WILLIAM LA CLEMENTI

Stevens collections, in
no. 521




Τ Η Ε
General Oppoſition
OF THE
COL O N I E S
TO THE
Payment of the Stamp Duty;
AND THE
Conſequence of Enforcing Obedience
by Military Meaſures ;
IMPARTIALLY CONSIDERED.
ALSO
A Plan for uniting them to this Kingdom,
in ſuch a manner as to make their Inte-
reſt inſeparable from ours, for the future,
In a LETTER
To a MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT.
L O N D ON:
Printed for T. PAYNE, at the Mews-Gate.
M.DCC.LXVI.
[Price One Shilling ]


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T H E
General Oppofition
OF THE
С COLONIES
TO THE
Payment of the Stamp Duty, &c.
TH
HE General Oppoſition of
our Colonies to the Stamp
Duty has been, for ſome Time
paft, ſo much the common Topic
of converſation, and fo lately re-
commended by his Majeſty to the
confideration of his Parliament,
A 2
that

[ 4 ]
.
that I cannot fuppoſe, but you,
who are of that Body, and have
the Intereſt of your Country fin-
cerely at heart, are by this Time
thoroughly informed in a Matter of
fo
very great Importance.
You Sir, who know I have no
kind of Property in any of our
Colonies, nor connection with any
Family that has, may poſſibly
wonder why I ſhould take the
trouble of writing on a Subject
I am ſo little intereſted in; yet
when I conſider, that a ſpecula-
tive private Perſon may poſſibly be
of fome Service to his Country,
by delivering his Sentiments to the
public with candour and impartia-
lity on ſo intereſting an Event, I
cannot

[5]
cannot help thinking my Time
well employed.
I ſhould imagine there is no one
in this Country ſo abſurd, to con-
trovert the Legality of an Act of
Parliament, though many perhaps
may wiſh, ſincerely, the late Stamp
Duty had not been appointed; and
it were to be wiſhed alſo, that
there could be any room to doubt
the general Opinion of the Colo-
nies in this point. Their unani-
mous Behaviour on the occaſion,
and the Remonſtrances of ſeveral
of their Aſſemblies, ſufficiently de-
clare they do not admit that the
Parliament of England has any
right to tax them without their
conſent. Although
Although the leading
Per-

[6]
Perſons generally diſavow all rio-
tous Meaſures of Oppoſition.
The Charters of ſeveral of the
Colonies have been lately publiſhed
at large in our News Papers ; by
which it appears, that their Privi-
leges are not greater than have
been granted to fome of our Cities
and Corporations, as London, for
inſtance, which has its Upper and
Lower Houſe, that is, its Courts
of Aldermen and Common Coun-
cil, who have power to make Laws
and levy Taxes within their Jurif.
di&tion, and are notwithſtanding
ſubject to the general Taxation of
Parliament, which is levied for the
Maintainance and Defence of the
whole State : of which our Colo-
nie

[ 7 ]
nies have lately received fo large a
portion, that I am afraid the Sin
of Ingratitude will be added to the
crime of oppofing the Legiſlature
on this Occaſion.
The cloſe Affinity of a Kingdom
to its Colonies is expreffed among
us by the endearing Terms of Mo-
ther and Children. The Infant
Colony is nurſed with Tenderneſs
by its Mother Country, which
fupplies all its Wants; affifts its
Weakneſs; watches over,and guards
it from impending Dangers; and is
ever ready to ſhed its Blood in its
defence. From this fond atten-
tion and care, the Appellation of
Mother Country is given to us by
our Colonies, as that of Father
Land
I

[ 8
Land is to Holland. I cannot ac-
count for the Diſtinction, unleſs it
be from a more ſtrict Obedience
required by the Dutch, from their
Colonies, which is generally inſiſt-
ed on more ftrenuouſly by a Fa-
ther, than a Mother.
The Appellation, however, of
Parent and Children holds e-
qually with each ; but as ours have
been nurſed by a fond Mother,
they may poſſibly have been ſpoil-
ed by extraordinary Indulgence;
and as in private Families, it is too
late to correct Errors by chaſtiſe-
ment, when the Child is paſt the
Diſcipline of the Rod; the Mother
is then obliged to apply to the Fa-
ther's Aſſiſtance, who, if he is ac-
tuated

