THE
WILLIAM L. C L E MENTS
LIBRARY
Purchased from the
Trust Fund of
Lathrop Colgate Harper
L I. T. T. D.




-
-




A NARRATIVE
OF THE
ADVENTURES AND ESCAPE
M O S E S R O PER,
AMERICAN SLAVERY:
WITH A PREFACE,
BY THE REV. T. PRICE, D.D.
“By our sufferings, sinceye brought us
To the man-degrading mart;
All sustained by patience, taught us
Only by a broken heart.”
THIRD EDITION.—TWELFTH THOUSAND.
I, O N DO N :
HARVEY AND DARTON, 55, GRACECHURCH STREET.
To be had also of G. WIGHTMAN, 24, Paternoster Row;
WILLIAM BALL, Aldine Chambers, Paternoster Row; and at
the ANTI-SLAVERY OFFICE, 18, Aldermanbury.
-
–
MDCCCXXXIX.

ENTERED Aſt stationers' HALL.
LONDON:
Johnston & BARRETT, Printers, 13, Mark Lane.

P. R. E. FA C E.
The following narrative was to have
appeared under the auspices of the Rev.
Dr. Morison, of Chelsea, whose generous
exertion on behalf of Moses Roper have
entitled him to the admiration and gra-
titude of every philanthropist. But the
illness of the doctor having prevented
him from reading the manuscript, I
have been requested to supply his lack
of service. To this request I assent
reluctantly, as the narrative would have
derived a fuller sanction and wider
currency, had circumstances permitted
the original purpose to be carried out.
Moses Roper was introduced to Dr.
Morison, by an eminent American abo-
litionist, in a letter, dated November 9th,

iv. PREFACE.
1835, in which honourable testimony is
borne to his general character, and the
soundness of his religious profession.
“He has spent about ten days in my
house,” says Dr. Morison's corres-
pondent, “I have watched him atten-
tively, and have no doubt, that he is an
excellent young man, that he possesses
uncommon intelligence, sincere piety,
and a strong desire to preach the Gospel.
He can tell you his own story better
than any one else; and I believe, that if
he should receive an education, he would
be able to counteract the false and wicked
misrepresentations of American slavery,
which are made in your country by our
Priests and Levites who visit you.”
Dr. Morison, as might have been an-
ticipated from his well-known character,
heartily responded to the appeal of his
American correspondent. He sent his
letter to the Patriot Newspaper, remark-
ing in his own communication to the

PREFACE. V
Editor, “I have seen Moses Roper, the
fugitive slave. He comes to this country,
as you will perceive, well authenticated
as to character and religious standing:
and my anxiety is, that the means may
forthwith be supplied by some of your
generous readers, for placing him in
some appropriate seminary for the im-
provement of his mind, that he may be
trained for future usefulness in the church.
His thirst for knowledge is great; and
he may yet become a most important
agent in liberating his country from the
curse of slavery.”
Moses Roper brought with him to this
country several other testimonies, from
persons residing in different parts of the
States; but it is unnecessary to extend
this Preface by quoting them. They all
speak the same language, and bear un-
equivocal witness to his sobriety, intelli-
gence, and honesty.
He is now in the land of freedom, and

vi PREFACE.
is earnestly desirous of availing himself
of the advantages of his position. His
great ambition is to be qualified for use-
fulness amongst his own people; and the
progress he has already made, justifies
the belief, that, if the means of education
can be secured for a short time longer,
he will be eminently qualified to instruct
the children of Africa in the truths of the
gospel of Christ. He has drawn up the
following narrative, partly with the hope
of being assisted in this legitimate object,
and partly to engage the sympathies of
our countrymen on behalf of his oppressed
brethren. I trust that he will not be
disappointed in either of these expecta-
tions, but that all the friends of humanity
and religion among us, will cheerfully
render him their aid, by promoting the
circulation of his volume. Should this
be done to the extent that is quite pos-
sible, the difficulties now lying in his
way will be removed.

PREFACE. vii.
Of the narrative itself it is not neces-
sary that I should say much. It is his
own production, and carries with it inter-
mal evidence of truth. Some of its state-
ments will probably startle those readers
who are unacquainted with the details of
the slave system; but no such feeling
will be produced in any who are conver-
sant with the practice of slavery, whether
in America or our own colonies. There
is no vice too loathsome—no passion too
cruel or remorseless, to be engendered by
this horrid system. It brutalizes all who
administer it, and seeks to efface the
likeness of God, stamped on the brow of
its victims. It makes the former class
demons, and reduces the latter to the
level of brutes.
I could easily adduce from the records
of our own slave system, as well as from
those of America, several instances of
equal atrocity to any which Moses Roper
has recorded. But this is unnecessary,

viii PREFACE.
and I shall therefore merely add, the
unqualified expression of my own confi-
dence in the truth of this narrative, and
my strong recommendation of it to the
patronage of the British Public.
THOMAS PRICE.
HAcKNEy,

INTRODUCTION.
THE determination of laying this little nar-
rative before the public, did not arise from
any desire to make myself conspicuous, but
with the view of exposing the cruel system of
slavery as will here belaid before my readers;
from the urgent calls of nearly all the friends
to whom I had related any part of the story,
and also from the recommendation of anti-
slavery meetings, which I have attended,
through the suggestion of many warm friends
of the cause of the oppressed.
The general narrative, I am aware, may
seem to many of my readers, and especially
to those who have not been before put in pos-
session of the actual features of this accursed
system, somewhat at variance with the dic-
tates of humanity. But the facts related here
do not come before the reader unsubstantiated
by collateral evidence, nor highly coloured
to the disadvantage of cruel ..".
My readers may be put in possession of
facts respecting this system which equal in
cruelty my own narrative, on an authority
which may be investigated with the greatest
X INTRODUCTION.
satisfaction. Besides which, this little book
will not be confined to a small circle of my
own friends in London, or even in England.
The slave-holder, the colonizationist, and even
Mr. Gooch himself, will be able to obtain
this document, and be at liberty to draw from
it whatever they are honestly able, in order
to set me down as the tool of a party. Yea,
even friend Brechenridge, a gentleman known
at Glasgow, will be able to possess this, and
to draw from it all the forcible arguments
on his own side, which in his wisdom,
honesty, and candour, he may be able to ad-
duce. -
The earnest wish to lay this narrative be-
fore my friends as an impartial statement of
facts, has led me to develope some part of my
conduct, which I now deeply deplore. The
ignorance in which the poor slaves are kept
by their masters, preclude almost the possi-
bility of their being alive to any moral duties.
With these remarks, I leave the statement
before the public. May this little volume be
the instrument of opening the eyes of the
ignorant to this system—of convincing the
wicked, cruel, and hardened slave-holder–
and of be-friending generally the cause of op-
pressed humanity.
LIBERTU.S.
LoNDoN.


INTRODUCTION
TO
THE THIRD EDITION.
As I have been often asked whether my book
has been noticed in America or not, I ex-
tract the following from a leading article in
an American paper, which is an anti-slavery
paper of Boston, one of the free States.
The paper is called the “Liberator.” After
devoting about four columns to my narrative,
which I should like to publish, if I had room;
but as I have not, I will only give the leading
article: -
Boston, Friday, March 30th, 1838.
** A NARRATIVE of Moses RoPER.
“No wonder that the very name of repub-
licanism has become a bye-word in Europe,
or that the professions of attachment to liberty
made by the American people savour of blas-

xii INTRODUCTION TO
phemy across the Atlantic.—‘A Narrative
of the Adventures and Escape of Moses Ro-
per from American Slavery!!” How that
falls upon the ear! But the soul-harrowing
developments made in the narrating:—read
some of them as recorded in our first page!
The victim who makes them is only one of
two millions and a half who are grumbling
in the same prison-house, subject to the same
treatment, and regarded in the same light as
mere cattle; but who, alas! have no hope of
escape from the fiendish cruelty of their tyrant
masters, except through the portals of the
grave. If a single individual can relate such
tales of horror, what would be the testimony
of the whole mass 2 The mind recoils at the
thought. For be it remembered, a narrative
like that of Charles Ball or Moses Roper is
not given to the world as an extreme case of
suffering, but as the ordinary usage expe-
rienced by southern slaves. These indivi-
duals are but the mouth-piece, the represen-
tatives of a vast multitude of victims. With
Moses Roper we are somewhat acquainted,

THE THIRD EDITION. xiii
and can testify to the uprightness of his cha-
racter, and the intelligence of his mind. He
resided in this city several months prior to
his embarkation for England; and so fair is
his complexion, that he was duly warned
to train in the militia during his stay
here.”
The book has also been reviewed in several
newspapers in England, and I have sent
hundreds of them to different slave-holders
in America, and have also sent several
copies of the book to some of the slave-
holders, whose names are mentioned in
it.
To answer the numerous questions that
have been put to me, I have added an Ap-
pendix, which I think will answer nearly
every question of importance I have been
asked respecting slavery. Neither the first
nor second editions contained the Appendix
nor the Portrait, which was taken and en-
graved at the request of the author's friends,
xiv. INTRoDUCTION, &c.
who previously subscribed for it, and who
also advised him to have it put in the
book. -
LIBERTUS.
LoNDoN, JUNE 15TH, 1839.


CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Fage.
Birth place of the Author.—The first time he was
sold from his Mother.—He passes through
several hands . . . . . . . . . . .
CHAPTER II.
The Author is sold to Mr. J. Gooch-The cruel
Treatment he both received and witnessed while
on that Estate.—Repeated Attempts at running
away.—Escapes to his Mother, after being absent
from her about Ten Years.-Meets with his Sister,
whom he had never seen before, on the road, who
conducted him to his Mother . . . . . .
CHAPTER III.
An Account of the Author's meeting with his
Mother, who did not know him ; but was with
her a very short time before he was taken by
armed men, and imprisoned for thirty-one days,
and then taken back to his Master . . . . .
CHAPTER IV.
The Author is Flogged and Punished in various
ways, but still perseveres in his Attempts to
Escape, till he was sold to Mr. Wilson . .
CHAPTER V.
The author was not long with Mr. Wilson, who
was a Negro Trader, before he was exchanged to
34
47

xvi. CONTENTS.
Page.
Mr. Rowland, who was also a Trader, for another
Slave, and after being with him for about a year,
was sold to Mr. D. Goodly, who soon exchanged
him again to Mr. Louis . . . . . . . . . 65
CHAPTER VI.
Travels with Mr. Louis to Pendleton Indian Springs,
from thence to Columbus, where he was sold at
Auction to Mr. Beveridge.—His Travels and His-
tory with Mr. B.-Is sold again to Mr. Register 70
CHAPTER VII.
The Author's last Attempt and final Escape from
Marianna to Savannah.-From thence to New
York—Quarantined at Statten Island . . . . 77
CHAPTER VIII.
His Arrival in New York—On to Poughkeepsie.—
Albany—Bogester—Vermont–Boston, and re-
turned from thence to New York and embarked
for England, November, 1834 . . . . . . 100
CHAPTER IX.
The Author arrives at Liverpool, Nov. 29th, 1835.
—Makes his way for London . . . . . . . 109
CHAPTER X.
Lines written on the occasion of the Escape to
England of Mr. Moses Roper, late an American
Slave, now a Freeman of Great Britain, by Miss
Puckey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

A P P E N ID I X.
CHAPTER I.
Page
American Slavery . . . . . . . . . . . 121
CHAPTER II.
No colour exempt from Slavery in the United States 123
CHAPTER III.
Number enslaved . . . . . . . . . 124
CHAPTER IV.
Civil condition of the enslaved . . . . . . . 125
CHAPTER V.
Moral condition of the enslaved . . . . . . 126
CHAPTER VI.
Sentiments favourable to the perpetuity of Ameri-
can Slavery . . . . . . . . . . . 137
CHAPTER VII.
Facts Demonstrating the safety of Immediate and
Unconditional Emancipation . . . . . . 159
CONTENTS.
Page.
CHAPTER VIII.
Facts Demonstrating the danger of continued Sla-
very . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160
CHAPTER IX.
Special Recognition of Slavery in the district of Co-
- . 169
lumbia . . . . . . . . .


ESC A PE, &c.
CHAPTER I.
Birth-place of the Author.—The first time he was sold
from his Mother, and passed through several other
hands. -
I was born in North Carolina, in Cas-
well County, I am not able to tell in
what year or month. What I shall now
relate, is, what was told me by my mother
and grandmother. A few months be-
fore I was born, my father married my
mother's young mistress. As soon as
my father's wife heard of my birth, she
sent one of my mother's sisters to see
whether I was white or black, and when
my aunt had seen me, she returned back
B

2 RoPER's Escape
as soon as she could, and told her mis-
tress that I was white, and resembled
Mr. Roper very much. Mr. R.'s wife
being not pleased with this report, she
got a large club stick and knife, and
hastened to the place, in which my mother
was confined. She went into my mother's
room with full intention to murder me
with her knife and club, but as she was
going to stick the knife into me, my
grandmother happening to come in,
caught the knife and saved my life. But
as well as I can recollect from what my
mother told me, my father sold her and
myself, soon after her confinement. I
cannot recollect, anything that is worth
notice, till I was six or seven years old.
My mother being half white, and my
father a white man, I was at that time
very white. Soon after I was six or
seven years of age, my mother's old
master died, that is, my father's wife's
father. All his slaves had to be divided

FROM SLAVERY. 3
among the children.” I have mentioned
before of my father disposing of me, I
am not sure whether he exchanged me
and my mother for another slave or not,
but think it very likely he did exchange
me with one of his wife’s brothers or
sisters, because I remember when my
mother's old master died, I was living
with my father's wife's brother-in-law,
whose name was Mr. Durham. My
mother was drawn with the other slaves.
The way they divide their slaves is
this: they write the names of different
slaves on a small piece of paper, and put
it into a box and let them all draw. I
think that Mr. Durham drew my mother,
and Mr. Fowler drew me, so we were
separated a considerable distance, I can-
not say how far. My resembling my
* Slaves are usually a part of the marriage portion,
but lent rather than given, to be returned to the estate
at the decease of the father, in order that they may be
divided equally among his children.
B 2

4. Roper's Escape
father so very much, and being whiter
than the other slaves, caused me to be
soon sold to what they call a negro trader,
who took me to the Southern States of
America, several hundred miles from my
mother. As well as I can recollect, I
was then about six years old. The trader,
Mr. Mitchell, after travelling several
hundred miles, and selling a good many
of his slaves, found he could not sell me
very well, (as I was so much whiter than
the other slaves were) for he had been
trying several months—left me with a
Mr. Sneed, who kept a large boarding-
house, who took me to wait at table, and
sell me if he could. I think, I stayed
with Mr. Sneed about a year, but he
could not sell me. When Mr. Mitchell
had sold his slaves, he went to the north,
and brought up another drove, and re-
turned to the south with them, and sent
his son-in-law into Washington, in Geor-
gia, after me, so he came and took me

FROM SLAVERY. 5
from Mr. Sneed, and met his father-in-
law with me, in a town called Lancaster,
with his drove of slaves. We stayed in
Lancaster a week, because it was court
week, and there were a great many people
there, and it was a good opportunity for
selling the slaves, and there he was ena-
bled to sell me to a gentleman, Dr. Jones,
who was both a Doctor and a Cotton
Planter. He took me into his shop to
beat up and to mix medicines, which was
not a very hard employment, but I did
not keep it long, as the Doctor soon sent
me to his cotton plantation, that I might
be burnt darker by the sun. He sent for
me to be with a tailor to learn the trade,
but all the journeymen being white men,
Mr. Bryant, the tailor, did not let me
work in the shop; I cannot say whether
it was the prejudice of his journeymen,
in not wanting me to sit in the shop with
them, or whether Mr. Bryant wanted to
keep me about the house to do the do-
B 3

6 RoPER's Escape
mestic work, instead of teaching me the
trade. After several months, my master
came to know how I got on with the
trade: I am not able to tell Mr. Bryant's
answer, but it was either that I could not
learn, or that his journeymen were not
willing that I should sit in the shop with
them. I was only once in the shop all
the time I was there, and then only for
an hour or two, before his wife called
me out to do some other work. So my
master took me home, and as he was
going to send a load of cotton to Camden,
about forty miles distance, he sent me
with the bales of cotton to be sold with
it, where I was soon sold to a gentleman,
named Allen, but Mr. Allen soon ex-
changed me for a female slave, to please
his wife. The traders who bought me,
were named Cooper and Lindsey, who
took me for sale, but could not sell me,
people objecting to my being rather
white. They then took me to the city

From si Avery. 7
of Fayetteville, North Carolina, where
he swopt me for a boy, that was blacker
than me, to Mr. Smith, who lived several
miles off.
I was with Mr. Smith nearly a year. I
arrived at the first knowledge of my age
when I lived with him. I was then be-
tween twelve and thirteen years old, it
was when President Jackson was elected
the first time, and he has been president
eight years, so I must be nearly twenty-
one years of age. At this time, I was
quite a small boy, and was sold to Mr.
Hodge, a negro trader. Here I began
to enter into hardships.

8 Roper's Escape
CHAPTER II.
The Author's being sold to Mr. J. Gooch-The cruel
treatment he both received and witnessed while on his
estate.—Repeated attempts at running away—Es.
capes to his mother after being absent from her about
ten years.-Meets with his sister, whom he had never
seen before, on the road, who conducted him to his
mother.
AFTER travelling several hundred miles,
Mr. Hodge, sold me to Mr. Gooch the
Cotton Planter, Cashaw County, South
Carolina, he purchased me at a town
called Liberty Hill, about three miles
from his home. As soon as he got home,
he immediately put me on his cotton
plantation to work, and put me under
overseers, gave me allowance of meat
and bread with the other slaves, which
was not half enough for me to live upon,
and very laborious work; here my heart

FROM SLAVERY. 9
was almost broke with grief at leaving
my fellow-slaves. Mr. Gooch did not
mind my grief, for he flogged me nearly
every day, and very severely. Mr. Gooch
bought me for his son-in-law, Mr. Ham-
mans, about five miles from his residence.
This man had but two slaves besides
myself, he treated me very kindly for a
week or two, but in summer, when cotton
was ready to hoe, he gave me task work,
connected with this department, which I
could not get done, not having worked
on cotton farms before. When I failed
in my task he commenced flogging me,
and set me to work without any shirt,
in the cotton field, in a very hot sun, in
the month of July. In August, Mr.
Condell, his overseer, gave me a task at
pulling fodder; having finished my task
before night, I left the field, the rain
came on which soaked the fodder, on
discovering this, he threatened to flog
me for not getting in the fodder before

10 Roper's EscAPE
the rain came. This was the first time
I attempted to run away, knowing that
I should get a flogging. I was then be-
tween thirteen and fourteen years of age,
I ran away to the woods half naked, I
was caught by a slave-holder, who put
me in Lancaster Gaol. When they put
slaves in gaol, they advertise for their
masters to own them ; but if the master
does not claim his slave in six months,
from the time of imprisonment, the slave
is sold for gaol fees. When the slave
runs away, the master always adopts a
more rigorous system of flogging, this
was the case in the present instance.
After this, having determined from my
youth to gain my freedom, I made se-
veral attempts, was caught, and got a
severe flogging of 100 lashes, each time.
Mr. Hammans was a very severe and
cruel master, and his wife still worse,
she used to tie me up and flog me while
naked.

FROM SLAVERY. 1 i
After Mr. Hammans saw that I was
determined to die in the woods, and not
live with him, he tried to obtain a piece
of land from his father-in-law, Mr.
Gooch; not having the means of pur-
chasing it, he exchanged me for the
land.
As soon as Mr. Gooch had possession
of me again, knowing that I was averse
of going back to him, he chained me by
the neck to his chaise. In this manner,
he took me to his home at MacDaniel’s
Ferry, in the County of Chester, a dis-
tance of fifteen miles. After which, he
put me into a swamp, to cut trees, the
heaviest work, which men of twenty-five
or thirty years of age have to do, I being
but sixteen. Here I was on very short
allowance of food, and having heavy
work, was too weak to fulfil my tasks.
For this, I got many severe floggings;
and, after I had got my irons off, I made
another attempt at running away. He

12 Rope R’s escape
took my irons off, in the full anticipation
that I could never get across the Catarba
River, even when at liberty. On this, I
procured a small Indian canoe, which
was tied to a tree, and ultimately got
across the river in it. I then wandered
through the wilderness for several days
without any food, and but a drop of
water to allay my thirst, till I became so
starved, that I was obliged to go to a
house to beg for something to eat, when
I was captured, and again imprisoned.
Mr. Gooch having heard of me through
an advertisement, sent his son after me;
he tied me up, and took me back to his
father. Mr. Gooch then obtained the
assistance of another slave-holder, and
tied me up in his blacksmith's shop,
and gave me fifty lashes with a cow-hide.
He then put a log chain, weighing
twenty-five pounds, round my neck, and
sent me into a field, into which he fol.
lowed me with the cow-hide, intending

FROM SLAVERY. 13
to set his slaves to flog me again. Know-
ing this, and dreading to suffer again in
this way, I gave him the slip, and got
out of his sight, he having stopped to
speak with the other slave-holder.
I got to a canal on the Catarba River,
on the banks of which, and near to a
lock, I procured a stone and a piece of
iron, with which I forced the ring off
my chain, and got it off, and then crossed
the river, and walked about twenty miles,
when I fell in with a slave-holder, named
Ballad, who had married the sister of
Mr. Hammans. I knew that he was not
so cruel as Mr. Gooch, and therefore,
begged of him to buy me. Mr. Ballad,
who was one of the best planters in the
neighbourhood, said, that he was not
able to buy me, and stated, that he was
obliged to take me back to my master,
on account of the heavy fine attaching to
a man harbouring a slave. Mr. Ballad
proceeded to take me back ; as we came
C

14 RoPER's EscAPE
in sight of Mr. Gooch's, all the treat-
ment that I had met with there, came
forcibly upon my mind, the powerful in-
fluence of which, is beyond description.
On my knees, with tears in my eyes,
with terror in my countenance, and fer-
vency in all my features, I implored Mr.
Ballad to buy me, but he again refused,
and I was taken back to my dreaded
and cruel master. Having reached Mr.
Gooch's, he proceeded to punish me. This
he did, by first tying my wrists together
and placing them over the knees, he
then put a stick through, under my knees
and over my arms, and having thus se-
cured my arms, he proceeded to flog
me, and gave me 500 lashes on my bare
back. This may appear incredible, but
the marks which they left, at present re-
main on my body, a standing testimony
to the truth of this statement of his se-
verity. He then chained me down in a
log-pen with a 40lbs, chain, and made

FROM SLAVERY. 15
me lie on the damp earth all night. In
the morning, after his breakfast, he came
to me, and without giving me any break-
fast, tied me to a large heavy har-
row, which is usually drawn by a horse,
and made me drag it to the cotton field
for the horse to use in the field. Thus,
the reader will see, that it was of no pos-
sible use to my master, to make me drag
it to the field and not through it; his
cruelty went so far, as actually to make
me the slave of his horse, and thus to
degrade me He then flogged me again,
and set me to work in the corn field the
whole of that day, and at night, chained
me down in the log-pen as before. The
next morning, he took me to the cotton
field, and gave me a third flogging, and
set me to hoe cotton. At this time, I
was dreadfully sore and weak with the
repeated floggings and harsh treatment
I had endured. He put me under a black
man, with orders, that if I did not keep
my row up in hoeing with this man, he

16 RoPER's Escape
was to flog me. The reader must recol-
lect here, that not being used to this
kind of work, having been a domestic
slave, it was quite impossible for me to
keep up with him, and, therefore, I was
repeatedly flogged during the day.
Mr. Gooch had a female slave about
eighteen years old, who also had been a
domestic slave, and, through not being
able to fulfil her task, had run away;
which slave he was at this time punish-
ing for that offence. On the third day,
he chained me to this female slave, with
a large chain of 40lbs.” weight round the
neck. It was most harrowing to my
feelings thus to be chained to a young
female slave, for whom I would rather
have suffered 100 lashes than she should
have been thus treated; he kept me
chained to her during the week, and
repeatedly flogged us both, while thus
chained together, and forced us to keep
* This was a chain that they used to draw logs with
from the woods, when they clear their land.

