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AN ACCOUNT
OF THE
REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES
IN THE LIFE AND TRAVELS OF
Col. JAMES SMITH,
Now a Citizen of Bourlon County, Kentucky,)
DURING HIS CAPTIVITY WITH THE INDIANS,
IN THE YEARS 1755, 56, 57, 58, & '59,
In which the Cutoms, Manners, Traditions, Theological Sen
timents, Mode of Warfare, Military Tactics, Ducline in
Encampments, Treatment of priſoners, &c. are bette: ex.
plained, and more minutely related, than has been heretofore
done, by any author on that ſubject. Together with a De-
fcription of the Soil, Timber and Waters, where he travel:
led with the Indians, during his captivicy.
TO WHICH IS ADDED,
A Brief Account of fome Very Uncommon Occurrences, which
tranſpired after his return from captivity; as well as of the
Different Campaigns carried on againſt the Indians to the
wellward of Fort Pitt, ſince the year 1755, to the present
date.
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.
LEXINGTON:
PRINTED BY JOHN BRADFORD, ON MAIN STREET,
1799

MA
4
COPY RIGHT SECURED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS.

PREFA CE,
I was ſtrongly urged to publiſh the following
work, immediately after my return from captiv-
ity, which was nearly forty years ago-but, as
at that time the Americans were ſo little acquain-
ted with Indian affairs, I apprehended a great
part of it would be viewed as fable or romance.
As the Indians never attempted to prevent ne
either from reading or writing, I kept a Journal,
which I reviſed ſhortly after my return from
captivity, and which I have kept ever ſince: and
as I have had but a moderate Engliſh education,
have been adviſed to employ ſome perſon of Tib-
eral education to tranſcribe and einbell it but
believing that nature always outſhines art, have
thought, that occurrences' truly and plainly fla-
ted, as they happened, would make the beit hif-
tory, be better underſtood, and inoſt" entertain-
ing
In the different Indian ſpeeches copied into this
work, I have not only. imitated their own fiyle,
or mode of ſpeaking, but have alſo preſerved the
ideas meant to be communicated in thoſe ſpeeches
In common converſation, I have uſed my own
ſtyle, but preſerved their ideas. The principal
advantage that I expect will reſult to the public,
from the publication of the following ſheets, is
the observations on the Indian mode of warfare. Ex-
perience has taught the Americans the neceſſity of
adopting their mode, and the more perfect me
are in that mode, the better we ſhall be able to
defend ourſelves againſt them, when Nefence is
neceſſary,
JAMES SMITH
Bourbon County, June 1st, 1790

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REMARKABLE
OCCURRENCES, &C.
IN
N May 1755, the province of Pennſylvania, agreed to ſend
out three hundred men, in order to cut a waggon road from
Fort Loudon, to join Braddock's road, near the Turkey Foct,
or three forks of Yohogania. My brother-in-law, William
Smith eſq. of Conococheague, was appointed commiflioner, to
have the overſight of theſe road-cutters.
Though I was at that time only eighteen years of age, I had
fallen violently in love with a young lady, whom I apprehend-
ed was poffefſed of a large share of both beauty and virtue ---
but being born between Venus and Mars, I concluded I muſt
alſo leave my dear fair one, and go out with this company of
road-cutters, to ſee the event of this campaign ; but ſtill ex-
pecting that ſome time in the courſe of this fusamer, I ſhould
again return to the arms of my beloved.
We went on with the road, without interruption, until hear
the Allegheny Mountain ; when I was ſent back, in order to lur-
ry up ſome proviſion waggons that were on the way after us;
I proceeded down the road as far as the croſſings of Juniata,
where, finding the waggons were coming on as faſt as poſible,
I returned
up the road, again towards the Allegheny Mountain,
in company with one Arnold Vigoras. About four or five
miles above Bedford, three Indians had made a blind of buſh-
es, ſtuck in the ground, as though they grew naturally,
where they concealed themſelves, about fifteen yards from the
road. When we came oppofite to them, they fired upon us, at
this ſhort diſtance, and killed my fellow traveller, yet their
bullets did not touch me; but my horſe traking a violent ſtart,
threw me, and the Indians immediately ran up, and took me
priſoner. The one that laid hold on me was a Canafatauga,
the other two were Delawares. One of them could fpeak En-
glith, and aſked me if there were any more white men coming
B

[ 6 1
after ? I told them not any near, that I knew of. Two of theſe
Indians ſtood by me, whilſt the other fcalped my comrade: they
then ſet off and ran at a ſmart rate, through the woods, for a-
bout fifteen miles, and that night we flept on the Alegheny
Mountain, without fire.
The next morning they divided the laſt of their proviſion
which they had brought from Fort DuQueſne, and gave
me an equal ſhare, which was about two or three ounces of
mouldy biſcuit--this and a young Ground-Hog, about as large
as a Rabbit, roaſted, and alſo equally divided, was all the pro-
vifion we had until we came to the Loyal-Hannan, which was
about fifty miles; and a great part of the way we came through
exceeding rocky Laurel-thickets, without any path. When we
came to the Weft fide of Laurel-Hill, they gave the ſcalp hal-
loo, as uſual, which is a long yell or halloo, for every ſcalp or
priſoner they have in poſleilion ; the laſt of theſe ſcalp hal-
loos were followed with quick and ſudden, fhrillfhouts of joy and
triumph. On their performing this, we were anſwered by the
firing of a number of guns on the Loyal-Hannan, one after an-
other, quicker than one could count, by another party of Indi-
ans, who were encamped near where Ligoneer now ſtands.
As we advanced vear this party, they increafed with repeated
fhcuts of joy and triumph; but I did not ſhare with them in
their exceffive mirth. When we came to this camp, we found
they had plenty of Turkeys and other meat, there; and though
I never before eat veniſon without bread or falt; yet as I was
hungry, it reliſhed very well. There we lay that night, and
the next morning the whole of us marched on our way for Fort
DuQueine. The night after we joined another camp of Indi-
ans, with nearly the ſame ceremony, attended with great noiſe,
and apparent joy, among all, except one. The next morning
we continued our march, and in the afterncon we came in full
view of the fort, which ſtood on the point, near where Fort
Pitt row ftands. We then made a halt on the bank of the A-
legheny, and repeated the ſcalp halloo, which was anſwered by
the airing of all the firelocks in the hands of both Indians and
French who were in and about the fort, in the aforeſaid man-
ner, and alſo the great guns, which were followed by the con-
tinued cuts and yells of the different favage tribes who were
then collected there.
As I was at this time unacquainted with this mode of fring
and yelling of the favages, I concluded that there were thou-
fands of Indiants - there, ready to receive General Braddocks
but what added to my ſurprize, I ſaw numbers running tow-
ards me, ſtripped naked, excepting breech-clouts, and painted
in the moſt hideous manner, of various colors, though the prin,

[ 7 ]
apart. I
cipal color was vermillion, or a bright red; yet there was annex-
ed to this, black, brown, blue, &c. As they approached, they
formed themſelves into two long ranks, about two or three
rods I was told by an Indian that could ſpeak Engliſh,
that I muſt run betwixt theſe ranks, and that they would fog me
all the way, as I ran, and if I ran quick, it would be ſo much the
better, as they would quit when I got to the end of the ranks.
There appeared to be a general rejoicing around me, yet, I
could find nothing like joy in my breaſt; but I ſtarted to the
race with all the reſolution and vigor I was capable of exert-
ing, and found that it was as I had been told, for I was flogged
the whole way.
When I had got near the end of the lines, I
was ſtruck with ſomething that appeared to me to be a ſtick, or
the handle of a tommahawk, which cauſed me to fall to the
ground. On my recovering my ſenſes, I endeavored to renew
my race; but as I aroſe, fome one caſt fand in my eyes, which
blinded me fo, that I could not ſee where to run. They conti-
nued beating me moſt intolerably, until I was at length infenfi-
ble ; but before I loſt my ſenſes, I remember my wiſhing them
to ſtrike the fatal blow, for I thought they intended killing me,
but apprehended they were too long about it.
The firſt thing I remember was my being in the fort, amidit
the French and Indians, and a French doctor ſtanding by ne,
who had opened a vein in my left arm: after which the inter-
preter aſked me how I did, I told him I felt much pain; the do&tor
then waſhed my wounds, and the bruiſed places of my body; with
French brandy. As I felt fuint, and the brandy ſmelt well,
I aſked for ſome inwardly, but the doctor told me, by the in-
terpreter, that it did not fuit my caſe.
When they found I could ſpeak, a number of Indians came
around me, and examined me with threats of cruel death, if I
did not tell the truth. The firſt queſtion they asked me, was,
how many men were there in the party that were coming
from Pennſylvania, to join Braddock? I told them the truth, that
there were three hundred. The next queſtion was, were they
well armed? I told them them they were all well armed, (mean-
ing the arm of fleſh) for they had only about thirty guns among
the whole of them; which, if the Indians had known, they
would certainly have gone and cut them all off; therefore I
could not in confcience let them know the defenceleſs fituation
of theſe road-cutters. I was then ſent to the hoſpital, and
carefully attended by the doctors, and recovered quicker than
what I expected.
Some time after I was there, I was viſited by the Delaware
Indian already mentioned, who was at the taking of me, and
could ſpeak fome Engliſh. Though he ſpoke but bad Engliſh,

[ 8 ]
yet I found him to be a man of confiderable underſtanding. I
aked him if I had done any thing that had offended the Indi-
ans, which cauſed them to treat me fo unmercifully? He ſaid no,
it was only an old cuſtom the Indians had, and it was like how
do you do, after that he faid I would be well uſed. Iaked him
if I fhould be admitted to remain with the French? He ſaid no
and told me that as foon as I recovered, I muſt not only go
with the Indians, but muſt be made an Indian myſelf. I aſked
him what news from Braddock's army? He ſaid the Indians
Spied them every day, and he ſhewed me by making marks on
the ground with a ſtick, that Braddock's army was advancing
in very cloſe order, and that the Indians would ſurround them,
take trees, and (as he expreſſed it) shoot um down all one pi-
geon.
Shortly after this, on the oth day of July 1755, in the morn-
ing I heard a great ſtir in the fort. As I could then walk with
a ſtaff in my hand, I went out of the door which was juſt by the
wall of the fort, and ſtaod upon the wall and viewed the Indi-
ans in a huddle before the gate, where were barrels of powder,
bullets, flints &c. and every one taking what fuited; I ſaw the
Indians alſo march off in rank, intire--likewiſe the French Can
nadians, and ſome regulars, after viewing the Indians and
French in different poſitions, I computed them to be about four
hundred, and wondered that they attempted to go out againft
Braddock with fo,ſmall a party. I was then in high hopes that I
would foon fee them flying before the Britiih troops, and that
general Braddock would take the fort and refcue me.
I remained anxious to know the event of this day; and in
the afternoon I again obſerved a great noiſe and commotion in
the fort, and though at that time I could not underſt: d French,
yet I found that it was the voice of Joy and triumph, and fear
ed that they had received what I called bad news.
I had obſerved fome of the old country foldiers ſpeak Dutch,
as I ſpoke Dutch I went to one of them, and aſked him what was
the news? he told me that a runner had juſt arrived, who faid
that Braddock wouldcertainly be defeated; that the Indians and
French had furrounded him, and were concealed behind trees
and in gullies, and kept a conſtant fire upon the Engliſh, and that
they ſaw the Engliſh falling in heaps, and if they did not take the
river which was the only gap, andmake their eſcape, there would
not be one man left alive before fun down. Some time after
this I heard a number of fealp halloo's and faw a company of
Indians and French coming in. I obſerved they had a great
many bloody fcalps, grenadiers' caps, Britiſh canteens, bayo-
nets &c. with them. They brought the news that Braddock
was defeated. After that another company came in which ap-

[9]
ing
peared to be about one hundred, and chiefly Indians, and it
feemed to me that almoſt every one of this company was car-
rying ſcalps ; after this caine another company with a number
of waggon-horſes, and alſo a great many ſcalps. Thoſe that
were coming in, and thoſe that had arrived, kept a conſtant fi-
ring of ſmall arms, and alſo the great guns in the fort, which
were accompanied with the moſt hedious ſhouts and yells from
all quarters ; ſo that it appeared to me as if the infernal regi-
ons had broke looſe.
About fun down I beheld a ſmall party coming in with about
a dozen priſoners, ſtripped naked, with their hands tied behind
their backs, and their faces, and part of their bodies blacked
theſe priſoners they burned to death on the bank of Alegheny
River oppoſite to the fort. I ſtood on the fort wall until I be-
held them begin to burn one of theſe men, they had him tied to
a ſtake and kept touching him with fire-brands, red-hod irons,
&c. and he ſcreening in a moſt doleful manner;--the Indians
in the mean time yelling like infernal ſpirits. As this ſcene
appeared too ſhocking for me to behold, I retired to my lodge
both fore and forry.
When I came into my longings I ſaw Ruſſel's Seven Sere
mons, which they had brought from the field of battle, which
a Frenchman made a preſent of to me. From the beſt infor-
mation I could receive there were only ſeven Indians and four
French killed in this battle, and five hundred Britiſh lay dead
in the field ; beſides what were killed in the river on their re-
treat.
The morning after the battle I ſaw Braddock's artilery
brought into the fort, the fame day I alſo ſaw ſeveral Indians
in Britiſh-officers' dreſs with faſh, half-moon, laced hats &c.
which the Britiſh then wore.
A few days after this the Indians demanded me and I was
obliged to go with them. I was not yet well able to march,
but they took me in a canoe, up the Alegheny River to an In-
dian town that was on the north fide of the river, about forty
miles above Fort DuQueſne. Here I remained about three
weeks, and was then taken to an Indian town on the welt
branch of Muſkingum, about twenty miles above the forks,
which was called Tullihas, inhabited by Delawares, Caughne-
wagos and Mohicans.-On our rout betwixt the aforeſaid
towns, the country was chiefly black-oak and white-oak land,
which appeared generally to be good wheat land, chiedy fe-
cond and third rate, intermixed with ſome rich bottoms.
The day after my arrival at the aforeſaid town, a number
ef Indians collected about me, and one of them began to pull
the hair out of my head. He had ſome aſhes on a piece of

[ 10 1
bark, in which he frequently dipped his fingers in order to take
the firmer hold, and ſo he went on, as if he had been plucking
a turkey, until he had all the hair clean out of my head, ex-
cept a ſmall ſpot about three or four inches ſquare on my
crown ; this they cut off with a pair of fciffors, excepting
three locks, which they dreſied up in their own mode. Two
of theſe they wraped round with a narrow beaded garter made
by themſelves for that purpoſe, and the other they platted at
full length, and then ſtuck it full of ſilver broches. After this
they bored my noſe and ears, and fixed me off with ear rings
and noſe jewels, then they ordered me to ſtrip off my clothes
and put on a breech-clout, which I did ; they then painted my
head, face and body in various colours. They put a large
beltof
wampom on my neck, and filver bands on my hands and
right arm ; and fo an old chief led me out in the ſtreet and
gave the alarm halloo, coo-wigh, ſeveral times repeated quick,
and on this all that were in the town came running and itood
round the old chief, who held me by the hand in the midit.-
As I at that time knew nothing of their mode of adoption, and
had ſeen them put to death all they had taken, and as I never
could find that they faved a man alive at Braddock's defeat, I
made no doubt but they were about putting me to death in ſome
cruel manner. The old chief holding me by the hand made a
long fpeech very loud, and when he had done he handed me to
three young ſquaws, who led me by the hand down the bank in-
to the river until the water was np to our middle. The ſquaws
then made figns to me to plunge myſelf into the water, but I
did not underſtand them ; I thought that the reſult of the
council was that I ſhould be drowned, and that theſe young
ladies were to be the executioners. They all three laid vio-
lent hold of me, and I for ſome time oppoſed them with all my
might, which occafioned loud laughter by the multitude that
were on the bank of the river. At length one of the ſquaws
made out to ſpeak a little Engliſh (for I believe they began to
be afraid of me) and ſaid, no hurt you ; on this I gave myſelf
up to their ladyſhips, who were as good as their word ; for
though they plunged me under water, and waſhed and rubbed
me feverely, yet I could not ſay they hurt me mạch.
Theſe young women then led me up to the council houſe,
where fome of the tribe were ready with new cloths for me.
They gave me a new ruffled fhirt, which I put on, alſo a
pair olioggins done off with ribbons and beads, likewiſe a pair
of mockafons, and garters dreſſed with beads, Porcupine-quills,
and redhair-alfo a tinſel laced cappo. They again painted
my head and face with various colors, and tied a bunch of red
feathers to one of theſe locks they had left on the crown of

I 11
]
my head, which ſtood up five or fix inches. They feated me
on a bear ſkin, and gave me a pipe, tomakawk, and polecat kin
pouch, which had been ſkined pocket faſhion, and contained to-
bacco, killegenico, or dry fumach leaves, which they mix
with their tobacco,--alſo fpunk, flint and ſteel. When I was
thus feated, the Indians came in dreſſed and painted in their
grandeſt manner. As they came in they took their feats and
for a confiderable time there was a profound filence, every one
was ſmoking:--but not a word was ſpoken among them.--At
length one of the chiefs made a ſpeech which was delivered
to me by an interpretory-and was as followeth :-“My
fon, you are now fleſh of our fleſh, and bone of our bone. By
the ceremony which was performed this day, every drop of
white blood was waſhed out of your veins ; you are taken into
the Caughnewago nation, and initiated into a warlike tribe ;
you are adopted into a great family, and now received with
great feriousneſs and folemnity in the room and place of a great
man ; after what has paſſed this day, you are now one of us by
an old ſtrong law and cuſtom-My ſon, you have now nothing
to fear, we are now under the fame obligations to love, fup-
port and defend you, that we are to love and defend one an-
other, therefore you are to conſider yourſelf as one of our
people.”—At this time I did not believe this fine fpeech, ef-
pecially that of the white blood being waſhed out of me ; but
ſince that time I have found that there was much fincerity in
ſaid fpeech--for from that day I never knew them to make a-
ny diſtinction between me and themſelves in any refpect what-
ever until I left them.-If they had plenty of cloathing I had
plenty, if we were ſcarce we all ſhared one fate.
After this ceremony was over, I was introduced to my new
kin, and told that I was to attend a feaſt that evening, which I
did. And as the cuſtom was, they gave me alſo a bowl and wood.
en froon, which I carried with me to the place, where there
was a number of large brafs kettles full of boiled veniſon and
green corn ; every one advanced with his bowl and fpoon and
had his ſhare given him. After this one of the chiefs made a.
Ahort ſpeech, and then we began to eat.
The name of one of the chiefs in this town was Tecarivater-
ighto, alias Pluggy, and the other Afallecea, alias Mohawk Solo-
man,--As Pluggy and his party were to ſtart the next day to
war, to the frontiers of Virginia, the next thing to be perfor-
med was the war dance, and their war fongs. At their war
dance they had both vocal and inftrumental mufic. They had
a fhort hollow gum cloſe in one end, with water in it, and
parchment ſtretched over the open end thereof, which they
beat with one fick, and made a found nearly like a muffled

[ 12 1
drum,--all thoſe who were going on this expedition collected
together and formed. An old Indian then began to fing,and ti..
med the muſic by beating on this drum, as the ancients formerly
timed their muſic by beating the tabor. On this the warriors
began to advance, or move forward in concert, like well diſci-
plined troops would march to the fife and drum. Each warrior
had a tomahawk, ſpear or war-mallet in his hand, and they all
moved regularly towards the eaſt, or the way they intended to
go to war. At length they all ſtretched their tomahawks tow-
ards the Potomack, and giving a hideous fhout or yell, they
wheeled quick about, and danced in the ſame manner back.
The next was the war ſong. In performing this, only one fung
at a time, in a moving poſture, with a tomahawk in his hand,
while all the other wariors were engaged in calling aloud be-ub,
be-ub, which they conſtantly repeated, while the war ſong was
going on. When the warior that was finging had ended his ſong,
he ſtruck a war poſt with his tomahawk, and with a loud voice
told what warlike exploits he had done, and what he now inten-
ded to do: which were anſwered by the other wariors, with loud
ſhouts of applauſe. Some who had not before intended to go
to war, at this time were ſo animated by this performance,
that they took up the tomahawk and ſung the war ſong, which
was anſwered with Shouts of joy, as they were then initiated
into the preſent marching company. The next morning this
company all collected at one place, with their heads and faces
painted with various colors, and packs upon their backs: they
marched off, all filent, except the commander, who, in the front
fung the travelling ſong, which began in this manner: boo
cangbtainte beegana. - Juſt as the rear pafled the end of the
town, they began to fire in their flow manner, fron. the front
to the rear, which was accompanied with ſhouts and yells fron
all quarters.
This evening I was invited to another fort of dance, which
was a kind of promiſcuos dance. The young men ſtood in one
rank, and the young women in another, about one rod apart,
facing each other. The one that raiſed the tune, or ſtarted the
fony, held a fmall gourd or dry ſhell of a ſquaſh, in his hard,
which contained beads or finall ſtones, which rattled. When
he began to fing, he timed the tune with his rattle ; both men
and women danced and ſung together, advancing towards each
other, ſtooping until their heads would be touching together, and
then ceaſed from dancing, with loud fhouts, and retreated and
formed again, and fo repeated the ſame thing over and over, for
thece or four hours, without intermiflion. This exerciſe ap-
peared to me at firſt, irrational and inſipid; but I found that in
finging their tunes, they uſed ya ne no boo wa ne, &c. like our fa

[ 13 ]
sol la, and though they have no fuch thing as jingling verſe,
yet they can intermix ſentences with their notes, and fay what
they pleaſe to each other, and carry on the tune in concert.
I found that this was a kind of wooing or courting dance, and
as they advanced ſtooping with their heads together, they could
fay what they pleaſed in each others ear, without diſconcerting
their rough mufic, and the others, or thoſe near, not hear what
they ſay.
Shortly after this I went out to hunt, in company with Mo-
hawk Solomon, fome of the Caughnewagas and a Delaware In-
dian that was married to a Caughnewaga fquaw. We travel-
led about fouth, from this town, and the firſt night we killed
nothing, but we had with us green corn, which we roafted and
ate that night. The next day we encamped about twelve
o'clock, and the hunters turned out to hunt, and I went down
the run that we encamped on, in company with ſome fquaws
and boys, to hunt plumbs, which we found in great plenty. On
my return to camp I obſerved a large piece of fat meat: the
Delaware Indian that could talk fome Engliſh, obſerved me
looking earneſtly at this meat, and aſked me what meat you think
that is? I ſaid I ſuppoſed it was bear meat; he laughed and
ſaid, bo, all one fool you, beal now elly pool, and pointing to the
other fide of the camp, he ſaid look at that skin, you think that
beal skin? I went and lifted the ſkin, which appeared like an
hide: he then ſaid, what skin you think that? I replied that
I thought it was a buffaloe hide; he laughed and ſaid you fool
again, you know nothing, you think buffaloe that colo? I ac-
knowledged I did not know much about theſe things, and told
him I never ſaw a buffaloe, and that I had not heard what co-
lor they were. He replyed by and by you shall see gieat many
buffaloe: He now go to gleat lick. That skin no bufaloe skin,
that skin buck-elk skin. They went out with horſes, and
brought in the remainder of this buck-elk, which was the fat-
teſt creature I ever ſaw of the tallow kind.
We remained at this camp about cight or ten days, and kill.
ed a number of deer. Though we had neither bread or ſalt at
this time, yet we had both roaſt and boiled meat in great plen-
ty, and they were frequently inviting me to eat, when I had
no appetite.
We then moved to the buffaloe lick, where we killed ſeveral
buffaloe, and in their fmall braſs kettles they made about half
a buſhel of falt. I ſuppoſe this lick was about thirty or forty
miles from the aforeſaid town, and ſomewhere between the
Maikungun, Ohio and Sciota. About the lick was clear, open
woods, and thin white-oak land, and at that time there were
C
OX ,

[
14 ]
large roads leading to the lick, like waggon roads. We moved
from this lick about fix or ſeven miles, and encamped on a
creek.
Though the Indians had given nie a gun, I had not yet been
admitted to go out from the camp to hunt. At this place Mo-
hawk Solomon aſked me to go out with him to hunt, which I
readily agreed to. After fome time we came upon fome freſh
buffaloe tracks. I had obſerved before this that the Indians
were upon their guard, and afraid of an enemy; for, until now
they and the ſouthern nations had been at war.
As we were
following the buffaloe tracks, Solomon feemed to be upon his
guard, went very flow, and would frequently ſtand and liſten,
and appeared to be in ſuſpenſe. We came to where the tracks
were very plain in the fand, and I faid it is furely buffaloe
tracks; he ſaid bush, you know nothing, may be buffaloe tracks,
may be Catawba. He went very cautious antil we found ſome
freſh buffaloe dung: he then ſmiled and faid Catawba can not
make so. He then ſtopped and told me an odd ſtory about the
Catawbas. He faid that formerly the Catawbas came near one
of their hunting camps, and at ſome diſtance from the camp lay
in ambuſh, and in order to decoy them out, ſent two or three
Catawbas in the night, paſt their camp, with buffaloe hoofs fixed
on their feet, fo as to make artificial tracks. In the morning
thoſe in the camp followed after theſe tracks, thinking they
were Buffaloe, until they were fired on by the Catawbas, and
ſeveral of them killed; the others fled, collected a party and
purſed the Catawbas; but they, in their fubtilty brought with
them rattle-ſnake poiſon, which they had collected from the
bladder that lieth at the root of the fnakes' teeth; this they
had corked up in a ſhort piece of a cane-ſtalk; they had alſo
brought with them ſmall cane or reed, about the fize of a rye
ſtraw, which they made ſharp at the end like a pen, and dipped
them in this poiſon, and ſtuck them in the ground among the
graſs, along their own tracks, in fuch a poſition that they might
ſtick into the legs of the purſuers, which anſwered the deſign;
and as the Catawbas had runners behind to watch the motion
of the purſuers, when they found that a number of them were
lame, being artificially ſnake bit, and that they were all turn-
ing back, the Catawbas turned upon the purſuers, and defeated
them, and killed and fcalped all thoſe that were lame.- When
Solomon had finiſhed this ſtory, and found that I underſtood
him, concluded by ſaying, you don't know, Catawba velly bad
Indian, Catawba all one Devil Catawba.
Some time after this, I was told to take the dogs with me
and go down the creek, perhaps I might kill a turkey; it being
in the afternoon, I was alſo told not to go far from the creek,

[ 15
]
my track.
and to come up the creek again to the camp, and to take care
not to get loft. When I had gone fome diſtance down the
creek, I came upon freſh buffaloe tracks, and as I had a num-
ber of dogs with me to ſtop the buffaloe, I concluded I would
follow after and kill one; and as the graſs and weeds were rank,
I could readily follow the track. A little before fundown, I
deſpaired of coming up with them: I was then thinking how I
might get to camp before night: Iconcluded as the buffaloe had
made ſeveral turns, if I took the track back to the creek, it
would be dark before I could get to camp, therefore I thought
I would take a near way through the hills, and ſtrike the creek
a little below the camp; but as it was cloudy weather, and I a
very young woodſman, I could find neither creek or camp.
When night came on I fired my gun ſeveral times, and hallooed,
but could have no anſwer. The next morning early, the Indi-
ans were out after me, and as I had with me ten or a dozen
dogs, and the graſs and weeds rank, they could readily follow
When they came up with me, they appeared to be
in a very good humor. I aſked Solomon if he thought I was
running away, he ſaid no no, you go too much clooked. On my
return to camp they took my gun from me, and for this raſh
ftep I was reduced to a bow and arrows, for near two years.
We were out on this tour about fix weeks.
This country is generally hilly, though intermixed with con-
fiderable quantities of rich upland, and ſome good bottoms.
When we returned to the town, Pluggy and his party had
arrived, and brought with them a conſiderable number of ſcalps
and priſoners from the South Branch of Potomack: they alſo
brought with them an Engliſh Bible, which they gave to a
Dutch woman who was a priſoner; but as ſhe could not read
Engliſh, ſhe made a preſent of it to me, which was very ac-
ceptable.
I remained in this town until fome time in October, when my
adopted brother, called Tontileaugo, who had married a Wian-
dot ſquaw, took me with him to Lake Erie. We proceeded
up the weſt branch of Muſkingum, and for ſome diſtance up
the river the land was hilly but intermixed with large bodies
of tolerable rich upland, and excellent bottoms. We proceed-
ed on, to the head waters of the weſt branch of Mulkingum.
On the head waters of this branch, and from thence to the wa-
ters of Canefadooharie, there is a large body of rich, well lying
land-the timber is afh, walnut, fugar-tree, buckeye, honey-
locult and cherry, intermixed with ſome oak, hickory, &c.—
This tour was at the time that the black-haws were ripe, and
we were feldom out of fight of them : they were common here
Loth in the bottoms and upland.