[ 9.)
tuated by Paſſion, may perhaps
knock him down if he perſiſts in
Diſobedience, or offers at Refift-
ance ; but if he conſiders the
Matter coolly, he may conclude
that ſuch violent Meaſures will in-
evitably drive him into evil courſes,
which may poſſibly end in the
Ruin of the whole Family.
The wiſeſt, and perhaps the only
certain Means of endearing a Son
truly to a Father, is to give him a
proper ſhare of his Fortune, and
alſo in the Management of the Fa-
mily concerns, when he comes to
Maturity. He will then undoubt-
edly conſider his Father's Intereſt
and his own as the ſame, and will
conſequently ſpare no Labour, nor
B
grudge

[ 10 ]
grudge any Expence, when the Be-
nefits to ariſe become mutual.
The compariſon of Colonies to
Children holds in
many
Particulars.
In their Infancy they muſt be nou-
Tiſhed; as they increaſe in Strength
they become impatient of controul;
and when arrived to Maturity, they
will certainly endeavour at Inde-
pendence. Yet by wiſe and
pro-
per Management, I ſhould imagine,
they might be indulged ſufficiently,
and ſtill be of greater Benefit to the
Mother Country, than if kept in
abject Submiſſion
Our Colonies have been hitherto,
except in the late Inſtance, untax-
ed by England. The Duties laid
on their Commodities on Importa-
tion

[11II
]
tion cannot properly be deemed a
Tax on them; for when we are the
conſumers, it is certainly a Tax on
ourſelves.
The Goods we ſend to them
are chiefly of Britiſh Manufacture,
and bring us in return whatever
they can acquire for our Uſe, whe-
ther the natural Produce of their
Country, or obtained by cultiva-
tion of the Soil, which is of greater
Value to this Kingdom in that
ſhape, than if made in Bars of
Gold or Silver, as it employs our
Manufacturers in working up theſe
rough Materials ; and alſo requires
a proportionable Quantity of Ship-
ping and Sailors to carry them,
which enables us to preſerve our
Dominion on that Element, where
B 2
alone
و

[ 12 ]
alone we ſhould ever endeavour
to be formidable.
It may be alledged, however,
by ſome fanguine Advocate for the
Paſſive Obedience and Non-refil-
tance of our Colonies, that notwith-
,
ftanding all this, we are not to ſuf-
fer them, on any account whatſo-
ever, to oppoſe any Tax impoſed
on them by the Parliament of Eng-
land. That if we give up or
ſuffer the leaſt Abatement of the
Tax in queſtion, we acknowledge
them to be independent. That
we have expended Millions on
their account, and they ought,
and muſt be compelled to ſubmit
to ſuch a ſhare of the Burthen as
we ſhall think proper to lay on
them. I ſhall very rea lily agree
It

[ 13 ]
a
o this Determination, provided it
can be executed with Safety and
Prudence ; but a calm conſider-
ate Perſon will always examine ſe-
riouſly the Obſtacles, as well as the
Advantages that may occur in the
Execution of any violent Meaſure,
before he engages deeply in it.
Let us ſuppoſe the beſt Iſſue that
can be reaſonably expected.-That
the Payment of the Tax is compel-
led without Bloodſhed ; and the
People of the Colonies only fo ge-
nerally diffatisfied, that they reſolve
unanimouſly to purchaſe no Com-
modities from us that they can
poſſibly do without ; and alſo en-
deavour by Induſtry, and mutual
Aſſiſtance, to ſupply each other with
ſuch Neceflaries, however coarſely
manu-

[ 14 ]
manufactured at the beginning,
as can be produced among them.
This would be a real Loſs to this
Kingdom, by a Diminution of its
uſual Export Manufactures, pro-
bably to more than treble the A-
mount of the expected Produce of
the Stamp Duty.
It
may be conjectured that Per-
fons of Fortune in that part of the
World, are generally fo profuſe
and luxurious, that there is no pro-
bability of their applying them-
felves ſeriouſly to the cultivation
and encouragement of Arts and
Manufactures; or refraining from
the means of indulging their Lux-
ury on any account. — I do allow
there may be fome grounds for a a
conjecture of the kind; but ſtill
the