FROM SLAVERY. 17
up with the other slaves, although re-
tarded by the heavy weight of the log-
chain.
Here again, words are insufficient to
describe the misery which possessed both
body and mind whilst under this treat-
ment, and which was most dreadfully
increased by the sympathy which I felt
for my poor, degraded fellow-sufferer.
On the Friday morning, I entreated my
master to set me free from my chains,
and promised him to do the task which
was given me, and more, if possible, if
he would desist from flogging me. This
he refused to do until Saturday night,
when he did set me free. This must
rather be ascribed to his own interest in
preserving me from death, as it was very
evident I could no longer have survived
under such treatment.
After this, though still determined in
my own mind to escape, I stayed with
him several months, during which, he
frequently flogged me, but not so severely

18 RoPER's EscAPE
as before related. During this time, I had
opportunity for recovering my health,
and using means to heal my wounds.
My master's cruelty was not confined to
me, it was his general conduct to all his
slaves. I might relate many instances
to substantiate this, but will confine my-
self to one or two. Mr. Gooch, it is
proper to observe, was a member of a
Baptist church, called Black Jack Meet-
ing House, in Cashaw county, which
church I attended for several years, but
was never inside. This is accounted for,
by the fact, that the coloured population
are not permitted to mix with the white
population. In the Roman Catholic
church no distinction is made. Mr.
Gooch had a slave named Phil, who was
a member of a Methodist church; this
man was between seventy and eighty
years of age; he was so feeble that he
could not accomplish his tasks, for which
his master used to chain him round the
neck, and run him down a steep hill;
FROM SLAVERY. 19
this treatment he never relinquished to
the time of his death. Another case, was
that of a slave, named Peter, who, for
not doing his task, he flogged nearly to
death, and afterwards pulled out his
pistol to shoot him, but his (Mr. Gooch's)
daughter snatched the pistol from his
hand. Another mode of punishment
which this man adopted, was that of
using iron horns, with bells, attached to
the back of the slave's neck. The fol-
lowing, is the instrument of torture:
A WOMAN WITH IRON HoRNs AND BELLS ON
TO KEEP HER FROM RUNNING AWAY.
2.


20 Rope R’s Escape
This instrument he used to prevent the
negroes running away, being a very pon-
derous machine, several feet in height,
and the cross pieces being two feet four,
and six feet in length. This custom is ge-
nerally adopted among the slave-holders
in South Carolina, and some other slave
states. One morning, about an hour
before day break, I was going on an
errand for my master; having proceeded
about a quarter of a mile, I came up to
a man, named King, (Mr. Sumlin's over-
seer,) who had caught a young girl that
had run away with the above machine
on her. She had proceeded four miles
from her station, with the intention of
getting into the hands of a more humane
master. She came up with this overseer
nearly dead, and could get no farther;
he immediately secured her, and took
her back to her master, a Mr. Johnston.
Having been in the habit of going
over many slave states with my master,
I had good opportunities of witnessing

FROM SLAVERY. 21
the harsh treatment which was adopted
by masters towards their slaves. As I
have never read nor heard of anything
connected with slavery, so cruel as what
I have myself witnessed, it will be well
to mention a case or two.
A large farmer, Colonel M'Quiller, in
Cashaw county, South Carolina, was in
the habit of driving nails into a hogs-
head, so as to leave the point of the mail
just protruding in the inside of the cask;
into this, he used to put his slaves for
punishment, and roll them down a very
long and steep hill. I have heard from
several slaves (though I had no means
of ascertaining the truth of the state-
ment) that in this way he killed six or
seven of his slaves. This plan was first
adopted by a Mr. Perry, who lived on
the Catarba River, and has since been
adopted by several planters. Another
was, that of a young lad, who had been
hired by Mr. Bell, a member of a Me-

22 Roper’s EscAPE
thodist church, to hoe three quarters of
an acre of cotton per day. Having been
brought up as a domestic slave, he was
not able to accomplish the task assigned
to him. On the Saturday night, he left
three or four rows to do on the Sunday;
on the same night it rained very hard,
by which the master could tell that he
had done some of the rows on Sunday.
On Monday, his master took and tied
him up to a tree in the field, and kept
him there the whole of that day, and
flogged him at intervals. At night, when
he was taken down, he was so weak that
he could not get home, having a mile to
go. Two white men, who were employed
by Mr. Bell, put him on a horse, took
him home, and threw him down on the
kitchen floor, while they proceeded to
their supper. In a little time, they heard
some deep groans proceeding from the
kitchen, they went to see him die; he
had groaned his last. Thus, Mr. Bell

FROM SLAVERY. 23
flogged this poor boy, even to death; for
what? for breaking the Sabbath, when
he (his master) had set him a task, on
Saturday, which it was not possible for
him to do, and which, if he did not do,
no mercy would be extended towards
him. So much for the regard of this
Methodist for the observance of the Sab-
bath.* The general custom in this re-
spect is, that if a man kills his own
slave, no notice is taken of it by the
civil functionaries; but if a man kills a
slave, belonging to another master, he is
compelled to pay the worth of the slave.
In this case, a jury met, returned a ver-
dict of “Wilful Murder” against this
man, and ordered him to pay the value.
Mr. Bell was unable to do this, but a
Mr. Cunningham paid the debt, and took
* I am happy to find that the Methodists are quite a
different people in England, and I hope that they will
do all that they can to enlighten their slave-holding
brethren in America.

24 Roper's Escape
this Mr. Bell, with this recommendation
for cruelty, to be his overseer.
It will be observed, that most of the
cases here cited, are those in respect to
males. Many instances, however, in
respect to females, might be mentioned,
but are too disgusting to appear in this
narrative. The cases here brought for:
ward are not rare, but the continued
feature of slavery. But I must now fol.
low up the narrative, as regards myself,
in particular. I stayed with this master
for several months, during which time we
went on very well in general. In August,
1831, (this was my first acquaintance
with any date ;) I happened to hear a
man mention this date, and, as it excited
my curiosity, I asked what it meant, they
told me it was the number of the year
from the birth of Christ. On this date,
August, 1831, some cows broke into a
crib where the corn is kept, and ate a
great deal. For this, his slaves were

FROM SLAVERY. 25
tied up, and received several floggings;
but myself and another man, hearing the
groans of those who were being flogged,
stayed back in the field, and would not
come up. Upon this, I thought to escape
punishment. On the Monday morning,
however, I heard my master flogging the
other man who was in the field; he
could not see me, it being a field of
Indian corn, which grows to a great
height. Being afraid that he would
catch me, and dreading a flogging more
than many others, I determined to run
for it; and, after travelling forty miles, I
arrived at the estate of Mr. Crawford, in
North Carolina, Mecklinburgh county.
Having formerly heard people talk about
the Free States, I determined upon going
thither, and, if possible, in my way, to
find out my poor mother, who was in
slavery, several hundred miles from
Chester; but the hope of doing the latter,
was very faint, and, even if I did, it was
D

26 RoPER's Escape
not likely that she would know me, have
ing been separated from her when be-
tween five and six years old.
The first night I slept in a barn, upon
Mr. Crawford's estate, and, having over-
slept myself, was awoke by Mr. Craw-
ford's overseer, upon which I was dread-
fully frightened ; he asked me, what I
was doing there? I made no reply to
him then ; and he, making sure that he
had secured a run-a-way slave, did not
press me for an answer. On my way to
his house, however, I made up the fol-
lowing story, which I told him in the
presence of his wife;—I said, that I had
been bound to a very cruel master when
I was a little boy, and that having been
treated very badly, I wanted to get home
to see my mother. This statement may
appear to some to be untrue, but as I
understood the word bound, I considered
it to apply to my case, having been sold
to him, and thereby bound to serve him;

FROM SLAVERY. 27
though still, I did rather hope that he
would understand it that I was bound,
when a boy, till twenty-one years of
age. Though I was white at that time,
he would not believe my story, on ac-
count of my hair being curly and woolly,
which led him to conclude I was pos-
sessed of enslaved blood. The overseer's
wife, however, who seemed much inte-
rested in me, said she did not think I
was of African origin, and that she had
seen white men still darker than me;
her persuasion prevailed; and, after the
overseer had given me as much butter-
milk as I could drink, and something
to eat, which was very acceptable, hav-
ing had nothing for two days, I set off
for Charlotte, in North Carolina, the
largest town in the county. I went on
very quickly the whole of that day, fear-
ful of being pursued. The trees were
very thick on each side of the road, and
only a few houses, at the distance of two
D 2

28 RoPER's Escape
or three miles apart; as I proceeded, I
turned round in all directions to see if I
was pursued, and if I caught a glimpse
of any one coming along the road, I
immediately rushed into the thickest
part of the wood, to elude the grasp of
what, I was afraid, might be my master.
I went on in this way the whole day; at
night, I came up with two waggons, they
had been to market; the regular road
waggons do not generally put up at inns,
but encamp in the roads and fields.
When I came to them, I told them the
same story I had told Mr. Crawford's
overseer, with the assurance that the
statement would meet the same success.
After they had heard me, they gave me
something to eat, and also a lodging in
the camp with them.
I then went on with them about five
miles, and they agreed to take me with
them as far as they went, if I would
assist them. This I promised to do. In

FROM SLAVERY. 29
the morning, however, I was much
frightened by one of the men putting
several questions to me—we were then
about three miles from Charlotte. When
within a mile of that town, we stopped
at a brook to water the horses; while
stopping there, I saw the men whisper-
ing, and fancying I overheard them say
they would put me in Charlotte gaol
when they got there, I made my escape
into the woods, pretending to be looking
after something, till I got out of their
sight. I then ran on as fast as I could,
but did not go through the town of
Charlotte, as had been my intention;
being a large town, I was fearful it
might prove fatal to my escape. Here
I was at a loss how to get on, as houses
were not very distant from each other
for nearly 200 miles.
While thinking what I should do, I
observed some waggons before me, which
D 3

30 RoPER's EscAPE
I determined to keep behind, and never
go nearer to them, than a quarter of a
mile—in this way I travelled, till I got
to Salisbury. If I happened to meet any
person on the road, I was afraid they
would take me up, I asked them how far
the waggons had got on before me? to
make them suppose, I belonged to the
waggons. At night, I slept on the ground
in the woods, some little distance from
the waggons, but not near enough, to be
seen by the men belonging to them. All
this time, I had but little food, princi-
pally fruit, which I found on the road.
On Thursday night, I got into Salisbury,
having left Chester on the Monday
morning preceding. After this, being
afraid my master was in pursuit of me,
I left the usual line of road, and took
another direction, through Huntsville
and Salem, principally through fields
and woods; on my way to Caswell Court-

FROM SLAVERY. 31
House, a distance of nearly 200 miles from
Salisbury,” I was stopped by a white
man, to whom I told my old story, and
again succeeded in my escape. I also
came up with a small cart, driven by a
poor man, who had been moving into
some of the western territories, and was
going back to Virginia, to move some
more of his luggage. On this, I told
him, I was going the same way to Hilton,
thirteen miles from Caswell Court-
House, he took me up in his cart, and
we went to the Red House, two miles
from Hilton, the place where Mr. Mit-
chell took me from, when six years old,
to go to the Southern States. This was a
very providential circumstance, for it
happened, that at the time I had to pass
through Caswell Court-House, a fair or
election was going on, which caused the
place to be much crowded with people,
* The distance from Salisbury to Caswell Court-house
is not so far, but I had to go a round about Way.

32 RoPER's Escape
and rendered it more dangerous for me
to pass through. -
At the Red House, I left the cart, and
wandered about a long time, not know-
ing which way to go and find my mother.
After some time, I took the road leading
over Ikeo Creek. I shortly came up
with a little girl, about six years old, and
asked her where she was going, she said,
to her mother's, pointing to a house on
a hill, about half a mile off. She had
been to the overseer's house, and was re-
turning to her mother. I then felt some
emotions arising in my breast, which I
cannot describe, but will be fully ex-
plained in the sequel. I told her, that I
was very thirsty, and would go with her
to get something to drink. On our way,
I asked her several questions, such as
her name, that of her mother, she said
her's was Maria, and her mother's
Nancy. I inquired, if her mother had
any more children? she said, five besides

FROM SLAVERY. 33
herself, and that they had been told, that
one had been sold when a little boy. I
then asked, the name of this child' she
said it was Moses. These answers, as
we approached the house, led me nearer
and nearer to the finding out the object
of my pursuit, and of recognizing in the
little girl, the person of my own sister.”
* Providence has been profuse in its blessings on me.
When I wrote the foregoing statement, about my meet-
ing with my sister Maria, and when I met with some
who regarded this fact as bordering on the “marvel-
lous,” I little thought of such a proof of the truth of it
as I have now the pleasure of recording —A gentle-
man of great respectability, at Manchester, having read
the account in the first edition, has sent to Ame-
rica to purchase the freedom of Maria, and I know not,
but she may be at this moment free, and is likely to be
in this country in a short time,
34 Roper's Escape
CHAPTER III.
An account of the Author's meeting with his mother,
who did not know him, but was with her a very short
time before he was taken by armed men, and impri-
soned for 31 days, and then taken back to his master.
At last, I got to my mother's house!!
my mother was at home, I asked her, if
she knew me? she said, no. Her master
was having a house built just by, and
the men were digging a well, she sup-
posed, that I was one of the diggers. I
told her, I knew her very well, and
thought that if she looked at me a little,
she would know me, but this had no
effect. I then asked her, if she had any
sons? she said, yes; but none so large
as me, I then waited a few minutes,
and narrated some circumstances to her,
attending my being sold into slavery,
and how she grieved at my loss. Here


FROM SLAVERY. 35
the mother's feelings on that dire occa-
sion, and which, a mother only can know,
rushed to her mind: she saw her own
son before her, for whom she had so
often wept; and, in an instant, we were
clasped in each other's arms, amidst the
ardent interchange of caresses and tears
of joy. Ten years had elapsed since I had
seen my dear mother. My own feelings,
and the circumstances attending my
coming home, have often been brought
to mind since, on a perusal of the 42nd,
43rd, 44th, and 45th chapters of Genesis.
What could picture my feelings so well,
as I once more beheld the mother who
had brought me into the world, and had
nourished me, not with the anticipation
of my being torn from her maternal Care,
when only six years old, to become the
prey of a mercenary and blood-stained
slave holder; I say, what picture so
vivid in description of this part of my
tale, as the 7th and 8th verses of the

36 Rope R’s Escape
42nd chapter of Genesis, “And Joseph
saw his brethren, and he knew them,
but made himself strange unto them.
And Joseph knew his brethren, but they
knew not him.” After the first emotion
of the mother, on recognizing her first-
born had somewhat subsided, could the
reader not fancy the little one, my sis.
ter, as she told her simple tale of meeting
with me to her mother, how she would
say, while the parent listened with in-
tense interest; “ The man asked me
straitly of our state and our kindred,
saying, is your father yet alive, and have
ye another brother.” Or, when at last,
I could no longer refrain from making
myself known, I say, I was ready to
burst into a frenzy of joy. How appli-
cable the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd verses of the
45th chapter, “Then Joseph could not
refrain himself before all them that stood
by him, and he wept aloud, and said
unto his brethren, I am Joseph, doth my

FROM SLAVERY. 37
father still live.” Then when the mo-
ther knew her son, when the brothers
and sisters owned their brother; “ he
kissed all his brethren and wept over
them, and after that his brethren talked
with him,” 15th verse. At night, my
mother's husband, a blacksmith, belong-
ing to Mr. Jefferson at the Red House,
came home, he was surprised to see me
with the family, not knowing who I was.
He had been married to my mother,
when I was a babe, and had always been
very fond of me. After the same tale
had been told him, and the same emo-
tions filled his soul, he again kissed the
object of his early affection. The next
morning I wanted to go on my journey,
in order to make sure of my escape to
the Free States. But, as might be ex-
pected, my mother, father, brothers, and
sisters could ill part with their long lost
one; and persuaded me to go into the
woods in the day time, and at night
come home and sleep there. This I did
E.

38 RoPER’s Escape
for about a week; on the next Sunday
night, I laid me down to sleep between
my two brothers, on a pallet, which my
mother had prepared for me; about
twelve o'clock, I was suddenly awoke,
and found my bed surrounded by
twelve slave holders with pistols in
hand, who took me away (not allowing
me to bid farewell to those I loved so
dearly) to the Red House, where they
confined me in a room the rest of the
night, and in the morning lodged me in
the gaol of Caswell Court-House.
What was the scene at home, what
sorrow possessed their hearts, I am un-
able to describe, as I never after saw any
of them more. I heard, however, that
my mother, was soon after I left con:
fined, and was very long before she re-
covered the effects of this disaster.” I
* My mother had seven children living when I last
saw her, and the above one was born soon after I left,
made the eighth, and they are now all in slavery except
myself.

FROM SLAVERY. 39
was told afterwards, that some of those
men who took me, were professing Chris-
tians, but to me, they did not seem to
live up to what they professed; they did
not seem, by their practice, at least, to
recognize that God as their God, who
hath said, “ thou shalt not deliver unto
his master, the servant which is escaped
from his master unto thee, he shall dwell
with thee, even among you, in that place
which he shall choose, in one of thy gates,
where it liketh him best ; thou shalt not
oppress him.”—Deut. xxiii. 15, 16.
I was confined here in a dungeon
under ground, the grating of which
looked to the door of the gaoler's house.
His wife had a great antipathy to me.
She was Mr. Roper's wife's cousin. My
grandmother used to come to me nearly
every day, and bring me something to
eat, besides the regular gaol allowance,
by which, my sufferings were somewhat
decreased. Whenever the gaoler went
E 2

40 RoPER's ESCAPE
out, which he often did, his wife used to
come to my dungeon, and shut the wooden
door over the grating, by which, I was
nearly suffocated, the place being very
damp and noisome. My master did not
hear of my being in gaol for thirty-one
days after I had been placed there. He
immediately sent his son, and son-in-
law, Mr. Anderson, after me. They
came in a horse and chaise, took me
from the gaol to a blacksmith's shop.
and got an iron collar fitted round my
neck, with a heavy chain attached, then
tied my hands, and fastened the other
end of the chain on another horse, and
put me on its back. Just before we
started, my grandmother came to bid
me farewell; I gave her my hand as
well as I could, and she having given
me two or three presents, we parted. I
had felt enough, far too much, for the
weak state I was in ; but how shall !
describe my feelings, upon parting with

FROM SLAVERY. 41
the last relative that I ever saw. The
reader must judge by what would be
his own feelings, under similar circum-
stances. We then went on for fifty
miles; I was very weak, and could
hardly sit on the horse. Having been
in prison so long, I had lost the southern
tan; and, as the people could not see my
hair, having my hat on, they thought
I was a white man—a criminal—and
asked what crime I had committed. We
arrived late at night, at the house of
Mr. Britton. I shall never forget the
journey that night. The thunder was
one continued roar, and the lightning
blazing all around. I expected every
minute that my iron collar would attract
it, and I should be knocked off the horse,
and dragged along the ground. This
gentleman, a year or two before had
liberated his slaves, and sent them into
Ohio, having joined the society of Friends,
which society does not allow the holding
E 3

42 RoPER's Escape
of slaves. I was, therefore, treated very
well there, and they gave me a hearty
supper, which did me much good in my
weak state.
They secured me in the night, by
locking me to the post of the bed on
which they slept. The next morning, we
went on to Salisbury. At that place we
stopped to water the horses; they chained
me to a tree in the yard, by the side of
their chaise. On my horse they had put
the saddle bags which contained the
provisions. As I was in the yard, a black
man came and asked me what I had been
doing; I told him I had run away from
my master, after which he told me several
tales about the slaves, and among them
he mentioned the case of a Quaker, who
was then in prison, waiting to be hung,
for giving a free passage to a slave. I
had been considering all the way, how I
could escape from my horse, and once
had an idea of cutting his head off, but

FROM SLAVERY. 43
thought it too cruel; and at last thought
of trying to get a rasp and cut the chain
by which I was fastened to the horse.
As they often let me get on nearly a
quarter of a mile before them, I thought
I should have a good opportunity of
doing this without being seen. The
black man procured me a rasp, and I
put it into the saddle bags which con-
tained the provisions. We then went on
our journey, and one of the sons asked
me if I wanted anything to eat; I an-
swered no, though very hungry at the
time, as I was afraid of their going to
the bags and discovering the rasp. How-
ever, they had not had their own meal at
the inn as I supposed, and went to the
bags to supply themselves, where they
discovered the rasp. Upon this, they
fastened my horse beside the horse in
their chaise, and kept a stricter watch
over me. Nothing remarkable occurred
till we got within eight miles of Mr.

44 RoPER's Escape
Gooch's, where we stopped a short time;
and, taking advantage of their absence,
I broke a switch from some boughs
above my head, lashed my horse and set
off at full speed. I had got about a
quarter of a mile before they could get
their horse loose from their chaise; one
then rode the horse, and the other ran as
fast as he could after me. When I
caught sight of them, I turned off the
main road into the woods, hoping to
escape their sight, their horse, however,
being much swifter than mine, they soon
got within a short distance of me. I
then came to a rail fence, which I found
it very difficult to get over, but breaking
several rails away, I effected my object.
They then called upon me to stop more
than three times, and I not doing so
they fired after me, but the pistol only
snapped.
FROM SLAVERY. 45
MR, ANDERSON ATTEMPTING TO SHOOT THE
AUTHOR, AFTER TELLING HIM TO STOP THREE
TIMES, ACCORDING TO THE LAW.
This is according to law; after three
calls they may shoot a run-away slave.
Soon after the one on the horse came up
with me, and catching hold of the bridle
of my horse, pushed the pistol to my
side, the other soon came up, and break-
ing off several stout branches from the
trees, they gave me about 100 blows.
They did this very near to a planter's

46 RoPER's EscAPE
house, the gentleman was not at home,
but his wife came out and begged them
not to kill me so near the house; they
took no notice of this, but kept on
beating me. They then fastened me to
the axle-tree of their chaise, one of them
got into the chaise, the other took my
horse, and they run me all the eight
miles as fast as they could ; the one on
my horse going behind to guard me.


FROM SLAVERY. 47
CHAPTER IV.
The Author is Flogged and Punished in various ways,
but still perseveres in his attempts to Escape, till he
was sold to Mr. Wilson.
In this way we came to my old master,
Mr. Gooch. The first person I saw was
himself; he unchained me from the
chaise, and at first seemed to treat me
very gently, asking me where I had
been, &c. The first thing the sons did
was to show the rasp which I had got to
cut my chain. My master gave me a
hearty dinner, the best he ever did give
me, but it was to keep me from dying
before he had given me all the flogging
he intended. After dinner he took me
to a log-house, stripped me quite naked,
fastened a rail up very high, tied my
hands to the rail, fastened my feet to-
48 RoPER's EscAPE
gether, put a rail between my feet, and
stood on one end of it to hold it down;
the two sons then gave me fifty lashes
each, the son-in-law another fifty, and
Mr. Gooch himself fifty more.
MR. GOOCH STRIPPING THE AUTHOR TO FLOG
HIM. HIS TWO SONS AND SON-IN-LAW PRESENT,
THEY AT THIS TIME GIVE HIM FIFTY LASHES
EACII.


