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| William L. (LEMENTS
LIBRARY OF
| AMERICAN HISTORY ||
UNIVERSITY:/\ICHIGAN |










M IN U T E S
OF THE
STATE CONVENTION
or THE
C 0 L () U R E D CITIZENS
OF
PENNSYLVANIA,
CONVENED AT HARRISBURG,
Jºecember 13th and 14th, 1848.
P. H. I. I. A. D. E. L. P. H. I. A.
No. 7 Carter’s Alley
1849.

MEMBERSDF THE BINVENTINAL HDARI, ATPHILADELPHIA.
PRESIDENT".
ROBERT PURWIS,
VICE PRESIDENT.
ISAIAH. C. WEIR.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY,
DR. PECK.”
RECORDING SECRETARY.
J. C. BOWERS.
TREASURER.
REV. STEPHEN SMITH.
BOARD OF MANAGERs.
DR. J. J. G. BIAS, GEORGE W. GOINES,
M. W. GIBBS, WILLIAM WHIPPER,
SAMUEL VAN BRAKLE, ABRAM. D. SHADD,
BENJAMIN MOORE.
*All communications must be addressed to Dr. D. J. Peck, (post paid.
Lombard street above Seventh, Philadelphia.

MINUTES OF THE CONVENTION.
Pursuant to a call for a State Convention of the colored citizens of
Pennsylvania, for the purpose of devising the most efficient method
to petition the Legislature for the elective franchise, the Convention
assembled at Harrisburgh, Dauphin County, on Wednesday morn-
ing, Dec. 13th, 1848.
An informal meeting was held at the Wesleyan Methodist Church,
and the Rev. George Galbraith appointed Chairman, and Francis
A. Duterte, Secretary.
A motion was made by Dr. Peck, that the delegates present give
their credentials into the hands of the Secretary. When the follow-
ing delegates from the several different counties were enrolled as
members of the Convention.
Alleghany County–John B. Vashon.
Berks County—Joseph E. Gardner, Joseph Murry, George C.
Anderson.
Blair County–Daniel Williams.
Cumberland County—Wm. Webb, Edward Hawkins, Richard
Johnson, Joseph Johnson, Jacob Stratton.
Centre County—Joseph St. Clair.
Chester County—Abraham D. Shadd, John N. Bond, Charles E.
Clayton, Wm. Lewis.
Columbia County—Wm. Thomson.
Dauphin County—John Wolf, Henry H. Price, John F. Williams,
Thomas Earley, Aquilla Amos, John Gray, Andrew Gorden, William
Spence, Joseph Popel, Charles I. Dorris, Edward Thomson, George
Adley, Henry Johnson, Richard C. Brown, James Popel, James
Reese, Wm. H. Davis, Charles L. Robertson, Daniel Jackson, Valen-
tine Brown.
Franklin County—Nelson H. Turpen, Jesse Bolden.
Huntington County—Isaac J. Dickson.
Juniata County—Samuel Molston, John L. Griffith.
Lycoming County—Philip Roderic,
Lancaster County—William Whipper, Leonard A. Williams, Wm.
H. Wilson, Washington Webster, Robert Boston.
Mifflin County—David Roach, Jonathan Graham.
Philadelphia County—Stephen Smith, George Galbraith, James J.
G. Bias, David B. Bowser, John C. Bowers, James D. Knight, Mif.
flin W. Gibbs, Robert Purvis, Francis A. Duterte, Isaiah Ware, James
McCrummel, Samuel Van Brakle, David J. Peck, Henry Cooper,
Joshua P. B. Eddy, Benjamin Moore, Robert Brown, Wm. Marten,
Wm. Jackson, Perry Miller.
Schuylkill County—John Lee.
York County—Wim. Stanford, Wm. Cupit.

4.
Resolved, That there be a committee of one from each county pre-
sent to nominate officers for this Convention. The following persons
compose that committee.
Allegany County, John B. Washon.
**
Berks Joseph E. Gardiner.
Blair -- Daniel Williams.
Chester -- Charles E. Clayton.
Columbia “. Wm. Thomson.
Damphin cº John F. Williams.
Franklin -- Nelson Turpin.
Juniata -- Samuel Molston.
Huntington “ Isaac J. Dickson.
Lycoming “ Philip Roderic.
Lancaster “ Wm. Whipple.
Mifflin sº David Roach.
Phildelphia “ Isaiah C. Weir.
Schuylkill “ John Lee.
York * Wm. Stanford. -
On motion Rev. Stephen Smith, J. G. Wolf and H. H. Pric
were appointed as a committee to obtain a more suitable place for the
holding of the Convention.
The committee on officers reported as follows.
President—John B. Washion.
Vice Presidents—James McCrummell, George Galbraith, John F.
Williams, Isaac J. Dickson, Wm. Thomson, Samuel Molston.
Secretaries—F. A. Duterte, John G. Wolf, and Wm. Whipper.
Business Committee—Wm. Whipper, Robert Purvis, David J.
Peck, M. D., Mifflin W. Gibbs, J. J. G. Bias.
Finance Committee—Stephen Smith, John C. Bowers, Thomas
Early, John Wolf, Samuel Van Brakle.
It was on motion resolved that the committee's report be adopted.
Mr. Vashon, the President elect, was conducted to the chair, at
which time, in a short and able manner, he thanked the convention
for the honor bestowed upon him.
When a motion to adjourn prevailed, to meet again at 2 o'clock.
AFTERNoon session.
The Convention assembled at 2 o’clock, pursuant to adjournment.
Mr. Vashon, President, in the chair. Prayers by the Rev. George
Galbraith. Roll called. Minutes of the morning session read and
adopted.
Mr. Charles Lennox Remond, of Mass., was introduced to the Con-
vention, after which he made a short, but powerful address, on the
subject for which we had assembled.
Resolved, That Mr. Martin R. Delany, of Rochester New York, and
Mr. Remond, of Mass., be received as honorary members of this Con-
vention.
Mr. Purvis presented a communication from Mr. Woodson, of
Allegany County, whicſ was referred to the business committee.

