the Church. However there is this Misfortune, that it contains only the North and South Parts of the Kingdom : That Part of the Book containing the Weſt- ern Rentals, being either altogether loſt, or lying in ſome Corner where we have not heard of it as yet. This Book I have marked A. 3tio, The original Books of Alignation, and Superplus of the Thirds of Be- nefices, in which are contained ſometimes the whole of the greater Be- nefices, (for theſe Books never deſcend below Biſhopricks, Abbays, Nun- ries, and principal Priories) and ſometimes only the Thirds; the particular Aſſignments alſo paid to the Miniſters, and the Superplus redounding to the Crown. Theſe I have marked by the Letter S. The eldeſt of the Books of Aſſignation and Superplus together, is only for the Year 1594 ; but the Books of Aſſignation to the Miniſters and Readers are full twenty Years be- fore that. There is now and then ſome Variation of the Rents among theſe ſeveral Books; but except where the ſame is pretty remarkable, I have taken to notice there- of. A Pound or two of Money, or as many Bolls of Victual, was not worth the regarding An Alphabetical Liſt of the Biſhopricks within the Kingdom of Scotland, with an Account of the Revenues thereof. Biſhoprick of Aberdeen. Oney, 1653 l. 16 s. 9 d. Wheat, 3 Chalders, 8 Bolls, o Firlots, o Pecks. Bear, 35 C. 8 b. 3 f. 3: p. Meal, 24 c. 4b. 2 f. Oars, 8 c. 2 b. f. Mairts, Number 46. Mutton (a), n. 141. A. Wedders, n. 121. Capons, 65'; Dozen. Poultry, 119 d. Geeſe, n.55; Muirfowls, 19 d. A. Swine, n. 17. Salmon, 12 Laſts, 10 Barrels. But all the Books do agree, that in the Money- Rent as above fet down, is contained the Price of the Salmon at 41. per Barrel. Archbiſboprick of St. Andrew's. Money, 2904 2 17 S. 2 d. Wheat, 30 C. 8 b. 3 f. ip. Bear, 41 c. 10 b. Ip. Meal, 12 b. Oars, 67 c. 13 b. 3 f. Peaſe, 4 b. By the Book of Aſſumptions there is Deduction allowed to the Archbiſhop for neceſſary Payments; fo that the Money is brought down to 2460 1. 17 s. Wheat to 21 c. 8 b. 1 f. 3; p. Bear to 29 c. 10b. 2 p. Oats to 51 C.-5 b. I f. 3. p. M 3 2 p. 2f Biſhop- (a) The Word Mutton is made uſe of for the moſt part in all our ancient Books, to denore the Article of Sheep; and the Word Wedders being uſed here, and ſome other places of the Book of Affumptions, &c. it may be preſumed that by Muttons may be al- ways underſtood Wedders. Book III. 18! A P P E N D I X Biſhoprick of Brechin. In this Biſhoprick there is great Confuſion and Uncertainty. C takes no 110- tice of Money-Rent at all. Other Payments by C ſtand thus; Wheat, b. Bear, 61 c. 5 b. Meal, 123 C. 3 b. Salmon, 9 Bar. The Rental of the Spirituality contained in A, is this; Whear, 11 b. Bear, 23 c. 12 b. Meal, 38 c. 2 b. Horſe.corn, 15 b. Salmon, 3 Bar, and let for Il. per Bar. By another Rental in A, ſaid to pertain to Alexander Campbell Biſhop of this Dioceſe, the Temporality ſtands thus, viz. Money, 410 1. 55. Capons, il d. Poultry, 16 d. and 10. Geeſe, 1.18. Horſe.corn, I c. 2 b. Salmon, 3 Bar, Item, Money of Teinds, 241 1.6 s. 8 d. Teind. Whcat, ib. Bear, 14 c. 6b. Meal, 25 c. 5 b. Another Rental in A, given up the 28th January 1573 by James Campbell of Ardkinglen, Brother to Alexander the Biſhop, who is ſaid to be in Geneva at the Scuillis, [Schools] is, Bear, 21 C. 5 b. 2 f. Meal, 38 c. 2 b. Wheat, 3 b. Horſe-corn, 12 b. Money of temporal Lands, 357 l. 10 s. 8 d. Silver-Teinds, 561. And the Earl of Argile has ſeveral Feus. Compare this laſt low Rental, &c. with what is ſaid p. 508. Biſhoprick of Cathnes. Money, 1283 l. 19 s. N. B. Tho' in none of all the Books there be any oa ther Payment recorded as pertaining to this Biſhoprick, yet I have been inform- ed by Gentlemen of that Bounds, that their own Charters do mention other Payments. Biſhoprick of Dumblain. Money, 313 I. Wheat, I c. Bear, II C. II b. 3 f. :p. Meal, 50 C. I b. I f. 3: p. Oats, 9 C. 12 b. Biſhoprick of Dunkeld. Money, 1505 1. 10 s. 4 d. Wheat, 4 c. Bear, 37 c. 6b. 3 f. 3; p. Meal, 64 c. 12 b. 2 f. 3 p.Oars, 28 c. 2 b. This Rental is ſigned by the Biſhop himſelf at Cluny the 4th of January 1561 ; and in the Front is the following remarkable Prcamble, viz. “ Heireftir followis the Rencale of the Biſchoprick oof Dunkeld, to be preſentit befoir the Quenis Majeſtie and Counſale, con- o forme to the Offer inaid to hir Grace be the Prelatis for that Tyme preſent at the laſt Conventioun in December anno 1561 : Quhilk wes in this Effect, “ The Kirkmen and Prelatis of Scotland being reſtorit to thair Levingis, " Rentis, Poffefionis and Juriſdictionis (a) Thay grantit to give bir Grace, for the outſetting of bir Majefties honest Effairis , the fourt Pairt “ of thair Levingis for ane Zeir allanerlie : Proteſtand (6), &c. and ad- - herand to the Proteſtatioun maid in Name of the haill Clergie and Kirk- men of Scotland, be ane maiſt Reverent Fadir in God Jhone Archbiſchope of Sanctandrois.” Biſhoprick of Galloway. Money, 1137 1. 8 d. Bear, 6 c. 156. 3 f. Meal, 7 c. 9b. Salmon, n. 268. S n. 228. The Abbay of Tungland (ſituated in Galloway) is by C always annexed to this Biſhoprick, cho' neither A nor S take any notice of ſuch Annexation; and yer the Rent of the Biſhoprick is ſtill the ſame. But then they always omit to mention the Abbay of Inngland. Archbiſhoprick of Glaſgow. Money, 987 l. 8 s. 7 d. Bear, 7 b. 3 f. 3 p. Meal, 32 C. 2 b. Malt, 28 c. 5 b. I f. Horre-corn, 12 c. 13 b. 3 f. Salmon, n. 168. Zz Biſhop- (a) The Reftir sticn here mentioned by this Biſhop is very plainly affirmed in the A&, p. 177. but the Grant by the Clergy for one Year only is not ſo clearly affirmed, except in this Senſe, viz. "That if the Fourth-part of the Benefices was not ſufficient for the Queen's Affairs, the Third-part ſhould be afterwards given to her Majeſty. (6) 'Tis a Pity this Biſhop had not inſerted here his own and the Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's Proteſtation; for this is the only Time and Place I have heard of any ſuch Proteſtation. He ſigns the Rental, R. Dunkeld. His Name was Robert Creighton; and ſeems to have been a Man of Parts. 182 Book III. A P P E N D I X. Biſhoprick of Murray. Money, 1649 l. 7 s. 7 d. Whear, 10 b. Bear, 77 c. 6b. 3 f. 2 p. Oars, 2 c. 8 b. Salmon, 8 Laſt. C. Poultry, n. 223. Biſhoprick of Orkney. Money, 251 l. 2 s. 6 d. Coſt, i. e. Malt, 78 Laſt, 21 Meil, 3 Setting, 21 Mark (a). Fleſh, 12 Laſt, 12 Meil , 14 Setting, 20 Mark. Maires, n. 4. Swine, n.2. Poultry, 11.217. Scra-fish (b), 24 Mais (C). Butter, 8 Laſt, 8': Bar. 6 Leilpound (d.) Oil, 4 Laſt, 2 Bar. Wax, 20 Pound. Peats, 55 Fathom. Bilboprick of Rofs. Money, 5041. IS. 2 d. Bear, 78 c. 45. i f. rp. Oars, 7 c. 46. Mairts, 1. 40. Mutton, n. 169. Kids, 11. 132. Capons, 10 dozen. Poultry, 57 d. N. B. As for the Biſhopricks of Argile and the Iſles, and the Religious Hou- fes in theſe Bounds, ſuch as the Abbay of Y colmkill or St. Columba in the Iſle of Tona, the Priories of Ardchattan and Oronſay, &c. no Rentals of them were given up. There is indeed in the Book of Annexation of the Eccleſiaſtical Benefi- ces to the Crown, made in the Year 1587, and to be ſeen among the other Re- cords in the Laigh Parliament-houſe, a Rental of all theſe Benefices; but the fame is ſo indiſtinctly drawn out, at leaſt to my Capacity, that I cannot from thence venture to offer any thing to my Readers. Howſoever, I reckoned the more cu- rious of them would probably receive in good part theſe two following Propor- tions of the Rents of the ſeveral Biſhopricks of the Kingdom (the Iſles or so- doren excepted) taken from the original old Chartulary in the Abbacy of A- berbrot bock in the Advocates Library, by which Scroll the Rent of the Biſhop- ricks in that Time may be fomewhat diſcerned. Æftimatio Epifcopatuum Regni Sco. Summa de quolibet Epifcopatu Scotie tiæ fecundum quofdam. quand. 4 denarii dantur de marca. Epiſcop. Glaſguenſis, L. 4080 13 4 Epiſcop. Sti Andrea, L. 200 09 00 Katenenfis, 386 13 4 Glaſguen. I02 00 04 Rofenfis, 352 19 Abirden, 40 05 03 Moravienfis, 1418 15 4 Moravien. 35 09 04 Le ſmorenſis Argile 281 06 8 Dunkelden. 30 03 02 Candida Caſa, 358 15 O Dumblan. 15 03 10 Brechinenſis, Brechyn, II OO 07 Dunkeldenſis, I206 06 8 Candidæ Cafe, Dumblanenfis, Rosen. Aberdonenfis, Katenen. 07 03 04 Sanéti Andrea, 8018 03 O Ergad. Argile 08.00 08 It appears I have not been able to read exa&tly the ſeveral 467 05 06 Numbers; for my Sum here extends only to 18660 l. 19 s. whereas the Sum in the Chartulary is plainly 18750 1. 19 s. 7 d. 341 03 4 606 13 4 I610 09 4 o8 19 00 08 II 00 C. An Alphabetical Liſt of the principal Abbays, &c. within Scotland, together with an Account of their Revenues. Benedictin Abbay of Aberbrothock [commonly Arbroath] in the Shire of Angus or Forfar. Mºney; 2483.2.5, Wheat, 26 9 b. 1 f. Bear, 118 c. 7 b. 2 p. Meal, 168 c. 8 b. 2 f. Oars, 27 c. 10 b. 3 f. 3. Salmon, 1 L. 3 B. A. Money, (a) 24 Marks make one Setting, 24 Settings make one Meil, 24 Meils make one Last, and one Meil is II Stone-weight and a half. 6) Scra fiſh is a Year old Seathe dried in the Sun without Salt; and a Seathe is a coarſe grey fort of Filla as large as a big Cod: But the Scra is no larger than a Whiting. (c) A Mais of Scra contains fome 1000, others 1500, according to the Size. (d) This Mcalurc contains about two Stone of Amſlerdam Weight. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 183 A. Money, 2553 l. 14 s. Wheat, 30 C. 3 b. 3 f. 2 p. Bear, 143 c. 9 b. Meal, 196 c. 9 b. 2 f. Oars, 27 c. II b. Salmon, 3 Laft, I Barrel. Omittit Capons, Poultry, Graſſumes, Dawikis, and all other Services and ſmall Dewties. Allua, N. B. That the Kirkis of Abirnethy and Monyfuith “ are noche comptit heirin.” In another Pare of A, a like Rental is given up in the Latin Tongue foon after the Year 1561; in which beſides 37 Barrels of Salmon, are contained likewiſe 2 Barrels of Glyſſort. [Grilfes, f. i. e. young Salmon.) To this Latin Rental is added the Valuation of the Kirks of Abernethy, Monyfuith and Tanadies, viz. Abern. 273 1. Tan. 237 1.5 s. 4 d. Monyf. Ob os. od. Wheat, 4 c. 12 b. Bear, 12 c. 9 b. Meal, 15 c. 10 b. None of all which is put into the Rental. S. Money, 2594 I. in the other Articles agrees with C, except in the Salmon with A. Auguftinian Priory of St. Andrew's (a) in the Shire of Fife. Money, 2237 1. 18 s. 1. Whear, 38 c. i b. 3 f. i p. Bear, 132 c. 7 b. Meal, 114C. 3 b. Ip. Oars, 151 C. 10 b. i f. 1 p. Peaſe and Beans, 3. C. 7 b. Ciftercian Priory [a Nunry] of St. Bothan's, in the Shire of Merfe. Money, 47 l. 2 s. 4 d. Wheat, 2 c. 1 f. Bear, 3 c. 8 b. 2 f. 3; p. Peale and Beans, 12 b. S. Oars, 7 c. 9 b. Ciſtercian Abbay of Balmerįnoch in the Shire of Fife. C. Money, 704 l. 2 s. 10. Wheat, 4 c. Bear, 21 C. 12 b. 3 f. 1: p. Oars, I c. 146. 1 f. 3. p. A. adds Meal, 15 C. 12 b. 2 f. and Poultry, 1.763. Reformed Ciſtercian Priory of Bcauly, in the Shire of Roſs. Money, 1361. 13 S. 4 d. Bear, 14C. 2 b. 3 f. 3 P. Oats, 7 b. 3 f.3 p. Maires, n. 10. Mutton, n. 20. Poultry, C. 21 doz. S. 24 d. Salmon, 2 L. 6 B. Auguftinian Priory of Blantyre, in the Shire of Clidfdale. Money, 131 1. 6 s. 77. Auguſtinian Abbay of Cambuskeneth, in the Shire of Stirling. Money, 930 l. 13 s. 4. Wheat, u c. II b. 2 f. Bear, 28 c. 12 b. 3 f. 3: p. Meal, 31 c. 6 b. 3 f. 3; p. Oats, 19 c. 15 b. 3 f. 3; p. Auguſtinian Priory of Cannabie on Solway-Firth. See fedburgh. Carthufian Priory of Charter-boufe (b) within the Town of Perth. C. Money, o l. os. o d. Whcat, 24 c. 15 b. Bear, 20 C. Bear, 20 c. Meal, 2 b. Oats, 24 C. A Money, 509 I. 6 %. 2 d. Wheat, 8 c. 5 6. Bear, 20 c. Meal, 2 b. White Oats, 12 c. 6 b. Black ditro, 12 c. 9 b. 3 f. This given up in the Year 1563 by A. Forman Prior. And in the Year 1570 the Lords Auditors of the Chequer ordain the following Rental only to be charged, viz. Money, 366 1. 8 s. 8 d. Wheat, 7 c. 5 b. Bear, 19 C. Meal, 2 b. White Oats, 9 c. 6b. Black ditto, 12 c. 9 b. 3 f. Signed, George Balfour Prior. Mention is here- in made of there being taken away by the River Tay, viz. Wheat, I c. Bear, White Oats, 3 c. S agrees with this laſt Rental. Benedi&tin Priory of Coldingham, in the Merſe. Money, 818 1. 10 s. 9 d. Wheat, 6 c. 7 b. 3. f. 2 p. Bear, 19 C. 12 b. (f. 2p. Oats, 55 c. 46. 1 f. Rye, 1 c. 4b. if. Peaſe, 3 c. 13 b. 3 f. 2 2 p. Ciftercian Abbay [a Nanry] of Coldſtream, in the Shire of Merſe. Money, 2011. Wheat, 3.c. II b. 2 f. 3; p. Bear, 3 c. II b. 2 f. 3: p. Mcal, 3 c. II b. 2 f. 2 2 p A makes (a) It was a Miſtake to ſay, p. 279, that this Priory was a Pendicle to the Abbay of Holy rood-houſe. (b) This is a Corruption only for the French Word Chartreux, or for the Latin Chartufia. I C. Z z 2 184 A P P E N D I X. Book III. 12 b. A makes Mention of nine aged Women, Siſters in the Place. Benedictin Abbay of St. Colm's Inch, in the River Forth. S. Money, 426 6. There is nothing elſe concerning this Rental, except in A, and even there it is very confuſed, tho' giveo up by James Stewart, who moſt probably has been the Abbot himſelf. The beſt I could make of it is thus, Whear, 2 c. 8 b. I f. 10b. Bear, 8 c. 9 b. Meal, 14 C, 14 b. Oars, II C. Cluniac Abbay of Corfraguel, in Carrict. Money, 466 l. 13 S. 4 d. Bear, 18 c. 7 b. 3 f. 3. Meal, 37 C. Oats, 4 C. 15 b. 3 f. 3. p. Ciſtercian Abbay of Coupar, in the Shire of Angus. Money, 1238 1, 14 s. 9 d Wheat, 7 c. 13 b. i f. Bear, 75 c. 10 b. 3 f. p. Meal, 73 C. 46. 3 f. 3; p. Oats, 25 C. 4 b. 2 f. 2 p. Ciſtercian Abbay of Culros, in the Shire of Perth. Money, 768 2. 16 s. 75. Wheat, 30., 3.b. Bear, 15 c. 10 b, 2 f. Oats, 33 c. 12 b. 3 f. 3; p. Salt, I c. 2 b. Salt, I c. 2 b. Wedders, 1. 10. Lambs, n. 22. Ca- pons, ? doz. Poultry, 26 d. Butter, 7i ſtone. Cheeſe, 79ft. A. Straw, 8 Turſſes . And the Abbor ſays, there were nine Monks in the Convent, five whereof had recapted; but the other four would not by any Perſwaſion. And he mentions a certain Allowance he had given to thoſe that had recanted; but had given nothing to the others. Ciſtercian Abbay of Deir, in Buchan. C. Money, 572 l. 8.s. 6 d. Wheat, 14 b. Bear, '14 C. 10b. Meal, 65 C. 7 b. 1 f. 3 p. A. Money, 8054. 15 S: ? d. Meal, 59 C. II b. And again, Meal, 63 c. 9b. 1 f. S wants the Article of Wheat. Premonſtratenſian Abbay of Dryburgh, in Teviordale. Money, 913 1. 19 s. Id. Wheat, I c. 14 b. 3. f. 31 p. Bear, 24 c. 7 b. 3 f. 3. Meal, 22 c. 15 b. 3 f. 3: Oars, 3 c. 15 b. i f. S. Money, 1044 l. 16 s. 8 d. Ciftercian Abbay of Dundrenan, in Galloway. Money, 500 l. Benedi&tin Abbay of Dunfermline, in Fife. C. Money, 2513 h. 10 s. 8 d. Wheat, 28 c. i b. i f. Bear, 102 c. 15 b. I f. 3 p. Mcal, 15 c. Oats, 61 c. 6 b. 2 f. Horſe-corn, 29 c. i b. i f. S agrees with this, except in the Article of Oats, being in all 152 c. 2 f. 2 p. And then adds, Butter, 34 ſt. Lime, 19.c. 15 b. Salt, II C. 8 b. A agrees with S in Oats, viz. White Oats, 64 C. 12 b. 2 f. Horſe-corn, 87 c. 4b. If. Which is given up by Allan Couts in the Year 1561, in Name of my Lord of Dunfermline, viz. George Dury Abbot. There is likewiſe another Rental by the ſame Perſon, viz. Money, 2404 1. 4 s. Wheat, 27 c. 4 b. 3 f. Beat, 83 c. i b. 2 f. 2 p. Oats, 158 c. 5 b. 2 f. whereof 84 c. White Oats. Lime, 20 c. Salt, II c. 8 b. Capons, 1.374. Poultry, 1. 746. By the ſame Rental we learn, that in the Convent were 26 Monks, whoſe Aſſignations were in Money, 3941. Wheat, 9 C. Bear, 32 C. White Oats, c. 38 Horſe-corn, c. 26. Priory [a Nunry] of Eccles, in the Merſe. Money, 647 1. 13 s. 8 d. A lays, Caines, Cuſtomes, Graſſumes, and uther Dewties, Capons and Poultry are omitted. Ciſtercian Priory [a Nunry] of Elcho, in Strathearn. Money, 64 1.6 s. 8 d. Ciftercian Abbay [a Nunry] of Emanuel, in Weſt-Lothian. Money, 52 . 14 s. 8d. Bear, 3 c. Meal, 7 c. Salmon, A. 24. Miniſtry 21 p. Book III. 185 A P P E N D I X. Miniſtry of Failford, in Kyle. Money, 174 1. 6 s. 7; d. Bear, 3 c. Meal, 15 c. 4. b. Premonfiratenſian Abbay of Fern, in Roſs. Money, 165 1. 7 s. 1d. Bear, 30 c. 2 b. 2 p. Dars, I c. 6 b. Ciſtercian Abbay of Glenluce [i. e. Vallis Lucis] in Galloway. Money, 666 l. 13 S. 4 d. Ciſtercian Abbay [a Nunry] of Haddington, in Eaſt-Lothian. Money, 308 l. 17 S. 6 d. Wheat, 7 c. II b. Bear, 40 c. 1 b. 2 f. 3 p. Meal, II C. This Rental given up in A by a venerable Lady, Elizabeth Hepburn the Prioreſs, on the Day of February 1561, tells, That in the Convent are eighteen Nuns, each having in the Year 4 b. Wheat. 3 b. (Meal no doubt.) For Fleſh and Fiſh to each of them for every Day in the Year, 8 d. And for Cloaths in the Year to each, 41. This Rental likewiſe obſerves, that Graſſums, Carriages, Capons and Poultry are omitted. S adds Oats, with great Variation. Auguſtinian Abbay of Holy-rood-houſe, beſide Edinburgh. C. Money, 2926 1. 8 6. 6 d. Wheat, 27 c. 10b. Bear, 40 c. 9b. Oars, 34 c. 15 b. 3 f. 3. p. But A and S add theſe Articles, viz. Capons, n. 501. Hens, n. 24. Salmon, n. 24. Salt, 12 Loads. S alone, Swine, 11. 3. Premonſtratenſian Abbay of Holywood, in Nithſdale. C and S. Money, 425 1. A. 394 1. 18 s. 8 d. And there is likewiſe in A another Rental as far back as the Year 1544, containing 700 l. Meal, 19 C. 14 6. 3 f. Bear, 9 b. 3 f. Malt, 1 c. Auguſtinian Abbay of Jedburgh, in Teviotdale. N. B. In S there are annexed to this Abbay Reſtennet and Cannabie ; and ſo is Reſtennet in C. A and C. Money, 974 1. 10s. Wheat, 2 c. 2 b. Bear, Meal, 36 c. 13 b. 1 f. ip. But S gives in Money, 1274 l. 10 s. and it may be fuppofed that this Addition of 300 l. ariſes from one or both the other Priories. Omitted Cains, Cuſtoms, Esc. Auguſtinian Abbay of Inchaffray, in Strathearn. Money, 666 l. 13 S. 4 d. Auguftinian Priory of Inchmahomo, in Perth-ſhire. Money, 234 6. Bear, 7 c. Meal, 59 C. 13 b. 1 f. 3. p. Ciftercian Abbay of Kelſo, in Teviotdale. C mentions not this Abbay at all. S connects with it the Priory of Lef mahago, and gives the Rental thus, Money, 2501 l. 16 s. 8 d. Wheat, 9 €. Bear, 52 c. ở b. 2 f. Meal, 92 c. 12 b. 3. f. ip. Oats, 1 c. 3 b. Hay, i Fidder. Pepper, 1 Pound. In A is contained a great deal concerning this Abbay; yet I could perceive nothing clear and ſatisfactory. Here follow ſome of the Summa's, viz. Money, 20572. Wheat, g c. Bear, 40 c. 46. 3 f. Ip. Meal, 65 c. 6 b. 2 f. 3 p. Oars, 8 b. Another is, Abbay of Kelſo and Leſmahago, Money, 1682 1. 58. 6 d. Kelfo Victual by [i.e. beſides] Leſmahago, Meal, g1 c. 46. Bear, 91 c. 4b. Leſmahago ſedinker [f. afunder] Meal, 28 c. i b. 3 f. 3 p. Bear, 12 c. i b. 2 f. 2; p. Another is, Money, 1983 1. 17 s. 8 d. Wheat, 3 c. Bear, jo c. II b. 2 f. Meal, 57 c. 146. Oats, 8 b. Tyronenfian Abbay of Kilwinning, in the Shire of Aire. C. Money, 8501. 3 s. 4d. Whear, 8 b. Bear, 14 C. 3 p. Meal, S has no Rental of this Abbay; and A reaches not to the Weſt-Coun- try where it is ſituated, The 23 c. Ib. 3 f. 67 c. А аа 186 Book III. APP E N D I X. a very " Omittit The Book of Annexation contains the Rental thus, 355 l. 3 s. 10 d. Bear, 9 b. 2 f. 3 p. Meal, 1 c. 8 b. 3 f. 2 p. Stirks, [Bullocks] n.13. Capons, n. 140. Hens, n. 106. Cheeſe, 269 ſt. Pears, 9 Fuir, Ciftercian Abbay of Kinlofs, in Murray. A. Money, 1152 1. I s. Victual in Bear and Meal, 47 č. II b. i f. 3 p. C. Bear, 47 c. 146. 1 f. 2 p. Oats, 10 b. 3 f. Wedders, n. 34. Geeſe, 0.41. Capons, n.60. Poultry, n. 125. From this Rental are marked the following Deductions, viz. “ To fourteen " Monkis for Habit-ſilver, ilk Monk haiffand 50 s. bé Zeir, 35 1. Item, For " thair Fiſche and Fleſche be Zeir, ilk ane haiffand 8 d. in the Day for thair Flefche, and 2 d. in the Day for thair Fiſche, 93 l. Item, For thair Fyir, Burtir, Candill, Spice and Lentron Meat, 12 l. Item, For Braid and Drink, ta ilk ane of thame haiffand in the Zeir 19 b. i f. 2 p. extending in the haill to “ 16 c. 15 b. I p.” And among other Deductions is, 40 1. to Mr. Johne " Ferrarius for his Penſioun quhilk hc hes under the commoun Seill of the Place for his Lyftyme zeirlie. Priory of Leſmahago, in Clidſdale. Beſides what is ſaid of this Priory in the Abbay of Kelſo, there is in A diſtinct Rental of its Revenue drawn up in the Year 1556 in the Latin Tongue, extending to, Money, 12146. 43. 6 d. Bear, 15 c. 8 b. 1 f. 2 p. Meal, 41 C. 8 b. 3 f. Oars, 4 c. 3 b. Tyronenfian Abbay of Lindores, in Fife. A. Money, 2240 1. 14 s. 4 d. Wheat, 11 c. Wheat, 11 c. 12 b. 3 f. 3 p. Bear and Male, 40 c. 7 b. i f. Meal, 49.c. 5 b. 3 f. Oats, 2 c. 76. “ Graffumes, Entrey-filver, Zairds, Fiſcheingis, Capons, Poultrey, Caynes, “ Cuſtomes, Martis, Carriages, and uther Dewties.” Auguſtinian Priory of St. Mary Iſle, in Galloway. Money, 307 1. II S. 4 d. Ciſtertian Abbay of Melroſs, in Teviotdale. C. Money, 1144 1. 15 s. 4d. Wheat, 19 C. 96. Bear, 77 C. 3 b. Meal, 14 C. Oats, 47 c. i b. 2 f. Butter, 105 ft. Salt, 8 c. S in ſome Years agrees, and in other Years diſagrees from C. And it adds, Cane-fowls, called alſo Muir-fowls, n. 376. Capons, n. 24. Pears, 340 Load. A. Money, 1758 1. Wheat, 13 c. 9 b. Bear, 56 c. 5 b. if. Meal, 78 c. 13 b. If. Oars, 43 C. 10 b. Capons, n. 104. Poultry, n. 520. Butter, 105 ft. Salt, 8 c. Peats, 340 Load. 500 Carriages. With this S ſometimes agrees. Out of this Rent Aſſignation is made to eleven Monks and three Portioners, of 20 Merks to each. Item, Wheat, 4 b. Bear, I c. Meal, 2 c. to che Monks; and the Meaſures are ſaid to be Country-mert . N.B. This Country to this Day uſes a Meaſure different from the reſt of the Kingdom. In the Books of A and S there is a particular Rental of the Penſion of Melroſs. Money, 1060 1. Auguſtinian Priory of Monimusk, in Aberdeen-ſhire. A and C. Money, 400 l. S. 384 . Ciftercian Abbay of New-Abbay or Sweet-heart, in Galloway. Money, 682 1. Ciſtercian Abbay of Newbottle, in Mid-Lothian. C and S. Money, 1334. l. Wheat, 15 b. Bear, 15 b. Oats, 5 c. 10 b. A. Money; 1413 Z. I s. 2 d. but the Victual is in cumulo 120 Bolls. And yet there is added after ; Wheat, 6 c. 3 b. Bear, 31 c. 5 b. 2 P. 15 C. 10 b. 2 f. This Rental given up by Mark Commendator thereof, and among other Deburſements is 240 l. to Six aged, decrepit, and recanted Monks. Cifter. White Oats, Book III. A P P E N D I X. 187 5 C. 13 b. Ciſtercian Abbay [a Nunry] of Northberwick, in Mid-Lothian. A and C. Money, 556 1. 17 s. 8 d. Wheat, 9 c. 12 b. Bear, 19 C. 4 b. Oats, 14 C. b. A. Peaſe and Beans, 3 C. C. 9 b. A. Salmon, 6.B. C. iL. 9 B. ditto. A. Mait, ib. 3. f. 3 p. Oxen and Cows, n. II. S. 18 Oxen, 13 Cows. In this Convent are eleven Nurs, to each of whom is aſſigned żo l. Cluniac Abbay of Paiſley, in the Shire of Renfrew. Money, 2468 2. Bear, 40 c. 12 b. Meal, 72 6. 3 b. 3 f. 1:'p. Oats, 43 C. ib. i f.ip. Checſe, 705 ft. Miniſtrj of Peebles. Money, 323 I. 13 S. 4 d.. Auguftinian Priory of Pittenweem, in life. Money, 412 l. 12 s. 6 d. Wheat, 4 c. 5 b. Bear, 7 C. 2 b. Meal, 4 c. 1 2 b. 2 f. 11 p. Oars, 7 C. 2 b. I f. 3: p. Peaſe, I c. II b. Salt, 24 c. Reformed Ciſtercian Priory of Pluſcardy, in Murray. C. Money, 525 I. 10 s. 1; d. Wheat, i c. i b. 2 f. Bear, 51 c. 46. 3 f. Salmon, 30 L. A agrees in Money and Salmon. Wheat, i c. i b. 2 f. Drý Multures, 9 c. ir b. Victual, Mali, Mcal and Bear; 51 c. 4. b. 3 f. tp. Oats, This Rental, ſigu'd by the Oeconomus in 1561, has among other Deductions: To the Suſtentatioun of fyve Monkis, ilk ane of thame in Kething and Habit: ſilver, 16 l. and to ilk ane of thame in Victual, I c. b. And Note, The Wages to the Maſter-Cook, Porter, Baker, Gardener and Malt-maker, is 14 Bolls to each. Graffums, Cains, Cuſtoms, Poultry, Capons, 8c. omitted. Auguſtinian Priory of Portmoak, in the Shire of Kinroſs. Money, In L. 13 s. 4 d. Bear, I c. 12 b. Oars, 4 c. 8 b. Auguftinian Priory of Reſtenact, in Angus. See it in Jedburgh. Ciftercian Abbay of Saulſeat, [i.e. Sedes animatuin] in Galloway. C. Money, 253 l. 6 S 7:d. and adds no more. Nor is there any thing of this Abbay in A. But S gives the Rental thus ; Money, 333 1. 6 s. 3 d. Bear, 7 c. 8 b. Meal, 13 c. 4. b. 2 f. Oats, 6 c. Capoiis, 13 d. Wax, i Pd. Auguſtinian Abbay of Scone, in Perth-fhire. Money, 1140 1. 6 s. 6 d. Wheat, 16 c. 2 f. Bear, 73. c. 13 b. 2 f. 2 p. Meal, 62 c. Oats, 18 c. 3 b. Salmon, 1 L. Of this Rent A ſays, there is aſſigned to the Convent conſiſting of eighteen Perſons, the Prior having double Allowance; Money, 352 b. 3 5.4 d. Wheat, 6 c. 12 b. Meal, 2 c.`i b. 3 f. Bear, 22 C. 12 b. 2 f. Miniſtry of Scotland-well, in Kinroſs. Money, 102 1. Bear, 2 c. 11 b. Meal, 5 c. II b. 3 f. 3; p. Priory [a Nunry] of Siens (a), beſide Edinburgh. Money, 219 1. 6 s, 8 d. Wheat, 8 b. Bear, 6 b. Salmon, 1 B. Auguſtinian Priory of Strathfillan, in Perth-fhire. Money, 40 1. This from C. Anno 1575. Premonſtratenfian Abbay of Tungland. I find no Rental of this Abbay ſeparate from the Biſhoptick of Galloway: which ſee. Premonftratenfian Priory of Whitern, in Galloway. C. Money, 1016 2. 3 $. 4 d. Bear, 15 c. 14 b. 2 f. 3:p. Meal, 51 c. 15 b. 1 f. 31 p. S. Money, 1159 1. 3 S. 4 d. Bear, 16 c. 6 b. § f. Meal, 53 c. 9 b. 2 f. Ааа 2 Having () So denominated from St. Katharine of Sienna in Italy, for whom theſe Nuns had a particular Veneration, 188 Book III. A P P E N D I X. Having thus laid before the Readers theſe foregoing Rentals, they inay like- wiſe know that by the Collector's Books it appears that the whole Money a- riſing from the Thirds of theſe, -and all the other Benefices of the Kingdom for the firſt Year, amounted to (Reſts included) 49,956 1. 18 s. The Wheat to 123 C. 2 f. 1; p. The Bear to 689 c. II b. p. The Meal to 551 C. 4b. 2 f. ; p. Malt, 10 c. 10b. i f. I; p. Oars, 314 C. 2 b. 2 f. ; p. Victual called Coſt in Orkney, 26 Laſt. 7 Meil, i Serting, 7 Mark. Other Victual in Orkney, 7 c. 8 b. Peaſe and Beans, 5.c. 4 b. 1 f. I; p. (The Amounts of the other Pay- ments are to clear, that they need not be here inſerted.) And it appears alſo by the fame Books, that the total Sum of Money, Victual, and all other Pay- ments whatſoever, converted into Money, for that ſingle Year, amounted to 72,491 1. 13. . 3; d. (a). And now it may be reaſonably expected I ſhould alſo afford lome Satisfaction as to the Manner and Vſes to which this large Sum was employed. And firſt, as to the Manner ; the fame was all diſpoſed of by Warrants tubſcribed by the Queen. Next, as to the Uſes ; I perceive by the fame Books ſtill, that the Superintendents, Miniſters, Exhorters and Readers throughout the Kingdom, received 24,231 1. 17 7 d. beſides theſe following ſeparate Articles to four Superintendents and to John Knox, viz. To the Su. perintendent of Angus (b) and Mearns; Of Wheat, 5 c. Bear, 10 c. Meal, o. Oats, 0. To the Superintendent of Fife; Wheat, 2 c. Bear, 5 c. Meal, 2 c. Oars, 3 c. To the Superintendent of Lothian ; Wheat, 2 c. Bear, 4 C. 5 b. Meal, 1 c. Oats, 3 c. 8 b. 2 f. 2 p. To the Superintendent of the Weſt; Wheat, 2 c. Bear, 5 c. Meal, 3 c. Oars, 3 c. 8 b. To John Knox Miniſter (); Whcar, 2 c. Bear, 6 c. Meal, o. Oats, 4c. But I can find nothing at all mark- ed to John Kerſwell Superintendent of Argile and the Iſles; perhaps becauſe no Thirds were hitherto given up, nor received from theſe Bounds. Only a- mong the other Deburſements of Money made by the Collector, I fee 26 l. 13 s. 4 d. given to Mr. John Kerſwell Prebend of the Chapel Royal of Stirling : and this is the firſt Time I have found any thing concerning this Man. In the Article of Victual given to the Superintendents, there is likewiſe of Bear, 2 c. 5 b. i f. and of Meal, 2 c. 8 b. if. I; p. marked to Alexander Biſhop of Galloway; and in the Article of Money, where he gets the Remit- Cance of his own Thirds, he is ſtiled Biſhop of Galloway, Commendator of Tungland, and Overſeer there. Another Article of Diſcharge to the Collector is, 1018 1. given by the Queen to ſo many Friars; and 7547. 3 s. II d. given to a certain Number of Nuns: And the Names of all the Friars and Nuns are ſet down. But the grand Gulph that ſwallowed up the whole Extent of the Thirds, were Penſions given gratis by the Queen to thoſe about the Court ; and Remittances of their Tbirds to ſeveral Biſhops, Abbots, Priors, 6c, of which laſt the Earl of Murray was always ſure to obtain the Thirds of his Priories of St. Andrew's and Pittenweem. The Earl of Argile likewiſe comes in for a good large Share, and the Lord Erskine for no leſs; and, if I miſtake it nor, the Penſionaries both of Church and State, were moſtly ſuch as followed the new Form of Religion. This was the Manner and theſe the Vſes to which the Monies ariſing from this new Fund were employed; and ſo far was the Queen or the State from reap- ing any Benefit therefrom. that in all the many Articles of Deburſement inade by the Collector, I could hardly perceive any one political Article, except 9000 Z. for Payment of the Queen's Guard, and 303 l. 13 s. 8 d. for Pallieſſes to ditto. I almoſt perſwade my ſelf that it ſhall not be taken in bad part, that I ſer down this other fingle Deburſement, viz. “ 150 Franks, in Scots Money 75 h. to " David Riccio Valet of the Chamber.” Follows (a) Several ſmall Benefices had been cmitted at firſt to be given in; the Sum whereof in the Year 1578, by the ſame Books, extended to 1389 1. 10 s. (b) In all the Books of Aſſignation, which are pretty regular after the Year 1973, I can obſerve no Stipend marked to any of the Superintendents, except to this one, which amounts to 786 l. paid partly in Moncy, partly in Whcat, Bcar and Meal. () In C, for the Year 1968, I ſec 333 l. 6 s. 8 d. given to Mr. Knox, Book III. 189 Á P P E N D 1 X. Follows here the Price in Money of the greateſt Part of thoſe Things which compoſe the Rents of the Nation, by means whereof we can enter into the full Knowledge of the true Value of the foregoing Rentals. In the Beginning of the Book of Aſſignations for the Year 1573, are infert- ed the following Prices of Victual, viz. In Cathneſs, the Victual 20 Merks the Chalder. Rofs, 16 l. the Chalder. Murray, alimekill. Aberdene, 16 l. the Chalder. Angus and Mearns, Whcar, 24 l. the Chalder ; Bear, 20 l. the Chalder; Meal, 20 Merks the Chalder. Stratherne, alſınekill as Angus and Mearns. Fyfe, Wheat, 26 1. 13 s. 4.d. the Chalder ; Bear, 21 l. 6 s. 8 d. the Chalder; Meal, 16 l, the Chalder; Oats, 20 Merks the Chalder. Lothian alſmekill as in Fyfe. Mer fe and Teviot dale alſınekill, with Lothian Mert. Nithiſdale, 16 l. the Chalder, with Lothian Metr. Galloway, 16 7. the Chalder, with the fame Metr. Kyle, Carrict and Cunninghame, 20 1. the Chalder of Victual. Cliddiſdail, Renfrew and Lenox, 20 1. the Chalder of Victual. Stirline-Shire, 20 l. the Chalder of Victual. Orkney, the Laſt of Coſt, 20 Merks; Barrel of Butter, 8.1. Barrel of Oyl; 5 1. 6 s. 8 d. In the Book of Aſumptions theſe Prices are found ſcattered up and down, viz. Bear and Meal, 10 s. the Boll; Oats, Ś s. the Boll; Salmon, 4.1. the Barrel; Mairts, il. 10 s. the Piece; Wedders, 5 S. the Piece; Poultry, 4s, the Dozen; Capons, 8 s. the Dozen; Swine from 7 to 10 s. the Piece; Geeſe, I s. the Piece. In the Collector's Books the converted Prices are thus fet down, viz. Wheat, il, the Boll; Bear, il. 13 S. 4 d. the Boll ; Meal, Ib. 13 s. 4 d. the Boll; Male, 2 I. the Boll ; Rye, 2 I. the Boll; Peaſe and Beans, 2 1. the Boll; Oats, 10 s. the Boll. Colt of Orkney, 5 1. the Laſt; Vidual of Orkney, i i. 5 s. the Boll; Butter, 18 l. the Laſt; Oyl, i l. the Barrel ; Fleſh of Orkney, 3 1. the Laſt. Mairts of Aberdeen, 2 b. 13 s. 4. d. the Piece; Ditto of Beauly, 2 1. the Piece; Ditto of Orkney, I l. 6 s. 8 d. the Piece. Mutton of Aber- deen, 9 s. the Piece ; Ditto of Kinlofs, 6 s. the Piece. Capons of Aberdeen, 12 s. the Dozen ; Ditto of Kinloſs, 10 s. the Dozen. Swine of Aberdeen, il. the Piece; Kids, I s. the Piece; Poultry, 4 s. the Dozen; Geeſe, i s. the Piece ; Muirfowls, 4 s. the Dozen ; Cheeſe, 6 s. 8 d. the Stone. As by theſe foregoing Prices it will evidently appear that the Victual is now riſen about five times higher than it was formerly, and that all other Eatables are riſeu far above Victual in this preſent Time by what they were formerly in compariſon of Victual ; ſo alſo will the difference of Proportion be readily diſo cerned between Silver and the Neceſſaries of Life in that Time, and the fame Silver and Neceſſaries of Life now in this Time. Silver, if conſidered by its arbitrary and extrinſick Valye, that is, by its Denomination of Pounds, Shil- ling and Pence, has formerly been ſeven times at the leaſt more valuable in the general than it is now a-days; becauſe one Pound, Shilling, or Peny, would purchaſe feven times the Quantity of the Neceſſaries of Life (a) (Victual and other Eatables being mixed together) than it can do now. But if Silver be con- ſidered by its fixed intrinſick Value, i.e. by its Weight in Pounds, Ounces and Drops, it would only purchaſe about three times and a half more the Quantity of Eatables than it does now, by reaſon that the Denomination or the extrinfick Value of Silver is now become double of what it was then; ſo that one Ounce of Silver yields now with us three Pounds of Denomination, whereas in that Time it yielded only one Pound ten Shillings: And we find, that as the Denomi- nation or extrinſick Value of Money came gradually to be raiſed, the Prices of Victual and all Eatables did gradually increaſe likewiſe, tho' indeed theſe with a greater Proportion, by reaſon, I ſuppoſe, of the greater Quantity or Plenty of Silver in all Parts of Europe from the Silver and Golden Mines of America. Thus in the Year 1587, Silver is at 40 s. or 2 l. per Ounce, and B bb Victual (a) There is one Article in the Collector's Diſcharge which ſomewhat furprized ine, viz.“ To Fohne de Spynace), Frenchman, 40 l. to buy a Horſe.” It would ſeem that either Horſes have been very dear in this Kingdom at that Time, or this must have been a finer Horſe than might be ſuppoſed neceſſary for ſuch a Perſon. 190 APP EN DI X. Book III. Victual at 32 l. per Chalder. Vid. Ja. 6. Parl. 11, 6. 52. Upon the whole Matter, this much ſeems to be certain, that for all domeſtick Uſes, one hundred Pounds of the Money of the Time we are now treating of, was, at a moderate Computation, as valuable in all Points as ſeven hundred Pounds are now-a-days; becauſe the one did purchaſe as many Neceſſaries then, as the other will do now. Before I leave this Subject of the Thirds of the Benefices, I'll take the Free- dom to ſuggeſt a Scruple which ariſes to me from this following Record of Pri- vy Council; and it is this, viz. Whether the Queen's Collectors of the Thirds did not lift the entire Rents of the Benefices, and thereafter deliver to the be- neficed Perſons the two remaining Parts ? Beſides the Suggeſtion of this Scruple, (which however I will not pretend to ſay is ſufficiently juſtified) this Record will likewiſe plainly diſcover the bad Treatment which ſome, at leaſt of the be- neficed Men, (ſuch probably who were moſt averſe to the new Form) received from the Comptrolter and Collectors of their Rents. And the other. Record which I here alſo ſubjoin, will in like manner diſcover the fame ſort of Treat- ment which the poor Monks, &c. have received from thoſe Abbots who complied with the new Model. Apud Edinburgh 14. Decembris, Anno 1563. SEDERUNT Jacobus Moravia Comes, Jacobus Comes de Mortoun, Wila lielmus Maraſcalle Comes, Johannes Dominus Erskin, Patricius Dominus Rutlıven, Thefaurarius, Secretarius, Clericus Regiſtri, Clericus Juftia ciariæ. A Nent the Peritioun and Clame gevin in befoir the Quenis Majeſtie and Lordis of hir fecreit Counſale be Dene Adame Forman, fumtyme Priour of the Charterhous belyde Perth, aganis Johne Wiſchart of Pittarro Knicht, Comptrollar to oure Soverane Lady, makand mentioun, Thar howbeit hir Hie. nes had commandit oft and findrie tymes hir faid Comptrollar to anſwer the faid Dene Adame of the Frutes of the ſaid Place, the Thrid thairof firſt tane up to hir Graces Behalf, with ane Penfioun to Adame Stewart : And laſt of all, be Deliverance and Advyis of the faids Lordis of Counfale, berand in effect, That the faid Comptrollar fuld tak fik Ordour with the ſaid Dene Adamé, that hir Hienes fuld heir na forther Complaint. Nochttheles hir Graces Command and Ordinance forfaid is on nawayis obeyit, noche only to the faid Dene Adamis greit Hurt, bot als of the puir, agit' and ſeik Men, Brether of the ſaid Place, and ar drevin to fik extreme Povirtic and Indigence, throw lak of the Obedience to the faids Commandis and Ordinances, quhilk the ſaid Priour knew and fchew wes to be, albeit the Quenis Grace wald nocht beleif, quhill the Deid ſelf pre- fentlie previs, that howbeit ſum Credite thai had afoir this amangis godly and peaceable Perſones, quha of reuthfull Compaſſioun wes helplie unto thame, * i.e. looking lippynand *, as Reafone cravis, for Recompence and Payment, quhilk cannoche be maid ſa lang as this Inobedience is unremedit, with this thair Credite is faltlic tynt: And albeit the ſaid Comptrollar allege, that it is nocht gottin fra the Tennentis ; his Indiſcretioun (gif it durſt be fayd) is to be blamit thairof, quha noche only in ane Part to hurt the faid Priour, in ane uther Part alſweill to hurt utheris, is to ſatisfie his indiſcrete Appetite, throw fik Cullor, fylis the Quenis Grace ſimpliciter, and oppreſſis hir Hienes puir Liegis ; for he and his Factouris noche only refuſe to tak the Vittalis in dew tyme, and quhen thai wer in Place, and mycht and wald baif bene payit, and wer offerit to pay ; bor als burdingis thame with exorbitant Prices (a), as at mair lenth is contenit in the faid Supplicatioun. This Buſineſs is continued in ſeveral Diets of Privy Council, until at laſt fee no more of it ; and ſo it appears to have been altogether dropr. The (4) How exorbitant foever the Prices might be which the Comptroller made the Tenants pay to him; yet by the converted Prices juſt now ſet down, that he and the Collectors have made the Excreaſe become a Perquiſite of their own, Seeing the Prices they gave up in their Charge are far from being exorbitant; nor has the Queen reaped any Advantage thereby. for. we 'tis very obvious, Book III. 101 AP P E N D I X. The other Record is this; Apud Edinburgh r8. Januarij, Anno 1562-3. SEDERUNT Jacobus Dux de Chatellarault, Jacobits Comes de Mortoun Cancellarius, Willielmas Maitland de Lethingtoun junior Secretarius, Johannes Wiſchart de Pittarro miles Rotulator, Johannes Bellenden de Auchnoule Miles Clericus Juſticiariæ. A Nent the Supplicatioun gevin in to the Quenis Majeſtie be Johne Harvy; Thomas Guld, Adame Scot and George Simſoun, aganis Mark Commen- datar of the Abbay of Newbottill, makand mentioun, That he put thame frå thair Levingis thir thre Zeris bigane, and he hes intrometrit and intromettis withi the hale Frutis of the faid Abbey, and ſenſyne wald nevir gif thame worth are Penuy .to leif on; and in the mene tyme thai haif ſpendit all that chai had, and is awand mekill in the Cuntrie that thai tuke in thair extreme Povirtie and Neceſſitie, to thair Suſtentatioun, and dailie moleſtit and cravit therefore, as at mair lenth is contenit in the ſaid Supplicatioun. And anene the Charge gevin to the faid Commendatar to compeir befoir the Quenis Grace and Lordis of hir fecreit Counfale, at ane certane Day bigane, to anſwer to the faid Complaint : The faid Commendatar being perfonalie prefent, and the faids Johne, Thomas, Adame and George, fiklike being perſonalie preſent ; The Lordis of fecreio Counfale decernis and ordanis the ſaid Commendatar to content, pay and thank- fullie deliver to ilk ane of the Perſonis above writrin the Soum of twentie Pundis Money of Scotland, betwix this and the ſecund Day of Februar nixt tocum, and that in Contentatioun and full Satisfactioun to thame of thair Suſtentatioun, Leving and Furnefching of all Zeris and Tymes bigane befoir the Dait heirof, reſtand, awand, undeliveriť to chame. And ſiclike, decerpis and ordanis the faid Commendatar to content and pay to ilk ane of thame zeirlie in tyme cuming ar twa Termes in the Zeit, Wit ſunday and Martimes in Winter, be evin Por: tionis, the Soum of twentie Pundis, for thair Suſtentatioun, Leving and Furnes ſching, ay and quhill farthir Ordoure be takin thereintill, and Letteris to be di- rect heirupoun, gif neid beis. : 1991 N. B. This and many other Abbots, by conforming themſelves to the new Model of Religion, had the lotereſt to get their Abbacies transferred to themi or erected into temporal Lordſhips, and the other Abbacies were generally either gifted away to ſome great Families, or erected into temporal Titles for them, after the Death of the preſent Abbots, or their Forfeiture in the Troubles which enſued upon the Queen's Misfortunes. When the preceding Liſt of Biſhopricks and Religious Places was working fert likewife a Liſt of all the Parſonages within the Kingdom, aſſuring me the at the Preſs, a learned Gentleman of the Profeſſion of Law deſired I might in- fame would be of Ufe in adjuſting the debateable Rights of the modern Titulars, as himſelf had experienced in his Practice. In compliance with this Deſire, i give here a Liſt of them in the ſamd Order as they are in the Collectors Books, difperfed here and there among the other Benefices; and I fuppofe the ranking them according to the ſeveral Shires (as they are in theſe Books) will alſo be found to be the more uſeful, both in reſpect that there may be two or three of theſe Parſonages of the fame Name and Appellation, and likewiſe that the Titus lars and Heritors in the ſeveral Shires may more eaſily diſcern where this or thac particular Parſonage is ſituated. z oo Liſt of Parſonages. In Orkney: St. Colm in Sanday, Croſskirk in Sanday, Wefiray, Stane- bouſe. Inverneſs : Aflint, Kildonan, Far, Spittal, Kiltern, Orray, Logy in Roſs-ſhire, Cannesby, Kilmure, Lymlair, Rosken, Contan, Kincardin in Ross, Alveſs, Cullycuddin, Olrik, Dunnet, Dingwell , Kincar din in Strath- Spey, Kirkmichael. Murray : Bonoth, Aberlowre and Skeirdxftan, Abdy and B b b 2 Crom and Letteris to be a Troubles which calued upon 192 A P P E N D I X. Book III. Cromdail, Dipple and Ruthven, Inverkeithny, Rothes, Moy, Spynie, Kin- guly, Londychtie, Croy and Moy, Duthel, Petty, Unthank, Boleskene, Al- wy, Aberdeen and Banff : Aberdowre; Towch, Tullynefil, Lonmay, Vne, Tyrie, Ochterleſs, Crimond, Rayne, Tureff, Spittal at Old Aberdeen, Me* thlick, Clat and Rynie, Kincardin-O-Neil, Belhelvy, Snaw, Invernochty, Auckindoir, Fetternier, Cuſhnie, Farglan, Murtblack, Kinkell, Monimusk. Rathven, Philorth, Coddilſtains, Cruden, Forbes, Botarie and Elcbis, Kin- noir and Dunbennet, Dalmaok, Furvy, [now over-blown with Sand] Glaſs, Ely. Forfar and Kincardin : Kinnell, Nava, Eccles-John, Logy-Montroſe, I dvay, Lundy, Edzel, Kilmoir, Finevin, Invercarity, Newdisk, Gookſtoun, Kirkbuddo, Buttergill, Cortachy, Lethnet, Lochley, Monyfuith, Kinnettles, Benbolm, Fetterelo, Dunnotar, Glenbervy, Arbuthnot, Durris, Nig, Men- mure, Tannades, Fern, Ely, Dunloppy, Fetter.cairn, Banchory-Deveny, Strathmartin, Balumby. Fife: Cleith, Ochterderry, Terbat, Tory, Me- thill, Kirkforther, Ballingery, Flisk. Perth: Abirnyte, Comery, Glen- dovan, Forteviot, Weyme, Blair in Atholl, Strowan, Kilmaveynok, Lud, Cullefs, Kinowl, Muckarſy, Langcardy, Lundeiff, Creif-Secundo, Rat- tray. "Abernethy, Benvy, Monydie, Muckert, Rannoch, Samadoss, Creif- Tertio, Aberfoil , Tullyellen. Stirline: Slamannan-moor, Killern. Lanerk Kilbryde, Thankertoun, Dolfinton, Douglas, Cambuſlang, Dunſyre, Car. michael, Carnwath, Glaſgow, Heartſyde, Torrence, Carſtairs, Lamington, Cobinton, Dalziel, Codquen, Libertou, Crawford-John, Cowter, Wellſtoun, Biggar, Glasford. Renfrew : Govan, Erskin, Egleſholme, Renfrew. Dum barton: Cardros, Inchcalzeoch, Luſs, Bothernok, Campſay. Air: Cumnock, Air-Tertio, Commonel, Invertig, Terbolton. Wigtoun : Wigton, Kellis, Balmaclellan, Dalry, Zudeik, Staniekirk, Kilbride, Loncaſter. Kirkcud- bright: Kirkpatrick-Juxta, Partoun, Kirkcrift. Annandale: Cumbertrees, Mouwald, Huton, Hoddom, Moffet, Wamfray, Lochmaben, Johnſton, Reid: kirk, Trailtrow, Garvel, Dalton-Meikle and Dalton-Little, Annand. Dum- fries : Durriſdeir, Kirkbryde, Kirkmichael, Sanchar, Kirkmacho, Rowel, Tynwald, Kirkpatrick-Iron-Gray. Berwick : Dunſe, Hiltoun, Vpſetlinton, Chirnfyde, Whitefom, Cranfchaws, Lauder. Roxburgh: Bedrewl, Welton, Askirk, Abbot srule, Ancrum, Saddoun, Merbottle, Auldroxburgh, rettane. Pebles : Glenguhome; Kilbocho, Newlands, Lyne, Skraline, Lintoun, Kirk- urd. Selkirk : Minto, Hawik. Linlithgow : Aldcathie, Ecclesmachan, Strabrok. Edinburgh Keith; Calder, Kirknewton, Pentland, Curry, Melvil, Reftaltig, Penycook, Carington, Gogar. Haddington : Dunbar, Hauch, Morham, Spot, Auldhamſtocks. There is one other Parfonage, viz. Ardewnan ; but I could not diſcover in what Shire it is ſituated, tho it ſeems to be in Perth-ſire. as tho it te N. B. I omitted to tell that in the Collector's Book there is Mention of the Trinity Friars of Aberdeen, whoſe Rental is marked no more but 54 I. is id. Thoſe who are verſed in theſe Matters will know, that there is a Miniſtry of theſe Friars ſaid to have been at Aberdeen; but it would appear the Revenue has been ſo low, that this Title of Dignity has been neglected about this Time. Records of the General Affembly. A No. 11. Act of the General Aſſembly allowing of Mr. John Craig's Purgation. Edinburgh 6. Julij 1569. Nent the Defence given in the Aſſemblie halden in December 1567, be Mr. John Craig ane of the Miniſters of Edenburgh, twitching the proclaming the Queene and the Erle of Bothwell : The ſaid Defence beand publiclie read, the haill Pointis thairin containit be the haill Aſſemblie maturelie conſiderit ; it was found be the haill Brethren, That he had done the Dewtie of a faithfull Mi: niſter, and had committir nathing ſclanderous to lik as hes reichteous Judge- mene, Book III. A P P E N D I X. 193 ment, in reſpect of the Defence forſaid, whilk was found baith godly and fuffi- cient for Declaratioune of his Innocencie thairanent, quhilk the haill Aſſemblie declarit and ceſtifeir, and ordainit the ſame to be notifeit to all and fundrie. No. III. Af of the General Aſſembly reſtoring the Biſhop of Orkney Edinburgh 10. Julij 1568. TOutching the Biſchop of Orkneys Suſpenſione from the Miniſtric the laft vid. Aſſemblie, and his Obedience and Submiſſione; The Kirk reſtoris him a- gain to the Mioiftrie of the Word; and als ordains him on ſome Sunday, quhen he beſt may, for waiknes of his Body, to mak an Sermoun in the Kirk of Ha- lieraidbouſe, and in the End thereof to confeſs his Offence in marieing the Queenc with the Erle of Bothwell; and deſire the Kirk thair preſent for the time to forgive him his Offence and Sclander given be him in doing the fore- namit Act: The quhilk he promiſit to do. M Addition to this Appendix of Book III. which may relare to P. 501. Copy of a Letter from Quintin Kennedy Abbot of Crofraguel, To James Bethune Archbiſhop of Glafgow, 5th April 1559. Y Lorde, Eftir all hertlie Commendatioun of Service, i reſavit tià From the ou Wryttingis of zour Lordſchip fra this Berir chis 7 of Apryll; and fall riginal in the noche faill (God willing) to meit zour L. in Glaſgo at zour Seynže, in Paris. accordyng to zour Wrytting. As to the ſecret Purpois quhilk zour L. wrytris to me, i haif herd little or nathing therof as žett, bot fall labour to get the Intelligence that I cay, and thereftir adverteis zour L. with Dilligence, there- fore referris ferther in this purpois, till the Tyme I ſpeik zour L. quhilk falbe (God willing) as faid is. Ferther pleis zour L. to witt, accordyog to zour Wrytting ſent to me with the Priour of the Black Friaris, I paſſic on Pafch evin till Ayr, and thair remainit aught Dayis. Afoir my cumin, Willok had prechit with intolerabill Exclamatiouns, cryand out on the Meſs, perfuadand the haill Peple, that he exponit certane Scripturis allegit be him, truelie con- forme to the Jugement of the Doctoris, and allegit thame to be expreſlie agains the Meſs, and the Ydolatrie uſit be it. The Names of the Doctoris quhilk hè allegeit, wer thir, Irenæus, Chryfoftome, Hilarius, Origene and Tertulliane. Fra hand eftir that the Mater wes ſchawin to me, I perfavit the Craft of the Knaif, quha belevand to haif gottin na Recountar, allegeit ſic Doctoris, bele- vand thair Workis had noche bene in this Cuntre, quhairthrow he mycht apply thame as he pleifit: It forrunit I had all the Doctoris he allegeit, and diverſe uthers, quha treittis quod cæna is ſacrificium, ſpeciallie Irenæus and Chryfo. ftome; I perſaivand the Peple abuſit in the Maner, I wès conftreinzit on my Conſcience to oppone my ſelf to this wickit Lymmaris Hereſie and Doctrine, and nochttheleſs eftir ane generall Maner, and cauſit my Wryttingis to be maid manifeſt to all the honeſt Men of the Town : Schortlie thair wes diverſe Wryt. tingis paſt amangs us, fic as I beleif zour L. hes nocht herd of befoir, of the quhilk zour L. fall reſave the juft Copie. For Conclufioun, i draif the Lymmar to that Point, that I copſtreinzit him to refuſe the Interpretatioun of the Do. doris allegeit be him and all utheris, bot là far as he thoche thay war agreable with the Worde of God, quhilk wes as gud as rycht nocht. Quhen the Day of Refloning come, I caufit ane Gentilman of this Cuntre (quha is very expert) paſs with ane Notar and Witneſſes to the Houſe quhair our Reſſoning fould haif beyn, and tak Documentis that I wes reddy to fulfill my Promiſe conforme to my Wsyrtingis; and that the Reſſoning ceiſſit on his Pairt, in fà far as he gaif me nevir Anlwir to my Wryttingis, nor zic baid at his Sayingis, as zour L. will се с cleira 194 APPENDIX. Book III. cleirlie perſaif be baith our Wryttingis. Zour L. fall undirſtand, that quhen the Day of our Reſſoning come (quhilk wes Sounday laſt wes) thair convened above four or five hundred to fortifie hím: Truelie, my Lord, and I had pleiſſit, I culd haif beyn twyfe als mony; for my Broder