FROM SLAVERY. 49
While doing this his wife came out,
and begged him not to kill me, the first
act of sympathy I ever noticed in her.
When I called for water, they brought
a pailfull and threw it over my back,
ploughed up by the lashes. After this,
they took me to the blacksmith's shop,
got two large bars of iron, which they
bent round my feet, each bar weighing
twenty pounds, and put a heavy log-
chain on my neck. This was on Satur-
day. On the Monday, he chained me to
the same female slave as before. As
he had to go out that day, he did not
give me the punishment which he in-
tended to give me every day, but at
night when he came home, he made us
walk round his estate, and by all the
houses of the slaves, for them to taunt
us; when we came home, he told us, we
must be up very early in the morning,
and go to the fields before the other
slaves. We were up at day break, but
E.

50 RoPER's Escape
we could not get on fast, on account of
the heavy irons on my feet. It may be
necessary to state here, that these irons
were first made red hot and bent in a
circle, so as just to allow of my feet going
through; it having been cooled, and my
leg with the iron on lifted up to an anvil,
it was made secure round my ancles
When I walked with these irons on, I
used to hold them up with my hands by
means of cord. We walked about a mil.
in two hours, but knowing the punish-
ment he was going to inflict on us, we
made up our minds to escape into the
woods, and secrete ourselves. This we
did, and he not being able to find us,
sent all his slaves, about forty, and his
sons, to find us, which they could not
do; and about twelve o’clock, when we
thought they would give up looking for
us at that time, we went on, and came to
the banks of the Catarba. Here I got a
stone, and opened the ring of the chain

FROM SLAVERY. 51
on her neck, and got it off; and as the
chain round my neck was only passed
through a ring, as soon as I had got
her's off, I slipped the chain through my
ring, and got it off my own neck.”—
We then went on by the banks of the
river for some distance, and found a little
canoe about two feet wide. I managed
to get in, although the irons on my feet
made it very dangerous, for if I had
upset the canoe, I could not swim. The
female got in after me, and gave me the
paddles, by which we got some distance
down the river. The current being very
strong, it drove us against a small island;
we paddled round the island to the other
side, and then made towards the oppo-
site bank. Here again we were stopped
by the current, and made up to a large
* It may be well to state here, that the ring which
fastened the log chain together around the female's neck,
was an open ring, similar to those used at the end of
watch chains,
E 2

52 Rop ER’s Escape
rock in the river, between the island and
the opposite shore. As the weather was
very rough, we landed on the rock and
secured the canoe, as it was not possible
to get back to the island. It was a very
dark night and rained tremendously; and
as the water was rising rapidly towards
the top of the rock, we gave all up for
lost, and sometimes hoped, and some-
times feared to hope, that we should
never see the morning. But Providence
was moving in our favour; the rain
ceased, the water reached the edge of the
rock, then receded, and we were out of
danger from this cause. We remained
all night upon the rock, and in the morn-
ing reached the opposite shore, and then
made our way through the woods till we
came to a field of Indian corn, where we
plucked some of the green ears and eat
them, having had nothing for two days
and nights. We came to the estate of
–––, where we met with a coloured

FROM SLAVERY. 53
man who knew me, and having run away
himself from a bad master, he gave us
some food, and told us we might sleep
in the barn that night. Being very
fatigued, we overslept ourselves; the
proprietor came to the barn, but as I was
in one corner under some Indian corn
tops, and she in another, he did not per-
ceive us, and we did not leave the barn
before night, (Wednesday.) We then
went out, got something to eat, and
strayed about the estate till Sunday. On
that day, I met with some men, one of
whom had had irons on his feet the same
as me; he told me, that his master was
going out to see his friends, and that he
would try and get my feet loose; for this
purpose I parted with this female, fear-
ing, that if she were caught with me, she
would be forced to tell who took my
irons off. The man tried some time
without effect, he then gave me a file and

54 RoPER’s EscAPE
I tried myself, but was disappointed on
account of their thickness.
On the Monday, I went on towards
Lancaster, and got within three miles of
it that night; and went towards the plan.
tation of Mr. Crockett, as I knew some
of his slaves, and hoped to get some food
given me. When I got there, however,
the dogs smelt me out and barked:
upon which, Mr. Crockett came out,
followed me with his rifle, and came up
with me. He put me on a horse's back,
which put me to extreme pain, from the
great weight hanging from my feet.
We reached Lancaster gaol that night,
and he lodged me there. I was placed
in the next dungeon to a man who was
going to be hung. I shall never forget
his cries and groans, as he prayed all
night for the mercy of God. Mr. Gooch
did not hear of me for several weeks:
when he did, he sent his son-in-law, Mr.

FROM SLAVERY. 55
Anderson, after me. Mr. Gooch himself
came within a mile of Lancaster, and
waited until Mr. Anderson brought me.
At this time, I had but one of the irons
on my feet, having got so thin round
my ankles that I had slipped one off
while in gaol. His son-in-law tied my
hands, and made me walk along till we
came to Mr. Gooch. As soon as we
arrived at M*Daniel's Ford, two miles
above the Ferry, on the Catarba River,
they made me wade across, themselves
going on horseback. The water was
very deep, and having irons on one foot
and round my neck, I could not keep
a footing. They dragged me along by
my chain, on the top of the water. It
was as much as they could do to hold
me by the chain, the current being very
strong. They then took me home, flogged
me, put extra irons on my neck and feet,
and put me under the driver, with more
work than ever I had before. He did
not flog me so severely as before, but
56 RoPER's ESCAPE
continued it every day. Among the in-
struments of torture employed, I here
describe one :-
THE AUTHIOR LIANGING BY HIS HANDS TIED TO A
Copton scºw, *


FROM SLAVERY. 57
This is a machine used for packing and
pressing cotton. By it he hung me up
by the hands at letter a, a horse, and at
times a man moving round the screw e,
and carrying it up and down, and press-
ing the block cinto the box d, into which
the cotton is put. At this time he hung
me up for a quarter of an hour. I was
carried up ten feet from the ground, when
Mr. Gooch asked me if I was tired. He
then let me rest for five minutes, then
carried me round again, after which,
he let me down and put me into the
box d, and shut me down in it for
about ten minutes. After this torture,
I stayed with him several months, and
did my work very well. It was about
the beginning of 1832, when he took
of my irons, and being in dread of him,
* This screw is sometimes moved round by hand,
when there is a person hanging on it. The screw is
made with wood, a large tree cut down, and carved in
the shape of a screw.

58 RoPER's EscAPE
he having threatened me with more
punishment, I attempted again to escape
from him. At this time I got into
North Carolina: but areward having been
offered for me, a Mr. Robinson caught
me, and chained me to a chair, upon
which he sat up with me all night, and
next day proceeded home with me. This
was Saturday, Mr. Gooch had gone to
church, several miles from his house.
When he came back, the first thing he
did was to pour some tar on my head,
then rubbed it all over my face, took a
torch with pitch on, and set it on fire;
he put it out before it did me very great
injury, but the pain which I endured
was most excruciating, nearly all my
hair having been burnt off. On Mon-
day, he put irons on me again, weigh-
ing nearly fifty pounds. He threatened
me again on the Sunday with another
flogging; and on the Monday morning,
before day-break, I got away again, with

FROM SLAVERY. 59
my irons on, and was about three hours,
going a distance of two miles.* I had
gone a good distance, when I met with
a coloured man, who got some wedges
and took my irons off. However, I was
caught again, and put into prison in
Charlotte, where Mr. Gooch came, and
took me back to Chester. He asked me
how I got my irons off? They having
been got off by a slave, I would not an-
swer his question, for fear of getting the
man punished. Upon this, he put the
fingers of my hands into a vice, and
squeezed all my nails off. He then had
my feet put on an anvil, and ordered a
man to beat my toes, till he smashed
some of my nails off. The marks of this
treatment still remain upon me, some of
my nails never having grown perfect
* It must be recollected, that when a person is two
miles from a house, in that part of the country, that he
can hide himself in the woods for weeks, and I knew a
slave who was hid for six months without discovery, the
trees being so thick.

60 Roppºn's EscAlpe
since. He inflicted this punishment, in
order to get out of me how I got my
irons off, but never succeeded. After
this, he hardly knew what to do with
me; the whole stock of his cruelties
seemed to be exhausted. He chained me
down in the log-house. Soon after this,
he sent a female slave to see if I was
safe. Mr. Gooch had not secured me as
he thought; but had only run my chain
through the ring, without locking it.
This I observed; and while the slave
was coming, I was employed in loosen.
ing the chain with the hand that was not
wounded. As soon as I observed her
coming, I drew the chain up tight, and
she observing, that I seemed fast, went
away and told her master, who was in
the field ordering the slaves. When she
was gone, I drew the chain through the
ring, escaped under the flooring of the
log-house, and went on under it, till I
came out at the other side, and ran on:

FROM SLAVERY. 61
but, being sore and weak, I had not got
a mile before I was caught, and again
carried back. He tied me up to a tree
in the woods at night, and made his
slaves flog me. I cannot say how many
lashes I received; but it was the worst
flogging I ever had, and the last which
Mr. Gooch ever gave me.
There are several circumstances which
occurred on this estate while I was there,
relative to other slaves, which it may be
interesting to mention. Hardly a day
ever passed without some one being
flogged. To one of his female slaves he
had given a dose of castor oil and salts
together, as much as she could take;”
he then got a box, about six feet by two
and a half, and one and a half feet deep;
he put this slave under the box, and
made the men fetch as many logs as they
could get, and put them on the top of it:
under this she was made to stay all night.
* The female whom Mr. Gooch chained me to.
G

62 RoPER's ESCAPE
I believe, that if he had given this slave
one, he had given her three thousand
lashes. Mr. Gooch was a member of a
Baptist Church. His slaves thinking
him a very bad sample of what a profess:
ing Christian ought to be, would not join
the connexion he belonged to, thinking,
they must be a very bad set of people:
there were many of them members of
the Methodist Church.* On Sunday, the
slaves can only go to church at the will
of their master, when he gives them a
pass for the time they are to be out. If
they are found by the patrole after the
time to which their pass extends, they
are severely flogged.
On Sunday nights a slave, named
Allen, used to come to Mr. Gooch's
* In fact, in some of the states nearly all the slaves
are Methodists; and when in the field at work, they
may be often heard singing these words, “I am happy
I am happy, Lord pity poor me—Me never know whº
happiness was, until I joined de Methodists—I am
happy, Lord pity poor me.”

FROM SLAVERY. 63
estate for the purpose of exhorting and
praying with his brother slaves, by whose
instrumentality many of them had been
converted. One evening, Mr. Gooch
caught them all in a room, turned Allen
out, and threatened his slaves with one
hundred lashes each, if they ever brought
him there again. At one time Mr. Gooch
was ill and confined to his room; if any
of the slaves had done anything which
he thought deserving a flogging, he would
have them brought into his bed-room and
flogged before his eyes.
With respect to food, he used to allow
us one peck of Indian meal each per
week, which, after being siſted and the
bran taken from it, would not be much
more than half a peck. Meat we did
not get for sometimes several weeks to-
gether; however, he was proverbial for
giving his slaves more food than any
other slave-holder. I stayed with Mr.
Gooch a year and a half; during that
G 2
64 RoPER's Escape
time the scenes of cruelty I witnessed
and experienced, are not at all fitted for
these pages. There is much to excite
disgust in what has been narrated, but
hundreds of other cases might be men-
tioned.


FROM SLAVERY. 65
CHAPTER V.
I was not long with Mr. Wilson, who was a Negro trader,
before he exchanged me to Mr. Rowland, who was
also a trader, for another slave, and after being with
him about one year, was sold to Mr. Goodly, who
exchanged me again to Mr. Louis.
AFTER this, Mr. Gooch seeing that I
was determined to get away from him,
chained me and sent me with another
female slave, whom he had treated very
cruelly, to Mr. Britton, son of the before-
mentioned, a slave dealer. We were to
have gone to Georgia to be sold, but a
bargain was struck before we arrived
there. Mr. Britton had put chains on
me to please Mr. Gooch, but having gone
some little distance we came up with a
white man, who begged Mr. Britton to
unchain me, he then took off my hand-
cuffs. We then went on to Union Court
House, where we met a drove of slaves

66 Roper's Escape
belonging to Mr. Wilson, who ultimately
bought me and sent me to his drove;
the girl was sold to a planter in the neigh.
bourhood as bad as Mr. Gooch.* In
court week the negro traders and slaves
encamp a little way out of the town. The
traders here will often sleep with the
best looking female slaves among them,
and they will often have many children
in the year, which are said to be slave
holder's children, by which means,
through his villany, he will make an
immense profit of this intercourse, by
selling the babe with its mother. They
often keep an immense stock of slaves
* As I am often asked “What became of the female
I was chained to ?” The above is the girl, whom I have
seen once since she was last sold, and from what I
saw of her then, I do not think she can be alive now.
Before Mr. R. left, he had it in contemplation, on ac-
count of my being too white, and fearing that I would
run away, to mark or write on my face with powder,
similar to the way in which sailors are marked on the
alill-

FROM SLAVERY. 67
on hand; many of them will be with the
trader a year or more before they are
sold. Mr. Marcus Rowland, the drover
who bought me, then returned with his
slaves to his brother's house (Mr. John
Rowland), where he kept his drove on
his way to Virginia. He kept me as a
kind of servant. I had to grease the
faces of the blacks every morning with
sweet oil, to make them shine before
they are put up to sell. After he had
been round several weeks and sold many
slaves, he left me and some more at his
brother's house, while he went on to
Washington, about 600 miles, to buy
some more slaves, the drove having got
very small. We were treated very well
while there, having plenty to eat and
little work to do, in order to make us
fat. I was brought up more as a do-
mestic slave, as they generally prefer
slaves of my colour for that purpose.
When Mr. Rowland came back, having

68 RoPER's EscAPE
been absent about five months, he found
all the slaves well except one female,
who had been grieving very much at
being parted from her parents, and at
last died of grief. He dressed us very
nicely and went on again. I travelled
with him for a year, and had to look over
the slaves and see that they were dressed
well, had plenty of food, and to oil their
faces. During this time we stopped once
at White House Church, a Baptist Asso-
ciation ; a protracted camp meeting was
holding there, on the plan of the revival
meetings in this country. We got there
at the time of the meeting, and sold two
female slaves on the Sunday morning, at
the time the meeting broke up, to a
gentleman who had been attending the
meeting the whole of the week. While
I was with Mr. Rowland, we were at
many such meetings; and the members
of the churches are by this means so
well influenced towards their fellow-

FROM SLAVERY. 69
creatures at these meetings for the wor-
ship of God, that it becomes a fruitful
season for the drover, who carries on an
immense traffic with the attendants at
these places. This is common to Baptists
and Methodists. At the end of the year,
he exchanged me to a farmer, Mr. David
Goodley, for a female slave in Green-
ville, about fourteen miles from Green-
ville Court House. The gentleman was
going to Missouri to settle, and on his
way had to pass through Ohio, a free
state. But having learnt after he bought
me, that I had before tried to get away
to the free states, he was afraid to take
me with him, and I was again exchanged
to a Mr. Louis.

70 RoPER's EscAPE
CHAPTER VI.
Travels with Mr. Luis to Pendleton Indian springs,
from thence to Columbus, where I was sold at auc.
tion to Mr. Beveridge. Travels and history with
Mr. Beveridge.
MR, MARVEL Louis was in the habit of
travelling a great deal, and took me
as a domestic slave to wait on him.
Mr. Louis boarded at the house of Mr.
Clevelin, a very rich planter at Green-
ville, South Carolina. Mr. L. was pay-
ing his addresses to the daughter of this
gentleman, but was surprised and routed
in his approaches, by a Colonel Dorkins,
of Union Court-House, who ultimately
carried her off in triumph. After this,
Mr. Louis took to drinking, to drown
his recollection of disappointed love.

FROM SLAVERY. 71
One day, he went to Pendleton Races,
and I waited on the road for him ; re-
turning intoxicated, he was thrown from
his horse into a brook, and was picked
up by a gentleman, and taken to an inn,
and I went there to take care of him.
Next day, he went on to Punkintown
with Mr. Warren R. Davis, a member
of Congress; I went with him. This
was at the time of the agitation of the
Union and Nullifying party, which was
expected to end in a general war. The
Nullifying party had a grand dinner on
the occasion, after which, they gave their
slaves all their refuse, for the purpose of
bribing them to fight on the side of their
party. The scene on this occasion was
humourous, all the slaves scrambling
after bare bones and crumbs, as if they
had had nothing for weeks. When Mr.
Louis had got over this fit of drunken-
ness, we returned to Greenville, where
I had little to do, except in the ware-

72 RoPER's Escape
house. There was preaching in the
Court-house on the Sunday; but scarcely
had the sweet savour of the worship of
God passed away, when, on Monday, a
public auction was held for the sale of
slaves, cattle, sugar, iron, &c. by Z.
Davis, the high constable and others.
On these days, I was generally very
busy in handing out the different articles
for inspection, and was employed in this
way for several months. After which,
Mr. Louis left this place for Pendleton;
but his health getting worse, and fast
approaching consumption, he determined
to travel. I went with him over Georgia
to the Indian springs, and from there to
Columbus; here he left me with Lawyer
Kemp, a member of the State Assembly,
to take care of his horses and carriage
till he came back from Cuba, where he
went for the benefit of his health. I
travelled round with Mr. Kemp, waiting
until my master came back. I soon

FROM SLAVERY. 73
after heard, that Mr. Louis had died at
Appalachicola, and had been buried at
Tennessee Bluff. I was very much at-
tached to the neighbourhood of Pendle-
ton and Greenville, and feared, from
Mr. Louis's death, I should not get back
there.
As soon as this information arrived,
Mr. Kemp put me, the carriage and
horses, a gold watch, and cigars, up to
auction, on which I was much frightened,
knowing there would be some very cruel
masters at the sale; and fearing, I should
again be disappointed in my attempt to
escape from bondage. Mr. Beveridge, a
Scotchman, from Appalachicola, bought
me, the horses, and cigars.” He was
* How Mr. Beveridge ever became a Slave-holder,
I cannot account for, for I believe him to be the only
kind slave-holder in America, and not only that, I have
been in England three years, and have never met with
a kinder man than Mr. Beveridge, and have often prayed
that God would deliver him from that one sin, a sin
which he was kept from eighteen years.
H

74 RoPER's Escapſ:
not a cruel master; he had been in
America eighteen years, and I believe, I
was the first slave he ever bought, Mr.
Kemp had no right to sell me, which
he did, before he had written to Mr.
Louis's brother.
Shortly after this, Mr. Kemp, having
had some altercation with General Wood.
fork, it ended in a duel, in which Mr.
W. was killed. A few weeks after, as
Mr. Kemp was passing down a street,
he was suddenly shot dead by Mr. Mil.
ton, a rival lawyer. When I heard this,
I considered it a visitation of God on
Mr. Kemp for having sold me unjustly,
as I did not belong to him. This was
soon discovered by me, Mr. Louis's bro.
ther having called at Mackintosh Hotel,
Columbus, to claim me, but which he
could not effect. After this, I travelled
with Mr. Beveridge, through Georgia, to
the warm springs, and then came back
to Columbus, going on to Marianna, his
summer-house, in Florida.

FROM SLAVERY. 75
Here I met with better treatment than
I had ever experienced before ; we tra-
welled on the whole summer; at the fall,
Mr. Beveridge went to Appalachicola
on business. Mr. Beveridge was con-
tractor for the mail, from Columbus to
Appalachicola, and owner of three steam
boats, the Versailles, Andrew Jackson,
and Van Buren. He made me steward
on board the Versailles, the whole
winter. The river then got so low that
the boats could not run. At this time,
Mr. Beveridge went to Mount Vernon.
On our way, we had to pass through the
Indian nation. We arrived at Colum-
bus, where I was taken dangerously ill
of a fever. After I got well, Mr. Beve-
ridge returned to Marianna, through
the Indian nation. Having gone about
twelve miles, he was taken very ill. I
took him out of the carriage to a brook,
and washed his hands and face until he
got better, when I got him into the car-
H 2

76 RoPER's EscAPE
riage again, and drove off till we came
to General Irving's, where he stopped
several days, on account of his health.
While there, I observed on the floor of
the kitchen several children, one about
three months old, without any body to
take care of her; I asked, where her
mother was, and was told, that Mrs.
Irving had given her a very hard task to
do at washing, in a brook, about a quarter
of a mile distant. We heard after, that
not being able to get it done, she had
got some cords, tied them round her
neck, climbed up a tree, swung off, and
hung herself. Being missed, persons
were sent after her, who observed several
buzzards flying about a particular spot,
to which they directed their steps, and
found the poor woman nearly eaten up.
After this, we travelled several months
without anything remarkable taking
place.