( 15 )
the Experiment is too dangerous ;
for there is no determining poſi-
tively, how far Pique or Refent-
ment may lead People to Tempe-
rance and Frugality, or incite them
to Labour and Induſtry ; eſpecially
when the Advantages attendant on
the proper Encouragement of their
own Manufactures muſt foon be
very evident; and the Materials
requiſite to moft Branches may be
acquired by common Induſtry, in
ſo very extenſive a Country.
.
As I have endeavoured to thew
the Conſequences of obliging our
Colonies to ſubmit to the Stamp
Duty without Bloodſhed ; it may
be proper alſo to conſider the dan-
gers that may be apprehended from
4
com-

[ 16 ]
compelling the Execution of this
Law by Force of Arms.
I ſhall ſo far agree with the
martial diſpoſition of thoſe who de-
clare for warlike Meaſures in the
firſt Inſtance,
that if this King-
dom ſhould think proper to exert
its full Power, the united Power
of the Colonies could not poſſibly
withſtand it. But I muſt own I am
not quite ſo valiant as to join thoſe
warlike Spirits, who declare they
deſire but ten thouſand of our
Regular Troops, to drive all the
Colonies before them. True, there
is no great Danger in the boldeſt
Declaration, at three thouſand
Miles diſtance from an Enemy ;
but ſtill a calm confiderate Perſon,
who

[ 17 ]
a
who may be valiant enough alſo on
a proper occaſion, may reflect, that
the Number of People in our Co-
lonies amount, by computation,
to between two and three Millions
at the leaft. That a twentieth Part
of theſe may be deemed fencible
Men. That one half at leaſt of
theſe are able bodied, and may be
refolute and determined. That
they may be enthuſiaſtically miſled
to imagine they fight for Liberty,
which is a Spirit not eaſily ſuppref-
fed in an Engliſhman. I ſay fup-
pofing this calculation to be toler-
ably exact, he may expect to find
fixty or ſeventy thouſand able-
bodied Men, who may be mad
enough to have determined abſo-
lutely on Oppoſition.
С
This

[ 18 ]
This Number of Opponents, it
is certain cannot well be collected
into one Body, and they are to be
divided among the Colonies; we
may go in a Body againſt any one
of them we think proper ; yet ſtill
however, as theſe People have a
thorough knowledge of the coun-
try, and are inured to the climate,
although perhaps they dare not
face us in the Field, might give
a great deal of Trouble in
marching after them thro' Woods
and Mountains. Beſides they may
.
probably have learned the Indian
method of Buſh-fighting, which
muſt be very tedious, and fome-
what troubleſome to our Regulars.
The Reduction of each Colony
would by this means be retarded;
and
US

( 19 )
and we might poſſibly loſe a few
Men by Sickneſs, or Fatigue, tho'
not by fair fighting. And as we muſt
alſo leave a ſufficient Force in each,
to keep them in proper Obedience
after we have conquered them, or
we may have the fame work to do
over again, I ſhould imagine that
after bringing three or four of the
moft obftinate into a proper State
of Subjection, we ſhould perceive
our Numbers ſomewhat diminiſh-
ed, and poſſibly find by that time
there had been fome ſmall miſtake
in the calculation.
It were great pity ſo hopeful a
Scheme ſhould miſcarry on ac-
count of a trifling Error in cal-
culation ; eſpecially when any mil-
3
take, as to the number of Sol-
diers that may be neceſſary, can
eaſily
C 2

[ 20 ]
a
eaſily be remedied, and a fuffi-
cient quantity had upon very eaſy
Terms. Let us conſider what
number of Manufacturers are now
employed in different Works for
the Colonies, who will then
be out of all Employment, and
muft either enliſt as Soldiers, or
ſtarve. Beſides, there can be no
want of Shipping for Tranſports,
at a very eaſy rate; as our Welt
India Traders will have no other
Buſineſs. So that with the Help
of fifty or fixty Men of War and
Frigates, properly ſtationed along
their very extenſive Coaſts, to
hinder them from any Supplies, I
make no doubt but in ten or
twelve Years at fartheſt, we ſhall
either conquer their ſtubborn Spi-
- rits,

[ 21 ]
rits, or extirpate them abſolutely;
and it is not to be preſumed that
any of our Neighbours, during
that time, will be fo rude to in-
terrupt us in our Buſineſs. But,
as I muſt own myſelf a meer No-
vice in theſe matters, I ſhall leave
the farther Diſcuſſion of them to
the Advocates for military Mea-
fures.
It is agreed by all the Lawyers
in this Kingdom, that the Oppo-
ſition to the Stamp Duty is illegal,
becauſe it is contrary to an Act
of Parliament. But as the confi-
deration of this Matter ſeems to be
of too extenſive a Nature to be con-
fined within the narrow limits of
Weſtminſter Hall, and is under the
cognizance of a Court, where Law
and
а.
a