Sone, my Lord Eglinton, and all thair Friendis and Servandis, wes in reddines as I wald pleiſſe to charge, bor alwyſe I wold nolder ſuffer thameſelfis nor zit thair Servandis to cum ; for gif I had done utherwyſe, it had not failzied Cummyr : Thairfoir I wes allutterely cumpanied with religious Men, with ſwa mony Gentilmen as I caufic bere wit. nes to the Mater; for I tuke Documentis baith ate the Mercat-croce and in the Pariſche-kirke oppinlie, he beand at his Precheing, of the quhilk the Princi- pallis of the Broder wes mervelouſlie miſcontentit. I aſſuyr zour L. my Lord of Glencarne did nor his Paire to me, as the Berrar will ſchaw zour L. at lenth. Eftir íny Opinioun, this Cúntre may be eaſilie helpit, quhilk to wryie to zour L. war owr prolixe , thairfoir I referr it to our Meitting, as faid is. Notche- les thair is ſúm Thingis quhilks wald be preſently done (and that in ane verray fecreit Maner) as zour L. fall perſaif on the uther Syde of the Leafc ; zit I may a Word. wryte un mot * to zour L. quhilk the Laird of Loffynorys ſchew me, fayand, That thair wes diverſe of the new Sect of the Principallis that are in thir Partis, that ſaid till him, that I wes noche qualifier to reſſone with Willok, becauſe he wes choſen Primat of thair Religioun in this Realme, and I wes bot ane meyne Man in our Eftait ; ſwa that thair wes nane qualifier to reſſone with him bor my Lord of San&t Androis. Prayaud God, gif the haill Actioun wer referrit to thame twa, fwa thai had competent Jugeis, for my Opinioun. Als zour L. pleis to witr, thair come ane of the Brether to me, within twa Day es eftir that I had givin in my Wryttingis aganis Willókis, and ſaid, Gif I pleiſſit, Willok wold come himſelfe, and ane Boy with him, and fpeik with me in my awin Chamber; quhilk I alwyfe refuſir. Truelie, my Lord, Willok wryte nevir ane Worde to me, bot he hes 20 or 24 landit Men and Gentilmen of his Counſell, and caufit evir the Wryttingis to be deliverit to me, owther quhen I wes paſſand to my Bed, or to my Supper : Quhairfoir zour L. man tak in Pacience, albeit my Anſweris be not fwa perfyre as myfter war ; for truelie thai war wrytein in gryre Haiſt, bot I held me evir faſt at ane Grounde. I pray zour L. appardone me that I'moleſt zou with fic Tryffils. I am fwa hamelie with zour L. that I thinke I cannot abuſe zou." It will pleife zour L. to commend my hertlie Service to my L. of Sanet Ana drois, and lar his L. knaw fic Novellis as ar amang us and the Brethir in this Cuntre. I aſſure zour L. the Priour of the Black Friaris in. Ayr, zour L. Ora- tour and Servand, did his Pairt as become him to haif done in all fortis, and that richte manfully: Bot he wes alluterlie diſſobeyic, and culd haif na Encres in the Peroche-kyrke; as I haif wrytoin to the Quenis Grace, and als ſent to hir Grace the Copy of Willókis Colloquium and myne, ſic as I beleif hir Grace hes not ofrymis feyne of befoir. Zour L. will nocht beleif fwa fatisfiet as' money are, that thai refuſe the Jugement of the Doctoris toward the Interpretatioun of the Scripturis ;- for thai maid the Cuntre till * beleif, that the auld Doctoris war for thame all the way, and wald not beleif me for na Sayingis I culd ſay, fpe- ciallie ſome of my awin Friendis, quhill now that it comc till this Prief. Wil- lok and the reſt of his Counſell labouric earneſtlie to ſie gif I wald admit the Scripture onlye Juge, and be that meines to haif maid me contrarray to my awin Bukę (a); bor chair Labouris wes in waiſt. This referris to the Berrar, prayand God to haif zour L. in his Keiping. Att Mayboil the 7 April 1559, be Zour Lordſchipis awin, CORSRAGUELL. ils. I am fwa he L. that I to The (a) He means the Book ſet forth by himſelf, under the Title of, Ane compendius Tractive, &c. an Account of which Book immediately is ſubjoined here. Book III. 195 A P P E N D I X. The firſt Wrytting generall. CORSRAG'U ELL. Uhalumevir will mayntene, byd att, and ſay, that the Meſs is Y dolatrie, I will preif him ane Heretick be the expreſs Worde of God; conforme to the Doctryne, Jugement and Underſtandyng of the maiſt anceant and godlie Wryttaris and Doctoris quhilk evir hes benc fen the Tyme of Jeſus Chriſt unto thir Dayis ; and is contentit that he (quhatſumevir he be) cheis twelf, fic as he thinkis gude, to be Auditoris, (quhilkis are Men of reſonable Jugement and Underſtanding ;) and I uther twelf, providand that I be advertiſt 24 Houris afoir hand, that I may bring all the Doctoris and auld Wryttaris that I may gett; to the effect that every Manis Allegeance may be ſeyng : And failzeing I do the famyn, God willing (as faid is) I oblyfs my ſelf be this my Subſcriptioun, to to be puniſt as ane Heretick. Att Ayr the 26 Day of Marche 1559. WILLOK. provockit be this Wrytting, I anſwer this for the preſent tyme; Quhafum- evir affirmes that he is habill to preif the Papis Meſs to be the Supper of the Lorde, or Inſtitutioun of Jeſus Chriſt our Lorde, be the Worde of God, af- firmis that Thyng quhilk he fall not be hable to preif thereby; for I do affirme it to be nane of bayth, bot playn Y dolatrie and vayn Superſtitioun : And I am contentit to admite the Conditioun expreſſit within the Wrytčing deliverit to me; the Tyme and Place beand appoyntit (openlie) be the Noble and Gentle. men of the Schyr, quha (as I underſtand) will be in this Town ſchortly, att quhais comeing Advertyſement fall be maid of the Day and Company, with the Names of ſic Perfonis as is requyrit; aggreand to the Number conteinit in the ſaid Wrytting. Att Ayr the 27 Day of Marche 1559. Willok eftir langer Advyſement. THE Heſe may be to adverty ſe zou, that the Daye whiche wee have thought gude for Diſputatioun is Sounday nixt to cum, at ten Houris of the Clok afoir Noon, in Sanct Johas Kirk of Ayr, oppinlye; becauſe I do teache my Doctryné oppinlye befoir the Pepil thair. The Auditoris, my Lord of Glencarne, my Lord Boyde, my Lord Vchiltre ; the Sherriff of Ayr, the Laird of Craigy, the Laird of Cefnok, the Laird of Bar, the Laird of Carnell, the Laird of Keris, the Laird of Rowallan, the Laird of Blantyre, the Laird of Dregarne, Robert Campbell of Kinzanecleugh, the Laird of Carleton, the Laird of Sornebeg, the Laird of Kelwode, twelf of this foirnaimnit Perfonis, conforme to zour awin Wrytting daittit at Ayr the 26 Day of this inſtant: The Order of Diſputatioun to begin at Godis Worde, as the ſaid Wrytting proportis; defyring zour An- fwer in lykewiſe agane in Wryre, with the Names of the twelf Perfonis to be fend quhilkis ze cheis for zour Pairt, to be delyverit to this honorabyl Berirs. Att Āyr the 29 Day of Marche 1559. CORSRAGUELL. MY Y Anſwir to ane Wrytting of John Willok, deliverit to me in the Gray Friaris Kirk of Ayr the 29 Day of Marche inſtant, by the Laird of Keris, is this; I am content on Sounday nixt to cum afoire None att ten Houris of the Knoke, to cum till ony. Lagene within the Town of Ayr, and bring with me twelf reſonable and honeſt Men to be Auditoris for my Pairt, he bringand twelf ficklike; providand always that there be na ma bot 24 Perfonis allanner- lie for baith the Sydes, nolder in the Houſe where wee reſſone, nor zit on the Back-ſtairs, Loftis nor Back-doorís, becauſe this famyne Numer is ſufficient to be Auditoris ; for I deſyre nolder Tumultuatioun, Cummyr nor Stryfe, bot on- ly the juſt Tryal of Goddis Worde, in ſic maner as may be to the Glore of God and Quierneſs of the Congregatioun : And in this maner foirfaid, I oblyfs C C C 2 my 196 AP P E N D I X. Book III. my ſelf be this my Hand-wryte, with the Grace of God, to preif him ane Heretyke be Goddis Worde, conforme to the Doctryne, Jugement and Under- ſtandyng of the maiſt anccant and godlie Wryttaris and Doctoris quhilkis evir hes bin lyn thc Tyme of Jeſus Chriſt untill thir Dayes, gif he will ſaye and byd art that the Mefs is Ydolatrie; and I am content to begyn at Goddis Worde to preif the famyne. Att Ayr the penult Day of Marche, the Zeir of God 1559. WILLOK. GIf this uther Wrytting lyke zou not, becauſe of the defyred publick Place, I am contentit, according as the Letter deliverit to me offeris, to joyne and conveine in the Laird of Carnels Houſe in this Town, having the Nowmer that że zourſelf defyre, deſyring zou to proceid in the Diſputatioun, begynnyog with the Worde of God, according to the ſaid Letter, by whiche I am content alſo to be jugeit accordingly; and the ſaid Diſputatioun to be upoun Sounday nixt to cum are ten Houris befoir None, att the Place foirfaid appoynerit. Zour Anſwer wee requyer in Wryttinge. At Ayr this Wedneſday the penult Day of Marche 1559. CORSRAGUELL. Have reccaved ane Wrytting, to the quhilk I accorde all through, except that in the hynder-end thairof is ane Worde quhilk may give occaſioun of Cavillatioun, fuperfluous Stryfe and Contentioun, rather than that our Intent fall take Effect: The Worde is this, Zee defyre that the Reſſoning begyn ato the Worde of God, (of the quhilk I am verray hartilie content ;) bor quhair zee defyre to be jugeit be the Scripture, that is to mak bot ane endleſs Pley ; for quhy zec will ſay that the Scripture is for zou, and I in lykwiſe will ſay it is for me; and appeirandlie wee are not able to have ane competent Juge preſentlie to decerne quhilk, of us alleiges the Scripture maiſt truelie, (and I defyre effe- ctuouſly that thair be na Difference :) Quhairfor the maiſt competent Jugeis quhilkis we can haif preſentlic (in cace we differ for underſtandyng of the Scria pture) are the anceant Fatheris and Doctouris, fic as, Irenæus, Origenes, Cy- priane, Chryfoftome, Damaſcene, Gregor-Nazianzene, Hilarius, Hierome, Ambroſe, Auguſtine, Theophylact and Tertullian, quhais Wryttingis are a thouſand Zeir auld, and of quhome ane greit pairt ſufferit Martyrdome for Chriſts ſaike; and but Dout, without Affectioun, ſhaws truelic thair Jugement toward the undirſtanding of Goddis Worde: And on thy's maner, quhilk is ac- cording to all my Wryttingis, and as I am informit of honeſt Men, was zour awin Defyre and Allegeance to reſaive the Jugement of the Doctouris towart the true Interpretatioun of the Scripture, fwa that Frute may be had of our Reffon- ing. I am gladly content to keip Day, Tyme, Place, and Nowmer of Perfonis contenit in zour laſt Wrytting: Defyrand that ze be ſchortlie reſolvit ; for this Wrytting, and all the reſt quhilkis i haif wryttin fen our firſt Commonyng of this Purpois, is but Declaratioun of my firſt Wrytting, quherby I will ſtand, and nolder eik nor pair ; becauſe I traift it fall be found be Men of reſſonable Jugement, agreable with Goddis Worde and all Reffone. Penultimo Marcij 1559. WILLO K. I Haif receaved twa Letteris this penult Day of Marche, the firſt quhairof that ze defyre the juſt Tryal of Goddis Worde, and that ze are content to be gyn the Diſputatioun are the famyne ; all quhilk I do well admite and allow. But in the ſecond, it apperis to me that ze think it fall be ane endleſs Pley to hand ate the Jugement of the Scripturis, except i fuld admitt the Jugement of thoſe Doctouris that ze name upoun the famyne. This may be thairfoir to geif zou Advertyſment, that my Mynde is and evir was (as it may appeir by my Letteris) to ſtand to the Jugement of Goddis Worde onelie, be whiche all ma- ner of Hereſies muſt be confoundir, as it cvir hitherto hath benc : And the Mynde of thoſe and uther Doctouris, I will glaidlie admitt, ſa lang as thai ſpeake not Book III. A P P E N D I X. 197 rin, 1559. not contrare thairto; I meyn that I will allow all the Doctouris, fo far as thair Sayingis and Jugementis aggreis with the faid Worde of God, expreſſelie con- tenit in the holie Scripturis; utherwayis not. . Att Ayr the Day above wryt. CORSRAGUELL. T! His is my Anſwer ſchortlie to zour third Wryttinge, quhair ze ſaye, thar zee are glaid to admitt the Sayingis and Jugementis of the anceant Do. ctouris, fa far as thai are not contrary the Worde of God, and aggreis expreſſe- lie chairwith ; and uther wayis nocht. It is as meikle to ſaye, as zee will be Juge to the anceant Doctouris, and decerne upoun thair Jugeinentis towart the underſtandyng the Scripturis . Truelie in my Conſcience I cannot gif zou that Pre-emynence and Place, but gif | I knew fome excellent godlie Learning and † unleſti gude Lyfe in zou mair than all the anceant Doctouris, quhilk as zet is confeil- lit fra me. Thaîrfoir gif ze will be contentit, accordyng to my firſt Wrytting, to ſtand to the Interpretatioun of the Doctouris, reherſit in my uther Anſwer, or ony uther anceant, godlie and approven Doctouris, without Cavillatioun or Exceptioun, (quhenfumevit Queſtion arifes amang us for underſtanding of the Scripture) quha aſſuredlie wryt nolder for Affectioun of zou nor me, and fall be found alwyſe agreable with Goddis Worde: I am contentit, accordynge to the reſt of all my Wrytringis, to kepe Tyme, Place and Nowmer of Perionis afoir mentionit in my ucher Wrytringis, utherwyſe the hail Warld may fe that is but Differrence * that ze defyre, and not to haif the Mater at ane perfyte • Delay ] Tryall, conſideryng ze haif faid in Pulpit planelie, That the anceart Doctouris are alwyſe for zou, as I will preif be honeſt Men: And I am contentit to ad- mitt in ſpecial fic anceant Doctouris as ze haif allegit alreadie. Forther, that all the noble Gentlemen of this Schyre fall perfytly knaw how ze go about to cir. cumvene and abuſe chame be zour preching ſpeciallie this Day, quhare ze haif oppynlie cryit out, bot older & Scripture or Doctour, affirmand falllie and un- without godlie, That it is ane falſe Ydoll quhilk is uſit in the Meſs : Gif ze will produce either. ony approvin anceant Doctour or Wryttar fen the Tyme of Jefus Chrift, unto thir Dayes, that ſayes as zee faye, or zet find ony Text of Scripture that hes ony maner of appearance for Confirmatioun of zour Doctryne, conforme to the Interpretatioun of the anceant Doctouris or Wryttaris, I quyte zou the haill Cauſe without farther Diſputatioun. Zee may thraw the Scripture as zee pleis contrare the godlie Meining of the famyne, and in contrare the Doctryite of the Kirk of God, and all the anceant Fatheris thairof, quhilk hes evir bene famyliar to all Heretykis in all Ages, Zeirs and Tymes. And take thys for finall Con- cluſion, conforme to my firſt Purpois and Wrytting, quherat I abyd, and eyir did, and fall do. Atc Ayr the penult Day of Marche 1559. WILLOK. I Haif reſſavit zour Wrytting thys laſt of Marche at elevia of the Clok befoir None, daitit the penult Day of the famyne, quhairin zee interprete my ſay. ing, that I fayd I wald admitt the Doctouris fa far as thai aggre expreſſelie with the Worde of God, uthetwyfe nocht; eftir this maner it is, faye zou, as meikle as to faye, that I will be Juge to the anceant Doctouris, decerne upoun thair Jugementis towart the underſtandyng the Scripturis ; quhilk Place and Pre- emynence (zee faye) zee will nocht gif ine, becaus baith my Leroyng and gude Lyfe are to zou unknawin : Thairfoir ze will me to be contentit, accordyng to zour uther Wrytting, to the Interpretatioun of the Doctouris allannerlie, or elſe the differring of the Cauſe may be (as zou faye) juftlie impurit unto me. This is the Sum of the firſt Pairt of zour Letter. To quhilk I anſwer, The Jugement of the old Authoris as well as new, is and evir hes bene referrit to the godlie Redars: Nether wald the old Authoris be utherwyſe uſit thamfelfis, as it may appeir be St. Auguftines Wordis ad Hieronymum Epiftola, Jampridem chari- tati tuæ : And be Hierome ad Letam, De inſtitutione filiæ ; quhairin he wald haif her to be ane Juge to mony of the Doctouris ; & ad Demetriadem. Dd d And 198 A P P E N D I X. Book III. And be Tertullian in his Buke de preſcriptionibus hæreticorum, and be di: verſe utheris Places as I can allege be the faidis Doctouris, as of Auguſtyne con- tra Maximinum, and upoun the 147 Pfalme, and be Juſtyne the Marthyre contra Marcionem, and be Ambroſe, l. 3. de virginibus. All quhilk Doctouris appellis to the Scripturis as thair Juge, and exhortis Men to the famyne from thame, ſo as thay feek no ferther Credyte boe quhen thay aggre with the Scri- pturis, as I am be thame well able to preif, fa as it may appeir I feik na unreſſon- able Thing; whiche as zou refuſe to lat me haif, ſo muſt I refuſe the famyn un- to zou, becaus zour Lernyng and gude Lyfe are lykewiſe to me unknawn. Ne- ther do I in ony Point differr the Caus, nor will nocht. Gif ze war Juge, and the Mater nocht zour awin, I wold aske quhilk of us differreth the Caus, quhe- ther he that promiſeth to prief ane Heretyke be the expreſs Worde of God, and alſo fayeth he is contentit to beginn his Diſputatioun at the famyne, and now falleth to the Interpretatioun of Doctouris; or he quhilk feiks the Jugement of his Caus att Goddis Worde only? I ſaye, quhilk of both is the Differrer of the Caus? I nevir fayd I wold byde be the Doctouris contrare to the Scripture, ne- ther will I faye att this preſent : Bot I am contentit to be jugit be the Scripture, truelie underſtand; for I knaw the Holie Goiſt and the Scripture are not con: trare one to the uther. To the ſecond Pairt of zour laſt Wrytting, quhairin ze burthen me with Circumventioun, falſe and ungodlie Prechingis: I anſwer, Ze haif ſaid that quhilk ze are not hable to preif'; for I proved my Doctryne thair be gude Argumentis, groundit upoun the Scripture, without Colluſioun, for whicho I fall be alwyſe reddy to anſwer, be Goddis Worde, as well be oppin Diſputatioun as be my Pen. Bot becaus I thinke ze will kepe zour Daye appoin- tit for Reffonning, and this Mater is that quhilk ze go about to impreif , I will differr the full Anſwer for my Pairt to the Daye of our Reffoning : Doyng zou to wit, that I haif nocht thrawin the Scripturis, as zou do wryte, contrare to Goddis Menyng. Take thys for my laſt Anſwer, nocht mynding to trouble zou with ony ferther Wrytting unto the Daye of our Reſſoning be paſt. Att Ayr the faid laſt of Marche 1559. CORSRAGUELL I Reſſaved zour Wrytting this Day, quhilk to reherſe were owre prolixt. Schortlie I anſwer to zou, conforme to all my Wrytringis ſent to zou of be- foir, That gif ze will-faye that the Meſs is Ydolatrie, I will preif zou ane He- reryke be Goddis Worde, conforme to the Doctryne and Interpretatioun of auld, godlie, anceant Doctouris and Wryttaris thairupon: And is content to beginn our Reſſoning at Goddis Worde ; provydande alwyſe, that gif we differr for the underſtandyng of the famync, that the Declaratioun thairof be referrit to the Doctouris, as fayd is; and failzeing of thys, I can perſave na Fruit can cum of our Reſſoning, but rather Contentioun and Stryfe. As to the uther Pairt of zour Wrytting, quhair ze faye, Ze will fubmitt zou to the Jugement of the Scripture onlie : Quhat ſaye zee in that pairt bot as Arrius, Macedo nius, Neftorius, and the maiſt deplorit Heretykis quhilks evir wes, fayd, ay allegeand Scripturis for thame, ſtandand at thair awin Interpretatioun for the famyne ? Quhairfoir I conclude, the Interpretatioun of the Doctouris are ne- ceffar to be admittit for us baith, or elſe na Fruit fall be had of our Reſſoning, as fayde is : And all thys by.my Pretenſe * I haif wryttin, not believand bot ze wald haif biddin ate the Jugement of the anceant Doctouris, ſpecialie fic as zoür ſelf in Pulpit did allege. Att Ayr the laſt Day of Marche 1559. And zour fi- nall Anſwer quhether ze will reſſone conforme to thys Wrytting, or nocht. WILL OK. Heſe are to advertyſe zou, that I will kepe the Daye, the Houre and the Place, with the Nowmer of the Perſonis, God willing, as is appoinetit ; cheis zou quhether ze will kepe or nochr. Att Ayr the laſt Daye of Marche att nyne Houris att Nycht, 1559. Secundo more than I intended. Book III. 199 APP EN DI X. SEcundo Aprilis, Anno Domini 1559. Indictione prima Pontificatus Pauli Papæ IV. Ann. 3. In mei Notarii publici, & teffium ſubſcripto- rum præfentiis Joannes Blayre de Middillanchnidrane, nomine venerabilis patris Quintini Commendatarii de Crofraguell, hoc modo vulgariter publice loquutus eft. This is to be anſwerit to John Willok, in Preſence of zou that are heir ; Quhair my Lord of Croſraguell writtand ane generall Wrytting in thir Wordis, Quhaſumevir will manteyne, byde at and Jaye, that the Meſs is Idolatrie, I will prief him ane Heretyke be the expreſs Worde of God, conforme to the Doetryne, Jugement and Underſtandyng of the maiſt anceant Wryttaris and Doctouris qubilkis evir bes bene fen the Tyme of Jeſus Chriſt as in the ſaid Wrytrin at mair lenth is contenit: To the quhilk Wryttin I haif gottin na Anfwir as zer, conforme chairto ; Thairfoir I take ane Inſtrument, that the Caus of the Reſloning ceaſſing is in the ſaid John Willok, as baith our Wryttingis teſtifie thamefelffis. Super quibus omnibus & fingulis præfa. tus Joannis Blayre, nomine dieti Commendatarii a me Notario Publico ſub. Scripto, & fucceffive petiit inftrumentum publicum. A&ta erant hæc primo apud domum Hugonis Wallace de Carnele intra burgum de Ayre; & deinde ftatim apud crucem foralem ejuſdem burgi, immediate poſt boram de- cimam ante meridiem. Præfentibus Joanne Lokart de Bar, Hugone Wal- Lace de Carnele, Waltero Kennedie de Knokdoune, Ferguſio Kennedie fuo fra- tre germano, Joanne Kennedie in Grenline, Joanne Kennedie ſuo filio, Hi- gone Kennedie, & Davide Blayre filio dicti Joannis Blayre. Pofthæc dictus Foannes Blayre (quia Joannes Willok neque apud di&tam domum neque crita cem foralem tempore prædiéto praſens fuit) acceſſit ad Eccleſiam parochia- lem de Ayre, & ibidem hora duodecima in meridie intimavit verba antedicta (vulgariter fcripta) Joanni Willok perfonaliter apprehenfo in ſuggeſto di- &tæ Ecclefiæ. Præfentibus Dominis & nobilibus, Alexandro Comite de Glencarne, Joanne Domino Ochiltre, Mattheo Campbello filio & herede apparente Hugonis Campbelli de Lowdoune militis, Joanne Wallace de Cragy, & omnibus & fingulis reliquis teftibus fuprafcriptis. Super quibus iterung dictus Joannes Blayre, nomine dieti Commendatarii petiit inftrumentum pu- blicum. Ita eft Magiſter Joannes Gervane Notarius publicus ad premiſa re. quifitus, tefte manu propria, fignifque quibus in talibus uti con- fuevi. Collate Jo. GERVANE N. P. Another Piece publiſhed about this Time, was Mr. Quintin Kennedy's Book, entituled, Ane compendius Tractive, conforme to the Scripturis of Almychtie GOD, Refoun, and Authoritie, declaring the nerreſt and onlie way to eſtabliſche the Conſcience of ane Chriſtiane Man, in all Materis (qubilks ar in debate) concernyng Faith and Religioun. Set furth be Maiſter Quin- tine Kennedy, Commendatar of the Abbay off Crofraguell, and dedicat to his derreſt, and beft beluiffit Nepro, Gilbert Maiſter of Callillis. In the Zeir of GOD, Ane thouſand fyve houndreth fifty aucht Zeris. This Book contains 58 Leaves, in a ſmall Quarto, and Saxon Type. It has two Prefaces; the firſt, To the Maſter of Caſſils; the ſecond, To the Reader. And it is divided into 18 Chapters. The Author begins, by Shewing that God has appointed both a Witneſs and a Judge in all Controverfies about Matters of Religion. The Witneſs or Teſtimony, he ſays, is the holy Scri- pture, (and for this he cites St. John, Chap. 5.) the Judge, is the Kirk of Chriſtian Congregation. But becauſe the whole Kirk cannot meet together in one place, in order to decide Queſtions; and tho' they could, yet all the Members thereof have nor a Capacity to decide : Therefore the principal Member is appointed to be the Overſeer, Judge, and Guide, even as the D d d 2 Head 200 Book III. A P P E N D 1 X. Head in the humane Body governs and directs all the other Members of the Body. He maintains, that Eccleſiaſtical Councils have always conſiſted of the moſt devout and beſt learned Men, who have always concurred uniform, ly in all material Points concerning Faith, i.e. Things neceſſary to be known in order io Salvation ; but acknowledges, that in Points of Religion, that is, as he explains ir; in Ceremonies, civil Ordinances, and Laws; they may have appointed fome Things at ſome certain Times, which the Circum- ſtances of People have required to be altered afterwards ; which, he ſays, is no more than what God himſelf has been pleaſed to do, by the Ceremonies of his own Appointment. And he affirms, that tho' the Lives of the prin- cipal Members of the Chriſtian Congregation ſhould be ſuppoſed to be nor fo exemplary as might be wiſhed, yet even in that Cafe God will take Care to direct their Deciſions arighr. In ſupport of this, he gives the Inſtance of Cao japhas's prophecying, becauſe he was the high Prieſt ; the Advice of our Saviour to hearken to the Scribes, becauſe they fit in Moſes's Chair; and the Anſwer of the Prieſts to Herod's Queſtion, Where Chriſt ſhould be born. And the Author all along interſperſes ſeveral not unprofitable Obſervations, together with ſuch Solutions of the objections as appeared to him moſt fatis- factory, as may be ſeen by this following 12th Chapter, which I have taken the Liberty to inſert here at length. Olfe Close The Tvelft Chapitre. SEN En we have had juſt Occaſioun (conforme to Goddis Worde and all Reſſoun) in the Chapitre abone reherſit, na wayis to have Dout of the Thyng, quhilk hes bene done be the Kirk, in reſpect of thare Lyfe, quha convenit in General Counſalis. Now wyl we cum to the ferde Part of the Argument, quhare Que- ſtion is, Gyf thair Lawis and Conſtitutionis ar conforme to Goddis Worde or not ? For underſtanding of the famyn thou ſal conſidder, that thair is twa Ex- tremiteis now ryngand in the Warld. Sum Men ar ſua fer gevin tyl Superſti- tioun, that geve ony Man ſpeik ane Worde aganis thair indurit Cuſtum, ze per chance albeit it be lytle or 'na thyng aggreable with the Worde of God, bot croppin in the Kirk be anė Abuſe rather than be ane Ordour, fra hand thay fall eſtime char Man ane Heretike. Be the contrar thare is ſum ſua raſche of Juge- ment, that nochr allanerlie thay wyll cry oute on Abuſe and Superſtitioun, bot mifordourlie wyll thay condempnne al máner of thyng that evir hes bene uſic or appoyntit be the Kirk fra the Begynning; Betwix thir twa Extremiteis geve it pleſit God that the Myddis fulde cum furth, apperandlie it wer ane gret Eaſe, and ane gret Occaſioun of Quietnes to the hale Congregatioun. To cum to the Myddis (efter my ſobir Jugement) the nerreſt way wer to eſteme firſt the Com- mande and Lawe of the Lorde (quhilk hes procedit of God allanerlie) abufe all thing. The fecunde, to regarde the Conſtitutionis of the Kirk, as Conſtitutionis of Men. Bot nochr allanerlië as Conſtitutionis of Men, bot as Conſtitutionis proces dyng of God mediatlie (as I wald ſay be the wirkyng of God be Man in Autho- Rom. 13. ritie) quhilkis aucht and fuld be obeyit, nocht allanerlie (as ſayis the Apoſtole) for feare of Man, bor als for feare of God: Nocht in compair of the Worde of God, bot to be regardit as the Commandimentis of the trew Miniſteris, and Ore ganis of Almychtie God fterit up be the Spirite of God, difponand every gude chriſtin Man to be the mair able to keip the Law of God. Heir wyl we fchort- lie anſweir to the injufte Murmur of divers Men ſpekand aganis the Kirk on this maner, ſaying that the Kirk puniſſis Men mair cruellie for Tranſgreſſioun of thair Law (as it wer Hereſie) nor for the Tranfgreſſioun of the Law of God, quhare- by it may be perfavit that the Kirk preferris thair Law to the Law of God. For Conſideratioun of this Purpoſe, thou fall underſtand, chat Man is nocht puniſte to the Rigour for Tranſgreſſioun of the Law of the Kirk, bor for Difſobedience, and the indurit Opinioun quhilk he conſavis thairefter, thynkand that he dois na Offence in doyng of the famyn; quhilk but Dout is Herefie expres aganis the Worde Book III. A P P E N D I X. 201 Worde of God, as ſayis the Apoftole, He that refiftis the bicar Power, bę Rom. 13. reſyftis unto God, and wirkis the thyng quhilk is his awin Dampnatioun. Geve ane Man tranſgres the Command of God, he grantis hym felf to have done wrang: Bot geve ony Man, wald be indurit, taying, it wer na Syn tó tranfgres the Law of God, trewly he aucht and fulde be puniſſic as ane Here- tike. Sua it is the Opinioun with Pertinacitie, and Induritnes, that makis the Hereſie (quhair upon the Puniſchement followis) and not the Nature of the Deid : For, nocht all Syn is Hereſie, bot all Hereſie is Syn. And to the Ef- fect that thou may perfectlie knaw, that the Kirk na wayis regardis nor eſtimes thair Law, in compair of the Law of God; it is lefum, in tyme of Neceſſitie, to tranſgres the Law of the Kirk without Syn or Puniſchement, quhilk wes ne- ver permittit be the Kirk towart the Law of God, for ony maner of Neceſſitie. Sum murmouris, ſaying, that the Kirk offendis, commanding thair Law to be kepit under Paine of deidlie Syn. Trewly albeit the Kirk mak the Law; it is God quha all reddy hes declarit the brekyng thairof, fyn; nocht be Nature of the Deid for the maiſt part, (as I ſchew the off before) bot be reſſoun of Diſſo. bedience to the hicar Poweris: Specialie in tranſgreſſioup of fic Conſtitutionis as gevis occaſioun to Men to be the mair habyll to keip the Commande of God, and is to the Weill of the hale Congregatioun committit to thare Cure, as we reid in divers Partis of the Scripture, creuell Puniſchement following for Diffo. bedience, as I ſchew the of before of Chore, Dathan and Abiron. Accord. Numb. 18. ing to this Purpoſe wrytis the Apoſtole on this maner, Brether. ſtand ze faft, 2 Thef. 26 and keip the Traditionis qubilkis ze have learnit, older be our precheing, or Act. 153, be our Epiftole, Now wyll we returne to our Purpoſe ; quhare Conſideratioun is to be had, how the Lawis and Conſtitutionis of the Kirk diſponis all chriſtin Man to be the mair hable to keip the Law of God, and is nocht comparit (con- forme to the godlie Menyng of the Kirk) to the Worde of God. As be Ex- empyll, we wyll compair the Wourde of God to the Wynezarde; and the Com- mande of the Kirk, and all uther hiear Power, to the Dyik or Cloſure of the Wynezarde : Than fall thow underſtand, that the Dyik is not ordánit for the felf, bor to the effect that the wylde Beiſtis tramp not doun the tender Branchis of the Wynie. Swa the Cominaudimentis of the Kirk, and all uther hiear Poweris, ar nocht allaperlie ordanit for thame ſelf, bot rather to geve Men oca caſioun to be the mair habyl to kcip che Commande of God. Thus ar thay in Ertour and Extremitie, quha wald perſuade the Ordinance of the Kirk to be tane away; for than ſulde Goddis Wourde be abuſit, as gyff the Cloſure of the Wynezarde be caſtin doun, than fulde the wylde Beiſtis diſtroyc and devore the fender Wyne-branchis. Of this rigorus Jugement (movit perchance on Zele but Knawlege, as ſayis the Apoftole) thair is mony.in thir Dayis belevyng tyll Rom. 16 awance the Glore of God, quhilkis oppinnis ane plane Pore syll all kynd of Mifordour, incontrar the Commande of God; as but dout, gyff thou wyll tak away the Ordinancis of the hiear Poweris, and Lawis of the Kirk, quhilkis the Tyme hes evir techeit ws; and noche allanerlie the Lawis, bor tak away the Ceremonyes, with proces of cyme the Peple in the Warld fulde forzet thair wer ane God. For be the outwart Ceremonyes we ar brocht to the mair fect Knawlege of God, conforme to the Doctryne of all Men of godlie Learn- yng. Treuth it is, geve Men levit conforme to the Law of God, the Law of the Kirk, and all uther Lawis and Ceremonyes, mycht be the better ſparit: As geve thare wer na wylde Beiſtis to trampe doun the Wynezarde, the Dyik wer the les neceſſare. Perchance thow wyll murmour and ſay, that under the Co- lour of the Conſtitutionis of the Kirk, thair is growin fic Abuſioun, that Goddis Worde is ſclanderit and abuſit. Albeit that wer trew, it is noche Cauſe to tak away ane gude Conſtitutioun, for ane wrang Abufioun ; be reſſoun Mennis Ma- neris fulde be thrawin * to the Law, the Law fulde noche be thrawin to Meninis Maneris . For quhat is mair precius nor is the Law of God? and zit it is day-conformed. lie brokin and abuſit. Als thow may ſec. that of all Herefyis quhilkis evir hes bene, for the maiſte parte Men hes cane occaſioun of the Scripturo. Nochtheles Е ее the per- drawn 202 Book III. APP E N D I X. * Fault. 1 the Falt wes not in the Scripture, bot in thare awin perverſte Mynd, and laik of gude Doctryne: As in cais, throw Negligence of the Gardnare, thare enterit divers wylde Beiſtis in the Zarde, and under the Umbre of the Dyik thay make thare Dennis and Cavernis, and thairefter cum oute and devore and trampe doun the tender Wyne-branchis; the Dyik hes nocht the Wyte *, boc the Gardnare qubilk wes fua negligent. This wyll show conſidder all the Conſtitutionis quhilkis evir wer maid be the Kirk, havyng Conſidderatioun of the Tyme, and the Occafioun quharcforc thay wer maid; thow fall fynd thame aggreaby ll with Goddis Worde. Than fall thow evir perſave the Falt principalie to be in thame to quhame it appertenis of thare Vocatioun to be Inſtructaris of the Peple, and nocht in the Ordinances of the Kirk. Perchance thou wyll ſay, that thare is ſum Conſtitutionis quhilkis wer tolle- rabyil and convenient for the Tyme; and now the Tyme hes wrocht fua, that thay ar improfficabyll. Trewlie I thynk that to be verray trew of fum : Noch- theles every Man quhilk perfavis the Falt aucht not to be ane Correctare of the ſamyo, bot fulde complane to the hiear Poweris ; and in cais thay be negligent, defyre of God to ſteir up the Harris of thame to quhame it appertenis of thare Vocatioun to be Correctaris, and nocht to every private Man to thynke upone his Zele, that he wyll correct it (quhilk is done be ane Ordour) mifordourlie. For I dar baldlye fay, thair fall mair Inconvenientis follow on all Thingis quhilkis ar done by † ane Ordour, nor to thole the Abuſe, to the tyme God provide ane Remeid be ane Ordour. As be Exempyll, in cais thair be ane part of the Dyik quhilk is conſumit, and ſervis of pot, zit every Man quhilk paſſis by, fulde not caſt doun the Place quhilk he thyokis falteis at his Pleſour, bot fuld (geve his Zele be godlie) ſchaw to the Gardnare to quhame it appertenis to correct the Falt. Thus, fulde chriſtin Men feik Reformatioun (and that be ane Ordour) and nocht plane Diſtructioun and Confuſioun, as Men dois in thir Dayis. I without. In the 14th Chapter there are likewiſe fome Things which it may not be im- pertinent to thew the Reader, in the Author's own Words. The Fourtent Chapitre. Pity. Perchance fum zelus Man havynge Pietie* of the pure miferabyll Pe- pyll, wyll ſay, Quhat Wounder is it, albeit the ſimple Peple in thir un- happy Dayis be abuſit with Errouris, blyndit in Ignorance, drounit in Vice? † without. Is not Herefie precheit planelic but † Puniſchement be Men cumand but Authori. tie? And ţhay quha fulde preche the trew,Worde of God, conforme to thair Vo. Eſay 56. catioun and Levyng quhilk thay have thairfore, ar (as ſayis the Propheit) lyke dum Doggis, quhilkis can nocht bark; nolder precheis thair felfis, nor cauſis Precheyng fufficient to be maid to relyſte Errouris: Ar nocht thay quha ſulde gyde the Peple mair ignorante nor the fimple Peple felf? And quhat can cum of Mat. 1s. chat, bot, as ſayis our Salveour, Quhen the blynde ledis the blynde, baith fallis in the Fow fie? Ar thay not oppin Sclanderaris of the Congregatioun (for the maiſt part) quhilkis fulde be Myrrouris of gude Lyfe ? Ar nocht all Efta- Pſal. sz. tis declynit fra the Way and Wyll of the Lorde ? Se we nocht daylie be Expe- rience, gyfane Benefice vaick, the gret Men of the Realme wyll have it for tem- porale Rewarde (and ſua the Prince is maid to be ſubject to the unrefſonable De- fyre of thame quha fulde be Subjectis to thair Prince) or ellis thay wyll fteir up Seditioun, be diſſobedient contrar Goddis Command, ſerve as thay think gude, with perpetuale Grudge and Difdane? And quhen thay have gottin the Bene- fice, gyf thay have ane Brother, or ane Sone, ze ſuppoſe he can nolder ſing nor fay, ngriſcheit in Vice all his Dayis, fra hand he fall bę montit on ane Mule, with ane ſyde Gown and ane round Bonett, and than it is queſtioun quhether Numb. 22. he or his Mule knawis beſt to do his Office. Perchance Balaames Alle knew mair nor thay baith ; quhat Wounder is it (quhen fick difagyfit Perſonages ar choſin to have Chriftis Flok in gyding) that the fimpyll Peple be wickit, (as thay ar in deid) eſtimand Vice to be Virtew, and Virrew to be Vice? And noche Book III. À P P E N D I X. 203 nocht allanerlie ſick Men ar croppin in the Kirk be mcanis of ſum wickit grec Perſonages : Bor thow maye fe daylie lykewyfe be Experience, ane Bairne and ane Babe, to quhame ſcarcelie wald thow geve aue fair Apill to kcip, gece per- chance fyve thouſand. Saules to gyde ; and all for Avarice, the Rute of all i Tim. 6. Vice, thar thair Parentis may gere the Profect of the Benefice to thair awin ſin- gulare Commoditie, and the pure fimpyll Bairne ſcarſie gert tó bryng hym up vertuuſlie; the Convent and Place quhare God fulde be daylie honourit and fer- vit, gais clene to rewyne: And zit thay quha ar the Procuraris, Diſpoparis and Upſteraris of fick monſterus Farſlis to be in the Kirk of God, ar che mailt prin- cipali Cryaris out on the Vices of Kirk-men. Geve the Kirk had che auld an- cient Libertie (as perchance fum tyme it had) that ane Byſchop wer frelie cho- ſin be his Chaptire, the Abbot and Prior be the Convent, and of the Convent ; than fulde be qualifeit Men in all thc Eftatis of the Kirk; than fulde all He- reſeis be ftemit, and the Peple weill techeit. This wer the Way to cum in att John io. the Dare to be ane Miniſter in the Kirk of God, quhilk our Salviour ſpekis of; quhare now be Tyrannie and Avarice (for the maiſte part) as it wer Thevis or Brygantis, we creip in at Wyndois or Bak-durris. And this (blyndit in Ava- rice) gret Men trowis to mak up thair Houſis be Abufioun of the Patrimony and Rentis of the Kirk, quhilk but Dout falbe urter Rewyne (albeit it be ple- fand for the preſent) to mony gret Houſis, befydis the grec Perrel and Dainger on the farcer Day. The Day, the Day, the terrible Day fall cum quhen the unhappy avaricius Man fall warry * the Tyme that ever he had the Brother, or Sone, to quhame he bure fic flefchelie and ungodlie Favour, as to ſteirhym up to be ane Gydare and Rewlar of Chriftis Floke, quhilk culde nor gyde him- felf: The malheurius Prince fall warry the Tyme thar eyir he wes ſua miſa cheantlie fubject to the unreſſonable Defyre of his Subjectis : The miſerable Ignorant fterit up in Authoritie fall cuts the Tyme that evir he tuke on hym the Charge. quhilk wes na wayis convenient for hym. In the mene tyme the pure fimple Peple ſua deirlie bocht be the Blude and Deith of Jeſu Chriſt our Salviour, miſerablie periſcheis : The Kirk is fclanderit, God is diſhonorir, all Hereſeis, Wickitnes and Vice regnis. As to me, I wyll fay na thyng; bot humelie beſeik the Lord God tyll illuininar the Hartis of the Magiſtratis (fpe- cialie quhilkis hes the Authoritie, to be the Upſteraris of faithfull Miniſteris in the Kirk of God) to provide fic qualifeir Paftouris as wyli do conforme to thair Vocatioun, and as may be to the Glore of God, Exoneratioun of thair awiti Conſciences, and thairis quha providis thaim to have Authoritie in Government of Chriſtis Flok. And als I befeik the levyng God, that thay quha ar all red- dy miniſteris in the Kirk of God (ſpecialic quha occupyis the place of the Apo- ſtoles be Office and Authoritie) call to remembrance the feveir and rigorus Sen. tence of the Apoſtole, ſaying, Wa be unto me and I preche not; and als the i cor. Wordis of the Propheit, fayand, Wabe unto zow Paſtores of Iſraell, qubilkis Ezek. 34 feidis Zour felfis; and nocht my Flok. Quharethrow the Paſtores doyng thair Detc and Devore to the fimpyll Peple committit to thair Cure, all Hereſeis, Wickytnes and Vice fulde be fuppreffit, the Kirk unfclanderit, and God honou. tit, to quhame be Glore for erir. * Lamenta Here follow two very rare and much noted Pieces; done by Mr. Ninian Winzet, [now Wingate ;] the Firſt whereof (containing three Tractates) is indeed ſo exceeding rare to be found, that I am told there is not another Copy of it now extant beſides that one from which this is taken. It was printed at Edinburgh in the Black or Gothick Letter the 21ſt May 1562; and is the Book which the Magiſtrates of that City feized in Mr. Scut’s Princ- ing-houſe, when the Author narrowly eſcaped. This Picce is certainly one of the moſt valuable Monuments of the Ecclefiaftical Affairs in Scotland in the XVI. Age ; fo far as it contains and diſcovers the Caules and Manner of the Eyerſion of che ancient Form of Religion in this Kingdom, and treats Eee 2 this 204 Book III. A P P E N D I X. the Biſhops and Nobles of that Time with a Freedom which their Unconcern- edneſs for the Religion they profeſied, and their vicious manner of living did juſtly deſerve. This Copy belonged formerly to the Reverend Dr. John Ja- meſon, a Prieſt in the Church of Rome, born in the City of Aberdeen, a Per- fon much eſteemed for his knowledge in the Antiquities of this Kingdom, by all our learned Countrymen. He died at Edinburgh in the Year 1700, and bequeathed theſe Tractates, together with ſome other ancient Pieces, to the Scots College in Paris, where they are now carefully preſerved. There is not the leaſt Variation made here from the Original; and the Pages of it (be- ing in all 38, on a ſmall Quarto or large Oitavo) are carefully marked here on the Margin as they ſtand in the Original. Þ. 2. Page I. Certane Tractatis for Reformatioun of Doctryne and Maneris, fet furth at the Defyre and in the Name of the afflittit Catholickis of inferiour Or, dour of Clergie and Layit-men in Scotland; be Niniane Winzet ane Catho- licke Preiſt, borme in Renfrew. Qubilkis be Name this Leif turnit fall Schaw. Murus aheneus ſana conſcientia. Edinburgi 21. Maij 1562. TH He Firſi, Ane Exhortatioun to the maiſt excellent and gracius Soverane, Marie Quene of Scottis, &c. To the Biſchopes and utheris Paſtores, and ro all thame of the Nobilitie within this hir Graces Realme ; for upfenzeit Re- formatioun of Doctryne and Maneris, and for obtening of Licence to propone in Wryt to the Precheouris of the Proteſtantis, certane Artyculis tweching Do. ctryne, Ordour and Maneris approvin be thame. The Secund, Thre Queſtionis tweching the lauchfull Vocatioun of Johne Knox, and his Brether Precheouris, to the Proteſtantis in Scotlande ; quhilkis ar in noumbre the xxxiii. xxxiv. and xxxv. of the fourſcore thre Queſtionis proponit to thame be the laidis Catholickis: Togidder with thre Wryttingis de- liverit to the faid Johne, quhairin is replyit aganis his Anſweris maid to ane Part of the ſaid thre Queftionis. The Thrid, Ane Declamatioun to the honorable Proveſt, Baillies and Coun- fell of Edinburgh, for the Obſervatioun of the glaid Solemnities of the blyſlie Nativitie, Circumciſioun, Epiphanie, Reſſurrectioun and Aſcenſioun of our Salviour, with the Feiſt of Wit fonday ; haiſtelie maid on Pafche-Tuiſday Anno 1562, quhen thare appcrit ane daingerous Seditioun in Edinburgh, throw calking of the Durris on every Syde ; as efter fall follow. Dominus mibi adjutor, non timebo quid faciat mihi homo. p. 3: The firſt Tractat to the Quenes Majeſtie, Paftouris, and Nobilitie. Frer that we thy Graces humill Subditis, MARIE maiſt excellent and gracius Quene, be our ſmall Jugement hes confiderit the Stait of this thy Realme, at this preſent, tweching Religioun, (quhairupon the Wellfair thairof is onely groundit) can efteme it to naching mair lyke, than to ane Schip in ane dedely Storme, enforſed be contrarius Wyndis, betwix maiſt daingerus ſandy Beddis on the rycht Hand, and terrible Rolkis, preſenting Deth alrady, on the left. Quhilk gydit thir mony Yeris be fleuthfull Marinaris, and ſleipand Sterif- men (we mein of the Paſtores of the Kirk, and in that Part of thair Promoveris (a)) is evyll craſit on the Schaldis : Quhairat fum effrayit, and almaiſt deſperat of thair awin and utheris Lyves in the famyn Schip, hes pullit the Rudder and Government fra the formare Rewlaris, maiſt upworthy chir mony Yeris of that Name; and, be our Jugement, fleing fra the fandy Bedis, fpeidis baith with Airis and erect Sailis, to brek in Splenderis the Schip on the feirfull Rokis. For the quhilk Perril we now mair effrayit, than we and thay wes for the uther, may not contene us for na Feir of Man, ſen thc Mater ftandis in daivger of our Bodeis (a) i. e. thuſe Noblemen, oc. who procured undeſerving Men to be put into Church-Offices. See Mr. Quintin Kennedy's preceding Chapter; where the ſame Matter is excellently touch'd. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 205 far. Bodeis and Saulis ; bot exhort the latter Marinaris, albeit impatient owther of Repreif or Advertiſment, to lat down ane grete Dele thair hie Sailis, and hald p. 4. to Wyndwart, returning thair Courſe fer * by the firſt fert Compaſſe, and direct it to fum mair ſure harbery Place chan thay firſt intendit to. To that end we, Réflonis col- håve collectit, as we mycht for ſchortnes of Tyme, our apperand Reffonis (a), the last Rew. that the Paſſage and dew Courſe is pártlie tyll us knawin : Exhorting thame to laris Intent. aſſent to our Counſell, or to fchaw mair plaine Demonſtratioun of ſtrenthiar Ref- ſonis for thair Interpryſe, or to be jugeit wylfull and led be fum Phreneſie, and thairfor not to be hard. Zit fen the godlye Wyſedom of thy Majeſtie hes be ane Edict (b) inhibit ony Queſtioun or Controverſie to be movit in this Actioun for a Tyme, to the end that Scditioun be cſchewit; we differ to preſent out faid Advertiſment and Reſſoning to the craibic Rewlaris foreſaidis , quhill thy gracius Licence be had thairto : Quhilk we hope to obrene, our reſſonable De- fyris being knawin, alrady preſent in Wryt, as we for ſchortnes mycht collect to that Effect; hoipand that thay fall anſweir with mair Expeditioun and cir- cumſpect Adviſment to the famyo, (quhilk Thing we maiſt erneſtlic dcfyre) fra thay perſave our Reſſonis to be knawin to thy Majeſtie. And alſo war not to the Bi- the urgent ſchorrnes of Tyine and imminent Dainger of Deth afore our Eis, ther Paltores: Thunderis in our Earis to hald and defend us but Delay fra the Rolkis of Er. tour, Herefie, and manifeſt Seditioun in this thy Realme, manaſſing alrady Deſtructioun ; of zour reuling, mifreulit and mifgydir Goverment, Fatheris, Biſchopis, and utheris Paſtores, we wald lament afore God, and cry for Rc- meid afore the Warld: Suppoſe utherwayis, for Honour of zour offices, we dar pot contemne zour felfis. And albeit the Tyme be ſchort, fumthing of zour Þ. $. Prais man we fpeik. Bot quhidder fall we begin zour Commendatioun and Lo. Of thait Cottis ving, (Praiſe] at zour haly Lyfes, or at zour helthfull Doctrýne, we ar dourfum ; of thair Lyfes. ſen zour godly Leving garniſit with Chaſtitie, Faſting, Prayer, and Sobrietie; by the worthy Frutis chareof (quhat neds mair) is patent to all Man t. Zour † Theſe things are ironically Marchandrice, zour Symonie, zour glorious Eftait , zour Solicitude be Mariage, quid, efter to have brocht the Baronis to be Impis of zour Poſteritie, and witneſſing in all Aiges to cum of zour Godlines, quhay ſpeikis not of it? Zour Libera- litie to the Pure, zour magnific Collegis of Godly learnit in zour Cumpanie, zour nuriſſing of pure Studentis, of ryche Ingynis able efter to reull the Kirk of God in helthfull Teachement, all Cuntreis and Collegis dois deplore. Zour godly and circumſpect Diſtributioun of Benefices to zour Babeis , Ignorantis, and "filthy anis, all Ethnik, Turk and Jow may lauch at it, that being the fpecial Ground of all Impietic and Diviſion this Day within the, O Scotland! Żour wyfe, faige and grave familiar Servandis, void of all Vanitie, bodely Luftis, of thait Das and Herefie, ar ſpokin of to zour Prayfe, God wate. Zour dum Doctrine, in &rine. exalting Ceremoneis only, without ony Declaration of the famin. And fer mair † † far more: keiping in Silence the trew Word of God neceffar to all Manis Salvation, and not refifting manifeſt Errours, to the Warld is knawin. Quhat part of the trew Religioun, be zour ſleuthfull Dominion and Princelie Eſtair, is not corruptic or obſcurit? Hes not mony throw Inlake of Techement, in mad. Ignorance mif- knawin thair Deuty, quhílk we all aucht to our Lord God, and lua in thair per- fitt Belief hes fairlie & fummerit ? Wes not the Sacramentis of Chrift Jefus + greatly prophanit be Ignorantis and wikit Perſones, nother able to perſuade to Godli-sadiy nes be Lerning nor be Leving? Of the quhilk Nummer we confeſſe the maiſt p.6. part of us of the Eccleſiaſticall Stait to have bene, in our ignorant and inexpert Zouthe, unworthelie be zow admittit to the Miniſtratioun thairof. Give this Thingis maiſt ſpeciall, throw Ignorance and Avarice, be brocht fra thir Puritie; quhat marvell is it, that Materis of les Pryce, as of Ymages, the Invocátionis of Sanctis to praye for ws, the Prayar for the Saulis departit, and mony ficka lyke Thingis in Sobrietie and learnit Simplicitie leſum *, to be at this tyme cor- ruptit and prophanit fra the Mynde of our auncient Elderis, be the famyn Vices? Fff War * lawful: (a) In the eighty three Queſtions. (6) Proclamation in Auguſt 1561, foon afver the Queen's Arrival in Scotland. 206 Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν ΟΙ Χ. Book III. Acts 20. Prov. 27. ning of thair Rentis. | Brats, watch. Hebr. 4 p.7: Ezech. 