5
Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to prepare rules
for this Convention, when the following named gentlemen were ap-
pointed: John C. Bowers, Isaiah Ware, and Wm. Spence.
The committee on business reported as follows:
Resolved, That the legitimate object of this Convention, is to peti-
tion the Legislature for a repeal of the word “white,” from the
third article of the Constitution of Pennsylvania.
Resolved, That the people of Pennsylvania, by sanctioning the dis-
franchisement of her colored citizens, have violated the creed of
their republican faith, and brought dishonor on their principles, and
degradation, privation, and wrong on those whom they have vic-
timized.
The motion for the adoption of the first resolution, was supported
by M. R. Delany, C. L. Remond, and Dr. J. J. G. Bias, M. W.
Gibbs, D. J. Peck, M.D., J. C. Bowers, Robert Purvis, A. D. Shadd,
and Wm. Whipper, after which a motion was made to adjourn to
meet at 7 o'clock.
EVENING SESSION.
The Convention met at 7 o'clock, Mr. Washon, President, in the
chair. Prayer by the Rev. Wm. Jones.
Roll called, and the minutes of the afternoon session read and ap-
proved.
The committee appointed to obtain a more suitable place to hold
this convention, reported that they were unable to obtain the Court
house, on account of it being under repairs, but that the Shakspeare
saloon could be obtained.
Resolved, That the report of the committee be adopted, and they be
instructed to secure the Shakspeare saloon, and have placards struck
off, publishing the same throughout the Borough.
The chairman then stated that the resolution from the afternoon
session was in order, when on motion of Mr. Isaiah Ware the resolution
was laid on the table, for the purpose of hearing the report of the
committee on rules, which were read and adopted.
The resolution which was previously laid on the table was taken
up, read, and finally passed.
When on motion, the second resolution was adopted, when a mo-
tion to adjourn prevailed, to meet at the Shakspeare saloon to-morrow
morning at 9 o'clock.
MORNING SESSION.
The Convention met according to adjournment in the Shakspeare
saloon at half past 9 o'clock. An appropriate prayer was offered by
the Rev. Mr. Turpin.
The minutes of the last meeting were read, corrected and adopted.
The resolution pending at the adjournment, was, by the president
declared to be the first business in order, when, after being discussed
by the following gentlemen, Messrs. Bowser, Peck, Gibbs, Smith,
and Eddy, were finally passed.

6
The business committee then submitted the following resolution.
Resolved, That the successful prosecution of our cause, depends
much on the form and manner of our advocacy, the character and
wisdom of our measures, the zeal and energy of individual action; and
demands that we issue an address to the voters of Pennsylvania.
Also an address to the coloured citizens, requesting them to make
their rule of conduct such as shall successfully vindicate their right to
the enjoyment of citizenship.
A motion was made by Mr. Stephen Smith to lay the resolution on
the table, to attend to the financial concerns of the Convention, after
which he offered the following resolution.
Resolved, That each member of this Convention pay the sum of
one dollar, for the purpose of assisting in defraying the expenses of
this Convention. Before an action, the Convention adjourned to meet
at half past 2 o'clock.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Convention met pursuant to adjournment at half past 2 o'clock.
Prayer by the Rev. Mr. Sanford. President in the chair; roll called ;
minutes of the morning session read, corrected, and approved.
When the resolutions submitted to the business committee prior to
the adjournment was brought up and discussed by the following gen-
tlemen: Messrs. Whipper, Shadd, Bowser, Bowers, Gibbs, Weir,
Remond, Delany, Bias, Dickson, Purvis, Gardiner, Eddy, Smith, Van
Brakle, and Amos, after which it was read and finally passed.
The business committee presented the form of a constitution to form
a State Union Society, to be called the Citizens' Union of the State of
Pennsylvania, which was read and adopted.
On motion Resolved, That the parent society be located in the City
of Philadelphia.
The following gentlemen were elected officers of the Conventional
Board: President, Robt. Purvis; Vice President, Isaiah C. Weir; Trea-
surer, Stephen Smith; Secretary, John C. Bowers; Correspondin
Secretary, D. J. Peck, M. D.; Board, J. J. G. Bias, M. W. Gibbs, S.
Van Brakle, G. W. Goines, Wm. Whipper. Abraham D. Shadd, and
Benjamin Moore.
Resolved, That this Convention recommend that each delegation
be instructed to proceed to the formation of auxiliaries, upon their
arrival at home.
The following resolution was offered by Mr. Smith.
Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be tendered to the
citizens of Harrisburg, and to Mr. J. F. Markley for the kind accom-
modation we have received during the sittings of this Convention, in
connexion with the minister and trustees of Wesley Church.
Resolved, That this Convention recommend to the Board to appoint
a committee of three, to convey the petition, &c., to the members of
the Legislature.
Resolved, That the Governor, and heads of department be furnished
with a copy of the minutes of this Convention.

7
Resolved, That the business committee be, and are hereby request-
ed to prepare a form of petition for presentation forthwith.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this Convention be printed in
the North Star, Daily Republic, and all other papers friendly; also
published in pamphlet form.
Resolved, That there be a committee of five, to prepare addresses:
the following gentlemen compose that committee, Wm. Whipper,
A. D. Shadd, I.J. Dickson, J. J. G. Bias, Robert Purvis, M. W. Gibbs,
and Samuel Van Brakle.
Resolved, That the unfinished business be referred to the Conven-
tional Board, after which the Convention adjourned sine die.
JOHN B. WASHON, President.
F. A. DUTERTE,
John Wolf, Secretaries.
Edward M. Davis,

APPEAL TO THE WOTERS OF THE COMMON WEALTH
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
SIRs:—We recognise you as the arbiters of our political destiny,
and your sovereignty as the source of power from which the funda-
mental Laws of this Commonwealth must derive their origin, power
and sustenance,—and while we admit the justice and force of your
national maxims, as penned by the illustrious Jefferson, “that govern-
ments long established should not be changed for slight and transient
causes,” and all experience has proved, that as a people, we are dis-
posed to suffer present evils “rather than fly to others we know not
of,” yet we are constrained to believe that the object for which we
claim your attention is founded on established procedents, coeval
with civil government, and rendered necessary as a safeguard to
individual liberty and security to the privileges of the citizen. -
We, therefore, address you, as the representatives of the Colored
Citizens of this Commonwealth, assembled in Convention from vari-
ous Counties, for the purpose of petitioning the Legislature for a
repeal of the word “white” from the 1st section of the 3d Article of
the Constitution of Pennsylvania, which reads as follows:–
“In elections by the citizens every white freeman of the age of
twenty-one years, having resided in this State one year, and in the
election district where he offers to vote, ten days immediately preceding
such election, and within two years paid a State or County taa, which
shall have been assessed at least ten days before the election, shall enjoy
the rights of an elector,” &c.
We rejoice that we are relieved from the task of depicting our
grievances before you, for the causes which impel us to the present
undertaking, are so legibly written on your Constitutional code, and
embodied in your political faith, that neither revelation can enlighten
nor argument embellish.
We therefore claim the exalted privilege of appealing to you from
the seat of the law making power, on a subject that cannot, but be
deeply interesting to you, as it is of vital importance to us. Because
whatever has a tendency to develop the natural, intellectual and
physical resources of a state or nation, auguments her strength and
perpetuates her power.
The constitutional provision you have made for the annual assem-
blage of your representatives from the various districts throughout
the State for the purpose of legislating for the protection of your
present and future interests affords us an illustrious example that
we should not be unmindful of ours. If you, who have received and
enjoyed, not only the blessings of science and civilization, but a rep-
resentative form of government for three quarters of a century, still
need its fostering care to lead you to a higher destiny, surely we,
who have occupied the humblest positions, and from whom these
blessings and privileges have been measurably withheld, may