[
]
16
On this route we had no horſes with us, and when we ſtarted
from the town, all the pack I carried was a pouch, containing
my books, a little dried venifon, and my blanket. I had then
no gun, but Tontileaugo who was a firit rate hunter, carried a
rifle gun, and every day killed deer, racoons or bears. We
left the meat, excepting a little for preſent uſe, and carried the
fins with us until we encamped, and then ftretched them with
elm bark, in a frame made with poles ſtuck in the ground and
tied together with lynn or elm bark; and when the tkins were
dried by the fire, we packed them up, and carried them with
us the next day.
As Tontileaugo could not ſpeak Engliſh, I had to make ufe
of all the Caughnewaga I had learned even to talk very imper-
fectly with him : but I found I learned to talk Indian faſter this
way, than when I had thoſe with me who could ſpeak Engliſh.
As we proceeded down the Canefadcoharie waters, our
packs encreaſed by the ſkins that were daily killed, and became
ſo very heavy that we could not march more than eight or ten
miles per day. We came to Lake Erie about fix miles weſt of
the mouth of Caneſadooharie. As the wind was very high the
evening we came to the Lake, I was furprized to hear the
rearing of the water, and ſee the high waves that daſhed againit
the fluore, like the Ocean. We encamped on a run near the
lake; and as the wind fell that night, the next morning the
lake was only in a moderate motion, and we marched on the
fand along the ſide of the water, frequently reſting ourſelves,
as we were heavy laden. I ſaw on the ſtrand, a number of
large fiſh, that had been left in flat or hollow places; as the
wind fell and the waves abated, they were left without water,
or only a ſmall quantity; and numbers of Bald and Grey Ea-
gles, &c. were along the ſhore devouring them.
Some time in the afternoon we came to a large camp of Wi-
andots, at the mouth of Canefadooharie, where Tontileaugo's
wife was. Here we were kindly received: they gave us a
kind of rough, brown potatoes, which grew fpontaneouſly and
is called by the Caughnewagas ohnenata. Theſe potatoes
peeled and dipped in racoons' fat, taſte nearly like our ſweet-
potatoes. They alſo gave us what they call canebeanta, which
is a kind of homony, made of green corn, dried, and beans
mixed together.
From the head waters of Caneſadooharie to this place, the
land is generally good; chiefly firſt or ſecond rate, and, com-
paratively, little or no third rate. The only refafe is ſome
ſvamps, that appear to be too wet for uſe, yet I apprehend
that a number of them, if drained, would make excellent mea-
dows. The timber is black-oak, walnut, hickory, cherry, black-

[ 17. ]
afh, white-afh, water-aih, buckeye, black-locuſt, lioney-locuft, fu-
gar-tree and elm: there is alſo fome land, though, comparatively,
but ſmall, where the timber is chicily white-oak or beach--this
may be called third rate. In the bottoms, and alſo many' pla .
ces in the upland, there is a large quantity of wild apple, plumb,
and red and black-haw trees. It appeared to be well watered,
and a plenty of meadow ground, intermixed with upland, but
no large prairies or glades, that I ſaw, or heard of. In this
route, deer, bear, turkeys and racoons, appeared plenty, but no
buffaloe, and very little fign of elks.
We continued our camp at the mouth of Caneſadooharie
for fome time, where we killed fome deer, and a great many
racoons; the racoons here were remarkably large and fat.-
At length we all embarked in a large birch bark canoe.
This
vefſel was about four feet wide, and three feet deep, and about
five and thirty feet long: and tho it could carry a heavy bur-
den, it was fo artfully and curiouſly conſtructed that four men
could cary it ſeveral miles, or from one landing place to ano,
ther, or from the waters of the Lake to the waters of the Ohio.
-We proceeded up Canefadooharie a few miles and went on
fhore to hunt ; but to my great furpriſe they carried the veſſel
that we all came in up the bank, and inverted it or turned the
bottom up, and converted it to a dwelling houſe, and kindleda
fire before us to warm ourleves by and cook. With our bag-
gage and ourſelves in this houſe we were very much crounded,
yet our little houſe turned off the rain very well.
We kept moving and hunting up this river until we came to
the falls ; here we remained fome weeks, and killed a number
of deer, ſeveral bears, and a great many racoons. From the
mouth of this river to the falls is about five and twenty miles,
On our paſſage up I was not much out from the river, but what
I ſaw was good land, and not hilly.
About the falls is thin chefnut land, which is almoſt the on-
ly cheſnut timber I ever ſaw in this country.
While we remained here, I left my pouch with my booksin
camp, wrapt up in my blanket, and went out to hunt chefmuts.
On my return to camp my books were miſſing. I enquired af-
ter them, and aſked the Indians if they knevy where they were,
they told me that they ſuppoſed the puppies had carried
thern off. I did not believe them; but thougnt they were dif-
pieaſed at my poring over my books, and concluded that they
had deſtroyed them, or put them out of my way.
After this I was again out after nuts, and on my return be-
held a new erection, which were two white oak laplings, that
were forked about twelve feet high, and ſtood aboutfifteen feet
apart. They had cut theſe ſaplings at the forks and laid a

[
3
18
ftrong pole acroſs which appeared in the form of a gallows, and
the poſts they had ſhaved very ſmooth and painted in places with
vermillion. I could not conceive the uſe of this piece of work,
and at length concluded it was a gallows, I thought that I had
diſpleaſed then by reading my books, and that they were a-
bout puting me to death.--The next morning I obſerved them
bringing their fins all to ti - place and hanging them over this
pole, ſo as to preſerve them from being injured by the weather,
this removed my fears. They alſo buried their large canoe
in the ground, which is the way they took to praferve this fort
of a canoe in the winter ſeaſon.
As we had at this time no horſes, every one got a pack on his
back, and we fteered an eaſt courſe about twelve miles, and en-
camped. The next morning we proceeded on the ſame courſe
about ten miles to a large creek that empties into Lake Erie be-
twixt Caneladocharie, and Cayahaga. Here they made their win-
tercabbin, in the following form. They cut logs about fifteen
feet long, and laid theſe longs upon each other, and drove poſts
in the ground at each end to keep them together; the poſts
they tied together at the top with bark, and by this means rai-
fed a wall fifteen feet long, and about four feet high, and in the
fame manner they raiſed another wall oppoſite to this, at a-
bout twelve feet diſtance; then they drove forks in the ground
in the centre of each end, and laid a ſtrong pole from end to
end on theſe forks; and from theſe walls to the poles, they fet
up peles inftead of rafters, and on theſe they tied fmall poles
in place of laths; and a cover was made of lynn bark which will
run even in the winter ſeaſon,
As
every tree will not run, they examine the tree firſt, by
trying it near the ground, and when they find it will do, they
fall the tree and raiſe the bark with the tomahawk, near the
top of the tree about five or fix inches broad, then put the
tomahawk handle under this bark, and pull it along down to
the butt of the tree; fo that ſome times one piece of bark will
be thirty feet long; this bark they cut at ſuitable lengths in
order to cover the hut.
At the end of theſe walls they ſet up ſplit timber, ſo that
they had timber all round, excepting a door at each end. At
the top, in place of a chimney, they left an open place, and for
bedding they laid down the aforefaid kind of bark, on which
they ſpread bear ikins. From end to end of this hut along the
middle there were fires, which the ſquaws made of dry ſplitwood,
and the holes or open places that appeared, the ſquaws ſtopped
with mofs, which they collected from old logs; and at the door
they hung a bear ſkin; and notwithſtanding the winters are
hard here, our lodging was much better than what I expected,

[
19
It was fome time in December when we finiſhed this winter
cabin ; but when we had
got into this comparatively fine lodg-
ing, another difficulty arole, we had nothing to eat. While I
was travelling with Tontileaugo, as was before mentioned, and
had plenty of fat veniſon, bears meat and racoons, I then
thought it was hard living without bread or Salt; but now I
began to conclude, that if I had any thing that would ban ſh
pinching hunger, and keep foul and body together I would be
content.
While the hunters were all out, exerting themſelves to the
utmoſt of their ability, the ſquaws and boys (in which claſs I
was) were ſcattered out in the bottoms, hunting red-haws,
black-haws and hickory-nuts. As it was too late in the year,
we did not fucceelin gathering haws ; but we had tolerable fuc-
ceſs in fcratching up hickory-nuts from under a light fnow,
which we carried with us left the hunters ſhould not fucceed.
After our return the hunters came in, who had killed only two
ſmall turkeys, which were but little among eight hunters, and
thirteen ſquaws, boys, and children ;--but they were divided
with the greateſt equity and juſtice-every one got their equal
Thare.
The next day the hunters turned out again, and killed one
deer and three bears.
One of the bears was very large and remarkably fat. The
hunters carried in meat ſuficient to give us all a hearty fupper
and breakfaſt.
The ſquaws and all that could carry turned out to bring in
meat, -every one had their ſhare aſſigned them, and my load
was among the leaſt; yet, not being accuſtomed to carrying in
this way, I got exceeding weary, and told them my load was
too heavy, I muſt leave part of it and come for it again. They
made a halt and only laughed at me, and took part of my load
and added it to a young ſquaw's, who had as much before as I
carried.
This kind of repoof had a greater tendency to excite me to
exert myſelf in carrying without complaining, than if they had
whipped me for lazineſs. After this the hunters held a council,
and concluded that they muſt have horſes to carry their loads ;
and that they would go to war even in this inclement ſeaſon, in
order to bring in horſes.
Tontileaugo wiſhed to be one of thoſe who ſhould go to war;
but the votes went againſt him, as he was one of our beſt hun-
ters; it was thought neceſſary to leave him at this winter
camp to provide for the ſquaws and children; it was agreed
upon that Tontileaugo and three others ſhould ſtay, and hunt,
and the other four go to war.

[ 20 ]
They then began to go through their common ceremony.
They ſung their war ſongs danced their war dances &c. And
when they were equipped they went off ſinging their marching
ſong, and firing their guns. Our camp appeared to be rejoic-
ing; but I was grieved to think that fome innocent perſons
would be murdered not thinking of danger.
After the departure of theſe warriors we had hard times;
and tho we were not altogether out of proviſions, we were
brought to ſhort allowance. At length Tontileaugo had confi-
derable fuccefs ; and we had meat brought into camp fufficient
to lait ten days. Tontileaugo then took me with him in order
to encamp
fome diſtance from this winter cabbin, to try his luck
there. We carried no proviſion with us, he faid we would
leave what was there for the ſquaws and children, and that we
could ſhift for ourſelves. We ſteered about a fouth courſe up
the waters of this creek, and encamped about ten or twelve
miles from the winter cabbin. As it was ſtill cold weather and
a cruft upon the ſnow, which made a noife as we walked and a-
Jarmed the deer, we could kill nothing, and conſequently went
to ileep without fupper. The only chance we had under theſe
circumſtances, was to hunt bear holes; as the bears about Chriſt-
mas ſearch out a winter lodging place, where they lie about
three or four months without eating or drinking ---This may
appear to fome incredible; but it is now well known to be
the caſe, by thoſe who live in the remote weſtern parts of North
America.
The next morning early we proceeded on, and when we
found a tree ſcratched by the bears climbing up, and the hole in
the tree fufficiently large for the reception of the bear, we then
fell a fapling or ſmall tree, againſt or near the hole; and it was
my buſineſs to climb up and drive out the bear, while Tontileau-
go ſtood ready with his gun and bow. We went on in this man-
ner until evening, without fuccefs ; at length we found a large
elm ſcratched, and a hole in it about forty feet up; but no tree
nigh ſuitable to lodge againſt the hole. Tontileaugo got a
long pole and ſome dry rotten wood which he tied in bunches,
with bark, and as there was a tree that grew near the elm, and
extended up near the hole; but leaned the wrong way; ſo that
we could not lodge it to advantage ; but to remedy this incon
venience, he climed up this tree and carried with him his roty
ten wood, fire and pole. The rotten wood he tied to his belt,
and to one end of the pole he tied a hook, and a piece of rotter
wood which he fet fireto, as it would retain fire almoſt like punk,
and reached this hook from limb to limb as he went up: when
he got up, with this pole he put dry wood on fire into the hole
after he put in the fire he heard the bear fnuff and he came fpee.

[ 21 3
dily down, took his gun in his hand and waited until the bear
would come out ; but it was fome time before it appeared, and
when it did appear, he attempted taking fight with his rifle; but
it being then too dark, to ſee the fights, he fet it down by a
tree, and inſtantly bent his bow, took hold of an arrow,
,and ſhot
the bear a little behind the Shoulder; I was preparing alſo to
fhoot an arrow, but he called to me to ſtop, there was no oc-
cafion; and with that the bear fell to the ground.
Being very hungry we kindled a fire, opened the bear, took
out the liver, and wrapped fome of the caul fat round and put
it on a wooden fpit which we ſtuck in the ground by the fire to
roaſt, we then finned the bear, got on our kettle, and had both
róaſt and boiled, and alſo ſauce to our meat, which appeared to
me to be delicate fare. After I was fully ſatisfied I went to
ſleep, Tontileaugo awoke me, ſaying, come eat hearty, we have
got meat plenty now.
The next morning we cut down a lynn tree, peeled bark and
made a ſnug little ſhelter, facing the ſouth eaſt, with a large
log betwixt us and the north weft; we made a good fire before
us, and ſcaffolded up our meat at one fide. When we had finish-
ed our camp we went out to hunt, ſearched two trees for bears,
but to no purpoſe. As the fnow thawed a little in the after-
noon Tontileaugo killed a deer, which we carried with us to
camp.
The next day we turned out to hunt, and near the
camp we
found a tree well ſcratched ; but the hole was above forty feet
high, and no tree that we could lodge againſt the hole ; but
finding thatit was very hollow, we concluded that we would
cut down the tree with our tomahawks, which kept us working
a conſiderable part of the day. When the tree fell we ran up,
Tontileaugo with his gun and bow, and I with my bow ready
bent. Tontileaugo ſhot the bear through with his rifle, a little
behind the ſhoulders, I alſo ſhot, but too far back; and not be
ing then much accumſtomed to the buſineſs, my arrow penetra-
ted only a few inches thro the ſkin. Having killed an old ſhe
bear and three cubs, we hawled her on the fnow to the camp,
and only had time afterwards, to get wood, make a fire, cook.
&c. before dark.
Early the next morning we went to buſineſs, ſearched ſeveral
trees, but found no bears. On our way home we took three ra-
coons out of a hollow elm, not far from the ground.
We remained here about two weeks, and in this time killed
four bears, three deer, ſeveral turkeys, and a number of ra-
coons. . We packed up as much meat as we could carry, and
returned to our winter cabin. On our arrival, there was great
D

[
22 ]
joy, as they were all in a ſtarving condition,--the three hun.
ters that we had left having killed but very little.--All that
could carry a pack repaired to our camp to bring in meat.
Some time in February the four warriors returned, who had
taken two fcalps, and fix horſes from the frontiers, of Pennſyl-
vania. The hunters could then ſcatter out a confiderable
diſtance from the winter cabin, and encamp, kill meat and pack
it in upon horſes ; fo that we commonly after this had plenty
of provifion.
In this month we began to make fugar. As fome of the elm
bark will ftrip at this ſeaſon, the ſquaws after finding a tree that
would do, cut it down, and with a crooked ſtick broad and ſharp
at the end, took the bark off the tree, and of this bark, made
veſſels in a curious manner, that would hold abouttwo gallons
eacr: they wade above one hundred of theſe kind of vefſels.
In the fugar-tree they cut a notch, flooping down, and at the end
of the netch, ſtuck in a tomahawk; in the place where they ſtuck
the tomahawk, they drove a long chip, in order to carry the
water out from the tree, and under this they ſet their veſſel,
to receive it. As ſugar trees were plenty and large here, they
feldom or never notched a tree that was not two or three feet
over. They alſo made bark veſſels for carrying the water,
that would hold about four gallons each. They had two braſs
kettles, that held about fifteen gallons each, and other ſmaller
kettles in which they boiled the water. But as they could
not at all times boil away the water as faſt as it was collected,
they made veffels of bark, that would hold about one hundred
gallons each, for retaining the water; and tho' the ſugar trees
did not run every day, they had always a fufficient quantity of
water to keep them boiling during the whole fugar feafon.
The way that we commonly uſed our fugar while encamped,
was by putting itin bears fat until the fat was almoſt as ſweet
as the ſugar itſelf, and in this we dipped our roaited veniſon.
About this time ſome of the Indian lads and myſelf, were em-
ployed in making and attending traps for catching racoons,
foxes, wild cats, &c.
As the racoon is a kind of water animal, that frequents the
runs, or fmall water-courſes, almoſt the whole night, we made
our traps on the runs, by laying one ſmall ſapling on another,
and driving in poſts to keep them from rolling. The upper
ſapling we raiſed about eighteen inches, and ſet ſo, that on the
racoons touching a ſtring, or ſmall piece of bark, the fapling
would fall and kill it; and left the racoon ſhould paſs by, we
laid bruſh on both ſides of the run, only leaving the channel ou
pen.
The fox traps we made nearly in the fame manner, at the

[ 23 ]
end of a hollow log, or oppoſite to a hole at the root of a hollow
tree, and put veniſon on a ſtick for bait: we had it fo fet that
when the fox took hold of the meat, the trap fell. While the
ſquaws were employed in making ſugar, the boys and men were
engaged in hunting and trapping.
About the latter end of March we began to prepare for mov-
ing into town, in order to plant corn: the ſquaws were then fry-
ing the laſt of their bears fat, and making veſſels to hold it.
the veſſels were made of deer ſkins, which were ſkinned by pul-
ling the ſkin off the neck, without ripping. After they had ta-
ken off the hair, they gathered it in ſmall plaits round the neck
and with a ſtring drew it together like a purſe: in the centre a
pin was put, below which they tied a ſtring, and while it was
wet they blew it uplike a bladder, and let it remain in this
manner, until it was dry, when it appeared nearly in the ſhape
of a ſugar loaf, but more rounding at the lower end. One of
theſe vefſels would hold about four or five gallons; in theſe vef-
ſels it was they carried their bears oil.
When all things were ready we moved back to the falls of
Caneſadocharie. In this route the land is chiefly firſt and ſecond
rate, but too much meadow ground, in proportion to the up land.
The timber is white aſh, elm, black-oak, cherry, buckeye, ſu-
gar-tree, lynn, mulberry, beech, white-oak, hickory, wild ap-
ple-tree, red-haw, black-haw, and ſpicewood buſhes. There is
in ſome places, ſpots of beech timber, which ſpots may be calle
ed third rate land. Buckeye, fugar-tree and ſpicewood, are
common in the woods here. There is in ſome places, large
fwamps too wet for any ufe.
On our arrival at the falls, (as we had brought with us on
horſe back, about two hundred weight of fugar, a large quantity
of bears oil, ſkins &c.) the canoe we had buried was not fuffici-
ent to carry all; therefore we were obliged to make another
one of elm bark.
While we lay here a young Wiandot found
my books: on this they collected together; I was a little way
from the camp, and ſaw the collection, but did not know what
it meant. They called me by my Indian name, which was
Scoouwa, repeatedly. I ran to ſee what was the matter, they
fhewed me my books, and ſaid they were glad they had been
found, for they knew I was grieved at the loſs of them, and that
they now rejoiced with me becauſe they were found. As I
could then ſpeak fome Indian, eſpecially Caughnewaga (for both
that and the Wiandot tongue were ſpoken in this.camp) I told
them that I thanked them for the kindneſs they had always
Thewn to me, and alſo for finding my books. They aſked if the
books were damaged? I told them not much. They then ſhew-
ed how they lay, which was in the beſt manner to turn off the

[ 24 ]
water.
In a deer ſkin pouch they lay all winter. The print
was not much injured, though the binding was. This was the
firſt time that I felt my heart warm towards the Indians.
Though they had been exceeding kind to me, I ſtill before de-
teſted them, on account of the barbarity I beheld after Braddock's
defeat. Neither had I ever before pretended kindneſs, or ex-
preſſed myſelf in a friendly manner ; but I began now to excuſe
the Indians on account of their want of information.
When we were ready to embark, Tontileaugo would not go
to town, but go up the river and take a hunt. He aſked me if
I choofed to go with him ? I told him I did. We then got fome
ſugar, bears oil bottled up in a bear's gut, and ſome dry veniſon,
which we packed up, and went up Canefadooharie, about thir-
ty miles, and encampel. At this time I did not know either
the day of the week, or the month ; but I ſuppoſed it to be a-
bout the firit of April. We had conſiderable ſucceſs in our buſi-
nefs. We alſo found ſome ſtray horfes, or a horſe, mare, and
a young colt; and though they had run in the woods all winter,
they were in exceeding good order. There is plenty of graſs
here all winter, under the ſnow, and horſes accuſtomed to the
woods can work it out. Theſe horſes had run in the woods un-
til they were very wild.
Tontileaugo one night concluded that we muſt run them
down. I told him I thought we could not accomplish it. He
ſaid he had run down bears, buffaloes and elks: and in the great
plains, with only a ſmall ſnow on the ground, he had run down
a deer; and he thought that in one whole day, he could tire, or
run down any four footed animal except a wolf. I told him
that though a deer was the ſwifteſt animal to run a ſhort diſt-
ance, yet it would tire ſooner than a horſe. He ſaid he would
at all events try the experiment. He had heard the Wiandots
ſay, that I could run well, and now he would ſee whether I
could or not. I told him that I never had run all day, and of
courſe was not accuſtomed to that way of running. I never
had run with the Wiandots, more than ſeven or eight miles at
one time. He ſaid that was nothing, we muſt either catch theſe
horſes, or run all day.
In the morning early we left camp, and about funriſe we ſtar-
ted after them, ſtriped naked excepting breech-clouts and mock-
aſons. About ten o'clock I loft fight of both Tontileaugo and
the horſes, and did not ſee them again until about three o'clock
in the afternoon. As the horſes run all day, in about three or
four miles ſquare, at length they paſſed where I was, and I fell
in cloſe after them. As I then had a long reſt, I endeavored to
keep a head of Tontileaugo, and after fome time I could hur
him after me calling chakoh, chakoanaugh, which fignifies, pali