[ 22 ]
and Reaſon are equally weighed ;
any Plea the Coloniſts can offer in
Excuſe, or Juftification, will cer-
tainly be examined with the great-
eft Candour and Impartiality.
It is inherent to the Liberty of
an Engliſhman, and the Baſis on
which his Property is fixed, that
his Freehold, of 40 Shillings per
Annum value in Land, cannot be
taxed without his confent.
That according to the Conſti-
tution of this Kingdom, this con-
fent is transferred by the Majority
of Freeholders within certain Di.
ſtricts, to ſuch Perſons as they
chooſe to repreſent them.
That the whole of this King-
dom is divided into fuch Diſtricts,
and that every Freeholder of 40
Shillings
I

[ 23 ]
.
Shillings per Annum has an ur-
doubted right to vote for a Re-
preſentative in ſome one of them.
That the conſent of a Majority
of the Repreſentatives fo elected
in the ſeveral Diſtricts, undoubt-
edly implies the conſent of the
Freeholders of England.
On the other hand it is moſt
certain, that no Freeholder of 40
Shillings, or even 400l. per An-
num in any of our Colonies, will
be admitted to vote for a Repre-
ſentative for any County in this
Kingdom, in right of ſuch Free-
hold. Nor will a Freehold Eſtate,
of 10,000 l. per Annum there,
qualify him to repreſent any
County, or even the pooreſt Bo-
rough in England.
A Lawyer
a

[ 24 ]
A Lawyer however will tell you
very gravely, that the Charters of
Maſſachuſetts Bay, Connecticut, &c.
which conſtitute theſe Govern-
ments Tenants of his Majeſty's
Manor of Eaſt Greenwich within
the County of Kent, in free and
common Soccage, do, by virtue
of that Tenure, ſubject their Eſtates
there, as Engliſh Property within
the County of Kent, to ſuch Taxes
as the Parliament of England think
proper. But, that this Freehold
Property, not being really any
where in this Kingdom, cannot
poſſibly give the Owner a right to
vote for a Repreſentative in any
County, or qualify him to repre-
ſent any County or Borough in
England.
All

[ 25 )
]
All this may certainly be Coni
mon Law, but it will be very dif-
ficult to reconcile it to common
Senſe : for by the fame kind of
reaſoning, they muſt certainly be
liable to the Land Tax; and every
other Tax the County of Kent is
ſubject to And as theſe Govern-
ments are, by conſtruction of Law,
within the Manor of El Green-
wich, and liable to be taxed on that
account, it muſt certainly be a great
eaſe to that Manor, to ſhare the
Burthen with their Brethren of
Eaſt Greenwich in America.
The long uninterrupted Cuſions
or Uſage in the Colonies, of tax-
ing themſelves by Repreſentatives
of their own chooſing; and alſo
the Non-uſage of the Britiſh Par-
liament
a

[ 26 ]
a
liament in that particular, ſeems a
kind of poffeffory Right, which
might naturally induce Perſons,
perhaps not thoroughly acquainted
with the Nature and Conftitution
of our Parliament, to imagine the
fole right of laying Taxes, belong-
ed to themſelves. Which may
be a kind of Plea in excuſe of their
Oppoſition, however unſufficient it
may be deemed in point of Law.
If the Colonies could have had
but a little Patience, and not op-
poſe the Stamp Act, it muft, in a
very ſhort Time, have executed it-
I mean as felo de ſe. For
the Admiralty Courts erected there,
-I ſuppoſe according to Law, and
the Engliſh Guarda Coſta's, had ſo
abſolutely prevented any clande-
ftine
felf;—
2

[ 27 ]
Nine dealing with the Spaniards,
by which means only they have
been hitherto enabled to pay the
Ballance of their Trade to England
in Dollars chiefly, that in one Year
they muſt have been left without a
Shilling in Specie, and the Stamp
Officers obliged, by neceſſity, to
take Paper Currency in Payment
for Stamps ; or elſe Wood's Half-
pence, which had been rejected in
Ireland, and ſhipped off as con-
victs to the Plantations. It is cer-
tain however, that in caſe of
any
Rupture with Spain, we need not
be at the Expence of a Fleet to
convoy our Treaſure Ships home
from the Colonies, as they are
obliged to do in Time of War,
which may be reckoned ſome ſaving
in
D 2