9
reasonably claim the possession of their invigorating strength to
inspire us in the pursuit of a laudable ambition.
We need not search among the antiquated records of the past for
a successful vindication of our claims to impartial laws. These
emblems, of our State's humanity are imperishably recorded in the
sublime appeals of her distinguished statesmen.
We do not appear before you as the supplicants for any new form
of government which is opposed to the foundation principles of
republicanism; we only ask the favor of the application of your own
principles to your civil code. -
We can conceive of no just reason why our present action should
not only enlist your sympathies, but merit your warmest approbation.
You have hailed, with deafening shouts, the victorious march of
republicanism from the battle fields of your own Washington to the
heights of Buena Vista, the plains of Cerro Gordo, and the Halls of
the Montezumas, though to attain it, armies in the spirit of conquest
should rush through rivers of blood and hecatombs of human victims.
You claim that your own Independence Hall is the sacred spot
where your republicanism was born, cradled and received a national
baptism, and from whence the same vestal fire of freedom is encom-
passing the globe. You have hailed with joyful acclammation the
accession of liberal France to the great family of republics, because it
thrust the keystone from the arch of monarchical governments through-
out Europe.
We have been witnesses to those soul stirring appeals in behalf of
republicanism, in foreign lands; and the conviction forces itself upon
our minds that however much you may admire and extol the progress
of free principles in other states, that of your own dearest Pennsyl-
vania must occupy the highest seat in your affections.
We do not make our appeal to you as christian sects, or political
parties, but as men—christians and republicans—beseeching you to
apply the same principles and practice to us as your religion and
republicanism dictates should belong to others who have not forfeited
their rights by crime.
The barrier that deprives us of the rights which you enjoy finds
no palliative in merit-no consolation in piety—no hope in intellectual
and moral pursuits—no reward in industry and enterprize. Our
ships may fill every port—our commerce float on every sea, and our
canvass be waſted by every breeze —we may exhaust our midnight
lamps in the prosecution of study, and be denied the privileges of
the forum—we may be embellishing the nation's literature by our
pursuits in science—the preceptors of a Newton in astronomy—the
dictators of Philosophy to a Lock or a Bacon—the masters of a Mon-
tesquieu or a Blackstone on civil and international law—or could we
equal the ſounder of christianity in the purity of our lives, and the
power and truth of our precepts and the extent of our morals, yet
with all these exalted virtues we could not possess the privileges you
enjoy in Pennsylvania, because we are not “white.” Is this light of
the 19th century Gracious God! is it possible, that in the absence

10
of crime thy Providence is made a party to our disfranchisment.
Humiliating as it may be to contemplate the fact, it is written in the
fundamental laws of your government, and must there remain until
you, by the exercise of your prerogative, choose to remove it, the
principles of your religion and republicanism to the contrary notwith-
standing. We appeal to you as a body in whom are deposited the
power of state sovereignty for weal or for wo—and to each of you
individually desiring that if you feel that the obstruction of which we
complain ought not to exist, that you will use your influence to obtain
its repeal.
Our object in assembling is not only to petition the Legislature
ourselves, but also to solicit you to petition. We hope that petitions on
this subject will be sent to the Legislature from every City, Town,
County, and Township in this Commonwealth.
We feel encouraged to petition from a prevalent belief that the po-
sition we are forced to occupy is contrary to the spirit and genius of
the people of this State, our petitions can only reach the humanity
of the Legislator, while yours will instruct him in a course of action.
We can conceive of no just reason why Pennsylvania should not
occupy the highest position among her sister republics. Her early
history and position in this confederacy, the principles and measures
of her early fathers and lawgivers, as well as the circumstances of
the American Revolution, have placed her on an eminence to give
laws to the world. Her soil has been the theatre of as illustrious events
as ever moved the historic pen, or fired the imagination of the orator.
Beneath her soil lies the ashes of the immortal dead whose fame is
as imperishable as her mineral mountains. She has been the favoured
child of fortune, cradled in success. Providence became her nursing
mother, by throwing into her lap, with boundless profusion, not only
peace and plenty, but a host of intellectual giants, to guide her during
her infant pilgrimage through the rocks and quicksands of despotism.
Her time-honoured sons have occupied that proud pinnacle of fame
upon which the nations of the earth have gazed with awe and admi-
ration; and now when the revolutions of time have numbered them
with the past, their characters and deeds still live in the memories
of the just, and whose characters are brilliant monuments to light the
pathway of posterity. When the last scroll of time shall be wound
up on the great windlass of eternity it will present the indestructible
names of your Penns, Franklins, Rushes, Wistars, Benezets, Wool-
mans, Morrises, Wilsons, Taylors and a host of others whose highest
aim was justice to mankind. These men were the master builders of
your Republican Edifice. If the spirits of the departed are permitted
by Providence to take a survey of the scenes of their earthly glory,
shall these transcendent spirits look down from their peaceful abode
on your amended Constitution, and there behold a barrier against the
exercise of civil rights, more potent than is to be found in any despo-
tic government on the globe We know that when adversity over-
shadows your prosperity, it is only of ephemeral duration—and we
humbly trust that you will not suffer the GREAT sun of your republican