FROM S.L.A. W. ERY. 77
CHAPTER VII.
The Author's last Attempt and final Escape from Ma-
rianna to Savannah, from thence to New York;
Quarantined at Statten Island.
In the year 1834, Mr. Beveridge, who
was now residing in Appalachicola, a
town in West Florida, became a bank-
rupt, when all his property was sold, and
I fell into the hands of a very cruel
master, Mr. Register, a planter in the
same state; of whom, knowing his
savage character, I always had a dread,
Previously to his purchasing me, he had
frequently taunted me, by saying, “ you
have been a gentleman long enough,
and, whatever may be the consequences.
| intend to buy you.” To which I re-
marked, that I would on no account live
with him if I could help it. Never-
theless, intent upon his purpose, in the
H 3

78 Roper's Escape
month of July, 1834, he bought me.
after which I was so exasperated, that I
cared not whether I lived or died; in
fact, whilst I was on my passage from
Appalachicola, I procured a quart bottle
of whiskey, for the purpose of so in.
toxicating myself, that I might be able
either to plunge myself into the river.
or so to enrage my master that he should
dispatch me forthwith. I was, however,
by a kind Providence, prevented from
committing this horrid deed by an old
slave on board, who, knowing my in
tention, secretly took the bottle from me;
after which my hands were tied, and
I was led into the town of Ochesa to a
warehouse, where my master was asked
by the proprietor of the place, the reason
for his confining my hands, in answer to
which, Mr. Register said that he had
purchased me. The proprietor, however,
persuaded him to untie me; after which,
my master being excessively drunk, asked

FROM SLAVERY. 79
for a cow hide, intending to flog me,
from which the proprietor dissuaded him,
saying that he had known me for some
time, and he was sure that I did not re-
quire to be flogged. From this place we
proceeded about mid-day on our way, he
placing me on the bare back of a half-
starved old horse which he had pur-
chased, and upon which sharp surface he
kindly intended I should ride about
eighty miles, the distance we were then
from his home. In this unpleasant situa-
tion I could not help reflecting upon
the prospects before me, not forgetting
that I had heard that my new master
had been in the habit of stealing cattle
and other property, and among other
things a slave woman, and that I had
said, as it afterwards turned out, in the
hearing of some one who communicated
the saying to my master, that I had been
accustomed to live with a gentleman and
not with a rogue; and, finding that he
80 RoPER's Escape
had been informed of this, I had the
additional dread of a few hundred lashes
for it, on my arrival at my destination.
About two hours after we started it
began to rain very heavily, and continued
to do so until we arrived at Marianna.
about twelve at night, where we were to
rest till morning. My master here ques.
tioned me as to whether I intended to
run away or not; and, I not then know.
ing the sin of lying, at once told him
that I would not. He then gave me his
clothes to dry; I took them to the
kitchen for that purpose and he retired
to bed, taking a bag of clothes belonging
to me with him, as a kind of security, I
presume, for my safety. In an hour or
two afterwards I took his clothes to him
dried, and found him fast asleep. I
placed them by his side, and said that I
would then take my own to dry too,
taking care to speak loud enough to
ascertain whether he was asleep or not,



FROM SLAVERY. 81
-
knowing that he had a dirk and a pistol
by his side, which he would not have
hesitated using against me, if I had at-
tempted secretly to have procured them.
I was glad to find that the effects of his
drinking the day before had caused his
sleeping very soundly, and I immediately
resolved on making my escape; and
without loss of time started with my few
clothes into the woods, which were in
the immediate neighbourhood; and, after
running many miles, I came to the river
Chapoli, which is very deep and so beset
with alligators that I dared not attempt
to swim across. I paced up and down
this river, with the hope of finding a
conveyance across, for a whole day, the
succeeding night, and till noon the fol-
lowing day, which was Saturday. About
twelve o'clock on that day I discovered
an Indian canoe, which had not from all
appearance been used for some time;
this of course I used to convey myself
82 Roper's Escape
across, and after being obliged to go a
little way down the river, by means of a
piece of wood I providentially found in
the boat, I landed on the opposite side.
Here I found myself surrounded by
planters looking for me, in consequence
of which, I hid myself in the bushes until
might, when Iagain travelled several miles
to the farm of a Mr. Robinson, a large
sugar and cotton planter, where I rested
till morning in a field. Afterwards I set
out working my way through the woods,
about twenty miles towards the east.
this I knew by my knowledge of the
position of the sun at its rising. Having
- reached the Chattahoochee river, which
divides Florida from Georgia, I was again
puzzled to know how to cross; it was
about three o'clock in the day, when a
- number of persons were fishing; having
walked for some hours along the banks,
I at last, after dark, procured a ferry-
boat, which not being able, from the



FROM SLAVERY. 83
swiftness of the river, to steer direct
across, I was carried many miles down
the river, landing on the Georgian side,
from whence I proceeded on through
the woods two or three miles, and came
to a little farm house about twelve at
night; at a short distance from the
house, I found an old slave hut, into
which I went, and informed the old
man, who appeared seventy or eighty
years old, that I had had a very bad
master, from whom I had run away;
and asked him, if he could give me some-
thing to eat, having had no suitable food
for three or four days; he told me, he had
nothing but a piece of dry Indian bread,
which he cheerfully gave me; having
eaten it, I went on a short distance from
the hut, and laid down in the wood to
rest for an hour or two. All the follow-
ing day (Monday) I continued travelling
through the woods, was greatly dis-
tressed for want of water to quench my

84 RoPER's ESCAPE
thirst, it being a very dry country, till I
came to Spring Creek, which is a wide,
deep stream, and with some of which I
gladly quenched my thirst, I then pro-
ceeded to cross the same, by a bridge
close by, and continued my way until
dusk. I came to a gentleman's house
in the woods, where I inquired how far
it was to the next house, taking care to
watch an opportunity to ask some in
dividual whom I could master, and get
away from, if any interruption to my
progress was attempted. I went on for
some time, it being a very fine moon.
light night, and was presently alarmed
by the howling of a wolf very near me;
which I concluded, was calling other
wolves to join him in attacking me.
having understood that they always as:
semble in numbers for such a purpose;
the howling increased, and I was still
pursued, and the numbers were evidently
increasing fast; but I was happily rescued

FROM SLAVERY. 85
from my dreadful fright, by coming to
some cattle, which attracted, as I sup-
posed, the wolves, and saved my life;
for I could not get up the trees for
safety, they being very tall pines, the
lowest branches of which were, at least,
forty or fifty feet from the ground, and
the trunks very large and smooth.
About two o'clock, I came to the house
of a Mr. Cherry, on the borders of the
Flint River; I went up to the house,
and called them up to beg something
to eat; but having nothing cooked, they
kindly allowed me to lie down in the
porch, where they made me a bed. In
conversation with this Mr. Cherry, I dis-
covered that I had known him before,
having been in a steam boat, the Ver-
sailles, some months previous, which
sunk very near his house, but which I
did not at first discern to be the same.
I then thought that it would not be pru-
dent for me to stop there, and, there-
I

86 Rope R's Escape
fore, told them, I was in a hurry to get
on, and must start very early again, he
having no idea who I was ; and I gave
his son six cents to take me across the
river, which he did when the sun was
about half an hour high, and unfortu.
nately landed me where there was a man
building a boat, who knew me very well,
and my former master too, he, calling
me by name, asked me where I was
going.
I was very much frightened at being
discovered, but summoned up courage,
and said, that my master had gone on to
Tally hassa by the coach, and that there
was not room for me, and I had to walk
round to meet him. I then asked the
man to put me in the best road to get
there, which, however, I knew as well
as he did, having travelled there before;
he directed me the best way; but I, of
course, took the contrary direction, want.
ing to get on to Savannah. By this hasty

FROM SLAVERY. 87
and wicked deception, I saved myself
from going to Bainbridge prison, which
was close by, and to which, I should
surely have been taken had it been known
that I was making my escape.
Leaving Bainbridge, I proceeded about
forty miles, travelling all day under a
scorching sun, through the woods, in
which I saw many deer and serpents,
until I reached Thomas Town, in the
evening. I there inquired the way to
Augusta, of a man whom I met, and also
asked where I could obtain lodgings, and
was told that there was a poor minister
about a mile from the place, who would
give me lodgings. I accordingly went,
and found them in a little log-house,
where, having awakened the family, I
found them all lying on the bare boards,
where Ijoined them, for the remainder
of the night.
In the morning, the old gentleman
prayed for me, that I might be preserved
I 2

88 RoPER's escAPE
on my journey; he had previously asked
me where I was going, and I knowing,
that if I told him the right place, any
that inquired of him for me would be
able to find me, asked the way to Augusta,
instead of Savannah, my real destination.
I also told him, that I was partly Indian
and partly white, but I am also partly
African, but this I omitted to tell him,
knowing if I did, I should be appre-
hended. After I had left this hut, I again
inquired for Augusta, for the purpose of
misleading my pursuers, but I afterwards
took my course through the woods, and
came into a road, called the Coffee road,
which General Jackson cut down for his
troops at the time of the war, between
the Americans and Spaniards, in Florida;
in which road there are but few houses,
and which I preferred for the purpose of
avoiding detection.
After several days I left this road, and
took a more direct way to Savannah,

FROM SLAVERY. 89
where I had to wade through two rivers
before I came to the Alatamah, which I
crossed in a ferry-boat, about a mile be-
low the place where the rivers Oconee
and Ocmulgee run together into one
river, called the Alatamah. I here met
with some cattle drovers, who were col-
lecting cattle to drive to Savannah. On
walking on before them, I began to con-
sider in what way I could obtain a pass-
port for Savannah, and determined on
the following plan —
I called at a cottage, and after I had
talked sometime with the wife, who began
to feel greatly for me, in consequence
of my telling her a little of my history,
(her husband being out hunting) I pre-
tended to shew her my passport, feeling
for it everywhere about my coat and hat,
and not finding it; I went back a little
Way, pretending to look for it, but came
back, saying, I was very sorry, but I did
not know where it was. At last, the man
I 3

90 Rope R’s EscAPE
came home, carrying a deer upon his
shoulders, which he brought into the
yard, and began to dress it. The wife
then went out to tell him my situation,
and after long persuasion, he said he could
not write, but that if I could tell his son
what was in my passport, he should write
me one; and knowing that I should not
be able to pass Savannah without one, and
having heard several free coloured men
read theirs, I thought, I could tell the
lad what to write. The lad sat down and
wrote what I told him, nearly filling a
large sheet of paper for the passport, and
another sheet with recommendations.
These being completed, I was invited to
partake of some of the fresh venison,
which the woman of the house had pre:
pared for dinner, and having done so,
and feeling grateful for their kindness,
I proceeded on my way. Going along,
I took my papers out of my pocket, and
looking at them, although I could not

FROM SLAVERY. 91
read a word, I perceived that the boy's
writing was very unlike other writing
that I had seen, and was greatly blotted
besides; consequently, I was afraid that
these documents would not answer my
purpose, and began to consider what
other plan I could pursue to obtain
another pass.
I had now to wade through another
river to which I came, and which I had
great difficulty in crossing, in conse-
quence of the water overflowing the banks
of several rivers to the extent of upwards
of twenty miles. In the midst of the
water, I passed one night upon a small
island, and the next day, I went through
the remainder of the water. On many
occasions, I was obliged to walk upon
my toes, and consequently, found the
advantage of being six feet two inches
high, (I have grown three inches since,)
and at other times was obliged to swim.

92 RoPER's EscAPE
In the middle of this extremity, I felt it
would be imprudent for me to return;
for if my master was in pursuit of me, my
safest place from him was in the water, it
I could keep my head above the surface.
I was, however, dreadfully frightened,
and most earnestly prayed that I might
be kept from a watery grave, and re-
solved, that if again I landed, I would
spend my life in the service of God.
Having, through mercy, again started
on my journey, I met with the drovers;
and having, whilst in the waters, taken
the pass out of my hat, and so dipped it
in the water as to spoil it, I showed it to
the men, and asked them where I could
get another. They told me, that in the
neighbourhood, there lived a rich cotton-
merchant who would write me one. They
took me to him, and gave their word, that
they saw the passport before it was wet,
(for I had previously showed it to them,)

FROM SLAVERY. 93
upon which, the cotton-planter wrote a
free pass and a recommendation, to which
the cow-drovers affixed their marks.
The recommendation was as follows:
“John Roper, a very interesting young
lad, whom I have seen and travelled with
for eighty or ninety miles on his road
from Florida, is a free man, descended
from Indian and white. I trust, he will
be allowed to pass on without interrup-
tion, being convinced from what I have
seen, that he is free, and though dark, is
not an African. I had seen his papers
before they were wetted.”
These cow-drovers, who procured me
the passport and recommendation from
the cotton-planter, could not read; and
they were intoxicated when they went
with me to him. I am part African, as
well as Indian and white, my father,
being a white man, Henry Roper, Esq.,
Caswell County, North Carolina, U. S.,
a very wealthy slave-holder, who sold
94 RoPER's Escape
me when quite a child, for the strong
resemblance I bore to him. My mother
is part Indian, part African; but I dared
not disclose that, or I should have been
taken up. I then had eleven miles to
go to Savannah, one of the greatest
slave-holding cities in America, and
where they are always looking out for
run-a-way slaves. When at this city, I
had travelled about five hundred miles.”
It required great courage to pass through
this place. I went through the main
street with apparent confidence, though
much alarmed; did not stop at any
house in the city, but went down imme-
diately to the Dock, and inquired for a
berth, as a steward to a vessel to New
York. I had been in this capacity be-
fore on the Appelachecola River. The
person whom I asked to procure me a
* The distance between these two places is much less
than five hundred miles; but I was obliged to travel
round about, in order to avoid being caught.


FROM SLAVERY. 95
berth, was steward of one of the New
York Packets; he knew Captain Deckay,
of the schooner Fox, and got me a
situation on board that vessel, in five
minutes, after I had been at the Docks.
The schooner Fox was a very old vessel,
twenty-seven years old, laden with lum-
ber and cattle for New York; she was
rotten, and could not be insured. The
sailors were afraid of her; but I ven-
tured on board, and five minutes after,
we dropped from the docks into the
river. My spirits then began to revive
and I thought I should get to a free
country directly. We cast anchor in the
stream, to keep the sailors on, as they
were so dissatisfied with the vessel, and
lay there four days; during which time,
I had to go into the city several times,
which exposed me to great danger, as
my master was after me, and I dreaded
meeting with him in the city.
Fearing the Fox would not sail before I

96 RoPER's EscAPE
should be seized, I deserted her, and went
on board a brig sailing to Providence,
that was towed out by a steam boat,” and
got thirty miles from Savannah. During
this time, I endeavoured to persuade
the steward to take me as an assistant,
and hoped to have accomplished my
purpose; but the captain had observed
me attentively, and thought I was a
slave, he therefore ordered me, when
the steam boat was sent back, to go on
board her to Savannah, as the fine for
taking a slave from that city to any of the
free states, is five hundred dollars. I re-
luctantly went back to Savannah, among
slave-holders and slaves. My mind was
in a sad state; and I was under strong
temptation to throw myself into the river.
I had deserted the schooner Fox, and
knew that the captain might put me into
* An iron boat, the first that was ever built in
America, belonging to Mr. Lemayor, and this was also
the first time she sailed.

FROM SLAVERY. 97
prison, till the vessel was ready to sail;
if this had happened, and my master
had come to the jail in search of me, I
must have gone back to slavery. But
when I reached the Docks at Savannah,
the first person I met was the captain of
the Fox, looking for another steward in
my place. He was a very kind man,
belonging to the free states, and inquired
if I would go back to his vessel. This
usage was very different to what I ex-
pected, and I gladly accepted his offer.
This captain did not know that I was a
slave. In about two days we sailed from
Savannah for New York.
I am (August, 1834) unable to express
the joy I now felt. I never was at sea
before, and, after I had been out about an
hour, was taken with sea-sickness, which
continued five days. I was scarcely able
to stand up, and one of the sailors was
obliged to take my place. The captain
Was very kind to me all this time; but
K

98 Rope R’s EscAPE
even after I recovered, I was not suffi.
ciently well to do my duty properly, and
could not give satisfaction to the sailors,
who swore at me, and asked me why I
shipped, as I was not used to the sea.
We had a very quick passage; and in six
days, after leaving Savannah, we were
in the harbour at Statten Island, where
the vessel was quarantined for two days.
"six miles from New York. The captain
went to the city, but left me aboard with
the sailors, who had most of them been
brought up in the slave holding states,
and were very cruel men. One of the
sailors was particularly angry with me,
because he had to perform the duties of
my place; and while the captain was in
the city, the sailors called me to the fore.
hatch, where they said they would treat
me. I went, and while I was talking,
they threw a rope round my neck, and
nearly choaked me. The blood streamed
from my nose profusely. They also took

FROM SLAVERY 99
propes with large knots, and knocked
me over the head. They said, I was a
negro; they despised me; and I ex-
pected they would have thrown me into
the water. When we arrived at the city,
these men, who had so ill treated me,
ran away that they might escape the
punishment which would otherwise have
been inflicted on them.

100 RoPER's Escape
CHAPTER VIII.
Arrival in New York, on to Poughkeepsie, Albany,
Bogister, Vermont, Boston, and return to New York
—embarked for England, November, 1834.
WHEN I arrived in the city of New York,
I thought I was free ; but learned I
was not, and could be taken there. I
went out into the country several miles,
and tried to get employment; but failed,
as I had no recommendation. I then
returned to New York; but finding the
same difficulty there to get work, as in
the country, I went back to the vessel,
which was to sail eighty miles up the
Hudson River, to Poughkeepsie. When
I arrived, I obtained employment at an
inn, and after I had been there about
two days, was seized with the cholera,
which was at that place. The complaint

FROM SLAVERY. 101
was, without doubt, brought on by my
having subsisted on fruit only, for seve-
ral days, while I was in the slave states.
The landlord of the inn came to me when
I was in bed, suffering violently from
cholera, and told me, he knew I had
that complaint, and as it had never been
in his house, I could not stop there any
longer. No one would enter my room,
except a young lady, who appeared very
pious and amiable, and had visited per-
sons with the cholera. She immediately
procured me some medicine at her own
expense, and administered it herself;
and, whilst I was groaning with agony,
the landlord came up and ordered me
out of the house directly. Most of the
persons in Poughkeepsie had retired for
the night, and I lay under a shed on
some cotton bales. The medicine re-
lieved me, having been given so prompt-
ly; and next morning I went from the
shed, and laid on the banks of the river
K 3

102 RoPER's EscAPE
below the city. Towards evening, I fell
much better, and went on in a steam.
boat, to the city of Albany, about eight,
miles. When I reached there, I went
into the country, and tried for three or
four days to procure employment, but
failed.
At that time, I had scarcely any money,
and lived upon fruit; so I returned to
Albany, where I could get no work, as I
could not show the recommendations I
possessed, which were only from slave
states; and I did not wish any one to
know I came from them. After a time,
I went up the western canal, as steward,
in one of the boats. When I had gone
about 350 miles up the canal, I found I
was going too much towards the slave
states; in consequence of which, I re-
turned to Albany, and went up the
northern canal, into one of the New
England states–Vermont. The distance
I had travelled, including the 350 miles I

TROM SLAVERY. 103
had to return from the west, and the 100
to Vermont, was 2300 miles. When I
reached Vermont, I found the people
Very hospitable and kind : they seemed
opposed to slavery, so I told them, I was
a run-a-way slave. I hired myself to a
firm in Sudbury.” After I had been in
Sudbury some time, the neighbouring
farmers told me, that I had hired myself
for much less money than I ought. I
mentioned it to my employers, who were
very angry about it; I was advised to
* During my stay in this town, I thought of the vow
I made in the water, (page 92,) and I became more
thoughtful about the salvation of my soul. I attended
the Methodist Chapel, where a Mr. Benton preached,
and there I began to feel that I was a great sinner.
During the latter part of my stay here, I became more
anxious about salvation, and I entertained the absurd
notion that religion would come to me in some extraor-
dinary way. With this impression, I used to go into
the woods two hours before day-light to pray, and ex-
pected something would take place, and I should become
religious.

104 RoPER's EscAPE
leave by some of the people round, who
thought the gentlemen I was with would
write to my former master, informing
him where I was, and obtain the reward
fixed upon me. Fearing I should be
taken, I immediately left, and went into
the town of Ludlow, where I met with a
kind friend, Mr. —,” who sent me to
school for several weeks. At this time,
I was advertised in the papers, and was
obliged to leave. I went a little way out
of Ludlow, to a retired place, and lived two
weeks with a Mr. ——, deacon of a Bap-
tist church at Ludlow: at this place Icould
have obtained education, had it been safe
to have remained. From there I went
* It would not be proper to mention any names, as a
person in any of the States in America, found harbouring
a slave, would have to pay a heavy fine.
# Whilst in this neighbourhood, I attended the Bap-
tist Meeting, and trust the preaching of the gospel was
much blessed to my soul. As this was the first time I
was ever favoured with any education, I was very intent

FROM SLAVERY. 105
to New Hampshire, where I was not safe,
so went to Boston, Massachusetts, with
the hope of returning to Ludlow, to
which place I was much attached. At
Boston, I met with a friend, who kept a
shop, and took me to assist him for
several weeks. Here I did not consider
myself safe, as persons from all parts of
the country were continually coming to
the shop, and I feared some might come
who knew me. I now had my head
shaved, and bought a wig, and engaged
myself to a Mr. Perkins, of Brookline,
three miles from Boston, where I re-
mained about a month. Some of the
upon learning to read the Bible, and in a few weeks I was
able, from my own reading, to repeat by heart the whole
of the last chapter of Matthew. I also attended the
prayer and inquiry meetings, where the attendants used
to relate their experience, and I was requested to do the
same. I found these meetings a great blessing, and
they were the means, under God, of communicating to
my mind a more clear and distinct knowledge of the
way of salvation by Jesus Christ.

106 RoPER's Escape
family discovered that I wore a wig, and
said that I was a run-a-way slave; but
the neighbours all round thought I was
a white, to prove which, I have a do.
cument in my possession to call me to
military duty. The law is, that no slave
or coloured person performs this, but
every other person in America, of the age
of twenty-one, is called upon to perform
military duty, once or twice in the year,
or pay a fine.
COPY OF THE DOCUMENT.
“Mr. Moses Roper,
“You being duly enrolled as a
soldier in the Company, under the com-
mand of Captain Benjamin Bradley, are
hereby notified and ordered to appear at
the Town House, in Brookline, on Friday,
28th instant, at 3 o'clock, P. M., for the
purpose of filling the vacancy in said
Company, occasioned by the promotion
of Lieut. Nathaniel M. Weeks, and of

FROM SLAVERY. 107
filling any other vacancy which may then
and there occur in said Company, and
there wait further orders.
“By order of the Captain,
* F. P. WENTwo RTH, Clerk.
* Brookline, August 14th, 1835.”
I then returned to the city of Boston,
to the shop where I was before. Se-
veral weeks after I had returned to my
situation, two coloured men informed me,
* Being very tall, I was taken to be twenty-one; but
my correct age, as far as I can tell, is stated in page 8.
During the first part of my abode in this city, I
attended at the coloured church in Bellnap Street; and
I hope I found both profit and pleasure in attending the
means of divine grace. I now saw the wicked part I
had taken in using so much deception in making my
escape. After a time, I found slave-owners were in the
habit of going to this coloured chapel to look for run-
away slaves. I became alarmed, and afterwards attended
the preaching of the Rev. Dr. Sharp. I waited upon
the Doctor to request he would baptize me, and admit
me a member of his church; and after hearing my ex-
perience, he wished me to call again. This I did, but
he was gone into the country, and I saw him no more.

108 Roper's Escape
that a gentleman had been inquiring fºr
a person, whom, from the description, I
knew to be myself, and offered them a
considerable sum if they would disclose
my place of abode; but they being much
opposed to slavery, came and told me;
upon which information, I secreted my
self till I could get off. I went into the
Green mountains for several weeks, from
thence to the city of New York, and re-
mained in secret several days, till I heard
of a ship, the Napoleon, sailing to Eng-
land, and on the 11th of November, 1835,
I sailed, taking with me letters of recom-
mendation, to the Rev. Drs. Morrison,
and Raffles, and the Rev. Alex. Fletcher,
The time I first started from slavery, was
in July, 1834, so that I was nearly sixteen
months in making my escape.