[ 28 ]
in our account of Expences on
that head.
I am far from ſearching for any
fault in the conduct of the late
Miniſtry, and wiſh I could give
any good Reaſon for their prevent-
ing all Traffic with the Spaniards,
as a previous Meaſure to their in-
tended Stamp Duty: or why this
Duty, which was ſo very cautiouſly
laid in England in the Beginning,
that it did not amount to 50,000).
per Ann, at moſt, though ſince,
by ſeveral Additions, increaſed to
300,000 l. fhould, in the firſt
Inſtance of any kind of Tax, be
laid on the Colonies with all its
Weight at once. But it is to be
hoped the Legiflature may ſtill
apply fo healing a Balſam to this
Wound,

[ 29 ]
Wound, that there will be no
danger of its breaking out afreſh
hereafter.
I have already conſidered our
Colonies as Children; eaſily held
in Leading Strings whilft in their
Infancy; but now they are grown
to Maturity, they ſhould be held
by ſtronger Bands ; I mean thoſe
of mutual Friendſhip, and reci-
procal Advantage. Without which
no obligations of Gratitude on ac-
count of former care and tender--
neſs ; no coercive Power, however
properly employed, can poſſibly
inſure a more than temporary Ac-
quieſcence. For whenever there
is fufficient Power, or opportunity
to ſhake off Dependence, I fear
there is no other hold to be re-
lied

[ 30 ]
lied on than that of ſtrong In-
tereſt.
There never has been any State,
perhaps, in like circumſtances with
ours, from whence proper Ex-
,
amples might be taken for our con-
duct on the preſent Occaſion. The
Roman Colonies were planted in
conquered Countries, not in uncul-
tivated foreign climates, nor at a
great Diſtance from their own Do-
minions. Arms, not Commerce, was
the chief Employment of that war-
like People ; and the Dominion of
the Sea, where there was no Ene-
my to cope with after the Deſtruc-
tion of Carthage, was an object of
little conſideration.
As our Situation is fingular, we
muſt apply to Reaſon, to Juſtice,
and

[ 31 ]
and to found Policy on the preſent
Occaſion. Britons, in whatever
Part of the Globe they are eſta-
bliſhed, will never be willingly
obedient to Laws they have not,
in ſome manner, conſented to;
and of all Laws, thoſe by which
we are taxed are ſooneſt generally
felt. It is evident the preſent Op-
poſition of the Colonies is princi-
pally founded on their not having
conſented in any ſhape to that Law,
by which they have been lately
taxed. And although fuperior
Force, or the apprehenſion of it,
may poſſibly compel their Obedi-
ence, any other effectual Method
muſt ſtill be undoubtedly prefer-
able.
To

32
To keep our Colonies in proper
Obedience to our Laws, to fix their
Liberties on the fame folid Founda-
tion with our own ; to preſerve
their Properties in violably, and by
theſe means to ſecure their friend-
fhip as Brethren equally intereſted;
can only be effected by thoroughly
incorporating them with this Kinga
dom, and by that means every Be-
nefit that can be reaſonably hoped
for, on either ſide, may, to all hu-
man appearance, be effectually ot-
tained.
If every Colony were to chcoſe
fuch Repreſentatives as they ſhould
think proper, as our Counties in
England do, and that ſuch Repre-
fentatives were in every reſpect

[ 33
to have the ſame Privileges as our
Members for Counties; they would
then be on an equal footing: Bug
as ſome of the Colonies are vaſtly
ſuperior to others in extent, and
number of Inhabitants, it may be
proper that they ſhould return a
greater number of Repreſentatives,
and the leſſer Colonies in Propor-
tion, ſo that each might be properly
repreſented, and the Intereſt of
the whole properly attended to ia
Parliament, by the Perſons them-
felves ſhould think beſt qualified
for that purpoſe.
As it may be inconvenient to
have the Elections for Members to
repreſent a Colony, carried on in
the ſame manner as for a County
in England ; and as it may be
neceſſary
E

[ 34 ]
neceſſary for each Colony to have
their Houſes of Affembly, as at
preſent, to provide for Occurren-
ces that may happen relative to
themſelves ; ſuch Houſes of Affem-
bly may ſtill remain. And as the
ſeveral Members that conſtitute
theſe Houſes of Aſſembly are elect-
ed in the ſeveral Diſtricts of the
Colony, the whole Body may then
elect, from among themſelves, ſuch
Repreſentatives, as the Majority of
fuch Houſes of Affembly ſhall
think moſt proper to repreſent the
Colony in the Parliament of Eng-
land.
I ſhould imagine that by this
Method all confuſion may be avoid-
ed, and no great alteration appear
in their Mode of Government. By
the
.