11
Eden to be long eclipsed by a scintillating planet from exploding mon-
archies. To you has been bequeathed the important duty of pre-
serving this government from the fate of the ancient republics. If you
protect its principles, and pass them down to posterity unimpaired,
you will have completed the noble structure whose corner Stone was
laid by your fathers; and when future generations shall be surround-
ed by republics like our planetary system around the great Orb of
Day, the traditionary historian will point to your republican model,
as the political sun in the great firmament of nations, from whence
they derive their light and heat.
No other suitable trophy can be erected to the memory of your revo-
lutionary sires. Then, and not until then, will the martyred blood
that washed your virgin soil have produced trees of liberty, from
which mankind may, without distinction of complexion, pluck the
heaven-born fruit. Their appeal to the Supreme Judge of the world
for the rectitude of their intentions was in behalf of mankind, and the
true mission of republics, can never be achieved until mankind, without
distinction of nation or complexion are embraced within its folds.
When your Independence Hall, on the fourth day of July, 1776,
was made sacred by a consecration to the great cause of human lib-
erty, your Morris, Rush, Franklin, Wilson, and Ross pledged them-
selves—their fortunes and sacred honors--forthe purpose of establishing
a republican form of government, with the representatives from Massa-
chusetts, through her Adams, Paine, and Gerry—with Rhode Island
through her Hopkins and Ellery, and although Vermont was not
represented in that illustrious body, she may now be added to the list
of those States that have succeeded in establishing universal suffrage.
After having finished the duties assigned them by their constituents,
they severally returned to their homes, and commenced spreading
the live coals from the altar of freedom until the electric sparks gal-
vanized the dead corpse of political liberty, and the people rushed
in masses to their standards, while posterity caught the flame, and
the proud and ever-glorious result is realized in the fact that each of
these States have succeeded in establishing a republican form of
government where men of all complexions enjoy an equality of rights.
It is now leſt for you to decide whether Pennsylvania shall be less
fortunate. Must the arduous labours of your great men fail to be
consummated, while those of their confederates have been crowned with
triumphant success :
We make no foreign issue with you—we place ourselves on your
own declaration of rights and principles. On these hang our future
hope, and with them we will stand or fall. We will now leave the
subject with the hope that no collateral issue may affect the justice of
our claims; it being solely a question of rights springing from your
own republican creed.
In soliciting an extensive circulation for this appeal, we must draft
on the benevolence and liberality of the press; for without its favoura-
ble influence, no cause, however pure, may hope to succeed, and with
it truth and justice must prove invincible.

12
We shall live and labour in the glorious anticipation of success; but
if it should prove otherwise, and you should not consent to repeal the
sentence you have passed on Providence, we shall derive the rich
consolation that in making this appeal we have discharged a duty we
owed to ourselves, to freedom, and republicanism—to posterity and
to God. WM. WHIPPER,
ABRAM. D. SHADD,
J. F. Dickson,
J. J. G. Bias,
Robert PURwis,
- M. W. GIBBEs,
- SAMUEL WAN BRAKLE,
Harrisburg, Dec. 14th 1848. Commiſtee,
-
AN APPEAL TO THE COLORED CITIZENS OF
PENNSYLVANIA.
Fellow Citizens,—Being impressed with the spirit of that great
law of progress which directs mankind to seek for liberty and happi-
ness under the protection of free institutions, we have assembled in
Convention, for the purpose of exchanging our views with each other
on the best method of obtaining it. And in pursuance of the object
of said Convention, we have been appointed to address you on the
subject of our future action.
You will discover in the report of our proceedings, that we have
recommended that petitions be sent to the Legislature, praying for a
repeal of the word “white ” from the Constitution of this State.
The foot prints of every step we have trod, are stamped with suc-
cess. The unanimity of sentiment that prevailed in the Conven-
tion, swelled the harmonious notes which announce the proud future.
Our favorable reception by the citizens of Harrisburgh, and the re-
spectful attention we received in going and returning from the Con-
vention, proclaimed that the people were pleased with our object, and
prepared to second our movements.
We have issued an address to the voters of this state, beseeching
them to apply their republican principles to our cause, and blot from
their Constitution the last remnants of monarchy.
We assume for our basis and corner stone, “that all just govern-
ments derive their powers from the consent of the governed,” and
that, as we have long been numbered with the latter, every principle
of republican justice we maintain vindicates our right to be invested
with the same sovereignty exercised by others.
We have launched into a new position. Our fathers sought per-
sonal freedom—we now contend for political freedom.
The Constitution, by disfranchising us, while it claims to be repub-
lican, has stricken a blow at our manhood, and not only ours, but at
a majority of those who people this globe.

13
We intend suing for our rights as men; where the Executive and
Legislative branches of the government is the Court, and 400,000 le-
gaſ voters the jury, our own conduct being the witnesses, and true
republican principles the law. -
No case, of equal importance, can ever be tried in this common-
wealth, whether we regard the elevated character and position of the
court, the number, intelligence, and power of the jury, or the incalcu-
able interests at stake, pending on the decision. It stands on an un-
disputed pre-eminence, far beyond any parallel in history. -
The justly celebrated Somersett case, that was tried in England, in
the King's Bench before Lord Mansfield, on the 7th of February,
1772, when all established usages and precedents were broken down
by the promulgation of a decision from the learned bench, declaring
that “slaves cannot breathe in England,” was but a very faint daguer-
reotype likeness of our own.
It is true, that if we succeed, a portion of our jurors, like Lord
Mansfield, may reverse their previous decisions. It is also true, that
the opinions of many of the jury, like their numbers, have under-
gone a change in ten years, which is favorable to our claims; either
from having the question stripped from foreign issues, or causes un-
known to us. Of one thing we are certain, that a large empannel-
ment has been added to the jury, since our case was before the peo-
ple, from those who were deprived by minority, from exercising the
prerogative of voters. These have never had the subject placed be-
fore them, in a manner and form requiring their study and investiga-
tion. It was a wise forecast in the Convention to embody a proviso,
that all future amendments to the Constitution should pass two suc-
cessive Legislatures, before they were presented to the people for
ratification. This measure allows all those favorable to the said
amendments, a sufficient time to urge their claims on the attention of
the people.
It may seem to many, as being too slow in our case, to satisfy the
demands of justice; yet it is nevertheless an important safeguard to
the rights, privileges, and interests of the people.
Now fellow citizens, we should feel a deep interest in this cause,
and hasten its onward march, by every means in our power. For
over us, and our children, its pregnant consequences, to our future
welfare, hangs like a mighty incubus; shall we longer ſold our arms
with stoic indifference, and falter before this judgment of power,
which, like some great Andes, is crushing us and our children be-
neath its pondrous weight; rather than rise like men possessing the
spirit of freemen, and petition those in authority for its removal? In
vain has been our acquaintance with letters, if we remain blind to the
teachings of history.
Shall the spirit of liberty continue to inspire every nation—rock
every government, and freight every breeze, and leave us like some
unnatural excrescence, or motionless adamant unmoved by its power!
Shall we read, not only in books, but in the examples of those who
surround us, the inestimable value that others place on the free ex-