[ 25
]
away or do your beſt. We purſued on, and after
ſome time
Tontileaugo paſſed me, and about an hour before fundown, we
deſpaired of catching theſe horſes and returned to camp
where
we had left our clothes.
I reminded Tontileaugo of what I had told him ; he replied
he did not know what horſes could do. They are wonderful
ſtrong to run; but withal we made them very tired. Tontileaugo
then concluded, he would do as the Indians did with wild hor-
fes, when out at war: which is to ſhoot them through the neck
under the mane, and above the bone, which will cauſe them to
fall and lie until they can halter them, and then they recover
again. This he attemped to do; but as the mare was very
wild, he could not get ſufficiently nigh to ſhoot her in the pro-
per place; however he ſhot, the ball
paſſed too low, and killed
her. As the horſe and colt ſtayed at this place we caught the
horfe, and took him and the colt with us to camp.
We ſtayed at this camp about two weeks, and killed a num-
ber of bears, racoons, and ſome beavers. We made a canoe of
elm bark, and Tontileaugo embarked in it. He arrived at the
falls that night; whilft I, mounted on horſe back, with a bear
íkin ſaddle, and bark ſtirrups, proceeded by land to the falls: I
came there the next morning, and we carried our canoe and
loading paſt the falls.
The river is very rapid for ſome diſtance above the falls,
which are about twelve or fifteen feet nearly perpendicular.
This river, called Caneſadeoharie, interlocks with the Weſt
branch of Muſkingum, runs nearly a north courſe, and empties
into the fouth ſide of Lake Erie, about eighty miles eaſt from
Sanduſky, or betwixt Sandulky and Cayahaga.
On this laſt route the land is nearly the ſame, as that laſt de-
fcribed, only there is not ſo much ſwampy or wet ground.
We again proceeded towards the lake, I on horſe back, and
Tontileaugo by water. Here the land is generally good, but I
found ſome difficulty in getting round ſwamps and ponds.
When we came to the lake I proceeded along the ſtrand, and
Tontileaugo near the ſhore, ſometimes paddling and ſometimes
polling his canoe along
After ſome time the wind aroſe, and he went into the mouth
of a ſmall creek and encamped. Here we ſtaid ſeveral days on
account of high wind, which raiſed the lake in great billows.
While we were here Tontile augo went out to hunt, and when
he was gone a Wiandot came to our camp; I gave him a ſhoul-
der of veniſon which I had by the fire well roaſted, and he re-
ceived it gladly, told me he was hungry, and thanked me formy
kindneſs. When Tontileaugo came home, I told him that a
Wiandot had been at camp, and that I gave him a fhounder of

L 26 ]
roaſted venifon: he ſaid that was very well, and I ſuppoſe you
gave him alfo ſugar and bears oil, to eat with his veniſon. I
told him I did not; as the ſugar and bears oil was down in the
canoe I did not go for it. He replied you have behaved juſt
like a Dutchman.* Do you not know that when ſtrangers
come to our camp, we ought always to give them the beſt that
we have. I acknowledged that I was wrong. He ſaid that he
could excuſe this, as I was but young ; but I muſt learn to be-
have like a warrior, and do great things, and never be found in
any ſuch little actions,
The lake being again calm,t.we proceeded, and arrived ſafe
at Sunyendeand, which was a Wiandot town, that lay upon a
fineil creek which empties into the Little Lake below the
mouth of Sanduky.
The town was about eighty rood above the mouth of the creek,
on the ſouth ſide of a large plain, on which timber grew, and
nothing more but graſs or nettles. In ſome places there were
large flats, where nothing but graſs grew, about three feet high
when grown, and in other places nothing but nettles, very
rank, where the foil is extremely rich and loofe-here they
planted corn. In this town there were alſo French traders,
who purchaſed our ſkins and fur, and we all got new clothes,
paint, tobacco, &c.
After I had got my new clothes, and my head done off like
a read-headed wood-pecker, I, in company with a number of
young Ihrdians, went down to the corn-field, to fee the ſquaws
ac work. When we came there, they aſked me to take a hoe,
which I did, and hoed for ſome time. The ſquaws applauded
me as a good hand at the buſineſs; but when I returned to the
town, the old men hearing of what I had done, chid and
faid that I was adopted in the place of a great man, and muſt
not hoe corn like a fquaw. They never had occafion to re-
prove me for any thing like this again; as I never was ex-
tremely fond of work, I readily complied with their orders.
As the Indians on their return from their winter hunt, bring
in with them large quantities of bears' oil, ſugar, dried veniſon,
&c. at this time they have plenty, and do not ſpare eating or
giving—thus they make way with their proviſion as quick as
poſſible. They have no ſuch thing as regular meals, breakfaſt,
dinner or fuppor; but if any one, even the town folks, would go
to the ſame houſe, feveral times in one day, he would be invited
to eat of the beſt-and with them it is bad manners to refufe to
me,
* The Dutch he called Skoharehaugo, which took its derivation from a Dutch
ſettlement called Skoharey:
+ The lake when calm, appears to be of a ſlzy blue colour ; though wken lift.
ed in a veffel, it is like other clear water.

[ 27 ]
eat when it is offered. If they will not eat it is interpreted as
a ſymptom of diſpleaſure, or that the perfons refufing to eat,
were angry with thoſe who invited them.
At this time homony plentifully mixed with bears' oil and
fugår; or dried veniſon, bears oil and ſugar, is what they offer
to every one who comes in any time of the day; and io they
go on until their fugar, bears oil and veniſon, is all gone, and
then they have to eat homony by itſelf, without bread, falt or
any thing elſe; yet, ſtill they invite every one that comes in, to
eat whilſt they have any thing to give. It is thought a frame,
not to invite people to eat, while they have any thing; but, if
they can in truth, only ſay we have got nothing to eat, this is
accepted as an honorable apology. All the hunters and war-
riors continued in town about fix weeks after we came in: they
ſpent this time in painting, going from houſe to houſe, eating,
ſmoking and playing at a game reſembling dice, or huſtle-cap.
They put a number of plumb-ſtones in a ſmall bowi; one fide
of each ſtone is black, and the other white; they then ſhake or
hufle the bowl, calling, bits, bits, bits, bonesey, konesey, razo,
rago; which fignifies calling for white or black, or what they
wiſh to turn up; they then turn the bowl, and count the whites
and blacks. Some were beating their kind of drum, and ſing-
ing; others were employed in playing on a fort of flute, made
of hollow cane; and others playing on the jews-harp. Some
part of this time was alſo taken up in attending the council
houſe, where the chiefs, and as many others as choſe, attend-
ed ; and at night they were frequently employed in ſinging and
dancing. Towards the laſt of this time, which was in June
1756, they were all engaged in preparing to go to war againſt
the frontiers of Virginia : when they were equipped, they went
through their ceremonies, fung their war fongs, &c. They all
marched off, from fifteen to fixty years of age; and fome boys-
only twelve years old, were equipped with their bows and ar-
rows, and went to war; ſo that none were left in town but
ſquaws and children, except myſelf, one very old man, and an-
other about fifty years of age, who was lame.
The Indians were then in great hopes that they would drive
all the Virginians over the lake, which is all the name they
know for the ſea. They had ſome cauſe for this hope, becauſe,
at this time, the Americans were altogether unacquainted with
war of any kind, and conſequently very unfit to ſtand their hand
with fuch fubtil enemies as the Indians were. The two old
Indians aſked me if I did not think that the Indians and French
would ſubdue all America, except New-England, which they
ſaid they had tried in old times. I told them I thought not:
they ſaid they had already drove them all out of the mountains,

[
]
28
and had chiefly laid waſte the great valley, betwixt the North
and South mountain, from Potomack to James River, which is
a conſiderable part of the beſt land in Virginia, Maryland and
Pennſylvania, and that the white people appeared to them like
fools; they could neither guard againſt ſurprize, run or fight.
Theſe they faid were their reafons for ſaying that they would
fubdue the whites. They aſked me to offer my reafons for my
opinion, and told me to ſpeak my mind freely. I told them
that the white people to the Eaſt were very numerous, like the
trees, and though they appeared to them to be fools, as they
were not acquainted with their way of war, yet they were not
fools; therefore after ſome time they will learn your mode of
war, and turn upon you, or at leaſt defend themſelves. I found
that the old men themſelves did not believe they could con-
quer America, yet they were willing to propagate the idea, in
order to encourage the young men to go to war.
When the warriors left this town we had neither meat ſugar
or bears oil, left. All that we had then to live on was corn
pounded into coarſe meal or ſmall homony—this they boiled
in water, which appeared like well thickened foup, without falt
or any thing elſe. For ſome time, we had plenty of this kind
of homony; at length we were brought to very ſhort allow-
ance,
and as the warriors did not return as ſoon as they ex-
pected, we were in a ſtarving condition, and but one gun in the
very little amunition. The old lame Wiandot con-
cluded that he would go a hunting in a canoe, and take me with
him, and try to kill deer in the water, as it was then watering
time. We went up Sanduíky a few miles, then turned up a
creek, and encamped. We had lights prepared, as we were to
hunt in the night, and alſo a piece of bark and ſome buſhes fet
up in the canoe, in order to conceal ourſelves from the deer.
A little boy that was with us, held the light, I worked the ca-
noe, and the old man, who had his gun loaded with large ſhot,
when we came near the deer, fired, and in this manner killed
three deer, in part of one night. We went to our fire, ate
heartily, and in the morning returned to town, in order to re-
lieve the hungry and diſtreſſed.
When we came to town, the children were crying bitterly
on account of pinching hunger. We delivered what we had
taken, and though it was but little among ſo many, it was divi-
ded according to the ſtricteft rules of juſtice. We immediate-
ly ſet out for another hunt, but before we returned a part of
the warriors had come in, and brought with them on horſe-back,
a quantity of meat. Theſe warriors had divided into different
parties, and all ftruck at different places in Auguſta county.
They brought in with them a confiderable number of fcalps.
town, and

[ 29 ]
priſoners, horſes, and other plunder. One of the parties
brought in with them, one Arthur Campbell, that is now Col.
Campbell, who lives on Holſton River, near the Royal Oak.
As the Wiandots at Sunyendeand, and thoſe at Detroit were
connected, Mr. Campbell was taken to Detroit; but he remain-
ed fome time with me in this town: his company was very
agreeable, and I was forry when he left me. During his ſtay
at Sunyendeand he borrowed my Bible, and made fome perti-
nent remarks on what he had read. One paſſage was where
it is ſaid, “It is good for a man that he bear the yoke in his
youth.” He ſaid we ought to be refigned to the will of Provi-
kence, as we were now bearing the yoke, in our youth. Mr.
Campbell appeared to be then about fixteen or ſeventeen years
of age.
There was a number of priſoners brought in by theſe parties
and when they were to run the gauntlet, I went and told them
how they were to act. One John Savage, was brought in, a
middle aged man, or about forty years old. He was to run the
gauntlet. I told him what he had to do ; and after this I fell
into one of the ranks with the Indians, ſhouting and yelling like
them ; and as they were not very ſevere on him, as he paſſed
me, I hit him with a piece of a pumpkin--which pleaſed the
Indians much, but hurt my feelings.
About the time that theſe warriors came in, the green corn,
was beginning to be of uſe; ſo that we had either green corn or
veniſon, and ſometimes both-which was comparatively, high
living. When we could have plenty of green corn, or roaſting-
ears, the hunters became lazy, and ſpent their time as already
mentioned, in finging and dancing &c. They appeared to
be fulfilling the ſcriptures beyond thoſe who profeſs to be-
lieve them, in that of taking no thought of to-morrow :
and alſo in living in love, peace and friendſhip together, with-
out diſputes. In this reſpect, they ſhame thoſe who profeſs
Chriſtianity.
In this manner we lived, until October, then the geeſe, fwans,
ducks, cranes, &c. came from the north, and alighted on this lit-
tle Lake, without number or innumerable. Sunyendeand is a
remarkable place for fiſh, in the ſpring, and fowl both in the
fall and fpring
As our hunters were now tired with indolence, and fond of
their own kind of exerciſe, they all turned out to fowling, and,
in this could ſcarce miſs of ſucceſs ; ſo that we had now plenty
of homony and the beſt of fowls; and fometimes as a rarity we
had a little bread, which was made of Indian corn meal, pound-

30
]
ed in a homony-Llock, mixed with boiled beans, and baked in
cakes under the aſhes.
This, with us was called good living, though not equal to our
fat, roaſted and boiled venifon, when we went to the woods in
the fall; or bears meat and beaver in the winter; or fugar, bears
oil, and dry veniſon in the ſpring.
Some time in October, another adopted brother, older than
Tortileaugo, came to pay us a viſit at Sunyendeand, and he
aſked me to take a hunt with him on Cayahaga. As they al-
ways uſed me as a free man, and gave me the liberty of chooſing,
I told him that I was attached to Tontileaugo--had never ſeen
him before, and therefore, aſked fometime to confider of this.
He told me that the party he was going with would not be a-
long, or at the mouth of this little lake, in leſs than fix days,
and I could in this time be acquainted with him, and judge for
myſelf. I confulted with Tontileaugo on this occaſion, and he
told me that our old brother Tecaughretanego, (which was his
name) was a chief, and a better man than he was; and if I
went with him I might expect to be well uſed, but he ſaid I
might do as I pleaſed ; and if I ſtaid he would uſe me as he
had done. I told him that he had acted in every reſpect, as a
brother to me; yet I was much pleaſed with my old brother's
conduct and converſation; and as he was going to a part of the
country I had never been in, I wiſhed to go with him-he ſaid
that he was perfectly willing.
I then went with Tecaughretanego, to the mouth of the little
lake, where he met with the company he intended going with,
which was compoſed of, Caughnewagas, and Ottawas.
Here I was introduced to a Caughnewaga ſiſter, and others I.
had never before feen, My ſiſter's name was Mary, which they
pronounced Maully. I aſked Tecaughretanego how it came
that ſhe had an Engliſh name ; he ſaid that he did not know that
it was an Engliſh name ; but it was the name the prieſt gave.
her when ſhe was baptized, which he faid was the name of the
mother of Jeſus. He faid there were a great many of the
Caughnewagas and Wiandets, that were a kind of half Roman-
Catholics ; but as for himſelf, he faid, that the prieſt and him
could not agree; as they held notions that contradicted both
ſenſe and reaſon, and had the aſſurance to tell him, that the
book of God, taught them theſe fooliſh abfurdities: but he could
not believe the great and good fpirit ever taugh them any fuch
nonſenfe: and therefore he concluded that the Indians' old re-
ligion was better than this new way of worſhiping God.
The Ottawas have a very uſeful kind of tents which they
carry with them, made of flags, plaited and ſtitched together in
a very artful manner, ſo as to turn rain, or wind well,-each

IL
31
In or-
mat is made fifteen feet long, and about five feet broad.
der to erect this kind of tent, they cut a number of long ftrait
poles, which they drive in the ground, in form of a circle, lean-
ing inwards; then they ſpread the matts on theſe poles --be-
ginning at the bottom and extending up, leaving only a hole in
the top uncovered-and this kole anſwers the place of a chim-
ney. They make a fire of dry ſplitwood, in the middle, and ſpread
down bark mats and ſkins for bedding, on which they fleep in
a crooked poſture, all round the fire, as the length of their beds
will not admit of ſtretching themſelves. In place of a door they
lift up one end of a mat and creep in, and let the mat fall down
behind them.
Theſe tents are warm and dry, and tolerable clear of fmoke.
Their lumber they keep under birch-bark canoes, which they
carry out and turn up for a ſhelter, where they keep every thing
from the rain. Nothing is in the tents but themſelves and
their bedding
This company had four birch canoes and four tents. We
were kindly received, and they gave us plenty of homony, and
wild fowl, boiledand roaſted. As the geeſe, ducks, ſwans, &c.
here are well grain-fed, they were remarkably fat eſpecially the
green necked ducks.
The wild fowl here, feed upon a kind of wild rice, that grows
fpontaneously in the ſhallow water, or wet places along the fides
or in the corners of the lakes.
As the wind was high and we could not proceed on our voy-
age, we remained here ſeveral days, and killed abundance of
wild fowl, and a number of racoons.
When a company of Indians are moving together on the
lake, as it is at this time of the year often dangerous failing,
the old men hold a council; and when they ågree to embark,
every one is engaged immediately in making ready, without of-
fering one word againſt the meafure, though the lake may be
boiſterous and horrid. One morning tho' the wind appeared to
me to be as high as in days paſt, and the billows raging, yet the
call was given yobob-yobob, which was quickly anſwered by all
-ooh-ooh which fignifies agreed. We were all inſtantly enga-
ged in preparing to ſtart, and had confiderable difficulties m
embarking.
As ſoon as we got into our canoes we fell to padaling with all
our might, making out from the ſhore. Though thefe fort of
canoes ride waves beyond what could be expected, yet the wa-
ter feveral times daſhed into them. When we got out about
half a mile from ſhore, we hoiſted fail, and as it was nearly a.
weft wind, we then ſeemed to ride the waves with eaſe, and,
went on at a rapid rate.
We then all laid down our paddles,

[
32
]
excepting one that ſteered, and there was no water daſhed into
our canoes, until we came near the ſhore again. We failed a-
bout fixty miles that day, and encamped ſome time before
night.
The next day we again embarked and went on very well for
ſome time; but the lake being boiſterous, and the wind not fair,
We were obliged to make to fhore, which we accompliſhed with
hard work and ſome difficulty in landing.--The next morning
a council was held by the old men.
As we had this day to paſs by a long precipice of rocks, on
the ſhore about nine miles, which rendered it impoſſible for us
to land, though the wind was high and the lake rough'; yet,
as it was fair, we were all ordered to embark. We wrought
ourſelves out from the ſhore and hoiſted fail (what we uſed in
place of fail cloth, were our tent mats, which anſwered the
place very well) and went on for ſome time with a fair wind,
until we were oppoſite to the precipice, and then it turned to-
wards the ſhore, and we began to fear we ſhould be caft upon
the rocks. Two of the canoes were conſiderably farther out
from the rocks, than the canoe I was in. Thoſe who were
fartheſt out in the lake did not let down their fails until they
had paſſed the precipice ; but as we were nearer the rock,
we were obliged to lower our fails, and paddle with all our
might, With much difficulty we cleared ourſelves of the rock,
and landed. As the other canoes had landed before us, there
were immediately runners ſent off to ſee if we were all fafely
landed.
This night the wind fell, and the next morning the lake was
tolerably calm, and we embarked without difficulty, and paddled
along near the ſhore, until we came to the mouth of Cayahaga,
which empties into Lake Erie on the ſouth ſide, betwixt Cane-
fadooharie, and Preſq’Ille.
We turned up Cayahaga and encamped-where we ſtaid
and hunted for ſeveral days; and ſo we kept moving and hun-
ting until we came to the forks of Cayahaga.
This is
a very gentle river, and but few riffles, or ſwift run-
ning places, from the mouth to the forks. Deer here were tol-
erably plenty, large and fat; but bear and other game ſcarce.
The upland is hilly, and principally ſecond and third rate land.
The timber chiefly black-oak, white-oak, hickory, dogwood &c.
The bottoms are rich and large, and the timber is walnut, lo-
cuit, mulberry, ſugar-tree, red-haw, blackhaw, wild-appletrees
&c. The Welt Branch of this river interlocks with the Eaſt
Branch of Muſkingum; and the Eaſt Branch with the Big Bea-
ver creek, that empties into the Ohio about thirty miles below
Pittſburgh

[ 33 ]
From the forks of Cayahaga to the Eaſt Branch of Mulkingum,
there is a carrying place, where the Indians carry their canoes
&c. from the waters of Lake Erie, into the waters of the O-
hio.
From the forks I went over with fome hunters, to the Eaſt
Branch of Muſkingum, where they killed ſeveral deer, a num-
ber of beavers, and returned heavy laden, with ſkins and meat,
which we carried on our backs, as we had no horfes.
The land here is chiefly ſecond and third rate, and the tim-
ber chiefly oak and hickory. A little above the forks, on the
Eaſt Branch of Cayahaga, are confiderable rapids, very rocky,
for ſome diſtance ; but no perpendicular falls.
About the firſt of December, 1756, we were preparing for
leaving the river: we buried our canoes, and as uſual hung up
our ſkins, and every one had a pack to carry: the ſquaws alſo
packed up their tents, which they carried in large rolls, that
extended up above their heads; and though a great bulk, yet
not heavy. We ſteered about a fouth eaſt courſe and could
not march over ten miles per day. At night we lodged in our
flag tents, which when erected, were nearly in the fhape of a
fugar loaf, and about fifteen feet diameter at the ground.
In this manner we proceeded about forty miles, and wintered
in theſe tents, on the waters of Beaver creek, near a little lake
or large pond, which is about two miles long, and one broad,
and a remarkable place for beaver.
It is a received opinion among the Indians, that the goeſo
turn to beavers, and the ſnakes to racoons; and though Te-
caughretanego, who was a wiſe man, was not fully perfuaded
that this was true; yet he ſeemed in fome meaſure to be car-
ried away with this whimſical notion. He ſaid that this pond
had been always a plentiful place of beaver. Though he ſaid
he knew them to be frequently all killed, (as he thought ;) yet
the next winter they would be as plenty as ever.
And as the
beaver was an animal that did not travel by land, and there be-
ing no water communication, to, or from this pond--how could
ſuch a number of beavers get there year after year? But as this
pond was alſo a conſiderable place for geeſe, when they
came in the fall from the north, and alighted in this pond, they
turned beavers, all but the feet, which remained nearly the
fame.
I ſaid, that though there was no water communication, in,
or out of this pond ; yet it appeared that it was fed by ſprings,
as it was always clear and never ftagnated: and as a very
Targe ſpring roſe about a mile below this pond, it was likely
that this ſpring came from this pond. In the fall when this
fpring is cormparatively low there would be air under ground

[ 34
]
fufficient for the beavers to breathe in, with their heads above
water, for they cannot live long under water, and ſo they might
have a fubterraneous paſſage by water into this pond.--Te-
caughretanego, granted that it might be fo.
About the ſides of this pond there grew great abundance of
cranberries, which the Indians gathered up on the ice, when
the pond was frozen over. Theſe berries were about as large as
rifle bullets--of a bright red color an agreeable ſour, though
rather too four of themſelves; but when mixed with ſugar,
had a very agreeable tafte.
In converſation with Tecaughretanego, I happened to be
talking of the beavers' catching fiſh. He aſked me why I
thought that the beaver caught filh? I told him that I had read
of the beaver making danıs for the conveniency of fiſhing. He
laughed, and made game of me and my book. He faid the man
that wrote that book knew nothing about the beaver.
The
beaver never did eat fleſh of any kind; but lived on the bark
of trees, roots, and other vegetables.
In order to know certainly how this was, when we killed a
beaver I carefully examined the inteſtines but found no ap-
pearance of fiſh; I afterwards made an experiment on a pet
beaver which we had, and found that it would neither eat fiſh
or fleſh; therefore I acknowledged that the book I had read
was wrong
I aſked him if the beaver was an amphibious animal, or if it
could live under water? He ſaid that the beaver was a kind of
fubterraneous water animal, that lives in or near the water;
but they were no more amphibious than the ducks and geeſe
were----which was conſtantly proven to be the caſe; as all the
beavers that are caught in fteel traps are drowned, provided
the trap be heavy enough to keep them under water. As the
beaver does not eat fiſh, I enquired of Tecaughretanego why
the beaver made fuch large dans? He ſaid they were of uſe to
them in various reſpects-aboth for their fafety and food. For
their ſafety, as by raiſing the water over the mouths of their
holes, or fubterraneous lodging places, they could not be eaſily
found: and as the beaver feeds chiefly on the bark of trees, by
raiſing the water over the banks, they can cut down fapplings
for bark to feed upon without going out much upon the lands
and when they are obliged to go out on land for this food they
frequently are caught by the wolves. As the beaver can run
upon land, but little faſter than a water tortoiſe, and is no fight
ing animal, if they are any diſtance from the water they become
an eafy prey to their enemies.
I afked Tecaughretanego, what was the ufe of the beaver's
ftones, or glands, to them ;-as the fhe beaver has two pair,

[ 35 ]
which is commonly called the oil ſtones, and the bark fones ?
He ſaid that as the beavers are the dumbeſt of all animals, and
fcarcely ever make any noiſe; and as they were working crea-
tures, they made uſe of this ſmell in order to work in concert.
If an old beaver was to come on the bank and rub his breech
upon the ground, and raiſe a perfume, the others will collect
from different places and go to work : this is alſo of uſe to
them in travelling, that they may thereby ſearch out and find
their company. Cunning hunters finding this cut, have made
uſe of it against the beaver, in order to catch them. What is:
the bait which you ſce them make uſe of, but a compound of the
oil and bark ſtones ? By this perfume, which is only a falſe ſignal
they decoy them to the trap.
Near this pond, beaver was the principal game. Before the
the waters froze up, we caught a great many with wooden and
ſteel traps: but after that, we hunted the beaver on the ice.
Some places here the beavers build large houſes to live in ; and
in other places they have fubterraneous lodgings in the banks.
Where they lodge in the ground we have no chance of hunting
them on the ice ; but where they have houſes we go with
malls and handſpikes, and break all the hollow ice, to prevent
them from getting their heads above the water under it. Then
we break a hole in the houſe and they make their eſcape into
the water ; but as they cannot live long under water, they are
obliged to go to ſome of thoſe broken places to breathe, and the
Indians commonly put in their hands, catch them by the hind
leg, hawl them on the ice, and tomahawk them. Sometimes
they ſhoot them in the head, when they raiſe it above the water.
I aſked the Indians if they were not afraid to catch the bea-
vers with their hands? they ſaid no: they were not much of a
biting creature; yet if they would catch them by the fore foot
they would bite.
I went out with Tecaughretanego, and ſome others a beaver
"hunting: but we did not fucceed, and on our return we faw
where ſeveral racoons had paſſed, while the ſnow was foft; tho?
there was now a cruft upon it, we all made a halt looking at the
racoon tracks. As they faw a tree with a hole in it they told
me to go and ſee if they had gone in thereat; and if they had
to halloo, and they would come and take them out. When I
went to that tree, I found they had gone paft; but I faw ano-
ther the way they had went, and proceeded to examine that,
and found they had gone upit. I then began to holloo, but
could have no anſwer.
As it began to ſnow and blow moſt violently, I returned and,
proceeded after my company, and for ſome time could ſee their
tracks but the old ſnow being only about three inches deep,