FROM SLAVERY. 109
CHAPTER IX.
The author arrives at Liverpool, November 29th, 1835–
Manchester—London.
On the 29th of November, 1835, I reached
Liverpool; and my feelings when I first
touched the shores of Britain were in-
describable, and can only be properly
understood by those who have escaped
from the cruel bondage of slavery.
“'Tis liberty alone, that gives the flower of fleeting life
its lustre and perfume;
And we are weeds without it.”
“Slaves cannot breathe in England :
If their lungs receive our air, that moment they are free
They touch our country, and their shackles fall.”
Cowper.
When I reached Liverpool, I proceeded
to Dr. Raffles, and handed my letters of
recommendation to him. He received
me very kindly, and introduced me to a
L

| 10 RoPER's EscAPE
member of his church, with whom I
stayed the night. Here I met with the
greatest attention and kindness. The
next day, I went on to Manchester,
where I met with many kind friends.
among others, Mr. Adshead, of that
town, to whom I desire, through this
medium, to return my most sincere
thanks for the many great services which
he rendered me, adding both to my
spiritual and temporal comfort. I would
not, however, forget to remember here
Mr. Leese, Mr. Giles, Mr. Crewdson,
and Mr. Clare, the latter of whom gave
me a letter to Mr. Scoble, the secretary
of the Anti-slavery Society. I remained
here several days, and then proceeded
to London, December 12th, 1835, and
immediately called on Mr Scoble, to
whom I delivered my letter. This gen:
tleman procured me a lodging. I then
lost no time in delivering my letters to
Dr. Morison and the Rev. Alexander

FROM SLAVERY. | 1 ||
Fletcher, who received me with the
greatest kindness; and shortly after this,
Dr. Morison sent my letter from New
York, with another from himself, to the
Patriot Newspaper, in which he kindly
implored the sympathy of the public in
my behalf. The appeal was read by
Mr. Christopherson, a member of Dr.
Morison's church, of which gentleman
I express but little of my feelings and
gratitude, when I say, that throughout
he has been towards me a parent, and for
whose tenderness and sympathy I desire
ever to feel that attachment which I do
not know how to express.
I stayed at his house several weeks,
being treated as one of the family. The
appeal in the Patriot referred to getting a
suitable academy for me, which the Rev.
Dr. Cox recommended at Hackney, where
I remained half a year, going through
the rudiments of an English education.
At this time, I attended the ministry of
1, 2
112 RoPER's Escape
Dr. Cox, which I enjoyed very much
and to which I ascribe the attainment of
clearer views of divine grace than I had
before. I had attended here several
months, when I expressed my wish to
Dr. Cox, to become a member of his
church, I was proposed; and after stating
my experience, was admitted, March
31st, 1836. Here I feel it a duty to pre-
sent my tribute of thankfulness, however
feebly expressed, to the affectionate and
devoted attention of the Rev. Doctor,
from whom, under God, I received very
much indeed of spiritual advice and con-
solation, as well as a plentiful adminis.
tration to my temporal necessities. I
would not forget also to mention the
kindness of his church generally, by
whom I was received with Christian love
and charity. Never, I trust, will be
effaced from my memory, the parental
care of the Rev. Dr. Morison, from
whom I can strictly say, I received the


ºnom slavery. 113
greatest kindness I ever met with, and
to whom, as long as God gives me lips
to utter, or mind to reflect, I desire to
attribute the comfort to which I have ex-
perienced, since I set my foot upon the
happy shores of England.
Here it is necessary that I should
draw this narrative to a close, not that
my materials are exhausted, but that I
am unwilling to extend it to a size which
might preclude many well-wishers from
the possession of it.
But I must remark, that my feelings
of happiness at having escaped from
cruel bondage, are not unmixed with
sorrow of a very touching kind. “ The
Land of the Free” still contains the
mother, the brothers, and the sisters of
Moses Roper, not enjoying liberty, not
the possessors of like feelings with me,
not having even a distant glimpse of ad-
vancing towards freedom, but still slaves!
This is a weight which hangs heavy on
L 3

114 RoPER’s Escape
me. As circumstances at present stand,
there is not much prospect of ever again
seeing those dear ones—that dear mother,
from whom, on the Sunday night, I was
torn away by armed slave-holders, and
carried into cruel bondage.” And, no.
thing would contribute so much to my
entire happiness, if the kindness of a
gracious Providence should ever place
me in such favourable circumstances, as
to be able to purchase the freedom of so
beloved a parent. But I desire to express
my entire resignation to the will of God.
Should that Divine Being who made of
one flesh all the kindreds of the earth,
see fit that I should again clasp them
to my breast, and see in them the reality
of free men and free women, how shall
I, a poor mortal, be enabled to sing a
strain of praise sufficiently appropriate to
such a boon from heaven.
* See page 36.

FROM SLAVERY. 115
But if the all-wise disposer of all
things should see fit to keep them still in
suffering and bondage, it is a mercy to
know, that he orders all things well, that
he is still the judge of all the earth,
and that under such dispensations of his
providence, he is working out that which
shall be most for the advantage of his
creatures.
Whatever I may have experienced in
America, at the hands of cruel task-
masters, yet I am unwilling to speak in
any but respectful terms of the land of
my birth. It is far from my wish to at-
tempt to degrade America in the eyes of
Britons. I love her institutions in the
free states, her zeal for Christ; I bear no
enmity even to the slave-holders, but
regret their delusions, many I am aware
are deeply sensible of the fault, but some
I regret to say are not, and I could wish
to open their eyes to their sin; may the
period come, when God shall wipe off

116 Roper's Escape from SLAVERy.
this deep stain from her constitution,
and may America soon be indeed the land
of the free.
In conclusion, I thank my dear friends
in England for their affectionate atten.
tions, and may God help me to show by
my future walk in life, that I am not
wanting in my acknowledgments of their
kindness. But above all, to the God of
all grace, I desire here before his people,
to acknowledge that all the way in which
he has led me, has been the right way,
and as in his mercy and wisdom, he has
led me to this country, where I am al-
lowed to go free, may all my actions
tend to lead me on, through the mercy
of God in Christ, in the right way, to a
city of habitation.

L IN E S.”
- º
written ON THE OCCASION OF THE ESCAPE. To ENGLAND OF
M. R. M. O S E S R O PER,
Late an American Slave—now a Freeman of Great Britain.
HEB. xiii. 1, 2, 3.
Who is my Brother?—Ask the waves that come
From Afric's shores to greet our Island home;
Who is my Brother –Ask the winds that stray
From Indian realms to chase our clouds away;
Who is my Brother ?–Ask the suns that shine
On southern seas, then turn to smile on thine;
Who is my Brother –Ask the stars that roll
Their nightly journey round from pole to pole;
These all shall tell thee that their wand'rings find
But one vast Family in all Mankind;—
Nor colour, clime, nor caste can e'er efface,
The kindred likeness of the wide-spread race—
Nor break the chain that at the first began,
To bind in one the Family of Man.
* These lines were written by Miss Tuckey, of Cork, after I
had addressed a meeting in that city.
| 18 LINES WRITTEN ON THE
Come then—awake thy sympathies to feel,
A Brother's interestin a brother's weal,
God's wisdom and His goodness both decreed,
That from one stock all nations should proceed,
That wheresoe'er He cast His creature's lot,
Kindness and love might consecrate the spot.
Behold thy Brother on his form confess'd
Thy nature's dignity is seen imprest?
In every look—in every gesture—Man?
Wipe off the stamp of Manhood, ye who can.
Beats not his breast with warm affection's glow
Breathes not his mind with thoughts’ impassion'd flow
Is there a joy—a grief—man ever knew
But in his bosom finds a birth-place too?
What though a tyrant's hand might strive to bind
With iron grasp the emergies of mind–
As well might chains and stripes control the wave,
The soul the soulſ can never be a slave.
Brother—by that Creative Power whose Word
One common nature on our race conferr'd ;
Brother—still closer—by the love that sent
The Son of God to bear sin’s punishment;
Brother, by Grace Divine that poured its light
On the dark horrors of our heathen night:
We give the hand of fellowship to thee,
We bid thee welcome, and we hail thee free?
Thou art a slave no longer—on thy brow
The air of freedom breathes in triumph now,
Thine heart rejoices o'er the broken chain,
Whose links are sever'd ne'er to meet again :-


ESCAPE OF MOSES ROPER. 119
but sweeter still that Liberty to know,
which Christ the Saviour only can bestow,
And feel whate'er thy future lot may be,
The truth the truth! hath made thy spirit free.
Through all thy touching story glad we trace
The ways of Providence, the power of Grace,
And see thy countless trials join to prove
The God of Glory is—the God of Love.
Gothen—still guided by his mighty hand
Where'er His will, His wisdom may command.
His love direct thy steps, as when of old,
He led the Shepherd of His chosen fold.
Thy tale like his—whose name is borne by thee—
Marked out for death in helpless infancy;
Like him the child of servitude and shame,
Born of a race that bear the captive name:
Daily indebted to a tyrant’s nod
For the free mercies of a bounteous God;
Holding the very life He gave, at will
Of those, who though they cannot save, can kill;
Like him “when come to years,” by Grace Divine–
Led to embrace a Saviour's Cross as thine:
Like him cast from the land that gave thee birth
And driven a wanderer on the face of earth:
Like him in all thy wand'rings may’st thou find,
Some Jethro’s kindness soothe and cheer thy mind.
Still be thy tale like his—to thee be given
To bear on earth the messages of Heaven:
To tell the Pharaohs who enslave thy race,
That God will scatter plagues on every place,—
120 LINEs writtºn on THE Escape, &c.
Where proud oppression dares His wrath defy,
And brave his arm, and scorn His searching eye.
Sound out His thunders, 'till the dead in sin
Shall hear the voice of conscience speak within,
Believe, and tremble at the dread decree,
Break every chain,_bid every Slave be Free!
Then when thy Brethren forth from bondage come,
Be thine to lead them to their better home:
That land of Promise—where their feet shall rest,
With Peace and Liberty for ever blest,
And through the wilderness that lies between
Their wearied spirits and the joys unseen,
Be God to thee and them, a shade by day,
A light by night, to mark their onward way:
Till all the Freemen of the Lord shall meet,
To cast their crowns at Jesu's sacred feet
And own the link that shall for ever bind,
Even as one Soul—all nations of Mankind.
M. B. TUCKEY.
Cork, Ferney, Oct. 31, 1838.


A P P E N D IX.
CHAPTER I.
American Slavery.
The following facts illustrative of American Slavery, being
extracts from the speeches of Slave-holding masters, and others,
are taken from American Publications.
By American Slavery is meant the condition of those
Americans who are claimed, held and treated, in these
United States, as property.
A slave is one who is in the power of a master to
whom he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of
his person, his industry, and his labour; he can do nothing,
possess nothing, nor acquire anything, but what must belong
to his master.—Louisiana Code.
The same code, speaking of the legal nature of slave
property, says:–
Slaves, though moveable by their nature, are con-
sidered immoveable by the operation of law.
And again –
Slaves shall always be reputed and considered real
estate; shall be, as such, subject to be mortgaged, ac-
cording to the rules prescribed by law; and they shall
be levied and sold as real estate.
“Goods they are,” says the civil code, “and goods
they shall be esteemed."—Taylor's Elements, p. 429.
M

1 22 APPENDIX.
“Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, and reputed to
be chattles personal in the hands of their owners and
possessors, their executors, administrators, and assigns,
to all intents, constructions, and purposes whatsoever,”
—Laws of South Carolina, Stroud, p. 22–23.
“This dominion of the master is as unlimited as that
which is tolerated by the laws of any civilized com.
munity in relation to brute animals—to “quadrupeds,
to use the words of the civil law.”—Stroud, p. 24.
Hence it appears, that the distinguishing principle of
American Slavery is this: slaves are not to be ranked
among rational beings, but they are to be clanſºn, upºn
and TREATED as things, as articles of property, “to all intents,
constructions, and purposes whatsoever.”
Consequently it does not allow to the slave the rights
of his own reason and conscience.
It annihilates the family state; prevents the parents
from obeying the command of God with regard to their
children; it prohibits, or nullifies, the marriage rites,
and prevents husbands and wives from obeying the
commands of God with regard to each other.
It enjoins, or sanctions, promiscuous intercourse be
tween the sexes, without the rites of marriage.
It holds all the religious privileges of the slave, at the
mere mercy of his master, whether that master be infidel,
papist, or protestant.
It prevents the slave from obeying that command of
God, which makes it the duty of all men to “search the
Scriptures.”
Its direct tendency is to crush the minds of God's

APPENDIX. 123
intelligent creatures, by forbidding and preventing all
schools for “mental instruction.”
It withholds the hire of the labourer.
It sanctions and covers the breach of the 8th com-
mandment. It justifies the very thing which our laws
of nations punish as piracy, if committed on the coast of
Africa, or on the high seas. It originates and justifies
what the Bible calls “manstealing.”
It denies to the slave that protection for his character,
his health and life, which is enjoyed by the white man.
Here it must be observed, that what we have stated
above, forms no part of what is generally called the
"evils of slavery,” or, in other words, the “abuses of
the system;” but the above facts make up the very system
itself, the very thing which we say is a sin against God.
-
CHAPTER II.
No Colour exempt from Slavery in the United States.
A law of South Carolina reads as follows:–
“All negroes, Indians, (free Indians in amity with
this government, and negroes, mullattoes, and mestizos,
who are now free, excepted,) mulattoes, or mestizos,who
are now or shall hereafter be in this province, and all
their issue and offspring born, or to be born, shall be
and they are hereby declared to be and remain for ever
hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of
the mother.”
M 2
124 APPENDIX
Similar laws are now in force in Georgia, Mississippi,
Virginia, and Louisiana. -
Hence it will be perceived, slavery has no limits. It
lays its bloody hands not only on native Americans of
African descent, and their children, for ever but on In-
dians. “Nor is it confined to colour,” says Mr. Pax.
ton, of Virginia. “The best blood in Virginia flows
in the veins of the slaves.” Many who are now held in
slavery, in this nation, are as white as the mastersby
whom they are oppressed.
CHAPTER III.
Number of Americans Enslaved.
The increase of the slave population in these United
States, for the fifty years ending in 1830, has been as
follows:–
Census of Slaves Total population.
1790 697,697, 3,929,827.
1800 896,849, 5,305,925.
1810 1,191,364, 7,289,314.
1820 1,538,064, 9,638,181.
1830 2,010,436, 12,856,407.
Hence it appears, that, according to the ratio of
increase between 1820, and 1830, there must have been
in 1835, not less than 2,245,144 slaves in these United
States.*
* The Whites, it is well known, increase the coloured popu-
lation, but the coloured, cannot increase the whites.


APPENDIX. 125
CHAPTER IV.
Civil Condition of the Enslaved.
1. The master may determine the kind, and degree,
and time of labour, to which the slave shall be subjected.
2. The master may supply the slave with such food
and clothing only, both as to quantity and quality, as
he may think proper, or find convenient.
3. The master may, at his discretion, inflict any
punishment upon the person of his slave.
4. Slaves have no legal right to any property in
things real or personal; but whatever they may ac-
quire, belongs in point of law to their masters.
5. The slave, being a personal chattel, is at all
times liable to be sold absolutely, or mortgaged, or
leased at the will of his master.
6. He may also be sold by process of law, for the
satisfaction of the debts of a living, or the debts and
bequests of a deceased master, at the suit of creditors
or legatees.
7. A slave cannot be a party before a judicial tri-
bunal, in any species of action, against his master, no
matter how atrocious may have been the injury received
from him.
8. Slaves cannot redeem themselves, nor obtain a
change of masters, though cruel treatment may have
rendered such change necessary for their personal safety.
M 3

126 APPENDIX.
9. Slaves can make no contracts.
10. Slavery is hereditary and perpetual.
11. A slave cannot be a witness against a white per-
son, either in a civil or criminal cause.
12. He cannot be a party in a civil suit.
13. The benefits of education are withheld from the
slave.
14. The means of moral and religious instruction,
are not granted to the slave; on the contrary, the
efforts of the humane and charitable to supply these
wants are discountenanced by law.
15. Submission is required of the slave, not to the
will of his master only, but to that of all other white
persons.
16. The penal codes of the slaveholding states bear
much more severely upon slaves than upon white
persons.
17. Slaves are prosecuted and tried upon criminal
accusations, in a manner inconsistent with the rights
of humanity.—Stroud's Slave Laws.
CHAPTER V.
Moral Condition of the Enslaved.
Testimony of The synod of south cARolina AND GEORGI*
The following “facts” are stated in a “Report of the
Synod * of South Carolina and Georgia, to whom was"
* This Synod is composed of Slave-holders.

APPENDix. 127
ſurred the subject of the Religious Instruction of the
coloured population, at its late session, in Columbia,
S. C. Published by order of the Synod,” in the Charles-
ton Observer, of March 22nd, 1834.
“From long continued and close observation,” say
the Synod by their committees, “we believe that their
(coloured population's) moral and religious condition is
such, as that they may justly be considered the heathen
ºf this Christian country, and will bear comparison with
heathem in any country in the world.
* Before we attempt to set forth the duty [to evan-
gelize these heathen] it will be proper to show, that the
negroes are destitute of the privileges of the gospel, and
ever will be, under the present state of things. There were
some exceptions to this, they say, and they ‘rejoice' in
it; but although our assertion is broad, we believe that,
in general, it will be found to be correct.
“A people may be said to enjoy the privileges of the
gospel, when they have, 1st, free access to the scrip-
tures; 2nd, a regular gospel ministry; 3rd, houses for
public worship; 4th, the means of grace in their own
dwellings. In relation to the first of these—free access
to the scriptures—it is universally the fact throughout
the slaveholding states, that either custom or law pro-
hibits to them the acquisition of letters, and consequently
they can have no access to the scriptures; * * * *
so that they are dependent for their knowledge of Chris-
tianity upon oral instruction; as much so as the un-
lettered heathen, when first visited by ourmissionaries.
* * *

128 APPENDIX.
“Have they then that amount of oral instruction
which, in their circumstances, is necessary to their
enjoyment of the gospel? In other words have they
a regular and efficient ministry They have not. In
the vast field extending from an entire state beyond the
Potomac to the Sabine river; and from the Atlantic to
the Ohio, there are to the best of our knowledge, not
twelve men exclusively devoted to the religious instruc.
tion of the negroes! " " " The number I two
millions of souls, and more'] divided between them,
would give to each a charge of near 170,000!!
“As to ministers of their own colour, they are des.
titute infinitely both in point of numbers and quali-
fications.
“But do not the negroes have access to the gospel,
through the stated ministry of the whites? We answer,
No! The white population itself is but partially sup-
plied with ministers; such being the fact, what becomes
of the coloured And the question may be asked with
still greater emphasis, when we know that it has not
been customary for our ministers when they accept
calls for settlement, to consider servants as a regular
part of their charge. * * 3: If we take
the supply of ministers to the whites now in the field,
the amount of their labours in behalf of the negroesis
small.” Something has been done towards the reli-
gious instruction of the negroes: but we venture the
assertion, that if we take the whole number of ministers
in the slave-holding states, but a very small portion pay
any attention to them, * * * No effort is made to

APPENDIX. 129
draw them out to church—but let them come to hear
the preaching of ministers to white congregations, and
such is the elevation of their language, &c., * * *
they might as well preach in Hebrew or Greek. The
negroes do not understand them. Hence their stupid
looks, &c., * * * and their thin attendance. * * *
The whole (of the negroes), professors and non-profes-
sors, are low in the scale of intelligence and morality
and we are astonished thus to find Christianity in abso-
lute conjunction with HEATHENISM, and yet conferring
few or no benefits." They proceed: ‘The negroes
have no regular and efficient ministry; as a matter of
course, no churches, neither is there sufficient room in white
churches for their accommodation.
“We know of but five churches in the slave-holding
States built expressly for their use. These are all in
the State of Georgia—all under coloured pastors, in con-
nexion with the Baptist Association, excepting one,
which has been erected within the past year, by a Pres-
byterian Clergyman, a member of this Synod, at his
own expense—an expense of three or four hundred
dollars; and he supplies the pulpit himself gratuitously.
“The galleries or back seats on the lower floor, of
white churches, are generally appropriated to the ne-
goes, when it can be done with convenience to the
whites; otherwise, the negroes must catch the gospel
as it escapes by the doors and windows.
“We can furnish no accurate estimate of the pro-
130 APPENDIX.
portion of negroes that attend divine worship on the
Sabbath, taking the slave-holding states together. From
an extensive observation, however, we venture to Say,
that not a twentieth part attend | Thousands and thon.
sands hear not the sonnd of the gospel, or ever enter.
church from one year to another.
“We may now inquire if they enjoy the privileges
of the gospel, in private, in their own houses, and on
their own plantations? Again we return a negative
answer. They have no bibles to read at their own
fire-sides—no family altars—and when in affliction,
sickness or death, they have no minister to address to
them the consolations of the gospel, nor to bury them
with solemn and appropriate services. Sometimes a
kind master will perform these offices. If the master
is pious, the house servants alone attend family worship,
and frequently few or none of these.
* Here and there a master feels interested for the
salvation of his servants, and is attempting something
towards, &c. We rejoice that there are such, and that
the number is increasing. In general we may however
remark, that it does not enter into the arrangement of plan-
tations, to make provision for their religious instruction;
and so far as masters are engaged in this work, an almost
unbroken silence reigns over the vast field.
“We feel warranted, therefore, in the conclusion,
that the negroes are destitute of the privileges ºf the
gospel, and must continue to be so, if nothing more is done


APPENDIX. 131
for them.” I give testimony to the above from slave-
holders, because I am often questioned on the subject.
TESTIMONY OF THE REW. C. C. JONES.
The Rev. C. C. Jones, in a sermon preached before
two associations of Planters in Georgia, in 1831, says:
– Generally speaking, they (the slaves) appear to
us to be without God and without hope in the world, a
Nation of HEATHENs in our very midst. We cannot cry
out against the Papist for withholding the Scriptures
from the common people, and keeping them in igno-
rance of the way of life, for we witHHold the Bible
from our servants, and keep them in ignorance of it
while we will not use the means to have it read and
explained to them. The cry of our perishing servants
comes up to us from the sultry plains as they bend
at their toil—it comes up from their humble cottages
when they return at evening to rest their weary limbs
—it comes up to us from the midst of their ignorance,
and superstition, and adultery and lewdness.
TESTIMONY OF THE CHARLESTOWN OBSERVERs
A writer in a late number of this paper, says:–
“Let us establish missionaries among our negroes,
who, in view of religious knowledge, are as debasingly
ignorant as any one on the coast of Africa; for I
hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our
synod, there are at least one hundred thousand slaves,

132 AppENDIX.
speaking the same language as ourselves, who level.
HEARn of the plan of salvation by a Redeemer.”
TESTIMONY OF THE WESTERN LUMINARy.
A writer in the Western Luminary, a respectable
religious paper in Lexington, in Kentuckey, says, “I
proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that hea.
thenism is as real in the slave States as it is in the South
Sea Islands, and that our negroes are as justly objects
of attention to the American and other boards of foreign
missions, as the Indians of the western wilds. What
is it constitutes heathenism Is it to be destitute of a
knowledge of a God—of his holy word—never to have
heard scarcely a sentence of it read through life—to
know little or nothing of the history, character, in-
struction, and mission of Jesus Christ—to be almost
totally devoid of moral knowledge and feeling, of sen.
timents, of probity, truth, and chastity ? If this con-
stitutes heathenism, them are there thousands, millions
of heathens, in our beloved land. There is one topic
to which I will allude, which will serve to establish
the heathemism of this population. I allude to the
universal licentiousness which prevails. It may be said
emphatically that chastity is no virtue among them-
that its violation neither injures female character in
their own estimation, or that of their master or mistress.
No instruction is ever given—no censure pronounced.
1 speak not of the world; I speak or cuRISTIAN FA:
Mt.Lºs GENERALLY.”