14
ercise of their political rights, and long remain indifferent to our own.
If we do, a more powerful argument cannot be urged for withhold-
ing them. It was wielded with great effect on a former occasion, and
will remain a standing obstruction to us, unless we by a bold and
energetic action, cast it to the four winds.
The old adage, that “the price of liberty is eternal vigilance,” is
as true now, as when it was first uttered. Others will be induced to
advocate our rights, just in proportion, as they discover that we set
a just value on them ourselves.
Slaves have learned to lick the dust, and stifle the voice of free in-
quiry; but we are not slaves—our right to natural liberty, and a
qualified citizenship, is guaranteed to us by the Constitution. Full,
civil, and political liberty, is regarded by the ablest writers on govern-
ment, as the only true safeguard to individual liberty—so that, their
presence is vindicated by necessity.
There are many points of difference between the celebrated Somer-
sett case, and ours. He was separated by water from those influ-
ences prejudical to his case, and it was managed by able counsel,
learned in the law, while the decision was wrung from noble Lords,
after a patient investigation of the principles proclaimed in the Magna
Charta of Great Britain. We are situated in the midst of our jurors,
where every possible opportunity is presented for prejudging our
cause. Our jurors are men from all creeds of christians, all political
parties, possessing minds of every shade of thought, from the most
exalted intelligence, to unpardonable ignorance; of every classifica-
tion of sympathy, and every quality of prejudice, with no other
standard before them, than their own ideas of republicanism, which
they are not bound by oaths to support, and such is the equal distri-
bution of power among them, that our worst enemy can nullify the
act of our best friend.
The evidence that was required in the Somersett case was language,
in our case it will be actions. We should resist on the very thresh-
old of the court this distinction in evidence, as having no foundation
in established precedents, in the Judicial and Legislative branches of
our government.
You may clearly discover, fellow citizens, the narrow path on
which we must tread; every juryman will be a living witness against
us, if this rule of evidence be admitted, the least departure from the
ground of moral rectitude, will be magnified into a base attempt to
overthrow the laws, and disturb the peace of society. Our petty
jealousies and bickerings, will be regarded as lawless invasions.
Even drunkenness that is often characterized as the essence of fash-
ionable folly, among the whites, will be ascribed to degeneracy in us.
The tide of our vices, will not be considered to rise and fall by tempta-
tion, like those of other men, but as springing from an inherent quality
of our nature.
They will describe us as being too low in the scale of creation to
be reached by the heavenly light, and then denounce us for being
immoral. They will assert our inferiority in the scale of creation,

15
and then taunt as with not having established our equality, by the
overthrow of nature's laws. In short, we will be required to perform
impossibilities, and denounced for not surmounting them.
These are a portion of the difficulties that must be met and over-
come, and every argument that we furnish by our conduct, that mi-
litates against our cause, procrastinates the period when we must
finally triumph. -
But let no one be mistaken from what we have said respecting
condition, or that we would make it a standard; it is only a means. If
it could be made a standard, there would not be the remotest possi-
bility of success by rallying under it.
But let no man falter under the supposition, that the path marked
out is so narrow, that we cannot walk in it. Even if condition
were the standard, the path has been trodden by one, whose life and
character was a shining ornament among us for upwards of three
score years, a model man, one of nature's noblemen. If integrity of
character, connected with all the characteristics which render men
good and great, could not preserve him from the ban of proscription,
then it must be admitted that condition can present no qualifications,
capable of being a passport of admission into the rights and privi-
leges of citizenship in this state. It has been argued that we were
disfranchised on the grounds of condition. This we deny. The
reasons urged for our disfranchisement were founded on condition.
Those who laboured to disfranchise us, dared not to make condition
the standard. While they asserted our inferiority, they were too
cowardly to give us a fair field to become competitors for the prize of
merit. They were cunning logicians, and well knew that no argu-
ment founded on condition would meet the false prejudices of their
constituents. They knew that the period had long since passed when
it would be possible to frame a standard of condition that would sepa-
rate the white from the colored people.
So they disfranchised us by eatinguishing justice-disqualifying
merit, assuming condition as their reason, and complexion as the stand-
ard. By refusing to make their standard the basis of their reasons,
they have admitted its injustice; and by refusing to make their rea-
sons their standard of disqualification, they have denied their validity.
As our Constitution has not prescribed any standard of religious, moral
or intellectual qualifications, we could not have been disfranchised if
misfortune had not placed them in our possession. So no amend-
ment could have passed the Convention, and been adopted by the
people, having pecuniary qualification, that would have wholly dis.
franchised us. Condition was but the pretext—the capital on which
to furnish arguments—a passport to power, and that point being gained,
they were determined to disfranchise us, as a body, on account of com-
pleasion; they did not need reasons, because they were prepared to
vote on the ground of prejudices. And if their power had been
co-extensive with their wills, many of them would not only have
disfranchised us, but the poor of every nation, and whole political
parties, that were opposed to them in the bargain.
16
Therefore, our only hope of effecting a change, in the fundamental
laws of this State, is through a successful appeal to the voters thereof,
whose sovreign will must direct her future destiny.
We have not only shown, that they did not disfranchise us on
account of our condition, but that they could not. And if further
testimony be needed, we will bring to the stand, Mr. Martin, of Phila-
delphia county, the member of the Convention who bears the distin-
guished honor of having introduced the word “white” into the Con-
stitution. He says in a speech on that subject, “Much has been done
for these people—schools have been kept up—they have been instruct-
ed in all the sciences, and in the rudiments of religion, and I have
known but one solitary instance of a good result, although I have
lived forty years on the same spot, and have been well acquainted
with all that has been done. There is a BLAck gentlemen in Phila-
delphia county, JAMEs ForTEN, a sail maker, who is an exception.
What is his situation ? He has accumulated property, obtained a re-
spectable standing, and in consequence of his colour, is noticed more
than a white man would be in the same situation. I will say, there-
fore, that all these attempts are fallacious, and that nothing can be done
to place the coloured race by the side of the whites.”
We leave you after reading the above extract to decide for your-
selves, whether Mr. Martin was induced to insert the word “white”
from the view that our people had failed to reach that high position
contemplated by their benefactors, or from a spirit of jealousy at the
notoriety that followed their success, in “consequence of their colour.”
It could not have been the former, because he represents them as hav-
ing “obtained the rudiments of religion, and as being in possession of
All the sciences.” -
Such qualifications endorsed by such high authority ought not dis-
fanchise us on account of condition. If he was moved by jealousy
not arising from any act of James Forten, but from the distinguished
notice he received from others in “consequence of his colour,” then
the argument against our inferiority becomes ea ploded. He says “he
has no hatred for these people.” If he means that his course towards
us is friendship, we pity his enemies. But let us examine his sense
of justice, so that we may be able to comprehend what he would re-
quire of us. Now, he says that James Forten, was a black gentleman,
and the only exception among a standing population of 20,000, which
of course must have doubled itself in the forty years of Mr. Martin’s
residence and surveillance. Does Mr. Martin make any effort, to protect
James Forten, from the doom of all those who are recognized by the
same completion. No, after endorsing his character for “prosperiº/,
reputation, and gentlemanship,” he too must be immolated, not on ac:
count of his condition, but mark ye it is his completion. The reason,
for the omission perhaps lies in the fact that he prefaced the term
gentleman with black, and as he expresses a jealousy for the fear of
coloured men's popularity, and in case they shall be permitted to Yºlº
would have the power of distributing offices in the different wards.
There is great reason for the impression, that Mr. Forten was a