[
]
36
and a cruft upon it, the preſent driving fnow foon filled up
the tracks. As I had only a bow, arrows and tomahawk,
with me, and no way to ſtrike fire, I appeared to be in a diſmal
ſituation--and as the air was dark with ſnow, I had little more
proſpect of ſteering my courſe, than I would in the night. At
length I came to a hollow tree, with a hole at one ſide that I
could
go in at. I went in, and found that it was a dry place, and
the hollow about three feet diameter, and high enough for me
to ſtand in. I found that there was alſo a conſiderable quanti-
ty of ſoft, dry rotten wood, around this hollow: I therefore
concluded that I would lodge here; and that I would go to
work, and top up the door of my houſe. I ſtripped off my
blanket, (which was all the clothes that I had, excepting a
breech-clout, leggins and mockaſons,) and with my tomahawk,
fell to chopping at the top of a fallen tree that lay near and
carried wood and ſet it up on end againſt the door, until I had
it three or four feet thick, all round, excepting a hole I had left
to creep in at.
I had a block prepared that I could hawl after
me, to top this hole: and before I went in I put in a number
of ſmall ſticks, that I might inore effeétually ſtop it on the inſide.
When I went in, I took my tomahawk and cut down all the
dry rotten wood I could get, and beat it ſmall. With it I.
made a bed like a gooſe-neſt or hog-bed, and with the ſmall ſticks
Itopped every hole, until my houſe was almoſt dark. I ſtripped
off my mockaſons, and danced in the centre of my bed for about
half an hour, in order to warm myſelf. In this time my feet
and whole body were agreeably warmed. The fnow, in the
mean while, had ſtopped all the holes, ſo that my houſe was as
dark as a dungeon; though I knew it could not yet be dark out
of doors. I then coiled myſelf up in my blanket, lay down in
- Iniy
little round bed, and had a tolerable nights lodging. When
I awoke, all was dark-not the leaſt glimmering of light was to
be feen. Immediately I recollected that I was not to expect
light in this new habitation, as there was neither door nor win-
dow in it. As I could hear the ſtorm raging, and did not fuffer
much cold, as I was then ſituated, I concluded I would ftay in
my neft until I was certain it was day. When I had reaſon to
conclude that it ſurely was day, I aroſe and put on my mock-
afons, which I had laid under my head to keep from Freezing.
I then endeavored to find the door, and had to do all by the
ſenſe of feeling, which took me ſome time. At length I found
the block, but it being heavy, and a large quantity of frow ha-
ving fallen on it, at the firſt attempt I did not move it. I then
felt terrified.-among all the hardſhips I had fuſtained, I never
knew before, what it was to be thus deprived of light. This,
with the other circumſtances attending it, appeared grievous

[ 37 ]
my den,
I went ſtraightway to bed again, wrapped my blanket round me,
and lay and muſed awhile, and then prayed to almighty God to
direct and protect me, as he had done heretofore. I once again
attempted to move away the block, which proved ſucceſsful:
it moved about nine inchesWith this a conſiderable quantity
of ſnow fell in from above, and I immediately received light;
ſo that I found a very great fnow had fallen, above what I had
ever ſeen in one night. I then knew why I could not eaſily
move the block, and I was ſo rejoiced at obtaining the light,
that all my other difficulties ſeemed to vaniſh. I then turned
into my cell, and returned God thanks for having once more
received the light of Heaven. At length I belted my blanket
about me, got my tomahawk, bow and arrows, and went out of
.
I was now in tolerable high ſpirits, tho' the ſnow had fall-
en above three feet deep, in addition to what was on the ground
before; and the only imperfect guide I had, in order to ſteer
my courſe to camp, was the trees; as the moſs generally grows
on the north-weſt ſide of them, if they are ſtraight. I proceeded
on, wading through the ſnow, and about twelve o'clock (as it
appeared afterwards, from that time to night, for it was yet
cloudy,) I came upon the creek that our camp was on, about
half a mile below the camp; and when I came in fight of the
camp, I found that there was great joy, by the ſhouts and yel-
ling of the boys, &c.
When I arrived, they all came round me, and received me
gladly; but at this time no queſtions were aſked, and I was ta-
ken into a tent, where they gave me plenty of fat beaver meat,
and then aſked me to ſmoke. When I had done, Tecaughreta-
nego deſired me to walk out to a fire they had made. I went
out, and they all collected round me, both men women and
boys. Tecaughretanego aſked me to give them a particular
account of what had happened from the time they left me yeſ-
terday, until now. I told them the whole of the ſtory, and
they never interrupted me; but when I made a ſtop, the in-
tervals were filled with loud acclamations of joy. As I could
not, at this time, talk Ottawa or Jibewa well, (which is nearly
the fame) I delivered my ſtory in Caughnewaga. As my fifter
Molly's huſband was a Jibewa and could underſtand Caugh-
newaga, he acted as interpreter, and delivered my ſtory to the.
Jibewas and Ottawas, which they received with pleaſure.
When all this was done, Tecauretanego made a ſpeech to me
in the following manner:
< Brother,
“You fee we have prepared ſnow-ſhoes to go after you, and
F

[ 38 ]
were almoſt ready to go, when you appeared ; yet, as you had
not been accuſtomed to hardſhips in your country, to the eaſt,
we never expected to ſee you alive. Now, we are glad to ſee
you, in various reſpects: we are glad to ſee you on your own
account; and we are glad to ſee the proſpect of your filling the
place of a great man, in whoſe room you were adopted. We
do not blame you for what has happened, we blame ourſelves ;
becauſe, we did not think of this driving ſnow filling up the
tracks, until after we came to camp.
"Brother,
"Your conduct on this occafion hath pleafed us much: You
have given us an evidence of your fortitude, ſkill and reſolu-
tion: and we hope you will always go on to do great adions,
as it is only great actions that can make a great man.”
I told my brother Tecaughretanego, that I thanked them for
their care of me, and for the kindneſs I always received. I
told him that I always wiſhed to do great adlions, and hoped I
never would do any thing to diſhonor any of thofe with whom
I was connected. I likewiſe told my Jibewa brother-in-law to
tell his people that I alſo thanked them for their care and kind-
nefs.
The next morning ſome of the hunters went out on fnow-
fhoes, killed ſeveral deer, and hauled fome of them into camp
upon the fnow. They fixed their carrying ſtrings, (which are
broad in the middle, and ſmall at each end,) in the fore feet and
noſe of the deer, and laid the broad part of it on their heads or
about their ſhoulders, and pulled it along; and when it is mov-
ing, will not fink in the ſnow much deeper than a ſnow-ſhoe, and
when taken with the grain of the hair, flips along very eaſy.
The fnow-ſhoes are made like a hoop net, and wrought with
buck-lkin thongs. Each fhoe is about two feet and an half
long, and about eighteen inches broad, before, and ſmall behind,
with croſs bars, in order to fix or tie them to their feet. Af-
ter the ſnow had lay a few days, the Indians tomahawked the
deer, by purſuing them in this manner.
About two weeks after this, there came a warm rain, and
took away the chief part of the fnow, and broke up the ice :
then we engaged in making wooden traps to catch beavers, as
we had but few ſteel traps. Thefe traps are made nearly in
the ſame manner as the racoon traps already defcribed.
One day as I was looking after my traps, I got benighted,
by beaver ponds intercepting my way to camp; and as I had
neglected to take fire-works with me, and the weather very
cold, I could find no ſuitable lodging place, therefore the only
expedient I could think of to keep myſelf from freezing, was
exerciſe. I danced and halloc'd the whole night with all my

[ 39 ]
thight, and the next day came to camp. Though I ſuffered
much more this time than the other night I lay out, yet the
Indians were not ſo much concerned, as they thought I had fire
works with me; but when they knew how it was, they did not
blame me. They ſaid that oid hunters were frequently involv-
ed in this place, as the beaver dams were one above another
on every creek and run, ſo that it is hard to find a fording
place. They applauded me for my fortitude, and ſaid as they
had now plenty of beaver-ſkins, they would purchaſe me a new
gun at Detroit, as we were to go there the next ſpring; and
then if I ſhould chance to be loft in dark weather, I could make
fire, kill proviſion, and return to camp when the ſun ſhined.
By being bewildered on the waters of Muſkingum, I loſt repute,
and was reduced to the bow and arrow; and by lying out two
nights here, I regained my credit.
After ſome time the waters all froze again, and then, as for-
merly, we hunted beavers on the ice. Though beaver meat,
without falt or bread, was the chief of our food this winter,
yet we had always plenty, and I was well contented with my
diet, as it appeared delicious fare, after the way we had lived
the winter before.
Sometime in February, we ſcaffolded up our fur and ſkins, and
moved about ten miles in queft of a ſugar camp, or a ſuitable
place to make fugar, and encamped in a large bottom, on the
head waters of Big Beaver creek. We had fome difficulty in
moving, as we had a blind Caughnewaga boy about 15 years of
age, to lead ; and as this country is very bruſhy we frequently
had him tocarry ;-We had alſo my Jibewa brother-in-law's fa-
ther with us, who was thought by the Indians to be a great con-
uror--his name was Manetohcoa--this old man was ſo decre-
pit, that we had to carry him this route upon a bier,--and all
our baggage to pack on cur backs.
Shortly after we came to this place the ſquaws began to
make ſugar. We had no large kettles with us this year, and
they made the front, in fone meaſure, fupply the place of fire,
in making fugar. Their large bark veſſels, for holding the
ſtock-water, they made broad and ſhallow ; and as the weather
is very cold here, it frequently freezes at night in fugar time;
and the ice they break and caſt out of the veſſels. I aſked them
if they were not throwing away the fugar? they ſaid no: it
was water they were caſting away, ſugar did not freeze, and
there was ſcarcely any in that ice. They faid I might try the
experiment, and boil fome of it, and ſee what I would get. I
never did try it; but I obſerved that after ſeveral times yFreez-
ing, the water that remained in the veſſel, changed its color and
became brown and very ſweet.

[ 40 ]
About the time we were done making ſugar the ſnow went
off the ground; and one night a ſquaw raiſed an alarm. She
faid ſhe ſaw two men with guns in their hands, upon the bank
on the other ſide of the creek, ſpying our tents--they were
ſuppoſed to be Johnſton's Mohawks. On this the ſquaws were
ordered to flip quietly out, ſome diſtance into the buſhes; and
all who had either guns or., bows were to fquat in the buſhes
near the tents; and if the enemy ruſhed up, we were to give
them the firſt fire, and let the ſquaws have an opportunity of e-
Scaping. I got down befide Tecaughretanego, and he whiſpered
to me not to be afraid, for he would ſpeak to the Mohawks, and
as they ſpake the ſame tongue that we did, they would not hurt
the Caughnewagas, or me: but they would kill all the Jibewas
and Ottawas that they could, and take us along with them.
This news pleaſed me well, and I heartily wiſhed for the ap-
proach of the Mohawks.
Before we withdrew from the tents they had carried Mane
tohcoa, to the fire and gave him his conjuring tools; which
were dyed feathers, the bone of the ſhoulder blade of a wild cat,
tobacco &c. and while we were in the buſhes, Manetohcoa was
in a tent at the fire, conjuring away to the utmoſt of his abili-
ty. At length he called aloud for us all to come in, which was
quickly obeyed. When we came in, he told us that after he
had gone through the whole of his ceremony, and expected to
fee a number of Mohawks on the flat bone when it was warmed
at the fire, the pictures of two wolves only appeared. He ſaid,
tho there were no Mohawks about, we muſt not be angry with
the ſquaw for giving a falſe alarm; as ſhe had occaſion to go
out and happened to ſee the wolves, though it was moon light;
yet ſhe got afraid, and ſhe conceited it was Indians, with guns
in their hands, fo he ſaid we might all go to ſleep for there was
no danger-and accordingly we did.
The next morning we went to the place, and found wolf
tracks, and where they had ſcratched with their feet like dogs;
but there was no ſign of mockaſon tracks. If there is any ſuch
thing as a wizzard, I think Manetohcoa was as likely to be one,
as any man, as he was a profeffed worſhiper of the devil.-But
let him be a conjuror or not, I am perſuaded that the Indians
believed what he told them upon this occaſion, as well as if it
had come from an infallible oracle; or they would not after
ſuch an alarm as this, go all to ſleep in an unconcerned man-
This appeared to me the moſt like witchcraft, of any
thing I beheld while I was with them. Though I 'ſcrutinized
their proceedings in buſineſs of this kind; yet I generally found
that their pretended witchcraft, was either art or miſtaken no-
tions whereby they deceived themſelves.--Before a battle they
ner.

[
]
41
fpy the enemy's motions carefully, andwhen they find that they
can have confiderable advantage, and the greateſt proſpect of
ſucceſs, then the old men pretend to conjure, or to tell what
the event will be---and this they do in a figurative manner,
which will bear ſomething of a different interpretation, which
generally comes to paſs nearly as they foretold; therefore the
young warriors generally believed theſe old conjurors, which had
a tendency to animate, and excite them to pull on with vigor.
Some time in March 1757 we began to move back to the
forks of Cayahaga, which was about forty or fifty miles; and
as we had no horſes, we had all our baggage and ſeveral hun-
dred weight of beaver ikins, and ſome deer and bear fkins--all
to pack on our backs. The method we took to accompliſh this
was by making ihort day's journies. In the morning we would
move on with as much as we were able to carry, about five
miles, and encamp ; and then run back for more.
We coni-
monly made three ſuch trips in the day. When we came to
the great pond, we ſtaid there one day to reſt ourſelves and to
kill ducks and geefe.
While we remained here I went in company with a young
Caughnewaga, who was about fixteen or ſeventeen years of
age, Chinnohete by name, in order to gather crannberries. As
he was gathering berries at fome diſtance from me, three Jibe-
wa ſquaws crept up undiſcovered and made at him ſpeedily, but
he nimbly eſcaped and came to me apparently terrified. I
aſked him what he was afraid of? he replied did you not fee
thoſe ſquaws? I told him I did, and they appeared to be in a
very good humour. I aſked him wherefore then he was afraid
of them? He ſaid the Jibewa ſquaws were very bad women,
and had a very ugly cuſtom among them. I aſked him what
that cuſtom was? he faid that when two or three of them could
catch a young lad, that was betwixt a man and a bøy, ont by
himſelf, if they could overpower him, they would ſtrip him by
force in order to ſee whether he was coming on to be a man or
not. He ſaid that was what they intended when they crawled
up, and ran fo violently at him, but ſaid he, I am very glad that
I ſo narrowly eſcaped. I then agreed with Chinnohete in con-
demning this as a bad cuſtom, and an exceeding immodeit action
for
young women to be guilty of.
From our fugar camp on the head waters of Big Beaver creek,
to this place is not hilly, and ſome places the woods are tolera-
bly clear: but in moſt places exceeding bruſhy. The land here
is chiefly fecond and third rate. The timber on the upland is
white-oak, black-oak, hickory and cheſnut: there is alſo in ſome
places walnut up land, and plenty of good water. The bottoms
here are generally large and good,

[
42
]
We again proceeded on from the pond to the forks of Caya-
haga, at the rate of about five miles per day.
The land on this route is not very hilly, it is well watered,
and, in many places ill timbered, generally bruſhy, and chiefly
fecond and third rate land, intermixed with good bottoms.
When we came to the forks, we found that the ſkins we had
fcaffolded were all ſafe. Though this was a public place, and
Indians frequently pafling, and our ſkins hanging up in view ;
yet there was none ſtolen ; and it is feldom that Indians do ſteal
any thing from one another; and they ſay they never did, until
the white people came among them, and learned ſome of them,
to lie, cheat and ſteal,---but be that as it may, they never did
curſe or ſwear, until the whites learned them; fome think their
language will not admit of it, but I am not of that opinion, if
I was ſo diſpoſed, I could find language to curfe or ſwear, in the
Indian tongue.
I remember that Tecaughretanego, when ſomething difpleaf-
ed him, faid, Cod damn it.--I aſked him if he knew what he
then ſaid ? he ſaid he did ; and mentioned one of their degra-
dingexpreffions, which he fuppoſed to be the meaning or ſome-
thing like the meaning of what he had faid. I told him that it
did not bear the leaſt reſemblance to it; that what he ſaid, was
calling upon the great fpirit to puniſh the object he was dif-
pleaſed with. He ſtood for ſometime amazed, and then ſaid, if
this be the meaning of theſe words what ſort of people are the
whites? when the traders were among us theſe words ſeemed
to be intermixed with all their diſcourfe. He told me to re-
confider what I had ſaid, for he thought I muſt be miſtaken in
my definition; if I was not iitaken, he ſaid, the traders applied
iheſe words not only wickedly, but often times very fooliſhly and
contrary to ſenſe or reaſon. He faid he remembered once of a
trader's accidentally breaking hisgun lock, and on that occaſion
calling out aloud God damn it--ſurely ſaid he the gun lock was
not an object worthy of puniſhment for Owaneeyo, or the Great
Spirit: he alſo obſerved the traders often uſed this expreffion,
when they were in a good humour and not difpleaſed with any
thing--I acknowledged that the traders uſed this expreſſion
very often, in a moſt irrational, inconfiftent, and impious man-
ner; yet I ſtill aſſerted that I had given the true meaning of
theſe words.--He replied, if ſo, the traders are as bad as
Oonaſahroona, or the under ground inhabitants, which is the
name they give the devils; as thiey entertain a notion that their
place of relidence is under the earth.
We took up our birch-bark canoes which we had buried, and
found that they were not damaged by the winter ; but they not
being fuciant to carry all that we now had, we made a large

E 43 ]
ver.
chefnut bark canoe ; as elm bark was not to be found at this
place.
We all embarked, and had a very agreeable paſſage down the
Cayahaga, and along the ſouth ſide of Lake Erie, until we pail-
ed the mouth of Sanduſky; then the wind aroſe, and we put in
at the mouth of the Miami of the Lake, at Cedar Point, where
we remained ſeveral days, and killed a number of Turkeys,
geefe, ducks and fwans. The wind being fair, and the lake
not extremely rough, we again embarked, hoiſted up fails, and
arrived ſafe at the Wiandot town, nearly oppoſite to Fort De-
troit, on the north fide of the river. Here we found a number
of French traders, every one very willing to deal with us for
our beaver.
We bought ourſelves fine clothes, amunition, paint, tobac-
co, &c. and according to promiſe, they purchaſed me a new
gun: yet we had parted with only about one third of our bea-
At length a trader came to town with French Brandy:
We purchaſed a keg of it, and held a council about who was
to get drunk, and who was to keep fober. I was invited to get
drunk, but I refuſed the propoſal-then they told me that I
muſt be one of thoſe who were to take care of the drunken peo-
ple. I did not like this, but of two evils I choſe that which
I thought was the leaſt--and fell in with thoſe who were to
conceal the arms, and keep every dangerous weapon we could,
out of their way, and endeavor, if poſſible to keep the drinking
club from killing each other, which was a very hard tafli. Se-
veral times we hazarded our own lives, and got ourſelves hurt,
in preventing them from flaying each other. Before they had
finiſhed this keg, near one third of the town was introduced
to this drinking club; they could not pay their part, as they
had already diſpoſed of all their ſkins; but that made no odds,
all were welcome to drink.
When they were done with this keg, they applied to the tra-
ders, and procured a kettle full of brandy at a time, which they
divided out with a large wooden ſpoon ---and fo they went on
and never quit while they had a ſingle beaver ſkin.
When the trader had got all our beaver, he moved off to the
Ottawa town, about a mile above the Wiandot town.
When the brandy was gone, and the drinking club fober,
they appeared much dejected. Some of them were crippled, o-
thers badly wounded, a number of their fine new ſhirts tore, and
feveral blankets were burned: - a number of ſquaws were alſo
in this club, and neglected their corn planting:
We could now hear the effects of the brandy in the Ottawa
town. They were ſinging and yelling in the moſt hideous man-

1
ner, both night and day; but their frolic ended worſe than
ours; five Ottawas were killed and a great many wounded.
After this a number of young Indians were getting their ears
cut, and they urged me to have mine cut likewiſe ; but they did
not attempt to compel me, though they endeavoured to per-
fuade
me. The principal arguments they uſed were its being a
very great ornament, and alſo the common faſhion--The former
I did not believe, and the latter I could not deny. The way
they performed this operation was by cutting the fleſhy part of
the circle of the ear cloſe to the griltle quite through.
When this was done they wrapt rags round this fleihy part un-
til it was entirely healed; then they hung lead to it and ſtretched
it to a wonderful length : when it was fufficiently ſtretched,
they wrapt the fleihy part round with braſs wire, which formed
it into a ſemicircle about four inches diameter.
Many of the young men were now exerciſing themſelves in
a game reſembling foot ball; though they commonly ſtruck the
ball with a crooked ſtick, made for that purpoſe ; alſo a game
fomething like this, wherein they uſed a wooden ball, about
three inches diameter, and the inſtrument they moved it with
was a ſtrong ſtaff about five feet long, with a hoop net on the
end of it, large enough to contain the ball. Before they begin
the play, they lay off about half a mile diſtance in a clear plain,
and the oppoſite parties all attend at the centre, where a diſin-
tereſted perſon cafts up the ball then the opofite parties all con-
tend for it. If any one gets it into his net, he runs with it the
'way he wiſhes it to go, and they all purſue him. If one of
the oppoſite party overtakes the perſon with the ball, he gives
the ftaff a ſtroke which cauſes the ball to fly out of the net ;
then they have another debate for it; and if the one that gets
it can outrun all the opoſite party, and can carry it quite out,
or over the line at the end, the game is won ; but this feldom
happens. When any one is running away with the ball, and is
like to be overtaken, he commonly throws it, and with this in-
ftrument can caſt it fifty or fixty yards. Sometimes when the
ball is almoſt at the one end, matters will take a fudden turn,
and the oppoſite party may quickly carry it out at the other
end. Often times they will work a long while back and for-
ward before they can get the ball over the line, or win the
game.
About the firſt of June 1757 the warriors were preparing to
go to war, in the Wiandot, Pottowatomy, and Ottawa towns ;
alſo a great many
Jibewas came down from the upper lakes; and
after ſinging their war fongs and going through their common
ceremonies, they marched off againit the frontiers of Virginia,
Maryland and Pennſylvania.