APPENDIX. 133
TESTIMONY of J. A. THoMR, of KENTUCKEY. *
* Licentiousness. I shall not speak of the far South,
whose sons are fast melting away under the unblushing
proftigacy which prevails. I allude to the slave-holding
West. It is well known that the slave lodgings (I
refer now to village slaves) are exposed to the entrance
of strangers every hour of the night, and that the sleeping
apartments of both sexes are common.
It is also a fact that there is no allowed intercourse
between the families and servants after the work of the
day is over. The family, assembled for the evening,
enjoy a conversation elevating and instructive. But
the poor slaves are thrust out; no ties of sacred home
thrown around them; no moral instruction to com-
pensate for the toils of the day; no intercourse as of
man with man; and should one of the younger members
of the family, led by curiosity, steal out into the filthy
kitchen, the child is speedily called back, thinking itself
happy if it escape an angry rebuke. Why is this 2
The dread of moral contamination. Most excellent
reason; but it reveals a horrid picture. The slaves, cut
ºff from all community of feeling with their masters, roam
over the village streets, shocking the ear with their vulgar
jestings, and voluptuous songs, or opening their kitchens
to the reception of the neighbouring blacks, they pass the
evening in gambling, dancing, drinking, and the most ob-
scene conversation, kept up until the night is far spent—then
crown the scene with indiscriminate debauchery. Where
* A slave state.
N

134 APPENDIX.
do these things occur ! In the kitchens of church member.
and elders.
TESTIMONY OF THE REV. J. D. PAxTon.
“Some slaves have, indeed, a marriage ceremory per
formed. It is, however, usually done by one of their
own colour, and, of course, is not a legal transaction.
And if done by a person legally authorised to perform
marriages, still it would have no authority, because the
law does not recognise marriage among slaves, so as
to clothe it with the rights and immunities which it
wears among citizens. The owner of either party might
the next day or hour, break up the connexion in any
way he pleased. In fact, these connexions have no
protection, and are so often broken up by sales and
transfers and removals, that they are often by the slaves
called “taking up together. The sense of marriage fide.
lity must be greatly weakened, if not wholly destroyed
by such a state of things. The effect is most disastrous
* But there is another circumstance which deserves
our notice. What effect is likely to be produced on the
whites, from having about them, and under their abº
solute authority, female slaves who are deprived of the
strongest motives to purity, and exposed to peculiar
temptations to opposite conduct! The condition of
female slaves is such, that promises and threatenings
and management can hardly fail to conquer them. They
are entirely dependent on their master. They have
no way to make a shilling, to procure any article they
need. Like all poor people, they are fond of intº

APPENDIX. 135
and wish to imitate those who are above them. What
now, are presents and kind treatment, if they are not
complying, likely to effect on such persons? And the
fact that their children, should they have any through
such intercourse, may expect better treatment from
so near relations, may have its influence. That the
vice prevails to a most shameful extent, is proved from
the rapid increase of mulattoes. Oh, how many have
fallen before this temptation; so many, that it has al-
most ceased to be a shame to fall! Oh, how many
parents may trace the impiety and licentiousness and
shame of their prodigal sons, to the temptations
found in the female slaves of their own or neighbours
households ! Irregular habits are thus formed, which
often last through life. And many a lovely and ex-
cellent woman, confiding in vows of affection and fide-
lity, trusting to her power over her devoted lover, has,
after uniting her fate with his, and giving him all that
a woman has to give, found, when too late, how incor-
rigible are those habits of roving desire, formed in
youth, and kept alive by the temptations and facilities
of the slave system.
“Now, when we read the repeated declarations that
“fornicators and adulterers shall not inherit the kingdom
of God,' and call to mind the teaching of our Lord, that
all intercourse between the sexes, except what takes
place between one man and one woman in marriage
faith, amounts to those crimes; how can we, as believers
in Christianity, uphold a system which presents this
N 2

| 36 APPENDIX.
temptation both to the bond and free, and yet escape a
participation in the guilt?”
TESTIMONY OF THE REV. JOHN RANKIN.
The Rev. John Rankin has the following, among other
statements, on this “delicate subject:”
“Again, slaves, in consequence of the manner in
which they are raised, are generally prone to vicious
indulgences, and many of them are exceedingly prohi.
gate; their master's children often mingle with them,
and not only witness their vicious practices, but also
listen to their lascivious conversation, and thus from
infancy they become familiar with almost everything
wicked and obscene. And this, in connexion with easy
access, becomes a strong temptation to lewdness. Hence
it often happens, that the master's children practice the
same vices which prevail among his slaves; and even
the master himself is liable to be overwhelmed by the
floods of temptation. And in some instances, the father
and his sons are involved in one common ruin; nor do
the daughters always escape this impetuous fountain of
pollution. Were it necessary, I could refer you to
several instances of slaves actually seducing the daugh:
ters of their masters! Such seductions sometimes
happen even in the most respectable slave-holding
families 1’’
TESTIMONY OF S. A. FOR RAL, ESQ-
“Negresses, when young and likely, are often em-
ployed as wet nurses by white people; and also, by

APPENDIX. 137
either the planter or his friends, to administer to their
sensual desires. This frequently is a matter of specula-
tion; for if the offspring, a mulatto, be a handsome
female, 800 or 1000 dollars may be obtained for her in
the New Orleans market. It is an occurrence by no
means uncommon, to see a Christian father sell his own
daughter, and the brother his own sister, by the same
father.
CONDITIONS OF SALVATION.
To claim, hold, and treat a human being as pro-
perty, is utterly at variance with the conditions upon
which man is authorized to expect forgiveness and
Matt. v. 23. Therefore, if thou
bring thy gift to the altar, and there rememberest that
salvation from God.
thy brother hath Aught against thee, leave there thy gift
before the altar, and go thy way; FIRST be reconciled
with thy brother, and then come and offer thy gift.
CHAPTER IX.
Sentiments favourable to the perpetuity of American Slavery
governon mºduFrie.”
“Domestic Slavery, therefore, instead of being a political
evil, is the corner stone of our republican edifice. No
patriot who justly estimates our privileges, will tolerate
the idea of emancipation, at any period, however remote,
* Governor of South Carolina, who is, I understand in England.
N 3

138 APPENDIX.
or on any conditions of pecuniary advantage, however
favourable. I would as soon think of opening a nego-
ciation for selling the liberty of the state at once, as for
making any stipulation for the ultimate emancipation of
our slaves. So deep is my conviction on this subject,
that if I were doomed to die immediately after recording
these sentiments, I could say in all sincerity, and under
all the sanction of Christianity and patriotism, Gon
forbid that my descendants, in the remotest generations,
should live in any other than a community having the
Institution of domestic Slavery.”
TESTIMONY FROM CHARLESTON, S. C.
“One of the most imposing assemblages of citizensin
respect of numbers, intelligence and respectability, that
we have ever witnessed, met yesterday morning at the
City Hall, to receive the report of twenty-one, appointed
by the meeting on the 4th instant, on the incendiary
machinations now in progress against the peace and
welfare of the southern states. The clergy of all de-
nominations attended in a body, lending their sanction to the
proceedings, and adding by their presence, to the impressive
character of the scene"
[After the most violent threats against the discussion
of the subject of slavery, the meeting closed with the
following resolution:]
“On motion of Captain Lynch,
“Resolved, That the thanks of this meeting are due to
the reverend gentlemen of the CLERGY in this city, whº

APPENDIX. 139
have so promptly, and so effectually responded to public
sentiment, by suspending their schools in which the free
coloured population were taught; and that this meeting
deem it a patriotic action, worthy of all praise, and
proper to be imitated by other teachers of similar schools
throughout the state 11 "-Charleston Cour.
TESTIMONY FROM CAMDEN, 8. C.
The following resolution was passed at a meeting of
the citizens of Camden, S. C., in 1834:
“Resolved, That slavery, as it exists with us, we deny
to be an evil, and that we regard those who are now
making war upon it, in any shape, or under any pretext
as furious fanatics or knaves and hypocrites: and we
hereby promise them, upon all occasion which may
put them in our power, the fate of the pirate, the incen-
diary, and the midnight assassin "
TESTIMONY FROM LANCASTERVILLE, S. C.
The following documents are taken from the Southern
Christian Herald :
“At a public meeting, held in Lancasterville, for the
purpose of taking into consideration the proceedings of
the Abolitionists of the North, several resolutions were
passed, and by request, the meeting was addressed by
the Rev. William Carlisle. The Rev. Mr. Postell's
sentiments contained in a letter were read at the meeting.
The purport of the resolutions was as follows:
1. That Slavery, as it exists in the South, is no evil,
140 APPENDIX.
and is consistent with the principles of revealed religion;
that all opposition to it arises from a misguided and
fiendish fanaticism, which we are bound to resistin the
very threshold.
2. That all interference with this subject by fanatics,
is a violation of all our civil and social rights—is un-
christian and inhuman, leading necessarily to anarchy
and bloodshed; and that the instigators are murderers
and assassins.
The resolutions are lengthy. We have attempted to
give only a synopsis of them. To this, we subjoin the
opinions of the Rev. Mr. Thornwell, and the Rev. Mr.
Postell; the former belonging to the Presbyterian, and
the latter to the Methodist Church.”
Rev. J. H. Thornwell's Testimony.
“I cannot regard slavery as a moral evil for the
following reasons :
1. It was distinctly recognised by Moses. There
were several ways in which men, among the Jews.
were reduced to a state of involuntary servitude-
1st. Captivity in war. Deut. i. 14, 21, 10, 11. 2nd.
Debt. 2 Kings iv. 1; Psa. l. 1; Matt. xviii. 25-3rd,
Theft. Ex. xxii. 2, 8; Neh. v. 4, 5, 4th. Birth.
Gen. xiv. 14, 15, 3; Psal. lxxxvi. 16. The phrases
“those born in one's house, the children of maid-ser-
wants, the children of the house, apply to those who
inherited slavery from their parents, 5th. Purchase.
Num, xxxi, 4, 13, 18, 35. Now if slavery were *


APPENDIX. 14|
crime, in itself, how could a legislator, acting under
divine tuition and authority, have recognized its ex-
istence? The principles of moral rectitude are un-
changeable; and it is quite conceivable that a Being
of infinite holiness, should tolerate or sanction, by his
own positive enactments, a state of society directly at
variance with his own nature. What was right three
thousand years ago, must be right now. Expediency
and convenience may change with the changing hue
of the times, but the eternal principles of right must
always remain fixed and immutable.
2. It is not inconsistent with the precepts of Chris-
tianity. 1 Cor. vii. 20, 21. The word translated ser-
want means a slave. 1 Tim. vi. 1.
“As I cannot believe that slavery is wrong in itself,
I am decidedly opposed to the measures of the aboli-
tionists. Revolutions are always dangerous—Long
established institutions cannot be destroyed without
countless hazards, and where there are no immediate
motives of duty that urge to innovation—innovation
ought always to be avoided.
TESTIMONY OF THE REV. J. C. POSTELL, AND REV.
W. CARLISLee
“LANCAstER, Sept. 1st. 1835.
To the Chairman and Members of the Convention
to embody and send abroad resolutions expressive of our
feelings against the Abolitionists:
142 APPENDIX.
Gentlemen, I have been requested to express my
opinions on the subject, to aid your efforts. I regrº.
not being able to attend, and in person express my
opinions on this subject. Being a slave-holder myself
I feel an interest in the question, believing the fac.
tionists are influenced more from self-interested motives
than humanity to the class they pretend to relieve.
Nor can the friends of their country, of the Church
of God, be more distinguished than associated in the
ranks of invincible opposers to Arthur Tappan and his
degraded proselytes. I therefore sum up my views,
and briefly give them on the question, as follows:
1. I view slavery as a judicial visitation, as the
scriptures give an ample and most satisfactory evi.
dence; therefore, it is as practicable to legislate for
the restoration of the Jews, as emancipation of slaves.
2. It is a pointed violation of the federal compact,
and the dissolution of this, breaks the chain of the Union.
3. It is a domestic question; therefore is it a mono-
poly of right, and an usurpation and stretch of power
to legislate for this class, any more than a man's wife
or children.
4. No clergy or church should be tolerated in vio-
lating the peace of families, and infringing on the regu.
larly constituted authorities of our state, in this matter,
The law of the State should be the law of the Church.
Hastily, but respectfully submitted, by request.
J. C. Postel.”
“I beg leave to subscribe my name to the above.
WILLIAM CARLisle.


APPENDIX. 143
TESTIMONY OF THE CHARLESTOWN COURIER.
* We protest against the assumption—the unwarrant-
able assumption—that slavery is ultimately to be ex-
tipated from the southern states. Ultimate abolitionists
are enemies of the South, the same in kind, and only
less in degree, than immediate abolitionists.”
TESTIMONY OF THE COLUMBIA, S. C. TELESCOPE.
* Let us declare, through the public journals of our
country, that the question of slavery is not, and shall
not be open to discussion—that the system is deep
rooted among us, and MUST REMAIN For ever ; that the
very moment any private individual attempts to lecture
us upon its evils and immorality, and the necessity of
putting means in operation to secure us from them, in
the same moment his tongue shall be cut out and cast upon
a dunghill.
TESTIMONY OF THE CHARLESTON COURIER,
“As a man, a Christian, and a citizen, we believe
that slavery is right ; that the condition of the slave,
as it now exists in slave-holding states, is the best
existing organization of civil society.
TESTIMONY OF THE WASHINGTON TELEGRAPH.
“We beg him, however, [Mr. Fletcher, one of the
speakers in Fanueil Hall] and all who like him, ac-
knowledge their affectionate interest in their political
obligations to the South, to disabuse themselves of the
notion that the South regards slavery as an evil, or even
144 APPENDIX.
dreams of its removal. Our institutions are likely to
endure for ages, if not to be perpetual; and while they
do endure, and are endured by us, we cannot recognize
| the moral or social, to say nothing of the political pro-
priety, of denouncing them as evil. Our right in the
subject-matter is perfect and exclusive, and not a
tongue should wag, or breath be stirred, against its
exercise.”
TESTIMONY OF THE AUGUSTA GEORGIA CHRONICLE.
“He [Amos Dresser"] should have been hung up as
high as Haman to rot upon the gibbet, until the wind
- whistled through his bones. The cry of the whole
South should be, DEATH INSTANT DEATH to the
abolitionist, wherever he is caught. Northern aboli-
| tionists are a class of desperate fanatics, who, to accom-
plish their unhallowed ends, are ready to sacrifice our
lives, and those of our wives and children. Keep their
- publications from among us, and HANG every emis-
sary that dares step a lawless foot upon our soil-cut
off all trade with every northern house connected with
them, &c.
FURTHER TESTIMONY FROM THE REV. J. C. POSTELL.
The following is from an Address of the Rev. J. C.
Postell, delivered at a public meeting, held at Orange-
burgh Court-House, S. C., on the 21st of July, 1836.
“I have not time, at present, nor do I wish to tres:
pass upon your patience, in a lengthy address on this
* Amos Dresser, was an abolitionist, caught in one of the
slave-holding states, and punished.


APPENDIX. 145
subject; but to comply with your request, involves my
duty as your minister, and the servant of the Church,
and from what has been premised, the following con-
clusions result:
1st. That slavery is a judicial visitation.
2nd. That it is not a moral evil.
3rd. That it is supported by the Bible.
4th. It existed in all ages.
The reverend orator then takes up the above points,
and argues them at some length, but we have not room
to follow him. On the second proposition he says:
“It is not a moral evil. The fact that slavery is of
Divine appointment, would be proof enough with the
Christian, that it could not be a moral evil. But when
weview the hordes of savages, marauders and human
cannibals enslaved to lust and passion, and abandoned
to idolatry and ignorance, to revolutionize them from
such a state, and enslave them where they may have
the Gospel, and the privileges of Christians, so far from
being a moral evil, it is a MERCIFUL visitArios. There
can be no moral evil in ameliorating the condition of our
fellow-men. But in some instances, slavery has been
ºppressive, and truly distressing. The situation of the
Israelites under Egyptian bondage, was an afflictive
dispensation of God’s Providence. But will the abo-
litionists contend it was a moral evil, or will they say
it was the chastisement of God for their disobedience,
when God saw proper to remove it, he did so And
so he will throughout—and all other efforts will prove
O

146 APPENDix.
abortive. If slavery was either the invention of man
or a moral evil, it is logical to conclude, the power to
create has the power to destroy. Why, then, has it
existed And why does it now exist? amidst all the
power of legislation in state and church, and the clamour
of abolitionists. “It Is THE Lond's Dongs, AND Man.
veLlous IN our Eyes.” And had it not been done for
the best, God alone who is able, would long since have
overruled it. It Is BY Divine Appoint MENT, and in the
decalogue, the Almighty Jehovah says, “I am the Al-
mighty God, who brought you out of the land of Egypt,
out of the house of bondage, therefore, ‘Thou shall
have no other gods before me, thou shalt not bow down
nor worship them.’ You are not to subscribe to their
opinions, nor reverence their doctrines, for I alone can
deliver, and not man; therefore look to me and trust
not in an arm of flesh.”
And, accordingly, the practice of southern Christians
and ministers of the Gospel, correspond with the fore.
going sentiments.
TESTIMONY OF THE REv. JAMES SMYLIE.
The Reverend James Smylie, A. M., a Presbyterian
minister in Mississippi, says in a pamphlet, he has
recently published in favour of American slavery:
“If slavery be a sin, and advertising and apprehend.
ing slaves with a view to restore them to their masters,
is a direct violation of the divine law, and if the buying,
selling, or holding a slave for the sake ºf gain, is a hemious

APPENDIX. 147
sin and scandal, then verily, three-fourths of all the
Episcopalians, Methodists, Baptists and Presbyterians in
leven states of the union, are of the Devil.-They hold,”
if they do not buy slaves, and, with few erceptions, they
hesitated not to “apprehend and restore' run-away slaves
when in their power.” -
CHARLESTON UNION PRESBYTERY.
Extracts from the minutes of the Charleston Union
Presbytery, at their meeting on the 7th April, 1836.
“It is a principle which meets the views of this body,
that slavery, as it exists among us, is a political institu-
tion, with which ecclesiastical judicatories have not the
smallest right to interfere; and in relation to which, any
such interference, especially at the present momentous
crisis, would be morally wrong, and fraught with the
most dangerous and permicious consequences. The
sentiments which we maintain, in common with Christians
at the South of every denomination,-are sentiments which
so fully approve themselves to our consciences, are so
identified with our solemn convictions of duty, that we
should maintain them under any circumstances.
E. T. Bust, Moderator.
B. GILDERsleeve, Temporary Clerk.”
SYNOD OF SOUTH CAROLINA AND GEORGIA.
Resolution of the Presbyterian Synod of South
Carolina and Georgia, Dec, 1834.
* Resolved, unanimously, That in the opinion of this
o 2

| 48 APPENDIX.
Synod, Abolition Societies, and the principles on which
they are founded, in the United States, are inconsisten.
with the interests of the slaves, the rights of the holders,
and the great principles of our political institution.”
TESTIMONY OF THE MISSIONARY SOCIETY OF THE
SOUTH CAROLINA CONFERENCE.
The following declaration of sentiments has been pub-
lished in Charleston, South Carolina, by the Board of
Managers of the Missionary Society of the South Caro.
lina Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church.
“We denounce the principles and opinions of the
abolitionists in toto ; and solemnly do declare our con-
viction and belief that, whether they were originated, as
some business men have thought, as a money specula.
tion, or, as some politicians think, for party electioneering
purposes, or, as we are inclined to believe, in a false
philosophy, over-reaching or setting aside the scriptures
through a vain conceit of higher moral refinement, they
are utterly erroneous, and altogether hurtful. We con-
sider and believe that the Holy Scriptures, sofar from
giving any countenance to this delusion, do equivocally
authorise the relation of MASTER and slave.”
HOPEWELL PRESBYTERY, SOUTH CAROLINA.
On the subject of domestic slavery, this Presbytery
believe the following facts have been most incontrover-
tibly established, viz:
“I. Slavery has existed in the church of God from

AppENDIX. 149
the time of Abraham to this day. Members of the
church of God, have held slaves bought with their
money, and born in their houses, and this relation is not
only recognized, but its duties are defined clearly, both
in the Old and New Testaments.
2. Emancipation is not mentioned among the duties
of the master to his slave. While obedience even to
the froward’ master is enjoined upon the slave.
3. No instance can be produced of an otherwise
orderly Christian, being REPRoved, much less Excommu-
Nicated from the church, for the single act of holding
domestic slaves, from the days of Abraham down to the
date of the modern abolitionist,
4. Slavery existed in the United States before our
ecclesiastical body was organised. It is not condemned
in our Confession of Faith, and has always existed in
our church without reproof or condemnation.
5. Slavery is a political institution with which the
church has nothing to do, except to inculcate the duties
of master and slave, and to use lawful spiritual means to
have all, bond and free, become one in Christ by faith.
Regarding these positions as undoubtedly true, our
views of duty constrain us to adopt the following
resolutions :
Resolved, That the political institutions of domestic
slavery, as it exists in the South, is not a lawful or con-
stitutional subject of discussion, much less of action, by
the General Assembly.
Resolved, That so soon º the General Assembly
O =

150 APPENDIX.
passes any ecclesiastical laws, or recommends any action
which shall interfere with this institution, this Presby.
tery will regard such laws and acts as tyrannical and
odious—and from that moment, will regard itself inde.
pendent of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
Church.
Resolved, That our delegates to the approaching As
sembly are hereby enjoined to use all Christian means
to prevent the discussion of domestic slavery in the
Assembly—to protest, in our name, against all acts that
involve or approve abolition—and to withdraw from the
Assembly and to return home, if, in spite of their efforts,
acts of this character shall be passed.”
SYNOD OF VIRGIN.I.A.
“The committee to whom were referred the resolu.
tions, &c., have, according to order, had the same
under consideration—and respectfully report that in
their judgment, the following resolutions are necessary
and proper to be adopted by the Synod at the present
time.
Whereas, the publications and proceedings of cer.
tain organized associations, commonly called anti-sla-
very, or abolition societies, which have arisen in some
parts of our land, have greatly disturbed, and are still
greatly disturbing the peace of the church and of the
country; and the Synod of Virginia deem it a solemn
duty which they owe to themselves and to the com:

APPENDIX. | 5 |
munity, to declare their sentiments upon the subject;
therefore :
Resolved, unanimously, That we consider the dogma
fiercely promulgated by said associations—that slavery
asitexists in our slave-holding Statesis necessarily sinful,
and ought to be immediately abolished, and the con-
clusions which naturally follow from that dogma, as di-
rectly and palpably contrary to the plainest principles
of common sense and common humanity, and to the
clearest authority of the word of God.”
TESTIMONY OF THE REV. R. N. ANDERSON.
“To the Sessions of the Presbyterian Congregations
within the bounds of the West Hanover Presbytery;
“At the approaching stated meeting of our Pres-
bytery, I design to offer a preamble and string of re-
solutions on the subject of the use of wine in the Lord's
Supper; and also a preamble and string of resolu-
tions on the subject of the treasonable and abominably
wicked interference of the northern and eastern fanatics
with our political and civil rights, our property and
our domestic concerns. You are aware that our clergy,
whether with or without reason, are more suspected
by the public than are the clergy of other denomina-
tions. Now, dear Christian brethren, I humbly express
it as my earnest wish, that you quit yourselves like
men. If there be any stray goat of a minister among
us, tainted with the blood-hound principles of aboli-
tionism, let him be ferreted out, silenced, excommu-

152 AppENDix.
nicated, and left to the public to dispose of him in other
respects.
“Your affectionate brother in the Lord,
1835. Robert N. Anderson tº
GENERAL CONFERENCE OF THE M. E. CHURCH IN 1830,
But the above was long ago left out of the Discipline
of this church, and at the last session of its highest
ecclesiastical body in Cincinnati, in May, 1836, the
following resolution was adopted, yeas 120, noes 14.
“Resolved, by the delegates of the Annual Confe-
rences, in the General Conference assembled, That they
are decidedly opposed to modern abolitionism, and
wholly disclaim any right, wish, or intention to interfere
in the civil and political relation between master and
slave, as it exists in the slave-holding states of this
Union.”
A motion was made, to amend the above resolution
by putting in the words, “Although we are as much
as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery,” the
language of the Discipline, but this motion was lost.
TESTIMONY OF THE REW, W. WINANS.
At this same general conference of the M. E. Church,
the Rev. Mr. Winans, a prominent, popular preacher,
and a southern delegate, confessed himself there a slave-
holder; solemnly asserting that “it was important to
the interests of the slave, and in view of the question
of slavery, that there be Christians who were slave-

APPENDIX. | 53
holders. Christian ministers should be slave-holders,
and diffused throughout the South.” Yes, he repeated,
there should be “members, and DEA cons, and ELDERs,
and BISHOPS too, who were slave-holders.”
Mr. Winans, in relating an anecdote in Conference,
to show the inexpediency of abolition efforts, as regards
their influence on the prosperity of the southern church,
intimated that the article in the Methodist Discipline on
the subject of slavery, was in fact a dead letter.
TESTIMONY OF DIR. CAPERS.
Dr. Capers in his speech, in mentioning various rea-
sons why Methodists, after a certain date, became less
odious to the people of the southern states, said—“at
length people began to consider that many of them
were slave-holders—why should they be insurrec-
tionists º'
Again—the southern section of the Methodist church
is now murmuring because slave-holding ministers are
excluded from the highest offices in the churches—
may more–disunion is seriously, openly hinted at by
prominent preachers in the South, if hereafter, the fact
of a minister being a slave-holder, is considered valid rea-
son for withholding from him the office of Bishop.
TESTIMONY OF PROFESSOR: HODGE.
“It is acknowledged, that, at the time of the Ad-
vent of Jesus Christ, slavery in its worst forms, pre-
valled over the world. The Saviour found it around

154 APPENDIX.
him in Judea ; the apostles met with it in Asia, Greece,
and Italy. How did they treat it? Not by the denun-
ciation of slave-holding as necessarily sinful, The ºs-
sumption that slave-holding is, in itself, a crime, is not
only an error, but it is an error fraught with evil
consequences.”
Bib, Rep. April, 1836.
TESTIMONY OF W. B. SCABROOK, of s.c.
“In the judgment of my fellow citizens, slavery is
not inconsistent with the laws of nature, and of God. The
Bible informs us, that it was established and sanc.
tioned by divine authority, even among the elect of
Heaven.”
Essay, read before the Agricultural Society of St. John's
Collection, 1836.
TESTIMONY OF EDWARD BROWN, OF 5. CAROLINA.
“Slavery has ever been the step-ladder by which
civilized countries have passed from barbarism to
civilization. It appears, indeed, to be the only state
capable of bringing the love of independence and of
ease inherent in man, to the discipline necessary to the
supply of food, raiment, and shelter, necessary to his
physical wants.”
Notes on the origin and necessity of Slavery, 1826.
TESTIMONY or DR. DALcHo, or S. CAROLINA.
* Slavery is not forbidden by the Divine Law, so it

APPENDIX. 155
is left to our own judgment whether we hold slaves or
not.” -
Practical Considerations, &c. 1823.
CHARLESTON COURIER.
“We confidently pronounce, that he must wilfully
shut his eyes against the broad and palpable light of
truth, who will not acknowledge that the Old Testament
conclusively shows, that slavery was not only not
condemned, but received the express sanction of the God
of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob.”
1835.
TESTIMONY OF W. A. DUER, L.L. D.
“We deny that it is a crime to retain [in slavery]
those ignorant and helpless beings, who have been cast
upon [our] protection, as well as thrown into [our]
power by no act of their own.”
3rd An. Rep. N. Y. City Col. Society.
TESTIMONY OF THE QUARTERLY CHRISTIAN
SPECTATOR.
“The bible contains no explicit prohibition of slavery
it recognizes both in the Old Testament and in the New
such a constitution of Society, and it lends its authority
to enforce the mutual obligations resulting from that
constitution.”
1833.