33. War ze commandit in vaine of God be the Mouthis of his Prophetis and Apo- ſtoles, to watch attentlie and continualie upon zour Flok, and knaw diligentlie the famyn be Face? Or gaif the Princes (a) of the Erth zow yeirly Rentis (as of the diſpo- the Diſciplis in the beginnyng fauld thair Landis, and gaif the Pryces thairof to the Apoſtolis) to the end that every ane of zow mot ſpend the ſamyn upon his Dame Dalila and Baſtard Browist? And albeit it chance oft to the Infirmitie of chiefly. Man, that he fall on ſleip quhen he fuld eraſt * walk , and be gevin to paſty me quhen he fuld mailt diligentlie labour : But zit, O mercyfull God, quhat deid- ly Sleip is this that hes oppreſſit zow, that in fa gret Uproir, Tumult and ter- rible Clamour, ze walkin rocht furth of zour Dreme? And in fa grete dainger of Deth, ze haif na Regard of zour awin Lyves nor utheris? Awalke, awalke, Pfalm. 120. we ſay, and put to zour Hande ſtoutlie to ſaif Peteris Schip; for he nother ſlepis nor ſlummeris quha behaldis all zour Doingis, and ſeis zour Thochtis; bot fall require the Blude out of zour Handis, of the ſmalleſt ane that fall perife To the No-throw zour Negligence. Bot the Tyme not permitting us to fpeik ferder in this bility Mater, Occaſion provokis us to fchaw fum thing to zour Honouris, O worthy Nobilis of ilke Degre within this Realme; and that in hope of Reformatioun in all the Partis of Godis Kirk. The ſpeciall Rutis of all Miſchief, we fufpect nocht zour prudent Nobilitie to mysknaw, to be the twa infernal Monſtris, Pryde and Avarice; of the quhilkis unhappelie hes upſprung the Electioun of unqualefeit Biſchopis, and utheris Paſtores in Scotland; and that laitlie, as we can collect, within thir hundreth (b) Ycris, in the grete Deſtructioun of the trew Religioun of Chriſtianis, and in Provocation of Godis Wraith contrare us. For afore thay Dayis, na Man gentle, nor uther, for feir of Conſcience, and dout of his Inha- bilitie, wald relave the Office of ane Paſtour, quhill he wes almaiſt compellig chairto. Ane witneſſing of the ſamyn, may be the Ceremonie obſervit be mo- ny now in Hypocriſie, nolens volo. And zit we may bocht dout of the lauch- full Ordination and Auctoritie of all, as we may not of our lauchfuli Soverane without. be Name : For in douting thairof, quhat ellis is it, bot to plant but * Rutis of Ordour, in manifeſt Confuſion and utter Exterminion of this Realme ; fetting 2 Paral.15, up ane Peple heidles, left of God, as the Prophetis {peikis, Abſque rege, abſ que lege, Sabſque facerdote; that is, without ane King, without ane Law, and without ane Preiſt ? Bot geve ony Spote or Bleke be in the lauchfull p. 8. Ordination of our Paſtores, we may nawayis of Reaſone bot impute that Cryme to the hie Reproche of zour Nobilitie. Call heirfor to Remembrance, we beſeik zour Humanitie, that zour ſelfis on Lyve, togidder with zour Eldaris in the lait Aige foreſaid, fra the lawaſte to the hieafte Degree, to haif bene the Inventaris, Nuriſſaris, and Simoniacall Mer- chandis of the famyn Miſchief, play and to zour Inferiouris the part of Lippir i Leper. Giezi in this Mater, fayand, Quhat wyll ze geve me? And to the Kingis of this Realme (bor God impute not that to zow and zour Poſteritie) playand the part of Symon his Companzone, fayand, Schir, quhat ſall we geve thée? And lua ze Nobilis ſpecialie, and zouris lait Progenitouris, blyndit be carnall Effe- ctioun of zouris Babeis, Brether or utheris Freindis, or be Avarice, hes deſtroyit the trew Religioun and triumphand Kingdome of Chriſte, fa fer as ze mycht ; purtand in the place of godly Minifteris, and trew Succeſſouris of the Apoſtolis, dumb Doggis ; quha for the maiſt part in extreme Dainger of thair Maiſteris Houſſe the Kirk of Chriſte," quhair Ennimeis ar without and within, dar not on- ly nocht barke, bot maiſt ſchamefullie payit with Staff and Sting *, dar nother * Baton. quhryne nore quhynget: Bor of the Rigour to the Pure | done on zoúr awin Landis, and of the approprying the Kirk-landis , with utheris Dewiteis thairof to complain. zour awin Ketchingis ; of the depaupering the Tennentis be zour Fewis, Aug. mentationis, and utheris Exactionis; or of the fchuiting of honeſt Men fra thair native Roumes, be Tytle of zour newe quhertie Fewis, Tyme fervis not to ſchaw. Heirfor ſen be his Juſtice God puniſſis oftymes, in the famyn thing, quhairin (a) Vide bonam Literam Jacobi Regis I. ad Religioſos in continuat. Fordun. () i. e. from the Reign of King James III. t crynor Poor. P. 9. Book III. 207 A P P E N D I X. quhairio Man offendis : That ſum of zour Houſſis hes bene laitlie aluterlie de: ftroyit, and put out of Memorie, and the utheris dejectic to Povertie ; is not that the Juſtice of God? And that utheris degenerat fra the auncient Nobilitie of chair Eldaris, be fallin in extreme Ignorance of God, and in obſtinat Stub- bernes to leir fincerlie his Law, or walk thairin conforme to thair Knawlege ; bor havand Regarde to the Wrek of this Warld, or Luftis of chair Bodyis, levis * without. as Epicurianis, but * Faith or Lufe to God or Man. And utheris contrarie † lifted up. rejoiſes to be callit Goſpellaris, and cunning in Scripture ; quha reft up † in hie Curioſitie of Queſtionis, and (as apperis tyll us) in manifeſt Errouris and Preſumption, inakis of the Goſpell ane takin Craft, but [without] ferder Practiſe of Godis Law in Deid ; quha albeit thay cry out faſt upon Y dolatrie, zit chay ar na les than the utheris degenerat Ignorantis abone ſpecefeit, as wikit Ethnikis and bund Subditis to the monſtrous Ydolatrie of Avarice, nevir intendand to clenge thair Handis of the Kirk-rentis, nor of the Blude and Sweit of the pure anis † ; fpurrand faſt utheris to Reformatioun, bot indeid nevir reformand thaim- t ones. ſelfis fra the Ydolatrie of Avarice ; nevir changeand in this daingerus Bartel of Religioun thair Babis (a) with Men, thair Ignorantis with Learnit ; except in ane clokit Maner to ſuſtené ane Miniſter, quhate three hundrerh ryche and pure hes ſuſtenit before. O Immortall God! quhy perſave ze nocht thir three Plaigis to be the Scurge of the divine Juſtice for zour former Impietie and devi- . 10. liſche Simonie ? Sen ze and zour laſt Forefatheris in the wyldſum Way of this daingerous Lyfe, cheſit zour ſelfis fa blynd Gydis ; quhare marvelle is it that ze ſa lang indurat but [without] Repentance, be fallin in the Pot of Ignorance, Errour or Vice ? Quhy clenge ze not zour Hart and Handis fra Y dolatrie quha be Toung condamnis Ydolatrie ſa mekle? Sen God gevis us Libertie after our Underſtanding frelie to think, fall this zour ydolatricall Avarice perfuaid our Conſcience (albeit we be ruid of Letteris and Jugement) that ze intend only to trampe down Ydolatrie, and ſet up Chriftis Kingdome? Or that zour Forbearis, quha diſtributit chair awin juſte Gudis, Geris and Landis to exerciſe the Loving of God, and to ſuſtene the Pure, to have bene Ignorantis of God and Ydola- touris; and zow (ſafing zour dew Honoris we ſpeike) quha rugis f, as ze may, # ſnatches. fra God and all godly Úſe, to zour awin Ketchingis, to be the crew Diſcipulis Luc. 16. of Chriſte? Na, na, trewlie; fen the Veritie pronunces this, Non poteftis Deo Servire & mammonæ. And againe, Niſi quis renunciaverit omnibus quæ polli. Lc. 14. det, non poteft meus ele diſcipulus. Noctheles we perſave monye amangis zow (to God be Glore) quha with humil Spirit, wald flee fra all Y dolatrie, Super- ftition and Abuſe; and ficlyke fra Errour, Hereſie and curious Preſumptioun, with vaine babling; and practiſfis the Law of God, leving ſoberlie, godlie and I Cor. IQ. juſtlie: To quhome we committ this Regiment ; Qui fe exiftimat fare, vi- deat ne cadat. As we do to the warldly Ignorancis abonc ſpecifeit, this uther of Pfal. 35. the Propher, Nolite fieri ficut equus & mulus, in quibus non eft intellectus. p.11. And as we have fchawin ſum thing, as we may, for Tyme to our Paftores, ex- horting thame to Reformatioun ; ſwa we fufpect nocht zour gentle Humanitie, zce noble potent Lordis, Baronis, and utheris quharſumevir of the Nobilitie of Scotlande, ro be offendit with us zour pure anis, bor our Soverane Ladyis fre Liegis, to zet in $unfenzetlie the veray ſelfis Affectionis of oure Myndis, as in t pour ix. the Boſumis of thaim monywayis deirbelufit; fen we of the law * forte ar togid- der with zour Excellence, in the famyn Schipe of the commoun Welth of this Realme, participant conforme to oure ſmall part of all Profperitie and Adverſitie thairof. And thairfor of Nature and of Conſcience ar movit to wyſch Gude to all in the famyn: And zit we artempt this mair bauldlye, that we ar compellit be ane part of zour Nobilitie and zour Prechouris, as we efter fall ſchaw. Bot to thy Majeſtie, maiſt excellent Soverane, we returne, beſeikand maiſt To the Quenis humlie thy G. and thy Nobilis foreſaidis, to impute that nocht tyll us as a Falt, Majeſtie. Fff 2 that * Praiſe. * low. (a) Children in Church Benefices and Paſtoral Charges. 208 A P P E N D I X. Book III. the Writers. p. 12. Two Cauſes tion, that wc fpeik in the Cauſe of God fa frely; deſyrande Licence that we may, Petition of but [without] juſte Offence of ony Perſoun, propone in Wryt to the Prechouris of thaim callit the Congregatioun, thay Thingis quhairin ſpecialie we ar offendit, tweching Doctryne, Ordour and Maneris approvin bee thaim; to the Intent that all Errour and Abuſe being currit away, we all on baith Sydis mot knaw the Veritie, and glaidlye and unfenzetlie embrace the famyn, as the deir belovit Dochter of God. The quhilkis we ſet furch for twa Cauſis: The ane is, That we intending to be faithfull Chriſtianis, and reddy to ſuffer thy Graces Lawis for ony Cryme of the Peti- committit be us, ar compellit owther to affirm in Religioun afore Man contrar our Conſcience, or to be incarcerat or cxilit, and haldin be the Warld as Infidelis, Heretykis, Apoftatis, or wikit Perſones, unworthy the Companie of Chriſtianis; and in the mein tyme at fic extreme Povertie all we of the Clergye, that we ar almaiſte lofit without ony Mercy of Man. The uther Cauſe is, That we being of ſmall Learning, and zit laith to be Hypocritis to our Condemnatioun, hes lang aby dit for Reſſoning of the Bifchopes, Theologis, and utheris weill learn it, tyli ane godly Reformatioun rycht neceſſare . Quhilk Thing nor cumande to paſſe, bot mair Cair had of the Ketching nor of the Queir, we may nawayis langer contene us, bot expreſſe on all Sydis as we thiök; referring our Juge- ment to the haly Catholick Kirk, and that without Eloquence or manly Per- ſuaſion, of the qubilk we have lytle Regarde, in reſpect of the divine Veritie; I lovely. knawand char lyke as ane beautifull Perſoun is luſtie aneuch in ane lobir Ray- ment, that fa is the Veritic in ane ruid Style. Bor fen this Controverfie and Tumult, O gracias Soverane, cumis but Dout of the formare Iniquitie, and Contempt of God in us and our Forbearis ; quha of his Gudnes, befydis his mony maiſt excellent Giftis gevin to thee amangis all Princes, hes gevin to thy Hienes ane maiſt excellent of all ; in the preſerving to this Day thy bewtifull porz. Body and Saule fra all Spot of notorius Cryme in ony of baith: We may nor bor exhort thee our mailt excellent Soverane to have the Gudnes of thy God in Memorie, intendyng be his Grace to perſevere fa to the Ende, walkande and meditating. panceand * in his Lawis Day and Nycht. Quhilk Thing conſiſtis nocht in the 1 Pet. I. reyding of mony Cheptouris (albeit that be profferable to ane humill Mynde) Galat . s. bot in haly Feir, trew Faith wyrkand bc Charitie ; quhairon dependis fure Hope of temperall Proſperitie and Blyis eternall : For the Kingdome of God is nocht in Worde bot in Worke. Bot becauſe grer Controverſie is now for the down- Of Ydolatrie. tramping of Ydolatrie : To the outruiting of the quhilk, we beſeik thy Princelie Majeſtie maiſt effectuſlie, for the Lufe of Chriſt (quhome in Word we all pro- feſſe) to bent up thy Mynd maiſt erneſtlie, ſen that is the Falt quhairwith the Majeſtie of God is maiſt grevouſlie offendit. For albeit mony in thir Dayis hes # bury. laborit to aboliſe and pull the famyn mercyleſly up be the Rutis, and erd † the leiſt Memoriall thairof oute of the Mynd of Man ; and in the Name of it in thair Anger. Greif *, hes deſtroyit mony Thingis nawayis ydolatricall: Zit thay left to thy victorious Hand amang utheris mair ſmall , three of the gretaſt Ydolis, but Three Ydolis Controverſie, untwechit ; verray Ydolis indeid, zea the Rute, Top and Body left untwiched of all utheris Y dolis. Of the quhilkis ane we have fchawin the monſtruus The Ydoll of Y doll of Avarice, with the quhilk the Princes of the Erd maiſt commonlie committis Fornicatioun. To the end that thy Majeſtie be nevir thairwith pol- lutit, nother in Civill nor Eccleſiaſticall Effaris, every Day we pray war in thy p. 14. Mynde the Hiſtorie of Naboth), of Ananias and Saphira ; praying that wikit Perſoun quharſumevir quba wald defyle thy Conſcience and Faime thairwich, A&t. 13. haiſtelie to returne to oppin Repentance, or to have the Reward of wikit Jefa- The Ydoll of bell, in Exemple and Terrour of utheris. The ſecunde Ydoll is, the wikic dum Paftore: dum Paſtour ; of the quhilk we mak chre kindis. Sum for ſaying only to our of this Ydoll ruid Reformearis, My Maiſteris, zour Doctryne pleſis us; hes Libertie to at preſent. bruke the Kirk-rentis, and leve als dum in Godis Cauſe as ony Fiſche in the Watter, and in mair licentius Lyfe chan evir thay did afore. Ane uther Sorte ſtartis up faithles, every Zeir embrayſling with grete Brak the Faith of the ſtarkaſt I Tim. 4. I Cor. 4. Avariee. 3 Reg. Book III. À P P E N D I X. 209 * rather. poisid ſtarkaſt | Party; and utheris for not ſaying this ane Word, My Maiſteris we t ſtrongeſt. Lufe zow and zour Doctryne, ar depoſit of thair Offices. denudit of thair Rentis ; and that apperandlye be the permiſſioun or crar * Revenge of God, ſen thay being afflictir, hes na Compunctioun nor Dolour of thair former Ne- gligence, nor Intent to Reformatioun, bot only lukis bakware with the If raelites to the Potis of Fleſche in Egypt; that is , to tháir former licentius le- ving : Quhilk fort ar les profyrabill to Godis Kirk, than wes Lothis Wyfe to him, efter that ſcho wes turhit in ane Stane of Salt. The thrid ydoll , and The Ydoll worſt of all, is the fals Prècheour, ſittand in the Temple of God, fchawand of the Gulis. himſelf (as S. Paitle ſpeikis of his Maiſter the Antichriſt) as he war God; thạc".2 Theff. 2. is, exalric in the Confait and Conſcience of Man, and eſtemit to have that Pei- fectioun that he can nocht nor may nocht lie. Thir three Y dolis, be the Mycht of thy Majeſtie, and bauld Alliſtence of chy Nobilis and trew Paſtores, being with the ſpeciall Grace of God.anis in this thy Realme oppreffie; We dout nor bot all Ydolatrie, quhilk is now in Con- troverſie in Religion be Men of mein Learning, amang all peaceble Men falbe pacifiit be ſmall Labours, to ane godly Concorde. We ſpeikand frelie in the Cauſe of our God, to his Glore, and in fervent Žele, efter our ſinäll Jugement, to the Weilfair of thy Majeſtie, nixt efter God, to us tlıý trew Subditis, maiſt deir belovit in Erth, fufpectis na godly Perſoun tò be offendit with us : For geve we had kepit langer Silence, we fearit baith the Oftence of our God, and our Conſcience to bc Imotit f with the Cryme of leſe Majeſtie, for not affifting spotted . to the Veritie in this daingerus Tumult. Fårder, fen all Men hes this Word Reformatioun in Mouthe, wiſſing to reforme utheris ; that all Men have juſte Occaſioun alſo to reforme ane, that is himſelf: We maiſt humelié and erneſtlic beſeikis thy Majeſtie, maiſt gracious Soverane, for the Supporte of uthcris, and every ane within this Realme quha unfenzetlie lufis God and ane godly Refore tioun, to luke in the Mirrour underwryttin ſet up be the Finger of God, and the Mouth of his haly Prophet Ezechiel, quhairin every Stait may ſee his Smot*, and have juſte Occaſioun to reforme hymſelf firſt, and thairefter be mair Coord able to help his Nychtbour or Inferiour. The Spirit of Jeſus Chriſt our only Salviour and Mediatour mot convoye the Herr of thy Majeſtie and all Chriſtiane Princes with zour Subditis, in every Degre, to behald attentlie every Day the famya Mirrour, and to parge and welche all Smotis expreffit be it. Amen. Ane cleir Mirrour for the Reformatioun of all Eftatis. Ezech, 22. THE He Worde of the LORD coiñe unto mee, ſaying, Thọw Sone of Man, To all Efatis the Houſe of Iſraell is furnit into Diofte, or Rouſt. All thay that fuld be Tin, Irne and Leid, ar in the Fyre becum Droſſe, &c. And a. Lytle efter ; v. 18. Thow art ane unclene Land, quhilk is not raynit upon in the Day of the creuell ibid. v. 24. Wraith. The Prophetis that ar in it ar lyke ane Lyone foryng and takand the 'The greedy Ptay: Thay have devorit thé Saulis, thay have refavit Ryches and Glore, and Prechicoutis. multipliit the Wedowis in the Middis of it . The Preiſtis of it hes contemnit The wikit my Lawe, hes defy lit my Sanctuarie, betwix the haly and the uphaly thay have Preiſtis. had na Difference: And fra my Halydayis thay have turnit away thair Ein † : Eyes. And I wes unhallowit in the Middis of thaim. The Reularis in the Middis of The Princes. it, ar lyke Woulfis raviſching thair Pray, to ſched Blud, to deſtroy Saulis, and + Seek. gredelie to ſearce Lucre. Bor the Prophetis of it ſpargeonit * thaim with plaiſter?d) untemperit Morter, feing Vaniteis, aud propheciing Leis unto thaim, fayand, ºr The Fals The Lord hes ſaid this, quhen the LORD hes nọt ſpokin. The Peple of the Prechepuris. Land uſic wikit Extorſioun and Rubberie. Thay yexit the pure and nedy, and The Peple. oppreſſit the Strainger agavis rycht. I focht of thaim an Man that wald, mak up thc Haige, and ſet hymſelf in the Slope before ine in the Landis Behaif, that I fuld not uterlie deſtroy it ; bọt I could fynd nane. Thairfore I have pouriſ The Puniſch: my cruell Diſplefour upon thaim, in the Fyre of my Wraith haif I confumie ment. thaim. Thair awin Wayis haif I recompencit upon thair Heidis, ſay is the Lord Gop. Deliverit to the Quenes Grace the 15 of Fabruar 1561 . fn. s.1565626 The * p. 16. Ezech. 22. or . out 210 Book III APP E N D I X. Rom. I. Heb. s. Act. 13• Att. 9. I Tim. 0.14. p. 17. The ſecund Tractate. Geve Johne Knox be lauchfull Miniſter? The xxxiii. Queſtioun. [of the lxxxiii.] SEN En we reid that nane ſuld tak the Honour of Miniſtratioun of Godis Word and Sacramentis on him, except he be lauchfullie callit chairto; owther be God immediatlie, or be Man haifand Power to promot hym to that Office: And ſen we reid nane callit be God oplie, except ſick as ſchew chair Power gevin to thaim be him (a) be Power of the Spirit, or in Signis and Wounderis. Heir- for give zow, Johne Knox, we ſay, be callit immediatly be God, quhair ar overturning. zour Meryellis wroucht be the Haly Spirit ? For the Mervellis of woltring * of Realmes to ungodly Seditioun and Diſcorde, we adnumber nocht to be of his Gyftis: Bor give ze be callit be Man, ze moiſt ſchaw thaim to have had lauch- full Power thairto; as the Apoftolis ordinatit S. Paule and Barnabas, albeit chofin be God afore ; and thay ficlyke urheris, in the xiy, of the Aftis : And as S. Paule ordinarit Timothe and Tite, gevand thaim Power and Command to ordour utheris; quherin apperis the lauchfull Ordinatioun of Miniſteris. Zour 2 Tim. 1. v.6. lauchfull Ordinatioun be ane of thir twa Wayis, we deſyre zow to ſchaw; fen Tit. I. v. s. ze renunce and eftemis that Ordinatioun null, or erar † wikit, be the quhilk # Father. fumty me ze war callit Schir Johne (6). Give Johnc Knox be not lauchfull Bifchope, quhow can thay be lauchfull ordinat it be him? The xxxiv. Queſtioun. Salameikimosi Ive he can nocht ſchaw hiinſelf ane lauchfull ordinatit Biſchope, nocht onlie anc Preiſt or inferiour Miniſter ? quhow can ze Superintendantis, or uther dinat nane,Su. inferiour Prechouris ordinatit and ele&tit be him not haifand Power thairto, juge perintendantis zour ſelfis to be lauchfull Miniſteris in the Kirk of God? norMiniſteris. Quhy ar not the Lordis and utheris, lauchfull Miniſteris as Johne Knox and his Complices? The xxxy. Queſtioun. Glve Ive Johne Knox and ze affirmis zour ſelfis lauchfull, be reſſoun of zour Science; and that ze ar permittit alwayis, give ze be not admittit, be fcure, that we thay Kirkis quhome ze ſerve : Quhy have ze techit manifeſtlie ane grete Er- underſtude it rour and Schiſme in zour Congregatioun, contending with Tuich and Naill (as is the Proverb) ſum Lordis and Gentilmen to have gretumlie failzeit, miniſtrand zour Communioun in tymes bypaſte, to thair awin Houſhald, Servandis and Tenentis ; fen the faidis Lordis and Gentilmen being Men of Science, be thair awin Jugement, in that Cafe wes permittit be thair laidis Servandis to that of- fice, quha affirmis thameſelfis to be ane Kirk of God? . 19. The Copie of ane Wrytting delyverit to Johne Knox, on Tuiſday the thrid of Marche 1561. [1561-2.] His Anſweir heir was ſa ſchort and ob- nocht. tweching zour Doctryne, Ordour, &c. quhairin ſpeciallie we war offendit; and that privatlie be ane honorabyll Perſoun of zour awin Religioun, quha of his Cheritie (as he chocht) had oft exhortit ſum of us tyllane Union with zow. And albeit we only deſyrit ane Anſweir thairoff in Wryt privatlye, without Contentioun, as we proponit to zow; nochtheles ze have oppinit the famyn in the Pulper, and reherſit fum Thingis thairof in oure Name, nocht fa finceira ly, as we proponit thaim, nor zit in that Mynd. Heirfor we exhorte zow zit, as afore, that we maye have zour Anſweir in Wryt; and give it fall pleis zow alſo to anſweir to thaim in the Pulper, we wald that firſt ze red our Wryt. tingis fullelie and ſinceirlie, and thairefter anſweir thairto, ficut ex Deo, coram Deo, (a) What is meant by theſe Words is declared after, p. 23. Here is a plain and certain Inſtruction that John Knox had formerly received the Ordination of a Prieſt, Book III. APP E N D I X. * askeda Deo, & in Chrifto. Whare ze ſperit *, quhat we menit to be ſend of God im- mediatlie, be Power of the Spirit, or, &c. ? This is our crew Mening and Mynd, That Almychrie God teſtifiis thair Power gevin co fick be his Worde and expreſſe Scripture, pronuncit be Inſpiratioun of the Haly Spirit, that he ſent thaim as his trew Miniſteris of his Worde and Sacramentis ; as he teſtifiic of S. Johne Baptiſt, be the Prophetis Malachias, Efaias, and Eacharie his Father, be the Angell, and the Mouthe alſo of our Salviour ſelf; or as he te- p. 207 ſtifiit that he ſent his Apoſtolis and ſevinty twa Diſcipulis be the ſamin his Worde, gevand thaim alio Power to wyrk Wounderis, Yoh. 20. Luc. 9. And ſa ze fall fynd nane in the Lawe of Grace ſend immediatlie of God, bot be ane of thir twa Wayis ; of the quhilkis nane (as we underſtande zit) convenis to zow. And as tweching S. Johne Baptift, we think his lauchfull Vocatioun fufficientlye fchawin to the People be God, in Signis and Wounderis wroche afore his Concepcioun, and efter bis Nativitie, in Zacharie his Father, and be Elizabeth and himſelf in hir Wamb, that thair nedit na ma Signis of his lauch- full Office; ſen thay Wounderis wes knawin and keipit in Memorie, as it is wrytrin Luc. 1. In tota montana Judæa divulgabantur omnia verba bec. Et pofuerunt omnes qui audierant in corde fuo, dicentes: Quis putas puer iſte erit? Etenim manus domini erat cum eo. Bot fen ze haif harpit ſa lang on that ape String, tweching zour lauchfull Vocatioun, we exhorte zow to fchaw it juſtlie toneit t; or* ze leif it. Quhilk geve ze may do, and aſſuir the tuned. Peple and us heirof, it is the readieſt waye to perſuade all zour Adverfaris to de. before lyte in the reſt of zour Melodie. In Chriſto vale, & operam da, ut veritas & non homo vincat. 3. Mart. Be zouris in all Godlines. Niniane Winzet at the Defyre of his affli&tit Brether. & Geve ony Wryttingis be put furthe ony wayis contrare zow or zouris without Subſcriptioun, impute nocht that to me; for I teſtifie to zow, that I wes nevir participant of fic Wrytringis to this Hour. Idem Ninianus. Swa it is wryttin on the Bak as on the utheris, Rare eruditionis facundiæque viro Joanni Knox. The Copie of the Wrytting delyverit to Johne Knox, the tent Day of Marche para 1561. Schir , it mot pleis zow be rememberit, That we declarit zow in our laſt Wryc- ting, at zour Deſyre, quhat we meanit to be immediatlye callit of God, to be ane lauchfull Paftour : Quhilk is, ony Man to have the ſpeciall Command of Godis Worde at the left, chargeand him to that Vocatioun ; or ellis to have the famyn Command with Power to wyrk Signis aud Wounderis : And we ſchew that s. Johne Baptift (be quhois Exemple ze apperit to intend to preve zour lauchfull Vocatioun) had the Auctoritie of Godis. Worde; and that signis alſo war ſchawin be God, that he wes ſend be him. Bot quhait ' ze denyit thác S. Johne wrocht ony Signe ; ze affirm That with che Jowis, quhilk albeit be Joan. 1oz trew of the exteriour Signe requirit be Infidelis, zit in the famyn place ze may collect, that he wrocht that Signe ſufficient to ane faithfull; quhilk wes, that all Thingis quhilk he ſpak, in the Spirit of Prophecie of Chriſt, wes trew. Quhair ze intendit to preve zour lauchfull Vocatioun be Exemple of the Pro- phet Amos, that profetis zow na thing: For quhat Chriſtiane Man may dour but Infidelitie (as all Men may dout of zour Doctryne but all Perrell) bor the # without Prophecie of Amos is the Worde of God? For the Scripture teſtifiis that Amos Amos 7. 8, wes ſend be God, and that viſible Signis wes ſchawin to him be God. And ane fufficient Signe to the Peple wes, that all Thingis quhilk he foreſpak, come to pas. And fuppofe Amos, as the reſt of the Prophetis , war fend, namelie to {chaw lum ſpeciall Thing of Godis Wyll conforme to the Tyme; zit he ufurpit p. 22 not the Auctoritie of the hie Biſchope in Hierufalem, as ze do at this preſent of the Primat of Scolande in Edinburgh: Quharefor the Chearitie moveis us to advertis Ggg 2 2 1 2 Book Ilf. A P P E N D I X. Apoc. I. Fac. I. advertis żow of three Thingis : The Firſt is, of the terrible Puniſement of Numb. 16. Core, Dathan and Abiron, being of that Tribe appoyntit onely of God to be Exod. 19. Preiftis, and allegcand the Scriptur alſo for thaim, layand, Sufficiat vobis quòd omnis multitudo fanéta eft, & in ipfis eft Dominus; as ze do this place of the Scripture for zow, Fecit nos (Chriſtus). reges & facerdotes Deo & Patri, with licklyke. Be the quhilk Autoritie, give ze be ane lauchfull Preiſt or Bi. ſchope in Edinburgh, ze ar be the famyn Auctoritie alfo lauchfull King of Scottis. The Secund is to remember zow, Quod fapientia quæ eft defurfum, à patre luminam, pudica eft, pacifica, modeſta, tractabilis, &c. & nihil fi 2 Tim. 2. mulans. Et quod Domini fervum non oportet litigare; ſed placidum eſſe ad omnes, propenfum ad docendum, patiertem, cum modeftia corripientem eos, qui reſiſtunt veritati : And fen we allegeit na thing in our laſt Bill, boc fin- cerelie the expres Worde of God, but wryſting, wrying, gloiſling, or cloking, as ze culd not preve the contrare ; thair ar ſindry offendit with zour terrible Exclamatioun towart us, quhilk wes, Progenies viperarum, &c. The Thrid is, that we exhorte zow, and adjuris zow alſo, in the Name of our Lord Jeſus, give ze have na mair Teſtimonie for zour lauchfull Vocatioun immediat than že have fchawin, to deſcend from the hie Skyis but ferder contentious Cavillatioun p. 23. amang Men, and ſchaw zour Power gevin zow of thaim ; for utherways we freindlie adverteis zow, that zour awin Scoleris thinkis that ane miſtoneit String confoundis all zour Harmonie. The Lord of Peace mot geve zow His Peace and Cheritie with us, and mynd to wyll that Veritie win the Victorie. 10. Marc. 1561. Be zouris in all Godlines. Niniane Winzet at the Defyre of his Brether. our. 1 Tim. 4. Ane äther delyverit the xii of Marche, &c. Chir, it mot pleis zour Prudence tò have in mynd that we ſend żow ane Wrýtring this laſt Twiſday, exhortyng zow to teſtifie tyll us mair planelie zour Ordinatioun to be lauchfull; of the quhilk ze fpak na thing in zour nixo contrary to Sermon. Heitfor ſen że, by our * firſt Defyre and Counſell , hes fpokin ſa braid thairof in the Pulper, and as zit not aſſurit nocht only not us, bot nocht zour awin beſt leafnir Scoleris of the famyn ; We pray zow and exhortis zow, and als be all Power gevin to mony of us be the Auctoritie of Preiſthed, commandis and chargeis zow in the Name of our Lord Jeſus, and in the Power of His maiſt'mychtie Spirit , that że owther mak Demonftratioun to the Peple and us Joan. 20. of zour lauchfull Miniſterie gevin be God immediatlie, as had the Apoftolis ; or i Tim. 4. bê Man in the Cauſe haifand the Power of God, as S. Paule ordinatit Timothé Act. 9€ 13. and Tité : Or be baithi, as the ſaid S. Paule wes firſt callit be God, and fyne ordinarit be Men. Or utherwayis, that ze aluterlie deſiſt fra the ulurpyng of p. 24. anic ather Maunis Office, quhill ze be lauchfullie callic chairto; and heir zit the Apoſtill fayand, Nec quiſquam ufurpat fibi honorem, niſi qui vocatur à Deo. Num. 16. The feveir Puniſement of Core, Dathan and Abiron, and the feirfull Plaige that come on thay People quha fuleſchelie afſentit to thair prydefull Arrogance (as we ſumpart ſchew in our lafte Wrytting) thunderis ſwa throw all our Senfis, and peirſis with Feir our Heartis, that we dar nocht bot in Compatience brother- lie adverteis zow and zour Scoleris to be (as we think) in the Perrell of the fa- 2 Paralip. 26. myn Puniſchement. We beſeik zow alſo to remember of the Plaige of the King Ozias, quha in his Preſumptioun ingerit himſelf to offer the brynt Sacrifice ac the Alter of God, tó guhilk Office he wes not callit : And zit his Fale wes a finall thing in reſpect of zouris, give ze want Godis Auctoritie as he did ; ſen he intendit to offer the Siguë onélie, and ze to treit the Veritie ſelf of the Sacri- fice of the Kirk at żour Coin'munioun conformé to our Salviouris Inſtitutioun, togidder with all the utheris Sacramentis and Myſteriis. For we can perfave be zour awin Allegiance na Power that evir ze had, except it quhilk wes gevin to zow in the Sacrament of Ordinatioun be Auctoritie of Preiſthed: Quhilk Au- Ctoritie give ze eſteme as nochtis, be reafoun it wes gevin to zow (as ze fpeik) be Heb. 5. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 213 lib. I. cap. I. be ane Papiſte Biſchope, and thairfor renuncis it, and feikis ane uther Ordina- tioun of Secularis ; it followis conſequentlie that ze (qubilk God forbid) fulde renunce zour Baptiſm alſo, gevin co zow be ane Papiſte Preiſt, aš ze allege on p.25. lyke maner. For as S. Auguftine maiſt cuninglie and godlie wryttis, Aš ane Auguſtin. Man throw Schiſme and Here fie amittis nocht the Sacrament of Baptiſm; fic- de baptiſmo, lyke, ſayis he, for the famyn Faltis, be amittis nucht the Sacrament to geve contra Donata Baptiſm, qubilk is the Sacrament of Ordinatioun ; conferring the Perpetuz.lib. 2. cap. 13. tie of the ane Sacrament anis relavit with the uther. Mairover, that zee Parmen. may be perfuadit that we fpeik unfenzeitlic and fincerlie of Conſcience, we pray the Omniporent to be inercyfull ryll us all, and to dit and cloſe the Mouthis of zow or us quha ſpeakis Iniquitie in double Mynd. Vale & in Dei fapientia vince, aut reſipiſce. 12. Mart. 1561. Be zouris in all Godlines. Niniane Winzet at the Defyre of his Brether. The thrid Trattat. Niniane Winzet to the Reidar wylis Grace and Peace. Uhen it come to my Earis, gentill Reidar, of the feditious calking of the Buith-durris of certape Catholikis in Edinburgh, at the Command of the Reularis chairof, on Pafche-Monunday laſt pafſit ; and quhow at that Nycht at Evin the Durris of certane Calvinianis wes calkit alſo, with fum Notes of Dif- honour : I wes panceand * quhow happy ane thing it war, geve every Man * thinking. mycht leve according to his Vocatioun at ane Tranquilitie in Godlines. And throw that, revolveand in mynd that maiſt fluriſſand part of my Aige ſpent in the teching of the Grammar Scule of Linlychtquow about the Space of ten Zeris, I jugeic the teching of the Zouthhed in Vertew and Science nixt efter the Aucto. p. 26. ritie with the Miniſteris of Juſtice under it, and efter the angelicall Office of godlié Paſtouris, to obtene the thrid principall Place maiſt commodious and ne- ceffare to the Kirk of God. Zea fa neceſſare thocht I it, that the dew Charge and Office of the Prince and Prelate without it, is to thaim, efter my Jugement, wounderous pynefull and almaiſt importable; and zit lytle commodius to the commoun Welth, till unfenzeit Obedience and trew Godlines, quhen the Peple is ruid and ignorant ; and contrarie be the Help of it to the Zouthhed, the Of- fice of all Poteſtatis is lycht to thaim, and pleſand to the Subjectis : For the Cicero lib. r. Mynd of Man of ane gude Inclinatioun (as ane auncient Wryttar rycht warily offic. notis) obeyis not, nor ſubmittis not the ſelf willinglie to ony Commandar on Techar, bor to fick gubome it is perſuadit, to command juftlie for Vtiliteis Cauſe: Qubilk Perſuaſioun throw Ignorance it may not weill have without the Lycht of Underſtanding. Bot as Underſtanding with Science is maiſt ſpe- cialye and happelye conqueft in Zouthe, ſua nane doutis it at that Tyme obre- nit, maiſt firmlie to be reſervit in Memorie, and maiſt Fruit to cum thairof. The fingular Utilitie thairof to the commun Welth caufit me to marvell gretum- lie, quhow in Tymes pafſit amang ſa gret Liberalitie and ryche Dotationis maid in Scotland of findry Fundationis to Religioun and Science, that fa litle Reſpect hes evir bene had to the Grammar Sculis (quhairin commonlie the maiſt happy and firſt Scdis of the ſaid common Welch ar fawin) that in mony Townis thair is not ſa mekle previdir thairto as a common Houſe; and in nane almaiſt of all ane fufficient Life to ane Techar, albeit ma* be requirit to undertak that Cuir | dcu- p. 27 lie, as becumis of ony a Scuill. And agane quhow it mycht be, that at this Tyme quhen Men preſis to reforme all Cauſe of Ignorance and Abuſe, that ſa I charges few Childer war haldin at the Studie of ony Science, and ſpecialie of Grammar. The Contempt heirfor of this fmall Enteres to Science, without the quhilk na ferder Progres may be had thairto, I conjecturit to be ane gret Portent and forcraiking of Ignorance and ma confufit Errouris (quhild God avert) ſchortlie to cum ; namelie, ſen now all Men will be Theologis and curius Seircearis of the hie Myſteriis of God. In remembring thir Thingis, I callit than to Memo- rie, quhow be the mercyfull Providence of the Almychtie (quha be in all and for evir praiſit) thair wes ſumryme ſubmittit to my Techement (albeit my Eru. H h h ditioun more. 214 A P P E N D I X. Book III. ditioun wes ſmall) humane Childer of happy Ingynis, mair able to leir than I wes to teche; to quhom I uſit to propone almaiſt dalie ſum Theme, Argument or Sentence, of the quhilk I wald have thaim intending to mak Oriſone or Epi- ſtil in Latin Toung; and thocht that this Mateř of Seditioun aforenamit had $ sad. bene ane verray convenient Theme to the Purpoſe. Heirfor I being drery # and dolorus for the Schiſme and Diviſioun preſentlie in Godis Kirk, and apperand temporall Calamiteis to upryſe thairthrow; and als haifand Affectioun to my kynd Diſcipulis, and my glaid and godlye Exerciſe fumtyme with thaim, began I almaiſt for Paſtyme and ſum Mitigatioun of my Diſplefur, to wryt this Decla- inatioun following; that is, anc Forine of Ditement maid for Caus of Exerciſe and privat Studie, as uſis to be in Sculis. Notheles quhen ane of our Breder chanceit to reid ir, he divalgat it in the Countre in my Name, bot ſubſcrivit as efter followis, and gaif Copiis chairof as it had bene ane erniſt Mater. Bot quhen I onderſtude that ſum wes offendit thair with, and with me alſo for it, I ſeik the p. 28. Coppie thairof, and confideris it; and as I perſave Rethorick thairof verray ſmall , ſua I can eipy na thing thairin abhorring fra the Treuth. Of the quhilk I (geving the Honour of Learning to utheris) intending to be ane faithfull Chri- ſtiane and Sone of the haly Kirk univerſale, hes onlie Regaird. Heirfor fen I nevir fett furth ony Wrytting contrare the Proteſtantis fuppreſſing my Name, that I maye ſave me zit in the Innocence, void of all Detractioun, I confeffe me to have wrytting the famyn Tractate, and nathing penitent thairof as zit, except that I ſtrenthit not my Purpoſe with ma fufficient Reflonis and Auctoriteis. Quhilkis I differ, qubill oure Adverſaris mak Anſweir heirto : Praying God maiſt gracius to move thame with the Spirit of Humilitie, that thay be not e- ſchamit to recant thair Errour in this Mater, and all otheris; bot thay be al- uterlie confoundit to inaling in ane Jote aganis the knawin Veritie. I nameit the twa Perſonis following by utheris, becauſe the ane is knawin to be the prin- cipall Deformare of his allegeit Reformatioun; and to certifie the uther, that crar I condemnit of Idolatrie, Hierome-and Auguftine as leand Wytneſſes, * rather. and the haill Kirk of God, in this a Poynct without Cauſe, that I had levir be banifſit furthe of Europe, as be his Affiſtence I wes baniſſit fra Linlychtquow, for not aſſenting to his Factioun generalie in all Poynctis. This far, gentyll Redar, have I ſchawin, that I may be clein fra all ſinot of Blame in the putting furth of privat Wryttingis without Subſcriptioun; praying thee to fairweil in the Lord. Of Edinburgh the 24 of May 1562, To the bonorabyll Provefl, Baillies and Connfall of Edinburgh. Uhen I remember, honorabyll Schiris, that Solon, Law-maker of Athenis, amangis the reſt commandit this in ſpeciall, That gif ony in the Towne in ane publict Seditioun or Tumult, quhen on baith Sydis thai ran to Armour, hid himſelf as ane Cowarr at hame, not takand part with the anę Syde, he fuld be denudit of his Gudis, and baniſſit the Citie: It ſtrykis me not with lytle Feir, that I ficlyke in this Controverſie of Religioun, as ane Soldiour of the Apoc. 3. Kirk of Laodicea, that is, nother haet not cauld, be expellit (quhilk God for- bid) out of my Citie of hevinlie Hierufalem, for not aſiłting to the aſſurit Veri- tie, in gainſaying Leis, the Father thairof the Devyll, and all his Memberis. Quhairfor quhen I ſe the Seditioun amangis zow and zoure Citizanis, for the Celebratioun of the Solemnitie of Paſche, and quhow ze command to calk the cloſic Buith-durris, at this Tyme, of certane nocht disjonit fra the haly Kirk univerſale with zow, and haldis the famyn Men Ydolaturis and worthy of Pu- niſement, it apperis to my waik Jugement, that to attempt fic proude Miſordour, fall not only big up ane Wall betwix us and zow in Religioun, bot alſo fall en- gener (quhilk the Mercy of God ſtay) mair temporall Seditioun, Cummeris and Debait ; I thoche that I ane privat Man could do na berter at that Tyme, boc pray for Peace amangis all profeſſing our Lord Jeſus. Quhilk quhen I did, p. 30. and thairefter caſtand up the Bukis of fum auncient Fatheris to ſeik the Mynd of Godis Kirk in this Mater ; i fynd maiſt cleir witneſſing of famous Fatheris, and p. 29. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 215 . lib. 1o. 6.4. ܪ Foan. 14. and ſpecialie of S. Hierome and Auguſtine, That the haill Kirk of God with ane Hieronymus Epift. 80. Conſent hes zeirlie celebratit the Solennitie of Zule and Pafche, with ucheris Feiſtis of our Salviour ; and ſiclyke kepit the zeirlic Abſtinence of fourty Dayis. Part, 1. Epift. afore Pafche, callit Lentren, in all Countreis in the Warld profeſling Chriſt a-Augujt. Epifti fore thir Dayis : And affirmis, that thir and ficlyke Thingis univerfallie obfer- ad Januar. vit, and zit not expreſſelie contenit in Scripture, ar Traditionis, of the Apoſtolis, Reid thair or Decreis of Generall Counſelis, and thairfor nawayis be ony particulare Workis, and Countre to be changeit. Ane notable Cauſe of thir folennit Dayis gevis the vit. faid renownit Father Auguſtine, and worthy to be lokit in the Memorie of thaim quha knowis thaimſelfis to be Men in this Fleſche, and waik and frail as zit in this Warld ; Ne curriculo temporum (ſayis he) ingrata ſubrepat oblivio, that Angriff. de be the Proces of Tyme unthankful Forzetfulnes ſteil not upon us. Quhen I cizitate Dein reid this maiſt cleir Teſtimonic of ſa renownit Fatheris, of the univerſale Con- fent of Godis Kirk in this Mater ſen our Salviouris Dayis, I begin to inarvell at the arrogant Temeritie of zour haly Prophete Johne Knox, quha commandis to, Johne înost aboliſe chir Solenniteis as Papiſtrie ; be the quhilk Name he underſtandis, as I in his Buke of Diſcipline. can collect, Ydolatrie, Superſtitioun, or Doctryne contrar the Scripture: And gif he underſtandis thay Vices be this Name, I think that thare is na trew Chri- ítiane bot he dar affirm baldlie in the face of all the Warld, that in this Mater (quhair he callis the faidis Solenniteis ydolatrical, ſuperſtitius, or contrarias ro Godis Law) he ſpeikis blaſphemie aganis the Halie Gaiſt, and aganis the eſſential Veritie of our Lord and King Chriſt Jeſus, quha promittit his ſaid Spirit of p. 3i. Treuch to techo his Kirk, and be with it to the Warldis End. For Johne Knox Matth. ults and his Scoleris fchrynkis not to rail and lie, that it hes bene evir in Y dolatrie in this Caſe of thir Feſtual Dayis amangis utheris ma. Bot I misknaw not ſum of zow to objcct the Command, chargeand ſex Dayis to labour, and the ſevint Day to Sanctifie to the Lord; thairfor I defyre the dourfum Man to cauſe his Doctour and Prophete foreſaid, with all the Aſſiſtence of his beſt learnit Scoleris, to anſweir in Writ, quhat Scripture hes he, or uther Authoritie, by * the Con- * befidess ſent of the haly Kirk univerſalc, to fanctifie the Sonday to be the ſevint Day? And gif he aboliſſis with us the Saterday, as ceremoniall and not requiſit in the Law of the Evangell, quhat hes he by the Conſent of Godis Kirk to ſanctifie ony Day of the fevin, and not to labour all the ſevin Dayis; the fext Day, be. cauſe it is ſua commandit, and the Sabbaoth, becauſe it is aboliſſit be the Évan- gell? And gif he can ſchaw na expres Scriptur tharfor, quhy aboliſlis he not the Sonday, as he dois Zule, Pafche, and the reſt univerſalie obfervit be all Chriſtianis as the Sonday? Bot note, honorabyll Schiris (that the Veritie be not loſit be Altercatioun) the Hiſtorie of Judith, quhow the Jowis by the Soleo. Judith ulta niteis of thai Dayis gefin thaim afor in the Scriptur, inſtitute ane zeirly Solen- nitie to glorifie God for the delivering Bethulia and thaim fra the Crudelitie of Holofernes. Reid alſo that Mardocheus, Hefter, and the reſt of the Jowis Heßer gi Captives under the King Afuerus, inſtitutie ſic zeirly Solennitie of Blythnes, in remembrance that be the my chtie Hand of God thay war delyverit fra the Tyrannie of wikit Ammon. Gif fic zeirly Memorial in Blythnes and Thankiſ- geifing wes haldin for the Delyverance of thair Bodeis, had not the Apoſtolis and the hail Kirk of God, gydit undoutitlie be the Haly Gaiſt, ficlyke Autho.. p. 32: ritie to inſtitut ſic Feſtual Dayis, for the delyvering of thair Bodeis and Saulis, not fra twa eirdlie Tyrannis, Holofernes and Ammon, bor from the Devyll, Hell and Syn; not be twa Wemen, Judith and Heſter, bot be the precious Blude of the immaculat Lamb the Sone of God? Ze reid ſiclyke the Feſt of the Dedicatioun callit Encenia, inſtitute be the Hebrewis without ony Command contenit in ony canonicall Scripture ; quhilk Solennitic wes approvin and deco- rit be our Salviouris awin Preſence : Sall the haill Peple of God heirfor of all Foan. 10. Aiges, in the Libertie of the Evangell, haif les Libertie in the lyke Materis, than had the Jowis under the Zok of the Mofaical Law ? Ze may reid alſo, that Salamon at the Dedicatioun of the Tempyll , celebratit in gret Solennitic 2 Paralip. 76 devin Feſtuall Dayis together; and trow ze that he brak the Command thair- H h h 2 throw, 216 Book III. A P P E N D I X. * Pity. throw, Sex Dayis Sall thou labour ? Quhen we heir zour Prophete caſt in dout, fayand, Quha war quhat Day Chriſt wes borne on? Can ze think him $ Humor. in ony other Gre t, bot nixt efter to ſpeir, Gif Chriſt be borne ? O mad Man and maiſt_fuliſche, wald he perſuade ane faithfull Chriſtiane, that the hail uni. verſall Kirk is mair unthankfull, and les myndfull of the Birth of hir Spouſe and King the Sonne of God, than ony Realme is of thair temporal King, quhais Day of Nativitie na Countre forzettis induring his Lyferyme ? . Bor our King and maiſte ſweit Spouſe levis for ever. Quhairfore ever fall the Day of his bliſ. p. 33. ſit Nativitie, Circumſitioun, Paſſioun, Reſurrectioun, Aſcenſioun, and his Ma- nifeſtatioun to the Warld callit Epiphanie, in the diſpyte of the Devyll and all his furius Memberis (quha ever hes laborit to aboliſche his Name oute of this Warld) be in freſche Memorie of his deir belovit Spouſe his haly Kirk univer- fall. Bot allace! quhow mony in thir Dayis reperis this haly Kirk univerfall as ane neceffare Articule of thair Beleif (as it is but dout) and zit owther throw Ignorance deſfavit, or throw Malice blyndit, impungis the crew Underſtanding thairof? Amangis mony Materis rycht wechty, lat this famyn groſſe Exemple of the Abolitioun of thir folennit Dayis, as ydolatricall, be ane, contrare the uniforme Conſent in all Tyme and Place of the famyn Kirk. Bot allace! for Piecie *, honorabyll Schiris, quhy remember we not, that for the abuſing of thir Dayis, amangis utheris Faultis, God is at Wrayith with us, and not for the Inſtitutioun and godlye Obſervance of the famyn: Bor becauſe we have miſpent thaim fra the Service of our God to the Service of our Belliis, and of thay Memberis under the Bellie; fra the Honour of our Lord Chriſt to the vaine- glorious Pompe of our awin Bodeis ; frome Cheritie to Carnalitie, beſtowand that pertenit to the pure nedy Memberis of Chriſtis Bodye on our ſinfull Fleſche with the ryche Glotton : And ſa fra Humilitie, to Pryde; fra Sobrietie, to Drunkines ; fra Peace and Lufe, to Contentioun and Debait ; fra loving of God, to manſwering of his Name; fra godlye Talk of Peace, Amitie and Frendſchip, to Scurrilitie, Stryfe and Detractioun? Finallie, fra all the Service of God re- quirit on the haly Daye, to the Service of Sathan or of the Warld. And laſt of all, quhen we fould lament for our Impietie, and returne to God and the rycht Uſe of thir Solenniteis, ze cik this Miſchcif to all zour former Wikitnes, quhen ze pronunce this Blaſphemie to the Spirit of God, affirming that his ha- ly Kirk univerſall hes bene ever pollutit with Ydolatrie in the obſerving of thir Dayis! O mercyfull God, wyll ze not remember quha ſpekis ſa mekle of the Scripture, that God for the Wikitnes of the Peple wes not appleſit with thay Feſtivall Dayis, quhilkis he in the Scripture afore had commandit be the Jowis to be obſervit quhill the cumming of Chriſt , and that for thair abuſing of the famyn to ane uther Fine | than he inſtitute thaim. On this maner he complenis Amos's ex 8. be his Prophete, I have haitit (ſayis che LORD) zour fefiuall Dayis; I wyll not have zour brunt Sacrificeis. And in ane ucher Place, I Jall turne zour ſolennit Dayis in murnyng, and zour Canticulis in fobing. The Pro- Lament. 2. phete Hieremie lamentis, that God for the Impietie and Sinnis had caufit the feſtuall and folennit Dayis in Hierufalem co be forzet, and in the Wrath and Indignatioun of his Fury (be quhilk we underſtand his Juſtice aganis the Wikit- nes of Man) had gevin the King and the Preiſte to be deſpy ſit, his Temple, San- ctuarie and 'Altare to be deſtroyit. Be the qubilk Place alane it is evident, that as the King and all lauchfull fuperiour Poweris, the Preiſte, Biſchope, and all Au- thoritie of the Kirk, wes contemnit for ane tyme, according to the Juſtice of God, bot zit be the wikit and reprobat onlie ; that on lyke maner the Ordinance of God tweching the faidis Dayis in that tyme, quhill Chriſtis Paſſioun amang the Peple of God wes to be obſervit according to the Law gevin thaim : Zic for the abuſing of the famyn, the Lord be the Mouth of his Prophete repellic thair Ejay 1. Solenniteis and Sacrificeis. The Cauſe thairof is declarit, becauſe their Congre- gatioun wes injuſte and wikit, and thair Handis full of Blude. - And zit as he wald at that tyme nane of his belufit Peple to be diſobedient, and note reve- rence King and Preiſte, not only the gude, bot alſo the evyll, nor zit his pecu- p. 34• 7 End. 35. liar Book III. APPENDI X. 217 withonte 73 liar Peple, to diſpyſe his Sanctuarie, Temple, Altare, nor his haly Dayis ; fwa he wyll bụt * Dout his belovit' to obſerve the Ordonance of his haly Kirk univçra fall, cweching thir famyn Solenniteis quhilkis ar now in Controverſie, albeit thay be deſpyſit be the wikit. Give dew Obedience and Reverence be had to Kingis, Quenis, Princes, and Prelatis at this ty me ; lat uther Men juge. For a Thing ſpecialy exhort I zour Prudence at this preſent to conſider, honorabyll Schiris, that ze be not of the Noumber of that wikit Generatioun quhom the Prophete rebukis on this maner, All thair Generatioun ſaid this in thair Pali. 733 Hart, Lat us mak all the feſtuall Dayis of the LORD to ceis out of the Eird. For except ze be wyllinglye blind, ze may perſave thir. Dayis quhairof Rcid this we ſpeik to be the feſtuall Dayis of the Lord : For as zour Prophetis be Auctori-Mater, and tie of the Kirk, without expreſſe Scripture thairfor, apprevis with us the Sondaje utheris at thy to be the Sabaoth-daye to all Chriſtianis; fwa be Auctoritie of the famyn Kirk Ty me guhiks in all Countreis and Aiges, and be the Exemplis alſo of the Scripturis above Bible is the 74. wryttin, appreve and affirme we baith the ane and the uther. And that ze may p. 36. be inair aſſurit in Conſcience, that thair is na Errour committit be the Kirk in this Mater, 'bot zour Prophetis to have fallin arrogantlie in arc blynd, arrogane and wylfull Errour, quhen they dar oppone thaim fa proudlie, or erar impu- dentlie, to the haill Kirk of God. Reid in the cxvii. Pfalme, quhare the Spi- rit of God commandis tlre Kirk in Blythnes and Thankiſgeving for hir Redem- ptioun bee Chriſt (quhare he exponis himſelf to be the corner or band Srane Marca 12: quhilk the Bigaris refufit) to rejoſe and inſtitute Solennity of Tyme thairfor, in thir Wordis ; Hæc eft dies quam fecit dominus, exultemus & lætemur in ea. And againe, Conftituite diem folennem in condenfis uſque ad corna altaris. Twa Thingis remanis, quhilk I of my fmall Learning, bot of ardent Lufe, be- ſeikis zow Schiris to conſider : Firſt, That ze be not the Scurge of God (as wes Thren. 