[
]
45
land, and Pennſylvania, in their uſual manner, finging the tra-
velling ſong, flow firing, &c.
On the north fide of the river St. Laurence, oppoſite to Fort
Detroit, there is an iſland, which the Indians call the Long I.
fland, and which they ſay is above one thouſand miles long, and
in ſome places above one hundred miles broad. They further
ſay that the great river that comes down by Carteſatauga and
that empties into the main branch of St. Laurence, above
Montreal, originates from one ſource, with the St. Lawrence,
and forms this iſland.
Oppoſite to Detroit, and below it, was originally a prairie, and
laid off in lots about fixty rods broad, and a great length: each
lot is divided into two fields, which they cultivate year about.
The principal grain that the French raiſed in theſe fields was
ſpring wheat, and peas.
They built all their houſes on the front of theſe lots on the
river fide; and as the banks of the river are very low, ſome of
the houſes are not above three or four feet above the ſurface of
the water; yet they are in no danger of being diſturbed by
freſhes, as the river feldom riſes above eighteen inches ; be.
cauſe it is the communication, of the river St. Laurence, from.
one lake to another.
As dwelling-houſes, barns, and ſtables are all built on the front
of theſe lots; at a diſtance it appears like a continued row of
houſes in a town, on each ſide of the river for a long way. Theſe
villages, the town, the river and the plains, being all in view at
once, affords a moſt delightful profpect.
The inhabitants here chiefly drink the river water ; and as
it comes from the northward it is very wholeſome.
The land here is principally ſecond rate, and comparatively
ſpeaking, a ſmall part is firſt or third rate; tho about four or
five miles fouth of Detroit, their is a ſmall portion that is worſe
than what I would call third rate, which produces abundance
of hurtle berries.
There is plenty of good meadow ground here, and a great ma-
ny marſhes that are overſpread with water. The timber is elm,
ſugar-tree, black-aſh; white-afh, abundance of water-aſhi, oak,
hickory, and ſome walnut.
About the middle of June the Indians were almoſt all
gone to
war, from fixteen to fixty ; yet Tecaughretanego remained in
town with me. Tho he had formerly, when they were at war
with the ſouthern nations been a great warrior, and an emi-
nent counſellor; and I think as clear and as able a reaſoner
upon any ſubject that he had an opportunity of being acquaint-
ed with, as I ever knew ; yet he had all along been againſt
G

[ 46 1
this wan, and had ſtreneouſly oppoſed it in council. He ſaid if
the Engliſh and French had a quarrel let them fight their own
Barcles themſelves; it is not our buſineſs to intermeddle there-
Before the warriors returned we were very ſcarce of pro-
vifionand tho we did not commonly ſteal from one another;
yet we ſtole during this time any thing that we could eat from
the French, under the notion that it was juſt for us to do ſo ;
becauſe they ſupported their foldiers; and our fquaws, old men
and children were fuffering on the account of the war, as oury
hunters were all gone.
Some time in Auguſt the warriors returned, and brought in
with them a great many ſcalps, priſoners, horſes and plunder
and the common report among the young warriors, was, that
they would intirely ſubdue Tulhafaga, that is the Engliſh, or
it might be literally rendered the Morning Light inhabitants,
About the firſt of November a number of families were pre.
paring to go on their winter hunt, and all agreed to croſs the
lake' together. We encamped at the mouth of the river the firſt
night, and a council was held, whether we would croſs-thro' by
the three ilands, or coaft i round the lake. Theſe iſlands lie in
a line acroſs the lake, and are juſt in fight of each other. Some
of the Wiandots or Ottawas frequently make their winter
hunt on theſe iſland. Tho excepting wild fowl and fiſh, there
is fcarcely any game here but racoons which are amazingly
plenty, and exceeding large and fat; as they feed upon the wild
vice, which grows in abundance in wet places round theſe in
Hands, It is ſaid that each hunter in one winter will catch
one thouſand racoons.
It is a received opinion among the Indians that the ſnakes
and racoons are tranſmutable; and that a great many of the
Snakes turn racoons every fall, and racoons ſnakes every ſpring.
This notion is founded on obſervations made on the ſnakes
and racoons in this iſland.
As the racoons here lodge in rooks, the trappers make their
wooden traps at the mouth of the holes; and as they go daily to
look at their traps, in the winter ſeaſon, they commonly find them
filled with racoons ; but in the ſpring or when the froſt is out
of the ground, they fay, they then find their traps filled with
large rattle fnakes. And therefore conclude that the racoons
are transformech. They alſo ſay that the reaſon why they are
To remarkably plenty in the winter, is, every fall the ſnakes
turn racoons again.
I told them that tho I had neverlanded on any of theſe islands,
yet from the unanimous accounts I had received, I believed
that both Inakes and racoons were plenty there ; but no doubt

they all remained there both fummer and
winter, only the foakes
were not to be feen in the latter; yet I did not believe that
they were tranſmutable.
Theſe iſlands are but feldom viſited ; becauſe early in the
fpring and late in the fall it is dangerous failing in their bark
canoes, and in the fummer they are ſo infefted with various
kinds of ſerpents, (but chiefly rattle ſnakes,) that it is danger
rous landing
I ſhall now quit this digreſſion, and return to the refuit on
the council at the mouth of the river. We concluded to conft:
it round the lake, and in two days we came to the modth of the
Miami of the Lake, and landed on cedar point, where were-
mained ſeveral days. Here we held a council, and concluded
we would take a driving hunt in concert, and in partnerſhip
The river in this place is about a mile broad, and as it and
the lake forms a kind of neck, which terminates in a point, ali
the hunters (which were fifty-three) went he river, and
we ſcattered ourſelves from the river to the lake. When we
firſt began to move we were not in light of each other, but a
we al raiſed the yell, we could move regularly together by the
noiſe. Atlength we came in fight of each other and appeared
to be marching in good order ; before we came to the point,
both the ſquaws and boys in the canoes were ſcattered up thie
river, and along the lake, to prevent the deer fron making their
eſcape by water. As we advanced near the point the guns
began to crack flowly; and after ſome time the firing was like
a little engagement. The ſquaws and boys were buſy toma-
hawking the deer in the water, and we ſhooting them down on
the land :-We killed in all about thirty deer: thoa great ina-
ny made their eſcape by water.
We had now great feaſting and rejoicing, as we had plenty
of homony, veniſon, and wild fowl. The geeſe at this time ap-
peared to be preparing to move fouthward-It might be aked
what is meant by the geeſe preparing to move? The Indians
repreſent them as holding a great councilat this time concertis
ing the weather in order to conclude upon a day, that they anay
all at or near one time leave the Northern Lakes, and sing the
way to the ſouthern bays. When matters are brougit to aconte
clufion and the time appointed that they are to take wing, then
they fay, a great number of expreſſes are ſent off, in or to
let the different tribes know the reſult of this council, that
they may be all in readineſs to move at the time appointed
As there is a great commotion among the geofe at this tine, it
wouid
appear by their actions, that fuch a council had been
keld. Certain it is, that they are led by inſtiet to act in
concert and to move of regularly after their leaders

[ 48 ]
Here our company feparated. The chief part of them went
up the Miami river, that empties into Lake Erie, at cedar point,
whilſt we proceeded on our journey in company with Tecaugh-
retanego, Tontileaugo, and two families of the Wiandots.
As cold weather was now approaching, we began to feel the
doleful effects of extravagantly and fooliſhly ſpending the large
quantity of beaver we had taken in our laſt winters hunt. We
were all nearly in the ſame circumſtances-ſcarcely one had a
Thirt to his back; but each of us had an old blanket which we
belted round us in the day, and ſlept in at night, with a deer or.
bear fkin under us for our bed.
When we came to to the falls of Sanduſky, we buried our
birch bark canoes as uſual, at a large burying place for that
purpoſe, a little below the falls. At this place the river falls
about eight feet over a rock, but not perpendicular. With
much difficulty we puſhed up our wooden canoes, ſome of us
went up the river, and the reſt by land with the horſes, until
we came to the great meadows or prairies that lie between
Sandulky and Sciota,
When we came to this place we met with fome Ottawa hun-
ters, and agreed with them to take, what they call a ring hust,
in partnerſhip. We waited until we expected rain was near
falling to extinguiſh the fire, and then we kindled a large circle
in the prairie. At this time, or before the bucks began to run
a great number of deer lay concealed in the graſs, in the day,
and moved about in the night; but as the fire burned in tos
wards the centre of the circle, the deer fled before the fire: the
Indians were fcattered alſo at fome diſtance before the fire, and
Ihot them down every opportunity, which was very frequent, ef-
pecially as the circle became ſmall. When we came to divide
the deer, there were above ten to each hunter, which were all
killed in a few hours. The rain did not come on that night to
put out the out-fide circle of the fire, and as the wind aroſe, it
extended thro the whole prairie which was about fifty miles in
length, and in ſome places near twenty in breadth. This put an
end to our ring hunting this ſeaſon, and was in other reſpects an
injury to us in the hunting buſineſs ; fo that upon the whole we
received more harm that benefit by our rapid hunting frolic.
We then moved from the north end of the glades, and excamp-
-ed at the carrying place.
This place is in the plains bêtwixt a creek that empties into
Sanduſky, and cne that runs into Sciota : and at the time of
high water, or in the ſpring ſeaſon, there is but about one half
mile of pertage, and that very level, and clear of rocks, timber
or ftones ; fo that with a little digging there may be water car
riage the whole way from Scipta to Lake Erie.

[ 49
49 ]
From the mouth of Sanduſky to the falls is chiefly firſt rate
Jand, lying flat or level, intermixed with large bodies of clear
meadows, where the graſs is exceeding rank, and in many places
three or four feet high. The timber is oak, hickory, walnut,
cherry black-aſh, elm, ſugar-tree, buckeye, locuſt and beech.
In ſome places there is wet timber land--the timber in theſe
places is chiefly water-afh, fycamore, or button-wood.
From the falls to the prairies, the land lies well to the fun, it
is neither too flat nor too hilly—and chiefly firſt rate.
The
timber nearly the ſame as below the falls, excepting the water-
afh. There is alſo here, ſome plats of beech land, that appears
to be ſecond rate, as it frequently produces ſpice-wood. The
prairie appears to be a tolerable fertile foil, tho in many places
too wet for cultivation ; yet I apprehend it would produce tim-
her, were it only kept from fire,
The Indians are of the opinion that the ſquirrels plant all the
timber; as they bury a number of nuts for food, and only one
at a place, When a ſquirrel is killed the various kinds of nuts
thus buried will grow.
I have obſerved that when theſe prairies have only eſcaped
fire for one year, near where a fingle tree ſtood, there was a
young growth of timber fuppoſed to be planted by the fquir-
rels; but when the prairies were again burned, all this young
growth was immediately conſumed; as the fire rages in the
graſs, to fuch a pitch, that numbers of racoons are thereby
burned to death.
On the weſt fide of the prairie, or betwixt that and Sciota,
there is a large body of firſt rate land--the timber, walnut, lo-
cuſt, ſugar-tree, buckeye, cherry, aſh, elm, mulberry, plumb-
trees, ſpicewood, black-haw red-haw, oak and hickory.
About the time the bucks quit running Tontileaugo his wife
and children, Tecaughretanego, his fon Nungany and myſelf
left the Wiandot camps at the carrying place, and croſſed the
Sciota river at the ſouth end of the glades, and proceeded
on about a ſouth-weſt courſe to a large creek called Ollen-
tangy, which I believe interlocks with the waters of the Miami,
and empties into Sciota on the weſt fide thereof, From the
fouth end of the prairie to Ollentangy, there is a large quantity
of beech land, intermixed with firſt rate land. Here we made
our winter hut, and had confiderable fuccefs in hunting.
After fome time one of Tontileaugo's ſtep-fons, (a lad about
eight years of age) offended him, and he gave the boy a mode-
rate whipping, which much diſpleaſed his Wiandot wife. She
acknowledged that the boy was guilty of a fault, but thought
that he ought to bave been ducked, which is their uſual mode
of chaſtiſement. She ſaid ſhe could not bear to have her fon

[ ]
whipped like a fervant or ſlave--and ſhe was fo diſpleaſed that
when Tontilcaugo went out to hunt, ſhe got her two horfes,
and all her effects, (as in this country the huſband and wife
have feparate intereſts) and moved back to the Wiandot camps
that we had left.
When Tontileaugo returned, he was much diſturbed on hear-
ing of his wife's elopement, and ſaid that he would never
go after her were it not that he was afraid that the
wild get bewildered, and that his childreu that ſhe had ta.
ken with her, might fuffer. Tontileaugo went after his wife,
and when they met they made up the quarrel, and he never re-
turned; but left Tecaughretanego and his fon, (a boy about
ten years of age) and myfelf, who remained here in our hut
all winter.
Tecaughretanero who had been a firſt-rate warior, ftateſman-
and hunter; and though he was now near fixty years of age,
he was yet equal to the common run of hunters, but fubject to
the rheumatiſm, which deprived him of the uſe of his legs,
Shortly after Tontileátigo left us, Tecaughretanego became
same, and could ſcarcely walk out of our hut for two months.
I had conſiderable fucceſs in hunting and trapping; Though
Tocaughretanego endured much pain and miſery, yet he bore
it all with wonderful patience, and would often endeavor to
entertain me with chearful converſation. Sometimes he would
applaud me for my diligence, kill and aclivity and at other
times he would take great care in giving me inſtructions concer-
ning the hunting and trapping buſineſs. He would alſo tell me
that if I failed of ſucceſs, we would ſuffer very much, as we
were about forty miles from any one living, that we knew of;
yet he would not intimate that he apprehended we were in any
danger, but ſtill fuppoſed that I was fully adequate to the taſk.
"Tontileaugo left us a little before Chriſtmas, and from that
until ſome time in February, we had always plenty of bear
meat, venifon, &c. During this time I killed much more than
we couli ole, but having no horfes to carry in what I killed, I
left part of it in the woods, In February there came a fnow,
with a cruit, which made a great noiſe when walking on it, and
frightened away the deer; and as bear and beaver were ſcarce
here, we got entirely out of proviſion. After I had hunted two
days without eating any thing, and had very fhort allowance
for ſome days before, I returned late in the evening faint and
sary:
When I came into our hut, Tecaughretanego aſked
what fuccefs? I told him not any. He aſked me if I was not
very hungry? I replied that the keen appetite ſeemed to be in
fome meaſure removed, but I was both faint and weary.
H.
commanded Nunganey his litde fon, to bring me ſomething to

1
eat, and he brought me a kettle with fome bones and broth,
after eating a few mouthfuls my appetite violently returned,
and I thought the victuals
had a molt agreable relish, though it
was only fox and wild-cat bones, which lay about the camp,
which the ravens and turkey-buzzards had picked-thefe Nun-
ganey had collected and boiled, until the finews that remained
on the bones would ſtrip off. I fpeedily finiſhed my allowance,
ſuch as it was, and when I had ended my sweet repaft, Tecaugh-
retanego aſked me how I felt? I told him that I was much re-
freſhed. He then handed me his pipe and pouch, and told me
to take a ſmoke. I did fo. He then ſaid he had fomething of
importance to tell me, if I was now compoſed and ready to
hear it. I told him that I was ready to hear him. He faid the
reaſon why he deferred his ſpeech till now, was becauſe few
men are in a right humor to hear good talk, when they are ex-
tremely hungry, as they are then generally fretful and diſcom-
poſed; but as you appear now to enjoy calmneſs and ſerenity
of mind, I will now communicate to you the thoughts of my
heart, and thoſe things that I krow to be true.
"Brother,
"As you have lived with the white people, you have not had
the ſame advantage of knowing that the great being above feeds
his people, and gives them their meat in due featon, as we In-
dians have, who are frequently out of proviſions, and yet arc
wonderfully fupplied, and that fo frequently that it is evident-
ly the hand of the great Owaneeyo* that doth this: whereas
the white people have commonly large ſtocks of rape cattle,
that they can kill when they pleaſe, and alſo their Warns and
eribs filled with grain, and therefore have not the ſame oppor-
tunity, of ſeeing and knowing that they are ſupported by the
ruler of Heaven and Earth.
4 Brotber,
“I know that you are now afraid that we will all pariſh with
hunger, but you have no juſt reaſon to fear this.
P" Brotber,
“I have been young, but am now old I have been frequent-
ly under the like circumſtance that we now are, and that ſome
time or other in almoſt every year of my life ; yet, I have hi-
therto been ſupported, and my wants ſupplied in time of need.
6 Brother,
"Owaneeyo fome times ſuffers us to be in want, in order to
teach us our dependance upon him, and to let ve know that we
are to love and ſerve him: and likewiſe to know the sworth of
the favors that we receive, and to make us more thanktile
* This is the name of God, in their tongue, and fignifies the ownel and To
ler of all things,

[ 52
52 1
“Brother,
“Be aſſured that you will be ſupplied with food, and that
juſt in the right time; but you muſt continue diligent in the uſe
of means-go to ſleep, and riſe early in the morning and go a
hunting—be ſtrong and exert yourſelf like a man, and the great
ſpirit will direct your way.'
The next morning I went out, and ſteered about an eaft
courſe. I proceeded on flowly for about five miles, and faw
deer frequently, but as the cruſt on the ſnow made a great
noiſe, they were always running before I ſpied them, ſo that I
could not get a fhoot: A violent appetite returned, and I be-
came intolerably hungry ;-it was now that I concluded I would
run off to Pennſylvania, my native country. As the fnow was
on the ground, and Indian hunters almoſt the whole of the
way before me, I had but a poor proſpect of making my eſcape;
but my caſe appeared deſperate. If I ſtaid here I thought I
would periſh with hunger, and if I met with Indians, they could
but kill me.
I then proceeded on as faſt as I could walk; and when I got
about ten or twelve miles from our hut, I came upon freſh buf-
faloe tracks, I purſued after, and in a fliort time came in
fight of them, as they were paſſing through a ſmall glade-I
ran with all my might, and headed them, where I lay in am-
buſh, and killed a very large cow. I immediately kindled
a fire and began to roaſt meat, but could not wait till it was
done_I ate it almoſt raw. When hunger was abated I began
to be tenderly concerned for my old Indian brother, and the
little boy I had left in a periſhing condition. I made haſte and
packed up what meat I could carry, ſecured what I left from
the wolves, and returned homewards.
I ſcarcely thought on the old man's fpeech while I was al-
molt diſtracted with hunger, but on my return was much affect-
ed with it, reflected or myſelf for my hard-heartedneſs and ingra-
titude, in attempting to run off and leave the venerable old man
and little boy to periſh with hunger. I alſo conſidered how re-
markably the old man's ſpeech had been verified in our provi-
dentially obtaining a ſupply. I thought alſo of that part of his
fpeech which treated of the fractious diſpoſitions of hungry
people, which was the only excuſe I had for my baſe inhuma-
nity, in attempting to leave them in the moſt deplorable fitua-
tion.
As it was moon-light, I got home to our hut, and found the
old man in his uſual good humor. He thanked me for my ex-
exertion, and bid me fit down, as I muſt certainly be fatigued,
and he commanded Nunganey to make haſte and cook. I told
him I would cook for him, and let the boy lay ſome meat on the

[
53
coals, for himſelf-which he did, but ate it almoſt raw, as I had
done. I immediately hung on the kettle with ſome water, and
cut the beef in thin ſlices, and put them in :-when it had boil.
ed awhile, I propoſed taking it off the fire, but the old man re-
plied, "let it be done enough.” This he ſaid in as patient and
unconcerned a manner, as if he had not wanted one ſingle meal.
He commanded Nunganey to eat no more beef at that time,
leaſt he might hurt himſelf; but told him to fit down, and after
ſome time he might fup fome broth-this command he reluct
äntly obeyed
When we were all refreſhed, Tecauretanego delivered a
ſpeech upon the neceſſity and pleaſure of receiving the neceffa,
ry ſupports of life with thankfulneſs, knowing that Owaneeyo is
the great giver. Such ſpeeches from an Indian, may be tho't
by thoſe who are unacquainted with them, altogether incredi
ble; but when we reflect on the Indian war, we may readily
conclude that they are not an ignorant or ſtupid ſort of people
or they would not have been ſuch fatal enemies.
When they
came into our country they outwitted us--and when we fent ar
mies into their country, they outgeneralled, and beat us with in-
ferior force. Let us alſo take into conſideration that Tecaugh
Tetanego was no common perſon, but was among the Indians, as
Socrates in the ancient Heathen world; and it may be, equal to
him--if not in wiſdom and learning, yet, perhaps in patience
and fortitude. Notwithſtanding Tecauretanego's, uncommon
natural abilitis, yet in the fequel of this hiſtory you will ſee the
deficiency of the light of nature, unaided by revelation, in this
truly great man.
The next morning Tecaughretanego deſired me to go back
and bring another load of buffaloe beef: As I proceeded to do
fo, about five miles from our hut I found a bear tree. As a fap-
ling, grew near the tree, and reached near the hole that the
-bear went in at, I got dry dozed or rotton wood, that would
catch and hold fire almoſt as well as fpunk. This wood I tied.
up in bunches, fixed them on my back, and then climbed UP
the
fapling, and with a pole, I put them touched with fire, into the
hole, and then came down and took my gun in my hand. Af
ter fome time the bear came out, and I killed and ſkinned it,
packed up a load of the meat, (after ſecuring the remainder
from the wolves) and returned home before night. On my re
turn my old brother and his fon were much rejoiced at my fuce
cefs. After this we had plenty of proviſion.
We remained here until ſome time in April 1758. At this
time Tecaughretanego had recovered fo; that he could walke
about. We made a bark canoe, embarked, and went down Ols
H

54 J
lentangy fome diſtance, but the water being low, we were in dan-
ger of ſplitting our canoe upon the rocks: therefore Tecaughre-
tanego concluded we would encamp on fhore, and pray for rain.
When we encamped, Tecaughretanego made himſelf a fweat-
houſe; which he did by fticking a number of hoops in the
ground, each hoop forming a ſemi-circle--this he covered all
round with blankets and ſkins; he then prepared hot ſtones,
which he rolled into this hut, and then went into it himſelf,
with a little kettle of water in his hand, mixed with a variety
of herbs, which he had formerly cured, and had now with him
in his pack--they afforded an odoriferous perfume. When he
was in, he told me to pull down the blankets behind him, and
cover all up cloſe, which I did, and then he began to pour water
upon the hot ftones, and to ſing aloud. He continued in this
vehement hot place about fifteen minutes :--all this he did
in order to purify himſelf before he would addreſs the Supreme
Being. When he came out of his fweat-houſe, he began to
burn tobacco and pray. He began each pretition with ob, bó,
bo, bo, which is a kind of aſpiration, and fignifies an ardent
wiſo. I obſerved that all his petitions were only for immedi-
ate, or preſent temporal bleflings. He began his addreſs by
thankigiving, in the following manner;
* O great being! I thank thee that I have obtained the uſe of
my legs again --that I am now able to walk about and kill tur.
keys, &c. without feeling exquiſite pain and mifery: I know that
thou art a hearer and a helper, and therefore I will call upon thee.
Cob, bo, bo, box
“Grant that my knees and ankles may be right well, and
that I may be able, not only to walk, but to run, and ta jump
logs, as I did laſt fall.
"Ob, bo, bo, bo,
Grant that on this voyage we may frequently kill bears, as
they may be croſſing the Sciota and Sanduſky.
* Ob, bo, bo, bo,
“Grant that we may kill plenty of Turkeys along the banks,
to ſtew with our fat bear meat.
“Ob, bo, bo, bo,
“Grant that rain may come to raiſe the Ollentangy about
two or three feet, that we may croſs in ſafety down to Sciota,
without danger of our canoe being wrecked on the rocks :-and
now, O great being! thou knoweft how matters ftand-thou
knoweſt that I am a great lover of tobacco, and though I know
not when I may get any more, I now make a preſent
of the laſt
I have unto thee, as a free burnt offering; therefore I expect
thou wilt hear and grant theſe requeſts, and I thy feryant will
return thee thanks, and love thee for thy gifts."

E 55 ]
During the whole of this ſcene I fat by Tecaughretanego,
and as he went through it with the greateſt folemnity, I was fe-
riouſly affected with his prayers. I remained duly compoſed
until he came to the burning of the tobacco, and as I knew that
he was a great lover of it, and ſaw him caſt the laſt of it into
the fire, it excited in me a kind of meriment, and I inſenſibly
ſmiled. Tecaughretanego obſerved me laughing, which diſm
pleaſed him, and occafioned him to addreſs me in the following
manner
Brotber,
“I have ſomewhat to ſay to you, and I hope you will not be
offended when I tell you of your faults. You know that when
you were reading your books in town, I would not let the boys
or any one diſturb you; but now when I was praying, I ſaw
you laughing. I do not think that you look upon praying as a
fooliſh thing ;-I believe you pray yourſelf. But perhaps you
may think my mode, or manner of prayer fooliſh; if ſo, you
ought in a friendly manner to inſtruct me, and not make fport
of ſacred things.
I acknowledged my error, and on this he handed me his pipe
to ſmoke, in token of friendſhip and reconciliation; though at:
that time he had nothing to ſmoke, but red-willow bark. I
told him ſomething of the method of reconciliation with an of
fended God, as revealed in my Bible, which I had then in pof-
feffion. He ſaid that he liked my ſtory better than that of the
French prieſts, but he thought that he was now too old to be-
gin to learn a new religion, therefore he frould continue to
worſhip God in the way that he had been taught, and that if
falvation er future happineſs was to be had in his way
of WOL
hip, he expected he would obtain it, and if it was inconſiſtent
with the honor of the great fpirit to accept of him in his own
way of worſhip, he hoped that Owaneeyo would accept of him
in the way I had mentioned, or in ſome other way, though he
might now be ignorant of the channel through which favor or
mercy might be conveyed. He ſaid that he believed that O.
waneeyo would hear and help every one that ſincerely waited
upon him.
Here we may ſee how far the light of nature could go ; per.
haps we ſee it here almoſt in its higheſt extent. Notwithia
ſtanding the juft views that this great man entertained of Pro-
vidence, yet we now ſee him (though he acknowledged his
guilt) expecting to appeaſe the Deity, and procure his favor,
by burning a little tobacco. We may obſerve that all Heathen
nations, as far as we can find out either by tradition or the
light of Nature, agree with Revelation in this, that facrifice
is neceſſary, or that fome kind of attonement is to be made,

[ 56 1
su order to remove guilt, and reconcile them to God. This,
accompanied with numberleſs other witneſſes, is fufficient evi-
dence of the rationality the truth of the Scriptures.
A few days after Tecavghretanego had gone through his ce-
remonies, and finiſhed his prayers, the rain came and raiſed
the creek a fufficient height, ſo that we paffed in ſafety down
to Sciota, and proceeded up to the carrying place. Let us
now deſcribe the land on this route, from our winter hut, and
down Ollentangy to the Sciota, and up it to the carrying place.
About our winter cabbin is chiefly firſt and ſecond rate land,
A confiderable way up Ollentangy on the ſouth-weſt fide there-
of, or betwixt it and the Miami, there is a very large prairie,
and from this prairie down Ollentangy to Sciota, is generally
firſt rate land. The timber is walnut, fugar-tree, afh, buckeye,
locuft, wild-cherry and ſpice-wood, intermixed with fome oak
and beech. From the mouth of Ollentangy on the eaſt ſide of
Sciota, up to the carrying place, there is a large body of
firſt and fecond rate land, and tolerably well watered.
*The timber is aſh, ſugar-tree, walnut locuſt, oak and beech.
Up near the carrying place, the land is a little hilly, but the
Soil good.
We proceeded from this place down Sanduſky, and in our
paffage we killed four bears, and a number of turkeys. Te-
taughretanego appeared now fully purſuaded that all this came
in anſwer to his prayers and who can fay with any degree of
certainty that it was not ſo?
When we came to the little lake at the mouth of Sanduſky
we called at a Wiandot town that was then there, called
Sunyendeand. Here we diverted ourſelves ſeveral days, by
catching rock-fiſh in a ſmall creek, the name of which is alſo
Sunyendeand, which fignifies Rock-Fifh. They fifhed in the
night, with lights, and ſtruck the fiſh with giggs or ſpears,
The rock-fiſh here, when they begin firſt to run up the creek to
ſpawn, are exceeding fat, and fufficient to fry themſelves. The
firſt night we ſcarcely caught fiſh enough for preſent uſe, for
all that was in the town,
The next morning I met with a priſoner at this place, by the
name of Thompſon, who had been taken from Virginia : he
told me if the Indians would only omit diſturbing the fiſh for
one night, he could catch more fiſh than the whole town
could make uſe of. I told Mr. Thompſon that if he was cer-
main he could do this, that I would uſe my influence with the
Indians, to let the fiſh alone for one night. I applied to the
chiefs, who agreed to my propoſal, and ſaid they were anxious
to ſee what the Great Knife (as they called the Virginian)
could do. Mr. Thompſon, with the aſſiſtance of ſome other