#56 APPENDIx.
TESTIMONY OF DIR. R. Fun MAN.
“The right of holding slaves is clearly established in
the Holy Scriptures, both by precept and example.
Exposition of the views of the Baptists, addressed to the
Governor of S. Carolina, 1833.
TESTIMONY OF T. R. DEW, PROF. or HISTORY,
METAPHYSICS AND POLITICAL LAW, IN will IAM
AND MARY COLLEGE.
“Slavery was established and sanctioned by Divine
authority, among even the elect of Heaven—the favoured
children of Israel.”
Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature
of 1831 and 1832.
THE COUNTER A PPEAL.
“The general rule of Christianity not only permits,
but in supposable circumstances, enjoins a continuance ºf
the master's authority.
We say then, that this text in Col. iii. 22–25, proves
to a demonstration, that in the primitive Christian church
at Colosse, under the Apostolic eye, and with the Apos-
tolic sanction, the relation of master and slave was permitted
to subsist.
1 Cor. vii. 20–23.
This text seems mainly to enjoin and sanction the fitting
continuance of their present social relations; the free-
man was to remain free, and the slave, unless emanti-
pation should offer, was to remain a slave.
APPENDIX. i º
S.7
The New Testament, enjoins obedience upon the
slave as an obligation due to a present rightful authority.
It is manifest that the question of slave emancipa-
tion did agitate the primitive church in the apostle's
day. Christianity arose, with the golden rule for its
motto, and equalizing love for its spirit; and no ques-
tion could be more natural, than whether it did not
break every fetter and equalize the slave to his master.
Upon this the apostle pronounces his decisive negative
dictum.
Christianity spread in a land where slavery existed
as cruel and licentious as ever existed in this country;
yet it did not, on account of those heathenish abuses,
pronounce the relation itself immutably wrong; it did
not excommunicate the slave-holder as not truly awak-
ened; and though he held in subordination men who
themselves, or whose ancestry had been stolen, it did
not pronounce the holder a man-thief; nor did it impe-
ratively require of him the performance of immediate
emancipation.” -
W. FISH,
John LINDSLEy,
BARTHolloMEw OTHEMAN,
HEzERIAH. S. RAMSDELL,
Edward T. TAYLoR,
ABEL STEvºNs,
JAcos SANDB.o.B.NE,
H. H. WHITE,
March, 27, 1835.
P



158 APPENDIX.
TESTIMONY OF PROFESSOR: WIHEDON.
“There were Christian or believing slave-holders in
the [primitive] Christian church. Now whatever tow\og
means, here (1 Tim. vi. 2) despotai are unequivocally
slave-holders, who are “brethren, faithful and beloved,
partakers of the [gospel] benefit.’”
Zion's Herald of March 30, 1886,
TESTIMONY OF THE REV. W. FISK, D. D.
“The relation of master and slave, may and does, in
many cases, exist, under such circumstances, as free the
master from the just charge and guilt of immorality.”
Letter to Rev. T. Merritt.
TESTIMONY OF THE REV. N. RANGS, D. D.
“It appears evident, that however much the apostle
might have deprecated slavery, as it then existed through-
out the Roman empire, he did not feel it his duty, as an
ambassador of Christ, to disturb those relations which
subsisted between masters and servants, by denouncing
slavery as such a mortal sin that they could not be
servants of Christ in such a relation.”
Christ. Ad, and Journal, No. 431.
The foregoing extracts are not quoted here to prove
that each of the authors of them designed to justify or
defend slavery as a system. But we think they do prove
beyond a doubt, that the sentiment prevails very exten-
sively throughout America among professors of re-
ligion, ministers of the Gospel, presidents of colleges

APPENDIX. 159
&c. &c., that, the act of slave-holding is, not in itself,
sinful; and consequently it follows, that a great change
must take place in the views of this nation before slavery
will ever be abolished.
CHAPTER VII.
FACTS DEMONSTRATING THE SAFETY OF
IMMEDIATE AND UN CONDITIONAL E MANCIPATION.
“To say that immediate emancipation is not safe, is to
say, that it is not safe for human beings to obey their
Creator.
To deny the safety of immediate emancipation, is to
doubt the first principles of common sense—the opera-
tions of moral cause and effect—and the testimony of
universal experience and history. The writings of
Clarkson and Stuart have triumphantly established this
point, and the world has been challenged in vain to pro-
duce an instance of starvation or bloodshed, in conse-
quence of emancipation.
To say that immediate emancipation is not safe, is to
say, that it is not safe for human beings to be free It is to
say, what the despots of all ages and nations have said
and still say—that the labouring classes of mankind are
incapable of self-government, and ought to be kept under
the control of their superiors'—R. I. A. Convention.
ST. DOMINGO.
A civil war broke out on this Island, in June, 1793,
between the republicans and planters. The latter called
p 2

160 APPENDIX.
in the aid of Great Britain; upon which the republicans
proclaimed immediate freedom to about six hundred
thousand slaves, and armed them against their foes. No
evil consequences followed; every thing went on pros-
perously till eight years afterwards, when the French
planters attempted to seduce the blacks again to slavery.
GAUDALOUPE.
In 1794, eighty-five thousand slaves were set free in
this Island, where there was a population of only thirteen
thousand whites. No disasters followed.
REPUBLIC OF COLUMBIA.
All the slaves who had fought for this republic were
emancipated in 1821.
Slavery was abolished in Mexico in 1829. No insur-
rections followed as the consequence.
CAPE COLONY.
Thirty thousand Hottentots were emancipated here
in 1823, with perfect safety.
CHAPTER VIII.
FACTS DEMONSTRATING THE DANGER OF
CONTINUED SLAVERY.
1712. Insurrection in New York.
I. In 1712, a plot was formed by a number of slaves
in New York, to obtain their liberty by massacring tº
whites. They killed a number of persons, and eight*
of them were put to death for rebellion.

A1: PENDIX. 161
1720. Murder in South Carolina.
2. A Mr. Cottle, a negro boy, and a white woman,
were murdered, in South Carolina, in 1720. Three
slaves suffered death as the consequence.
1728. Insurrection in Savannah.
3. An insurrection in Savannah, Ga., in 1728, by the
slaves. They were fired upon twice. Their design was
to destroy all the whites in order to obtain their liberty.
1729. Insurrection in Antigua.
4. A plot was formed in 1729, by the slaves in
Antigua, to destroy the whites. Three of the conspi-
rators were taken and burnt alive.
1730. Insurrection in Virginia.
5. An insurrection of the slaves occurred in Virginia,
in 1730. Five counties were in arms with orders to kill
all the blacks who refused to submit.
1730. Insurrection in South Carolina.
6. In August of the same year the slaves in South
Carolina, conspired to destroy all the whites, in order to
obtain their liberty.
1731. Murder on Ship board.
7. In 1731, three of the crew of Capt. Scott, of R.I.
were murdered on board the ship in which they were
returning from Guinea with a cargo of slaves.
p 3

162 APPENDIX.
1732. Murder on Ship board.
8. The next year a Capt. Major of N. H., was mur-
dered with the whole of his crew, by the slaves which
he had on board.
1784. Insurrection in Pennsylvania.
9. In 1734, an insurrection broke out among the
slaves in Burlington, Pennsylvania.
1735. Ship Dolphin blown up.
10. The ship Dolphin, of London, was blown up in
1735, by the slaves on board the whole on board
perished.
1739 Three Insurrections in South Carolina.
11. The bloody insurrections occurred S. Carolina,
in the year 1739. In one of them which took place in
September, twenty-five white and thirty-four slaves were
killed, and others gibbeted alive.
1740. Insurrection in South Carolina.
12. The next year another insurrection occurred in
the same place, and twenty persons were killed.
1741. Dreadful insurrection in New York.
* 13. In 1741, a dreadful insurrection broke out among
the slaves in the state of New York. Of the conspira-
tors, thirteen were burned alive, eighteen hung, and
eighty colonized in the West Indies.
* This was before the slaves were Emancipated in that State,
where they are now free.

APPENDIX. i 63
1747. Murders committed on Ship board.
14. In 1747, the Captain and all the crew, except
two, of a slave ship belonging to R. Island, were mur-
dered by the slaves on board. Their desire was freedom.
1754. Two women burned alive in South Carolina.
15. In June, 1754, two women were burnt alive in
Charleston, S. C., for setting fire to a building. Their
object was to obtain their freedom.
1755. Two men put to death in Massachusetts.
16. In September, 1765, two slaves were put to
death in Cambridge, Mass., for poisoning their master,
in order to get their freedom.
1761. Insurrection in Jamaica.
17. In October, 1761, an insurrection took place
among the slaves in Jamaica. We have heard of no
insurrection in that island since the slaves were set
free.
1761. Insurrection in Bermuda.
18. The same year, the slaves in Bermuda re-
belled, and threatened to destroy all their masters.
Two of the conspirators were put to death: one was
hanged, and one burnt alive.
1761. Murder on Ship board.
19. Forty slaves were killed on board an enslaver,
commanded by Capt. Nichols of Boston, Mass., in
1761.

164: AppENDIX,
1791. Horrors of St. Domingo.
20. The horrors of St. Domingo are often referred
to. But the great massacres, which makes so frightful
a picture in the history of this island, occurred in 1791
and 1792, before the emancipation of the slaves had
been even contemplated; and these were caused by the
planters, and not by the slaves. The sudden emanci-
pation of five hundred thousand slaves, in this island,
put an end to the civil war which had been raging with
dreadful fury for more than two years. “The Colony,”
says Lacroix, “marched as by enchantment towards its
ancient splendour; cultivation prospered; and every
day produced perceptible proof of its progress. The
blacks were peaceable, the colony flourished, and no
evil consequences followed emancipation, till eight
years after, when Buonaparte attempted to reduce the
blacks again to a state of slavery.” Then it was that
the scenes of carnage and bloodshed followed, on the
account of which we are so frequently told to “look to
St. Domingo;” and this, too, when every person ac-
quainted with its history knows that those scenes were
caused by a cruel attempt to reduce free men to a state of
slavery.
1822. Thirty-fire persons put to death in South Carolina.
21. In July 1822, thirty-five slaves were put to death
in S. C. for an attempt to gain their liberty.

APPENDIX. | 65
1825. A man burned alive in South Carolina.
22. A negro slave named William, is stated in a
S. C. paper to have been burned alive near Greenville,
S. C., for the murder of a white man,—Phil. Gaz.,
Aug. 1825. -
23. In 1826, sixty slaves were put to death in New-
bern, S. C. for the same cause.
1831. Insurrection in Southampton, Virginia.
24. The insurrection in Southampton county, Virginia,
occurred in 1831, and was headed by Nat. Turner, a
slave, and member of the Baptist church. Upwards of
sixty-four persons lost their lives in that dreadful com-
motion.
The following was narrated by the Rev. M. B. Cox,
late Missionary to Liberia, soon after the event oc-
curred :-
“Immediately after the insurrection above named, a
slave-holder went into the woods, in quest of some
of the insurgents, accompanied by a faithful slave, who
had been the means of saving his life in time of the
massacre. When they had been some time in the
woods, the slave handed his musket to his master, in-
forming him at the same time, that he could not live a
slave any longer, and requested him either to set him
free or shoot him on the spot. The master took the
gun from the hands of the slave, levelled it at his
breast, and shot the faithful negro through the heart.”

166 APPENDIX.
Summary of events in 1832.
25. The following occurrences are set down to the
credit of slavery for the year 1832. Could one-half the
evils here enumerated, be traced to an instance of
general and immediate emancipation, it would be
thought abundantly sufficient to decide the question be.
tween us and our opponents.
William, a slave in Charleston, S. C., executed for
wounding two white men.
A run-away slave, to prevent being arrested, drowned
himself at New Orleans.
Mulatto man Philip, hung at the South for the mur-
der of Mrs. Fayat.
The slave of R. Felton, Esq. of N. C. murdered by
another slave.
Two slaves hung at Petersburg, Va., for breaking
open a counting room.
Three slaves hung in Rowan Co. N. C.–Newton
and Daniel, for burning a barn and five horses, and
Charles, for drowning a child of Alexander Neely, two
years old.
Discovery of a conspiracy amongst the slaves of
Martinique, having for its object the destruction of the
white inhabitants of that island.
A Mrs. Marks, a widow, living near Claiborne,
Alabama, murdered by her own slave.
A run-away slave hung at Charleston, S. C., for mur-
dering Prince, a slave belonging to Col. Hunt, by
whipping him to death.

APPENDix. 167
The overseer of a plantation in the island of Santa
Cruz, called Golden Grove, belonging to a citizen of
Boston, murdered by three slaves for violating the
chastity of their wives. The slaves shot like dogs.
A run-away slave, belonging to a Mr. Walker, of
Perry county, Albama, caught, tied to a horse, and run
to death, by his master.
A slave about to be separated from his wife and chil-
dren, threw himself from a steam-boat into the Ohio
river, and was drowned.
A Mr. Coleman murdered at the South by two of his
own slaves.
More than fifty persons at Bishopsville, S. C., be-
longing to the Union Party, poisoned at a celebration on
the 5th of July, by the cook infusing arsenic into the
food. None died. The instigator of this foul deed, a
slave, hung.
John Puryear, a planter, living in Athens, Ga., mur-
dered his overseer.
A Miss Denton murdered by a alave near Lancaster-
ville, S.C.
A Mr. Murphy killed in Florence, Alabama, by a
slave, for chastising the wife of the slave in his pre-
sence. Slave hung.
Andrew Young, and his wife, of Montgomery
county, Alabama, both murdered in a shocking manner
by one of their slaves.
Three slave vessels captured by British cruisers
which had originally 1100 slaves on board, but of which
they succeeded in taking only 306 to Sierra Leone. The
168 APPENDIX.
kidnappers threw overboard 180 slaves, manacled to.
gether, four of whom only were picked up.
A conspiracy discovered among the slaves in Fayette-
ville, Tennessee. Their object, it was said, was to set
fire to some building, and amidst the confusion of the
citizens, to seize as many guns and implements of de-
struction as they could procure, and commence ageneral
massacre, many of them suffered horrible punishments.
Another conspiracy discovered among two gold min-
ing companies of slaves in North Carolina. Their plan
was to commence at the gold mines, and kill all the
whites there: thence one company was to go to Ruther-
fordton, the other to Morganton, and take the towns.
There they expected to get arms and ammunition to
carry on their operations.
A female slave hung in Norfolk for poisoning two
coloured women.
Henry Isbell, of Bean Creek, Fair Field District, S.
C. on receiving doubtful information that two run-away
slaves were in the lane leading to his house, in the even-
ing, went forth with his gun and dogs to destroy them.
He deliberately fired at one of them, and killed him.
Instead of a slave, the victim proved to be a friend and
neighbour of the murderer!
A coloured man, named Thomas Mitchell, who had re-
sided as a freeman two or three years in Ohio, on being
seized by his master, precipitated himself from the
fourth story of one of the hotels in Cincinnati, in which
he had been put for safe keeping, and expired in a few
hours,


APPENDIX. 169
A general insurrection of the slaves in Jamaica. One
hundred and fifty plantations were burnt, between two
and three thousand slaves killed, and a large number of
whites; and the whole loss occasioned by the rebellion
and attempts to suppress it, valued at five millions of
dollars.
But it were useless to multiply facts of this kind.
The reader is referred for further information upon this
subject to Holme's Annals, and also to Lectures on
Slavery, by Rev. A. A. Phelps.
The above must be sufficient to convince any mind
susceptible of conviction, that the greatest danger arises,
not from freedom granted, but from freedom withheld.
CHAPTER IX.
Special recognition of Slavery in the district of Columbia.
1. Slavery in the District of Columbia, has been
acknowledged, and its existence recognized there by
special laws of the United States. -
June 12, 1834, a bill was passed by the House of
Representatives, giving the right to Edward Brooke, a
resident of the District, to bring into it two slaves, and
retain them as his property. This bill passed by a vote
of 106 to 47.
Q

- -
170 APPENDIX.
Slavery perpetuated by the property of the United States.
2. The property of the United States Government is
used to perpetuate slavery, and the slave trade in that
country. In 1826, Congress appropriated out of the
public treasury 5000 dollars, “for the purpose of altering
and repairing the jail in the city of Washington,” and
10,000 dollars to build “a county jail for the city and
county of Alexandria.”
For what purposes these prisons are used, the follow-
ing notices will show –
Notice.
“Was committed to the prison of Washington, county
D. C., on the 19th day of May, 1834, as a run-away, a
negro man who calls himself David Peck. He is 5
feet 8 inches high. Had on, when committed, a check
shirt, linen pantaloons, and straw hat. He says he is
free, and belongs to Baltimore. The owner or owners,
are hereby requested to come forward, prove him, and
take him away, or he will be sold for his prison and other
expenses, as the Law directs.
James WILLIAMs,
Keeper of the Prison of Washington, Co., D.C.
For Alexander Hunter, M. D. C.
The above is but a specimen. One keeper of the
jail in Washington, has stated, that in five years, up-

APPENDIX. 171
wards of four hundred and fifty coloured persons had
been lodged there for safe keeping, i.e. until they could
be disposed of in the course of the slave trade;—besides
nearly three hundred, who had been taken up and lodged
there as run-aways.
Revenue received by the general Government from Slatery.
3. The government of the American nation receives
a constant revenue, for licenses granted to slave dealers
in the district of Columbia.
“For a license to trade or traffic in slaves for profit,
whether as agent or otherwise, four hundred dollars:”—
The Register to “deposit all monies received from taxes
imposed by this act to the credit of the Canal Fund.”
—City Laws, p. 249. Approvd by Congress, July, 1831.
Internal Slace Trade tolerated by Congress.
4. Congress has “power to regulate commerce be-
tween the states,”
the domestic slave trade, which is constantly producing
such an awful amount of misery, and yet it refuses to
abolish this nefarious traffic.—Constitution U. States,
Art. 1, Sec. 8.
and consequently it has control of
Slavery is protected by the United States Army.
5. An officer of the United States' army, who was in
the expedition from fortress Monroe, against the South-
Q 2
172 APPENDIX.
ampton slaves, in 1831, speaks with constant horror of the
scenes which he was compelled to witness. Those troops,
agreeably to their orders, which were to exterminate
the negroes, killed all that they met with, although they
encountered neither resistance, nor show of resistance;
and the first check given to this widebarbarous slaughter
grew out of the fact, that the law of Virginia, which
provides for the payment to the master of the full value
of an executed slave, was considered as not applying to
the cases of slaves put to death without trial. In con-
sequence of the numerous representations to this effect,
sent to the officer of the United States' army, command-
ing the expedition, the massacre was suspended.”—
Child’s Oration.
In 1832, a company of U.S. troops were ordered to
Newbern, N. C. to keep the slaves in awe, at the re-
quest of many ladies made to the President.
Free-born Americans reduced to Slavery by the
United States' Laws.
6. Laws are now in force, enacted by Congress, by
which free-born citizens of this republic are reduced to
slavery.
In 1890, “the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of America in Congress assembled,"
empowered the corporation of the city of Washington,
“to prescribe the terms and conditions upon which free
negroes and mulattos may reside in the city.” On this
authority, in May, 1827, that corporation enacted, that


APPENDIX. 173
“every free negro or mulatto, whether male or female,
who may come to the city of Washington to reside, shall
within thirty days, exhibit to the Mayor satisfactory
evidence of his or her title to freedom to be recorded,
and shall enter into bonds, with two freehold sureties,
in the penalty of 500 dollars, conditioned on his or her
good conduct, that they will not become chargeable to
the corporation for the space of twelve months”—the
bond “to be renewed every year for THREE YEARs. On
failure of this, he or she must depart the city, or be
committed to the workhouse not exceeding twelve months
in any one imprisonment.” “And all negroes found
residing in the city after the passage of this act who
shall not be able to establish their title to freedom (ex-
cept such as may be hired) shall be committed to the
jail, as absconding slaves.”
By this law colour is made a crime, which first robs
citizens of their constitutional, as well as inalienable
rights, and is then taken as evidence that they are slaves;
and then to crown all, a large posse of officers, some
of them in the pay of government, are “charged” with
the execution of the laws, and “forfeit and pay for
every neglect or failure, a fine not exceeding twenty
dollars.”—City Laws, p. 198.
The result is, that free citizens are often arrested,
plunged into prison, and then sold for their jail fees as
slaves for life.
Q 3

174 APPENDIX.
This nation affords no protection to Fugitive Slaves.
8. Because no state in this Union affords protec-
tion to any slave who may escape to its limits, for de-
fence against the cruel hand of the southern oppressor.
In every one of the “free states,” as they are called,
fugitives from the “vilest slavery that ever saw the
sun,” are liable to be seized by any ruthless white
monster, and without a trial by jury, or any trial at all,
to be dragged off to the south, and reduced again to a
state of interminable bondage.
Slave States admitted into the Union.
9. Congress has admitted a number of slave states
into the Union, without imposing any restriction upon
the subject of slavery.
Coloured Foreigners.
10. The laws of the federal government prohibit
foreigners who are coloured, from becoming naturalized
citizens of the United States.
United States Mail.
11. The laws of the federal government prohibit
coloured Americans from carrying the United States'
Mail.
Militia.
12. The same laws prohibit coloured Americans from
being enrolled in the militia.