2. i. e: the wikit in the Dayis of Hieremie) to diſpyfe King, Qucne, Biſchope, and all Lamentas. 2. lauchfull Auctoritie, togidder with thir ſolennit feſtuall Day is evir obſeryit in Godis haly Kirk univerſáll; and leir to prefer the famyn Kirk to the Jugement of ony ane Man, Citie, Province, Realme, or ony ane Aige of Men of ane uther Spirit, zea albeit it wer ane Angell frome Hevin, and kraw zour Fragili- tie and Fall, and returne hame agane to zour awin Moder Godis Kirk. Secundly, Give the Ruidnes of my Dyrement haiſtely wrytrin in fervour of Spirit buc Eloquence, may not diſſuade zow fra the obſtinatt Perverſitie of zour Érroure ; I exhorte ze cauſe zour Prophete Fobne Knox, and zour Superintendant Jobné P. 378 Spotifwod, to impreve [ Sanctis Hierome and Auguſtine as leand Witneſſis in ; diſproved the Premiſſis ; and cauſe thaim delyver thair Auſweir in Wryc, for thir haly Fa- theris Bukis ar patent tyll us and thaim: And ſum of our faithfull Brether hes wryttin ſindry tymes to thaim baith, and gettis na Anſweir in Wryt, bor waiſt Wynd agane. Bot peradventure albeit thir twa zour Kempis dar not for Schame anſweir in this Mater, ze wyll appeill to the reſt of zour lernit Theologis of a gret Number in Scotland and Geneva: Bot to thaim we oppone all the Chriſtiane Catholikis in Apbrik, Aſia and Europa. Bot zit perchance ze wyll allege zour private Miſordour to have Auctoritie, as eſtabliſſit be ane lang Space now, al- maiſt thre Zeris in Scotland: Heirfore to that we oppone the univerfale Ordour throw all the Warld belevand in Chrift thir 1527 Žeris, as the faidis SS. Hie- rome and Auguſtine witneſſes afore thair Tyme, and all Hiſtoriis ſen fyne. Defifte heirfore, Schiris, maiſt deir belufir; defifte, I pray zow in the Sycht of God fra zour furius Rage and wylfuli Blyndnes. Think quhat it is to maling contrare Chriſt, his haly Kirk univerfall, our Soverane Lady, and zour lauch- full Paſtouris. Be war to move Diſtructioun to zour ſelfis, and Seditioun iz this nobyll Town be zour calking and keling, and perverft Mynd to puneis the Innocent contrare all Lawis of God and Man. The potent Spirit of God mot humyll zour Hartis, and give zow Grace that this Tumult tak Reſt without ex- Damoage. At Edinburgh the laſt of Marche. Be zouris, N. & Quhais Name ze fall knaw quhen ze fall knaw zour Errour, or quhen p» 38; Johne Knox or his Brether anſweris heirto in Wrýr. Iii T The treme 1 218 Book III. AP P E N D I X. The Second Treatiſe of Mr. Niniane Winzet ; concerning which the Rea- der will find ſufficient Advertiſement by the Author in his Preface to the Book, as follows. The Buke of four ſcoir thre Queſtionis, tueching Doctrine, Ordour and Ma. neris, proponit to the Precheouris of the Proteſtantis in Scotland, be the Catholikis of the inferiour Ordour of Clergie and Laytmen thair, cruelie afflittit and diſperſit, be Perſuaſioun of the faid intrufit Precheouris. Set furth be Niniane Winzer a Catbolik Preiſt, at the Defyre of his fayth. full afflittit Brethir, and deliverit to Johne Knox the xx of Februar or thairby, in the Zere of the bliſit Birth of our Salviour 1561. Ne fis fa- piens apud temetipſum, Proverb. 3. Sed interroga patres tuos, & annuncia- bunt tibi: Majores tuos, & dicent tibi, Deut. 32. Antverpiæ, Ex officina Ægidii Dieft, M. D. LXIII. xiii. O&tob. Cum gratia & privilegio. Niniane Winzer, a Catholik Preiſt, to the Chriſtiane Reidar wisſhis Grace and Peace. AT T the Command of Dene Patrik Kinloquhy Precheour in Linlythgow and of his Superintendent, gentil Reidar, quhen I, for denying only to fub- ſcrive thair Phantaſie and Factioun of Faith, wes expellit and ſchott out of that my kyndly Town, and fra my tender Freindis thair, quhais perpetuall Kyndnes I hoipit that I had conqueſt, be the ſpending about ten Zeris of my maiſt flurif- ſing Aige, nocht without manifeſt Utilitie of thair commoun Welth, and be all apperance had obtenir fik Favour of thame, as ony lik Man micht haif of ony Communitie: I thocht I had na Cauſe to be eſchameit, bot to rejoſe and glorific | Peto 4. my God (according to S. Petiris Reull) for that I fufferit nocht as a wickit Per. foun, or an evill Doar, bot as an unfenzeit and faithfull Chriſtiane; for the Tyme is now (as the famin Apoſtill writtis) that the terribill Jugement tocum, in a manere in this Lyfe beginnis at the Houſs of God; that is, at the faithfull Ca. tholikis, that firſt for thair awin Sinnis, and fyne for the Trewthis faik thai ſuf- "Azt. 14., fer in this Lyfe with Chriſte thair Heid, that be divers Tribulis chai mot enter A mervolus with him in the Lyfe eternall . Nochttheles I began nocht littill to mervel at få haifi achang. haiſty and fa fubdane a Wolter of this Warlde, in fa mony grete Materis, and Chriftianis. ſpecialie of the ſubdanc Change of fum cunning Clerkis, of the Silence and Fleit- nes of utheris, and of the maiſt arrogant Prelumptioun approvin ſpecialie in the ignorant : And amangis utheris ſtrange Mutationis, quhow micht it be, that Ofnew Kingis. anc Kinloquby culd be King in Linlyrgow; and fpecialie fik a King, as appro- priar to himſelf mair large Empyre and Power in this Caice, than evir did faith- full King or Emprior in Chriſtianitie. For of thame all, certane is it thar nevir wes ane quha attemptit to charge thair Subjectis with the Burding of an uther Religioun nor Faith, than the univerfall Kirk of God had evir afore profeſſit ; quhilk in his Preſence (albeit I wes to him na fubject) for the Gloir of Chriftis Name (quha in all mot evir be praiſit) before honorable Perfones, maiſt planelie A miſerable confeſſit I. And ſua fra I perfavit this new proud Prince, and his Calviniane Subjectioun. Brether on lyke manere in utheris Partis, to hef fubdewit fa to thame, under fik Thirldum thair miſerable Scoleris, nocht only that thai micht leid thame concerning thair Bodyis, as thai war Slaves, Preſoneris, and Captives in a Raip; that is, to cauſe thame to wair and hafert thair Geris and Bodyis for thair Ple. ſuir, bot to hef blindit alſo chair Jugement and naturall Reffoun, that thai re- gaird na Lawis divine nor humane, bot haldis it only Law quharevir thai raill, rartill or trattill, be it nevir fa evident aganis Godis expres Word, his manifeſt Ordinance, his haly Kirk, his Princeis and his Prelatis; and amangis the reſt to hef Tyrannic. ufurpit to thame in maiſt preſumptuous Bauldnes, that plane Tyrannie, for fatif- fying of thair Raige, to compell thair Scoleris to banics catholik and innocent Men, ze thair awin tendir Freindis and Kiniſmen, in contempt of oure Sove- rane Book III. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν D Ι Χ. 219 Note. Antichriſte! Rom, I2. 1 Reg. 24. I Reg. 2., tane Lady and hir Hienes Lawis, fra chair juft Poffeſfionis, native Rowmes and Ciereis: I wes almaiſt aſtoneiſt at thair proud Preſumpcioun in fa hiech an Inter- priſe, and in fà prydeful and arrogant Procedingis, that fa obfcuir Men durſt That the wic- prefume to medle thame aganis all Auctoritie, bayth with the Auctoritic of the kit has the - Ipiritual and temporal Sworde. Bot frá I mair deiply confyderit and weyit the the Scurge'ol hiech Arrogance of Men of fà law Degre, and áluterlie void of all lauchfül God. Power, be ony Titill thai allege thairfor, to be aganis all lauchfil Power placeit be God, a manifeſt Scurge of his Wraith, for the Inundatioun of our Synnis, lang raigeing in every Eſtate ; I çeifſit fercher to mervell. For that few Catho- lik Kingis or Quenes, Princeis, or Prelatis almaiſt throw Chriſtindome, hes this Dáy voluntare and dew Obedience, according to the expres Word of God, of thair Subjectis, it is ouer patent, allace for Pietie ; infamekle that quhilk the Prophete ſpåk afore of Jeruſalem (quhilk wes a Figure of the Kirk in this tyme of Grace) apperis in thir our tribulus Dayis álmaiſt fullelie complete. Oblivioni, Thren. 2. ſays he, tradidit Dominus in Sion feſtivitatem & fabbathum : & in oppro- brium & in indignationem furoris ſui Regem S Sacerdotem. Repulit Do- * Zuit, Paſche, minus altare fuum, deftruxit Sanctuarium ſuum. That is, The LORD hes Wit ſund. &c. forzet in Sion (that is, in his haly Kirk) the folennit * Tyme and the Sabboth- cal impicine of day: And in Indignatiotin of his Wraith, bes forzett the King and the the wickit Der Preit. He bes ſchott away bis Altar, and hes deſtroyit his Sanctuarie. Preparairis og Thairfor fra I wes perſuadit, that it wes the Almychty doutleſlie, quha throw the way to the his Juſtice aganis Sin, ſufferis the Prince and the Preit (quhome to in Erd be the expres Word of God, we aucht maiſt honour) fumtyme to be diſhonotit, 1 Pet. 2. albeit be the wickit only, according to it that is writtin, Baltheum Regum Heb. 13. difolvit, & præcingit fune renes eorum : ducit Sacerdotes inglorios, & opti- ab hoopis pote mates ſupplantat. And in an uther Plage ſpeikand of the hie Preiſt, Qui ho-cedit impietas. norificaverit me, ſays the Almychty, glorificabo eum : qui verò me con. temnant, erunt ignobiles. I felrceit out the Titill that our new Calviniane Note, of Kingis and Princelie Preiſtis culd haif for thair Auctoritie ; quhiddir this thair Superioritie. Dominioun abone us wes provideit to thame as to a weilbelufit Peple of God, as wes the Land of Chanaan to the Ifraelites; or permittit as to an ungodly Gen. 11. 13. and wickit Peple, ſterit up to be Godis Scurge for a Tyme above his welbe. Fol. lufit Peple, in his Diſcipline and fatherlie Correctioun for thair Treſpafſis, as Heb. 12. wes the ungodly and confufit Babilonianis aganis the haly Citie of Jeruſalem. Prov. 3. 4 Reg. 24.25 And brevelie conſidering the firſt part of thair Titill to this thair ſuprémne Au- etoritie, I fand it nocht only ſclinder and licht, bor planelie inglorius, and a thing to deprive thame of all Auctoritie without Delay, gif thai had hald ony afore. This firſt and ſpeciall part, and almaiſt the hail wair is, that thai con: The Titill of feſſit chamefelfis to hef bene afore, in the preching of the hevinlie and eternal thenewcalvin niane Kingis. Word of Almychty God, contrare baith thair Conſcience and Science, ſchaine- les learis, and be fals Doctrine wilfull Diffavearis and Poyfonnaris of the Peple of God; forgeing thair Sermonis for the Plefuir of every Auditour, efter the Thait Recenia Faſſoun of Schipmenis Breiks, mete for eycry Leg: Ane Thing to hef tinder- catioun. ſtandit and roundie privatlie in the Mirk, and ane uther Thing to hef precheit oppinlie in the Pulpet : Ane Thing to hef had cloiſit in thair Breiſtis, and ane uther reddy, as thai thocht tyme, in thair Mouthe. Be the quhilk ſchameles Teſtimonie of thair awin Toungis, of na Rcfloun čuld I be induceit efter to cre. dit and reverence thame mair thairfor, as mony than (bot fy on the clekane Wittit in the Cauſe of God) of a marvelus Facilitie did, bor to cſteme thamè The botuen rather at that preſent to be the famin felf Men, quhome thai without all Schame, of thair Hert or appering Repentance of fa horrible a Cryme (gif thai had rečàntit thair Leisbe da borunles unfeozetlie, fra the Botum of thair Hert, as thai uſe to ſpeik) confeſſic thame Conſcience. to hef bene afore. For no Man is of ony Jugement quha markis noche thair ſchaimles Confufioun, quhen thai wald thraw the Éxempill of the Converſioun Of thair Ex- of S. Paull to be a trim Cloke and Excuis of chair Everſioun : For S. Paüll at that tyme wes ignorant of Chriſte, of his Word and Sacramentis, and blindit be fervent Zele towart the Mofaical Law, perſeuit the Membris of Chriſte in mirk li i de Igno's Att. 9. 22. 220 Book III. A P P E N D I X. Sen infameit Perſones may full. 1 F0.4. 1 Pet. I. Ignorance firmlie, albeit maiſt wranguſlie perſuadit, that all that he did wes a 1 Tim. i. Thing maiſt pleſand to God; and thairfor, ſayis he, Miſericordiam confecutus sum, quia ignorans feci in incredulitate. Bot thai contrarie confeſſit thame- nochrbe Wir? ſelfis to hef techeit and wrocht contrare thair Knawlege and Conſcience, and neflis in Manis willivglie and wittinglie to hef borne fals Witnes, nocht contrar Man nor man- Tail thai beo" ly Biſſines, bot contrar God and his eternal Veritie. And zit becauſe ſum of Jugeis in the thame wes eſchamit to teſtifie ſa planelie thair gret Ungodlines, bot allegeit that Cauſe of God? thai had obtenit mair Illuminatioun of the Haly Gaiſt, and gretear Knawlege of A fubdane the Veritie; I conferrit with meſelf quhow that micht be, that Chriſtiane Men Change to be profeſing, techeing and preching Chrifte and his Word fa mony Zeris, in ane Moncthis ſpace or thairby fuld be changeit la proudly in fa mony hiech Materis Ann. 1559. in the Plat contrar Men. Ar Paſche and certane Soundays efter, thai techeit with grete appering Zele, and miniſtrate the Sacramentis till us on the Catholik Manere; and be Wit fonday thai change thair Standart in our plane contrare. A grete Occa- And ſa jugeit I, that it neceſſarlie behuific thame, othir to hef bene afore ver- hip the quhare : ray finzeit Hypocritis and Temperizaris with the Tyme contrare thair Con- wes firſt mo-ſcience, or to hef bene reviſſit be fum mychty Spirit ; and thairfor thocht I it veit to wryte . a Thing nocht only profitable at that tyme, bot verray neceſſar, to obey the Counſell of the Apoſtil; that is, to try and examin the Spiritis, gif thai war of God. Heirfor ſen all Man ſuld be reddy to geve compt of that Faith and Hoip in him, that I, being a Preiſt, fuld nocht hef bene jugeit be the waik, to thair Sclander (to quhome my Converſatioun afore wes knawin) faithles and feble, Apoc. 3. nother hait nor cauld; I intendit, be Godis Grace, to declare me planelie in this dangerus Seditioun an unfeinzeit Chriſtiane, that is, ſtoutlie to gainftand all A- bufe, Negligence, licentius Leving, and Pharifaicall Hypocriſie to me knawin, other of the former Aige, or of it now prefent ; and ficlyke to ſchaw me a ma- nifeſt Adverſar, efter my ſinall Leirning and Kpawlege, to all Schiſme, Seditioun, Errour and Hereſie. And albeit I wes nocht ſa weill exerceit in the Scripturis, as become me of my Aige and Vocatioun, nor zit guidlie micht fùa be, fen I had ſpent my maiſt fluriſſing Zowtheid apt to that Studie, in techeing of Chel- dring; zit I rememberit that I fuld nocht be an Hypocrite, 'not applaud to the Warld contrar my Conſcience, to beleve ane Thing in the Law of God, and fay the contrar ; nor zit for the Feir or Favour of Man, falechelie to appreve or condemne in Godis Cauſe ony Thing to me unknawin. And thairfor that the waik fuld nocht hef bene offendit be my Silence, and that I micht hef knawin my Adverſaris Strenthe, gif ony had bene for thair Novationis, col- lectit I than in Synceritie of Conſcience fum of thai Heidis, quhilkis I jugeit the foirfaidis Perſones to hef techeit erroneouſlie, and wrait to thame familiare lie in a pleſand manere, forzetand all former Injuris done to me, or to utheris my faithfull Brethir. To the quhilkis Heidis my new King Kinloquby, in ſin, dry Writingis, void of all Humanitie and Compatience, and taiſtand nocht on- ly of Contentioun, bot of Contempt, maid findry Promiflis of an Anfluer, with grete boiſting of the Victorie to him, and Triumphe alrady in hand; bot as zit, that we mot knaw his inwart Religioun, be his Fidelitie (I will nocht ſay be The ſecund his Leis) in externe Materis, we heir nathing of his Promis fulfillit. That De- Weçe mair.co lay ſuychlie of his Anſluer, fra that I efter fa mony Obliſingis had awytit ſevin largelic to or aucht Monethis thairupon, moveit me efter that I had conferrit with ſum Johne Knox. weill lernit Catholikis, and with ſum ſtrang Calvinianis alſo, and had red lum Controverſeis and Reſſoning thairupon on baith Sydis, to collect almaiſt the haill Summe of thai Thingis quharein I wes oftendit, in the Doctrine, Ordour and Mancris now auctorizit, contrar all Auctoritie. Quhilkis ſa collectit, I preſentit to my Catholik afflictit Brethir, Laytmen and utheris, in quhome ap- perit to me the Spirit of Koawlege and godly Feir: Quha anfluerit in ane Mynd thame all, fpecialie to be movejt be the ſamin Reſlonis and Auctoriteis, noche to aſſiſt to the new Inpietie, callit be fum the Reformatioun of the Proteſtantis. Bot zit chai defyrit, thir Queſtionis mair trimlie and ſtrenthelie to be ſet furth, with ma large Auctoriteis, and to be writtin agane; and thairefter to be delive- rit Eccl. I. Ro. 14 Eccl. 5. ) Book III. 221 A P P E N D I X. 1 sit to the principall Precheouris of the new Factioun : For I had collectit thame ſchortlie wanting Buiks, quhen I wes in travell, as thai come in my Memorie of former reiding, and of conferring with utheris at chat tyme be the way, as fum honorable Perſonis knawis. This I eik, baith for the Trewth, that gif o- Quharcin the ny thing negligentlic, and nocht fufficientlic ſtrenthit be ſet furth in this Werk, Wrytear is to be reprerit. it fuld be impute to my Haiſt and Fervour, and to nane utheris injuftlie; and to ſignifie alto, that gif the lauchfull Paſtouris; and utheris bettir leiroit of the Catholik Syde, did thair Diligence in thir Materis. and Ipak frelie without fcir, that ſik proud fulcge Phantaſeis, pyntit Leis, brutall Irrcligioſitie, and damnable Errouris, as now regnis, in the place of fyncere Veritie and trew catholik Re- ligioun, defenceit only be finzeit Eloqucncc, Jefting and Mockrie, wald nocht haif fa lang Reiozeis, nor the Exiſtimatioun amangis the Peple, as thai haif pre- fentlie, allace. Bot to the purpoſe; I nocht than haifing Opportunitie, and ver- ray defyrus to hef utterit my Religioun, to avoid all occalioun of Sclander till utheris, and to hef rcduccit, ſa fer as lay in me, the wilfun wandering unto the richt way agane ; or to hef bene aſſuirit be the Licht of Godis Word (quhilk our Adverfaris boiſtit thame to hef hald) that we had bene furth of that Quhy wes this way in ony Poynt, incontinent deliverit thame, writtin on this ruid Manere Buik, deliverit to Johne Knox. following to Johne Knox, as to him quha wes haldin in tha Partis principall Patriark of the Calviniane Court : And that be reſſoun, that the ane of my former Competitouris keipit oa Promis, and the uther maid na Anſſuer ; hoipand mair Fidelitie in this renounit Man, gif it had pleiſit him to proinitt Antuer thairto in ſpeciall, as he afore did generalie ſindry tymes in the Pulpet, obli- ſing himſelf to lik 'Reſſoning in Word or Write ; ofrymes objecting to the Ca- tholikis (quhome he callis Papiſtis) that nane of thame durſt impugne ane Pro- poſitioun of his Doctrine, albeit the contrar wes knawin to be trew. For quhais Anfluere thairefter ofty mes publiclie and privatlic promiſfit be him, we hef a. wayrit almaiſt keiping Silence fen the xx. of Februar, or thairby ; quhill now Ann. 156. laitlie within thir few Dayis is cum to my Hand a Reſloning anentis the maiſt of the Tras bliſſit, feirfull and haly Sacrifice of the Mes, haldin about a Zere by paſt be-anentis the twix my Lord of Croceraguel and Johne Knox : A Werk in Beginning decorit Relloring be with a Pece of an Epiſtil, als hali as is the Auctour thairof, and I warrane zow of Croceraguel cunninglie gloiſfit be fum weill leirnit and diſcrete Man, God wate, in the Mer-and Johne gin ; quharein Johne Knox of his pregnant Ingyne and accuſtomit Craft of ray. Knoftwa ling and bairding, attributis to me a new Style, calling me Procutour for the Poyntis thair- Papiftis, and thair obliſis him of new to geve Anffuer to our Queſtioun tuech-in concerning ing his lauchful Vocatioun ; and as we can collect thairof, and of his former Promis, he intendis to anſluer lykewayis to the reſt following in this Buke. Of the quhilk twa Poyntis I wes ſingularie rejoſeit ; firſt, that God maid me worthy to be mockit for my ſmall Labouris in Defence of His Catholik Kirk, fra the fals Accuſatioun of hir Adverſaris , and to be reknit be thame in tyme of Perfecutioun in Nummir of the Faythfull, quhome thai in thair jeſting callis Papiftis. For in Defence of that Thing only procuir I, quhilk the honorable For quhat Ma. and haly Papiſtis, the haly Biſchope and Martyr of Chriſte S. Cypriane, with tet procuiris the utheris renounit Martyris in the primitive Kirk, and quhilk the renounit Papiſtis and excellent Doctouris S. Auguftine, Hierome and Ambroſe, zea brevelie the haill Kirk of God ſen the Apoſtolis Dayis, in an Uniformitie of Doctrine maiſt clerlic apprevis; and na thing difaggreing thairfra procuir 1: Nocht adhering to the private Jugement or obſcuir Sayngis of ony ane Man, Nore the trevé (as is the commoun Practik of our Adverſaris, to mak of obfcuir Mirknes a Catholik Do- Commentare to the cleir Licht) bor to the plane and uniforme Confeſſioun of Thor of the all, or at the leiſt, to the aggreable Conſent of the maiſt part of the beſt lervit, Trewth of the evir be the Kirk of God auctorizit. And ſua, godly Reidar, quhattin a Papiſt Scriptuir we I am in this famin ruid Buik of Queſtionis (be the infallible and inconfutable botofthe trew Treuth of the quhilk my Adverfar is offendit) I tak on hand to preve, on per-approvhaire rell of my Lyfe, the maiſt haly Martyris, the beſt leiinit Confeſſouris afore re-Gudis haly herſeit, and utheris mony ma bayth of the Greik and of the Latin Kirk, to- Kirk univerſai. K k k giddir the Wrytear. contend nocht 222 Book wil. A P P E N D I X. God. mis of a Ca- tholik niane Mini ſteris can no- ther (chaw thair Power nor Man. Rejoſing in giddir with Generall.Counſellis, to hef bene the ſamin Papiſtis. O happy heir. for, and happy agane think I this Day to me, quhen the grete Guidnes of God, of his mere Mercy, hes prefervit me in this maiſt ſtormy Tyme fra the Rolkis of Schiſme, Errour aud Herefie; zea, fra manifeſt Rebellioun raigeing at this preſent aganis Godis plane Word, his Kirk univerſal, his Ordinance, his Princis and his Prelatis : And belydis that alſo, hes lent me of his Spirit, to confes my Faith to his Gloir, quhill the Erroneous aſſault me be Tanting and Mockrie, Of Johne quhen thai may naways be Veritie. For quhat Veritie culd Johne Knox fchaw of his Voca- for his lauchfull Vocatioun (quhilk ane Article ſpecialie he cheſeit out of fa mo- tioun in the ny, to confute and confund in the Pulper, to augment his Gloir) I think it is Pulpet. nocht unknawin to Scotland; and is nocht in my Defált, bot in Defalt of my Imall Freind Dame Cunzey, bot it fuld hef bene layng or now, as it falbe, God Note a Pro-willing, ſchortlie, to the mein leirnit alwayis (for the godly cunning neidis nane of our Labouris thairto) mair notifiit in Scotland, and in uther Chriſtiane Cuntreis, in quhat wickit Apoftaſie he and all utheris Preiſtis, Munkis and Freris of his Sect ar fallin in, in that thai renunce as Rennigatis thair Preiſtheid gevin thame be the Sacrament of Ordour, and quhow thai Itill remane Preiſtis be the The Calvi famin Sacrament (lat thame rcnunce it as thai pleis) ay quhill thai de ; albeit to thair mair feveir Puniſment eternalie, except thai (quhilk the Guidnes of God mot grant thame) in tyme repent thair Fall: And ſiklike in quhat proud Arro- gance and damnabil Sacrilege is he ſpecialie, and the utheris his Fallowis in chair proceding frorne God Degre, ſliddin ; ufurping the Auctoritie of godly Biſchopes and utheris Paſtouris and Preiſtis in the Kirk, aluterlie aganis all lauchfull Power onyway gevin be Man to ony Miniſterie, that thai uſe in the Kirk, except only be that Titill, quhilk thai eſteme nochtis; that is, inſafer as thai ar Preiſtis, and that thai ar nocht ſend as trew Prophetis be God, it falbe, God willing, mair cleir than the Day-licht, be møny evident Demonſtrationis ac lenthe. Bot now quhen all his blunt Boulis and pithles Artelzerie ar ſchot, to infirm and adnull his awin Cauſe rather than to ſtrenthe the famin, that be his lang Silence, efter fa mony Promiſſis, he ſchawis himſelf convict in Conſcience, haifand na appering Ref: ſoun for the Defence of his Vocatioun, except we admite him to be a new S. Johne the Baptiſt, or a new Prophet Amos; Hes he nocht win the Hoiſs worthclie, in forgeing a Mok to me mony Mylis fra him, calling me Procutar for the Papiftis? Gif ony Mân, gentil Reidar, fall think this my Procuratioun in thir Articulis to be ungodly, lat him remember quhat he menis be that Ar- ticle in his Creid, The haly Kirk univerſal: For only quhat this Kirk (quhilk my Adverfar infinuatis to be it, quhilk he callis papiſtical) hes evir defendit, and now defendis, intend I, be Godis Grace, efter all my ſmall Power and Spirit, evir to defend, and na thing diſaggreing thairfra. Bor as to the Terme Papift, albeit faithfull Chriſtianis, of guid Reſſoun rejoſeis in na new Stylis concerning Of the Terme Religioun ; zit that thai fuld be gretumlic offendit be the Terme Papiſt objectit Papift. to thame be thair Adverſaris, I can nawayis underſtand ; fen by it ſpecialie may be boc underſtandit, a Man that dois knaw the lauchfull Auctoritie of his bi. Deut. 17. ſchopes, quhome Almychty God hes commandit be his expres Word to favour, luve, and humclic obey, and ſpecialie to the Succeſſour of Petir now commonly callit Papa; albeit Papa be a Terme efter the Myndis of the aunciant Fatheris, Fo.13. 21.commoun to ony Biſchope, as efter in this Buik is ſchawin. Quha ſeis noche this Day, that gif Kingis and Quenis buir noche a Sword, quhilk our Adverfa- ris ferit mair than the ſpirituall Sword of the Pape and utheris Bifchopes, bot thai wald mok us on lyke manere, and call us Kingiſtis and Queneiſtis, or fik- lyke Name of thair commoun Craft of Mockrie, for our humil and dew Obe- dience unto our lauchfull Soverane? And this mekle concerning the Procurar The ſecund for the Papiſtis. As to the ſecund Poynt, that he promiſſis in his Buke to mak Poynt, Anſſuere, as be Word he did afore ofty mes oppinlic, I am rejoſeit that he in- tendit than to keip his firſt Promis ; albeit as zit in dede efter ane haill Zeris Ad- viſement, we heir nocht thairof. Nochttheles that he is fa layng making Anf- ſuer, I hoip only guid thairthrow, that efter la lang Conſultatioun he fåll, be Godis Note. Heb.13 Matth. 10. Luc. 1o. Note. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 223 Godis Grace, prefer the knawin Veritie and his Salvatioun to all vane Gloir or Pleſuir of Man: Bot failzeing thairof (quhilk God forbid) and gif alſo perchance he keip na Promis heirin, he dois bot than, as becumis his new Profeſſioun, and according to the commoun Trade of that Part of the Realme be him and his preſentlic corruptit ; quha declaris expreſlie quharkin a Faith thai haif in God, be the Faith and Promis thai uſe now commonlie to keip ro Man. Bot always becauſe in the mein tyme we ar oííendit be his layoglum Delay, and ar The Cauſe of ſtoppit be the Tyrannie of ſum to put furth'our Mynd in Prent at håme; and the prenting underſtandis the Copiis of our Queſtionis and utheris Tractaris corruptit be un- ftionis. leirnit Writtaris, to the Sclander of the Trewth, and to our Schame, we fert furth this juſt Copie, without altering or ciking ony thing, fafer as we can re- member, except onlie that in place of this Epiſtill wes fum Latin to the cunning Reidar, exhorting him nocht to haif Reſpect to our ruid Style, bọt to the trew catholik Sentence: Sen we controvertit nocht with our Adverſaris for trim Talk, bor for the trying of the Trewth; nocht for deckit Vanitie, bot for the eternall Veritie. Quhilk Thing we requeiſt the, gentill Reidar, zit anis agane, Quhy ar thit and to purge the Copie according to this preſent ; willing the to be perfuadit, Queftiounis that gif iť pleiſit us at this Tyme and Place to alter or eik this Tractate, that maid mair with litill Labouris it micht be maid tueching the Style mair pleſing and perſua-ſtrenthy. ding, and in Sentence fer mair ſtrenthy and difficill to our Adverſaris to mak Anifuer thairto. Zit nochtcheles becauſe Johne Knox apperis to ſchaw that with his Fallowis he labouris to fulfill his Obliſing, we will eik nor alter na thing heirin, except fum Illuſtratioun in the Mergin, that the Reidar, gif ony Anffuer beis maid, may fyncerlie confer the ane with the uthir, and in the mein tyme that the fempill Beleyear may haif ſufficient Licht to eſchew the diſſaitful Snairis of the Erroneous. As to the Phrafe and Dictioun heirof, guid it war to remember that the plane and fempill Trewth of all Thingis requiris only a- mangis the lautefull and faithfull Peple, plaue, familiar, and na curius nor af-Of the Speche fectat Speche; as the Defence of Fraud and Falſet neceffarlie requeris a Cloke of Veritie, and of finzeit Eloquence, be che quhilk the incircumſpect and licht of Jugement of tymes ar diſlavit. And as tueching the Mater, as we ar informeit, that Johne Knox efter Adviſement wes eſchameit to ſee furth an Anſſuer, quhilk wes be certane of his grete Scoleris about a Zere and thre Monethis paſſit deviſeit heir- to ; ſua we ar aſſuirit, that 'na leirnit of thame without Prik of Conſcience (ſa grete is the Guidnes of God to knok at the Breiſt of Man) without the Studie, Apocal. 3: ſay, of Schiſme and Diviſioun, and without Rebellioun and wilfull malingning aganis the knawin Veritie, fall tak Pen in hand in our contrare, zea contrare the waik Membris of Chriſte, an hundreth ways invadit maiſt feircelie to leve that haly Rcligioun quhilk thai maiſt godly profeſſit ac thair Baptim ; for quhais Defence ſpecialie chir Queſtiounis ar ſet furth, that the unleirnit mot haif fum Defence aganis the erroneous and contentious Pleidaris, quha with thair conti- nuall Altercatioun, blaſphemeis, and mockrie of all Godlines, ichanlic labouris to ſubvert the fillie ſempill anis. Thir Thingis I ſpek in na fulege Confidence of my Eruditioun, bot in Synceritíe of Conſcience and godlie Fortitude in the De- Fence of the undoutit Veritie recheit be the haly Kirk univerſal, quhome only efter my Knawlege and Conſcience, I follow as the Pillar and Stabiliſment of 1 Tim. 3: 1 Veritie, as the Spous of Chriſte our Lord, be the Illuminatioun of his Spirit in. Cant. 6. duceit according to his Promis in all Richteuſnes, haifand the ſamin haly Spirit Act. 1: at all ty mes hir Doctour, Gyde, Confortar, and Advocate to hir promiſt, gevin, Matth. ult, and to the Warldis End with hir remaning. Bor gif ony ſalbe fa feble in Faith, and negligent of his Salvatioun, to maling contrar his Conſcience and Inſtinct of the haly Spirit, for Plefuir of his forlorne Brethir, and for a Schaddow of Gloir to himſelf; lạt him be perſuadit that the Almichty God, quha is the De- fence and fuir Protectioun of all thame quha walkis in Simplicitie, fall Iteir up in Prov, za his contrare ſtrangar Kempis and perfytear Procutaris than I am, to oppin out and mak manifeſt the Hypocriſie of the Fule, and of all his Mainteimaris: Accord- ing to it that is writtin of the leing Maiſteris, quha in the latter Dayis be Rom. 16. K k k 2 thair 224 A P P EN D1 X. Book III. > 1 Tim. 4. thair fuete ſlattering Eloquence ar to ſeduce the Herris of the Innocent, and be F.xod. 7. fiklyke Jouglarie ar to ganeſtand the manifcft Veritie; as Jannes and Mambres be thair Icing Devilrie and Incantatiounis gainſtaid Moyſes in the Preſence of 1 Tim.4. Pharao. Infipientia eorum, fayis the Apoſtill, manifeſta erit omnibus, ficut & illorum fuit ; that is, the Fulegenes of thame faibe inaid manifeſt to all Men, as wes the Fulegenes of Jannes and Mambres. This mekle, Chriſtiane Rei dar, thocht I expedient to be notifiit ; quhareby my firſt Motioun to thir Ma. teris, and Cauſe of ferther proceding, with my Hoip of the End heirof, mot be knawin. For as a Theologe i profes me to be nane, nor zit of the Nummir of the hie leirnit ; ſua noche to confes me a faithfuil Chriſtiane, ſpecialie quhen be baneifing fra my tender Freindis I am almaiſt compellit thairto, I am effrayt in the Preſence of God, and eſchameit afore Angell and Man. And as it is knawin nocht to be the Kirk-rentis, nor roytous Lyfe chairby, that moveis me to pro- fes my Name in this Debait and Tentatioun, len of the Kirk-rentis I had nevir my Leving, quhilk now I miche haif abundantlie, gif I preferrit my Belly to guid Conſcience ; ſua I wald it 'war to nane unknawin, me evir to be an humil Sone of the haly Kirk univerſal. For as fra vitious lēving, Abuſe, Superſtitioun and Idolatrie, I (to God be Gloir) aluterlie dois abhorre ; fua nevir fra my Bar- neaige intendit I ro fik proud Arrogance as to be a Schiſmatik, nor zit to lik ob- ſtinat Wilfulnes as to be an Heretik. . And fa I hoip that the grete Guidnes of that Lord maiſt bliſſit, quha of His mere Mercy gave me the former Mynd, fall corroborat and ſtrenthe alſo my preſent Intentioun ; quhilk is, nocht to be fa feble and fleit, for na trible of Tyme, nor Tyrannie of Man, that I be a Temperizar in Godis Cauſe contrar my Conſcience, and fer les heirfor a plane Rebell thairto. The famin Gift wiſhe I to the benevolent Reidar, that of Che- ritie, and for thy awin Salvatioun, thow wald aſſiſt till us, as a faithfull and con- ſtant Chriſtiane, in the manifeſt Veritie; and that without reſpect of Perrel, in Feir of that Lord quha only knawis and fall juge, zea the Secretis of the Con- ſcience of Man : Quha mor mak the with us and all profeffing the Name of his only Sone our Lord Jeſus, of ane Mynd, and of ane Spirit, humill and obe. dient Sones to all Treuth and Auctoritie, in His haly Catholik Kirk. Amen. Of Lovane the vii. Day of October, M. D. LXIII. The faythfull Sones of the haly Catholik Kirk in Scotland, of the inferiour Ordour of Clergy and Laytmen, humill Subaitis to thair Soverane Lady MARIE, and obedient to thair lauchfull Biſchopes and Paſtouris, depoſit of thair Offices, incarcerat, exilit, or violentlie eje&tit fra thair juft Pofa feffionis and native Citeis, for nocht aſſenting to the pretendit Reformatioun at this preſent in Religioun, to Johne Knox and bis Complices, pretending and allegeing thame to haif tbe lauchfull Auctoritie and Ordinatioun of trew Biſchopes, and utheris Paſtouris of the Kirk within the ſaid Realme; wisſhis Helth and Illuminatioun of the Haly Gaift. E perfaveand zour fervent Diligence to alluir all Men to the embraiſſing of zour pretendit Religioun, and zour feveir Puniſment alſo, and ri- gorus Indignatioun aganis chame quha reſſaves nocht the famin ; and confydering fiklyke, and alſo firmlie beleving that thair is bot ane Fayth of Ephef. 4. Chriſtis deirbelovit Spous his haly Kirk, out of the quhilk thair is na Salvatioun por Řemiſſioun of Sinnis; the quhilk fuppofe be tribulit, fall nocht decay aluter- Matt . 28. lie, conforme to our Salviouris Promitt, all the Dayis of chis Warlde: Hes had Confideratioun partlie of zour Prechingis, and partlie of the Jugement of the aunciant Doctouris and Martyris of the primitive Kirk, declarand lumtymes in- cidentlie the Scripturis and Ordour in the Materis of Controverſie now being in Religioun, to the Intent we mot be inſtructit in the Trewth thairof, and to ab- horre and fle, be Godis Grace, fra all kynd of Idolatric, Superſtitioun, Schilme and Hereſie, and to be at ane alſo in ane godlie Unitie with all thais quha pro- feffis fyncerlie the trew Doctrine of Chrijle Jefus. Expending the Mater fua, and W Luc. 22. Book III. APPENDIX 225 Matt. 10. Luc. 12. I Pet. 2. Galat. 6. 2 Cor. 5. and conſidering fiklyke quhat Perrell it is to be cariit about with every Wind Ephes. 4. of Doctrine, we ar be the Grace of God (to quhome be all Gloir.) perſuadit to thar Conſtancie, that for na Feir of Trible, with Help of the Hieaſt, we will affirm in Diſſimulatioun, that Thing to be trew in Rcligiouo afoir Man, quhilk the Haly Gaiſt hes nocht perfuadit us to be crew afoir God: And that ſpecialie, Rom. 14. becaus we haif in remembrance that all thing quhilk is nocht of Fayth, is Sin ; and that quha thinkis Schame of the Veritie (quhilk is Chriſte) afoir Man, the Sone of God falbe eſchåmit of him afoir the Angelis of his Fader in Hevin. Seing alſo that the Biſchoipis and utheris Paſtouris of this Realme, for che maiſt part, hes nocht as zit that Spirit of Fortitude to confes and affirm bauldelie on athir Syde without Feit, that Thing quhilk thair Conſcience and Fayth inwartlie dytis thame to be trew; we can nocht contrare the Word of God detrect chame, Exod. 2ż. nor railze diſpitfullie contrare thame, bot committis the Amendiment thairof to Act, 23. Jud. 1. the Mercy of the Hieaft: For we ar certifiit be haly Scripturis, that Hypocritis and wikit Perſones (bot of Vices we accuis nane at this preſent) als weill of the Job. 34. Eccleſiaſticall State as of the Civill Magiftratis (to quhome nochttheles we aucht Reg. 22. dew Obedience with Reverence in all Thingis nocht repugnand to the Will of Rom. 14. God) hes fumtymes Reull above the Peple for thair Iniquitie; of the quhilk we knaw our felfis nocht giltles nor innocent. Zit ſen every Man fall beir his awin Burding at the leiſt, and fall geve Compt of his awin Doingis, and that without tib. 11: Fayth it is impoſſible to pleis God; neid is till us to labour for the Saifgarde of the trew Fayth for our awin part. Heirfor we defyre zow of zour Huinanitie, gif ze wald that we war junit in Religioun with zow, to anſwer till us in Writt zour Opinioun and Auctoritie thairfor, concerning the Articlis ſubſequent, in the quhilkis inaiſt cheiflie ze appere to hef fegregat zour felfis fra us, infafer as ģud. t: we zit underſtand of zour Doctrine in thame : For in Word, or Preching only, we can noche ſa firmlie juge thairin, tweching zour faid Doctrine, that we dar bauldlie, without Prik of Conſcience, embraſe the famin as the indoutit Veritie. Apd zit defyris maiſt ferventlie, as we hef ſchawin afoir, and as God knawis, all Contentioun and Diſcord being trampit down, all Errour and Abuſe being cuttit away, to leve at Quietaes, fa fer as is in us, in all godlie Unirie with all thais quha unfenzetlie luvis Chrifte Jeſus, his eternall Word, haly Law and im- inutable Will, and covatis to dwell in his grete Houſs, quhilk is his haly Kirk, in ane godly Band of Luve, without Stryfe and Contentioun. Thir Thingis fol. The ſpeciall lowing we demand zow, as God knawis, of na Malice, Contentioun, or Often-Casis of the tatioun of ony Science that is in us, quhilk we miskvaw nocht to be verray thit Que ſmall, in reſpect of mony utheris; bot ſpecialie for Depreſſioun of Errour, 11. fionis. luftratioun and magnifiing of the Veritie, Libertie of our Conſcience according to Godis Will; and that the waik and infirm be noche ſclanderit be our ungodly Silence in tyme of Perſequutioun. And fecundlie for twa Cauſlis, of the quhilkis curier Utheris twa ane is, Forfamekle as we ar fa tribulit bé zow, and (as we underſtand) injuſtlien. perſuitit with fa grete Rigour, as we war Heretikis or Apoftatis, unworthy the Cumpanie of trew Chriſtianis, and that only for nocht aſſenting generalie to zour pretendit Reformatioun, quhilk contrare our Confcience, led (as we ar per. fuadit) be na wilfull Ignorance, bot be the trew underſtanding of Godis Word, we dar nawayis attempt; feiring, gif we fua do, the Offence of the Lord our God, and thairthrow our juſt Damnatioun. The uther is, That ze ſa bauldlież: exhortis all Men to impugne zour Do&trine planelie, gif thai may juſtlie ; or u- thirwayis in fa fer as thai ar doutſum, to defyre Reſſoning with zow, in Word or Writt, in ony Controverſie affirmit be zow quharewith thai be offendit ; promitting zow to undertak thai Paris glaidly, and plefandly to fatifie rhame, according to zour Doctrine, of the expres Word of God, gif thai be defyrus of the Trewth thairof; of the quhilk we confes us maiſt defyrus. Of this famini Promis cheiflie we ingere us bauldlie, nocht lulpectand zour Offenice thairby, to propone thir Qucftionis following; teftifiing to zow afoir God, that we aluter- lie of Conſcience abhorris fra the underſtanding thairof, according to zour Do- ctrine, in fa fer as we zit underſtand it: Defyring heirfor effectuullie, and re- LIL quiring 226 Book III. APP E N D I X. Hebr. 4. quiring zour Anſſuer chairof in Writt, conforme to zour faid Promis; and that fynceirlie, without ſophiſtical Contentioun of Wordis, as ze will geif Compt to Him quha misknawis nane of all our Thochtis : Deſyring fiklyke, and alſo maiſt hertlie and humbly praying the Nobilis, and utheris of zour Congrega- tioun, to conſider attentlie, and trewlie juge, our former Cauſſis to proceid of na Harrent, nor Intent to move diabolical Seditioun (quhilk we fpeik unfenzer- lie in Godis Preſence) bot only of the crew Fontane of fyncere Luve, that God and his.eternal Veritie mot be crewlie acknawlegeit; and we, and all profeſſing the Name of our Salviour Chriſte, bot ſpecialie our Nobilis and utheris our Coun- treymen (to quhome, belydis the Profeſſioun of Chriſte, we ar in mony Greis of Luve naturalie conjunit) mot be io uniforme Ordour of Religioun, of ane Spirit, -of ane Mynd, and ave in all Godlines in the famin Chriſte Jeſus our only Salviour and Mediatour. To the end heirfor that we may ſa be, we ex- hort zour Modeſtie, gif ony thing in this Tractare be objectit to zow, of the quhilk ze fall peradventure pleis to ſchaw zour felfis innocent, that ze purge zow thairof, without Cavillatioun in ane Word, and impute that to the imbe- cillitie of our Jugement, nocht throuchlie underſtanding zour Do&rine ; or (gif ze pleis) to our Ignorance. For we had levir be callit be zow our Coun- Quhat Materis treymen Ignorantis , nor wit zou to be eſtemit be all faythful Nationes, in grete ar proponit in Schame of our Natioun, wilfull and erroneous ; certefeing zow of our Con- this Tractatc. ſcience, and alſo geving be thir Preſentis to zow our juramentum (as thai call it) calumniæ, that we oppone nathing to zow heir, except only that apperis till us manifeſt Errour, or ellis curious, new, indiſtinct and confuſit Doctrine, of the quhilk manifeſt Errour and Preſumptioun upryſfis ; or quhare Mifordour and Maneris ar ungodlie be zow approvin, eftir our Jugement. Or that quhilk ze calumniuſlie (as we think) in Diſſimulatioun aſcrivis to the Name of Papi. ſtrie, nochtwithſtanding the famin be in deid (as we dout nocht zour feífis the famin thing noche to misknaw) othir the evident Conſent in Doctrine of the primitive Kirk, expreſfit till us be the Writtingis of the Doctouris within four hundreth Zeris till Chriſte, or Determinationis eſtabliſfit be General Counſelis according to the haly Scriptuiris . We fufpect nathing of zour Prudence, to putt in dout quhat part of every Queſtioun is objectit to zow as erroneous, and quhat part ſiklyke thairof is belevit and apprevit be us as the Trewth. Forſa- mekle as it may chanſe that ſum of our Queſtionis may appere to zour Jugement mair prolixt than becumis, eftir the common Conſuetude, to fik Materis : Be- leve heirfor us to hef rane willinglie the mair Labouris on us at this preſent, cor- roboring our Jugement with ſufficient Defenfis, and ſumeyme anffuering to zour maiſt (trang Objectionis, to the Intent that eftir this mair efalic without Stryte, we mot togidder embraſe the knawin Veritie. Ferther, the Spirit of Chriſte promittit and gevin to the Apoſtolis to teche and perfuade thame all Veritie, mot convoy and confirm zow and us in the perfyte Beleve and fyncere Knaw. lege of Godis Will, and continual Obedience to the famin. Amen. The firſt Queſtioun or Article. 1. Of the trew underſtanding of the Kirk, and be quhome ſpecialie expreſit. En the haly Catholik Kirk is without Controverſie, to all profeſſing the Scripturis of God, the Pillar and Firmament (or eſtabiliſing) of Veritie, in- douritlie haifand the trew underſtanding of the ſyncere Word of God, be the In- fpiratioun of the Haly Gaiſt, conforme to our Salviouris Promitt : Quhidder Becauſe nane beleve ze the Jugement of this ſaid haly Kirk, mair trewlie ſet furth and expreſ. Se&tare can fit till us, tueching the trew underſtanding forlaid, and ſpecialie in Materis of without mani. Controverſie being at this preſent, be the Martyris and utheris aunciant Do. feft Confu- ctouris of the primitive Kirk; as, Dionyſius, Clement, Martialis, Ignatius, Ecroues thou Juſtinus, Tertulliane, Cypriane, Irenæus and Origene; and efter be Hie: Chriftiane reidrome, his Maiſter Nazianze, Ambroſe, Auguſtine, Athanafius, Bafill, Hilarius, 1 I Tim. 3. Fo.16. Vincentius Li Book III. A P P E N D I X. 227 ftioun about Hilarius, Chryfoftome and Cyrillus, with mony utheris in thair Dayis about inen, newiie eleyip hundreth Zeris paſſit at the leiſt ; cogiddir with General Counſelis writand putt in scortis, in ave Conſent and Unitie of Doctrine, specialie quhare thai tueche incidentlie cunningliccia ony Mater of Religioun now controvertit: Or be Johne Calvin and his Com- cuffis this Que. plices in thir our Dayis? And to quhilk of thair Confentis and Jugementis dar xj bundreth ze maiſt bauldlie aſſiſt in zour Conſcience afoir God? Zeris paflir. 2. Of the calumnious allegeing of Papiftrie . GF If ze prefer in zour Conſcience afoir God the Jugementis of the faidis aün. Note thair Si. ciant Fatheris and Counſelis, to Calvin and his forenemmie (quhilk we mulatioun and beleve ze dar nocht planelie deny afoir Man, except ze wald be jugeit ſchame Diffimulatie tu; les) quhy depres ze in Diſſimulance, and obſcuiris in zour Doctrine, be the the Materis Name of Papiſtrie, as be ane Terme to mony maiſt odious, the faidis Fatheris and Counſelis uniforme Conſent in findry Controverſiis being at this Tyme ; this Quellioun and followis in zour Techement the privat Opinioun of Calvin and his Compli the fext Buis of Optatus put ces rather than thame? utheris Tractatis for this Porpoſe, heir follow- ing. Reid for in Scortis, with reid Tertulli. ane de pre- 3. That the Catholikis defendis na neu Doctrine. SÉn Én all Hereſie that evir hes bene in the Kirk (except fum in few Countreiš Quha pleiſs to knawin) had ſum cheif Archiheretik Inventour thairof, of quhome that He- reſie and the Defendaris of the famin maiſt ſpecialie had the Name, as of Mar- fcript. advers. cion, Arrius, Manes and Pelagius : Gif ze heit for haldis us Catholikis to be bareſ: newlie Heretikis, quhy ſchaw ze noche quhois Hereſie we follow? For we (to the In- quharWraitis tent we may haif godly Unitie) inakis our Purgatioun to zow, and alſo obliſ: bout xiv hun ſing that we fall nocht adhere tó ate Jot in Religioun, except we ſchaw the fa- palie , Saint min expreſſit in Scriptuir, apprevit be General Counſelis, or 'be the beſt leiroit knaw quha is Fatheris Greik and Latin, writtand in ane Conſent abone ane thouſand Zeris pal- lik, and quina ſit. Heirfor gif we fua do (as we do in deid) quhy condemne ze nocht thai Scri- is åne Heretik pruiris, aunciant Doctouris and Counſelis, quhois Jugement in ane Conſent as deducit, or aggreing with the Scriptuir of God, we follow, and nocht us, efter the Religioun eſtabliſlit fa mony Zeris ? 4. Of certane Articlis of our Belief, and firſt of that, He deſcendit to the Hellis. Uhy diminiſs ze, or takis away at the leiſt, the trew and propir Sentence fra us of this part of our Catholik Beleif; to wit, That Chriſte deſcen- Pfal. 48. dic to the Hellis, and makis in that part ane Idoll of Calvin, adherand to his Aug. Epift.57. privat Opinioun, but ony apperand Scriptuiris or Conſent of the Kirk afoir zow, Ambr. defido bot plate contrare bayth, quhen ze affirme be thai Wordis to be ſignifiit the Do-Irenæus contra lour and Anguis quhilk Chriſte ſufferic! Will ze chat our Salviour fufferit Panis hareſ. lib. 5. efter that He wes deid and buriit ? Cypr. in fimbo Bafil.in Pf.48. 5. Of the haly Catholik Kirk. Uhy ſpulze and denude ze us of this part of our Carholik Beleif, to wir, Pſal. 2. * Psal. 150 ACT. 2. lib.3 chai cleik fra ustwa quhen ze abſtract us fra the uniforme Conſent of all Kirkis, in all Cuntreis and Coupounis of Aiges, fen the Dayis of the Apoſtolis, and bindis and aftrictis us only to the our Crede, Doctrine and Ordour laitlie fer fürth at Geneva; and litil eftemis, or crar de-Time is to ſpeik ſpiſeis the Communioun of Doctrine and Ordour in Religioun, of all the Sanctis of God, fen Chriſtis Aſcenſioun. 6. Gif our new Precheouris and thair Scoleris be the Catholik Kirk. Uhiddir affirme ze zour ſelfis only, with zour Scoleris, to be the faid haly Catholik Kirk, and zour Determinationis in Controverſiis nevir afoir chis L11-22 deter. 228 Book III. A P P E N D I X. Luc. I. in locis. determinat according to zour Doctrine (bot crar be the beſt leirnit declarit in zour contrare) to haif the Strenthe of the Decreis of a General Counſell, or nocht? Gif ze ſua do (as ze appere till us) ze ſchaw zour Arrogance only but mair Confutatioun, to be lachin and geftir at. Gif ze do nocht, quhy determi. nat ze fa proudly in hiech Materis weill obſcuir in Scriptuir ; as the glorius Vire gine the Mothir to hef bene pollutit, nocht only with original, bot als actual Sin? Sen the famin Virgine wes preſervit (as we may godly but Arrogance ſua underſtand) be the merciful Providence of God, as apperis till us be the Scri- pturis, Genef. 3. afoir Eva for hir Sin wes be God accurſit, and be this alſo Pſal. 45. writtin, that the Lord hes ſanctifiit his Tabernacle, and that in hir Lyfe ſcho wes pronunceit be the Angel to hef bene full of Grace, fua that na place culd be Auguft.de nat. left to fin ; fen S. Auguſtine alſo fpeikaud of Singaris, dar nocht move queſtioun cgrat. 