[
57 1
priſoners, fet to work, and made a hoop net of Elm bark: they
then cut down a tree acroſs the creek, and ſtuck in ftakes at
the lower ſide of it, to prevent the fiſh from paffing up, leaving
only a gap at the one ſide of the creek:-here he fat with his
met, and when he felt the fiſh touch the net he drew it up, and
frequentiy would hawl out two or three rock-fiſh that would
weigh about five or fix pounds each. He continued at this un-
til he had hawled out about a waggon ioad, and then left the
gap mpen, in order to let them paſs up, for they could not go
far, on account of the ſhallow water. Before day Mr. Thomp-
ſon fhut it up, to prevent them from palling down, in order to
let the Indians have fome diverſion in killing them in daylight.
When the news of the fiſh came to town, the Indians all
collected, and with ſurprize beheld the large heap of fiſh, and
applauded the ingenuity of the Virginian. When they ſaw the
number of them that were confined in the water above the tree,
the young Indians ran back to the town, and in a ſhort time
returned with their ſpears, giggs, bows and arrows, &c. and
were the chief of that day engaged in killing rock-fish, infomuch
that we had more than we could uſe or preſerve. As we had
no falt, or any way to keep them, they lay upon the banks, and
after ſome time great numbers of turkey-buzzards and eagles
collected together and devoured them.
Shortly after this we left Sunyendeand, and in three days ar-
rived at Detroit, where we remained this fummer.
Some time in May we heard that General Forbes, with ſeven
thouſand men was preparing to carry on a campaign againſt
Fort DuQuefne, which then ſtood near where Fort Pitt was af.
terwards erected. Upon receiving this news a number of run-
ners were ſent off by the French commander at Detroit, to
urge the different tribes of Indian warriors to repair to Fort
DuQueſne.
Some time in July 1758, the Ottowas, Jibewas, Potowatomies
and Wiandots rendezvouſed at Detroit, and marched off to Fort
DuQuefne, to prepare for the encounter of General Forbes.
The common report was, that they would ſerve him as they
did General Braddock, and obtain much plunder. From this
time, until fall, we had frequent accounts of Forbes's army,
by Indian runners that were fent out to watch their motion,
They ſpied them frequently from the mountains ever after they
left Fort Loudon. Notwithſtanding their vigilence, colonel
Grant with his Highlanders ſtole a march upon them, and in
the night took poſſeſſion of a hill about eighty rod from Fort
DuQuefne :--this hill is on that account called Grant's hill to
this day. The French and Indians knew not that Grant and
hie men were there until they beat the drum and played upon

58 ]
the bag-pipes, juſt at day-light. They then flew to arms, and
the Indians ran up under covert of the banks of Allegheny and
Monongahela, for ſome diſtance, and then fallied out from the
banks of the rivers, and took pofleffion of the hill above Grant;
and as he was on the point of it in fight of the fort, they imme-
diately ſurrounded him, and as he had his Highlanders in ranks,
and very clofe order, and the Indians ſcattered, and concealed
behind trees, they defeated him with the loſs only of a few war-
riors:---moſt of the Highlanders were killed or taken priſoners.
After this defeat the Indians held a council, but were divided
in their opinions. Some faid that general Forbes would now
turn back, and go home the way that he came, as Dunbar had
done when General Braddock was defeated: others ſuppoſed he
would come on.
The French urged the Indians to ſtay and fee
the event:--but as it was hard for the Indians to be abfent
from their ſquaws and children, at this ſeaſon of the
year, a
great many of them returned home to their hunting. After
this, the remainder of the Indians, fome French regulars, and
a number of Canadians, marched off in queſt of General Forbes.
They met his army near Fort Ligoneer, and attacked them, but
were fruſtrated in their deſign. They ſaid that Forbes's men.
were beginning to learn the art of war, and that there were
a great number of American riflemen along with the read-coats,
who ſcattered out, took trees, and were good marks-men;
therefore they found they could not accompliſh their deſign, and
were obliged to retreat. When they returned from the battle
to Fort DuQueſne, the Indians conclued that they wouid
their hunting. The French endeavored to perſuade them to
ſtay and try another battle. The Indians faid if it was only
the red-coats they had to do with, they could foon fubdue them,
but they could not withſtand Asbalecoa, or the Great Knife,
which was the name they gave the Virginians. They then re-
turned home to their hunting, and the French evacuated the
fort, which General Forbes came and took poſſeſſion of without
further oppoſition, late in the year 1758, and at this time be-
gan to build Fort Pitt.
When Tecaughretanego had heard the particulars of Grant's
defeat, he ſaid that he could not well account for his contradic-
tory and inconſiſtent conduct. He ſaid as the art of war con-
fifts in ambuſhing and furprizing our enemies, and in prevent-
ing them from ambuſhing and ſurprizing us; Grant, in
the firſt place, acted like a wiſe and experienced officer, in art-
fully approaching in the night without being diſcovered; but
when he came to the place, and the Indians
were lying aſleep
outſide of the fort, between him and the Allegheny river, in
place of flipping up quietly, and falling upon them with their
80
to

59
]
broad ſwords, they beat the drums and played upon the bag-
pipes. He ſaid he could account for this inconſiſtent conduct
no other way than by fuppofing that he had made too free with
fpirituous liquors during the night, and became intoxicated
about day-light. But to return:
This year we hunted up Sanduſky, and down Sciota, and
took nearly the ſame route that we had done the laſt hunting
ſeaſon. We had conſiderable ſucceſs, and returned to Detroit
fome time in April 1759.
Shortly after this, Tecaughretanego, his fon Nungany and
myſelf, went from Detroit, (in an elm bark canoe) to Caughne-
waga, a very ancient Indian town, about nine miles above
Montreal, where I remained until about the firſt of July. I
then heard of a French fhip at Monteal that had Engliſh priſon-
ers on board, in order to carry them over ſea, and exchange
them. I went privately off from the Indians, and got alſo on
board; but as general Wolfe had ſtopped the River St. Lau-
rence, we were all ſent to priſon in Montreal, where I remain.
ed four months. Some time in November we were all fent
off from this place to Crown Point, and exchanged.
Early in the year 1760, I came home to Canacocheague, and
found that my people could never aſcertain whether I was kill-
ed or taken, until my return. They received me with great.
joy, but were ſurprized to ſee me ſo much like an Indian, both
in my gait and geſture.
Upon enquiry, I found that my ſweet-heart was married a
few days before I arrived. My feelings I muſt leave on this
occaſion, for thoſe of my readers to judge, who have felt the
pangs of diſappointed love, as it is impoſſible now for me to de-
fcribe the emotion of foul I felt at that time.
Now there was peace with the Indians which laſted until the
year 1763. Sometime in May, this year, I married, and about
that time the Indians again commenced hoſtilities, and were
buſily engaged in killing and ſcalping the frontier inhabitants in
various parts of Pennſylvania. The whole Conococheague
Valley, from the North to the South Mountain, had been al-
moſt entirely evacuated during Braddock's war. This ſtate
was then a Quaker government, and at the firſt of this war the
frontiers received no aſſiſtance from the ſtate. As the people
were now beginning to live at home again, they thought hard
to be drove away a fecond time, and were determined if poffible,
to make a ftand: therefore they raiſed as much money by col.
lections and ſubſcriptions, as would pay a company of rifle-men
for ſeveral months. The ſubſcribers met and elected a commit-
tee to manage the buſineſs. The committee appointed me
saptain of this company of rangers, and gave me the appoint-

[ 60 7
ment of my fubalterns. I choſe two of the moſt active young
men that I could find, who had alſo been long in captivity with
the Indians. As we enliſted our men, we dreſſed them uniform-
ly in the Indian manner, with breech-clouts, leggins, mockefons
and green ſhrouds, which we wore in the fame manner that the
Indians do, and nearly as the Highlanders wear their plaids.
In place of hats we wore red hankerchiefs, and painted our fa-
ces red and black, like Indian warriors. I taught them the In-
dian diſcipline, as I knew of no other at that time, which would
anſwer the purpoſe much better than Britiſh. We ſucceeded
beyond expectation in defending the frontiers, and were extol-
led by our employers. Near the conclufion of this expedition
I accepted of an enſign's commiſſion in the regular ſervice, un-
der King George, in what was then called the Pennſylvania
line. Upon my reſignation; my lieutenant ſucceeded me in
command, the reſt of the time they were to ſerve. In the
fall (the ſame year) I went on the Suſquehannah campaign,
againſt the Indians, under the command of General Arm-
trong. In this route we burnt the Delaware and Monſey
towns, on the Weſt Branch of the Suſquehannah, and deſtroy-
ed all their corn.
In the year 1764, I received a lieutenant's commiffion, and
went out on General Bouquet's campaign againſt the Indians
on the Muíkingum. Here we brought them to terms, and pro-
miſed to be at peace with them, upon condition that they would
give up all our people that they had then in captivity among
them. They then delivered unto us three hundred of the pri-
foners, and ſaid that they could not collect them all at this time,
as it was now late in the year, and they were far feattered;
but they promiſed that they would bring them all into Fort
Pitt early next ſpring, and as ſecurity that they would do this,
they delivered to us fix of their chiefs, as hoſtages. Upon this
we ſettled a ceffation of arms for fix months, and promiſed
uponi their fulfilling the aforeſaid condition, to make with them
a permanent peace.
A little below Fort Pitt the hoſtages all made their eſcape.
Shortly after this the Indians ſtole horſes, and killed ſome peo-
ple on the frontiers. The king's proclamation was then circu-
lating and ſet
up in various public places, prohibiting any perſon
from trading with the Indians, until further orders.
Notwithſtanding all this, about the firſt of March 1765, a
number of waggons loaded with Indian goods, and warlike
ſtores, were ſent from Philadelphia to Henry Pollens's, Cono-
cocheague, and from thence ſeventy pack-horſes were loaded
with theſe goods, in order to carry them to Fort Pitt. This
alarmed the country, and Mr. William Duffield raiſed about

[
611
fifty armed men, and met the pack-horſes at the piace where
Mercerſburg now ſtands. Mr. Duffield deſired the employers to
ſtore up their goods, and not proceed until further orders.
They made light of this, and went over the North Mountain,
where they lodged in a ſmall valley called the Great Cove.
Mr. Duffield and his party followed after, and came to their
lodging, and again urged them to ſtore up their goods :-He
reaſoned with them on the impropriety of their proceedings, and
the great danger the frontier inhabitants would be expoſed to,
if the Indians ſhould now get a ſupply:--He ſaid as it was well.
known that they had ſcarcely any amunition, and were almoſt
naked, to ſupply them now, would be a kind of murder, and
would be illegally trading at the expence of the blood and trea-
fure of the frontiers. Notwithſtanding his powerful reaſoning,
theſe traders made game of what he ſaid, and would only an-
fwer him by ludicrous burleſque.
When I beheld this, and found that Mr. Duffield would not
compel them to ſtore up their goods, I collected ten of my old
warriors, that I had formerly diſciplined in the Indian way,
went off privately, after night, and encamped in the woods.
The next day, as uſual, we blacked and painted, and waylayed.
them near Sidelong Hill. I ſcattered my men about forty rod
along the ſide of the road and ordered every two to take a tree,
and about eight or ten rod between each couple, with orders to
keep a reſerve fire, one not to fire until his comrade had load-
ed his gun--by this means we kept up a conſtant, low fire, upon
them from front to rear:-We then heard nothing of theſe tra-
der's merriment or burleſque. When they ſaw their pack-hor-
fes falling cloſe by them, they called out pray gentlemen, what
would you have us to do? The reply was, collect all your loads
to the front, and unload them in one place, take your private
property, and immediately retire. When they were gone, we
burnt what they left, which conſiſted of blankets, ſhirts, ver-
million, lead, beads, wampum, tomahawks, fcalping knives, &c.
The traders went bach to Fort Loudon, and applied to the
commanding officer there, and got a party of Highland foldiers,
and went with them in queſt of the robbers, as they called us,
and without applying to a magiſtrate, or obtaining any civil au-
thority, but barely upon ſuſpicion, they took a number of cre-
ditable perſons priſoners, (who were chiefly not any way con-
cerned in this action) and confined them in the guard-houſe in
Fort Loudon. I then raiſed three hundred riflemen, marched
to Fort Loudon, and encamped on a hill in fight of the fort.
We were not long there, until we had more than double as ma-
ny of the Britih troops priſoners in our camp, as they had of
sto
I

[ 62 1
our people in the guard-houſe. Captain Grant, a Highland
officer, who command Fort Loudon, then ſent a flag of truce to
our camp, where we ſettled a cartel, and gave them above two
for one, which enabled us to redeem all our men from the
guard-houſe, without further difficulty.
After this Captain Grant kept a number of rifle guns, which
the Highlanders had taken from the country people, and refu-
fed to give them up. As he was riding out one day, we took
him priſoner, and detained him until he delivered up the arms;
we alſo deſtroyed a large quantity of gun-powder that the tra-
ders had ſtored up, left it might be conveyed privately to the
Indians. The king's troops, and our party, had now got en
tirely out of the channel of the civil law, and many unjuſtifiable
things were done by both parties. This convinced me more
than ever I had been before, of the abfolute neceffity of the ci-
vil law, in order to govern mankind.
3 About this time the following ſong was compoſed by Mr.
George Campbell (an Iriſh gentleman, who had been educated in
Dublin) and was frequently fung to the tune of the Black Joke:
1. Ye patriot fouls who love to fing,
What ferves your country and your king,
In wealth, peace and royal eſtate;
Attention give whilſt I rehearſe,
A modern fact, in jingling verſe,
How party intereſt ſtrove what it cou'd,
To profit itſelf by public bicod,
But juſtly met its merited fate.
2. Let all thoſe Indian traders claim,
Their juft reward, inglorious fame;
For vile baſe and treacherous ends.
To Pollins, in the ſpring they fent,
Much warlike ſtores, with an intent,
To carry them to our barbarous foes,
Expecting that no-body dare oppoſe,
A preſent to their Indian friends.
3. Aftoniſh'd at the wild deſign,
Frontier inhabitants combin’d,
With brave fouls, to ſtop their career,
bu Although ſome men apoftatiz'd,
Who firſt the grand attempt advis'd,
The bold frontiers they bravely ſtood,
To act for their king and their country's good,
In joint league, and ſtrangers to fear.

E 631
4. On March the fifth, in fixty-five,
Their Indian preſents did arrive,
In long pomp and cavalcade,
Near Sidelong Hill, where in diſguiſe,
Some patriots did their train ſurprize,
And quick as lightning tumbled ther loads,
And kindled them bonfires in the woods,
And moſtly burnt their whole brigade.
5. At Loudon, when they heard the news,
They ſcarcely knew which way to chooſe,
For blind rage and diſcontent;
At length fome ſoldiers they ſent out,
With guides for to conduct the route,
And ſeized fome men that were trav'ling there,
And hurried them into London where
They laid them faſt with one conſent.
6, But men of reſolution thought,
Too much to ſee their neighbors caught,
For no crime but falſe furmife;
Forthwith they join'd a warlike band,
And march'd to Loudon out of hand,
And kept the jailors pris'ners there,
Until our friends enlarged were,
Without fraud or any diſguiſe.
7. Let mankind cenfure or commend,
This raſh performance in the end,
Then both ſides will find their account.
'Tis true no law can juſtify,
To burn our neighbors property,
But when this property is deſign'd,
To ſerve the enemies of mankind,
It's high treaſon in the amount.
After this we kept up a guard of men on the frontiers, for
feveral months, to prevent ſupplies being ſent to the Indians,
until it was proclaimed that Sir William Johnſon had made
peace with them, and then we let the traders paſs unmo-
leſted.
In the year 1766, I heard that Sir William Johnſon, the king's
agent for ſettling affairs with the Indians, had purchaſed from
them all the land weſt of the Appalachian Mountains, that lay
between the Ohio and the Cherokee River; and as I knew by
converfing with the Indians in their own tongue, that there

{ 64 ]
to.
was a large body of rich land there, I concluded I would take
a tour weſtward, and explore that country.
I ſet out about the laſt of June, 1766, and went in the firſt
place to Holſtein River, and from thence I travelled weſtward
in company with Jofhua Horton, Uriah Stone, William Baker,
and James Smith, who came from near Carlifle. There was on-
ly four white men of us, and a mulatto flave about eighteen years
of age, that Mr. Horton had with him. We explored the coun-
try fouth of Kentucky, and there was no more ſign of white
men there then, than there is now weſt of the head waters of
the Miſſouri. We alſo explored Cumberland and Tenneſſes
Rivers, from Stone's* River down to the Ohio.
When we came to the mouth of Tenneſſee, my fellow travel-
lers concluded that they would proceeded on to the Illinois, and
fee fome more of the land to the weſt:this I would not agree
As I had already been longer from home than what I ex-
pectd, I thought my wife would be diſtreſſed, and think I was
killed by the Indians; therefore I concluded that I would re-
turn home. I ſent my horſe with my fellow travellers to the
Illinois, as it was difficult to take a horſe through the moun.
tains. My comrades gave me the greateſt part of the amuni-
tion they then had, which amounted only to half a pound of pow-
der, and lead equivalent. Mr. Horton alſo lent me his mulatto
boy, and I then fet off through the wilderneſs, for Carolina.
About eight days after I left my company at the mouth of
Tenneſſee, on my journey eaſtward, I got a cane ftab in my
foot, which occafioned my leg to ſwell, and I ſuffered much
pain. I was now in a doleful ſituation--far from any of the
human ſpecies, excepting black Jamie, or the favages, and I
knew not when I might meet with them my cafe
deſperate, and I thought ſomething muſt be done. All the
ſurgical inſtruments I had, was a knife, a mockafon awl, and a
pair of bullit moulds with theſe I determined to draw the
ſnag from my foot, if poſſible. I ſtuck the awl in the ſkin, and
with the knife I cut
the fleſh away from around the cane, and
then I commanded the mulatto fellow to catch it with the bul-
lit moulds, and pull it out, which he did. When I ſaw it, it
ſeemed a ſhocking thing to be in any perſon's foot; it will there-
fore be fuppoſed that I was very glad to have it out. The
black fellow attended upon me, and obeyed my directions faith-
fully. I ordered him to ſearch for Indian medicine, and told
him to get me a quantity of bark from the root of a lynn tree,
* Stone's River is a ſouth branch of Cumberland, and empties into it above
Naſhville. We first gave it this name in our journal in May 1767, after one
of my fellow travellers, Mr Uriah Stone, and I am told that it rerains the
ſame name unto this day,
appeared

[ 65 ]
which I made him beat on a ſtone, with a tomahawk, and boil
it in a kettle, and with the ooze I bathed my foot and leg:-
what remained when I had finiſhed bathing, I boiled to a jelly,
and made poultices thereof. As I had no rags, I made uſe
of the green moſs that grows upon logs, and wrapped it round
with elm bark: by this means (imple as it may ſeem) the ſwel-
ling and inflamation in a great meaſure abated. As ſtormy
weather appeared, I ordered Jamie to make us a ſhelter, which
he did by erecting forks and poles, and covering them over with
cane tops, like a fodder-houſe. It was but about one hundred
yards from a large buffaloe road. As we were almost out of
proviſion, I commanded Jamie to take my gun, and I went along
as well as I could, concealed myſelf near the road, and killed a
buffaloe. When this was done, we jirked* the lean, and fryed
the tallow out of the fat meat, which we kept to ſtew with our
jirk as we needed it.
While I lay at this place, all the books I had to read, was
a Pſalm Book, and Watts upon Prayer. Whilft in this fitu-
ation I compoſed the following verſes, which I then frequent-
ly fung.
1. Six weeks I've in this defart been,
With one mulatto lad,
Excepting this poor ſtupid flave,
No company I had.
2. In folitude I here remain,
A cripple very ſore,
No friend or neighbor to be found,
My caſe for to deplore.
3. I'm far from home, far from the wife,
Which in my bofom lay,
Far from my children dear, which uſed
Around me for to play.
4. This doleful circumſtance cannot
My happineſs prevent,
While
peace of conſcience I enjoy,
Great comfort and content.
I continued in this place until I could walk flowly, without
crutches.
As I now lay near a great buffaloe read, I was
afraid that the Indians might be paſting that way, and diſcover
* Jirk is a name well known by the hunters, and frontier inhabitants, for
meat cut in ſmall pieces and laid on a ſcaffold, over a flow fire, whereby it is
roafted till it is thoroughly dry.

[ 66
66 ]
my fire-place, thercfore I moved off fome diſtance, where I re-
mained until I killed an elk. As my foot was yet fore, I con-
cluded that I would ſtay here until it was healed, leſt by
travelling too focn it might again be inflamed.
In a few weeks after, I proceeded on, and in O&tober I arri-
ved in Carolina. I had now been eleven months in the wilder-
neſs, and during this time I neither faw bread, money, women,
er fpirituous liquors; and three months of which I ſaw none of
the human ſpecies, except Jamie.
When I came into the ſettlement, my clothes were almoſt
worn out, and the boy had nothing on him that ever was fpun.
He had buck-ſkin leggins, mockafons and breech-clout--a bear-
din dreſſed with the hair on, which he belted about him, and a
racoon-fkin cap. I had not travelled far after I came in be-
fore I was ſtrictly examined by the inhabitants. I told them
the truth, and where I came from, &c. but my ſtory appeared
ſo ſtrange to them, that they did not believe me. They ſaid
they had never heard of any one coming through the mountains
from the mouth of Tenneſfee; and if any one would undertake
ſuch a journey, ſurely no man would lend him his ſlave. They
ſaid that they thought that all I had told them were lies, and
on fufpicion they took me into cuſtody, and fet a guard over
While I was confined here, I met with a reputable old ac-
quaintance, who voluntarily became my voucher; and alſo told
me of a number of my acquaintances that now lived near this
place, who had moved from Pennſylvania-On this being made
public, I was liberated. I went to a magiſtrate, and obtained a
paſs, and one of my old acquaintances made me a preſent of a
shirt. I then caft away my old rags, and all the clothes I now
had was an old beaver hat, buck-icin leggins, mockaſons, and a
new ſhirt; alſo an old blanket, which I commonly carried on
my back in good weather. Being thus equipped, í marched on,
with my white ſhirt looſe, and Jamie with his bear-ikin about
him : nyſelf appearing white, and Jamie very black, alarmed
the dogs where ever we came, ſo that they barked violently.
The people frequently came out and aſked me where we came
from, &c. I told them the truth, but they, for the moſt part
faſpected my ſtory, and I generally had to fhew them-my paſs.
In this way I came on to Fort Chiffel, where I left Jamie at
Mr. Horton's negro-quarter, according to promife. I went
from thence to Mr. George Adams's, on Reed Creek, where
Jhad lodged, and where I had left my clothes as I was going out
from home. When I dreſſed myſelf in good clothes, and moun-
ted on horſeback, no man ever aſked me for a paſs; therefore
I concluded that a herfe-thief, or even a robber, might paſs

[ 67 ]
without interruption, provided he was only well dreſſed, where
as the fhabby villain would be immediately detected.
I returned home to Conococheague, in the fall 1767. When
I arrived, I found that my wife and friends had deſpaired of
ever ſeeing me again, as they had heard that I was killed by the
Indians, and my horſe brought into one of the Cherokee towns.
In the year 1769, the Indians again made incurfions on the
frontiers; yet, the traders continued carrying goods and war-
like ſtores to them. The frontiers took the alarm, and a num-
ber of perſons collected, deſtroyed and plundered a quantity of
their powder, lead, &c. in Bedford county. Shortly after this,
ſome of theſe perſons, with others, were apprehended and laid
in irons in the guard-houſe in Fort Bedford, on fufpicion of
being the perpetrators of this crime.
Though I did not altogether approve of the conduct of this
new club of black-boys, yet I concluded that they ſhould not
lie in irons in the guard-houſe, or remain in confinement, by
arbitrary or military power. I reſolved therefore, if poflible,
to releaſe them, if they even ſhould be tried by the civil law
afterwards. I collected eighteen of my old black-boys, that I
had ſeen tried in the Indian war, &c. I did not defire a large
party, left they ſhould be too much alarmed at Bedford, and acı
cordingly prepare for us. We marched along the public road
in day-light, and made no ſecret of our deſign :
-We told thoſe
whom we met, that we were going to take Fort Bedford, which
appeared to them a very unlikely ſtory. Before this I made it
known to one William Thompſon, a man whom I could truſt,
and who lived there : him I employed as a fpy, and fent hinz
along on horſe-back, before, with orders to meet me at a cer-
tain place near Bedford, one hour before day. The next day
a little before fun-fet we encamped near the croſſings of Juni.
ata, about fourteen miles from Bedford, and erected tents, as
though we intended ſtaying all night, and not a man in my com-
pany knew to the contrary, fave myſelf. Knowing that they
would hear this in Bedford, and wiſhing it to be the caſe, I
thought to ſurprize them, by ſtealing a march.
As the moon roſe about eleven o'clock, I ordered my boys
to march, and we went on at the rate of five miles an hour,
until we met Thompfon at the place appointed. He told us
that the commanding officer had frequently heard of us by tra-
vellers, and had ordered thirty men upon guard. He ſaid they
knew our number, and only made game of the notion of eigh-
teen men coming to reſcue the priſoners, but they did not ex-
pect us until towards the middle of the day. I aſked him if the
gate was open? He ſaid it was then ſhut, but he expected they
would open it as uſual, at day-light, as they apprehended no

[
]
68
arms.
danger. I then moved my men privately up under the banks.
of Juniata, where we lay concealed about one hundred yards
from the fort gate. I had ordered the men to keep a pro-
found filence, until we got into it. I then fent off Thompſon
again, to ſpy. At day-light he returned, and told us that the
gate was open, and three centinels were ſtanding on the wall-
that the guards were taking a morning dram, and the arms
ſtanding together in one place. I then concluded to ruſh
into the fort, and told Thompſon to run before me to the
We ran with all our might, and as it was a miſty mor-
ning, the centinels ſcarcely faw us until we were within the
gate, and took poſſeſſion of the arms. Juſt as we were entering,
two of them diſcharged their guns, though I do not believe they
aimed at us. We then raiſed a fhout, which ſurprized the
town, though ſome of them were well pleaſed with the news.
We compelled a black-ímith to take the irons off the priſoners,
and then we left the place. This, I believe, was the first Bri-
tiſh fort in America, that was taken by what they called A.
merican rebels.
Some time after this I took a journey weſtward, in order to
furvey fome located land I had on and near the Youhogany.
As I paſſed near Bedford, while I was walking and leading my
horſe, I was overtaken by ſome men on horſe-back, like travel-
lers. One of them aſked my name, and on telling it, they im-
mediately pulled out their piſtols, and preſented them at me,
calling upon me to deliver myſelf, or I was a dead man. I ſtep-
ped back, preſented my rifle, and told them to ſtand off. One of
them ſnapped a piſtol at me, and another was preparing to ſhoot,
when I fired my piece :-one of them alſo fired near the ſame
time, and one of my fellow travellers fell. The affailants
then ruſhed up, and as my gun was empty, they took and tied
I charged them with killing my fellow traveller, and told
them he was a man that I had accidentally met with on the
road, that had nothing to do with the public quarrel. They
afferted that I had killed him. I told them that my gun blow-
ed, or made a flow fire--that I had her from my face before ſhe
went off, or I would not have miſſed my mark; and from the
poſition my piece was in when it went off, it was not likely
that my gun killed this man, yet I acknowledged I was not
certain that it was not fo. They then carried me to Bed-
ford, laid me in irons in the guard-houſe, fummoned a jury of
the oppſite party, and held an inqueſt. The jury brought me
in guilty of wilful murder. As they were afraid to keep me
long in Bedford, for fear of a reſcue, they ſent me privately
through the wilderneſs to Carliſle, where I was laid in heavy
irons
me.