17
sHINING MARK, and that Mr. Martin’s object was more achieved in
effecting his disfranchisement then in the very worst sample that could
have been presented. Now when Mr. Martin's own endorsement of
the condition and character of James Forten, would not induce him
to make an exception in his favour ; it most clearly proves that no
condition, however exalted, possesses a protecting influence. James
Forten might have been the Moses of the Israelites—the CHRIST of the
Gentiles—the WASHINGTON of AMERICA, and he would have been dis-
franchised, so far as Mr. Martin’s vote and influence was concerned.
But, let no one suppose that we undervalue any effort, for the im-
provement of our condition. We know that it will be capable of ex-
erting a powerful influence on future decisions as well as it did on the
past. Our object in using the names of James Forten and Mr. Mar-
tin, is to make a strong case for the purpose of disabusing’your minds of
the false views that have been circulated, that we were disfranchised
on account of our eondition. It would have been unfortunate for Mr.
Martin if the forty thousand coloured people in the State could each
have represented the same character and influence of James Forten,
he would have been without a conditional basis on which to erect his
compleaſional Issue. This would be requiring too much, for he was
a model man, and no nation in the whole tide of time, from the twelve
tribes of Israel down to the Liberian republic, ever presented a front
where the mass possessed such unsullied purity. In taking leave of
Mr. Martin we are unable to say whether his views have undergone
any change, but as we understand that he is still living, we are
willing the public shall have the benefit of his arguments. His whole
course has impressed us with the belief that he did not make the
name of James Forten an exception out of respect to the man or his
virtues. The exception was necessary to characterize his own intelli-
gence and establish his veracity. JAMEs ForTEN, though dead, his
example still lives in the memory and affections of those who knew
him. If we imitate his virtues, our influence will dissolve mountains
of prejudice. He loved to make friends, while too many of us create
enemies. The examples of all such will be like millstones around
our cause, and if we fail to succeed it will be their fault.
Every man should consider that from this time forward the eyes of
his jurors will be upon him, and if we would avoid any unjust cause of
offence, in a case involving dollars and cents, how much more care-
ful ought we to be where the great stake is our rights and privileges
as citizens. Each one should be careful to win friends to our cause.
We should be careful to present a manly bearing by the exercise
of politeness and good manners, and avoid all unnecessary display
and ostentation—also profane language and invidious expressions, ei-
ther in favour of or against political parties. For, if we obtain the
right of citizenship it will not be through the influence of any one
party; we must look to the justice of the people without distinction of
party, creed, or sect. Let us ever bear in mind that “money is the
sinew of war,” and that to carry this question to a successful issue,
you will not only have to act with circumspection, but you will have
o
-

18
to tax yourselves for its support. Remember, we can make no sacri-
fices in this cause which will not produce an equivalent reward. Should
we not obtain our enfranchisement at once, we will gain in the conso-
lidation of our people on the great subject of our rights. The dismem-
bered factions of sects and parties will lose their identity in the
union of discordant elements. Our wasteful contributions, folly and
fancy will seek a channel for investment in an exchequer from which
we may draw honor, wealth, intelligence and power. Our superflu-
ons trappings will be substituted for plain and useful apparel. Our
science of music and signs will be more fully displayed in the science of
letters of economy. In the dissolution of our local and affiliated socie-
ties, a base will be discovered on which to erect institutions from whose
gigantic structure, national themes can be proclaimed. The seed of
revolution once successfully planted, only needs the application of
right instrumentalities to carry it into successful operation. With a
proper direction of our resources we have within us the elements that
will make us a great people.
But, if we would ucceed, we must erect our standard on the rock of
principle—and our measures should always be guided by the highest
eapediency. We must not forget from whence we started, and like
the children of Israel keep our eyes directed towards the promised
land; ever watchfully surveying the difficulties to be surmounted, and
make our attacks on the most pregnable points. We should never
waste our ammunition in skirmishing and sound, nor direct our artil-
lery in the air. We must make the history of oppressed nations our
light-houses—and never relax our efforts until we have passed the
Rubicon of Caste, and landed safely on Pisgah's top.
We must ever keep the fact in view that we are disfranchishd be-
cause we are not “white.” We must endeavor to influence the voters
of this State to repeal this compleational standard. Our cause is
analogous to those which have been the foundation of revolutions for
upwards of two hundred years, excepting those that had their founda-
tion in the religious intolerance, while ours is compleaſional.
The Protestant reformation of the 16th century had its foundation
in the religious intolerance of the catholics. Look at the history of
Ireland under George III—at a period when she was furnishing Eng-
land with a generation of patriots, who were weaving laurels for the
brow of the British Crown, both at home and abroad—in the field and
in the camp—at the bar and in the forum—while in the Parliament the
Catholic religion was stricken down by Protestent power, and its de-
voted worshippers made to suffer in their persons and privileges,
because they would not consent to abandon the idol of their faith.
Look at the history of the Quakers, the Catholics and Jews of this
country, have they too not been hanged, scourged, disfrnnchised, and
persecuted on account of their religious faith ! Have they not been
obliged to seek their title to the privilege of citizenship through the
dire fogs of persecution that became so tangible, that like Egyptian
darkness they “felt it,” and mark the results. Their talents have been