6. jó thairin of the faid bliſfit Virgine, for the Honour of Jeſus our Lord hir Sone? We ſpeik this mair largelie, becaus we heir ſum of zour Scoleris affirme, that Auguſt. de pec. eftir hir bliſfit Birthe ſcho turnit to the commoun Effairis of Mariage ; & alia remil. multis magis abfurda, quæ clariùs promere nobis religio eft. And fiklyke, quhare ze newlie concluid in zour Doctrine of Baptim, the Infantis to be laifit but the famin ; the ſaid S. Auguſtine inhibitis to promit Salvatioun in that Cafe to thame, the quhilk the Scriptuir of God (layis he) to all manly Inginis to be preferrit, promittis nochr. We mein fiklyke, that ze affirme the Saulis of the faythfull to hef paſſit to hevinlie Gloir afoir Chriſtis Aſcenſioun : That the Perſones fe- parat for Fornicatioun may inary agane with utheris Perſones, athir of the By in Scottis Partiis being on Lyfe, by the Practiſe nocht only of the Catholikis, bot alſo and in Inglis of Ingland, Denmark, Saxone, and mony utheris Cuntreis (as we ar informit) nocht anc. pretending Reformatioun : That ſum Men and Women profeffing Monaſtik Lyfe, and vowing Virginitie, may efter mary but Brik of Conſcience ; with mony utheris Thingis, as eftir fall follow. To the quhilkis zour Determina- tionis ze wald aftrict our Conſcience, as to the expres Word of God, and trew underſtanding thairof, pronunceit till us be a General Counſell ; fen we man o- thir embraiſs zour Doctrine, or be baniſſit. Gif we beleif ſuirlie the Articulis of our commoun Fayth, togiddir with the Scriptuiris of God, to be trew; May we nocht in ſobir Simplicitie misknaw mony Thingis of obſcuir and dirk Places in Scriptuir, albeit trewlie declarit be particular Men, but Perrell of our Salva- tioun; commitrand the Jugement thairof to the haly Catholik Kirk? And con- trarie, may we fuleſchelie embrais and profes ony new Interpreratioun in the Scriptuiris, albeit noche erroneous, bot to us alwayis doutſum, pronunceit be zow (zea ſuppoſe ze war lauchful Miniſteris, of the quhilk we ar nocht zit af fuirit) except we incurre the ſamin Perrell ? Tit. I. 7. Gif Fayth may be in a Man but Cheritie, and of the Perrell of that gene- ral Doctrine. EFT Ftir fa lang Diſputatioun of Fayth, quhy concluid ze that Fayth can nawayis be in a Man but Cheritie ? Sen S. Paull planelie diſtinctis the Office and Preſence alſo of the ave fra the uthir to be poſſible (we mein nochr that Cheri- I Cor. 13. tie may be ſeparatit fra Fayth) fayand, Gif I held all Fayth and nocht Cheri- tie, l'am maid lyke foundand Metell, or ane tincland Cimball? And in ane I Cor. 9. uthir Place fchawis himſelf, albeit prechand to utheris (quhilk he culd nocht do but Fayth) to feir and be ſoliſt, that be the Inlake of Cheritie throw Dilobe. Matth. 7. dience, he fuld be maid reprobat. Mairover oure Salviour (chawis, that he fall misknaw and repell fra him at the latter Day all Wirkaris of Iniquitie, evin thame quha had propheciit, wrocht Wounderis, and caſſin out Devilis in his Name; quhilkis Thingis thai culd nocht do without Fayth. S. James corro- I Pet. 4. boratis the famin Sentence; and S. Petir affirmis that the Jugement fall begin at the Hous of God, quhilk is the Faythful. Albeit we misknaw nocht, thar the perfyre quik Fayth, be the quhilk we apprehend the Grace of God, con queſt till us be Jefis Chriſte, throw Exerciſe of his Sacramentis and utheris his Ordinance, Jac. 2. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 229 Scotland. Eſay 59. Sap. I. Qub Ordinance, be the quhilk we ar juſtifiit, can nawayis be ſeparat fra Cheritie; Galat. s. for quha ar moveit be Chriftis Spirit, ar the Sones of God; and quharc is Che- Rom. 8. ritie, thair is God: Zit be quhat Reſſoun can ze affirme generalie, Fayth na-Heir neidis na wayis to be in ony but Cheritie. Perluade ze nocht be this zour new Deter-than the com- minatioun, manifeſt Preſumptioun, and ungodlie Securitie of Conſcience to the noun Practik wickit, to think it fufficient to bable chair Beleif, and to haif na Regaird quhow Dilait, ed. thai leve? Or will ze that quhow oft a Man finnis, fa oft he be denudit and this Day in {pulzeit of all Fayth; ſen quha evir offendis God and his Nichtbour injuſtlie, throw Sin, wantis Cheritie? 8. Of the Diſtinctioun of actual Sin. Uhy niak ze na Diſtinctioun nor Difference of actual Sinois ? Sen S. James 3a. r. diſtinctis the ſamin, fayand, Concupiſcence quhen it conſavis, generis I fo.se Sin; and Sir quhen it is confummat, perfytit or endit, generis Deid: Di- ftinctand the Sin, quhilk ſtandis with Grace, callit be Theologis veniall; and the uthir, quhilk feparatis us fra God, callie mortall: Sen the juf Man ſinnis Prov. 24. ſevin tymes on the Day, and ryſis agane ; and as S. Joline writtis, nane of us ar but Sin? Will ze haif us be this kyod of Sin cvir in the State of Damnatioun ? and na difference of the lycht Imperfectioun callit Sin, zea in the regenerat Prov. 2017 be Godis Spirit, and the Sin of the wickit? Sen the former kynd of Sinnaris ar manifeſtlie callit juſt, as wes Job, Zacharias and Elizabeth ; and maiſt trew Job i. it is, that na Damnatioun is to thame quba ar in Chriſte Fefu, and walkis mocht eftir the Fleſche : Ar we nocht commandit nocht to be defavit, bor be- leve that the rychteous Man is rychteous, as Chriſte his Heid is rychteous ? Rom. .. Bot of the uthir kynd it is writtin, Quba ar nocht juſt, ar nocht of God. Quha ar nocht moveit of Chriftis Spirit, ar noche his. Departe from me (ſall Chriſte Matt. st. ſay to the vane Bragaris of Fayth) all ze Wirkuris of Iniquitie. Perfuade ze Werk beiriy nocht, for nocht diſtincting this Generalitie of Sin (as we laid afoir of Fayth) Witnes. the wickit to Preſuinptioun ? 9. Of calumnious allegeing of Papiftrie, and lefum Simplicitie. I Fo. I. 3 Reg. 8. Rom. 8. I 70.3. i apperand Malice and Perverſitie be the Name of Papiſtrie, nocht only a- ſcriving in mony Controverſiis the uniforme Doctrine of the Martyris and u- theris Fatheris, aggreing with Godis Word, to the faid Papiſtrie ; bor alſo al- legeing impudentlie and calumniuſlie that Thing to thame, quhome ze call Pa- piſtis, quhilk nevir ane of chame (ſa fer as we can collect) thocht anis in mynd? as, That our Salviour deſcendit to the Hellis in his Body : Thar Men ar ſaific Dere Patrik be thair Workis, and nocht be Fayth in Chriſte;, and utheris fiklyke. And Kinloquby al- alſo imputing to the univerſal Conſent of Godis Kirk callit be zow Papiſtis, that chir Exeinpilis Thing quhilk every Man in his privat Opinioun hes writtin within thir few in Linlythgow, Zeris ; fen we addict our ſelfis to the Doctrine of na Man, of quhatevir Leirn-thes findry of ing and Auctorite he be, except in fa fer as it manifeſtlie aggreis with the Ca-nien. tholik Doctrine, planelie declarit till us be the maiſt aunciant Writtaris abone ane thouſand Zeris pallit, to hef bene belevit and obſervit afore chame, fra the A- poſtolis Dayis, and keipir in dayly Practyfe to this preſent in Godis Kirk. Mairover as we knaw that our Salviour and his Apoſtolis did and ſpak mony Fo. 20 e 2nd Thingis quhilkis ar nocht expreſlie writtin, and thairfor of na Neceflitie injuvit us to beleve, except thai be of the Traditionis univerſalie belevit and obfervit : Traditionis Zit ſen mony Thingis ar writtin in Hiſtoriis, and keipit fra cyme to tyme in the univerſal. Memorie of Man, aggreing with the Scriptuiris, and apperand to be trew; as Quhow of that Knycht quha peirſit our Lordis Syde with the Speir, to hef bène callit Thingis with Longinus, and to hef obtenit at that Tyme nocht only the cleir Syche of his troverſie Tech corporal, boc alſo of his inwart Eis, and to hef bene faific throw the Plentuel-fum, the fedi- nes of Mercy with the Theif that hang on the rycht Hand. This groſſis Ex- emple we propone apperand trew, and to the Gloir of Chriſtis grete Mercy and Diviſioun. Mmm fchawin ſawis Schiſme 230 A P P E N D I X. Book II. Sap. 9. A fair Battel ſchawin to his Inimeis, bot amangis us of na Exiſtimatioun, in the Rebuk of esantis pas cheif Arrogantis, intending be this and utheris fiklyke to law and nureis Dif- Johne Knox, cord amang the Membris of Chriſte Jefu, be the Name of Papiſtrie. Siklyke, in his preche. That the Croce and Pillar quharear oure Salviour lufferit, wyth his Cote, and Fohnes Jivan fikſy ke to be keipit zit aangis Chriſtianis : That the Apoſtolis and Martyris gel and aganis Body is be zit iyand in fik Places as fum Men affirmis thame to be. Quhat Pe- and tiklyke. "rell or Errour is it to beleve in fimplicitic of Mynd thir Thingis, and fiklyke, fua thai be nocht abufit in Idolatrie nor Superſtitioun, bot in ane moderat Re- verence, nor zit injudit to ony Man to beleve the ſamin as neceſſar to his Sal- vatioun ? Gif ze think na Perell thairin, quhilk ze behuis to do on the maner forfaid, except ze be maiſt mad and unkynd to Chriſte; quhy attempt ze fik Diviſioun thairthrow, cryand, Papiftis ! Papiftis! makand the femple and humill Membris of Chriſtis Body as ane Geſtingſtok, ane Fable or Bable to lach at, and that be the Name of Papiſtis? Gif ze for our Simplicitie in Godlines, humill Jugement and Submiſſioun of our ſelfis to the Jugement of the haly Ca- tholik Kirk in all Controverſiis, keipand ſuirlie the Articulis of our Beleif, and leveand as we may be Godis Grace (quhilk we intend) in the Feir and Luve 1 Tim. 1. of our God and Nychtbour, quhilk Thing is the End of all the Law ; haif we na mair juft Caus to rejoſe to be callit Papiftis (be the quhilk Namne we under: ſtand Catholikis, Sones of the haly Catholik Kirk) than ze haif in the Name of Proteſtantis or Calvinianis ? For fiklyke with us rejofit the haly Prophet Pſal. 115. David, to be callit the Son of Godis Damicell, quhilk is the haly Kirk, fayand, Pſal. 85. I Lord, I thi Servand and the Sone of thi Damicell; and in an uthir place, Lord ſaif thi Servand, and the Sone of thi Damicell. 10. Of the firſt four General Counſelis eftir the Apoſtolis. And zit to this Sep na Heretik that ever wes in this our lattir Dayis, or afoir; denyit the firſt Gohinkisthai in num, Conftantinopolitanum & Chalchedonenſe) except thai Heretikis or thair thairBuikis ap-Scoleris, contrare the quhilkis tha Counſelis wes haldin, tweching the cheif Articulis of our Beleif, to wit, the haly Tinitie and Incarnatioun of our Sal. ar contrarius; viour; quhy hef ze left out in zour Confeſſioun, laitlie ſer furth at Geneva in tweching the Inglis, the Counſel of Conſtantinople, confeſfing zow to condemne all Hereſiis the Mes, the condemnit in the uthir thre, makand na Mentioun of it? Will ze noche grant real Preſence with the ſaid Counſel, contrare the Heretik Macedonius condemnit thair, that of chair; in the Haly Gaift is verray God? And gif ze confes the famin, as we dout nocht che Mariage of bot ze will do ; quhy geif ze juft Occaſioun to the infirme to be in that part thair Munkis fclanderit be zow? Or quhat uthir Thing appreyis that Counſel chat ze dar im- and in thair' preve. ufurpit Auctoritie. II. Of the Terme Sacrament, and Numbre thairof. SE. En ze admitt na thing in Religioun, except thai Thingis quhilkis ar expreſlie contenit in Scriptuir; quhy mak ze fik Brag, Tumult and Diviſioun for the Terme Sacrament, cryand fa oft to be twa Sacramentis in Chriftis Kirk, and na ma ? Quhilk Terme is nocht peculiarlie appropriat in Scriptuir to ony of thai Ephef.5. fevin callit be the Kirk Sacramentis, except to Matrimonie allane, quhilk ze, contrare the Scriptuir, denyis to be a Sacrament? Quhy uſe ze nocht the famin Act. 8. 19. ſevin be fik Names as thai ar expreſſit in Scriptuir but ferthair Contentioun, as A&t. 13. Baptim, the Lordis Supper, the Impofitioun of Handis, in Confirmatioun and I Tim. 4. Ordinatioun of Miniſteris, the Keis for Abſolutioun to the penitent, Matrimo- nie, the Prayer on the ſeik with uncting of Oill? Or quhy call ze pocht the Epheſ. 5. ſamin Myfteriis, conforme to the Evangell, but mair brag? And ſuppoſe ze Marco. contemne the Terme Sacrament to all the fevin fua haldin, quhy contemne ze the Uſe and Exerciſe in zour Congregatioun of ane grete part of the laidis levin, Math.13 contrare the expres Scriptuir ? Quhy uſc ze this Terme Communioun for the Lordis Supper, nocht contenit in Scriptuir in that Significatioun, and famekle abhorris preve, in thair Doctrine thai and Nunnis; 7o 3. I Cor. II. Matth. Fo. 20. Luc. 8. Book III. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν ΟΙ Χ. 231 abhorris fra the Terme Miſa, expreſlie contenit in the original Hebrew Text Dent, 16. for ane Oblatioun ; fen na Chriſtiane of the former Aige, and few of the Prote- ſtantis at this preſent in Alemannie and utheris Cantreis, deny is the ryche Uſe and Practiſe of the Lordis Supper to be callit ane Sacrifice or Oblatioun Q : in loc. com. 12. Of the twa Sacramentis, and na ma. Uhac haif ze for zou, that in Chriftis Kirk thai ar bot twa Sacramentis, Calvin. ir and na ma; ſpecialie fen zour grete Maiſter Calvine denyis noche to be infrut . de fan cram. in gene thre, Melanchton and ucheris four, utheris five, and fum fex ? For Scriptuir re, de ordine haif ze nane, nor zit, as we ar informit, aunciaut Fatheris, nor General Coun- Eccleſiaſt. felis, nor zic (that fuld move zou mair) uniforme Conſent of zour awin Writ- Melanchton. taris. 13. Gif the Sacramentis be Signis only of Salvatioun. Uhy mak thir twa Sacramentis Signis only of Salvatioun, quharby we fuld be aſſuirit (as ze teche) of Godis Grace ? and nocht erar Meanis of Effi- cacitie, quharby God workis' his Grace in us? Sen it is writtin, that God Tit. 3. makis us ſaif be the Lawar of Regeneratioun. And S. Petir hes thir Wordis, that Baptim on lyke maner makis us faif. And S. James hes, that the Prayar 1 Pet. 3. of Fayth fall ſaif the patient. S. Paull writtis, that Timothe had Grace be im- Jac. s. poſitioun of his Handis. QUI 30.3 1 Cor. 74 Stifritt be che man, &c. 14. Gif the Infantis be ſaifit bat Baptim. Uhar haif ze for zou, that the Infantis of the Faythful ar ſaiſit alrady but Baptim? Sen the Scriptuir techis, that we ar borne the Sones of Wrayth; Epher , as and, Except we be borne agane of the Watter and the Spirit, we fall nocht entir in the Kingdame of Hevin. And S. Auguftine affirmis this his Sayngis in Auguſt. ad mony utheris Places, Trow nocht, ſay nocht, nor teche nocht (ſayis he) gif vincent. de fid. thow wale be a Catholik, that the Infantis or thai be baptizit cumis tó Ré lib. 3. cap.g. miſſioun of Sinnis, gif thai be preventit be Deth but Baptim. But quhow can the Promis maid to Abraham and his Seid preve zour Intent in this Mater? Scu efter the Promis maid to Abraham in that ſamin Place, it followis that the Gen. 17. Maill Barne noche circumcidit the auchtin Day, fuld peris fra his Peple. Bot ze affirme Circumciſioun and Baptim to be of anc Strenth and Efficacitie. * For thair it * Or zit quhow may that Place of S. Paull allegeit beżow confirme zour Sen- is writtin, the tence, Vibirwayis zour Sones war unclene, but now thai ar haly? except Man to be fan- that ze wald an indurat Fow and an unfaythful Ethnik, be the Faych of an u- faythful Wo- thir, to be faifit. Of San&tificatioun tharcfor thai ar divers Maneris. 15. Of the Contempt of Baptim to the Miniſteris Perrell. G! If ze affirme with Calvin, Baptim to be fa peceſſar, that it fald nocht be con- temnit, gif Occaſioun and Tyme ſerve rhairto (as we grant alſo that the Guidnes of God aftrictis nocht urherwayis in the Perfones of adult Aige his Grace to the Sacramentis) quhy refuſe ze to baptize the Barois quhen thai ar brocht to zou, except it be zour appoinctic Day thairto ? And quhy allege ze Noc. it to be na Perrell to zour felfis alwayis, contrare zour Doctrine (to wit, that the Sacramentis fuld nocht be contemnit) gif the Barnis deceis but Baptim throw żour Necligence, or erar Contempt and lichtliing of Godis Ordinance ? Or quhy refufe ze to baptize the Barne prefentit to zou be faythful Men, for the Iniqui- tie of the Father, fen it is writtin that the Sone fall nocht beir the Fatheris I. Ezech. 18. niquitie; and fen-a Chriſtiane is nochr faythles, albeit he be fallin utherw ayis in Sin? In fa fer as ze wald punis Sin, we diffent nocht fra zow; bor gif ze lat the Barne peris, quhow fall ive nocht diffent fra zow? Or quhow can ze ex- cuis zour Crueltie thairin ? M m m 2 16. Gif 232 Book III. A P P E N D I X. tu ſanct. dog And in mony Places ma. on the hail Martyris of we follow heir. Sanctis of the Ground of 16. Of the Ceremoneis at Baptim. einen neuen S En the maiſt aunciant Martyris and Doctouris of the primitive Kirk, as F. ftinus, Cypriane, Tertulliane, Origene, Baſil, Auguſtine, and ucheris, Terr. de cor. witneſſis mekle Ordour to be obſervit at Baptim, nocht expreſlie writtin in Scri- Orig. in num. ptuiris ; and alſo mony of thai Ceremoneis uſeit be the Kirk of God in thir our Aug.de Ecclef. Dayis ar Baptim, to hef bene Traditionis univerſalie obſervit, and throw that Caus pochr to be neclectic nor contemnit; quhilkis ar ſpecialie, Exorcizatioun, the Signe of the Croce, with the rycht Hand on the Forrer, to be maid, to re- Quhen thai nunce the Devil and all his Werkis, the uncting with Oyll and Chriſme; the cryout Papilis baptizit to be coverit with a quhyte Clayth callit the Cuid, to be thryis dippit think mair evil in the Wattir: Quhy accuis ze us of Idolatrie, Superſtitioun, or Papiftrie, as ze call it, for the uſcing thairof ? and will nocht condemne planelie, as ze think Chriſte, the (quhilk Thocht eſalie may be conſiderit) the faidis Martyris, Doctouris, and all Doctouris.erc . Kirkis of Chrifte afore thir our Dayis, as an idolatricall and ſuperſtitius Kirk, ane Conſent pollutit with the faidis filthy Vices? 17. Of Godis Kirk. Note heir thai G" If ze condemne the faid Kirk of the Martyris (quhome the reſt hes evir fol. ar compellit to lowit to our Dayis in that part) of Superſtitioun and Idolatrie ; quhare fall blaſpheme the ze find this Kirk of God promittit in the Evangel, quhois Fayth fuld nocht failze? God, and imagine a Kirk inviſibil. Luc. 22. Matth. 28. 18. Of the Ceremoneis amang the new Reformaris. Wein beings Gif ze will admitt in zour Kirk na Ceremonie, except expreſlie commandit in Scriptuir ; quhy will ze noche baptize the Barne, except the Father thaira thair Do&trine of hald it in his Armis afoir zour Pulpet : And nocht content with utheris fallis in the Gentlemen, except thai bring thair Bairnis throw the Strecis in thair awin Matth . 3. Airmis ? And quhy baptize ze in the Kirk, and in ony prophane Baſın, and nochr in the plane Feildis, and in the Revar or Fluid, as did S. Johne the Bap- tiſt, Philip and the reſt of the Apoſtolis ? Quhy haif ze God-fatheris and God- motheris, Ten the haill Congregatioun thair preſent may be Witnes ? Quhy hald ze God-motheris in the Beginning, and now repellis the famin? Quhy baprize ze nocht, except ze geif every Barne ane Name at that Tyme? Of the quhilk albeit ze haif Exemple of S. Johne the Baptiſt at his Circumciſioun, and of our Salviour, zit quhat expres Command haif ze thairto ? Quhy cover ze zour Table Matth. 26. with a quhyre Clayth at zour Communioun ? Quhy caus ze utheris than the Mi- niſter partlie to diſtribut zour Breid and Wyne at zour Coinmunioun, ſen our Sal- viour (quhois Place the lauchful Miniſter occupiis) gait his Sacrament himſelf ro his Diſciplis, commanding thame as his lauchful Miniſteris to do the ſamin ? Quhy mak ze zour Communioun afoir Dennar, ſen our Salviour inſtitutit his haly Sacra- ment efter Suppare ? Quhy ule ze at zour Communioun now four, now chre Coupis, and mony Breidis ; nothir keipand the Ceremonie expreſſit in the Evan- gel, nor confeſſing the Trewth of the Myſterie with us, fen our Salviour uſeit ane Breid and ane Coup? Gif ze nothir affirme Chriſte realie thair preſent, (quhilk ane individit the crew hevinly Breid till us promittit, eviry Chriſtiane of us at our haly Communioun moſt affuritlie throw Chriſtis omnipotent Word ref- ſavis) nor zit keipis the Ceremonie in the uſeing of ane Breid and ane Coup; 1 Cor. 10. quhow undirſtand ze that is writtin be S. Paull, We ar mony ane Breid and ane Body, all that ar Parétakaris of ane Breid and ané Coup? And quhy will ze nocht folemnize zour Band of Matrimonie, except thai be procla- mit thre Bannis afoir ? Quhy caus ze ar Mariage the Perſones than mariit to tak utheris be the Hand, and in ſum Places a Ring to be gevin? Thir Thingis we ſpeir nocht that we repreve thame all, bot to knaw quhow ze eſtabilis zour Doctrine, to the quhilk ze will that we aftrict our ſelfis ; ten ze teche na thing to be uſeit at the Sacramentis, or in Religioun, except thai be expreſlie com- mandit in Scriptuiris, albeit ze uſe the contrare zour felfis. 19. Gif F. 3. A, 8. Note. Book III. 233 A P P E N D I X. 19. Gif all the Sacramentis of anld and new Teſtamentis ar of elyke Streathe and Efficacitie. SEn the Sacramentis of the Evangell exhibitis in Deid and Vetitie thai Graces figurat only and hoipit for in the auld Teſtament, as largelie exponis the Doctouris ; as Ambroſe writrand on the 73 Pfalm, The Sacramentis (ſays he) of the auld and new Teſtament ar nocht alyke ; for the ane promittis the Sal- viour, and the utheris wirkis Salvatioun. Quhy teche że, that thai ar all indifferentlie of ane Efficacitie and actual Strenthe ? Say ze that Manna in the Deſert wes the famin thing in effect that the Sacrament of Chriſtis Body, ſen the ane wes the Figure, and the uthir the Veritie? Or hald ze Manna of greitår Notes Excellencie than the uthir ? quhilk ze do, gif že confes Breid and W.ync allà. nerlie thair preſent ; fen Manna deſcendit frome the Hevin be Miracle, and Breid and Wyne aſcendis frome the Erd bc Natuir. Quhiddir affirm ze heirfor the Figure and the Veritie to be ane Thing, or nocht? Or the Figure and the Schaddow of mair Excellencie than the uthir, or nocht? 20. Of the real Preſence of Chriftis Body in the Sacrament, be Power of the Wordis of Chriſte omnipotent. Uhar haif ze for zour Defence to affirm in the Sacrament of our Lordis Bo. dy to remane Breid and Wyne with (I wate noche quhat) füm fpiritual Imaginatioun ? And mair erroneouſlie alſo contrare the Lutheranis, and all Kirkis afoir zow, that thair is nocht thair bot Breid and Wyne only ? fen the Wordis of our Şalviour (quha is verray God; omnipotent in Power) ar ſa ex- preſlie ſpokin, This is my Body: This is my Bluid And S. Pauli exponing Luc. dz. the famin; writtis, that the Man giba eitis thairof unworthelie, citis his i cor, it Damnatioun, nocht decerning (ſays he) the Lordis Body. And fiklyke all the aunciant Fatheris and Counſellis, nocht allanerlie that hes bein laitlie, bot quhá hes writtin fra the Beginning, quhare chai tweche that Mater, writtis contrare zour Doctrine; as ane ſufficient Teſtimonie thairof may be the firſt Counſel hal- din at Epheſus, to the quhilk ze aftrict zow in zour Beleif ſet out in žoui Con. feſſioun at Geneva. Bot gif ze allege that ſum of thame callis that Sacrament á Note: Figure, we ar certifiet be cvident Demonſtrationis of thair Writringis, thạc quhare thai call it anis a Figure, thai call it an hundreth tymes Chriftis verray Body and Bluid. Quhareby thai fchaw thamefclfis planclie, that thai call the fen- fible Signis of that Sacrament a Figure or Signe of the Thingis preſent inviſibilie, and nocht abfent, that nåne fuld haif that carnal and groſs Jugement of the can pernaitis. 26. Of certane Argumentis tweching the Premiffis. ZÉ takand żour Argument contrare the real Preſence of Chriſtis Body in the Sacrament; uſeis to reſſoun of the natural Propirteis of a Manis verray Bo. dy, to the chilk the Body of our Salviour wes alyke (bot žit nocht equall) in all Thingis tweching an verray Man, except Sin and Ignorance, as ze godly iii that Cale conſentis with us. Bot we demand, gif our Salviour in this Lyfe en. duit nocht his mortall and paſſible Body with the Propirteis and Giftis of an im- mortall and impaſſible Body? Gif že ſay na, zè deny the Scriptuiris; as quheri 76.6. he paffit upon the See, quhen he transfigurat his body afðir his Paffioun, quhen marr, 14 he paſſic throw the Middis of the thik Peple to evade thair Furie ; and fiklyke Luc. 24. eftir his Reſurrectioun, by the Propirteis of a Body glorifiit, and than immoi- 70.8. 10. tall, eit with his Diſcipulis the Fuid of Mortalitie; and als by the Propirteisof alt. a verray Body, enterit in, the Duiris being cloſit, zea, as Godis Kirk declaris Act . 20. till us, throw the cloſit Duiris. We demand tow heirfor, gif ze beleve that our 10.20. Salviour did thir Thingis veralie and in deid, or be ane certane jouglarie Craft? Gif ze grant with us (as we hoip ze fall) that he did this Thingis trewlie and in deid, becaus it is fa writtin, albeit agains all naturall Jugement, and by the Pro- pirteis of a verray Body ; quhy beleve ze nocht the uthir allua ? Sen zour grete Nnn Maiſtes 234 APP E N D I X. Book III. in March * We ar nocht reſt. AL. 9. Calvin. in in. Maiſter Calvin confeſſis this Sacrament to be a Myſterie mair hie than he can ftitut. de cæna Domini. ſchaw be Toung, think in Mynd, or onyways can deſcend in his Hert, and an Homil . 83. uthir Mater than to trow only: And fen Chryfoftome maiſt erneſtlie forbidis to attend to our fatural Senſis and inanlie Reſſoun in that Mater, bot to geve Credit to the expres Word of God, albeit it appere contrare our Wittis and Sen. fis; bor ſen Chriſte hes ſpokin (ſays he) This is my Body, lat us geif Credit, and repugne noche to God? Ze misknaw nocht ſindry of zour maiſt leirnic Precheouris within thir twa Zeris and ane half, to hef affirmit with us planelie, and zit hes ſchawin na expres Scriptuir in the contrare' : 'Quhy wald ze heirfor afluirit gif this thral us, as ze war the Catholik Kirk, the Pillar of Veritie, that can nocht erre? wes in Johne * Quhare ze allege that Chriſte afcendit to the Hevin, and fittis at the rycht Korozis chapiis Hand of the Father, ze will nocht haif him fa bund in Hevin that he may na- na Diverſitie ways be in Erd: For eftir his Afcenfioun he apperit to S. Paull in the Way ; hcirin fra the be the quhilk S. Paull provis his verray Rcfurrectioun, 1 Cor. 15. And to fit at the rycht Hand of the Father, confirmis máir our Purpoſe, ſen be that is I Cor. Is. ſignifiit his omnipotent Power. 22. Gif the dew Celebratioun of the ſaid Sacrament be a Sacrifice. Uhy abhorre ze to affirm and call the rycht Uſe always of the Celebratioun and fanctifiing of the ſaid Sacrament of our Lordis Body, ane Sacrifice expr. Epif.or Oblatioun, ſen our Salviour maid Sacrifice at his laſt Supper, eftir the Or- dour of Melchiſedech, quhilk famin felf Thing he commandit to be done in Remembrance of him; and fen the laſt of the twelf Prophetis Malachias, to Pſal. 49. quhome aggreis David, foreſpak expreſlie of the Abolitioun of the auld Sacri- fices and Oblationis, and upſetting of ane clene new Oblatioun, to be offeric Fuftin. in dia: in the new Law to the Name of God in all Places, inening of the unbluidy logo cum Ju. Sacrifice of the Kirk in the Body and Bluid of Chriſte, as witoeſſis haly Mar. Iren. lib. 4.tialis S. Petiris Diſciple, Juftinus, Irenæus, with Auguftine, Eufebius, and utheris Doctouris ? Bot fen ze eſteme Auguſtine gretumlie (and noche without Cauſe amangis the reſte of the Doctouris) intend noche in this Caule to thraw Eufeb. de him (as ſum of zour new Writtaris dois) to mein in this Mater of ane uthir Sa- mons, evange crifice of loving allanerly. For we advertis zow as tender Freindis, that ze wil. be eſchamit thairin, he is fa plane in ſa mony Places in zour contrare. 3. lib. 2. Matth. 28. Mal. 1. Martial. ad Burdeg. cap: 3 cap. 32. Aug. de trinit. lib. 3. cap. 4. cap. ult empre Numbre of 23. Of the Numbre of the Communicantis, and utheris Ceremoneis. S we grant it lauchful and godly, that mony wald cum daylie to the Meſs, and reſave the haly Sacrament of the Altar (we ſpeik on this maneir with Aug, ſerm. de Auguſtine) togidder with the Preift ; fua can we noche underſtand zour Scru- ſanct. 19. pulofitie and vane Ceremonic, quhilk is, that ane faythful Man haveand na u- chir Impediment, bot wantand Cumpanie to communicat with him facramentalie, may nochr reſave that Sacrament him allane, without Errour or Idolatrie. Of Place; Quhow can he be him alane, fa lang as he is a Membre of Chriſtis Kirk? Heir- Tyme, nor for we demand zow, gif our Salviour at the Inſtitutioun of this Sacrament pre- The Commu- ſcrivit ane Law till us of all the Ceremoneis uſeit at that Tyme; as of the nicantis, is na Place, quhilk wes ane Hall ; of the Tyme, quhilk wes eftir Suppare; of the ex pria in Scri. Numbre of the Communicantis, of the quhilkis we reid only twelf? Gif ze af- firm that he did ſua, ze failze zour ſelfis, qubilkis keipis nocht ane Jot of all thre. And quhy wald ze heirfor thral us to ane Ceremonie nocht expreſlie com- mandit, contrare zour awin Doctrine in utheris Places ? 24. Quby this Sacrament is nocht uſeit to be miniſtrat to the Seik. QUhr Uhy neclect ze to miniſtrat this haly Sacrament to the Seik afoir thair de- parting out of this Lyfe, by the laudable Uſe and Canounis of the pri- mitive Kirk in ty me of the glorious Martyris ? Gif ze fay, that ze may nocht delivir it to ane ailane ; quby nocht now als weil as the tyme of the Martyris, be pruir. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 235 cap. 34• ſurditic fol. be the Exemple of the haly penitent Man Serapion, quha in the tyme of the re- Euſebo. Eccl. ſaviog thairof wes illuminat be the Spirit of Prophetie ? Gif ze excuis zow be hifi. lib. 6. thir Wordis of our Salviour, fayand, Drink ze all of this, and thairthrow ane Man can nocht reſave it him allane, gif the Miniſter or utheris be noche rady to A grete ABå communicat ; quhow can that preve zour Intent, ſen all Chriſtanis at ane Tymeowing thair and ane Place cau nocht keip that Commande, and ze interpret it fua ? Doctrine heira 25. Of the Wordis of Sanctificatioun. Z E confeſſing ofrymes trewlie with us, eftir the Techement of S. Auguſtine, that a Sacrament in Chriſtis Kirk conſiſtis nocht only of a Signe, bot of the Word of God jupit thairto at his Command; quhy teche ze and ſettis furth in zour Catechis, that the Wordis of Sanctificatioun of the Sacrament of our Lordis Body and Bluid ar pocht to be pronunceit to the end thar thair fuld be Note thar ony Tranſubſtantiatioun thairby, or be the Intent of the Sacrificear, bot to ad- wrifting and wrying of the vertis the Peple communicant quhow thai fuld behaif thame in the mein ryme ? expres Word Quhow can ze appropriat thir Wordis, This is my Body : This is my Bluid ; of God. to reche the Peple quhow thai fuld behaif thame, except only to the Intent that thai fuld beleve the famin to be trew that is ſpokin be God, and commandit to be ſpokin be the Miniſter in His Name, quho may nocht lie? Or be quhat Te- meritie and Fuilhardines dar ze miniſtrar a Sacrament, nocht pronunceand the Wordis of Chriſte, to the Intent that it fuld be a Sacrament; fen ze teche in u- And nocht to theris Places rycht trewlie, that without the Wordis of God commandand and techethePeple promittand Grace thairco, na Sacrament can be maid? Or quhow fuld the Mi- quhow thai niſter noche haif Intent to performe and perfyte that Thing that he wirkis in the fuld behaif Name and at the Command of God? thame. I Cor. 8. Fo.10. 26. Of the Names, Sacrifice, Preiſt and Altar. , quha only be Nature and eſſential Subſtance is guid, ryhteous, trew and merciful; zit the inexplicable Benignitie of the famin our God diſtributis and appropriatis in his Scriptuir the ſamin Names to his Rewlaris, and utheris Mem- Matth. 193 bris of Chriſtis myſtical Body in Erd, calling thame Godis, Kingis, Lordis, Luc. 18. juſt, guid, &c. And fiklyke our Salviour Chrifte Jefus being only our hie Rom.; Preift, and only that Sacrifice quhilk fra the Fall of Adam to the Day of Juge- Exod . 7. ment rakis away the Sionis of the Warld; and only fiklyke that Altar upon the quhilk the Prayaris of all acceptit and hard be our hevinly Father ar offerit : Pfal . 81. Żit ze misknaw nocht that the famin Names war appropriat to the Preiſtis , Sa. encos crifice and Altar, in the Law of Moyſes, prefiguring only Chrifte Jeſus than pajjim in Ex. tocum. The quhilk Names, Preift, Sacrifice and Altar, the Kirk of God a Levit. hes uſeit fen the Apoſtolis Days; for the Miniſter offering, at Chriftis Com- mand, the unbluidy Sacrifice of the Body and Bluid of Chriſte, upon the Table of the Lord, quhilk Thing ze misknaw nocht, albeit ze wink at the famin, ap- plauding to the Tyme. Albeit we may bring intellable Teſtimoneis thairof, zit for ſchortnes we will adduce bot a certane to zour Memorie. Dum altaria dæmonum in pulverem redigerentur, aram ignoti Dei ad con- Martialis 1). fecrationem refervari juffimus, &c. Sacrificium Deo creatori in ara offertur, Petri diſcipu- non homini, nec Angelo. galen. cap. 3• Ego omni die ſacrifico, non thuris fumum, &c. Sed immaculatum agnum Philal. de B. And. in ejus quotidie, in altare crucis facrifico. Ecclefiæ oblatio, quam docuit Dominus offerri in univerſo mundo, purum Irenæus lib. 4. facrificium reputatum eſt illi. Novi teſtamenti novam docuit oblationem, quam Ecclefia ab Apoſtolis acci. Ibid. cap. 32. piens, in univerfo mundo jam offert Deo. Nam fi Iefus Chriſtus Dominus & Deus nofter, ipfe eft fummus Sacerdos Cyprianus lib. 2. Epift. z. Dei Patris, & facrificium Deo Patri ipfe primus obtulit, & hoc fieri in fui commemorationem præcepit. Vtique facerdos ille vice Chriſti veré fungitur, Non 2 lus ad Burdca vira. cap. 34. 1 236 A P P E N D I X. Book III. calice vino & aqua milcendo. Aug. in Pial. 33• lib. 16. c. 22. Id. Epiſt. 107. Ambrof. lib.5. c. 1. de facr. Note. 24r. Georgeſi id quod Chriftus fecit imitatur. Et ſacrificium verum S plenum tunc offert Hay, ly haif' (Jacerdos) in Eccleſia Deo Patri, ſi ſic incipiat offerre, fecundum quod ipſum Loquitur de Chriſtum videat obtuliffe. Chriſtus de corpore & fanguine fuo inftituit facrificium fecundum ordinen Melchifedech. IX. Epift. 59. Voventur omnia quæ offeruntur Deo, maximè fančta altaris oblatió. Id. de civ. Dei Cùm Melchifedech Abraha benediceret, ibi primùm apparuit facrificium : quod nunc à Chriſtianis offertur Deo, toto terrarum orbe. Sacerdos ad altare Dei ftans, exhortatur populum orare pro incredulis. In altari conſtituitur panis & calix. Chryfoft. in Sacerdos altari afſiftens pro universo orbe terrarum, pro abfentibus, &c. Mat. hom. 26. facrificio illo propofito, gratias Deo jubet offerre. Siklyke we dout noche that ze misknaw the famin Fatheris, and all the reſt maiſt aunciant, commonlie to hef uſeit the lamin Termes in all Aiges, as the Kirk dois at this preſent ; and the Apoftolis fiklyke to hef abſtenit commonlie in thair Writtingis fra thir Termes in this Significatioun, for the Abolitioun of the Preiſtheid, Sacrifice and Altar, in the auld Law, and diſtincting the famin in the Law of Grace fra the uthir. As the uſeing of the famin Names in all Aiges fen thair Days, in uniforme Conſent, manifeſtlie to us perluadis ; quhy call ze us heirfor, for the uſeing of the famin, Papiftis, and Iparis in that part the haill Kirk afoir us? 27. Of the Ornamentis of the Altaris, and the Preiſtis. If the Law of Natuir ingraftit in our Hertis rejoſs in all cumlie and decent Ordour, and the famin nocht being aboliſſit, bot confirmit be the Evangel, 1 Cor. 14. and fen S. Paull alſo commandis all Thingis to be done honeſtlie and eftir Or- dour in the Kirk of God; quhat haif ze for zow to affirm all the Veſtimentis and Ornamentis in the Hous of God, fpecialie on the Altaris and Miniſteris in tyme of the divine Offices, to be fuperftitious and idolatrical, ſpecialie ſen we may preve in the primitive Kirk ſiklyke Ornamentis to hef benc uleit nocht com- Prov. I. & 6. mandit in the new Teſtament? Salomon alſo commanding us naways to dimit the Law of our Mother, quhilk is the Kirk (ſen be it na thing is promulgat bot aggreing with Godis Word, and proffetable to the outſetting of the famin) na mair than we fuld noche heir the Preceptis of our Fathir, quhilk is God. 28. Gif it be lefum to uſe ony prophane Coupis at this Sacrament. SEn the Vefchelis and Ornamentis appropriat to the Service of God fuld nocht Dan. 5. be prophanit iu uthir commoun Uleis, as the feirfull Exemple of Balthazar A Sacrilege. previs maiſt planelie ; quhy hef ze wappit down all the affixit Tabellis of the Lord, be all aunciant Fatheris afoir our Days callit Altaris, togiddir with the Font of Baptim, and uſeis zour Tabellis, Baiſſinis and Coupis furth of ony pro- A prophane phane Taveroun ? Will ze liaif the Sacramentis of Grace in the new Law of les Impietic. Dignitie and Honour than thais war in the auld, for the abuſing of the Vefchelis of the quhilkis the grete King Balthazar wes fa feveirlie puniſfit? 29. Eviry guid Chriſtiane Man is a King and a Preift, and qubat is meanit thairby. A Lbeit we acknawlege be the Scriptuir of God, that a juſt Man in the Kirk of God, quha fubdewis his Concupiſcence and Luſtis to the divine Law, is a victorius King and Preiſt alſo fpiritualie : Nochtheles we demand zow, gif be that Titill evity Man (albeit he haif Wit and Piſſance thairto) may juſtlie be a Quhow thai King to miniſtrat Juſtice? Gif ze ſay, Na ; quhy allow ze, and provokis alſo, provoke thair the Proveſtis and Ballies of eviry Burgh (quhome we can nocht call Magiſtratis fitt pe Auctori- propirlie as ze do, ſen thai ar nocht Principalis in a fre. Citie, as wes Rome, to inak Lawis, bot fuld be Subditis to our Soverane Lady) to baneis Chriſtianis and trew Apoc. 1. I Pet. 2. Scoleris to u tic. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 237 trew Scottiſmen fra thair Rowmes and Poſſeſſiones, confisk thair Guidis, put thame to the Horne, and condemne thame to the Dethe, for breking only of thair Actis and Decreis, upknawin to our Soverane Lady, or hir Majeſties Pre- deceſſouris ! ſen thai haif only Power to punis chair awin Comburgeſſis in ane viij. Schilling unlaw, or fiklyke. 30. Gif the Subditis may violentlie compel thair Princes to Religioun. If the Peple of Ifrael under the Idolatrical Kingis in Babylone, wes nocht Hier. 27. commandit be God to reſiſt the faidis Idolatouris, or be ony Violence to re- muif thaine fra thair Errour, bot to obey chame, ſuffer chame, pray for thame, Baruch I. and ſerve God in thair awin Religioun ; and David being unctit King of Iſrael, 1 Reg. at lenthia wald do na Violence to King Saull than being repellit and reprobar of God, and perſuitand the laid David injuſtlie to the Deth, bot lufferit him to rage in his Furie, fleing onlie fra his Violence for the Honour that he wes a King ; alſo we reid nocht that the Apoſtolis, or ony of the Catholik Religioun, evir puniſſit in Body or Geris the Infidelis quha had nocht reſſavit the Religioun of Chriſte, al- beit chai chaſtiſit the Apoftatis relapſit fra the trew Fayth anis reſſavit ; bot 1 Tim. 1. quhow the crew Chriſtianis wes ſcharpelie perſuitit and injuftlie puniſfit and op- preſſit be the Arrianis and utheris Heretikis and Apoftatis, the Exemplis ar over Rcid Athanase patent : Quhat Auctoritie heirfor haif ze for zow to comptrol our Soverane Là-and Nicephora dy, and compel hir Majeſtie to reſſave zour privat Opinioun of Materis in Re- ligioun unknawin to the haill Chriſtiane Kirk afoir thir Days, and as zit nocht reſſavir be ony Chriſtiane King at this preſent ? For zour ſelfis knawis Ingland, Denmark and Alemannie, except fum Calviniſtis and utheris ſtrange Sectis pre- tending Reformatioun alſua by the Romane Kirk, to diffent in mony Heidis fra zour Doctrine. 31. Of Obedience to our native Soverane Marie. Hink ze noche our maiſt noble, humane and gentil Soverane hes ſchawin O humane, hirſelf mair than King Davidis trew Dochtir, quha in that Caſe diſſenting herly, gentle fra the Counſel of maiſt Chriſtiane Princis, wald fle all occaſioun of Trible to be verane. done be Violence of Men of Weir and Strangeris ; noche to a King, quha ſum- tymes wes hir Maiſter, as wes Saullto David, bot to hir awin Subjectis, ufur- ping (as Chriſtiane Princis hir Gracis nerreſt Freindis thocht) hir Hienes Aucto- rite, in prerending ſa to reforme Religioun in hir Abſence, wald adventure hir Hienes awin Perſoun, by Counſel and Exhortatioun of mailt noble Princis hir Gracis neir Couſingis and undourit Freindis, in the ſtormie Seis, throw evidenc Perellis of Unfreindis, and preſent hirſelf to this Realme maiſt humblie, nocht as a Soverane, bot as a Subject, or erar hartlie Mother haifand Compaſſioun of hir tribulit Sones; objecting hir Majeſtie to maiſt extreme Perellis, to the In- tént that hir Sones maiſt deirbelovit fuld hef bene deliverit frome all Perel, al- beit thai had maiſt fuleſchelie in ane furius Rage, objectit chame to the famin : and in the mein tyme nocht intendand to the Puniſment of ony Cryme with Ri. gour committit be zouris in hir Hienes Abſence, bot labouris maiſt diligent lie for godlie Concord in the Realme and dew Obedience to the Auctorite, but the quhilk the uthir may nocht ſtand; committand alſo Libertie of Conſcience to the coinmoí zouris in Religioun (quhilk only in the beginning of the Tumule thai deſyrit) Proverb is and that by the Conſuetude of all Chriſtiane Princis uſeir to thair Subditis, quhilljhe Sow pur in Ordour be tane thairin be the thre Eſtatis of the Realme: Think ze noche that ane Fute; &c. this grete Humilitie, Gentrice and fingular Humanitie, junit with Wiſdume of faythful Man lik excellent zour native Soverane, fuld mollifie to humill Obedience the Hertrelift the auld of ane trew Scot, albeit it war forgeit of Irne or Steill? Gif ze think ſua with Serpent, us (as is zour Dewrie but dout to do) quhy exhort ze the Subjectis fa ferventlie ro Rebellioun agains hir Grace, except fche leve the Ordour and Catholik Opi- nioun in the Sacramentis of Chriſte Jeſus univerſalie reſfavir, and mak a mon- ſtruous Idoll of zour Maiſter Calvin, adheirand only to his privat Opinioun, ооо unknawin Thairfor 238 A P P E N D I X. Book III. dout bot a trew Chri. hift. lib. 6. cap. 34. Luc. 2. unknawin to the Warld afoir this preſent ? Gif ze can nocht preve zour Doctrine in the Controverſiis now preſent amangis us to be univerſalie reſſavit, quhow can Norc, Reidar. ze but Schame bable in zour Beleif, The haly Kirk univerſal? Or quhat pro- fertis zow that part of zour Beleif, fen ze ar as bund Slavis addictit to zour awin privat Opinionis Jugement, contrare the Mynd and Auctorite of the famia Kirk ? 32: Gif in the Mefs be ony Idolatrie. ANd gif it fall ples our maiſt excellent Soverane, to the Intent to ſaif zouris fra uter Ruine (as thair is na dout of hir Gracis guid Mynd chairto) to permit Thair is na zow ſafer as Godis eternall Word fufferis in the Meis, aga is the quhilk ze ſchaw zour ſelfis fa conjurit Inimeis; as for Exemple, that thai be na Preiſt nor Miniſter ftiane will do admittit thairto, bor fik that may inſtruct the Peple be hale and ſyncer Doctrine, all that may and guid Exemple of haly Lyfe; and that thai be day lie mony to communicat Godis Plefuir, with the Preiſt facramentalie, gif thai may be had, and that undir bayth che for an Unitie kyndes, gif it fall pleis the univerfall Kirk to keip that Uniformitie ; ſua ze condemne nocht of Superſtitioun or Idolatrie, a Chriſtiane Man, Miniſter or u- thir, quhen he may haif na Communicantis with him to reſſave the famin Sacra Euſeb. Eccl. ment him allane, be Exemple of Serapion in the tyme of the Martyris, and the haill Kirk in our Days. Quhat haif ze for zow to hald the Mefs Idolatrie, or thairin ony Superſtitioun ? Gif ze deny Chriftis Humanitie, be reſſoun of the in- ſeparable Conjunctioun thairof with his Divinitie, to be adurnit ; ze ar alrady confundit be the Exemple of the thre Kingis quha adurnit him in the Crib, and be Exemple of utheris alſo in the Evangel. Gif ze deny the real Preſence of Chriftis Mar. 15. Body maiſt bliſſit in the Sacrament, ze diſſent fra the Scriptuiris and haly Kirk u. Foan. 9. niverfall, and als fra the Segregatioun of all Heretikis afoir zow and zour Mai- ſteris, to wit, Oecolampadius, Zuinglius and Calvin, except Berangarius and his, as ze knaw preſentlie che Lutheranis in that part to be zour manifeſt Adver- faris. Gif ze deny Chriſte to be adurnit in the Sacrament, (ſen we adurne na vio * In PS. 98. ſible nor ſenſible Sigue thairof) quhy condemne ze nocht * S. Auguſtine for an Cor. 1o. Heretik, and † Chryfoftome fiklyke, with utheris of thair Aige, quha erneſtlie Spirit. fanét. accuifſis us of Sin, gif we adurn nocht Chriftis maiſt haly Body in the Sacra lib. 3. cap. 12. ment? 33. Gif Johne Knox be lauchful Miniſter. SEn we reid that nane fuld tak the Honour of Miniſtratioun of Godis Word and Sacramentis on him, except he be lauchfullie callie chairto othir be the Apoftolis. God immediatlie, or be Man haifand Power to promot him thairto : And ſen wé reid nane callir be God onlie, except fik as fchew thair Power gevin chame be him be Power of the Spirit, or in Signis and Wounderis. Heir- # Aſ this Place for give zow, Johne Knox, we ſay, be callit immediatlie be God, quhair ar (as God bade) zour Mervellis wrocht be the Haly Spirit ? For the Mervellis of woltring of Fohne Knox Realmes to ungodlie Seditioun and Diſcord, we adnumbre nocht to be of his Giftis: Bot gif ze be callit be Man, ze moſt fchaw thame to haif lauchful Power Gloir ze wate. thairto; as the Apoftolis ordinat S. Paull and Barnabas, albeit chofin be God afore ; and tha fiklýke utheris, in the xiv. of the Aétis : And as S. Paull or- I Tim. 4. dinatit Timothe and Tite, gevand thame Power and Command to ordour utheris; quharein apperis the lauchful Ordinatioun of Miniſteris. Zour lauchful Ordina- * And that tioun be ane of thir twa Wayis, we deſyre zow to ſchaw; fen ze renunce * and to zour grete eſtemis that Ordinatioun null, or erar wikit, be the quhilk fumtyme ze war callic Schame, Bro- Schir Johne. 34. Gif Johne Knox be not lauchful Biſchope, qubow can thai be lauchful ordinatit be him. G If he can nocht fchaw himſelf a lauchful ordinat Biſchope, (nocht onlie' a Preiſt or inferiour Miniſter) quhow can ze Superintendencis, or uthir infe- riour Prechouris electic and ordinat be him, nocht haifand Power thairto, juge zour felfis to be lauchful Miniſteris in the Kirk of God? 35. Quba Rom. 10. Heb. S. Luc. I. Foan. I. Eſa. 40. weil obſcuir maid a fel Farde, to his Act. 13 2 Tim. 1. ther. Tit. I. Book III. 229 A P P E N D I X. 35. Quby ar not the Lordis and otheris; lauchful Miniſteris as Johne Knox and his Complices. If Johne Knox and ze affirmis zour ſelfis lauchful, be reíloun of zour Science; and that ze ar permittie always, gif ze be not admittit be thais Kirkis quhome ze ſerve : Quhy haif ze prechit manifeſtlie a grete Errour and Schiſme in zour Congregatioun, contending with Tuith and Naill (as is the Pro verb) ſum Lordis and Gentilmen to hef gretumlie failzeit, miniſtrand zour Com. Heir Johné munioun in tymes bypaſt to thair awin Houihald Servandis and Tenentis ; fen Knox, bc htis the Lordis and Gentilmen being Men of Science, be thair awin Jugement, in aganis inheris, chat Cafe wes permittit be thair faidis Servandis to thač Office, quha affirmisis faſt tcddcrit thameſelfis to be a Kirk of God? in the Girn. 36. Gif the Ordinatioun of Miniſteris be a Sacrament. Quhiy Uhy deny ze the Ordinatioun of Miniſteris to be a Sacrament in Chriſtis Calvin.in inė. Kirk, fen zour grete Maiſter Calvin grantis in zour contrare, with mony Clien memoria utheris new Writcaris in Alemannie? Quhidder hes it the viſible Signe, viz, the dine Eccleſiaſt: Impoſitioun of Handes, the Promiſſis of God, with the Command (quhilkis thre, Thair is ng only ze think neceſſare to a Sacrament) expreſſit in Scriptuir or nocht? thing mait plane. 37. Of unqualifeit Miniſteris. Z E allegeand zour felfis to reduce the Ordour in Religious according to the Puritie of the writtin Word, and noche misknawing alſo that the grete De- cay of the ſyncere Religioun is, the Electioun and Admiſſioun of the unquali- feit and unable Miniſteris, as we confes with zow, that this lang ty me the maiſt part to hef bene admittit mair chrow Avarice, Ambitioun, or uthir carnal Af. Å dum Pa fectioun (and that in Puniſment of the Peple that God fa ſufferit) nor for godly cious it a mis Leirning, or utheris guid Propirteis requirit in a Miniſter; and chairthrow fpe- Scurge on the cialie all Mifordour or Abuſe that juftlie can be allcgcit maiſt cheiflie to hef Peple, as is the fpruug. Quhy admitt ze to be zour Precheouris and Minifteris in findry Pla- ces zoung Childring, of na Eruditioun, except the reiding of Inglis and ſmall Eotreſlis in Grammar, of na Experience, nor zit haifand Preeminence by utheris of godly leving; except ze call that godly, to covet a fair Wyfe and ane fate Penſioun, by the Lawis of the monaſtik Lyfe, quhilk ſindry of thame hes pro- feſſic? Sen S. Paull techis, that Men in this Vocatioun, by mony uthir godly i Tim. 3: Propirteis, fuld nocht be zoung of Leirning and godly Exerciſe always, bot po- tent to exhort and teche in helthful Do&rine, and potent to repreve and convic tit. t. the Gainfayaris of the famin. 