69
Shortly after I came here, we heard that a number of my old.
black boys were coming to tear down the jail. I told the the-
riff that I would not be reſcued, as I knew that the indictment
was wrong; therefore I wiſhed to ſtand my trial. As I had
found the black boys to be always under good command, I ex-
pected I could prevail on them to return, and therefore wiſh-
ed to write to them--to this the ſhetiff readily agreed. I wote
a letter to them, with irons on my hands, which was immedi:
ately fent; but as they had heard that I was in irons, they
would come on. When we heard they were near the town, I
told the fieriff I would ſpeak to them out of the window, and if
the irons were off, I made no doubt but I could prevail on them
to defift: The ſheriff ordered them to be taken off, and juſt as
they were taken off my hands; the black boys came running up
to the jail. I went to the window and called to them, and they
gave attention. I told them as my indi&tment was for wilful
murder, to admit of being refcued, would appear diſhonorable.
I thanked them for their kind intentions, and told them the
greateſt favor they could confer upon me, would be to grant me
this one requeſt, to withdraw from the jail, and return in peace :
to this they complied, and withdrew.
While I was ſpeaking,
the irons were taken off my feet, and never again put on.
Before this party arrived at Conococheague, they met about
three hundred mote, on the way, coming to their affiſtance, and
were refolved to take me out; they then turned, and all came
together, to Carliſle. The reaſon they gave for coming again,
was, becauſe they thought that government was fo enraged at
me that I would not get a fair trial; but my friends and myſelf
together again prevailed on them to return in peace.
At this time the public papers were partly filled with theſe
occurrences. The following is an extract from the Pennfyl:
vania Gazette, number 2132) November 2d, 1769.
« Conococheague, Oktober 16th, 1769.
6 MESS. HALL & SELLERS,
* Pleaſe to give the following narrative a place in your Ga-
zette, and you will much oblige
“Your humble fervant,
"WILLIAM SMITH."
“Whereas, in this Gazette of September 28th, 1969, there
appeared an extract of a letter from Bedford, September 12th,
2769, relative to James Smith, as being apprehended on fufpi-
cion of being a black boy, then killing his companion, &c. I
look upon myſelf as bound by all the obligations of truth, juí.

10
tice to character and to the world, to ſet that matter in a true
light; by which, I hope the impartial world will be enabled to
obtain a more juſt opinion of the preſent ſcheme of acting in
this end of the country, as alſo to form a true idea of the truth,
candor, and ingenuity of the author of the faid extraet, in ſta-
ting that matter in fo partial a light. The ftate of the caſe
(which can be made appear by undeniable evidence,) was this:
James Smith, (who is ſtiled the principal ring leader of the
black boys, by the faid author) together with his younger bro-
ther, and brother-in-law, were going out in order to ſurvey and
inprove their land on the waters of Youghoghany, and as the
time of their return was long, they took with them their arms,
and horfes loaded with the neceffaries of life, and as one of
Smith's brothers-in-law was an artift in furveying, he had al-
fo with him the inſtruments for that buſineſs. Travelling on
the way, within about nine miles of Bedford, they overtook,
and joined company with one Johnſon and Moorhead, who like-
wife had horfes loaded, part of which loading was liquor, and part
feed wheat, their intentions being to make improvements on
their lands. When they arrived at the parting of the road on
this fide Bedford, the company feparated, one part going through
the town, in order to get a horſe ſhod, were apprehended, and
pat under confinement, but for what crime they knew not, and
tréited in a manner utterly inconſiſtent with the laws of their
country, and the liberties of Engliſhmer :-Whilſt the other
part, viz. James Smith, Johnſon and Moorhead, taking along the
other road, were met by John Holmes eſq. to whom James
Smith fpoke'in a friendly manner, but received no anſwer.
Mr. Holmes'hafted, and gave an alarm in Bedford, from whence
party of men were fent in purſuit of them; but Smith and
his companions not having the leaſt thought of
any
ſuch mea-
fires being taken, why thould they?) travelled flowly on
After they held gained the place where the roads joined, they
delagod antil the other part of their company ſhould come up.
At this time a number of men came riding, like men travelling':
they aiked Sirith his name, which he told them on which they
immediately afaulted him as highway-men, and with preſented
piftols, commanded him to furrender, or he was a dead man ;
upon which Smith ſtepped back, aſked them if they were high-
way-men, charging them at the ſame time to ſtand off, when im-
mediately, Robert George (one of the affailants) ſnapped a pit:
sol at, Smith's head, and that before Smith offered to shoot
(which laid George himſelfacknowled upon oath:) whereupon
Smith preſented his gun at another of the affailants, who was
preparing to loot him with his piftol. The ſaid affailant ha-
ving a hold of Johnſon by the arm, two ſhots were fired, one

E
71
by Smith's gun, the other from a piſtol, ſo quick as juſt to be
diftinguiſhable, and Johnſon fell. After which Smith was ta
ken and carried into Bedford, where John Holmes, eſq. the in-
former, held an inqueſt on the corpſe, one of the affailants being
as an evidence, (nor was there any other troubled about the
matter) Smith was brought in guilty of wilful murder, and ſo
committed to priſon. But a jealouſy ariſing in the breaſts of
many that the inqueſt, either through inadvertency, ignorance
or fome other default, was not fo fair as it cught to be; Wil-
liam Deny, coroner of the county, upon requiſition made,
thought proper to re-examine the matter, and ſummoning a ju-
ry
of unexceptionable men, out of three townſhips--nen whole
candor, probity and honeſty, is unqueſtionable with all who are
acquainted with them, and having raiſed the corpſe, held an
inqueſt in a folemn manner, during three days.
In the
courſe of their ſcrutiny they found Johnſon's thirt blackea about
the bullit-hole, by the powder of the charge by awhich he was
killed, whereupon they examined into the diſtance Smith tood
from Johnſon when he ſhot, and one of the aſſailants being ad-
mitted to oath, fwore to the reſpective ſpots of ground they
both ſtood on at that time, which the jury meaſured, and found
to be twenty-three feet, nearly; then trying the experiment of
ihooting at the ſame ſhirt, both with and again the wind, and
at the ſame diſtance, found no effe&s, not the leaf ftain froni
the powder, on the flirt :---And let any perſon that pleafes,
make the experiment, and I will venture to affirm he ſhall find
that powder will not ſtain at half the diſtance above mentioned,
if fhot out of a rifle gun, which Smith's was. Upon the whole
the jury, after the moſt accurate examination, and mature del
beration, brought in their verdi&t that fome one of the allail
ants themſelves muſt neceffarily have been the perpetrators of
the murder.
“I have now repreſented the matter in its true and genuine
colors, and which I will abide by. I only beg liberty to make
a few remarks and reflections on the above mentioned extract.
The author fays "James Smith, with two others in company,
paſſed round the town, without touching,” by which it is lain
she would infinuate, and make the public believe that Smith, aud
that part of the company, had taken fome bye road, which is
utterly falſe, for it was the king's high-way, and the ſtraighteft,
that 'through Bedford, being ſomething to the one Ide, nor
would the other part of the company have gone through the
town, but for the reaſon already given. Again, the author
ſays that "four men were fent in purſuit of Smith and his com-
panions, who overtook them about five miles from Bedford, and
commanded them to furrender, on which Smith preſented his

[1]
gun at one of the men, who was ſtruggling with his compani-
on, fired it at him, and fhot liis companion through the back."
Here I would juſt remark again, the unfair and partial account
given of this matter, by the author; not a word mentioned of
George's ſnapping his piſtol before Smith offered to ſhoot, or of
another of the aſſailants actually firing his piſtol, though he
coníeffed himſelf afterwards, he had done fo; not the leaſt
mention of the company's baggage, which, to men in the leaft
open to a fair enquiry, would have been fufficient proof of the
innocence of their intentions. Muſt not an effufive bluſh over-
Ipread the face of the partial repreſenter of facts, when he finds
the veil he had thrown over truth thus pulled afide, and ſhe ex-
poſed to naked view. Suppoſe it ſhould be granted that Smith
Shot the man, (which is not, and I prefume never can be pro-
ven to be the caſe) I would only aſk, was he not on his own de-
fence? Was he not publicly aſſaulted? Was he not charged at
the peril of his life, to ſurrender, without knowing for what?
No warrant being ſhown him, or any declaratïon made of their
authority. And ſeeing theſe things are ſo, would any judicious
man, any perſon in the leaſt acquainted with the laws of the
land, or morality, judge him guilty of wilful murder? But I
humbly preſume every one who has an opportunity of ſeeing
this, will by this time be convinced that the proceedings againſt
Smith were truly unlawful and tyranical, perhaps unparalleled
by any inſtance in a civilized nation ; for to endeavor to kill
a man in the apprehending him, in order to bring him to trial
for a faci, and that too on a füppoſed one, is undoubtedly beyond
all bounds of law or government,
« If the author of the extract thinks I have treated him un-
fair, or that I have advanced any thing he can controvert, let
him come forward as a fair antagoniſt, and make his defence,
and I will, if called upon, vindicate all that I have advanced
againſt him or his abettors.
WILLIAM SMITH.”
I remained in priſon four months, and during this time I of-
ten thought of thoſe that were confined in the time of the
perſecution, who declared their prifon was converted into a
palace. I now learned what this meant, as I never ſince, ør
before, experienced four months of equal happineſs.
When the fupreme court fat, I was ſeverely profecuted.
At
the commencement of my trial, the judges in a very unjuſt and
arbitrary manner, rejected ſeveral of my evidences; yet, as
Robert George (one of thoſe who were in the fray when I was
taken) ſwore in court that he ſnapped a piſtol at me before I
Ihot, and a concurrence of corroborating circumſances, am-

73 ]
cunted to ſtrong preſumptive evident that it could not poflibly
be my gun that killed Johnfon, the jury, without heſitation,
brought in their verdict, NOT GUILTY. One of the judges
then declared that not one of this jury ſhould ever hold any
office above a conſtable. Notwithſtanding this proud, ill-natu-
red declaration, fome of thefe jurymen afterwards filled honor-
able places, and I myſelf was elected the next year, and fat on
the board* in Bedford county, and afterwards I ſerved in the
board three years in Weſtmoreland county,
In the year 1774, another Indian war commenced, though at
this time the white people were the aggreſſors. The proſpect
of this terrified the frontier inhabitants, infomuch that the
greater
part on the Ohio waters, either fled over the mountains
eaſtward, or collected into forts. As the ſtate of Pennſylvania
apprehended great danger, they at this time appointed me cap-
tain over what was then called the Pennfylvania line. As
they knew I could raife men that would anſwer their purpoſe,
they ſeemed to lay afide their former inveteracy,
In the year 1776, I was appointed a major in the Pennfyl-
vania aſſociation. When American independence was decla-
red, I was elected a member of the convention in Weſtmore-
land county, ſtate of Pennſylvania, and of the aſſembly as lorg
as I propoſed to ſerve.
While I attended the afſembly in Philadelphia, in the year
1777, I ſaw in the ſtreet, fome of my old boys, on their way to
the Jerſeys, againſt the Britiſh, and they deſired me to go with
them-I petitioned the houſe for leave of abſence, in order to
head a ſcouting party, which was granted me.
We marched
into the Jerſeys, and
went before General Waſhington's army,
way-laid the road at Rocky Hill, attacked about two hundred
of the Britiſh, and with thirty-fix men drove them out of the
woods into a large open field. After this we attacked a party
that were guarding the officers baggage, and took the waggon
and twenty two Heſſians; and alſo re-took ſome of our conti-
nental foldiers which they had with them. In a few days we
killed and took more of the Britiſh, than was of our party.
Ad
this time I took the camp fever, and was carried in a ſtage
waggon to Burlington, where I lay until I recovered. When
I took fick, my companion, Major James M’Common, took the
command of the party, and had greater fucceſs than I had. If
every officer and his party that lifted arms againſt the Engliſh,
had fought with the ſame fucceſs that Major M'Common did,
we would have have made ſhort work of the Britiſh war.
• A board of commiffioners was annually elected in Pennſylvania, to regis
late taxes, and lay the county levy.

[
3
74
When I returned to Philadelphia, I applied to the aſſembly
for leave to raiſe a battallion of riflemen, which they appeared
very willing to grant, but ſaid they could not do it, as the
power of raiſing men and commiffioning officers was at that time
committed to General Washington, therefore they adviſed me
to apply to his excellency. The following is a true copy of a
letter of recommendation which I received at this time, from
the council of fafety:
SIN COUNCIL OF SAFETY,
“ Pbiladelpbia, February 10th, 1777,
USIR,
" Application has been made to us by James Smith eſq. of
Westmoreland, a gentleman well acquainted with the Indian
cuſtoms, and their manners of carrying on war, for leave to
raiſe a battallion of marks-men, expert in the uſe of rules, and
ſuch as are acquainted with the Indian method of fighting, to
be drefled entirely in their faihion, for the purpoſe of annoying
and harraſting the enemy in their marches and encampments.
We think two or three hundred men in that way, might be
very uſeful. Should your excellency be of the fame opinion,
and direct ſuch a corps to be formed, we will take proper mea-
fures for raiſing the men on the frontiers of this ſtate, and fol-
low ſuch other directions as your excellency ſhall give in this
"To bis excellency General Washington."
" The foregoing is a copy of a letter to his excellency Gen-
eral Waſhington, from the council of ſafety.
JACOS S. HOWELL, Secretary.”
After this I received another letter of recommendation,
which is as follows:
matter
“We whoſe names are under written, do certify that James
Smith (now of the county of Weſtmoreland) was taken priſon-
er by the Indians, in an expedition before General Braddock's
defeat, in the year 1755, and remained with them until the
year 1700: and alſo that he ſerved as enfign, in the year
14763, under the pay of the proviace of Pennſylvania, and as
lieutenant, in the year 1964, and as captain, in the year 17745
and as a military officer he has ſuitained a good character :-
And we dorecommend him as a perfon well acquainted with the
Indian's method of fighting, and, in our humble opinion, ex-
eeedingly fit for the command of a ranging or ſcouting party,
which své are alſo humbly of opinion, he could (if legally au-

[ 75 ]
pro-
thorized) foon raiſe. Given under our hands at Philadelphia,
this 13th day of March, 1777.
Thomas Paxton, capt.
John Proctor, col.
William Duffield, esq. wolonathan Hoge, esq.
David Robb, esq.
William Parker, capt.
Fohn Piper, colora RoberElliot,
William M'Comb, waliud Joseph Armstrong, col.
William Pepper, lieut. col. Robert Peebles; lieut. col.
Fames M Clane, esg. nad Samuel Pait012, capt.
ove
William Lyon, esq.
With theſe, and fome other letters of recommendation, which
I have not now in my poſſeffion, I went to his excellency, who
lay at Morriſtown. Though General Waſhington did not fall
in with the ſcheme of white-men turning Indians, yet he
poſed giving me a major's place in a battallion of rifle men al-
ready raiſed. I thanked the general for his propofal; but as
I entertained no high opinion of the colonel that I was to ſerve
under, and with him I had no proſpect of getting my old boys
again, I thought I would be of more uſe in the cauſe we were
then ſtruggling to ſupport, to remain with them as a militia of-
ficer, therefore I did not accept this offer.
In the year 1778, I received a colonel's commition, and af
ter my return to Weſtmoreland, the indians made an attack
upon our frontiers. I then raiſed men and purſued them, and
the ſecond day we overtook and defeated them. We likewile
took four fcalps, and recovered the horſes and plunder which
they were carrying off. At the time of this attack, Captain
John Hinkſton purſued an Indian, both their guns being empty,
and after the fray was over he was miſſing :-While we were
enquiring about him, he came walking up, ſeemingly unconcertin
ed, with a bloody fcalp in his hand-he had purſued the Indian
about a quarter of a mile, and tomahawked him.
Not long after this I was called upon to command four hun-
dred riflemen, on an expedition againſt the Indian town on
French Creek. It was ſome time in November, before I re-
ceived orders from General M’Intoſh, to march, and then we
were poorly equipped, and ſcarce of provifions. We marched
in three columns, forty rod from each other. There were alſo
flankers on the outſide of each column, that marched a-breaft,
in the rear, in ſcattered order--and even in the columns, the
men were one rod apart-and in the front, the volunteers
marched a-breait, in the ſame manner of the flankers, ſcouring
the woods. In caſe of an attack, the officers were inmediate-
ly to order the men to face out and take trees-in this poſition
the Indians could not avail themſelves by ſurrounding us, or

( 76 )
have an opportunity of thooting a man from either ſide of the
tree. If attacked, the centre column was to reinforce whate
ever part appeared to require it moſt.
When we encamped,
our entampment formed a hollow ſquare, including about thir-
ty or forty acres on the outſide of the fquare there were cen-
tinels placed, whoſe buſineſs it was to watch for the enemy,
and fee that reither horſes or bullocks went out:-And when
encamped, if any attacks were made by an enemy, each officer
was immediately to order the men to face out and take trees,
as before mentioned; and in this form they could not take the
advantage by furrounding us, as they commonly had done when
they fought the whites.
The following is a copy of general orders, given at this time;
which I have found among my journals:
«AT GAMP_OPPOSITE FORT PITT,
November 29th, 1778.
GENERAL ORDERS:
** A copy thereof is to be given to edcb captain and subaltern;
and to be read to cacb company.
" You are to march in three columns, with flankers on the
front and rear, and to keep a profound filence, and not to
fire a gun, except at the enemy, ithout particular orders for
that purpoſe ; and in cafe of an attack, let it be fo ordered that
evary other man only, is to fhoot at once, excepting on extra-
ordinary occafions. The one half of the men to keep a reſerve
fire, until their comrades load; and let every one be particular
ly careful not to fire at any time, without a view of the enemy;
and that not at too great a diſtance. I earneſtly urge the above
caution, as I have known very remarkable and grievous errors
of this kind. You are to encamp on the hollow ſquare, except
the volunteers, who, according to their own requeſt, are toʻen-
camp on the front of the fquare. A fufficient number of cene
tinels are to be kept round the fquare; at a proper diſtance.
Every man is to be under arms at the break of day, and to pa-
rade oppoſite to their fire-places, facing out, and when the offi-
cers examine their arms, and find them in good order, and give
neceſſary directions, they are to be diſmiſſed, with orders to
have their arms near them, and be always in readineſs.
"Given by
* JAMES SMITH, Colonel."
In this manner we proceeded on, to French Creek, where we
found the Indian town evacuated. I then went on further
than my orders called for, in queſt of Indians; but our provi.
fions being nearly exhauſted, we were obliged to return. On

[ 77 ]
our way back, we met with confiderable difficulties on account
of high waters and ſcarcity of proviſion ; yet we never loſt one
horfe, excepting ſome that gave out.
After peace was made with the Indians, I met with fome of
them in Pittſburg, and enquired of them in their own tongue,
.concerning this expedition--not letting them know I was there.
They told me that they watched the movements of this
army
ever after they had left Fort-Pitt, and as they paſſed thro the
glades or barrens they had a full view of them from the adja-
cent hills and computed their number to be be about one thou-
fand. They ſaid they alſo examined their camps, both before
and after they were gone, and found, they could not make an ad-
vantageous attack, and therefore moved off from their town and
hunting ground before we arrived:
In the year 1788 I ſettled in Bourbon county, Kentucky, fe-
ven miles above Paris ; and in the ſame year was elected a
member of the convention; that fat at Danville, to confer about
a ſeparation from the ſtate of Virginia.--and from that year una
til the year 1799, I repreſented Bourbon county, either in con-
vention or as a member of the general aſſembly, except two
vears that I was left a few vates behind.
ON THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE
INDIANS.
The Indians are a flovenly people in their dreſs. They
feldom ever waſh their fhirts, and in regard to cookery they
are exceeding filthy. When they kill a buffaloe they will fome-
times laſh the paunch of it round a fapling, and caft it into the
kettle, boil it and fup the broth; tho they commonly ſhake it as
bout in cold water, then boil and eat it.-Notwithſtanding all
this, they are very polite in their own way, and they retain a-
mơng them, the effentials of good manners; tho they have few
compliments, yet they are complaiſant to one another, and when
accompanied with good humour and diſcretion, they entertain
ftrangers in the beſt manner their circumſtances will admit.
They uſe but few titles of honor. In the military line, the titles
of great men are only captains or leaders of parties-- In the civil
line, the titles are only councilors, chiefs or the old wiſemen.
Theſe titles are never made uſe of in addreſſing any of their
great men. The language commonly made uſe of in addreſſing
them, is, Grandfather, Father, or Uncle. They have no ſuch
thing in uſe among them, as Sir, Mr. Madam or Miſtreſs---The
common mode of addreſs, is, my Friend, Brother, Couſin, or
Mother Siſter, &c. They pay great reſpect to age; or to the

E 78 ]
aged Fathers and Mothers among them of every rank. No one
can arrive at any place of honor, among them, but by merit.
Either fome exploit in war, muſt be performed, before any one
can be advanced in the military line, or become eminent for
wiſdom before they can obtain a feat in council. It would ap-
pear to the Indians a moit ridiculous thing to ſee a man lead off
a company of warriors, as an officer, who had himfelf never been
in a battle in his life : even in caſe of merit, they are flow in
advancing any one, until they arrive at or near middle-age.
They invite every one that comes to their houfe, or camp to
eat, while they have any thing to give ; and it is accounted bad
manners to refuſe eating, when invited. They are very tenaci-
ous of their old mode of dreſſing and painting, and do not change
their faſhions as we do. They are very fond of tobacco, and
the men almoſt all ſmoke it mixed with fumach leaves or red
willow bark, pulverized ; tho they ſeidom uſe it any other way.
They make uſe of the pipe alſo as a token of love and friendſhip.
In courtſhip they alſo differ from us. It is a common thing a-
mong them for a young woman, if in love, to make fuit to a
young man : tħo the firſt addreſs may be by the man ; yet the
other is the moſt common. The ſquaws are generally very im-
modeft in their words and actions, and will often put the young
men to the bluſh. The men commonly appear to be poffeffed
of much more modeſty than the women; yet I have been ac-
quainted with ſome young ſquaws that appeared really modeft
genuine it muft be, as they were under very little reſtraint in
the channel of education or cuſtom
When the Indians meet one another, inſtead of ſaying, how do
you do, they commonly falute in the following manner--you are
my friend—the reply is, truly friend, I am your friend-or;
coufin, you yet exift--the reply is certainly I do.- They have
their children under tolerable command : feldom ever whip
them, and their common mode of chaſtiſing, is by ducking them
in cold water; therefore their children are more obedient in
the winter fcefon, than they are in the ſummer; tho they are
then not fo often ducked. They are a peaceable people, and
ſcarcely ever wrangle or fcold, when fober ; but they are very
much addided to drinking, and men and women will become
bafely intoxicated, if they can, by any means, procure or obtain
fpirituous liquor; and then they are commonly either extremely
merry and kind, or veryturbulent, ill-humoured and diſorderly.
ON THEIR TRADITIONS AND RELIGIOUS SEN-
TIMENTS.
As the family that I was adopted into was intermarried with
the Wiandots and Ottawas, three tongues were commonly ſpoke