19
devoted to improvement; faithful to their creed, they have rode tri-
umphantly over the billows of the storm. They might have knelt
before the Moloch of power, renounced their faith, and by bowing at
the shrine of hypocrisy have purchased a pardon with the price of
their conscience. With us it is otherwise, we must suffer the “altars
and Gods” to sink together.
The charges upon which we are arraigned, is a debt which hypoc-
risy cannot liquidate. The divinity that debars us from the privi-
leges of Citizenship, is more DURABLE than REVELATION inscribed on
parchment, the intuitions of prophecy embodied in creeds, or the un-
written evidences of our faith streaming from the fountain of our con-
sciences. It is emblazoned on our cheeks by the IMPREss of DEITY.
Light from heaven irradiates it, and darkness alone can obscure it.
Others by becoming traitors to their principles, might have for-
saken their faith, but we cannot abandom our complewion. We are
forced to meet the issue, and that on completional grounds. The
same foe to liberty is in the field that persecuted Luther at the “Diet
of Worms,” and burned Michael Servetus at the stake—executed
Emmet and his colleagues in Ireland—that hung the Quakers in the
land of the Pilgrims—that disfranchised the Jews, and in more mod-
ern times, mobbed the Catholics. They boldly went to battle with a
foe whose Godlike power shook the whole earth. They girded
themselves with the weapons of truth and justice, and became invin-
cible. The contest was long and severe, but the great DAGoN of
power and oppression fell and crumbled at the feet of a revolutionary
power, that has poured more blessings into the lap of nations than
any event recorded in the world's history. It is the scattered frag-
ments of that enemy to mankind, that relentless foe to civil and
religious liberty which had spent its force in wars of religious despot-
ism that is now again resuscitated and consolidated for the purpose of
executing completional intolerance. It is this power, so often foiled
and beaten that has striken down our rights, privileges, and citizen-
ship in Pennsylvania. And the most humiliating part in the whole
drama, is, the contemplation that we are obliged to contend for our
rights with the sons of those conquerors who shed their blood in bat-
tling with the same enemy and in defence of the same glorious
principles, and whose ashes have produced trees of liberty, under
which their posterity may not only be protected from the storms of
despotism, but may repose in peaceful security beneath their branches.
We regret that we are forced to appeal to those sects and parties that
are fresh from the fires of persecution, and whose parental history is
scarred with the wounds and bruises of the conquered and slain.
But, we will appeal to them; they are but men, and have hearts,
feelings and sympathies as other men, therefore we will appeal to
them, as men whose origin and destiny are and must be inseparable
from theirs. Born heirs to the same natural rights—having a just
claim to the exercises of the same conventional rights, so long as we
are governed by the same laws let, us implore them by their re-

20
spect for the past, and their love for the future, not to fetter our spirits
or manacle our limbs with chains, “which neither they nor their
fathers could bear,” and which required ages of labour to dissolve.
We will appeal to them by their religion and republicanism not
to make a foreign issue with us on the grounds of condition. We
have marked their issue—and nailed our flag to their complexional
standard, and under it we will rally, sink or swim-survive or perish,
we will be found fiercely combating the enemies of equal rights, and
in favor of the laws of Providence.
But let us first charge home upon ourselves. We too have admit-
ted on our platform this abominable doctrine of condition; we have
been allured by false ideas, we want not only language to express
our detestation of existing evils, but we need new terms for the vindi-
cation of our rights. We have been advocates of the doctrine that
we must be elevated before we could expect to enjoy the privileges
of citizenship; we can never approach nearer the white man than we
now are while he possesses all the machinery of progress. We do
now henceforth and forever discard it, and deny that in the true
republican sense of the term that we need to be elevated before we
are enfranchised. The Almighty having clothed us with the attributes
of human nature, we are placed on an equality with the rest of man-
kind. The declaration of American Independence, and our own
State's Bill of Rights ask no more. If we admit the fatalism that we
need to be elevated before we are fitted to possess the rights and
privileges of white men, we consequently acknowledge our inferiority
in the scale of creation. Let us never attempt to erect the temple of
freedom on such a sandy foundation. Let us reject every attempt to
dethrone the dignity of our manhood so long us the spirits of freedom
runs in our veins, and we feel within us the evidences of immortality.
Let us rest our cause on the republican standard of the revolution-
ary Fathers, while we knock at the doors of the constitution and
demand an entrance. If we are asked what evidence we bring to
sustain our qualifications for citizenship, we will offer them certificates
of our BIRTH and NATIvity. If we are denied admission, let the
cause of our rejection be ascribed to our complexion. Then we shall
have a fair view of the question at issue, then we shall be able to
see (and our friends too) that it is not our impiety—our ignorance-
our immorality, or our wicked customs and habits that places us with-
out the pale of constitutional landmarks. But that it is our complex-
ion alone which furnishes the apology. If we could by a single “feat”
of nature change our complexion, every objection to our full exercise
of constitutional privileges would be banished before to-morrow's sun.
We therefore hope that our friends will cease to place any faith in
the doctrine, that our religious, literary, and moral improvement will
be the means of enfranchising us. We need all these much, for our
spiritual, moral and intellectual improvement for the promotion of
our present and future welfare. But these are not constitutional
requirements. The people of Pennsylvania, in their conventional