38. Of a new Ordour of Eldaris. fals Prechour. Note. Bifchoipis and Preiftis, quhilkis laft Names (a) the Apoftolis ufeit nocht 1 Tim's. (apperantlie to the Intent that thai ſuld nocht be eſteinic of thai fort of Preiſtis and Bilchoipis of the auld Law) quhois Office is expres to preche and miniſtrat the Sacramentis ; quhy invent ze in zour Kirk a new Ordour of Eldaris, quhome ze diſcharge to uſe ony of the Offices fotlaidis ? Siklyke, quhy committ ze tƠ À Confufióun the faidis Eldaris that Office, of the quhilk ze haif na Power ; to wit, the Of- of Ordour and fice of a civill Magiſtrat, quhilk pertepis only to an Emperour or King, or lyke public Perſones, or to quhome thai cheis, conforme co our Salviouris Sayngis, Geve to Cefar that pertenis to Ceſar ; and fiklyke, ſaying to Pylat, Zow wald baif na Power over me, except it war gevin the frome abuif ; quho hald his Oo o 2 Power . (a) The Author appoints the following Correction to be read here, viz. “ Reid, quhilk laft Name, that it may referre to the • Terme Preiſt only; and gif Fohne Knox gat qubilkis Names in his Copie, let him underftand it of the Termes Sacerdos and “ Pontifex; and the Wordis ujeit nocht, that thai callit noche thameſelfis be thai Names.” 240 A P P E N D I X. Book III. Power of the Emperour. Quhy ſua tak, ze fra the Eldaris, quhilk is thair Dew- tic and Office, and gevis thame, quhilk pertenis nocht to thame, nor zit ze haif Power to geve thame? Jo. ult. 39. Of the Pape, and gif a Superiour fuld be amangis the Biſchopes. SEn En vaturalie be Godis Providence amangis Fowlis, Fiſcheis and Beiſtis, in every Companie is ané Principal, as it war ſuperiour ; and fiklyke amangis Men in every Realme is nocht only ane King or Quene, to quhome all obeys, bot alſo in every Province, Schyre, Citie and Hous is ane Principal or Supe- riour, as thair is in cviry Craft almaiſt ane Decane : Quhy fuld it nocht be ſua in the Eccleſiaſtical Stare, amangis the Biſchopes, utheris Paſtouris and Mini- Deut. 17. fteris ; fen in the Law of Moyfes God providit ane hie Biſchope, quhois Sen- tence in Controverſie of Religioun the Peple fuld follow, under the Pane of Dethe? We can nocht be aſſuirit of na Scriptuir that ze allege, bot S. Petir had the famin Power gevin ſingularlie and ſeveralie to him by the reſt and above the reſt of the Apoſtolis, as we ar at this preſent peſuadit be thir Wordis of our Salviour, Simon Iona diligis me plus his ? &c. Paſce oves meas, &c. And that all the reſt of the Apoſtolis wes numerat amang the famin oves, it apperis till Matt. 26. us in thir Wordis, Omnes vos ſcandalum patiemini in me in noéte iſta : quia ſcriptum eft, Percutiam paftorem, & diſpergentur oves gregis. And in an u- thir place Petiris Auctorite above thame, Ego rogavi pro te, Petre, ut non deficiat fides tua: Tu verò converfus confirma fratres tuos. Quhilk Power Alt. 1. 2. 3. he apperis planelie to hef exerceit amang the Apoſtolis takand the Speche on him fpecialie in all Conventionis, albeit he ſufferit S. James Biſchope of Hierufalem •to pronunce a Sentence at his awin Kirk in his Preſence. And gif ony be fu- periour, quhy fuld nochr the Succeſſour of Petir ? Knaw ze nocht that all the aunciant Fatheris attributis mekle to the Kirk of Rome by utheris Kirkis, and alſo the General Counſelis qubilk ze appreve ? As for Exemple, ze knaw that Epift. 165. S. Auguſtine confirmis his Doctrine ſpecialie contrare the Donatiftis, that nevir ane of the Biſchopes of Rome till his Days (citand thair Names to the Numbre a- bove xxxvi.) trowit uthirways nor he did, contrare the faidis Heretikis. Gif ze affirm the Pape to be the Antichriſte, will ze nocht ſchaw of quhat Pape ze Of the Name mein, gif ze ipeik of the Romane Pape ? Or qubidder underſtand ze be the Pape all Biſchopes? for be that Name we reid ony Biſchope to hef bene decorit ; as S. Hierome writtis to S. Auguftine Biſchope, Hieronymus Presbyter beatiſſimo Papæ Auguſtino S. Gif ze had the Biſchopes of Rome Antichriſtis, be reffoun of ony Vice (quhilk we intend nocht to defend) quhilk of zow is but Vice, caft the firſt Stane at thame. Gif it be for ony Doctrine contrare Chriſte, ſchaw it in ſpecial (we pray zow) that we may fle frome it. Act15 Pape. 40. Of the Sacrament of Pennance. Fo. 29. QUhy deny ze the Sacrament of Pennance ? And quhy necle& ze to uſe at the leiſt the Abſolutioun of the Miniſter afoir zour Communioun always; ſen the Apoſtolis wes inſtitut be our Salviour with fik Solennitie in that part of thair Office, that eftir his Reſurre&icun he blew in thame, fayand, Reſave the Haly Gaift. Qubois Sinnis ze forgeve, thai ar forgevin; and quhois Sinnis ze retene, thai ar retenit ? And quhy diſſent ze frome che maiſt part of Ale- mannie in that part ? 41. Of Contritioun, Confeſioun and Satisfactioun. Qulis Uhy affirm ze that Contricioun, Confeſſioun and Satisfactioun ar papiſti. cal Inventionis, and callis us T'apiſtis for the uſeing chairof; and callis nocht Cypriane and the Kirk ſen his Days Papiſtis, quhois Doctrine in that Caſe we follow, as colled it and evidentlie deducir of Scriptuiris ? 42. Of Book III. 24.1 A P P E N D I X. de Luc. 139 í Pet: 4 42. Of Confeffioun. GIF If ze condemne Confeſſioun to be maid to the Preiſt of ſpecial Faltis, quhow can he abfolve, conforme to the Word of God, fum of thair Sionis, and fo. 20. retene uthir nocht abfolvit, gif he fall misknaw the Sin? Or quhy call ze it Papiſtrie, ſen the ſaid Martyr Cypriane witneſſis it to haif bene in the Kirk of Cypr . ferim God in his Days, and utheris fiklyke aunciant Fatheris eftir him? 43. Of Contritioun. OR quby call ze Contritioun Papiftrie, fen na Man can haif Forgevcance of his Sionis, except he repent with Intentioun of Amendiment of Lyfe, as our Salviour techis, Except ze do Repentance, ze fall all periſs? 44. Of Satisfactionn to God. Uhy hald ze Satisfactioun Papiſtrie, fen Cypriane, with mony aunciant Serm. de las Doctouris, oft inculcatis this Terme in chair Writtingis, to the Sentence® paſim. uſeit and reſavit at this preſent in the Kirk ? Miskoew thai, trew ze, the Satiſ- factioun and Redemptioun conqueſt till us be Jeſus Chriſte, as the full Ran- ſoun to the Father for the Sinnis of all the Warld ? Bot this we think ze will. Note nocht lay; for misknawand that Thing only, quhow culd thai be Martyris of Chriſte, that is Witneſſis of the Veritie? And zit thai ſpeik, and that be evident Scriptuiris, of a Satisfactioun requirit of our Obedience, as to turn to God in Murning, Faſting, Prayar and Almus deid, with fiklyke worthy Fruitis of Pen- nance, la oft inculcat be our Salviour and the Apoftolis to the Jowis, with ſik Dolour and Havines quharof S. Paullſpeikis, 2 Cor. 7. Gif ze admit nocht Sa tisfactioun on this maner to be maid to God, and nocht to Man only ; quhow un- derſtand ze thir Scriptuiris, Cheritie coveris the Multitude of Sinnis: Turn to me in all zour Hert in faſting, fobing and greting : Geve Almis, and all fal. Foel z; be clene to zow: And that Daniel ſays to Nabuchodonofor, Redeme thi Sianis Dan. 4: with Almus deid? With mony fiklyke Places. 45. Of Satisfactioun to Men. WE E deſyre zow to ſchaw, gif ze think it neceſſar to à penitent, to the end he get Remiffioun of his Sinnis fra God, that he mak Satisfactioun to his Brother at the leiſt, inſafer as he hes offendic, and rubbit him of his Geris or Honouris, gif it be in his Power ? Gif ze diffent fra us, fayand, Na; the Scri- ptuiris ar full of Teſtimoneis in zour contrare, as thir, Quba lävis nocht, re Joan. 3 manis in Dethe. Quha is nocht juft, is nocht of God. Departe fra me all Matt. 79 ze Wirkaris of Iniquitie. Quhen thow offeris thi Gift at the Altar, and reo's, membris that thi Brother hes ocht aganis the, leif thi Gift afoir the Altar, and pas and be reconcilit with thi Brother, and ſyne cum and offir thi Gift. Quba luvis nocht bis Brother qubome be ſeis, qubow fall be luve God qubome be ſeis nocht? Can a Man luve his Brother, ſa layog as he nocht only nocht helpis him in his Miſtar, bot contrarie oppreſſis him be Violence and Fraud ; quhilkis all to our Purpoſe S. Auguftine concluidis in thir Wordis, Sin is nocht forgevin (ſays he) except it qubilk is tane away be inftorit? Gif ze grant with us chat it is neceſſare, quhy miniſtrat ze zour Communioun to fik Perſones quhome ze knew perfytlie to hef intromittit violentlie with utheris Mennis Por- feſſionis, and als Rubberic of the Kirk Guidis; nocht only of Monafteriis, quhilkis ze imaginat to hef bene idolatrical, bot alſo of Bifchopis Saitis and Pa- roche Kirkis, but ony Repentance, Satisfactioun, or Intentioun of Amendiment? Quhilk Thing ze man othir grant to be Intromiſſioun with idolatrical Geris, and ſua thame and it to be burnt togiddir, be the Law of God, as eftir fall follow ; or ellis to be Sacrilege, war than commoun Thift. Of the quhilkis it followis Joſ. 72 confequentlie, that chai hef failzeit havelie cumand to the Communioun but Re- Ititutioun of wrangous Geris, or Inrentioun to that ilk; and ze fer haviar quha miniſtrar PPP 242 ATP E N D I X. Book III 2 Cor. 7. Luc. 3. Note and eſchew. miniſtrat the Sacrament (gif we may lua call it with zow) to the unworthy, knawand thame in that Eſtate, 46. Of twa Partis of Pennance newlie ſet furth. fa Foel. 2. Sobiog, Mourning and Teris, Walking, Faſting, Pray air and Almus deid; Luc. 11. 6. with Abſtinence for a tyme fra mony Thingis uthirways lefum, havy Dolour for the foremer Offenſſis, with firm Intent of renewing of Lyfe thaireftir, with Mart. s. utheris worthy Fruitis of Pennance, and ſpecialie Satisfactioun to all Men quhome we hef oftendit : Quhy hef ze fet furth the ſaid Pennance ſa obfcuirlie, appunt- ing thairto twa Partis only, quhilkis ar Fayth and renewing of Lyfe, callit be Na Word to zow reſipiſcentia ; fen Fayth is na inair a part of Pennance than it is of ony gevc thc Kow uthir Vertew, it being the Grund of all Vertew; and be the uthir Name the trew Holour forefaidis Propirteis of Pendance ar ovir obſcuirlie declarit? Perſuade ze noch for the Sinheirby to mony ungodly proud Preſumptioun, and unſuir Securitie of Con- conimittit,&c. ſcience ? 47. Gif Prefumptioun upſpringis of the Premiſſis, or nocht. WE defyre zow to maturelic conſider, and anffuer till us, quhiddir it cumis of zour licentious Doctrine in neclecting and contemning thir thre Partis of Pennance abone ſpecifiit (as it apperis planelie till us to cum) or uthirways, that findry at this preſent ar deſcendit to fik beiſtlie Ruidnes, and preſumptuous Se- curitie of Conſcience, and ſchamelis Preſumptioun, that thai ar nocht eſchameit nocht to fatifie thair Inferiouris or Brethir in thair Dewitie, of Detris or fiklyke, bot to mak mony maiſt large Promiſſis and Obliſſingis, koit with Word. Writt, Walx and Seil, als weill to ſuperiour Poweris (quhare thai dar) as to Equall and Inferiouris, and nothir keipis nor intendis to keip the famin; by the noble and faythfull Conſtancie of our noble Progenitouris, to the Blaſphemic of Godis Law, and to maiſt vile Schame of our Countre. Think ze nocht that this maiſt barber Ruidnes, and maiſt beiſtlie Impietie of Unfaythfulnes to Man, wald be fpirtit ar be a Jow or an Ethnik, zea be the ſtarkaſt Theif in Riddiſdale? Or thiuk ze ſik Perſones to be of Godis Elect, quha aucht to perſuade thamefelfis be Certitude of Fayth (as ze teche neceſſar to beleve) to be of the predeſtinat Sones of God? 48. Gif Concupifcence in the regenerat be damnable Sin. 19o. 3. 5. SEn it is writtin, that quha ar borne of God or regenerat, finnis nocht; and that we ar wefchin fra our Sinnis, fanctifiit and juſtifiit; and alſo that Chriſte 1 Cor.6. clengeis his Kirk (of the quhilk wear Membris) be the Lawar of Regeneratioun Ephef.5. in the Word of Lyfe: Quhy teche ze, that the Concupiſcence left in us eftir Regeneratioun, for our Humiliatioun and Exerciſe, is damnable Sin ? 49. Of Confirmatioun. AS. S. 19. SEn ze ſee the Sacráment of Confirmatioun ſa expreſlie ufeit be the Apoſtolis, and affirmit be Hierome and utheris Doctouris, that it fuld be miniſtrat be the Biſchoipis only ; Quhy eſteme ze it a Thing of na Importance, and bot a Papi- ſtical Superftitioun?, 50. Of extreme Unctionn. En that the Preiſtis of the Kirk ſuld cum to the Seik, ünct thame with Oill, and pray for thame, as our Salviour techis to be his godly Will be the Mouth Jac. s. of S. James ; Quhy put ze it out of the Uſe of Chriſtianis, and nocht only de- privis ic of the Name of a Sacrament? 51. Of Matrimonie. Quh Uhy put ze Matrimonie furth of the Numbre of Sacramentis, ſen it is callit Ephef. s. in the Scriptuir a Sacrament? Will ze hald the commoun Tranflatioun fals; Book III, A P P E N D I X. 243 fals, becaus the Greik Text hes pushesov? Will ze noche grant that thai cwa Sa. Dán. ź. cramentis quhilkis ze ſua call, ar pusñecce ? Mairover, is nocht Sacramentum in Epheſes. the Latin Text of als large Significatioun as the uthir is in the Greik? And al- ſua, quhiddir gif Matrimonie hes tha thre Propirteis requirit be zow to a Sacra- mont, or nocht? Col. I. 1 Tim. 3. Ro.. ån Adulterar, I Cor. 7. 52. Gif the Perſones ſeparat for Fornicatioun may mary atheris Perfones agane, the athir being on Lyve. Uhat hàif ze for zow, that a mariit Man or Woman levand the uthir for Caus of Fornicatioun, conforme to the Scriptuiris, may mary an uthir Perſoun, the firſt Party being on Lyve; fen S. Paull techis, that a Woman is fubdewit to the Law ſa lang as hir Husband levis; and alſo he gevis an expres Command to the innocent Woman dimitrand hir * Husband, to remane unmariit, * Zea, being or to be reconcilit to hir Husband ? 53. Gif the Harlotis, for qubais Caus Matrimonie is violatit or adnullit, may mary utheris. ZE E kiawand haly Matriſnonie being ſå erneltlie commandit indiſſolublie to be Mat. 19. 7. keipit, except for Caus of Fornicatioun ; quhat apperand Refloun haif ze Marca 10 fot zow (we appele to zour Conſcience) to admitt is a godly Law to ſuffir an fra Bed and Harlot in his Wyfes tyme lyand with an uthir Harlot, or a * Preiſt, or unma: Buird only. * In Glaſgow riit Man, lyand with an uthir Manis Wy fe; for that Caus the Matrimonie to be O abominable diffolvit, and the twa Harlotis to be zokit up in a pretendit Band of Matrimonie Practice! maiſt honorable, as it is practiſit be zow of ſum of our rennigate Preiſtis and u: theris as ze knaw ? ſeis nocht thame heit fet- terit. $4. Of twa contrare Lawis tweching Mariage. МА Airover, quhow deliver ze zour ſelfis of the Perplexitie of thir twa contram rious Lawis; to wit, That an Adulterar ſeparat fra his Wýfe for Forni. catioun, hes na Power be Godis Law to mary agane, his former Wyfe being on Lyfe ? And on the uther Syde, ze permite a Man or woman that may I $ Na uther nocht leif chaſt, to mary? Alfo, quhiddir gif a Man or Woman being lang ab Excuis hes ſent fra thair Party, or haifand thair Party impotent throw Seikues, or throw Maunktis, esto obſtinat Mynd noche ſocial , and zit may noche, as ze teche, leif chaſt, may Vow and Pro- mary an uthir in the mein tyme ? Gif ze fay na, be reſſoun of thaif former mistede i da Promiſe and Luve to thair Party ; quhy wail nocht ze Chanounis, Munkis, ignorant quha Freris, Preiſtis, Nunnis, keip the famin Reull, for the Lüye of Chriſte zour Spous, and Promis maid to Him? 55. Gif Preiſtis may mary eftir thair Promotioun. E nocht ignorant in that Part of the Scriptuiris and Hiſtoriis, that in the W 1 Tim. 3: primitive Kirk, of honorable Men haifand ane Wyfe , wes oftymes pro- motit to be Biſchopes, Preiſtic and Diaconis; of the quhilkis mony chaireftir turnit thair Wyfes in thair cateris : And heirfor think we the famin leſum as zit, with an uniforme Confer. Bot quhare reid ze evir in the primitive Kirk, that Norca Men wantand Wyfes pe tyme of thair Promotioun to thai Offices, and eftir mariit but Repreif gid Puniſment of the Kirk ? Schaw an Exemple, gif ze can. 56. Gif the Preftis in the nërv Law fuld be als beutiful as thai in the auld. Uſe of thair Bodyis till utheris rcquirit in Matrimonie, for a týme, that . 1 Cor. ? thai moc waik on Prayar : Quhat tyme is it, we pray zow, that a guid Biſchope, or uthir Paltour, fuld noche waik on Prayar, Studie, or Preching, and that he fuld nochebe rady to miniſtrat the Sacramentis ? Aud gif the Preiſtis in the Рpp2 Law 244 A P P E N D I X. Book III. Law of Moyfes (quha in that tyme behuiſit to haif Wyfes, for Continuatioun of thair Tribe of Levi, quha only of thair Natioun wes appointit to be Preiſtis) abſtenit fra thair Wyfes all the tyme of chair Obſervance in the Temple, and Quhy the certane Days afoir ; Will ze than that the Preiſtis, and Miniſteris of Chriftis the Law had Evangel and Sacramentis thairof, quharein is miniſtrat realie thai Graces prefi- Wyfes. gurat in the auld Law, quha continualie and dayly fuld waik upone thair Mini- îtratioun, to be les beutiful, and of les Cleinnes of Lyfe, than wes the utheris? Ambroſ. in And knaw ze nocht that Ambroſe, Origene, and utheris, pronunces planelie Orig. in Num. upone this Similitude and Conferrence, that the Preiſtis in the Law of Grace ſuld leve in continual Chaſtitie, fen thai fuld waik continualie upone thair Hierom.contra Prayar, Miniſtratioun of the Sacramentis, and ſiklyke? Ze knaw chat Achi- lib. melech wald noche geve the Schew-breid to David and his Servandis, quhill he knew that thai war clene fra all Women thre Days afoir. Gif fik Honour wes hald to the Figuir, quhar fuld be hald to the Veritie, quhilk is Chriftis Body and Bluid, daylie to be reſavit, or miniſtrat in the Sacrament be godly Paſtouris? homil. 23: cap. 19. Note. > Tim. 5. A gretc new Bande. 57. Of the Vow of Chaſtitie. Uhider gif it be leſum or nocht, that Men of perfite Aige haifand na lauch- ful Impediment to vow Chaſtitie ; and that Vow being complete, gif it bc leſum thaireftir to mary, conforme to the Law of God, or nocht? Gif ze think that thai may, quhow underſtand ze that Place of S. Paull, fpeikand of the zoung Wedowis quha had vowit Continence, that thai had thair Damna- tioun for only willing to mary, becaus thai brak thair former Promis? And this being trew of Women, quhow can ze religious Men abone ſpecifiit mary, and eſchew alſo the famin Sentence? Gif ze allege that ze vowit nocht, of quhar Mynd enterit ze in zour Religioun ? Or quhow fall ze defend zour felfis nocht to be Hypocritis, gif ze aftrictit nocht zour ſelfis afoir God to that Thing quhilk mony ways ze profeſſit afoir Man? 58. Of the Saulis departit afoir Chriſtis Aſcenſioun, and fenfyne. SE. En ſum of zour Religioun affirmis the Saulis of the Fatheris quha deceiffic in Fayth afoir Chriſtis Aſcenſioun, to hef entirit than to the Gloir eternal, as the Martyris and utheris juſt hes done fenſyne ; and utheris of zow techeis, Schiſme in the that nothir afoir nor ſenlyne, quhill the Day of the generall Reſurrectioun of thair Bodyis, fall aſcend thair ; Quhy cry ze nocht out the ane Syde contrare the uthir, or convenis amangis zour ſelfis on the ane Syde, and íchawis zour Determinatioun in the Mater corro.orac be evident Scriptuiris ? For of manly Conjecturis , or Scriptuiris thrawin by he relavit underſtanding thairof, to no- thir of zour Partis may we decline. 59. Of Princis and Nobilis Sepulturis. SE En the Prophetis and Patriarkis in the auld Teſtament had fik Cuir for thair honorable Sepulturis , and commandit that eftir thair Deth thair Banis to be cariit furth of the Cuntre of Strangearis; and in the new Teſtament ſiklyke we Matr.27 . reid noche only of our Salviouris maiſt honorable and nagnifik Buriing, bot alſo of S. Johne the Buptiſt, and S. Stevin, with utheris; and all this wes done, we ar affurit, for the Honour of the Bodyis, in hoip of theReſurrectioun : We will nocht ſpeir in adventuir ze be crabit, gif ze beleve firmli the Reſurrectioun with us ? Bot ſen ze aggre with us in that Beleif , quhy hef ze lifhonorit fua the Na Tow nor Bodyis and Sepulturis of the Princis of Scotland, and utheris Ox noble Proge- Turke wald nitouris, and wappit thair Banis ſchamefullie furth of thair Sepulttis, and maid hef playt this alſo a filthy Stable of Beiſtis to Strangearis upone our maiſt excellent Kingis Bo. thair Eldaris. dy quha laſt deceſſit? Gif ze allege ony occaſioun of Idolatrie at the faidis Sex pulturis ; that Trifle is na Excuis to zow, except ze grant zour ſelfis mair ruid and barber than evir wes Natioun under Hevin, to tak occaſioun of Idolatrie quhare nane is. Gen. 24. 35. 49. 5o. Exod. 13. Mar. 6. Act, 8. 60. Gif Book III. A P P E N D I X. 245 ze ar bor Ven: It is na Schamc , , 60. Gif the Kirk Geris wes Idolatrical, and of the Intromiſſioun thairwith. WE , Ornamentis in the Kirkis of Scotland wes Idolatrical, or nocht? Gif thai war nocht, quhy techit ze thame ſua to be, and burnt ſum of thamic in re- ſtimonie of zour Doctrine ? Gif thai war pollucit in Idolarie, quhy reſervit ze the beſt part thairof unburnt ? Quhow can ze excuſe zow nocht to be puniſſit i Reg. 131 with Saull, quha ſparit Agag, with certane of his beſt Guidis, contrare Godis Command ? Quhow will ze defend certane of the Nobilis and Gentlemen ini Scotland, quha intromittit with the faidis idolatrical Guidis, nocht to be tane with the famin Geris, togiddir with thair Sones, Dochtiris, Horſs, Cattell, and all thair Inſprayth, and to be burnt in Puldre, be Exemple of Achan, quha Fos. 7.1 committit only the famip Cryme (gif the faidis Geris wes idolatrical, and fuld Schiris re. hef bene burnt, as ze hef rechit) and that mair lychelie than thai, ſen he com-cant, and faif 3 mittic his Cryme quietlie ? Bot God forbid, gif it be His Plefour that ze be the Caus of fa ſeveir Jugement aganis our Nobilis. Quhow deliver ze zow heirfor for fa grete a of this Perplexitie, bot othir ze man confes zour Ignorance and Errour, or fik Cauſe. Severitie to be exerceit, as ſaid is? 61. Of the beſt Geris tane away and fauld, and the werft refervit. T He ſaid Achan being ſa puniſſit for the beſt Geris intromittit be him, quhy juge ze the Goldin and Silvir Chaliſſis, and utheris Thingis of Gold and Silvir ; Velvot, Silkis, and utheris fyne Clathis ; Bellis, Sepulturis, of Brace, Leid, and fiklyke that govis Money, to hef bene pollutir with Idolatrie, and thairfor to be deſtroyt; and nocht the auld and revin Ornamentis, Sklate, Thak and grof Stanis, rottin Tymmir and ſiklyke? Gif ze allege the Intromiſ- Zea the Cail- fioun and Diſpoſitioun of the faidis Guidis to hef bene contrare zour Will, quhy weir bund Futte techit ze nocht unfentzetlie contrare ſik manifeſt Sacrilege and Impietie? Or and Hand. quhy admittit ze fic oppin Sinnaris, without Repentance and Satisfactioun, to zour Communiouu? 62. Gif Thingis dedicat to God fuld be prophanit in utheris Vfeis. If Thingis anis dedicar and fanctifiit to God, fuld nocht be tranſlatit and Levit. ult. appropriat in utheris prophane Uleis, as the forſáid Hiſtorie of Balthazar Dan. 5. previs; bot gif thai be dedicat ungodly to God, auche to be fanctifit in a mair godly Uſe, be Exemple of the Incenſuris of Dat ban and Abirona : Quhidder Numb. 16. cumis it be zour * Exhortatioun or nocht, that mony defyris the Kirk-landis * Ouer trew. to God, for Suſtentatioun of godly Miniſteris, puir Studentis, and Becauſe zour touris Poſteritie ? Gif ze exhort thame noche thairto, & quhy cry ze nocht out forbiddis zou, upone thair wickit Conſait, and als manifeſt Sacrilege of utheris; and advertiſſis ganis ſum. that the Prophet incallis the Wrayth of God on chame, quha ſays, Lat us pof- Pfal. 82. feid be Heretage the Sanctuarie of God? and Invy a. 63. Of Traditionis unwrittin, and first Exemple of certane folennit Days. En the Apoſtill Paull commandit in findry Places his Traditionis to be keipit, als weill the writtin as the unwrittin ; and S. Auguftine fiklyke af- 1 Cor. 11, firmis, that to diſpute of thai Thingis univerſalie obfervit, gif thai fuld be keipit, nua.ead Ta- or nocht, to be maiſt infolent Madnes : Exemple he gevis of the zerlie Celebra- fula. Epift. 86. tioun of the Pafche-day, of our Salviouris Aſcenſioun, and down cuming of the He is blind Haly Gaiſt, on lyke maper zerlie to be celebratit. Quhy aboliſe ze the Soien-that ſeisthame niteis of the faidis Days with ſiklyke, and all uthir Ordour of that fort univer-Rebellis to dalie obſervit, as Zuil-day, Circumciſioun, Epiphanie, Lentren. Q99 64. Of Godis Kirk. 1 Book III. 246 A P P E N D I X. Z ſchamefullie George Hay retour ve thair Do&trine day? Dirt, and thameſelfis thair awin Do- 64. Of the mixing of the Lordis Coup with Wattir and Wyne afoir the San. tificatioun. E knawand that our Salviour ſched Wattir and Bluid in the Myſterie of our Redemptioun, and that the Lordis Coup with Wattir and Wyne to be fan- ctifiit in the Sacrament is prefigurat in the auld Teſtament in mony Places, as Epiſt. 3. lib.z. Cypriane previs maiſt largelie and erneſtlie, quho affirmis alſo that the Lord Quhow commandit us to mix the famin : Quhy detrect ze, and rebukis us Catholikis for the Obſervatioun thairof; and will nocht blaw out zour Indignatioun upone puttis Maiſter the Martyris, Cypriane, Irenæus, Fabiane, Evariſtus, Alexander, Augu- this Sentence ſtine, and mony utheris Doctouris, quhome as Witneſſis of the Veritie we fol- eftir the Titill low in this parte ? Bor fen ze do nochr fa, appere ze nocht to ſchuit out zour of his Buik. Malice contrare us, and nocht contrare that quhilk ze had an Errour? And ar ze nocht contrare the Scriptuir, Acceptouris of Perſones ? 65. Of the Sounday. If ze admit na Traditioun unwrittin, quhy ar ze fa bauld contrare zour Do. following, all ctrine, and manifeſt Scriptuiris apperinglie alſo, to celebrat zour Sabbaoth- the Ground of day with us Catholikis on the Sounday, and nocht with the Jowis on the Sater. is doumg in the 66. Of the Names, Perfones, and Trinitie. couri canis M Airover gif ze will appreve na thing bot expreſlie writtin, quhow will ze anfluer contrare an Heretik, denyand wickitlie the Father, the Sone and &rine. For all the Haly Gaiſt, to be callit godly and dewly thre Perſones and the Haly Trinitie? thic Thingis, Alſua, quhidder admitt ze and apprevis the famin Names, or nocht? And gif ze lie writtin, appreve thame, quhow eſtabliſe ze zour Doctrine, fen thai Names ar nocht writ- thai appreve tin expreſlie in Scriptuiris ? for a Tyme us : Bot take 67. Of the Forme, Gloir to the Father, &c. in the End of every Pſalme, Taill. Qu Uhy uſe ze to ſing with us Catholikis at the End of every Pſalme, Gloir to the Father, to the Sone, and to the Haly Gaiſt. As it wes in, &c. fen that godly Forme wes only commandit to be foung, in that Place, be the Pape Damafus, in the Rebuke of Heretikis? 68. That Infantis fuld be baptizit, contrare the Anabaptiſtis, Orig. in cap.v. Siklyke, quhat het ze for zow expreſlie writtin, to convict the Anabaptiſtis Errour, denying that Bairnis in thair Infancie ſuld be baprizit ? For Origene, de origine ani: Auguftine, and allo the Lutheranis, lenis in this Mater rycht wechty to the me, cap. 23. Apoſtolik Traditioun and univerſal Obſervatioun of the haly Catholik Kirk. 69. Of ſa mony Evangelis, Epiftolis, &c. in the new Teſtament. Alfua, quhat Scriptuir hef ze for zow, to reſave fa mony. Evangelis and Epi- ſtolis in the new Teſtament as ze do, and nane ma ? Gif ze allege the uni- verſall Conſent of all Aiges fen Chriſte, and the Auctorite of Godis Kirk, to ap- Contra Epip.preve the Veritie thairof, as S. Auguftine dois planelie in the famin Mater: Fund. cap. s. Quhy refave ze nocht the univerfal Interpretatioun of the ſaid Kirk len Chriſtis Alcenſioun, in all Materis of Controverſie, and Ordour to be obſervit in Unitie and Peace? 70. My Copie heir wantis ane Queſtioun in this place anentis the Signe of the Croce (a), qubilk the Reidar may haif in the writtin Copiis at bem. 71. Of (a) There is a Correction appointed by the Author to be taken in ſomewhere following the Note pertaining to the Margin of Queſtion 65; but becauſe the particular Place is not diftin&ly marked, it was thought proper to inſert it here, viz. “ For fra the “ confortable Signe of the Croce contenit in the vj. Queſtioun following, thai abhorre na les than dois the auld Serpent, and his “ poylonit Kenling Juliane the Apoftare did.” tent to thair ad Rom. 1 Book III. 247 A P P E N D I X. WE Reidar. I Tim. Go 71. Of qubat Traditionis we speik. JE ſpeikand of Traditionis, meanis noche to compell ony Man to reſáve ony Thing contrare the Scriptuiris, nor zit thai Ritis uſeit in diveris Kirkis, albeit aggreing with the Scriptur ; fer les heirfor Superſtitioun, or ony Abuiſlis Note diligent onyways croppin in Religioun : Bot meanis be Traditioun, the trew underſtand- lie chriſtiane ing of the Word of God, and thai Thingis univerſalie taucht and obſervit be all Catholikis ſen the Days of the Apoftolis. Bot give ze appreve nocht the famin it is writtin, with us, bor inventis a new Seufe thairof contrare the former Mynd of our Fa. Depofitum eos theris, and ſtudiis ſiklyke to abrogat and aboliſe the uniforme Ordour in Reli- giouo, als weill of the Sacramentis as of uthir godly Ritis, albeit maiſt cleirly aggreing with the baly Scripruiris, and ſpecialić thais univerfalie obfervit be all Catholikis, to this our Aige: Quhow can ze excuis zour felfis of the linpierie of Schiſme and Diviſioun, and fra manifeſt Defectioun fra the Kirk of God, and nocht to be the verray Sones of the Antichriſte, fawand Schiſme and Diviſioun in Godis Kirk, and contrare the manifeſt Scriptuir and Promis of our Salviour; denyand evir to het bene an haly Kirk afoir zow? And gif ze prefer zour awin Witt and Jugement to all utheris (quhilk God forbid) leikand thairby a glorious Titill, by the Gloir of God, quha promittit to ſend his Prophetis, Doctouris and Evangeliſtis, to the Conſummatioun of his Sanctis: Quhow fall ze noché juſtlie be reputit (quhilk gratious God in zow inot ſtay) the Childering of Afroa gance, and the verray Soncs of Belial? 22. Of the inviſible Kirk. G" If że appreve na Kirk, to the quhilk ze inay aſſent, except an imagitat in. Note for the viſibil Kirk (quhilk ze hef begit fra Luther) quhilk wantis Eris to heir - Coloring the quhow fall ze fchaw zour Complaint to the Kirk, conforme to our Salviouris Auctour of Command ? And gif it wantis Toungis to fpeik and Handis to write (as it man Peace. want of Neceſſitie, gif it be inviſible) quhow can it be, as S. Paull techis it co be, the Pillar and Firmament of Veritie? Albeit the Elect of God ar koawin a Tim. g to Him only, zit how can thai be inviſible to Men, ſen it behuiſis chame to be techit be Men, reſave the Sacramentis be Men? or uthirways, quhow can thai be of Godis Kirk? Quhy invent ze fik a Terme as Inviſible, nothit expreſſic in Scriptuir, nor reſavit be aunciant Fatheris, and ſerţis the famin furth as an Ar- ticle of zour Beleif? Will ze nocht confes, that iö the Kirk of God ar baytk guid and evill, expreſſit in the Evangell be the Similitude of Quheit and Fit cheis, guid Fiſchis and evill in ane Nett; fua that the guid in the Batcell throw 1 Cor. 16; Tentatioun may fall, and the evill throw trew Pennance may ryſe agane to Eph, 3. Grace? Or quhiddir imaginat ze zour Kirk to be inviſible; to mair eſàlie per- fuade thairthrow an Unitie in all Godlines ? Or (as mony fupponis) to the end that ze and zour privat Opinioun be nocht jugeit be Men of ſuperiout Poweris ? Gif ze perſuade ony Godlines or Unitie thairby, be quhat Meanis or Maner we pray zow? And quhow can ze chairthrow onyways eſchew nocht to be jugeit of Superiouris of the Kirk, len že neid obey thame in all Godlines, albeit chai in thamefelfis be wickit, fen na Power is bot of God? Fercher, gif God providic i Pet. 3: amangis the Jowis an undoutit Ordinance, that all Dout and Controverſie in Rea Rom. 13. ligioun amangis thame mot be decidit ; hes He les Cuir of us quhome He hes bocht alrady with the precious Bluid of His only Sone, fa ferventlie commendand us Peace and Concord, than of thame ; that it may be leſum to every ane of us to adhere to his awin Imaginatioun and Phantaſie, but ony Jugement or Punila ment of our Superioris ? 23. Gif a Woman may beir Superioritie of a Realme, Province, &c. ZE E noche misknawand, that we all ar naiſt ſtrytlie commandit in the Scri- Romí. 13? ptuiris to be ſubmittit and obedient to the hie Poweris, of the quhilkis we Q 99 2 beleve Matt. 18: Matt. 13 Deut. 17 Note. I Pet. 2 248 Book III. APP Ε Ν Ο Ι Χ. Jud. 4. Luc. II. AEL. 8. Note. beleve our lauchful King or Quene to be Principal in the Civill Eſtate, as the cheif Biſchope in the Eccleſiaſtical Government: Quhy afſent ze to the furthſetting of certane feditious Buikis, quharein is denyit that a Woman may beir Auctorite of ony Realme, Province or Citie; fen we reid mailt godly Women to hef had fik Auctorite, as the Prophetiſe Debora? We reid the Quene of the South, be our Salviour, gretumlie commendit, for the viſing of Salomon. We reid fik- lyke of the Quene of Candace, quhois Eunuch wes baptizit be Philip. Quhare- 4 Reg. II. for flew the wickit Quene Athalia the Kingis Poſteritie, and it had nocht bene the Law that a Woman micht beir Auctorite, as fcho regnit levin Zeris? Gif ze affirin that a Woman may noche ſucceid to hir Fatheris heretable Landis, Moyſes pronunceis planelie in zour contrare, admittand and commandand alſua the Do. Numb. 27. chriris of Salphaad to enjoſe but Impediment thair Fatheris Hererage in Judea. And quhat is ony Realme.or Province in Chriſtianisie bot as a Part of Judea, be the quhilk is ſignifiit the haill Kirk of God, profeſſing trewlie Chriſte Jefus, ſubdewit to ane God, ane King, ane Lord, and ane Law ? Quhare Mentioun is 1 Cor. 14. maid in the Scriptuir, that a Woman may nocht haif Dominioun above Man; 1 Tim. 2. is nocht that meanit only of a mariit Woman and hir Husband, except ze will eviry Lady in the Land to be ſubdewit to hir awin Cuik or Horsboy? Gif ze deny zow to aſſent to the faidis prophane Buikis, quhy cry ze nocht out in zour Prechingis aganis la manifeſt Impierie, treſſonable Seditioun, quhilk alrady in- tendis extreme Deſtructioun of this Realme? 74. Quhut cumis of the misknawing of the Soverane and the Biſehopis. Note this, Gif ze can nothir afluir us of your lauchful Biſchopis and utheris Miniſteris, Ogens fine nor zit knawis zour lauchful Soverane, quhome ze aucht nixt God maiſt capite. humelie obey ; quhow can ze affirm zow to haif a Kirk, or defend zour Con- yenticulis fra a Babilonical Confuſioun and Diabolical Miſordour, foreſpokin be the Prophetis to the wickit Pcple, reprobat of God, on this mapieir, Sedebunt 2 Paral. 15. multos dies fine Rege, ſine Lege, fine Principe, fine Sacerdote 6 Doctore, line Sacrificio & Altari, &c. Ofe 3. 1 thair : Wald ze confound vin? 2 Cor. 5. 2. Cor) 9. 75. Gif the Bodyis falbe alf alyke glorifiit. Ha, ha, kald TT being ſa expreſlie ſchawin to us in Scriptuiris, that eviry Man fall refave Re- warde of God conforme to his wirking in his Body heir ; quhy teche ze that 216. the Or eviry Body of the Juſt in the Reſurrectioun falbe alyke beutifuli and glorifiit, dour in He- fen the Guidnes of God fall rewarde che haill Man in Body and Saull, and nocht in Saull only? The Difference of the Rewarde is mair expreſſit than we neid to preve the ſamin ; as, Quha ſawis ſcairſlie, ſall ſcheir ſcairſlie : And as a Sterne differis fra an uthir Sterne in brychtnes, ſua falbe, ſays S. Paull, I Cor. 15. the Refurreétioun of the deid. 76. Gif all kynd of images and Similitudes be forbiddin be the ſecund Com- mand. G" If ze underſtand be the ſecund Precept, as ze diſtinct thame, na Image nor Similitude of ony Thing to be maid abſolutlie ; quhy permitt ze but Re- preif the Nobilis and Gentlemen of zour Congregatioun to haif Images or Figuris of Beiſtis, and fiklyke, in thair Armis ? And quhy beir ze zour ſelfis Gold and Silvir in zour Purſſis quhareupon ar Images and Figuris? And gif ze allege fik- 3 Reg. 8. 6. ly ke to be lefum, bot nocht to be put up in the Temple of God; quhow un- derſtand ze that Part of the Scriptuir quhare Salomon is gretumlie commendic for the bigging of the Temple of Jeruſalem, quharein he gart mak ſindry Ima- nocht fclande-ges and Similirudis, as of the Angelis, Cherubin, of Lyonis, Oxin, and útheris rit; nor zit Thingis ? Will ze haif the haill Kirk of God of les Auctorite than wes Salomon him allane, quha bayrh fer up linages in the Temple of God without the expres the Kirk of writtin Word of God ? Gif ze anffuer heirin tweching the Abuiſſis, quhilkis we wald Reid that Place, and be wickitlie im pike a fait to God. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 249 Matt. 4 Fo.19. wald glaidlie war put away, be Exemple of the Braſin Serpent caſſin down be Ezechias ; quhow can zour Anſſuer be of Strenthe, or to Purpoſe? Or quhow 4 Reg. 16. can ze, be Reſſoun, condemne of Idolatrie all our Elderis, for the upſetting of Images of Chriſte crucifit, of his Martyris, and of the reſt, mair than Salomon ; ſen nochir of bayth intendit ony Abus eftir to cum thairof? And gif ze aboliſe all thing that is abuſir, quhat thing fall ze leve nocht aboliſfit ? Noche the haly Scriptuiris ſelf, quhilk Heretikis hes evir abuſit, thrawing the famin in Defence of thair fals Opinionis, as did the Devil and the Jowis contrare Chriſte. 27. Gif we may incal the Sanctis to pray for us but Idolatrie. ZE E confefſing with us, as we ar informit, that all the Membris of Chriftis myſtical Body, quhilk is His haly Kirk, ar defyrous and glaid alſo of the Helthe and Profperitie of utheris; and prayis to our hevinly Father for the ſa- min to the indigent thairof, als weill the Angelis and Sanctis in Hevin for us on Orig. in Job? Erd in this Battell, as the godly on Lyfe for utheris; bot ze deny that we may incal the Angelis and Sanctis in Hevin to that Effect but the Cryme of Idolatrie, populum An- and pronunceis us manifeſt Idolatouris gif we fua do : Quhy condemne ze nocht tioch. Homil. of Idolatrie ſiklyke, Origene, Chryfoftome, Hierome, Auguftine, Bafil, with Thef . T. mony utheris, quhome ze knaw to hef incallit the Sanctis afoir thame departit, Hieron. in as we do at this preſent ? And gif ze allege that the Sanctis heiris us nocht, be Epitap. Paul, quhat Scripruir preve ze zour Allegeance? Knaw ze nocht that the Angelis ar cognitione vere blythe for the Weilfair of Man in Erthe? And knaw ze nocht that our Salviour vita, cap. 39. Baſilius in pronunces planelie, that the Sanctis departit heirfra ſalbe * alyke and equal to the Angelis? Or quhow may ze affirm the Angelis and Sanctis tobe of les Knaw- lege than the Devilis, quhome ze grant to knaw our Doingis? 78. Gif ony temporall Pane remanis to a Penitent reſavit to Mercy, and of Prayar for thame departit. lib. 2. Chryfoft. ad 40 Mart. * Mar. I LHC. 20. of Sanctis, meane thai; frome Hevin Paral. 33 foone as a Sinnar is reſavit in the Favour of God to Mercy, that all tem- Communioun porall Pane is alſo dimitrit to him ; for the quhilk Caus the Saulis of the Chri- Itianis, fay_ze, that ar departit in Grace, neidis nane of our Prayaris, or uthir nother us Support: For othir thai depart in Grace, and fua iminediatlie to the Hevin, or be Angel nor ellis in the Wrayth of God, and ſua (as we grant with zow in that Cafe) paſſis to Saina, nor in the Hell ? But quhow underſtand ze it that is writtin, Num. 14. I haif forge-Erd be Wit of vin thame according to thi Word, ſays God to Moyſes prayand for the Peple ; theris, nor the nochttheles it followis of the grete Puniſment temporall, chat nane of the Peple departit be us, that paſſit furth of Egipt abone xx. Zeris auld, fuld entir in the Land of Pro-helpit . aniſſioun, except Joſue and Caleb? Quhow underſtand ze the grete Tribulatioun Num. 14. and Scurge that cum to David and his Hous, for his Sionis eftir he wes reſſavit ,, Reg . 12. to Mercy ? Quhat meanis the ſorrowfull Puniſment of the Hous of Manaſſes 4 Reg. 21. 23. to the fourt Generatioun for his Offences, eftir he wes reſſavit to Mercy, nocht only in tyme of his wickit Offspring, bot alſo in the Days of the maiſt godly Note. King Joſias his Oy, it is writtin that the Lord wes noche turnit fra his Wraych and Indignatioun contrare Juda, for the Sinnis of Manaſes? Ze grantand alſo, that in Baptim all Sinnis ar forgevin, confes ze noche that the Miſerie and the Dethe fiklyke that followis eftir to the Infant afoir ony actuall Sin, is the tem- porall Puniſment for Sin; fen S. Paulltechis, that the Reward of Sin is Det he? Rom. 6. Gif we heirfor aſſuirit be Godis Word, that He chaſtifſis all Sone quhome he Hierom. in ti reſavis, limitatis nor determinatis nocht the Wiſdum of God be our Phantafie, Prover. quhen, quhare, or quhowmekle, heir or eftir this, as it pleſſis His godly Father. Ang in libro heid jaftlie to puncis us temporalie, bot with Hierome, Ambroſe and Auguſtine, chirid. in lib. with the reſt of Godis Kirk, prays, and delis Almus deid for the Saulis of the decir, Dei.com Faychfall departit : Quhy call ze us heirfor Papiſtis, ſpecialie fen it is writtin, Amb. de obit. that it is a haly and helchfull thing to pray for thame departit, that thai be faifit fra Valent.fratris , thair Sinnis. e Theolos. REF 2 Mac. IX. 79. Of 250 Book III. Α Ρ Ρ Ε Ν DI X. Exod. 24. 3 Reg. 19. Fon. 3: Matt. 3. 4. likis. lib. I. cap. . wittit! Note. 79. Of faſting at certane Tymes. F Alting in all Aiges fa gretumlie commendit be God, as it is patent of Mog- ses, Helias, the Ninivitis, and alſo be S. Johne Buptiſt and his Diſciplis, practiſit alſo be our Salviour ſelf (quhois Doingis till us ſuld be a Reull of Leving, fa fer as we may follow) be quhome it wes foreſpokin that his Diſciplis Matt. 9. fuld fåſt in thai Days, quhen thair Spous, quhilk wes Himſelf, ſuld be rane fra thame : Quhiddir gif the Kirk of God heirfor obſerving zerlie Abſtinence fourty Days in the Lentrene, and oukly on the Fryday quhen he ſufferit, and on Wodinſday generalie in the Orient Kirk quhen he wes fauld, as maiſt com- monly on the Saterday in the Occident, wes gilty of Idolatrie or Superſtitioun thairthrow ? Quhiddir gif the primitive Kirk obſervit the famin voluntarie, fen tha war maiſt ferventlie gevin at that Tyme to all godly Exerciſe, or be Com- Conſider the mand of thair Biſchopis ? Trewth it is that thai faſtir the famin maiſt ſtrictlie, Hiſtorie of spi nocht only, as it apperis, fra Fleſche, bot fra Wynis, and all weill nuriſſing to us Catho. Meitis and Drinkis; of the quhilk faſting remanis now only the Memorial thair- of, to abſtene fra Fleſche. Heirfor gif the Peple now being bent and prone to Tripoabit.. all licentious leving, contemnis bayth the les and the mair ; quhy exhort ze thame to brek that ſmall Memorie of Abſtinence fra Fleſche the Tymes forſaid, and nocht erar ſpurris chame to the ſtrict Abſtinence maiſt godly of the primitive O warldly Kirk; nocht only for Cauſe of the commoun Weill, as ze call it, bot for god- ly Exerciſe, as the Kirk uſeit the famin befoir ? Siklyke, ſen the Peple fuld o- bey thair Superiour in all leſum Thingis, quhy cauſe ze Diſobedience to thame Fon. 3: in this Mater; fen Jofaphat, King Saull, the King of the Ninivitis, with mo- ny utheris, commandit fiklyke faſting, and nane durft diſobey ; infamekle that 1 Reg. 14. Saull wald hef Nanc his maiſt deirbelovit Sone Jonathas for breking the famin Command, nocht willinglie nor wittinglie, bot in Ignorance? Quhy obeyt ze nocht zour felfis the laſt Lentrene Tyme zour Magiſtratis commandand, ac zour Deviſe and Counſel, Abſtinence fra Fleſche certane Days ? Gif ze allege in this Mater, contrare the faſting of the Kirk, the Sayngis of S. Paull, All 1 Tim. 4. Thingis ar clene to the clene ; and quhare he propheciis of the Heretikis that fuld forbid Mariage and eiting of certane Meteis : We think that Abſurditie neidis na Confutatioun bot the Exemplis abone ſpecifiit, ſen thai Heretikis ar Tatiani.alrady cummin in the primitive Kirk. 80. Of the Monaſtik Lyfe. A Man of mein reiding doutand the Monaſtik Lyfe in the primitive Kirk to hef bene in grete Exiſtimatioun, as ſindry Werkis of Hierome, Auguſtine, Chryfoftome, Baſil, and utheris, in Commendatioun chairof, may be ſufficient witneſſing: Quhy reject ze, and diſpyſſis the famin indifferentlie as ſuperſti- tious or idolatrical, fen it hes the Grund and deip Ruitis in the Scriptuir, be Ex- z Reg. ex 4 emple of Helias, Heliſeus, S. Folne the Baptiſt , and thair Diſciplis ; be Ex- Marth. 3. emple alſo of mony Diſciplis of Chriſte, quha fauld thair Geris and Landis ac his Counſel, that thai mot be perfyte and follow him, and kaiſt the Prices thair- Act. 4. 5. of at the Diſciplis Feit ; for the defrauding of the quhilkis, Ananias and Sai ishe phira wes ſtrukin be ane Word of Petir to the Dethe. Feir ze nocht fiklyke Apoftatis. Puniſment heir or hyne tocum on tha religious Perſones quha now gredelie em- braiſſis the Warld agáne, be Libertie of zour Doctrine, quhilk afoir be Chriftis Counſel thai had refuſit? And that Damnatioun alſo cocum on thame (quhilk 1 Tim. s. God avert throw his Spirit to Repentance) quhilk S. Paull pronunceit upone the zoung Wedowis, quha eftir thair Vow wald only hef mariit; fen the fpe- ciall Pray that mony of thame huotis for is an Huir (as we zit underſtand) cloikit be the Name of a Wyfe? Ze misknaw nocht the Monaſtik Lyfe to hef ſtand ſpecialie in the renunceing of the Warld and Pleſouris of the Body, nocht only fra unleſum Huirdum, bot fra Mariage lumtyme to thame leſum; to the Entent chat thai myche thairby mair eſalie waik on Prayar and godly Study; noche Tit. I. Nicholaite Manichæi. Note the Matt. 19. Note. Book III. A P P E N D I X. 251 necht refuſing honeſt corporal Exerciſe, be Exemple of S. Paull, to Suſtenta- tioun of chair Bodyis : Zic nochtwithſtanding in our Days the famin wes abuſit amang mony in Idilnes and welthy Lyfe, and cloikit with gliſtering Ceremoneis of Gerinountis and ſiklyke, mair than in trew Religioun. Quhy hef ze ſchorne away in this Mater the Quheit cogidder with the Fitcheis ? Quhy hef że wappit down the Monaſteriis and principal Policie of this Reáline, and counſelis the Rentis thairof injuſtlie to be appropriar to ucheris? Of the quhilkis Monaſteriis eviry ane, be a godly Reformatioun, befydes a Cumpanie to waik on Prayar, micht haif bene a College of godly Leirning, to the Support of puir Studentis, and that to the grete and neceſſar Commoditie of this Realme; quhare now ap- peris fchortlie to cum extreme Ignorance, and thairby be reiding of erroneous Inglis Buikis but ferther Knawlege, Confuſioun of all Errouris. Gif ze allege the faidis Monaſteriis to hef bene pollärit with Idolatrie, and chairfor fuld haif bene deſtroyit ; quhy hef ze nocht deſtroyit alſo to the Ground (as ze hef done in a part) all Paroche Kirkis and Biſchopes Saitis, in the quhilkis the famin Thingis wes uſeit, haldin be zow Idolatrie ? And quhat Power haif ze to diſpence mair in the ane nor in the uthir ? . . I Pet. 4. 81. Of Prayår åt preſcrivit Tymes in the Kirk. EFT Ftir that we ar be our Salvipur and his Apoſtolis maiſt erneſtlie commandit Luc. 18. to walk continualie but Intermiſſioun in Prayat and Thankiſgeving, and be Matt. 26. Exemple of our grete Lord forfaid, techit itocht only afoir and efter Mete to Thankiſgeving, bot to the Fervencie of Prayar, knawing Him to hef prayt thryſe the ſamin Prayar the Nycho he wes betraſit; and be Daniel alſo Captive Dan. 6. in Babilone, turnand him to Jeruſalem, and adurnand the leveánd God thre rymes eviry Day; and techit ſiklyke be the haly Prophet David nocht only Pſal. 144. eviry Day, bot at Midnycht to ryſe, and eviry Day ſevin rymes to luve the facem 178. min Lord our God. Siklyke, in the Apoftolis Days, we reid chat cercane Houris wes appointit, as quhen Petir and Johne aſcendit to the Temple at the nynte Act. 3.1 Hour of Prayar : We reid ſiklyke of the magnifik Ordour and Multitude of ſin- dry Miniſteris in the Temple of God appointit be David. Heirfor, albeit eviry I Par. Zij Man fuld pray willinglie, think ze nocht that the Kirk of God inſtitucit godly, that Prayaris and Loving fuld be foung or red dayly ſevin tymes be able Miniſteris elect tháirto ? quhilk Thing, as we underſtand, ze can nocht be Reſſoun deny. Quharefor hef ze, pretending bettir Ordour in the Kirk than wes afoir, diſtroyc the formair Ordour, and prays only be ane Perſoun, in zour beſt reformic Kirkis, anis only evity Day? and in mony Places thryſe in the Oulk? and in fer ma pocht anis in the Moneth? we mein of the Kirkis pertening to the Reo forináris. Gif ze allege in the formair Ordour, Abuſe or Superſtitioun throw Ignorance to hef aboundit (quhilk Thing we excuis nocht) quhy trampit ze nocht thai Abufeis under Fuit, and ſee up that godly Ordour to the awin fyncere Puritie, bot hes brocht that Mater, as Faſting and Monaſtik Lyfe, to the maiſ licencious Libertie than afoir ? 82. Of fre Will. 