[ 49 ]
viz. Caughnewaga, or what the French call Iroque, alſo the
Wiandot and Ottawa ; by this means I had an opportunity of
learning theſe three tongues ; and I found that theſe nations
varied in their traditions and opinions concerning religion :---
and even numbers of the fame nations differed widely in thei:
religious ſentiments. Their traditions are vague, whiifical, ro-
mantic and many of them fcarce worth relating ; and not any
of them reach back to the creation of the world. The Wian-
dots comes the neareſt to this. They tell of a ſquaw that was
found when an infant, in the water in a canoe made of bull-ruſh-
es : this ſquaw became a great prophetreſs and did many won.
derful things ; ſhe turned water into dry land, and at length
made this continent, which was, at that time, only a very
fmall
illand, and but a few Indians in it. Tho they were then but few
they had not fufficient room to hunt ; therefore this ſquaw
went to the water fide, and prayed that this little island might
be enlarged. The great being then heard her prayer, and ſent
great numbers of Water Tortoiſes, and Muſkrats, which brought
with them mud and other materials, for enlarging this iſland,
and by this means, they ſay, it was encreaſed to the fize that it
now remains ; therefore they ſay, that the white people ought
not to encroach upon them, or take their land from them, be-
cauſe their great grand mother made it --They fay, that about
this time the angels or heavenly inhabitants, as they call them,
frequently viſited them and talked with their forefathers; and
gave directions how to pray, and how to appeaſe the great being
when he was offended. They told them they were to offer fa-
crifice, burn tobacco, buffaloe and deer bones; but that they
were not to burn bears or racoons bones in facrifice,
The Ottawas ſay, that there are two great beings that rule
and govern the univerſe, who are at war with each other ; the
one they call Maneto, and the other Matchemaneto. They
ſay thai Maneto is all kindneſs and love, and that Matchema-
neto is an evil ſpirit, that delights in doing miſchief; and come
of them think, that they are equal in power, and therefore
worſhip the evil ſpirit out of a principle of fear. Others doubt
which of the two may be the moit powerful, and therefore en-
deavour to keep in favour with both, by giving each of them
ſome kind of worſhip, Others ſay that Maneto is the firft great
cauſe and therefore muſt be all powerful and fupreme, and ought
to be adored and worſhipped ; whereas Matchen aneto ought
to be rejected and diſpiſed.
Thoſe of the Ottawas that worſhip the evil ſpirit, pretend
to be great conjurors. I think if there is any fuch thing now in
the world as witchcraft, it is at theſe people. I have been
told wonderful ſtories concerni: ; their proceedings ; but never

E 80 ]
was eye witneſs to any thing that appeared evidently fuperna-
tural.
Some of the Wiandots and Carighnewagas profeis to be Ro-
man-catholics ; but even thefe retain many of the notions of
their anceſtors. Thoſe of them who reject the Roman-catholic
religion, hold that there is one great firſt cauſe, whom they
call Owaneeyo, chat rules and governs the univerſe, and takes
care of all his creatures, rational and irrational, and gives them
their food in due ſeaſon, and hears the prayers of all thoſe that
call upon him ; therefore it is but juſt and reaſonable to pray,
and offer facrifice to this great being, and to do thoſe things that
are pleaſing in his fight ;-but they differ widely in what is
pleaſing or diſpleaſing to this great being. Some hold that
following nature or their own propenſities is the way to happi-
neſs, and cannot be difpleaſing to the deity, becauſe he delights
in the happineſs of his creatures, and does nothing in vain
but gave theſe diſpoſitions with a deſign to lead to happineſs,
and therefore they ought to be followed. Others reject this o-
pinion altogether, and ſay that following their own propenſities
in this manner, is neither the means of happineſs nor the way to
pleaſe the deity.
Tecaughretanego was of opinion that following nature in a
limited ſenſe was reaſonable and right. He ſaid that moſt of
the irrational animals by following their natural propenſities,
were led to the greateſt pitch of happineſs that their natures
and the world they lived in would admit of. He ſaid that man-
kind and the rattle ſnakes had evil diſpoſitions, that led them
to injure themſelves and others. He gave inſtances of this. He
{aid he had a puppy that he did not intend to raiſe, andin order
to try an experi nent, he tyed this puppy on a pole and held it to
a rattle fnake, which bit it feveral times ; that he obſerved the
ſnake ſhortly after, rolling about tapparently in great miſery, ſo
that it appeared to have poiſoned itſelf as well as the puppy.
The other inſtance he gave was concerning himſelf. He ſaid
that when he was a young man, he was very fond of the women,
and at length got the venereal diſeaſe, ſo that by following this
propenſity, he was led to injure himſelf and others. He ſaid
our happineſs depends on our uſing our reaſon, in order to
Suppreſs theſe evil difpofitions ; but when our propenſities nei-
ther lead us to injure ourſelves nor others, we might with ſafe-
ty indulge them, or even purſuſe them as the means of happi-
neſs.
The Indians generally, are of opinion that there are great
numbers of inferior Deities, which they call Carreyagaroona,
which fignifies the Heavenly Inhabitants. Theſe beings they
fuppofe are employed as affitants, in managing the affairs of the

[ ]
univerſe, and in inſpecting the actions of men: and that even
the irrational animals are engaged in viewing their actions, and
bearing intelligence to the Gods. The eagle, for this purpoſe,
with her keen eye, is ſoaring about in the day, and the owl,
with her nightly eye, perched on the trees around their
camp in the night; therefore, when they obſerve the eagle or
the owl near, they immediately offer ſacrifice, or burn tobacco,
that they may have a good report to carry to the Gods. They
ſay that there are alſo great numbers of evil ſpirits, which they
call Onasabroona, which ſignifies the Inhabiants of the Lower
Region. Theſe they ſay are employed in diſturbing the world,
and the good fpirits are always going after them, and ſetting
things right, fo that they are conſtantly working in oppoſition
to each other, Some talk of a future ſtate, but not with any
certainty: at beſt their notions are vague and unſettled. Oth-
ers deny a future ſtate altogether, and ſay that after death they
neither think or live. +
As the Caugnewagas and the fix nations ſpeak nearly the
fame language, their theology is alſo nearly alike. When I
met with the Shawanees or Delawares, as I could not ſpeak
their tongue, I ſpoke Ottawa to them, and as it bore ſome re-
ſemblance to their language, we underſtood each other in fome
common affairs, but as I could only converſe with them very
imperfectly, I cannot from my own knowledge, with certainty,
give any account of their theological opinions,
ON THEIR POLICE, OR CIVIL GOVERNMENT.
I have often heard of Indian Kings, but never ſaw any.--
How any term uſed by the Indians in their own tongue, for the
chief man of a nation, could be rendered King; I know not.
The chief of a nation is neither a fupreme ruler, monarch
or potentate--He can neither make war or peace, leagues
or treaties-He cannot impreſs foldiers, or difpofe of maga-
zines---He cannot adjourn, prorogue or diffolve a general affen-
bly, nor can he refuſe his affent to their conclufions, or in any
manner controul them-With them there is no ſuch thing as
hereditary fucceffion, title of nobility or royal blood, even talked
of--The chief of a nation, even with the conſent of his aſſem-
bly, or council, cannot raiſe one fhilling of tax off the citizens,
but only receive what they pleaſe to give as free and voluntary
donations---The chief of a nation has to hunt for his living,
any other citizen-How then can they with any propriety, be
called kings? I apprehend that the white people were formerly
Io fond of the name of kings, and fo ignorant of their power,
that they concluded the chief man of a nation muſt be a king.
As they are illiterate, they conſequently have no written
as

[
82]
code of laws. What they execute as laws, are either cld cuſ-
teins, or the immediate reſult of new councils. Some of their
ancient laws or cuſtoms are very pernicious, and diſturb the
public weal, Their vague law of marriage is a glaring inſtance
of this, as the man and his wife are under no legal obligation
to live together, if they are both willing to part. They have
little form, or ceremony among them, in matrimony, but do
like the Ifraelites of old--the man goes in unto the woman, and
fhe becomes his wife, The years of puberty and the age of
conſent, is about fourteen for the women, and eighteen for the
men. Before I was taken by the Indians, I had often heard
that in the ceremony of marriage, the man gave the woman a
deer's leg, and ſhe gave hin a red ear of corn, fignifying that
ſhe was to keep him in bread, and he was to keep her in meat.
I enquired of them concerning the truth of this, and they ſaid
they knew nothing of it, further than that they had heard it
was the ancient cuſtom among fome nations, Their frequent
changing of partner's prevents propagation, creates diſturban-
ces, and often occaſions murder and bloodſhed; though this is
commonly committed under the pretence of being drunk.
Their impunity to crimes committed when intoxicated with
fpirituous liquors, or their admitting one crime as an excuſe
for another, is a very unjuſt law or cuſtom,
The extremes they run into in dividing the nececeffaries of
life, are hurtful to the public weal; though their dividing meat
when hunting, may aniwer a valuable purpoſe, as one family
may have ſucceſs one day, and the other the next; but their
carrying this cuſtom to the town, or to agriculture, is ſtriking
at the root of induſtry, as induſtrious perſons ought to be re-
warded, and the lasy ſuffer for their indolence,
They have ſcarcely any penal laws: the principal puniſhment
is degrading; even murder is not puriſhed by any formal law,
only the friends of the murdețed are at liberty to ſlay the mur-
derer, if ſome attonement is not made. Their not annexing
penalties to their laws, is perhaps not as great a crime, or as
unjuſt and cruel, as the bloody penal laws of England, which
we have ſo long ſhamefully practiſed, and which are in force in
this ſtate, until our penitentiary houſe is finiſhed, which is now
building, and then they are to be repealed,
*Let us alſo take a view of the advantages attending Indian
police:--They are not oppreſſed or perplexed with expenſive
litigation--They are not injured by legal robbery--They
have no fplendid villains that make themſelves grand and great
upon other peoples labor- They have neither church or ſtate
erected as money-making machines.

[ 83 ]
ON THEIR DISCIPLINI, AND METHOD OF WAR.
I have often heard the Britiſh oficers call the Indians tlie
undiſciplined favages, which is a capital miſtake--as they have
all the eſſentials of diſcipline. They are under good com-
mand; and punctual in obeying orders: they can act in concert,
and when their officers lay a plan and give orders, they will
chearfully unite in putting all their directions into immediate
execution; and by each man obferving the motion or move-
ment of his right hand companion, they can communicate the
motion from right to left, and march a-breaſt in concert, and
in feattered order, though the line may be more than a mile
long; and continue, if occafion requires, for a conſiderable dif-
tance, without diſorder or confuſion. They can perform va-
rious neceffary maneuvres, either ſlowly, or as faſt as they can
run: they can form a circle, or ſemi-circle: the circle they
make ufe of, in order to furround their enemy, and the fomi-cir-
cle if the enemy has a river on one ſide of them. They can
alſo form a large hollow ſquare, face out and take trees: this
they do, if their enemies are about furrounding them, to pre-
vent being ſhot from either ſide of the tree. When they go
into battle they are not loaded or encumbered with many
clothes, as they commonly fight naked, fave only breech-clout,
leggins and mockefons. There is no fuch thing as corporeal
puniſhment uſed, in order to bring them under ſuch good difci-
pline : degrading is the only chaſtiſement, and they are fo una-
nimous in this, that it effeétually anſwers the purpoſe. Their
officers plan, order and conduct matters until they are brought
into action, and then each man is to fight as though he was to
gain the battle himſelf. General orders are commonly given
in time of battle, either to advance or retreat, and is done by
a ſhout or yell, which is well underſtood, and then they retreat
or advance in concert. They are generally well equipped, and
exceeding expert and active in the uſe of arms. Could it be
fuppofed that undiſciplined troops could defeat Generals B ad-
dock, Grant, &c? It may be faid by ſome that the French
were alſo engaged in this war: true, they were; yet I know it
was the Indians that laid the plan, and with fmail aflſtance,
put it into execution. The Indian's had no aid from the French,
or any other power, when they beſieged Fort litt in the year
1763, and cut off the communication for a confiderable time,
between that poſt and Fort Loudon, and would have defeated
General Bouquet's army, (who were on the way to raiſe the
fiege) had it not been for the affiſtance of the Virginia volun-
teers. They had no Britiſh troops with them when they de.
feated Colonel Crawford, near the Sanduſky, in the time of the
American War with Great Britain ; or when they defeated

[ 84 ]
Colonel Loughrie, on the Ohio, near the Miami, on his way
to meet General Clarke : this was alſo in the time of the Bri-
tih war. It was the Indians alone that defeated Colonel
Todd, in Kentucky, near the Blue licks. in the year 1782;
and Colonel Harmer, betwixt the Ohio and Lake Erie, in the
year 1790, and General St. Clair, in the year 1791; and it is
faid that there were more of our men killed at this defeat, than
there were in any one battle during our conteſt with Great
Britain. They had no aid when they fought even the Virginia
rifle-men almoſt a whole day, at the Great Kanhawa, in the
year 1774; and when they found they could not prevail againſt
the Virginians, they made a molt artful retreat. Notwithſtand-
ing they had the Ohio to croſs, fome continued firing, whilſt
others were croſing the river; in this manner they praceeded
until they all got over, before the Virginians knew that they
had retreated and in this retreat they carried off all their
wounded. In the moſt of the foregoing defeats, they fought with
at inferior number, though in this, I believe it was not the caſe.
Nothing can be more unjuſtly repreſented than the different
accounts we have had of their number from time to time, both
by their own computations, and that of the Britiſh. While I
was among them, I ſaw the account of the number, that they
in thoſe parts gave to the French, and kept it by me, When
they in their own council-houſe, vere taking an account of
their number, with a piece of hark newly ſtripped, and a ſmall
ſtick, which anſwered the end of a fiate and pencil, I took an
aceount of the different nations and tribes, which I added to-
gether, and found there were not half the number which they
had given the French: and though they were then their allies,
and lived among them, it was not eaſy finding out the decep:
tion, as they were a wandering ſet, and fome of them almoſt al-
ways in the woods hunting. I aſked one of the chiefs what
was their reafaa for making fuch different returns? He ſaid it
was for political reaſons, in crder to obtain greater preſents
from the French, by telling them they could not divide fuch
and fuch quantities of goods among ſo many.
In year of General Bouquet's laſt campaign, 1764, I ſaw the
official return made by the Britiſh officers, of the number of
Indians that were in arms againſt us that year, which amount-
ed to thirty thouſand. As I was then a lieutenant in the Britiſh
ſervice, I told them I was of cpinion that there was not above
one thouſand in arms againit us, as they were divided by Broad-
ſtreet's army being then at Lake Erie. The British officers
hooted at me, and ſaid they could not make England fenfible of
the difficulties they labored under in fighting them, as England.
expect that their troops could fight the undifciplined Savages

85
in America, five to one, as they did the Eaſt-Indians, and
therefore my report would not anſwer their purpofe, as they
could not give an honorable account of the war, but by aug.
menting their number. I am of opinion that from Braddock's
war, until the preſent time, there never were more than three
thouſand Indlans at any time, in arms againſt us, weſt of Fort
Pitt, and frequently not half that number. According to the
Indians' own accounts, during the whole of Braddock's war,
or from 1755, till 1758, they killed or took, fifty of our peo-
ple, for one that they loft. In the war that commenced in the
year 1763, they killed, comparatively, few of our people, and
loft more of theirs, as the frontiers (eſpecially the Virginians)
had learned ſomething of their method of war: yet; they,
in this war, according to their own accounts, (which I believe
to be true) killed or took ten of our people, for one they loſt.
Let us now take a view of the blood and treaſure that was
fpent in oppoſing comparatively, a few Indiari warriors, with
only fome affiftance from the French, the firſt four years of the
war. Additional to the amazing deſtruction and flaughter that
the frontiers ſuſtained, from James River to Suſquehanna, and
about thirty miles broad; the following campaigns were alſo
carried on againſt the Indians : General Braddock's, in the
year 1755: Colonel Armſtrong's againſt the Cattanyan town,
on the Allegheny; 1757: General Forbes's, in 1758: General
Stanwick's, in 1759 : Gerieral Monkton's, in 1960: Colo-
nel Bouquets, in 1761 and 1963, when he fought the battle
of Bruſliy Run, and loſt above one hundred men; but by the af-
ſiſtance of the Virginia volunteers, drove the Indians: Colonel
Armſtrong's, up the Weſt Branch of Suſquehanna, in 1763 :
General Broaditreet's, üp Lake Erie, in 1764: General Bou-
quet's, againſt the Indians at Muſkingtim, in 1764: Lord Dun-
more's,. in 17743 General M’Intoſh's, in 1778: Colonel
Crawford's, ſhortly after his, General Clarke's, in 1778-1780:
Colonel Bowman's, in 1779 : General Clarke's, in 1782--againſt
the Wabaſh, in 1786: General Logan's againſt the Shawanees,
in 1786: General Wilkinſon's, in: Colonel Harmeris, in
1790: arid General St. Clair's in 1791; which, in all, are
twenty-two campaigns, beſide fmaller expeditions, ſuch as the
French Greek expedition, Colonels Edwards's, Loughrie's, &c.
All theſe were exclufive of the number of men that were inter-
nally employed as fcouting parties, and in erecting forts, guard.
ing ſtations, &c. When we take the foregoing occurrences
into conſideration, may we not reaſonably conclude, that they
are the beſt diſciplined troops in the known world? Is it not the
beſt diſcipline that has the greateſt tendency to annoy the ene-
my and ſave their own men? I apprehend that the Indian dif.
M

[ 86
cipline is as well calculated to anfwer the purpoſe in the woods
of America, as the Britiſh diſcipline in Flanders: and Britiſh
diſcipline, in the woods, is the way to have men flaughtered,
with ſcarcely any chance of defending themſelves.
Let us take a view of the benefits we have received, by what
little we have learned of their art of war, which coſt us dear,
and the loſs we have fuſtained for want of it, and then ſee if it
will not be well worth our while to retain what we have, and
alſo to endeavor to improve in this neceſſary branch of buſi-
neſs. Though we have made conſiderable proficiency in this
line, and in ſome reſpects out-do them, viz. as markſmen, and
in cutting our rifles, and keeping them in good order'; yet, I
apprehend we are far behind in their maneuvres, or in being
able to ſurprize, or prevent a ſurpriže. May we not conclude
that the progreſs we had made in their art of war, contributed
confiderably towards our ſucceſs, in various reſpects, wherr
contending with great Britain for liberty? Had the Britiſh
king attempted to enſlave us before Braddock's war, in all pro-
bability he might readily have done it, becauſe, except the
New-Englanders, who had formerly been engaged in war, with
the Indians, we were unacquainted with any kind of war: but
after fighting fuch a ſubtil and barbarous ehemy as the Indians,
we were not terrified at the approach of British red-coats.--
Was not Burgoyne's defeat accompliſhed in fome meaſure, bythe
Indian mode of fighting ? and did not Gen. Morgan's rifle-men,
and many others, fight with greater ſucceſs, in conſequence of
what they had learned of their art of war? Kentucky would
not have been ſettled at the time it was, had the Virginians
been altogether ignorant of this method of war.
In Braddock's war, the frontiers were laid waſte, for above
three hundred miles long, and generally about thirty broad, ex-
cepting fome that were living in forts, and many hundreds, or
perhaps thouſands, killed or made captives, and horſes, and all
kinds of property carried off: but, in the next Indian war,
though we had the ſame Indians to cope with, the frontiers al-
most all ſtood their ground, becaufe they were by this time, in
fome meaſure acquainted with their mancuvres; and the
want of this, in the firſt war, was the cauſe of the loſs of many
hundred of our citizens, and much treaſure.
Though large volumes have been wrote on morality, yet it
may be all fammed up in faying, do as you would wilh to be
done by: fo the Indians fum up the art of war in the following
manner:
The bufineſs of the private Warriors is to be under command,
or punctually to obey orders--to learn to march a-breaſt in
[cattered order, ſo as to be in readineſs to furround the enemy.

87
or to prevent being ſurrounded to be good markfmen, and
active in the uſe of arms--to practice running--to learn to en-
dure hunger or hardſhips with patience and fortitude--to tell
the truth at all times to their officers, but more eſpecially
when ſent out to fpy the enemy.
Concerning Officers. They ſay that it would be abfurd to
appoint a man an officer whoſe ſkill and courage had never been
tried--that all officers ſhould be advanced only according to
merit--that no one man ſhould have the abfolute command of
an army--that a council of officers are to determine when, and
how an attack is to be made--that it is the buſineſs of the offi
cers to lay plans to take every advantage of the enemy--to am:
buſh and furprize them, and to prevent being ambuſhed and
furprized themſelves--it is the duty of officers to prepare and
deliver ſpeeches to the men, in order to annimate and encourage
them; and on the march, to prevent the men, at any time,
from getting into a huddle, becauſe if the enemy ſhould ſurround
them in this pofition, they would be expofed to the enemy's fire.
It is likewiſe their buſineſs at all times to endeavor to annoy
their enemy, and fave their own men, and therefore ought never
to bring on an attack withotit confiderable advantage, or with-
out what appeared to them the fure proſpect of victory, and
that with the loſs of few mens and if at any time they ſhould
be miſtaken in this, and are like to loſe many men by gaining
the victory, it is their duty to retreat, and wait for a better
opportunity of defeating their enemy, without the danger of
loſing ſo many men. Their conduct proves that they act upon
theſe principles, therefore it is, that from Braddock's' war to
the preſent time, they have feldom ever made an unſucceſsful
attack. The battle at the mouth of the Great Kanhawa, is
the greateſt inſtance of this; and even then, though the Indi-
ans killed about three, for one they loſt, yet they retreated.
The loſs of the Virginians in this action, was ſeventy killed,
and the ſame number wounded :--The Indians loft twenty kill-
ed on the field, and eight, who died afterwards, of their
wounds. This was the greateſt lofs of men that I ever knew
the Indians to fuftain in any one battle. They will commonly
retreat if their men are falling faſt--they will not ſtand cut-
ting, like the Highlanders, or other Britiſh troops : but this
proceeds from a compliance with their rules of war, rather than
cowardice. If they are furrounded, they will fight while there
is a man of them alive, rather than ſurrender. When Colonel
John Armſtrong ſurrounded the Cattanýan town, on the Alle-
gheny river, Captain Jacobs, a Delaware chief, with ſome war-
riors, took poffeffion of a houſe, defended themſelves for fome
time, and killed a number of our men. As Jacobs could ſpeak

Inglith, our people called on him to ſurrender: he ſaid that he
and his men were warriors, and they would all fight while life
femained. He was again told that they ſhould be well ufed, if
they would only furrender; and if not, the houſe ſhould be
burned down over their heads :-Jacobs replied he could eat
fire: and when the houſe was in a fiame, he, and they that were
with him, came out in a fighting peaksion, and were all killed.
As they are a ſharp, active kind of people and war is their prin-
cipal-ftudy, in this they have arrived at conſiderable perfection.
We may learn of the Indians what is uſeful and laudable, and
at the ſame time lay aſide their barbarous proceedings. It is
much to be lamented that ſome of our frontier rifle-men are
prone to imitate them in their inhumanity. During the Britiſh
war, a conſiderable number of men from below Fort Pitt, croff-
éd the Ohio, and marched into a town of Friendly Indians,
chiefly Delawares, who profeſſed the Moravian religion. As
the Indians apprehended no danger, they neither lifted arms or
fed. After theſe rifie-men were fometime in the town, and the
Indians altogether in their power, in cool blood, they maſſacred
the whole town, without diſtinction of age or ſex. This was
an act of barbarity beyond any thing I ever knew to be commits
ted by the favages themſelves.
Why have we not made greater proficiency in the Indian art
of war? is it becauſe we are too proud to imitate them, even
though it ſhould be a means orpreierving the lives of many
of our citizens ? No! We are not above borrowing lan
guage from them, fuch as höfnony, pone, tomahawk, &c.
which is of little or no uſe to us. I apprehend that the reaſons
why we have not improved more in this reſpect, are as follows:
no important acquiſition is to be obtained but by attention and
diligence; and as it is eaſier to learn to move and act in con-
cert, in cloſe order, in the open plain, than to act in concert in
fcattered order, in the woods ; ſo it is ealier to learn our difci-
pline; than the Indian manauvres. They train up their boys
to the art of war from the time they are twelve or fourteen
years of age; whereas the principal chance our people had of
learning, was by obſerving their movements when in action
againit us. I have been long altoniſhed that no one has wrote
upon this important ſubject, as their art of war would not only
be of uſe to us in caſe of another rupture with them; but were
only part of our men taught this art, accompanied with our con-
tinental diſcipline I think no European power, after trial,
would venture to ſhew its head in the American woods.
If what I have wrote ſhould meet the approbation of my coun-
trymen, perhaps I may publiſh more upon this ſubject, in a fut
Etre edition.
END.

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WILLIAM L. CLEMENTS
LIBRARY OF
AMERICAN HISTORY
UNIVERSITYOF MICHIGAN
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