[ 35 ]
the fame Method all our Colonies
would be properly repreſented in
Parliament, and their intereſt
equally attended to as that of any
Part of England. And by being
thus incorporated with this King-
dom, our Union muſt become in-
ſeparable, and our Strength united
on all Occaſions. The Colonies
could no more be looked upon
with a jealous Eye; there could be
no apprehenſion of their becoming
too rich, or powerful. The con-
ftant intercourſe which the fending
Repreſentatives to Parliament muſt
neceſſarily create; and the acquain-
tance and alliance it would natu-
rally produce, muft, beyond all
doubt, be equally advantageous to
all Parties,
Nothing
a
E 2

[ 36 ]
Nothing certainly can be more
equitable, than our Colonies bear-
ing ſome part of the Expence of
maintaining a ſufficient Force in
that part of the World, for their
Defence. There can be no Ob-
jection offered, with any colour of
Reaſon, to a Tax being levied for
this purpoſe, but their not being
repreſented by Perſons elected by
themſelves, to give their conſent to
a Law of the kind; for the pre-
tence of any immunity, by Charter,
can have no weight. And if they
are to be taxed as Engliſhmen, by
Laws made in England, it will not
perhaps be deemed unreaſonable,
that as Freemen, as Freeholders,
they ſhould have a liberty of
Election,

[ 37 ]
real grie-
Election, as every Freeholder in
Great Britain of 40 s. per ann. has.
What the Wiſdom of the Le-
giſlature may determine in this
matter, no one can pretend to ſay:
But there can be no doubt but its
Juſtice will redreſs
any
vance the Colonies can be deemed
to labour under. So far is it from
being thought derogatory to its
dignity, by that great Aſſembly, to
recede from any
former reſolution,
as ſome very zealous Perſons ina-
gine, that the altcring, --amending,
-or repealing Laws, as circum:
ſtances require, are equally the
objects of its attention, as the enact-
ing new ones. The late inſtance
of repealing the Jew Bill, the next
Seſſions after it was enacted by the
fame

[ 38 ]
fame Parliament, is a recent ex-
ample of the higheſt impartiality
with reſpect to former opinion. It
is therefore to be hoped, that every
rational Objection may ſtill be re-
moved, and that the Oppoſition
to the Stamp Duty, inſtead of
producing the unhappy effects the
enemies to the Peace and Proſpe-
rity of this Nation fo ardently wiſh,
may become the happy means of
uniting us as Engliſhmen,
Freemen, equally bound to ſup-
port and maintain the Laws and
Liberties of this Kingdom.
I have, in this manner, taken
the Liberty to give you my Senti-
ments on this very intereſting and
important Subject; and alſo to offer
the outlines of a plan for uniting
4
the
as

[ 39 )
]
the Colonies to this Kingdom, in
ſuch a manner as to make our In-
tereſts and theirs inſeparable for
the future. I don't pretend it to
be entirely my own Invention,
and in that reſpect differ from moſt
Projectors, who conſider the Ho-
nour of the Invention as a princi-
pal Object ; and on that account
generally reject what they can't
paſs for their
The chief
Merit of this, however, is founded
on its having been thought of, and
mentioned by many ; which I muſt
own is a ſtrong inducement to me,
to think it reaſonable, and fea-
fible. Upon the whole, if you
ſhould approve it, I don't know
any one more likely to finiſh
and place it in a proper light, let
who
own.

[ 40 ]
who wiil be the Inventor ; and I
may certainly hope for your Ap-
probation, if nothing preferable
ſhould offer on the Occaſion. If
that ſhonld happen, I affure you,
whatever Prejudice I may be fup-
I
poſed to have for this, I ſhall fin-
cerely wiſh
you may
find ſufficient
reaſon to reject it on that account;
and am,
SIR, &c
Da
.
--
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vonios
32105 tovo
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2
The general opposition of the colonies

766
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