'Aug. de ſpirit. Q Uhy hald ze the Catholik Doctrine of fre Will of Man, a papiſticall Inven-elit. cap. 33 tioun, ſen all the auld aunciant Writtaris, bayth Grèik and Latin, affirmis poteftate quiz the famin to be collectie maiſt evidentlie of the Scriptuir ; and nocht only thai, ti veniat in bor alſo zour awin Writtaris , as Bullinger and Melanthon apprevis the famiñ mentem : fed Will ze heirfor a Man to be as a Scane, Horſs or Mule? Or mak ze 'God the diffentire, pro- Wirkar of all Iniquitie, and to hef gevio His haly Commandis to the Intent that pria volunta- Man fuld be damnit thairby, gif ze allege all Thingis tocúm of Neceſſitie ? Gif Et cap. 4. Man preventit be the Grace of God, hes nocht that Fredome of Will to aſſent ör sine libero ar- diſſent thairfra ; quhow underſtand ze chir Scriptuiris, and ſiklyke, Quhow oft her memang wald I hef gadderit the (fays our Salviour to Jeruſalem) and thow wald nocht ? vivitür . And fiklyke that S. Stevin fays to the Jowis, Že haif ay gainſtand the baly Matt, 23 Rr 1 2 Act. 71 252 A P P E N D I X. Book III. Rom.7. Spirit? Gif Man hes na Fredome, as faid is, to quhat Effect gaif God his Commandis to Man, gevänd him Terrouris of Panis, gif he tranſgreſſit the fa- min, and fa mony large Promiſſis for the obſerving of the famin? Was thair vir ony of us, quhome ze call Papiſtis, that affirmit with the Pelagianis, that Man eftir the Fall of Adam mycht of the Power of his fre Will do ony Guid pleſand to God without His ſpecial Grace and Help? Nochtheles man we noche grant with S. Paull, that Will is adjacent till us? 83. Of the Name Papiftis. Uhidder call ze us of the haly Catholik Kirk Papiſtis, be reſſoun of the Biſchopes of Rome in the primitive Kirk, of the quhilkis thai war twentie and ma, maiſt conſtant Martyris of the Veritie, quhilk is Chriſte? Or be ref- Note for god-four of the Biſchopes of Rome quha hes bene laitlie? Gif ze call us Papiſtis, fly Unitie. for Caus of ony new Doctrine unknawin to the primitive Kirk, bor ſer up lait- lie be the Biſchopes of Rome, 'or utheris: We, to the Intent that we may cum to an Unitie in all Godlines, will, with Godis Help, condeſcend unto zow, fa fer as we may but manifeſt Errour, and in na Point adhere to ony Doctrine in Religioun, or Ordour in the Kirk, fet furth be Papes, Bifchopes, or Kingis, thir ihouſand Zeris laſt bipaſt; except it evidentlie aggre with the expres Word of God, the crew underſtanding thairof univerſalie ſet furth afoir thai Days, de- clarit till us be the uniforme Conſent of the maiſt aunciant Doctouris, difcuflic and determinat be Generall Counſelis, or univerſalie obſervit and practiſit in Godis Kirk. Nor zit allege Doctour, Greik nor Latin, quha hes writtin with in thir thouſand Zeris for the Defence of ony thing now in Controverſie, ex- cept in fa fer as thai manifeſtlie confent with the Doctrine of the former Aige. & Gif ze diſſent fra the Doctrine approvin univerſalie, and Ordour fet furth in the ſaid former Kirk, ſen the Kirk of God moſt be perpetuall, and in na Aige evit mair fyncere in Religioun, fulfillit and exornatit in godly Leirning and Integri- tie of Lyfe than in thai Days: Haif we nocht juſt Cauſe to imploir the Grace of God, and Help of all Chriſtiane Princis, to be deliverit fra zour furious Ty- rannie, maiſt Ethnik and arrogant Impietie? Note and ob- ferve,gifthow Matt. 7. Int. 3. An Exhortatioun to mature and godly Deliberatioun in the Premiſlis. W E being diligenrlie, and alſo ſtryitlie commandit be our Salviour and his haly Apoftolis, to be war of fals Prophetis, to eſchew the Cumpanie of of the haly Heretikis, to fle fra all Schiſme and Diviſioun, to walk in Unitie of Spirit, in Kirk univerſal. the Band of Peace : And to the end that we mot mair eſalie fua do, to keip that Uniformitie of Doctrine, of Preceptis and Traditionis gevin till us, als weil be 1 Cor. 1. Word and Preching as be Write ; maiſt faithfullie promittis to zow to conſent, Ephesians and aſſiſt alſua, nocht only to the tramping down of Idolatrie, Superſtitioun and 2 Theſ2. Abuiſlis in Religioun, inſafer thai be till us cleirly notifiit, bot alſo to the cut- ting away of the apperand Occaſioun thairof, croipin in the Kirk onyways, be warldly wickit Men, be the Spirit of Avariče, Ambitioun, or carnal Affectioun. Gif ze fchuit only at this famin Mark, as ze allege zow to do (quhilk to intend unfenzetlie we pray the Almychty maiſt merciful to illuminat zour Myndis) we exhort zow, in the Bowelis of Jeſus Chriſte, to deſcend into zour felfis, and to hef Conſideratioun, that as ze allege zow to be Men of Leirning and Witt, that ſua zour Fatheris afoir zow hes bein Men haifand indouritlie the famin Giftis; and as ze juge the famin our Fatheris (we mein ſpecialie of the Martyris and maiſt aunciant Doctouris about four hundreth Zeris to Chriſtes Aſcenſioun) to hef bene Men, and fa pycht hef errit, fua zour ſelfis noche to be as zit in thar An- Notc. gelicall Perfectioun thát ze may nocht erre. * And zit as we grant it poſſible that ony ane of thame, adherand to his awin Jugement, mycht hef ſliddin in fum Pointis; ſua we affirm it to be impoſſible, and a Thing blafphemous to Chriſte, to think that thai all writtand of ane Mater, and in ane Mynd, evir to hef Book III. A P P E N D I X. 253 hef errit. * We exhort zow alſua, as ze knaw Science to be the Gift of God, Nore. fua ze wald remembir it to be indifferent to Guid or Evil ; ſua that haturalie, without the Heit of Cheritie, it makis Men bowldin and heicht. Bor len ze miſ- knaiv nocht that godly Wildum may noche dwell in the Bodyis of thame quha i Cor. $. ar fubdew it to Sin (quhilk we ſay mocht to accuis zow preſeptlie) we beleik zow Saf. i. to haif Inſpectioun iptcirly of zour awin Lyves, and thaireftir juge and confor the lamin with the Lyves of the haly Martyris, and utheris aunciant Fatheris. Quhilk Thing being done, we appele to zour Conſcience to declare, gif ze think Note! we faill to lein erar to the Jugement and uniforme Conſent of thai Eldaris (quhois Lyfe and Loirning ar notifiit to the haill Warld) to the grete Gloir and Prayſe of the maift mercifull Lord thair undoutit Gydear; or to zour privat Opinioun in thir our Days : Zea, ålbeit ze hald the haill Warld at this preſent alyve (excepr å few Nambre of us) on zour Syde, diffenting fra all Aiges of Men profelling Chriſte in all the Warld fen his Afcenfioun, afoir this our mailt wrechit Aige. Mairover, forſamekle as ze ar offendit and grerumlie diſpleſit, that we einbraſe nocht generalie zour new Interpretationis on ſindry Places of the Scriptuir, zour Determinationis and Ordour in the hie Myſteriis and Sacramentis of our Chri. ftiane and Catholik Religioun ; and thairfor callis us indurat Papiſtis, affirming zow to reduce all to the Puritie and lyncere Doctrine of Godis Word as it wes trewlie underſtandit in the primitive Kirk, with the uniforme Ordour keipit than. We heirfor effectuouſlie deſyris zow and all Chriſtianis quho heiris of our Controverſie, co pance, wey and conſider gif ze haif juſt Occaſioun thairto; and to that Effect, to knaw and remembir the Conſtancie of the primitive Kirk In the mein in the Icift Ceremonie in Religioun reſavit fra thair Eldaris : And for Exemple, tymc quhen to haif in vigilant Memorie the Tumult and Controverſie that hapnit in the relavit the tyme of the aunciant Martyr Irenèus, neirby fourtein hundreth Żeris paffit, Fayth. bet wix the Kirk of Aſia (quhilk as principal Bifchope in thai Partis than reulit Ecclefiaft hifi. Polycrates) and the Kirk of Rome, with the utheris Kirkis, about the Celebra-hilt. Tripert. lib.9. cap. 38. cioun of the Pafche-day. Nocht that other of the Sydis denyit the zerlie Ce- Iebratioun thairof, vor intendit, as ze do at this preſent (of quhat Spirit we re- hard amang's fer to Godis Kirk to juge) to aboliſe the zerlie Celebracioua thaitof, bot only the Catholikis chat the Kirk of Aſia celebratit the famin Solennitie žerlie nocht on the famin troverfie; and Sonday as the Romane Kirk and all utheris did than, and now dois, keipand in zit for a Core monie. Aſias the mene ty me the Faſting of the Lentren precedand thair Day of the Moneth; Aphrica and quha being exhortit maiſt ferventlic be Victor than Biſchope of Rome to change Europa wes that Ceremonie, and aggre thairin with the reſt of Chriftis Kirkis, diſfentit al. commoveit: uterlie fra his Defyre, and thairfor wes be him excommunicatit as Schiſmatikis, Chriftianis nocht keipand ane Uniformitie with the reſt. Zit nochtwithſtanding the ſaid war now :-) Excommunicatioun, thai perſeverit ftiflie in thair Purpoſe, affirming it naways lyve? lefum to thame to change fa litle a Thing in thair Religioun fra the Ordour ef. tir the Traditioun quhilk thai had relavit (as thai allegeit fra thair Eldaris the A. poftolis and utheris Biſchoipis in Aſia and that with få grete Perſeverance on bayth the Sydis, that nocht without grete Labouris the laid haly Martyr Ire. neus cumand furth of it, now callit France, to Rome, and caufand the for- Peace-makear. nemmit Polycrates to cum thare ar his Requeiſt furth of Aſia, for the recon- ciling and aggreing all Kirkis in the Premiſlìs, aggreit with grete Difficultie the Mater fua, T har the Kirk of Aſia fuld be abſolvit fra the former Cenſuris, and permittit to uſe thar Ceremonie of thair accuſtomit Day as thai uſeit it afoir, fen it wes nockr diſaggreing in effect fra the Ordour of utheris Kirkis. Haif we Note: nocht, judge ze, be this Hiſtorie and Exemple controvertit in the Tyme abone ſpecifiit, juſt Cauſe and grete Occaſioun to pance diligentlie, obſerve and confi- der with Aviſement (git ze wald we war faifit be our aw in Fayth erar than be zouris) gif zour Doctrine in fa many Novationis be ſuirlie foundit and bigit on Godis Word trewlie underſtand or nocht ; fen ze nochr only differris fra us, as the Aſianis did fra utheris Kirkis, tweching the ſaid Day of the Monérh, bot al- uterlic with mekle mair, aboliſfis as Idolatrical or Papiftical, as ze call it, tbe faid Solennitic of Pafch, and alſo of the Afcenfioun, Pentecoſte, the Nativitie Sif Nevir wes Irenæus the 254 A P P E N D I X. Book III. qubilk God of cy perfytc. on heicht, without re. of our Salviour, and Circumciſioun, the Epiphanie, the Faſting of the Lentrene, zerlie celebraric and obſervit be all Kirkis ſen Chriſtis Aſcenſioun. Heirfor twcching the trew underſtanding of the Articulis preceding, quharein maiſt fpe- cialie ze hef fegregat zour felfis fra us (inſafer as we zit underſtand of zour Do. ctrine) we erneſtlie defyris zow to ſchaw till us in Writ, conforme to zour Promis, as we twechit in the Beginning, zour Doctrine and Confirmatioun Fy on the A-thairof, provin be the Word of God. As to our Parte, to the Intent that ze pelulitis this may be preſervit fra all Damnage and apperand Confuſioun, and leve with us in Conditioun. a godlie Unitie, we promitt to zou maiſt faythfullie to play the trew Parte of the haly Peace-maker Irenæus abone ſpecifiit ; that is, to beir ſafer with zow in all A guid Hoip, Thingis as we may, but manifeſt Errour and Defectioun fra Godis Kirk. This we promite maiſt frelié, nocht doutand bot the godly Mynde, the fervent Zele, his grete Mer. and crew Luve of our Soverane Lady towart zow hir Graces Subjectis, is maiſt bent to the famin end; and ſiklyke, nocht doutand bot our Biſchoipis and utheris Paſtouris quha ar of Leirning, able to thair Offices, ſall reforme thair Lyfes to the Plefour of all godly Men, and trewlie leve heireftir conforme to thair Voca- tioun, and glaidly fall afſent to this our Mynd; hoipand alſo that utheris unable falbe moveit be Godis Spirit to dimit willinglie thair Places to the mair qualifeit ; Quhaſoevir is or uthirways, be a godly Counſeill, that Ordour ſalbe put thairto. Bot gif ze itiane will cry intend to eſtabilis amangis us a new Forme of Religioun, cweching the luterpre- this Sentence tatioun of Scriptuiris, the furthſetting of Sacramentis, and Ordour in che Kirk, unknawin to all Aiges of Men quhill this preſent, and will adhere to the Juge- ſpect of Perel . ment of na Aige of Chriſtianis, in the Materis controvertit betwix us, fen the Days of the Apoftolis, bot interpret the Scriptuir, and fete a pretendit Ordour, conforme to zour Phantaſie, Imaginatioun and privat Opinioun ; We will ze perſuadit and certifiit, that be the Help of the Omnipotent maiſt merciful, quha Matt. ult, conforme to his Promitt, hes bein, is and ſalbe with his Faythfull to the End of the Warld, geveand thame at all Aiges the diveris Giftis of his haly Spirit: For na feir of zour Multitude, albeit ze war ten thouſand contrare ten of us, that we will nocht only nocht join with zow generalie in Religioun, as ze maiſt ſe- verlie hes intendit to thrall us, nor beir with zow in mutuall finzeit Societie, in Diſſimulatioun, contrar the Law of our God, bot aluterlie fle zour Cumpanie, as of Ethnikis and Reunigatis, nocht heirand Godis Kirk nother preſent nor by- paſt, keipand Uniformitie fa mony Zeris. Zit hoipand in the ineffable Mercy of God till zow and us, we fall nocht deſiſt Day nor Nych to pray with maiſt hu- mil Myndis our hevinly Father (quha makis all his Servandis of ane godly Con- Pſal. 67. cord in his Hous) that for the Meritis of Jeſus Chriſte our only Salviour, he wald fua illuminat zour Hertis with the Spirit of Humilitie, Sobirnes and Trewth: that ze, nothir think afoir God, nor anſſuer till us in the Premiſſis ar- 2 Cor. 2. rogantlie, in Stryfe and Diſlentioun, bot only as afoir God, and of God, and in Chriſte, according to his Gloir and immutable Will, to the godly Peace and Unitie of all thame quha unfenzetlie luvis JESUS, to quhome with the Father and Haly Gaiſt be all Glore, Power, Vertew and Impire for evir. Amen. Ad quod pervenimus,idem fentiamus,in eadem permaneamus regula. Philip. 3. TO Johne Knox, writtin 27. October 1563. IT. Tapperis to me, Brother, that ze haif fum grete Impediment quhareby ze ar ſtoppit to keip Promiſe twecheing zour anſluering to this our Tractate, eftir ſa lang Adviſement. Gif ze perſave zour Fall, Quid tardas converti ad Do- minum? Bor gif my Hand-writt peradventuir hes nocht bene fa legible as ze wald, pleis reſave fra this Beirar the famin Mater pow mair legible. Gif ze throw Curioſitie of Novationis hes forzer our auld plane Scottis qubilk zour Mother lerit zow, in tymes cuming I fall wryte to zow my Mynd in Latin, for I am noche acquyntit with zour Southeroun. The Cauſe that moveis me at this Tyme to eik this mekle to zow in all Haiſt, is this Beirar N, quha wald fanc bé haldin a piſſant Patroun of zour Cauſe, obliſſing him to bring me zour Anf- fuer Book III. A P P E N D I X. 255 fuer in ony Thing I wald propone to zow. Bot fen I ſe that ze can find na Outgait in the Materis ellis to zow proponit, I will burding zow with na new Thingis (hoiping in God to heir ſchortlie of zour Converſioun) except only with a new Errour, quhilk this Beirar zour Diſciple affirmis bauldly, That ſen Chriſte ſufferit for Man, ſays he, nevir Man paſſit to Hell : Quhome quhen I culd nocht diſſuade to think the contrare, and haveánd Commiſeratioun of the Man, I ſaid this, and now to move zow to Repentance, repetis the famin; Gif all Johne Knoxis Doctrine, ſay I, be trew, to wit, that all thing quhilk hé condemuis be the Name of Papiftrie be damnable, all thing Idolatrie and Su- perſtitioun quhilk he ſa callis ; that all the Martyris of Chriſte, with the maiſt Fy Man, othir aunciant Doctouris quha wrait afore a thouſand Zeris paſſit, togidder with all our Doerine to Eldaris in Scotland, ar alrady in Hell: My Propoſitioun I preve be this Syl-thiris, or deny logiſme; All Man defendand a damnable Opinioun agains the trew Catholik the halll wait. Fayth, and deand without Repentance, togidder with all Idolatouris deing on lyke maner, but Stop gois to Hell : The Martyris and principall Doctouris of che primitive Kirk, quhais Doctrine defendit evir our Forefatheris in Scotland without Repentance, wes (gif ze teche trewlie) the famin Men; ergo, &c. I refer the Conſequence be the blaſphemous Mouthis to be pronunceit. The Major (as thai terme it) I think that be zow, nor zouris fall nocht be denyit (a). The Minor, as I underſtand, is in this Tractate be mony Heidis ſufficientlie provin. Quharefor to zour Schame is my Propofitioun neceſſarilie in ferrit. And becauſe ze hef biggit up zour Tour of Babel fa, that nane underſtandis u. theris, zour Toungis being alrady confoundit, I thocht I wald zit anis agane foin mair bid zow hald zour Hand. Obſerve my Caufe; firſt, ze zour felf, Brother, of zour Magnificence and liberal Hand, hes oppinit the Zertis of Hevin to the faythful Fatheris, afore our Salviour, be his Dethe, Reſurrectioun and glorious Othir recant; Aſcenſioun, had preparit chairto this Way to Man; and utheris zour Scoleris, or cauſe thir zour ze knaw, mair cruelie hes in thare Imaginatioun cloiſit up, florit and neidnalit the famin Zettis of our Heretage (albeit now alrady oppinit to the juft) quhill the latter Day of all: And now this zour Diſciple hes maiſt mercifullie faſt ſteikit the Zertis of Hell, that the Juſtice of God, do quhat ze liſt, fall haif na place. Qubat fall we collect of this žour confuſic Bauldnes, bot that a Parte of zow nixt fall lay a ſcharpear Seige to Hevin, and an uthir Parte to Hell, and deny char othir thair is a God in the aue, or a Devil in the uthir. For the Apoſtolis Sentence is maiſt crew, Mali homines & ſeductores proficient in pejus, &c. 2 Tim. 3. and this apperis to be neir the nixt Step. Quharefor, my Freind, hald zit zour Och for mair Hand, and lyke a litle upon zour Werkmanichip: To the quhilk the Almichry Paper or Pen. nyis mot illuminate zour Eis. Amen. At Antwerp the 27. of O&tober 1563. Ninianus Winzetus Presbyter. And falbe cleirlie recant. To theſe three foregoing Pieces I ſhould willingly have added Mr. Knox's Diſa putation againſt the Abbot of Crofraguel, if I could have obtained any where a Copy of it ; but after all the Enquiry, I have not been able to hear bur of one imperfect Copy. As for the lame Perſon's Diſputation (if it may be fo term’d) againſt Mr. James Tyrie the Jeſuite, I have the ſame lying by me; but the Book is too prolix to be inſerted, conſidering what is already printed here of this kind : It was publiſhed at Paris by Mr. Tyrie in the Year 1573 in Octavo with a ſmall Type, and conſiſts of 63 Leaves, and contains that Jcſuite's Letter to his own Brother, labouring to reduce him to the ancient Form ; next, Mr. Knox's Obſervations on that Letter ; and laſt of all, Mr. Tyrie's Remarks on theſe Obſervations. Mr. Knox makes ſome good and ſoa lid Obſervations, from which, in my Opinion, the Jeſuite has not handſome- ly extricated himſelf. Sff 2 Mr. (a) The Author appoints to be read here," For we ſchaw thare ane of his at the leiſt to deny the Mater quharcof we thare e ſpeik.” Nota, The few Corrections which are printed in this Treatiſe arc marked by the Aubor among the Errasa. 256 Book III. A P P E N D I X. Mr. Knox having told that the Papiſts at the Paſch 1563 had in divers Parts of the Realm erected the Idol of the Maſs, adds, Befydes the firſt Proclamatioun, thare had Letters paſt in the contrare, with Certificatioun “ of Death to the Contraveiner.” This Author is here in the right; for be- fides the Proclamation emitted on the laſt Day of May 1562, and inſerted by us p.510, there is another almoſt in the fame Words, given out by the Queen at St. Andrew's the 17th of March 1562-3, and which it is probable Mr. Knox had here in View. The only material Difference of this laſt Proclama- tion from the other in the Month of May preceeding, runs thus, Nochtheles Cum forzetand thair Dewitie, it is murmurit that thay have cons travenit, and intendis purpodie to contravene the ſamyit, be inno. vating, &c. Which Expreſſion ſeems indeed ſtrongly to point at and fup- port the Truth of Mr. Knox's Affirmation above related. But I ſuppoſe the Work was too haſty which the ſame Writer immediately informs us of, in theſe following Words, “ The Brethren univerſally offendit , and eſpying " that the Quene, by hir Proclamatioun, did bot mock thame, determined “ to put to thair awo Hands, and to puniſche for Example of uthers: And “ fo lome Prieſtes in the Weſt-land wer apprehendit. Intimatioun maid un- to uthers, as unto the Abbor of Croceraguell, the Parlone of Sanguhair, “ and ſick, that they ſould neyther complene to Quein nor Counfaill, bot fould execute the Punilchment that God hes appoynted to Idolaters in his Law, by fick Meanes as they mycht, quhairever they fould be appre- “ hendit.” This laſt Proclamation carries alſo the Words privatlie or opin. lie, in place of privat lie or quietlie, which is in the former one, by the Fault I reckon of the Clerk. Apud Halirudhous penultimo Junij, Anno 1563. THE He Quenis Majeſtie ordanis the Kepar of hir Hieneſſes Signet, to paſs Let- teris of the Dait heirof, according to the Ordinance maid be hir Grace at San&t androis the xvij Day of Marche, the Zeir of God 1562 Zeirs, tuiching the Materis of Religioun and the keping of civill Societie amangs hir Subjectis in all Poynts and Claufis thairof; nawayis eikand nor diminiſhand the lamyn in ony Conditioun, kepand this preſent Act for his Warrand, as he will anſwer to hir Majeſtic thairupoun. N. B. In the End of the Regiſter of Privy.Council, where the above Procla- mation at St. Andrew's is inſerted, and the Order at Holy.rood-houſe; there is likewiſe to be ſeen the Queen's Proclamation of 25th Auguſt 1561, a Co- py whereof we had taken from Mr. Knox (Vide p. 504.) as not finding the fame in the true Place of the Regiſter. Allowance being made for ſome few Words, which Mr. Knox has put into a better ſhape, the Draught of the Pro- clamation is preciſely alike, the Word ſame in l. 18. P: 505. excepted, which ought to be Form. + In P.555 'tis to be ſuſpected that Mr. Petrie has only put a wrong Date to his Act of Council, fince it is viſibly the ſame with the Act in p.561. Item, in p.181 Append. The Abbay of Tungland was annexed by the Popes to the Biſhoprick of Galloway. Epift. Reg. Scot. Vol. 2 p.115,117. And from the fame Book it appears that the Biſhops of Galloway were by the ſame Au- thority perpetual Deans of the Chapel Royal in Stirline. It would ſeem the low Revenue of this Biſhoprick has wanted theſe Annexations. Item, p. 182, &c. It appears that the Abbays of Kelfo and Kilwinning were both of the Benedictine Order. Vide Epift. Reg. Scot. Vol. 2. p.116 & 133. And that Saulſeat was of the Premonſtratenſian Order. Ibid. p. 252. Item, p. 185. Note, The Miniſter of Failford was Provincial of the Trinity Order in Scotland: Regiſt. Privy Seal ad Ann. 1543. And Robert the Mi- nifter Book III. A P P E N D I X. 257 niſter chereof, whom we find in the Parliament 1560, was a natural Son of the Earl of Glencarne. Ibid. & Epift. Reg. Scot. Vol. 2. p. 86. The Dignity of a Seat in Parliament has flowed from being Head of the Order. Beſides the Parfonages on p. 192, theſe following are likewiſe in the Cola lcctors Books, viz. In Orkney; Lady-Kirk, Stronzay. Fife; Dyfert. Merſe ; Fowlden. Peebles; Eddilſtane, Stobo. Stirling ; Monyabrock. And by running over the Books of Privy-Seal from the Year 1530 to 1567, I have met with theſe more, viz. In the Dioceſe of Argile; Kilblane in Kintyre, Kilmuden, Kilſynnit, Kilcomkil, Ilanmun, Knodeort. Dioc. Iſles ; Benewal in Vijl, Kilqubomen in Yla, Kildaltan ibid. St. Colm in Beandmoyl, Kilconan, Kilmaro, Kilmaluog in Sky, Nahayis in Lewes, Kilencomen, Harage and Durinchas. Dioc. Orkney; Hoy. Dioc. Rofs ; Quittan. Dioc. Glaſgow; Kirkben, Penpont, Ranauch. Dioc. Gallo- way ; Peningham. Fifc; St. Michael, near Coupar. Lothian ; Pincar. ton, Belton. Merſe ; Polworth. And it is to be obſerved in the ſame Books, that after the Queen was deprived of the Government, a great ma- ny more Parſonages come to be mentioned, by reaſon I ſuppoſe chat ſome of the Churches which had been formerly annexed to the Biſhopricks or their Chapters, (which laſt went under the Name of Common Kirks) to Abbays, Priories, or Provoſtries and their Prebendaries, were now no longer confi- dered as pertaining to theſe Biſhopricks, 6c. and ſo were brought under the Denomination of Parfonages. I am enabled to adduce one fure Example of this, in the Church of Fothergil, which in the Regiſter is called a Parſonage, and is expreſly ſaid to have been one of the common Kirks of Dunkeld : So that by this Liſt it will come to be known which are ancient Parſonages, and which are not. ſ for a further Satisfaction in theſe Ecclefiaftical Matters, I give here likewiſe a Liſt of the Provoſtries in Scotland, together with their Rents, as they ſtand in the Collectors Books. Orkney, 100 l. Tayne, 20 1. Cullen, 201. Guthry, 46 l. 13 s. 4 d. Kirkhill. beſide St. Andrew's, 333 l. 6 s. 8 d. Crail, 100 l. Methven, 117 1.6 s. 8 d. Bear, 10 c. Meal, 200. Abernethy, 13 l. 13 S. 4 d. Bear, 2 c. 96. If. Ip. Meal, 5 c. 2 b. 3 f. Inverpaffry, 40 I. Bothwell, 222 1. Dumbarton, 233 1. 6 s. 8 d. Meal, 5 c. *Mayboil, 20 l. Lincludden, with its Preben- daries, 483 l. 7 s. 3 d. Meal, 3 c. Douglas, 82 l. Corſtorphin, 122 l. 13 5. 4 d. Kirkofield, beſide Edinburgh, 16 l. Dalkeith, 261. 13 S. 4 d. Trinity College, befide Edinburgh, 160 l. Seton, 40 l. Creichton, 133 1. 6 s. 6 d. Bothans, 100 l. Dirleton, 20 l. To theſe may be added the Deanry of Reſtalrig, 93 l. 6 s. 8 d. Whear, 3 c. 5 b. 2 f. 1 p. and a half. Bear, 6 c. 12 b. Oars, 23 c. 5 6. 3 f. 3 p. Rye, 12 b. Rye, 12 b. 3 f. p. and a half. Arch-prieſtry of Dunbar, 80 l. There are likewiſe in the Books of Privy-Seal the Provoſtries of Houſton, Viro gin Mary in St. Andrew's, and Kilmun ; an Arch-prieſtry alſo of Argile. And the Appendix to Abp. Spotifwood's Hiſtory contains likewiſe theſe fol. lowing, Carnwath, Fowlis, Roſline (a), Stirline, Sempil, Kilmawres, Hamilton, Tillibardin. And I have heard of a College near Keljo. Τ ε ε A Lill (a) This College was founded in the Year 1440 by William Sinclair Earl of Orkney, and it has the good Fortune to ſtand almoſt entire as yet, and is certainly one of the moſt curious Pieces in Europe of the Gothic kind. The molt curious Part of the Building is the Vault of the Quire, and that which is called the Prince's Pillar. Here ly interrd Alexander Earl of Sutherland, Great Grandchild to King Robert Bruce, George Earl of Cathneſs, at the Time of the Reformation, and three Earls of Orkney; beſides the Lairds of Roſline. It is four Miles South from Edinburgh; and it were a great Pity if it should be ſuffered to perish through the Injuries of Weather. 258 4 8 8 4 6 10 16 9 - 140 34 46 72 IZ 1 19 20 21 23 24 30 30 30 32 34 36 எனை 38 A Liſt of Papers in the Appendix, in which are marked the Pages of the Hiſtory to which they refer, as well as the Pages.of the Appendix where they are to be found. BOOK I. Hift. Apa Hiff. Ap. Letter Biſhop of Roſs to the ſame, 352 134 Orm of Indulgence, 3 Letter Scottiſh Miniſtry to ditto of England, 355 136 F Proteſtation Earls of Huntly and Argile touching the Sentence againſt Mr. Patrick Hamilton, 3 Murder of K. Henry, 365 136 Friar Seton's Letter to the King, Anſwer Earl of Murray to the faid Proteſtation, Proceſs againſt Sir John Borthwick, 138 Remark concerning the Queen's Letters, Sonnets, C.-- 139 Orders of Parliament, 16 Diſcharge to the Earl of Morton, &c. with Remarks, A& annulling the Treaty of Peace and Marriage, ec. 34 1 Apology concerning other Letters fallly impoſed on the A& impowering Cardinal Beton, &c. Queen, 141 Letter Governor of Scotland to the King of England, 12 Q. Mary's Letter to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow deciphered,378 145 Letter King of France to the Eſtates of Scotland, Extract of a Letter Archbiſhop of Glaſgow to Q. Mary,378 142 Approbation of the Scottiſh Commiſſioners, c. 73 13 Extract of another Letter from ditto to ditto, Contract of Marriage, c. 74 15 378 142 Another Letter from the Queen to the Abp. of Glaſgow, 378 143 Commiſſion by the Eſtates to witneſs the Queen's Mara riage, 74 18 Earl of Bothwell's Declaration, 378 144 Letter Q. Mary to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, 378 145 Queen’s Commiſſion to act at her Marriage, 74 Part of a Miſſive to the Author, 146 Oath of Fidelity, &c. to the Dauphin, 74 Heads of Q. Mary's Letter from Bowton, 1968, nebo 147 Letter Sir Henry Percy concerning Affairs of Scotland, Letters concerning the Pope's Nuncio, Memorial of certain Points, exc. by Cecil, Act of Edinburgh, 392 148 409 148 A ſhort Difcuflion of the weighty Matters of Scotland, 28 Plat Executory deviſod per Lethington, 420 149 Letter Sir Ralph Sadler, &c. to the Council of Bagland, Act of Council, 440 150 Orders ſent from England, Act of Council, 455 15 Letter Sir Ralph Sadler to Mr. Randolph, A Ets of Parliament, 467 152 Letter Sir Ralph Sadler, &c. to Secretary Cecil, A& of Council, 31 472 155 Letter Lords of Scotland to Sir Ralph Sadler, Miſcellany Additions to the Hiſtory, viz. Letter Sir Ralph Sadler, &c. to Sir William Cecil, Letter from the Nobility of Scotland to Q. Elizabeth, 156 Letter of Mr. Randolph's deciphered, Copy of Articles between Lord William Howard and Mr. 35 Letter Council of England to Sir Ralph Sadler, &c. William Maitland, I56 Order of the King and Queen for quieting the Troubles Declaration of Mary Queen of Scots, 157 in Scotland, Arguments againſt Q. Elizabeth's meeting with the Letter Sir Ralph Sadler, &c. to Sir William Cetil, 37 Queen of Scots, IS7 Knox's Letter to Railton, Principal Points to be conſidered in the Affairs of Scot. John Knox (under the Name of John Sinclair) to Sir land, in Abſtracts of Letters, James Croft, Other Abſtracts of Letters from the Cotton Library, 163 Sir James's Anſwer, Letter from the Queen of Scotland to the Earl of Bedford, 169 Sir Ralph Sadler and Sir James Croft to Sir William Cecil, 40 Letter from the ſaid Queen to the Queen of England, Knox to Croft, Inſtructions to Sir Andro Ker of Hirſel, 170 Henry Balnavis to Croft, 43 Letter Q. Mary to Q. Elizabeth, 171 Brief Conſideration of the weighty Matter of Scotland, 44 Letter Q. Elizabeth to Q. Mary, Inſtructions by Q. Elizabeth to her Admiral, Ad of Privy Council, Anſwer to Monſ. de Seury by Q. Elizabeth's Order, Order by Q. Mary, Memorial to the Q. Dowager of Scotland by Chaperon, Council of England to Secretary Cecil, Sir William Cecil to the Queen of England, BOOK III. Several Additions to the Hiſtory, conſiſting of Acts of Privy Council, Bulls of Popes, etc. from Anno 1534 A Cts of Privy Council, 90 (O 1559 508 175 Alphabetical Liſt of the Biſhopricks of Scotland, with an Account of the Revenues thereof, etc. 180 BOOK II. A& of Council, Another A& of Council, 190 191 Eſſage from the Eſtates of Scotland to the King and Liſt of Parſonages, 192 153 gr Act of the General Aſſembly reſtoring the Biſhop of Queen Mary's Letter to the Engliſh Ambaſſador, 162 91 Orkney, Letter Lethington to Cecil, 179 92 A & of ditto allowing of Mr. James Craig's Purgation, 588 192 Indent betwixt the Lord Dacre and the Maſter of Letter from Quintin Kennedy Abbor of Croſraguel, to Maxwell, the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, 193 Acts of Privy Council, 237 96 Writings betwixt the ſaid Quintin Kennedy and John Commiſſion by the Queen to William Maitland of Le- Willock, 195 thington, 244 97 Mr. Quintin Kennedy's Book, intituled, A compendious Perils of Q. Mary's Marriage with Lord Darnly, 275 97 Tractive conforme to the Scriptures, &c. Meſſage Queen of England by Tamworth, 311 99 Tractat by Mr. Ninian Winzet, to the Queen, Paſtors Anſwer to ditto, and Nobility, 204 Aas of the Town-council of Edinburgh, 314 105 Second Tractat by ſaid Winzet, Acts of Privy Council from Fuly to December 1565, 317 106 Third Tractat by ditto, Letters from Q. Mary to Q. Elizabeth and the Council Mr. Ninian Winzet's Book of LXXXIII Queſtions, 213 218 of England, 325 119 Some Additions and Corrcctions, 256 Lord Ruthven's Account of the Murder of Riccio, 330 119 Acts of Privy Council concerning the ſaid Murder, 334 130 And the Reader may be pleaſed to view the Letters, Letter Council of Scotland to the Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, 352 133 &c. following immediately after the Advertiſement Letter French Ambaſſador to ditto, 352 133 in the Beginning of this Book. 158 39 40 170 42 45 46 172 173 174 47 13r 48 137 49 So to 586 192 181 95 195 α E IOI 2 IO IN DE X. 259 ***** ************************************************** $383893 S33333333 339 8383 ** IN DE X. A A. Bonot (a Frenchman) made Governor of Orkney Iſles by the Q. Regent, 69. Borthwick (Lord) difſents from the Proceedings of the Congregation- CTS of Parliament and Council, Pages 12, 13, 14, 15, 363 Parliament, 149. engages for the Queen at Carberry-bill, 401. repairs 40, 41, 51, 53, 54, 61, 76, 77, 104, 150, ISI, 152, 198, 225, to her on her Eſcape from Captivity, 472. ligns a Bond for her De- 226, 227, 228, 240, 251, 297, 309, 317, 335, 379, 380,441, fence, 476. and is in Arms for her at the Battle of Lang ſide, 480. 453, 459, 461, 468, 496, 507, 520, 521, 525, SÓI, 57º, Borthwick, (Sir James) ſentenced and burnt in Effigie for Hereſy, 10. Bothwell (Èarl of) active in Cardinal Beton's Liberation, 29. 30. leizes S71. Angus (Earl of) Vide Douglas. Mr. Wishart, 41. takes a Supply of Money coming from Berwicie, 109. Archibald (Thomas) 488. is of the Privy Council, 187. fends an Aſurance to the D. of Chaſtel- Argile ( Archibald Earl of) 22. 25. 32. is appointed by Parliament to berault, 208. 210. 211. Difference 'twixt him and Arran, 215. is re- treat, 34. allifts the Governor, 40. 46. 66. 67. 77. his Death, 85. leaſed from Confinement, 240. his Poverty, ibid. is thip-wreck'd, 248. Argile (Archibald Earl of) The Q. Regent deſires his Afiftance, 85. fues for Liberty to return home, 269. was with the Queen at Riccio's accuſed by Knox, 89. 90. beſieges the Town of Perth, 92. animates Murder, 332. aids her at Dunbar, 333. inftrumental in procuring a Pardon for the Affaffines, 334. reconciled with E. Murray, 336. is his Party, 94. is detained by the Congregation, 96. but is commiſ- fioned by them, 97. goes' Weſt, 1oo. ſubſcribes the Q. Regent's wounded by the Elliots, 351. is tried for the Murder of the King, 375. Depoſition, 105. 122. 127. waits on her before her Death, ibid. and acquitted, 377, tho' guilty, 378. Bond by ſeveral of the Nobi- is made one of Q. Mary's Privy Council, 187. 299, 300. turns Re lity in his Favour, 380. ſeizes the Perſon of the Queen, 383. 384. obtains her Confent, ibid. is created Duke of Orkney, 385. and mar- bel, 312. 316. is pardoned, 334. 375. 376. ſigns a Bond in favours of the Earl of Bothwell's Pretenſions to marry the Queen, 380. joins ried to the Queen, 386. whom he treats harſhly, ibid. refuſes the Combate with Grange and Tullibardin, 402. Charge emitted for ap- the Faction againſt her, 396. but deſerts them, and returns to his Allegiance, 398. goes to Hamilton, 435. from thence to Dumbarton, prehending him, 408. ſuppoſed to go off with Conſent, ibid. is ſeized 436. where he ſigns a Bond in favours of the Queen, ibid. 469. 472. in Norway, 459. enters into another Bond for her Defence, 475. is Commander at Boyd (Lord) one of the Deputies for the Congregation; 97. joins the the Battle of Lang fide, 477. ſubſcribes the Book of Diſcipline, 496. English Army, 12.2. ligns a Confirmation of the Treaty of Berwick, and refuſes the Call of the Aſſembly of the Kirk, 577. 127. and a Bond in favours of the E. Bothwell's Pretentions to mar- Arran (Earl of) is declared Tutor to the Queen, 25. 27. receives Mr. ry the Queen; 380. 383. firm to her Majeſty, 398. correſponds with Sadler the Engliſh Ambaſſador kindly, 28. 30. emits a Proclamation, the Engliſh Ambaſlador, 450. enters mto a Bond for her Defence, 476 37. 38. 39. 40. 46. 47. prevails againſt the Q. Dowager and her Fa is engaged for her at Lang ſide, 480. refuſes the Defire of the Aflem- &ion, 48. preſſes for Alliſtance from France, so. lays Siege to the bly to defeſt the Queen, 578. Tenor of his Excufätiön, ibid. Caſtle of St. Andrew's, si, receives a Defeat at Pinkie, 54. 55. 57. Breze (Monf. de) carries Q. Mary from Dumbarton to Francé, ss. 58. 59. 71. 73. proteſts in Parliament, 76. 88. 92. 96. 97. 102. has Broffe Jagues de la) one of the French King's Ambaſſadors, 34. he of- the Title of Duke, ibid. 105, 106, 107. 110, 111. 117. 122. waits on fers that King's A lliſtance for Defence of the young Queen, &c. ibido is one of the Commiſſioners for compoſing Differences in Scotl. 130. che Q. Regent before her Dearl, 127. 142. threatens his Brother, 150. Buchanan (George) his Partiality, 1, 10, 23, 55, 59, 67. his Account is made one of Q. Mary's Council, 187. fortifies the Caſtle of Dum- of the firſt Riſe of the Congregation, 69. of the Q. Regent, 71. and barton, 189. 196. 201. 202. 204. 208. 211. 215. 244. a Difference his Miſtake of the Quality of the Commiſſioners ſent to France, 72. 'twixt him and the E. of Lenox, 259. 262, is for Q. Mary's marrying his Account of their Conferences there, 74, 75. of the Matrimonial E. Lieceſter, 268, 272. is in dread of L. Darnly, 273. retires to his Crown, 77. of the firſt Petition of the Congregation, 79, of their own Houſe diſcontented, 279. turns Rebel, 299. 300. continues in his treaſonable Practices, 301. 305. 308. 315. is pardoned, 320. 437. Petition to the Parliament, 80, he varies from other Hiſtorians, 123, 450. and ſubſcribes the Book of Diſcipline, 496. 124, 170, his Praiſes of Q. Mary are with a malicious Deſign, 182 Affemblies (15) of the Kirk, 497----577. 192. 194. 197. 200. 224. 259. 267. 276. afferts Facts that diſagree with the publick Records, 277. his Falthood, 302. of Riccio; and fe- Athole (Earl of) makes Offer of his Duty, 157, is of the Queen's Pri- veral other Occurrences, 326, 327, 328, 329, 330, 334, 352, 353; vy Council, 187. with her at Aberdeen, 226, is conſtituted Lieutenant of the North, 313, alliſts at the Prince's Baptiſm, 360, turns Rebel, 354, 355, his traducing of the Queen differenr from Mr. Knox, 365: and from the A&s of Council and other Hiſtorians, 366, 367, 368, 394. 399. 401, 403. 404. 407. 408. 409. 410. 417. 421. 424. 434. 369, 374, 376, 378, 379, 402, 440, 453. his Inaccuracy and Infide 437. 440. 446. 452. 458. 474. 477. 480. lity corrected, 465. his Account of the Battle of Lang ſide, 480, 481. Aumale (Duke d') Uncle to Q. Mary, accompanies her from France, is Moderator of the 14th General Aſſembly of the Kirk, 572. roo, his Return to France, 189. Burnet (Gilbert Biſhop) 18, 60. a Miftake in his Hiſtory of the Refor- B. mation, 106. a Caution to the Readers of it, 107. his Account of the Congregation-Parliament, and their Addreſs to Q. Elizabeth for Alfour (Sir James) Clerk-Regiſter, 332. is Deputy Governor of the E. of Arran, 155. his Obſervations on the annexed Subſcriptions 399, 410, delivers up the Caſtle on Conditions, 455. is in Arms a of the Clergy cenſured, ibido gainſt the Queen at Langſide, 480. C. Ballenden (Sir John) concludes à Peace with England, 69. made one of the Queen's Privy Council, 187. is Juſtice-Clerk, 244. asks Inftru Aithneſs (Earl of) Chancellor of the Aſize on the Trial of the Ea ments in the Name of the Eſtates at the Prince's Coronation, 439. Bothwell, 377.380. 383. joins the Lords at Hamilton in Behalf of Balnaves (Henry) 27. 60, 110, 119. 375. the Queen, 408. Cambden his Account of the Diſſimulation of the Scots Congregat, 114. Barlow (William) 18. Beaumont (Monf. de) Ambaſſador from France to Q. Mary, 471, 472. of the Engliſh Ships attacking Inch-keith, 120, of Q. Mary and Q. Eli- Bedford. Vide Ruſel. zabeth, 170, 177, 178, 179. his veracity vindicated againſt a fate Beton (David Cardinal) ſucceeds his Uncle in the See of St. Andrew's, French Writer, ibid. his further Account of the two Queens, 186, 187. 10. diffuades K. James V. from meeting his Uncle K. Henry VIII. 20. of Q. Elizabeth and L. Robert Dudley, ż41, and of the Parties for and is grieved for the Rout of the Scots at Solway, 21. is charged with againſt Q. Mary's Title to the Crown of England, 253. charges Mur- forging a Will from K. James V. 25. is ſhut up in the Caſtle of Black ray and Morton of being in the Conſpiracy againſt the King, dr. 377. nefs, 27. liberated, 29. reconciled to the E. Arran, 31. is one of his his Account of Q. Elizabeth's Relolutions, 462. Council, 32. manages a Ceſſation for him, 35. has a Conference Campbell (Colin of Glenarquhy, Predeceſſor to the Earl of Broadalbine) 314- with an Engliſh reform’d Prieſt, 39. draws off E. Arran from the new Campbell (Sir Hugh of Lowdon') joins the E. of Angus, 33. is deputed by Do&rines, ibid. viſits his Dioceſe, 4o. calls a Meeting of the Clergy the Congr. to wait on the Q. Regent, 82. marches with the E. of at Edinburgh, 41. gers an order to ſeize Mr. Wiſhart, ibido marries his Glencarne to Perth, 88. joins in a Bond for Q. Mary's Defence, 476. Daughter to the Maſter of Crawford, 42. and ſoon after is murder is taken Prifoner fighting for her at Langſide, 480. ed, 43. his Hiſtory and Character, 44, 45. Campbell (Sir John) of Calder, 34. Beton (James) Archbiſhop of St. Andrew's, condemns Mr. Hamilton for Campbell (Sir John) of Lundy, 31. 40. Hereſy, s. his Death, 9. and Character, 1o. Campbell (Sir Matthew) of Lowdon, 310. Beton (Fames) Archbiſhop of Glaſgow, ſent to witneſs the Queen's Mar Carnegie (Robert) ſent to give the French King Thanks for his Supplies, riage with the Dauphin, 72. his Fidelity, 75. 76. retires to France and 56. employed by that King to deal with the E. Arran to demit his is made Ambaſſador, isi. leaves the Records of the See of Glaſgow Government, 57. is a Commiſſioner at the Treaty of Norbam, ss. and all his Papers, &c. to the Scots College in Paris, ibid. 330. 345. and employed in two Treaties with England, 69. 71. Beton (John) inftrumental in the Queen's Eſcape from Lochlevin, 472. Caffils (Gilbert Earl of) refufes to meet with the Governor, 33. feeks TIF 2 Afin , , CA 260 IN DE X E ANiſtance from Henry VIII. but diſavows it afterwards, si. he ac the Governor's Council, 32. refuſes to witneſs the young Queen's companies the Q. Dowager into France, 56. is one of the Commif Coronation, 33. enters into a Combination againſt the Government, fioners ſent to witneſs Q. Mary's Marriage, 72. faithful to his Truſt, and craves Aid of Henry VIII. of England, ibid. is inſtrumental in 75. dies at Diep, ibid. defeating the Engliſh at Ancrum-moor, 47. approves of the Diffolution of the Treaties with England, si. Caſſils (Gilbert Earl of) ſits on Bothwell's Trial, 377. ſigns a Bond in favours of Bothwell, 380. 383. repairs to the Queen on her Eſcape Douglas (Sir George) returns from England, 26. his Forfeiture revers'd, 28, from Captivity, 472. ligns a Bond for her Defence, 476. is engaged is delivered an Hoſtage, 35. approves, &c. Vide Earl of Angus. for her at the Battle of Lang ſide, 480. his Son taken Priſoner, ibid. Douglas (George) natural Son of the E. of Angus, 327. Caſtle of St. Andrew's ſeized by the Murderers of Cardinal Beton, 43. Douglas (George) uterine Brother to the E. of Murray, 471. (hut up againſt the Governor and poſſeft by the Reformers, so. be Douglas (James of Drumlanrig) joins the E. of Angus, 33. 58. ſieged, but with ſmall Succeſs, s1. receives Supplies from the K. of Douglas (John) a Carmelite Friar, ſpeaks againſt the Times, os. England, and the Siege raiſed by Treaty, ibid. the Garriſon live in Douglas (Lady Margaret) Daughter to the E. of Angus, and Niece to great Debauchery, and commit much Depredation, 52. beſieged a Henry VIII. 33. given in Marriage to the E. of Lenox, 35. put into the gain by the Lord Governor and the Captain General of the French Tower of London by Q. Elizabeth, 290, 303. releaſed, 290. Gallies, 53. furrendred on Conditions, and demoliſhed by Order of Douglas (William) of Drumlanrig, lagainſt the Queen at Lang fide, 480. the Privy Council, ibid. Douglas (William) of Lochlevin, afterwards E. Morton, charged to give Cathcart (Lord) joins the Lords at Hamilton in the Queen's Behalf, 408. up the Caſtle of Lochlevin, 318. Surety received for him, ibid. has the Cecil (Sir William) Commiſſioner on the Part of England, 130. ſigns Charge of the Queen when Priſoner in Lochlevin, 403. the Articles of Agreement at Berwick. 133. and the Treaty of Peace Drummond (Lord) ligns a Bond for the Queen's Defence, 476. at Edinburgh, 136, a great Enemy to Q. Mary, 337. his Diary not Drury (Sir William) Mariſchal of the Garriſon of Berwick, 469, 470. to be credited, 364. 382. 384. 442. diſſwades the French Ambaſſador Dudley (L. Liſe) Admiral of England, lands an Army near Leith, 46. and carries off ſeveral Veflels, ibid. 245. from going to Scotland, 463. is the E. of Murray's faſt Friend, 468. Charles IX. King of France, 157. 159. Dudley (Robert L.) recommended by Q. Elizabeth to Q. Mary for a Hur- Chiſholm (Bp. of Dumblane) ſent to Rom, to procure a Diſpenſation for band, 241. charged with diſpatching his Wife to gain Q. Elizabeth, Q. Mary's marrying L. Darnly, 295, with which he returns, 307. is ibid. is in great Eſteem with her, 245.253. is not preſling in the O- Tent by her into France with Inſtructions, 387. is intercommuned by verture of his Marriage with Q. Mary, 267. is her avowed Friend, 340. the aſſociated Lords for his Loyalty, 462. Dunbar (Gavin) Abp. of Glaſgow, againſt condemning Hereticks to Cockburn (of Ormiſton) ſeized by E. Bothwell in his Return from Ber Death, 9. proteſts in Parliament againſt the Bill for reading the Scri- wick, 109. and has the Money of the Congr. taken from him, stid. ptures in the vulgar Tongue, 37. and againſt granting Remiflion to the Murderers of Cardinal Beton, so. Cockburn (ot Langton) endeavours Q. Mary's Releaſe, 404. figns a Bond for her Defence, 476. E. Congregation enter into Covenant, and ſtile diemſelves the Congregation Dward VI. K. of England ſucceeds his Father, 52. concludes Peace of the Lord, with a full Account of the firſt Riſe of the Title, 66, 69. with France, 55. and with Scotland, 58. 60. his Death, 63. They preſent a Petition to the Q. Regent, 78. 79. their Demands, Eglinton (Earl of) goes to France to pay his Duty to the Queen, 161. 80. their Supplication to the Parliament, ibid. not preſented, 81. but 240. 360. repairs to the Queen after her Eſcape, 472. ſigns a Bond preſented by the Q. Regent to the Convocation of the Clergy, 82. they attend their Miniſters to Perth, 83. and prepare to act by open for her Defence, 476. and is engaged for her at Lang ſide, 480. Force againft the Q. Regent, 84, 85, 86, 87. feveral Meſſages ?wixt Elles (waarquis d’) Uncle to the Queen, accompanies her to Scotland, ibid. convene at St. Andrew's, 90. make great Havock of the Mona: Elizabeth og ef England, fucceeds her Siſter Q. Mary, 77. is offended at the Q. of Scots alluming the Arms of England, ibid. fends Afiftance , , , to the Congr. 115, and deceives the Q. Regent, 116. gives the D. into a third Covenant, 100. take Broughty-Cafle, 103, proclaim an of Norfolk Power to treat with the Congr. 117. reinforces her Army A& depoſing the Q. Regent, 104. 108, 109. obtain a Supply of Mo- in Scotland, 127. and by her Commiſſioners concludes a Treaty in fan ney from England, ibid. 110. the Chiefs ſeparate, 111, 112. are pro- vours of the Congr. 130, 156. ſends a Meſſage of Condolence to miſed Aliſtance from England, 114. 116. Copy of the Treaty with our Queen, and deſires her to ratify the Treaty of Edinburgh, 157 the D. of Norfolk, 117, 118, 119. 121, 122. 125. 131, 132, 133. the 16r. compliments the Queen on the Recovery of her Health, &c. 165. Treaty of Edinburgh in their Behalf, 134, 135, 136. Conceſſions ſends an expoftulatory Letter to the States of Scotland, 167. granted by the King and Queen's Deputies to them, 137. appoint refules a free Pallage to the Q. of Scots, 169. fends out Ships to in- Preachers in ſeveral Towns, 145. meet in Parliament, 146, 148. fun- tercept her, 178. yet congratulates her Arrival in Scotland, 181, 182. dry Aas paſſed by them, 150, ISI, 152, 153, 154. fend a Meflage is angry at the Propoſal to declare Q. Mary Heir to the Crown of to Q. Elizabeth, 157. receive an Envoy and Propoſals from France, England, 186. but condeſcends to an Alteration in the Treaty of E- 159. to which they return Anſwer, 161, 167. 169. dinburgh, 187. is not pleaſed with the Q. of Scots Anſwer, dc. 223. Craw (Peter) named one of Q. Elizabeth's Commiſioners, &c. 131. agrees to an Interview with her, yet all of a ſudden declines it, 219. Crawford (Earl of) ſends an Offer of his Duty and Fidelity to Q. recommends L. Robert Dudley for a Husband to Q. Mary, 241. Q. Mary, 157. ſigns a Bond to forward E. Bothwell's Pretenſions to Elizabeth's Inſtructions to Randolph, 242, 244. creates Dudley Earl of marry the Queen, 380. 383. joins the Lords at Hamilton in her Be- half, 408. and ſigns a Bond for her Defence, 476. Lieceſter, 245. her great Eſteem and Affection for him, ibid. 246, 247, 248. renews the Propoſal of an Interview, 252. 253. writes to Crow (Monf. de) delivers Letters to the Q. Regent and Prior of St. An- our Queen to ſtay the E. Lenox coming to Scotland, ibid. yet recom- drew's, vor. arrives with a Propoſal of Marriage to Q. Mary with mends him, 255. fends a Meſſage of Reconcilement with the Q. of the Emperor's youngeſt Son, 239. his Letter to the Abp. of Glaſgow Scots, 256. allows L. Darnly to go into Scotland, ibid. 277. writes to anent K. Henry, &c. 345. a large Character of him by Holinſbed, 347. his Letter of the Queen's Illneſs and King's Indifferency of her, 352. Q. Mary about her Marriage with Darnly, 285. animates and ſupports the Enemies of our Queen, 294. her Meſſage to Q. Mary and the ſtands for the Duke of Savoy at the Baptiſm of the Prince of Scotland, Rebel-Lords, 296. ſends to Scotland for a Safe-condu&, 317. her 356. arrives at London, 363. returns to Scotland, 369. mediates with Behaviour with E. Murray, &c. 319, 320. promiſes not to afford the the Lords in Arms againſt the Queen, but to no purpoſe, 401. Murderers of Riccio Shelter in England, 336. congratulates Q. Mary, Crofts (Sir James) one of the Commanders of the Engliſh Army under and complains of Ruxbie's being harboured in Scotland, 337. turns 1. Gray, 122. 126, is ſuſpected of Treachery, U. 126. out of Humour at the News of the Birth of the Prince, 339. but pro- miſes to witneſs the Baptiſm by Proxie, 340. littens to the Propoſal of her declaring Q. Mary her Succeſſor, 341. ſends Inſtructions, 411. Alboufie (Laird of) joins in a Bond for Defence of Q. Mary's Per- 414, and Propoſals of Agreement, 416. writes to her Ambaffador in ſon and Right, 476. engaged for her at the Battle of Lang ſide,480, Scotland about Q. Mary's Liberation, 428. and upbraids the fa&ious Danville (Monf.) a Mariſchal and Son to the grand Conſtable Montmo- Lords, 429. fignifies her Mind concerning Affairs in Scotland, 451. rency, accompanies Q. Mary to Scotland, '180. takes Journey through 452. forms a new Project for that Queen's Relief, 462. and deligns England in his Return to France, 189. to ſend a Miniſter to compoſe Differences, 473, Darnly (Henry L.) eldeſt Son of the E. Lenox, nam'd for a Husband to Errol (Earl of) one of the Queen's Privy Council, 187, 226. ſigns a Q. Mary, 261. has the Earldom of Angus confirmed to him, 268. Bond in favours of Bothwell, 386. 