21
capacity, did not set up such a test on which to base the rights of
elective franchise. To have carried out such a principle would have
disfranchised a portion of the whites, while it would have clothed
thousands of our people with those very privileges of which they are
now denied. We are not asking the voters of Pennsylvania to elevate
us; they cannot do it. All we ask of them is, that they “take their
feet from off our necks,” that we may stand free and erect like them-
selves. We prescribe for them no form of government; all we desire
is that they will practice their own professed principles. In our pres-
ent form of government, the will of the people is the law of the land.
It is therefore the rankest form of injustice and despotism to require
of those whom they have denied the eatercise of their will in the for-
mation of those laws to yield implicit obedience to the same. All we
ask of them to perform, they have sworn before high heaven to execute.
We desire to disabuse the public mind with regard to a fatal error
which has long been entertained by many gifted and philanthropic
minds, viz. that our religious, moral, and intellectual elevation would
secure us our political privileges. We aver that it will not; we can
now produce sufficient samples in these virtues and acquirements to
redeem the character of a world. Sodom would have been saved
with a far less proportion. No, if we had colored men who could
write like Paul, preach like Peter, pray like Aminadab, iron hearted
prejudice would cry out he is black.
If our halls of science, the bar, and the forum, reverberated with
the eloquence of Cicero or Demosthenes, or to come down to modern
times, if they were capable of eclipsing those master spirits of the
American Senate with the power of their genius—or possessed the
wealth of Croesus or a Girard, the vulgar voice of the populace
would still cry out they are a degraded people, because they are black.
We are not among those who believe that neither religion, humanity
or legislation can remove this unholy prejudice against our complex-
ion. We know it to be vincible, and we feel assured that where true
religion exists it cannot enter. Every human being, according to
Scripture, who hates his brother without a cause, is totally destitute of
the spirit of christianity. Our political elevation is more depending
on the improvement of the white man's heart than on the colored
man’s mind; we need moral and intellectual cultivation as a means
through which we may be able to enlist the advocacy of our friends
and influence the minds of our opponents. Our present situation is a
living commentary on the principle that governs American legisla-
tion, and controls American justice.
Finally, brethren, in conclusion we cannot part without again ad-
monishing you that you must not fail to battle with the demon of
compleasional INToI.ERANCE FIRST, and let the subject of our condition
follow, for unless you pursue this course your labours will prove
fruitless. In Massachusetts, Vermont, and Rhode Island they have
slain this monster, and now they are enjoying the blessings of politi-

22
cal equality. The avenues to industry, wealth, and power now being
open to them as to others, they can construct the edifice of their own
fortunes, and make their condition vie with that of the most favored
class of citizens.
When we take a retrospective view of the past, we have reason to
believe that the republican pride of the old Keystone State will excite
her ambition to occupy the loftiest position in the temple of freedom.
She has already in her legislative capacity erased from her statue book
the last remains of domestic Slavery, she will not long suffer her funda-
mental code to be tarnished with a relic of political barbarism. Until
then we must labour with an untiring devotion, making Liberty our
watchword and the elective franchise our ruling idea. We must
collect our people from their distracting factions, and cement their
dismembered elements around one common standard which will
establish union, and consolidate their strength, and the day will not be
distant when we shall be clothed with the robe of citizenship, when
the constitution of Pennsylvania like the sun of liberty will send
forth her refulgent rays of civil and political liberty on us as upon the
rest of mankind. WM. WHIPPER,
ABRAM. D. SHADD,
J. J. Dickson,
J. J. G. BIAs,
RoberT PURVIs,
M. W. GIBBEs,
SAMUEL WAN BRARLE.
Committee.

CONSTITUTION.
ARTICLE I.
The Name of this Association shall be “THE CITIZENs’ UNIon or
The CoMMoMwFALTH of PENnsylvania.”
ARTICLE II.
Its object shall be, to obtain for the colored people of Pennsylvania
all the Rights and Immunities of Citizenship.
ARTICLE III.
It will endeavor to obtain these Rights and Immunities by holding
PUBLIC MEETINGs, delivering LEcTUREs, circulating NewsPAPERs and
TRACTs, thereby producing such a change in PUBLIC opinion as shall
induce the LEGISLATURE when PETITIONED, and the voters of the
Commonwealth when presented there with, to grant them.
ARTICLE IV.
Any person being eighteen years of age, and a citizen of Penn-
sylvania, or desirous of becoming a citizen, and subscribing to this
Constitution, and paying into its TREASURY, or the Treasury of any of
its Auxiliaries, the sum of fifty cents annually, shall be a mem-
ber of this Association.
ARTICLE V.
The annual instalment shall be paid on or before the first Monday
of October in each year; and any member failing to pay it by that
day shall not be allowed to vote in any of the doings of this associa-
tion, or any of its Auxiliaries until it is paid.
ARTICLE VI.
County Associations, Auxiliary to this, may be formed in each of
the several Counties of the State, and shall be entitled to a represen-
tation in the Annual Meeting of this Association, equal in number to
the number of Senators and Representatives of such County in the
State Legislature.
ARTICLE VII.
A certain portion of the funds of each Auxiliary shall be paid into
the Treasury of this Association on or before the day of its Annual

24
Meeting, otherwise the representatives of such Auxiliary shall not be
entitled to vote in said Annual Meeting.
ARTICLE VIII.
The President, Vice President, Recording and Corresponding
Secretaries, and Treasurer, and seven members chosen to that office,
shall constitute the Executive committee, a majority of whom shall
constitute a quorum.
ARTICLE IX.
The several Officers of this Association shall discharge their respec-
tive duties in the usual manner, and shall continue in office until their
successors are elected.
ARTICLE X.
The Annual Meeting for the election of officers, hearing the annual
Report of the Executive Committee, and transacting the business of
the Association, shall be held on the second Wednesday in December
in each year.
ARTICLE XI.
All Agents and Lecturers in the service of this association, shall be
employed and directed in their labours, by the Executive Committee,
and shall be accountable to it for the faithful discharge of their duty.
ARTICLE XII.
In view of the object of this association, and the means it will be
enabled to command. It shall be the duty of the Executive Commit-
tee in the commencement of the discharge of their duties, to confine
themselves to the publication of such papers, and the delivery of such
lectures, as shall tend to possess the colored people of KNow LEDGE,
WEALTH and GoodNess, and thus elevate them intellectually, morally,
socially, and politically to the rank of free and equal citizenship of
the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania.
ARTICLE XIII.
Whenever undue sectional influences, in the doings of this Asso-
ciation, are apprehended by any two of its members, any number of
members, from any one County, shall be entitled to no greater num-
ber of votes, than the number of Senators and Representatives of such
County in the State Legislature.
ARTICLE XIV.
This Constitution may be altered or amended by a vote of a majo-
rity of the members present at the Annual Meeting.



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