APPENDIX. 175
The entire nation responsible.
13. This nation must be considered a slave-holding
nation, while Congress, composed of Senators and
Representatives from all the States in the Union,
possesses the power to abolish slavery in its capital, and
refuses to exercise it.
“The Congress shall have power to exercise exclu-
sive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district,
(not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of
particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, be-
come the seat of government of the United States.”—
Constitution U. States, Art. 1st, Sec. 8.
The honour and good faith of this nation are pledged
upon this subject.
14. This nation will be considered, by the civilized
world, a slave-holdiny nation, while it refuses to redeem
its pledge, made in the treaty of Ghent to do all in its
power to “abolish entirely” the traffic in slavery.”—
See Chap. xx, page 145.
Enormous and disgraceful abuses tolerated by this nation
in its capital.
The following facts are set forth in the preamble to
some resolutions, introduced to the House of Repre-
sentatives, in 1829, by Mr. Miner, of Pa.
“Whereas the laws in respect to slavery within the
District have been almost entirely neglected; from

176 APPENDIX.
which neglect, for nearly thirty years, have grown
numerous and gross corruptions.
Slave dealers gaining confidence from impunity, have
made the seat of federal government their head quarters
for carrying on the domestic slave trade.
The public prisons have been extensively used,
(perverted from the purposes for which they were
erected) for carrying on the domestic slave trade.
Officers of the federal government have been em.
ployed, and derive emoluments from carrying on the
domestic slave trade.
Private and secret prisons exist in the district for
carrying on the traffic in human beings.
The trade is not confined to those who are slaves for
life; but persons having a limited time to serve, are
bought by the slave dealers, and sent where redress is
hopeless.
Others are kidnapped, and hurried away before they
can be rescued.
Instances of death, from the anguish of despair,
exhibited in the District, mark the cruelty of this
traffic.
Instances of maiming and suicide, executed or
attempted, have been exhibited, growing out of this
traffic within the District.
Free persons of colour coming into the District, are
liable to arrest, imprisonment, and sold into slavery for
life, for jail fees, if unable, from ignorance, misfortune,
or fraud, to prove their freedom.

APPENDIX. 177
Advertisements beginning, “We will give cash for
one hundred likely young negroes of both sexes, from
eight to twenty-five years old,” contained in the public
prints of the city, under the notice of Congress, indicate
the openness and extent of the traffic.
Scenes of human beings exposed at public vendue
are exhibited here, permitted by the laws of the general
government.
A grand jury of the district has presented the slave
trade as a grievance.
A writer in a public print in the District has sent
forth, that to these who have never seen a spectacle of
the kind (exhibited by the slave trade) no description
can give an adequate idea of its horrors.”
Americans sold for the benefit of Dr. Furman's heirs.
We have already quoted the opinion of this Baptist
Dr. on the subject of slavery, see page 156.
* Notice.
“On the first Monday of February next, will be put
up at public auction before the court house, the following
property, belonging to the estate of the late Rev. DR.
FURMAN, viz.:-
A plantation or tract of land on and in the Wateree
Swamp, through which the road passes from Stateburg
to Columbia, consisting of 2000 acres of land, of the first
class for cotton and corn, and the finest range for stock.

178 APPENDix.
TERMS-One half of the purchase money payable on
the first of May, 1835, and one half on the first of May,
1836, for notes drawn and endorsed to the satisfaction of
the seller, and secured by mortgage until the final pay-
ment. The slaves will only be delivered after the acts
are signed, and the notes delivered and approved. Bills
of sale to be passed before W. Y. Lewis, Esq., Notary
Public, at the expense of the purchaser.”
A tract after the first quality of fine land, on the
waters of Black River, within four miles of Sumpterville
from 600 to 800 acres.
A lot of land in the Town of Camden.
A Library of a miscellaneous character, chiefly Theo-
logical.
27 NEGROES.
Some of them very prime. Two mules, one horse,
and an old waggon.
Conditions.—For the Wateree tract, one-sixth pay-
able on the first of January, 1836, the balance in five
equal instalments. For Black River land, one-half on
the first of January, 1836, balance in 12 months there-
after. For the Camden lot, a credit of 12 months. For
the negroes, one-half on the first of January, 1836, balance
on the first of January, 1837. For the other property,
cash, bonds or notes, with interest annually on the
whole amount, with personal security, if required."
Jan, 17, 1835.

APPENDIX. 179
Americans sold for the benefit of the Church, and to
support the cause of Missions.
In Charleston Courier of Feb. 12th, 1835, is the
following :-
“FIELD NEGROEs, by Thomas Gadsden.”
“On Tuesday, the 17th instant, will be sold, at the
North of the Exchange, at ten o'clock, a prime gang of
ten Negroes, accustomed to the culture of cotton and
provisions, belonging to the INDEPENDENT church, in
Christ's Church Parish. * * * * * *
* * * * * * * * Feb. 6.”
Again–In the Emancipator of May 6, 1834, is the
following, copied from a Savannah paper :
“Bryan Superior Court.
“Between John J. Maxwell, and others,
Executors of Ann Pray, complainants, and
of Mary Sleigh, and others, Devisees and ; is pourry
Legatees, under the will of Ann Pray,
J
defendants.
“A Bill, having been filed for the distribution of the
Testatrix, Ann Pray, and it appearing that among other
legacies in her will, is the following, viz., a legacy of one
fourth of certain negro slaves to the American Board of
Commissioners for Domestic [Foreign it probably should
have been] Missions, for the purpose of sending the gospel
to the heathem, and particularly to the Indians of this con
tinent. It is on motion of the solicitors cf. the com-
plainants ordered, that all persons claiming the said legacy

180 APPENDIX.
do appear and answer the bill of the complainants, within
four months from this day. And it is ordered, that this
order be published in a public Gazette of the city of
Savannah, and in one of the Gazettes of Philadelphia,
once a month for four months.
Extracts from the minutes, Dec. 3rd, 1832.
Dec. 8–4m John SMITH, c. s. c. b. c.”
Specimen of a New Orleans Advertisement.
When you ask emancipation for slaves like those de-
scribed below, we are told, that they could not take care
of themselves, and if emancipated, they would starve
to death !
“Valuable SERVANTs for sale at Auction, by Isaac L. M'Coy.
* This day, Thursday, 27th., inst., at 12 o'clock, at the
Exchange Coffee House, will be sold 34 VALUABLE Sen-
v.ANTs, viz.:-
1. Harry, aged about 26 years; a first rate cartman,
axeman, and sawyer; has been accustomed to work in
saw-mill and wood-yard; has been about 8 years in the
country, and understands the care and management of
horses, and possesses an excellent character.
2. George, aged about 23 years; has been about 8
years in the country; is a good carter and axeman,
and has been accustomed to work in a wood-yard and
bakery.
3. Altimore, aged 21 years; a first rate Sawyer and
axeman; accustomed to work in a wood yard, has been
3 or 4 years in the country:

APPENDIX. 181
4. Barney, aged about 18 years; a first rate negro,
and handy at almost all kinds of work; has been ac-
customed to work in a wood-yard, and has been about
4 years in the country.
5. Henry Buckner, aged about 29 years; a good
axeman, sawer and field hand; accustomed to work in
a wood-yard, and has been about six years in the
country.
6. Lewis, aged about 20 years; a first rate hand in a
wood-yard, an excellent butcher, a good field hand;
speaks French and English, and has been about 10 years
in the country.
7. Sam Crumo, aged about 22 years; a first rate hand
in a wood-yard; a carter; speaks French and English
and has been about 12 years in the country.
8. Little Ned, aged about 18 years; a good hand for
a wood-yard; has been one year in the country.
9. Big Ned, aged about 22 years; do. do. do.
10. Ben, aged about 20 years; do. do. do.
11. Aaron, aged about 33 years; a first rate hand for
a wood-yard, in which he has been employed for many
years; is an excellent cartman; has been about 15 years
in the country, and speaks both languages.
12. Dick Jackson, aged about 25 years; a good axe-
man and sawyer, and an excellent hand for a wood-yard,
to which he is accustomed, and has been one year in the
conntry.
13. Dick Morgan, aged about 39 years; a very honest
trusty servant; has acted as porter in a grocery store
R

|82 APPENDIX.
for several years, and has worked in a rope-walk and
wood-yard; is an excellent axeman and sawyer; has
been in the country since a child, and speaks French
and English.
14. Dillard, aged about 31 years; a good cook, a
good axeman and sawyer; has worked about 4 years in
a wood-yard, and has been about 4 years in the country.
15. Charles Palmer, aged about 24 years; accustomed
to work in a wood-yard ; is a good axeman, carter and
field hand, and has been about 4 years in the country.
16. Daniel, aged about 18 years; a first rate house
servant; is very trusty ; a tolerable good cook; has
been raised in the country; speaks French and English,
and possesses a first rate character.
17. Anthony, aged about 15 years; a first rate house
servant; very trusty and active; a good sawyer; has
been raised in the country, and possesses a first rate
character. -
18, Joseph, aged about 14 years; a first rate servant;
handy at all kinds of work; has been accustomed to
work in a wood-yard, and has been about two years in
the country. -
19, William, aged about 20 years; a good rough car-
penter; a good coachman; has been five years in the
country; speaks French and English, title only gua-
ranteed.
20. Ned, aged about 39 years; a good carpenter and
ostler; has been about 4 years in the country, and is
subject to rheumatism.
APPENDIX. 183
-
21. Robert, aged about 23 years; a rough black-
smith and carpenter; handy at all kinds of work ; un-
derstands filing and setting saws, has been 8 years in
the country, speaks French and English; is a first rate
servant, and possesses a first rate character in every
respect. -
22. Peter, aged about 35 years; is a first rate over-
seer, and has always been employed in that capacity;
has been for 5 years in Opelousas, and about 4 years in
New Orleans, is very honest and trusty, and a first rate
servant in every respect.
23. Diana, aged about 24 years; (wife of Peter) a
first rate house servant, washer, ironer and plaiter; a
good cook; has been 5 years in the country; speaks
French and English, and possesses a first rate character.
24. Malinda, aged about 24 years; a good house ser-
want; a tolerable good washer and ironer; has been
raised in the country; and speaks both languages.
25. Chloe, aged about 18 years; an excellent house
servant; was born in Mobile; has been about one year
in New Orleans, and possesses an excellent character.
26. Daphney, aged about 25 years; a first rate cook,
both in French and English style, and a good pastry
cook; was raised in Mississippi, has been seven years in
New Orleans, and possesses an excellent character.
27. Catherine, aged about 27 years, a good field hand;
was raised in the country; speaks French, Spanish and
English; title only guaranteed.

R 2

184 APPENDIX.
- ALSO,
The following Orphan (!!) children, viz.:-
28. John, aged about 12 years.
29. James, aged about 11 years.
30. David, about 9 years.
31. Cyrus, aged about 9 years. They have been
about 16 months in the country.
32. Yellow Alex, aged about 8 years.
33. Black Alex, aged about 8 years
34. Abraham, aged about 5 years.
THE END-

185
SUBSCRIBERS TO THE WORK.
LONDON.
Copies.
Sold after speaking at the Friends' Meeting House,
and to different persons in London . . . . . 450
SUBSCRIBERS.
Rev. Dr. Fletcher . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Rev. John Burnet . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Rev. Mr. Burton . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Samuel Gurney, Esq. . . . . -
Mr. W. Knight, Chelmsford . . . . . .
Mrs. Kitson, Brixton Hill. . . . . . . . . 96
Mr. Joseph Cooper . . . . . . . . . -
Mr. Christopherson . . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. Windsor . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
Mr. Smith . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Johnston and Barrett . . . . . . . . . . 20
Mr. Quinton . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Mr. Hern . . . . . . . . . ---
Mr. Mark Moore . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Mr. Kindle . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Mr. Lescene . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Mr. H. Barrett . . . . . . . . . - 12
Mr. Edwards . . . . . . . . . . - . 12
Mr. Davis . . . . . . . . . . - - 12
Mr. E. Forster . . . . . - - 10
Mr. Howard . . . . . . . . . . - -
Mr. Barly . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. S. Allen . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Mr. Allard . . . . . . . . . - - -
Mr. Rutt, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Mr. Halls, . . . . . . . . -
Mr. Newbury, . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Mr. Warminton, . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Rev. Alex. Fletcher, . . . . . . 6

186
Miss Knight, London .
Mr. W. Edwards, do. . -
Mr. Lawrence, do. . . .
Mr. Hallars . . do. --
Camp . . do. . . . .
Mrs. Nixson . . do. . .
Mrs. Combs . . do. . . .
Sir T. Bloomfield, Brighton .
Mr. I. Bass, do. . -
Rev. J. Edwards, do. . . . .
Mr. D. Hack, do. . .
Rev. Mr. Goulty, do. .
Rev. Mr. Settain, do. . .
W. Penfold, Esq. do. . . .
Mrs. Robinson, . Hagbourne
Mr. Robinson, . . do. . .
MANCHESTER,
Rev. H. Stowell . .
Mr. Adshead . -
Mr. Isaac Crewdson
Mr. T. D. Crewdson
Mr. W. R. Callender
Mr. T. Bickham -. . . . .
Mr. S. Giles . . . - - - -
Mr. John Westhead . . . . .
Mr. Richard Bealey . . . .
Mr. T. P. Bunting
D. Grant, Esq. - - -
Mr. Crewdson . . . . . . .
Mr. Alexander Morris . . . .
Mr. S. Goodwin . . . . . . .
Mr. W. Allen - - - - -
Mr. Henry Forth . . . . . . .
Mr. Joseph Raleigh . . . . .
Mr. Joshua Rea . . . . . . .
Mr. H. Davies . . . . . . .
Mr. Alfred Bynion . . . . . .
Mr. Joseph Compton . . . . .
Miss Baron . . . . . . . .
2
0.
-
-
3.
_

187
MIANCHESTER.
Mr. W. Townend ". .
Mr. Wilson Crewdson . - -
Mr. Edward Westhead . . .
Mr. Peter Clare . . . . . .
Mr. Joseph Eveleigh -
James Wood, Esq. . . . . . . . -
Mr. James S. Foster . . .
Messrs. S. Sheldon and Son
Mr. J. Wells . . . . . .
Mr. Thomas Lees . . . .
Mr. B. Joule . . . . . .
Mr. Benjamin Pearson
Josh. Leese, Esq.
Dr. Wood . . . . . . .
Mr. E. Robinson . . . .
Mr. Thomas Jackson
Mr. Leadbeater . . . . . .
Mr. E. Clegg . . . . . . .
Mr. Thompson -- - -
Mr. Chappell . . . . . . . .
Mr. Thomas Fenley . . . . .
LEEDS.
N. Cash, Esq. . . . . . . .
Mr. R. Walker . . . . . . .
Rev. Eust Giles . . . . . . .
Mr. G. Morton . . . . . . .
Mr. B. Goodman . . . . . .
Mr. E. Birchall . . . . . . .
Mr. J. Town . . . . . . . .
Mr. J. Morris. - - - - -
Mr. J. Walker . . . . . . .
Mrs. H. C. Backhouse, Darlington
Mrs. M. Fell . . . . . . . .
Mr. H. Harris . . . . . . .
Mr. D. Fox . . . . . . .
Mr. J. Richardson . . . . .

188
Mr. R. Jowett . .
Mr. J. Hotham
Mr. Bradshaw
Mr. L. D. Lawcock
Mr. Gaslick . . .
Mr. Ridselle .
Mr. B. Walker
Mr. G. Goodman
Mr. Dove . . .
Rev. J. Anderson
Edward Baines, Esq., M.B.
Dr. Williams .
Mr. Francis Morris .
Mrs. A. Broster .
Mr. W. Bruce
Mr Knight.
Mr. J. Walker
Rev. J. Ely
Mr. Thompson
Mr. Hair
Mr. J. Howard
Mr. P. Fairbairks
Mr. Simpson .
Miss Plint . . .
Mr. Wordswort .
Mr. Bedford
M. J. Howard
Mrs. Arthington .
Mr. Moley -
Mr. J. Kaye
Mrs. Wilson .
Mr. Ward . -
Rev. H. Vevers . .
Mr. Baines -
Mr. Banks .
Copies.
. . . . . . . 5
-
1
I
-
22
-
-
1.
BIRMINGHAM.
Rev. W. Marsh . .
Rev. J. A. James
- - - - - -

189
BIRMINGHAM.
Rev. T. Morgan . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Rev. J. Riland, M.A. . . . . . . . . . . 5
Rev. D. Owen . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Rev. O. Owen . . . . . . . . . --
Mr. William Scholefield, High Bailiff . . . . . 5
Mr. J. F. Parker . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Mr. S. Carter . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Mrs. S. Beale . . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. R. Peyton ---------
Mrs. Sunderland . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. J. Cooke . . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. S. Timmins . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. Robert Silk . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. J. B. Lillington . . . . . . . . .
Mr. H. Pemble . . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. W. Beaumont . . . . . . . . . . .
Mr. J. Rubery . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. James James . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. W. Elliott . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. Wm. Spicer . . . . . . . . . . - . 12
Mr. Thomas Cocks . . . . . . - - 5
Mr. J. Smith . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Rev. P. Sibree . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. R. H. Taylor . . . . . - . . 5
Mrs. Thornton . . . . . . - - 5
Mr. Rice Harris . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. Francis Clarke . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. James Drake . . . . . . . . . . 6
Mr. Thomas Anderson . . . . . - 5
Mr. I. Salt . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. Joshua Howell . . - - 5
Mr. J. Scott . . . . . . . - - 6
Mr. John Freeth . . . . . . - - 8
Mr. Charles Ellis . . . . . . - . . 5
Mr. R. Lloyd . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. John Green . - - . . . . . . 112
Mr. G. Simpson . . . . . - - 5

190
BIRMINGHAM
Mr. W. C. Heathcote . . . . . . . . . . 6
Mr. Thomas Short . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. John Hollingsworth . . . . . . . . . 13
Miss Sturge . . . . . . . . .
Mr. Fernell . . . . . . . . . - 10
Mr. B. Hudson . . . . . . . . . . - 20
Mr. Thomas Beilby . . . . . . - - 10
Mr. Morse - - - - - - - - - - - 5
Mr. Millichamp . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. J. Lee . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
Mr. Shakspear . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. Room . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. Showell . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Subscribed for in the Rev. J. A. James' Congre.
gation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510
LIVERPOOL.
Rev. Dr. Raffles . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. D. James . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. Baines . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Rev. W. Bevan . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mr. Marples . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Kay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Mrs. Rawson . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Mr. Gatley . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
W. F. Blair, Bath. . . . . . . . . . . 74
Mrs. Kingsbuy . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
The following Copies were sold after public meetings
addressed by the Author, not in the Chapels, but in the
vestry, and other places appointed: And were sold
at two shillings each, but contained neither the Ap-
pendix, nor Portrait.
Cannon-street Baptist Chapel, &c., Birmingham 120
Bond-street Baptist Chapel, Birmingham . . . 55

19]
- Copies.
Leg-street Chapel, Birmingham . . . . . . . 60
Renshaw-street Chapel, Liverpool . . . 66
Lady Huntingdon's Chapel, Warrington . . . . 105
Dudley Independent Chapel . . . . . . . . 112
Old Meeting, West Bromwich . . . . . . . 81
Bilston Independent Chapel . . . . . . . . 53
Oldbury Unitarian Chapel . . . . . . . . 55
Independent Chapel, Northwich . . . . . 59
Orchard-street Chapel, Stockport . . . . . . 101
Independent Chapel, Great Bridge . . . . 50
Wednesbury Methodist Chapel . . . . . 50
Independent Chapel, Bridge-street, Walsall . 50
Smethwick Independent Chapel . . . - 55
Independent Chapel, Ashton . . . . . . . . 100
Fraierier Lane Independent Chapel, Nottingham . 103
Halifax Chapel, ditto . . . . . . . . . . 65
Baptist Chapel, Bolton . . . . . . . 60
Brickburn Independent Chapel . . . . . . . 32
Staleybridge Independent Chapel . . 27
Independent Chapel, Oldham . . . . . . . 107
Wesleyan Chapel, Chesterfield . . . . . . 42
Caver-street, Wesleyan Chapel, Selfield . . - 42
Howard-street Independent Chapel, Sheffield 143
Caver-street Independent Chapel, Sheffield . 46
Wesleyan Chapel, Sheffield . . . . . . . 50
Atherclift, Sheffield . . . . . . . . . 31
Rotherham Independent Chapel . . . . . . 131
Baptist Chapel, Kettering . . . . . . . . 73
Independent Chapel, Harbro . . . . . . 40
Harwey Lane Baptist Chapel, Leicester . . . . 122
New Hall, Leicester . . . . . . . . . . 80
King-street and Broadmead Baptist Chapels, Bristol 250
Friends' Meeting House, Rosemary-street, Bristol 130
Lady Huntingdon's Chapel, Bath . . . . - 88
York-street Baptist Chapel, Bath . . . . . . 73
Baptist Chapel, Cardiff. . . - - - - - 7.5
Baptist Chapel, Swansea . . . . . . 150
Independent Chapel, Derby . . . . . . . 76
Independent Chapel, &c., Mansfield . . . . . 65

192
SOLD AFTER PUBLIC MEETINGS.
Copies.
Subscription Rooms, Exeter . . . . . . . . 51
independent Chapel, Cheltenham . . . . . . 113
Public School Room, Cheltenham . . . . . , 50
Friends' Meeting House, Gloucester . . . . . 52
Baptist Chapel, Stroud - -
Independent Chapel, Hailsworth - -
Friends' Meeting House, Tewkesbury. . . . . 34
Friends' Meeting House, Bridgewater . . . . 60
British and Foreign School Room, Street . . . 25
Friends' Meeting House, Taunton . . . . . . 63
Friends' Meeting House, Wellington . . . . . 26
Independent Chapel, Teignmouth . . . . . . 36
Independent Chapel, Tonequay . . . . . .
Independent Chapel, Periton . . . . . . . .3
Baptist Chapel, Falmouth . . . . . . . . 52
Independent Chapel, Penryn . . . . . . . .30
Independent Chapel, Truro . . . . . . . . 110
Wesleyan Chapel, Redruth . . . . . . . . 61
Wesleyan Chapel, Hale --------
Methodist Chapel, St. Ives, Cornwall . . . . . 46
Independent Chapel, Launceston . . . . . . 25
Wesleyan, ditto . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Independent, Mebakiscy . . . . . . . . . 53
Baptist Chapel, St. Austel . . . . . . . . 50
Baptist Chapel, Penzance . . . . . . . . .30
Baptist Chapel, Helston . . . . . . . . . 45
Methodist Chapel, St. Days . . . . . . . . 26
Methodist Chapel, Wadebridge . . . . . . . 50
SCOTLAND.
Secession Chapel, Rose-street, Edinburgh . . . 150
sold by Mr. Oliphant, . . . ditto. . . . . 19%
Robert-street Chapel, Leith . . . . . . . . 55
Secession Chapel, Dalkeith . . . . . . . . 60
secession Chapel, Paisley . . . . . . . . .30
Relief Chapel, ditto. . . . . . . . . . 55
Trades Hall, Glasgow, &c. . . . . . . . . 89

193
AFTER PUBLIC MEETINGS.
Copies.
Relief Chapel, Greenock . . . . . . . . . 70
Secession Chapel, Dumbarton . . . . . . . 52
Relief Chapel, Johnston . . . . . . . . . 55
Relief Chapel, Bonhill . . . . . . . . . 51
IRELAND,
AFTER PUBLIC MEETINGS.
Abbey-street Chapel, Dublin, &c. . . . . . . 150
Independent Chapel, Cork . . . . . . . . 153
Public Meeting . ditto. . . . . . . . . 150
Public Meeting, Wexford . . . . . . . . 45
At two Meetings in Waterford . . . . . . . 101
After a Meeting in Clonmel . . . . . . . . 40
Independent Chapel, Limerick . . . . . . . 80
Johnston & BARRETT, Printers, 13, Mark Lane,








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