383. and another for the Queen, 476. preſents himſelf befoze the Queen, 269. ſundry Accounts of him, 270, Erskine. (Foln Lord) Ambaſſador from K. James V. to K. Henry VIII 272, 273. diſobliges the E. Murray, and is adviſed by the Queen to excuſe himſelf to that Lord, 274. a Determination of the Privy 20. has the Charge of the young Queen, 28. 54. accompanies her to France, ss. ſent by her with a Commiſſion into England, 56. confti Council of England againſt his Marriage, 275. further Accounts of tuted Governor of the Caſtle of Edinburgh, 59. is one of the Q. Re- him, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, is diſliked for his Pride, and his Death is ſecretly hatched, 283, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291, 302, 303, gent's Deputies at the Conference of Preſton, 97;, favours her Entry to Edinburgh, 98. and receives her into that Caſtle, 122. 304, 306. is married to the Queen, and proclaimed King, 307. 308, Erskine (John Lord) is of the Queen's Privy Council, 187. 226. writes 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318. 325. is influenced to the E. Murray of Suſpicions entertained againſt him, 292, made by E. Morton, 327. ſeveral Reports in relation to the Queen and him cleared and diſcuffed, ibid. 328. affords the Queen Diſpleaſure by his Earl of Mar, 309. reſigns the Caſtle of Edinburgh, 379. gets the Cu- Viciouſneſs, bo. 329. aflifts in the Murder of Riccio, 330. writes for ſtody of the young Prince, ibid. is one of the Chiefs of the Faction Murray and the other Rebels, 332. takes a Reſolution of going be againſt the Queen, 394. raiſes an Army againſt her, 397, 398. the leveral Steps of his Behaviour to that Princeſs, 401, 402, 403, 404, yond Sea, 334. 346. 347. his unwiſe Conduct and Behaviour, and Diſreſpect to the Queen and Nobility, 348,----352. falls fick at Glaf 405,406,407,408,410,417,427. nam'd one of the eventual Regents to the Prince, 430. concurs in the ſevere Treatment of the Queen, gow, and brought to Edinburgh, 364. is murdered, ibid. his Character, 434,435,436,437, 438, 439, 440, 441, 442, 445, 452, 453, 456, 457, 365, Deje (Monſ.de) arrives in Scotland with a conſiderable Force froin France, 458, 459, 460, 462, 465, 468, 471, 474, 480. 54. performs many brave Actions during his Stay here, ss. Erskine (John) Laird of Dun , ligns a Call to John Knox, 6s, and the Douglas (Arcbibald) Earl of Angus, keeps K. James V. guarded by his Covenant and Articles of Reformation, 66. is one of the Commiſ- Friends, 16. was married to the King's Mother, ibid. is baniſhed be lioners ſent by the Parliament to witneſs the Queen's Marriage, 73. north the River Spey, 17. returns from England, 28. is named one of his Fidelity to his Truft, 75. approved in Parliament at his Return from D. IN DE X 261 . 145. from France, 76. is concerned in ſeveral Negotiations for the Congr. Guife (Francis Duke of) Uncle to the Queen, 58. choſen one of her Cura- tors, and confirms the Conditions of Surrender by Arran to the Q. 80,83, 84, 97. joins in their Deprivation and other Meaſures againſt Dowager, 59. 75. 77. becomes chief Favourite to Francis II. of France, the Q. Regent, 104, 105. is appointed Superintendant of Angus and and adviſes a Profecution of the Rebels of Scotland with the utmoſt Mearns, 145. 297. the Queen is willing to hear him preach, ibid. is Moderator of the 7th Gen. Afl. of the Kirk, 548. continued, 557, 563. Rigour, 1oo. is barbaroully aſſaſſinated, 238. his Character, ibid. Evers (Lord) attacks Edinburgh, but is beat back at the Nethcr-bou, 16. H. F. Aliburton (fames) Provoſt of Dundee, is killed, iro. Hales (Fohn) writes againſt Q. Mary's Title to the Crown of Engl. 258. Finlayſon (James) condemned and executed, 41. Hamilton (L. Claud) Commendator of Paiſley, and a Son of Chaſtelberauli's, figns a Bond in favours of the Queen, 476. leads the Vant-guard of Fleming (Malcolm Lord) ſeparates from the factious Lords, 32. nam'd by Parliament one of the Governor's Counſellors, 34. killed at the her Army at the Battle of Lang ſide, 480. Battle of Pinkie, 54. Hamilton (Mr. Gavin) Abbot of Kilwinning, is in ſeveral Conferences for the Q. Regent with the Congr. 89, 97, figns the Treaty of Ber- Fleming (James Lord) accompanies the Q. Dowager into France, 56. is wick in Name of the Congr. 127. 319. joins the Lords at Hamilton one of the Commiſſioners appointed by the Parliament to witneſs for the Queen, and proteſts at the Prince's Coronation, c. 436. pro- the Queen's Marriage, 72. he fickens at Diep, and returns to Paris, where he dies, 75. teſts in Name of Argile, &c. for the Queen's Liberty, 465. fent into France to haften Chatetherculi's Return, ibid. refuses the Detire of Fleming (John Lord) adheres to Q: Mary, 283. made Lord Chamber- Jain of the Kingdom, and Maſter-Uſher of the King and Queen's the Aſſembly to deſert the Queen, 578. his Excuſe, ibid, Chamber-doors, 309. is in waiting when Riccio was murdered, 332. Hamilton (Sir James) of Fennard, 10. accuſed of Treaſon and executed, 11, figns a Bond in favours of Bothwell, 380, 383. is one of the Privy Hamilton (James) Brother to Mr. Patrick, II. Council, 386. refuſes to join the aſſociated Lords, 408. joins the Hamilton (L. James) eldeſt son of Arran, Colonel of the Scots Guards Lords at Hamilton, ibid. from thence withdraws to Dumbarton-Caſtle, in France, 102. returns to Scotland, ibid. ftiled Earl of Arran, and acts as one of the Chiefs of the Congr. in all their Proceedings, 105, 436, and there with others enters into a Bond for the Queen's Liberty, correſponds with the Engliſh Ambaſlador for her Behoof, 450, repairs 110, 115, 116, 124, 127, 146. is propoſed for a Husband to Q. Elia zabeth, 154. Accounts of him in Randolph's Letters, 196. his Deli- to her after her Eſcape, 472. figns a Bond for her Reſtoration and riouſneſs, and other Paſſages concerning him, 202, 204, 208, 210, Defence, 476. is engaged for her at the Battle of Langſide, 480, 211. 215. makes a Diſcovery againſt Bothwell, 216. 244.. Priſoner Foreſt (Henry) condemned and burnt, 8. in the Caſtle of Edinburg', 300, liberated, 335. proteſts againſt the Foreſt (Thomas) burnt, 9. Queen's Proclamation, sos. Foreſter (Robert) condemned and burnt, 9. Hamilton (Sir James) of Evandale joins in the Queen's Defence, 476.480. Francis Dauphin of France, married to Marý Q. of Scots, 74. ſucceeds Hamilton (L. John) Commendator of Aberbrothock , fecond son of Cha- to the Crown of France, 99. upbraids the Prior of St. Andrew's, by Letter, for Difloyalty, loi. ſends Forces anà Money into Scotland, ftelherault, became Earl of Arran, afterwards created Marquis of Ha- sbid. concludes a Peace with England, 107. ſends a Recruit of Forces milton, ratifies the Contract of Berwick, 127. leaves Scotland to a- into Scotland, 120. and names Commiſſioners to compote Differences void Murray's Severity and to ſolicite Aid from France for Q. Mary's there, 130, Gc. his Death, 157. Relief, 468, Order of Council againſt him, ibid. refuſes the Call of the Aſſembly, 578. G. Hamilton (John) Abbot, of Paiſley, natural Brother to Arran Governor of Scotland, has the entire Sway of his Brother, 29. is made Lord Lamis (Lord) ſigns a Bond in favours of Bothwell, 380, 383. is Privy Seal and Treaturer, 33, 34. brings over the Governor to be engaged for the Queen at the Battle of Lang ſide, 478. reconciled to the Church, 39. adviſes him to ſuppreſs the Offers of Glencairn (Earl of) one of the Governor's Council, 27. is tampered with to convey the young Queen into England, 28. refuſes to witneſs the D. of Somerſet, 53. is made abp. of St. Andrew's, 60. calls a her Coronation, 33. joins with the E. Angus, 34, 36. accompanies Synod at Edinburgh. 63., writes to Argile to draw him off from the new Doctrine, 67. condemns Walier Mill to be burnt, ibidi takes The Q. Dowager into France, 56. is one of the Chiefs of the Congr. Shelter in the Caſtle of Edinburgh, 122. is threatned by his Brother 64, 65, 66, 82, 88, 89, 97, 100, 105, 110, 122, 127, 128, 194, 161. is of the Queen's Privy Council, 187. joins the Rebel-Lords, 315. re with Death, iso. makes Offer by Mr. John Leſlie of his Duty to the Queen on the Death of her Husband, 1970 is one of Aryan's Sureties, treats to Dumfries, 316. is denounced Rebel, and retires into Enga land, ibid. gets a Summons of Treaſon, 320, obtains a Remiffion, 335. adminiſtrates the Sacrament of Baptiſm to the Prince, 360. figns 333. is one of Arran's Cautioners, 335. received into the Council, a Bond in favours of Bothwell, 380. 383. is ſworn of the Privy Coun- 336. yet enters again into Rebellion, 394, 397, 398, 399. his haugh cil to the Queen, 387. continues ſtedfaſt to her, 436, 476. his Memo- ty and diſloyal Anſwer, 401. ſeveral Steps of his Procedure againſt randum to Monlu, 485. writes to the Abp. of Glaſgow at Paris, 486. the Queen, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 410, 417, 427. is na is impannelled for ſaying Maſs, and confined by the Queen's Order, med one of the eventual Regents to the Prince, 430. concurs in all $21. his good and ſeaſonable Advice to Mr. Knox about reforming the Meaſures taken againſt her, 434, 435, 436, 437, 438, 439, 440, of the Church, 495. but had no Effect, ibid, 441, 442, 445, 452, 453, 456, 457, 458, 459, 460, 462, 465, 468, Hamilton (Mr. Patrick) Son to Kinkevil, and Abbot of Forn in Rorsa 471, 4747 480. ſhire, is burnt to Death, 8. Gordon (Adam) a younger Son of the E. Huntly, receives a Pardon from Hamilton (Sir William) of Sanguhair appointed to treat of Peace and the Queen, 228. appeared eminently for her in her Misfortunes, ibid. Marriage with England, 27. repairs to the Queen on her Eſcape, 472. Gordon Alexander) Son to the L. Gordon, had the Title of Biſhop of figns a Bond for her Defence, &c. 476. engages for her at the Battle Athens, and made Biſhop of Galloway, 106. joins the Congr. ibid. of Lang ſide, 480. yer is diſregarded by them. 113. Harlaw (William) a Taylor, afterwards one of the new Preachers, 648 Gordon (Sir John) of Desk ford wounds L. Ogilvy, and impriſoned, 223. Hay (Mi. Folin) Commendator of Balmerinoch, 285. 290. brings heavy Misfortunes on his Father and himſelf, 224. is taken Hay (L. William) of reſter repairs to the Queen on her Eſcape, 472. Priſoner at Corrichie, and beheaded, 228. ligos a Bond for her Defence, &c. 476, and is engaged for her at the Battle of Lang ſides 480, Gordon (Fohn of Lochinvar, Kt. Predeceſlor to thé Viſcount of Kenmure) is one of Huntly's Cautioners, 310. figns a Bond in favours of the Henry II. King of France, ſends Aid to the Governor of Scotland, 843 Queen, 476, is engaged for her at the Battle of Lang ſide, 480, ſends for the young Queen, 55. concludes a Peade with England, ibid. Gordon (Lord) committed Priſoner to the Caſtle of Edinburgh, 229. is makes large Offers to Arran to demit the Government in favours of tried and condemned as a Traitor, ibid. narrowly eſcapes Death, ibid. the Q. Dowager, 56. preffes the Q. Regent to declare War againſt married to a Daughter of Chaftelherault's, 230, admitted to Bail, 310. England, 71. writes to the States of Scotland for tome Perſons to wit-- is with the Queen when Riccio was murdered, 332. attends her to neſs the Marriage of their Queen with his Son, 72. his perfidious Dunbar, 333. lits in Council as Earl of Hüntly, and is made Chan Dealing with the young Queen, 73. grants an Act of Naturalization cellor, 335. is Cautioner for Arran; ibid. his Forfeiture reverſed in to all Scotſmen, 75. his Death, 99. Parliament, 379. figns a Bond in favours of Bothwell, 380, 383. is in Henry VIII. King of England, aflumes K. fames V. of Scotland into the the Queen's Company when ſhe was ſeized by that Earl, ibid. offers Order of his Knighthood, and propoſes an Interview with him, 17. to aflilt the Citizens of Edinburgh, 398. on their Refuſal he retires renews the Propoſal, and makes ſeveral advantageous Offers, 18. to the Caſtle, and makes his Eſcape, ibid. adheres firmly to the fends Ralph Sadier his Ambaſſador into Scotland, 19. is highly dif- Queen's Intereſt, and continues loyal to her, 436, 437, 441, 472, pleaſed at K. James's diſappointing him, and orders his Army to- wards Scotland, 20. and the Chief of the Scots Priſoners taken at Sol- 475, 476, 477, 480, Gourlay (Norman) condemned and burnt, 9. way-moſs to be led in Triumph through London, 25. prevails witli Grand Prior of France, Uncle to the Queen, accompanies her to Scots them to endeavour to obtain the young Queen for bis Son Prince Eduard, 26. diſmifies them on theſe Conditions, ibid. fends Sadler land, 180. returns through England, 189. is killed at the Battle of a ſecond Time into Scotland, 28. his Commiſſioners conclude Trea- Dreux, 238. Gray of Scotland (Lord) contracts with K. Edward to deliver up the ty of Commerce and Marriage with Scotland, ibid. orders the Scots Caſtle of Broughty, 60, is allowed to come from England on his Pa Ships to be ſeized in the Ports of England, 32. fofters a Rebellion its role, 295 Scotland, 3s. ſends ſome Clergymen thither, 39. orders his Army and Fleet to invade that Kingdom, 46. gives his Niece in Marriage Gray of England (Lord) enters Scotland with an Army, ss. takes and fortifies Haddington, ibid. enters Scotland again, and joins the Army to the E. Lenox, whom he ſends into Scotland in a warlike Manner, 47. of the Congr. 122. marches to Leith, and has a Skirmiſh with the agrees to a Truce, but ſoon breaks it, ibid. his Forces worfted by the Scots at Ancrum-moor, ibid. concludes a Peace with France; 49. ai. French, 123. belieges that Place, 124. attempts Fortifications there, lifts the Murderers of Cardinal Beton, st. his Death, $2. but in vain, 126. impeaches Sir James Crofts of Treachery, ibid. 127. returns to England with his Army, 145. and demoliſhes the Fort be- Herbert (Lord) s. 17. 46. fore Dunbar, ibid. Herman (Abp. of Cologn) 38., Grymanus (Marcus) Legate from the Pope, arrives in Scotland, 33. the Holinſhed (Raphael) 20. gives the Q. Regent an excellent Chara&er, Subſtance of his Commiſſion, 40. he leaves Scotland, and repreſents 129. an Account of Q. Elizabetli's ſending out ſome Ships to interceps te the Pope and ſeveral States the Civilities of that Nation, ibid. our Queen's faſſage from France, 178. 180. gives a favourable AC- count Uu4 262 Ι Ν D Ε Χ. Sir Walter Ker of J count of ſeveral Affairs. 229. 316. 336. 481. 474, and defeats the Queen at Lang ſide, 477. fubfcribes the Book of Howard"(William Lord) ſent with the Order of St. George, &C. 19. 18. Diſcipline, 496. Hume (Alexander Lord) 272. 283. 310. 394. 480. 481. Innes (Mr. Thomas) of the Scots College in Paris, Author of the Critical Hunter (James) executed, 41. Eſſay on the ancient Inhabitants in Scotland, ist. has tranſmitted feve- Huntly (George Earl of) averſe to the Queen's Marriage with Prince. ral curious Papers, to give Light to ſeveral Parts of the Hiſtory of Edward, 30. joins Card. Beton in carrying her to Stirling, ibid. al Scotland in Q. Mary's Time, ibid. fifts at her Coronation, 32. is aſlifting to the Governor, 35, 45. Interim propoſed by the Cardinal of Lorrain to be received by the People made Chancellor, so, taken Priſoner at the Battle of Pinkie, 54. ad of Scotland, 250, Riſe and Nature of it, ibid. viſes Arran to demit his Government in favours of Q. Dowager, 59. K. falls into Diſgrace with the Q. Regent, but is received again into Favour, 70. makes ſome proſperous Inroads into England, 71. is em Ennedy, a young Gentleman, burnt at Glaſgow, 9. ployed by the Q. Regent in ſundry Negotiations with the Congr. 92, 97. prevents the Deſtruction of the Cathedral of Aberdeen, 121. fun Cisjord, and Predeceſſor to the now Marquis of Lothian, one of the dry Opinions of him by Hiſtorians, 124, 127, 128. makes Offer of Queen's Privy Council, 305. his Duty to Q. Mary on the Death of the French King her Husband, Kirkaldy (William) of Grange cited with a Summons of Treaſon for the 157. is one of her Privy Council, 187. brought to great Misfortunes Murder of Card. Beton, so. lays an Ambuſh for ſome French Soldiers by his Son Sir John Gordon, 224. is declared Traitor, 226, 227. is in Fife, 11s. is declared Rebe!, 312. joins the factious Lords againſt killed at Corrichie, 228. his dead Body attainted in Parliament, ibid. the Queen, and is a main Inſtrument of bringing her to ſurrender his Misfortune and Ruin proceeded from the Intereſt and Malice of herfelt at Carberry-hill, 401. is much difpleaſed with the harſh and his great Enemy the Earl of Murray, 229. cruel Treatment given her afterward, 403. ſecretly favours her, 435. is made Governor of the Caſtle of Edinburgh by Murray, 455. is ſent I. in Purſuit of Bothwell, and contributes much to defeat the Queen's Ames V. King of Scots takes the Government on himſelf in the 13th Army at Lang ſide, 478. Year of his age, 16. but the Earl of Angus takes him into Cufto Killigr. w (Henry) 336. 337. 369. dy and governs both him and the Kingdom, ibid. he makes his E Kilmaurs (Lord) 35. 36. 46. ſcape from the Earl, 17, and enters into a ſtrict Friendſhip with his Knox (Fohn) 12. 23. 43. $3. SS. 61. 62. returns from abroad, 64. is Uncle the K. of England, ibid. tho' he is ſolicited by the Pope and burnt in Effigie, ibid. is ſent for by the Chiefs of the Congregat. 65. Emperor to diſunite from him, 18. complains to K. Henry of his Am whets the Minds of the People to Violence, 84, 89, 91, 93, 94. gives baſlador L. Howard's Miſmanagement, ibid. is averſe to a Meeting Advice for depoſing the Q. Dowager, 104, his Accounts of himſelf, with K. Henry, 19. inclines to purſue the Engliſh Army, but the No- 109, 110, 124, 125, 126, 128. of the Q. Regent, 129, 130, ſeveral haríh Reflexions in his Hiſtory, 157, 161, 169, 190, 192, 194. his bility will not conſent, 20. on Diſcovery of a Conſpiracy againſt his Courtiers, returns to Edinburgh, ibid. reproaches them openly as Manner of Preaching and Form of Prayer, 197. his Malice to Q. Cowards, 21. gathers another Army, which is defeated at Solway I.lary, 200, 216. ingenuous in his Account of Huntly, 224. his un- moſs, ibid. whereupon he turns melancholy, ibid. and dies, 22. his chriſtian Obſervation on the Duke of Guiſe's Murder, 238. his un- Character, ibid. Inſtitution of the College of Juſtice, 23. and Mar quenchable Thirſt of reviling Q: Mary, 239. engaged in a mutinous riages, 24, Aſſembly, made by his feditious Letter, 244. omits to take Notice James Prince of Scotland, Son to Q. Mary and L. Darnly, born in the of the Queen's Propenſity to Juſtice, dc. 230. diſcovers a bad Tem- Caſtle of Edinburgh, 338. Manner and Ceremony of his Baptiſin, 360, per on the Death of Mr. Henry Sinclair Dean of Glaſgow, 251. tells of Q. Elizabeth's giving Letters of Recommendation to E. of Lenox, a Faction of ſeveral Lords rebel againſt his Mother, and ſet up for 255. and of her Hypocrify in the Marriage of Q. Mary with L. Darn- him, 394. is crowned by them at Stirling, 436. Authentick Account of the whole Progreſs of his Coronation, 437. Remarks thereupon, 439. ly, 277. raiſes a mutinous Aſſembly in Edinburgh, 293. afligns a James Prior of St. Andrew's, natural Son of K. James V. accompanies right Cauſe of the Rebellion of the diſaffected Lords, 308. is wrong Q. Mary into France, ss. joins and concurs with the Congr. 65, 66. in the Account he gives of the King's going to Peebles, 328. his Ob- ſent to France to witneſs the Queen's Marriage, 73. his Conduct ſervations on Riccio's Murder, 330, 334. and his Account of leveral there, 75. diſguſted at his Siſter's refuſing him the Earldom of Mur Facts not juſt, 348, 352, 369, 422. is deaf to the Advices given in framing the Book of Diſcipline, 492, 495. is called before the Queen ray, ibid. diflwaded by his Party from going into France with the for his irreverent Language, 506. is ſent by the Kirk into the Weſt Matrimonial Crown, 77. employed by the Q. Regent to commune Country, where he promotes a feditious Band, sis. aſſumes to him- with the Congr. 87. on Knox and Willocks accuſing him of Unfaith- ſelf the Gift of the Holy Spirit in Preaching, 521. is ordered to ab- fulneſs, he deſerts the Q. Regent, 88, 89, 90. refuſes to return to his ſtain from Preaching for his abuſing that Office, 546. is recommende Allegiance, ibid. becomes one of the chief Supports of the Congr. ed by the General Aſſembly to the Biſhops, &c. of England, 564. 92, 93, 94, 95, 97, 100. has a Conference with Mr. Melvil, ibid. re- ceives Letters from Q. Mary and the French King her Husband, 1. charging him with Difoyalty, 10. manages in ſeveral Occurrences, Tranſactions, Skirmiſhes and Treaties for the Congr. 105, IIS, 116, 119, 122, 127, 128. his latent Practices for obtaining the Crown, the Leith burnt by the Engliſh, 46. 54. furrendred to the Q. Regene, 98. fortified by the French, 101. 109. 124. 126. 132. Source of the Calamities which befell Scotland, 129. engages for the Performance of the Agreement made in Name of the Nobility, . Lenox (John Earl of) in favour with K. James V. 16. and the Plenipotentaries from France, 144. convoys the Engliſh Army Lenox Matthew Earl of) ſent home by the Influence of Card. Beton, 30đ to Berwick, 145, is deputed to go into France and invite the Queen carries the Sceptre at the young Queen's Coronation, 32. makes Suit to K. Henry VIII. for his Niece, 33. he and his Partners raiſe Forces, to return into Scotland, 157. arrives in France, and is graciouſly re- ceived by her Majeſty, 160. returns quickly back into Scotland, 161. 34. and march againſt the Governor, 35. marries the Lady Margaret is employed by Q. Elizabeth to Q. Mary, 163, 164. made one of Q. Douglas, 36. brings Ships from England to the Weſt of Scotland, 47. Mary's Privy Council, 187. is the ſole Favourite with her, 188. con preſents himſelf before Q. Mary, 254. is recommended to her by R. stituted Lord Chief Juſtice on the Borders, 198. attended thither Elizabeth, 255.259, 267, 272, 274, 285, 286, 288, 289, 302, 303, 304. writes to Q. Mary of his Son K. Henry's Deſign of going abroad, with great Pomp, 200. created Earl of Mar, 215. and Earl of Mur- ray, 226. made Lieutenant againſt Huntly, whom he defeats, 228. 346. 348. Letters 'twixt the Qucen and him about the Diſcovery of his great Enmity to that Earl and his Family, 229. Account of his the King's Murderers, 367, 368, 369. cited to be preſent at Bothwell's Trial, 373. craves a Delay of the Trial, 374. 376. retires into Enga Management, Deceit, Tergiverſations and Dilloyalty, in Randolph's Letters and Abſtracts, 230, 231, 239, 241, 248, 249, 252, 259, 262, land, 378. Lermont (Sir James) of Balcomy, 27. so. 268, 270, 271, 274, 282, 287, 291, 295, 301, And in Throckmorton's Letters, his Treaſon againſt and cruel Uſage of Q. Mary, with an Leſlie (John) Vicar-General of Aberdeen, afterwards Biſhop of Roſs, his Account of ſeveral Occurrences in Scotland, 47, 59, 63, 81, 82, 91, Account of his Cunning and Eehaviour, is ſet forth, 276, 279, 280, 102, 121, 123, 124. is ſent to the Queen, 157. arrives in France, 160. 324, 422, 423, 445, 447, 448, 449, 450, 456, 457, 458. has a Con- 188. is impoſed on by Ruxbie a Spy from England, 337. writes to ference with the Earl of Bedford and Mr. Randolph at Berwick about the Queen's Marriage with E. of Lieceſter, 263. becomes one of the Abp. Beton, 352. charges Murray with beirg acceſſory to the King's Chiefs of the rebellious Lords, who withdraw to Starling, and write Murder, 365. vindicates the Queen, 369. ſigns a Bond in favours of Bothwell, 380, 383, 384. and another for the Queen, 476. to Q. Elizabeth for Support, 300, takes up Arms, 301. craves Aid of Leſlie (John) affifts in the Murder of Cardinal Beton, 43. Bedford againſt his Sovereign, 306. is denounced Rebel, 310, and with others retires into Argile-/hire , 312. from thence to EdinburghiLeſlie (Norman) eldeft Son to E. Rotbes, chief A&or in the Murder of Card. Beton, 43. 50. 61. which he relinquiſhes, 315. and from Dumfries retires into England, 316. he goes to London and begs Aid from Q. Elizabeth, 319. his fer Lignerol (Mons.) ſent by the French King, &c. 443. 444. Lindſay (Sir David) writes a Poem called the Tragedy of Card. Beton, 49, vile Compliance to obtain it, ibid. makes Suit to Riccio for his Fa- vour, 325. returns to Edinburgh immediately after Žiccio's Murder, Lindſay (Fohn) his Advice at the burning of Friar Foreſt, 8. 332. and obtains his Pardon from the Queen, 336. and by her Lindſay (Lord) appointed one of the Keepers of the young Queen, 28, Means is reconciled to Huntly and others, ibid. a Report ſpread of 375. 394. 4º4. 425. 434. 478. his having been in the Knowledge of the King's Murder, 365. makes Lindſay (Maiter of) lays an Ambuſh againſt the French, 115. 244. a very lame Defence for himſelt, ibid. leaves the Kingdom, 374. 377. Livingſton (Lord) appointed one of the Keepers of the young Queen, 432. arrives in Scotland, 442. ſeveral Reports concerning him, 443. 28. condu&s her to Dumbarton-Caſtle, 54. accompanies her to Francis particularly of his being the chief Promoter of the Troubles in Scot- ss. joins with ſeveral other Lords at Hamilton for her Releaſe, 408. land, ibid. has a Conference with the Queen in Lochlevin, 446. en. repairs to her on her Eſcape from Lochlevin, 472. ſigns a Bond for ters on the Regency, 452. 454. has the Caſtle of Edinburgh ſurren her Defence, 476. and is enaged for her at the Battle of Lang ſide, 480, dred to him, 455. and the Caſtle of Dunbar, 456, the South Coun Lorrain (Charles Cardinal of) Uncle to Q. Mary, 58. 59. is chief Fa- try is diſaffected to him, 461. makes a Progrets thither, 464. fum vourite to Francis II. 100. 107. propoſes a Marriage betwixt our mons a Parliament, 465. orders the Execution of four Perſons for Queen and the Emperor's ſecond son, 234. is civil to Throckmorton the King's Murder, 467. a ſharp Reflexion on him by Sir James Mel on the Queen's Account, 244. propoſes an Interim in Scotland, 250. vil, 469. vifits the Queen again at Lochlevin, ibid. prepares for War, offers to the Queen the Duke of Orleans for a Husband, 260. Macfarlang L . IN DE X. 263 of her by Knox and Buchanan, 327.328. has good and juſt Ground of M. Diſpleaſure againſt the King, 329. writes a particular Account of Acfarlane, a highland Gentleman, &c. 481. Riccio's Murder into France, 330. yet pardons all the Murderers ex- Magill (James) Clerk-Regiſter, 108.822. 187. 332. 375. cept two, 334. is adviſed by her Council to wait the Time of her Matland (Richard) of Lethington, 58. Child-bearing within the Caſtle of Edinburgh, 335. reconciles the Maitland (William) younger of Lethington, 110, 116, 117, 119, 144, 154, contending Noblemen,-336. is delivered of a Prince, 338. and ſends 161. a heavy Charge againſt him by Cambden, 179. is ſent into Eng Sir James Melvil with the News to Queen Elizabeth, 339. has ſeveral land with Initructions, 185. is taken Notice of for his Addreſs, Wif Friends in England, 340. who renew the Propoſal of her leing decla- dom and great Management in Affairs, 188, 189, 191, 196, 202, 203, red next Heir to that Crown, ibid: 342. juſtifies her ordering Ran- 208, 211. is ſent into England, 217, 218. 229, 230, 231. he urges by dolph out of Scotland, 344. goes into the Country after her Recovery, Letter Q. Mary's Right of Succeſſion to the Crown of England, 232. 345. Vindication of her from the wicked Accounts of Knox and B- is ſent with a publick Character into England, &c. 235. returns from chanan concerning her and the King, ibid. by the French Ambalador's his Embaſſy, 240. has the Abbay of Haddington given him, 244. 256, Letter, 346. and by the Lords of the Privy Council of Scotland, 257. 259. 262. is not averſe to the Queen's Marriage with L. Darnly, 347,----350, and by Mr. Robert Melvil her Ambaſſador at the Court ibid. is deputed by her to confer with Bedford, 263. Account of the of England, 351. She goes to Jedburgh, and ſends Bothwell into Lid- Conference, 264, 265, 266. is ſent into France, 270. arrives at Lon diſdale, ibid. falls ſick at fedburgh, 352. 353. writes to the Privy don, 274. Account of his Negotiations, 276, 282, 286, 288. is par Council of England of her Right and Title to that Crown, 1 54. will doned by the Queen for his concern in 'Roccio's Murder, 334 prepo- not hearken to the Propoſal of divorcing the King, 3ss. writes to ſes a Divorce betwixt her and the King, 355. is carried Priſoner by Q. Elizabeth, 361. and claims being declared next Helr to the Crown Bothwell, 383. joins the Faction of Lords againſt her, 394. ſeveral of England, 362. 366, 367, 368. emits a Proclamation for the Dif Parts of his Actings againſt the Queen, 4.22, 423, 426,445, 447, 448, coyery of the Murderers of the King, ibid. Intercourſe of Letters 449, 457, is engaged againſt her at the Battle of Lang fide, 480, 'twixt her and Lenox, 369,---- 373. is ſeized by Boil well, and carried Mariſchal (William Earl) appointed one of the Keepers of the young to Dunbar-Caſtle, 383. and from thence to Edinburgh-Caſtle, 384. Qucen, 28, and of the Governor's Council, 32, is ſent with a Com where the approves of a Bond by ſome of the Nobility in his favours, miſſion to the Q. Dowager, 48. accompanies her into France, 56. and and gives an Order for proclaiming the Banns of her Marriage with into the Caſtle of Edinburgh, 122, 128. 149. 187. 226. him, ibid. makes a publick Declaration of her good will to him, 35. Mary Queen of Scotland, Wife to K. James V. 25. labours for Cardinal and marries him, 386, ſends a Miniſter into France to excuſe it, 388. Beton's Liberation, 29. ſends for Lenox, 30. ſets up a Faction againſt and another into England to the ſame Purpoſe, 392, 394,---397. re- the Governor, and calls a Parliament at Stirling, 48. obtains the Re moves for fear of the Faction to Borthwick-Caſtle, and from thence leaſe of Knox, and other Priſoners from the French Galleys, 53. a to Dunbar-Caſtle, 398. 399. marches from Dunbar, 400. voluntarily ſurrenders herſelf to them, 402. is conducted to Edinl strgh, where grees to ſend her Daughter into France, ss. embarks herſelf for that the is reviled by the Mob, and commiſerated by the berrer fort, itid. Kingdom, 56,--58. is proclaimed Regent, s9. forms her Court of too many Frenchmen, 69, 70. is deſirous to declare War againſt England, 71. fhe is fent ſecretly away Priſoner into Lochlevin, 404. her Plate and orders a Fort to be built at Aymouth, ibid. preſents the French King's Jewels ſeized by the Rebel-Lords, 407. the French Miniſter denied Letters to the Parliament concerning the Queen's Marriage, 72. her Acceſs to her, 411. as is alſo the Ambaflådor of England, 416. Anſwer to the Petition of the Congr. 80. calls a Convocation of the 420,---426. is forced to ſign an Inſtrument conſtituting eventual Re- gents, 430. another of Demillion in favours of the Prince her son, Clergy, 81, 82, 83, 84. has ſeveral Meſſages and Conferences with 431. and a third conſtituting her Brother Murray Regent during her the Congregation, 88, 89, an Agreement with them, 90. the Severi- Son's Nonage, 432. ſeveral Lords favour her Cauſe, 435, and enter ties of her officers at Perth occaſions the retaking of that Place, 93. into a Bond for her Defence, 436. Conference 'twixt her and Mur- 94. 96, 97, 98. receives Succours from France, and fortifies Lerth, Ton. 102. ſends the Lyon King at Arms to the Congr. 103. is depoſed ray, 445. 457. is diſcovered while attempting an Eſcape from Loch- levin, 470. but ficceeds in the next Attempt, 471. is convoyed to by them, 104. takes Poffeflion of Edinburgh, 113. receives a new Hamilton, 472. revokes the Writs ſhe had ſubſcribed in Priſon, and e- Supply from France, 121. takes Shelter in the Caſtle of Edinburgh, mits a Proclamation for her Subjects to convene to her, b. d. fends à 122. has a Letter from the Chiefs of the Congr. and ſome Propo- fals, 124. her Sickneſs and Death, 127. is much lamented, 129. her Meſſage to Murray requirinig a Reſtoration to her Dignity, 474. fe- Charactèr, ibid. is maliciouſly aſperſed by Knox, ibid. her Body car- veral of the Nobility and Gentry enter into and liga a Bond to ob- ried into France, 130. tain her Reſtoration, 476. marches with her Army towards Dumbarton, Mary Queen of Scots ſucceeds her Father K. James V. 25. is crowned at but in the Way is met by Murray, and her Army is defeat at Lang- Stirling, 32. is ſent to Dumbarton, and from thence to France, ss. grants a Commillion to ſeveral Perſons to be her Procuratorsnee the leaders to lice Ries towards Kirkudbright ; 481. and from thence inca Treaty of her Marriage, 72, 73, 74. adviſed by her Friends to af Mary Queen of England ſucceeds her Brother K. Edward VI. 63. perfe- Tume the Arms of England, 77. reproaches her Brother the Prior of cutes the Maintainers of the reformed Do&trines, 64. aids Spain a- St. Andrew's, rof. appoints Commiſioners to ...eet with thoſe of gainſt France, 71. her Death, 77. England, 130, 137. but refuſes to ratify, &c. 154. both Parties in Mauviffiere (Monf. Caſtelnau de) Agent of France, his Sentiments of Q. Scotland make Addreſſes to her on the Death of her Husband, 157. Elizabeth in contriving the Marriage of Mary Q. of Scots with Lord and is attended by their Agents, 160. her Anſwer to the English Am Darnly, 277. arrives in Scotland, 288. baffador's Letter, 163. excuſes her not ratifying the Treaty of Edin Maxwell (Sir John) of Terreigles, ſecond Son to L. Maxwell, afterwards burgh, 165, 166. ſends to England for a Safe-conduct, 169. and is de L. Herries, Warden of the Weſt-Marches, Commiſioner deputed by nied, 170---180. is congratulated by Q. Elizabeth on her ſafe Arrival, Q. Mary, fettles and ſeals the Convention of Peace on the Borders, 181, the writes to the Queen of England, and ſends Maitland with 244. is one of Huntly's Cautioners, 310. Keeper of the Caſtle of Inſtructions to that Court, 184, 185. coeftitutes a regular Privy Lochmaben, 316. pardoned for accompanying the Rebel-Lords to Council, 187. begins à Progreſs through the Country, 190, 191. 192. Dumfries, 317, is one of the Alize at Both weli's Trial, 377. requeſts appoints a Court of Juſtice at fedburgh, &c. and conſtitutes her Bro the Queen on his Knees not to marry the Earl of Bothwell, $86. yet ther the Lord Juſtice, 197. ſome Accounts of her Court, &c. from is loyal to her, and is truſted by Q. Elizabeth for her Behoof, 452, Randolph's Letters, 201,---211. her Letters to Q. Elizabeth, 212, 213. tepairs to the Queen on her Eſcape from Lochlevin, 472. ligns a Bond reconciles the Noblemen of her Kingdom, 215. propoſes to her for her Defence, 476. has the Command of the Horſe in her Army Council an Interview with Q. Elizabeth, 216, 217, 218. 221, 222. at the Battle of Lang ſide, 480. attends and guards her Retreat, 481. and accompanies hier into England, 482. 223. 224. Procedure of her Council againſt Huntly, his family and Followers, 225,---228. ſuſpends the Execution of Lord Gordon, 229. Maxwell (Lord) undertakes an Expedition on the Weſt-Borders againſt the Engliſh, 21. 33. 36. 51. 56. 58. 472. 476. 230,---234. ſeveral Propoſals of Marriage made to her, particularly by the Emperor in Name of his Son, ibid. ſends her Secretary again Maxwell (Maſter of) 116. 119. to England, 235. concerning her Claim and Right to that Crown af Melvil (Fames) one of the Afaſlines of Card. Betón, 23. ter Q. Elizabeth's Death, and that he ſhould in Preſence of the E Melvil (Sir James) ſent by the French King to know the State of Affairs ftates of England declare the validity of her Title, 237. is in Grief in Scotland, 99. has a Conference with the Prior of St. Andrew's, 100 for the Death of her Uncles, 238. further Propoſals of Marriage to tells of the bad Advice given to Q. Mary by her Friends in France, her, 239. the grants an A et of Oblivion, 240. goes into Argile-ſhire, 160. his Account of Q. Elizabeth's Behaviour to L. Robert Dudley, 245, ibid. has an Ambaſſador from Sweden, 241, the Contents of the e is fent with a Memorial to that Queen, 253. and gives Account of of England's Meſſage to her, 242, 243, 244, further Overtures of her Cunning and bad Inclination to Q. Mary, 255. arid of the Earl Marriage to her, 245, 248, 249. her great Propenſity to Juſtice ta of Northumberland's Coverouſneſs in detaining our Queen's Money, ken Notice of by Randolph, 250, 251, 252, 253. fends Mr. Melvil 295. and of Earl Murray, 3 25. is deſired by the Queen to give the into England to adjuſt Differences with that Queen, ibid. and makes King his beſt Advice, 330. his Account of Riccio's Murder, and of a Progreſs to the Northern Parts of the Kingdom, 254. by Letter the Rcbel Lords, 331, 333. is ſent to Q. Elizabeth with the News of acknowledges Q. Elizabeth's Recommendation of and Allowance to the Birth of the Prince, 339. his Account of her Behaviour on this Lenox his coming to Scotland, 255. her ſecret Reaſonings concerning News, ibid. 340, a Miſtake in his Account of the King's following Leiceſter's Propotal of Marriage to her, dc, 259, 260. appoints her the Queen, 354. and likewiſe of the Queen's marrying Bothwell, 384. Secretary, &c. to meet about it at Berwick , 263. Account of the tho' right in his aſſerting that ſeveral of the Nobility concurred to Conferences there, 264,---267. holds a Parliament, wherein the de-. that Marriage, ibid. and of the cruel Treatment ſhe met with from clares that the reverſing Lenox's Forfeiture is at the Requeſt and Suit the aſſociated Lords, 402. Narrative of the Manner of her ſigning of her Siſter of England, ibid. goes into Fife, 268. her Reception of the Inſtrument of Reſignation, &c. 427. is ſent with a Meſſage to the Lords of the Queen's Side, S. and to meet E. Murray at his L. Darnly, &c. 269,---274. Reſolution of the Privy Council of Eng- tand concerning her Marriage with Darnly, 273. Meſſage from Q. Return, 443. he charges that Earl with Cruelty to the Queen, ibida Elizabeth by Throckmorton, and his Negotiations in Scotland on that and gives Account of the Battle of Lang fide, 478. Head, 276,---282. 285,- 295. 297. 298. 305. is married to Darnly, Melvil (Robert) Brother to Sir James, 341. 350. 392. 427.472. and cauſes him be proclaimed King, 307, 309. 311,---317. pardons Mertigue (Sebaſtian) arrives from France with a Recruit of Horſe and Foot, 121. 123. 124. Chaſtelherault, 320. her Title to the Crown of England is favoured by Throckmorton, 321,---324, 326. vindicated from ſeveral falſe Reports Methuen (Paul) Baker in Dundee turns Preacher, 6s, Sentence of Ban U uu 2 nithmens 264 I N D E X. ST de e , foon ten O P niſhment pronounced againſt him, 68. is notwithſtanding entertained Rough (John) 37. 39. 61. 62. at Dundee, ibid. and appointed Miniſter at fedburgh, 148. is excom Reffel, a Gray Friar, condemned and executed, 9. municated for Adultery, 5222 and ordered to do Penance therefore, 559. Ruſſel (Francis) Earl of Bedford, 157. 252. meets by the Appointment Mewtas (Sir Peter fent by Q. Elizabeth to Q. Mary, &c. 187. 212. of the Queen of England with E. of Murray, &c. at Berwick to co'nfer Monlu (Fohn) Biſhop of Valence, 124. 130. 133. 136. 137,----143. 485. * concerning Q. Mary's Marriage with the E. of Lieceſter, 263. his AC- Monteith (Earl of) one of the Congr. 122. is againſt the Queen, 480. count of the Conference to Q. Elizabeth, 264,---267. fuccours Mur- Montgomery (Lorge) Knight of the Order of St. Michael, 47, 48. ray as it were without the Queen of England's Privity, to avoid Suf- Montrose (Earl of) ſigns a Bond for the Queen's Defence, 476. picion and Blame of the Scots Queen, 294. ſent by Q. Elizabeth to Morton (Fames Earl of) ſigns the firſt Covenant, 60. is one of the ſtand for her at the Baptiſm of the Prince, 356. his Inſtructions, ibid. Commiſſioners for Scotland at the Treaty of upſettlington, 108. con 357, 358, 359. charged with a Letter from Q. Mary to Q. Elizabeth, curs with and is employed by the Congr. 127. 154. 161. is of Q. 361. and with Inſtructions, 362. has a rich Preſent given him by Q. Mary's Privy Council, 187. 226. labours to fow Diffention betwixt Mary, and departs home, 363. the King and her, 326. and to remove Riccio out of the Way, 327. Ruthven (Patrick Lord) 28. 34. 93. 96, 97, 99, 104, IOS, 117, 119, 122, accuſed of occaſioning much of the King's Wickedneſs, 350. is de 144. 272. is one of the principal Murderers of Riccio, 330. 332. 334 clared Traitor for being a main Inſtrument in Riccio's Murder, bút Ruthven (William Loid) ſigns a Bond in favours of Bothwell, 383. ap- receives a Pardon, 334. is on good Grounds charged to have a hand pears againſt the Queen, 399. conducts her to Priſon, 404. 426, 427, in the King's Murder, 365. attends E. Bothwell in the Pannel at his 43 43 437, 438, 440, 446, 452, 478,583. Trial for that Murder, 376. and by his Management gets him clear Ruxbie (Chriſtopher) 337. 342. 343. ed from the Guilt thereof, 377. is one of the Chiefs of the Faction S. againſt the Queen, 394. his and their Treafons, Cruelties, Severities Adler (Sir Ralph) Ambaſſador from Henry VIII. of England to K. and Oppreſſions towards her, 399, 401, 403, 404, 407, 408, 409, 410, James V. to perſwade him to break with the Church of Rome, and 417, 421, 424, 427, 434, 435, 437, 438, 440, 446, 452, 458, 474, 477, to give him Hopes of being K. Henry's Succeffor in the Event of his Son's Death, 19. is fent a ſecond Time into Scotland, 28, his Com- 480. Murray (Earl of) natural Brother to K. James V. 20. 32. 34. Vid. James million and Negotiations there, 31, 32, 38. Prior of St. Andrew's. Sancto Gelaſio (Ludovick.) Knight, 58. N. Sandılands (James) 34. 127. 153. Oailles (Mons.) Envoy from France to Scotland, 159. 161. Sanguhair (Lord) repairs to the Queen on her Eſcape, 472. ſigns a Bond for her Defence, 476. is engaged for her at Langſide, 480, turns, 20. concludes a Treaty with the Lords of the Congr. at Ber- Seroup (Lord) 122. wick , 116. accuſes Sir James Crofts of Treachery, 126. Semple (Robert Lord) 403. 480. Northumberland (Earl of) detains Money belonging to Q. Mary, &c. 316. Seton, Brother to Ninian Seton of Touch, 8. 0. Seton (Lord) 27. 28. 48. 72. 75, 76. 94. 401.404. 472, 476. 477- Chiltree (Lord) 97, 100, 102, 110, 122 Seymour (Edward) E. of Hartford, afterwards D. of Somerſet, is General Oktavian, from France, arrives at Leith with Money, &c. tot. of the North-parts of England, lands his Army above Leith, which he Ogilvie (fames Lord) 127. 222. 476. 481. burns, 46, he ravages the Country, and retires to England, ibid. he re- 0-Ned, a Gentleman of great intereſt in Ireland, 337. enters Scotland, and does great Damage in Merſe and Teviotdale, 48. Oliphant (Lord) ſigns a Bond for the Queen's Defence, 476. enters Scotland a third Time with a formidable Army, 53. gives the Otterburn (Sir Adam) of Redball, 17. 18. Scots Army a total Rout at Pinkie, and burns Leith, 54. Oyfel (Monf. de) Ambaſſador from France, delivers the Regalia of Scot Sidney (Sir Henry) Preſident of the Council in Wales, 219. 221, land in Name of Q. Mary to her Mother the Q. Dowager, 59. builds Simpſon (Sir Duncan) a Prieſt, burnt at Edinburgh, 9. a Fort at Aymouth, 71. is in ſeveral Negotiations and Engagements Sinclair (Lord) ſigns a Bond in favours of the Queen, 476. : for the Q. Regent, her Daughter Mary Q. of Scots, and her Husband Sinclair (Mr. Henry) Dean of Glaſgow, 70. 71. 108, 251. the French King, 72, 88, 89, 100, 115, 116, 130, 145, 170 Sinclair (Fohn) Dean of Reſtalrig and Biſhop of Brechin, 307. P. Sinclair (of Roſline) joins in a Bond for the Queen, 476. at Lang ſide, 4807 Anter (David) Biſhop of Roſs, 55. 56. 57. 72. 75.764 Sinclair Oliver) a Son of the Family of Rofine, 21. Pelue (Nicolas) Biſhop of Amiens, 102. 130. Somervel (Lord) $3.97. 127. 149. loyal to the Queen, 472, 476, 478,480, Spotiſwood (Mr. Fohn) Superintendant of Lothian, 491. $57. 591, 592. Percy (Sir Henry) 122. Pitcairn (Robert) Commendator of Dumfermline, 375. Spotiſwood (John) Abp. of St. Andrew's, 9, 10, 63, 105, 123, 128, 148, 149 R. 293. his Account of the Change made in the Church, 495. Anald (James) condemned and executed, 41 Stark (Helen) drowned at Perth for Hereſy, 41. Randolph (Thomas) Reſident for the Q. of England in Scotland, his Stewart (Fohn) Duke of Albany, ſecluded from the Regency, 16, Inſtructions from his Miſtreſs, 158. delivers a Letter from her to Q. Stewart (John) Earl of Lenox, 16. Mary on her Arrival in Scotland, 181. many Letters by him to his Stewart (L. Robert) Abbot of Holy-rood-houſe, 127. 212. 240, 272. 288. Miſtreſs and her Secretary Cecil, containing an Account of ſeveral Stewart (L. John) Abbot of Coldingham, 212, 240, Occurrences in Q. Mary's Court and Council, and of the Civil and Stewart (William) Biſhop of Aberdeen, 8. 17. Ecclefiaftick Affairs of Scotland, with Characters of ſeveral of the Stewart (Sir Alexander) of Gairlies, Cautioner for the E. of Huntly, 310, Scots Nobility, 183, 184, 188, 190, 191, 195, 196, 197, a ſevere Re Stewart (James) Abbot of St, Colm's Inch, 122. 127. 202, 203. 281, proof to them for their Abuſe of their Queen, with ſeveral Remarks Stirling (George) 47. on their Actings and Procedure, 202. Continuation of his Informa Stow, an Engliſh Hiſtorian, 122. 123. tion to his Court in his Letters, ibid. 203, 204, 205, 206, 207, 229, Straton (David) burne at Green ſide, 8. 230, 231, 232. Abſtract of ſeveral of his Letters to Sir William Cecil Strozzi (Leon.) Knight of Malta, 52. 53. from ift April 1563, 238, 239, 240, his entire Confidence in E. Mur Sutherland (Earl of) IIS. 157. 230. 239. 476. ray's Service to the Queen of England, 241. his Abſtracts continued, T. 244,---254. is called to England by his Miſtreſs, and returns to Scot Anworth (John) comes from Q. Elizabeth with a Meſſage to Q land with a ſharp Memorial from her to our Queen, 256. his Letter Mary, 310. Account of his Reception, Behaviour, Return,&c. 311. to Q. Elizabeth, and Letters and Abſtracts to Sir William Cecil, where Thermes (Monſ. de) Commander of the French Forces in Scotland, 5s, 56. in he gives Account of his Negotiations with Q. Mary, with the Sub Thornton (Mr. James) Chanter of Murray, 336. Itance of the Conference with Lord fames and Secretary Maitland, of Throckmorton (Sir Nicholas) Ambaffador of the Queen of England at the her Marriage with E. Liecefter, and of ſeveral of the private Tranſa Court of France, folicites Q. Mary for a Ratification of the Treaty of ations, political Occurrences, Animofities and Diviſions, &c. in Scor Edinburgh, 162. gives fome Light into the Affairs of Scotland by his land, and of his being a complete Tool for his Miſtreſs, in foment Letter to his Queen, 163, 164. In Name of his Miſtreſs congratulates ing Miſchief and Rebellion in that Kingdom, 259,---270. 285,---293. Q. Mary on her Recovery, and demands a Ratification of laid Trea- is in Concert with the factious Lords of Scotland againſt Q. Mary. ty, 165. communicates the Returns he got to his Sovereign, and ſe- and adviſes Cecil of the Method to raiſe Sedition and Rebellion a veral other Incidents, 166, 167, and likewiſe acquaints her of the gainſt her, 294, 295, 300, is ſent away by Order of Q. Mary for af Conference he had with the Scots Queen, and of the Reaſon that lifting and correſponding with the Rebels, 343. fupplies them with Princeſs aſſigned for not ratifying the Treaty, 170,---177. civilly uſed Money, 344. by the Card. of Lorrain, he having been made a Priſoner at the Battle Reid (Robert) Biſhop of Orkney, 71. 72. 75. of Dreux by the D, of Guiſe, 244. his Letters to Q. Elizabeth and Sir Riccio (David) an Italian, comes to Scotland in the Service of the Am William Cecil from Scotland, concerning the Purport of his Embaſſy, baſſador of the D. of Savoy, and is employed as a Muſician to the particularly of the Queen's Marriage with L. Darnly, which he advi- Queen, and in writing her French Letters, 268. has a Preſent from E. les Q. Elizabeth to agree to in an amicable Manner, 277, 279---281. Murray, 325. his Death contrived, 327. and is bafely murdered in his Integrity and Honeſty, 319. he favours Q. Mary's Title to the the Queen's Preſence. 330. Crown of England, and writes to her concerning her rebellious Sub- Richardſon (Mr. Robert) Commendator of St. Mary-Iſe, 245. jects, 321. gives a good and honeft Teſtimony to Queen Mary's Pru- Rochefoucault (Charles de la) Sieur de Randan, 133, 136,---143. dence and Diſcretion, 322. comes to Scotland with Inſtructions to Q. Rofs (Lord) repairs to the Queen on her Eſcape, 472. figns a Bond for Mary and the aſſociated Lords, 411. writes ſeveral of the Occurrences her Defence, 476. and is engaged for her at Lang ſide, 478. in Scotland in Letters to his Miſtreſs and Cecil, 420, 444, 445, 447s Rothes (George Earl of) attends the Interment of K. Fomes V. 22. is one 448, 457. he acted an honeſt and juſt Part in his Negotiations, 458. of the Commiſſioners appointed by the Parliament of Scotland to W. witneſs the Queen's Marriage with the Dauphin of France, 72. 75. Allace (Adam) at , 63. Rothes ( Andrew Earl of) is one of the leading Men of the Congr. 110, Wemyss (Sir John of that lik) 70. is loyal to the Queen, 476 127. In a Quarrel with Lindſay about the Sheriffthip of Fift, 144. is Willocks (Mr. John) 64. 88. IOI. 104. 128. 145. 491. commanded to enter himſelf Priſoner in the Caſtle of Dunbar, 309. Willecart (George) fentenced and burnt, 41. his Character, 42. declared Rebel, 312, is one of the Alize on Bothwell for the King's Wiſhart (John of Pitarrow) 96, 117, 119. joins the Rebels, 315. Murder, 377. repairs to the Queen on her Eſcape, 472. figus a Bond Wood. (Mr. Jonn) of the Woods of Largo, an Enemy to the Queen, 3124 for her Defence, 476, and is engaged for her at Lang fide, 478. Wotton (Nicholas) Dean of Canterbury and York, 130, 133, 136, F 1 N I S. T , D 407626